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ASWAMI  tf*ASGAR 

'•  'V-i*  V  *, ' ' 

,;AV 

49, 


..    91 


SINHAMMI  FOLT- 
Somvcw    .  ,»    Sup.  117 
FfcBHT        .,          ,.    '  '   ..128 
Pt  C.  BHAOTACHARY  Y  A,  M.  A,  t- 
B»i»bJ»^.Guni     ..        ..        ;,        ..'    63 

;^^  ..164 

iUgh**odHts  Patron*       ..        ..  '      ..  191 

LCIS.:—     ".  .  ' 

......    .....  133 

R*UGK>N  nr  SIKD     ..        ..        .,        ..205 


Nation  of  Kingship  in  the  ftfferantt,  by 
B.  Q.  Pradhan,  B.A.,  LL.B.        .  .         .  .    48 
&  DIVATIA,  B.A.  :— 

WZDB    SptTND    OF    £7    AOT     O     WITH 

RSfBEANOB  TO  GujABATI          .  .   297 

&  %  ENTHOVEN,  C.I.E.,  1.0.«,  :— 

FOUCLOM  or  THB  GCTJAEAT   (tap,  120,  137,  149 
J.F.  FLEET,  1.0.8.  (Bmrx>.).  PH.D^O.I.E.  :— 

JAICBB  BoBOJisa,  C.LE.,  LL.D.      .  .        .  .      1 
Y  ,  R*  GXJPTE  >— 

Int/eroourae  between  India  and  t!»  Western 
World  from  the  Earliest  Tiniei  ip  the  F«U 
of  Rome,  by  H.  G.  Rawlinton,  M.A., 
LB.&  .....  '.  /.«  ..  164 

K,  P.  JAYASWAL,  M.A. 


HISTORICAL  Poarno.v  on  KAIA  AND 

HIS  IDENTIFICATION  WITH  YAJODKASHAN.   145 

Architecture  and  Sculpture  in  My»o»  . .  248 
Batidlm-britya  of  the  Mudra  Ralttha*»  ..  275 
FtM^^Trwfnt,  a  JainftEpi«t4»  ..  ..276 

Ou^zni  OF  TTO  HISTORY  ot  ALAMIUBA 

*!.f  ('  ••'  >•''•••  •  -*v-«''  '  '  — i.  'i ; '  i     i  J   •  •  _A 

.  *        ..178 
MAJUMDAR,  B'Mftr 

!>*        ..  125 

.'T1'1:"     '  *OA 

.*• ;;-.,  /t<    ,    '**   «v 


PBOFHWOE  K;»  B.  PATHAK  9^ 

NBW  LIOHTON  GOTTA  EBA  ATO  MinnuucuLA.  287 
V.  RAKGAOHABI,  M.A.,  L.t*  i— 
TVS  BISTORT  or  THE  NAU:  KIWODOM  or 
MADURA    .  .    22,  36,  67,  74,  00,  119,  156, 

188,109,237,272^ 
K.  AMRITA  ROW,  M.A.  :— 

THE  DEAVIDIAN  ELEMENT  IK  PBAKBIT    ,  t     88 
8URENDRANATH  MAJUMDAB  SAOTBI  *~+ 

Kavyamimamaa  of  Rajaekhara        .  .        .,136 
HIRALAL  AMRITLAL  SHAHi— 
SOME    REMABKS    SUPPLHMBHTONO     "  THU 
MAKUSMBITI  IN  THB   LIOHT    OF  SOME 
RECENPLY  POBLISHED  TBXTS  "  ,  .        .  .     85 
,    SOME  INTERESTING  PARALLBM       .  .        ,  .  23S 
SIB     AUREL     STEIN,     K.aLE.v     D.Sc.» 
D.LiTT,  :—  » 

A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF   EXPLORATION  IK 
CENTRAL  ASIA,  1913—16  ..         ..   109,137, 

165,  193,  221,  249 
V.  8.  SUKTHANKAR  :— 
Kalidasa's  Meghadvta  or  the  Cloud  Messenger    79 
An   Account   of    the    Different    Brisling 

Systems  of  Sanskrit  Gramnutf      *  .        .  ,  108 
SIB  R.  0.  TEMPLE,  BABT.  :— 
ORIGINAL     PAPERS    RELATIJTO    TO     THB 
CYCLONE  AT    PoNDionawnr    ON    NEW 
YEAR'S  DAY,  1761..        ,f        ,.  ^     ..      5 
Notes  From  Old  Factory  Re*»dfl  .  .  48,  64, 

79,  106,  19%  120,  348,  275,  304 
JOHN  FAITHFULL  FLEET  AND  "  THB  INDIAN   ' 
ANTIQUARY"          ..  .......  129 

JOB  CHARNOOK—  His  PARBNTAGB  AND  WILL  9(6 
AUSTRIA'S  COHMEROIAL  VBNTUBH  IN  TM 

EIOHTBBNTH  CENTUBY      ..        .,        ,»  277 
L,  P.  TES8ITORI  :—  \  />'        3  '  '  ;  ; 

Aitihaxika    Ra**    ^am^ro^i,    by    Vij*y» 


DB.  A.  VENKATASUBBIAHt  IfcA**  PK.D.M- 
THB  KADAMBHA  PRAKRIT  INSOBIPTION  at 

MALAVALU  ,.        .  .        .  ,        .,        • 
ABDUL  WALl  :— 

Surgeon  Gabriel  Boughton    .,        ,.        •,    47 
H.  WILBERFORCE-BELL:— 
Corruptions    of    English    in   *he    Indian 

Veroaoulan  .  ,        .  .        w!       •*        *  •    28 
0.  YAZDANI:—  > 

History  of  AuwngJieb,  VoJ,;^  l^  ftofc 

..     64 


.. 


Burgeon  Gabriel  Bou«trtoa,  by  Abdil  W*H 

^ 

* 


•. I.  *••!',  in  ii  ii  '|  iij,>ii  IIH'I  iiiiMVi\iii|  fliiinnriM^^^ 

*****  '$*$#$$$$  ••  t^|l|:^||||| 

k»4I^A«^'-";-;'^^^^-v';rr  '     '  '  ^'KW   >£yy^W^ 
iwflwfliwl.'  "'Vr»V',.";  'r?vv',,  *'    '"•'  *** V'-iv*V  'T^&OVfc'jAi' 

<      ,,-L  v  ^      .I.*-,-    .*»,,'    «£   •'    'J,','Vjst». ' '    ',  '-.* I*1-  ' ' ./'      r  .  «tVtA',  '.    ;,j:t*>.4j 


Notes  on  Sind,  by  0,  E4  L  Carter     «> 

the  JIMmnoikmi  and itt  Author,  by fe,  0;  Bha**ibbaiyy*  , ,       ..       . , 

Jfr^aarihiflRriroi^  ,, 

Kalidaaa nod Kamendaka. by Nanigopal Majiwdar     ,  ...  .  ,.       ,f 

Bandhu.bhritya  of  the  Mudra  Ratahata,  by  K,  P,  JayafwfJ  -    ,  •  •       - 


NOTES  AND  QUflRIES, 


Noteg  from  Old  Factory  ReodMa,  by  «r  £  tt  temple    ';. '.  '    . .  *8,  H  ?*.  10«,  1**,  ftfclla,  life,  SO* 


BOO^NOTIOBS, 

The  Notion  of  Kingship  in  the  Sttfcromlt.%  K.  N.  D.    • ,  *  *      . .       ;.        , .        -      ;  f ,  49 

-:      -'      -        ,.    84 

» 3by  V*  a  Sukthankar      ..       4 ,,    79 

ierns  of  SanikritrOrammar,  by  V,  8.  Sukthankar   . ,       , ,  106 

Aitihaoka  Basa  Samgraha,  by  (,  P,  teuiioii        ., 133 

Ar(K^rm'mam*o of Rajaekh^  , ,    -    ..        , ,        , .        , .  135 

Annual  Report  of  the  Mysore  Arehwologioal  Department,  for  the  year   1018,  Bangalow,  by 

R.  C.Chandra        ..        ..     ;.;       ;         j^5 

Intercourse  between  India  and  the  Weahw  World  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  be  Fall  of  Rome,  by 

,Y.R.  Gupte          .,        /,       .%   \.  r lf)4 

Arolriteoture  and  Sculpture  in  Mysore,  by  K.  P,  Jayaswal          . .  248 

ri-Tfiveni,  a  Jaina  Epistle,  by  K,  P»  Jayaiwal       270 


SUPPLEMENTS, 

Alphabetical  Guide  to  Sinhak*e  Folklore  from  BalladgSouwes,  by  L.  D.  Bamett     . . 
Fblklore  of  the  Quiarat,  by  Be  B.  Bnthoveu,  OJ.B.t  1.0,8, 


..  117 
U59 137,  149 


PLATBS. 


The  Ajtiquitfes  of  Mahabalipur, 
John  Vtf  full  Fleet      ..        .. 


J3r.  James  Burgess,  C.LE.LLD, 


58,  85,  87,'48,  %  W 
^     {,       ,?  ^ 


Ml 


\  J       THE  DKATOIKAN  ELEMENT  IN  PRAKRIT  33 

THE  DRAVIDIAS  ELEMENT  IN  PRAKRITS 
BY  K.  AMRITA  ROW,  M.  A.;  MADRAS. 

OALDWELL,  while  discussing  m  his  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Dravidian  Langu- 
*      apt  (t>»&  p.  66.  Ill  Ed.)  the  question  of  the  Dravidiaa  Element  in  the  vernacular 
languages  of  Northern  India)  says  "4f  the  non-Sanskritio  element  contained  in  the  Northern 
vocabularies  had  been  Dravidian,  we  might  also  expect  to  find  in  their  vocabularies  a  few 
primary  Dravidian  roots,  such  as  the  words  for  head,  foot,  eye,  etc.,  but  I  have  not  been 
able  .to  discover  any  reliable  anfttogy  &  words   belonging  to  this  claas."    He  further  says, 
"though  the  matter  has  been  very  mooh discussed  in  Muir's  Sarukrit  Texts  Vol.  II  and  in 
Beamed  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Modern  Aryan  Languages  of  India,  few,  if  any, 
traces  of  dlttinciivdy,  Dravidiaa  element*  are  discernible  in  the  North  Indian  Vernaculars. " 

Beames,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  Comparative  Grammar  (pp,  9-10  *3)  says  c(  the 
Aryans  were  in  possession  of  a  copious  language  before  they  came  into  Iniia ;  they  would 
therefore  not  be  likely  to  barrow  words  of  au  ordinary,  usual  description,   such  as  names 
for  their  clothing,  weapons  and  ntensih,  or  for  their  cattle  and  tools,  or  for  the  parts  of 
their  bodies,  or  for  the   various  relations  in  which  they  stood  to  each  other.    The  words 
thay  would  be  likely  to  borrow  would  be  names  for  the  new  plants,  animals,  and  natural 
objects  which  they  had  not  seen  in  their  former  abodes,  and  even  this  necessity  would  bo 
reduced   by  the  tendency  inherent  in  all  races  to  invent  descriptive    names  for  new 
object*/' 

With  regard  to  the  non-8atiftkritio  element  in  the  Northern  Languages,  the  theory  of 
Mr,  Beames  seems  to  me  to  be  more  accurate  than  that  of  Dr.  Caldwell,    I  cannot  under- 
stand why  Dr,  Caldwell  should  expect  to  find  in  the  Northern  vocabularies  a  few  Dravi- 
dian roots,  such  as  those  for  head,  foot,  eye,  etc,    Tho  occurrence  of  such  words  would 
depend  upon  the  degree  of  contact  between  the  Aryans  and  the  Dravidians.    At  the  pre- 
sent time,  we  find  in  South  Ganara  people  speaking  Konkani,  an  Aryan  dialect,  and  living 
amidst  people  speaking  the  Dravidian  languages,  Canarese  and  Tuju.    Though  they  have 
been  living  there  for  a  very  long  time,  the  only  foreign  words  which  are  now  to  be  found 
in  the  Konkani  vacabulary  are  words  of  the  type  mentioned  by  Mr   Beames.    But  tho 
Dravidian  words  borrowed  by  the  Pr&knts,  which  will  be  given  below,  tell  a  different  ta'c. 
We  find  that  the  Aryans  speaking  the  Prakrits  have  borrowed  from  the  Dravidians  even 
words  for  the  various  relations  in  which  the  Aryans  stood  to  each  other,  besides  words  for 
parts  of  the  body.    Though  they  had  several  words  of  their  own  for  the  various  animals, 
they  borrowed  words  for  them  from  the  Dravidians.    Thug,  we  find  4  words  for  parrot, 
t*r6  (Dr),  kanaffld,  kuntfi,  vdy&dd ;  five  words  for  pig,  kirah  (Dr),  kidi  (Dr),  bhu*16,  tMlavM- 
n69  bk**$ir6 ;  six  words  for  tiger,  pakkas&vad,  karad*,  arialli,  rattacch*,  putti  (Dr),  khacchoJU ; 
four  words  for  snake,  kikkindi,  sarahafi,  payalad,  pavd  (Dr).    It  is  unnecessary  to  multiply 
instances. 

With  regard  to  deK  words  in  Pr&kftt,  the  only  source  of  information  we  have  at  our 
command  is  Hemaohandra's  DeiinamamaZ^    Though  Hemachandra  himself  mentions  the 
names  o*  other  authors  such  as  P&daliptftchirya,  Gop&la,  D6varitfa>  etcM  tt*  works  of  these 
anthers  tan*  not  woe  down  to  us,  _________ 

*  4tt*i*rt»t*i  P.  Prakrit;  S.  S*n*ri*;  D*.  Drftvidian;  Peri.  Fenian;  Pehl.  Pehkri. 


34  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUAKY  &     [Ffo/AUABY,  1917 

Homachandra  says,  in  the  introductory  verses  of  his  DetinJmamdla,  that  in  his  Work 
be  given  such  words  as  are  not  explained  in  his  Grammar,  are  not  to  be  found  in 
lexicons  and  do  not  owe  their  origin  to  the  power  called  gunilakshayd  (t.  e.,  which  are  not 
used  in  a  metaphorical  sense).  He  further  says  that  numerous  form*  have  been  used  in 
tho  various  provincial  dialects,  and  that  the  term  desi  has  been  used  to  denote  only  those 
words  which  have  been-  used  from  times  immemorial  in  Pr&krit. .  While  several  provincial* 
isms  given  in  Dc'iinfimamdld  can  bo  traced  back  to  Dravidian  origin,  some  go  back  to 
Persian.  Cf.  P.  angutthalam,  '  ring/  Pers.  angushtari,  Pehl.  august,  Zend,  anguata.  For 
the  change  of  st  to  tlh,  cf.  S.  hasta,  '  hand/  P.  hattha.  2.  P.  dattharo,  '  handkerchief/ 
Pers.  dastdr,  '  a  napkin,  towel/  (For  change  of  medial  a  to  a  cff.  S.  prastava,  P.  paUhava) 
3.  P.  bandho,  '  a  servant/  New  Pers.  bandah,  '  a  servant/  Pehl.  bandak,  Old  Pers.  banda 
ka.  4.  P.  parakkajrij  '  a  river/  Pore,  parak,  '  name  of  a  river/  For  the  use  of  proper 
nouns  as  common  cp.  P.  gondam,  'a  forest/  P.  ganrlivam,  '  a  bow/  Punjabi  g-anesh  {  a  due' 
paid  to  Hindu  shrine.  5  P.  bokkad<\  '  a  goat/  is  evidently  the  Pr&krit  form  of  8.  var- 
kara,  *  young  animal/  which  is  evidently  to  be  traced  back  through  Persian  to  Arabic  baqar 
4  ox,  bull/  Hebrew,  baqar,  'young  animal/  (For  change  of  medial  a  to  o  cf.  S.  padma, 
'  lotus/  P.  pommi,  and  for  change  of  r  to  (/  cf.  S.  bhcra.  P.  bhcda.)  6.  P.  jayana,  l  saddle/ 
£/.  Pers.  aw,  Pehl.  zin,  Zend,  zaini. 

We  learn  from  Mr.  Vincent  A.  Smith's  Early  History  of  India  that  the  Pahlavas  settled 
in  Western  India  as  the  lords  of  a  conquered  native  population  about  the  second  century, 
A.  D.  and  that  tho  author  of  the  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean  Sea,  (5  century  A.  D.)  found 
the  valley  of  the  Lower  Indus  under  the  rule  of  the  Parthian  chiefs.  After  the  battle  of 
Nahavcnd  in  (>41  A.  D.  in  which  the  last  Persian  dynasty  was  overthrown  by  the  Arabs,  a 
large  number  of  Zoroastrians  from  Persia  came  and  settled  in  India.  Muhammad  K&sim, 
a  great  general  was  deputed  by  the  Caliph  of  Baghdad  to  conquer  India  about  711  A.  D., 
and  the  Arabs  ruled  in  India  until  they  were  turned  out  of  Sind  by  the  Rajputs.  During 
tho  time  of  Muhammad  of  Ghazni  (A.  ]>.  997-1030),  famous  in  Indian  History  for  his  twelve 
expeditions,  one  of  his  vazirs,  being  more  a  man  of  business  than  learning,  introduced  the 
practice  of  writing  all  public  papers  in  Persian.  Elphinstone  in  his  History  of  India  says 
that  it  is  owing  to  this  circumstance  that  although  India  was  never  directly  conquered  by 
Persia,  the  language  of  business  and  of  wilting  in  general,  is  all  taken  from  tho  latter 
country.  Hence  we  need  not  be  surprised  if  we  should  find  Persian  words  in  Prakrit,  since 
we  find  Persian  and  Arabic  words  in  the  Dravidian  languages,  on  account  of  Muharnmadan 
rule  in  Southern  India.  Hcmachandr  \  is  therefore  perfectly  justified  in  supposing  that 
provincialisms  borrowed  from  Persian  have  been  in  use  '  from  times  immemorial '. 

The  following  arc  a  few  of  the  deti  words  in  Hemachandra's  Dcsintimamdld,  of  which 
I  attempt  to  give  the  J)ravidian  affinities.  In  deciding  whether  a  word  is  Dravidian  or  not 
I  have  followed  in  general  the  same  principles  as  those  followed  by  Dr.  Kittel  and  Dr. 
(XUdwell  (vide  Dr.  Kittel's  Kannada- English  Dictionary,  Preface  p.  xiv — xvi). 

Nouns  of  Relationship.  Of  the  seven  nouns  of  relationship  borrowed  by  the  Prakrits 
live  are  distinctly  Dravidian.  1.  P.  appo,  <  father  '  is  found  in  almost  all  the  Dravidian 
dialects.  2.  P.  ammd,  awa,  c  mother/  Amma  is  found  in  all  tho  Dravidian  dialects  excejt 
Tuju.  In  (linarese  avva,  awe,  means  '  a  mother  or  grandmother/  In  Telugu  avva  means 
1  a  grandmother/  3.  P.  alcM,  'sister/  in  Sanskrit,  •  mother/  In  the  Dravidian  dialects 
aklca  means  «  sister,  Us  in  Prakrit.  4.  P.  atta,  '  father's  sister/  cf.  Dr.  (atta  father's 
sister/ 5,  P.  mam,  <  mother-in-law/  £f.  Dr.  mami  'mother  in  law/  6.  P.  bhavo,  'elder 


THE  DRAVIDIAN  ELEMENT  IN  PRAKRIT  ,  35 


sister'*  husband/  cf.  C&n.  bhdva,  S.  WWwia.  7.  P.  vahuni,  «  elder  brother's  wife/  This 
IB  probably  derived  from  the  Sanskritised  form,  vadhuni,  cf.  Tel.  vadine.  (For  the  change 
of  medial  t  to  u  cf.  Tarn,  maiir,  «  hair/  P.  mawrl. 

Parts  of  the  body:—  1.  P.  bond*  'form,  face,  body.'  cf.  Tarn.  Tel.  6ondt.  2.  P. 
po#<m,  4  belly;'  cf.  Tel.  jpoj/a.,  Can.  j>o/fe.  3.  P.  £Ao<Mani,  '  beard  '  cf.  Tel.  gaddamu 
Can.  flfOtMa,  Tarn,  faftat.  4.  P.  masuri,  '  beard  '  cf.  Tarn.  motif,  For  change  of  medial 
i  to  *.  c/.  Teh  vadine,  P.  w&vft  6.  P.  pundho,  '  hollow,  hollow  of  the  loins.'  cf.  Tarn. 
pundai  'female  organ  of  generation.'  6.  P.  madfi,  'neck/  cf.  Tel.  meda.  (for  change  of 
medial  e  to  a  cf.  Tel.  reddi,  P.  radMW:  see  below).  7.  P.  kandala,  'cheek/  cf.  Can.  Tel. 
Tarn,  kanna  (vide  Kittol's  Kannada-English  Dictionary  (Pref.)  p,  17.) 

Personal  nouns.  1.  P.  raddht,  '  Chief,  head  '  cf.  Can,  Tel  reddi,  <  the  title  of  agri- 
culturists/ 2.  P.  settJii  (8.  tresthin  )  'the  headman  of  a  village.'  cf.  Can.,  Tel.  cetfi.,  Tuju. 
aetti.  3.  P.  fcrfaro,  c  a  village  watchman.  '  Dr.  Pischel  derives  it  from  tafavdra,  talav&ran- 
am,  '  glove  of  an  archer  '  (cf.  S.  skandhavdra,  P.  khandhdra.  rf.  Tarn,  takydri  (from  tale- 
yayi  iru  '  to  be  at  the  head,'),  Tel.  talari,  Can.  taleydri.  4.  P.  p669  •  boy  '  (S.  pota,  '  young 
one  of  an  animal  ').  cf.  Can.  polu,  l  a  he-goat.'  Tel.  potu,  •  young  one  of  an  animal  '.  5.  P. 
pafliajjha  (padi  ajjha).  For  padi  cf.  Tel,  badi,  '  a  school.'  (For  change  of  6  to  p.  cf.  Tel. 
bdtti,  Skt.  #aW,  *  a  lizard  ').  6.  P.  padujuvat,  (paduju  vat  fern.  term,  corr,  to  S,  vati),  '  a 
young  girl.'  cf.  Tel.  padusu,  a  young  girl.  (For  change  of  c  to  j  cf.  S.  piSdci,  P.  ptedjt). 

7.  P.  8uld,  '  a  courtezan/  cf.  Can.  stye.    8.  P.  <ZM,  eK^,  «  a  poor  man/  cf.  Tarn.  iZZan,  '  a 
poor  man,  Tarn,  illai,  Can.  Ufa,  '  there  is  not.'    8.    P.  kuruld,  <  a  man  with  curly  hair.'  cf. 
Tel.-iurulu,  Can.  fcwnfJ,  Tarn,  surul,  '  to  twist,  curl.'    9.  P.  kurwlo,  *  unkind,  clever  man.  ' 
cf.  Tarn,  kurudan.    Can.  kuruda,  '  blind  man/  (change  of  meaning  can  be  easily  explain- 
ed).    10.    P.  matthft,  '  lazy  man.'    cf.  Can.,  Tel.  maddi,  <  stupid,  dull,  awkward  person.' 

Names  of  Animals.  1.  P.  pulli,  *  tiger.'  cf.  Dr.  puli.  2.  P.  ptivt,  «  snake.'  cf.  Can. 
pavu,  Tel.  pamu,  Tarn,  pdmbu.  3.  P.  karwln,  'tiger.'  cf.  Tarn.,  Can.  karadi,  '  a  bear/  4. 
P.  manguso  muggaso,  'ichneumon.'  cf.  Tel.  mungisa,  Can.  mungisi.  5.  P.  kira,  'a  par- 
rot.' cf.  Can.  kiru,  '  to  cry/  Dr.  kili.  6.  P.  iira^,  Kdt,  c  a  pig/  cf.  Dr.  kiru,  '  to  scrape, 
scratch.' 

Miscellaneous.  1.  P.  cicci,  '  fire/  c/.  Tel.  croft,  Can.  Hccw.  2.  P.  wesaro,  •  sun,  ' 
cf.  Can.  ne^ar,  Tarn.  w%ir.  3.  P.  jAo^t,  '  torrent  of  rain.'  cf.  Tel.  jadi,  Can.  jadi 
4.  P.  addtfo,  '  looking  glass.  '  cf.  Tel.  addamu.  5.  P.  pasiiyli,  «  gold.'  cf.  Tel.  po«t(W.  6. 
P.  vaifam,  diamond,  Tarn,  vairewn  7.  P.  pendam,  '  anklet.  '  cf.  Tel.  pendaramu,  €  an  anklet/ 

8.  P.  ch&na>  cW«i,  'cow-dung/    In   the  sense  of  cloth,  P.  chdna  Skt.  chtidana.    In  the 
sense  of  cow-dung  from  S.  chagana  (Can.  sagani),  cf.  Tarn.  AJn»\    9.    P.   #ro,  «  village.' 
Of.  Tel.  6rw,   Tarn,  wr,  Heb.  dr,  '  a  city/  Assyrian,  uru.    10.    P.  mddiam,  •  a  house/    cf. 
Tarn,  marfam,  'a  house/    11.    P.  wwmaro,  f  threshold.  '  cf.  T.  ummdrapadi.  12.  P.  4a««/) 
kachcharo,  'mud.'  cf.  Tel.  fcasaw,  Can.  kasa,  kasavu,  kasara,  'rubbish.'  (For  change  of  8  to 
cht  cf.  8.  sira  'vein,'  P.  cAtJ^rd).  13.  P.jhendua,  'ball/  cf.  Can.  cenlu.  14.  P.  moggara,  'a 
bud  '  is  evidently  derived  from  Tel.  mogada,  a  bud.  (For  change  of  d  to  rt  cf.  S.  *Mda&a,  P. 
^ro&a).    The  doubling  of  medial  g  is  due  to  confusion  with  Tel.  mogga.    cf.  Can.  wo^c, 
moggu,  '  a  bud  '  Tarn,  moggu.    15.    P.  w  trf,    'black  gram/    C/.  Tarn.  w?wnrfw,.Can.  uddu. 
(for  change  of  medial  u  to  i  cf.  S.  purwa,  P.  pwtoa.)    16.    P.  tupp*,  '  a  leathern  bottle  for 
oil  .  cf.  Can,  and  Tarn,  tuppa.  17.  P.  kalla  toddy,  cf.  Tel.  fca?(w,  Can.  kai(ut  Tam.  Aa/.  18.  P. 
kdratn,  pungent,  through  P.  khdram  from  S.  teara.    The  deaspirization.of  initial  is  pro- 
bably due  to  Dravidian  influence,  c/.  Dr.  kdra.   19.  P.  muddi.  '  kissing.  Cf.  Dr.  muddu.    20. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [FiE^AEY,  1917 


P.  o#oi,  boils  :  c/.  Dr.  ad,  to  cook,  past  part,  atta.  21.  P.  ghuftrt  '  drinks. '  c/.  Tel.  gutu 
(few)  'a  gulp,'  BrahuiflwJ,  'throat. '  22.  P,  rawjpat,  ramphai,  'outs. '  c/.  JPd.  rampamu,  '  a 
saw.1  23.  P.  fcivj  'blue  colour.'  Cf.  Dr.  Utri,  *  red  ochre.1 

Since  the  above  words  are  considered  by  Hemachandra  to  be  provincialisms  which 
were  in  use  from  times  immemorial,  we  may  say  that  those  words  were  borrowed  long 
before  his  time.  It  is  not,  however,  possible  to  say  at  what  periods  the  different  words 
were  borrowed,  as  the  materials  I  have  collected  till  now  are  too  scanty.  Of  course,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Aryans  at  one  time  lived  in  very  close  contact  and  freely  mixed 
with  the  Dravidians,  as  is  evident  from  the  words  mentioned  above.  This  intermingling 
of  people  speaking  Dravidian  and  Aryan  vernaculars  has  occurred  even  in  more  recent 
times.  Several  Dravidian  families  have  gone  and  settled  permanently  in  Benares,  the 
Bombay  Presidency  and  even  Kashmir,  and  intermarried  with  people  speaking  the  Aryan 
vernaculars.  We  may  therefore,  expect  to  find  a  few  Dravidian  words  in  the  languages 
of  Northern  India  on  account  of  this  immigration.  It  may,  after  all,  be  that  the 
Dravidian  languages  spoken  by  these  people  have  not  had  any  effect  upon  the  Aryan 
vernaculars,  just  as  the  Maratha  language  spoken  in  Tanjore  and  other  parts  of  Southern 
India  by  settlers  from  the  Maratha  country  and  the  Gujarati  (Patnuli  dialect  and  that 
by  the  Marwaris)  have  had  no  influence  on  the  Dravidian  languages. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA 

BY  V.  RANGACHAIU,  M.A.,  L.T.,  MADRAS. 

(Continual  from  p.  28.) 

If  the  theory  of  apostacy  and  murder  is  incredible,  that  of  love  intrigue  is  equally  so. 
To  believe  that  a  king  who  had,  in  his  harem,  more  than  200  wives,54  the  picked  beauties 
of  his  kingdom,  and  who  was  already  far  in  the  decline  of  life,  being  more  than  05  years 
old  at  the  time  of  tho  alleged  intrigue,  was  engaged  in  it,  and  underwent  a  vile  and 
miserable  death  in  the  backyard  of  a  poor  man's  house,  alone  and  in  the  dark,  demands 
an  absurd  amount  of  credulity  as  well  as  tho  sacrifice  of  commonsense.  All  that  \ve 
can  say  is,  that  Tirumal  Naik  must  have  died  such  a  sudden  death  as  to  give  rise  to  surprise 
and  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  populace  and  tho  concoction  of  plausible  theories  on 
the  part  of  his  servants.  The  early  life  of  tho  Naik  ruler  had  not  been  adorned  by  t<  m- 
perance,  and  a  sudden  indisposition  probably  proved  fatal. 

MOTE. 

Wheeler  (History  Vol.  IV.  Part  II,  pp.  576-581)  gives  some  curious  information 
concerning  Tirumal  N£ik.  He  says  that  Tirumal  Naik  came  to  the  throne  on  Feb.  9,  1626. 
The  very  next  day  after  his  coronation,  Tirumal  received  the  Tanjore  ambassador  and 
agreed  to  give  Vallam  in  exchange  for  Trichinopoly,™  if  Vijaya  Ranganatha  would  give  his 
sister  Parva'.i  to  him  in  marriage.  Wheeler  then  gives  a  description  of  the  royal 
marriage,  which  was  exactly  the  same  as  that  at  the  present  day.  Three  days  after  this 
marriage,  Aryanatha  died.50  His  funeral  was  performed  with  great  splendour,  and  the 

M  The  Jesuit  letters  say  that  he  had  200  wives  and  the  most  distinguished  of  these  committed  eati 
on  his  death.  See  Madura  Qazr.,  p.  48. 

M  This  is  absurd ;  for  we  have  already  seen  that  Vallam  was  exchanged  for  Trichinopoly  in  the  time 
of  the  first  Vifranfttha* 

w  This  is  also  absurd.    Aryanatha  really  died  in  1600,  23  years  before  TirumaTs  accession. 


t 

PBBBUABY,  1*17]     /  THE  HISTORY  OP  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  37 

^K  tfc."*1 

ministerial  ring  was  given  by  the  Naik  to  his  favourite,  Vidiappa,  and  the  ring  of  the 
oommander-in-chief  to  his  other  favourite,  Eamappaiya.  Wheeler  points  out  that  the 
Naik's  army  numbered  4,000  horsemen  and  60,000  footmen  under  72  polygars.  The  cavalry 
was  placed  outside  the  fort,  and  the  infantry  on  the  72  ramparts.  The  annual  revenue  of  the 
State  was  44  lakhs  of  chakrams,  i.  e.,  88  lakhs  of  rupees.  About  one  tenth  of  these  went 
to  Brahmans,  £  60,000  for  servants'  salaries,  £  40,000  for  charities  and  palace  expenses, 
£  20,000  for  the  Nuik's  daily  charities,  and  the  remaining  £  680,000  were  stored  up  in  the 
treasury,  thereby  giving  much  scope  for  Musaalman  plunder ;  or  to  speak  in  terms  of 
chakrams,  4  lakhs  for  Brahmans  and  their  temples,  3  lakhs  for  salaries  of  servants,  one  lakh 
for  daily  charities,  and  the  remaining  34  were  hoarded  up.  Wheeler  then  goes  on  to  state 
that  Tirumal  married  the  daughters  of  his  uncles,  who  had  been  passed  over  for  the  sake 
of  the  Tanjore  princess.  For  his  war  with  the  Setupati,  his  numerous  marriages,  etc., 
see  ante.  Wheeler  concludes  by  pointing  out  that  Tirumal  was  adored  as  a  God  by  his 
subjects.  He  never  refused  a  boon.  No  suppliant  ever  left  his  presence  with  discontent 
in  his  face.  His  troops  wore  well  disciplined,  his  generals  brave  and  experienced,  and 
himself  so  fortunate  that  he  gained  as  many  victories  as  he  fought  battles. 

CHAPTER,  VII. 
The  Advent  of  the  Marathns. 

SECTION  1. 
Muttu  Ala-kadri  1659. 

THE  death  of  Tirumal  Naik  A\as  the  higu  of  internal  factions  and  disputed 
succession.  Immediately  after  the  performance  of  the  funeral  of  the  great  king,  his 
son  Muttu  Alakadri,  or  Muttu  Virappa-'7  as  hn  was  also  called,  was  elevated 
to  the  throne  by  a  council  of  the  lords,  courtiers  ami  the  ministers.  The  succession 
of  the  new  monarch,  however,  was  disputed  by  the  able  Kura&ra  Muttu,  the  younger 
brother  of  the  late  king,  who  was,  as  we  have  already  seen,  engaged  in  his  victorious 
Campaign  in  Mysore  at  the  time  of  his  brother's  death.  Immediately  after  he  received 
the  intelligence  of  his  nephew's  election,  ho  abandoned  the  contest  with  Mysore  and 
returned  at  the  head  of  his  exultant  army  to  win  the  crown  by  the  sword.  Kumara 
Muttu  had  the  strong  support  of  his  army,  but  Virappa  had  the  command  of  the  treasury 
and  the' support  of  the  most  influential  grandees  of  the  court.  The  war  between  the  rival 
claimants,  it  appeared  therefore,  would  be  prolonged  and  obstinate  ;  but  at  this  stage 
the  timidity  or  self-sacrifice  of  Kumara  Muttu  saved  the  kingdom  from  the  evils  and 
hardships  of  a  civil  war.  In  return  for  the  independent  rule  of  Sivakasi  and  the  sur- 
rounding districts,  he  gave  up  his  claim  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestor-;.  The  reasons  which 
led  to  this  extraordinary  act  are  uncertain.  The  author  of  the  Madura  District  Manual 
believes  that  it  was  probably  due  to  the  prudence  of  Kumara  Muttu  or  to  the  unwillingness 

57  The  divergency  of  opinion  among  the  chronicles  in  regard  to  Virappa 's  date  is  very  great. 
According  to  the  Pand.  Ghron.,  which  is  perhaps  the  right  authority,  he  ruled  only  three  months  from  the 
Pauguni  of  Vijambi  (1669  A.D.)  to  the  Vaikasi  of  Vikari.  The  Hist,  of  the  Carnat.  Kings  and  Supp.  MS. 
and  thoTelugu  record  of  the  Carnat.  Dynas-  «n  the  other  hand,  attribute  to  him  10  years  from  Subhakrit 
to  Virudhikrit  (S  1484-1494,  i.e.,)  1562-1572  A.D.  One  of  the  Mir  tan jiy  a  MSS.  (0.  H.  MSS.  U.  110)  says 
that  he  assumed  office  on  the  5th  Matt,  Vtfambi  (S.  1580)  and  ruled  till  the  end  of  Vykusi  in  Vikari,  i.  e., 
4  months. 


38  THfc  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  \Jgyfa***,  1917 

of  his  wearied  army  to  fight  with  his  formidable  opponent*.  The  theory  of  strong  Court 
opposition  seems  to  have  much' truth  in  it,  for  we  are  told  that  even  Ranganna  Nfiik,*8  s* 
just  in  his  behaviour  and  so  loyal  in  his  conduct,  was  for  Muttu  Virappa,  and  went  op  an 
embassy  from  him  to  his  rival,  then  encamped  in  the  village  of  Dharmavaran,  to  dissuade 
him  from  war,  and  from  the  Madura  throne  in  return  for  the  sovereignty  over  the  district 
of  Sivak&ii.  Either  policy  or  fear  then  prompted  Kumara  to  support  with  resignation  the 
loss  of  his  crown  and  accept  a  province  in  preference  to  a  more  extensive  but  doubtful 
kingdom.  Before  he  surrendered  his  right  and  his  army,  however,  he  took  care  that  his 
son  Kumara  Raugappa  &aik  was  installed  and  anointed  as  the  second  in  power,  so  that 
the  claim  of  his  line  to  the  crown  might  not  die  with  him.  At  Sivak&si  he  distinguished 
himself  by  his  salutary  works.  He  built  ths  town,  erected  a  large  temple,  which  he 
dedicated  to  a  lingam  he  had  brought  from  Nanjanakudi,  established  a  number  of  companion 
images  ordered  embroidered  vestments  for  their  adornment,  constructed  a  car,  and 
arranged  for  regular  festivals.  He  is  further  said  to  have  excavated  many  reservoirs  and 
.established  many  agrak&rams.  He  ruled  there  for  some  time  and  died.  (Record  of  (he 
Carna.  Govrs.,  0.  H.  MSS.  II,  p.  184.) 

As  for  the  new  king,  he  seems  to  have  been  not    wanting  in    capacity  and  character. 

A  Telugu  chronicle  indeed  eulogises  him  as   a  ruler  of  splendour  and  equity,  a  builder 

of  temples  and  villages,  a  charitable  man   and  a  gallant  soldier,  and  though  the  eulogy 

may  be  a  general  formula  rather  than  a  tribute  to  truth,  yet  Muttu  Vfrappa  seems  to  have 

been  neither  wanting    in  energy  nor  in  high  aims.    The  great  object  of  his  policy  was  to 

undo  the  political  vandalism  of  his  father,  to  remove  the  Musalman  yoke,  and  to  revive 

the  former   glory  of  independence.    With  this  commendable,  if  unattainable  goal,  he 

strengthened  the  fortifications  of  Trichinopoly,  and  proposed  to  the  Ntiik  of  Tanjore  the 

formation  of  an  alliance,  both  offensive  and  defensive,  against  Musalman  domination.    The 

proposal  of  Virappa  was  a  wise  one,  but  it  received  no  favourable  support  from  the  Tanjore 

Naik  who  feared  that  it  would  invite  war  and  bring  disaster.    After  all,  he  did  not  gain 

by  this  selfish  and  timid  attitude,  for,  in  the  opening  months  of  1659,  a  Muhammadari 

army  appeared  on  the  scene,  and  finding  itself  unable  tq  seize  Trichinopoly,   owing  to  the 

caution  of  Muttu  Virappa,  turned  its  aims,  with  that  unscrupulousness  which  blinded  it 

from  friends  and  foes  alike,  against  Tanjoie.    The  latter  was  not  unprepared  to  sustain  a 

siege.     It  was  defended  by  an  almost  impregnable  fortress,  a  line  equipment  of  artillery  and 

a  considerable  collection  of  provisions ;  but  all  these  sources  of  strength  and  means  of  success 

could  be  of  no  avail  where  cowardice  and  treason  reigned  supreme.    The  Tanjore  general 

was  a  coward,  and  a  slight  wound  was  enough  to  make  him   lose  heart  and  give  up  the 

defence  and  flee,  with  his  master,  to  the  neighbouring  fortress  of  Vallam.    The  result  was 

the  Muhammadan  army  was  able  to  take  possession  of  the  city  and  then  reduce  the  rest  of 

the  kingdom.    Nothing  remained  to  complete  the  disintegration  of  the  kingdom  but  the 

capture  of  Vallam,  and  the  king  and  the  victorious  Islamites  now  proceeded  to  that  task. 

The  fortress  of  Vallam  was  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  strategic  in  the  country.    Its 

defence  hardly  required  much  military  skill,  and  the  Tanjore  king  had  no  reason  to  fear 

W  See  Taylor'0  0>  H.  MSS.  II,  p.  177  (The  history  by  Raiiganiia  N&ik.)  Bangaqna  ruled  his  pdlayam 
for50ytarc,  _ 


FttBRtUBY,  tW\       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  3ft 

•disaster  so  long  as  he  had  the  necessary  men  and  provisions ;  but  he  was  the  slave  of  fear 
lind  the  tool  of  cowards.  He  therefore  abandoned  the  defence  of  the  place  and  left  for  the 
neighbouring  woods,  where  pursuit  was  difficult  and  life  was  safe. 

The  conquest  of  Tanjore  was  immediately  followed  by  the  invasion  of  Madura ;  and  the 
whole  country  from  tho  banks  of  Kaveri  to  the  latitude  of  Madura  became  subject  to  the 
depredations  of  the  Musalmans  The  unfortunate  people  once  again  had  to  experience  the 
hardships  of  war,  while  their  king  was  secure  in  his  luxurious  palace  at  Trichinopoly.  As 
usual,  the  Musalman  in  victory  did  not  display  moderation  or  wisdom.  It  seemed  to  be  more 
a  crusade  against  civilization  in  general  than  the  conquest  of  a  kingdom.  The  avarice  of  the 
soldiers  seized  every  opportunity  of  plunder  and  their  brutality  every  chance  of  oppression. 
Never  did  Madura  or  Tanjoro  experience,  in  all  their  gloomy  careers,  a  calamity  so  dire 
and  so  disastrous  as  on  this  occasion  ;  but  never  at  the  same  time  did  Providence  mete  out 
a  punishment  to  the  authors  of  the  misery  so  rapid  and  so  effective  as  the  one  on  this 
time.  The  excesses  and  atrocities  of  the  victors  recoiled  on  themselves.  The  horrors  of 
famine  overspread  the  land.  Thousands  died  of  hunger,  and  thousands  left  the  kingdom 
in  search  of  better,  safer  and  more  fortunate  climes.  Those  who  survived  the  famine  or 
resisted  the  temptation  to  emigrate  fell  victims  to  epidemics.  In  this  combination  of  ills 
the  Mnbammadan  army  suffered  most.  Want  of  food  thinned  its  ranks  daily,  and  desertion 
became  a  common- place  occurrence.  The  corpses  of  starved  men  and  the  carcases  of  dead 
horses  lined  the  roadside  in  disorderly  mixture  and  filled  the  fields.  The  atmosphere 
became  surcharged  with  the  poison  of  putrid  matter  and  the  stench  of  decaying  bodies. 
Diseases  ard  pestilence  broke  out  and  added  their  dire  work  to  the  activity  of  famine.  The 
difference  between  conquerors  and  conquered -disappeared  in  the  common  suffering,  and 
both  united  in  cries  of  misery  and  prayers  of  urgency  for  the  help  of  Providence. 

For  a  few  weeks  the  Muhammadan  generals  endeavoured  to  overcome  the  calamity,  but 
in  vain.     They  found  their  position   absolutely   untenable   and   longed  to  return  to  their 
homes.     But  before  doing  so  they  wished,  if  possible,  to  intimidate  the  King  of  Madura  and 
extort  an  indemnity  from  him.     With  this  intention  they  advanced   to  Trichinopoly  and 
laid  siege  to  it.     They  were  not  successful.     In  the  first  place  they  met  with   a  stout  and 
determined  defence  from   Muttu  Virappa   and   his  general   Lingama  Xaik,  a  man  of  great 
capacity  and  greater  ambition,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  much  in  the  next  reign.     Secondly, 
the  horrors  of  famine  and  virulence  of  pestilence  followed  them,  and  thirdly,  the   depreda- 
tions of  the  Kallas,   probably  the  subjects  of  the  Sctupati,   insulted  them  by  harassing  and 
daring  attacks  upon  their  camps.     The  consequence  was  the  Muhammadans  entered  into 
negotiations  for  poace.     Virappa  could,  with  greater  tact,   have  refused   attention  to  their 
•overtures,   and  found  a  means  to  annihilate  them  ;   but  ho  exaggerated  their  strength  and 
underrated  his  own,  an  1  thought  that  he  was  making  a  good  bargain   by  purchasing  their 
evacuation  of  the  country.     His  only  consolation  was  that  the  drain  from   his  coffers  was 
comparatively  moderate. 

So  ended  the  dream  of  Muttu  Virappa  to  restore  the  glory  of  his  realm  to  its  foiiner 
independence.  Hia  failure  in  the  war  is  attributed  by  some  writers  on  the  authority 
of  the  Jesuits  to  his  character.  Froin50  the  moment  of  his  accession,  they  say,  he  gained 
the  notoriety  of  a  drunkard  and  a  debauchee.  Entirely  oblivious  of  the  duties  of  his  office, 

'  50  E.  g.\  Wheeler  and  Nelson.     Taylor  takes  the  view  of  tho  Chronicles  that  ho  was  very  probably  a 
wise  and  poaceablo  prince  and  that  his  reign  was  not  marked  by  i:icilents,  (0. 11.  MSS.  II,  p.  184). 


40  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  ^[FEBOTABY,  1917 

he  employed  his  hours  in  the  gratification  of  the  senses,  in  the  exclusive  pursuit  of  pleasure, 
which  told  fatally  on  his  constitution.  The  son  of  Tirumal  N&ik  died,  according  to  this 
view,  an  inglorious,  unhonoured,  and  unlamented  death,  after  a  short  but  eventful  rub  of 
three  months.  The  chronicles,  however,  do  not  give  this  dark  picture  of  the  Jesuits. 

SECTION  II, 
Chokkanfttha  NAik  1659-1682. 

On  the  death  of  Muttu  Alakadri,  his  son  Chokkanatha,  a  youth  of  sixteen,  came  to 
the  throne.60  The  young  ruler  promised  to  achieve  greatness  both  in  the  field  and  in  the 
darbdr.  A  keen  soldier  and  enterprising  adventurer,  he  had,  for  the  first  object  of  his 
ambition,  the  restoration  of  the  independence  of  Madura. 

The  character  of  Chokkanatha. 

His  arms  were  at  first  attended  with  success,  but  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  the 
degeneracy  of  his  own  character,  the  treason  of  his  ministers,  and  the  interference  of  the 
Marathas  and  Mysoreans  in  the  State,  resulted  in  the  collapse  of  his  policy  and  the  practical 
extinction  of  his  kingdom.  Beginning  then  under  auspicious  circumstances,  his  reign 
ended,  contrary  to  the  sanguine  expectations  of  his  people,  in  misery  and  gloominess.  The 
impartiality  of  the  historian  must  declare  that  the  period  of  his  government,  in  fact,  is  a 
more  horrible  record  of  domestic  plots  and  foreign  invasions,  of  popular  misery  and  hard- 
ships,  than  any  other  period  of  equal  duration  in  Naik  history.  More  active  than  wise, 

00  According  to  the  Pand.  Chron.,  tho  year  of  his  accession  was  1600  A.  D.  (VikAri  Ani).  He  ruled,  it 
says,  for  24  years  till  1684  (Dundumi  Ani).  But  the  tiupp.  Mti.  and  Carna.  Dynas.  say  that  ho  reigned 
from  1672  (Pariliipi)  to  1688  (Prabhava).  Wheeler  gives  him  tho  date  1662-1685.  Epigraphical  references 
to  Chokkanatha  aro  somewhat  meagre,  and  they  do  not  illustrate  very  clearly  tho  period  of  his  rule. 
They,  however,  shew  that  he  ruled  till  at  least  1678,  the  year  when  tho  usurpation  or  elevation  of  his 
brother  Muttu  Alakadri  took  place.  That  Chokkanatha  came  to  the  throne  in  1659  is  clear  from  an 
inscription  in  tho  Jayantisvara  Temple  at  Trichinopoly.  (ParAbhava,  Ani  27,  Saturday,  TrayodaBi) 
wherein  Chokkanatha  is  said  to  have  settled  a  dispute  between  five  castes  in  regard  to  their  para, 
phernalia.  Sewell  mentions  six  of  his  inscriptions  from  1601  to  1G67,  and  ono  of  his  brother  dated  1678. 
Tho  iiret  of  those  is  at  Nenmeni,  five  milos  oast  of  Sfittur  (RamnAd  Dt.)  on  a  stone  in  front  of  the 
Ananta-Ktija  Temple,  and  records  tho  gift  of  a  tank  for  Chokkalinga's  merit  in  S.  1583,  A  similar 
record,  dated  S.  1587,  is  on  a  stono  north  of  the  Perumai  templo  in  tho  same  place.  (Sewoll's  Antiquities, 
I,  305).  A  coppor-plato  grant  of  1662  (which  is  in  Telugu  and  which  is,  Sowell  says,  in  the  Trichin.  Dt. 
Court)  records  a  gift  of  land  by  Chokkanatha  to  a  Srirangam  priest.  This  plate  is  also  interesting  for 
the  fact  that  it  records  that  Sri  Rariga  Raya  was  then  reigning  at  "  Gbanagiri."  (Id.  II,  7).  An  inscn. 
of  1663  found  at  Tiruchcheng&dc  (Salom  Dt.)  says  that  "  Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkalinga  Naiken  of  Madura 
built  the  gopura."  It  is  doubtful  whether  this  refers  to  Chokkanatha  or  any  other  prince  of  the  royal 
family.  (Id.  I,  203).  A  Telugu  copper  plate  of  1665,  written  in  Tamil  yrantha  characters,  records  a  gift 
of  land  to  some  Brahmins  at  Kaniyur,  10  miles  S.  W.  of  Udumalpet.  (Id.  II,  27).  This  grant  also 
mentions  Sri  RaiigaD6va  Maha  Raya,  of  Chandragiri.  A  similar  copper-plate  grant  of  1667  mentions 
a  similar  grant  at  Kumar alingam,  10  miles  S.  E.  of  Udumalpot.  This  also  mentions  Chokkanatha's 
acknowledging  tho  allegiance  of  Sri  Rariga  Raya.  In  regard  to  this,  Mr.  Sewell  remarks  :  "  This  is  the 
first  grant  that  I  have  soon  where  the  Telugu  language  is  rendered  in  grantha  characters."  (Antiquities, 
11,28).  The  record  of  Muttu  Ungappa  is  a  copper-plate  (Dt.  Court,  Madura)  in  Telugu,  dated  1678 
A.  D.  (Kftlayukti).  It  bestows  the  village  of  Kvishnfipuram  bn  a  Brahman.  The  grantor  is  described 
»s  •'  Kuddu  Alugari  Nayudu,  grandson  of  VUvanatha  Nayani  Tirumala  Nayudu,  and  son  Muddu 
Firappa  Nayudu."  He  also  recognizes  the  suzerainty  of  Sri  Virapratfipa  Sri  Ranga  Rava  Mahadeva 
Raya  (who  ca  o  to  the  throne,  as  Sewell  says,  in  1665).  See  Antiquities,  II,  4. 


FEBRUARY,  401^      THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  41 

Chofckanatha  always  had  before  him  projects  of  a  visionary  nature,  undertakings,  which 
neither  his  capacity  nor  -his  resource  was  adequate  to  meet.  He  lacked  that  calmness,  that 
quick  understanding  of  facts,  that  intellectual  nimblenesa  and  resource,  which  is  necessary 
for  a  successful  politician.  To  this  incapacity  he  added  an  extraordinary  amount  of  s-lf- 
pride,  which  detected  insult  where  there  was  none.  The  result  was,  he  left  his  kingdom 
at  his  death,  in  a  most  unhappy  .and  dilapidated  condition,  a  prey  to  rival  powers  and 
contending  parties,  and  a  home  of  bloodshed  and  anarchy. 

His  war  with  the  Muhammadans. 

The  tendency  of  Chokkanatha  to  act  on  impulse  and  ignorance  is  seen  in  his* 
very  first  act.01  Immediately  after  his  assumption  of  the  royal  robes,  he  proclaimed  a  war 
with  Bijapur,  with  a  view  to  drive  that  power  from  its  stronghold  of  Jinji,  to  restore  the 
Naiks  of  that  kingdom,  and  to  revive  the  greatness  of  the  Karnataka  raj.  It  is  highly  probable 
that,  in  his  precipitate  move,  Chokkanatha  disregarded  the  cautious  advice  of  his  ministers. 
At  any  rate,  there  is  evidence  to  show  that,  soon  after  Dalavai  Lingaima  Xaik  proceeded 
with  his  40,000  cavalry  to  the  frontier  against  Sagosi,  tho  Muhammadan  general  of  Jinji, 
a  plot  of  a  formidable  nature,  in  which  the  ministers  themselves  played  a  prominent  part, 
took  place.  The  origin  of  the  conspiracy  lay  either  in  the  spirit  of  independence  which 
the  king  displayed,  or  \\\  his  youth,  which  inspired  the  ambition  <.,f  unscrupulous 
men.  The  leaders  of  disaffection  were  the  Pradhani  and  the  Rayasam,  the  former  ;i 
Brahman.  Under  the  name  of  guardians,  they  deprived  the  young  chief  of  his  power 
and  freedom  and  banished  or  imprisoned  all  those  whoxe  loyalty  was  a,  source 
of  danger  to  their  power.  Nor  did  they  display  wisdom  in,  their  administration.  They 
exercised  authority  with  the  cruelty  of  tyrants  and  the  greediness  of  upstarts. 
Allying  themselves  with  the  Dalavai  Linganna,  a  man  who,  in  his  ambition  and 
avarice,  sold  the  interests  of  his  country  t •>  the  Muhammadan  and  was  conducting  a*  sham 
campaign,  they  organised  a  formidable  triumvirate  with  the  object  of  removing  (Chokkanatha 
and  raising  his  younger  brother  to  the  throne  in  his  place.  The  prospect  of  success 
was  very  near  at  hand,  when  an  accident  betrayed  tho  nefarious  plot  and  brought  its  authors 
to  justice  and  ruin.  The  fidelity  of  a  palace  lady .  apprised  the  young  king  of 
the  real  state  of  things.  He  at  once  entered  into  secret  communications  with  his 
friends  in  exile,  and,  with  their  help,  eventually  contrived  to  surprise  and  seize  the  traitors 
in  the;  palace.  The  Rfiyasam  was  immediately  put  to  death,  but  the  caste  of  the  more 
heinous  criminal  obtained  for  him  the  comparatively  mild  punishment  in  the  loss  01 
his  eyes.  The  other  accomplice  Linganiia  Naik,  however,  was  still  at  liberty.  With 
a  reckless  disregard  of  his  country  and  croed,  he  joined  hands  with  those  whom  ho 
was  sent  to  conquer,  and  marched  against  his  master.  Thus  it  was  that  a  hostile 
Muhammadan  army,  of  12,000  foot  and  7,000  horse,  commanded  by  Sagosi  and  guided 
by  the  Naik  general,  assembled  at  the  fcx>t  of  the  Trichinopoly  fortifications.  The 
place  was  at  once  invested  and  every  attempt  was  made  to  take  it.  To  the  arbitration 
of  the  sword  was  added  the  temptation  of  bribery,  and  the  camp  of  Chokkanatha  once 
again  became  a  scene  of  treasonable  activity.  A  kinsman  of  the  old  minister,  who 
was  in  the  king's  service,  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  entertain  designs  ot  revenge, 
and  sell  his  conscience  and  good  name.  The  ability  of  the  besiegers  and  the  play  of  treason 

«  These  details  are  not  fouuU  in  any  of  the  indigenous  chronicle*.     Mr.  Nelson  has   taken 
from  Jesuit  sources,  an!  my  account  of  the  reign  is  based  on  his* 


42  THE  INPIAN  ANTIQUARY  MFEBRU4.RY,  1017 

in  tl:o  Naik  camp  would  have  achieved  the  fall  of  Trichinopoly,  but  the  vigilance  of 
<'h'>kkan  lha  saved  him.  He  discovered  the  plot,  removed  the  conspirator,  and  promptly 
overhauled  the  ministerial  staff.  A  tide  of  success  seems  to  have  followed  thin  reorganisation. 
The  Muhammadans  abandoned  their  attempt,  and  retreated  to  Tanjore,  and  numbers  of  their 
•soldiery  were  Attracted  by  the  martial  vigour  and  quick  resource  of  Chokkanatha  to  crowd 
under  his  standard,  and  the  Madura  army  swelled  from  its  original  atrength  of  50,000  men 
to  70,000.  Success  killed  prudence,  and  Chokkanntba  resolved  to  try  the  chance  in  hw 
fortunes  to  a  logical  extremity  and  pursue  his  retreating  adversaries.  His  object  was  now 
threefold,  to  drive  the  Muhammad  ans  in  disgrace  back  to  their  homes,  to  chastise  the  conduct 
of  his  Palavai,  and  to  get  reparation  from  Tanjore  for  its  alliance  with  the  enemies  of 
Madura.  In  the  flush  of  victory,  Chokkanatha  was  able  to  accomplish  his  aims.  He 
inflicted  a  defeat  on  Sagosi  and  compelled  him  to  return  to  Jinji.  He  fell  on  Tanjore 
and  forced  the  submission  of  its  chief;  and  he  won  over  the  unscrupulous  Dajavai,  not 
however  by  conquest,  but  by  matrimony,  by  raising  his  daughter  to  the  dignity  of  his  queen. 

Curious  Portents  of  disaster. 

Such  was  the  formidable  treason  which  threatened  Chokkanutha's  crown  at  the  outset 
of  his  career,  and  from  which  he  extricated  himself  with  such  pluck  and  courage.  Though 
not  twenty,  he  had  behaved  like  a  hero  in  the  midst  of  a  hurricane  of  enmity.  If  his  reign 
began  with  a  domestic  trouble,  it  also  began  with  a  triumph  over  Jinji  and  Tanjore.  Chok- 
kanatha had  therefore  every  reason  to  look  with  self-complacency  on  his  work  ;  but  he  was 
not  destined  to  enjoy  his  satisfaction  long.  Providence  destined  him  to  a  career  of 
incessant  trouble  and  grief,  of  defeat  and  disaster.  Nature  itself,  we  are  told,  gave 
warnings  of  the  coming  woes  and  ills  to  which  his  State  and  people  were  to  be  subjected. 
Children  were  born,  we  are  informed,  with  complete  sets  of  teeth.  Wild  animals"2 
boldly  roamed  in  plains  and  invaded  cities  ;  thousands  of  healthy  people  died  sudden 
and  mysterious  deaths,  while  an  equal  number  fell  in  famines.  Swarms  of  insects 
darkened  and  poisoned  the  air,  and  epidemics  of  a  ferocious  nature  raged  with  violence 
and  swept  off  thousands.  These  unnatural  events  and  extraordinary  scenes  threw 
the  people  into  a  panic  of  fear  and  anxiety,  and  raised  forebodings  of  coming  disaster 
and  disti  ess.  Nor  did  it  take  long  to  come,  though  it  did  not  take  a  shape  as  unusual  as 
the  events  which  foreshadowed  it.  It  came  in  the  form  of  another  Musalman  invasion. 

The  Muhammadan  retaliation. 

In  the  beginning  of  1664,  the  Muhammadans  once  again  burst  into  South  India.  It  is 
difficult  to  say  to,  what  this  invasion  was  due  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  it  wa« 
due  to  their  desire  to  wipe  out  the  shame  of  their  late  humiliation.  The  invaders  this  time 
were  let!  by  the  commander-in.chief  of  Bijapur,  Vanamian.  In  his  sudden  push  for  the 
Naik  capital,  Vanamian  might  have  been  successfully  opposed  by  the  king  of  Tanjore,  but 
the  lattu  preferred  the  traditional  policy  of  submission  and  even  assistance.  At  Trichi- 
nopoly,  however,  the  Bijapur  general  met  with  an  opposition  far  stronger  than  that  he  had 
anticipated.  The  artillery  of  Chokkanatha  proved  more  than  equal  to  the  equipment 


«  Proeuza  Bays  that  some  time  after  Ttrumal  Naik'a  death  Madura  was  so  much  deserted  that 
animals  bo-'dly  came  there.  Perhaps  it  refers  to  this  period.  The  Dutch,  it  may  be  mentioned  here, 
look  zd\  r.ntnge  of  the  papular  misery  to  decoy  hundreds  of  men  and  women  telling  them  at  slaves.  That 
<  !.?  1  oitui.i.m  and  Uutch  dealt  largely  in  slaves  is  amply  proved  by  Manucci  in  his  Storia  do 


1917]       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  43 

of  the  besieger*,  and  vanam!  an  realised  that  he  could  not  easily  capture  the  city.  He  therefore 
resolved  to  change  his  strategy,  to  attack  the  people  and  lay  waste  the  kingdom,  in  short  to 
strike  at  the  king  through  his  people.  He  therefore  abandoned  the  siege  of  Trichinopoly,  and 
diverted  his  forces  into  the  heart  of  the  kingdom.  The  strength  of  the  Muhammadan  soldiers 
and  of  Muhammadan  fanaticism  was  let  loose  on  a  mild  and  innocent  populace,  and  there 
began,  in  consequence,  a  period  of  horrible  massacre,  rare  even  in  Musalman  warfare.  The 
soldiers  of  Bijapur  looked  with  satisfaction  on  the  burning  flames  of  villages  and  farm- 
housed.  They  seized  men  and  forcibly  circumcised  them,  tossed  children  on  sword  points 
and  violated  all  rules  of  civilized  war.  Desperation  goaded  even  cowardice  to  acts  of 
heroism,  and  the  people  of  many  a  village  set  fire  to  their  homes  and  preferred  death  in 
the  general  conflagration  to  capture  and  torture  by  the  Muhammadan  soldiery. 

The  atrocities  of  the  Muhammadan  army,  however,  had  one  good  effect.  They  induced 
the  king  to  endeavour  for  a  conclusion  of  peace.  At  first  ho  led  a  life  of  indolent  security 
within  the  fort  of  his  capital,  too  weak  or  too  indifferent  to  remove  the  calamities  of  his 
subjects  ;  but  tho  widespread  horror  of  suffering  compelled  the  abandonment  of  his  inaction 
and  the  resort  to  an  understanding  with  the  adversaries.  He  promptly  agreed  to  pay  a 
considerable  sum  as  indemnity  for  the  present  and  tribute  for  the  future  ;  and.the  Muhani- 
madans  turned  their  back  on  the  ruined  kingdom,  encumbered  \\ithspoils  and  enriched 
with  booty  of  priceless  value. 

His  punitive  expeditions  against  Tanjore  and  Ramnatf. 

In  the  tumultuous  condition  of  South  India  in  the  17th  century,  the  slightest  provoca- 
tion was  enough  to  inflame  an  internecine  war.  Chokkanatha 's  indignation  was  roused  by 
the  assistance  which  Tanjore  had  rendered  to  tho  invaders  and  by  the  indifference  with 
which  Tirumalai  Setupati63  had  regarded  his  recent  humiliation.  He  therefore  meditated, 
immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  Muhammadans,  an  invasion  of  Tanjore  and  the 
chastisement  of  Eamnad.  Himself  taking  the  field  in  person,  he  promptly  marched  to  the 
fortress  of  Vallam  and  took  it  by  surprise.  Here  his  conquests  stopped.  It  seems  that 
Chokkanatha's  object  was  not  territorial  conquest,  but  the  simple  punishment  of  his  brother 
chief.  His  expedition  was  more  a  punitive  demonstration  than  a  serious  war.  He  therefore 
abandoned  the  contest  after  the  seizure  of  Vallam,  and  marched  into  Ramnad.  He  first 
occupied  the  Marava  forts  of  Tirupattur,  Pudukkofcta,  Mana  Madurai  and  Kalayar  Koil, 
and  desired  to  subdue  the  Setupati  by  a  single  but  effective  victory.  But  it  was  not  the 
plan  of  the  cautious  Marava  to  come  to  a  definite  engagement.  He  adopted  guerilla 
tactics,  retreated  into  the  inaccessible  woods  of  his  Jaghir,  and  harassed  his  Suzerain's 
forces  by  daring  sallies  and  surprise  attacks.  Chokkanatha  was,  in  consequence,  tired  of 
the  war.6*  He  had  moreover  to  perform  certain  religious  ceremonies  in  his  capital.  He 
therefore  left  the  conduct  of  the  war  to  his  lieutenants,  and  went  to  Trichinopoly.  The 
officers  were  incompetent,  and  the  Setupati  was  able  to  boldly  emerge  from  the  forest, 
resume  the  offensive,  and  inflict  severe  reverses  on  the  royal  forces.  Chokkanatha  had 
consequently  to  withdraw  his  troops,  except  those  which  garrisoned  the  places  taken 
already. 

«  Tirumalai  was  the  chief  of  the  Martfvaa  till  1670.  Inscriptions  394  and  398  of  1906,  which 
record  gifts  for  his  merit  at  the  Satyagirioatha  temple  at  Tirumayyam,  are  dated  1669  and  are  therefore 
practically  his  last.  He  seems  to  have  performed  the  Hiranyagarbha  sacrifice  and  therefore  had  the 
title  ot  Hiranyagarbhayaji.  See  Mad.  Ep.  'Rep.  1911,  p.  89. 

**  See  Jfodwra  Manual.    Raja  Bam  Rao's  Ramnad  Manual  does  not  mention  this  war. 


44  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  fPaBBUAW,  fHT 

His  disastrous  war  with  Mysore. 

Besides  the  Tanjore  and  Ramnafl  campaigns,  Chokkan&tha  seems  to  have  been  engaged 

in  the  first  decade  of  his  rule  in   a  war  with  Mysore;    Wilks  says  that  it  was  due  to 

"  Chuckapa V  desire  for  the  entire  conquest  of  Mysore ;  but  "  the  events  of  the  war  reversed 

his  expectations,  and  left  the  districts  of  Erroor   (Erode)   and  Darapoor  (Dharapuram) 

as  fixed  conquests  in  the  possession  of  Deo  Raj,  after  he  had  urged  his  success  to  the  extent 

of  levying  large  contributions  on  Trichinopoly,  and  other  places  of  importance. "    Wilks 

attributes  this  disaster  to  1667  A.  D.    He  also  points  out  that  in  this  year  "Waumeloor"  was 

taken  by  the  Mysoreans  from  Gaute  Moodelair  (i.  e.t  Ghefcti   Mudali).    In  other  words,  if 

we  are  to  believe  Wilks,  Chokkanatha  lost  the  extensive  province  of  Coimbatore  and  Salem. 

(Wilks,  I,  37).    Wheeler  describes  an  even  greater  disaster.    He  says  that,  immediately 

after  Chokkan&tha's  accession,  the  Mysoreans  came  as  far  as  Madura,  and  invested  that 

city,  and  took  it;  but  that  Chokkanatha  subsequently  laid  siege  to  the  city  and  reduced 

the  Mysoreans  to  such  a  condition  that  they  had  to  live  on  monkeys  and  asses  and  agreed, 

in  return  for  the  allowance  to  return  to  their  country,  to  surrender  the  city.    It  is  not 

improbable    that    this   event    took  place  in  the   Mysorean  invasion  of   1667.06    Wilks 

however  does  not  mention  it.     (Wheeler  is  not  correct  in  his  chronology.    He  places  this 

event  subsequent  to  the  later  Tanjore  war  of  1674.    It  is  evident  he   confounds  the   1st 

Tanjore  war  of  Chokkanatha  with  his  campaign  of  1674). 

A  decade  of  peace. 

The  Tanjore,  Mysore  and  Rftmnful  campaigns  disclose  the  decay  of  the  Madura 
kingdom,  and  incapacity  of  Chokkanatha.  The  defeat  of  his  arms  and  the  diminu- 
tion of  his  prestige  which  followed  the  Ramnad  invasion,  however,  seem  to  have 
taught  him  wisdom— to  prefer  the  duties  of  peaceful  administration  to  the  doubtful 
laurels  of  war.  The  next  ten  years  of  his  sovereignty,  in  consequence,  are  years 
of  profound  tranquillity  and  commendable  repose™.  There  is  nothing  to  record  in 
this  period,  except  the  permanent  transfer  of  the  seat  of  government  from  Madura 
to  Trichinopoly.  In  the  recent  days  of  trouble  it  was  the  fortifications  of  the 
latter  city  that  had  saved  Chokkanatha  from  ruin,  and  he  therefore  was  desirous  of 
making  it  his  permanent  residence.  There  was  no  harm,  on  the  contrary  there  was 
perhaps  a  decided  advantage,  in  this  arrangement ;  but  with  extraordinary  folly,  Chokka- 
natha gave  orders  for  the  demolition  of  the  beautiful  palace  of  Tiruinal  Naik  at  Madura, 
in  order  that  the  materials  might  be  utilized  for  the  construction  of  a  similar  building  at 
Trichinopoly.  Immediately  after  the  fatal  order,  the  work  of  demolition  began >  "and 
every  day  saw  trains  of  waggons  bear  away  handsome  beams,  curiously  carved  monoliths, 
magnificent  pillars  of  black  marble,  in  a  word,  everything  that  was  most  excellent  and 
admirable  in  an  edifice  which  at  that  time  was  perhaps  one  of  the  finest  in  all  Asia.  And 
this  barbarity  was  unbtushingly  perpetrated  in  order  that  materials  might  be  procured 
for  the  erection  of  a  common-place  building  which  was  never  admired,  about  which  history 
is  altogether  silen  ;  and  at  the  cost  of  the  people  which  had  been  ruined  by  long  continued 
wars,  and  utterly  beggared  by  the  unremitting  exactions  of  its  ministers"07  (Nelson  p.  190). 

«  Inscn.  181  of  1910 >  dated  1(569-70  (Saumya)  recording  a  grant   to   the  temple  of  Kumarasvami 
ut  Satyainangalam  should  have  been  immediately  after  this  invasion.    See  Madr.  Ep.  Rep.  101l7p  92 

M  Chokkanatha  perhaps  began  to  show  hie  over-religious  temperament  in  this  period  '  At 
rate  we  have  a  few  inscriptions  to  show  his  religious  activity  at  this  time.    Inson.  649  of 
1G66A.D,  (the  Tamd year  Kllaka  is  wrong)  says  that  he  made  gifts  of  land  to   th™ 
temple.    Inscn,  664  of  the  same  year  records  that  in  S.  1586  Subhanu  (1663)  he  built  the 
Ardhan&rSsvara  temple  as  well  as  the  temple  of  Kafii  Visvttvara,  at  Tiiichoheni6du7 
Wheeler  gives  a  singular  reason  for  this  transfer  of  the  capital 

the  Myiorea°8'  •" one  **'• cobra 


t  ifli7]       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NA1K  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  45 

•   RAmnftd  affaln. 

It  was  during  this  interlude  of  peace,  moreover,  that  some  important  events  took  place 
in  the  history  of  R&mn&d.  The  famous  Tirumalai  Setupati  died**  in  1670,  a%*  a  long  and 
beneficent  reign  of  30  years.  On  his  death,  his  adopted  son,  Raja  Sfrrya,  the  real  son  of 
the  SStupati's  half -brother  Adin&r&yaoa  Teva,  ascended  the  throne.  His  reign  was  event* 
less  except  in  regard  to  the  history  of  the  R&mesvaram  temple.  He  seems  to  have  been 
an  intriguer  who  schemed  with  Tanjore  against  his  Suzerain.69  He  was  consequently  seized 
by  Da)av&i  Venkata  Krishnaiya,  a  man  of  whom  we  shall  hear  presently,  and  taken  to 
Trichinopoly,  where,  after  a  prisoner's  life  for  some  time,  ho  was  put  to  death.  As  he  left 
no  issue,  the  Maravas  chose  as  his  successor,  according  to  one  account,  one  Atma  Tevan,  a 
distant  relation  of  the  deceased  chief,  to  the  gadi  ;70  and  when  Atma  was  snatched  away  by 
death  within  a  few  months  of  his  elevation,  they  met  once  again,  and  chose  as  their  leader, 
a  scion  of  the  royal  family  named  Raghunatha,  gurnamed,  in  consequence  of  his  age,  the 
Kiiavan  (old  man).  According  to  a  second  account,71  after  the  death  of  Sftrya  Tevar 
without  issue,  tho  Marava  chiefs  could  not  coine  to  a  definite  understanding  in  regard  to  a 
successor,  and  so  the  country  was,  for  a  time,  without  a  Setupati.  Two  men,  "  Attana  and 
after  him  Chandrappa  Servaikaran,  managed  tho  affairs  of  the  kingdom.  Finally  Reghu* 
natha  Tevar  Kiiavan,  illegitimate  son  of  the  last  Setupathi  was  installed."  Wilson72  says 
simply  that  Chokkanatha,  after  putting  Surya  Teva  to  death,  assisted  his  cousin  Kiiavan 
to  become  Setupati. 

The  accession  of  Kiiavan  Setupati  was  highly  beneficial  to  Ramntki  An  able  and 
efficient  administrator,  a  fine  soldier  and  statesman,  Kiiavan  combined  ability  with  expe- 
rience, and  tact  with  firmness.  During  tho  35 73  years  of  his  rule  (1673-1708),  in  consequence, 
Ramnad  was  really  a  power  in  the  land,  practically  independent  of  Madura  itself.  One 
of  his  first  and  characteristic  acts  was  to  put  to  death  the  men  who,  by  their  schemes, 
had  brought  about  his  elevation  ;  for  he  argued  that  tho  punishment  of  intrigue  was  more 
pressing  than  the  claims  of  gratitude  and  that  intriguers  with  him  against  others  were  not 
unlikely,  under  changed  circumstances,  to  intrigue  with  others  against  himself.  He  then 
removed  the  capital  from  Pogalur  to  Ramnad  and  fortified71  the  latter.  The  fort  "  was 
built  in  the  shape  of  a  square,  each  side  being  about  half  a  mile  in  extent,  with  the  main 
gate  to  the  east,  facing  the  entrance  to  the  king's  palace.  The  fortifications  consisted  of 
a  single  wall,  twenty  seven  feet  high  and  five  thick,  surrounded  by  a  deep  ditch,  now  filled 
with  rubbish.  The  wall  was  further  strengthened  with  32  bastions  built  at  equal  distances 
and  loopholed,  but  without  any  ramparts.  To  the  West  of  the  palace  was  dug  a  spacious 
reservoir  to  collect  the  rain  water  as  a  provision  against  the  droughts  of  the  summer  months. 
Among  the  people  this  tank  is  known  as  Mugava  Urani,  the  tank  where  the  face  was 
washed,  a  name  which  arose  with  the  rise  of  legend  that  Rama  washed  his  face  here  on 
his  way  to  Setu." 

68  This  ia  doubtful,  as  we  have  an  inscription  of  Tiruraalai,  dated  1673  at  Hanumantagufli  record- 
ing gifts  of  lands  to  a  Musalman.  '  See  Antiquities,  I,  298. 

*  Sewell's  Antiquities,  II,  230,  based  on  the  Ramnfc}  Manual.  The  date  of  this  is  uncertain ;  some 
attribute  Surya's  death  to  his  helping  Vijaya  Raghava,  i.  e.,  they  say  that  it  took  place  after  the  Tanjore 

war. 

W  Calcutta  Review  1878,  p.  453. 

n  Bamna4  Manual ;  Seweil's  Antiquities,  II,  p.  230.  n  <?•  &•  4.  8.  in. 

n  The  dates  are  not  quite  certain.     Two  inscriptions  of  Tiruvaflanai,  dated  1679,  mention  gifti  by 
«'  Hirajiyagarbha  Sfitupati."    Was  this  person  identical  with  Kiiavan  I 
«  Calcutta  Review,  1878,  p.  453.    J.  R.  A.  S.  Ill,  165-8. 


49  THB  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [FfWABT,  W17 

••...i.in.i     -in          ,,    1.1.    in,i    11...    I          in     -  '.       ''       _'      "-"  -"  '  -  ''!._"' -"':--'  .---j-.r-     '     '.    -  -----  -       '"  '    V  .--  '-•  "~ 

The  Origin  of  the  Pudukkottal  State. 

One  of  the  most  important  acts  of  Kilavan  Setapati  was  the  creation  of  the  modern 
Tondam&n  R&j  of  Pudukkotta.    It  has  been  already  mentioned  how  the  area  covered  by 
the  modern  Pudukkofcfca  State  was,  till  the  end  of  the  16th  century,  under, the  occupation 
of  various  chiefs.    The  Western  parts  were  the  possessions  of  the  Ma^appfirai  and  MarutU 
gapuri  Polygars,  the  Southern  under  the  Setupati,  the  North-eastern  under  Tanjore  Naiks ; 
and  the  centre,  under  the  hereditary  dynasty  of  the  Pallava  Rayaa,  Tondam&ns  as  they  were 
called.    These  Pallava  Bayas  must  hav«,  as  their  name  signifies,  been  somehow  connected 
with  the  ancient  Pallavas  of  Tondamandalam.    The  late  Rao  Bahadur  Venkaya  believed 
that,75  immediately  after  their  subjugation  by  the  Cholae,  the  ancient  Pallavas  entered 
the  service  of  their  conquerors.    The  Karun&kara76    Toadaman   who,   according  to   the 
Kalingatupparani,  led  Kul6ttuiiga  Chola'a  forces   against  Kalinga  and  who  was  the  lord  of 
Vandal  (Vandalur,  Chingleput  Dt.)  was  a  Pallava.  There  were,  again,  Pallava  vassals  under 
Vikr&raa  Ohoja.77  In  the  war  of  the  P&nflyan  succession  of  the  12th  century,  the  Toijdaman 
played  a  very  important  part  as  the  ally  of  Kulasekhara,  one  of  tho  claimants.    From  the 
account  of  this  war,  as  given  in  the  Mahdvamsa,  it  appears  that  the  Tondaman  dominions 
could  not  have  been  far  from  the  Pandyan  country ;  that,  in  fact,  they  were  most  probably 
in  the  region  of  Tirumaugalam7*   and  Srivilliputtur.    In  a  later  Tanjore  inscription,  the 
name  Tondaman  is  applied  to  a  local  chief  named  Samanta  Narayana,  who  gave  the  village  of 
Karundaftangudi,  the  suburb  of  Tanjore,  to  Brahmans.    Thus  the  name  Tondaman  actually 
travelled  from  the  Pallava  into  the  Chola  country.    There  is  therefore  every  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  Tondaman  of  Pudukkotta,  who  bears  the  title  Pallava  Raya,  is  descended 
from  the  Pallavas  of  Kfinchi.79    \*  hether  this  was  so  or  not,  the  Tondamans  were  a  minor 
dynasty,  in  Kulattur,  a  place  not  far  from  Pudukkotta,  till  the  time  of  Kilavan,   when 
the  first  step  for  forming,  out  of  his  and  his  neighbour's   territories  a  powerful  and  aggres- 
sive feudatory  state  was  taken.    It  seems  that  the  Pallava  Raya,  who  ruled  at  the  little  ter- 
ritory around  Pudukkotta  and  who  was  "  the  last  of  hi  a  stocks  "  attempted  to  throw  off  his 
allegiance  to  Ramnirl  and  to  place  himself  under  the  protection  of  Tanjore ;  and  that 
the  latter  in  consequence  was  removed  by  the  Setupati.    The  latter  then  placed   on  the 
throne  one  Raghunatha  Tondamln,  a  local  chief,  whose  sister,  K&tfceri,  he  had   married. 
Raghunatha  was  a  capable  man,  and  he  at  once  took  steps  to  extend  his  little  estate  at 
the  expense  of  his  neighbours,  till  at  last  he  became  the  head  of  an  extensive  State,  with 
resources  which  enabled  his  descendants  to  thwart  Rainnad  itself,  and  Tanjore,  and 
.  above  all,  Madura. 

75  See  Arch.  Surv.  2nd.  1906,  pp.  241-3.     ~~  !  ~~  ~~ 

76  For  a  detailed  study  of  the  poem,  see  2nd.  Ant.  XIX  (1890),  320-40. 

77  Seo  Vikrama  Cholan  Ufa.    For  a  very  able  analysis  of  this  from  two  MS8.  of  the  Tanjore  palace 
library  by  the  late  Mr.  V.  Kanakasabai  PiUai,  gee  Ind.  Ant.  XXII  (1893),  pp.  Ul-8. 

78  Venkaya  bases  that  surmise  on  the  fact  that  a  place  called  Mangalam  Is  frequently  mentioned. 

79  Venkaya  believes  that  the  Pallavas  were  Kurumbag  (like  the  Vijayanagar  kings  later  on)  of  whom 
the  Tamil  Kurubas  and  Oanarese  Karabas  are  representatives.    From  the  faota  that  the  term  Pallava  is 
used  identically  with  VeUala  in  some  inscriptions  that  the  Telugu  Beddis  and  agriculturists  called 
themselves  Pallavas  and  that  Pallava  Raya  is  one  of  the  80  gotras  of  the  Tamil  Vejlajas  Mr.  Venkaya 
surmises  that  there  must  have  been  some  connection  between  the  Pallavas  and  the  cultivating  ottte  in 
the  Tamil  ai  well  as  the  Tfclugu  country.    We  suppose  that  spme  of  them  must  have  settled  down  as 
cultivators  after  their  political  decline.    See  Areh.  Sun>.  Ind.  1906,  p.  243. 


,  1917]  MISCELLANEA  47 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  origin  of  the  modern  state  of  the  Tomlaman  as  given  by 
M*.  Nehon.  According  to  this,  the  Toalamins  are  a  very  m^ie;n  dynisty,  whocama  to 
p.-ominenoe  only  in  the  latter  part  of  the  16th  century.  The  palace  records  and  the 
inligenous  chronicles,  however,  claim  a  very  ancient  origin  to  the  dynasty.  They  assert 
that  the  first  of  the  line,  "  the  founder  of  the  family,  was  on3  Tirunnlai  Toridaimin," 
who  emigrated  from  Tirupati  or  Tirumalai  in  Toatfamaii  lalam,  ani  settled  in  AmtrnkkSvil 
(22  miles  east -north-east  of  Pudukk6;,tai),  seventesn  generates  bafore  the  middle  of 
the  17th  oentury.  A  Tolugu  poem,  apparently  composed  about  176),  refers  to  one  AVA  lai 
Raghunatha  Tondaman,  the  18th  in  desoent  from  Tiruoulai,  as  h%vin^  distinguished 
himself  by  capturing  an  elephant  in  one  of  the  hunting  expeditions  of  Sri  llafiga  Raya  of 
Vijayanagar  (about  1638-78),  and  as  having  been  rewarded  with  the  title  of  Raya  ani 
several  other  distinctions.  The  fact  that  he  obtained  this  title  from  the  Vijayana^ara 
king  i>  also  mentioned  in  a  Pudukkot,  ,ai  grant  as  ea:ly  as  1701J.  The  suue  chief  is  statel 
in  the  mam^randum  of  1819,  already  mentioned,  to  h*ve  COUJU^IM!  thj  Pallava  Rayas  in 
1639,  with  the  permission  of  the  Vijayauagi-a  king,  an  I  t>  hiw»  lai  I  tfn  f  junlatforn  of 
the  present  Pudukko  .{,ai  State.  Hiw  sou  served  the  Naik  king  of  Tanjore  for  a  sho/t  time  ; 
but  in  the  eni  left  his  pitron  and  a'lirsxsd  to  his  dominions  several  of  the  Tanjore  villages. 
Tho  samo  Toiirlaiuan  is  said  to  have  given  his  sister  to  the  KiUvan,  "  the  notorious 
8jtupati  of  Ramnad.  an  1  to  have  received,  about  1(575,  at  a  gift  from  the  S3Lupati,  the 
•country  of  Pudukkot t^i*  which  his  father  represented  in  the  palaco  memorandum  to  hive 
conquered  in  1640. " 

The  editor  of  the  Trichinopoly  Gazellwr  believes  that  the  second  version,  i.e.,  traditional 
ace  mnt  given  above,  <4is  inadequately  supported  by  contamporary  evidence  and  is  in 
many  ways  improbable,"  and  he  therefore  thinks  that  Nelson's  theory  is  the  correct  one. 
It  seems  to  me,  however,  that  there  is  no  inconsistency  between  the  two  theories.  It  is 
quite  pofisible  that,  while  the  Pallava  Rityas  were  ruling  at  Padukkotrai,  there  was  a 
contemporary  local  line  of  chiefs  at  Ambukkovil.  Most  probably  the  two  lines  of  chiefs 
wjro  constant  rivals,  till  at  last  he  who  was  ruling  at  Ambukkovil  in  the  middle  of  the  17th 
oentury,  conquered  his  contemporary  at  Pudukkojfcai  an  I  got  himself  confirmed  in  his 
inw  as^ubitioii  by  Kilavan  SStupati,  as  he  was  his  brother-in-law.  As  regards  tie  title 
Tonlamari,  it  had  been  assumed  by  both  the  dynasties,  and  is  now  continued  to  be  worn 
by  the  surviving  one. 

(To  be  continued.) 

MISCELLANEA. 

SUHGEON  GABRIEL  BOUGHTON.  artioie  wouU  830m  tj  aJnit.     H>  ha,   oiralboi 

IN  a  paper  entitled  «•  JahanArA  "  and  published  certain    souses   waioh   he  lus  either  particularly 

in  the  Journal  of  the  Panjab  HUtorical   Society  noticed  by  name,   or  omitted    to  do   to,  as  the 

Vol.  II.  No.  2  (1914),  the  author  has  controvert-  context  wouldshow.    As  an  Elitor  of  a  history  for 

•ed  the  assertion  that  Surgeon  Gabriel  Boughton  the  B.  I.  Edition,  now  in  coarsa  of  publication  and 

did  not  take  part  in  the  treatment  and  recovery  of  a*   an  employ^  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic  Society,  he 

Jahanftra  Begam,  daughter  of  Emperor  Shah  Jah&n.  must  have  read  the  paper  on  Surgeon  Boughton 

The  learned  author  has  noticed   jbhe   "Boughton  and  the  privileges  to  the  English  traders  published 

Legend"  at  greater  length  than  the  scope  of  the  in  1912  in  the  Society's  Journal,  ani  Mr.  William 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[FEBRUARY,    1917 


Foster's  two  learned  Monographs  in  this  Journal  for 
1911  and  1912  on  the  former,  of  which  the  paper  in 
the  Asiatic  Society's  Journal  was  baaed. 

What  the  author's  main  contention  is,  ia  summed 
up  in  thia  one  sentence  "tKt  Bought  on  must  have 
left  Surat  many  months  (could  it  not  be  many  days 
or  four*  ?)  earner  than  the  3rd  January  1645." 
Again  "It  is  quite  in  the  fitness  of  tilings  that  Asalat 
Khan  should  have  sent  for  a  capable  European  Sur- 
geon from  Suraty 

Without  goi^g  through  the  various  facts  and 
arguments  advanced  by  William  Foster  in  this  Jour- 
nal and  by  myself  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic 
tioc^ty  of  Ren'jalore  "  the  Bought  on  Legend,"  may 
1  at  once  bring  to  the  notice  of  the  writer  of  the 
article,  Mr.  Yazdant,  that  Gabriel  Boughton  went 
with  Asalat  Khan,  "who  had  /ow</  imjtorluHcd  UK" 
President  and  Council  at  Surat),  not  to  Agra,  but 
to  CVntral  Asia,— to  Baluckc  (Balkh)  ns  a  body 
physician  of  that  minister,  as  Mr.  Foster  has  proved 
in  his  subsequent  s?cond  a-ticle  published  in  this 
Journal  for  1912.  It  is  a  fact  noted  by 


NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS. 
I.     The  Broker's  Horse  Allowance. 

(»  Aiiiuvt  1(H5:J,  Consultation  in  jS'w  »•<*/.  Qnr 
Broker  Chout  Tooquer  [Ch&wat  Thukur]  mad*»  it 
his  Request  That  whereas  it  hath  been  a  Constant 


writers  that  none  but  Hakfms,  or  Yunani  physici- 
ans, took  any  part  in  prescribing  those  medicine* 
that  were  taken  internally ;  but  Physicians  and  lay- 
men of  other  nationalities  took  part  in  the  treat- 
ment of  the  extarual  sores.  It  is  also  a  fact,  that 
these  latter  treatments  were  of  no  benefit  to  the 
august  patient,  but  only  the  ointments  given  by 
two  unknown  persons — Arif  and  Hemun.  K very  one 
of  the  physicians  and  quacks  whoso  medicines  were 
found  to  be  efficacious  were  rewarded  and  mention- 
ed in  the  Persian  Histories  of  the  time.  But  those 
whose  medicines  did  no  good  to  the  Princess,  wore 
not  mentioned.  If  Dr.  Boughton  was  so  quick  as 
to  arrive  at  Agra  or  Delhi  in  time,  he  too  liko 
others  was  not  mentioned  because  his  treatment 
like  that  of  others  was  of  no  benefit  to  the  Princess. 
Either  he  took  no  part  in  the  treatment  or  took 
part  without  being  successful  in  curing  the  sores. 
In  either  ca*o  Boughton,  and,  through  him,  the 
Knglish  Company,  could  not  get  any  concession* 
Bought 0*1  got  no  concessions,  nor  even  a  k_'ieldt- 

ABorr.  WALT. 
NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 

Oustomo  for  the  Honble.  Company  to  MIow  his 
horse  meat  [food],  which  hath  for  Homo  ye,irt»s  been 
omitted,  that  wee  would  againe  allcm  the  suinw, 
which  wee  finding  to  be  a  former  dulonie 
proved  of.  (Fart  try  Itec.rdv,  Sit  rat.  Vol.  2.) 

R.  C.  Temple. 

BOOK   NOTICE 


ap- 


THE  NOTION  OF  KINGSHIP  IN  THK  SITKIIANITI.* 
By  R.  0.  PRADKAN,  H.A.,  LL.B.t  NASIK. 
WE  have  received  a  reprint  of  this  article,  from 
the  author,  who  published  it  in  the  February  No. 
of  the  Mtjd°.rn  Reoicw,  1916.  The  author  has  boen 
at  some  pains  to  prove  that  the  concept  ion  of 
royalty  in  ancient  India,  as  discernible  from  tin? 
tiukraniti  and  other  works  on  political  science, 
was  far  mow  advanced  than  the  notions  prevalent 
in  medieval  Europe,  and  was  a  close  approximation 
to  the  theory  of  constitutional  monarchy,  which 
has  supplanted  tho  old  ideas  in  modern  thn*s. 
We  think  the  attempt  has  for  the  most  part  been 
successful,  as  the  writer  has  put  forth  his  subject 
with  moderation  and  careful  thought ;  though  wo 
think  he  has  misunderstood  soruo  words  and 
phrases  as  they  occur  in  Sanskrit.  For  instances 
the  popular  maxim  ^f  f^oj.  ([ftqffcRfh  is 
understood  by  the  writer  as  '  no  king  but  is  the 
representative  of  the  god  Vishnu',  perhaps,  wrongly 
construing  qflftc^ :  as  if  STf^J:  b«fc  the 
correct  way  in  which  it  is  popularly  understood  is 
3fT  l$fc°r :  which  makes  the  whole  phrase 
equivalent  to '  The  King  (lord  of  the  earth)  is  the  god 
Vishnu  (in  the  form  of)  a  man.'  In  fact,  this  is 
Another  expression  embodying  the  same  idea  09  in 
'TOTT  ^  Wfaq:'  Bhctgavadgita,  10,  27.  In 
some  place*,  we  find  the  translation  from  the 


original  toxt  of  the  ftnkranU't  inaccuru 
in  I.  108  it  is  rendered  as*  independent  of  A'»V?Y 
whilo  the  ival  m?auiug  is,  'not  dependent  on 
himself,  /.  p.,  giving  du?  considoration  to  good 
aflvice  and  the  prvjoopts  ot  \lf!  '  TfffyifU  : 
in  1.  170  should  have  boon  translated  a^  *  served 
or  attended  by  qualified  persons'  and  not,  an 
'respected  by  msritoriom  parsojis  '  The  IHKM 
189-90  have  lx*ou  completely  misunderstood. 
The  original  verso  ^ 


is  translated  a*  'Sovereignty  in  M.  kingdom  is 
deprived  of  its  beauty,  if  there  is  the  king  only,  but 
there  are  no  miniate  rs,  well  disciplined  kinsmen  «»id 
restrained  offerings/  It  is  not  easy  to  n<?e  how  such 
a  simple  verse  was  so  grossly  misinterpreted.  We 
would  translate  the  versa  as  follows  :  — 

A  king  whose  ministers  are  not  restrained,  whose 
kinsfolk  are  unruly  and  whose  sons,  &c.  .  are  wicked  is 
(soon)  deprived  of  the  splendour  of  h«  sovereignty.' 

In  other  respects  we  find  the  c:mc  fusions  ar- 
rived at  by  Mr.  Praihan  regarding  political 
thought  .among  the  ancient  Hindus,  to  be  quite 
legitimate  and  justifiable,  and  would  heartily 
wish  him  to  continue  his  researches  with  the  same 
sober  spirit  in  this  untrodden  fold  of  enquiry,  as 
he  has  shown  in  this  article. 

K.N.JD. 


,  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OP  MAHABALIPUR.  49 

-    •    •      •.  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OF  MAHABALIPUR. 

BY  PROPBSSOE  8.  KKlSHNASWAMI  AIYANGAR  AVL.,  M.  A.  ;  MADRAS  UNIVERSITY. 
TUT AHABALIPOR,  popularly  known  Mavalivaram,  is  a  village  about  20  miles  east-south- 
•***•  east  of  Chingleput  and  lies  in  a  narrow  strip  of  land  between  the  Buckingham 
Canal 'and  the  Sea.  It  is  now  a  small  hamlet  with  but  a  few  houses,  though  it  has  in  it 
a  Vaishgava  temple  of  some  importance  and  considerable  antiquity.  Excepting  an  old 
light-house  and  the  bungalow  of  the  Zamindar  of  Nallattur  there  is  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  place  is  of  any  consequence  at  present.  It  is  nevertheless  a  place  of  very  great 
importance  to  the  Archaeologist,  since  the  monuments  left  there  are  regarded  as  at  the  very 
foundation  of  Dravidian  civilization  on  its  architectural  side. 

The  monuments  in  this  particular  locality  fall  into  three  classes: — 

(1)  Monolithic  rock-cut  shrines. 

(2)  Excavation  in  the  shape  of  caves  of  various  kinds. 

(3)  Structural  buildings — such  as  temples. 

'  If  we  do  not  know  all  we  wish  about  the  antiquities  of  Mumallapuram',  says 
Fergusson,1  'it  is  not  because  attempts  have  not  been  made  to  supply  the  information. 
Situated  on  an  open  beach,  within  32  miles  of  Madras,  it  has  been  more  visited  and 
oftener  described  than  any  other  place  in  India.  The  first  volume  of  the  Asiatic 
Researches  (1788)  contained  an  exhaustive  paper  on  them  by  Wm.  Chambers.  This 
was  followed  in  the  fifth  (1798)  Vy  another  by  Mr.  Goldingham.  In  tbo  second  volume 
of  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  (1830)  there  appeared  what  was  then 
considered  a  most  successful  attempt  to  decipher  the  inscriptions  there,  by  Dr.  Guy 
Babington,  accompanied  by  views  of  most  of  the  sculptures.  Before  this  however, 
in  1816,  Colonel  Colin  Mackenzie  had  employed  his  staff  to  make  detailed  drawings  of  all 
the  sculptures  and  architectural  details,  and  he  left  a  collection  of  about  forty  drawings, 
which  are  now  in  manuscript  in  the  India  Office.  Like  all  such  collections,  without 
descriptive  text,  they  an*  nearly  useless  for  scientific  purposes.  The  Madras  Journal  in 
1844,  contained  a  guide  to  the  place  by  Lieutenant  J.  Braddock,  with  notes  by  the 
Rev.  G.  W.  Mahoii,  the  Rev.  W.  Taylor,  and  Sir  Walter  Elliot  ;  and  almost  every  Journal 
of  every  traveller  in  these  parts  contains  some  hint  regarding  them,  or  some  attempt  to 
describe  and  explain  their  peculiarities  or  heauties.  With  the  exception  of  the  Mackenzie 
Ms.  the  most  of  these  were  collected  in  a  volume  in  1869  by  a  Lieutenant  Carr,  and 
published  at  the  expense  of  the  Madras  Government,  but,  unfortunately,  as  too  often 
happens,  the  editor  selected  had  no  general  knowlt  dge  of  the  subject,  nor  had  he  apparent- 
ly much  local  familiarity  with  the  place.  His  work  in  consequence  added  nothing 
to  our  previous  stores'. 

Since  then,  however,  a  great  deal  more  attention  has  been  bestowed  upon  the 
place,  by  archaeological  and  other  experts  in  those  branches  of  study  to  which  in  parti- 
cular each  turned  his  head  or  hand.  Fergusson  has  embodied  his  architectural  views  in 
two  monumental  works  of  his :  The  Cave  Temples  of  India  and  his  Hand-book  on  Indian  and 
Eastern  Architecture,  which  has  received  the  approval  of,  and  revision  by,  James  Burgess. 
Mr.  Rea  has  brought  out  a  book  on  Pallava  architecture,  on  behalf  of  the  Government 

1  Hifory  of  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture,  I.  328  (NewKdn.). 

Note.— This  paper  embodies  the  aubjtct  -matter  of  two  special  University  lectures  delivered  before 
the  University  of  Madras  in  November,  1916.  It  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  acknowledge,  in  this 
connection*  my  obligations  to  Mr.  A,  H.  Longhurst,  Superintendent  of  Archaeology,  Madras  Circle,  for  his 
ready  kindness  in  allowing  me  tin  use  of  his  photographic  negatives  and  photographs,  both  for  illus- 
trating the  lectures  and  the  paper  at  it  appears  now. 


THE  INDIAN  AKtlQtTAfcY' 


of  Madras.  The  Madras  Epigraphiste,  Dr.  Hultech  and  his  successors,  bare  done  their 
part  in  deciphering  and  interpreting  the  inscriptions.  Others  have  been  equally  busy. 
There  is  a  handy  and  very  useful  guide  book  recently  published  by  Mr.  Coombes  of  the 
Education  Department,  better  known  by  his  connection  with  the  Chingleput  Reformatory. 

Last  of  all,  there  is  the  work  of  the  Frenchman,  Professor  of  Pondicheny, 
Jouveau-Dubreull,  whose  recent  work  on  Stotih  Indian  Architecture  and  Iconography  ha» 
perforce  to  allot  considerable  space  to  this  locality. 

With  such  an  array  of  expository  effort  extending  over  a  whole  century  and  more,. 
it  would  be  rash  indeed  to  attempt  any  further  exposition  of  the  subject  which,  at 
best,  could  result  only  in  adding  'another  hue  unto  the  rainbow.'  It  turns  out  happily 
that  it  is  not  so,  because  so  far  no  one  has  succeeded  in  expounding  what  actually  this 
signifies  in  South  Indian  History.  Even  in  respect  of  come  of  the  details  that  have 
already  been  examined  by  archaeological  specialists  there  has  not  been  the  co-ordination 
of  evidence  leading  to  conclusions  for  historical  purposes.  This  it  is  proposed  to  attempt, 
with  just  the  necessary  amount  of  examination  of  various  archaeological  details  for  co- 
ordination with  a  view  to  the  historical  significance  of  the  antiquities  of  Mahabalipuram. 

The  modern  name  of  the  village  is  Mavalivaram,  or  the  Sanskritized  Mahabalipuram^ 
the  city  of  Mahabali,  the  great  emperor  of  the  Asuras,  who,  legend  has  it,  was  too  good 
and  too  powerful  to  be  suffered  by  the  gods  gladly.  The  god  Vishnu  in  his  dwarf  incarnation 
outwitted  him.  Praying  for  a  gift  of  three  feet  of  earth,  he  measured  the  nether  and  the 
other  world  in  two,  and  demanded  room  for  the  third  foot  promised.  Great  Bali  prayed 
that  his  humble  head  give  the  room  demanded.  When  the  foot  of  the  Great  One  was 
placed  upon  it  Bali  sank  under  the  earth,  where  he  is  said  to  reign  supreme  monarch  of 
the  world  below.  The  unwary  visitor  to  the  shore-temple  in  the  village  is  occasionally 
informed  that  the  recumbent  figure  in  the  seaward  chamber  of  the  smaller  shrine  of  the 
shore-temple  is  Bali  on  his  couch. 

There  is  a  panel  of  Trivikrama  in  the  Var&hftvatara  cave  and  beyond  this  there  is 
nothing  particularly  to  associate  this  place  with  the  demon-emperor  Bali.  This  form  of 
the  name,  perhaps,  became  familiar  in  connection  with  the  dynasty  which  was  known  in  the 
interior  of  this  region  as  the  Mah&balis  (Mavalis  popularly)  or  Banas,  with  their  capital  at 
Tiruvallam  in  the  North  Arcot  District,  and  with  their  territory  taking  in  portions  of 
Mysore  also.  So  far  as  our  knowledge  of  this  dynasty  goes  at  present,  they  seem,  to  have 
flourished  in  the  period  intervening  between  the  death  of  the  last  great  Pallava  king  Nandl- 
varman  and  the  rise  of  the  first  great  Chola  king  Parantaka.  There  is  a  reference 
to  a  Mahdbali  ruler,  who  was  the  father-in-law  of  the  reigning  Chola  king  KU11  in  the 
Manm&khalai*.  This  work  has  to  be  referred  to  a  period  anterior  to  the  Pallavas,  as  even 
the  late  Rai  Bahadur  V.  Venkayya8  allots  the  great  Chola  Karikfila  to  the  sixth  century 
A.  D0  the  period  of  interregnum  between  the  great  Pallava  Dynasty,  and  the  dynasty 
that  preceded  it* 


uu^e&iu  tui-iS  a/a/car  gpor 


9*fip  Qiuiirgy* 
faiimtkhcM.    Canto  XIX.  11. 
«  A.  8.  R.  19106-7.    p.  224.  Hot*  I. 


IflTJ  THE  AJTHQtrrilES  OF  MAHABALIPUK  $1 

In  th«  days,  however,  of  the  great  Pallava  dynasty,  the  place  was  known  as  Mamalla- 
puram,  generally  taken  to  meab  the  oity  of  Mah&malla  (Mamalla),  the  Pallava  Narasimhar 
varman  I.  Tirumangai  Alvdr  refers  to  the  city  invariably  ae  Maliai  and  has  often  the 
adjunct  Kagal  (Sea)  before  Maliai.  In  one  verse  he  refers  to  the  Pallava  king  Param&f- 
vara  Varman  as  'Mallaiyarkon'*  the  king  of  the  'people  of  Maliai',  or  of  the  people 
'Mallar'.  The  latter  meaning  is  taken  to  find  support  in  the  expression  MahdmaUakulam 
in  lines  24  &  25  of  the  copper  plate  grant  of  the  Chaulukya  Vikramadity a  •  I;  but  the 
expression  Mahamallakulam  need  not  refer  to  a  people,  and  probably  refers  to  the  family  of 
Mah&malla,  the  Pallava  king  Naraslmhavarman  of  K&nchi. 

The  title  Mahamalla  was  the  title  assumed  by  the  Pallava  king  Narasim- 
havarman0  I.  It  is  this  Pallava  king  that  sent  out  two  naval  expeditions  to  help 
his  friend  Manavarma  of  Ceylon,  who  ruled  the  island  from  A.  D.  691  to  726. 7  Of  the 
first  invasion  we  have,  in  the  chronicle,  '  Manavarma  then  took  ship  and  crossed 
over  the  sea  (with  his  Army)  and  having  made  a  fast  voyage,  landed  at  Lanka  with  his 
forces,  and  began  to  subdue  the  country  (around)'.  The  following  passage  contains  a 
more  detailed  reference  to  the  second.  And  Naraslmha  thus  thought  within  himself : 
"  This  my  friend,  who  seeketh  most  resolutely  after  fame,  hath  spent  now  n\any  years 
of  his  life  in  my  service  that  so  he  might  get  back  his  kingdom.  Andlol  he  will  soon 
have  grown  old.  How  then  can  I  now  reign  (in  comfort)  and  see  him  (thus  miserable)? 
Assuredly  I  shall  this  time  restore  to  him  his  kingdom  by  sending  my  army  thither. 
Else  what  advantageth  my  life  to  me?  "  Thereupon  the  king  collected  his  army  together, 
and  having  equipped  it  woll  gave  Manavarma  all  things  he  desired  to  have,  and  himself 
accompanied  the  army  to  the  sea-coast,  where  a  mighty  array  of  ships  of  burden,  gaily 
ornamented,  has  been  prepared  for  them.  And  when  the  king  reached  the  harbour  he 
gave  orders  to  all  his  officers  that  they  should  embark  and  accompany  Manavarma; 
but  they  all  showed  unwillingness  to  do  so  (without  their  king). 

'And  Narasiihha,  having  pondered  well  over  the  matter,  resolved  on  this  stratagem. 
Keeping  himself  so  that  his  army  might  not  see  him,  he  gave  over  to  Manavarma  all 
his  retinue  and  insignia  of  royalty  together  with  the  ornaments  with  which  he  adorned  his 
person,  and  sent  him  (secretly)  on  board  the  ship,  bidding  him  take  the  royal  drum, 
the  Kotta,  with  him,  and  sound  it  from  the  deck  of  the  vessel.  And  Manavarma  did 
as  he  was  directed ;  and  the  soldiers  thinking  that  it  was  the  king  (who  was  sounding  the 
call),  embarked  leaving  him  alone  on  the  land.  Then  Mana  began  his  voyage  with 
the  army  and  all  the  material  of  war,  which,  with  the  ships  in  which  they  were  borne, 
was  like  unto  a  city  floating  down  the  sea.  And  in  due  time  he  reached!  the  port  arid 
disembarked  with  the  army/ 

In  regard  to  these  transactions  the  following  details  have  to  be  noted.  Manavarma 
came  to  India  some  time  after  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  Haftadatha  II  (A.  D. 
664).  He  lived  for  sometime  alone,  and  then  brought  his  wife  over  and  she  had  by  him 
four  sons  (say  ten  or  twelve  years).  Then  took  place  the  war  between  Narasirhha 
and  the  Vallabha  (who  must  be  Pulakesin  or  Pulike&n  II).  This  war  and  the  des- 
truction of  Vallabha's  capital  Vatapi  are  ascribed  to  the  year  A,  D.  642  by  Dr.  Fleet. 
Then  took  place  the  first  expedition  to  Ceylon  in  aid  of  Manavarma.  It  proved  a 

*  Periya  Tirumofa    2nd  Ten.  9fch  Deoad.  Stanza  1.  «  Ante.  Vol.  VL,  pp.  75-78. 

'  A.  8.  B.  1906-7,  p,  228  and  ref*  in  xwtfe  5.    f  MahdvaiMa,  Tumour  and  Wije3imha>  Oh.  XL VII. 


INDIAN  AHTIQUABT  (1U»0**  1*1? 

failure  and  Mftnatarma  returned  and  waited  tlU  low  kings  had  reled  in  Oeylcm.  In 
other  words  he  had  to  bide  his  time  during  the  rest  of  the  reign  of  HatfadJttta  II  an4 
the  reigns  of  his  sueoessors  till,-in  A.  D,  691,  he  was  able  to  reinstall  himself  on  the  throne 
in  AnurAdhftpura.  He  ruled  afterwards  tor  thirty-five  years.  Assuming  that  he  oama 
, to  India  a  young  man,  about  65  years  of  active  life  seem  possible;  but  there  is  4 
discrepancy  of  about  85  years  between  the  Ceylonese  and  Indian  chronology.  Let 
that  pass.  The  synchronism  is  near  .enough,  notwithstanding  this  discrepancy,  to 
justify  this  assumption  that  M&navarma  and  Narashhha-Varman  I.  MahAmaDa  were 
contemporaries. 

What  was  the  port  of  embarkation  of  this  grand  Armada?  Narastthha's  capital 
was  at  Kftnohi,  and  Narasldxha's  name  or  title  figures  prominently  in  several  of  the 
structures  in  Mahabalipuram,  considered  the  oldest  according  to  architectural  standards. 
The  natural  inference  then  would  seem  to  be  that  this  Mahabalipuram  as  it  is  now  called, 
was  the  chief  port  of  the  Pallavas,  and  that,  since  the  Pallava  ruler,  Blah  Am  alia 
Narasixhha  attempted  to  enhance  its  importance  by  building  these  structures,  it  came 
to  be  known  then  Mftmallapuram.  This  conclusion  finds  support  in  the  following  passage 
in  the  life  of  Hiuen  Tsiang.  '  The  city  of  K&nchipura  is  situated  on  the  mouth  (bay)  of 
the  Southern  Sea  of  India,  looking  towards  the  kingdom  of  Simhala,  distant  from  it  three 
days'  voyage.'  The  city  8  of  K&nchipura  here  referred  to  can  be  no  other  ,than  the  '  port  of 
K&nchipura/  in  all  likelihood  Mah&balipur.  This  probability  is  enhanced  by  what  follows 
regarding  the  arrival  of  the  two  Buddhist  Divines,  Bddttmdghftsvara  and  Abhayadaihshtra, 
because  of  a  revolution  in  Ceylon.  They  are  said  to  have  just  arrived  at  the  city,  and 
this  could  only  be  in  the  port  and  not  at  the  capital  40  miles  inland.  The  corresponding 
passage  in  Waiter's  In  wan  Chwang  Vol.  II.  p.  227,  is  '  K&nchipura  is  the  sea  port  of 
South  India  for  Ceylon,  the  voyage  to  which  takes  three  days.' 

Compare  with  this  the  following  description  of  Tala£ayanam  by  Tirumangai  Ajtv&r:— 
'  Oh  my  foolish  mind,  circumambulate  in  reverence  those  who  have  the  strength  of  mind 
to  go  round  the  holy  Talasayanam,  which  is  Kadalinallai,  in  the  harbour  of  which, 
ride  at  anchor,  vessels  bent  to  the  point  of  breaking  laden  as  they  are  with  wealth , 
rich  as  one's  wishes,  trunked  big  elephants  and  the  nine  gems  in  heaps/  * 

There  still  remains  the  form  of  the  name  Mallai,  distinguished  often  as  Kadabuallai, 
1  the  Mallai  close  to  the  sea/  This  is  the  name  invariably  used  by  Tirumangal  Ajv&r, 
who  lived  one  generation  later  than  Narasiftha.  Even  BhutattAlvftr,  whose  native 
place  it  was,  refers  to  it  as  Mallai  This  must  have  been  an  anterior  name  therefore,  and 
the  distinction  '  Ka^almallal '  raises  the  presumption  that  there  was  another  MalJai,  and 
possibly  a  people  called  Mallar,  referred  to  by  Tirumangal  Ajvar  in  the  designation  of 
Paramasvaravarman, 'Pallavan  Mallaiyark&n  '  (the  king  of  Mallar.) 

The  first  plate  represents  what  is  usually  known  as  the  Panoha  P&ndava  Ratha. 
This  name  seems  to  have  arisen  at  a  time  when  (he  significance  of  the  'rathas'  had  long 

Hiuen  Tsiang.  p.  139.  "  ~~~ 


THHt  AJTJlOOTnES,  OF  M  AHABALIPUR 


been  forgotten  and  the  story  of  the  MaMbMrata  was  in  great  vogue.  The  origin  seems 
simple  enough  Of  the  five  structures  one  differs  from  the  rest  the  smallest  with  a 
peculiar  roofing—a  roofing  that  seems  formed  on  the  pattern  of  a  small  hut  with  the  roof 
overlaid  with  paddy  grass  as  village  houses  and  huts  often  are.  Of  the  four  other 
structures  three  are  quite  similar  in  form.  The  whole  five  struck  the  popular  imagination 
as  houses  built  for  the  five  brothers,  the  twins  counting  as  one,  as  is  often  the  case  in 
the  original  Mahdbhdrata.  Hence  the  name  must  have  appeared  peculiarly  appropriate, 
having  regard  to  the  magnificient  bas-relief  which  goes  by  the  name  of  Arjuna's 
Penance. 

The  illustration  exhibits  the  structural  differences  between  the  so-called 
Dharmar&ja  and  the  Bhimaratha  clearly.  The  Dharmaraja,  Arjunaand  Naknla-Sahadeva 
Bathas  are  of  one  pattern— the  conical ;  theBhJma  Batha  is  of  a  different  pattern — the 
apsidal ;  while  the  Draupadi  Batha  is  of  the  conical  pattern  likewise,  but  exhibits  the 
roof  smooth  showing  even  the  details  of  the  over-lying  paddy  grass.  The  difference  be* 
tween  the  other  three  and  the  Bhtma  Batha  is  one  of  structure—the  structure  of  the  originals 
of  which  these  are  but  obvious  copies.  The  originals  are  no  other  than  village  houses, 
which  are  of  the  same  two  patterns  all  along  the  coast.  The  roofing  material  is  almost 
universally  plaited  cocoanut  fronds  overlaid  in  more  substantial  dwellings  by  dried  paddy 
grass.  Such  a  structure  necessitates  certain  structural  features  in  the  roof,  which  in  the 
copies  develop  into  ornaments.  The  tale  of  their  origin  is  disclosed  often  by  the  names 
that  stone  masons  and  others  engaged  in  architecture  make  use  of.  Inscriptions  on  them 
make  it  clear  that  these  were  intended  to  enshrine  gods  and  goddesses.  The  work  was 
begun  under  Narashhhavarman,  Pallavamalla,  was  continued  under  Paramdsvaravarman  I. 
and  Narasimhavarman  II,  Rajasimha,  and  had  not  been  quite  completed  even 
under  Nandivarman  Pallavamalla,  the  last  great  Pallava :  in  all  a  period  of  about 
a  century.  The  Dharmar&ja  Batha  has  inscriptions  of  all  these  except  the  last,  while  the 
Gan&a  Batha  and  the  caves  of  Saluvanguppan  contain  inscriptions  of  Atlranaohanda 
taken  to  be  a  surname  of  Nandivarman  while  it  might  possibly  be  one  of 
Rajasimha  himself. 

Plates  II  &  III  represent  the  bas-relief  which  goes  by  the  name  of  Arjuna's  Penance. 
The  sculptor  has  made  use  of  a  whole  piece  of  rock  with  a  hollow  right  in  the  middle,  perhaps 
caused  by  the  erosion  of  running  water.  The  first  gives  the  general  view  of  the  whole* 
The  striking  feature  of  the  whole  scene  depicted  appears  to  be  the  water  course  towards 
which  every  figure  represented  seems  to  move.  As  is  always  the  case  in  Hindu  temple 
building,  one  will  see  a  small  shrine  on  the  left  side  of  the  cascade  containing  a  standing 
figure.  Just  outside  the  shrine  an  old  looking  man  is  found  seated  to  one  side  in  the 
attitude  of  one  .performing  japa  (repeating  prayers).  Almost  in  a  line  with  this,  but 
above  is  seen  another  figure  of  an  old  man  standing  on  the  left  leg,  the  right  somewhat 
raised  and  bent,  and  both  his  hands  held  above  his  head  in  an  attitude  of  god-compelling 
penance.  In  front  of  this  old  man  is  seen  the  majestic  figure  of  a  god,  standing  in  an 
attitude  of  granting  the  prayer,  with  four  hands,  two  of  them  holding  weapons  and  the 
other  two  in  the  poses  known  as  abhay*  (no  fear)  for  the  left,  and  as  varada  (giving  boons) 
for  the  right.  The  dwarf  figures  about  and  close  to  the  personage  deserve  t<j  be  noted, 
M  they  are  characteristic  of  Siva:  the  dwarf  figures  being  representations  of  various  ga*as. 


WDIAJf 

of  giving  the  Paaupata  to  Arjuna  as  cue  .of  the  more  prominent  '  acts  of  beneficent  % 
Siva13.  The  inscriptions  on  the  Bathas  and  the  oaves  make  it  absolutely  clear  that 
Karashnhavarman  laboured  to  make  them  Siva  shrines  and  make  a  Saiva  centre  ot 
the  place.  Inscriptions  Nos.  17  ft  18  on  the  Dharmarftja  Batha  make  it  elear  that  it  was 
intended  to  be  called  '  Atyantak&ma  Pallav&vtoa.'"  The  same  name  occurs  in  the  so-called 
Ganek  Batha  and  in  the  Ramanuja  MaD{apam.  This  Atyantakama  was  no  other  -than 
ParamSBvaravarman,  the  grandson  of  Marasimhavarmaa  I,  and  father  .of 
Narasimbavarman  II,  Rajaslnlaha.  The  larger  number  of  buildings  in  rock  therefore 
began  to  be  excavated  by  Narasimhavannan  I,  and  reached  their  completion  if  they 
ever  reached  it  at  aU  under  Narasimha  H,  Rajaslniha,  Saiva  sovereigns  in  a  Saiva  age. 
These  naturally  made  the  bas-relief  represent  one  of  the  most  popular  of  Siva's  acts  of 
beneficence  to  humanity  which  both  the  Tevaram  hymners  refer  to  very  often  in  the 
course  of  their  works.  This  is  the  more  natural  seeing  that  the  other  bas-relief  has  reference 
to  one  of  Krishna's  achievements,  the  holding  up  of  the  hill,  Gdvaidhana,  to  protect  the 
cowherds  and  cattle  from  a  shower  of  stones.  We  shall  revert  to  this  later  ;  but  must 
mention  here  that  this  place  finds  no  mention  in  the  Tevaram  as  a  place  holy  to  Siva, 
though  these  hymners  refer  to  Tlmkalukkunjram  ;  nor  is  the  place  included  among 
those  peculiarly  sacred  to  Siva  now.  It  seems  to  be  then  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt 
that  this  bas-relief  represents  Arjuna's  Penance,  not  as  an  incident  in  the  Mahdbhrata 
but  as  a  representation  of  one  of  Siva's  many  acts  of  beneficence  to  humanity,  perhaps 
because  it  is  so  depicted  in  the  hymns  of  the  Tevaram. 

This  interpretation  finds  unlocked  for  support  in  the  archaeological  remains  of  a  few 
pillars  recently  unearthed  at  Chandimau  in  the  Behar  District  of  the  Patna  Division. 
These  are  sculptures  that  exhibit  the  same  incident  and  the  monument  belongs,  according 
to  Mr.  B.  D.  Banerjee,  to  the  5th  or  the  6th  Century  A.  D.  as  the  inscriptions  found  on  the 
pillars  are  of  the  Gupta  characters.15 

Another  point  in  regard  to  this  bas-relief  is  whether  it  is  the  work  of  foreigners.  That 
foreign  workmen  from  other  parts  of  India  and  outside  did  do  work  in  this  part  of  the 
country  on  occasions,  is  in  evidence  in  the  Tamil  classics.10  Jewellers  from  Magadha, 


jd@Qe/iBi®(!5.  8. 

uffi—& 

/ffyio  Quvtiuuirrrfi  0&rf> 

Cfi/t_£9)<L/  aSeuoy/r/afi 
@®ajir@fffi  f)($fifiirt*rL.su>.  3. 

Epigraphia  Indica,  X.  p.  8.  »4.  S.  R.  For  1011-12  p.  ie2-et.  aeq. 

16  wspeS'farr  @$@u>LDjrfTLLL-e  SUHLQIA 


Manimtlchalav  XIX  107-110. 


Q*ir**>ji  fitumrp  privf  Qfiir 
eifif  *<rii®wfvre*r4  *uw@u>. 
UnjaikU^am,  paata^quoted  un^abov«  in  Pundit  tanioilha  Aiyw'i  editwa 


1917J  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  57 

smiths  from  Mah&rfttta,  blacksmiths  from  Avanti  (Malva),  carpenters  from  Yavana,  laboured 
with  the  artisans  of  the  Tamil  land. 

Admitting  this  possible  co-operation,  it  requires  more  to  prove  borrowing  either  the 
inspiration  or  the  execution.  None  of  the  details  of  these  works  seem  foreign  either  to  the 
locality  or  to  the  prevalent  notions  of  indigenous  art.  The  suspected  'Cornucopia,  *  held  in 
the  hand  by  one  of  the  figures  at  the  bottom  of  the  central  water-course  is  none  other 
than  a  sling  containing  the  sacrificial  platter  of  wood  which  one  of  the  disciples  has  washed 
and  put  together  to  carry  home  to  the  hermitage,  while  his  companion  carries  on  his 
shoulder  a  vessel  of  water. 

(To  be  continued.) 

THE  HISTORY  OP  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA 

"  '    •  ;'>?  fi 
By  V.  BANQACHARI,  M.A.,  L.T.,  MADRAS. 

( Continued  from  p.  47. ) 

However  it  might  have  been,  the  rise  of  the  Toiulamans  was  an  important  event  in  the 
history  of  Madura,  Tanjoro  and  Ramnad.  From  the  time  when  Raghunatha  Toudam&n 
established  himself  at  Pudukkoitfai,  there  was  a  new  state  which,  led  by  able  men  and  acute 
leaders,  played  a  large  part  as  a  buffer-State  in  the  wars  and  fortunes  of  the  three 
powers  which  surrounded  it.  Nominally  subordinate  to  Ramnad,  it  adjusted  its  policy  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  moment,  and  utterly  indifferent  to  the  principle  of  constancy  or 
loyalty,  carried  on  its  own  task  of  self-expansion.  The  Tondaman,  as  we  shall  see 
later  on,  did  not  hesitate  to  act  against  Ramnad  if  his  interests  dictated  such  a 
course.  Similarly,  ho  did  not  hesitate  to  fight  with  Madura,  tho  suzerain  of  his 
immediate  suzerain.  Towards  Tanjore  the  Tondaman  was,  as  a  rule,  an  enemy  ;  but  even 
here  enmity  or  friendship  depended  on  the  expediency  of  the  moment.  The  result  of 
these  move*  and  counf^nnoves,  of  these  alliances  and  enmities,  was  that  Pudukkofcjai 
was  able,  in  the  long  run,  to  survive  both  tho  kingdoms  of  Tanjore  and  Madura  and,  in 
a  sense,  the  estate  of  Ramn&d,  aa  the  last  of  those  became,  thanks  to  its  instigation,  a 
partitioned  and  therefore  comparatively  powerless  estate. 

In  the  year  1074  the  interval  of  poaco  cndod,  and  Chokkanatha  again  entered  into 
a  series  of  wars  which,  though  at  first  attended  with  startling  success,  eventually 
turned  out  highly  disastrous  to  the  kingdom.  Tho  first  of  these,  which  was  destined 
to  mark  a  revolution  in  the  history  of  South  India,  was  with  Tanjore.  It  not  only 
led  to  the  sudden  extinction  of  the  Naik  dynasty  of  that  kingdom,  but  to  the  advent 
of  the  Marathaa,  just  then  rising  to  power  and  prominence,  into  the  South.  The 
Maratha  occupation  of  Tanjore  led  in  its  turn  to  important  effects.  The  Tanjore 
colony  was  the  work  of  the  younger  son  of  Shahji,  and  was  followed  by  a  civil  war  between 
him  and  his  elder  brother.  The  struggle  between  the  brothers  was  complicated  by  the 
entrance  on  the  scene  of  their  common  enemy,  Mysore,  then  under  the  efficient  and 
powerful  rule  of  Chika  D3va  Raj.  The  ambition  and  avarice  of  tho  contending  parties 
•extended  their  field  of  operations  into  the  region  between  the  Kaveri  and  the  Vaigai, 
The  kingdom  of  Madura  became,  in  consequence,  a  vast  theatre  of  war.  The  position 
of  Chokkanatha  was  a  most  unfortunate  and  miserable  one ;  for  while  the  Marathas  and 
Mysoreans  were  struggling  with  one  another,  they  were  equally  interested  in  despoiling  his 
and  annexing  his  kingdom,  so  .  that  in  a  few  years  his  authority  was  reduced  to 


58  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [\UncH,  1917 


a  shadow  and  his  extensive  dominion  to  the  single  city  of  Trichiuopoly.  And  vhen  to 
this  foreign  conquest,  he  had  to  meet  the  contumacy  of  the  greatest  of  his  vassals, 
the  Setupati,  who  raised  an  independent  standard  at  a  time  when  his  master  was  most 
in  need  of  his  obedience  and  help,  the  oup  of  Chokkan&tha's  grief  became  too  full,  and 
he  passed  away,  leaving  his  kingdom  in  possession  of  contending  foreigners,  and  hi* 
subjects  the  victims  of  war  and  military  occupation. 

The  Tanjore  war  affords  a  fine  example,  so  common  in  Indian  History,  of 
history  merging  into  romance.  The  cause  of  the  war  was,  as  in  many  other 
cases  in  India,  a  woman*  The  king  of  Tanjore,  the  pious  Aohyuta  Vijaya  Raghava, 
had  a  daughter,  whose  beauty  of  person  and  of  mind,  had  gained  wide  renown  and 
a  crowd  of  suitors.  Chokkanatha  was  an  aspirant  for  her  hand,  and  in  1674 
despatched  an  embassy  with  presents  and  proposals  of  marriage.  But  no  sooner 
did  the  Madura  messengers  state  the  object  of  their  visit  than  the  monarch  of  Tanjore 
flew  into  a  passion  and  declared  that  the  proposal  was  an  insult.  With  undisguised 
contempt  and  denunciatory  abuse,  he80  pronounced  his  brother  chief  to  be  unfit81 
to  be  his  son-in-law,  and  dismissed  the  messengers  with  insult.  When  Chokkanatha 
heard  of  the  indignity  he  resolved  on  immediate  war,  and  ordered  the  Dalavai 
Veiikata  Krishna  Naik,82  and  the  treasurer  Chinna  Thambi  Mudali,  to  set  the 
Madura  army  in  motion.  Venkata  Krishna  was  an  able  general.  His  skill  had 
gained,  from  his  master  and  his  contemporaries,  the  flattering  titles  of  Sugriva's  crown  and 
Savyasachin.  He  promptly  obeyed  his  master's  mandate,  and  was  in  a  few  days  in  the 
confines  of  the  Tanjore  kingdom,  where  the  first  engagement  between  the  two  powers 
took  place.  The  contest  was  sanguinary,  and  '  'blood  ran  like  water  in  the  channels  for 
irrigation/'  The  Trichinopolitans  gained  the  victory,  and  were  able  to  push  their  way 
into  Tanjore.  When  within  a  few  miles  of  the  capital,  they  came  into  collision,  for  a 
second  time,  with  an  army  despached  by  Vijaya  Raghava.  Many  interesting  and  singular 
facts  are  narrated  in  connection  with  this  battle,  which  give  us  an  excellent  idea  of  the 
warfare  of  those  days.  The  Tclugu  chronicle,  Record  of  the  Affairs  of  the  Carnatic  Gover- 

80  Vijaya  Raghava  would  have,  according  to  one  version,  consented  for  the  marriage  ;  but  he  was 
deterred  from  doing  00  by  an  evil  counsellor,  the  Dalavai  Rangappa  Naik,  who  had  his  own  motive  for 
thus  acting.  He  wished  to  marry  the  princess  to  his  son,  Ranganatha,  and  to  divert  the  crown  through 
her,  to  his  own  family.  With  this  view,  we  are  told,  he  had  already  secured  the  imprisonment  of  the  right 
heir,  Mann&ru  Naidu  by  accusing  him  before  the  king  of  an  abandoned  life.  In  dissuading  his  master 
from  listening  to  Chokkan&tha's  proposal,  he  proceeded  in  a  cautious  and  effective  manner  by  provoking  by 
enormous  personal  vanity  of  his  master.  He  pointed  out  how  Tirumal  Naik  had  stabbed  his  betrothed 
a  Tanjore  princess,  for  her  playful  remark  that  his  buildings  were  like  the  drainage  works  of  her  father, 
and  how  such  a  brutal  family  was  hardly  worthy  of  a  marriage  alliance.  He  is  also  said  to  have  bribed 
GOvinda  Dtkshita,  Vijaya  Ragava's  minister,  to  tell  the  king  that  he,  a  Vaiahgava,  could  not  properly 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Baivite  line  of  Madura.  There  are  many  improbabilities  in  this  version,  how- 
ever: First,  there  is  no  evidence  whatever  to  prove  that  Tirumal  stabbed  a  Tanjore  princess,  though  there- 
is  evidence  of  such  a  marriage.  (See  Wheeler's  Hist.  Vol.  IV,  pt.  II,  p.  577)  where  Wheeler  describes 
the  wedding  ceremonies).  Secondly,  Govinda  Dikshita  was  evidently  not  Vijaya  Ittghava'i  minister. 
Thirdly,  even  if  Govinda  had  lived  he  would  not  have  belittled  his  own  deity  &vo, 

&  Manuoci,  Storia  do  Magor  III,  p.  108-5.  As  usual  Manuoci  IB  very  inaccurate  and  unreliable. 
His  version  of  the  "Tanjore  prince  "  (he  gives  neither  the  name  of  Chokkanfttha  nor  of  Vijaya  Raghava  ) 
is  most  disparaging,  and  differs  entirely  from  other  accounts.  See  Note  p.  15. 

82  According  to  Manucci  he  proceeded  in  pertoa 


MARCH,  1017]       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  JUIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  59 

1  "  i         i          , ^  •  "••  ...    —         i  } 

nora  describee  in  detail  the  means  adopted  by  the  different  parties  to  secure  the  defeat  of 
the  other.  It  says  that  Vijaya  Raghava  supplemented  the  martial  valour  of  his  army  with 
the  magic  skill  of  his  guru.  Alarmed  at  the  continuous  defeat  of  his  men,  he  asked  his 
preceptor,  Soma  Chandra  Sv&mi,  to  perform  such  incantations  as  could  completely  disable 
the  enemy.  Chokkanatha,  we  are  told,  retaliated.  His  guruy  Balapriya,  was  more 
than  a  match  for  Soma  Chandra,  and  by  his  counter- incantations,  did  not  only  make  the 
Tanjorean  devices  harmless,  but  prepared  the  way  for  the  desertion  of  the  Tanjore  troops 
at  the  nick  of  time.  Lakhs  and  lakhs  of  pumpkins,  we  are  informed,  were  made  the 
subjects  of  incantations,83  and  cast  into  the  Kaveri,  so  that  those  who  drank  of  the  waters 
impregnated  with  them,  were  sure  to  desert  for  the  Tricbinopoly  ranks.  In  the  midst  of  the 
war  of  magic,  the  two  armies  joined  battle.  The  Tanjoreans,  once  again,  suffered  defeat 
and  retreated  into  their  own  fort. 

Venkata  Krishna  pursued  the  retreating  forces  and  was  soon  in  the  vicinity  of  Tanjore. 
From  his  caanp  he  sent  word  to  Vijaya  Raghava  offering  his  withdrawal  in  case  he  con- 
sented to  the  marriage.  A  haughty  challenge  to  arms  was  the  answer.  The  Dajavai 
thereupon  gave  orders  for  the  assault.  The  Tanjoro  fort  was  well  guarded  by  20,000 
musketeers  and  a  powerful  army,  but  the  besiegers  were  undaunted.  They  mounted  their 
cannon84  on  raised  earth-works  and  discharged  against  the  fort  somo  tons  of  thousands  of 
cannon  shot.  The  defending  troops  were  not  able  to  sustain  the  infliction,  and'  hundreds 
deserted  their  ranks,  and  joined  the  standards  of  Trichinopoly.  The  gates  of  the  fort  were 
then  demolished,  the  ditches  filled  up  with  vast  quantities  of  fascines  ;  and  thon  the  place 
was  taken  by  storm,  some  ascending  the  breaches  made  by  the  cannon  shot,  and  some 
going  in  by  the  gates. 

Immediately  after  his  entrance  into  the  city,  Venkafca  Krishna  sent  a  second  message 
of  friendship  and  warning  to  the  Tanjoro  monarch.  The  latter  was,  we  are  told,  all  this 
while  engaged  in  the  worship  of  his  god.  Entirely  oblivious  of  the  fatal  events  going  on 
outside  his  city,  he  wasted  his  time  in  meditation  and  prayer  from  which  no  amount  of 

83  The  Record  of  the  Cam.  Gators.  Many  similar  examples  of  resort  to  magic  in  assistance  to  the 
sword  can  be  cited  from  Indian  History.  Tippoo,  for  instance,  in  spite  of  his  bigotry,  organized  a 
japan  for  securing  victory  against  the  English.  It  was  performed  for  four  periods  of  12  days 
each.  Scores  of  Brahmans  abstained  from  salt  ^nd  condiments  promoting  digestion  and  took  simple 
milk  and  rice  during  this  period.  Thus  prepared,  a  detachment  of  the  corps  frequently  relieved,  stood 
in  a  rank  up  to  thoir  chests  in  water,  beating  it  incessantly  with  their  hands  and  bawling  out  their 
mzntras  or  incantations.  This  is  also  done  during  a  tune  of  drought  in  the  stat3  of  Mysore.  The  same 
tiling  was  done  in  the  campaign  which  resulted  into  the  two  retreats  of  Lord  Cornwsllis  from  Seringa* 
patam,  and  the  Brahmans  attributed  his  failure  to  their  mantras.  The  mantras,  however  failed  to 
save  the  capital  from  General  Harris  ;  and  this  was  ascribed  by  the  Brahmans,  not  to  the  inefficiency  of 
the  mantras  themselves,  but  to  somo  mistakes  in  the  mysteries  and  to  the  fact  that  some  of  the 
Brahmans  had  tasted  of  salt  Muhammad  Ali  onoe  spent  £5,000,  through  one  Achena  Pandit,  on  a 
jebbam  at  the  temple  of  Pakahijirta,  8.  of  Madras,  in  order  to  kill  Lord  Pigot,  and  it,  we 
are  told,  succeeded;  and  a  similar  incantation,  after  several  failures,  killed  Haidar  Ali.  The  mantra 
for  killing  particular  persons  was  generally  uttered  after  suspending  a  cobra  by  the  tail  from  the  roof  of 
an  apartment,  and  proper  incense  being  burned  on  a  fire  immediately  below.  This  ia  the  celebrated  saro 
yagam.  Wilks  gives  the  story  of  Haji  who  claimed  one  lakh  of  rupees  from  Umdatu'l-umra  for  killing, 
his  usurping  younger  brother  Amiru'1-umra.  See  Wilks  Mysore,  I.  pp.  446-446.  In  Malabar  especially, 
magio  was  largely  used  for  political  purposes.  See  the  Mantravadoma  of  Malabar  by  V.  Nagamaiya 
in  GhriBt.  Coll  Maga.;  Vol  X  pp.  82-92  and  168-160.  .  . 

**  The  detailed  consideration  of  the  artillery  and  weapons  of  war  ia  made  in  chapter  XI< 


60  THE  INDIAN  ANTHJUARY  ^ 

bad  tidings  could  disturb  him.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  brain  of  the  old  king  was 
deranged,  and  that  his  obstinate  orthodoxy  was  but  the  product  of  lunacy.  But  ft  he  was 
mad,  there  was  a  method  in  his  madness.  For,  when  VSnkafca  Kfiah^a's  second  message 
came  to  him,  he  sent  the  firm  and  coherent  reply  that  even  the  loss  of  his  crown  would  not 
change  his  resolution.  The  consequence  was,  the  troops  of  Trichinopoly  soon  surrounded 
the  palace.  They  stood  exultant  at  the  gates,  when  Vijaya  Raghava  finished  his  devotions, 
and  thought  of  the  war  which  his  vanity  had  courted  and  his  folly  ignored.  From  the 
moment  of  his  awakening,  he  acted  like  %  desperate  man  who  expected  certain  ruin.  He 
ordered  the  walls  of  the  mahdl  to  be  mined  and  provided  with  gun-powder,  so  that  in  the 
case  of  his  death,  which  he  expected,  the  ladies  of  the  harem  could  be  blown  up,  avoiding 
thereby  the  possible  insults  of  a  conquering  foe.  He  then  set  free85  his  son  Mann&rappa 
Naidu,  who  had  been  in  prison  as  a  punishment  for  a  reckless  and  irregular  life,  and  at  his 
request,  permitted  him  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  ensuing  contest.  Surrounded  by 
five  faithful  servants  and  the  wrecked  remnants  of  his  once  powerful  but  unfaithful  army, 
Vijaya  RAghava  then  emerged  from  the  palace,  and  entered  into  a  hand  to  hand  fight 
with  his  antagonists.  The  enthusiasm  be  displayed  in  the  battle-field,  the  acts  of  heroism 
of  which  he  was  the  author  therein,  are  the  only  good  features  of  his  character  and 
conduct  during  the  last  days  of  his  career.  Though  aged  and  worn  out — he  was  more  than 
eighty  at  this  time— he  had  the  bearing  of  a  young  and  daring  soldier.  The  shrivelling  and 
overhanging  eyebrows  of  the  old  man,  we  are  informed,  were  fastened  tightly  by  golden  wires  ! 
The  feeble  and  bending  waist  was  adorned  by  valuable  robes,  glittering  with  studded  gems. 

Both  his  hands  held  two  long  and  shining  swords86.  Thus,  he  went  into  the  thick  of 
the  battle,  and  performed  feats  of  valour.  But  the  attempt  of  the  Tanjoreans  was  a  forlorn 
hope.  The  Trichinopolitans  were  over-whelmingly  superior  in  numbers,  in  strength,  and 
in  the  confidence  of  complete  success.  Vijaya  Raghava  therefore  called  his  son  and  his 
servant,  Agra  Raja,  to  proceed  to  the  palace  and  communicate  to  the  Zenana  the 
news  of  his  coining  defeat  and  %death.  When  the  fatal  message  reached  them,  the 
queens  and  other  women,  who  had,  with  drawn  swords,  awaited  the  signal 
killed  themselves  by  mutual  swordthrusts ;  and  the  work  of  destruction  was  made 
complete  by  the  blowing  up  of  the  apartment  where  they  had  lived  the  last  moments 
of  their  ill-fated  lives.  Not  long  after,  Vijaya  Raghava  and  his  son  fell  in  battle,87  and 
amidst  the  spoils  of  victory  which  Chokkanatha's  Dajavai  brought  to  Triohinopoly,  the 
things  which  gave  superior  gratifications  to  him  were  the  heads  and  robes  of  the  ill-fated 
monarch  and  his  gallant  son. 

Other  versions  of  the  war. 

Such  is  the  aceount  of  the  Tanjore  War  given  by  the  Tanj&v&r  Sqja  Char itra ;  but 
there  are  some  other  versions  of  it  which,  though  not  equally  authoritative  and  accurate 
may  be  noticed  here.  The  first  of  these  is  given  by  the  historian  Wheeler.  He  is  wrong 
both  in  regard  to  the  date  and  the  causes  of  the  war,  for  he  attributes  it  to  the  very  day 
of  Chokkan&tha's  accession  and  to  an  alleged  dispute  between  the  peoples  of  Tanjore  and 

w  The  Record  of  the  Corn.  Govre.  attributes  this  to  the  intercession  of  Dajavai  Rangappa.    It   says 
that  the  prince  had  been  imprisoned  in  a  fit  of  anger  by  his  father*    It  does  not  say  anything  of 
.Kanga'a  designs.    The  TanjAv&r  Rqja  Chdntra  gives  more  or  less  the  same  version.    See   Tanl  Man 
and  Taylor's  CataL  III,  p.  1 77. 

*  The  Record  of  the  Cam.  Qom. 

When  about  to  be  killed  he  preferred  to  die  by  the  sword  and  not  cannon.    See  ftmferir 

'  «^«^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  61 

Trichinopoly  in  regard  to  a  water-course.  He88  says,  however,  that  immediately  after  this 
dispute!  ChokkanAtha  sent  an  embassy  to  "  Vijia  Ragunanda  "  of  Tanjore,  a  man  highly 
advanced  in  age,  requesting  the  bestowal  of  his  grand-daughter  in  marriage  to  him. 
But  the  latter  dismissed  the  embassy  with  scorn  on  the  ground  that  Qhokkan&tha's 
mother  was  "of  mean  extraction.''  On  hearing  this,  the  indignant  ruler  of  the  southern 
kingdom  promptly  assembled  his  army,  and  marched  against  Tanjore,  but  was  utterly 
defeated  by  the  grandson  of  the  Tanjore  king.  Chokkanatha  became  so  full  of  despair 
that  he  resorted  to  a  curious  device  to  inflame  the  pride  and  rouse  the  heroism  of  his 
soldiers.  He  enlisted  100  women  warriors  in  his  aimy  and  posted  them  in  the  rear  so  that 
his  retreating  soldiers  might  meet  them  and  their  taunts.  Unable  to  brook  the  shame,  the 
men  of  Madura  fought  with  all  their  valour,  entered,  Tanjore,  and  burnt  the  palace,  with 
the  king,  his  wives,  his  daughters  and  grand-daughters. 

Niccolao  Manucci  is  equally  inaccurate  and  vague.  He  gives  neither  the  name  of 
Chokkanatha  nor  of  Vijaya  Rftghava.  "  The  Prince  of  Tanjore,"  he  says,  "had  a  daughter 
of  rare  beauty.  Inflamed  by  reports  about  her  the  Prince  of  Madura  asked  her  in  mar- 
riage, saying  they  two  united,  would  be  able  to  resist  the  armies  of  the  whole  world. 
The  Prince  of  Tanjore  was  much  offended  at  this  embassy,  and  replied  that  his  daughter 
could  not  be  given  to  him,  seeing  his  great  inferiority  in  blood  and  rank.  He  should 
remember  how  humble  his  forefathers  were  (referring  to  the  Emperor  Ram  R.aja 
having  raised  his  ancestors  from  a  lowjy  condition).  He  must  not  entertain  such 
lofty  ideas.  Thrown  into  a  great  rage  by  this  answer,  the  king  of  Madura  gathered  all  his 
forces  and  "  started  in  person  to  devastate  the  lands  of  Tanjore.  The  latter  also  made 
ready  his  whole  army,  and  sent  his  general  in  advance  to  impede  the  progress  of  the 
Madura  ruler.  But  such  was  the  sagacity  and  astuteness  of  that  prince  that  he  brought 
the  Tanjore  general  over  to  his  side  with  all  his  troops.  When  the  Tanjore  Prince  heard  of 
his  general's  treason,  he  was  greatly  concerned,  took  the  field  himself  with  a  strong  army, 
and  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  Madura  prince.  In  a  few  days  the  two  forces  were  in  sight 
of  each  other.  But  the  Tanjore  leaders,  already  tampered  with  by  the  Madura  Prince  or  the 
traitorous  general,  gradually  deserted  their  prince  and  sovereign :«»  by  daybreak  he  found 
himself  entirely  abandoned,  and  was  forced  to  retire  into  the  city."  He  then  tried  « to 
collect  the  people  to  defend  the  place,  but  through  the  great  confusion  that  existed,  could 
not  succeed ;  and  in  desperation  he  loaded  his  cannon  with  all  his  great  store  of  precious 
stones,  and  scattered  them  over  the  country.  When  this  had  been  done,  he  went  to  his 
magnificent  palace,  where,  shutting  up  700  wives  that  he  had,  together  with  his  daughter 
and  all  his  wealth,  he  blew  them  up  by  a  powder-mine,  reserving  only  his  most  cherished 
wife,  who  was  anxious  to  die  in  his  company."  Manucci  says  that  he  liberated  at  this 
time  .15,800  mistresses,  picked  from  the  most  lovely  women  in  his  kingdom,— a  number  he 

a  See  hia  Iri.  Hi*.,  IV.,  pt.  *.  p.  581-2. 

"  Later  on,  Manucci  attribute*  the  treason  to  the  behaviour  of  the  king  who  had  Beteed  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  the  noblemen  to  be  his  mistresses  (Manuo.  UI,  p.  105X  But  this  representation  of  Vijaya 
Rlghava  is  entirely  against  the  traditional  Account  of  him  as  a  saint.  Manucci  is  positively  wrong  when 
he  says  that  it  was  this  "Prince  of  Tanjore  "'who  gave  permission  to  Robert  de  Nobilit  to  build  churches 
and  preach*  Christianity. 


62  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [&U&CK,  1917. 

chost  in  imitation  of  Krishna,  the  Lord  of  the  Gopis !  Meanwhile,  "  the  enemy,  came  and 
attacked  the  city.  In  order  not  to  be  made  prisoner  and  be  disgraced,  the  king  decided  to 
die  bravely.  He  came  out  with  3  sons  and  18  horsemen,  his  relations,  bearing  on  his 
horse's  hindquarters  his  beloved  queen.  She,  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy's  mighty  force, 
felt  afraid,  and  spoke  tender  words  to  her  husband,  saying  that  as  evil  chance  waa  so  great 
a  tyrant  as  to  roSb  her  of  further  delight  in  his  society,  she  prayed  to  him  to  end  her  life 
with  his  own  hand,  so  that  she  might  not  fall  into  the  enemy's  power."  The  king  could 
not,  in  spite  of  her  repeated  supplications,  steel  himself  to  such  cruelty,  "  Still,  the  argu- 
ments of  the  afflicted  and  determined  princess  were  so  strong  that,  finding  the  enemy 
already  cibse  upon  them,  he  was  forced  at  length  to  yield  to  her  entreaties.  Seizing  his 
sword,  he  cut  off  her  head,  and,  his  blade  all  bare  and  crimson,  galloped  into  the  enemy's 
ranks,  followed  by  his  companions,  and  in  a  brief  space  ended  his  life. " 

It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  a  criticism  of  these  fables.  It  is  enough  if  it  is  under- 
stood that  all  agree  that  the  Naik  Dynasty  of  Tanjore  ended  on  this  occasion,  and  that  with 
it,  a  highly  romantic  but  tragical  chapter  of  South  Indian  History.  The  annals  of  the 
world  hardly  furnish  a  finer  example  of  a  provocation  so  trivial  and  a  result  so  disastrous 
and  far  reaching.  Chokkanatha  himself  must  have  been  surprised  at  the  turn  the  events  had 
taken.  When  he  ordered  the  invasion  of  Tanjore,  he  would  hardly  have  hoped  for  a  result 
so  victorious  to  his  arms,  so  disastrous  to  his  rival,  and  so  momentous  in  the  history  of 
South  India.  Wars  without  number  had  disturbed  the  peace  and  maintained  the  mutual 
hostility  of  the  sister  kingdoms  ;  but  never  had  any  of  them  been  attended  with  a  conse- 
quence as  startling  as  this.  The  lessons  of  past  history,  in  short,  proved  unreliable , 
and  the  satisfaction  of  Chokkanatha  at  the  success  of  his  arms  and  the  acquisition  of  a 
dependency  must  have  been  mingled  with  a  regret  for  the  fate  of  a  worthy,  though  mis- 
guided, monarch  and  the  sudden  termination  of  a  dynasty  in  the  midst  of  a  prosperous  and 
hopeful  career.  The  effect  of  the  catastrophe  is  felt  even  to-day.  Any  stranger  who 
visits  the  palace  at  Tanjore  can  see  a  ruined  and  shattered  tower  at  northern-western 
corner,  and  will  feel  a  shudder  at  the  sight,  when  ho  knows  that  that  is  the  remnant  of 
the  ancient  Naik  Zenana.  If  it  had  a  mouth  of  its  own,  it  could  tell  a  tale  which,  though 
it  concerns  an  eccentric  king,  is  yet  a  tale  which  does  not  belong  to  one  particular  man  or 
cquntry,  but  for  all  the  world  that  can  feel  and  pity.  The  ignorant  and  superstitious 
servant  who  guides  the  visitor  through  the  rambling  building  of  the  palace,  points  to  the 
lonely  and  gloomy  tower,  and  speaks  with  a  suppressed  voice  and  solemn  face,  of  the  grue- 
some tragedy  enacted  therein  200  years  back.  The  place  is  haunted,  says  he,  and  none 
dare  approach  it  lest  a  contagion  of  the  gloom  that  surrounds  it  should  seize  them. 

Alagiri's  defection. 

The  Kingdom  of  Tanjore  was  now  a  dependency,  an  outlying  province,  of  Madura , 
and  Chokkanatha  lost  no  time  in  arranging  for  a  settled  and  satisfactory  government  of  it ; 
but  unfortunately  the  arrangement  he  made  was  not  such  as  to  strengthen  his  hold  on  the 
conquered  kingdom.  He  dug  the  grave  of  his  own  authority  by  appointing  as  viceroy  a 
foster-brother  of  his,  Alagiri  Naitfu  by  name,  a  man  of  ungrateful  nature  and  unscrupulous 
conduct,  who  like  a  true  upstart,  assumed  airs  and  proved  a  tyrant.  A  few 
months  after  his  exaltation  to  his  high  office,  Alagiri  addressed  a  letter  to  his 
suzerain  in  terms  of  equality  and  in  the  spirit  of  an  independent  chief .  He  at  the  same 


MARCH,  1917]          THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  63 

time  ceased  the  remission  of  the  surplus  revenues  :90  and  when  Ghokkan&tha  remonstrated 
and  warned,  he  pleaded  with  a  hypocritical  ignorance  of  the  change  of  circumstances,  that 
he  only  adopted  the  precedent  of  the  old  Tanjore  monarchs.  The  indignation  of  Ghokka- 
n&tha at  once  ordered  the  punishment  of  the  traitor ;  but  the  Dalavai  and  the  other 
ministers  met  in  council,  and  after  some  deliberation  regarding  the  course  to  be  pursued,  came 
to  the  conclusion  that,  as  Alagiri's  position  was  far  stronger  than  that  of  Vijaya  Rahgava, 
it  would  be  more  advisable  to  be  cautious  and  conciliatory.  They  therefore  counselled 
their  master  to  suppress  his  indignation  and  postpone  the  punitive  expedition,  till "  the 
devices  ol  Sftma,  D&na  and  BhSda  were  tried,"  and  found  futile. 

If  AJagiri  Naik  escaped  the  chastisement  of  his  master,  he  did  not  escape  from  the 
fruits  of  his  own  behaviour.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  tactless  and  imprudent  ruler, 
entirely  unable  to  conciliate  the  conquered.  His  avarice  seized  the  estates  of  great  men, 
and  his  arbitrary  temper  dismissed  several  men  of  eminence  from  their  offices.  A  man 
who  suffered  much  in  this  regime  was  the  celebrated  Veiikanna,  the  Rayasam,  of  the  last 
Naik  king.  Endowed  by  nature  with  an  extraordinary  amount  of  ability,  tact  and  per. 
severance,  Veftkanna  entertained  the  bold  design  of  subverting  the  now  dynasty  and 

restoring  that  of  his  master. 

(  To  be  continued.  ) 


MISCELLANEA. 

BANABHATTA'S  GURU.  BAna's  own  ancestor   3?^T  is  described  as  being 

4    .  x,      .  .     ,     4.-  „  worshipped  by  the  Guptas.    It  k  thus  clear  that 
IN  the  Kddambart  verso  4  of  the  introduction  FI         J  * 

_  .        *.    *L*L-tteTN.  the  commentator  HHTW  alone  is  right  when  he 

.nift  «ta*nw   *****:         ,^        k,  ^  or  ^  m  ^ 

VflnL  I  ."    Hitherto  *tf:   was  taken  by  most  ^   ^   ^    ^  ^  ^  ^^^  ^  wag 

scholars   as   the   Cth   case   dual  of  T  F:  meaning  p^Q^^y  the  spiritual  guide  of  the  great  Mau« 

Vishnu  and  Siva,    This  explanation  ie  obviously  ^^    Jt   -g  alflO  probabie  that  *|  was  Bono's 

erroneous,  for  BAna  has  already  saluted  both  Viahru  teacher  on  poetry,  for  he  is  perhaps  to  be  identified 

and  Siva  in  vs.  2-3.     Besides,  it  is  most  unlikely  with  ft  poet  of  the  g^e  namo,  who  has  been  quoted 

that  *TF  means  a  dual-god  with   only   two  feet  .n  fleverai  anthologies1  and  whose  antiquity  is  ensur- 

between  them.    According  to  ^faft  the  word  has  ^  by  the  fact  that  the  verse  BTTgfllfr  ^ff^:  found 

a  meaning  6iva;  but  the  fact  of  being  "  worsliip-  under  his  name  in  two  of  the  anthologies,  is  quoted 

ped  by  the  Maukharis  and  their  feudatories"   is  in  the  Dhvany&loka  (p.  38).  STPTil^jH  in  his  com- 

conclusive  against  the  word  signifying  any  non-  ment  On   the  verse   says     '  ^ 


human  being,  whose  greatness  becomes  only  cir.  qfr^rgr-.'  Bhowing  that  the  verse  was  quoted  even 

cumscribed  by  such  an  epithet.    Moreover  the  line  eftrlier  in  ftn  unknown  work  of  *rfff  ?f  who  lived 

^STOflSnftftj  frerfvWt  has  on  exact  parallel  in  circa  800  A<  D, 
the  line  ^^^11^1^^^:  of  verse  10,  where  D.  C.  BSATTAOHABYA. 


M  Rco.  of  the  Cam.  Qovr*.  and  Tanj.  Raj.  Chant. 
i  Vide  Peterson's  Introduction  to  SubMehitivalt  under  Bhasohu.    Altogether  4  vertes  are  there 
collected  «  to  which  we  should  add  another  from  SMimukttvaK  beginning  with 
:—  Bhandarkar's  Sixth  Report^  App. 


64 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQ0AB* 


[MABOH,  1917 


NOTES  AND 
NOTES  PROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS. 

2.  Interpreter  as  Shipping  Clerk. 
26  August  1062,  Consultation  in  Surat.  A  Pro- 
position was  made* by  the  President  [Matthew 
Andrews]  in  the  Behalfe  of  Ranohore  Metta 
[Ranch  Mehta],  a  person  Employed  on  the 
Marine  for  freighting  of  shipps,  and  receiving  in 
the  Money,  being  very  useful  also  in  the  lading  and 
unlading  of  Goods,  and  Writing  our  Persian 


QUERIES. 

Letters,  whose  great  dare  and  diligence,  with  hit 
Constant  Attendance  on  the  Companys  Affaires  to 
these  3  yeares  past  being  well  known®  to  this 
Council,  The  President  mooved,  that  hee  might 
have  a  salary  of  800  Mamoodoes  [mahmu<ft*= 
R«.  150]  Yearly  allotted  him,  to  commence  from 
the  1st  of  September  1659,  which  was  joyntly 
Concluded.  (& actory  Records,  Surat>  Vol.  2) 

R.  C.  T. 


BOOK 

HISTORY  OF  AURANGZIB,  Vol.  III.  By  Professor 
JADU  NATH  SAEKAB,  M.  A.  Published  by  M.  C. 
Sarkar  and  Sons9  75*1-1,  Harrison  Road, 
Calcutta,  1916. 

THE  third  volume  of  Professor  Sarkar's  History 
of  Aurangzib  deals  with  the  first  half  (1658-81)  of 
that  monarch's  reign.  Among  the  new  sources  of 
information  utilised  for  this  volume  (beside  those 
quoted  at  the  end  of  volume  II)  the  most  impor- 
tant are:— Mir'df~i-Atimadt  (History  of  Gujrat), 
Muhammad  A'gam's  T&rtkh.i>  Ka*hm\r,  Salimu'llah's 
Tawdrfkh-i-Bangala,  Muhammad  gaiih's  Bahdr-i- 
SaMun,  tzad  BakhsJk  Rasa's  /?fya£u-Z-  Wi ddd,  Xigdr 
Ndmah-i-Munshi,  Qhandar  Bhan's  Chhdr  Chaman-i- 
Brahman,  Ohatar  Man's  Chhdr  Gukhan,  Dawdbii-i- 
'Alamgiri,  and  Da*Mru-l-<Amal. 

The  author  has  succeeded  in  gathering  an  epoch- 
making  collection  of  material  for  his  subject,  and  he 
has  taken  great  pains  to  collate  the  evidence  of 
writers  of  different  creeds  and  nationalities ;  but  the 
result  in  some  cases  is  disappointing  and,  speaking 
critically,  there  is  a  took  of  balanced  judgment 
and  correct  historical  perspective  in  the  work.  So 
far  as  the  narration  of  undisputed  facts  is  concerned 
Professor  Sarkar  may  be  followed  implicitly  5  but 
in  his  discussions  of  subtle  qu*0tions-of  state  policy 
and  religious  dogma  ft  Is  clear  that  he  does  not 
weigh  the  various  aspect*  of  *fceproblem,and  so  the 
picture  of  events,  a*  we  get  ft  in  the  book,  is  dis- 
torted. For  instance,  when  speaking  of  Awang- 
Ecb'i  bigotry,  Professor  Sarktf*  freely  Condemns  the 
pclioy  of  the  previous  rota  also. 


NOTICE* 

«•  With  every  generous  instinct  of  the  soul  crushed 
out  of  them,  with  intellectual  culture  merely  adding 
a  keen   edge  to  their  sense  of  humiliation,  the 
Hindus  could  not  be  expected  to  produce  the  ut- 
most of  which  they  were  capable  ;  their  lot  was  to 
be  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  to  their 
masters,  to  bring  grist  to  the  fiscal  mill,  to  develop 
a  low  cunning  and  flattery  as  the  only   means  of 
saving  what  they  could  of  the  fruits  of  their  own 
labour      »    ........    The  barrenness 

of  the  Hindu  intellect  and  the  meanness  of  spirit  of 
the  Hindu  upper  classes  are  the  greatest  condem- 
nations of  Muhammadan  rulo  in  India".  Surely 
this  is  harsh  judgment,  especially  when  one  re- 
members  the  liberal  policy  of  Akbar,  and  of  Jahfin- 
gfr  and  Shahjah&n. 

Again,  when  Professor  Sarkar  undertakes  to  pro- 
nounce against  the  tenels  of  Islam,  a  task  for  which 
he  is  by  no  means  competent,  he  places  himself  at 
the  point  of  ridicule.  "  It  is  not  necessary  "  he  says, 
"  that  he  (Muslim)  should  tame,  his  own  passions' 
or  mortify  his  flesh;  it  is  not  necessary  for  him  to 
grow  a  rich  growth  of  spirituality.  He  has  to  slay 
a  certain  olass  of  his  fellow  beings  or  plunder  their 
lands  and  wealth  and  this  aot  in  itself  would  raise 
his  soul  to  heayen**v  ;  It  is  very  evident  here  that 
Professor  Saikar  htfs  just  arrived  at  'fregh  fleldf 
and  pastures  new*,  ,  An  author  who  knows  hislimj 
tationi  no  better  tnan  that  cannot  teeot  to 


receive  serious  attention  from  hisrewtea. 

The**  axe  several  mistake,  in  tpeffiflg  Arabic  and 
Pwiaa  twiii*  «.^^ 

-  ^  \          O 


MAHA1ULI1TK 


1'ILi;   |;n\K-INV\i;N  \  ll<>.\      \AllAllA\AT\i:  A 


APRIL,  1&17  ]  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OF  M  \HABAL1PI  I; 

THE  ANTIQUITIES  OF  MAHABALIPUU. 

BY  I'KOFESSOK  8.  KlUSHNASWAMI  AlYAXUAll  AVL.,  M  A-;  MADRAS  UNIVKKSITV. 

(Continued  from  y.  57.) 

IV  gives  a  view  of  the  stele  representing  the  hoar  incarnation  (variihtivattlra) 
of  Vishnu.  This  is  in  a  cave  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  Gai.ictia  Jtatha.  The 
relief  exhibits  the  man  boar  according  to  the  Yaikanasa  Agaiiia.  Of  the  three  kinds  ot 
boar -form,  this  is  what  is  called  the  Adivaraha  type.  ThU  must  be  exhibited  \vith  four 
hands,  two  of  theni  carrying  the  conch  an  I  the  disc;  the  colour  grass-green,  loft  foot 
planted  upon  the  hooded  head  of  the  king  of  serpents  (xi'xha). 

The  figure  of  Bhuvafuha  should  have,  according  to  the  ratkdntisfiytima,  the  face 
of  a  boar  in  association  with  the  body  of  a  man.  It  has  four  anus,  two  of  which  hold 
the  tankh'i  and  chakra  as  usual.  T.ie  right  lug  should  be  slightly  bunt  and  be  made  to 
rest  upon  the  jewelled  hool  of  the  mythical  serpent  AdUesha.  \\h<»  must  be  sculptured 
us  in  company  with  his  wife.  Of  the  remaining  two  hands,  the  left  hand  should  be 
sho.vn  as  supporting  the  legs  of  Bhumidevi.  seated  on  the  god's  bent  right  lug.  with 
her  own  legs  hanging  down,  while  the  right  hand  has  to  be  thrown  round  the  waist  o 
the  same  godless.  The  boar  face  of  the  god  should  be  slight!}'  tilted  up  so  as  to  make 
the  muz/Jc  approach  the  bosom  of  the  goddjss  as  though  he  is  engaged  in  smelling  her.1 
Ttie  colour  of  the  image  of  Varan. a- Vishnu  is  represented  by  the  darkness  of  the  twilight 
The  associated  figure  of  Bhumidevi  should  have  her  hands  in  the  tnijali  attitude.  She 
should  bo  decked  with  i lowers  and  dressed  in.  clothes  and  should  be  adorned  with  all 
suitable  ornaments.  Her  complexion  bus  to  be  black.  Her  face  should  be  slightly  lifted 
up  and  turned  towards  her  lord,  and  should  be  expressive  of  shyness  and  joy.  The  top 
of  her  head  should  reach  the  chest  of  t'ie  figure  of  Yaraha,  and  her  image  should  be 
made  in  accordance  with  the  p  vncliatala  measure.  Such  is  the  description  given  in  tho 
Valkhdnawyuma.  (Mr.  T.  A.  (iopinatha  Rao's  Hindu  hotwtjfaplnj,  p.  132-3). 

The  Trvikrama  panel  in  the  same  cave. — Tne  image  of  Trvikrama  may  bu  sculptured, 
it  is  said,  in  three  different  ways,  namely,  with  the  left  fo;>t  raised  up  to  the  level  of  the 
(1)  right  knee,  or  (-2)  to  the  navel,  or  (3)  the  ioreliead.  Those  three  varieties  arc  obvious- 
ly intended  to  represent  Trvikrama  as  striding  over  the  earth,  the  mid-world  and  the 
heaven-world  respectively;  and  are  all  exemplified  in  sculptures  also.  The  image  of 
Trvikrama,  with  the  left  foot  lifted  up  only  to  the  level  of  the  right  knee  is,  however, 
rarely  met  with  among  available  pieces  of  sculpture.  The  rule  is  that  Trvikrama  images 
should  lie  worked  out  in  accordance  with  the  ultamadtiM-lala  measure,  and  their  total 
height  should  be  124  angulas.  Trvikrama  should  have  either  four  or  eight  hands.  If 
there  be  only  four  anus,  one  of  the  right  hands  should  be  made  to  hold  the  sankha  and 
one  of  the  left  hands  the  chakra ;  or  it  may  ev«ni  be  that  the  left  hand  carries  the  chakra  and 
the  right  hand  the  sanklui.  The  other  right  hand  should  be  held  up  with  the  palm 
upwards  and  the  other  Mt  hand  stretched  out  parallel  to  the  uplifted  leg;  or  this  right 
hand  may  be  in  the  abhaija  or  the  varada  pose.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Trvikrama  is  sculp- 
tured with  eight  arms,  five  of  the  hands  should  carry  the  fanlsha,  cJiakra,  yada>  safnga 
(bow)  and  hala  (plough),  the  other  tfhree  being  kept  as  in  the  previous  instance.  The 

17  This  attitude  of  amorous  dalliance  is  gouv.»timcb  describe!,  of  courae  absurdly  enough,  us  playing 
the  baby  at  the  breast. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [APRIL,  1917 


right  leg  of  Tfvikrama  is  to  be  firmly  planted   upon  the  earth;  and  the  left   should  be 

used  in  taking  the  stride  of  world-measure.    The  colour  of  the  image  is  to  be  dark  as  that 

of  the  rain-cloud;  it  should  be  clothed  in  red  garments  and  decorated  \uth  all  ornaments. 

Behind  it  there  should  be  sculptured   the  tree  called  kalpaka,  and  Indra  should  be  shown 

holding  over  Trvikrama's  head  an  umbrella.    On  either  side  Varuna  and  Vayu  should  be 

made  to  wave   chamara* ;  and   over  them  on  the  right    and  the  left  there  should  be  the 

figures  of  Surya  and    Chandra  respectively.    Near    these    again    there    should   be    seen 

Sanyasa,  f'araka,  Sanatkumfira.  Brahma  shou'd  be  nu  de  to  take  ho!d  of  the  uplifted  foot 

of  the  Trvikrama  with  one  of  his  hands  and  wash  it  with  >\ater  flowing  from  a  kamawlalu 

held  in  the  other  hand  ;  and  the  water  flowing  down  from  the  washed  foot  of  Trvikrama 

should  be  shown  as  being  of  a  snow-white  colour.    Siva  should   be  sculptured  with  his 

l.auds  in  the  anjali  pose  and  as  sitting    somewhere  in  space    above  the   height    of  the 

navel  of    Trvikrama.     Near  the  leg  upon  \vhich  Trvikrama  stands,  there  should  be  the 

figure  of  Namucki,  a  rakshasa,  in  the  attitude  of  bowing  in  reverence  to   the  great  god 

Trvikrama.     On  the  left  Garuda  should   be  shewn  as  taking    hold  of  Sukra,  the  guru  of 

the    nikshasas,  with  a  view  to  belabour  him  for  obstructing  Bali  in  giving  the  gift  asked 

for  by  the  Brahmanical  boy  Vainana;  on  the  right  Vainana  himself  should  be  made  to  stand 

\\ith  an  umbrella  in  his  hand  and  ready  to  receive  the  promised  grant  of  three  feet  of  space. 

Near  him  and  opposite  to  him  Bali  should  be  shown  as  standing  golden  in  hue  and  adorned 

with  ornaments  and  carrying  in  his  hands  a  golden  vessel  to  indicate  that  he  is  ready  to 

pour  the  water  ceremonially  in  proof  of  his  gift.     Behind  the  emperor  Bali  there  should  be 

his  queen.     Above  the  head   of  Trvikrama  the  figure  of  Jambavaii  should  be  shown  as 

Bounding  the  drum,  called  bheri    in  Sanskrit,    so  as  to  exhibit  the  joy  of   the  celestial 

beings  at  their  coming   delivery  from  the  rule  of   the  asura  emperor  Bali.     So  says,  the 

V(tikh«nus<}<jam«.     ( Op.  ci1.,  pp.  164-7  ) 

Plate  V  represents  a  huge  panel,  about  eight  feet  by  six  feet  in  size,  carved  on 
the  north  \\M  of  the  rock-cut  shrine  situated  to  the  south  of  what  in  called  (Janeaa 
Rutha  at  Mahabalipuram .  In  this  group  of  images  the  central  figure  is  that  of  Trvikrama. 
It  has  eight  hands;  three  of  the  right  hands  carry  the  chakra,  the  gaday  and  the  khadga, 
and  the  remaining  right  hand  is  held  up  with  the  palm  turned  upside,  as  required  by 
the  Vdiklianafidgamu.  Three  of  the  left  hands  carry  the  sankha,  the  ketaka,  and  dhanus, 
niul  the  fourth  left  hand  is  stretched  out  parallel  to  the  uplifted  leg.  This  leg  itself 
is  raised  up  to  the  level  of  the  forehead.  Near  the  foot  of  the  leg  stretched  out  to 
measure  the  heaven- world,  Brahma  is  shown  as  seated  on  a  padmasana  and  as  offering 
with  one  of  his  right  hands  puja  to  that  foot.  His  image  is  given  four  hands  and  is 
made  to  wear  the  jatd-makuta  and  karna-kuntialaa.  In  the  corresponding  position  to  the 
right  of  Trvikrama  we  see  fciva  also  seated  on  a  padmasana.  His  image  also  has  four 
arms,  one  of  which  is  hold  in  the  pose  of  praise.  It  is  also  adorned  with  the  jala-makufa 
and  kun'lalas.  Immediately  below  Hiva  is  Surya,  the  sun-god,  with  a  halo.  The  way 
in  which  the  legs  of  this  god  and  also  of  Chandra,  the  moon-god,  are  worked  out,  suggests 
that  they  are  both  residing  up  in  the  heavenly  world  without  any  terrestrial  support. 
This  sun-god  has  only  a  pair  of  hands,  both  of  which  he  holds  stretched  out  in  the  act  of 
praising  Trvikrama.  Chandra  is  sculptured  below  the  shield  of  Trvikrama,  with  a  halo 
round  the  head,  and  is  also  shown  to  bo  in  the  attitude  of  praising  Trvikrama.  In  the 
space  between  the  head  of  Trvikrama  and  Brahma  there  may  be  noticed  a  peculiar 
figure  turned  towards  Brahma.  It  has  the  face  of  a  boar  and  is  made  to  cairv  what  i« 


APRIL,  1917  ]  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OF  MAHABALIPUU  67 

evidently  a  drum.  This  figure  is  obviously  that  of  old  Jamhavuii,  sounding  the  drum  in 
joy  due  to  the  victory  of  the  Devas  over  the  Danavas.  At  the  foot  of  Trvikrania  sits 
Namuchi  to  the  right ;  and  the  other  three  figures,  that  are  to  bo  soon,  are  perhaps  repre- 
sentations of  Bali  and  some  other  prominent  asuraR.  There  is  one  other  figure  shown 
as  if  cutting  eomersaults  in  the  air,  arid  carrying  sometl  ing  like  a  staff  in  the  right  hand. 
It  ia  not  possible  to  say  whom  this  figure  is  intended  to  represent.  The  Brahmawla- 
Parana  states  that  when  Viimana  grew  to  be  gigantic  in  size,  and  became  Trvikrama, 
some  of  the  Daixavas  weie  hurled  up  into  the  air  as  if  by  a  hurricane.  This  figure  is 
perhaps  ono  of  the  Danavas  so  tossed  up.  This  piece  of  sculpture  belongs  to  the  seventh 
century,  that  is,  to  the  palmy  daysof  Pallava  supremacy  in  Conjee  varum.  (Op.cit.,  pp.  170-2). 

Theses  two,  as  also  several  others  of  the  figures  of  gods  and  goddesses  in  the  locality, 
conform  to  the  norms  of  Iconography  as  laid  do\\n  in  the  Vaikdnaxd  dgama  and  shew 
marked  differences  of  features  from  representations  of  the  same  icons  in  other  localities 
and  of  other  ages.  This  has  to  be  noted  carefully,  as  no  conclusion  in  point  of  chrono- 
logy can  be  drawn  from  these  without  regard  to  the  school  of  architecture  or  sculpture. 

Govardhana  Krishna: — Plato  VI  represents  Krishna  as  carrying  the  hill  Govardhana 
to  protect  the  cowherd  settlement  of  Gokulam  where  he  was  heing  brought  up.  When 
the  annual  feast  intended  for  Indra,  the  Vedic  god  of  rain,  came  lound  for  celebration, 
Krishna  accepted  the  offerings  intend ed  for  Tndra,  and  he  in  anger,  rained  stone  and  other 
destructive  material  upon  the  sacrilegeous  village.  Thereupon  Krishna  performed  this  feat 
to  save  the  villagers  from  the  harm  and  exhibit  to  the  wondering  world  that  what  was 
offered  to  Krishna  is  as  good  as  offered  to  all  the  gods.  Architecturally  this  piece  of 
workmam hip  ib  rather  ciude  in  com]  arieon  with  tl  at  of  Arjuna's  penance;  but  it  seems 
none  the  less  to  belong  to  the  same  school  of  art.  If  it  be  so,  this  may  be  the  Hist  work 
of  an  artist  or  the  first  work  of  the  school  the  work  of  which,  in  an  advanced  stage  of  its 
skill,  is  exhibited  in  the  other  bas-relief.  Behind  the  Krishna  in  this  relief,  one  will 
notice  in  the  original  a  young  shepherd  boy  playing  upon  the  flute.  This  is  sufficiently 
far  away  to  indicate  that  it  represents  another  of  the  many  aspects  of  Krishna's  life,  and 
refutes  the  theory  that  Vciiugcipala  ( young  Krishna  playing  on  the  flute )  is  not  found 
represented  before  the  13th  century  A.  D.  One  stanza  of  Tirumangai  Alvar  of  the  20 
devoted  to  this  place  seems  specifically  to  refer  to  this  relief.18 

Mahishasuramardhani:— Tlie  goddess  Durga  should  have  ten  hands  according  to  the 
ftilparaina,  which  describes  her  further  as  having  three  eyes ;  she  should  wear  on  her  head 
a  jala-makuta  and  in  it  there  should  be  the  cJuindra-toM  or  the  digit  of  the  moon.  The 
colour  of  her  body  should  be  like  that  of  the  atasi  flower,  and  the  eyes  should  resemble 
the  nilotpala  or  the  blue  lily  ;  she  should  have  high  breasts  and  a  thin  waist  and  there 
should  be  three  bends  in  her  body  (of  the  trbhanga  variety).  In  her  right  hands  she  should 
carry  the  tri*ula,  khadga,  saUyayudha,  chakra,  and  a  stringed  bow;  and  in  the  left  hands 
the  pa*a,  ankuia,  kftaka,  paratu,  and  a  bell.  At  her  feet  should  lie  a  buffalo  with 
its  head  cut  off  and  with  blood  gushing  from  its  neck.  From  within  this  neck  should  be 
visible  the  half -emerged  real  asura  bound  down  by  the  nagorp&ia  of  the  Devi.  The  asura 
should  be  made  to  carry  a  sword  and  a  shield,  although  the  Devi  has  already  plunged 
her  tiwla  into  his  neck  and  he  is  bleeding  profusely.  He  should  have  a  terrific  look  with 
knitted  eye-brows.  The  right  leg  of  the'Dcvi  should  be  placed  on  the  back  of  her  lion  and 

her  left  leg  should  touch  the  buffalo -body  of  Mahishasura. 

~  M  Periya  TirwmoZt,  II.  V.  4. 


08  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AraiL,  1917 

The  VishnuiUMrmdltara,  as  quote:!  in  the  Vachaspatya,  describes  MahiHhasuramardhani 
under  the  name  of  Chai.njika  thus  : — This  Devi  has  the  complexion  of  gold  and  is  a  very 
handsome  youthful  woman  in  an  angry  mood,  sitting  on  the  back  of  a  lion.  She  has 
twenty  hands  ;  the  right  ones  carry,  respectively,  the  WZrt,  kka'lga,  sank/ia,  chakra,  bdna, 
rtijra,  abhni/a,  rfamaru,  and  an  umbrella;  while  the  left  ones  are  seen  to  hold  the 
pakt,  khi'tala,  parasu,  ankuta,  dhanus,  ghanta,  dhvajagada,  a  mirror  and  the  mwlgara. 
The  buflalo-part  of  ihoasura  is  lying  decapitated  with  the  real  asura  proceeding  out  from 
the  nc'ck.  His  eyes,  hair  and  brows  are  red  and  he  vomits  blood  from  his  mouth.  The 
lion  of  the  Devi  mauls  him,  and  the  Devi  herself  thrusts  the  triuta  into  his  neck.  The 
fttsHM,  A\ho  is  hound  down  by  the  ndya-paia,  carries  a  sword  and  a  shield.19  The  peculiar 
feature  of  the  Mahishasuramardhani  here  depicted  is  that  the  panel  exhibits  her  as  press- 
ing back  her  enemy  Andhakasura  in  war.  At  this  stage  she  has  a  benign  aspect  and  shows 
nothing  of  the  ferocity  in  combination  with  beauty  which  is  usually  associated  with  this 
aspect  of  the  Goddess  Durgu.  (  See  Plate  VH.) 

The  Shore  Temple: — General  view,  Plate  IX.  This  temple  in  general  view  shows  a  double 
vimanii  both  parts  shaped  exactly  alike,  but  of  proportions  that  seem  intended  to  serve 
the  purpose  of  shutting  off  the  smaller  from  view  on  one  side.  The  shoreward  tower  is  the 
smaller  and  seems  the  older.  It  has  a  hole  in  the  mid  die  of  the  pedestal  stone  to  hold  a  stone 
image  or  Ihign.  An  image  has  since  been  recovered  which  is  of  the  Sarvatobhadra  20  type. 
There  is  within  the  shrine  a  representation  of  Siva  as  Somaskanda  3I  in  the  central  panel. 

Beginning  at  the  south  end  of  this  little  shrine  and  at  the  back  of  it  looking  towards 
the  sea  is  what  now  looks  a  comparatively  dark  chamber,  holding  a  largo-sized  image  of 
Vishnu  au  couckant.  (See  plate  VI II.) 

Then  comes  the  seaward  shrine  just  covering  this  in  front,  and  of  proportions  to  shut 
off  altogether  from  view  on  the  seaside  both  the  Vishnu  and  Siva  temples  above  described. 
This  contains  a  huge  lingam,  with  sixteen  fluted  faces.  These  throe  in  Chola  times  were 
known  as  Jalasayana  or  Kshatriyasimha  Pallavesvaram,  PaHikondan  and  Rftjashnha 
Pallavesvaram ,  respectively,  notwithstanding  the  statements  of  the  epigraphies  to  the 
contrary. 

The  significance  of  this  will  follow  : 

The  Atiranachanrlesvara  Cavo  in  Saluvanguppam:  plate  X.  This  A^irauaehanda  was 
taken  to  be  Nadivarman,  the  last  great  Paliava.  It  looks,  on  palaeographical  grounds, 
to  be  a  surname  of  Narasimhavarman  TI,  Rnjasimha. 

Vishnu  in  the  lying  posture  us  the  ftthala-sayanamurti:  plate  VJIL  'This  is  a  recumbent 
image  of  Vishnu  with  only  two  hands;  about  a  fourth  of  the  body  should  be  somewhat 
raised,  and  the  remaining  three-fourths  should  belying  flat  upon  the  serpent  bed.  The  right 
hand  should  be  placed  near  the  pillow,  so  as  to  touch  the  kirlta ;  the  other  hand,  bent  at  the 
elbow,  should  bo  held  in  the  kataka  pose.  Or,  this  left  hand  may  be  made  to  be  parallel 
to  the  body,  so  as  sometimes  to  touch  the  thigh.  The  right  leg  has  to  be  stretched  out, 
while  the  left  should  be  slightly  bent.  The  image  itself  should  be  adorned  with  various  orna- 
ments. The  eyes  must  be  somewhat  opened.  The  colour  of  the  image  should  be  a  mixture 
of  black  and  yellow.  By  the  side  of  this  recumbent  figure  there  should  be  Bhrgu  and 
Markandeya,  and  near  the  feet,  the  demons  Madhu  and  Kaitabha,  while  on  the  lotus 

19  T.  A.  0.  Iconography,  p.  357,  et  teq. 

20  A  column  with  four  faces,  each  face  with  a  head  of  Siva,  the  top  is  surmounted  by  a  head  ako» 

21  Siva  in  the  company  of  his  consort  Urn  a  and  their  son  Skandha  (Subrahmanya). 


A  J  mini  $    Arch 


YHK  SMOKK  TKMTLI; 
i  \'fi-;\v  I-'IIOM  xojrm  KAST 


APRIL,  1917]  THE  ANTIQUITIRS  OF  MAHAHALIPUH  W 

issuing  from  the  navel  there  should  be  Brahma.  On  the  ba-.k  wall  of  the  shrine  ami  above 
the  level  of  the  imi/e  of  Vishtiu  should  ))C  sculptured  the  images  of  tlio  Ayudha-purushas, 
of  Garuda,  of  Vislivaksena,  and  of  the  Sapta-rishis,  all  standing  with  their  hands  in  the 
anjali  pose.  On  the  south  wall  should  be  shown  Brahma,  and  on  the  north  wall  Siva,—  both 
in  the  sitting  posture.  Such  a  group  constitutes  the  uttann  class  of  Yo^a^iyanamurti.  If 
tho  figures  of  the  Saptarishi-*  and  Vishvaksjna  are  absent,  the  group  belongs  to  the 
madhyama  class  ;  if  the  TMjakamunis  and  Madhu  and  Kaifabha  are  als>  absent,  it  is 
conceived  to  belong  to  tho  adhama  class.  <J- 

In  regard  to  this  Yog  isayanamurti  in  the  Slio  v  Temple,  s  >me  of  these  features  adjunct 
to  such  a  representation  are  wanting.  The  omission  is  explaine  \  away  by  the  tradition 
that  the  <Jo:l  was  there  himself  alone  and  ha  I  to  exhibit  himself  to  Rishi  Pun  larika  in  the 
Yoga^ayaiia.  Th?ref  ore  the  usual  adjuncts  are  wanting.  Of  course  the  tradition  is  kopt 
up  in  the  modern  t?mple,  where  the  name  of  the  goddess  is  Hlm-levi  (the  Earth).  This 
tradition  and  the  nam  >  of  the  god  les->  in  1  irate  ,s:>;ne  connection  between  tho  locality 
and  the  Varahavatara  <>[  Vishnu.  N;>  d  >!inite  statement  of  such  a  connection  has  so  far 
come  to  my  notice. 

The  Shore  Temple  is  a  feature  of  the  antiquities  of  AJkhab.ilipiir;im  which  has  been  a 
puzzle  in  Archaeology.  B'ing  structural,  it  has  b?cii  taken  for  granted  that  it  must  havo 
been  a  late  structure  at  leist  later  than  th'*  ro^k-cut  ones.  l>:it  material  is  now  available) 
to  set  these  d  mbls  at  rest,  alth  >u?'i  m  ve  d  ''i-iitc  li^.it  w.r.ild  (vrl.amly  he  welcome.  *  15:-foro 
proceeding  to  an  explanation,  the  follo.viiitf  facts  re'juiro  to  he  n>ticel.  Tiic  original 
structures  seem  to  have  be»n  the  smaller  slirine  and  the  Vishuu  cliamb^r  behind  it-  with 
very  probably  anaiisi'l'tl  vlnianam#u,rmrmntin.;  ///'  Yitfiyn  xliritit'..  As  we  have  it  at  present, 
this  last  is  covered  in  front  by  the  larg  >r  shrine  fa,-iiuf  the  sea.  (See  Plat:-  XI.) 

The  ('h-)la  inscri]>t  inns  found  in  MuhaS'ilip.iram  puMishcd  in  th(^SV>//,'//,  In'littn  Iiiw.rlp- 
lion*,  Vol.  L,  p}>.  0:5  r>!>,  «p  to  prn/e  t-h  •,  exist  -n  -e  of  thnv.  slr-isics  (1)  Jabsayajia  or 
Kshcitriya.simha  Palln\r'varam;  (2)  \\\\\*£  ->n  laruliy.nl  -va  and  (^)  Ilajasiinha  Pallave'^varam. 
Ac.cordiiiK  to  those  inscriptions  Munallapuram  belonged  to  \rnur  Xaluof  Amurkottam. 
Nn  4i)  oF^thj  »Sf9?t'/i  Infant.  //^ca/J't'^M  u^^  t/.ie-  na/n  ^  Pudukkii  laiyan  Kk:i  Ihiran,-3  Fifty  an 
an  alternative  name  lor  Amur  Nalu.  Amur,  a  vill.i^e  n  Mir,  i^ive-  the  name  both  to  tho 
larger  and  the  smalliv  divisions.  Reverting  to  the  n  im-  giv^i,  in  these  epigraphs,  to  tho 
Hhrines  we  have  no  doul»t  about  the  Pcilli^ia  Uru!iyadC-va.  This  can  rntVr  only  to  the  g<,d 
on  his  conch  (Vish.  iu).  Thoiiam^  are  ivn  qt'ite  as  clear  in  res])e  -t  of  the  two  others. 
Jalasayana-Pallavcs  vara  can  have  no  direct,  simiitir.ance,  as  theiv  is  nothing  to  (^oniuv-t 
JalaAavanam  (sle.j)in-  on  the  primeval  waters,  with  'Siva.  This  name  can  only  mean  tho 
Pallav'&vara  of  the  pi  i  -c  Jala;aya:iam,  which  must  h  ive  h^n  an  an!.c/ior  name  necessarily. 
This  would  apply  m  >re  appropriately  to  the  sin  iller  tv.nple  Unking  shoreward  than 
to  the  soaward-lookiui;  bii-or  shrine.  Even  so  there  is  an  error  in  the  name,  which 
ww  according  to  the  aluv.idt  oontem^jrary  authority  of  Tirumingai  AJvAr,  Tala,ttyanam 
(3thala4wanrin)au'lir^JAlaiayanam.  T«o  msro  proximity  to  the  sea  cannot  givo  a 
shrine  this  namo,  and  the  'Siva  shrinu  closa  to  the  wu  h;is  ir>t],in-  of  ^tyan-im  (couch)  in 
it,  containing  as  it  docs  only  a  sixteen-sided  prismatic  lln:lani. 

The  Sea-ward  Tomplo  soann  built  with  tho  design  to  shut  oil  tho  Vishnu  Temple, 
which  Tirumansai  Alv&r  describes  as  a  Vishtiu  temple  '  whoro  Vishnu  is  in  the  company  of 


22  T.  A.  G.,  Iconwrap:*!/,  pp.  00,  &c. 

23  Tnisnamao;  title  wiiich  maais  '  the  ua  )ir*i:ellei   ht>r,  of  t  ie  ne^r  u  njro.la    83erni  mta 

«>  irus  nara  3  °*  l*lw't>;;11  ,.        T  10  iWb  word  «e3ni  to  (Miitiin  a  hint   t  i*f.  tie   thrjrie   w*w  to 

tie  *tal*3  V"  ^^     (S:*Ind.  In*.  II-  m-  P-  ^90 


watered  tho  te.nple  to  tie  *tal*3  V"  ^^     (S 


7(>  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [APRIL,  1917 

feiva,  whose  proper  place  is  the  crematorium.'-4  The  Talasayanam  must  have  got  modified 
into  Jalasavanam  by  an  error  and  assumed  the  alternative  Kshatriyasimha  Pallavesvaram, 
if  Kshalrivasimha  made  benefactions  to  the  temple  by  extending  and  improving  it.25 
llfijnsimha  Pallavt^varam  must  be  the  sea-  ward-looking  temple,  which  is  obviously  of  later 
construct  ion  from  it  s  own  posit  ion.  The  prismatic  linga  is  qui  le  characteristic  of  Rajasimha's 
buildings,  as  a  comparative  study  of  Pallava  monuments  seems  to  indicate.  2t;  Rajasimha 
is  further  dcscril  cd  ka  very  pious  prince,  the  illustrkus  Atuuitak£rua,  the  chief  of  the 
Pallavas,  who  crushed  the  multitude  of  his  foes  by  his  power  (or  spear),  whose  great 
statesmanship  was  well  known,  and  who  had  got  rid  of  all  impurity  (by  walking)  in  the 
path  of  the  fcaiva  doctrine.'27 

Jn  hisxcal  for  extension  for  the  fciva  shrine  he  might  have  consciously  thrown  the 
Vishnu  shrine  into  the  shade  and  might  even  have  destroyed  parts  of  it,  as  that  must  have 
faced  the  sea  fn  m  the  disposition  of  the  image  now,  both  in  the  shore-  temple  and  in  the 
more  modern  temple  in  the  town.  The  tradition  is  living  yet  that  this  latter  was  built  to 
house  the  god,  left  homeless  by  the  pious  vandalism  possibly  of  the  Pallava  sovereign,  it 
may  even  be,  by  his  own  successor  Nandivaiman  A\ho  was  a  Vaisnnava  and  in  whose  time 
Tirumangai  Ajvftr  probably  lived. 

Mamallaptmmi  is  not  mentioned  as  a  'Saiva  holy  place  by  either  Sambandar  or  Appar, 
who  have  made  hymns  upon  Tirukkalukkunram  ;  nor  even  by  Sundaramurti,  as  far  as  I 
am  at  present  able  to  make  out.  it  is  not  mentioned  among  the  recognised  fcaiva  centres 
of  worship  even  now.  Tirumargai  Alvflr  celebrates  it  separately  in  two  pieces  of  ten 
stanzas  each,  and  makes  other  references  besides.  Another  of  these  AJvArs,  believed  to  be 
much  anterior  to  him  in  time  and  born  in  the  town  itself,  refers  to  the  temple.  We  have 
already  referred  to  the  primitive  character  of  the  bas-relief  in  the  Krisluiamaimipam. 

It  seems,  therefore,  that  before  Narasimh  aval  man  I  took  it  upon  himself  to 
beautify  the  place  with  the  various  rock-cut  temples  and  other  works  of  art,  it  must 
have  been  a  place  of  Vaishiiava  worship  in  some  manner  connected  with  one  of  the  oldest 
Vaishnava  temples  in  Kanehi.  In  one  of  his  verses,  Tirumangai  Alvar  refers  to  the 
god  at  Mallai,  as  '  lie  who  was  abed  in  Kachchi.'1*  This  may  be  explained  awray  in  a 
general  sense,  Imt  the  reference  seems  to  be  specific,  and  there  is  some  similarity  in  regard 
to  the  traditions  of  both.  The  shrine  in  Kanchi  referred  to  is  that  of  Yadoktakari 
or  Velika,  the  only  temple  referred  to  in  the-  P  e  rumba  ndriuppadai.  This  poem  by 
Rudran  Kannan  has  for  its  object  the  celebration  of  the  liberality  of  Tondaman 


&  L-GBT  &&) 


(Pcriya  Tirumoli.  IL  vii.  9.) 
Para  9,  Epiyra  phial's  Report  for  1913. 

*Cf.  RAjasimha-PallavcBVaru,,  the  Kail&saiifit  ha  temple  at  Kaiiohi. 
IVali&m  vamnr  prastttat  Rajiarasika  purcA)rmmardhana  d  (a)gradan<]at  (ti) 
8ubrahmanyali  kumaro  Guha  iva  PramadSHvaradfitta  janma 
&aktik$uiinan  varggo  viditabaliunaya'B  feaiva  HiddLSnt/i  marge 
fcrimAn  AtyantakfimaL  kBhatasakalamald  dhQiddharal.ih'allavAnum 

(S.  /.  /.,  Vol.  !„  JVo.  2^  verse  6). 


A*ML,  1917  ]  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OF  MAHAB  A  LIPUR  71 

I  lAndirayan  of  Kanchi,  and  refers  to  a  time  certainly  anterior  to  that  of  Simhavishnu, 
the  founder  of  the  great  Pallava  dynasty,  and  may  go  back  to  the  2nd  century  A.  D. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  this  Simhavishmi  himself  was  a  Vaishnavn,  according  to  the 
Udayendiram  plates  of  Nandivarman  I.,  Pallavaiunlla,^  while  Rajasimha  is  described 
in  the  same  document  as  a  devout  worshipper  of  fciva  (Parauiamah&vara).  A  Vishnu 
temple  in  the  locality  seems  quite  possible,  either  of  sufficient  nearness  or  remoteness  in 
point  of  time. 

Was  the  place  of  sufficient  importance  to  deserve  this  honour  before  the  uge  of  the 
great  Pallavas,  specifically  before  the  date  of  Narasimhavarmaii  I,  Mahamalla,  whose 
name  stuck  on  to  the  place  even  long  after  the  fall  of  the  dynasty.  It  is  in  point  to 
notice  here  that  it  is  not  only  the  works  of  the  Ai.vars  that  call  the  place  Mallai,  uniformly 
the  same  designation  is  given  to  it  in  the  work  Nantlikkalambakani,  a  Tamil  work  celebrat- 
ing the  exploits  of  Nandivarman,  Victor  at  TclhVu.  The  age  of  this  monarch  is 
not  yet  definitely  fixed,  but  he  came  later,  perhaps  much  later,  than  Nandivarman 
Pallavamalla.  How  far  back  the  name  Mallai  goes  we  have  not  the  means  of  decid- 
ing, but  a  coin  of  Theodosius  has  been  discovered  of  date  A.  D.  371-395,  A\hieh  would 
indicate,  although  the  evidence  must  be  regarded  as  yet  slender,  that  the  place  was  a  port 
of  some  importance  commercially.30  A  recent  article11  in  the  ('hrititinn  Cullcyr  Magazine 
attempts  to  arrange  the  genealogy  of  the  Pallavas  of  Kanohi  and  takes  it  to  eight  genera- 
tions before  Si raha Vishnu,  the  father  of  Mahendra,  the  monarch  who  excavated 
most  of  the  caves  of  Southern  India.  If  we  cai*  take  the  time  occupied  by  these  at  about 
two  centuries,  this  will  take  us  to  about  A.  D.  400  from  the  known  dates  of  Narasimha 
I.  There  are  three  other  names  to  be  accommodated  perhaps,  before  wo  come  to  Vishnugopa 
of  Kanchi,  who  suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  'Indian  JVr/yWrr/w"  Samudragupta— 
about  A.  D.  350.  One  of  these  very  early  Pallavas.  Simhavarinan.  is  said,  in  the  Ainaravatl 
Pillar  Inscription  now  in  the  Madras  Museum,  to  have  gone  up  to  the  Himalayas  to  imprint 
his  '  lartchana  '  on  its  face,  as  symbolical  of  his  universal  sovereignty.5-  This  is  in  obvious 
imitation  of  the  crowned  kings  of  the  Tamil  land,  the  f'heni,  Chola  and  the  Pandya.  We 
have  to  look  for  the  particular  Pandya,  Chola  and  Ohera  much  anterior  to  his  time— what- 
ever that  time  be. 

This  would,  under  all  legitimate  canons  of  criticism,  bring  us  to  thu  earlier  centuries 
of  the  Christian  era  and  the  geographical  data  of  the  classical  writers  outfit  to  give  us  the 

clue. 

We  have  already  noted  that  the  Chinese  traveller  Hiuen  Thsang  refers  both  to 
the  capital  and  the  p:3rt  as  if  they  both  had  either  the  same  name,  or  as  though  they 
could  be  regarded  as  the  capital  and  its  port,  so  intimately  connected  with  each  other  as 
to  be  confounded  by  even  an  eminently  intelligent  foreigner  such  as  the  enlightened 
'  Master  of  the  Law*'  was.  Ptolemy,  the  geographer,  writing  in  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
century  \.  1).  refers  to  a  port,  as  well  as  an  inter. or  city,  named  Malange .™  The  Ptriplu*. 
written  about  80  A.  IX,  refers  to  three  ports  and  marts  north  of  the  Kavery ;  Oaniara, 

»  Simhavi8bnu-the  grandfather  of  Xanimhavarnuiu  J,  was   a  J,vo«t   Vai,hnava.     (Udayc-ndirarD 
Plates,  S.  1. 1.,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  iii.p.  370)  •  Bhaktyaradhita  Viahmil.  Simhav.shnuK 
'•  J  R.  A.  S.  1904,  pp.  609  end  636. 

31  Vol.  for  1913.14,  pp.  230-374,  by  Mr.  K.  V.  Subrahmanya  Ty*r.  .\*i*tant  hp 
3?  5.  2nd.  Int.,  Vol.  U  p.  27,  11.  33.34. 
33  Antt,  Vol.  XJII,  pp.  333  and  368. 


72  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [APRIL,  1917 

Poduka  and  Makuiga,:i1  Without  going  into  the  details  of  this  geography  here,  we 
may  take  Makuiga  the  port  to  be  the  Mahabalipuram  that  is  at  present.  The  description 
of  Ma-vilangai  we  lind  ill  the  frirupanarrupiiiulai  would  answer  to  this  very  well,  as  well 
as  in  Hiuen  Thsang's  time,  when  it  was  the  port  of  embarkation  for  Ceylon.  The  interior15 
Malangc.  was,  according  to  Ptolemey,  the  capital  of  Bassarnagos,  which,  on  the  analog}' 
of  Sorenagos  of  the  same  writer-,  must  be  the  capital  of  the  land  of  a  people  Basser,  which 
is  a  Greek  modification  of  Yeciar  01  A'eUuvar.  who  constituted,  if  not  the  sole,  at  least  an 
ntegral  part  of  the  population.  This  possibility  requires  to  be  woiked  uj)  more  fully. 

It  must  be  noted  in  this  connection,  however,  that  there  is  a  place  containing  a  Pallava 
cave  temple  near  Tindivanam  called,  even  now.  Kij.mavilangai  (/.  r..  East  or  Lower 
Mavilangai).  Another  Malingi  (Kan.  for  Mavilangai)  in  Mysore  is  called  in  the  llth 
centun  A.  1).  I-lainat-tu  Mavilangai.:ib  These  adjuncts  to  the  two  names  imply  the  existence 
ol  other  places  of  the  name  in  the  neighbourhood  or  about  the  same  region.  As  far  as 
1  am  able  to  make  out  at  present  there  is  no  authority  for  taking  Mavilangai  to  mean  a 
country  ay  Mr.  Kanakasabhai  has  taken  it:i7: — the  passago  of  the  ftiriipanarruppHilai  not 
lending  itself  to  that  interpretation.  If  then  the  capital  and  the  port  bore  the  same  name, 
there  is  some  reason  for  the  careful  Chinese  tra \eller  calling  the  two  places  by  the  same 
name,  though  different  from  this  one,  but  well-known  in  his  days.  In  fact,  it  is  stated  that 
to  Oymana.-tu  Nalliyakktulau,  the  hero  of  the  ^mipanarnqqwlai,  belonged  the  region 
comprising  the  cities  and  fortresses  of  Amur,  A'eliir.  E\  ilpaMinam,  Ma\ila:igai,  Ki'jangil,  &<»., 
but  Ranch i  in  the  same  region  does  not  find  mention  a*  such.  His  time,  I  take  it,  is 
intermediate  to  those  of  Tomiaman  Ilandirayan  of  Kanclii.  and  the  Vishmigopa  of  Kfuichi 
defeated  by  the  famous  JSauiudragupta. 

This  would  take  us  to  the  \  exod  question  of  the  origin  of  the  Pallaxas.  and  whether 
they  were  an  nidigenous  dynast  \  or  a  dynasty  of  foreigners.  The  study  of  their  monuments 
at  Mahabaiipuram  makes  it  quite  clear  thai  their  ci\  ilization  at  any  rate,  must  have  been 
Brahmanic  :  their  architecture  shews  clear  traces  of  its  indigenous  origin.  These  would 
support  the  contention  of  the  Vishnu  I'uratiu,-**  that  the  Pallavas  were  a  race  of  Kshattriyas, 
who  fell  from  their  high  estate  by  giving  up  the  Yaidic  duties  enjoined  upon  them, 
meaning  perhaps  that  they  had  become  Buddhists.  When  they  come  into  view  in  Pouth 
India,  they  seem  bent  upon  making  amends  for  their  past  remissncss  by  an  extraordinary 
amount  of  zeal  for  Hinduism.  It  would  seem  reasonable  to  infer  that  the\  had  as  little 
to  do  with  the  Pahlavas  or  Partisans,  as  their  contemporaries  the  ChuhiKyas  had  to  do  with 
the  Bcleukians  of  Asia. 

Having  come  so  far,  it  would  seem  pertinent  to  ask  the  question  whether  these  Pallavas, 
who  present  themselves  to  us  through  the  antiquities  of  Mahabaiipuram,  are  the  same  as 
those  known  in  the.  locality  from  the  earliest  times,  or  whether  these  were  new-comers. 
That  these  powerful  Pallavas  of  the  dynasty  of  Narasimhavarinan  were  Aryans  in  culture 
must  now  seem  clear.  There  is  one  particular  motive  in  the  buildings  of  these  that  strike  one 
as  a  remarkable  feature,  and  that  is  the  lion-base  for  the  pillars.  This,  with  the  maned  lion 
upon  their  coins,  seems  to  indicate  unmistakably  that  these  were  the  feudatories  of  the 
Andhras,  who  advanced  southwards  from  across  the  Krishna  liiver,  both  in  the  lower  and 

3i  VV.  Sjholl'tt  I'eriplut,  p.  46,  Section  GO.  X  pattuppdttu  1 «.  yer's  Edition. 

36  Epig.  Carnjtaca.    Mysore  Tt,  1.  T.  N.  34  and  3C.  ^  The  Tamils  1800  Year*  Ago, 

83  Bk.IIt.  Ch.  iii.  Wilton's  Translation-   Original  !fofa*(  15-21). 


'OfJl 


X 
X 


X   ~ 

^   — 


APRIL,  1917  ]  THE  ANTIQUITIES  OP  MAHABALIPUR 


73 


upper  part  of  its  course.    There  seems,  therefore,  some  reason  to  distinguish  between  these 
Pallavas  and  the  PaUavas  or  Kurumbars  of  the  coins  which  have  for  their  characteristic 
device  a  standing  bull.    On  this  subject  the  following  remarks  of  Professor  Rapson  seem 
apposite.     "In  the  same  region  lived  the  Kurumbars,  a  people  of  considerable  importance 
before  the  7th  century  A.  D.    Between  the  coins  of  these  two  peoples  no  accurate  discrimi- 
nation has  yet  been  made.  The  coins  of  this  region  fall  into  two  classes:—  (i)  Those  which  in 
atyle  bear  some  resemblance  to  the  coins  of  the  Andhrasfc.^.,  E.  CSL  PI  II,  55.58,  called 
Kurumbar;  and  perhaps  also  id.  1, 31-38  called  Pallava  or  Kurumbar),  and  may  therefore  possi- 
bly belong  to  the  same  period  (2nd  and  3rd  centuries  A.  V.).  The  occurrence  of  the  ship  as  a 
reverse  type  testifies  to  the  foreign  trade  for  which  the  Pallavas  were  famous.  (2)  The  other 
class  is  of  gold  and  silver  and  undoubtedly  later  ;  but  here  again   there   seems  to  be  no 
evidence  from  which  to  determine  the  exact  date.    These  coins  all  bear  the  Pallava  emblem, 
the  maned  lion,  together  with  Canarese  or  Sanskrit  inscription.38 

That  the  Kurumbars  were  different  from  the  Pallavas,  and  that  the  Pallavas  were 
northerners,  seems  to  find  an  echo  in  Tamil  literature.  There  are  two  or  three  poems,  which 
are  ascribed  to  different  authors,  who  must  be  alloted,  on  very  substantial  evidence,  to  the 
first  century,  or  a  little  later,  of  the  Christian  era.  Among  them  a  certain  chief  by  name 
Nannan  had  for  his  territory  the  region  called,  in  Tamil  literature,  Pujjnadu  ™  round  about 
the  region  of  Oannanoro  now.  One  of  the  hill  forts  belonging  to  that  chief  was  called  filil 
Malai  (a  hill  about  18  miles  north  of  Cananore  now).  That  hill-fort  had  fallen  into  the 
possession  of  the  north crucrs,  as  the  Tamils  called  them  (Vadukar),  and  the  territory  was 
recovered  by  a  certain  Chola  King,  by  name  Tlanjetcheimi,  victor  ;it  Keruppali  or  Pali  over 
these  northerners  (Vadukar).  40  The  same  incident  is  referred  to  in  connection  with  the 
same  king  in  Puram  378.  That  is  for  the  west  coast.  In  regard  to  (he  east,  the  Tamil 
chief  Ktu-i,  ruler  of  Malai  Nadu  round  about  Tirukkovilur  in  the  South  Arcot  District,  is 
said  similarly  to  have  beaten  back  an  Aryan  force  which  laid  siege  to  his  hill  fort  of  Mullur.11 
These  references  in  classical  Tamil  literature  make  it  quite  clear,  that  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Christian  era,  there  was  a  general  forward  movement  of  the  northerners  (Aryans  or 
Vadukar,)  into  South  India  which  was  resisted  with  all  their  power  by  the  Tamilians  across 
the  whole  width  of  the  peninsula.  The  boast,  therefore,  of  the  Pandian  ruler,  who  figures 
prominently  in  the  Silappadhikaram,  that  he  defeated  an  Aryan  army,  and  the  various 
northern  achievements  of  Senguttuvan  seem  founded  on  abasis  of  fact.  The  native  Kurum- 
bars, therefore,  who  must  have  figured  in  this  general  opposition,  must  have  been  gradually 
overcome  by  the  invaders  and  their  territory  occupied  completely  by  the  Pallavas,  who 
figured  prominently  in  South  Indian  history  at  least  from  the  commencement  of  the  4th 
oentury  A.  D.  This  would  satisfactorily  account  for  the  hiatus  between  the  Tamilian 
rulers  of  Kanchi,  generally  known  as  Tonclaiinan,  and  the  later  rulers  of  the  same  region, 
usually  known  by  the  Sanskrit  name  Pallava,  though  this  is  but  a  translation  of  the  word 
Tonclaiman. 


38  Indian  Cains  by  E.  J.  Rapson,  Plate  V.  16  and  p.  37. 

ft  This  is  also  called  in  Tamil  Konkanam  (Konkan). 

««  Akam  375  or  374  in  the  Ma.  copy  in  the  Govt.  MSS.  Library  at  Madras. 

«  Narrinai  170. 


74  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  [APRIL,  1917 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA. 

BY  V.  RANGACHARI,  M.A.,  L.T. ;  MADRAS. 
(Continued  from  p.  63.) 

His  tyranny  and  Venkawah's  rebellion. 

He  came  to  learn  that,  at  the  time  when  the  zenana  of  Vijaya  Eaghava  was  about 
to  bo  destroyed,  the  queen  had  handed  over  a  child  of  4  years,  the  only  remnant  of  the 
family,  to  a  faithful  nurse,  so  that  it  at  least  might  survive  the  catastrophe  ;  and  that  that 
child,  Songamala  Das  by  name,  was  growing  up  in  safe  obscurity  under  the  tender  care  of  his 
foster-mother  and  of  a  poor  merchant  of  Negapatam.01  He  therefore  proceeded  thither, 
and  after  a  few  years'  sojourn  with  the  prince,  took  him,  when  he  reached  the  age  of  twelve,92 
to  Sikandar  Shah  (1659-86),  the  reigning  Sultan  of  Bijapur  and  the  nominal  suzerain  of 
South  India.  He  placed  before  him  the  pathetic  story  of  Sengamala  Das,  and  described, 
we  may  be  certain,  in  highly  coloured  and  pursuasive  language,  to  what  station  he  had 
boon  born,  and  to  what  station  the  vicissitudes  of  time  and  the  ambition  of  the  Madura 
Naiks  had  reduced  him.  The  astute  Brahmin  then  pleaded  for  the  Sultan's  help,  promising 
in  return  a  faithful  allegiance  on  his  part.  Sikandar  was,  on  his  part,  readily  willing  to 
undertake  an  expedition,  which  promised  a  firmer  hold  on  the  South  Indian  kingdoms.  He 
could  not,  however,  directly  take  the  field,  as  ho  had  enough  trouble  with  the  Mughals  ;  and 
therefore  ordered  Ekoji,  the  second  son  of  his  minister  Shahji,  then  in  his  province  of 
Bangalore,  to  march  with  1200  cavalry  and  1000  infantry  to  the  south,  and  place 
fceiigamala  Das  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

The  First  Marat  ha  Invasion  in  favour  of  Sengamala  D&s. 

Thus  it  was  that  a  Maratha  army  was,  for  the  first  time  in  Indian  History,  on  its  way  to 
the  banks  of  tho  Kaveri.  The  necessity  of  safety  and  the  prudence  of  statesmanship  demanded 
tiio  rclinq uishmont  by  Chokkanatha  of  petty  jealousy,  and  a  cordial  co-operation  with  his 
vassal.  An  ample  facility03  for  such  a  behaviour  was  afforded,  at  this  time,  by  a  repentant 
and  submissive  letter  from  Alagiri  Naik.  But  Chokkanatha's  small  mind  could  riot  see  that 
tho  help  rendered  to  Alagiri  was  self -help  ;  that,  whatever  might  be  the  internal  affairs  of 
tho  kingdom,  it  ought  to  present  a  united  front  to  foreign  enemies.  Left  to  his  own 
resources,  Alagiri  met  Ekoji  at  Aiyampet,  a  village  about  ten  miles  from  Tanjore  and  at 
present  a  railway  station,  and  in  tlie  battle  which  ensured  he  sustained  such  a  disastrous 
dofoat  that  he  had  not  the  presence  of  mind  to  even  defend  his  capital.  He  fled  to 
Mysore,  and  Ekoji  seated  Songamala  Das  on  the  throne.  The  restored  monarch  paid 
generous  donations  to  his  benefactors.  Besides  paying  tho  revenues  of  the  Taluks  of 

91  It  was  now  a  Dutch  possession.    It  was  the  earliest  Portuguese  settlement  on  the  Ooromandel  coast 
and  taken  from  them  by  the  Dutch  in  JG60,  i.e.,  immediately  after  Chokkanatha's  accession.     Nelson 
does  not  mention  the  story  of  the  Negapatam  merchant,  etc. 

92  This  is  tho  version  given  in  the  Tanj.  Raj.  Chari.      It  is  evident  that  it  implies  that  the  advent 
of  the  Marathas  took  place  12  years  after  the  Madura  conquest.     Mr.  Venkasami  Rao,  the  author  of  the 
Tanjore  Manual,  says  that  Chokkanatha's   conquest  must  have  taken  place  in  1602  and  the  Maratha 
occupation  in  1674.     Duperron   puts  it   at  1674-5  and   Burnell   agrees  with  him.     (See  *S.  Ind.  Palaso., 
p.  56  and  Antiquities,  11,  p  193.)     That  Ekoji  came  south  ajter  1670  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  in  16611 
(Saumya)  he  was  at  Bangalore  and  made  a  grant  of  land   for  the  god  Mallik&rjuna  of  Mallapura.~-Jlf  ys. 
Arch.  Rep.  1909,  p.  25. 

93  According  to  Nelson  Venkaji  had  to  wait  for  a  year  before  he  was  able  to  take  advantage  of  tho 
unfortunate  rupture  between  AJagiri  and  Chokka,  in  1675. 


APBIL,  1917  ]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  75 

Kumbacoaam,  Papan^am  and  Mannargudi,  to  meat  the  expenses  of  the  Bijapur  army, 
he  gave  a  reward  of  15  lakhs  of  pagodas  ^  to  Ekoji  and  an  equal  amount  to  his 
followers. 

Ekoji's  usurpation. 

Unfortunately   for  Sengamala   Das,    he    had   to   do    at    the    outset   of   his   reign  an 
act   which    undid  the    position   ho   had    attained    with   so  much    difficulty.     A  dispute 
arose   as  to   who   should   be   his   minister.     Voukanna   claimed    t1  o  dig.uty  as  a  reward 
for    his    past    service,    but   the   foster-mother   of   the   prince    urgjd   the    claims   of    the 
merchant   who   had    been  a  second  father  to  him.     teengamala   Das    much   indebted   to 
both,  preferred  the  latter,  and  so  invested  him  with  the  dignity   and    robes  of  the  Dalavai. 
Voiikatiua   was   indignant,   and  with   characteristic    vindictivencss   of  temper,   vowed  to 
out   down  the  tree  which  he  himself  had  reared.     Ho  proceeded  to  the  Maratha   camp  at 
.  Ivumbakduarn,  and  commenced  to  sow  treason  in  the  honest  mind  of  Ekoji. !*;'    W.  y  could 
not  Ekoji,  t.ie  brother  of  the  illustrious   Sivaji,  imitate  his  brother,  depose  'Song-unala  Das, 
seize  the  crown  and  at  the  same  time   cease  to  pay  tribute  to  his  Muhammadan  suzerain  ? 
Why  could  he  not  thus  obtain  two  victories  at  ono  stroke  ?    The  one  was  a  weak  stripling, 
already  grown,  like  his  father,  too  religious  and  unworldly   to    present  a  stout   opposition. 
The  other  was  an  infidel  who  lived  hundreds  of  miles  off  and  whose  enmity  was  an  honour  to 
theBhonsle  family.    When  the  circumstances  were   so  favourable,   \\hen  providence  had 
smoothed   the   way   to    power    and  to  greatness,    would  it  not  be   folly,   would   it  not  be 
cowardice,  to  kick  the  fortune  that  camo  voluntarily  in  his  way  >    Kkoji  struggled  with  his 
conscience,  and  resisted  the  dictates  of  self-interest  for  a  space  of  six    months.     But   some 
time  in  1675,  the  Sultan  died,  and  ail  fear  from  above  vanished.     Ho  therefore  succumbed 
to    the    counsels  of  Ycnkanna,    promptly    marched   to   Tanjore,    and  seized   the    crown. 
The   unfortunate  son  of  Vijaya  Raghava  had  already    abandoned  the  throne  on  which  he 
had  mounted  only  a  few  months  back   and  had  gone  for  refuge  to  the  Polygar  of  Ariyalur. 
With  the  help  of  the  Setupati  he  then  tried  to  win  back  his  crown  by  force  of  arms,  but 
failed l)(i  and  lived  the  rest  of  his  life  in  obscurity. 

91  From  the  money  and  jewels  which  his  father  had  buried  und  which  his  foster-mother  now 
secured. 

93  According  to  Wilks,  the  views  of  ambit  ion  which  Venkanna  placed  before  Ekoji  had  not  boon 
entirely  absent  from  the  latter's  mind.  He  points  out  that  the  very  object  of  Ekoji's  expedition  was 
*•  a  conquest  on  his  own  account,  but  under  the  ostensible  authority  of  the  ( Jovormnent  of  Vijeyapoor." 
After  the  defeat  of  Madura,  continues  Wilks,  Ekoji  demanded  an  extravagant  war  indemnity  from 
Tanjore,  quarrelled  with  its  king  on  that  account,  accused  him  of  treachery  and  seized  the  kingdom. 
.See  Wilks  I»  49. 

w  The  story  is  that  he  took  refuge  with  tho  Ton,}amfin  of  PudukkOttai,  and  lived  there.  He  had  latt-r 
on  the  satisfaction  to  see  his  grand -daughters  by  his  son  (Vijaya  Maunaru  Nai<)u)  married  to  the  king 
of  Ceylon  and  his  grandson  Vijaya  Raghavulu  adopted  by  that  king,  as  he  was  childless.  See  Tanj.Raj* 
Chari.  for  details-  The  fr-ngaladvlpakatha  also  mentions  these  marriages.  After  the  fall  of  the  dynasty 
the  Madura  dynasty,  besides  others,  gave  some  grants  for  the  maintenance  of  the  unfortunate  family. 
At  the  time  when  the  Tanjamrvarti  Chnritram  was  written,  a  member  was  living  at  Jambukea varan*. 
See  Tanjore  Manual,  p.  758. 


7G  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  APRIL,  1017 

Ekoji's  raid  into  the  Madura  Kingdom. 

The  Marallui  conquest  of  Tanjoro  was  followed  by  the  Maratha  invasion  of 
Madura.  To  the  ambition  of  Ekoji  the  acquisition  of  a  tract  of  territory  was  an  incentive 
to  further  acquisition.  The  spoils  of  Tanjoro  inspired  therefore  a  longing  for  the  spoils 
of  Trichiiiopoly.  (.Jreat  as  the  mutual  enmity  of  the  Nuiks  had  been,  they  had  belonged 
to  the  same  nationality,  and  had  some  sympathy  towards  each  other.  They  had  been, 
moreover,  equ-illy  strong  and  equally  weak,  and  none  could  thoroughly  beat  the  other. 
Very  different  \uis  the  case  with  the  Maratluis.  The  occupation  of  Tunjoro  was 
in  their  eyes,  a  step  to  the  occupation,  of  the  other  parts  of  South  India.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  immediately  after  the  pacification  of  Tan j ore,  Ekoji  marched 
against  rrichinopoly.  The  vigilance  of  C'J  okkaimtha,  however,  frustrated  his  attempt. 
He  therefore  diverted  his  forces  on  the*  people.07  The  rax  ages  of  the  Marat  has  AX  ere  not 
less  destructive  than  the  hostilities  exercised  by  the  .Mnliamniadans.  Without  making  the 
least  cude.a\  our  to  varnish  their  proceedings  x\itJi  tie  colour  of  fairness  or  moderation, 
they  stained  every  moment  of  their  invasion  by  act,*1,  of  i.nicKy  and  rapine,  which  made  the 
atrocity  of  the  Alnhamuimhins  mildness  itself.  The  masse^  \\fvo  harassed  by  a  repetition  of 
claims,  j>lunders  and  inroads.  The  sword  of  destruction  v\a.-.  unsheathed  on  the  peaceful 
villagers,  audall  limit  Avas  transcended  in  the  demand  of  ihe  surrender  ot  their  riches. 

The  Mysore  conquest  oi  the  North-west. 

T  e  irruption  of  the  Maratha s  was,  l:o\\evur,  onh  one  oi  the  causes  \\hieh  aiUicted 
the.  kingdom  of  Madura  at  this  tinu  .  Flarlv  in  J(>7(i  an  ann\lps  of  iMysoreans  descended,  on 
a  sudden,  from  their  mountains  and  sei/.ed  at  one  hlov  tl.r  \\hole.  province  of  Satviiinangalajn  . 
Tne  soul  of  this  movement  \\  as  king  ('hikka  J)ev:i<>:'  (1  07--J  TO  I ),  tho  successor  of  J>  va  Ita-ja, 
n  kiiuf  of  singular  valour  and  ambition.  Inspired  by  him.  v\  o  are  told,  his  general, 
Arasumalai,  promptly  accomplished  his  purpose,  and  ear?  \  hm  e\  er\  thijig  before  him,  reached 
Madura-  itself  and  captured  it.  We  do  not  know  x\hnhcr  this  was  the  fact,  but.  there 
is  no  (piostion  that  the  whole  kingdom  bet \\een  tlie  iVoni  iei-  passes  leading  to  Mysore,  and 
Coimbatore  was  nosv  under  the  oeeu])ation  of  the  My,<«>reans,lnt)  a-s  an  inserij>tioji  at  l)a\a.la- 
giri  (near  Satyama' galam)  dated  1G7(>  (Nalaj  Urslilies.  rrho  Mysortuuis,  \\e  ai'e  told, 
followed  up  1heir  success  Avith  an  attack  on  their  Maratha.  ri\als  on  the  one  liaiid  and  the 
city  of  Trichinopoly,  the  only  nmnaiit-  of  rhokKaiiatha-'s  kingdom,  on  the  other.  An 
inscription  of  ( 'hikka  Deva',  dated  KJ7J,  distinctly  claims  that  he  vanquished  "Sam  bhu, 
Kutapa  Sahu-  l>asava-  of  Tkkere,  Kkoji,  Dadoji.  Jaitaji  and  Jasavaut.  " 

1(7  NolHou'K  Mndur.  Man. 

I)S  \Vilk.s  duos  not,  no  for  to  Hiis  in  dofctul.  Tlio  ditto  ho  ^ivt-ri  ulso  scorns  to  l>e  v«:ry  lato.  Soo  liiti 
Mywif,  1.  p.  fis.  That  C-hikkuDovib  do^nn  his  Bonlliwiircl  movement  ovon  ourlior  seems  to  bo  demon- 
titrtitoil  by  tho  lii"t  that  his  Daiuvui  Kuni  ira  RAyu  built  mi  anicui  at  lJt»lur,  10  milus  south  of  Hosur,  in. 
1G7,'{.  Sow  AnJlviittcH,  L,  11)4. 

99  For  tho   circumattmcoH  of  Ciiikka  DOva's   aocoasioii,  his  doaliiigs    with  tho  J^Jlandiir  Poudit,  his 
oarly   mfonns  iii  the  administration,  his  conversion  to  Vumlmavism  at  the  instance  of  Tirumalaiyangar. 
sec  WiJkfll,  r>3-;»G. 

100  Inscns.  2D1  and  209  of  1901).      Vide  Madr.  Ep.  Rep.  1910,  p.  110. 
1  Seo    Mi/a.  Up.  Rep.  1915,  p.  57. 


APRIL,  1917  J  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  77 

The  advent  of  Sivaji. 

And  as  if  these  troubles  were  not  enough,   Providence  scut  into  the  ruined  kingdom  a 
third  scourge.     In  1677  the  great  Maratha  Sivaji,  whose  career  the  Sultans  of  Bijapur  and 
the  Great  Mughal  had  in  vain  tried  to  cheek,  marched  to  the  Southern  Carnatic.      Ostensi- 
bly he  came  to  acquire  from  his  brother  Ekoji  half  of  the  Tunjore  jnqhlr  and  of  his  father's 
property.2      Jn  reality,  his  object  was  to  bring  the  (Virnatie.    under  the  Maratha  supremacy 
in  place  of  Bijapur  sovereignty.     With  characteristic  duplicity,  he    eamc    as    the  ally  and 
servant  of  (*olkonda,  saying  that  the  benciit  of  his  conquests  Mould  go  to  that  State.     Like 
ii  dexterous  falcon  he  fell  on  the  disunited  inters  of  the  Uarnatie  ii.id  swept   them2  oil.     He 
first    seized  the  important    fortress  of  Gingi4,  the  headquarters  of  the  Kijupur    Yieeroyalty, 
by  trcacheiy,  and  e.oiKjuered    the    Avhole    country    down  to  the  ( 'olcroou.     Organising    thi.s 
into  a  Maratha    ]>rovinee    Avith    (iingi  as  capital,  1-c  took    steps  to  e\act     the   allegiance  of 
the  southern    kingdom;       U  is  difneult  to  describe    elearly    the    iuo\  cuients  of  Sivaji    after 
this.     The  authorities  are  so  contuidictory    and    eonl'iiMUL1.     The  \er.sjon    of  .Dull    is    this 
Sivaji's  ol>jeet   \\a-s  <<>  make  his  })rother,  Kkoji,  afknouL'<k>e  his  s<i|.iv:Kaey  :ind  pa.\'  lialf  of 
his  revenue--1.      Kkoji,  as  shrewd    and    i:  reedy    as    his     brother,     lad    autieipated    1  hi*,    and 
approached  (  Miokkan.-ii/ia  \\ith  aji  ofl'er  of  alli.iuee,  bnlh  o(lensi\<»  ;i>i<l  delVu.-.r,  e.     The  ruler 
of  Triehinopoly   agreed,  and  the  alliance  was  enuehided.      Hut-,    .it  tins    sta^e.    ue  are    told, 
the  skilful  di]>l<>nne\  '  of  Sivaji  broke  the  league.     He  sent   his  agent    Kaghuualha  iXarayan 
to  Triehinu|K;ly;  and  v  rsuaded  Chokka-n;Uha    b\   arguments,  of  the  nature  oi   \\hich  Me  are 
unaware  and  unable  1'»  ascertain,  [u  \\  il^di-au     from    his    v<->  *-nt     a-jTi-cinent .       1  >isa  j>j>ojnled 
and  sulky,     J^Loji    had     no\\   no  other    altc' iia' i\  e    tlian   iuj;j;!n'  t->  .MI  imVr\  M-\\     \\ith     his 
brother  for    discur-^in^  t  he  questions  <>'  tlispittc.      The  inlei  \ir\\    tonk  ]>!;»«•(•  on  the  iiortliern 
banks  oi  tli'' < 'olei'ooii.      "  Sivajee     re<viviMl     him    kindl;  ,    i>ut     failed    in  s|  ite  of  hi->    earnest 
re/pi-esont-atioiis,  to  persuade    liim     to     his  vie\\s."      Me   *-,ii  Ih^t    ( h««niLjht-  of    ui.tking  litJii  a 
prisoner,    and  eoinpeUmg  liim    to    gi\e   u}»  half    ol    Tnijore    of  t'ie     j  f/ltu    distrnts,   and  of 
the    m  01  w»  v     and     ]*'vv<  Is"  ;      but     oji     lurlli'-r     <'on-id"ral  ion     fill    llnl     SIM  h     an     act    \\  a,.^ 
inconsist-eiit    \\itli    i'.is    <>wu     characteJ1  as  a   l>rot  her  and  a    punee.      Id    therefm'e     permi(lc<l 
liiui  1o  turjif'  to  1'aujoie.      Sivaji  ho\\ever  d'M  not   Kcrj,     (ji.iei        II"   f!cqueutl\      pressed    hi* 
brother   \\it3i      his     (lemands.      Jle  at   the    ..ir.ie     thm-     S»oL  b.     [«»r.-e  ;-,;  ,  }<t<jlil,'     dist-ricts   in 
Mysore.      \Tcnkaji    v  .is  still    obstina.te.      L«\-ning    tliereforc  l»i.-.  hall'  hi  »»t  |H>I    S.mtaji    to   look 
after    his    conquer  and  to  subdue     Kkt»ji   hy  arms,    Sivaji     n-turned   to    the     "\iah:»ra.-sht  ra, 

s   JDulVs   Mdlunt'n^,   \. 

n  For  tho  iil.unu  \\'.ii<-l»  <  lie  ftilv«-nt  <»i'  Si\aji  nuisi*  I  .inmn-;  (!i«>  Mu^lisli  in  ^ladms,  .sf-r  \VJiooli»r'B 
Early  Jter.  Ijrjl.  Jt»L  }>.  7:'.  ;  Ins  ///.Won/.  1  \\  ]>•  :J7I.  AVilks  I,  ],.  .!-  K.»i  il.u  ™  >l  ul>j.  «-ts  «.f  Si\aji,  w« 
OruritDuiT  iwnl  AViJks  ;  Kt-.-islita's  hm-fin  TI,  ]>  *«1. 

1  »S'..  Arr-tl.  Uazi.,  p-  '550:   Dull',  f.  i>    27S  ;    U'ilkw  I,  |>-  •"*  I .  ;    S<'-»M.ll.  :M. 

Thus  tlioro  cann1    ml-'  u \iHtonce    'l  Hie  Mutflitil    (."'apuanc"    in  |»J^i-    1.1    1  Jic   oM  (.iolkoiuiu    Carnutic^ 
mid  tho  Murutiui  CariuiLic   »ii  ]>1aco  of   Bijupur's.      Th"  Murutlia^   K..\vr\»r,  oiicmacluMl  mid   tho 
Climatic,    and  tho  foudalorios   ihore  wore  as  much    intt^P'Stod  in  cM,nc-iliaiing  l-lio  Maratha.s  MH 
Tho  attitude  aud  policy  of  Mio  Eugliah  illuHtratos  thi.s  best.     .SW-  Whtniloih  Muly  Hrc.  p.  US. 

5  Duff,  I,  p.  277.      Tho  Boudola  'oflicxsr,  it  is  curious,    docti    tiot   i  runt  ion   thin.      Ho   H 
mat    Iiis   brother 'Angojoo'  at  Gingi,   and   not   on   tho  hanks  of  1  ho  Colrroon  ».•;  Dull  saj-j 

•Gingi  that  Ekoji  fled  to  Taiijoro.     /Sec  Scott's  Dekkuu  11,  p.  ^2. 

6  Ibid.,  cf.  the  Buiidela  oflicor's  account  given  abovo. 


78  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  APRIL,     On 

where  the  pressure  of  Mughal  ravages  required  his  presence.  Immediately  after  his 
return,  Ekoji  attacked  Santaji,  only  to  bo  repulsed.  This  aggression  brought  forth  a 
long  letter  of  rebuke  from  Sivaji,  which  reconciled  Venkaji  to  the  payment  of  tribute  in 
return  for  the  restoration  of  the  jayhir  districts. 

The  account  of  Wilks7  is  slightly  different.  He  agrees  with  Duff  in  regard  to  the 
alliance  between  Chokkanatha  and  Ekoji  and  its  breach  by  the  embassy  of  Raghunatha 
Narayan,  but  diiTers  in  the  representation  of  affairs  at  the  interview  between  the  two 
brothers.  Sivaji,  lie  says,  was  so  inimical  that  Ekoji  spied  danger  and  imprisonment,  and 
so  escaped  during  night  to  Tanjore  and  recommenced  hostilities.  Sivaji  soon  left  for  the 
north,  and  his  general  Santaji,  who  was  left  behind,  eventually  succeeded  in  inflict  ing 
such  a  crushing  defeat  on  Ekoji  that,  early  in  1678,  he  concluded  peace. 

Chokkanatha  and  Ekoji. 

Both  the  authorities  thus  agree  in  attributing  the  pacific  attitude  of  Ekoji  in  1678  to 
purely  Maratha  affairs.  But  Nelson8  gives  a  different  version,  which  clearly  attributes 
it  to  the  activities  of  ChokkaruUha.  Nelson  does  not  mention  the  Tanjore- Madura 
alliance,  which  had  preceded  the  interview  between  Sivaji  and  Ekoji.  He  is  unaware  of 
the  part  played  by  Madura  then.  His  account  of  the  relations  between  the  Mara  ilia 
brothers  is  also  different.  He  says  that  the  obstinacy  of  Ekoji  so  much  exasperate  d  his 
brother  during  their  interview  that  he  actually  seized  him  and  put  him  in  prison ;  tiyit  the 
latter  escaped  by  swimming  across  the  Goleroon,  and  reached  his  kingdom  ;  that  flic  floods  of 
the  Coleroon  prevented  Sivaji  from  the  pursuit  of  hia  brother;  and  that  ho  therefore  left 
the  command  of  his  troops  and  the  charge  of  the  newly  conquered  province  in  the  hands 
of  his  brother  Santaji,  and  proceeded  home,  leaving  a  chain  of  military  posts  all  along  the 
line  of  tbe  road  through  Mysore.  The  floods  subsiding,  he  continues,  Santaji  crossed  the 
river  and  mooting  the  forces  of  Ekoji  on  the  route  to  Tanjore,  gained,  with  his  superior 
strategy,  a  victory  which  laid  the  Southern  Maratha  capital  open  to  his  advanco.0  It  seems 
that  at  this  stage,  Chokkanatha  Naik  approached  Santaji  with  the  offer  of  tribute, 
money  and  men,  in  case  he  was  placed  in  possession  of  Tanjore.  It  was  a  very  clever 
move,  and  if  attended  with  success,  would  have  restored  the  political  condition  of  the 
South  to  what  it  was  before  the  ill-fated  defection  of  Ajagiri  Naidu  and  the  ominous 
restoration  of  the  unfortunate  Sengamala  Das.  But  in  his  eagerness  for  diplomacy  he 
forgot  the  character  of  Ekoji.  The  shrewd  Maratha  saw  that  affairs  were  taking  a 
serious  turn,  arid  so  prudently  submitted,  early  in  1678,  to  his  brother's  general.  He 
never  forgot  the  capacity  or  inclination  of  Chokkanatha  to  do  mischief.  To  ambition  he 
now  added  the  feeling  of  revenge,  and  from  this  time  onward  always  carried  on  raids 
into  the  kingdom  of  Madura,  or  rather  the  city  of  Ti  ichinopoly.  The  men  of  Mysore, 
Tanjore  and  Ginji  were  jealous  of  one  another,  and  carried  on  a  contest  among 
themselves;  but  they  combined  in  the  humiliation  and  subjugation  of  Chokkanatha. 

(To  he  continued.) 


7  6'ee  his  Mysote,  I,  50-64. 

6  Madur.  Mm.  195  f. 

9  Modur.  Man  ,  p.  199  ;  Wilks,  I.  p.  53.     The  Bondela  Jour,  does  not  mention  this. 


APRIL,  1917] 


NOTES  AND  QUERIES 


79 


NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 


NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS. 

3.  A  now  verison  of  Hobson  Jobson — Jacey 

Booey — Joioey  Boioy. 

21  December  1682.  Coaaultation  in  Maaulipat- 
am.  The  Qovernour  of  this  fcowno  Mauhmd  :  Alley 
Beague  [Mahmfid  'Alt  BtA-g]  havoing  occasion  for  4 
Cases  spiritta  and  two  Cheeses  for  his  master  (be- 
ing Jaoey  boooy  timo  whon  they  drinko  much 
sherbatt)  and  for  him  selfe  two  baloa  Sugar,  sent 
to  tho  Factory  for  same,  The  Counoell  therefore 
thinke  it  Convenient,  and  order  that  he  be  present- 
ed with  the  same  being  roquesito  to  oblige  him 


with  such  things  at  this  season  of  the  year,  that 
our  business  may  not  moot  with  any  inturruptioa 
and  that  in  case  an  Interloper  should  come  in 
he  may  riot  have  any  pretence  to  favour  him 
or  liia  businesse.  (Factory  Records,  Masulipatam^ 
Vol.  4  ) 

A7ote.— Tho  copy  of  this  Consultation  now  at 
Madras  has  ««  Joicey  boicy,"  but  that  at  the  India. 
Ollice  has  tho  spoiling  "  Jacoy  boooy."  Either 
gives  us  a  new  form  for  this  much  tortured  expres- 
sion. 

K.  C.  T. 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


KALID  ASA'S  MEGHADUTA  on  THE  CLOUD  -MESSEN- 
GER (as  embodied  in  the  Pdrsv&bhyudaya)  with 
the  Commentary  of  Mallinitha,  literal  English 
translation,  variant  readings,  critical  not^s, 
appendixes  and  introJuction,  determining  the  date 
of  Kulidasa  from  latest  antiquarian  researches, 
edited  by  KASIUN  ATII  BAPU  PATHAK,  B.A.  Second 
Edition,  Pouna,  I'JMi. 

The  Pdrtwibht/udaya  is  too  well-known  (o  Sans- 
krit  scholars  to  need  an  introduction.  An  edition 
of  Kulidosu'tf  MeyttadAta  based  on  this  metrical 
biography  of  Puravanutha  by  Jinasonucharya  is 
undoubtedly  a  very  valuable  contribution  to  Indo- 


The  first  edition  of  Prof.  Pathak's  book,  which 
appeared  in  1894,  was  characterised  by  a  rather 
indiscriminate  use  —  or  misuse  —of  diacrit;cal  marks 
in  the  transliteralion  of  Indian  words  in  the  preface 
end  notes  accompanying  the  text.  The  present  edi- 
tion marks  a  slight  improvement  in  this  respect. 
Even  iu  this  edition,  however,  the  number  of  the 
"  errata  "  (printed  at  the  bottom  of  p.  vi)  has  been 
considerably  underestimated  by  the  author,  and  the 
little  booklet  would  have  proved  much  better  read- 
ing for  a  thorough  revision  of  the  spelling,  which  in 
many  instances  is  quite  unconventional.  From  tho 
literal  translation  and  tho  elaborate  exegetical  and 
explanatory  apparatus  accompanying  the  reprint 
of  the  Sanskrit  text,  it  is  evident  that  the  edition 
is  intended  chiefly  for  the  use  of  school-boys  and 
junior  oollqgo  students  :  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 


it  will  bo  greatly  in  dem  iml  with  this  cla^s  of  read- 
ers. Tho  more  is  tho  pity  that  sufficient  attention 
has  not  been  paid  to  typographical  matters  ;  for, 
thfc  example  of  inaccuracy  in  minor  details  set  by 
a,  veteran  is  likoly  to  bo  unconsciously  copied  by 
the  inexperienced  young  scholar  in  who 40  hands 
the  book  falls.  No  uoul>t  tho  pross  comes  in  for 
its  legitimate  share  <>f  roproof  ;  but  it  must  be 
understood  th  it  tho  responsibility  of  chocking 
instances  of  Riioh  iiegligonoo  lies  entirely  with  tho 
author. 

At  p.  vii,  tho  subject-matter  of  tho  introduction 
is  indicator]  by  a  hea  1-lino  to  bo  **  tho  date  of 
Kulidtbia."  This  is  indued  a  very  nv»dcwt  descrip- 
tion of  the  contents  of  tho  introduction  which  fronts 
of  a  groat  many  things  bosidos  ;  so  much  BO,  that 
the  reader  experiences  som-  difficulty  in  threading 
hiy  way  through  the  maze  of  (more  or  less  interest, 
ing)  digressions.  Tho  cannonade  of  diatribe  run- 
ning through  the  analysis  of  tho  '  critical  acumen  * 
of  Dr.  Hultzsch  (pp.  xvii-xix)  is  distinctly  ono  of 
the  less  interesting  digressions,  and  might  have 
boon  with  advantage  omitted  in  its  entirety. 

The  remarks  bearing  on  tho  date  of  Kali  das  a 
have  been  reprinted  with  slight  alteration^  from 
the  author's  article  on  the  subject  entitled  «•  Kali- 
dasa  and  the  Hunas  of  the  Oxus  Valley  '*  (Ind.  Ant., 
1912,  p.  265),  where  an  attempt  is  made  to  syn- 
chronise the  composition  of  the  Raghuvamja  with 
the  advent  of  the  Ephthalitea  in  the  Oxua  Valley. 
To  quote  Prof.  Pathak's  own  words  (p.  x  of  the 


80 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[  APRIL,  1017 


book  under  review) :  "  KAlidasa  must  have  writ- 
ten his  versos  about  the  Hftnas  shortly  after  450, 
the  date  of  the  establishment  of  the  Hun  a  empire 
in  the  Ox  us  Basin,  but  before  their  first  defeat 
(A.  D.  450 — 455),  when  they  were  still  in  the  Oxus 
Valley  and  considered  the  xhoat  inivncible  warriors 
of  their  age  ";  and  all  this,  because  it  was  on  the 
banks  of  the  Oxus  (Vahkshu)  that  Raghu  during 
the  course  of  his  digvijaya  is  represented  by  Kali- 
dasa  (anachronistically,  adds  Prof.  Tatliak)  to  have 
encountered  the  Huua  hordes.  It  is  no  doubt  pos- 
sible to  argue  in  this  way ;  but  the  conclusion  of 
the  Professor  is  by  no  means  inevitable.  The 
Huiias  are  evidently  introduced  as  a  type  of  people 
who  had  impressed  the  minds  of  Indians  as  formid- 
able foes  on  the  battlefield ;  and  Prof.  Pathak  is 
perfectly  right  in  implying  that  the  Ephthalites 
bo  Jong  to  a  category  different  from  that  of  the 
classical  enemies  of  the  conquering  hero,  such  as 
the  kings  of  the  Choja,  Fftngya,  KaJii'iga  and  other 
kingdoms.  But  this  estimation  of  their  fighting 
qualities  was  hardly  possible  to  be  formed,  unless 
the  Indians  of  Kalidasa's  time  had  known  the 
nomadic  hordes  nearer  at  hand  than  from  the  remote 
Oxus  Valley.  To  the  same  conclusion  points  the 
use  of  the  phrase  kapolapdtantldeti  by  Kalidasa,  in 
the  saino  work  (canto  4,  verse  68),  which  discloses 
dose  intimacy  with  tho  customs  and  manners 
peculiar  to  the  White  Huns.  It  would  be,  therefore, 
equally  legitimate  to  assign  Kalidasa  to  on  epoch 
of  Indian  history  following  shortly  on  the  expulsion 
of  the  Hujia  hordos  from  the  confines  of  India 
proper.  This  would  be  a  time  when  the  picture  of 
their  ferocious  barbarity  was  still  vividly  present 
to  the  minds  of  the  poet's  contemporaries,  and  a 
reference  to  the  rout  of  the  Huiias  would  have 
immediately  and  strikingly  appealed  to  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  readers.  Thus,  even  under  these  cir- 
cumstances there  would  be  nothing  incongruous  in 
the  fact  of  the  poet  making  Raghu  encounter  the 
retreating  Humvs  in  their  *  epic  '  homo  of  the  Vaiik. 
shu  Valley.  Tho  upshot  of  this  antinomian  argu- 
mentation seems  to  be  to  exclude  the  possibility  of 
refening  Kalidasa  to  the  period  in  which  the  Eph- 
thaUtos  occupied  the  position  of  paramount  sove- 
reigns within  the  limits  of  India.  For,  on  the 
contrary  supposition,  with  the  Hunas  actually  hold, 
ing  their  own  in  the  Panjab  and  parts  of  Central 
India,  the  statement  that  Raghu  fought  with  these 


same  people  on  the  banks  of  the  Oxus  and  defeat* 
ed  them  there,  would  have  been  incomprehensible 
to  Kaliddpa's  contemporaries.  The  reference  is, 
in  any  case,  too  vague  to  admit  of  exact  chronolo* 
gical  computations  like  those  which  Prof.  Pathak 
attempts. 

The  determination  of  the  date  of  Kalidasa  is,  as 
remarked  above,  only  one  of  tho  questions  dealt 
with  in  tho  introduction.  Another  topic  discussed 
there  is  the  value  of  Vallabha's  Commentary  on 
the  Meghadftta  in  settling  the  question  of  the  spu- 
rious verses.  The  verdict  of  Prof.  Pathak  is  not 
favourable  to  tho  commentator.  Dr.  Hultzsch,  it 
would  appear,  misguided  by  the  opinion  of  the 
Pandits  Durgaprasad  and  Parab  regarding  the  age 
of  Vallabha,  identifies  him  with  Kaiyata's  grand- 
father of  that  name  and  assigns  him  therefore  to 
the  first  half  of  the  tenth  century  (soo  Hultzsch's 
edition  of  the  MeghadMa,  Preface,  pr  ix).  Prof. 
Pathak  would  rather  place  him  two  centuries  later, 
and  the  reasons  adduced  by  him  in  support  of  his 
opinion  are  worthy  of  careful  consideration.  If 
it  turn  out  that  the  Professor's  surmise  of  tho  age 
of  Vallabhadeva  is  correct,  this  circumstance  would 
detract  considerably  from  the  value  to  which  the 
commentary  might  otherwise  bo  entitled  on  grounds 
of  its  supposed  antiquity.  In  any  event,  Prof, 
Pathak  attaches  far  too  much  importance  to  this 
fact ;  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  even  the 
author  of  the  Pdrwdbhyudaya  is  separated  by  at 
least  two  centuries  from  the  time  of  Kalidasa, — a 
period  which  is  long  enough  in  India  to  engender 
interpolations.  Each  work  represents  the  version 
locally  current  at  tho  particular  epoch  to  which 
the  commentator  belongs.  And  neither  in  one  case 
the  seclusion  of  the  Kalmfr  Valley,  nor  in  tho  other, 
the  proximity  to  the  poet  by— admitting  Prof. 
Pathak's  estimation  to  be  correct — three  centuries, 
is  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  the  entire  purity  of  the 
respective  texts. 

In  reprinting  the  text  of  MallinStha's  commen- 
tary Prof.  Pathak  has  introduced  an  innovation. 
Ho  has  expunged  the  remarks  of  the  commenta- 
tor regarding  the  spuriousness  of  certain  verses,  a 
procedure  which,  being  misleading,  ia  not  com. 
mendable. 

V.  S.  SUKTHANKAE. 


MAY,  1917]  CASTES  IN  INDIA  Si 

CASTES  IN  INDIA. 
Their  mechanism,  genesis  and  development.1 

HY    BHIMKAO  R.  AALUEDKALl,  3d. A. 

TUIANY  of  us,  I  daresay,  have  witnessed  local,  national,  or  international  expositions  of 
1A  material  objects  that  make  up  the  sum  total  of  human  civilization.  But  few  can 
entertain  the  idea  of  them  being  such  a  thing  as  an  exposition  of  human  institutions. 
Exhibition  of  human  institutions  is  a  strange  idea;  some  might  call  it  the  wildest  of  ideas. 
But  as  students  of  Ethnology  1  hope  you  will  not  be  hard  on  this  innovation,  for  it  is  not 
so,  and  to  you  at  least  it  should  not  be  strange. 

You  all  have  visited,  I  believe,  some  historic  place  like  the  ruins  of  Pompeii,  and 
listened  with  curiosity  to  the  history  of  the  remains  as  it  llowcd  from  the  glib  tongue  of 
the  guide.  In  my  opinion  a  student  of  Ethnology,  in  one  sense  at  least,  is  much  like  the 
guide.  Like  his  prototype,  he  holds  up  (perhaps  with  more  scriousnohs  and  desire  of  self- 
instruction)  the  social  institutions  to  view,  with  all  the  objcetivcness  humanly  possible,  and 
inquires  into  their  origin  and  function. 

Most  of  our  fello\\  students  in  this  Seminar,  Wi»ie!i  concerns  itsdt  with  Primitive 
versus  Modern  Society,  have  ably  acquitted  themselves  along  these  lines  by  giving  lucid 
expositions  of  the  various  institutions,  modern  or  primitixe,  in  which  they  are  interested. 
Jtismy  turn  now,  this  e\<ming,  to  entertain  yon,  as  best  I  can.  \\ith  a  paper  on  "Castes 
in  India  :  their  mechanism,  genesis  and  development.'' 

1  need  hardly  remind  you  of  the  complexity  of  the  subject  1  inknd  l'>  handle.  Subtler 
minds  and  abler  pens  than  mine  have  been  brought  to  the  task  of  unravelling  the  mysteries 
of  Caste  ;  but  unfortunately  it  still  remains  in  the  domain  of  the  k>  unexplained,  "'  not  to  say 
of  the  '*  un-imderstood.''  1  am  quite  alive  to  the  complex  intricacies  ot  a  hoary  institution 
like  Caste,  but  1  am  not  so  pessimistic  as  to  relegate  it  to  the  region  of  the  unknowable, 
for  I  believe  it  can  be  known.  The  caste-  problem  is  a  vast  o.ie,  both  theoretically  and 
practically.  Practically,  it  is  an  institution  that  portends  tremendous  consequences.  It  is 
a  local  problem,  but  one  capable  of  much  wider  mischief,  for  %k  as  lon^  as  caste  in  India 
does  exist,  Hindus  will  hardly  intermarry  or  have  am  social  intercourse  \\ith  (  utsiders ;  and 
if  Hindus  migrate  to  other  regions  on  earth,  Indian  caste  \\ould  become  a  \\orld  problem.  "2 
Theoretically,  it  has  defied  a  great  many  scholars  who  have  taken  upon  themselves,  as  a 
labour  of  love,  to  dig  into  its  origin.  Such  being  the  case,  I  cannot  treat,  the  problem  in 
its  entirety.  Time,  space  and  acumen,  I  am  afraid,  would  all  fail  me,  if  1  attempted  to  do 
otherwise  than  limit  myself  to  a  phase  of  it,  namely,  the  genesis,  mechanism  and  spread 
of  the  caste  system.  1  will  strictly  observe  this  rule,  and  will  dwell  on  extraneous  matters 
only  when  it  is  necessary  to  clarify  or  support  a  point  in  my  thesis. 

To  proceed  with  the  subject.  According  to  well-known  ethnologists,  the  population 
of  India  is  a  mixture  of  Aryans,  Dravidians,  Mongolians  and  Scythians.  All  these  stocks 
of  people  came  into  India  from  various  directions  and  with  various  cultures,  centuries  ago, 
when  they  were  in  a  tribal  state.  They  all  in  turn  elbowed  their  entry  into  the  country 
by  fighting  with  their  predecessors,  and  after  a  stomach! ul  of  it  settled  down  as  peaceful 
neighbours.  Through  constant  contact  and  mutual  intercourse  they  evolved  a  common 

1  A  paper  read  before  tho  Anthropology  Seminar  (9th  May  1910)  of  Dr.  A.  A.  Golden  weiwer,  Colum- 
bia University,  New  York. 

2  Ketkar,  Caate,  p.  4. 


S2  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  CMAY> 


culture  that  superseded  thoir  distinctive  cultures.    It  may  be  granted  that  there  has  not 
been  a  thorough  amalgamation  of  tho  various  stocks  that  make  up  the  peoples  of  India,  and 
to  a  traveller  from  within  the  boundaries  of  India  the  East  presents  a  marked  contrast  in 
physique  and  oven  in  colour  to  the  West,  as  docs  the  South  to  tho  North.    But  amalgama- 
tion can  never  be  tho  sole  criterion  of  homogeneity  as  predicated  of  any  people.     Ethni- 
cally all  peoples  are  heterogeneous.     It  is  the  unity  of  culture  that  is  the  basis  of  homo- 
geneity.   Taking  this  for  granted,  1  venture  to  say  that  there  is  no  country  that  can  rival  the 
Indian  Peninsula  with  respect  to  the  unity  of  its  culture.    It  has  not  only  a  geographic 
unity,  but  it  luis  over  and  above  all  a  deeper  and  a    much  more  fundamental  unity — tho 
indubitable  cultural  unity  that  covers  the  land  from  end  to  end.     But  it  is  because  of  this 
homogeneity  that  Caste   becomes  a  problem  so  difficult   to   be  explained.    If  the   Hindu 
Society  wore  a  mere  federation  of  mutually  exclusive  units,   tho  matter  Mould  be  simple 
enough.     But  Caste  is  a  parcelling  of  an  already  homogeneous  unit,  and  the  explanation  of 
the  genesis  of  Caste  is  the  explanation  of  this  process  of  parcelling. 

Before  launching  into  our  field  of  enquiry,  it  is  better  to  advise  ourselves  regarding  the 
nature  of  a  canto.  I  will  therefore  draw  upon  a  few  of  the  best  students  of  caste  for  their 
definitions  of  it. 

(1)  M.  Senart,  a  French  authority,  defines  a  caste  as  "  a  close  corporation,  in  theory 
at  any  rate  rigorously    hereditary  :   equipped   with  a  certain  traditional  and  independent 
organisation,  including  a  chief  and  a  council,  meeting  on  occasion  in  assemblies  of  more 
or   less  plenary  authority  and   joining  together  at  certain  festivals:  bound   together  by 
common  occupations,   which    relate  more   particularly  to  marriage   and    to  food  and   to 
questions  of  ceremonial  pollution,  and  ruling  its  members   by  the   exercise  of  jurisdiction, 
the  extent  of  which  varies,  but  which  succeeds  in  making  the  authority  of  the  community 
more  felt  by  the  sanction  of  certain  penalties  and,  above  all,  by  final  irrevocable  exclusion 
from  the  group." 

(2)  Mr.  Xesfield  defines  a  caste  as  "a  class  of  the  community  which  disowns  any  con- 
nection with  any  other  class  and  can  neither  intermarry  nor  eat  nor  drink  with  any  but 
persons  of  their  own  community.'" 

(3)  According  to  Sir  H.  Ilisloy,  '*  a  caste  may  be  defined  as  a  collection  of  families  or 
groups  of  families  bearing  a  common  name  which  usually  denotes  or  is  associated   with 
specific  occupation,  claiming  common  descent  from  a  mythical  ancestor,  human  or  divine, 
professing  to  follow   the  same   professional  callings    and  are   regarded  by   those  who   are 
competent  to  give  an  opinion  as  forming  a  single  homogeneous  community." 

(4)  Dr.  Kotkar  defines  caste  as  Vk  a  social  group  having  two  characteristics  :  (]}  mem- 
bership is  confined  to  those  who  are  born  of  members  and  includes  all  persons  so  born  ;  (2) 
the  members  are  forbidden  by  an  inexorable  social  law  to  marry  outside  the  group/' 

To  review  these  definitions  is  of  great  importance  for  our  purpose.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  taken  individually  the  definitions  of  three  of  the  writers  include  too  much  or  too 
little  :  none  is  complete  or  correct  by  itself  and  all  have  missed  the  central  point  in  the 
mechanism  of  the  Caste  system.  Their  mistake  lies  in  trying  to  define  caste  as  an  isolat- 
ed unit  by  itself,  and  not  as  a  group  within,  and  with  definite  relations  to,  the  system  of 
caste  as  a  whole.  Yet  collectively  all  of  them  are  complementary  to  one  another,  each 
one  emphasising  what  has  been  obscured  in  the  other.  By  way  of  criticism,  therefore,  ] 
will  take  only  those  points  common  to  all  Castes  in  each  of  the  above  definitions  which 
are  regarded  as  peculiarities  of  Caste  and  evaluate  them  as  such. 


MAY,  1017]  CASTES  IN  INDIA  83 


To  start  with  M.  Scnart.  He  draws  attention  to  the  '•  idea  of  pollution  "  as  a  cha- 
racteristic of  Caste.  With  regard  to  this  point  it  may  be  safely  said  that  it  is  by  no 
means  a  peculiarity  of  Caste  as  such.  It  usually  originates  in  priestly  ceremonialism  and 
is  a  particular  case  of  the  general  belief  in  purity.  Consequently  its  necessary  connection 
with  Caste  may  be  completely  denied  without  damaging  the  working  of  Caste,  The  "idea 
of  pollution  "  has  been  attached  to  the  institution  of  Caste,  only  because  the  Caste  that 
enjoys  the  highest  rank  is  the  priestly  Caste  :  uhile  we  know  that  Driest  and  purity  are 
old  8^sociat_e^_Wo  may  therefore  conclude  that  the  «•  idea  of  pollution  ''  is  a  characteris- 
tic of  Caste  only  in  so  far  as  Caste  has  a  religious  flavour.  Mr.  Nesfield  in  his  way  dwells 
on  the  absence  of  messing  with  those  outside  the  Caste  as  one  of  its  characteristics.  In 
spito  of  the  newness  of  the  point  we  muxt  say  that  Mr.  .\Ysfield  has  mistaken  the  effect  for 
the  cause.  Caste,  being  a  HolPencIosed  unit  naturally  limits  .social  intercourse,  including 
messing  etc.,  to  members  within  it.  Consequently  this  absence  of  nies,"-i no  with  outsiders 
is  not  due  to  positive  prohibition,  but  is  a  natural  result  of  Caste,  /'.  r.,  oxclusiveness. 
No  doubt  this  absence  of  messing,  originally  due  to  exclusiveness,  acquired  the  prohibitory 
character  of  a  religious  injunction,  but  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  later  growth.  Sir  H.  Risley, 
makes  no  new  point  deserving  of  special  attention. 

We  now  pass  on  to  the  definition  of  Dr.  Ketkar,  who  has  done  much  for  tho  elucida- 
tion of  tho  subject.  Xot  only  is  ho  a  native,  but  be  has  also  brought  a  critical  acumen 
and  an  open  mind  to  bear  on  his  study  of  Caste.  His  definition  merits  consideration,  for 
ho  has  defined  Caste  in  its  relation  to  a  system  of  Castes,  and  has  concentrated  his  atten- 
tion only  on  those  characteristics  \\hich  are  absolutely  necessary  for  the  existence  of  a 
Caste  within  a  system,  rightly  excluding  all  othors  as  being  secondary  or  derivative  in 
character.  With  respect  to  his  definition  it  must,  however,  be  said  that  in  it  there  is  a 
slight  confusion  of  thought,  lucid  and  clear  as  otherwise  it  is.  He  speaks  of  Prohibition 
of  Intermarriage  and  Membership  by  Autogeny  as  the  t\u>  characteristics  of  Caste.  I 
submit  that  these  arc  but  two  aspects  of  one  and  the  same  thing  and  not.  two  different 
things  as  Dr.  Kotkar  supposes  them  to  be.  If  you  prohibit  inter- marriage  the  result  is 
that  you  limit  membership  to  those  born  within  the  group.  Thus  the  t\\<>  an^tho  obverse 
and  the  reverse  sides  of  the  same  medal. 

This  critical  evaluation  of  the  various  characteristics  of  Caste  leaves  no  doubt 
that  prohibition,  or  rather  the  absence  of  intermarriage— endogamy,  to  be  concise— is  tho 
only  one  that  can  bo  called  the  essence  of  (Jaste  when  rightly  understood.  But  some  may 
deny  this  on  abstract  anthropological  grounds,  for  there  exist  eiidogamous  groups  without 
giving  rise  to  the  problem  of  Caste.  In  a  general  way  this  may  be  tine,  as  endogamouw 
societies,  culturally  different,  making  their  abode  in  localities  more;  or  less  removed,  and 
having  little  to  do  with  each  other,  are  a  physical  reality.  The  negroes  and  tho  whites  and 
the  various  tribal  groups  that  go  by  tho  name  of  American  Indians  in  the  United  States 
may  bo  cited  as  more  or  less  appropriate  illustrations  in  support  of  this  view.  But  we 
must  not  confuse  matters,  for  in  India  the  situation  is  different.  As  pointed  out  before, 
the  peoples  of  India  form  a  homogeneous  whole.  The  various  races  of  India  occupying 
definite  territories  have  more  or  less  fused  into  one  another  and  do  possess  a  cultural 
unity,  which  is  the  only  criterion  of  a  homogeneous  population.  Given  this  homogeneity 
as  a  basis,  Caste  becomes  a  problem  altogether  now  in  character  and  wholly  absent 
in  the  situation  constituted  by  the  mere  propinquity  of  ondogamous  social  or  tribal 


84  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917 


groups.  Caste  in  India  means  an  artificial  chopping  off  of  the  population  into  fixed  and 
•definite  units,  each  one  prevented  from  fusing  into  another  through  the  custom  of  endo- 
gamy. Thus  the  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  endogamy  is  the  only  characteristic  that  is 
peculiar  to  Caste,  and  if  we  succeed  in  showing  how  endogamy  is  maintained,  we  shall 
practically  have  proved  the  genesis  and  also  the  mechanism  of  Caste. 

It  may  not  be  quite  easy  for  you  to  anticipate  why  I  regard  endogamy  as  a  key  to 
the  mystery  of  the  Caste  system.  Not  to  strain  your  imagination  too  much,  I  will  proceed 
to  give  you  my  reasons  for  it. 

It  may  not  also  be  out  of  place  to  emphasize  at  this  moment  that  no  civilized  socie- 
|  ty  of  to-day  presents  more  survivals  of  primitive  times  than  docs  the  Indian  society.  Its 
religion  is  essentially  primitive  and  its  tribal  code,  in  spite  of  the  advance  of  time  and  civi- 
lization, operates  in  all  its  pristine  vigour  even  to-day.  One  of  these  primitive  survivals, 
to  which  1  wish  particularly  to  draw  your  attention,  is  the  custom  of  exogamy.  The  pre- 
valence of  exogamy  in  the  primitive  world  is  a  fact  too  well  known  to  need  any  explana- 
tion. With  the  growth  of  history,  however,  exogamy  has  lost  its  efficacy  and,  excepting 
the  nearest  blood-kins,  there  is  usually  110  social  bar  restricting  the  field  of  marriage. 
But  regarding  the  peoples  of  India  the  law  of  exogamy  is  a  positive  injunction  oven 
to-day.  Indian  society  still  savours  of  the  clan  system,  even  though  there  are  no  clans  : 
and  this  can  be  easily  seen  from  the  la^  of  matrimony  which  centres  round  the  principle 
of  exogamy,  f(;r  it  is  not  that  tiapindas  (blood-kins)  cannot  marry,  but  a  marriage  even 
between  mqolra-s  (of  the  same  class)  is  regarded  as  a  sacrilege. 

Nothing  is  therefore  more  important  for  you  to  remember  than  the  fact  that 
endoganry  is  foreign  to  the  people  of  India.  The  various  yotras  of  India  an?  and  have 
been  exogamous  :  so  are  the  other  groups  with  totemic  organization.  It  is  no  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that  with  the  people  of  India  exogamy  is  a  creed  and  none  dare  infringe  it, 
so  much  so  that,  in  spite  of  the  endogamy  of  the  Castes  within  them,  exogamy  is  strictly 
observed  and  that  there  are  more  rigorous  penalties  for  violating  exogamy  than  there  are 
for  violating  eodogamy.  You  will,  therefore,  readily  see  that  with  exogamy  as  the  rule 
there  could  i>e  no  Castes,  for  exogamy  means  fusion.  But  we  have  Castes  ;  consequently 
in  the  final  analysis  creation  of  Castes,  so  far  as  India  is  concerned,  means  the  super- 
position of  endogamy  on  exogamy.  However,  in  an  originally  exogamous  population 
an  easy  working  out  of  endogamy  (which  is  equivalent  to  the  creation  of  Caste)  is  a 
grave  problem,  and  it  is  in  the  consideration  of  the  means  utilized  for  the  preservation  of 
endogamy  against  exogamy  that  we  may  hope  to  find  the  solution  of  our  problem. 

Thus  the  superposition  of  endogamy  on  exogamy  meant  the  creation  of  Caste.  But 
this  is  not  an  easy  affair.  Let  us  take  an  imaginary  group  that  desires  to  make  itself 
into  a  Caste  and  analyse  what  means  it  will  have  to  adopt  to  make  itself  endogamous. 
If  a  group  desires  to  make  its"elf  endogamous  a  formal  injunction  against  intermarriage 
Avith  outside  groups  will  bo  of  no  avail,  especially  if  prior  to  the  introduction  of  endogamy, 
exogamy  had  been  the  rule  in  all  matrimonial  relations.  Again,  there  is  a  tendency  in  all 
groups  lying  in  close  contact  with  one  another  to  assimilate  and  amalgamate,  and  thus 
consolidate  into  a  homogenous  society.  If  this  tendency  is  "to  be  strongly  counteracted  in 
the  interest  of  Caste  formation,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  circumscribe  a  circle  outside 
which  people  should  not  contract  marriages. 

Nevertheless,  this  encircling  to  prevent  marriages  from  without  creates  problems 
from  within  which  are  not  very  easy  of  solution.  Roughly  speaking,  in  a  normal  group  the 


MAY,  1917]  CASTES  IN  INDIA  85 

two  sexes  are  more  or  less  evenly  distributed,  and  generally  speaking  there  is  an  equality 
between  those  of  the  same  age.  The  equality  is,  however,  never  quite  realized  in  actual 
societies.  At  the  same  time  to  the  group  that  is  desirous  of  making  itself  into  a  caste 
the  maintenance  of  equality  between  the  sexes  becomes  the  ultimate  goal,  for  without  it 
endogamy  can  no  longer  subsist.  In  other  words,  if  endogamy  is  to  be  preserved  conjugal 
rights  from  within  have  t;j  be  provided  for,  otherwise  members  of  the  group  will  be  driven 
out  of  the  circle  to  take  care  of  themselves  in  any  way  they  can.  But  in  order  that  the 
conjugal  rights  be  provided  for  from  within,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  maintain  a 
numerical  equality  between  the  marriageable  units  of  the  UNO  sexes  within  the  group 
desirous  of  making  itself  into  a  Caste.  Jt  is  only  through  the  maintenance  of  such  an 
equality  that  the  necessary  endogamy  of  the  group  can  be  kept  intact,  and  a  verv  largo 
disparity  is  sure  to  break  it. 

The  problem  of  Caste,  then,  ultimately  resolves  itself  into  one  of  repairing  the  disparity 
between  the  marriageable  units  of  the  two  sexes  within  it.  Left  to  nature,  the  much 
needed  parity  between  the  units  can  be  realized  only  \\henacouple  dies  simultaneously. 
But  this  is  a  rare  contingency.  The  husband  may  die  before  the  uij'c  and  create  \\  surplu* 
wutnan,  \\ho  must  bo  disposed  of,  else  through  intermarriage  she  will  violate  the  endogamy 
of  the  group.  In  like  manner  the  husband  may  survive  his  wife  and  be  a  surplus  man, 
whom  the  group,  while  it  may  sympathise  Avit-h  him  for  the  sad  bereavement,  has  to 
dispose  of,  else  he  will  marry  outside  the  Caste  and  will  break  the  endogamy.  Thus  both 
the  surplus  ww  and  the  nurpluv  woman  constitute  a  menace  to  the  Caste  if  not  taken  care 
of,  for  not  finding  suitable  partners  inside  their  prescribed  circle  (and  left  to  themselves 
they  cannot  find  an\ ,  for  if  the  matter  be  not  regulated  there  car  only  be  just  enough 
pairs  to  go  round)  very  likely  they  will  transgress  the  boundary,  marry  outside  and  import 
offspring  that  is  foreign  to  the  Caste. 

Let  us  see  \\hat  our  imaginary  group  is  likely  to  do  with  this  surplus  man  and  surplus 
woman.  We  will  first  take  up  the  case  of  the  surplus  woman.  She  eaii  be  disposed  of  in 
two  different  ways  so  a«  to  preserve  the  endogamy  of  the  Caste. 

First:  burn  her  on  the  funeral  pyre  of  her  deceased  husband  and  get  rid  of  her.  This, 
however,  is  rather  an  impracticable  way  of  solving  the  problem  of  sex  disparity.  In  some 
eases  it  may  work,  in  others  it  m&y  not.  Consequently  every  surplus  woman  cannot  thus 
be  disposed  of,  because  it  is  an  easy  solution  but  a  hard  realization.  And  so  the  surplus 
woman  (  —  widow),  it'  not  disposed  of,  remains  in  the  group  :  but  in  her  very  existence  lies 
a  double  danger.  She  may  marry  outside  the  Caste  and  violate  endogamy,  or  she  may 
marry  within  the  Casto  and  through  competition  encroach  upon  the  chances  of  marriage 
that  must  be  reserved  for  the  potential  brides  in  the  Caste.  She  is  therefore  a  menace  in 
any  case,  and  something  must  be  done  to  her  if  she  cannot  be  burned  along  with  her 
deceased  husband. 

The  second  remedy  is  to  enforce  widflwiiood  on  her  for  the  rest  of  her  life.  So  far 
as  the  objective  results  arc  concerned,  burning  is  a  bettor  solution  than  enforcing  widow- 
hood. Burning  the  widow  eliminates  all  the  three  evils  that  &  surplus  woman  is  fraught 
with.  Being  dead  and  gone  she  creates  no  problem  of  remarriage  either  inside  or  outside 
the  Caste.  But  compulsory  widowhood  is  superior  to  burning  because  it  is  more  practi- 
cable. Besides  being  comparatively  humane  it  also  guards  against  the  evils  of  remarriage 
as  does  burning  :  but  it  fails  to  guard  the  morals  of  the  group.  No  doubt  under  compul- 
sory widowhood  the  woman  remains,  and  just  because  she  is  deprived  of  her  natural  right 
of  being  a  legitimate  wife  in  future,  the  incentive  to  immoral  conduct  is  increased.  But 


8(>  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY.  [MAY,  1017 

this  if*  by  no  means  an  insuperable  difficulty.     She  can  be  degraded  to  a  condition  in  which 
she  is  no  longer  a  source  of  allurement. 

The  problem  of  surplus  man  (  ~  widower)  is  much  more  important  and  much  more 
difficult  than  that  of  the  surplus  woman  in  a  group  that  desires  to  make  itself  into  a  Caste. 
From  time  immemorial  man  as  compared  with  woman  has  had  the  upper  hand.  He  is  a 
dominant  figure  in  every  group  and  of  the  two  sexes  has  greater  prestige.  With  this  tradi-, 
tional  superiority  of  man  over  woman  his  wishes  have  always  been  consulted.  Woman,  on 
the  other  hand,  has  been  an  easy  prey  to  all  kinds  of  iniquitous  injunctions,  religious, 
social  or  economic.  But  man  as  a  maker  of  injunctions  is  most  often  above  them  all.  Such 
being  tho  case,  yon  cannot  accord  the  same  kind  of  treatment  to  a  surplus  man  as  you  can 
to  a  surplus  woman  in  a  Caste. 

The  project  of  burning  him  with  his  deceased  wife  is  hazardous  in  two  ways  :  first  of 
all  it  cannot  be  done,  simply  because  he  is  a  man.  Secondly,  if  done,  a  sturdy  soul  is  lost 
to  the  Caste.  There  remain  then  only  two  solutions  which  can  conveniently  dispose  of  him. 
I  say  conveniently,  because  he  is  an  asset  to  the  group. 

Important  as  he  is  to  the  group,  endogamy  is  still  more  important,  and  the  solution 
must  assure  both  these  ends.  Under  those  circumstances  he  may  be  forced,  or  I  should 
say  induced,  after  the  manner  of  the  widow,  to  remain  a  widower  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 
Tills  solution  is  not  altogether  difficult,  for  without  any  compulsion  some  are  so  disposed 
as  to  enjoy  self-imposed  celibacy,  or  even  to  take  a  further  step  of  their  own  accord  and 
renounce  the  world  and  its  joys.  But,  given  human  nature  as  it  is,  this  solution  can 
hardly  be  expected  to  be  realized.  On  the  other  hand,  as  is  very  likely  to  be  tho  case,  if 
the  surplus  man  remains  in  the  group  as  an  active  participator  in  group  activities,  he  is  a 
danger  to  tho  morals  of  the  group.  Looked  at  from  a  different  point  of  view  celibacy,  though 
easy  in  cases  where  ft  succeeds,  is  not  so  advantageous  even  then  to  the  material  prospects 
of  the  Caste.  If  he  observes  genuine  celibacy  arid  renounces  the  world,  ho  would  not  }.o  a 
menace  to  the  preservation  of  Caste  endogamy  or  Caste  morals  as  he  undoubtedly  would  be 
if  he  remained  a  secular  person.  But  as  an  ascetic  celibate  he  is  as  good  as  burned,  so  far 
as  the  material  well-being  of  his  Caste  is  concerned.  A  Caste,  in  order  that  it  may  be  large 
enough  to  afford  a  vigorous  communal  life,  must  be  maintained  at  a  certain  numerical 
strength.  But  to  hope  for  this  and  to  proclaim  celibacy  is  the  same  as  trying  to  cure  at- 
rophy by  bleeding. 

Imposing  celibacy  on  the  surplus  man  in  the  group,  therefore,  fails  both  theoretically 
and  practicallv.  It  is  in  the  interest  of  the  Caste  to  keep  him  as  a  grahastha  (one  who 
raises  a  family),  to  use  a  Sanskrit  technical  term.  But  the  problem  is  to  provide  him  with 
n  wife  from  within  the  Caste.  At  the  outset  this  is  not  possible,  for  the  ruling  ratio  in  a 
caste  has  to  be  one  man  to  one  woman  and  none  can  have  two  chances  of  marriage,  for  in 
a  Caste  thoroughly  self-enclosed  there  are  always  just  enough  marriageable  women  to  go 
round  for  the  marriageable  men.  Under  these  circumstances  the  surplus  man  can  be 
provided  with  a  wife  only  by  recruiting  a  bride  from  tne  ranks  of  those  not  yet  marriage- 
able in  order  to  tie  him  down  to  the  group.  This  is  certainly  the  best  of  the  possible 
solutions  in  the  case  of  the  surplus  man.  By  this,  he  is  kept  within  the  Caste.  By  this 
means  numerical  depletion  through  -constant  outflow  is  guarded  against,  and  by  this  en- 
dogamy and  morals  arc  preserved. 

It  will  now  be  seen  that  tho  four  means  by  which  numerical  disparity  between 
the  two  sexes  is  conveniently  maintained  are:  (1)  Burning  the  widow  with  her  deceased 


MAY,  1917|          ^  CASTES  TN  INDIA  87 

husband  ;  (2)  Compulsory  widowhood— a  milder  form  of  burning  ;  (3)  Imposing  celibacy  on 
the  widower ;  (4)  Wedding  him  to  a  girl  not  yet  marriageable.  Though,  as  I  said  above,  bum- 
ing  the  widow  and  imposing  celibacy  on  the  widower  are  of  doubtful  service  to  the  group 
in  its  endeavour  to  preserve  its  endogamy,  all  of  them  operate  as  means.  But  means,  as 
forces,  when  liberated  or  set  in  motion  create  an  end.  What  then  is  the-  end  that  these 
means  create  ?  They  create  and  perpetuate  endogamy,  while  caste  and  endogamy,  accord- 
ing to  our  analysis  of  the  various  definitions  of  caste,  are  one  and  the  same  thing.  Thus 
the  existence  of  these  moans  is  identical  with  caste  and  caste  involves  these  means. 

This,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  general  mechanism  of  a  casto  in  a  system  of  castes. 
Let  us  now  turn  from  these  high  generalities  to  the  castes  in  Hindu  society  and  inquire 
into  their  mechanism.  1  need  hardly  premise  that  there  aro  a  groat  many  pitfalls  in  the 
path  of  those  who  try  to  unfold  the  past,  and  caste  in  India  to  bo  sure  is  a  very  ancient 
institution.  This  is  especially  true  where  there  exjst  no  authentic  or  written  records,  or 
where  the  people,  like  tho  Hindus,  are  so  constituted  that  to  them  writing  history  is  a  folly, 
for  tho  world  is  an  illusion.  But  institutions  do  live,  though  for  a  long  time  they  may 
remain  unrecorded  and  as  often  as  not  customs  and  morals  aro  like  fossils  that  tell  their 
own  history.  If  this  is  true,  our  task  will  be  amply  rewarded  if  we  scrutinize  the  solution 
the  Hindus  arrive. I  at  to  moot  tho  problems  of  the  surplus  man  and  tsurplnx  woman. 

(•oinplcx  though  it  be  in  its  goncral  working  tho  Hindu  Society,  even  to  a  superficial 
observer,  presents  three  singular  uxorial  customs,  namely  : — 

(i)  Sail  or  the  burning  of  the  \\idow  011  the  funeral  pyro  of  her  deceased  husband. 

(ii)  Enforced  widowhood  by  which  a  widow  is  not  allowed  to  remarry. 

(iii)  1 1 irl  marriage. 

Jn  addition,  one  also  notes  a  great  hankering  after  Kannyaxa  (renunciation)  on  tho  part 
of  the  widower,  but  this  may  in  some  eases  be  duo  purely  to  psychic  disposition. 

So  far  as  1  know,  no  scientific  explanation  of  the  origin  of  these  customs  is  forth- 
coming even  to-day.  Wo  have  plenty  of  philosophy  to  tell  us  why  those  customs  were 
honoured,  but  nothing  to  toll  us  the  causes  of  their  origin  and  existence.  Sail  has  been 
honoured  ((if.  A.  K.  Cooniaraswamy,  frati  :  a  Defence  of  the  Eaxlem  Woman  in  the 
Hrititth  Sociological  Jicmcu\  Vol.  VI.  1013)  because  it  is  a  "  proof  of  tho  perfect  unity 
of  body  and  soul  "  between  husband  and  wifo  and  of %v  devotion  beyond  the  grave;"  because 
it  embodied  tho  ideal  of  Avifohood,  which  is  well  expressed  by  (Jma  \\hon  sjxo  said  "  Dovo- 
tion  to  her  Lord  is  woman's  honour,  it  is  her  eternal  heaven  :  and  O  Mahoshvara,"  she 
adds  with  a  most  touching  human  cry,  u  I  desire  not  paradise  itself  if  thou  art  not  satis- 
lied  with  me!"  Why  compulsory  widowhood  is  honoured  I  know  not,  nor  have  I  yot  mot 
with  anyone  who  sang  in  praise  of  it,  though  th  ore  are  a  great  many  who  adhere  to  it. 
The  eulogy  in  honour  of  girl  marriage  is  reported  by  Dr.  Ketkar  to  be  as  follows:  "A 
really  faithful  man  or  woman  ought  not  to  feel  affection  for  a  woman  or  a  man  other  than 
tho  one  with  whom  he  or  she  is  united.  Such  purity  is  compulsory  not  only  after  marriage, 
but  even  before  marriage,  for  that  is  the  only  correct  ideal  of  chastity.  No  maiden  could 
be  considered  pure  if  she  feels  love  for  a  man  other  than  the  one  to  whom  she  might  be 
married.  As  she  does  not  know  to  whom  she  is  going  to  be  married,  she  must  not 
feel  affection  for  any  man  at  all  before  marriage.  If  she  does  so,  it.  is  a  sin.  So  it  is 
better  for  a  girl  to  know  whom  she  has  to  love,  before  any  sexual  consciousness  has  been 
awakened  in  her/'3  Hence  girl  marriage. 

»  Iliatvry  of  Caste  in  India,  1909,  pp.  32-33. 


88  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  WAY,  1917 

This  high-flow n  and  ingenious  sophistry  indicates  why  these  institutions  were 
honoured,  but  does  not  tell  us  why  they  were  practised.  My  own  interpretation  is  that 
they  wore  honoured  because  they  were  practised.  Any  one  slightly  acquainted  with  rise  of 
individualism  in  the  18th  century  will  appreciate  my  remark.  At  all  times,  it  is  the  move- 
ment that  is  most  important  ;  and  the  philosophies  grow  around  it  long  afterwards  to  justi- 
fy it  aiicl  give  it  a  moral  support.  In  like  manner  I  urge  that  the  very  fact  that  these  cus- 
toms uere  so  highly  eulogized  proves  that  they  needed  eulogy  for  their  prevalence.  Re- 
garding the  question  as  to  why  they  arose,  I  submit  that  they  were  needed  to  create  the 
structure  of  caste  and  the  philosophies  in  honour  of  them  wore  intended  to  popularize  them, 
or  to  gild  the  pill,  as  we  might  say,  for  they  must  have  been  so  abominablo  and  shocking  to 
the  moral  sense  of  the  unsophisticated  that  thoy  needed  a  great  deal  of  sweetening.  These 
customs  are  essentially  of  the  nature  of  means,  though  they  are  represented  as  ideals.  But 
this  should  not  blind  us  from  understanding  tho  remits  that  flow  from  thorn.  One  might 
safely  say  that  idealization  of  means  is  necessary  and  in  this  particular  case  was  perhaps 
motivated  to  endow  them  with  greater  efficacy.  Calling  a  means  an  end  does  no  harm,  ex- 
cept that  it  disguises  its  real  character;  but  it  does  not  deprive  it  of  its  real  nature,  that  of 
a  means.  You  may  pass  a  law  that  all  cats  aro  dogs,  just  as  you  ean  call  a  means  an  end. 
But  you  can  no  more  change  the  nature  of  means  thereby  than  you  ean  turn  cats  into 
dogs  ;  consequently  1  am  justified  in  holding  that,  whether  regarded  as  ends  or  as  means. 
tiati,  ('Mfarc"fl  widowhood  and  girl  mvrriaye  aro  customs  that  were  primarily  intended  to 
solve  the  problem  of  the  surplus  man  and  surplus  woman  in  a  caste  and  to  maintain  it* 
endogamy.  Strict  endogamy  could  not  be  preserved  without  these  customs,  while  caste 
without  endogamy  is  a  fake. 

Having  explained  the  mechanism  of  the  creation  and  preservation  of  Caste  in  India, 
tho  further  question  as  to  its  genesis  naturally  arises.  The  question  of  origin  is  always 
an  annoying  question  and  in  the  study  of  Taste  it  is  sadly  neglected :  some  have  connived 
at  it,  while  others  have  dodged  it.  Some  arc  puzzled  as  to  whether  there  could  be  such  a 
thing  as  the  origin  of  caste  and  suggest  that  "if  we  cannot  control  our  fondness  for  the 
word  'origin',  we  should  better  use  the  plural  form,  viz.,  'origins-  of  caste'."  As  for 
myself  I  do  not  feel  puzzled  by  the  Origin  of  Casio  in  India,  for,  as  I  have  established 
before,  endogamy  is  the  only  characteristic  of  Caste  and  when  I  say  origin  of  caste  T  mean 
the  origin  of  the  mechanism  for  endogamy. 

The  atomistic  conception  of  individuals  in  a  Society  so  greatly  popularised — I  was 
about  to  say  vulgarized — in  political  orations  is  tho  greatest  humbug.  To  say  that 
individuals  make  up  society  is  trivial ;  society  is  always  composed  of  classes.  It  may  be  an 
exaggeration  to  assert  the  theory  of  class  conflict,  but  the  existence  of  definite  classes  in  a 
society  is  a  fact.  Their  basis  may  differ.  They  may  be  economic  or  intellectual  or  social, 
but  an  individual  in  a  society  is  always  a  member  of  a  class.  This  is  a  universal  fact 
and  early  Hindu  society  could  not  have  boon  an  exception  to  this  rule,  and,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  we  know  it  was  not.  If  we  bear  this  generalization  in  mind,  our  study  of  the 
genesis  of  caste  would  be  very  much  facilitated,  for  we  have  only  to  determine  what 
was  the  class  that  first  made  itself  into  a  caste,  for  class  and  caste,  jso_  tojaay^  are  next 
door  neighbours,  and  it  is  only  a  span  that  separates  tho  two.  A  caste  is  an  enclosed  class. 
Tho  study  of  the  origin  of  caste  must  furnish  us  with  an  answer  to  'the 
question — what  is  the  class  that  raised  this  "  enclosure  "  around  itself  ?  The  question 


MAY,  1017]  CASTES  TN  INDIA  89 

may  seem  too  inquisitorial,  hut  it  is  pertinent,  and  an  answer  to  this  will  serve  us  to 
elucidate  the  mystery  of  the  growth  and  development  of  castes  all  over  India. 
Unfortunately  a  direct  answer  to  this  question  is  not  within  my  power.  I  can  answer 
it  only  indirectly.  I  said  just  above  that  the  customs  in  question  were  current  in  the 
Hindu  society.  To  bo  true  to  facts  it  is  necessary  to  qualify  the  statement,  as  it 
connotes  universality  of  their  prevalence.  These  customs  in  all  their  strictness  arc 
obtainable  only  in  one  caste,  namely  the  Brahmans,  who  occupy  the  highest  place  in 
the  social  hierarchy  of  the  Hindu  society ;  and  as  their  prevalence  in  Non-Brahman 
castes  is  derivative  their  observance  is  neither  strict  nor  complete.  This  important 
fact  can  serve  as  a  basis  of  an  important  observation.  If  the  prevalence  of  theee 
customs  in  the  non-Brahman  Castes  is  derivative,  as  can  be  shown  very  easily,  then  it 
needs  no  argument  to  prove  what  class  is  the  father  of  the  institution  of  caste.  Whv 
the  Brahman  class  should  have  enclosed  itself  into  a  caste  is  a  different  question,  which 
may  be  left  as  an  employment  for  another  occasion.  But  the  strict  observance  of  the^e 
customs  and  the  social  superiority  arrogated  by  the  priestly  class  in  all  ancient  civilizations 
are  sufficient  to  prove  that  they  were  the  originators  of  this  "unnatural  institution" 
founded  and  maintained  through  these  unnatural  means. 

I  now  come  to  the  third  part  of  my  paper  regarding  the  question  of  the  growth  and 
spread  of  the  caste  system  all  over  India.  The  question  I  have  to  answer  is:  HOAV 
did  the  institution  of  caste  spread  among  the  rest  of  the  non-Brahman  population  of 
the  country?  The  question  of  the  spread  of  the  castes  all  over  India,  has  suffered  a 
worse  fate  than  the  question  of  genesis.  And  the  main  cause,  as  it  seems  to  me,  is 
that  the  two  questions  of  spread  and  of  origin  are  not  separated.  This  is  because  of 
the  common  belief  among  scholars  that  the  caste  system  lias  either  been  imposed  upon 
the  docile  population  of  India  by  a  law-giver  as  a  divine  dispensation,  or  that  it  has 
grown  according  to  some  law  of  social  growth  peculiar  to  the  Indian  people. 

I  first  propose  to  handle  the  law-giver  of  India.  Every  country  has  its  Jaw- 
giver,  who  arises  as  an  incarnation  (avatar)  in  times  of  emergency  to  set  right  a, 
sinning  humanity  and  give  it  the  laws  of  justice  and  morality.  Ma  mi,  the  law-giver 
of  India,  if  he  did  exist,  was  certainly  an  audacious  person.  If  the  story  that  he- 
gas  e  the  law  of  caste  bo  credited,  then  Manu  must  have  been  a  dare-devil  follow 
and  the  humanity  that  accepted  his  dispensation  must  be  a  humanity  quite  different 
from  the  one  we  are  acquainted  with.  It  is  unimaginable  that  the  law  of  caste  was 
given.  It  is  hardly  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  Manu  could  not  have  outlived  his  la\\ , 
for  what  is  that  class  that  can  submit  to  be  degraded  to  the  status  of  brutes  by  the 
pen  of  a  man,  and  suffer  him  to  raise  another  class  to  the  pinnacle?  Unless  ho  was  a 
tyrant  who  hold  all  the  population  in  subjection  it  cannot  bo  imagined  that  he  could 
have  been  allowed  to  dispense  his  patronage  in  this  grossly  unjust  manner,  as  may 
be  easily  seen  by  a  mere  glance  at  his  "  Institutes."  1  may  seem  hard  on  Manu,  but] 
am  sure  my  force  is  not  strong  enough  to  kill  his  ghost.  Ho  lives,  like  a  disembodied 
spirit  and  is  appealed  to,  and  I  am  afraid  will  yet  live  long.  One  thing  1  want 
to  impress  upon  you  is  that  Manu  did  not  give  the  law  of  Caste  and  that  he  could 
not  do  so.  Caste  existed  long  before  Manu.  He  was  an  upholder  of  it  and  therefore 
philosophised  about  it,  but  certainly  he  did  not  and  could  not  ordain  the  present  order 
of  Hindu  Society.  His  work  ended  with  the  codification  of  existing  caste  rules  and 
the  preaching  of  Caste  Dharma.  The  spread  and  growth  of  the  Caste  system  is  too 


90  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  IAY,  1917 

gigantic  a  task  to  be  achieved  by  the  power  or  cunning  of  an  individual  or  of  a  class. 
Similar  in  argument  is  the  theory  that  the  Brahmans  created  the  caste.  After  what  I 
have  said  regarding  Manu,  I  need  hardly  say  anything  more,  except  to  point  out  that 
it  is  incorrect  in  thought  arid  malicious  in  intent,  The  Brahmans  may  have  been  guilty 
of  many  things,  and  I  dare  say  they  are,  but  the  imposing  of  the  caste  system  on  the 
non-Brahman  population  was  beyond  their  mettle.  They  may  have  helped  the  process 
by  their  glib  philosophy,  but  they  certainly  could  not  have  pushed  their  scheme 
beyond  their  own  confines,  To  fashion  society  after  one's  own  pattern!  How  glorious! 
How  hard!  One  can  take  pleasure  and  eulogize  its  furtherance,  but  cannot  further  it 
very  far.  The  vehemence  of  my  attack  may  seem  to  be  unnecessary :  but  I  can  assure 
you  that  it  is  not  uncalled  for.  There  is  a  strong  belief  in  the  mind  of  orthodox 
Hindus  that  the  Hindu  Society  was  somehow  moulded  into  the  frame  work  of  the 
Caste  System,  and  that  it  is  an  organization  consciously  created  by  the  tfhaslras, 
Not  only  does  this  belief  exist,  but  it  is  being  justified  on  the  ground  that  it  cannot 
but  be  good,  because  it  is  ordained  by  the  Shastm  and  the  Shastras  cannot  be  wrong. 
I  have  urged  so  much  on  the  adverse  side  of  this  attitude,  not  because  the  religious 
sanctity  is  grounded  on  scientific  basis,  nor  to  help  those  reformers  who  are  preaching 
against  it.  Preaching  did  not  make  the  caste  system,  neither  will  it  unmake  it.  My 
aim  is  to  show  the  falsity  of  the  attitude  that  has  exalted  religious  sanction  to  the 
position  of  a  scientific  explanation. 

Thus  the  great  man  theory  does  not  help  us  very  far  in  solving  the  spread  of  castes 
in  India.  Western '  scholars,  probably  not  much  given  to  hero-worship,  have  attempted 
other  explanations.  The  nuclei,  round  which  have  "  formed  "  the  various  castes  in  India, 
are  according  to  them:— (1)  occupation;  (2)  survivals  of  tribal  organizations,  etc. ; 
(3)  the  rise  of  new  belief;  (4)  cross-breeding  and  (5)  migration. 

The  question  may  be  asked  whether  these  nuclei  do  not  exist  in  other  societies  and 
whether  they  are  peculiar  to  India.  If  they  are  not  peculiar  to  India,  but  are  common 
to  the  world,  why  is  it  that  they  did  not  "form"  caste  on  other  parts  of  this  planet? 
Is  it  because  those  parts  are  holier  than  the  land  of  the  Vedas,  or  that  the  professors 
are  mistaken?  I  am  afraid  that  the  latter  is  the  truth,  j 

lirspite  of  the  high  theoretic  value  claimed  by  the  several  authors  for  their  respective  & 

theories,  based  on  one  or  other  of  the  above  nuclei,  one  regrets  to  say  that  on  close 
examination  they  are  nothing  more  than  filling  illustrations—what  Matthew  Arnold 
means  by  "the  grand  name  without  the  grand  thing  in  it/'  Such  are  the  various 
theories  of  caste  advanced  by  Sir  Denzil  Ibbetson,  Mr,  Nesfield,  M.  Senart  and 
Sir  H.  Risley,  To  criticise  them  in  a  lump  would  be  to  say  that  they  are  a  disguised 
form  of  the  Petitio  Principii  of  formal  logic,  To  illustrate:  Mr.  Nesfield  says  that 
"function  and  function  only  .  .  ,  was  the  foundation  upon  which  the  whole  system  of 
castes  in  India  was  built  up."  But  he  may  rightly  be  reminded  that  he  does  not  very 
much  advance  our  thought  by  making  the  above  statement,  which  practically  amounts  to 
naying  that  castes  in  India  are  functional  or  occupational,  which  is  a  very  poor  discovery!  .  • 

We  have  yet  to  know  from  Mr.  .Nesfield  why  is  it  that  an  occupational  group  turned  into  an  \  1 

occupational  caste  ?  I  would  very  cheerfully  have  undertaken  the  task  of  dwelling  on  the 


,  1917]  CASTES  IN  INDIA  91 

theories  of  other  ethnologists,  had  it  not  been  for  the  fact    that    Mr.  Nesfield's  is  a 
typical  one. 

Without  stopping  to  criticize  those  theories  that  explain  the  caste  system  as  a  natural 
phenomenon  occurring  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  disintegration,  as  explained  by  Herbert 
Spencer  in  his  formula  of  evolution,  or  as  natural  as  "the  structural  differentiation  within  an 
organism"— to  employ  the  phraseology  of  orthodox  apologists— ,or  as  an  early  attempt  to  test 
the  laws  of  eugenics— as  all  belonging  to  the  same  class  of  fallacy  which  regards  the  caste 
system  as  inevitable,  or  as  being  consciously  imposed  in  anticipation  of  these  laws  on 
a  helpless  and  humble  population,  I  will  now  lay  before  you  my  own  view  on  the  subject. 
We  shall  be  well  advised  to  recall  at  the  outset  that  the  Hindu  society,  in  common 
with  other  societies,  was  composed  of  classes  and  the  earliest  known  are  the  (1) 
Brahmans  or  the  priestly  class:  (2)  the  Kshatriya,  or  the  military  class:  (3)  the 
Vaisya,  or  the  merchant  class:  and  (4)  the  feudra,  or  the  artisan  and  menial  class. 
Particular  attention  has  to  be  paid  to  the  fact  that  this  was  essentially  a  class  system,  in 
which  individuals,  when  qualified,  could  change  their  class,  and  therefore  classes  did 
change  their  personnel.  At  some  time  in  the  history  of  the  Hindus,  the  priestly  class  socially 
detached  itself  from  the  rest  of  the  body  of  people  and  through  a  closed-door  policy 
became  a  casto  by  itself.  The  other  classes  being  subject  to  the  law  of  social  division  of 
labour  underwent  differentiation,  some  into  large,  others  into  very  minute  groups.  The 
Vaisya  and  'Sudra  classes  were  the  original  inchoate  plasm,  which  formed  the  sources  of 
the  numerous  castes  of  to-day.  As  the  military  occupation  does  not  very  easily  lend 
itself  to  very  minute  sub-division,  the  Kshatriya  eluss  could  have  differentiated  into 
soldiers  and  administrators. 

This  sub-division  of  a  society  is  quite  natural.  But  the  unnatural  thing  about 
these  sub-divisions  is  that  they  have  lost  the  open  door  character  of  the  class  system  and 
have  become  self -enclosed  units  called  castes.  The  question  is,  were  they  compelled  to 
close  their  doors  and  become  endogamous,  or  did  they  close  them  of  their  own  accord  ?  I 
submit  that  theiv  is  a  double  line  of  answer :  Some  closed  the  door:  others  found  it  closed 
against  them.  The  one  is  a  psychological  interpretation  and  the  other  is  mechanistic,  but 
they  are  complementary  and  both  arc  necessary  to  explain  the  phenomena  of  caste- 
formation  in  its  entirety. 

I  will  first  take  up  the  psychological  interpretation.  The  question  we  have  to  answer  in 
this  connection  is  ;  Why  did  those  sub-divisions  or  classes,  if  you  please,  industrial,  religious 
or  otherwise,  become  self -enclosed  or  endogamous?  My  answer  is  because  the  Brahmans 
wore  so.  Endogamy,  or  the  closed-door  system,  was  a  fashion  in  the  Hindu  Society, 
and  as  it  had  originated  from  the  Brahman  caste  it  was  whole-heartedly  imitated  by  all 
the  non-Brahman  sub-divisions  or  classes,  who,  in  their  turn,  became  ondogamous  castes. 
It  is  c<the  infection  of  imitation"  that  caught  all  these  sub-divisions  on  their  onward  march 
of  differentiation  and  has  turned  them  into  castes.  The  propensity  to  imitate  is  a  deep- 
seated  one  in  the  human  mind  and  need  not  be  deemed  an  inadequate  explanation  for  the 
formation  of  tho  various  castes  in  India.  It  is  so  deep-seated  that  Walter  Bagehot 
argues  that  "  we  must  not  think  of  ...  imitation  as  voluntary,  or  even  conscious.  On 
the  contrary  it  has  its  seat  mainly  in  very  obscure  parts  of  the  mind,  whose  notions,  so 
for  from  being  consciously  produced,  are  hardly  felt  to  exist  ;  so  far  from  being  conceived 
beforehand,  are  not  even  felt  at  the  time.  The  main  seat  of  the  imitative  part  of  our 
nature  is  our  belief,  and  the  causes  predisposing  us  to  believe  this  or  disinclining  us  to 
believe  that  are  among  the  obscurest  parts  of  our  nature.  But  as  to  the  imitative  nature 


92  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917 


of  credulity  there  can  be  no  doubt/'4  This  propensity  to  imitate  has  been  made  the 
subject  of  a  scientific  study  by  Gabriel  Tarde,  who  lays  down  three  laws  of  imitation*  One 
of  his  three  laws  is  that  imitation  flows  from  the  higher  to  the  lower  or,  to  quote  his 
own  words,  "  Given  the  opportunity,  a  nobility  will  always  and  everywhere  imitate 
its  leaders,  its  kings  or  sovereigns^  and  the  people  likewise,  given  the  opportunity, 
its  nobility."6  Another  of  Tarde 's  laws  of  imitation  is:  that  the  extent  or  intensity  of 
imitation  varies  inversely  in  proportion  to  distance,  or  in  his  own  words  "the  thing  that 
is  most  imitated  is  the  most  superior  one  of  those  that  are  nearest.  In  fact,  the 
influence  of  the  model's  example  is  efficacious  inversely  to  its  distance  as  well  as  directly  to 
its  superiority.  Distance  is  understood  here  in  its  sociological  meaning.  However  distant 
in  space  a  stranger  may  be,  he  is  close  by,  from  this  point  of  view,  if  we  have  numerous 
and  daily  relations  with  him  and  if  we  have  every  facility  to  satisfy  our  desire  to  imitate 
him.  This  law  of  the  imitation  of  the  nearest,  of  the  least  distant,  explains  the  gn. 
and  consecutive  character  of  the  spread  of  an  example  that  has  been  set  by  the  higher 
social  ranks.''** 

In  order  to  prove  my  thesis— which  really  needs  no  proof — that  some  castes  were 
formed  by  imitation,  the  best  way,  it  seems  to  me,  is  to  find  out  whether  or  not  the  vital 
conditions  for  the  formation  of  castes  by  imitation  exist  in  the  Hindu  Societj".  The 
conditions  for  imitation,  according  to  this  standard  authority  are :  (1)  That  the  source 
of  imitation  must  enjoy  prestige  in  the  group  and  (2)  that  there  must  be  "  numerous  and 
daily  relations"  among  members  of  a  group.  That  these  conditions  were  present  in  India 
there  is  little  reason  to  doubt.  The  Brahman  is  a  semi-god  and  very  nearly  a  denri-god.  He 
sets  up  a  mode  and  moulds  the  rest.  His  prestige  is  unquestionable  and  is  the  fountain-head 
of  bliss  and  good.  Can  such  a  being,  idolised  by  Scriptures  and  venerated  by  the  priest- 
ridden  multitude,  fail  to  project  his  personality  on  the  suppliant  humanity?  Why,  if  the 
story  be  true,  he  is  believed  to  be  the  very  end  of  creation.  Such  a  creature  is  worthy  of 
more  than  mere  imitation,  but  at  least  of  imitation ;  and  if  he  lives  in  an  endogamous 
enclosure,  should  not  the  rest  follow  his  example?  Frail  humanity!  Be  it  embodied  in  a 
grave  philosopher  or  a  frivolous  housemaid,  it  succumbs.  It  cannot  be  otherwise.  Imi- 
tation is  easy  and  invention  is  difficult. 

Yet  another  way  of  demonstrating  the  play  of  imitation  in  the  formation  of 
castes  is  to  understand  the  attitude  of  non-Brahman  classes  towards  those  customs  which 
supported  the  structure  of  caete  in  its  nascent  days  until,  in  the  course  of  history,  it 
became  embedded  in  the  Hindu  mind  and  hangs  there  to  this  day  without  any  support— 
for  now  it  needs  no  prop  but  belief — like  a  weed  on  the  surface  of  a  pond.  In  a  way,  but 
only  in  a  way,  the  status  of  a  caste  in  the  Hindu  Society  varies  directly  with  the  extent  of 
the  observance  of  the  customs  of  sati,  enforced  widowhood,  and  girl  marriage.  But 
observance  of  these  customs  varies  directly  with  the' distance  (lam  using  the  word  in 
the  Tardian  sense)  that  separates  the  caste.  Those  castes  that  are  nearest  to  the  Brah- 
mans  have  imitated  all  the  three  customs  and  insist  on  the  stiict  observance  thereof. 
Those  that  are  less  near  have  imitated  enforced  widowhood  and  girl  marriage  ;  others,  a 
little  further  off,  have  only  girl  marriage,  and  those  furthest  off  have  imitated  only  the 
belief  in  the  oaste  principle.  This  imperfect  imitation,  I  dare  say,  is  due  partly  to  what 
Tarde  calls  "  distance "  and  partly  to  the  barbarous  character  of  these  customs.  This 


*  Physics  and  Politic*  1915,  p,  00.      • 

«  Laws  of  Imitation,  Tr.  by  E.  C.  Parsons,  2nd  ed.  p.  217.  <*  Ibid.  p. 


1917]  CASTES  IN  INDIA  93 

phenomenon  is  a  complete  illustration  of  Tarde's  law  and  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  whole 
process  of  caste-formation  in  India  is  a  process  of  imitation  of  the  higher  by  the  lower.  At 
this  juncture  I  will  turn  back  to  support  a  fowner  conclusion  of  mine,  which  might  have 
appeared  to  you  as  too  sudden  or  unsupported.  I  said  that  the  Brahman  class  first 
raised  the  structure  of  caste  by  the  help  of  those  three  customs  in  question.  My  reason 
for  that  conclusion  was  that  their  existence  in  other  classes  was  derivative.  After  what 
I  have  said  regarding  the  role  of  imitation  in  the  spread  of  these  customs  among  the 
non-Brahman  castes,  as  means  or  as  ideals,  though  the  imitators  have  not  been  aware 
of  it,  they  exist  among  them  as  derivatives ;  and,  if  they  arc  derived ,  there  must  have 
been  prevalent  one  original  caste  that  was  high  enough  to  have  served  as  a  pattern 
for  the  rest.  But  in  a  theocratic  society,  who  could  be  the  pattern  but  the  servant 
of  God? 

This  completes  the  story  of  those  that  were  weak  enough  to  close  their  doors. 
Let  us  now  sec  how  others  were  closed  in  as  a  result  of  being  closed  out.  This- 1  call  the 
mechanistic  process  of  the  formation  of  caste.  It  is  mechanistic  because  it  is  inevitable. 
That  this  line  of  approach,  as  well  as  the  psychological  one,  to  the  explanation  of  the  subject 
has  escaped  my  predecessors  is  entirely  due  to  the  fact  that  tney  havo  conceived  Caste 
as  a  unit  by  itself  and  not  as  one  within  a  System  of  Caste.  The  result  of  this  oversight 
or  lack  of  sight  has  been  very  detrimental  to  the  proper  understanding  of  the  subject 
matter  and  therefore  its  correct  explanation.  I  will  proceed  to  offer  my  own  explanation 
by  making  one  remark  which  I  will  urge  you  to  bear  constantly  in  mind.  It  is  this  :  that 
caste  in  the  singular  number  is  an  unreality.  Castes  exist  only  in  the  plural  number. 
There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  caste :  there  are  always  castes.  To  illustrate  my  meaning  ;  f 
while  making  themselves  into  a  caste,  the  Brahmans,  by  virtue  of  this,  created  a  non- 
Brahman  caste  ;  or,  to  express  it  in  my  own  way,  while  closing  themselves  in  they 
closed  others  out.  1  will  clear  my  point  by  taking  another  illustration  .  Take  India  as  a 
whole  with  its  various  communities  designated  by  the  various  creeds  to  which  they  owe 
allegiance,  to  wit,  the  Hindus,  Muhammadans,  Jews,  Christiana  and  Parsfs.  Now,  barring 
the  Hindus,  the  rest  within  themselves  are  non-caste  communities.  But  with  respect 
to  each  other  they  are  castes.  Again,  if  the  first  four  enclose  themselves,  the  Parsis 
are  directly  closed  out,  but  are  indirectly  closed  in.  Symbolically,  if  group  A.  wants 
to  be  endogamous,  group  B.  has  to  be  so  by  sheer  force  of  circumstances. 

Now  apply  the  same  logic  to  the  Hindu  society  and  you  have  another  explana- 
tion of  the  "  fissiparous  "  character  of  caste,  as  a  consequence  of  the  virtue  of  self -duplica- 
tion that  is  inherent  in  it.  Any  innovation  that  seriously  antagonises  the  ethical, 
religious  and  social  code  of  the  Caste  is  not  likely  to  be  tolerated  by  the  Caste,  and  the 
recalcitrant  members  of  a  Caste  are  in  danger  of  being  thrown  out  of  the  Caste,  and  left 
to  their  own  fate  without  having  the  alternative  of  being  admitted  into  or  absorbed  by 
other  Castes.  Caste  rules  are  inexorable  and  they  do  not  wait  to  make  nice  distinctions 
between  kinds  of  offence.  Innovation  may  be  of  any  kind,  but  all  kinds  will  suffer  the  same 
penalty.  A  novel  way  of  thinking  will  create  a  new  Caste  for  the  old  ones  will  not  tolerate 
it.  The  noxious  thinker  respectfully  called  Guru  (Prophet)  suffers  the  same  fate  as  the 
sinners  in  illegitimate  love.  The  former  creates  a  caste  of  the  nature  of  a  religious  sect 
and  the  latter  a  type  of  mixed  caste.  Castes  have  no  mercy  for  a  sinner  who  has 
the  courage  to  violate  the  code.  The  penalty  is  excommunication  and  the  result  is  a  new 
caste.  It  is  not  peculiar  Hindu  psychology  that  induces  the  excommunicated  to  form 
themselves  into  a  caste :  far  from  it.  On  the  contrary,  very  often  they  have  been  quite 


94  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917 

willing  to  be  humble  members  of  some  caste  (higher  by  preference)  if  they  could  be  admit- 
ted within  its  fold.  But  castes  are  enclosed  units  and  it  is  their  conspiracy  with  clear 
conscience  that  compels  the  excommunicated  to  make  themselves  into  a  caste.  The  logic 
of  this  obdurate  circumstance  is  merciless,  and  it  is  in  obedience  to  its  force  that  some  un- 
fortunate groups  find  themselves  enclosed,  because  others  in  enclosing,  themselves  have 
(dosed  them  out,  with  the  result  that  new  groups  (formed  on  any  basis  obnoxious  to  the 
caste  ruh\s)  by  a  mechanical  law  are  constantly  being  converted  into  castes  to  a 
bewildering  multiplicity.  Thus  is  told  the  second  tale  in  the  process  of  Caste  formation  in 
India. 

Now  to  summarise  the  main  points  of  my  thesis.  In  my  opinion  there  have  been 
several  mistakes  committed  by  the  students  of  Caste,  which  have  misled  them  in  their 
investigations.  European  students  of  Caste  have  unduly  emphasised  the  role  of  colour  in 
the  caste-system.  Themselves  impregnated  by  colour  prejudices,  they  very  readily  imagined 
it  to  be  the  chief  factor  in  the  Caste  problem.  But  nothing  can  be  farther  from  the  truth, 
and  Dr.  Ketkar  is  correct  when  he  insists  that  "  All  the  princes  whether  they  belonged 
to  the  so-called  Aryan  race,  or  the  so-called  Dravidian  race,  were  Aryas.  Whether  a 
tribe  or  a  family  was  racially  Aryan  or  Dravidian  was  a  question  which  never  troubled 
the  people  of  India,  until  foreign  scholars  came  in  and  began  to  draw  the  line.  The 
colour  of  the  skin  had  long  ceased  to  be  a  matter  of  importance/'7  Again,  they  have 
mistaken  mere  descriptions  for  explanation  and  fought  over  them  as  though  they  were 
theories  of  origin.  There  are  occupational,  religious,  etc.  castes,  it  is  true,  but  it  is  by 
no  means  an  explanation  of  the  origin  of  Caste.  We  have  yet  to  find  out  why  occupational 
groups  are  castes  ;  but  this  question  has  never  even  been  raised.  Lastly  they  have  taken 
Caste  very  lightly  as  though  a.  breath  had  made  it.  On  the  contrary,  Caste,  as  I  have 
explained  it,  is  almost  impossible  to  bo  sustained:  for  the  difficulties  that  it  involves 
arc  tremendous.  It  is  true  that  Caste  rests  on  belief,  but  before  belief  comes  to  be  the 
foundation  of  an  institution,  the  institution  itself  needs  to  be  perpetuated  and  fortified. 
My  study  of  the  Caste  problem  involves  four  main  points:  (1)  That  in  spite  of  the 
composite  make-up  of  the  Hindu  population,  there  is  a  deep  cultural  unity.  (2)  That  Caste 
is  a  parcelling  into  bits  of  a  larger  cultural  unit.  (3)  That  there  was  one  Caste  to 
start  with.  (4)  Tnat  classes  have  become  Castes  through  imitation  and  excommuni- 
cation. 

Peculiar  interest  attaches  to  the  problem  of  Caste  in  India  to-day,  as  persistent 
attempts  are  being  made  to  do  away  with  this  unnatural  institution.  Such  attempts  at  re- 
form, however,  have  aroused  a  great  deal  of  controversy  regarding  its  origin,  as  to  whether 
it  is  due  to  the  conscious  command  of  a  Supreme  Authority,  or  is  an  unconscious  growth  in 
the  life  of  a  human  society  under  peculiar  circumstances.  Those  who  hold  the  latter  view 
will,  I  hope,  find  some  food  for  thought  in  the  standpoint  adopted  in  this  paper.  Apart 
from  its  practical  importance  the  subject  of  Caste  is  an  all  absorbing  problem  and  the 
interest  aroused  in  me  regarding  its  theoretic  foundations  has  moved  mo  to  put  before 
you  some  of  the  conclusions,  which  seem  to  me  well  founded,  and  the  grounds  upon  which 
they  may  be  supported.  I  am  not,  however,  so  presumptuous  as  to  think  them  in  any  way 
final,  or  anything  more  than  a  contribution  to  a  discussion  of  the  subject.  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  car  has  been  shunted  on  wrong  lines,  and  the  primary  object  of  the  paper  is  to 
indicate  what  I  regard  to  be  the  right  path  of  investigation,  with  a  view  to  arrive  at  a 
^serviceable  truth.  We  must,  however,  guard  against  approaching  the  subject  with  a  bias. 

7  History  of  Caste  p.  82. 


MAY,  1917]  SOME  REMARKS  SUPPLEMENTING  THE  MANUSMRITI 


Sentiment  must  be  outlawed  from  the  domain  of  science  and  things  should  be  judged 
from  an  objective  standpoint.  For  myself  I  shall  find  as  much  pleasure  in  a  positive 
destruction  of  my  own  idealogy,  as  in  a  rational  disagreement  on  a  topic,  which,  not- 
withstanding many  learned  disquisitions  is  likely  to  remain  controversial  for  ever.  To 
conclude,  while  I  am  ambitious  to  advance  a  Theory  of  Caste,  if  it  can  be  shown  to  be 
untenable  1  shall  be  equally  willing  to  give  it  up. 

SOME  REMARKS  SUPPLEMENTING  "THE  MANUSMRITI  IN  THE  LIGHT 
OF  SOME  RECENTLY  PUBLISHED  TEXTS"!. 

BY  HIRALAIcAMRITLAL  SHAH,  ESQU.,  BOMBAY. 

IN  the  MaMbharata,  (Bombay  University  ed.  1914),  Dronap0  VII.  1  (p.  283), 
Dronacharya  speaks  of  his  qualifications  as  a  general  bot'oro  the  Kauravas  gathered 
together  to  elect  a  generalissimo  in  the  place  of  Bhishma.  He  tolls  us:  _ 


"I  know  the  Vedas  with  their  six  branches  (of  sciences),  tho  Art  bar  id  ya  of  Manu  ,  the 
science  of  discharging  the  arrows  presided  over  by  Hiva,  and  various  other  xatttrat*  (weapons)/' 

Thi^  passage  of  the  MaMbhdrata  may  help  us  in  concluding  that  there  must  be,  or, 
at  least,  have  been,  a  great  book  on  politics  and  military  affairs  composed  by  Manu.  It 
may  form  an  independent  treatise,  or  it  may  form  a  large  section  in  the  Mdnavadharma- 
xdxtra.  In  the  ArthaMvtra  of  Kautilya  (Mysore,  Bibliolhvca  tfanxkfita  No.  37),  we  find  in 
its  latter  portion,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred  pages,  (!h;lnakya's  thoughts  on,  and  the 
rules  worked  out  for,  military  purposes.  When  we  compare  the  portion  of  the  Artha- 
tdfitra  of  Kautilya  with  what  is  said  in  the  Manusmriti,  eh.  VIJ,  we  discover  a  vast 
difference  between  the  two.  The  Afanutmriti  enunciates  only  general  principles  of  warfare. 
We  cannot  think  that  the  study  of  these  verses  of  the  seventh  chapter  will  ever  qualify 
a  man  for  the  command  of  a  big  army,  or  entitle  him  to  boast  of  his  proficiency  in 
military  matters.  Hence,  we  think,  that  the  "  Manari  Arthavtdya"  must  be  on  a  scale 
similar  to  that  of  the  ArtJiasdstra  of  Kautilya  and,  that  Man-usm-nli  VI  1  is  an  abridgment 
of  the  rules  therein. 

Perhaps  some  may  take  the  term  '  *  STtrfrfTr  ^  ^raw;  "  in  other  senses  than  we 
have  taken  it.  It  might  be  translated  as  the  k<  Arthavidyd  of  human  beings/'  There  is  no 
particular  reason  to  prefer  this  translation,  because  Dronachur3Ta  has  not  spoken  of 
any  science  or  vidya  belonging  to  some  other  (say,  heavenly)  beings. 

Believing  then  that  the  Arthaidstra  of  Manu  is  referred  to  by  Dronacharj^a,  we 
would  point  out  here  one  or  two  confirmations  of  this  conclusion. 

Some  of  the  quotations,  standing  against  the  name  of  the  followers  of  Manu  (  "ffij 
iffi^r:")  in  the  Arthasdstra  of  Kautilya,  cannot  be  traced  to  the  present  Alanuwnriti.  May 
it  not  be  that  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  Dharmatdstra  (or  perhaps  in  the  Dharmasutras) 
of  Manu  which  yet  lies  somewhere  hidden  away  imprinted  '(  Narada  and  Buhaspati  claim 
allegiance  to  Manu.  They  differ  much  from  the  Manusmriti.  Hence  it  may  be  that  the 
source  of  some  of  their  rules  may  prove  to  be  the  Dharmawstra  of  Manu,  which  may  include 
also  the  Arthavidyd,  proudly  mentioned  by  DronachArya  before  the  Kaurava  warriors. 

Ante,  Vol.  XLV.,   pp.  112-115;  125-120. 


96  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA, 
BY  V.  RANUACHARI,  M.A,,  L.T.,  MADRAS. 

(Continued  from  p.  78.) 
The  usurpation  of  Rustam  Khan. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  danger  and  distress,  Chokkanatha  behaved  like  a  fool  and  a 
weakling.  He  employed  his  time  in  the  reading  of  the  Ramdyana,  the  MahabMrata  and 
other  sacred  books.  He  ignored  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  royalty  and  became  for 
all  intents  and  purposes,  a  rocluse.  Either  his  recklessness  and  incapacity  or  the 
discontent10  of  his  ministers  led  to  the  entrusting  of  the  administration  in  the  hands  of 
his  brother  Muttu  Alakadri,  Alakadri,  however,  was  an  incompetent  man.  He  had  at  the 
same  time  a  fatal  proneness  to  the  company  of  doubtful  persons  and  dangerous  favourites. 
He  raised  to  power  and  prominence  a  Muhammadan,  Rustam  Khan11  by  name,  who  had 
entered  his  service  under  circumstances  of  dire  poverty.  Entrusting  all  the  affairs  of  admi- 
nistration in  his  hands,  Muttu  AJakadri,  like  his  brother,  spent  his  time  in  culpable  indolence 
or  active  oppression ;  and  Rustam  paid  his  master's  generosity  with  treachery.  A  sudden 
access  to  power,  instead  of  gratifying  his  desires,  increased  his  ambition,  and  aimed  at  the 
mastery  and  possession  of  the  kingdom.  He  first  strengthened  himself  by  inviting  and 
engaging  a  number  of  Muhammadans,  on  whose  faith  he  could  thoroughly  rely,  in  tho 
service  of  the  State.  The  fort  of  Trichinopoly  came  in  this  way  to  be  guarded  by  his  men. 
He  then  boldly  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  his  benefactor  from  his  kingdom  or  his  death. 
The  timidity  of  Muttu  A]akadri  yielded  to  the  Musalman's  threat,  and  he  became  an 
exile  at  Negapatam.  Rustam  Khan  then  confined  the  king  within  the  palaoe,  treated  him 
with  indignity,  and  for  two  years  exercised  the  full  duties  of  royalty,— not  sparing  even 
the  honour  of  tho  harem  ladies,  many  of  whom  preferred  death  to  shame. 

The  downfall  of  Rustara. 

Thus  it  was  that,  while  Trichinopoly  was  at  the  mercy  of  exultant  foreigners  at  its 
gates,  its  internal  condition  was  "most  miserable  and  deplorable.  The  king  was  a  prisoner, 
his  brother  an  exile,  and  tho  city  the  property  of  Rustam  Khan.  At  a  moment  when 
union  and  efficiency  was  needed,  it  was  distracted  and  weakened  by  internal  broils  and 
jealousies.  Affairs  would  have  become  still  worse,  but  for  the  loyalty  of  the  Dalavai, 
Govmdappaiya,  the  Potygars,  and  Kilavan  Setupati.  Tho  Dalavai  organised  a  strong 
Hindu  party  for  the  restoration  of  the  king.  The  moans  he.  adopted  were  ingenious.  He 
sent  a  secret  message  to  Chinna  Kadir  Naik,  the  chief  of  Kannivadi,12  and  the  Setupati, 


1''  The  Telugu  Mackenzie  MS.  Record  of  the  affairs  oj  Cam.  Qovrs.,  says  that  Chokkanatha  directed 
his  brother  to  manage  affairs,  himself  being  employed  in  religious  pursuits.  Nelson,  however,  says  that 
tho  deplorable  weakness  of  Chokkanatha  led  to  the  discontent  of  the  ministers,  his  deposition,  und  the 
out  rusting  of  the  administration  in  the  hands  of  Muttu  Alakadri.  The  one  version  thus  makes  Al.ukuclri 
the  friend  of  his  brother,  while  the  other  his  rival  and  opponent.  For  an  inscription  of  Muttu  AlakAdri 
SOP  an1?..  Unfortunately  it  sheds  no  light  on  the  relation  between  the  brothers,  but  from  the  fact  that,  it 
doe*  not  mention  Chokkanatha,  while  it  mentions  Sri  Rauga  Raya  as  his  suzerain,  it  can  perhaps  bo 
inferred  that  he  was  a  rebel  and  not  regent. 

11  According  to  the  Hist,  of  the  Oarn.  Dyn.,  which  does  not  mention  the  name  of  AlakAdri  at    all,  ^  I 
il  \vas  Chokkanatha  that  raised  him  to  position  and  wealth.                                                                 _  \| 

12  See  the  genealogy  of  Appaiya  Naik  of  Kanniv&iji. 


MAY,  1917]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  97 

asking  them  to  come  to  Trichinopoly.  On  their  arrival1*  he  related  the  condition  of  the 
king  and  the  cause  of  their  summons,  and  proposed  that  next  day  they  should  come 
at  the  head  of  a  well-armed  section  of  their  troops  to  the  revenue  office  with  a  view  to  seiz- 
ing the  person  of  the  obnoxious  Muhammadan.  The  next  day  the  chiefs  and  their  retinue 
appeared  at  the  gates  of  the  office.  Rustani  Khan's  suspicion  was  aroused,  and  he  inquired 
into  the  reasons  of  the  unusual  procedure.  Govindappaiya,  however,  answered  that  they 
were  coming,  in  accordance  with  precedents,  for  the  settlement  of  the  revenues,  but  in  secret 
gave  the  signal  for  attack.  Two  thousand  musket-shots,  then,  assailed  the  Muhammadan 
and  his  men,  and  put  an  end  to  their  existence  before  they  could  hardly  recover  from 
their  surprise.  The  Dindigul  Polygar  carried  the  welcome  news  to  the  king,  but  he  refused 
to  come  out,  unless  he  saw  with  his  own  eyes  the  head  of  the  traitor.  ( liinna  Kadir  replied 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  bring  it,  as  Rustam's  body  could  not  bo  distinguished  from  those 
of  his  companions;  but  the  king  persisted  in  his  desire,  asserting  that  the  discovery  was 
easy  enough  from  a  mark  in  the  adventurer's  ear.  The  body  was  then  discovered  and 
the  head  being  placed  before  Chokkanutha,  he  emerged  from  tho  palace  and  once  again 
assumed  the  charge  of  affairs.  His  first  act  was  to  recall  his  brother  from  Xcgapatam. 

The  Mysorean  and  Maratha  incursions. 

But  the  relief  of  Chokkanatha  from  domestic  enemies  did  not  give  him  relief  from 
his  foreign  enemies.  The  Marathas  and  the  Mysoreans  had  by  this  time  overthrown  the 
whole  of  the  Madura  kingdom.  They  now,  in  1682,  encompassed  Trichinopoly.  Chokka- 
natha tried  to  adopt  a  wise  policy  of  diplomacy  and  intrigue,  to  foment  their  disunion 
and  cause  their  destruction.  With  this  view  he  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  lieutenant 
of  Santoji  against  Mysore.  It  was,  as  the  immediate  result  slmnud,  a  wise  act.  The 
Maratha  general  encountered  the  forces  of  Kumara  llaya,  defeated  them  with  great 
slaughter,  captured  Kuinara  Ray  a  himself,  and  conquered  the  whole  kingdom,  except 
Madura.  Even  Madura  lie  would  have  taken  but  for  tho  assistance  which  the  Marava* 
rendered  to  the  other  party.15  Chokkanatha  rejoiced  at  his  ally's  SMCCOS  ;  he  expected 
that,  in  return  for  his  alliance  and  assistance,  he  would  get  hack  his  possessions.  But 
he  was  mistaken.  The  Maratha'n  selfishness  blinded  him  to  the  obligation  of  treaty,  and 
instead  of  restoring  the  kingdom  to  Chrkkanatha,  he  seized  it  himself.  The  military 
occupation  of  the  Marathas  was  a  disaster  to  the  people  of  the  unfortunate  kingdom. 

The  death  of  Chokkanatha. 

It  was  a  blow  from  which  Chokkanatha  never  recovered.  The  cup  of  his  grief  was 
now  full.  Friendless  and  powerless,  shut  up  at  Trichinopoly,  he  became  a  prey  to  despair 
and  melancholy.  Even  the  Setupati,  who  had  rescued  him  from  the  obnoxious  Rustam, 
became  a  passive  traitor.  He,  indeed,  did  not  openly  join  the  Marathas  and  Mysoreans 
against  his  master.  Nevertheless,  he  was  present  in  the  seat  of  war,  and  while  freely 
collecting  booty,  did  not  raise  his  finger  on  behalf  of  his  suzerain.  Jt  is  not  improbable 


i3  Nelson  gives  a  different  account.  He  says  tliat  the  Mysorcans  under  Kuinara  J?Aya  were  then 
besieging  Trichinopoly  ;  that  Rustani  made  a  sally  and  attacked  him,  but  was  defeated  ;  and  that  when 
he  was  returning  to  the  city  with  a  few  followers,  Chokkan&tha's  friends  (Sf-tnpati,  rte.)  fell  upon  thorn 
and  out  thorn  down  to  a  man. 

**  The  Maravas  wore  tho  enemies  of  both  the  combatants  and  would  have  gladly  taken  tho  city  for 
themselves  ;  but  as  it  was,  they  had,  in  consequence  of  their  inabilty  to  take  it,  to  join  that  party  which 
was  likely  to  prove  the  most  amenable  neighbour  to  them  ;  and  they  thought  Mysore  was  compara- 
tively the-  better; 


*&8  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917 

that  in  the  low  state  to  which  Chokkan&tha's  fortunes  had  been  Deduced,  the  Sfitupati  saw 
the  practical  extinction  of  the  Madura  kingdom,  and  felt  the  restoration  of  its  ancient 
greatness  to  be  a  forlorn  hope,  and  therefore  thought  of  his  own  security,  and  assumed  an 
air  of  indifference.  It  is  also  possible  that  his  non -interference  was  the  consequence  of 
his  inability,  for  between  1678  and  1685  his  country  was  ruined  by  a  dreadful  famine, 
which  made  many  people  leave  tie  chad  on  the  banks  of  rivers.16  In  any  case 
Chokkanatha  lost  the  support  of  his  most  resourceful  vassal  at  the  most  critical 
moment.  The  kingdom,  he  now  realised,  was  beyond  recovery,  and  the  sense  of  ita  loss 
was  so  keen  as  to  break  his  heart  and  end  his  days  in  a  few  weeks. 

The  cause  of  the  failure. 

Such  was  the  tragic  conclusion  of  the  reign  of  Chokkanatha,  An  impartial  exami- 
nation of  his  reign  shews  that  his  failure  was  essentially  the  result  of  his  character. 
Unfortunate  in  coming  to  the  throne  at  a  very  young  age,  and  unfortunate  in  his  servants 
and  ministers,  Chokkanatha  was,  indeed,  to  a  large  extent  a  fate's  failure  ;  but  he  had 
for  his  greatest  enemy,  himself.  His  vanity  and  pride  involved  him  in  wars,  which 
wisdom  would  have  avoided.  All  his  misfortunes  can  be  traced  to  the  illfated  Tan j  ore 
invasion,  and  that  was  caused  by  his  quickness  to  take  offence,  his  oversensitiveness  to  ail 
old  man's  words.  Chokkanatha  was,  furtLer,  a  creature  of  moods.  To-day  he  would  act 
with  commendable  vigour,  to-morrow  Le  would  lca«l  a  life  of  culpable  indolence.  Essen- 
tially a  weak  man,  he  was  not  tit  for  an  age  of  storm  and  stress.  The  wild  Maratha  was 
carrying  everything  before  him  and  even  strong  kings  tumbled  at  his  name.  The  greedy 
MyBorean  was  not  far  behind  in  search  of  piey  tud  pixfifc.  Within  the  kingdom  itself 
there  was,  thanks  to  an  inefficient  central  government,  restlessness  and  sedition  among 
its  vassals.  And  yet  at  such  a  time,  Chokkan&tl.a  forsook  politics  for  religion  and  the 
sword  for  the  altar.  No  wonder  he  became  t;ic  tool  of  his  own  destruction,  and  the 
destruction  of  his  kingdom. 


NOTES  ON  THE  TAN  JO  RE- MA  DUE  A   AFFAIRS  BETWEEN  1675  AND  1680. 

Wilson's  version  of  the  events  between  1G75  and  1680,  based  most  probal  ly  on  one 
of  the  MSB.,  which  is  unfortunately  not  available,  is  very  different  from  that  which 
has  been  given  above,  and  is  plainly  inaccurate.  He  says  that  Sengarnala  Das,  the 
Tanjore  prince,  escaped  from  Trichinopoly  with  the  aid  of  Kustam  Khan  "  who  had  been  a 
favourite  of  Chokkanatha  and  who  commanded  the  garrison  under  the  orders  of  Mudala 
lludra  Nayak  (Alakadri  Naik),  the  brother  of  Chokkanatha,  an  extravagant  and  indolent 
prince  who  lavished  on  his  personal  gratification  the  Bums  destined  for  the  pay  of  the 
troops."  The  army  had  become  discontented,  and  Rustain  took  advantage  of  this  to 
become  the  master  of  Trichinopoly.  It  was  now  that  Sengamala  Das  was  allowed  to 
escape.  He  proceeded  to  Jingi  and  asked  ita  king,  Ekoji,  to  advance  against  Madura. 
The  latter  soon  came  near  Srirangam.  At  the  fcame  time  the  Eaja  of  Mysore  encroached 
in  the  west.  Chokkanatha's  position  was  tLu*  very  precarious.  His  kingdom  was 
attacked  on  one  side  by  Ekoji  and  on  the  other  Lj  Mysore,  the  latter  being  so  powerful 

16  Chanutet. 


Mor,  1917]  THIS  HISTORY  OK  THE  NAtK  KINGDOM   <>F  MADURA  99 

as  to  capture  Madura  itself  and  occupy  it  for  three  years.  The  internal  government  was 
a  chaos  owing  to  ttustam  Khan.  Unable  to  maintain  the  shadow  of  his  power,  Chokka- 
nfitha  tried  negotiations  in  despair.  He  first  succeeded  in  purchasing  the  return  of  the? 
Mysoreans  by  surrendering  Erode  and  Dharapuram  to  them.  He  then,  with  Kilavan 
Setupati's  help,  dispersed  the  troops  of  Sougamala  Das,  and  re-occupied  Tanjore.  He 
finally  recovered  Trichinopoly  from  Kustam  Khan,  who  lost  his  life  in  the  defence.  The 
Raja  of  Jingi  retreated  to  his  dominions,  and  Chokkanutha  was  thus  able  to  lie  in  the 
tranquil  possession  of  the  patrimonial  possessions. 

But  lie  was  soon  destined  to  lose  his  acquisition  of  Ta-njore.  For  the  fugitive  prince, 
Songamalu,  Das,  had  recourse  to  Ekoji,  who  was  then  at  Bangalore  under  the  nominal 
authority  of  Bijapur.  lie  readily  agreed  to  undertake  his  restoration.  The  confederates 
marched  to  Tanjow  and  expelled  the  Madura  .forces.  But  Ekoji  usurped  the  throne,  and 
forthwith  entered  into  a  confederacy  with  his  late  enemy  Chokkanatlw  a<rain>t  'Sivaji.  All 
this  took  place  between  1075  and  1080. 

The  Bh!>«(ila)>ratajM)n,  says  Wilson,  gives  a  different  account.  It  says  that  the  Prineu,  of 
Trichinopoly  applied  to  Shaliji  for  assistance  against  Vijayn  Jlughavu  of  Tanjoiv.  thatShahji 
hel])od  him  in  tJic  overthrow  of  Vijaya  Jlaghava.  and  the  capture  of  Tanjore  r  and  that 
he  the-n  expelled  his  all\  and  seized  tho  kingdom,  lie  left  it  then  under  his  son  Ekoji. 

SECTION  III. 
THE  GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IN  THIS  REIGN 

A  word  may  be  said  about  the  progress  of  Christianity  in  this  reign.  The  organization 
of  the  dioceses  and  the  activities  of  the  Pan«lAram  and  Sanya.si  missionaries,  had 
a  ve/y  pure.eplible  e(Y(M-t,  and  brought  thousands  of  people  into  the  Christian  fold. 
By  1077,  tor  instamv.  the  NAik  capital  itself  had  as  many  as  2000  Christians.  ]t  is  said 
that,  about  1050.  t!ie  Christians  were,  aceoiding  to  the  (Jovernor  of  Triehinopoh  . 
••  everywhere  and  could  not  be  counted.  "'  In  1076  Father  Fie  re  wrote  that  the  Christians 
of  Tanjore  \\vro  mini  TOIIS  enough  to  emigiate  to  Ceylon  and  Muliu-cu.  In  Tanjore  the 
Pariah  Christians  had  the  full  control  of  the  royal  elephants  and  horses,  and  were  so  far 
advanced  as  to  organize  a  strike  and  compel  tho  authorities  to  treat  them  better.  Chris- 
tianity17  nourished  even  more  in  Madura  and  boasted  of  recruits  from  all  classes  of  the 
population, — Brahmans,  weavers  of  rank  and  wealth,  salt  merchants,  and  blacksmiths, 
the  Pariahs,  Pallans.  Paravas  and  mendicants  of  all  castes. 

This  enormous  increase  in  the  Christian  population  naturally  gave  rise  to  perseeution 
in  various  places.  The  historian  will  always  note  the  commendable  spirit  of  toleration 
which  distinguished  Hindu  kings  in  general  ;  but  it  \\ as  not  always  the  case.  There  were 
not  lacking,  even  in  the  most  liberal  age,  chiefs  and  officers  that  resorted  to  persecution. 
In  Trichinopoly,  for  instance,  the  governor,  the  chief  civil  authority  of  the  piovincc,  was 
'a  determined  opponent  and  persecutor  of  tho  Christians,  and  countenanced  an  important 
official  under  him,  the  chief  of  the  customs,  a  Valaiy an  by  easte,  to  lead  with  impunity 
an  an ti -Christian  crusade.  The  animosity  of  this  officer,  however,  uas  due  as  much  to 
economic  as  to  religious  reasons.  He  imagined  that  the  Christians  were  exceedingly  rich, 
and  incited  some  of  his  own  relations,  who  had  been  living  in  poverty  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Church  at  Trichinopoly,  to  plunder  it.  Proenza,  the  missionary  Paurlurain  then  in 
charge,  got  a  warning  of  the  impending  attack  and  escaped  to  Kandalur.  The  raiders  found 

tf  Manucoi,  writing  about    1700,  says  that  there  wore  "  more  thau  100  churches  under  tho  Jesuit 
mission/'  and  the  Christians  wore  increasing  in  number.     Styria  do  Mogor  ///,  100. 


100  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1017 

nothing  to  gratify  their  avarice.     WhoirProenaa  subsequently  returned,  they  accused  him  of 
sorcery  and  of  having  caused  a  Valaiyan  to  be  possessed,  and  the  governor  ordered  his  arrest. 

The  persecution  .and  trial  of  Proenza. 

Proenza  once  again  made  his  escape,  but  not  to  a  place  outside  Trichinopoly.  He 
went  to  the  Naik  commander  of  the  army,  a  man  of  broad  mind  and  kindly  nature, 
whose  friendly  attitude  to  the  Christian  religion  was  well  known.  The  general,  an  uncle 
of  the  king  at  Madura  and  therefore  a  person  of  great  influence  in  the  Court 
and  council,  gave  refuge  to  Proenza,  and  at  his  instigation  induced  the  governor  to 
ordor  a  public  trial,  so  that  the  preacher  could  prove  his  innocence  to  the  world.  It  was 
a  plausible  request,  and  the  governor  appointed  judges.  These  however  were  his  tools  and 
decided  that  the  accusation  of  the  Valaiyans  was  right.  The  general  however  refused  to 
recognize  the  sham  trial  and  sent  men  to  his  nephew  to  inform  him  of  the  event.  Tho 
governor  'also  sent  his  decision.  The  Da  avui-Pradhani  at  Madura  thereupon  ordered  a 
retrial  of  the  case,  and  at  the  same  time  expressed  a  desire  to  see  a  record  of  the  evidence. 
The  result  was,  that  the  evidence  of  the  Valaiyan  was  found  to  be  of  no  value  and 
Proenza  was  acquitted. 

Other  missionaries  of  the  period. 

The  Christians  had  many  similar  annoyances  ;  but  opposition  gave  them  strength  and 
increased  their  numbers.  In  all  this  they  had  to  thank  their  leaders,  Arcclini  and 
Proenza  in  Trichinopoly,  Stephen  and  Be  Silva  in  Madura,  De  Costa  and  Alwsrcz  in  Tan- 
jore,  Frere  and  others  in  the  East  ('oast.  Alwarez,  who  died  in  June  1004,  after  21  years 
of  glorious  service,  was  a  fit  .successor  of  De  Xobilia  and  Martins.  Proenza,  an  Italian 
of  Lombardy,  was  an  equally  great  man.  Historically  he  occupies  a  more  conspicuous 
place,  as  it  was  around  him  the  court  intrigues  in  Triehinopoly  were  very  active.  Indifferent 
to  personal  violence  and  physical  suffering  he  used  to  make  long  excursions  north  of 
Trichinopoly  for  the  sake  of  the  Pariahs,  the  special  objects  of  his  solicitude  in 
one  of  which  excursions  he  died  of  sheer  exhaustion.  Between  1670  and  1080  the 
work  of  the  mission  declined  in  the  Western  region  in  Satyamangalam,  while  it  in- 
creased in  activity  in  the  Coromaiidel  coast  from  Jingi  to  Bamnad.  The  progress  in  the. 
northern  part  of  the  region,  in  the  basin  of  the  Ooleroon,  was  due  to  the  untirino-  labours 
of  Father  Frere,  and  in  the  southern  part  to  the  labours  of  the  singularly  remarkable  saint 
arid  sage,  who  came  to  Madura  as  tho  head  of  the  mission.  This  was  the  celebrated  John 
<le  Britto,  a  sage,  who  as  a  preacher  and  servant  of  God,  was  perhaps  greater,  certainly 
purer,  than  Do  Nobilis  himself. 

Jean  de  Britto. 

Jean  do  Britto  was  born  at  Lisbon  of  illustrious  parents  in  March  1647.  His  father 
Don  Pereyra  was.  a  favourite  of  the  Duke  of  Braganza,  later  on  king,  then  governor" 
of  Bio  de  Janeiro.  His  mother  Donra  Beatrix,  was  a  highborn  woman  of  a  lively  intellect 
and  religious  bent  of  mind.  De  Britto  shewed  the  spirit  of  a  saint  and  a  martyr  even  in 
his  youth,  when  he  was  under  the  instruction  of  the  Jesuits.  So  serious  and  solemn  he 
was  in  his  studies  that  his  companions  called  him  a  martyr,  little  dreaming  that  tho 
aristocratic  child  was  after  all  destined  to  die  thousands  of  miles  away  amidst  a  sturdy  and 
bigoted  race,  for  the  sake  of  Christ  and  the  Cross.  In  December  1662,  De  Britto 
baoame,  in  spite  of  the  dissuasions  of  the  Infanta  whose  companion  and  playmate  he  was 
n-vl  of  tho  queen-regent,  a  member  of  the  society  of  Jesus ;  anil  after  eleven  years  of 


MAY,  1017]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  N4IK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  -       101 

close  study  and  serious  preparation,  chose  South  India,  the  .scene  of  the  labours  of  his 
cherished  hero,  Xavier,  for  his  own  scene  of  labours.  In  1078  he.  came  to  Goa  and  from 
there,  after  the  completion  of  his  theological  studies,  attached  himself  to  the  Madura 
Mission. 

From  the  moment  of  Do  Britto's  entrance  into  Madura  he  began  to  experience  the 
trials  and  pangs  of  a  martyr.  Rarely  indeed  has  it  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  mission- 
ary in  India  such  a  lot  as  befell  him.  Before  his  advent  the  city  of  Madura  alone  had  been 
a  centre  of  Christian  activity.  The  neighbouring  villages  had  been  free  from  it.  The 
advent  of  De  Britto  ruffled,  in  the  eyes  of  his  adversaries,  this  tranquillity  of  tho  religious 
atmosphere  and  gave  rise  to  a  period  of  storm  and  excitement.  The  priests  and  leaders 
of  Hinduism  regarded  his  intrusion  with  alarm  and  sot  aflame  the  torch  of  persecution. 
The  footsteps  of  the  missionary  began  to  bo  dogged  more  by  his  opponents  than  by  his 
followers,  and  the  voice  of  his  sermon  was  drowned  by  tho  lamentations  of  his  disciplis 
and  the  exultant  cries  of  his  persecutors.  On  one  occasion,  while  he  was  at  a  village  near 
Madura,  he  was  assailed,  put  in  chains,  and  tortured.  Twice  the  ominous  axo  was  brought, 
and  the  calm  bearing,  the  uncomplaining  resignation  of  the  pious  victim  alone  unnerved 
the  arm  and  overcame  the  zeal  of  the  executioner.  De  Britto's  object,  however,  was  not 
to  work  in  the  vicinity  of  Madura.  Ho  longed  to  carry  the  light  of  his  faith  to  the  land 
of  the  Maravas,  where,  he  understood,  tho  religion  of  Christ  had  not  bc.en  preached  fora 
long  time. 

The  reception  accorded  to  him  here  was,  if  possible,  more  cruel.  Tho  Maravas,  fierce 
in  valour  and  fiercer  in  prejudice,  differed  indeed  in  many  respects  from  the  orthodox 
Hindus,  but  they  were  Hindus  all  the  same.  Fondly  attached  to  their  cree  1,  they  regarded 
with  hatred  those  who  dared  to  revile  the  srod  who,  in  their  legendary  history,  had 
blessed  their  land  and  given  it  his  name.  Their  glory,  their  tradition,  their  very  life  was 
bound  up  with  the  law  of  Raina,  They  were  llama's  men,  his  chosen  people,— their 
great  prido  was  in  declaring  and  cherishing  tho  belief  in  it.  To  such  a  race,  the 
preaching*  of  the  new  missionary  were  singularly  obnoxious.  To  see  R&ma  denounced  and 
dethroned,  to  hear  his  divinity  questioned  and  his  greatness  belittled  \\  as,  in  their  eyes, 
not  only  a  wanton  insult  on  their  nation,  but  a  crime  the  enormity  of  \\hieh  they  could 
not  sufficiently  condemn.  It  is  not  surprising  therefore  that  De  Uritto  had  every 
opportunity  of  becoming  a  martyr. 

The  leader  of  the  anti-Christian  movement  was  a  Marava  general,  one  of  the  most  in- 
fluential men  in  tho  land.  Endowed  more  with  religious  zeal  than  martial  valour,  this  piou s 
soldier  followed  De  Britto  in  all  his  movements,  and  subjected  him,  through  his  agents,  to  a 
crowd  of  troubles  and  difficulties.  In  the  vicinity  of  kivaganga,  whither  Do  Britto  had  gone, 
he  was  seized  and  taken  to  the  presence  of  the  Setupati.  On  the  way,  he  w  as  treated  with  a 
singular  cruelty.  Fettered  and  tortured  he  was  kopt  bound,  for  the  space  of  two  days,  bound 
to  the  stumps  of  trees.  Cords  were  attached  to  his  frame  and  ho  was  frequently  dipped  into 
a  tank.  Brought  beforo  tho  important  shrine  of  Kajayar  Koil,  he  was  suspended  to  a 
tiee  by  cords  fastened  to  his  feet  and  hands  so  that  ho  could  look  with  repentance  on  the 
god  whose  name  had  had  reviled.  Ho  was  confined  in  a  dark  dungeon  for  eleven  days  ami 
given  meagre  food.  Suffering,  however,  gave  a  new  strength  and  a  new  enthusiasm  to 
De  Britto  Tho  great  object  of  his  life  was,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  to  get  the 
name  of  a  martyr,  to  die  for  the  sake  of  the  Cross.  The  ultimate  goal  oi  his  ambition 
was  to  be  ranked  with  the  saints  and  martyrs  of  early  and  medieval  Christianity.  He 


102  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [»Uv,  1917 


therefore  provoked  persecution  and  excited  fanaticism.  It  IB  not  surprising  that  when 
subsequently  he  was  taken  to  a  Siva  temple  north  of  Kalayar  Koil  and  apkod  to  invoke 
the  name  of  Siva,  he  refused,  and  was  kicked  and  struck  by  the  Hindu  general.  It  A\as 
further  resolved  by  his  j>orsocutors  to  deprive  him  of  one  of  his  hands  and  feet  and  then 
to  impale.  But  the  resolution  was  not  carried  out,  though  the  follow eis  of  the  mission- 
ary were  mutilated  by  the  loss  of  one  foot,  one  hand,  the  ears,  nose  and  tongue,  and 
sent  back  to  the  homes  which  they  had  deserted.  DC  Britto  was  then  flogged  and  cast 
on  an  uneven,  rock  and  trampled  by  a  number  of  men  so  that  his  body,  pierced  through 
and  through,  was  in  a  welter  of  blood.  These  oppressions  over,  the  missionary  was  taken 
to  the  Sctupatf  s  capital  and  confined  first  in  a  stable  and  thon  in  a  cell  for  twenty  days, 
At  the  end  of  this  period  he  was  brought  to  the  presence  of  the  Setupati.  and  the  latter 
after  hearing  the  accusations  against  him  and  perhaps  atao  his  talc  of  woe,  set  him 
at  liberty  forbidding  him,  however,  on  pain  of  death,  to  continue  his  tirade  against  idol- 
worshi  p  a n  d  po  1  \  gamy . 

The  divine  patience  of  ])e  Britto  gained  the  admiration  of  the  Father  Provincial. 
Embracing  the  noble  martyr  with  heait-feit  oiTe<  t!on,  he  pronounced  hi.s  ic.^olve  to  >eiul 
him  to  the  mother-country  to  select,  in  person,  a  number  of  men  who  could  accompany 
him  and  share  his  trials.  JKJarly  in  JOSS  Be  Britto,  hi  consequence,  left  .India  and  reached 
Lisbon  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Honoured  by  prince  and  peasant,  in. the  Court  and  in  the 
country,  the  pious  man  of  Cod,  clad  in  Indian  costume,  was  dcservedh  the  pictuies(,i  e 
cynosure  of  the  pious  section  of  his  countrymen.  People  high  and  low,  rich  and 
poor,  flocked  to  sec  the  man,  who  had  bt«en  born  among  princes  of  the  proudest  nation 
and  who  had  chosen  to  sulTer  for  the  dark  millions  of  a  distant  land;  \\lio  might 
have  gra"ed  the  richest  chambers  of  a  palace,  but  Mho  had  prefered  the  cell  of  an  Indian 
hut;  who  might  have  enjoyed  every  luxury,  but  who  had  chosen  a  life  of  abstinence 
entirely  innocent  of  wine, ;  \\ho  might  have  shone  as  a  statesman  or  diplomatist  ligiiring  n 
the  Courts  of  Europe,  but  who  had  chosen  to  be  a  wandering  mendicant,  to  be  flogged 
by  Indian  fanatics  and  persecuted  by  Indian  princes. 

DC  Britto  soon  returned  to  the  scene  of  his  labours  and  redoubled  them  among  the 
I>eople ;  and  his  industry  was  rewarded  with  a  great  conquest.  One  Tadia  Tevan,  a  near 
relation  of  the  Setupati  and  a  man  whose  chance  of  ascending  the  gadi  itself  \\as  not  too 
remote,  sacrificed  all  his  chances  for  the  sake  of  conviction  and  embraced  tho  Christian 
religion.  He  met,  however,  a  great  obstacle  in  his  fifth  wife,  a  relative  of  the  Setupati, 
who,  unlike  her  three  elder  co-wives,  refused  to  .sacrifice  her  wifehood  for  the  money  lie 
offered,—  for  the  acceptance  of  Christianity  made  it  necessary  for  Tanda  Tevan  to  become 
a  monogamist.  The  highborn  lady  engaged  the  most  orthodox  to  dissuade  her  husband 
and  tried,  but  in  vain,  every  means.  She  then  carried  her  grievance  to  the  Setupati. 
The  Marava  world  had  been  shocked  by  the  invasion  of  the  palace  itself  by  the  alien 
creed ;  and  Kilavan  felt  himself  bound  to  move  with  public  opinion  and  pacify  public 
agitation,  by  taking  steps  against  the  missionary.  Orders  were  given  to  burn  the  church 
and  arrest  the  preachers.  De  Britto  was  arrested  and  taken  in  fetters  to  the  Setupati'a 
capital.  Compelled  to  run  behind  the  horses  while  the  escorts  held  the  chains,  whipped 


MAY.  1017]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NATK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  103 

and  jeered  at,  the  saint  was  taken  to  the  Setupati,  and  he,  in  response  to  the  advice  of 
his  advisers,  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  Unwilling  to  shed  the  blood  himself  or 
afraid  of  the  rebellion  of  Tadia  Tevan's  men,  he  sent  the  father  to  a  brother  of  his,  Udaya 
Tevan,  then  evidently  a  local  chief  on  the  Pamban.  The  latter  ,  a  lame  man,  asked  tho 
missionary  to  cure  him  of  his  lameness  by  his  magic  —  for,  all  this  time  tho  universal 
impression  was  that  he  was  a  magician  and  deluder  of  men's  minds—  and  on  his  pleading 
inability,  it  was  taken  for  unwillingness,  and  he  was  taken  to  tho  scaffold,  erected  in  a 
plain  and  soon  by  all  men,  tied  to  a  post,  and  cut  to  pieces,  after  the  severance  of 
the  head  from  the  body.  Even  the  right  o£  burial  was  denied  and  tho  corpse  was 
left  to  be  devoured  by  birds  and  beasts. 

De  Britto18  had  gained  his  groat  object—  martyrdom.    It  was  in  1093,  (February). 

Such  is  the  life  and  career  of  De  Britto.1  !)  Tho  historian  cannot  but  have  a  deep 
affection  for  his  personality,  A  more  inspiring,  ennobling,  sincere  or  profound  martyr  never 
oame  to  India.  Compared  with  that  of  De  Nobilis,  it  will  be  readily  noticed  that  his  moral 
influence  was  greater,  his  character  more  tender  and  sympathetic.  There  was  much  hypo- 
crisy and  more  self-contradiction  in  Do  Nobilis;  but  De  Britto  was  all  sincerity,  a 
personification  of  uniform  and  shining  virtues.  De  Nobilis  might  have  been  more 
astonishingly  equipped  for  the  work  of  controversy,  he  might  have  even  a  longer  number 
of  the  aceredited  prophetic  gifts  ;  but  while  his  genius  and  his  intellectual  powers  can  be 
readily  recognized,  it  is  certain  that  he  is  at  a  distance  from  Do  Britto  in  the  beauty  of 
character  and  the  sincerity  of  God's  servant. 

In  a  sketch  of  the  activities  of  the  Madura  Mission  ;  ono  thing  should  always  bo 
romembered,—namely  that  the  Madura  missionaries,  in  tho  enthusiasm  of  their  propaganda, 
forgot  the  spirit  of  their  own  gospel  and  persecuted  tho  other  Christiana  who,  like  them, 
wanted  to  elevate  tho  heathen.  A  remarkable  example  of  the  narrow  sectarianism  of  the 
Jesuits  is  clear  in  a  case  of  Christian  converts  at  Uttamapiiayam  in  1080.  Ono  of  those 
Christians  "  wont  to  the  Syrian  Christians  in  the  mountains  of  Travancore,  and  represented 
to  their  bishop  that  in  Uttamapalayam,  at  tho  foot  of  the  mountains  on  the  Madura  side, 
there  were  ^several  Brahman  converts  who  had  not  accepted  baptiaoment  at  tho  hands  of 
the  Jesuits,  because  they  regarded  them  as  Pawngia.  Ho  was  asked  to  eorno  and  baptize 
them,  and  with  them  a  great  prince  of  that  region.  The  bishop  sent  an  Italian  Carmelite, 
and  he  went  in  his  European  dress  to  the  church  at  Uttamapalayam.  The  catechist  there 
bogged  him  to  avoid  lowcaste  neophytes,  and  because  he  refused  to  do  that,  withdrew  with 
the  whole  congregation,  and  there  shut  him  out  of  tho  church.  Tho  Carmelite's  guide 
abandoned  him  and  the  Hindus  would  not  help  him,  so  that  tho  poor  man,  forsaken  in  a 
rtnnga  country,  disappeared,  and  probably  perished.  The  Madura  priests  approved  of  the 
catechises  action.20  " 


Beschi  is  important  more  for    its   literary  than  its  religious    work.    I 
have  therefore  dealt  with  it  in  Chap.  XI. 
a>  Chandler  :  Madura 


104  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1917 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

Raftga  Krishna  Muttu  Virappa,  (1682-1689). 

On  the  death  of  Chokkanatha,  his  son,  Ranga  Krishna  Muttu  Virappa,  a  youth31  of 
sixteen,  came  to  the  throne.  Never  did  a  ruler  ever  inherit  a  throne  under  such  gloomy 
circumstances  or  had  to  meet,  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  a  situation  so  doubtful  and  so 
dangerous.  The  incompetence  and  indiscretion  of  Chokkanatha  had  reduced  the  kingdom 
to  the  narrow  confines  of  a  single  city.  The  rest  of  his  extensive  dominions  was  either 
under  the  actual  occupation  of  foreigners,  or  a  prey  to  rival  adventurers.  The  people 
experienced  a  series  of  miseries  unrivalled  in  the  past  and  unimaginable  in  the  future. 
The  evils  of  anarchy  and  military  occupation  manifested  themselves  to  the  fullest 
extent,  and  filled  the  realm  with  sorrow  and  misery.  In  the  name  of  the  rival  powers, 
robbers  and  adventurers,  whose  meat  and  drink  was  plunder,  and  whose  turbulence  and 
cruelty  defied  the  discipline  of  authority  and  the  sentiment  of  humanity,  roamed 
throughout  the  land,  occupied  the  forts  of  the  realm,  thronged  the  high  roads,  and 
out-stripped  one  another  and  the  soldiers  in  the  \vork  of  destruction.  A  bold,  strong 
and  determined  man  and  saviour  was  the  cry  of  the  moment.  A  soldier  and  far-seeing 
statesman  was  the  need  of  the  hour,  a  person  who  combined  the  vigour  of  the  sword 
with  the  sympathy  of  a  people's  king.  Therein  lay  the  one  hope  of  Madura,  the  one 
chance  of  recovery  or  rebirth.  Another  Visvanatha  or  Aryanfitha,  in  other  words*  was 
an  imperative  necessity. 

Ranga  Krishna's  character  and  adventures. 

Fortunately  the  new  king22  was,  though  young  in  age,  old  in  wisdom  and  mature  in 
counsels.  He  had  the  activity  of  habit  and  the  keenness  of  intellect/,  characteristic  of  a 
soldier-statesman.  In  his  character,  enthusiasm  was  coupled  in  harmonious  combination 
with  discretion,  and  excellent  qualities  of  the  head  with  those  of  the  heart.  Excepting 
Visvanatha  1,  he  was  the  most  amiable  and  picturesque  of  the  Naik  dynasty.  His  charming 
personality  roused  the  admiration  of  his  courtiers,  the  loyalty  of  his  servants,  and  the 
affection  of  his  subjects.  He  was  gaiety  itself.  He  loved  fun  and  adventure.  He  loved 
to  surprise  men  by  his  unexpected  visits  in  unexpected  places,  in  unexpected  garbs.  One 

81  According  to  the  Pand.  Chron.  he  ruled  from  Rudhirfitkari  (1683)  A<Ji  17th,  to  Pramodhflta  (1691) 
i.  for  8  years.  According  to  Supple.  MM.,  from  Vibhava  to  Bhava  (?'.  c.,  J  688-1005;  ;  the  Carna. 
Govrs.  also  say?,  from  Vibhava  to  Bliava.  The  Telugu  Cam.  Dyn.  says  ho  ruled  from  Bahudhanya 
(1698  A.  D.)  to  Vijaya  (1707  A.  D).  Tho  correct  date  is  about  1682-1689,  and  is  proved  by 
epigraphy.  The  epigraphical  evidences  in  regard  to  this  reign  however  are  very  meagre.  In  hia 
Antiquities,  Sewell  mentions  only  one  inscription,  at  Arumbavur,  14  miles  N.  \V.  of  Parambalur  in 
Ifcichinopoly  district.  It  says  that  in  1686  Ratiga  Krishna  repaired  a  sluice  there.  (Antiquities,  1, 
p.  263).  An  inscription  of  1657  A.  D.  (Hcvilambi)  says  that  Ranga  Krishna  gave  some  lands  in 
the  villages  of  Tirumalasamudram  and  Pudukkulam  in  the  Tinnevelly  District  t  o  a  Brahman.  In 
connection  with  this  inscription  Sewell  remarks  "  that  the  date  and  cyclic  year  correspond,  but  the 
sovereign  mentioned  as  the  donor  commenced  his  reign  at  Madura  in  A.  D.  1682,  and  reigned  seven 
years."  He  therefore  believes  that  the  grant  might  possibly  have  been  given  before  he  became  the 
ruling  king.  If  this  were  the  case,  Ranga  Krishna  would  have  been  more  than  25  years  old  at  his 
accession ;  but  the  chronicles  say  that  he  was  only  16  then.  It  is  thus  impossible  to  reconcile  the  date 
of  this  inscription  with  that  of  the  chronicles.  (For  the  inscription  see  Antiquities^  II,  p.  7.) 

22  According  to  Wheeler,  he  was  sixteen  when  he  ascended  the  throne  and  his  mother,  Maiigamma), 
acted  as  Regent.  Wheeler  notes  that  he  was  a  skilful  horseman  and  had  a  memory  that  could  repeat 
the  whole  Bhctgavatam  by  heart.  He  also  notes  his  love  for  Brahmans,  his  visit  to  foreign  Courts 
in  disguise,  and  the  dignified  way  in  which  he  behaved  towards  the  Mughal's  slipper*  .  , 


MAY,  1917]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF   MADURA  105 

evening,  for  instance,  ho  rode,  as  was  always  the  case  with  him,  alone  and  unattended 
to  Tanjoro,  and  entering  the  fort  at  night,  borrowed  from  a  marchant  in  the  bazaar  street 
a  pagoda  on  the  deposit  of  his  ring,  and  used  it  for  his  expenses.  After  a  spare  diet  of  inilk 
and  butter,  he  put  on  the  guise  and  dress  of  a  common  sepoy,  and  entered  the  king's 
palace  in  the  dark.  Going  to  the  audience  hall,  lie  heard  with  his  own  ears  the  discussion 
of  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  between  the  king  and  his  ministers.  On  his  departure,33 
wo  are  told,  ho  wrot;>  on  the  door  leading  from  the  throne-hall  to  the  private  apart- 
ments the  fact  of  his  arrival  and  his  attendance  during  the  discussion  of  state  affairs. 
The  next  morning  he  left  for  Trichiiiopoly,  promising  to  redeem  the  ring  soon  after. 
Immediately  after  his  return,  he  called  for  the  Tan  jo  re  ambassador,  spoke  to  him  of  his 
adventure,  arid  askc.l  him  to  write  to  his  master,  requesting  the  redeeming  of  the  ring  and 
advising  him  to  maintain  a  more  vigilant  guard  in  the  palace. 

A  similar  story  illustrative  of  Ranga  Krishna's   heroism  and    bravery  is    not  out  of 
place  here.     The  Polygar  of  Ariyaliir    had  in  his  possession  four  things  of  priceless  value, 
a  beautiful2*  carnt;!,  an  elephant,  a  sword  and  a  horse.     The  predecessors  of  ilauga  Krishna 
had  expressed    a  desire  for  these  tilings,   but    owing  to 'the  unwillingness  of  the  Polygar 
and  their  own  judicious  moderation,  which  scorned  the  application  of  force,  they 'had  not 
obtained  them.     Ranga  Krishna  now  resolved  to  get  possession  of  them  by  some   means. 
With  that  spirit  of  daring  enterprise  which  formed  the  chief  feature  of  his  character,  he 
rode  alone  to  Ariyaliir,  bidding  his  Sirdars  and  troops  follow  at    a  distance.     Forcing  his 
way  into  the  town,  ho  reached  the  palace,  and  seating  himself  on  the  verandah  outside,  sent 
word,  through  the  servants,  of  his  arrival.     The  Polygar,  a  Na^anar,  who  was  then  engaged 
in  his  toilet  operations,  was  taken  by  surprise  and  seized  with  apprehension.    A  visit  of  his 
suzerain,  so  unusual  and    so  sudden,  so  simple  and  so    unceremonious,  foreboded,  in  his 
eyes,  some  disaster  or  disgrace.     He  therefore  hastily  finished  his  work  and,  accompanied 
by  his  children,  hurried  to  present  himself  before  his  sovereign,  and    placed,  at  his  feet, 
as  a  mark  of  homage,  a  dish  full  of  gems  and  jewels.     In  an  attitude  of  humble  and  respect- 
ful loyalty,  the  Polygar  then  asked  his  master  for  the  object  of    his  condescension  ;  and 
when  Ranga  Krishna  mentioned  it,  he  expressed  a  tactful  regret  that  he   put  himself  to 
such  trouble  for  such  a  paltry  purpose  ;  that  a  single  line  in  writing  would  have  sui'liccd. 
The  Polygar  therefore  readily  surrendered  the  objects  of  his  master's  desire,  an  act  in  which 
he  was,  no  doubt,  actuated  by  a  feeling  of  fear  at  the  reported  approach  of  an  army.     The 
elephant,  however1,  was  then  subject  to  a  fit  and  too  furious  to  be  approached  by  anyone. 
But  the  bold  daring  of  the  Madura  monarch,   undertook,  in  the  face  of  loyal    protest*,  the 
task  which  none  of  his  servants  could  dare.    With  his  line  and  ilcet  horse,  a.  noble,  breed  of 
white,  he  approached  the  elephant,   and   by   a  series  of  skilful   manoeuvres  succeeded  in 
enticing  it    to  Trichiiiopoly,   where  the  rest  of  the  work  of  subjugation  was  undertaken 
by    skilful    mahouts.     The    king    had,    however,   to  pay  dearly  for  his  now  acquisition; 
for  his  noble  steed,  the  instrument  of  his  gain,  dropped    down  dead,   owing  to  exhaustion 
and  overwork,  the  moment  he  alighted  from  it. 

(  To  be  continued.) 

23  Compare  tho   story  about   Kanthirava    Nurasa  llaj  of  Mysoro  (lGIW-53)  who  oncu-  \voat  incognito 
to  Trichinopoly  and  slew  in  a  duel  tho  champion  of  that  Court.     NViiks'  Afy.+tre,  1,  p.  30. 

24  The   camol   was  called    Rama-Lukshmaim,    the   sword   Chinna    It  atria    Buna,  tho    olophant   liana 
Vfrabhadra,   and  the    horse    Muttu   Kucchu.     Tho    names   remind   tho  similar    ours  prevalent    among 
the  Mughals.     Soo,   for  example,    Manuoci's   tffaria   dn  JM  njor.      M.   J.   Wodchouau  compares  Uaij  a 
Krishna  to  the  chivalrous  James  V  of  Scotland*     See  Ante,  Vol.  VII.  pp.  22-20, 


106 


INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[  MAY,  1917 


NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 


NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS. 

4.  Englishmen's  Furniture  and  its  Cost  in  1682. 

14.  August  1682.  Consultation  in  Masulipatam. 
There  being  a  great  want  of  Household  stuff  for 
this  Factory,  especially  of  Chaires,  Tables  and  one 
or  two  Coutcheg,  and  Mr.  Field  haveing  belonging 
to  him  one  dozen  of  Chaires  and  a  Coutoh  made  of 
Teake  wood,  it  is  ordered  they  be  bought  for  the 
CompanyeB  Account*  the  Chairos  at  2J  rupees  each 
and  the  Coutch  2£  pagodas,  which  he  ailirmes  to 
bee  the  true  cost  of  them,  and  that  Mr.  Field  is 
desired  to  furnish  us  from  Madapollam  with  as 


many  more  of  the  same  sort,  the  house  being  sue 
bare  since  the  removall  of  the  late  Chief  [*.  e. ,  John 
Field  who  had  been  transferred  to  Madapollam  in 
July  1682]  that  some  of  the  roomes  therein  have 
not  above  4  old  Chaires  in  it,  much  to  the  Discred- 
it of  our  honoble.  Masters.  (Factory  Records,  Mas- 

\   ulipatam,  vol.  4). 

i       Note. — The  value  of  the  rupee  in  Madras  at  this 

1  period  was  about  two  shillings  and  four  pence  and 
of  the  pagoda  about  eight  shillings  so  that  the 
Chan's  fetched  about  five  shillings  a  piece  and  the 
couch  twelve  shillings. 

i  R.  (1.  T. 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


AN    ACL'Ol  NT  OF  THL  DIFFERENT  KXLSTINQ  SYSTEMS 

OF  SANSKRIT  GRAMMAR,  being  the  Vishwanath 

Narayan  Mandalik  Gold   Modal   prize -essay   for 

1909.      By  SHRITAD  KRISHNA  BELVALKAR,  M.A., 

Ph.D.,  pp.  viii,  148.     Pooua,  1015. 

IN  tliis  little  work  the  author  socks  to  provide 
a  brief  resume  of  tho  total  output  in  the  shape  of 
Indian  literature  bearing  on  Sanskrit  Grammar 
from  tho  earliest  times  upto  the  end  of  tho  eight- 
eenth century.  This  is  a  long  period:  and  within 
the  scope  of  148  pages  of  the  octavo  volume  Dr. 
Belvalkar  may  be  said  to  havo  achieved  u  great 
deal.  The  •*  Chronological  Conspectus  "  which  is  a 
synchronistic  table,  showing  at  a  glance  the  relative 
positions  in  point  of  time  of  tho  various  gramma- 
rians, as  well  as  a  very  exhaustive  and  carefully 
prepared  Index,  enhance  tho  value  of  the  work. 

The  book  divides  itself  into  short  chapters  devot- 
od  to  the  individual  schools,  in  each  of  which  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  put  together  the  available  his- 
torical information  about  the  founder  of  the  school, 
characterise  briefly  the  nature  of  the  work  and  then 
follow  the  subsequent  development  through  the 
maze  of  tho  out-growth  of  exegetical  literature. 

Dr.  Belvalkar  does  not  claim  any  originality  for 
the  views  expressed  in  tho  book.  The  work  is 
a  compact  Httla  summary — rich  in  bibliography — 
of  the  labours  of  previous  workers  in  the  field,  and 
serves  the  extremely  useful  purpose  of  collecting 
together  iii  a  very  handy  form  the  widely  scatter- 
ed material  bearing  on  the  subject.  It  should  be 
indispensable  to  any  one  who  intends  writing  a 
more  comprehensive  work,  discussing  in  extenso 
the  many  controversial  points  which  are  either 
only  touched  upon  lightly  by  Dr.  Belvalkar  or  no 


noticed  at  all.  In  or  dor  tu  make  my  meaning 
clearer  I  shall  give  just  0110  instance.  It  would 
have  been,  for  example,  interesting  to  know  the 
views  of  the  author  with  regard  to  the  problem  of 
tho  DhdtupAtha.  The  well-known  American  In- 
dologuo,  W,  D.  Whitney,  alleged  that  the  majority 
of  roots  contained  in  the.  Dhtitupdtha  appended 
to  our  editions  of  Puiiiiii'R  AMddhydyt  is  a  purely 
fictitious  product  of  tho  imagination  of  Indian 
Grammarians,  who  for  some  unknown  reason  took  a 
perverse  delight  in  multiplying  their  number  almost 
ad  in  fin  i  turn.  This  is  at  best  a  very  unsatisfactory 
explanation  of  the  undeniable  fact  that  a  very 
large  fraction  of  the  roots  of  this  list  is  not  met 
with  again  in  the  extant  Sanskrit  literature. 
Paragraph  36  of  Dr.  Belvalkar's  book,  which  deals 
with  the  Dhdtupathu  contains,  however,  110  refer- 
ence to  the  question  ;  nor  do  1  find  from  the 
Index  any  indication  that  it  has  been  dealt  with 
elsewhere. 

The  earliest  history  of  Indian  Grammar,  like  that 
of  other  Indian  sciences,  is  for  us  shrouded  in  the 
impenetrable  veil  of  antiquity.  And  Dr.  Belvalkar 
does  well  perhaps  not  to  lose  himself  in  vague 
speculations  as  to  the  origin  of  the  science  (regard- 
ing  which  there  is  bound  fco  be  a  great  divergence  of 
opinion)  but  to  restrict  himself  mainly  to  tho 
historical  epoch.  In  the  latter  period  the  author 
distinguishes  twelve  distinct  schools,  each  of  which 
has  been  the  focus  of  further  independent  "develop- 
ment. The  first  grammarian  on  the  list  is  natur- 
ally Pftnini.  A  somewhat  detailed  treatment  is 
alloted  to  this  school,  which  takes  up  nearly  one 
third  of  the  whole  volume.  But  even  the  short 
notices  of  the  less  known  school*,  such  as  the 


MAY,  1917] 


BOOK   NOTICE 


107 


Kramadllvara,  Saupadma,  Sarosvata,  etc.,  are  wel- 
come, inasmuch  as  they  contain  information  glean- 
ed from  sources  which  aro  not  within  easy  reach 
of  every  one. 

In  the  portion  dealing  with  Payini  and  his  school 
we  read  at  p.  29  :  "  Katy  ay  ana's  work,  tho  varti- 
kas,  are  meant  to  correct,  modify,  or  supplement 
the  rules  of  Paiiini  wherever  they  were  or  had  be. 
come  partially  or  totally  inapplicable/'  and  fur- 
1  her  on,  p.  33:  "his[w<7.  Patailjali's]  chief  aim  | 
was  to  vindicate  Prtnini  against  tho  of  ton  unmeri  I 
tod  attacks  of  Kiityayana."  It  would  appear  from 
this  that  Dr.  Belvalkur  1ms  overlooked  a  Hinall 
brochure  of  Kielhoru's  entitled  '*  KMytlymur-  tun  I 
Patanjali  :  to  their  mutual  rela'lon,  each  other  and  to 
Ptlnini,  "  (Bombay,  1870),  written  with  the 
express  purpobe  of  combating  this  generally 
accepted  but.  erroneous  view  and  of  demonstrating 
that  many  uf  Katyuy  ana's  vdrttikas  tiro  meant 
merely  to  explain  tho  full  scope  of  tho  o/Uras 
of  tho  Auhtfoiliy&yi :  while  on  the  other  hand, 
that  Patafijali  is  not,  such  a  blind  hero 
worshipper  us  one  is  apt  to  imagine,  but  that  tho 
charge  of  captious  criticism  nmy  often  be*  laid  at 
his  door  ns  well. 

The  paragraphs  dealing  with  Chandra  mid 
&akaULyana  take  notice  of  a  great  deal  of  material 
scattered  through  various  antiquarian  journals, 
Indian  us  v\oll  as  Continental.  Somo  of  the  state- 
ments about  the  Jaina  frakatavana  call  forth  com- 
ment. Dr.  Belvalkar  accepts  unreservedly  a 
theory  propounded  by  Prof.  Pathak  in  a  some- 
what lengthy  article  on  titled  "  Jain  Sakatayana, 
Contemporary  with  Amoghavarsha  1 "  (  ante, 
Vol.  43,  p.  205  ff.)»  containing  copious  quotations 
from  all  kinds  of  works,  which  spoaks  for  the 
erudition  of  the  author  but  leaves  tho  mind  of 
tho  reader  in  unutterable  confusion  as  to  the 
issues  involved  and  tho  solutions  proposed.  In 
this  article  Prof.  Pathak  elaborates  the  theory 
that  the  Jaina  feakatayana  wrote  both  the  text 
and  tho  commentary  of  tho  Anioghavrf tti  which 
was  composed  in  the  reign  of  Amoghavarsha  f . 
between  fcaka  736  and  789,  This  statement  involv- 
es two  independent  issues:  (1)  that  Sakat&yaiiu 
was  the  author  of  tho  Anwghavritti  and  (2)  t 
$he  Amoghavptti  was  written  iu  tho  reign  of 
Amoghavarsha  I.  Tho  second  of  these  proposi- 
tions I  shall  leave  aside  for  future  consideration  and 
restrict  myself  for  the  present  to  an  examination 


of  the  first  one.     Was  feakatayana  the  author  of 
the  Amjghav.-itti  ?     Of  tho  reasons  adduced   by 
Prof.  Pathak  in  support  of  his  view,  which  deserve 
serious  consideration,  there  are  two ;  firstly,  a  con- 
clusion  to  be  drawn  from  certain  statements   of 
Yakshavarman  the  author   of   tho  ChintAmani,  in 
combination   with   the  fact  that  the   Atmghavcitti 
and  the   Chintfwiani  contain   muny   demonstrable 
phrases  and  sontt-nces  which    are  either  identical 
wit  h,  or  differ  but  very  little  from,  each  other  ;  se- 
condly, an  explicit  statement  of  Chiddnanda  Kavi 
(ca.  A.  D.  1700)  to  tho  effect  that  fcakatayana  wa« 
the  author  of    the  Atnughuv/itti.     The  first   point 
requires   further  elucidation.     In  v.  4  of  the  intro- 
ductory   stanzas   of  tho  Chhitdmaui,    Yakshavar- 
man  tells  us   that  his   commentary   is   merely   an 
abridgment   of  -another   very    extensive  comment- 
ary.    His  words   may  bo  mlorpretod  to  moan  that 
the  author  of  tho  latter  work  \\  as  Sakatayana  him- 
self.    In    fact,  this    is  I  he    \  iew  I    expressed  in  my 
dissertation  on  the   Sukatfi^  unu  grammar  (submit- 
fod  to  the  University  of  Berlin  rurly  iu  1914),  which 
was  already  in  press  a  long  lum   before  the  appear 
anco    of  this   article   of   Prof.   Pathuk.     But   siuct- 
hearing  the  opinion  of  M>  exprneiipi-d  a  scholar, like 
Sir    Kumkrishna  Bhandurknr.  thni    my  interpreta- 
tion   (and    incidentally  that  of    I 'rot'.  Pathak   tooj 
though  grammatically  possible,  was    not  in   conso- 
nance with  Sanskrit  idiom,  J  lio^ve  ^iven  up  my  for- 
mer view  and  hold   now  that  tho  couplet  in  questi- 
on   in  capable  of   an  interpretation   different   from 
i-he    one  I   gave  to    it.     However,    if  Prof.    Pathak 
adheres  to  the  vieu  that  the  verso  in  question  must 
bo   interpreted   in   the  w*iy   in    which   he  does,    it 
would  be  difficult   to  dislodgo  him  from  his  stand 
point.     But  even  granting  that  the  Professor's   ex- 
planation is  correct,  his  identification  of  tho  author 
of   the    AnutghawiMi    with   Sakaiayana    is    by    no 
means   certain.     For  in  substantiating   this,  Prof, 
Pathak   relies  mainly    upon  tho    identity  of  a  largo 
portion  of  tho  text  of  the  Vkuttutntud  and  the  Amo- 
ghavfttti,  and   attaches  a  totally  wrong  value  to 
this  circumstance.     Jt   is  evident  that,  depending 
merely  oil  the  similarity  of  the   two  commentaries, 
it  would  be  unsafe  to  conclude  that  the  •»  extensive 
commentary "   abridged  by  Yakshavarmau  must 
havo   been  the    Ainoghavi'ttti    and  can  be  no  other. 
The  Jainas  are  such  ardent  copyists  and  have  at  all 
times  exhibited  such  an  utter  lack  of  originality, 
that  it  would  never  do  to  lose  sight  of —in  their  case . 


1.08 


INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[MAY,  1917 


not  the  remote,  but  the  very  near — possibility  of 
thoir  both  having  copied  from  a  common  source. 
The  Jiiiim  grammarians  especially  vio  with  each 
other  in  carrying  this  tendencj"  to  a  nauseating 
degree.  In  evidence  I  need  only  point  out  that  not 
merely  the  Avnoghavritti  and  the  Chinlumani ,  but 
along  with  them  also  the  Rjlpa*iddhi  of  Dayfipala 
and  the  I'Mkriyfaaiiigralia  of  Abhayachandra  Sfiri, 
have  in  common  not  only  short  pieces  of  commen- 
tary on  individual  &Atraat  but  contain  even  lengthy 
portions  of  the  text  which  are  little  more  than 
exact  reproductions  of  each  other.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  is  evident  thnt  it  would  bo  fatal 
to  conclude  arbitrarily  that  any  one  out  of  the 
above-mentioned  works  was  a  copy  of  any  other 
chosen  at  random. 

This  may  be  said  to  be  the  negative  side  of  the 
question.  Hut  a  fact  which  speaks  positively 
against  this  theory  is  supplied  by  Prof.  Pathtik 
fiimself  on  the  very  first  page  of  the  article  in 
question.  There  the  author  of  the  Amorthavritfi, 
after  commenting  on  the  Maiigala  stanza  at  the 
beginning  of  the  SAkatuyana  afttras,  adds  by  way  of 
introducing  the  pratyfrhara-sutraB  the  following : 
evath  Jcrita-nmhga1<a~rakshd-vidhdnah  ywripurnam  - 
alpagrantham  lagh-fpdyani  £abddnu&dsanaiii  $&«- 
tramidaih  mahA-framaiia-fiaiHghfidh ipatlr  bltagavdn- 
dchdrydh  SdkatAyanak  prdrabhate. 

The  author  ol  the  commentary  thus  refers  to 
ftAkatfiyana  with  the  words*  The  revered  Master 
(Grammar iat i )  ftakatayana  !  This,  1  think,  is  the 
strongest  positive  argument  in  favour  of  rejecting 
the  identification  of  fcfikiitayana  with  the  author 
of  the  Amogftari'i'ttf*  I  am  well  aware  that  Indian 
authors  are  in  the  habit  of  referring  to  themselves 
in  their  own  works  in  the  third  person.  A  well- 
known  instance  is  that  of  Vishnugupta,  the  author 
of  the  Art?Kisa*tra9  subscribing  his  opinions  with 
the  words:  Knutilyah  iti.  But  it,  will  have  to 
be  admitted  that  there  is  a  world  of  difference  bo- 
twcon  the  emphatic  personal  note  struck  by  the 
words  iti  Kattfilyai.',  added  at  the  end  of  an 
epigrammatic  saying,  and  tlio  boastful  self-pro iso 
conveyed  by  the  bhagrfin-tichtiryfih  tfnka^'iyanaft 
attributed  to  ftfikntnyana.  J  hold  that  it  will  not 
be  possible  to  find  within  the  range  of  the  whole 
of  the  Sanskrit  literature  a  parallel  for  the  alleged 
instance  of  an  author  referring  to  himself  as  the 
"  revered  nvister,"  or  with  like  words. 


The  second  point  brought  forth  as  evidence  by 
Prof.  Pathak,  viz.,  the  explicit  statement  of  Chidd- 
n aiida  Kavi  to  the  effect  that  SakatSyana  is  the 
author  of  the  Amoghavfitti  has  at  first  bight  the 
appearance  of  being  more  reliable.  But  it  must 
be  remembered  that  although  Chidananda  Kavi  ia 
nearer  to  our  grammarian  than  we  by  some- 
thing liko  two  centuries,  nevertheless,  ho  was  sepa- 
rated by  a  period  of  nine  centuries  from  the  pro- 
bable date  of  &Akatayana,  and  is  likely  to  have  been 
informed  as  to  who  the  real  author  of  the  Amoyha- 
vritti  was,  not  any  better  than  wo  tit  the  present 
day.  Until,  therefore,  some  fresh  and  unequivo- 
cal evidence  is  brought  to  bear  on  the  question, 
the  authorship  of  this  commentary  will,  in  ray  opi- 
nion, continue  to  be  an  unsolved  problem. 

To  turn  to  other  matters.  At/  p.  69  we  read  : 
"  He  [scil.  Kiclhorn]  inclined  to  the.  view  that  it 
was  some  modern  Jain  writer,  who  has  presented 
his  own  grammatical  labours  under  the  auspicies 
of  a  revered  name,  carefully  trying  to  follow  the 
viewp  attributed  to  him  in  ancient  works  and  pos- 
sibly having  for  its  basis  some  of  the  teachings 
of  the  earlier  fcakatayana.  "  Dr.  Belvalkar 
seems  to  have  confounded  the  opinions  of 
KieJhorn  and  Burnoll.  It.  was  the  latter  (  and 
not  Kiolhorn)  who  looked  upon  the  iidfattdyaHa- 
tabdduufdttana  as  an  o>ilari/,ed  edition  by  » 
Jairui  oi  a  grammar  nf  the  pro-Pan  mean  &£ka- 
tavaiiH,  and  rnuintaiiu  d  that  it  would  bo  possible 
to  reconstruct  tin,  original  grammar  by  discriminat- 
ing between  what  i«*  old  and  what  i>,  new  in  it. 
Kiolhorr  ,  however,  was  in  no  doubt,  at  loast  when 
his  article  in  this  journal  (1887,  pp.  24  ff. ) 
appeared,  ax  to  th».  real  state  of  things,  viz.,  that 
the  work  is  an  out  and  out  modern  compilation. 
Bo  that  as  it  m  \y,  there  caa  bo  no  question 
about  the  name  Sakatuyarm  being  a  pseudonym 
a-lop^d  by  scmo  mcdern  compiler;  f(,r,  tho 
principle  on  which  tho  name  is  formed,  viz.,  by  tho 
addition  of  the  suffix  -Ayana  to  tht»  strengthened 
foim  of  the  pro  tonyni,  had  long  fallen  into  disuse-  at 
the  time  when  the  Jaina  must  have  lived.  Names 
such  as  Budarayaria,  K&tyayana,  Sakat«yana, 
etc.,  belong  to  quite  a  different  epoch  of  the 
history  of  Indian  names. 

V.  8.  SUKTHANEAE.- 


A  THIED  JOUBNKY  XHf  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  109 

.4  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,  191346, 

BY  SIR  AtJRJBL  STEIN,  K.ai,E.,  D.So,,  D.UTT. 

(A  paper  read  at  the  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society  on  5th  June  1916, 
and  reprinted  by  permission  from  the  Society's  Journal.) 

Abumdant  as  were  the  results  brought  back  from  the  journey  which  during  the  years 
1906-08  had  carried  me  through  the  whole  length  of  Eastern  Turkestan  and  portions  of 
westernmost  China  and  Tibet,  they  could  not  keep  my  eyes  long  from  turning  towards  plans 
of  another  Central  Asian  expedition.  It  was  not  the  mere  "  call  of  the  desert  "-HBtrongly 
as  I  have  felt  it  at  times — but  the  combined  fascination  of  geographical  problems  and  interest- 
ing archaeological  tasks,  which  drew  me  back  to  the  regions  where  ruined  sites  long  ago 
abandoned  to  the  desert  have  preserved  for  us  relics  of  an  ancient  civilization  developed 
under  the  joint  influences  of  Buddhist  India,  China,  and  the  Hellenized  Near  East.  I  well 
remembered  the  openings  for  fruitful  exploratory  work  which,  on  my  previous  travels,  dis- 
proportion between  the  available  time  and  the  vast  extent  of  the  ground  had  obliged  me 
to  pass  by,  and  I  was  anxious  to  secure  these  chances  afresh  while  I  could  still  hope  to  retain 
the  health  and  vigour  needed  successfully  to  face  the  inevitable  difficulties  and  hardships. 

The  arrangement  of  the  large  collection  of  antiques  which  I  had  brought  to  the 
British  Museum  from  my  former  expedition,  and  the  multifarious  efforts  which  I  had  to  orga- 
nize and  direct  for  their  elucidation,  helped  by  the  staff  of  assistants  and  numerous  expert 
collaborators,  kept  me  busy  in  England  until  the  very  end  of  1911.  Work  on  the  big  publi- 
cation which  was  to  record  the  scientific  results  of  that  journey  still  continued  to  claim 
most  of  my  time  after  I  had  returned  to  duty  in  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  on  the 
familiar  ground  of  the  North- West  Frontier  and  Kashmir.  That  heavy  task  was  not  yet 
Completed  when  in  the  autumn  of  1912  a  variety  of  considerations  induced  me  to  submit 
to  the  Indian  Government  my  formal  proposals  for  the  long-plauned  expedition,  by  which 
I  wished  to  resume  ray  geographical  and  archaeological  explorations  in  Central  Asia.  Amortg 
these  considerations  regard  for  the  favourable  political  conditions  then  actually  prevail- 
ing in  respect  of  the  regions  to  be  visited  played  an  important  part.  In  this  connection 
I  have  reason  to  remember  gratefully  the  shrewd  advice  by  which  two  kind  friends,  Sir 
Henry  McMahon,  then  Foreign  Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India,  and  Sir  George 
Macartney,  H.  B.  M.'s  Consul-General  at  Kashgar,  helped  to  decide  me  for  an  early  start. 

The  kind  interest  shown  by  H.  E.  Lord  Hardinge,  then  Viceroy  of  India,  in  my  past 
labours  and  in  my  new  plans  had  from  the  first  been  a  most  encouraging  augury.  My  grati- 
tude for  this  help  will  be  life-long.  With  it  accorded  the  generous  support  which  the  Govern- 
ment of  India  in  the  Education  Department,  then  under  the  enlightened  direction  of  Sir 
Haroourt  Butler,  extended  to  my  proposals.  This  included  the  payment  in  three  succes- 
sive years  of  a  total  grant  of  £3000  to  cover  the  cost  of  the  intended  explorations,  the  Indian 
Government  reserving  to  themselves  in  return  an  exclusive  claim  to  whatever  "  archaeo- 
logical proceeds  "  my  expedition  might  yield.  It  was  understood  that  the  new  Museum 
of  Indian  Art  and  Ethnography  planned  at  Delhi  would  be  the  first  to  benefit  by  prospec- 
tive "  finds." 

For  the  geographical  tasks  which  formed  a  large  and  essential  part  of  my  programme, 
the  ready  assistance  secured  from  the  Indian  Survey  Department  was  of  the  utmost  value. 
To  Colonel  Sir  Sidney  Burrard,  Surveyor-General  of  India,  I  owed  already  a  heavy  debt 
of  gratitude  for  the  very  effective  help  he  had  rendered  towards  securing  and  publishing 


110  THE  INDIAN  ANTKKJABY 


the  survey  results  brought  back  from  my  former  journeys*  He  now  kindly  agreed  to  de- 
pute with  me  my  experienced  old  travel  companion,  ftai  Bahadur  lal  Singh,  Sub-Assistant 
Superintendent  of  the  Survey  of  India,  and  to  make  avfcdlfcble  also  the  services  of  a  second 
surveyor  of  his  department,  Muhammad  Yakub  Khan,  along  with  all  necessary  equipment 
and  a  grant  to  cover  their  travelling  expenses.  Thus  the  wide  extension  of  our  proposed 
fresh  topographical  labours  was  assured  from  the  outset.  For  my  geographical  work  I 
found  also  an  asset  of  the  greatest  value  in  the  moral  support  which  the  Royal  Geographi- 
cal Society  generously  extended  to  me,  besides  granting  the  loan  of  some  surveying  instru- 
ments. During  the  weary  months  of  preparation,  with  all  their  strain  of  work  and  anxiety, 
and  afterwards  in  whatever  solitudes  of  mountains  and  deserts  my  travels  took  me  to,  I 
never  ceased  to  derive  true  encouragement  from  the  generous  recognition  which  the  Society 
had  accorded  to  my  former  efforts  to  serve  the  aims  of  geographical  science.  Nor  can  I 
omit  to  record  here  my  deep  sense  of  gratitude  for  the  unfailing  sympathy  and  friendly 
interest  with  which  in  their  ever-welcome  letters  Dr.  Keltic  and  Mr.  Kinks,  the  Society's 
Secretaries  helped  to  cheer  and  guide  me. 

After  a  Kashmir  winter  and  spring  pasbed  over  incessant  work  on  Serindia,  the  detailed 
report  on  the  scientific  results  of  my  second  journey,  there  arrived  by  the  middle  of  May 
the  Secretary  of  State's  eagerly  awaited  sanction  for  my  expedition.  Belying  on  the  kind 
consideration  which  my  plans  had  so  often  received  before  at  the  India  Office,  I  had  ventur- 
ed to  anticipate,  as  far  as  I  safely  could,  a  favourable  decision,  and  the  lists  of  orders,  etc., 
for  the  multifarious  equipment  needed  were  ready.  Yet  it  cost  no  small  effort  to  assure 
the  completion  of  all  the  varied  preparations  within  the  short  available  time,  considering 
how  far  away  I  was  from  base*  of  supply  and  friends  who  could  help  me.  A  careful  survey 
of  all  the  climatic  and  topographical  factors  determining  the  programme  of  my  movements 
had  convinced  me  that  I  could  not  safely  delay  my  start  across  the  mountains  northwards 
beyond  the  very  beginning  of  August.  So  the  weeks  which  remained  to  me  in  the  peaceful 
seclusion  of  my  beloved  Kashmir  mountain  camp,  Mohand  Marg,  11,000  feet  above  the 
seaf  saw  me  hard  at  work  from  sunrise  till  evening.  By  July  23  I  moved  down  from  its 
Alpine  coolness  to  the  summer  heat  of  the  Kashmir  Valley  in  order  to  complete  our  final 
mobilization  at  Srinagar  in  the  spacious  quarters  which  the  kindness  of  my  old  friend, 
Mr.  W.  Talbot,  had  conveniently  placed  at  my  disposal  for  those  last  busy  days  in 
civilization. 

There  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  Rai  Bahadur  Lai  Singh,  my  trusted  old  companion, 
duly  arrived  with  all  the  surveying  equipment,  which  included  this  time  two  6-inch  theodo- 
lites, a  Zeiss  levelling  set,  a  Reeves  telescopic  alidade  and  two  mercurial  mountain  barometers, 
besides  an  ample  supply  of  aneroids,  hypsometers,  plane-tables,  prismatic  compasses,  etc! 
With  him  had  come  the  second  surveyor,  a  young  Pathan  of  good  birth,  with  manners  to 
match,  and  that  excellent  Dogra  Rajput,  Mian  Jasvant  Singh,  who  had  accompanied  every 
survey  party  taken  by  me  to  Central  Asia.  In  spite  of  advancing  years  he  had  agreed  to  act 
once  more  as  the  Rai  Sahib's  cook,  and  to  face  all  the  familiar  hardships  of  wintry  deserts 
and  wind-swept  high  mountains.  At  Srinagar  I  waa  joined  also  by  two  other  Indian  assist- 
ants, who,  though  new  to  Central  Asian  travel,  proved  both  excellent  selections  for 
their  respective  spheres  of  work.  In  Naik  Shams  Din,  a  corporal  of  the  First  (King 
George's  Own)  Sappers  and  Miners,  whom  Colonel  Tylden-Pattenson,  commanding  that  dis- 
tinguished corps,  had  chosen  for  me  after  careful  testing,  I  found  a  very  useful  and 
capable  '?  handy  man  "  for  all  work  requiring  technical  skill.  A  Panjabi  Muhammadan 


1917]         A  TfilRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  111 

of  Kashmiri  descent,  he  proved  in  every  way  a  worthy  successor  to  Naik  Earn  Singh, 
whose  devoted  help  on  my  second  journey  I  owed  to  the  same  regiment,  and  whose  tragic 
end  I  have  recorded  in  Desert  Cathay. 

The  other  assistant,  Mian  Afrazgul  Khan,  a  Patlian  of  the  saintly  Kaka-khel  clan, 
and  a  Sepoy  from  the  Khyber  Rifles,  was  my  own  choice,  and  experience  soon  showed  how 
much  reason  I  had  to  be  pleased  with  it.  Originally  a  schoolmaster  on  the  Peshawar  border, 
with  a  sound  vernacular  education,  he  had  soon  after  his  enlistment  in  that  famous  Frontier 
Militia  Corps  been  noticed  for  his  topographical  sense  and  superior  intelligence.  After  a 
year's  training  in  the  Military  Surveyors'  Class  at  Roorkeo,  where  he  greatly  distinguished 
himself,  ho  was  permitted  by  Sir  George  Roos-Keppol,  Chief  Commissioner,  N.-W.  Frontier' 
Province,  and  Honorary  Colonel  of  the  Regiment,  to  join  mo  as  temporary  draftsman  and 
surveyor  in  connection  with  the  excavations  I  was  carrying  on  in  the  spring,  1912,  as  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Frontier  Circle,  Archaeological  Survey.  There  I  was  soon  impressed  by  his 
marked  and  varied  ability,  and  when  in  addition  I  became  awaro  of  his  energy  and  genuine 
love  of  adventure  I  did  not  hesitate  to  engage  him  as  an  assistant  surveyor  for  the  journey. 
Our  small  party  was  completed  by  two  Indian  servants  ;  one  of  them,  Yusuf,  a  man  of  some- 
what *'  sporting"  inntincts,  was  to  act  a*>  my  cook,  and  the  other  Pir  Bakhsh,  a  worthy 
elderly  person  from  the  mountains  north  of  Kashmir,  as  his  substitute  in  case  of  illness — or 
some  temporary  outbreak  of  bad  temper.  The  experience  of  previous  journeys  had  warned 
me  as  to  the  necessity  of  this  double  string,  and  T  o\vo  it  probably  to  its  restraining  influence 
that  I  was  able  to  retain  tho  services  of  both  men  in  spite  of  all  trials  and  bring  them  back 
to  their  homes  in  the  end  .safely  and  in  a  state  of  contentment. 

Ever  since  the  plan  of  my  journey  was  first  formed  I  had  been  exercised  hi  my  mind 
by  the  difficulty  of  finding  a  practicable  route  which  would  take  me  across  the  groat  moun- 
tain barriers  northward  to  the  border  of  Chinese  Turkestan  on  the  Pamirs,  and  which  was 
still  new  to  me.  By  the  initial  portions  of  my  previous  journeys  I  had  exhausted  tho  only 
apparent  alternatives  of  the  Chitral  and  Hunza  valleys  leading  to  practicable  crossings  of 
the  main  Hindukush  range.  Even  the  devious  route  over  the  Karakorum  passes  I  had 
seen  on  my  return  journey  of  1908.  But  fortune  seemed  to  favour  mo  at  the  start,  un- 
expectedly to  open  for  me  tho  eagerly  desired  new  approach  to  my  goal. 

For  long  years  I  had  wished  to  explore  the  important  valleys  of  Darel  and  Tangir  which 
descend  to  the  Indus  from  the  north  some  distance  below  Chilas.  Darel  (Ta-li-lo)  is  pro- 
minently mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  old  Chinese  Buddhist  pilgrims,  partly  because  there 
passed  through  it  a  route  which  some  of  them  followed  on  their  descent  from  the  uppermost 
Oxus  to  the  Indus  and  the  sacred  sites  of  the  Indian  north-west  frontier,  and  partly  by  reason 
of  a  famous  Buddhist  sanctuary  it  once  contained.  No  Europeans  had  ever  been  able  to 
visit  these  territories,  as  tho  disturbed  political  conditions  of  the  local  tribal  communities, 
coupled  with  their  fanatical  spirit,  effectively  closed  access  to  them.  But  in  recent  years 
Raja  Pakhtun  Wali,  of  the  Kushwaqt  family,  onco  ruling  Yasin  and  Mastuj,  had,  after  an 
adventurous  career,  succeeded  in  founding  and  gradually  extending  a  chiefship  of  his  own 
among  these  small  Dard  republics.  The  desire  of  consolidating  his  rule  and  securing  sup- 
port for  his  children's  eventual  succession  had  led  him  a  short  time  before  to  seek  friendly 
relations  with  the  Gilgit  political  Agency.  When  I  learned  of  the  opportunity  chance  thus 
offering  I  decided  to  use  it  for  a  new  route  to  the  Pamirs.  The  matter  needed  diplomatic 
handling.  But  finally  tho  effective  help  given  by  my  kind  friend  the  Hon.  Mr.  Stuart 
Fraser,  Resident  in  Kashmir,  with  the  assent  of  the  Indian  Foreign  Department,  secured 


112  THE  ItfDlAtf  ANTIQUARY  *     r 

for  me  the  chief's  permission  to  visit  his  territories.  The  conditions  he  thought  fit  to  attach 
to  it  were  obviously  meant  to  safeguard  his  political  interests — and  incidentally  also  my 
safety  among  his  newly  won  subjects. 

On  31  July  1913  I  started  from  Srinagar,  and  proceeding  by  boat  down  the  Jhelam, 
reached  next  day  the  little  port  of  Bandipur  on  the  Wular  Lake.  Prom  there  the  bulk  of 
our  baggage  wad  sent  ahead  with  the  second  surveyor  by  the  Gilgit  military  road  to  await 
us  in  Hunza.  I  myself  with  Lai  Singh  and  Afrazgul  left  Kashmir  through  the  side  valley 
of  the  Lolab  and  struck  north-westwards  for  the  route  which  leads  through  the  deep-cut 
gorges  of  the  Kishanganga  and  its  tributaries  to  the  snowy  passes  of  Barai  aud  Fasat  and 
then  down  to  Chilas  on  the  Indus.  Bad  weather  pursued  us  from  the  time  we  entered  the 
mountains,  and  already  on  the  first  eight  days  the  tracks  followed  proved  in  many  places 
impracticable  for  laden  animals.  But  it  soemed  appropriate  Alpine  training  for  the  ground 
ahead,  and  there  was  an  antiquarian  interest  to  compensate  me  for  the  fatigues  encountered  ; 
for  various  topographical  considerations  indicate  that  it  was  by  this  direct  route  to  the  Indus 
and  thence  to  Gilgit  that  the  Chinese  received  those  annual  supplies  from  Kashmir  which 
alone,  according  to  an  interesting  historical  document  preserved  in  the  Annals  of  the  T'ang 
dynasty,  enabled  them  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.  to  maintain  for  some 
years  imperial  garrisons  in  Gilgit  and  Yasin.  They  thus  prevented  the  junction  between  their 
great  adversaries  who  then  threatened  Chinese  hold  on  Turkestan — the  Arabs  in  the  west 
and  the  Tibetans  in  the  south.  It  was,  of  course,  the  human  beast  of  burden  which  alone 
made  the  use  of  such  a  route  possible,  and  we  have  historical  evidence  to  show  how 
abundant  its  supply  was  in  ancient  Kashmir. 

By  August  10  we  had  descended  from  the  snowy  range  which  culminates  eastwards  in 
the  huge  ice-clad  pyramid  of  Nauga-parbat  (26,620  feet  above  the  sea)  to  Chilas  on  the  Indus, 
the  last  British  post  towards  the  independent  territory  of  Dard  tribes,  known  as  the  Indus 
Kohistan.  The  Pax  Britannica,  brought  some  twenty  years  before  to  what  \vas  once  the 
most  turbulent  and  fanatical  of  these  petty  hill  republics,  had  worked  curious  changes  in 
the  position  of  the  cultivated  areas,  etc.,  which  without  definite  records  a  future  antiqua- 
rian or  geographer  would  find  most  difficult  to  interpret  correctly.  The  heat  of  the  summer 
is  great  in  the  deep-cut  rock  defiles  of  the  Indus,  and  the  banks  forbiddingly  barren.  So  I 
was  glad  when  our  descent  in  the  Indus  gorge  next  day  could  be  effected  on  a  skin  raft,  which 
the  tossing  current  of  the  mighty  river  carried  down  at  the  rate  of  some  14  miles  an  hour. 
Though  the  snowy  weather  prevailing  on  the  high  ranges  had  caused  the  river  to  fall  to  some 
24  feet  below  highwater  level,  yet  the  flood  volume  was  still  large  enough  to  allow  us  to  sweep, 
down  securely  over  what  at  other  times  is  a  succession  of  impassable  rock  ledges  and  repids. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Hodur  stream  we  left  the  Indus  behind  and  entered  ground  which 
offered  ample  scope  for  exploring  work.  Passing  up  the  unsurveyed  valley  northward  we 
found  plentiful  ruins  of  small  fortified  villages  clearly  dating  back  to  pre-Muhammadan 
times  and  a  great  deal  of  abandoned  cultivation  teit&oee  I  or  which  the  supply  of  irrigation 
water  now  available  would  manifestly  no  longer  suffice.  Pushing  up  to  the  Unutai  Pass 
we  crossed  the  range  which  overlooks  the  Khanbari  River  and  there  reached  the  eastern 
border  of  Pakhtun  Wall's  latest  conquests.  As  we  descended  westwards  through  the  Datsoi 
Nullah  by  a  track  almost  impassable  for  load-carrying  men  we  were  met  by  Pakhtun  Wall's 
capable  nephew,  Mehtaxjao  Shah  Alim,  with  a  large  and  well-armed  escort.  It  had  been 
stipulated  beforehand  that  not  a  single  man  from  the  territory  under  control  of  the  British 
Agency  of  Gilgit  was  to  accompany  us.  The  careful  watch  kept  over  us  from  the  start  by 
Pftkhtun  Wali'a  select  men  .at  arms,  wherever  we  moved  or  halted,  seemed  to  afford  adequate 


W7]  A  THIRD  JOUB&EY  OP  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  118 

protection  from  any  fanatical  attempt  on  the  part  of  less  trustworthy  elements  among  his 
new  subjects  who  migHt  have  liked  to  embroil  him  by  an  attack  upon  us.  But  I  confess  that 
it  also  at  first  caused  me  serious  misgivings  as  to  the  freedom  which  might  be  left  to  us  for 
useful  topographical  work. 

It  was  quite  as  much  regard  for  such  work,  as  the  wish  to  avoid  the  excessive  summer 
heat  of  the  Indus  gorges,  which  had  caused  me  to  ask  that  we  might  be  taken  to  Darcl  by  the 
mountains  at  the  heads  of  the  Khanbari  and  Dudishal  Valleys  instead  of  the  usual  route, 
which  leads  through  the  former.  It  proved  a  difficult  line  of  progress,  even  with  such  hardy 
porters  for  our  baggage  as  Shah  Alim  had  brought  from  the  main  Darel  Valley.  But  its 
advantages  for  surveying  operations  were  great,  and  fortunately  1  soon  found  that  we  wore 
left  full  freedom  to  use  them.  The  great  spurs  descending  from  the  ludus-dilgit  watershed 
northward  had  to  be  crossed  by  a  succession  of  high  passes,  between  13.000  and  14,000  feet, 
and  these  furnished  excellent  plane-table  stations.  The  extensive  views  there  obtained 
towards  the  great  snowy  ranges  across  the  Indus  and  westwards  on  the  headwaters  of  tho 
Swat  River  permitted  our  positions  to  be  fixed  with  accuracy  from  previously  triangulated 
peaks.  At  the  expense  of  much  hard  climbing  we  secured  equally  favourable  conditions 
further  on,  and  a  protracted  spell  of  fine  weather  made  it  easy  to  use  them.  R.  T>.  Lai  Singh, 
in  spite  of  his  fifty-one  years,  an  age  which  Indians  usually  are  apt  to  count  as  advanced, 
showed  that  he  had  lost  none  of  his  old  zeal  and  vigour.  Through  his  devoted  exertions  a 
fortnight's  hard  travel  sufficed  to  map  sonic  1200  square  miles,  on  the  scale  of  2  miles  to  the 
inch,  on  ground  which  had  never  been  surveyed  or  even  seen  by  European  eyes. 

It  was  a  pleasant  surprise  to  fiad  our  tasks  soon  facilitated  by  the  excellent  relations  wo 
wore  able  to  establish  \\ith  Mehtarjao  Shah  Alim  and  the  band  of  Pikhtun  Wali's  trusted 
supporters  who  formed  our  ever-watchful  guard.  They  were  a  strangely  mixed  cre^\,  of 
distinctly  shady  antecedents,  but  all  "handy  9"  and  pleasant  to  deal  \\ith.  Moht  of  these 
alert  fellows  were  outlaws  from  Swat,  Chitral,  and  the  independent  T)ard  republics  on  the 
Indus,  who,  with  hands  already  blood-stained,  had  joined  Pakhtun  \Vali\s  fortunes  at  one 
time  or  other  of  h's  adventurous  career.  Their  burley  fair-haired  Commander  Shahid,  whoso 
look  of  jovial  ruffian  curiously  contrasted  with  his  name,  meaning  *b  martyr,"  had  from  the 
beginning  played  a  prominent  part  in  all  the  mixed  feuds  and  intrigues  by  which  their  capa- 
ble chief  had  raised  himself  from  the  position  of  a  hapless  refugee  in  Tangir  1  o  that  of  absolute 
master  of  that  once  turbulent  valley.  The  means  and  methods  by  which  Pakhtun  Wali,  in 
true  Condottiere  fashion,  had  subsequently  extended  his  sway  over  the  neighbouring  hill 
republics  of  Darel  and  Sazin,  had  been  equally  unscrupulous,  and  recalled  times  long  gone  by 
elsewhere.  Hib  was  tho  most  recent  kingdom  carved  out  in  the  Hinduku&h,  a  region  probably 
less  touched  by  historical  changes  than  any  other  in  tho  north -wobt  of  India,  and  to  glean 
fir&t-hand  information  about  the  process  employed  was  for  me  a  very  instructive  and  fascinat- 
ing occupation.  Nor  did  quick-witted  Shah  Alim  and  hib  band  of  intelligent  henchmen 
fail  me  when  it  came  to  collecting  exact  data  about  local  resources,  population,  etc.,  or  raising 
or  managing  needful  transport.  Fully  familiar  with  the  ground,  as  their  employment  had 
made  them,  they  yet  kept  a  mental  detachment  from  the  local  interests,  regard  for  which 
would  have  induced  reticence  among  more  settled  subjects. 

The  Khanbari  River  was  found  to  drain  an  unexpectedly  large  mountain  area,  and  in 
all  the  valleys  splendid  forests  of  pines  and  firs,  quite  untouched  by  the  axe,  were  found  to 
clothe  the  higher  slopes.  In  the  wider  portions  below  old  cultivation  terraces,,  now  abandoned, 
could  be  traced  for  miles.  Judging  from  the  &ize  of  the  trees,  the  forest  which  ha*  overrun 
them  in  most  places  dates  back  for  centuries.  There  is  an  abundant  supply  of  water  for 


114  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JtrNM,  1017 

irrigation  from  anowbeds  and  springs,  and  re-occupation  of  these  fertile  lands  is  retarded  only 
by  the  great  scantiness  of  population.  Before  Pakhtun  Wall's  conquest  the  Dareliff  had  con- 
tented themselves  with  using  the  extensive  grazing-grounds  at  the  very  head  of  the  valleys, 
and  only  since  the  advent  of  more  peaceful  conditions  has  the  slow  immigration  of  Gujar 
settlers  commenced.  Whatever  the  cause  of  the  original  abandonment  of  these  valleys  may 
have  been,  it  soon  became  obvious  that  they,  like  Darel  and  Tangir,  enjoyed  climatic  con- 
ditions far  more  favourable  in  the  matter  of  adequate  rainfall  than  those  prevailing  higher 
up  on  the  Indus  or  elsewhere  between  the  Indus  and  the  Hindukush.  This  abundant  moisture 
may  well  be  due  to  some  feature  in  tho  orography  of  the  Indus  Valley,  permitting  the  mon- 
soon rains  to  advance  here  far  beyonrl  the  Jine  where  their  effect  is  stopped  elsewhere  by  the 
high  mountain  chains  southward. 

The  contrast  with  those  denuded  barren  mountains  to  the  north  and  east,  which  I  re- 
membered so  well  from  my  previous  routes  through  Gilgit  and  Chitral,  became  even  more 
striking  as  we  descended  from  the  Ishkobar  Pass  (circ.  13,650  feet)  to  the  head  of  the  main 
Dare)  Bailey.  When  encamped  there  at  Nyaehut,  on  rich  Alpine  meadowland  and  surrounded 
by  mountain  sides  which  magnificent  forests  of  deodars  and  firs  clothed  for  thousands  of  feet 
in  height ,  I  felt  as  if  transported  to  the  Sind  or  some  other  big  side  valley  of  Kashmir. 
Unfortunately  there  was  little  chance  left  to  enjoy  the  delights  of  this  glorious  Alpine  scenery 
while  being  constantly  attacked  by  swarms  of  the  particularly  fierce  mosquitoes  which  infest 
all  Darel  and  Tangir.  We  met  them  first  when  approaching  the  Khanbari  watershed  from 
the  east,  and  the  trouble  they  gave  steadily  increased  as  we  progressed.  Even  high  up  in  the 
mountains  we  suffered  severely  from  this  plague  which  is  apt  to  cause  bad  sores,  as  my  survey- 
ors and  myself  soon  found  by  experience.  There  was  little  consolation  in  the  fact  that  the 
local  people  suffer  almost  as  much  from  the  infliction,  as  their  pock-covered  skin  showed, 
and  that  during  the  winter  those  tormentors  descend  to  seek  warmer  quarters  by  tho  Indus. 
I  often  wondered  whether  their  presence  would  not  bo  an  adequate  defence  of  Darel  against 
any  permanent  invasion  by  people  concerned  for  their  comfort. 

When  I  moved  down  to  the  vicinity  of  Manikyal,  the  northern  of  tho  two  extant  walled 
townships  of  Darel,  there  revealed  itself  strikingly  the  remarkable  openness  of  the  main 
valley  and  the  great  extent  of  arable  land  on  the  wide  plateaus  flanking  the  middle  course  of 
the  Darel  River.  The  sight  of  this  fertile  area,  all  easy  to  irrigate,  revealed  at  a  glance  the 
importance  which  Darel  must  have  possessed  in  ancient  times,  and  which  with  an  adequate 
population  and  under  a  firm  rule  it  could  attain  once  more.  But  much  of  the  land  had  passed 
out  of  cultivation  long  ago,  and  the  great  number  of  ruined  sites  gave  striking  confirmation 
of  the  observation.  The  survey  of  these  ruins,  all  known  as  kots,  "  forts,"  kept  me  busy  for 
several  days,  and  showed  that  most  of  them  were  remains  of  fortified  settlements  dating 
back  to  pre-Muhammadan  times.  Rapid  excavation  near  one  of  them,  Bojo-kot,  brought  to 
light  unmistakable  relics  of  a  Buddhist  burial  ground  in  the  shape  of  cinerary  urns,  metal 
ornaments,  etc.  These  ruins  always  occupy  naturally  strong  rocky  ridges  bearing  elabo- 
rately built  terraces,  and  by  their  position  and  constructive  features  curiously  recalled  to  my 
mind  the  extensive  ruined  settlements  of  the  Buddhist  period  with  which  my  explorations 
in  the  Swat  Valley  and  on  the  Peshawar  border  had  rendered  me  familiar.  Archaeological 
evidence  thus  seemed  to  bear  out  the  tradition  preserved  in  the  Chinese  pilgrims'  records  as 
to  the  early  historical  connection  between  the  ruling  families  of  Darel  and  Swat. 

All  antiquarian  observations  pointed  to  the  territory  having  been  occupied  in  Buddhist 
times  by  a  much  denser  population  than  the  present  and  one  possessed  of  far  greater  material 
resources.  Yet  even  now  Darel  contains  a  number  of  large  crowded  villages,  some,  like 


J***,  1917]         A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  115 

Manikyal  and  Samagial,  well  deserving  to  be  called  towns.  Again  and  again  1  was  struck  by 
lingering  traces  of  an  inherited  civilisation  a  good  deal  more  developed  than  that  to  be  found 
now  in  the  neighbouring  hill  tracts.  Thus  the  alignment  of  the  irrigation  canals  and  the 
carefully  preserved  solid  stonework  of  the  terraces  and  embankments  over  which  they  are 
carried  showed  unusual  skill.  Another  very  significant  feature  was  the  abundance  in  houses, 
mosques  and  graves  of  fine  wood-carving,  retaining  decorative  motifs  which  are  directly 
derived  from  Graco- Buddhist  art  as  known  to  us  from  the  ancient  relievos  of  Gandhara,  and 
which  occur  frequently  also  in  the  ornamental  wood  carvings  excavated  by  me  at  sand- 
buried  old  sites  of  Chinese  Turkestan. 

The  racial  type  of  the  Darelis  as  far  as  I  could  judge  without  anthropometric 
observations,  for  the  collection  of  which  there  was  no  time,  seemed  to  me  unmistakably  akin 
to  that  of  the  other  Dard  tribes  which  occupy  the  adjoining  mountain  territories..  This  close 
relationship  is  also  borne  out  by  their  Shina  dialect.  But  there  was  something  in  the  often 
refined  features  of  the  men  and  their  less  heavily  built  frame,  which  vaguely  suggested  in- 
heritance from  generations  weakened  by  a  decadent  civilization  and  a  long  period  of  internal 
disorder.  They  struck  me  distinctly  as  a  race  possessing  the  instincts  of  quasi-town-bred 
folk  and  needing  a  strong  ruler. 

On  the  evening  of  August  16  I  was  received  by  Raja  Pakhtun  Wali  in  full  state  at  the 
castle  of  Gumarekot,  which  he  wa*  building  in  tho  centre  of  his  recently  annexed  territory 
and  as  a  stronghold  to  safeguard  its  possession  against  possible  risings.  The  steep  ridge 
which  rises  above  it  is  occupied  by  the  ruins  of  tho  large  fort  of  Raji-kot,  marking  the  ancient 
capital  of  Darel,  It  was  a  very  interesting  experience  to  meet  the  man  who,  after  a  career  as 
chequered  as  befitted  tho  son  of  Mir  Wali,  Hayward's  murderer,  had  succeeded  in  building 
up  a  new  kingdom  for  himself,  the  last,  perhaps,  which  India  has  seen  raised  on  the  old  adven- 
turous lines.  His  human  environment,  in  which  Darelis  are  still  kept  much  in  the  back- 
ground, and  the  methods  by  which  he  maintains  his  rule  beemed  to  call  up  times  long  gone 
by.  There  was  much  to  claim  my  interest  in  what  I  heard  from  the  shrewd  and  energetic- 
Khushwaqt  chief  that  evening,  and  during  the  long  visit  ho  paid  me  next  morning  with  hi& 
two  young  sons  ;  but  this  is  not  the  place  to  record  it.  He  had  spared  no  care  nor  trouble 
to  facilitate  my  safe  journey  through  his  territory  and  to  make  it  ah  profitable  as  the  limita- 
tions of  my  time  permitted.  I  shall  always  look  back  with  gratitude  to  the  friendly  welcome 
accorded,  and  with  genuine  interest  and  sympathy  to  the  ruler. 

It  was  a  special  satisfaction  to  me  that  on  my  way  down  Darel  I  was  ablo  to  identify  at 
Phoguch  the  site  of  an  ancient  Buddhist  sanctuary  which  the  Chinese  pilgrims  specially  mention 
on  account  of  its  miracle-working  colossal  image  of  Maitreya  Buddha  in  wood.  The  tomb 
of  Shahakhel  Baba,  a  Muhammadan  Saint  renowned  for  his  miraculous  powers  and  attracting 
pilgrims  from  many  distant  parts  of  the  Hindukush  region  as  well  as  Swat  and  the  Indus 
Valley,  attests  here  the  continuity  of  local  worship.  Lower  down  we  passed  interesting  ruins 
of  castles  once  closing  access  to  Darel.  Then  we  ascended!  westwards  by  a  precipitous  track, 
difficult  for  load-carrying  men,  to  the  rugged  high  spur  which  divides  Darel  from  Tangir, 
On  reaching  its  top  we  were  rewarded  for  a  trying  climb  over  bare  rock  slopes  by  the  grand 
vistas  which  opened  before  us.  Owing  to  its  isolation  the  Shardai  Pass  commands  wide 
views  of  Darel,  Tangir,  the  Indus  Valley,  and  the  ranges  beyond,  and  proved  a  truly  ideal  survey 
station.  To  the  west  there  showed  clearly  the  gap  between  precipitous  snow-capped  spurs. 


1W7 

-where  the  Indus  makes  its  sharp  bend  to  the  south.  Access  to  this  famous  defile,  where  the 
bed  of  the  mighty  river  is  reported  to  contract  into  an  exceedingly  narrow  rift,  is  closed  by 
independent  tribal  territory*  Even  from  afar  European  eyes  saw  it  now  for  the  first  time. 
How  I  wished  that  a  Pakhtun  Wall's  expansionist  policy  might  open  the  route  some  day  for 
exploring  those  Indus  gorges,  where  the  old  Chinese  pilgrims  made  their  way  south  by  the 
dreaded  rock  galleries  "  of  the  hanging  chains.9' ! 

The  descent  to  the  Tangir  River  over  cliffs  and  vast  slopes  of  rock  debris  was  a  trying 
experience  ;  but  the  valley  itself  proved  remarkably  open  and  fertile.  Fruit  trees  and  vines 
were  more  plentiful  than  in  Darel,  and  the  mosquitoes  a  little  less  fierce.  The  population 
is  scattered  in  clusters  of  hamlets,  and  showed  a  manly  bearing.  Of  those  fortified  villages, 
in  which  the  Darel  people  seem  to  have  always  sought  shelter  since  early  times,  I  could  trace 
no  ruins  here.  I  had  a  very  pleasant  reception  at  Jaglot,  where  Paktun  Wall  had  establish- 
ed his  original  stronghold,  and  where  his  family  ordinarily  resides.  The  original  modest 
structure  which  he  occupied  as  a  refuge  from  Chitral  had  witnessed  a  memorable  siege  by 
the  powerful  Gabarkhel  tribesmen  who  hold  the  upper  portion  of  Tangir,  and  who  then  vainly 
tried  to  rid  themselves  of  their  ambitious  exile-guest.  Their  defeat  marked  the  first  stage 
in  Pakhtun  Wall's  rise  to  power.  The  old  animosities  seemed  to  be  still  smouldering  here, 
.and  as  we  moved  up  the  valley,  our  ever-watchful  escort  took  special  care  to  safeguard 
us  from  any  attempt  of  Pakhtun  Wall's  old  foes,  or  the  fanatical  "  talib-ilms,"  or  religious 
students,  gathered  in  numbers  round  a  famous  Mullah  at  the  mosque  of  Kami. 

In  the  great  forest  belt  at  the  head  of  the  Satil  branch  of  the  valley  hundreds  of  Pathans 
from  Upper  Swat  and  the  independent  tracts  lower  down  the  Indus  were  engaged  in  cutting 
the  magnificent  timber,  an  important  source  of  revenue  to  Raja  Pakhtun  Wall.  The  timber 
is  made  to  float  down  the  Indus  under  arrangements  with  Kakakhel  traders,  who,  owing  to 
the  sanctity  enjoyed  by  their  clan,  are  able  to  exploit  this  business  in  tracts  otherwise  far 
too  risky.  Here  we  were  joined  by  Mian  Shahzada,  the  uncle  of  Afrazgul,  my  Kakakhel 
surveyor,  who  for  years  had  been  in  charge  of  these  operations,  and  whose  opportune  inter- 
cession had  helped  to  overcome  tho  Raja's  original  scruples  about  our  passage.  Shahzada 
had  charged  himself  with  the  responsibility  of  keeping  all  fanatical  characters  in  these  wood- 
cutters5 camps  out  of  mischief,  and  by  his  effective  help  amply  earned  the  recommendation 
I  could  give  him  to  the  district  authorities  of  his  far-off  home  on  the  Peshawar  border. 

All  arrangements  worked  smoothly  to  the  end,  and  when  on  August  21  we  safely  reach- 
•ed  the  Sheobat  Pass,  over  14,000  feet  in  height,  on  the  range  which  forms  the  watershed 
between  the  Indus  and  the  Gilgit  river  drainage,  it  was  with  regret  that  I  left  behind  Pakh- 
tun Wall's  fascinating  dominion,  from  which  we  had  just  "  lifted  the  Purdah."  I  was  sorry 
to  bid  farewell  to  our  hardy  escort  of  outlaws,  after  meeting  the  large  posse  of  respectable 
Gilgit  levies  which  had  waited  on  the  other  side  of  the  pass  to  take  charge  of  us.  It  was 
.amusing  to  watch  the  ill-disguised  expression  of  distrust  with  which  the  latter  viewed  our 
quondam  protectors,  some  of  them  well  remembered,  no  doubt,  from  their  old  raids  and 
similar  exploits.  The  ample  and  richly  deserved  rewards  I  gave  to  Pakhtun  Wall's  men 
however,  sufficed  to  efface  any  unpleasant  reciprocal  feelings* 

In  order  to  reach  the  big  Yasin  Valley  through  which  our  northward  route  was  to  lead 
we  had  first  to  gain  the  Gupis  post  on  the  Gilgit  River.    The  mountains  to  the  south  of  the 


A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  117 


.  latter  have  not  yet  been  adequately  surveyed.  So  it  was  scarcely  surprising  that  the  un- 
explored pass  above  Oaf arbodo,  which  I  chose  as  a  short  out,  proved  nearly  impossible  for 
our  load-carrying  men.  It  took  fully  eight  hours*  scrambling  over  huge  masses  of  rock  debris 
left  behind  by  ancient  glaciers,  the  worst  I  ever  encountered  in  this  region,  to  reach  the  pass 
at  an  elevation  of  close  on  16,000  feet. 

Then  I  pushed  up  rapidly  in  the  open  and  relatively  fertile  valley  of  Yasin.  It  leads  due 
north,  flanked  by  mighty  spurs  which  descend  from  the  glacier-crowned  main  Hindukush 
range,  and  has  always  been  an  important  route,  as  it  forms  the  nearest  connection  between 
Oxus  and  Indus.  I  found  myself  thus  on  ground  claiming  distinct  historical  interest,  and 
there  was  a  good  deal  oven  in  things  of  the  present  to  attest  the  strong  Central- Asian  influ- 
ence to  which  it  has  been  subject  since  early  times.  In  addition  to  much  fine  old  wood- 
carving  in  dwellings  and  mosques,  I  was  able  to  trace  a  ruined  Stupa  with  relics  of  Buddhist 
times  and  the  remains  of  several  old  forts,  which  tradition  significantly  enough  connects 
with  early  Chinese  invasions. 

It  was  owing  to  an  early  and  historically  well  attested  Chinese  conquest  of  these  valleys 
from  the  uppermost  Oxus,  that  I  felt  a  special  interest  in  the  glacier  pass  of  the  Darkot  by 
which  we  crossed  on  August  29  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Yarkhun  or  Mastnj  River.  It  had 
been  the  scene  of  that  remarkable  exploit  by  which  a  Chinese  force,  despatched  in  A.D.  749 
from  Kashgar  against  the  Tibetans,  had  effected  its  entry  into  Yasin  and  Gilgit.  Already 
in  May,  1916,  on  my  way  up  from  Chitral,  I  had  been  able  to  ascertain  how  closely  the  topo- 
graphical features  of  the  Darkot  Pass  agreed  with  the  exact  account  which  the  Chinese  Annals 
of  the  Tang  dynasty  have  preserved  for  us  of  General  Kao  Hsien-chih's  famous  expedi- 
tion. I  had  then  succeeded  in  reaching  the  top  of  the  pass,  15,400  feet  above  the  sea,  from 
the  Mastuj  side ;  but  no  examination  of  the  southern  approach,  which  also  figures  in  that 
account,  had  been  possible. 

In  view  of  the  very  serious  natural  obstacles  presented  by  the  glaciers  of  the  Darkot, 
Kao  Hsien-chih's  passage  deserves  to  rank  as  a  great  military  achievement,  like  his  success- 
ful march  across  the  whole  width  of  the  Pamirs,  with  a  relatively  largo  Chinese  army,  which 
preceded  it,  and  to  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  further  on.  So  it  was  a  particularly 
gratifying  find,  when  I  discovered  an  old  Tibetan  inscription  scratched  into  a  large  boulder 
on  the  track  where  it  ascends  by  the  side  of  a  steep  moraine  flanking  the  southern  glacier 
of  the  Darkot.  It  is  very  probable  that  it  is  a  relic  of  that  short-lived  Tibetan  advance  on 
the  uppermost  Oxus  which  the  T'ang  Annals  record  towards  the  close  of  the  second  quarter 
of  the  eighth  century,  and  which  Kao  Hsien-chih's  adventurous  expedition  successfully 

stopped* 

On  the  top  of  the  Darkot  I  was  met  by  Captain  H.  F.  D.  Stirling,  of  the  57th  (Wilde's) 
Rifles,  then  commanding  the  Chitral  Scouts,  with  fresh  transport  from  the  Mastui  side.  Thus 
-the  descent  over  the  big  and  much-crevassed  northern  glacier  could  be  effected  without  un- 
due risk  to  men  or  baggage.  I  have  special  reason  to  feel  grateful  for  the  most  effective 
arrangement*  made  by  Captain  Stirling  as  I  pushed  on  eastwards  after  crossing  the  Darkot. 
•Our  easiest  route  to  the  Chinese  border  would  have  led  over  the  Baroghil  saddle  to  Sarhad 
on  the  Qxus  and  thence  across  the  Afghan  Pamirs  along  the  line  I  Bad  followed  in  1906, 
But  apart  from  the  f §ot  that  its  use  would  have  required  the  special  permission  o£  H.M.  the 


118  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  (ftm* 

King  of  Afghanistan!  1  was  anxious  to  see  new  ground,  and  was  therefore  glad  to  move  now 
by  a  parallel  but  far  more  difficult  route  by  which  westernmost  Hunza  could  be  gained  from 
the  headwaters  of  the  Yarkhun  and  Karambar  (or  Ashkuman)  Rivers.  This  route  allowed 
me  to  sight  the  Showarshur  branch  of  the  Darkot  Glacier,  now  completely  closed  by  an  im- 
passable ice-fall,  and  to  examine  more  closely  the  interesting  instance  of  bifurcation  by 
which  the  glacier  above  the  Karambar  saddle  discharges  its  drainage  partly  towards  the 
Yarkhun  or  Chitral  River  and  partly  into  the  lake  forming  the  head  of  the  Karambar  River. 

On  its  south  side  the  route  skirts  an  almost  unexplored  region  of  high  ice-clad 
peaks  and  big  glaciers,  and  the  snouts,  which  the  latter  have  pushed  across  the  gorge  of  tho 
Karambar  River,  together  with  the  huge  old  moraines  encountered  in  the  main  valley 
lower  down,  constituted  serious  obstacles.  They  made  all  the  more  welcome  the  friendly 
help  given  by  Captain  Stirling,  who,  as  an  expert  mountaineer,  took  pleasure  in  accompany- 
ing me  on  those  four  days  of  hard  marching  and  climbing. 

Beyond  the  Aahkuman  River  we  were  met  by  fresh  porters,  collected  from  the  settle 
ment  of  hardy  Wakhi  immigrants  lower  down  that  much-confined  valley.    The  ascent  mode 
with  them  on  September  2  to  the  Ghillinji  Pass  (circ.  17,400  feet  high)  proved  a  difficult  task. 

The  snowy  weather  prevailing  all  through  August  had  rendered  the  very  steep 
snow  slopes  to  be  climbed  still  more  trying  and  had  added  greatly  to  avalanche  risks.  The 
pass  had  not  been  traversed  by  any  one  for  a  long  number  of  years,  and  only  one  old  man 
sent  with  us  had  ever  been  across.  80  it  was  a  great  relief,  when,  after  eight  hours'  toil,  we 
safely  reached  the  col,  nearly  5,000  feet  above  camp.  It  offered  a  grand  view  over  the  ex- 
tensive glaciers  which  meet  at  the  head  of  the  Chapursan  Valley,  but  the  icy  gale  sweeping 
it  made  even  a  short  rest  difficult.  Fortunately  tho  great  glacier  below  us  proved  less  trying, 
owing  to  the  fresh  snow  which  had  adequately  covered  up  most  of  the  crevasses,  and  after 
a  descent  of  five  hours  more  we  found  a  dry  spot  by  its  side  where  we  could  bivouac  in  safety 
under  the  shelter  of  a  moraine.  Some  of  our  coolies  did  not  turn  up  till  next  morning,  but 
they  had  wisely  kept  moving  all  through  the  bitterly  cold  night.  Their  safe  arrival  caused 
me  great  relief  and  so  also  did  the  assurance  that  my  feet,  in  spite  of  tho  loss  of  toes  and  the 
impaired  circulation  which  resulted  from  my  frost-bite  accident  at  the  close  of  the  former 
journey,  could  stand  well  thirteen  hours'  struggle  over  snow  and  ice.  The  snout  of  the  Chil- 
linji  Glacier  was  not  passed  until  after  a  descent  of  another  4  miles  in  the  morning,  and  a 
short  distance  beyond  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  fresh  transport  from  Hunza  awaiting  us. 
The  arrangements  made  weeks  ahead  through  my  old  acquaintance  Humayun  Beg,  the 
Wazir  of  Hunza,  had  not  failed  me. 

After  this  experience  our  progress  through  Hunza  seemed  easy.  The  Chapursan  Val- 
ley, in  spite  of  the  huge  moraines  which  the  glaciers  south  have  pushed  down  into  it,  contains 
more  stretches  of  level  ground  than  probably  all  the  rest  of  Hunza.  It  was  hence  a  feature 
of  special  interest  to  note  the  extensive  areas  of  old  cultivation  which  we  passed  on  the  25 
miles'  march  between  Baba-ghundi  and  Spandrinj.  Neither  want  of  water  for  irrigation 
nor  present  climatic  conditions  at  this  elevation  from  circ.  11,000  to  10,300  feet  seem  to  fur- 
nish an  adequate  explanation  for  their  abandonment.  Re-occupation  is  recent  and  proceed- 
ing slowly. 

(To  be  continued*) 


,  1917]  THE  HISTOBY  OP  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  119 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA. 
BY  V.  RANGACHARI,  M.A.,  L.T.,  MADRAS. 

(Continued  from  p.  105r) 

But  Eanga  Krishna  was  not  merely  a  man  of  enterprise  who  would  ride  into  an  enemy's 
•country  to  seek  information  or  obtain  amusement ;  he  was  a  ruler  of  great  sympathy  and 
solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.  He  delighted  to  roam  incognito  in  his  realm,  to 
mix  with  the  humble  and  lowly,  to  talk  to  them,  to  undent tand  their  feelings  and  to 
appreciate  their  merits.  If  he  could  subdue  an  elephant  which  none  else  could  he  could 
also  visit  humble  places  and  see  humble  men,  and  learu  things  for  himself,  learn 
where  virtue  or  misery  had  its  abode,  where  injustice  prevailed  and  where  disloyalty 
throve.  No  occupation  was,  in  his  eyes,  too  low  for  the  investigation  of  truth.  True  he 
was  not  without  defeats.  He  shared  the  weakness  of  his  dynasty  in  his  love  of  pomp, 
his  fondness  for  show,  and  in  his  permitting  his  lieutenants  to  spend  state  money  on  pro- 
cessions and  celebrations,  but  this  was  a  single  blot  in  his  brilliant  and  beautiful  character. 
His  easy  accessibility,  his  desire  to  learn  things  in  person,  his  sympathy  with  the  people, 
and  at  the  same  time,  his  weakness  for  showy  pageantry,  arc  evident  from  his  Tinnevelly 
adventure.  Hearing  from  some  men  of  Tinnevelly  that  the  son  of  their  viceroy,  Tiruven- 
gala  Nathaiya,2-'  wasted  every  night  500  pagodas  of  Sirkar  money  in  costly  processions  of 
44  more  than  royal  state,  "'  he  set  out,  as  was  always  the  case  with  him,  alone  on  his  horse 
towards  Tinnevelly  to  ascertain  the  fact.  The  Telugu  chronicle,  from  which  the  account  of 
this  episode  is  taken,  narrates  in  detail  an  interview  which  the  king  had  with  a  humble, 
low-caste  woman  who  was  carrying  a  rude  and  frugal  fare  for  her  son,  a  labourer  working  in 
the  distant  fields.  The  exhausted  monarch  condescended  to  take  butter-milk  from  the  woman 
and  noted  her  name  for  future  favours.  Resuming  his  journey,  he  reached  one  of  those 
splendid  reception-booths,  which  had  been  constructed  all  along  the  road  for  his  sake. 
The  warders,  however,  hardly  saw  in  the  solitary  horseman  their  sovereign.  In  their  eyes 
royalty  was  always  surrounded  by  magnificence.  To  think  of  a  king  without  his  host 
of  attendants  and  flatterers,  his  paraphernalia  and  splendour,  was  to  them  an  impossible 
feat.  Simplicity  was  a  virtue  which  the^r  rude  and  unsophisticated  mind  could  with 
difficulty  associate  with  royalty.  They  had  not  the  imagination  for  such  a  conception, 
for  their  experience  had  always  been  to  the  contrary.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that 
when  the  solitary  horseman  boldly  entered  the  pavilion  and  tied  up  his  horse,  and  sat  there, 
he  received  a  mandate  from  the  warders  to  leave  the  place  at  once.  Their  monarch  was 
coming,  and  the  pavilion  was  not  an  inn  in  which  every  wayfarer  could  lay  him  down  and 
rest.  Raiiga  Krishna,  whoso  passion  for  such  interesting  situations  kept  them  in  ignor- 
ance of  his  personality,  proposed  that,  after  resting  a  little,  he  would  proceed.  He  was 
about  to  be  subjected  to  further  indignity,  when  the  army  reached  the  place  and,  on  seeing 
him,  prostrated  themselves  and  performed  homage.  The  warders  at  once  found  out  the 
position  of  their  antagonist  and  the  seriousness  of  their  mistake,  and  expected  a  summary 
sentence  of  death ;  but  the  nobility  of  Rauga  Krishna  dispelled  their  fears,  extolled  their 
sense  of  duty,  and  rewarded  their  merit  with  the  hereditary  enjoyment  of  certain  lands  1 
On  reaching  Tinnevelly,  the  chronicle  continues,  the  king  commanded  the  viceroy's  son 
to  organize  a  procession  as  usual,  assuring  him  that  it  was  his  curiosity,  not  the  desire  to 

*  Even  now  near  Tinnevelly,  about  2  or  3  miles  off,  is  a  village  named  Tiruv£nga4a  Nathapurain, 
-which  was  probably  the  residence  of  the  viceroy. 


120  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JtWB,  1017 

puinsh,  that  prompted  him  to  issue  the  command ;  and  when  the  latter  carried  it  out 
with  more  than  usual  splendour,  the  king  expressed  his  joy,  declared  it  a  worthy  source 
of  prestige,  and  authorised  the  prodigal  to  celebrate  it  everyday.  The  royal  sanction 
was  accompanied  by  a  .^substantial  grant  for  the  purpose  from  the  treasury.  It  was  a 
conclusion  unworthy  of  Raaga  Krishna,  but  his  sin  was  a  common  sin  of  his  line  and  of  his 
time,  and  he  could  not  overcome  it. 

All  this  would  furnish  a  worthy  theme  for  romance,  but  the  true  romance  of  Ranga 
Krishna's  life  lay  in  his  domestic  life.  Alone  among  the  Naik  kings,  he  could  control  his 
passions.  Temperance  was  a  virtue  of  which  his  dynasty  was  entirely  ignorant,  but  he 
shone  in  it.  In  a  time  when  kings  were  not  satisfied  with  scores  of  wives  and  hundreds 
of  mistresses,  he  set  a  worthy  example  of  virtue  and  of  moderation  by  the  constancy  of 
his  attachment  to  a  single  lady,  a  lady  who  was  worthy  of  his  love  and  found  it  impossible 
to  live  after  his  death*  Ranga  Krishna's  harem,  in  consequence,  was  not,  as  that  of  the 
other  kings  of  his  line,  a  seat  of  loose  life  or  a  source  of  scandal.  His  private  life  resembled 
that  of  a  common  man,  and  was  characterised  by  real  conjugal  love  and  domestic  bliss. 
The  palace  was,  in  his  day,  a  temple  of  poaco,  not  a  breeding  ground  of  jealousies,  a  home 
of  affection  and  not  of  bestial  pleasure.  With  him  the  safety  and  welfare  of  his  people 
was  not  a  secondary  consideration  of  the  usual  type.  They  lived  for  themselves  first,  and 
then,  if  it  all,  for  the  people  ;  but  he  lived  for  the  people  and  for  them  alouc. 

His  recovery  of  the  lost  territories. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  new  king  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  from  tho  very 
moment  of  his  accession  things  began  to  change  for  the  better.  His  own  vigorous  persona- 
lity would  have  been  sufficient  to  alleviate  the  misery  of  his  kingdom,  but  other 
circumstances  intervened,  which  enormously  lightened  his  task  and  ensured  his  success. 
The  monarch  of  Mysore  was  attacked  nearer  at  home  by  SarnbajiaG,  and  in  self -defence 
had  to  withdraw  his  legions  from  Madura.  Ekoji  was,  in  consequence  of  his  own  tyranny, 
troubled  by  a  discontented  populace  ;  and  his  weak  frontiers,  moreover,  were  pierced  by 
daring  bands  of  Maravas  and  Kallaa,  who  now  entered  the  field  with  the  hope  of  sharing 
in  the  tumults  and  plunders  of  the  day.  Ekoji  thought  it  prudent,  therefore,  to  with- 
draw from  the  kingdom  of  Madura.  As  for  the  formidable  Sambaji,  he  was  involved  in 
wars  with  the  Mughal  Empire  on  the  one  hand,  and  with  the  Portuguese  on  the  other, 
and  so  could  not  pursue  his  father's  conquests  in  the  Carnatic.  The  Setupati,  again, 
had  his  own  domestic  troubles,  for  an  ambitious  Dalawai  of  his  set  the  standard  of 
rebellion,  and  taxed  the  resources  of  his  master.  All  these  events,  together  with  the 
tactful  statesmanship  of  Ranga  Krishna,  relieved  Madura  from  her  recent  ills.  Within 
three  years  of  his  accession,  Ranga  Krishna  found  himself  the  master  of  tho 
whole  of  the  extensive  dominiona  of  his  ancestors,  and  the  danger  of  the  extinction,  which 
had  threatened  the  Kingdom  of  Visvanatha  Naik,  was  now  warded  off.  Half  a  century 
more  was  to  pass  before  it  was  to  share  the  fate  of  its  predecessors,  and  when  it  fell  then, 
it  fell  for  ever. 

The  kingdom  was  now  safe,  and  Ranga  Krishna  consecrated  the  first  moments  of  peace 
to  the  strengthening  of  his  power  and  the  restoration  of  the  country's  prosperity.  A  firm 
and  determined  ruler,  he  made  his  influence  felt  throughout  his  dominions.  His  remarkable 

2«  Wttkfl,  I  59*60.    WUka  is  wrong  in  regard  to  the  dates.    Kumar*  RAya,  however,  it  ia  said,  left 
iifl  son  Do44a  D&v*  to  continue  the  iiege,  but  he  evidently  had  soon  to  give  it  up. 


mij  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  121 


industry  secured  a  personal  acquaintance  with  the  most  minute  affairs  of  tie  kingdom. 
His  watchful  eye  was  everywhere,  and  he  was  ever  on  his  feet.  Restless  and  enthusiastic,  he 
would  proceed  hundreds  of  miles  to  hear  a  single  complaint  or  chastise  a  petty  chief.  The 
divided  provinces,  in  consequence,  became  united  ;  and  the  Polygars  of  the  most  distant 
provinces  dreaded  his  displeasure,  and  paid  a  ready  and  willing  homage.  At  Tinneveliy, 
whither  he  went,  as  we  have  already  seen,  to  inquire  into  the  alleged  financial  abuses  of 
the  viceroy,  he  received  the  respect  and  the  tribute  of  all  the  Polygars  of  the  province. 
Even  the  king  of  Travancore,  who  was  apprised  of  tho  king's  stay  at  Tinnevelly,  hastened 
to  enlist  his  good  will  by  despatching  a  tribute  of  elephants  (twelve  in  number)  and  horses, 
of  treasure  and  ornaments.  The  historian  cannot  but  admire  the  personal  merit  of  this 
extraordinary  king  who,  though  so  young  in  age,  was  so  eminently  successful  in  securing 
the  allegiance  of  chiefs  who,  only  a  few  months  bock,  had  regarded  their  suzerain  as  a 
nonentity  and  themselves  as  kings. 

His  justice. 

In  administration27  Ranga  Krishna  was  not  less  successful.  His  administration  wa* 
based  on  the  principle  of  equity  and  reason.  He  was,  like  the  rest  of  his  dynasty, 
a  friend,  admirer  and  servant  of  the  Brahmans.  He  loved  to  praise  them  and 
to  be  praised  by  them.  He  listened  to  their  counsels,  and  built  agraMrams  and 
temples,  choultries  and  tanka  He  led  an  orthodox  life,  paid  frequent  visits  to  temples, 
and  bestowed  with  a  lavish  hand  the  traditional  charities  of  money,  cows  and  lands 
on  his  advisers.  Nevertheless,  he  never  allowed  the  claims  of  justice  to  bo  overruled  by  his 
partiality.  In  the  court  he  was  superior  to  race  consideration  or  caste  privilege.  Once  in  a 
dispute  between  the  Brahmans  and  the  Christians  in  regard  to  a  piece  of  land,  which 
the  former  had  illegally  seized  for  a  religious  purpose,  the  king  ordered  that  the  idols 
should  be  thrown  into  the  river  rather  than  that  justice  be  violated  under  his  regime. 
A  prince  with  such  noble  views  could  hardly  have  seeured  the  affections  and  obtained 
the  blessings  of  the  Brahmans  at  first ;  but  the  latter  knew  how  to  appreciate  real  merit. 
Moreover  they  succeeded,  as  we  have  already  seen,  in  gaining  his  generous  donations  in 
other  respects.  They  knew  that  if  the  king  was  severe,  he  was  severe  for  the  sake  of  justice; 
and  they  therefore  took  his  rebukes  in  the  proper  spirit,  and  tactfully  strengthened  their 
own  position  by  praising  tho  spotless  equity  of  his  rule. 

THE  MOGHUL  CONQUEST  OF  THE  DAKHAN. 

After  the  pacification  of  the  kingdom,  Ranga  Krishna  placed  his  foreign  policy  on 
a  stronger  basis.  His  reign  synchronised  with  momentous  events  in  tho  Deccan.  Tho 
Puritan  Emperor  Aurangzcb  was  engaged  in  a  deadly  struggle  with  the  Hindu  Marathas 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  weak  and  half-Hinduised  Sultans  of  Bijapur  and  Golcondah 
on  the  other,  and  by  tho  year  1688  had  conquered  and  annexed  the  latter  kingdoms. 
With  the  extinction  of  Bijapur  the  Carnatic  became  the  property  of  the  MughaJ 
Empire.  The  suzerain  of  the  N&iks  of  Tanjore  and  Madura  was  thenceforth  not  the 
Sultan  of  Bijapur  nor  the  Maratha,  but  the  Emperor  of  Delhi,  and  the  latter  lost  no 
time  in  establishing  the  imperial  power  on  a  secure  basis.  For  two  years  after  the 
extinction  of  the  twin  kingdoms  of  the  Deccan,  Aurangzeb  could  not  proceed  against  the 
South,  as  he  was  engaged  in  war  with  Sambaji.  It  was  only  after  1689,  when  Sambaji  was 

*  Aninwription  of  Aruxnbavftr.  14  miles  from  Perambalftr  in  the  Trichinopoly  District,  *ys  that 
to   made  grants  for  the  reptir  of  a  diiice  in  1686  A,  D.    (Antiquities,  II,  p.  263), 


122  l^HE  INDIAN  ANTIQITAKY  '  (Jfc*fe,  1W 


captured  and  slain,  and  when  owing  to  the  flight  of  Raja  Bam  to  Ginji,  the  war  with  (to 
Marathas  was  extended  to  the  South,  that  the  emperor  thought  seriously  of  the  completion 
of  his  conquests  in  the  South.  Ranga  Krishna's  position,  in  consequence,  was,  during 
the  last  two  years  of  his  rule,  a  dangerous  one.  He  had  to  keep  strict  vigilance  against 
possible  imperial  vandalism.  He  had  to  see  that  his  kingdom  did  not  share  the  fate  of 
the  kingdoms  of  Bijapur  and  Golcondah,  He  had  to  be  singularly  vigilant  in  the  north- 
west frontier,  for  in  1687  the  Mysore  king,  Chikka  Diva  Raj,  purchased  the  District  of 
Bangalore  from  Ekoji  (who  thus  confined  himself  solely  to  Tanjore),  for  three  lakhs  ;  and 
when  Kasim  Khan,  the  Mughul  general,  seized  it  before  the  entry  of  the  Mysore  trooper, 
he  conciliated  the  emperor,  and  concluded,  in  return  for  the  payment  of  allegiance,  an 
agreement  by  which  he  got  Bangalore,  as  well  as  a  tacit  permission  to  extend  his  territories 
in  a  direction  that  would  not  interfere  with  the  Mughul  operations.  The  friendship 
of  the  emperor  assured,  Chicka  Deva  was  ready  to  encroach  into  Madura  territory. 
In  1688  and  168928  we  find  him  invading  the  Kongu  province,  conquering  the  greater 
part  of  Baramahal,  including  Dharinapuri  and  Kaveripatnam,  pushing  his  conquest 
into  the  Talaghat  and  annexing  Omalur,  Paramatti  and  Attftr-Anantagiri.  This  region 
had  been  previously  conquered  by  Do'jkla  D3va  in  1667,  but  evidently  recovered  by 
Madura  or  by  the  local  chiefs  and  Polygars.  Hence  the  necessity  of  Chikka  Deva  to  subdue 
it.  We  have  no  authority  which  enables  us  to  say  what  Ranga  Krishna  did  at  this 
crisis.  Probably,  he  yielded  for  the  time  and  died  before  taking  any  steps  to  recover  the 
lost  districts. 

The  incident  o!  the  Mughal's  slipper. 

But  if  Ranga  Krishna  could  Dot  take  any  steps  against  Mysore,  he  was  able 
enough  to  defy  the  power  of  the  haughty  Muaalinan.  A  curious  and  highly  interesting 
episode  is  narrated  in  the  Telugu  chronicle  in  illustration  of  his  dignified  attitude  towards 
Muhammadan  claims.  It  wab  the  Padshah's  custom  in  those  days,  it  says,  to  send  one  of 
his  slippers  in  great  eclat  with  and  in  the  midst  of  proper  guards  and  solemn  paraphernalia, 
as  a  mandate  for  the  performance  of  homage  and  the  payment  of  tribute  by  the  feudatories 
of  the  Empire.  The  slipper  was  placed  in  a  rich  and  magnificent  howdah  of  an  elephant, 
and  defended  by  an  army  of  12,000  cavalry  and  40,000  infantry,  under  the  command  of 
two  Nawabs.  All  the  honours  were  paid  to  the  royal  slipper  which  were  paid  to  the  king 
himself. 

It  was  fanned  by  two  chowries,  and  attended  by  banners  and  umbrellas,  flutes  and 
drums,  and  other  insignia.  When  the  procession  reached  the  boundary  of  a  State,  the  king 
of  that  State  was  bound  to  welcome  it  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  pay  homage,  and  abase  his 
ensigns  before  it.  The  king  was  then  bound  to  take  the  imperial  representative  and  its 
defenders  to  the  capital,  to  resign  his  throne  for  a  moment  to  it,  and  to  give  as  a  mark  of 
his  loyalty,  obeisance  and  tribute,  besides  presents  to  the  guardians  of  the  worthy  imperial 
representative  1  This  custom,  a  capital  example  of  the  pride  and  slavery  of  kings,  had  not, 
however,  extended,  owing  to  distance,  to  "  the  Pandya  kingdom  "  ;  but  in  the  reign  of  Ranga 
Krishna,  the  imperial  slipper,  with  all  its  insignia,  came  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Madura 
kingdom  at  Ottattur,  and  despatched  the  inayithu  n&ma,  the  hews  of  its  arrival,  to  the 
king.  When  the  young  and  proud  king  of  Trichinopoly  heard  the  purport  of  the  message 
and  the  claim  for  homage  on  his  part,  his  indignation  knew  no  bounds,  He  dismissed 

»  Wilki  I,  92;  Sakm  Manual  I,  63*4. 


Joins.  19ITJ          THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  123 


the  chobdars,  the  messenger*,  from  the  imperial  camp,  with  presents ;  and  calling  hi* 
Dftjavei  and  other  ministers,  asked  them  to  meet  the  Nawabs  and  tell  them  that  he  was 
too  unwell  to  meet  them  at  Samayavaram,  At  the  same  time  he  revealed  to  them  his 
desire  to  humble  the  Padshah's  pride,  and  instructed  them  to  conduct  thefarmdn  and  the 
Nawabs,  by  device  and  by  pursuasion,  to  the  capital.  The  ministers  succeeded  in  carry- 
ing out  the  king's  orders,  but  at  the  expense  of  truth  and  of  the  invaders'  goodrwill.  At 
every  stage  of  their  journey,  the  latter  asked  why  the  king  had  not  yet  come,  and  were 
told  that  he  was  too  unwell.  In  this  way  the  slipper  and  the  sirdars  were  enticed  into 
Trichinopoly,  to  the  very  gates  of  the  palace,  the  army  of  course  being  stationed  outside  the 
fort.  When  they  reached  the  palace,  the  indignant  Musahnaiw,  who  thought  it  a  disgrace 
to  wait  there,  took  the  slipper  in  a  palanquin  and  proceeded  to  the  audience-hall. 
Mean-while  Ranga  Krishna  had  prepared  himself  for  this  crisis.  He  invested  himself 
with  all  paraphernalia  and  sat  on  the  throne  in  the  midst  of  an  admiring  and 
loyal  audience.  When  the  Nawabs  came  there,  and  saw  the  king's  haughty  attitude,  they 
were  seized  with  indignation.  Pushing  those  who  stood  before  them,  they  approached 
the  throne  and  offered  the  slipper  into  the  king's  hands !  The  latter  Hew  into  an 
indignant  rage,  and  in  words  of  thunder,  ordered  the  imperial  messengers  to  place  it  on 
the  floor.  They  naturally  hesitated,  but  soon  came  to  think  discretion  to  be  the  better 
part  of  valour,  and  the  orders  from  the  throne  might  be  followed  by  whips  in 
case  of  disobedience.  Ranga  Krishna  then  thrust  one  of  his  feet  into  the  slipper, 
and  loudly  asked  how  it  was  that  their  Padshah  had  not  the  common  sense  to  send  the 
other  !  The  agents,  as  might  be  expected,  answered  with  all  the  vivacity  of  anger,  accus- 
ing llaiiga  Krishna  of  treason,  and  threatening  chastisement  in  the  near  future.  But 
loyal  enthusiasm  on  their  part  was  hardly  serviceable  in  the  Trichinopoly  court.  Beaten 
almost  to  death,  they  went  outside  the  fort,  and  incited  their  army  to  attack  the  fortifica- 
tions. But  a  large  force  of  Trichinopoly  infantry  and  45,000  cavalry  were  more  than  a 
match  for  the  invaders,  who  were  cut  up  piece-meal.  Never  did  the  Padshah  send  again 
a  similar  message  to  his  vassals  I 

Its  meaning. 

A  tale  so  singular  and  interesting  has  naturally  given  rise  to  a  good  deal  of 
controversy.  It  will  be  evident,  from  what  has  been  said,  that,  if  the  slipper  was  sent 
at  all,  it  should  have  been  sent  by  Aurangzeb.  The  Sultans  of  Bijapur  and  Golkonda 
could  not  have,  done  it,  for  the  simple  reason  that  at  this  time  they  were  themselves 
a  prey  to  Mughal  greed,  and  by  1687  had  ceased  to  exist.  If  any  sovereign  had 
despatched  the  slipper,  therefore,  it  must  have  been  their  conqueror,  the  Puritan 
son  of  Shah  Jahan.  Could  that  have  been  the  case  ?  Was  Aurangzeb,  the  embodiment 
of  craft  and  cunning,  the  impersonation  of  statecraft,  the  author  of  such  a  tactless 
expedition  1  It  taxes  our  credulity.  The  Musalman  chronicles  are  completely  silent 
about  it,  Those,  however,  it  may  be  argued,  were  partial,  and  carefully  avoided  a  subject 
which  was  detrimental  to  their  own  reputation  or  interests.  But  what  about  Manucci, 
that  great  traveller,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  these  campaigas,  and  took  a  passionate 
delight  in  recording  anecdotes  like  this  ?  Why  is  he  silent  about  an  affair  which,  if 
it  had  happened,  must  have  happened  under  his  very  nose  ?  But  a  grasp  of  all  the  oircum 
stances  of  the  period  does  not  make  it  improbable.  Mr.  Taylor  believes  it.  He  doe* 
not  think  the  tale  to  be  silly  rodomontade.  He  sees  in  it  a  true  expression  and 
exemplification  of  Aurangzeb's  egotism,  of  his  desire  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  th<* 


124  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [frm*,  1*17 

empire  to  the  southernmost  limits  of  India,  of  that  spirit  of  supercilious  contempt  with 
which  he  regarded  the  feudatory  princes,  calling  them  petty  chiefs  and  zemindars.  The 
expedition  of  Zulfikar  Khan  in  the  reign  of  Mangamraal  was  probably  a  punitive29  xpeditkm. 

Ranga  Krblma's  death. 

In  the  midst  of  such  a  glorious  career,  the  young  king  of  Madura  was  struck  down  by 
small-pox,  then,  as  now,  a  virulent  curse  to  India.  It  was  the  greatest  misfortune  which 
could  befall  the  unfortunate  kingdom.  If  Ranga  Krishna  had  continued  to  live,  he  would 
in  all  probability  have  postponed  the  subjugation  of  his  kingdom  by  the  Mughals ;  and 
though  his  mother,  Maiigammal,  carried  on  the  affairs  of  state  with  a  remarkable  capacity 
for  fifteen  years  after  his  death,  she  could  hardly  fill  his  place.  The  18th  century  was  not 
-an  age  for  the  rule  of  women  in  India.  It  was  too  unsettled,  too  much  under  influence  of 
upstart  powers  and  adventurous  leaders,  to  allow  the  mild  sceptre  of  a  woman.  Mangam- 
mal was  one  among  a  million  women.  She  was  wise,  generous  and  clever ;  yet  even  she 
failed  to  secure  the  independence  of  her  state  from  Mughal  domination,  and  underwent 
a  tragic  death. 

The  death  of  Ranga  Krishna  was  followed  by  one  of  the  most  romantic  and  tragic 
episodes  of  which  Madura  history  is  so  full.  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Raftga 
Krishna  had  but  one  queen,  to  whom  he  was  passionately  attached  and  whose  attachment 
to  him  was  equally  passionate.  On  his  death  Muttammal  expressed  a  strong  resolve  to 
imitate  the  heroines  of  antiquity  and  become  sati.  The  people,  however,  looked  on  this 
attitude  with  mingled  feelings  of  horror  and  admiration.  Muttammal  was  then  in  an 
interesting  state,  and  the  birth  of  a  successor  to  Ranga  Krishna  was  expected. 

(To  be  continued.) 


19  See  Christian  College  Magazine,  Vol.  XII,  pp.  2",  6-77  for  a  discussion  of  the  probability  of  this 
event  by  J.  D.  B.  Gribble.  "  The  foregoing  account  is  from  a  Hindu  source,  and  there  is  nothing  in 
eny  of  the  Mahomedan  histories  which  in  any  way  confirms  it.  It  la  probably  exaggerated,  especially 
as  regards  the  number  of  Mahomedan  army  who  were  put  to  flight.  It  shows  however  that  previous  to 
this  incident  which  occurred  before  the  end  of  the  17th  century,  the  custom  of  sending  the  slipper  had 
been  for  some  years  in  force,  since  the  Trichinopoly  Sirdars  were  acquainted  with  it,  and  that  the  emperor's 
over-rule  was  recognised,  as  the  first  impulse  of  the  Sirdars  was  to  show  respect  to  the  slipper,  it  is  clear 
that  for  some  time  previously  the  Emperor's  rule  was  recognized  as  far  south  as  Triohinopoly.  In 
the  account  of  the  transactions  of  the  latter  years  of  Aurangazeb's  reign,  translated  by  Scott  from  the 
narrative  of  a  Bondela  officer,  we  are  told  that  in  1693  Zulficar  Khan,  the  Emperor's  great  general, 

marched  60  cosa  from  Gingi  into  the  territories  of  Trichinopoly  and  Tanjore,  and 

collected  considerable  contributions  from  the  zemindars.  The  slipper  embassy  was  probably  subsequent 
to  this  expedition*  and  it  was  only  5  or  6  years  later,  when  Auranga&eb's  whole  attention  was  taken 
with  the  Mahrattaa,  that  BO  flagrant  an  insult  could  have  been  committed.  Without  therefore  relying 
on  the  exact  accuracy  of  the  incident  as  here  given,  it  pioves  that  after  the  fall  of  Golkonda  the 
emperor's  armies  overran  the  whole  of  the  territories  of  that  State  and  of  Bijapur,  and  exercised  a 
certain  amount  of  control  over  the  hitherto  independent  kingdom  of  Trichinopoly."  Gribble  is  wrong 
in  saying  that  the  incident  referred  to  is  tubtequent  to  Zulfikar  Khan's  expedition.  For,  if  00,  the 
incident  must  have  taken  place  after  1693,  while  Ranga  Krishna  Muttu  Vlrappa  died  in  1689.  It 
seems  to  me  therefore  that  Zulfikar  Khan's  invasion  was  subsequent  to,  if  not  the  immediate  outcome 
of,  Ranga  Krishna's  treatment  of  the  slipper.  As  regards  Cribble's  argument  that  the  readiness  of 
the  Sirdars  to  pay  allegiance  to  the  slipper  proves  previous  imperial  supremacy,  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  inference  doei  not  necessarily  follow  from  the  fact,  as  the  tirdar*  might  have  learnt  it  from 
hearsay  rather  than  from  their  own  experience,  in  the  past.  M.  J.  'Walhouse  believes,  it  may  be 
added  here,  from  the  very  minute  and  circumstantial  nature  of  the  story  that  it  "  wears  much  the 
appearance  of  truth."  (ante,  Vol.  VII,  p.  26.). 


Jwa,  1917]  A  HARAHA  STONE-INSCRIPTION  125 


A  HARAHA  STONE-INSCRIPTION 
BY  NANIGOPAL  MAJUMDAR,  ESQR,,  CALCUTTA. 

IN  December  1915,  Mr.  R.  D.  Banerji,  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  made 
over  to  me  two  excellent  inked  estampages  of  a  Maukhari  inscription  which  had  not  been 
published  before.*  These  were  procured  from  Pandit  Hirananda  »Sastri,  then  Curator  of 
the  Lucknow  Provincial  Museum,  who  discovered  the  inscription  at  a  place,  called 
H&raha,  in  the  District  of  Barabanki,  in  the  United  Provinces.3  Raja  Raghuraja  Singh 
Bahadur,  in  whose  territory  the  inscription  was  discovered,  has  made  a  gift  of  it  to  the 
Lucknow  Museum,3  where  it  is  now  in  situ. 

The  inscription  is  incised  on  a  slab  of  stone.  The  size  of  the  inscription  is  2'-2J"  long 
and  l'-4J"  broad.  It  consists  of  22  lines.  Excepting  the  engraver's  name  at  the  end  of 
the  inscription,  it  is  entirely  in  verse.  The  language  is  Sanskrit  and  represents  a  highly 
artificial  and  complex  style  of  composition.  The  incision  is  nicely  executed  and  no  letters 
have  peeled  off.  They  belong  to  the  northern  class  of  the  later  Gupta  alphabets,  such 
as  were  prevalent  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  A.  D.  They  are  akin  to  and  may  be 
grouped  with  those  of  the  Maniasore  inscripti  jn  of  Ya^odharman,  dated  A.  D.  532*.  The 
object  of  the  inscription  is  to  record  the  reconstruction  of  a  dilapidated  temple  of  Siva  by 
Suryavarman,  son  of  Isanavarman,  the  reigning  king  of  tho  Maukhari  dynasty. 

Before  the  discovery  of  this  inscription,  five  other  n  cords  of  the  Maukhari  dyimsty 
were  already  known : 

(1)  Two  of  king  Anantavarrnan,  incised  on  the  Nagarjuni  Hill-Caves.5 

(2)  A  third  inscription  of  king  Anantavarman,  incised  above  the  door-way  of  a  cave 

on  the  Barabar  Hill.o 

(3)  Tho  Jaunpur  inscription  of  king  levaravarman.7 

(4)  A  Copp?r-seal  inscription  of  king  'Sarvavarman,  discovered  at  Asirgadh,  in  the 

Niroar  District,  in  the  Central  Provinces.8 

The  above  inscriptions  are  all  undated  ;  so  scholars  were  forced  to  rely  mainly  upon 
palseographical  grounds,  in  order  to  assign  them  to  a  particular  period  of  Indian  history. 
The  great  importance  of  the  Harpha  inscription  lies  in  its  being  dated.  The  date  is 
expressed  in  a  chronogram  which  runs  thus  : — 

Ekadasdtirikteshu  ahatsu  mtilavidvishi 

feateshu  faraddm  patyau  bhuvah  $riidna'Varmani.—\t  21. 

The  above  verse  gives  the  year  611  (600+11)  of  a  particular  era,  the  name  of  which  is 
not  mentioned.  But  there  is  little  doubt  that  it  must  be  assigned  to  the  Vikrama 
era,  which  makes  it  equivalent  to  A.  D.  554.  The  reasons  in  support  of  this,  are  simple. 
King  Madhavagupta,  we  know  from  the  Aphsad  inscription,0  was  a  contemporary  of 
king  Harshadeva,  or  Harshavardhana,  who  reigned  approximately  from  A.  D.  606  to  647. 
So  Madhavagupta  must  have  lived  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century  A.  D.  The 
Maukhari  king  lianavarman  to  whose  reign  this  inscription  belongs,  was  a  contemporary 

1  When  I  was  engaged  in  deciphering  the  inscription,  a  reading  together  with  an  impression  of  the 
same  appeared  in  a  Hindi  monthly,  called  the  SaraavatL— 1322  B.  S.,  pp.  80-86. 

2  Aiwual  Report  of  the  Lucknow  Provincial  Museum,  for  the  year  ending  31«t  March,  1915,  p.  3. 
s  Ibid,  for  the  year  ending  31st  March,  1916.  p.  3  (Appendix  D,  p.  8.) 

4  Beet's  Ctofta  Inter*.,  pi.  XX H.  »  Ibid.  pp.  223-26 ;  226.28.  «  Ibid.  pp.  221-23. 

7  Ibid,  pp.  228-30.  8  Ibid.  pp.  219-21.  9  Fleet's  Qupta  Inter*.,  pp.  203  4. 


126  TOE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY     \  .         fftnfc,  1M7 

of  king  Kumaragupta,10  the  great-grandfather  of  MAdhavagupta,  as  the  Aphsad  inscrip- 
tion represents  him  to  have  fought  with  the  former.  So  it  stands  to  reason  that  the  date  of 
isanavarman  must  be  placed  earlier  than  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century.  Now,  in 
order  to  get  a  date  that  would  be  earlier  than  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century,  we  are 
constrained  to  refer  'the  year  611  to  the  Vikrama  era.  No  other  era  can  give  us  a  date 
slightly  earlier  than  the  time  of  Harshavardhana.  Our  conclusion  is  also  not  opposed  to 
the  paleeographioal  considerations. 

In  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Luck  now  Museum,11  it  was  suggested  that,  "Taking 
atirikta  (sw  the  verse  quoted  above)  in  the  sense  of  superfluous,  the  other  possible  meaning 
will  be  589.  "  Now,  according  to  Mr.  Burn,  some  coins  of  Sarvavarman,  son  and  sue* 
cessor  of  isanavarman,  bear  the  date  A.  D.  553 12.  If  we  accept  this,  we  have  to 
reject  the  year  till  (A.  D.  554  ),  which  our  inscription  gives  for  isAnavftrman ;  for  unless 
we  do  so,  the  dates  of  the  son  and  father  overlap  each  other,  which  is  contrary 
to  the  natural  course  of  things.  If  we  reject  the  year  611,  we  have  got  to  accept  the 
only  other  'possible  '  date,  which  is  589  Vikrama  era,  f.  e.  A.  D.  532.  But  before  we  .do  so, 
it  is  important  for  us  to  know  for  certain,  whether  the  coins  of  Sarvavarman  actually 
give  us  a  date  and  whether  that  date  is  equal  to  the  Christian  year  553.  Through  the 
kindness  of  Mr.  R.  D.  Banerji,  I  had  occasion  to  examine  the  hoard  of  Maukhari 
coins  (discovered  in  the  Fyzabad  district)13  now  deposited  in  the  Indian  Museum* 
Calcutta.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  the  date-marks  on  the  coins  of  Sarvavarman  (as  well  as 
of  other  Maukhari  kings)  have  totally  disappeared  and  as  such  it  is  impossible  to  say  at 
which  particular  date  those  coins  were  issued.  So  it  is  better  not  to  infer  anything  from 
them  and  hazard  a  doubtful  reading  that  may  or  may  not  be  correct.  I  may  also  add  that 
Mr.  Banerji  is  also  of  the  same  opinion,  and  I  am  sure  that  will  be  the  opinion  of  all  who 
examine  the  coins  with  any  care.  I  therefore  feel  inclined  to  reject  the  date  given  by 
Mr.  Burn  for  Sarvavarman  s  coins,  and  accept  the  year  611  as  the  only  possible  date  at 
which  the  inscription  belonging  to  the  reign  of  Isanavarman  might  have  been  incised.14 

The  Asirgadh  seal  gives  a  genealogy  of  the  Maukhari  princes  down  to  Sarvavarman.15 
The  present  inscription  adds  one  more  name  to  the  Maukhari  list.  This  is  Suryavarman, 
another  son  of  Isanavarman.  But  it  omits  the  name  of  Sarvavarman.  The  inscription 
opens  with  two  laudatory  verses  in  honour  of  the  god  Siva.  Then  follows  the  usual 
genealogy  beginning  with  Harivarman,  the  first  king  of  the  dynasty  (v.  4).  Prom  him 
was  born  Adityavarman.  He  was  a  pious  man,  and  frequently  performed  sacrifices 
(vs.  6-7).  isvaravarman  was  his  son  (vs.  8-10).  From  him  was  born  Isanavarman,  who 
was,  as  it  were,  the  beaming  moon  in  the  firmament  of  subordinate  kings  (rajanrajaka- 
mandalamvarasati — v.  11).  The  13th  sloka,  which  gives  a  description  of  the  conquests  of 
Isdnavarman,  is  very  important.  It  runs  as  follows  : — 

Jitvdndhradhipatim  sahasraganita'lredhdkskaratv&rnanam 
Vydvalganniyutdtisamkhyaturagdn  bhanktvd  rane  Sulikdm 
Kritvd  cMyatimochitasthalabhuvo  Gauildn  samudrMrayd— 
Nadhyfoishta  mtafohittiacJiara'ah  suMsanarn  yo  jit} 

10  Ibid.  p.  208,  n  For  the  year  ending  31st  March,  1015,  p.  3,  foot-note,       " 

H  J.  R.  A.  S.  1906,  pp.  848.40.  »  Ibid. 

i*  Before  examining  the  colas  I  was  of  opinion  that  the  chronogram  yields  the  year  ff  89—  Vahyfya- 
Sdhttya  Pariahat-P#rik&9  1323  B.  &,  p.  289.    But  now  I  give  it  up, 
H  F.  0.  L>  r«  820. 


A  HARAHA  STONE-mSCRIPTION  127 

From  the  above  it  follows  that  Isanavannan  defeated  in  battle  the  king  of  the  Andh- 
ras,  and  the  SMikas  and  the  Gau4as  who  were  all  compelled  to  accept  his  sovereignty.  When 
he  was  ruling  the  earth,  his  son  Suryavarman  was  born.  One  day  when  the  prince  was  out 
.a-hunting,  he  lighted  upon  an  old  temple  of  Siva,  which  he  caused  to  be  reconstructed 
/v,  20).  The  building  was  finished  in  the  rainy  season  of  the  year  600  exceeded  by  II, 
when  Isftnavarman  was  the  lord  of  the  earth  (v.  22).  The  po3t  of  the  inscription  is 
Ravi&mti,  son  of  Kumarasatnti,  an  inhabitant  of  Garggarakata  (v.  23).  The  name  of 
the  engraver  then  follows.  It  was  incised  by  Mihiravarman. 

The  most  interesting  point  of  the  foregoing  summary  is  isanavarman\s  victory  over 
the  Andhra  king,  the  Sulikas  and  the  Gaurtas.  The  old  Andhra  empire  had  UDW  perished ; 
so  it  is  not  quite  certain  what  is  signified  here  by  the  mention  of  an  Andhra  king.  Who 
the  S&likas  were,  is  also  not  known.  According  to  Fleet,  they  are  identifiable  with  the 
Mulikas,  mentioned  in  the  Brihat-aaihhita  (XIV,  48,  23).  Fleet  places  them  in  the  north- 
western'frontier.10  The  tribe  or  country  mulaka,  mentioned  in  the  Nasik  cave-inscription 
of  Balasri,17  mother  of  the  Andhra  king  Sri  Satakarni  Gotamiputra,  is  identified  withMtilika 
bv  Prof.  Rapson.18  In  former  times  the  letters  Sa  and  Ma  were  often  interchangeable. 
So  it  might  be  that  the  Sulika  stands  here  for  the  Mulikaor  Mulaka,  The  defeat  of  the  Andhras 
is  also  mentioned  in  a  mutilated  inscription10  of  the  Maukhari  king  fcvaravarman,  father  of 
Uanavarman.  The  portion  in  which  the  name  of  the  man  who  defeated  them  was  mentioned, 
is  broken.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  allusion  is  to  their  defeat  by  the  armies  of  king  Isvara- 
vannan.  This  is  clear  from  the  Haraha  inscription.  It  is  apparent  from  the  verse  quoted 
above  that  fcanavarman  s  glorious  undertakings  preceded  his  sitting  on  his  father's  throne 
t.  e.  they  took  place  when  his  father  was  still  ruling.  This  creates  a  strong  presumption 
in  favour  of  what  is  stated  above,  that  probably  the  defeat  of  the  Andhra  king,  mentioned 
in  the  mutilated  Jaunpur  inscription,  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  reign  of  fsvaravarman. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  name  Gauia  occurs  for  the  first  time  in  the  new  inscrip- 
tion from  Haraha.  We  do  not  as  yet  know  what  local  dynasty  was  ruling  in  Bengal  in  the 
sixth  century  A.  D.  But  the  conquest  of  the  province  by  the  Maukharis  undoubtedly 
signalises  the  extinction  of  Gupta  rule  in  Bengal. 

1  think,  it  is  necessary  here  to  point  out  that  the  discovery  of  this  dated 
inscription  of  the  Maukharis  settles  the  chronology  of  the  several  undated  Maukhari  inscrip- 
tions hitherto  discovered.  The  Jaunpur  inscription,  as  it  belongs  to  the  reign  of  Isvaravar- 
man  father  of  Istaavarman,  must  be  put  earlier  than  tho  year  A.  D.  554  the  only  known 
dat-'at  which  IsAnavarman  was  ruling.  It  may  be  safely  placed  in  the  last  quarter  of  the 
fifth  or  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixth  csntury.  For  the  throa  other  undated  inscriptions  which 
arc  ontheBirabar  and  Nagarjuni  Hills  an  unusually  late  period  is  suggested  by  Mr.  C.  V. 
Vaidva  *°  According  to  him  the  Maukhari  princes  mentioned  in  them  are  to  bo  assigned 
to  a  date  later  than  that  of  Harsha.  But  the  letters  of  the  inscriptions  of  AnanUvarman 
are  older  in  form  even  than  those  of  the  HMha  inscription.  The  tripartite  ya  which  is  a 
characteristic  of  tho  Kushfin  and  the  Early  Gupta  alphabets,"  is  used  promiscuously  along 
with  its  later  developed  form,  in  the  Haraha  inscription.  But  in  the  inscriptions  of  Ananta- 
varman  only  the  tripartite  form  of  ya  is  to  be  met  with.  This  is  a  clear  indication  that  they 
are  of  considerably  earlier  date. 

'«  Ante.,  1893,  p.  186. 

IT  jB?jri./nd.,VIII.pp.60,  62. 

w  Catalogue  of  Coins  of  tfo  Andhra  Dynasty,  p.  XXXI. 

»  BUhler's  Indian  Pafaography  (Engliih  Tra.ishtion),  p.  48;  c, 
«od  XIII,  32* 


128  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [Jam,  1017 


JOHN  FAITHFULL  FLEET, 
BY  L.  D.  BARNETT. 

INDIAN  STUDENTS  have  suffered  a  grievous  loss  by  the  death  of  Dr.  J.  F.  Fleet, 
C.I.E.,  which  took  place  on  the  21st  February  last.  He  had  been  for  some  time  past  in 
enfeebled  health,  suffering  especially  from  an  affection  of  the  lungs  ;  but  he  maintained 
his  interest  in  his  favourite  studies  until  a  few  weeks  before  his  death.  His  departure 
is  deeply  mourned  by  all  who  have  known  him ;  and  the  sorrow  of  his  friends  in  England 
will  be  equally  shared  by  those  in  the  Presidency  of  Bombay,  for  it  was  there  that  he 
spent  most  oJ  the  thirty  years  of  his  duty  as  an  official  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  happy 
years  of  vigorous  youth  and  manhood  spent  in  faithful  work  for  the  welfare  of  the  Indian 
people  and  for  the  advancement  of  the  studies  in  which  he  was  the  acknowledged  master. 
Often  in  his  later  years  he  used  to  speak  with  tenderness  and  admiration  of  his  old  friends 
the  Kanarese  peasantry,  and  recall  the  days  that  he  had  spent  among  them,  listening  after 
office  hours  to  their  tales  and  recording  their  ballads.  A  capable  and  wise  administrator, 
as  well  as  a  profound  and  successful  investigator  of  scientific  truth,  he  leaves  behind  him 
a  record  of  work  supremely  well  done. 

John  Faithf ull  Fleet,  the  sou  of  John  George  Fleet,  of  Chiswick,  and  his  wife  Esther 
Faithfull,  was  born  in  1847,  and  educated  in  London  at  the  Merchant  Taylor's  School.  In 
1865  he  was  appointed  to  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  and  in  preparation  for  his  work  in 
India  studied  at  University  College,  London,  among  other  things  learning  Sanskrit  from 
Theodor  Goldstiicker.  He  arrived  in  Bombay  in  1867,  and  entered  the  Revenue  and  Exe- 
cutive Branch  of  the  Service.  His  official  career  may  be  briefly  summarised.  He  became 
successively  Assistant  Collector  and  Magistrate,  Educational  Inspector  for  the  Southern 
Division  (1872),  Assistant  Political  Agent  in  Kolhapur  and  the  Southern  Maratha  Country 
(1875),  Epigraphist  to  the  Government  of  India  (1883),  Junior  Collector,  Magistrate, 
and  Political  Agent  at  Sholapur  (1886),  Senior  Collector  (1889),  Commissioner  of 
the  Southern  and  Central  Divisions  (1891-1892),  and  Commissioner  of  Customs  (1893); 
he  retired  in  1897.  With  his  official  work  his  scientific  and  literary  studies  went  hand  in 
hand.  He  applied  himself  at  once  to  the  investigation  of  the  epigraphic  records  of  the 
Bombay  Presidency,  and  speedily  proved  himself  to  be  possessed  of  all  the  qualities  need- 
ful for  this  work.  His  mind  was  vigorous,  exact,  and  acute,  his  judgment  sober  and 
judicious ;  he  had  a  deep  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Sanskrit  and  Kanarese  languages 
and  literatures,  and  of  astronomy  and  epigraphy ;  and  he  handled  details  with 
consummate  mastery.  His  early  papers  in  the  Journal  of  (he  Bombay  Branch  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  already  showed  these  qualities,  and  marked  him  as  a  coming 
leader  of  epigraphic  and  historical  studies.  From  its  foundation  in  1872  onwards  he 
took  a  keen  interest  in  the  Indian  Antiquary ;  he  was  its  joint  editor  with  Sir  Richard 
Carnac  Temple  from  volume  XIV  to  volume  XX,  and  many  of  his  most  valuable  papers 
appeared  in  it.  He  published  for  the  India  Office  in  1878  his  "  Pali,  Sanskrit  and  Old- 
Canarese  Inscriptions,"  a  useful  and  scholarly  collection,  which  however  was  eclipsed  in 
1888  by  his  "  Inscriptions  of  the  Early  Gupta  Kings  and  their  Successors/'  forming  volume 
III  of  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Indicarum,  a  splendid  piece  of  work  from  every  point 
of  view,  which  by  establishing  the  epoch  of  the  Gupta  dynasty  in  A.  D.  319-320  laid  the 
key-stone  of  Indian  chronology.  Another  very  valuable  work  was  his  "  Dynasties  of  the 
Kanarese  Districts  in  the  Bombay  Presidency,"  which  was  published  in  1895  as  volume  I, 
Part  I,  of  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Presidency ;  in  this  he  put  together  in  orderly  arrange- 
ment the  vast  amount  of  data  collected  by  him  from  epigraphic  and  literary  sources 
which  bear  on  the  history  of  those  ancient  kingdoms.  After  his  return  to  England  he 
devoted  himself  with  characteristic  energy  to  his  favourite  studies.  He  became  in  1907 


JPItt,  j»17]          guna  FAITHFULL  FLEET  AND  T&E  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  12& 

Honorary  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  ^f~Gr^^ 

1912  awarded  him  its  Gold  Medal;  and  he  published  numerous  papers  and  nrtes  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Society,  besides  occasional  contributions  to  the  Epigraphia  Indica  and  other 
publications.  That  the  sciences  of  Indian  chronology  and  epigraphy  now  stand  on  firm 
scientific  bases  is  mainly  due  to  him;  and  it  is  a  noble  monument  to  his  life's  work. 

JOHN  FAITHFULL  FLEET  AND  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

BY  RICHARD  C.  TEMPLE. 

I  have  always  looked  on  my  old  friend,  John  Faithfull  Fleet,  as  one  of  the  chief  founders 
of  our  present  knowledge  of  ancient  and  mediaeval  Indian  history,  and  as  I  was  intimately 
connected  for  soms  year*  with  his  work  in  this  Journal  I  should  not  be  doing  justice  to 
his  memory  if  I  failed  to  draw  attention  to  the  extent  to  which  we  are  indebted  to  his 
invaluable  researches  for  what  we  can  say  we  know  accurately  on  the  subject.  Any  kind 
of  study  that  would  throw  light  on  tho  history  of  India  was  of  absorbing  interest  to  him— 
whether  it  related  to  epigraphy,  chronology,  historical  geography,  philology  or 
literature—and  whenever  ho  handled  any  special  point  ho  did  it  with  a  thoroughness  and  a, 
painstaking  accuracy  that  from  the  first  commanded  my  resp3Cfc  and  admiration. 

This  Journal,  now  in  its  47th  year,  was  founded,  amid  many  gloomy,  prognosti- 
cations as  to  its  prospects  on  the  part  of  Indian  scholars,  in  1872,  by  Dr.  James 
Burgess,  who  also  has  recently  passed  away.  Fleet  was  connectel  with  it  from  its 
very  first  year  and  my  own  connection  began  in  1879.  Soon  afterwards,  in  1883, 
I  began  to  help  him  with  the  reproduction  of  his  epigraphical  plates.  In  1884  the  state  of 
Dr.  Burgess'  eyesight  obliged  him  to  contemplate  giving  up  his  editorship  and  it  was  taken 
on  by  Fleet  and  myself  in  1885.  For  the  next  seven  years  we  conducted  it  jointly,  Fleet 
being  for  that  period  its  principal  contributor.  In  1892  he  also  gave  up  the  editorship  and 
since  that  date  it  has  fallen  to  mo  to  carry  it  on,  sometimes  alone  and  sometimes  with 
coadjutors.  But  though  Fleet  was  not  again  associated  with  me  as  an  oditor,  ho  never 
ceased  to  take  an  active  interest  in  tho  Journal  and  contributed  to  its  pages  in  his  own 
valuable  way  from  time  to  time,  his  very  last  article  baing  by  a  curious  coincidence  an 
obituary  notice  of  our  old  mutual  friend,  Dr.  James  Burgess. 

Before  going  into  the  details  of  Fleet's  connection  with  the  Indian,  Antiquary ,  I  cannot 
do  better  than  transcribe  hero  a  note  he  left  behind  him  on  two  points  in  his  work  which 
gave  him  the  greatest  satisfaction,  especially  as  it  shows  wherein  he  thought  it  would  prove 
of  most  value  in  tho  future. 

"  There  are  two  things  in  connection  with  my  work,  which  have  always  given 
me  great  gratification. 

"  One  is  that  it  was  I  who  led  my  friend,  the  late  Professor  Kielhorn,  to  take 
a  share  in  working  on  the  inscriptions  of  India.  As  wo  all  know,  his  great  speciality 
was  the  study  of  Sanskrit  grammar,  with  the  help  of  the  oral  tradition  accessible  only 
by  residence  in  India,  to  supplement  the  written  books:  and  he  devoted  himself  almost 
entirely  to  that  as  long  as  he  remained  in  India.  But  I  had  aroused  his  interest  in 
the  inscriptions,  by  occasionally  consulting  him  on  difficult  points  of  interpretation. 
That  led  him  io  recognize  the  great  importance  of  them,  as  regulating,  by  the  details 
and  dates  which  they  furnish,  everything  about  the  ancient  history  of  the  country 
that  wo  can  learn  from  tradition*  literature,  coins,  art,  architecture  or  any  other  source. 
"From  soon  after  his  retirement  in  1881  he  applied  himself  largely  to 
epigraphio  work ;  with  the  result  that  he  gave  us,  not  only  critical  and  valuable 
editions  of  many  inscriptional  texts,  but  also  lists,  with  abstracts  of  contents,  of  all  tho 
published  inscriptions  of  Northern  and  Southern  India  from  about  A.  D.  400  on- 
wards. And  in  doing  that,  he  did  quite  as  much  as  any  one  has  done  towards  placing 
the  science  of  Indian  epigraphy  on  a  sound  basis. 


1» 

"  The  other  matter* is  in  connection  with  my  settlement  of  the  initial  year  of 
the  Gupta  era.  As  I  have  made  clear  in  my  introduction  to  the  volume  of  the  Gupta 
inscriptions,  I  could  not  have  determined  this  point  without  the  help  of  the  late 
Mr.  Shankar  Balkishan  Dikshit.  It  rested  on  the  exact  determination  of  the  equivalents 
of  the  dates  given  in  some  of  the  inscriptions*  At  that  time  we  could  only  calculate 
Hindu  dates  apprbximately,  with  results  whioh  might  or  might  not  be  correct,  and  so 
oould  not  give  any  certainty.  I  was  then  in  charge  of  the  Sholapur  district  and  was 
in  camp  at  Barsi  towards  the  end  of  1886. 

"  Mr.  Dikshit,  who  was  then  an  Assistant  Master  in  the  English  school  at  that 
town,  came  to  my  tents  and  made  himself  known  to  me.  He  had  seen  one  or  another 
of  my  articles  on  the  matter  in  question  which  had  excited  his  interest:  and  he*  came  to 
me  because  he  was  able  to  take  the  matter  to  its  conclusion.  I  soon  found  that  that 
was  the  case.  He  was  well  versed  in  astronomy,  both  Hindu  and  European,  and  was 
in  fact,  a  joint  worker  with  other  people  in  the  making  of  almanacs.  And  he  made 
the  calculations,  some  of  them  very  laborious,  which  enabled  me  to  prove  that  the 
first  Gupta  King  began  to  reign  fn  A.  D.  320.  The  matter,  moreover,  did  not  end 
there.  At  my  request,  Mr.  Dikshit  published  an  explanation  of  the  process  by  which 
we  could  calculate  the  exact  Christian  date  of  any  given  Hindu  lunar  date  by  means 
of  tables  which  had  been  published  by  Professor  Kero  Lakshman  Chhatro,  a  well 
known  mathematician  and  astronomer. 

"  This  aroused  general  interest  in  this  line  of  research,  and  led  to  the  publication 
of  other  processes  and  tables  by  Professor  Jacobi  and  by  Mr.  Dikshit  himself  in 
oollaboration  with  Mr.  Sewell,  by  means  of  which  we  can  now  deal  satisfactorily  with 
Hindu  dates  of  all  kinds,  no  matter  how  complicated  the  details  of  them  may  be 

"  I  have  not  much  more  to  say.    If  life  were  long  enough,  I  should  like  to  re-edit 
up  to  date  almost  everything  that  I  have  published.    In  all  the    lines  of  research  in 
which  I  have  worked,    our    progress  was  for  a  long  time  very  tentative:    indeed,   in 
some  respects  it  still  is  so.     In  such  circumstances,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  making 
mistakes:  and  I  have  written  much  that  I  should  like  to  correct,   and  some  thin?* 
which  I  should  like  to  cancel   altogether.    However,  I  doubt  if  1  shall   ever  see    my 
way  to  doing  much  in  that  direction:  new  points  of  urgent  interest  arise  so  constantly 
that    it  is  difficult  to  go    back  on  past  ground,    except  in  the  way  of  incidental  and 
sometimes  quite  tacit  correction.    I  can  only  express  the  hope  that  writers   who   may 
wish  to  quote  me  will  look  to  my  later  writings  in  preference  to  the  earlier  ones  " 
One  of  the  interesting   things  that  command  our    attention  from  a  survey  of  Fleet' 
•contributions  to  this  Journal  is  that  it  discloses  the  history  of  Indian  epigraphical  research 
almost  from  its  commencement  as  a  systematic  study.    The  very  first  note  he  contributed 
relates  to  the  clearing  of  inscriptions  covered  with  paint  and  oil  after  the  Indian  fashion 
so  that  they  may  be  properly  read  and  reproduced. 

In  the  same  first  volume  Fleet  published  a  Canarese  inscription  with  a  translation  and 
lithographed  text.  In  1873  he  had  a  note  on  Sanskrit  and  Canarese  Inscriptions  fore- 
shadowing the  great  work  that  he  performed  in  subsequent  years.  In  1874  occurs  the  first 
of  a  long  series  of  philological  notes:  it  was  on  the  Sanskrit  name  for  the  ring  finger 
anamikd.  In  1875  he  had  an  article  on  an  old  Canarese  Inscription  without  a  plate,  but 
it  was  in  this  year  that  he  commenced  his  splendid  series  of  Sanskrit  and  Old  Canarese 
Inscriptions  critically  edited,  together  with  disquisitions  on  the  dates,  pedigrees  and  facts 
disclosed.  These  papers  were  accompanied  by  printed  texts  and  illustrated  by  reproduc- 
tions of  the  originals  by  William  Griggs  (who  has  now  too  passed  away)  from  fleet's 
facsimiles,  or  from  facsimiles  made  under  his  superintendence,  with  extraordinary  CM»  *nd 
accuracy.  In  this  year  he  began  with  8  of  these  inscriptions  and  carried  on  the  series  till 


JtrtrB,  i«7J          <TOHtf  FAlTHFtfLt  FLEET  AND  THE  INDIAN  ANTiQUARY  131' 


1891,  by  which  time  he  had  given  196  of  thorn  to  the  world  of  Oriental  scholarship.  From 
1875  till  1892  he  took  a  large  share  in  the  contributions  to  the  Indian  Antiquary,  making 
it  the  chief  journal  dealing  with  Indian  epigraphy. 

In  1876  Fleet  commenced  a  long  series  of  critical  notes  and  contributions  on  writings 
directly  purporting  to  relato  to  Indian  History  with  aa  article  on  the  Chronicle  of  Toragal, 
which  was  followed  by  a  criticism  of  Dr.  Rice's  Western  Chalukhya  Grants  of  Kirttivarman 
in  1879,  a  subject  to  which  he  returned  in  1881.  It  was  in  1879  also  that  we  saw  the 
beginnings  of  his  long  and  all  important  studies  in  Indian  Chronology  in  most  interesting 
notes  on  the  use  of  the  term  sariwat  for  "a  year,"  controverting  older  id^as  thereon:  on  the 
Chalukhya  Vikrama  Varsha  (era):  and  on  the  dating  of  inscriptions  in  tho  years  of  the 
King's  reign  in  South  India,  this  last  being  a  long  disquisition.  In  1881  he  began  to 
record  notes  on  newly  found  inscriptions  on  stone  and  copper-plates.  Later  on  he  induced 
owners  of  the  latter  to  place  them  in  his  hands  for  decipherment  ami  publication. 

In  1883  he  began  to  give  to  the  world  the  results  of  his  researches  in  two  important 
directions — firstly,  tho  study  of  Indian  Eras,  commencing  with  an  aiticle  of  moment  at  the 
time  on  "the  Nomenclature  of  the  Principal  Hindu  Eras,  especially  the  Saka  andt Vikrama'', 
and  secondly,  notes  on  local  historical  geography,  a  subject  he  considerably  developed 
later  on.  Philological  observations  relating  to  the  meaning  of  technical  terms  used  in  in- 
scriptions also  claimed  his  Constant  attention  at  this  time,  Ho  farther  produced  in  thin 
year  an  historical  disquisition  on  the  Ga,i:«ga.  Dynasty  in  Southern  In.liti,  then  but  little 
known. 

In  the  volume  for  1SS4  was  made  public;  a  great  service  to  Indian  epigraphy  and 
history.  At  much  expense  and  labour,  audas  tho  result  of  exceptional  skill  and  patience, 
faithful  facsimiles  of  the  Pillar  Edicts  of  Asoka  at  Delhi  and  Allahabad  had  been  taken  by 
Fleat  and  thojc  working  under  his  superintendence.  These  wore  repro  1  uccJ  in  the  Indian 
Antiquary  with  the  accuracy  tint  always  distinguished  the  work  of  Griggs  ami  transcripts 
of  them  were  given  by  IVihler  in  the  Devanagari  character,  settling  the  question  of  the 
actual  text  for  good  and  all. 

From  this  year  Dr,  Burgess  ceased  to  be  Editor  and  this  Journal  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Fleet  and  myself  with  the  volume  for  1885.  Fleet  was  now  its  principal  contributor, 
carrying  on  vigorously  his  Sanskrit  and  Canarese  Inscriptions  and  his  notes  on  geography, 
chronology,  history  and  philology,  with  occasional  articles  on  paleography  and  epigraphy. 
He  also  commenced  in  this  year  his  long  series  of  notes  and  articles  on  coin  legends,  as 
illustrating  statements  in  inscriptions  and  literature,  with  those  of  the  Guptas,  and  on 
Canarese  Ballads,  text,  translation  and  music.  Jn  tho  seven  years  1885-1891  he  filled  the 
Journal  with  article  after  article  and  note  after  note  on  the  above  subjects,  by  way  of 
direct  contributions  or  of  criticism  of  the  work  of  contemporary  writers.  Any  kind  of  in- 
formation which  could  throw  light  on  the  story  of  ancient  India  at  once  claimed  his  ear- 
nest attention  and  he  read  and  expounded  it  out  of  the  f ullness  of  his  own  knowledge  there- 
on. He  thus  produced  in  183G  his  first  speculations  on  the  Epochs  of  Indian  Eras,  com- 
menting on  the  Gupta  Era,  on  the  Saka  Era  in  1888,  and  on  the  Gupta- Valabhi  Era  in 
1891.  In  1887  he  began  his  Calculations  of  Hindu  Dates,  carrying  them  on  at  times  till 
1891  and  producing  altogether  48  of  them.  In  this  matter  he  did  not  confine  himself  to 
the  doings  of  peoples  and  kings,  for  in  that  year  he  enquired  into  the  dates  of  Sankara- 
chfaya  and  the  poet  Raja^ekhara.  In  1888  he  printed  an  article,  of  great  importance  for 
the  time,  on  the  Summary  of  Results  for  the  Epoch  and  Origin  of  the  Gupta  Era— results 
achieved  by  the  combination  of  the  work  of  skilled  Indian  epigraphists  and  European 


132  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [Jura,  1017 

astronomers,  involving  prolonged  and  immense  labour.  The  year  1880  found  Fleet  engaged 
in  another  line  of  epigraphio  study  of  much  consequence  in  its  way  to  historical  research  : — 
the  critical  examination  of  ancient  forgeries  of  grants.  Of  these  he  produced  in  time  a 
considerable  number,  with  reasons  for  his  opinions  on  them.  The  seals  of  royal  grantors  in 
epigraphical  documents  and  the  pedigrees  disclosed  by  inscriptions!  seals,  coins  and  litera- 
ry works  were  necessarily  constantly  in  his  mind,  and  in  1890  he  published  what  was  at 
that  date  an  important  note  on  the  Ehitart  Seal  of  Kumaragupta  II.  and  the  Gupta 
Pedigree. 

After  the  volume  for  1891  had  been  issued  Fleet  ceased  his  connection  with  the  Indian 
Anti*juary  as  a  Joint  Editor,  and  it  fell  to  myself  to  continue  the  Journal,  but  it  will  be 
«een  that  I  have  been  able  to  record  above  sufficient  to  show  that  his  efforts  had  made  it 
by  that  time  the  principal  exponent  of  Oriental  research  in  private  hands,  and  beyond  doubt 
the  chief  vehicle  for  the  publication  of  Indian  epigraphical  studies.  Although  Fleet  conti- 
nued to  help  the  periodical  in  his  own  line  of  study,  the  character  it  had  acquired  as  es- 
sentially an  historical  and  epigraphical  publication  had  perforce  to  change  by  reason  of 
his  retirement  from  a  share  in  its  conduct  and  also  for  the  reason  that  the  Government  of 
India  had  begun  to  take  the  direction  of  study  of  epigraphy  into  its  own  hands.  At  great 
risk  and  cost  to  its  proprietors,  Fleet  and  myself,  the  Indian  Antiquary  had  trained  and 
maintained  for  years,  under  Fleet's  direction,  a  private  staff  for  the  purpose  of  discovering, 
collecting  (a  very  delicate  matter),  and  reproducing  in  facsimile,  epigraphic  records  of  all 
sorts.  It  was  this  fact  that  made  much  of  what  we  were  able  to  publish  available  to  scho- 
lars and  others  interested  in  Indian  historical  research.  When,  however,  the  Government 
stepped  into  the  field,  fresh  documents  and  evidence  naturally  went  into  the  hands  of  its 
own  servants  through  the  agency  of  local  officials  instructed  to  collect  and  forward  them 
to  certain  Government  offices.  An  official  Journal  was  started  in  1891  for  the  purpose 
of  publishing  them — the  Epigraphia  Indica,  and  in  time  the  private  staff  of  the  Indian  Anti- 
quary had  to  be  broken  up.  However,  after  some  negotiation,  the  Indian  Antiquary  be- 
came in  1894-5,  through  its  Supplement,  now  the  Epigraphia  Indica,  the  official  channel  for 
the  publication  of  the  Government's  collections  under  the  editorship  of  Govemment  officers, 
and  has  remained  such  ever  since. 

Although  Fleet's  contributions  after  1891  related  to  his  favourite  subject  (including 
epigraphy,  chronology  and  philology),  ancient  Indian  topography  and  historical  geography 
formed  the  chief  part  of  them,  and  between  1892  and  1910  he  produced  a  great  series  of 
articles  and  notes  on  ancient  place  names  and  the  identification  of  their  sites.  He  also 
wrote  for  me  obituary  notices  of  three  mutual  friends  of  long  standing — Shankar  Balkishan 
Dikshit,  who  died  in  1898  while  yet  a  young  man,  and  Sir  James  Macnabb  Campbell  in  1903, 
and  finally,  just  before  his  own  death  he  published  this  year  an  account  of  the  oldest  of 
them  all,  Dr.  James  Burgess,  the  founder  of  the  Indian  Antiquary. 

I  do  not  like  to  say  much  more.  It  is  natural  to  find,  after  33  years  of  close  associa- 
tion, in  my  capacity  of  editor-proprietor  of  this  Journal,  9  with  many  scholars  and  writers 
of  mark  on  Indian  subjects,  that  the  great  majority  have  passed  away  or  have  ceased  to  be 
able  to  contribute  largely,  and  that  the  work  must  now  be  handed  on  to  a  younger  band 
of  men  devoted  to  the  same  class  of  studies.  It  may  be  a  mistaken  judgment,  out  of  old 
friendship  and  association,  but  I  have  always  regarded  Fleet  as  in  the  forefront  of  the 
pioneers  who  have  shown  the  way  to  the  rising  generation  of  scholars  desiring  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  ancient  and  mediaeval  history  of  the  Indian  Empire.  I  can  only  hope 
that  the  generation  yet  unborn,  which  will  be  able  to  pronounce  a  detached  and  well  pro- 
portioned judgment  on  all  of  us,  will  be  of  the  same  opinion. 


"""H* *,,„ 


and  finally,  just  before  his  ownHeaUi  he*  ;    ^^^  (dtlttic)       ; 
them  all,  Dr.  James  Buigess,  the  founder  of  the  Indian 

I  do  not  like  to  say  much  more.   It  is  natural  to  find,  after  A. 
tion,in  my  capacity  of  editor-proprietor  of  this  Journal,, with 
of  mark  on  Indian  subjects,  that  the  great  majority  have  passed  away  or  ii*. 
able  to  contribute  largely,  and  that  the  work  must  now  be  handed  on  to  a  you 
of  men  devoted  to  the  same  class  pf  studies.    It  may  be  a  mistaken  judgment,  out  v 
friendship  and  association,  but  I  have  always  regarded  Fleet  as  in  the  forefront  of 
pioneers  who  have  shown  the  way  to  the  rising  generation  of  scholars  desiring  an  accuwu 
knowledge  of  the  ancient  and  mediaeval  history  of  the  Indian  Empire.    I  can  only  hope 
that  the  generation  yet  unborn,  which  will  be  able  to  pronounce  a  detached  and  well  pro- 
portioned judgment  on  all  of  us,  will  be  of  the  same  opinion, 


MISCELLANEA 


133 


MISCELLANEA, 


NOTES  ON  SIND. 

I 
Th9  Position  of  Mt.  Eiros. 

It  is  often  considered  that  tho  task  of  identifying 
*he  stations  along  Alexander's  route  borders  so 
nearly  on  the  impossible  that  mere  conjecture  will 
do  for  the  purpose  of  argument.  For  instance, 
Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  is  quite  willing  to  assume  that 
Hyderabad  corresponds  with  the  position  of  Patala, 
though  he  does  not  believe  it.  It  will  be  some* 
thing  gained  therefore  if  wo  con  fix  some  points. 

Alexander's  great  difficulty  in  leaving  India  was 
to  arrange  for  water  supply  across  Karachi  Taluka 
and  Baluchistan,  ».  e.,  the  bdrdni  limestone  area 
north-west  of  the  Indus  delta.  Similarly 
Nearchus  with  the  fleet  had  to  take  every  precau- 
tion, and  one  may  be  very  sure — and  the  authorities 
are  clear — that  from  his  base  in  the  delta 
Alexander  explored  the  route  to  the  west  very 
.  carefully  before  sotting  out. 

Now  where  is  water  available  in  the  Karachi 
Taluka?  In  the  River  Habb,  tho  western  frontier  of 
Bind,  in  the  bod  of  the  Lyari  (by  excavation),  iu 
the  bed  of  tho  Malir  (by  excavation)  and  at 
Rerhi  from  springs  at  tho  foot  of  the  cliff.  In  the 
neighbourhood  of  Ilorhi  is  a  fissure  specially 
sacred  to  a  crocodile  and  still  known  as 
WAghodar,  the  crocodile's  doorway.  Of  the 
antiquity  of  the  cult  of  the  crocodile  in  tho  delta 
of  tho  Indus  there  can  bn  no  doubt,  nor  can 
there  be  any  doubt  of  tho  fact  that  Krokala  really 
means  the  "crocodile's  ph.ce" — for  tho  name  is  not 
given  as  a  local  name. 

Now  the  identifications^  proposed  are  those: — 
Eiros          =    Korhi. 
Krokala       ~-    WAghodur. 


=s    Songal,      the     name      of     a 
Maknn    north  of      Karachi. 

The  accompanying  maps  fully  bear  out  the 
descriptions  in  Arrian. 

Then  the  first  harbour  after  Rerhi,  the  large 
and  commodious  Alexander's  Haven,  is  Ghizri 
Creek,  the  mouth  of  the  river  Malir.  It  was 
protected  by  au  island  which  has  now  become 
"tiod."  Tho  subsoil  water  around  the  lower  course 
of  the  Malir  River  is  very  brackish,  as  sea  water 
percolates  through  this  sandy  soil.  The  bay 
sheltered  by  tho  island  of  Domai  must  be  Karachi 
Harbour  lying  under  the  lee  of  Manora,  and  water 
would  be  obtained  by  sending  fatiguo  parties  inland 
to  dig  in  tho  bod  of  the  Lyari. 

These  identifications  appear  to  be  exact.  Now 
Krokala  was  120  stadia— "following  the  windings 
of  tho  coast"— from  tho  mouth  of  the  river.  This 
distance  (fourteen  milos)  corresponds  almost 
exactly  with  that  of  the  Kluuli  "crook",  a  creek 
which  is  in  reality  a  huge  lagoon.  Now  tho  Khudi 
creek  is  the  sea-ward  end  of  the  abandoned  Kh&n- 
wah,  a  canal  which  was  once  a  lx)d  of  tho  Indus, 
Again  Alexander  knew  of  two  mouths  of  the  Indus, 
of  which  tho  "right''  one  was  too  treacherous  for 
use  by  his  floot.  Tt  follows  then  that  the 
Kh&nwah  was  the  "  left  "  branch  and  tho  Khudi 
estuary,  the  lake  in  which  batliing  resulted  in 
"Siud  sores." 

One  can  only  conclude  then  that  the  Gharc* 
creek  was  tho  'Tight"  arm,  that  Bhambhor  was 
the  island  of  Killoutis  and  that  Tatala  was  some- 
whore  near  Gujo,  whore  tho  Khauwah  and  Gharo 
channels  "bifurcated. 

G.  E.  L,  CARTER. 


AITIHASIKA  RASA  SAMCRAHA 

MA  SCM.     Fasciculi  I  and  II,  (1916-17);  pp.  96 

and   74  rosp.     Bhawnagar,  Saraswati  Press.     (In 

QujarAtt). 

Tho  Series  which  the  distinguished  Jain  Acharya 
Vijaya  Dharma  Suri  is  inaugurating  with  the  two 
fasciculi  mentioned  above  for  the  publication  of 
Jain  rcteos  possessing  some  historical  value,  is  cer- 
tain to  be  welcome  to  different  classes  of  readers : 
the  student  of  Jain  religion  and  literature,  the 
student  of  Old  Gujarat?,  and  the  student  of  the 
mediaeval  history  of  Gujarat  and  Rajputana.  The 
Series  promises  to  throw  a  new  and  considerable 
light  on  a  very  important  section  of  the  vernacular 
literature  of  the  Jaina  in  Western  India,  which 
has  been  so  imperfectly  known  to  this  day,  and  in 
particular  to  help  to  establish  what  real  value 
these  rd*a»  b*ve  in  connection  with  the  history  of 


BOOK-NOTICES 

BY  VIJAYA  DHAR-  |  the  periods  and  personage*  to  whom  they  refer 
and  which  place  they  tiro  to  bo  given  in  the  classi- 
fication of  the  materials  for  the  mediaeval  history 

of  India. 

That  the  Editor  himself  wishes  to  consider  this 
legendary  literature  chiefly  from  an  historical  point 
of  view,  is  borne  out  not  only  by  the  title  given 
to  the  Sorios,but  also  by  tho  introduction  to  the 
first  fascicule,  and  still  more  by  the  erudite  notes 
given  in  illustration  of  names  of  persons  and  places 
occurring  in  the  texts.  Those  notes,  teeming  as 
they  do  with  reference H  to  historical  works  and  in- 
scriptions— often  ineditod,  discovered  by  the  Editor 
in  the  course  of  his  vihdra*  through  Rajputana  or 
Gujarat—,  and  supplying  as  they  do  names  and 
dates  in  an  accurate  form,  constitute,  perhaps,  the 
most  useful  and  genial  part  of  the  work.  Bach 
fasciculus  is  divided  into  three  parts  t  the  first 


134 


INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


1917 


containing  an  abridged  proee  translation  of  the 
particular  rdsaz,  illustrated  by  the  notes  mentioned 
above,  the  second  containing  the  poetical  texts,  and 
the  third  containing  lists  of  obsolete  or  difficult 
words  occurring  in  the  texts,  with  renderings  in 
modern  Gujarat!.  The  edition  of  the  texts  doss 
not  claim  to  be  critical,  it  is  merely  a  faithful  copy 
of  the  manuscripts,  but  as  these  are  for  the  most 
part  accurate,  the  absence  of  philological  criticism 
is  not  much  felt.  The  language  of  tho  rdvaa  is 
Old  Gujarati,  and  tho  works  contained  in  the  first 
two  fascicui,  with  which  we  are  concerned,  wore 
composed  between  Sonival  1589  and  1741. 

Of  course,  it  could  not  reasonably  be  expected 
that  all  the  works  which  form  the  subject  of  the 
Series  should  be  equally  important  from  tho  his- 
torical point  of  view.  The  fact  that  the  rasas 
selected  for  publication  are  defined  as  aitikasika 
in  the  title  given  to  the  Series,  does  not  mean  any- 
thing except  that  the  personages  described  or  men- 
tioned in  them  are  historical.  But  the  particulars 
given  of  the  life  of  these  personages  are  not  always 
so.  In  most  cases  the  account  is  fantastical  and 
full  of  supernatural  foots,  miracles,  etc.,  which  may 
bo  believed  by  the  devout  Jain*  but  are  more  rub- 
bish to  the  critic*  The  rdsas  contained  in  the  first 
fasciculus  are  six,  and  they  deal  with  the  subjects 
following : — 

1.  Kocara    Vyavahdri    R Asa.     Composed     by 
Guna  V  in  ay  a  in  Samvat  1687.  It  contains  a  legend 
concerning  Kocara,  a  Vls5  Poravaj-a  of  Salakhana- 
pura  (near  Anahilapura  Pa  tan  a) ,  who  became  lord 
of  twelve  villages  and  proclaimed  the  afiiari  (pro- 
hibition of  killing  any  animal)  throughout  this 
territory.    The    legend   appears    to  be  altogether 
fantastjcal,  but  a  DesaJahard  Sajana  Sf  of  Kham- 
bhata,  who  has  a  principal  part  in  the  legend ,  and 
other  Desoloharas  of  Delhi,  who  had  in  their   ser- 
vice a  bard  (ydcaka)  Do  Paja,  are  historical  persons 
ages,  as  shown  by  the  Editor  in  a  note. 

2.  Rasa    Ratna    Rdsa.    Composed    by  Jaya 
Candra  Gani  in  Samvat  1654.    It  contains  a  biogra- 
phical account  of  Raya  Candra  Suri,  his  predecessor 
Samara  Candra,  and  Samara  Candra's  predecessor 
Pariva  Candra.    The  last  mentioned  Acharya — 
who  was  the  founder  of  a  separate  gaccha — died  in 
Samvat  1612,   whilst  Raya  Candra  took  the  difad 
in  Sa*nvat  1626.     The  fact  that  the  rdsa  is  almost 
contemporary   with  the  personages  it   describes, 
makes  it  particularly  reliable  and  gives  the  account 
a  character  of  authenticity. 

3.  Sumati  Sddhu  SAri  Vivahald.  By  Lftvanya 
Samaya  (&mt««.century  1500).  A  short  biography 
of  Ratna  feekhara  Suri's  pupil  Sumati  Sadhu  Suri, 
who  lived  in  Sa^voi  1494*1501.  Sumati  S&dhl 


was  born  at  J&ura,  in  Mewar,  and  the  mention  of 
this  place,  which  is  now  in  ruins,  gives  the  Editor 
an  opportunity  for  inserting  an  erudite  note  on 
the  remains ,  which  he  has  explored. 

4.  Bhtma  CbpAl    Composed  by  a  pupil  of  Kfrti 
Sagara  Suri  in  Samvat  1742.     A  eulogy  of  Bhfma 
Saha,   a  pious  Poravaja  of  Asapura  (near  p£gara" 
pura),   with  special  reference  to  a  pilgrimage  which 
he,    in    the     function    of    sahyhapati,     made  to 
Dhulevajt  (Kosariyajl ) . 

5.  Khemb  Hafdliyd   nd     Rasa.     Composed  by 
Laksmf  Ratna   in    Sajpvat    1741.     A   legend  of  a 
setha,  Khemfc  of  Ha.-al5,  who  relieved  the  popula- 
tion of  Capanera  during  a  terrible  famine  under  the 
reign  of  Muhammad  Begaro. 

6.  Rdya  Candra  SAri  Guru  Bdrani&aa.     A  small 
poem  in  the  form   of  a  dialogue  between  Raya 
Candra — the  protagonist    of  the  Rasa  Ratna  Rasa 
mentioned  above — and  his  sister,  who  by  describ- 
ing to  him   the  different  beauties   and  pleasures 
obtaining  in  tho  twelve  months  of  the  year ,  tries  to 
dissuade  him  from  his  intention  to  take  tho  dik*d. 

The  second  fatciculutt  is  all  dedicated  to  a  single 
work,  called  the  Yatobhadrddi  Rdaa,  composed  by 
Lavanya  Samaya  in  tfamvat  1589.  In  the  intro- 
duction to  tho  work  (pp.  4-16),  tho  Editor  gives  a 
short  biographical  account  of  this  Jain  poet,  who 
was  born  at  Ahmodabad  in  Samvat  1521,  and  of 
his  productions,  which  are  all  poetical  works  and 
not  loss  than  30  in  number.  He  was,  of  course,  a 
monk,  ard  his  lay  name,  previous  to  his  initiation 
was  Lahu  Raja.  A  valuable  work  of  Lavaiiya 
Samaya — the  Vimala  Prabandha — had  already 
been  brought  to  light  by  Mam  Lfila  Bakora  Bhal 
of  Surat  (Samvat  1970).  Tho  present  work  falls 
into  three  parts,  or  tehandas,  of  which  the  two  first 
contain  the  life  of  Khimarsi  and  Balibhadra,  two 
disciples  of  Yaiobhadra  Suri ,  and  the  third  tho  life  of 
Yasobhadra  Suri  himself.  Considering  that  Lavanya 
Samaya  wrote  over  600  years  after  the  time 
in  which  his  protagonists  lived — Yaiobhadra  died 
Samvat  1029 — ,  it  is  no  wonder  if  his  account  is 
inaccurate  and  altogether  fantastical.  In  this 
respect  the  work  has  no  value  whatever,  histori- 
cally. But  there  are  many  other  rdsas  in  existence, 
which,  when  brought  to  light,  will  be  found  to 
better  justify  the  title  of  aitihdaika  which  Vijaya 
Dharma  Stiri  has  given  to  his  Rdaa  Samgraha. 
We  know  that  the  third  fasciculus  ia  already 
in  the  press,  and  let  us  express  the  hope  that  the 
learned  Jain  Acharya  may  continue  the  publication 
through  many  mare  fasciculi,  and  soon  enable  us 
to  have  a  deeper  and  sufficient  insight  into  this 
interesting  section  of  the  Jain  literature. 

L.  P.  TESSITORL 


1917] 


BOOK  NOTICES 


135 


07    RIJAEKHARA,     edited       by 
Mr.  0,  D.  DALAL,  M.A.  and  R.  ANANTAKRISHNA 
SHASTBY,  Baroda,  1916.  Price  Ra.  2. 
Oriental  scholars  will  over  remain  grateful  to  tho 
Government  of  His  Highness  tho  Maharaja  Gaok- 
wad  of  Baroda  for   the  publication  of  this    new 
•series  —  Gaekwad's  Oriental  Series  —  the  first  volume 
x>f  which  is  the  work  under  review.     Tho  editors 
have  discharged  their  duty  creditably  —  tho  edition 
being  a    critical  one  and  the   introduction   and 
notes  valuable. 

The  author  is  identical  with  the  RftjoRekhara, 
whose  name  is  famous  for  his  dramas,  Karpuranrtff- 
jar!,  BaiarAmayana,  <fce.  He  nails  himself  Yiiy&ua- 
riya  (born  in  the  Y&y.lvara  family)  and  very  often 
introduces  it  at  the  end  of  a  disoussion  on  a  topic 
aa'tft  Yily&varlyaVor'Mti  Y.lytvarlyaV  This  style 
in  ft  work  of  known  authorship  and  of  known  date 
is  a  tangible  refutation  of  the  theory  that  thajriMmv 
in  which  phrases  liko  itylha  tf'ldw&yanah,  iti  fto- 
dh&yvnaft,  Hi  Vtijt8ylyana'litn»iir  Kautilyah,  &(?.,  occur 
should  not  be  logically  ascribed  to  'those  dc/ntryav. 

Tho  work  under  review  is  a  treatise  on  nlatiklra. 
But  it  is  not  a  guide  for  the*  proper  appreciation  of 
raia^fi'i:ifita,\il  ft  'jura  4  of  spv  -h  of  classical  Sanskrit 
p>3try.  It  is  rather  a  handbook  for  the  guidance 
of  th>  pj^ts  thonrH.'Kvs.  FIo,nc^  it  mentions  tho 
ft  tret,  fauurt,  otc.  to  be  dc-tcrihad  in  connoi-tiou 
with  th'3  different  srusons  and  countries.  Thus 
has  been  introduced  a  brief  returns  of  gjogr.iphy 
with  an  account  of  tin  c  >lours  of  the  people  of 
•different  parts  of  India  —  a  Kiihjpuf,  which  is  tr>  l» 
compared  to  the  gtat;»nmits  in  the  BharataniUya- 
sAstra  (J.  A.  S.  /?.  1009,  pp.  359-60).  It  diseases 
the  question  of  plagiarism  and  how  far  it  may  b> 
allowed  and  sums  it  up  thus  :—  • 


It  mentions  the  local  peculiarities  of  Sanskrit 
and  Prakrit  pronunciation.  Tho  question  of  tho 
use  of  th-j  various  diale  -ts  as  tho  vehicle  of  poetry  has 
been  solved  thus  :—  r  tftTT  %  [^^^JF^^] 


tt   mlaram 

(mixed)  roprescntod  as  the  breast  of  the  embodi- 
ment of  pootry  ?  Is  it  not  a  mixed  language  liko 
the  G&th£  of  the  Buddhists  or  Senart's  •«  Mixed 
Sanskrit*'  of  Inscriptions?  In  connection  with 
tho  bearing  of  the  various  branches  of  learning  to 
poetry  .t  classifies  Arthasastra,  N&tyaSAstra  and 
Kamasfttra,  under  one  head—  Rajasiddhanta  (p.  37). 
The  systsms  of  philosophy  have  been  classified 
thus  ;— 

Pramfinika. 


Mfmatiisa 


Anvtkshikt  or  Tarka 


Purva-        Uttara- 
Mlmariisa    MtmathsA 


Purva 


Arhat  Bhadanta  Loka; 
{Set  p,  4  and  pp.  30-7] 


Uttara 


^  Vaiseshika 


Interosting'also  is  tho  classification  of  poets  un- 
dor  ten  heads  ^JCAvyavidy/isnAtaka  (novice  in  tho 
art  of  poetry).  Hridayakavi  (one  who  keeps  his 
poems  concealed  in  his  own  heart),  Any£padesf  (a 
shy  poet  publishing  his  poems  under  a  pseudonym), 
Mahftkavi,  Kavirflja,  Avoaika  (inspired),  etc.  '(pp 
19-20).  It  gives  a  sidelight  ou  kings  and  their 
patronage  to  arts  and  sciences.  A  king  "  should 
have  a  special  chamber  for  testing  literary  compo- 

fticms Jn  (its)  middle  there  should 

no  an  altar  .  .  .  Here  tho  Icing  should  take 
his  seat.  On  Us  northern  sido  should  be  seated 
banskrit  poets  and  behind  them  Vaidikaa  logi- 
cians, Panr,imkas,  Suvlrtas,  physicians,  astrolo- 
gy andKiich  others;  on  tin  eastern  Hide  the 
1  rAknta  poets,  and  behind  them  actors,  dancers, 
singers,  musicians,  bards  arid  such  others;  on  the 
w.wtorn  sido  tho  [Apabhra:hi5aJ  poots  and  behind 

them  painters,  jewel- setters and  suoh 

otlnrs ;  and  on  the  southern  side  PaisAcha  poots  and 
behind  thorn.  .  .  ropadnncor*  jugglers,  wrest- 
lers and  professional  soldiers.  .  .  A  king  should 
h'»ld  assemblies  for  the  examination  of  the  works 
of  poets.  Ho  should  patronize  poots,  bjcomo  the 
Sftbhipati  (president)  liko  the  ancient  kings,  Vflsu- 
deva,  SAtavAhana,  fcildraka  and  tflhasimka,  and 
honour  and  give  donations  lo  thy  pODts,  whose 
works  stand  the  tes',  Assemblies  of  learned  men 
(BrahinnabhAs)  should  b)  h  »ld  in  big  cities  for 
examining  p)^ticaland  .sciontili-  works;  an  1  the 
suRCi^ssful  should  bi  conveyed  in  a  spocia  chariot 
and  should  b,^  crowned  with  a  tillel.  Such  assem- 
blios  for  examining  in  poetry  \\vrv  lield  in  Ujjayini. 
Ivalidusa.  Mentha,  Amara.  il'ipn,  Xlra,  BhAravi, 
Harichandra  and  Dl)andra^iiptu  were  examined 
hero.  Putaliputra  was  tho  centre  for  examinations 
in  sciences.  It  was  after  passing  from  here  that 
Upftvarsha.  Varsha,  PAjiini,  Fingala.  VyAdi,  Vara- 
ruchi,  and  Patanjali  got  fame  as  ^jAstrakaras. 

Novel  also  is  Rfljasoklmr.i's  idea  of  the  K&vya- 
purusha  and  his  bride,  NAhityavitlydi'adli&. 

Apart  from  those  and  other  original  matters  (c.  g. 
divine  origin  of  poetics  ;  promulgation  of  poetics  ; 
its  position  in  literature  &c.)  I  ho  work  is  also  in- 
teresting for  its  charming  style.  Though  aphorism- 
like  and  torse,  its  prose  is  vigorous,  exceedingly 
charming  and  pleasing  to  the  ears. 

Little  did  our  author  dream,  when  he  inserted 
in  his  work  (p.  27) 


that  he  will  find  a  paramopakAH  in  the  person  of 
H.  H.  tho  Maharaja  Gaekwa'l  who  will  ever  be 
praised  by  all  lovers  of  Sanskrit  literature  for  this 
act  of  literary  patronage. 

StJRENDRANATH  MAJCTMDAR  SASTRJ. 


ANNUAL  REPORT  OF  THE  MYSORE  AROH^SOLOGIOAL 
DEPARTMENT,  FOR  THE  YEAR  1916,  BAXTOALORB. 
By  RAO  BAHADUR  R.  NARASIMKAOHAR,  M.A. 
IT  is  gratifying  to  note  that  the  Archaeological 
Department  of  the  Mysore  Government  has  main- 
tained its  best  traditions  by  its  manifold  activities 
during  the  period  under  review.  The  Report  which 


196 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


.gives  a  brief  but  illuminating  summary  of  ita 
work*  does  great  credit  to  the.  Department  as  well 
as  to  the  Government,  to  whose  unstinted  patro- 
nage it  owes  its  existence  and  steady  pr  ogre  SB. 

The  structures  and  the  records  whose  accounts 
are  published  for  the  first  time  in  the  Report 
under  review,  are  many  in  number  and  of  great 
importance  to  the  students  of  Indian  History-  It  is 
impossible  to  give  a,  full  account  of  them  ;  but  we 
may  refer  to  a  few  'specimens  in  order  to  give 
an  idea  of  the  importance  of  the  new  finds. 

Two  temples  at  Tuiuvfckere,  described  and  illuB- 
irated  in  pp.  1-2,  and  the  Chennakeaava  temple  of 
Tandaga  (p.  4,  pi.  V.)  are  good  models  of  structures 
of  the  Hoysaja  style,  a  peculiarity  of  the  last 
being  that  '  every  architectural  member  and  piece 
composing  the  structure  bears  t  n  iuncription  giving 
its  position,  direction,  etc.  in  the  building/  A  small 
neat  temple  at  Jambitige  (p.  0)  built  in  1733,  is 
remarkable  for  its  sculptures  ;  and  we  are  told  that 
'  every  inch  of  space  is  carved  with  figures,  etc.,  on 
the  outer  walls  and  inner  walk,  too,  of  the 
Sukhan&si  (vestibule).  By  far  the  most  remarkable 
discoveries  of  the  year,  were,  however,  made  at 
Sringeri,  one  of  the  four  places  where  the  great 
&ankaraoharya  established  tnathw*  or  monasteries. 
The  historical  account  of  the  math,  occupied  by 
the  disciples  of  &ankaracharya  down  to  the  present 
day  by  a  regular  succession  of  SvAtnis  is  as 
interest  ing  as  it  is  instructive.  We  are  told  that 
there  are  three  families  which  receive  special 
honours  even  now  at  the  Sringeri  matha,  because 
their  progenitors  helped  Sayana  in  the  competition 
of  the  commentaries  on  the  Vedas.  (p.  12).  The 
most  remarkable  of  the  more  than  forty  temples 
at  Sringeri  is  the  artistically  executed  Vidya- 
&ankara  temp'e  described  and  illustrated  in  pp.  12 
and  ft.  and  platea  I,  VI,  VII  and  VIIJ.  The 
temple  was  probably  erected  in  the  14th  century, 
but  its  plan  is  unique,  it  being  apsidal  at  both  the 
ends.  The  formation  of  its  tower  is  peculiar,  and 
its  outer  walls  have,  from  the  bottom,  friezes  of  (1) 
horses,  (2)  elephants,  (3)  lion?,  (4)  pvrAnic  scenes, 
etc.  and  (5)  dwaifs,  with  a  few  camels  here  und 
there  in  the  first  frieze  Above  the  frieze  of  dwarfs 
comes  a  row  of  large  figures,  about  104  in  number, 
of  a  variety  of  deities  including  those  of  Kalki, 
ParaBurama,  Garu^a,  Hanumfin  and  Vylsu.  (?) 
It  is  very  accurately  observed  in  the  Report  that 
the  temple  as  far  aw  it  goes  is  a  veritable  museum 
of  sculptures  for  the  study  of  Hindu  iconography. 
The  Sculptured  monolithic  pillars,  with  liona  and 
ridci^  mu&t  be  looked  upon  aft  remarkable  produc- 
tions. On  the  whole  it  may  be  paid  without  any 
hesitaticn,  that  Mysore  Archaeological  Department 
has  laid  the  students  of  Indian  art  and  iconography 
under  a  debt  of  gratitude  by  bringing  this  temple  to 
the  notice  of  the  public  and  it  may  be  confidently 
expected  that  a  monograph  on  the  temple  will 
shortly  ,be  published  in  order  to  give  a  full  and 
adequate  account  of  this  artistic  treasure. 

We  need 'not  dwell  longer  upon  the  rich  dis- 
coveries mad^.at  Bringeri,  including,  besides  the 
temples,  50  flew" '  inscriptions,  200  sanads,  150 
coins  and  a  large  number  of  palmleaf  manuscripts. 
Some  of  the  temples  found  at  other  places  are  also 
remarkable  and  add  to  our  knowledge  in  various 
ways. 

As  regards  the  records,  discovered  during  the 
year,  the  most  ancient  are  the  two  sots  of  copper, 
plates,  one  of  Konkanivarma  or  Avinlta  and  one 
of  his  son  Durvinltai  Almost  all  the  earlier  in* 
acriptions  of  this  dynasty  including  those  of  the 


two  sovereigns  have  been  declared  to  be  spurious- 
by  competent  authorities  (Ep.  Ind.  Vol.  VIL 
Appendix  p.  20  &).  A»  regards  the  present  inserip* 
tion  of  Konkanivarma/ the  author  of  the  Report 
tells  us  that  barring  a  few  orthographical  errors^ 
there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  dear  indication 
of  the  record  being  spurious*  (p.  44).  He  is, 
however,  more  definite  about  the  inscription  of 
Durvinfta  and  styles  it  as  a  genuine  record  of  about 
500.  A,D.  on  the  strength  of  its  language,  ortho* 
grapy  and  palaeography. 

The  other  inscriptions  discovered  during  tlie 
period  under  review  belong  to  the  No  Jamb  as,  the 
Chalukyas,  the  Chojag,  the  SilAharas  of  Karad,  the 
Rattdti  of  Saundatti,  the  Hoyeajas  and  the  Vijay- 
nagar  dynasties.  Of  these,  the  long  inscription  of 
about  80  lines,  found  at  Belgaum  district  and 
recorded  in  the  reign  of  the  Silahara  Chief  VijayA- 
ditya,  is  of  considerable  importance.  It  is  a  fine 
specimen  of  Kannada  verse  and  probably  furnishes 
a  later  date  for  Vijayaditya  than  has  hitherto  been* 
known. 

Many  of  the  sanads  discovered  at  8ringeri  math, 
are  of  considerable  interest  and  importance  from 
an  historical  and  social  j  oint  of  view.  Several 
of  them  recognise  the  full  powers  of  the  SvGmi  to 
order  enquiries  into  the  conduct  of  the  disciples  and 
to  punish  the  delinquents  ;  others  are  addreese  d  to 
local  officers  telling  them  that  the  Mark  as,  a  class 
of  feudras,  should  be  warned  against  adopting  tho 
customs  and  observance**  of  the  Brahman  as,  that 
the  DC  Win  gas  should  not  be  permitted  to  wear  the 
sacred  thread  end  that  no  interest  higher  than  12" 
p.  c.  per  annum  should  be  allowed  to  be  c'emanded. 

In  conclusion,  reference  must  be  made  to  tho 
diecovry  of  a  series  of  very  interesting  correspon- 
dence between  the  authorities  of  ftringeri  math 
and  Haidar  Ali  and  Tipu  Sultan.  They  throw  a 
flood  of  light  on  the  relation  subsisting  between 
these  Mahorocdan  rulers  and  their  Hindu  subjects. 
Special  importance  attaches  to  the  letters  of  Tipu 
Sultan  inasmuch  as  they  seem  to  disprove,  or  in  any 
case  modify  the  too  generally  accepted  hypothesis 
I  of  his  bigotry  in  religious  matters  and  want  of  to- 
leration towards  the  Hindu  religion.  Altogether  28 
letters  of  Tipu  have  been  discovered  at  feringeri, 
and  in  every  one  of  them,  Tipu  gives  expression  to 
the  high  regaid  in  which  he  holds  the  Sidmi  of  the 
math,  und  entreats  him  to  pray  for  the  welfare  of 
himself  and  his  kingdom  and  to  send  him  his 
blessings.  We  also  learn  from  these  letter*,  that 
when  tho  svfimi  informed  Tipu  how  the  Marathas 
raided  Sringeri,  killed  and  wounded  many  Brah- 
manas  and  other  people  pulled  out  the  goddess 
ESradA  and  carried  off  everything  Ipund  in  the 
Math,  and  asked  for  Government  help  in  the 
shape  of  money  and  things  to  enable  him  to  re- 
consecrate the  image  of  the  goddees,  tho  Sultan 
replied  thus  : —  '•'• 

"  People  who  have  sinned  against  such  a  holy 
place  are  sure  to  suffer  the  consequences  of  their 
misdeeds  at  no  distant  date  in  tills  Kali  age  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  verse. 

Hasadbhih  kriyatt  karma  rudadbhiranubhtiyafo, 
'  people  do  evil  deeds  smiling,  but  will  suffer  the 
consequences  weeping.1'  The  Sultan  at  the  same 
time  enclosed  an  order  to  the  Asaf  of  Nagar 
directing  him  to  give  on  behalf  of  Government  200 
rahati  in  cash  and  200  rahati  worth  of  grain  for  the 
consecration  of  the  goddess  SAradft  and  to  supply 
other  articles,  if  desired,  for  money,  (p,  74,) 

R.  C.  MlJUBfDAB, 


\SJA  139 

JULY,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOUKNBY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ^ 


A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,  1913-16. 
BY  SIR  AUREL  STEIN,  K.C.I.E.,  D.Sc.,  D.LITT. 
(Continued  from  p.  118.) 

D  Y  September  5  we  had  reached  the  head  of  the  main  Hunza  Valley  over  the  Kermin  or 
*^  Rich  Pass.  Crossing  two  days  later  the  border  of  Chinese  Turkestan  on  the  Mintaka 
Pass  (15,430  feet)  I  found  myself  restored  to  ground  familiar  from  my  two  former  journeys. 
But  how  easy  the  previously  followed  routes  seemed  by  comparison  with  our  recent  tracks  ! 
Since  leaving  the  Kashmir  Valley  we  had  crossed  altogether  fifteen  passes,  between  10,000 
and  17,400  feet  in  height.  The  total  marching  distance  covered  during  these  five  weeks 
was  over  500  miles,-  and  of  this  nearly  four-fifths  had  neods  to  bo  done  on  foot. 

Rapid  as  was  my  descent  down  the  Taghdumbash  Valley  to  Tashkurghan,  I  could  use  it 
for  fresh  surveys  of  antiquarian  interest.  It  must  suffice  here  to  mention  an  ancient  canal 
of  large  size,  famous  in  local  lore  but  abandoned  for  long  centuries,  which  had  once  brought 
fertility  to  extensive  areas  along  the  right  river-bank,  now  almost  wholly  desert.  We  could 
trace  its  remains,  in  places  remarkably  well  preserved,  for  a  distance  of  over  40-  miles,  from 
Dafdar  to  below  Toghlan-shahr,  There,  opposite  to  Tash-kurghan,  still  as  in  ancient  times 
the  chief  place  of  Sarikol,  I  found  also  ruins  of  Buddhist  shrines  which  had  previously 
escaped  me. 

On  leaving  Sarikol  fur  Kashgar  I  followed  for  a  couple  of  days  the  main  caravan  route 
through  the  mountains.  I  was  here  on  the  track  of  Hsuan-tsang,  the  groat  Chinese  Buddhist 
pilgrim  whom  over  since  my  first  journey  I  claim  as  my  patron  saint.  So  it  was  a  special 
satisfaction  when  «>n  crossing  the  high  plateau  of  the  Chichiklik  Maidan,  already  under 
fresh  snow,  I  found  conclusive  evidence  that  a  badly  decayed  enclosure,  now  worshipped  as 
a,  sacred  site  by  Muhammadans  and  used  as  a  burial-place  for  unfortunate  wayfarers, 
represents,  as  I  had  previously  conjectured,  the  remains  of  an  ancient  hospice  which  Hsuan- 
tsang  described  as  a  place  connected  with  a  sacred  Buddhist  legend. 

Beyond  this  our  routes  divided.  Lai  Singh  moved  off  by  rapid  inarches  in  order  to 
reach,  vi{l  Yarkand  and  Khotan,  that  portion  of  the  main  Kun-lun  range  along  which  I  was 
anxious  to  have  our  triangulation  of  1906  extended  as  far  aa  possible  eastwards.  My  heavy 
baggage  was  despatched  to  Kashgar  by  the  usual  route  via  Ighizyar  under  Afrazgul  and 
Shams  Bin.  I  myself  set  out  due  north  with  the  second  surveyor  in  order  to  reach  the  same 
goal  by  a  new  route,  across  the  Merki  Pass  and  down  the  valley  of  the  Kara-tash  or  Beshkan 
River  which  receives  most  of  the  eastern  drainage  of  the  great  glacier-clad  range  of  Muztagh- 
ata.  Owing  to  special  difficulties  this  important  valley  had  never  been  explored  in  its  whole 
length.  In  the  spring  and  summer  the  narrow  gorges  of  the  Karatash  River  are  rendered 
quite  impassable  by  the  big  floods  of  the  melting  glaciers.  By  the  time  these  floods  subside 
in  the  autumn,  heavy  snow  on  the  Merki  Pass  equally  closes  the  route  to  traffic.  In  the 
spring  of  1906  I  had  sent  my  late  surveyor,  plucky  Rai  Ram  Singh,  to  descend  the  valley, 
but  his  attempt  was  completely  baffled.  Chance  showed  more  favour  to  me  now.  An 
-exceptional  succession  of  early  snowfalls  had  stopped  the  melting  of  the  glacier  ice  just  in  time 
to  allow  of  my  passage  while  the  Merki  Pass  (14,500  feet),  though  deep  under  snow,  could 
still  be  traversed  with  laden  yaka.  But  even  thus  the  descent  through  the  river  gorge  for 
two  long  marches  proved  a  very  difficult  and  in  places  risky  business.  The  constant  cross- 
ings of  the  river  tossing  between  sheer  rock  walls  could  not  have  been  safely  effected  without 
opportunely  secured  Kirghiz  camels,  and  none  but  such  hardy  local  camels  accustomed  to 


186  -* 

m /•  y:  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1017 

gives    a  bri 

w^ksdoes^und  could  have  negotiated  the  boulder-strewn  narrow  tracks  leading  elsewhere  along 

the  foot  of  these  precipices. 

By  September  19  we  had  safely  emerged  from  the  last  of  these  gloomy  defiles,  and  two 
days  later  a  40  miles'  ride  through. fertile  plains  carried  me  back  to  Kashgar.  There  I  had 
the  great  joy  of  being  received  once  again,  after  seven  years'  absence,  by  my  old  and  ever- 
helpful  friend,  Sir  George  Macartney,  under  the  hospitable  roof  of  Chini-bagh,  now  much 
enlarged  and  rebuilt  as  befitted  its  new  dignity  as  a  British  Consulate-General.  The  two 
busy  weeks  passed  in  those  familiar  cheerful  surroundings  would  certainly  not  have  sufficed 
for  all  the  heavy  work  which  the  organization  of  my  caravan  demanded,  had  not  the  watch- 
ful care  and  often  proved  prevision  of  my  kind  host  aided  me  in  every  direction. 

In  due  course  there  arrived  twelve  fine  camels  from  Keriya,  accustomed  to  desert  work 
and  selected  by  Hassan  Akhun,  my  experienced  old  camel  factotum,  who  was  now  about  to 
embark  on  the  third  of  our  long  expeditions  into  the  "  sea  of  sand."  Other  faithful  old 
Turki  followers,  too,  were  glad  to  take  their  place  again  in  my  caravan.  I  had  been  delight- 
ed to  see  again  at  Kashgar  my  devoted  Chinese  secretary  and  friend,  Chiangssu-yeh,  who 
had  proved  so  valuable  on  my  second  journey.  Since  then  he  had  been  rewarded  by  being 
appointed  Chinese  Munshi  at  the  Consulate-General.  But  notwithstanding  this  comfort- 
able berth,  I  think  he  would  have  been  glad  to  rejoin  me  had  not  his  increasing  years  and  a 
serious  affection  of  his  ears  warned  me  against  accepting  the  sacrifice  and  risks  which  such  a 
step  would  have  involved  for  my  old  companion. 

Li-ssu-yeh,  the  shrivelled-up  weakly  young  man  whom  Chiang  provided  for  the  post 
of  ca,mp- liter atust  turned  out  to  be  a  poor  substitute,  as  I  had  apprehended  from  the  first. 
.But  there  was  no  other  choice  at  Kashgar.  Wholly  absorbed  in  the  task  of  treating  his  ail- 
ments, real  and  imaginary,  with  every  Chinese  quack  medicine  he  could  lay  hold  of,  and 
as  taciturn  and  inert  as  a  mummy,  Li  was  useless  for  the  manifold  scholarly  and  practical 
labours  in  which  Chiang  had  engaged  with  such  cheery  energy.  But  anyhow  he  managed 
to  indite  my  Chinese  epistles,  and  he  did  not  play  me  false  in  my  dealings  with  Chinese 
officials. 

For  this  negative  virtue  I  had  reason  to  feel  specially  grateful.  The  revolution  of  1911 
had  greatly  changed  many  aspects  of  Chinese  officialdom  even  in  this  distant  province,  and 
scarcely  for  the  better.  A  series  of  assassinations  of  Mandarins  and  petty  outbreaks  foment- 
ed by  unscrupulous  office-seekers  had  during  1912  seriously  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
"  New  Dominion,"  though  they  were  confined  to  the  numerically  weak  Chinese  element, 
and  left  the  mass  of  the  people,  respectable  Turki  Muhammadans,  in  their  characteristic 
unconcern.  It  had  been  due  largely  to  the  wise  counsels  and  moderating  influence  of 
Sir  George  Macartney,  who  for  many  years  past  has  enjoyed  wide  and  richly  deserved  respect 
among  all  classes,  that  the  province  had  escaped  complete  anarchy.  Under  the  influence  of 
a  somewhat  stronger  regime  at  headquarters  things  had  become  more  settled  before  the  time 
of  my  return.  But  it  was  difficult  not  to  realize  that  the  so-called  revolutionary  movement 
in  Hsin-chiang  had  in  various  respects  adversely  affected  the  general  type  of  officials  in 
power.  Some  of  the  best  qualities  of  the  old  local  Mandarin  world,  including  regard  for 
scholarly  aims  and  labours,  had  manifestly  been  discarded,  while  the  beneficial  effect  hoped 
for  from  "Western  learning  "  and  republican  methods  was  still  conspicuous  by  its  absence. 
There  was  only  too  much  justification  for  Sir  George  Macartney's  shrewd  warning  that  I 
could  not  safely  reckon  upon  finding  always  the  same  favourable  disposition  at  Chinese 
Yamens,  which  had  facilitated  my  explorations  so  much  during  previous  journeys. 


JULY,  1917  ]       A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  139 

After  a  stay  which  reunion  with  the  kindest  of  friends,  Sir  George  and  Lady  Macart- 
ney, and  the  glorious  autumn  season  had  combined  to  render  most  pleasant,  I  left  the  Kash- 
gar. Consulate-General  on  October  9  for  my  first  winter's  work  in  the  desert.  Its  main  goal 
was  the  region  around  the  dried-up  Lop-nor,  in  the  extreme  east  of  the  Tarim  Basin,  and  the 
whole  length  of  the  Taklamakan,  that  great  sea  of  drift-sand  over  600  miles  in  a  straight 
line,  separated  me  from  it.  A  variety  of  considerations  obliged  me  to  revisit  Khotan,  and 
once  there  I  was  bound  to  proceed  by  the  only  possible  route  which  skirts  the  southern  edge 
of  the  Taklamakan.  Much  of  the  ground  to  bo  traversed  there  was  already  familiar  to  me 
from  my  previous  expeditions,  and  for  this  reason  I  was  all  the  more  eager  to  use  whatever 
•chance  of  new  routes  the  limits  of  time  left  me  on  my  way  to  Khotan. 

This  induced  me  to  move  first  due  east  to  the  oasis  of  Maral-bashi  along  the  foot  of  ttye 
steep  and  barren  mountain  chain  which  forms  here  tho  southernmost  rampart  of  the  Tien- 
shan.  It  had  in  its  main  part  remained  so  far  unsurveyed,  but  reports,  previously  collected, 
weemed  to  indicate  that  an  old  route,  now  but  vaguely  rememlwred  in  local  lore,  had  during 
earlier  periods  of  Chinese  domination  skirted  the  foot  of  that  chain  and  been  in  use  for  traffic 
instead  of  the  present  high  ki>  road,"  recie  caravan  track,  loading  much  further  south  along 
the  actual  course  of  the  Kashgar  River.  The  accurate  survey  now  effected  confirmed 
that  tradition  and  proved  the  existence  of  a  series  of  small  ruined  sites  echeloned  along  a 
line  of  some  160  miles  and  dating  from  pre-Muhammadan  times.  The  ground  occupied  by 
them  on  the  gentle  desert  glacis  of  the  hill  chain  is  now  wholly  without  water.  There  were 
also  other  physical  observations  of  interest  to  be  gathered,  clearly  pointing  to  desiccation 
within  historical  times,  and  not  explainable  by  the  fact  that  the  winding  bed  and  inunda- 
tion marshes  of  the  Kashgar  River  were  found  to  have  at  one  period,  perhaps  relatively 
recent,  approached  that  desert  glacis  in  places  more  closely  than  they  do  at  present.  We 
had  met  with  serious  trouble  about  water,  no  drinkable  supply  having  been  found  on  three 
successive  inarches.  This  served  as  a  suitable  preparation  for  difficulties  to  be  faced  on 
our  desert  travel  ahead. 

By  October  18  we  were  glad  to  reach  the  fields  and  fruit-gardens  of  Maral-bashi.  The 
survey  of  some  badly  injured  Buddhist  ruins  in  the  vicinity  and  of  the  curious  canal  system 
by  which  the  oasis  obtains  the  major  portion  of  its  by  no  moans  abundant  irrigation  from  the 
Kashgardarya  here  approaching  its  end,  occupied  me  for  a  few  days.  But  in  the  main  my 
short  stay  was  taken  up  with  careful  preparations  for  the  attempt  1  planned  to  make  my 
way  to  the  desert  hills  of  the  Mazar-tagh  on  the  lower  Khotan  River  by  a  short  cut  through 
the  Taklamakan.  I  knew  well  the  formidable  obstacles  and  the  risks  presented  by  the  wide 
intervening  belt  of  absolutely  waterless  drift-sand  desert.  But  by  sending  all  baggage, 
•except  an  absolutely  necessary  minimum,  to  Khotan  by  the  caravan  route  vid  Yarkand ; 
by  reducing  in  the  same  way  my  camp  to  a  few  indispensable  followers,  and  keeping  most 
of  our  fine  camels  for  the  transport  of  water  in  my  six  galvanized  iron  tanks  and  the  very 
numerous  goatskins  I  had  brought  from  India,  I  could  hope  safely  to  overcome  the  difficulty 
about  water.  The  advent  of  the  cold  season  would  help  our  brave  camels  to  face  a  long 
fast  from  grazing  and  water. 

Apart  from  the  attraction  presented  by  the  short  cut  and  the  fascination  of  such  a  desert 
cruise,  there  was  an  important  geographical  task  to  justify  the  enterprise.  Our  surveys  of 
1908  had  shown  reason  for  the  belief  that  the  Mazar-tagh  hills,  then  traced  for  some  20  miles 
into  the  Taklamakan,  belonged  in  geological  structure  to  an  ancient  range  which  started  at 
an  angle  from  the  outermost  Tien-shan  near  Mara-bashi  and  once  extended  across  the 


140  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917 

Taklamakan  in  a  south-easterly  direction.  The  way  in  which  the  bold  island-like  hills  to  the 
east  of  Maral-bashi  have  been  carved  out  and  isolated  by  the  manifest  action  of  wind-driven 
sand  prolonged  through  endless  ages  left  little  doubt  as  to  how  the  continuity  of  that  assum- 
ed ancient  hill  range  had  been  broken  up.  But  only  actual  survey  of  the  ground  could 
supply  definite  proof. 

On  October  25  I  left  Maral-bashi  with  six  hired  camels,  all  I  could  secure,  to  act  as  a 
"  supporting  party  "  to  lighten  the  loads  of  our  own  on  the  initial  stages  of  the  desert 
journey,  and  three  days  later  we  reached  the  last  of  those  sand-scoured  hills  m  the  desert 
southeastwards,  known  as  Chok-tagh.  From  a  lake  near  it,  which  inundations  from  the 
Yarkand  Riverfeed,  but  which  we  found  brackish  at  its  end,  Hedin  had  started  in  May  1896 
on  that  bold  journey  through  the  sandy  wastes  eastward  which  ended  with  the  destruction 
of  his  caravan  and  his  own  narrow  escape.  Steering  a  south-easterly  course  we  forced  our 
way  for  throe  trying  marches  into  the  sea  of  dunes.  Closely  packed  and  steep  from  the 
start,  they  grew  steadily  higher  and  invariably  rose  in  a  line  running  diagonally  across  our 
intended  direction.  By  the  second  day  all  trace  of  vegetation,  dead  or  living,  was  left  behind, 
and  an  endless  succession  of  mighty  ridges,  with  not  a  patch  of  evel  sand  between  them, 
faced  us.  The  ridges  to  be  climbed  soon  reached  200-3<H>  feet  in  height,  and  progress 
became  painfully  slow  with  the  heavily  laden  camels.  Careful  levels  taken  along  our 
track  showed  an  aggregate  ascent  of  some  400  feet  over  a  single  mile's  distance,  with 
corresponding  descents  even  more  trying  to  the  camels. 

It  was  by  far  the  most  forbidding  ground  I  had  ever  encountered  in  the  Taklamakan. 
By  the  evening  of  the  third  day  the  hired  camels  of  the  "  supporting  party  "  had  either 
broken  down  completely  or  showed  serious  signs  of  exhaustion.  Next  morning  I  ascended 
the  highest  dune  near  our  camp,  and  carefully  scanning  the  horizon  saw  nothing  but  the 
same  expanse  of  formidable  sand  ridges  like  huge  waves  of  an  angry  ocean  suddenly  arrested 
in  movement.  There  was  a  strange  allurement  in  this  vista  suggesting  nature  in  the  contor- 
tions of  death.  But  hard  as  it  seemed  to  resist  the  syren  voices  of  the  desert  which  called 
me  onwards,  1  felt  forced  to  turn  northward.  Though  we  men  might  have  struggled  through , 
I  should  probably  have  had  to  incur  the  needless  sacrifice  of  some  of  our  brave  camels  which 
were  to  bo  the  mainstay  of  our  transport  for  the  winter's  explorations,  besides  the  loss  of 
indispensable  equipment.  It  was  as  well  that  I  took  that  hard  decision  in  time  :  for  by  the* 
third  day  after  there  sprung  up  a  violent  4  Buran  '  which,  by  its  bitter  cold,  proved  most 
trying  even  where  fuel  was  abundant,  and  if  met  with  amidst  the  high  sand  ridges  would 
have  brought  us  to  a  stand- still  and  caused  serious  suffering  and  risks. 

Sorry  as  I  was  to  give  up  the  effort  two  interesting  discoveries  had  already  rewarded  it. 
Again  and  again  we  had  come  between  the  high  dunes  upon  patches  covered  with  minute 
but  easily  recognizable  fragments  of  rock  flakes  of  the  wind-eroded  hill  range  once  extend- 
ing right  through  to  the  Khotan  River.  Elsewhere,  fully  30  miles  from  the  nearest  trace- 
able bed  of  the  Yarkand  River,  a  small  belt  of  eroded  ground  displayed  on  its  surface  abun- 
dant remains  of  the  Stone  Age,  proving  occupation  by  a  Palaeolithic  settlement  of  what  is 
now  absolutely  lifeless  desert.  Neolithic  arrow-heads  turned  up  on  similar  ground  nearer 
to  Chok-tagh. 

After  crossing  the  Yarkand  River  behind  that  hill  chain  we  fortunately  secured  ponies 
from  a  grazing-ground,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  push  on  rapidly  through  hitherto  uneur- 
veyed  tracts  of  riverine  jungle,  largely  dead,  to  where,  near  Gorachol,  the  last  dried-up 
offshoots  of  the  Kashgardarya  bed  lose  themselves.  Thence,  with  fresh  animals,  we  gained 


JULY,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOUKNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  141 

the  delta  of  the  Khotau  River  by  a  route  not  previously  surveyed.  It  showed  me  the  great 
change  which,  since  my  passage  of  1908,  had  taken  place  in  the  river's  terminal  course. 
A  series  of  rapid  inarches  by  the  Khotaudarya,  then  completely  dry,  carried  me  back  to  the 
end  of  the  Mazar-tagh  range  I'had  first  visited  in  1908.  There  I  found  the  transport  and 
labourers  ordered  ahead  from  Khotan  duly  awaiting  me,  and  was  able  by  resumed  spade- 
work  to  secure  interesting  archaeological  results  at  the  ruined  fort.  Besides  additional 
written  records  of  Tibetan  times  there  came  to  light  remains  of  a  Buddhist  shrine,  imme- 
diately below  the  alleged  Muhammadans  saints'  tombs,  from  which  the  desolate  desert  hill 
derives  its  present  designation.  Thus  the  continuity  of  local  worship,  so  important  a 
feature  in  the  history  of  Asiatic  religious  beliefs,  received  another  striking  illustration. 

On  November  211  regained  my  old  haunts  at  Khotan  town,  and  was  cheered  by  a  warm 
welcome  from  ray  old  local  friends.  A  brief  halt  necessitated  by  manifold  practical  arrange- 
ments was  used  also  to  gather  such  antiques  as  my  old  friend  the  Indian  Aksakal  Badru'd- 
din  Khan,  now  rewarded  by  the  title  of  Khan  Sahib  for  his  help  in  the  past,  and  others 
had  collected  for  me  from  Yotkan,  tho  site  of  the  ancient  Khotan  capital,  and  from  the 
desert  sites  which  Khotau  '"  treasure-seekers  "  are  in  tho  habit  of  annually  searching.  On 
November  28,  I  left  tho  familiar  base  of  my  former  expeditions  to  resume  the  long  journey 
eastwards.  There  was  still  a  marching  distance  of  close  on  700  miles  separating  me  from 
Lop-nor,  and  it  was  essential  for  the  work  planned  in  that  desert  region  that  I  should  reach  it 
iii  time  while  the  winter  cold  lasted  and  allowed  water  to  be  transported  in  the  convenient 
form  of  ice. 

But  rapid  as  my  progress  had  to  bo  I  could  not  forego  sui-L  Convenient  opportunities 
for  archteological  work  as  familiar  sites  near  my  route  still  held  out.  Thus  we  recovered 
Homo  interesting  fresco  remains  from  the  ruin  of  a  Bullhist  shrine  \\hich  had  conn  to  light 
since  my  last  visit  in  the  area  of  tamarisk-covered  cones  of  sand  north  of  Domoko,  near 
which  Hsiian-tsang's  fV-wo  (Marco  Polo's  Pein)  must  be  located.  From  the  Niya  oasis, 
which  was  reached  on  December  9,  1  revisited  the  fascinating  sand -buried  settlement  in  tho 
desert  northward  below  the  pilgrimage  place  of  Imam-.Jafar-Sadik.  Abandoned  to  the 
desert  since  tho  third  century  A.D.,  it  had  yielded  plenty  of  important  relics  and  records  in 
tho  course  of  my  former  explorations.  But  owing  to  the  deceptive  nature  of  the  dune- 
covered  ground  and  other  reasons,  it  had  not  been  possible  to  exhaust  it  completely.  It 
did  not  disappoint  me  now  either.  By  a  close  search  of  previously  unexplored  ground  to 
the  south-west  of  the  main  portion  of  the  ancient  oasis  we  discovered  more  ruined  dwellings 
of  the  same  early  ]>eriod  hidden  among  the  high  tamarisk-eovorod  sand-cones.  The 
employment  of  a  large  number  of  diggers  rendered  rapid  clearing  possible,  also  in  tho  case 
of  certain  structures  which  before  had  seemed  too  deeply  buried  in  the  sand  for  complete 
exploration.  Thus,  apart  from  furniture,  household  implements,  etc.,  we  recovered  a 
further  collection  of  Kharoshthi  documents  on  wood,  written  in  tho  Indian  language  and 
script  which  had  prevailed  in  official  and  Buddhist  ecclesiastical  use  from  Khotan  to  Lop-nor 
during  the  first  centuries  of  our  era. 

It  was  a  particularly  curious  discovery  when,  not  far  from  the  still  traceable  dry  river- 
bed, we  came  upon  the  remains  of  a  large  and  remarkably  well-preserved  orchard,  where 
the  carefully  arranged  rows  of  various  fruit  trees  and  the  trellis-carried  vines,  though 
dead  for  many  centuries,  could  be  examined  in  almost  uncanny  clearness.  It  was  not  sur- 
prising to  find  there  also  the  rafters  of  a  foot-bridge,  once  spanning  the  river,  still  stretched 
out  across  its  dry  bed.  It  had  meant  a  week's  constant  work  under  high  pressure,  and  it 


142  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JULY,  1917 

was  only  by  the  light  of  bonfires  that  the  final  excavation  of  the  large  structure  was  finished, 
which  in  1901  we  had  called  the  Yarnen.  It  was  a  curious  chance  that  just  its  last  room, 
which  then  had  baffled  us  by  its  deep  sand  proved  to  contain  those  "  waste  papers,1'  i.e., 
wooden  records,  of  the  office,  we  had  before  vainly  hoped  lor.  It  seemed  like  a  farewell 
.gift  of  the  ancient  site  which  I  had  somehow  come  to  look  upon  as  my  own  particular 
estate,  and  I  found  it  hard  to  tear  myself  away  from  it. 

No  appropriate  return  was  possible  to  the  dead.  But  at  least  I  could  do  something 
for  those  living  who  were  nearest.  My  renewed  visit  to  this  ground  had  allowed  me  also 
to  make  observations  of  direct  geographical  interest  concerning  changes  in  the  terminal 
•oourse  of  the  dying  Niya  River,  etc.  Among  these  1  had  noticed  the  instructive  fact  that 
cultivation  at  the  tiny  colony  of  Tulkuch-kol,  established  at  the  very  end  of  the  present  river- 
•course,  below  Imam-Jafar-Sadik's  Ziarat,  had  recently  been  abandoned,  not  from  want  of 
water,  as  the  usual  theory  might  have  suggested,  but,  on  the  contrary,  owing  to  a  succession 
of  ample  summer  floods  which  carried  away  the  canal- head,  and  with  which  the  locally  avail- 
able labour  could  not  copo.  My  resumed  excavations  had  brought  a  large  posse  of  able- 
bodied  labourers  to  the  spot.  So  when  T  had  come  back  with  them  from  the  ruins  and  was 
leaving,  they  were  set  to  work  to  raise  a  new  barrage  across  the  deep-cut  flood-bed,  and 
thus  secure  water  for  the  little  canal,  a  couple  of  days'  work.  As  I  deposited  the  .small  sum 
needed  for  their  wages  with  the  Mazar  Shaikhs,  the  task  was  carried  through  with  a  will. 

From  the  end  of  the  Niya  River  J  led  my  caravan  through  unexplored  desert,  with  high 
sand  ridges  in  places,  and  more  of  salt  encrusted  and  often  boggy  ground,  to  the  Endere 
River.  Thence  we  had  to  follow  the  old  caravan  track  to  Charchan,  which  we  reached  by 
December  28.  It  was  bitterly  cold  in  the  desert,  with  minimum  temperatures  down  to  50° 
(Fahr.)  below  freezing-point.  But  there  was  compensation  in  the  exceptionally  clear 
weather,  which  allowed  u&  to  sight  day  after  day  the  grand  snow-clad  rampart  of  the  main 
Kun-lun  range  far  away  to  the  south.  At  most  seasons  it  remains  quite  invisible  from  the 
caravan  track  connecting  Charchan  with  Niya  and  Keriya.  In  1906  numerous  peaks  on  it 
had  been  triangulated  by  Rai  Ram  Singh,  and  with  their  help  we  could  now  map  our  route 
to  Chare  ban  and  onwards,  far  more  accurately  than  had  been  previously  possible. 

At  Oharchan  I  found  the  oasis  distinctly  increased  since  my  last  visit,  and  was  able  to 
pick  up  nine  additional  hired  camels  badly  needed  for  the  work  ahead  in  the  Lop  region.  But 
the  news  received  about  events  which  were  said  to  have  occurred  at  Charkhlik,  its  chief 
inhabited  place,  was  by  no  means  welcome.  A  band  of  Chinese  "  revolutionaries,"  recte, 
gamblers  and  adventurers,  had  a  short  time  before  started  for  that  place  from  Charchan, 
and  was  reported  to  have  attacked  and  captured  the  district  magistrate  of  Charkhlik,  besides 
•committing  other  outrages  en  route.  The  Chinese  sub-divisional  officer  of  Charchan  had 
been  helpless  to  prevent  the  outbreak,  and  was  evidently  sitting  on  the  fence.  He  consider- 
ately provided  me  with  two  introductions  for  Charkhlik,  one  to  the  unfortunate  Amban, 
•assuming  that  by  any  means  he  had  regained  freedom  and  authority,  and  the  other  for  the 
leading  spirit  of  the  "  revolutionaries,"  whom  he  shrewdly  guessed  to  have  been  installed  in 
office  instead  of  him. 

We  left  Charchan  on  New  Year's  Eve,  1914,  and  did  the  desert  journey  to  the  western 
border  of  the  Lop  district  by  seven  long  marches,  mainly  through  the  jungle  belt  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Charchan-darya,  which  was  a  route  new  to  me.  Splendidly  clear  weather  favour- 
ed us,  and  HO  did  the  severe  cold,  which  had  covered  the  river  and  its  marshes  with  strong 
ice.  We  did  not  meet  with  a  single  wayfarer,  which  struck  me  as  strange  at  the  time.  On 


JULY,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  143 

approaching  the  jungle  belt  of  Vash-shahri,  an  outlying  little  colony  of  Lop,  we  found  the 
route  guarded  by  a  large  party  of  armed  Muhammadans,  who  at  first  mistook  us  for  a  fresh 
batch  of  "  revolutionaries  "  (many  of  the  Chinese  had  taken  to  masquerading  in  queer 
European  clothes).  But  Roze  Beg,  the  headman  of  Vash-shahri  and  an  old  acquaintance,  soon 
recognized  me.  From  him  I  learned  the  queer  story  how  the  little  band  of  "  gamblers  " 
from  Charchan  had  captured  the  hapless  Amban,  all  the  local  Muhammadans  first  deserting 
him,  and  then  looking  on  with  placid  indifference  when  some  days  later  their  magistrate 
was  cruelly  put  to  death  by  the  bandits,  after  having  been  forced  to  disclose  the  place  where 
his  official  moneys  wore  hidden.  The  leader  of  the  band  had  sot  himself  up  as  Amban  ad 
interim,  and  was  duly  obeyed  by  the  local  chiefs,  Roze  Beg  himself  included.  Fortunately 
his  regime  proved  shortlived,  and  there  was  no  neod  of  my  introduction  to  him  either  ;  for 
within  a  week  a  small  detachment  of  Tungan  Government  troops  had  arrived  from  far- 
away Kara-shahr  iix  the  north,  under  a  capable  young  officer.  Stealthily  introduced  at  night 
into  the  oasis  by  the  same  adaptable  Begs,  they  found  little  difficulty  in  surprising  the 
"revolutionaries,"  most  of  whom  were  killed  in  their  sleep,  and  the  rest  captured.  So  tranquil- 
lity once  more  ruled  at  Charkhlik,  and  Roze  Beg  was  now  engaged  in  laying  an  ambush  for 
more  "  gamblers  "  expected  to  come  from  Charchan,  in  ignorance  of  the  turn  their  affairs 
had  taken.  In  this  loyal  task  he  duly  succeeded  within  a  day  of  my  passage. 

On  January  8  I  arrived  at  Charkhlik.  It  was  from  this  modest  little  oasis,  the  only 
settlement  of  any  importance  in  the  Lop  region,  representing  Marco  Polo's  "  City  of  Lop/* 
that  I  had  to  raise  the  whole  of  the  supplies,  labour,  and  extra  camels  needed  by  our  several 
parties  for  the  explorations  1  had  carefully  planned  during  the  next  throe  months  in  the 
desert  between  Lop- nor  and  Tun-huang.  I  knew  well  the  difficulties  which  would  attend 
this  task  even  under  ordinary  conditions.  But  now  I  found  them  greatly  increased  by  the 
preceding  local  upheaval  and  all  its  consequences.  The  irruption  of  the  Wk  revolutionaries  " 
and  its  subsequent  repression  by  the  Tungan  troops}  who  had  "  by  mistake  "  killed  even 
the  few  Chinese  subordinates  of  the  legitimate  Amban,  had  left  no  Chinese  civil  authority 
whatever,  and  in  its  absence  no  effective  help  could  be  hoped  for  from  the  easy-going  Lopliks 
and  their  indolent  Begs.  The  trouble  about  adequate  supplies  and  transport  became  ail 
the  more  serious  as  the  passage  of  relatively  largo  bodies  of  Tungan  troops  sent  to  operate 
against  the  numerous  kt  revolutionary  >:  elements  which  were  known  to  lurk  among  the 
Chinese  garrisons  of  Keriya  and  Khotan,  threatened  completely  to  exhaust  the  slender 
resources  of  Charkhlik. 

The  six  days'  stay  I  was  obliged  to  make  at  Charkhlik  in  order  to  secure  at  least  a 
portion  of  my  requirements  through  the  help  of  a  few  old  Lop  friends,  was  thus  an  anxious 
time  for  me.  I  greatly  chafed  at  tho  delay,  little  realizing  at  the  time  what  a  boon  in  dis- 
guise the  revolutionary  disturbance  had  been  for  me.  Fortunately  1  was  able  to  use  my 
stay  also  for  some  profitable  archaeological  labour.  While  executions  of  captured  rebels, 
requisitions  for  the  troops  marching  on  towards  Keriya,  etc.,  kept  the  little  oasis  in  unwont- 
ed animation,  I  managed  to  search  two  small  sites  near  by  on  the  river  but  beyond  the 
southern  edge  of  cultivation,  which  previously  had  escaped  me.  From  ruined  Buddhist 
shrines  there  I  recovered  remains  of  Sanskrit  manuscripts  on  birch  bark,  palm-leaf,  and 
silk,  fragmentary  but  of  special  interest  as  suggesting  import  from  India  by  the  direct  route 
which  fltill  leads  from  Charkhlik  across  the  Tibetan  plateaus  to  the  south. 

On  the  last  day  of  my  stay  I  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  seeing  R.  B.  Lai  Singh  safely 
rejoin  me  after  fully  four  months  of  separation.  After  leaving  me  in  September  in  the  moun- 
tains of  the  Muztagh-ata  range  he  had  pushed  on  and  started  triangulation  of  the  main 


144  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JULY,  1917 

Kun-lun  range  from  near  Kapaby  the  middle  of  October.  The  work  carried  on  at  great  eleva- 
tions and  on  ground  devoid  of  all  resources  implied  very  considerable  hardships.  But  my 
indefatigable  old  travel  companion  faced  them  with  his  often  proved  zeal  and  succeeded  in 
extending  his  system  of  triangles,  based  on  Ram  Singh's  work  of  1906,  eastward  for  over  five 
degrees  of  longitude  before  excessive  cold  and  heavy  snowfall  obliged  him  to  stop  it  in  the 
mountains.  Thus  a  net  with  numerous  carefully  fixed  stations  and  exactly  observed  angles 
to  many  high  peaks  had  been  carried  well  beyond  the  actual  Lop-nor  marshes  and  linked  up 
at  the  other  end  with  the  Indian  Trigonometrical  Survey.  Not  satisfied  with  this  achieve- 
ment, Lai  Singh  had  then  continued  survey  work  with  the  plane-table  towards  Tun-huang, 
taking  special  care  to  obtain  many  height  observations  by  mercurial  barometer,  etc.,  along 
his  route  through  those  inhospitable  snow-covered  mountains.  After  reaching  Nan-hii  he 
had  struck  through  the  desert  north  and  returned  by  the  track  leading  along  the  southern 
shore  of  the  ancient  dried-up  salt  soa  of  Lop.  The  difficulties  of  this  track,  the  only  one 
through  the  Lop  desert,  which  now,  as  in  Marco  Polo's  time,  is  practicable  for  caravans,  were 
illustrated  by  the  fact  that  Lai  Singh's  party  found  no  ice  yet  formed  at  the  most  brackish 
of  the  springs  along  it,  and  consequently  suffered  much  from  the  want  of  drinkable  water. 

By  15  January  1914  I  left  Charkhlik  for  Miran,  two  marches  off  to  the  east,  where  in 
1907  I  had  made  important  discoveries  among  ruins  which  mark  the  site  of  tho  earliest 
capital  of  the  "  Kingdom  of  Shan-shan  or  Loulan,"  corresponding  to  the  present  Lop  region. 
Apart  from  abundant  records  found  in  a  fort  of  the  Tibetan  period  I  had  brought  to  light  in 
two  ruined  Buddhist  shrines  of  far  earlier  date  wall  paintings  of  great  artistic  interest,  strik- 
ingly reflecting  the  influence  of  tho  Graeco-  Buddhist  art  of  Gandharva  and  some  almost 
Hellenistic  in  character.  Owing  to  the  shortness  of  the  time  then  available  for  a  task 
presenting  exceptional  technical  difficulties,  we  had  in  1907  been  able  to  remove  the  frescoes 
from  only  one  of  these  temples,  that  remarkable  series  forming  the  "  angel'*  dado  which 
was  exhibited  in  1914  in  the  new  galleries  of  the  British  Museum  together  with  other  selec- 
tions from  my  former  collections.  Of  the  paintings  adorning  the  walls  of  the  other  shrine 
only  specimens  could  then  be  safely  taken  away,  and  the  subsequent  attempt  made  to  save 
the  rest  was  frustrated  by  the  tragic  fate  which  struck  my  o}d  assistant  Naik  Ram  Singh 
with  blindness  at  this  very  place. 

1  had  special  reason  to  regret  this  when  on  my  renewed  visit  I  found  that  a  portion  of 
the  fresco  frieze,  representing  an  interesting  Buddhist  legend,  had  been  broken  out  by  a  later 
visitor  in  a  clumsy  fashion  which  must  have  spelt  serious  injury  if  not  loss.  But  the  very 
interesting  frescoed  dado  with  its  cycle  of  youthful  figures,  representing  the  varied  joys  of 
life,  set  between  graceful  garland- carrying  putti,  had  fortunately  escaped  under  the  cover 
of  sand  with  which  the  interior  had  been  filled  in  as  a  precautionary  measure,  and  this  we 
now  were  able  to  remove  intact  with  all  needful  care.  It  proved  a  delicate  task,  which 
greatly  taxed  the  trained  skill  of  Naik  Shams  Din,  my  "  handy  man/9  and  under  the  icy 
blasts  to  which  we  were  almost  continually  exposed  the  work  was  particularly  trying.  I 
used  the  fortnight's  stay  necessitated  by  these  labours  also  for  a  careful  search  of  the  adjoin- 
ing desert  belt  north,  where  hidden  away  amidst  tamarisk-covered  sand  cones  we  discover- 
ed shattered  ruins  of  two  more  Buddhist  temples  of  somewhat  later  date,  and  secured  from 
them  stucco  sculptures  and  other  relics  of  interest. 

(To  be  continued.) 


JULY,  1917]  IDENTIFICATION   OF  KALKl  145 

THE  HISTORICAL  POSITION  OF  KALKI  AND  HIS  IDENTIFICATION 

WITH   YASODHARMAN. 
BY  K.  P.  JAYASWAL,  M.A.  (OxoN.),  BAE.-AT.LAW;  PATNA. 

I 

HIS    HISTORICAL    POSITION. 

In  1913,  while  examining  the  Puranic  Chronicles,  I  felt  sure,  looking  at  the  methods 
•of  the  Pwrdfios,  that  Kalki,  like  any  other  name  of  the  Puranic  Chronicle*,  was  a  historical 
personage.  I  gave  expression  to  this  view  in  that  year.1 

Theses  of  this  paper. 

Now,  in  the  light  of  further  study  of  the  Puranic  data,  1  am  in  a  position  to  say  (1) 
that  the  historical  position  of  Kalki  can  be  proved  and  (2)  that  his  identification  can 
probably  be  established.  I  should,  however,  like  to  make  it  clear  at  the  start  that  the 
first  thesis  is  independent  of  the  second,  and  the  success  or  failure  of  the  second  does  not 
affect  the  first. 

Pur&nas  place  Kalki  in  the  end  of  Post-Andhra  Period. 

The  PurdncM,  after  closing  the  Andhra  Chronicle,  give  details  of  foreign  dynasties,  and 
after  characterising  their  oppressive  rule,  state  that  (a)  all  these  Mlcehchhas  having  been 
struck  by  Kalki  would  be  scattered  (V.),2  or  that  (/>)  they  were  destroyed  t>y  Kalki  (M.)3 
He  is  thus  mentioned  as  the  last  name  in  the  list  of  dynasties  and  dynasts.4  After  the 
above  detail  the  Purana*  describe  the  bad  condition  of  the  people  in  the  closing  period  of 
Kali.  Then  follows  the  Puranic  summing-up  of  their  historical  chronology,  ending  in 
498  A.  D,  (which  I  have  discussed  elsewhere).5  It  is  thus  apparent  that  the  'PurdnoR 
clearly  indicate  that  Kalki  flourished  in  the  end  of  their  chronological  period,  called  by 
them  *  the  post-  Andhra  period  '  ending  in  498  A.D. 

Kalkin  mentioned  like  any  other  Historical  Person  in  the  Chronicles. 
Kalki  is  the  last   person    mentioned  in   their  historical  chronicles.    Like  any  other 
historical  figure  of  the  'Future  Kings  '  of  the  Kali  Age,  he  is  also  put  in  the  future  tense. 
In  tbe  Chronicles  he  is  not  deified  :  he  is  mentioned  as  an  ordinary  person. 

Puranas  employ  oast  tense  for  Kalki. 

We  have  not,  however,  to  depend  on  the  general  system  of  the  Puranic  Chronicle* 
for  our  conclusion.  The  Pwranas  clearly  say  that  he  did  flourish.0 

The  Vayu  in  the  description  of  the  avatdra*  says  that  Kalki,  Vishnu-  Yasas  by  name, 
of  the  family  of  Parasara,  "  although  an  ordinary  man  was  horn  (Hiflt)  of  a  portion  of  the 
Deity."  "  He  flourished  (*pT<m  )  in  Kaliyuga."7 

The  Matsya  says  *  the  Buddha  was  born  as  the  ninth  (avatdra).  Kalkin,  "  Vishnu  - 
Yasasa,"  8  the  leader  of  the  Parasaras,  will  be  the  tenth  '  incarnation  at  the  close  of  Kali.11 

1  Ante>  Vol.  XIII,  p.  205,  n.  6.     The  date  indicated  there  for  Kalki  can  no  longer  )x>  maintained  in 
view  of  the  results  of  my  reoent  studies. 

2  ^fawfiTfflT:  *!?F  jfc'BFWWfal'  *T^T:  I  37  '390.         3  ^rf^fPTrjftfT:  ^  272*27. 
*  M.,  272  20—27. 

5  See  my  paper  on  Chronological  Summary  in  the  Puranic  Chronicles,  J.  B.  0.  R.  S.,  1017* 

6  «n*hir  ^wnr:  ^ff  Jififrgfte  *r*$j  ^%«.  w>  "i; 

7>  255  :  7  Vdyu  86» 


8  Against  Vishnu-Ya&a  of  V.  and  Br.    The  Bhdgavata  improves  on  this  mistake  of  the  Mataya  and 
akes  Kalki,  a  son  'of  Vishnu^Yasas  I 
•  Oh.  47.  247—8. 


146  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1»17 

(Then  follows  a  description  of  his  conquests).    "  Time  having  passed  that  king  (ou  god,  dew* > 
disappeared  "  (47-255). 

The  references  in  the  past  tense  prove  that  the  writers  of  the  Puranic  data  knew  these 
details  as  facts  of  the  past,  although  in  accordance  with  the  system  of  the  Purdnas  they 
sought  to  describe  the  event  by  future  verbs.10 

It  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  all  the  details  of  the  conquest,  birth-place  and 
family  of  Kalki  given  in  the  Purana*  are  mere  figments  of  imagination.  We  accept  the 
historical  position  of  Aj&tasatru,  Udayin,  Chandragupta,  CMnakya,  etc.,  when  their 
actions  and  details  in  the  Purdnas  aro  put  iu  the  future  tense.  There  is  no  reason  why  we 
should  not  accept  that  of  Kalki  also,  and  especially  so  when  all  the  earlier  Pur&na*  clearly 
employ  past  tense  about  him,  though  only  occasionally.  His  claim  to  be  an  historical 
personage  is,  therefore,  stronger  than  that  of  others. 

Kalki    and   Kali. 

The  data  about  Kalki  are  comparatively  late  ;  they  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the 
Purdnas  which  are  works  posterior  to  498  A.D.1*  The  Yuga-Pwana  of  the  Garga-Samhita, 
which  ends  Kali  with  the  Yavanas  (dr.  188  B.c.):12  does  not  mention  Kalki.  In  the 
Puranic  Chronicles,  after  mentioning  the  rise  of  Kalki  and  the  end  of  the  foreign  houses,*3 
a  description  of  the  condition  of  the  people  at  the  close  of  Kali  (Sandhya-period)  is  given  in 
almost  the  same  terms  as  in  the.  Yuga-Purdna.*4  New  history  up  to  the  post-Andhra  period 
was  interposed  and  the  two  data  were  mixed  up  and  read  together  when  the  details  of 
Kalki  in  the  Incarnation  Chapter  were  prepared,  and  he  was  placed  in  the  end  of  Kali; 
while  according  to  the  old  chronology  of  the  Purdnas  he  ought  to  have  been  placed 
in  the  Krita  Yuga.  This  dating  in  the  end  of  Kali  might  be  due  to  the  confusion  suggested 
above  or  to  a  belief  that  the  conquests  of  Kalki  brought  about  a  new  era.  Kali  according 
to  the  old  calculation  of  the  Purdnas  ended  in  188  B.C.15  But  as  the  3rd,  4th  and  5th 
centuries  wore  very  bad  times,  owing  to  political  conditions,  Kali  was  supposed  to  be  still 
running.  Kalki's  rise  gave  new  hopes.  But  the  hoped-for  good  days  were  not  permanent. 
After  Kalki  (ftftunfft  tffeqft)  the  Pur&nm  record  again  bad  days10  and  Kali  was  regarded 
as  continuing  and  an  indefinite  period  of  duration  was  given  to  it.  It  is  evident  that 
the  position  once  taken  up  by  the  Purdnas  as  to  the  age  of  Kalki  with  reference  to  Kali 
was  soon  given  up. 

The  chapter  dealing  with  the  Chronicles  places  him  at  the  end  of  the  post-Andhra 
rulers,  and  makes  him  the   very  last  historical  person  of  the  Puraiiic  record.    And  as  it 
givea  498  A.D.  as  the  last   date  for  the  post-Andhra   period  and  512-612    A.D.I?   as  ^he 
century  ending  that  period,  Kalki's  rise  has  to  be  dated  about  498/512  A.D. 
Confirmation  of  Puranic  data  of  Kalki  by  Jain  data. 

Since  writing  the  above  a  new  datum  has  been  kindly  brought  to  my  notice  by 
my  friend  Mr.  Nagendranatha  Vasu,  which  confirms  beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt 

10  For  explanation  of  the  Future  Kings  of  the  Putfinrts  see  my  separate  paper  on  the  Bfihadrathos 
to  be  published  shortly  in  J.  B.  O.  R,  &. 

11  The  reference  in  M.  Bk.  is  avowedly  borrowed  from  the  Vayu. 

12  See  my  paper  on  Chronological  Summary  (J.  B.  O.  R.  S.t  1917). 

13  Mataya,  272.  20-27 ;     27-32.     The  Vdyu  interposes  as  a  footnote  a  number  of   minor  and  local 
dynasties  and  dynasts  between  those  foreign  houses  and  Kalki.     This  is   apparently  later,   as  the  local 
dynasties  are  unknown  to  the  Matsya. 

14  I  have  published  this  chapter  in  my  Brahmin  Empire. 

15  See  ray  paper  on  the  Chronological  Summary. 

16  VAyu,  Ch.  36,  V.  117;  Brahmfinto,  Ch.  73,  V.  118.  IT  gee  Chronological  Summary. 


JULY,  1917]  IDENTIFICATION    OF    KALKI  147 

my  reading  of  the  Puranio  data  with  regard  to  the  historical  position  and  date  of  Kalki  . 
The  Jaina  Society  called  the  Bharatiya  Jaina-SiddhAnata  Prakdsinl  Samstha  published  last 
December  (1916)  a  Hindi  translation  of  the  Jaina  Hari-Vam&a  Purdna  at  Mr.  Vasu's 
Visvakosha  Press,  Calcutta.  The  author  of  this  Puraita,  Jinasena-suri,  a  Digambara  of 
the  Punnftga-gana  or  Sangha,*8  and  the  pupil  of  Kirti-sena,  dates  his  work  in  the  year  705 
of  the  Saka  era,10  while  king  Indrayudha  was  ruling  in  the  North,  Hri-Vallabha  in  the 
South,  Vatsaraja  at  Avanti  and  the  victorious  Vira-Varaha  in  the  Surya-mandala.  The 
mention  of  these  contemporary  kings  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  correctness  of  the  date 
705  Saka  as  found  in  the  MS.20  The  work  therefore  is  of  the  definite  date  of  783-784  A.D. 

Jinasena,  in  his  work,  gives  a  chronology  since  the  death  of  the  Maha-vfra  on  the 
authority  of  Jaina  chronologists  (Kdlaridhhir-udahritam).  This  chronology  covers  details  for 
990  years.  The  last  king  in  the  chronology  is  Ajitafijaya  of  Indrapura  (Indoro  ?)  and  the  on^ 
before  him  is  King  Kalki  (Kalki-raja).  The  years  for  Kalki  and  Ajitafijaya  are  not  given, 
but  King  Kalki  is  placed  <ifter  dynastic  totals  which  aggregate  to  990  years.21  But  in 
another  place,  about  50  verges  later,  Jinasetia  says  (GO.  552-53)  that  Kalki  flourished  1000 
years  after  the  Maha-vira  and  that  he  was  a  terrible  persecutor  of  the  Jain  religion. 
According  to  the  Kalki-Purdna  one  of  Kalki's  chief  missions  was  to  suppress  Jainism. 
Thus  the  identity  of  the  Puranic  and  the  Jaina  Kalki  is  established.  An<1  he,  according 
to  the  Jaina  chronologists  of  the  8th  century  of  the  (1hri«tian  era,  lived  1000  years  after 
the  Maha-vira.21 

Jinasena's  date  for  Kalki  agrees  with  Puranas. 

Now  rlinasena's  date  of  the  Maha-vira'  £  Nirvfina  differs  a  little  from  that  given.  by  the 
PattAvalis.  He  places  it  005  years  boforo  the  'Saka  king,  or  605  years  before  the  Saka 

J£  Ho  is  riot  tho  sumo  a*  .Tina  wan  tho  author  of  tho  Adi  Pur&na,  for  the  latter  belonged  to   the   Sena- 
Saiigh.     This  has  boon  pointed  out  by  Pandit  Nttthurum.     Seo  Mr.  Vasu's  Introduction,  p.  8. 


Introduction}*?  Mr.  Vasu,  p.  8. 

20  Introduction  to  tho  translation  of  tin1  Htiri-VaWsa  by  Mr.  Vasu,  p.  U. 

21  Ch.  60.  488-93. 


cr^r 

My  friend  Babu  Nanigopal  Majumdar  drawa  my  attention  to  Mr.  Patliak's  quotation,  ante,  Vol.  XV. 
!3.  14  1.     There  we  find  the  readings  3*071^  instead  of  j^rfjqr,  ^TOCT  for  H^TO^  «*<* 
for  7^f^C.    T^  llltter  thua  8iv««  details  for  1000  years.  "* 


160  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917 


of  his  movement  is  testified  by   the  remark  that  the  object  of  his  undertaking  was  to 
do  good  to  the  people,40  although  the  undertaking  entailed  a  cruel  procedure.41 

8.  He  along  with  his  following  enacted  the  last  act  of  his  life-drama  (nishthd)  and 
died  between  the  Ganges  and  the  Juinna.42 

9.  His  career  of  conquest  covered  25  years.43 

IDENTIFICATION. 

Now  who  wus  this  great  hero  ?  —  He  was  a  patriotic  and  religious  Napoleon  of  India 
in  the  late  6th  and  the  early  6th  century  A.D.  No  character  seems  to  have  left  a 
deeper  mark  on  the  latter  period  of  the  Purnna&  than  he.  We  know.  his  name: 
Vishi^u-Yabas  ;  we  know  his  place  of  origin  and  rise  —  Rajput&na;  we  are  reasonably 
sure  of  his  date  —  the  end  of  the  5th  century  A.D.  ;  wo  know  his  conquests  —  from  the 
Dravidian  South  up  to  the  Northern  regions,  from  the  Western  Ocean  up  to  the  Khasu 
country  (Assam),  including  the  subjugation  of  the  Huns. 

In  view  of  these  data,  we  can  propose  with  some  confidence  the  identification  of  Vishnu- 
Yaias  with  FtVtnw-(Vardhana)-raw,s  (Dharman)  of  Malvu. 

Name. 

'  Vardhana'  ia  a  title  generally  imperial,  e.g.,  Harsha-Vardhana,  Asoka-Vardluwu. 
Vishyu  of  Vishnu-vardhana  and  Yaws  of  Yaio-dharman  have  been  joined  together.  Both 
these  might  have  been  assumed  after  conquests,  as  they  imply  groat  prowess  and 
possibly  a  religious  significance.  Kalki  was  probably  the  original  name.  The  title 
of  c  Vishnu-Vardttana  '  was  assumed  certainly  later  than  that  of  YaSodharman.  In 
inscriptions  on  the  Mandasore  columns  of  victory  whirh  were  engraved  after  all  the 
conquests,  have  only  Yalodharman**  But  the  inscription  of  the  year  589  of  the 
Malava  era  has  also  Vishnu-Vardhana.** 

Religious  aspect  of  the  Career. 

Vishuu-Yasodharmau  claims  to  have  rescued  the  land  from  irreligious  and  wicked 
kings  'of  the  present  YugaJ  who  had  transgressed  the  path.46  He  also  claims  to 
have  undertaken  '  his  task  for  the  good  of  the  people  (lokopakaravrata)^  and  that 
ho  did  not  associate  with  the  rulers  of  that  Yuga41  and  brought  about  the  time 
of  Manu,  Bharata,  Alarka  and  Mandhatii.*7  In  his  lifetime  his  history  was  regarded 
aa  sacred,  as  'destroyer  of  sins'48  and  himself  as  '  home  of  dharma.'*9  His  Brahman 
Viceroy  is  also  described  to  have  brought  about  the  Krita  Age  in  the  kingdom.50 
These  claims  tally  with  the  Puranic  description  of  the  religious  aspect  of  Vishnu-  YaAas' 
career.  The  claims  coupled  with  the  assumption  of  the  style  Vishnu  and  the  over- 
whelming military  glory  would  warrant  the  Pur&nas  in  regarding  him  as  '  an  emanation  of 
a  portion  of  god  Vishnu.' 


v.  36-io3. 

*?$irrr       v.  ae-iu. 
g.  12-2-22. 


«-'  v.  36-iia.  «  T^Ercrfr   rnirr  I 

V.  36*113. 

«'  Fleet,  Gupta  Inscription*,  146.  «  Ibid,  153. 

^  Fleet,  p.  146  (line  2  of  the  column  inscription).  «7  2^t  iuie  3. 

48  ^F^'TWT^  line  8.  «  >|Hf«im  Pf%IT:  Ibid. 

M  Fleet,  p«  15  U  line  17  of  tb*  Mandator  S  oie  Inscription. 


JULY,  1017]  IDENTIFICATION   OF   KALKI  151 

The  Conquests. 

The  conquests  also  tally :  the  conquests  from  the  Lauhitya  (Brahmaputra)  river  to  the 
Mahendra  mountain  and  from'  the  Himalayas  near  the  Ganges  to  the  Western  Ocean,  of* 
Vishnu-Yalodharman,  agree  with  the  conquests  of  Kalki  as  detailed  above.    Both  have 
the  subjugation  of  the  Hunas  to  their  credit. 

The  Date. 

The  dates  in  both  cases  also  agree.  Vishnu- Yasodharman  defeated  Mihirakula  who 
would  come  after  Toramana  and  Toramana's  date  is  shortly  after  Budhagupta,  484-85  A.D 
(F.  01.  p.  159).  Mihirakula  was  defeated  by  Yasodharman  in  Kashmir  (see  App,  B).  The 
defeat  of  Mihirakula  would  be  at  least  15  years  after  484  A.D.,  as  his  father's 
(Toramana's)  time  is  about  484.  Thus  or  shortly  after  499  A.D.  the  defeat  of 
Mihirakula  could  be  possible.  It  is  definite  from  the  Mandasor  Inscription  of 
533-34  A.D.  that  the  victory  was  attained  some  years  before  533  A.D.  When 
the  undated  column  inscription  was  engraved,  the  conqueror  had  not  assumed  the 
lofty  title  of  Vishnv-Vardhana  as  in  tho  latter.  The  latter  bears  evidence  of  a 
peaceful  administration  which  had  already  lasted  for  sometime,  as  the  victory 
is  said  to  have  ended  Kali  by  his  good  government.  The  undated  iascription 
mentions  Mihirakula *s  defeat.  Therefore  the  date  of  Mihirakuia's  defeat  in  Kashmir  woukl 
be  more  than  a  few  years  before  533  A.D.51 

Lineage. 

Vishmi-Yasodharinan  is  declared  in  the  inscription52  to  have  had  no  lineage.  Likewise 
Vishnu- Yasas  is  the  son  of  an  ordinary  man.  Both  are  said  to  have  built  empires.58 

The  points  of  identity  are  so  striking  that  tho  conclusion  seems  to  be  nearly  irresistible 
Hiat  Vishnu- Yasas  is  no  other  than  Vishnu- Yasodharman. 

Value  of  the  reclamation  of  Vishnu- Yasas9  history. 

The  identification,  if  correct,  explains  and  confirms  the  inscriptions  of  Vishnu-Yaso- 
dhannaii.  But  the  establishment  of  the  historical  existence  of  Kalki,  apart  from  the 
question  of  his  identification,  reclaims  a  lost  chapter  of  Indian  History,  which  is  as 
important  aft  that  on  Chandragupta  Maurya,  Pushyamitra  or  baukaracharya.  The 
social  and  religious  effects  on  Hindu  Society  produced  by  the  movement  of  Kalki  must  be 
admitted  to  have  been  tremendous,  in  view  of  the  joint  testimony  of  the  Jaina  and 
Brahmanic  records. 

APPENDIX  A. 

The  Two  Jaina  Chronologies. 

The  old  Gathas  given  in  the  Jaina  documents54  give  470  years  from  the  death  of  the 
Maha-vira  to  the  end  of  Saka  and  the  birth  of  Vikrama,  and  488  years  down  to  the  corona- 
tion of  Vikrama  (or  58  B.C.).  The  reckoning  given  by  the  Digambara  author  Jinasena 
gives  a  somewhat  different  order  of  chronology.  But  a  comparison  Ixjtween  tho  two  shown 
tha»t  although  the  two  are  based  on  independent  traditions,  they  conu*  to  the  same 
conclusion  as  to  the  length  of  time. 

61  If  we  accept  tho  date  given  by  Gunabhadra,  Kalki's  career  would  fall  between  503-543  A.C. 

52  No  ancestry  is  given  in  the  inscriptions.     Notice  "  WjT^f^Kf^^rar/'  etc,,  in  the  column  inscrip- 
tion and  the  proud  expression  ^flttta:  (lines  6-6)  in  the  stone  inscription  «'  wl*o  is  his  own  lineage" 

53  The  above  inscriptions  say  that  he  assumed  tho  title  of  Samrd1,  Rdjddttirdja  and  Paramt&vara. 

54  Ante,  Vol.  II,  p.  363;  ante,  Vol.  XX,  p.  347  ;  also  in  the  Svotftiabam   books  Titha-gutiya-Payannu 
and  TirthoddMra-Prakirna  (cited  by  Vasu  in  his  Hindi  ViSvakosha,  II,  350.) 


1£2  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917 

(The  Pattdvali  Chronology.)  (Jainasena's  Chronology.) 

Palaka,  60  years.  Palaka,  60  years. 

The  Nandas  (the  first  of  whom,  as  1  have  Vijaya  (the  conquering  kings,)  156  years, 
shown,  conquered  Avanti55),    155  years. 

The  Mauryas,  108  years.  The  Purudhas  or  Muruiulas™  ruled  over 

<  the  whole  of  the  country  '  for  40  years. 

Pushyamitra,  30  years.  Pushyamitra,  30  years. 

Balamitra  and  Bhanurnitra,  60  years.  Vasumitra  and  Agnimitra,67  60  years. 

Nahavana,  40  years.                                ^1  fRasabha  Kings,  (Gardabhilas)  100  years. 

Gardabhila,  13  years  ;  Saka            4  yrs.  I  I 

Pre-coronation  years  of  Vikrama  18  yrs.  f  ^  The  NaravAhas  (Naravahanam )  42  years. 

I  I                                                            

total     ..     488     J  L                                              total     ..    487 

The  period  given.by  Jiuasona's  chronology  to  the  Mauryas  (Purudhas')  is  too  short,  40 
as  against  108  years  of  the  Priikrita  Gdthas.  The  latter  place  the  end  of  the  Maurya  rule 
in  Western  India  (326  B.C. — 108)  about  218  B.C.  or  18  years  after  Asoka,  which  is  likely. 
But  the  former  would  date  it  before  the  roign  of  Asoka,  which  would  be  absurd.  This 
difference  of  (108-40)  6S  yoars  has  been  adjusted  by  giving  to  the  Gardabhin-NahavAna 
period  (100  +42)  142  years  as  against  the  75  (40  +  13+4+18)  years  of  the  Nahavana- 
Vikrama  period  of  the  GMM*  ( 142— 74=-68). 

In  the  Jinasena  chronology  the  Saka  rule  of  4  years  is  included  in  the  Gardabhin 
period.  Possibly  both  wore  considered  as  belonging  to  the  same  stock.  The  PurdmK, 
however,  like  the  Gathds,  treat  them  separately. 

The  most  noticeable  feature  of  the  Jinasena  chronology  is  that  it  places  Nahavaua 
(^Nahapana)  in  100  B.C. — 58  B.C.  as  against  133  B.C. — 93  B.C.  of  the  QatKas.** 

APPENDIX  B. 

Defeat  of  Mihirakula. 

About  Mihirakula's  defeat  there  are  two  sources  of  information.  Yuan  Chwang  says 
that  the  king  Baladitya  (the  Gupta  king)  defeated  him  and  set  him  free  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  his  own  mother,  to  let  him  retire  to  Kashmir.  In  the  inscription  of  Mandasor  on 
the  victory  columns  Yasodharman  is  related  to  have  defeated  and  humbled  Mihirakula.  On 
the  basis  of  these  two  data  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  comes  to  a  conclusion  that  there  was  a 
confederacy  of  "the  Central  Indian  Rajas"  and  Baladitya  for  the  deliverance  of  their  country 
from  the  oppressive  rule  of  the  Huns.  The  supposed  confederacy  has  no  evidence  what- 
soever behind  it ;  it  is  a  mere  creation  of  imagination.  Having  created  this  imaginary 
confederacy  Mr.  Smith  calls  the  description  of  the  conquests  of  Yasodharman  '•  boasts/' 
because  'Hiuau  Tsang  gives  the  sole  credit  for  the  victory  over  the  Huns  to  Baladitya, 
King  of  Magadba.'  The  conclusion  is  vitiated  by  the  creation  of  a  confederacy  while  in  fact 
there  was  none.  Dr.  Hoernle  points  out  the  mistake  and  gives  sound  reasons  to  accept  the 
inscription  as  the  beat  possible  and  thoroughly  trustworthy  evidence  (J.R.A.S.  1909,  92-95)/0 
But  Dr.  Hoernle  rejects  the  Chinese  datum  about  the  victory  of  Baladitya  over  Mihira- 
kula as  a  mere  romance.  Dr.  Hoernle  seems  to  think  that  the  victory  of  one  excludes  that 

55  J.B.O.R.S.  1,107. 

56  A  corruption  of  Mayura*  or  Mauryas.  Sjnj* 3H*ftflt  i  <m  denotes  their  imperial  rule. 

57  To  be  read  as  agnimitra  and  vasumitra  in  view  of  the  Mdlaviktiagnimitra  and  the  Pur  Anas. 
8»  J.  B.  0.  R.S.  1,102. 

«  The  mistaken  view  has  been  persisted  in.    See  V.  Smith,  E&ly  History,  New  ed.f  pp.  318-20. 


JULY,  1917]  IDENTIFICATION  OF  KALKI 


of  the  other.60  The  point  however  clears  up  when  we  notice  the  fact  that  the  two  data  refer 
to  two  victories  in  two  distinct  places.  The  Chinese  pilgrim  describes  that  Mihirakula  invad: 
od  Magadha  and  under  that  pressure  the  populace  and  the  king  exerted  themselves  and 
-defeated  the  invader,  after  which  he  was  allowed  to  retire  to  Kashmir.  The  inscription,  on 
the  other  hand,  indicates  that  Mihirakula  paid  respect  "  to  the  two  feet  "  of  Yasodharman 
in  the  Himalayas  (Kashmir).61  The  two  data  relate  to  two  events,  and  not  to  one 
and  the  same.  Possibly  Mihirakula  had  already  annexed  Kashmir  before  he  invaded 
Magadha  and  it  is  also  possible  that  he  retained  his  sway  up  to  Gwalior  after  his  Magadhan 
defeat.0-  The  Manddwr  Inscription  refers  to  the  past  achievements  of  the  Huns  over  the 
Guptas.  Hence  it  seems  likely  that  Yasodharman's  claim  of  making  the  Himalayas  easy 
of  access  refers  to  a  period  later  than  Mihirakula'.  s  defeat  by  Baladitya.  The  Mandaaor 
Inscription  treats  the  subjugation  of  Mihirakula  as  an  act  separate  from,  his  digvijaya* 
whose  route  is  broadly  given.  The  Puranas  also  do  not  enumerate  the  Huns  in  the  list 
of  Kalki's  conquests  (diyvijaya).  The  defeat  of  Mihirakula  could  very  well  boboyond  the 
digvijaya  period,  that  is,  beyond  498  A.D. 

APPENDIX  C. 

Summary  o!  results  and  the  Kalki  Chronology. 
431—473  A.D.  —End  of  the  Gupta  power  in  Western  India. 
473  or  503  A.D.—  Kalki's  rule  begins. 
CiTC.  485  —  Toramana. 

498  or  528  A.D.—  Kalki's  conquests  of  the  Mlechchhas  and  others  (digvijaya)  completed. 
498-99  A.D.—  The  Siddhanta  year  of  the  astronomers"3    (  Aryabhata,  b.  476  A.D.  at 
Pataliputra). 

498-533—  Mihirakula's  defeat  after  -i(J8  A.D.     Peaceful  reign  of  Kalki  (at  least  down  to 
533  AJ>.,  possibly  longer). 
Columns  of  victory  erected  at  Mandasor. 
Assumption  of  the  style  of  Vishnu-Vardliana. 
Possibly  Kalki  regarded  as  having  brought  about  Krita  Age. 
Old  age  of  Kalki,  about  80  in  533. 
Inscription  of  533-34  A.D.  u,t  Mandasor, 
Ore.  543  A.D.  (?)•—  Death  of  Kalki. 

Purdnaa  not  continued  further. 
Kali  regarded  as  yet  running. 
784  A.D.  —  Jinasena  writes  about  Kalki. 


GI  Mihirakula's  defeat  is  described  in  verse  6  which  also  says  that  the  claim  of  affording  a  '  fortress  ' 
defence  was  also  taken  away  from  the  Himalaya.  (GI9p.  146). 

62  It  ought  to  be  noticed  that  the  tract  from  Gwalior  to  Kashmir  is  outside  the  limit  of  Yatiod  bar- 
man's conquests  defined  in  verse  preceding  the  deteat  of  Mihirakula  :  from  the  Brahmaputra  to  Mahen- 
dra  (6u  the  east)  and  from  the  Himalayas  near  the  Ganges  to  the  Western  Ocean  (not  from  E  to  W  and 
N.  to  8*  >  as  summarised  by  Fleet,  145-46).  This  shows  that  the  digvijaya,  as  completed,  excluded  Mihira- 
kula's  dominions,  and  also  that  the  expedition  against  Mihirakula  was  undertaken  last. 

<#  Their  selection  of  the  year  499  A.D.  might  have  been  due  to  some  astronomical  observation,  and 
the  political  and  astronomical  landmarks  might  have  coincided.  But  as  it  was  not  uniformly  adhered  to 
by  the  astronomers,  the  selection  was  more  likely  due  to  the  importance  of  political  events.  It  is 
possible  that  both  political  and  astronomical  events  might  have  contributed  to  the  selection  both  by 
•the  astronomers  and  the  Purd*a*. 


154  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1017 

THE  KADAMBA  PRAKRIT  INSCRIPTION  OF  MALAVALLI. 

BY  DR.  A.  VENKATASUBIUAH.  M.A.,  PH.D.  ;  BAKOAXORE. 

THIS  is  published  by  Mr.  Rice  in  Vol.  VII  of  his  Epigraphia  Garnatica  as  No.  264  of 
Shikarpur  Taluq  ;  for  literature  connected  with  it  see  under  No.  1196  of  Luders'  List  of 
Bralnni  Inscriptions  which  forms  the  api>endix  to  Vol.  X  of  the  Epigraphia  Indica. 

I  here  wish  to  point  out  that  this  inscription  has  been  wrongly  understood  and  trans- 
lated so  as  to  yield  the  meaning  that  Sivakhadavamman  was  a  king  of  the  Kadambas  and 
that  he  made  the  grant  recorded  in  the  inscription.  This  is  wrong  as  can  be  seen  by  a 
reference  to  the  original  text  (P.  252,  VIT,  Epigraphia  Carnatica  ;  p.  326  of  the  Kanarese 
text  in  the  same  volume)  which  reads  as  follows  :  — 

Vaijayanti-dhamma-maltdrajddhircje  patikata-xaujjhayi-chachcha-paro  Kadan&anam  raja 
%iva[khada]vamman<1  Manavya-sagdUem  Huriti-puttina  Vaijayanti-patina  puvvadattltti 
ttoivena  parityakthcna  manasa  .  .  pisa  mdtuluyu  Iritiyam  dattatn. 

"  The  khig  of  the  Kadambas,  Dhanua-Mahfu'ajadhirAja  of  Vaijayanti,  who  studies 
the  requital  (of  good  and  evil)  as  his  sacred  text  -having  heard  that  [they]  were  formerly 
granted  by  Siva[khada]varninan,  of  the  AfAHarya-yofra.  a  Haritlpntm  and  lord  of 
Vaijayanti  —  there  were  granted,  a  second  time,  with  eumjKKsed  mind  to  the  maternal 
uncle  of  ...  pi  ..." 

The  language  of  the  inscription  is  not  very  grammatical  ;  the  nominative  Kadambanam 
raja  is  not  connected  with  any  verb  :  the  neuter  singular  dattcini  has  for  subject,  or  is  con- 
nected with,  the  masculine  plural  puvrochitu  ggfimu  :  and  similarly  we  have  etc  gama 
dinnam.  In  spite  of  these  and  other  irregularities,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  it  seems  to  me, 
as  to  which  word  the  instrumental  singular  #iva[khad<i]r(imma(td  goes  with.  Jt  should, 
naturally,  be  taken  with  the  following  instrumental  singulars  Manavya-sayvttinu  Hariti- 
putlena  V  aijayanli-patind  and  not  with  the  preceding  nominative  singulars  ending  with 
Kadambanam  raja.  Nor  can  we  say  that,  in  spite  of  the  nominative  case,  the  words 
ending  with  Kadambanam  raja  should  be  taken  as  qualifying  epithets  of  the  instrumental 
£  ivakhadavammana  \  for,  in  this  case,  this  latter  word  would  Ix*  qualified  by  I'aijayanti- 
dhamma-maharajddhiraj&[ioT  .  .  .  ,-rdjena]  and  also  by  Vaijayanti  -jMtlina,  of  which 
one  would  clearly  be  superfluous.  The  only  correct  way  therefore  is  to  keep  the  nomina- 
tive singulars  apart  from  the  instrumental  singular*  and  to  translate  the  passage  au  J  have 
done  above. 

This  passage  was  originally  translated  by  Mr.  Rice  as  follows  (oy>.  cit  ;  p.  142  of 
Translations)  ;  — 

"  By  the  Dharaa-Maharajadhiraja  of  Vaijayanti,  versed  in  the  views  ho  has  adopted 
on  the  sacred  writings,  raja  of  the  Kadambas,  'Siva[skan<lajvarmma,of  the  JUanavyagotra, 
a  Haritiputra,  master  of  Vaijayanti  .  .  .  .  "'i 

This  translation  of  Mr.  Rice  was  the  original  source  for  the  mistaken  statement  that 
Sivakhadavamman  was  a  king  of  the  Kadambas  ;  this  statement  has  passed  by  the  notice 
of  Dr.  Fleet  (J.  R.  A.  8.9  1905,  p.  304)  and  Prof.  Rapsoii  (Catalogue  of  Coins  of  tin  Andhra 
Dynasty  ;  p.  LIU),  who  have  touched  upon  this  inscription  and  has  even  found  a  place 
in  Dr.  Liiders'  List  of  Brdhml  Inscriptions  referred  to  atavc  and  in  the  index  thereof. 

What  has  gone  above  must  thus  have  made  it  dear  that  Sivakhadavamman  was  not 
n  king  of  the  Kadambas  and  that  he  was  not  the  donor  of  the  grant  recorded  in  this 
inscription  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  inscription,  as  I  make  it  out,  distinctly  states  that  he  was 


i  For  an  improved  translation,  which,  however,  still  it-peata  the  mistake  about  Sivakhadavamman 
being  a  king  of  the  Kadambas,  see  footnote  3  on  p.  23  in  Mr.  Rice'*  Mysore  «MC/  Coorg  front  the  Inscriptions 


JULY,  1917  ]        THE  KADAMBA  PRAKRIT  INSCRIPTION  OF  MALAVALLI  155 


the  donor  of  the 'former  grant*  (puvva-datti)  referred  to  therein.  Now,  the  inscription 
No.  263  of  Shikarpur  Taluq  (No.  1195  of  Liidera*  Lid)  which  is  engraved  on  the  same 
pillar  as,  and  immediately  precedes,  "this  inscription,  records  the  grant  of  the  village 
Sahalafavi  to  Ito^amaqa  of  the  Kaundinya-g'tra,  the  ancestor  of  the  donee  in  No.  264. 
The  village  Sahalfcavi  too  is  no  doubt  the  same  as  the  village  Sahala  which  was  one  of  the 
thirteen  villages  granted  by  No.  264.  Nevertheless,  the  *  former  grant '  of  No.  264  can 
not  refer  to  the  grant  recorded  in  No.  263  ;  for,  No.  263  states  that  the  grant  is  made  by 
Vi^ukaflfla-chutukulananda  S&tekawl,  of  the  Mannvya-gttra,  a  son  of  Hariti  and  lord 
(rajan)  of  Vaijayanti-pura,  and  that  the  subject  of  the  grant  is  but  one  village — SahalAtavi  ; 
\vhileNo.264namesthcdonorofthe  '  former  grant  '  referred  to  therein  as  Sivakhada 
vamman  and  by  employing  the  words  biilyam  dattain  .  .  .  puvvochild  ggdnid  says  that 
the  subject  of  that  grant  \\ore  the  thirteen  villages — Sahala,  SoinapaV.i,  Kongiuagaram,  etc., 
named  therein.  We  must  therefore  2  assume  that  at  some  time  between  the  making  of 
the  grants  recorded  in  Nos.  2(>3  and  264,  Sivakhadavamman  made  a  grant  to  K<w4am&i?a 
himself  or  to  his  descendant  of  the  twelve  villages  Scmiapatti,  Konginagaram,  etc.,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  village  of  Saliala  which  having  been  already  granted  to  Korufcm&ga  by  Vi$hu- 
kad£a-chutukula&anda  Satakanni  wan  in  the  donee's  possession  and  enjoyment.  These 
villages  in  course  of  time  must  have,  passed  out  of  the  possession  of  ihe  descendant*  of 
Kog4am&pa:*  and  the  king  of  the  Kadambas,  hearing  of  this,  granted  the  same  again  to  them. 
This  Sivakhadavamma  must  have  been  a  ftatakanii ;  for  not  only  did  he  supplement 
the  grant  made  by  Vinhuka<L£a-chutukul&nanda  Satakawl  as  we  saw  above ;  but  he  is 
also  8t}7lod  like  the  latter,  a  Mdnavya-xugolru,  Haritipulrn  and  lord  of  Yaijayanti.  In  all 
probability,  he  is  tbo  same  as  the  pririco  Sivakhada-Naga  siri  whose  name  occurs  in  con- 
junction with  that  of  Vinhuka<Wa-chutukutonanda  Satakanni,  in  a  Ranavfac.  inscription, 
No.  1186  of  LiKlors'  List.  (See  also  the  indrx  of  personal  names  attached  to  that  List.) 

It  is  thus  clear  that  Sivakhadavamman  was  not  a  king  of  the  Kadambas  ;  this  name 
therefore  must  be  deleted  from  the  list  of  Kadamba  kings. 

A  point  worthy  of  note  is  that  the  unnamed  king  of  the  Kadambas  already  appears  here 
with  their  characteristic  biruda — *praJ£krita-8vadlnjdya~charcha-j>ara  (in  its  Prakrit  form) ; 
he  is  not  however  styled  a  Mdnavya-sagotra  and  Hdritiputra  as  the  latvr5  Kadamba  kings  arc. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  find  that  this  inscription  (i.e.  Sk.  264)  quotes  the  following 
Prakrit  stanza,  which  has  not  so  far  been  rerognisod  as  such  : — 

Uktam  Ichandho 

Viwwkamind  Buhmam  dejjain  (read  Balima-dejjam)  M  Kadumbe&n  lidftamdte  \ 
Visasattu  chdtu-vejjani  niddhiiam  nigama-viditain  cJta.  \\ 

This  stanza  being  a  quotation  must  have  been  composed  before  the  time  of  the 
inscription  (c.  A.  D.  250).  It  is  therefore  not  unlikely  that*  the  Kadambas  had  acquired  a 
renown  for  giving  brahma-diydni  long  before  the  time  of  the  inscription.  The  verse  is  aiso 
interesting  as  furnishing  a  specimen  of  the  iiiscriptional  Prakrit  which  was  employed  for 
verse  about  230  A.  i> 

2  Otherwise,  if  oiio  wants  to  maintain,  as  Mr.  Rio«  seems  to  do  (p,  6.  of  introduction  to  Vol.  Vlf, 
Epigraphia  Carnatica)  that  the  '  former  grant'  referred  to  in  No.  2(i4  is  tlmt  recorded  in  No.  263,  one 
will  have  to  assert  that  the  composer  or  engraver  of  the  former  inscription,  has  muiie  a  mistake  H» 
regards  the  name  of  the  donor  and  aw  regards  the  number  of  villages  granted.  Jn  VM  w  of  the  fact  that 
No.  263  was  there  heforo  the  eyes  of  the  composer  and  engraver,  it  seems  most  unlikely  that  such  iv 
mistake  could  be  made.  M«-.  Kioo'w  view  seems  to  me  therefore  to  bo  most  improbable. 

3  Koncjamfwa  and  his  descendants  roem  to  have  been  prientt*  officiating  at  the  temple  at  Matiapatfci  ; 
and  the  villages  granted  seem  to  have  been  intended  mainly  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple. 

<  The  occurrence  of  this  biruda  which  is  characteristic  of  the  Kadambas  only,  as  well  as  the  exprcH* 
mention  by  the  inscription  of  Kadambdnam  rAja,  prove  conchmvely — if  proof  worn  needed — that  this  7*  a 
Kadamba  inscription.  Dr.  Fleet's  doubts  on  this  point  (loc.  cit.,  p.  304  footnote)  should  therefore  be 
considered  to  be  baseless. 

5  See  for  example  Epiyraphia  Carnatica,  Vol.  V,  Bl.  245 ;  Vol.  VII,  Sk.  29 ;  Vol.  IV,  No.  18,  etc. 


166  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OP  MADURA 
BY  V.  RANGACHARI,  M.A.,  L.1V;   MADRAS. 

(Continued  from  p.  124.) 
The  Romance  and  Sail  of  his  Queen. 

The  accomplishment  of  Muttammal's  object,  therefore,  would  mean  not  merely  her 
helf-sacrifice,  but  the  murder  of  au  infant.  A  strong  objection,  therefore,  arose  against 
the  queen's  resolution,  and  this  was  focussed  and  strengthened  by  the  able  queen  dowager, 
Mangamm&l,  a  woman  .of  remarkable  individuality  and  character,  who,  as  we  shall  see 
presently,  left  an  indelible  influence  in  the  history  of  Madura.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
Mangammal's  endeavour  against  the  sail  of  her  daughter-in-law  was  inspired  by  a  feeling  of 
jealousy  at  her  superior  reputation  ;  but  the  real  fact  seems  to  have  been  her  sincere  horror 
at  the  death  of  the  only  heir  expected,  and  her  real  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom. 
But  Muttammmal  was  obstinate ;  and  at  length  a  compromise  was  arrived  at,  by  which 
she  was  to  be  permitted  to  ascend  the  pyre  after  giving  birth  to  her  child. 

The  child  that  was  born  under  such  singular  circumstances  was  christened  Vijaya  Ranga 
Chokkanatha.  On  the  fourth  day  of  his  entrance  into  the  world,  his  mother  who  had  more 
affection  to  her  dead  lord  than  her  living  child,  and  who  had  performed  large  charities 
in.  order  to  expiate  the  crime  of  delay  in  her  sati,  found  that  no  preparation  was  made 
for  her  departure.  She  therefore  took  a  large  draft  of  rose  water,  thereby  inviting  a 
severe  cold,  which,  owing  to  her  delicate  health,  soon  put  an  end,  as  she  wanted,  to  her 
iifo.  So  ended  the  tender  romance  of  her  short  wedded  days. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  MUGHAL  SUPREMACY. 

Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkanatha  (1689-1731.) 

SECTION  I. 

Regency  of  Mangamma}."0 

Vijaya  Raiiga  Chokkanatha  was  scarcely  three  months  old,  when  he  was  proclaimed 
king.  The  actual  administration  of  the  realm  naturally  devolved  on  his  guardian  and 
grandmother  Mangammal.  The  Queen  Regent  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  women, 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  Indian  History  and  cut  an  undying  figure  in  the  rock 
of  fame  by  the  individuality  of  their  character  and  the  greatness  of  their  achievements. 
No  sovereign  of  the  Madura  line,  except  Vi^vanatha  I  and  Tirumal  Naik,  has  gained 
such  a  lasting  remembrance  in  the  memory  of  mankind.  The  kindly  disposition  and 
charitable  deeds  of  MafigammAl,  in  fact,  so  much  engaged  the  affections  and  gratified  the 
hearts  of  the  people  that,  even  today,  almost  every  choultry,  every  road,  every  tank  and 
temple  in  the  Districts  of  Madura  and  Tinnevelly,  is  attributed  to  her  liberality.  The 
range  of  her  charities,  says  an  enterprising  chronicle,  extended  from  Kasi  to  Comorin  and 
the  sphere  of  her  reputation  from  the  heaven  to  the  earth.  An,  exceedingly  interesting, 

"  The  events  of  the  regency  of  Maugamm&l  are  not  well  known  owing  to  the  loss  of  Jeauit  letters 
from  1687  to  1609.  The  account  given  here  is  based  only  on  indigenous  chronicles.  Aa  Mangamm&L 
was  a  mere  regent,  inscriptions  during  bar  regency  are  sometimes  in  the  name  of  her  grandson,  e.g.,  the 
*riruppu4aioaarudur  grant  of  1695. 


JULY,  1917  ]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  157 

if  imaginative,31  story  is  current  in  regard  to  Mangammal,  which  at  once  gives  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  remarkable  affection  she  commanded  among  her  contemporaries,  not  only  at 
Madura  but  abroad.  It  is  a  story  illustrative  of  the  generosity  of  the  Queen-Regent  and  the 
parsimony  of  a  contemporary  king  of  Mysore.  A  few  months  before  Mangammu  Ts32  death 
the  Mysore  monarch,  a  miser,  had  died  and  gone  to  hell,  while  his  crown  was  inherited  by 
a  more  miserly  son.  About  the  same  time,  a  Vanuia  merchant  of  Mysore  died  and  was 
carried  by  the  agents  of  the  god  Yama,  but  on  reaching  the  city  of  death  they  wore  told  that 
a  wrong  man  had  boon  brought  by  them.  The  Vannian  was  therefore  about  to  be  taken 
back  to  the  earth,  when  the  royal  sufferer,  who  was  undergoing  the  tortures  of  hell,  recog- 
nised him  as  a  former  subject  and  took  advantage  of  his  return  to  the  world  of  life  to 
send  a  message  to  his  son,  the  then  king  !  The  penitent  and  fallen  chief  said  that,  while  he 
was  ruling  Mysore,  he  had  amassed  an  abundance  of  wealth,  but  instead  of  spending  it 
on  behalf  of  the  people"  he  had  buried  it.  Xo  thought  of  charity  or  benevolence  had  ever 
entered  into  his  mind  and  the  result  was  his  terrible  fate.  On  the  other  hand,  Queen 
Maitgammal  of  Madura  had  done  innumerable  acts  of  benevolence,  and  the  beings  of 
heaven  wore  erecting  triumphal  arches  to  receive  her  and  honour  her.  The  repentant 
chief  therefore  asked  the  merchant  to  proceed  to  his  son,  take  the  buried  treasure  out, 
and  expend33  it  in  charities,  so  that  he  might  be  emancipated  from  (he  triule  of  hell. 
Tin*  Vannian,  the  story  continues,  did  so,  and  a  lesson  was  learnt  by  nil  future  kings. 

The  general  events  during  her  regency. 

Such  Avas  the  golden  opinion  that  Mangammal  inspired  in  her  own  dayb.  What  Tiru- 
mal  Naik  did  in  regard  to  architecture,  she  did  in  regard  to  roads  and  choultries.  The 
one  was  famous  for  his  architectural  monuments,  the  other  for  Ler  philanthropic  labours. 
The  one  appealed  to  the  artistic  instinct  in  man,  the  other  to  his  heart.  The  former  again 
cla/'Klcd  men  by  his  splendour,  the  latter  won  them  by  her  generositj7.  And  yet  MangaminaJ's 
claim  to  greatness  consisted  not  merely  in  her  generous  nature  or  her  benevolent  virtues, 
Kndowod  with  many  masculine  virtues,  she  proved  a  politician  of  no  moan  talents. 
For  a  space  of  seventeen  years31  she  conducted  the  affairs  of  State  in  such  excellent 
spirit  that  her  regency  became,  if  not  a  model  of  good  government,  at  least  strong  enough 
to  secure  order  within  the  state  and  victory  abroad.  She  had  a  certain  vigour  and 
independence  of  character  which  ensured  the  security  of  her  reign  and  the  discomfiture  of 
her  enemies.  The  circumstances  under  which  she  found  herself.in  power  were  more  gloomy 

31  Tho  Tolugu  Record  of  the  Carnatic  Governor*  from  Tirumal  Ndik  onwanl. 

3-  Mangamm&l  diod  in  1705  and  Chikka  DiH-a  in  1704.  The  latter  is  thus  dourly  the  person  referred 
to. 

33  The  story,  of  course,  is  a  myth  and  has  been  invented  by  a  fertile  imagination  to  contrast  the 
liberality  of  Maiigammal  witli  the  parsimony  of  the  contemporary  Mysore  ruler,  Chikka  Deva  Raja, 
(1672-1704)  who,  in  spite  of  his  victories,  introduced  a  number  of  vexatious  tuxes,  and  never  broke  hi» 
fast  every  day  till  ho  deposited  two  bags  of  pagodas  in  the  treasury  out  of  the  rovonuoa.  See  Wilk& 
Mysore,  I,  63 ;  Rice  I,  30C  to  369. 

W  1689-1705.  The  Hist.  Carna.  Qovrs.  attributes  her  reign  to  S.  1617-1635,  i.  e.t  A.D.  1685-1713,  from 
Yuva  to  Nandana.  Tho  Pan4.  Chron.  says  that  she  was  regent  from  Raudri  for  12  years.,  It  does  not 
spocify  particularly  the  dato.  The  Supple.  MS.  agrees  with  the  Hist,  of  Carrtf.  Govre.,  which  assigns 
19  years  from  Prawdduta  to  Vikrama.  Kali  Kavi  Rayan's  chronicle,  with  its  usual  vagueness,  attributes 
8  years  to  her  regency  and  further  says  that  she  was  the  sister  of  Vijaya  Raiiga  !  The  Telugu  chronicle 
says  that  she  ruled  from  1707-1725.  This  is  wrong.  Epigraphy  shows  that  she  came  to  power  before 
1690.  (SewelTe  Antiquities  Ut  85.)  w 


158  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917. 

than  encouraging.  We  have  already  seen  how,  during  the  reign  of  her  husband  Chokka- 
natha,  the  affairs  of  Madura  had,  thanks  to  the  attacks  of  the  Marathas,  the  Mysoreans  and 
the  Maravas,  drifted  into  confusion  and  anarchy,  and  how  the  king,  in  despair  of  emancipat- 
ing  himself  and  his  kingdom  from  the  foul  designs  and  intriguing  cliques  of  his  adversaries, 
died  of  a  broken  heart.  We  have  also  seen  how  his  young  and  gallant  son,  Raiiga  Krishna 
Muttu  Virappa,  endeavoured  to  retrieve  the  losses  sustained  by  his  father,  to  restore  and 
re-establish  a  settled  government,  and  to  extend  the  name  and  extent  of  Madura  to  what 
they  were  in  the  time  of  Tirumal  Naik.  But  before  he  could  fully  accomplish  his  task 
the  hand  of  death,  we  have  already  seen,  snatched  him  away  during  his  22nd  year.  The 
real  work  of  consolidation,  therefore,  devolved  on  Mangammal.  And  she  'proved  not 
unequal  to  the  task.  Her  remarkable  vigour  made  her  regency,  when  compared  with  that 
of  her  predecessors,  one  of  tranquillity  and  progress.  During  the  period  of  15  years  dur- 
ing which  she  swayed  the  destinies  of  Madura,  she  waged,  as  we  shall  see  further  on,  font- 
wars, — the  first  with  Travancore,  the  second  with  Tanjore,  the  third  with  Mysore  and  the 
fourth  with  the  Maravas;  and  from  these  she  either  came  out  successful  or  at  least  with 
the  satisfaction  that  the  interests  of  Madura  did  not  suffer. 

The  Mughal  Invasion. 

True  her  regency  was  clouded  by  a  misfortune  in  the  form  of  Mughal  invasion  for  the. 
iirst  time  into  South  India  and  the  consequent  necessity  on  her  part  to  pay  the  penalty  of 
a  suppliant  kingdom.  But  this  was  due  to  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  not  to  her  incapa- 
city. Any  other  ruler  in  her  place  would  have  had  the  same  fate.  Moreover  the  domination 
of  the  Mughal  did  not  introduce  any  new  feature  in  South  Indian  History.  It  was  a  mere 
case  of  change  of  masters.  The  Sultan  of  Bijapur  had  been  for  the  previous  thirt}-  years 
the  suzerain,  and  in  his  place  there  eame  the  Maratha,  and  now  there  was  the  Mughal 
Emperor.  Madura  was  equally  subordinate  to  all  of  them.  To  how  to  the  majesty  of  the 
Kmpire  and  to  purchase  the  immunity  of  the  kingdom  from  war  was  therefore  a  service  rather 
than  disservice.  Any  other  course  would  have  meant  disaster.  The  very  victories  which 
Maiigammul  gained  later  on  were  due  to  this  timely  recognition  of  imperial  supremacy. 

A  legend  about  Mangammal. 

Such  were  the  general  features  of  the  reign  of  Ma;igainmal.  As  has  been  already 
mentioned,  the  first  thing  that  strikes  the  historian  who  reviews  her  regency  is  the  intense 
solicitude  she  felt  for  the  Welfare  of  the  people,  which  began  to  display  itself  immediately 
after  her  assumption  of  the  reins,  of  government .  A  strange  story,  and  not  an  improbable 
one,  ascribes  her  liberality  to  an  alleged  act  of  indiscretion  on  her  part.  On  one  occasion, 
when  she  was  in  a  forgetful  mood,  she  put  betels  into  her  mouth  with  her  left  hand.-'*5 
An  extremely  orthodox  woman,  Maugammal  regarded  this  as  a  serious  breach  of  the 
moral  code,  and  summoning  the  orthodox  men,  who  thronged  the  throne  in  those 
days,  she  narrated  her  error  and  asked  by  what  means  she  could  repair  it  ;  and 
her  soft  and  credulous  disposition  listened  with  earnestness  to  their  proposal  that 
she  should,  in  order  to  purify  herself,  undertake  on  a  large  scale  the  construction 
of  public  works !  The  consequence  was  a  period  of  busy  and  philanthropic  activity 

35   Vide  Hist.  Garna.  Govrs.  and  tho  Telugu  Coma.  Lords  which  is  more  detailed.     A  typical   charity 
of  Maugamraal  is  described  in  the  Telugu  grant  of  Baiakjishna  MahadAnapupa  wherein  she  gave  a  whole 
agrahdram  to  Brahmans  in  1700.     (Antiquities,  II,  4.).     And  to  a  certain   Subbayya  Bhagavata  for  a 
feeding  institute  in  1701  (Ep.  Rep.,  1911,  p.  15);  etc. 


JULY,  1917]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NA1K  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  159 

hardly  equalled  by  the  roign  of  any  other  sovereign  of  the  Naik  dynasty  except  Tirumal 
Naik.  Roads  and  avenues,  choultries  and  water  booths,  temples  and  tanks,  rose  without30 
number  ;  and  a  loving  and  wonder-struck  people  echoed  the  praises  of  one  who,  though  a 
woman,  asserted  her  claim  to  high  eminence  in  history.  Imagination  came  in  course  of  time 
to  triumph  at  the  expense  of  honest  admiration  and  an  admiring  posterity  attributed  to 
her  a  chain  of  roads37  and  choultries  from  the  distant  Kasi  to  the  Cape, — a  pardonable 
exaggeration  which  had  its  basis  in  the  fact  that  in  addition  to  her  works  of  charity  in  her 
own  kingdom,  Mauganiinii!  built  a  choultry  for  the  pilgrims  in  the  sacred  city  of  Hinduism. 

Her  toleration. 

Though  the  ruling  passion  of  Mahgammal  was  a  sincere  attachment  to  the  gods  of 
Hinduism,  and  though  in  her  religious  policy  she  was  entirely  directed  by  the  arts  of  ortho- 
dox flattery,  yet  the  great  queen  was  not  so  bigoted  or  narrow-minded  as  to  persecute 
those  who  embraced  othnr  religions.  She  had  an  elightened  understanding  of  the  value 
of  religious  toleration,  and  endeavoured  to  be  impartial  in  her  treatment  of  the  different 
religions.  In  1(>92,  for  instance,  she  permitted  her  ward  and  grandson  to  make  an  endow- 
ment to  a  Muhammadan  for  the  maintenance  of  a  mosque  (Antiquities.  II,  p.  7).  Again 
when  she  heard  that  Father  Mello  of  the  Jesuit  Society  was  seized  and  imprisoned  by  the 
Setupati,  her  indignation  was  awakened  and  she  insisted,  with  success,  on  bin  immediate 
release.  On  another  occasion,118  the  Jesuit  missionary,  Father  Boiichet,  who  had  heard 
of  the  liberal  ideas  of  the  Queen-Regent,  paid  a  visit  to  her,  and  though  he  was  not 
favoured  with  a  personal  interview,  he  received  the  solemn  assurance  that  the  Christians 
would  be  free  from  the  mischief  of  fanatics  and  the  ravages  of  thieves.  The  missionary 
was  treated  with  the  respect  and  the  courtesy  due  t'o  his  position  and  person,  and  even 
honoured  with  u.  procession  which  escorted  him,  with  much  eclat,  to  his  station.  In  1701, 
again,  she  sanctioned  a  grant  of  lands  near  Trichinopoly  for  a  Musalman  dargah  at 
Penukomla  for  an  alleged  successful  prophecy  in  the  Tanjore  affair/59 

The  Mughal  Advent  1693. 

In  her  foreign  policy  Maugaminal  was,  as  has  already  boon  mentioned,  both  cautious 
and  as  a  rule  successful.  With  a  calm  nvud,  which  saw  clearly  the  possibilities  and  impos- 
sibilities of  her  arms,  she  guided  the  State  in  such  a  way  as  to  obtain  the  maximum  of  gain 
with  the  minimum  of  sacrifice.  This  aspect  of  her  policy  is  clear  in  her  ready  subjugation 
to  the  superior  might  of  the  Mughal  Empire.  In  the  year  1693,  a  formidable  army  under 

36  The  Telugu  Chron.  says  that  she  built  choultries  at  tho  distance  of  o  very  kfitatn  (10  miles),   dug 
tanks,  and  erected   water-booths  at  the  distance  of  every  five  ndlikus  (7  miles),  arid  wollw,  with  briok 
work  arid  stone  stops,  at  the  distance  of  every  ndlik*  (15  miles).     All  those   being   completed,  it  says 
whe  built  a  handsome  choultry  at  KAni, 

37  Madura  <7azr.,  p.  54.     Taylor  thinks  that  Mangamnuil's  charily  might  bo  due  to  her  repentance 
for  some  amorous  escapade.     See  his  O.  H.  MSS.  II. 

38  Taylor's  O.  H.  M&S.  11,  p.  227.     It  is  said  that  the  missionary  saw  the   Da  avai,  Narasappaiya 
evidently,  and  not  the  Queen.     Narasa  was  a  very  orthodox  man  and  had  dismissed  certain  bombardier* 
out  of  service  on  discovering   them  to  be  "  Farangis,   '  i.  p.,  European  Christians.     He  however  gave   a 
warm  reception  to  the  Father,  and  took  the  presents  the  latter  brought  to  the  Queen  and  induced  her 
to  be  generous  as  usual.     The  presents    were    a  two -feet  terrestrial    globe,  and    nine-inch  gloss   globe, 
magnifying  and  burning  glasses  mirrors,  etc. 

39  See  Mair.  Ep.  Rep.,  1911,  p.  90.  Mr.  Krishna  Sastri  believes  that  the  Tanjore  affair  here  men. 
tioned  was  probably  the  alliance  with  it  against  Mysore.  The  inscription  mention*  a  Vira  Vonkata  Deva 
as  suzerajn,  and  Mr.  Krishna  Sastri,  instead  of  seeing  that  it  is  a  formal  affair,  makes  the  mistake  of 
reconciling  this  with  Vgfikata  II  of  the  Chandragiri  dynasty  1  ! 


160  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  19*7 

the  command  of  the  celebrated  Zulfikar  Khan,  the  general  who  was  entrusted  with  the 
task  of  capturing  Jinji  and  its  illustrious  Maratha  occupant,  Raja  Bam,  the  brother  and 
successor  of  Sambaji,  burst  as  a  sort  of  diversion  into  the  south,  with  a  view  to  collect 
the  tribute  of  the  various  tributary  kingdoms.  Till  1650  the  South  Indian  powers  had 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Deccan  Sultans.  The  Marathas  then  obtained  by 
their  sword  the  right  of  collecting  the  tributes.  With  their  head-quarters  at  Jinji,  they 
succeeded,  for  the  space  of  a  generation,  in  extorting  the  allegiance  of  the  South  Indian 
powers  ;  but  in  1688,  the  ambition  of  Aurangzeb,  which  had  not  only  extinguished  the 
Pathan  kingdoms  of  Bijapur  and  Golkonda,  but  compelled  the  Maratha  ruler  Raja  Ram 
to  flee  from  his  native  country  and  take  refuge  at  Jinji,  desired  to  bring  the  various 
powers  of  South  India  directly  under  the  Empire.  It  was  with  this  intention  that 
Zulfikar  Khan,  who  was  besieging  "  the  Eastern  Troy "  from  1690  onward,  carried  his 
army  in  1693  further  south.  As  might  be  expected,  his  inarch  was  a  triumphal  progress. 
The  Maratha  ruler  of  Tanjore,  Shahji,  readily  obeyed  and  paid  tribute.  The  turn  of 
Madura  then  came.  Maugammal  knew  that  the  opposition  against  the  Mughal  arms 
would  be  suicidal ;  that  far  from  procuring  her  independence  it  would  mean  ruin. 
Further  north,  even  the  powerful  Chikka  Deva  had  conciliated  the  Mughal  A.  Nearer, 
Tanjore  had  just  submitted.  Both  traditions  and  present  circumstance,  therefore,  both 
self  -interest  and  precedent,  told  Mangamma]  that  she  must  yield.  She  therefore  readily 
acknowledged  the  Empire  and  paid  the  tribute  of  a  suppliant  vassal.  It  is  not  known, 
however,  how  much  she  had  to  pay.  Indeed  Maiigammal  did  not  only  make  the  best 
of  a  trying  situation,  but  positively  made  it  a  source  of  service  and  advantage  to  her. 
She  seems  to  have  utilized  the  arbitration  and  the  resources  of  the  Empire  against 
Tanjore,  whose  encroachments  into  her  territory  did  not  cease.  The  Bundela  .  Journal 
says  that,  in  1697,  Zulfikar  Khan  led  a  second  expedition  into  the  South,  and  that  "when 
he  arrived  near  Tanjore,  the  Zemindar  of  Trichinopoly  sent  a  considerable  offering,  with 
requests  of  assistance  to  recover  several  places  which  the  Raja  of  Tanjore  had  taken  from 
him''.  Zulfikar  Khan  complied  with  the  request,  and  obliged  Tanjore  to  restore  them.40 

Her  wise  policy  towards  the  Mughal  Empire. 

That  she  wisely  endeavoured  to  acknowledge  the  imperial  suzerainty  and  availed  her- 
self of  it  when  attacked  by  enemies  is  clear  not  only  from  the  incidents  already  described 
but  from  an  event  which  took  place  in  1702.  Niccolas  Manucci41  tells  us  that,  on  April  20, 
1702,  she  sent  a  letter  to  the  Deputy  Nawab  of  the  Carnatic,  Da'ud  Khan,  just  then  besieging 
the  English  in  Madras,42  requesting  him  "  to  undertake  in  person  to  assist  her  in  the  war 

*°  Scott  II,  p.  93.  "  Tho  Raja  of  Trichinopoly  was  an  infant,  and  the  power  of  the  State  vested  in 
his  mother,  a  woman  of  great  abilities  who  conducted  affairs  with  masculine  courage.  "  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  an  invasion  of  the  South  by  a  certain  "  Mulla  "  in  1696  referred  to  in  the  Tanjore  (Jazr. 
p.  42,  refers  to  this  expedition.  Zulfikar  Khan  led  a  similar  excursion  in  1700.  Ibid,  p.  96. 

«  See  Storia  do  Mogor.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  411. 

«2  For  Da'ud  Khan's  dealings  with  the  English,  Manucci's  part  therein,  and  other  details,  see 
Madras  in  Olden  Times,  Vol.  I,  p.  375-406  ;  Storia  do  Mogor,  III,  384-414.  Da'ud  Khan  completed  tho 
work  of  Zulfikar  Khan  in  the  conquest  of  the  Carnatic.  In  1702  he  captured  Vellore,  the  last 
remaining  possession  of  Raja  Ram  in  the  south.  See  Storia  do  Mogor,  III,  p.  421,  and  486-7,  Manucci 
gives  a  description  of  the  Vellore  fort,  its  ditch  with  its  enormous  crocodiles,  and  the  practice  of  the 
people  in  throwing  themselves  into  the  ditch  as  a  sacrifice  for  their  sins,  or  sacrificing  buffaloes,  oows 
and  goats.  Da'ud  Khan  threw  the  thieves  of  Vellore  into  the  ditch  as  a  thank-offering  for  his  success. 
For  an  account  of  Vellore  under  the  Muhammadan  chiefs,  see  Taylor's  Rest.  MSS.  II*  Jt  contains 
«oxne  very  curious  and  interesting  facts,  but  is  not  germane  to  our  purpos* 


JULY,  1917  ]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  181 

she  was  obliged  to  wage  against  the  Prince  of  Aurapaliam  ( Uday&r-palayam),  another 
tributary  of  the  Moghul.  This  man  had  already  seized  some  of  her  towns.  The  letter 
stated  with  much  exaggeration  the  iniquity  of  the  Rajah's  proceedings,  and  was  fitted  with 
humble  words  and  prayers  intended  to  influence  the  general  to  come  to  her  aid.  With 
it  came  some  very  fine  presents  to  be  sent  on  to  Aurangzeb,  some  for  Da'ud  Khan  and  some 
for  the  diwan.  They  consisted  in  a  number  of  valuable  trinkets  and  precious  stones  for 
the  king,  20,000  rupees  in  silver  coin  for  the  general,  and  10,000  for  the  diwan — a  metal 
with  more  virtues  in  the  eyes  of  these  gentry  than  the  most  polished  orations  or  the 
most  loquacious  tongues  ".  Manucci  proceeds  to  say  that,  most  probably  on  account  of 
the  siege  of  Madras,  Da'ud  Khan  wrote  to  her  regretting  his  inability  to  respond  to  her 
prayer,  but  sent  her  a  few  troops. 

The  earnest  endeavour  on  the  part  of  Manga mmal  to  keep  in  good  terms  with  the 
Empire  at  any  cost  is  clear  in  another  incident  which  took  place  at  the  end  of  1702.     Da'ud 
Khan  had  driven  the  Marathas  completely  from  the  Carnatic  by  that  time,  and  Aurangzeb 
wrote  to  him  "  to  force  payment  from  the  Rajah  of  Tanjore,  the  Queen  of  Trichinopoly, 
and  some  other  neighbouring  princes,  of  the  tribute  they  had  hitherto  paid  to  the  Mah- 
rattas."     These  sums  were  to  be  in  addition  to  the  tribute  previously  collected  by  him  from 
these  princes.      In  his  order  the  emperor  set  forth  his  reasons  for  making  such  A  demand. 
Of  these,  the  principal  was  that  he  had  disbursed   enormous   sums  in  the  conquest  of  the 
Marathas  and  in  rescuing  these   kingdoms  from  a  state  of  never-ending  pillage.     Jt  was 
a  matter  of  justice,   therefore,  that  they   should  bear  a  cost  of  the  imperial  war  with  the 
Marathas.    In  conformity  with  these  orders,  Da'ud  Khan  demanded  an  enhanced   tribute 
from  Tanjore  and  Trichinopoly,  besides  a  contribution  of  300  and  100  elephants  respectively 
to  the  Empire, — to  replace  those  that  had  been   lost   during    the   war.     Both   the   rulers 
pleaded  poverty  in  vain.     But  they  knew  that  the  Mughal's  object  was,  as  Manucci  says, 
to  dispoil  them  and  "  to  become  the  master  of  all  their   territories  and  their  treasures." 
They    had  therefore  to  purchase    their   safety    by    furnishing   to    the    Mughal  General, 
**  not  the  number  of  elephants  he  claimed,  but  as  many  as  could  be  found  in  their  states 
and  belonging  to  their  subjects."43     After   all,  the   Mughal    did   not  give    them  efficient 
protection.     For  in  May   1704,44  the  Marathas  who,  by  this   time,    were   penetrating  into 
every  corner  of  the  Mughal  Empire,  raided  the  Carnatic,  conquered  the  fortress  of  Serava 
once  the  capital  of  Carnatic   Bijapur  and  now  an  imperial  possession,  once  again ;  entered 
the   country    adjoining   the  territories   of   the   kingdom   of  Trichinopoly  and  "  realised  a 
very  large  sum  as  tribute ;"  and  then  proceeding  to  Tanjore,   sealed  an  alliance   between 
the   Maharashtra   and   the   colony    by   tho    celebration   of    the   marriage  of  the  Tanjore 
princess  with  the  BOH  of  Ramachandra  Pant,  the  great   statesman   in    whose    hands    tho 
administration  of  the  Maratha  affairs  had  been  entrusted  by  Queen  Tara  Bai. 

The  Mysore  invasion  of  the  Kongu  Province. 

It  seems  that,  immediately  after  her  submission  to  the  Empire,  Mangammal 
had  to  defend  her  kingdom  against  a  formidable  invasion  of  the  Mysoreans. 
It  is  to  the  great  credit  of  the  Mysore  king,  Chikka  Deva  Raya,  that  while 
the  other  kingdoms  of  South  India  were  tottering  down,  he  was  able  to  bring 
about  an  expansion  of  his  kingdom.  With  rare  diplomatic  genius  he  persuaded 
the  Mughals,  who  had  seized  Bijapur  and  organized  its  dependent  possessions  in 

43  &t,>rin  t/o  Mogor,  III,  p.  423-4.  **  Ibid9  p.  503. 


162  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1917 

the  Carnatic  into  the  new  Mughal  province  of  Sera45,  to  sell  Bangalore  and  its  neighbour- 
hood, which  they  had  just  seized  from  King  Shuhji  of  Tanjore,  to  himself  for  three  lakhs  of 
rupeas.  Assiduously  cultivating  an  alliance  with  Aurangzeb,  Chikka  D6va  proceeded 
to  extend  his  territories  in  directions  that  would  not  interfere  with  the  Mughal  activi . 
ties.  He  deprived,  for  instance,  Bednore  of  many  of  its  districts.  Above  all, he  invaded 
the  possession  of  Maugammal,  and  carried  devastation  into  the  disputed  areas  of  Salem 
and  Coimbatore.  Almost  all  the  Polygars  of  Koiigu  Nad  yielded,40  and  agreed  to  pay 
the  peahkaah  in  future  to  kriraugapatiiam  instead  of  Madura.  Not  contented,  the 
Mysoreans  under  Da}avai  Kumara  Raya  were  soon  at  Trichinopoly  itself.  The  Naik 
capital  was  besieged,  and  Kurnara  Raya  vowed  that  he  would  never  return  to  Sriranga- 
patnam  without  capturing  the  city.  The  Dalavai,  however,  had  more  enthuniasm  than 
success.  An  irruption  of  the  Marathas  into  Mysore  in  the  North  necessitated  the  despatch 
of  a  large  part  of  his  army  to  'Srirangapa^iiam ;  and  as  a  result  of  this,  he  had  (apparently)  to 
abandon  the  siege  and  return  to  Mysore.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Narassappaiya,  the 
Da[avai  of  Mangamm*],  took  advantage  of  the  diminution  of  the  Mysore  army  to  take  the 
offensive  and  compel  its  retreat,  thereby  recovering  much,  if  not  all,  of  the  lost  territory. 

The  War  with  Travancore. 

The  war  with  Mysore  was  followed  in  1698  by  a  war  with  Travancore.47  The  Rajas 
of  Travancore ^had,  ever  since  its  subjugation  by  the  Vijayanagar  "Emperor  Achyuta  Raya, 
saluted  the  Madura  flag  and  paid  tribute.  But  during  the  troublous  times  of  ( 'hokkanatha, 
the  then  ruler  Ravi  Varma  availed  himself  of  the  exhaustion  of  Madura  to  violate  the  faith 
of  the  previous  engagements  and  withhold  the  tribute.  In  the  time  of  Rafiga  Krinshria  there 
was  a  reaction,  but  once  again,  on  the  death  of  that  monarch,  the  king  of  Travancore  became 
disaffected  and  imperious.  This  attitude  kindled  the  anger  of  the  queen-regent.  She  imme- 
diately set  military  operations  on  foot,  and  in  1697,  despatched  a  punitive  expedition  into 
the  Western  kingdom.  After  a  laborious  march,  the  Naik  army  reached,  by  way  of  the 
rocky  defile  north  of  the  cape,  the  town  of  Korku  lam,  identified  by  Nelson  with  Quilon, 
whither  the  forces  of  Travancore  had  already  inarched  with  a  view  to  check  the 
enemy.  When  the  two  armies  lay  opposite  to  each  other,  the  Raja  of  Travancore 
proposed  that,  in  case  his  adversary  co-operated  with  him  in  the  overthrow  of  some 
of  his  ministers  who  had  opposed  his  authority  and  insulted  his  dignity,  he  would  sur- 
render the  place  and  agree  to  pay  tribute.  The  Wlugas  agreed  ;  the  obnoxious  minis- 
ters were  either  taken  and  executed  or  exiled,  and  it  remained  for  the  Travancore  ruler 
to  fulfil  his  promise.  He  ceded  the  town,  but  he  had  evidently  resolved  on  treachery  from 
the  very  beginning.  As  soon  as  the  forces  of  Madura  occupied  the  town  and  felt 
themselves  secure,  they  were  suddenly  attacked  before  they  had  time  to  gather,  and 
were  almost  cut  down  to  a  man.  A  few  fortunate  men  escaped  to  carry  the  tale  of 
disaster.  The  revengeful  spirit  of  Ma'igammal  was  at  once  aroused  to  a  pitch  of  fury. 
Mustering  all  her  resources  she  organized  a  new  and  more  powerful  expedition  under  the 
command  of  the  ablest  general,  Narasappaiya.  The  course  of  the  war  is  uncertain,  but 
we  know  that  Narasa  succeeded  in  avenging  the  recent  disgrace,  ravaged  Travancore, 

«  Bice,  I,  p.  367-8.     Wilks.  I          4e  See  Appendix  The  Cdimbatore  Pa}ayamst    for  details. 

47  From  1661  to  1677  the  Travancore  king  was  one  Adityavarma.  He  and  bis  relatives  were 
murdered  in  1677  and  his  niece  Umayama  RAni  became  regent.  Her  administration  witnessed  a 
disaster  in  a  Muhammadan  raid,  the  raider  establishing  himself  in  Trivandrum  itself.  He  was  however 
driven  out  eventually  by  the  General  K£ralavarma.  The  regent's  son  Ravivarma  attained  age  in  1684 
and  was  then  crowned.  He  ruled  till  1718  and  it  was  in  hit)  time  that  MaiigammaJ  invaded  the  realm. 
See  Antiquities,  II,  239. 


JJJLY,  1917  ]  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA.  168 

and  besides  gaining  enormous  spoils,  compelled  the  Raja  to  pay  the  arrears  of  tribute 
and  guarantee  its  future  payment.  The  spoils  of  the  war  included  some  fine  cannon, 
which  were  taken  by  the  Dalavai  and  planted  in  the  bastions  "  of  Madura  and  Trichino- 
jJoly.48  The  later  Mr.  Nelson  instituted  inquiries  about  them,  but  he  was  unable  to 
Definitely  ascertain  their  fate.! 

War  with  Tanjore,  1700-*!. 

After  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Ravi  Varina,  Maiigammal  was  compelled  to 
declare  war  against  King  Shahji  of  Tanjore.  With  true  Maratha  ambition,  he  had  been 
gradually  encroaching  into  the  Madura  territory,  and  annexed  a  number  of  villages 
along  the 'banks  of  the  Kavori.  He  had  also  instituted  frequent  raids  into  the  Madura 
kingdom  for  the  sake  of  spoils.  The  vigilance  of  the  Toijcjamun  and  the  martial  valour  of 
the  Setupati  baffled  many  a  time  the  Tanjorean  invaders;  but  MangarnmaJ  could  not 
brook  the  continuance  of  such  a  state  of  things.  She  therefore  ordered  Xarasappaiya, 
as  soon  as  he  returned  from  his  Travancore  expedition,  to  take  steps  against  Tanjore, 
Narasappaiya  was  at  first  on  the  defensive.  Either  the  exhaustion  of  his  army  or  the 
requirements  of  economy  dissuaded  him  from  an  extensive  programme  and  offensive  enter- 
prise. He  therefore  simply  stationed  his  forces  on  the  Southern  banks  of  the  river,  with 
a  view  of  checking  the  detached  irruptions  of  the  Tanjore  cavalry.  The  agilitv  and  activity 
of  the  latter  proved  more  than  equal  to  the  slowly  moving  army  of  the  Va  lugas.  The 
depredations  into  Madura  continued,  and  Narasa  had  to  take  firm  and  immediate 
steps  to  chastise  the  insolence  of  the  Maratba.  Not  caring  to  engage  the  foes  before  him, 
he  took  the  route  direct  to  Tanjore.  By  slow  and  cautious  march  he  soon  found  himself 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Maratha  capital.  Sudden  Hoods  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Kaveri 
prevented  an  effective  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Taujore  general,  and  the  army  that 
came  to  meet  the  invaders  was  practically  exterminated.  There  was  at  once  a  panic  in 
the  city.  The  king  was  alarmed  and  the  people  wore  in  despair.  Shahji  felt  that  the  disaster 
must  be  due  to  the  inactivity  and  treachery  of  his  minister,  Vanoji  Pandit.*»  Rightly  or 
wrongly  he  held  hirn  to  be  the  author  of  the  trouble  and  threatened  him  with  instant 
death,  if  the  enemy  were  still  suffered  to  progress.  Vanoji  Pandit  vowed  to  sacrifice  his  life, 
if  he  did  not  make  the  enemy  abandon  the  march  and  return  to  Trichinopoly  in  the  course 
of  a  week.  The  shrewd  minister  depended  for  success,  not  on  a  new  muster  of  forces  or  a 
new  organization  of  the  army,  but  on  the  enemy's  love  of  money.  In  his  view  every  person 
in  the  Madura  kingdom  had  a  price,  and  he  resolved  to  coax  Maiigammal  and  her  Ualavai 
by  heaps  of  coins  to  conclude  peace.  But  the  necessary  sum  was  not  forthcoming.  The 
treasury  was  empty  and  the  king  unsympathetic.  But  to  the  desperate  situation 
of  the  minister,  the  ways  and  means  were  not  wanting.  Poor  people  were  compelled 
to  part  with  their  meagre  hoards,  and  merchants  were  menaced  to  disgorge  their  profits. 
Everybody  in  the  pay  of  Maugammal  was  then  made  richer.  The  queen  herself  was 
satisfied  by  a  big  war  indemnity.  Her  ministers  were  equally  gratified,  and  above  all,  the 
father  of  Narasappaiya,  a  person  whose  love  of  money  amounted  to  a  passion,  had 
full  satisfaction  !  The  result  was  that  the  Madura  army  was  in  a  week  on  its  way  to 
Trichinopoly.  The  life  of  Vanoji  Pandit,  as  well  as  the  kingdom  of  Tanjore,  was  safe. 

(To  be  continued,.) 

tf  For  au  account  of  Trichinopoly  and  its  fort  in  1719  by  Father  Bouohot.  see  Moore's  TricMno- 
poly  Manual,  130-131.  He  points  out  that  the  fort  was  the  finest  between  Cape  Cornorin  and  Golkonda, 
that  it  was  impregnable  in  the  eyoa  of  the  people,  and  that  its  double  wall,  with  its  60  towers,  had 
130  pieces  of  cannon  mounted  on  it-  The  population,  he  says,  was  300,000. 

**  He  was  the  same  as  the  Sri  Vanaji  Pan<Jitar,  an  inscription  of  whom,  dated  l68(i-7,  is  found  at 
Patfukkottai  fort,  saying  that  he  conquered  all  Setupati  territory  as  far  as  the  P&mbun&r.  (Tanj. 

j  p.  43.)    We  cannot  say  how  far  the  Madura  accounts  are  credible. 


164 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY « 


[JULY,   1*17 


MISCELLANEA. 


THE  MAHIMNASTAVA  AND  ITS  AUTHOK 

This  celebrated  hymn  is  ascribed  generally, 
though  not  unanimously,  to  Pushpadanta,  a  king  of 
the  Gandbarva*.  This  is  on  the  face  of  it  a  legend, 
— a  figment  of  a  clever  brain  who  evidently  meant 
to  express  his  great  veneration  for  tho  poem  by 
associating  with  a  '  lord  of  celestial  musicians'  and 
adding  a  few  spurious  verses  to  that  effect  at  the 
end.  A  solitary  commentator,  DoehyAmatya,  how- 
ever, brings  it  back  from  heaven  and  preserves  a 
tradition  of  its  having  been  written  by  the 
celebrated  Kumarilabhatta  (Descriptive  Cat.  of 
Govt.  Oriental  Library,  Mysore,  No.  11120.)  As 
to  its  probable  age,  Aufrecht  (Oxf.  Cat.  p.  131) 
could  not  trace  its  verses  earlier  than  the  time  of 
Ujjvaladatta,  who  quotes  the  linoxfrf  fri^^Tf  T?TTft- 
rosq^f  *3«TT  under  I.  48  and  99.  This  is  of  little 
value,  for  a  commentary  itself  by  Vopadeva(  Bhan- 
darkar'ssixth  Rep.  No.  433)  carries  us  further  back. 


An  earlier  quotation  is  to  be  found  in  SarvAnanda's 
Ttodsarvatva  (Triv.  Sana.  Series,  Part  I,  p.  17), 
which  was  written  soon  after  1159  A.D.  $u*  * 
clear  solution  of  both  age  and  authorship  is  perhapt 
to  be  found  in  the  following  passage  of  Iffa^l's  *?V- 
ftira^R^ ,  (Kvvyamdld  Ed.,  Part  II,  p,  255) 
written  in  A.  D.  959. 


fffr 


I 

llfflT* 

verse  18  of  the  hymn, 
and  as  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  it  was  a 
later  interpolation,  the  whole  hymn  must  have* 
been  written  by  one  Grahila. 

D.  C.  BHATTACHABYYA,  M.A. 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


Intercourse  between  India  and  the  Western  World 
from  the  earliest  times  to  the-  fall  of  Rome.  By 
H.  G.  BAWLINSON,  M.A.,  I.  E.  S.  Cambridge  ;  at 
the  University  Press,  1916. 

THE  book  has  been  very  much  praised  on  all 
hands,  and,  I  think,  rightly  so.  And  it  is  a  matter 
of  great  surprise  to  find  a  Professor  of  English  writ, 
ing  such  a  well-informing  and  interesting  book 
on  such  a  difficult  antiquarian  subject.  There 
can  bo  no  doubt  that  it  supplies  a  long-folt  want 
and  that  it  will  be  very  widely  read  both  b> 
Europeans  and  Indians*  especially  as  it  is  written 
in  a  popular  style.  The  book  can  certainly,  on  the 
whole,  be  safely  recommended  for  general  perusal. 
The  author  has  evidently  taken  great  pains  to 
make  himself  acquainted  with  almost  all  that  haa 
been  written  on  tho  subject  by  various  scholars  and 
antiquarians  and  has  a*  a  rulo  widely  used  his 
power  of  discrimination  where  there  is  a  divergence 
of  opinion  among  the  experts.  The  book,  in  short, 
is  all  that  a  most  intelligent  .md  painstaking 
layman  can  put  together. 

The  book,  however,  is  not  but  I ix>ly  without  faults, 
and  if  thoy  are  eradicated  in  the  second  edition, 
the  necessity  for  which  we  h«vo  no  doubt  will 
be  felt  before  long,  it  will  lr;svo  nothing  to  be 


desired.  Hero  I  shall  refer  only  to  these  point« 
to  which  attention  has  not  already  been  drawn 
in  its  reviews  elsewhere.  On  p.  85,  the  author 
says :  '  Perhaps  the  latest  reference  to  them  ( Ya- 
vanas)  occurs  in  the  inscription  of  the  Andhra 
queen  Bulaert,  A.D.  144;  who  boasts  that  ehe* 
rooted  the  "feakas,  Yavanas,  and  Pahlavae"  out 
of  the  Deooan  for  ever,'  and  mentions  in  a  footnote 
that  this  inscription  is  at  Karla.  Hero  ho  has 
fallen  into  throe  blunders.  In  the  first  place,  the 
name  of  the  queen  is  not  Bftlafrt  but  Balasrf. 
Secondly,  the  person  who  rooted  out  these  foreign* 
ers  is  not  this  queen,  but  her  son  Gautamlputra 
ftfttakarni.  And,  thirdly,  the  inscription  is  not  in 
a  cave  at  Karla  but  at  Naaik.  The  diacritical 
marks  sometimes  are  not  properly  used.  Thus 
for  Tfigara  (p.  19)  we  should  have  Tagara,  for 
Anurddhapur  (p.  162)  Anur&dh&pur,  for  Pdduka 
(p.  168)  P&dukd,  and  for  Pdtika  (p.  87)  Patika. 
The  expression  '  the  rape  of  Sfta  in  the  Rdmdyana  ,* 
(p.  141)  does  not  bespeak  tho  author's  close 
acquaintance  with  Vftlmlki's  work  or  even  its 
accurate  translations.  The  word  '  unsurmoun table' 
occurring  on  p.  159  must  be  a  misprint  for  '  in* 
surmountable/ 

Y.  R.  GUPTB. 


AUGUST,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  165 

A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OP  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,   1913-16. 

BY  SIR  AUREL  STEIN,  K.C.I.E.,  D.L1TT. 

(Continued  from  p.  144.) 

OIMULTANEOUSLY  I  had  to  push  on  preparations  foi  the  explorations  which  were  to 
^  take  our  several  parties  into  the  waterless  desert  north  and  north-cast  of  tho  extant  Lop- 
nor.  It  was  some  help  that  the  small  colony  of  Lopliks,  formerly  living  at  Abdal,  whom  a, 
slow  impulse  is  gradually  turning  from  semi- nomadic  fishermen  and  hunters  into  somewhat 
casual  agriculturists,  had  since  1908  transferred  their  homesteads  to  the  patches  of  land  now 
again  irrigated  from  the  stream  of  Miran.  But  apart  from  their  exceedingly  scanty  resources 
and  the  struggle  with  their  evasive  cunning,  I  had  another  source  of  worry  to  face  during 
those  anxious  days.  Within  a  week  of  my  arrival  at  Miran,  I  received  a  letter  from  {Sir  George 
Macartney  bringing  serious  news.  From  the  headquarters  of  the  provincial  Government 
at  Urumchi  an  edict  had  issued  ordering  the  district  authorities  to  prevent  all  surveying 
work  on  our  part,  and  in  case  of  any  attempt  to  continue  our  explorations  to  arrest  and  send 
us  under  escort  to  Kashgar  "  for  punishment  under  treaty."  There  is  neither  room  uor 
need  here  to  discuss  the  probable  motives  of  this  intended  obstruction,  or  the  alleged  regu- 
lations by  the  General  staff  of  the  Chinese  Republic  quoted  in  explanation.  1  knew  that  the 
intercession  of  our  Minister  at  Peking  had  been  immediately  invoked  from  Kashgar  by  my 
ever-watchful  friend  and  protector.  But  th  it  help  could  make  itself  felt  only  after  months. 
In  tho  meantime  i  should  have  to  contend,  if  not  with  an  attempt  at  forcible  interference, 
yet  with  Chinese  passive  obstruction  easy  enough  to  apply  in  my  circumstances  and  parti- 
cularly dangerous  to  my  plans.  Soon  there  arrived  a  copy  of  the  edict  from  the  officious 
Anibah  at  Kara-shahr,  whom  I  had  previously  asked  for  a  Mongol  interpreter,  i  could 
gauge  the  force  of  the  import  and  language  when  I  saw  the  sallow  face  of  my  poor 
shrivelled  Chinese  secretary  turning  a  livid  grey  as  he  read  through  the  document  and 
explained  it. 

Evening  after  evening  as  I  came  back  from  the  day's  work  at  tho  ruins  I  looked  anxiously 
among  my  indolent  Lopliks  for  the  first  signs  of  the  feared  passive  resistance  to  my  plans 
which  would  have  so  well  suited  their  natural  bent.  But  fortunately  the  expected  prohibi- 
tion from  Charkhlik  never  came.  As  I  found  out  later,  I  owed  this  lucky  escape  to  the 
opportune  "  revolutionary  "  outbreak.  It  had  disposed  of  the  original  district  magistrate 
before  he  could  take  any  action.  His  rebel  successor,  who  had  taken  charge  of  tho  Yamen 
and  found  the  orders  there,  had  more  urgent  and  profitable  business  to  attend  to  before  he 
was  killed  himself.  And  subsequently  the  military  commandants,  in  strict  observance  of 
Chinese  official  convention,  had  carefully  abstained  from  looking  into  civil  affairs,  and 
kept  the  Yamen  papers  sealed  up  until  the  new  Amban  had  arrived  from  Urumchi  and  taken 
charge  of  the  seal  of  office.  But  what  a  relief  it  was  when  I  had  safely  collected  all  I  needed 
and  could  set  out  for  the  waterless  desert  where  I  should  know  myself  completely  protected 
from  any  risk  of  human  interference !  Great  as  v/ere  the  difficulties  and  risks  from  lifeless 
nature  to  be  faced  there,  I  was  buoyed  up  by  the  assurance  of  freedom  for  the  timely 
execution  of  my  plans. 

On  January  23  I  had  started  Lai  Singh  northward  by  the  Tarim  to  Tikenlik,  where  he 
was  to  pick  up  the  seven  strong  camels  I  had  asked  Abdu'r-Rahim,  the  hardy  hunter  from 
Singer  and  our  old  guide  in  the  Kuruk-tagh,  to  provide.  Thence  he  was  to  carry  out  an 
exact  survey  of  the  ancient  river-bed  and  its  branches  by  which  the  waters  of  Konchedary* 


THE  INDIAV  ANTIQUAUV  [  AUGDST,  1917 

onoe  reached  the  area,  now  wholly  desiccated  desert,  south  of  the  Kuruk-tagh  foothills, 
where  Hedin  in  1900  had  first  discovered  the  ruins  of  the  "  Lou-Ian"  site.  The  latter  was 
to  be  our  rendezvous.  Surveyor  Muhammad  Yakub  Khan,  some  days  later,  was  sent  off 
with  five  camels  by  the  desert  track  to  Tun-huang  in  order  to  carry  a  series  of  exact  level- 
ling operations  from  the  eastern  end  of  the  great  salt-encrusted  basin  which  marks  the 
ancient  dried-up  Lop  Sea,  towards  the  termination  of  the  Su-lo  Ho  drainage. 

My  own  tasks  included  the  excavation  of  any  ruins  which  the  intended  exploration  of 
the  dried-up  delta  of  the  "  Kuruk-darya  "  and  the  search  for  the  ancient  Chinese  route  onoe 
leading  eastwards  from  Lou-Ian  might  reveal.  In  order  to  assure  adequate  time  for  the 
latter  rather  hazardous  task  and  for  the  survey  of  the  unexplored  north  and  east  portions  of 
the  great  salt-encrusted  sea-bed,  which,  there  was  reason  to  aasume,  that  ancient  route  must 
have  passed  through  or  skirted,  it  was  essential  to  effect  excavations  rapidly,  and  therefore 
to  take  along  as  many  labourers  as  I  eould  possibly  manage  to  keep  supplied  with  water, 
recte  ice.  What  with  big  loads  of  ice  sufficient  to  assure  minimum  alkwane.es  of  water  for 
thirty-five  people  for  at  least  one  month,  with  food  supplies  of  one  month  for  all  and  of  an 
additional  month  for  my  own  people,  and  what  with  the  indispensable  outfit  of  furs,  felts, 
etc,,  to  afford  protection  in  the  wintry  desert  exposed  to  icy  gales,  the  thirty  camels  I  had 
succeeded  in  raising,  including  our  own,  were  by  no  means  too  many.  It  goes  without  say- 
ing that  everybody  had  to  walk,  and  that  the  labourers  had  to  help  by  the  carriage  of  light 
loads. 

It  was  a  great  relief  when,  on  February  1,  T  had  safely  started  this  big  column  for  the 
-desert  north-eastward.  Next  day  we  took  up  our  water-supply  in  the  shape  of  big  blocks 
of  ice  packed  in  bags  from  a  terminal  lagoon  of  the  Tarim.  Thence  four  marches  brought 
us  to  my  immediate  goal,  a  large  ruined  fort  which  had  first  been  sighted  by  Tokhta 
Akhim,  my  faithful  old  Loplik  follower,  apparently  in  1910,  when  he  returned  from  the 
Lou-Ian  situ  after  guiding  there  Mr.  Tachibana,  the  young  Japanese  explorer.  By  clearing 
the  substantial  dwellings  within,  we  recovered  plentiful  relics  iu  the  shape  of  architectural 
wood-carvings,  implements,  eoiiis,  etc.,  these  proved  occupation  to  have  ceased  here  about 
the  same  period,  early  in  the  fourth  century  A.D..  as  at  the  u  Lou-Ian  "  site*.  Wind-erosion 
had  deeply  scoured  the  ground  outside,  but  had  not  succeeded  in  more  than  breaching  in 
places  the  very  solid  enclosing  rampart  built  of  alternate  layers  of  brushwood  fascines 
and  stamped  clay,  after  the  fashion  of  the  ancient  Chinese  Limes.  A  well-marked  dry 
river-course  near  the  fort  was  easily  traced  by  the  rows  of  fallen  dead  trees  once  lining  the 
banks,  and  the  direction  clearly  proved  it  to  have  been  a  southern  branch  of  the  ancient 
Kuruk-darya  ("  the  dry  river  "),  which  once  had  carried  water  to  the  Lou  lau  aite. 

By  following  up  this  river- course  wo  came  upou  a  second  and  smaller  fort,  and  a  recon- 
naissance north  of  it  soon  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  scattered  remains  of  an  extensive 
settlement.  The  dwellings,  built  of  timber  and  wattle  after  the  fashion  of  those  at  the  Niya 
site,  had  suffered  greatly  through  the  erosive  action  of  wind-driven  sand.  Yet,  where  con- 
solidated refuse  heaps  had  helped  to  protect  the  original  floors,  we  found  ancient  records  on 
wood  and  paper  in  Kharoshthi  and  another  Indian  script,  as  well  as  in  Chinese  and  Early 
Sogdian,  besides  very  interesting  and  well-preserved  remains  of  furniture,  personal  equip 
ment,  fabrics,  and  the  like.  There  could  be  no  doubt  that  this  settlement,  too,  had  been 
occupied  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  and  by  people  sharing  the  same 
well-developed  civilization  due  to  the  mixture  of  Indian,  Chinese,  and  Western  influences 
which  my  finds  of  1906  at  the  Lou-Ian  site  had  illustrated. 


AUGUST,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  167 


The  exact  antiquarian  evidence  here  obtained  has  its  special  value,  because  it  enables 
us  to  date  a  variety  of  physical  features  which  I  could  observe  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  ruined  settlement.  They  throw  fresh  light  on  the  hydrography  and  early  occupation 
of  this  part  of  the  Lop-nor  region  during  historical  times  and  those  immediately  preceding 
them.  For  the  latter  the  abundant  finds  of  stone  implements,  such  as  Neolithic  arrow- 
heads and  jade  celts,  which  were  picked  up  from  the  eroded  surface  oi  the  ground  near  these 
ruins  afforded  a  very  useful  guide.  The  fact  that  these  finds  of  stone  implements  continued 
over  most  of  the  wind-eroded  ground  up  to  the  Lou-Ian  site  had  a  significant  bearing  on 
the  so-called  "  Lop-nor  problem,"  the  discussion  of  which  has  long  been  carried  on  without 
an  adequate  basis  of  surveys. 

It  was  similarly  important  that  on  the  two  long  inarches  which  brought  us  there  we 
met  a  succession  of  ancient  river-beds  all  lined  by  rows  of  dead  Toghrak  (wild-poplar)  trees, 
and  clearly  recognizable  by  their  direction  as  having  branched  off  from  the  "  Dry  River  " 
skirting  the  foot  of  the  Kuruk-tagh.  It  was  plainly  a  considerable  delta,  not  a  large 
terminal  lake,  which  had  existed  here  during  the  historical  times  accessible  to  antiquarian 
evidence,  and  our  new  surveys  have  shown  how  far  it  extended  south  and  south-west.  Finds 
of  Chinese  Han  coins  and  of  small  metal  and  pottery  fragments  of  undoubtedly  the  same 
historical  period  mingled  freely  with  those  of  the  Stone  Age,  just  on  tho  ground  where 
(according  to  a  recent  theory)  wo  ought  to  have  been  crossing  the  position  assumed  for 
the  Lop-nor  of  the  epoch  when  Lou -Ian  was  occupied. 

It  was  long  after  nightfall  on  February  10  that  we  struggled  through  to  tho  old  Chinese 
station  marked  by  the  chief  ruins  of  the  Lou-Ian  site.  It  was  very  trying  ground  we  had 
to  cross  all  day,  cut  up  by  wind  erosion  into  an  unending  succession  of  narrow  and  steep 
clay  terraces  all  running  east-north-east  to  west-south-west,  tho  direction  of  the  prevailing 
wind,  and  very  difficult  for  tho  camels  to  pass.  From  our  base  camp  at  the  foot  of  the 
familiar  Stupa  ruin  I  pushed  out  reconnaissances  into  the  unknown  desert  to  the  east  and 
north-oast,  while  keeping  my  diggers  at  work  on  deeper  deposits  of  refuse,  etc.,  which  had 
escaped  attention  during  the  stress  of  our  previous  visit.  Among  the  numerous  finds  of 
ancient  documents  on  wood  and  paper  which  rewarded  this  clearing,  I  may  socially  mention 
one,  unfortunately  fragmentary,  which  shows  a  script  as  yet  unrepresented  among  all  our 
former  collections.  The  rest  were  in  Chinese,  Kharoshthi,  and  the  Iranian  language  known 
since  my  finds  of  1900-07  as  Early  Sogdian. 

Quito  as  interesting  to  me  wero  the  series  of  close  observations  I  was  able  to  make  on 
ground  immediately  adjoining  tho  ruins,  as  to  tho  levels  at  which  tho  process  of  denudation 
and  wind-erosion  had  been  arrested  from  time  to  time  by  a  temporary  return  of  moisture 
and  desert  vegetation  affording  protection  to  tho  soil.    These  clearly  showed  that  the  process, 
striking  as  its  effects  everywhere  are,  had  been  neither  constant  nor  uniform  during  the 
sixteen  hundred  years  which  have  passed  since  the  abandonment  of  the  station.    Hence  a 
mere  line  of  levelling  carried  across  areas  which  wind-erosion  has  affected  in  such  different 
ways,  could  not,  in  the  absence  of  dateable  marks  in  the  shape  of  structural  or  other  remains, 
be  expected  to    yield  reliable  outlines  of  the    hydrographic    configuration  of  the  ground 
at  earlier  periods, 

But  the  chance  for  more  exciting  work  came  when  I  could  follow  up  what  the  reconnais- 
sance surveys,  carried  out  particularly  by  Afrazgul  Khan,  my  young  Pathan  surveyor, 
with  great  zeal  and  intelligence,  had  revealed  towards  the  north-oast.  There  on  ground 
wholly  untouched  by  human  feet  for  so  many  centuries,  I  had  hoped  to  find  ruins  near  what 


168  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST.  W17 

I  conjectured  to  have  been  the  line  of  the  earliest  Chinese  route  leading  into  the  Tarim  Basin 
from  Tun-huang  and  the  extreme  west  of  China  proper.  A  succession  of  important  dis- 
coveries soon  confirmed  that  hope.  On  the  top  of  a  large  clay  terrace  or  meska,  rising  steeply 
some  35  feet  above  the  eroded  ground  level,  I  came  upon  most  interesting  remains  of  an 
ancient  burial-ground.  On  the  sides  of  the  mound  graves  had  been  partially  exposed 
and  destroyed  by  wind-erosion  undercutting  the  banks  and  causing  them  to  fall.  But  the 
top  of  the  mesha  had  been  safe  from  this  destructive  agent,  and  there  we  found  a  series 
of  large  grave  pits  which  yielded  a  rich  antiquarian  haul  in  quite  bewildering  confusion. 

Mixed  up  with  human  bones  and  fragments  of  coffins  there  emerged  here  in  abundance 
household  implements  of  all  sorts,  objects  of  personal  use  such  as  decorated  bronze  mirror  ft, 
wooden  models  of  arms,  Chinese  records  on  paper  and  wood,  and,  above  all,  a  wonderful 
variety  of  fabrics  which  delighted  my  eye.  Among  them  were  beautifully  coloured  silks, 
pieces  of  rich  brocade  and  embroidery,  fragments  of  fine  pile  carpets  by  the  side  of  coarse 
fabrics  in  wool  and  felts.  It  soon  became  evident  that  these  remnants  of  garments  of  all 
sorts  had  been  used  for  wrapping  up  bodies,  perhaps  partially  embalmed.  ]  could  not  have 
wished  for  a  more  representative  exhibition  of  that  ancient  Chinese  silk  trade  which  we 
know  to  have  been  a  chief  factor  in  opening  up  this  earliest  route  for  China's  direct 
intercourse  with  Central  Asia  and  the  distant  West,  and  which  had  panned  along  here  for 
centuries. 

A  variety  of  very  interesting  problems  as  to  the  origin,  of  designs,  etc.,  usually  attri- 
buted to  Persian  art  of  the  Sassanian  period,  had  been  raised  by  the  line  decorated  silk  fabric* 
I  had  discovered  on  my  former  journey  in  the  walled-up  cave  temple  of  the  "Thousand 
Buddhas  "  near  Tun-huang.  Here  a  mass  of  far  older  and  dateable  materials  was  coming 
to  light  to  help  to  solve  those  problems.  I  soon  realized,  from  various  indications,  that  the 
contents  of  these  pits  must  have  teen  collected,  before  the  final  abandonment  of  the  Chinese 
military  station  of  Lou-Ian,  from  older  graves  which  wind-erosion  or  some  similar  cause  had 
exposed  or  was  threatening.  Consequently  the  relics,  here  saved  in  obedience  to  a  pious 
custom  fitill  prevalent  among  the  Chinese,  could  safely  be  assigned  to  that  period  of  the 
rule  of  the  Han  dynasty,  which  followed  the  first  expansion  of  Chinese  trade  and  power  into 
Central  Asia  about  the  close  of  the  second  century  B.C.  There  was  no  time  then  to  examine 
the  wealth  of  beautiful  designs  and  colours  making  a  feast  for  my  eyes.  But  I  felt  that  in 
this  utter  desolation  of  the  wind-eroded  clay  desert,  where  nature  was  wholly  dead  and  eveu 
the  very  soil  was  being  reduced,  as  it  were,  to  the  condition  of  a  skeleton,  there  had  opened 
up  a  new  and  fascinating  chapter  in  the  history  of  textile  art.  It  will  take  years  to  read  it 
in  full  clearness. 

My  satisfaction  was  equally  great  when,  after  a  long  and  fatiguing  tramp  from  our 
base,  I  found  myself  by  nightfall  at  a  large  \i  ailed  enclosure  near  to  where  one  of  the  dry 
river-beds  passing  the  Lou-Ian  site  seemed  to  merge  in  the  hard  salt  expanse  of  an  ancient 
terminal  marsh.  We  had  struck  the  fortified  castrum  which,  as  close  examination  soon 
showed,  had  served  as  a  point  d'appui  for  Chinese  missions  and  troops  where  they  first 
reached  Lou-Ian  territory  after  having  crossed  the  salt-encrusted  dry  lake -ted  and  skirted 
its  absolutely  barren  north  shores.  Its  walls,  built  with  regular  alternate  layers  of  clay  and 
carefully  secured  reed  fascines,  and  remarkably  well  preserved  after  two  thousand  years' 
exposure,  showed  constructive  features  in  closest  agreement  with  those  observed  in  the 
westernmost  extension  of  the  ancient  Chinese  border  wall,  which  I  had  discovered  and 
explored  in  1907  in  the  desert  of  Tun-huang. 


Auouax.  1917]       A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  16ft 

There  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  fort  dated,  like  the  Tun-huang  Limes  itself,  from  the 
first  military  advance  of  the  Chinese  into  the  Tarim  Basin,  about  KM  B.C.,  and  that  it 
represented,  as  it  wore,  tho  bridge-head  of  the  desert  route  by  which  that  advance  was  made 
possible,  I  had  become  so  familiar  with  that  ancient  Limes  and  the  technical  skill  displayed 
in  its  construction  that  I  could  not  help  rejoicing  at  the  way  in  which  this  work  from  the 
hands  of  the  same  old  Chinese  engineers  had  withstood  the  attacks  of  that  most  formidable 
enemy  in  this  region,  wind-erosion.  The  walls  of  reed  fascines  had  nowhere  been  seriously 
breached,  while  inside  the  circumvallation  the  force  of  the  wind  has  worked  terrible  havoc, 
scouring  out  big  hollows  clown  to  20  feet  and  more  below  tho  ground-level  and  reducing  a 
large  central  structure  to  a  bare  clay  terrace  strewn  with  scattered  debris  of  timber.  Under 
the  shelter  of  the  north  wall,  however,  refuse  heaps  had  survived,  and  these  yielded  Chinese 
records  on  wood  and  paper. 

Beyond  this  fortified  Chinese  station  other  remains  were  traced.  Of  these  it  must  suffice  ^ 
to  mention  a  small  ruined  fort  which  occupied  a  commanding  position  on  the  narrow  top  of 
a  precipitous  clay  ridge  fully  100  feet  high.  It  had  evidently  served  as  a  stronghold  and 
look-out  post  for  some  chief  of  the  indigenous  population  of  Lou-lau.  Of  tho  typo, 
habits,  and  civilization  of  the  Lou-Ian  people,  as  the  Chinese  found  them  on  the  first  opening 
of  the  route  through  the  desert,  the  Han  Annals  have  preserved  some  curious  notes.  The 
Accuracy  of  these  was  illustrated  in  a  most  striking  fashion  by  the  examination  of  the  graves 
covering  the  other  end  of  tho  clay  ridge.  Here  we  found  the  bodies  of  men  and  women, 
probably  members  of  the  old  chief's  family,  in  a  truly  wonderful  state  of  preservation,  due, 
no  doubt,  to  vhe  absolute  dryness  of  the  climate  and  the  safe  elevation  of  their  resting-places. 
The  peaked  felt  caps  of  the  men  decorate*!  with  big  feathers  and  other  trophies  of  the  chase, 
the  arrow-shafts  by  their  side,  the  simple  but  strong  woollen  garments  fastened  with  pins 
of  hard  wood,  tho  neatly  woven  small  baskets  holding  the  food  for  the  dead,  etc.,  all  indicated 
a  race  of  semi-nomadic  hunters  and  herdsmen,  just  as  tho  Chinese  describe  them. 

It  was  a  strange  sensation  to  look  down  on  figures  which  but  for  the  parched  skin  seemed 
like  those  of  men  asleep  and  to  feel  brought  face  to  face  with  people  who  inhabited,  and  no 
doubt  liked,  this  dreary  Jjop-nor  region  in  the  first  centuries  A.D.  The  features  of  the  heads 
closely  recalled  the  homo  alpinus  type,  which,  judging  from  my  anthropometries  records, 
worked  up  by  Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce,  still  supplies  the  prevalent  element  in  the  racial  constitution 
of  tho  indigenous  population  of  Chinese  Turkestan  and  is  seen  in  its  purest  form  in  tho  Iranian- 
speaking  tribes  near  tho  Pamirs.  Tho  general  appearance  of  these  Lou-lun  people  aeomed 
curiously  to  accord  with  the  significant  juxtaposition  in  which  small  bronze  objects  of  Chinese 
origin  were  picked  up  on  the  slope  below  the  little  fort  together  with  stone  implements, 
There  were  indications  elsewhere,  too,  suggesting  that  the  interval  separating  the  latest 
Neolithic  period  in  Lou-Ian  from  the  advent  of  the  Chinese  may  not  have  boon  a  very  long 
one. 

Apart  from  their  direct  interest,  the  discoveries  here  briefly  indicated  had  a  special 
importance  by  furnishing  me  with  a  safe  starting-point  and  some  guidance  for  the  difficult 
task  still  before  us,  that  of  tracing  the  line  of  that  famous  ancient  route  through  the  forbid- 
ding desert  eastwards.  But  it  was  impossible  to  set  out  for  it  at  once.  Incessant  toil  in 
the  waterless  desert  with  constant  exposure  to  its  icy  winds  had  exhausted  our  Loplik 
labourers,  hardy  plants  as  they  were  and  pleased  with  the  rewards  1  gave  them.  When  the 
last  digging  at  the  outlying  ruins  to  the  north-east  had  been  done,  1  had  to  take  them  back 


170  '        THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AuGXJBOJ,  W17 

to  our  Lou-Ian  base  camp,  whence  they  could  return  in  safety  under  Ibrahim  Beg's  guidance 
to  the  world  of  the  living, 

The  season's  initial  sand-storm  which  had  broken  with  full  fury  on  the  preceding  night 
and  which  the  Lopliks  attributed  to  the  wrath  of  the  dead  we  had  disturbed,  made  this  march 
exceptionally  tfying,  apart  from  the  risks  of  straying,  which  the  semi-darkness  involved 
for  the  men.  To  my  great  relief  1  found  Lai  Singh  safely  arrived  after  accomplishing  his 
survey  tasks  in  the  west  on  a  circuit  of  some  400  miles.  He  had  been  duly  joined  by  that 
plucky  hunter,  Abdu'r-Rahim,  who  with  his  life-long  desert  experience  and  his  magnificent 
camels  brought  fresh  strength  for  our  column.  It  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  stamina  of 
his  animals,  bred  and  reared  in  the  Kuruk-tagh,  that  the  baby  camel  to  which  one  of  them 
gave  birth  at  the  Lou-Ian  site  {subsequently  traversed  with  us  all  those  waterless  wastes  of 
salt  and  gravel  unharmed  and  almost  throughout  on  its  own  legs. 

Together  we  moved  then  north  to  the  Kuruk-tagh  in  order  to  secure  for  our  hard-tried 
camels  a  few  days'  rest  with  water  and  grazing  at  the  salt  springs  of  Altmish-bulak.  The 
new  route  followed  on  the  three  days'  march  allowed  me  to  examine  more  burial-grounds 
on  the  gravel  glacis  which  overlooks  the  ancient  riverine  belt,  now  dried  up  and  eroded  by 
the  wind.  TheHj^eniains  proved  very  helpful  for  explaining  my  previous  finds  east  of  the 
lx)U-lan  site.  But  even  more  welcome  was  the  four  days'  halt  at  Altmish-bulak.  Its  springs, 
saline  as  they  are,  gave  our  brave  camels  their  first  chance  of  a  real  drink  after  three  weeks, 
and  on  the  reed  beds  around  them  they  could  gather  fresh  strength  for  the  hard  task  still 
before  them.  After  the  dead  world  we  had  toiled  in,  this  little  patch  of  vegetation  seemed 
delightful,  too,  to  us  humans. 

After  replenishing  our  ice  supply  and  taking  a  carefully  arranged  store  of  fuel,  we  started 
on  February  24  for  our  respective  tasks.  The  one  allotted  to  Lai  Singh  was  to  survey  the 
unknown  north-east  shores  of  the  great  salt-encrusted  basin,  which  represents  the  fullest 
extension  of  the  dried-up  ancient  Lop-iior,  and  the  barren  hill  ranges  of  the  Kuruk-tagh 
overlooking  them.  I  myself  accompanied  by  Afrazgul  and  Shams  Din  proposed  to  search 
for  the  ancient  Chinese  route  where  it  left  the  edge  of  the  once  inhabited  Lou-Ian  area,  and 
to  trace  it.  over  whatever  ground  it  might  have  crossed  right  through  to  where  it  was  likely 
to  have  diverged  from  the  line  still  followed  by  the  desert  track,  which  leads  from  Tun-huang 
along  the  southern  shore  of  the  groat  dried-up  Lop  Sea  towards  Miran.  It  was  a  fascinating 
task  after  my  own  taste,  combining  geographical  and  historical  interest,  but  one  attended 
also  by  serious  difficulties  and  risks. 

From  what  I  knew  of  the  general  character  of  the  ground  before  us,  it  was  certain  that 
we  could  not  hope  for  water,  nor  over  most  of  it  for  fuel  to  melt  our  ice  with,  before  striking 
the  Tun-huang  caravan  track,  a  matter  of  some  ten  days'  hard  marching  judging  from  the 
approximately  calculated  distance.  There  was  a  limit  to  the  endurance  of  our  brave  camels, 
and  with  the  heavy  loads  of  ice,  fuel,  and  provisions  which  had  to  be  carried  for  the  sake  of 
safety,  1  could  cot  expect  the  animals,  already  hard  tried  by  the  preceding  week's  work  in 
absolute  desert,  to  remain  fit  for  more  than  ten  to  twelve  days.  It  was  impossible  to  foresee 
what  physical  obstacles  might  be  met  and  might  delay  us  beyond  the  calculated  measure  of 
time  in  this  wilderness  devoid  of  all  resources  and  now  more  barren,  perhaps,  than  any  similarly 
large  area  of  this  globe.  And  there  remained  the  problem  how  to  hit  the  line  of  the  ancient 
route  and  to  track  it  through  on  ground  which  long  before  the  dawn  of  historical  times  had 
ceased  to  offer  any  chance  for  human  occupation.  For  a  careful  search  of  any  relics  left 
behind  by  the  ancient  traffic,  which  had  passed  through  what  the  Chinese  Annals  vaguely 


AUGUST,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  171 

describe  as  the  terrible  "desert  of  the  White  Dragon  Mounds,"  there  would  be  no  time. 
Much,  if  not  most,  had  to  be  left  to  good  fortune — and,  combined  with  what  hints  I  could 
deduce  from  previous  archaeological  and  topographical  observations.  Fortune  served  me 
better  than  I  had  ventured  to  hope. 

Physical  difficulties  soon  presented  themselves  as  wo  made  our  way  south  through  and 
across  a  perfect  maze  of  steep  clay  terraces,  all  eroded  by  the  same  east-north-east  wind 
which  had  sculptured  the  usual  yardanga  of  Lou-Ian,  but  of  far  greater  height.  Having 
thus  regained  the  vicinity  of  the  terminal  point  d'appui  above  mentioned  of  the  ancient 
route,  I  soon  found  confirmation  for  my  previously  formed  conjecture  that  the  initial  bearing 
of  the  route  lay  to  the  north-east.  It  was  marked  by  the  almost  completely  eroded  remains 
of  an  outlying  indigenous  camping-place  and  of  an  ancient  watch-tower  of  the  type  familiar 
to  me  from  the  Tun-huang  Limes,  which  I  opportunely  discovered  on  towering  terraces  at 
the  very  edge  of  ancient  vegetation.  We  had  reached  hero  the  extreme  eastern  limit  of  the 
area  to  which  the  waters  of  the  Kuruk-darya  had  once  carried  life.  Beyond  there  were  no 
ruins  to  guide  us.  The  desert  eastwards  was  already  in  ancient  times  as  devoid  of  plant 
or  animal  life  of  any  sort  as  it  now  is.  As  we  loft  behind  the  withered  and  bleached  fragments 
of  the  last  dead  tamarisk  trunk  lying  on  the  salt  soil,  f  felt  that  we  had  panfled  front  the  laud 
of  the  dead  into  ground  that  never  know  life — except  on  the-  route  to  l>e  tracked. 

As  we  steered  onwards  by  the  compass  across  absolutely  barren  wastes  of  clayey  •</£<'/% 
detritus  or  hard  salt  crust,  chance  helped  us  iti  a  way  which  at  times  seemed  almost  uncanny. 
Again  and  again  finds  of  early  Chinese  coppor  coins,  small  metal  objects,  stone  ornaments 
and  the  like  gave  assurance  that  we  were  still  near  the  ancient  track  by  which  Chinese  politi- 
cal missions,  troops  and  traders  had  toiled  for  four  centuries  through  this  lifeless  wilderness. 
It  is  impossible  to  record  here  exact  details  of  all  such  finds.  But  I  may  at  least  briefly  mention 
two  thrilling  incidents  which  by  thoir  nature  helped  greatly  to  raise  the,  spirits  of  my  men 
and  filled  them  with  superstitious  confidence  in  some  spirits'  safe  guidance.  At  the  time 
they  made  me  to  feel  as  if  1  were  living  through  in  reality  experiences  dimly  remembered 
from  some  of  Jules  Verne's  fascinating  stories  T  had  read  as  a  small  boy. 

Thus,  on  the  third  day  of  our  march,  whou  the  last  traces  of  ancient  desert  vegetation 
had  long  remained  behind,  we  suddenly  found  the  ancient  track  plainly  marked  for  about 
30  yards  by  over  two  hundred  Chinese  copper  coins  strewing  the  dismal  ground  of  salt- 
encrusted  clay.  They  lay  in  a  well-defined  line  running  north-east  to  south-west,  just  as 
if  some  kindly  spirit  among  those  patient  old  Chinese  wayfarers,  who  had  faced  this  awful 
route  with  its  hardships  and  perils,  had  wished  to  assure  us  that  the  bearing  Twas  steering 
by  was  the  right  one.  In  reality  they  must  have  got  loose  from  the  string  which  tied  them 
and  gradually  dropped  out  unobserved  through  an  opening  in  their  bag  or  case.  The  coins 
were  all  of  the  Han  type,  and  seemed  as  if  fresh  from  some  mint.  Some  50  yards  further  on 
in  tho  same  direction  we  came  upon  a  similar  scattered  heap  of  bronze  arrow-heads,  all  mani- 
festly unused  and  looking  as  if  newly  issued  from  some  arsenal  of  Han  times.  Their  shape 
And  weight  exactly  agreed  with  the  ancient  Han  ammunition  I  had  picked  up  so  of  ton  along 
the  Limes  of  Tun-huang,  which  was  garrisoned  during  the  first  century  before  and  after  Christ. 
The  way  in  which  the  coins  and  arrow-heads  had  been  allowed  to  remain  on  the  ground 
suggested  that  they  had  dropped  from  some  convoy  of  stores  in  Han  times  which  was  moving 
At  night-time  and  probably  a  little  off  the  main  track  but  still  in  the  right  direction. 

Next  day's  long  march  brought  another  discovery  equally  stirring  and  useful.  We 
bad  followed  our  north-easterly  course  across  easy  ground  of  bare  clay  and  mica  detritus 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 


when  it  approached  at  a  slant  a  forbidding  belt  of  salt-coated  erosion  terraces  clearly  of  the 
type  to  which  the  Chinese  of  Han  times  had  applied  the  graphic  designation  of  "  White 
Dragon  Mounds."  I  knew  it  foreboded  the  close  vicinity  of  that  ancient  sea-bed  encrusted 
with  hard  crumpled  salt  which  I  was  anxious  to  steer  clear  of  as  long  as  possible,  on  account 
of  the  terrible  surface  it  would  present  for  our  poor  camels'  feet.  They  were  sore  already 
and  the  painful  process  of  "  re-soling  "  had  to  be  resorted  to  night  after  night.  I  was  juso 
preparing  to  climb  the  prominent  mesha  which  had  served  as  our  guiding  point  and  to  use 
it  as  a  look-out,  when  we  found  on  its  slopes  Chinese  coins,  soon  followed  by  quite  a  collection 
of  metal  objects,  including  bronze  ornaments  and  a  well-preserved  dagger  and  bridle  in 
iron.  Evidently  the  terrace  had  served  as  a  regular  halting-place,  and  a  careful  inspection 
of  the  ground  ahead  suggested  that  it  had  been  used  for  this  purpose,  because  at  its  foot 
wras  the  first  piece  of  ground  level  and  tolerably  clear  of  salt  which  travellers  would  strike 
after  passing  through  the  forbidding  maze  of  "  White  Dragon  Mounds  "  and  the  dried-up 
sea-bottom  beyond. 

1  had  to  decide  whether  I  was  to  strike  across  the  latter  now  or  to  skirt  the  ancient  sea- 
shore by  continuing  the  north-east  course,  which  threatened  to  take  us  further  and  further 
away  from  where  we  hoped  to  find  water.  It  might  have  meant  a  detour  of  days,  ancj  the 
interpretation  I  put  on  our  lucky  find  encouraged  me  to  avoid  this  by  heading  straight  for 
the  dead  salt  sea.  That  evening  we  had  reached  its  shore-line,  and  the  crossing  effected 
next  day  proved  how  wise  the  change  of  direction  had  been.  The  march  across  the  petrified 
sea,  with  its  hard  salt  crust  crumpled  up  into  knife-like  small  pressure  ridges,  was  a  most 
trying  experience  for  camels  and  us  men  alike.  But  when  this  weary  tramp  of  20  miles, 
more  fatiguing  than  any  1  ever  had  in  the  desert,  had  safely  brought  us  to  the  first  spot  of 
soft  salt  in  front  of  the  opposite  line  of  salt-covered  erosion  terraces,  and  we  could  halt  for 
a  night's  rest,  I  had  good  reason  to  feel  glad  for  my  choice  and  grateful  for  the  find  which 
had  prompted  it.  As  the  following  marches  proved,  we  had  crossed  the  forbidding  sea  of 
hard  crumpled  salt  at  the  very  point  where  it  was  narrowest,  and  had  thus  escaped  a  night's 
halt  on  ground  where  neither  beast  nor  man  could  have  found  a  spot  to  rest  in  comfort. 
It  was,  no  doubt,  this  advantage  which  had  determined  those  old  Chinese  pioneers  in  the 
choice  of  this  line  for  their  route. 

Helped  by  finds  of  coins  and  the  like,  we  continued  to  track  the  route  over  ground  still 
absolutely  barren,  until  we  reached,  three  days  later,  the  last  offshoot  of  the  low 
desert  range  which  overlooks  from  the  north  the  extreme  eastern  extension  of  the  ancient 
dried-up  sea-bed.  Then,  as  we  skirted  its  shore-line  under  steep  cliffs  looking  exactly  like 
those  of  a  sea  still  in  being  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  the  ancient  track  in 
places  still  plainly  marked  in  the  salt-encrusted  ground.  It  was  a  strange  sensation  when 
my  eyes  first  caught  the  straight  line  of  the  ancient  road,  where  it  cuts  for  nearly  2  miles  across 
a  small  bay  of  the  petrified  sea.  It  showed  a  uniform  width  of  some  20  feet,  and  was  worn 
down  to  a  depth  of  about  1  foot  in  the  surface  of  hard  salt  cakes,  as  a  result  of  the  passage 
for  centuries  of  transport  animals,  and  probably  carts  too.  There  was  ocular  evidence 
here  of  the  magnitude  of  the  traffic  which  had  once  moved  through  these  barren  solitudes. 
But  how  those  patient  old  Chinese  organizers  of  transport  had  maintained  it  over  some  15O 
miles  of  ground  without  water,  fuel,  or  grazing  still  remains  somewhat  of  a  problem. 

(  To  be  continued.  ) 


AUGUST,  1917  J        OUTLINES  OF  TEtE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKARA  LITERATURE  173 

OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKARA  LITERATURE. 
BY  P.  V.  KANE,  M.A.,  LL.M. ;    BOMBAY. 

The  Chronology  of  Alamk&ra  Literature. 
Part  II. 

(Continued  from  Vol.  XL.,  p.  288.) 

THE  history  of  Alawkdra  literature  falls  under  two  sections.  One  section  should 
show  how,  from  small  beginnings,  a  complete  theory  of  Poetics  (including  the  figures  of 
sp^ach)  was  evolved.  In  this  section  we  saw  how  at  the  outset  there  were  only  a  few 
well-recognized  alaiikam*  and  how  in  course  of  time  subtle  distinctions  were  made  between 
one  afathkdra  and  another.  It  has  been  said,  with  a  good  deal  of  truth,  that  the  Indian 
mind  revels  in  subtle  distinctions,  divisions  and  classifications.  This  branch  of  Sanskrit 
Literature  is  as  good  an  example  of  this  tendency  as  any  other.  iSometimos  even  the 
most  trivial  circumstance  lias  been  thought  sufficient  to  create  a  separate  figure.  In  the 
st'.cond  section,  upon  which  wo  now  propose  to  enter,  we  shall  try  to  establish,  as  far  as 
the  materials  at  our  disposal  enable  us,  the  chronology  of  the  most  prominent  writers  on 
the  Akuiikdra-tedatra. 

The  first  question  that  naturally  arises  is:  What  is  the  most  ancient  work  ontho 
Afawkdra-tfdslra  ?  In  reply  to  this  question,  the  Agnipardna  is  put  forward  as  the  original 
ot  all  later  doctrines  on  the  subject.  W  >  shall  therefore  oxainiuo  the  claims  of  the 
Ag-nipurdita  to  be  regarded  as  the  most  ancient  work  on  the  Alaihkdra-tidatra. 

The  Agnipur&na. 

S.min  (joinmonbators  of  the  Kdvyapraktlia  say  that  Bharata,  in  order  to  introduce 
through  tho  medium  ol  sweet  poetry  the  tender  minds  of  princes  to  more  profound  studies, 
composed  concise  Kflrikd*,  the  materials  for  which  he  drew  from  the  Agnijnirdnd.1  Wo 
think  that  this  respect  paid  to  the  Aynipurdna  is  due  to  a  misconception  on  the  part  of 
Ihoso  writers  and  that  the  Agnipurana  is  not  entitled  to  the  honour  of  being  looked  upon 
as  the  most  ancient  work  on  the  Afaihkdra-SdstrH. 

The  Agnipurana  is  a  hotch-potch,  an  encyclopedia  of  heterogeneous  materials,  some- 
tin  nff  liko  *  Enquire  within  upon  everything. '  It  is  impossible  to  attempt  to  give  even  a 
briof  summary  of  the  contents  of  the  eleven  thousand  versos  of  the  Agnipurana  (in  tho 
Ltiidiotlieca.  Indicti  series).  The  curious  reader  must  refer  to  tho  preface  of  Dr.  llajondralal 
Mitra.  We  shall  give  hero  a  brief  analysis  of  that  part  (chapters  336—340)  which  deals  with 
tigures  of  speech  and  other  kindred  matters.  In  chapter  330,  after  defining  Kdvya  and 
dividing  it  first  into  Sanskrit  and  Prakrit  and  then  into  gadya,  padyn  and  mi'wt  (as  done 
by  Daiuliii),  the  subdivisions  of  gadya  (five  iu  number)  and  of  pudi/a  arc  defined.  In 
chapter  337  ndtakas  and  some  topics  connected  therewith  are  spoken  of.  In  chapter  338 
the  rasa*  and  bhavats  are  treated  of.  In  339,  tho  four  riti*  (Vaidarbhi,  Gauclf,  Lati  and 
Panchali)  are  described.  In  chapter  340,  some  points  connected  with  acting  are  discussed. 
Chapter  341  speaks  of  gesticulation,  rasas  and  nine  alai'nkArav  of  *abda.  Chapter  342 
deals  with  such  figures  of  sabda  as  anuprasa,  yamaka  and  such  intricate  arrangements  of 


1  Mohenvaro,    iu   hia  KdvyapraMtedarsa,  says:  Sukwndrdn    rdjakumdrdn  8v<idu-k&vya-prav  Midvdnl 
gahai*  SdsMntare  pravartayitum  —  AgntpurbnM.uddhii 
Samkshipya  Btoratanwnih  pratftavan 


The  Kri**to*ndM.  a  ooimwmfc  on  the  3dhityakau>wuli  of  VidyabhOshana,  8ays: 

Bharata^  sankshipl&bhih    Icdrikabhir.mbabarMa 


174  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 

letters  as  gomutrikabandha,  sarvatobfiadra,  &c.  Chapter  343  dilates  upon  the  figures  of 
*>-ense  and  344  on  the  figures  of  both  word  and  sense.  In  chapter  345,  seven  gunas  of 
Poetry  are  spoken  of,  and  in  chapter  346  the  blemishes  of  Poetry  are  dealt  with. 

The  evidence  for  arriving  at  the  conclusion  that  the  Agnipurana  is  not  .the  most 
original  work  on  AlaAkdra  literature  is  both  internal  and  external. 

The  internal  evidence  may  be  stated  as  follows  : — 

I.  We  have   some    indications   in  the  Agnipurdm    itself   showing  that  it  was  not 
Bharata  who  copied  from  it,  but  rather  the  reverse.    The  Agnipurana  says  that  the  rift 
styled  Bharati  was  so  called    because  it    was  first  promulgated  by  Bharata.2    In  tho 
N&lyatdstra*  of  Bharata  we   are  told   that  the  four  vrittis  Bhdratt,  fidttvati,  Kaisiki  and 
Arabhati  were  received  by  Bharata  from  Brahma  and  that  Bharati  Vntti  was  named  after 
the  Bharatas.     From  the  above  it  is  clear  that  the  Agnipurana  knew  that  Bharata  was  tho 
originator  of  the  Natyalfatra  (or  at  least  of  the  Vrittis  that  form  a   very   integral   part 
of  it)  and  that  perhaps  it  had  before  it  the  very  words  of  Bharata  quoted  by  us  above. 
Another  noteworthy  fact  in  this  connection  is    that  Bharata  nowhere  alludes  to  tho 
Agnipurana  in  the  extant  Nfltyasastra,   although  he   shows  an  acquaintance  with  works  of 
the  Parana  class.* 

II.  The  very  nature  of  tho  contents  of  the  Agnipurana  precludes  the  idea  that  it  is 
an  ancient  and  original  work.    Even    a   cursory  examination  reveals  the  fact  that  the 
Agnipurana  is  a  professed  conglomeration  of  heterogeneous  material  borrowed  from  many 
sources,   especially  in  that  part  of  it  which  deals  with  the  various  branches  of  Sanskrit 
literature.      On   the  other  hand  the   Natya&Sstm  appears   to  be   a  very  original  work. 
Bharata   speaks    of  only  four  figures  of  speech,5  while  the  Agnipurana  mentions  a  large 
number.     If  Bharata  had  the  Agnipurdm  before  him  or  if  he  had  known  more  than  four 
well-recognized  figures  of  speech,  he    would  have  given  a  full  exposition  of  them  and 
would  not  have  been  held  back  by  considerations  of  irrelevancy  and  prolixity.    He  defines 
and  illustrates  about  a  hundred  different  metres,  which  have  as  much  connection  with  the 
dramatic  art  as  figures  of  speech. 

HI.  We  shall  later  on  adduce  evidence  to  show  that  the  Ndtyaidstra  of  Bharata 
must  be  at  all  events  earlier  than  A.D.  500.  From  an  examination  of  the  contents  of 
the  Agnipurana,  it  follows  that  it  was  put  together  later  than  A.D.  700  or  even  A.D.  1000. 
Our  reasons  are  : — 

(a)  The  Agnipurana  refers  to  the  seven  Kandax  of  the  Rdmdyana,  the  Harivatiita,  to 
Pingala,  Pdlakapya,  Salihotra,  DTuinvantari  and  Susruta.  It  gives  a  short  summary  of  the 
Bhagvatdgttd  in  chapter  380,  in  which  halves  of  verses*  occurring  in  different  chapters  of  tho 
Cfitd  have  been  combined  in  one  verse.  One  of  the  most  significant  facts  for  our  purposes 
is  that  the  Agnipurana  borrows  from  the  Amarakofa  in  chapters  369 — 366.  Almost  all 
the  verses  are  directly  taken  from  the  Amarakosa  or  are  formed  by  taking  half  verses 
from  the  Kom  and  then  piecing  them  together.  If  Amara  borrowed  at  all  he  would  do  so 

2  Bharatena  pranitatvdd-Bhdrati  rttir.uchyate.—Ayiiipwdna  330.6* 

a  Afat/i  kdvya-kriyd-hctdh  prafahiptd  druhin-djnayd. — Ndtyatdstra  20-23 ;  again  at  20-25  we  road 
$va-ndmadheyair-bharataih  prayuktd  sd  Bhdrati  ndma  bhavet.tu  vrittih  \\ 

*  Anyetpi  dej&  ebhyd  ye  Purdw  safoprakirtitdh  l  teshu  proyujyate  hy-eshd  pravrtttisJv-Aufr 
MAgadM.—Ndtya.  10.35. 

6  Kdvya*y~<*ite  HyJtfaihlcdrdS-ch'ttvdrah  pari.ktrtitdh.—Ndjya+     16-4. 

6  Agni  380.12  is  the  same  as  OVd  VI.  40  and  VII.  14.  Na  h\  kalydnakrit  katchid  durgaii^  tdtd 
yachchhati  \  Daivi  hy-cshd  gunamayj  mama  mdyd  duratyayd  II  * 


AUGUST,  1917  ]        OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKARA  LITERATURE  175 

from  works  similar  to  his  own,  as  he  himself  acknowledges  in  the  words  samuhrity-anya- 
tantrdni,  &c.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  for  a  few  of  his  vargaa  he  fell  back  on  tho 
Agnipurdna  and  not  on  other  Kosas.  The  Agnipurdna,  on  the  other  hand,  in  its  desire  to 
include  some  account  of  every  branch  of  Sanskrit  literature  would  naturally  draw  upon  the 
most  famous  Kdsa  in  its  day,  as  it  has  drawn  upon  tho  Gitd,  tho  Sikshd  and  other  works. 
Therefore  we  may  safely  conclude  that  this  portion  of  tho  Agnipurdna  is  taken  from  the 
Amarakosa.  Unfortunately  scholars  are  not  at  one  as  to  the  date  of  Amarasiiuha.  Max 
Miiller  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  Amara  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th 
century  A.D.  Prof.  MacDonell  (History  of  Sanskrit  Literature,  p.  433)  thinks  it  not 
improbable  that  tho  Amarakosa  was  written  about  A.D.  500.  Dr.  Hoernle  fixes  the  date 
between  A.D.  625.  and  A.  D.  940.  (JRA8  of  Croat  Britain  for  1906,  p.  940)  on  the 
strength  of  the  fact  that  Amara's  meaning  of  tho  word  Aiiisa  is  based  upon  the  meaning  of 
the  word  as  given  by  Vagbhata.  Taking  even  the  earliest  date  assigned  to  Amara,  viz.,  5th 
century  A.  D.,  we  can  at  once  assert  that  the  Agnipurdna  must  be  later  than  the  Amarakoxa 
by  some  centuries.  A  period  of  two  centuries  would  be  absolutely  necessary  for  Amara's 
work  to  come  into  general  circulation  and  to  bo  HO  highly  esteemed  as  to  be  quoted  by  even 
orthodox  writers.  Tho  Agnipurdna  would  not  have  gono  out  of  its  way  to  borrow  from 
jgtn  unorthodox  writer  like  Amara,  if  the  latter's  fame  had  not  become  world-wide  in  its  day. 
Hence  there  is  no  objection  in  placing  tho  Agnipurdna  later  than  the  7th  century  A.D. 

(b)  The  Agnipurdna  and   tho  Ndtyasdstra  of  Bharata    have   a   number  of  verses  iu 
common  with  very  slight  variations  that  may  have  been  duo  to  the  errors  of  scribes.     We 
have  said  above  thab  taking  into  consideration  the  nature  of  the  two  works,  the  greatest 
probability  lies  in  tho  theory  that  the  Agnipurdna  copied  from  tho  Ndtyasdtttra.     Some  of 
the  striking  common    passages  are  : — Nfttya  VI.  39  and   Agni  338.  7-8  ;  Ndf-ya  VI,  36  and 
Agni  338.  12 ;  Ndfya  20.  28-2J*  and  Agni  337.  11-12  ;  Ndfya  16.60-62  and  Agni  342.  15-1(5. 

(c)  Tho  definitions  given  by  tho  Agnipurdna  of  Sahokti,  Rupaka,  Utprefahd,  Vixeshokti, 
VibMvand,  Apahnuti  and   Samddhi   (Agni  343.   23;    343.24-25;  343.26-27;  343.  27-28 ; 
344.  18 ;  344.  13,  respectively)  are  almost  the  same  as  those  of  Daudin    (A'.   D.  II.   351  ; 
11.  66  ;  II.  221 ;  II.  323  ;  II.  199  ;  II.  304  ;  I.  93.)     Besides  those,  there  are  a    number 
of    verses    and    phrases   which   occur    both   in    tho    Agnipurdna    and    the    Kdvyddarfa; 
e.g.,  Padyatii   cJtatuahpadl  tachcha  vrittam  jdtir-iti  tridhd. — Agni9  336.  21  and  K.  D.  1.  11  ; 
j$d   vidyd  naiift-titirshuydrii  QambMraw   kdvya-sdgaram. — Agni,    336.   23  and    K.   D.  I.  12  ; 
Niigardrnava'sailartuchandrdrkdsrama'pddapaih     \     UdydrLasalilakrifMmaahupdnaratoteavaih; 
Agni.  336.  29  and  K.  D.  I.  16;  Itihasa-kathodbhutam-itarad-vd  rasdsrayam. — Agni.    336.  25 
and  K.  D.  1.  15.    Dau-lin  almost  everywhere  gives  his  own  examples  and  definitions.     He 
mentions  the  Brihatkathd  and  the  Setukdvya,  but  nowhere  alludes  to  the  Agnipurdm.     It 
is  highly   improbable  that  a    writer   like   Daudin  should  go  a-begging  to  the  Agnipurdna 
for  stray  versos  and  half -verses ;  while  it  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  character  of  the 
Agnipurdna  to  borrow  from    Dandin.     We  shall  discuss  in  detail  the  date  of  Dandin  later 
on.     He  seems  to  have   flourished  about  the  6th  century  A.  D.     If  we  admit  that  tho 
Agnipurdna  borrows  from  him,  the  former  must  bo  placed  a  century  or  two  later  than  the 
6th  century  A.  D. 

(d)  The     definitions    of     Rupaka,     Akshepa,    Aprastutaprasamsa,    Parydyfikta    and 
Samdsokti  are  almost  the  same  in  Bhamaha's  work  and  the  Agnipurdna  (Bhamaha  II.   21 
and  Agni  343.  22  ;  Bhdmaha  II.  58  and  Agni  344.  15  ;  Bh&maha  III.  29  and  Agni  344. 
16  ;  Bhamaha  III.  8  and  Agni  344.    18 ;  Bhdmaha  II.  69  and  Agni  344.,  17  respectively) 


176  *  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  i  AUGUST,  1917 

Bh'imaha  expressly  says  at  the  end  of  the  2nd  Pariohohheda  that  he  gives  his  own 
examples  only.7  Hence  we  must  suppose  that  the  Aqnipurdna  borrows  from  Bhamaha. 
Bhamaha  belongs  to  the  7th  century  A.  D.  The  Agnipurdna  must  therefore  be  later 
than  A.  D.  700. 

(e)  The  moqt  remarkable  fact  however  is  that  there  are  a  number  of  verses  in 
Bhoja's  Sarasvaftkanthdbharam  which  are  also  found  in  the  Agnipurdna.  We  shall  quote 
only  a  few  out  of  many  such  verses.  Dhvanir-vanidh  padati  vdkyam-ity-etad  vdiimayaih 
matam  (Agni.  338.  1  and  8.  K.  1st  verse)  ;  ye  vyutpattyddina  sabdam-alariikartum-iha 
fahamdh  (Agni.  341.  18  and  S.  K.  II.  2)  ;  Uktipratyuktimad  vdkyaih  vdkovakyam  dvidliaiva 
tat  (Agni.  342.  32  and  8.  K.  p.  293).  Karnikdydm  likhed-ekaih  dve  dve  dikshu  vidikshu 
cha  I  pravefanirgamau  dikshu  kurydd^shta-chchhadeynbuje.  —  (Agni.  342.  46  and  8.  K. 
p.  258).  Besides  these  we  may  compare  Agni.  341.  21  and  26  with  8.  K.  pp.  154  and 
157  (8.  K.  AnytkKtndm-anukritis-chhdyd  sdplha  shadvidhd  &c.,  and  S.  K.  :  —  8dbhiprayaaya 
vdkye  yad  vachaso  vinivesanam  \  mudrdm  tdth  mut-pradayi-tvdt  kdvyamudravidft  viduh 
respectively),  and  Agni.  342.  10-11  with  8.  K.  p.  224  (Kdrndti  Kauntali  KauMA  Kaunkatf 
Bdnavdsikd).  It  is  possible  that  both  Bhoja  and  the  Agnipurdna  may  have  drawn  upon  a 
common  source.  Bhoja  quotes  a  very  large  number  of  verses  without  acknowledgments 
from  Dandin  and  other  writers.  So  we  cannot  dogmatically  say  that  the  Agnipurdna 
borrowed  from  him.  Still  we  think  that  it  is  not  beyond  the  bounds  of  possibility  to 
say  that  the  Agnipurdna  copies  Bhoja's  work. 

Thus  the  internal  evidence  is  against  the  theory  that  Bharata  based  his  work  on  the 
Agnipurdw.  The  external  evidence  points  in  the  same  direction.  It  is  as  follows  :  — 

The  Agnipurdna  is  not  referred  to  by  any  ancient  rhetorician.  Leaving  aside 
Daadin  and  Bhamaha,  Anandavardhana  and  his  voluminous  commentator  Abhinavagupta 
do  not  refer  to  it.  Mammata  quotes  the  Vishnupurdna,  but  nowhere  the  Agnipurdna. 
The  first  writer  of  note  that  distinctly  mentions  the  Agnipurdna  is  Vi6vanatha,  author 
of  the  Sdhityadarpana  (14th  century  A.  D  ).  As  regards  the  Nfityas&stra  of  Bharata,  the 
case  is  quite  different.  Every  author  of  note  from  Anandavardhana,  Pratiharenduraja, 
Abhinavagupta  down  to  Jagannatha  quotes  the  dicta  of  Bharata  with  respect  and  even 
Datidin  and  Bhamaha  seem  to  refer  to  him  as  we  shall  see  later  on.  The  conclusion  that 
naturally  follows  is  that  the  ancient  writers  on  Alamkdra  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
existence  of  the  Agnipurdw  or  at  least  that  part  of  it  which  deals  with  the  Alamkdra-Sdstra. 
The  great  authority  to  which  they  ail  looked  up  with  reverence  was  the  Nafyasdstra. 
Hence  the  claims  put  forward  by  later  commentators  on  behalf  of  the  Agnipurdna  to  be 
regarded  as  the  original  work  on  the  Alanikara-feaatra  are  not  at  all  justified. 

Here  a  question  may  naturally  be  asked  :  —  how  was  it  that  the  Agnipurdna  came  to 
be  looked  upon  as  the  most  ancient  work  on  the  Alari\kara-£d8tra  ?  The  following  appears 
to  us  to  be  the  proper  reply.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  origin  and  development  of  the 
Alathkdra-&d8tra  was  due  to  such  writers  as  Bharata,  Bhamaha  and  Dandin.  In  the 
revival  of  Brahmanism  that  followed  the  decline  of  Buddhism,  most  of  the  extant 
Pardnas  took  their  present  shape  and  in  course  of  time  rose  in  popular  esteem.  As  they 
were  associated  with  the  name  of  Vy&sa,  a  halo  of  antiquity  and  sanctity  was  cast  round 
them.  The  later  commentators  of  works  on  Alamkdra,  whose  reverence  for  the  Purdnas 
far  surpassed  their  respect  for  such  writers  as  Dandin  and  Bhamaha  naturally  thought 
that  the  Pwranas  were  very  ancient  and  that  they  could  not  pospibly  have  borrowed 


Sviya>ti  kritair-ew  nidarSanair.iya*  mayd  prak\iptb  khalu  vdgalafokritih  \ 


AtJQUST,  1917]        OUTLINES  OP  THE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKARA  LITERATURE  177 

from  such  secular  writers  as  Dapdin.  We  hope  that  the  foregoing  discussion  has 
established  that  the  Agnipurana  is  not  the  original  work  on  the  Alahkdratdstra,  that  it  is 
later  than  A.  D.  700  and  that  it  ia  indebted  to  the  writings  of  Bharata,  Dandin,  Bhamaha 
and  possibly  Bh6ja. 

The  N&tyabAstra  o!  Bharata. 

Bharata  has  a  claim  to  be  spoken  of  here  for  a  twofold  reason  ;  firstly  because  he 
gives  an  elaborate  account  of  the  rasas  which  are  of  the  essence  of  Kavya  and  secondly 
because  his  work  contains  the  earliest  extant  treatment  of  figures  of  speech. 

Before  proceeding  further,  it  would  not  be  out  of  place  if  wo  make  a  few  remarks 
upon  the  Sanskrit  drama  in  general.  The  origin  of  the  Sanskrit  drama,  as  that  of  many 
x>ther  branches  of  Sanskrit  literature,  is  Jost  in  the  mists  of  antiquity.  As  far  as  our 
knowledge  goes,  the  earliest  and  clearest  reference  to  the  dramatic  art  occurs  in  Pauini,8 
who  mentions  Silalin  and  Krisasva  as  authors  of  Nalasutras.  An  objection  might  be  raised 
by  sceptical  critics  that  tho  two  sutraa  are  spurious  additions  made  later  on.  But  it  is  not 
a  sound  one.  Patafijali  the  author  of  the  Hahdbhashya  takes  these  sutras  for  granted  and 
speaks  of  actors  that  had  studied  the  nalasutra  of  Silalin,9  As  Pamni  speaks  of  nafasutras, 
it  follows  as  a  matter  of  course  that  a  number  of  dramas  must  have  been  composed 
prior  to  the  natasutras.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  rules  on  the  dramatic  art  Wore  first 
laid  down  and  that  then  dramas  were  composed  in  consonance  with  them.  The  canons 
of  dramaturgy  can  be  laid  down  only  when  a  number  of  dramatic  works  already  exist. 
Thus  a  very  great  dramatic  activity  appears  to  have  preceded  Panini.  There  is  a  groat 
divergence  of  opinion  among  scholars  about  the  date  of  Panini.  Most  scholars  concede 
that  Panini  did  not  at  all  events  flourish  later  than  300  B.  C.  There  arc  some  who  would 
place  Panini  in  the  7th  or  8th  contury  before  Christ.  We  make  bold  to  avow  our 
adherence  to  this  latter  view.  The  dramatic  works  on  which  the  natasutra*  referred  to 
by  Panini  were  based  must  therefore  have  been  composed  some  centuries  earlier  than 
300  B.  C.  at  tho  latest.  Nothing  beyond  their  bare  names  is  known  of  the  natasulrax  of 
Silalin  and  Krisasva,  nor  of  the  dramatic  works  on  which  they  must  have  boon  founded. 
In  tho  times  of  Pataiijali  (140  B.  C.)  dramatic  representations  appear  to  have  been  much 
in  vogue.  Pataiijali  alludes  in  a  number  of  places  to  actors  and  dramatic  performances. 
In  one  place  Patafijali  tells  us  that  in  his  day  the  killing  of  the  demon  Kaiiisa  and  the 
humiliation  of  Bali  were  represented  on  the  stage.10  In  another  place  he  talks  of  the 
wives  of  actors  appearing  on  the  stage  and  declaring  themselves  as  belonging  to  him  who 
accosts  tham.11  Although  the  drama  thus  flourished  in  the  centuries  preceding  the 
Christian  era,  the  Sanskrit  drama  appears  to  have  had  a  struggle  for  existence.  Consider- 
ing the  exuberant  growth  of  almost  every  branch  of  Sanskrit  literature,  the  number  of 
Sanskrit  dramas  that  have  come  down  to  us  appears  very  small  indeed.  A  large  number 


8  Mark  tho  following  sfttras  :—PdrdSarya-3ildlibhydih  bhikthu-natasMraydh  and 
inih.  (Pdnini  IV.  3.  110-111.) 

»  See  Mahdbhdahya,  Vol.  II,  p.  280.     Pdrdsarind  bhikahavah  saildlino  na*dh. 

10  Iha    tu    katham  vartarndna-kdlatd    Kathaani   ghdiayati   Balith     bandhayali-iti    chirahatc     kaihae 
chirabaddhe    cha    Balau   \   Atrdpi  yuktd   \     katham  \    ye    tdixtd-ele   tobhaniM    ndma  etc    pratyaksham 
kamawh    ghdtayanti    pratyaksttath   cha    Balim    bandtiayanti-iti     \      Mahd'thdahya   (Kielhorn),  Vol.   II, 
p.  36.     On  the  word  Mbhanika,,  Kaiyyafca  remarks  (he  reads  &aubhik*)  ^aubhikfi  iti  \  kai'Mtidy-anuk&rindm 
natAn&rh,   vydkhydndpti-dhydyd!i  \   kafas&nuk&ri    natah    admljikaih   kainsabuddtiyft.  y.ihitah   kwind    bhfohye 
vivakthitah  \ 

11  Nat&ndtfi  striyo  rafuja^ii  gatti    yd  yah  prichclthali    kasya    ydyam   ka*ya  ytiyaih-iti   tath    tatU    tarn 
toe*  ity-dhuh  \    MahMMshya,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  7* 


178  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 

of  Sanskrit  dramas  are  mentioned  by  the  Daiarupakdvaloka  and  by  the  S dhityadarpana, 

many  of  which  are  known  to  us  only  by  their  names.  The  dramas  that  survive  are  only 

a  few  of  the  masterpieces  which  people  cared  to  preserve.    It  seems  that  time  proved 

too  much  even  for   dramatists  of  the  highest  order  of  merit.    In  this  connection    may 

be  noted  the  case  of  Bhasa,  who  kindled  the  admiration  of  even  Kalidasa12  and  won  the 

encomiums  of  a  great  writer  like  Bana.13  None  of  his  dramatic  works  (Bana,  it  should  be 

observed,  uses  the  plural  '  Ntitakaih ')  was  extant  till  a  few  years  ago  and  what  remained 

of   the    dramatic    genius    of   Bhasa  was  a  few  verses  quoted  as  his  in  anthologies.14 

Scholars  are  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  authorship  of  the  dramas  recently  published 

by  Mr.  Ganapatisastri  as    Bhasa's.    This  is  not  the  .place   to   enter  into  that  question. 

Among  the  extant   works  on  the   dramatic   art,  the  Ndtyasdstra  of    Bharata,  the 

Dasarupdka  of  Dhanaiijaya  and  the  Sdkityadarpana  of  Visvan&tha   are  the  most  widely 

known  and  most  often  quoted.     Of  these  three,   the  work  of  Bharata  is  by  far  the  most 

ancient  and  highly  honoured.    The  complete  work  has  been   issued  by  the  enterprising 

proprietor  of  the  Nirnayasagara  Press,  Bombay.     It  is   beyond  the  scope  of  the  present 

article  to  enter  upon  a  minute  and  critical  examination  of  the  text  of  the  work.     Still,  we 

cannot  help  saying  that   a    critical    edition   of  the    Ndtyasdstra,   embodying  the   results 

of    a  patient   investigation  into  all  the  works  on  poetics   and  dramaturgy  that  quote 

Bharata  and  into  the  numerous  commentaries  on  the  extant  dramas,  is  a  groat  desideratum. 

The  printed  Ndtyasdstra  has  37  chapters  and  contains  about  5000  verses  (mostly  in 
the  sloka  metre)  interspersed  with  a  few  passages  in  prose  hero  and  there.  The  author 
Bharata  appears  to  be  a  semi-divine  person  having  access  even  to  the  gods.  The  work  is 
said  to  bo  the  fifth  Veda15  and  to  have  been  received  by  Bharata  from  Brahma.  The 
work  is  of  an  encyclopaedic  character.  It  is  not  possible  to  give  a  summary  of  the  work 
here.  The  chapters  that  most  interest  us  from  our  present  point  of  view  are  the  sixth  and 
seventh  which  treat  of  rasas  and  bhdva*  respectively  and  the  16th.  In  the  latter,  after 
speaking  of  26  points  in  connection  with  poetry,  the  author  defines  and  illustrates  four 
figures  of  speech,  Upamd,  llupaka,  Dipaka  and  Yamaka.  All  the  examples  are  his  own . 
Then  the  ten  blemishes  of  Kavya  and  the  ten  Gunas  of  it  such  as  Klesko,  (the  names  are  the 
same  as  those  in  the  Kdvyddana  1.  41)  are  defined.  The  chapter  winds  up  with  a  state- 
ment as  to  what  particular  metres  or  letters  (krasva,  dirgha,  plula,  &c.)  should  be  employed 
in  connection  with  the  several  rasas. 

The  date  of  the  Natya&astra. 

At  the  outset  it  is  necessary  to  remove  a  possible  misunderstanding  about  the  date  of 
Bharata.  It  may  be  plausibly  urged  that,  as  Bharata  is  not  mentioned  by  Paninj,  the 
tonner  is  later  than  the  latter.  It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  Panini  was  not 

'2  Prathita-yaSas&fa  Bhaaa-kavi'taumilla-kavi-mi^rddinath  prabanflhan-atikramya  kathaih  vartambna-* 
kaveh  Kdliddsasya  kriydydrii  parishadd  bahumdnal'  \  Mdlavikdgnimitra  I. 

*  SAtradhdrakritdrambhair  ndtakair  bahubhilmikaik  i  Supatdkair  ya46  lebhe  Bhds6  devakulair- 
jiwm — Introduction  to  Harehactwrita. 

li  A  similar  but  far  more  remarkable  fato  overtook  u  grammatical  work,  the  Satfigrdia  of  VyAfli, 
It  existed  in  the  days  of  Patafijali,  who  alludes  to  it  as  an  authority.  Scuhgrahc  prddhdnyena  etat 
paritehitath.—MaMbhdshya,  Vol.  I,  p.  6.  But  in  the  days  of  the  V&kyapadiya  (about  A.  D.  500),  the 
Swhgraha  had  ceased  to  exist.  Prdyei^a  sa^kehepor-ruchin-alpavidydpangrahdn  \  Safaprdpya  vaiyd~ 
karandn  eamgrahe  4  stam-updgate. — Vdkyapadfya  II.  484. 

15  See  Ndfyatfatra  I.  16.  Ndtydkhyaih  panchamath  vefaih  eetihdsaih  fardmyaham. 


AUGUST,  1917  ]        OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKAHA  LITERATURE  179 

writing  a  history  of  Sanskrit  literature.  If  he  mentions  any  word,  he  does  so  simply 
because  he  regards  it  as  noteworthy  from  the  grammarian's  point  of  view.  The  tendency 
to  jump  from  the  mere  non-mention  of  a  writer  by  another  to  chronological  conclusions 
about  them  has  been  a  frequent  and  fruitful  source  of  error.  We  wish  to  enter  our 
protest  against  this  tendency.  The  mere  circumstance  that  Bharata  is  not  referred  to  a* 
a  writer  on  dramaturgy  by  Panini  is  not  at  all  sufficient  to  place  Bharata  later  than 
Panini.  We  must  adduce  independent  and  positive  evidence  to  prove  the  posteriority  of 
Bharata  to  Panini.  We  do  not  mean  to  say,  however,  that  the  extant  Naiyatfatra  is  as 
old  as  the  Sutrakaras  mentioned  by  Panini.  There  are  certain  indications  in  the 
N  dtyaidstra  itself  that  p^int  to  an  opposite  conclusion.  It  often  quotes  verses  in  the  AryA 
metro  with  the  remark  Atra  Sutrdnubaddhe  A  rye  bhavalah  (on  this  point  there  are  two 
Aryas  composed  in  conformity  with  a  Sutra).  This  we  interpret  to  mean  that  the  extant 
Ndfya&dstra  was  preceded  by  works  on  dramaturgy  which  were  themselves  based  upon  older 
#u,tra  writings  . 

We  shall  now  pass  on  to  the  consideration  of  the  evidence  establishing  the  date  of  the 
Ndtya&JMtra. 

1.  The  Damnlpaka  of  Dhananjaya  is   a    well-known  treatise  on  dramaturgy.     The 
author  tells  us  that  ho  composed  the  work  at  the  court  of  Murija     This    Mufija   is  most 
probably  the  same  as  the  uncle  of  the  Paramara  king,  Bhoja.    If  this  be  so,  the  Dalarupafat 
must   have   boon    composed   before   A.  D.    1000.     Dhana  jaya  says   at  the  beginning  of 
his  work  that  Brahma  took  the  essence  of  the  Vodas  and    composed  the  NdtyaMatra  and 
that  Bharata  gave  a  performance  in  accordance  with  it.1G    This  makes  it  clear  that  the 
author  of  the  Dafarupaka  \vas  quite  familiar  with  the  traditional  origin  of  the  Natyaiaatra 
as  contained  in  the  latter17  and  that  he  looked  upon  Bharata  as  a  semi-divine  sage  belong- 
ing to  those  far-off  times  when  men  had  free  access  to  the  gods.    Hence  it  follows  that 
Bharata's  work  must  havo  been  written  (not  necessarily  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  it 
now)  a  number  of  centuries  before  A.  D.  1000. 

2.  Abhinavagupta,   author   of    the  LocJiana,  a  comment   on  the  Dhvanyaloka,  calls 
Bharata   a  very  ancient  sage  and  says  that  Yamaka  and  Upamd  were  regarded  by  him  as 
figures  of   word   and  sense    respectively.18     Yamaka  and   Upamd   are  treated  of  in  the 
16th   chapter  of  the  extant  Natyaidstra.    Raghavabhatfca,  the  learned  author  of  a  com- 
mentary entitled  Arlhadyotanika  on  the  Sdkuntala,  quotes  at  every  step  Bharata's  dicta 
and  oftentimes  names  the  very  chapters  in  which  the  verses  occur.    A  careful  examination 
of    his  commentary   would  yield   very  valuable   material  for  settling  the  text  of  the 
Natyasdatra.    He  tells  us10  that  Abhinavagupta  composed  a  commentary  called  Abhinaw- 
bhdratl  on  the  Natytidstra  of  Bharata.    It  should  bo  noted  that  Abhinavagupta  does  not 
npeak  of  Banrlin  (6th  century)  or  Bhamaha  (A.  D.  700)  as   chirantana  or  as  a  muni.     A 


36  V  ddJirtiy-oddh  itya     ttdrat'n     yamakhifa*nigatndn-nd{yavedwH      VirinrJns-c.lt  a  krt      ya*ya 
munir-api  Bharafaa-ldnfavatii  Nilakanthali   I 

17  8eeNdtyaid*irn  1-1-4  and  11-16. 

18  Chirantanair-hi     Bharatainuniprabhi'iMbhir     Yamakopame    falKMrthdlaniktiralven-whte*  —  Dhvanyd- 
lokalochatw,  p.  5 

19  P.  6  (Nirnayasflgara,    3rd  edition.)     Idafo   padyam    AbhinawffupUipAdfichdryair-Bharatatfktydm' 
Abhinavabhdratydih  vydkhyalam.    The    verse   referred   to   is  SAlradharah    pa{hen-ndiidim  (Ndtyafdttra 
V.  98).     On  p.  20  o'  the  above  edition,  Kaghavabhatta  quotas  a    long  passage    rom    the  NAtya§d8trat 
18th  chapter  and   remarks  Abhinavabhdratydm   Bharatatikdydm-AbhinavagupiAchdryair    mahatdpraban- 
dhena  bhinnatayfr  sthdpitdni. 


180  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1017 

large  number  of  centuries  must  have  intervened  between  Bharjita  and  Abhinavagupta 
to  make  the  latter  look  upon  the  former  with  so  much  reverence.  Abhinavagupta  wrote 
his  Krutnaatotra  in  A.  D.  991  and  his  Brihatpratyabhijndmmarahini  in  A.  D.  1015. 

3.  lludrabha^ta  wrote  a  work  called  Sriilgaratilaka  in  which  ho  says,  '  Bharata  and 
others  have  spoken   about  ro#as  in  connection  with  dramaturgy  ;    1  shall  treat  of  them 
as  far  as«my  light  goes  in  connection   with  poetry.'20     In  the  6th  chapter  of  the  extant 
Ndhjasastra  there  is    an  elaborate  disquisition  on  the  rasas.     Quotations  are  taken  from 
Rudrabha~,t,a  by  Bhoja,  Maimna^a  and  others.     If  Rudrabhatta  be  identical  with  Rudrata 
the  author  of  Kdvyalauikara,  then  the  #  r  ingaratilaka  was  composed  earlier  than  A.  D.  900, 
Pratiharenduraja  (A.  D.  925)  and  Abhinavagupta  (A.  D.  960— 1020)  take  a  number  of  verses 
fpom  Rudrata.    Hence  it  follows  that  before  A.  D.  900  there  existed  a  work  going  under 
the  name  of  Bharata  which  contained  a  full  exposition  of  the  rasas. 

4.  Anandavardhana,  author  of   DhvanyUoka,  a  standard   work  on   Satiitya,   often 
refers  to  Bharata's  works.    In  one  place  he  s.iys  that  the  Vrittis  Kainki,  &c.,  are  well- 
known  from  the  w<>rki$  of  Bharata.21     In  another  place  he  remarks  that  the  author  of  the 
VenisaMtdra,  out  of  a  slavish  adherence  to  Bharata's  rules,  exhibits  in  his  drama  an  afigtt 
called  uilatct  of  the  pratimvkhfiwh'lhi,  though  it  is  unfavourable  to  the  development  of  the 
ra?a  intended  32    Anandavardhana    flourished  under  Avaiitivarman  of  Kashmir-8  (A.  D. 
855 — 883).      Before  him  the  Vwusariihara  was  composed   and    the   author   of   the   latter, 
according    to    Anandavardhana,    regarded    Bharata   as  a  paramount   authority    in  the 
domain  of  dramaturgy.     Anandavardhana  thus  shows  us  that  Bharata's  work  contained 
in  his  day  (and  for  the  matter  of  that,  even  before  tho   Venisaiiihara)  a  treatment  of  the 
xaiMhis  and  their  ahgas.     The  a\ga  called  vlldaa  is  referred  to  in  the  N&lyawslra  (19-71). 

5.  Mammata  quotes  in  his  Ktivyapra.kd*a  as  from  Bharata  the  words  Vibhavfinubhava- 
vyabhichurisaMydgdd  rawinixhpaMih.m    These  words  occur  in  tho  extant  Ndtyahistra  in  the 
6th  chapter  p.  62.     Minima  .a  quotes  the  different    views   of   Lollaja,    'Sankuka,   Bhatta- 
nayaka    and   Abhinavaguptapilda  on  the  above  ttiitra  of  Bharata.     We  saw  above  that 
Abhinavagupta   was   living   in   A.  D.  10 LI.     He   strongly   criticizes  Bha'.-tanayaka  in  his 
commentary  on  the  Dhvanyaloka    (see  pp.  19,  21,  33,03,  &c.).     His    criticisms   leave   an 
impression  on  tho  mind  that  Bha^anayaka's  memory  was  quite  fresh  in  Abhinavagupta 's 
day.    The  R-ijalarangini**  tells  us  that  there  was  a  learned  Brahman  named  Nayaka  at  the 
eourt  of  'Sankaravarmaii,  who  was  the  son  of  Avantivarnmn  and  came  to  the  throne  in 
A.  D.  883.     From  this  it  seems  probable  that  Nayaka  flourished  about  A.  D.  900.    The 
RTtjatarunginl  tells  us  that  iSankuka  wrote  a  poem  called  Bhuvandbhyudaya  and  lived  in 
the  reign  of  Ajitap£da  who  died  in  A.  I).  813.2"    Thus  &ankuka  flourished  about  A.  D.  800. 
Wo  thus  sea   that   Safikuka,  Nayaka  and  Abhinavagupta  are  arranged   in  chronological 

20  Prfajo  Ndfyah  prati    prdktd    RknratAdyai   rtMcmthit! !•     {      Yathdrnnti    maydpy-eshd     kdvyafo    prati 
nigadyate. — faringdra  I.  6. 

21  Yadi   vd  vritlindrii  B'iaratapra<iiddhAtrt'U  Kris  iky  ddiiultn,  \  Dhvuny&Mka,  p.  103.     Thoso    Vcittis  arc 
referred  to  in  the  NdfyaSdttra  (VI.  25.). 

22  Yathd  Ventsaflbhdre  vildvdkhyasya   pralimukhawthrlhyanyaaya  prukTilurasanibanrViandnanug^inamapi 
,..Bhar<tfamatdmiaaranamdlrechchhayd  ghatcwam. — Dhvanydloka,  p.   150. 

23  Mitktdkaqab  &iva9vdmt  Kavir-Anandavardhanah  \  Prathdw.  Ratndkarat-chdydt  s&mrtijye  3  vanti- 
w/rmanali  \\  Rdjdtorafigitf  V.  34.  24  ,sree  p.  84  of  the  Kdvyaprakdfa  (ed.  Vdmandchdrya). 

23  Dvijaa-taydr-Ndyakdkhyd  Gaurt-faaiiikara-swlmanfth  \  Chdturvidyah  kfitax-tena  Vagdevi-kulaman- 
diram. — Rajatarangi^t  V.  163. 

**  Kavir-lnu}hamanasain4hii~$d*(ihkah  Sankukdbhidhcth  \  Yam-uddi&y-tikarot  kavyath  Bhuvandbhyu- 
daydbhidham  ||.  Rdja.  IV.  705. 


AUGUST,  1017]        OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  ALAMKARA  LITERATURE  181 

order  by  Mammata.  It  would  not  be  quite  wrong  to  suppose  that  Bhafcta  Ldllata  whose 
views  are  put  first  by  Maminata  was  also  the  first  known  commentator  of  the  Ndtyaafotra 
in  Mammata's  day.  Wo  shall  not  bo  wrong  in  assigning  Lollafa  to  about  A.  D.  700. 
Thus  from  the  8th  century  downwards  wo  have  a  succession  of  commentators  on  the 
Nah/asastra.  Ib  naturally  follows  that  the  work  must  have  been  composed  long  before 
the  8th  century. 

(5.  Damodaragupta,  in  his  Kuftanimata,  in  a  number  of  places  refers  to  Bharata  as  a 
writer  on  dancing  and  speaks  of  the  Natyasdstra  as  composed  by  Brahma.27  Dfimodara- 
gupta  was  a  minister  under  Jayapida2*  (A.  D.  745 — 776). 

7.  Magha  says  in  one  place  '  like  dramatic  works  the  acts  of  which  contain  poetry 
composed  by  a  poet  familiar  with  Bharata'.20    As  Magha  is  quoted  l>y  Anandavardhana 
(9th  century)  and  by  Vumana30  (about  A.  D.  800),  he  cannot  be  placed  later  than  A.  D.  750. 
Before  this  date  dramas  existed,  which  according  to  Magha,  followed  Bharata's  rules  on 
dramaturgy.     So  a  long  time  before  A.  D.  750  a  Natyasdstra  by  Bharata  was  in  existence. 

8.  Bhamaha  (first  half  of  8th  century)  seemn  to  refer  to  Bhanita'«  Kafyaiastra  in  a 
number  of  places,     Tn  one  place  he  says,  '  Ndtaka,  &c.,  have  been  treated  of  at  length  by 
others.'31     In  another  place  he  remarks:  *  Others  enumerate  only  five  figures  of  speech, 
viz.,  Anuprasa  with  Yamaka,  Rupaka,  Dipaka  and  Upamd.'**  It  should  be  noted  €hat  of  all 
extant  works  ou  the-  Alanikdra-^dstra,  it  is  theNatyaxflstra  alone  that  speaks  of  such  a  small 
number  of  figures  of  speech.    It  is  true  that  Bharata  speaks  of  only  four  and  omits  Anuprasa. 
But  all  the   other   figures  are  the  same  and  Anuprfaa  may  bo  supposed  to  have  been 
omitted  by  Bharata  on  account  of  its  close  similarity  to  Yamaka.  In  another  place  Bhamaha 
criticizes  those  who  divide   Upamd  into  three  varieties,  Prasamsa,   Nindd  and  Sadrtiya.** 
Bharata  speaks  of  five  varieties  of  Upamd,  viz.,  the  above  three  and  two  more  Kalpitd  and 
h  i  nchit-sadrifi . s  * 

9.  Bhavabhiiti  in  his   Uttarardmacharita  refers  to  Bharata  as  the  writer  of   a  sutra 
work  on  Tauryfitrika,  i.  e.,  Ndtya**     Bhavabhiiti,  it  is  well-known,  was  patronized  by  Ya«>- 
varman  and  flourished,  according  to  Dr.  Bhandarkar,  at  the  end  of  the  7th  century  (Preface 
to   Malatiinadhava,  p.  x).     Mr.  V.  A.  Smith   gives  A.  D.  728  as  the  date  of   the  accession 
of   Yasovarman     (JRA8  of  Great  Britain  for  1908,   p.  793).      He  looks  ujion  Bharata  as  a 
contemporary  of  Valmiki,  the  first  poet  who  received  his  poetic  fire  from  Brahma  himself, 

27  BrahmMt-Xtttyastistre  gUe  murajddivddane    chaiva  |  Abihbhavati  Ndradadtn  prdvlnyath  Bhatta- 
piitrasua. — KuM.ammatam  vorae     75;     Bharata •Vi^dkhila-Da^ila-vrikahdyurvedii'chilras^treahu    |     Vorae 
123  ;   soo  also  verse  81  in  which  Kdhala  is  associated  with  Bharata. 

28  Sa    DAmfMlaragupklkhywh  Kuttantonata-kdrinam  \    Kavim    Kavith  Balir-iva  Mturyath 
vyadMt.—Rdja.     IV.  490. 

29  Bhara t<ij  »a  - kavi  -pran^a- kdvya^grcUhitdTikd  iva  natakaprapanch tft. — faitupdlavadlia,    20.  44 . 

30  The  verse  Tnisakulul,  paripcUan  parity  niketdn,  &c.,  quoted  by  Dhvanydldka9  p.  H4f  i« 

vadha  V.  26  and  the  verse  Ubhau  ya&i  vydmni,  &o.,  quoted  by  VAmana  under  Ati  oyokti  (IV.  3.  10)  i» 
kisupdlavadha  III.  8. 

31  Ndtakaih  Dvipadi    tiamyd  Rdwka-Skandhakddi  yat  \     Ukfarh  tad-abhiney(irti>am-iiki(,lnyai8*ta*ya 
vistarah  ||    Bh(ima)ia9 1.  24 » 

32  Anuprdxah  aayatnakd  RApakafa  Dipakdpawe  \    Iti  vdchArn-afa.hkArdh 
tlhdmaha,  II.  4. 

33  Yaduktuih  trijtrakaratvam  tasy&h   kaiSohin-mahAtonabhih  \  NirM.pi'aS 
dlily ate.— Bhamaha,  II.  27. 

»   Ndfyatdstra,  1C.  48. 

35  Uttarardmu    4///  art.    Taih  cha  fwihaataJikhitatn    mumr  bhagavdn  ryot?  \jud-Blu*  rains y& 
tauryatri  kae&trt  kdrctsya . 


182  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 

10.  Bana  gives  a  list  of  the  arts  and  sciences  iu  which  prince  Chandrapida  attained 
proficiency.    At  the  head  of  the  list  figures  the  Ndtya'dalra  of  Bharata/30    A  very  long 
period  of  time  must  have  intervened  between  the  the  composition  of  Bharata's  work  and 
Bana  before  the  latter  could  look  upon  the  study  of  the  former  as  a  sine,  qua  non  in  the 
education  of  a  prince. 

11.  Daudin  in  his  K&vyddar'sa  refers  to  a  work  on   dramaturgy  in  the  words  '  Nataka 
and  others  are  treated  of  at  length  elsewhere/31     In  another  place  he  says  that  what  are 
called  saindhyafiga  (ahgas  of  the  live  saihdfiis)  and   Vrdtyanya  in  another  Rostra   (agama) 
are  looked  upon  by  us  as  alanikaras^    The  five  samdhis  and  their  ahga&  arc  spoken  of  in 
the  19th  chapter  of  the  extant  Nutyawstra  and  the  Vnttis  in  the  20th  chapter.     In  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge  we  must  conclude  that  the  work  referred  to  by  Daudin  is 
none  else  but  the  Natyakdstm  of  Bharata.      We  shall  see  later   on  that  Daudin  flourished 
about  the  6th  century  A.  I). 

12.  Kalidasa  has   a  very  pointed  reference  to  Bharata  in   the  Vil'randnxtiiiya.     '  The 
Lord  of  gods,  together  with  the  guardians  of  the  worlds,  lias   a  mind  to  see  that  perform- 
ance containing  the  eight  rasa»,  which  has  been  entrusted  to  you  (the  Apsarases)  by  the 
sage  Bharata  and  which  will  be  rendered  with  line  acting. >i{°     There  are  throe  point**  here 
that  deserve  special  attention;   firstly,   Bharata  is  spoken  of  as  a  Nittyiirhdrj/a ;  .secondly, 
it  is  said  that  the  business  of  a  drama  is  to  evolve  the   eight  rasas  ;  and  thirdK ,  the  Apsa, 
rases  are  said  to  be  the  actors  wao  help  Bharata  to  bring  a  play  on  the  stage.     All  these 
three  are  found  in  the  extant  N atyawlm.    In  it  also.  Bharata  is  said  to  be  the  Ndfydcltaryfi 
of  the  gods,  the  rasas  are  said   to  be  eight,10  and  the  Ajwarases  are  said  to  have  helped 
Bharata.41     It  is  noteworthy  that  to  Kalidasa  also  Bharata  is  a  semi-divine  sage.  Bharata 
must  have  been  placed  by  tradition  a  number  of  centuries  before  Kalidasa  in  the  latter's 
day.    It  seems  to  us  not  unlikely  tliat  Kalidasa  had  bet'oro   him  .some  work  of   Bharata. 
The  date  of   Kalidasa  is  yet  far  from  being  settled.     He  is  certainly  much  earlier  than  the 
Aihole  inscription   (A.  D.  034)  in  which   he  is   highly  praised  along  with   Bharavi.     Ho  is* 
also  earlier  than  A.  D.  472,  the  date  of   the  Mandasor  Inscription  12   the  author  of  which 
shows  his  great  familiarity  with  Kalidasa.     If  Kalidusa  is  thus  earlier  than  the  5th  century 
A.  D.,  Bharata  must  be  older  still  by  a  number  of  centuries. 

13.  Every  ancient  writer  from  Bhaiti  (  somewhere  between   A.  D.  500 — 650),   Dan<liji 
(6th  century),  Bhamaha  (A.  D.  750),  to  Vaniana  and  Udbhata  (latter  half  of  8th  century) 
mentions  more  than  thirty  figures  of  speech.     It  is    Bharata  who    speaks    of   only  four 
figures.    We  have  said   above  that  Bharata  would  not  have  scrupled  to  give  a  more 
elaborate  treatment   and   a  larger  number  of  figures  if  he  had  known  them.     For  this 
reason  also,  he  must  be  placed  a  number  of  centuries  before  Bhatfci  and  Dan  din. 

36  BharatAdiprcwtteshu  nrityaS&atreshu. — K&dambarf,  p.  75  (ed.  Dr.  Peterson). 
w  Afitrdni  Ndtakddini  teehdm-anyatra   vlslarali   \     Kdvy&darSa    I.  31. 

38  Yachcha  sa^dhyanga-vT^tyanga^lakshan^dy^gamdntare      \     Vydvarnitam-idatii  c/ieaMaw-alatftfcdra- 
tayaiva  nah* — Kd^yddaria  II.  367. 

39  Muninb  Bharatena  ya\>  prayfigQ  bltavatfahv-ashtarwatrayo  niyuktah  \  lalitdbhinayaih  tam*adya  bhartu 
marutatit   draehtumqn&h  ealdkap&fah  \\    Int  act. 

40  8e*  NAfyoMutra,  VI.  16. 

41  Apsar6bhir.idwh  alrdhafa    krWantyaika-hetukam    \    Adhiehthitafa  may&  *w*ge  w^nd  Namdena 
cha    |     NAtyattstra  37.  19. 

u  See  Dr.  Fleet's  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Indicawm,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  79  ff. 


AUGUST,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  183 


In  the  foregoing  discussion,  we  hope  we  have  advanced  cogent  arguments  for 
.asserting  that  the  Ndtyriastra  of  Bharata  was  composed  not  later  than  the  5th  century 
A.  D.  If  it  ba  conceded  that  Kalidasa  had  in  mind  the  work  of  BHarata,  then  the  latter 
must  have  been  composed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  if  not  earlier.  We  do 
not  mean  to  assert  that  the  Ndtyawslra  as  composed  by  Bharata  has  come  down  to  us 
intact.  We  are  quite  prepared  to  admit  that  interpolations  may  have  been  inserted  from 
time  to  time.  What  we  contend  for  is  that  the  main  outlines  of  the  work  were  just  the 
samQ  about  the  7th  century  as  they  are  now.  We  have  seen  that  comparatively  ancient 
writers  like  Anandavardhana,  Rudrata  and  Abhinavagupta  refer  to  particular  portions 
of  tho  Natya&stra,  We  see  that  Abhinavagupta  regarded  Bharata  as  a  very  ancient  sage 
and  that  according  to  him  Bharata  spoke  of  tho  two  figures,  Yamaka  and  Upama.  It 
has  been  our  endeavour  to  establish  that  the  NatyaMatra  of  Bharata  is  at  all  events  older 
than  A.  D.  500.  There  is  no  other  extant  work  on  the  Alaihkdraxfatra  that  can  be  placed 
before  A.  D.  500.  Wo  may  therefore  provisionally  regard  that  the  NatyasAstra  of  Bharata 
contains  the  oldest  extant  treatment  of  Alamkara*. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA. 

BY  V.  RANQACHARI,  M.A.,  L.T.,;  MADRAS. 

(Continued  from  p.  163.) 

So  ended  the  Tanjoro  war  ;  and  the  two  powers  became  not  only  tacit  observers*  of 
peace,  but  positive  allies,  offensive  and  defensive.  In  tho  enthusiasm  of  their  new  alliance, 
they  even  prepared  for  war  with  a  third  power.  The  Raja  of  Mysore  had  just  constructed 
a  darn  across  the  Kaveri  and  caused  thereby  untold  hardship  to  tho  people  of  the  Tanjore 
and  Trichinopoly  kingdoms.  Cultivation  had  to  be  suspended,  and  the  grim  prospect  of 
famine  loomed  large  in  the  horizon.  The  two  powers  therefore  at  once  resolved  to  send 
a  joint  expedition  against  Mysore.  But  fortunately  at  this  crisis,  Providence  intervened 
and  averted  the  war.  A  timely  flood50  of  the  river  swept  away  the  Mysore  dam  and 
furnished  the  parched  kingdoms  with  water,  copious  enough  for  irrigation. 
The  Successful  revolt  of  the  S&tupati.  1702. 

The  last  military  undertaking  of  Maupainmal  (1702)  was  against  the  turbulent  Marava 
chieftain,  Raghunatha  Setupati,51  whose  policy  of  persecution  we  have  already  seen. 
The  arms  of  Madura  were  not  attended  with  the  accustomed  success  in  this  war.  The 
loosely  combined  mercenaries  of  the  Naik  army  could  hardly  prevail  against  a  people 
who,  owing  to  their ;  community  of  race,  language,  religion  and  interests,  had  a  strong 
sentiment  of  national  solidarity.  The  war  in  consequence  resulted,  in  spite  of  the  assis- 
tance which  Tanjore  rendered  on  this  occasion,  in  a  serious  diminution  of  tho  prestige  of 
Madura.  The  great  general,  Narasappaiya  himself,  fell  in  battle,  and  the  confederates 
were  driven  in  disgrace  into  their  kingdom.  Tanjore  suffered  more.  The  brunt  of  the  war 
fell  specially  on  the  South  and  Eastern  districts  of  that  kingdom  which  were  devastated 
with  fire  and  sword  by  tho  exultant  Maravas. 

50  SeeE.  G.  Buchanan,  I,  p.  427,  where  he  describes  a  dam  built  by  "  Cavery  Cada  Ruya,  one  of 
the  family  of  Ohika  Ddva  RAja  of  Mysore  "  at  Naringapetta.     It  is,  of  course,  not  at  all  certain  thai 
this  dam  is  the  intended  one. 

51  In   1700,  one  Dalavai  Sfitupati   repaired  the  Siva  temple  at  Tirumdkftr,  6  miles  north  of  Madura. 
He  was  evidently  a  general   of  Baghunatha  and  then  in  friendly  terms  with  the  Central  Government. 

:8ee  Antiquities,  I,  p.  295.    The  war  presumably  took  place  after  this. 


184  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AuotfcT,  1917 

The  tragic  and  mysterious  death  of  Mangamma. 

Jt  is  an  irony  of  fate  that  a  ruler,  who  did  80   much  for  her  country  and  was  so- 
popular  with  her  subjects,  ended  her  life,  if  we  are  to  believe  tradition  (no  MSS.  mention  it), 
under    circumstances  of    a  mast  tragical    character.     In    the  year  1706,    Vijaya  Ranga 
Chokkanatha  attained  his  majority,  and  had  to   be  invested  with  the  royal  power;  but 
Mftngammal  was  unwilling  to   part  with  it.     A   historian,  whose   views   are  of   a   most 
unreliable  nature,  says  that    the  queen  was  in  guilty  intimacy  with  a  singer,  that  the 
Prince    Vijaya    Raiiga   Chokkanatha    flogged    him ;     that     the    queen     kept    him    in 
consequence  in  prison   for    three  years  ;   that  he,  however,    successfully  intrigued  with 
the  officers  of  the  army,  effected  his  escape  by  means  of  a  rope  ladder,  proceeded  to  the 
temple,  and  crowned   himself :    and   that  though   Mar  gamma}    feigned  satisfaction    and 
pretended  to  welcome  the  now  regime,  the  prince  put  her  in  prison,  where  she  remained, 
till   her  death,   for  40  days/'2    The  imperious  voice  of  tradition  imputes  to  her  a  guilty 
motive,  inspired^  by  her  friendship   and    alleged    love   for   her   minister   Achchaya.    An 
enquiry  into  the  conditions  of  the  time,  however,  would  seem  to  warrant  the  supposition 
that   she    was    actuated    by    honest    intentions    in    refusing    to    entrust    Vijaya    Ranga 
with  the  burdens  and  responsibilities  of  royalty.     As  we  shall  see  later  on,  Vijaya  Ranga 
acquitted  himself,  during  his  reign  of  27  years,  so    badly  that  he  became   notorious  as  a 
foolish,  unjust  and  feeble  spendthrift.     Maiigammuj  and  her  minister  seem  to  have  formed 
a  true  estimate  of  his  character  and  abilities,  and  honestly  felt  that  it  would  be  better 
for  the  kingdom  if  Vijaya   Rauga    assumed  the  reins   of  government   after  some   more 
experience  in  statecraft.    The  queen's  hesitation  was  thus,  in  all  probability,  due  to  her 
regard  for  the  people  ;  but  her    attitude   was   mistaken  for   ambition,  and  her  confidence 
in  her  minister   declared    by   the    voice    of   scandal  to  be  an  unrighteous  and  criminal 
intimacy.     A  strong    and    formidable    party    arose,    in    consequence,    against  them  and 
did    not   hesitate    to    stain  their   hands    with    her   blood.     Inspired  more   by  brute  force 
than  by  gratitude,  they  seized  her  by  treacherous  means  and  condemned  her  to  a  prisoner's 
life  in  her  own  palace,   the  building    which  is  now  occupied  by  the  Taluk  and  other  ofiices. 
There  she  had  to  expiate  her  alleged  treason  and  greed  by  a  cruel  and  ignominious  death. 
She  was  slowly  starved,  her  distress  being  enhanced  by  the  frequent  placing  of  food  outside 
her  prison  at  such  a  distance  that  she  could  see  and  smell  it,  but  not  reach  it.    To  be  practi- 
cally within  life's  necessity  and  yet  brutally  debarred  from  its  touch  and  enjoyment,  was 
a  tantalising  penalty  hardly  deserved  by  a  true  philanthropist  and  benefactor  of  mankind. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  celebrated  queen  whose  guilt  was,  to  judge  from  the  entire 
circumstances  of  the  case,  most  probably  a  simple  act  of  indiscretion.  That  she  was  tactless 
may  be  conceded  ;  but  her  treason  or  ambition  is  yet  to  be  proved.  There  are  no  sufficient 
evidences  to  prove  that  her  conduct  was  such  as  to  provoke  universal  discontent  or  popular 
indignation.  The  author  of  the  Madura  Gazetteer  evidently  believes  in  the  truth  of  the 
stories  of  her  guilty  love.  A  "  slight  confirmation  of  the  tradition,"  he  says,  "  is  derived 

62  One  account  says  that  Mangamma}  was  queen  till  1712.  Muthiah's  account  on  which  Wilson 
bases  hia,  says  that  when  the  prince  was  13  years  old,  the  Dalavai  Kasturi  Ranga  organized  a  revolt, 
put  the  queen  in  prison,  and  seized  the  reins  of  government.  Mangamm&i  soon  died  in  the  prison 
(JRAJS  III,  234)  The  latest  inscription  in  her  name  is  dated  1706  (8.  1628,  Vyaya)  "during  the 
reign  of  Vehkatadeva  RAya  at  Ghtaagiri,"  Antiquities,  U,  p.  17).  Inscription  494  of  1007,  dated 
S.  1626  (Tirana),  recording  the  construction  of  a  shrine  by  a  Brahman  in  her  regency, 
channel,  is  of  course  earlier. 


AUGUST,  1917  J        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  XAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MAUUKA 

from  the  facts  that  in  the  little  chapel  built  by  Mangamma  I  on  the  west  side  of  the  '  golden 
lily  tank  '  in  the  Madura  temple  is  a  statue  of  a  young  man  who  is  declared  to  be  her 
minister  and  paramour,  and  that  in  a  picture  on  the  ceiling  of  tho  chapel  is  a  portrait  of  the 
same  person  opposite  to  one  of  the  queen,  who  (be  it  noted)  in  dressed,  not  as  an  orthodox 
Hindu  widow  should  be,  but  in  jewels  and  finery  appropriate  only  to  a  married 
woman."53  The  confirmation  afforded  by  these  is  slight  indeed.  Tho  appearance  of 
the  minister  by  the  side  of  the  queen  is  no  proof  of  unlawful  intimacy,  nor  is  there 
anything  uncommon  in  a  royal  lady,  though  a  widow,  adorning  her  person.  Public  appear- 
ance necessarily  demanded  a  decency  in  keeping  with  her  station.  Tho  true  cause  and 
excuse  of  Mangammal's  death,  therefore,  is,  and  is  ever  likely  to  be,  a  mystery. 

And  she  has  lived,  and  will  live,  in  history.  Throughout  the  wide  kingdom  of  Madura 
the  great  queen  has  left  her  undying  monuments.  Her  roads  and  avenues  have  afforded 
happiness  to  travellers  and  her  choultries  shelter  and  food  to  pilgrims  without  number 
for  the  past  two  centuries.  Distant  corners,  unfrequented  regions,  have  celebrated  her 
name  and  cherished  her  memory.  Even  to-day  tho  lone  and  solitary  wanderer  whom  tho 
love  of  antiquity  draws  to  the  western  parts  of  the  Tinncvelly  district,  so  far  from  the 
seat  of  the  noble  queen's  government,  will  notice  the  most  illiterate  man  blessing  the 
name  of  the  great  good  woman  who  made  that  winding  road  at  the  sight  4of  tho  hills, 
that  planted  those  tall  majestic  trees  and  that  built  those  welcome  bowers  which  give 
shade  and  water  to  hit*  exhausted  and  gun- struck  person.  Even  to-day  he  will  find  her 
choultries  and  rest-houses  as  at  &61av»ndan54  and  at  Madura  playing  their  parts  of 
service,  though  under  different  management  and  under  different  ideals  of  charity  and 
benevolence,  Even  to-day  he  will  find  her  the  theme  of  simple  anecdotes  and  amiable 
remembrance  in  holy  places  of  pilgrimage.  At  Palni,-f|G  for  instance,  the  very  steps  by 
which  she  once  went  to  the  temple  are  remembered  and  have  been  perpetuated  by  an 
anecdote.  It  is  said  that  while  she  was  going  up  the  flight  of  stops  leading  to  the 
Daiiciayudhapfirii  shrine,  wt  she  came  upon  a  young  man  who,  perceiving  her,  retreated 
in  confusion.  She  called  out  graciously  to  him  'Irunkol  !'  or  '  Pray  wait!  '  and  be  and 
his  sons*  sons  thereafter  always  took  this  word  as  their  name."  But  while  posterity  has 
revered  and  loved  her  memory  the  actual  place  where  she  underwent  her  tragic  end  is  in 
ruins.  On  the  site  which  her  palace  once  occupied  has  now  been  built  the  central  market 
of  Madura50  ;  and  of  her  residence  and  its  environments  nothing  now  remains  but  the 
small  Mariamman's  shrine  near  the  southern  entrance  to  the  market,  the  compound  wall 
at  the  northern  side,  and  a  few  huge,  well  polisher  I  black-stone  pillars  similar  to  those  in 
Tirumal  Nayak's  palace,  in  the  north-eastern  corner.  The  artistic*  excellence  of  the 
edifices  is  proved  by  the  excellent  patterns  of  the  still  existing  perforated  stucco 
windows  and  the  well-carved  wooden  doorways  in  the  west,  which  have  defied  time. 
And  with  regardr>7  to  her  foul  murderers  the  story  runs  that,  owing  to  her  curse,  their 
descendants,  nay  the  very  caste  to  which  they  belonged,  have  sunk  in  obscurity  and  been 
unable  to  rise  to  any  position  of  trust  or  dignity  in  the  State. 

»  Madura  Uazr.,  p.  66. 

w  See  Madura  Gazr.,  p.  157-8  and  291,  for  the  history  of  these  choultries. 

56  Ibid,  p.  305. 

W  Arch.  Rep..  1910-11,  pp.  16-17.  Mooro  in  his  Tricfii nopoly  Manual,  however,  pointH  out  that 
a  small  room  near  the  large  hall  in  the  Nawab's  palate,  called  Manga  mm  6  Is  Hall,  n  generally 
pointed  out  aa  the  place  of  her  death. 

*f  Oral  tradition. 


186  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AUGUST,  1917 

Vljaya  Ranga  Chokkanfttha. 

SECTION  II.  , 

Personal  Kuk  (1706-1731.) 

The  death  of  Mangammal  pavod58  the  way  for  the  actual  exercise  of  sovereign 
power  by  Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkanfttha.  The  character  of  this  monarch  is  simply  and 
easily  described.  Throughout  his  long  reign  of  26  years  (for  he  ruled  till  1731),  he 
shewed69  himself,  by  his  conduct,  an  exceedingly  pious  and  god-fearing  man.  In  fact 
he  led  the  life  of  a  saint,  of  a  pilgrim,  rather  than  that  of  a  king.  His  mind 
was  always  occupied  in  the  efficient  observance  of  religious  ritual  and  the  speedy 
propagation  of  the  religious  spirit.  Caring  solely  for  the  applause  of  the  clergy  by 
whom  he  was  surrounded,  he  spent  every  moment  of  his  life  and  every  penny  of  his 
revenues  in  indulging  their  desires  [and  furthering  their  interests.  A  Telugu  chronicle 
observes  that  it  was  his  custom  to  set  out  every  two  years,  on  an  extensive  religious 
tour,  throughout  his  kingdom.  He  would  in  the  course  of  the  tour,  visit  the  shrines 
of  Srirangam,  Jambukesvaram,  Madura,  Tinnevelly,  Alv&r  Tirunagiri,  Sri  Vaikuntham, 
etc.  On  these  occasions  the  pious  monarch  would  expend,  with  a  reckless  extravagance, 
immense  sums  for  the  increased  offerings  and  anointings  of  the  images.  The  priests  of 
many  a  rich  temple  who  understood  the  real  character  of  the  king  practised  deception  and 
•found  means  to  fill  their  already  full  coffers.  They  would  set  aside  the  silken  robes 
and  the  costly  ornaments00  of  the  shrine  and  substitute  in  their  place  plain  white  clothes 
and  other  semblances  of  poverty.  The  plates  and  charters  of  previous  royal  endowments 
would  be  carefully  hidden,  and  a  small  number  of  faintly  flickering  lights  would  be  kept 
burning  at  the  altar.  The  king  on  seeing  these  miserable  provisions  invariably  bestowed, 
without  the  least  enquiry  into  the  past  history  or  the  present  resources  of  the  shrine, 
numerous  vestments  and  monetary  gifts  of  the  value  of  2,000  or  3,000  madais,  amounting 
to  1,000  or  1,500  star  pagodas.  In  this  manner  every  tour  of  the  king  absorbed  lakhs 
of  rupees  of  the  revenue.  The  extravagance  of  donations  was  repeated  during  every 
tour;  for  the  king,  with  an  extraordinary  pride  and  singular  notion  of  charities, 
deprecated  all  inquiry  into  past  gifts  on  the  ground  that  such  an  enquiry  would  destroy 
the  spiritual  fruits  of  the  gifts  themselves.  To  those  men  of  business  and  of  sense 

58  Nelson  points  out  that  there  are  no  Jesuit  letters  to  illustrate  this  reign.     We  have  to  depend 
solely  on  Chronicles  and  the  meagre  and  secondary  evidence  of  English  historians. 

59  An  inscription  of  his,  dated  1710,  is  in  the  eastern  Gdpura  of  Madura.     Further  epigraphs  in 
hi*  n*rae  dated  1716,  1724,  1727,  1729,  and  1731  are  given  by  Sewell.     Two  of  these  are  grants  to  Durga 
and   Siva  temples ;  but  the  deeds  are  always  engraved  with  Vaishnava  figures.     A  curious  fact  to  be 
noticed  is  that  an  alleged  suzerain   Raya  is  always  given.    Inscription  697  of  1909  records  a  grant  of 

.    IB  in  1728  (Ep.  JBep.,  1909,  p.  59). 

60  For  an  interesting   account  of  a  few  of  the  jewels  given  by  Vijaya  Ranga  to  the  Srtrangam 
temple,  see  Ind.  Ant.  I,  p.  131.    His    are  some  of  the  oldest  jewels  possessed  by  the   temple,— neck- 
aces,  gold  and  silver  vessels,  etc.  [from  the  Athenaum,  Jan.  17,  1872]. 


AUGUST,  1917  ]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NA1K  KINGDOM  OF  MADUKA  1^7 

who  represented  the  necessity  of  enquiry,  ho  would  reply  that  things  once  given  to  a  deity 
ought  not  to  be  inquired  after.  "If  a.  garment  be  given  to  a  man,"  he  argued,  "and  it  bo  after- 
wards said,  we  gave  it,  the  merit  of  the  act  is  nullified  ;  and  in  the  case  of  a  god,"  the  kin# 
continued,  "it  would  be  a  sordid  sin."  Vijaj-a  Jluiiga  Chokkamitha  was,  in  fact,  ;i 
Brahman's  king.  He  always  liked  to  have  them  around  him,  to  listen  to  their  counsels  and 
teachings,  to  serve  them  and  worship  them.  No  money  ua»  wasted,  he  sincerely  believed, 
when  spent  on  their  behalf.  They  uere  his  very  limbs,  the  breath  of  his  life.  Enviable 
as  was  the  position  of  the  Brahmans  under  the  Naik  iv.irhne,  it  was  never  so  enviable  as  in  the 
days  of  their  favourite,  Vijaya 


Official  oppression  and  corruption. 

The  result  of  this  subordination  of  the  king  to  the  clergy  was,  as  might  be  expected,  a 
thorough  disorganization  and  dislocation  of  the  state.  The  conversion  «»f  the  palace  into  a 
place  of  prayer,  of  the  king  into  a  saint,  and  of  the  state  into  an  agency  for  religious  propa 
gttiida,  naturally  brought  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  into  a  state  of  extreme  misery.  The 
king's  indhl'erence  to  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  royalty  made  IM-  ofh'ciuis  tyrants 
and  oppressors,  and  exact;  as  much  as  possible  from  the  helpless  proplr/-i  The  voice  of 
distress  and  the  tumult  of  discontent  tilled  the  kingdom.  Melson  describe:-  Low  in  1701),  four 
y<!<irs  after  the  king's  accession,  there  was,  in  consequence  of  the  cruelty  and  injustice  of  the 
DoJavaj  KasturJ  Uanpi,  a  serious  riot  at  Madura.  An  inscription  (No.  (>  «>i  .11)15)  belonging 
to  the  Temple  of  Madura  clearly  bears  out  this  statement  and  gives  ;i  due  as  to  the 
condition  of  the  country.  It  states  that  UK-  king's  oilicers  levied  certain  taxes  on  the 
people  ol  the  four  villages  of  iSamanattam,  Sikkalai,  J'un^aiikujam  and  'Sengnlam 
\\Jiieh  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed  as  wirvamanyti,  for  their  service  as  the  bearers 
of  the  image  of  Chokkanatha  during  festivals.  "  .Being  unable  to  bear  the  hardship. 
they  made  up  their  mind  to  go  in  a  body  to  commit  suicide,  one  of  them  actually  got 
upon  the  gopura,  fell  down  and  died.  On  this  the  people  of  the  place  assembled  in  the  temple 
to  guard  its  four  gates.  The  o  dicer  in  charge  of  the  fort,  the  rnauiyam  of  the  place,  the 
ttamprati,  the  day-watchmen  (dinnaarikkfirnr  ?)  and  others  Diet  together  and  summoned  the 
assembled  people  and  the  bearers  of  the  god  and  declared  that  the  four  villages  enjoyed11- 
by  the  latter  were,  as  usual,  sarvamdnya,  free  of  all  taxes."  Mr.  Krish  nasastri  remarks 
that  this  is  not  surprising  as  from  1710  to  1720  the  country  sutfercd  from  the  miseries  of  a 
widespread  famine.  The  inscription  clearly  states  that  the  Dalavai  at  this  time  was 
Kasturi  Eangaiya  and  the  Pradhani  Vehkatia  Krish  naiya, 

Cl  See  Nelson  :  Madu.  Man. 

c2  Madr.  Ep.  Rep.  1915,  p.  116.  Even  in  thin  time  (he  king  was  very  generous  in  his  endowment/a 
to  Brahmans.  In  1708-9  lie  registers  a  gift  of  rillagors  to  the  fsankarficharya  matha  at  Jumbukefcvaram 
for  the  feeding  of  Brahmans.  Ibid.  In  1721  he  gave  a  grant  to  one  Nurasa  Puritulu,  evidently  »i 
doctor  who  was  to  offer  prayers  to  Dhanvantari.  Madr.  Ep.  Rep.  1911,  p.  16.  In  1708-9,  Vijaya  Ranga 
also  gave  a  grant  to  Vydsaraya  mat  Jia  of  Sosale  by  which  "  whatever  dues  were  paid  in  the  Madura 
kingdom  to  the  temple  at  Chokkan&thapura  were  to  be  paid  to  the  mafha  also.  "  Mys.  E 
1916,  p.  66. 


188  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 

Nelson  proceeds  to  say  that  the  King  woke  up  from  bis  dream  and  dismissed  his 
minister ;  but  the  new  minister  Naravappaiya  was,  we  are  told,  hardly  better  than  his 
predecessor.  His  boundless  avarice  speculated  the  sum  to  be  distributed  as  pay  among  the  army, 
and  thereby  gave  rise  to  a  mutiny  of  a  serious  and  threatening  nature.  With  greater  tact 
than  Kasturi  Raiiga,  Naravappaiya  hoodwinked  the  king,  and  represented  the  case  in  such 
a  light  that  the  latter  believed  in  the  honesty  of  his  minister  and  the  unreasonableness  of 
his  soldiers.  Instead  of  wisely  removing  the  cuusc  of  discontent  and  conciliating  the  army, 
the  king  listened  to  the  counsels  of  the  Dajavai  and  called  the  Setupati  for  help.  The 
Sotupati  of  the  time,  KiJ.avan,  as  ho  was  called,  readily  responded  to  his  suzerain's  call,  but 
instead  of  joining  him  in  the  chastisement  of  the  mutineers  he  advised  him  to  grant  the 
arrears  of  pay  and  win  back  their  loyalty  by  a  wise  policy  of  justice.  The  king 
apparently  saw  his  own  folly  and  the  villainy  of  his  minister.  He  immediately  paid 
the  pay  of  the  discontented  men,  and  the  mutiny  ended.  We  do  not  know  whether  the 
Dalavai  was  dismissed  or  not ;  but  from  the  fact  that  we  meet  with  a  new  name,  that  of 
Venkataraghavacharya,  in  his  place,  we  have  to  infer  that  he  must  have  been  dismissed.  As 
for  Vfenkajaraghavacharya,  who,  1o  judge  from  his  name,  was  evidently  a  Sri  Vaishnava 
Brahman,  we  have  no  direct  evidence  to  prove  that  he  was  worse  than  his  predecessors.  But  one 
remarkable  incident  which  the  Tclugu  Record  of  the  Carnatic  Governors  gives  about  him,  shews 
that  he  was  not  probably  free  from  their  weakness.  He  had,  it  is  said,  accumulated  ready 
money  to  the  value  of  a  lakh  of  pagodas  and  jewels  of  immense  worth.  As  he  grew  old  and 
felt  the  hand  of  death  he  expressed,  no  doubt  with  the  idea  of  preventing  the  annexation  of 
his  immense  acquisition  by  the  Crown,  a  desire  to  see  the  king.  The  latter  condescended  to 
honour  his  servant.  On  his  arrival  at  his  habitation  he  found  himself  seated  on  a  jewelled 
throne  and  honoured  with  all  honours.  300  trays,  moreover,  full  of  pagodas  arid  mohars,  of 
rupees  and/anow$,  300  more  of  gems  and  golden  jewels,  and  400  of  costly  attire,  were  placed 
by  the  minister  at  the  feet  of  his  master.  It  is  difficult  to  read  the  motive  of  Venkata  RAghava 
in  bequeathing  this  enormous  wealth  to  the  king.  Perhaps  he  felt  that  the  inheritance 
of  such  enormous  riches  by  his  heirs  would  surprise  tl  c  ignorance  and  excite  the  jealous 
avarice  of  royalty,  thereby  causing  their  transfer  to  the  royal  coffers.  To  make  the  king 
acquainted  with  the  extent  of  his  resources  and  to  justify  his  vanity  by  a  bequeathal 
of  a  portion  of  it  to  him,  was  perhaps  a  device  to  ensure  his  son's  inheritance 
of  the  rest.  Or  it  is  possible  that  the  Dalav&i  felt  a  remorse,  and  thought  of 
satisfying  his  conscience  by  sacrificing  a  portion  to  the  State.  Whatever  the  fact 
was,  whether  the  Dalavai's  motive  was  one  of  vanity  or  remorse,  or  of  policy  or 
foresight,  the  result  was  a  triumph  which  he  could  hardly  have  expected.  For,  as 
soon  as  the  king's  eyes  fell  on  these  presents,  he  exclaimed  in  the  name  of  God 
that  it  was  a  sin  to  look  at  the  valuables  of  a  Brahman,  much  more  so  to  take 
possession  of  them !  Looking  hard  at  the  Dalavai,  he  then  added  that,  in  case 
he  had  been  inspired  in  his  conduct  by  the  apprehension  of  future  insecurity, 
he  was  labouring  under  a  mistake.  Not  satisfied  with  the  assurance,  the  reckless 
monarch  presented  the  Dalavai  with  30,000  pagodas,  directing  that  part  of  it 
should  go  to  his  comforts  and  the  reflt  to  the  performance  of  charities.  Only 


AUGUST,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NATK  KlXliDOM  OF  MADHtA  I8** 

one  thing  remained  for  the  king, — the  removal  of  the  sin  ho  had  committed  by  looking 
on  a  Brahman's  property  ;  and  that  was  done  by  the  liberal  distribution  of  cows,  lands 
and  food  to  the  needy  and  the  indigent ! ! 

Vijaya  Ranga  and  Kandy. 

Such  was  the  reckless  folly  and  culpable  extravagance  of  Vijaya  Uamra  ( 'hokkanatha. 
For  the  sake  of  his  gods  and  liis  Brahmans  he  sacrilieed  liis  State  and  his  subjects. 
CoiiHervative  as  the  Naiks  were  in  their  social  policy,  none  >\rs  so  conservative  as  Vjjaya 
Ranga.  This  is  exemplified  in  his  relation  with  the  contemporary  kinii  of  Kandi.  The 
Sinhalese  monarch1'1-*,  Kuinara  Singh  Mtiha  Rajah,  \\as  unmarried  ON  ing  In  the  lack  of  girls 
in  his  family.  He  therefore  sent,  at  the  instance  of  his  ofiiccrs  and  subject*,  an  embassy  to 
Trichinopoly  to  solicit  an  alliance  with  the  Nitik  family.  With  costly  garments  and 
ornaments,  the  (Vylon  messengers  reached  the  Naik  Capital,  and  in  an  interview 
with  Vijaya.  Ranga,  expressed  the  object  of  their  embassy,  lint  no  sooner  did  the 
son  of  Ranga  Krishna  hear  of  this  than  he  expressed  his  abhorrence  of  the  proposal. 
He  asked  the  strangers  whether  their  master  Mas  of  his  ONMI  » asU-,  and  \\hetlier 
there  had  been  any  intermarriage  in  the  past,  and  on  being  replied  in  the  negative, 
dismissed  them  without  ceremony,  commanding  the  Chohdnrs  1o  take  them  forthwith  outside 
the,  fort.  The  king  also  issued  an  order  that  none  of  his  relatives  or  castemon  should 
give  a  daughter  of  his  house  to  the  Sinhalese  monarch.  The  kind's  order  however 
was  honoured  more  by  breach  than  by  observance;  for  an  ambitious  member  of  the 
caste,  more  anxious  to  have  a  royal  grana^on  than  to  preserve  the  caste  rule  or  to  obey  the 
royal  mandate,  treated  secretly  with  the  messengers,  and  in  return  for  gifts  of  many 
ku,n$  and  robes,  accompanied  them  stealthily  to  Kandy  and  celebrated  his  daughter 
iu  marriage  .with  the  king. 

The  State  at  Vijaya  Ranga's  death. 

The  result  of  this  unsatisfactory  state  of  things  was  that  \vhcn  the  kiiur  died0* 
in  3731  the  state  was  in  a  dangerous  situation.  The  treasury  \\as  empty,  the 
vassals  turbulent,  and  Vijaya  Rauga  was  childless.  The  Mysore  occupation  of 
the  northern  parts  of  the  kingdom  moreover  had  become  permanent.  An  inscription 
of  1714,  for  instance/"*  says  that  the  townsmen,  tribesmen,  religious  schools  and 
Vedic  divisions  of  a  town  in  Attur  sold  a  piece  of  land  to  a  l>ruhman,  and 
that  they  recognized  in  it  fcC  Shrimad  Rajadhiraja  Raja  Paratueshvara  Rajamurtaiida 
Prauda  Pratapa,"  the  conqueror  of  kings,  k'  the  unrivalled  Krisl  na  Raja  Vdayar," 
whose  standard  wt  bore  the  image  of  the  earth-goddess  with  the  boar,"  as  their 
SON  ereign, 

^3  See  Account  of  the  Singhalese  Kings,  Appendix. 

64  According  to  Mutkiuh,  be  died  iu  1734  ;  to  Orme,  in    1730.     Tho  rotil  date  i*  17iU. 

«5  Salem  Manual,  II.  p.  80. 


190  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1917 

SECTION   III. 
The  Setupati  affairs. 

The  weakness  of  Vijaya  Raiiga  is  best  illustrated  in  the  Ramiuul  affairs.  His  inability 
to  control  the  army  at  home  necessarily  weakened  his  hold  on  the  Poly  gars,  and  many  of 
them  shewed  signs  of  defection  and  independence.  Kijavan00  Setnpati  was  the  first  and 
foremost  to  do  it.  We  have  already  seen  how  he  based  his  rule  on  popular  welfare  and  mili- 
tary efficiency,  and  how  besides  changing  the  seat  of  government  to  Ramnad,  he  ruled 
his  state  well. 

A  tremendous  storm.— 1709. 

Tn  1709  Ramnad  suffered  from  not  only  a  famine  but  one  of  the  most  destructive 
cyclones  recorded  in  the  history  of  India.  Beginning  in  the  early  morning  of  December  18, 
itragod,  with  coastant  violence,  till  noon67;  and  after  a  temporary  lull  which  lasted  for  four 
hours,  broke  out  again  with  tremendous  vigour,  and  lasted  throughout  night.  The  storm  was 
accompanied  by  a  violent  rain,  the  torrent  of  which  flooded  the  land.  The  next  day  the 
sun  rose  on  one  of  the  tragic-  scenes  of  history.  The  embankments  of  tanks  already, 
owing  to  the.  monsoons,  full  to  the  brim  gave  away,  and  their  waters,  joined  to  those 
from  above,  converted  the  kingdom  into  a  vast  lake,  interspersed  here  and  there  with 
precarious  lands.  Cattle  and  goats,  dogs  and  men,  struggled  in  the  Hoods,  and  their 
carcases  and  corpses  flouted  in  grim  and  hideous  company.  Raninsid  became  an 
extensive  lield  of  death,  a  scene  of  horrifying  tragedy  in  which  thousands,  old  and  young, 
men  and  women,  found  a  simultaneous  watery  grave.  Trees  of  strong  build  and  gigantic 
growth  measured  the  ground,  and  the  corn  fields  were  covered  and  destroyed  by  a  thick 
layer  of  sand  and  earth,  the  removal  of  which  was  an  expense  intolerable  to  the  ruined 
peasants.  Tanks  and  wells  were  fouled  and  poisoned  and  the  stench  of  corpses  filled  the 
atmosphere  and  bred  disease.  The  after-effects  of  the  cyclone  were  even  more  destructive. 
For  a  space  of  four  years  the  kingdom  became  subject  to  an  acute  and  all-penetrating 
famine.  Many  people  died  of  starvation,08  and  many  more  left  Ilumnud  for  ever,  and 
sought  shelter  in  Tanjore  and  Madura, 

(To  be  continued.) 

cc  See  Madura  Manual  and  O.  H.  JVf&S'.  He  performed  the  Hiranyagarbha  sacrifice.  For  his 
grants  in  1707  and  1712  to  tho  VyasarAya  mat  It  a  at  Sosale  ( thrugh  his  agent  at  KamnSvaram)  sea 
My*.  Ep*  Pep.  1915,  p.  55.  The  inscription  enumerates  all  the  titles  of  the  Setupati. 

e7  Such  storms  were  very  frequent.  It  was  a  tremendous  storm  of  1480  that  broke  Adam's  Bridge. 
See  Ferguson's  Ooldt  Gems  and  Pearls,  in  Ceylon  and  S.  /netfa,  p.  300.  See  also  Col.  Love's  Vestiges  of 
Madras  for  similar  storms  in  lf>40,  1602,  1668,  1074,  1071),  1687,  1717,  etc. 

c8  Nelson  points  out  from  the  Jesuit  authorities  that  it  was  due  not  ta  mis. government  but  to  the 
failure  of  monsoons.  Prices  rose  32  times,  -#.//..  eight  Ramnad  maralcdli  of  rice  usually  costing  one 
/anam  cost  in  1713,  32  /ananw.  See  M adura  M an.  p.  242. 


AUGUST,  H)17  ] 


MISCKLLANEA 


191 


MISCELLANEA. 


MAGHA  AND  HIS  J'ATKONS. 
Iu  tlio   oolophor.   to  his    &isu}Hll<n*idhani    MAgha 
mention.  life  grandfather   Supra  bhadeva  a*  having 
been  the  minister  of  a  certain  king,  who*  name  has 
naturally  been   made  a  sport   of  in   various  MSS.  , 
giving  ua  any  number  of  variants.     An  inscription  j 
from  V«pantac«3h  dated  082  V.  8..  (A.  I).  025)  has  | 

brought  to  light,  the  name  of  a  king  coinciding  with 

,     ,  .  .T          1*1          ^r 

one    of    the   variants,    Varmahtta,  and  most  of  our 

*    ,        .  '.      .  .  '       .x       -..     , 

scholars  have  proposed  a  happy  identity  of  the  two 

kings,  giving  A.  D.  6.^700  as  a  fairly  approximate  | 
date  for  MAKlm.  The  only  thing  that  fttand*  in1 
the  way  is  thu  well  -known  verao  of  MAgha'ft  poem  | 


*ff 

where  tho  words   jfrT    and       ?1W,    accordine;  to  j 
MallinAtha,  convey  fl  Covert   allusion  to  the  Kasifai  \ 
and  itn  conimciitary  \i/nsa    (by  Jiriondrabuddhi)  .  ! 
Jrtynditya.  oiw  of  the    authors  -»f  the    Ktiitkfi  died, 
according  to  1-tMDg,  m   A.   I).  <i61.  and  tho  A>i*/t 
which  IH  not  inPiitinnud  in  th«.  elaboriito  account  of 
l-tsiiig,  nti<    evidently  not  yot  written  in  A.  I).  OOfi, 
whon  losing  loit    India.     Magha    cannot  tlioroforo 
!>o  plawd  f-irlier  than  the  middle-  of  the  8th  century, 
making    the  pmposcd    identification    of  Varnuilnta 
rather   inipo^ihlo.    'JMio    loumed   editor   of  tho  in-  ' 
HCriptit>n,  iollowiiin  hi^  collaborator  Dr.  Konow,  has  j 
uidood  sought    t->  reconcile  tlm    two  conflicting  e\i- 
tloncex  by  making  Manila,  with  tiotnj  Rtrdtoli.  a  con- 
tomjioraiv   «>t  Jmciidia,    and  placing  both   early  in 
tho  8th   century.     (/0>-    Itidiat,  Vol.  IX,   p.    19(1). 
But    i>er]mp*    Mallin;Uha*8   interpret  at  ion     should 
better  1*^  r«'j«H*t^d    in    face    of  the  palpable  epigru- 
phio  evidence.      For   nven    though    we  may   admit 
MallinAthaV  comment  in  Mtighu'a  passage,  a  differ- 
ent   infiuiiini;  have    certainly    to  besought   for  th* 
\vords9fH    an«l    ^IPET  ari    they    occur   in   a  strik- 
ingly     similar    passngo     of    Buna's     Har*ac,hririta, 
which  may  not    unlikely    have    l*en   tho    original 
from  whi<-h   Alugha  drow  : 


f  f  ^TRi^T  I  (Xim.  S.  Kd.  p.  90).  Hero  we  have 
evidence  of  earlier  >*ritt<#  and  earlier  tiydmis  in  the 
domain  of  Sanskrit  grammar.  The  ancient  coin- 
luentator  &ankara,  without  referring  to  particular 
works,  explains 


and  thus  lends  a  strong  support  to 
jr.  Kielhorn,  who  similarly  rejected  Malliiultiia'* 
gl()SStiry  (JRASt  1008i  p.'491))>  The  word 
it|vl£  ^^  in  ^  inh,Hjm,tory  WMp  of  |he 
an(,  Huracl|lttH  ftll||  ,1im.n(lra  1U  lhpir  t,oinraent8 
thcrfHm  hflv<t  pPOHorvinl  lo  (IS  tho  llttmea  of  no  iefls 
Uum  fouroarlier  m-,//JW,IMf  ,.,--.,  Kuni.Chulli,  Bhatti 

J^LJ-,     ^.,-,fl    • 
and  Nallrtra  (Bengal  MS.  reads   PmT  ;  Kit&kAwwi- 

.  **  .    '  '«.  ;  » 

r«fi«;wtfffoitpp.  1-2).'  Jt  is  evident  (Imt  along  with 
^^  ^.^  ^  ^^    .....    ^^  ^.^  ^ 

whi(.h  ^    ^   Bfi|ml|1|atttt    mui   Ma  ha    toform 
thoir  r(,slxvthv  colK,oits.    ' 

But  Ixsyoiid  being  called  upon  to  settle  tho  dati- 
of  Maglm.  the  discovery  of  this  new  inscription  has 
not  it  seoms  j^^n  pU8iied  to  iis  proper  ronrlusions. 
Jt  ^oeina  to  bt*  gonorally  1'orgotton  that  flu* 
XTHrr^^i^Ti  n  alono  pix^er\-od  what  now  appears  to 
b<'  the  correct  form  of  tho  kind's  name  a»  ^nWF?T 
and  it  is  but  fair  to  lako  tli<'  author  at  hifl  word 
when  he  further  suy«  tlmlhe  v\as  kingtof  ^7^1^, 
capital  of  the  (lurjara  Kin^d<nn.  (\ini.  N.ED. 
pp.  19«.7)  .  lt  BppllftW  il.rroforo  that  WWW  IH 
(ho  (,arlieHt  king  of  tho  ^i-out  <  Jnrjara  Kingdom  of 
HhinnuU,  whoso  naino  has  \ot  l^en  brought  to 
ji^,!,  Hruhmugupta  the  givat  astronomer  who 
atylcs  himself  "  JUiillamallakaehttiya  "  WTote  his 
work  in  A.  J).  028  undor  king  VyHghramukha  of  the 
&richapu  dynasty,  who  according  to  V.  Smith 
(J^.-l.s1,  1007,  p.  923  sqq.)  was  presumably  a  king 
oi'  Bhiiuiial.  Vyaghramukha  nuisi  then  liave  been 
the  immediat  •  successor  of  Varnialata,  the  date 
A-  D.  025  marking  tho  closing  |x>riod  of  the  latter  'H 
roign.  Jt  i«  therefore  diilicult  to  push  Magha'H  date 
beyond  A.]).  70(»  in  view  of  his  alleged  reference  to 
J  iiwHxlniHyANn.  Fo»'  Hiuen  'I'siang.  who  viaitco! 
Bhinnutl  about  A.  D.  (Ml  -2.  doHcriliod  tho  reigning 
king  a«  a  young  man  of  oiilx  weiity.  Ho  is  ovi- 
dent  ly  the  immediate  successor  of  Vyaghramukha 
and  may  thwrofore  !K»  loukod  upon  as  the  ooutom- 
l»rary  and  patron  of  our  poet,  the  grandson  of 
Varmalata's  minister,  as  shown  below  :  — 

Varmalfita^  MiniHU-rSiiprablwdevH 

(<<rCU  (00"(i25) 


Vyaghramukha 
(1*25-640) 


(bom  circa  <>20,  asc.  040) 


Dattaka 


Miigha 


1  According  <•> 


Kuni  preceded  the 


(      «C?  on  1 

i.  75).     A   ChuHikabluritavrittiCf)     according    to  Aufrecht    (ZZ>A/(/  28,  p.  113)       is  quoted   in   a    MS.   of 
cornm.  on    Amara    and   may     refer    to   Ohulli.  A    PT^JJ^f^T  is    found    quoted  in  'MfN^^jfl'a 
r?  :  the  passage  wl  i  ich  seems  to  embody  a   good     olironology    is    here     given     m      full  — 


on  ^ 


ia  here  placed  between  the 


and 


Perhaps  in  point  of  time. 


192 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


f  AUGUST,  1017 


Now  it  is  a  significant  fact  that  all  the  three 
works—  JWT^reftflJ,  W^ft^^fTTf^r  and  Ht*T- 
"TO^J  —  that  give  us  accounts  of  the  poet  Magi  i  a 
make  him  ft  protege  of  that  literary  magnet  of  the 
Jlth  century  A.D.,  King  Bhoja  of  Dhara.  The 
^nfHU^I^T  may  be  dismissed  an  41  most  reckless 
piece  of  patchwork  but  th«'  cither  two  works  are 
nover  HO  wanlonly  fanciful.  Both  <>f  them  agree 
in  making  Migha  a  native  of  6rim»ila  and  the 
j  while  recording  genuine  history  in 


Suprabhadeva  having  been  a  minister  of  Yarmal/Ua 
of  Bh  inmal,  almost  in  the  name  breath  associates 
M£gha  (the  grandson  of  Suprabhadeva)  with  Bhoja: 

*  \ 

1 


j:  f».  15,  p.  197.)  Moreover  the  following 
verse  is  quoted  in  the  *T  jfrn  i*  "Tf^T  nnder  Ihe 
joint  authorship  of  Bhojadeva  and  Mfigha  : 


jrcfr  i 


-.  <TR*ftei 


(1.  48.  4,  j).  02,  JHM.  Indira  Kd.) 
It  is  tliorefore  not  unlikely  thai  (lie  association  of 
Mfigha  with  Bhojadeva  has  some  truth  )>ehind  it, 
and  now  thai  the  date  of  MAgha  lias  boon  fairly 
settled,  we  should  seriously  consider  the  question  of 
the  existence  of  more  than  one  Bhujadeva  in  the 
history  of  Western  India.  Col.  Tod  in  his  Rftja*IMn, 
stated  on  tho  strength  of  a  Jfiitia  Chrfmnyramniatic 
Catalogue  (obtained  from  tlie  temple  of  Nadole), 
that  there  were  three  Bhojas,  all  Monging  to  the 
I'ramara  raee  of  Malava,  reigning  respectively  in 
A.  I>.  .r>75,  665  and  1042.  The  last  Bhojadeva  is 
very  well  known  and  Col.  Tod  corrobo  rated  the 
existence  of  the  second  Bhojadcva  of  A.  D.  665  by 
the  M&nsarvwar  inscription  (found  near  Chit  or)  of 
the  Pram  fir  a  king  Mai  HI,  HOD  of  Bhoja  of  Malava 
dated  770  V.  8.  (A.  D.  7H)  (Vtdc  RAjattoan.  Vol. 
I,  p.  92,  note  §  and  pp.  7»9-8n  :  ins.  No.  Ill), 
This  inscription,  to  which  Col.  Tod  justly  attached 
•HO  much  importance,  has  it  seom>  been  entirely 
missed  by  all  later  scholars  and  doo*  not  find  place 
in  KieUiorn*  Li«t.  It  is  not  known  if  the  inscrip- 
tion can  now  be  traced  after  such  a  length  of  time. 
But  relying  on  Col.  Tod's  account  of  it  we  can 


NOTES  AND 
NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  KKOORDS. 

5.  Proceedings  for  a  Lease  in  Ifi82. 
12.  October  1682.  Consultation  in  Masulipatam. 
Mauhmud  Edgdea  [Mahmftd  HAji],  a  Persian  who 
hath  several  1  years  laid  Claimo  to  a  peece  of  ground 
iu  the  midle  of  this  Factory  and  given  our  predo- 
oeSBours  and  selves  Continuall  trouble  aboute 
keeping  it,  the  business  now  being  brought  to  an 
•greement  for  pagoda:  167,  he  signing  a  lease  for 
•aid  ground  to  the  Honoblo.  Company  for  ninety 
nine  years  before  the  Codgeo  d,ca.  officers  [qazl  and 
other  officers],  and  sevorall  other  eminent  Persians 
who  have  sett  their  hands  and  soalog  to  the  said 
lease?,  in  witness  thereof  tie  therefore  ordered  the 
157  pagod  :  be  Imodiatly  paid  him  according  to 


well  believe  in  the  existence  of  a  Bhojadova,  Pram- 
ara  of  Malava,  reigning  round  about  Chitor  in  A.D. 
i  665  and  his  patronage  of  Mdgha  can  no  longer  be  a 
myth  in  point  of  chronology. 

Mhojadcva  and  his  son  Mfina  are  described  in 
the  inscription  a«  kings  of  Malava.  This  can  well 
be  elucidated  by  a  reference  to  the  travels  of 
Hiuon  Tsiang.  Hiuen  Tsiang  turned  Southeast 
from  the  Gurjara  Kingdom  and  came  to  Ujjayiiii. 
To  the  North-East  of  Ujjayini  lie  the-  small  king- 
dom Chi-chi-to  (Chitore  ?)  and  to  the  North  of 
Chitor  again  lie  Mahesvarapura.  All  these  threo 
kingdoms  a-p  deneribod  as  Imving  I^M-II  reigned 
over  by  kings  of  the  *'  Brahmin  Caste**  (meaning 
evidently  non-BudliiHt)  nnd  inhabited  by  like 
peoples.  It  is  ap{ia-rent  that  the  great  kingdom 
of  Malava  in  its  Kastora  portion — the  Western 
portion,  the  Ma-lo-pa  of  Hiueii  Thiniip,  already 
annexed  according  to  Smith  to  the  kingdom  of 
Valahhi — then  comprised  a  group  of  these  thrco 
not  very  powerful  kingdoms  reigned  over  by 
different  branches  of  the-  same  race,  the  l*ntm&ra. 
Bhojadova  the  elder  evidently  ruled  over  the  king- 
dom of  Chitor,  where  his  son's  reijjn  ended.  MahCB- 
varapura  may  also  have  boon  named  afterMahejCvara, 
one  of  the  illustrious  kings  of  the  early  Pramara 
race  mentioned  in  the  above  inscription.  It  is  also 
important  that  in  Hiuen  Tsiang's  lime  the  reigning 
king  of  Chitor  "encouraged  men  of  merit  and 
learned  scholars  of  other  lauds  collected  hore  in 
numbers"  (Watter's  Yuan,Chw«n<i,  Vol.  II,  p.  251). 
It  is  possible  that  the  king  whom  Hiuen  Tsiang  saw 
was  either  Bhojadeva  himself,  if  we  allow  him  u 
long  reign,  or  his  father,  and  this  all u>i on  to  hi>* 
magnanimity  is  significant  as  showing  that  Hhoja 
deva  the  elder  was  also  as  great  a  palrun  c»f  learn- 
ing as  his  famous  descendant  and  namesake  of  the 
Hth  century-  Evidently  the  respective  literary 
traditions  about  each  came  in  course  of  time  to  for 
confused  and  wont  to  create  an  ideal,  a  sort  of 
Magnus  Bhoja,  the  very  prototype  of  the  legendary 
Vikramaditya,  round  whom  all  sorts  of  literary 
stories  gathered.  By  this  existence  of  an  earlier 
Bhojadeva  it  is  possible  to  clear  many  of  the  ap- 
parently absurd  synchronisms,  such  a*  that  of  Ban  a 
and  Mayura  with  Bhoja. 

D.   P.  BH  ATTACH  A II VA.  M.A. 

QUERIES. 

agreement.  The  (JJovernour  of  this  towne  j)retend 
ho  hath  much  !>efroiiided  us  in  the  makeing  up  of 
this  business  and  that  tho  owner  of  thc^  ground 
hath  spent  more  then  he  receives  in  the  procure- 
ment of  orders  from  Court  to  have  u  Right  and 
Justice  done  him  here,  therefore  desires  us  to  Con- 
sider him  and  give  him  some  small  Tachareife, 
[lashrjf,  complimentary  present]  that  he  may  goe. 
away  Contented,  which  to  oblige  the  (Jovernour* 
Counoell  have  thought  fitt  to  present  tho  af oresa  id 
Mauhmud  Edgdea  with  3  yards  Broadcloth  rose* 
water  and  beetle  [betel]  which  was  gratefully 
received  by-  him.  (Factory  Records,  Masulipatam, 
vol.  4). 

R.  C.  T, 


SEPTEMBER,  1017]       A  THIRD  JOUUNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  193 

A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,  1913-10. 

BY  SIR  AUKEL  STEIN,  K.C.I.K.,  D.LITT. 
(Continued  from  p.  172.) 

TT  was  a  great  relief  when  by  the  ninth  day  from  Altmish-bulak  \\e  ram.,  upon  the  first 
A  scanty  scrub  and  reeds  growing  on  sandy  soil  by  the  shore  of  the  undent  dried-up  sea. 
Next  day  a  Jong  inarch  to  the  south-east  brought  us  safely  across  the  \\ide,  salt-eiierusted 
expanse,  here  showing  patches  of  actual  salt  bog  to  the  lone'y  caravan  track  towards 
Tun-lmang.  There  at  the  well  of  Kmn-knduk  [  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  finding  brave 
Lai  Singh  just  arrived  after  carrying  out  an  interesting  survey  of  the  north-eastern  shores 
of  the  dried-up  sea-bed,  and  the  straggling  low  ranges  which  abut  upon  them.  One  day 
later  our  successfully  arranged  concentration  was  completed  by  the  arrival  of  our  heavy 
baggage  from  Miran. 

Letting  it  move  on  towards  Tun-huang  by  the  caravan  track  \M>  turnrd  (Mice  more  north 
across  the  end  of  the  dried-up  Lop  JSea,  and  continued  to  explore  the  ground  close  to  the 
foot  of  the  Kurnk-tagh  where  the  ancient  route  had  passed.  FurUier  to  the  north-east 
the  desert  area  near  the  present  terminal  basin  of  tin*  Su-lo  Ho  lliver  \\ith  its  xlned-up 
depressions  and  mazes  of  lacustrine  Miwha*t  offered  opportwitics  for  geographically 
interesting  new  surveys.  There  1  picked  up  Surveyor  Muhammad  Yakub  Khan,  who  had  carried 
a  carefully  observed  lino  of  levels  all  the  May  ip  from  the  sou  them  shore  of  the  ancient  dry 
sea.  ('onpled  with  other  observations,  its  result  has  confirmed  my  Miet 'that  the  watei 
of  the  Su-lo  Ho  at  a  peroid  relatively  recent  in  a  geological  sense  had  drained  into  this  Lop- 
nor  l>asin.  We  found  them  still  percolating,  in  the  same  direction,  the  sandy  soil  at  the  foot 
of  the  Knruk-tagh  within  :i  few  feet  from  the  surface.  Evidence  that  this  drainage  had 
been  more  considerable  during  historical  times  was  furnished  by  the  remains  we  traced  of 
a  canal,  which  a) >] tears  to  have  IHHMI  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  water  along  a 
portion  of  the  ancient  Chinese  route  where  it  approached  the  eastern  end  of  the  dried-up 
salt  sea. 

leaving  the  surveyors  tahind  for    supplementary  tasks,   I  reached  by  March  1(>  the 

westernmost  point  of  that  fortified  ancient  Chinese  border  line  which  I  had  first  discovered 

and  successfully  explored  in  1907.     It  was  a  cheering  experience  for  me  during  the  next  few 

days  to  revisit  the  ruined  watch  -stations  of  the   "  (ireat  Wall  "  in  this  desolate  gravel  waste 

and  clear  up  on  the  spot  antiquarian  questions  raised  by  the  ancient  records  they  had  yielded. 

I  felt  quite  at  home  here,  as  1  followed  again  the  tracks  still  clearly  visible  for  long  distances 

which  the  tramp  of  the  patrols  marching  along  the  wall  for  centuries  had  worn  into  tho  soil. 

The  fact  that  in  places  I  could  quite  distinctly  recognize  my  own  footprints  of  seven  years 

before,  and  those  of  my  little  dog,  was  tho  best  illustration  how  long  this  bare  grave*!  surface 

might  retain  traces  of  regular  tracks,  even  if  trodden  about  the  time  of  Christ.     From  Lake 

Khara-nor  onwards  I  then  completed  my  detailed  exploration  of  the  Tun-huang  Limes  by 

searching    all  the  ruined  watch-towers  along  the  portion  of    the  lino  where  circumstances 

had  in  1007  obliged  me  to  leave  a  gap  in  my  survey.    These  small  watch-stations  usually 

occupied    the  top   of   high    erosion    terraces,   and   their  ruins   and   refuse   heaps   were 

thus  well  protected  from  damp.    So  our  search  was  rewarded  by  plentiful  finds  of   Chinese 

records  on  wood,  curious  articles  of  equipms/it  and  other  interesting  relics  goinc;  back    to 

Han  times. 


194  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SBFEKKBBB,  1017 

Before  the  close  of  March,  1914, 1  had  regained  my  old  haunts  of  Tun-huang,  and  after 
a  very  brief  halt  to  allow  men  and  animals  to  recover  from  our  trying  winter  campaign  1 
started  for  the  explorations  planned  eastwards.  They  were  to  take  me  mainly  into  the  deserts 
which  fringe  on  the  south  and  east  the  great  barren  hill  region  usually  designated  as  the  Pei- 
shan  Gobi.  The  distances  were  great  and  short  the  remaining  season  during  which  that 
waterless  ground  could  be  visited  before  the  great  summer  heat  set  in.  But  even  thus  I 
could  not  forego  a  renewed  visit  to  the  famous  cave  temples  of  the  '"  Thousand  Buddbas '' 
south-east  of  Tun-huang.  There  in  1907, 1  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  secure  such  abundant 
antiquarian  and  artistic  spoil  from  the  walled -up  temple  cetta,  in  which  a  whole  library  of 
Buddhist  and  other  manuscripts  and  hundreds  of  fine  paintings  on  silk  had  been  hidden 
away  early  in  the  eleventh  century,  together  with  a  multitude  of  other  relics. 

1  could  not  expect  to  make  such  a  haul  now.  For  when  a  year  after  my  own  visit,  Profes- 
sor Pelliot,  on  a  mission  from  the  French  Government,  had  with  his  expert  knowledge 
of  Chinese,  searched  the  hoard  and  carried  off  a  considerable  selection  of  its  remaining  manu- 
scripts, the  attention  of  the  authorities  at  Peking  had  been  attracted  to  the  old  library,  and 
its  transfer  to  the  capital  was  decreed.  Of  the  careless  and  in  reality  destructive  way  in 
which  the  order  had  been  carried  out,  I  found  evidence  in  the  many  scattered  rolls  of  Chinese- 
Buddhist  texts,  undoubtedly  derived  from  this  source,  which  were  offered  to  me  for  purchase 
at  a  number  of  towns  both  in  Turkestan  and  Kausu.  So  it)  was  satisfactory  to  find  that 
somehow  a  considerable  quantity  of  Chinese  manuscripts  from  the  walled -up  cella  still 
remained  behind  at  the  "  Thousand  Buddhas,"  and  that  my  old  priestly  friend,  Wang  Tao- 
shi,  was  prepared  to  part  with  them  in  regard  for  a  proper  compensation  for  his  pious  esta- 
blishment. He  showed  me  with  genuine  pride  the  good  use  to  which  he  had  put  the  sum 
previously  received  from  me.  by  building  some  gaudy  new  shrines  and  comfortable  pilgrims' 
quarters.  It  was  also  reassuring  to  see  that  his  personal  relations  with  the  pious  people 
of  Tun-haung  and  their  official  guardians  had  evidently  in  no  way  suffered  by  our  former 
little  transaction.  The  only  regret  which  it  had  left  behind  in  the  quaint  little  monk  was 
that  he  had  not  been  shrewd  enough  to  accept  the  offer  made  by  me  in  1907  for  tho  whole 
hoard,  and  had  thus  failed  to  save  it  from  dispension,  and  to  secure  its  full  value  for  his  shrine. 
Our  reunion  was  throughout  very  cordial,  and  when  we  parted  again  my  collection  had 
received  an  appreciable  addition  of  cases  with  old  manuscripts  and  other  relics  in  evidence 
of  Wang  Tao-shi's  good  will,  and  his  appreciation  of  my  ever-faithful  attachment  to  the 
memory  of  holy  Hstian-tsang. 

My  immediate  task,  and  one  cherished  ever  since  1907,  was  to  trace  the  line  of  the 
ancient  Chinese  Limes  as  far  as  possible  to  eastward,  and  to  explore  whatever  ruins  might 
have  survived  along  it.  After  striking  across  a  difficult  belt  of  salt  marshes,  which  nearly 
embogged  my  camels,  I  came  again  upon  the  ancient  border  wall  half-way  between  Tun- 
huang  and  An-hsi.  From  there  we  succeeded  in  exploring  its  line  for  close  on  250  miles 
eastwards.  For  almost  the  whole  of  this  distance  the  wall,  with  its  watch-towers  and  small 
military  posts,  had  been  built  across  what  already  in  ancient  times  was  absolute  desert  ground. 
The  resulting  immunity  from  human  interference  had  contributed  greatly  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  remains  for  fully  two  thousand  years ;  but  the  remarkable  method  of  construc- 
tion employed  wafe  an  even  more  important  factor.  The  most  destructive  of  natural  forces 
in  this  region  has  always  been  slow-grinding  but  relentless  wind-erosion.  The  wall  ot  agger  ^ 
built  of  carefully  seemed  iascines  of  reeds,  brushwood,  or  tamarisk  branches,  whichever 


SEPTEMBER,  1917  1    A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  193 

of  these  materials  were  available  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  was  specially  adapted  to  with 
stand  it.  Even  where  the  watch-towers,  once  massively  built  in  sun-dried  bricks  or  stamped 
clay,  had  been  under-cut  by  erosion  at  the  base  and  been  subsequently  reduced  to  shapeless 
low  mounds,  difficult  to  recognize  from  a  distance,  the  direction  of  the  wall  still  clearly 
revealed  itself,  as  it  stretched  away  in  a  characteristic  straight  line  across  wastes  of  gravel 
or  drift-sand. 

The  remains  proved  to  have  suffered  most  along  that  stretch  of  ground  where  the  Limes, 
after  crossing  the  Su-lo  Ho  to  its  right  bank  east  of  An-hsi,  ran  close  to  the  deep-cut  river- 
bed, and  in  a  due  easterly  direction.  On  the  bare  riverine  loess  crossed  here  by  the  wall 
the  erosive  force  of  the  prevailing  north-east  winds,  blowing  down  with  great  violence  from 
the  gravel  plateaus  of  the  Pei-shan,  could  fully  assort  itself,  But  even  AN  here  all  structural 
features  had  been  completely  effaced  it  MHS  easy  for  us  with  the  cx]>erience  gamed  else- 
where  accurately  to  determine  the  position  of  the  posts  once  guarding  the  border,  from  the 
fragments  of  pottery,  coins,  metal  objects,  and  other  hard  debris  which  could  }>e  picked  up 
at  these  points  from  the  wind-worn  surface.  It  was  quite  an  exciting  chase  to  search  for 
these  indications,  and  my  Indian  assistants  and  Turki  follower*  had  b\  no\\  become  expert 
in  the  game. 

Where  the  Su-lo  Ho  valley  l>ends  sharply  southward  the  line  of  the  L//W.S  was  found 
to  tuni  to  the  north-east,  and  to  approach  closer  and  closer  to  the  foot  of  the  Pei-shan.  The 
ground  crossed  by  it  had  remained  so  far  un surveyed,  and  the  difficulties  of  our  search  were 
much  increased  by  tne  distances  which  separated  the  long-forgotten  border  from  the  nearest 
water.  Fortunately  the  days  had  now  groua  longer,  and  I  was  able  to  take  out  my  little 
detachment  of  diggers  mounted  on  the  big  hardy  donkeys  which  abound  at  the  oases  of  this 
region.  Ample  finds  of  ancient  Chinese  records  on  wood,  articles  of  furniture,  fragments 
of  arms  and  implements  rewarded  the  rapid  search  of  the  ruined  watch -stations.  That  all 
those  had  been  left  behind  by  the  Chinese  troops,  who  during  the  first  century  before  and 
after  Christ  had  guarded  this  most  dismal  of  frontiers,  was  made  clear  on  the  spot  by 
conclusive  archaeological  evidence.  The  finds  of  records  still  a\\  ait  ex  pert  examination  by 
M.  Chavaimes,  my  learned  Sinologue  collaborator  at  Paris.  They  may  IK?  expected  to 
furnish  an  important  addition  to  the  collection  of  early  Chinese  records  resulting  from  my 
former  explorations,  which  he  had  published  in  11)13. 

Interesting  light  was  thrown  on  the  climatic  conditions  prevailing  here  from  early  times 
by  the  fact  that  here  too  the  inscribed  slips  of  wood,  the  "  \\ciste  paper."  to  use  an  anachro- 
nism, thrown  out  of  ancient  office-rooms,  were  found  often  in  refuse  layers  covered  by  a 
few  inches  only  of  gravel  or  d£bris.  Their  preservation  in  such  conditions  presupposes 
a  remarkable  dryness  of  the  climate  for  the  last  two  thousand  years.  Apart  from  this  and 
the  uniform  barrenness,  there  was  considerable  variety  in  the  natural  features  of  the  ground 
traversed  by  this  eastern  portion  of  the  Limes.  Thus  all  the  more  opportunity  presented 
itself  of  observing  the  remarkable  skill  and  topographical  sense  with  which  those  old  Chinese 
engineers  of  Han  times  had  adapted  their  defensive  border-line  to  different  local  conditions. 

That  they  were  prepared  for  great  and  sustained  efforts  demanding  real  powers  of 
organisation  in  the  face  of  formidable  natural  obstacles  was  clearly  demonstrated  when, 
some  30  miles  to  the  north-east  of  the  little  oasis  of  Ying-p'an  (4*  the  garrison  ")  we  found 
the  Limes  boldly  carried  into  and  through  what  since  ancient  times  must  have  been 
a  big  area  of  drift-sand.  Where  not  completely  buried  by  high  dunes,  the  wall  built  with 


190  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  SEPTEMBER,  1917 

tamarisk  fascines,  and  of  the  usual  thickness  of  8  to  0  feet,  still  rose  to  close  on  15  feet.  Special 
difficulties  must  have  been  encountered  in  assuring  water  and  supplies  for  the  men  guarding 
this  section.  In  order  to  safeguard  what  evidently  was  an  important  tine  of  communica- 
tion and  supplies  leading  to  it,  a  chain  of  small  fortified  stations  had  been  constructed  to 
the  south  independently  of  the  wall,  but  at  the  same  period.  It  ran  in  the  direction  of  the 
big  oasis  of  fcjju-chou,  an  important  Chinese  base  ever  since  Han  times,  and  to  this  I  turned 
when  early  in  May  it  became  necessary  to  make  preparations  for  our  next  move  northward. 

I  had  planned  to  follow  the  united  course  of  the  rivers  of  $u-chou  and  Kan-chou  down 
into  southernmost  Mongolia,  and  to  explore  the  ruins  which  the  reports  of  Russian  travellers 
had  led  me  to  expect  along  it  and  in  its  terminal  delta.  I  was  specialty  attracted  to  this 
ground  by  its  geographical  character,  which  suggested  close  resemblance  to  that  of  the  Lop- 
nor  region,  and  by  the  interest  attaching  to  its  earliest  historical  past.  For  we  know  that 
this  region  of  the  Etsin-gol,  as  the  river  is  called  by  the  Mongols,  had  been  included  in  the 
wide  dominion  held  by  those  earliest  nomadic  masters  of  Kansu,  the  '•  Great  Yueh-chih," 
the  later  Indo-Scythians,  and  the  Huns,  whose  successive  migrations  westwards  were 
destined  to  affect  so  deeply  the  history  of  Central  Asia  as  well  as  of  India  and  the  West. 

The  effective  intercession  of  H.M/s  Minister  at  Peking  had  secured  for  me  a  very  friendly 
reception  by  the  Chinese  administration  of  the  Kansu  Province.  The  Tao-tai  of  Su-chou 
agreed  to  provide  me  with  a  recommendation  to  the  chief  of  the  Torgut  Mongols  who  now 
graze  in  the  Etsin-gol  delta,  and  on  May  10  I  \\as  able  to  set  out  northward.  The  track  I 
followed  down  the  river  of  Su-chou  Allowed  me  to  approach  once  more  the  area  where  \\e 
had  previously  lost  the  line  of  the  ancient  frontier  amidst  high  dunes.  Pushing  a  recon- 
naissance into  the  stony  desert  north -west  of  the  Chint'a  oasis,  I  came  upon  remains  of  the 
Limes  where  it  emerged  on  less  impracticable  ground  near  the  south-eastern  extremity  of 
the  Pei-shaii.  Thence  we  tracked  it  right  through  to  the  north  of  the  Mao-mei  oasis,  tho 
last  Chinese  settlement.  There  Lai  Singh  rejoined  me  after  having  followed  a  hitherto 
unsurvoyed  route  along  the  river  of  Kun-uhou,  where  it  breaks  in  a  picturesque  gorge  through 
the  westernmost  hill  range  of  tho  Ala-shaii. 

In  the  valley  of  the  Etsin-gol,  nature,  by  affording  water  and  grazing,  Has  over  provided 
an  easy  route  for  raids  and  invasions  from  the  Mongolian  steppes  into  the  line  of  the  west- 
ernmost Kaasu  oases,  which  itself  constitutes  the  great  natural  highway  connecting  China 
with  the  Tarim  Basin  and  innermost  Central  Asia.  Ruined  forts  of  imposing  size  and  evi- 
dent antiquity  were  found  to  guard  the  point  where  this  rouk-  of  invasion  cuts  through  the 
ancient  border-line  drawn  by  the  Chinese,  when  they  first  occupied  those  oases  in  tho  reign  of 
the  great  Han  Emperor  Wu-ti.  One  fort  built  with  clay  walls  of  exceptional  strength  looked 
an  exact  counterpart  of  the  ancient  frontier  post  of  the  '"  Jade  Gate/'  famous  in  Chinese 
historical  records,  and  previously  identified  by  me  on  the  Tun-huang  TAmes.  We  found 
evidence  that  the  fortified  border-line  after  crossing  the  Etsin-gol,  north  of  Mao-mei,  had 
continued  through  the  deserfc  eastwards.  Bub  when  we  camo  back  in  June  from  the  Etsin 
delta  the  summer  heat  had  become  too  great  to  permit  of  further  search  on  this  waterless 
ground. 

We  found  even  in  May  our  long  marches  trying  us  we  moved  down  by  the  sandy  bed 
of  the  Eisin-gol,  nearjy  a  mile  wide  in  places,  but  absolutely  dry  at  that  time.  Only  at 
rare  intervals  could  water  be  obtained  from  wells  dug  in  deep  hollows  below  the  banks. 
Some  90  miles  below  Mao-mei  the  river  passes  through  a  low  rocky  spur  thrown  out  from 


SBPTEMBBB,  1917]      A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  11>7 

the  eastermost  Pei-shan,  and  spreads  out  in  a  delta,  which  extends  for  over  1 10  miles  to  the 
north,  terminating  in  a  Line  of  brackish  lakes  and  marshes.  The  conditions  brought  about 
hero  by  a  succession  of  low-water  seasons  furnished  a  striking  illustration  of  the  appear- 
ance which  the  ancient  Lou-Ian  delta  we  had  explored  in  the  winter  may  have  presented 
before  its  final  desiccation.  Where  river-beds  lined  by  narrow  belts  of  riverine  jungle  had 
been  left  dry  for  long  years,  we  found  many  of  the  wild  poplars  already  dead  or  dying. 
The  wide  stretches  of  ground  separating  the  several  beds  showed  but  scanty  scrub,  or  else 
were  absolutely  bare.  Xo  wonder  that  wo  heard  sad  complaints  in  the  scattered  camps 
of  the  two  hundred  odd  Mongol  families,  which  are  established  in  the  Etsin-£<>l  delta,  about 
the  increasing  difficulties  caused  by  inadequate  grazing.  Their  chief,  whom  I  visited  on 
May  25  in  his  modest  encampment,  proved  a  well-meaning  but  weak  individual,  and  his 
subjects  as  indolent  as  they  were  u  much  given  to  deceit."  to  use  an  expression  of  mv 
Chinese  patron  saint.  It  \\its  no  easy  matter  to  secure  an  adequate  nmn1>er  of  labourers  for 
my  intended  excavations,  and  still  more  difficult  to  keep  them  «t  \\m-k.  in  spite  of  \rery 
generous  pay. 

Advantages  of  geographical  position  must  at  all  times  have  invest^'  this  extensive 
riverine  tract,  limited  as  are  its  resources,  with  considerable  importance  lor  those,  whether 
armed  host  or  traders,  who  Aumld  make  the  long  journey  from  the  heart  of  Mongolia  in  tin 
north  to  the  Kansu  oases.  It  had  been  the  same  with  the  ancient  Lou -Ian  delta,  without 
which  the  Chinese  could  not  have  opened  ip  the  earliest  and  most  direct  route,  for  the 
expansion  of  their  trade  and  political  influence  into  Central  Asia..  The  analogy  thu^ 
presented  could  not  fail  to  impress  me  uven  further  when  I  proceeded  to  examine  the  ruins  of 
Khara-khoto,  the  "Black  Town"  which  Colonel  KozlolT,  the  distinguished  Hu.xsian 
explorer,  had  been  the  tir^t  European  to  visit  during  his  expedition  of  100S-4K).  There 
remained  no  doubt  for  me  then  that  it  was  identical  with  Marco  Polo's  "City  of  Ktfcina." 
Of  this  we  are  told  in  the  great  Venetian  traveller's  narrative  that  it  lay  a  twelve  days'  ride 
from  the  city  of  Kan-chou.  "  towards  the  north  oil  the  verge  of  tho  desert  ;  it  belongs  to  the 
Province  of  Tangut."  All  travellers  bound  for  Kara-koram,  the  old  capital  of  the  Mongols, 
had  here  to  lay  in  victuals  for  forty  days  in  order  to  cross  the  great  "  desert  which  extends 
forty  days'  journey  to  tho  north,  and  on  \\hich  you  meet  with  no  habitation  uur  baiting 
place." 

The  position  thus  indicated  was  found  to  correspond  exactly  to  that  of  Khara-khoto, 
and  the  identification  vxas  completely  Ixmie  out  by  the  antiquarian  evidence  brought  U» 
light.  It  soon  showed  me  that  though  the  town  may  have  suffered  considerably,  as  local 
tradition  asserts,  when  Chingiz  Khan  with  his  Mongol  army  first  invaded  and  conquered 
Kansu  from  this  side  about  1226  A.D.,  yet  it  continued  to  be  inhabited  down  to  Marco  Polo's 
time,  and  partially  at  least  for  more  than  a  century  later.  This  was  probably  the  case 
even  longer  wiUi  the  agricultural  settlement  for  which  it  had  served  as  a  local  centre,  and 
of  which  we  traced  extensive  remains  in  the  desert  to  the  east  and  north -east.  But  the 
town  itself  must  have  seen  its  most  flourishing  times  under  Tangut  or  Hsi-hsia  rule  from 
the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  down  to  the  Mongol  conquest. 

It  was  from  this  period,  when  Tibetan  influence  from  the  south  seems  to  have  made 
itself  strongly  felt  throughout  Kansu,  that  most  of  the  Buddhist  shrines  and  memorial  Stupa> 
dated,  which  filled  a  great  portion  of  the  ruined  town  and  were  conspicuous  also  outside  it. 
In  one  of  the  latter  Colonel  Kozloff  had  made  his  notable  find  of  Buddhist  texts  and  paint i.igjg. 


198  .   THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  SEPTEMBER,  1917 

But  a  systematic  search  of  this  and  other  ruins  soon  showed  that  the  archaeological  riches  of 
the  site  were  by  no  means  exhausted.  By  a  careful  clearing  of  the  debris  which  covered  ihe 
bases  of  Stupas  and  the  interior  of  temple  cellas  we  brought  to  light  abundant  remains  of 
Buddhist  manuscripts  and  block  prini/s,  both  in  Tibetan  and  the  as  yet  very  imperfectly 
known  old  Tangut  language,  as  well  as  plenty  of  interesting  relievos  in  stucco  or  terra-cotta 
and  frescoes.  The  very  extensive  refuse  heaps  of  the  town  yielded  up  a  large  number  of 
miscellaneous  records  on  paper  in  the  Chinese,  Tangut,  and  Uigur  scripts,  together  with 
many  remains  of  tine  glazed  pottery,  and  of  household  utensils.  Finds  of  Hsi-hsia  coins, 
ornaments  in  stone  and  metal,  etc.,  were  also  abundant,  particularly  on  wind-eroded  ground. 

There  was  much  to  support  the  belief  that  the  final  abandonment  of  the  settlement 
was  brought  about  by  difficulties  of  irrigation.  The  dry  river-bed  which  passes  Khara- 
khoto  lies  some  7  miles  to  the  east  of  the  nearest  branch  still  reached  by  the  summer  floods. 
The  old  canals  we  traced,  leading  to  the  abandoned  farms  eastwards,  are  removed  consi- 
derably further.  It  was  not  possible  to  determine  by  conclusive  evidence  whether  this 
failure  of  irrigation  had  been  the  result  of  desiccation  in  the  Etsin-gol  delta  or  been  caused 
by  some  change  in  the  river-course  at  canal -head,  with  which  the  settlement  was  for  some 
reason  unable  to  cope.  But  there  seemed  to  mo  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  water- 
supply  now  reaching  the  delta  during  a  few  summer  months  would  no  longer  suffice  to 
assure  adequate  irrigation  for  the  once  cultivated  area.  Even  at  the  Mao-mei  oasis,  over 
150  miles  higher  up  the  river,  and  with  conditions  of  ground  far  more  favourable  for  the* 
maintenance  of  a  system  of  canals,  serious  trouble  had  been  experienced  for  yeans  past  in 
securing  a  sufficient  discharge  early  enough  in  the  season,  and  much  of  the  once/  cultivated 
area  seemed  to  have  been  recently  abandoned. 

With  the  rapidly  increasing  heat,  work  at  the  desert  sites  had  become  very  trying  both 
for  the  men  and  our  camels,  upon  which  we  depended  for  the  transport  of  water.  With 
the  completion  of  our  task  at  Khara-khoto,  and  of  the  surveys  which  had  meanwhile  taken 
Lai  Singh  to  the  terminal  lake-basins  of  the  Etsin-gol,  T  was  glad  to  let  the  hard-worked 
camels  depart  for  their  much-needed  summer  holiday  in  the  Kongurehe  hills  north-eastward 
and  to  start  myself  with  Lai  Singh  south  to  the  foot  of  the  Nan-shan.  The  new  route,  which 
we  were  able  to  follow  for  part  of  the  journey,  took  us  through  hitherto  unexplored  portions 
of  the  desert  hills  to  the  east  and  north  of  the  river  of  Kan-chou.  But  owing  to  the  heat 
and  the  scarcity  of  spring  it  implied  serious  fatigues,  and  it  was  a  relief  when  Kan-chou 
was  safely  reached  before  the  close  of  June. 

A  short  but  refreshing  halt  in  that  large  and  pleasant  oasis  was  devoted  to  the  arrange- 
ments needed  for  the  new  surveys  I  had  planned  in  the  Central  Nan-shan.  Their  object  was 
to  extend  the  mapping,  which  in  1907  wo  had  effected  in  the  high  mountains  near  the  sources 
of  the  Su-lo  Ho  and  Su-chou  River,  by  accurate  surveys  of  the  high  ranges  further  east, 
containing  the  headwaters  of  the  river  of  Kan  chou.  In  conjunction  with  our  labours  in  the 
Etsin-gol  region,  they  were  intended  to  complete  the  mapping  of  that  large  north-western 
portion  of  Kansu  which,  inasmuch  as  it  sends  all  its  waters  into  drainageless  basins,  may 
well  be  claimed  in  respect  of  its  hydrography  and  general  physical  conditions  as  belonging 
to  Central  Asia  rather  than  to  China.  Knowing  the  reluctance  of  the  local  Chinese  to 
venture  far  into  those  mountains,  I  was  prepared  for  the  difficulties  experienced  at  the  outset  in 
wearing  transport.  But  a  fortunate  chance  brought  just  then  an  old  Chinese  friend  to  the 
military  command  of  Kan-chou  in  the  person  of  worthy  General  Tsai,  whose  kindness  I 
remembered  so  well  from  my  visits  to  8u-chou  in  1907,  and  his  opportune  help  enabled  us  to 
eet  out  for  the  mountains  by  the  first  week  of  July. 


SEPTEMBER,  1917]     A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  199 

The  route  followed  during  the  first  marches  acquainted  me  with  a  series  of  old  Buddhist 
cave  temples  at  Ma-ti-ssu,  containing  sculptures  of  Sung  times,  and  with  other  interesting 
Buddhist  remains  in  the  pretty  little  town  of  Nan-kou-cheng  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
The  visit  did  not  pass  without  profit  for  my  collection  of  antiques,  and  also  helped  to  make 
me  realize  that  we  were  now  near  a  dividing  line  of  distinct  geographical  interest.  For 
while  to  the  west  cultivation,  whether  in  the  plain  or  along  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
requires  irrigation,  we  now  came  upon  loess  slopes  and  big  alluvial  fans  which  rainfall  alone 
suffices  to  make  fertile.  Our  approach  to  the  watershed  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  was  appro- 
priately foreshadowed  by  this  marked  change  in  climate  conditions. 

Following  the  route  which  leads  towards  Hsi-ning  ami  ascending  through  the  picturesque 
gorge  and  the  pass  of  0-po,  we  reached  the  broad  valley  where  the  easternmost  feeders  of 
the  river  of  Kan-chou  gather  at  an  elevation  of  over  11,000  feet.  Thence  we  wore  making 
oui  way  westwards  over  high  alpine  grazing  grounds  frequented  in  the  summer  by  Tangut 
herdsmen  and  horse  -breeder^  when  1  met  with  a  serious  riding  accident  which  might  well 
have  put  an  end  for  ever  to  all  my  tra\elling.  My  Jiadakhshi  ;vtalli<m  reared  suddenly, 
and  over-balancing  himself  fell  backwards  upon  me,  \\ith  the  result  that  the  muscles  of  my 
left  thigh  were  severely  injured.  For  over  two  weeks  1  was  unable  to  leave  my  camp  l>ed 
or  to  use  the  crutches  we  improvised.  But  fortunately  the  arrangements  already  made 
allowed  me  to  let  Lai  Singh  proceed  for  the  topographical  tasks  1  had  planned.  He  carried 
them  through  with  all  his  wonted  devotion  and  energy,  and  no  time  was  lost  in  our  programme. 
Nearly  three  weeks  had  passed  when,  with  my  leg  still  feeling  the  strain  se\  erely,  I  managed 
to  get  myself  carried  down  in  a  litter  to  Kan-chou. 

During  a  ten  days1  halt  there  T  experienced  much  kindness  frum  Father  Van  Eecke 
and  other  Belgian  missionaries,  and  received  the  first  confused  news  of  the  great  European 
conflagration.  Then  1  set  out  by  the  third  week  of  August  for  the  loi  in -planned  journey 
through  tha  Pei-shau  (Join.  It  was  to  take  me  back  to  Turkestan  for  6hc  work  of  the 
autumn  and  winter.  Kight  long  inarches  brought  me  to  Mao-mei  by  a  ni'W  route  skirting  the 
hills  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  of  Kan-chou,  and  allowed  me  k>  view  the  remains  of  the 
late  mediaeval  "  Great  Wall  "  which  runs  on  to  and  ends  near  Su-chou.  The  complete 
decay  into  which  it  has  fallen  for  considerable  distances,  not/withstanding  its  relatively 
recent  origin,  helped  me  to  appreciate  all  the  more,  the  ti in 3 -resisting  solidity  which  the 
methods  of  construction  employed  by  the  engineers  of  Han  times  had  assured  to  their  Limett 
wall.  T  reached  Mao-mei  exhausted  by  the  effort  which  it  had  cost  me  to  do  this  journey 
on  horseback,  because  of  the  severe  strain  to  my  leg.  But  1  found  there  my  brave  camels 
safely  arrived  and  was  cheered  by  Lai  Singh  rejoining  me.  By  exceptional  efforts  my 
indefatigable  old  travel  companion  had  succeeded  in  extending  OUT  Ntm-shan  surveys 
eastwards  over  an  area  (juite  as  large  as  that  mapped  in  1M7. 

On  2  September  1914  we  commenced  the  journey  which  Wds  to  carry  us  right  across 
the  great  desert  area  occupied  by  the  ranges  of  the  Pei-shan,  where  its  width  is  greatest, 
in  the  direction  from  south-east  to  north-west.  Tiie  routes  WJ  followed  ior  close  on  500 
miles  had  never  been  surveyed,  and  I  knew  that  only  at  one  point,  tlu  cross-roads  of 
Ming-shui,  could  we  expect  to  touch  ground  the  position  of  which  was  known  relative  to 
the  routes  previously  visited  by  Russian  travellers.  Wherever  possible  we  moved  in  two 
parties  and  by  different  routes,  in  order  to  incraass  the  extent  of  the  are:*  mappad.  For 
this  purpose  I  had  secured  at  Mao-mei  the  only  two  guides  available,  both  Chinese.  But 


200  .  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER,  1917 


their  local  knowledge,  even  when  combined,  proved  very  inadequate,  and  after  less  than 
half  of  the  journey  it  gave  out  altogether.  We  were  thus  obliged  to  trust  largely  to  the 
guidance  of  the  faint  caravan  tracks  traceable  and  to  what  information  we  opportunely 
obtained  at  the  single  small  Mongol  camp  encountered.  The  scarcity  of  wells  and  of 
grazing  implied  serious  risks  in  this  mode  of  progress  and  made  it  an  anxious  time  for 
me,  especially  tfs  I  had  found  the  strain  of  riding  too  painful  and  was  obliged  to  direct 
our  moves  from  an  improvised  pony  litter. 

It  was  reassuring  when,  after  passing  the  well  of  Ming-shui,  the  great  snowy  mass  of 
the  Karlik-tagh  came  into  view,  far  away  to  the  northwest,  and  served  to  direct  us  in 
the  rough.  But  great  difficulties  still  awaited  us  in  the  last  barren  hill  range  through 
which  we  had  to  make  our  way,  owing  to  want  of  water  and  the  very  confused  and,  in 
places,  rugged  configuration  of  its  valleys.  It  proved  an  easternmost  extension  of  the 
T'ien-ahan  system.  When  wo  had  safely  emerged  from  it  through  narrow  tortuous  gorges, 
which  ever  threatened  to  stop  our  camels  far  away  from  water  or  grazing,  it  was  a  real 
relief  to  look  down  on  the  open  Dxungarian  slopes  and  sight  some  1  o  miles  away  n  tiny 
spot  of  dark  trees.  It  was  the  little  village  of  Hai,  for  which  I  had  wished  to  make  all  the 
time,  and  after  nearly  four  weeks  of  continuous  travel  it  was  no  small  satisfaction  to 
have  safely  reached  it  without  the  loss  of  a  single  animal.  There  was  reward  for  our 
troubles  in  the  extensive  plane-table  surveys,  supported  here  as  all  through  our  journeys 
by  astronomically  observed  latitudes  and  by  many  careful  height  observations  with 
mercurial  barometer  and  clinometer.  They  will  throw  fresh  light,  I  hope,  on  the  morphology 
of  the  Pei-shan  ranges. 

A  rapid  journey  subsequently  carried  me  during  October  along  the  north  foot  of  the 
eastern  ]x>rtkm  of  the  T'ien-shau  range,  already  bearing  its  first  whiter  suow,  to  liarkul  and 
(*  uchen  (Ku-ch'eng-tzn).  The  ground  crossed  here,  topographically  better  known,  had  a 
social  interest  for  me,  as  it  helped  to  acquaint  me  with  the  peculiar  physical  conditions  of 
a  region,  through  which  many  of  the  great  historical  migrations  westwards,  like  those  of  the 
Yiieh -chili  or  Indo-Scythians,  Huns,  and  Turks,  must  have  passed.  These  valleys  and 
plateaus  of  Dzungaria,  favoured  by  a  climate  less  dry  and  Assessed  of  abundant  grazing- 
grounds,  have  often  played  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  Eastern  Turkestan.  They 
have  again  and  again  afforded  n  temporary  home  to  nomadic  tribes.  They  could  never 
have  maintained  their  flocks  and  heards  in  the  arid  planes  of  the  Tarim  Basin,  but  they  were 
always  able  from  across  the  Tien-shan  to  carry  out  their  raids  into  it  and  exact  tribute  from 
its  flourishing  oases.  I  could  observe  a  curious  if  faint  reflex  of  those  great  tribal  movements 
in  the  numerous  camps  of  Muhammadan  Kazaks,  fine  men  of  Turkish  speech  and  descent, 
whom  the  Mongols  had  driven  south  under  Chinese  protection,  since  they  secured  the 
"  independence  "  of  Outer  Mongolia. 

After  leaving  Guchen  1  surveyed,  near  Jirnasu,  the  remains,  extensive  but  badly 
decayed,  marking  the  site  of  an  ancient  capital  of  this  region,  which  under  the  names  of  Chin- 
man  and  Pei-ting  often  figures  in  the  Chinese  Annals  from  Han  to  T'ang  times.  Its  connec- 
tion with  the  Turfan  oases  to  the  south  had  been  a  very  close  one  from  an  early  historical 
]>eriod,  and  as  Turfan  was  to  be  my  base  for  the  winter's  labours  I  was  very  glad  to  march 
there  by  the  most  direct  route,  hitherto  unsurveyed.  It  led  me  across  the  Bogdo-ula 
range,  a  rugged  portion  of  the  T'ien-shan  rising  to  numerous  snowy  peaks,  by  a  pass  close 
on  12,000  feet  and  once  again  confirmed  the  accuracy  of  the  early  Chinese  itineraries  in 
which  this  route  is  described. 


SEPTEMBER,  1917]      A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  201 

The  first  week  of  November  1914  found  the  four  parties  into  which  my  expedition  had 
divided  since  September  safely  reunited  at  Kara-khoja,  an  important  ancient  oasis  in  the 
centre  of  the  Turfan  depression.  A  combination  of  geographical  and  archaeological  reasons 
had  made  me  fix  upon  Turfan  as  the  base  and  chief  ground  for  our  labours  of  the  ensuing 
winter.  It  was  certainly  the  natural  and  most  convenient  starting-place  for  the  series  of 
tours  I  was  anxious  to  organize  for  the  exploration  of  unknown  or  as  yet  inadequately  sur- 
veyed portions  of  the  Kuruk-tagh  and  Lop  deserts  to  the  south.  1  myself,  ever  since  my 
brief  visit  of  1907,  had  felt  drawn  back  to  Turfan  by  the  JIOJK*  that  its  abundant  ruins  of 
Buddhist  times  were  not  yet  completely  exhausted,  even  though,  easily  accessible  as  they 
are,  within  or  quite  close  to  oases,  they  had  received  much  attention  from  successive  archaeo- 
logical expeditions,  Russian,  Cierman,  and  Japanese.  Finally,  geographical  and  antiquarian 
interests  united  in  prompting  me  to  make  an  accurate  large-scale  survey  of  the  Turfan  Basin  ; 
for,  apart  from  its  containing  in  its  terminal  salt  lake  what  probably  is  one  of  the  deepest 
depressions  t>elow  sea-level  of  our  globe,  there  is  the  important  fact  that,  within  close  topo- 
graphical limits,  and  hence  in  a  concentrated  toun,  as  it  were,  it  exhibits  all  those  characteris- 
tic physical  features,  which  make  its  great  neighbour  and  counterpart,  the  Tarim  Basin,  so 
instructive  both  to  the  geographer  and  historical  student. 

This  detailed  survey  of  the  Turfan  depression,  on  the  large  scale  of  one  milo  to  an  inch 
and  with  clinometrically  observed  contours,  was  taken  in  hand  by  Surveyor  Muhammad 
Yakub,  almost  as  soon  as  he  had  joined  me  after  a  difficult  desert  crossing  from  the  terminal 
drainage  basin  of  Hami  or  Kumul.  A  few  days  later  1  could  send  off  11.  B.  Lai  Singh,  pining 
as  always  for  fresh  hard  work,  to  the  Kuruk-tagh.  The  rapidly  increasing  eold,  felt  o\en 
here  close  to  sea-level,  gave  hojie  by  then  that  he  would  IK*  able  to  overcome  the  difficulties 
arising  in  those  truly  "v  Dry  Mountains  "  from  the  want  of  drinkable  water,  by  the  use  of  ice 
formed  on  salt  springs— or  of  snow  if  duch  happened  to  fall. 

With  my  remaining  two  Indian  assistants  I  had  already  started  the  archaeological  labours 
that  \\ere  to  keep  us  busy  for  the  next  three  and  a  half  mouths.  The  ruined  town,  known 
as  Jdikut-shahri,  which  was  their  first  scene  and  adjoins  Kara-khoja,  has  long  ago  l>con  identi- 
fied as  the  site  of  Kao-chaug  (or  Khocho  in  early  Turki),  the  Turtan  capital  during  T'ang 
rule  (seventh  to  eighth  century  A. p.)  and  the  subsequent  Uigur  ]>eriod.  Massive  walls  o< 
stamped  clay  enclose  here  an  area,  nearly  a  mile  square,  containing  the  ruins  of  vory  numer- 
ous structures;  built  of  sun-dried  bricks  or  day.  Nloxt  of  them  were  Buddhist  shrines  and 
several  of  imposing  dimensions.  For  generations  post  these  debris-filled  ruins  have  l>oon 
quarried  by  the  cultivators  of  the  adjoining  villages  in  search  of  manuring  earth  for  their 
fields,  and  many  of  the  smaller  structures  had  been  levelled  to  gain  more  ground  for  cultiva- 
tion. Since  the  excavations  made  here  between  1D02-<M>  by  Professors  (Jrunuedel  and  Von 
Leeoq,  of  the  Berlin  Ethnographic  Museum,  the  villagers  had  extended  their  destructive 
operations  in  the  hope  of  securing  manuscript  remains  and  antiques  as  valuable  by- 
products for  sale  to  .Europeans.  Of  such  finds  I  was  able  to  acquire  a  fair  number.  But  it 
was  more  satisfactory  to  find  that  in  some  ruins  deeper  debris  strata  had  escaped  exploita- 
tion. Their  systematic  clearing  was  rewarded  by  a  variety  of  small  but  interesting  remains, 
such  as  fresco  pieces,  fragments  of  paintings  on  paper  and  cloth,  stucco  relievos,  illustrating 
Buddhist  art  at  Turfan.  Manuscript  fragments  in  the  Uigur,  Tibetan,  ( -hinese,  and  Mani- 
chcean  scripts  wore  also  recovered.  The  discovery  of  a  hoard  of  well-preserved  metal  object*, 
including  decorated  bronze  mirrors,  ornaments,  etc.,  offered  special  interest,  as  the  large 
number  of  coins  found  with  it  permits  the  date  of  its  deposit  in  Sung  times  to  be  fixed  with 
approximate  accuracy.  Simultaneously  with  these  clearings  I  had  an  exact  plan  of  the  whole 
site  prepared. 


202  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQTJAKY  SEPTEMBER,  1917 

After  rapid  visits  to  smaller  sites  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Turfan  Basin  I  turned, 
towards  the  close  of  November,  to  the  ruins  in  the  picturesque  gorge  of  Toyuk.  There 
numerous  rock-cut  caves,  once  occupied  by  Buddhist  priests,  honeycomb  precipitous  cliffs 
rising  above  the  small  stream  that  waters  a  flourishing  little  oasis,  famous  for  its  grapes. 
Where  the  slopes  are  less  steep,  narrow  terraces  have  been  built,  bearing  small  Buddhist 
shrines,  now  hi  ruins.  At  the  most  conspicuous  of  these  the  second  German  expeditian  had 
made  important  manuscript  finds.  Stimulated  by  these  in  their  monkey-like  emulation, 
native  searchers  for  antiques  had  subsequently  wrought  terrible  havoc  among  ruins  which  had 
before  remained  more  or  less  untouched.  Lower  down,  however,  we  succeeded  in  tracing 
remains  of  shrines  which  had  been  protected  by  heavy  covering  masses  of  debris,  and  the 
employment  of  large  numbers  of  diggers  to  clear  them  was  easy.  After  the  difficulties  to 
which  my  previous  work  at  desert  sites  far  away  from  habitations  and  water  had  accustomed 
me,  conditions  of  work  in  the  Turfan  district  seemed,  in  fact,  quite  tk  suburban/'  as  it  were. 
In  the  end  we  recovered  at  Toyuk  a  considerable  quantity  of  fine  frescoes  and  stucco  relievo 
pieces.  Fragments  of  Chinese  and  Uigur  texts  were  numerous. 

From  Toyuk  I  proceeded  by  the  middle  of  Deceml>er  to  an  important  Buddhist  site 
l>elo\v  the  village  of  Murtuk,  ]1  occupies  a  conglomerate  terrace  on  the  steep  west  bank 
of  the  stream  watering  the  Kara-khoja  oasis,  where  it  breaks  in  a  narrow  wild  gorge 
through  the  barren  hill  range  overlooking  the  main  Turfan  depression.  The  extensive  series 
of  ruined  shrines,  partly  cut  into  the  rock,  had  been  decorated  with  frescoes  representing 
scenes  of  Buddhist  legend  and  worship  in  a  great  variety  of  subject  and  style.  In  richness 
and  artistic  merit  they  surpassed  any  similar  remains  in  the  Turfan  region,  and  recalled  the- 
pictorial  wealth  of  the  "  Thousand  Buddhas  "  caves  near  Tun-huang.  In  1900,  Professor 
(jriinwedel,  with  his  intimate  knowledge  of  Buddhist  iconography  and  art,  had  carefully 
studied  these  big  wall  paintings,  and  a  considerable  selection  of  fresco  panels  was  then 
removed  to  Berlin.  For  long  centuries  the  frescoes  had  been  liable  to  suffer  casual  injury  at 
the  hands  of  iconoclast  Muhammadan  visitors.  During  recent  years  they  had  been  exposed 
to  even  greater  damage  from  natives,  who,  in  vandal  fashion,  cut  out  small  pieces  for  sale 
to  Euroj)eans.  The  risk  of  further  destruction  in  the  near  future  was  only  too  obvious  and 
careful  systematic  removal  presented  the  only  means  of  saving  as  much  as  possible  of 
these  fine  remains  of  Buddhist  art.  Fortunately,  1  could  utilize  for  this  long  and  difficult 
task  the  trained  skill  and  manual  experience  of  Naik  Shams  Din.  Working  with  devoted 
energy,  and  valiantly  helped  by  Afrazgul,  he  successfully  accomplished  it  in  the  course  of 
six  weeks.  Carefully  drawn  plans  had  been  prepared  for  their  guidance.  Meanwhile  I  was 
able  to  pay  a  rapid  \isit  to  Urumchi,  the  provincial  headquarters,  where  1  had  the  great 
satisfaction  of  seeing  again  my  old  Mandarin  friend,  learned  P'au  Ta-jen,  then  holding  high 
office  as  Financial  Commissioner  of  the  '  New  Dominion.'  As  on  my  former  journeys  he 
did  his  best  to  help  me  in  my  scientific  aims. 

Early  in  January  1915,  work  had  progressed  sufficiently  to  allow  me  to  apply  myself  to 
the  clearing  of  smaller  Buddhist  ruins  near  Murtuk,  and  then  to  a  task  which  proved  as  fruitful 
as  it  was  to  me  novel  and  in  some  ways  unpleasant.  Below  the  debouchure  of  the  gorge 
which  brings  down  the  streams  of  Murtuk  and  Sengim,  and  above  the  large  village  of  Astana 
adjoining  Kara-khoja  from  the  west,  there  extends  over  the  gravel-covered  waste  a  vast 
ancient  burial-ground.  It  is  marked  by  small  mounds  covered  with  stones  and  by  low  lines 
of  embanked  gravel  which  enclose  these  mounds  to  form  scattered  groups.  The  mounds 


SBPTKMBKB,  1H17]      A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OK  EXPLORATION  IX  I'KXTRAL  ASJA  203 

indicate  the  position  of  tomb  chambers  which  arc  cut  into  the  underlying  hard  layer  of  tine 
-conglomerate  or  sandstone,  A  narrow  rock-cut  passage,  originally  filled  in  again,  led  deep 
down  to  the  entrance  of  each  tomb,  which  itself  was  closed  with  a  wall.  Most  of  these  tombs 
.appear  to  have  been  searched  for  valuables  during  the  last  Mithannmulan  rebellion,  and 
probably  also  earlier.  But  drift-sand  had  completely  closed  up  tho  passages  of  approach, 
and  only  during  the  last  fc\\  years  had  the  tombs  attracted  attention  from  local  antique- 
hunters.  Their  operations  had  not  proceeded  far,  and  gave  anyhow  useful  assurance  as  to 
the  absence  of  any  local  prejudices. 

Willing  labour  could  )>e  secured  in  plenty,  and  made  easy  Liu*  opening  of  very  numerous 
tombs  in  rapid  succession.  The  systematic  search  of  each  has  conclusively  demonstrated 
that  the  cemetery  dates  from  the  early  T'aug  period,  and  mainly  the.  seventh  century  A.n. 
Then  Kao-chang,  the  present  Turf  an,  was  an  important  administrative  een?,ii»  and  garrison 
of  tho  Chinese  after  their  rcconqucst  of  Eastern  Turkestan.  Exact  dates,  names  of  persons, 
.and  other  details  are  furnished  by  the  Chinese  inscriptions  on  bricks,  \\hich  \\ere  found  intact 
near  the  approaches  of  many  tombs.  Their  decipherment  by  my  distinguished  Sinologue 
•collaborator,  JVT.  Chavamu  s.  is  likely  to  clear  up  the  question  as  to  whether  the  tombs  were 
••occupied  exclusively  by  Chinese  or  contained  also  dead  from  among  the  indigenous  popula- 
tion. Without  a  detailed  examination  and  comparison  of  all  these  liuds  and  observations, 
which  ma\  not  be  possible  for  some  time,  it  would  bo  premature  to  interpret  the  interesting 
burial  customs  revealed  by  the«e  tombs  ;  nor  can  I  tiud  spa-ce  here  to  discuss  them  and  their 
variations. 

The  dry  ness  of  the  Turf  an  climate,  accounts  for  the  remarkable  sta.tr  of  preservation 
in  which  most  of  the  bodies  and  the  objects  deposited  \-\jth  them  \\cie  found.  The  latter 
comprised  a  great  variety  of  articles  of  food,  dress,  |>ersonal  use  and  tho  like,  which  the  dead 
were  supposed  to  need.  Among  them  1  may  mention  pastry  of  many  sha|>es.  showing  fami- 
liar Indian  ornamental  motifs  :  boxes  with  ladies'  toilet  outfits  ;  arms,  etc.  Whether  of 
actual  size,  or  reproduced  in  miniature,  these  objects,  together  \\  itht  he  painted  stucco  figurines 
representing  attendants,  richly  caparisoned  horses,  household  animals  cU-.,  acquaint  us 
with  many  aspects  of  the  daily  life  led  in  Turfan  at  that  period.  I  cannot,  pause  to  give 
details.  It  must  sullioo  io  recoid  that  tho  archaeological  spoil  has  been  as  varied  as  it  was 
abundant.  But  I  may  at  least  briefly  refer  to  finds  strikingly  illustrating  the  position  which 
Turfan  and  probably  other  oases  of  Chinese  Turkestan  occupied  at  that  period,  as  places 
of  trade  exchange  between  Western  Asia  and  China.  Thus  we  found  Byy.antine  gold  pieces 
regularly  placed,  much  in  the  fashion  of  the  classical  obolus,  in  the  mouth  oi  the,  dead,  and 
Sassaniaii  silver  coirs  over  their  eyes.  The  custom  of  wrapping  up  the*  bodies  m  torn  pieces  of 
manifold  garments  has  provided  us  with  a  rich  collection  of  tine  silk  materials.  Among  these 
there  is  a  curious  abundance  of  brocades  and  other  decorated  fabrics  showing  designs  which 
are  usually  associated  with  Persian  work  of  Sassanian  times.  Paintings  on  silk,  too,  were 
found,  meant  to  decorate  the  dwellings  of  the  dead,  and  a  quantity  of  manuscript  records, 
mainly  Chinese. 


204  THE  INDIAN1  ANTIQUARY  [SKPTKMBWR.   1917 

Interesting  and  fruitful  as  this  search  was,  1  felt  a  strong  longing  for  a  chance  of  resuming 
exploratory  tasks  iii  the  open  air  of  the  desert.  But  my  leg  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the 
accident  in  the  summer,  and  could  not  face  long  tramps  such  as  a  return  to  the  wastes  of  the 
Lop  Desert  would  have  necessitated.  So  1  had  to  be  content  with  what  satisfaction  Lai 
Singh's  safe  return  towards  the  close  of  January  from  his  expedition  into  the  fc  Dry  Mountains  ' 
brought  mo.  In  the  face  of  great  physical  difliculties  and  risks  he  had  accomplished  impor- 
tant survey  work.  After  reaching  Singer,  the  only  permanent  homestead  in  that  \ast  area 
of  barren  plateaus  and  hills,  he  had  started  triangulation ;  and  in  accordance  with  my  in- 
structions carried  it  south-cast  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Lou-Ian  ruins  in  the  wind -eroded  desert. 
His  patient  wait  there  for  a.  week,  amidst  icy  gales  and  with  temperatures  falling  well  below 
zero  Fahrenheit,  was  rewarded  when  the  dust -laden  atmosphere  cleared  at  last  and  allowed 
him  to  connect  his  triangles  with  previously  %  iixed  '  high  peaks  of  the  snowy  K'liii-lun 
range  from  150  miles  south.  Thus  it  l^camc  possible  later  on  to  roali/e  my  hope  of  getting 
the  Indian  triangulatiou  system  extended  by  this  link  to  the  Tien-sh an  range  in  the  north. 

With  Abdur  Rahim.  the  experienced  hunter  of  wild  camels  from  Singer,  whose  help 
had  proved  so  valuable  to  us  a  \  ear  lief  ore.  Lai  Singh  hud  then  pushed  into  the  unexplored 
and  absolutely  sterile  region  to  the  north-east  of  Altmish-bulak.  His  fuel  supply  had  given 
out  for  several  days,  and  he  had  to  brave  the  severe  cold  of  the  nights  without,  a  tire  l>efore 
he  decided  to  turn  again  westwards  from  beyond  91  long.  He  then  picked  up  an  old  desert 
track  once  used  by  hunters  of  wild  camels  from  Hami,  l>elore  certain  salt  springs  had  dried 
up,  and  followed  it  down  to  the  salt  marsh  that  forms  the  dee]x»st  part  of  the  Turf  an  Basin. 
There  he  took  numerous  observations  with  the*  mercurial  barometer  which,  1  hope,  will 
make  it  possible  to  determine  its  depression  below  sea-level  with  greater  accuracy.  Jn 
spite  of  all  he  had  gone*  through,  Lai  Singh  allowed  himself  but  a  brief  rest,  at  our  base,  and 
by  the  first  week  of  .February  sel  out  afresh  for  -he  Kuruk-tagh. 

The   packing  of  our  plentiful    "archaeological  proceeds"  from  Turf  an  had  cost  great 
efforts.     But  at  last,  on  February  (>,    1  could  start  my  big  convoy  of  antiques,  making  up 
fifty  camcl-loails,  under    Ibrahim  Beg's  care  for  its  two  months'  journey  to  Kashgar.     On 
the  same  day,  1  sent  off  Afrazgul  Khan  to  the  Lop  Desert  for  a  supplementary  survey  of  the 
Lou-Ian  region  and  the  dried -up  ancient*  sea-bed  to  the  east  and  south.     1  myself  proceeded 
to  Yar-khoto  for  a  detailed  survey    of   this  curious  site,  where  a  ma/e  of  ruin  dwellings  and 
shrines§  carved  out  of  the  loess   soil  of  an  isolated  and  naturally  strong  plateau,  represents 
the  remains  of  the  earlier   Turf  an  capital  during  Han  times.     Some  days  more  were  taken 
up  by  arrangements  for  the  r:)iupletion  of  the  large-scale  map  of  the  Turfan  dejwession   in, 
six  sheets  and  by  the   collection  of  supplementary  data  IteariiLg  <>u    its  extant,  irrigation 
resources.   Their  comparison  with  those  which  must  be  assumed  to  have  existed  in  Buddhist 
times  is  made  particularly  instructive  by  the  fact  that  now  the  greater  porticn  of  the  culti- 
vated area  is  irrigated  from  karezrx  or  springs  tapped  by  underground  canals,  a  system  which 
is  known  to  ha\e  been  introduced   iu'o  Turfan  only  during  t/he  eighteenth  century.     My  last 
days  at  Turfau  were  mode  somewhat  anxious  by  a  renewed  attempt  at  Chinese  obstruction, 
now  directed    against  my  archaeological  activity.     Fortunately  this  time,  too,  1  was  on  the 
point  of  starting  into  desert  parts  where  no  interference  with  my  plans  was  practicable,  and 
the  safe  transit  of  my  antique  collection,  about  which  T  had  reason  to  feel  apprehensive, 
was  secured  by  the  prompt  steps  my  old  friend,  Sir  Ceorge  Macartney,  took  to  parry  the 
stroke  from  Provincial  headquarters. 

(To  be  continued.) 


SEPTEMBER,  1017]  HELKUOX  IN  SfND 


RELIGION  JN  SIND. 
BY  <;.  E.L.  CARTER.  I.C.S..  HYDERABAD. 

THE  fact  t'mt  a  religion  has  no  literature  whatever  is  no  reason  wh\  an  attempt  at 
elucidating  its  mysteries  should  not  be  undertaken.  In  Sind  religion  in  a  large  measure 
takes  the  place  which  caste  does  elsewhere  in  India,  and  local  eults  are  tie  nuclei  around 
which  society  becomes  concrete.  Such  cults  are  of  all  ages,  from  that  of  the  Sun  as  the 
first  giver  of  heat  to  that  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  which  seems  to  1m  a  relic  of 
Portuguese  missionary  enterprise.  The  essentially  Sindhi  cults,  ho  AN  ever,  are  hased  on  the 
two  principles  of  a  male  fertilising  element  in  the  River  ami  a  female  reproductive  element 
in  <k  Nature  "  or  vegetation,  as  an  examination  of  a  number  will  show. 

Let  us  begin  with  fie  cult  of  Shekh  TAbir.  as  recorded  in  the  Tnhfutul-tiraw,  an 
unpublished  history  of  Sind,  dated  A.  r>.  1768  "  .laheju  is  well  known  for  the  tliinjah  of 
Shekh  Tahir,  who  is  called  IMerolal  by  Hindus.  Intoxicated  with  the  \\ine  of  Divinity 
he  spent  the  early  part  of  his  life  in  roaming  through  a  desert.  One  da\  \\hen  he  was 
holding  something  to  eat  in  his  hand  a  camel  suddenly  appeared  on  the  si-cm*.  Observing 
the  camel  with  his  inward  spiritual  eye  he  addressed  it  thus  :  '  Oh  <?od,  since  thou  hast 
appeared  before  me  in  this  form,  deign  to  share  my  food  with  me.'  The  camel,  however, 
would  not  stop  and  the  Shekh  persisted  in  following  it.  until  at  last  the  Shekh  attained 
fame  and  spiritual  greatness.  The  fact  ia  the  Sheik]  i  had  been  blessed  AM  th  a,  wonderful 
vision.  Many  pilgrims  and  visitors  go  to  his  shrine.  On  appointed  days  the  shrine  is 
also  visited  bv  a  large  number  of  l>ctrothed  and  married  females  from  far  and  near." 

So  \\as  one  Husalman  version  of  a  cult  peculiarly  Hindu.  The  cult  of  the  river 
Indus.  Darya-pan  th,  is  indeed  so  peculiarly  Hindu  that  that  onl\  Sindhi  Lohanas  are  its 
\otaries.  The  cult,  so  far  us  T  have  ascertained,  is  one  of  pure  ritual  and  that  of  the 
simplest.  Regular  monthly  ceremonies  and  occasional  annual  ones  complete  the  tale- 
Its  chief  features  are  the  peri^tual  burning  of  lights  on  an  altar  in  an  otherwise  em  pt\ 
Holy  of  Holies,  and  the  ceremonial  worship  of  the  river  at  evening  time  on  the  days  of 
the  new  and  full  moon.  On  those  days  the  lamps  are  tended,  trimmed  and  cleaned  and 
ceremonial  oblations  arc  offered.  The  formal  address  to  the  Deitx  is  "  La/tar  hahar  jd  tidht 
mcliarbdni  de  —  Master  of  the  waves,  grant  a  favour. 

In  various  parts  of  Sind  the  cult  of  the  River  has  heeome  slightly  localised.  Just  as 
the  Deity  at  "  lldoi-olal"  has  been  converted  for  the  benefit  of  Mussalmans  to  Sheikh 
Tabir,  so  at  Sukkur  Zinda  Pi  r—  the  Jiving  God—  has  become  Khwaja  Khi/r  and  near 
Tatta,  Shah  Jhando.  the  saviour  ferryman.  At  13ohara,  on  the  BagJiar  canal,  the  Deity 
is  addressed  as  Waman  Jianti  Har  Vasso.  Here  on  the  morning  of  loth  Jtado  the 
Darya-pauthis  make  boats  of  straw  and  set  them  afloat  on  the  river.  The  boats  contain 
small  country  lamps,  made  of  the  dough  of  wheat  flour  in  which  gin  is  burnt  as  oil, 
and  also  small  plate^  of  dough  containing  rice  and  curds. 

Uderolal,  Lai  Wadoro,  the  Holy  Chieftain,  is  the  incarnation  of  the,  River  (Jod. 
His  *  vehicle  '  is  the  pulto.  In  times  of  stress  Uderolal  emerges  from  the  Iliver,  aa 
armed  and  gallant  knight,  to  rescue  his  people  from  oppression. 


2(X>  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SKPTJOMHKK,  1917 

Two  fragments  of  low  may  illustrate  tho  popular  attitude  to  the  cult.  The  pulla  in 
never  found  north  of  Sukkur.  It  comes  up  the  river  only  to  .do  homage  at  Khwaja 
Khizr's  shrine  airl,  having  done  so,  it  returns  to  the  sea,  always  with  its  face  towards 
the  shrine.  It  is  never  found  with  its  head  down  stream.  -Again,  when  the  River  erodes 
its  banks,  it  is  said  that  Khwaja  Khizr  is  sending  earth  (fertility,  wealth)  to  hi.s  brother 
Ili&s  (Elijah),  who  lives  in  a  desert,  and  that  these  two  with  Nabi,  Isa  (»Jesus\  who  lives  in 
the  firmament  above  tho  earth,  constitute  one  Trinity.  ( This  is  a  lUloch  distorted 
version  of  the  cult.) 

Two  points  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the  cult  must  be  remembered. 
(a)  Muhaminadanism  on  two  occasions  made  serious  attempts  at  proselytising  Hinduism  : 
one  on  the  occasion  of  the  Arab  conquest  of  Hind  (eighth  century)  and  one  in  the 
thirteenth  century  under  the  influence  of  the  Multani  Revival.  The  two  best  examples  are 
tho  modification  of  the  Raja  Gopichand  cult  in  the  first  period  and  tho  desecration 
of  the  Saiva  altar  at  Sohwan  in  the  second,  (b)  A  fragment  of  pottery  discovered  by  the 
writer  at  Mirpur  Khas  bears  painting*  of  a  fish  (?)  pulla.  The  place,  where  it  was 
found,  is  that  of  the  fourth  cmtury  Stupa  which  stood  on  the  bank  of  an  old  river  (Dhoro 
Purano). 

Now  let  us  turn  to  tin  cult  of  the  crocodile,  wdyho  the  wild  beast.  It  is  not  an 
uneonviMm  thing  to  find  a  close  connection  between  a  pir  and  crocodiles,  HO  close  in  fact 
that  the  local  Musalnvms  resent  any  attempt  at  shooting  the  protected  beasts  -  though 
every  effort  may  be  made  to  extirpate  those  not  protected.  The  classic  case  is,  of  course, 
that  of  Mangho  Pir^-f  Magar  '  Pir — just  outside  Karachi ;  but  there  are  others.  In  some 
places,  even  where  there  is  now  no  crocodile,  tradition  keeps  alive  the  story  by  dubbing 
the  locality  w&ghoddr,  the  crocodile's  door  or  lair.  There  is  the  one  near  Rerhi,  one  at 
Amirpir,  north  of  Tatta,  and  one,  fourteen  miles  east  of  Hyderabad  on  the  Dhoro  Phital, 
an  abandoned  river  bed.  It  cannot  be  pretended  for  one  moment  that  respect  for  the 
crocodile  is  Musalman ;  such  zoolatry  finds  no  place  in  I  slain.  One  must  look  for  its 
origin  losally.  One  reads  for  instance  in  Burnes  (Bokhara,  p.  46)  that  "  tho  Sailors  of 
Sinde  are  Mahomtnedans.  They  are  very  H.ij>er8titiou8 ;  the  sight  of  a  crocodile  below 
Hyderabad  is  an  evil  omen,  which  wjuld  never  be  forgotten:''  and  also  that  along  different 
lengths  of  the  river  propitiatory  offerings  had  to  bo  made  to  avert  malignant  influences. 
Now  one  finds  among  the  sacrificial  symbols  in  use  in  the  Lar  a?\  occasional  brass 
makcira  head. 

-  Now,  when  one  turns  to  consider  Vegetation  cults,  one  finds  a  close  association  in 
several  aspects  with  femininiy.  Midway  between  Tatta  and  Mirpur  Sakro  is  a  tomb,  the 
central  place  of  the  cult  of  Pir  Jhareon — jltareon  being  in  fact  a  feminine  plural  word 
mauling  trees.  While  it  is  customary  at  various  burial  places  to  hold  on  fixed  days  in  the 
month  'cmnmsmorative  services  at  which  all  present  partake  of  a  kind  of  Agape,  to  which 
all  have  contributed  something,  the  common  meal  being  divided  in  charity  among  those 
present,  it  is*regarded  as  a  ridiculous  custom — i.e.,  by  outsiders — that  those  present  at 
Pir  Jhareon's  festival  should  eat  such  a  stupid  kind  of  food  as  they  do  Here  the  Agape 
consists  of  a  dish  made  of  grain  of  all  kinds — jatvari,  bajri,  barley,  rice,  pulses, — steeped 
in  milk,  Not  only  do  Hindus  respect  the  Pir,  but,  regardless  of  oaste,  partake  of  the 


SEPTEMBER,  1917]  REL1U1ON  IN  SIND  207 

common  dish    at    the   monthly  festival.    Now    the    Pir's  khalifa  is  a   womtiu  oi     the 
Hingora  Clan. 

Of  course  there  is  a  story  that  Pir  Jhareou's  real  name-  \vas  Sultan  Hussam  ami 
that  he  is  a  Hussaiui  Sayyid  who  came  hero  direct  from  Mecca,  where  he  had  earned  hia 
name  by  performing  menial  work  at  the  Huh  Places  —  a»  if  his  name  should  be  Pir  of 
Dusters.  The  Multani  prosolytising  influence  can  I  >o  discovered  in  t  lie  alleged  date  of 
his  death,  A.  H.  666. 

An  independent  form  of  the  cult  of  Pir  Jhareon  survives  it)  (Jhorabari  Taluka 
just  outside  the  boundaries  of  the  modern  Deh  Jhareon.  The  shrine  or.  *  place*  of  Mai 
Fir  is  situated  near  the  R.  Kichhal.  In  form  it  i*  a  coppice  enclosed  bv  a  low  bank 
of  earth  about  100  yards  in  circumference,  within  which  bounds  no  man  is  allowed  to  set 
foot.  Even  the  Khalifa  must  send  his  wife  in,  it  he  wishes  any  work  to  be  done  inside  ; 
for  the  Mai  Sahib  was  a  virgin  and  a  num's  coinin/  would  doiile  her  place.  The  shrine 
itself  is  a  rude  hut  from  the  roof  of  which  a  score  of  cattle  bells  hansj.  Two  Ntono 
chiragh*  and  the  inevitable  Hag  complete  the  furniture,  Rice  is  the  only  food  divided 
in  charity  and  portions  from  the  common  dish  are  scattered  about  for  jackals  and  other 
wild  animals  to  partake  of  .  As  at  Pir  Jhareon  "s  place,  tho  monthly  festival  is  held  on 
tho  first  Monday  of  each  month.  The  emblematic  tree  is  dead  and  fallen.  It  was 
formerly  inside  the  bank  of  earth,  and  to  solve  the  problem  of  eliminating  dead  wood 
without  removing  it  (for  as  will  be  seen  below  it  is  sacrosanct)  the  bank  \\as  "  repaired  " 
and  rebuilt  so  that  the  fallen  trunk  may  Ik'  outside  the  enclosed  holy  spot. 

At  Boll  ar  a  "  Bibi  Syed's  Tomb  "  is  just  such  another  place,  though  there  the  cult 
has  boon  merged  with  the  Ashura  rites  —  a  feast  of  tabernacles,  celebrated  at  Muharram 
time.  Here  there  is  no  tomb,  no  monthly  festival.  A  tree,  dead  but  standing,  is 
enclosed  by  a  low  bank  of  earth,  within  which  no  one  is  allowed. 

Among  Hindus  in  Sind  two  festivals  call  for  notice  in  this  connection.  On  the  12th 
of  Srawan  Sudi  the  woman  ol  a  house  sow  in  a  pot  seven  kinds  of  grain  -whence  Satano, 
tho  name  of  the  festival.  After  seven  da>s  the  ,•>  codlings  arc  plucked  up  and  thrown  into 
tho  river  for  luck.  It  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  season  the  Indus  is  in  full  flood, 
irrigating  the  whole  countryside. 

Throe   days  later    occurs     a    strange    ceremony,    obviously  a    ie\o: 
eternal   prayers  for   children    and    wealth.     At    evening     time     Hindi 
repair    to    the    fields    and    throw    grain    and   mud  images  of  bullocly^to^g  the  crops 

reciting  this  verse  :— 

if        ••'  L 


This  is  usually  understood  to  mean  :—  4<  Crow,  climb  a  tree  and  yaw' 
(masi)  weave,  not  me"—  deriving  ^  bt^=>  from  t^cfe,  to  weave.    This  however,mah 

X 

nonsense  and  the  word  should  be  derived  from  ^5=,  ,  which  is  now  only  used  with 


208  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUAKY  [SEPTEMBER,  1917 

reference  to  *'  heat  "  in  dogs.    There  is  still,   however,  the  difficulty  of  the  invocation 
to  the  crow . 

Cutting  right  across  all  other  customs  is  the  world-wide  one  of  respect  for  holy  trees. 
It  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  a  man  to  tie  a  rag  to  a  kabbar  jhdr  tree  as  a  token  of 
invocation,  or  for  women  to  tie  wisps  or  bundles  of  hair.  Tomb  of  holy  men  are  usually 
located  under  the  kabbar  jhar,  the  'jhar,'  though  a  grave  will  sanctify  even  a  tamarisk. 
Again  no  such  tree,  nor,  in  fact,  any  tree  on  holy  ground  may  be  cut.  Even  on 
abandoned  village  sites  the  position  of  the  mosque,  where  nothing  of  the  village  remains 
will  be  brought  into  remembrance  by  the  preservation  of  a  tree  or  shrub  on  its  site. 
Such  a  tree  is  taboo  ;  indefinable  trouble  will  overtake  the  rash  person  who  cuts  it  down, 
Not  even  fallen  dead  wood  in  sacred  groves  may  be  removed  ;  when  it  falls,  there  it  lies. 
On  Ashura  day  Mohanos  gaudily  decorate  their  favourite  kablxir  jldr  shrub  throughout 
the  Lar. 

One  Brahui  custom  may  be  referred  to  as  throwing  light  en  local  customs.  "  On 
the  new  moon  of  the  seventh  month  seven  kinds  of  grain — to  wit,  barley,  wheat,  Indian 
<jorn,  peas,  millet,  pulse  and  juari  -tire  boiled  together  uncrushed  in  a  large  cauldron. 
Seven  kinds  of  grain  there  must  surely  le  in  all.  Small  dishes  of  this  pottage  arc  sent 
out  to  the  kinsfolk.  The  dishes  are  never  sent  away  empty ;  each  comes  back  with  some 
trifle  for  the  looked-for  babe."  (  Life  History  of  Brahui,  by  D.  Bray,  p.  7  ). 

Now,  how  did  this  interconnected  mass  of  custom  arise,  if,  and  there  is  no  disagree- 
ment on  the  subject,  the  makara  was  the  c  vehicle  '  of  Varuna,  who  was  first  a  sky -god 
and  then  a  water-god. 

My  reasoning  is  thus.  Stone-age  man,  the  dwarf  who  lived  in  the  Kohistan,  and 
annually  moved  in  the  cold  weatrer  to  the  rich  grass  plains  of  the  Indus — as  he  still 
does — was  terrified  by  the  swamp  and  jungle  of  the  lowlands,  and  above  all  by  the 
crocodile,  whom  he  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  malevolent  deity  who  must  be  propitiated. 
The  generally  beneficent  Hoods  of  the  Indus  facilitated  among  the  Aryans  the  evolution 
of  the  River -god  from  Varuna,  but  the  makara  cult  could  not  be  simultaneously  evolved 
because  of  the  pre-existing  and  inferior  cult  of  the  demonic  crocodile.  Tho  required 
"  vehicle  "  was  found  in  the  pulla,  whose  peculiar  habits  rendered  it  a  specially  appropriate 
companion  for  the  incarnate  Uderol&l.  The  crocodile  continued  to  typify  the  demonic 
force  of  the  Indus  in  angor,  in  excessive  flood,  when  it  changes  its  course  and  in  a  season 
alters  entirely  the  face  of  the  country.  Closely  associated  with  these  floods  are  the  rich 
crops  of  grass  and  grain  of  the  Indus  flood  plain.  Without  the  strength  of  the  river 
there  is  no  tnveetness  of  vegetation.  Thus  one  may  associate  a  male  principle  of  the 
River  and  a  female  one  in  vegetation.  Shah  Jhando  and  the  chaste  virgins,  the  Satyun  of 
^Tatta,  Uderolftl  and  Mai  Sahib,  the  coquettings  of  the  SAtftno  festival.  This  seems  to 
represent  the  course  of  early  religion  in  Sind.  Buddhism  did  not  affect  it — for  the  fish 
adorns  the  pottery  of  Mirpur  Khas.  'Saivism  passed  it  by,  for  the  Gupta  cult  of  Siva  is 
still  localised  at  Sehwan.  Muhammadanism  modified  it  for  its  own  proselytes,  but  could 
not  obliterate  it,  for  there  is,  indeed,  in  Sind  only  one  problem— what  will  the  River  be 
like  next  year,  good  or  bad,  divine  or  demonic  ri 

(  To  be  continued. ) 


,  15)17]        THU  HISTORY  OF  THK   NAIK   KINGDOM  OF  MAIH'KA  2W 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OK  MADI'JIA. 

1*V   V.    HANUAt'HAKI.  M.A.,  L.T.,  MAlWAS. 

(  Continued  from  p.    ll)n.  ) 

KUavan   Sdtupati's  death. 

At  this  crisis,  the  groat  man,  who  had  guided  the  destinies  of  Rmunad  \\ith  such  conspi- 
cuous ability  for  the  space  of  25  years,  passed  away.  Jt  seems  thai  to  the  calamities  of  Hood 
and  famine  were  added  the  calamities  of  war  during  his  "ast  years  ;  tor  we  hear  of  a  war  which 
ho  had  to  wage,  for  reasons  as  yet  unknown,  with  Tanjore.  As  usual,  he  secured  victory  for 
his  arms.  But  the  combination  of  ills  which  afflicted  his  country  soon  told  on  the  octogena- 
rian, and  hastened  his  death.  Noble  and  generous,  tactful  and  wise.  Kilaxanwas  the  onlv 
man  who  could  have  freed  the  kingdom  from  its  miseries.  His  sympathx  and  liberality  would 
have  revived  the  drooping  spirit  of  his  ryots,  and  his  martial  skill  would  ha\e  kept  the  king- 
dom safe  from  the  encroachments  of  neighbouring  pouei's.  But  it  was  not  so  to  he.  He 
died,  leaving  the  kingdom  not  only  amidst  the  visitations  of  famine  and  pestilence,  but 
bequeathing  to  it  a  Jcgue\  of  trouble  jn  thelorm  oi  a  succession  dispute  Fori \  -seven  of 
his  wives  followed  him  to  the  other  world  through  the  funeral  pyre,  and  the  M-CIIC  of  the 
t raged \  is  even  uo\\  visible  in  the  vicinity  of  Ramnad. 

Accession  and  administration  of  Vijaya  Raghun&tha 

At  the  point  of  death  Kijavan  Setupati  appointed  his  illegitimate  MUI,  tthavaiii  'Sai.- 
kara  Tevan,  as  his  successor.  But  no  sooner  was  the  body  of  the  grea*  duel  cremated  than 
the  Maravas  set  aside  his  choice  and  chose  an  adopted  son  (in  reality  the  son  in-law)  of  the 
deceased,  Vijaya  Raghunatha01*  by  name,  as  theSctupati.  Vijaya  llaghunatha  (17<W-2.*J)  was 
unable  soldier  an<l  abler  statesman.  He  was  perhaps  the  most  \ersatileofthe  Netupatiw.70 
In  a  time  when  the  Pulaynms  were,  as  a  rule,  tottering  do\\n,  he  laid  the  foundations  ot  the 
permanence  of  his  State  b}  his  wise  reform  of  the  revenue  administration.  In  place  of  finan- 
cial chaos  he  introduced  an  orderly  system,  and  in  plaee  of  exaction,  a  delinjteness  of  demand. 
The  kingdom  was  divided  into  eight  revenue  districts,  and  the  \  illages  \\  Inch  composed  each 
were  provided  \\ith  able  accountants  of  the  VellaU  east e  from  Madura,  and  made  to  main- 
tain regular  accounts.  This  salutary  measure  created  an  era  of  comparative  contentment, 
among  the  people,,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  secret  of  the  immense  resources  and  the 
numerous  buildings  and  charities  for  which  Vijaya  RaghunAtha  became  famous.  The 
chronicles  narrate  with  eloquence  the  grandeur  of  his  palace,  the  size  ot  his  establishments, 
and  the  liberality  of  his  charities.  Endowed  with  a  religious  turn  ol  mind,  he  took  a  personal 
interest  in  the  extension  oi  theKam&varam  temple.  A  staunch  devotee  oi  Hamanatha.  he  did 
not  allow  a  single  day  to  pass  without  a  visit  to  the  shrine.  In  spite  of  a  pressure  of  busi- 
ness he. would  leave  Jlftinnatl  every  day  sometime  before  sunset,  and  arrive  at  Ram^varam 
in  time  for  evening  devotions.  A  watchful  staff  kept  in  readiness  horses  ai  intervals  on  the 
road  leading  from  tho  Capital  to  Tonittiirai,  and  an  efficient  boat  service  to  convey  the  royal 


«'  Ho  wus  the  Muttu  Vijayn  Raghunatha  Sctupiiti  Katta  T«-var  of  the  inscription**.  A  copper-plate 
«rmit  of  his  dated  s.  |«3o  (  V,'j«y«)  records  tho  gift  of  houses  mid  inncls  at  Attiyfitli.  to  U  Urfthmaiia 
lamilie*.  Vijaya  KughunAtlm  is  »ud  there  to  have  porformod  the  Hinmyugarbha  sucritioe.  Madr. 


Kp.  Ri'p.,  1911,  p.  15. 

7(1  See  J./i//"?!**^1*  11,  231  baaed  on  Kftja  Kama  Kao'b  Manwtl. 


210  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  .  [SEFI'KMBEU, 


devotee  across  the  Pamban.  FestivalH  in  honour  of  his  favourite  god  never  tired  him.  On 
one  occasion  lie  vowed  that  the  revenue  of  one  whole  season's  pearl  fishery  should  be  devoted 
to  the  adorning  of  the  image.  Almost  every  year  saw  the  grant  of  extensive  lands  and  estates* 
to  the  temple.  ,The  orthodoxy  of  Raghunatha  secured  from  rjiis  suzerain  Yijaya  Rang  a 
Chokkanatha  the  image  of  Durga,  for  whose  reception  he  built  a  temple  at  Ramna<],  which 
attracted  thousands  of  pilgrims.  An  idol  of  the  Brahmans,  Raghunatha  had  a  veneration 
for  Vedic  rites  and  ceremonials,  thereby  reviving  the  ancient  days  of  Hinduism. 

His  persecution  of  Christians. 

It  is  not  surprising  that,  under  the  regime  of  such  an  orthodox  ruler,  there  came  into 
existence  a  period  of  vehement  opposition  to  the  proselytising  labours71  of  the  Christian 
fathers.  During  the  last  years  of  Kilavan,  the  missionaries  of  Christ  had  enjoyed  not  only 
perfect  freedom  of  worship,  but  a  felicitous  opportunity  for  active  prosclytism.  Hundreds  of 
people  had  forsaken  the  religion  of  the  gods  and  of  their  ancestors.  The  spread  of  Christian- 
ity alarmed  the  orthodox,  and  their  agitation  converted  Yijaya  Raghunatha  from  a  passive 
spectator  into  a  zealous  persecutor.  The  prospects  of  the  religion  ot  Christ  became 
gloomy,  but  the  timely  support  of  a  prominent  member  of  the  royal  family  saved  it  from 
ruin.  The  Setupati  had  an  elder  brother,  Yaduha  Natha,  who  felt  in  the  doctrines  of  ( 'hristian- 
ity  greater  chances  of  salvation  than  in  the  worship  of  the  Hindu  gods.  So  /ealous  was  he 
ill  his  belief  that  he  gave  up  all  his  prosjKvts  and  ambitions,  and  became  a  Christian.  The 
position  and  the  character  of  the  illustrious  eon  vert  was  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Fathers, 
and  though  their  recent  period  of  prosperity  did  not  return,  yet  the  future  \\as  not  abso- 
lutely dark  and  clouded. 

The  rebellion  of  Bhavaii  and  Tonxiaman. 

Ureat  as  Yijaya  Raghunatha  was  ax  a  man  of  (Jod,  he  was  equally  great  as  a  soldier. 
His  martial  activity  was  a  matter  of  necessity;  for  the  repose  of  his  rule  WHS  constantly 
disturbed  by  the  intrigues  of  his  rival.  Bhavani  Saiikara,  a  man  whose  unusually  sanguine 
temperament  scoffed  at  failures  and  persevered  in  his  aim  of  acquiring  the  crown.  The 
Setupati  in  self-defence  divided  his  kingdom  into  72  military  divisions,  placing  each  under 
n  feudal  chief  ,who  paid  service  instead  of  tribute.  He  established  a  chain  of  torts 
throughout  the  realm.-  at  RAjasii ganiangalam,  Orur,  Arantai.p,  Tirnpattur.  Kamerdy 
and  Pamban,  He  organised  an  artillery  service,  his  two  guns,  Rama  and  Lakshmaim, 
l>eing  a  terror  to  his  adversaries  and  an  inspiration  to  his  own  soldiers.  An  Army  so 
zealously  maintained  could  not  but  bring  success  to  the  Setupati  arms,  and  from 
Tiruvalur  in  the. North  to  the  District  of  Tinnevelly  in  th*  South  he  reigned  supreme. 
However,  in  1720,  Bhavani  obtained  the  assistance  of  the  Tondaman  and  the  Maratha 
king  of  Tanjore  once  again  attempted  the  recovery  of  his  crown.  The  combined  armies 
of  PudukkotUi  and  Tanjore  soon  encamped  at  Arant/iiigi.  The  Setupati  promptly 
marched  against  them,  and  defeated  them,  but  when  ho  was  about  to  return  an  epidemic  of 
a  virulent  nature  broke  out  in  the  camp.  The  dread  visitant  struck  down  a  large 
number  of  me^i  and  then  seized  the  royal  family.  Eight  children  and  eight  wives  of  the 
Setupati  succumbed  to  it,  and  soon  the  Setupati  himself  became  a  victim.  At  the  point 
of  death  he  was  taken  to  Ramnad,  only  to  breathe  his  last  there. 

71  Nelson  and  Chandter. 


SEPTEMBER,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NA1K  KINGDOM  OP  MADURA  211 

The  death  and  character  of  Vijaya  Raghunatha. 

The  death  of  Vijaya  Raghuii&tha  was«2  a  great  calamity  to  UaumAd.  A  good  and  able 
ruler,  he  had  endeared  himself  to  his  people.  No  doubt  then*  were  defects  in  his  character.  For 
instance  he  was,  like  most  of  the  chiefs  of  his  day,  a  votary  of  pleasure.  His  harem  contained 
the  large  number  of  360  women  and  KM)  children,  though,  strangely  enough,  none  of  the  latter 
survived  him  to  inherit  his  throne.  His  epicurean  nature  is  also  seen  in  the  construction  of 
the  Ramaliiiga  Vilasa,  a  long  and  elaborately  worked  hall,  adorned  by  scenes  of  Marava 
warfare  and  of  Krishna's  life,  at  the  expense  of  a  Musalman  Sayad,  Kadir  .Marakknyar. 
In  addition  to  the  unduly  excessive  pursuit  of  pleasure.  Vijaya  Raghinuitha  had  been 
characterised  by  an  extraordinary  vanity  and  love  of  praise.  A  curious  story  illustrates 
the  zeal  with  which  he  looked  on  those  who  surpassed  him  in  renown.  His  beneficence 
to  Rnmesvaram  had  the  effect  of  attracting  an  enormous  number  of  pilgrims  and,  in  their 
wake,  the  wealthy  merchants  of  Malabar,  Cochin  and  Benares.  To  assist  thcfte  Raghunatha 
appointed  the  husband  of  his  two  daughters  as  the  commandant  of  the  IVunhan  fort.  He 
AUIS  expressly  ordered  to  help  the  pilgrims  in  their  passage  over  the  channel,  then  across  tho 
svnds  of  the  island,  to  Dhanushkofi.  The  commandant  was  a  man  of  wjsdom  and  practical 
genius.  He  levied  a  small  boat -duty  on  all  those  who  went  from  the  mainland  to  the  island, 
and  used  the  proceeds  in  the  construction  of  a  stone  road  across  the  sands.  With  tactless 
imprudence,  the  author  of  this  monument  called  it  after  his  own  name.  The  small  mind  ol 
Vijaya  Raghunatha  could  not  endure  this.  Believing  that  his  honour  was  scorned,  he  ordered 
the  decapitation  of  his  son-in-law!  The  prayers  and  remonstrances  of  his  daughters  did 
not  move  his  stony  heart ,  and  they  preferred  death  to  widowhood  by  ascending  the  funeral 
pyre  of  their  lord.  The  memory  of  the  noble  husband  and  the  nobler  princesses  IN  even 
to-day  preserved  by  the  AkkiU  and  Thaiigachchi  madams,  reared  on  their  ashes,  in  the  weary 
road  from  Pamban  to  Rame^varam  ;  and  the  service  which  the  choultries  render  to  tho 
exhausted  pilgrims  has  boon,  ever  since  their  tragic  death,  the  best  index  of  their  lord's  minds. 

War  of  Succession  between  Bhavani  Sankara  and  Tan<JaTevan. 

The  death  of  Vijaya  Raghuuutha  was  immediately  followed  by  a  dispute  in  succession. 
At  the  point  of  death  he  had  nominated  Tan  .'a  Tevun.  a  great  grandson  of  Kil.avan's  father, 
as  his  successor.  But  the  confusion  caused  by  Vijaya  Raghunatha's  death  was  availed  of  by 
Bha\ani  feaiikara  Tevan  to  once  again  aim  at  the  crown  of  which  he  had  been  deprived.  His 
struggle  against  Raghunatha  had  been  a  struggle  of  selfish  ambition  against  popular 
support,  of  illegitimacy  against  legitimacy,  and  .t  had  ended  in  failure.  Now,  as  against  Tanrla 
Tcvan,  Bhavani  was  under  no  comparative  disadvantage.  The  former  had  as  remote  a  claim  to 
the  throne  as  himself.  It  seems  that  popular  sympathy  also  turned  at  this  time  in  his  favour. 
At  the  same  time  ho  gained  a  new  resource  and  a  friend  by  his  politic  marriage  with  a  niece  of 
the  chief  mistress  of  Vijaya  Raghunatha.  The  consequence  was,  he  was  able  enough  to  etloct  a 
coup  d'etat,  to  deprive  Tanda  Ttvan  of  his  short-  tenure  of  power,  and  assume  the  t  itleof  Setupati, 
a  title  which  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  by  Kilavaii  Setupati  nearly  a  decade  back. 
But  Tanda  Tcvan  had  tasted  power,  and  would  not  give  up  what  he  considered  his  birthright. 
Driven  out  of  RamnaH,  he  proceeded  to  Madura,  and  pursuaded  Vijaya  Ilaiiga  Chokkanatha 
to  take  up  his  cause.  At  the  same  time  he  gained  over  the  Too'laman,  lately  the 

72  Antiquities,  II.  230-1. 


214  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER,  1917 

An  ambitious,  high-spirited,  but  shortsighted  woman,  Minakshi  was  destined  to  be  the  last  of 
her  line.  Her  reign  or  rather,  according  to  some,  her  regency,  was  clouded  by  discord  and 
misfortune,  and  eventually  witnessed^  the  disastrous  interference  of  foreigners  and  the 
consequent  extinction  of  the  Naik  dynasty  itself.  Languid  and  irresolute  by  nature,  she 
was  not  fit  to  govern  a  kingdom  at  a  time  when  all  its  turbulent  and  anarchical  elements 
wore  peculiarly  active  and  had  to  be  suppressed  with  a  stem  hand.  Her  repose  was 
constantly  invaded  by  sedition  among  her  nobles  and  her  weakness  could  not  prevail  against 
the  strength,  the  unscrupulousness,  and  the  disloyalty  of  her  enemies.  She  had  not  that 
firmness,  that  principle  of  independence,  that  unconscious  power  of  enforcing  authority, 
which  is  necessary  for  a  strong  and  efficient  rule ;  and  it  seems  that  while  Minakshi  was 
bereft  of  these  statesmanlike  virtues,  «he  had  the  weakness  of  a  woman  in  full.  She  seems 
to  have  acted  always  on  the  impulses  of  the  moment  and  created  many  enemies  to  herself, 
-and  thus  courted  failure. 

Her  Failure  and  Its  Causes. 

And  yet  the  failure  of  Minakshi  must  be  attributed  not  merely  to  her  personal 
weakness.  The  times  in  which  she  lived  were  singularly  unsafe  for  a  female  ruler.  The 
middle  of  eighteenth  century  was  a  period  of  confusion  and  anarchy  throughout  India, 
when  kingdoms  were  made  and  unmade  almost  daily,  when  the  resources  of  the  country 
were  exhausted  in  frequent  internecine  wars,  when  people  knew  no  peace,  and  when  there 
was  no  security  of  person  and  property.  Everywhere  there  were  unscrupulous  adven- 
turers who  desired  to  carve  out  principalities  of  their  own.  and  tried  all  means,  fair  or 
foul,  to  gain  their  object.  The  masters  of  one  day  found  themselves  the  very  next  day  the 
servants  of  their  servants,  who  usurped  their  power  and  their  crown.  All  idea  of  justice, 
of  honesty  and  of  loyalty,  was  at  a  discount  during  this  dark  period,  and  revolutions  in 
consequence  were  the  order  of  the  day.  The  wild  Maratha  was  sniffing  the  air  of  S.  India 
in  search  of  prey.  And  Madura  did  not  escape  from  this  wave  of  anarchism  and  disorder. 
A  strong  and  acute  statesmanship,  with  the  powerful  support  of  an  efficient  army,  alone 
could  keep  the  turbulence  and  revolutionary  tendencies  of  the  time  in  check ;  ai  <1  such  in  a 
combination  of  political  wisdom  and  maitial  vigour  Minakshi  was  sadly  lacking.  She 
moreover  inherited,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  a  weakened  and  dilapidated  kingdom. 
It  was  Minakshi's  misfortune  that,  at  a  time  of  unrest  and  revolution,  she  was  involved  in 
a  succession  dispute  and  a  civil  war.  If  she  had  been  endowed  with  the  many  masculine 
virtues  which  distinguished  her  female  predecessor  Marigammal,  she  might  have  done  some* 
thing  to  strengthen  the  government  and  relieve  the  kingdom  from  the  evils  with  which  it 
was  afflicted.  But  she  was  wanting  in  prudence,  in  vigour,  and  almost  every  other  quality 
which  can  obtain  for  one  ascendency  over  others. 

The  Adoption  of  Vijaya  Kumara. 

The  first  act  of  Minakshi  after  her  assumption  of  power  was,7*1  according  to  some,  the 
adoption,  and  according  to  others,  the  desire,  but  a  vain  desire,  for  the  adoption,  of  a  son 
and  heir.  Her  choice  fell  on  Vijaya  Kumara  Nairai,  a  boy  who  belonged  to  the  younger 
line  of  the  royal  family.  Vijaya  Kumara  was  in  fact  the  great-grandson  of  that  Kumara 
Muttu,  who,  immediately  after  the  death  of  his  elder  brother  Tirumal  Naik,  claimed  the 

76  AH  will  te  seen  from  the  Appendix  I,  some  MbS.  Apeak  as  though  the  adoption  wan  complete  and 
others  as  not,  thereby  recognising  Bang&ru  Tirumala.  Wilson  takes  the  former  view,  JRAS,  III. 
•See  Nftlson  also. 


SKPTEMBKH,  1017]          THK  HISTOKY*  OF  THE  NAIK  KIX(J1)OM  OK  MADUHA  H* 

throne,  but  resigned  it  in  return  for  the  governorship  of  Sivakaxi  and  its  dc|  endent 
possessions.  In  spite  of  his  resignation  of  the  claims  to  the  throne,  Kumara  Muttu  had 
seen,  just  before  his  retirement,  his  son  Kumara  Uangappa  Xaik  installed  as  the  second  in 
power  to  Muttu  Alakadrr.  Rangappa  held  this  position  evidently  throughout  the  reign  of 
Muttu  Virappa,  and  when  the  latter  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Cliokkanatha  Naik,  tl  e  son 
of  the  former,  Kumara  Tirmnalai  Naik,  succeeded  as  his  second  in  po\\oi.  Similarly,  when 
tho  son  and  successor  of  <  Ihokkanatha,  Ranga  Krishna  Muttu  Virappa,  \v:is  governing  the 
realm,  tho  son  of  Tirumalai  \aik,  Bangaru  Tirumalai  Xaik  by  name,  inherited  the  position 
and  dignity  of  the  second  in  power.  Jt  was  on  the  son  of  ihis  Bai'.garn  Tirumala  that 
Minakshi  fixed  her  choice. 

Bangaru  Tirumala's  Opposition. 

We  now  come  to  t-hc  consideration  of  an  important  constitutional  <|iiestioii  on  the 
solution  of  which  the  whole  character  of  the  future  Xaik  history  nnisi  l>c  pronounced  to 
depend.  Did  Minakshi  adopt  Vijaya  Kumara  or  did  she  not  f.  On  the  answer  to  this  question 
lies  the  justification  or  condemnation  of  her  conduct  in  the  events  \\hich  followed.  Accord- 
ing to  one77  chronicle  which,  though  unreliable  as  a  rule  in  its  chronology  is  in  this  affair, 
direct  and  pronounced,  she  did  not,  as  she  had  no  ri</ht.  It  sa\s  that  tlic  ic.d  elaiinnnl.  and 
therefore  the  legitimate  successor  alter  Vijaya  Ka'iga,  \>as  his  second  in  powei.  Bangaru 
Tirumala  Naik.  Bangaru.  as  we  have  already  seen,  had  been  the  second  in  power  to  Manga 
Krishna  Muttu  Virappa  and,  we  may  presume,  to  Vijaya  Raniia.  Chokkanatha  also.  I[e  had 
in  other  words  exercised  power  for  nearly  half  a  century.  During  the  latter  period  of  his 
service,  we  can  bo  sure,  lie  had  entertained  the  idea  of  succeeding  Vija\a  l»arga  to  the 
throne.  'The  seizure  of  power  by  Minakshi  must  have  been  a  s 'nous  Mow  to  his  long 
cherished  ambition,  adisa  ppointnieiitof  long  hopes  and  anxious  expert  at  i<>u.s  \Vitha  natural 
vehemence  he  maintained  that  he  was  the  legitimate  successor  to  the  throne,  that  Minakshi, 
being  a  woman  and  childless,  had  no  claim  whatever.  When  the  latter,  therefore,  asked 
him  t;>  give  his  son  as  her  heir,  he  refused  on  the  ground  that  he  himself  was  the  king,  that 
his  son  would  get  it  in  the  natural  course  of  events.  With  this  he  assumed  the  functions 
of  royalty,  and  putting  up  in  a  new  palace,  gained  the  Mipp->rt  of  a  large  number  of 
co;irtiors.  The  kingdom  was  actually  under  the  (iovornment  of  Hangaru  Tirumala,  but 
the  troasnrv.  the,  palace,  and  the  royal  jewels  we. re  under  Minakshi  and  he,  brothers. 

The  Discussion  of  the  Respective  Claims. 

The  other  vcision.  that  of  the  Telugn  ehionicle,  ///.s/r>///  of  I  hi  i'firnafic  Lttnlx,  an 
authority  generally  reliable  but,  in  this  resect  Nery  short,  confused,  inconsistent,  and 
obscure,  says  k<  that  after  the  decease  of  Rnja  Vijaya  Ranga,  HangAi  u  Tirmuala  was  the 
suitable  person  to  succeed  to  ohe  ctrimn.  but  that  his  son  Vijaya  Kuinani  Mutt.u  Tirumalai 
Naikar  was  adopted  and  invlall?.d  by  briny  tiwriiilrrl  //»Acw  four  y<-nr*  nlil  by  Minak*hi 
Animal,  the  crowned  ijueen  <rf  Vijaya  lUnga  (liokkauafha."  Accordinir  to  this,  then,  Vijaya 
Kumara  was  the  crowned  king  and  Minakshi  was  his  guardian  and  regent.  Kali  Kavi 
Ka van's  account  as  well  as  Pan  Ufa  R*ja  PuraW  Charitm?*  does  not  mention  Bangaru 
Tirumala  at  all.  . ,1( 

While  the  indigenous  histories  are  thus  divergent  in  their  views,  the  modern  historians 
are' nob  loss  so.  Mr.  Taylor7'1  believes  that,  after  the  clnath  of  Vijaya  Haf.ga.  'the  succossion 


77  /fijrf.  of  Me  Carna.  <*ovrs.        78  f*w  appendix  T.  for  <lrtrtils  nf  the  VHrioiw  A/NN.         »  O9  H     MffS. 


THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY        -  [SEPTKMBKK,    1017 

was  sufficiently  clear,  for  the  younger  brother  had  I  ef ore  t succeeded  to  the  throne  oir 
the  demise  of  the  elder  brother  without  offspring.  The  case  of  the  illustrious  Tinimalai 
Naicker  himself  was  an  adequate  precedent.  Hence  much  blame  seems  to  have  rested  with 
the  dowager  queen  MSmxkshi  Annual,  who  probably  was  urged  on  by  her  brother  Yenkata 
Perumal  Naicker  ;  being  also  uerself  perhaps  ambitious  of  imitating  the  conduct  and  parti- 
cipating in  the  fame  of  MauganimaL  though  under  clearly  different  circumstances."  The 
interference  of  the  Musalmans  and  the  extinction  of  the  dynasty  which  followed  were* 
thus,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Taylor,  the  outcome  of  MinAkshi's  ambition.  The  late 
Mr.  Nelson,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  warm  supporter  of  Minakshi's  rights.  In  his  view, 
she  was  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne  of  her  husband,  while  Bangaru  was  an  ambitious 
and  intriguing  rebel,  whoso  disaffection  was  the  cause  of  the  Muhammndan  interference 
and  the  ruin  of  the  kingdom.  Mr.  Nelson*0  bases  his  views  cm  three  grounds, — first  that  the 
junior  branch  of  the  royal  family  had  no  right  to  the  throne  in  as  much  as  Kumara,  Muttu 
had  given  up  his  rights  afkv  TirumaLi  Naik  :  secondly,  that  the  position  of  C/tinna  Dunti,  or 
second  in  power,  was  not  constitutionally  a,  claim  to  the  crown,  as  the  previous  history  of 
the  dynasty  shewed,  provided  there  was  a  claimant  whose  claims  receix  ed  a  wide  ami  can- 
did recognition  ;  thirdly,  that  the  claims  of  Vijaxa  Kumara  were  indisputable,  and  his 
adoption  was  accepted  by  all  except  Baiigaru's  part x .  Mr.  Xelsoti  contends  that  the 
wide  acceptance)  of  Vijaya  Kumara's  position  is  unmistakably  proved  by  the  agreement 
of  "the  other  JlftfN.  ",  by  the  award  of  a  larger  pension  to  the  boy  than  to  tho  fathei 
when  they  were  in  the  Naxx-ab's  Co.irt,  and  by  a  unanimity  among  all  writers  in  speaking 
of  the  son's  greater  position.  These  arguments,  however,  cannot  go  unchallenged.  In  the 
first  place,  Mr.  Nelson  is  wrong  in  his  statement  that  Kumara  Muttu  had,  by  his  voluntary 
resignation  of  the  crown,  for  ever  sacrificed  the  prospects  of  his  descendants.  On  the 
other  hand,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  had  the  caution  to  sec  his  son  appointed  as 
second  in  power  before  his  retirement,  and  this  caution  he  exercised,  we  may  well  believe, 
as  a  safeguard  of  future  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  transfer  of  the  c  rown  to  his  branch 
in  case  the  elder  line  became  extinct.  Secondly,  Nelson  is  right  in  saying  that  the  mere 
enjoyment  of  power  as  (-hinwi  Durai  did  not  gix'e  a  claim  to  throne  :  but  it  r/tW  constitute 
a  claim,  as  Taylor  has  pointed  out,  when  the  reigning  king  died  without  issue.  Third Jx , 
Nelson  is  quite  incorrect  when  he  speaks  of  the  unanimity  ot  the  chronicles  and  of  public 
opinion  in  speaking  of  Vijaya  Kumara  as  the  crowned  king.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  the 
J/&S1.  distinctly  says  that  he  was  not  crowned;  that  the  majority  of  the  people*  were  on  the 
side  of  Bangaru  Tirumala  and  that  the  actual  government  of  the  kingdom  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  latter.  Lastly,  Mr.  Nelson  ignores  some  J/N/S.  when  he  says  that  the  boy  received  a 
higher  pension  than  the  father  in  the  Nawab'.s  Court;  the  Telugu  chronicle  gives  exactly  the 
opposite  version.  Nevertheless,  though  every  ground  assumed  by  Mr.  Nelson  is  against  fact, 
yet  it  cannot  be  distinctly  stated  that  the  people  were  wanting  in  their  allegiance  to 
Minakshi. 

Bangaru 's  Success. 

However  it  might  be,  whether  Minakshi  was  the  regent  of  a  crowned  king  or  \vhethei 
Baiigaru  Tirumala  was  the  king,  the  result  was  the  same.  T  he  State  was  distracted  b^ 
party  quarrels  and  hastened  in  consequence  towards  ruin.  The  palace  and  the  treasure5*1 

80  Madura  Manual.  Wilson  also  is  in  favour  of  MtnAkahi.  St»e  J.  ti.  A.'N.  III. 

81  Appendix  I.,  Sect.  1.  (Carna.  Gorrs.) 


SBPTEMB«B,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MAUUKA  '217 

were  in  the  hand*  of  MfnAkshi.  while  the  court  and  the  kingdom  were  in  the  hand*  of 
Bftngaru.  The  leading  men  in  the  queen's  party  were  her  brothers,  Ve.ikata  Naik  and 
Perumal  Naik;  while  Ba.'.garu  had  for  his  supporter  the  crafty  Veiikata  Raghavacharya 
whose  story  we  have  already  given.  It  is  highly  probable  that  the  support  of  the  greatest 
military  officer  in  the  State  was  the  most  determining  fa-tor  in  the  formation  of  the  two 
parties  ;  for  his  example  would  have  been  imitated  by  many  officers  of  rank  and  influence*. 
The  balance  of  power  was  in  consequence  upset ;  and  by  losing  the  support  of  the  army  the 
queen  became  go  weak  that,  though  she  remained  in  the  palace,  her  enemies  were  able 
to  seize  the  administration  and  the  revenues. 

The  Muhammadan  Interference;  its  different  Versions 

It  was  at  this  crisis  that  foreigners  intervened  and.  taking  advantage  .»f  the  domestic 
differences  that  weakened  Madura,  brought  about  the  extinction  of  both  the  parties  and 
of  the  kingdom  itself.  In  the  year  1734.  /.  e.9  two  years  after  the  accession  of  Minakshi, 
Do&t  All,  the  Nawab  of  the  Carnatic82,  the  representative  of  the  Mughal  Umpire  and  the 
suzerain  over  the  Southern  kingdoms,  despatched  his  son  Safdar  Ali  and  his  son-in-law 
Ohanda  Sahib  on  a  campaign  to  the  south.  The  cause  of  the  expedition  is  stated 
differently  by  different  authorities.  The  Hist,  of  Ik"  Carna.  dorr*,  whii-h  is  a  partisan 
history  in  favour  of  Jiaiigaru  Tirumala.  attributes  it  to  Minakshi.  When  matters  -\\ere  *»<> 
situated,  it  says.  "Minakshi  Ammal  wrot3  to  (-handa  Sahib  for  assiMance.  Baiigfmi 
Tirunialai  Naicker.  hearing  of  her  proceeding,  wrote  to  Nawab  Safder  Ali  Khan.  The 
Nawab  Safder  Ali  Khan  and  Ohaucla  Sahib,  in  consequence,  came  at  tlm  head  of  J  0.000 
cavalry,  and  encamped  outside  the  fort  of  Triehinopoly."  The  Telugu  chronicle  is 
comparatively  obscure,  and  simply  says  that  while  the  parties  were  struggling  with  each 
other  at  Trichinopoly,  ftthe  Subah  of  Arcot,  named  Safder  Ali  Khan,  came  to  Trichinopoly." 
and  having  ordered  thirty  lakhs  of  rupees,  returned  to  Areot.  The  European  writers  are  the 
best  informed  on  the  subject,  and  in  consequence  most  reliable.  The  great  historian  Onne 
attributes  the  invasion  to  the  ambition  of  the  Nawab  of  Arcot.  the  suppression  and 
annexation  of  the  southern  kingdoms.  "Tiio  kingdoms  of  Trichinopoly  and  Tanjore,"  he 
says  "although  tributary  to  the  Moghul,  were  each  of  thorn  governed  by  its  own  prince  or 
Raja,  and  the  care  of  levying  tributes  of  these  countries,  was  intrusted  to  the  Nawabs  of 
Arcot  who  were*  sometimes  obliged  to  send  an  army  to  facilitate  the  collection  of  them.  The 
death  of  the  king  of  Triehinopoly  in  1736«-  was  followed  by  disputes  between  the  <|uecu 
and  a  prince  of  the  royal  blood,  which  produced  a  confusion  in  the  government  sufficient 
to  give  the  Nawab  of  Arcot  hopes  of  subjecting  the  kingdom  to  his  authority.  He  there- 
fore determined  to  send  an  army  under  the  command  of  his  son  Safdar  Ali  and  the  Dewau 
Chanda  Sahib  to  seize  an  opportunity  which  might  offer  of  getting  possession  of  the  city  of 

82  The  nephew  ami  the  successor  of  Sa'adat  Ali  Khan,  who  diod  in  1732,  /.  r.,  tin-  very  year  of  Vijaya 
Ranga's  death.     As  Wilks  says,  the  Muhamraadans  would  have  intervened  in  1732  m  Trichinopoly  owing 
to  the  dispute  in  succession,  but  lor  the  death  of  Sa'udat  Ali  and   the  arrangement    of    the    mioceMioii 
in  Arcot,— an  arrangement  which  ignored  and  displeased  the  Nizam,   and   which,  therefore,  afterward* 
gave  rise  to  trouble.     Vide  Wilks,  I,  p.  105. 

83  Thw  is  wrong,  the  correct  date  being  1731. 


218  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER  1917 


Triohiuopoly ;  but  to  prevent  suspicions,  the  collection  of  the  tribute  was  giveu  out  as  the 
only  intention  of  the  expedition,  and  the  army  was  ordered  to  inovc  leisurely  down  to  the  sea 
ooast  before  they  proceeded  to  the  south  ;  accordingly  they  came  to  Madras,  where  they 
remained8*  some  days,  and  then  went  to  Pondioheri,  where  they  stayed  a  longer  time  ; 
during  which  Ch&nda  Sahib  laid  the  first  foundation  of  his  connections  with  the  .French 
Government  in  that  city;  from  hence  they  marched  to  Trichinopolv.''  The  Jesuit 
missionaries,  as  shewn  by85  Nelson,  ascribe  an  even  more  barefaced  ambition  to  the 
Nawab.  They  say  that  he  was  really  desirous  of  creating  a  principality  at  the  excuse 
of  his  tributary  kingdoms  for  his  son,  and  that  with  this  view  he  sent  an  army  on  a  sort  of 
roving  commission  against  Tanjorn,  Trichinopoly  and  Travail  core.  Tlie  imperial  army 
first  stormed  and  captured  Taujore^  and  placed  it  under  Bode  Sahib,  the  brother  of  Chanda 
Sahib.  It  then  marched  south,  towards  the  regions  of  the  Vaigai  and  Tambraparni.  attack- 
ed Travaneore,  laid  waste  the  West  coast  and  at  length  i-eached  Trie  hi  no  poly.  Wilks  given 
a  different  version.  He  says  that  Bangaru  Tirumala  and  Venkataraghavnchurya  made 
themselves.  ••  with  the  concealed  aid,  of  the  Mahratta  Raja  of  Tan  jo  re/1  so  formidable  that 
Minakwhi  lt  was  driven  to  the  desperate  resource  of  soliciting  the  aid  of  the  Nawab  of 
Arcot.  An  army  under  the  command  of  Safder  AH,  the  eldest  son  and  heir-apparent  of  the 
Nnwab,  with  Chanda  Sahib  as  his  (-ivil  I )ewan  and  military  second  in  command,  moved 
over  the  province,  ostensibly  for  the  ordinary  purpose  of  enforcing  the.  collections  of  the 
revenue,  and  approached  Trichinopoly  to  afford  the  promised*7  aid." 

Safdar  Alps  Decision  against  Mtnakshi. 

All  thesu  authorities  thus,  while  differing  in  details,  agree,  in  that  Triehii »o poly  was 
the  ultimate  goal  of  the  imperialists.  The  arrival  of  tha  Muhamiuadans  struck  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  both  the  parties  there.  The  most  prudent  i>olicy  would  have  been  to  ignore 
for  the  time  all  domestic  tjuarrels  and  engage  the  common  foe  with  one  mind  and  interest. 
Jiut  the  shortsighted  ambition  of  both  the  parties  stood  in  the  way  of  united  action  and 
patriotic  defence.  We  do  not  know  who  was  the  first*8  to  call  in  the  Musahnan  help. 
The  Hist,  of  the  Garna.  Govrs.  ascribes  the  crime  to  Minakshi  ;  but  Mr.  Nelson,  contrary 
to  its  evidence,  attributes  the  initiative  to  Bangaru  Tirumala.  With  an  inordinate  haste 
to  claim  the  favour  of  early  submission,  he  says,  he  sent  a  deputation  to  Safdar  Ali  propos- 
ing that,  in  case  the  latter  seized  Minakshi,  kept  her  in  captivity,  and  handed  over  the 
kingdom  to  himself,  he  would  satisfy  the  greedy  appetite  of  the  Musalmans  by  paying  30 
lakhs  of  rupees.  Safdar  Ali  agreed,  and  would  have  fulfilled  his  agreement  but  for  the 
timely  precaution  which  Minakshi  in  her  instinct  of  self-preservation  had  taken.  With  a 
numerous  and  faithful  band  of  followers,  she  awaited,  in  the  citadel  of  Trichinopoly.  the 
attack  of  the  Muhammadans  with  calm  determination.  Safdar  did  not  think  it  possible,  or 

8*  Jlfcidu.  Manual.  «">  Ibid. 

8P  it  muat  have  been  under  the  rule  of  Tukoji,  th«  3rd  HUH  of  Venkoji,  the  founder  of  th«  dynasty. 
For  details  see  Tanjore' Manual;  Tnnjore  Gazr.t  pp.  44-45. 

w  Wilk«,  I,  i-.  155. 

8S  The  Madura  dhronicles  generally  speak  aa  though  Safdar  Ali  and  Chaiida  Sahib  came  from  Arcot 
purposely  to  decide  the  dispute  brtween  Mtnukshi  and  Bangaru.  This  is  not  acourato;  for  wo  hav« 
already  seen  that  they  had  other  motives  and  attractions.  • 


SEFTEMBKH  1917J        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK.  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA 


perhaps  advisable,  to  force  his  way  through  such  an  obsUicle.  He  was  convinced  either 
of  the  futility  of  his  valour  or,  what  was  more  probable,  of  the  expediency  of  diplomacy  in 
place  of  force.  He  therefore  changed  his  lactic*,  assumed  ingeniously  the  role  of  an 
arbitrator,  and  called  on  the  two  parties  to  submit  their  disputes  in  his  decision.  After 
a  full  enquiry  into  the  justice  of  the  claims  of  the  respective  parties,  he  decided  that  the 
fort  and  the  kingdom  belonged  as  of  right  to  Hangiiru  :  that  as  Aliimkshi  ua«  childless,  she 
and  her  brothers  had  no  claim  to  the  administration  :  thai  being  the  dowager-queen,  she 
must  be  given  all  those  attentions  which  had  been  given  in  the  time  of  Vijaya  Jiaiiga 
-Chokkanatha ;  that  her  brother  and  other  followers  should  be  similarly  treated ;  that  the 
jewels,  etc.,  and  the  money  which  formed  her  own  property  should  lie  hers  ,  and,  as  for  the 
rest,  the  palace,  the  treasury,  elephants,  horses,  etc.,  —these  should  be  handed  over  to 
Bangaru  Tirumala.  Safdar  Ali  Khan  further  sett  led  the  tribute  at  30  lakhs  of  rupees,  and 
fixed  the  time  of  payment  .  all  of  which  he  got  in  \\riting  1'romH{>  Bniigaru." 

Min&kshi's  Alliance  with  Chanda  Sahib. 

It  was  a  decision,  in  Mr.  Taylor's  opinion.'10  highly  equitable  though  not  disinterested. 
But  to  Minakshi,  its  justice  or  impartiality  would  hardly  have  ap]>ealcd.     She  accordingly, 
we  may  be  sure,  hesitated    or    refused  to  acknowledge   and    bow   to  it:  and   Safdar  Ali, 
seeing   that  the    condition  of  affairs"1    \vas  not  likely  to  bo  easily  settled,  left  the  enforce- 
ment   of    his  decision   to   his  brothor-in-law,   Chanda  Sahib,  and  withdrew  to  his  capital. 
The  partisans  of  Minakshi  then  approached  Chanda  Sahib  and    proposed   that,    if    he    left 
Trichinopolv    in   her  hands  and  rcjognised  her  to  be  the  lawful  ruler,  the\  would  pay  him, 
what  he  demanded,  a  erore  of  rupees.     Not  •  -iatistied   with   the  words  o*1  the  Muhammad  an 
general,    thev    insi.-t^d    with   caution   that    lie  should  take  the  oath  of  alliance  and  fidelity 
with  the  Koran  in  his  hands  on  the  banks  of  the  sacred  Kaveri      ("handa  Sahib,  with  ready 
and  characteristic  unsmipulouses,  resolved  to  resort,   to   an  aet   of  deceit,  and   realise    his 
object  of  seizing  Trichinopolv  for  himself.     He  therefore  readily  agreed   to    take   the  oath, 
but  at  the  nick  of  tim  »,  placed  skilfully  and  stealthily,  if  we  are  to  believe  Col.  Wilks,  a 
brick,  hidden  under  splendid   and   glittering   coverings,    in    place  of    the  holy  Koran,  and 
with  a  face  of  solemn  honesty  and  sincere  lovalty,  swore  in  the  presence  of  Perumal  Naidu, 
in  the  Dalavai  Manr.apa,  absolute  and    unswerving   support  to  the   cjueeifs"15   cause.     The 
simple  and  incredulous  mind  of  Minakshi  was  immensely  satisfied  with  thin  proof,  and   she 
at  once  threw  open  the  gates  of  the  city  to  her   ally.     She   little    dreamed    that    what  she 
considered  to  be  the  irrevocable  words  of   an    honest   man    were  sham   demonstrations   of 

affected  loyalty. 

(To  IK  continued.) 


89  HU.  of  the  Varna,  town.  YVilsou  also  mentions  the  same  thing,  but  In-  does  not  .s^n-ak  about  Safdttr 
All's  tactics.     Ho  simply  says  that  he  decided  in  Banguru's  favour. 

fl°  O.H.  MtfN.  II. 

91  Wilson '«  account  of  tin-  whole  affair  in  superficial. 

*2  The  Hist,  of  the  Car ni.  0<>or*.  say*  that  he  simply  took  the  oath  to  that  otfupk  The  Telugu 
•Carna.  Dy,w.  saya  that  lie  took  it  with  the  Koran.  \Vilk«  Hays  Unit  it  WOH  nut  milly  the  Koran,  but 
brick.  (Wilks,  I.,  p.  1">5). 


220 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUAKV 


1017 


MISCELLANEA. 


KAUDASA  AND  K.VMANDAKA. 

THE  date  of  KAmandaka  has  not  yet  been  esta- 
blished. Iwt  it  may  be  shown,  that  he  lived  before 
KAlidAsa.  inasmuch  as  the  latter  seems  to  have 
utilised  tho  former's  work  Wtisara.  The  35th  siokn 
of  the  4th  canto  of  the  Rayhurauisam  runs  thus: 
?".'  #awuddJiartHi-ta*wfit  ft 


Aim  it  v«  w  rakttiah   •S'«*/t  ma  i  ft  i  v  *  tt  tin  -  tl  .{r  /ty«  r«  i  f  • 

c/ #?///. 

Compare  the  above  with  the  following  quotation 
from  Ktonatulakiya : ' 

&a9n4kr'into     bo  la  raid   kfihkth  -ttn 


tint  na  bhaujaiiyini 

From  the  above  it  is  evident,  that  Kalidasa 
borrowed  from  Kdinandakii/a  the  passage  relating 
to  the  policy  to  be  adopted  by  a  WCF  '  "uler,  if  he 
is  confronted  with  a  stronger  foe.  Now  Kdnmn 
tlaktya  is  based  upon  KauHIyaV  Arthatr'iMra,  in 
wliich  also  this  policy  is  described.-  lint  the 
language  Kauil  ya  used  to  express  it  is  quite  differ- 
ent from  that  used  by  KAmandaku.  In  the  place- 
of  the  former's  vetwadhantt  <'•  t  id  fat  there  is  tnii/rfci 
Mi  ta*l  ni  vfiUim  in  K'tniandakji/a.  These  two  pas- 
sages,  though  expressing  the  Sime  view,  difft-r 
greatly  in  phraseology.  There  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
only  a  slight  difference  between  the  expression 
used  by  KAmandaka  and  that  used  by  KMidasa. 
Therefore,  it  stands  to  reason,  that  KAlidA»n 
borrowed  from  KAmandaka  nnd  that  he  must  !><> 
placed  after  Karuandaku. 

1  maj'  here  take  the  opportunity  to  refer  to  the 
note  con tributed  by  Mr.  P.  V.  Ktme  to  thi>  jour- 
nal,3 in  which  he  tried  to  show  that  Kumandaka  i* 
posterior  to  Kalid/isa.  In  two  slohiH 4  Kalidfisa 
mentions  certain  advantages  of  hunting.  But 
Kamandaka's  view  of  hunting  in  one  of  pessimism. 
He  quotes  a  favourable  view  which  is  held  l>v 

NOTES  AND 
NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS 

0.  A  present  to  an  official. 
13  Novemtter  1682.  Consultation  at  MusuJipa- 
tam.  The  Carkana  of  this  Towne  or  Sub  Ciovernour 
wanting  3  yards  of  Broadcloth  for  a  Pallcnkeene 
Pingerree,  [panjar,  pawjri,  pinfrt,  framework, 
skeleton ],  sei\t  to  the  Factory  to  buy  it,  but  he  be- 
ing an  officer  that  doth  petty  Justice,  and  some 
times  our  people  upon  aeverall  small  differences 
are  forced  to  apply  themselves  to  him,  who  has 


others  and  according  to  which  hunting  should  be 
practised  by  a  Prince ;  and  he  also  mentions  in 
this  connection  the  advantages  which,  they  say, 
are  t  he  direct  results  of  hunting.3  Now  theae  advan- 
tages are  the  same  as  those  selected  by  KAlidasa. 
KAmandaku,  who  is  no  admirer  of  hunting,  con- 
ilemns  it.  saying  that  it  is  the  source  of  many 
evils,  and  as  such  ought  not  to  be  indulged  in  by 
kings  for  their  own  benefit.  Now  Mr.  Kane  con- 
clude,-, from  this,  thtt  KAmandaka  here  criticises 
the  view  of  KAHddsH .  "  The  advantages  of  hunt- 
ing selected  by  K&nuan-lnkiyti  ATf/f^ra,"  he  Kays, 
"  are  almost  the  smne  as  those  pointed  out  by 
KalidasM.  it  seems,  therefore,  that  KAmandakt 
criticises  the  views  of  KAlidasa."  But  it  should 
be  noticed  that  almost  all  the  advantages  of  hunt- 
ing that  are  set  forth  in  the  \jtitifirti  are  also  to 
be  found  in  the  A.rlhatft*tr<t.  Jn  the  1'ttrnithtt- 
riM*tnt'iV(trii(i  Kautilya  says  : 

<%  Mfiiiatiuyti".'    tu    vyin/amah  Meshma-pittH-tuetlti' 
i  choJf  Mthlrc   cha  krtye 
hitesu  cha  nrngftnAn*    I'lit 
hfti"     Arthns**Htrat    327. 

Kumatidnka,  whose  work  i^  an  epitiirie    of     the 
.WltasaBtra  writes  :  — 

Jita*ramtitvunt>  vya  yet  malt  faMi-metltt  -kajth(i-ktthaitafi 
( 'hnlrtfith < /•«•«// u  luk#h*yc*M  lnt natifldlt iranitttantt'i . 

ATlfiiwmf  21 «. 

Tim.-  it  i-»  clear,  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
believc  that  Kainaudaka  ever  criticiseb  KalidAsa. 
wlion  we  iiud  tnat  almost  all  UK*  merits  of  hunt- 
ing mentioned  by  KAiimidaka  and  also  by  Kali, 
dasa  had  already  br>en  described  by  Kautilya  in 
his  Artttas&Ktru.  We  cannot  infer,  therefore,  that 
Kunutiulrtkii  is  posterior  to  KalidAsa.  On  the  other 
hand,because  in  describing  the  defeat  of  theSuhmas, 
KalidAsa  quotes  the  very  language  of  Nit  tuft  rn.  w«- 
are  justified  in  placing  him  after  Kamandaka, 
NANWOFAL 


^  Edited  by  T.  Gauapati  feAstri,  7Y/m>*/rww  Sawkrit  tfmV»,  J48. 

2  Artha&Aetra  of  Kautilya,  Edited  by  K.  ShAma  ^Astri  (UiO«h  3s() 

•{  Ante,  Vol.  XL.  236. 

4  &fctmfaftU  Act  II,  V.  5  ;  RatihHvaiitfa9lX,  40. 

5 


QUERIES. 

nil  waves  behaved  him  selfe  to  UK  Civilly  and  re- 
spectfully, and  tho  better  to  Continue  his  Friend- 
ship,  now  in  a  tune  of  great  business  Comeing  on, 
the  Councell  thtnke  fitt  and  order  he  be  presented 
with  the  3  yards  of  Broadcloth.  (Factory  iteconh 

Xote. — In  the  copy  of  Maaulipatam  Consultations 
at  Madras  the  official  is  given  an  the  '»  Corkana  " 
--^Carcoon,  karkfiunt  karkun,  clerk,  registrar,  in- 
ferior revenue  officer. 

K.  a  T. 


Indian  Antiquary,  vol.  46  (1917). 


To  face  p.  /, 


JAMES    BURGESS,  C.I.E.,  LL.D. 


REPRODUCED,  WITH  PERMISSION,  FROM  A  ™°™°"*™J' 
BY  MAULL  &  FOX,  187  PICCADILLY,   LONDON. 


W.  GRI008  *  SONS,  LTD.,  COLL. 


OCTOBER,  1017]        THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  221 

A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,  1913-16. 

BY  SIR  AUKEL  KTKFN,  K.C.I.E.,  D.Lirr. 
(Coniimu'd  from  p.  204.) 

QN  February  1<>,  I  left  Turfan  for  tin-  Kuruk-tagh.  and  having  scoured  from  Singer 
Abdur  Jlahim's  youngest  brother  as  guide,  examined  several  locality  in  the  mountains 
westwards,  such  as  IVch'eng-tzu  and  Shiucli,  where  traces  of  <  arlier  occupation  were 
reported.  The  succession  of  remarkably  nigged  ranges  and  deeply  eroded  valleys,  through 
which  we  had  to  thread  our  way,  contrasted  strikingly  with  the  ap]>earance  of  worn-down 
uplands  presented  by  most  of  the  Kuruk-tagh  eastwards.  I  was  a  hie  t»  map  here  a  con- 
siderable extent  of  ground  which  had  remained  unsurveyed.  Apart  from  another  brother  of 
Abdur  Rahim,  who  was  grazing  his  flocks  of  sheep  in  the  gorge  of  Shindi.  and  a  solitary  Tnrki, 
who  was  taking  supplies  to  a  spot  where  a  feu  Chinamen  were  said  to  dio  for  lead,  we  met 
no  one.  The  absence  of  springs  or  wells  precludes  the  regular  use  of  \\hat  scanty  grazing 
is  to  l)e  found  in  the  higher  valleys.  Yet  in  the  Han  Annals  t\\\^  westernmost  portion  of 
the  Kuruk-tagh  is  referred  to  as  a  sporadically  inhabited  region  under  a  separate  chief. 

Over  absolutely  barren  gravel  wastes  1  then  made  my  May  south-eastwards  to  the  salt 
spring  of  Yardang-huhk,  rcrjc.  Dolan-achchik.  at  the  extreme  f"nl,  of  Uve  Kuruk-tagh, 
where  wild  camels  Mere  encountered  iti  plenty.  Taking  my  ice-suppl\  fro'in  there,  J 
proceeded  by  the- second  M'eek  of  March  into  the  waterless  desert  south,  and  ma])ped  there  the 
dried-up  ancient  river  bed,  which  once  had  carried  the  M'ater  of  the  Konehe-darya  to  the 
Lou-laii  sites,  over  the  la,st  portion  of  its  course  left  unsurveyed  last,  year.  The  season  of 
sand-storms  had  noM'  set  in.  and  their  icy  blasts  made  our  M'oiK  here  \ery  trying.  It  was 
under  these  conditions,  fitly  recalling  Mie  previous  year's  c\'i>ericnce  at  the  Lou-Ian  ceme- 
teries, that  I  explored  two  ancient  burial-grounds  of  small  si/e.  which  \\cre  found  on  clay 
terraces  rising  abo\e  t.he  M'ind-eroded  plain.  The  finds  closely  air  reed  \\ith  those  which 
the  graves,  searched  on  the  fortified  merlin  in  the  extreme  north-east  of  Lou  Ian,  had  yielded. 
There  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  jxiople  buried  here  had  belonged  to  the  autochthonous 
population  of  hunters  and  herdsmen  living  along  the  'Dry  River  '  until  the  tract  l>ccame 
finally  desiccated  in  the  fourth  century  A.I>.  The  objects  in  these  gra\e-  and  the  clothes 
of  the  dead  strikingly  illustrated  how  wide  apart  in  civilization  and  modes  of  daily  life  these 
semi-nomadic  Lou-Ian  ]>eople  were  from  tlu  Chinese  frequenting  the  ancien<:  high-road 
which  passed  by  the  dried -up  river. 

1  had  been  eagerly  looking  out  along  the  foot  of  the  Kuruk-tagh  for  traces  of  Afrazgul, 
Mho  was  overdue,  and  hail  taken  the  precaution  to  leave  messages  for  him  under  cairns.  So 
it  M'as  a  great  relief  \vbou,  tho  day  after  my  return  to  Yardang-bulak,  he  safely  rejoined  me 
with  his  three  plucky  Turki  companions,  including  doughty  Hassan  Akhun,  my  camel 
factotum,  and  Abdul  Malik,  a  fourth  hardy  brother  from  Singer.  Considering  the  truly 
forbidding  nature  of  the  ground  they  had  to  traverse,  and  the  length  of  the  strain  put  on  our 
brave  camels,  L  had  reason  to  feel  anxious  about  the  safety  of  the  party.  Now  1  was  cheered 
by  the  completeness  \\itli  which  Afrazgul  had  carried  through  the  programme  I  had  laid  down 
for  him.  Having  gained  Altmiah-bulak  by  the  most  direct  route'  and  taken  his  supply  of 
ice  there,  he  had  explored  certain  ancient  remains  in  the  extreme  north-east  of  tho  once 
watered  Lou-Ian  area,  fur  the  examination  of  which  I  had  been  unable  to  spare  time  on  last 
year's  march. 


222  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUAHY  [OCTOBER,  1917 

He  Mien  struck  out  for  the  point  where  the  ancient  Chinese  route  had  entered  the  salt- 
<^ncnisted  bed  of  the  dried-up  sea,  and  thence  traced  its  shore-line  to  the  south-went,  until 
he  reached,  at  <  .hainut-kol,  the  northern  edge  of  the  area,  whore  the  spring  floods  of  the 
Tarim  finally  spread  themselves  out,  to  undergo  rapid  evaporation  in  lagoons  and  marshes. 
He  arrived,  as  J  had  intended,  just  in  time  before  the  usual  inundation  could  interfere  with  his 
progress.  After  a  few  days'  rest,  with  water  and  grazing  for  the  camels,  he  turned  into  the 
wind-eroded  desert  north,  and  traced  more  remains  of  the  ancient  settlement  discovered  a  year 
Txtfore  along  the  southernmost  branch  of  the  'Dry  River/  Finally,  after  crossing  an  area 
of  formidable  high  dunes,  he  gained  the  foot  of  the  outermost  Kuruk-tagh.  From  this 
exceptionally  difficultexploration,  which  had  kept  the  party  from  contact  with  any  human 
being  for  a  month  and  a  half,  Afrazgul  brought  back,  besides  interesting  arclueological  finds, 
an  aceurate  plane-table  survey  and  detailed  diary  records.  Jt  is  impossible  here  to  discuss 
the  results.  But,  when  considered  with  those  which  the  previous  year's  surveys  had  yielded, 
they  will,  1  feel  confident,  help  to  show  the  so-called  Lop-nor  problem  in  a  new  light. 

\Ve  subsequently  moved  west  to  the  point  known  as  Ying-p'an,  where  the  ancient  IHM! 
of  the  Kuruk-darya  is  crossed  by  the  Turfan-Lop  track.  1  made  use  of  a  short  halt  there 
for  exploring  the  interesting  remains  of  a  ruinod  fort  and  small  temple  site,  found  some 
miles  beyond  at  the  debouchure  of  the  dried-up  stream  of  Shindi,  and  first  noticed  by  Colonel 
Kozloff  and  Dr.  Hedin.  The  finds  we  made  here  of  fragmentary  Kharoshthi  records  on  wood 
and  of  Han  coins  were  important  as  proving  that  th/»  ruins  belonged  to  a  fortified  station 
occupied  during  the  early  centuries  of  our  era  when  the  ancient  (-hino.se  high-road  cominir 
from  ljoii-1an  passed  here.  The  station  was  meant/  to  guard  an  important  point  of  the  route 
where  it  must  have  been  joined  by  the  road  leading  up  from  Charchan  and  Charkhlik.  That, 
it  held  a  Chinese  garrison  became  evident  from  Hie  remains  we  found  on  clearing  some  \\ell 
preserved  tombs  in  a  scattered  cemetery  near  by.  Then*  was  definite  evidence  showing 
that  the  site  abandoned  for  many  centuries  had  been  reocoupicd  for  a  while  during  Miiha.ni- 
nmdan  and  relatively  recent  times.  Now  the  water  needed  for  irrigation  is  wholly  wanting. 

Proceeding  from  Ying-p'an  1  first  surveyed  in  the  desert  westwards  the  ancient  bed, 
still  marked  by  its  rows  of  dead  fallen  trees,  in  which  the.  waters  of  the  Konche-daryahad  once 
passed  into  the  'Dry  River'  of  Lou -Ian.  My  subsequent  journey  to  Korla.,  by  a  route 
leading  through  the  desert  north-westwards,  and  lm;t  followed  by  Dr.  Hcdin  in  1890,  enabled 
me  to  explore  the  remains  of  an  ancient  line  of  watch-stations  extending  for  over  100  miles 
along  the  foot  of  the  Kuruk-tagh.  These  watch-towers,  some  of  them  remarkably  massive 
and  well  preserved,  showed  the  same  characteristic  features  of  construction  with  which  niy 
explorations  along  the  ancient  Chinese  Limes  of  Kansu  had  inaie  me  so  familiar.  Then? 
can  be  little  doubt,  I  think,  that  these  towers  date  back  to  approximately  the  time  (circ. 
100  B.C.)  when  the  Emperor  Wu-ti  had  the  route  leading  from  Tun-huang  towards  Lou-Ian 
protected  by  his  wall  and  line  of  watch-stations.  From  the  great  height  and  intervening 
distances  of  the  towers,  as  well  as  from  other  indications,  it  may  be  safely  inferred  that 
they  were  primarily  intended  for  the  communication  of  fire  signals,  such  as  are  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  early  Chinese  records  I  recovered  from  the  Tun-huang  Limes. 

The  need  for  such  signalling  arrangements  must  have  been  specially  felt  here,  as  it  was 
mainly  from  the  directions  of  Kara-shahr  and  Korla  that  the  Hun  raids  must  have  proceed- 
ed, which  we  know  from  the  Annals  to  have  more  than  once  threatened  the  Chinese  hold 
upon  Lou-Ian  and  the  security  of  their  route  to  the  Tarim  Basin.  With  the  gradual  oxten- 


"OCTOBER,  1917]        THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA 

sion  of  Chinese  political  influence  north  of  the  Tien-shan  these  conditions  mint  have  ohang.nl, 
-and  subsequently  the  abandonment  of  the  Lou-Ian  rout-,  and  the  desiccation  of  tho  region 
it  led  through,  must  have  greatly  reduced  the  important  of  this  ancient  liuj  of  coniittunieii- 
tion  along  the  Konche-darya.  Yet  the  line  marked  by  the  towers  appears  to  have  coutiniUHl 
in  use  as  a  high-road  down  to  T'ang  times,  as  was  shown  by  the  tiuds  of  coins  torn  document* 
on  paper,  etc.,  we  made  on  clearing  the  refuse  heaps  near  them. 

My  visit  to  the  quasi-peripatetic  modern  colony  of  Kara  kum  on  tho  upper  Koucluv 
darya  gave  me  opportunities  for  curious  observations  about  irrigation  conditions  and  Chin*.*** 
administrative  methods ;  but  ]  cannot  pause;  to  (Inscribe  them.  At  the  largo  and  flourish- 
ing oasis  of  Korla,  higher  up  the  river,  1  had  soon  the  satisfaction  of  seeing,  by  tin- 
Ijeginning  of  April,  our  four  surveying  parties  safely  reunited.  Lai  Singh  had  succeeded  in 
carrying  his  triangulation  from  Singer  through  the  western  Knruk-tagh  fa  tho  snow-covered 
peaks  north  of  Korla.  His  dogged  perscverenee  had  triumphed  over  exceptional  difficulties', 
both  from  the  very  broken  nature  of  tho  ground  and  the  adverse  atmospheric  conditions, 
•which  a  succession  of  the  violent  dnststorms  usual  at  this  season  had  created.  The  reward 
was  the  successful  linking  I  bad  aimrnl  at,  of  the  T'ien-shan  range  \\ith  tho  system  of  the 
Trigonometrical  Survey  of  India. 

From  Korla  we  set  out  on  April  ft  in  three  sepirat"  parties  for  th  •  lon^  jotirir»y  t  >  Iva^hgar. 
Lai  Singh's  task  was  fa  keep  close  to  the  T'ien-shan  and  to  survey  ^  inueii  of  th"  nriin  range 
4is  the  early  season  and  the  available  tim  *  would  permit.  Muhamm  id  Yakub  m  »ved  sou^h 
across  the  Konche  and  Inchike  Rivers  t->  the  Tarim,  with  instructions  t  »  survey  its  present 
main  channel  to  the  vicinity  of  Yarkand.  1  t  ent  m  >si  of  our  brave  cam  •!-•  \\  ith  him  in.  order 
•  to  tat  them  bonelit  by  the  abundant  gracing  in  th-.  riverin-  alVr  all  the  privations  they  ha  I 
•150110  through.  My  ONMI  autiijiiarian  tasks  obliged  m  •  to  keep  in  the  nnin  to  tho  long  lim 
of  oases,  \vhich  fringes  the  south  foot  of  the  T  ien  slum  and  through  \\  hic.h  the  i:hi.«f  car<iva<i 
route  of  the  Tarim  basin  -till  passes,  just  a--  it  ha^  always  don"  *<in<(<'  ancient  tim-'s.  Well 
known  as  this  high-road  is  over  which  lay  most,  of  my  joimi»y  to  Ka^h-j.ir.  soin ••  !M)J  inile.s 
ill  length,  the  opportunities  it  trave  for  mteresiiim  obs  Tvutimi-,  both  on  thehistoric.il 
geography  and  the  present  physical  and  eoouomie  conditions  of  thi^  northern  fringe  of  oase>, 
Mere  abundant.  But  here  a  brief  reference  to  the  result  ot  m\  \\orU  ronn<l  Kueha  mu^t. 

suffice. 

Three  busy  weeks  ^pent  within  and  around  this  historically  imp.irtint  oasis  eii-ihled 
me,  with  Afrazgul\s  heJp,  (•;)  survey  both  its  actually  cultivated  area,  ami  that  which,  by  the 
evidence  of  tho  numerous  ancient  situs  found  scattered  in  th<*  scrubby  dese.rt  to  the  cast, 
south,  and  west,  must  have  formed  part  of  it.  This  survey,  which  , in  Ideological  finds  ot 
interest  at  a  number  of  ruined  .sites  usefully  supplemented,  has  given  in-  strong  {.'rounds 
for  assuming  that  the  area  occupied  in  Pmddhist  times  d-minded  for  it^  cultivation  irriga- 
tion resources  greatly  in  excess  of  those  at  present  available,  of  \\hichl  secured  careful 
estimates.  It  seems  to  mo  clearly  established  thaL  the.  discharge  of  the  two  rivers  feeding 
the  canals  of  Kucha  has  diminished  considerably  since  T  aug  times.  Jiut  the  antiquarian 
evidence  at  present  obtainable  does  not  allow  us  definitely  to  answer  the  (juestions  as  to 
what  extent  this  obvious  46  desiccation  "  was  tin*  direct  cause  1<n  the  abandonment  of 
once  irrigated  areas,  and  at  what  particular  periods  it  proceeded.  Here  1  may  also  mention 
in  passing  that  remains  of  the  ancient  Han  route,  m  the  shajx-  of  massive  watch-tower*, 
could  be  traced  as  far  as  Kucha,  and  that  their  position  clearly  indicated  that  the  old  caravan 
route  had  followed  the  same  line  as  the  present  one. 


224  THE  INDIAN  ANT1QUAKV  [OCTOBER,  1917 

After  visiting  a  number  of  interesting  Buddhist  ruins  in  the  district  of  Bai,  i  travelled- 

to  Aksu,  where  Lai  Singh's  and  my  own  routes  opportunely  allowed  a  brief  meeting.    He 

had  managed  to  carry  his  plane-table  survey  at  three  points  up  to  the  snow  -covered  watershed 

oi  ihe  Tieivshan,  including  the  glacier  pass  below  the  high  massif  of  Khan-tangri,    Help  I 

secured  irom  the  obliging  tao-tai  of  Aksu  subsequently  enabled  him  to  follow  a  new  route 

im  \\i*  way  to  Kashgar,  between  hitherto  unexplored  outer  ranges  of  Kelpin. 

Regard  for  urgent  tasks  obliged  me  to  move  in  rapid  marches  to  Kashgar,  which  wan 
reached  on  31  May  1915.  There  at  my  familiar  base  I  was  received  with  the  kindest  hospi- 
tality by  Colonel  (now  Brigadier-General)  Sir  Percy  Sykes,  who  had  temporarily  replaced 
JSir  George  Macartney  as  H.B.M.'s  ConsuKJeneral.  Though  a  shooting  trip  to  the  Pamirs 
boon  deprived  me  of  the  congenial  company  of  this  distinguished  soldier-statesman  and 
traveller,  I  continued  to  benefit  greatly  by  all  the  help  and  comfort  which  the  arrangements 
made  by  him  assured  to  mo  during  my  five  weeks'  stay  at  Chini-bagh. 

The  safe  repacking  of  my  collection  of  antiques,  filling  182  heavy  eases,  for  its  long 
journey  across  the  Kara-koram  to  Kashmir,  and  a  host  of  other  practical  tasks  kept  me  hard 
ut  work  all  through  that  hot  month  of  June.  Tn  the  midst  of  it  1  felt  greatly  cheered  by 
receiving  the  final  permission  of  the  Imperial  Kussian  Government  for  my  long-planned 
journey  across  the  Pamirs  and  the  mountain  north  of  the  Oxus,  which  the  kind  offices  of 
H.K.  Sir  George  Buchanan,  H.  B.M.'s  Ambassador  ut  Petrograd,  at  the  instance  rf  the  Govern- 
men!  of  India  in  the  Foreign  Department,  had  secured.  Considering  how  long  I  had  wished 
to  see  this  extreme  east  of  ancient  Iran,  and  that  part  of  the  "k  Roof  of  the  World  "  under 
which  it  shelters,  I  could  not  feel  too  grateful  to  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  for  having 
showing  this  readiness  to  give  me  access  to  ground,  which  for  the  most  part  had  never  befoie 
been  visited  by  any  British  traveller  its  diplomatic  representative  ad  Kashgar,  Consul- 
General  Prince  Mestchersky,  lost  no  chance  of  facilitating  the  arrangements  for  my  journey 
by  kind  recommendations  to  the  Russian  authorities  across  the  border.  But  throughout 
it  was  a  great  comfort  to  feel,  (luring  that  time  of  preparation,  and  still  more  on  actual  travel, 
how  much  of  that  kind  help  and  attention  I  directly  owed  to  Lord  Hurdinge,  and  the 
alliance  of  the  British  and  Russian  Empires  lie  had  done  so  much  to  render  possible. 

By  6  July  1915  I  was  able  to  leave  Kashgar  for  the  mountains  westwards,  after  having 

completed  all  arrangements  for  the  passage  of  my  eighty  heavy  camel- loads  of  antiques  to 

India,    But  the  summer  Hoods  in  the  Kun-lun  valleys,  due  to  the  melting  glaciers,  would 

not  allow  the  valuable  convoy  to  bo   started  ut  once  towards  the  Kara-koram  passes.    >So 

ti.  B.  Lai  Singh,  to  whose  care  I  had  to  entrust  it,  had  set  out  iu  the  meanwhile  to  complete 

our  topographical  labours  in  Turkestan  by  a  careful  survey  of  tho  high  snowy  mountains. 

which  continue  the  Muztagh-ata  range  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Kashgar  River.    Before  he 

rejoined  mo  for  manifold  final  instructions  I  could  enjoy  a  week  of  delightful  seclusion  for 

much  urgent  writing  work,  on  a  small  fir-clad  alp  above  the  Kirghiz  camp  of  Bostan-arche. 

Lower  down   in  the   valley  my   brave    hardy   camels    had    enjoyed    weeks    of    happy 

grazing  in  coolness,  badly  needed  after  all  their  long  travel  and  trials.    When  the  time  cume 

for  my  start,  I  confess  I  felt  the  final  separation  from  them  almost  as  much  as  the  temporary 

one  from  my  devoted  Lai  Singh.   Of  my  other  assistants,  I  kept  by  me  only  young  Afrazgul, 

whom  I  knew  to  be  ever  useful,  even  where  survey  work  or  digging  could  aot  be  done.    Tho 

rest  were  to  accompany  my  collection  to  India, . 


QOTOBKB,  1917]        THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  225 

It  was  with  a  delightful  sense  of  freedom  that  ou  July  19  1  started  from  my  mountain, 
camp  for  the  high  Ulugh-art  Pass  and  the  Pamirs  beyond.    For  across  them  the  road  lav 
now  open  for  me  to  those  mountain  regions  north  of  the  Oxus,   which  by  reason  of  their 
varied  geographical  interest  and  their  ethnic  and  historical  associations  have  had  a  special 
fascination  for  me  ever  since  my  youth.    On  the  following  day  f  cro&vtl  the  steep  Ulagh-wl 
Pass,  about  16,2CO  feet  above  sea-level,  flanked  by  a  muguifiucnft  g/ac/w  so/no  10  miles  long. 
There  I  felt  duly  impressed  with  the  fact  that  I  had  passed  the  grout  meridional  mountain 
barrier,  the  ancient  Imoos,  which  divided  Ptolemy's  k*  Inner  "  and  "  Outer  ticythii*,"  us  in 
truth  it  does  now  Iran  and  Cathay.    The  same,  night,  after  a  33  miles1  walk  a/id  ride  I  iweh 
ed  the  camp  of  Sir  Percy  Sykes  returning  from  the  Pamirs,  and  next  day  cnjovcd   a  time 
of  happy  reunion  with  him  and  his  sister,  that  well-known  traveller  and  \\  ritcr,  Mi.xs  Klla 
Sykes. 

Five  days  of  rapid  travel  then  carried  me  over  the  northernmost  Chinese  Pamirs  and  up 
the  gorge  of  the  westernmost  headwaters  of  the  Kashmir  Kiver,  until  I  struck  the  I'ussiau 
military  road  to  the  Pamirs  on  the  Kizil-art  Pass  \\here  it  crosses  thr  Trans-AIai  ranjuv. 
At  the  little  rest-house  of  Por-dobe,  which  [  reached  that  eveniim  on  m\  descent  from  the 
pass,  I  soon  received  most  encouraging  proof  of  the  generous  ami  truly  kind  way  in  \\hieh 
the  Russian  political  authorities  \\ero  prepared  to  facilitate  my  travels  There  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  meet  Colonel  I.  3>.  Vagcllo,  who  holds  military  and  political  <  harire  of  the 
Pamir  Division,  including  jiow  also  \Vakhan, Shughnan,  an<l  Jio^hun.  he  uas  then  just  pn^- 
ing  on  a  rapid  visit  to  Tashkcnd.  1  could  net  have  hoped  even  on  our  side  of  the  Hindu - 
kush  border  for  arrangements  more  complete  or  effective,  than  those  \\liieli  proved  to  have 
boen  made  on  my  Mia  If  by  this  distinguished  oHicer.  It  \\as  tor  me  ji  threat  additional 
pleasure  to  tind  in  him  an  Oriental  scholar  deeply  interested  in  the  _<••«•< »trraphy  and  ethno- 
graphy of  the  O\ns  p-uion*.  and  nnxious  to  aid  \\hate\er  investigations  cmild  throw  h'e^-li 
light  on  their  past.  It  \\as  mainly  through  Colonel  Yatrcllo's  unfailing  aid  that  1  suecjeodi-d 
in  covering  so  much  interesting  ground,  far  more  than  my  original  ]>rouramme  had  included, 
\\ithiu  the  a\ailal)!e  time  and  without  a  single  clay's  los-;.  I  shall  a!\\a\s  look  back  \\\ih 
sincere  gratit-ude  to  his  friendly  interest  and  all  the  generous  help  \N  hidi  he  and  his  assistants, 
officers  at  the  several  Kussiaii  Pamir  posts,  gave  me. 

()IK»  of  the  chief  objects  \\hich  I  luul  in  view,  \\hen  planning  this  extension  of  my  journey 
across  the  Va,mirs  and  the  Russian  territories  on  the  Oxiis,  \\as  U)  study  there  (piestioiis 
of  historical  geography,  in  the  way  uhich  e\-]K»rk'iwe  elseuhcix:  in  the,  Ku-st  had  taught  m<- 
to  lx^  the  k-st,  i.e.,  on  the  spot.  Hence  it  was  a  social  satisfaction  to  me  that  at  the  veiy 
start  I  was  able  to  march  down  the  whole  length  of  the  big  Alai  Vallex ,  a  distance  of  o\er 
70  miles,  hi  the  topographical  configuration,  climatic  conditions,  and  local  resources  of 
this  great  Alpine  basin  I  could  trace  additional  indications  8iip|M>rtiim  the  belief  that 
through  this  wide  natural  throughfare,  skirting  the  northern  of  the  Pamirs  from  eust  to  west, 
passed  the  route  \\hich  the  ancient  silk  traders  from  China  follow  ed  down  to  the  Middle 
Oxus,  as  outlined  by  that  much-discussed  record  of  classical  geography  \\liere  Marinus  of 
Tyre  descries  the  progress  in  the  opposite  direction  of  the  agents  of  ''  Mars  the  Macedonian" 
from  Bactria  to  the  great  silk  mart  in  "  the  country  of  the  Seres  "  or  China.  Similar  obser- 
vations make  it  appear  to  me  very  probable  that  the  famous  "'  .Stone  Tower  "  mentioned  in 
that  record  must  be  located  at  or  near  Daraut-kurgban,  a  small  Kirghiz  village  and  now  a 


22(5  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  OCTOBER,  1017 

Russian  frontier  customs  post,  where  the  route  up  the  main  Kara-tegin  Valley  enlarges 
upon  the  Alai.  It  is  the  only  direct  one  between  Bactria  and  Eastern  Turkestan  which  is 
practicable  throughout  for  laden  camels. 

From  Daraut-kurghan,  where  our  supplies  could  conveniently  be  replenished,  I  turned 
south  to  strike  across  the  succession  of  high  snowy  ranges  which  separate  the  headwatars 
of  the  Muk-su  and  the  rivers  of  Boshan  and  Shughnan  from  the  uppermost  Oxus.  It  was 
the  only  route,  apart  from  the  well-known  one  leading  across  the  Kizil-art  and  past  Lake 
Kara-kul,  by  which  I  could  cross  the  Prussian  Pamirs  and  their  western  buttresses  from 
north  to  south!  and  this  accounted  for  my  choosing  it.  But  it  proved  a  distinctly  difficult 
route  to  follow,  even  with  such  exceptionally  hardy  animals  as  Colonel  Yogello's  orders 
secured  for  me  from  the  rare  Kirghiz  camps  encountered.  There  was,  however,  abundant 
reward  in  the  mass  of  interesting  geographical  observations  to  be  gathered,  and  in  the 
splendid  views  which  it  offered  into  a  region  of  permanent  snow  and  ice,  little  explored  and 
in  parts  still  unsurveyed. 

As  far  as  the  Tanimaz  River,  a  largo  tributary  of  the  Bartang  or  Murghab  llivor,  our 
route  led  past  a  grand  glacier-clad  range,  vaguely  dssignatsd  as  8el-ta<rh  or  Muz-tagh,  an  1 
still  awaiting  exact  survey,  which  forms,  as  it  were,  the  north-westora  buttress  of  the  Pamirs. 
"Rarely  have  my  eyes  in  the  Himalaya,  Hinduknsh,  or  Kun-lun  boheltl  a  sight  more  impres- 
sive than  the  huge  glacier-furrowed  wall   of    the   Muz-tagh,  as  it   rose    before   me    with 
magnificent  abruptness  above  the  wid?  torrent  bsds  of  ths  Muk-su,  aft>r  J  had  crossaJ 
the  Tars-agar,  our  tirst  pass  from  the  Alai.    Its  boldly  serrated  crest-lino  Denied  to  rise 
well  above  20,000  feet,  and  individual  ioe-psakg  may  reach  a  considerably  greater  height. 
No  approximately  exact  elevations  seem  so  far  to  have  been  determined  with  the  theodolite 
or  clinometer  for  this  and  soms  other  prominent  ranges  towering  above  the  westorn  portion 
of  the  Pamirs,  and  neither  Afrazgul  nor  myself  could  help  feeling  again  and  again  regret  at, 
the  obvious  considerations  which  precluded  our  attempting  survey  work  however  modest 
iu  scope.     Subsequently  it  was  a  real  satisfaction  to  come  across  evidence  of  the  systematic 
triangulation  work  which  the  Topographical  Service  of  Russian  Turkestan  has  boon  extend- 
ing over  the  Pamirs  for  some  years  past,  and  to  learn  that  it  was  steadily  l>emg  continued  in 
spite  of  the  war. 

Our  direct  route  past  the  Sel-tagh  would  have  led  up  the  valley  by  which  tho  Zutum-art 
and  Takhta-koram  passes,  giving  access  to  the  Kara-kul  and  Tanimaz  drainage  areas,  are 
approached.  But  the  Hoods  fed  by  the  huge  Sel-darra  Glacier  completely  close  this  routs 
from  spring-time  till  the  late  antumi,  just  as  they  render  the  track  lower  down  the  Muk-su 
quite  impracticable  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year. l  So  we  were  obliged  to  make  our  way 
tirst  over  the  glacier  pass,  circ.  15,100  feet  high,  at  the  head  of  the  Kayindi  Gorge. 
The  latter  proved  to  bo  completely  blocked  in  places  by  ancient  moraines  and  offered  very 
difficult  going.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  in  the  high  mountains  west  of  the  Pamirs,  evidence  could 
be  noted  of  glaciation  having  considerably  receded  during  recent  times. 

Beyond  the  Kayindi  the  ground  assumed  a  much  easier  Pamh>like  character,  and  after 
crossing  the  Takhta-koram  Pass,  circ.  14,000  feet,  we  reached  on  August  8  the  first  encamp* 

1  This  Muk-su  Gorgt?  is  in  places,  even  during  winter,  too  difficult   for  laden  unimalg.     To  find  it 
actually  marked  in  a  recent  cartographical  representation  as  traversed  by  ths  ancient  silk  trade  route 
ttl  an  illustration  of  tin  rl«!«  which  bssot  the  work  o*  tho  historical  geographer,  when  it  has  to  b« 
solely  in  the  study. 


OCTOBEB,  1917]       THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  227 

ment  of  Kirghiz  grazing  in  the  open  valleys  to  the  south-west  of  the  Great  K ara-kul .  Having 
obtained  there  fresh  transport  from  imposing  old  Kokan  Reg,  the  Miug-bashi  of  the  northern 
Pamirs,  and  having  started  my  anthropometric  work,  J  moved  down  the  Tanimaz  Valley 
to  its  junction  with  that  of  the  Murghab  or  Bartang  River.  Here  at  the  picturesque  hainlet 
of  Saunab,  the  Tashkurghan  of  the  Kirghiz,  I  reached  the  first  Iranian-speaking  settlement 
of  hill  Tajiks  or  Ghalchas,  all  lino-looking  men.  Their  ethnic  type  of  pure  Hotno  Aljtinu*. 
their  old-world  customs,  preserved  by  alpine  isolation,  and  the  survival  of  much  that 
seems  ancient  in  domestic  architecture,  decorative  motifs,  etc.,  interested  me  greatly  and 
amply  justified  a  day's  halt,  which  allowed  me  to  secure  anthropological  measurements  and 
arrange  for  the  load-carrying  men  we  needed. 

The  only  route  open  to  us  for  reaching  the  southern  Vamirs  led  up  by  the  liartang  River, 
and  progress  in  its  narrow  gorges  proved  exceptionally  trying  owing  to  the  results  of  the 
great  earthquake  of  IS  February  191],  which  had  transformed  the  surface  of  this  mountain 
region  in  a  striking  fashion.  Already  on  the  lower  Tanimaz  we  had  come  upon  huge  masses  of 
rock  debris  \\hich  had  feu  thrown  down  from  the  slopes  of  the  Hanking  spurs  und  now  spread 
for  miles  across  the  open  \  alley  bottom.  Here  in  the  defiles  of  the  Baj'tang  the  huge-  land- 
slides attending  that  memorable  earthquake  had  choked  up  in  many  places  the  whole  river 
passage  and  practically  destroyed  what  tracks  there  e\er  existed  along  or  ahove  it.  The 
big  river  onee  rivalling  in  volume  the  main  feeder  of  the  Oxus,  the  Ab-i-Panja,  had  here 
ceased  altogether  to  ll<n\ .  Strings  of  deep  alpine  tarns,  \\ith  colours  of  exquisite  beauty, 
had  replaced  it  here  and  there  and  helped  to  increase  the  dilliculties  of  progress. 
It  took  three  days'  hard  scrambling  along  steep  spurs,  almost  impassable  for  load  -carry  inn 
men,  and  o\er  vast  slopes  of  rock  debris  spread  out  in  wildest  confusion,  t<>  get  beyond  tin- 
point  near  the  month  of  the  Shedan  side  valley  \\here  the  fall  of  a  \\hole  mountain 
has  completely  blocked  the  river,  and  couveH-ed  the  so-called  "  Sarez  Pamir  "  into  a  t'me 
alpine  Jake  over  15  miles  long  now  and  still  spreading  up  the  valley .- 

Enormous  masses  of  rock  and  detritus  had  l>een  shaken  down  from  the  range  on  the 
north  and  had  l>een  pushed  by  the  impetus  of  the  landslip  up  the  steep  spur  Hanking  tin- 
Shedan  debouchure.  They  had  thus  formed  a  huge  barrage,  which  even  nou  seemed  to  riM> 
more  than  1200  feet  above,  the  level  of  the  new  Sarcz  Lake,  and  is  likely  to  dam  it  up  for 
years,  if  not  for  centuries.  It  cost  another  day's  stiff,  and  in  places  risky,  scramble  More 
we  succeeded  in  getting  the  baggage  safely  across  the  fe\\  miles  of  precipitous  rock  slopes 
and  dangerous  debris-shoots  above  the  Yerkht  inlet.  Fortunately  the  men  collected  from 
the  uppermost  hamlets  of  the  Roshan  Valley  proved  all  excellent  cragsmen  and  quite  ex}>erf- 
in  building  mfnfa,  or  galleries  of  brushwood  and  stones,  along  otherwise  impassable  precipices. 

Opportunely  succoured  by  Kirghiz  ponies,  which  had  been  sent  from  the.  Alichur  Pamir 
to  meet  us,  we  crossed  the  Langar  Pass,  close  on  15,000  feet  above  the  sea,  by  August  1»0. 
It  gave  us  easy  access  to  the  Yeshil-kol  Lake,  AN  here  T  found  myself  on  ground  of  varied 
geographical  interest.  1  can  mention  only  two  points  here  and  those  iu  all  briefness.  On 
the  one  hand,  with  the  experience  gained  at  the  newly  formed  big  lake  fresh  before  me,  it 


8  In  an  important  paper  (Uompte*  reflux  del'  A<wMmc  <tw  Noew;ex,  elx.  pp.810  wye/.,  Paris, 
1915),  reference  to  which  I  owe  to  Mr.  E.  Heawood's  kind  nous,  Prince  K.  (lalitzine  Ims  shown  stroig 
reasons  for  the  belief  thafc  the  Sarox  landslide-  was  not  the  eonseqnenee  but  the  cause  of  the  earthquake 
of  18  February  1911,  which  was  regiBtered  at  many  dislant  soismologioal  stations.  This  earthquake 
is  declared  to  present  an  exceptionally  interesting  case  where  the  epicentre  can  be  proved  to  coincide 
with  the  hypocentre  itself. 


228  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OoiOBEK,  1917 

was  easy  to  recognize  those  topographical  features  which  clearly  point  to  the  Yeshil-kof 
having  derived  its  existence  from  a  similar  cataclysm  at  some  earlier  period.  To  the  eyes 
of  the  non-geologist  the  formation  of  the  Burumari  ridge,  which  closes  the  western  end  of 
the  lake,  seemed  to  bear  a  dost*  resemblance  to  the  newly  formed  barrage  which  has  created 
the  Sarez  Lake.  Of  glacier  action,  which  might  have  produced  the  same  result,  1  could  see 
no  trace  on  either  side  of  the  Yeshil-kol  exit.  On  the  other  hand,  what  I  observed  on  my  way 
up  the  open  Alichur  Pamir,  mid  subsequently  in  the  Shughnan  Valley  below  it,  bore  clear 
evidence  to  the  advantages  which  the  route  leading  through  them  had  offered  for  Chinese 
expansion  to  the  Upper  Oxus  and  Badakhshan,  ever  since  Kao  Hsien-chih's  memorable 
Pamir  and  Hinduku«h  campaign  of  A.D.  747. 

Having  crossed  the  Bash-gumbaz,  our  fourth  pass  over  15,000  feet  since  leaving  the 
Mai.  1  descended  to  the  glittering  big  expanse  of  Lake  Victoria  or  Zor-kol,  where  the  Groat 
Pamir  branch  of  the  Oxus  rises,  and  the  Pamir  borders  of  Russia  and  Afghanistan  meet.  Ever 
since  my  youth  1  had  longed  to  see  this,  the  truly  wt  Great  "  Pamir  and  its  tine  lake,  famous 
in  early  local  legends,  and  the  "  dreat  Dragon  Lake  "  of  the  old  Chinese  pilgrims.  As  1 
looked  across  its  deep  blue  waters  to  where  in  the  cast  they  seemed  to  fade  away  on  the 
horizon,  I  thought  it  quite  worthy  to  figure  in  early  tradition  as  the  legendary  central  lake 
from  which  the  four  greatest  rivers  of  Asia  were  supposed  to  take  their  rise.  It  was  a  delight- 
ful sensation  to  find  myself  on  ground  closely  associated  with  the  memories  of  those  great 
travellers,  Hsiian-tsang,  the  saintly  Chinese  pilgrim-geographer,  Marco  Polo,  and  Captain 
Wood,  the  first  modern  explorer  of  the  Pamir  region. 

The  day  of  halt-,  August  27,  sj>cnt  by  the  sunny  lake-shore,  undisturbed  by  any  sign 
of  human  activity,  was  most  enjoyable,  in  spite  of  the  bitterly  cold  wind  sweeping  acros> 
the  big  alpine  basin,  circ.  13,400  feefc  above  sea-level.  It  allowed  me  to  gather  local  informa- 
tion, which  once  more  confirmed  in  a  striking  fashion  the  accuracy  of  the  Chinese  historical 
records.  In  describing  Kao  Hsein-chnYs  expedition  across  the  Hindukush.  the  Tang  Annals 
facially  mention  the  concentration  of  the  Chinese  forces  by  three  routes  from  cast,  west, 
and  north,  upon  Sarhad.  the  point  on  the  Ab-i-Panja  branch  of  the  Oxus,  which  gives  dired 
access  to  the  Baroghil  and  Darknt  Passes.  The  routes  from  the  east  and  west,  &.c.,  down  and 
up  the  Ab-i-Panja  Valley,  were  clear  beyond  all  doubt.  But  of  the  northern  route  no  indi- 
cation could  be  traced  in  maps  or  books,  and  the  existence  of  a  pass,  vaguely  mentioned  in 
native  intelligence  re])orts  as  ]>ossibly  leading  to  Sarhad,  across  the  high  snowy  range  south 
of  the  Great  Pamir,  had  been  denied  by  members  of  the  British  Boundary  Commission  of 
1895  who  visited  this  region. 

It  was  hence  a  pleasant  surprise  when  inquiries  from  two  much -travel  led  Kirghiz  among 
our  party  elicited  definite  and  independent  evidence  as  to  an  old  track  still  used  by  Tajik 
herdsmen,  which  leads  from  Sarhad  across  the  range  to  the  glacier-filled  head  of  the 
Shor-jilga  Valley,  clearly  visible  from  Lake  Victoria,  and  thence  down  to  the  western  shore 
of  the  latter.  All  I  could  observe  through  niy  glasses,  and  what  I  had  seen  in  1900  from  the 
other  side  of  the  mountain  range,  seemed  to  plead  for  the  accuracy  of  the  Kirghiz'  informa- 
tion. My  only  regret  was  the  impossibility  of  testing  it  on  the  spot.  This,  alas,  would 
have  necessitated  my  trespassing  on  His  Afghan  Majesty's  territory.  How  often  did  T 
later  on,  too,  look  wistfully  across  the  boundary  drawn  by  the  River  Oxus  with  the  fond 
wish  that  1  might  yet  be  allowed  to  pass  "  through  the  gate  of  favour  "  into  those  fascinat- 
ing valleys  and  mountains  on  the  Afghan  side  of  the  border,  which  I  was  now  able  to  skirt 
for  hundreds  of  miles  ! 


I 


OCTOBEH,  1917]        THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION   IN  CEXTJML  ASIA  22H 

Three  rapid  marches  down  tho  <?reat  Pamir  Kiver  then  Carried  me  to  Languar-kisht, 
where  we  reached  the  main  Oxus  Valley,  and  the  highest  of  the  villages  on  the  Russian  side 
of  the  rivor.  Here,  too,  everything  was  done  by  the  Commandant  of  the  Russian  frontier 
post  and  the  local  Wakhi  headmen  to  facilitate  my  journey.  .My  suW<pient  journey  down 
the  Oxus  was  attended  by  an  abundant  harvest  of  ohsersation.  IK-HI-IHK  on  the  historical 
topography,  archeology,  and  ethnography  of  Wakhan.  uhieli  in  early  times  had  forniiMl 
an  important  thoroughfare  between  Baetria,  India,  and  the  <  Vntral-Asiau  territories  eon- 
trolled  by  China.  But  it  would  cost  too  much  time  and  space  if  1  attempted  here  to  give 
any  details.  It  must  suffice  to  mention  that  the  exact  -urvey  of  a  scries  of  ruined  strong- 
holds. Home  of  them  of  very  considerable  extent,  acquainted  me  \\\l\\  numerous  features  of 
diVinct  archaeological  interest  in  their  plans,  the  construction  and  decoration  of  their 
baationed  walls,  etc:.  The-  natural  protection  offered  by  unscalcable  rock  faces  of  spurs  and 
ravines  was  always  cleverly  utilized  in  these  defences.  Hut  some  idea  of  the  labour, 
which  even  thus  their  construction  must  have  cost,  can  be  formed  from  the  fact  that  at 
one  of  these  strongholds,  known  as  Zamr-i-Atish-para^t,  the  Micccssive  Hues  of  wall-;,  \\ith 
their  bastions  and  turrets  solidly  built  in  rough  stone  or  in  sun-dried  brick,  ascend  the  slopes 
of  a  precipitous  spur  rising  to  an  elevation  of  close  on  1000  feet  and  ha\e  an  extent,  of  more 
than  3  miles. 

Jt  is  certain  that  these  hill  fastnesses  date  back  to  pre-Muhammmlan  times  and  to  a 
period  when  this  portion  of  the  Oxus  Valley  contained  a  population  far  denser  than  at 
present  and  enjoying  a  higher  degree  of  material  civilization.  Their  attribution  by  the  present 
Wakhi  ]K»ople  to  the  "  Siahposh  Katirs  "  merely  gi\es  expression  to  a  \ague  traditional 
recollection  that  they  date,  back  to  times  More  the  ad\ent  of  Islam,  the  "  Siuhpo.sh  "  of 
Kafiristan  *outh  of  the  Hindukush  never  having  reached  the  .stage  ot  civilization  which  these 
ruins  presuppose.  Some  architectural  details  seemed  lo  snirge*t  a  period  roughly  correspond- 
ing to  late  Jndo-Scythian  or  early  Sassanian  domination,  during  \\hich  our  scanty  records 
from  Chinese  sources  indicate  that  Wakhan  enjoyed  a  state  of  relative  affluence  and  impor- 
tance. 

All  along  the  big  valley  of  Wakhan  there  opened  glorious  \  islas  to  the  south,  where 
towering  above  narro\\  side  valleys,  and  quite  near,  appeared  magnificent  ice-clad  peaks 
of  the  Hindukush  main  range,  looking  just,  as  early  Chinese  pilgrims  describe  them,  like 
peaks  of  jade.  I  reali/^d  n;»\v  what  an  appropriate  invention  the  *'  popular  etymology  ' 
was,  which  in  Muhammadan  times  has  connected  the  <>M  and  much  -discussed  name  of  Bol<n\ 
vaguely  used  for  the  Hindukush  region,  with  the  Persian  bil1um\  meairng  crystal.  The 
effect  was  much  heightened  by  the  unexpectedly  verdant  appearance  which  the  cultivated 
portion  of  Wakhan  still  presented  at  that  season,  in  spite  of  the  citation  from  S,000  to  over 
KMHM)  feet  above  sea  level,  and  doubly  welcome  after  the  bleak  Pamirs  It  was  pleasant 
to  note  abundant  evidence  of  how  much  the  resources  of  the  Wakhis  on  the  Russian  side  of 
the  valley  had  increased,  both  in  respect  of  cattle  and  dice])  and  of  land  brought  under  culti- 
vation, sin  ce  annexation  under  the  settlement  arrived  at  by  the  Anglo -Russian  Pamir 
Boundary  Commission  had  removed  all  trouble  fr  >m  Kirghiz  raids  and  Afghan  exactions. 

For  all  these  reasons  I  felt  glad  that  plentiful  antiquarian  and  an  thro  pome  trie  work 
kept  me  busy  in  Wakhan  during  the  first  half  of  September.  T«>  this  was  added  a  philo- 
logical task  when,  on  entering  thab  portion  of  the  valley  which  adjoins  the  greaf  northward 
end  of  the  Oxus  and  is  known  as  the  tract  of  Ishkashim,  1  could  collect  linguistic  specimens 
of  the  hitherto  unrecorded  IshfauJimi,  one  of  the  so-called  Pamir  dialects  which  form  Jin 


230  THfcl  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBEK,  1917 

important  branch  among  the  modern  representatives  of  the  Eastern  Iranian  language 
group.  At  the  pretty  little  Russian  i>ost  of  Xu  .,  which  faoes  the  main  settlement  of  Ish- 
kashmi,  !  enjoyed  the  kind  hospitality  of  Captain  Tumanovich,  its  commandant,  and  benefit- 
ed much  by  his  local  knowledge  and  help.  Then  I  passed  down  the  Ox  us  through  the  very 
confined  portion  of  the  valley  known  as  Garaii.  which  until  the  recent  construction  of  a 
bridle-path  with  Russian  help  was  ground  very  difficult  of  access,  even  on  foo< ,  and  visited 
Colonel  Yapello's  headquarters  at  Kharnk.  It  lies  at  the  fertile  debouchure  of  the  Shughnan 
valleys,  where  the  cart  road  now  crossing  the  Pamirs  ends,  and  proved  a  very  pleasant  spot, 
boasting  of  tine  fruit  gardens,  and  to  my  surprises  even  of  electric  light. 

The  relative  abundance  of  fertile  amble  land,  and  the  facility  of  communication  both 
with  the  Pamirs  and  the  rich  grazing  uplands  of  Uadakhshan,  have  always  given  to  the  valleys 
of  Shughnan  a  certain  historical  importance.  They  Hgure  often  in  Chinese  and  early  Muham- 
madan  accounts  of  the  Middle  Oxus  region.  So  1  was  glad  to  visit  in  succession  the  two 
main  valleys  of  Shakh-darra  arid  Ghund.  Considering  that  the  Shughni  ]>eople  have  always 
been  noted  for  their  fondness  for  roaming  abroad,  in  the  old  days  as  raiders,  and  are  now  as 
j>edlar*  and  servants  to  be  found  in  all  towns  from  Kabul  to  Farghana.  it  was  interesting  to 
observe  how  much  of  old-world  inheritance  in  ethnic  tvj>e,  local  custom**,  domestic  archi- 
tecture, and  implements  has  survived  among  them. 

From  Shitam  in  the  Ghund  Valley  I  crossed  by  a  distinctly  difficult  glacier  pass,  over 
10.000  feet  high,  into  Roshan.  From  the  watershed,  overlooking  large  and  badly  erevassed 
glaciers  both  to  north  and  south.  1  enjoyed  a  glorious  vista  over  the  rolling  uplands  of 
Bada-khshan,  a  region  towards  \\hich  my  eye>  have  been  turned  for  many  years,  and  to 
which  access  still  remains  closed.  The  narrow,  deep-cut  gorges  in  which  the  Roshan  River 
has  cut  its  way  through  towering  mountain  masses,  wildly  serrated  above  and  \erv  steep 
at  their  foot,  proved  a  line  of  proaies*  even  more  toublesome  than  the  glacier  across  which 
we.  had  reached  them.  A  two  day>'  climbing  and  scrambling  pa>*t  precipices  by  narrow- 
lock  ledge  and  frail  galleries  (airrinz),  as  bad  as  any  J  ever  saw  in  the  Jrlindukush,  \\as 
relieved  in  places  by  the  use  of  skin-rafts,  where  the  absence  of  dangerous  cataracts  allowed 
their  employment.  Giiided  by  dexterous  swimmers,  they  made  me  glide  down  over  the 
tossing  river,  forgetful  of  all  fatigue,  in  scenery  of  impressive  grandeur,  i* midst  roc;k-\vallw 
which  ever  seemed  to  close  in  upon  LI>.  But  it  A\as  a  real  relief  when  the  last  rock  gate  was 
passed,  and  we  emerged  once  more  in  the  less-confined  valley  of  the  Oxus. 

Roshan,  just  as  it  is  the  least  accessible  of  all  the  side  valleys  of  the  Oxus,  seems  also 
to  have  preserved  the  Homo  Alpinn*  type  of  the  Ghalchas  in  its  greatest  purity.  The  men, 
clean  of  limb  and  made  wiry  by  constant  mo\ement  over  such  impossible  tracks,  all  showed 
clear-cut  features,  and  often  faces  oi  almost  classical  regularity.  The  hamlets  nestling  at 
the  mouth  of  the  ravines  were  often  half  hidden  amidst  splendid  orchards.  The  dwellings 
invariably  showed  plans  and  internal  arrangements  which  were  obviously  derived  from  high 
antiquity,  so  many  of  the  features  being  familiar  to  me  from  the  architecture  traced  at  early 
siies  of  Turkestan  and  the  Indian  North- West.  Alp  ire  seclusion  seemed  to  have  preserved 
here  a  small  coiner  of  the  world  scarcely  touched  by  the  change  of  ages,  and  I  wondered 
whether  some  Bactrian  Greek  on  a  visit  to  Roshan  would  have  seen  much  that  was  different 
from  what  these  simple  well-built  dwellings  show  now. 

After  a  busy  delightful  day's  halt  at  Kala-Wamar,  in  the  garden  of  the  ruined  castle 
of  the  Shughnan  chiefs,  1  crossed  the  glacier  pass  of  Adude  and  made  my  way  into  the  Yaz- 
ghulam  and  Vanj  valleys  of  Darwaz,  where  the  territory  of  the  Amir  of  Bokhara  was  entered. 


OCTOBER,  1917]     A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA  231 


Here,,  too,  the  recommendation  of  the  Imperial  Russian  political  representative,  Consul 
Belaieff,  had  assured  me  all  possible  attention  and  help.  As  I  travelled  up  fche  Vanaj  Valley, 
and  subsequently  through  the  mountain  tract  known  as  Wakhia-bala,  I  could  no*  observe 
the  gradual  change  in  the  physical  appearance,  houses,  ways  of  living,  etc,  of  the  people, 
bearing  testimony  to  the  historically  attested  conquest  of  Turki  tribes  and  the  influence 
exercised  by  the  civilization  of  the  Turkestan  plains.  But  we  were  still  hi«h  up  in  the  moun- 
tains, and  had  a  trying  task  when  on  October  3  we  crossed  the  Sitargh  Pas°s,  circ.  14,600  feet 
Tiigh,  with  its  big  and  badly  crevassed  glacier,  after  the  first  winter  snow  hud  fallen,  and 
just  in  time  before  it  became  closed  to  traffic.  Finally,  we  gained  by  the  (iardan-i-kaftar 
Pass,  also  under  frosh  snow,  the  main  valley  of  Kara-tegin. 

Here  on  the  banks  of  the  Kizil-su  River,  coming  from  the  Alai,  1  found  myself  once 
more  on  the  line  of  the  ancient  silk-trade  route  connecting  China  with  Baetria.  A  marked 
•change  in  the  climatic  conditions  was  brought,  h«.mo  to  me  by  the  fact  that  the.  fertile  slopes 
on  the  hillsides  are  bcin£  cultivated  without  bhe  need  of  irrigation.  Kara-team,  as  its  modern 
name  attests,  had  been  long  occupied  by  a  Turki -shaking  population.  U  was  interesting 
to  note  here  how  the  Kirghiz  settlers,  \vho  represent  probably  the  last  wave  of  this  Turkish 
invasion  in  what  was  originally  Iranian  ground,  are  now  being  slowly  ousted  again,  from  the 
land  by  a  steady  reflux  of  Tajik  immigrants. 

From  Kara-tegin,  where  J  had  interesting  opportunities  for  ge.tting  to  know  the  tradi- 
tional administrative  methods  of  Bokhara,  a  succession  of  rapid  marches  carried  me  west- 
wards through  t,he  o]>en  and  remarkably  fertile  valleys  which  the  rivers  of  Kaftrnihan  and 
Smkhan  drain.  It  seemed  hard  to  forego  a  visit  south  to  th^  Oxus,  where  it  passes  nearest 
to  my  old  iioal  of  Balkh  or  Baetra.  But  time  was  getting  short  for  the  remaining  portion  of 
my  programme.  So  1  took  the  nearest  route  i.o  the  confines  of  ancient  Sogdiana  north- 
westwards by  the  difficult  track  through  the  mountains  which  connects  Ilissar  and  llegak 
with  tho  rich  plains  about  Shahr-i-sabz.  Finally,  on  October  22,  L  arrived  at  Samarkand 
ana  the  Russian  Central -Asian  railway.  Since  the  start,  from  my  cam))  in  the  Kashgar 
Mountains  my  journey  had  lasted  just  over  three  months,  and  within  these  we  had  covered 
OH  foot,  and  on  horseback  an  aggregate  distance  of  close  on  1700  miles. 

A  new  and  distant  Held  of  work  lay  ahead  for  me  on  Persian  soil.  So  only  a  few  days 
could  be  spared  for  renewed  visits  to  the  great  monuments  of  Muhammadan  art  and  Mughal 
power  at  Samarkand.  It  was  the  same  at  Bokhara,  where  1  could  personally  thank  M.  Shulga, 
then  officiating  as  the  Tni|>erial  Russian  representative,  as  well  as  Mie  Diwan-bcgi,  the  head 
of  H.  H.  the  Amir  of  Bokhara's  administration,  for  all  the  kind  help  and  hospitality  1  had 
received  in  the  State.  So  much  survives,  in  that  fascinating  great  city,  of  old -world  Central- 
Asian  life  and  of  its  own  historical  past  that  my  three  days'  stay  seemed  a  sadly  brief  time. 
Then  the  Trans-Caspian  railway  carried  me  to  Askhabad,  the  great  Russian  cantonment 
on  the  Persian  l>order,  and  crossing  this  1  reached  Meshed  by  November  4  after  a  four  days' 
hard  drive. 

There,  ab  the  old  capital  of  Khorasan,  Colonel  T.  W.  Haig,  H.  B.  M.\s  Consul-General 
for  Khorasan,  and  a  distinguished  Oriental  scholar,  offered  me  the  kindest  welcome  and  tho 
chance  of  a  much-needed  short  rest.  Under  the  hospitable  roof  of  the  Consulate  and  within 
its  fine  large  garden  J  felt  as  if  brought  back  to  some  English  country  house.  Constant 
toil  at  much  delayed  official  accounts  kept  me  busy  and,  alas,  left  little  time  for  glimpses 
of  the  interesting  city  outside.  Seistan  \vas  my  goal  for  the  winter's  work,  and  considering 
its  great  distance  and  the  uncertain  state  of  political  affairs  in  Persia,  I  had  much  reason 
to  feel  grateful  for  the  kind  help  and  shrewd  advice  by  which  Colonel  Haig  facilitated  my 
rapid  onward  journey. 


232  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OoroBaa,  1917 

On  November  11  I  left  Meshed  for  Seistan.  In  order  to  reach  it  I  had  chose  a  route 
which,  keeping  off  the  main  roads,  gave  opportunities  for  useful  supplementary  survey  work 
and  offered  the  further  advantage  of  being  the  most  direct.  It  first  took  us  by  little- 
frcquciited  tracks  through  hills  held  by  Hazara  and  Baluch  tribal  settlements  to  Rui-Khaf. 
Thence  we  travelled  south  in  an  almost  straight  lino  parallel  to  the  Perso-Afghan  border, 
where  it  passes  through  a  nearly  unbroken  succession  of  desert  depressions  and  of  equally 
barren  hill  ranges.  Near  a  few  of  the  little  oases  we  passed,  as  at  Mujnabad,  Tahbas,  and 
Duruh,  1  was  able  to  examine  remains  of  sites  abandoned  since  early  Muhammadan  times. 
At  Bandan  we  struck  the  high-road,  and  two  clays  later,  on  December  1,  reached  Nasratabad, 
the  Seistan  u  capital/'  The  excellent  Persian  mules  hired  at  Meshed  had  allowed  us  to 
cover  the  total  distance  of  over  500  miles  in  nineteen  marches.  With  the  assistance  of 
Afrazgul  Khan  a  careful  plane-table  survey  on  the  scale  of  4  miles  to  1  inch  was  carried  over 
the  whole  ground.  The  disturbed  conditions  of  Persia  due  to  the  War  made  themselves 
felt  also  on  the  Khorasan  border,  ever  a  happy  raiding-grouncl  for  enterprising  neighbours. 
But  owing,  perhaps,  to  the  rapidity  of  our  movements  and  the  unfrequented  route  chosen, 
the  journey  passed  off  without  any  awkward  encounters. 

Once  safely  arrived  in  Seistan  1  received  a  very  kind  and  hospitable  welcome  from 
Major  F.  B.  Prideaux,  H.B.M.'s  Consul  in  Seistan,  and  could  quickly  set  to  work  with  all 
the  advaii^>ages  which  his  most  effective  help  and  prolonged  local  exjX'rience  assured  me. 
Ever  since  niy  student  days  I  had  felt  drawn  to  Scistan  by  special  interests  connected  with 
its  geography  and  historical  past.  It  had  been  more  than  chance  that  my  very  iirst  paper, 
published  as  long  ago  as  1885,  dealt  with  the  ancient  river  names  of  this  Iranian  border-land. 
My  present  visit  to  Seistan,  long  deferred  as  it  was,  could  for  various  reasons  l>e  only  a  kind 
of  reconnaissance.  Yet  even  thus  I  might  hope  among  its  numerous  ruined  sites  to  discover 
remains  of  the  early  periods  when  ancient  Sucaslawi*  ^  the  land  of  the  Sacas  or  Scythians," 
served  as  an  outpost  of  Iran  and  the  Hellenistic  Near  East  towards  Buddhist.  India.  A 
strong  additional  reason  was  provided  by  my  explorations  in  uhe  Tarim  Basin  ;  for  the  striking 
analogy  presented  by  various  physical  features  of  the  terminal  basin  of  the  Helmand  River 
was  likely  to  throw  light  on  more  than  one  geographical  question  connected  with  the  dried- up 
Lop  Sea  and  the  ancient  Lou-Ian  delta. 

It  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  that  in  both  directions  my  hopes  have  been  fully  justified 
by  the  results  of  my  Seistan  work.  But  it  is  only  the  most  prominent  that  1  can  find  space 
to  record  here  in  brief  outlines.  At  the  very  start  my  archaeological  search  was  rewarded 
by  an  important;  discovery.  It  was  made  on  the  isolated  rocky  hill  of  the  Koh-i-Khwaja. 
which  rises  as  a  conspicuous  landmark  above  the  central  portion  of  the  Hainuns  oi1  terminal 
marshes  of  the  Helmand.  The  extensive  and  wellknown  ruins  situated  on  its  eastern  fclojtt 
proved  to  be  the  remains  of  a  large  Buddhist  sanctuary,  the  first  ever  traced  on  Iranian  soil. 
Hidden  behind  later  masonry,  there  came  to  light  remarkable  fresco  remains,  dating  back 
undoubtedly  to  the  Sassanian  period.  Wall  paintings,  of  a  distinctly  Hellenistic  style  and 
probably  older,  were  found  on  the  \*all  of  a  gallery  below  the  high  terrace  bearing  the  main 
shrine.  Protected  in  a  similar  way  from  the  ravages  of  man  and  atmospheric  moisture  they 
had  unfortunately  suffered  much  from  white  ants.  The  importance  of  these  pictorial  relics, 
which  I  managed  to  remove  safely  in  spite  of  various  difficulties,  is  great.  They  illustrate 
for  the  first  time  in  situ  the  Iranian  link  of  the  chain  which,  long  surmised  by  conjecture, 
connects  the  Graeco-Buddhisi*  art  of  the  extreme  north-west  of  India  with  the  Buddhist  art 
of  Central  Asia  arid  the  Far  East.  This  connection  was  reflectd  with  equal  clearness  by  the 
architectural  features  of  the  ruins,  which  were  also  of  great  interest. 

(To  be  continued.) 


OCTOBBB,  1917]  SOME  INTEREStlNCJ  PARALLELS 

SOME  INTERESTING  PARALLELS. 

BY  HIRALAL  AMRATLAL  SHAH,  B.A. 

To  begin  with  the  use  of  the  number  '  forty  \  in  the  Vedic  and  non-Veclic  literature. 
(I)  Rig*U,  12,  11,  informs  us  that  "  Indra  found  out  in  the  fortieth    autumn,  gambaro, 
abiding  in  the  hills  '':  — 


There  is  no  convincing  explanation  why  it  should  be  the  fortieth  (autumn)  and  nothing 
more  or  less  than  that.  Mr.  Tilak'R1  hypothesis  i,s  well  known  and  is  considered  to  be 
highly  ingenious.  But  as  far  as  we  know,  it  is  not  commonly  accepted  to  be  the  right 
and  final  explanation.  He  construes  the  hymn  differently,  taking  it  to  mean  the  fortieth 
day  of  the  autumn  and  not  the  fortieth  Autumn  (=/ymr). 

We  now  transcribe  passages  where  this  number  is  used.  First  of  all,  we  refer  to  the 
dramas  of  Shakespeare  edited  by  Mr.  Verity  and  also  to  his  notes  on  the  passages  we 
select  therefrom. 

In  llamlvl,  we  read  :  — 

'"  Hamlet  :  fc  \  lov'd  Ophelia  :  forty  thousand   brothers 

Could  not,  with  all  their   quantity 
Of  love,  make  up  my  sum  .  .  /  (Vr,  1?  -2i\'2.  n  ) 
"forty:  cf.  '  sonnet  "  2  (Shakespeare's). 

"  When  /or?//  innlcr*  shall  bcscige  thy  bro\\    , 
'  (Jorialanus/  111,  1,  243:— 

'  I  could  beat  forty  of  them  "9  and  the  Merry  Wivw  of  Whulwr,  —  I.  1,  205-6, 
fc  I  had  rather  t  hail  forty  shillings 
fc  1  had  my  books  of  songs  and  sonnets  here  '  ; 

"  Other  numbers,  /',.</.,  %  and  13,  have  become  significant  through  some  ancient  belief  or 
historical  event  ;  and  perhaps  40  gained  some  mysterious  import  through  the  scriptures. 
Thus  the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites  lasted  forty  years,  the  fast  of  our  Lord  forty  days, 
likewise  the  fast  of  Elijah  (  1,  Kings,  XIX,  8  )  and  the  stay  of  Moses  on  the  mount.  (  Exod., 
XXIV,  18)." 

Mr.  Verity  adds  here  that  the  "Elizabethans  use  forty  to  imply  indefinitely  large  number." 
However,  he  changes  his  opinion  a  year  later,  commenting  on  a  passage  we  are  just  giving, 
that  forty  is  used  constantly  by  Elizabethans  apparently  as  a  tk  significant  number,  where 
no  precise  reckoning  \\as  needed/1  a  This  is  a  note  on  the  lines  in  the  Midsummer  Nighfx 

Dream,  11,  1,  175-6, 

'i'uck  —  c  I'll  put  a  girdle  round  about  the  earth 
In  forty  minutes.' 

We  now7  dispense  with  Shakespeare  and  turn  to  the  European  history.  From 
Macaulay,  wo  learn  that  in  feudal  times,  forty  days  made  up  the  period,  for  which,  men  were 
bound  to  serve  in  a  war. 

The  most  interesting  parallels,  according  to  us,  lie  in  fc  the  wanderings  of  the  Israelites  for 
forty  years  '  and  in  the  line  of  the  Sonnet,  "forty  winters  shall  beseige  thy  brow." 

We  can  do  no  more  than  direct  the  attention  of  scholars  to  these  instances.  We  shall 
now  pass  on  to  other  cases  where  resemblance  in  thoughts  and  words  is  interesting. 

~^T/w  Arctic  Home  hi  the  Vedas,  pp.  279  ft 
2  [Forty  is  a  common  conventional  number  in  ancient  Jewish  tradition  and  has  been   supposed   to 

have  originated  in  "  forty  years"  as  the  conventional  life  of  a  generation—  Ed.  ] 


234  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OorOBBE,  1917 

About  Dawn. 
(II  )         "  'TOwr  <g?|<rr  fw^ft  1  3" 


—  JBv°  HI,  61. 

c/.  with  :  — 

"  Thou  in  the  moon's  bright  chariot  proud  and  gay, 
.     .     .     Thou  Scythian-like  dost  round  thy  lands  above 
The  sun's  gilt  tent  for  ever  move 
And  still  as  thou  in  pomp  dost  go 
The  shining  pageant  of  the  world  attend  thy  show. 
i     .     .    When  Goddess,  liftest  up  thy  waken  'd  head 
Out  of  the  morning's  purple  bed, 
Thy  quire  of  birds  about  thee  play 
And  all  the  joyful  world  salutes  the  rising  day." 

—  Abraham  Cowley:  Hymn  to  Light. 

[  4  The  moon's  bright  chariot  '  corresponds  to  '  ^|?gttrT  '  but  according  to  Sayanacharya,  the 
word  4l^jr>  means  c  golden  '  and  not  *  moon  '  The  phrase  STtprTO  SfJ:  is  to  be  found  in  the 
line  '  The  sun's  gilt  tent  for  ever  move  '  ;  here,  Sayana0  takes  '  $?ftf  '  to  mean  the  k  nun.'  ] 

About  Sunrise. 


—  Rig0  1,  115.  4. 
cf.  with  Spencer's  Faerie  Queen,  1,  12,  2  and  1,  2,  1  ff  :— 

"  Scarcely  had  Phoebus  in  the  glooming  east 

Yet  harnessed  his  tiery  -footed  tecme." 
tc  And  cheerful  chanticleer  with  his  note  Bhrill 
Had  warned  once  that  Phoebus'  fiery  car, 
In  haste  was  climbing  up  the  Eastern  hill, 
Full  envious  that  night  so  long  his  room  did  fill." 
[  '  Eastern  hill  '  is  the  well-known  '  ^rroftft  '  1  3 

(IV)        "iwf5r*«rr^*%Tvr^l8" 
"  Brnrr  frnrrsfatf  w^nw  1  9  f> 

—  Rig0  1,  115,  1-2. 


Translation  of  the  Passages. 

a  u  O  Dawn,          ...     on  thy  golden  r;ar;  awaken  the  sweet  notes  of  the  birds,"  (Peterson.) 

*  "  O  Dawn,  before  all  the  world  thou  risest  up,  ths  banner  of  immortality.**  (Peterson.)   According 

to  Sfiyana,  "prodaimer  of  the  (immortal)  Sun." 

5  "  Como,  bring  to  the  shining  Dawn  your  offering  and  bow  down  before  her."  (Peterson.) 

c  "  O  Dawn,  rich  in  blessing,  wise  and  bountiful,  accept  the  song  of  thy  worshipper."  (Peterson.) 

T  .    .     .  "  For,  when  he  yoked  his  horses  from  their  stall,  Night  was  spreading  her  garment  over 

all."     (Peterson.) 

When  he  (Sun)  draws  away  (from  this  world)  his  horses  (rays),  the  Night  covers  everything  with 
darkness.  (  Sayaiia.)  [  This  passage  is  urderatood  in  different  ways  by  different  scholars.  We  cannot 
say  how  far  the  parallel  can  help  us  to  clear  the  meaning.] 

8  "  (The  sun  follows  the  divine  and  shining  Dawn,)  as  a  wooer  follows  his  mistress,"  (Peterson.) 

9  "  Sfirya  (Sun)  has  filled    eaven,  earth  and  the  mid-sky."    (Peterson.) 


OCTOBER,  1917]  SOME  INTERESTING  PARALLELS  235 


cf.  with  Faerie  Queen.  1,  5,  2:-- 

kt  And  Phoebus,  fresh  as  bridegroom  to  his 
Came  dancing  forth,  shaking  his  dewy  hair 
And  hurled  his  glistening  beam  through  gloom  v  air." 

(V)       "  *qpprf  ^rtiwrpir  10  "      —#'Y/G  m,  ei  ,  3. 

cf.  with  "  The  welkin  way  most  beaten  plaine  "     Faerie  Qnec?t  1,4,  if. 

Miscellaneous. 

(  VI  )          <k  TT  faf^rof^R  fWW  !|%MC  TOP  I  ]  l  ''  —  Ktiyh-ii       \  JJ  I,  f>. 


r/.  with"  He  saw  in  Mahomet,  with  his  old  life-  worn  eyes  a  century  old,  the  lost  Abdallah 
come  back  again,  all  that  was  left  of  Abdallah."  —  (Carlyle's  //FW,S.—  Hero  as  a  Prophet) 

There*  is  some  difference  between  the  above  two  passages.  The  subjects  (praja)  do  not 
get  old.  Hence  in  the  Jliifflui  ,  we  do  not  i  Xpert  to  find  the*  c  old  life-  worn  eyes  ';  nor  do  we 
find  c  all  that  was  left  of  .....  '  because-  the  departure  of  JSaghu  \\as  quiet  and 
peaceful  leaving  behind  him  nothing  which  would  indicate  hard  time^. 

(VII  ) 


rf.  with  T.  Moore's  "T//r  Jounwy 

lt  As  slow  our  ship  her  foamy  track 

Against  the  wind  was  cleaving, 

Her  trembling  pennant  still  look'd  back 

To  that  dear  isle  'twas  leaving. 

So  loth  we  part  from  all  we  love, 

From  all  the  links  that  bind  us  ; 

So  turn  our  hearts,  as  on  we  rove, 

To  those  we  have  left  behind  us  !  " 

I'"  XTWft  I'teWFSl      iiiwy  hint  that,  the  flag  belongs  to  a  ship  and  not  to  a  chariot.] 
The  following  sentence  is  taken  from  the  Viturubluiya  of  Kadambari:  — 

(  Vl  II)     k<  *r$:  w%v!snresmRF*i^rlwnir  SSRJP**  Tir^^rr  Np  '  : 

cf.  with  (i.  \Vith(»r's  kk  Th.v  Mist  WAX  of  Pfrilfirele.  ":  — 
v*  When  licr  ivory  teeth  she  buries 
Twixt  her  two  enticing  cherries,     •     , 
If  you  look  again  the  whiles 
She  doth  part  those  lips  in  smiles, 
Tis  as  when  a  Hash  of  light 
Breaks  from  heaven  to  glad  the  night. 


(IX)  4< 

*i  ^rj^f  T^^nfrtfrf  wrT^f  I  u  ' 

III,  26 


cf.  with  R.  Herrick's  kl  7To  Antkea  "    • 

Ck  Thou  art  my  life,  my  love,  my  heart, 
The  very  eyes  of  me, 
And  hast  command  of  every  part 
To  live  and  die  for  thee." 

10  ••  Moving  to  tho  old  goal.'"     (Peterson.)      "Treading  the  old  (usual)  |>ath.M 

11  "The  subjects  looked  upon  him  their  sovereign  lord  as  Raghu  himself  returned  to  youth.*' 

12  **  The  body  moves  forward,  the  dull  mind  runs  back  like  the  flag  of  the  staff  carried  against  the 
wind." 

13  "  Gradually,  the  moonlight  added  beauty  to  the  face  of  the  Night  on  which  a  faint  smile  lurked  on 
account  of  tho  appearance  of  the  moon  (her  lover).'* 

H  "  Thou  art  my  life,  my  second  heart;  Thou  art  moonlight  to  my  fyes.  the  nectar  to  my  limbs." 


236  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  OCTOBKR,   1917 

Let  us  again  return  to  the  Faerie  Queen  (11,  13)  :  — 

(X)  "  No  tree  wliose  brai  inches  did  not  bravely  spring  ; 

No  brauhch  whereon  a  tine  bird  did  not  sitt  ; 
No  bird  but  did  her  shrill  notes  sweetly  sing  ; 
No  song  but  did  containe  a  lovely  ditt. 
Trees,  braunches,  birds  and  songs,  were  framed  titt 
For  to  allure  t'raile  mind  to  earelesse  ease/' 

These  lines  remind  us  the  first  verse  of  the  fiukarfimbltfaarnwida— 

*ffVir  3*5* 


(XI) 

^r^wrF^T^y^r^Tr^^r  rt  nTT-  n  10" 

—I'rfMlimi*  of  Bhasu,  11,  17. 

This  way  Rama,  Sita  and  Laksliamana  went  to  forest  according  to  Bhasa.  It  is  quite 
different  in  Rdmftyaya,  wherein  we  read  a  long  farewell  message.  Whether  Bhasa  or  some 
one  else  be  the  author  of  the  dramas  published  by  Mr.  (Jauapati  Sastri,  the  skill  of  the 
dramatist  is  quite  evident.  He  lias  heightened  to  an  extraordinary  pitch  the  pathos  of  the 
situation  by  dropping  the  message  altogether,  and  thus  making  it  an  indication  of  intense  grief. 

In  Ram  ay  ay  a,  the  farewell  message  was  meant  to  show  the  feelings  of  grief  ;  but  by  a 
stroke  (  we  should  consider  it  to  be  of  the  pen  of  a  genius  )  it  has  been  dropped,  in  spite  of 
Ramayaya*  simply  to  express  the*  grief.  That  Kama  went  away  without  leaving  a  message 
behind  him  is  sufficient  to  drive  mad  his  affectionate  father.  We  have  come  across  many 
cases  where  Bhasa  puts  aside  older  authorities,  or  historical  facts.  Here  is  one  of  them 
where  he  does  so  with  great  success  and  rare  effect.  We  cite  a  parallel  to  the  above  verso 
of  Bhasa  ; 

"  Neither  could  say  farewell,  but  through  their  eyes 
(irief  interrupted  speech  with  tears'  supplies.'' 

—  T.  Carew's  "A  Paxloral  J)i(i1o(/uc,  :"  last,  lines. 

The  following  lines  are  perfectly  oriental  in  sentiment,  although  we  read  them  in  the 
Faerie  Queen,  I,  12,  3o'-7 

(XII)  "  And  to  the  knight  his  daughter  dear  he  tied 

With  sacred  rites  and  vows  for  over   to  abide." 
"  His  own  two  hands  the  holy  knott  did  knitt 
That  none  but  death  for  ever  can  divide  ; 
His  own  two  hands,  for  such  a  lurne  most  lit. 
The  houseling  tire  did  kindle  and  provide, 
And  holy  water  thereon  sprinkled  wide  :     .     .     ." 

"  The  houseling  tire  ",  we  consider,    is  more  connected  with    India  and  the  Indian  life 
than  with  any  other  race  on  the  earth.     Even  in  the  drama  of  Shakespeare  we  read    - 
44  For  in  the  temple,  by  and  by,  with  us 
These  couples  shall  eternally  be  knit."  — 

—  A  M  idsummer  Nighfs  Dream,  IV,  1.  1S5-0. 

Here  the  parallels  come  to  an  end.  We  hope  their  significance  will  not  be  lost  upon 
the  reader. 

15  "On  the  road  there  are  clusters  of  mango*  '-trees  and  every  such  cluster  resoundi*  with  the  cooingg 
of  cuckoos;     Every  note  of  cuckoo  makes  the  proud  lady  give  up  her  pride:  and  with  that,  spring*;  up 
(in  her  heart)  the  five-arrowed  god/1 

16  "Fora  longtime  they  thought:  and  (then  )  quivered  their  lids  to  utter  something  ;  but  tears 
prevented  their  speech;  hence,  without  uttering  a  word,  they  went  away  to  forest." 


KR,  1917]          THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  237 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK   KINGDOM  OF  MADURA. 

HY  V.  HANUAC'HAKl,  M.A  .   L.  1\.  MA1WAS. 
(Continual  from  p.  21!).) 

Chanda's  entry  into  Trichi  and  hia  aims. 

An  evil  day  it  was  for  Madura  and  its  M,uei'n  \\iini  (  handa,  Sahib   «»i.td»'    MS  entry   into 
the   Triciiiiiopoly   fort.     It    did  not  take   Ions*  lor  Minakshi  to  find  out  thai  S.^r  friend  \vas 
really  he,  master,  soon  an  enemy.     For  the  love  of  power,  .slm  had  vicriti.*ed  tii.   unity  ui'  tho 
State  and  invited  the  foreigners,   and  she  now  found  thai,  in  spile  of  her  saeiiliee,  she  was 
far     from     exercising   power,     (.{reedy     and    ambitious,    rhanda    Sahib   roiild    not   cheek 
his  interested  diligence  or  voracious  appetite.     His    -oaring   ambition   lon^rd   foi    the  time 
when    the    queen   would    br   no    more-    in    his    wax  ,  and  \\h-ii  he  »'i>uld  opr,,i\    ml:1  as  tli» 
undisputed  master  of  the  region  from  the  KAveri  to  thr  <'\i]ie.     Tnif.    ic-   -lid    not.   a.t    tirsf 
s'j    l>eha\"e   as   to   divulge    the    desire    of    hi*  heaif.      Mr  ha  1  tin-  ui--l  «in  in  pmcccd  \\ith 
e.autiou.  to  use  the  na:ne  of  Miiifikshi  in  all  his    aeiiun,-.     ind    ])i<u-ee'l''.i^-     *o    -s    to   dixnt 
suspicion    and  invite^   c()ntidence.      An    aiialyM*  «il  <  'hand.i  S.-diib^  mnji   ••  JIM  his  p.Tiod  •>! 
his  life  slio\\s  tliat  he  lia  I  thj-ee  things  in    vie\\  .      IL.1    \\l^ilr(]    iir-(    i./  *     »'iihn»w    llai'i^.'iru 
Tirumala,    in    the    nam  i    of    Minakshi,   so  that  tiie  3I;uluva  kiuii«lum  AX  ould  uiu-f  aiiahi  in     f 
strong  and  united  power  an-J  iVej  from  rebellion  and  trea>on.     Seet.n  il\.  the  ^onMilidatioi) 
of  Madura  dehievc'd.  lie  lioj»ed  to  de])oso  Minakshi  .ind  }>l;ice.  Ijiiu^elf.  :n  tlic  fa-naeity  «'f  the 
Naxvab's   li  'iitenant.  on  tin  tin-one  of  Trichinop^ly.     \Vlien    tln\    \\as     lohf     hr   evidently 
ho  >.'d,  as  the  last  st.e;>  of  liis  ambition,  to  turn  trait  or  to  hi-  muster  ind  dei-Un*  himself  ,m 
induptMideiii  Uing.     Tiie  lii>t  of  these  he  e\]»erted  to  .nvomplish  h\  .«  '*'n-  m   the.    name    •  't 
Mi.iakshi    and  liy    usin.U  the  Xawal)'s  coun^enaiie-e,  t  he  seeond  b\  the  Nau.ih  v  r.ouutenaiuT 
alone,  and  the  third,  after  his  rle\atjon,  )>\  liis  own  unaided  re^niree*.     <'hau  la  S'diil)  x\a,s. 
in     other    A\oj-.ls,    aetuated    by    a    seeret    motive    in    «i,\eryst  -p  ,md  a  ^'<'i''l  understainlini: 
t^ainst    evei'x  bodx  .     To  use  Minakshi  as  tlie    means  of    J>an^."iru    'i'irumalii1^   <lestruei.ioii¥ 
then  t.o  usk  the  NawabV  name  against  Minrdv>hi.  and  ih<-n  TO    u-<-    in.-    u"X\    |io\\ers  against 
liis  mister,  wen*  the  m  't.h'»ds  whkjh  his  ambition  in.spireJ  an«!  planned.      Xo    Ih'tt-er  instanet' 
)iavtk    we  in   history  ni'   .1    <-lexer  seh(»mer   \vh  v  oniibimj,!  the  \  i»§tim-  and  t  he  agents  of  his 
ambition  in  sue})  a  skilful  manner.     The  means  oi  his  elex  ation  io-thix   \\^\\  .  a,eei>rdijij»  to  his 
plan,    to  b>   the  vietims  ot    Ins   tvi'anny  tnmorr»>w.      Nell'  \\a^  the  oji'x  <.^«»d  \\honiChanda 
Siliib  knew,  and  it  is  not  .surprising  that  he-  prove  I  to  be  th-  «'\il  nemu-  ol  the  Xaikkin^loni. 

His  lacit  allowance  of  the  partition  of  the  kingdom. 

In  aceordanoe  witli  his  plan  Chanda  Sahib  seems  to  ha\e.l>:  ,is  Mr.  \clson  sax.s,  tirst 
,-idvised  Minakshi  to  .sae.niie.e  the  life  of  hej-  rival  l>ajVjfaru,  -o  ihat  M-ien-ihly  thorc^  eould 
be  no  sco})e  for  the  process  of  any  rebellion  in  Ins  n(iiue.  but  really  that  h--  himself  might 
have  a  free  hand  in  the  ;  wl  ministration  of  the  kmgdimi.  It  srcms  that  Minakshi  displayed 
on  this  occasion,  a  rare  generosity,  and  refused  to  do  *o.  Ill-treated  a-  .she  had  been  by  her 
adopted  child's  father  she  apparently  forgot  or  ignored  the  p^t.  and  refused  to  injure 
him  in  any  way.  Indeed,  she  did  not  only  protect  him  by  a  noble  i  *f  of  oblivion,  but 
evidently  eame  to  an  under.-»tan  liny:  \\ith  him,  by  \\hieh.  m  a  jva^mable  spirit  of 

•'  ;  N«^^.soii  no  doubt  hust'd  ln>  ac  -od  it 


238  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBKB,  1917 


tion,  she  agreed  to  partition  »k  the  kingdom  into  two  divisions,  by  which  she  was  to  Jive 
at  Trichinopoly  and  get  the  revenues  of  the  North  as  far  as  Dindigul,  while  Bargarn  was 
to  have  his  headquarters  at  Madura  and  rule  the  rest  of  the  kingdom.  The  extent  of 
Minfikshi's  conciliation  can  b»  imagined  from  the  faet  that  she  plaeod  even  her  adopted  son 
and  ward  under  the  protect!  m  of  Baucjarii  Tinnnala.  It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  in  this 
extraordinary  agreamoiit  that,  Minakshi  was  inspired  not  only  by  the  desire  not  to  stain 
the  fair  reputation  of  her  name,  but  by  her  probable  repontan?c  of  the  past,  and  by  her 
generous  recognition  that,  aftt.r  all.  Bangaiu  \va>,  next  to  her,  the  sole  claimant  to  the 
throne,  and  that  any  harm  or  violation  done  to  his  person  might  result  in  the  final  ruin 
ot  the  kingdom.  It  shews  the  triumph  of  reason  over  prejudice,  of  her  wisdom  over  her 
selfishness.  Chauda  Sahib  did  indeed,  for  his  own  reasons,  urge  her  to  ixive  up  her  generous 
behaviour  and  conciliatory  policy,  but  neither  her  helpless  state  of  dependence,  nor  the 
colour  of  plausible  soundness  which  (Jhanda,  Sahib  lent  to  his  arguments,  could  deter  her 
from  resisting  the  unfortunate  solicitation  of  the  Musalman.  And  Clianda  Sahib  himself 
perhaps  perceived  that,  in  the  then  circumstances,  the  exercise-  of  po\vor  in  a  portion  of 
the-  kingdom  by  Bangdru  w<n,  after  all,  a-  service  or  rather  than  disservice  to  him;  for  the 
removal  of  Bangaru  by  death  would  necessarily  betray  his  own  designs  and  reveal  his 
ambitions  to  the  Nawab.  On  the  other  hand,  the  existence  of  Kangfiru  would,  while 
strengthening  his  control  over  Minakshi.  give  him  a  security  from  the  Xuwab's  displeasure, — 
a.  security  all  the  more  necessary  for  the  maturity  and  success  of  his  plans.  Chanda  Sahib 
therefore  thought  it  better,  in  the  long  run.  to  acquiesce  in  the  arrangements  of  Minakshi 
and  the  partition  of  the  kingdom. 

The  intriguing  temperament  and  the  tortuous  policy  of  (Jhanda  Sahib  however  c-ould  not 
keep  him  quiet  for  a  long  time.  He  resolved  at  any  cost,  to  overthrow  Bangaru  Tirumala. 
buthe  had  not  enough  resources.  Nor  would  the  queen  listen  to  him.05  In  I7;r>  there 
fore  he  returned  to  Arcot.,  with  the  idea  of  returning  to  Trichinopoly  with  reinforcements. 
It  is  not  improbable  that,  during  his  sojourn  at  Arcot,  he  convinced  the  Nawab  of  the 
necessity  of  getting  rid  of  the  Naik  chieftain  and  that  the  Xawab.  unable  to  look  beyond 
his  nose,  consented.  However  it  was,  when  Chanda  Sahib  returned  to  Trichinopoly 
in  1736  at  the  head  of  a  large  force,  Queen  Minakshi.  alarmed  by  fear  or  ignorance  of  his 
real  motive,  admitted  him.  The  historian  Urine  suggests  ou  the  ground  of  a  vague 
tradition  that  Minakshi  ha  I  by  this  time  fallen  in  love  with  the  Musalman  and  that  this 
intoxication  clouded  her  understanding,  compromised  her  dignity  arid  inadu  her  a  willing 
tool,  if  not  an  abject  slave  of  the  adventurer. 

His  adoption  of  war-like  policy  and  attack  on  Bangaru  Tirumala  in  Madura. 

However  it  might  have  been,  the  first  act  of  Chanda  Sahib  after  his  return  to  Trichinopoly 

was  to  despatch,  in  her  name,  an  army  against  Baugaru  Tirumala  and  his  royal  son    According 

to   the  Telugu  chronicle  he  himself  set  out  against  Bangaru,  '-beat  the  troops  stationed 

in  the  Dindigul  district,  took  possession  of  it,  and  proceeded  as  far  as  Aminaya-pajayam. 


fj4  The  Telugu  Eec.  Carmi.  (Vorrw.  "She  ivtaii.ec!  for  her  own  expenses  and  duwitiu*  tho  revenue*  of 
the  districts  ou  the  Kaveri  banks,  ami  gave  Tinnevelly.  Miulura,  DLiuligul  with  Kamnud,  ftivagauga  and 
other  pulayams  to  Bangaru."  Her  share  was  much  smaller  than  Baiigaru's,  or  rather  his  son's. 
Wilson,  on  the  other  hand,  seems  to  think  that  Baugtiru's  & ung  to  Madura  was  tho  result  not  of  uu 
agreement  but  of  a  desire  to  escape  from  the  clutches  of  Chanda  Sahib  and  the  Rani.  JKAS.,  111. 

83  Wilson,  on  the  other  hand,  seems  to  think  that  Clianda  acted  during  all  this*  time,  with  the 
queen's  approval  and  not  in  spite  of  her. 


OCTOBER,  *017  1       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  239 


Meanwhile  Bangaru  had  ordered  his  Dalavai,  Mutu  Vengu  Aiyar  and  Veiika*  Krishna 
Naik,  the  sou  of  Minakghi  N&ik,  to  oppose  him,  accompanied  by  2,000  cavalry,  and  by 
Appaiya  N&ik,  Bodhi  Naik,  Irchaka  Naik  and  other  Polygars.  In  the  battle  which  ensued 
Veiikata  Krishna  fell,  covered  with  eighteen  wounds.  The  Dajavai,  seated  on  a  howdah, 
discharged  arrows  on  his  foes  all  round,  scattering  300  men  and  allowing  none  to 
approach.  By  turning  the  howdah  elephant  to  turn  on  every  side  like  a  whirlwind,  he 
slew  a  great  many  soldiers  and  wounded  many  more.  At  the  same  time,  the  enemy,  by 
means  of  arrows  and  musket-bullets,  pierced  Vengu  Aiyar's  body  like  a  sieve,  covering  it 
with  many  wounds.  He  nevertheless  relaxed  not,  and  fought  like  Abhimanyii  with  the  army 
of  Duryodhana.  He  did  not  even  pause  to  draw  out  the  arrows  that  had  struck  him, 
but  when  his  stock  of  arrows  were  expended,  he  drew  out  those  which  were  in  his  bodv  ; 
and  discharged  them,  thereby  slaying  several  of  his  foes.  But  at  length  from  the  number 
of  his  wounds  he  became  exhausted  and  expired.  His  troops  were  cut  to  pieces.  A  few* 
however,  though  wounded,  took  his  body  to  Madura.  Soon  afterwards,  Bangaru  heard 
that  Chanda  Sahib  was  advancing  to  Madura  and,  as  he  was  destitute  of  forces,  quitted 
that  place,,  together  with  the  prince  and  the  royal  appurtenances  for  Sivagauga."  The 
Carna*  Govrs*  gives  a  slightly  different  version.  Jt  says  that  Chanda  Sahib  did  not  personally 
go  against  Bangaru,  but  despatched  the  Dalavai  and  Pradhani  Govindaiya  :uid  Ravanaiya 
<4  at  the  head  of  8,000  cavalry  and  some  infantry  against  Dindigul.  They  captured  it,  'and 
were  about  to  march  on  Madura,  when  Bangaru  Tirumaln  Naikar  sent  his  Dajavai  Muttu 
Vengu  Aiyar  with  a  few  men  and  2,000  horse,  to  await  the  enemy  at  Amrnaivanayakamir 
Falayam  and  give  battle.  In  the  battle  which  consequently  followed  the  heavy  odds  of  the 
Trichinopoly  army  gained  the  day,  and  the  howdah  of  Muttu  Vengu  Aiyar  was  surrounded. 
From  his  scat  he  discharged  all  his  arrows  and  killed  many  of  the  enemy's  horse,  but  was 
eventually  slain.  The  victorious  army  then  marched  on  Madura.  Baiigani  Tiruraala  had 
no  army  to  support  him.  So  he  left  Madura  and  came  to  Sivagaiiga,  the  estate  of  U<laya 

Tevar." 

Bang&ru's  Exile. 

At  this  important  crisis  of  his  life  Bangaru  had  the  consolation,  the  only  consolation, 
of  the  loyalty  of  some  of  his  Polygars.  When  he  tied  from  Madura116  for  safety,  he  was 
welcomed  by  the  Setupati  Katta  Tcvar  and  the  Sivaganga  Chief  'Saliva  TC'Var.  They  met 
him  with  golden  and  silver  flowers,  paid  him  homage,  and  escorting  him  in  pomp  to  their 
estate,  placed  at  his  disposal  a  number  of  villages  for  his  maintenance,  and  also  supplied 
everything  needed.  The  village  of  VeUaikkuruchchi  formed  the  residence  of  the  father 
and  the  royal  son,  and  from  there  they  were,  we  can  hardly  doubt,  reminded  every  day 
of  their  fallen  condition,  all  the  more  by  the  faith  of  their  loyal  feudatories. 

96  A  remarkable  instance  of  the  absurd  adherence  to  mere  political  terminology,  which  has  no  mean- 
ing  whatever,  is  clear  from  an  inscription  in  the  name  of  Banguru  Tirumula,  dated  A.D.  1733.  The 
Vijayanagar  Empire  had  long  been  extinct,  the  Musalmans  and  Maratha*  had  come  and  ruled,  and  the 
Naikfl  themselves  had  acted  independently  or  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  t ho  Mwalmnas.  Yet 
this  inscription  discovered  in  the  Kttloutievara  temple  of  ITttaimVilayam  says  that  he  was  the  servant  of 
&rf  Ranga  Rflya  of  Vijayanagar,— Mahamandale»vara,  Rajadhiraja,  Rajaparomt-Bvara,  Kajamartanda, 
Rttjagambhfra,  the  conqueror  of  all  countries,  the  giver  of  no  country,  the  death  to  the  triad  of  kings,  the 
Bcatterer  of  Uriya  forces,  the  humiliator  of  the  Uriya  pride,  the  scatterer  of  the  Musalman  forces,  the 
humiliate*  of  the  Musalman  pride,  the  king  of  kings  who  collected  tribute  from  all  kingdoms,  the  lord 
of  hones,  the  lord  of  elephants,  the  lord  of  men,  the  NavakotiuArayaiia,— the  Rayya  of  Anagundi !— See 
Taylor's  R*9t  Mack.  MSS..  II.  p.  276.8, 


240  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBER,  1917 

Chanda  Sahib's  betrayal  of  MtnAkshi. 

After  the  flight  of  Baiigaru  and  Vijaya  Kumara,  Madura  lay  open  to  the  forces  of 
Chanda  Sahib.  Jlavanaiya  and  Govindaiya  occupied  it  promptly,  and  after  securing  it 
continued  their  march  southward  as  far  as  Tinnevelly.  The  Polygars  yielded  and  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  queen.  But  it  was  not  for  long  that  that  queen  was  to  rule.  With 
the  conquest  of  Madura  and  Tinnevelly,  with  the  full  acquisition  of  the  kingdom,  and  with 
the  flight  and  exile  of  the  king  and  the  regent,  the  necessity  on  the  part  of  Chanda  Sahib 
to  assume  a  sham  loyalty  to  Minakshi  was  gone.  He  could  now  openly  throw  of!  his 
disguise,  and  make  his  outward  behaviour  consistent  with  his  secret  desire.  Chanda  Sahib 
therefore  confined  the  queen  in  her  palace  and  openly  flouted  her  authority.  He  assumed 
a  supercilious  air  and  a  dictatorial  tone,  placed  the  defence  of  the  fort  in  the  hands  of  his 
own  men,  secured  the  treasury,  seized  the  administration,  and  ordered  the  relations  and 
followers  of  Minakshi  to  leave  the  fort.  It  must  have  been  a  shock  and  a  surprise  to  them 
and  to  the  people,  but  all  defence,  all  hesitation,  was  useless.  The  villain  had  taken  every 
precaution  to  back  up  his  commands,  and  resistance  would  mean  nothing  but  suicide. 

Her  Suicide. 

The  result  was  that  Minakshi  was  a  prisoner  in  her  palace,  her  men  in  exile  and  her 
emancipation  beyond  hope.  The  only  man  Avho  was  likely  to  present  an  effective  check  to 
her  oppressor  was  an  exile.  Did  Bai'igaru  Tirumala  know  her  actual  condition  >  Or,  did  he 
believe  that  tho  army  which  Chanda  Sahib  had  recently  sent  against  him  was  an  army  in 
reality  sent  by  Minakshi  ?  We  have  no  materials  from  which  we  can  pronounce  an  opinion 
on  these  questions.  It  is  highly  probable  that  Bangaru  Tirumala  was  ignorant  of  the 
tyranny  to  which  Minakshi  was  subjected  at  Trichinopoly;  that  he  might  have  even 
believed,  from  his  recent  disaster,  that  Ohanda  Sahib  and  Minakshi  were  on  cordially 
amicable  terms.  He  was,  in  other  words,  ignorant  of  the  miserable  situation  of  his  rival,  the 
Ambitions  of  Chanda  Sahib,  and  the  consequent  feeling  of  friendship  which  Minakshi  mast 
have  in  her  heart  entertained  for  him.  However  it  might  have  been,  he  did  not  stir  a  linger, 
after  his  flight  to  Sivagaiiga,  to  recover  his  kingdom.  Either  his  ignorance  of  the  actual 
state  of  things  at  Trichinopoly,  or  his  incapacity  with  the  resources  he  then  had,  to  go  to 
war,  made  him  harmless.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  counsels  of  his  supporters  looked  on 
an  attempt  to  recover  the  kingdom  by  force  would  end  in  failure.  Consequent Jv,  with 
the  lapse  of  days,  the  position  of  Minakshi  became  intolerable.  Every  day  the  Musalman 
was  getting  haughtier  and  she  was  treated  with  humiliation  and  insult.  Everv  accident 
betrayed  the  impotence  of  her  party  and  the  turbulent  temper  of  her  guards,  and  it  was 
nut  long  before  she  realised  that  the  conspiracy  formed  in  her  very  palace-prison  was  too 
formidable  to  be  quelled.  The  courtiers,  who  were  loyal  to  her,  were  either  exiles  or 
powerless  men,  who  had  no  access  to  her  on  account  of  the  Mussalman  soldiers  stationed 
in  the  gateways  and  galleries,  the  vestibule  arid  portico  of  the  prison,  and  some  were 
prepared,  thanks  to  bribery  and  persuasion,  to  take  part  in  Chanda  Sahib's  designs.  Life 
became  a  burden  under  these  circumstances.  The  loss  of  crown  and  freedom,  the  pressure 
of  remorse  and  the  poignancy  of  grief,  prepared  her  for  removal  from  this  world,  and  the 
last  Hindu  sovereign  of  Trichinopoly  died  broken-hearted  by  her  own  hand. 

Such  was  the  ignominious  fate  of  the  last  Naik  ruler  of  Madura  and  Trichinopoly. 
She  had  been  on  the  throne  only  for  a  space  of  five  years,  and  the  penalty  she  had  to  pay 
for  her  short-sighted  opposition  to  her  cousin,  with  whom  phe  might  have  come  to  an  under- 


I 


OCTOBER,  1917)       THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  241 


standing  of  an  amicable  nature,  in  the  very  beginning  of  her  reign,  was  her  J if e,  and  the 
extinction  of  her  kingdom.  The^  Musalman  was  now  firmly  seated  at  Trichiiiopely  a nrl 
Madura.  The  most  powerful  remnant  of  old  Vijayaiiagar,  the  dynasty  which  had  survived 
the  vicissitudes  and  political  revolutions  of  two  centuries  after  the  downfall  of  Vijayanagar, 
was  now  no  more.  The  institution  of  VKvanatha  Naik  and  AryanAtha  Mudaliar  became* 
extinct ;  and  if  the  Polygars  of  Madura  still  assumed  the  title  of  Polygars,  few  traces 
-can  be  discovered  of  their  political  subordination. 

Chanda  Sahib's  March  against  Bangaru. 

The  ambition  of  Chanda  Sahib  impelled  him,  after  the  acquisition  of  the  kingdom,    to 
prom] )t  and  decisive  action.      In  accordance  with  his  preconceived  design,  he  resolved  to 
•employ  his  new  resources  in  the  renunciation  of  his  allegiance  to  his   relation  and  suzerain. 
At  the  same  time,  he  wanted   to  be  tactful  enough  not   to  rashly  provoke  him  against 
himself.  Tempering  his  ardour  by  this  consideration,  he   kept  on  friendly  terms  with  his 
master  for  a  year.     In   the  meantime,  he  devoted    himself  to  the  consolidation   of    his 
new    kingdom.     He  repaired   and    strengthened    the    fortifications    of  Trichinopoly,    and 
appointed   his  two    brothers  as  governors   of    the  stronghold    of    IHndiiuil   and  Madura. 
He   then  embraced    the   resolution    of    marching     against   the  Polygars   of   RAmnaVl   and 
'Sivagaiiga.  who,    as  \\e  have  already  seen,  had  given   refuge    to    Bangaru    Tirumala    and 
Vijaya  Ivumura.     Yijaya  KumAra  was  still  the  titular  Karta,  and  so    Joiuj;  as   ho  lived,  and 
'Commanded  the  allegiance  of  the   Polygars,    the   Muhammadan   would   be.    in    the  eyes   of 
the  people,  a  usurper.     Chanda  Sahib,  thereiore,  proceeded  to  remove  the  obstacle. 

Bangaru's  Alliance  with  Tanjore,  and  Failure. 

Bangaru  Tirumala  was  alarmed.      He  saw  that   the  heart    of   < 'iianda   Sahib   was    set 
on    his  ruin,    that  the  chiefs  who  had  given  him  refuge  could  not,  o\vin*«  to   their  limited 
resources,  aid  him  any  further.     He  sought  for  allies  ;  found    one,  a  companion  in  trouble, 
who  was  prepared  to  sympathise*  with    him  and    to    co-operate   \\itlid  him    in    undertaking 
means  to  overthrow  the  haughty   Musalman.     That  companion  in  trouble   was  the  contem- 
porary King    of   Tanjore,  Sayaji.     Sayaji  f>7  had  ascended  the   Tanjore   throne  in   IT.'JS  as 
successor  to  queen  Sujana  J>ai,  the  wife  of  his  elder  brother.   Immediate])  alter  his  accession, 
Sayaji  found  himself  in  an  exceedingly  difficult  and   embarrassing    position.     An  impostor 
named  Savai  Shahji  or  Siddoji,  who  pretended  to  be  the  son   of    Sayaji 'R  elder  brother  and 
therefore  the  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne, disputed  his  right  and  set  up  a  formidable  stand- 
ard of  rebellion.     The   progress  of  this  treason  in  fact   was  so  startling  that   Sayaji  found 
himself,  with  a.  tragic  suddenness,  a  deserted  chief  and   had  to  seek  refuge  by  flight.     Pro- 
ceeding to  Chidambaram  he  asked  for  the  assistance  of  the  French  at,  Pondicheri,  in  return 
for  the  cession  of  Karaiksll,  which  they  had  been  long  desirous  of  obtaining.     Dumas,  this 
French  Governor,  agreed,  and  was  about  to  occupy  Karaikal  and  send  an  army  to  assist 
Sayaji,    when   the   latter,  who  had  in  the  meanwhile  been  engaging  other  means  than  force, 
succeeded  by  dint  of  bribes  and  promises  to  the  nobility  of  Tanjore,  in  effecting   a   coup 
d'etat  and  recovering  his  crown,  cancelled  his  treaty  with  the  French.    Governor  Dumas  was 
highly  indignant  at  this  turn  of  events,  but  he  had  no  other  alternative  than  to  acquiesce 
in  it.      At  this   crisis,  Chanda  Sahib  invaded  the  Tanjore  dominions  in  the  name  of  the 
Nawab  to  collect  tribute,  and  he  made  an  alliance  with  the  French  by  which  he  was  to 

°7  Soo  Tanj.  Gazr.,  44-5. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OcroB**,  1917 

compel  Sayaji  to  surrender  K&raik&l  to  them,  a  measure  which  he  thought  he  could  take, 
as  the  Nawab  was  the  suzerain.  The  place  was  then  forcibly  taken  and  Sayaji  was 
compelled  to  agree  to  his  treaty  and  ratify  it  in  a  formal  agreement  (Feb.  1739).  He 
at  the  same  time  was  compelled  to  pay  enormous  booty  to  Chanda  Sahib. 

Bangftru  Tlrumala  calls  in  the  Marathas. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Sayaji  was,  like  Bangaru  Tirumala,  embittered  in  his  feeling 
against  Chanda  Sahib  and  ardently  longed  for  his  overthrow.  Both  the  chiefs  put  their 
heads  together  and  embraced  the  resolution  of  calling  the  Maratha  Peshwa  to  their 
assistance.  The  Peshwa**  of  the  time,  the  celebrated  Baji  Rao  L,  was  not  the  man  to 
let  slip  an  opportunity  which  promised  so  much  for  Maratha  expansion.  He,  therefore, 
eagerly  seized  the  proposal  of  the  ex-chief.  With  characteristic  astuteness  he  suppressed 
domestic  disunion  for  the  sake  of  common  ambition,  and  persuaded  even  his  rival,  Raghoji 
Bhousle,  to  take  part  in  an  expedition  into  South  India,  ostensibly  to  take  the  cause  of 
Bangaru,  in  reality  to  extend  tho  sovereignty  of  the  Maharashtra  to  the  furthest  corner  of 
India.  Raghoji  Bhonslo  and  his  colleague  Fateh  Singh  were  soon  on  tho  march  to  the 
south.  The  troops  of  Dost  'Ali  vanished  before  them,  and  the  Hindu  powers,  headed  by 
Tanjore,  hastened  to  renounce  tho  Musalmanp&  yoke  and  rally  round  the  invaders.  The 
coast  being  thus  not  only  clear  but  inviting,  Raghoji  Bhonsle  was  soon  at  the  foot  of  the 
Trichinopoly  fortifications.  The  place  was  promptly  invested,  and  aft  or  a  few  months' 
blockade,  was  induced  to  capitulate.  The  acquisition  of  Triehinopoly  was  followed  by 
the  inquisition  of  Madura;  for  its  Governor,  Bade  Sahib,  tho  brother  of  Chanda  Sahib, 
had  already  met,  in  an  engagement  with  the  Marathas,  in  the  vicinity  of  Trichinopoly, 
with  defeat  and  death. 

The  Maratha  Occupation  o!  Trichinopoly. 

The  Maratha  conquest  and  occupation  of  Trichinopoly  and  Madura  had  naturally  the 
effect  of  reviving  the  fortunes  of  Bangaru  Tirumala  and  his  royal  ward.  One  of  the  Chroni- 
cles100 describes  how  Fateh  Singh  summoned,  after  his  victory,  the  rogent  and  the  crown 
prince  to  Trichinopoly ;  how  in  an  interview  with  them,  he  dwelt  on  the  great  trouble  he  had 

98  Hist,  of  the  Carna.  Dyna*.     Duff  does  not  mention  this. 

99  Duff  points  out  that  Safdar  Ali,  being  defeated,  bought  off  the  Marathag,  and  also  entered  into  a 
necret  compact  by  which  Raghoji  was  to  crush  Chanda  Sahib  in  Trichinopoly,  in  return  for  the  cession  of 
that  plaoe.     "  No  beJI  could  be  more  allowing  to  the  Marathaa  than  Trichinopoly,  and  the  troops  only 
retired  250  miles  towards  Maharashtra  to  prepare  for  the  promised  conquest    and  lull  suspicion  of   an 
attack"  (pp.    2-3).  Raghoji  then  returned  to  Poona  to   prevent  the  accession  of  Balaji  Baji  Rao  to  the 
Peahwaic  dignity.    He    failed,   and  then  returned  to  attack  Trichinopoly,  accompanied    by   &ripat  Rao 
Pratinidhi  and  Fateh  Singh  Bhonsle.     "  In  regard  to  the  subsequent  operations  of  the  Marathas  in  the 
Carnatic,  very  little  illustrative  of  what  has  been  so  ably  recorded  has  fallen  within  my  observation  in  the 
Maratha  country.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  Tanjore  State,  though  then  agitated  by  factions,  entered 
into    a   friendly   correspondence  with  their  countrymen,  but  whether  to  avert  attack  or  to  afford  assis- 
tance is  not  mentioned."     Triohinopoly  surrendered,  26th  Mar.  1741.     It  will  be    seen  from   this  that 
Duff  was  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  the  Marathas   attacked   Trichinopoly  not  only  to   fulfil  the  promise 
of  Safdar  All,  but  ostensibly  to  restore    the  Madura  dynasty. — According  to  the  Madura  4f£&,  more- 
over, Tanjore  was  distinctly  for  assistance, 

100  Hist,  of  the  Carna.  Dyna*.    Here  it  closely  agrees  with  Duff.     See  II,  p.  5.    The  My 8.  Oazr.  says 
that  the  Marathas,  when^they  took  Triohinopoly,  "  took  Chanda  captive  to  ^Satara,  and  disregarding 
the   claims  of  Pftftgaru  Tirumala/'   appointed  Murari  Rao  as  the  governor  of  the  conquered  kingdom 
This,  it  will  be  seen,  is  not  supported  by  the  chronicles. 


OCTOBER,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  243 

taken  to  restore  their  kingdom  to -them  ;  and  how  he  demanded,  as  the  price  of  his  service, 

a  war  indemnity  of  30  lakhs  of  rupees  and  a  regular  payment  of  the  old  annual  tribute 

of  three  Jakhs.     Baiigfmi  Tirumala,  wo  are  further  told,    implied   to   these  demands,    that, 

in  consequence  ot  CIuMida  Sahib's  appropriations  of  all  the   re;t.d\    money  and    jewels  of 

the  erown,  ho  was  unable  to  pay  the  thirty  lakhs  in  a  lump  sum,  and  that  he  agreed  to  pay 

it  in  three*,  yearly  instalments  of  ten  lakhs.     The  Marat  ha  chief  agreed   and,    aft  or  taking 

a  written  agreement  to  that  effect  from  Vijaya  Kumara,  deputed  the  task  of  reinstating  him 

to  his  gallant  lieutenant,  Murari  Rao,  and  then  left  for  his  distant  home,  >\  it  h  Chanda  Sahib 

as  his  prisoner.     Murari  KJIO,  the  chronicle  continues,  discharged  his  duties  with  sympathy 

and  \\ith  justice.    He  brought  the  whole  country  intonnlei  jind.  "givino  it  over  to  Bangaru," 

himself  stayed  in    Trichijiopoly    to    onsui'e  |)ro])er  cultivation  and   collection  of  revenue. 

Another   chronicle,   differing  slightly  from   this     version.   sa\  s   with    greater   probability, 

that  after  the  capture  of  Triehinopoly,  Fat  eh    Singh  ••  placed  Mnrari  Kaxar  in  charge  of  the 

fort  instructing  him  to  send  for  and  call  Bangaru  Tirnmalai  Xaicker  hither,  to  crown  him  and 

gi\c  the  (Country  over  to  him  ;  appointing  an  aeknowledgment  for  the  cn>\\n  of  30  lakhs  of 

Rupees,  to  be  paid  to  Murari  JJayar  ";  that  Murari  I»ao,  in  consequence,  wrote   to  Udaya 

Tevar  to    bring    Bai'igam  with    him,  whon  the  Nizam  invadod  tlio  Triehinopoly  dominiojis 

and  put  an  end  to  theMaratha  power  thoro.     According  to  this  authority  tlum,  no  interview 

took  place  between  tho  Alaratha  general  or  his  represoiitat  ivo  and  tho  Nfuk  chief  ;  fior  was 

the    latter  restored    to  power;  for,  boforo  that  task  was  accomplished.  the   Maratha  had  to 

surrender  Trichinopoh  to  the  Nizam  and  rot  urn  to  the  Maharashtra.    A  third  manuscript  gives 

some   moro  details  than  tho  other  two,  though  it  is  silont  in  regard  to  the  actual  treatment 

accorded  to  Bangarn  Tirumala.     It  says  that  Fateh  Singh  (whom  it  wrongly  calls   a  Mysoro 

ehiof)    slow    Bade  Khan,   dispersed  tLe  Muluimmadans,  captured  Trichiimpoly.  and  placed 

Murari    Rao  as  tho  chid  of  that  fort .  ordering  that   the 'Siva  and  Vishnu  tomples  should  bo 

conducted  according  to  custom.     Kateh  Singh  then  roturned  to  tho  north.    k*  Murari  Rayar,5' 

continues  the  record.  -  wit*  a  just  chief.    Ho  despatched  Appoclu  Rfiyar  u  itli  2(1,000  cavalry 

(to    Madura)";    and    tho   latter    took    immediate   steps   to  restore  the  gods  of  that  placo. 

He  recompensed  the  Sctupatl  for  his  services  and  expenses  and,  on   Saturday,   the   17th    of 

Avani,    hunmuki.    tuo    hours   aftor  sunset,    brought,  tho  images   to  their  own  temple  at 

Madura.     Appachi,  it  is  further  said,  caused  all  the  villages  and  lands  on  (lowed  by  tho 

Karnata  kings  to  be  restored. 

The  Nizam's  Conquest  and  promised  Naik  Restoration. 

From  this  it  is  el'irthit  th:-  niUtLoas  but\\v>:Mi  t  ho  M  irathas  and  the  Naiks  are  not 
certain.  We  e.annot  deiinitely  say  whether  Vijaya,  Kumara  was  restored  and  invested  with 
full  power  of  sovereignty  «r  "ot-  Bllt  thc  «l"«^t>ion  is,  after  all,  not  important ;  for,  as  has 
been  already  mentioned,  the  Maratha  occupation  of  the  South  barely  lasted  two 
years,  lathe  early  months  i  of  1743,  tho  Nizam,  whose  natural  desire,  was  to  drive  the 
karathas  from  tho  assertion  of  supremacy  ovor  a  kingdom  which  was  tributary  to  his 
Subahof  Arcot,  marched  at  tho  head  of  10,000  cavalry  and  encamped  at  tho  foot  of  the 
Triehinopoly  walls.  In  tUo  engagements  which  ensued,  Murari  Rao  was  defeated  and  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  Camatic.  The  Record  of  Carna.  Gorrs.  says  that,  when  Murari  Rao 
was  unable  to  prevail  over  the  formidable  forces  of  his  adversary,  he  entered  into  negotia- 
"  Tin  Tftnuarv  1742  '  S^fdar  Ali  had  been  murdered  by  his  brother-in-law  and  there  was  general  con 
fusion  in  Mughal  territory,  S.  ol  the  Krishna;  and  the  Nizam  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  t» 
establish  his  power  there  (Duff). 


244  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBER,  1917 


lion  with  him  and  explained  "that  he  had  been  entrusted  with  the  tank  of  reinstating  UAja 
Mutt  u  Tirumalai  Naik,  and  that,  as  His  Highness  was  come  in  person,  he  was  relieved  of 
hi.<  ta^k.  He,  therefore,  gave  up  the  fort  to  the  Nizam  and  went2  to  Poona."  Asaf  Jah 
immediatoly  took  possession  of  the  fort  and  despatched,  we  are  told,  mewsenge,™  to  Baiigftru 
Tirumula.  summoning  him  and  the  king  to  moet  him.  The  interview  took  place  at  Trichi  no- 
poly.  Th«  Nizam  was  gracious  enough  to  acknowledge  the  sovereign  power  of  Vijaya 
Aumara,  but  imposed,  as  a  condition  of  his  restoration,  the  payment  of  3(1  lakhs:  promised 
t.i  the  Marathas  and  the  payment  <»f  the  tribute  of  three  lakhs  every  year.  A  written 
.i.nvnment  b  taring  the  signature  of  the  boy-king  was  prepared  to  this  etieet  ;  and  the 
Nizam  then  returned  by  way  of  And  to  Hyde/abad  in  accordance  with  this  arrange- 
ment. 

The  Nizam's  Treachery. 

If  the  Nizam  hail  left  Vijaya  KumAra  to  rule  as  of    old   at  Trichinopoly,  his   motive 
'••in  be  prononnei\l  to  be  sincere,  but  thc;v  an?  ample  reasons  for  believing  from  his  subse- 
quent ronduct  that  hi*  sympathy  Mith  i  he  Naik  chief  was  a  pretence,    and  the    document 
he  Liot  from  him  a  slmm.    For.  the  s  uue  nuimiMTipt  tells  us  that  when  th«  Nizam  proceeded 
V>  Ar.-ot.   he  took  Bai'iijaru  aiul  Tirumafa    A\ith    him    ])ractically    as    prisoners,  though  he 
:e*sure,d  them  that  they  were  to  be   his  frif-.nds  and  guests.  u  Subsequent  {  to  their  arrival  at 
Areot.  ,Sa.f<lar  Ali  Khan  died  and.  as  his  ehiMren  wore  young,  tho  Ni/ani  gave  it  in    charge 
of    Alhar-li    Khan   till   the   ehildren   of  Safdaj    could  b»  competent  to  manage  1,'ie.   affaiis 
of  Government.     He  also  clrirjjed  liiin  t«>  •  omluet  the  Karna.4,aka4  prin<M-r  Vijaya  Kumara, 
to    Trichino])oly    and    leinstat'-    hiui    (»n  hi^  ancestral   throne,  and  rerei\c  and    remit  the 
tribute  due  from  him.     <  living  the-'    insiruetious    to   Alivardi    Khan     in    i\\ii   presence    of 
l-Vin^ani    Tirnmala   an«l  further  <lir»''-tii)i:    him   1o  return  (to  the  North)  when  ihe-^e  affairs 
\\«jre  adjusted,  the  Nizam    ret  urn  e«  I  i"  hi<  own  dominions/9     Kut  no  Mi.-nusr  was  the  }>a,ck 
of  his  master  turned  on  him  than  Alivanli  Kluin  became  an  indiiforent.  ajrent  of  his.    ife  had 
bean  a])nareutly,at  .  le.a-t.  onlered  t<-  iu^tal  t  lie  Naik  king  ])rom])tly,  but  either  a  secret  u  rider  - 
standing  with  his  master,  01  liis  own  unwillingness  to  part  Avith  the  extensive  and  bdiiiitifiil 
rciiion  from  Trichinopoly  to  (  .rpo  Co.Miej-in.  made    him    a    tardy  executor  of  his  superior's 
Command.    Itangaru  Tinimala  di<l  not  see  that  he  was  a  dupe  and  a  plaything  in  the  hands  of 
iiis  Muslim  :in  allies,  and  with  c'laracterixtii-  Minplksity,  he  asked  Alivardi  Khan  to  hasten  his 
favour,  but  the  latter  LMYC  n.  ])lausiblc  ixyly  that  he  would   devote    himself  to  hi^t    service 
atter  the  eoimtry   was  reduced  to  order.     At  the  same  time  he  allotted  to  the  royal  exiles 
the    daily  .stipends  of  10')  pagoda-    and  iU.  10M  res|>cctively  till  their  ret  urn  with  himself 
to  their  capital.     As  for  .Bnuiiartu  h«v  «^e.ms  t-o    have  bslicved    entirely   in    the   sincerity 
of  his  MuhammadaP  friend.     So  ardent  a  believer  in  it  was  he,  that  he  spared  no  efforts  to 
help  him    in    the    restoration   of   order    in  the    discontented    province  of  Arcot.     When 
the  people  of  Venka'jagiri  and  Kalaliasti.  for  instance,  defied  the  power  of  AnwaruM-din  and 
defeated,  with  great  slaughter,  his  armie^  l»angani  Tirumala  it  was,  we  are  informed,  that 


2  Tins  wns  in  August  1742.  The  fact  i*.  as  grant,  Duff  says,  Muwri  Rao  harl  IIOVHP  heeni  loyal  to  his 
'Avn  r-ountn  men.  He  \\as  guided  solely  f/y  iiis  intorosts,  and  he  would  fight  on  Ixjhalf  of  Europoattg 
and  Mugluils  if  ho  could  gain  advantage.  T!»«  Nizam  recognised  him  as  Chief  of  Gooty,  and  he  in  return 
£*ive  up  Tncliiuopoly  and  went  away. 

"  This  i.«?  wrong.     He  had  been  miirdereH  in  174:1  and  Nizam's  invasion  was  caused  by  that. 

4  Anwaru'd-dia  was  appointed  for  CarnutK:  -ji'iyiH-jltnt  and  Hidayat  Mubayu'd-din  Khan  (Muzaffar 
Jang)  fur  the  Carnatic  Proper,  with  Ad&ui  oajnglr  and  Bijapar  for  headquarter?  (Duff). 


OCTOBER,   1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KTNUJDOM  OF  MADt'KA  245 


saved  the  Nawab  and  turned  disaster  into  success.  The  ranks  of  Anwaru'd-din's  army 
became  sorely  thinned.  "His  howdah  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  Never  did  the  Nawah 
sustain  so  serious  a  disgrace  in  the  hands  of  such  petty  chiefs.  Bahgaru  Tirmnala  saw  thi> 
and  argued  that  the  disgrace  of  the  Nawab,  inasmuch  as  the  ref radon  chiefs  were  his 
subordinate  Polygars,  was  his  own  disgrace.  Ho,  therefore,  look  a  leading  part  in  the 
campaign  and  ultimately  succeeded  in  shattering  the  Polygar  levies. 

Anwaru  d-din's  Murder  of  Bangaru  Tirumala. 

The  hope  of  the  Haiigiiru  Tirumala  to  secure,  by  means  of  his  ser\  iee.s,  the  gratitude 
and  the  favour  of  Anwaru 'd-din  Khan  was,  however,  not  destined  to  be  icalised.  As  we 
have  already  seen,  Anwarn'd-din  had  his  own  designs  on  the  Naik  Kingdom  and  the  sanc- 
tion he  gave  for  pensions  to  Baug.iru  and  his  crowned  son  was  evident  1\  intended  to  he  a 
final  disposal  of  the  question  The  little  lingering  doubt  he  may  have  had  xvas  shattered 
b\  the  heroism  which  Jiaugaru.  displayed  on  his  own  behalf  in  the  afl'air  of  Kalahasti.  The 
Nawab  admired  his  valour,  but  with  the  feeling  of  admiration  \\as  combined  the  feeling  ot 
tear.  He  felt  that  the  restoration  of  such  a  man  would  hardh  Conduce  to  the  strength  of 
his  own  position.  He,  therefore,  issued  secret  orders  to  his  men  to  remo\  e  the  regent  for 
ever  from  bis  path  of  ambition.  And  the  nvnrder  was  perpetrated  in  a  singularly  mean 
manner.  In  the  late  war,  Bangaru  had  received  t\\o  Mounds  of  a  deadly  nature  and  the 
Xaxvab.  with  a  pretended  solicitude,  sent  his  own  men  to  drcs.x  his  wounds  and  admhiistci 
medicine.  The  physician*  went  then  instructed  to  mix  pois<  n  ^  ith  tie  medieinc.  so  that 
the  patient  died  within  an  hour  of  his  taking  it . 

Vijaya  KumAra's  Flight  to  Sivaganga. 

Thus  perished  the  only  man  who  could,  it  any  man  at  all  could  ha\e  done  so.  >ecured 
the  revival  of  the  Naik  po\\er.  There  is  something  pathetic,  something  uielanehoK  ,  about 
the  figure  of  this  ill-fated  prince.  "Born  of  a  younger  line  and  excluded  irom  the  throne  b\ 
a  combination  of  circumstances,  he  fouuht  \\ithontsuccessfor  the  exercise  ot  his  power : 
and  \\hcu  ho  at  length  got  it  by  the  moderation  or  the  death  of  his  rhal  In-  and  the  king 
and  kingdom,  whose  destinies  were  in  his  guidance,  l>eeamo  the  victims  of  a  formidable 
foreign  power.  Even  in  the  court  of  the  Nawab  lie  did  not  lose  faith  either 
in  the  fortunes  of  himself  and  his  loyal  son  or  the  honesty  of  the  \a\vab,  and  in 
thai  faith  he  was  so  (inn  that  he  himself  took  part  in  the  settlement  ot  his  country, 
forgetting  or  little  thinking  that,  by  his  loyal  assistance,  he  was  only  rousing  jealousy 
in  the  heart  of  Amvaru'd-diu  and  thus  digging  his  own  graxe.  Ne\cr  in  the 
annals  of  Indian  histoiy  do  m>  find  such  simplicity  and  trust,  repaid  by  ingratitude 
and  treachery.  As  for  the  nominal  king  of  the  Naik  dominions,  Vijaya  Kumara,  he  was 
in  a  peculiarly  hard  and  embarrassing  position.  Deprived  of  his  crown  and  kingdom, 
of  his  father  and  guardian,  himself  a  boy  of  inexperience,  he  was  in  the  midst  of 

itB,  the  very  destroyers  of  his  power  and  father.    Life  Mas  no  longer  safe  at  the  NawabV 


:M(i  THK  IND1AX  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBER,  1917 

.•ourt,  Uvery  day  the  events  transpiring  therein  proved  it.  For  some  time  after  the 
murder  of  liajjgaru,  a  young  son  of  Safdar  AH,  whose  guardian  Anwaru'd-din  was,  was  also 
assassinate!  at  the  instance  of  the  latter,  by  a  band  of  Pathans  who,  under  pretence  of 
asking  for  arrears  of  pay,  raised  an  altercation,  and  stabbed  the  young  prince.  The  only 
possible  claimant  of  the  Nawabship  was  Ohanda  Sahib,  the  son-in-law  of  Safdar,  and  he 
was  rotting  in  the  dungeons  of  Satara.  Anwaru'd-din,  therefore,  became  the  undisputed 
Nawab  <>f  Arcot.  His  next  measure  would  be,  it  was  feared,  the  removal  of  Vijaya 
Kumara  also  from  the  scene.  The  relations  of  the  X&ik  chief  were  alarmed  and  advised 
immediate  Hight.  Thus  it  was  that,  on  a  dark  night,  when  the  Nawab  and  his  men  hardly 
knew  what  was  happening,  Vijaya  Kumara  left  A  rent  with  his  retinue,  and  came  in  hot 
haste  to  Sivagahga.  He  could  not  go  to  either  TriehinopoJy  or  Madura,  for  these  places 
had  been  already  occupied  by  the  Nawab's  own  men.  and  to  go  thither  "would  be  to  go 
straight  into  the  jaws  of  death." 

The  chiefs  of  Hfunnad  and  'Sivugauga  played  at  this  crisis  a  very  noble  and  honour- 
able part.  Frequent  sources  of  trouble  as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of  peace  and  of  Naik 
magnificence,  they  now  pioved  themselves,  by  tlu-ir  loyalty  and  support,  to  be  true  friends. 
They  welcomed  tho  unfortunate  lefugee  from  Muhammadan  treachery  and  Iwhaved 
towards  him  as  if  he  was  still  the  undisputed  soveieign  of  his  ancestral  dominions.  They 
paid  him  homage,  congratulated  him  on  his  e.*c<i]ic  from  the  scene  of  danger,  and  express- 
ed the  hoj>e  that,  with  the  advent  of  some  legitimate  king  in  the  future,  his  claims 
would  be  recognised  and  his  kingdom  restored.  With  great  kindness,  they  urged 
him  to  stay  till  that  time  in  their  own  estates,  and  arranged  for  his  comfort  and 
convenience. 

The  practical  end  of  the  Naik  Dynasty. 

With  the  flight  of  Vijaya  Kumara  to  'Sivagaiiga  we  may  date  the  extinction  of  the 
last  hopes  of  the  revival  of  of  the  Naik  dynasty.  The  Naik  dominions  were  now  not  under  a 
king  tributary  to  the  Nawab,  but  under  the  direct  rule  of  that  functionary.  The  legions 
that  garrisoned  the  Naik  capitals  no  longer  utter.nl  the  names  of  Han  gam  or  Vijyva 
Kumara,  but  openly  acknowledged  the  Nawab  as  their  master.  The  real  king  was  an 
exile  depending  for  his  safety  and  .support  on  the  precarious  loyalty  and  generosity  of  his 
own  vassals.  From  Madras  to  Cape  Coinorin,  in  other  words,  the  whole  country,  excepting 
the  subordinate  kingdoms  of  Tanjore,  Travanuore  and  Cochin,  was  under  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Nawab.  Arcot  was  henceforth  the  capital.  Triehinopoly  and  Madura  (to  which 
Tiunevelly  continued  to  be  attached)  were  henceforth  provincial  capitals,  the  headquarter 
of  the  Viceroys  appointed  by  the  Nawab.  The  Polygars  had  henceforth  to  wait  not  on' 
the  Telugu  descendants  of  the  veterans  of  Yi^vanatha  Naik,  but  on  the  agents  and 
representative  of  the  Muhammadan  rule  at.  Arcot. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  (Jhanda  Sahib  effected,  thanks  to  his  friendship  with 
Dupleix.  his  liberation  from  »Satara,  and  immediately  after  his  emancipation,  came  to  the 
Camatic,  and  set  up  his  claim  to  the  Nawabship.  The  campaigns  which  followed,  the 


OCTOBBR,   11)171         THK  HLSTOKY  OK  THU  XAIK  KINGDOM   OF  MVDUKA 

simultaneous  succession  dispute  in  Hyderabad  between  Nuzir  Jan«  and  Muxaffar  Jang,  and 
other  event*  are,  it  is  well  known,  of  tbe  greatest  moment  in  Indian  history,  and* they 
made  the  English  and  the  French  play  for  the  tirst  time  an  important  m.d  conspicuous 
part  in  the  ]>olitieal  affairs  of  South  Jndia. 

The  exiled  Naik  and  Chanda  Sahib. 

When  Uianda  Sahib,  \\ith  the  assistance  of  the  French,  overtime  ,in<|  slew  Anwaru'd- 
din  in  the  battlefield  of  Ambnr  and  proclaimed  himself  the   Xawab  of  the   ('arnatic   in   his 
place,  the  Nuik  capital,  \\ithin  th;>  walls  of  which  Muhammad  Ali,  the  son  of  Anwarif  d-din 
took    refuse,   heeanie   the    most   important    place   of   contest   in    Smith   India,  the  bone  nf 
vontfliition  between  the  rival  claimants  to  the  Xawa.hsh.ip  of  the  Carnatic.     Such   a  circum- 
stance i-ould  hardly  advance  the  claims  of  the  phantom  monarch,  who   li\rd    in   obscurity 
in    Uamna<l    and    declarer  I  that  frrichino]M>ly  was   his.     The  declaration  ol    Chanda   Sahib 
of  his  mastery  over  the  ( 'arnatic,  was  followed  by  t \voe\ents  :  tirst  his  a.ttenipt  to  reduce  the 
provinces  of  Mad  in  a.  and  Tinnevelly  which  Muhammad  Ali,  with  the  assistance  of  his  English 
allies,  had  been   cautions  enough  to  seizure   immediately  after  his    Hiirht  to  Trichinoi  oly  ' 
and  seeondly  to    undertake  the  siege  of  Trichiiiopoly.     The  dominion**  of  i  lie    Naik  kings, 
in   fact,  became   the  chief  scene  of  war,  Tri^hinopoly  being,  owin<r  to  it^  situation  and  its 
direct    rule   by    Muhammad  Ali     the  heart-   of  the  contest,  and  Madura  ,md  Tinnevelly  the 
scene   of  serious  lights   and    engagements.     The    genera!    of  ('hand.i  Sahih  who  coiujncred 
the  Southern  ]>rovinc.i*s  \\as  an  able   adventure)'  named  Alain  Khan.      Kn< lowed  Avith   ta.ct 
.Mid  discretion,  with   the    po\\er    of  leadershij*    and   th<"    knack    <>f    maiiti^jng    men,    Alain 
gained  over  the  soldiers  of  Muhammad   Ali  at  Madura-   by    his  personal    address,    and    the 
ten  mts  by  his  promise,  in  rhanda  Sahib's  name,  to  free  them  from  the  arrears  of  rent  due 
by  them  tii  the  State.     The  superior  ability  and  the  remarkable  personal  influence  of  Alain 
Khan  were  of  the  utmost  service  to  his  master  :  for    his    possession   nf   Mad  urn    meant    to 
Muhammad   Ali  the  loss  of  more    than  onohalf  of  his  dominions.      It   moreover  severed 
the  communication  between  the  Trichinopoly  and  Tinnevelly  count  ry,    and    made   Chanda 
Sahib's  | lower  as  secure  in  the  region  of  the  Tambaparni   as  in   that  of  the  Vaigai.     It   is 
not    surprising  that,  under  these  ciremnstrtuces,  Muhammad  Ali  ci idea, \ mired  his  best  to 
recoiKiuci    Madura.      In     17ol     he    despatched    (1aptain  ('ope    for   this    purpose;  but  that 
^cneral   was  defeated    and  compelled    to  retreat    back  to  Trichinopoly.     The  French,  the 
Nizam,  and  Chanda  Sahib  were  exultant  and  hoped  every  moment  to  reduce  the  place  and 
complete  the  ruin  of  Muhammad  Ali,     The  latter  had  not  remained  idle.     He  called  in  the 
aid  of  the  English  to  counter-balance  the   French,  the    Marathas    under   Murari  Rao    \\lio 
were  more  than  equal  to  the  Ni/am,  and  the  Mysoreans,  who  hoped  in  the  ruin  of  Chanda 
Sahib  for  territorial  acquisitsion.     Vigorous  tight  ing  went  on  around  Trichinopoly    and    in 
the  provinces,  and  the  fate  of  South  India  trembled  in  the  balance. 

(To  br.  continued.) 


s  Madura  was  brought  under  MiUiumm*!  Ali  by  an  army  of  2,.iOO  horse  and  3,')00  ^eonn  (assisted  by 
«  detachment  of  :50  European*  under  lanes)  under  the  .;«)inmand  .if  Ab<.Iu'r-U<ihnn,  Muliammad  All* 
brother. 


24S 


THK     INDIAN*    AXTigi'AKY 


|    OlTOilKK.     11U7 


NOTES  AND    QUERIES. 

iNOTKS  FKOM  OLD  FACTORY  KKCOHDS.  be  togather,  \  ott  in  respect  to  his  father  we  now 
7.  Administrative  rule  to  prevent  favouritism.  (Usance  with  it,  not  doubting  Mr.  Stables  will  he 
2s.  February  1689.  Letter  front  E lift  n  Yalr  and  |  n:>y  wax  *  partial  I  to  his  son  or  apart'  him  from 

Cofiwilat  Fort  St.  Gettrtjeto  John  tables  and  Council  j  such    business    as    the  Rouble.   Company*  service 

at    \' tza<iai«itam.    We    send   you  also   some    more   j   mny    roomer   him.    -Record*   of    Fort     SI.    (Jcnrtu-. 

ass^trtnce,r/c/.  John  Oueel,  Henery  Croke,  Thofnas  |    Letler*  .from  Fort  W.  (leniyt .  1«8!»,  p-  !••• 

Stables,  and  tho    tis  not   roinon  for    Relations    to   ' 


BOOK    XOTH'K. 


AKfHITIX'TfllK    ANI»    Sri  LPTUKK    IN    MVSORK.       The 

Ke-ava  Temple  at  Somanathpur.  by  KAO  BAIIA 
I>UR  ft-  NARASIMHAfHAit,  Director  of  A ichii'O logi- 
cal Researches  in  Mysore. 

KAO  BAHADUR  Narasimhachar  has  undertaken  to 
issue  about  half  a  dozen  short  monographs,  with 
suit  able  illustrations,  011  the  notable  buildings  of  the 
Hoysala  and  Dravidian  styles.  The  present  inn. 
uocrraph  on  the  well  known  Kesava  Temple  is  the 
tirst  of  the  series.  It  contains  I  I  page*  of  de- 
scription in  quarto,  7  pages  of  introduction,  some 
15  illustrations  and  a  JJevanagari  transliteration, 
in  t  paties,  of  the  Sanskrit  inscriptions  at  the 
Temple  and  at  Harihar-  The  printing  oi  the  text 
and  the  illustrations  has  been  verx  neatly  executed 
b\  the  M\  sore  (Government  Press?  at  Haimalore 

We  notice  with  satisfaction  that  "It  i*  under 
contemplation  to  prepare  and  publish  a  monograph 
on  Hoysala"  architecture  in  M\  sore  A  synthetic 
view  surveying  the  entire  subject-mutter  will  IN' 
more  useful  than  booklets  on  indix  idual  buildings. 
The  latter,  however,  are  not  without  value. 

Mr.  Narasimhachar  pr'>po-e>  to  change  the 
designation  style  •'  Chalukyan,'  popularised  b\ 
I'Vrgusson.  and  to  call  it  *  Hoysala  st\le,  tor  the 
style  attained  its  fullest  development  in  the  domin- 
ions of  the  moriarohs  of  the  Hoysala  d\  na.st\,  and 
also  because  "  the  name  Chalukyan  is  undoubtedly 
a  misnomer,  so  far  as  Mysore  is  concerned,  seeing 
that  all  the  buildings  of  this  stxle  in  Mysore  were 
erected  during  the  rule  of  the  H«»ysalas."  The 
proposal  of  the  learned  Director  seems  to  be  one 
which  ought  to  be  accepted. 

Mr.  Narasimhachar  has  got  some  (»0  artistic 
buildings  of  the  Hoysala  style  (r.  1047 — 1^8(1  A.I».) 
and  some  12  buildings  of  the  style  called  the 
Dravidian  (c.  800 — 1000  A.D.)  in  his  official  juris- 
diction. He  has  thus  got  sufficiently  large  mate- 
rials to  buildup  and  present  a  synthetic  picture 
of  Hoy  sal  a  art 

The  Kesava  temple  was  built  according  to  its  in 
scription  in  1208  A. D.  by  Somaiifitha,  <ta(idu-ndyuka 
under  king  Narasimha  III  ( I2f>4— 1 2UI.)  It  is  situ- 
ated iiea»-  the  left  bank  of  the  Kuveri,  sorno  20 
miles  east  of  8eringaj>atam.  It  is  a  trikAtfichaln  or 
a  tlii'ce- leaked  (or  as  Mr.  Narasimhachnr  calls  it  a 
e-cdlcd)  building*  *'  the  main  cell  facing  east 


and  Ihs  other  I  wo  which  are  opposite  to  each 
other,  facing  north  and  south  respectively."  *'  They 
are  surmounted  by  three  elegantly  carved  towers 
which  « re  identical  in  design  and  execution.  The 
two  towers  are  attached  to  the  \nra-ruhiiti  or  the* 
Middle  Hall  \\liich  is  again  attached  to  the  Mnk/i<i- 
Maudu]m  or  Front  Hall.'  On  both  sides  of  the 
ent.-anee,  around  the  Kront  Hall  there  runs  M 
luytiti  or  raih  d  parapet  covered  with  sculpt ured 
freezes  ot  I'nranic  scenes.  KMC|I  k,'ita9  each  of  the 
throe  members  ot  the  tempi*',  consists  of  H  1l<irl>hn- 
<Hilift  or  adytum  and  a  xuk/ta >/•'„% t  ur  vestibule.  Th« 
chi»§f  kill  a  ojiposite  the  entrance,  contained  th» 
image  of  KCSHXH  \\hieh  i-*  JH>  more  to  be  ioiind 
there  Th*'  height  ot  each  tower  or  kiitn  [*  not 
^iven  b\  Mr.  Xai'asiriAhaclui  r.  J4\-rgusson  guessed 
it  to  l»e  HO  M.;  in  Workman's  Throiif/Jt  Tou-n 
and  Jiniijli  it  i»»  ^i\en  HS  about  *{2  ft. 

Th<'    illustration    ot  the    twc    lox\ei,s    which    Ah. 
NarasimliHchar    gives    fully    bears    out     tji«-   jd-ai^ 
I    that  :    "Not  M  square  inch  ot  the  surface  is  \\ithout 
decoration.     These  towers  captivate  the    numl    b\ 
their  profusion   of  detail   and  perfection  of  outline 
!    anil  there  is  no  suggestion  of  superlluit\   in  the  end- 
1   less  concourse  of  figures  and  designs.    To  construct 
a  building  of    less    than    !».*>  feel     in  height,    loud    it 
from  bottom  to  top  with  carving    and   produce  tin 
effect  not  only  of  beuut.x  and  perfect  s\muictry(  but 
H!SO  of    impiN-ssiveness,    sho\\s    supreme  talent     on 
the  part  of  the  architect*."     (Workman). 

(irftndeur  has  been  produced  bv  an  artistic 
grouping  of  materials,  which  in  reality  are  not  grand 
or  too  small  to  produce  an  'architectural  effect.' 
The  structures  arc  not  grand,  but  the;  r.hsrwblr  is 
grand.  In  this  lies  the  groat-ness  of  the  architects 
ot  the  Kesava.  Temj)le.  Mr.  Narasimhachar  how- 
ever, has  not  himself  discussed  this  aspect.  1'os- 
sibls  he  is  reserving  it  for  his  greater  work  on  f  Ji« 
Hoysala  buildings. 

The  illustrations  of  images  and  inner  det  ails  (which- 
arc  accessible  only  to  a  Hindu  \\riter)  bring  us  in 
closer  touch  with  the  temple.  Many  of  tho  image* 
are  signed  by  the  artists.  The  image  of  Venn 
GopMa  is  the  most  elegant  of  the  illustrated  sj>eci- 
meiiH.  The  exquisite  ceilings  would  furnish  fine 
models  for  modem  building** 

K.  P.  J. 


NOVEMBER,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA        249 

A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA,  1913-16. 
BY  SIU  AtTREL  STKlN,  K.C.I.E.,  D.Sc.,  D.LITT. 

(Continued  from  p.  232.) 
TN  the  desert  south  of  tin*  present  cultivated  area  we  found  interest  ing  remains  of  far  earlier 

timeH.  My  search  bore  was  greatly  facilitated  by  t he  excellent  tojx  graphical  surveys 
on  a  large  scale,  which  had  l>een  effected  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  ({.  P.  Tate,  of  the  Survey 
of  India,  in  connection  with  Sir  Henry  McMahon's  Scistan  Mission  of  11)02-05,  and  wliich 
proved  very  helpful  also  in  other  parts.  On  this  desert  ground,  \\hich  un  abandoned  old 
branch  of  the  Helm  and  had  once  watered,  excessive  wind-erosion,  acting  on  alluvial  clay  had 
produced  conditions  exactly  corresponding  to  those  J  had  found  in  the  dried-up  delta  north 
of  Lop-nor.  Since  moisture  and  vegetation  had  deserted  this  soil,  the  scouring  offeet  of  the 
sand  driven  by  the  north  wind  that  blows  over  Seistan,  with  more  or  less  violence  but  almost 
constantly  during  four  mouths  of  spring  and  summer,  had  lowered  the  lc\cl  of  the  ground 
to  varying  depths,  down  to  20  feet  or  more,  below  the  original  level,  except  where  the  surface 
had  l>een  protected  by  hard  debris  of  some  kind.  The  erosion  terraces,  thus  left  rising  island- 
like  above  the  bare  plain,  wore  always  found  thickly  covered  with  prehistoric  remains.  They 
consisted  of  ]K>tsherds,  often  decorated  in  colours,  and  stone  implements  mainly  uf  the  Neoli- 
thic period,  but  in  places  included  also  relics  of  the  Bronze  Age.  It  was  easy  to  nick  up  here 
an  abundant  archaeological  harvest  literally  on  the  surface. 

It  was  a  very  interesting  and  quite  unexpected  discovery,  \\hen  in  the  s:imw  aiva  1  came 
upon  the  remains  of  a  close  line  of  ancient  watch-stations,  stretching  right  across  the  desert 
from  the  southernmost  Ham  un  in  the  direction  of  the  true  terminal  hasin  of  the  Helmand, 
the  marsh  and  lake-bed  of  the  (Jaud-i-Zirreh.  It  \\asn  fascinating  task  to  trace  this  Seistan 
Limes,  and  the  ex|H»rience  gained  during  my  explorations  along  the  ancient  C'hinasw  border- 
line once  protecting  the  extreme  north-west  of  Kansu  helped  me  greatly.  The  fortitied 
frontier  postu,  solidly  built  with  bricks  of  great  size  on  a  uniform  plan,  and,  as  it  wore,  to  w"  speci- 
fication," were  found  always  to  occupy  erosion  terraces  retaining  prehistoric  pottery  debris. 
Chosen,  no  doubt,  for  the  sake  of  increased  command  of  ground  and  wider  outlook,  these 
elevated  positions  had  hel|>ed  also  to  save  the  ruins  from  complete  destruction  by  the  erosive 
force  of  wind  and  sand.  The  watch-stations  were  found  at  distances  from  half  to  about  1£ 
miles  apart.  The  ]>osition  of  sectional  headquarters  could  also  be  identified  by  additional 
structures,  etc. 

Seistan,  in  spite  of  its  dreary  arid  look,  docs  not  enjoy  a  climate  quite  sulliciently  "  desic- 
cated "  for  archaeological  purposes,  as  it  still  receives  a  fairly  regular  rainfall  of  circ,.  2  inches 
per  annum.  So  the  refuse  heaps  at  these  stations,  which  might  have  furnished  us  with 
interesting  dateable  records,  were  found  to  have  decayed  into  mere  odorous  layers  of  earth. 
But  a  variety  of  archaeological  finds  and  observations  jxunted  to  centuries  iruir  the  eomimmce- 
ment  of  our  era,  as  the  time  when  this  ancient  border-line  was  established.  Its  object 
was  clearly  to  protect  the  cultivated  portion  of  the  Helmand  cl-Jta  against  raids  of  nomadic 
tribes  in  the  south,  corresponding  in  character  and  habits,  if  not  in  raw  too,  to  tho  present 
Balnch  and  Brahui  tribes  to  be  found  there.  1  cannot  indicate  here  in  detail  the  curious 
points  of  analogy  presented  to  the  ancient  Chinese  frontier  lino  of  Kansu  constructed  circ. 
100  B.C.  against  Hun  raids  from  Turkestan.  But  1  may  hint  at  least  at  an  interesting 
question  which  suggests  itself  in  view  of  the  geographical  position.  Would  one  be  justified 
in  regarding  this  fortified  desert  border  of  Seistan  as  a  link  between  that  ancient  "  Chinese 


250  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 

Wall  "  in  the  desert  and  the  Lime 8  lines  by  which  Imperial  Rome  guarded  its  marches  in 
{Syria  and  elsewhere  in  the  Near  East  against  barbarian  inroads  ?  Only  from  future  researches 
can  we  hope  for  a  safe  answer. 

From  these  desert  surveys  I  returned  to  the  inhabited  portion  of  Persian  Seistan  by  the 
beginning  of  January,  1916,  and  was  kept  busy  during  a  few  weeks  with  the  examination 
of  the  numerous  ruins  surviving  there.  Almost  all  proved  of  mediaeval  Muhammadan  origin 
or  even  more  recent,  a  fact  which  the  physical  conditions  of  the  present  Helmand  delta  easily 
account  for.  At  two  sites,  however,  which  their  high  level  has  protected  from  the  effects  of 
irrigation  of  periodic  inundation,  I  discovered  definite  archaeological  evidence  of  ancient 
occupation.  At  the  large  ruined  stronghold  known  as  Shahristan,  occupying  a  high  alluvial 
terrace,  this  included  pottery  fragments  inscribed  in  early  Aramaic  characters. 

1  should  have  much  liked  to  visit  the  Afghan  portion  of  Seistan,  to  tho  north  of  the 
Helmand,  where  Sir  Henry  McMahon's  Mission  and  earlier  travellers  had  found  a  large 
number  of  ruins  still  awaiting  expert  examination.  Permission  for  such  a  visit  could,  how- 
ever, not  be  secured,  and  I  did  not  feel  altogether  surprised  at  it.  So,  after  collecting  useful 
anthropometric  materials  which  help  to  illustrate  the  curious  mixture  of  races  in  the  popula- 
tion of  Seistan,  I  returned  to  the  desert  south  and  supplemented  my  survey  of  the  ancient 
Limes  by  some  rapid  excavations.  They  disclosed  interesting  details  as  to  the  construction 
and  internal  arrangements  of  those  ruined  watch -stations  and  the  life  once  led  there. 

Thence  I  set  out  by  the  beginning  of  last  February  for  the  return  journey  to  India, 
whither  most  of  my  archaeological  finds  from  Seistan,  filling  twelve  cases,  had  already  preced- 
ed me.  I  travelled  by  the  Seistan-X  ushki  trade  route,  whieh  the  zeal  of  Captain  (now 
Colonel)  F.  Webb  Ware,  of  the  Indian  Political  Department ,  had  first  pioneered  through  the 
desert  some  twenty  years  ago.  Well  known  as  the  route  is,  this  desert  journey  of  close  on 
500  miles  through  the  wastes  of  Baluchistan  had  for  me  a  special  interest.  1  could  not  have 
wished  for  a  better  modern  illustration  of  the  conditions  once  prevailing  on  that  ancient 
route  through  the  Lop  desert,  which  the  Chinese  had  opened  about  110  B.C.  for  the  expan- 
sion of  their  trade  and  political  influence  westwards,  and  which  two  years  before  T  succeeded 
hi  tracking  through  those  waterless  wastes  after  sixteen  centuries  of  abandonment. 

It  is  true  that  wells  joi  tolerably  good  water  at  most  of  the  stages,  comfortable  rest- 
houses  at  all,  and  good  camel  grazing  to  be  found  at  half  a  dozen  points,  made  progress 
along  this  modern  desert  track  seem  child's  play  compared  with  what  we  had  gone  through. 
Even  in  ancient  times  the  physical  difficulties  successfully  overcome  by  those  early  Chinese 
pioneers  must  have  been  vastly  greater  than  those  which  the  route  to  Seistan  ever  presented 
ia  the  days  before  its  improvements.  And  yet  the  latter,  by  the  political  reasons  which 
have  necessitated  its  opening,  by  its  purpose,  by  the  character  of  the  traffic  I  found  moving 
along  it,  provided  a  most  striking  analogy,  and  neither  as  a  geographer  nor  as  a  historical 
student  could  I  fail  to  appreciate  its  significance. 

By  February  21  I  reached  Nushki,  whence  the  railway  carried  mo  to  Delhi.  During 
my  week's  stay  at  the  Indian  capital  I  received  fresh  proof  of  the  kind  personal  interest  with 
which  His  Excellency  the  Viceroy,  Lord  Hardinge,  had  from  the  start  followed  and  encou- 
raged my  enterprise.  There,  too,  I  was  able  to  meet  again  some  of  my  oldest  friends  in  India, 
to  whom  I  had  never  appealed  in  vain  for  such  official  support  as  they  could  give  to  niy 
scientific  labours.  A  subsequent  brief  visit  to  Dehra  Dun,  the  Survey  of  India  headquar- 
ters, enabled  me  to  arrange  for  the  suitable  publications  of  the  topographical  results  brought 
back  from  this  journey,  in  an  atlas  of  maps.  At  the  same  time  I  secured  the  admission  of 


NOVEMBER,  1917]        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA         251 

Afrazgul  Khan  to  the  Survey  Department's  service  under  conditions  which  open  up  to  this 
capable  young  assistant  the  amply  deserved  prospects  of  a  good  career.  When  I  subse- 
*  quently  paid  a  brief  visit  to  Sir  Michael  O'Dwyer,  the  Lieut  CM  unit -Governor  of  the 
Punjab,  at  Lahore,  I  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  learning  from  this  kind  old  friend  that  the 
splendid  services  which  R.  U.  Lai  Singh  had  rendered  to  Government  for  a  lifetime  were  to 
be  recognized  by  a  grant  ot  land  on  one  of  the  new  Punjab  canals.  It  meant  the  realization 
of  my  devoted  old  travel  companion's  most  cherished  ho|X5,  and  a  reward  such  as  I  had  always 
wished  to  secure  for  him.  Finally,  after  the  middle  of  March  1  reached  Srinagar,  in  Kashmir, 
my  favourite  base,  from  A\hich  my  expedition  had  been  begun  in  July.  lM:t.  It  had  lasted 
close  on  two  years  and  eight  months,  and  the  aggregate  of  the  distances  covered  by  my 
marches  amounted  to  nearly  11,000  miles. 

At  Srinagar  the  1S2  cases  of  my  collection  of  antiquities  from  Turkestan  had  safely 
arrived  by  October,  and  there  the  greatest  part-  of  the  work  demanded  by  its  arrangement 
and  detailed  examination  \\ilJ  have  to  be  done  with  the  ex|>ert  help  of  my  old  friend  and 
collaborator,  Mr.  F.  H.  Andrews,  now  Director  of  the  Technical  Institute  and  Industrial 
Art  School  of  the  Kashmir  State. 

The  elucidation  of  the  antiquities  brought  to  light  by  the  thousand,  and  in  such  great 
variety  of  place,  time,  and  character,  will  involve  heavy  and  manifold  labours,  and  foi*  them 
and  the  proper  decipherment  of  the  abundant  manuscript  remains,  recoxered  in  about  a 
dozen  of  different  scripts  and  languages,  the  help  of  quite  u  staiT  of  expert  scholars  will  be 
needed.  The  (Jovermncnt  of  India,  though  im ending  that  the  uhole  of  my  collection  shall 
ultimately  be  deposited  jn  the  iie\\  museum  planned  at  Delhi,  fully  reali/.ed  that  this  rxp^rl 
help  can  for  the  most  part  be  secured  only  in  1  his  country  and  in  France,  where  after  my 
former  expedition,  too.  1  had  found  the  most  helpful  and  important-  of  mv  collaborators. 
S<>  I  was  given  permission  temporally  to  bring  here  xvhatcver  matc.riaK  Mood  in  need  of 
specialist  examination  and  r,  search,  and  to  come  myself  to  England  for  a.  lime  to  make  all 
necessary  arraiig 'incuts  in  person.  But  after  all  th  *  eIT.»rls  and  toil*  it  ha,^  e,»st  to  recover 
those  relics  of  past  ages  from  their  sale  resting-plac.'S  in  the  d  «s  *.\-[  it  \\ould  have  obviously 
IHM.MI  unwise  to  expose  a  L'reat  and  valuable  portion  of  them  to  the  irraxe  ri-ks  to  be  faced 
at  present  on  a  long  sea,  xoyagc  round  the  shores  of  Kurope.  So  I  decided  t«»  'ransfcr  myself 
only  across  the  seas,  and  to  use  a  short  rest  in  Kngland  for  preparing  a  preliminary  record 
of  the  results  achieved  and  for  organizing  \\ell  m  advance  the  work  of  mv  iuiure  collabora- 
tors. 

After  the  greatest  M  niggle  which  the  history  of  mankind  has  kiioun  had  lasted  two 
years,  I  returned  to  England  fully  prepared  for  considerable  changes,  and  1  fonud  such,  some 
sad,  some  reassuring  and  hopeful.  .But  no  change  has  affected  the  kind  interest  shown  in 
my  scientific  efforts  by  old  friends  within  the  Royal  (Jeographieal  Soci<  t  \  and  outside*,  and 
the  encourage  me  nt  derixed  from  this  boon  1  shall  ever  remember  \\ith  ujratU'rdo 

Before  the  paper  the  President  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society  said  .  Our  business 
this  evening  is  to  welcome  Sir  Aurel  Stein,  one  of  our  most  distinguished  V--.it  ic  travellers, 
on  his  return  from  his  third  journey  to  the  heart  of  Asia.  He  needs  u«.  introduction  here 
We,  have  heard  him  more  than  once  in  this  hall,  aiulxve  know  how  much  lie  has  done,  not 
only  as  a  geographer,  as  a  cartographer,  as  a  surveyor,  but  also  as  an  an-h-colo^ist.  Wo  know 
that  his  travels  have  led  him  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  regions  on  the  Eaith't*  surface, 
where  from  times  long  before  tho  beginning  of  our  era  the  trade  to  and  from  Europe  and 
the  Nearer  East  crossed  the  Chinese  frontier.  Sir  Aurd  Stein  has  got  so  much  to  tell  us 
that  1  am  sure  the  best  thing  1  can  is  to  ask  him  at  once  to  begin  hi-  djV.mr.se. 


252  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 

The  Secretary  of  State  for  India/  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain,  said :  When  I  came  here 
to-night  as  the  guest  of  one  of  your  members,  and  even  when  on  entering  this  building 
you  expressed  a  desire  that  I  should  say  a  few  words  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  1  did  not 
quite  understand  the  position  of  prominence*  which  you  intended  to  allocate  to  me,  and  I  am 
afraid  that  I  am  wholly  unfitted  for  it.  I  am  not  a  fellow  of  your  SocietjT  and  I  am  afraid 
if  any  geographical  knowledge,  let  alone  any  geographical  exploration,  is  necessary  to 
qualify  for  that  position,  1  shall  never  attain  to  it.  My  recollections  of  geography  are  of 
a  painful  study  which,  laboriously  acquired,  was  inevitably  quickly  forgotten  ;  a  study  of 
maps  of  which  most  were  already  too  full,  and  which  it  is  the  business  of  your  Society  to 
crowd  with  still  more  details.  You  and  perhaps  the  auidence  will  feel  that  these  confessions 
hardly  indicate  my  fitness  for  my  present  position;  but  at  least  1  am  trying  to  improve. 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  welcoming  Sir  Aurel  Stein  at  the  India  Office,  in  virtue  of  the  posi- 
tion 1  hold  there,  and  though  1  learned  very  little  from  him  in  the  brief  arid  very  modest 
account  which  he  gave  me  of  his  travels,  it  was  at  any  rate  sufficient  to  make  mo 
fc-el  the  importance  of  the  work  which  he  had  done,  and  the  immense  interests  of  the 
results  which  he  had  achieved.  I  think  I  may  fairly  say — for  I  had  nothing  to  do 
with  his  travels  at  any  stage — that  he  was  fortunate  in  the  collaboration  of  the 
representatives  of  two  Governments.  He  had  the  good  will  of  the  Government  of  India, 
wid,  as  we  are  glad  to  recognize,  lie  enjoyed  equally  the  good  will  of  the  Russian 
authorities.  By  their  aid,  ami  al.ove  all  by  his  own  indomitable  perseverance,  his  courage, 
his  endurance,  and  his  enthusiasm,  he  has  achieved  results  which  are  of  interest 
to  all  of  us,  which  are  of  importance  to  the  Governments  o!  India  and  of  Russia,  and 
>\hich,  1  venture  to  add,  will  serve  to  confirm  the  high  reputation  which  he  has  won 
among  explorers.  1  am  not  fitted  to  initiate  a  discussion  of  the  kind  yon  have  invited. 
I  am  glad  to  pay  my  tribute — and  to  pay  my  tribute  as  Secretary  oi  State  for  India — -to 
what  Sir  Aurel  Stein  has  done  ;  but  for  a  learned  discussion  of  his  work  you  must  turn,  to 
other  and  greater  authorities. 

The  President :  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain  has  alluded  to  one  of  the  happiest  points  in 
the  explorations  of  Sir  Aurel  Stein — that  they  constitute  a  new  link  in  the  friendship  between 
the  two  great  Empires  that  share  the  larger  part  of  Asia,  England  and  Russia.  We  are 
happy  in  having  here  to-night  the  distinguished  Russian  officer  General  Baron  Kaulbars. 
I  do  not  know  if  he  would  be  kind  enough  to  say  a  few  words  to  us.  (flcneml  Baron  Kaulbars 
bowed  his  acknowledgements.) 

Sir  Hercules  Read  (British  Museum):  I  am  personally  very  glad  to  say  a  few  words  in 
order  to  bear  my  small  testimony  to  the  extraordinary  qualities  that  my  old  friend  Sir  Aurei 
Stein  has  brought  to  bear  upon  the  varied  aspects  of  the  journey  that  he  has  just  described 
to  us.  I  know  nobody  among  all  the  explorers  whom  I  have  met,  who  has  greater  capacity  for 
carrying  on  archaeological  and  geographical  work  under  conditions  that  we  all  can  imagine, 
after  having  seen  that  beautiful  series  of  slides  he  has  put  before  us.  In  the  intervals  of 
extremely  tedious  marches  he  has  devoted  himself  to  archaeological  research  in  temperatures 
and  climates  which  are  very  trying,  and,  as  in  former  years,  he  has  brought  home  a  collection 
of  antiquarian  remains  which  have  opened  up  fresh  fields  to  archaeologists  in  these  islands. 
For  this  we  who  perforce  remain  at  home  are  most  grateful,  and  not  only  to  Sir  Aurel  Stein 
but  in  a  very  great  degree  to  the  authorities  at  the  India  Office.  The  atmosphere  at  this 
meeting  is  naturally  a  geographical  one,  and  1  feel  that  the  importation  of  archaeological 
questions  is  somewhat  of  an  intrusion ;  but  I  can  speak  only  about  my  own  business. 
Sir  Auiel  Stein  has  given  us  from  time  to  time  a  resume  of  his  geographical  discoveries,  using 


NOVBMBBB,  1917J        A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IN  CENTRAL  ASIA          253 

archaeology,  if  I  may  say  so,  as  a  series  of  signposts  ;  and  very  useful  ho  has  found  it, 
as  he  has  confessed.  But  when  one  considers  that  he  begins  with  the  Palaeolithic  period, 
which  you  may  put  back  to  any  remote  date,  and  comes  up  to  something  like  the 
seventh  or  eighth  century,  and  that  wo  have  Avithal  not  one  single  piece  of  these 
antiquarian  remains  before  us,  it  is  somewhat  hopeless  to  discuss  the  archaeological 
questions  at  present.  When  these  remains  come  to  Europe  to  be  studied  they  will 
be  distributed  amongst  a  number  of  distinguished  scholars,  and  will  then  go  back 
to  the  Central  Indian  Museum  which  is  to  be  established  at  Delhi.  That,  1  am  sure,  is  a 
very  proper  place  for  them.  I  have  myself  taken  considerable  interest  in  the  Museum,  and 
have  gladly  given  advice  on  certain  administrative  points  regarding  it ;  bin  a  difficulty  L 
find  as  an  archaeologist,  domiciled  in  England  and  incapable  of  leaving  it  for  more  than  a 
few  months,  is  that  there  will  be  no  opportunity  for  European  students  ever  to  consult  those, 
antiquities,  except  for  those  fortunate  ones  who  are  able  to  go  anywhere  at  any  time  and  for 
as  long  as  they  please.  Sir  A  tiro  I  Stein's  itrst  antiquarian  results  wore  divided  between 
the  Government  of  India  and  tho  British  Museum.  Them  is  no  difficulty  therefore  to  some 
extent  in  still  seeing  in  Kngland  tho  type  of  object  that  was  discovered  on  tho  first  expedi- 
tion. With  regard  to  the  later  expeditions  the  case  is  different,  and  1  think  presents  a  diffi- 
culty for  the  people  living  in  the  British  Islands  of  judging  tho  culture  that  belongs  to  Cpiitral 
Asia,  to  these  ancient  civilizations,  dating  from  a  century  or  two  before  our  era  to  several 
centuries  afterwards.  Px-yond  the  small  collections  to  lie  found  in  Paris,  nowhere  in  Europe 
will  any  of  these  remains  be  seen.  It  seems  to  me  a  pity  that  these*  objects  of  extraordinary 
interest,  covering  akuoM  all  periods  of  human  activity  and  human  industry,  are  not  to  ho 
represented  at  all  in  these  islands.  T  think  that  scone  measures  should  be  taken  by  which 
adequate  representation.-,  of  these  very  interesting  historical  and  religious  remains  should 
find  their  place  SOIUONN  here  \\ithin  roach  of  the  ordinary  British  citizen. 

Sir  Francis  Ycmngliiishand  :  As  a  traveller  in  both  Chinese  Turkestan  and  also  on 
the  Pamirs  1  can  testify  to  Hie  splendid  exploit  of  our  lecturer  this  evening.  F  know  well 
the  hardships  he  must  ha\  e  gone  through  and  the  indomitable  courage  which  actuated  him  in 
carrying  out  these  explorations.  Since  the  time  of  tho  groat  Russian,  General  Prjevalsky, 
there  has  been  no  traveller  in  Central  Asia  who  has  shown  so  great  a  persistence  over  such 
a  large  number  of  years,  and  such  courage  and  ^termination  in  carrying  out  his  explorations, 
or  has  brought  back  such  fruitful  results,  as  Sir  Aurel  Stein.  1  wish  to  congratulate  him 
most  sincerely  on  his  magnificent  achievement. 

Sir  Henry  Trotter  :  Some  years  ago  T  had  the  pleasure  on  tho  occasion  of  Sir  Aurol 
Sign's  last  lecture  before  the  Society  of  congratulating  him  on  the  success  of  his  work,  and 
I  laid'particular  stress  upou  tho  magnetic  influence  by  which  ho  seemed  to  attract  such  very 
different  Arsons  as  the  Trustees  of  the  British  Museum,  the  Viceroy  of  India,  lh«  personnel 
with  whom  he  worked,  and  last  but  not  least  tho  Taotai  of  the  Temple,  of  tho  Thousand 
*  r1,llm«  It  is  tfratifvin"  to  note  that  he  has  by  no  means  lost  that  magnetic  power,  as  is 
proved  by  the  record  of  his  journey,  the  splendid  -ork  of  his  surveyor  Lai  Singh,  and  the 
excellent  deception  of  the  lecturer  by  the  Russian  and  other  authorities  with  whom  he  camo 

1U  Tstould  have  liked  to  have  made  some  remarks  on  a  good  many  points  [BOB  note  following 
the  discussion!,  but  the  lateness  of  the  hour  prevents  me  from  doing  so  I  will  only  take 
up  vour  time  with  one.  1  was  in  Central  Asia  forty-three  years  ago  and  know  many  parts 
of  the  ground  described  by  Sir  Aurel.  The  point  to  which  T  wish  to  refer  is  the  groat  problem 
as  to  the  principal  source  of  the  Oxus  River. 

Lord  Curzon  a  good  many  years  ago  gave  in  this  hall  an  account  of  his  travels  m  the 
Pamirs  and  of  his  discover v  in  the  mountains  of  Kanjud  of  a  glacier  from  which  flowed  a 
river  that,  a*  he  maintained,  was  the  principal  source  of  the  Oxus.  As  a  result  of  my  own 


254  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBKB,  1917 

previous  observations  I  (in  common  with  some  Russian  geographers)  looked  upon  the  Little 
Pamir  Lake,  also  fed  by  glaciers,  as  the  principal  source.  From  the  lake  a  river,  the  Aksu, 
flows  eastward,  then  north,  and  then  north-west  as  the  Murghabi,  and  later  on  as  the  Bartang 
River,  which  joins  the  Panjah  branch  of  the  Oxus  a  few  miles  above  Kila  Wamar,  where 
the  river  makes  a  great  branch  to  the  west. 

Lord  Turzon  maintained  that  his  (i.e..  the  Panjah)  branch  was  the  more  considerable 
of  the  two.  I  adduced  the  testimony  of  an  Indian  native  surveyor,  who  had  visited  the  spot 
and  clearly  proved  that  the  Bartang  River  at  tin-  time  he  visited  it  had  a  much  greater  flow 
of  water  than  the  Panjah  ;  but  Lord  Ourzon  produced  the  testimony  of  a  reliable  European 
witness  to  prove  that  when  he  visited  it,  at  another  season  of  the  year,  the  Panjah  branch 
contained  much  more  water  than  the  Bartang.  Both  statements  were  probably  true ;  but 
for  my  part  I  stuck  to  my  theory.  I  regret  that  the  lecturer  has  told  us  this  evening  that 
the  Bartang  River  has  now  been  completely  blocked  up  from  the  effects  of  an  earthquake, 
that  a  large  lake  has  been  formed,  and  that  it  is  unlikely  that  any  water  will  flow  down  tho 
Bartang  into  the  Oxus  for  many  years  to  come.  So  at  last  J  must  confess  myself  vanquished. 

Colonel  C.  E.  Yate  :  \  am  delighted  to  add  any  words  1  can  to  congratulate  Sir  Aurol 
Stein  on  his  return.  We  have  all  watched  the  news  that  has  teen  received  from  him  from 
time  to  time  with  the  greatest  interest,  and  are  delighted  to  see.  him  back  here  again.  We 
are  looking  forward  to  seeing  the  results  of  his  finds  displayed  here  as  soon  as  the  roads 
are  safe.  As  to  what  has  just  been  said  regarding  the  final  disposition  of  the  treasures  I 
too  think  that  a  certain  amount  should  remain  in  this  Country,  and  all  should  not  be  taken 
back  to  India.  Tt  seems  to  me  a  fair  thing  to  leave  some  part  at  any  rate  for  show  in  this 
country.  1  cannot  see  any  reason  why  all  should  be  taken  back  to  .Delhi,  as  T  understand 
from  Sir  Hercules  Read,  is  the  present  intention.  1  congratulate  Sir  Aurel  Stein  most  heart- 
ily on  his  journey,  and  we  all  join  in  thanking  him  for  the  paper  he  has  given  us. 

Dr.  Barnett:  J  well  remember  sc\«in  years  ago  when  this  Society  met  to  hear  Sir  Aurel 
Stein's  report  of  his  second  expedition  and  expressed  appreciation  of  his  work.  .It  was  felt 
that  Sir  Aurel  Stein  had  added  not  onh  great  areas  to  the  Trigonometrical  Survey,  but  even 
greater  realms  to  knowledge.  Further  study  has  confirmed  that  view,  because  we  have 
found  in  result  that,  his  second  journey  was  rich  to  an  almost  inconceivable  degree.  His 
archaeological  discoveries  throw  enormous  light  on  the  ancient  history  of  that  important 
region  which  he  has  covered,  and  his  literary  documents  have  opened  up  new  areas  of 
literature.  Similarly,  his  ethnological  studies  lutvc  hren  fruitful.  Now  SirAurcl  Stein,  with 
his  usual  habit  of  eclipsing  himself,  has  returned  from  a  third  expedition  that  has  exceeded 
his  former  ones  in  importance,  inasmuch  as  he  has  nearly  doubled  the  not  archaeological 
proceeds  of  the  last.  From  the  second  journey  he  came  home  with  1H>  cases  ;  now  he  has  182 , 
after  having  traversed  nearly  11,000  miles.  1  have  no  doubt  that,  in  the  same  way  as  his 
previous  journey  was  epoch-making  in  many  ways,  so  the  results  of  this  journey  will  be  equally 
epoch-making,  and  J  feel  sure  that  this  Society  in  honouring  him  is  doing  honour  to  itself. 

The  President  :  At  this  what  Dr.  Mill  would  call  tfc  fraudulently  late  hour  of  the  even- 
ing "  [Mill  not  keep  you  longer,  but  T  am  sure  you  will  wish  mo  to  say  a  few  words  of  most 
hearty  thanks  to  Sir  Aurel  Stein  for  the  very  brilliant,  and  exhaustive  account  he  has  given 
as  of  his  labours  in  these  barren  and  difficult  regions  of  Central  Asia — labours  that  are  double- 
sided  in  a  \vay  1  think  few  travellers'  have  teen.  The  manner  in  which  he  first  rushes  over 
a  series  of  glacier  passes — and  so  many  of  them  that  I  believe  they  would  have  given  even 
the  Alpine  ('lub  a  surfeit — and  then  turns  to  explore  buried  cities  and  study  the  civilization 
of  two  thousand  years  ago  is  almost  unique.  We  owe,  1  hold,  special  gratitude  to  travellers 
who  go  to  the  very  ugly  places  of  the  Earth,  ft  is  a  groat  temptation  to  most  of  us  to  go 
ojily  to  the  beautiful  places.  When  we  see  those  pictures  of  interminable  sand-dunes  and 
rocky  hummocks  torn  asunder  and  laid  bare  by  the  moat  cruel  winds,  we  feel  that  the  mau 


NOVEMBER,  1917]         A  THIRD  JOURNEY  OF  EXPLORATION  IX  CENTRAL  ASIA          235 

who  for  the  sake  of  geographical  knowledge  and  archaeology  would  linger  among  them 
deserves  a  double  meed  of  thanks.  The  results  are  extremely  interesting,  because  we  find  that 
these  desert-places  once  maiiitained  a  groat  population.  This  fact  opens  up  many  subjects 
of  inquiry,  historical,  meteorological,  changes  of  climate,  migrations  of  peoples.  We  also 
find  this  charm  in  these  particular  trade-routes,  that  they  wore  the  old  trade-routes  between 
Greeks  and  Romans  and  the  farthest  East.  8ir  Aurel  St^in  tells  me  that  in  those  days  the 
trade  caravans  must  have  gone,  not  over  the  easiest  routes  but  over  hundreds  of  miles  of 
desert,  in  order  to  avoid  the  marauding  tribes  who  wore  living  where  there  was  some  possi- 
bility of  human  beings  living  happily.  We  have  followed,  perhaps  with  some  difficulty 
owing  to  its  very  complexity  and  richness,  the  account  of  his  labours  put  forward  by  Sir 
Aurol  Stein.  We  shall  all  read  it  with  the  deepest  interest  \\  hen  published  in  the 
Geographical  Journal  and  we  may  hope  that  it  will  not  be  published  without  specimens 
of  the  appropriate  illustrations  which  we  have  admired  to-night.  The  perseverance  with 
which  Sir  Aurel  Stein  photographed  as  he  went  along  is,  even  in  these  days  of  photography, 
deserving  of  the  highest  praise.  I  will  say  no  more,  but  offer  to  him  the  very  hearty 

thanks  of  this  meeting    and   all  geographers    in  this   country   and    the   rest    of  Europe 

except  perhaps  in  Berlin,  where  they  may  grudge  him  some  of  his  Buddhist  frescoes 
I  am  sure  his  reputation  over  Europe  as  one  of  the  greatest  travellers  of  modem  times  is  now 
firmly  established.  Three  times  we  have  seen  him  hero  and  each  time  he  comes  back  with 
a  richer  harvest  than  he  did  the  time  l>efore. 

Additional  Note  by  »SVr  Henry  Trotter. 

t  at  one  time  took  considerable  interest  in  the  geography  of  the  Ox  us  below  Kila  Wamar. 
In  the  spring  of  1874,  when  leaving  Wakhaii  to  return  to  India,  J  despatched  the  Muushi 
Abdul's  Subhaii  (an  employe  of  the  Survey  of  India)  to  follow  the  course  of  the  river  from 
Kila  Panjah  to  Roshan  and  Shighnan.  Tho  account  of  his  journey  was  published  in  the 
R.  G.  S.  Journal,  vol.  48,  pp.  210-217.  He  followed  the  course  of  the  river  for  60  miles 
from  Kila  Panjah  to  Ishkashim,  where  turning  northwards  ho  followed  the  Oxus  for  nearly 
100  miles  further,  passing  successively  through  the  districts  of  Gharan,  Shighnan,  and 

Roshan countries  which  had  hitherto  only  been  known  to  us  by  name.  He  could  not  penetrate 

beyond  Kila  Wamar,  the  chief  town  of  Roshan;  but  curiously  enough  another  employe  of 
the  Survey,  "  Tho  Havildar,"  who  had  been  dispatched  by  the  late  (*onoral  Walker  from 
India  in  1873  on  an  independent  exploration,  went  from  Kabul  to  Faizabad,  the  capital  of 
Badakhshan,  and  thonee  started  on  a  tour  whioh.  combined  with  the  Munshi's  exploration 
to  Kila  Wamar,  entirely  altered  the  map  of  that  hitherto  little-known  ]K>rtion  of  Central  Asia. 
He  visited  the  towns  of  Kolab,  Khawaling,  Sagri  Dashi,  Kila  Khuin  (the  capital  of  Darwaz), 
Kila  Wanj,  and  Yaz-Ghulam.  At  Kila  Khuin  tho  Havildar  struck  the  Oxus  (still  called 
the  Panjah),  and  his  road  for.  40  miles  lay  on  the  right  bank  of  tho  river— never  previously 
mapped  or,  as  far  as  I  know,  visited  by  any  explorer.  At  Yaz-Ghulam,  the  eastern  frontier 
village  of  Darwaz,  he  was  unfortunately  turned  back — just  as  he  had  got  within  a  long  day's 
march  of  the  Munshi's  farthest  point  at  Kila  Wamar.  Tho  Havildar,  who  was  ignorant  of 
what  the  Munshi  had  done  only  a  few  weeks  previously  to  his  own  arrival  at  Yaz-Ghulam, 
was  most  anxious  to  complete  his  own  work.  In  order  to  do  HO  he  went  back  by  Kolab  to 
Ishkashim*  and  endeavoured  to  make  a  survey  down  the  river  to  Yaz-Clhulam  ;  but  he  was 
again  stopped,  this  time  at  the  southern  frontier  of  Shighnan,  and  was  prevented  from 
carrying  out  his  intentions.  Thus  there  was  a  gap  between  the  explorations  of  the  Havildar 
and  the  Munshi,  the  existence  of  which  was  much  regretted ;  fortunately  the  missing  link 
was  a  short  one— some  20  miles  as  the  crow  flies.  A  Russian  scientific  mission  visited  these 
parts  ten  years  later,  in  1S83 ;  but  the  map  then  compiled  differs  greatly  from  their  latest 
published  map  of  1910,  which  again  differs  from  an  intermediate  map  published  in  1900. 
I  fancy  that  accurate  surveys  of  these  little-known  countries  have  still  to  be  made. 


256  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER, 


JOB  CHARNOCK—HIS  PARENTAGE  AND  WILL 

BY  Sill  R.  C.  TEMPLE,  BT. 

ALTHOUGH  much  has  been  written  concerning  the  Founder  of  Calcutta,  his  origin  has 
hitherto  been  wrapped  in  obscurity.  It  has  now  been  my  good  fortune  to  clear  up  this 
point.  While  annotating  a  series  of  ]7th  century  letters,  written  in  India  and  now 
appearing  in  Notes  and  Queries*  the  occurrence  in  the  collection  of  a  letter  from  Charnock 
induced  mo  to  try  to  establish  his  parentage. 

Sir  (George  Forrest  in  his  article  on  .Job  Charnock31  gave  an  abstract  of  his  will. 
Among  the  legacies  was  one  to  "  the  poor  of  the  parish  of  Croc  Church,  London.  "  This 
led  me  to  believe  that  by  birth  he  was  a  citizen  of  London,  and  a  search  among  the  wills 
proved  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  his  father, 
Richard  Charnock. 

The  will  of  Richard  Charnock3  is  an  interesting  document  and  1  therefore  give  it  in  full. 
"  In  the  Name  of  God  Amen  the  second  day  of  Aprill  Anno  Domini  one  Thousand  Six 
Hundred  Sixty  Three  And  in  the  Fifteenth  year  of  the  Reigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord 
Charles  the  Second  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  England  Scotland  France  and  Ireland 
defender  of  the  Faith  &c.  I  Richard  Charnooke  of  the  parish  of  St.  Mary  Woollchurch 
London  Yeoman  being  in  good  health  of  Body  and  of  perfect  mind  and  memory  (praysed 
be  God  therefore)  But  considering  the  Frailty  and  uncertainty  of  this  present  life  Doe 
therefore  make  and  ordainc  this  my  present  Testament  (contoyning  therein  my  last  will) 
in  manner  and  forme  following  (That  is  to  say) 

*'  First  and  principally  I  recommend  my  sonic  to  Almighty  God  my  maker  and  Creator 
hope  ing  and  stedfastly  belciveing  through  his  grace  and  the  alone  meritts  of  Jesus  Christ 
my  blessed  Saviour  and  Redeemer  to  receive  full  and  Free  pardon  and  forgivenes  of  all 
my  si nnes  and  life  everlasting 

"  My  body  I  Committ  to  the  Earth  To  be  buried  in  the  parish  Church  of  St.  Katherine 
Oroechurch  London  And  my  will  is  That  not  above  the  summe  of  Eight  pounds  shall  be 
spent  upon  the  Charge  of  my  funerall  And  I  will  that  all  such  debts  and  duties  as  ]  shall 
truly  owe  to  any  person  or  persons  att  the  tyme  of  my  decease  shall  be  well  and  truly  paid 
within  as  short  a  tyrne  after  my  decease  as  may  be  conveniently 

"  And  as  touching  That  worldly  meanes  and  estate  That  it  hath  pleased  Almighty 
God  of  his  mercy  and  goodness  to  bestow  upon  me  (my  debts  by  me  oweing  and  my  funerall 
Charges  thereout  first  paid  or  deducted)  I  doe  give  devise  bequeath  and  dispose  thereof  in 
manner  and  forme  following  (That  is  to  say)  — 

"  First  I -give  and  bequeath  unto  my  sonne  Stephen  Charnocke  All  that  my  messuage 
Tenement  or  Inne  with  the  appurtenances  comonly  called  or  kuownc  by  the  name  or  signe 
of  the  Bell  scytuate  lying  and  being  in  Markett  Streete  in  the  County  of  Bedford  And  all 
the  land  now  thereunto  belonging  and  therewith  used  All  which  premisses  arc  now  in  the 
tenure  of  George  Sayers  or  his  assignes  To  have  and  to  hold  the  same  unto  my  said  sonne 
Stephen  Charnock  and  his  assignes  for  the  tcrme  of  his  naturall  life  And  the  Reversion  of 
the  said  Messuage  and  Land  with  the  appurtenances  expectant  after  the  decease  of  my 
said  sonne  Stephen  Charnocke  I  doe  give  and  devise  unto  the  Parson  and  Church  wardens 
of  the  Parish  of  Pennerton*  in  the  County  of  Lancaster  And  to  their  successors  and 
assignes  for  ever  upon  Trust  and  confidence  that  out  of  the  Rents  thereof  The  said  Parson 

1  (Correspondence  of  Richard  Edwards,  1669-78  (N.  &  Q.  from  Jan.,  1917). 

2  Blac.kwovd'*  Magazine,  June,  1902,  pp.  771-782.  3  Will*,  P.  C.  C.,  68  Hyde. 
4  Penwortham,  a  parish  in  the  hundred  of  Leyland,  Lancaster,  two  miles  S.  W.  of  Preston. 


NOVEMBER,  1017]        JOB  CHARNOCK-H1S  PARENTAGE  AND  WILL 


and  Churchwardens  and  their  Successors  shall  yearly  and  every  yeare  forever  place  out  to 
Apprentice  in  London  Two  poore  Boyes  borne  in  Button  *  in  the  said  parish  of  pennerton, 
or  within  some  other  village  or  place  in  the  same  parish 

« Item  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  sonne  Stephen  Oharnocke  the  summe  of 
Twenty  pounds  of  lawfull  money  of  England  And  a  Trunke  vuth  Barres  Corded  upp  with 
such  Lynnen  and  other  things  as  are  or  shall  be  therein  att  the  tyme  of  my  decease 

"  Item  1  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  sonno  Job  Charnocke  the  summe  of  six  hundred 
pounds  of  lawfull  money  of  England 

"  Item  T  give  to  my  brother  William  Marsh  the  summe  of  Twenty  pounds  of  lawfull 
money  of  England  And  to  my  sister  Mary  Marsh  his  wife  the  summe  of  Forty  shillings  of 
like  money  And  to  each  of  their  Foure  Children  now  at  home  with  them  the  summe  of 
Forty  shillings  a  peece  of  like  money 

"  Item  I  give  unto  Samuoll  Waters  Grocer  in  Candlewookc  Street  r>  London  the  suinme 
of  Tenn  shillings  of  like  money  to  buy  him  a  Ring 

"  Item  1  give  unto  Mr  Thomas  Batoman  Merchant  jsomotymos  servant  to  Mr  Michael! 
Markoland  the  suinme  of  Six  pounds  of  lawfull  money  of  Knglaml  And  unto  James  Hall 
Woollen  draper  in  Candloweeko  stroete  aforesaid  the  like  summe  of  Si\  pounds  of  like 
money 

"  The  Rest  and  residue  of  all  and  singuler  my  goods  Chattells  ready  moneyes  Plate 
Leases  debts  and  other  things  whatsoever  to  mo  belonging  and  not  before  in  those  presents 
given  and  bequeathed  I  g\\v  and  bequeath  unto  my  s*iid  Two  Souries  Stephen  Charnoeke 
and  Job  Charnocke  to  be  equally  devided  between  them  which  said  Stephen  Charnocke 
and  Job  Charnocke  my  sonues  I  Doe  make  ordeino  and  appoint  the  full  executors  of  this 
my  present  Testament  and  Last  will 

"  And  I  Doe  make  nominate  and  appoint  my  said  brother  William  Marsh  and  the  said 
Thomas  Bateman  and  James  Hall  the  Executors  of  this  my  will  in  Trust  for  the  benefitt 
of  my  said  sonties  in  case  my  said  sonnes  shall  be  out  of  England  att  the  tyme  of  my 
decease  And  my  will  and  mind  is  That  if  my  said  sonne, Job  Charnocke  shall  happen  to 
depart  this  life  before  his  returne  to  England  Then  the  Six  hundred  pounds  to  him  above 
herein  bequeathed  shall  be  disposed  of  and  accrew  as  followeth  (That  is  to  say)  one 
Hundred  pounds  thereof  shall  accrue  and  come  to  the  Five  Children  of  my  said  brother 
William  Marsh  in  equall  shares  and  proportions  And  the  other  Five  hundred  pounds  resi- 
due thereof  shall  come  and  accrue  to  my  said  sonne  Stephen  Charnock 

"  And  my  will  and  mind  is  That  my  Executors  in  Trust  in  the  absence  of  my  sonnes 
shall  have  power  to  put  forth  any  moneyes  of  myne  att  Interest  for  the  benefitt  of  my 
sonnes  The  bonds  for  which  moneyes  Soe  to  be  put  out  shall  be  taken  in  the  names  of  my 
said  Executors  in  Trust  and  in  the  Conditions  of  the  same  the  moneyes  shall  bo  expressed 
to  be  for  the  use  of  my  said  sonnes  And  then  and  in  such  case  if  any  losse  doe  happen  to 
my  Estate  my  Executors  shall  not  be  therewith  Chargeable 

And  I  doe  hereby  revoke  ill  former  wills  by  me  made  And  doe  declare  This  my  present 
Testament  to  be  my  very  last  will  and  none  other  In  witnes  whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett 
my  hand  and  seale  the  day  and  yeare  First  above  written. 

"  The  marke  of  the  said  Richard  Charnocke 

0  A  township  in  Pen  worth  am  containing  a  free  grammar  school. 

•  Condlewiok  Street,  at  the  oast  end  of  "  Great  Eastcheape,  "   now  known  as  Cannon  Street. 


258  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1017 

"Signed  sealed  Published  and  declared  and  delivered  by  the  said  Richard  Charnocke 
the  Testator  as  and  for  his  last  will  and  Testament  in   the  presence  of    John  Alsope 
S  orivener  William  Braxton  and  John  Bargeman  his  Servants." 

Probate  was  granted  to  Stephen  Charnocke  on  the  2nd  June  1665,  power  being  reserved 
to  issue  the  same  to  Job,  the  other  executor,  on  his  return  to  England. 

The  Charnocks  were  a  Lancashire  family.  They  are  said  to  have  assumed  the  local 
name  of  their  dwelling  places  in  Leyland  Hundred  in  that  county,  and  to  have  given  them 
the  distinguishing  epithets  of  Charnock  Richard,  Heath  Charnock  and  Charnock  Gogard. 
These  are  all  mentioned  in  the  13th  century  and  the  villages  of  Charnock  Richard  and 
< 'harnock  Heath  are  still  so  called. 

The  legacy  of  Richard  Charnock  to  Penwortham  and  Hutton  indicates  that  he  had 
•cause  to  be  specially  interested  in  those  parishes,  one  of  which  may  have  been  his  birth- 
place. Unfortunately,  the  early  registers  of  Penwortham,  which  might  have  cleared  up 
this  i>umt,  were  destroyed  by  fire  in  1857. 

A  branch  of  the  Charnock  family  settled  in  London  and  another  in  Hullcott,  Bedford- 
shire, both  in  the  16th  cantury,  and  Richard  Charnock,  as  a  London  citizen  and  the 
owner  of  property  in  Bedford,  may  possibly  have  been  connected  with  both  branches  ; 
but  no  actual  proof  is  forthcoming. 

As  regards  the  relationship  between  Richard  and  Job  Charnock  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt.  No  record  has  been  found  of  any  other  Job  Charnock  at  this  period 
and  the  fact  that  Richard  Charnock's  younger  son  was  out  of  England  when  the  will  was 
drawn  up  goes  far  to  establish  his  identity  with  the  famous  Anglo-Indian.  There  is, 
moreover,  the  additional  proof  of  Job's  bequest  to  the  poor  of  the  district  in  which 
Richard  Charnock  resided. 

The  identification  of  Richard  Charnock's  elder  son  Stephen  presents  rather  more 
difficulty.  There  is  a  great  temptation  to  connect  him  with  Stephen  Charnock,  puritan 
divine  and  chaplain  to  Henry  Cromwell  (a  son  of  the  Protector),  and  there  are  several 
reasons  in  favour  of  this  theory.  The  divine  was  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Katharine 
•Cree  in  1628,  where  Job  also  appears  to  have  been  born  some  two  or  three  years  later. 
Subsequently,  Richard  Charnock  probably  removed  to  the  parish  of  St.  Mary  Woolchurch7 
where  he  died.  At  any  rate,  the  divine's  father  was  also  a  Richard  Charnock.  The 
absence  in  the  will  of  any  allusion  to  Stephen's  profession  may  be  accounted  for  in  two 
ways.  First,  the  chaplain  had  fallen  into  ill  odour  after  the  Protector's  death  and  he 
remained  in  obscurity  in  London  for  fifteen  years  with  no  regular  charge.  Secondly, Richard 
Charnock  was  probably  a  Royalist  and  High  Churchman  and  consequently  would  have 
little  sympathy  with  his  son's  puritanical  views.  The  main  obstacle  to  the  identification 
•of  the  divine  with  the  brother  of  Job  Charnock  lies  in  the  statement  in  Wood's  Athene?, 
(ed.  Bliss,  III,  1234-6)  that  Stephen's  father,  Richard  Charnock,  was  "  an  attorney  or 
solicitor,  "  However,  I  have  searched  in  vain  for  any  record  of  a  Richard  Charnock, 
solicitor  at  this  period.  I  have  also  discovered  but  one  will  of  a  Stephen  Charnock8  and  this 
was  proved  in  1680,  the  date  given  as  that  of  the  death  of  the  divined  1  am  therefore 
inclined  to  think  that  the  Athena:  must  be  in  error  and  that  Richard  Charnock,  yeoman, 
was  the  father  of  both  Henry  Crom well's  chaplain  and  the  founder  of  Calcutta. 

*  The  church  of  St.  Mary  Woolchurch  was  not  rebuilt  after  the  great   fire   of   1660.    Its   site  was 
roughly  that  of  the  present  Mansion  House. 
«  W Ms,  P.  O  C.,  92  Bath. 
'  See  the  articb  on  Stephen  Charnock  in  the  Dictionary  oj  National  Biography. 


NOVEMBER,  1917]  JOB  CHARNOCK—HIS  PARENTAGE  AND  WILL  250 

It  now  only  remains  to  quote  the  will  of  Job  Charnock  who  spent  at  least  37  years  of 
his  life  in  India  and  ended  his  days  there  on  the  10th  January,  1693.  The  will  was  dated 
from  the  infant  settlement  of  Chuttanuttee  (Sutanati),  afterwards  to  become  famous  as 
Calcutta.  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  no  complete  copy  of  the  document  has  been  printed  arid 
I  therefore  give  it  in  full.*" 

In  the  name  of  God  Amen. 

'.'  I  Job  Charnock  at  present  Agent  for  Affaires  of  the  Right  honoble.  English  East 
India  Company  in  Bengali  being  indisposed  in  body  but  perfect  and  sound  in  mind  and 
memory  doe  make  and  ordaine  this  to  be  my  last  Will  and  Testament  (Vizt.) 

"Imprimis  I  bequeath  my  soul  to  Almighty  God  who  gave  it  and  my  body  to  be 
decently  buryed  at  the  discretion  of  my  Overseers  and  for  what  estate  it  hath  pleased 
Almighty  God  to  bloss  me  withall  I  doe  hereby  will  and  bequeath  it  a>s  followeth. 

"  Secondly  1  will  and  bequeath  that  all  debts  or  claim  es  lawfully  made  on  me  be 
discharged  by  my  Overseers. 

"Thirdly  1  give  and  bequeath  to  niy  beloved  Friend  Daniel  Sheldon11  Esquire  Seventy 
pounds  Sterling  as  a  Legacy  to  buy  him  a  Ring. 

tf  Fourthly  I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  honble.  Nath  [anicl  |  Higginson12  as  a  Legacy 
to  buy  him  a  Ring  four  hundred  Rupees. 

"  Sixthly  1  give  and  bequeath  to  Mr.  John  HillK{  as  a  Legacy  to  buy  him  a  Ring  two 
hundred  Rupees  and  that  likewise  he  be  paid  out  of  my  parto  of  the  permission  Trade- 
Commission  one  hundred  Rupees  moro  in  all  three  hundred  Rupees. 

"  Seventhly  1  give  and  bequeath  to  Mr.  Francis  Ellis1  '  as  a  Legacy  to  buy  him  a  Ring 
one  hundred  and  fifty  Rupees. 

<k  Eighthly  T  doe  hereby  ordaine  and  appointed  [.s/f  J  the  honble.  Nathaniel  Higghuson 
President  of  Madras  and  Mr.  John  Beard1-'*  of  Councill  in  Bengali  to  bo  over  seers1  <;  of  this 

my  will. 

"  Ninthly  I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  poore  of  the  Parish  of  Cree  Church  London  the 
Siimme  of  fifty  pounds  Sterling. 

«»Tenthly  I  give  and  bequeath  to  Budlydasse  |  Baclli  Das  ]  one  hundred  Rupees  and  the 
meanest  sort  of  my  sonns  Cloathes  lately  deceased. 

"  Eleven  thiv  I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  Doctor  now  attending  me  fifty  Rupees. 

«c  Twelfthly  1  give  and  bequeath  to  my  Servants  Gunnyshams  [  Chancy  am  ]  and  Dallub 
[  Dalab  ]  each  twenty  Rupees. 

"  Thirteenthly  1  give  and  bequeath  after  the  payment  of  the  abovemontioncd  debts 
Legacies  that  all  my  whole  Estate  in  India  and  elsewhere  be  equally  given  and  distributed 
to  my  three  daughters  Mary  Elizabeth  and  Katherine  only  with  this  reservation  that  as 
an  addition  to  my  daughter  Marys  portion  there  shall  be  paid  her  out  of  my  daughter 
Eliza  [beths  ]  and  Katharines  two  thirds  Six  hundred  pounds  Sterling. 

"  Fourteenthly  I  will  and  desire  my  Overseers  beforomentioned  that  niy  three  daughters 
be  sent  with  a  convenient  handsome  equipage  for  England  and  recommended  to  the  Care 
of  my  well  beloved  friend  Daniell  Sheliton  [  sic  ]  Esqr.  in  London  and  that  their  Estates 


10  Wills,  P.  C.  C.t  91 

«  Chief  at  Kasimbazar,  1058-1665.     He  returnee!  to  England  in  1600. 

12  Governor  of  Fort  St.  George,  Madras,  1692-98. 

33  Captain  John  Hill,  "  Secretary  and  Captain  of  tho  Soldiers."    Soo  Yule,  Hedged  Diary,  II,  02. 

*  Then  Second  of  Council  at  Huglt.    He  died   at  Fort  St.  George  in  1704. 

Governor  of  Bengal,  1701-1710.  lc  Executors  in  Bengal. 


260 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 


be  invested  in  goods  proper  for  Europe  and  sent  as  by  the  Bight  honoble.  Companies 
Permission  on  as  many  and  such  shipps  as  my  Overseers  shall  think  convenient. 

"Fifteenthly  I  hereby  acquitt  Mr.  Charles  Pate  from  his  debt  to  me  of  Fifty  Pagodas 
lent  him  at  the  Fort.17 

"Lastly  I  will  and  ordaine  the  honoble.  Daniell  Sheldon  and  my  eldest  daughter  Mary 
Charnock  to  be  Executors  of  this  my  last  will  and  Testament  revoaking  and  disanullingall 
former  or  other  Will  or  Wills  that  have  beene  made  in  witness  whereof  1  have  hereunto 
putt  my  hand  and  seale  this  ninth  day  of  January  one  thousand  Six  hundred  and  ninety 

two  [  1692/3  ]. 

JOB  CHARNOCK 

Signd  and  Sealed  in  the  presence  of  Jonathan  White 

Francis  Houghton 
John  Hill." 

Probate  was  granted  on  the  12th  June,  1695,  to  Robert  Dorrell,  attorney  to  Mary 
Oharnock,  Daniel  Sheldon  renouncing. 

Job  Charnock's  behest  with  regard  to  his  daughters'  return  to  England  was  disregard- 
ed. The  three  girls,  children  of  his  native  wife,  remained  in  India  and  married  there. 
Mary  became  the  first  wife  of  Charles  Etyre,  Charnock's  successor  as  Agent  in  Bengal.  She 
died  on  the  19th  February,  1697.  Elizabeth  married  William  Bowridge,  a  junior  merchant 
in  the  Company's  service.  He  died  in  April,  1724  and  his  widow  survived  in  Calcutta  until 
August,  1753.  Mary  Charnock,  Job's  youngest  daughter,  married  Jonathan  White,  also  a 
servant  of  the  Company.  He  became  Second  of  Council  and  died  in  Calcutta  on  the  3rd 
January,  1704,  three  years  after  the  death  of  his  young  wife. 

Jt  is  interesting  to  trace  the  fate  of  .lob  Charnock's  bequest  to  the  poor  of  his  native  parish. 
A  vestry  minute  of  St.  Katharine  Oreo  of  the  28th  August,  1695,  records  the  gift  of 
"  Mr.  Job  Charnock,  late  of  the  East  Indies,  merchant,  of  50J.  to  the  poor  of  this  parish," 
and  further  states  that  it  was  ordered  at  that  vestry,  that  "  in  consideration  of  the  said 
50J.  the  poor  should  have  distributed  amongst  them  3L  yearly,  for  ever,  by  two  equal  pay- 
ments, upon  the  5th  November  and  5th  February.  " 

At  a  subsequent  vestry,  held  on  the  1st  February,  1699,  it  was  ordered  that  "  the  50Z. 
given  to  the  parish  for  the  use  of  the  poor  by  Mr.  Job  Charnock,  and  the  HKM.  given  for 
the  like  use  by  Mr.  John  Jackson  should  be  settled  on  the  house  belonging  to  the  parish, 
situate  in  Fenchurch-street,  and  the  said  bouse  was  thereby  charged  with  the  repayment 
thereof,  with  five  per  ceut.  interest,  such  interest  being  11.  10s.,  to  be  yearly  paid  for  the 
use  of  the  poor.18 

In  1860,  the  house,  No.  91,  Fenchurch-street,  was  let  on  lease  to  John  Moore  for  a 
term  of  21  years  from  Christmas,  1849,  at  the  rent  of  £42  per  annum,  and  Charnock's 
£  2-10-0  interest  was  carried  to  the  bread  account  for  the  distribution  of  twenty  2-lb. 
loaves  to  20  persons  every  Sunday. 

For  the  later  history  of  the  bequest  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Henry  Bowyear,  Chief 
Charity  Commissioner,  who  informs  me  that  "The  house,  No.  91,  Fenchurch-street,  was 
taken  under  the  provisions  of  Michael  Angelo  Taylor's  Act  (57  Geo.  in.  e.  XXIX) 
and  the  purchase  money  was  paid  into  Court  and  was  represented  by  a  sum  of 
£  1,949-10-8  Consols.  By  the  statement  prepared  under  the  City  of  London  Parochial 
Charities  Act,  1883,  for  the  Parish  of  St.  Katharine  Cree,  this  sum  is  scheduled  as  the 
endowment  of  the  three  Charities  of  Richard  Lingham,  Job  Charnock  and  John  Jackson, 
and  by  the  operation  of  that  Act  and  the  Central  Scheme  made  thereunder,  on  the 
23rd  February,  1891,  it  was  merged  in  the  Central  Fund  of  the  City  Parochial  Foundation.  " 

17  Fort  St.  George,  Madras. 

18  Report*  made  to  the  Charity  Commissioners,  Accounts  and  I'apers  (H-  of  C.  Vote.  71  and  334  of  1904). 


NOVEMBBE,  1917]  THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA  261 

THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA. 
BY  RAMESH  CHANDRA  MAJUMDAR,  M.A..  CALCUTTA. 

THE  most  characteristic  feature  of  all  the  recent  discussion  about  the  date  of  Kaiiishka 
is  the  tacit  admission  of  the  scholars  that  the  initial  year  of  his  reign  must  be  either  58  B.C. 
or  A.D.  78.  Both  the  theories  are,  however,  beset  with  serious  difficulties  that  have  been 
quite  clearly  brought  forth  in  the  discussion  held  in  the  hall  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.1  I  propose,  therefore,  to  offer  my  own  views2  about  the 
matter,  which  are  substantially  different  from  those  mentioned  above. 

Two  classes  of  evidence  alone  throw  direct  light  on  the  question  of  Kanishka  :  the 
•Chinese  historical  texts,  and  Indian  coins  and  inscriptions.  1  IxJievc  that  if  they  are  inter- 
preted without  any  bias,  they  agree  in  placing  Kanishka  in  the  first  half  of  the  third  cent\iry 
A.  D.  I  propose  to  show  how  the  evidence  of  Chinese  history  directly  leads  to  this  inference, 
which  is  again  supported  hy  the  Indian  evidence  when  interpreted  without  any  pre-existing 
bias. 

Chinese  Evidence:  T\\o  Chinese  historical  texts  throw  important  light  upon  the  history 
of  the  Indo-Kushans.  These  are  the  "JHeou  Han  Chou  "  or  the  '*  History  of  the  Later  Han 
Dynasty"  and  the  "Wei-Jio  ".  The  former  covers  the  period  between  A  i>.  25  and  220 
and  was  composed  by  Fan  -Ye  who  died  in  A.i>.  445.  The  latter  was  composed  by  Yu  Tionan 
between  A.P.  239  and  205,  and  the  events  mentioned  in  it  come  down  to  the  ]>eriod  of 
Emperor  Ming  (A.  D.  ±>7-23<J).3 

Fan-  Ye  gives  the  following  accounts  of  the  Kushan  conquest  of  India  : 

*c  In  old  days  the  Yue-chi  were  vanquished  by  the  Hioimgnu.  They  then  went  to 
Trthia  and  divided  the  kingdom  among  live  k  gahgous,'  'wz.  those  of  Hieou-ini,  Chouaug-mi, 
Kouei-chouaiig,  Hi  ton  on  and  Tou-ini.  More  than  hundred  years  after  that,  the  Yabgou  of 
Konei-chouang  (Kushan)  named  K'ieou-tsieou-kio  (Kozoulo,  Kadphises)  attacked  and 
vanquished  the  four  other  "  Yabgou  a  '  and  called  himself  king  ;  the  name  of  his  kingdom  was 
Kushan.  He  invaded  Xgan-si  (Purthia)  and  took  possession  of  the  territory  of  Kaofu  (Kabul). 
He  also  overcame  Pouta,  and  Kipin  (Kasmir  ?)  and  became  completely  master  of  these 
kingdoms.  K'ieiw-tsieou-kio  died  at  the  age  of  more  than  eighty.  His  son  Yen-Kao- 
tcheii  (Oemo-  Kadphises)  succeeded  him  as  king.  In  his  turn  he  conquered  India  and 
established  there  a  'Chief  '  for  governing  it.  From  this  time  the  Yue-chi  Jxrame  extremely 
powerful.  All  the  other  countries  designate  them  Kushan  after  their  king,  but  the  Han 
retain  the  old  name  and  call  them  Ta-Yue-che." 

In  the  course  of  his  description  of  India  Fan-Ye  adds  the  following  :  — 

"  At  this  time  all  these  Indian  kingdoms  were  subject  to  the  Yue-chi.  The  Yue-chi  had 
killed  their  king  and  installed  a  '  Chief  '  to  administer  the  government."1 

Now  if  we  altogether  banish  from  our  mind  all  preconceived  theories  regarding  the 
Kushan  Chronology  the  meaning  of  the  passages  quoted  above  offers  no  difficulty.  As  Fan- 
Ye  dates  past  events  by  referring  them  to  distinct  chronological  periods  (apparently  the 
Ohinese  equivalent  of  our  method  of  dating  in  the  years  of  an  era)  it  appears  plainly,  from  the 


S..  1913,  pp.  IL'7-650,  910-1042. 

2  These  were  propounded  at  first  iu  a  thesis  submitted  to  the  Calcutta  University  in  October,  1912. 

3  My  accounts  of  thrse  books  are  based  on  the  Fi  eiicli  translations  that  appeared  iu  T'oung  Ptto, 

1907,  (p.  153  ff),  mid  1905,  (p.  519  ff.) 
*  ToungPao,  1907,  p.  193-4. 


202  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 

use  of  the  phrase  "  at  this  time  ",  that  at  the  close  of  the  period  with  which  Fan-Ye  is  deal- 
ing (i.e..  alxmt  A.  i>.  220)  the  different  kingdoms  of  India  were  subject  to  the  Yue-chi  king, 
who  had  installed  a  '  Chief  '  to  govern  the  country.  Fan-Ye  is  quite  explicit  on  this  point  as 
the  last  quotation  will  show.  It  will  l>e  observed  that  the  separate  accounts  which  Fan-Ye 
gives  of  the  Yue-chi  and  the  Kabul  kingdom  are  quite  consistent  with  this.  The  last  thing 
he  records  of  the  Yue-chi  is  their  conquest  of  India  under  Wema-Kadphises  and  the  conse- 
quent increase  in  their  power,  and  the  last  thing  mentioned  of  Kabul  is  also  the  Yue-chi 
conquest  of  the  country.  There  can  hardly  remain  any  doubt  that  the  picture  of  the  Yue- 
chi  which  he  has  preserved  is  true  of  the  period  with  which  his  history  closes. 

This  plain  interpretation  is,  however,  fatal  to  all  the  theories  that  have  hitherto  been 
entertained  regarding  the  chronology  of  the  Kushans.  It  has  been  therefore  confidently 
asserted  that  the  above  accounts  were  all  taken  from  Pan-Young,  and  it  has  l>een  implied 
that  the  significant  words  <w  at  this  time  "  were  taken  verbatim  from  Pun  Young's  report, 
and  that  therefore  the  historical  accounts  of  the  Yue-chi  and  India  were  only  true  of  the 
period  when  Pan  Yong  wrote,  viz.,  about  A.D.  125. 

This  explanation,  originally  propounded  by  M.  Chavannes,  has  been  improved  upon  by 
Mr.  Kennedy,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  consider  in  detail  the  basis  upon  which  it  is 
founded.  M.  Chavamies  in  the  introduction  to  his  '  Translation  of  the  118th  chapter  of 
Fan  -Ye 's  work  '  refers  to  a  passage,  where  the  author  says  that  he  took  w  all  his  facts  '  from 
Pan  Yong's  report,5  and  argues  that  the  whole  account  of  the  western  countries,  as  given 
by  Fan-Ye,  was  based  upon  that  report.  It  is  quite  clear,  however,  that,  either  the  French 
translation  is  faulty  or  there  is  something  wrong  in  the  copy,  for  '  all  tJtr  facts  '  that  Fan-Ye 
describes  could  not  possibly  have  been  based  upon  Pan  Yong's  report,  inasmuch  as  just 
before  this  statement,  Fan- Ye  mentions  incidents  which  took  place  in  A.D.  132,  134,  152  and 
153  and  were  therefore  posterior  to  Pan  Yong's  report.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  regard  to 
almost  all  the  countries,  of  which  he  gives  historical  account,  he  narrates  events  which  were 
posterior  to  the  time  of  Pan  Yong  and  could  not  therefore  have  been  descril>ed  in  the  latter 's 
report.  These  facts,  of  course,  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  French  savant,  but  he  seeks 
to  explain  away  their  importance  by  the  following  observations : — 

"  It  is  true  that  as  regards  Khoten,  Kashgar  or  Tourfan,  Fan-Ye  mentions  some  events 
which  took  place  between  A.D.  150-170.  This  does  not,  however,  weaken  the  importance 
which  must  be  attributed  to  the  Text  of  Pan  Yong  in  this  chapter.  In  reality  it  is  this 
text  itself  which  constitutes  the  whole  account  of  the  western  countries.  Only,  in  regard  to 
countries  which  were  nearer  to  China,  and  with  which  she  had  continued  her  intercourse 
for  a  longer  time,  the  historian  adds  some  facts  which  were  posterior  to  the  report  of  Pan 
Yong."c 

Against  this  view  it  must  be  observed  in  the  first  place  that  it  is  not  only  as  regards 
Khoten,  Kashgar  or  Tourfan  that  Fan-Ye  mentions  events  which  were  posterior  to  Pan 
Yong,  but  also  as  regards  India,  Kiumi  (pp.  170-171),  Ta-tsin  (Syria)  arid  incidentally  of 
Parthia  (p.  185).7 

The  view  cannot,  therefore,  be  maintained  that  the  only  additions  that  the  historian 
made  to  Pan  Yong's  report  were  with  regard  to  countries  nearer  to  China.  As  he  gives 
additional  accounts  of  India,  Parthia  and  Syria  he  had  certainly  not  to  depend  upon  the 

Feting  Pao,  1907,  p.  168.  6  T'OIUUJ  Pao,  1907,  p.  160. 

7  The  pages  refer  to  T'oung  Pao,  1907. 


1917J  THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA  2«3 

report  of  Pan  Yong  alone  in  hi*  account  of  the  Yue-ehi  country  and  Kabul  kingdom  which 
lay  in  an  intermediate  position  between  China  and  those  countries. 

But  all  possible  doubts  on  this  point  are  removed,  so  far  at  least  as  India  is  concerned, 
l>y  the  express  statement  of  Fan-Ye,  that  he  had  access  to  later  authorities  than  Pan  Yong's 
report.  In  the  dissertations  which  end  the  chapter,  Fun-Ye  remarks  that  very  meagre 
Accounts  of  Buddhism  are  given  in  the  geographical  treatises  on  India  of  the  Han  period  and 
then  observes  as  follows  : — 

"Changkien  merely  writes  k  the  country  is  mostly  Avar  in  ami  the  inhabitants  ride  on 
the  elephants  when  fighting/  As  to  Pan  Yong,  although  he  has  stated  that  the  }>eople  adore. 
Buddha,  and  that  they  neither  kill  nor  attack,  still  he  does  not  convey  any  information 
regarding  the  j>crfcct  stylo  and  the  excellent  doctrine  (of  the.  Sacred  Books),  and  the  merit 
these  possess  of  guiding  the  people  and  making  them  comprehend  (the  truth).  For  me 
here  is  what  I  have  heard  spoken  on  the  subject  by  others  at  a  subsequent  period.1'  H 

Fan-Ye  thus  positively  asserts  that  he  had  utilised  other  sources  of  information  regard- 
ing India,  besides  Pan  Yong's  report,  and  that  these  l>elonged  to  a  period  subsequent  to  it. 
No  doubt  it  was  from  these  sources  that  he  learnt  the  events  Avhich  he  records  to  have 
happened  subsequent  to  Pan  Yong's  time. 

Besides  it  has  l>een  elsewhere  clearly  shoAvn  by  Chavannes  himself  that  Fan- Ye 's  work 
Avas  based  upon  previous  Avorks,  not  less  than  ten  in  number  arid  all  posterior  to  Pan 
Yong's  time.9 

There  is  thus  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  events  mentioned  by  Fan-Ye  had  all  taken 
place  before  Pan  Yong's  report.  As  regards  the  phrase  ik  at  this  time  ",  on  which 
</havannes  remarks  "  Apparently,  at  the  time  when  Pan  Yong  wrote  ",  the  case  is  still  more 
clear.  As  Fan-Ye  drew  upon  sources  of  information,  both  anterior10  and  posterior  to 
Pan  Yong's  time,  there  i,s  no  reason  why  that  phrase  should  refer  to  it.  Besides,  Fan-Ye  was 
not  reproducing  the  report  of  Pan  Yong,  he  was  writing  an  independent  account  of  India : 
and  even  if  it  were  wholly  based  on  that  report,  he  could  not  borrow  any  such  expression  ; 
localise  any  man  possessed  with  a  grain  of  common  sense  (and  Fan -Ye  has  clearly  proved 
that  he  had  a  fair  share  of  it)  could  not  have  been  blind  to  the  fact  that  such  expressions, 
if  they  Avere  meant  to  refer  to  Pan  Yong's  time,  woulu  be  entirely  misleading  in  a  work  which 
professes  to  record  the  historical  events  down  to  A.T).  220.  It  would  indeed  be  a  most 
astounding  thing  if  a  writer,  usually  BO  precise  about  dates,  would  HO  far  forget  himself  as  to 

8  "Tehangkien   s'est    home  a  ecrire"    C.V  pays  est  le  plus  Hnuvent  chaml  el    hunude  ;   I«K  habitants 
montent  snr  les  elephantft  pour  combattro. 

"Quant  a  Pan  Young  quoiquil  ttit  expose  que  cos  KOIIK  adoront  le  Buddha  et  qu'ils  no  tuont  m 
n'attaquont,  oepondaiit  il  no  nous  a  ricn  transmis  aur  le  style  parfait  et  sur  la  doctrine  excellente 
(des  livres  saints)  §ur  le  merits  qflont  oeux-ci  de  guider  les  hoinmew  et  do  lour  fain-  oornprendre  (la  vVirite1). 

"Pour  moi  voici  ce  quo  jai  ontendu  dire  a  ceux  qui,  plus  tard,  on  park*  do  ee  nujet."  T'ouny  I*ao, 
1907,  p.  218. 

9  An  old  Chinese  authority  has  furnished  UK  with  a  list  of  historical    treat i BOM   which    were  written 
before  Fan-Ye's  time  and  to  which  evidently  Fan-Ye  had  access,  for  we  are  told  that  Fan-Ye  "  rassembla 
et  completa  tous  ces  auteurh."     The   extract   has  been  translated    by  Chavannes   in    T'oung  Pao,  1906, 

pp.  211-214. 

it  It  IB  quite  evident  that  Fan-Yo  had  access  to  Changkieif  s  report.  See  the  first  sentence  of  the 
quotation  in  footnote  8.  Chavannes  remarks  on  observations  attributed  therein  to  Changkien  i  "  These 
two  leniences  are  found  almost  word  for  word  in  the  96th  Chapter  of  Sumachien'*  history  which  is 
based  on  the  report  of  Tchangkien."  Touug  Poo,  1907,  p.  218,  F.  N.  2. 


264  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  {NOVEMBER,  1917 

reproduce  an  expression  from  Pan  Yong's  report  which  could  not  but  mean  an  entirely 
different  thing  to  the  readers  of  his  own  work.  Now  such  a  strange  phenomenon  can  be 
accepted  as  true  only  if  adequate  proofs  are  forthcoming  ;  but  what  are  the  proofs? 

Fan-Ye,  no  doubt,  says  that  the  facts  he  describes  had  been  related  by  Pan  Yong  in  his 
report.  But  this  applies  to  India  as  well  as  to  all  other  countries  of  the  West  described  by  him, 
and  as  we  have  seen  that  all  the  facts  he  describes  about  them  could  not  be  taken  from 
that  report,  inasmuch  as  many  of  them  are  posterior  to  it,  we  cannot  suppose  that  his 
Indian  account  was  brought  down  only  to  the  period  when  Pan  Yong  wrote.  Further 
Fan-Ye  merely  says  that  "  all  these  facts  were  related  by  Pan  Yong  ",  but  he  nowhere  says 
that  he  gives  extracts  from  Pan  Yong's  report,  so  as  to  warn  the  reader  that  all  personal 
references  to  time  should  be  taken  to  apply  to  the  period  of  Pan  Yong  alone. 

When  Fan-Ye  describes  events  of  Pan  Yong's  time,  and  in  which  Pan  Yong  himself 
played  a  part,  be  does  not  use  the  first  person  nor  indicate  the  time  by  any  such  expressions 
as  "at  the  present  day,"  "at  this  time,"  "Now,"  "last  year,"  or  "so  many  years  ago/5 
&c.,  which  must  have  been  used  in  Pan  Yong's  report,  but  he  indicates  the  time  as  a  later 
author  would  naturally  do,  even  when  his  facts  are  all  taken  from  Pan  Yong's  report,  by 
referring  them  to  distinct  chronological  periods. 

The  position  with  regard  to  the  question  under  discussion  may  therefore  be  described 
as  follows  : 

Fan-Ye  in  the  course  of  his  description  of  India  says,  "  At  this  time,  all  these  kingdoms 
were  subject  to  the  Yue-chi." 

It  has  been  contended  that  the  phrase  'at  this  time '  apparently  refers  to  the  time  of 
Pan  Yong.  The  contention  rests  on  two  grounds  : — 

(1)  Fan-Ye  tells  us  that  he  borrowed  his  facts  from  Pan  Yong's  report. 

(2)  He  expressly    indicates  (or  actually  tells  us,  as  Mr.  Kennedy  would  have   us 

believe)  that  some  of  his  sentences  are  borrowed  from  Pan  Yong  (e  borrowed 
verbatim '  according  to  Mr.  Kennedy).     (See  JRAS.,  1912,  p.  678,  F.  N.  2.) 
Against  this  view  it  has  been  clearly  demonstrated  that 

(1)  Fan-Ye  did  not  take  all  his  facts  from  Pan  Yong  ;  he  did  not  even  confine  hinisell 

to    the  period  when  Pan  Yong  wrote,  but  noticed  events  which  happened 
posterior  to  it. 

(2)  The  phrase  c  at  this  time '  if  quoted  verbatim  from   Pan  Yong's  report  would 

mean  an  entirely  different  thing  in  Fan-Ye 's  work,  and  it  would  be  absurd  to 
suppose  that  Fan-Ye  could  have  remained  ignorant  of  it.  Fan-Ye  has  proved 
himself  too  critical  to  be  capable  of  quoting  in  such  an  absurd  way.  Strong 
and  definite  proofs  are  therefore  needed  to  induce  us  to  believe  that  he  actually 
did  any  such  thing  and  such  proofs  are  entirely  wanting.  There  is  no  clear 
indication  that  any  sentence  was  borrowed  from  Pan  Yong  in  the  sense  that 
it  was  reproduced  word  for  word. 
The  conclusion  is  therefore  obvious  that  the  phrase  'at  this  time  '  should  be  taken,  in 

its  normal  sense,  to  refer  to  the  closing  years  of  the  period  with  which  Fan-Ye  dealt,  i.e.,. 

sometime  about  A.D.  220.    Any  forced  construction  of  it  would  be  inadmissible  as  there  are 

no  circumstances  warranting  the  same. 

The  results   obtained  by  the  plain  and  natural  interpretation  of  Fan- Ye 's  history 

are  fully  corroborated  by  Yu  Houan,  the  author  of  the  Wei-lio.      In  describing  the 


1917  ]  THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA  265 


three  routes  that  lead  from  China  to  western  countries,  he  mentions,  in  connection  with  the 
southern  route,  that  it  passes  along  the  kingdoms  of  Kipin  (Kashmir  ?),  Ta-hia  (Bactria), 
Kao-fu  (Kabul)  and  T'ien-tchou  (India)  all  of  which  are  subordinate  to  the  Yue-ohi.11 
There  cannot  be.  the  slightest  doubt  that  this  state  of  things  was  true  of  the  ]>eriod  with  which 
Wei-lio  concluded.  This  has  been  recognised  by  the  French  translator  of  the  work, 
M.  Ed.  Ghavannes,  who  remarks  on  the  above  passage  :  kt  So  at  the  middle  of  the  third 
century  of  our  era,  the  power  of  the  Kushan  kings  was  at  its  height."1- 

It  is  evident  that  the  conquests  of  the^Yne-chi,  as  described  by  Fan -Ye,  entirely  agree 
with  the  above  account.  Both  the  works  sj>eak  of  Kao-fu,  Kipin  and  Tim-Mum  being 
conquered  by  the  Yuc-ehi.  But  this  agreement  is  brought  out  nioiv  fully  in  connection 
with  another  kingdom,  called  Tong-li  by  Pan -Ye  and  Kin-li,  Li-wri-t'o  or  Pvi-li-wang  by 
Yu-Houan.13  That  both  the  authors  mean  the  same  country  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt  by 
the  almost  identical  descriptions  which  they  give.  Thus  both  place  the  country  at  a  little 
more  than  3000  li  to  tlic  South -east  of  Tienehn ,  and  both  name  '  Cha-Ki  *  as  the  capital  of 
the  country.  Indeed  no  doubt  has  been  entertained  on  this  point  .*  (  Xo\v  Fari-Ye  says 
in  regard  to  this  country  that  <k  the  Yne-chi  attacked  this  kingdom  ,md  made  themselves 
masters  of  it. "I5  Yn  Hoiian  tells  ns  about  the  people  of  the  same  rounlry,  *  Now  the 
Yue-chi  have  conquered  them  and  imposed  taxes  upon  them."10 

The  two  works  thus  speak  in  the  same  strain  about  t lie  Yiie-chi  and  the  facts  they 
relate  about  them  perfectly  agree  with  each  other.  Now  one  of  these  \\orks  describes  the 
events  which  took  place  about  the  year  231),  and  about  this  no  doubt  has  hitherto  IHTII 
entertained.  The  other  uork  also  covers  the  period  down  to  A.D.  ±>0  and  naturally  enough 
the  accounts  in  the  t\\<>  works  perfectly  agree.  And  yet  \vc  are  asked  to  suppose  that  this 
latter  work  describes  e \ents  which  took  place  100  years  earlier.  It  proof  were  needed,  that 
Fan -Ye  really  recorded  e\ents  down  to  the  year  A.D.  220  as  he  professes  to  have  done,  the 
Wc,i-lio  fiiruishes  it,  and  e\fcn  scepticism  itself  can  no  longer  refuse  l<>  helieve  that  the 
natural  interpretation  <>1  Fan -Ye  is  the  true  one. 

But  even  the  M'f  i-lin  has  not  been  spared  the  hands  of  critics  who  are  determined  to  make 
the  Chinese  texts  lit  in  \\  ith  preconceived  theories  of  their  own.  According  to  Mr.  Kennedy, 
the  Yue-chi,  referred  to  in  the  \Vei-liot  mean  the  later  Kushans.17  Hut  \\hat  are  these 
later  Knshans  of  whom  M>  much  has  been  made  by  him  {  The  only  definite  e \idcnec.  of  their 
existence  is  furnished  by  a  number  of  coins,  mostly  debased  imitations  of  the  early  coins 
of  K/wiishkn,  and  Vasinleva  and  mechanically  re]  mating  these  illustrious  names.  Of  the 
earlier  class  of  these  coin>  the  greater  number  were  found  in  the  Punjab,  and  only  a  few  gold 
coins  have  been  discovered  in  stupas  in  the  Kabul  valley  :  while  the  coins  of  the  later  class 

11  "La  rotito  dii  sud.    rn  allant      ors  Fouost,   posMi*    par !«•  imamno   <le    Kip;n 

(Cachemiro),  Jo  royainue  ilr  T«i-hin,  (Hactriane)  lo  royauum  do  Kuo-t'u  (Kabul  ,  !o  loyminio  de  T'ioachou 
(Inde)  qui  ions  dopondant  «I«'s  Tu-Yuo-toho.*1  T'otltw  J'ao,  1905,  j)p.  KM,  5:*S-!». 

14  "Ah'im,  au  militMidu  troisiemo  Kit-clo  do  notre  <TO,  la  puiH.sauco  «l<*s  roisKourlrms  <'-tu^tasonapafti*c." 
T'oung  Pa^>,  1»05,  p.  5:J9,  F.  N.  1. 

in  For  Fmi-YoV  Mcroum,  soe  T'oiou?  Pao,  1917,  pp.  I04-I9r».  For  thai  in  HV/.//'>.  nee  T'oiiny  Prm. 
1905,  p.  561. 

11  ThuK  in  a  footnotr  to  Fan-Ye's  account  of  Tong-li,  Kd.  t-l»a\aim<»s  loma-ks  :  *'  In  the  Woi-lio 
tho  kingdoin  is  (tailed  Kin  li,  or  Li  Woi-to  or  pfei-Ji-Wanff."  T'OUIKJ  I'"",  •  IHJ,  F.  N.  5. 

15  "Los  Trt-Yue-teho  .iitaqui'rent  o«  roynume  et  HO  rasservi'ont."  (Op.  i:tlm) 

lfi  "Maintonant  tlow  ^'^^'.tsohe  los  ont  usscrviH  et  lour  out  impost/  dr*  ttixos."  (Oj\  cit  ; 
17  JJIAS.,  1913,  pp.  1054.1064. 


266  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 

are  confined  to  the  Northern  Punjab  alone.18  The  style  of  these  coins  does  not  also 
favour  the  supposition  that  they  were  issued  by  a  line  of  powerful  rulers.  The  available 
evidences  therefore  seem  to  indicate  that  the  so -called  later  Kushans  were  a  line  of  weak 
rulers,  who  at  first  held  sway  over  Kabul  and  the  Punjab,  but  whoso  territory  was 
afterwards  confined  to  tlie  Northern -Punjab  alone. 

Now  the  empire  of  the  Yiio-chi,  as  described  in  WVi-lfo,  extended  from  Bactria  to  the 
East  Indies,  and  according  to  Mr.  Kennedy  it  even  included  the  kingdom  of  Magadha.  Does 
Mr.  Kennedy  seriously  ask  us  to  believe  that  this  description  is  applicable  to  the  later 
Kushans  ?  There  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  to  show  that  these  hold  either  Bactria19  or 
any  Indian  territory  to  the  east  of  the  Punjab.  If  they  really  held  sway  over  such  a  vast 
extent  of  territory,  it  is  almost  incredible  that  definite  evidences  should  not  be  forth- 
coming  to  establish  the  fact,  and  that  their  coins  should  indicate  such  debasement,  when 
compared  with  those  of  the  great  Kanishka  Hue. 

Mr.  Kennedy  has  referred  to  some  other  evidences  in  support  of  his  theory  of  a  Later 
Kushan  kingdom,  but  they  do  not  deserve  serious  criticism. 

The  description  of  the  Yue-chi  as  found  in  Wcl-lio,  is  only  applicable4  to  the  great  line 
ot  Kushan  Emperors  in  India,  beginning  from  Wema  Kadphises  and  ending  with  Vasudeva. 
This,  as  we  have  seen  above,  is  in  entire  agreement  with  the  account  of  Fan -Ye,  which  when 
plainly  interpreted  refers  to  the  Indian  conquests  of  \\Vma-Kadphises  shortly  before  A.D.  220. 
The  joint  testimony  of  these  two  writers  cannot  be  lightly  ignored  and  we  are  therefore 
bound  to  hold  that  the  Yue-chi  had  established  their  supremacy  in  India  in  the  !>cgimii]ig 
of  the  third  century  A.D.,  and  that  their  power  was  at  its  height  by  the  middle  of  it. 

We  next  turn  to  the  Indian  evidence.  It  is  held  by  almost  all  the  scholars,  with  the 
exception  of  Dr.  Fleet  and  the  supporters  of  his  theory,  that  the  Northern  Satraps  and 
Gondopharcs  preceded  the  Kushan  Eni]>erors,  and  that  among  tlu>  latter,  the  Kadphises 
group  preceded  Kaiiishka.  I  accept  this  view  and  refer  the  reader,  for  reasons,  to  the. 
printed  report  of  the  debate  held  in  the  Hall  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  (JRA8.<  1913, 
pp.627ff.,911ff.) 

Now  we  have  a  series  of  epigmphic  dates  for  these  rulers  which  may  be  arranged  as 
follows: — 

Sodasa  . .          . .          . .          .  „          . .          . .          . .         72 

Patika  78 

Gondophares  . .          . .       103 

KuBhan  Kings  (without  any  proper  name)        . .  113,  122, 13620 
Kanishka,  Vasishka,  Huvishka  and  Vasudeva  . .          . .      3-99 

It  is  quite  evident  that  the  dates  3  to  99  cannot  refer  to  the  same  era  as  the  others.  The 
inscriptions,  which  refer  to  Kushan  rulers,  without  any  name,  should  naturally  be  placed 
before  those  of  Kanishka.  for  we  know  from  the  Chinese  writers  that  the  early  Kushan 

18  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1893,  pp.  116,  121 ;  also  Rapgorfs  Indian  Coins,  §  74,  pp.  18,  19. 

19  The  so- called  Scytho-Sasaaniau  coinn  arc  regarded  by  Drcmin   as  the  coins  of    Kuflhans  thorn- 
selves,  while^  according  to  Cunningham^  they  were  issued  by  the  Sassanians.     In   any  case  their  date  is 
limited  to  900-450  A.  D.,  and  they  do  not  therefore   belong  to   the   period  contemplated  in  the  Wei-lio. 
(Rapsori's  Indian  Coins,  §  75,  p.  19). 

»  Knldarra   (JRAS.,   1903,   p.  41),   Panjtar  (A8R.,  p.   61,  pi.  xvi)  and  Taxila  (JRAS.,  1914, 
p.  975  ff.)  Inscriptions. 


,  19171  THE  DATE  OK  KANISHKA  2<)7 

Emperors  did  not  personally  govern  India,  but  a  Viceroy  ruled  there  in  their  name .  We 
have  a  series  of  coins  (the  coins  of  the  so-called  Nameless  kings)  which  are  in  some  mspects 
parallel  to  these  inscriptions  and  have  been  referred,  on  independent  grounds,  to  the 
period  of  Wema  Kadphises,2*  These  coins  and  inscriptions  may  therefore  1*  referred  to 
the  period  of  interval  between  the  first  Kushan  conquest  of  India  and  the  assumption 
of  the  Indian  Government  by  the  Kushan  Emperors  themselves. 

It  is  legitimate,  on  numismatic  and  palaeographic  gi omuls,  to  take  all  these  dates  rang- 
ing from  72  to  136  as  belonging  to  one  era.2-  Kanishka,  according  to  this  view,  would 
have  to  be  placed  after  the  year  136  of  that  era,  and  a  great  advance  nuiy  thus  be  made  in 
the  solution  of  the  Kanishka  problem,  if  we  can  fix  the  initial  point  of  the  era,. 

Dr.  Fleet  has  emphasised  the  principle  that  we  should,  whenever  practicable,  avoid 
the  assumption  of  an  era,  for  the  existence  of  which  there  is  no  actual  evidence  at  all.--* 
Dr.  Oldenberg  made  a  similar  remark  in  connection  with  the  Gupta  era.  "  The  fundamental 
mistake,"  said  Dr.  Oldenl>erg,  "which  has  vitiated  several  of  the  most  detailed  disquisition* 
alxmt  the  Gupta  chronology,  consists  in  their  touching  only  incidentally  upon  the  direct 
and  very  clear  ancient  tradition,  which  we  possess  regarding  the  Gupta  era,  instead  of  placing 
distinctly  this  tradition  in  the  foreground  and  of  systematically  discussing  the  question 
whether  any  serious  objection  can  be  opposed  to  it.  We  shall  try  to  proceed  in  this  way 
so  (dearly  prescrilxxl  by  the  nature  of  the  question/'  2I 

These  principles,  applied  to  the  question  at  hand,  limit  our  choice  in  the  first  instance, 
to  the  two  well -known  eras  which  commenced  in  T>S  B.  r.  and  A.D.  78. 

On  general  grounds,  the  era  of  A.D.  78  must  be  preferred  to  that  of  f>S  B.C.,  in  interpret- 
ing the  dates  of  these  foreign  rulers.  In  the  first  place,  tradition  attributes  the  inauguration 
of  the  first  to  the  accession  of  a  Saka  ruler,  while  it  assigns  an  indigenous  origin  to  the  second. 
Secondly  the  Western  Satraps,  who  undoubtedly  used  the  era,  of  A.  i>.,  78  indicate  close 
connection  with  the  north-western  parts  of  India  by  the  Kharoslhi  letters  on  their 
coins,25  and  all  the  rulers  we  have  to  deal  with  belong  to  that  quarter. 

Interpreted  by  the  k  'Saka  Era  \  the  dates  of  the  various  rulers  \\ill  be  :t*  follows  : — 

Hodasa A.D.     150 

Patika A.D.     130 

Goridophares         ..          ..          ..  \.i>.     181 

Kushan  Kings  (before  Kanishka)  A.D.     191  to  214 

Kanishka   . .          .  .          -  -          -  -  Some  time  after  A.D.  214 

21  JRAS.,  1913,  p.  001. 

&  Sir  John  Marshall  has  disputed  the  validity  of  pmerally  accepted  In-lief  that  the  date  of  thn 
Tttxila  copperplate  of  Patika  and  the  year  72  of  feod&«a  refer  to  one  and  tho  smne  era.  (JRA&,  1914, 
pp.  985.86).  His  arguments,  1  am  afraid,  are  not  quite  convincing  tome.  The  mronsiKteney  which 
he  has  pointed  out  may  bo  removed  either  in  the  way  suggested  by  Dr.  Fleet  (JKAN.,  J907, 
pp.  1034-35),  or  by  supposing  that  the  number  of  small  inscriptions  which  cover  tho  entire  face  of  the 
Mathura  Lion  pillar  capital  were  written  at  different  times  by  different  individuals  Both  the  styles 
of  writing  as  well  as  the  subject  matter  support  this  hy,  othesis  (See  M.^  Barth's  remarks  in  cm/e,  1908, 
p.  245).  It  must  also  be  remembered  that  tho  inscription  of  Satrap  koclusa  »ood  llot  necessarily  be 
referred  to  a  period  earlier  than  that  of  Mahakshatrapa  fcod&safor  though,  as  a  general  nile,  the  transition 
is  from  the  state  of  Knhatrapa  to  that  of  a  Mahakahatrapa,  the  reverse  case  is  not  unknown  :  r/.  e.g.,  the 
case  of  Rudrasimha  1.  H.H  coins  show  him  to  be  a  Mahakshatrapa  in  the  years  103,  106,  109  and  110 
and  a»flffile  Kahatrapa  in  the  years  1 10  and  1 12.  Rapson's  Andhra  Coins,  &c.,  pp.  87-91). 

»  JK  IS.,  1906,  p.  231.          2*  Ante,  Vol.  X,  p.  217.          25  Rapson's  ArMra  Coin*,  p.  CIV. 


26S  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  (NOVEMBER,  1917 

The  results  may  appear  to  be  too  startling  for  serious  consideration ;  but,  when 
calmly  considered,  they  are  found  to  be  opposed  to  nothing  but  vague  prejudices  inherited 
from  earlier  writers,  who  had  to  form  their  conclusions  on  very  insufficient  grounds. 

The  Northern  Satraps  have  usually  been  referred  to  very  early  times,  but  there  are  no 
positive  data  to  determine  their  dates,  and  their  chronological  position  has  been  fixed  solely 
with  reference  to  that  of  the   Greeks   and   the   Kushans.     As  the  date  of  the  Kushans   is 
the  matter  of  dispute,  it  would  be  begging  the  question  to  rely  upon  it,  and  the  Greek 
chronology  is  far  from  being  settled  as  yet.     It  must  never  be  forgotten  that  numismatic  and 
palaeographic  evidences  can  only  supply  relative  dates  and  never  an  absolute  one  (unless  of 
course  the  coins  are  dated  in  a  known  era,  which  however  is  not  the  case  in  the   present 
instance).    When  specific  dates  are  given  to  a  king  on  numismatic  and  pala?ographic  evidences, 
they  are  simply  conjectured  on  the  basis  of  the  dates  of  other  king,  or  of  kings  with  relation 
to  whom  his  chronological  position  has  been  established  by  means  of  coins  and  inscriptions. 
Everything  therefore  depends  upon  the  latter,  and  the  specific  dates  of  the  former,  arrived 
at  by  numismatic  and  palaeographic;  evidences,  possess  no  more  value  than  may  be  attached 
to  it.    We  should  therefore  distinguish  the  numismatic  and  palaeographic  facts  from  the 
theories  based  upon  them.    The  establishment  of  these  facts  requires  a  great  deal  of  techni- 
cal skill  and  observation,  and  they  should  not  be  slightly  treated,  when  their  accuracy  is 
established  by  the  joint  testimony  of  a  number  of  experts  in  these  branches.     The  chrono- 
logical theories  established  on  the  basis  of  these  facts  do  not  stand  however  on  the  same 
footing.     They  are  based  on  some  assumptions  with  regard  to  historical  events,  and  must 
stand  or  fall  with  them.     As  regards  the  Northern  Satraps,  early  dates  were  assigned  to 
them  on  the  basis  of  the  assumed  date  for  the  extinction  of  the  Greek  rule  in  India.     This  was 
first  taken  to  be  120  B.  c.  and  next  shifted  to  a  period  100  years  later,  but  even  this  did  not 
rest  on  secure  grounds.     Already  a  still  later  date  has  been  proposed  and  generally  accepted, 
and  more  shifting  will  probably  take  place  in  future.     While  therefore  we  should  accept  in 
general  the  priority  of  the  Greek  sovereigns,   we  are  unable  to  rely  much  upon  any  specific 
date  assigned  to  the  Northern  Satraps.     The  proposed  date  for  the  Northern  Satraps  is  not 
therefore  primd  facie  an  impossible  one. 

There  seems  to  be  a  consensus  of  opinion  among  the  scholars  as  regards  the  date  of 
Gondophares,  but  the  unanimity  is  more  apparent  than  real.  By  a  curious  coincidence 
they  have  come  to  maintain  the  same  point,  though  their  views  are  based  on  diametrically 
opposite  principles.  Thus  Dr.  Fleet  arrives  at  the  date  by  referring  the  year  103  of  the 
Takht-i-Bahai*  inscription  to  the  Vikrama  Samvat  of  58  B.C.,  which  he  considers  to  be  the 
historic  era  of  Northern  India  being  founded  by  the  great  emperor  Kanishka.  Dr.  Thomas,. 
Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  and  Mr.  Rapson,  who  all  deny  any  association  between  Kanishka  and 
Vikrama  Samvat,  and  do  not  even  recognise  the  possibility  of  the  Vikrama  Samvat  having 
ever  been  used  in  those  regions  at  so  early  a  period,  arrive  at  the  same  conclusion  on 
numismatic  and  palaeographic  evidences,  which  place  Gondophares  a  little  before  Kanishka, 
whom  they  refer  to  about  A.D.  78. 

The  position  with  regard  to  Gondophares  is  briefly  this  :  A  Christian  tradition  associate* 
him  with  the  apostle  St.  Thomas  and  thus  refers  him  to  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.P. 
It  is  generally  admitted,  however,  that  the  tradition  by  itself  is  unworthy  of  serious  belief. 


NOVEMBER,  1917]  THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA  269 

Thus  Mr,  V.  A.  Smith  says :  "The  whole  story  is   pure  mythology,  and  the  geography  is  as 

mythical  as  the  tale  itsolf After  much  consideration  I  am    now  of  opinion  that  the 

story  of  the  personal  ministration  and  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  realms  of 
Gondophares  and  Mazdai  should  not  be  accepted.  "  2«  Dr.  Fleet  also  expresses  a  similar  but  a 
more  moderate  opinion  as  follows  :  "  Now  in  the  Christian  tradition  there  are  details  which 
tend  to  prevent  us  from  placing  implicit  reliance  upon  it.  And  as  regards  its  external  bearings, 
it  would  hardly  suffice,  standing  alone,  to  allow  us  to  introduce  into  the  early  history,  as  a 
proved  fact,  the  existence,  at  some  time  between  about  A.D.  33  and  OS  of  two  kings  of  India, 
or  of  parts  thereof,  whose  names  should  be  found  in  the  Gudnaphar,  Gundaphar,  (1  nundaphoros 
or  Gundaforus,  and  the  Mazdai,  Misdaios  or  Mesdeus  of  tho  tradition.''27  Mr.  Burkitt  who 
has  made  a  special  study  of  the  subject  is  also  of  opinion  that  "  That  the  stories  in  the 
Acts  of  St.  Thomas  have  littlo  or  no  historical  bnsis  is  indeed  almost  self -evident.'' 

The  tradition  about  (londophares  therefore  cannot  bo  accepted  as  an   historical  fact, 
unless  it  is  corroborated  by  independent  evidence.     Reliable    independent  evidence  how- 
ever there   is  none,  and  scholars  do  not  even  agree  as  to  the  bearing  of  the  numismatic  and 
paleeographic  facts  with  regard  to  the  question.     Dr.  Fleet  and  Mr.  K.  I).  Banerji  do  not 
hesitate  to  place  Kanishka  before  Gondophares,  while  Dr.  Biihler,  Dr.  Thomas,  Mr.  V.  A. 
Smith,  Mr.  Rapson  and  others  would  reverse  the    position.     I  am  inclined  to  awwpt  the 
latter  view,  arid  hold  it  as  an  established  fact,  on  numismatic  and  palscographie  grounds,  that 
Kanishka  nourished  later  than  Gondophares.     Hut  the  specific  date  proposed  for  Gondo- 
phares  on  this  ground  possesses  little  value,  as  the  date  of  Kanishka  itself  is  open  to  dispute 
and  forms  the  subject-matter  of  the  present  discussion.     There  is  thus  no  good  ground  for 
the  assumption  that  Gondophares  flourished  in  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.D, 

The  above  discussions  make  it  quite  clear  that  no  serious  objection  can  be  opposed  to 
the  results  obtained  by  referring  the  dates  under  consideration  to  the  era  of  A.  D.  78. 

The  Chinese  evidence  is  thus  corroborated  by  the  results  deduced  from  Indian  inscrip- 
tions regarding  the  date  of  Kushan  sovereignty.  We  have  seen  that,  by  referring  the  Indian 
inscriptions  to  the  well-known  era  beginning  in  A.D.  78,  the  date  of  the  Indo-Parthian 
king  Gondophares  falls  in  A.D.  181  and  that  of  the  Kadphises  kings  between  A.D.  191  and 
214.  The  Chinese  evidence  also  shows  that  Ko/oulo-Kadphises  defeated  the  Parthians 
and  conquered  Kabul,  and  that  his  son  conquered  India,  shortly  before,  A.D.  220.  This 
perfect  agreement  between  two  such  different  sources  of  information  shows  that  we  are  on 
the  right  track. 

It  follows  from  what  has  been  said  before  that  Kanishka  must  be  placed  after  A.D.  214. 
The  silence  of  Fan-Ye  regarding  Kanishka  seems  to  carry  this  limit  to  about  A.D.  220.  We 
must  therefore  look  for  the  initial  point  of  the  Kanishka  era  very  near  this  date,  for  he 
cannot  well  be  very  far  removed  from  Wcma-Kadphises.  As  I  have  said  before,  we  should, 
whenever  practicable,  avoid  the  assumption  of  a  brand  new  era  for  the  existence  of  which 
there  is  no  actual  evidence  at  all.  Our  choice  must  therefore  fall  upon  a  known  era  which 
commences  close  to  A.D.,  220  if  there  be  any.  Such  an  era  is  to  be  found  in  the  so-called 
"  Traikutaka,  Kalachuri  or  Chedi  era/'  the  initial  point  of  which  falls  in  A.D.  248-249,  and 
assuming  our  main  arguments  to  be  correct,  there  can  be  scarcely  any  hesitation  in  looking 
upon  Kanishka  as  the  inaugurator  of  the  era. 

2G  Early  History  of  Iwlia,  3rd  Edition,  pp.  233-234. 
2T  JRAS.,  1905,  p.  227. 


270  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVEMBER,  1917 

The  origin  of  this  era  is  shrouded  in  mystery.  The  earliest  instance  where  its  use  can 
be  definitely  established  is  afforded  by  an  inscription  of  the  Traikutaka  king  Dahrasena 
dated  in  the  year  207.  From  this  time  onwards  the  era  was  mostly  prevalent  in  the  Gurjara 
country  and  Konkan  without  any  definite  name,  being  simply  referred  to  as  '  Samvatsara'. 
In  one  instance  it  is  referred  to  as  "  Tr-(ai)kutakdnd(>h)  prawrddhamdna-rdjya-sa(m)- 
vvalsara-sata-dvaye  pancha — chatvari(9h)itad-utlaret"  which  seems  to  show  that  it  was  mostly 
in  use  in  the  Traikutaka  kingdom.  It  is  not  until  the  year  893  of  the  era  that  a  definite 
name,  viz.,  Kalachuri  Samvatsara,  was  given  to  it.  In  all  these  there  is  nothing  inconsistent 
with  the  assumption  that  the  era  was  founded  by  Kanishka  and  made  current  in  Gurjara 
and  Konkan  by  dynasties  of  feudatory  kings.  An  analogous  instance  is  afforded  by  the 
Gupta  era,  which  was  prevalent  in  western  parts  of  India  long  after  it  had  ceased  to  be 
current  in  its  home  provinces,  and  even  came  to  be  known  as  the  Valabhi  Samvat. 

A  close  study  of  the  coins  of  the  Western  Satraps  seems  to  show  that  the  influence  of 
the  Kushan  Emperors  had  made  itself  felt  in  this  quarter.  The  following  remarks  of 
Rapson,  who  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  subject,  show  the  gradual  process  of  decline 
in  the  power  of  the  Western  Satraps. 

"  Already  in  this  reign  (of  Vijayasena)  appear  the  first  symptoms  of  a  decline  about  the 
year  167  or  168  (A.  D.  245-24G)  ;  and  from  this  time  onwards  until  the  end  of  the  dynasty  it 
is  possible  to  observe  in  the  coinage  a  process  of  continuous  degradation,  varied  occasionally 
by  short-lived  attempts  to  restore  a  higher  standard."  (Rapson's  Andhra  Coins,  p.  137). 

'*  In  any  case  there  must  have  been  a  long  interval  in  which  there  was  no  Mah&ksatrapa 
The  first  part  of  this  interval  is  taken  up  with  the  reigns  of  two  Kshatrapas,  Rudrasiraha 
II,  227-23  (5-9)  [A.  i>.  305-31  (3-7)1  and  Yasodaman  II,  239-254  [A.D.  317-332];  during 
the  latter  part,  254-270  (A.D.  332-348)  the  coins  of  this  dynasty  cease  altogether." 

"  All  the  evidence  afforded  by  coins  or  the  absence  of  coins  during  this  period,  the 
failure  of  the  direct  line  and  the  substitution  of  another  family,  the  cessation  first  of  the 
Mahaksatrapas  and  afterwards  of  both  Mahaksatrapas  and  Ksatrapas  seems  to  indicate 
troublous  times.  The  probability  is  that  the  dominions  of  the  Western  Ksatrapas  were 
subject  to  some  foreign  invasion  ;  but  the  nature  of  this  disturbing  cause  is  at  present 
altogether  doubtful."  (Ibid,  p.  142.)  * 

It  will  be  observed  that  my  theory  about  the  Kushan  chronology  fully  explains  the 
process  of  continuous  degradation  noticed  by  Rapson.  The  first  symptoms  of  decline  appear 
shortly  after  the  Kushans  had  established  their  supremacy  in  India.  The  dynasty  is  shorn 
of  power  during  Huvishka's  time,  altogether  ceases  to  exist  as  a  ruling  power  during  the  rule 
of  Vasudeva,  and  revives  some  of  its  power  and  influence  only  after  the  death  of  this 
prince  and  the  consequent  downfall  of  the  Kushan  power.  It  is  quite  permissible  to  hold, 
therefore,  that  a  rival  dynasty  was  established  in  Gujarat  to  hold  in  check  the  power  of  the 
Western  Kshatrapas,  and  this  ultimately  became  instrumental  in  preserving  the  era  of  the 
Kushans  long  after  it  had  become  extinct  in  the  province  of  its  origin. 

Another  circumstance  corroborates  the  theory  that  Kanishka  flourished  about  A.D. 
249.  We  have  a  Mathura  Inscription  dated  in  the  year  299  whose  letters  resemble  those  of 
the  Sarnath  Inscription  of  Kanishka.  and  which  must  therefore  be  placed,  on  palaeographic 
grounds,  close  to  the  period  of  Kanishka.  It  is  admitted  by  all  that  this  date  cannot  be 
referred  to  the  era  used  by  Kanishka  or  the  Northern  Satraps.  Those  who  place  Kanishka 
in  A.D.  78  are  thus  compelled  to  refer  it  to  a  second  unknown  era  (the  first  unknown  era 
being  that  to  which  they  refer  the  dates  of  So4asa  and  Gondophares). 


NOVEMBER,  1917]  THE  DATE  OF  KANISHKA  271 

According  to  my  theory  all  difficulties  are  removed  by  referring  it  to  the  Vikrama  Samvat 
which  places  it  about  ten  years  earlier  than  the  Sarnath  Inscription,  and  seven  years 
earlier  than  the  inauguration  of  the  Kushan  era.  This  latter  fact  probably  explains  the  use  of 
Vikrama  Sariivat  in  Mathura.  The  &aka  power  had  been  extinguished  and  the  new  dynasty 
of  the  Kushans  had  not  yot  established  an  era.  Under  such  circumstances  one  who  is 
conversant  with  Vikrama  Samvat  may  use  that  era  in  Mathura.  This  scorns  to  me  to  be  the 
most  satisfactory  solution  of  the  difficulty,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  era  was 
current  for  about  300  years  and  can  hardly  be  explained  by  the  theory  of  a  local  origin 
without;  any  definite  proof. 

The  position  may  thus  be  summed  up  as  follows:  The  natural  interpretation  of  the 
Indian  and  Chinese  evidences  place  Kanishka  after  A.D.  220,  and  as  there  is  a  wall-known 
Indian  era  running  from  A.T).  248-9  we  can  hardly  be  mistaken  in  looking  upon  Kanishka 
as  its  inaugurator.  This  proposition  is  fully  supported  by  the  history  of  the  Western 
Satraps  and  the  inscription  of  Mathura  dated  in  the  year  291). 

1  shall  now  proceed  to  show  that  the  theory  1  have  put  forward  is  in  perfect  agreement 
with  the  known  facts  of  palaeography  and  numismatics. 

Palaeography  :  According  to  my  theory  the  Kushnn  period  is  brought  qiute  close  to 
that  period  of  the  Guptas,  of  which  we  possess  epigraphical  record.  This  is  fully  in  agree- 
ment with/palseographic  facts.  Dr.  Biihler,  after  an  exhaustive  analysis  of  the  peculiarities 
of  the  Kushan  inscriptions,  makes  the  following  remarks  : — 

ik  All  these  peculiarities,  as  well  as  the  advanced  forms  of  the  medial  vowels,  of  a  in 
rdy  of  u  in  ku  and  in  «/-//.  and  of  o  in  to,  reappear  constantly  in  the  northern  alphabets  of  the 
next  period,  those  of  the  Gupta  inscriptions  and  of  the  Bower  MS.,  or  are  precursors  of  the 
forms  of  those  documents.  The  literary  alphal>ets  used  in  Mathurfi  during  the  first  two 
centuries  A.D.  very  likely  were  identical  with  or  closely  similar  to  the  later  ones,  and  the 
admixture'  of  older  forms,  observable  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Kushan  period  may  be  due 
purely  to  an  imitation  ot  older  votive  inscriptions." 

Thus  Dr.  Biihler  fully  noticed  the  remarkable  similarity  of  the  letters  of  the  Kushan 
and  Gupta  periods.  But  as  he  was  not  prepared  for  its  logical  consequence  he  had  to  main- 
tain the  identity  of  alpha-bets  separated  by  more  than  two  centuries.  The  theory,  I  have 
advanced,  shows  that  the  alphabets  of  the  two  periods  were  similar  for  the  very  natural 
reason  that,  one  of  them  closely  followed  upon  tho  other. 

Numismatics:  My  theory  offers  a  more  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  close  connection 
between  the  coins  of  the  Kushans  and  the  Guptas  than  any  that  has  yet  been  proposed. 
Dr.  Oldenberg,  while  placing  Kanishka  in  A.D.  78  made  the  very  apposite  remark  that,  k<  It 
is  one  of  the  earliest  known  and  best  established  facts  within  the  sphere  of  Indian  numis- 
matics that  this  [Kushan  Coinage]  is  the  place  from  which  the  very  important  coinage  of 
the  Gupta  dynasty  branches  off."28  He  further  added,  "  that  the  vacant  period  between 
Vasudeva  and  the  Guptas  is  already  [by  placing  Kanishka  in  A.D.  78]  perhaps  greater  thai? 
might  be  expected.  ''20 

Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  practically  agrees  to  this,   when  he   says  :    ''  The  close  relationship  in 
weights,    types,   and  paleography  between    the    coins    of  the  Imperial  Gupta  Dynasty 
(  A.D.  320-480)  .and  those  of  the  Kushan  kings,  Kanishka,  Huvishka,    and  Vasudeva,  i* 
obvious  and  has  always  been  recognised. an 
'  ff  Ante.  Vol.  X,  ^211.  "9  MM.  P-  216.  3°  JRA8.  1903,  p.  35. 


272  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVBMBJBB, 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OP  MADURA. 

BY  V.  RANGACHARI,  M.A.,  L.T.,  MADRAS. 
(Continued  from  p.  247.) 

Such  was  the  position  in  the  year  1752.    The  nominal  king  of  the  country,  the  exiled 
Naik,  was  a  refuge  in  the  Ramnad  estate.     His  kingdom  was  an  object  of  contest  between 
the  powers  of  South  India.    It  would  be  exceedingly  interesting  to  ascertain  the  nature  of 
the  feelings  which  each  of  the  contending  parties  felt  towards  the  ex-king.     One  thing  is 
certain,  however  :  he  was  not  such  a  forgotten  figure  in  the  politics  of  the  day  as  we  have 
to  infer  from  the  great  English  historian  of  the  period.    The  descendant  of  Tirumala  Naik 
did  not  indeed  actually  exercise  power.     But  his  name  had  a  charm  to  the  Hindu  popula- 
tion and  was  received  with  applause  and  with  loyalty  by  many  of  the  Polygars.     Vijaya 
Kumara  could  not  therefore  be  ignored  by  the  parties  of  the  war.     Intrigues   and  counter- 
intrigues  must  have  passed  between  him  and  them,  but  the  details  of  these  we  unfortunate- 
ly do  not   possess.     With  regard  to  the  Policy  of  Chanda  Sahib,  or  at  least  his  lieutenant 
Alam  Khan,  however,   we  have  got  ample  material  to  pronounce  a  judgment.    Chanda 
Sahib  had  behaved,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  like  a  determined  opponent  of  Vijaya 
Kumara,     It  was  his  want  of  sympathy,  in  fact,  that  made  Rangfiru  Tirumala  apply  to 
the  Mahrattas  for  help  in  1741.     But  it  Heonis  that,  after  his  conquest  of   tho  Carnatic, 
Chanda  Sahib  apparently  changed  his  attitude  towards  the  ex -king  of  Madura.     He  seems 
to  have  no  longer  regarded  him  as  an  adversary  to  be  removed  at  any  cost  from  the  field. 
Either  a  wise  policy  of  conciliation  or  a  hypocritical  pretence,  for  the  time,  of  friendship, 
induced  him  to  negotiate  with  Vijaya  Kumara  and  recognize  his  birthright  as  the   king  of 
the  cis-Kaveri  region.     Perhaps  he  feared  that  Muhammad   AH    might  befriend  him  and 
thereby  strengthen  his  cause.     Perhaps  he   thought    that   he   would   strengthen    his  own 
cause  by  respecting  the  loyal  sentiments   of    the  Hindus  and  recognizing    their    titular 
monarch.      Whatever  the  reason  was,  his  lieutenant  Alam  Khan  tried  his  best  for  the  restora- 
tion of  Vijaya  Kumara  to  Madura.     He  himeelf  could  not  do  it  in  person,  for  the  state  of 
affairs  at  Triehinopoly  called  his  immediate  presence,  there  to  stand  by  his  master.     When 
departing  to  the  scene  of  war,  however,  he  ordered  his  own  son-in-law  and  representative,0 
Muda  Miyan,  whom  he  appointed  the  Viceroy  of  Madura  and  Tinnevclly,  to   immediately 
restore  the  Carnatic  prince  to  his  birthright.     '*  From  tho  time  of  our  ancestors,"  he  said, 
"  we  have  been  the  servants  of  the   Trichinopoly  Raj.     The  same   is  the  case  with  mo 
now.     The  Karnataka  Monarch   is  now  in  the  Marava  country.     Call  him  thence,  crown 
him,  and  seek  from  him  a  jdgir  for  your  service  " 

The  Nftik  restoration. 

With  this  order,  Alam  Khan  proceeded  to  Trichinopoly  to  join  his  master.  There 
unfortunately,  he  fell  a  victim  to  a  skirmish  against  Lawrence  and  Clive.  His  orders 
were,  if  we  are  to  trust  the  chronicle,  scrupulously  carried  out  by  Muda  Miyan.  Proceeding 

°  Ormo  does  not  mention  all  this.  He  nimply  says  that  Alam  Khan  in  1752  loft  Madura  under 
tho  management  of  three  Pathan  officers,  Muhammad  Barki  (Myana),  Muhammad  Mainach  (Muda 
Miyftri),  and  Nabi  Khan  (Katak),  while  proceeding  to  Trichinopoly. 


NOVEMBER,  1917]        THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NAIK  KINGDOM  OF  MADURA  273 

to  Ramnad,  he  had  on  interview  with  the  Setupati's  padhani,  (velian,  tfrvaikaran),  a  man 
of  absolute  loyalty  and  honest  bravery,  and  expressed  the  purpose  of  his  visit.  The  Marava 
Minister  was  transported  with  joy  at  the  turn  of  his  master's  fortune.  He  immediately 
took  MudaMiyan  to  Srirangain  whore,  DorasamiTai.nl a varaya  Pi Hai  heartily  joined  them.  All 
the  three  offioers  then  went  to  Vellai  Kuruchchi,  and  congratulating  Vijaya  Kumara  on  his 
change  of  fortune,  escorted  him  in  pomp  to  his  capital.  Then  in  accordance  with  the 
custom  of  his  ancestors,  he  received,  from  the  hands  of  Goddess  Minakshi,  the  sceptre,  and 
the  symbols  of  sovereignty  in  Angirasa  Margali.  Mounted  on  an  elephant,  seated  on  a 
howdah,  he  was  taken  in  procession  around  the  city;  and  to  the  great  joy  of  the  people, 
crowned  with  pomp.  Almost  all  the  Polygars  graced  the  occasion  with  their  presence, 
and  hastened  to  perform  homage.  They  prostrated  themselves  before  him  as  if  before  a 
divinity,  and  showered  on  him  gold  and  silver  flowers. 

Muhammad  All's  final  overthrow  of  It. 

Vijaya  Kumara  enjoyed  his  kingdom  only  for  the  space7  of  two  years  according  to  one 
account  and  six  months  to  another.  Even  during  this  short  period  he  seems  to  have  been 
merely  a  nominal  king.  The  Muhammadan  officers  of  Chanda  Sahib,  My  ana,  Muda  Miyan 
and  NabiKh an,  either  remained  in  the  Madura  fort  or  jagir*  near,  and  made  no  hesitation  in 
ignoring  the  power  of  the  restored  monarch  and  treating  him  as  their  tool  But  so  long  as 
Chanda  Sahib  was  alive,  they  at  least  nominally  obeyed  the  Naik  king.  But  late  in  17.52 
Chanda  Sahih  was  captuml  and  killed,  and  the  Carnatic  became  the  undisputed  possession 
of  Muhammad  AH.  A  man  of  a  mean  and  unscrupulous  temperament,  Muhammad  AH  at 
once  took  steps  to  reino\e  Vijaya  Kumara.  With  a  bribe  of  a  lakh  of  rupees,  he  pursuaded 
a  Muhammat Ian  saint,  Asafu'ddiri  Sahib  by  name,  to  proceed  to  Mad ura  and  give  Muhammad 
Miyan,  the  son-in-law  of  Myana,  a  written  document  in  which  he  mentioned  that  he  would 
offer  a  jagir  of  the  value  of  a  lakh  of  rupees  and  a  cash  of  Rs.  50,000  in  ease  he  treacherously 
seized  the  person  of  tlio  king.  Myana  was  consulted  in  the  matter  by  his  son  in-law, 
and  was  mean  enough  to  readily  yield  to  it.  The  project,  however,  was  looked  upon 
with  disfavour  by  Hussnin  Khan,  a  brother  of  Myana.  He  expressed  in  a  bitter  invective 
his  contempt  and  abhorrence  for  the  author  of  such  a  crime,  rebuked  his  brother 
for  his  treachery  towards  a  master  whose  salt  he  and  his  ancestors  had  eaten,  and  pointed 
out  how  his  treason,  which  deserved  death,  was  detestable  in  the  eyes  of  both  God 
and  man,  while  it  would  bring  eternal  shame  on  the  whole  family  of  which  he  was  the 
head.  But  the  obstinacy  of  Myana,  seconded  by  the  passions  and  interests  of  his  colleagues, 
Muda  Miyan  and  Nahi,  ignored  the  advice  of  his  brother.  Hussain  saw  that  it  was 
hopeless  to  reform  his  brother  or  to  prevent  the  conspiracy.  He  therefore  secured  an 
audience  with  the  king  and,  after  making  known  to  him  the  evil  machinations  of  the  Nawab's 
emissaries  and  the  treachery  of  his  own  servants,  pursuaded  him,  for  the  sake  of  his  life, 
to  leave  Madura,  for  the  present,  to  a  more  secure  locality.  The  fears  of  Vijaya  Kumara 
were  alarmed  by  the  view  of  the  least  danger.  A  coward  of  a  despicable  character,  he 
held  life  more  precious  than  honour  and  yielded  a  ready  consent  to  the  proposal  of  his 
Musalman  friend.  The  village  of  Vellai  Kuruchchi  in  the  Sivagaiiga  Zamindary  became, 
thanks  to  the  constancy  of  the  Setupatis,  once  again  the  place  of  exile.  It  was  soon  however 
exchanged,  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the  same  chief,  to  a  place,  more  remote  from 

7  The  1st  ia  Cam.  Lord*  and  the  2nd  the  last  Mist.  MS.    The  latter  distinctly  aaya  that  he  was 
restored  in  Angirasa  Margali  and  that  he  ruled  in  the  Karnataka  fashion  down  to  &r*mukha, 


274  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [NOVBMBBB,  1017 

Madura,  and  therefore  more  secure,  from  the  Nawab's  designs.  The  generous  loyalty* 
of  the  Setupati  built  for  him  a  palace  at  Dharbha-Sayanam,  the  place  of  his  new  exile, 
endowed  the  village  of  Virasoren  in  his  name,  and  furnished  him  with  the  expenses  of  his 
household  and  his  maintenance. 

Muhammad  AH  was  now  the  master  of  Madura  and  Tinnevelly.  His  first  work  after 
the  assumption  of  Government  was  to  endeavour  to  complete  the  ruin  of  his  rival.  Umad 
Aleam  Khan,  the  son  of  the  Nawab,  was  despatched  to  reduce  the  Ramnad  and  Sivaganga 
palayams  and  to  bring  the  king  as  a  captive. 

The  Karta  in  exile. 

Umad  was  soon  near  Ramnad,  and  when  he  was  about  to  take  it,  he  sent  men  to 
search  the  surrounding  country  and  discover  the  whereabouts  of  Vijaya  Kuraara.  The 
agents  of  the  latter  at  Ramnad  acquainted  him  with  the  fact,  and  he  instantly  resolved 
to  leave  the  place.  Horses  and  camels,  elephants  and  palanquins  for  the  ladies,  were  at 
once  set  in  motion,  and  that  very  night  Vijaya  Kumara  went  westward  to  the  Palayam  of 
Tirumalai  Gan,dama  Naik.  The  latter  with  a  rare  and  commendable  loyalty,  met  the  fallen 
and  flying  king  at  the  boundary  of  his  estate,  and  prostrating  himself  at  his  feet,  performed 
homage  and  presented  gold  and  silver  flowers.  He  declared  that  his  estate,  as  well  as  his 
life  and  services,  were  at  his  disposal.  He  built  for  him  a  residence,  and  left  for  his 
sole  maintenance  the  village  of  Tegambatfi."  Besides,  he  supplied  him  with  all  the  expenses 
of  his  household,  and  himself  paid  homage  twice  every  day,  waiting  in  respectful  attendance 
for  more  than  an  hour.  This  intercourse  of  respectful  duty  he  steadily  continued. 
Glimpses  of  the  Naik  family  in  later  times. 

With  the  final  fall  of  the  Vijaya  Kumara,  now  a  helpless  exile,  the  history  of  the 
Naiks  of  Madura  closes.  They  did  not  entirely  die  from  the  current  politics  of  the  age  ; 
for  as  we  shall  see  presently,  the  PoJygars  looked  *°  to  the  Royal  exile  as  their  right 
chief  and  even,  as  late  as  1757,  tried,  by  concluding  an  alliance  with  Mysore,  to  bring 
about  his  return.  No  doubt,  by  this  alliance  it  was  resolved  to  restore  the  fallen  monarch. 
Mahfuz  Khan  (  who  was  then  a  rebel  against  Muhammad  Ali' 8  authority  )  was  to  be  given 
a  suitable  establishment  in  Mysore,  and  Mysore  was  to  have  the  Dindigul  province.  The 
alliance,  however,  was  shattered  by  the  military  genius  of  Yusuf  Khan.  In  1777  Minakshi 
Naik,  an  agent  of  Vijaya  Kumara,  waited  on  Lord  Pigot  in  Madras  and  obtained  his 
sympathy  and  promise  to  consider  the  past  history  of  his  master  and  his  claims. 

But  before  he  could  do  anything  he  was  himself,  as  every  student  of  Madras  history 
knows,  a  victim  of  party  squabbles  and  a  prey  of  his  adversaries.  Vijaya  Kumara 
therefore  continued  to  live  in  Gandama  Naikanur  till  his  death  on  Margali  23,  Hevitambl 
(1777) — more  than  forty  years  after  the  death  of  the  unfortunate  Minakshi.  His  son  Raja 
ViSvanatha  Naik  succeeded  to  his  claims  and  was  even  formally  anointed  and  waited 
upon  by  the  Polygars  of  Gandama  Naikanur,  Bodi-Naikanur,  Irchaka  Naikanur,  Elumalai, 
etc.,  and  was  paid  formal  homage,  presents  and  offerings.  Next  year  these  faithful 
chiefs  celebrated  the  marriage  of  their  phantom  chief.  He  remained  there  f6r  six  years  and 
subsequently  settled  with  his  people  once  again  at  Vellai  Kuruchchi.  The  rule  of  the 
East  India  Company  was  now  firmly  established,  and  the  son  of  Visvanatha  Naik, 
Vijaya  Kum&ra,  Visvanatha  Bangaru  Tirumala,  whose  poverty  was  acute  in  consequence 
of  the  resumption  of  the  two  villages  granted  of  old  by  R&mnad  and  B6di-Naikanur, 
endeavoured,  as  late  as  1820,  to  obtain  pecuniary  assistance  from  Government.  He  and 

8  Hint.  Carna.  Govr*.  8  CaldweH'e  TinneveUy. 

*  A  M i9t.  MS.  (May,  1820)  says  that  fcettikkumi-hchi  in  the  BodhinAyakhan  Zamindari  was  also 
given  him,  See  0.  H,  M 88.,  II,  200. 


NOVEMBBB,   1917] 


MISOELLENEA— NOTES  AND  QUERIES 


275 


his  family  lived  at  Vellai  Kuruchchi  and  their  children  were  there  until  quite  recently.1* 
"It  is  said  that  they  still  kept  up  the  old  form  of  having  recited,  on  the  first  day 
of  Chittrai  in  each  year,  a  long  account  of  their  pedigree  and  the  boundaries  of  the 
great  kingdom  of  which  their  forebears  were  rulers,"  (Madura  Gazr.,  p%  (50).  These 
titles  alone,  recognized  by  a  few  obscure  men,  remained  their  possession  out  of  the  large 
Empire  their  ancestors  once  ruled. 

(Concluded.) 


MISCELLANEA. 


BANDHU-BH\UTYA  OF   THE   MUDBA 
RAKSHASA. 


480  M.  E.).4     It  appears  that  neither  Viava-varman 
nor  his  ancestor**  at  Pokarana  acknowledged   tho 


THE  explanation1  given  by  the  Tikdkdra,  of  the     suzerainty  of  the  (Uiptas.5 


phrase 
Mudra-Kakshasa      (  ^ 
r:  ")  is  not 


in  the    bharata-vdkya  to  tho 


t»«f  actory.     The  honorific 


It  seems  tli  at  Baiidhuvarman,  .son  of  the  sturdy 
Vifiva-varman  had  como  away  to  tho  court  of  Chan- 
dragupta  II,  most  probably  against  tho  wishes  of 
his  father.  Tho  event  would  have  caused  some 


excludes  the  moan  ing  offered  by  Dburnlhi- 
raja.     HhrityAh    would  be  hardly  called  &rlman.tah.     sensation  at  I'afcali-putra,  for  the  i'okarana  sovi*- 


J  would  take  it  as  "He    whose  bhrityfi   (servant)  is 
fcrimaii  Bandhu." 

Who  was  this  Bandhu,  who  was  important  enough 


reigns  claimed  to  bo  great  monarch*,  Chandra  having 
conquered  up  to  Baktria  onh  a  generation  before. 
Ban  dim's  acceptance  of  service  or  offer  of  allegiance 


to  be  mentioned  in  the  blmrntti-i-dkya  to  deiioto  the  would  have  promised  tho  certainty  of  the  allegiance 

greatness  of  Chan  dragu  pi  a  II  ?  2     In  the  next  reign  of    tho    great    monarchy    of    the    Varmans    to  the 

we   tind    Baiidhuvarman,   son    of    Viavavarman   of  Imperial  Throne  in    the   near  future.     The   event 

Malawti,  as  a  governor  (or  vassal)  of  the  dupta  em-  would  have    very    well  appeared  to   Viaakhadatta 

peror  at  Mandasor  (Dartiipura).       But  in  the  time  worthy   of   being  associated  with  the  name  of   his 
of    Chandragupta,    Bandhuvarman's   father     must  '  ~~ 
have  been  ruling  over  Malnxvu,  as  ho  was  ruling  even 
after  him  in    42,')  A.lx    (Cangadhar    inscription    of 


Emperor  to  indicate  his  great  prestige. 


K.  r.  JAYAMWAL. 


NOTES  AND   QUERIES. 

NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  RECORDS.          hanged  aboard  ship  at  the  yard  anno,  another  to  be 

_.  ,         .  t  .  whipt  at  the  several!  Europe  shii)ps    in   the    road, 

8.    Puriishraentsfor  Pmu^y— hanging,  whipping,  *  '  *  *  . 

and  aftere  to  be  branded  with  a  hott  Iron   in    the 

branding.  forehod,     and     the    remaining    <i    t^>    be   likewise 

28  .4pn7  1689.  Letter  from  Klihu  yule  and  Council  stigmatized    in    their    fore-hods    with    a   1*,   which 

at  Fort  til*  (frortp  to  the  Mftnble.  Rh&te,  Commissary  centances     were    accordingly    executed,     and    all 

General  for  the  Jit-  JJoMr.   N cllierlands  East  India  banisht    the     Countery.  grant     their     sad 

Vomfxtny.    The  9  English  prisners  your  Honr.  was  examples  may  terrefyo  others  from  the  like  horred 

pleased  to  send  us  from  Pollicat  wore  lately  tryed  crimes.     Thin  I     thought    necessary    to     acquaint 

by  a  Court  Martial!,  one  of  whome  being  pardon'd  your  honr.     with,  wince   sonu*  of  their  wicked  crew 

accused  the  rest  confessing  their  several  robberyes  remain   stil  in    your    Cuslodye.     Records  of  Fort 

and  T'yracyes;  when  upon  examination,  some  being  M.     (leor<jc.     Lrttrrtt   from    Fort  tit.     (Jeon/e,  1689 

found    more    culpable    then    others,    the      Court  pp.    21-22. 
Condemned     the    moat   notorious   Criminall  to  be  H.  C.  T. 

11  Buchanan,  while  on  his  way  from  3>odora  Balapura  to  Stru,  met  at  a  particular  place  a  renter  of 
some  villages  "  named  Trimula  Nayaka,  from  whom  I  received  the  intelligence  which  I  consider  as  the 
most  accurate  that  I  procured  during  my  whole  journey."  He  says  that  h^  was  a  descendant  of  the 
Madura  Rajas  and  that  his  ancestor  was  "  a  brothor  of  the  then  reigning  prince  who,  in  a  dispute,  was 
savage  enough  to  threaten  the  life  of  so  near  T  relation."  See  Vol.  I,  p.  252. 

1  ltfTO^**l :  I  3tfta*T*fRlW    1*3  *  '•  I  Dhundhiraja,  Tolang'R  Mudrd-RAkaham,  p.  318. 

2  .Ante,  1913,  p.  265.  3  Fleet,  Giipta  Inters.,  p.  82.  *  Ibid.,  74. 
5  Haraprasad  Shastri,  Ante,  1913. 


276 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[NOVEMBER,  1917 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


VUfiAPTI-TRIVENI,  A  JAINA  EPISTLE. 

THE  Jain  community  of  the  Hindu  people  is 
showing  laudable  activity  in  bringing  to  light  pieces 
of  their  hidden  literature,  which  are  as  valuable  as 
any  other  anoie  it  literature  of  the  country.  The 
Jaina — Atmdnanda — Sabhd  of  Bhavnagar  has 
undertaken  to  publish  an  historical  series  (Itihdna- 
mdld)  and  the  Vijfiapti'triveyi  is  its  first  number. 
The  work  i»  edited  in  Hindi,  which  the  Jain  coin, 
munity  hag  adopted  as  its  common  language.  The 
text,  however,  is  given  ift  the  original  Sanskrit. 
The  introduction  in  Hindi  covers  90  pages  contain- 
ing valuable  information,  and  the  text  covers  70 
pages  of  octavo  print. 

The  Vijfiapti-triveni  is  a  Sanskrit  epistle  dated 
Magha  Sudi  8,  1484  V.  S.  and  the  text  is  edited  from 
the  original  MS.  of  the  author.  That  manuscript  is 
at  present  in  the  Jain  library  of  Vadipura-Parsva- 
natha  at  FA  tan  in  North  Gujarat.  It  has  been 
brought  to  light  and  edited  with  care  by  Muni  Jina- 
Vijayajf,  pupil  of  Maharaja  Pravartaka  Muni  &ri- 
K&nti-Vijayaji. 

This  epistle  is  one  of  the  many  literary  epistles 
called  Vijfiaptis  written  by  medieval  Jains  to 
their  spiritual  leaders  on  the  last  day  of  tho  Par- 
yushanti  week.  On  that  day  the  Jains  are  sup- 
posed to  forgive  others  and  ask  for  others1  forgive- 
ness. The  week  falU  in  Bhadra  (Vadi  12th  to  Sudi 
4th)  or  in  feravana  according  to  local  reckonings 
After  the  week  the  Jains  write  letters  between 
themselves  and  also  to  their  Achdryas  asking  for 
forgiveness.  Some  of  the  letters  written  on  the 
occasion  in  the  Middle  Ages  used  to  lie  profusely 
illustrated  with  pictures  of  well- known*  buildings, 
e.  g.t  palaces,  temples,  mosques  and  various  scones, 
from  still-life  to  acrobatics.  One  such  letter  covers 
a  roll  of  nearly  60  feet !  Generally  letters  written  by 
*  Munis '  to  their  Achdryas  are  so  many  attempts 
at  artificial  Sanskrit  poetry.  The  Indu-d&ta  and 
Cheto-dtita  are  such  epistles  written  in  imitation 
of  the  Meghadilto.  Our  present  cpistlo,  however,  is 
more  sedate  and  contains  more  valuable  materials. 

The  author  Jayasflgara-Upadhydya  addressed 
this  epistle  from  Malik- vahana  in  Sindh  to  Sri-Jina- 
bhadra  Suri,  Acharya  Of  the  Kharatara  Gachchha 
at  Anahilapurapatana  in  Gujarat.  It  describes  a 
journey  to  Kangra.  The  description  is  divided  into 
three  sections.  The  journey  was  undertaken  by 
a  number  of  merchants  at  the  invitation  of  Jaya- 
sagara,  and  the  sangha  on  its  way  was  protected 
by  armed  retainer*.  The  object  of  the  journey 
was  the  worship  of  a  Jam  deity  in  the  hill  fortress 
of  Kangadaka  (modern  Kangra),  situated  by  the 
capital  called  Nagara-kotta,  which  in  those  days  was 
held  by  an  independent  Hindu  King,  Narendra* 


Chandra  of  the  SomavamSa.  The  names  of  the  capi- 
tal and  fortress  are  now  combined  in  our  present- 
day  Kota  K&ng4u-  The  old  fortress  has  been 
unfortunately  destroyed  within  living  memory, 
by  the  dreadful  earthquake  of  190C, 

The  time  of  Jinabhadra  is  fully  ascertained. 
He  is  well-known  for  having  built  many  Jain  tern- 
pies  and  for  having  established  a  number  of  Jain 
libraries  in  Western  India,  one  of  which  survives  in 
the  present  library  of  Vadipura-Pawvanatha  at 
Pataiia,  where  the  MS.  of  the  Vijfcipti-triveni  has 
been  discovered.  The  present  number  of  the 
volumes  in  the  Pfttan  library  is  about  750.  They  are 
written  on  paper-leaves  of  generally  one  size  and 
also  generally  in  letters  of  one  and  the  same  type. 
This  was  clone  in  the  age  when  the  Jain  Acharyas 
had  old  manuscripts  on  palm-loaves  transferred  to 
paper.  Jinabhadra  took  a  leading  part  in  that 
movement.  From  the  existing  manuscripts  of  the 
Patttn  Library  it  appears  that  Jinabhadra  carried 
on  this  mission  of  manuscript-making  from  1475 

v.  s.  to  ir>ir>  v.  s. 

The  epistle  is  useful  for  tracing  the  route  from 
Western  India  to  tho  Punjab  in  the  15th  century ; 
and  the  place-names  on  that  route  may  bo  consulted 
for  the  purposes  of  comparison  and  identification. 
The  document,  like  the  majority  of  the  Jain  records 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  is  reliable  for  dates  and  other 
material  data.  A  great  contribution  of  the  epistle 
to  the  history  of  Kungrti  is  that  it  settles  the  date 
of  King  Narendrachandra  whose  coins  we  possess. 
No  date  with  cortaintry  could  yot  be  given  to  him; 
Mr.  V,  Smith  tentatively  placed  him  about  1405 — 
80  A.C.  (  Coin*  in  the  Indian  Museum,  p.  278  ). 
Now  we  know  on  contemporary  evidence  of  the 
epistle  that  he  was  reigning  in  1427  A.  c.  and  also 
the  fact  that  he  was  a  Jain.  This  definite  date 
brings  order  at  least  on  one  point  into  the  chaos  of 
the  Kangra  chronology.  There  are  some  further 
informations  of  historical  value.  The  kingdom  of 
Kashmir  extended  upto  Hariyanftin  those  days, 
which  also  marked  off  the  boundaries  of  Jalandhara, 
Madbyft-desa  and  Jangala-dega  (  Kuru-JAngala ). 
Apparently  to  the  east  of  Hariyona  (modern  Hari- 
yana)  lay  the  Madhya-do»a.  Near  Hariyana  on 
the  Bias  the  pilgrims  witnessed  an  engagement 
between  the  troops  of  "  Sakander,  King  of  Turush* 
kas  "  and  those  of  "  Yasoratha,  lord  of  Shoshara." 
It  seems  that  the  Epistle's  ^apdda-laksha  is  our 
'  Sewatik '.  We  are  highly  indebted  to  Muni 
Vijayaji  for  bringing  this  unique  kind  of  composi- 
tion to  the  notice  of  scholars  and  for  writing  a 
valuable  preface  to  it. 

K.  P.  J.  ' 


1917  J          AUHTRIA'8  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  277 


AUSTKLVS  COMMKJK-IAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  TX  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

BY  Silt  K.  ('.   TEM1MJ':,  IVi. 

Introductory  Remarks. 

and  a  half  years  ago  my  attention  was  drawn  to  a  MS.  account  of  a  survey  of  the 
Andaman  and  Nicobar  Islands  in  1787  by  Captain  Alexander  Kyd.1  In  his  descrip- 
tion of  Oar  Nicobar,  Kyd  refers  as  follows  to  a  settlement  mado  under  the  auspices  of 
Austria  in  1778  : — 

"  The  Imperial  Company,  by  the  advice  of  Mr.  I  Jolts,  established  ;i  factory  upon  one 
of  these  Islands  a  few  years  ago,  but  no  support  was  given  to  the  first  settlers,  who  being 
ill-supplied  with  every  necessary  for  a  hot  climate  and  miserably  lodged,  mostly  all  perish- 
ed, probably  more  from  the  above  causes  than  from  the  badness  of  tbe  climate." 

In  my  endeavour  to  obtain  further  details  of  this  settlement,  I  made  a  search  among 
the  India  Office  Records  and  found  a  number  of  documents  dealing  \\iih  Austria's  attempt 
to  seize  a  share  of  the  trade  with  India.  These  f  huve  extracted  from  the  many  ponder- 
ous tomes  in  which  thc3T  arc  buried,  and  by  the  courtesy  of  the  authorities  of  the  India 
Office,  1  now  reproduce  them  verbatim,  only  altering  the  punctuation  where  necessary  for 
the  sense. 

As  I  understand  that  a  detailed  work  on  William  (or  \Villem)  !><>Its  and  his  career 
under  the  Basi  India  Company,  as  well  as  during  his  employment  by  Austria,  is  in 
preparation,  1  have  not  attempted  to  present  an  exhaustive  history  either  of  the  man  or 
his  schemes.  T  have  merely  made  a  collection  of  papers  relative  to  the  Austrian  venture, 
arranging  them  in  groups  with  suitable  headings,  and  adding  brief  notes  to  elucidate  the 
text. 

The  papers  so  collected  fall  under  the  follou  ing  divisions  :  — 

I.  Measures  taken  in   the  "Presidency  of  Bombay  to  nullify  the  Austrian  enterprise. 

I 1.  Measures  tak<'ii  b\  the  Council  at  Fort    William    to    obstruct     the    endeavours   of 

Bolts  to  trade  in  Bengal. 

HI.  Obstructive  measures  at  Madias  directed  against  individuals  interested  in  the 
Austrian  venture. 

TV.    Details  and  prospectus  of  the  Tries!  iiie  Society  promoted   by  Bolts  in  1783. 

A  few  words  regarding  the  man  entrusted  with  the  carrying  out  oi  Austria's  plans 
for  trade  in  the  Kast  are  necessary  to  complete  the  stor\. 

Willein  Bolts,  a  Dutchman,  was  born  in  Holland  c.  173.").  He  went  in  England  when 
firt-oMi  years  old,  and  thence  to  Lisbon,  where  he  witnessed  the  great  earthquake  of  175;"). 
Shortly  afterwards  he  proceeded  to  India  and  arrived  in  Bengal  subsequent  to  the  tragedy 
of  the  Black  Hole  in  June,  175<>.  Owing  to  the  want  of  clerks,  he  was  taken  into  the 
Company's  service  at  Calcutta,  became  factor  in  J7(>2,  and  junior  merchant  and  second  in 
Council  at  Benares  in  ]7(>5.  hi  that  year  he  was  recalled  to  Calcutta  and  was  charged 
with  using  the  authority  of  the*  Company  to  further  his  own  interests.  In  1706  he  resign- 
ed the  Company's  service  and  accepted  a  post  as  Alderman  at  Calcutta.  From  that  time, 

1  The  account  it*  to  l>j  found  in  Factory  Rcwrd 9.  tif  raits  Settlements.  Vol.11.  Consultation  at  Fort 
William,  14  September,  1787  ( India  Offioo  Records),  1  hirl  it  c-opied  and  Annotated  »it  for  printing  in  this 
Journal.  The  article,  however,  went  down  in  the  ill-fated  rertitt  in  Deivmher,  1915. 


278  THE  1NDJAN  ANTIQUARY  [DECEMBER,  1017 

until  176S,  when  he  was  deported  to  England,  he  was  repeatedly  quarrelling  with  the 
Bengal  Council  on  account  of  his  private  trade,  by  which  he  had  accumulated  a  large 
fortune. 

On  his  return  to  England,  Bolts  issued  a  pamphlet2  recording  the  "  oppressions"  he 
had  4C  suffered  in  Bengal."  He  then  appealed  to  the  Court  of  Directors,  who,  instead  of 
-espousing  his  canse,  instituted  a  law-suit  against  him.  The  legal  costs  of  the  suit  and  the 
publication  (in  1772-1775)  of  a  work,  in  which  he  attacked  the  administration  of  the  Com- 
pany, nearly  ruined  him.  The  book  (in  3  4to  vols.)  was  entitled  Considerations  on  Indian 
Affairs,  parlicafarly  respecting  ike  present  state  of  Bengal  and  i1s  Dependencies,  jff?/  William 
Holts,  mercfiant  and(t1tf"rman  or  Judge  of  tJie  Hon.  the  Mayor's  Court  of  Calcutta. 

The  antagonism  that  Bolts  had  roused  among  the  authorities  in  Bengal  found  vent  in 
their  letters  after  his  departure.  Tn  January  1770  the  Council  at  Fort  William  wrote  that 
they  imagined  the  sending  home  of  Mr.  Bolts  woukl  meet  with  the  Directors*  approbation 
"by  reason  of  the  just  idea  you  entertain  "  of  his 'k  dangerous  and  intriguing  spirit.'* 
They  also  enlarged  on  the  extent  of  his  illicit  trade  and  the  "little  regard''  he  "pays 
either  to  the  Commands  of  his  {Superiors  or  to  publick  faith."3  The  Directors  also  received 
voluminous  appeals  from  the  attorneys  appointed  by  Bolts,  complaining  of  the  obstacles 
they  met  with  in  collecting  his  debts. 

Finding  himself  worsted  in  his  *t niggle  with  the  Court  of  Directors,  Bolts  proceeded  to 
utilize  his  knowledge  o[  ludiin  affairs  for  the  benefit  of  another  European  power.  He 
approached  Count  B.-hriogoso.  the  Ambassador  in  London  of  Maria  Theresa,  Empress  of 
Austria,  with  proposals  tor  inaugurating  a  direct  trade  between  the  Austrian  Empire 
and  Persia,  the  East  Indies,  China  and  Africa.  The  proposals  wore  favourably  received, 
and  in  1775  Bolts  was  summoned  to  Vienna  to  unfold  his  plans.  There  he  was  made 
an  Austrian  subject,  was  invested  by  the  Empress  with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
and  was  granted  a  charter,  dated  5th  June  1775,  for  the  foundation  of  a  commercial 
company.  In  the  course  ot  his  proceedings.  Bolts  formed  establishments  on  the  S.  W. 
Coast  of  Africa  (Dalagoa  Bay),  on  the  Malabar  and  Coromandel  Coasts,  and  in  the  Nioobar 
Islands. 

Those,  however,  were  only  of  temporary  duration,  since  the  Company  became  bank- 
rupt in  1781.  Bolts  returned  to  Europe  and  immediately  proceeded  to  set  on  foot  another 
trading  scheme  for  Austrian  enterprise  in  India  under  the  name  of  the  Triostine  Society. 
One  ship  sailed  at  the  end  of  1783,  but  the  undertaking  uas  launched  at  an  inopportune 
time  and  in  1785  the  Company  declared  itself  insolvent.  Bolts  afterwards  proceeded  to 
Paris  and  eventually  died  there  in  great  poverty  in  1808. 

There  are  notices  of  this  18th  century  company  promoter  in  the  Biographie  Universelk 
und  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  and  allusions  to  his  Indian  venture  in  the  New 
Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  (II.  466  and  XIX.  64).  The  fullest  account,  however,  that  has 
yet  been  written  in  English  of  this  remarkable  personage  is  to  be  found  in  a  paper  entitled 
Extract  from  the  Voyage  of  the  Austrian  Frigate  "  Novara  ":  The  Nicobar  Islands  in  the  Bay 
<>f  Bengal,  which  is  printed  in  Selections  from  the  Records  of  the  Government  of  India,  Home 
Department,  No.  LXXVIT  (Calcutta,  1870,  pp.  193-207). 

-  Oppression  Differed  in  Bengal  by  3/r.  William  Bolts,  <frc.,/rom  the  Eatt  India  Company'*  represen- 
tative. London,  1769. 

3  Bengal  Letters  Received,  IX.  180-181, 


DECEMBER,  1917  ]         AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  279 

1  n  his  History  of  the  Mahratta*  (II.  345),  Grant  Duff  pays  the  following  tribute  to  the 
ability  of  the  emissary  of  Austria  : — 

"Mr  Bolts,  originally  in  the  Company's  service  in  Bengal,  who  was  in  Poona  at  the 
same  time  [1777]  as  an  avowed  agent  of  the  house  of  Austria,  received  no  such  civilities 
[as  those  accorded  to  the  adventurer,  St.  Lubin,  French  ambassador],  Nana  Furnuwees 
{Nanil  Farnawis]  probably  perceived  that  St.  Lubin  was  a  iittei  tool  ;  and  Mr  Bolts,  who 
was  early  dismissed,  might  have  viewed  that  circumstance  as  complimentary  to  his  charac- 
ter." 

The  Company's  instructions  to  their  three  Presidencies  of  Bengal,  Madras, 
and  Bombay,  to  obstruct  the  Austrian  enterprise. 

Letter,  dated  London,  24  Deceinbw,  1 770. l 

We  are  informed  from  unquestionable  authority  that  an  eiiterpri/e  of  trade  is  in  agita- 
tion by  Mr  William  Bolts  ( formerly  in  our  Service  in  Bengal  )  under  Imperial  Colours, 
and  the  protection  of  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  in  a  large  ship,  late  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  now 
named  the  Joseph  and  Theresa,  which  towards  the  end  of  June  last  imported  at  Leghorn 
from  Lisbon,  whore  besides  considerable-  quantities  of  goods  before  shipped,  ordnance, 
ammunition  and  all  kinds  of  military  stores  to  a  great  amount  were  received  on  board, 
with  a  very  valuable  proportion  of  merchandize,  consisting  principally  of  copper,  iron  and 
steel  brought  thither  by  two  Danish  and  Dutch  sliipL  s  1  from  Trieste,  and  as  the 
Florentine  (fazettv,  published  by  authority,  avows  Wk  belonging  to  a  Company  erected  in 
Germany  to  carry  on  eommere.e  between  Trieste  and  the  Coast  <>f  Coromandel,  whore  the 
House  of  Austria  means  to  establish  a  new  Factory.  "  We  are  also  given  to  understand 
that  a  number  ot  Austrian  soldiers,  Lutherans,  wer«k  to  be  embarked  at  Leghorn  on  board 
the  said  ship,  which  left  that  port  the  25th  of  September  last  with  hei  consort,  an  English 
brigsintino,  laden  with  provisions  for  the  voyage,  and  that  both  were  from  the  Canary 
Islands  to  continue  their  course  to  the  Coast  of  Choromandel. 

It  remains  for  us  by  the  present  opportunity  in  the  strongest  manner  to  recommend 
to  your  serious  and  speedy  consideration  either  separately  or  conjunctively  with  our  other 
presidencies,  to  pursue  the  most  effectual  means  that  can  be  fully  justified  to  counteract 
and  defeat  the  same,  observing  at  the  same  time  that  this  commerce  is  not  contrary  to 
any  Treaty  at  present  subsisting. 

It  will  be  particularly  necessary  to  counteract  this  scheme  in  the  beginning,  because  if 
the  adventurers  meet  with  but  indifferent  success  in  this  first  essay,  it  may  discourage 
them  from  future  attempts 

If  their  design  to  settle  shall  prove  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  your  presidency,  wo 
particularly  rely  on  your  yveight  and  efforts  with  the  Country  |.  Native  |  Powers  to  render 
their  scheme  abortive. 

We  further  especially  recommend  the  slopping  all  commercial  and  other  intercourse 
of  our  covenant  servants  and  all  under  our  protection  with  the  persons  who  conduct  this 
expedition  or  are  concerned  therein,  and  to  prevent  the  latter  from  being  furnished  by  any 
persons  subject  to  your  authority  with  money,  goods,  stores,  or  any  other  assistance 
Conducive  to  the  execution  of  their  plan,  and  in  case  of  the  breach  of  any  orders  issued  in 
this  behalf,  it  is  left  with  you  to  show  a  resentment  adequate  to  the  nature  of  the  offence. 


*  Bengal  D6ttpatche*fVlll.  271-274.  Tho  same  instructions  wore  sent   to  Madras  and  Bombay  early 
in  1777. 


280  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

Aa  there  are  sufficient  reasons  'to  conclude  several  British  subjects  are  employed  in 
the  expedition,  who  are,  by  the  laws  of  this  kingdom  now  in  force,  liable  to  be  arrested  and 
brought  to  Great  Britain  if  found  in  the  East  Indies  without  our  licence,  we  direct  that 
you  put  such  laws  into  force. 

You  will  receive  from  us  or  our  agents,  by  every  opportunity  in  the  course  of  the  season, 
what  further  in telHgence  shall  offer  on  this  object,  that  such  measures  may  be  taken  as 
shall  appear  expedient  in  consequence  thereof, 

Note  on  the  Company's  Instructions. 

The  allusions  to  the  Florentine  Gazette  in  the  foregoing  letter  arc  important  for 
the  history  of  the  proceedings  of  William  Bolt?,  as  indicating  the  bom  fidts  of  his  claim  to 
be  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  Austrian  forces  and  to  his  having  gone  to  the  East  a*  the 
representative  of  the  Austrian  Empire.  The  Oazetta  di  Finnze  was  established  in  1768, 
and  was  continued  as  the  Notizic  del  Mondo  (1 768-1 774)  and  as  the  Gazette  Univeraale  from 

1775  to  1811,  when  it  reverted   to  its  original  title.    There  are  several  references  in  it  in 

1776  to  Bolts  and  his  ship.    Some  of  these   evidently   reached  the  Court  of  Directors    of 
the  East  India  Company  in  London  and   caused   them  to  take  the  action  mentioned    in 
their  letter  of  instructions  to  their  subordinates  in  India.     J  give  the  extracts  from  the 
Italian  newspaper  here  translated  in   full.    They  consist    of   a  series  of  items  of  news 
from  correspondents. 

Gazctta  ('Hivernnh.  29  Jtw?,  1770     (  p.  413  ). 

Italy,  Leghorn  (  Livorno)  20  June:  On  Tuesday  evening  there  anchored  in  the  road 
the  Joseph  and  Theresa  (  Giuwpito  «  Te.rcm  )  from  London,  Lisbon  and  Cadiz,  under  the 
[Austrian]  Imperial  flag,  commanded  by  Captain  William  Bolts.  The  said  ship  is  of  900 
tons,  is  armed  with  32  guns  and  has  a  crow  of  60  men.  It  is  to  sail  to  the  (bast  of 
Coroinandel  for  the  purpose  of  securing  to  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  the  re-entry  into 
possession  of  those  factories  which  the  House  of  Austria  had  there  as  far  back  as  the  time 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  VL  of  glorious  memory.  Tt  will  depart  under  the  escort  of  the 
Royal  Tuscan  Frigate  of  War,  Etrurin*  which  is  now  ready  to  sail. 

13  July.  1770    (p.  444), 

Leghorn,  9  July  :  On  Wednesday  of  last  week,  at  the  palace  of  His  Excellency  the 
Commandant-General  and  Governor  of  this  city,  at  the  invitation  of  the  high  officials  of 
State  and  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  Joseph,  Mr.  William  Bolts,  now 
Captain  of  the  Austrian  ship  Joseph  and  Theresa,  destined  for  Coroinandel,  was  declared 
a  Lieutenant-Colonel  before  the  Austrian  soldiers,  who  were  present  and  are  to  serve  in 
the  said  ship.  Afterwards  the  oath  of  fidelity  was  administered  to  them  by  the  aforemen- 
tioned officials  in  the  usual  military  form.  On  the  Thursday  following  he  [Liout.-Col. 
Bolts  ]  was  received  int  hat  rank  on  board  his  ship  with  a  salute  of  artillery,  and  after- 
wards was  entertained  at  a  sumptuous  dinner  given  in  his  honour  by  His  Excellency  in 
the  presence  of  the  nobility  and  persons  of  rank. 

20  July,  177tt     (p.  461  ). 

Leghorn,  17  July:  The  Imperial  Austrian  ship  destined  for  Coromandel  began  last 
Thursday  to  take  in  cargo  of  various  sorts  (which  had  been  transported  here  from  Trieste) 
and  also  arms  and  ammunition  of  war.  Permission  has  been  granted  for  her  equipment 
in  this  port  with  sailors,  pilots  and  other  officials,  and  already  many  have  signed  on  for 
service  in  the  same. 


DECEMBER,  1917  ]         AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  281 

3  September,  1776    (  p.  56(i ). 

Leghorn,  30  August :  The  Company  of  marines  embarked  this  morning  about  half  past 
seven  onboard  the  Royal  Tuscan  Frigate  of  War,  Etntritt,  which  has  left  this  harbour 
with  all  speed,  whence  it  has  now  passed  into  the  road  to  set  sail  for  a  short  cruise  of  a 
t'ew  days  against  the  fleet  of  Barbary  pirates  who  are  said  to  infest  these  seas.  The 
Imperial  ship  of  war  and  merchantman,  Joapfih  and  Theresa,  is  completing  her  prepara- 
tions for  her  departure  for  Coromandel.  She  will  start  immediately  after  the  return  of  the 
Royal  Tuscan  Frigate,  which  is  intended  to  escort  her  as  far  as  the  Canary  Islands. 

21   December    1770    (  |».  815). 

Leghorn,  18  December:  The  English  brigantine,  which  is  to  go  with  the  Austrian  ship, 
Joseph  and  Theresa,  in  order  to  carry  a  part  of  the  provisions  and  to  be  serviceable  to  her. 
has  just  arrived. 

24  Dec<  mbcr,  1770     (  p.  821 ). 

Leghorn,  20  December:  The  English  merchant  brigantine,  which  sailed  with  the 
Imperial  Austrian  ship,  Joseph  and  Theresa,  with  a  cargo  of  various  provisions,  returned 
here  on  Wednesday  evening  in  49  days  from  the  Island  of  Madeira,  whence  her  captain  was 
sent  baek  after  having  transfened  a  part  of  her  cargo  on  board  the  same  [Austrian  ship  J. 
The  remainder  has  been  brought  back  to  the  merchants  Otto  Francke  (  Oitofrank ) 
and  Co.  of  Hamburg,  as  [it  would  have  been]  a  hindrance  to  the  Imsiness  as  a  whole. 
The  said  English  captain  reported  that  he  had  left  the  abovementioned  ship  at  another 
island  of  the  Canaries  beyond  Madeira,  waiting  for  a  favourable  wind,  and  that  both  the 
Commandant  and  the  crew  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  perfect  health. 

28  December,  1770     (  p.  830). 

Leghorn,  25  December:  The  Royal  Tuscan  Frigate  of  War,  Klruria,  which  has 
remained  disarmed  in  this  harbour  since  her  return  from  the  last  voyage  made  beyond 
the  Straits  [of  Gibraltar],  where  she  accompanied  the  liujxmal  Austrian  ship,  Joseph 
and  Theresa,  to  which  allusion  has  formerly  so  frequently  been  mac1-',  has  been  suit 
into  wet  dock. 

I 

Steps  takon  in  Bombay. 
Bombay  Diary  Iti  July  1777.' 

SigneJ  a  Letter  to  tlio  Governor  General  and  Council  (of  Fort  William |,  in  which  We 
advised  them  of  our  having  received  Intelligence  by  a  Vessel  from  T>clagoa  that  a  Ship 
under  Austrian  Colours  and  with  a  very  rich  Cargo  had  Arrived  there  and  had  been  run 
ashore  in  endeavouring  to  bring  her  into  the  River.  That  Mr  Bolts,  formerly  on  the 
Bengal  Establishment,  was  principal  Owner  and  Commander  of  her,  under  a  Commission 
from  the  Empress,  and  had  taken  in  his  Cargo  at  Leghorn  and  Trieste  ;  that  his  Associate, 
Mr  Ryan  °  arrived  here  on  the  abovementioned  Country  [coasting]  Vessel,  and  proceeds  on 
the  Hastings  prow  [  should  be  Snow  ]  to  Bengal. 

Consultation  at  Bombay  Custle,<  20  August  1777. 7 

Reperused  the  Honble.  Company's  Commands  dated  the  21st  February. 

We  have  already  transmitted  to  the  Governor  General  and  Council  all  the  Information 

5  Bombay  Public  Consultations  (  1777  ),   XLIV.  287. 

6  Francis  Ryan,  one  of  Bolts'  partners.  *  Bombay  Public  Consultation*   (  1777  ),  XLIV.    322. 


282  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

we  have  gained  of  the  Austrian  ship  mentioned  in  the  30th  and  the  following  Paragraphs, 
Copies  of  which  must  now  he  sent  to  ...  the  President  and  Council  at  Madras,  as  it 
appears  thereby  that  the  Ship's  Destination  was  for  the  Coromandel  Coast,  tho'  by 
what  wo  have  heard  it  seenis  doubtful  whether  she  can  be  got  off  from  the  Bar  of  Delagoa 
Hivor,  where  she  ran  aground. 

Letter  from  the  President  and  Council  at  Bombay  to  the  President  and 

Ovu,ncil  at  Fort  St.  George,   dated  28  August  1777. 8 

We  enclose  an  extract  from  thoHonble.  Company's  commands,  dated  the  20th  February 
last,  and  a  copy  of  the  paper  therein  refer'd  to.  The  Ship  Joseph  and  Theresa  arrived  at 
Delagoa  in  the  month  of  April  last  and  ran  ashore  in  endeavouring  to  got  into  tho  river. 
It  seoms  doubtful  whether  she  will  be  got  off,  but  we  think  it  proper  to  acquaint  you  that 
Mr  Ryan,  tho  person  mentioned  in  the  extract,  arrived  here  some  time  agoe  in  a  Country 
Vessel  1  from  Dalagoa  aiid  took  passage  from  hence  in  the  Hastings  Snow  for  your  Coast, 
which  Vessel!  has  been  forced  into  Damaun9  by  stress  of  weather  and  we  suppose  will 
not  be  able  to  proceed  on  her  voyage  for  some  time. 

Letter  from  the  Council  nt  Surat  to  I  lie  Governor  ttnd   Council 
of  Bombay,  dated    1  September  1777.10 

Honble.  Sir  and  Sirs,  We  dispatch  this  by  express  Pattamars  [pathmdr,  courier  ]  to 
your  Honor  &ca.  purposely  to  advise  you  of  the  arrival  of  an  Imperial  Austrian  Ship,  the 
Joseph  and  Theresa,  commanded  by  Mr  William  Bolt*,  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  her  Imperial 
Majesty's  Service,  last  from  Delagoa,  after  a  passage  of  six  weeks,  which  anchored  at  the 
Bar  the  5th  instant  in  the  E\ening. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  B  >lts  arrived  at  the  French  Garden**  yesterday  Evening,  and 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  < -hief  |  Monsieur  Auquetil  de  Briencourt  ],  Copy  of  which  is  now 
enclosed,  with  the  reply  thereto,  which  we  hope  will  meet  your  approval  [  not  traced  |. 

Having  duly  considered  the  Commands  of  th<>  Honble.  the  Court  of  Directors  with 
respect  to  this  ship,  we  have  desired  the  Nabob  [  Navvab,  the  Governor  |  to  take  effectual 
Care  that  the  inhabitants  in  this  City,  under  his  protection,  have  not  any  commercial  or 
other  intercourse  with  these  adventurers,  and  the  Chief  will  take  every  Justifiable  measure 
to  prevent  those  under  our  protection  and  the  powers  about  this  place,  and  by  the  influence 
of  the  Nabob,  the  foreign  nations  resident  here,  from  having  any  connexion  with  them. 

In  the  35th  Paragraph  of  the  commands  aforementioned,  the  Honble.  the  Court  of 
Directors  have  been  pleased  to  order  that  if  any  Subjects  of  England  are  on  board  that 
vessel,  they  shall  be  arrested  and  sent  to  England  by  the  first  opportunity.  But  should 
any  land  here,  from  the  situation  of  this  Government  and  the  neutrality  of  this  Port, 
we  are  led  to  think  that  this  would  be  esteemed  an  unjustifiable  Act,  And  therefore  beg 
leave  to  be  favored  with  your  sentiments  thereon. 

You  will  be  pleased  to  remark  the  particular  Claims  made  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bolts 
in  his  letter  to  the  Chief,  and  with  respoct  to  which  we  request  your  full  and  explicit  orders. 

We  do  not  yet  know  what  Cargo  she  has  on  board,  but  shall  fully  advise  you  of  any 
particulars  that  may  come  to  our  knowledge  respecting  this  vessel. 

s  Bombay  Letter*  Sent,  (1777)  LVL     107-108. 
5  Dttmtln,  old  Portuguese  settlement  on  the  Gujarat  Coast, 
w  Letter*  Received  at  Bombay,  (1777),  XLIII. 


DECEMBER,  1917]        AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  INT  INDIA 

Extract  from  a  Consultation,  at   Bombay  Castle,  lb'  September  1777.11 

The  Austrian  Ship  Joseph  and  Theresa,  mentioned  by  the  Honble.  Company  in  their 
Commands,  dated  the  21st  of  February  last,  having  unexpectedly  arrived  at  Surat  Bar, 
The  President  [William  Hornby]  still  continuing  much  indisposed,  desired  Mr  Carnac  to 
summon  this  Meeting  to  deliberate  what  Measures  to  pursue  on  the  Occasion. 

The  Surat  Advices  received  yesterday  were  then  read,  together  with  the  Honble. 
Company*  Commands  respecting  the  Ship,  which  being  taken  into  (Consideration,  the 
following  Resolutions  were  Unanimously  Agreed  to. 

We  much  approve  of  the  Conduct  the  Chief  has  hitherto  observed  with  respect  to  this 
Ship,  and  of  the  Answer  He  returned  to  the  Application  made  by  Mr  Bolts,  [not  traced] 
and  He  must  be  directed  to  continue  to  pursue  every  justifiable  Method  to  prevent  all 
eommorcial  and  other  Intercourse  with  every  Person  whatever  belonging  to,  or  concerned 
in  this  Ship,  and  for  that  purpose  He  must  likewise  make  us-  of  the  Nabobs  Influence. 

The  Chief  and  Council  must  also  bo  instructed  to  raise  every  diiliculty  they  legally 
can  to  obstruct  Mr  Bolts  from  making  an  Investment  of  Cotton,  or  any  other  kind  of 
goads  at  Surat,  and  in  this  Point  also  to  apply  for  the  Nabobs  Assistance. 

Neither  Mr  Bolts  or  any  of  the  Persons  concerned  in  this  Expedition  must  be  permit- 
ted to  have  any  intercourse  with  the  Nabob,  or  any  of  the  Officers  of  Government/ 

As  the  Honble.  (Company  h-ive  pronounced  that  by  the  Laws  of  England  now  in  foroo 
We  have  a  right  to  seize  all  British  Subjects  who  may  b;>  found  in  the  East  Indies  without 
their  Permission,  the  Chief  and  Council  must  bo  directed  to  take  every  consistent  Opportu- 
nity for  putting  such  Laws  into  Execution,  but  to  pivveni  all  Mistakes  it  mint  bo  observed 
to  them  that  We  are  assured  Mr  Bolts  himjHf  is  not  a  British  Subject. 

We  arc  inclined  to  believe  that  when  the  Ships  Company  are  apprized  of  the  handsome 
Bounty  Money  we  give  to  Recruits,  many  of  thorn  will  enter  voluntarily,]  and  the  Chief 
and  Council  mu-^t  do  their  utmost  to  prepare  a  List  of  the  Ships  Crew  as  well  as  the 
Account  they  have  promised  of  the  Cargo. 

With  resp'^t  to  the  IvOLjuisitioiH  m  idc  by  Mr  Bi>lts  of  llyfrcshur.uits  i'or  the  Sick,  and 
Assistance  for  the  Yesscll,  Humanity  will  not  permit  of  our  absolutely  refusing  them. 
The  Chief  and  Council  must  not  therefore  duiy  them  such  aid  in  these  Points  as  may  bo 
indispcnaibly  requisite. 

Should  the  Chief  and  Council  bo  at  a  L.HS  on  any  other  Points,  they  must  refer  to 
the  Orders  We  have  given  respecting  Swedish  and  other  Foreign  Ships  which  have  at 
different  times  resorted  to  Surat. 

Advice  must  be  sent  to  all  the  Subordinitc  Settlements  of  the  arrival  of  this  Ship 
at  Surat,  with  the  most  strict  directions  to  prevent  by  every  legal  Method  any  Invest- 
ments being  provided  for  her  within  thsir  Jurisdiction,  an  I  to  carry  the  Company's  Orders 
respecting  her  strictly  into  Execution. 

However  much  We  may  wish  to  shew  all  possible  respect  to  a  Commission  from  so 
illustrious  a  Personage  as  the  Empress  Queen,  We  cannot,  consistent  with  the  Duty  We 
owe  to  our  Employers  and  their  Ordsrs,  shew  any  distinction  to  Mr  Bolts,  who,  after 
having  been  in  their  Service,  has  engaged  in  Commerce  so  repugnant  to  their  Interest, 
and  whose  former  Conduct  at  B3agal  occasioned  hi*  being  arrested  and  sent  to  England 
by  an  Act  of  that  Government, 

AI  Bombay  PMio  Gonsuttationy,  (1777),  XLIV.    234-23(1. 


2*±  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQ (JAHY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

Letter  from  the  President  and  Council  of  Bombay  to  the  Chief 
and  factors  at  Broach,  dated  18  September  1171.12 

Enclosed  is  an  extract  fro  in  the  Honble.  Company's  commands  dated  the  2 1st  February 
to  which  you  will  pay  strict  obedience. 

The  Austrian  Ship  therein  mentioned  having  actually  arrived  at  Surat,  you  are 
hereby  enjoined  upon  no  account  to  permit  of  any  commercial  or  other  intercourse  being 
carried  on  with  the  persons  concerned  in  that  ship  by  any  persons  whatever  under  your 
jurisdiction,  and  to  prevent  by  every  legal  method  any  investment  of  cotton  or  any  other 
goods  being  provided  for  her  in  any  of  the  districts  subject  to  your  management.  In 
short,  you  are,  a-s  far  as  in  you  lies,  to  carry  the  Company*  order*  respecting  her  strictly 
into  execution. 

fatter  front  the  Council  at  Mural  to  the  Governor  and  Council 
at  Bo-mbay,  dated  27  September  1777. ^ 

We  dispatch  this  chiefly  to  advise  you  the  Imperial  Ship  left  the  Bar  some  days 
a^o  for  Gogo.i*  jjr  B0|tB  from  the  impedimenta  he  found  hero,  not  having  been  able  to 
transact  any  business  here,  we  imagine  induced  him  to  take  this  Step.  His  Cargo 
consists  of  lron;  Copper,  Steel.  Cochineal,  Saffron,  a  large  quantity  of  Ordnance,  warlike 
Stores,  some  Jewelry  and  other  Articles,  amounting  to  about  five  (5)  Lacs  of  Rupees 
but  the  former  are  the  principal.  The  Chief,  on  his  departure,  took  every  measure  in 
his  power  to  prevent  Mr  Bolts  meeting  with  any  Success,  thro'  his  influence  with  the 
Nabob,  getting  him  to  write  suitable  Letters  to  the  Rajahs  of  JJownagur  |  Bhaunagarin 
Kathiawar]  and  Gogo,  and  by  advices  the  Chief  has  just  received,  we  find  Mr  BoJts  has 
not  hitherto  been  able  to  transact  any  business  there. 

At  the  time  this  Ship  was  at  the  Bar,  the  weather  would  not  permit  our  Gallivats1  •"» 
laying  in  the  road,  but  \ve  shall  do  what  Wo  possible  (tic)  can  to  communicate  to  the  Ships 
Company  tho  gratuity  allowed  to  Recruits,  to  induce  them  to  enter  into  the  Company'*; 
Service.  The  other  orders  you  have  been  pleased  to  give  regarding  this  Ship  will  be  duly 
attended  to. 

Letter  from  tin  Council  at  Broach  to  the  President  ana1  Council 
at  Bombay,  dated  4  October  llll.1(> 

We  have  taken  every  Precaution  to  prevent  any  Subjects  of  this  Government  having 
any  Commercial  Intercourse  \\ith  the  Austrian  Ship  mentioned,  in  your  Commands  of  the 
llth  Ultimo,  and  shall  use  our  Endeavours  to  carry  the  Honble.  Company's  Orders  into 
Execution.  That  Vessel  lias  left  Surat  and  is  now  at  Bownagur,  the  Raj  all  of  which  place, 
it  is  reported,  for  the  Consideration  of  20,000  Rupees,  has  given  free  Liberty  for  the 
Persons  concerned  in  her,  both  of  Import  and  Export  Trade,  without  further  Duties  of  any 
kind.  This,  We  think  our  Duty  to  notice  to  you,  altho'  We  have  not  sufficient  Grounds  to 
mention  it  as  a  (.tertainty. 

Letter  from  the  Prmdenl  and  Council  of  Bombay  to  the  Residents 

at  Broach,  Tellicherry  and  Anjengo,  dated  11  October  1777. 17 

Our  Honble.  Masters  ships,  Itochford,  Northinyton,  Hawke,  arrived  here  from  England 
the  12th,  13th  and  15th  August,  and  enclosed  is  an  extract  of  their  Commands  received  by 

w  Bombay  Letters  tfvnt,  (1777)  LV1.  115.  13  Letter*  Received  at  Bombay,  (1777),  XLII1. 

11  Goga,  old  seaport  on  tho  KathiAwar  Coast,  near  Bhaimagar. 

15  Large  rowing  boat  (Tort,  yaleota),  derivation  uncertain, connected  with  "galley". 

16  Letter*  Received  at  Bombay,  (1777),  XLT11.  321. 
J7  Bombay  Letters  Xent,  (1777),    LVI.  124,  126-127. 


DECEMBER,  1017  ]        AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  285 

those  Ships,  to  which  you  will  pay  the  most  strict  attention,  and  particularly  to  that 
respecting  the  Austrian  Ship,  the  Joseph  and  Thnresa,  which  has  since  arrived  at  Surat 
Bar.  You  will  therefore  not  only  avoid  all  commercial  and  other  intercourse  with  these 
adventurers,  but  use  all  your  influence  and  every  other  legal  method  to  prevent  any 
purchases  being  made  at  your  Settlement  or  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  any  article  of  invest- 
ment for  that  Ship. 

Letter  from  the  Council  at  Surat  to  the.  Governor  ttud  Council 

of  Bombay,  dated  17  Odobc.r  1777.  ^ 

The  Chief  is  informed  that  Mr  Bolts  has  not  yet  been  able  to  sell  any  part  of  bis 
cargoc,  the  Rajah  of  Bownagur  having  absolutely  forbid  the  merchants  under  bis  protection 
trading  with  him,  but  that  he  has  landed  at  Gogo  Musters  [  samples  ]  in  hopes  of  disposing 
of  it.  and  has  sent  to  the  Pundit10  of  Amadavad,  offering  him  a  present  of  25,000  Rs. 
annually  in  lieu  of  eustoms,  provided  be  will  permit  bim  to  establish  a  factory  and  carry 
ou  a  trada  there.  Captain  Lofthouse,  when  he  went  to  tho  northward,  got  four  men  from 
bis  vessel,  and  wo  hear  that  Mr  Bolts  has  purchased  a  small  snow  fr.nn  (he  Portugueze, 
which  they  had  lx> Tight  hero  and  sent  over  to  Gogo. 

Cmivullatwii  at  Bombay  Castle,  2!)  October  1777 ,2<) 

The  President  lays  before  Us  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  the*  Commander  of  an  English 
Vessel  at  Delagoa  to  his  Owners,  by  which  We  find  Mr  Bolts  asserts  a  right  (o  tin*  Sove- 
reignty of  that  Country  by  virtue  of  a  Grant  Lorn  the  African  King,  and  lias  in  consequence 
thereof  pulled  down  t lie  English  Colours  by  foroe  an!  a  house  erected  by  the  Captain  for 
tho  purpose  of  ijarrying  on  his  Trade.  This  Conduct  We  think  excludes  Mr  Bolts  from  any 
right  to  tho  least  Consideration,  from  this  Government  and  must  be  duly  noticed  to  the 
Honble.  Company. 

Enclosures . 

1.     Extract  of  a  letter  from  Captain  John  Cahill  at  Dehigou 
to  his  Owners,  dated  ]8  July  1777. 

This  Letter  goes  by  the  Europe  Ship  that  arrived  here  in  March  laM,  belonging  to  the 
Empress  of  Germany  [Austria]  and  commanded  by  Mr.  William  Bolts,  who  is  a  Lieutenant 
Colonel  in  tho  Imperial  Service.  He  has  taken  possession  of  Del agoa  since  his  A  rrival  f or 
her  Imperial  Majesty:  he  has  left  ten  people  here  and  many  of  his  Guns. 

One  Mr  llyan,  who  came  out  on  this  Ship,  is  gone  Passenger  with  Captain  Burton  to 
Bombay  with  an  intont  of  freighting  two  Vessels  for  this  place  next  Season.  I  hope  you 
will  cross  him  as  much  as  possible,  if  you  intend  carrying  on  this  Trade. 

The  enclosed  is  a  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr  Bolts  to  me  after  he  made  a  Treaty  wilh 
the  Coffreo  [Kdfiri,  Kaffir,  Caffre,  native  African]  King  named  Cope) I21  for  some  Ground, 
desiring  1  would  haul  down  an  English  Jack,  which  1  hoisted  on  shore  of  a  Sunday  on  a 
House  that  I  built.  J  would  not  comply  with  his  request,  as  my  Colours  were  hoisted 
before  his.  When  he  found  me  positive,  he  ordered  his  People  to  pull  (he  House  down  and 
likewise  the  Colours. 

"  Letters  Received  at  Bombay,  (1777),   XLIII,   336. 

19  Pandit,  usually  shortened  to   Pant,   Marathfi  title,    here    applied   to  the    Marithfi   Governor   of 
Ahrnadfibad. 

20  Jlombay  Public  Consultation*  (1777),  XLIV.  404,  476-477. 

21  Also  called  in  tho  correspondence  (infra)  Mohaar  Cap  ell. 


286  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

2.  Letter  from  Mr  Bolts  to  Captain  Cahill. 

Sir 

By  virtue  of  special  Powers  from  my  Sovereign,  Her  Imperial  Majesty  the  Empress 
Queen  of  Hungary,  &o.,  &c.,  I  have  concluded  a  Treaty  with  the  Rajah  Copoll,  by  which 
he  gives  up  to  Her  Majesty  for  over  the  Sovereignty  of  this  River  Timbe  [Tembi],  alias 
Mafumo,  together  with  all  the  land  within  a  certain  district  on  the  Western 
side  thereof.  I  therefore  hope  that  you  will  not  take  it  amiss  that  I  request  you, 
Captain  Cahill,  will  not  in  future  order  any  Colours  to  be  hoisted  on  her  Majesty's  Terri- 
tory, where  none  but  the  Imperial  Colours  will  be  permitted.  In  the  mean  time,  any 
Ground  you  may  want  to  build  Houses  or  Banksalls22  on  for  your  Conveniency,  will  be 
very  readily  allowed,  subject  always  to  Her  Majesty's  Sovereignty. 
On  board  the  Quiseppe  and  Teresa,  4th  May  1777. 

(signed)  WILLIAM  BOLTS 
Bombay  Diary  16  November  1777. -3 

Received  by  the  Sloop  Leopold  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Bolts  dated  at  Gogo,  the  31st  Ultimo, 
wherein  he  complained  of  the  conduct  of  the  Commander  of  an  English  vessel  at  Delagoa 
and  of  the  treatment  he  met  with  at  Surat,  and  put  tolls  two  Queries  to  which  he  requested 
our  Answers. 

Consultation  at  Bombay  Castle,  18  November  1777. 2i 

Read  the  Letter  received  the  16th  Instant  from  Mr  William  Bolts  [  see  infra],  to 
which  a  Reply  must  be  given  to  the  following  purport  by  the  Secretary. 

That  We  cannot  in  Justice  decide  upon  the  Affair  at  Delagoa.  until  we  have  called 
upon  Captain  Cahill  and  heard  his  Account  of  the  matter. 

Tnat  Wo  cannot  consider  mere  Strangers  in  India  aw  entitled  to  the  same  privilege 
and  attention  in  our  ports  as  the  Nations  who  have  had  Establishments  and  traded  in  the 
Country  for  upwards  of  a  Century  and  a  half  by  vertue  of  Royal  Grants  and  Phirmaunds 
[farmdn], 

That  the  Company,  by  Phirmaunds  from  the  Mogul  [  Mughal  Emperor  ]  are  Governors 
of  his  Castle  and  fleet  at  Surat,  and  as  his  Allies,  must  certainly  be  affected  by  any  Acts 
offensive  to  his  Government. 

Mr  Bolts  must  be  further  acquainted  that,  circumstanced  as  he  has  been  with  our 
Honble.  Employers,  He  must  be  sensible  he  can  expect  no  further  Countenance  or  Atten- 
tion from  Us  than  what  the  Laws  of  Hospitality  indispensibly  require. 

Bombay  Diary,  \$th  November  1777.25 

The  Secretary,  by  Order,  signed  a  Letter  to  Mr  Bolts  exactly  agreeable  to  the  Preced- 
ing Consultation. 

(To  be  continued.) 

22  Warehouses,  wharves  ;  derivation  uncertain,  probably  banklsala,  through  Malay  bang  sal. 
«  Bombay  Public  Gonwltationa  (1777),  XL1V,  489. 
"  Ibid,  494. 
«  Ibid,  501. 


DJBOEMBEB,  1917]       NEW  LIGHT  ON  THK  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKULA  287 

NEW  LKiHT  ON  THE  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKI^LA. 
BY  K.  B.  PATHAK. 

I  propose,  in  this  paper,  to  determine  the  starting  point  of  the  Gupta  era  with  the  help 
of  Jaina  authors  who  preceded  Alberuni,  without  relying  in  any  way  on  the  conflicting  state- 
ments made  by  that  celebrated Muhammadan  writer,  both  as  regards  the  origin  and  the  epoch 
of  the  era  so  well  known  to  the  students  of  Indian  epigraphy.  1  hope  to  be  able  to  eluci- 
date the  problem,  which  has  given  rise  to  so  much  controversy,  with  greater  precision  and 
accuracy  than  have  attended  the  efforts  of  those  scholars,  who  have  already  discussed  this 
interesting  chronological  question.  There  are  four  important  passages  in  Jaina  literature. 
Of  their  value  as  contributions  to  the  study  of  Indian  history  it  is  impossible  to  speak 
too  highly.  The  first  passage1  is  the  one  in  whicli  Jinaseuu  says  that  lie  wrote  in  Saka 
7ur>.  This  has  elicited  an  interesting  discussion  and  taxed  to  the  utmost  the  ingenuity  and 
learning  of  scholars  in  their  attempts  to  identify  the  contemporary  reigning  sovereigns 
mentioned  therein,  The  second,  third  and  fourth  passages  are  prophetic,  in  which  future 
events  are  announced.  Some  of  these  events  are  historical,  though  they  are  mixed  up  with 
many  legendary  details.  In  the  second  passage2  we  are  told  by  Jinasena  that  the  Gupta* 
reigned  231  years  and  were  succeeded  by  Kalkiraja,  who  reigned  42  years. and  that  his  suc- 
cessor was  Ajitanjaya.  The  third  passage  :3  is  the  one  in  which  Jiuasena's  pupil  Gimabhadra 
savs  that  Kalkiraja  was  the  father  and  predecessor  of  Ajitanjaya,  that  he  \vas  a  great  tyrant 
who  oppressed  the  world  and  persecuted  the  Jaina  community  of  ^'irgranthas,  and  that  he, 
reigned  40  years  and  died  at  the  age  of  70.  As  regards  the  date  of  Kalkiraja,  we  learn  from 
Gunabhadra  that  the  tyrant  was  born  when  one  thousand  years  of  the  l)u,:«nnakdhi,  commenc- 
ing from  the  Nirvaua  of  JNlahavira,  had  elapsed,  and  when  there  occurred  the  union  of  a, 
Mhhratsara  with  Magha-naksatra,  that  is  to  say,  when  there  occurred  a  Alagha  samvatsara.  The 
fourth  *  passage,  which  is  an  illuminating  commentary  on  the  second  and  third  passages,  is 
found  in  the  Trilokasara,  in  which  Nemichandra  reproduces  some  of  these  details  of  the  story 
of  Kalkiraja,  and  adds  that  the  baka  king  was  born  when  six  hundred  and  tive  years  and 
five  months  had  passed  by  from  tlie  Nirvana  of  Mahavira,  and  that  king  Kulkiraja  was  bom 
when  three  hundred  and  ninety -four  years  and  seven  months  had  gone  by  from  the  rise  of  the 
Saka  king,  that  is,  when  three  hundred  and  ninety-four  feaka  years  and  seven  months 
had  elapsed.  If  we  add  605  years  and  5  months  to  394  years  and  7  months— we  get 
1000  years,  the  interval  of  time,  according  to  Gimabhadra  and  Nemichandra,  between 
the  Nirvana  of  Mahavira  and  the  birth  of  Kalkiraja.  The  most  interesting  and  important 
point,  which  is  worth  noticing  here,  is  the  fact  that  the  date  of  Kalkiraja,  who  immediately 
succeeded  the  Guptas,  Is  given  in  terms  of  the  Saka  era  ;  he  was  born  when  394  'Saka  years 
and  7  months  had  gone  by,  and  when,  according  to  Gunabhadra,  there  occurred  a  Magha- 
saihvatsara. 

Before  discussing  the  historical  inferences  which  these  facts  suggest,  we  should  know  the 
dates  of  the  three  Jaina  autho>  on  whose  statements  we  place  our  reliance.  Jinasena 
wrote  in  'Saka  705.  He  must  I .  ied  about  Saka  760,  the  latest  date  which  can  be  assigned 

1    Ante,  vol.  xv^,  p.  14 3.  2  ^6i</. 

5  Given  at  the  end  of  this  p.iper  *  Also  gi\en  at  the  end  of  thi  i  p»tr>er. 


288  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[  DKOBMBEH,  1917 


to  his  unfinished  work,  the  Adipur&ta  ;  and  his  pupil  Cunabhadra  must  have  completed 
hi<  Uttarapurfoa  only  a  few  years  later/'  He  WUK  far  advanced  in  years,  when  after  finish- 
ing the  remaining  chapters  of  the  Jdijntrana*  he  undertook  to  write  his  own  portion  of  the 
Matapurana.*  And  the  use  of  the  past  tense  unfa  iu'th  reference  to  Ounabhadra  in  the 
rone-hiding  jtratoMtii,  written  in  the  time  of  his  pupil  Lokasena,  clearly  indicates  that  the 
former  had  long  been  gathered  to  his  fathers  by  'Saka  820  (A.D.  898).  It  is  obvious  there- 
fore, that  he  wrote  shortly  after  Saka  700,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  ninth  century. 

As  regards  the  date  of  the  THMwaru.  we  know  that  its  author  Nemichandra  enjoyed 
the  patronage  of  Chaiminrlaraja  (A.D.  778).*  This  statement  is  confirmed  by  Kemiehandra 
himself  who,  in  the  concluding  prawsti  of  his  Comatamra,  KarmaMnfa  ninth  chapter, 
thus  praises  Chamundaraja  — 


In  his  Purdna  completrd  in  Saka  7(M)  (liamun.^iraja  tells  tw  tjlat  JR.  ,,as  the  disciple  of 
Ajitasena  and  had  the  title  of  Gunuratnabhiifana.  From  Sravana  Belgola  insc-riptioii  *? 
learno  that  Chamutfarfija  Mas  the  minister  of  king  Rachamalladcva,  an  ornament  of'  the 
Ganga  dynasty,  which  was  uplifted  by  the  sage  Sirhhanandin.  This  Mas  the  Oatea  kin' 
Rachamalla  IV  who  was  reigning  in  A.D.  977J"  These  facts  are  also  alluded  to  in  the  Sans- 
krit commentary  on  the  ftomnhuaru,  which  opens  thus— 

^w#iww^ 


r'  Soo  my  paper  entitled  '  Bharlnhari  «nd  Kumarihi\  .Inunwl  H.H.H.A  N     \,7l   \\ill         TT~ 
(  Compare  I7ttarapur<'<nn,  flmptor  57  —  '  .  1  >.-... 

ftpr%Tf5Tr^  w  jcpr^r^^r  T»T:  i 
°r^?r*r^r    ??5 

:  Compare  — 


Nngar  liiscrip.  46,  Epi.  Car.  Vol.  VIII 

t 


]  « 


Mr  Rice's  Fracana  Xdgofa  Inscriptions,  Inti-od.,  p.  ;u. 
Mr.  Rioo'«  My«orc  awl  Covry,  p,  47. 


DECEMBER,  1917]      NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  fiUPTA  KKA  AXD  MIHIRAKULA  289 

The  Kannada  poet  Ranna,  who  adorned  the  court  of  the  Chalukya  king  Tailapa  II,  who  was 
born  in  A.D.  949  and  wrote  his  Gaduyuddha  in  A.D.  982,  had  Ajitasena  for  his  teacher 
and  Chamuiirlaraja  for  his  patron."  Those  facts  load  to  the  conclusion  that  Nomichandra 
lived  in  the  latter  half  of  the  tenth  century.  It  is  thus  clear  that  .Jinasena,  (Junabhadra 
and  Nemichandra  preceded  Alberuni,  who  wrote  in  the  first  half  of  the  rlcventh  century. 

In  order  to  enable  .Sanskrit  scholars  to  realise  the  importance  of  the  tacts  which  .laina 
literature  holds  in  store  for  them,  I  must  repeat  here  the  exact  words  of  .Jina^eiia 
chapter  60)— 

JTHRT  ^  ^TOF*1*:  ii 

IMS?  n 


*m  snprfR  srsKTm^rrTTS***  i|  532  n 

Gunabhadra  ^ay*  that  \vhen  one  thousand  years  of  the  Dtiwtmakala*  eoimncncinc  from  the 
Nirvana  of  Mahavira.  had  elap>ed  Kalkiraja  was  born.  Jinascna  say-  i)u\t  the  'Sakaraja 
vas  l)orn  \\lieu  ii«C»  \rar>  and  5  months  had  ])assed  l>y  from  the  Xirvfuia  of  Msihavira.  If 
•we  subtract  4iO,"i  yeair  and  0  months  from  one  thousand  years,  the  remainder  xs  394  years 
and  7  month>.  Jt  i,-  thug  clear  that,  according  to  Jinasenaand  (Juiuibha<lra,  Kalkiraja  \\as 
born  \\hen  394  yeai1-  and  7  months  had  passed  bmv  from  the  birth  of  the  Saka  king.  Nemi- 
vhandra  says  exact  i\  tln^ame  thing,  when  he  tolls  us  that,  after  the  lapse  of  005  years  ami 
,5  month;-  from  thr  Ninann  of  Mahavira,  the  'Saka  kini»  was  born,  and  that,  after  the  lapse 
•of  394  years  and  7  m«>nth-  from  the  birth  of  the  'Saka  king,  Kalkiraja  \\as  l>orn.  China- 
bhadra  adcK  thai  when  394  years  of  the  'Saka  era  and  7  month*  more  h;nl  passed  by,  there 
occurred  a  Mairha-annatsara  — 


This  is  a  )m»]ihecy  put  into  the  mouth  of  Gautama-Ganadhara,  \\lio  sty> 
"  There  shall  be  born  the  king  Kalkin,  naried  rjiaturmukha,  the  (»p])reKsor  of  the  world, 
on  the  occurrence  of  the  union  of  a  satiivalttara  with  the  Maglia-naksatra."     \\'hen  a    ftanwaf^ 
Mara  becomes   »T^T;!W^5^>    ^  ^  named   HT^^'T^T    »^fter  the  nak?atra,  the  x\orrl  j?^f  taking 
the  termination  M°r  according  to  the  $utra  of  tlie  Jaint  ndra  \*  yiikaru  na~ 

:  (  iii  2.  5.  ) 

?* 


ifr 

Gunanandin  thus  explains  the  Jaincndra  siilru 


*****  ^  WTHl^ni^^^^liv.  4.  150)  fcffltfH  (iv.  4.  157)'2 
f  ***  I  ?y^lMtH:  ^WT«  ^F!F*  ^  '  JnincMraprakriya, 
part  ii,  p.  162,  Benares  ed. 


r^a,  p.  54. 
Cf.  *1«o  ^iPf  ^,  PAn»ni  vi,  4,  148,  and  fr^lJ^rWWrrt,  V^rtlka  on  Wtuiu,  vi.  4.  149. 


290  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [DJBC«MB»B,  i§17 

Hemachandra,  who  owes  his  explanation  to  Sakatayana,  says  — 

^S*^     (ii  2.  5.) 


fa* 


From  the  Jaina  grammatical  sfttru*  and  commentaries  cited  above  it  in  obvious  that 
Gunabhadra's  expression  Hiqra<rw*tira*TriT%  means  kion  the  occurrence  (frontf)  of  the  union 
(  iftn)of  l^[^r^nr]  and  a  w*tK'.  that  is  to  say,  iRrft^Ffr:^^^:  HP*:.  The  word  in^r,in 
the  sense  of  a  Magha-samvatsara,  is  formed  from  qqrr,  which  takes  the  instrumental  case,  by 
the  suffix  w^r  ;  the  iff  of  qm,  being  elided,  is  replaced  by  •?  of  the  suffix  *T°r  ,  while  v<  the 
hrst  vowel  in  i^r,  undergoes  ^[.  We  have  thus  the  expression  *n*rei^T.  This  is  the 
teaching  of  Pfijyapada,  Sakatayana.  Hemacandi'a  and  Gunanandin. 

The  occurrence  of  a  Magha-sariivatsara  in  ]>urely  literary  reconJs,  apart  from  early 
inscriptions  and  astronomical  works,  is  of  unique  interest  ;  and  its  supreme  importance  from 
a  chronological  point  oi  view  we  shall  now  proceed  to  show. 

We  have  seen  that  304  Saka  years  and  7  months  had  elapsed  at  the  birth  of  Kalkiraja. 
The  seven  months  completed  belong  t<»  the  current  'Suka  year  305.  The  first  day  of  the 
eighth  month,  KArttika  tukla  I,  was  the  day  on  which  Kalkiraja  was  bom,  since  a  Saka  year 
commences  with  Chaitru  iukla  \.  The  year  that  is  actually  mentioned  by  the  Jaina  writers  is 
the  expired  Saka  year  304.  Let  us  convert  this  into  an  expired  Viknmia  year  by  the  addi- 
tion of  135  according  to  the  rule  — 


I  ^  II  JyotisasAra. 

The  result  is13  the  Yiknuna  year  (304+  135=)  520  expired.  This  expired  Vikrama 
year  is  identical  with  the  expired  Mala  v  a  year  520,  given  as  the  second  and  later  date  in  the 
Mandasor  Inscription  of  Kumaragupta  1  and  lii«  feudatory  Bandhuvarman  and  is  expressed  n 
in  the  following  words  — 


II 

Vikrama  Saihvat  520  expired,  Phalguna  *ttkla>  '2 

Hence  it  is  clear  that  the  Malava  era  is  the  same  as  the  Yikrama  era  of  57.  B.C.  In 
order  to  elucidate  the  point  further,  the  expired  Saka  year  304  may  be  first  converted  into 
the  corresponding  Christian  year  by  adding  78  thus  —  304+78-472  A.B.  ;  and  then  this 
Christian  year  472  can  be  converted  into  the  Malava  year  520  by  adding  57  ;  th  us,  472  +  57  -  529, 
472=529-57,  or  394+78=520-  57  =  A.D.  472. 

It  is  thus  evident  that  the  Malava  era  is  the  era  of  57  u.c.,  which  is  known  to  us  as 
the  Vikrama  Sarhvat. 


14  Dr.  Fleet's  Gupta  Inscription^,  p,  83;  ante,  vol.  XV,  p. 


DBOBMBBB,  1917]    NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKULA  291 

The  first  year  in  the  same  inscription,  which  is  36  years  earlier,  is  the  Vikrama  year  493 
expired,  Pau6a  mkla  13  — 


If  we  subtract  135  from  Vikrama  year  493  expired,  we  get  'Soka358  expired.  It  is  there 
fore  evident  that  Kumaragupta  I,  with  his  feudatory  Bandhuvarman,  was  reigning  in  'Saka 
368  expired,  exactly  36  years  before  the  birth  of  Kalkiraja  in  'Saka  394  expired.  The  year 
Saka  394  expired  is  a  Magha-samvatsara.  T  give  below  four  Saka  years  with  correspond- 
ing cyclic  years  beginning  with  this  Magha-samvatsara  of  Saka  394  expired,  according  to 
the  rule16  of  Varahamihira  — 

Saka    394    expired   Magha-samvatsara 

395         „        Phalguna-sathvatsara 
,,       :*96          „         Chaitra-samvatsara 
„       397          „         Vaisakha-samvatsara 

The  date  given  in  the  Khoh  grant  of  Parivrajaka  Maharaja  Hastin  is  Gupta-samvat 
156,  which  is  specified1"  as  a  Maha-Vai6akha-samvatsara-— 


The  four  &aka  years  with  corresponding  cyclic  and  Gupta  years  are  exhibited  in  the 
following  table  ;  that  the  Gupta  years  are  expired  will  be  proved  further  on  — 
&aka  394  expired  —  Magha-samvatsara  =  Gupta  153  expired. 
„     395       „        -  Phalguna       „  =       „       154 

,,     390       „        -=  Chaitra          „  --       „       155 

?>     3D7       ^        =  Vaisakha       „          -       „      156 

It  will  be  evident  from  the  foregoing  table  that  Gupta  years  can  be  converted  into 

equivalent  Saka  years  by  the  addition  of  241,  in  as  much  as  each  of  the  four  equations  stated 

above  gives  us  a  difference  of  241.    Kumaragupta  I,  with  his  feudatory  Bandhuvarman,  was 

thus  reigning  in  Saka  35H,  corresponding  to  Gupta-samvat  11717and  to  Vikrama  year  493  — 

Saka  358—  Gupta-saihvat  117=Mala\a  ur  Vikrama  493. 

And  Kalkiraja  was  born  36  years  later  in  Saka  394,  corresponding  to  G  upta-sauivat  153 
and  to  Vikrama  year  529  — 

Saka  394  =  Gupta  saiiivat  153=»Malava  or  Vikrama  529. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  the  birth  of  Kalkiraja  took  place  only  5  years  later  than  the 
latest  date  recorded  for  Skandagupta  —  Gupta-samvat  ls  148,  equivalent  to  Saka  389,  —  and 
only  one  year  earlier  than  the  date1  »  of  his  son,  Kuinaragupla  II,---Gupta-sariivat  154, 
equivalent  to  Saka  395. 


J5  Dr.  Fleet's  Gupta  Inscriptions,  Appendix  III,  p.  161. 

16  Gupta  Inscriptions,  p.  96. 

17  Bharadi  inscription,  A.  S.  Progr.  Rep.  JV.  C.  1907-8,  p.  39.     Valabni  is  only  another  name  of  the 
Gupta  era,  see  p.  295. 

tf  V.  Smith's  Early  History  of  India,  3rd  ed.,  p.  327. 

N  Annual  Progress  Report  of  the  Superintendent^  Hindu  and   Buddhist  Mu9intncntef  Korthtrn   Circle, 
1916,  p.  6. 


292  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

That  the  Gupta  year  mentioned  in  this  inscription,  as  well  as  the  one  mentioned  in  the 
Khoh  grant  of  Maharaja  Hastin,  referred  to  above  is  to  be  taken  as  expired  is  evident  from 
the  following  inscription  of  Budhagupta,20  Gupta-samvat  157  expired- 


The  general  conclusion  is  that  all  the  Gupta  years  including  those  given  in  the  above 
table  must  be  taken  as  expired. 

This  point  can  be  further  cleared  up  by  a  comparison  of  the  five  corresponding  yeans  of 
the  Vikrama,  £aka  and  Gupta  eras  exhibited  in  the  following  table  — 
Malava  or  Vikrama.  Saka.  Gupta. 

529  expired  394  expired  153 

530  „  395        „  154 

531  „  300        „  155 

532  ,.  397        „  156 

533  expired  398  expired  157  expired. 

The  Gupta  year  157  is  specilied  as  an  expired  year  in  the  inscription  of  Budhagupta 
which  has  been  quoted  above.  The  difference  between  the  expired  Saka  year  398  and  the 
expired  Gupta  year  157  is  241.  The  difference  between  the  6aka  year  394  and  the  Gupta 
year  153  is  also  241.  The  Saka  year  394  is  known  to  be  expired  ;  therefore  the  Gupta  year 
153  must  be  taken  as  expired.  The  conclusion  that  forees  itself  upon  us  is  that  all  the 
Gupta  years  mentioned  in  inscriptions  are  expired  years  and  can  be  converted  into  corre- 
sponding expired  Saka  years  by  the  addition  of  241. 

We  have  here  established  five  uniform  equations  between  expired  Gupta  and  expired 
Saka  years,  with  a  difference  of  241  in  each  ease.  The  last  equation  is  most  important. 


Expired        1      157 =3^8      i        Expired 
Gupta  3roar       f  ^      fcaka  your. 


This  date  of  Budhagupta  inscribed  on  two  Buddha  images  is  thus  expressed21 — "When 
the  year  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven  of  the  Guptas  had  expired,  on  the  7th  day  of  the  month 
Vaisakha  while  Budhagupta  is  ruling  the  earth/1  The  7th  of  Vai>akha  belongs  to  the 
current  Gupta  year  158  corresponding  to  the  current  Saka  year  399 


Current 
Gupta  jroar 


1     158-399    J    v.C"rrelltr 
f  I      haka  year. 


Thus  the  difference  between  current  Gupta  and  current  Saka  years  is  also  241,  the 
same  as  the  difference  between  expired  Gupta  and  expired  Saka  years.  Now  the  Sarnath 
date  of  Budhagupta,  expired  Gupta  3  ear  157,  is  only  8  years  earlier  than  the  date  of  the  eame 
Gupta  king  given2**  in  the  Eran  pillar  inscription — 


"•II  ^l'*'!!  "Vi  «J5l_^        J'SII  T  "^1      SS^^M  I  T  1  VI      (I 

The  date  is  "  in  the  year  165,  on  the    12th   day   of   the    bright  half   of   A§adha,   on 
Thurdsay."    We  are  now  in  a  position  to  explain  this  date  thus — 

Expired        1      ifir==40f    J       Expired 
Gupta  year    f        o—      •>    •<      ^a^a  year> 

20  Ibid9  p.  7.  21  Ibid,  p.  7.  22  Oupta  Inscriptions,  p.  89. 


DECEMBER,  1917]      NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKULA 

"  The  12th  day  of  the  bright  half  of  Ashadha  and  Thursday  "  belong  to  the  current 
Gupta  year  166  corresponding  to  the  current  Saka  year  407— 

Current       I      106—407  Current 

Gupta  year    j  Saka  year. 

Here  we  cannot  take  the  expired  Gupta  year  165  as  current  and  make  it  correspond 
with  the  current  Saka  year  407  as,  in  that  case,  the  difference  between  165  and  407  would 
be  242,  instead  of  241  as  required  by  the  statements  of  the  Jaina  authorities  and  the  Sarnath 
inscription  of  Budhagupta  thus — 


Expired          ,  ,  1Ar-    /M  4r¥U        Expired 

s*        .  ^(Ct)   lOO — 10  J  4UO^         ti    i 

Gupta  year      v  '  v  '  Saka  year. 

Current        I ,  .  ifig-./^  ^QyJ        Current 
Gupta  year     N  '  *  '        '      Saka  year. 

A  second  reason  for  not  making  the  Gupta  year  165  correspond  with  the  8aka  year  407 


is  that  from  our  established  equation 


Expired  177-000     J       Expired 

Gupta  year          *  •>/-**»     ^     Saka  year, 


{ 


it  is  evident  that  the  Gupta  year  165  is  8  years  later  than  the  Gupta  year  157,  while  the 
Saka  year  407  is  9  years  later  than  the  corresponding  Saka  year  398.  A  careful  considera- 
tion of  these  facts  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  expired  or  current  Gupta  years  can  be 
converted  into  corresponding  expired  or  current  Saka  years  by  adding  241. 

The  date"  in  the  pillar  inscription  of  Budhagupta  has  been  the  subject  of  calculation  and 
controversy  for  more  than  half  a  century.  Many  scholars  have  attempted  to  interpret  this 
date  by  the  statements  of  Alberuni,  which  were  admitted  on  all  hands  to  be  conflicting.  It  may 
therefore  be  interesting  to  point  out  how  many  statements  of  this  celebrated  Muhammadan 
writer  can  now  be  accepted  as  correct.  He  says23  that  the  era  of  Ballaba  is  subsequent  to 
that  of  Saka  by  241  years.  The  era  of  the  Guptas  also  commences  the  year  241  of  the  era 
of  Saka.  Then  he  mentions  the  year  1088  of  the  era  of  Vikramaditya,  the  year  953  of  the 
era  of  Saka,  the  year  712  of  the  era  of  Ballaba  and  of  that  of  the  Guptas,  as  equivalent 
years.  These  statements  are  reliable,  as  they  are  in  agreement  with  our  equation  thus — 

Malava  or 

Vikrama          Saka        Gupta 

(a)    529     =     394     =     153 

(6)  1088     =     953     =     712 

559  559  559 

The  difference  between  Malava  529  and  Saka  394  is  135  ;  that  between  Vikrama  108$ 
and  Saka  953  is  also  135  ;  the  difference  between  Saka  394  and  Gupta  153  is  241  ;  and  that 
between  Saka  953  and  Gupta- Valabhi  712  is  abo  241  ;  the  difference  between  the  Malava 
year  529  and  the  Gupta  year  153  is  376  ;  and  the  difference  between  the  Vikrama  1088  and 
the  Gupta-Valabhi  year  712  is  also  376.  It  is  also  interesting  to  note  that  from  the  year 
of  the  birth  of  Kalkiraja  in  Saka  394  or  Gupta  year  153,  when  tho  Gupta  empire  was  still 
enduring,  to  the  year  A.D.  1031-32  to  which  Alberuni  refers  as  his  gauge-year,  559  years 
had  elapsed.24  So  that  his  equation  (6)  is  as  accurate  as  if  it  had  been  formed  by  adding  559 
to  each  of  the  equivalent  years  of  the  three  eras  in  our  own  equation  (a). 

23  Qupta  Inscriptions,  Intro.,  p.  23  f.  Ante,  vol.  xvii,  p.  213,  n.  1. 


294 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[  DECEMBER,  1917 


An  interesting  peculiarity  of  the  j^ears  of  the  Malava  era  deserves  to  be  noticed  here.  . 
The  second  date  in  the  Mandasor  inscription  of  Kumaragupta  I  and  Bandhuvarman  is  the 
Malava  year  529  expired,  Phalguna  iukla  2.  The  equivalent  Saka  year  is  394  expired. 
Deduct  394  from  our  present  fcaka  year  1839  in  Western  India.  The  result  is  1445.  Add 
1445  to  529  ;  the  result  is  1974.  This  will  be  our  Malava  or  Vikrama  year  on  Phalguna 
iukla  2  next  (April  14,  1918)  in  Western  India.  This  is  true  according  to  our  almanac. 
Let  us  now  turn  to  the  Mandasor  inscription-5  of  Yaiodharnmn,  where  the  expired  Malava 
year  589  with  the  season  of  Vasanta  is  thus  mentioned  — 


Here  the  date  is  the  *r^tT»  ''  -c.  4hr  and  wra  of  the  expired  Malava  year  589,  f 
being  synonymous  with  m^  (Aniara  1,3.18).     To-day  is  3W*l*£*ftar,  i.e. 


or 


of  the  Saka  year  1839  (April  24,  1917)  in  Western  India.  The  expired  Malimi  year  589  is  60 
years  later  than  the  expired  Malava  year  529.  Add  GO  to  ihe  expired  Saka  394.  The  result 
is  the^expired  Saka  454  corresponding  to  Malava  589.  Now  deduct  454  from  our  present 
'Saka  year  1839  ;  the  remainder  is  1385.  Add  589  to  1385  and  wo  get  Malava  year  1974 
corresponding  to  our  present  'Saka  year  on  ST^T^T^fRr-  ^l1^  our  Vikrama-saiiival  today  is 
1973  because  it  is  3rrf%37fFt  and  will  be  found  to  be  identical  with  the  Malava  year  1974 
on  our  next  Phalguna  iukla  2,  as  has  been  shown  above.  This  may  be  illustrated  by  the 
following  diagram  — 

Expired  Malava       Expired  Saka  Expired  Malava        Expired  Saka 

529        -  394  529  -  394 


-t-  60  years 

wp^rw. 

* 

Ma 
5* 

ava                  'Sal 
;9        =              45 

.a 
4 

;+  1385 
years 

+   1445 
years 

Malava          1 

Vikrama?       j, 
saihvat  $ 

m!          ( 

t    vSn      I 

Malava        19741  2G 
Saka                                  l^T^S»l 
1839      Vikrama  /  la.A  f  ^j.  ^. 
samvat     ^          \ 

{Saka  expired 
1839 

)  »w^<fa.  ( 

«  Gupta  Interittionf,  p.  154. 

?6  The  Northern  and  Southern  Vikrama  1974  and  1973  as  well  as  Saka  1839  are  expired  year*. 
Dr.  Fiat  s  view  that  expired  £aka  years  are  used  owing  to  the  adoption  of  the  &aka  era  by  astronomers 
is  thus  untenable. 


,  DBOBMBBE,  1917]       NEW  LIGHT  ON  THECJUPTA  ERA  AtfD  MIHCHAKULA  293 

The  conclusion  that  is  forced  upon  us  is  that  the  years  of  the  Malava  era  in  the  times  of 
the  Guptas  and  the  Htinas  were  Chaitradi  Vikrama. years.  This  will  enable  us  to  refute  the 
opinion  of  Dr.  Kielhorn27  who,  while  admitting  that  the  Yrikrama  era  was  called  Malava, 
says :  "  The  Vikrama  era  was  Karttikadi  from  the  beginning,  and  it  is  probable  that  the 
change  which  has  gradually  taken  place  in  the  direction  of  a  more  general  use  of  the  Caitradt 
year  was  owing  to  the  increasing  growth  and  influence  of  the  Saka  era."  This  erroneous 
view  is  also  shared  by  Dr.  Fleetss  who  says:  "  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  original 
scheme  of  the  Vikrama  years  is  the  one  commencing  with  the  first  day  of  the  bright  half  of 
Karttika  (October -November)." 

The  fact  that  the  years  of  the  Malava  era  are  Chaitradi  is  most  important.  Jt  will  enable 
us  not  only  to  establish  the  absolute  identity  of  the  Gupta  era  \\ilh  the  Valabhi  era,  but  also 
to  ascertain  the  exact  difference  between  the  years  of  the  Gupta  era  and  of  the  Malavti 
era  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  of  the  Saka  era  on  the  other.  The  date  of  Col.  Tod's  Verit- 
wal  2°  inscription  is  Vikrama -samvat  1320  and  Valabhi-samvat  045,  Asanha  vadi  13  Ravi. 
From  Diwan  Bahadur  Pillars  Indian  Chronology,  Table  x,  p.  92,  \ve  learn  that  AMullw 
vadi  Ravivara  falls  in  'Saka  118G  corresponding  to  Caitradi  Vikrama  1321,  and  is  Sunday, 
25th  May  1204,  according  to  the  Christian  era.  The  Vikrama  year  1320  mentioned  in  this 
inscription  as  equivalent  to  Valabhi  samvat  045  is  thus  southern  and  Karttikadi :' therefore 
the  corresponding  Chaitradi  Vikrama  year  or  Malava  year  is  1321.  We  thus  get  the 
following  equation — 

Saka  Malava  Valabhi 

(a)        11H(»  •=  1321  -  045 

By  deducting  702  from  the  above  we  get  the  next  equation — 

'Saka  Malava  Valabhi 

(6)          304  -  520  -=  153 

By  deducting  36  from  (6)  we  get  the  following  equation — 

'Saka  Malava  Valabhi 

(e)          35S  403  117 

We  know'*0  that  Kumaragupta  T  was  reigning  in  Gupta-saiiivat  117,  which  is  thus  identi- 
cal with  the  Valabhi  year  117.  The  last  equation  also  proves  that  the  exact  difference 
between  the  Gupta  and  Saka  years  is  241  ;  while  that  between  the  Malava  and  Gupta  years 
is  376.  Here  our  argument  is  based  on  Col.  Tod's  Yerawal  inscription.  This  argument  is 
easier  to  understand  than  that  which  is  founded  on  the  Magha-saiiivatsara  of  'Saka  304 
expired,  and  which  presupposes  a  knowledge  of  the  grammatical  stitrat*  of  Pujyapada  and 
fcakat-ayana.  The  conclusion  arrived  at  by  these  two  independent  lines  of  argument  is  the 
same,  namely,  that  the  difference  between  Gupta  and  'Saka  years  is  241,  We  have  also 
demonstrated  that  the  difference  between  current  Gupta  years  and  current  'Saka  years  is 
241.  Thus- 
Expired  Gupta  157  *=•-  398  Saka  expired. 
Current  Gupta  158  =  309  Saka  current. 

27  Ante,  vol.  xx,  p.  328  ff. 

28  Gupta  Inscription**,  Intro,  p.  66  f.,  11.  2. 

29  Gupta  Inscription*,  Intro,  p.  85. 

30  A.  S.  Progr.  Rep.  N.  O.  1907-08,  p.  39 ;  Ep.  lnd.t  vol.  x,  p.  70. 


296  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  L  DEOBMBKB,  1917 

It  is  of  importance  to  note  that  in  converting  a  Gupta- Valabhi  year  into  its  Saka 
equivalent,  it  is  not  necessary  to  know  beforehand  whether  the  Gupta- Valabhi  year  ia 
expired  or  current.  If  the  resulting  Saka  is  expired,  the  Gupta- Valabhi  year  must  be 
expired.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Saka  year  is  current,  the  corresponding  Gupta- Valabhi 
year  must  also  be  current.  These  observations  can  be  illustrated  by  the  Kaira  grant  of 
Valabhi-samvat  330  and  by  the  Verawal  inscription  of  Valabhi-samvat  927.  The  date  in 
the  Kaira  grant  is  thus  expressed31 — 

Sam.  300  30  dvi-Margasira  su.  2. 

Here  the  Valabhi  year  330  can  be  converted  into  Saka  571  by  adding  241.  The  exact 
date  is  ^f^wHrf^  1jJ|?  ^.  On  referring  to  Hindu  Tables  we  find  that  the  intercalary 
Margasir&a  actually  falls  in  Saka  571.  This  Saka  year  is  therefore  current  and  equivalent 
to  Valabhi  330.  Our  equation  is  thus — 

Current  Valabhi  330— 57 J  Saka  current. 

The  date  of  the  Verawal  inscription  of  Valabhi-samvat  927  is  thus  expressed'-^-— 
Srimad- Valabhi  samvat  927  Phalguna  Su.     2  San  (So)  me.     By  adding  241  to    927    we 
get  the  following  equation 

Valabhi  927^1108  Saka. 

By  astronomical  calculations  the  late  .Mr.  S.  B.  Dikshit  arrived  at  Saka  Il(i7  expired 
as  the  equivalent  year.  Therefore  the  current  »Saka  year  is  1  lb'8,  which  corresponds  to 
current  Valabhi  927.  Our  equation  therefore  is — 

Current  Valabhi  927  =110S  Saka  current. 

These  two  records  dated  in  current  Valabhi  years  are  most  important  and  interesting-  - 
as  they  amply  refute  the  erroneous  theory  of  Dr.  Fleet  that  the  running  difference1  between 
current  Gupta- Valabhi  years  and  current  Saka  years  is  242.  Nor  can  we  accept  as  correct 
his  opinion  that  the  two  Vikrama  years  700  and  1303  are  southern  and  the  nominal  equiva- 
lents of  the  current  Valabhi  years  330  and  927  respectively.  For,  on  a  comparison  with 
the  following  equations — 

Saka  Malcivfi  ( Jupta-  Valabhi 

394  =  T>29  ,  153 

571  —  70f>  -  330 

1168  =  J303  «=  927 

It  is  obvious  that  these  Vikrama  years  are  Malavaor  ('aitradi  and  the  real  equivalents  of 
the  two  Valabhi  years,  and  do  not  differ  from  southern  Vikrama  years,  because  they  are 
coupled  with  the  months  of  Margasirsa  and  Phalguna  in  these  inscriptions. 

On  the  other  hand  the  year  3H(5,  which  is  the  date  in  the  Nepal  inscription  of  Manadeva, 
is  expired,  because  it  can  be  converted  into  expired  Saka  027  by  adding  241,  and  does  not 
correspond  to  current  Saka  628,  as  maintained  by  Dr.  Fleet.  3'j 

Alberuni's  first  statement  that  Gupta  or  Valabhi  years  can  be  converted  into  Saka  years 
by  adding  241  was  perfectly  accurate.  [But  it  was  invalidated  by  a  second  statement  which 
he  made  to  the  effect  that  the  Gupta  era  dated  from  the  extermination  of  the  Guptas. 
This  led  many  scholars  to  discredit  his  statements  entirely. 

(To  be  continued.) 

31  Gupta  Inscriptions,  Intro.  ]>.  9.'{.  ^  Gupta  7n*cri;j£/0ji#,  Intro,  p.  91. 

n8  Ibid,  p.  95  ff. 


DECBMBBE,  1917]  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  E  AND  O  297 

THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  K  AND  0  WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  GUJARATI. 

BY  N.  B.  DIVATIA,  B.A.;  BAXDRA. 

IN  an  appendix  to  his  article  on  the  "  Proposed  Bardic  and  Historical  Survey  of 
Rajputana  "  *  Dr.  Tessitori  has  done  me  the  honor  of  mentioning  my  theory  on  the  subject 
mentioned  at  the  head  of  this  article,  and  very  courteously  advanced  certain  reasons  for 
disagreeing  with  me.  My  theory  is  that  the  vocalic  groups,  H£  and  vs  pass  through  an 
intermediate  step  —  BTO  Mid  ST*T  (eventually  ^TS(  and  s?*  )  —  before  assuming  the  wide  sounds 
S?  and  sfr  •  Dr.  Tessitori  holds  that  this  intermediate  step  does  not  play  any  part, 
and  that  the  s?*  and  src  sounds  undergo  a  process  of  contraction  tlirough  suppression 
of  the  hiatus,  the  only  intermediate  step  thereafter  being  that,  of  the  dipthongal  forms 
$  and  sft. 

His  reasons  for  differing  from  me  are  put  under  three  heads.  I  shall  deal  with  each  one 
serially  :  — 

(1)  There  are  no  instance  -s  of  3?f  —  are  of  O.  W.  Eojasthani  having  changed  to  WI-B^. 
The  examples  quoted  by  me  —  ^r  from  TfT,  wrprft  from  *f*T*ft  and  <RRF(  from  Tf^fTT 
are  disposed  of  by  Dr.  Tessitori  by  stating 

(a)  that  0.  W.  lUjasthfun  MSS.  often  write   q  for   f  ;  and 

(h)  that  ^sn:  and  TCtrfr  are  talsamas  2  (meaning  thereby  Prakrit  words  used 
unchanged  in  O.  W.  lt»j-)»  and  tnal/  tno  WI  m  inem  ma.Y  be  «•  corruption 
of  Sanskrit  fr  instead  of  a  modification  of  O.  W.  Kaj.  *TS- 

My  answer  to  this  is  as  under: 

In  the  first  place  1  take  my  stand  on  the  broad  basis  of  ihe  general  principle  that,  when 
unaccented,  medial  5  and  gr  are  respectively  changed  to  q  and  qf  during  their  transit  into 
Chijarati.  This  will  include  cases  oi!  such  5  and  ^  preceded  by  M  as  well  as  by  other 
vowels.  T  therefore  do  not  see  why  the  issue  should  be  confined  to  the  $  and  ^  of  H$  and 
3T3".  Necessarily,  instances  under  this  restricted  class  will  be  fcweiv*  But  if  instances 
can  be  shown  to  prove  the  operation  of  this  change  over  a  Avider  iield,  that  very  fact  should 
strengthen  the  case  of  *?£  and  H^  passing  into  *w  and  H3-  The  following,  then,  are 
some  instances  to  prove  this  general  principle  :— 

Sanskrit.  Prakr.   or  Apabhr.  O.  W.  Raj.  or  Uujarati. 


i  (Desya) 

r^ 
rf  cntt 


1  JBAS.  N.  S.  XII, 

2  The   liberty  taken  with  the  recognized  nomenclature  in  extending  the  moaning  of  tatsamu  to  Prakrit 
words  that  have  undergone  110  change  in  transit  from  Prakrit  to  O.  W.  Haj.  may  ut  lirst  sight  strike  one 
as  a  little  bold.     But  this  is  another  instance  of   Dr.   Tessi  tori's  happy  choice  of  names,  (the  first  one  being 
the  name  O.  W.  Rajasthani)  ;  for  it  account^  in  a  single  suggestive  word,  for  the  uso  of  pure  PMkrit  words 
in  later  old  (rujar&ti  works,  just  as  we  should  and  do  use  Sanskrit  tatsamaa  in  our  present-day  Gujarutf  ; 
thus  explaining  the  apparent  anamoly  of  older  Prakrit  words   appearing  wide  by  side  with  words  of  later 
evolution  in  the  old  (JujarAti  works  I  speak  of. 

3  For   a  further  restriction  see  Appendix  A. 


298  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


Sanskrit.  Prakr.  or  Apabhr.  O.  W.  R&j.or  Gujarati. 

If)  (Guj.) 


(Desya) 

(Guj.) 
(Guj.) 
(Guj.) 
(possible  Apabhr.) 

(Guj.) 

(Guj. — at  the  end  of 
proper  names,  e.  g.t 

',  &c.) 


(Guj. —the   fetlocks  of 
a  horse,   "  ^  wnrm&  "  ) 

smnsr  (Guj.) J 

( The   practice    of    sometimes   writing  wn  for    ^T^T  in  Marafhi    may  be  noted  as 
throwing  an  incidental  light  on  this  process. ) 

The  principle  of  anii-sawprasdram  operates  over  a  larger  sphere,  for,  not  confined  to 

medial  f  and  g-,  it  even  affects  final  ^  and  ^r  in  cases  like  the  following  : 

Prakyit.  Apabhr.,  or  0.  W.  Raj.  Gujarati. 


Hindi 


4  WC,  *Wft    and    qr^Trr    an-  cited    hy    Dr.    Temiton   himself.     I    also    find  n 

Prabandha  (V.  S.  1508),  Khaudn  V.  nt.  l»r»,  Unutanta  Rfaa  (V.  8.  1412),  st.  17;  fotfl  (  =  ^^==  ) 
in  a  translation  of  Bhuvanatfjm  (Y.X.  ir»,-»7)  &MJaidta  Hdld  Patra,  March,  1910,  p.  U5,  which  has  H!HO 
T^fatp.  116,  and  ftT  at  p.  112;  TOtflff  in  tho  ttiiflama  7?^,  »t.  35 ;  ^^  in  ftaiyfapali 
Samanunnlia  Rfaa  (V.  S.  1471);  al*o  in  T*n//4/c2  Panc/iamsi,  Prose,  (about  V,  8.  1629)  P  88  ¥»7 
at  p.  100,  rt^  at  p.  104  ;  <WT  at  p.  13(t ;  Wtt  in  tfai^na  /?(^,  gt.  9 ;  n*rfr  in  Siidayawtwvim 
charitm  (about  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century  of  tho  Vikrama  era) ;  f*TTtf  in  Karptiramanjarl 
chaupai  (V.  S.  IBO/i ;  also  in  Janardfliia's  Uahflltnrawi  (V.  S.  1548),  V.  10,  1  ;  also  *T*fl  in  "the  song  of 
Jasavanta  Sonigaro  "  (V.  S.  1070  or  thereafter) ;  extract  given  by  Dr.  Tegsitori  in  hi«  article  under 
notice,  p.  83;  $SnTC  in  KMafiach-Pralxindha  (V.  S.  1512),  IV.  12;  also  in  Vitnala-praband/M,  1,69; 
and  in  Vatidla.jxinctovisi  (poem.  V.  S.  1619),  p.  3,  Ht.  24,  also  p,  62,  st.  646.  Dr.  Tessitori  cites  (Notes  §  57 
( 3)  )  dfikhuti,  (BTnWJ)a«  occurring  in  Avaohflri  to  Da$avaikdlikd#&lrat  V11I,  34.  The  Rhortening  of  the  ST 
as  a  next  step  is  not  unusual. 


DECEMBER,  1917  ]  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  E  AND  O  299 


Further,  *qff,  *HfT,  WfF  from  ftrft,  foft,  ftffTj  WT,  <OT,  WT  from  ftpr,  RR,  ftf*;  and 
similar  instances  (iffaijr  for  *Tlf%#  and  «TFft  for  flftfr)5  point  to  a  still  wider  field  of  operation 
of  the  anti-samprasdraw  process  ;  and  it  also  manifests  itself  in  the  final  f  preceded  by 
consonants,  as  in 

from 

from 

from 
from 

from  srrar     — 

and  the  like. 

The  list  of  words  given  above  will  show  that  the  change  of  s?f  to  STO  is  not  confined 
to  we,  qqilJft  and  TOCTr,  but  extends  over  a  larger,  though  necessarily  limited,  field. 
All  T  intended  was  to  indicate  the  tendency,  and  leave  other  onsen  of  wide  e  and  6  to  be 
explained  by  that  process,  whether  actual  change  to  sro  in  their  case  wasf  ound  or 
not  in  writing,  by  a  reasonable  inference  of  its  operation.0 

To  take  (b)  in  the  first  objection  first  :  — 

I  do  not  think  ^VR  and  ^sflcnft  can  be  found  in  any  Prakrit  grammar  or  work.  These 
always  recognize  $Tf  and  B^T,  3?^  and  3?^  (as  cvolutes  of  a^r?  and  STT)  having  come  into  use 
at  a  very  late  stage  even  in  O.  W.  Rajasthani.  One  would  rather  say  that  ^f^  and  '^r^TT'ft 
are  fatsamas  and  ^src  and  ^racnft  arc  tcidbhavas.  Again,  to  say  that  sro  (and  sro)  may 
in  these  cases  be  a  corruption  of  Sanskrit  IT  (  and  sft)  is  hardly  supported  by  Prakrit 
grammar.  Hemacharulra  notes  the  change  of  IT  to  TT,  f  and  s?f  (as  al.-.o  that  of  aft  to  sff,  3" 
and  3T3"  ),  but  he  nowhere  speaks  of  iro  (  arid  ST^T  )  as  c  volutes  of  nr  (  and  sft  ),  nor  are  they 
found  in  Prakrit  works,  so  far  as  I  know.  True,  Dr.  Tcssitori  has  simply  advanced  a 
conjecture  ;  but  sueh  a  conjecture  has  hardly  any  basis,  either  in  the  grammatical  or  literary 
works  in  Prakrit  ;  nor  arcs  there  any  grounds  for  going  behind  Hemachandra  and  reading 
into  his  sutraft  any  such  phonetic  tendency,  as  may  fairly  be  permitted  by  critical  canons. 

Now,  a?  regards  («),  —  it  is  essential  to  know  specifically  the  conditions  under  which  O.  W. 
Rajasthani  manuscripts  write  ^  for  f  (  and,  as  Dr.  Tcssitori  states  further  on,  ^  for  ^  )  : 
Is  it  in  the  case  of  initial,  medial  or  final  j  or  ^  ?  Is  it  when  they  are  accented  or  unaccent- 
ed ?  or,  is  this  substitution  of  ^  (  and  q  )  for  f  (  and  ^  )  dependent,  like  the  spelling  with 
a,  w  or  a  v  in  Sam  WcUer's  name,  on  the  taste  and  inclination  of  the  writer  ?  Again,  are  those 


5  I  liud   ^^^l"    in   a   poum   of   I'admundbha   copied  in    V.  S.  J7lf>   (HOC  Uujttrdta-&Ald-2*atm,  XJI 
May,  article  by  Mr.  (•hhagtuilol  V.  Havula)  ;  and    *fr^n>    in    Vnitdld-iMiHcJiarttii    (  px-m),  p.  J78  ;  ZQ&ft  jn 
Bhalana's  Kddambari,  pftrvabhuga,  p.  81,  1.  lt>  ;  p.  83  ,  1.  13  ;  and  p.  102,  1.  20. 

This  substitution  of  ^  for  ^  is  not  to  be  mistaken  as  a  vagary  of  tho  suributf.  Kvcu  now  jn 
Gujarat  ladies  of  tho  old  generation  amongst  Vadanagara  Nagaras  and  ronidonts  «>f  Karnali  in  Barodrt 
State  have  this  tendency  to  substitute  ^  for  f  in  pronouncing  words  of  this  kind,  c.  r/.,  ^fy  for  faj9 
*Hft  for  fotf  (  q$  );  and  the  like. 

6  The   genesis   of  HTntl^^d^   (ennti'Samprasdntna)  may   \w  this  :   when    the  I'-T  find  themselves  jn 
a  subordinate  position    they  seek,   as   it   were,    some  support   for  self-preservation,  and  an  adventitioiiH 
M   stej>s   in   to  furnish  such   support,   resulting   in  the  usual  snndhi   process  ^+H  ~€J  and 
P&niiii's  rule,  f  ^  Tff^  operates  here  ;  this  rule  is  practically  the   opposite  of    f*T8pT: 


the  change  of  W{  to  f  ^  being  called  ^fflttivi  (samprasdrana),  that  of  ^K  to  H*[  may  well  be  termed 
(prati-sampmsarana)  or  anti-samprasarajiia. 


300  '  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [DBCBMBBB,  1017 

vowels  and  semi-vowels  interchangeable  in  writing  like  IT  and  *  and  «T  and  Qf  ?  In  the 
absence  of  this  detailed  information,  I  shall  assume  that  this  tendency  of  writing  w»  *  for 
f ,  ^  must  have  been  noticed  in  occasional 7  cases  which  Dr.  Tessitori  has  not  been  able  to 
reduce  to  any  rule  ;  and  I  shall  proceed  to  point  out  instances  where  I  discover  some  method 
in  the  madness  of  the  scribe.  Thus,  I  find  f  written  almost  invariably  in  Bhftlana's 
Kadambarf  8  (about  V.  S.  1550),  while  q  is  written  only  in  rare  cases  for  j,  and  where  q 
is  intended  to  be  sounded,  and  not  f . 

3ITO  Page  1,  line  12.    Here  the  word    rhymes    with    3Wt    and   this   at   once    shows 
that  H  is  intended  and  not   f . 

Whereas  *TTT  at  Page  1,  line  14.  Here  f  is  lengthened  in  reading  and  therefore  cannot 
be  changed  into  H. 

Page  83,  line  3.    Where  it  rhymes  with  2fiTH»  and  therefore  intends  a  ^  sound. 

Page  83,  line  5. 

Ditto. 

Page  77,  line  5. 

Page  85,  line  2,  also  line  23] 


line  23  ) 
line  5  J 


j)itto  jjne  *  t  Here  even  *|%  and  ftft  are  written  with  an 


Page  164,  line  14,  where  it  rhymes  with 
Page  165,  line  8,    rhyming  with  mq. 
Ditto          line  14. 

Ditto  line  20  "  **fN  ^q^T^  *TTf  ftfT  "  where  f  is  short  and  yet  it  is  not 
even  altered  to  ^  ;  here  was  a  suitable  occasion  for  the  play  of  the  scribe's  tendency  to 
write  q  for  f. 

spTTf    Page  165,  line  21.     Here   f  is  lengthened. 
(  The  year  of  copy  of  the  manuscript  is  V.  S.  1672.  ) 

I  take  up  Gautama  Rasa  (V.  S.  1412)  and  find  the  following  :  — 

frVf  ,    st.  5  ;  n*ft    st.  5  ;  <t^TO>    »t.  6  ;    *f*T,   st.  7  ;    TOf*  (  ?  TO**),  st.  9  ; 

st.   11;  ire,   st.  14,    18,  20,  etc.;  *T*tftefr,    st.  17  ;  «W?;  st.  17;   qwft,  st.  35  ; 

st.  43;  «CTW  st.  44. 

(  The  work  concludes  thus  :  — 

inrfarc  ^ftfeft 

(?  T  ) 


WTTC  TCl"  )• 

Mddhavdnala  Kathd  (  V.  S.  1574,  copied  V.  S.  1693  )  shows  :— 
*Tf  *  (  not  arftWH  ),  v.  190,  f  f  T  f  (  not  f  ir  T  f  ),  v.  203. 
Ushdharana  by  Janfcrdana  (  V.  S.  1548  )  shows  :— 

(  for 


ffTf;    irnar      o 

Vimahprabandha  (  V.  S.   1568  )  has  :— 

p.  37,  st.  24;  ^iTCj  p.  147,  st.  25;  *«  (  Hindi  ^fc  ),  p.  146,  st.  23  *f  (  for  **  )t 
p.  90,  st.  10,  11;   OT  (  for  TO  ),  P.  200,  st.  86. 

7  I  use  this  word  becauae  Dr.  Tessitori  speaks  of  a  tendency  only. 
*  Mr.  K.  H.  Dhruva's  edition. 


DROISMEER,  J9J7  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  /•:  AND  O  301 

Glancing  through  the  sclented  speeirnens  from  ().  VV.  Rajastharii  texts  given  as  an 
Appendix  to  Dr.  Tossi tori's  Notes  on  the  Grammar  of  the  (>.  W.  HAjasthani  (pp.  100-106), 
L  find  f  and  ^  written  throughout  as  f  and  T  and  not  as  3  and  ^;  r.<y.,  "TCif?  (  at 
three  places),  rfTj,  TTSr^r,  ^TT^v^r*  nsi?f,  TTHJ?  5fl$Rf»  T^^SY,  5Tf  3">  Tf^Hj:  a^  ^us  *n 
contrast  to  «prffr  (ntfnv  plaees  at  p.  103,  and  at  one  place  at  p.  1M.*>),  only  in  one  place 
we  see  'f^TPJ  (p.  104),  Wf*  (p.  l°°)>  Wf*f  (p-  UN),  Cfaf  (P-  |0-M  where  evidently 
the  «r  represents  itself  and  not  f.  (The  1  in  gfNr  at  p.  101,  line  7,  is  of  a  different  kind  ; 
it  stands  for  if  in  ;#nY£,  passive  form.  Prak.-it  ffrsrlT,  Sanskrit  fof«l?r;  and  is  therefore 
not  to  be  counted  in  this  connection.) 

This  much  about  the  ().  \V.  Rajastham  MSS.  As  regards  old  Maravadi,  the  specimen 
given  by  T)r.  Tessitori  from  the  "  Song  of  Jasavanta  Sonigaro  "  has  j^rST  where  TRfVT 
would  have  surely  been  expected. 

I  need  not  multiply  instances. !)  But  the  above  instances  will  be  enough  to  show  that, 
instead  of  possessing  a  tendency  to  write  3HT  for  f-T,  the  works  disclose  a  well-established 
practice  of  writing  f  and  gr,  and  only  in  particular  cases  and  conditions  did  they  write  q 
and  ^  for  f  and  7:  these  conditions  bcinu  nothing  but  the  fact  of  actual  phonetic 
change  into  q  and*.  The  very  fact  that  only  in  certain  words  such  as  **C,  TOCPfi 
and  the  like  the  aj  is  emphasi/ed  \\ould  show  that  the  an ti-,sy/ mj) ramruw  process  had  already 
commenced  in  their  case,  and  if  WI*T  is  seen  side  by  side  with  3^7^,  <Tf53\  it  i^  only 
because  the  process  \\as  in  a  stage  of  beginning  and  not  quite  settled  down  ;  for  changes  in  a, 
language  cannot  proceed  on  regular  lines  of  uniform  march;  some  forms  will  linger,  some 
progress,  go  backwards  and  forwards,  till  a  final  settled  state  is  reached.  Whatever  may  be 
the  case,  the  isolated  instances  of  ^  cannot  be  set  down  as  the  result  o|'  a  tendency  to  write 
^  for  £  in  the  face  of  NO  many  instances  of  words  with  f  written  in  them.  In  his  tc  Notes,  " 
§4,  (5)  Dr.  Tessitori  rdVrs  to  the  \\riting  of  ^  for  ?,  in  a  particular  MS.  (K.  722),  and  infers 
that  it  is  a  lucre  \\riting  peculiarity  of  the  MS.  The  instances  contain  *«R,  rqq  and  tho 
like.  These  are  exactly  the  representatives  of  the  pronunciation  in  Gujarat i  at  present 
(alternate  elv  with  %TT.  %*•  «'1c.).  If  so,  why  could  it  not  have  been  the  case  of  actual 
change  then  > 

9  VjiitAla-pniiclnivi^i   (\\  S.    Ui2!>)    j^iv«^    a    hnuruini    crop  of  f ,  and  raivl^ ,  v«r\   mroly,  T  (us  only  in 
cas<'S  like  T^^f  (p.    I-'1'1)-  ^^^  (P-     {{}i})-  ^^    (P-     In4''    *%**    (]}-  104)-  ^^7^  (p-    HH)  :  wliioli  an^  all 
)laiucd  H)X»\<O       ll.  ha^  also  snfST  (p.    174)  and    ^f^t    (p.    17!i),   whioh   i'aot    is  also  explained  ubovo. 
Only   in  tw      <"«s«-s  w   lind  al)iic»rin«l  V  :—  "STR^f  for  «TTff%  (p.    1ZJ2)  and  3^3?*  for  ^TFfW  (p.  111). 
Ti   ^       two  is«ili«lctl  instaniM-s  in  the  midst   of  an  «'\tivm««l\    large    miml>or  of  instanwrt  of?"  oaiuiot  pro\'(* 
toiidoncs     t<>    \vnlo  31  ft«r    f-      We  have  to  ivmemlmi'  Mint  \vo  arc  to    dotoct   a    ^oncral    (Hirrent  out  of  a 
lMU\-ild«»riiiK  variety   of    manifestations    ivsultinjr    pnrily   from    (a)   tho    habit    of    serilws  tnniix»ring  willi 
conuino  forms,  and  partis  from  (/>)  tho  fact  thai  \n>rds   as<unio    different  change  even    (InniiR  tho   same 
>enod       An    instance    of    the    former   condition    is    si-on    in    Uhalana's    Kddtin^iri   when*,    instead  of  tho 
(.xiX'Ctod  3TT  (\vlnHi  is  \vntten  only  in    rare    evooptions)  we   find  tho  Sfrfcfe  aiwl  ^ft  tyiX3  almost  invari- 
ably.    We  need  not  wonder  at  it  when    wi»    reincunber  that  tho   oldost  copy  lx>lonRH   to  tho  last  quarter 
of  ihr    J7th  nentnrv  of  the     Viknimn  era.     when'in     this    type     was    prominent    and    extensively    used, 
although  it,  botfiin  en-i.er.  Take  only  one  instant:  - 


(P.  5ti,  1.  16.) 

Hero    tfftrffe'  giv*'s    ll    £roat'    "U»trionl    delk-ionry,     \vhoroas  ^fl^^S?    would    fill    the   metrical    mousmo 
properly.  ^ 

at  p.  11, 1.  !'•>,  is  »l  miv  o vooptit»n,  but  it  I K» trays  tho  scriho  who  uvidontly  forgot  to  turn  it  into  ^fiTH. 


302  .THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1917 

(2)  Dr.  Tessitori's  second  reason  is  — 

That  O.  W.  R&jasthani  changes  «?*  to  MS  invariably  and  it  is  not  admissible  that 
having  begun  its  existence  with  such  a  change,  it  should  retrace  its  steps  and  go  back  from 
a??  to  BT*  again. 

My  answer  is  a*  under  :  — 

Considering  the  comparatively  limited  number  of  eases  of  wwptastirana,  is  it  safe,  1 
would  ask,  to  state  that  ().  W.  Rajasthani  reduces  wry  H?T  of  the  Apabhramki  to  3TS  '! 
Assuming,  however,  that  this  process  is  a  strong  feature  of  the  Old  Western  Rajastlmni, 
does  it  necessarily  follow  that  the  3RT  cannot  revert  to  *T*  ?  Such  reversion  is  not  unknown 
in  linguistic  development.  For  instance,  the  double  i»  (  m»r  )  of  Apablmtmki  derived  from 
the  ?f  (  «T  )  in  Sanskrit,  goes  back  to  ^  in  O.  \V.  Rajasthani  and  its  offspring  languages, 
as  in  &9T«fr  (Sans.),  &***&  (Apabhr.).  07^  (O.  W.  Raj.),  &TJ  (Uuj.)  and  words  of  that 
type.  Similarly  an  initial  single  w  of  Apnbhraiiua,  derived  from  the  dental  n  in  Sanskrit, 
goes  back  to  the  dental  in  O.  W.  Raj.  and  derived  languages  ;  e.g.,  Jfrf<T  (Sanskr.),  °rft  (  Apa- 
bhr.), ^Pr  (0.  W.  Raj.),  ?re  ((«uj).10  Take  the  very  case  of  ajj  ;  Sanskrit  3R:  ysf:,  Prakrit 
^ra^T-flF^TT  came  to  be  crystallized  into  373°T  in  Apabhrntnsu.  (This  is  the  real  progress, 
although  Hemachandra  has  found  it  convenient  for  the  purposes  of  his  plan  to  call  3fr*f°T  a 
ready-made  (Wear*  of  fyft.  See  Xiddha-Hc  nuichundra*  VI  11.  iv.  3<)7).  This  ^r°r  has  revert- 
ed to  SffOT  (by  tiampratsara\a)  in  O.  W.  KajasthAni,  as  Dr.  Tessitori  points  out.  (See 
also  Muydharabodha  Anktiht  —  V.  S.  J450  —  which  has  5fT^°r  in  nine  different  places  at  p.  3, 
4,  5,  7,  against  four  of  ^r°r  at  p.  2,  7,  8.)  Tliis  has  again  passed  through  a  reflux,  and  NM* 
iind  3Wf  in  V  intala-pralKindhu  (V.  S.  1508).  p.  !f,  st.  2."),  also  in  raifdld-jwucliaviftt  —  J*!)^!! 
(V.  S.  1019),  p.  39,  side  by  side  with  ^FfrT  or  3^  also.  If  this  be  regarded  as  a  retention 
of  the  Ajiitbhramva  talwtHui  (  ^T^°T  )  in  tl»c  10th  and  17th  century  literature,  the  same 
cannot  be  said  of  the  cF3«r  found  frequently  in  still  later  literature  and  in  popular  (lithrix 
as  in 


The  correct  explanation  must  be  found  in  a  process  of  reversion  which,  in  this  case,  exhibits 
the  tmti-samprasarawi  process. 

If  more  instances  of  reversion  and  STM*isj*1fttT  combine*  1  were  wanted,  I  would  cite  Wrar 
(derived  from  $tfnrc-$Sr  +  3m)  reverting  to  Ijrsrm  in  (  Uijarati  (the  H  is  changed  to  ^  by  the 
])roximity  of  nr  and  is  not  to  be  mistaken  as  a  sign  of  talsama  for  the  q  is  absent  where  \\e 
have*);  and  "^FT  (from  f^f*  which  really  is  the  result  of  wmpnutArara  of  the  *  in  fqp? 
from  ^?T^,  a  potential  contraction  of  f*^)  reverting  to  ^rsr  (Guj.)  ;  and  ^  (from  Sanskrit 
)  -see  Vimalci-prabandha,  p.  140,  st.  23  reverting  to  ^r*t  in  Hindi.  Of  course*,  the  *  in 


J"  J  have  taken  both  theno  tyi*>n  iroin  L>r.  IVssiton's  "  Notes  ",  $  41  and  §  23.  J  JIHVO  tukt-n  tin? 
1  yi*«  M'ith  certain  reHorvation  ;  for,  so  iar  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  double  fT  of  Sanskrit  is  not  ,soon 
to  change  into  the  cerebral  ^T  either  in  Prakrit  or  Apabhramsa  ;  Hemachandra  does  not  show  i(. 
Hut  Sanskrit  double  9f  appears  as  WOT  (cerebral)  iti  later  Prakrit,  r.  //.,  TO*<T  (from  T^f^f  ),  Prdkfitn 
J'tiimjala  (Calc.  Kdition),  p.  :35.i,  1.  3,  p.  3S»,  1.  4  ;  ^"«|IT  (  SaiiK.  TfflT  ),  p.  35,  1.  4;  al»o 
(*^^l)>  ^f171^  (>=F'l)i  *iid  the  like  may  l>e  constructive  in»tanco«  in  jX)int,  *^  first  turning  into 
Only  in  one  caw  I  find  Hemachandra  giving  ^^1  for  a  constructed  ^8  ^fwjowff  (from 
see  Si-He,  V1IJ.  li  79. 

However,    W^-^TfT  ,  ^3'^^     (Uuj.),  and   ^r?f^-1ora?^-'^RF  (Ouj.),  ^ 

JR.-T^MR  (CUij.),  ^T4t-Tff°fi'-*f;T>  (^UJ«)»    HTR-*Tf*I'"|fPT  («aid  npocially  of    a    horse's  place  in 
tlie  Htablo),  ^U^-lfr^T  (^ll-lfrWf  ((jluj.)»  would  >>e  good  inRtancpg  of  revorsion. 


DECEMBER,  1917  |  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  K  AND  O  303 

these  throe  instances  is  preceded  by  W  or  qr  and  not  by  BT;  none  the  less  they  instance 
reversion  and  prati-samprasdram  together.11  Tlie  fact  is  that,  us  in  the  vase  of  other 
changes,12  this  change  of  sra  back  to  wr™  is  found  side  by  side  with  a  different  process 
undergone  by  the  same  double  vowel.  Thus,  while  cfre°T  gave  cfr^T  on  UN-  one,  hand,  it  also 
gave  z§  on  the  other;  *TTCQf  gave  *TTO  (the  parent  of  ifrig)  on  the  one  hand,  while 
it  gave  TOOT  ( the  parent  of  iRff  )  on  the  other,  and  so  forth.  How  or  why  this  double 
operation  came  into  play  will  be  explained  further  on  below, 

(3)     To  come  to  Dr.  Tessitori's  third  and  last  ground.     It  is  this - 

(a)  %and  3^,  derived  from  STf  and  s??,  are  found  in  all  the  earliest  manuscripts 

of  both  (riijarati  and  Marava<li; 

(fe)  When  $Tf-aTJ  began  to  be  written  as  Jr-aft,  it  was  birause  they  were 
pron ounce:!  as  diphthongs,  and  only  afterwards  they  were  reduced  to 
long  wide  vowels  (i.e.,  M  and  s*f)  ; 

(c)  Lf  3Tf-»Tgr  had  really  passed  into  STO-HT,  manuscripts  \\.uild  have  written 
them  as  V^-BT^  instead  of  writing  them,  as  they  do.  as  fr-afr,  especially 
as  they  show  a  tendency  to  write,  q-%  for  f-^. 

1  should  like  to  make  my  position  clear  before  taking  up  each  of  these  three  sub-heads. 
But  it  will  be  convenient  to  tou:-h  one  point  under  (a)  just  now,  viz.,  Ihe  slate,  of  things  in 
earliest  Gujarati  Manuscripts.  So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  »r-j?r,  "s  evolules 
of  Kf^H^i  we  not  seen  in  (Gujarati  Manuscripts  of  any  period.  Dr.  Tessitori  puts  the 
rise  of  Gujarati  as  a  separate  offshoot  of  ().  W.  Rajasthani  somewhere  about  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century  of  the  Christian  era.  n  (/>.  from  V.  S.  I  Got)  downward).  Manu- 


:'  It  may  bo  cortondod  that  after  all  ^3*5  i-;  from  fj<*  dimct,  and  $?%  a  Sanskrit  tatfttinui.  But  n 
careful  consideration  of  the  probabilities  based  on  :he  place  of  the,^  \\ords  in  t'l.- lan^iiii^  as  words 
of  such  frequent  currency  as  can  onh  be  acquired  by  t«<lbh<tm  formations,  will  ^o  aLi.nmt  such  contention. 
Be.^ides,  ^^Tr'5'  is  only  a  ]>otontial  st<^p. 

i-  In  some  cases  the  <•«>  exirftenc*-  of  ttpinrc tttl</  dirterent  <tn.j.jes  <>f  formation  can  be,  accounte<l 
for  ;  c.  <!••, 

rT°rf  <K<nf&  l 


{Mnn'l«  Kdtii,  (|iioted  from  in  SAstri  X'rajalal's  fiHJnrd.i  Hhd^fhi',  JltJtd^t,  p.  44.)  HITP  the  Hf  in 
is  duo  to  a  final  5fi  toriniimtion,  while  the  ^  in  ^T'TlfSs1  and  ^Tff^  js  ilx-  result  of  tlio  abstMice.  of  th»«t. 
termination.  Similarly  ^HflT*  Wr^rf^l  "i  /*/'/</•'//<"//*><  l>ln\*hri«tfim  (Utijnrut  tidlii-J'atrti,  Mtin-Ji, 
1U10,  p.  11^.) 

This  would  !K<  good  in  tlie  <*.  ise  of  nouns  and  adjoctivos.  lr)  Jj«'  case  of  ve.rbs  llie  5^jf  and  ^  cannot 
be  so  explained,  and  must,  bo  ro^ardod  as  forms  different  ij>  nature. 

13  I  must  note  that  Aiil.i-ttaiHpmtidni.wt  (or  X?f  fT^TJTOT^T  )  doe-;  not  mean  Uiat  tho  ^-3"  which  undergo 
that,  process  have  in  all  oases  bnon  derived  by  tuiinprafttlrittt't.  Tih-y  ma>  lm\e  ln»en  evolvod  different  ly 
tis  \\ell  ;  r.</., 


It 

(51-      (  TSJ  )— 


<?J  cctvm.   All  that  is  meant  is  a  process  which  is  the  opposite  oi  vtinpi''idr'i*'i.  (  I  n  fact,  \vhtm)   BW  i»  affected 

by  ttnmprfifidrawi,  tlmro  is  no  prat  \-Annipmxdraiyi,  the  S?^  reinuin^  m  hiatus  or   contracts  into  a    narrow 

•IT,    or  forms  the  diphthong  q*  ;    c.  r/.,  ^^  or  ^Tf^,  ^TW^T,  H^T  (from 

14   I7  ,</e  Dr.  Tessi  tori's  "  Notes",  p.  ft  of  tho 


304  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  UKOBMBKR,   1917 

scripts  subsequent  to  this  date  (V.  S.  1656)  showing  $  vft  for  ITf-Wr  in  Gujarat!  will 
really  come  as  a  surprise  to  many.  1  may  bo  wrong  and  my  research  is,  no  doubt,  limited 
in  extent  in  this  respect.  I  should  really  be  glad,  therefore,  to  see  such  instances  in  Gujarat! 
manuscripts.  May  it  be  that  Dr.  Tessitori  has  come  across  such  cases  in  Gujarat!  manu- 
scripts written  by  scribes  who  were  under  Maravadi  influence  'i  Again,  Dr.  Tessitori  himself 
regards  the  contraction  of  Hf-MT  into  <j*-Hf  as  one  of  the  characteristic's  marking  the  exis- 
tence of  Gujarat!  as  independent  from  the  O.  W.  Rajasthani,  and  puts  it  at  the  head  of  the 
list.1"  If  so,  is  it  likely  thnt  any  early  Gujarat!  manuscript  will  show  ir— *ft  as  the 
evolutes  of  tff-3??  ?  However,  we  need  not  wander  into  the  realm  of  conjecture  as  to 
probabilities,  when  it  may  be  possible  for  Dr.  Tessitori  to  show  concrete  instances.  Till 
then  I  must  regard  $•- Bff  as  evolutes  of  3Tf— HT  to  be  foreign  to  Gujarat!  in  any  of  its  stages 
development. 

To  come  to  the  clearing  up  of  my  position  now  :--  I  do  not  mean  to  suggest  that  WT"~ 
3TO  (as  developments  of  3T£-*T  J  )  were  actually  written,  except  in  rare  eases  like  *RTC,  WW 
and  the  like  ;  all  I  contend  is  that  they  were  potential  developments,  as  precedent  conditions 
requisite  for  the  production  of  the  wide  sound  (  $f-3?f  )  which  comes  on  the  final  v 
being  lost  through  want  of  accent,  thus  giving  9fv—iVV  as  the  causative  principle  of  the 
broad  sound. 1'<  Dr.  Tessitori  will  not  be  averse  to  accepting  this  principle  of  potential 
development,  for  he  lias  to  take  his  MU  through  a  potential  Hf  stage,  though  not  found  in 
actual  writing.  (See  p.  77  of  his  article  on  "  Bardic  Survey  ",  the  article  under  notice.)  There 
are  several  .such  potential  intermediate*  changes,  which  I  class  under  ^tflKH^ft^T  (!•€., 
transitional  ulnnrynx.  or  rules  marking  operations  during  transitional  steps).  I  may  cite 
only  one  instance  :  As  a  reverse  process  to  the  change  of  *jf  to  ^  (  >SVr7r//>/7.  Ht'tn,  VIII.  ii. 
57),  I  find  a  change  of  ^  to  **,  only  as  a  possible  middle  step,  in  the  formation  of  ST^TJ 
(Guj.)  from  *tfwr*f  (Sanskrit),  through  SFfsfspTS-BT^sTre. 

Thus,  this  change'  of  3Tf -5T3"  to  aro-3T^  (  then  w^T-HIT )  i«  only  a  possible  phonetic 
process  as  a  transitional  step,  and  when  instances  in  actual  writing,  like,  WR,  ?rar*ft,  ('tc., 
do  happen  to  come  up,  I  take  them  as  clear  indications  of  the  tendency  in  support  of 
my  theory.  E\en  if  there  were  no  such  actual  instances  in  support,  T  should  still  adhere  to 
the  8,nt\-MiHt-j»rHf«'r(iH(i  theory,  as  1  find  in  it  a  potential  principle  supplying  a  clear  working 
hypothesis. 

I  To  be  conlinvw/.  i 

NOTES  AND  QUKKIKS. 

N'OTKS  FROM  <>LI>   FACT-   IiV    KEDOKDS.         thnvof.     ( VriamK   they  had  not*  Koguard  to  their 
!>.  (Joodsriot  up  to  sample.  [Musters)  or  Masters  and    tho   you  and   your  Mer- 

.„   ,        ,    ,,         ,          B,,.,       .,  ,          ,  chants  lujiy  pl«>a<l  the  trouble**  and  impediments  of 

I'.O  Anf/n^t    16SO.      Letter     from    Elthu    Yalv  and  ....  ,    a         .,        f  ,        ,.  , 

,          ,.         u       f,  r  i      ^    i  ,  *"*'  (  (»untory    nnd    Scarcity  of   goods  which  may 

Council  at    tort    >S7.     (Jrnrqr    to    John  A  n:ks    an>l  .  .      A,    . J    ,  ,  .  ,  * 

rp,        f  ,„  Al  ,     .  servr  for  mi  rxousofor  thoir  delays :  yott  it  can   bu 

Council  at    f'uHUHfre.      I  lie    Long    (  loth  you    last  J      * 

,,        ,  ,        f  no  cxcu,-<  -fur  tin-  I  uidness  of  the  goods  ;  nothing  can 

Bent  us  prov,*  **  very  Courco.  ,H  washt,  and  packt,  noo<t^if  nl(.     that   fur    jf     t}         reach     not 

that   tiBiinfitttn^  Ht'iit    homo.     To   Satisfy  you  [Suinp,^     rf.jtif.t    t}jom     £or     ,Ug    mUf.h 

therein  w,  havv  H.nt  for  y<>ur  r,v.,w  and   IVrusall  ^  ^^    ^  ^  ^.^  .g  ^ 

Six  bale,  by  Sloop  \lacu»«  \  and   ,^pect  your  MIT-  pnu  ^  if  vwi  ^^  ^  ^          ^Qjat  QT          ,          £ 

ohantB     ^ill    i..oko    ..    proportionabl,    abatement  ^uiity  of  no  8Uch    i^.lts  for  tho  future,  and  Remedy 

thoroon.  or  we  must   n-turnc  fchr   n  st  upon  thorn,  ihJH  ^    MvU    ns  you   WUm       Records     of    Fort    St. 

Our  mony  Iwinc  much  ))c-tlor  then  Such  trash,   and  |  ,/„,„,,.     j,cffrr.,  jrow  p()rl  ,sv.  Veorgc,   1689,  p.  41. 

we   doe  much  blomo  the  dimoited  [tic  ?  a  form   of 

doited  =  senseless]  or  Corrupt  Sorters  and  ivceverw  H.  0.  T. 


15    Vide   J)r.  TetHitori's  ••  Notes  ",  p.  5.  of  tho  Introduction. 

10   Vi'f(.  my  No1<-    on  CiujtirutS  Pronunciation,  ante,  Vol.  XL1V,  p.  18,  footnote  3,  and  the  portion  to- 
which  it  is  a  nut/'. 


INDEX. 


F.  O.  stands  for  the  Supplement,  Folklore  of  Gujarat,  pp.  124 — 160. 

Sup.  stands  for  tfie  Supplement,  Alphabetical  Guide  to  (he  Singhalese  Folklore  from 
Ballad  Sources,  pp.  117—120. 


Abdul  Malik,  servant  to  Sir  A.  Stein     . .          . .   221 
Abdul  Subhan,  Munshi,    Surveyor,     and  the 

Oxus  riv.          255 

Abdu'r  Rahim,  hunter,  with  Sir  A,  Stein,  165, 

170,  204,  221 

abhaya,  pose          53 

Abhayadamshtra,  Buddhist  divine       . .         . .     52 
Abhinavagupta,     author    of      the    Lochana, 

quotes  Bharata,  etc 176,  179,  ISO,  183 

Abhuta    Devi,    (see  s.v.    in    Index   to   1016), 
and  Visnu  ..          ..         ..         ..     Sup.  117 

Ab-i-Panja,  riv.,  main  feeder  of  the  Oxus   . .  227,  f. 
abuse,  and  the  Holi  festival        . .      F.G.  156—158 
Account,  An,    of   the  Different  Existing  Sys- 
tems   of    Sanskrit    Grammar,   book-notice, 

106—108 
Achchaya,  minister  to  Mai-gaminal     . .          . .   184 

Achyuta  Bfiya,  Vijayanagar   Emp.,   subdued 
Travanoore        . .          . .          . .          . .          . .   162 

Achyuta   Vijaya  Raghava,     of  Tanjore,    and 

Chokkanatha,  58and  n. ;  Gl   and  n.  ;   74,  f.     99 
Adagho  Badagho,  or  JMariyun  ceremony.      F.G.  154 
Adam's  Bridge,  broken  (1480)     . .         . .          190  n 

Adipurdna,  a  work  by  Jinasenu  . .          . .   288 

Adisgeha,  serpent,    and   Mahabalipuram  anti- 
quities     . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  65 

Adityavarma,  k.  of  Travancore  ..  162n. 

Adityavarman,  Maukhari  k.       . .          . .          . .  126 

Administrative  rule   to   prevent   favouritism, 

Notes  from  Old  Factory  Records,  No.  7     . .   248 
Admiral  Watson,  E.  I.  Co/e  ship        . .          . .     II 

Affleck,  Cap t.  of   the  Pant  for,  and  the  cyclone 

at  Pondioherry  (1761)  ..       12—16  n. ;  19,  21  n. 
Afrazgul  Khan,  Surveyor,    with  Sir  A.  Stein, 
116,137.    167,    170,202,    204,221—224, 
226,  232  ;  services  recognised  . .          . .  251 

Africa,    (Delagoa    Bay),  and    Austria,  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century 278 ;  285 

Agape          '. 206 

agger,  great  wall,  in  C.  Asia 194 

Agifiris,  Parsi  temples F.G.  149 

Agniraitra,  date 152  &  n. 

Agnipurdna  t  the,  said  to  be  the  most  ancient 
work  on  the  Alaihkara-&d*tra,  173  and  n.; 
intenial  evidence  against  the  theory,  174, 
1;  external 176 


agrahdrams,  established  by  Kumara  Mutt.i    . .     38 
Ahmadabad,   Amadavad,  and    Austria's   com- 

mercial  venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century*, 

285  &  n. 
Ahmadabad,  The  Muhammadau    Architecture 

of,  by  the  late  Dr.  J,  Burgess  . .          . .        4 

Aihole  inscrip.,  and  Kaiidasa    .  .          . .          . .    1 82 

Aitihdsika  Rasa  Sam  gr  aha,  book- notice  . .    133 

Ajitafijaya,  succeeded  Kalkiraj.i  . .  . .    287 

Ajitapi<la,  k.,  date          . .          . .          . .          . .    180 

Ajifasena,  preceptor  of  Chamun.laraja.  288,  f. 

Akbar,  and  the  Raiputs  of  Mc\\ar       ..          ..    14S 

Akik,  sacred  stone  . .          . .          ,  .       F.'G.   14fi 

Akkal  madan,  Memorial  in  llumnul     ..  ..    211 

Aksakal     Badru'ddin     Khan,    fri"Ml    to      Sir 

A.  Stein 141 

Aksu,  riv.,  224,  and  the  Oxus 254 

Alagiri   Naidu,  appointed  viceroy  of  Tanjore, 

(by  Chokkanatha)        . .  . .  G2,  f.  ;  74.  7,H 

Alai  Valley,  in  C.  Asia 225,  f 

Alakadri,  see  Muttu  Alikadri     .  .  . .  96 

Alamkara  Literature,  Outline*  of  the   History 

of,   Part    II  (contd    from  Vol.  XL,  p.    288), 

173— 18* 

Alarn  Khan,  liout.  to  Chandu  .Sahib. .  247,  272  &  n- 
Alb&runl,  and  the  Gupta  Era  .  .  287,  289,  293 
Alexander,  the  Great,  in  India,  route  used  by . .  1 33 
Alichur  Pamir,  mts.,  and  Sir  Aurel  Stein,  227  f. ; 

231 

AlivardiKhan 244 

Alphabetical    Guide    to    Singhalese    Folklore 

from  Ballad  Sources  (contd.  from  Vol.  XLV). 

Sup.  117—120 
Altmish-bulak,  salt-springs  near  Kuruk-tagh, 

170,  193,  204,  221 
Alvarez,  Father,  R.  C.  Missionary  in  S-  India, 

25,  f . ;  100 

Amadavad,  Ahmadabad  285 

Amara,  and  the  Agnipurdna,  174,  date  . .  175 
Amarakdsa,  the,  and  the  Agnipurdna  . .  . .  174 

Amarftvati  Pillar  inacrip.  71 

Ambukkdvil,  and  the  Tondamans        . .          ..     47 

Ambur,  battle 247 

America,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  in  Pondioherry, 

(1761)     ..         ..          ..6,9,11— 1*17,  f. ;  80,  f. 

Amiru'1-umra,  prince,  killed  by  magic . .      .  .69  n 


306 


INDEX 


AnoghavrM,  the,  the  CMntdmari,  and  Safca. 

tayana ,.        107,  f. 

amulet^  and  evil  spirits  .  .  FA  125,  f. 

Anagondi «•         239  n. 

<mdmtt4,  (Sansk.),  ring  finger 130 

Anaoda  Rao  Petshwa 212 

Anandavardhana,  quotes  Bharata,  176,  180; 

and  MAgha,  etc 181 ;  183 

Antatavaxman,  Maukhkari  k.,  inscrips.  of.  125,  127 
Anantivannan,  k.  of  Kashmir  ..  ..180 

ancestors,  aa  snakes       F.G.   143 

Andaman  and  Nioobar  Islands,  (in  1787)      . .  277 

Andhakfisura,  enemy  of  Durga 68 

Andhras,  defeated  126 

a*ga*,  of  the  five  tamdhii,  called  tamdhyahga.  182 
Aiigiraea  Margali,  and  Vijaya  MlnAkflhi  ..  273 
animals,  Prakrit  names  of,  35 ;  names  derived 

from,  etc F.G.  144,  f.;  150 

Anjengo,  port,  and  the  storm  (of  1761),  10;     . 

and  Austria's  18th  century  trade  with        . .  284 
Annals,  Chinese,  and  C.  Asia    . .      , .  112,    169,  f . ; 

200,   221,  223,   228 

Annual  Report  of  the  Mysore  Archssological 
Department  for  1916,  Bangalore,  booknotice  135,  f. 

ant-hill,  worshipped        F.G.  139 

Antiquary,    The    Indian,    and    the  late    Dr. 

J.  Burgess,  1,  3,  131,  i;  and  the  late  Dr.  J.F. 

Fleet       129—132 

Antiquities  of  Kathiawad,  etc.,  and  the  late 

Dr.  J.  Burgess 2,  3 

Antiquities  of  Mahabalipur  . .  49—57  ,  65—73 
anuprfoa,  figure  of  speech  . .  173  ;  181  &  n. 

Anuradhapura       52 

Anwaru'd-din,  and  the  Carnatic,  244  and,  n. ; 

his  murder  of  Bangui*  Naik,  etc.,  245,  f.; 

defeat  by  Chanda  Sahib        24; 

Apabhramsa,  we  Prakrit  297 

Aph — s*4  inserip 125 

AppaiyaNaik,  ofKannivMi     ..         ..  96  n. 

Appar,    Ttvdram   hymner,    contemporary   of 

Narasimhavarman  I 55 

Apsarasis,  actors,  who  helped  Bharata  . .     82 

Aqutiain,   Acquitain*,  ship,  in  the  storm  at 

Pondioherry,(1761) 11—18 

Arab,  conquest  of  Sind 206 

Arabs  overthrew  the  last  Persian  dyn.  rule  in 

India,  34 1  rivals  to  Chinese  in  Turkestan  . .  112 

Aramaic  characters  on  pottery 250 

Arantangi,  battlefield  in  RfcnnA*  . .  210,  212 
Aroclmi,  R.  C.  Missionary  in  Triohinopoly  . .  100 
archaeological  finds  in  G.  Asia  ..  «.  249,  f. 
Archaologioal  Survey  of  India*  etc.,  and  the 

late  Dr.  J.  Burgess,  1  and  n, 2—4 

Architecture,  Muhaminadan,  in  Gujarat,  3,  of 

Ahmedabad,by  &•  late  Dr.  J,  Burgess  . .  4, 157 


Architecture  and  Sculpture  in  Mysore,  book* 

notice     ..        ••        • 

Aroot,  battle  of,  ft;  tod  RfeenAi,  *ll»  tU, 

•ad  Madura,  217  and  n.,  f4t;  »nd  Cfcroda- 
Sahib,  238 ;  and  Triohinopoly,  etc.  . ,     244, 246 

Areoa-sickle,    (aee  9>v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and 

Vitivakarma ••     Sup.  IIS 

Areocapang,  13;  tea  Ariankuppam     ..         ..  6n. 
Arif,  unknown  person,  prescribed  for  Jahanara 

Begam •        ,.     48 

Arioncopang,  Ariankuppam,  near  Pondioherry, 

and  thecyclone  (1761)       . .  6  A  n.,  9,  14, 16,  18 
Ariyalftr,  dist,,  and    Rang  a    Krishna   Muttu 

Virappa  « .         . .         . ,         • .       105  A  n* 

Arjuna's  Penance,  a  bas-relief  in  Mahabalipur, 

53 ;  or  Bhagiratha's  Penance  .«       . .  54-^56,  67 

Arrow,    (see    8.  v.    in    Index  to   1916),   and 

Visvakarma Sup.  118 

arrow-heads,  Neolithic,  in  C.  Asia,  140,  167,  171 
Art,  Buddhist,  in  India,  by  the  late  Dr.  J. 

Burgess 4 

Art,  Buddhist,  in  C.  Asia,  201,  f.;  textile,  remains 
in  C.  Asia,  168;  Grooo- Buddhist,  remains  in 
C.  Asia,  115;  of  Oandhara,  etc.,    144,  232; 
dramatic,  first  mentioned  by  Panini          . .   177 
ArthadyOtanikd,  a  work  by  Baghavabhatta   . .  179 
Arthaiditra,  of  Kautilya,  another  work  of  the 
same  name,  95;    of   Vishnugupta,  108;  of 

Kautilya  220  &  n. 

Arumbavur,   Triohinopoly    dist.,  insorip.    of 

Ranga  Krishna  Mutta  Virappa  . .  104  n.  ;  121  n. 
Aryanatha,  death  of,  36  &  n. ,  104 ;  Mudaliar. .  241 
Aryans,  and  Dravidians,  their  langs.,  33,  36, 

81,  94 ;  and  Varuna 208 

Aryas,  all  princes  so  called 94 

Asaf  Jah,  Nawab,  and  Bangaru  Tirumala      . .   244 
Asafu'ddin  Sahib,  Muhammadan  saint,  plotted 

against  Vijaya  Kumara         273 

Asalat  Khan,  and  Surgeon  G.  Broughton      . .    48 
ascetics,  or  Sanyasins,  in  8.  India        . .         . .     24 
Ashura  rites,  in  Sind  cult         . .         . .         207,  f . 
Asia,  Central,  A  Third  Journey  of  Exploration 
in,  1913-.      4,  by  Sir  Aurel  Stein     . .       109,  ft. ; 
137,         165,  ft. ;  193,  £E. ;  221,  ff. ;  249,  fL 
Asia,  W., and  China, ancient  trade      ..         ..203 
Asirgafth,  Nimar  dist.^aukhari^mscrip.  find  125,  f. 
Askhabad,  Russian  cantonment  near  Persia    . .  231 
Asoka's  Pillar  Edicts  and  Dr.  J.  Fleet  . .        . .  131 
Afltana,  C.  Asia,  burial  ground  remains          . .  202 
astrologer,    the,  sad  ploughing,  etc.  . .  F.G.  153, 15$ 
Ata  Magula,    (see  $.v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and 

VUvakanna Sop     UB 

Atiranacbanda,  possibly  a  surname  of   Nandi- 
varman,  inscrips.  of  53  j  (PaOava)  or  Nairn* 
simhavarmsD  II         ••        ••        ••        ••        W 


INDEX 


307 


45 

^t^y*>K  viL,  in  ioacrip 200  n. 

•   name  of   Ptram#vara- 

..        56,70 

Aurangabad,  and  Bidar,  Antiquities,  by  the 

latt&r.J.  Burgess 2 

Aurangi*b,andtheDakhan,etc.,  121;  and  the 
Mughal's  Slipper,  123;   and  the  Mahrottas, 
124  n. }  and  8.  India,  160 ;  and  Mangammal, 
161 ;  and  Chikka  Deva  of  Mysore    ..         ..162 
Aurangsib,  History  of,  book-notice      . .         . .     64 

Aurapaliam,  Udayaipalayam 161 

Austria'!  Commercial  Venture  in  India  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century 277—286 

-Butogeny,  membership  of  Caste  by      . .         . .     83 

Avanti,  Malva 57 

Avintta,  or  Konkanivarma,  K 136 

•  awrinz,  mountain  galleries  in  the  Pamirs       . .  230 
Ayudha-puruahaa  69 


'Baba-ghundi,  in  Hunza    remains  of  cultiva- 
tion         118 

Babario,  a  spirit F.G.    134,  f. 

"Bactria,   and  China,   silk  trade  route,  225,  f. ; 
231;  or  Tahia,  265  and  n.,  266;    and  the 

Pokarana  kings  275 

'Badakhshun,     Pamir       uplands,      and     the 

Chinese  228,  230 

"Babuoharaji,  goddess,  and  the  cock     . .     F.G.  151 

B*i,  vil.,  in  C.  Asia          200,  224 

Baird,  Sir  Wm.,  Capt.  of  the  Salisbury  . .     15 

Baji  Rao  I.,  Peshwa,  and  Bangaru  Tirumala . .  24£ 
vBajo-kot,   in  Darel,  Buddhist  burial-ground 

remains..         ..         114 

nsaladitya,  Gupta  152,  f. 

Balakrishna  Mahftd&napura,  Telugu  [grant  of 

angammal 158  n. 

Baiamitra,  date  of          152 

Balagri,  Andhra,    q.,  in  scrips,  of       ..     127,    164 
Balder,  and  the  Sambelu,  F.G.   147 ;  and  the 

plough .F.G.  148 

Balevi&n,  ceremony        ..         ..         . .     F.G.  148 

alif  demon  emp.,  Mahabali,   50,   66,   67 ;  in 

early  Sanskrit  drama 177  &  n. 

t"Balkh,  Baluoke,  and  Surgeon  G.  Broughton  . .     48 

Ballaba,  and  &aka  eras 293 

Bambas,  (aee  9.  v.   in  Index  to  1916)   and 
Mahasammata    (see    s.    v.    in    Index    to 

Sup.  117 

and  the  works  of  Bhasa,  178 ;  and  the 
XAfyatattra  of  Bharata,  182 ;  and  Magha  . .  191 
'Banabhatte's  Gmi       63 


dynasty,  the  Mahabalis  (Mavalis)  of 

Tiruvailam       50 

Bandfau-Bhritya,  of  the  Mukra-Rakshaia      . .  273 
Bangalore,  and  Chikka  Deva    . .         . .     12  2 ;    162 
Bangaru  Tirumala  and  q.  Minakshi,  etc.,  214 
&    n.— 219    &     n.;    237—241;    and    the 

Marathas         2  42—2  46,  272 

Bangle,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Visnu, 

Sup..  117 
Banksalls,  warehouses    . .         . .  286  &  n. 

Banyan,  Vad  tree  and  Shiva     . .  F.G.   136 

Barabar  hills,  Maukhari  inscrip.  125,    127 

Barkal,  tn.  ..200 

Baroda,  Maharaui,  and  ant  worship  F.G.   139 

Baroghil  Saddle,  near  Chinese  border  ..   117 

Bartang,  or  Murghab  riv.,  226,  f. ;  and  Oxus 

riv.,  blocked 254 

Bash-gumbaz,  pass  in  Pamirs  . .         . .         . .  228 

B Games,  author  of  Comparative  Qrammirof  the 
Modern  Aryan  Language?  of  India    . .          . .     33 

Beard,  Mr.  J.,  friend  to  Job  Charnock        ...  259 
Bednore,  attacked  by  Chikka  Deva     . .          . .   162 

Belaieff,  Russian  Consul  in  Bokhara    . .          . .    231 

Bolgaum  and   Kaladgi  didte.,   and    the    late 

Dr.  J.  Burgess  . . 
Belgiogoso,  Count,   Austrian   Ambassador    in 

London,  his  dealings  with  William  Bolts     . .  278 
Bolgola,  inscrip*.,  and  th«  Gangas        . .       288  &  n. 

Benares,  and  Wm.  Bolts  277 

Bengal,  8,  9 ;  and  tho  Maukharis,  127  ;  and  Job 
Charnock,  etc.,  259  &  n. ;  and  Austria's 
commercial  venture  in  the  Eighteenth 

Century 277—286 

Bcschi,  Constaritius,  R.C.  Missionary  . .  103  n. 

bstrothed,  the,  death  of F.G.   138 

Bhagats,  devotees,  and  snake -bites  . .  F.G.  142 
Bhagiratha's  Penance,  or  Arjuna's,  bas-relief  54 
BhagvatdgltA,  the,  and  the  Agnipur&na  . .  174 
Bh&lana,  author  of  the  Kddambart  .  .300,  301  n. 
Bhamaha,  and  the  Agnipurdna,  176 — 177;  date, 

179;  and  Bharata,  etc 181,  f. 

Bhambhor,  isl.v  Killoutis          133 

Bharata  and  the  Agnipurfota,  etc.,  173  &  n. — 
176;  and  figures  of  speech,   177,  182;  and 
Panini,  178,  f. ;  on  dramaturgy         . .          180,  f. 
Bhdravi,  praised  in  the  Aiholi  inscrip.  . .   182 

Bhasa,  dramatist,  works  attributed  to  him         17 

Bhattanayaka 180 

Bhatt i,  date,  and  figures  of  speech       . .     1 82 ;  1 91 
Bhaunagar,  Bownagur  and  Austria's  venture 
to   trade  with  India  (Eighteenth  Century), 

284  &  n. ;  285 
Bbavani   dankara,  T6van,  illegitimate  son  of 

Kilavan  S&upati,  deposed,  etc.  .  .200—213 
bhciva9t  and  Bharata  . .  ••  173,  178,  182 
bhtri,  Sanskrit,  drum 06 


Bhiumal.  kiags  of  191 

Bhisma 95 

Bhoja,  and  the  Agnipurdna,  etc.,  176,    179; 

and  Rudrabhatte        ,         . .  180 

Bhojadeva,  (three  of  the  name,)  Pramara  of 
Malava,  and  the  poet  Magha  . .         ..192 

Bhrgu        08 

BhudC-vi,  the  Earth        69 

Bhurniddvi,  figure  in  Mahabalipur        . .         . .     G5 

Bhutattalvar,  and  Mallai          52 

bhute.  ghosts        P.G.  132,  f. 

Bhuvanabhyudaya,  poem  by  Sankuka. .         . .  180 
Bhuvaraha,  figure  in  Mahabalipur       . ,         . .     65 

Bibi  Syed,  cult  in  Sind 207 

Bidar  and   Aurangabad,  and  the  late   Dr.  J. 

Burgesfl  . .         . .         . .       2 

Bijapur,  and  Chokkanatha,  at  war,   41 — 43  ; 

and  Aurangzeb  . .  121 — 124  n,;  158,  160,  f. 

Inllaur,  (Persian)  crystal,  and  Bolar    . .         . .  229 

birch-bark  MSS.,  found  in  Charkhlik  . .         . .   143 

birds'  cries,  as  omens      . .         . .         . .     F.G.  127 

birth,  and  animal  names  . .         . .     F.G.  144 

bitea,  of  snakes F.G.  141—143 

blockade,  etc,,  of  Pondicheny,  (1761). .        5,  7.  17 

blood  sacrifice F.G.  147 

Bode  Sahib,  gov.  of  Tanjore 218 

IV)dhimogho8vara,  Buddhist  divine    . ,         . .     52 
Bohara,  in  Sind,  River  cult,  205 ;  and  cult  of 

Bibi  Syed         207 

Bokhara,  and  Sir  Aurel  Stein  . .         . .          230,  f. 

Bnl  Choth,  a  feast  day F.G.  150 

Bolor,  (and  Billaur)  in  Hindukuah      . .          . .  229 
Bolts,  Wm.  (Willem),  E.  I.  Co.'s  servant,  and 

Austria's     commercial     venture      in     the 

Eighteenth  Century,   277  ;  death,  278  and  n.; 

279 ;  282—286 
Bombay,  9 ;  and  Austria's  commercial  venture 

in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  277,  279  and  n. ; 

281  and  n.— 286 

Bostan-arche,  Kirghiz  camp 224 

Bouohet,  Jesuit  Father,  aided  by  Mangammal, 

159 ;  and  Trichinopoly          . .        . .          163  n. 

bow,  sdrngct         . .         . .         65 

Bowridge,  married  Eliz.  Charnook       . .         . .  260 

boys,  and  puberty  F.G,  160 

Brahma,  g.,  66, 68 ;  and  the  Natyasfatra,  174, 

178,  f . ;  181  and  n. ;  and  the  mm  tree,  F.G. 

137;  and  the  gooae,  F.G.  145;  and   the 

donkey ..         ..     F.G.  150 

Brahman,  converts  and  Parangig,  103 ;  army, 

of  Kalki,  149 ;  viceroy,  150 ;  caste,  meaning 

non-Buddhist,  192 ;  and  the  pfettt  tree,  F.G. 

136,  f.;  and  snakes F.G.  140 

Brahmupa,  customs,  and  the  Markas  . .        . .    136 
Brahmanas,  killed,  etc.,  at  Sringeri,  136 ;  and 

Banghunatha  ..        ..        ,.        ..         209  n. 


Brahmanism,  its  revival,  and.  the  Purdnaa  . .     176t 
Brahmans  andRobt.  de  Nobilis,  24 ;  and  Mar* 

t  inz,  26 ;  and  magic  in  war,  59  n. ;  and  oaste, 
89—93;  and  Ranga  Krishna,  104  n.  j  121; 

under  Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkanatha,  187  and 

n.— 189  ;  and  Vijaya  Ranghunatha,  210 ;  and 

omens,    F,G.   127;  129;  and  death,    F.G. 

130,  f. ;  food    from  which    they   abstain, 

F.G.  146 ;  and  fire F.G.  14i> 

Brahui,  custom  in  Sind 208 

branding,  punishment  for  piracy         . .         . ,    275 
Brereton,  Capt.    of    the   Falmouth,  and  the 

cyclone  at  Pondicherry  ( 1701 )  . .  13—15 
brides,  and  Kshetrapal  . .  . .  F.G.  138  ;  143 
Briencourt,  M.  Anquetil,  French  chief  of  Surat, 

and  Win.  Bolts 282 

Brihadrathaa        146  n, 

Brihaspati,  and  Manu    , .         . .         . .         . .     95 

Brihatpratyabhijnavimarshini,  a  work  by  Abhi- 

navagupta        . .         . ;        . .         . .         ..18 

Britto,  Father  D.,    Jesuit   Missionary  in  S. 

India,  23  n. ;  history  of  . .  . .  100 — 10$ 
Broach,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture  in 

the  Eighteenth  Century         284 

brocades,  etc.,  in  tombs,  in  Astana  . .  . .  203 
Broker's  horse  allowance,  Old  Factory  Records,  4  S 

bronchitis,  cure  for  F/J.  137 

Bronze  Age,  finds  by  Sir  A.  Stein       . .         . .  2  49 

broom,  a  totem F.G.  14  D 

Broughton,  Surgeon  Gabriel     ..         ,.  47,  f. 

Buchanan,  Sir  G.t  and  Sir  A.  Stein  . .  . .  224 
Buddha,  ninth  avat&ra,  146,  263  n. ;  and 

Visvakarma       .. gupt  ug 

Buddhism  arid  the  Pur&nas,  176 ;  and  Buddha, 

^  India 263  &n. 

Buddhist   Art  in    India,  by  the  late  Dr.  J. 

Burgess 4 

Buddhist  Cave  Temple*  and  Their  Inscriptions, 

A  Report  on,  by  the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess  . .  2 
Buddhist  Stupas  of  Amaravati  and  Jaggayya- 

pet  a,  by  the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess  . .  . .  2 
Buddhist,  ruins  and  remains  in  C.  Asia,  114 — 

117,  137,  159,  141,143^.,  197—199,    201, 

f . ;  MSS. ;  Temple  of  the  Thousand  Buddhas, 

168,  194,  202,  263  ;  times,    etc.,   223,    f . ; 

art,  Greco,  in  India 232 ;  255 

Budha,  Mercury F.G.  146 

Budhagupta,  date          161 ;  292,  f . 

buildings,  temples,  etc.,  of  Mahabalipur  . .  49 
Burgess,  the  late  James . .  . ,  1—4, 49,  129,  131 
burial  grounds,  Buddhist,  etc.;  remains  of,  in 

C.  Asia,   114,  168,  170,  202;  or  cemetery, 

303,  221 
burning,  of  widows,  85—87 ;  *ati,  92 ;  ground* 

and  evil  spirits  F.G.  126 

Byzantine  gold  pieces,  in  Asian*  tombs       . .  20a . 


INDEX 


309 


Cadiz,  and  Wm.  Bolts 280 

Oahil,  Capt.,  E.  I.   Co. 'a  servant,   and  Wm. 

Bolts 285,  f. 

Caitrftdi,  Chaitnadi  or  Malava  years    . .          295,  f . 
Calcutta,  founded  by  Job  Charnook,  266 ;  or 

Chuttanuttee,     Sfttanatl,    259 ;   and     Wm. 

Bolta 277 

Caldwell,  Dr.,  and  the  non-Sanskrit  element 

in  Prakrit         33,  f. 

canal,  remains  of,  in  Taghdumbash  Valley  . .   137 
Canary  H»«»  and  Austria's  commercial   ven- 
ture in  the  Eighteenth  Century         . .     279 ,  281 
Candleweeke,    Candlewick   St.,   now    Cannon 

Street 257  &  n. 

Cannon  St.,  old  Candleweoko  St.         . .     257  &  n» 
carkana,  corkana,  etc.,  registrar  . .          . .  220 

Carnatic,  the,  and  Sivaji,  etc.,  77  and  n. ;  and 

Saxnbaji,  120;  Mughal  conquest,  121  ,  160  n. 

-162,  and  246,  f. ,  272 
caste,  and  Christianity  in  S.  India,  24;  in  Sind, 

205,  f. ;  and  dbhana F.G.  152 

Castes  in  India,  thoir  mechanism,  genesis    and 

81—95 
-.168 
. .  20 
.  .  225 


development 

e  uatrum,  fortified,  in  C.  Asia    . . 
catamurrans,  boats 

Cathay  and  Iran 

cattle,    their  spirit   guardians,   F.G.    134,  f.; 

and  small-pox,  etc.,  F.<  J.  154  ;  and  the  HoU 


festival  . . 


F.G.  15«» 


Cave-Temples,   Buddhist,   otc.,   by    the    late 
Dr.  J.  Burgess,  2;  of  India,  by  the  late  Dr. 
j    Burgess  and  J.  Forpusson     ..          ..     3     49 
cave-temples  of  the  Thousand  Buddhas      194 ;  202 

cazernes,  barracks  . .         ' 

celibacy,  and  caste          ..86,  f. 

cemetery,    cemeteries,    ancient,    remains    in 

C  Asia,  see  burial  grounds 203,  221,  f. 

Central  Asia,  sec  Third  Journey  of  Explora- 

'  .  ....          109,  ff. 

tion  in   . .          •  •          •  •  ' 

Central  Indian  Museum,  to  be  in  Delhi         . .   253 
ceremonies,  and  customs.  Hindu,   for  Christ- 
Unuse,  22;  of  death,  etc.,   F.G.  130,147; 

and  agriculture  ..         --         •  •     F.Q.  153 

Ceylon,   15;  and  de  Nobilis,  22;   and  Nara- 

\  .-,  ....  51,  f. 

gimha     ..          ••          •• 

Chainut-kbl,  near  Tanm . .         •  •          •  •         •  •  A" 

Chaitradi  (Vikrama)  years,  295;  or  Caitradi  . .  29b 

Ohalukyan,  see  Hoysala  248 

Chamu?4araja,  called  (Junaratnabh^ana, 
minister  of  the  Ganga  llachamalla,  and 
patron  of  Nemichandra,  288  ;  and  of  Rama . .  289 

Chanakya,  and  war        ..        96 

Chanda  Sahib,  and  Mlnakshi,  etc.,  217—219; 
and  Bangaro,  etc.,  237-243;  at  Satara, 
etc.,  146,  f . ;  and  Vijaya  Kumara  . .  272,  f . 


Chan.li   Dasa,  Bengali  poet  (Fourteenth   Cen- 
tury) and  Kalki  14ft 

Chajidika,  or  Mahishasura  Mardhani  . .  68 

Chuudimau,  inscrips.       .  .  gg 

Chandler,  on  de  Nobilis,  2,'J  ;  and  Martinz  26 

Chandra,  Moon  g.  «g 

Chandragupta  II ;  and  Handtui  . .  275 

change,  of  sex     . .         . .         . .  F  G'   12r> 

Chanykien,  Chinese  historian    ..  263   dt    n. 

Charchan _   222 

charity,  of  Mangammal    ..         .  .lf.8  n.f  150  &    n. 
Charkhlik,  city  of  Lop,    (Marco   Polo)    finds 

in  ..        142— 144;  222 

Charnock,  Job,  his  parentage  and  will. .        256,  ff. 
Charnock,  R.,  father  of  Job  Charnock  ..  256 

Charnock,  Step.,  son   of  Job  Charnook,  257; 
chaplain  to  Henry  Cromwell  .  .          . .   258 

chastity,  ideal       ..          ..          ..          _          ..87 

Chaulukya,     Vikramaditya      I;    copper-plate 

grant  of  5j 

Chavannes,  M.t  and  Kiwhan  history    .  .  262,  263  n. 
Chedi,  Kalachuri,  or  Traikujuka,  era    . .          . .  261> 

chdingues,   chelingo,    (Aruh    shalandi  )    cargo 
boat,  etc.  ..          ..          ..          . .     12   &    n. 

Chenji,  Gingee    . .  . .          . .  t  m  . .  17  n 

Chetty,  caste,  and  (.liristianity  .  .          . .        7 

Chi-rhi-to,  ((1liitor?)  <•<>.,  iDcntioned  by  Huien 

('hickikhk  Maidan,  Kashgur,  si  to  of  an  ancient 
hospieo  . .  .  .  . .  . .  ^ .  ^  i;j7 

(-hika,  Chikka  Dcva,  RAjij  of  Mysore,  57;  cap- 
tured Satyamaiigalam,  70  and  n. ;  and  Ekoji, 
122  ;  death,  157  and  n.;  and  the  Mughals, 
100  ;  attacked  Ma.igaminai  1(30  flE.  ;  his 
Kavery  dam  . .  . .  . .  . .  1 83  n . 

child- bed  and  exorcists,  F.G.  142 ;  and  d&kana, 

F.G.  152 

childless  persons,  and  the  pipnJ  tree,  F.G.    137,  139 

children,  prayers  for,  209  ;  and  evil  spirits, 
F.G.135;  for  the  childlcHs.  F.G.  137,  139; 
and  thf    demoness    Dhunda,    and    Holi . 

F.G*  155—157;  159 

China,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  109;  and  W.  Asia, 
trade  with,  20IJ ;  or  Seres,  225 ;  and  Austria's 
commercial  venture  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century  278 

Chinese,  ancient,  of  Loulan,  221  ;  in  Upper 
Oxus  Valley,  228  ;  and  Kiuhans,  in  India, 
2G6,  269,  271  ;  Buddhist  pilgrims,  in  Darel, 
111  ;  conquest  of  Yasin,  117;  trade,  etc.,  in 
C.  Asia,  168,  f  ,  193—197 ,  200  ;  script,  etc., 
finds  of,  166,  198,  ^02,  f . ;  Limes,  etc.,  166, 
ftj  170 — 172,  200;  MSS.,  leoords,  in  Astana 
tombs,  203;  frontier,  in  Kansu,  etc.,  249, 
251 ;  historical  texts,  as  evidence  on  date  of 
Kanishfca  .  •  •  •  •  •  *•  261 9  265 


310 


INDEX 


Chirigiz  Khan,  and  Kaasu         197 

Chini-bagh  224 

Chin -man,  Pel -ting,  ancient  cap.,  in  E.  Tur- 
kestan   200 

Chinria  Durai,  second  in  command     . .          . .  2 16 
Chinna  Kadir  Naik,  and  'Chokkanatha  96,  I. 

Chinna  Rama  Bftiia,  the  Rword  of  the  poly  gar 

of  Ariyalur 105  n. 

Chint'a,  oasis        190 

Chinttimani,  The,  and  the  Anioghavritti          107,  f. 

chirantana,  title 179,  f. 

Christianity,  in  S.  India,  after  de  Nobilis,  23  ; 
and  the  death  of  Tirumal  Naik,  28  ;  its 
growth  in  the  reign  of  Chokkanatha,  08  and 

n. ,  100 

Christians,  and  Christianity  in  S.  India,  22 — 
25  ;  27  ;  and  Rariga  Krishna,  121  ;  Purangis, 
and  Man  gamma],  159  n. ;  persecuted  by 

Ruiighanatha 210 

chithis,  pieces  of  paper,  and  the  ovil  eye,  F.G.  125 

Chitor  (?)  and  Chi-chi-to  192 

chobdartt,  messengers       . .          . .          . .          . .    123 

Chokkanatha,  Naik  (1059—1682),  character 
etc.,  40 ;  at  wrr  with  Muhammadans,  41,  f.  ; 
and  Tanjore  and  K&mna<],  43,  45;  and 
Mysore,  44,  98,  f.  ;  origin  of  the  Puduk- 
kottai  State,  46,  f.  ,  57,  58  and  n. ;  and  Alagiri 
Naik,  74  and  n.;  and  Ekoji,  etc.,  7ti — 78; 
death  of,  97,  104 ;  and  Mutta  Ajakadri, 
i»8,  f. ;  and  Ravi  Varma  162,  and  Vijaya 

Kaughanatha 210 

Chokkaiiatlm,  ancestor  of  V.  ChokkanAtlia    . .    15S 
Cho kkan at hapura,  temple  at     ..         ..          187  n. 

Chok-tagli,  desert  140 

Chola  inscrips.,  Mahtibalipilr 60 

Cholas,  and  the  Pallavas  46 

vhoullnet*,  etc.,  erected  by  Man  gamma],  156,  f., 

159  and  n. ;  185 

Chronicle,  Telugu,  and  Vijaya  Ttanga  Chokka- 
natha               1-50 

Chronology  of  Modern  India,  by  the  lato  Dr. 
J.  Burgess          . .          . .          .  .          .  .          .  .        4 

Chronology,  of  Alarhkara  Literature    ..     173—183 
Chronology,  Kushan        .  .          . .          . .         261,  f. 

Chronologies,  Jaina,  etc.,  and  Kalki    . .      148 — 153 

Chudda,  a  spirit F.G.  135 

ChudeU F.G.  152 

Chulli,  a  Vrittikara         191  and  n. 

Church  and  State,  Hindu          28 

Chuttanuttee,  (SiUanatf)  Calcutta       . .         . .   259 

circles,  as  amulets  F.G.  126 

clerk,  shipping,  as  interpreter   . .          . .         . .     64 

clothes,  new,  omens        ..          . .         ••     F.G.  129 

Cobra,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916,)  and  Vi^nu, 
Sup.  117;andYamadQti,andYa£odara,Sup.  120 


Cochin 246 

cock,  the,  and  Bahucharaji      . .         . .     F.G.  151 
Cocoanut,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to   1916),  and 

Vismi Sup.  117 

cocoamit.  and  human  sacrifice  . .        . .     F.G.  146 
Coimbatore,  R.C.  vicariate,   23  ;  and  Chokka- 
natha, 44  ;  and  Chikka  Deva. .         . .     162  &  n. 
Coin,  of  Theodosius,  and  the  age  of  Mallai    . .     71 

coins,  Sah  and  Gupta,  2  ;  Maukhari,  126  ;  found 
in  Sringeri,  136  ;  Han,  etc.,  found  by  Sir  A. 
Stein,  166,  f. ,  171—173,  195,  198,  201  ;  with 
the  dead,  203,  223 ;  Indian,  and  Kanishka, 
261,  265—267  andii.,  270,  f. ;  of  Narendra- 
chandra 276 

Coll  ins,  capt.  of  the  Newcastle,  and  the  cyclone 

at  1'ondicherry  (1761)             ..          ..         13—15 
columns,  of  victory,  152  ;  in  Mandasore,  erect- 
ed by  Kalki 153 

Colvill,  capt.  of  the  Sunderltind  . .         18 — 16 

Compaynie   dett  Indet,   French  prize-ship  at 

Pondicherry  (1761) 9 

commercial  venture,  Austria's,  q.v.       . .          . .   277 
Coujeeveram,  Pallava  cap.         . .          .  .  67 

conquest,  (Muhummadaii)  of  Tanjore,  39,   76, 
121  ;  conquests  of  Kalki,  149,  151  ;  (Arab)  of 
Sind,     200 ;   Turki,  in    Bokhara,    231  ;  of 
Madura-,  243  ;  Kushan,  of  India     . .          261,  267 
Coote,  Sir  Eyre,  and   the  blockade  of   Pondi- 
cherry, 5  ;  and  the  cyclone     .  .  6 — 8t  11,  f. ,  21,  f. 
Cop«.  capt.,  assisted  Muhammad  Ali    . .          . .   247 
Copell,  MohaarCapoll,  African  King,  a-ndWm. 

Bolts 285  &  ii.,   286 

copper-plate   grants,    mention    Chokkanatha, 
40  n.;  of  Korxkanivanna,  etc.,  136;  one,  by 
Muttu  Vijaya  Kaghunatha     . .          . .          209  n. 
coppcr-seal,  inHcrip.,  Mauldiari  '          .  .          . .    125 
corkana,  carkana,  etc.,  rovonuo  officer  . .   220 

Cornish.  Kaar  Admiral  Sir  S.,  and  the  storm  at 

Pondicherry  ( 1  761)       . .     5,  7  &  n.,  8—12,  15,  18 
Cornwallis,  Lord,  defeat  attributed  to  magic, 

39  11. 
Co romandel  coast,  18;  and  Christianity,  100  ; 

and  Austria's  commercial  venture    . .     278 — 282 
coronation  ceremony        . .         . .          •  •     F.G.  147 
corpae,  as  omen,  F.G.  127  and  n. ,  130,  f. ;  cere- 
monies for,  F.G.  133;  and   the    Piped  tree, 
F.G.,  136;  and  Maravo  tree,  F.G.  137;  and 

d&kan* F.G.   152 

corruption,  official,  under  Vijaya  Chokkanatha.  187 
Corruptions  of  English,  in  the  Indian  Verna- 
culars— Ha4olhappi     . .         . .         . .         . .     28 

Costa,  de,  Jesuit  missionary  in  Tanjore        26—27 

cow,  sacred  ..         F.G.  145 

cow-dung,  as  omen         •  •         •  •        F.G,  126—130 


INDEX 


311 


Creeehurch,    St.   Katherine,   London,     burial- 
place  of  the  Charnooka  . .        256,  25&— 260 

Crocodile,  Waghodar,  cult  in  Indus  Valley,  133  ; 

206—208 

crops,  spirit  guardians  of,  F.G.   135;   cere- 
monies, etc F.G.  153  ;  155 

crows,  and  riaMs F.G.  161 

Cudalore..  6,  17 

cultivators  and  ceremonies       . .         . .      F.G.  153 

cult,  crocodile,  in  Sind  . .          . .  133,  205,  f. 

cultures,     cultural     unity,      and   the    Indian 
people ..          ..    81,  f.  ;94 

Curtain,  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916,)  and  Visnu, 
Sup.  117;  and  Yama Sup.  120 

Curzon,   Lord,  and  the  source  of  the  Oxus.    253,  f. 

Customs,  (see  Ceremonies, )  Hindu,  arid  Chris- 
tianity, 22 ;    uxorial 87 

Cyclone,  at  Pondicherry ,  on  New  Year's  Day, 
1761,  original  papers  relating  to     . .          . .  .r>,  ff. 

Cyclone  and   storms   in  R&mufi'l  (1709)         ..    190 


Da' 3d  Khan,  Deputy  Nawiib  of  the  Carnatir, 

(under   Mangammal)   and     the    English   in 

Madura,  etc.  160  &  n.,  161 

Dabhoi,  in  Gujarat,  the  antiquities  of,  by  the 

lato  Dr.  Burgess  . .  . .  •  •  •  •  3 
Dadamft,  guardian  spirit  of  crop*  . .  F.G.  134 
Datlh  B&ndhnvi,  ceremony  ..  ..  F.G.  15. "5 

Daknna,  spirit F.G.  135 

D&kant*,  two  kinds  F.G.  152 

Dakhan,  Moghul  conquest  of,  121  ;  or 

Deccan   .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .  .  .          .  .    1 60 

Dajavais,  Kastiiri  Runga,  187,    two  others..    188 
dam,  on  tho  Kauvery       .  .          .  .          .  .     183  &  11. 

Daman,  Darnaun,  Portuguese  Settlement,  and 

Austria's  coinmercial  venture  in,  the 

Eighteenth  Century 182  &  n. 

Dfananfot,  amulets F.G.  125 

Damodaragupt  a,  author  of  the  Kutt  animate, 

refers  to  Bharata         .  .          . .          . .          . .    1 8 1 

Daiiilayudhaparii,  Shrine,  Palni,  and  Man- 

garamal  . .          . .          . .          .  .  . .    1H5 

Dandin,  and  Alamkara  literature,  173,  176; 

and  the   Agnipftr&na,  and  Bharata,  etc.  176, 

178;  date,  179;  and  figures  of  speech..  18 5 
Dandu-monara,  (sec  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916) 

and  Wooden  Peacock. .          . .         . .     Sup.  119 

Daniel,  Capt.  of  the  Newcastle  ..         ..  13,  12 

Darant-kurghan,  Kirghiz  vil.,  probable  site 

of  the  Stone  Tower 225,  f. 

Dard,  Republic,  of  Raja  Pakhtun  Wali, 

111— -113;  tribes          11  ~> 


Darel,  Ta-li-lo,  valley,  and  Sir  A.  Stein  . .   Ill,  ff. 
Darelis,     and     Raja    Ptikhtun    Wali,     114; 

immigrations,  114;  and  other    Dard  tribes.   115 
Darkot  Passes,  and  tho  Chinese  Annals,  117  ; 
glacior  bifurcation      . .          . .          . ,          ..118 

Darya-panth,  Indus  cult  205 

Da«apura,   Mandasor 275 

DaSanlpakdvaldka,   a   work    by    Dhanafijaya, 

m  )ntioiis  e  irly  dramas  . .          .  .  178,  f. 

Dasharath,  k.,  married  a  Nag  .  .          .  .      F.(<.  14,'J 

DaayuH,  destroyed  by  Kalki 149 

Date  of  Kanishka          261 271 

dates,  of   Kalki,  151,  153  ;  of  IWni,  177  ;  of 
the  NAtVa.<&atr«  ..          ..      178—180  n..  183 

Davalagin,  inscrip         ..          ,.          ..          ..       70 

dawn,  parallels   about  .  .  .  .          .  .        2.'H  &  n. 

days,  lucky  and  unlucky         . .         F.G.  128 — 130 
(load,  object*  buriixl  with        .  .          .  .  . .      203 

death,  of  do  Nobilis,  2U  :  of  Tirumal  Naik, 
theories  as  to  cause,  '27,  f.,  3U  :  of  Kalki, 
dati',  15IJ;  mysterious,  of  Mun^ainnial,  .184 
and  n. — 18(i;  of  Vijaya  liungu  1 80  and  n.  t 
-10,  f.  :  of  Kilavnn  Srtuptili,  209  ;  and  the 

moon,  etc F  G.  127  ;   130 — 133 

Deccan,  Sultans,  and  R.  Tndin,  UiO  ;  oj  Ditkhan.  12] 
Dcchyarnatyrt,  coiiimtMitHtor.  and  th"»  Mahtn>~ 
nastavu  .  .          .  .  . .          . .  . .  .  .     104 

J)e  Costa,  K.  CI.  Missionary  In  S    India    25 — 27  ;  100 
definitions,  of  (Ja.stt?         .  .  .  .  .  .  .      82 

deformities,  and  the  Ptjxil  t  roe  .  .       F.(I.  1IJ8 

doitien,  and  unimtils         .  .  .  .  .  .      F.(».    145 

Delu^oa  liny,   and  Austria's    coniirMM-'-iiil  ven- 
turn  in  tho  Ei^hteoiiHi   Cnulury        ..  ..   285 

Delhi,  and  the  (Wnnln-,  121  .  and  t!  o  (Jontrul 

Indian  IVIiisoLim  ..  .  •«       2-">l.   2.>3 

du  Nobilis,  K.  C.  nii-sionary  in  Madura-,  retire- 
mont  ,-Liiddoath,  ••!(•. ,  22  — 2.">  ;  and  'Pirunu' 

Nfiik,  etc -J*.   100 

J)e  Silva,  II.  (•.  iuiH^i«ni«iry  in    Madutji  ..     100 

Devwlatta,  name  of  Kalki  -  horse         .  .  .  .     140 

Dovfuigas,  and   the  sacred  i  hn-nd         ..  ..     13U 

Dev  Divjili,  festival K.G.  136 

Duvikott.i.  Dove  Cot.tih,  Maratlia  Fort.  .  G  &  n. 

development  of  Castes,  *er  (JaatoM  in  India  .  .  81 
devis,  ^oddp»H.  and  (he  nisi  It-  buffalo  .  .  F.G.  I  4/> 
ilitii'j(tf  an  amulet  -•  ••  ••  F-<J.  125 

Dhaiiafijuyu,    author  of    the   XtikUynd<irp(i:at 

arid  early  ilnima,  ITS  ;  date 179 

DhanijMnkit,  a  work  by  Anan.Javardhana  ..  180 
Dhurapuram,  (Darapoor,)  lost  by  Chokka- 

natha ** 

DJiarnia,  caste       •  •          •  •          •  •          •  •          •  •     89 

Dohdas,  a  sect,  and  snake  bites  .  .       F.G.   142 

Dhoro  Purarn,  riv.  in  Sind 206 

,  Dhitl  Padavj,  dtiy  after  the  Holi.  F.  G.  157 


312 


INDEX 


Dlmiida,  demoness,  and  the  Holi  . .  F.G.  156,  f. 
Dhvanydl6ka,awork  by  Ananflavardhana  179-181n. 

digvijaya,  and  Kalki 153  &  n. 

JJikshit,  the  late  Mr.  Shankar  Balkuthai),  and 

the  Gupta  date  ,. 130,1:52 

dipaka,  figure  of  speech,   in  the   Ndtycuastra, 

of  Bharata 178,    181 

disease,  of  cattle  F.G.  154 

disltb-ahul,  pains  F.G.  121) 

Divali  festival  and  Govardhan  . .       E.G.  lott 

Divi-kuduru  (see    *.v.   in  Index  to  lylG)  and 

Yoga-sdman Sup.  119 

divine  snakes F.G.  130 

Do«lda  D£va,  conquered  Kongu,  etc 122 

Dolun-achchik,  salt  springs  in  Kuruktagli  ..  -~1 
Domoko,  Buddhist  remains  near  . .  ..141 
Dondra,  has  an  image  of  Visnu  . .  Sup.  1 18 

Dora*,  threads,  as  amulets  . .  . .  F.(J.  12f> 
JJoro,  of  Mahudev,  ceremony  ..  ..  F.G.  lf>4 
Dost  All,  Nawab  of  the  Caruatic,  217  ;  and  tht* 

Marathas  I'OO 

drama,  the  Sanskrit        . .          . .          . .  J  77,  f. 

dramaturgy,  works  on,  179  ;  and  Blurtiiti,  ote. 

ISO— 182 

Draupadi,  and  the  Arjuua  Penance  •  •  •  -  .~>4 
Dravidian  Element  in  Prakrit  . .  . .  3:1— :$6 

Dravidian,  architecture  24  s 

Dravidians,  in  India HI  ;  JM 

DronuchArya  i)r> 

Drum,  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Yinva- 

karma  Sup.  118 

Dry  Mountains,  Kuruktagh,  201,  204  ;  river, 

region,  221  ;  settlement  and  remains  near. .  222 
Duke,  the  ship,  (country  vessel),  and  the  cyclone 

in  Tondicherry  (1761)  . .  6—9,  11,  16,  18,  21,  22 
/  uke  of  Acquitaine,  ship,  and  the  Cyclone  in 

Pondicherry  (1761)  . .  6—9,  12—18,  20,  21 
Dumas,  French  Governor  of  Pondieherry  . .  241 

Dupleix,  and  Chanda  Sahib 240 

Durgu,  in  Mah&balipur  Antiquities,  r>7,  f.  ; 

image,  gifted  to  Vijaya  Ranganfttha,  . .  210 
Durvimita,  newly  discovered  copper -plato  by.  136 
Dutch,  and  the  Cyclone  in  Pondicherry  (1761), 

12  and  n.,  13,  15 ;  and  slaves  in  Madura  .  .42  n. 
Dzungaria,  plateau  ..  ••  ••  ..200 


E  &  O,  the  Wide  Sound  of,  with  Special 
Reference  to  Gujarat! 297—304 

Earl  of  Lincoln,  ship,  the  Joseph  and  Theresa.  279 

Earth,  or  Bhftdfcvi,  69 ;  or  Prithvi,  F.G.  146; 
sacred F.G.  149 

earthquake,  in  Sarez  (191 1 )      . .         .  *      227  &  n. 


East  India  Company,  and  Austria's  Commer- 
cial Venture  in  the  Eighteenth 

Century 277—280,  283 

East  India  Company  and  Visvan&tha  Naik  . .  274 
East  Indies,  and  the  Yue-chi  Kingdom          . .  266 
Eiros,  Mt.,  the   position  of,  suggested    identi- 
fication with  Rerhi 133 

Ekoji,  son  of  Shahji,  and  Singamaia  Das,  74 
andn.,— 78; and  Chokkanatha,  etc.  98,  f.;  120, 122 

elephant  worship  F.G.  150 

Elephanta,  remains  and  the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess  1,  f. 

Elijah,  Hi&s          206 

Etefibeth,  the  ship,   in  the  Cyclone  of  (1761).      & 
Ellis,  Mr.  Francis,  friend  of  Mr.  Job  Charaock, 

259  &  n. 

endogamy,  and  Caste  in  India  . .         83-— 88  ;  91,  f. 
England  and  Russia        . .         . .          . .          . .  252 

English,    corruptions  of,  in    the  Indian  Ver- 
naculars . .          . .          . .          . .  28 

English,  the,  and  Tippoo,  59  n.  ;  and  Sivaji, 
77  n.  ;  in  Madras,  and  Du'ud  Khan,  160  and 
n.  ;  first  appear  in  Indian  politics    . .          . .   247 

Englishmen's   furniture  and  its  cost  in   1682, 
from  Old  Factory  Record*  . .          . .    106 

EpigrapMa  Indica,   commenced  by   the    late 

Dr.  J.  Burgess  3 

Ephthalites,  in  the  Oxus  Valley  . .  79,  F. 

Erari  pillar  insorips.        . .         . .          . .          . .  292 

Erandi,  Jesuit  Missionary  in  S.  India  .  .23n. 

Eras,  Indian,  and  the  late  Dr.  J.  Fleet  . .  131 
Eras,  the  Gupta,  148  n. ;  Chedi,  etc.,  269,  f. ; 

Malava,  etc 290—295 

Erode,  (Erroor)  place  lost  by  Chokkanatha  . .  44 
Etruria,  frigate,  and  Austria's  commercial 

venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century   . .         280,  f . 
Etsin-gol,  riv.f  the  united  Su-chow  and  Kan- 
chow      196—198 

Etzina,  c.  (Marco  Polo)  and  Khara-khoto  . .  197 
European  History,  and  the  number  forty  . .  233 
evil  eye,  and  amulets,  F.G.  125,  f.;  and 

ddkans,  etc F.G.  152,  154 

evil  spirits,  protection  from,  F.G.  125,  f.,  132  ; 
or  bhute,  list  of,  F.G.  134  ;  and  childbed, 
F.G.  135  ;  and  trees,  F.G.  137;  and  snake 
bites,  F.G.  142  ;  propitiation  of,  F.G.  146  ; 

and  silence,  etc. F.G.  155 

excavations,  of  Mah&balipur 4& 

excommunication,  and  Caste  in  India  . »       ,  .93,  f. 

exogamy,  and  caste  in  India 84 

exorcist F.G.  154,  f. 

Exploration  in  C.  Asia,  A  Third  Journey  of, 
by  Sir  A,  Stein,  109— 118,  137—144,  165— 

172,  193—204,  121—132 
extinction,  of  the  Naik  Raj 21fr 


INDEX 


313 


•ye,  evil,  and  amulets,  F.G.  152,  f.; 
human  dbkant,  F.G.  152;  and  protection 
from F.G.  164 

Eyre,  Ch.,  E.  I.  Go's.  Agent  in  Bengal,  mar- 
ried Job  Charnock's  daughter  . .  . .  260 


frescoes,  ancient,  remains  of,   found   by   Sir 
A.  Stein..         ..         144,  198,  201,f.,  232,  255 

Ful  Dot,  festival F.G.  15ft 

furniture,  Englishmen's,  its  cost  in  1682,  from 
Old  Factory  Records jofc. 


Factory,   Austrian,    on   Choromandel    Coast, 

(  see  Austria's   Commercial  Venture  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century),   279;  alleged  earlier 

factories  ..  280 

Factory  Records,   Old,  Notes  from,    48,   79, 

106,   192,  220,  248 ,  276,  304 
Falmouth,  ship,  and  the   Cyclone  in   Pondi- 
cherry  (1761)        .  .6,  8,  9,  11—15,  17,  18,  20,  21 

famine,  in  Ramna4         190 

Fan-ye,    composer   of    the  Heou  Han  Chou, 

261—264 

Far    East,   the,    and   Graaco- Buddhist  archi- 
tecture   232 

farmdn,  phinnands         . .         . .         . .         . .  286 

favouritism  in  administration,  rule  to  prevent 
it,  from  Old  Factory  Records          . .          . .  248 

female  principle,  the,    (Nature  or  vegetation), 

in  Sindhi  cults  205,  f . 

foetus,  the,  burial  of        F.G.   131 

Fetishism  and  Totexnism  . .       F.G.  144 — 148 

Field,  J.,  Chief  at  Masulipatam  . .          . .   106 

figures   of  speech,    and  Alaihkura   literature, 

173,  f.;  177,  182 

fire,  "houseling,''  236;  in  marriage  ceremony, 
F.G.  138,  143  ;  a  deity,  F.G.  149 ;  the  Holi, 

F.G.  155—169 

fish,  (t)pulla        206,    208 

Fleet,  John    Faithfull,    128;    and  tho   Indian 

Antiquary,  129—132;   on  the  Kushanas   . .   266 
flesh,  abstinence  from  . .         . .        F.G.  145 

Florentine  Gazette,  The,  and  Win.  Bolts   . .     279,  f. 
foreigners,  workmen  in  India,  50 ;  interfere  in 

Madura 217 

fort,  forts,  Maravo,  occupied  by  Chokkanatha, 
43 ;  or  kots,  ruins  of,  etc.,  discovered  by  Sir 
A.  Stein,  114,  117,  141;  (castrum,)  168,  f .  ; 
196,  222;  built  by  V.  Raghunutha  . .  . .  210 
Fort  St.  George,  letters,  etc.,  to,  and  from, 
7—12,  22 ;  and  Nath,  Higginson,  and 

P.  Ellis,  259  n.,  260  and  n 304 

Fort  Wittiam,  schooner 11 

forty,  the  number,  in  Vedic  and  non-Vedio 

literature  233  &  n. 

Friere,    Father   Andre,  Jesuit  Missionary  in 

S.  India,  23  n. ;  or  Frere 99,  f. 

French,  the,   in  Pondicherry,  (1761),  5,   241: 
(and  Portuguese),  22,  f. ;  and  Chanda  Sahib, 
218 ;  first  appear  in  S.  Indian  politics        . .  247 


Gabarkhel,  tribe,  and  Raja  Pukhtun  Wali      . 

Gaddyuddha,  a  work  by  Ranna 289 

gddya,  subdivisions  of     ..         ..          ..         ..173- 

Gafarbodo,  near  Gilgit 117 

gallivats,  rowing  boats   . .         . .         . .          . .  284 

Gandharahas,  Greeco- Buddhist  art  remains    . .    115- 
Gandhorva,  and  Grceco-Buddhist  art  . .         . .    144 

Ganesa  Ratha,  in  Mahabalipur  antiquities,       53, 

66,  65,  f_ 
Ganges,  riv.,   in  the  Mahubaliptir  antiquities, 

54,  f  ;  water F.G.  130,  f. 

Ganpati,  g.,  and  animals,   F.G.  145,  150  ;  and 

molasses,  F.G.  153;   und  crops        ..     F.G.  155 
garce,  measure  of  capacity        . .         . .          . .       (> 

Gardabhila,  date 152 

Gardabhilas,  or  Rosabha  kings. .          . .         . .    152 

Gardan-i-Raftar,  Pass 231 

Garuda      . .         . .         . .         . .          . .          . .     69- 

Gauda,  name,  first  use  of          . .         . .          . .    127 

Gaudas,  defeated  by  iHunavarmuu       . .          . .   127 

Gautama-Ganadhara,  and  the  date  of  Kaiki- 

r&ja         28& 

Gautamiputra     6atakarni,     Andhni      k.,     hi* 

conquests  . .         . .         . .         . .          . .    164 

Oantrad  Vrat,  vow  F.G.   150 

gones'S,  of  Castes,  see  Castes  in  .India. .  81,  fL 

Geography,  of  India,  and   S.  Asia,  Ptolemy's, 

and  the  Jato  Dr.  J.  Purges* 2 

fjeraiyds,  or  Hollas,   boys  celebrating   the  Holi, 

F.G.  15& 

Ghalchas,  or  Tajiks         227 

Gharo  creek,  Indus  Mouth         . .          . .          . .    133 

Ghetti  Mudalis,  Qauto  Moodelair,  and  Mysore.     44 
ghosts,  and  the  Khijado  tree,  etc.,  F.G.  136,  f.; 

and  d&kans        F.G.  152 

yhugari,  Holi  grain  F.G.  151V 

Ghund,  in  Pamir  Valley 230 

Gilgit,  ancient  seat  of  a  Chinese  imperial  gar- 
rison                112,  114,    117 

Gingy,  Gingce,  (Chenji),  fort  in   S.  Arcot,  and 

tho   English,  17;  or   Gingeo,  and    theR.C. 

Missionary  Martinz,  26 ;  seized  by  Sivaji  . .     77 
Ginikanda  Kadavaras,  (see   a.v.  in   Index  to 

1916)  and  Yogi  Gurus  . .         . .      Sup.  120 

Giri,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Yakta  Giri, 

Sup.  12(^ 


314 


INDEX 


^girl  marriage,  and  caste  ..         ..  86 — 88,  92 

goddesses,  and  the  male  buffalo,  etc,  . .      F.O.  145 
gods,  snakes,  F.G.  139 ;  animate  sacred  to,  F.G.  145 
<Jogo,    on   Kathifanar    Coast,    and    Austria's 
commercial    venture    in     the    Eighteenth 

Century  . .          . .         * 285,  f . 

Odkulam,  foster-father  of  Krishna  . .  . .  67 
Golcondah,  23 ;  conquered  by  Aorangzeb,  121 — 

124  n.,  160 
Oondophares,  date   of,  266  ;  and  St.  Thomas, 

268 ;  or  Gadnaphar 260,  f . 

goose,  and  Sarasvati F.a.  151 

Gopichand,  Raja,  cult  in  Bind 206 

Gorachol,  and  Sir  A.  Stein         13U 

Govardhana,  Govardhana,   hill,   and  Krishna, 

66 ;  and  DivAli  F.G.  156 

•Gftvardhana  Krishna  . .  . ,  . .  . .  67 
<G6vindappaiya,  Dajavai  to  Chokkanatha  96,  f • 
Graco-Buddhist  art,  remains  in  Darel  Valley, 

etc 115;  144;  232 

Orafton,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  in  Pondicherry, 

(1761)     ..         0,9,  10,  15—17 

-Gra/ttta,  writer 104 

Qrahastha,  Sk.,  one  who  raises  a  family          . .     86 
-Grammar,  Sanskrit,  different  existing  systems.  106 
grant,  grants,  Telugu,  of  Balakrishna  Maha- 
danapura,  158  n.;  by  Vijaya  Ranga  Chok- 
kanatha, etc 187  n.;  190  n. 

Qfantha  characters,  first  example  in  Telugu  . .  40  n. 
graves,  remains  of,  in  Loulan,  etc.  168,  f . ;  221  f* 
Great  Dragon  Lake,  (Chinese)  Victoria  . .  22& 
Great  Wall  of  China,  remains  ..  193,  f  ;  190 

Griggs,  the  late  Wm.,  and  Indian  inscrips.  130,  I. 
-Grunwedel,  Prof. ;  and  Tarfan,  etc.  . .  301,  f. 

guardian  snakes F.G.  140,  143 

{Juohin,  Ku  ch'eng-tzu 200 

Gudnaphar,  Gondophores  . .         . .          . .  269 

Gujar  settlers,  immigrations  of  ..         ..114 

Gujarat,  and  Totems       . .         . .          -  -      F.G.  144 

Gujarati,  see  E  ft  0         297,  ft. 

X.umarekofc,  castle,  Darel,  residence  of  Raja 

PukhtunWali 115 

Ou^abhadra,  and  the  date  of  Kalkiraja,  148  n., 

151  n.,  287,  f. ;  quoted          290 

<2unananandin,  quoted 289,  f. 

Guiias,  of  KAvyo,  and  Bharata 178 

Gupis,  post,  on  Gilgit  riv 1 16 

<  Jupta  Era  and  Mihirakula,  New  Light  on        287— 

296 

Oupta,  coins,  2  ;  role,  in  Bengal,  127 ;  era,  and 
the  late  Dr.  J.  F.  Fleet,  128,  180 ;  intcrip., 
coinage,  etc. ,  270,  f  ;  or  Valabhl  era,  891  ft  n, , 
392,  f.,  295;  power,  decline  of,  and  the  date 
of  Kalkt,  etc.,  248  ft  n.,  249  ft  n.,  cult,  of 

in  Sen  wan          208 


Guptas,  and  Huns,  153  ;  and  the  Vstrraans,  etc., 

275,  295 

Guru,  Banabhatta's,  q.t>.  53 

Guru,  Jupiter,  and  the  horse    . .         ••     F.G.  145 


Hadelhappi,  Marathi  hadel  hap,  corruption  of 

*'  shoulder  arms "        . .         . .         . .         . .       2 

Hakims,  prescribed  for  internal  medicines     • .     48 
Haider  Ali,  killed  by  magic,  59  n. ;  and  the 

Sringeri  JlfatA 139 

Haig,  Col.,  Consul-General  at  Khorasan          . .  231 

hair,  shaving         F.G.  131 

hala,  plough           . .          . .         . .         . .          . .     65 

Haldane,  Capt.,  of  the  America  . .         13 — 15 

Han,  dynasty,  coins  and  relics,  in  C.  Asia,  167, 

f.,  171,    193,    195,  f.,   190,  f.,  204,  222,    f.  ; 

annals 169,    221 

Handbook  on  Indian  and  Eastern    Architec- 
ture (Fergusson)  and  Mahabalipur       . .  49 
hanging,   punishment   for    piracy,    from  Old 

Factory  Records          . .          . .          . .         . .   275 

Hanuman,  g.,  and  amulets,  F.G.  125,  f.  ;  and 

TulsicUts  F.G.  134,  154 

Hfcraha  Stone  Inscription  . .  . .  125—127 
Hardi age,  Lord,  and  Sir  A.  Stein  . .  224,  250 

Harihar,  Sanskrit  inacrip.  in 246 

Harivarman,  first  Maukhari  k.  . .         . .   126 

Hari-Vavw,  the 147  ft  n. 

llarxacharita,  a  work  perhaps  used  by  Magha.  191 
Hurshadeva,  Harshavardhana,  k.  . .  125,  f. 
harvest,  spirit  guardians  of  ..  ..  F.G.  134 
Hassan  Akhun,  camel  man,  with  Sir  A.  Stein, 

138.  221 
Hastings  Snow,  ship,  and  Austria's  commercial 

venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  . .          281,  f. 
Hat  Adiya,  (see  *.t>.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Visnu, 

Sup.  117;  and  ViBvakarma   ..         ..      Sup.  119 
Ha.tadhata  II,  k.  of  Ceylon,  date        . .         .  .51,  f. 

Hawke,  E.  I.  Co's.  ship 284 

Hay  ward,  Mr.,  murdered  115 

Hedin,  Sven,  and  E.  Turkestan,  etc.,  140,  166,  222 

Helmand,  delta 249,  f. 

Hemaoharidra,  author  of  the  D^mAmamAZA,  33, 

f.,  36  ;  quoted  .. 290,299 

Hemun,  unidentified  person,   prescribed  for 

Jahanara  Begam         48 

Heou  Han  Chou,  the,  History  of  the  later  Han 

dynasty,  and  Kaniihka          261 

Hermoine,  French  price-ship,  and  the  Cyclone 

at  Pondicherry  (1761)          9 

Hewit,  Sir  Wm.,  C<xnmaader  of  the  Duo  d'Ac- 
quaitaine 13—16 


I  NDBX 


315 


Higginson,  Hon.  Nath.,  friend  to  Job  Chamook.  259 

Hill,  Mr.  Qeo.,     friend     to   Job    Charnock, 

259  &  n.,  260 

Himalayas,  and  Yaaodharmon  . .         . .     153  &  n. 

Hindu  Astronomy,  Notes  ou,  by  the  late 
Dr.. J.  Burgess 4 

Hindu,  State  and  Church,  28 ;  Society,  and  Castes, 
87—93  ;  Kings,  and  Christianity,  99  ;  Dates 
(by  Dr.  S.  B.  Dikshit)  and  Dr.  J.  F.  Fleet, 
130,  f . ;  subjects,  and  Mahomedan  rulers , 
64,    136 ;  beliefs,  and  Kalki . .  . .  US,  f .  ;  151 

Hinduism,  and  de  Britto,  101 — 103;  and 
Muhamtnadanism,  in  Sind,  206 ;  and  Vijaya 
Ranghunatha 210 

Hindukush,  and  the  campaign  of  Kao  Hsieii- 
ohik  228 

Hindus,  and  de  Nobilis,  22,  24 ;  and  Muham- 
madan  rule  in  India,  64,  130 ;  and  Pir  cults 
in  Sind,  etc.,  206,  f . ;  and  Musalmans,  in 
Madura,  242 ;  and  the  Tuki  plant,  etc.,  F.G. 
138;  animals,  etc.,  sacred  to  them,  F.Q.  145, 
150;  and  the  mouses,  F.(5  148  n. ;  and  fire 
worship F.G.  149 

Hirianiaksha,  demon,   and  the   Holi    festival, 

..    F.G.  155,  f. 

Hira?yagarbha  sacrifice,  and  Muttu  Vijaya 
Raghunfttha 209  n. 

Historical  Position  of  Kalki  and  His  Identifi- 
cation with  Yaaodharman  ..  ..  145—153 

History  of  the  Naik  Kingdom  of  Madura  (contd. 
from  Vol.  XLV,  p.  2  >4),  22—28,  35—47, 
57—63,  74—78,  96— lor»,  119—124,  156— 
163,  183—190.  209—21!),  237— -249,  272—275 

History  of  A  uranyzib,  book-notice        ..          ..64 

History  of  the  lator  Han  Dynasty,  or  the  Heon 
Han  Ghou,  and  Kanishka 261 

history,  European,  and  tho  number  forty       . .  233 

Hiuen  Tsiang,  on  Kanohipuram,  52 ;  and  the 
name  Mallai 71,  f. 

Hobson-Jobson,  (from  Old  Factory  Records), 
Jacey-Booey — Jorcey  Boicy  . .  . .  79 

Holi  fire,  F.G.  154  ;  holidtiy,  origin,  F.G.  155—157 

Holika,  and  the  Holi  festival    . .         .  .F.G.  155,  f. 

holy  trees,  208 F.G.  130 

Holy  of  Holies,  in  Indus  cult 205 

homogeneity,  of  the  Indian  people      . .         82—85 

horse  broker's  allowance,  from  Old  Factory 
Records 48 

hotpioe,  remains  of,  in  Chickiklik        . .         . .   137 

Houghton,  Francis,  witness  to  Job  Charaook's 
will  260 

Hoytala,  style  of  architecture  in  temples,  136 ; 

formerly  Ohalukyan 248 

,  in  Kttwtkhbto,  197 ;  ooina      .,198 


Hsin-ohiang,  ciTects  of  his  revolution  in  Kasli- 
go*  138 

Hsiiang-tsiang,  route  used  by,  K17,  141;  Oa 
Baladitya,  152  ;  and  Ma-lo-pa,  192  ;  and  the 
Temple  of  tho  Thousand  Buddhas,  194  ;  and 
Victoria  lako,  C.  Asia  . . 228 

Hugli,  tn.,  and  F.  Ellis 259  n. 

human,  beings  and  na.?a,  F.U.   14:;  ;  sacrifices, 

F.G.  140.  f. ;  dMenn* F.G.  152 

•Humayun  Beg,  Wa^ir  of  Hun /a,  and  Sir  A. 
Stein us 

Hunas,  71),  f.;  and  K-Uki,  1  19  :  or  Huns,  150  ; 
and  Vishnu  Yasodharmaii,  151;  and  the 
Malava  era  295 

Huns,  or  Hunas,  150  ;  and  Guptas,  etc.,  152,  f.; 
and  Kansu,  196;  migrations  of,  200;  their 
raids  in  C.  Asia  222,249 

Hunzo,  Valley  and  Sir  A.  Steiii 137 

husbands,  of  dahans        F.U.  152 

Hutton,  in  Penworthutn,  Lanes.,  and  Job 
Charnock  257,259 

Huvishka,  k.t  dato  2GG,  270  ;  coins       . .          . .    271 

Hyderabad,  and  Patala,  1 33  ;  disputed  succes- 
sion in  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  247 

hydrophobia,  and  the  Vuchhado          . .      F.G.  150 


Ibrahim  Beg,  with  Sir  A.  Stein  . .      170  ;  204 

identification  of  Kalki  with  Vasodliarmau     ..    145 

—  153 

Idikut-shahri,  ruined  tn.  in  Turian,  identiiied 
with  Kao-chang  . .          .  .          • .          •  .   -01 

llids,  (Elijah)  and  Sind -00 

Imim-Jafar-Sadik,    Saint,   /iarat    near     Niyft 
oasis        . .          . .          •  •          •  •          •  •  1  U,  f. 

Imaos,  nit.,  in  C.  Asia -24 

imitation,  and  tho  (.'oste  B.v^tom  .  .      91,  f.;  94 

immortality,  and  Tak.sluik  Nag. .          . .          . .    140 

import,  from  India  to  ('   Asia,  signs    of  . .    143 

inaytihu  n&ma.  news  of  arrival  (of  tho  Mughal's 

slipper) 122 

India,  work  of  tho  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess  in,  1—4  ; 
128,  f.,  131  and  R.C.  Missionaries,  25;  101— 
103  ;  and  k.  Manavarma,  .">!,  58  ;  and  Caste, 
81—95;  and  Kalki,  148,  f.,  151  ;  groat  cycle 
of,  190;  and  I'tsing,  101  ;  and  the  Huns,  etc., 
196  ;  and  Qnaoo-Buddhist  art,  232  ;  and    the 
"  houseling  "    fire,  230  ;   and  Job  Charnock, 
259,  f. ;  and  the  Yue-chi,  etc.,  201—267  ;  and 
Greek  rule,  268  ;    and  St    Thomas  and  k. 
Kozoulo-Kadphises,    269,  f . ;  and  Austria's 
commercial  venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury, 277 — 286 ;  3.,  invaded  by  the  Muham- 
madans,  34,   42,  f.,     158,   160,  f.;  and  the 


316 


INDEX 


Marathas,  57,  74,  76,  214,  242 ;  and  the 
B.  C.  Missionary  de  Britto,  101—103 ;  first 
appearance  of  English  and  French  in  politics 
of,  247 ;  W.;  and  the  Pahlavas,  and  Zoroas- 
trians,  34  ;  literature  04  133  ;  and  Gupta 

power 148,    153 

Indian  Antiquary,  The,  and  the  late  Dr.  J. 
Burgess,  1—3,  131,  f.  j  and  the  late  Dr.  J.  F. 

Fleet         129—132 

Indian,  vernaculars,  corruptions  of  English  in, 
28;  Eras,  and  the  late  Dr.  J.  F.  Fleet,  130  f.; 
ornamental  motifs  in  tombs  in  Astana,  203; 
evidence  of  the  Yue-ohi,  etc.,  266 :  history, 

and  Jaina  literature 287 

Indo-Kushans  in  Chinese  history         . .         . .  261 
Indo.Scythians  and  Kansu,  196 ;  or  YUeh-ohih, 
200  j  or  early    Saasanian,  architecture  and 

the  Pamir*         220 

Indra,  g.  in  Matiabalipur  sculpture,  66,  f. ;  and 

the  elephant F.G.  146,  160 

Indrajit,  married  a  Xdg F.G.  143 

Indus,  Valley,  Lower,  ruled  by  Parthian  chiefs, 
34  ;  and  the  timber  trade,  116 ;  water-supply, 
and  the  crocodile  cult,  133  ;  river,  or  Darya- 
panth,  cult  of,  205,  207 ;  and  Stone  Age  man, 

and  the  Aryans  208 

innee,  Commander,  and  Muhammad  Ali       .  .247  n. 
insanity,  and  tree  marriage      . .         . .      F.G.  138 
Inscription,  A  H&raha  Stone     . .         . .      125—127 
Inscription,  Kadamba  Prakrit  of  Malavalli.  154,  f. 
Inscription,  Inscriptions,  in  the  Jayontisvara 
temple,  mentions  Chokkanatha,  others,  40  n. ; 
of  Chokkanatha,  44  n. ;  of  Tirumalai,  45  n.  ; 
of  Atiranachanda,  53,   56  ;  Ch61a,  ia  Mahabali- 
pur,    69;Amaravati   Pillar,  71;    Canarese, 
and  Sanskrit,  on  Pal  lava  coins,  73  i  at  Duva- 
lagiri,   76 ;   of    AJak&dri  96  n. ;    of  Kanga 
Krishna  Mutt u  Virappa,  104  n.  j  Tibetan,  in 
Darkot,  117;  of  Ranga  Krishna,  in  Arum- 
bavOr,  121  n. ;  of  Maukhari  dyn.,  125  ;  Nusik 
cave,  etc.,    127  ;  Indian,  and  the  lato  Dr.  J. 
F.  Fleet.  12  £—132  ;  and  the  lato  Professor 
Kielhora,  129 ;  newly  discovered  at  S ringer i, 
etc.,   136;  Mandasor,  150—152,    182,    192, 
294  ;  of  Mangammai,  156  n.,  159  n.,   184  n. ; 
of  Vanaji  Panditar,  at  Pattukkottai,  163  n.  ; 
of  the  Andhra  q.   Balari,  164 ;  Kushan,  269, 
271 ;  of  Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkanatha,  186  n., 
187  &  n.,    189 ;  of  Kilavan  Setupati,  100  u. ; 
from  Vasantagaclh,   191 ;  Chinese,  in    Kao- 
chang  cemetery,,  203  }  of  Muttu  Vijaya,  209  n.; 
of  K6ttur.  213  n. ;  of  Bangaru  Tirumala,  239  n.  j 
Sanskrit,  in  Somanathpur,  248 ;  and  Kanish- 
ka,  261 ;  Kuldarra,  Taxila,  etc.,  266  &  n.— 
271 ;  of  Budhagupta  . .         . .        292  &  n.— 296 


Inscriptions,  Tablet  for  the  Computation  of 
Hindu  Dates  in,  by  Prof.  Jaoobi  .  .  .  . 

intellect,  and  the  parrot  ......     F.G.  15 

Intercourse  between  India  and  the  Western 
World,  from  Earliest  Times  to  the  Fall  of 
Home,  Book-notioe  ........  ^54 

interest,  lawful  rate        ........  jg 

intermarriage,  marriage,  and  caste      .  .          82,  f  . 

inter  preter  as  shipping  clerk,  from  Old  Factory 
Records  ............  ^ 

invasion,  of  Tanjore,  Erst  Maratha,  74  ;  of  S. 
India,  by  the  Mughala,  158;  of  Kohgu,  by 
Mysoreans 


..........         284,  f. 

Irunkol,  family  name,  and  a  legend  of  Man- 

ganunal  ............  185 

Isa.  Jesus,  in  Sind  River  cult   ......  206 

iBonavannan,  Maukhari  k.,  insorip.  of,  125; 

date,  126  ;  and  the  Andhras  ......  127 

/«ftftwftmt,di*feot  of  the  Ishkashim  tract     .  ,229,f. 
Ishkashina,  tract,  near  Oxus  river       .  .  229,  f  .  j  255 
Islamites  and  Tanjore     ........     gg 

iBvaravarman,  Maukhari  k.,  insorip.  of  125—127 


Jacey-Bocey,  Joicey.Boicy,  a  new  version  of 
Hobson-Jobson  ........     19 

Jade  Gate,  Chinese,  in  Tunhuang  Limes        .  .   19G 
Jaffnapatam,  visited  by  de  Nobilis,  22  ;  and 
Alvarez  ............     26 

Jagannfttha,  quoted  Bharata    ......  173 

Jagannathji,  g.,  and  the  Nim  tree      .  .     F.G.  137 
Jagiot,   in  Tangir,  home    of  Raja  Pukhtun 


Jahanara  Begum,  and  Surgeon  G.  Brougbton.    47 
Jahejo,  tn.,  and  Shekh  Tahir     ......  205 

Jain,  data,  and  the  Puranio  date  of  Kalkt,  etc,. 

146,  f.;  and  the  Guptas,  148,  149  n.;  287; 

Chronicles,  two  .  .         .  .         .  .         .  .    151 

Jaina  Sakatayana  ........  107 

Jains,    in    W.    India,  literature  of,  133,  f.; 

ascetics,  and  hair       ......     p§Q.  132 

Jakhara,  guardian  spirit  of  crops,  etc.  .  .     F,G.  134 
Jal,  evil  spirit,  and  Vikram       .  .         .  .      F.G.  134 

Jalandhar,  demon,  and  Krishna          .  .        .G.  136 
Jalaftayana  1n.,  or  Kshatriyasimha  Pallaves- 

varam,  shrine,  Mahttbalipur  .  ,  68,  f  . 

Jalaaayanam,  tn.,  Talateyanam         .  .         .  .     69 

Jdmbavam,  figure,  in  Mahabalipur  sculpture,  66,  f. 
Jambuvant,  bear  ........     F.G.  151 

Jambuktsvaram,  matha,  and  Vijaya  Rai  ga 

Ohokkanfttha    ..        ......         187  n. 

James  V.  of  Scotland      ......          105  ru 


INDEX 


317 


jangero,  an  amulet          F.Q.  125 

/opo,  attitude  of  prayer 63 

Jaunpur,  Maukhari  inBorip.  at  . .         . .       126,  127 

Jayadeva,  and  Kalki 148 

Jayaditya,  author  of  the  KdHkd         . .         . .   191 
Jayanteavara  temple,  inscrip.  mentions  Chok- 

kan&tha 40  n. 

Jesuit,  Mission,  Madura,  founded  by  do  Nobilis, 
23 ;  00  n. ;  records  and  the  death  of  Tiru- 
mal  Naik,  28,  36  n.  ;  and  Muttu  Virappa,  39, 
f.  ;  and  Chokkanatha,  41  n.  ;  and  other  Chris- 
tians in  Madura,  103;  letters,  and  tho 
regency  of  Man gammal,  etc.,  IftGn.,  159,  186, 
n.  ;  and  Karanad  famine,  etc.  . .  190  n.  ;  218 

Jesus,  Isa 206 

Jewish  tradition,  arid  the  number  forty          . .   233 
Jharooii,  see  Pir    . .          . .          . .          . .          . .   200 

Jinabhadra,  date  of        276 

Jinasena-suri,    author    of     the      Hari.VamSa 
Purdna,   147  and  n.,  14S  and    n.,  151  ;    and 
Kalkf,  152,  f. ;  and  tho  riaka  J1>«-      .  •      287,  280 
Jingi,    arid   Ohokkanatha,    4 1,   i.,     9H,    f . ;    or 
Gingi,  122  ;  headquarters  oi  thn  Marathas  . .    160 

Jodia,  fort,  arid  snakes F.G.  139 

Joseph  aud2V*ercKfl,  late  Knrl  .»/  TAncoln^  ship, 
#ee  Austria's*  Commercial  \Vuturo  in  tho 

Eighteenth  Century 277,  ff. 

Journey  of  Kxploiatkm,  in  I'.  Asia.,  A  Third, 
by  Sir  A.  Stein,  109,  n..  KIT.  II..  l(ifjslf., 

19:;,  it.,    221,  ft,    249,  fi. 

Jouvean  Dubreuil,  Prof.,  ana  tho  Mahabaliptir 
Antiquities         . .          .  .          . .          .  .  50,  54  &  n. 

Jumna  water         ..          ..          ••          *•      F.G.  130 

Jupitor,  planet,  Guru F.G.  145 


Kabbw  jhdr,  holy  tree  in  Sind   ..          ..  ..    208    . 

Kabul,  Kaofu,  and  Kadphise.s.  etc.,  261  arid  n.  | 

263,  265,   269    ! 

Kaohchi,  Ranch  i 70    j 

Kaclih  Antiquities,  and  tho  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess.  2  i 
Kadambu  Prakrit  Inscription  of  Malavalli. ,  1.14,  f.  | 
Kddumbari,  a  work  by  Bho hi  Ji a.  and  tho  wide  j 

sound  of  E  and  O          300,  301  11. 

Kadphisos,  group  of  Kusiiari  emperors  . .  266,  269 
Kadphisos,  Kozoulo,  k.,  K'ioou.tsieou-kio  ..  -61 
Kag-ravhihs,  expound  the  utterances  of  crows, 

F.G.  127 

Kaira  grant,  date  2U6 

Kaitabha,  demon  68,  f . 

Kakakhel,  sacred  olan  in  Indus  Valley  . .  116 
Kalaohuri,  Traiku(aka  Chedi  era  . .  . .  269 
Kaladgi  district,  and  the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess. .  2 


Kala.gedi.niitum,    (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916) 

and  Water-pot  Dance  . .         . .     Sup.  11& 

KAlahasti,  battle 244,  f. 

Kaiayar  K6il,  Marava  fort,  and  Chokkanatha, 

43  ;  Shrine,  and  do  Britto       . .         . .         101,  f. 
Kalbhairav,   g.,   and  amulets,  F.G.    126  ;  and 

the  dog,  etc F  Q   160f   155 

Kali  Age,  and  Kalki        145,  f.;  151 

Kaiidasa,    his     Megtwdota,   79,    1. ;   refers  to 

Bharata,  178,  182,  f. ;  and  Kamandaka       . .   220 
Kali  Paraj,   aboriginal  tribes  of  (Jujarat,  and 

animals"  names  ..          ..          ..       F.G.  144 

Kalki,  figure  of,  136  ;  his  historical  position,   and 

identification  with  Yasodliarman    . .          146,  ff. 
Kalkiraja,  aucceedod  the  Guptas,  date,  287  ;  or 

Kalkin 289,  f.;  293 

Kallas,   t  ribe,    converts  under  .de  Nobilis,  28  ; 

and  the  Muhamniadans,  otc.  . .          39,   120 

Kallayi,  S.  India,  a  Jtssuit  Mission  Residence.  23,  f. 
kalpitd.  ligure  of  8pt«ch,  and  Bhurata  . .      181 

Kuiiiatidaka,  and  Kaiidasa        . .          220 

Kami  mosque,   in  Tangir  ..          ..  ..    116 

KauiHa,  demon,  and  earl >  Sanskrit  drama.  177  &  n. 
Kantikaguhhai,  Mi.,  and  Mavilungai    ..  ..72 

Ktuifhi,  Kunc.hipura,  Palltivu  c-ap.,  tn.,  and  sea- 
port, 5^  ;  or  Kiichchi  .  .          . .          . .  .  .      70 

Kaiichon.  ri\ .        .  .  . .          . .          .  .  198,  f. 

Kunil.i,    (M:«-  .s.r.  in  index  t   .   I9hi)    and  Vianiit 

fcJup.  117 
Jvumix .    ^M'c  *.r.  in   lnd«>\  to  I'JIO;,  and  Vi^uu. 

8up.  118 

Kandy,  uml  Vijaya  Kanga  (Jliokkauatha         . .    189 
Kanyappa  JNaik,  Dalnvui,  and  Achyuta  Vijttya 

Kagiiaxu  .  .  . .          . .          .  .58  n.,  60  n. 

Kuiigra,  ancient  Kaugailaku      . .          .  .  . .    276 

KuiJieri  caves,  and  tho  lute  Ui .  •}.  liui'gea^    .  ,         1 
Ktuiibiika,  ilal'U  of  .  .  .  •  .  .      261 — 271 

I-     ripjil      i,  •,••:,  M,IU   UM-    UvM.-,n\.  ..  ..    263 

KUUMI,    ima  i»l   C'ljiJiche    I*uiidhi8i    texts,  194; 

noino  ul  tho  Vuo-ciu,  OK-.,  J  U<> ,   and  t'hiiigiz 

A  rum,  oic.f  LO'i,  f.  ;  Linte*      .  .          .  .         222,  249 
K.iiiiliiruva  JNaiu.sn   Jlaj  oi  Myaoru       ..  .OOn. 

Kao  e...»ny  (iv.iociio),  cup.  ut  Turfuu.  .       201,    203 

Kaoiu,   Kabul        201,  2bG  &  n. 

iYuu-iiuiim-ciLiij,  *  'hiiu'Bo  gcueial,  hia  campaign 

m  tut-  i'amns,  ftc 117,    228 

Karachi,  ami  iManghu  Pir  •  .          •  •  . .    208 

Karuiktil,  (Kurikul  V;   and  ih<*  French.  .          . .    241 
Kura-Mioja,  uasisucar  Turfan  ..  ••  201,  f. 

Kara-koram,  old  Mongol  cap.  .  •          .  .197,  f. ;  224 

Kara-kui,  1 226,  1. 

Kara-kum,  colony  in  C.  Asia 223 

Kara-shahr  165 

Kara- tog  in,  val.,  in  C.  Asia       . .          . .          . .   231 

Karecal,  KArikal ••          ••      17 

Karezea,  springs  in  E.  Turkestan         . .          . .    204 


318 


INDEX 


KarikAl,  Karecal,  French  •ettlement,  17  &  n. ; 

(or  Kftraikal?) 241 

Karlik-tag  range 200 

Kartik  Swami.  and  the  peacock . .  .  *  F.G.  146 
Kashgar,  223— 225  ;  or,  Tourfan  ..  ..262 

Kashmir,   and  human   beasts  of  burden,  112; 
and  Mihirakula's  defeat  by  Yagodharman, 
etc.,  161—153,  261,  266  and  n. ;  extent  of. .   276 
Ka&i,  choultry  built  by  Maiigammftl    . .          169  n. 
Kafcmbaz&r,  and  Pan  Sheldon  . .         . .          259  n- 
Kasim    Khan,    Mughal    general,   under   Aur- 

angzeb    . .         . ,         . .         . .         •  •         •  •   122 
Kastfiri  Raitga,  Dalavai  under  Vijaya  Ra"ga 

Chokkanatha 187,  ft 

Katbiawad  Antiquities,  and  the  late  Dr.    J. 
Burgess  . .          . .          . .         . .         . .         •  •       2 

Katta  T^van,  polygar 212,  f. 

KiUyAyana,  and  Pftnini 107 

Kauravas F.CJ.  136 

Kautalya,  author  of  the  Artha&aatra    .  .95,  108,  220 
Kavya,  treated  by  Bharata      . .         ..  173,  177,  f. 

Kdvyddarta,  a  work  by  Dai?<Jin  . .          . .    182 

Kdvyalafokara.  a  work  by  Rudrata      ..          ..180 

Kdvyamimdthfid,  a  work  by  Rajasekhara,  book- 
notice     . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .    1 35 

KAvyaprak&£a,  a  work  by  Mammal  n    .  .          . .    180 

Kazaks,  Muhammadane,  near  T'ienshmi       .  •    200 
Kempenfolt,   capt.   of  the   Norfolk,    and   the 
cyclone    in    Pondicherry    (  1761  )      14 — IN; 
commander  of  tho  Royal  George       . .   17  &  n.,  19 
Kennedy,  Mr.,  and  the  Kushans          . .       202,  265 
Kormin,  or  Rich,  Pass,  in  Hunza  valley       . .    137 
Kosava  temple,  Somanathpur  . .          . .         . .   248 

Khara-khoja        202 

Khara-khoto,  "  Black   town,"  and  Etzina  ..   197 

Khara-nor,  1 193 

Kharosht  hi -documents   on    wood,    found    in 

C.  Asia 161,  f.,  222 

Kharuk,  settlement  in  the  Pamirs  . .  . .  230 
Khijado,  Shami,  sacred  tree  , .  . .  F.O.  136 

Khocho,  Kao-chang 201 

Khoh,  grant  of  Parivrajaka  Maharaja  Hastin  291 ,  f. 

Khorasan  . .       - 231 

Khotan  and  Sir  A.  Stein. .          . .     139,1 41,153,262 
Khushwaqt,  chiefs,  and  Raja  Pukhtan  Wall  . .    J 16 
Khwaja  Khizr,  or  Zinda  Pir      . .          . .          206,  f . 
Kielhorn,  the  late   Professor,  and   Indian  in- 
scriptions           129 

K'ieou  taeou-ki6,  Kadphisea 261 

Kilavan  (old  Man),  Sdtupati ;  or,  Raghunatha, 
45  and  n. — 47,  96 — 99;  A;   de  Britto,  etc., 

102,    188,  190;  death,  etc 209—211 

Kila  Wamar,  cap.  of  Roshan  . .  . .  264,  f . 
Killi,  Chola  k. ,  and  the  Mahabali  kings  . .  60 
Killoutis,  isl.,  Bhambhor  133 


kings,  as  patrons  of  arts  and  science. .  .  *  139 
Kinnara  Raja,  and  the  Maratha*,  etc, . .  97  &  n. 
Kipin,  Kasmir(?)  and  Kadphises,  261  ;  route 

from       . .         . .         . .         . .         . .     265  &  n. 

Kirghiz,  tribe       226  —229,  231 

Kiumi,  co.t  mentioned  by  Fan- Ye  . ,  . .  262 
Knight,  R.,  capt.  .of  the  Liverpool  . .  14,  f.,  18 

K6hala,  and  Bharata 181,  n. 

Kohan  Beg,  Mingbashi  of  N.  Pamirs  . .  . .  227 
Koh-i-Khwaja,  Seistan  dist.,  has  Buddhist 

remains 232 

Kohistan,  and  Stone  Age  man 208 

Kolu,  cocoanut F.O.  146 

Konchi-darya,  riv.  in  C.  Asia  . .  . .  221—223 
KonaamfcTia,  donee  in  inscrip.,  Shikapur  Taluq, 

166 <fcn. 
Kongu,    etc.,    invaded   by    Chikka  D&va  of 

Mysore 122,  161,  f. 

Konkanivarma  or  Avmita,  newly  discovered 

copper-plate  of  . .          . .         , .          . .   136 

Koran,  the.  and  Chanda  Sahib  . .     219  &  n. 

Korknlam  (Quilon)  and  Travancore     . .          . .   162 

Korla,  oasis  222,  f. 

Kota-halu,    (see  s.v.    in   Index  to  1916)  arid 

women  . .     Sup.  119 

kots,  forts,  ruined,   in  Darel      ..          ..          ..114 

Kdttftr,  in  scrip,  of  Ananda  Rao  Peshwa          213  n. 
Kouei-Chouang,  Kushan  . .          . .          . .   261 

Kozoulo,    Kadphises,    K'ieou-tsieou-kio,    Ku- 
shan, k 261 

Kozoulo-Kadphises,  k.  and  Kabul  . .  . .  269 
Koztoff,  Col.  and  Sir  A.  Stein  ..  . .  197,  222 
Kramastolra,  a  work  by  Abhinavagupta  . .  180 
Kri£fi6va,  dramatic  author,  referred  to  by 

PAmni 177 

Kyishna,  g.  and  Govardhana,  56  ;  his  wives,  62  ; 

and  Kalki's  incarnation,  148  ;  and  the  demon 

Jalandar,  F.G.  136  ;  trees  sacred  to,  F.G.  137  ; 

and  bear  worship         . .          . .          . .      F.G.   151 

Kriahmtrnantapam  . .          . .          . .  70 

Krishiiapuram,  vil.  grant  of     . .          . .  40  n. 

Krishna  Raja  XJdayar,  of  Mysore,  and  Madura.  189 

Krishna  Rauga 119 

Krita  Age,  and  Kalkl 150,153 

Krokala,   meaning,  place    of  the    Crocodile, 

suggested  identity  with  Waghador  . .          ..133 

Kshatriya,  class ^  • .         . .     91 

Kshatriyasimha    Pallave^varam,    or    Jalasa- 

yana  shrine      . .          . .          . .          . .         68 — 70 

Kshetrapal,  guardian  spirit  of  the  fields,  etc., 

F.G.  134 ;  and  insanity,  etc.,  F.G.  138  ;  and 

marriage,  F.G.  143 ;  and  crops          . .     F.G.  163 

Ku-ch'gng-tzu,  Guchin 200 

Kucha,  and  Sir  A.  Stein  223 

Kui-li,  Tongli,  co.  265  &  n. 


INDEX 


319 


Kul*  &kb»ra  Bhatfa,  priest,  and  the  murder 
ofTirumalNaik         ........    27 


Ltnox,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondioherry, 
(1761) 15,17 


KukUurra  inscrip 


266  n.       letters,  of  Tipu  Sultan  to  the  Sringeri  Math, 


Kunuuragupfca,  k.,  126  ;  1,  149,  290—292,  295  ; 
IL.date  ..........  291 

Kumara  Muttu,  brother  of  Tiruinal  Naik,   37, 

214—216 

Kumaralingam,  near  Udamalpet,  copper-plate 

grant  at  ..........  40  n. 

Kumara  Raugappa  Naik,  and  Muttu  Vlrappa, 

etc  ...........         38>215 

KumAra  Rfiya  and  Madura,  120  n.  ;  and  Trichi- 

nopoly    ............   ltt2 

Kumara  Singh   Maharajah,   of    Kand>,    and 

Vijaya  Ranga  Chokkanatha  ......  189 

Kumara  Tirumalai  Naik 
Kumarilabhatta,  and  the  Mahimnastava 
Kum-kuduk,  well 


136  ;  Jen  nil,  and  the  history  ol  Madura,  156 

n.,  166  n. 
Limes,  ancient  Chinese,  in  C.  Asia,   166,  169, 

17],  19, v_  11H5f  19^  222,  249,  f. 
Limes  (see  a.v.  in  Index  to  1910)  and  Vinva- 

karma Sup.   118 

Lingama  Naik,  general  to  Muttu  Vfrappa    . .     31) 
liquor,  a bstenaneo  from  ..          ..          ..     F.G.   145 

Lisbon,  birth-place  of  de  Brit  to,  100,  102  ;  and 
Austria's  commercial  venture  in  tho  Eight- 

eenth  Century 277,  279,  f. 

Li-ssu-yeh,  Chinese  secretary  to  Sir  A.  Stein.  138 
Literature,    Vedic   and    Non-Vodic    and    the 

number  forty,  3:i;  AltuhkAra  ..          ..        r/.v.  173 
Little  Pamir,  lake,  and  the  sourer  of  the  Oxus.   25-1 
lite,  indecent  *ongs  nt  holt  festival,  F.G.  158       Liverpool,  frigate,  and  the  ryelono  at  Pondi- 

Kuiii,  a  Vrittikara  m  cherry,  (170 1) 9—15,18,21 

Kuruk-darya,  riv.  .  •         ••          ••          ••   -2-       Lfichana,  fche,  by  Abhmavagupta         ...      ..179 

Kurukshetra,  battle         .  •          •  •          •  •     F.G.  1«*  *       Lofthouse,  Capt.,  and    Austria's   commercial 

Kuruk-tagh  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  camels  from,  170, 

193,  201,  221—223 


164 


Kurumbas,  aiid  Pallavas 


46  n.t  73 


Kushan,    Kouei-chouang,    conquest  of   India, 


venture  in  tlie  Kii;hto»ntli  C'enlury  .  . 
LokaHcna,  Jaiua  author,  dutn  .  .  ,  . 
Lollata,  Uhatta  Lollata,  and  Bhm;ita  .  . 


.  .  285 
.  .  288 
..  180 


loagcloth,  nientionod  in  Old  Kuciory  Notes    .  .    304 


261,  270  ;  or  Yue  ehi,  '-'»•"»  ,  coins,  dates,  etc.,  Lop,    region,    ancient    Shan  Shan   or    Loulan, 


266  and  n.—  268  ;  insorjp  .......    271 

Kuttanimata,   a  work  by  DAmodaragupta,  181  &  n. 


13-1 
-»!» 


Lahft  Raja,  lay  name  of  Laxanya  Samaya 

Lukshmana,  k. 

Lakahmi.  and  the  Tulsi F.O.  i:W 

Lally,  Count  tie,  and  the  Sur,«-  of  Pondidierry, 

5,f.;  11,!.;  ^ 

Lai  Singh,  Surveyor,  witji  Sir  A.  Stein,  110, 
112,  f.,  137,  143,  f.,  165,  170,  193,  196, 
198,  f.,  2U1,  204,  223  ;  Rai  Bahadur,  in  recog- 
nition of  services  . .  •  •  •  •  ~«>A»  -'^ 

Lad  Wadoro,  or  TJderolul,  incarnation  of  the 
river  god 


also  salt  sea,  144,  UK'.,  2.12  ;  d«  vrt,  201,  204, 

249,  f. 
Lop-nor,   lake,    139,    141.   1JI,  l<i.">,    107,    169, 

170,  19tf,  222 
Lord    Mauxjield,    .ship,    and    tin-    eydono    at 

Poiulie.horry,  (17(U)     ..  ..          ..  ..10 

Loulan,  or   Shan-Shan  kingdom,    14-1     and  the 

Han   Annals,    mid    bnnal    finds,    169 — 171  ; 

dolba,  1 1)7,   I'.'tt  ;    ruin     n<-;ir    <-tft..  204.  2151  ; 

Chmcsu  route    .  .          . .          -  •          .  •          •  •   222 
lucky,  numbers,  days,  etc.          . .          . .      F.G.    128 


Langar  Pass 


227 


Mioartney,  Sir  <i  ,  Consnl-t  ieneral  in  Kushgar, 
j        and  Sir  A.  Stom  -  -         L't«,  f-    1«5,  204,  224 

j    Alachhu,  godilesrf,  and  amulots,  F.<  J.   J25;and 

Lanquar-kisht,  on  tho  Great  Pamir  river        ..229  tho  goat  -     P.O.   Lil 

Lar,  tn.,  and  the  Makara  .symbol       ..          ..208       midd'l'*,  m  Uamna -1        211 

Laurence,  General  Stringer      ..  ..  21  n.    !    Madhavagupta,  k.,  date 125 

Lavanya    Samaya,  Jaina  monk  (Lahu  Baja),  |    Madhu,  demon 68,  f. 

author  of  the  Vimala  Pmbandha      . .          . .   134       IVLidras,  11,18  and  n- ;  K-C.  vk-ariate,  23  ;  and 

Da'M  Khan,  100  and  n.,  161  ;  and  Nath. 
HigginHon,  259  and  n  ;  and  Austria's 
Commercial  Venture  in  the  Eighteenth 

Century 277,  279  &.n, 

Madura,  Naik  Kingdom,  History  of,  g.v.    . .  22,  ff. 


lease  in  1682,  proceedings  for,  from  Old  Fac- 
tory Records     . .         . .         192 

Lecoq,  Prof.,  and  Tarfan 201 

legend,  of  Mangamm&l,  158 ;  of  the  Titiaii  F.G.  138 


Leghorn,  tn..  and  Austria's  commercial  ven- 
tun  in  the  Eighteenth  Century       . .     279-281       Mac's,  the  Mocodoniau,  hi«  agent*  in  C.  Aaia . .  228 


320 


INDEX 


Magadha,  and  Mihirakula,  152,  f. ;  andtheYue* 

chi         ..        ..         266 

Magar  or  Mangho  Pir 20ft 

Mfcgha,  and    Bharata,  181;    Magha    and   his 

patrons . .         ..          191,  f. 

magic,  used  in  war,  59  and  n. ;  and  change  of 

sex,  P.O.  125 ;  and  amulets  . .  . .  F.G.  12ti 
Mahabali,  emp,  of  tho  Asuras,  and  Mahab&li- 

pur     * 60 

Maha-bali,  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Visnu, 

Sup.  117 
Mahabalipftr,  the  antiquities  of. .        49,  ft.,  65,  ft. 

Mahabalia,  (Mavalis)  or  Banas f>0 

Mahdbh&rata,  the,  53  ;  and  Arjuna's  Fenanoe, 

54,  f.;  9f> 
Mahamalla  (Mamalla),  Narasimhavarman,  I., 

Pallavak 51,  f ;  71 

Maharani  of  Baroda,  and  ant  worship. .  F.G.  13!) 
Maharashtra,  and  3.  India  . .  242  &  n.,  24 '{ 
Maha-sammata  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1910)  and 

Bamba,  Sup.  117;  and  VMvakarma . .  Sup.  Us 
MahA-Siva-Gupta,  in  inscrip.,  and  Kalki  . .  14S 
Mah&tmfa*  and  change  of  sex  . .  . .  F.CJ.  IS"! 
Mahavira,  Nirvana  of,  ond  the  birth  of  Kalki- 

raja         287 

Mahendra  k.,  excavated  S.  Indian  caves  . .  7! 
Mahtt&vara,  Pramara  k.,  and  Mahesvarapura. .  19- 
Mahimnasiava,  the*  and  its  author  . .  . .  101 
Mahishosuramardham,  in  Mahabnlipurantiqui- 

ties,  (>7  ;  or  Chanrtika (IS 

Mahomedan,  army,  124  n. ;  rulers,  and  Hindu 

subjects 13(» 

Mahomedanfl,  Musalmans  . .  ..  F.G.  14.", 
Mahrattas,  and  Aurangzeb,  124  n.;  and  Banguru 

Tirumala  272 

Mai   Sahib    and  the   Pir   Jharcon     cult    in 

Sind         207,  - 

Maitraya  Buddha,  imago  in  Dare!  . .  . .  U  ,"> 
Makara,  aymbo),  20 fi  ;  vehicJe  of  Varuna  . .  20s 
Malabar  const,  and  Austria's  commercial 

venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  . .  . .  27s 
Malange,  71  ;  Malanga  and  Mahabalipuram  .  .  72 
Mftlava,  co.,  and  Huuug  Tsang,  192  ;  era,  Vik- 

rama  Sam  vat 290,  292,  294,  f . 

Blalavi'lli,  Ktulamba  Prakrit  inacrip.  of  . .  154,  t'. 
Male,  element,  tho  river,  in  Sindhi  cults  .  .205,  2drt 
Mallai,  Mahubalipur,  51 ;  and  Kadalmallai,  t\\D 

towns  of  the  name       . .         . .        . .          62  ;  7 1 

Mallar,  possibly  a  people  so  called      . .         . .      52 

Mallik&rjuna,  g.  of  Maliapura 74 

Ma-lo-pa,  or  W.  Malava  19i> 

Matsara  Raja  (see  «.t>.  in  Index  to  1916),  «ee 

VUvakarma  ..  ,.  ^  ..  ..  Sup.  118 
Malva,  Avanti 51 


Mamado,  Mamo,  guardian  spirit  of  harvest, 
etc F.G.  184 

Mamallapuram,  probably  Mahamalla  . .         . .  51,  f . 

Mahabalipuram 60,  f. 

Mammata,  quoted  by  Kudrabhat(;at  quoted 
Bharata,  180 ;  has  no  reference  to  the 
Agnipurdna 175 

Man,  lake,  and  the  goose  . .         . .     F.G.  151 

Mana,  Pramara  ks  and  the  Mansarowar 
inscrip 193 

Mana  Madurai,  Marava  fort,  and  Chokkanatha.    43 

Mftnavarma,  k.  of  Ceylon,  and  Narasimha- 
varman  I Q\t  f . 

Mdnawl  Arthavidyd,  the,  and  M anuamriti    VII.    9 

Mandaaaor,  CJolumns  of  Victory,  erected  by 
Kalkt,  date,  153 ;  inscrips.  of  Ya^odharman, 
150—153,  182,  294;  of  Kumaragupta  I, 
etc.,  290  and  n.,  291,  293 ;  tn.,  Dafeapura  . .  275 

Alangal,  Mare F.G.    145 

MangammAl,  q.t  mother  of  Ranga  Krishna 
Muttu  Virappa,  104  n.,  124  ;  her  regency, 
156—10,3, 183  :  mysterious  death,  184,  213  n., 

214,  216 

Mangho  or  Magar,  Pir,  cult  in  Karachi          . .     206 

Mai'igra  Devi,  (soe  «.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 
Vi^« Sup.  117 

Mam<]hart  *c  holder  of  jewel,"  applied  to 
snakes F.G.  143 

Miinikpala.  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  arid  Vis- 
vakarma  Sup.  118 

Manikyal,  walled  town  in  Darel  . .  114,  f. 

Manimekhatoi,  the,  quoted,  and  the  MaMbalis, 

50 

Mamittru  Naidu,  son  of  Vijaya  Rftghava  of 
Tanjore  58  n.,  60 

MAnsarowar,  (near  Ohitor)  inscrip.  of  Mfina   . .    192 

Mantupa,  Dalavai . .          ..          ..          ..          ..  ^19 

Mmiu,  and  custe,  etc.     .  .          .  .          . .  gi)t  95 

Manucci,  N.  and  Nuik  history,  58  n.,  101  andn.; 
and  Christianity  under  diokkandtha,  99  n.  ; 
and  Mangammiil,  160  and  n.;  and  the  English 
in  Madura,  etc. . .  . .  . .  . .  1 1  i^ 

MSS.,palm-loaf,  discovered  in  Sringeri,  136;  on 
birch  bark,  etc.,  in  Charkhlik,  163;  Uuddhist, 
in  the  temple  of  the  Thousand  Buddhas, 
194  ;  in  Khara  khoto,  i98 ;  Turf  an,  etc., 
201,  202  ;  in  Astana  tombs 203 

Manwmnti,  the,  in  tho  light  of  some  recently 
published  texts,  some  remarks  supplement- 
ing it  95 

Mao-mei,  oasis  in  0.  Asia          . .         . .   196,  198,  f. 

Maral-bashi,  oasis  in  E.  Turkestan     , .  139,  f. 

M&rangana,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 
Manikpala,  (eee*,*.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 

Sup.  117 


INDEX 


321 


ion  of  Tanjore,  67,  74  and  n.— 
77  and  n.,  78 ;  incursions  into  Madura*  97,  f . ; 
power,  in  3.  India,  158,  160,  214 ;  the,  and 
lUrigftmmAU  163 ;  and  Bhavftni  Ankara  . .  212 
Marathas,  (Maratos)  and  the  French,  12  ;  their 
advent  into  Madura,  37 ;  and  Chokkanfttha 
Naik,  40, 158  ;  and  Tanjore,  57, 102  ;  Hindus, 
and  Aurangzeb,  121,  f.  ;  raided  Sringeri,  136 ; 
and  the  Mughal  Empire,  etc.,  161,  214 ;  and 
Vijayanagar,  239  n. ;  occupied  Triohinopoly, 
242  and  n. ;  and  Vijaya  Kum&ra,  etc.,  243 — 

245 ;  and  Muhammad  AH       247 

Marava,  crown  won  by  Bhavuni  Saukara       . .  212 
Maravas,  and  Chokkan&tha,  97  and  n.,  158; 
and  Mangammal,  158,    183;  and  de  Britto, 
101,  f. ;  attacked  Ekoji,  120  ;  and  IUmna4, 

209,  211 

Marco  Polo  and  lake  Victoria 228 

M&riamman's  shrine,  Madura,  and   Mangam- 

m&i's  palace 185 

Maria  Theresa;  of  Austria,  and  Austria's  Com- 
mercial Venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century, 

281,  283,  285,  f . 
Marinus  of  Tyre,  on  the  ancient  silk  trade  route 

in  0.  Asia          225 

Mariyun,  Adagho  Badagho  ceremony  ..    F.G.  154 
MArkas,  a  Sindhi  class,  and  Brahmana  customs,  136 
Marriage,  intermarriage  and  caste,  82 — 85 ;  of 
girls,  86 — 88,  92 ;  customs,  Rajput,  and  trees, 
F.G.  138 ;  of  nbgs  and  human  beings,  and 
Kahetrapftl,  F.G.  143;  and  the  *am&«Jti,  F.G. 
147,  f. ;  and  the  broom          . .         . .  F.G.    149 

Mars,  Mangal          F.G.  145,  f. 

Martin,  K.  C.  Missionary  in  ft.  India    . .        25, 100 
Martinz,  Jesuit  Missionary  in  S.  India,  23  n.  ; 

succeeded  de  Nobilis 20 

martyrdom,  of  de  Britto  103 

Maruti,  monkey  g F.G.  145 

MasOla,  mussoola,  surf  boats 6,  1 1 

Masulipatam  and  lease  proceedings  (in  1682), 

192;  records 220 

Matalan,  (seo  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Visva- 

karma Sup.  119 

Mates,  natural  powers  and  the  Koran  tree.  F.G.  137 
Matha*,  established  by  Sankarach&rya,  136 ; 

at  Jambukeivaram,  etc.  . .  187  n,,  190  n. 
Mathura  Lion  pillar  inscripe.  . .  264  n.,  270,  f. 
Ma-ti-ssu,  has  Buddhist  cave  temples  . .  109 

Mattapatti,  temple,  and  tho  Kadamba  grant.  155  n. 
Maukhari  dyn.,  inscrips.  of,  125  ;  coins  . .  126 
Mauryas,  Murundas,  dato  . .  . .  152  &  n. 
Mavilmngai,  and  Mahabalipuram  t.  ..72 
Maear-tagh'  hills,  &  Taklamakan  . .  . .  139 
Mazdai,  Misdaiof,  k.t  and  St.  Thomas  . .  269 


McCrindle's       Translation      of       Ptolemy's 
Geography  of  India  and  Southern  Asia,  and 

the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess          2 

McMahon,  Sir  H.,  of  the  Seistaii  Mission  . .  249  f. 
Mechanism  of  Castes,  see  Castes  . .  . .  81,  ff. 
Medway,  the  ship  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondi- 

cherry  (1761) 0,  9,  11—16,  20,  £. 

Meghaduta  or  the  Cloud  Messenger  ^  of  Kali  das  a, 
book-notice         . .         . .         . .         . .          79»  f. 

Mello,  Jesuit  missionary,  and  Mungumm&i     . .   159* 
mensem,  the,  among  Hindus      . .         .  .F.G.  148  n. 

Mercury,  Budha F.G.  146 

Merki  Pass,  in  Kashgar 13T 

Mestchersky,   Prince,  and   General,    Russian 

representative  at  Kashgar 224 

Mian  Jasvant  Singh,  with  Sir  A.  Stein  . .    110 

Mihirakula,  and  the  Gupta  Era,  New  Light 

on          287—296 

Mihirakula,  defeated,  etc.          . .        151—153  &  n. 

milk  and  snakes F.G*  139 

Milton,  Mr.,  E.  I.  Go's,  servant  ...      . .       9 

Mln&kshi,  goddess,  temple,  scene  of  murder   of 

TirumalNaik 27,  273,  f. 

Mfnakshi,  NAikq.     . .  213  &  n.— 219;  237,  f.,  240 
Ming,  emperor,  dato       . .         . .         . .          . .   262 

Ming-shui,  cross  roads,  in  C.  Asia,  199  ;  well  . .   200- 

Mintaka  Pass,  in  C.  Turkestan 137 

Miran,  aito  of  earliest  cup.  of  Shan-shan       . .    144 
Mirpur     Khas,    in    Sind,    pottery    fragment 

from  and  the  River  cult      . .         . .       206,  208 
Mixtaojiya  MBS.  and  the  date  uf  Mattu  Vir- 

app» 37n- 

Mir  Wali,  chief,  muidered  Mr.  Hay  ward       . .    115 

Misdaios,  Mazdft 209 

misers,  become  snakes F.G.  140 


ffV.UfV*  .    .  -    » 

Mission,   Jesuit,   in  Madura,    founded  by  do 

Nobilis ••          -23 

Missionaries,  Christian,  in  S.  India     . .  99,  f., 

158,  210,  218 

Mlechchhas,  and  Kalki    . .         . .         145,  149,  153 
Moghul,  conquest  of  the  Dakhan,  121  ;  or  Mu- 
ghul,  122;  or  Mogul,  emperor          ..         ..286 

Moghuls,  Mughals  217 

mo/iaro,    wo/iors,   stones    from    snake's  head, 

F.G.  141,  143 
Mongol,  conquest  of  Khara-Khoto,  197 ;  camp.  199 

Mongolians  ••         ..81 

Mongols  and  the  Kasaks  200 

monolithic  rook-cut  shrines  of  Mahabalipur  . .     49 
moon,    now,     festival    of,     208;    an    omen, 
F.G.  127;  and  deer..  ••         ~     F.G.  145 

Morse,  E.  I.  Co.'s  servant         11 

mosquitoes,  in  Darel  and  Tangir  valleys,  114,  11* 
Mt.  Eiros,  position  of|  sketch 13^ 


322 


INDEX 


ttudala  Rudra  Nayak,  Alakadri  Naik,  and 
Songamala  Das . .  98 

Muda  Miyan  and  Vijaya  Kumara        . .          272,  f. 

Mughal  Mughals,  and  Marathas  in  the  Oarna- 
tic,  77  andn.  78. ;  emperor,  and  Sambaji,  120  ; 
or  Moghul,  conquest  of  the  Dakkan,  121,  f .; 
Mughal's  slipperv  incident  of,  122,  f. ;  suprem- 
acy in  Madura,  156,  150,  f.  ;  and  S.India, 
217,  219;  and  Samarkand,  231;  or  Mogul, 
emperor,  and  the  E.  I.  Co 280 

Muhammad  of  Qhazni,  in  India  . .         . .     34 

Muhammad  All,  and  magic,  59  n. ;  and 
Ohanda  Sahib,  247  and  n. ;  and  Vijaya 
Kumara,  etc 272—274 

Muhammad  Kasim,  and  India  . .          . .          . .     34 

Muhammad  Yakub  Khan,   with  Sir  A.  Stein, 

110,166,193,201,223 

Muhammadan,  Arohitscture  in  Gujarat,  etc., 
and  the  late  Dr.  J.  Burgess,  3,  f. ;  rule,  in 
8.  India,  34  f  over  Hindus,  64, 1 36  ;  attack* 
on  Tanjore,  38,  f . ;  claims,  and  Rauga  Krish- 
na, 122  ;  saints,  their  tombs,  near  ancient 
Buddhist  shrinee  in  Goraohftl,  141  ;  mosque, 
endowed  by  Mangammal,  159  ;  chiefs,  and 
Vellore,  160  n. ;  raid,  into  Travanoore,  162  n: 
advent,  into  Madura,  213  n.  j  interference  in, 
216,  217  andn.;  remains,  in  C.  Asia,  222  ;  art, 
in  Samarkand,  or  Musalman,  in  Trichinopoly 

241,   246 

Muhammadanhim,  and  Hinduism  in  Sind.  .206,  208 

Muhammadans,  tolerated,  by  Tirumal  Naik, 
28  ;  and  Ohokkanatha,  41-— 43,  96,  f ;  and 
Marathas  . .  •*  . .  •  •  . .  243 

Muharram,  the,  and  the  Bebi  Syed  cult          . .  207 

Muk-su,  gorge,  in  C.  Asia  . .         . .      226  &  n. 

MAlaka,  triba  or  oo.,  identified  with  Mftlikft  . .   127 

Maiikas,  m  Sulikaa         127 

Mul  Kadavara,  (see  a.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 
Vismi Sup.  117 

Multani  Revival  in  Sind 205,  207 

Muni 179,  f. 

Munja,  Paramara  k.          179,  f. 

Murari  Rao,  Maratha  governor  of  Triohino- 
poly,  242—244  and  n. ;  and  Muhammad  Ali.  247 

Murghab,  or  Bartang,  riv.,  226;  and  Oxus 
source,  blocked 227,254 

Murtuk,  BuddhUt  ruins  near       ..         ,.  202 

Murundas,Purudha«,  corruption  of  Mauryas.  152  &  n. 

Musalman,  domination,  and  Muttu  Virappa, 
etc.,  38,  f .;  invasion,  of  Madura,  42,  f.j  inter* 
fereuoe  in,  216,  238—142;  dargo^  grant 
made  to,  ITO  j  version,  of  Hindu  ouH,  205 ; 
and  Triohinopoly,  244 ;  as  omen  .  ,  F.G.  128 

Musaknans,  and  the  Maravo  tree,  F.G.  137 ; 
and  the  pig,  etc.  ..  ..  .*  F.G.  146 


Museum,  0.  Indian,  and  Delhi S5S 

Muttamm&l,    q.    to     Ranga    Krishna,    and 

Sati 124,156 

Muttu   Ala-kAdri,     Muttu    Virappa.    37,    f., 

40  &n.,  215 
Muttu  Kuoohu,  the  horse  of  the  Polygar  of 

Ariyalur  105  n. 

Muttu      Liu  gap  pa,      name    in    copper-plate 

grant.    ..         : 40  n. 

Muttu  Tirumalai  Naik  and  the  Marathas     . .  244 
Muttu  Vijaya  Raghun&tha,  209  n. ;  or  Vijaya 

Raghun&tha,  q.v 209 

Muttu  Vfrappa,  or  Muttu  AlakAdri,  q.v.        . .     37 
Muzaffar  Jang,  and  Nazir  Jang  . .          . .   247 

Muztagh-ata,  mt.,  range,  224;  or  Sel-tagh  ..  226 
My  lap  ore,  and  de  Nobilis,  22  ;  and  the  Portu- 
guese     . .          . .          . .         . .         . .         •  •  226 

Mysore,  a  Roman  Catholic  vioariate,  23  ;  and 
Chokkanfttha,  44  and  n.,  97 andn.,  98,  158  ; 
under  ChtkA  D£v*Raj,  57,  76 ;  and  Madura, 
76,  189 ;  attacked  by  Sambaji,  120  ;  and 
Aurangzeb,  etc.,  122  ;  and  Man  gamma},  158; 
and  the  Kongu  Province,  161  $  and  Triohi- 
nopoly, 183  ;  and  Vijaya  Kumara,  273  ;  and 

» the  Polygars 274 

Mysore,    Archaeological    Department,   Annual 

Report  for  1916,  book-notice           . .         . ,   135 
Mysoreans,  and  Ghokkandtha,  etc.,  40,  97  &  n., 
76  ;  and  Muhammad  Ali         247 


Nadivarman  (for  Nandivarman  ?),  last  Pallava 
k.,  and  Atiranaohanda  . ,  . .  .  •  68 

Nig  temples         F.G.  139 

Nagaraja,  in  the  Arjuna  bas-relief       . .         . .     54 

N&jarjunt  Hill  Caves,  inscrips 125,  127 

N&g-raagas,  beggar  sect  . .          . .      F.G.  140 

N&g-N&th,  a  snake         F.G.  139 

Nfcj-panchami,  snake  day          . .         . .  F.G.  138  f. 

Nags,inPatal F.G.  143 

Nahavana  (=NahapAna)r  date 152 

Nahavend,  battle  34 

Naik  Kingdom  of  Madura,  History  of  (oontd. 
from  VoUXLV,  p.  204),  22—28,  36—47, 
57—63,  74—78,  96—105,  119—124, 
156—163,  183—190.  209—219,  237—247, 

272—275 

NallOra,  a  VritUkara 191 

NA-mai  Kumara,  (see   9.v.  in  Index  to  1916) 

and  Vismi         *    Sup.  1 

names,  derived  from  animals  and  planU.  F.G.  144 
Namuchi,  a  MAMaw       ..        „        ..        66,67 
Nan*   Farnawls,    or  Furnuwee^   and   Wm. 
Bolt* ~         ».  279 


323 


Naada,  dynaity,  date     ........   152 

Nandavanam,  a  Roman  Catholic  residence 
in  8.  India  23 

mndivarman,  last  Pallavak.,  50  ;  N,  Pallava- 
rna1la,po«8ibly  surnamed  Atiranachan'la,  and 
the  Arjuna  Rjthaa,  etc.,  53  ;  (see  Nadivar- 
man,  68)  and  Pudukkudaiyan  fikadhfram,  69 
and  n.,  70  ;  victor  at  TellaTu,  71  ;  I.  .  .  71 

Nanga-Parbat,  mt.  in  C.  Asia  ......   112 

Nan-kou-oh6n,inO:Aflia,  has  Buddhiat  remains  199 


Narada,  and  Manu         ........     95 

:N*rasappaiya,  DalavAi   under    Mangamma], 
and    the  Christians,   159  n.  ;  and  Mysore, 
etc.,  162,  f.j  death  of  ........   183 

Narasirhhavarman  I,  Maharnalla,   Pallava   k.f 
•     (in     the     Mahabalip&r    Antiquities)     and 
Ceylon,  etc  .....  61—53,  55,  f.,  70,  f  . 

Narasimhavarman  II,  R&jasimha  (in  the  Maha- 
balipur  Antiquities),    55,    f.;    perhaps  sur- 
named  A^iranaohanda  ........     68 

Naravahas  (Naravahanam),  date          .  .         .  .   152 

Narvappaiya,  Dalavai  to  V.  R.  ChokkanAtha.  188 
Narendraohandra,  date  ........  276 

Nasik  oave  insorip  .........   127 

Nasratabad,  Seistan  cap.          ......  232 

ndtakas      ..........         ;•   173 

Nature,    or    vegetation,    female    element    in 
Sindhi  cults        .....  »         ••         ••   205 

N&ty&charya,  applied  to  Bharata         .  .          .  .    182 

N&tya&dstra,  a  work    by  liharata,   and  the 
Agnipurana,  174,  f.  ;  and  tho  ancient  rhet- 
oricians,   176  j  note  on,   177;  date,  178,  f.; 
and  Bhafta  Ldllata,  etc.,  181,  *•  ;  the  oldest 
work  on  Alamkdraa     ........   18;* 

Nava-guna-santiya,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916) 

andVisnu         ........     SuP'  ll7 

Nawab,of  the  Carnatio,  and  Madura,  217,  2  18  &  n. 
Nayaka,  Brahman  at  the  Court  of  Sankara- 

varman,  date   ..........   18° 

Nazir  Jang,  and  Mazaffar  Jang  ..  ..247 

Nearchus  ............   l33 

Negapatam,  and  the  cyclone  in  Pondioherry, 
(1761),  7,  15,  18;  first  Portuguese  settlement 
on  Coromandel  Coast,  74  and  n.;  and  Muttu 
Alakadri  ........  *«•  *• 

Nemiobandra,  Jaina  author,  date        .  .          188,  f. 
N&imtoi,  near  SAttOr,  has  insorips.  of  Chokka- 
nfttha     ..........  40  n. 

Neolithic  finds,  in  0.  Asia  (by  Sir  A.  Stein), 

140,  167,  169,  249 

NtwcastU,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  in  Pondi- 
oherry, (1761)    ..         ..      6*  8,  0,  11—  18,  20,  f. 

J*ew  Light  on  the  Gupta  Bra  and  Mihirakula 

287—296 


New  moon,  festival,  in  Sind 208 

Ngan-si,  Parthia 261 

Nicks,  John,  E.  I.  Co.'a  servant,  letter  to       . .   304 
Nicobar    Islands,   and    Austria's  Commercial 

Venture  in  tho  Eighteenth  Century  . .         277,  f. 
Him,  loaves,  and  snake  bites,  KG.  142;  tree, 

F.Q.  144 

Nirgranthas,  .lainu  sect,  and  Kalkiraja          . .   287 
Nirvana,  of  Mahavira,  and  the  l>irth  of  Kal- 

kir"Ja 287,28i) 

nishtlid,  Of  Kttlki jgQ 

Niya,  oasis,  141  ;  riv 140 

Nizam,  tho,  and  Madura,  oto.     . .        243  &  n. ;  244 
Nohilis,  Roht.  de,  foundor  of  Jesuit  Mission  in 

Madura,  retirement  imd  lust  days    . .       22,  61  n. 
Norfolk,  tho  ship,  and  tho  oycloue  at  Pondi- 

ohorry   (1761)  6,  9—12,   14  ft  n.,  15,  18  n.,  19,  21 
Northinyton,   13.   I.   CO.'H  ship,  and  Austria's 

Commercial  Venture  in  tho  18tli  Century     ..   284 
Noten  from  Old  Factory  Reoorda,   48,  64,   79, 

IOC,  192,  220,  248;  275,  304 

Notes  on  Sind,  I.  The  position  of  Mt.  Eiros  . .   133 
Notion   of    Kingship,  the,   in   tho   tiukhawti, 

book-notice        . .          . .         . .          , .          . .      48 

nouns  in  tho  Prakrits     . .         . .         . .  34,  f. 

aVovara,  frigato,  in  Austria*a  commercial  von- 

turn  in  tho  Eighteenth  Century         . .          . .   278 

numbers,  lucky,  etc.        . .         . .         . .     F.G.   128 

Numismatics,  and  the  date  of  Kunishka         . .  271 
Nut,  Russian  post  in  the  Pamirs  . .          . .  230 

Nyachut,  pass      ..         ..         ..         ..          ..114 

s,  used  by  B ana      ..          ..          ..          ..191 


0   &   Ej    tho  Wide    Sound    of,   with    Special 

Reference  to  Oujarati 297 — 304 

Oddisa,  (see  *.».  in  Index  to  1916),  and  Viijnu, 

Sup.  117 
Oemo-Kadphisos,     Yen-Kao-Tohon,     son     of 

Kadphises         261 

official,  an,  present  to,  in  Old  Factory  Records.  220 
Offspring,  for  tho  childless  . .  . .  F.Q.  139 
Old  Factory  Records,  see  Notes  from  . .  . .  48 
Omalur,  R.  C.  Missionary  settlement  in  8. 

India 24 

omens        F.Q.  12*— 128 

O-po,  pass 190 

oppression,  official,  under  V.  Chokkan&tha  . .  187 
Original  Papers  Relating  to  the  Cyclone  at 

Pondicherry  on  New  Year's  day  in  1761     . .  5  ff . 

Orina,  and  Kalkl ..148 

Orme,  R.,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondicherry  in 

1761        ..        ..       5,  6n,,  12<fcn.,  13  An.,  16 


324 


INDEX 


Orur,  battlefield    ...         213 

Oulgaref,  one  of  the  four  communes  of  Pondi- 
oberry  ..  ••  ••  •  •  .  • .  7  &  11. 

Outlines  of  the  History  of  Alamkara  litera- 
ture, Part  II  (contd.  from  Vol.  XL,  p.  288),  173,ff. 

OXUB,  valley,  early  Tibetan  invasion  of,  etc., 
117;  river,  224—226,  228—231;  problem 
of  its  source,  by  Lord  Curzon  and  Sir  H. 
Trotter 253—255 


padya,  sub-divisions  of 173 

PahUvas,  settle  in  W.  India 34 

Pakhtun  Wali,  Raja,  and  the  Dard  Republics, 

111—110 

Palaeography,  and  the  date  of  Kanishka  . .  271 
Paleolithic  settlement  in  Chok-tagh,  traces 

of  HO 

Palaka,  date  of 152 

Palanga,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Ya-Raju, 

Sup.  120 

PAiayame,  of  Ramnad,  and  V.  Raghunatha  . .  200 
Palghat,  R.  C.  Missionary  district  in  8.  India.  24 
Pallava,  R&yas,  Tbn&amans,  their  rise,  46; 

rule,  in  Conjeevaram 67 

Pailavamalla,  Naraiimhavannan  I  . .  . .  53 
Pallavas,  of  Tondaman^alam,  and  the  Pal  lava 

Ray  as,  etc.,  46 ;  their  origin,  72 ;  or  Kunint* 

bas          73 

Pallioate,  Pulioat  . .         14 

Pallikon Jan,  shrine,  Mahabalipftr          . .  C8,  f. 

Palm  (see  s.v.  in    Index  to  1916)  and  Visva- 

karma     . .         Sup.  119 

palm-leaf  MSB.,  finds  in  C.  Asia         . .      1 36,  143 

Vahii,  and  Mangammaj 185 

paintings,  in  Temple  of  the  Thousand  Buddhas  194 
Pamir,  Little,  lake,  and  the  source  of  the  OXUB.  254 
Pamirs,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  224—226,  228,  f . ; 

and  the  source  of  the  Oxus     * .         . .         253,  f. 
Panan  Devi  (see  *.  v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 

Visnu      .  *          .  •         •  •          •  •          . .     Sup.  117 
Pancha  P6n<teva  Ratha,  of  Mahabalipur        . .     52 

pandal,  thatched  shed 6 

Pandarams,    R.  O.    Missionaries    to  the  low 

castes   in  8.   India,  24—26  . .         ..90 

Pandavas,  the,  and  the  Khijado  tree  : ;  F.G.  136 
PAtfni,  106  j  and  KatyAyana,  107  ;  first  referred 

to  dramatic  art,  177  ;  and  Bharata. .          178,  f . 
Panjab,    and    the  Oxus  riv.,  255;  and  the 

Kushans . .         •  •         .  •         •  •         • .         .  •  266 
Pan -Young,  or  Yong  and  the  Htou  Han  C&ou, 

262,  263  <k  n.,  264 
Parallels,  Some  Interesting       .V        .Y    233—236 


Param&jvaravarman,  or  Mallaiyarkon,  Pallava 

k.  and  the  antiquities  of  MahAUlipur,  51 ; 

k.  of  Mailer,  52  j  (I)  63 ;  called  Atyantakamaj    56- 
Parangis,  applied  to  Missionaries         . .        24,  103* 
Parflntaka,  first  Ch6}»  k.   ..        ..         ..  50 

ParfoSara,  family  name  of  Kalkl  . .      145,  149 

Paravane,  and  Christianity       . .         . .          24,  26 

Pariahs,  and  Christianity,  etc 27,  99,  f. 

Paris,  has  archaeological  remains  from  C.  Asia, 

253;  and  Wm.  Bolts 278 

Parker,  Capt.,  of  the  Orafton     ..         . .  6, 15 

Pdro,  curative  stone,  F.Q.  146 ;  or  Ratvano  P&ro, 

SuUimaniParo F.G.  147 

parrot,  the,  and  intellect F.Q.  151 

P arsis,  and  the  cow,  F.G.  145;  and  fire . .  F.G.  149 
Parthia,  Ngan-si,  and  Kadphises  ..  261,  f. 
Parthians,  rule  Lower  Indus  Valley,  etc.  . .  34 ;  269 

Parvatt,  g.  and  the  lion F.  G.  145 

P&rvatf,  sister  of  Ranganatha,  and   wife  of 

TirumalNaik 36 

PAtupata,  feiva's  weapon 54—56 

Paeur,  R.  C.  residence  in  S.  India        . .  23,  f. 

P&d/,  Nether  World,  and  the  Nfigs     . .     F.G.  143 

Patala,  and  Hyderabad 133 

Pataljputra,  a  science  centre 135 

Patafijali,  and  Pfioini,  107  ;  and  the  drama. .  178  n. 

Pate,  Ch.,  and  Job  Charnock 260 

pathmAr,  pattamars,  runner       . .         . .         9 ;  282 

Patika,  date 266,  267  &  n. 

PattavaU  Chronology,  Jaina 152 

Pattini,  (bee  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Vibva- 

karma,  Sup.  1 18 ;  and  Ya-Raju  . .  Sup.  120 
Pattukkottai,  fort,  insorip.  at  .,  , .  163  11. 
P'au  Ta-jgn,  Mandarin,  in  Urumohi  . .  . .  202 

pearl  fisheries,  of  Ramnarl         210 

Pedro,  c.,  in  Ceylon        9 

Pein  (of  Marco  Polo)  or  Pi-mo 141 

Pei-shan  Gobi,  region,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  194 — 

197,  199,  f. 

Pei-ting,  or  Chin-man,  ancient  cap.  in  Mongo- 
lia region          200* 

Pelliot,   Prof.,  and   Temple  of  the  Thousand 

Buddhas  194 

Pennerton,  and  Pen  worth  am  . .  256  &  n.,  257 
Pen  worth  am  Pennerton,  j  arish  in  Ley  land, 

Lancaster,  mentioned  in  J.  Charnock's  will, 

256  &  n.,  257  &  n.,  258 
Perahara  (see  «.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Yema- 

Simha-Bandara  Sup.  120 

persecution,  of  Christians,  in  8.  India,  99 ;  of 

Proenza,  100  ;  by  V.  BanghunAtha  . .  . .  210 
Persia,  84 ;  232  j  and  Austria  in  the  Eighteenth 

Century 278 

Persian,  dynasty,  overthrown,   language,  in 

India,  84;  designs  in  Astana  tombs.,         ..203- 


INDEX 


325 


philanthropy,  of  Manpmma 
phirmainds,  /ormon 


157,  f . 
..  286 


Fhoguel*  site  of  ancient  Buddhist  sanctuary  ..115 
Phyeioramany,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondi- 

cherry  (1761) 22 

Pigot,  Geo.f  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondicherry, 

(1761) 8,10,11,22 

Pigot,  Lord,  killed  by  magic    . .         . .  59  n. 

Pilgrims,  Chinese  Buddhist,  and  Darel          . .   Ill 
Pillar   edicts,  of    Asoka,   and   the    late    Dr. 

J.  J.  Fleet        131 

Pi-mo,  (of  Hsilan-tsang)  or  Point          ..         ..HI 

Pipal,  holy  tree P.O.  130—138 

piracy,  punishments  for 275 

Pir  Jhareon,   cult    in    Siud,   20(5 ;  or    Sultan 

Hussain,  Mai  Pir          207 

piahdchas,  female  evil  spirits     ..         ..     F.G.  132 
plants,  names  derived  from,   F.G.  144  ;  and 
animals,  F.G.   145;    and  stones,  F.G.  146; 

and  marriage F.G.  148 

plough,  hala,  (55  ;  sacred  . .          . .      F.G.  148 

Po-oh'gng-tzu,  and  Sir  A.  Stein 221 

Pooook,  Admiral,  and  the  cylone  at  Pondi- 
cherry (1761)  14,19 

poetics,  origin,  etc.,  135  ;  theory  of,  etc.         . .  173 
Poetry,  135  ;  in  A Iwbbira  literature,  173,  f.;  178,  180 

poets,  classification  of 173 

Pogalur,  former  cap.  of  liamiiad           . .          .  .     45 

Polygars,  and  Chokkanatha,  90,  f.,  190;  under 

Rahga  Krishna,  121 ;  and  Vijaya  Kumara, 

172—174;    and  Bhavani  Sankara,  212,  239 

— 241 ;   of  Triohinopoly,  and  the   Muham- 

ynp^ftnn  .  .  .  .  . .  ..  ..  ..    245 

Pondicherry,  Original  papers  relating  to  the 
Qyclone  at  (in  1761),  5—22 ;  R.  C.  Vicari- 
ate,  23;  French  settlement  . .  . .  24,  217 

Poona,  and  Wm.  Bolts 279 

Por-dobe,  rest-house  in  Russian  Pamirs         . .  225 

Porto  Novo,  in  S.  Arcot 6  &  n. 

Portuguese,  and  French,  in  Pondicherry,  22  ;  and 
the  Pan4&rams,  24;  and  slaves,  in  Madura, 
42  and  n.;   and  Sambaji,  1 20 ;  Missions  in 

Sind 205 

pottery,  painted,  fragment,  at  Mirpur  Khas, 
206,  208  ;  finds  in  C.  Asia  . .  * .  249,  f. 

Pouta,  co.,  .and  Kadphises         261 

Prahlad,  and  the  Holi  festival  . .  .  .F.G.  155,  f. 
Prakiki-ita-avadhyaya-charcM  pdra,  a  biruda  of 

the  Kadamba  kings 155 

Pr§krit,  the  Dravidian  element  in  it  . .  33—36 
Prakrit,  Kadamba,  inscription  of  Malavalli.  154,  f. 
Prakrit,  or  Apabhramca,  and  Gujarati, 

297—209,  302  n. 
ofco,  death  wail F.G.  133 


Pratlharenduraja,  writer,  quote*  Bharata,  176; 

and  Rudrata 190 

prayers,  for  children,  etc.  207 

Prayoga,  ceremony,  and  change  of  sex  . .  F.G.  1 2£f 
pregnancy,  F.G.  131 ;  and  fire-worship , .  F.G.  146 

prehistoric  finds  in  C.  Asia  24$ 

present,  to  an  official,  from  Old  Factory 

Records 220 

Predeaux,  Maj 232 

priests,  Hindu,  and  de  Nobilis 24 

Prjevalsky,  Russian  General 253 

Proenza,  R.  C.  Missionary  in  8.  India  . .  25,  99,  f . 
Protector,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondioherry, 

<1761) 6,8,9,11,15—18,20,21 

Ptolemy's  Geography,  translated  by  the  late 

Dr.  Burgess,  2  ;  and  Malange  (Mallai  ?)  . .  71 
puberty,  and  the  pipal  tree,  F.G.  138,  159 ; 

and  boys j\G.  160 

Pudukkotta,  Marava  fort,  and  Chokkanatha,  43; 

State,  origin  of,  46,  f.  ;  and  Raghunatha,  57, 

210  ;  and  R&mmid \ .  212,  f . 

Pulakesin,  Pulikesin  II,  Vallabha,  at  war  with 

Narasimha         . .          . .          . .          . .          . .     51 

Pulicat,  Palliacate,  Dutch  settlement . .  12  ,  14 

putta,  fish,  vehicle  of  Uderolal,  in  Sind.    205,  f.  208 
punishments,  for  piracy  . .         . .          . .   275- 

Purdiias,  the,  and  Kalki,  145—150,152,  153 

and  n. ;  take  their  present  form  .,  ..17ft 
Pushpadanta,  Gandharva  k.f  reputed  author  of 

the  Mahimnastava 164 

Pushyamitra,  date  . .  . .  . .  . .  152 


Queensborough,  ship,  and  the  Cyclone  at  Pondi- 
cherry (1761)6,  8,  9, 11—13, 16  and  n.— 18,  20,  21 
Quilon,  Korkulam  162 


RAchamalla  IV,  Ganga  k 288 

ra/ate,  galleries  on  precipices 227 

rag,  offerings,  to  trees  . .  . .  •  •  •  •  208 
Raghavabhatta,  author  of  the  commentary  on 

the  Arthadydtanika  179  &  n. 

Raghoji  Bhonsle,  and  Baji  Rao  I,  etc.  . .  242  &  n. 
Raghunatha,  Kelavin  of  Ramna4,  45 ;  rise  of, 

57  ;  and  Madura  183,  209  n. 

raids,  by  Huns,  in  C.  Asia  222 

rain  F.Gk  147 

rainbow,  and  the  motor F.G.  14S 

rainfall,  ceremony  F.G.  154 

RAjaekhara(Raja*ekharaT) 185 


326 


INDEX 


Raja  Gopichand,  cuit  in  Bind 206 

Raja,  Pakhtun  Wftli,  q.  W         Ill 

Raja  Ram,  and  AurangBeb,   122 ;  and  Zalfikar 

Khan 160  &  n. 

Rdjaftekhara,  poet,  date-  of,  by  the  late  Dr. 

Fleet,  131;  dramatist 135 

Rajaaimha  Naraaunhavarman  II,    k.  in  the 
Mah&balipur  antiquities,  possibly  Atirana- 
ohanda  . .          . .          . .         . .         . .  53,  56,  68 

Rajasimha  Pallavesvaram,  k.,  shrine  at  Maha- 

balipftr . .         68—71 

Rajaathani,  Old  Weatern,  or  GujarAti,  q.v.  . .  297 
Rajputana,  home  of  Kalkt  ..  ..  149,  f. 
Rajputs,  and  Arabs  inSind,  34 ;  of  Mew&r,  and 

Akbar,  148 ;  a  marriage  ceremony  of. .  F.G.  138 
Raji,  site  of  capital,  ancient  Dare]  . .  . .  115 
Rakusu,  (&.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Visnu.  Sup,  117 
Ram,  g.,  and  death  . .  . .  F.G.  130  &  n. 

Rama,  g.t  and  the  Maravas 101 

Roma,  (a.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Vispu.     Sup.  1 17 

Rama,  and  V.  Raghunatha       210 

Rama,  and  Prahlad         F.G.  155,  f. 

BAmachandra  Pant,  Maratha  statesman       . .    161 
Rama-Lakshmapa,  a  camel   belonging  to  the 
Polygar  of  Ariyalur     . .         . .         . .  105  n. 

RAmalinga  Vilasa,  hall  built   by    V.  Raghu- 
natha      211 

Ramanatha,  g.,  and  V.  Raghunatha  ..  209,211 
Ramappaiya,  minister  under  Tirumal  Naik  . .  37 
Rameivaram  temple,  in  Ramnad,  and  Surya 

RAja,  45  ;  and  V.  Raghunatha          . .          . .   209 
Ramndd,  and  Ghokkan&tha,  43,  f.,  190  ;  under 
Kilavan   Sfitupati,  45,  f.,  190,  209  ;  and  Fu- 
dukkotta,    46 ;   and    the  Toit()amans,    57 ; 
cyclone  (of  1709),  190  ;  death  of  V.  Raghu- 
natha, in  210,  f. ;  war  of  succession  in,  etc., 
211—213;  Polygars  of,  and  Chan  da  Sahib, 
241  ;  and  Vijaya  Kumar  a,  246,  f .,  272,  f. ; 

and  Muhammad  Ali 274 

Ram  RAja,  brother  of  Sambaji  . .         . .   160 

Ram  Singh, Naik,  surveyor,  with  Sir  A.  Stein.  .144 
Bana  Vtrabhadia,  elephant  of  the  Polygar  of 

Ariyalur  105  n. 

Ranga  Krishna  tMuttu  Virappa  (1682—1689) 
son  of  ChokkanAtha,  104  and  n. ;  character, 
etc.,  119—121;  and  the  Mughal's  slipper,  122, 
f.;  death  of,  124  and  n.,  158;  and  Travancore   162 
Rangappa  Naik  and  Kumara  Muttu     . .       38  &  n. 
Ranga  Raya,  6rf,  in  msorip*.  .  .40  n. ;  98  n. ;  239  n. 
Ranr.a,  Kannaga  poet,  pupil  of  Ajitasena   . .  289 
RAtabha,  kings,  Gardabhila*,  date      ..         ..152 
?o«a«,  173  ;  treated  by  Bharata,  177,   f.;   and 

Rudrabhatta    ..         ..         180 

artawa,  disease    . .         . .         . .        . .    F.  G.  147 


Ravivarma,  of  Travancore,  and   Mawgammal, 

162  n.,  163 

Raymond,  M.,  of  Pondioherry 6*12 

rebellion,  of  Bhavani  feankara  and  Tc^am&n. .  210 

rebirth "     "..      F.G.  131 

records,  from  C.    Asia,  found  by  Sir  A.   Stein, 

Chinese,  144,  168,  f.,193,  195,  198,  203,  222; 

Kharoshthi 166,  f.,  222 

Records,  Old  Factory,  Notes  from,  48,  64,  79, 

106,  192,220,248,276,304 
Regency  of  Mangamma)  . .         . .      156—163 

relationship.  Prakrit  nouns  of 34 

Religion,  in  Sind 205,  ff. 

remains,  in  C.  Asia,  finds  by  Sir  A.  Stein,  of 

burial  grounds,  etc.,  168,   f.;   of  settlement, 

222  ;  Buddhist,  etc 144,  232, 249, 253 

remedies,  for  snake  bites  . .          . .       F.G.  141 

Republics,  the  Dard,  and  Kaja  Pakhtun  Wali, 

111—113 

Rerhi,  and  Eiros,  suggested  identification  of  . .  133 
Residences,  R.  C.,  five,  in  S.  India  , .  23  &  n.,  24 
Revenge,  the  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondi- 

cherry(1761) 8,11,18 

revenue,  Naik       . .          . .         . .          . .          . .     37 

Revival,  Multani,  in  Sind          206 

rhetoricians,  ancient,  and  the  Agnipurdna  ..176 
rheumatic,  and  the  Paro  stone  . .  . .  F.G.  146 

Rich,  or  Kermin,  Pass 137 

rishis,  and  crows  , .          . .          . .          . .     F.G.  151 

RUit,  four 173 

Rifcta,  (see  s.v.    in  Index  to  1916)  and  Yama- 

duti  Sup.  120 

River,  or  male  element,  in  Sindhi  cults.  205 — 208 
Rochford,  ship,  and  Austria's  Commercial    Ven- 
ture in  the  Eighteenth  Century 284 

rock-cut  shrines,  MahfibalipOr 49 

Rock-cut  Temples  of  Etephanta,  by  the  late  Dr. 

J.  Burgess          . .         . .         . .          . .          .  t       i 

Roman  Limes 250 

Rose-water,  (see  «.  v.  in  Index  to  1916)    and 

vi?nu Sup.  117 

Roshan,  Pamir  Valley     . .         . .     226,  f. ,  230, 255 
routes,  ancient,  in  C.  Asia,  168 — 171,  193,  200, 
223,  225,  226  and  n.,228, 231, 250,  255,  265  &  n. 

Royal  George,  the . .  i7Di 

Rudrabhatta  and  Rudrata        jgQ 

Rudran  Karman,  poet 7^ 

Rudrata  and   Rudrabhatta,  possible  identity 

of,  180  ;  and  the  Naiyaaastra 133 

ruins,  in  C.  Asia,  Buddhist  shrines,  etc.,  137, 
139,  201,  f.  223,  f.,  232,  250  ;  of  forts,  etc., 

114,  196,222.224.229 

Rukattana  (see  *.«.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 
Viflvakarma .*'.     Sup.  H0 


INDEX 


327 


Rdp*kat  in  the  Nfayalfotra,  etc. . .       . .      178,  181 

Russel,  Mr.  0.,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondicheity 
(in  1761)  22 

Russia,  (Govt.  of)  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  224,  f  ;  and 
England  252 

Hustaxn  Khan,  favourite  of  Alak&dri,  usurpa- 
tion of 96,  98,  f . 

Ryan,  Francis,  partner  of  Wm.  Bolts,  2  81  &  n., 

282,  285 


Sa'Adat  AH  Khan,  death  of      ..         ..  21 7  n. 

Sabda          173 

Swo8tanat  land  of  Saoas,  or  Scythians  . .  232 

sacrifices,  human,  etc F.G.  146,  f. 

feadrass,  Sadras,  (Seven  Pagodas)  Dutch  set- 
tlement, Chingleput  Dist 10  &  n. 

Safdar  Ali.and  Triohinopoly, etc.,  217 — 219and 
n. ;  and  the  Marathas,  242  n.,  243  and  n., 

244  andn.,  246 

Bagosi,  Muhaminadan  gen,  of  Jiugi  . .          . .   41,  f. 
Sahaia,    Sahalatavi,  vil.  in  Kadaraba,  has  an 

ins.  of  Mahavalli          lr»«f> 

Shhityadarpaiia,  a  work  by  Vifcvanatha,  men- 
tions early  dramas  178 

St.  George,  Fort,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondi- 
cherry  (1701),  7—12,  22,  259  n.,  260;  and 
Austria's  Commercial  \7cnture  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century 282 

St.  Lubin,  French  Ambassador  atPoona      ..   279 
St.  Mary  Woollchurch,   London  parish,  birth- 
place of  Richard  Charnock     . .         256,  258  &  n. 
Saiva,  faith,  and  Tirumal  Nfuk,  28 ;  altar,  at 

Sehwan 20tf 

Saivism  and  Sind 206,  208 

gaka,  Era,  267  ;   reference  by  Jinaseiia,   287 ; 

dates,  292—295 

SAkambhari,  fcambhala 149 

gaharAja,  date 289 

gakatayana  1 0  7,  f. ,  290 

Salem,  R,  C.  missionary  settlement,  24 ;  and 

Chokkanatha,    44  ;  and  Chikka  D£va         . .   162 
Salisbury,  ship,  and   tho  cyclone  at   Pondi  - 

cherry  (1761) 9,15,17 

*alt-petre,  an  import  to  Pondicherry  . .         . .     10 

Samagial,  vil.  in  Darel. .  115 

8&manattam,  village 187 

Samarkand         4 231 

Sambaji,  and  the  Mughal  empire        . .  120,  f .,  160 
Sambandar,  TSv&ram  hymner,  contemporary 
of  Narasi*nhavarxnftn  I.     ...         . ,        . .     55 
article  . .        ..  F.G.  147,  f. 


Sambhala,   S&hambharf    in  RdjputAna,  birth- 

place  of  Kalki 149 

Saihdhi*,  and  Datujin 180,  182 

Styhdhyahga         j  82 

Savhgraha,  lost  grammatical  work  by  Vyafli.  178  n. 
;wamudragupta,  the  Indian  Napoleon  . .  71, 

swnvat,  a  year 131 

sanads,  at  Sringeri         ..         ..         ,.          ..136 

Sanatkumara,  g (jg 

Sanctuary,  ancient  Buddhiet,  in  Darel  . .    115 

tiandwich,  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondioherry 

(1761) 8—10 

ftaiikarflcharya,  date,  and  the  late  Dr.  Fleet, 

131  ;  and  Sringeri,  136;  matJia.  ut  Jambuki^s- 

varam  and  V.  R".  Chokkan&tha       . .       187  &  n 
ftankaravarman,  patron  of  XAyaka     ..          ..ISO 

Sankuka  and  Bharata 180 

»annyasat  renunciation  .  .          . .          . .          . .     87 

Sanskrit,  Grammar,    106,  ff.  ;    and  Afatiikfira 

literature,  173— 175  ;  drama,  «M,c.,  177-rl79  ; 

and  O.  W.  lUjasthAni  or  auparati,  279,  f., 

30],f.,  304 

Sanyasa . .          . .     66 

Saiiyasins,  ascetics,  R.  C.  miHaionaries  to  tbo 

high  Castes  in  S.  India 24,  ff. ;  99 

8anyasiitt  asceticH  . .          . .          . .     F.G.  132 

Sapta-rishis  . .          .  .          .  .          . .          . .     69 

Sarada,  goddess,  and  Sri nperi 136 

Sarasvuti,  and  tho  jwacock,  K.G.  145  ;  and  the 

goose F.G.  151 

Sarasvattkanthdbharana,  a  work  by  Bh6ja       . .    176 

Sarez  1'ainir          227  &n.,  228 

Surnatli  iriscrip 270,  f.,  292,  f. 

Adrnfjat  bow 

naro  yayatn,  magic  mantra 
Mirvam^nya  =r  five  of  taxes 
Sarvunanda,  author  of  (]jo  Tikaxar 
Sarvatobhadra,  type  of  image    . . 
Sarvarvarinan,  Mankliuri  k.,  insnr 

of 

Sasivan.ia   Periya  Uf]aya  Tevan, 

Vollikkottai,  revolt  of 
iSassanian,  (early,)  or  Indo-Scythian,'1 

turc,  229,  232  ;  coins     . .     203, 
SfHakarm  Gotamiputra,  6ri,  Andhra  k. 

Satdno,  festival  in  Sind 207,  .f 

Satara,    imprisonment  of  Chanda   Sahib  in, 

242  n.  246 

Satarsingo,  spirit F.G.  135 

Sathia,  figure         F.G.  153 

Sati,  uxorial  custom,  87,  f.,  92  ;  of  MuttammAl, 

124,  156  ;  of  V.  R.  ChokkanAtha's  wives  . .  213 
Satraps,  Northern,  etc.,  226 — 268  $  coins  of.  270,  f . 
Satrufijaya,  Temples,  and  the  late  Dr.  Burgess.  1,  2 


328 


INDEX 


Saturn,  Shani F.G,  146 

Satyamangalam,  B.  C., residence  in  8.  India, 
23  and  n.— 26  ;  taken  by  Mysore     . .         . .     76 

Saunab,  Kirghim  hamlet  227 

Savai,  Shahji,  or  Stddoji,  Tanjore  impostor  . .  241 
S&vitri,  and  the  Banyan  tree  ..  ..  F  G.  137 
Sayaji,  k.  of  Tanjore,  and  the  French. .  241,  f. 
Scripts,  various,  finds  in  0.  Asia,  by  Sir 

A.  Stein  198,  201 

sculptures,  stucco,  from  C.  Asia  ••  144,  199 
Scythians,  and  India,  81 ;  or  Saoas,  232 ; 

coins,  Sassanian,  q.v.  . .  203,  266  &  n. ;  267 

secrecy,  and  mystic  lore  . .         . .     F.G.  155 

Sehwan,  in  Sind,  Saiva  altar  in  . .     20  6,  208 

Seistan,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  281,  f. ;  and  Sir 

H.  McMahon 249,  f.,  260 

Sel-tagh,  Maztagh,  mts.  in  Pamirs  . .  . .  226 
gengamala  Das,  son  of  V.  Raghava,  74  ;  and 

Chokkanatha 98,  f. 

Sengulam,  tax-free  village        187 

sense,  figures  of 174,  179 

Sera,  Mughal  prov.  in  the  Carnatic  . .  . .  162 
Serava,  ancient  oap.  of  Bijapur  •  •  . .  161 

Seres,  China,  and  silk  trade 225 

Scringapatam,  and  magic  in  war         . .         .  .59  n. 
erpent,  and  tree  worship          . .         .  .F.G.  136, ff, 
settlements,  ancient,  remains   of,   in  C.  Asia 

140,  166,  f.,   198,  222. 

Setupati,  the,  58,  120 ;  Raghunatha,  revolt  of, 
183,  and  n.;  affairs  under  V.  R.  Chokkanatha, 
"Kiiavan*  188,  190,  209;  still  Chief  of 

Rftmnfc}  213 

Seven  Pagodas,  in.,  Sadras       . .         . .  10  n. 

Seven  Seas  (see  *.<>.  in  Index  to  1916)  and 

Visnu        Sup.  118 

Seven  Years'  War  and  Pondioherry  . .  . .  6 
sexes,  numerical  equality,  and  Caste,  85,  f.; 

change  of  F.G.  126 

Bhahakhel  Baba,  Mohammadan  Saint,  and  Darel  115 
Shah  Alim  Mehtarjao,  of  Dard,  with  Sir  A. 

Stein        H2,f. 

Shah  Jhando,  the  Saviour  Ferryman,  in  Sindhi 

Cult        205,208 

Shahji,  and  Tanjore  . .  57,  99,  160,  162,  f. 
Shahristan,  ruins  in  Persian  Seistan  ..  ..250 
Shahzada  Mian,  with  Sir  A.  Stein  . .  ..116 
Shakespeare,  and  the  number  *  forty  ' . .  233,  236 

Shakh-darra,  Pamir  Valley        230 

stolandi,  (Arab.)  obelingues,  row-boats  . .  12 
ShJMgr&m,  stone,  and  Vishnu  ..  ••  F.G.  146 
Sh^mafj  Padakamemu,  form  of  devotion. .  F.G.  155 

Shami,  Khijado  tree F.G.  136 

Shams  Din,  Naik,  with  Sir  A.  Stein.  137,  144, 

170,  202 


Shani,  Saturn      ........  ""  F.G.  14 

Shan-shan  or  Louian,  the  present  Lop  region  .  .  144 
Shardai  Pass,  near  Darel          ......   115 

Shdstra*,  the,  and  Caste  system  ..        ..00 

Shatchandi,  or  prayop*  of  Rudra,  sex-changing 
ceremony          ........    F.G,  125 

shaving      ..........  F.G.  131,  f. 

Shekh  Tabir,  Uderolfti,  Hindu  cult  in  Sind  .  .  205 
Sheldon,  Dan.,  friend  of  Job  Charoock,  259 

and  n.,  260 
SheobatPass       ..........  116 

ShiK  Stiem,  row  ........    F.G.  154 

Shindi,  gorge        ........        221,  f. 

Shitala,  goddess,  and  the  ass     .  .         .  .    F.G.  145 

Shiva,  and  trees,  F.G.  136  ,  f.;  and  snakes,  F.G. 

139,  f.;  and  Ganpati,  etc.,  F.G.  145  ;  and 

Dhunda   ..........    F.G.  155 

Shore  temple,  Mahabalipur        .  .         .  .          68,  f. 

Shrbddha,  ceremony          ..         ..     F.G.  130  —  133 

shrines,  in  Mahabalipur,  49;  ruins  in  C.  Asia, 

144;  or  sanctuary,  232  ;  in  Madura  .  .  186 

Shukra,  Venus,  and  the  Sun      .  .         .  ,     F.G.  145 
Shulga,  M.,  Russian  representative  in  Samar- 

kand     .  .         ..........  23  1 

S  alposh  Kafirs,  and  the  Oxus  Valley  .  .  229 

Siddhraj  Jaysing,  k.  of  Gujarat          ..     F.G.  134 
Siddoji,  Savai  Shahji,  q.v  ........   241 

siege,  of  Pondioherry,  9,  10  ;  of  Triohinopoly, 

39  ;  of  Madras  ..........  161 

sieves,  sacred      ........     F.G.  147 

Sikandar  Shah,  Sultan  of  Bijapur       .  .         .  .     74 

Sikkalai,  tax-free  village  ......  187 

faitehd,  the,  and  the  Agnipurdna        .  .         .  .   175 

Silalin,  dramatic  author  ......  172 

silence,  in  mystic  lore     ......     F.G.  155 

silk,  MSB.  finds,  by  Sir  A.  Stein,  in  C.  Asia, 

143  ;  traders,  in  Pamirs          .  .   225,  226  n.,  231 
Simhanandin,  sage          ........  288 


,  founded  the  Pajlava  dyn.       71  &  n. 
Sind,  and  the  Arabs,  34  j  Notes  on,  133  j  Reli- 

gion  in  ..........         205,  ff. 

sins,  and  cow's  urine       ......     F.G.  145 

61ta,  (see  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916)  and  Wooden 

Peacock  ........     Sup.  119 

Stta,  and  the  plough      ......      F.G.  146 

SitarghPass        ..........  231 

Siva,  and  the  Mahabalipur  antiquities,  54—56 

and  n.,  66,  70  ;  as  86maskanda.  68  &  n.,  69,  f. 
givaganga,  a  division  of  Rtmnad,  213  j  refuge  of 

Bangfiru,  239—241$  and  of  Vijaya  Kumara  245,  f  . 
Sivaji  and  the  Carnatic,  76  ;  and  Ekoji  ,  ,  W 
&vaka*i,  and  Kumara  Motho  .  .  ,  .  37,  f.,  215 
Sivakhadavarman,  k,,  in  the  Kadamba  Piafc* 

ritinserip.  ofMalavalli         ..        -        154,  f. 


INJ5BX 


329 


Skanda,  Subrohmanya  , 
Skandagupta,  149 ;  date  . 
•kin  diseases,  cures 
slaves,  in  A.  adura 
Slipper,  the  Mughal's     , 
Small-pox,  goddess  of 


68  n. 

291 

. .  F.G.  146 

42  n. 

122 

..F.G.  145,150,  154 


Smith,  R.,  Brigadier-General,  011  the  cyclone 

at  Pondicherry  ( 1761)  . .         . .         212  n. 

Snake,  (serpent)  and  tree  worship,  F.G.  136; 
by  Hindus,  F.G.  137,  f. ;  temples,  list  of, 
F.G.  139,  ff.^bites,  F.d.  141—143;  guar- 

dians F.G.  143 

fco4asa,  Satrap,  date       . .         .  .266t  267  &  n.,  270 

Sogdian  script,  finds  oi 167,  f . 

Sogdiana 231 

£6lavandan,   has   choultrieh,    ac.,  built     by 

Mangammal US 

£omanathapur,  Kesava  temple  ..         ..  248 

SOmaskanda,  Siva  68 

Somerset,  Capt.  of  the  Wey mouth         . .         . .     15 
SongodeB  and    Songal,    suggested    identifica- 
tion         133 

fc'otale,  niatftu,  187  n.;  and  V.  K.  Chokka- 
natha,  and  Kilavan  Setupati  . .  190  n. 

*oul,  the F.G.  131,  133 

Scuid,  the  wide,  of  E  and   0,   with   special 

reference  to  Gujarat! £  97,  ff . 

£otith  Jndian  Architecture  and  Iconography,  by 

Prof.  Jouvean-Dubreuil         . .         . .         . ,     50 
Scttth   Sea  tastl?,  ship,   and  the    cyclone  at 

Pondichrrry  (1761) 0 

speech,  figures  of,    and  Alajhkara   literature, 

173,  f.,  177—179,  181,  f. 

spirits,  evil,  protection  fiom,  itc,,  F.G.  125,  f. ; 
ceremonies  for,  F.G.  131—132;  bhute,  F.G, 
133;  list  of,  as  guardians,  etc.,  F.G.,  134; 
and  the  childless,  F.Ci.  13o  ;  and  trees,  F.G., 
136,  f. ;  and  snake-biles,  F.G.  142;  and 

silence F.G.  155 

Srfmala,  birthplace  of  Maglut 192 

fctingaratilaku,  a  w oik  by  Ivudiabhatta          . .    180 

Srinagar,  and  Sir  A.  Stein         151 

Sringeri,  mat  ha  and  kankawcharya,  discoveries 

at,  and  Tipu  Sultan 186 

Srirangam,  and  Christianity,  27  ;  and  Ekoji,  98 ; 
156  and  n. ;  and  V.  K.  Chokkan&tha.  186  &  n. 

&rirangapatitam  and  Kongu 162 

Sri  Eaiiga  Ray  a,  in  mscrip.       .  .40  n.,  96  n.,  239  n. 
6rivilliputtftr,  and  the  IWjaman  lands          * .     46 

Stables,  J.,  E.  I.  Co.'s  servant 248 

State  and  Church,  Hindu          28 

Stevens,   C.f  Admiral,   and   the   cyclone    at 

Pbndicherry  (1761) .  .•  5—7  A  n.,  9—12/14—16, 21 
Stephen,  R.  C,  missionary  in  Madura  . .        . .  100 


Sthalafoyanani,   Tala^Dyenam,  and  Jalaaaya- 

nam 69 

Stone  Age,  remains,  in  C.  Asia,  140, 167,  249; 

Man,  and  the  crocodile,  2(8;  Tower,  site  of,  225 
S  to  ne  TnEcription,  a  Hurfihfi  . .  . .  125,  ff. 
stones,  the  moharo,  F.G.  141,  14:i;  worthipped, 

etc F.G.  146,  ft^ 

stormp,  cyclones,  in  India  ">,  ff.  . .         . .      190  &  n^ 
stucco,     HiiJjtuicF,  fit  in   tt  DTI] ilc  ruins  in  C. 

Asia         144,201 

Stupr,  niriH,  in  C.  ABJO,  117,  1(7,  107,  f..  26C; 

containing  pottuy  firgn  tut,  in  gind  . .  2<  5 
Stupas,  Buddhist,  of  ^maiavati  end  Jagg  ay- 

yapeta  in  Kriehna  District,  l>\    Ihe  late  Dr. 

Burgess  . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .       3 

£ubrahmanya,  £kandha  ..         ..          ..68' 

Bu-chou,  oasis,  and  river  ..         ..196,198,1. 

S  udariana,  ^te  ti.v.    in    JIK>\  to  1916)  end 

Vifru gup.   UT 

Sudra  ckss  . .         . .         . .          . .         . .     91 

Submas,  defeat  of          220- 

suicide,  of  q.  Mhiakfchi,  T40 ;   fnd  dtfafw.  F.G.  152 

Sujtna  Bai,  q.  of  Tanjore          241 

Sukhaniti)  the,  the  notion  of  kin^tliip  in  . .  48 
^ukkur,  in  Sind,  ar.d  tie  cult  of  Khvaja 

Khizr 205,  f. 

6ukra,  pw»ti,  of  the  r&lc^iat^as 6(V 

Sulikae,  defeated  by  Jsravaim«n,and  tl:eMfi]i- 

kas         127 

Su-lo  Ho,  riv 193,  195,  198 

Sultan  HusBain,  or  Pir  Jharccn  ..          ..   207 

Sultans  of  the  Dec  can,  and  S.  h.dia  . .  . .  160 
Stmitra,  NSg,  wife  of  DafcLaieih  ,.  F.G.  143 
Sun,  cult,  in  Bind,  20C  ;  and  the  Lone  . .  F.G.  145 
Sundaramuiti  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  7O 

£ung,  (dynasty)  and  Ttifen 201 

sunrise,  parallels  about    . .          . .          . .  234  &    n. 

Supremacy,  Mughal,  in  Madura  ..         156,  it. 

Surakano,  an  amulet        . .          . .          . .     F.G.  125 

Stirat.eid   /  uttnVt  (  t  n  n  <  j<  sJ    Vcr.tue  in 

the  Eighteenth  Ctnluiy  ..  ..  282— 28« 
Surgeon,  Gabriel  Bought c  n  . .  . .  47,  f. 

Suropurc,  guardian  spirit  o]  harvest     . .     F.G.  134 
surveys,  of  the  OXUH       . .         . .         . .          . .   255 

Surya,  R&ja  of  Hamnad 45  &  u. 

6urya,  sun 66,234&n. 

Suryavai man,  Ma uklari  print  e,  in  inecrip.  12£ — 127 
Sutanatf,  Chuttanutee,  Calcutta  ..          ..259 

Sutherland,      the     ship,       at        Pondicherry 

(1761> 6,8,9,11—18,    20,  f. 

Swat,  and  Darel 114 

Sykes,  Sir  P.,  and  Sir  A.  Stein . .  . .  224,  f . 
Syria,  and  Rome,  260  ;  Tatsin  . .  ..262 

Syrian  Christianity  of  Travancore    . .         . .   10  & 


330 


INDEX 


Tabir,  Shekh,  g* 205 

taboo,  in  Sind,  tree         ,.208 

Table*  forth*  Computation  of  Hindu  Date*  in 

Zmcrijtfwmt,  by  the  late  Dr.  Burgees  . .  3 
Tachibana,  Mr.,  Japanese  explorer  . .  . .  166 
Taiia  To  van,  high  caste  convert  and  de 

Britto 102,  f. 

Taghdumbash  valley 137 

Tahanci,  (933  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and  Wed- 

dings  . .  . .  .  •  . .  . .  Sup.  1 1 9 
Tahia,  Bactria,  and  the  Yue-ohi  . .  255,  261 

Tculap*  II,  Ch\lukya  k.,  pitron  of  Ranna     . .  289 
Tajils,  Ghalohas  . .          . .          . .  12  7,  f. ,  2 3 1 

Takht-i-Bahai  inscription  268 

Taklam<*kan,  desert         139,  f • 

'TaVuynvn,  K^Ji'millai,  52;    (Sihalasaya- 
nam)  Jatakayanam     . .          . .         .  •  69,  f. 

T*lib-ilim,  religious  students 116 

Ta-li-lo,  Darel  valley I*1 

TM\*  Tavii,  ail  BnvJLii  Saikara  ..  211,  f. 

T'ang,  dyn.,  and  the   Darkot  pass,  117;  and 

S,  Turkestan,  etc.,  200,  f.,  203,  223;  annals.  228 
Tangir  valley  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  112,  f.  :    mos- 
quitoes in  114,   116 

Tangut,  rule,  etc,,  in  Khara-Khoto  ..  197,  f. 
T*njore,  R.  C.  residence,  23,  25,  27;  and  Madu- 
ra, 37—39,  98,  99,  183,  246  ;  and  Chokka- 
nfrtha,  42-44  ;  and  RAmnafl,  45  and  n.,  190, 
f.f  212,  f.;  and  PudukkAtta,  46  ;  history, 
58—62,  98,  aud  the  Tonflamln,  etc.,  57;  first 
Maratha  invasion  of,  75, 77;  and  Christianity, 
99;  and  R.  K.  M.  Virappa,  105;  and  the 
Mughals,  121,  f.,  124  n.,  160,  f,  217,  f., 
246;  and  Mvigammftl,  157— 160,  163,  183  ; 
and  KUavan  SHupati,  etc.,  209,  f . ;  and 

Bangaro          . .  241,  f.,  246 

Taotai,  of  the  Temple   of   the  Thousand  Bud- 
dhw  (Wang  Tao-shi  ?  194)  and  Sir  A.  Stein.  253 

Tara  Bai,  q.  of  Maharashtra 161 

Tarim,  basin         ..         ..          169,  201,  f.,  222, 232 
Tartar,  sloop,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondichorry 

(1761) 9*  n 

Tash-Kurghan,  in  Sarikol          137 

Mama*.     PrAkrit  words,  in    O.    W.   Rajas- 

thani 297    &    n.,  303  n. 

Ta-tsin,  Syria ••         -262 

Tatta,  cult  in  Sind         205,  208 

Tftttuvanoheri,  in  8.  India,  and  de  Britto     .  .23  n. 

TaxiU  insorip 266n.»267n. 

Ta-Tue-ohe,  or  Yue-dhi 261 

Tegara,  tn.,  Tiylg*  Drug          17 

Tellioherry,  and  Amtria'i  Oommetoi^l  Ventiue 

in  the  Eighteenth  Century 284 

Tembi,  Timbi,  African  riv.,  »nd  Wm.  B^te  . .  286 


Temples      of      Satninjaya,    by       the     late 
Dr.  J.  Burgess  ..         , .         ..         ..         ..      1 

Temples,  grants  to,  by  Chokkanatha,  44  n., 
87  n. ;  «ee  Mahftbalipur,  49—57,  65—73  ;  in 
Sringeri,  136  ;  of  snake  gods,  F.  G.  139 ;  cave 
temples,  in  Ma-ti-MU,  199 ;  of  the  Thousand 

Buddhas         168,  194,  202,  253 

Thangaohoht,  wodoti,  in  R&mn&J         . .         . .  211 
The  Manusmriii,  some  remarks  supplementing 
it,  in  the  light  of  some  recently  discovered 
texts      . .          . «          . ,         . .          . .         . .     95 

Theodosius,  coin  of         71 

Third  Journey  of  Exploration  in  Central  Asia, 
1913—1916,  by  Sir  A.  Stein,  109—118, 
137—144,  165—172,  193—204,  221—232, 

249—258 

Thousand  Buddhas,  Temple  of,    168,  194,  202,  253 
Thomas,  St.,  and  Gondophares     . .         . .       268,  f. 

Thread,  the  sacred  F.O.  131 

Thunia,  tbhut F.G.  134 

Tibet  109 

Tibetan,  and  Chinese,  rivalry,  in  E.  Turkestan, 
117;  times,  in  Goraohttl,  records  of,  141 ;  influ- 
ence, in  Kansu 197,  f. 

Tideman,  Capt.,  and  the  cyclone  in  Pondi- 
oherry(1761) 6 

T'ien-tchou,  India         265    &   n. 

Tion-shau,  mts 200  ,  204  ,  233,  n. 

Tiger,  the  ship,  and  the  Cyclone  at   Pondi- 

cherry,  9,  11,  15 ;  or  Tyger 17 

timber  trade  on  the  Indus        1 16 

Tinker,  J.  B.,  Capt.,  of  the  Medway,  and   the 

cyclone  at  Pondicherry  (1761)          . .   ia— 15, 20 
Tinnevelly  and  Ranga  Krishna  ,  119  and    n., 

121  ;  and  Mahgammttl,   185 ;    and  Chanda 

Sahib,  240,  246,  f. ;  and  Muhammad  Ali  .  .274,  f. 
Tippoo,  and  the  use  of  magic  in   war,  59  n. ; 

Tipu  Sultan,  and  the  Sringeri  Math  ..   136 

Tiruchchengfoje,  Salem  Dist.,has  aChokkana- 

tha  inscrip.      . .         . .         . .         * .         . .  40  n. 

Tirukalukkunram,  place  referred  to  by  T&va- 

ram  hymners     . .         . .         . .         .  •          56,  70 

Tirumaiyam,  fort  212 

Tirumalai,  S^tupati,  Marava  Chief,  inscrip.  of, 

etc.,  43  and  n.;  death  of        ..          45  A   n.,  47 
Tirumala  NayAka,  deeoendant  of  the  Madura 

Rajas     ..        ...       875  n. 

Tirumal   Naik,   death,  etc.,  25  f.;    theories 

regarding  cause,  etc.,  27,  f.,  36,  f.,  46,  42  n,; 

and  Mysore,  44, 185}  story  of,  58  n.;  and 

architecture,  etc.        ..        ..      156—159,  274 
Tinimangai  Alvar,  and  Tala4ayanam  Mttllai, 

52,  67, 69,  f. 


INDEX 


381 


"Tirumaiigalam,  and  tho  Tondamln  lands  .  •  46 
TirumokOr,  N.  of  Mtaiura,  diva  temple  at.  183  n. 
Tirupattur,  fort,  and  Chokkan&tha  . .  . .  43 
Tiruppadaimarudtor,  grant,  other  infttrips.  by 

MartgammaJ       . . ,        -  •         .  •         •  •          15®  n- 
Tiruvallam,  N.  Aroot  dist.,  Baua  cap.  •  •     50 

Tiruvfcigaia  NXthaiya,  viooroy  of  Tinnevelly, 

119  &  n. 

Tiyaga  Drug,  Tegara,  fort  in  S.  Aroot. .  17  n. 

Tokhta  Akhun,  with  Sir  A.  Stein         . .         . .  16ft 
toleration,  of  Christianity,  by   Tiruinal  Naik, 
28 ;  by  Hindu  kings,   93  ;  religious,  of  Tipu 
Sultan,  136 ;  of  MangammiU  . .         . .  159  see  1  03 
tombs,  tomb  chambers,  of  C.  Aaia,   203,222; 

holy,  in  Sind 207«  f • 

Tondaman,  the,  and  V.  Rtiiighimfttha. .  210—212 
Tondaraan  Ilandirayan,  subject  of  a  poem  71,  73 
Toitfainans,  or  Pallava  Ruyas,  46,  f.,  57  ; 

Tamalian  rulers  of  Kanchi 73 

Tong-li,  Kiu  li,  oo.,  and  th  •  Kuihatis . .  •  •  265 

T&nitturai,  in  Ramiiftc)     .  -         .  •          -  •          . .  200 

Toramftna,  date 161»  l53 

Torch,  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916)andVisnu.Sup.  117 
Totemjsm,  and  Fetishism  . .  F.G.  144—148 

Tourfan,  Kashgar  262 

ToviUseea.v.inlndexto  l»H5)and  Visnu.8up.  117 
Toyuk,  ruins         . .          •  •          •  •         •  •         •  •  *"* 

trade,  nee  Austria's  Oommoiv.ial  Venture  in  the 

Eighteenth  Century 277 

trade,  routes,  old,  235  ;  we  H!SO  routes  . .  168 

traditions, of  Krishna,  F.G.  l»7;  of  Vishnu.  F.G.  140 
Traikfttaka,  Kalaohuri  OP  Chudi  era     . .          . .  269 
Travanoore.and  Christianity,  103;  and  Ranga 
Krishna,  121  ;   and  Ma'igammal,  158  ;    and 
Aehyuta  Riya,  162 ;  and  the  Mughals,  etc., 

218,  246 

treasure,  and  snake  guards        . .          F.G.  140,  f. 
treaty,  between  Bayaji  and  the  French     . .    241 ,  f. 
tree,  trees,  holy,  208;  haunted,  F.G.  134;  and 
serpent  worship,  F.G.  136,  ff. ;  names  derived 

from .-         ••        ™.l" 

'Triohinopoly,  R.  C.  Mission  at,  25,  f.;  and 
Vallam,  exchanged,  38  ani  n. ;  fortified,  33  ; 
and  cannon,  163  n.  ;  temple,  inscription,  40 
n.;  and  Ohokkanfttha,  41,  f.,  53;  cap.  of 
Madura,  44;  and  Tanjore,  59,60,  163;  and 
Bkoji,76— 78;  and  Ruitatn  Khan,  06,  03; 
.and  Hangamala  Dis,  98;  aid  the  Mughd's 
Slipper,  122—124  and  n. ;  ani  the  Maghala, 
30,213  n.,  217  andn.— 210;  and  Aurangzeb, 
161 ;  ani  M/aore,  192, 18) ;  aii  aivigimntl, 
185;  ail  K)iii.  1)9;  ailOi»ii>  Stflib, 
j37— Ul,  147,  273  »nd  n. ;  and  th*  Mwa- 

44  raid  Aiwjkru'ddin  ..         .*  846 


Trieste,  and  Austria's  Commercial  Venture  in 
the  Eighteenth  Century  . .  . .  270—281 

Triestine  Society,  and  Austria's  Commercial 
Venture  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  * .  277,  f. 

Trilokcw&ra,  a  work  by  Nemchandra   . .         . .  '288 

Trinoomalee,  Trincomalay,  and  the  cyclone  (of 
1761),  6,  0,  16, 17  ;  Trinonomal  . .  . .  18 

Trivandrum,  raided        ..         162  n. 

Trivikrama,  g.  in  MahAbalipQr  . .         . .  -50,  65—67 

Trotter,  Sir  Henry,  and  the  source  of  the  Oxus, 

253,  255 

Troy,  "the  Eastern"       160 

Tsai,  Chinese  Gen.,  and  Sir  A.  Stoiu   . .         . .    198 

Tukoji,  son  of  Venkoji 218  n. 

Tulkuch  kol,  small  colony  near  Niya  Oasis  ..  142 
Tulsi,  plant,  and  Lakshmi  . .  . .  b\G.  136 
Tulsidas,  and  Hanumftn  . .  . .  F.G.  134 

Tumanovich,  Capt.,  (Russian),  undSir  A.  Stein.  236 
Tun-huang,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  166,  168—171, 

222;  Lime*,  193,  f.,  196 

Turfan,  and  Sir  A.  Stein,  200—204  ;  or  Kao- 
chang,  Chinese  garrison,  20 U,  2()1,  f.  or 

Tourfan 262 

Turkestan,  finds,  otc.,  by  Sir  A.  Stein,  109, 

111,  115,  137,  200,  203,  249,  251 
Turki  influence,  in  Vanaj  valley  . .          . .  231 


Udayar-palayam,  Aura-paliain,  and  Mangam- 
mai    161 

Udaya  Tfivar,  239  ;  and  Batigani  Tirumal'     . .  243 

Udbhata,  date,  etc . .         . .  482 

Uderolal,  Shekh  Tahir,  Lai  Wadoro,  the  River 

God,  and  the  pulla 205,  208 

Ujjayini,  and    assemblies  of  pools,  135;  and 

Hiuen  Tsiang- 192 

Ujjvaladatta,  quoted  the  Mahimnantava        . .   164 
Uigur,  script,   198 ;  rule,    in    Turfan,  201  ;  in 

Toyuk 202 

Ulugh-art  pas« 225 

Uma,  goddess       ..         ..         •  •         ••         ..68n. 

Umayama  Rani,  of  Travanoore  . .  162  n. 

>  Uradatu'l  Umra,  used  magic  in  war     . .          . .  59  n. 

Unity,  of  culture,  and  castes 82,  04 

Upama,  figure  of  speech,   178,  179  and  n.,  181,  183 

urine,  of  COWB,  sacred F.G.  i45 

Uriyas,  and  '*  ri  Raaga  Raya      . .         . .          230  n. 
Urumohi  and  Sir  A.  Stein          . .         . .       165,  202 

usurpation,  of  Rustum  Khan 06 

Uttamapal  ayam,     Christian    settlement,     in 
Madura,  and  Jesuit  intolerance,  103 ;  inscrip.    • 

of  Bangaru  Tirumala 280  n. 

,  a  work  by  Gun*bhadra  . .     288  <fc  n. 


332 


1NDBX 


Uttattur.  Madura  frontier,  and  the  Mughal's 

slipper     . .         .  •         . .  *  •         . .          •  •  122 

uxorial  customs,  and  caste  . .         . .          . .     87 

*  inscrip,  at  , .         . .           184  n. 


Vrgctatkn,    or    >'atuie,  icnrale   elittcnt  in 
Sindhi  Cults  ..        ..         ..  I05,f)f 


Yuchhado,  g.,  und  hydrophobia  . .      F.G.  150 

YaU,  Banyan  tree,  and  Shiva    ..         ..       F.G,  136 
Vn4uga,  caste,  and  Christianity,  27  ;  and   Tra- 

vaiicoro.  122 ;  and  Tan  jo  re 103 

Vudulia  NAtha,  brother  of  V.  Raghunfttha,  a 
convert  to  Christianity  ..         .  210 

Ydgbhata,  and  Amara 175 

Vagheshvari  Mata,  and  the  tiger          .        F.  G.  150 
aiaya  class          . .         . .         . .         .  ..01 

Vaital,  evil  spirit,  and  k.  Vikram        .        F.G.  136  j 
Valabhi,  or  Gupta,  era . .         . .  .    291  n.,  296 

Valalu,  (see  s.  v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and   Visva- 

karma,  Sup.  119 ;  and  Yogi  Gurus     .       Sup.  1 20 
Vidaina  Vdlami,   eorpresgion,    in  Holi  proces- 
sion                F.G.  158 

Yallabha,  dyn • 51 

Vullam,  and  Triohinopoly,  exchanged;  36  and 

n. ,  38 ;  and  Ohokkanatha 43 

Valli  Amma  (see  *.  v.  in   Index  to   1916)  and 

Vi«m Sup.  117 

Valmiki,  and  Bharata 181 

Vdmana,  and  Magha,  181  and  n. ;  dale,  etc.  . .    182 
V&mana,  Brahmanical  boy       . .          . .  66,  67 

Vanaji  Pan<)iturf  &rf,  Vanoji  Pandit,  minister 

to  Shah jL          163  &  n 

Van  Eecke,  Belgian  missionary  in  Kanchou    . .   199 
Vanamfon,  Bijapur  gen.  . .         . .          , .          42,  43 

Vardhana,  title 150 

Yarahavatara,  cave,   in  Mahftbalipur    . .  50,  69 

Varaha-Vishnu 65 

Varmalata,  variant  of  a  king's  name  . .          . .    191 

Varmans,  and  the  Guptas          . .         . .         . .   275 

Varmitt,  g.,  66;  and  the  Malcara  symbol         . .  208 
Yas,   (seo   #.  «.  in  Index   to  1916)  and  Vinva- 

karma Sup.  119 

Vasantaga4h,  inscrip.  from         191 

Yuaishtha,  Holi,  and  the  demoness    Dhundha, 

F.G.  155,  f. 
Vfcsudeva,  k.,  coins  of,    266,  271  i  date.  266,  270 

Vasuki  Nag,  and  Shiva,  etc F.G.  139,  f . 

Vasumitra,  date  . .          ..         ..          ..       162  &  n. 

Vatapi,  Vallabha  cap. 61 

Vat  Savilri  Vrat,  vow F.G.  138 

Vaya,  g 66 

Veda,  the  fifth,  name  applied  to  the  Ndfyas&s- 

tra  of  Bharata 179 

Vodio    and  non-Vedi'    literature,    and    the 
number  forty 933 


........     70 

Vejjala,  aid  Fa))a\f»,id<ntit\  of,  46n.;ecccvnt- 
ant  caste  .....  »         .  .         .  .[  20- 

Yelloie,  fcrt,  and  Zulflher  Kban          .  .          160  n. 
Ve  r»j/ot)  /«ro,a  vcik  folio  virg  Ihaialt'fe  iviJe?,  1£0 
Yciikaji,  and  Sivaji         ......          77,  78 

Vci  kaira,   Bey  team   cf  Tenjore,  and  Alfgiri 

Nn)«]\j,  63,  74  ;  aid  6ei<gan  ala  Dfis        .  .  76  &  n. 
YC'i  Ma  Kjitliia^ec.,  irdu  (  lokkan^tl  a.  ££—tO 
A'c-i  kata  Kriflraija,  DeJa\ai,  ard  Btija  Bfija 
of  Bamnax)        ..........     46 

Yeikatarfighavfich&rja,      ptseibly        Da?avai 
under  V.  B.  Chokkanfithe,  1S8  ;and  Eai  garu, 
217;  and  Btonfid       ........  218 

Yenlure,  tee  Austria's     ........  277 

Yer  ugdpdla,  young  Ktithia  pit  yii^g  tie  flute  .  .  67 
YeniB,  ghukra       ........    F.G.  146 

Yer&wal  icecrip.,  Col.  T(  d'*       .  .         .  .         295,  f  . 

VeiimcuJaie,  Jrdien,  coiiij  IICTB  of  Englifch  in.  28 
Victoria  or  Zor-kc),  Gi«l  Diagon,  1.  in  tho 
Pamirs   ............  228 

Yidi   (nee  s.v.  in  Index  to   1916)  and  Vieva- 
karma    ..........     Sup.  119 

Vidiapj  a,  minuter  to  Tirumal  Kaik    .  .         .  .     37 

Vienna,  and  Austria's  Coron  cicial  Ventuie  in 
tl  c  Eighteenth  Century         ......  278 

Vijaya,  date          ..........  162 

Vijaya  (seetf.f.  in  Irdex  to  1916)  and   Vifnu 

Sup.  117 
Vijayaditya,  Sil^hara  chief,  date  ..         ..  136 

Vijaya  Eumera  and  Chanda    Sahib,  240,   f  , 
272—  274  ;  and  Anwaru'd-din  ..         ..246 

Vijaya  Kumara  Muttu  Tirumal  and  the  Mara- 
thus        ..........     243—246 

VijayaKumSra,  Naiclu,  and  q.Minfikshi.  .214—216 
Vijayanagar          .  .         .  .  229  n.,  229  n.  >  241 

Vijaya  Bdghava,  Achy  ute,  and  Chokkfinatlia, 
58—60;  or  Vijia  Bagunanda,  61  ;  and  Chris- 
tianity, 61  n.  5  fall  of  ......       74  f  .,  99 

Vijaya   Baghun&tttB,  (Muttu  V.  R.,  SMupati, 
K/Uta    T^var)  of   Bfimnad,  accession,   etc., 

209  &n.—  211 

Vijaya  Kanga  ChokkanAtha  (1689—1731)  his- 
tory  of,  156  and  n.  ,  184  j  personal  rule,  etc., 
186,  f.;  death  of,  189,  f.>  213—215,  217  n., 
219  j  and  Tanda  T&van  ......  211 

Vijfvpli'Trivenit  a  Jama  Epistle,  book-notice  276 
Vikram,  k.,  and  evil  upiritg      .  .         .  .     F.  G.  134 

Vikrama,  era,  148  n.,    161,  294  and  n,—  296, 
301  n.—  3C4jor  6am  vat,    and    Kanishka, 
etc.,  268,  271$  or  MAlava  era,  290—292,   296 
Vikramaditya       ........    192,293 


AX 


Vikramtoatiya*  a  work  by  Kaltdaia  .  .         ..  182 

villages,  in  Kadamba  grants     ..         ..      165  An, 

Vine  (see   s.v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and  Vie- 
vakarma  ..........  Sup.  119 

V/9huka44a-ohutukulaiianda  SAtakarni,  perhaps 
prince  Sivakhada-Naga-siri     ......  155 

Vfcappa,  Muttu  Vtrappa  .  .         .  .       37  &  n^ 

Virapratapa,  6ri,  or  6ri  Ranga  Raya  Mahadeva, 
name  in  a  grant  ........  40n. 

Vtmveiikatad£va  ........         213  n. 

Virgin  Mary,  and  Sindhi  cults    .  .         .  .      *  .  .  205 

Vwhnu,  g.,  and  Mahabalipftr,  50,  65,  68,  69  ;  and 
Kalki,  150;  and  the  Vad  tree,  F.G.  136  ;  and 
the  eagle,  etc  .......     F.G.  145,  f. 

Vishnu  Vardhana,  Ya&odharman,  names  iden- 
tified with  Kalki          ......       150,  153 

Vuhu-Yaiu,    name    identified    with  Kalki,     145 

and  n.,  149,  f. 
Vishvaksena         ..........     69 

Vienu  (see  s,v.  in  Index  to  1916),  and  Kanda, 
Mahaliali,    Maha-sammata,     Mangra   Devi, 
Manikpala,  Mul    Ka<Javara,  Mai     Kumara, 
O^dissa,  Panan  Devi,  Roso-water,  Sudarsana, 
Torch,  Valli  Amma,  Vijaya   Abhuta   Devi; 
Bangle,  Cobra,  Cocoauut,  Curtain,  Hat  Adiya, 
Navaguna-sAntiya,     Rakusu,    Rama,    Tovil, 
Vijaya,  Seven  Seas  (see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Visvakarma  (Viskam),   architect  of  the  gods, 
Sup.     118  ;   and   Areca-sickle,    Arrow,    Ata 
Magula,  Buddha,  Drums,  Limes,  Maha-sam- 
mata,    Mal-sara  Raja,   Manikpala,   Matalan, 
Palm,  Pattini.Rukottana,  Valuta,  Vag,  Vine, 
Vidi,  Hat   Adiya  (see  *.y.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Viskam,  and  Vis  vakarma          ..         ••     Sup.  118 
Via  vanatha,  first  author  of  note,  to  refer  to  the 
Agnipur&Ha,  etc.          ..         ..         .  •     17(5,  178 

ViAvanatha  I,  104,  156  ;  Nuik    ..        120,  241,   246 
VJyanboyi,  spirit   ........     Sup.  119 

Vopadeva,  his  commentary  on  the  Mahimnas- 
tana         ............  164 

vow,  vows,  and   bronchitis,  children,  etc.,  F.G. 
137;   the  N&gpcmohami,  etc.,  F.G.  139,  f  .  ; 
women's,    F.G.  150,    154;   Holi    day,  etc. 

F.G.  156,   158 

Vrfnda,  wife  of  Jalandliar,  F.G,  136  ;  and  the 
Tulai      ..........      F.G.  138 

*****         ..........      182>   191 


Vy«}i,  author  of  the  lost  grammatical  work 
&tntyrato  ........  178  n. 

Vyaghramukha,  grlohapa  k.,  presumably  of 
Hhinmal  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  1^1 

F*fca         ............  176 

V  'Aittraya  mctha  of  Sosale,  and  V.  R.  Cfaok* 

.  j  and  Kilavan  96tupati  .  .  199  n. 


Wbgho,  crocodile 206 

Waghodar,  4<  crocodile's  place  "  and  Krokala. .    133 
Wakhan,  important  in  anofent  times,  and  Sir 

A.  Stein,  229  ;  and  Sir  H.  Trotter     . .          . .  256 
Wall,  the  Great,    of   China,  193—196,    222; 

and  the  Roman  Limes. .         . .         , .         , .  250 
Waman  Jianti    Har  Vaaso,  the  river  god,   in 

Sindhi  cult        205 

Wandiwash,  battle          5 

Wang  Tao-shi,  priest  of  Temple  of  the  Thousand 

Buddhas  194 

war,   and  magic,  59  n. ;  ward,  waged  by   Man- 
gaming,     158,    161,     f . ;    of  succession,  in 

RfcmnAd  ...          ..211 

Ware,  Col.   F.  Webb,  and   tho  Seistan-Nuahki 
route       . .          . .         . .          . .          . .          . .  250 

Watch-stations,  remains  of,  in  C.   Asia,  193 — 

195,  222,  f.,  249 
Water-pot  Dance,  Sup.   119;  a'id   Kala-gedi- 

natum,  (see  x.v.  in  Index  to  liU(i). 
Weddings,   Sup.   119;  and  Taliaftcr  (see  #.v.  in 

Index  to  191«). 
Wei-lio,  the,  and  Kanishka,  etc.,  261,  264,  265 

&  n.,  266  &  n. 
We  ma  Kadphiaes,  and  India.  262  ;  coins,  etc., 

206,  267 
Wey mouth,  the  ship,  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondi- 

eherry  (1761) 7,  9,  10,  15,  17 

Wheeler,  historian,  and  Nuik   history,  36,  37, 

39  n.,  40  n. 
whipping,  punishment  for  piracy  . .          . .  275 

white,  mourning F.G.  133 

White,  J..  in  JobCharnock's  will  ..          ..   260 

White  Dragon  Mounds,  dosert  in  C.  Asia  171,  f. 
widowhood,  compulsory,  and  caste.  8."»,  87,  88,  92 
widows,  customs  of,  185  . .  .  .F.G.  131,  f. 

William,  Fort,  and  Austria's  ( 'onimeroial  Ven- 
ture in  the  Eighteenth  Century         . .  277  n.,  281 

Wilson,  historian,  and  Madura 98 

witchcraft F.G.  152 

wives,  death  of F.G,  138 

women,  and  war,  58  ;  as  warriors,  61 ;  and  caste, 
85—87 ;  festival,  in  Sind,  207  ;  vows  of,  F.G. 
1 38,  f .;  and  d&kan  possession . .          . .     F.G.  152 
Women,    Sup.    1 19;     puriBoation     of,     and 
Kota-halu  (see  a.v.  in  Index  to  19 16) . 

Wood,  Capt.,  and  Pamir  region 228 

wood  carving,  from  C.  Asia        . .         115 ,  117,  166 
Wooden  Peacock,  (Dandu-monara),  Sap.  119  ; 
and  8ita(see  *.v.  in  Index  to  1916), 

word,  and  sense,  figures  of        174 

worship,  of  serpents  and  treea,  F.G,  135»  137, 

ff. ;  and  totems,  F.G.  144; of  animals.  F.O.  150,  f. 
Wu-ti,  Han  ornp.,  and  C.  Asia  , .         . .       196,  222 


334 


INDEX 


Xavier,  St.  Francis,  and  India 


101 


Yaddktakari  or  Veljka,  shrine  in  Kanohi         . .     70 
Yaga-saman,  a  Brahman,  Sup.   119  ;  and  Divi- 

Kaduru  (see  i.v,  in  Index  to  1916). 
Yagello,  Col.,. Russian,  in  the  Pamirs   . .  225,  f .,  230 

Yaggal  Vadi,  a  spirit        Sup.  119 

Yakas         Sup.  120 

Yak-pidavila  ritual  Sup.  120 

Yaksa-giri,   (Yak  Giri),  exorcist  ritual,  Sup. 

120  ;  and  Giri  (see  «.*.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Yakaa  Rakusu,  d.,  Sup.  120;  Rakusu  (see   #.t>. 

in  Index  to  1916). 

Yale,  Klihu,  E.  I.  Co/8  servant  . .         248,  275,  304 
Yama,  Hindu  regent  of   Hell,  Sup.   120  ;    aud 

Hin,  Curtain  (see  #.t>.  in  Index  to  I  OKI). 
Yuma-dtiti   (1)  fomalo  d.,  Sup.  120  ;  and  Cobru, 

(»oo«.t>.  iu  Index  to  1910)  ;  (2)  fwnale  d..  Sup. 

120;  aud  Ritta,  (BQQS.V.  in  ludex  to  1916). 
yamaka,  figure  of  speech  ..     173,  178,  179,  181,  183 

Yama  Riri,  g Sup.   120 

Yama-simua  Bapd&ra,  d.,  Sup.   120  ;  and  Pora- 

hara  (gee  s.v.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Ya  Kaju  (1)  k.   of  Kannuran-pura,  JSup.  120; 

and  Pattini  (see  *.u.  in  Index  to  1916;  (2) 

and  Palariga,  see  «.v.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Yardaug-bulak,  salt  spring  near  Kuruk-tagh  . .  221 

yardangs 171 

Yar-khoto,  site  of  early  cap.  of  Turt'an  . .  204 

Yasin  valley,  and  the  Chinese,  etc.       . .          1 10,  f. 
YaSodara,  goddess,  Sup.  120 ;  and   Cobra  (soe 

«.t>.  iu  Index  to  1916). 


Yasodharman,  and  Kalkl,  9.9.,  145 — 153 ;  and 

Mihirakula        152, 158  6  n 

Yasovarman,  patron  of  Bhavabhuti     . .          . .  181 
Ycn-kao-tchen,  Oemo-Kadphiaea         ..         . .  261 
Yeshil-kol,  1.  in  the  Pamirs        . .          . .          227,t  . 
Ying-p'an,  garrison  oasis,  near  Lop-nor.    195,  222 
YdgaRayauamOrti,  group  of  figures       . .         . .     69 
Yogi  Gurus,  Sup.  120 ;  and  Qitiikanda  Ka4a» 
varaa,  aud  Valalu  (see  «.t>.  in  Index  to  1916). 
Yogins,  aud  Martin z,  R.  C.  Missionary          . .     26 
Yogis,  and  change  of  sex  . .         . .     F.G.  125 

York,  the  ship  and  the  cyclone  at  Pondicherry, 

(1761) 7,9,10,12,15 

Yotkari,  Bite  of  ancient  cap.  of  Khotan          . .  141 
Yuan  Chwang,  Hinan  Tsang,  and  Mihirakula. .   1C 2 
Yudapoti,  a  mother  of  Devol  Deviyo    . .     Sup.  120 
Yueh -chili,   (the  Great),  early  inhabitants   of 
KaiiHu,  196;    or  Iiido- Scythians,   migration 
routes,  200  ;  Ta  Yue-chi  or  Kushans,  161,  f,, 

264,  2«5  and  n. ;  empire          266 

Yu-Tlouan,  composur  ol  tho  W^i-lio   ..201,  264,  f. 
Yunaui  phyaiciauu  48 


Zamr-i-Alish-parast,  ruined  fort  in  Great  Pamir.  229 
Zinda  Pir,  Khwaja  Khizi-,  in  fcJindhi  cult         . .  205 

i    Zodiac,  (Doloa   Ras),   Sup     120;    and   Indra- 

I       gui-ulu,  Planets,  Set-saiitiya  (see  «.v.  iu  Index 

j        to  191(5). 

i   Zor-kbl,  or  Victoria  1.     . .          . .         . .         . .  228 

Zulflkar    Khan,   Mughal   general,  in  tf.  India, 

124  &  n.,  160  &  n 


THE 


INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

A  JOURNAL  OF  ORIENTAL  RESEARCH 

IN 

*RCH£OLOGY,  EPIGRAPHY,  ETHNOLOGY,  GEOGRAPHY,  HISTORY,  FOLKLORE,  LANGUAGES, 
LITERATURE,  NUMISMATICS*    PHILOSOPHY.  RELIGION,  &*..  Ao. 


EDITED    BY 


JSIK    RICHARD   CARNAC    TEMPLE,    BART,  C.B.,  C,LE.,    F.S.A. 

HON.    FELLOW,  TRIN.  HALL,  CAMBRIDGE* 
FORMERLY    LI  BUT. -COLON  EL,     INDIAN    ARMY, 


AND 


PROF.  DEVADATTA  RAMKBISHNA  BHANDARKAR,  M.A. 


VOL.  XLVII.— 1918. 


BOMBAY: 

PBINTOD  Atfo  POBLISKBD  AT  TKB  BRITISH  INDIA  PRfiSS,  MAKOAOK. 

LONDON: 

BERNARD  QUARITCH.  LIMITED,  11  GRAPTON  STREET. 
NEW  BOND  STREET,  W. 


CONTENTS 


B.  D.  BANERJI,  M.A.  :— 

THE  PRAT&HARA  OCCUPATION  OP  MAQADHA.  .  100 
PROF.  D.  R.  BHANDARKAR,  M.A.  :— 

DKOCAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  . .  69 ;  149 
PROF.  H.  B.  BHIDE,  M.A.,  LL.B.  :~ 

NOTES  ON  KALIDASA   . .         246 

G.  E.  L.  CARTER.  I.C.S.  :— 

RELIGION  IN  SIN  D       197 

H.  C.  CHAKLADAR  :— 
Davva-Sangaha  (Dravya-Sangraha)  by  Nemi- 

chandra  Siddhanta-Chakravarti    . .         . .   139 
Tho  Practical  Path,  by  Champat  Rai  Jain, 

Bar.-at-Law  139 

An    Epitome   of   Jainism,    by     Purartmnd 
Nalar,  M. A.f  B.L.; K.  Uhosh  and  V.  Chinta- 

mani 140 

CAPTAIN  K.  A.  C.  CRESWELL,  R.A.F.  :- 
THE  VAULTING  SYSTEM  OF  THE  HINDOLA 

MAHAL  AT  MANDU 1  ftu 

H.    C.    DAS-GUPTA,    M.A.,  F.G.S.  :— 
ON  A  PECULIAR  POLISHED  HAMMERSTONE 

FROM  SlNGHDIIUM,  CHOTA  NAGPUR      ..   130 
N.  B.  DIVATIA,  B.A.  :— 
THE  WIDE    SOUND    OF  E  AND  0   WITH 

SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  GUJARATI  . .      24 ;  37 
A.  G.  ELLIS  :— 

Spread  of  Hobson-Jobson  in  Mesopotamia.    244 
M.  B.  GARDE,  B.A.  :— 
A  NOTE  ON  THE    YAJVAPALAB     OR     JAJA- 

PELLAS  OF  NARWAR  241 

T.  A.  GOPINATHA  RAO,  M.A.  :- 

VlVfiKAPATRAMALA     •  •  •  •  ..    79;  94;   120 

LT.-COL.  T.  W.  HATG,  C.M.G.  :— 

THE  F,vRuQi  DYNASTY  OF  KuANDESH.113;141;178 
RAI  BAHADUR  HIRALAL,  B.A.,  M.R.A.S.  :— 

TRIMfrRTIS  IN  BUNDELKHAND  .  .  .  .     136 

K.  P.  JAYASWAL,  M.A.  (OxoN.),  BAR-AT.LAW  — 

THE  ARTHAbASTRA  EXPLAINS  .  .  .  .       oO 

NOTES     ON    AS  OKA     INSCRIPTIONS  :      THE 

TERM  ASHASUU        297 

Vaishnava  Worship  and  Buddhism  , .  . .  84 
The  Week-Days  and  Vikrama  ..  ..112 
DateBof  PaniniandKatyayana  ..  ..138 
Identification  of  some  of  the  Post-Andhra- 

bhritya    Rulers    of    the    Puranio    List..   298 
NARENDRA  NATH  LAW,  M.A.,  B.L.  :~ 
VfiRTTA—THB  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS, 

260  ;  276 

N.  Q.  MAJUMDAR,  B.A.  :~- 
DATE  or  THE  ABH!RA  MIGRATION  INTO  INDIA  35 
Vfttsyayana  and  Kaliddsa 195 

Home  of  Kalidawa 264 

E.  C.  MAJUMDAR,  M.A.  :- 
THE  REVISED  CHRONOLOGY  or  THE   LAST 
GUPTA.  EMPERORS ifti 


K.  B.  PATH  A  K:- 

NKW  LIGHT  ON  THE  GUPTA  KRA  AND  MIRI- 
RAKULA         .......... 

S.N.SA8TiU:- 

The  Sanskrit  Poems  of  May  Are  and  Bana  H 
Cand?sataka,  by  G.  P.  Qunckunbos,  A.  M., 


15 


167 
Pfirtha-Parakrarna   VyAyd^a   Of    ParamAra 

Prahlfidanadeva,  by  C.  A.  Dalai,  M.A.   .  .   108 
GURU  DAS  SARKAR,  M.A.  -- 

1U  UOHIST  INKLI-KNCE  IN  THK  SUN 

.  .         .  .  209 


Kao 


plo,  by  C.  A. 
liahadur    1). 


To     IN     THK 


lUl 


8f> 


TEMPLK  AT  KONARAK 
ARUNSEN,  B.A.  (CANTAII.) 

MAUHYANA 
S.  N.  SEX  :  - 

A  History  of  tho  Marat  ha 
Kini'aid,    I.C.S  ,    and 

Pa  nisi  i  IH 

V.  A.  SMITH: 
AHOKA  NOTKS.  Xo.  Xll.. 

AUAINST     1'ORUH,     ALI.UDKI 
AjN-I-AKBARl  

DR.  V.  A.  SUKTHANKAR.  JJ.A.,  1'u.D.  :^ 

A  (yONTRrHUTION  TOWAKHH  THK    KA11LY  HlS- 

TCUIY  OK  INDIAN  PJULOSOIMH  .  !>y  Hermann 
Jacobi.   (Translated) 
ON  THK  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THK  KAUTILTYA, 

by  H.  Jaco))i.    (Trunxktlril)        ..       i;>7; 
SIR  R.  C.  TKMPLE,  UT.  :- 
AUSTRIA'S  COMMKIICHAI,  VKNTITHE  IN  INDIA 

IN  THE  EinilTKKNTH  ('KNTI'IIV  .  .    1  ;  29;   57 

Malay  Ourrrnoy  in  Trrnggaim 

Xoh'K  from  Old  Fuotory  Records     . .         5(J; 

Spread  of  HobHon-Jobson  in  Mesopotamia  . . 

^IDE-LKJHTS  ON  OMICHUNT*    ..         ,. 

11  A  Faqir's  Cure  for  thr  Cholera 

Tho  Be^inninRS  of  South  Indian  History,  by 

S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar 
DR.  L.  P.  TESSITOR1  :— 
THE  WTDK  SOUND  OF  E  AND  0  IN  MARWARI 

AND  GUJARATI         ^^5 

N.  G.  UTGIKAR,  M.  A.    — 

J— THE     llHAGAVADOSTA    IN      ITS      ORIGINAL 

FORM  Snp.  i 

II — IV — GARBE'S    TNTRODUITION    TO   THE 

BHACJAVADO!TA        . .         . .        Sup.  9  , 17  ;  2r> 
A.  VEXKATASUBBJAH,  M.A.,  Pn.D.  •-- 

IVDRASENA 280 

THE    CHRONOLOGY     OP     THE    WESTERN 

CHALUKYAS  OF  KALYAQI! i!8i 

ROBERT  ZIMMKHMANN.  B.J  :— 
AN  ADDITIONAL  PROOF  FOR  THE  (*rcNmNKNKas 
or  THE  VnimsiN  MAMMATA'S  KAVYAPR\- 

...         ••        i 23 


263 


N/ 


iv  CONTENTS 

MISCELLANEA.  PAQB 

Vuishnava  Wo rahip  and  Buddhism,  by  K.  P.  Jayaswal 84 

The  Wook  Days  and  Vikrama,  by  K.  P.  Jayaswal •' 112 

D^tes  of  P<liiini  and  KAtyayana,  by  K.  P.  Jayaswal  138 

V  Atsy  Ay  an  u  and  Kalitosa,  by  N.  G.  Majumdar 195 

H^thigumphi  Inscription,  by  R.  C.  Majumdar         223 

Homo  of  Kalidasa,  by  N.  O.  Majumdar  264 

identification   of  some  of  the  Poat-Andhrabhritya  Rulers  of  the  Pviranic  List,  by  K.  P.  Jayaswal, 

M.A.  (Oxon.) 298 

NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 

Malay  Currency  in  Trengganu.  by  R.  C.  Temple      . .          . .          . .          . .           . .          . .          . .          . .     28 

Notes  from  Old  Factory  Records,  by  R.  C.  Temple  . .  60  ;  84 

Spread  of  Hobson^Fobson  in  Mesopotamia,  by  R.  C.  Temple J96 

Hpread  of  Hobson-Jobson  in  Mesopotamia,  by  A.  G.  Ellis  . .          . .         . .          . .          . .         ..    244 

"  A  Faqir's  Cure  for  the  Cholera,"  by  R.  C.  Temple  289 


BOOK-NOTICES. 
Davva-Sangaha  (Dravya-Sai'igraha)  by  H.  C.  Ohakladtu-    . .          . .         . .         . .         . .          . .         . .   13«> 

The  Practical  Path,  by  H.  C.  Chakladar 13SI 

An  Kpitome  of  Jainiam,  by  H.  C.  Chakladar  . .          . .         . .          . .         . .          . .          . .          _   J^Q 

The  Sanskrit  Poems  of  May  lira  and  Buna's  Can«)iAatoka,  by  S.  N.  Sostri  .  fc         . .          . .          . .   167 

Parthil-parakrama  Vyayoya  of  Pamm3.ra-PrahlAdanadeva,   hy  S.  N.  Sastri      . .          .  .  . .          . .    |(jg 

The  Beginnings  of  South  Indian  HiRtory,  by  R.  C.  Temple  . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          ^  263 

A  History  of  the  Maratha  People,  by  S.  N.  Sen  294 

SUPPLEMENTS. 

I — The  Bhagavadgttt  in  its  Original  Form*  by  X.  O.  Utgikar,  M.  A.  ! 

II — IV — Garbe's  Introduction  to  tlio  Wiagavo'lg'nd,  by  N.  G.  Utgikar,  M.A 9  ;  17  ;  25 

PLATES. 

Polished  Hammerstone  from  Singhbh urn  facing  p.   134 

Photograph  of  Trimurti  found  in  Bangaon,  13  miles  from  Damoh    . .          . .          . .          mm  jg« 

John  Faithfull  Fleet,  C.I.E "          }4{ 

The  Vaulting  System  of  the  Hindola  Mahal  at  Mandu  (I— III)         . .         . .      facing   pp.  170  ;   174  ;  170 
Side-lighte  on  Omiohund  (I— II) facing  p.  272 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

A  JOURNAL  OF  ORIENTAL  RESEARCH 
VOLUME   XLVII— 1918 


AUSTRIA'S   COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  JN  JND1A   IX  TILK 
EIGHTEENTH  CKXTURY. 

HY    SIR   1*.  ('.  TKMI'LK,    HART 
(Continued  from   Vol.  XLY1,  p.  280,) 

/jetf<r    from  Lirat-u-int  (lolnml   WiWnm  Molt*  lo  the  J'rt^tfiitl 

an1/  ('ounnil  of  Bomhay,  d'tlcd  <'<HJO,  \\\  Octotnr  1777  Jl- 
HonbJe.  Sir  and  Sirs 

Yon  have  some  time  «^o  hooii  informed  of  (lie  accident  whidi  happened  to  tin*  Imperial 
Austrian  ship  'Jius(>f>i>-  <ind  Tewxa,  under  my  command,  in  the  hay  of  DeJagoa  A 
siiliiequonl  transaction  thriv  obliges  mo  now  to  lay  my  complaints,  on  In-half  of  thojr 
Imperial  Majesties,  Iwfor^  you,  against  John  Cahill,  Oa,ptain  of  t,  ketch  from  your 
Pro^idiMicy  ;  thr  whole  relation  of  which  is  briefly  <is  follows. 

On  the  :U  day  of  Ma\  1777  T  took  formal  possession  of  it  certain  distnt-t  of  Jand  in 
the  country  called  Timhe  on  the  western  side  of  the  rivei-  Mafooiue  in  tlm  heforei  Mentioned  bay 
from  the  Rajah  Molwar  Oipell,  who  by  a  deed  of  sale  and  a  treaty,  soli-mnly  exeenUMl  the 
same  day,  gave  up  the  property  and  sovereignty  thereof,  together  with  the  sovereignty  of 
the  said  river,  to  their  Imperial  Majesties  for  ever.  There  are  at  this  time  in  the  river 
Mafoome  two  ketches  from  Bombay  uiidei  English  Colours,  one  commanded  hy  Captain 
John  MoKcnnie  and  the  other  by  Captain  John  Cah  ill,  the  latter  of  whom  having  jiartly 
erected  an  Indian  hutt  of  eaja?i27  stieks,  did  on  the  4th  May  wantonly  erect  a  'rtugatail 
and  hoist  there/man  English  ensign  within  ten  yards  of  thoimiwrial  flagstaff  and  even 
within  the  line  of  the  guns  wo  had  planted  upon  taking  possession.  Wishing  to  avoid 
ovory  aet  that  would  bear  the  smallest  appearaneo  of  incivility,  1  thereiore  wrote  the 
following  letter  to  Captain  Cahill.-8 

To  this  letter  Captain  Caliill  did  not  think  proper  to  give  any  answer.  Nevertheless 
1  sent  several  other  polite  messages  to  him  by  my  officer,  requesting  he  would  take  down 
his  ensign,  but  the  Captain  still  refused  to  comply,  at  one  time  pretending  |lo  was  goinc 
to  give  a  dinner  on  shore,  and  at  last  alledging  ho  had  bought  the  ground,  or  ,some  part 
of  it,  himself.  Upon  this  I  assured  Captain  Cahill  that  if  he  really  had  purchased  anv 

2fi  Letters  Received  at  ttonibfiy  (1777),  XL111,  372  —  376. 

»  The  shrubby  plant,  Uaj.tnu* 

bstitute  for  pulse. 

28  See  ante.,  Vol.  XLVI,  p.  286. 


»  The  shrubby  plant,  Uaj.tnu*  ln<li&<*  (Malay  AtfcVm;/),  producing  th.«  lood  *<uff*    known  a*    ddl 
A  substitute  for  pulse.  * 


2  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JANUABY,  1918 

ground  that  was  comprehended  within  her  Imperial  Majesty's  territory,  and  could  prove 
his  title  to  it,  he  should  be  perfectly  secure  of  his  property,  subject  to  the  sovereignty  of  the 
power  to  whom  the  district  was  given  up,  agreeable  to  the  usages  and  laws  of  nations  in 
similar  cases.  The  Rajah  Capoll  in  the  mean  time  having  informed  rne  there  was  no  truth 
in  Captain  Gahill's  assertion  of  any  purchase,  I  prevailed  on  Captain  McKenny  to  accom- 
pany my  officer,  whom  I  again  sent  to  expostulate  with  Captain  Cahill  on  the  impropriety 
of  his  conduct  in  endeavouring  to  obstruct  the  affairs  of  the  Imperial  Court,  which  I 
informed  the  Captain  was  highly  aggravated  in  his  person,  as  not  only  acting  without 
authority  from  either  the  British  Government  or  the  East  India  Company,  but  as  being 
a  person,  as  I  was  informed,  not  authorized  ( according  to  the  laws  of  his  own  country  > 
to  be  even  found  on  this  side  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  But  altho'  Captain  Cahill  now 
thought  proper  to  desist  from  his  pretence  of  having  purchased  any  ground,  still  he  kept 
his  ensign  flying  close  to  the  Imperial  flag,  till  1  was  at  last  obliged  to  let  him  know 
that  if  he  did  not  lower  it,  I  should  send  my  own  people  to  do  it,  and  in  that  case  I 
would  even  pull  down  the  few  sticks  he  had  act  up  towards  building  a  hut,  as  I  was 
resolved  not  even  a  hut  should  be  erected  on  her  Majesty's  territory  by  any  man,  in 
obstinate  defiance  of  her  Majesty's  sovereignty  while  I  had  power  to  prevent  it. 

Captain  Cahill  still  paying  no  attention  to  the  expostulation  of  my  oilicor,  or  even  of 
his  countryman  Captain  McKenny,  I  was  reduced  to  the  disagreeable  necessity  of 
executing  what  1  had  threatened,  and  T  accordingly  ordered  Captain  (Chill's  ensign  to 
be  taken  down  and  carried  on  board  his  vessel. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  in  my  relation  of  this  affair  to  convince  you,  Sir«,  how 
scrupulous  I  shall  be  on  every  publick  transaction  of  acting  in  an  offensive  manner  to 
the  unauthorized  subjects  of  your  Government.  At  the  same  time,  I  flatter  myself  you 
will  be  equally  ready  to  do  my  Sovereigns  the  justice  of  reprimanding  Captain  Cahill  for 
his  obstreperous  conduct. 

Being  safely  arrived  in  the  road  of  Surat,  though  much  in  want  of  assistance  and 
refreshment,  particularly  on  account  of  several  of  my  officers  and  crew,  who  were  danger- 
ously ill,  I  applied  on  that  occasion  by  a  letter  of  the  6th  September,  to  Governor  Boddum, 
who  referred  me  t:>  the  Nabob  as  the  Moguls  officer,  informing  me  that  the  city  of  Surat 
was  the  Moguls  city  under  his  government. 

Accordingly,  by  means  of  Monsieur  Anquetil  de  Briencourt  his  most  Christian  Majes- 
ty's [French]  Consul  at.  Surai ,  I  made  several  applications  to  the  Nabob  for  such  assist- 
ance only,  as  according  to  the  constitution  of  the  Moguls  City,  I  knew  he  could  not 
refuse.  The  delicacy,  however,  of  the  Nabob  upon  those  occasions  was  so  great  and 
productive  of  delays  so  little  reconcileable  to  the  situations  of  men  at  the  point  of  death, 
as  obliged  me  to  repair  to  this  port,  where  I  and  my  people  have  been  happier  to  find 
speedier  relief  from  the  humanity  of  the  sectaries  of  Brimha  [Brahma,  i.  e.9  the  Hindu*, 
apparently  in  this  case,  the  Marathus  ]. 

These  transactions  and  the  nature  of  certain  orders,  which  publick  fame  informs 
me  have  been  given  to  your  Honble.  Presidency  for  the  obstruction  of  the  business  of  her 
Imperial  Majesty's  subjects  and  ships,  have  induced  me  to  dispatch  the  present  sloop, 
solely  for  the  purpose  of  authentick  information  from  your  Honors  upon  subjects  so 
materially  interesting  to  the  honor  of  the  Imperial  flag  and  the  interests  of  their 
Imperial  Majesties.  Your  answers  to  the  following  questions  I  shall  therefore  esteem  as 
a  particular  favour. 


JANUABV,  191$  J  AUSTRIA'S  COiMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  3 

1.  Whether  the  Imperial  Austrian  ships  of  Europe  and  the  Imperial  country  ships- 
of  Asia  will  or  not  l>e  admitted  to  the  rights  of  hospitality  anil  of  trade  in  the  British 
settlements  of  Asia  on  the  same  footing  as  are  admitted  ships  of  the  saint*  denomination 
of  the  French;  Portuguese  and  other  European  Nations. 

2d.  Should  the  Nabob  or  Governor  of  the  Moguls  City  of  Surat.  on  any  future 
occasion,  act  repugnantly  to  the  laws  of  nations  with  respect  to  any  vessel  under  my 
direction,  whether  am  I  to  consider  him  as  an  independent  prinec,  acting  solely  from 
his  own  authority  or  imdor  that  of  the  Mogul ;  so  that  any  consequent  act  of  resentment  on 
behalf  of  their  Imperial  Majesties  would  not  in  any  wise  affect  the  British  Government 
of  Bombay,  or  any  other  part  of  Asia,  or  in  your  opinions,  Gentlemen,  tend  to  interrupt 
the  harmony  subsisting  between  the  Courts  of  Vienna  and  London. 

I  have  the  honor  to  assure  you  that  in  the  execution  of  the  commissions  with  which 
I  aui  entrusted,  1  shall  most  studiouly  avoid  giving  the  slightest  foundation  for  offence  to 
any  branch  of  the  English  Company's  government,  and  1  flatter  myself  I  shall  meet  with 
the  same  exemption  from  those  prejudices  arising  from  a  jealousy  of  commerce,  which 
in  less  onlurhtened  times  have  been  the  bane,  so  frequently  of  human  society. 

1  am  \\ith  the  most  profound  respect 

dog<ti  3}#t  October,  1777.  Honblo.  Sir  and  Sii>. 

.Received  16th  November  1777por  Leopold.  Your  most  obedient   humble  Servant 

WJLLJAM   HOLTS, 
Lieut.  (Jolonel  m  the  service   of  their  Imperial  Ma  jest  ion. 

Lrttet  from  the  (>'ouncilu1  Bombay   f<>   Ih*'  Ctwri  of  hhrctor*, 
dated  30  November  1777. fl 

Mr  Bolts  in  the  Austrian  Ship  Joseph  and  Therwa  t<>  our  great  surprize  arrived  at 
Surat  Bar  the  5th  September.  An  Extract  of  your  Commands  dated  the-  21st  of  February 
had  been  previously  «ont  thither,  and  the  Chief  and  Council  in  <*<»nae(j nonce  thereof, 
and  of  the  further  Orders  We  sent  upon  receiving  Advice  of  the  Ships  Arrival,  exerted 
themselves  so  much  and  with  the  Assistance  of  the  Nabobs  Influence  threw  so  mam 
obstacles  in  his  way  that  Mr  Bolts  found  hinvtelf  unable  to  transact  any  Business  thero 
and  sailed  away  for  Cogo.  The  Chief B  at  Surat  and  Broach  will  use  overy  justifiable 
Method  to  prevent  his  meeting  with  Success,  and  We  learn  Ho  has  not  Yet  bwn  able  to- 
sell  any  part  of  his  Cargo,  but  that  He  had  sent  to  the  Pundit'  of  Ahmedavad  to  whom 
Gogo  is  subordinate  offering  him  a  Present  of  Rs.  25,000  annually  in  lieu  of  Customs, 
provided  ho  will  permit  Him  to  establish  a  Factory  and  carry  on  a  Trade  there.  He 
has  since  proceeded  to  Poonah  [head-quarters  of  the  Maratha  Government  j  to  ncgociaV 
this  Business -himself,  but  We  shall  exert  our  httlo  Influence  with  the  Durbar  to  defeat 
this  Scheme,  and  You  may  bo  assured  that  no  justifiable  or  legal  Efforts  shall  be  left 
untried  to  frustrate  the  Projects  of  thoso  Adventurers. 

We  have  sent  the  most  strict  Injunctions  to  all  your  Subordinate  Settlements  to 
have  no  Commercial  or  other  Intercourse  with  the  Persona  concerned  in  this  Ship,  and  to 
prevent  any  Investments  whatever  being  made  for  them. 

29  Bombay  Letter*  R(ccii»d,  V,  250-251. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  L  JAKUAKY,  1918 

Consultation  at  Boinbay  CaMe.  3  December  1777.  :'° 

A  Packet  addressed  to  Mr  Bolts  on  their  Imperial  Majesty's  Service  having  been 
intercepted  by  Mr  Lewis  [British  East  India  Com  pany's  agont  ]  at  Poonah  and  sent  by 
him  to  the  President,  it  is  debated  whether  the  same  shall  be  opened  and  inspected,  when 
.,i  Letter  IB  read  from  the  Commander  of  the  Sloop  Leopold,  purchaesd  from  the  Portuguese 
by  Mr  Bolts  and  now  in  the  Road,  wherein  h«  terms  himself  an  Agent-  for  their 
Imperial  Majesties,  and  demands  that  the  said  Packet  should  be  restored.  On  Considera- 
tion of  which  It  is  agreed  to  give  it  up.  But  Mr  Carnac31  desires  it  may  be  minuted  that 
us  Mr  Bolts  is  engaged  in  a  Kohomo  so  destructive  to  tho  Interests  of  the  Compai^,  he 
thinks  every  means  should  be  made  use  of  to  defeat  it,  and  it  is  therefore  his  Opinion  that 
the  Packet  should  be  opened  and  the  Contents  inspected,  as  it  may  probably,  from  the 
anxioty  of  Mr  Bolts'  Agent  to  recover  it,  contain  intelligence  of  Importance. 
(imtwUation.  (tt  Rvtnhtty  tWZr,  24  DefienAe.r  1777;<- 

As  Mr  Bolts  has  already  been  here  a  sufficient  time  to  answer  every  purpose  of  getting 
Refreshment  for  tho  Imperial  Sloop  now  here,  the  Secretary  must  signify  the  same  to 
him,  and  require  him  to  depart  from  this  place  without  any  further  delay. 

As  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  there  are  a  number  of  British  subjects  on  board 
the  Imperial  Ship  Joseph  and  Therein  and  as  we  believe  the  Squadron  i*  in  want  of  Men. 
the  same  must  bo  noticed  to  the  Commodore  and  the  Propriety  of  In's  taking  them  out 
•of  the  Ship  suggested  to  him. 

Jitter  and  Protest  from  Mr  Holts  to  the  President  (ind  Council  ft  I 
Himihfiy,  dated  24  December  1777.:<iS 

rlonble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen 

[  did  not  reoeive  Mr  Soeretarv  Itavenscroft's  answer,  datc.d  the  ItHh  of  November, 
to  the  Letter  which  1  did  myself  the  Honor  of  writing  to  you  under  J)ate  of  the  31st 
October,  untill  the  13th  lust.,  owing  to  the  very  extraordinary  inU'reoptions  of  my 
Letters,  which  Your  Honor  &oa.  Gentleman  are  well  acquainted  with,  and  which  make 
the  subject  of  the  latter  part  of  this  address.  1  do  not  imitate  your  mode  (unusual  as  ] 
conceive  it  in  the  ease  before  us)  of  answering  by  my  Secretary,  as  1  would  not  wish  by 
any  example  of  punctilio,  much  less  of  personal  disrespect,  to  jrive  cause  of  prejudice  to 
the  affair  of  my  Sovereigns,  who.  I  am  sorry  to  say,  Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  from 
Your  answers,  will  not  be  able  to  collect  much  information  of  a  satisfactory  nature  on  the 
subjects  of  my  last  letter. 

You  are  pleased  to  inform  me  in  one  Paragraph  that  "  Von  cannot  consider  mere 
strangers  in  India  as  entitled  to  the  same  Privileges  and  attention  in  Your  Ports  as  the 
Nations  who  have  had  Establishments  and  traded  in  the  Country  for  upwards  of  a 
Century  and  a  half  by  Virtue  of  lloyal  Grants  and  Phirmaimds." 

To  this  I  must  remark  that  all  European  Nations  are  strangers  in  India,  and  in  their 
own  respective  Ports,  while  Peace  subsists  between  them,  are  mutually  entitled  to  that 
Attention  and  freedom  of  intercourse  which  are  founded  on  the  general  Laws  of  Society, 

»  Horn1**;;  Public  Confndtations  (1777),  XLIV,  626. 

">:  Th  »  celebrated  General  John  Carnac;   (  1760*1800  ),  then  Second  of  Council  at  Bombay. 

a-1  Hombay  Public  ConsiUtatiou*  (  1777  ).    XLIV,   551-552. 

33  Bombay  Public  Consultation  (1777),  XLIV,  568-573. 


1D18]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  5 

where  not  interrupted  by  particular  Treaties.  The  Principles  on  which  Your  Honor  &ca. 
Qentlemm  herein  appear  to  consider  the  Mogul's  Phirmaunds  as  essential  to  that  Peace 
.and  Freedom  of  intercourse  are  to  me  perfectly  unknown. 

You  are  also  pleased  to  inform  me  that  "The  English  Kast  India  Company,  by 
Phiruiamrjs  from  tlie  Mosrul,  are  d'overnors  of  his  (1istlc  and  Fleet  at  Surat,  and  as  his 
.allies  must  certainly  be  affected  by  any  Acts  offensive  to  his  (Jovernment."  I  have  very 
attentively  considered  the  Petition  said  to  have  been  presented  to  (he  Mo^ul  Kmncror  in 
17.>.1)  on  behalf  of  the  Honble.  Knirlish  East  India  Company,  together  uith  the  IVrwa- 
nahs  lliisbulhookums  and  Firmanns  [partnlnn.  hafthn'l-liuktn.  farmtiv]  said  to  have  been 
•obtain**  1  in  ('.ms^uenc.e  thereof  from  the  Mogul's  Court,  re-spectiuu  their  Government  of 
*  he  Cast  1»  and  Fleet  of  Surat.  as  those  authorities  have  been  piibli<-|J\  ;ieknowledired 
b 'fore  the  most  respect  able  Tribunals  of  (treat  Britain.  The  Petition  to  the  .Moirul  expressly 
])•••  tys  thil  the  Company  might  be  invested  with  those  offices  for  the  purposes  of  protecting 
the  Inhabitants  and  traders  of  all  Denomination  from  injustice  ;nn|  oppression;  and 
the  Orders  issued  in  Continence  recite  the  Petition  to  ha\e  been  granted  for  the 
•express  purposes  of  proserv  ing  the  Bar  and  Sea  open  to  all  .ships  and  \Vs.selJs,  that  the 
t-ade  of  all  Merchant  >  and  pilgrims  might  meet  with  no  trouble  or  impediment  and  they 
impose  on  t he  ('ompa-iy  the  strongest,  injunctions  of  "  /  Vm  .  /  'urnn^/nr/itm  justice  and 
iw/crtttiim  "  in  the  execution  of  those,  offices. 

II  VCardhm  to  those,  acknowledged  document's  and  the  immemorial  established  usages 
,)''  t'.ie  M  )j;u's  City  of  Sur.it ,  The  English  Hast  India  ( \nnpany,  in  the  Character  of  the 
AFoguTs  Cast lc  and  Fleci .  cannot  ])erniit;  much  less  themselves  oera,sion(  in  the  name  of 
the  Nabob,  an\  im])cdinients  of  trade  by  the  exaction  of  exorbitant  and  unusual  duties  or 
c.rn  by  any  other  breaches  of  humanity  or  acts  of  oppression,  \\hich  wej^  the  \-ory 
grounds  on  which  they  themselves  disjx>ss|ess]ed  the  former  \a-hob  of  his  Covermnent 
And  ah  ho  it  were  admit  te!  that  the  English  Kast  India  ('otupanx  as  (io\enif»r  of  the 
said  Castle  and  Fl'^et  might  be  at  liberty  to  defend  fh<m  \\hen  attacked,  it  would 
morelv  [be]  as  servants  of  the  Mogul  :  but  how  "  they  tnnsl  certainly  IH  affectnl  "  as  his 
allies  against  an  iMirojHNin  Nation  in  amity  with  Great  Britain  lor  an\  other  act  of 
j-oprisal,  in  retaliation  of  a  breach  of  the  Law  of  nations  on  the  part  of  Nabob,  is  a  point 
above  my  powers  of  discussion,  and  must  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the  Court*  Of  Vienna  and 
St.  James,  if  ever  occasion  should  be  given  for  it.  How  far  their  Imperial  .Majesties  have 
reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  treatment  their  subjects  have  alread\  received  on 
the  score  of  Trade  and  Hospitality  at  Surat.,  1  leave  Your  Honor  \ca.  Centlenien  to 
judge! 

lu   another  Paragraph  I  am  farther  acquainted    **  that  circumstanced  as  J  have  been 
with  Your  Honblc.  Employers,  I  must  bo  sensible    I  can  expect  no  farther  countenance 
.attention  than  what  the  La>\s  of  Hospitality  indispensibly  require." 

Permit  me  to  assure  Your  Honor  &ca,  (jcntlemen,  in  answer  to  this  Paragraph  tl  at 
1  have  perfectly  obliterated  from  my  Memory  all  the  injuries  I  have  formerly  received 
from  the  Honble.  English  Hast  India  Company.  They  are  dead  with  their  Author  and 
I  wish  never  to  revive  their  remembrance.  But  my  present  claim,  having  no  relation  to 
any  former  circumstances,  but  to  that  situation  alone  in  which  I  have  now  the  Honor  t 
present  myself,  it  is  solely  on  behalf  of  their  imperial  Majesties  that  all  uiy  applieations 
will  be  made,  when  necessary,  to  the  Representatives  of  the  British  Nation  in  every  part 
of  Asia.  In  this  point  of  view,  I  '•  expect  no  countenance  "  for  the  very  idea  would  be 


THE  JXDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JANUARY,  1918 

indignity  to  my  Sovereigns  ;  but  as  I  shall  endeavour  on  every  occasion  to  pay  the  strictest 
attention  t<>  all  national  Rights  of  others,  I  shall  also  expect  from  you,  Honble.  Sir  and 
'teiitlcinen,  the  same  "  attention"  to  those  Rights,  from  which  the  smallest  relaxation  on 
mv  part,  or  deviation  on  Yours  might  possibly  be  highly  resented  by  our  respective 
Sovereigns. 

1  conn-  now,  Hwiblo.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  to  that  subject  which  gives  me  the  most 
lively  concern,  1  mean  the  interception  of  my  Letters  by  William  Lewis  Esqr.,  the  British 
Minister  at  the  Mahrattah  Court  at  Poonah  during  my  late  Residence  there,  by  Order  of 
Your  Honble.  B-urd.  Tii'j  accompanying  Affidavit  sufficiently  ascertains  the  fact,  although 
abundance  of  other  proof  can  be  legally  adduced  if  necessary.  I  assure  you,  Honble.  Sir 
and  Gentlemen,  that  the  object  of  my  Visit  at  Poonah  was  purely  of  a  Commercial  Nature, 
in  execution  of  a  trust  reposed  in  me  by  her  Imperial  Majesty  The  Kmpress  Queen  of 
Hungary,  &ca  ,  &ca,,  which  in  no  respect-  could  tend  to  interrupt  the  peace  or  harmony 
subsisting  between  the  British  Government  and  the  Mahrattahs,  or  any  other  of  the* 
Indian  Powers.  This  open  infraction,  therefore,  of  the  most  sacred  ] niblick  rights,  in  time  of 
profound  peace,  added  to  the  many  obstructions  1  have  already  experienced  by  your  Ordois 
from  the  Indian  Governments,  make  me  conclude  that  a  determinate  resolution  has  been 
taken  per  fac  ac  H  nefa,*  [$ic\  to  impede  all  intercourse  between  the  Court  of  Vienna  and  the 
Princes  of  India,  and  wholly  to  destroy  the  ]>caceful  and  lawful  trade  of  their  Imperial 
Majesties'  subjects  in  Asia.  In  this  state  of  insecurity  for  transacting  any  business  of 
their  Majesties  or  their  subjects,  1  ha\e  no  other  romedy  left  me  than  that  of  protesting, 
as  1  now  most  solemnly  do,  on  behalf  of  my  Sovereigns,  Their  Imperial,  Royal,  and 
Apostolick  Majesties,  against  Your  Honor  &ca.  Gentlemen  as  representatives  of  the  British 
Government  for  the  infraction  of  Right,  which!  now  complain  of,  and  for  all  the 
detriment  and  loss  that  may  accrue  to  the  property  and  persons  of  their  Majesties'  subjects 
on  this  side  the  Capo  of  Good  Hope,  in  consequence  of  any  order  issued,  or  which  max 
be  issued  directly  or  indirectly  by  Your  Honble.  Board,  or  by  any  other  Agents  or 
Representatives  of  the  British  Nation  in  Asia. 

At  the  same  time  that  my  duty  forces  me  to  lay  this  Publiek  Protest  before  Your 
Honble.  Board,  ]>crmit  me  to  assure  You  that  I  have  the  Honor  to  subscribe  myself  with 
the  most  profound  Respect 

Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen 

Your  most  obedient  humble  Servant 

WILLIAM  BOLTS,  Lt.  Col.  in  the 
Bombay  24//^  December  1777.  service  of  their  lmi>erial  Majesties. 

Altrstution  t»f  John.  Joseph  Bauer. 

John  Joseph  Bauer  a  native  and  heretofore  inhabitant  of  Oldenburgh  in  the  kingdom 
of  Hungary11  but  now  actually  resident  at  the  British  Settlement  of  Bombay  maketh  oath 
and  saith  tint  he  the  deponent  was  employed  by  William  Bolts,  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the 
service  of  their  Imperial  Royal  and  Apostolick  Majesties  the  Empress  Queen  of  Hungarv, 
&ca.,  &ca.,  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  the  second,  to  transmit  from  this  Tort  of  Bombay  to- 
him  William  Bolts  then  at  the  Mahrattah  Court  at  Poonah,  a  letter  on  the  business  of  their 
said  Majesties  ;  that  accordingly  on  or  about  the  twenty  third  day  of  November  last  past 

»4  The  Ducjhy  of  Oldeiiburfljh  in  N.  Germany,  then  under  Austrian  domination,  but  it  seems  to  be  M 
stretch  of  hi8torie»l  fact  to  c  .11  it  in  the  Kingdom  of  Hungary. 


JANUARY,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA 

he  made  or  caused  to  be  made  application  to  the  Honble.  Win.  Hornby  Esqr.  President 
and  Governor  for  all  affairs  of  the  British  Nation  at  Bombay,  to  obtain  a  Permission  oC/ 
Pass  for  a  Pattamar  or  Express  to  convey  the  said  letter,  which  was  accordingly  granted  by 
tho  said  Honble.  President ;  That  on  or  about  the  said  23rd  day  of  November  1777  last  the 
Deponent  hired,  paid  and  dispatched  an  Express  with  the  said  Pass  or  )>erinit  and  Letter 
directed  to  the  said  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  Bolts  at  Poonah,  that  the  said 
Express  or  Pattamar  with  the  said  Letter  was  seized  at  Poonah  by  or  by 
the  Orders  of  the  British  Agent  there ;  and  sent  down  to  Bombay  under  a  strong 
Guard  of  the  British  Indian  Troops  belonging,  as  this  De]xment  believes,  to  the 
Battalion  called  the  Pily  Phultum35 ;  that  he  tho  Deponent  repaired  to  Poonah  to  inform 
the  said  lieutenant  Colonel  Wm.  Bolts  of  the  interception  of  his  Letters  ;  that  being  arrived 
at  Poonah  on  or  about  the  3rd  day  of  this  present  month  of  December  lu»  the  deponent  was* 
sent  by  the  said  Lieutenant  Colonel  Wm.  Bolts  with  one  or  more  Letters  to  William  Lewis 
Esqr.,  the  English  Agent  then  Resident  at  Poonah,  to  demand  his  reasons  and  authority  for 
the  said  interceptions,  ami  that  the  said  Wm.  Lewis  Esqr.  did  then  and  there  personally 
acquaint  this  Deponent  in  answer  to  the  said  Letters  that  he  had  sent  all  Mr.  Bolts'  Letters 
down  to  tho  Honble.  the  President  and  Council  of  Bombay,  agreeably  to  the  Order  of  his 
Constituents,  tho  Honble.  English  East  India  Company,  or  of  the  said  Honble.  President 
and  Council,  which  Orders  he  was  obliged  to  comply  with  in  Conformity  to  tho  duty  of  his 
station;  or  word[s|  to  that  or  the  like  effect  ;  ami  further  this  Deponent  suith  not. 

JOHN  JOSEPH  BAUEK. 
Bombay  T»u?n  //«//,  22  Deer.  1777. 

Sworn  before  this  Court  sitting  in  Judgement. 

BECK,   Register. 
NJi     -This  Paper  was  attested  in  the  usual  Form  by  the  Mayor  and  Notary  Publick. 

Letter  from    the   President  and  Council  at  Fort  St.  Gcoryt  to  the 
President  and  Council  of  Bombay,  dated  3  January  177S.;i'; 

We  have  paid  attention  to  that  part  of  your  letter  of  the  3rd  Ultimo  which  relates 
to  the  Austrian  Enterprise  under  the  direction  of  Mr  Bolts,  and  have  only  to  acquaint 
your  Honor  &ca.  that  a.s  the  orders  of  the  Company  to  this  Presidency  Correspond 
literrally  with  the  extract  of  their  Commands  which  you  have  transmitted  to  u»  upon  thifc 
subject,  We  shall  readily  cooperate  with  you  to  the  utmost  of  our  power  in  frustrating 
the  success  of  a  scheme  which  appears  to  be  so  prejudicial  to  their  interests. 

Letter  from  the  Council  at  Bombay  kt   the   (lourl  of  l>inclor&t 
dated  25  January  1778.:'7 

In  our  Address  of  the  30  November  We  mentioned  the  Arrival  of  the  Austrian  Ship 
Joseph  and  Theresa  at  Surat  and  of  Mr  Bolts  having  left  that  Place  and  proeeded  to  Gogo 
on  account  of  the  Obstruction  thrown  in  his  way  by  our  Directions.  We  conclude  that 
the  Object  of  his  Journey  to  Poonah  was  to  obtain  a  Settlement  at  (Jogo,  and  We  shall 
be  able  to  judge  what  Success  He  met  with  by  his  future  Proceedings,  but  no 
Endeavours  were  wanting  on  our  part  to  oppose  his  Design.  Jt  is  surmised  that 
Mr  Bolts  by  making  a  Settlement  at  Delagoa  means  to  make  that  Place  his  Magazine 
for  European  Commodities  and  from  thence  to  pour  thorn  into  India. 

35  Pafiila  Paltan,i.e.,  The  First  Regiment,  Bombay  Native  Infantry,  formed  in  1707. 

W  Letter*  Received  at  Bombay  (1778),  XLIV.  41.  37  Bombay  Letters  Received,  V,  285-  -289. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JANUARY,  1918 

A  Sloop  named  the  faopold  purchased  by  Him  from  the  Dutch  at  Swat  arrived 
hora  the  16th  November  with  a  Letter  from  Him  dated  atGogothe  3 1st  October,  wherein 
He  complained  much  of  the  Treatment  He  received  at  Surat,  and  put  two  Queries  to 
Us  which  Ho  requested  We  would  answer.  We  accordingly  sent  Him  a  Reply  by 
our  Secretary. 

Whilst  Mr  Bolts  was  at  Pooiiah  a  Packet  addressed  to  him  superscribed  "  on  their 
Imperial  Majesty's  Service  "  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mr  Lewis  thro'  the  Mistake  of  the 
Pattamars,  who  thought  it  his  duty  to  transmit  it  to  Us.  The  Captain  of  the  Sloop 
Leopold  who  had  by  some  means  gained  Information  of  the  Packet  being  intercepted, 
demanded  it  from  us  in  the  Name  of  thur  Imperial  Majesties,  and  on  Consideration  of  the 
matter  it  was  thought  best  to  give  it  up,  but  Mr  ( 'arnac  desired  it  might  be  minuted 
that  as  Mr  Bolts  was  engaged  in  a  Scheme  so  distruetivc  to  the  Interests  of  the 
Company,  he  thought  every  means  should  be  made  Use  of  to  defeat  it,  and  He  was 
therefore  of  Opinion  that  the  Contents  of  the  Packet  should  have  been  inspected,  as 
there  was  reason  to  conclude  frum  the  Anxiety  of  Mr  Bolt's  Agent  to  recover  it  that 
it  contained  Intelligence  of  Importance. 

Mr  Bolts  himself  arrived  here  from  Poonah  the  13th  December,  when  We  immediately 
resolve:!  not  to  permit  of  his  stay  here  beyond  a  reasonable  time  for  procuring  the  necessary 
Supplies  for  the  Sloop  during  her  Voyage.  He  left  this  Place  on  the  :>4th  whim  We  had 
determined  to  require  Him  to  depart  ,  and  on  that  Day  He  sent  in  a  Letter  and  Protest 
commenting  on  our  reply  to  his  former  Letter  and  protesting  against  us  for 
the  Interception  of  his  Packet.  We  have  to  remark  in  Reply  to  his  Complaint 
of  the  Disrespect  shewn  him  by  our  Answer  being  sent  thro'  t.he  Secretary 
that  however  much  We  might  be  disposed  to  pay  all  possible  Respect  to  a  Commision 
from  so  illustrious  a  Personage  a>  the  ISmpreas  Queen,  We  could  not  consistently  shew 
any  Distinction  to  ML  Bolts  who  may  justly  be  termed  an  Apostate  from  the  Company'* 
Service.  With  regard  to  our  Replies  to  his  Queries,  We  think  they  were  as  explicit  as  the 
Nature  of  his  Queries  required,  and  in  our  Interference  with  the  Nabob  of  Surat  to 
obstruct  his  commercial  Views,  We  acted  in  exact  Conformity  to  your  Commands  of  the 
21st  of  February  which  direct  Us  to  make  Use  of  our  Influence  with  the  Country  Powers 
to  counteract  his  Designs. 

Four  British  Subjects  deserted  from  Mr  Bolts' 8  Ship  and  have  entered  into  your 
Service.  Having  received  Information  from  them  of  their  I  .sic  ]  being  several  others  on 
Board,  We  gave  Notice  thereof  to  Sir  Edward  Vernon38  who  has  sent  the  Cwwomnt  Sloop 
of  War  to  make  Enquiry  into  the  Affair. 

Letter  from  tlw  Council  at  TeJlicherry  to  tlw  President  awl  Council 
at  Bombay,  dated  8  February  1778.*9 

The  Resident  [Richard  Church]  having  wrote  to  the  Prince  of  Cherrika  [Chirakkal  J 
to  send  Nanah  Putterah  *°  hither,  as  he  wanted  to  communicate  to  him  the  Orders  received 
from  your  Honor  &ca.  .  .  .  the  latter  arrived  the  2d  Instant  .  .  .  The  Resident 

M  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Vernon  (1743—1704),  Coinmander-iii-Chief  in  the  East  Indies,  1776—1781. 
3»  Leffera  Received  (U  Bombay  (1778),  XL1V,  48—50. 

*i  Pattar,  yattara,  a  Malayalam  name  given  in  Malabar  to  foreign  Brfihmans,  who  there  are  usually 
trader*  and  money-lenders! 


JANUARY,  1918  ]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA 

mentioned  the  report  that  prevailed  of  Mr  Itolts  being  promised  a  Factory  in  the  Prince** 
dominions  and  that  as  it  would  be  contrary  to  the  Treaties  subsisting  between  the  Company 
and  the  Palace  of  Colastria,*1  We  expected  the  Prince  would  not  grant  any  establishment 
to  any  European  power  in  his  Country  besides  the  Compaq-,  which  Nanah  Putterah  has 
reported  to  the  Prince.  The  former  said  the  Prince  desired  him  to  assure  us  ho  would 
strictly  abide  by  that  clause  in  the-  Treaty  with  the  Honblo.  Company.  But  in  this 
assurance  we  cannot  place  n  firm  reliance. 

Bombay  Diary.   13  March  177S/ 

Received  the  following  Letter  from  Mr  Bolts,  which  the  President  directed  the 
Secretary  to  send  round  for  the  opinions  of  the  Council,  in  consequence  of  which 
Mr  Bolts's  request  was  refused. 

Honble.  Sir  and  Sirs 

Being  much  in  want  of  a  little  Salt  for  Ballast  of  the  Vessel  uncltT  1113  Command, 
now  in  this  Harbour,  1  request  your  purmission  for  taking  in  the  same,  which  I 
shall  e-ileem  a  particular  favor,  who  am  with  the  greatest  JUvsjwd  Honble.  Sir  find 
Sirs, 

Your  most  obedient  and  humble  Servant 

WILLIAM  BOLTS,     Lieut.  Colonel  in  the 
Serviee  of  their  Imperial  Majesties. 
(.'unstdlat  ion  at  Bombay  Castle,  1  April  177H.13 

Mr  Carnac  now  acquaints  us  that  as  Mr  BohVa  ship  has  been  in  this  Port  full  three 
weeks,  a  I  Line  in  his  opinion  more  than  sufficient  for  procuring  lief  regiments  and  Ballast, 
the  avowerl  motive  for  his  coming  here,  He  shall,  to  exculpate  himself,  deliver  in  a  Minute 
expressing  his  disapprobation  of  Mr  B.>Its  being  permitted  to  make  so  long  a  stay. 

('uitstiltatwnat  Bomlijy  Castk,  S  April  1778.1' 
Mr  C_tni'ic  lays  before  us  the  Minute  he  acquainted  us  last  Council  day  ho  j)ro|>os«l 

delivering,  respecting  Mr  Bolts,  which  is  ordered  to  be  entered  after  this  Consultation. 

Mr  Ramsay4-'1  thinking    it    necessary,    in   consequence    of    a    Passage  in  Mr  Canine's 

Minute,  that  his  Conduct  with  respect  to  Mr  Bolts  should  stand  recorded,  now  delivers  in 

u  Minute  which  is  subjoined  to  Mr  Carnae's. 

Enclosures. 
1.  Mr  John  Carnac'H  Minute  respecting  Mr   Bolts. 

It  has  bocu  positively  enjoined  from  home  to  all  the  Settlements  that,  the  most 
strenuous  Efforts  should  be  exerted  to  defeat  the  Austrian  attempt  to  carry  on  an  interlop- 
ing trade  in  these  Seas,  and  to  frustrate  the  Voyage  Bet  on  foot  at  Trieste  for  that  purpose. 
This  was  the  more  necessary,  as  the  expedition  was  projected  and  is  conducted  by  a  man 
who,  from  the  time  he  lost  our  Service,  has  made  it  his  principal  study  both  at  home  and 
.abroad  how  he  could  most  effectually  injure  the  English  Company  and  their  Servants. 

*l  Colas  tri  a,  Portuguese  corrupt  ion   of  Kol  ittiri  or   Kol'itriiid    (Kolam),   North    Malabar.      Its  rulers 
were  formerly  known  as  tho  Kolattiri  Rajas  and  now  as  the  Chirakkal  KIJZIH. 

42  Bombay  Public,  Consultation*  ( 1778)  ,  XLV,  119. 

43  Bombay  Public  Consultation*  (1778),     XLV,  158.  *«   J6irfv  171,  178-170. 
45  Andrew  Ramsay,  Sixth,  and  last,  of  Council. 


10  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JANUARY,  1918 

Mr  Carnac  is  therefore  amazed  at,  and  cannot  help  thus  publickly  expressing  his  disappro- 
bation of,  Mr  Bolts  being  permitted  to  remain  so  long  with  his  Ship  in  our  Harbour, 
particularly  a*  his  conduct  since  his  arrival  in  India  has  not  been  such  as  to  merit  any 
indulgence  from  us.       Having  assumed  a  right  of  Dominion  in  the   River  of  Delagoa,  he 
ordered  forcibly  to  be  taken  down  the  English  Flag  hoisted    by  the   master  of   a  vefesel 
trading  thither  under  our  protection  ;   he  has  been  at  Poonah  intriguing  with  the  Minister 
most  adverse  to  us,  in  the  hope  of   being  able  to  purchase  some  Establishment  in  the 
Gulph  of  Gambay  and  privilege  of  trading,  which  must  have  been  huitful  to  our  Interests; 
and  we  learn  from   the   subordinacy  of  Tellicheny  that  the   disturbances  excited  in  that 
district  by  Domingo  Rodrigueze  are  supposed   to  arise    from    a    design    of   granting    to 
Mr  Bolts  a  Li  cense,  which  he  is  solicitous  of  obtaining,  toform  a  Settlement  at  Bimliapatam.10 
In  strict  compliance  to  the  Orders  of  his  Employers,  Mr  ( 'arnac  has  scrupulously  avoided 
all  intercourse  whatever  with  Mr  Bolts,  but  from  his  being  still  here  after  the  expiration 
of  more  than  three  weeks,  without  any  ostensible  reason  for  it,  it  may  be  presumed  every 
body  has  not  been  equally  scrupulous,  as  there  can  be  no  other  motive  for  so  long  a  stay, 
but  that  he  has  a  fair  prospect  of  engaging  some  of  our  merchants  in  a  contraband   trade 
between  this  Port  and  the  Factory  he  has  set  up  in  Delagoa  River,    whereby    the  Europe 
Staples  may  be  introduced  to  this  side  of  India  by  a  new  Channel,  greatly  to  the  detriment 
of  the  Company.     Mr  Carnac  has  strong  reason  for  entertaining  such  a  suspicion,   as  he 
has  been  assured  by  a  free  merchant  of  considerable  credit  that  proposals  had  been    made 
to  him  by  Mr  Bolts   for  engaging  in  this   Traffick,  so  very   advantageous  as  to  prove  a 
temptation  too  powerful  to  he  generally  resisted. 

1st  April  1778.  JOHN  CARNAC. 

2.  Mr  Andrew  Ramsay's  Minute  respecting  Mr  Bolts. 

As  it  may  be  inferred  from  Mr  Canute's  minute  that  persons  in  Authority  have  been 
interested  in  the  long  detention  of  the  Austrian  whip  at  this  Port,  Mr  Ramsay,  as  a 
member  of  the  Board,  who  has  been  largely  concerned  in  trade,  thinks  it  necessary  thus 
ptiblickly  to  declare  that  he  has  had  no  interest  therein  directly  or  indirectly,  nor  has  he 
had  the  least  intercourse  with  Mr  Bolts,  not  even  in  the  common  civilities  duo  to  a 
Stranger,  which,  but  for  his  particular  Predicament  in  respect  to  the  Company  and  their 
Servants,  Mr  Ramsay  would  otherwise  most  certainly  have  shewn  him. 

ANDREW  RAMSAY. 

Letter  from  the  Council  at  Tellicherry  to  the  President  and 
Council  at  Bombay,  dated  24  April  1778.1? 

We  received  information  that  Mr  William  Bolts  in  the  Austrian  Ship  the  Joseph  and 
Theresa,  arrived  the  21st  Instant  at  Billiapatam,  with  au  intention  of  taking  in 
Pepper  there. 

As  this  proceeding  of  Mr  Bolts  is  an  infringement  of  the  Honble.  Company's  privileges 
of  Trade,  granted  them  by  the  Kings  of  Colastria,  and  that  he  might  not  plead  ignorance 
thereof,  we  immediately  wrote  him  a  letter,  acquainting  him  therewith,  and  which  was 
sent  to  Billiapatam  by  our  Linguist  [  interpreter  ],  who  was  directed  to  gain  all  the 
information  i^e  could  of  Mr  Bolts  proceedings  in  general,  and  that  in  case  he  should 
discover  Mr  Bolts  soliciting  an  establishment  in  any  part  of  the  Prince's  Dominions  he  was 

*6  Baliapafcam  (Beliapatani)  or  Valaipattaiiam,  near  Cananore,  in  the  Chirakkul  taluk. 
*7  Letters  Received  at  Botnbay  (1778),  XLIV,  182-3. 


JANUARY,  1018  J  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  11 

to  advise  us  thereof  immediately,  and  to  represent  to  the  Prince  the  en  jury  [  sic  ]  the 
•Company  will  receive  from  such  a  breach  of  the  privileges  granted  by  his  Ancestors 
to  them. 


Letter  from  tlu>  Court  of  Director  A  to  the  Council  (it 
dated  1  May  177$.** 

We  approve  your  conduct  relative  to  Mr  Bolts  and  also  the  behaviour  of  our  servants 
at  Surat,  as  stated  in  your  general  letter  of  the  30th  of  November. 

As  we  have  not  received  the  ropy  of  Mr  Bolts's  letter,  asserting  a  nirht  to  Dclagoa 
in  consequence,  of  a  gnu  it  said  to  have  been  made  to  Her  Ini|>erial  Majcsu.  we  eannot  at 
present  reply  thereto.  It  that  letter  is  not  accompanied  by  an\  remarks  oi  v.wrs.  vou  will 
not  fail  to  state  to  us  hy  the  first  opportunity,  every  eiremnstanee  attending  the  affair  in 
question,  with  such  information  as  may  be  procurable  respecting  the  supposed  grant  of  th«> 
country,  the  name  and  rank  of  the  grantor,  the  time  when  granted,  and  likewise  the 
particular  authority  by  which  Mr  Bolts  has  ventured  to  remove  the  Knglish  Colours  and  to 
•destroy  the  house  mentioned  in  your  letter. 

L>lt'>r  front  fh"  C  "tncif  at  'Mli<'h"rri/  In  th     Court  <>/'  Dinrlur* 

<)  Mttfi  I77K.45' 


Mr1  William  Bolts  in  the  Austrian  ship  the  Joseph  and  Tlter^n  arnx  ed  at  Billiapatam 
the  21st  ultimo,  with  an  intention  of  taking  in  jX'pper  there.  As  this  proceeding  of 
Mr  Bolts  is  an  infringement  of  the  Honble.  (Company's  privileges  of  trade  Lrranted  them  by 
the  Kings  of  Colastria.  and  that  he  might  not  plead  ignorance  thereof.  \\e  immediately 
wrote  him  a  letter,  acquainting  him  therewith,  and  which  was  sent  l»\  our  linguist  to 
Billiapatam,  who  was  directed  to  gain  all  the  information  he  could  of  Mr  Bolts'*  proceedings 
in  general,  and  that  in  case  he  should  discover  Mr  Bolts  soliciting  an  establishment  in  anv 
part  of  the  Prince's  Dominions  he  was  to  advise  us  thereof  immedia(el\  .  and  to  represent 
to  the  Prince  the  injurx  the  Company  will  receive  from  such  a  breach  of  the  privileges 
granted  by  his  ancestors  ;  and  as  he  persiste  1  in  trading  in  our  districts  after  our  having 
informed  him  of  the  Company's  privileges,  we  thought  it  unnecessary  to  enter  into  n 
further  discussion  of  them,  and  deUM'mined  to  leave  the  whole  to  the  judgement  of  our 
Supcriours. 

While  the  Imperial  Ship  remained  at  Billiapatam  there  was  landed  from  her  at  that 
place  many  chests  of  arms  :  after  which  she  proceeded  to  («oa.  where  she  will  winter; 
Mi-  Bolts  and  other  gentlemen  belonging  to  the  above  ship  remain  at  Billiapatam. 

As  we  heard  the  Prince  of  Cherrika  was  at  Cotiote  |  Kottayam  ]  the  3rd  instant, 
Mr  Samuel  Stedman  was  ordered  to  wait  upon  him  to  confer  with  him  on  the  subject  of 
Mr  Bolts's  views  and  proceedings  ;  On  Mr  Siedman's  return,  he  informed  us  that  ho 
represented  to  the  Prince,  the  injury  the  Company  would  receive  by  Mr  Bolts  having  in 
particular  an  establishment  in  his  country,  and  that  we  expected  from  the  treaties  between 
him  and  the  Company  tint  he  would  not  grant  it.  Upon  which  the  Prince  gave 
Mr  Stedman  the  strongest  assurances  that  he  would  not  of  his  own  will  grant  Mr  Bolts  an 
•establishment,  who  he  acknowledged  was  endeavouring  at  one,  but  would  throw  every 
obstacle  in  his  way  to  prevent  it,  tho1  he  believe:!  Mr  Bolts  was  going  to  the  Nabob 

*•  Bomtoy  Dexpatclte*,  IV,  1450—1462.  *>  Homhay  Lrfrr*  ttrd.  VI,  56—58. 


12  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JANUARY,  1018 

Hyder  Ally  Caun  [  Haidar  '  All  Kha.i  J  to  solicit  for  it,  and  wo  weft-  sensible  if  he  succeeded,, 
it  would  be  out  of  his  power  to  refuse  obeying  it. 

The  Resident  has  addressed  the  Nabob  and  represented  to  him  in  the  strongewt  light 
how  detrimental  it  will  be  to  the  Company  if  he  gives  the  Prince  an  order  to  grant 
Mr  Bolts  an  establishment  in  his  country. 

L'-'Mer  from  thi>  Council  at  Tdlichmy  to  th«  Prcttidr.nt  and  Coumil  at  Bombay. 

dated  17  Jun"  177S.:" 

We  wrote  you  last  the  12th  Ultimo  ...  A  few  days  after  we  were  informed  that 
Mr  Bolts  paid  a  visit  to  Ally  Rajah  at  (Wmaiiore,  and  from  thence  proceeded  to  (-allicut 
in  one  of  his  barges.  We  understand  his  principal  errand  was  to  find  out  a  proper  spot 
there  or  at  Beypore  [near  Calicut  |  to  build  a  .Factory,  but  have  not  learnt  whether  he- 
lms succeeded.  On  the  1st  instant  he  proceeded  to  Seringapatam  [  to  Haidar  'AliJ. 

The  ti\\\i}  Joseph  and  Thrrexa  on  the  2nd  of  last  month  left  Billiapatam  for  doa,  where 
she  proposed  staying  the  Monsoon,  but  was  not  able  to  reach  that  place,  and  returned  to 
Billiapatiuu  the  14th.  On  tho20th  following,  she  passed  this  Port  to  the  Southward,  and 
we  are  since  informed  is  gone  to  Pondi cherry/'1 

On  the  31st  ultimo  a  Carrikar  [  carrick,  cargo- boa t  J  arrived  from  (Jannanorc,  and 
MjquainUvJ  the  llosi.lont  by  order  of  Ally  Rajah,  that  Mr  Bolls  had  been  soliciting  a  place 
at  Oannanore  for  a  Factory,  but  that  Ally  Rajah  would  not  give  him  an  ansuer  before  he 
knew  if  it  would  be  agreeable  or  not  to  the  Honble.  Company.  The  Resident  dispatched 
the  Cnrrikar  the  day  after,  with  a  letter  informing  Ally  Rajah  that  the  Company  expected, 
from  the  amity  existing  between  them,  that  he  would  not  grant  Mr  Bolt's  request. 

hitler  from  the  Council  nt  7W//c//,r./Y//  In  th*  Prc,*id<>nt  and  ( \nincU  (tf  Bombay, 
dated  '21  Sow  Hi.br  r,  177S/'- 

Mr  Bolts  arrived  at  Mangalore  from  Seringapatam  the  21  si  Ultimo,  and  imimx.liatel\ 
hoisted  the  I  mperial  Colours  on  the  spot  of  ground  granted  him  t  here  for  a  Factory.  One 
Mi- File,  a  dependant  of  Mi-  Bolts,  is  left  in  charge  thereof.  On  the  2nd  instant  he 
arrived  at  Billiapatam,  but  has  not  yet  hoisted  the  Imperial  Colours  there  or  at  Mattam>  .r>:: 

Letter  from  the  Council  ut  TctticJicrnj  to  th«  /'resident  and  Coumil  at  Bombay, 

dated  \\  December  1778.^ 

The  Imperial  Ship  Joseph  and  Tlwrt'w  arrived  at  Billiapatam  the  30tL  Ultimo  from  the 
Coast  of  Coromandel,  and  we  learn  that  some  time  before  she  left  the  Coast,  Mr  Bolts V 

5«  Letters  Keceindttt  Bomlwj  (J778),  XUV,  LM»4-LfO."». 

5'  "Tlie  south-west  monsoon  having  strongly  set  in  on  the  Malabar  coast,  it  was  deemed  unsafe  to 
remain  there  any  longer  ;  we  therefore  took  our  departure  from  Mangalore  on  the  ^Oth  of  May  177S 
directing  our  course.*  towards  the  gulph  of  Bengal;  and  in  less  thun  ten  days,  we  came  in  sight  of  the 
Carnioobar  islands  .  .  In  ono  of  the  l>a\s  formed  within  those  islands,  we  moored  in  twelve 
fathoms,  and  there  remained  until  the  S.  \V.  monsoon  was  quite  over,  which  was  in  the  heginning  of 
September."  Extract  from  the  Diary  of  X:  colour  Montana,  wiriiwtt  of  the  "Jogeph  and  Theresa."  j>rhitcd 
in  Aaiatic  Researches,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  VTI.  pp.  140.103. 

52  Letters  Received  at  Bombay  (1778),  XLIV,  ;{OG. 

**  I  have  not  succeeded  in  identifying  th^  place.  It  is  probably  tvn  ormr  for  Madakara.  Seethe 
letter  of  4th  February  1779,  itijrti. 

51   Letter*  Recc'vnl  at  Bombay   (1778),  XLIV.  3<»s. 


JANUARY,  1U18  1  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IX  INDIA 


13 


Agent  had  made  a  Settlement  on  the  Nicobar  Islands,  and  that  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  four  Islands  of  Soury  [ChowraJ,  Nicaoree  [NancovvryJ  Tricuttee  [Trinkat]  and 
Oachoule  [KatchallJ  had  joined  in  a  body,  and  surrendered  themselves  to  the  Sovereignty 
of  the  Empress  Queen,  upon  condition  of  having  secured  to  them  a  due  administration 
of  justice,  freedom  of  commerce  and  liberty  of  conscience. 

Letter  from  the  Council  <tt  Tell  wherry  to  the  Court  of  ])i  rectors, 

dated  4  February  1779. ;'5 

The  Ship  Joseph  and  Theresa  lost  her  passage  to  (Joa  from  Billiapattam  in  the 
beginning  of  May,  and  the  20th  |  following  |  passed  this  place  for  the  Commando!;  she 
returnedthe  3()th  of  November.  We  learn  that  Mr  Bolts's  agents  had  made  a  settlement  on 
tne  Nicobar  Islands.  Mr  Bolts  on  the  I  at  of  J  une  proceeded  to  Seringapatam.  and  obtained 
from  the  Nabob  Hyder  Ally  a  grant  to  establish  factories  at  Mangalore,  Carwar.  and  the 
Island  of  Maddacana/"'-  on  which  last  he  has  hoisted  the  Imperial  Colours.  His  ship 
proceeded  from  BiUiapatam  U>  Goat-he  middle  of  .December,  it  is  su«d  to  be  repaired. 

Loiter  from  the  liesidcnt  at  Onvre  t<>  the  I*  resident  awl  Council  at  Hontbuy. 

daletl  12  Feltrwtry  177<).'7 

'Chore  was  landed  from  the  Austrian  Ship  Joseph  and  Theresa  whieh  eame  t<>  tin- 
Port  of  Mangalore  th<'  beginning  of  .beeember  ninety  six  iron  guns  from  one  to  four 
KW'ids  caliber,  t  wo  brass  pieees  of  six  pounds,  ten  thousand  muskets  and  eight  thousand 
round  shoit,  intended  fo'-  the  Nabob,  out  of  which  lie  has  yet  only  taken  three 
thousand  stand  of  arms  and  the  two  brass  guns;  the  remainder  of  the  musket s 
and  mins  aro  sUll  there.  Several  copp'-r  utensils  intended  for  detliug  on  foot  a 
sugai°nianufae,Uireaml  distilling  spirituous  liquors  u ere  also  landed,  and  Mr  Bolts  has  Ml 
there  two  Kurop«rtn  gentlemen,  Mr  Fyfe  and  Mr  Brown  \\ith  a  doctor,  at  the  Banksaitl 
which  the  <u>v eminent,  has  allotted  him.  The.  same  ship  touch!  at  Carwar  afterwards,  and 
landed  a  small  quantity  of  copper  and  iron  for  the  use  of  the  factory.  Both  at  that  plan- 
and  Mangalore  Mr  lUts  had  began  to  build  the  factory  Warehouses,  but  when  tha  wall* 
were  rated  only  a  few  feet  a  general  stop  uas  putt  to  their  proceeding  further  on  them 
by  the  Governments  people,  under  the  pretext-  ot  wanting  more  distinct  orders  from  the 
Nabob,  and  I  have  pleasure  to  acquaint  your  Honor  &c a.  that  Mr  Holla's  Agents  have 
not  yet  succeeded  iu  souring  any  articles  of  Investment  in  this  neigh  bourhood.  HIM 
true' that  Lnximicant  Sinoy  LLakHhmikanthSinaiJ  has  been  making  offers  for  pepper  in 


the  Suundah   L^ndflJ    *™™x>>   but  wo   ma-y  *H>ssibly   b°  fthlt'  fr01"  thi" 

,ounteract  his  designs,  for  which  cad,  I  beg  to  assure  you,  not    activity  on  our  part  wiJI 

be  wanting. 

honibay  Diary  18  February  1779.^s 

Imported    the    Austrian  Ship    Joseph   ami  Terexa,  commanded  by  Mr  William  Bolts 

last  from  Uoa.  ^    r  ^ 

Consultation  at  Bomlmy  IS  March  \  /7J>.'" 

Pawl    a  Letter  from  Mr  William  Bolt*  a   entered  herouitw-,  in    reply   to    which   lu- 
must  be  acquainted  that  the  Orders  We  have  received  from  the  Honble.  Company  are  no, 

"    fi  Rl>lttlni,  Mien  R«*(v«l  (1779),  VI,   1 13-1 14.  *  The  for.  »f  Mwtatam.  i««r 

s:  fetta*.'  K^.i,,ed  at  Bombay  (1779),  XLV.  61  -62.  ^ 

»  BombanPMicGoiitultatious  (1779),  XLVI.  H'^  '      '"  ' 


14  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  JANUAB*, 

of  the  nature  he  mentions,  but  that  We  expect  to  receive  particular  Orders  respecting  the 
Trade  of  the  Subjects  of  their  Imperial  Majestys  by  the  Ships  of  this  Season,  till  when 
We  will  grant  him  the  Liberty  of  the  Port  and  all  requisite  Assistance  and  Supplies  for 
the  Imperial  Ship  Joseph  and  Theresa. 

Enclosure. 

Letter  from  "Sir  Holts. 
Honble.  Sir  and  Sirs 

Since  my  Arrival  in  this  Port  1  have  had  the  Pleasure  to  be  informed  that  the 
Honble.  the  United  Company  of  Merchants  of  England  trading  to  the  East  Indies  have 
lately  been  pleased  to  issuo  Orders  t  >  thmr  several  Presidencies  in  Asia  to  admit  in  their 
ports  of  the  trade  of  such  European  Nations  as  arc  in  amity  with  his  most  sacred 
Britanic  Majesty.  1  therefore  request  the  favour  of  information  from  your  Honble.  Board 
whether  (as  I  most  sincerely  hope)  the  subjects  of  their  Imperial,  lioyal  and  Apostolic 
Majesties  have  the  happiness  to  be  include;.!  in  the  said  general  Orders,  or  whether  there 
iw  any  particular  exception  against  the  Colours  of  their  said  Majcstys. 

From  the  Obstructions  which  you,  Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  kno\\  me  to  have 
met  with  in  the  conduct,  of  the  Expedition  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  entrusted, 
I  Hatter  myself  you  will  admit  the  Propriety  of  my  requesting  this  Informal  ion,  as  being 
essentially  necessary,  as  well  for  the  satisfaction  of  their  Imperial  Majesties,  my  Sovereigns, 
as  for  the  direction  of  my  future  Conduct.  For  such  a  determination  of  the  Honble. 
Company  may  not  only  free  their  Majesties  from  the  Expense  of  forming  Connections  with 
the  Powers  of  Asia  but  also  free  me  from  the  disagreeable  necessity,  to  which  I  might  be 
•otherwise  with  reluctance  reduced,  of  clashing  or  interfering  in  any  respect  with  the 
Political  Interests  of  Great  Britain  in  India. 

Permit  me  to  assure  you  that  this  is  my  sinccrest  wish  while  1  have  the  Honor  of 
subscribing  myself  with  the  greatest  respect 

Honble.  Sir  and  Sirs 

Your  most   obedient  and  humble  Servant 
liotnJHiy>  5/7;  March  1779. 

WlLUAM   BOLTS.   Lieut.  Colonel  in  the 

Service  of  their  [m|M»rial  Majesties. 
Hmnbriy  Diary,  5  May  1779.15" 

Sailed  the  Austria  Ship,  Jow.ph  nud  There *<i>  commanded  by  Lieut.  Coll.  Bolts 
to  Bengal. 

Letter  from  the  Con  mil  at  Bombay  to  tha  Court  of  Directors, 
dated  30  April  1779.^ 

You  have  been  advised  from  Tellicherry  of  the  proceedings  of  Mr  Bolts  on  the 
Malabar  Coast  ...  On  the  IStfa  of  February  Mr  Bolts  arrived  at  this  place  in  the 
ship  Joseph  and  Tfieresa,  which  was  taken  into  the  dock  to  receive  some  necessary  repairs, 
and  Mr  Bolts  having  we  presume  had  intimation  of  the  directions  contained  in  your 

*>  Bombay  PuW<-  ConiuUntions  (1779),  XLVI.  291. 
Letters  Received  (1779),  VI,  260- 261. 


JANUARY,  1918  J  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  15 

commands  of  the  19th  March  1778  respecting  the  trade  of  foreign  ships,  applied  to  us  to  be 
informed  whether  he  should  be  allowed  the  benefit  of  those  orders,  or  whether  there  was 
any  exception  against  the  subjects  of  their  Imperial  Majesties  ....  |  In  |  our  answer 
.  .  .  which  ...  is  of  a  general  nature  we  havr  declined  granting  him  any  inter- 
course of  trade,  for  as  the  year  before  we  had  received  very  particular  and  special  orders 
respecting  the  persons  concerned  in  this  enterprize,  we  were  not  altogether  satisfied  that 
those  orders  were  superseded  by  your  present  commands,  being  inelined  to  think  that  if 
such  had  been  your  intention  you  would  have  said  so  expressly.  We  also  hoped  soon 
to  be  favoured  with  your  particular  instructions  on  this  head  in  consequence  of  the 
representations  we  have  before  made  to  you. 

Letter  from  the  Resident  at  Onore,  to  the.  President  a  ml  Cww.il  n  I  /A  »//*/«///. 
doled  SSepte.nibrr  1771)/'2 


The  Austrian  Vakeel  at  Car  war,  Laximicant  Sino\  ,  \\lu>  \\.-i.s  formerly  in  the 
Company's  employ  at  that  place  and  this  Fact  ory,  has  been  very  industrious!'  or  si  veral  months 
in  sending  agents  to  Simndah,  Bilgey,  Sorcbaw  and  other  adjacent  p,»rts^'  f'oi  making 
purchases  of  pepper,  and  he  has  even  offered  six  and  eight  1'upees  per  ('and\  ;  Tort,  candil, 
atndij  about  500  lbs.1  more  than  the  price  the  Company  ptirchas<>  th.'^  article  for,  and  as 
farther  encouragement  he  has  promised  to  supply  those  parts  witii  ln-oad  cloth,  iron, 
lead  and  other  Europe  staples,  which  ho  gives  out  fch  *  Austrian  ship  will  bring  to  (  'arwar  in 
the  month  of  November  next,  but  we  arc4  happy  to  acquaint  your  Honor  \-ca.  that  all 
huximaeants  endeavours  haV3  hitherto  proved  fruitless,  which  \ve  chiefly  aMrilnitu  to  the 
low  state  of  Mr  Bolts's  finances  at  Mangulore  and  Car  war,  tho'  we  are  apjtrehensive  this 
Factory  will  fool  the  ill  -coiisoquenoo  of  these  measures  by  raising  competition  among  the 
Pepper  Contractors.  At  the  same  time,  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Honor  «y<-a.  that  wo 
constantly  keep  a  vigilant  eye  on  this  material  object  of  our  Honble.  Master*?  Interest. 

Latter  front,  thr.  Council  at  Bombay  to  ike.  Court  of  Itirtclor*. 
dated   30  April  17HO/4 

Mr  Bolts  in  the  Austrian  ship  Joseph  and  TJiwaa  sailed  for  Bengal  the  .">th  of  May 
[  1779].  The  papers  and  Diary  transmitted  by  the  Hawk?  on  her  former  dispatch  contain 
the  only  information  we  are  able  to  afford  respecting  the  right  asserted  by  Mr  Holts  to 
Delagoa  and  the  circumstance  of  his  removing  the  English  Colour*.  We  however 
now  send  another  copy  of  the  letter  from  the  Commander  of  a  Count  r\  Vessel,  which 
related  the  facts  mentioned  in  our  address  of  the  30th  November  1777  and  also  of  the 
letter  from  Mr  Bolts  dated  the  31  October,  containing  his  relation  of  the  same  circum 
stances.  The  factory  loft  by  Mr  Bolts  at  Delagoa  is  we  understand  nearly  if  not  entirely 

deserted. 

(  To  be  continued.  ) 

«2  Letters  Received  at  Bombay  (1779),  XLV,  246-247. 

«  Sondfc,  Bilgt  and  1  Siddapftr  in  North  Kanara,  famous  for  pepper  garden  ..      •»  I  '.  -rt,  "  N  evidently 
a  copyist's  error  for  "  parts  "  as  all  three  places  are  inland. 
«*  Bombay  Letters  Received,  Vol.  VI. 


16  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JANUARY,  1918 

NEW  LIGHT  ON  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKULA 

BY  K.  B.  PATHAK. 
(Continued  from  Vol.  XLVI,  p.  290.) 

Dn.  FLEET'S  discovery  of  the  Mandasor  inscription  was  very  interesting  and  imi>ortant. 
But  hi»  attempt  to  prove  that  the  Malava  era  was  the  same  as  the  Vikrama  era  of  57  B.C. 
was  a  failure  and  looked  like  the  attempt  of  a  person  who  wishes,  to  use  Dr.  R.  G.  Bhandar- 
kar's  words,:*:J  "  to  determine  the  value  of  one  unknown  quantity  by  means  of  another 
unknown  quantity,  which  cannot  be  done."  Nor  was  Dr.  Fleet  more  successful  in  interpret- 
ing the  date  of  the  pillar  inscription  of  Budhagupta  when  he  said  that  the  Gupta  year  165 
was  a  current  year  and  that:?l  >k  in  following  Alberuni's  statement  and  adding  two  hundred 
and  forty-one,  what  is  really  accomplished  is  the  conversion  of  a  given  current  Gupta- 
Valabhi  year  into  an  expired  Saka  year,  by  which  we  obtain  precisely  the  basis  that  is  want- 
ed for  working  out  results  by  Hindu  Tables,  viz.,  the  last  'Saka  yeaj*  expired  before  the 
commencement  of  the  current  Saka  year  corresponding  to  a  given  current  Gupta-  Valabhi 
year  ;  and  that  the  running  difference  between  current  Gupta  -Valabhi  and  current  Saka 
years  is  two  hundred  and  forty-two/1  That  this  view  is  erroneous  will  be  obvious  from  a 
careful  consideration  of  the  following  two  equations  which  have  been  explained  above- 

Expired  Gupta  year  (a)  165  =  (6)  406  expired  6aka  year. 

Current  Gupta  year  (c)  166  =>  (d)  407  current  Saka  year. 

Dr.  Fleet  has  mistaken  the  expired  Gupta  year  (a)  165  for  a  current  year  and  made  it 
correspond  to  the  current  Saka  year  (d)  407  and  drawn  the  wrong  inference  that  the  difference 
between  current  Gupta  years  and  current  Saka  years  is  242  instead  of  241.  His  final 
-conclusion,  which  is  also  clue  to  the  above  mistake,  that:tr>  *'  in  the  absence  of  any  distinct 
specification  to  the  contrary,  we  must  interpret  the  years  in  Gupta-  Valabhi  dates  as  current 
years"  is  equally  erroneous.  Dr.  Fleet  attacks™  Dr.  K.  G.  Bhandarkar's  view  that  "  the 
addition  of  241  would  turn  a  past  Gupta  year  into  a  past  Saka  year  ;  and  the  addition  of 
242,  a  past  Gupta  year  into  a  current  Saka  year."  But  this  view,  which  is  found  to  be  in 
accordance  with  the  statements  of  the  Jaina  authorities  and  the  Sarnath  inscription  of 
Budhagupta,  must  now  be  accepted  as  final  and  decisive  on  the  point  at  issue. 

Let  us  turn  to  the  date  of  the  Morvi  copper  plate  grant,17  which  is  thus  expressed  __ 


This  means  that  the  king  made  the  grant,  when  585  years  of  the  Guptas  had  expired, 
on  the  occurrence  of  a  solar  eclipse.  The  eclipse,  therefore,  occurred  in  the  current  Gupta 
year  586.  Our  equation  is  — 

Expired  Gupta  157  «  308  expired  Saka. 

Now  the  expired  Gupta  585  is  428  years  later  than  the  expired  Gupta  157.  By  the 
addition  of  428  to  both  sides  we  get  the  new  equation  — 

Expired  Gupta  585  =826  expired  Saka. 

The  equivalent  Saka  year  82(5  can  also  be  obtained  by  adding  241  to  585.    Therefore— 
Current  Gupta  586=827  current  Saka. 

M  Jour.  Bom.  Br.  R.  A.  £.,  Vol.  XVII,  j  art  II,  p.  92.  See  Btihlor's  opinion,  2nd.  Ant.,  XV,  p.  339 
und  Cunning!)  am  'H  letter,  ibid,  p.  347. 

3*  Gupta  Inscription*,  Introd.p.  84.  35  Idem,  p.  129f. 

36  W«w,  F-  84>  n-  *•  :7  O'upta  Inncrijjtion*,  Introd.  p.  97. 


JANUARY,  1918,  NEW  LKiHT  ON  THE  CJUPTA  EKA  AND  M1HIHAKULA  17 

The  solar  eclipse  alluded  to  in  the  grant  is  therefore  the  one  that  occurred  on  the  new 
moon  of  Margasirsa,  'tfaka  827  current,  corresponding  to  the  10th  November  A.J>.  904. 
There  was  a  solar  eclipse  also  in  the  following  Saka  year  828  current,  on  Jyegtha  Bahula 
Amavasya,  corresponding  to  the  7th  May,  A.D.  905.  Dr.  Fleet's  view  that  this  second 
eclipse  is  the  one  alluded  to  in  the  grant  is  untenable  as  the  'Saka  year  828  is  obtainable 
by  adding  242  to  the  current  Gupta  year  580  ;  and  this  is,  as  we  have  seen,  against  the 
statements  of  our  Jaina  authorities  and  the  two  Sarnath  inscriptions.  Nor  can  we  accept 
his  reading  Gopte  and  his  explanation  of  it  as  the  name  of  a  village  ;  for  on  the  analogy 
of  the  expression  TOTT^rr  *rifr  found  in  the  two  Sarnath  inscriptions  of  Kumarugupta  11  and 
Budhagupta  we  must  expect  the  reading  *ftfr  SPPTT^f^  in  the  Morvi  grant.  If  the  reading 
be  ifrW,  it  should  be  corrected  into  ifrW.  It  is  thus  clear  that  Dr.  Fleet's  reading  and 
interpretation  of  the  date  in  the  Morvi  copper  plate  grant  are  positively  wrong.  On  the 
other  hand  the  decision  of  Dr.  R.  G.  Bhandarkar  on  this  interesting  point  is  upheld  by  our 
Jaina  authorities  and  the  Sarnath  inscriptions  of  Kunmrugupta  Jl  mid  Budhagupta. 

The  connection  of  Kumaragupta  II  and  Budhagupta  with  the  main  line  of  the  Imperial 
Guptas  may  be-  exhibited  in  the  following  genealogical  tree— 

Kumaragupta  1 


Skaudagupta  Purugupta 

Kuuifiragiipta  1 1  NaraHiiiihagupta 

Budhagupta  11  Kumaragupta  111 

The  rule  that  Gupta  years  can  be  converted  into  Saka  years  by  adding  241,  may  be  illus- 
trated thus:  Skaiidiiguptii  ascended  the  throne  in  Gupta  Samvut  13(5.  In  the  very  tirst 
\  ear  of  his  reign,  the  Gupta  empire  was  invaded  by  the  Humts.  Kalidasu  assures  us  that 
the  liunas,  who  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  the  most  invincible  warriors  of  their  age, 
were  still  on  the  Vauksii  (VakhQ)tira  or  Oxua  banks,  when  he  wrote  his  well-known  versen. 
The  Huna  empire  in  the  Oxus  Basin  was  founded  about  A.D.  450.  The  date  of  the  invasion 
of  the  Gupta  empire  by  the  Hftnas  and  their  defeat  by  Skandoguptu,  namely  the  Gupta 
vear  130,  must  therefore  be  subsequent  to  about  A.D.  450_by  a  very  few  years.  By  calculat- 
ing 24  years  backwards  from  Saka  year  35)4,  corresponding  to  the  Gupta  year  lf>3,  we  arrive 
at  Saka  370  (—A.D.  448)  corresponding  to  the  Gupta  Sathvat  129.  No\s  the  Gupta  year 
121)  (A.D.  448)  is  the  36th  regnal  year  of  Kumaragupta  L  In  A.D.  448,  in  the  reign  of 
Kumaragupta  I,  the  establishment  of  the  Huna  empire  in  the  Oxus  Basin  may  be  placed.  That 
the  year  A.D.  448  is  the  exactly  correct  date  of  this  event,  while  the  year  A.D.  450  is  only 
approximate,  will  be  shown  hereafter.  The  Gupta  year  130  (A.D.  455)  is  thus  only  7  year* 
subsequent  to  A.D.  448.  Kalidasa's  reference  to  the  Hunas  being  the  most  invincible  con- 
querors  of  their  age,  and  as  being  still  in  the  Oxus  Basin,  must  have  been  made  between 
A  D.  448  and  A.D.  455.  Kalidasa  and  Skandagupta  were  thus  contemporaries.  This 
argument  needs  no  elaboration  here,  as  it  has  been  discussed  at  length  in  the  introduction 
to  iny  second  edition  of  the  Metadata  (pp.  10,  11,  12)  where  it  is  shown  that  thefall  of  the 
Gupta  Empire  took  place  towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  century.  Jinaserm,  who  writes  a 


18  IHti  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  f  JATOA*V,  W8 


little  less  than  thra>  centuries  later,  has  preserved  to  the  world  the  oldest,  and  therefore  the 
most  reliable,  text  of  the  MegJiadAta  as  yet  discovered,  while  his  pupH  Meghaddta  aays 
that  the  Kumdrww&hava  was  widely  read  in  his  time  and  was  the  delight  of  every  class 
of  people,  young  as  well  as  old,3* 

From  a  comparison  of  the  Eran  pillar  inscription  of  Budhagupta  and  the  Eran  Boar 
inscription  of  Toramana  it  can  he  conclusively  proved,  as  has  been  shown  by  Dr.  Fleet, 
thatfo  Toram^na  came  after  Budhagupta.    The  latest  date  for  Buddhagupta  is  Gupta  Sam- 
vat  180  corresponding  to  Saka  421  or  A.D.  499.    Torainana  was  the  father  of  Mihirakula. 
Mihirakula  was  defeated  by  Yasodharman  who  was  reigning10  in  Malava  or  Vikrama  year 
589  corresponding  to  gaka  454  (A.D.  532).    The  first  regnal  year  of  Toramana  is  mentioned 
in  the  Eran  Boarlnscription,  while  the  15th  regnal  year  of  his  son  Mihirakula  is  given  in  his 
Gwalior  inscription.     These  two  regnal  years  must  fall  between  Gupta  Samvat  180  and 
Malava  year  589,  corresponding  to  8aka421  (A.D.  499)  and  Saka  454  (A.D.  532)  respectively, 
according  to  our  Jaina    authorities.     It  is  worth  noting  that  the  inscription  which  records 
the  defeat  of  Mihirakula  by  Yasodharman  is  not  dated.     But  from   another  inscription  of 
Yasodharman  dated  in  Mulava  or  Vikrama  year  589,  the  approximate  date  of  Mihirakula  is 
ascertained.     This  Mihirakula  is  believed  by  Dr.  Fleet  and  other  scholars  to  be  identical 
with  the  famous  tyrant  Mihirakula,  whose  career  has  been  described  in  such  vivid  colours 
by  the  Chinese  traveller  Hiuen  Tsiang  and  by  Kalhana  in  the  Rajatarnngint     On  the  other 
hand  our  Jaina  authorities  tell  us  that  the  early  Gupta  kin^s  uere  immediately  succeeded 
by  the  great  tyrant  Chaturniukha-Kalkin,  Kalkiri   or    Kalkiraja.     He   was    /paramount 
sovereign  (inft  fT^TT  *  Hf^ft).     He  was  foremost  amonjj  wicked  men  (WRTfOT:),  a  perpetra- 
tor of  sinful  deeds  (v+nvrRirJ.     He  oppressed  the  world  (Tffsr**?**.)"  He  asked  hi*  minis. 
tervs  whether  there  were  any  people  on  e-irth  who  did  not  owe  allegiance  to  him  :  the  reply 
was,  none  but  the   Nirgranthas.     He  thereupon  issued   an  edict  that  th-  liixl  hunp  of  food 
offered  to  the  Jaina  community  of  Nirgranthas  at  noon  every  day  by  pious  people  should  be 
levied  as  a  tax.     The  Jaina  Nirgranthas  arc  allowed  by  the  rules   of  their  religion  to  take 
their  meal  at  noon  once  a  day.     If  any  HWTO  or  difficulty  occurs  at  that  hour,  they  must 
wait  for  their  meal  till  noon  on  the  following  day.     The  result  of  the  tyrant  Kalkiraja's 
edict  was  that  the  Nirgranthas  were  exposed  to  utter  starvation.    Unable  to  bear  this  spec- 
tacle, a  demon  appeared  and  killed  the  tyrant  with  his  thunderbolt.    Kalkiraja  then  went 
into  the  hell  called  Ratnaprabha,  there  to  live  countless  age*  and  to  endure  misery  for  a 
long  time.  41     We  may  compare  this  account  with  the  statement  u  of  Hiuen  Tsiang  as  regards 
Mihirakula—  "  the  holy  saints  said,  in  pity,  for  having  killed  countless  victims  and   over- 
thrown  the  law  of  Buddha,  he  has  now  fallen  into  the  lowest  hell,  where  lie  shall  pass  endless 
ages  of  revolution." 

We  have  seen  that  the  tyrant  Kalkiraja  was  a  paramount  sovereign.    The  Mihirakula 
<rf  the  inscriptions  also  was  a  paramount  sovereign,  because  he  bowed  down  before  none 

38  Company  for  instance,  HTC!J?rPf.  Chap.  59,  stanza  36—  "" 


f%  *  %ffcr  ft*j£*q%  II  36 
with 


»  Ante,  Vol.  XVni,  p.  22?.  *  Qupta  Inscriptions,  pp.  150,  158,  162. 

41  See  the  passage  given  at  the  end. 

**  V.  Smith's  Early  Hilary  of  India,  3rd  ed.f  p.  319. 


JANUARY,  1918  J  NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  GUPTA  ERA  AND  MIHIRAKULA 


save  the  god  Siva.  The  real  meaning  of  the  verse,  in  which  this  laet  is  stated,  and  which 
was  misunderstood  by  the  translators  of  the  Gupta  inscriptions,  has  been  pointed^  out  by 
the  present  writer  and  by  Dr.  Kielhorn.  Lake  the  Mihirakula  of  the  inscriptions  the  tyrant 
Kalkiraja  came  immediately  after  the  Early  Guptas  ;  that  is  to  say,  he  overthrew  the  Early 
Gupta  sovereignty.  The  Mihirakula  of  the  inscriptions  was  therefore  a  tyrant  and  must  he 
identical  with  the  tyrant  Mihirakula  of  Hiuen  Tsiang  and  of  the  JRajatarahgini.  Then 
again,  like  the  tyrant  Mikirakula,  the  tyrant  Kalkiraja  (A.J>.  472-542)  u  was  reigning  in  A.D. 
520  when  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Song  Yun  visited  this  country,  and  was  still  on  the  throne 
when  the  Greek  monk  Cosmas  came  to  India  about  A.D.  530.  There  is  no  denying  the 
cogency  of  these  arguments,  which  lead  to  the  inevitable  conclusion  that  Kalkiraja  was 
only  another  name  of  the  famous  tyrant  Mihirakula.  Jt  is  to  this  great  Huna  conqueror 
that  the  Jaina  author  Somadeva,  contemporary  with  the  KaHrnkiita  king  Krisnaraja  ML, 
alludes  when  he  says45-— 

win  ft  fa?* 


The  Jaina  version  of  the  story  of  Mihirakula  has  this  ml  vantage  over  the  Buddhist  and 
Brahmanical  versions  that,  while  the  two  latter  af  ;>rd  no  clue  to  the  real  date  of  the  tyrant, 
the  former  gives  the  exact  dates  of  his  birth  and  death.  Not  only  is  the  approximate  date 
of  the  tyrant  deduced  from  inscriptions  and  coins  amply  corroborated  by  the  Jaina  authors, 
but  they  supplement,  in  a  material  degree,  the  information  \\hich  we  owe  to  those  two 
independent  sources. 

The  famous  tyrant  Mihirakula,  accounts  of  \\hosr  cruel  deeds  have  hern  preserved  to 
us  m  Buddhist.  Jama  and  Bralnnanical  literatures,  was  then  born  on  the  1st  of  the  bright' 
half  of  the  month  Karttika  in  Saka  JW4.  expired,  the  cyclic  \car  being  a  MA^ha-saiiivatsara, 
corresponding  to  \  i>.  4"<2.  And  he  died  at  the  age  of  70  in  Saka  404  or  A.D.  f>42.  Jina- 
scna  assigns  to  him  a  reign  of  42  years,  \\hilc.  according  to  (iunahhadra  and  Nemicandra. 
he  reiiined  41)  \ears.  Deducting  42  or  40  from  A.I>.  T>42  \\c  get  A  o.  500  or  A.H.  502.  \Ve 
shall  accept  A.D.  502  for  the  initial  year  of  Mihirakula's  reign.  His  fifteenth  regnal  year 
must  !>e,  A  D.  517  His  father  Toramunu's  first  year  may  be  safely  tak«kn  to  be  A.D.  500, 
coming  after  (Juptzi  Samvat  ISO  or  A.D.  4(.W.  the  latest  date,  for  Hudhagupta.  And  the. 
figure  52  found  on  Toramfxra's  silver  coins  corresponds  to  A.D.  500,  the  initial  year  of  his 
reign.  If  calculated  backwards,  the  figure  52  brings  us  to  A.D.  44S,<<;  uhieh  is  thus  the  exact 
date  of  the  foundation  of  the  Huna  empire  in  the  Ox  us  Basin. 

The  tyrant-  Miliirakula  died  in  A.D.  542,  just  a  century  before  Ifriucn  T.siang  was  on  his 
travels,  and  exactly  241  years  before  Jinasena  wrote  his  passage  relating  to  the  Ouptas. 
Jinascna  says  that  he  owes  his  information  to  chroniclers  who  preceded  him 


These  chroniclers  must  be  as  near  in  time  to  the  period  of  the  Huna  sovereignty  as  Hiuen 
Tsiaiig  -himself.  In  the  light  of  these  facts  we  feel  that  we  are  in  a  posiiion  to  discard  UH 
baseless  the  opinion  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim  that  MihirakuUi  lived  "some  centuries  previously/ 

43   Soo  my  payer  entitled  *'  Nfipatunya    and  the   e*M/fo/'.sA//*  nj  Iht  Kaririijamnrga.     Jour.    Bonu  Br. 
K.  A.  S.,  Vol.  XXII,  p.  82  ff  :  ante,   Vol.  XVIII,  p.  210. 
41  Sco  bolow,  on  this  page. 
45  'ftpnT^trpf    Bombay  edition,  p.  79. 
4(5  V.  Smith's  Early  History  of  India,  3rd  ed..  \\  316,  note  3. 


THE  INDIAN  AXTIQUAHV  [  JASLTAKT.   KU8 


as  it  comes  into  conflict  with  the  statements  of  the  Juina  writers,  which  have  been  shown 
to  rest  upon  contemporary  Gupta  inscription**.  On  the  same  ground  we  should  reject  as 
valueless  the  view  of  Alberflni,  admittedly  a  later  writer  than  our  Jaina  authorities,  that  the 
r.'upta  era  dated  from  the  extermination  of  the  Guptas.  Thin  erroneous  opinion  of  Albe- 
ruiu,  coupled  with  hi*  conflicting  statements  as  to  the  difference  between  Saka  and  Gupta 
years  bring  241,  242  or  243,  *"  led  to  a  fierce-  controversy  over  the  epoch  of  the  (fupta  era, 
which  has  raged  now  for  more  than  78  years  since  JH3S,  when  Mr.  James  Prinsep  discussed 
the  date  of  the  Kahauni  pillar  inscription  of  Skandagupta.  A  great  8tcp  in  advance  was 
made  when  Dr.  Fleet  discovered  his  Mandasor  inscriptions.  But  his  method  of  proving 
that  the  Mulava  era  was  the  same  as  the  Vikrama  era  of  57  u.<«.  left  a  great  deal  to  be  desired. 
Now  that  we  have  placed  his  hypothesis  on  a  footing  of  certainty,  unstinted  praise  should 
be  given  to  Dr.  Fleet  for  his  interesting  discovery.  Hut  that  he  claimed  more  for  his  dis- 
rovery  than  was  its  due  has  been  already  shown.  Nor  should  we  refuse  to  pay  a  well-merited 
tribute  to  Mr.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar  for  his  discovery  of  an  earlier  date  in  the  Vikrama  era, 
namely  401,  referable  to  the  reign  of  (  •iumdragiipta  11.  Mention  should  be  made  here  of  the 
synchronism  between  Samudragupta  and  the  king  Meghavarna  of  Ceylon  discovered  by  M. 
Sylvain  Levi  to  whom  our  thanks  arc  clue.  But  this  synchronism,  valuable  as  it  is,  should 
bo  utilized  not  in  proving  the  epoch  of  the  (Jupta  era,  as  wa*  suggested  by  some  scholars, 
but  in  rectifying  Ceylonese  chronology,  which  is  full  of  uncertainty,  as  various  date*  are 
propjsol  for  king  Meghavarna.  Nor  should  we  omit  to  express  our  gratitude  to  Mr. 
Hargreaves  who  has  lately  discovered  the  two  Gupta  inscriptions,  one  of  Kumaragupta  Jl 
dated  Gupta  Satnvat  154,  and  the  other  of  Budhagupta  dated  Gupta  Sanivat  ].T7,  which 
have  enabled  U8,  with  the  help  of  our  Jaina  authorities,  to  prove  that  the  Gupta  >  ears 
between  1*33  and  157  are  expired  and  not  current  years. 

Thus  the  controversy,  which  has  raged  over  the  cpm-h  of  the  Gupta  era  for  more  than 
7s  years,  is  finally  set  at  rest. 

Extract  from  Uu-mbhwliu#  Uttara-purana,  Clwp.  70. 


raror  ntriNr  $3ftfr<rf**i*r:  H  387  n 

n  388 


I  390 


:  II  391 


*iiHr«mr:  II  392  n 
?Nr  ^5  :  w^ftw:  I 

\\  393 


«  Gupta  Inscriptions,  lutrod.  p.  25  ;    ante,  Vol.  XV,  p.  18D. 

48  ^"Fwf  which    purifies    the   soul    permanently    by   e.itiml.v    <1  f»«troying  ^CTt  or  action.    (/. 
T*Uv4rttha-R*javArtika  II,  1,  2  and  10,  Benares  Ed.  I,  p.  60.  »  MahAvfra. 


JANUARY,  1918  '  XEW  LlUUT  OX  THK   UUL'TA  KKA  AXJ>  MUUKAKULA  21 


;«wff  rffr  >rirrft*.'  n  391 
firu*J  rwtfJ  H^  :  I 


irft  «r«r:  sMrtf**r?  jwTrftT  II  395 

I 
|  30C 


^r  4t?*frr  II  ^DS 


4m  n 
j^r.'  I 
fr  ;§3  ^r  R?f*r*rtfr  iffT'^prrcr'TTr:  n  405  u 


Prr 
rfer 


i  h 


4I2 


60  So  throe  Kamuuk  MSS.  of  the  Jaina  Matha,  Kollia]mr.    nud  o.,o  Xajfim  MS.  ui  »h,  lal^ 
of  Bombay      But  I  rojoct  the  r.-  uiin«  H«  iu  n,mo  D-W«i  r.llm>  MSS.,  which  .'-,.  r,.,  ^.m, 

tx>t ;  i-f.  qrPwr*  fWw  I  "2  '^ncft-iinrrc.  f.wu 

H»WWWf !  I  ""  Th°  mimr  °f  IIW  lirHt 

-~W^^:    TittvArtlm-Aja-.arlik*  HI,  :)8,  M    »,.|,un-  K«L,  H,  )'•  U«'- 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JANUARY,  1918 


n  420  H 


Extract  J  rom  Trilokasdra,  Paint-leaf  MM.  ,  p.  32'- 


n  840  n 
(  \**+  ) 


wfif«i"f  II  84]  || 


m  ^'T:  wrtfir  ftrif  «TP  ^ff*r  ^m  5^-  ^«s*nt  ^  ^flprr  f  r% 
fft  HPTT:  (°rr  )  xrr%^^t  w^i  - 

Prf^t  ft  1 
gf5r°fr 


wfr 

ff  ^R°^4r  rf  FTf^ft  ^rc^rr^°r  3 

1  1  844  n 


f  II  840  n 


36  Also  called 

57   No  di»-tim*tioii  isiiiado  between  9^  H1M*  ^^C  in  these  pusstiges. 

»8  This   uieajii*    394   according  to    the    principle     3Sr«FRf     Tf'Wfi'  ift:  J    of.  *?Tf«ire1%    (sscr2800  ] 

?fffff^lPT^f^:    II  Gimabhudra,  Uttarapurana,  Chap.  61. 

This  is  a  raistukc.     Sec  iny  japer  on  the  date  of  Mali&vira,  aut<\  \  ul.  XII,  22. 

See  fn.  6C.  above. 


,  1918]  THE  GENUINENESS  OF  THE  VWTTI8  23 

AN  ADDITIONAL  PROOF  FOR  THE  GBNl'INENKSS  OF  THE  VUITTIS 
IN  MAMMATA'S  KAVYAPRAKAfcA. 

BY  ROBERT  ZIMMKRMAXX.  S.J.:   BOMIIAY. 

IT  has  repeatedly  been  shown  that  Mamma,  a  is  the  author  both  of  tin-  Karikiis  and  the 
Vrittis  of  the  Kavyaprakasa.  (See  The  Kdvyuprnkdia,  od.  by  Bh.  V.  \\.\\.  Jluj  jakikara,  2nd. 
•«L,  Bombay,  1901.  Introduction,  Nr.  7,  ])]).  14-15*:  for  the  litoratiuvon  th<»  question  see 
Z.D.M.G,  LXVI,  "Miscellaneous  Notes  on  Mammafa's  Kfivyuprukiisi.''  )>y  V.  Sukthankar, 
M.A.,  pp.  477-78,  n.  2  ;  Z.D.M.G.,  LXVIL  "  fiidologisdiuStudion."  v«m  Johannes  Nobel, 
]>.  33,  n.  1.  As  an  independent,  internal,  proof  for  the  common  authorship  of  the 
Karikasand  the  Vrittis  has  been  adduced  so  far:  *rr?*r  5  j4**,  nlla.sa  X,  ;U»ku  S,  the 
Karika  on  the  Mala  Rupaka.  Jhalakikara  gives  the  argument  in  the  folluwing  words  :  - 

"  HRF  H 


Introd.  ]).  15. 

There  is,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  another  proof,  though  runninu  on  t!><-  Name    lines  i    i 
contained  in  the  very    same  sloka.     The  be^inuinu  of   ;ioka    S.  trrirtaftr"!  3  ^J^  treats  of 
the  ki  Entire  "  an*l  the  "  Part  less  11-  Rupaka.     On  the  vrriftT^  (l»('  Vntti  re.nmrk>  :  ^frffit% 
^T^T^T  (^^TTflr).     This    express    statement    of    the    subdivision     of  the  trrif  sw^iij  iiit° 
two  sorts  is  made  only  here  in  the  Vritti,  nowhere  in  the  KArikA.     It  i.s  inn-   the  two  kinds 
of  fTT't  IS^T^fr^   the  WfWjfirro  and   the  n;^taHTff$r  have   both   in   tin-     Karikas  and  the. 
Vrittis  been  treated  of  immediately  before  ;  but  there,  only  their  respective  rharweter,  which 
discriminates  one  from  the    other,    has   been    printed    out;    the  two  tiirun-x  ot    speech  are 
not  spoken  of  as  the  two  kinds  of  the  TTTflpt?  Wro*?.     Thus  the  Vritti  contains  a  new, 
explicit,  statement.     The  Karika  continues  :  ftft^  ffigjj-     H  emphatically  —  5  —  lays  stress 
on  the  difference  of  the  Rnt  ^T^F  from  the  tfr*i  ^PT^vl  by  sayin<r  that  it  isnnly  of  <jnc  kind. 
From  here    the    argument   is  the    same   as  that    based    on  »n^r  3  'JJW*-     The  Karika 
sup])oses  the  Vritti  ;  the  Vritti,   therefore,    cannot     have    been    written    either   later   than 
the  Karika,  or  —  as  we  know  on  other  grounds  as  well—  by  another  hand.     And    as  there  is 
neither  any  internal  nor  external  evidence   for  an  interpolation,  we  hav    no    reason  to 
doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  Karika  or  the  Vritti  on  this  point.     The  apparent  deficiency 
of  the  Karika,  on   the  other    hand,  is   sufficiently  explained  by   Mammafa's  style,  which 
often  enough  approaches  the  Sutras  in  brevity.     A  doubt,  moreover,  about    the  genuineness 
of  ^nTOTftrW  5  ?P5?  could   hardly  be    entertained    without    impunity    f<»r    Hf^r  5  *$Wf, 
imperilling  thus  the  traditional  proof  for  the  common  authorship  of  KArikas  and  Vrittis. 

But  neither  the  traditional  nor  our  proof  evince  that,  the  whole  Vrilti.  as  we  have  it 
now,  has  been  written  by  Mammata.     Of.  Nobel,    '*  Indol.  Stud."  Z.D.M.G..  /-AT//,  p.  35 


1  The  force  of  languaKo  list*!  J>y  Jhajakikara  against  the    J^pfar  '•  3   who  hold   the  opposite  view,  in 
perhaps  not  quite  in  proportion  with  kis  argument.     But  it  is  only  fair  to  »ay  that,  in  spite  of  occasional 
mistakes  in  particular  p  >  inta,  fiero  cannot  l>j  two  opinions  on  tho  general  m«rii  HMO!  u«<fulnesH  of  thin 
edition  of  the  K&vyaprakAta. 

2  "  Part/less"  for    ftT*T  may  be  kept  only  for  want  of  something  hotter.      »T¥rJhere|lHis  the  mean* 
ing  of  attributive  or  secondary  part,  auxiliary,  dependent  member,  serving  to  help  the  |  rinci|)al  one.  if 
we  refer  *RT  to  the  subordinate  metaphor  in  th-*riif3TOT?,  or,  as  D.  T.  Chanlorkar,  T/rc  Kdiya- 
PrakfohofMammita,  ulll«  X.   2nl.  ei.,  1915,  p.  45,  takes  it  t>  mian,  a  caute._-  TJnwJWlT  meant 
that  [CTy*i]  where  on»  mfltan'ior  is  tli3  cause  of  a-iother  metapho»,"Jroferrin^  ^TT  tn  th«  princip  il 
metaphor. 


24  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JAOTW,  W8 

THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  S  AND  0  WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  GUJARATL 

BY  N.  B.  WVAT1A  B.A. ;  BANDRA, 
(Continued  frm  Vol.  XLV1,  p.  304.) 

1  shall  now  address  myself  direct  to  the  arguments  contained  in  sub-heads  (a),  (6)  and 
(c),  noted  above.  I  do  not  contend  that,  whore  and  when  ijr-ift  were  actually  written  in 
the  earliest  Maravadi  Manuscripts  for  the  Hf-W  of  a  previous  period,  W-HT  were 
found  in  writing  at  any  intermediate  stage.  I  regard  the  ir-flf  not  as  symbolsof  diphthongal 
sounds  in  these  casas,  but  as  rough  attempts  to  symbolize  approximately  the  wide  sound 
that  had  come  into  the  spoken  language.  The  spoken  Hf-tfT  became  W-WT  and 
*T^-H^  in  the  mouths  of  the  people  and  generated  the  wide  sounds,  c  and  o.  The  late 
S&stri  Vrajalal  Kalidasa  wrote  to  me  (in  a  letter  dated  V.  S.  1942,  Bhadrapada  s.  15)  that  he 
had  seen  in  the  possession  of  a  Maravadi  Bhata  a  manuscript  copy  of  Maravadi  Prithvidja 
R&wu  wherein  lie  saw  the  following  line  :— 


and  that,  on   being  questioned  about  the  inverted  mdtrd  stroke  in  {f  andff,  the  Bhata 

explained  that  such  was  the  practice  in  his  country  to  denote  the  wide  sound  of  IT  and  atf. 

it  would  be  interesting  to  know  how  far  this  account  tallies  with  Dr.  Tessitori's  experience 

and  results  of  his  examination  of  Maravaui  Manuscripts,  ,«id  during   what  period  such 

practice  obtained,  if  it  did.    Dr,  Tossitori  states  in  his  present  article  (p.  71),  11.   1-2)  that 

Marava  ii  sometimes  writes  if- aft  and  sometimes  H-Hl   to  distinguish   the    wide  sound.  L  | 

Could  this  alternative  ^-HT  have  anything  to  do  with  the  inverted  mdtrd  oi  Sastri  Vr«j«lalV  if 

Bhata  ( 

Any  way,  the  (f-MY  secern  to  IK?  special  symbols  iu  the  Maravadi  Manuscripts  for  the 
wide  sound ;  and  the  very  fact  that  Dr.  Tessitori  was  misled  by  them  is  significant ;  for,  in 
the  true  spirit  of  the  honest  investigator,  he  tolls  us  that  he  was  incorrect  when  in  his 
"  Notes  "  he  stated  that  the  Hr-H3  of  0  W.  Rajasthani  became  e—  4  (narrow  <r-*fr  )  in 
modern  Cujarati  and  ai—a.n  (  Jr-aft  )  in  modern  Maravadi ;  ho  admits  that  in  both  these 
languages  the  srf~iU  become  t\  » (  5f-Mr,  wide  ),  It.  is  the  reason  which  he  gives  for 
this  mistake  that  is  of  particular  significance.  When  he  wrote  the  u  Notes  "  ( he  informs  us  ) 
he  had  never  been  in  India  and  for  information  concerning  pronunciation  in  Gujarat!  and 
Maravadi  lie  had  completely  to  rely  on  the  accounts  given  by  others.17  Thus,  away  from 
the  sound  of  spoken  language,  he  was  guided  by  the  eye  and  the  incorrect  representations  of 
informants.  If  this  was  so  in  the  case  of  present  times,  when  informants  of  sonic  sort 
were  available,  how  much  more  difficult  is  it  for  all  of  us  when,  even  the  possibility  of  such 
informants  being  out  of  the  question,  we  have  to  depend  solely  on  the  written  forms  in  manu- 
scripts ?  It  is  therefore  that  1  contend  that  the  fr  and  ^  of  the  manuscript  need  not  as  a 
matter  of  course,  be  taken  as  a  proof  that  they  were  symbols  of  the  pure,  narrow  diphthongal 
sound.  In  the  circumstances,  1  bring  into  aid  a  condition  within  our  present-day 
experience  :  In  Hindi  we  find  $  and  %ft  written  to  express  the  peculiar  widish  sound  of  these 
vowels ;  we  hear  with  our  own  ears  that  sound  and  we  see  with  our  own  eyes  the  symbols  ; 
we  also  know  that  the  $  and  *ft  symbols  in  these  cases  are  not  of  a  recent  date  but 

J7  See  his  present  article,  p.  74,  para.  1. 


JANUART,  1918  ]  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  E  AND  O  25 


-fairly  old.**  It  is  therefore  permissible  to  infer  that  the  $-ift  of  the  earliest  Marav&di 
Manuscripts  were  symbols,  not  of  the  narrow  diphthong,  but  of  the  wide  sound  in  if  and 
vft..  These  remarks  practically  dispose  of  all  the  three  sub-heads  (a),  (b)  and  (c)  given 
.above.  I  may  just  add  a  remark  or  two  in  regard  to  sub-head  (b)  :  Dr.  Tessitori's  theory 
that  if-aft  were  written  for  *Tf-BTC  because  the  latter  were  pronounced  as  diphthongs 
)  would  create  a  fresh  case  for  reversion  of  phonetic  process,  at  least  in  cases  like 
-*fr  (Sanskrit)  becoming  s?f-3TO  (Prakrit  and  O.  W.  Raj.)  and  again 
if-$ft  in  early  Maravadi.  One  might  express  the  very  doubt  which  Dr.  Tessitori  puts  in  the 
other  case  and  say  —  it  is  not  admissible  that  a  language  which  began  its  existence  by  reduc- 
ing ^-*fr  to  BTf-3TO  should  have  brought  *nr--*re  back  to  ir-*ft.  1  am  myself  not 
against  the  possibility  of  reversion.  But  in  the  present  ease,  1  have  already  stated  that 
the§-*frof  early  Maravadi  are  not  the  old  diphthongs  but  crude  symbols  for  the  wide, 
sound.  Next,  if  ^-*Jlr  were  really  purely  diphthongal  in  their  sound  (>.,  narrow)  in  tho 
oarly  Maravadi  stage,  it  is  not  easily  conceivable  what  possibly  could  have  turned  them 
later  on  into  the  wide  sound  almost  at  a  bound.  The  diphthongal  ir-afr  have  no  aftinitv 
with  the  wide  sound.  In  order  to  reach  it  they  must  pass  hack  into  H?  H3\  for  even  for 
passing  into  the  narrow  IT  sfr  they  first  get  split  into  sTf-^,  as  I  shall  show  later  on. 
This  sort  of  double  reversion  has  no  foundation  in  probabilities. 

This  being  my  position,  t  he  practical  suggc  4ion  made  by  Dr.  Tessitori  to  reintrodueo 
the  fjr-Mf  to  ex|>resK  the  wide  sound  does  not  appeal  to  me,  for  the  simple  reason  that 
being  really  the  signs  of  the  narrow  diphthongal  sound,  they  will  not  be  true  svmhols  of  the 
wide  sound,  »nd  are  likely  to  create  confusion  between  the  two.  Tor  'f  \vill  indicate 
narrow  sound  as  in  w,  *rr°r>  etc.,  and  also  the  wide  sound  in  ^rf  T\[*K  etc.;  this  will 
•create  a  situation  similar  to  the  one  prevailing  at  present  when  "  >  represent  both  the 
sounds  narrow  and  wide,  the  only  difference  between  the  two  situations  being  that,  while 
tntwnui*  with  fr-9Tt  are  comparatively  few,  ladbhnmx  with  if~9?f  will  be  found  in  n  larger 
number.  The  source  of  confusion  will  thus  remain  all  the  same,  hi  fact.  Dr.  Tessitori  was 
really  misled  by  the  -  *T  signs  before  he  visited  India,  and  thought  MArava.li  did  not 
possess  even  the  narrow  e  —  6  as  evolutes  of  ST^-H<r,  much  less  the  wide  ;•  -o. 

W    I  [>ick    up    tln»-  following  from  tlu>  fmel   Itihari's  Sfit*m    (\vlncliun-   mm  plrinl   |,N  tnm  in  \'.  S.    1711), 
l>.r>0  years  ago)  •-  - 


firrft 


(  3  ) 
(4) 
(5) 
(6) 

(7) 


(8) 

For  additional  iiiHtaucetii  HW^  Appendix  B 


26  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  t  JANUARY,  1918 

1  shall  now  refer  to  a  theory  of  Dr.  Tessitori's  which  is  given  separately,  outside  the- 
three  reason*  for  differing  from  me.  In  connection  with  his  theory  that  original  Prakrit 
WT  paused  into  the  wide  ^  through  the  intermediate  step  3Tf  ,  he  states  that  the- 
fact  that  in  manuscripts  there  are  no  instances  of  written  s?f  for  sra  is  easily  accounted 
for  by  the  remark  that  all  words  with  an  sro  are  (Prakrit)  Uitoama*  and  therefore  they 
continued  to  be  written  according  to  the  traditional  spelling.  All  1  would  say  to  this  is  that 
it  would  not  be  enough  that  such  words  should  only  be  written  with  wr  ;  if  they  were 
really  tat&nna*  they  would  be  required  to  \Mpronottmed\\\l\i  3TO  ;  and  thus  there  would  be- 
no  room  for  the  intermediate  Hf  • 

1    shall    now    supplement    my   answer    to  Dr.   Tessitori's  objections   by    giving    the 
analytical  examination  of  the  problem,  on  which  J  base  my  hypothesis  : 
(A)     If  we  carefully  compare  the  sounds  of.  say  — 

fa$  (Uuj-)  ^«r  (Al.)  ^r  (H.): 

&  (Cuj.)  $*s  (M.)  fa  (H.); 

&*  (0»j.)  *fc  (M.)  ^  (H.); 

(from  Sanskrit   ?sf^r  ) 

or     ^fft£  (Guj.)  4*T  (M.)  *ftar  (H.): 

(M.)  *for  (H.): 

(M.)  ^ffr  (H.)  ; 

(M.)  ^^  (H.): 

as  they  are  sj)oken  by  the  people,  we  shall  find  marked  differences  in  each  of  the 
three  languages.  While  each  is  evolved  out  of  the  contactual  vocalic  groups  3^  and  «f;y  the 
Gujarat!  sound  is  a  distinctly  v\ide  one  (as  in  k  hat  "  and  fc  awl  '),  making  a  compk'te  fusion 
of  the  ST  and  f  and  3?  and  T;  the  Marathi  sound  leans  more  towards  the  f  ancl 
^T  and  makes  the  resulting  diphthong  narrow  ;  while  the  Hindi  sound,  leaning  more. 
towards  the  V[  of  the  vocalic  groups  (  H?"'—  ^^  ),  approximates  the  wide  sound  of  Gujarat  i 
up  to  a  certain  point  but  stops  short  there,  and  is  not  the  same  wide,  fused,  sound  as  the 
Gujarati  one.  At  the  same  time  the  lust  one  (the  Hindi  sound)  is  not  the  pure  diphthongal 
sound  of  Sanskrit,  but  resembles  H^[  —  3?f  a  good  deal,  thus  making  the  symbols  *  and"*!* 
wrong  indicators,  strictly  speaking. 

(f$)     Let   us  now    examine  a  few   Gujarati   words   with  the   wide  sound,  which   have 
come  from  Arabic  and  Persian  :— 

Gujarati.  Arabic  and  Persian. 


Again  these  :— 


In  this  latter  set  the  stops  of  phonetic  mutation  are  — 

—  %r; 

—  qfr  ( 


JANUARY,  1918  THE  WIDE  SOUXD 


If  we  sound  the  ^-^  in  all  these  word*,  a,  also  m  the  words  w 
etc    we  ^  shall  pere.ve  ^the  peculiar  ^  (open,   wide)  nature  of   the   ihc 
which  alone  can  give  the  Gujurati  ftf*,  sfand  nf. 

(6')     Now,  examine  the  sound  in  the  following  word*  on  the  basis  of  actuation 

(«)    "itftotf    irtffr*    *fr*    *# 


(/>)    •wsRTft    •WRSTft    ( 

i   (c) 


(/) 

f  («) 

(b) 

lf) 

-'"-wrri 


(0     qf^f^     7RT^     ^RlffJ20     f^J     (from    iliiuli) 

5--     V5ff»5     (Hin.. 


Jfl  'I'nif,  tlu«  eas^  c»t'  T*TfT  «l«'*-s  not  fall  undor  (lio  ])ruiuij»lo  uiid<M-  ronsidoratioii  hrt-»niM>  of  (,)io  Ion" 
£j  I  nil  it  is  taktMi  for  tluit  vrr\  nuison,  as  t-lio  luti^  t  furnishes  a  t<-st  and  shows  hn\\  ihr  |otif<[  J,  \vhirh 
is  necessarily  aeforit»'d,  conm*  in  thn  way  ot  iimti-tmmiiruxtirtina. 

Sid<llt<i~Uenun'h<tn<lm    \"lll.  i.  1U1  shortens  HILS  t"  (  iff  ^  ),    hut  tin-  ^lasstiry    tells  us 


thin  giv'in^  an   i)]Mjmnj?  tor  oplion,  and    wr  may  \<>?->    \\,-ll    regard  iff  5T 
and    TfTFT   as  altcnmtivn  iornis. 

20  Dr.  Sir  It.  (4.  HhandarUar  rutfanb  tl»o  ff  m  >TVirf  '»>  a  direct  chango  troin  V^f,  as  also  ^If  in 
afnnY  diiiTl  i'roni  ^TT^T,  and  Mm  H"  m  ^?^  ^u-ccf  from  BTRT  (»Ve  IUH  \Vilsnn  I'lnlolo^a-al  Leetniw, 
pp.  1(K),  14f>).  Hut  I  Imlieve-  thoso  must  pass  through  the  shortrinn^  sta^o  shown  a  hove. 

-1  Jlonmoluuidra  (\'lir.  iv.  t^L')  gives  •T^ST  'T^f«f*.  Tins  'TT'S'  (.  *f  '^[^  )  nui\  h«-  advaneed  as  tlu« 
origin  of  ^TRg",  and  with  up]>areut  reason.  Unt  then-  art-  some  st  nmp  j».»mt^,  m  i«\  our  of  ^T^lTT^Tfll?. 
as  the  origin  of  »ff^«  tlu>\  are  :- 

(</)   OIIH  uf  the  Manuscripts  of  *SV.  7/c.  uive^lho  reviling   ^^"T    (as  the  rfr/*-^/  lit  R^), 
(^')  Wtt'J    is  used  in  (Injarati,    as    well  us  WJ. 

(c)  The  1%  or  3R?T    tacked  on  tt>   *J^    l>y  U«>imiclmiidia  ap]K*ars  (|nite  itievplicnhlc  and  its  nrhitrary 
nature  lea\es  a  mysU^ry,  wliil<»   ^T^^T^T'^   su}>pli<'K  a     good  explanation  ot  th<-    ^?!Ef   and  l^» 
Tliius  it  aooms  tliat  T^V??,   an  evolut^  of  H^Wfl^lf   lK»f<<r«^     HeniachandraV  time,  was  roRnrdod  l»y 
him  ay  iho  fal.'sa  of  *f^"   on  the   stnMigtli  of    1lu^    meamnt:  and   external  similarity,  tnid  lie  wan    probably 
oblivious  of  the  othor  phonetic  phases,  espi'uially  the  loss  of  the  imufcontcd  initial  syllable  in    ^T^W^T^- 
Sir    H.     (i.     Bhandarkar   (Philological    Lectures,    |«.     H»S  )    gives    Hindi    aTTWr  in    1ho    Sonw»    <>t 
*  unexpected',    and  derives  it  from  Hf^f|f?T.      The  sense*  in  which    3T*ffrg   C  "WJ  )   J^  "»cil  in  (xiijariitf 
is  4  separate  f,    and    would    favor    the    dorivation    from    BT^^^fT-      U   would  also  l>o  onligbtoniiiK    t< 
UBcertnin'ihe  Hindi  text  where  ^fPJ   is  used  and  what  w  use  lits  m  there. 

22  Hero,  although  ^F??T  loaves  ^  acts^uted    at     thn  early  «ta«o,   the  ace«-nt  given    way  under   the 
double  influence  of 

<1)  the  IOHH  of  thn  conjunct,  ^5?   without  the  compensating  lengthening  oi   th<-     pmceding  vowel, 
and  (2)  the  tendency  to  accentuate  the  second  syllable  in  a  word  whort)  the  firs*  ryliahle  ig  unaccented 

and  eventually  therefore  gets  dropped. 

(The  change  o*  T  in  'TO'  to  T  indicates  that  the  word  is  become  a  part  of  the  whole  oornpound,  and 
hence  the  f  is  eventually  subordinated.) 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[JANUARY,    1918 


In  group  I  we  observe  that  in  the  vocalic  groups— (***y*  s"),  *Tf  (  Mf  )  —  3TJ  (  M3»  ), 
the  accent  is  on  the  second  member,  whereas  in  group  II  it  is  on  the  first  member,  i.e., 
on  s?.  Now  the  ^TPT  <>f  M  i«  I?11*  and  the  wide  sound  is  produced  by  a  peculiar-11  widening 
of  the  ?ffw5  or  glottis.  This  f^Y*  nature  of  a?  is  thus  the  source  of  the  wide  sound  in  sf 
and  w.  and  it  w  helped  by  the  q  and  *  as  noted  under  the  last  para.  (B). 

(To  be  continued.) 


NOTES  AND 
MALAY  CURRENCY  IN  TRENOGANXT. 

WITH  reference  to  my  articles  on  the  Obsolete 
Tin  durrency  of  tlte  Federated  Malay  tSfaec*,  ante, 
Vol.  XLI1,  the  capital  Annual  Report  on  the  State 
<>J  Trengganu  for  1910  by  Mr.  J.  L.  Humphreys, 
has  n  most  interesting  note  on  currency,  which  I 
give  below  ia  extenso.  An  account  of  tho  tin 
currency  prevalent  on  the  East  Coast  of  the  Malay 
Peninsula  will  be  found  on  p.  101  of  the  above 
quoted  volume  of  this  Journal. 

Tho  point  there  ia  that  tho  tin  f  tit  in  (or  cash) 
r«m  by  normal  scale  400  to  tho  dollar,  but  in  reality 
varied  from  320  in,  Trengganu  to  480  in  Kclantan 
and  even  to  040  in  J  or  ing  (Patarii),  the  differences 
l>eing  stated  to  be  due  to  changes  in  the  price  of 
tin,  in  other  words,  to  the  value  of  the  silver  in 
the  dollar.  We  are  now  told  that  recently  in 
Trengganu  pitis  ran  in  relation  to  the  •'  British 
dollar"  before  its  recent  demonetization.  200  to  the 
dollar,  or  double  their  face  value,  and  that  tho 
British  dollar  was  converted  to  the  official  Straits 
Settlements  dollar  at  70  cents,  the  /»;/»*  1>eing 
advanced  to  206£  to  the  dollar,  which  is  rightly 
called  an  "extremely  inconvenient"  figure.  To 
remedy  the  monetary  conf  us  ion  thus  caused, 
Mr.  Humphreys  recommends  tho  introduction  of 
the  StraiU  Settlements  coinage  in  full,  / .  r.,  of  the 
dollar  and  its  parts,,  together  with  tho  depreciation 
of  the  piti8to40Q  to  the  dollar,  Hum  bringing 
it  tack  to  its  original  normal  value. 

The    names   for    the   denominations   of    Malay 
currency  are  legion  and  many  are  quoted  by  me 
in  the  articles  above   mentioned,  but  tho  name  for 
the    double    pttis,      or    half      cent,     given      by 
Mr.  Humphreys,  **  white  cent,"  is  new  to  me. 
Kxtractfrotn  the  Annual  Report  of  the 
Agent,.  Trengganu,  for  fhe  Year 
by  J.  L.  Humphreys. 
Currency. 

The  matter  of  the  local  subsidiary  coinage 
required  attention  during  the  year  owing  to  the 
increase  of  counterfeit.  These  1olu JIB, composed 
•of  a  mixture  of  lead  and  tin,  are  of  two 
aenom  i  nations,  the  white  cent  and  the  pit  is  :  they 
were  formerly  minted  annually  for  charitable 


QUERIES. 

distributions  after  the  Fast  month,  and  U'fore  tho 
British  dollar  was  demonetized  bore  a  fixed  relation 
to  it  of  100  and  200  ;  the  Straits  Settlements  dollar* 
and  subsidiary  coins  were,  of  course,  also  current, 
but  in  insufficient  quantities.  The  British  dollars 
\vore  redeemed  in  1915  at  a  rate  of  70  Straits  cents 
to  the  dollar. 

After  their  removal  it  became  necessary  to 
attiliatethe  local  tin  cents — which  in  the  language 
of  the  Trengganu  peasant  had  now  •'  lost  their 
parent  *' — to  the  Straits  dollar  ;  the  proportion  fixed 
was  the  extremely  inconvenient  one  of  133A- 

The  loss  of  the  parent  dollar,  the  complications, 
of  the  money  table  (  which  act  always  to  the 
detriment  of  the  peasant  ).  and  the  increase  of 
counterfeit,  are  destroying  the  former  popularity 
of  the  tin  coins.  Their  ultimate  disupi^aranco  is 
inevitable.  At  present  they  provide  two  denomina- 
tions of  subsidiary  coin  lower  than  the  copper  cent 
and  finunoe  tho  petty  marketings  of  the  poorer 
classes ;  their  suddrn  removal  would  cause  a 
general  rise  in  the  price  of  local  commodities. 

At  the  moment  of  writing  the  question  of  the 
subsidiary  coinage  generally  i«  under  the  considera- 
tion of  Government,  and  it  is  hojM»d  that  measures 
will  bo  taken  to  promote  the  ostaljjishmeut  of  a 
clean  Straits  currency.  The  depreciation  of  the 
white  cent  from  133 A  to  the  dollar  to  200  and  of 
the  pit-is  from  20fi*  to  400,  together  with  a  steady 
importation  of  Straits  subsidiary  coin,  seem  to  bo 
obvious  measures  for  hastening  the  disappearance 
of  the  former  and  diHonurapinp  the  production  of 
counterfeit. 

Analysis  shows  that  the  metal  value,  in  tin  and 
lead,  is  al«ut  50  per  cent,  of  the  token  value  of 
genuine  and  counterfeit  alike.  Redemption  can 
only  IK?  made  at  a  Cost  that  Government  will  not 
yet  pay,  and  it  -  is  certain  that  the  immediate 
removal  of  the  small  denominations  would  be  felt 
severely  by  the  peasants,  who  hold  90  per  cent,  of 
the  tin  coins,  and  would  suffer  most  from  the 
enhancement  of  prices  that  would  follow.  Measures 
to  produce  a  gradual  change*  will  probably  be 
adopted. 

H.  C,  TEMPLE. 


a  It  it*  for  thin  reason  that  I  utilize  the  old  technical  term,  ftfff  in  an  extended  sense  and  a  slightly 
new  application,  for  the  wide  sound  of  S?  3ff  never  existed  when  the  Sanskrit  grammarians*  described 
the  TOT  and  WVW^HT  prayattia*,  and  is  more  or  le  H  an  offspring  of  foreign  influence,  as  1  shall  show 
later  on . 


FEBBITARY,  1918  ]       AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDFA  29 

AUSTRIA'S    COMMERCIAL    VENTURE    IN    INDIA    IN    THE 
EIGHTEENTH    CENTURV. 

BY  SIR  R.  C.  TEMPLE,  BART. 
(  Continued  from  p.  15.  ) 

II 

Measures  taken  at  Fort  William,  Bengal. 
Consultation  at  Fort  Willi«mt  7  «/w///  17*17,  r>:> 

/GENERAL  Letters  received  by  tho  Cormorant  and  Egmnnl.  .  .  Of  the  letter  dated  24th 
*•*  December  1776,  Paragraphs  21  to  27,tto  Agreed  that  the  (Governor  (Jenerul  [  Warron 
Hastings]  be  requested  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Naib  Sulw  [  Naib  Subadar,  Deputy 
Governor],  advising  him  of  this  intelligence,  and  desiring  him  to  send  <  Jeneral  Orders  to  tho 
Officers  of  the  Nizamut07  to  oppose  the  Olliccrs  and  crew  of  the  exported  vessel  in  their 
attempts  to  land  in  any  part  of  the  Nabob's  dominions  and  special  orders  to  his  Vat-keel  rt" 

at  the  Presidency  to  apply  for  such  aid  fivm  this  Hoard  as  may  l»e  required  for  this 
purpose. 

Agreed  that  an  advertisement  be  published,  forbidding  the  <lomp,in\"s  Servants  and 
all  under  the  Company's  protection  to  hold  any  commerce  or  other  intonumrst-  with  Air 
Holts  or  the  other  Agents  or  Seamen  of  the  expected  Ship,  or  to  supply  them  with  money, 
goods,  stores  or  any  other  assistance  conducive  to  the  execution  of  their  plan. 

The  following  Advertisement  is  accordingly  published. 

Fort  William  Ilk  July  1111.  Advice  having  been  received  o I  an  enterprise  of  trade 
set  on  foot  by  Mr  William  Holts,  late,  a  servant  of  the  Honhlc.  Kasi  India  Company,  who 
is  HO\\  on  his  way  to  India  in  a  yhip  called  , the  Joseph  and  Thmsn*  mid  tlie  Houblo.  the 
Oourt  of  Directors  judging  it  expedient  to  guard  against  any  injun  \\liieh  their  commerce 
may  sufTer  by  this  undertaking,  have  thought  proper  to  forbid  their  Covenanted  Servants 
and  all  others  under  their  protection  to  hold  am  commercial  or  otliei  intercourse  with 
him  or  any  of  the  agents  or  seamen  of  the  said  ship,  or  to  supply  them  direct! \ ,  or 
indirectly,  with  money,  goods,  stores  or  any  other  assistance  which  may  conduce  la  the 
execution  of  their  plan.  Notice  is  therefore  given  that  a  si-rict.  observance  Of  this 
prohibition  is  expected  and  required.  By  order  of  the  Honourable  the  ({overuor  (General 
and  Council. 

Consultation  at  Fort  William,  2(i  July  1779.  Ci> 

The  Governor  General  [Warren  Hastings J  informs  the  Board  thai  he  has  received  a 
letter  from  Mr  William  Bolts,  dated  on  board  the  Joseph  and  The  MM  the  2.'M  instant,  at 
Kedgeree,  [Khijiri,  at  the  mouth  of  tho  Hiiglil  and  desires  that  the  Orders  of  the  Court  of 
Directors  dated  the  24th  December  1776,  and  the  publication  made  in  consequence  on  the 
7th  July  1777  may  be  read,  to  enable  the  Board  to  pass  such  further  Resolutions  and 
Orders  as  they  shall  think  proper. 

63  Bengal  Public,  Consultation*,  (1777),  XIX,  704-707.  fti  Sot*  ««/«•.    XTA'U  270. 

07  Niz&mot,  tho  Government  of  tho  NaWab  KiVziiu  of  liarigal,  created  l»y  Clivo  in  1757  rulur  of 
Bengal,  Bihdr  and  Orissa  in  subordination  to  the  Government  of  tin-  Kartt  India  ('mnpnny.  Tin*  Nawah 
at  this  time  wan  Mubaruku'ddaula,  youngest,  of  tho  three  sons  of  Mir  .hrfar  'A'?  KhAu.  1770-1793. 

68  Vakil,  logal  agent  or  representative  of  tlie  Nawflb  Nazim. 
60  Bengal  Public  Consultations,  (111$) ,  XXXI,  525-531. 


30  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FBBB^ABY,  1918 

Read  the  above-mentioned  Orders  and  Resolution. 

Resolved  that  the  following  Advertisement  be  now  published. 
Advertisement  respecting  Mr  Bolts. 

Fort  William  26th  July  1779.  Whereas  the  Governor  General  and  Council  were 
informed  by  the  Honble.  the  Court  of  Directors  i?i  their  letter  of  the  24th  of  December  1776 
that  an  entcrprize  of  trade  had  been  undertaken  by  Mr  William  Bolts,  formerly  in  their 
service  in  ifongal,  who  had  embarked  in  a  largo  ship,  late  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  now  the 
Joseph  andTheresa,  from  the  Port  of  Leghorn,  or  some  other  foreign  European  Port, 
Jadon  with  a  valuable  cargo  of  merchandize  and  with  ordnance  and  ammunition  and  all  kinds 
of  military  stores  to  a  groat  amount,  which  were  reported  to  be  destined  for  the  East 
Indies.  In  consequence  of  which  information  they  were  pleased  to  prohibit  all  commercial 
and  other  intercourse  o$  the  Company's  servants  and  all  others  under  the  protection  of  this 
Government  with  the  persons  who  had  the  conduct  of  the  expedition  or  were  concerned 
therein,  and  to  shew  a  resentment  adequate  to  the  nature  of  the  offence,  they  have  been 
further  pleased  to  command  tho  Governor  General  and  Council  &ca.  to  prevent  the  latter 
from  being  furnished  by  any  persons  subject  to  their-  authority  with  money,  poods,  stores, 
or  any  other  assistance  which  max-  conduce  to  the  success  of  the  undertaking.  Of  which 
Orders  public  notice  was  givon  on  the  7th  July  1777.  And  whereas  the  Governor  Genera] 
and  Council  have  received  information  that  the  said  Mr  William  Bolts  is  actually  arrived 
in  this  river  \  Hugli]  on  board  the  said  ship  Joseph  and  Theresa,  they  have  thought  it  proper 
to  cause  this  publication  to  bo  repeated  that  no  persons  may  plead  ignorance  of  the  same, 
and  further  to  declare  their  firm  resolution  effectually  to  execute  the  commands  of  the? 
Honble.  the  Court  of  Directors,  tuid  t:>  enforce  them  with  rigour  against  all  persons  who 
shall  be  found  offending  against  them.  By  Order  of  the  Honble.  the  Governor  General 
and  Council. 

Mr  Francis.™  The  Orders  are  very  proper  as  far  as  they  gu.  1  myself  shall  adhere 
to  them  literally,  but  1  apprehend  they  will  answer  very  little  purpose,  if  we  do  not  take 
other  measures.  Mr  Bolts'  ship  yrill  proceed  to  Serampore  [  'Srirampur  ]  or  Chinsum.71  He 
will  there  unlade  his  cargo,  and  tjiro'  the  intervention  of  the  Dutch  or  Danes  accomplish 
every  commercial  object  which  he  may  have  in  view  by  coming  hither,  and  which  the 
Company  seem  to  have  it-  very  much  at  heart  to  defeat.  Wo  cannot  correspond  with  their 
intentions  in  this  respect  by  any  means  so  effectually  as  by  using  our  weight  and  influence 
with  the  Nabob  to  induce  him  to  order  Mr  Bolts'  ship  immediately  to  leave  the  river 
without  landing  any  part  of  his  cargo.  No  foreign  ship  can  have,  a  right  to  come  into  the 
Bengal  River  and  to  carry  on  traffic  here  without  the  permission  of  the  Prince  of  the 
Country.  This  step  will  be  effectual  and  much  less  likely  to  embarrass  the  Company  in  its 
consequences  than  any  thing  done  directly  by  ourselves. 

The  Secretary  begs  leave  to  read  to  the  Board  the  Resolution  passed  in  Consultation 
the  7th  July  1777,  which  contains  an  application  to  the  Nabob  somewhat  similar  to  that 
proposed  by  Mr  Francis. 

Read  the  Resolution  of  7th  July  1777. 72 

Agreed  that  the  Governor  General  be  requested  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Nabob, 
referring  him  to  the  former  letter  of  the  7th  July  1^77,  and  informing  him  that  Mr 
Bolts  is  actually  arrived. 

?o  Sir  Philip  Francis  (1740-1748  ),  member  of  the  Supreme  Council  at  Fort  William. 

71  Headquarters  of  the  Danes  and  Dutch  respectively,  both  situated  near  Hugli. 

72  See  ante,  p.  29. 


c 


,  1918]         AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  31 

Consultation  at  fort  Wittwm.  12  Augvxt  1779.  ?» 

The  Governor  General  [  Warren  Hastings  ]  infoims  the  Board  that,  he  has  received  a 
report  from  the  Master  Attendant  that  eight  sloops  are  arrived  at,  Calcutta  laden  with 
cotton  and  other  goods,  which  they  received  on  freight  from  on  hoaid  the  Jowph  and 
Theresa,  the  ship  under  the  orders  of  Mr  Bolts,  that  two  other  sloops  have  passed  on  to 
Ohinsura,  and  that  several  more  are  coming  up. 

The  Governor  (Scneral  sent  for  the  Sarangs  [xarhanj,  .skipper]  of  t  ho  sloops,  which 
had  stopped  at  town,  and  received  the  following  information  from  them. 

That  they  had  been  engaged  by  Captain  Dundas  to  carry  di,\\  n  «ii»ods  to  the  Rot/at 
llniry  lying  at  Kedgree.  That  on  their  arrixal  there  an  European  raiw  on  board  their 
sloop  from  Mr  Bolts  V  .ship  and  desired  that  as  soon  as  they  should  haxr  cleared  their  slo.tps 
of  t  he  goods  brought  down  for  the  Royal  Henry,  to  come  along  sid-  ,tn  -1  take  in  ;t  cargo  of 
tton  for  (Calcutta,  for  whi«-h  they  should  be  paid  the  customaix  pi  ire.  That  having 
delivered  the  goods  i  or  the  Royal  Henri/  they  received  a  r?ir_M>  ,,t  r<.tt<,M  from  Mr  Bolts's 
ship.  That  on  their  arrival  at  Calcutta,  they  were,  told  to  proceed  <»n  to  Omisuni.  for  Hint 
the  cotton  cuii  Id  not  IK*  unloaded  here.  The  (Governor  ({eneia.1  add-  that  he  lias  given 
directions  to  the  Manjees  f  miinjhi^  inasdor  of  ;t,  native  boa-t  |  not  to  proi-cni  fii-iher  \\ithoul 
nn  order  from  him. 

|  Here  follow,-,  a  list  of  the  sloops  and  their  owners    | 

The  Governor  funeral  also  lays  before  the  Board  «i  letter  to  the  i'hoii.^dar  (  /r;//;</ri/, 
*  hief  j)olicc  oflieer  |  of  Houghley  which,  if  approved.  he  lerommcud-  ih.it  the  Commander 
in  Chief  be  requested  to  give  orders  to  the  OHircr  Comin.Mnding  at  '  iuih«{<  rnayore  |  (1handar- 
na<rar  ]  to  comj»ly  \stth  any  a])|)lioations  xvhicli  .^hall  hr  m.toV  to  him  l>\  flic  Phon«dar  of 
Houghly  conformably  thereto. 
To  Khan  Jahan  Khan,  PhoiiKdar  of  JHooghly. 

Notwithstanding  the  orders  issued  by  this  (ioxernnu-nt  a.-  well  ,IM  b\  the  \nbob 
to  prohibit  all  trade  or  intercourse*  with  Mr  Bolts,  eight  sloop<  have  eorne  iif»  t/be  river 
with  mcn-handi/e  from  his  ship,  three  of  whic'i  have  [mswd  Calcutta  and  will  probabjy 
proceed  to  ('hinsura:  Should  they  have  reached  that  place,  it  uill  not.  U^  ailvisable  t-o 
interfere  with  them,  but  with  lespect  to  anx  others  which  max  attempt,  tio  pass  Chinsurah, 
it  j>  necessary  tha.t  you  tike  efTci'tutil  ineM-n.s  to  previ»nt  them,  and  -hould  you  stand  in 
need  of  any  additional  toive,  ('a|)tain  ({rant,  xvho  is  st-ationed  at  <  'handcmugorr,  xvill,  mi 
yoiii  written  application  to  him,  afford  it.  to  you. 

Approved  the  letter  to  the  1'housdar  of  Houghly.  and  agreed  that  the  <  'ommander  iu 
<  'hit*!  be  requeattui  to  give  orders  to  the  (Commanding  Otticer  at  (Miandcrnagore  to  (Comply 
with  any  application  which  may  be  made  to  him  by  the  JMiousilarof  Monthly  for  troo})^  to 
prevent  the  sloops  laden  with  Mr  Bolts's  goods  from  passing  up  the  »  iver.  To  obviate  the 
(tonsetjueace  of  any  misunderstanding  of  the  publication  ot  the  Company'.**  Oi'ders 
respecting  Mr  Bolts. 

Resolved  that  the  Custom  Master  be  directed  not  to  Hitter  any  goods  whatever 
imported  by  Mr  Bolts's  ship  to  be  landed  in  Calcutta,  and  that  the  Collector  of 
Government  Customs  be?  laid  under  the  same  prohibition  and  further  enjoined  to  give 
orders  to  hia  officers  to  prevent  any  from  being  landed  within  the  jut  is-diet-iou  of  his  office. 

Ordered  that  the  Maeter  Attendant  be  directed  peremptorily  tit  forbid  the  Sarang*  of 
the  aloopfe  laden  with  Mr  Bolts's  goods  to  proceed  further  up  the  river  with  thorn. 

»  Henyal  Publw  C<nwuUalv>iu9  (1779),  X.XXlf,  52-.r/7. 


32  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FEBRUAET,  1018 


Consultation  at  Fort  William,  2  September  1779.  74 

The  following  letter  from  the  Deputy  Collector  of  Government  Customs  having  been 
read  at  the  Revenue  Board  on  Tuesday  last,  the  Minutes  which  are  entered  after  it  wert- 
then  taken  and  sent  in. 
Honble.  Sir, 

A  quantity  of  Redwood,  the  property  of  Mr  Bolts  imported  on  the  tianciiiaimo  Sacra- 
mento (  a  Portuguese  ship )  and  now  laden  on  boats  to  be  transported  on  board  his  vessel, 
is  stopt  by  the  Officer*  of  the  Customs  in  .consequence  of  your  late  orders.  As  the  goods 
have  not  been  landed  but  are  removing  from  one  foreign  vessel  to  another,  I  request  your 
orders,  whether  the  redwood  is  to  paws  for  Mr  Bolts's  ship  ?  And  if  in  future  he  may  be 
at  liberty  to  export  whatever  goods  he  may  think  proper. 

government  Custom  House,  31st  Aug-ad  1771*. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  &c. 
(Signed)  Hy.  SCOTT,  Dy.  Or.  G.  Customs. 

Ordered  that  it  lie  for  consideration,  and  in  the  mean  time  that  the  Collector  be 
referred  to  the  orders  which  he  has  already  received  respecting  Mr.  Bolts,  and  to  tha 
regulations  of  his  office,  leaving  him  to  act  conformably  to  those  authorities. 

The  Secretary  now  informs  the  Board  that  the  only  special  orders  sent  to  the 
Collector  of  Government  Customs  respecting  Mr  BohVs  ship  was  to  forbid  him  from 
suffering  any  goods  to  be  landed  from  them,  but  are  silent  with  respect  to  the  lading  oi 
other  goods,  and  that  the  Collector  in  consequence  is  at  a  loss  how  to  act. 

Ordered  that  the  Collector  of  Government  Customs  be  informed  that  the  Board 
expressly  forbid  him  to  pass  any  goods  whatsoever  belonging  to  Mr  Bolts,  that  if  he  has 
reason  to  suspo^t  that  the  goods  in  question  have  been  procured  in  Calcutta,  the  Board 
desire  he  will  endeavor  to  trace  and  report  the  Arsons  who  furnished  thorn  to  the  Board, 
but  if  they  have  been  purchased  at  either  of  the  foreign  settlements,  it  does  not  dejend 
immediately  upon  him  to  collect  the  duties,  the  Fouzdar  being  in  this  case  the  proj)er 
officer  who  will  take  cognizance  of  the  matter  upon  his  representation. 
Consultation  at  Fifft  William,  6  September  1779.  7S 

The  following  letter  from  Mr  Bolts  was  circulated  on  Saturday  last,  and  the  Minutes 
which  are  entered  after  it  were  returned. 
Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen, 

Jn  the  month  of  July  last  1  purchased  and  loaded  on  freight  at  Madras,  upon  a 
Portuguese  vessel  called  the  Snnctiwimo  Sacramento  for  Bengal,  a  quantity  of  redwood,  the 
property  of  such  of  the  subjects  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty,  my  sovereign,  as  arc  interested 
in  the  Asiatic  Company  of  Trieste.  Finding  that  at  this  Presidency  all  subjects  of  the 
British  Government  were  publickly  prohibited  from  having  any  intercourse  with  the 
subjects  of  Her  said  Majesty,  on  the  arrival  of  the  Portuguese  vessel  I  did  not  attempt  to 
land  Jhis  redwood  at  Calcutta,  but  had  it  laden  on  four  boats,  in  order  to  be  conducted  on 
board  of  one  of  the  said  Company's  vessels  now  under  my  command  in  this  river ;  1  am  now 
informed  that  the  officers  of  your  Custom  House  have  stopped  the  said  redwood  on  the 
river,  and  taken  possession  thereof ;  and  as  1  am  ignorant  of  the  reasons  which  have  occasion- 
ed this  seizure  I  take  the  liberty  of  informing  you  that  I  have/  paid  the  English  Company 'i 

"  Bengal  Public  Consultations,  (1779),  XXXII.  317-319. 
'*  Bengal  Public  Consultation,  (1779),  XXXII,  356-358. 


FEBBUARY,  1018  ]         AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTimE  IN  INDIA  33 


duties  on  this  article  at  Madras,  and  am  ready  to  pay  any  other  legal  demand  that  can  be 
made  thereon  by  your  Government.  On  these  terms  1  request  the  favor  of  an  order  for  its 
being  released.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  <kca. 

Ckinsurah  *2d.  September  1779.  (Signed  )  WILLIAM    BOLT?, 

Lieut :  Col :  in  the  Service  of  Their  Imperial  Majesties. 

Mr.  Harwell. 7f  By  the  orders  of  the  Company  \\e  can  hold  no  intercourse  with  Mr 
Holt*  ;  of  course  can  give  no  reply  to  his  letter. 

Consultation,  at  Fort  William,  29  September  1779. 77 

Read  the  following  letter  from  Mr  Bolts. 
Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen, 

On  the  second  instant  I  did  myself  the  honor  of  addressing  you  a  letter  relative  to  four 
boat*  loaded  with  redwood,  the  property  of  the  subjects  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty,  my 
sovereign,  which,  in  consequence  of  your  orders,  were  on  the  27th  of  August  past,  seized  by 
your  (Custom  House  officers  on  the  river,  and  conducted  within  the  districts  of  your  Town 
of  Calcutta.  Not  having  had  the  honour  of  an  answer  to  that  letter,  to  which  I  beg 
permission  to  refer,  and  much  less  obtained  restitution  of  the  redwood,  1  must  nosv  look 
upon  the  uaid  property  as  lost  to  Her  3Iajesty's  subjects,  and  shall  therefore  trouble  you  no 
farther  on  that  head. 

At  the  same  time,  Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  I  am  sorry  to  be  under  the  necessity  of 
informing  you  that  other  officers  of  your  Government-,  at  Fultah,  have  been  extremely 
troublesome,  not  only  in  obstructing  the  It;. win  1  business  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty's  subjects 
and  insulting  her  fla-";,  but  in  having  even  gone  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  ships  under  my  command  from  obtaining  provisions  and  the  common  necessaries  of  life. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  inform  you,  Honble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  that  the  commerce- 
under  my  directions  is  "  under  the  protection  of  the  Empress  Queen,  belonging  to  a 
(•ompany  erected  in  Germany  ";  or  that  *'  this  commerce  is  not  contrary  to  any  treaty  at 
present  .subsisting",  since  you  have  been  formally  advised  thereof  by  the  Honble.  Court  of 
Directors  for  Affairs  of  the  Honble.  the  Unit'.d  Company  of  Merchants  of  England  trading 
to  the  East  Indies.  But  whatever  may  be  the  orders  of  that  Honble.  Court,  perhaps  too 
much  dictated  by  a  commercial  jealousy  equally  as  illfouuded  as  at  this  period  ill  timed, 
permit  me  to  address  myself  to  you  on  this  occasion,  not  as  to  the  agent  of  a  commercial 
society,  but  as  to  a  tribunal  appointed  by  an  act  of  the  British  Legislature  to  the  National 
Government  of  the  British  Dominions  in  Asia.  In  this  point  of  view  it  will  be  needless  for 
me  to  call  to  t!ie  recollection  of  gentlemen  of  so  sujierior  knowledge,  what  great  events  luivo 
often  sprung  from  small  causes,  or  how  easy  a  spark  may  at  tir&t  be  quenched,  that  in  itw 
consequences  must  produce  a  conflagration. 

I  must  confess  after  the  amicable  treatment  which  we  have  lately  received  at  the  other 
iJritish  Presidencies  of  Bombay  and  Madras,  where  we  have  been  permitted  even  to  trade, 
On  paying  the  established  duties,  and  after  seeing  the  friendly  manner  in  which  the  ships 
and  subjects  of  other  European  States  are  received  at  the  British  Ports  in  Asia,  it  in  matter 
of  the  greatest  astonishment  to  me,  ignorant  as  I  am  of  any  differences  subsisting  between 
our  respective  sovereigns,  to  find  your  Government  here  so  extremely  hostile  towards  the 


71  Richard  Harwell  (1741-1804),  member  of  the  Supreme  Council  1773-1781. 
W  tic ngat  Public  Contultattont  (1779),  XXXII,  549-554. 


34  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FEBRUARY,  1918 

colours  and  subjects  of  the  Empress  Queen.  For  admitting  you  may  have  a  right  to 
prohibit  British  subjects  from  all  intercourse  with  those  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty,  what  right 
can  you  have  to  obstruct  or  oppose  Her  Majesty  and  Her  subjects  in  their  peaceful  inter- 
course or  licit  commerce  with  those  of  her  allies  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  of  Denmark,  and 
the  high  and  Mighty  United  States  of  Holland  ?  Or  what  right  can  you  claim  to  seize  the 
property  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects,  as  in  the  case  ot  the  redwood,  \\here  ever  you  find  it  ? 

Earnestly  desirous  on  iny  p.irt  of  promoting  peace  and  harmony,  J  have  hitherto 
most  cautiously  forbore  every  act  that  could  possibly  give  the  least  offence  to  your  Govern- 
ment, and  it  is  a  conduct  I  wish  to  pursue  during  the  whole  peiiod  of  my  short  stay  in  this 
river.  Let  me  then  conjure  you,  llonble.  Sir  and  Gentlemen,  by  those  ties  of  humanity 
which  unite  Great  Nations  together  in  p'^aee  and  amity,  to  give  such  orders  to  the 
respective  officers  of  your  Government  as  may  in  future  remove  the  causes  of  the  complaints 
I  now  make,  and  thereby  prevent  any  possible  in  tern  ipt  ion  of  the  harmony  which  I  hope 
will  long  subsist  between  the  August  Courts  of  Vienna-  and  St.  James. 

Chinwiia  l#th  {September  1779.  1  have  the  honor  to  be  &c. 

(Signed)  WILLIAM    BOLTS, 
Lieut.  Col.  in  the  service  of  their  Imperial  Majesties. 

Kxliacl  of  a  (Jcucral  Letter  fruin  UK  Council  lo  tJic  Court  of  Dirrctnrx 
fit  For!  ir////Vw,  flfttt'tt  14  January  1780.  ~* 

We  are  to  inform  you  that  your  order<  prohibiting  your  servants  and  dependants  from 
having  any  commercial  intercourse  or  connection  with  Mr  Bolts  were  published  imme- 
diately on  receipt  of  the  General  Letter  \\  hieh  contained  them,  and  again  advertized  on  the 
arrival  of  that  gentleman  in  July  last.71'  Your  uishes  with  respect  to  this  gentle-man  have 
I ie«*n so  strictly  attended  to  by  u.s  and  by  the  officers  of  the  Ni/amut ,  in  consequence  of  order* 
from  the  Nabob  to  that  effect,  that  he  was  unable  1o  land  anypait  of  the  goods  imported  by 
his  ships,  the  Joseph  and  Thcwfta  and  Kallowrulh,  either  at  Calcutta  or  any  where  below 
it.  He  addressed  repeated  letters  tons  on  the  subject,  but  we  did  not  think  ourselves  a.t 
lilwrty,  consistently  with  youi  iiiHtructionK,  to  return  him  an  answer  to  either  of  them.  We 
Mieve  however  that  his  merchandize  way  received  at  Chinsura  arid  disposed  of  to  the  But  eh. 

As  the  President  and  Council  at  Bombay  had  not  been  equally  vigilant  to  prexent 
the  intercourse  of  persons  under  their  authority  with  Mr  Bolts,  we  found  that  some 
consignments  of  goods  had  been  made  both  by  Kuropeaii  and  Native  merchants  at  that 
place  to  individuals  here  by  the  ships  of  Mr.  Bolts,  which  we  were  induced  on  their  claim 
to  suffer  the  importation  of. 

Extract  of  a  dene  nil  Letter  from  the  Council  at  Fort  William  t(^  ///> 
Court  of  Director*,  fluted  5  April  1783.  s<> 

With  respect  to  the  conduct  which  we  observed  towards  Mr  William  Bolts,  we  were 
cautiously  governed  throughout  by  your  orders  concerning  him.  and  have  regularly  reported 
the  particulars  of  it  to  you  in  our  General  letter  of  the  14th  January  1780.  After  having 
been  forbid  any  intercourse  with  Mr  Bolts,  and  having  issued  the  prohibition  of  Trade  with 
him  generally  to  all  the  dependants  of  this  Government  by  Public  Advertisement,  it  irainol 
in  our  power  to  admit  of  any  Goods  imported  in  his  name  to  be  passed  thro*  the  Custom  HouHe^. 

It  is  within  the  memory  of  Home  of  the  Members  that  a  letter  of  representation  was 
presented  from  Mr.  Bolts  on  the  subject  of  some  redwood  belonging  to  him  being  detained 
by  the  Custom  Houit  officer*,  but  we  did  not  think  ourselves  at  liberty  to  receive  it. 

(To  be  continued.) 

"h  Bengal  Lttttn  Received,  XVJ1I,  1«-17.  n  »•*  «"!•,  f>.  29, 

*  Bengml  Letter*  Rcstivfd,  XX  (unpaged). 


FEBRUARY,  1918  ]         DATE  OF  THE  ABIitliA  MIGRATION  INTO  INDIA  35 

DATE  OF  THE  ABHtKA  MIGRATION  INTO  INDIA. 

BY  N.  CJ.  MAJUMDAK;  (.'AUVTTA. 

IN  liis  monograph  on  V<ti:narism,  SV/fWww,  nn<l  Minor  JRcliyiou*  .S'/A^CMX,  1  Sir  H.  (T. 
Bhandarkar  has  assigned  tlio  migration  of  the  Abhiras  into  India  to  tho  iirsl  century 
A.D.  According  to  him  tlio  cult  of  child  Krishna  was  a  side  issue  of  Christianity  and  was 
imported  by  the  Abhiras  (  '  aniony  whom  the  boy-yod  Krixhnii  It  red  '  )  trom  outside  India 
in  UK?  century  following  the  crucifixion  of  Jos  us  Christ.  Mr.  Kamapra-.ful  Chanda  in  his 
work  called  the  Indo-Aryan.  Races,*  has  attempted  to  prove  that  the.  Ahhiras  came  into 
India  long  before  Christ  was  born,  and  as  sueli  they  eannoi  U>  Credited  with  an 
im|)ortation  of  Christian  tnuUtions  as  alleged  by  Sir  Ilamkrishna.  I  Cully  agree  in  tho 
contention  of  Mr.  Chan  da,  though  1  think  his  arguments  are  too  \\rak  to  prove  his 
theory. 

Mr.  Chanda,  refers  to  the  word  yhoxha  \vliich  occurs  in  the  Multahlni^hija  of  Pat  a.  -\jali 
(  TI.  4.  Jo)  •"•  and  interprets  it  in  tho  sense,  of  Ahhira.  settlement,  \\hirh  is  the  meaning 
put  upon  that  \\ord  only  by  such  late  authors  as  Amara  and  .laxadiMa.  It  cannot  be 
proxcd  that  the  word  ifloxha  was  understood  in  tlu»  same  MMISC  in  the  time  of  Patafijali 
as  jt  \\as  in  the  time,  of  Amara,  and  Jayaditxa.  On  the  other  hand,  it  will  follow  from  the 
very  pa  ^icre  Mr  Cliajuhi  has  quoted,  that  yhoxhn  has  been  used  her<*  in  an  altouether 
diilerent  sense.  In  the  passage  in  question,  ArytiHirtivt  <>r  Ar\an  settleniem.  is 
staled  as  consist  in-j'  of  four  units,  yramft,  -thoxhu,  Hd<j<tr<t  and  .SY/////V//"'.  Ih-rc  yhofilut  could 
have  been  taken  to  mean  an  .\hlri.r*(f>alli,  /.r.,  a  settlement.  «»f  t  h«'  \hlma  race,  if  the  Abhiras 
had  bijen  Aryans.  l»nt.  in  Pirlaiijttti,  as  I  .shall  jnsi  show,  ihe\  ha,\<  IMTII  assot?iat-ed  \\ith 
the  >'//^m.s',  and  in  the  Vaynpurana,  too,  the\  have  been  pimitcd  »mt  ,»s  MlKchchhas.*  So 
Abhit'fijjftlli  could  not  have  been  the  sen>e  of  the  yhoshii  <>1  the  abo\c  mentioned  ]);issii^o 
w}icro  the  intention  is  to  denote  the  units  of  Aryan  settlement.  I  do  not,  mean  to  say  that 
(jhwltn  exclusively  denoted  a  unit  of  Aryan  settlement  What  I  contend  hen*  is  thai  ,  because 
a,  certain  author  wanted  to  give  an  example  rf  a,n  Aryan  settlement  the  term  <y/trW/</,  which 
was  UM'd  to  serve  that  purpose,  could  not  be  referred  to  in  the  sense,  of  .\bhtrnpitlli.  (iliou/ui. 
which  is  grouped  with  such  general  terms  as  ytfinta,  ufujftra  and  #a//*'  «//'/,  could  only  have 
been  taken  in  a  general  sense.  It  is  like  the  rest,  a  unit  of  settlement  and  has  nothing  to 
do  with  one  special  (-lass  of  people.  The  \\ord  has  been  used  in  this  general  sense  also 
in  tho  RuindyaHa  and  t  he 


A.yoclh.vA.Ch.  W,  V.  15. 


—  Vayu,Ch.  :5:$,  V.  10. 

1  p.  37.  2  Ml'-  H4-H5. 

3  "  ^T:  JnTCnTK^m.  ^rHf^WT^rt  Hff?  Zfa  "  —  KioHiurn'rt    MaliMnihyit,     \,    -175.     Fur 
sea  to  tho  wor.l  ';/w»/t'*  ni  tho  Ma'Mbtohya  nee  tbiil,  II,  117-llS. 

Ch.  37,  V.  2tKJ. 


3C  '  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FKBOTABY,  1918 


The  oilier  argument  adduced  hy  Mr,  Chanda  to  prove  that  the  Abhiras  migrated 
to  India  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  is  that  KatySyana,  the  predecessor  of  Pataiijali, 
excludes  the  word  mahamdri  '  from  the  operation  '  of  a  certain  rule  of  Panini  (  IV.  1.  4  ). 
According  to»Aruara  and  Kusika  the  meaning  of  this  word  would  no  doubt  be  Abhlri  But 
it  is  neither  a  scientific  nor  a  safe  method  t<»  explain  a  text  of  the  early  second  century  u,r. 
in  the  light  of  an  interpretation  suggested  b\  authors  later  by  at  least  seven  hundred 
years. 

Whatever  might  be  the  value  of  the  promises  put  forward  by  Mr.  Chauda  it  is  fair  to 
acknowledge  that  his  theory  might  have  been  substantiated  from  the  MakdbMshj/u 
itself.  1  draw  here  the  attention  ol  scholars  to  one  important  passage  of  Palafijali, 
which,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  goes,  has  not  yet  boon  pointed  out.  The  Abhiras  are 
actually  mentioned  hy  Patanjali  in  his  gloss  on  the  Vnrtika-sulw,  '' 

is  <""t<'d  below  :  - 


I  f?  ^re*  TOTpffrftffi  srpffrr  *r«RmPr  I  etc. 

The  import  of  the  above  passage  is  that  (ZwMd?w-oompound  should  not  ho  formed 
between  a  general  term  (  siiimnnja)  and  a  particular  term  (riksha).  if  tliis  ).,e  so. 
there  cannot  be  any  dvamli'a  oompnund  like  iiidrnhlnravn,  (jobativdidaM,  etc.,  for  in  these 
examples  the  words  ot  each  pair  stand  in  lolation  of  namanya  and  viwsha.  Therefore  if  we- 
AN  ant  to  have  a  drandni  compound  in  s  fid  rahh,  rant  widra  must  not  be  taken  as  a  general 
term  and  at/lira  as  a  jMirticular  term  included  \\ithin  that  tenn.  though  they  arc  actually  b«>. 
for,  in  that  case,  the  moaning  would  l>c,  an  Ahhirn  who  is  a  Sudra,  which  would  satisfy  onl> 
the  requirements  of  a  larnHtdharaya  compound  and  not  a  rfmnrfm-compound.  Here,  the 
t\M>  terms  are  thus  required  to  be  understood  as  if  they  represent  two  different  classes  (}ali), 

The  legitimate  inference  which  wo  can  draw  from  the  above,  is,  that  the  Abhinus  had 
settled  in  India  and  come  to  be,  associated  with  the  Sfidras  even  jn  the  lime  of  Pataf.jali,, 
who  lived  at  any  rato  in  the  second  ccntun  u.c.  Therefore,  theij  migration  is  to  be. 
placed  at  least  three  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  era.  The  Vdyupuriwa  tells  us 
that,  at  the  time  when  the  poition  referring  to  the  Abhiras  was  composed,  they  were  not 
even  counted  as  SYidnw.  hut  were  looked  down  upon  as  Mhchchhas.  The  period  of  its 
composition  must  therefore  be  placed  prior  to  Pataiijali.  From  the  Vdyupurfaa  we  learn 
also  that  the  Abhivas  had  already  settled  in  northern  India  and  penetrated  even  to  the  far 
south  °  This  is  again  indicative  of  the  further  antiquity  of  the  Abhira  migration 
into  India. 


Ktolhorn's  Mahdbhfohya.  1,  252.  c  Vtyvjmrtina,  Ch.  45r  vs.  115,  120, 


FEBRUARY,  1918"  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF  E  AND  (>  41 


All  these  facts,  noted  above,  will  go  to  show  ~ 

(a)  that  when,  in  the    vocalic    group  s?f  or  BTT,  s?  is  accented,  the  f  3",   getting 

subordinate,  the  ultimate  result  is  the  wide  sound,  3?  *rf; 

(b)  that,  when  in  these  groups    the  f-7    are   accented,    their  prominence  leads  to 

the  uniting  of  s?  and  f  and  K  and  ^  into  the  narrow  TT  and  Hf; 

(c)  that  the  wide  sound  is  akin  to  an^s?^  rather  than  to   STf-STO; 
((/)     that  the  f-3",  when  subordinate,  turn  into  ^-g-  (and  then  IMT)  ; 

and  (f)     that  thus  the   wide  sound    is   the  result  of  3^-STq[  and  the  nairow  one  is   the 

result  of  ^TF-are. 

1  shall  give  two  or  three  comparative  instances  from  identical  words  to  further  illustrate 
pointedly  the  operation  of  these  principles;  1  give  them  in  the  form  of  a  genealogical  tree 
for  the  sake  of  giving  a  clear  impression  : 

1  —  *7TTT  (Sanskrit.) 


(  Prakrit)  (  Prakrit  )  ±  A  fair  woman. 

I  I 

((  ).W.R.)  iwf  (  -Trfa't  )27  nrrt  (O.w.R.) 


-  0  "i  .  -  *r*fl  2.  :\.   Tff  rf  (  Gu  j.  ) 

.(«-  a  goddess  (=-  the  latter  half  (--a  fair  woman). 

worshipped  by  of   proper    r.ames 

maidens  in  the  like  'qTffTTTO',   etc. 

month  of  Mfitlhu.)  Also    nnft    from 

f«TfO  in  old  Gujarat  i  works). 

Here,  Oujarati  has  \\)  itfC^,  (2)  °iftft,  and  (3)  itr^f,  «ach  in  a,  different  sense;  and  the 
phonetic  processes  are  different,  as  under  :   - 

(1)  3TT-H*  »T^-«TT;    (it  is  to  be  noted  in  this  case  that  the  lina!  f   becomes  hiibordinate 
and  turns  into  ?j;    whereas  in  (2)  it  remains  prominent  and  preserves  1  he    »T  of   *  from 
becoming  £TOT,  and  hence  the  s^  stays  on,  and  we  have  Jprtf). 

(2)  3?3    "Wf.     (  See  note,  just  above,  under  (1).) 

(3)  The  atr  has  come  direct  from  Prakrit  under  the  operation  of  the   general  rule  in 
jSi.  Ilcnui.  VlII-i-159.     (F  shall  soon  consider  below  the  nature  and  genesis  of  this  operation; 
I  may  only  state  here  that  in   the   contraction   of   sfr   to   Vf,   the   iff  passe*  through  XT, 
wherein  7  is  prominent  and  hence  the  narrow  Hf  .) 


II  —  *TWT  (Sanskrit) 

(Prakrit) 


O.W.R. 

(1) 


^??r  (O.W.R 

(2)  (3) 


27  Vide  Kutndmpdlacharita  (Eci  by  8.  P.  Pmidit),  V,  80  ;  IV,  56  ;  and  T,  75,   &c.    Al«o  Index  to  it. 


42 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[FKBRUABY,  1018 


\\V  notice  here  m  changed  to  sff  in  (2)  iff  1$  ,and  a?3>  changed  to  3>  in  (3)  *ns[  ;  in  the 
latter  case  the  3?  of  3f$  is  BO  subordinate  and  3;  so  very  predominant  that,  instead  of  the 
two  uniting  into  a  narrow  aff,  the  ^  is  lost  and  9t+^  remain  as  *£  in  *nsr.S8  The  following 
lines  in  Kanhadbdf  Prabandtta  (  V.  8.  1512  )  will  show  the  place  of  both  ing  and  Tj^ra  in  old 
Western  Rajasthani  :— 


(  Khanda  III,  st.  245. 


Ill  —  m0!     (Apabhrainsa) 
(O.W.R.) 


(O.W.R.) 


(O.W.R.) 


tfp-r  (Guj.) 

Here  also  the  results,  jrof  and  gtf«T,  are  as  in  JRJT  (  *JJS  )  and  iffer,  the  only  difference 
being  that,  while  the  3>  in  THTO  is  long,  that  in  5fre«r  is  short,  and  yet  somehow  occupies  a 
prominence  which  ousts  the  3?  oil. 

We  may  also  contrast  —  ^frWFT,  ^WWT«  etc.,  which  contain  ^fl  as  the  final  e  volute  of 
ipr  through  Srf  ,  ^?T,30  with  gffetfKi  from  ^[ftfwr,  *fftfW?T  ;  the  point  of  contrast  being  that, 
in  the  latter  case  the  src  unites  into  a  narrow  aft  because  of  the  strong  S,  while  in  the 
former  the  strength  is  more  than  counteracted  by  the  long  3TT  preceding  it,  and  hence  the 
change  into  q\ 

It  may  be  objected  :  J«  not  this  fixing  of  the  accent  an  arbitrary  procedure  '(  What  is 
the  guide  for  fixing  it  I  Does  it  not  amount  to  begging  the  question  when  you  fix  the  accent 
on  the  a?  or  on  the  y-i:  (or  ^-^)  according  as  the  resulting  sound  is  wide  or  narrow  ? 
My  answer  to  the  first  and  last  question  is  —  No  ;  and  to  the  second  question  the  answer  is 
furnished  in  the  reason  1  shall  just  give  for  this  answer  in  the  negative.  We  have  the  guide 
and  the  test  in  certain  instances  where  the  accent  is  obvious  and  undisputablc,  e.  g., 


and  the  like  ;  and  in  the  light  of  these  we  detect  the  location  of  the  accent  in  the  other  cases, 
always  with  good,  reason  for  the  saws.  In  this  subsequent  process  if  the  method  appears  to 
be  a  priori,  it  has  a  justification  and  is  not  the  same  as  begging  the  question  ;  for  the  test 
indications  have  already  disclosed  to  us  the  governing  principle,  and  we  trace  it  backwards 


28  The  M  is  extraordinarily  subordinate  in  this  caKo  because  it  i«  in  tho  initial  syllable,  und  Iwncf 
unsupported  by  a  preceding  syllable,  and  «o  it  becomes  tjnflt-     In.  tho  case  of  *TO!T  the  accent  on  T  gets 
lost  when  it  becomes  shortened,  and  hence  the  3?  of  3T^f  gets  accented. 

Of  course,  the  fact  is  that  when  people  are  inclined  towards  subordinating  3?  overmuch  it     becomes 
lost,  and  in  the  opposite  case  it  acquires  emphasis. 

29  Karmana  Mantri's  S^dharava  (V.  S.  1520)  also  has  *JJS  and  Y]q|<3|  in  juxtaposition  : 


(Description  of  Ayodhya). 

(This  double-barrelled  word  must  have  been  a  conventional  expression,  it  seems.  ) 
Vimato'jmibandha  (V.  S.  1568)  has  ^J^f  with  a  short  T.     (See  K  hand  a  I,  st.  65.  ) 

30  The  3TrT  lx»como«  W  by  prati-ftaniprasdrana  in  these  cases.    I  do  not  believe  that  . 

and  thus  W^rT;  for  in  the  case  of  Jjf^flffaf  the  steps  are  3*T~^W»  (not  JFT>  5^T'  ^^  )• 


becomes 


FSBJIUARY,  19181  THE  WIDE  SOUND  OF   /;  AXI)  O  43 

from  the  visible  results  in  cases  of  possible  dispute,  and  see  how  it  fits  in.     This  method  is, 
I  believe,  fairly  permissible  and  frequently  resorted  to  in  all  inquiries  of  this  nature. 

]>r.  Tessitori  (••  Notes,"  §  Id,  (4)  )  refers  to  the  change  of  Vf  into  n  (narrow)  as  visible 
in  Prakrit  ami  Apabhram>a,  and  cites  Pischel,  §  "lf><>.  The  instnnces  given  by  Pischcl  are 
%W  from  *T^.:U  ifc  from  TOftt,  etc.  Similarly  the  change  of  VT  to  *ff  i*  visible  if  we  look 
behind  and  under  the  adela*  given  by  Hemachandra  ;  as  in  3fa,  etc..  from  ww*  i*te. 
(Si.  Ilerntt.  VIII-i-171  )  and  *fr  for  w  and  ^f  (*SV.  Menu.  VI11-M72).  Similar  is  the 
princif)le  underlying  the  Kutra.  VIII-M70,  wherein  the  won  I  presumably  passes  through  an 
intermediate  step,  qnrc,  (alternatively  with  ^rw  which  gives  ^r  in  Hindi  ),  and  the  iTK  in 
the  mediate  cvolutes  of  £if{Hnd  <HT*r?*  first  goes  through  a  metathesis  and  the  W3C  thus 
derived  becomes  »fr. 

To  this  I  would  further  add  that  the  changes  of  IT  to  IT  and  *ff  to    aff,  noted  by    Heuut 
ehandra  in  Ylll-i-148  and  I  ."Ml  respectively.   arc  not  direct,  single-stepped  changes,  but  rcullv 
through  the  intermediate  steps  *Tf  mid  XT  respective^  :    consequent  I\    all    these  changes  to 
ir-ifr  may  be  regarded  os  but  changes  from  inherent    Mf  VT-     The  exceptional    position   of 
ami  ItfftTT  (VII1-H5I.  152),  as  also  that  of  qfrnVFT  (VIJI  i-ltE)  and  iffr*  (\'IIJ 


i-ltitt),  \\hich  note  tlie  change  of  fr-Hf  i"  those  cases  to  vrf-Ml",  's  really  this  :  All  Sanskrit 
fr-oft  are  in  Prakrit  changed  to  Hf  MT  in  tin  Jirxl  in«t(inrt.  and.  \\hilc  in  tlie  exceptions  just 
mcntioued  (  %«nf^  «te.,  and  qr^rf^,  etc.  )  they  stop  short  at  the  hiatus  f.irm  sTf-MT,  in  all  the 
remaining  cases  the  contact  ual  vowels  thus  arri\cd  at  move  a  >tcp  further  nud  unite  into  IT 
and  ^ff  respectively.  :{- 

It  will  tluis  be  seen  that  c\<'ii  in  the  Prakrit  stage  the  tcitdcncx    \\tis   ior    the  union  of 
M    and  f  «i^<l  V  and  T    to  result  int()  the  narrovx    IT  and    Vff      Of  course,  the  wide  sound  \\u?» 


31    I»IM-|I«-|>    M«»p.,  irn-    5fff  f^  -"iTf^*—  'fll^-tr^.       I  would    pn-t.-r 

lor  wminiixd  r<i,.t)  m  hitiMd  in  .VII^/VM  likf  .S'/.  Hctift.  \  1  1  1  i  I  7  I.  17^,  aiui  V  1  1  1  in  I  Hi,  uiulor  vvhirli 
becomes  f^jfT  aiinl  MT  and  M^T  IKM-UIIMJ  3ff.  n;nl  tlu'"H€r  <>t  tl'*'  <'»ins«l  U>eoine^  FT  (  Tff^rt?!  TTff  )» 
olivioiislv.  thriMi^rii  the  uiiau^i  «»)  ?f  tn  T  mid  t|  in  f  (S<nniniitmiviifl<t)  :  \vhe  reas-  ^ffB  lor  Sfv^?'!  IN  nn( 
qnit(*  a  knoxvn  ehanue  :  the  principle  nndorhin^  ^Cr^Tr  *^ITT:  ^T^t^cr^f!&  <»r.  hetii-r  si  ill.  ihnt  nnderlMn^ 
>'/.  He  MH.  VI  1  1  -i  --Mi,  iim\  cover  the  cast1  h\  nt  retching  u  |x»m1.  lint  \>e  need  n<»t  ^n  so  tut  \vhcn  tin- 
'iIjA  ions  and  naltirnl  steps  are  »\  ailahlr. 

5-  I  I»as4-  this  iheorx  nn  tin-  difference  in  the  essential  tomuitioii  «.!  If  Mt  and  rr-'Stf.  It  ,s  tlux  ^ 
Sanskrit,  and  I'rakrit  ^raminanuns  divide  the  \  owels  into  ?T*Tr*T  (simple),  which  nre  V  ti>  tRf  and  frf^f 
(coin|)ound).  \\liich  are  IT,  IT,  "i^f,  "S^f,  lx«cann»-  tl'"sr  latter  four  are  formed  l»\  a  foiihtmii  ol  V  and  f 
and  M  anclT  res|X'cti\*'l\  .  The\  (the  grammarians  )  do  not  make  an\  further  distmei  ion  in  the  lattei 
division.  1  am  mehned  to  differentiate  these  by  further  dividing  them  into  fi^{H»  winch  are  n  and  iff, 
and  H^^"»  which  aiv  tf  and  »Tf.  The  meaning  is  obvunis  :  JEJpS!^  is  iusu.n.  and  ^fTrT  IK  men-  admixture  ; 
we  find  in  H"  and  ^ff  the  com  jx>nent  simple  vowels  t  ho  roujihlx  fused  tnp-t  her  a-,  m  a  ch«-nucal  combiiiH- 
lion,  while  m  fr  and  "Ml  the  comjMmcnt  nimple  vnweln  Ktand  joined  together,  as  in  a  mechanical  mixture 
Thoy  are  to  the  simple  cnmjxments  what  conjnnc-t  consonants  arc  to  the  wimple  consonants  composing 
them.  Thus,  while  it  wunld  U-  easy  for  IT  and  ^n  t»>  pet  split  up  into  Mf  *nd  ^TT  MS  contactnal  \oweU, 
it  would  Iw  praoticallx  mi|>osxible  for  H"  and  ^ff  to  !M'  HO  split  up.  Consi-qnentlx  fr-HV  would  seem  to 
have  n<»  tlireti  connect  ion  with  H'-'Hfi  and,  in  passing  mt(»  the  latter  form.  miiM  neci's«anl\  lir«<t  vjot  w]iln 

up  into  anr-'Hs. 

1   tun    half    inclined     to     :-allft-lf|r   b\    t  he  na  i  ne  ^ifirC  mntead  of  ^tff?".   but    on   second 


udhere  to  the  latter  mtmc.  because  (  I  )  (^f^ffft  is  conventionally  uned  as  thi«  reciprocal  of  WFiC  (asm  tlie  (MI  Me 
of  eifci;t&<'.m*)  :  aiul  (2)  ^V^  would  indicate  a  cloner  union  (an  embrace)  than  *WT  which  IH  a  mt*n» 
union,  only  a  little  more  than  mere  contact. 

l>r.  Bhainlarkar's  distinction  bet  \vocn  !*-*&    and  Wf-WT  will  prove  mtor^tmt-,  incidentally  in    thm 
connection.     (Vide  his  Wilson  Philological  Lectures,  ^1,  142  and  14u.) 


44  THE  IXDIAX  ANTIQUARY  IKKBRUARV,  1018 


not  known  then  ;  and  no  wonder,  because  the  conditions  for  that  sound  were  'not  present  ; 
viz.,  wr-«r^  as  results  of  accent  on  ST.  Consequently  Dr.  Tessitori'  A  theory  that  w-W 
must  pass  through  iff  ~*ro  before  forming  the  wide  sf-stf,  will  not  fit  in  with  all  these 
principles  noted  above.  A  small  indication  will  bear  this  out  :  Sanskrit  vw  becomes  IT  in 
Prakrit  in  cases  like  the  causal  forms  of  verbs  :  <TK*ft-9lfr  ,  IflWfiMWtl'  ,  TmffiMTrfr  and 
the  like.  (  Vide  8i.  Hema.  VIII-iii-149.)  This  ?r  must  obviously  be  the  result  of  $ra  passing 
into  H£.  Similarly  the  change  of  ^T°T,  etc.,  to  rsftor,  etc.,  and  of  »?<?  and  ST^T  to  vft  indicate 
the  change  of  sjsf  to  3fz  first.  This  will  show  the  nature  of  the  union  between  and  H  and 
and  f  ,  and  «T  and  3",  even  when  deprived  from  «?*-«?*  .  It  will  be  seen,  thus,  that  5?  and  f 
and  H  and  ^  are  the  generators  of  the  narrow  nr  and  sff,  while  ^^r  and  $jq[  those  of  the 
wide  *f  and  iff.  For  it  cannot  be  seriously  contemplated  that  the  narrow  TT-«?r  thus  formed 
lumeti  all  at  once  into  the  wide  ones,  or  that  M-Htf  and  M  +  T  could  generate  both  the 
sounds,  narrow  as  well  as  wide. 

1  have  already  referred  to  Dr.  Tessitori's  gracefully  frank  admission  that,  when  he 
wrote  his  "  Notes  ",  the  wide  sound  of  c  and  o  (  as  B?  WT  ")  was  never  present  before  his 
mind,  and  he  states  there  that  Mf  und  «T^  became  c  (  IT  )  and  n  (  ^ff  )  narrow.  May  it  be 
that,  now  when  he  lias  discovered  that  both  Gujarati  and  Maravadi  have  the  wide  e  —  o 
(  sf-VT  ),  the  first  impression  still  clings,  of  course  partially,  in  so  far  as  he  regards  the  wide 
sound  as  resulting  direct  from  Mf-»T^  without  an  intermediate  step  '!  i; 

One  word  more.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  wide  sound  of  «?~VT  was  cj  uite 
unknown  to  Prakrit  or  (>.  \V.  Rajastlwni  ;  and  that  it  came  into  Gujarati  and  Maravfnii  alone 
<luriug  the  early  history  of  their  growth,  probably  about  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  This  ]>eriod  coincides  with  the  time  when  the  Moghul  Empire 
had  just  been  consolidated  by  Akbar,  and  Akbar's  great  efforts  had  brought  Arabic  and 
Persian  literature  into  close  contact  with  Indian  literature.  May  I  therefore  venture  a 
suggestion  that  this  wide  sound,  which  is  peculiarly  similar  to,  or  at  least  extremely  near, 
the  wide  sound  of  Arabic  and  Persian  words  of  the  types  of  S*inf  and  sfi^Pr,  was  matured 
under  the  indirect  influence*  of  these  foreign  languages  ?  Jt  is  certainly  not  unlikely  that  the 
sound  in  ^°r-^PT  should  have  recognized  a  close  likeness  in  the  foreign  word  f?H"R  or 
that  in  qRqrjft-flyanfl'  should  have  found  a  similar  correspondence  in  that  of  ^V?^,  and 
that  thus  a  silent  current  of  phonal  influence  generated  and  established  itself.  1  am  aware 
that  Hindi-  the  language  of  a  province  where  the  Moghul  influence  was  wider  and  more 
powerful  -has  the  sound  not  identically  wide  with  Gujarati  and  Maravaijj.  Thin  can  be  very 
well  accounted  for  by  the  comparatively  sturdy  character  of  the  people  speaking  Hindi  who 
tried  to  steer  clear  of  this  foreign  influence,  and  only  partiafty  .succeeded,  for,  after  all,  the 
similarity  between  the  new  indigenous  sound  and  the  foreign  sound  was  really  very  close. 
Finally,  it  is  possible  that  the  question  may  be  asked  —  "  If  the  wide  H-»lt  are  the 
results  of  <*Tir~'5^  how  could  the  formation  contain  n  and  «ft  which  comprise  v-l-|"  and 
H-f  ^5  without  the  presence  of  f  and  ^  in  the  precedent  stage  '(  "  The  answer  is  this  :  As 
just  observed,  the  wide  of-«tf  are  really  new  and,  in  a  way,  foreign  sounds  ;  they  comprise 

(a)  the  foreign  element, 
and  (6)  the  nature  of  IT  and  3?f  ; 

of  these  (a)  is  predominant  and  (6)  subordinate,  and  this  latter  is  contributed  by  the  f  and  ^ 
remaining,    AS   it    were,    in   the   form   of  a  latent  influence  in  the  ar  and  ^  .     This  need 

**  1  mu8t  here  atlmit   that,  when  1  wrote  my  Note  iu  th«  lufiinn  Antiquary  to  which  Dr.  TcKKitori  hag 
alluded,  1  had  mistaken  the  circumflex  over  e  and  o  (  £  —  6)  for  the  yrave  (fc  —  o)  when  reading  Dr. 
49  Notes."     The  former  marks  the  narrow  sound  and  the  latter  the  wide  one. 


FEBRUARY,  1018]  THE  W1DK  SOeXD  OF  K  AND  o  45 

not  be  regarded  as  if  I  gave  up  my  whole  ease.     The  latent  intluenee  etui  exist  lor  its  limited 
operation  and  yet  the  final  formation  (  ^T-^jr  )  remain  as  tin*  dominant  factor.  :;4 
To  summarize.-  —my  position  amounts  to  this  : 

1.     The  wide  sound  in    V-VT   in  (Gujarat  i  (  whieh  is  also  a    peculiarity  of  MaravA:li> 
comes  from 

(a)  >TO~3T*  in  Prakrit,  A]wbhraiu>a.  and  ().  \V.  Htijasthfmi  ; 
and  (6)  VT-HT   in    the    same    language*,    through    a     subsequent    step    MI-H*   b\ 

pmtiwmprasaraMt  (a  principle  at  work  in  an  extensive  field). 
NOTE  :  — 

(  1  )   In  both  these  eases  the  *Tar-3TO  assume   the    form   V3T-WT  (  by   the  loss    of  the 
3?  )  before  taking  the  form  of  the.  wide  sound 

(2)  Mft-Vf  whieh  nlso    become    wide    V-Mf    really     puss    through  the    ^Tf-'bTC   step 
by  the  movement  of  the  $  to  the.  initial  syllable  of  \voi\U  : 


II.     The  reasons  for  the  above  analysis  are  : 

(a)  *Tr-  MS",   if    they    combine,    form    IT  •aft  (narro\\),  a-     -.ho\\n    b\     tin-    tendency 

ever  since  Prakrit  and  Apabbramsi  j 
b\  mere  combination  as  the\  are  , 

(b)  ^TO-V^f  (  through   aTO-lT'y  )  generate  the  \\idr  sound.  a>  i^  mantled  to  the  ear  b\ 

actual  perception  : 

(c)  This  \\idesound.  which  di<l  not  start  much  earlier  than  the  seventeenth  century  of 

the  Christ  ian  era.  and  r  routined  to  dujarati  (and  Maraxa.li),  is  really  foreign 
in  iN  nature,  and  its  advent  \\as  lielped  by  the  O.  \V  Uajasthani  H^-WT 
(in  the  ^T^-M^  stage)  liiidinu  a  phonal  affinity  with  the  Arabic-Persian  sound 
in  3T?r-3r*: 


«F^fr  (,  ^fr^rf  IT  ),  ^r^^raf  i  ^^>jr^.  ^mnr,  ^f    ». 

thest»  iind.  as  it  were,  a  phonal  kinship  \\ith  the  types    represented  by  JWR 

ZttH  : 

(//)  This  phonal  phenomenon  is  determined  b\  the  position  and  movement  ot  accent  ;  if 
the  accent  is  on  the  3?  of  the  *rf-<3T4,  *TC-*TJ,  tin1  rcMiltini:  snimd  is  wide,  >? 
being  3RZH  and  capable  of  frpT  pronunciation;  ii  th<-  accent  is  on  f  If,  ^-^ 


being  3RZH  and  capable   of    frpT  pronunciation;  ii  th<-  accent   is  on  f  If, 
the  result  ing  sound  is  rr-'sfr  (narro\\  ).  ^-^  passing  iirst  in1«>  £    f  b\  w/////>r</w 
(p.)  The    dipthongs  fr-1^   in    Sanskrit  \\cre    jiarrou    in   sound      theif-Mf  in  Marut-hi 
tadbhftwt**    (t.f/..    Itw,    "fnn  )    are  almost  similar    to  the  Sanskrit    sounds  ;  the 
it-^i  in  Hindi  iadlhava*  (  Vw,  ^ff«n  '),  although  s\\  inginjj  tn  the  side  op[>osite 
to  the    Mara  tin    sound,    i.e..    inclining  touards  the  \\ide   sound,    do  not    (juite 
come  up  to  the   full   wide    sound    iniinjarati    (and    MAra\a(>i)    fttdhhawm  ;- 
consequently  ^-^fr  would  be  misleading   as  symliols  for  this  last-named    \vide 
sound,  for  whieh  3?-W  would  be  perha])s  the*  best  symbols,  especially  as  these 
were  in  vogue  at  one  time  in  old  manuscripts,  if  my  iniormation  is  correct. 
I  conclude  now,  but  not  without  acknowledging  my  great  debt  to  l>r.  Tessitori  whose 
I  arned  labours  have  helped  mo  in  examining  this  question  in  all  its  hearings  and  enabled  MM- 
to  place  my  view  before  him  and  other  scholars  interested  in  this  subject,   in  a  spirit  of 
friendly  co-operation  in  the  search  for  knowledge  and  truth.       ___         _____ 


~~sT~This  may  bo  likmuul.  in  a  way,  tu  the  pnncii>lo  un«lrrl\ni^  IVminiV  «ii'm    PTTPPfW^T:     <L-i-,r>(ij. 
2h  it  add*  Wjft1^  and  thereby  exclwleh    STfjftf^T  from  its  oivratiou.       I  «m  awaro,  the    piiqiora 
of  °the  aMra  indifferent.      I  simply  apply  the  principle  in  a   different   way   for   im    purpose.     In   fact 
exclude  the  exception,  WT^lti  <.c.,  a  process  similar  to  it,  :-i  this  caue. 


4t>  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FKBBUABY,  1918 

Appendix   A. 

(  See  page  297,  December,  1917,  n.  3.) 

The  scope  of  Hf-STC  is  further  restricted  by  the  fact  that,  as  a  general  rule,  Sanskrit 
rc  and  sffr  are  changed  in  Prakrit  to  if  and  sfr  respectively,  and  the  changes  to  3Tf  and  $T3T 
are  confined,  as  exceptions,  to  — 

(n)  Words  in  the    I'Wnft'   group  (Si.   Hemacluind-m,    VlII-i-151  ),    or,  optionally, 
to  those  in  the  %*rfr  group   (SI.  Hcma.  VlII-i-152  )  ; 

(b)  Words  in  the   tftttf?  group   (Si.  Hcma.  VIII-i-l(>2  ),  and,  optionally,  the  word 

nfc*  (  Si.  Hema.  Vlll-i-103)  ; 
And  STy-MS"  formations  are  otherwise  evolved  in— 

(c)  Words  where  the  «Tf  or   are  is   derived   by   the  elision  of  eertaiii  consonants 

tmited  with  the  f  or  ^,  e.y.  : 


(d)  Words  which,  in  Prakrit,  contain  'Hffc-'Hf  undergo  a  further  transitional 
change  by  way  of  the  shunting  of  the  //  to  the  beginning  of  a  word  and 
precipitate  *?£-*TT,  ''•(/•  : 


(  **tW3   ) 

(  Hf?^3  ) 
I  cf  ^^^  ) 

and  the  like. 

In  this  last  case,  (</),  however,  the  5Tf-3T3'  stage  is  merely  a  transitional  one,  a  mere 
possibility,  and  therefore  not  likely  to  be  found  in  actual  writing.  This  may,  therefore, 
be  properly  excluded  from  calculation  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out  use  in  actual  writing. 
Add  to  this  the  fact  that  all  the  words  covered  by  the  above  groups  do  not  necessarily  yield 
corresponding  words  in  (Jujaniti  (or  Maravmji  ). 

This  is  in  regard  to  medial  *Tf-*TC.  For  the  rest  there  is  an  extensive  field  of  final 
MS  and  3TO  in  verbal  forms  and  nominative  singular  of  nouns  and  adjectives  ;  c.y.  : 

WflTf,  OT,     t'tc. 

etc. 

era,   etc. 

^fara\        CrRT.    etc. 

But  the  extensiveness  of  this  field  is  compensated  for  by  what  I  call  the  3?\Tf^7T  3r> 
nature  of  the  sound  in  the  resulting  e  and  u,  a  fact  recognized  by  Dr.  Tessitori  also. 

Thus,  as  a  result  of  all  this,  the  cases  of  STO  and  $?*  in  actual  writing  will  obviously  be 
comparatively  very  few.  In  contrast  to  this  sro-aT*,  as  derived  from  Hanskrit  words  by 
elision  of  certain  consonants  or  change  of  qr  to  q  (where  qf  does  not  exist  originally)  will  always 
be  medial  —  rarely  final  (as  in  *T*Mf  and  the  like),  and  instances  thereof  will  be  larger 
in  number.  Jt  is  interesting  to  note  that  Hindi,  which  pronounces  the  final  and  medial  wide 
if  and  3fr  in  a  peculiar  way,  sometimes  writes  gqf  for  ^(  ~  is). 


35  A  few  exceptions  nifty   l>e  noted  :  *(f  (fear)  from  HW'  -  W  5  Sf  (  csrlet  lm),    from   ^  (  = 
fff  (  an  interjection,  meaning,—  "  Do  you  see  t  ",  "  Will  you  ?  ",  as  in  ^ffFTOT  ^pff  <f  1  "  You  will  write 
to  me,  will  you  ?  ")  from  H^5  IW»-f|¥»  f  *5  3  (  ==  victory),  from  STf-lTW. 

These,  especially  as  they  are  monosyllabic,  emphasiite  the  wide  sound  of  the  final  ^ftandq";  as  will 
l>f*  perceived  by  contrasting  the  word*  with  *ft  (address  of  vocative),  9t  (  =  chunam  plafitwing),  and  it 
=:  which),  which  all,  of  course,  end  in  a  narrow  sound. 


,  UMS]  fHK  \V103  SOVND  UK  L  AND  f>  47 

Appendix  B 

(Sw  page  ^5,  J(n>nnry,  i\.  IS.) 
Tnlsidasa  (died  V.  S.  H>80)  shows  the  following  :  — 

1  H     *ffcT*r  fwfc   ^«T  tfref  W    (  IjinkA-  AYiU'./ri). 

(2)    -JO****  sffaCT  'P'?;ftf*r          (Kithkutdhii  KdnUu}. 

(3  ;   yt  Vnft  tfNr  in  Mr       {  ^  >'"  w/"  -  AV/  '.'  '/tt  )  - 

'*»     3ff  IfR    %%  f*VrTr          \Ktxltl-hnljHt-Kftnlfi). 

•">) 


t 

S  '     %V  ^^  ^  ^fi^^ri        (  8u  Htl-ift  Knylti  I  ntrr)N»Jatt»il  portion). 

«  '.»  t    cf  :s"  ^^c  f  «t  fwurr    t 


fit 


14  1    f«rir 


ifr 

ff  ^f  R1T  W  ^  1^  ( 


X  rninparativr  study  of  tlu-sv  ^}M•(•i»n^'n^  \\iljhho\\  that  Mf,  MT  in  instances  like 
Xo.  i:>  and  No.  13  arc  nwssitatod  hy  tlir  iV(,imvmi'n1s  of  inctrr  :  ?r  >TT  in  such  cases  would 
not  have  done.  Barring  this.  \\c  find  ^r->^  in  «rcneml  use.  and  n  vr  rare.  It  in«v  l»c 
reasonably  inferred  that,  while  this  state  of  mixed  use  of  *TT-  X<ST  and  rr~Wi  indicating  the 
rise  of  IT  "-^r—  prevailed  in  Tnlsidasa's  time,  tlie  fr-Vf  practice  was  fairly  well-established 
about  half  a  cent  ur\  after  Tulsidasa's  death,  when  Hihari  wrote  his  Satasai."  Of  course, 
a  careful  ins]>ection  of  the  original  manuscripts  would  throw  fnrthei  lijzht  on  this  matter. 
F  have  had  to  de|>end  on  printed  works  only  in  this  case. 

The  "  Song  of  Jasavanta  Sonigaro  "  (^fiven  by  Dr.  Tessitori  'ui  tlic  article  under  notice. 
pp.  S2-K4  )  which  is  in  old  Maravadi  and  contains  ir-aft  in  fair  profusion,  is  placed  by 
Dr.  Tessitori  soon  after  V.  S.  H»70.  This  would  show  its  affinity  \\ith  the  similar  practice 
in  Hindi  in  Tulsidasa's  period. 

is  also  found  in  other  placom  :  — 

(  IsinM-  Kdn.lft.  ) 
ft*  l«  •  Kdttil"  .  ) 


This  shoxvs  that,  if  Sff^T  <lid  not  oxi*<t  tiPtwcfn  .Aijabhrmiifla  and  Hindi,  ^fTT'T  jin'serv*ul  itn  Y  fnrrti 
by  .sid«  with  the  changed  form  ?laf  j  —  a  jihenotneiion  no  unuwial  in  H»nrniMti«  ^volution.  T>j« 
here,  lor  iu«t4inue,  retail^  the  f  and  we  IIHM-  lorinn  likt-  ^nHf«  W^  »*IM>  (  sue  IIIMHIKV  i;j). 


TKIC   INDIAN  ANTfQl'AKY  [  FUBRUAUY, 


A'SOKA  NOTES,  NO.  XI  J 

(Xo.  XI  «i>iK>.aml  in  Vol.  XXXIX  ani(,  for  Iff  10    p.  64.) 
liy   VFXCKXT  A.  SMITH,  M.A.  (  Oxo.v  ) 

Identification  of  Tambapamni  in  the  Rock  Edicts. 

The  name  7V/m&M//a»«/?/  occurs  twice  in  the  Edicts,  namely.  In  Rock  Edict  II, 
which  assorts  that  'curative  arrangements'  wore  organised  'as  far  as  Tambapaihiii  '  ; 
and  in  Hock  Kdiet  XILJ,  which  describes  the  'conquest  by  the  Law  of  Piety/  or  '  morality  ' 
as  extending  to  the  same  limit.  The  name  undoubtedly  is  that  written  in  Sanskrit 
as  Tamrnpnrni  (Tambraparni  of  Imp.  (ruzpttew),  which  is  applied  both  to  Ceylon  and  to 
a  river  which  formerly  Mowed  through  the  ancient  Pandya  kingdom  and  now 
traverses  the  Tinne\elJy  District.  Ln  the  second  edition  of  my  Axoka  (Oxford,  1JKM*  ) 
I  translated  the  name  in  both  passages  by  "Ceylon'',  but  am  satisfied  that  J  was 
mistaken,  and  that  the  reference  in  both  cases  is  to  the  river,  not  to  the  island.  Asoka, 
meant  that  his  medical  institutions  and  Buddhist  propaganda  extended  into  the  Pai^dya 
territory.  The  Rock  Edicts,  as  \*  now  well  known,  were  published  in  or  about  257  h.c. 
At  that  date  the  relations  of  the  Indian  emperor  with  (ley  Ion  had  not  begun.  They 
did  not  come  into  existence  until  several  years  later,  soon  after  the  accession  of  Tissa 
as  king  of  Ceylon,  whjeh  event,  according  to  Wiekramasinghe,  may  be  dated  in  25,*)  B.C. 
The  reign  of  Tissa.  who.  like  Asoka.  l>ore  the  title  Dvvanti  nipi  yd  *  lasted,  as  that  of 
Asoka  did,  for  about  forty  years,  (tip.  Zeyl(inicfi<  1,  Si  .)  Consequently,  it  is  impossible  that 
the  word  Tawbipaiim!  in  the  Edicts  should  refer  to  Ceylon. 

The  Arthattftttrft  of  Ktiufilyanr  OiAnMkya,  which  was  composed  in  the  time  of  Agoka'.s 
grandfather,  and  makes  only  one  reference  to  Tumraparm.  certainly  treats  the  name 
as  meaning  the  river.  Chapter  11  of  .Book  I.  in  which  the  various  kinds  of  gems 
are  described,  mentions  the  Tamrapainika  kind  as  being  'that  which  is  produced 
in  the  Tamraparni.  "  The  commentator  explains  the  meaning  by  the  note.  l  A 
river  in  the  PanJya  country.  '  The  river  was  famous  as  the  seat  of  fisheries  lor 
both  pearls  and  the  ehank  shell  (Turbinelbi  rapa).  The  ancient  port  of  Korkai,  then  OH 
the  bank  of  the  river  and  on  the  sea-c.oast.  was  a  place  of  extensive  commerce  and 
a  centre  of  tin-  irern  trade.  The  gems,  other  than  pearls,  must  have  come  ehieHx  from 
Ceylon,  and  the  close  commercial  relations  between  the  Parulya  kingdom  and  the  island 
may  explain  the  transfei  of  the  name  Tumraparnj  from  the  river  on  the  mainland  to 
Ceylon.  Prior  to  the  accession  of  Tissa,  in  or  about  253  H.C.,  Ceylon  probably  \\as 
knoun  to  India  mainlv  as  H  place  which  supplied  gems  and  spices  to  tin*  mart  on  the 
Tamraparni,  from  which  it  was  not  distinguished. 

The  Tftmrapanji  river  was  and  is  still  a  stream  of  exceptional  importance  on  its 
own  account,  although  its  course,  \vindings  included,  measures  only  about  seventy  miles. 
The  catchment  area  receives  both  the  S.W.  and  N.E.  monsoons,  with  the  result  that 
the  river  is  in  flood  twice  in  the  year  and  offers  unique  facilities  for  the  irrigation  of 
rice.  Its  valley  is  the  wealthiest  ]X)rtion  of  the  Tinnevelly  District.  The  river  rises  in  the 
Potiyam  or  Potigai  mountain,  aUo  called  Agastya's  Hill,  the  Potalaka  of  Hiuen  Tsang,1 
6800  feet  high,  which  receives  an  annual  rainfall  of  300  inches,  while  the  Tinnevelly  plain 
receives  only  2.">,  The  river  is  said  to  be  mentioned  in  both  the  Aranya-parw  of  the 

,  II.  233:   \Yatters.  IT,  L»31. 


FEBRUARY,  !«.»]*  |  A^OKA  XOT1SS,  NO.  Xll  41> 

Mahabk'irata  and  in  the  R'ighurah<a.  It  is  considered  extremely  sacred  throughout  its 
whole  emir*..',  and  especially  at  the  falls  in  the  hills.  The  Greeks  called  it  Solon,  which 
serins  t<>  be  a  variant  form  of  Ceylon,  It  is  remarkable  that  they,  like  the  Indians, 
should  apply  the  one  name  to  the  river  nnd  the  island  The  Potigai  mountain  apjwars 
a*-  •  Bettigo  '  in  <*ivek. 

The  port  ot  Korkai.  \\hich  used  to  be  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tamraparni, 
but.  no\\  is  live  mile**  from  the*  sea,  seems  to  have  been  the  iirst  *ctt lenient  of  civili/cd  jnan 
in  those  part >.  The  ruin  of  Korkai  and  the  other  ancient  ports  in  the  neighbourhood 
undoubtedly  is  due  to  a,  gradual  elevation  Of  the  land,  and  not  to  meir  silting  up  by 
deposits  of  sand  brought  down  by  the  rivers.  The  proof  is  p\en  rom-Nclx  by  Caldwell 
in  the  following  passage  : 

VI  should  not  expect  to  find  relies  of  the  oldest  period  anyxvhcic  near  the  sea,  as  1 
consider  it  (ertain  that  the  land  ha*  been  slowly  but  steadily  rising  above  the  ancient  sea 
level  for  ages,  probably  even  before  man  made  bis  appearance  m  the  district.  The  rise  ot 
the  land  all  throuuh  the  historical  period  is,  I  think,  capable  of  proof.  Xcar  Kulasekhara 
paManam,  a  town  and  pent  of  some  antiquity,  pieces  of  broken  pottery  are  occasionally 
found  imbedded  in  the  grit  stone,  a  marine  formation  abounding  in  sea  shells  of  existing 
species,  found  all  along  the  coast.  I  have  a  s|>ccimcn  in  my  po.s^ession  found  about 
a  mile  from  the  .sea-shore  ;  but  1  regard  thi>  as  proving  not  the  immense  antiquity  ol 
the  potterv,  \\hich  doe**  not  appear  to  differ  in  the  least  from  Hie  pottery  now  in  use 
but  rather  the  comparative.)^  recent  origin  of  some  portions  of  the  grit -stone.'  ~ 

The  long-e\|)eeted  edition  of  the  edicts  of  Asoka  by  Professor  llnlt/.sch  was  in  the 
press  when  the  war  broke*  out  in  JJH4.  The  work  is  not  snlfieiently  advanced  to  )»e 
completed  by  anybody  except  the  author.  I  have  l>een  )N*rniittcd  }>\  the  Clarendon  Pi-ess 
to  consult  the  xniall  portion  print-oil  off  which  comprises  the  whole  of  the  llock  Edicts  in 
the  (Jirnar  recension  and  most  of  the  Kalsi  recension,  but  not  the  1,'Uh  edict  or  the  clone 
ot  the  12th.  Dr.  Hultzsch  correctly  renders  the  words  d  TamlHtiHtmm  In  Edict  II,  Girnar^ 
by  *as  far  as  the  Tamraparni*,  and  appends  the  note: 

'Here  and  in  edict  Xlll  Tamrapari.ii  is  usually  taken  to  rcfi-r  to  ( Vylon  :  but  it  is 
more  natural  to  understand  by  it  the  river  of  this  name  in  the  Tinncvclh  district,  which 
\\a<  knoun  to  the  author  of  the  Ranuiwtnu  (  Bomba\  edition,  iv,  H,  IT  )  ( T.  Mr.  V.  A. 
Smith*-  note.  ZltiHJ..  (>:i,  211.' 

Edict   Xlll  in  the  (Jinwr  recension  IN  missing 

In  edict    II    of  the   Kalsi    recension  \\c  hav<'   the   euuiueration    (f   tomitrti    countries 
('tH><i<i   Pant  fli' i/ft  8<tiit/(ijiulo    Kelulainito    TdiitbupainnL    \\hich    J^i1.    Hultxsch     renders  :— 
•  tJu- OhodAx.  the  Pai.nlyas.  the  Satiyaputa.  the  Kclalaputa,  the  Tamrapari.ii. ' 

His  edition  of  the.  Kith  edict  in  that  recension  is  not- at  my  disposal. 
It  is  clear  that  in  both  edicts  Tam^n^imnl  means  the  Tinnevelly  river,  not  the  island 
of  Ceylon. 

'  HI*'"!''/  "/  '1  mud-din,  Madra^  lSSl,."i,  D-ll,  I  (->,  :tx  'Within  India  proper  th«-iv  Jiuve  been 
loi-al  c'luinio^  in  t  !»••  r.-lntixc  li'vel  of  Imd  and  am  \vithin  nn-ont  ^-olo^iral  timo^.  .  .  On  the  otiwt  Hido  of 
Bonibax  Jsland  tr.-i^  Imvo  bnon  foun«l  imbedded  in  mud  about  1-  feet  below  low-wator  mark,  while  H 
wimilarlv  subinerued  forest  lin»  boon  dowrilxul  on  tho  Timiovolly  eoust.  (hi  the  otlierlmnd,  tlter^  is 
cvidoiifc  to  slio\v  that  n  p:nrt  of  tlie  co^st  of  Tinnovclly  lias  risen  uticl  tlriivn  hwk  the  HCNI  in  Uie 
neighbourhood  <>f  Kaxul.'  i/w/^.  ^V*=.t  1907,  1,  «.M.I,  *  Ooology  '  by  T.  If.  llollnnd.) 


50  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FEBBUAHY,  1918 

THE  ARTHA'SASTRA  EXPLAINS  : 
BY  K.  P.  JAYASWAL,  M.A.  (OxoN.),    HAK.-AT-LAW  ;  BANKIPOUK. 

(1) 

"Pragaya"  of  Rudrad&man's  Inscription. 

THE  jneaning  of  the  term  pranaya  occurring  in  Rudnulanwn's  inscription  J  is  no\\ 
settled  by  Kau^ilya's  ArthaAfatra. 

Hindu  Law  lays  down  a  lixed  system  of  taxation  which  no  king  acting  under  the  Law 
could  violate.  He  could  neither  introduce  a  new  tax,  nor  could  he  enhance  the  rates  fixed 
by  Hie  Common  Law  (DJiarmasfatra).  This,  of  course,  was  very  inconvenient  to  an  imperial 
system  like  that  of  the  Mauryas,  which  had  to  maintain  a  large  standing  army  and  to 
carry  on  great  wars.  The  system,  therefore,  had  to  have  recourse  to  devices.  It 
introduced  and  levied  taxes  without  directly  calling  them  taxes. 

The  Artliasfistra  calls  them  pranayafi  (in  the  singular).  This  l  gift  of  affection'  was 
to  be  realised  during  financial  stringency  (;  Pratyutpatin/trth&krirJtchJiaM*  '  p.  240).  2  This 
•could  be  levied  only  once,  presumably  in  one  reign  (wkrideva  na  dvih  prayojyuh.  p.  241), 
If  there  wras  disappointment  in  the  realisation  of  the  pranaya  the  Minister  of  Revenue 
had  to  'beg'  it  from  the  capital  and  the  country  after  printing  out  the  importance  of  the 
object  for  which  it  was  wanted  (taxyakarane  m  sawlharla  kdryamajHiflisyu  piwrrt-j<in(ipndfln 
bhiksheta,  pp.  241-2).  For  letter  success,  the  king  had  also  to  beg  (raja  pavm-jfniapaddn 
bhikhtsheta).  The  agents  of  the  Government  were  the  first  to  give  largely  and  they  would 
put  to  shame  those  who  paid  little.  '  Hiranya  '  (gold  coin)  was  begged  of  the  rich. 

Another  device  was  that  titles  or  dignities,  the  privilege  of  using  the  umbrella  of 
distinction,  and  what  in  Muhammadaii  times  wras  called  kliiUatn,  were  to  be  given  for  liir<iMja 

l>.  242). 


The  pranaya  amongst  the  rural  population  was  realised  at  twenty-five4  per  cent,  of 
the  agricultural  produce,  and  at  one-sixth  of  cotton  and  woollen  goods,  etc.  Likewise  the 
urban  articles  of  trade  and  merchandise  were  also  made  to  pay  a  high  profit  and  capital 
tax  ranging  from  50  per  cent,  to  20  per  cent.  Theatrical  people  had  to  pay  half  of  their 
salaries  (p.  241). 

It  seems  that  this  '  affection  *  tax  was  carried  down  to  the  time  of  Uudrailaman  and 
thus  had  a  history  of  about  four  centuries,  at  least.  That  the  '  affection  '  tax  had  been  very 
much  resented  is  proved  by  the  fact  of  Rudradawan's  publicly  announcing  its  discontinu- 
ance. True  to  his  coronation-oath  ('  pratijild')  ho  realise  1  only  the  taxes  sanctioned  by 
Hindu  Law.  < 

>  EJJ.  Ind.,  VIII.  43,  44. 

rfer  frrcr  I  fTFrf%*fr*nf  fa  *nr  r^wr  ^^fTH  n 

M.  Bh.,  &mti,  59.  106. 


exacted  a  promise  to  'follow  the  Law.    Cf.     ^VPT   qi|f> 

*f  ^TW^T.  M.  Biu,  sAnti,  59.  107. 


FJSBHUARY,  1918  ]  THE  ARTHAftASTHA  EXPLAINS  51 

(2) 

The  God-idols  of  the  Mauryas. 

The  old  discussion  on  Patafijali's  MaurytiirJuranydrthibhir^arcJuiL  prtthilpiliih  *  o\\$\t 
to  1)0  considered  now  in  the  light  of  a  datum  in  the  Arthatttttm. 

The  'jmnayn*  and  sale  of  honours  were  not  the  only  Manryan  devices  to  ease 
financial  situation,  Pata.Yjali's  remark  'the  worships  established  hy  the  Mauryas  who 
^wanted  Jtiranya  (money)  '  has  reference  to  another  of  those  devices. 

In  the  same  chapter  (on  Financial  Stringency,  eh.  00)  one  more  method  of  raising 
money  is  given  and  that  is  hy  instituting  new  worships  (  p.  242  ).  There  was  an  imperial 
Department  of  Temples  and  Worship--.  The  Minister  in  charge  (toffrufsf)  \\a.s  expected 
to  holp  the  Exchequer  by  various  procedures.  He  had,  for  instance,  to  exploit  the 
superstitious  devotees  (  Krnddddhdnfin  )  of  Nfipis  hy  showing  u  ival  serpent  in  the 
N;ii?a-idol  through  secret  human  agency  (p.  242).  New  tlttivata  had  to  he  set  up  at  night 
and  yutrfaaniujri*  convened  there  to  raise  rexenue  from  their  offerings.  According 
to  PataTijali  some  of  the  objects  of  worship  established  b\  the  Maun  UN  wore  still  wors]|ip. 
ped  in  his  time  (  4r**49ir  tfsrf%!TSwfo*fr*T  "),  ami  amongst  such  worships  were  also  the 
wellknown  "  S'/w,  "  "Ni-/w///"  and  •*  I'/V/M'/  ''  :»  (  f*T*  ^PT  ftTCm?r  f  ?*  K  apparently,  of 
Pa  tali]  )iitra.  ' 

(3) 
Nivi  of  the  Inscriptions. 

The  word  ttiri  occurring  in  the  inscriptions  has  not  been  properlv  understood.  The 
Ar1ha*a*tr<i  explain-,  it 

•Via  is  u  lechniivil  term  of  the  H»ndu  secretariat.  It  meaus  a  '  des]>:vtch,  '  *  docn- 
ment/  'record*  or  Mile/  See  .  \rlh<l#(i*tr(r9  pp.  01  ,  <>2,  04.  (  ^rr^r^^Htor;  ^pp^j^^jiry. 
5frft;5rrr'Th  <*te.  )  The  expression.  Jike  our  modern  'red-tape,'  is  derived  from  the  physical 
feature  •  the  string  *  which  was  tied  round  the  despatch  or  returns. 

The  .V/m  of  the  inscriptions  has  thus  to  be  translated  as  *  document  "  or  '  despatch,  ' 
and  akxhaya-nir,  as  -  permanent  document.  ' 

(4) 
"  Thus  saith  Priyadarsi  "  :  *  Proclamations  f  not  *  edicts.  ' 

'*  Thus  saith  *'  was  a  technical  style  used  in  a  certain  class  of  royal  documents.  The 
•style  had  come  down  from  pre-Mauryan  times.  For  Kawilya  in  his  chapter  on 


4  On  run'mi,  "».  :j.  09  : 

r>  It  may  be  notiot-d  that  most  of  tlio  ^ids  mentioned  in  thr  Artltuiuxtm  (  pp.  .V*  0  )  ^o  buuk  to  <ho 
and  pre-Manrya  timos.  Its  M«wi  and  Vaifrtivnnii  may  1^  fompurrd  with  J'uiiniiV  N//ve  (1.  J.JJ2>, 
and  Sioa-Vaisravtiiiau  of  tho  Maha-Bhdshya  (on  IVuuni,  6.3.JG},  and  the  Wtigu*  and  ,S/-/  with  the  -V,V/o^ 
ami  tiiri  of  the  Buddhist  Sutras.  Tho  Atom*  are  v<uli<-.  Tho  hibtorios  of  MathM,  Jayanttt, 
AjmAjila  and  AprfAihntii,  however,  are  still  to  b<*  traccxl. 

0  Patanjali  means  by  implication  that  the  Mauryan  did  rnako  a  trade  hy  instituting 
(pralikfitia,  p.  v.  3.  00),  and  thus  tho   limitation   of  PAiiuii     '*  M^"«i  "  *  wliorc  no  trade  is  rnado*  (only 
a  livelihood  is  made,  "sfff^nT  )i  faila   in  the  cnse  of  the  *  /Sim  \  eic.,  of  the  Mauryas,  which  are 
'   etc.  (not   stUwkn,  «*tc.)-    ^T^  fM*lf}    If^f  T    ftT^fflT  1    ftpP  WR^f;    ferns'  ffit  I 

I 


52  THE  1NT31AX  ANTIQUARY  [  FEBRUARY,  1918 


i  or  the  Department  of  Royal  Correspondence7  (pp.  70-75)  gives  ancient 
rules  "  *rir  SHW^Jiir^i  TOnrj'TWl  ^  "  (  P-  7o  ).  He  quotes  verses  which  by  their  very 
style*  prove  themselves  to  be  ancient. 

11  JTScrnT^TrirrefCfRvnSP  ''  are  the  royal  communications  which  stand  in  the  first 
padn  of  the  first  verse,  others  being  Pari-hdra.  yixrishh',  Prawilliku,  PaJi-lckha  and  Sarvalraya. 
We  ani  not  here  concerned  with  the  xu&inus  other  than  the  first  two  —  Prajnapaiui  and 
Ajnd.  PrajnApnna  is  described  in  these  words  : 


ftfr>?rTr%?r  I!  (p.  73  ).  The  verse  is  difficult  and  the  meaning 
obscure,  but  this  much  is  clear  and  certain  that  the  Pmj&pana  gave  various  advices  or 
informations  (fqrftw<rf$?r)  and  that  it  began  with  "  Anena  r//w^w/«//i,  "  '"It  is  notified 
hereby/'  or  "  ream  aha,  ''  "  Thus  saith.  "  s 

Thus  the  inscriptions  of  A-oka  beginning  with  cvain  aha  are  all  Pi-ajninMnd*  : 
Proclamations,  advising  or  informing  the  people.  It  is  wrong  to  call  them  '*  edicts." 

These  Public  Proclamations  sometimes  quote  an  ujud-lckJut.  Let  us  first  discuss  tin; 
characteristic's  of  an  ajna-lektia. 


3  f^s  ^rsFTR^-^sT^ni:  n    (p.  7:5  ). 

'*  An  order  of  the  Master  (Sovereign;  —  an  order  restraining  or  appro\ing%  issued 
(•specially  to  Government  servants  —  hears  the  characteristics  of  an  ajTia-lvkhu.*' 

An  ajna-lrlclut  is  quoted  in  the  Rock  series,  section  III.  ft  is  addressed  to  the 
bhi'ityax  lrajtikn*\  '  PratJrliikds  '  and  l  the  council"0  (  Pariw,  =.  the  Council  of  Ministers  '  ). 
Another  ajwi-lpkha  in  cited  in  sec.  VI  of  the  Rock  Series.  It  is  issued  to  the  Council  of 
Ministers  (Parisd).  Both  are  marked  hy  the  style  ''<ww  mftt/u  djuupiffnu" 

These  iiJHa-lr.kha*   are   included     in    the  eranj-aha    documents  of  Asoka  ;  they  ha\e  no 
separate  existence  there.     They  contain  one  more  class  of  writs,  called  by  Kautilya  a  Prali 
Icklta*  where  a  document  is  drafted  in  the  king's  own  words  (  ^tTF  ^T^T^WJT  )  p.  74).  A  good 
example  of  this  is  the  Jauga<l.  Separate    Record   II,  beginning    with    "Thus  saith  "but 
giving  the  Idja-vachanika  text. 

It  would  be,  therefore,  proper  to  call  these  inscriptions  PrujnapanA*  or  k  Public 
Proclamations.  *  "  Edicts  "  are  not  fon-cct.  European  scholars  take  •*//>"'  of  tMmiHfi-lipi 
standing  at  the  head  of  the  series  as  denoting  the  character  of  these  document*  a-nd  thej 
translate  it  by  "edicts/1  lUit  it  can  be  demonstrated  that  lipi  does  not  mean  <wcdict>." 
In  the  Saranath  inscription  Asoka  says  that  t\vo  lijn^  of  the  same  xasanu  wi»n»  sent  there. 
Llpl  therefore  means  a  'deKpatch.'1" 


ks  not  there  invariably  IIHMU  "  orders.  Korean  eQnvs|MHuh'nr<-  \VM-  alr-o  <'alled 
T^TRF  ft  rriTHv  1**J5T**I<FT  flf^Tfolfraff:  (  p.  70. ) 

8  Th"  other  styles  of  commen  -einrnl  are  obscure.  They  pro) >abl\  are  "  tfnl,liyat>'i>i'  chcd-ii<tf1, 
/r////wm  =  «*/<''  or  **  tarldtyutthn  t-lu-t  "  ('you  may  give  if'(?))  uiid  *•  iiwli  t<ittivtinftftti"  (  •  Tf  it  is 
true*  (t)  )  and  RitiHftfi-somipePtirdknWiH  ^=.t\ha(  ineunin^  obseure  )  ''Kneiuy's  document  Iff  '^iiCt[T,  p,  7J1,) 
rome  to  the  kinj?  Hays  thus"  (  ?  ) 

0  AP  it  is  an  ajilrt-lekha  it  must  have  been  addressed  to  the  Royal  rari»(i  (  "servants'),  and  not  to 
the.  clergy  UH  supposed  by  scholars.  Cf.  also  my  interpretation  of  tlie  I'arivu  in  sec.  VI  (  ante,  1013 
282-84.) 

w  Cf,  also  the  lipi  addressed  to  the  Covcmment  of  Kalii'ipa. 


Fi:BttiMKV,   lyis  (  TH<:   \RfHAsASTKA  KXPLAIN* 


Vimta  of  Aboka's  Inscriptions. 

Viriibt  used  in  Asoka's  dkarm-t-ll^i,  section  \'l  of  the  Hock  series,  has  been  translated 
by  European  scholars,  with  some  diffidence.  *is  a  'carriage/ 

We  gel  the  real  sense  if  we  refer  to  the  Royal  Time  Table  given  in  the  Arthfi*tixtra 
in  the  chapter  on  Royal  Duty  (pp.  37-3!)).  The  chapter  emphasises  nfl/t<nift  (energy): 
WW^TFWWT:  ^TPf  (  1st  paragraph:  p.  37  >,  and  again.  mrff  fir  wg^JFPT  |  V»J*?nra- 
S«Tf5T*  |  JTI^rH  q^W'JRrsW  Tr*f*T*T*T,  (  la«t  lines,  p.  30  ). 

Now  Asoka's  'edict'  VI  is.  also  on  ntthuun  :  Jfrfof  ft  *  *f<tl  3T?FTf**  I.  Bearing  this  in 
mind  we  can  proceed  further. 

According  to  the  Artlm'aslrn  time-table  the  King  was  to  attend  to  the  questions  ot 
Defence  and  Finance  early  m.»rning  for  I.I  hours  (p.  37).  and  after  that  between  7-30  a.m. 
and  1)  a.  m  lie  had  to  entertain  public  petitions  freely  in  the  Throne-Hall.1  1  After  that  he 
\\cnt  to  have  liis  bath  and  meals  and  private  study  (0--  10-30  a.m.)  '- 

That  this  lime-table  wa.s  acted  upon  by  (Jhandragupt  a  may  U-  gathered  from 
Megasthene^  who  says  that  the  Kiii'i  Avas  heiiur  'shampooed'  while  receiving  petitions. 
This  '  >bampi)oin'j  would  naturally  refer  to  the  hours  hefo?-e  bath. 

Asoka  is  rcallv  extending  the  hours  for  the  petitions  of  the  public.  J-j«.  Savs  that  hr 
would  attend  t«>  the  nrlhn  of  the  people  (ef.  ^TRrr^^r  AS.  )  even  in  the  hours  set  apart  loi 
meals  and  study  (  "\vhile  I  be  taking  food  or  I  be  in  the  pala.ee  "-  A  -oka  ).  Then  after  the 
horns  <ft  breakfast  and  study,  the  Arthuwxliu  again  enjoins  attending  lo  |)iiblic  business 
conxspondeiice  \\ith  the  (Joiincil  of  Ministers  (10-30  I:!  a.m.)  after  which  he  might  have 
his  /  tqrcftffP  '  n-si  and  amusement  (  J^  |  ;jo  p.m.).  Against  this  (  f  ^f^frft  >,  Asoka 
refeix  (,<t  hi*  presence  m  his  ••  t/urbhfitirint."  This  iifirbltufflirti  wa->  most  likely  an  under- 
ground cool  room  tor  f^Tf^frrC  in  summer.1'  In  the  after-noon,  according  to  the 
Arth'i*ii*lra  \  im<k  table,  the  king  would  go  to  tlie  military  training  grounds  (  ?TJTff  *fnr?TCqT 
avjjf^r^  qr^rT  ,  l>.  3S  »  and  himself  \\ould  join  the  drill  or  rhiaija  (  ^TT^^W  WWUM^T" 
sr?C0Tft'Trg  f%»T^  T*^^  ]>•  1°).  Against  thi^  we  have  Anita's  rm'fifi^i  and  riuitfi«i,  14 
Vinita.  tken'forc,  stands  for  rfnat/ft  or  military  exercise. 

(6) 
Vracha  ot  Aboka  s  Inscription. 

Vtidui  ((iirnar  and  Kalsi  )  would  aUo  refer  to  some  military  matter,  as  it  occurs  after 
yarbh'iydrti  corresponding  to  the  k  rest  of  the  .  I  rl)ta*datrd  time-  table.  Mr.  Vincent  Smith 
restores  w^fut  into  rraclrt  (A'wku  ,  HMIl.p.  122).  The  Kha-rosfhi  versions  have  ruwfot  which 
in  view  of  the  eccentric  orthography  of  those  versions1-''  or  our  eccentric  reading  of  that 


11  fttffa  trmrFTTfRi  3rr*rr%  **$*  (p.  37) 
13         ^?*^f  ***  I  ^^Ri  i    (P. 


Cf.  with  the  hhiuH,t-<it'ilm".'  of  tho  Arfha&iatitt,  p.  40. 


(  Kalsi  )• 
15  Of.  parfi-tvilaktt  (VF  )  instead  of  pmti-fi  >>l<i.ki. 


M  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  FKBRUABY,  1918 

orthography,  may  represent  both  vravha  and  varcha.  With  regard  to  rarcha-,  European 
scholars  have  translated  the  word  as  'latrine'.  No  king  in  his  senses  would  ask  officers  to 
jinnonnce  the  business  of  suitors  in  his  latrine.  The  basis  of  the  interpretation  (varcha), 
therefore,  strikes  me  as  being  a  mistaken  value.  Vracha  on  the  other  hand  gives  a 
meaning  which  agrees  with  the  data  of  the  Arthawstra. 

Viwlta  and  vacka  l>oth  equate  with  vrajn.  Vrachanti  in  sec.  XTIJ.  Hock  series  (  Shahbaz- 
jrarhi  )  stands  in  the  place  of  the  Khalsi  yanti*  that  is,  rrachanti  =  JSans.  vrajanii. 
Hemachandra  given  vacJichai  for  vrajuti.^*  We  may  therefore  take  wacha  and  racha  as 
equivalents  of  the  Sans,  vraja. 

Vraja  in  thj  Artfuixdstra  is  a  technical  term    for   the  royal  stables  for  horses,  mules, 
bullocks,  etc.,  and  their  biwding-farms.     *T|F  f^ff  T*  ^^T^  ^  WWr«J<TW  PtW 
3PM  4**  (  P.  129  )  ;  ^Hl?«nnr<fa*,  tsdCT^PWra  *»:  (  p.  60  ),   also  see  IX  frfl. 


AAoka  thus  says  that  whether  he  be  in  the  royal  steed  and  cattle  f  aims  and  stables 
or  he  be  on  the  parade*  grounds,  reviewing  animals  or  men,  urgent  petitions  might  be 
brought  1o  his  notice  by  the.  ushers  (pmti~v<dakaA  ).1T 

The  last  stage  of  Asoka's  daily  routine  is  his  presence  in  the  udy&na  or  the  Royal 
Gardens.  The  Arthaifatra  has,  against  it.  the  performance  of  the  sanflhyfi  in  the  evening 
(p.  3S  ).  Asoka  being  a  Buddhist  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  orthodox  prayer  sandhyft, 
but  he  passed  his  time  in  the  gardens  which  presumably  was  done  in  the  evening.  Before 
the  evening  hours,  wo  have  in  the  ArtlM*a*tm,  the  king  'thinking'  of  rikrama  along 
with  the  (.Ynnmaudor-in-Ohief.  Jf  it  meant  military  expeditions  A^oka  had  nothing 
to  do  with  it  cither,  as  these  had  been  given  up  by  him.  But  if  it  meant  military  drill,  it 
Corresponded  with  Asoka'  H  viwla.  ls 

(7  ) 
Vacha-Bhdmikas  of  Afeoka. 

Ywbtt-bkuw'ilM*  or  Vrachti-bhiimikas  (Mansera)  of  sec.  XI  1  of  the  Rock  series  HJHM  of  AAoka, 
in  view  of  the  interpretation  of  rraclta  in  the  last  note,  would  "mean  the  officers  of  the  Vraja- 
bhumi."  r  rajfi-Wiumi  and  V  raja  are  not  the  same.  For  the  Royal  rwja#  in  the  Arthutastra 
are  nowhere  connected  with  bhumi  ;  the  technical  term  is  vraja  the  re,  and  not  V  raja-bhumi  . 


?.-!>'.,  1913,  655,  w.      Biihlw.  .\*uka-Jn*cliriflcu,  p.  173. 

17  Prtifivedakfii*  «r^  not  spies  as  tmnwlat^d  heretofore  but  the  ushers  or  the  otliet'rs  who  announced 
the  artlnns  or  suit  on*.  This  is  tl.o  rtatumi  meaning,  while  the  "  spy  "  is  forced,  and  uuwiirranted  by  tho 
literature  of  the  time. 

1?  We  intiy  tabulate  A  comparison  bet\\#H»n  the  t\\o  routines  as  follows:  — 

CHANDHAGUPTA. 

i)  —  10-3*)  a.m.  .  .  .   Meals  and  study.  Meals. 

10,30  —  12          .  .          .  .  .  .   Correspondence  with  Council. 


12 — 1-30  p.m.  ,.  ..  Sraira-vihfira.  In  the  Palace;  in 

the  yurbhutg&ra. 
1.30 — 3p.m.   ..         ..  ,.    Inspection  of  the  military  elephants,     At  the  vrajas. 

horses,  etc. 
3  to  4-30  p.m.  . .  . .   '  Vikrama '  alone:  with  the  Sendpati.    Vinfta  or  inilitarv 

drill. 
4-30 — 0  p,m ..   SanclhyA.  In  t lie  gardens. 


FEBRUARY,  1018]  THE  ARTHA&ASTRA  EXPLAINS  55 

We  have,  however,  in  one  place  another  use  utvraja.  It  is  at  p.  22  of  tho  Arthatistra— 
TffT^  3r*Mnftffi:  "  On  the  frontiers  rrnjn  -dwellers  (are  to  be  <  in  ployed  as  spies)."  Vraja- 
vasins  here  means  the  elass  of  men  who  lived  by  looking  after  cattle,  cowherds,  shepherds, 
etc.  Vraja-bh&mik(i8  probably  were  officers  of  the  ecelesiul  icul  servk-e  (riharnmi/uktas) 
Jiving  and  working  amongst  the  wandering  jM>])iilatioji  on  the  frontiers,  J" 

(8) 
1  Narendra  '  as  another  name  of  Chandragupta  in  the  Purauas, 

In  discussing  the  Puranic  data  about  the  end  of  the  Xanda  and  the  beginning  of  the 
Miitirya  chronology,  I  could  not  understand  a  passage  of  the  ]'dyu  l*uraua  which  read  as 
5T^j:  *T  Hfwft  2"  (37-324).  This  comes  after  the  statement  that  the  land  had  remained 
for  JOO  years  under  the  MaPdas.  (  g^r  qtf  or  y^f  qfr  tftij  ).  The  Matsya  adds  to 
this<Trff  'ttetf?'  (orifHO  nft*«lf?r  (Pargiter,  Pu.rana  7Y,*:/,  p.  iMi  ). 

NanA-ewlult  in  the  Vayu  is  clearly  a*  corrupt  reading.  Knr  the  MSS.  are  not  unanimous  — 
Nnndendalt,  Nandendruh,  NaMl<w1?ni°,  Xandanah,  and  yatnlvndhah  are  l|»o  variants  (See 
Pargiter,  i>.  2(J,  n.  42.  ) 

rriie  forrect  form  appears  in  the  Brtt  lima  win  as  Xuirndntli.  I  C(»iild  i-ot  see  its 
significance  in  1013  when  1  wr  >t»  tin  p'i;)?r  o;i  the  Miu  -ya  ehr(»nology,  '«  and  it  a})]>earod 
to  me  then  as  filling  up  some  gap  after  JTr^r  Hffjf.  Now  as  the  nominathe  form  ^  has 
been  found  in  MSS.  ^T  ^T-OT  would  stand  inde])end«^ntly  and  the  next  passage 

tfr?$  :  e.tc.,  iudependentlv.      Instt».'id  of  ^T  *fft"^lfeT  there  lias   been    found  in  one  MS.      (18th 
<»entur\  /  *fftwii%   (Pargiter.    p.  20,  n.  42).   7>H  :  'Eftfrnrft  ol>  *&*  •  *nrf*«TJ%     would 
thus  mean-  (after  the  UK)  years  of  the  Nandas)  "there  will  \w  Nuirndw"  (4Mlie  Maurya" 
^)i'  the  Mn.t.xyn  ),  Miat  is    Nareu  Ira  Maurya  •=---  (Chandragupta. 

(  v.,  Ur.) 
I  (  M.) 

The  preceding  passage  mentions  the  destruction  of  the  Xaudas  by  Kaujilya.  Hence 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  *  Maurya'  of  the  Matsyais  equixaleut  to  the  •'  Narendra  ''  of  the 
Vayu  -and  HraJimanda.  Jt  thus  becomes  obvious  that  'Narendra  'is  employed  as  another 
name,  of  Chandragupta,  and  Narmdra  as  another  name  of  Chandragupta  is  confirmed  by 
The  Artha*A#tra  (p.75)  gives  a  verse 


Rrf^  :  frir:  ll 

_  Xhe  Kautilya  laid  down  the  canons  governing  the  issue  of  the  fiatfamix  for  the  )>enefit 


of  Narendra. 


1<J  For  Vraja  us  a  division  of  land  son  references  in  St.  IN^lnr's  Diet.  \vh«r«  vrajn  is  opposed 
to  forest  and  town.  Vrnja-bhiimi  may  also  mean  tho  '  province  *  or  '  country  '  of  Vrajn,  around 
Mathura  (Harivamsa  and  Bhaaa)  ;  cf.  Vatsa-bhfimi  of  the  Rabha-P.  MBh.  According  to  Megasthenes 
the  Krishna  cult  was  powerful  in  th<»  Vraja  arwa.  It  ia  possible  that  Afoktt  attempted  to  check 
the  adverse  criticism  of  Buddhism  by  the  followers  of  that  cult  through  his  Vraja-bhOmika  censors. 


I.  87. 


THK  INDIAN'  ANTIQUARY 


[FKBRITARY,  1918 


(9) 
Dipista  and  Dipi  of  Afeoka's  Inscriptions. 

Prof,  riuitzach  has  corrected  the  old  readings  dipinta,  dipa(pi)tam.  dipapito  of  Shah- 
bazgarhi.  He  found  that  di  is  really  ni  in  each  case,  and  he  derived nipista  from  niApistyu 
'ground'  (JRAS.,  1913,  653-54).  Later  on  he  inclined  to  connect  it  with  the  Persian 
navistan,  •  to  write '  (JRAS.,  1914,  97  ). 

The  Arthaidstra  saves  us  from  the*  necessity  of  :jo ing  to  Persia  for  the  derivation  of 
mpista.  In  view  of  the  explanation  of  wiw  offered  above,  it  may  be  said  with  confidence 
that  nipi  in  nipista  stands  for  nivi.  and  that  nipwta  stands  for  riivi-#l)ui  or  nivtehta-1 
Xipista  would  thus  mean  '  reduced  into  document'  or  'recorded.' 

If  we  compare  this  with  the  direction  in  the  ArUiasartru  as  to  what  matters  were  to  bo 
entered  into  nibandha-pwtofa  "ftj^-jTOKW  OTTO*"  (p.  62),  we  might  get  some  additional 
light.  Certain  facts— e.  0.,  laws  and  customs  (  W-s^^^-^for-STWR  ),  treaties,  subsidies 
allowed  to  foreign  kings  (.fomAwNr  tfRjftOT-iprRFfa  >  -were  to  l>o  record 


v--nfrer 

TOWJ  in  certain  registers  kept  within  wooden  boards  at  the  department  of  the  Iloval 
Archives  ^tfqrs-%.  Likewise  Asoka  here  is  leaving  certain  directions  to  his  sons  and 
grandsons,  and  for  them  he  is  putting  them  on  record  (uivi-stha  ).  The  original  nlvi  rmi*t 
have  been  kept  at  the  Imperial  AMiapafnltt  enclosed  and  tied  within  wooden  boards 

As  'dipi  '  has  to  be  read  as  nipi  so  probably  dhrama-dipi  also  has  to  be  read  now   a- 
dhrama-nivi.    Dhrama-nid  would  mean  sthe  Despatch  (or  'Document")  relating  to  the 
Dharma'     This  accords  with  the  sense  oi  dharma-lipi  of  tlie  (Jirniir  and  otlier  edition> 
Lipi  there,  as  already  pointed  out  by  me,  means  a  'despatch  '  and  not  an  •  edict  '  -- 


NOTES  ANT) 

NOTKS  FROM  OLD  FACTORY  UKCOllDS. 

ll>.     Slu VOA  from  Mwdagasfur  for  tin1  ('oinpuuv 

Spttleniont  at  Sumatrt 

17  October  1089.  Letter  Jiom  Elihu  Yali  and 
Council  tit  Fort  St.  George  t<>  ttwijamin  Jilnom  awl 
Council  at  Bcncoolen.  Your  iiuportunpnato  (l«-.sjei> 
of  a  Supply  of  CofferycK  [  kt'ifrt,  eafTrrc,  native  of 
S.  Africa]  to  Carry  and  serve  your  fortification  lias  I 
PcT8\vad«-d  us  to  send  the  Prark  Krigpot  t(. 
gaacnv  f«>r  tli^  prooury  of  them  and  to  proceed 
from  Uu-neo  directly  To  you,  which  >\c  hope  Sl»e 


,,ccount  of  wfaatt  and  how  many  you   r,o,iv,  In- 

'    I 

11  '  '  '  ! 

Commission    und    Instruc-tionK  ! 

n    Cap,     ,„„  ,,,„„„  ^1 
r  Voyage    to  Maddaga^a,,.    *ca.     U.-H,  th, 


QUKKJKS. 

muplt»y  your  Shipp,  Slio  )HM,,-  ti(^[y  ,Ul(l  ^,,   ^^ 
on  thi*  Voyago  for  tho  Lining  <>f  Slav^  nit  Mall,,- 
Ka«cur.   to   u-hicli  parpen  wo   luiw  laden  and  r,M, 
Hiffnod  t»  you  for  Uio  HiKht  Houhlo.   (.\>,,,pa,lv  f  ,   , 
acco.mt  a  proper  and  Suffitie,,t  Stock  and  Car^H* 
which  u-o    refer    to  .  t,m   wn.  millm^.nt 

H*in*    you       u'itl      ausuvr  onJow     amj 

c»v|*>oi,»<iou«  il^ntiii,   but  h,Meii,«  ,„«    SVtiloni,.,,! 

01'     I'COJ.IO    t.hPlV    tO    KHCOHHM07K1     you     /      ,     XV0   JUUM 

1rav«-  tho  iuon»  to  your  disc*>liouH  .  ^  so  ^^ 
««vo  you  no  tuo»  tliei  (Jonorall  [i(Uitv  ,,' 

depcvrt  your  Solves  and  jiejrolitito  t\our  /msim^ 
\vitJi  carv,  cuution  and  prudence^,  tlwt  you  umy 
nit  her  tnll  inti>  Snrprizo  hy  tlu*  Xativos.  Ur  "^^ 
Ujojumix  just  oci-aliott  of  ofrm-e  by  your  ('nppilm,'. 


Cheit  &0ft.   «**   BencooJon  advisaiup  us  tlio 
t    want   oi  CoCeVes   for    U.    Kt.   Honblc, 
Comptvnyts]  Service  there,  we  have  thought  fitt  to 


nllmv  (>f  t)ien, 

'ith   CW.nioa^.  and  Safo,, 
p  ort  <sv    rVn,,.    ,„..       ,        ' 

^53,58  ^      "' 


i.  0.  T. 


«  Compare  the  change  of  ?/^  or  fto  into 
(  IV  ),  Slmhbazgarhi. 
22  Supra    51,  . 


'  '  ^     4^cuct 


MARCH,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  57 

AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  IN  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

BY  SIR  R.  C.  TEMPLE,  BT. 
(Continued  from  p.  34.) 

III.    Obstructive   Measures  at  Madras  towards  Individuals  concerned 
in  the  Austrian  Venture. 

Letter  from  the  President  and  Council  at  Fort  >S7  (jeoryc  to  (hi  Court  of 
Director*,  dated  17  October  1778.sl 

'THE  Imperial  Ship  \ Joseph  and  Theresa}  arriving  here  the  4th  fust  ,  we  have  given 
A  strict  orders  that  there  shall  be  no  other  Communication  with  her  on  shore  but  for 
fresh  water  and  Provisions. 


Letter  from  Nalhanu-l  Ureen,  Consul  at  Trieste,  tut  he  Karl  uj  XuffnlkJ** 

dated  Trieste,  1  January  1779.*:{ 

I  have  heard  talk  of  an  intention  to  build  some  large'  ships:  sonic  Lait  also  that  they 
may  be  of  force,  but  others  say  limy  are  to  be  for  the  Kast  India  trade,  \\liirh  I  am  told  is 
to  be  managed  by  a  Company  established  here  some  time  ago  under  the  title  of  the 
Priviledged  Company  of  Kiume,  the  Adventurers  in  which  are,  of  Bruuolls  [Brussels  |,  Antwerp 
&ca.  ]  am  told  that  Bolts  has  certainly  been  in  China  and  that  the  ship  i-  on  her  return 
destined  for  this  Port,  or  at  least  that  her  (iirgo  will  be  sent  hither,  also  that,  the  French 
will  permit  ships  to  be  purchased  and  fitted  oul  at  Port  1/Orieut  (Brit tarn  ]  for  carrying  on 
this,  trade.  1  have  from  another  part  pre.tty  sure  intelligence  that  Bulls  was  about 
()  months  ago  on  t  he  coast  of  Coromandei  and  had  had  some  dispute  with  an  English  frigate 
about  some  sailors;  that  his  agent  Ryan  died  at  Madras*  ;  that  ho  sold  copper  at  12  iVrdunt 
loss,  l)iit  other  goods  tolerably  well,  n ml  that  the  Dutch  cause  1  him  much  trouble  by 
icluMfig  him  Provisions. 

Letter  from  Sir  Thomas  Jtoimhold  *•  and  the,  tided  (tonitnittce  nl  Fort  *S7.  (iwmje 
to  tiirEdtvard  Hughes,'*  dated  2  March  17So.«« 

We  think  it  necessary  to  inform  you  that  We  understand  Mr  Maee\ ,  late  a  Lieutenant 
in  the  Krone ii  Service  at  Charuleraagoro,  entered  in  Bengal  as  an  ollicer  on  board  the  small 
Imperial  Ship  now  in  the  Road,  and  which  is  to  sail  for  Europe  in  a  few  days.  He 
is  said  to  be  an  active  intelligent  man,  and  as  his  going  from  hence  at  this  time-  may  be  of 
prejudice  to  the  Company's  Affairs,  we  request  you  will  take  measure*  for  preventing  his 
departure  in  that  ship. 

81    Madras  iMtrra  Received,  IX.   17S. 

*2  Henry,  12th  Ktirl  of  Suffolk,  died  (5  Murc'i  1779,  was  Principal  Secretary  of  Statr  fur  the  Southern 
Department  from  1771-177*). 

83  tiratePapertt,Forei<jn.,  Germany  (Empire) ,  Vol.  221  (Public  Roeord  Office).  The  information  in  this 
loiter  if  exact,  would  bo  most  intereeting,  as  Fiume,  now  the  great  Hungarian  port,  huaalwaya  bt*m  the  rival 
of  Trieste  the  great  Austrian  port.  I  have,  however,  boen  unable  to  trace  this  Company  among  the  Kecordn 
in  England  From  Consul  Green's  letter  of  11  July  1783  (see  infra),  the  nnw  venture  Heoms  to  have  be*n 
styled  the  "  Imperial  India  (or  Asiatic)  Company  "  and  to  it  Bolts  resigned  the  exclusive  rights  of  trade 
obtained  from  Maria  Theresa  in  1775. 

w  Sir  Thomaa  Rumbold,  Bt.  (1736-1791),  Governor  of  Madras  1778-1780. 

85  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Hughes  (1720-1794),  commander  in  the  East  Indies  1773-1777  and  1778-1783. 

»  Madras  Select  Committee  ContultatioM  fl780),  LXIX.  319-320. 


58  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  MARCH,  1918 

Letter  from  Sir  Edward  Huyftes  to  Sir  Thomas  Rumbold  ai\d  Select  Committee, 

Fort  St.  George,  dated  Ship  Superb  in  Madras  Road,  5  March  1780.87 

I  yesterday  received  your  letter  of  the  2nd  Instant,  informing  me  Monsieur  Macey,  late 

a  Lieutenant   in  the  French  Service  at  Chandornagorp,  was  serving  as  an  officer  on  board 

the  small  Imperial  Ship   in  this  Road,  and  as   his  going  from  hence  might  be  of  prejudice 

to  the  Company's  Affairs,  requesting  me  to  take  measures  to  prevent  his  departure  in  that 


1  am  now  to  acquaint  You  that,  in  consequence  of  your  request  to  me,  I  ordered  an 
Officer  of  the  Squadron  to  demand  Monsieur  Macey  of  the  Commander  of  the  Imperial 
Ship  as  a  Prisoner  of  War,  and  he  is  now  on  board  the  Superb,  where  he  cannot  be  well 
accommodated,  to  \\ait  your  Determination  for  the  future  disposition  of  him. 


on  <>/  Louis  Mact'  at  Madras  *  dated  25  March  1780.ss 

Louis  Mace,  native  of  the  Vorl  of  L'Orieiit  in  France,  declares  upon  oath  that  at  the 
time  Chandernagore  was  taken  by  the  English,   tliL    17th  July  177H?  he  was  on    board  <i 
Dutch  Ship  then  at  the  l.Hitvh  Settlement  on  the  River  Hughley  ,  called  Barnagore  [BirAnagar  I 
that  from    that    tinn*  he  re.Mdrd  at  Serampore,   a  Danish  Settlement  in  .Bengal,  till  tlu- 
27th  August  following,  when  he  went  on  board  ship  and  landed  at  the  Danish  Settlement 
ol'  Tranquebar,   where   he    resided   for    a   considerable    time   till    he  engaged  himself   ,t- 
a  Marine  OlHcer  in  the  Service  oi  the  Imperial  Asiatick  Company  of  Trieste,  having  to  that 
end,  on  the  27th  of  May  177U,  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Her  Imperial  Ro;»  al  Apo«t«>|u-U 
Majesty,  Maria  Theresa    Kuipro-  Dowager  Queen  ot  Hungary,  &e.     &c.    Arc.,  which  o;ith 
was    administered  to    him    by    h.-r    Lieutenant    Colonel,    William    Bolts,  in   consequent  <• 
«'f    the  full  p.)\v;n's  ijpa;  il'<i  to  him  by  her  said  Majesty,  under  the   seal  of  the  Empire   and 
under  her  own  hand,  date  I  :a  Vienna  the  27th  March    1770,    which    full   powers  the    ,sai«l 
William  Bolts  has  caused  to  he.  shown  to  and    read  by  this  Deponent.     And  this  Deponent 
further  makes  oath  that  he  never  was  made  a  prisoner  of  war,  or  otherwise,  in  any  part  of 
the  dominions  of  Great  Britain.     He  deposes,  moreover,  that  on  the    5th    of    this    Instant 
March,  he,  this  Deponent.,  being  then  an  Officer  commanding  on  board  the    Imperial  Ship 
A  Comic  KoUowrath  in  Madras  I'oad,  the  Colours  of  Her  said  Imperial  Majesty  being  then 
hoisted  on  board  the  said  Ship,  a  boat  came  from  the  squadron  now  under  the  command  ot 
Hear  Admiral  Sir  Ed  \\ard  Hughe*,  with  two  officers  armed  on  board  the  said  ship,  and  by 
force  took  this  Deponent  and  carried  him  on  board  the  said  Admiral's    ship,  called  lh«- 
tiujterb,  at  present  in  Madras  1  load,  and  he  deposes  that,  not  withstand  ing  the  representation 
which  this  Deponent  m.ide.  to  the  said  ollicersof  his  situation  as  above,  they  replied  they 
were  obliged  to  carry  him  with  them  as  they  acted  under  the  orders  of  the  abovcmentioned 
Admiral.     And  this  Deponent  further  deposes  that  he  v\as  kept  a  prisoner  on  toard  the 
said  ship  the    Superb   till  he     signed   his  Parole,  of  honor8"  not  to  leave  the  District  of 
St.    Thome  which  is  in    the    neighbourhood  of  Madras  and  the  actual  residence  of  th<- 
said  Admiral.     That  in  consequence  of  his  said  Parole,  this  Deponent  went  to  St.  Thoim'. 
and    to   this  moment  continues,  \\ilh  the  permission   of  the  said  Admiral,  to  remain  a' 
Madras   without   having   been    able   to   obtain  his  full  liberty,    notwithstanding    many 


W  Madras  Select  Committee  Vonsul'ation*  (1780),  LXIX.  325-S20. 

88  Misc 
to  le  found 
»  w  A  co 
(1780)»  LX 


88  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  Vol.  69,  No.  95.   Another  copy,  differing  slightly  iu  the  wording  is 
ound  iiiMadra*  Select  Committee  (Consultations  (1780),  LXIX.  511-514. 

A  copy  of  th«?  Paroh-,  date  I  17  Maich  1780,  is  entered  in  Madras  Select  Committee  Consultation* 
IX.    428-4*.9« 


MARCH,   1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VfitfrURK   IN   I.VDIA  -W 

Representations  which  he  has  had  the  honor  of  making  to  tho  said  Admiral  and  to  the 
Council  of  Madras  at  Fort  St.  George,  at  whos*  requisition  the  said  Admiral  told  him  ho 
had  caused  him  to  be  seized  on  board  tho  said  ship  lc  Comb'  Knllowrath. 

(signed)  MACE. 

After  having  made  Oath  in  the  p;-«$.mi-t»  of  thy  Lord  Mayor  , I  dm  Hollond  (to  the 
almvo),  ha,  on  the  2(>l>h  March  1780  signed  a,nj  attested  it  under  his  hand  and  afterwards 
caused  the  Seal  of  tho  (Jourt  of  Justice  to  be  a 'Fixed  hereunto  |tuid|  regi^teiv  I  and  attested 
his  said  signature  to  be  true. 

A  true  Copy,  Hadm*  lh<  :H)th  March  17SO. 

(Signed)  Lons  MACK. 
Coti^nft(U'on  of  the  Select  Committee  at  Fort  St.  Geort/c,  14  April  17St).^> 

The  Secretary  Ky*  before  the  Commitfiv  the  following  1/^1  rr  irom  Mr  William 
Bolts.- 

f-harlcs  OnKeley  13s qr. 

Sir,  I  request  the.  favor  of  your  laying  before  the  Board  at  thrii  tirsl,  Meeting  the 
accompanying  Papers,  in  order  to  be  transmitted  to  Europe  in  the  most  regul-ir  Channel  I 
have  the  honor  t«>  l>e  Sir 

Your  most  ()b(Hlient  hum  hie  Servant 

\VILLI\M   Boj/rs. 
Lieut.  (Colonel  in  the  Servi<te.  ol-  their  InipiM'iitl  I  loyal 

and  Ap:>-1- ->li<;k  Ma.ji\sties. 
Mailrtix.  thr  a/v/  April  17SO. 

Ai'/ir/asw.s*, 

jHti*  Mad'.' 

2.  Prohxl  of  Willwrn    />Wf*\  tl«tnl  Ma<lr«*>  \\  Ajnil    17^0. 

To  ;tl I  \vhom  it  doth  or  may  concern,  I  the  underwritten  William  Units  as  Lieutenant 
('oloii'l  in  the,  Semen  of  their  Imperial  Rnyjil  and  Apostolick  Araj(».stiesf  namely  Maria 
Teresa  impress  Dowager  of  the  Uf»man^,  Queen  of  Hung  aria  and  l>ohenii,i  ,Vcas  Archduchess 
oi'  Austria,  <feoa,  &ca,  and  Joseph  tho  S'jeond,  Kmperor  of  t-he  Homa.ns.  Hereditary  Prince 
of  the s  States  of  Austria  and  (Jo -regent  with  his  said  August  Mother,  and  also  us  Chief 
Director  in  India  for  all  Affairs  of  the  Society  of  Merchants  united  for  carrying  on  tho 
Trade  of  Asia  from  and  to  Trieste,  Greeting. 

Whereas  on  the  f>th  day  of  March  1780,  by  order  of  Sir  Kdward  Hughes  Bart.,  Rear 
Admiral  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  His  Britannick  Majesty \  Squadron  now  at  Anchor 
within  the  Roads  and  Jurisdiction  of  Madras,  a  Boat  armed  with  .M'*n  and  OlUcers  belonging 
to  the  said  fcJqiiaclron  came  suddenly  on  board  the  Imperial  Ship  Conn*  Kollowmth^* 
then  also  peaceably  at  Anchor  within  thr  Jurisdiction  aforesaid  Her  said  Imperial  Royal 
and  Aposfcolick  Majesty's  Colours  being  then  flying  on  board  the  sail  Ship  Kollowrath,  and 
did  forcibly  take  from  onboard  the  said  Ship  Kotto wrath  one  Lewis  Mace  by  birth  a  native 

90  Madras  Select  Committee  Consultation*  (1780),  LXIX.  50D-5I8. 

91  See  ante,  p.  58. 

92  Probably  named  altar  Adolpho  Fr6d^ric,  Cornte  dc  Kalkroutli,  Prussian  Field  Mawhul  (1736—179-). 


60  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MARCH,  1918 

of  Port  L  'Orient  in  France,  but  by  Naturalization  a  subject  of  their  said  Imperial  Royal 
Apostolick  Majestys  to  whom  he  hath  taken  the  due  and  customary  Oaths  of  fidelity 
and  allegiance,  the  said  Louis  Mace  being  then  the  Commanding  Officer  on  board 
the  said  Ship  Kollowrath,  and  did  then  and  there  forcibly  take  and  conduct  him  on 
board  Ship  of  the  said  Squadron  of  His  Britannick  Majesty  under  tho  Command  of  the 
said  iiear  Admiral. 

And  whereas  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  said  Month  of  March,  another  Boat  armed  with 
Men  and  Officers  belonging  to  the  said  Squadron  did  come  on  board  the  said  Iiiqieriui  Ship 
Count  KoUowralh,  did  take  from  on  board  of  her  one  Julius  Lindeman,  a  Native  of  Germany, 
who  was  then  Chief  Carpenter  on  board,  having  duly  entered  himself  upon  the  said  Ship's 
Books  under  the  usual  penalties,  and  received  his  advance  Money  for  the  Voyage  to 
Trieste,  and  did  conduct  the  said.luliu*  Lindeman  on  board  His  Britanniek  Majesty's  Ship 
called  the  Burford. 

And  wherea-i  several  Applie.it  ion*  have  be^n  made  by  and  on  behalf  of  me 
the  said  William  Bolts  in  the  Name  of  My  August  Sovereign  Her  said  Imperial  and 
Apostoliek  Majesty  to  the  said  Krar  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Hughes,  Bart.,  for  to  procure 
the  enlargement  and  delivery  of  the  said  Louis  Mace  and  Julius  Ijindeinan,  but  without 
effect . 

And  whereas  1  the  said  William  Bolts  do  conceive  that  the  said  acts  of  the 
said  Sir  Edward  Hughes  are  in  genera!  violations  of  the  universally  acknowledged  Bights 
of  Nations,  and  in  particular  Act>  ot  Hostility  against  the  Crown  and  Dignity  of  my 
Sovereigns. 

And  Whereas  the  said  Loui>Maeeis  a  man  well  experienced  in  the  celestial  observations, 
on  which  1  the  underwritten  uruatly  (Upended  for  the  safe  direction  of  the  said  Ship's 
path  to  Trieste,  and  ihe  business  ot  a  Carpenter  is  so  ver\  material  that  without  the  said 
Julius  Lindeman,  whose  place  I  hav«-  not  been  able  to  supply,  the  said  Ship  proceeds  on 
her  Voyage  under  great  risqucs. 

For  all  these  reasons  L  have  thought  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  protest  against  the 
British  (.Government  and  auaiust  all  persons  who  may  have  acted  under  the  Authority  thcreol 
respectively,  in  the  .Name  ot  my  said  August,  Sovei\  igns,  for  such  reparation  as  may  lie  justh 
duo  to  them  for  the  injuries  which  1  the  underwritten  humbly  conceive  are  done  by  the 
Acts  aforesaid  to  the  Imperial  Crown  and  dignity  and  in  tho  n:\me  of  the  said  Society  of 
Merchants  united  for  carrying  on  the  trade  of  Asia  from  and  to  Trieste,  for  such  Losses, 
Charges  and  Damages  as  may  already  ha vo  arisen  and  been  incurred,  or  which  may  horeaftei 
accrue  or  be  sustained  on  Account  of  the  Premisses  ;  and  particularly  in  ease  of  the  Loss  of 
the  said  Ship  and  her  Cargo  on  her  intended  Voyage  to  Trieste. 

I  have  therefore  thus  publickly  protested  and  by  these  Presents  do  for  and  on  behalf 
[of  the]  aforesaid  publickly  protest  against  the  British  Government  and  against  the  said  Roar 
Admiral  Sir  Edward  Hughes  Bart.,  The  Honblc.  the  President  and  Select  Committee  and 
Council  of  Madras,  and  all  others  who  may  have  acted  in  the  Premises  under  the  authority 
of  the  said  Government,  at  the  same  time  assuring  each  Individual  Member  thereof  that, 
impressed  as  I  am  with  the  highest  Veneration  for  their  public  Stations  and  Characters, 
and  persuaded  in  my  own  mind  that  they  have  acted  in  the  Premises  in  Conformity  to 
the  orders  received  from  their  Constituents,  I  hope  they  will  construe  this  Act  on  my 
part  as  it  really  is,  an  Act  proceeding  from  an  indispensable  obligation  and  duty,  and  not 
from  any  other  motive  whatever. 


MARCH,  1018]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IX  INDIA  01 

In  Witness  whereof  I  the  said  William  Bolts  havo  ou  the  behalf  aforesaid  hereunto  set 
my  hand  and  Seal  in.  Madras  this  third  day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  seventeen 
hundred  and  Eighty. 

In  the  presenee  of 

WILLIAM  BOLTS, 

THOS.    BAMBRIIKJE  Lieut.-Colom»l  in  the  Service  of  theirlmporial 

JOHN  MULLENS  lioyul  and  Apostolick  Majesties. 

Registered  upon  the  Records  of  the  Honbb.  the  Mayor's  Court  at  Madraspataiu  this 
3rd  day  of  April  1780. 

JAMUS  TAYLOU   Uegister 

Agreed  that  the  Court  of  Directors  be  advised  of  this  Proceeding  of  Mr  Bolls  by 
the  first  Dispatch. 

Consultation,  al  Fort  tif.  (ivoryi  ,  •">  Fchru-nn/  1781.1>; 

Read  the  following  Memorial  from  Mr  James  llfguer, 
To  the  Honblc.  (Charles  Smith  Ksqr.  President  &ea. 

of  the  Select  Committee,  Fort  SI.  Ceor^e 


The  humble  Memorial  of  James  Hegner 
Sheweth 

That  Your  Memorialist  is  Sujier  Cargo  of  the  Suou  \'i<inuit  Burthen  NO  Tons,  which 
Snoxv  \\a;s  bought  by  Xuy.areth  8aturlM  of  Rangoon,  Mcreiiaut,  for  account'  of  their  Imperial 
Majoslys,  the  the  Cost  whereof,  with  her  outfitting,  amounted  to  the  sum  of  (TOO,1))  Seven 
Thousand  Kupces.  That  in  the  Month  of  So  pt  ember  ITMMhesaid  Sim\v  sailed  from  IJan^oon 
for  Naiieoury  (one  of  theNieobar  Islands,  and  the  progeny  of  their  Imperial  Majesty's),0"1 
under  the  Command  of  (Captain  Daniel  Bottles  That  the  said  Sno\\  arrived  at  .Nancoury 
iu  the  month  of  December  last.  That  in  the  beginning  of  this  month,  Lieutenant  Staht,  the. 
imperial  Resident  at  Naneoury,  appointed  Your  Memorialist  Super  Ca-r^o  of  the  said  Snou, 
\\  ith  orders  to  toiicli  at  Atchc.cn  |  Achin,  in  Sumat  -a  |,  \\  here  a  (  'ariro  \\  ould  be  j'eady.  That,  your 
^Memorialist  sailed  from  Nancoury  the  5th  lust.,  and  aftei'  iM^atjnp,  up  to  Windward  to  the 
17th,  the  said  Da.\id  Bowles  declared  that  it  was  not.  in  his  power  to  fe.teh  Atcheeu  and  that 
he  must  sail  for  Madras.  That  on  the  2(>  Instant,  being  nearly  in  the  Latitude  of  Madras, 
AVC  descried  the  French  Fleet  consisting  of  Seven.  Sail  and  were  immediately  after  visited  by 
some  Ollicers  belonging  to  a  (50  (Urn  ship,  who,  after  examining  our  Passport  and  Commission, 
ordered  us  not  to  leave  the  Fleet,  but  to  follow  them,  which  AU-  did  accordingly,  and  went 
to  the  northward  of  Polyacott  [Pulieat]  on  the  night  of  the  27th,  when,  on  account  of  tho 
fast  sailing  of  the  said  Fleet,  we  lost  sight  of  them,  and  as  they  shewed  no  Lights,  we  tacked 
about  and  Anchored  in  tho  Roads  of  Madras  on  the  same  Kvening,  and  the  Cable  having 
broke,  we  let  go  a  Second  Anchor. 

That  at  Sunrise  of  the  28th  Ins  t.  We  hoisted  the  imperial  Colours,  and  being  in 
distress  fired  a  Gun  for  a  Boat  to  come  on  board  ;  soon  after  which  Captain  Bowles  wrote 
a  letter  by  a  Cattamaran  to  the  Master  Attendant  to  inform  him  of  the  Name  and 
Owner  of  the  said  Snow.  And  your  Memorialist  wrote  to  Mr  Agavally  Satur,  Merchant  of 

93  Madras  Select  Committee  Consultations  (1789),  V.  25  1  -255. 

W  The  two  merchants  named  Nazareth  and  Agavelly  Satur  were  c-vulfiiUy  Persian   Armeniuiia   from 
Julfa  near  Ispahan.     The  name  Satur  is  nowaday  is  sometimes  transformed  into  Chatcr. 

95  See  ante,  ip.   12-13. 


62  THE  INDIAN    ANTIQUARY  [  MARCH,  1918 


Madras,  to  order  an  Anchor  and  Cable  on  board,  who  in  consequence  thereof  applied  to 
the  Master  Attendant  for  that  purpose ;  soon  after  which  your  Memorialist  came  on  shore  to 
<ioliver  his  letter  and  spoke  to  Mr  Agavally  Satur  about  the  want  which  they  were  in  for 
ttie  Anchor  and  Cable. 

Your  Memorialist  Sheweth  that  the  Anchor  and  Cable  was  not  sent,  and  the  old  Table 
having  broke  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th  Inst.,  the  Snow  began  to 
drive,  and  the  Officer  on  board  hoisted  a  Signal  of  Distress  and  fired  again.  Notwithstand- 
ing which,  no  assistance  came,  and  the  Officer  was  then  obliged  to  hoist  his  Sails  in  order 
to  prevent  the  Snow  from  driving  on  Shore.  That  the  Indiamen  thereupon  fired  seven 
or  more  sharp  loaded  Guns  at  the  Snow,  sonic-  of  which  shattered  her  Sails  and  Rigging  and 
then  sent  three  boats  on  board  with  men  armed  with  Cutlasses,  who  came  alongside,  and 
altho'  no  resistance  was  made  to  their  boarding  the  said  Snow,  they  foil  on  the  Snow's 
Crew  with  thcr  Cutlasses,  treated  them  very  ill,  broke  up  many  Chests  and  plundered 
the  Vessell,  as  if  it  had  belonged  to  an  Enemy.  That  afterwards  they  made  the  Snow 
fast  to  one  of  the  Indiamen,  but.  as  the  Boats  had  returned,  the  Rope  was  cut  and  the 
Snow  drove  on  Shore,  where  she  is  now  lost,. 

Your  Memorialist  further  Sheweth  that  Captain  Bowles  hath  lost  all  his  things,  and 
what  Money  he  had  on  board  ;  That  the  Matt*  suffered  a  Considerable  Loss:  The  Imperial 
Soldier  Suwald  lost  all  he  had,  was  very  much  beaten  and  ill  used,  and  with  difficulty 
saved  his  Life.  The  Lascars  have  lost  every  thing.  That  your  Memorialists  effects  were 
plundered  to  the  amount  of  eighty  Pagodas,  besides  the  loss  of  90  Pieces  of  Blue  Cloth  to  the 
value  of  400  rupees. 

Four  Memorialist  she\\  cth  that- throughout  the  \\hole  of  this  misfortune  from  his  first 
arrival  in  the  Place  to  the  hour  the  Snow  was  driven  on  Shore,  every  Act  of  Respect 
and  Attention  was  shown  to  the  Honble.  Company  by  your  Memorialist,  bv  the  Captain 
and  by  every  person  on  board  the  said  Snow,  and  that,  by  hoisting  their  Colours  and 
afterwards  hoisting  signals  of  distress  and  firing  Guns,  it  was  evident  that  nothing  was 
intended  by  those  on  board  the  said  Snow  but  to  save  their  own  Lives.  That  their  Imperial 
Majesties  are  at  peace  with  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  with  the  Honble.  Kast  India 
Company,  and  as  an  instance  of  the  attention  of  the  S.ibjects  of  their  Imperial  Majesties  to 
those  of  the  British  Nation,  your  Memorialist  sheAveth  that  Captain  Williams  who  was 
taken  by  a  French  Cruizer  and  landed  at  the  Nicobars  was  entertained  for  three  months 
at  the  expciice  of  the  said  Mr  Staht,  the  Imperial  Resident,  and  was  granted  a  free  passage 
011  the  said  Snow  Vienna  to  Madras. 

Your  Memorialist  therefore  as  the  immediate  Subject,  and  as  being  in  the  employ  of 
their  Imperial  Majesties  submits  to  the  consideration  of  the  Honble.  the  Select  Committee 
that  the  violence  which  has  been  thus  oft'orod  to  the  Colours  of  their  Imperial  Majesties 
and  their  Subjects,  and  the  loss  of  property  which  has  followed  therefrom,  being  entirely 
unmerited,  ought  to  be  redressed,  and  your  Memorialist  hopes  that  your  Honors  will  be 
pleased  to  grant  such  redress  as  the  <  Use  appears  to  deserve, 

JAMES  HEGNER 
Madras,  31  sJ  January  1781. 

Agreed  that  the  above  Memorial  be  referred  to  the  Company's  Standing  Counsel  and 
his  opinion  requested  thereon. 


MARCH,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IX  INDIA  03 


Letter  from  the  Company's  Standing  Gounwl  w  peeling  Mr  Ilcgner's  Memorial, 

doled  Fort  iSV.  George.  9  February  1781.»tf 
To  Mr  Secretary  Sulivaii. 
Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  7tli  List,  enclosing  me,  by  Directions  of  the  President 
and  Select  Committee,  a  Copy  of  a  Memorial  delivered  to  them  by  Mr  flames  Hegner  and 
desiring  my  opinion  on  the  subject  of  it.  But  as  it  is  access-dry,  to  enable  me  to  form  ;m 
opinion  how  it  would  be  proper  to  act  up-.m  thU  neca.-ion,  that  J  should  know  what  the 
Captains  complained  of  have  to  offer  in  <h<-ir  just itieation,  1  think  it  would  he  right  to 
send  them  a  copy  of  the  Memorial  for  that  purpose  Vt  present  having  but  a  partial  view 
of  the  subject,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  form  a  satisfactory  judgement of  it.  1  request 
that  you  will  acquaint  :he  Hon'hle.  President  ami  Sekct  Committee  wiih  this  eirenm- 
stanoe  and  am  cVc. 

I»I:N.I  \MIN   Si'LiVAN 

L't'trfi-itin  iff  N- •.•/•{/'//•//  >f{  Foil  ,.s7    <,'''&(/•'  (o  Mr  */r////.x  IJ«jn<  r9 
'lati'fl  1<)  Vi'bru't,!/  I7S1.'-'7 


The  Hon'Me.  Prcwidenl  ;ii)d  Select  <' -numl-le"  have  reeeixrd  y^ui  Memorial.  The 
Subject  oi  it  i>  under  th<  eonsideratlnj:  n1  il.r  d  jupany'*-  Standing  Counsel.  When  his 
Opinion  JN  reported.  1  shall  have,  the  Command  <»t  <  jjovcrnnu'nl  <<>  repl\  lull\  to  you  on 
the  points  in  Question. 

Js'ltd'  [row  Hi    E<ul  (>j  Ilill^hnrnn  /;      In  !n>  ( 'liun'tnat  '///•?  D  j>ttf</  t'/.trintnitt  nf  Ihc 
A'r/.s7  India  < '(>ntp(tnt{.  <)<t*(<\  »s7.   ./(/////-s-'.s1,  ^J  ,S,  ^hwht  r  J7SI.'1'1 

Count,  l»elgioiuso,]M"  fhe  linperi.J  Muii.st'V.  having  pn-t.-ntrd  to  me,  l»y  Ord^r  ol  his 
Court  Ixvo  Memorials  roin])laiiiing  <>1  ih*1  jM«":eedui;is  of  Vicr  A<hniral  Sir  Kdxxard  Huglirs, 
the  Governors  of  the  Company's  Settlements  in  India,  and  particularly  of  the  (-Joverimr 
(Jeneral,  against  the  ^uhject??  of  ilis  Impnia!  MajeNty.  1  trin-'init  to  you  heie\\ith  eopi«-s 
thereoi  and  of  a  Declaration  nj>on  Oath  oi  Lruis  Mace'1  inclosed  in  on<-  ut  the  Memorials. 

]  shall  by  the  tirst  Conveyance  xxrite  '•>  Sir  J^ls\ard  llu^hey  for  \\ha1  •  regard*  :!.c  Chaise 
htatcd  against  him,  a^  1  do  not  iind  any  nvntiun  in  his  Letters  to  me,  of  those  matters,  but 
in  case  you  may  have  recei\  ed  intelligenv-.e  of  \\hat  may  haxe  pa-st.;d  betxxeen  that  Admiral 
or  the  Governors  in  India  and  the  Emperor's  Subjects,  1  am  to  desire  you  \\ill  communicate, 
the  same  to  me,  together  with  your  opinion  couccrning  the  propriety  of  the  Admiral's  and 
Governor's  Conduct,  and  if  you  have  ivu-iv-d  no  such  notice,  it  will  bo  highly  necessary 
that  you  transmit  by  the  very  lirst  eonveyiuxx-  to  the  i-espective  (Jovernoiv,  Copies  of  the 
inclosed  papers,  so  far  as  regards  them,  and  Hut  yon  direct  them  to  send  you,  as  soon 

M  Mttdtus  tided  Committee  Consultations  '1781),  V-  300. 

M  Mntlras  Select  Comui'ttce  Consultations  (3781),  V.  300. 

w  Viscount  Hillsborough,  1st  Mar^ui^  of  Downshiro,  Principal  ScavUry  of  State  lor  the  Nort.jtrn 
Department  1 779— 1 7  82- 

to  Miscellaneous  Letters  faceted,  Vol.  09,  No.  88. 

iw  Louis  Charles  Mario  Bolgio  Joso,  Comt*>  do  Barhrano,  born  17:28,  WUK  Maria  Tljorcsa'n  i 
(and  aft^rher  death  aml^wudor  for  Joseph  11.  of  Austria;  m  London  from  1770  to  1783. 

1  See  ante,  p.  58. 


64  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MARCH,  1018 

as  possible,  circumstantial  Accounts  of  what  has  happened,  for  His  Majesty's  Information, 
that  1  may  be  enabled  to   give    proper  Answers   to  Count  Belgioioso  thereupon. 

Enclosures 
1.  Memorial  from  Hit'  Count  Belgioioso  to  the  Earl  of  Hill8borou,gh, 

dated  »\  June  1781.- 

The  undersigned  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary  from  Her  Imperial  and 
Royal  Apostolick  Majesty  has  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  Lord  Viscount  Stormont" 
the  annexed  deposition  upon  oath  of  Louis  Mace,  a  naturalized  subject  of  Her  Imperial  and 
Royal  Apostolick  Majesty,  made  at  Madras  the  5th  March  1780,  by  which  his  Excellency 
will  see  in  what  manner  that  officer,  then  commanding  the  Ship  le  Comte  Kallowrath,  carrying 
the  Imperial  and  Royal  Flag  as  Lieutenant,  was  seized  in  Madras  Road  by  order  of  Rear 
Admiral  Sir  Edward  Hughes  and  detained  as  a  Prisoner. 

Her  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty  having  commanded  the  undersigned  to  demand  of 
His  Britaunick  Majesty's  Minister  that  the  said  Officer  should  be  sot  at  liberty,  ho  acquits 
himself  of  that  command  by  this  Memorial,  with  the  more  alacrity  as  he  is  convinced  that 
an  act  of  violence  so  manifestly  contrary  to  all  that  is  due  to  a  Power  in  amit3T  could  never 
have  had  the  approbation  of  His  Brit  annick  Majesty. 

(signed)  LE  COMTE  DE  BELGIOIOSO 
Port-man  Squaw,  2lst  June  178J. 

2,  Mnnorlnl  from  ///<-  ('omit  Belgioiow  lu  the  Karl  of  Uillsborough, 

^  dated  IWIt  December  1781. * 

The  undersigned  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary  from  Her  Imperial  and  Royal 
Apostolick  Majesty  had  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  your  Excellency  a  Memorial  dated 
the  21  June  last,  to  demand  satisfaction  and  reparation  for  an  insult  offered  to  the  Imperial 
and  Royal  Flag  hi  Madras  il-jad  the  5th  March  1780  by  the  English  Hear  Admiral  Sir 
Edward  Hughes,  in  the  violent  seizure  of  one  Louis  Mace,  a  naturalized  Subject  of  Her 
Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty,  engaged  in  her  Service  as  Chief  Oflicer  of  the  Ini]>crial  Ship 
k  Comte  de  Kallowratlt,  and  being  at  that  time  commanding  Officer  on  board  that  Ship. 

But  the  undersigned  has  sinee  learnt  fciat  this  insult  was  followed  by  another  of  the 
same  kind  on  the  day  after  t  he  seizure  of  Louis  Mace,  the  same  persons  having  come  a  second 
time  armed  on  board  le  Comte  dc  Kollowrath,  [sic\  and  having,  notwithstanding  the 
remonstrance  of  the  Officers,  taken  one  Lindeman,  a  German,  an  Imperial  Subject,  and 
who  \vas  Master  Carpenter  of  the  Ship. 

Nor  are  these  open  violations  of  the  rights  of  nations  the  only  acts  of  injustice  that 

the  subjects  of  Her  Imperial  Royal  Majesty  concerned  in  the  Asiatick  Company  of  Trieste 

have  experienced  from  the  British  Governments  in  India,  and  particularly  from  that  of 

Bengal,  which  not  only  by  publick  notice  forbid  all  the  subjects  of  its  Colony  to  have  any 

communication  with  Her   Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty's   subjects,   but  even  carried  its 

violence  so  far  as,  on  the  27th  of  August  1779,  to  cause  to  be  seized  and  detained  a  considerable 

quantity  of  Caliaton 6  Redwood  purchased  on  their  account,  without  assigning  any  reason 

*  Mittcellaneou*  Letters  Received,  vol.  09,  No.  92. 

5  David,  7th  Viscount •  Storaumt  and  2  Earl  of  Mansfield  (1727—1796),  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Southern  Department  1779—1782. 

*  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  Vol.  60,  No.  90. 

*  This  term  probably  means  redwood  from  Kaliot  (in  South  Kanara)  near  MangaJore,  where  Bolts  had 
established  a  factory. 


MABCH.  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IK  INDIA  65 

whatsoever  for  so  doing,  notwithstanding  the  Lieutenant  Colonel  awl  Director  of  the  said 
Asiatiek  Company,  William  Bolts,  repeatedly  claimed  it  on  the  2nd  and  18th  September 
following,0  declaring  that  he  had  paid  the  Duties  due  to  the  English  Company  on  that  article 
at  Madras  and  that  ho  was  ready  to  satisfy  all  legal  demands  which  could  be  made  on  the 
part  of  the  said  Government. 

It  being  impossible  that  proceedings  so  unjust  towards  the  subjects  oi  a  Power  in  amity, 
and  so  contrary  to  all  that  might  be  expected  from  the  reciprocal  sentiments  of  the  two 
Courts  can  have  had  the  approbation  of  His  Britaimick  Majesty,  the  undersigned  has  orders 
to  state  them  here  as  a  sequel  to  the  abovementionod  Memorial  transmitted  by  him  to  his 
Lordship  on  the  21st  «lune  last,  and  to  demand  the  satisfaction  which  the  honor  of  Her 
Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty's  Flag,  as  well  as  the  interests  o[  her  commerce  and  of  her 
Subjects  require. 

Her  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty  having  both  the  one  and  the  other  so  much  at  heart, 
the  undersigned  iinds  it  his  duty  to  pray  that  hi*  Excellency  will  honor  him  with  an  answei 
in  order  that  he  may  be  enabled  to  give  an  account  to  his  Court  of  this  ofticial  step, 
which  he  has,  by  its  express  orders,  taken  in  this  Memorial  and  iu  the  former  one  of  the  21st 
•luno  last. 

(signed)  Lonis  COMTE  DK  HKUUOIOSO 

PurlmtiH  Square,  (he  13//f  September  1781. 

Letter    from,   Lord    llilhboroitgli  to    the    (Chairman  and  Depnljf  Chairman,    oj   th( 
East  India   Company,  dated  Si,  James's ^  24  Norc.mber  I7S1.7 

On  the  22nd  instant  1  transmitted  to  you  copies  of  two  Memorials  which  had  been 
presented  to  nio  by  (-omit  Bolgioioso,  the  Imperial  Minister  here,  complaining  of  ill 
treatment  which  some  of  the  Emperor's  subjects  are  stated  to  have  received  from  the 
Company's  Governors  and  servants  in  India. 

It  is  with  concern  that  I  now  inclose  to  you  copies  of  another  Memorial  from  the  same 
Minister  with  additional  complaint*;  of  the  like  nature,  as  also  of  the  two  Papers  accompanying 
it,  marked  No.  1  and  2,  and  I  am  to  signify  to  you  His  Majesty's  Pleasure  that  you  do 
take  the  same  into  your  Consideration  and  acquaint  me,  for  His  Majesty's  information,  with 
overv  Intelligence  you  may  already  have  received  from  India  relative  to  the  Facts  so 
repeatedly  complained  of,  together  with  such  information  and  observations  as  may  enable 
mo  to  give  without  delay  as  satisfactory  an  answer  as  possible  to  Count  Belgioioso. 

Enclosures. 

A.  Translation  of  a  Memorial  from  tlie  Count  dt  Brlgioiwso  to  Ike 
Earl  of  Hitttiborough,  dated  21  November  178 1.8 

It  is  with  the  most  just  regret  that  the  undersigned  Envoy  Extraordinary  and 
Plenipotentiary  from  Her  Imperial  and  Royal  Apostolick  Majesty  onco  more  finds  it  hia 
duty  to  prefer  complaints  to  His  Britanniok  Majesty's  Minister  respecting  an  Act  of  violence 
offered  by  a  British  India  ship  at  Madras  on  the  27th  January  last  to  the  Imperial  Snow, 

a  See  ante,  pp.  32-34. 

f  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  69,  No.  201. 

»  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  09,  No.  205.- 


fi6  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  MAHCH,  1918 

called  the  Vienne,  which  on  her  voyage  from  Pegu  on  account  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Asiatick  Company  established  at  Trieste,  in  order  to  supply  its  factory  on  the  Nicobar 
Islands  with  stores,  was  forced  by  a  storm  to  take  shelter  in  Madras  Road,  after  having 
lost  all  her  Anchors  ;  excepting  one,  and  having  made  a  signal  of  distress,  the  crew  of  a 
British  ship, which  was  there  on  guard  boarded  her,  beat  the  crew,  broke  open  several 
Chests  of  the  Imperial  Ship  and  caused  her  to  run  aground  and  to  break  in  pieces. 

The  particulars  of  this  new  violence  is  contained  in  the  annexed  Piece,  the  proofs  of 
which  are  not  only  in  the  possession  of  the  undersigned,  but  advice  thereof  must  have  been 
already  certainly  received  at  the  Company's  India  house  in  London.  It  will  suffice  to 
convince  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  of  the  necessity  which  the  undersigned  finds  himself  under 
to  demand,  in  the  name  of  his  August  Court,  the  punishment  of  the  persons  culpable,  and 
reparation  on  the  part  of  the  (Company,  as  well  for  the  value  of  the  Snow  la.  Vienne,  as  for 
her  Cargo,  both  of  which  were  entirely  lost  upon  this  occasion  through  the  unheard  of  conduct 
of  a  Ship's  crew  belongingto  the  Company  who  were  on  guard  that  day. 

An  Action  as  contrary  to  humanity  as  to  the  Laws  of  Nations  leaves  me  no  room  to 
doubt  but  that  it  must  have  been  committed  without  the  knowledge  and  against  the  orders  of 
their  Superiors,  but  it  is  not  the  less  of  a  nature  to  merit  the  most  serious  attention  on  the 
part  of  his  Britannick  Maiesty's  Minister,  whose  equity  is  so  well  known.  He  will  certainly 
see  with  concern  how  little  a  similar  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  Commanders  and  Servants 
of  the  British  India  Company  agrees  with  the  sentiments  which,  on  all  occasions,  he  has 
charged  the  undersigned  to  make  known  to  his  August  Court,  on  the  constant  amity  of  the 
King,  and  that  after  these  repeated  assurances  founded  on  the  strict  reciprocal  amity  which 
so  happily  reigns  between  the  two  Courts,  it  was  doubtless  to  be  hoped  in  favor  of  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor's  subjects  and  of  his  flag,  that  at  least  they  should  meet  with  the 
same  reception  and  assistance  in  the  possessions  of  His  Britannick  Majesty  in  India  which 
is  granted  to  all  the  other  European  nations  in  amity  with  him. 

It  is  consequently  with  a  perfect  confidence  in  the  justice  of  His  Britannick  Majesty 
that  the  undersigned  has  the  honor  of  addresing  himself  again  to  his  enlightened  Minister 
to  represent  to  him  instantly  the  necessity,  not  only  of  causing  complete  satisfaction  to  be 
made  for  these  insults  offered  to  the  Imperial  and  Royal  flags  in  the  East  Indies, 
but  for  preventing  in  future,  by  giving  such  Orders  as  the  King  may  think  most 
proper  to  the  proper  persons,  the  repetition  of  similar  acts  of  injustice  and  violence  towards 
the  Emperor's  subjects  and  that  the  latter  may,  in  case  of  necessity,  find  every  reception  and 
assistance  that  the  British  Flag  and  subjects  have  ever  found  so  particularly  in  all  the 
Territories  of  the  Austrian  Monarchy. 

The  undersigned  in  calling  to  my  Lord  Hillsborough 's  recollection  the  two  preceding 
Memorials  which  he  had  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  him  on  the  21st  June  and 
13th  September  last,  and  of  which  the  present  may  be  deemed  a  continuation,  cannot  at  the 
same  time  avoid  offering  to  his  Excellency  the  accompanying  Piece  No.  2  [as]  a  proof  of 
what  he  set  forth  in  the  Memorial  of  the  13th  September,  on  the  almost  hostile  behavior 
on  the  part  of  the  Directors  of  the  India  Company  towards  the  Imperial  subjects  concerned 
in  the  fitting  out  the  Ship  under  the  Imperial  Flag  commanded  by  William  Bolts, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the  Imperial  service  and  a  subject  of  the  Empfttyr  and  King.  This 
Piece  being  Copy  of  a  notice  published  by  the  Governor  "General  and  Supreme  Council  of 


MAUCH,    1018  Al-STHlA'S  COMMERCIAL  VJ-iXlTRE  IN   INDIA  fi7 

Fort  William,  conformably  to  the  orders  of  the  Director*  of  the  India  Company  against  the 
said  Ship  and  her  Commander,  it  eannot  admit  the  smallest  doubt  of  the  fact.51 

This  proceeding  towards  subjects  of  a  Power  in  amity  with  Urcat  Britain  must  by  its 
nature  strike  the  equitable  and  enlightened  Minister  of  Hi*  Britamik-k  Majesty  too  forcibly 
to  render  it  necessary  that  any  ulterior  relations  .should  be  added.  It  lias  not,  however, 
been  the  iirst,  it  being  known  in  177(i  that  the  Director.*  of  the  Britsh  India-  Company,  on 
the  24th  December  in  thai  year  wrote  to  the  Governors  of  their  Settlements  in  India,  giving 
orders  that  they  should  jointly  and  severally  employ  the  most  efficient  means  to  thwart 
and  undermine  the  undertaking  of  the  Ship  Joseph  anil  Thcn*a*  adding  th.it  if  they  could 
ett'ect  tho  failure  of  this  tirst  expedition.  it  would  not  be  followed  by  a  second. 

The  undersigned  attending  the  honor  of  Lord  Hillshoronglfs  answer  in  order  to  enable 
lum  to  give  an  a  -count  theieof  to  his  Court  ha*  the  honor  to  renew  the  a^uranccs  of  his 
respect. 

Lin  i>  COMTK  DE  Ita 
l*orhnan  Nr/wn/y  .  (In  21-s/  A'onw/x/1  JTSl. 


B.   1.  TcvliinoHt/  ((I  dim'*  i'irxont<  to  tin    Yinhnw  <>ffu-cl  h*/  u  British  batf  ln<lia  ti 

/o  lln   hnptriul  SH<HC    \*i(jHH(  (ft   Matlra*   (hi  '2$th   January  ITSl.1" 

We  the  here  mulen\  ritlen  Pilot,  Snoeanys  fw/Hv/w/,  quartermaster  of  a  ,ship|  and  Soldiers  of 
the  Imperial  Sno\\    Vi'inm    make  according  to  truth  t  lie  following    Declaration 

The  27th  of  .human  ot  this  year  17S1,  in  the  Afternoon,  \\e  all  being  on  board  of 
the  said  Imperial  Snm\  !'/••//«<*,  the  wind  blowing  hard,  our  Anchor  Cable  broke  and 
we  began  to  dnu*  .  there  being  no  Anchor  nor  Cable  more  on  board,  the  Pilot  hoisted 
and  tied  the  Colour*  and  tired  a  Gun  for  sign  of  Distress  and  made  sail  in  order  to 
preserve  the  Snow  from  iMiining  on  shore.  Immediately  the  Indiainen  tired  several  Guns 
sharp  loaded  at  her.  and  sent  some  boats  with  Oftiecns  and  sailors  on  board,  who,  without 
paying  any  Attention  to  the  Kemonst  ranees  of  the  Pilot  and  other  People,  fell  upon  them 
with  Swords  and  Pistols,  treated  them  very  ill  and  chieHy  b.»at  the  Soldier  very  norelv. 
They  broke  up  violently  several  Chests,  and  behaved  entirely  a<  in  fin  Enemy's  Vessel. 
The  Time  the  Boats  were  on  board  the  Snow,  the  Indiainen  fastened  her  with  a.  Rope,  but 
as  soon  as  the  Boats  had  left  her,  they  cut  off  the  Hope,  and  let  them  drive  on  Shore,  whore 
she  was  entirely  broken  and  lost.  The  truth  of  \\hich  declaration  we  testify  herewith  with 
our  handwriting. 

Madras,  flic  28///  January  1781.  (Signel)  Michel  Secwald,  Soldier 

Pilot  o,  Joan  Garcia 
Succano,  Manocl  Mondeil 
Suceano,  Joao  de  Cruz 

Immediately  after  the  loss  of  the  Snou  Vwnnu.  I  went  to  the  Notary  Public,  Mr  Stephen 
Popham,  the  27th  January  1781,  about  8  o'clock  at  night,  but  he  then  not  being  home,  I 
waited  upon  him  the  28th,  as  the  next  following  day,  early  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  make 
a  Protest  against  the  Violence  committed  against  tho  Imperial  Snow  Vienna,  but  Mr  Popham 

9  See  ante,  p.  30,  for  a  copy  of  this  document. 

10  M  %9ceHaneou9  Letter*  Received,  vol.  69t  No/203. 


68  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MABCH,  1918 


he  would  not  make  any  protest  against  his  own  Nation,  but  offered  to  draw  up  in  my 
Name  a  Petition  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Madras.  Therefore,  as  I  could  not  do  better, 
I  agreed  to  this  Proposition,  in  order  to  try  what  Satisfaction  I  would  be  able  to  get.  The 
Truth  of  this  I  testify  hereby,  and  desire  the  Gentlemen  who  were  present  at  this  Transaction 
to  testify  the  same  by  their  Handwriting. 

Madras  28//t  January  1781. 

(Signed)  James  Higner,  \sic]  Siijxyrcarjro  of  the  Snow  Vienna 

(signed)  Nicolas  Renaud  "1     1   was    present    at    this 

(nigned)  Agapecry  Thaddeus  Callandar11  J  transaction. 

B  2.  Notice  dattd  July  1779.12 

Lelfcr  from  the.  Court  of  Directors  to  the  Council*  at  Madras  and  Bombay, 
dated  25  January  1182.™ 

We  transmit  for  your  information  and  guidance  copies  of  two  letters  from  His  Majesty  's 
Secretaries  erf  State  respecting  Mr  Bolts,  together  with  the  representations  of  Count 
Belgioioso,  the  Imperial  Minister,  and  wo  strictly  enjoin  and  charge  you  to  take  especial  care 
that  no  just  cause  of  offence  be  henceforth  given  to  any  .subject  of  his  said  Imperial  Majesty 
or  to  the  subjects  of  any  Prince-  or  State  whatever  in  amity  with  Great  Britain. 

*  *  :)•'  *  .!: 

Ill  addition  to  what  we  have  written  in  a  forme)  paragraph  of  this  letter  concerning 
the  representations  of  His  Excellency  Count  Belgioioso.  the  Minister  of  His  Imperial  Majesty. 
we  further  direct  that  you  forthwith  prepare  and  transmit  to  us  as  soon  as  possible,  the 
most  circumstantial  account  of  all  that  has  happened,  together  with  reasons  at  large  for 
your  proceedings  in  every  instance  which  has  been,  made  a  ground  of  complaint,  and  which 
may  enable  His  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  to  return  proper  answers  to  the  representations 
of  His  Excellency  the  Count  Bclgioioso. 

Letter  from  Robert  Ritchie  to  thr  Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company, 
dated  Venice,  (j  May  1781.  *« 

The  two  Imperial  East  India  ship**  [the  Joveph  and  Theresa  and  her  consort]  that 
arrived  at  Leghorn  -sometime  ago  are  not  to  proceed  to  Trieste  as  was  at  first  intended.  Their 
cargoes  are  actually  selling  and  to  be  sold  at  Leghorn.  Mr.  Bolts  seems  to  be  protected  by 
the  Grand  Duke  (of  Tuscany  |.  An  English  merchant  has,  however,  laid  an  attachment  on 
all  his  effects. 

L*'tt(-r  from  th*>,  Court  of  Directors  to  the  Councils  at  Madras  and  Bombay, 

dated  2U  August  1781.*" 

We  have  been  informed  that  the  ship  Great  Duke  of  Tuscany,  under  Tuscan  Colours, 
being  an  English  vessel  bought  by  Mr.  Bolts  since  the  French  war  commenced,  with  a 
Taluable  cargo  from  the  Coast  of  Coromandel,  was  seized  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  by 
two  French  frigates  and  condemned  by  them  in  virtue  of  the  French  King's  declaration, 
the  Dutch  Governor  not  chusing  to  interfere.  The  same  frigates  are  said  to  have  taken  in 
11  Tbia  JB  a]  »o  t)  e  m  roe  of  a  J  ersian  Airoeoian  merchant  of  JuJfa. 

"  See  ante,  p.  30.  is  Bombay  Dispatcher,  VJ.  207,  383. 

**  Tie  Company'*  agent  at  Voniof*.  * 

35  M  i$  c<  /foneout  Lt.t  T*  Receive'!,  vol.  68,  No.  22  Ib.        lc  Bombay  Lfapataiui,  VJ.  169—  170. 


IVlARCH,  1918  ]  DEKKAN   OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  «» 

that  harbour  an  English  Packet  homeward  hound,  but  from  whence  dispatched  is  not 
known  to  us,  nor  the  name  of  the  ship.  We  direct  that  you  make  a  strict  mid  particular 
enquiry  whether  any  and  who  of  our  servants  or  Arsons  under  our  protection  were 
concerned  in  the  above  ship  bought  by  Mr  Bolts  or  had  any  interest  therein  which 
occasioned  her  condemnation,  as  Also  to  make  the  most  minute  enquiry  who  of  <>ur 
servants  or  persons  under  our  protection  had  any  concerns  01  transactions  in  the 
promotion  of  any  trade  carried  on  by  foreigners,  or  in  furnishing  them  by  any  means  with 
ships  or  vessels  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  such  trade  or  otherwise. 

Owral  Letter  from  Fort  *SV.  George  to  ///     Cnnrl  <,f  Director*. 

dated  .'5!  August  1782.17 

Upon  Enquiry  We  found  that  the  Ship  Great  Duke.  <>f  Tuscany,  mentioned  in  >our 
Letter  of  the  2Mb  August  1781 ,  had  been  loaded  and  dispatched  b\  Mr  Bolt*  from  Bern- a  I 
directly  to  Europe  and  did  not  touch  at  this  place.  l»ut  as  \\V  wHied  to  put  youi 
(Commands  in  ISffect  to  their  extreme  Ext-ent,  We  ordered  the  S»»a  Customer's  lx>ok<  to 
l>e  examined  to  discover  whether  an\  I'erson.-.  living  under  the  Company's  Protection  had 
been  concerned  in  •  hipping  goods  in  the  \essols  tliat  were  in  this  Port  in  17SO  under  the 
3>ircction  of  -Mr  !>oltx  The  names  <>f  some  European  inhabit  ants  now  leMdiny here  were 
in  consequence  if"p«  to  l>c  found  as  having  shipped  Merehundi/e  on  the  We 

thought  proper  to  call  on  those  Pci>'onsto  acquaint  l:s  if  tlu;\  had  ;u'.ted  upon  t-his  ( hv;i,sioii 
(.11  their  own  Ace<»  tint  or  onthc  Account  of  others,  and  of  \\  1mm.  Tlie\  h;»,ve  in  answer  de<-lared 
a  total  ignorance  of  the  whole  transaction  <  xecpt  in  one  iusia,nee  <>i  ,-i  v<Ty  trilling 
Quantity,  iu)d  that  t  iieir  na-mo-  had  probahlx  been  made  u.^e  nf  l.\  theii-  Scrxants.  \\fi: 
^hall  however  m,iker\er\  possil)le  further  Enqmn  into  this  IJu-ines--  l"i  \  our  S,-i,t  isf action 

(  Tn    In     cnntuim  (I    ) 


DKKKAN  OF  THK  SATAVAHAXA  PKKlOl). 

»;>,    f'uor.  I).  \\.   P.HAXDAHK  Alt.    M.\    :  <  AL<  TTT  \. 

CHAITKtt  1. 
POLITICAL  HISTORY. 

TliLHK  is  har<ih  an\  l»o<ly  in  thr.  LJekkan  \Nho  lias  not  heard  oi  'Satavahana,  or  Ha 
as  he  is  popularly  known.  CuriousK  ,  ho\\<-\ei,  Salivahana  or 'Satavahana  is  supposed  to 
be  the  name,  not  of  a  royal  family  as  it  ought  to  he.  but  of  an  individual  king.  Various 
traditions  are  known  about  the  birth  of  this  prince  and  the  origin  of  his  name  'Satavahana. 
Soinadeva  in  his  KfithriMiritwiyara  l  tells  us  that  he  was  the  son  of  a  Vaksha  named  Sat  a  from 
tin  daughter  of  a  sage.  The  union  of  this  couple  was  not  liked  by  the  Uishis,  and  through 
the  curse  of  the  latter  the  former  became  a  lion  and  lioness.  When  the  son  was  born,  the 
latter  died  and  assumed  her  previous  body.  The  son  thereafter  was  one  day  being  carried 
on  bis  back  bv  the  lion  father,  and  while  the  latter  dismounted  and  the  former  went  to  the 
bank  of  a  river  close  by  to  quench  his  thirst,  a  king  called  Dipakarni  slew  him  with  an  arrow 
whereupon  he  at  once  became  a  Yaksha  again.  And  because  the  boy  was  being  carried  by 
the  Yaksha  Satu,  he  was  styled  Satavahana,  (NotaA  vdhanah  yattya  sah.)  Jinaprabhasuri 
in  hia  Tirtha-balpa,-  gives  a  different  account.  In  Pratishthana  or  i'aijhan  in  Nizam's 
Dominions  there  lived  two  Brahman  brothers  in  the  house  of.  a  potter  with  their  young 

W  MadnuMttr*  lieeeived,  vo).  XJ.  VI.  87  &  ff.  JBBRAS.,  X.  132. 


70  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  MARCH,  19J8 

widowed  sister.  One  (lay  she  went  t»»  tho  bank  of  the  Godavari  to  fetch  water,  \\hon  Sesha, 
king  of  serpents,  became  enamoured  of  her.  He  assumed  the  human  form  and  had  connec- 
tion with  her  against  her  will.  In  course  of  time  she  gave  birth  to  a  boy,  who,  when  he  grew 
up  and  played  with  his  companion*,  u>ed  to  become  their  king.  And  because  he  used  to  give 
them  clay  horses,  elephants  and  other  conveyances,  he  was  called  Satavahana  (wltini  dattam 
rahtnuini  yena  $ah  Katarahnwth).  Soon  after,  Vikramaditya,  king  of  Ujjain,  when  he  heard 
that  ho  was  to  die  at  the  hands  ot  a  viririn's  son,  despatched  his  Vetala  or  king  of  ghosts  in 
search  of  him.  Vetala  saw  Satavahana  and  informed  Vikramaditya.  The  latter  camu 
with  a  large  army  to  destroy  the  child,  but  SatavAlmna,  by  means  of  an  incantation 
communicated  to  him  by  his  father  Sesha.  infused  life  into  the  clay  figures  with  which  he  was 
in  the  habit  of  playing,  and  at  once  raised  a  large  army.  He  gave  battle  to  Vikramaditya, 
killed  him.  and  instituted  an  era  called  'Sfdivahana-saka  commencing  with  A.l>.  78. 

Such  would  have  been  our  knowledge  of  the  ancient  history  of  the  Dokkan,  if  we  had 
had  mere  legends  to  go  upon.  Fortunately  for  us  inscriptions  have  been  found  in  sufficient 
numbers,  and  it  is  possible  to  construct  a  history  which  is  reliable.  If  these  inscription.s 
had  not  been  found,  to  this  day  \\r  should  have  continued  believing  that  Satavahana  was 
the  name  of  a  king  and  not  of  a  d\  nasty  and  that  he  was  the  founder  of  the  era  beginning 
with  A.I).  78,  The?  latter  (juestion  doe-  not  concern  us  here,  and  we  may  dismiss  it  with  a  few 
words.  The  phrase  fcalicalnnm-ytkfi.  which  is  used  at  present  in  Maharashtra  to  denote 
this  era.  has  really  no  meaning,  beeau.se  the  word  'tiaka  has  in  no  Sanskrit,  lexicon  been  given 
as  signifying  ''an  era."  And  what  inscriptions  teach  us  is  that  up  to  the  cle\enth  century 
it  was  called  fiaka-kald,  #nkti-inr'ii>fi-l'nlu,  or.  as  in  an  inscription  at  Badami  in  the  Bijapm 
district,  ti(ik«~H>ri2M-nijydbht*ht.L'<t-l»tihi.  showing  clearly  that  it  Mas  believed  to  be  founded 
by  a  »Snka  king  and  that  fcalh  Ahaim  or  'Satavahana  had  absolutely  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
Let  us  now  see  in  detail  what  u<-  can  know  of  the  'Satavah  in  a  dynast  \  li-om  opigraphic 
records,  which  are  the  principal  and  most  reliable  source  of  our  informal  ion  hore.  These 
inscriptions  have  been  enirnm-d  in  cave-*  at  Xasik,  Karle,  Junnar,  Kanheii  and  so  forth. 
The  names  of  some  of  the  kinir*  <»J  thi.s  family  mentioned  in  epigraphs  occur  also  in  the  list 
of  the  Andhra  dynasty  enumerated  in  the  "Puranas,  such  as  the  Vayu.  Matsya  and  Vishnu. 
The  founder  of  this  familx  is  therein  described  as  Andhra-jatiya,  i.e.  as  belonging  to  the 
Andhra  race*.  Jtn  therefore,  behove*  us  to  say  a  few  words  about  the  Andhras  before  the 
actual  account  of  the  Satavahana  d\  nasty  is  concerned. 

We  learn  for  the  first  time  about  the  Andhras  from  the  Aitareya-Brahinaim,0'  a  work 
which  was  certainly  composed  lonji  prior  to  500  B.C.  Andhras  are  there  represented  as  a 
])asyu  tribe  living  on  the  fringes  ot  the  Aryan  settlements  and  to  have  descended  from  Visvft- 
mitra.  Evidently  this  means  that  they  were  a  nou- Aryan  race,  and  that  at  the  time  when, 
the  Brahman  a  was  compiled  there  was  an  admixture  of  blood  between  them  and  the  Aryans, 
especially  the  hymn-composing  Aryans.  The  next  notice  of  this  people  is  to  be  found  in  a 
well-known  passage  of  Pliny,1  the  Jioman  encyclopaedist,  whose  information  was  doubtless 
derived  from  the  writings  of  Megasthenes,  who  we  know  was  an  ambassador  sent  by 
Seleucos  to  the  court  of  Chandragupta,  the  founder  of  the  Maurya  dynasty.  He  describes 
the  Andhras,  or  the  Andar»  a«  he  calls  them,  as  a  powerful  race,  "  which  possesses  numerous 
villages  and  thirty  towns  defended  by  walls  and  towers,  and  which  supplies  itfcJ  king  with  au 
army  of  100,000  infantry,  2000  cavalry,  and  1000  elephants.  .  .  ."  From  this  we  infer 
that  about  300  B.C.  the  Andhra  country  wan  thickly  inhabited  and  occupied  by  a  large  urban 

»  VII.    18.  «  Hi9t.  Nat.,  Book  vi.  21-3, 


MARCH,  1018  J  DEKKAK  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  71 

population,  and  thoir  kingdom  was  then  an  important  {second-rate  independent  power  of 
India.  The  next  important  notice  of  this  people  is  supplied  by  Asoka's  Rock  Edict  XJ11  •' 
promulgated  about  256  B.C.  It  speaks  of  many  independent  and  feudatory  princes  to  whine 
kingdoms  the  Maurya  monarch  dispatched  missionaries.  In  this  connection  the  king  of  the 
Andhras  is  mentioned,  but  his  name  is  included  in  the  list  of  those  of  the  tVudatory  princes. 
We  thus  Hee  that  about  300  B.C.  the  Andhra  king  was  independent  but  wan  a  subordinate 
chief  about  25G  B.C.  We  know  from  Asoka's  inscriptions  that  Kaluga  was  the  only 
province  which  he  conquered.  Evidently  the  Andhras  were  deprived  oi  their  independent  • 
either  by  Ghandragupta  or  his  son  Bindusara. 

We  do  not  hear  of  the  Andhras  again  till  about  7.~>  B.C.  The  Puranas  tell  us  that  owi 
Hisuka  (Simuka)  of  the  Andhra  race  uprooted  not  only  the  Kanvus,  but  also  %*  whatever 
was  loft  of  the  power  of  the  Sungas, "  who,  we  know,  supplanted  the  Maurya  dynasty  to 
which  Artoka  belonged.  Jt  appears  that  the  Kanvas,  like  the  IVshwa*  of  the  modern  da\ , 
usurped  the  power  of  their  masters,  the  Hungas,  and  that  'Sisuka  (Simuka)  by  supplanting 
the  power  of  the  Kimvas  supplanted  that  of  the  Sungas  also.  f; 

The  Telugu  country  lying  between  the  rivers  Kistna  and  (Jodavari  is  called 
Andhra-desa  at  present.  But  whether  or  not  it  was  the  original  home  oi  the.  Andhras. 
has  been  called  in  question.  One  Buddhist  Jataka,7  however,  speaks  oi  two  traders 
tfoing  from  the  Seriva  kingdom  to  a  town  called  Andhapura  situated  on  the  Telavaha 
river.  Andhapura  certainly  corresponds  to  the  Sanskrit  Aiidhrapura,  and  as  pura  is 
invariably  used  in  early  Pali  literature  to  signify  fc  a  capital-town/  Andhrapura  must 
mean  the  capital  town  of  the  Andhra  kingdom.  The-  river  Telavaha  is  either  the 
modern  Tel  or  Telingiri 8  both  not  far  distant  from  each  other  and  flowing  near  the 
confines  of  the  Madras  Presidency  and  the  Central  Provinces.  'Phis,  indeed,  locates  the 
original  Andhra  country  which  must,  therefore,  have  comprised  parts  of  both  these* 
provinces. 

The  name  of  the  Andhra  dynasty  that  came  to  power  about  75  B.C.  is  Satavahana. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  order  of  succession  of  its  first  three  kings  has  been  correctly 
given  by  the  Puranas,  viz.  (I)  fiisnka  (Simuka),9  (2)  Krishna,  and  (3)  Sri-Satakarui.  Krishna, 
we  are  told,  was  a  brother  of  Simuka  and  father  of  Sri-Satakarm.  No  record  of  Simuka  has 
come  to  light,  but  of  Krishna  we  possess  an  inscription  in  a  cave  at  Nasik.  It  tells  us  that/ 
the  cave  was  scooped  out  by  the  Mahamatra  ftramana,  inhabitant  of  Nasik,  when  Krishna 
of  the  Satavahana  family  was  the  king.*0  Of  the  third  prince,  Satakarni  we  have  two 
inscriptions,  the  most  important  of  which  has  been  engraved  in  the  cave  at  Nanaghat,  a  pass 
in  the  Western  Ghats  in  the  Poona  District.  Though  it  is  mutilated,  it  is  of  great  importance. 
In  the  same  cave  figures  have  been  carved  on  the  front  wall  with  their  names  inacribed  above 
them,  which  are  supposed  to  represent  the  royal  personages  referred  to  in  the  big  inscription. 
A  combined  study  of  these  monuments  gives  us  the  following  results.  Satakarnj  was  the 
supreme  ruler  of  Dakshinapatha  (Dekkaa).  His  queen  was  Naganika.  They  together 
performed  a  number  of  sacrifices,  and  Asvamedha  we  are  told  was  celebrated  twice — which 

«  EI.9  IT.  471.  *   Vide  Appendix  A.  •  I.  111.  .1-8. 

R  T  owe  this  ttiiggcation  to  my  friend  Mr.  K.  P.  Jayaawal. 

9  Simuka  ia  the  name  given  by  a  Nttpaghat  inscription    (AXWJ.9  V.  i>4,  No.  3)  ami  must  therefore 
re  present  the  correct  original  (ibid,  CD- 70). 
»  El.,  VII 1.  U3.  No.  22. 


72  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  MARCH.  1918 

is  a  clear  indication  of  &atakarni  being  a  paramount  sovereign.11  Naganika  was  the  daughter 
of  the  Maharathi  Tranakayiro  of  the  Angiya  family.  She  had  two  sons,  viz.  Vcdisri  and 
Sakt  isri  (Hukusiri).  When  the  inscription  was  actually  incised,  Salakarni  was  dead  and  queen 
Nuuanika  was  regent  during  the  minority  of  her  son  Vedisrl.  There  can  bo  no  doubt  that 
Satakarni  was  a  powerful  monarch.  Fqr  the  Hathigumphu  inscription  gives  us  to  under- 
stamllhfrt  he  wa8_ihc  ruler  of  the  whole  country  to  the  west  of  Kalihga.^  Satakarni,  it  is 
true,  has  been  styled  the  paramount  sovereign  of  Dakshinapatha,  but  it  does  not  at  all  mean 
that  his  might  was  confined  to  the  Dekkan  only.  His  second  inscription  has  been  found 
on  an  arched  gateway  (lorana)  of  the  celebrated  stapn  nt  Sanchin  in  the  Bhopfii  State,  Central 
India.  This  shows  that  MalwA,  also  owned  his  sway,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  his  power 
was  extended  still  further  north. 

A  long  interval  intervenes  bet  \\een  the  earlier  and  the  later  inscriptions  of  the  Satavahana 
dvnasty.  A  period  of  SO  years  has  been  unanimously  allotted  by  the  Puranas  to  the  first 
three  kings  just  described.  According  to  thi^  calculation  the  third  king,  viz,,  Satakarni,  ceased 
foreign  in  A.D.  16.  Gautamiputra  (Satakarni),  according  to  the  Puranas,  camo  to  the  throne 
in  A.J>.  133,  which  fits  excellently  as  we  shall  see  shortly.  There  \\as  thus  an  interval  of  1 17 
years  during  which  no  Andhra  inscription  has  so  far  been  found.  Of  course,  we  can  imagine 
that  Vedisri,  "when  he  came  of  age,  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  his  father  Satakarni.  His  name, 
it  is  true,  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  Purai.iaH,  but  as  a  king  is  described  also  by  his  epithets, 
it  is  possible  that  Apilava  or  Apilaka  may  be  another  name  for  Yedisri.  The  Puranas  show 
a  remarkable  agreement  in  point  of  the  names  and  the  lengths  of  the  individual  names.  We 
may  therefore  provisionally  fill  up  this  long  period  with  reigns  recorded  in  the  Puranas.  It  is 
true  that  no  Andhra  inscription  has  been  discovered  during  this  interval,  but  a  good  many 
opigraphic  records  are  known  \\hich  belong  to  this  period.  They  clearly  tell  us  that,  an  alien 
dynasty  had  risen  to  power  and  had  ior  a  time  eclipsed  the  glory  of  the  Satavahanas. 

The  name;  of  the  new  dynasty  was  Kshaharata,  and  its  members  called  themselves 
K-shatn^ms.  The  name  Kshatrapa  is  worth  considering.  At  first  sight  it  seems  tempting 
to  "take  the  name  to  mean  Kftlialrani  patiti  K&1iatrapah,  the  protector  of  the  warrior  class. 
But  such  a  title  is  unknown  to  Sanskrit  or  Prakrit  literature,  and  must  bo  taken  to  have  been 
borrowed  from  a  foreign  language — a  conclusion  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  all  tin*  early 
chiefs  of  the  Kshatrapa  families  bear  foreign  names.  Like  the  Greek  term  Satrap,  Kshatrapa 
seems  to  be  a  Sanskrit  adaptation  of  the  old  Persian  Kshatrajxivan,  4  protect  or  of  the  kingdom', 
which  was  used  to  denote  the  governor  of  a  Persian  province.  Four  Kshatrapa  Houses  have 

11  IKihler  wrongly  supposes  that  the  sacrifices  narrated  in  the  large  JN&imghAfc  inscription  were 
all  performed  by  the  quoen  NAgunika.  He  himself  admits  that  **  according  to  the  tidstras,  women  are 
not  allowed  to  offer  firauta  sacrifices,  and  that  the  Brahiuanas  who  perform  such  sacrifice*  for  them 
(striyajaka)  arc  severely  blamed."  It  is  true  lie  further  say 8,  that  "  that  prohibition  does  not  apply 
to  queens  who  may  be  conducting  the  government*  of  a  state,  either  independently  or  for  minor 
Boiis,"  but  this  is  a  mere  gratuitous  assumption  as  no  proof  has  been  adduced  by  him  in  support 
of  his  position.  Again,  the  Nanaghafc  record  speaks  of  Asvamedha  sacrifice  as  having  been  twice 
performed.  It  is  inconceivable  that  Naganiku,  even  as  queen-regent,  celebrated  it  of  her  own  accord 
and  to  indicate  her  paramount  sovereignty.  An  ASvamedha  sacrifice  is  performed  by  a  king  who  lays 
claims  to  universal  monarchy  by  conquering  all  neighbouring  prinoea,and  as  Naganika *s  husband  fiatakarm 
has  been  styled  apratihatachakra,  it  is  proper  and  natural  to  suppose  that  it  was  he  who  celebrated 
the  sacrifice  twice.  What  appears  to  be  the  case  is  that  S&takarpi  it  must  be,  who  carried  out  the 
sacrifices  referred  to  in  the  epigraph,  and  as  all  sacrifices  are  performed  by  Yajamanas  along 
with  their  consorts,  N&ganikA  has  been  associated  with  him. 

»2  Liidew'  Ltot  of  Brahnt  Inscriptions,  No.  345.  «  Ibid,  No.  346, 


MJU:I  H,  111  IS  !  DIOKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  ";* 

TSO  far  boeu  traced  in  the  different  parts  of  India  from  their  inscriptions  and  o»ins.  A  few 
isolated  names  of  Kshatrapas  and  Mahakshatrapas  have  also  been  found,  but  the  exact 
province  of  their  rule  not  yet  known.  Two  of  the  four  Kshatrapa  families  ruled  over  Western 
Jndia,  but  here  we  have  to  deal  with  only  one  of  them.  It  was  again  only  one  prince  of  this 
family  with  whom  we  are  directly  concerned.  His  name  was  Nahapaiia,  and  it  was  he  who 
seems  to  have  wrested  Maharashtra  froin  the  Satavahanas.  He  has  been  mentioned  in  no 
less  than  eight  cave  inscriptions.  Of  these  six  have  T>een  cut  in  (Vive  No.  IO  of  the  Pandit 
Lena  near  Xasik.  one  in  the.  (Ihaitya  cave  at  Karlc.  and  one  in  a  cave  at  tlunimr.1  *  All  of  these 
except  the  last  specify  the  many  charitable  and  publicly  useful  works  of  IVhavadata,  who 
calls  himself  son-in-law  of  Xalmpana  and  son  of  Dinika.  All  these  records  give  Nahapana's 
family  name  Kshaharata  which,  in  Prakrit  forms,  appears  as  Khaharata  or  KhakharAta. 
Fora  long  time  Nnhapfnm  was  the  only  Kshaharata  prince  known  to  us.  A  few  years  auo, 
another  Kshatmpu  of  the  Kshaharata  clan,  named  Bhiimaka,  was  brought  to  light  by  the 
celebrated  numismatist.  Prof.  K.  .1.  Rapson,  by  earefulK  reading  the  legends  oi  certain  coins 
wrongly  attributed  to  Nahapaiia.1'"1  He  was  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Nahapaiia  in 
IvAjputana  and  Malwa,  but  d<»es  not  seem  to  have  ruled  over  Maharashtra.  A  fragmentary 
inscription  found  by  Dr.  .1.  Ph.  Vogel  on  the  site  of  (il-aneshra,11'  three  miles  WCM  of  Math  lira, 
revealed  the  name  of  yet  another  Kshaharata,  viz.,  Cihataka.  who.  if  the  restoration  proposed 
bv  him.  is  correct,  was  also  a  Kshatrapa. 

It  has  just  been  mentioned  that  of  the  eigiit  inscriptions  which  refer  themvolvcs  to  the 
reitrn  of  Xuhapana.  no  less  than  seven  describe  the  benefactions  of  his  son-in-law  Ushavadata 
<Rishablmdatta)17  and  the  latter'*  wife  Dakhamita  (T)akshamitra).  Most  of  these  charities 
stamp  Vshavadata  as  a  staunch  adherent  of  the  Brahmanical  religion,  and  these  \\e  will 
describe  in  the  next  lecture.  I'shavadata's  other  charitable  works  were  the  gift^  of  gold  and 
river-side  steps  on  the  river  Hariiasa  |s  and  the  bestowing  of  thirty -two  thousand  cocoa  nut 
trees  at  the  village  Xanaiiigola1"  on  the  congregation  of  Charakas  -»'  at  Pii.'c]itakava<ia, 
iiovurdhana,-1  Smaruamukha  and  Ranmtirtha  in  'Sorparaga.-2  Among  the  \\orks  of  public 
utility  executed  bv  him  may  be  mentioned  <|uadrangular  dwellings  for  Brahma I.IK  and  rest- 
houses  at  Bhanikachha,-:t  l)asa])nra.- '  (iovardhana  and  Sor))Araga  and  the  e-tablishnjent 


inJcri,    ion   of    Nahapana/s   Hon-in-law    in   this  ca*<>    ivt-ording  the  grant  ot  a    village    i-o    me    wml.lliiHt 
m^ iSli   intt    in    it       Evidently     he     inado    thin    grant    after    the    eave    was    eNcav,,tn(J.      But,    as 
Uitnidevnnaka,  incurred    the  exiWiaes  of  carving  onr  pillur  in  this  cave,  it.  IK  cieiu    that  hi«    gilt,    was  in 
time  ^  fH<her'    ^-havadAta.    cannot,  therefore,   b,  t|M.  Mnne 

rt«  l%havadfita,  Moii-iii-law  of  Nahaijftiia.  „,.... 


UCaU    MUiI-U'.T      "*       '" '  .  ^ 

Perhaps  ^Arpol  CMI  the  ThAna  ««a-boHrd,  four  mitaft  west  of  Kanjaii.  as  propo«e<l  hy 
Hha^wanlal  Tndraji. 

'0  Tlione  mm  to  be  identical  with  tho  (Uiarakas  who  are  n.tmoJ  iji  tlie  Mt*r«>typed  formula  of 
the  BuddhTst  (o.  «..  JtfoAAwrfu.  IT!.  412.  «^Vi.tfrff ^f^mte;;Pflr.rii«f/,i*ri)  and  .lain*  text.,  namely, 
a  r-«rtain  special  category  of  Brahmanical  ascetics  (£/.,  VIII.  <»). 

"i  This  IK  C4ovardhan-<Wiuapur,  six  miles  west  of  Na*ik. 

-•?  Soparn  n«nr  Hussein  in  tin-  Thana  district.     A  holy  reservoir  hero  is  still  called   Rama-kiiada. 

*•  Modorn  Hroat-h. 

i'4  ManJaxor  (Fleet,  6'/.,  71),  n.  2),  which  is  on  the  borders  of  Rajputaaa  and  Malwa, 


74  THE   INDIAN  AXTIQVAKV  [MARCH,  191S 


of  five  ferries  across  and  the  erection  of  waiting  places  and  jmt-jw*  or  gratuitous  distribution 
of  drinking  water  on  the  banks  of  the  Jim,  Parada,  Dainana,  Tapi,  Karabena  and  Dahanuka.-r' 

Ushuvadata  was  no  doubt  a  follower  of  the  Brahinanical  faith,  but  according  to  the 
catholic  spirit  of  the  age.  he  was  by  no  means  slow  to  extend  his  charities  even  to  the  Buddhist 
coin  in  unity.  Thus  his  Karle  inscription  speaks  of  his  granting  the  village  of  Karajika  foi 
the  support  of  the  monks  residing  during  the  rainy  season  in  the  caves  of  Valfiraka,  which  was 
unquestionably  the  name  of  the  old  place  within  whoso  bounds  the  caves  were  situated.-0  Ntisik 
Cave  No.  10,  again,  was  caused  by  him  to  be  cut  in  the  Trirasmi  hills  in  Govardhana.  This 
(rave,  we  are  told,  was  spacious  enough  to  a-ccomodate  twenty  Buddhist  monks  during  the 
rains.  Like  a  true  liberal  donor  Vshavadata  had  made  ample  provision  for  their  comfortable 
maintenance.  Thus  for  supplying  food  to  them,  he  purchased  a  field  for  4,000  Karshapawis 
on  the  north-west  side  of  Covardhana.  He  also  made  a  perpetual  endowment  of  3,<M)O 
Karshapanas.  2,000  of  which  were  deposited  in  one  weavers"  guild  and  1,000  in  another 
both  of  Govardhana,  and  at  the  rates  of  one  and  three-fourths  per  cent  per  mensem 
res]  actively.  The  first  investment  yielded  a  sum  of  240  Karshapanas.  of  which  a  sum  of  12 
Karshapanas  was  made  over  to  every  one  of  the  twenty  monks  for  his  chlvartt  or  garments. 
From  the  animal  interest  of  5)0  Karshapanas,  accruing  from  the  other  deposit,  each  monk  was 
granted  a  Kusana.-7 

The  Juiinnrcave  inscription  ol  the  time  of  Nahapaiia  records  the  gift  of  a  cistern  and  \\ 
hall  by  Ayama  (Aryaman)  of  the  Vatsa  j/o/./vr.  his  minister  (finictft/d).  ft  is  worthy  of  note 
that  this  epigraph  specific*  the  date  4f>  and  speaks  of  NuhapfuiH  as  Maha-kshatrapa,  wheroi* 
the  Karle  and  Xas'k  records  give  the  dates  41  ,  42  and  4.1  and  call  Nahapana  only  a  Kslmtuipu  . 

Nahapaua  struck  both  silver  and  copper  coins.  In  point  of  weight,  si/c  and  fabric,  coins 
of  tlic  Hjr-t  cl«a«s  agree  with  the  hemi-  drachma  of  the  Graeeo-lndian  princes,  Apollodot  us 
and  Meiuindcr.  Avhieh.  as  the  author  of  the  I'eriplus  tells  us.  were  up  to  his  time  current 
in  Baruga'/a  (Broach).-1*  Nahapana's  silver  coins  were  of  extreme  rarity  until  the  dis- 
covery ten  years  ago,  of  a  hoard  of  at  least  14,000  coins  at  Jogaltembhi  in  the  Nasik 
district.21*  From  an  examination  of  the  busts  on  the  four  specimens  of  Nahapana's  coins 
in  his  possession  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji  had  inferred  that  they  were  struck  at  different 
ages  of  the  king  and  that  whe.roas  the  earliest  had  the  face  of  a  man  30  years  old,  the  latest, 
of  a  man  70  years  of  »ige.i!U  But  the  Jogaltembhi  hoard  conclusively  proves  that  we  have 
here  faces  varying  not  only  in  age  but  in  every  feature.'1  The  various  types  of  the  face 
which  this  hoard  presents  vi/  ,  short  -necked,  straight  -nosod,  hook-nosed,  low  forehead  and 
high  forehead,  lean  face  and  fat  face,  cannot  possibly  represent  one  and  the  same  individual 
even  at  different  ages.  The  Rev.  H.  K.  Scott,  who  has  given  a  full  account  of  this  interesting 
and  important  tind,  solves  the  difficulty  by  saying  that  the  heads  represented  are  those 
of  the  members  of  Nahapana's  family,  who  c*  caused  their  own  likenesses  to  be  engraved  on 
the  coins  whilst  keeping  the  inscription  of  Nahapana  unchanged,  as  he  was  the  founder  of 
the  family/"3-  This  does  not  however,  meet  the  case,  and  it  seems  that  these  faces  are  not 
likenesses  at  all,  but  merely  copies  of  Roman  coins  —  an  inference  strengthened  by  the  figures 
on  plates  accompanying  Mr.  Hcott's  article,  kfc  where  the  head-dress,  the  style  of  dressing 
the  hair,  the  absence  of  moustache,  and,  above  all,  the  shape  of  the  head  and  features  are 
very  similar  to  the  heads  on  coins  of  the  Roman  emperors  of  from  30  B.C.  to  A.D.  150"  u 


?3   Hluiuu&nUI  Indraji  identifies  Ihn    with    Ambiku.  I'&railA    with  Par,  and  KarabeiiA    with  Kthvri  — 
nil  in  8<»utli  CujarAt.    J>mimiiu,  «>f  rour.se.  i*  the  J  >iuuajitt<:aitjLfi*i  nvrr,  MIM!  DAhaiuikA  the  JJahihiu  creek. 

••    AV.,  VII."  57-8. 

*•'   This  weins  to  be  the  nniue  for  the  silver  coins  struck  by  NahnjmiiH.  See  further  in  the  text. 

as   74..  Mil.  *9  JB/tftA*..  XXII.  22»  and  ft.  <'  JRA$.t  1890,  04:*. 

:i  jnnKAS.,  XXII.   2:MI.  >s  Hid.  I'.IT.  *:>  JRAS.)  1908,  551. 


MARCH,  1918]  DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  73 

The  obverse  of  Nahapana's  silver  coins  bears  '  Head  of  king"  just  described  and  tin 
inscription  in  the  Graco-  Roman  characters.  When  only  four  specimens  were  known,  this 
legend  could  not  be  deciphered,  but  with  the  find  of  thousands  of  his  coins  at  Jogaltombhi 
it  has  now  become  possible  to  read  it  and  was  first  read  beyond  all  doubt  by  Mr.  Scott  who 
has  found  it  to  be  an  almost  exact  transliteration  of  the  Brahmi  inscription  on  the  reverse. 

It  runs  thus  :  - 


PJVNN10)     1AHAPATAC 

Though  this  legend  is  essentially  Greek,  it  contains  the  Roman  H  with  the  value  h  both  in 
his  proper  and  tribal  names.  *•»  The  reverse  of  the  coins  has.  on  the  left,  an  arrow  pointing 
downwards,  and,  on  the  right,  a  thunderbolt,  with  a  pellet  in  between,  ft  bears  two  legends 
—  one  inBrahmi,  and  the  other  in  Kharoshthi  characters.  The  first  reads  Rujwt  Kfihahardtasti 
Nahaptinasa,  and  the  second,  Raj  HO  Clthfih-nrnlawt  NtthajNUitittti.  Nahapana's  copper 
coinage  is  at  present  represented  by  a  solitary  specimen  in  the  possession  of  Cunningham 
who  found  it  in  Ajmor.  The  obverse  is  engraved  with  a  thunderbolt  on  the  left  and  an  arrow 
pointing  downwards  on  the  right.  Of  the  inscription  Incised  on  it,  only  the  loiters  (Na)hapana 
have  been  preserved.  On  the  reverse  appears  a  trei-,  with  large  leaves,  within  railing.  Pandit 
Blmgwanlal  Tndraji  also  is  reported  to  have  possessed  two  more  spec'imens  which  came 
from  Mandasor.  Nothing  is.  however,  known  about  their  present  whereabouts. 

The  extent  of  Nahapaua's  rule  may  be  inferred  from  the  places  whore  his  coins  have 
been  found  and  the  localities  where  his  son-in-law  Ushavadata  made  benefactions.  Lt 
stretched  as  far  north  as  Ajmor  in  Rajputana  and  included  Kathiawar,  S.  (Jujarat,  Western 
Malwa,  North  Konkan  from  Broach  to  Sopfira,  and  the  NTisik  and  Poona  districts.  As 
some  of  his  coins  have  been  found  at  Junagaijh,  SurasFitra  or  KafhiA  \viir  must  have  been 
under  his  sway.  In  one  mutilated  inscription  in  Nasik  Cave  No.  10,  a,  charity  of  Ushavadata's 
seems  to  have  been  made  at  Ujeni  (I  Jjjain).  This  shows  that  Nahapana's  kingdom  comprised  at 
least  Western  Malwa.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  extended  as  far  northwards  as  Ajiner. 
For  both  at  Ajiner  and  Pushkar  his  coins  have  been  found.  Besides  that  is  proved  by  a 
postscript  to  Nasik  Inscription  10  in  Cave  No.  10.  Therein  we  arc  informed  that  in  the  rainy 
season  he  had  gone  in  the  north,  at  the  command  of  his  lord  who  can  be  no  other  than 
Nahapana,  to  relieve  the  Chief  of  the  Uttamabhadras  who  had  been  besieged  by  the  Malayas. 
The  Mfdayas  fled  away  at  the  mere  sound  of  his  approach  and  were  all  made  prisoners  of 
the  Uttamabhadras.  Ushavadata  is  represented  to  have  thereafter  repaired  to  the  Poksharas. 
performed  ablutions,  and  given  three  thousand  cows  and  a  village.  Poksharas  is 
obviously  Pushkar,  7  miles  west  of  Ajmer.  The  word  actually  used  is  PoMsirdni,**  the 
plural  and  not  singular.  Even  to  this  day,  not  one  or  two  but  three,  Pushkaras  are  known 
_  jyevhtha,  madhya  and  kanishtha  all  situated  within  a  circuit  of  six  miles.  And  as  Ushavadata 
bathed  there  and  gave  cows  and  a  village,  it  shows  that  even  so  early  as  the  2nd  century  A.D., 
Pushkar  was  a  centre  of  Bruhrnanism.  And  the  very  fact  that  Ushavadata  here 
granted  a  village,  which  to  be  of  real  use  must  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of  this  sacred  place, 
shows  that  Nahapana's  dominions  stretched  as  far  northwards  as  Ajmer  and  Pushkar.  The 
Mulayas  whom  he  defeated  must,  of  course,  be  the  Malavas;  'J';  who  at  this  time  were  settled 
in  the  eastern  part  of  Rajputana,  especially  in  the  south-east  portion  of  the  Jaipur  State  . 

8*  Ibid,  1907,  1044. 

35  This  has  been  wrongly  translated  "  Pokslmru  tanks'1  li\  M.  Sen  art  (Kl  VIII.  79)  and 
"Pushkara  lakes"  by  Prof.  Lttders  (List,  No.  1131).  So  far  as  I  know  there  is  only  ono  lake  at  Pushkar, 
but  three  different  Pushkars  are  known  within  a  circuit  of  six  miles,  as  stated  in  the  text. 

W  As  in  the  cave  inscriptions  of  this  period  v  is  sometimes  replaced  by  y,  1  have  no  doubt  that 
Malaya  equates  here  with  Malava.  Thus  the  correct  form  of  the  name  of  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  8  son 
is  Pufum&vi,  as  evidenced  by  the  PurAnas  and  his  coins  (Hapson's  O/C.—  A.Wk.,  20-22).  But  m  the 
-  *  •-  ..  .  .  i,  «.-,...._*_.  •_  -----  .  :._  -  .  instance.  That  the  Malavaa  were  settled  at  this 


cave  inscriptions  it  is  spelt  Pulumayi  except  in  one  instan 
time  in  eastern  Rajputana  is  proved  by  their  coins  (Smith's 


CC/3/.,  t.  10L-2). 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MARCH,  1918 


It  was,  therefore,  quite  natural  for  Ushavadata  to  have  gone  to  Pushkar  after  inflicting  a 
defeat  on  the  Malavas. 

The  concluding  portion  of  Nasik  Inscription  12  speaks  of  Ushavadata  having  given  to 
gods  and  Brahmans  a  gift  of  70,000  Karshapanas,  the  value  of  two  thousand  Suvarnas, 
counting  35  Karshapanas  for  one  Suvarna.  The  reference  here,  as  Prof.  Rapson  rightly  says, 
must  surely  bo  to  the  contemporary  gold  currency  of  the  Kushanas,  which  we  must,  therefore, 
suppose  to  have  been  prevalent  in  NahapAna's  kingdom.37  Neither  the  Jndo-Bactrian 
princes  nor  the  Judo-Scythian  kings  before  the  Kushanas  arc  known  to  have  struck  gold 
coinage,  which  was  for  the  first  time  introduced  by  Kadphises  II.,  the  second  -of  the  Kushana 
sovereigns.  It  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  Nahapana  was  a  viceroy  of  Kadphises 
II.  There  was  yet  another  type  of  coins  current  in  these  parts  but  introduced  bj7  Nahapana, 
which  seems  to  have  an  intimate  connection  with  the  name  of  the  Kushana  family  and  to 
show  that  he  was  a  subordinate  of  another  Kushana  ruler.  Nasik  Inscription  12  which 
speaks  of  Suvarnas  also  makes  mention,  as  stated  above,  of  Kusanas,  which  were  to  be 
given  to  the  Buddhist  mendicants  occupying  Ushavadata's  cave.  Ushavadata  deposited  a 
sum  of  1  ,000  KarshApanas  at  the  monthly  rate  of  f  per  cent,  and  yielding  therefore  an  annual 
interest  of  JM)  Karshapanas.  This  amount  of  90  Karshapanas,  we  are  told,  was  the  J\u*anri-mulft9 
i.e..,  the  value  of  Kusanas.  The  word  Kusana  has  very  much  exercised  all  the  editors  of  the 
Nasik  ct'.ve  inscriptions.  M.  Seimrt,  however,  has  clearly  shown  that  it  must  correspond 
with  the  word  padiko  in  the  expression  Chiwirikft  8<>[asaka  .  (sometimes  haraxaka)  padiko 
cha  ma*c  utitkdle  and  other  similar  phrases  which  occur  in  the  Kanheri  inscriptions.  :*8  As 
the  words  Ohivarthi  hdrasahi  of  this  expression  are  actually  found  in  the  Xfisik  record,  the 
words  Ku*ana-mula  which  immediately  follow  in  it  must,  us  correctly  pointed  out  by 
M.  Senart,  betaken  to  correspond  with  padiko  cha  mast  ufnkdle  of  the  Kanheri  inscriptions. 
Unfortunately,  however,  he  takes  it  to  mean  "*  a  monthly  stipend,  assigned  to  every  monk 
during  a  certain  period  of  the  year,  and  probably  to  be  applied  to  his  food."  This  does  not 
appear  to  me  to  be  quite  in  order,  because,  as  the  last  postcript  of  Nasik  Inscription  10  informs 
us,  Ushavadata  had  already  provided  for  the  boarding  of  the  monks  by  assigning  a  field. 
It  seems  more  natural,  therefore,  to  take  Kusana,  like  Padika  (—Pratika),  as  denoting  «  specific 
coin.  And  to  me  the  name  appears  to  have  been  given  to  the  silver  coinage  of  Nahapana, 
because  he  issued  it  for  his  overlord  who  must  have  been  known  as  Kusana,  i.e.,  Kushana. 
We  have  instances  of  coins  named  variously  after  the  kings  who  struck  them.  Thus  we  have 
Vigrahapala-drainmas  and  Ajayapala-drammas,  no  doubt,  called  after  the  proper  names 
of  the  kings.39  Coins  have  also  been  named  after  the  epithets  or  titles  of  kings.  Thus 

Xrimad-Adivaraha-drammas  have  been  so  styled  after  the  epithet  Adivaraha  of  Bhoja  I.  of 

* 
the  Imperial  Pratihara  dynasty.     These  coins  are  also  called  Srinmd-Adivarahas  without 

the  addition  of  the  word  nramma.  It  is  thus  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  Kusana 
denotes  the  coins  issued  by  Nahapana  for  his  suzerain  who  must  have  been  commonly  called 
simply  Kushana.  Was  there  any  Kushana  king  who  was  also  known  by  the  mere  name 
Kushana  I  Certainly  this  must  be  the  Kushana  sovereign  referred  to  in  the  Taxila  scroll 
inscription  of  the  year  136.  4o  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  he  is  here  simply  styled  Kushana 
with  the  titles  Maharaja  JRdjdtirdja  JJevaptttra  without  any  specification  of  his  proper  name. 
1  have  elsewhere  shown  that  he  can  be  no  other  than  Kujula  Kadphises,  or  Kadphises  I.  as 
he  is  also  known.41  It  thus  seems  that  Nahapana  was  a  viceroy  not  only  of  Kadphises  II. 
but  also  of  Kadphises  1.  Against  this  it  might  perhaps  be  argued  that  Kadphises  I.  flourished 
about  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  quarter  of  the  first  century  A.D.,  whereas  Nahapana's 
dates  41,  42,  45  and  46,  which  are  unanimously  taken  to  be  years  of  the  '£aka  era  and  thus 

"*  ™T     *'«r    M  »»  Ibid.  L.I  09. 


MARCH,  1918]  DKKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  77 

range  between  A. i>.  Ill)  to  A.D.  124  place  him  about  the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century. 
Jt  will,  however,  be  shown  shortly  that  Nahapana  was  ruling  as  early  as  A.D.  85  and  that 
consequently  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Kad  pluses  1 .  also.  Again,  1  ho  principal  characteristic 
of  Nahapana's  coins  is  the  imitation  of  the  Roman  head  on  the  obverse,  as  stated  above. 
This  is  exactly  the  characteristic  of  one  type  of  Kadphises  1's  eoins,  in  the  head  of  whose 
obverse*  numismatists  recognise  the  likeness  of  a  Roman  emperor  though  they  differ  in  regard 
to  the  identification  of  the  exact  original.1-  And  what  ran  be  more,  natural  than  that 
Nahapana,  striking  coins  as  viceroy  of  Kadphisns  I.,  should  adopt  the  special  features  of  his 
sovereign's  money  'i  The  word  Kusana,  therefore,  indicates  the  currency  started  by 
Nahapana  as  subordinate  of  the  Kushana-  ruler  Kadphises  1.,  and  the  monks  residing  in 
Ushavadtita's  cave  were  to  be  given  each  a  Kusana,  /.r .  Xahapana's  ,sil\t>r  coin,  for  every 
month  of  the  rainy  season,  just  as  the  monks  living  in  the  Kanheri  caves  received  each  a 
Paclika,  i.e..,  one  Karshapana,  for  every  month  of  summer  or  the  rainy  season. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  Nuhapami  was  a  Kshatnipa  of  both  Kadphise*.  1,  and  Kadphises 
IK  It  is  not  ne:-ess:iry  to  suppose  that  Kadphisn-t  I .  himself  led  an  army  and  conquered 
Rajputana,  Central  India  and  (Jujarat.  it  is  ]iossible  that  he  may  have,  sent  Nahapana  to 
subjugate  these  provinces,  of  which  the?  latter  was  afterwards  made  a  Sal  rap.  The*  name 
Nahapana  is  of  ^end-Persian  origin,  and  he  is,15  therefore,  regarded  as  a.  P.ihlava  or  Parthian. 
This  is  not  at  all  impossible.  His  son-in-law,  ILshavadata,  was  a  'Saka,  and  it  is,  therefore, 
quite  natural  to  expect  Nahapana  to  belong  to;-  different  clan,  as  was  required  by  the  matri- 
monial connection  subsisting  between  them.  And  as  Pah  lavas  at  this  period  are  constantly 
associated  with  Sakas  not  only  in  Sanskrit  works  but  also  in  inscriptions,  and  as  the.  name 
Nahapana  is  .Iranian,  it  is  very  likely  that  he  was  a  Parthian.  That  he  came  from  the  north 
is  also  indicated  by  the  use  of  the  Kharoshthi  alphabet  on  his  coins.  The  proper  home  of 
this  script  is  Kastcrn  Afghanistan  and  Northern  Punjab  though  its  use  extended  as  far  south- 
west as  at  Bhawalpur  near  Multiin,  as  far  south  as  Mathura,  and  as  far  south  cast  as  Kangra. 
in  which  regions  it  is  generally  found  side  by  side  with  the  Brahmi  alphabet.  Not  a  single 
inscription  has  been  discovered  in  Kharoshthi  in  llajpiitfma,  Central  India,  (jujan'it  or  the 
Dckkan,  where  Brahmi  alone  was  used.  And  tin?  very  fact  that  Kharoshthi  occupies  an 
cquallv  important  place  with  Brahmi  in  the.  coin  legends  of  Nahapana  shows  that  he  came  from 
a  province  where  Kharoshthi  alone  was  prevalent.  It  also  shows  that- Xahapatm  was  not 
a  mere  adventurer  who  came  southwards  to  carve  out  a  kingdom  for  himself.  The 
employment  of  Kharoshthi  on  his  coins,  in  the  provinces  where  Brahmi  alone  was 
understood,  shows  that  it  was  a  script  of  his  court  and  that  he  came  from  the  north  along 
with  several  scribes  knowing  Kharoshthi.  In  this  connection  it  will  be  interesting  to  note 
that  a  Nasik  inscription  u  speaks  of  a  scribe,  called  Vudhika  who  was  a  Saka  and  a 
resident  of  Dasapura.  Nahapaua's  capital.  It  seems  tempting  to  suppose  that  he  was 
probably  one  of  the  scribes  who  accompanied  Nahapana,  when  the  latter  was  sent  south 
by  his  Kushana  overlord  for  the  subjugation  of  territory. 

The  author  of  the  Pcriplus  in  chapter  41  of  his  book  informs  us  that  next  after  Barake 
(l)warka)  follows  the  gulf  of  Barygaza  (gulf  of  Cambay)  and  the  sea-board  of  the  region 
called  Ariake  being  the  beginning  of  the  kingdom  of  Mambaros  (or  Nambanus)  and  of  all 
India.  The  capital  of  the  kingdom  was  Mhmagara,  whence  much  cotton  was  brought  down 
to  Barugaza  (Broach).  Pandit  Bhagwaiilal  Indraji  has  rightly  corrected  Ariake  into 
A0upuTiKr},  the  Prakrit  form  of  Aparantika,  an  old  name  of  the  western  sea-board  of  India. 
M  Beyer  had  more  than  fifteen  years  ago  shown  cogent  reasons  for  identifying  Nambanus 

42  Prof.  Rapaoii  recognises  in  it  a  likeness  <>t  Augustus  (1C.,  18U7,  §  13,  M),  and  Mr.  V.  A    Smith 
*  A«<niatus  or  Tiberius  (EH1.  230  :  CCIM.  J.  M)  and  also  of  Cams  and  Lucius,  grandsons  of 
$JMlTl»03,p.  30,n.  J).  «  JKAS.,  1UO«.  21*  «  */      VTT,     „« 


78  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  MAHOH,  19)8 

with  Xahapana.  It  was,  however,  left  to  Dr.  Fleet  to  explain  satisfactorily  how  the  name 
JSTahapana  could  partly  through  the  copyist's  confusion  and  partly  through  phonetic  influence 
be  easily  transformed  into  Mambaiios  or  Nambanos.*5  The  late  Mr.  McCrindle  has 
adduced  strong  reasons  to  hold  that  the  Periplutt  was  written  between  A.D.  80 — 89,  and  no 
scholar  of  repute  has  called  this  date  in  question.  Nahapana  was  thus  alive  circa  A.D.  85, 
long  before  A.D.  124  which  is  the  last  known  date  for  him.  The  capital  of  Nahapana's 
territory,  according  to  the  Peri  pin*,  was  Miiinagara.  The  work  also  mentions  another 
Miiiuagara,  but  this  was  the  capital  of  "  Seythia  "  and  was  situated  in  the  delta  of  the  Indus  in 
Sind.  The  name  has  been  taken  to  be  a  hybrid  word  meaning  kfca  city  of  the  Mins,  the  Scythians/' 
Nahapaua's  Minnagara  has  been  identified  by  McCrindle  with  Indore,4"  by  Pandit  Bhagwanlal 
with  Junagatlh,4*  by  Mr.  Schoff  with  Nagari  north  of  Chitorgauh  in  Rajputana,4'  and  by 
Dr.  Fleet  with  Dohad  in  the  Pa ach  Mahals  district,  Bombay  Presidency.1''  1 1  deserves  to  be 
noticed  that  Ptolemy,  the  Greek  geographer,  who  wrote  shortly  after  A.D.  150,  refers  to 
both  these  cities,  and,  what  is  more  interesting,  specifics  both  the  latitude  and  the  longitude 
of  these  as  of  other  places,  [n  regard  to  the  inland  Minnagara  which  was,  no  doubt,  tin* 
capital  of  Nahapana,  hegives  115'  10°  and  19'  30°  as  its  latitude  and  longitude,  which  for 
Barugaza  are  113'  15°  and  17'  20V)0  Minnagara  was  thus  nearly  2'  east  and  2'  north  of 
Barugaza,  which,  we  know  for  certain,  is  Broach.  The  only  old  place  which  fulfils  thest- 
conditions  is  Mandasor,  the  ancient  Dasapura.  Dasapura  certainly  was  a  place  of  itupor 
tance  in  Nahapana's  time  as  it  is  mentioned  in  one  of  Ushava  data's  inscriptions  along  with 
such  big  cities  as  'Sorparaga,  Govardhana  and  Bharukachha.  Besides,  it  seems  at  this  time 
to  have  been  inhabited  by  some  'Sakas,  as  we  see  from  u  Nasik  cave  inscription.5 '  1  have 
often  thought  that  it  was  impossible  for  Ushavadata  not  to  have  made  any  benefactions  »t 
the  capital  town  of  Nahapana  and  that  consequently  one  of  these  four  eities  must  have  been 
his  capital.  But  Ptolemy's  geography  no  longer  leaves  this  point  in  doubt. 

As  Dasapura  was  the  capital  of  Nahapana 's  kindgom,  the  other  three  cities,  viz./Sorpa 
raga,  Govardhaua  and  Bharukachha,  must  have  been  each  the  head-quarters  of  u  district. 
Govardhana  certainly  was  the  principal  town  of  an  dhdra  or  district,  as  we  learn  from  other 
Nasik  cave  inscriptions  of  this  period.52  This  Govardhana  is  the  large  modern  village  of 
Govardhan-Gaugapur,  011  the  right  bank  of  the  Godavari  and  six  miles  west  of  Nasik.  We 
have  seen  that  a  Junnar  cave  epigraph  mentions  an  amdtya  of  Nahapana  called  Ayama 
(Aryamaii).  Amdtya,  of  course,  has  been  used  in  inscriptions  to  signify  the  head  officer  of  a 
territorial  division.  Thus  Junnar  seems  to  have  been  the  head-quarters  of  the  Mamala  district 
which  is  mentioned  in  a  Karle  inscription  and  which  has  been  identified  with  Maval.  Nasik 
inscription  14(a),  as  we  have  seen  above,  makes  mention  of  Ujeni  (Ujjayiiii),  which,  no  doubt, 
was  included  in  Nahapana's  dominions  and  must  have  been  the  head-quarters  of  a  division 
called  Avanti.  There  was  yet  another  district  called  Kapur-ahara  which  is  also  referred 
to  in  one  of  Ushavadata's  inscriptions.  It  was  at  Chikhalapadra  in  this  division  that  he 
granted  8,000  cocoanut  trees.  From  the  mention  of  the  cocoanuts  Chikhalapadra  seems  to 
have  been  on  the  coast  and  most  probably  is  Chikhali,  the  principal  town  of  a  taluka  in  the 
Surat  district,  as  suggested  by  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji.  Kapura  is  mentioned  as  the 
name  of  both  the  district  and  its  head-quarters  on  a  copper-plate  grant  of  the  Traikutaka  king 
Dahrasena  found  at  Pardi  in  the  Surat  Collectorate.  Kapura  thus  appears  to  correspond  to 
the  modern  Surat  district  and  was  situated  between  the  feorparaga  and  Bharukachha  districts. 

(To  be  continued.) 

45  JRAS.,  1907,  p.  1043,  n.  2.         «  I  A.,  Clll.  140.  47  B.  tf .,  VIII.  487.         48  Periplus,  p.  180. 

w  JRAS.,  1912,  788.  5°  I  A.,  Xlil,  359.  5i  El  ,  VIII.  95- 1>. 

52  See,  for  example,  Nfcik  Cave  Inscriptions   Nos.  4  &   5,  where   Govurdhana  is   mentioned  as  a 
where  au  amdtya  was  stationed. 


YLVfcKAI'ATKAMALA 


VIVfiKAPATKAMALA.i 

HY   T.   A.  (UHTXATHA   RAO,  M.A.  ;  TRIVANDEAM. 

IN  my  article  on  the  AtiviM  manga  lam  plates  of  vSrinaiigaraya  1J.,  contributed  to  the 
Ejtigrapia  Indicu,,  Vol.  XII,  an  attempt  Mas  made  to  identify  certain  members  of  the 
family  of  the  document  (xfaana)  writers  of  the  later  Vijayanagara  dynasties  with  certain 
poets  of  Mullaadrain.  Sinee  writing  this  article  more  materials  have  been  accumulated, 
which  enable  me  to  review  the  situation  in  greater  detail. 

There  are  no  less  than  fifty- five  (topper- plate  documents  belonging  to  a  |>eriorl 
intervening  the  reigns  of  Harihara  II  to  Hauga  VI.  hi  which  the  names  of  the  following 
persons,  the  composer*  of  the  documents,  are,  mentioned  :  namely,  Sabhapati,  son  of 
Ahhifaina,  Ins  sons  Svayambhu,  Kumakn*.  i  or  Kamnkshi  and  (ianaparya  ;  his  grandsons 
Ivfijanatha  by  Svayambhu  :  Krishnakavi  and  Ramakavi  by  Kaniakot.i  and  Kiimuya  by 
GanapiVrva  ;  K.:imaya's  son  was  »Somanj1itha.  Th,6n  again  the  engravers  of  the  tflfaawci*, 
arc  said  to  have  been  Muddami.  Virana  I.,  Muddana  11.,  Virana  II.,  Mallana  II,.  Virana  HI., 
Appana,  <  Ja'.'apfirva.  Virana  IV.,  Virana  V.  KAmaya.  Achyuta  and  S6jnan»tha.  The 
following  table  gives  the  details  i^egardinu  the  kirn's.  th<'  composers  and  engravers  of  tht^ir 
documents  and  other  infc»rmation  :  — 


"s,:1 

1M,. 

NMIUO  ol'  t-ln-  Kiny: 

,,^u,. 

™.™: 

i 

's.    130. 

Hai'ihara  1. 

Ma-llanarndlna 

Najlideva. 

Tipiur,  No.  0. 

•> 

'S.  131(5. 

liukka    U. 

Mallanaradhx  a.  son 

Najrideva. 

(<  o  r  i  b  i  d  n  u  r. 

of       KotKvarara- 

No.  4(i. 

dhya  of  the  Atre- 

ya  go  t  r  a,     a  n  d 

VajusflAkha. 

.. 

'S    1  '4  1  S 

Ha  riha  ra  1  1 

Mudda.nacharx  ;i  . 

Hasan,  No.  SO. 

i 

»     .     i.  O  1  °  « 

Do 

' 

Na^ideva. 

T.Xarsi.  No   KU. 

4- 

's    I  'Us 

l*rau(lh}idc\  a- 

\  iranacharva. 

Tnnikni.  No.    11. 

f> 

O  .      J  »>Ti~  . 

ray  a. 

son  of    MucU 

danuchurya  . 

f; 

S.  1  3f>  1 

i  v»     -irjiva   U 

Mnddanu.     son 

L  i  n  ga  m  p  A  cl  u 

o 

of  Viraima  (0 

CJraut. 

7 

S.  i:i8<>. 

hn.     Pi'audha- 

Mallana.      son        of 

Virana.  son    of 

Nagar.  No.  (59. 

de\  a  ray  a. 

Kamana     of    the 

Muddana. 

Kharadv.ijagotra 

and  li-ik>akhA  (  0- 

S' 

^   pisr 

jMallikarjuna. 

Do. 

I1  i  j*t  h  a  h  a  i  !  i, 

No.  2(K>. 

t 

S.  13tM> 

Yirfipaksha  . 

Mallana.  sou  of 

Mala  v  all     i 

' 

Virana. 

No.  121. 

10 

S.  IS!). 

Mallikarjuna. 

Virana    son   of 
Muddana. 

'Srirangapatna, 
No.  11. 

t  i 

^ 

\i  r  *i    V   A  i*  >i  - 

Mallana  (son  of 

Nagar.  No.  04. 

1  1 

>.     4*-.  . 

11     fl     -»>     *  •     L    cl- 

sirhha. 

Viranii). 

'  '      1  J.9O 

Do. 

Virana,    sou  of 

Kumbha  konam 

h. 

Mallana  . 

Plates. 

1  O 

—  . 

T^ 

Do. 

Do. 

io 

I/O. 

. 

14 

S   1433. 

Krishuadeva- 

Sabhapati 

1M. 

Belur,  No.  7  if. 

raya  . 

Tliis  is  fH>iaetime>  k 


also  MS*  t  lie 


THE  INDIAN  ANT1QUAKY 


MARCH,  1918  ] 


.Serial         Dute<         N 
No.  : 

ame  of  the  King. 

Compoaer. 

Engraver. 

Reference. 

15      i 

*.    1433.      1 

£rishuadeva- 

Sabhapati.                  1 

Mallana,  BOH  of 
Virana  (?). 

Holalkere,No.94. 

raya. 

16      t 

$.  1434. 

Do. 

Do. 

Virana,  son  of 
Mallana. 

Shimoga,  No.  1. 

17      < 

>*.    1437. 

1 

DO.          ; 

Do. 

Viranacharya, 
son    of  Mal- 

NIITI j  angod, 
N<>.  16. 

lana. 

18 

S.    1437. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

G  a  n  d  i  u  p  e  t  , 
No.'  30. 

19 

8.    1438. 

Do.              j 

Do. 

Do. 

Hiiawi,  No.  (>. 

20 

8.    1438. 

Do.              j 

Do. 

Do. 

Pnvugada,  No.  4. 

21 

8.   1444. 

Do. 

i 

Do. 

Do. 

(  "humarayaj)H.tina, 
No.  167. 

22      8.    1444. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Kumbhak  on  am 
Plate*,  No  IV. 

23      8.   1445. 

Do. 

J)o.                                   Do. 

(,1hannapatna,  No. 
153. 

24    '  8.    1446. 

Do. 

!    j,o. 

Appanuchiirya, 
son  of  Vira- 

HAnan,  No.  46. 

nachiiri. 

25 

8.   1447. 

Do. 

Do. 

Virana,  son   o: 
Mallana. 

Chikna  v  a  k  u  n  - 
halji,'No.  10. 

26 

8.   1450. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do'. 

K  u  in  bh  a  konai  n 
Plates,  No.  V. 

27 

8.    1453. 

Achyntadf'va- 

Do. 

Do. 

Krishnarajpei., 

No.'n. 

28      8.   1455. 

Do. 

Do.                                  Do. 

i 

Holalkoro,      No. 
132. 

20 

8.   1455. 

Do. 

i         Do. 

Do. 

P  a  v  u  g  a  «1  a  , 
No.  75. 

i 

» 

;iO      8.  1456. 

Do. 

!         Do. 

! 

Virana,  son   o 
Mallana. 

F    Mui.ulya,  No.  55. 

31 

8.   1456. 

Do. 

1 
Do. 

Viraua,  son   o 

f    Arsikmv,  No.  126. 

Virana. 

32 

8.    1458. 

Do. 

i 

!  Virana,  son  c 
Virana. 

f     ChintJiiTiani,    No. 

28. 

33 

8.   1458. 

Do. 

!          Do. 

Do. 

Polepalli  Grant. 

34 

8.  1461. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Beiur,  No.  197. 

35 

8.   1462. 

Do. 

Svayanibhu,       st 
of  Sabhapati; 
Savarnya    g6tr 

tl  n  a  m  a  f  i  j  e  r  i 
Plates. 
Ep.  hid.,  Vol.  III. 

of 
a. 

MAHOH,  1918] 


VIVfcKAl'ATKAMALA. 


81 


Serial 
No. 

Da  to. 

Name  of  the  KiuL?. 

(Nmi.msnr. 

En«mvor. 

Hef<Toiice. 

36 

&.  1403. 

Achy  n  t  ado- 

Sabhapati. 

ViranAchavya. 

Yad  avail  Grant. 

varaya 

37 

S.    1407. 

Sadasiva-deva- 

I'M). 

Do. 

N   a  g  a   in   a  n- 

• 

raya. 

g  a  1  a,  No.  58, 

38 

'S.  1470. 

Do. 

Svayambhu,  son  <>f 

Virana,   son  of 

('hann  apa  t  n  a, 

Sabhapati. 

X'irana. 

No.    186. 

39 

K  1471. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

M  a  ma  di  p  u  u  d  i 

Grant. 

40 

S.  1483. 

'             Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Hasan,  No.  7. 

41 

S.  1489. 

Do 

Do. 

Do. 

Krishi.iap  u  r  a  m 

Grant. 

42 

'S.  1493. 

Tirinnalaraya. 

Do. 

N'irana^   son  of 

T    u    in    k  u     r. 

Ganaparva. 

No.  1. 

43 

K  1497 

Srira/iira  11. 

Ganaparya,    sou    of 

IS1  a  r  (?  d  a  p  all  i 

Sabhapati. 

Grant. 

44 

'  S.  1504. 

V  a  r  a  t  u  n  «x  «' 

Xi'-rAvana 

Trar.    Arch,    tic- 

Pan.iya. 

r«V,s,  p.  124 

45 

!  K  1505- 

Varatiin^ii  and 

Kamakshi,    son    of 

Narayuna,    son 

Do.  ]).  81 

Srivallabha. 

»Sa  bh  :'«  pat  i  ,     and 

of  1'i'irandara. 

<JL  r  a  n  (U  o  n     of 

j 

AbhirAma. 

40 

1  K  1510. 

Y  f>  n  k  a  t  >»  - 

Krislinakavi,  son  of 

Virana.  son  of 

Shimoga,  No.  83. 

pa  ti  ray  a. 

K«niak«"»ti,       and 

Gai.iaparya. 

I*  T  and  s  o  n  of 

Sahhfipat  i. 

47 

,  S.  1511- 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Chikn.-ivakaiihaJli, 

i 

No.  39. 

48 

'S.  1517. 

A  t  i  \   i  r  a  r  A 

1  1  a  j  ai  i  a  t  ha  kav  i  ,  son 

Purandara,  the 

Tmv.    Arch.    «SV- 

maPan.lya. 

of  Svayambhu. 

Uathukiira. 

rws,  p.  142. 

49 

'S.  1524. 

W'ukata  1. 

C  h  i  <1  a  m  b  a  r  a  - 

K  :i  in  ji  y  :i  i  y  a 

Mai'  gala  in  pa  (1  u 

kavi,  sister's  son 

son  of  (JSana- 

Grant. 

of  S  i  vu  s  u  r  \  a, 

]>:irya,   a  n  d 

king  of  jMM»ts. 

b  roth  or  oi 

Vfraiui. 

50 

i  K  155(1. 

Vi'i'ikata  11. 

Ramakavi,    son    of 

Achy  tit  a,      son 

iviiwyiir  Grant. 

Ki'nnakotK    ^  n  d 

of  (  ianapilrya, 

grandson    of  8a.- 

and  grandson 

bh.-ipati. 

of  Virana. 

51 

K  1558. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do'. 

Koiiclyata   (jirant. 

5* 

fe      1  PUUi 

Raij<"iH 

So  in  a  nfi  t  h  a. 

K  a  1  1  a  k  n  r  i  c  h  i 

O.    J.UUU. 

an,./ 

son    of      Ka- 

Grant. 

nuiya,     and 

gntndhon      of 

53 

S.  1569. 

RaiijLra  VI. 

Riunakavi,    son    of 
Kamakoti     a  n  d 

S  o  in  a  n  a  t  h  a, 
s  o  n  o  f    K  n  • 

Utsur  Grant. 

grandson    of  JSa- 

111  a  y  Ji     iltl(^ 

bhapati. 

trrandson     o  f 

54 

S.  1569. 

Do. 

Do. 

'  Do. 

Mulbiigal,  No.  60. 

THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


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THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[MARCH, 


MISCELLANEA. 


VAISHNAVA  WORSHIP  AND  BUDDHISM. 

THK  date  assigned  by  Sir  H.  G.  Bhandarkar  and 
other  scholars  to  the  rise  of  the  Vaishnava  cult  is  too 
well  known  to  Iw  quoted  here.  I  want  to  draw 
attention  to  a  piece  of  evidence  which  carries  one 
aspect  of  Vaishuava  c\ilt  to  a  period  not  later  than 
700—000  B.  <'.  This  was  the  worship  of  Trivikram  i 
Vishim,  curiously  enough  tha  form  of  worship  was 
the  worship  of  foot-prints. 

The  worship  was  current  even  before  Yaska  and 
was  alluded  to  by  a  predeee-wor  of  his.  That 
predecessor  was  AurtiavAbha,  who  was  probably 
identical  with  the  Teacher  of  that  name,  in  th  • 
Hrihadtiranyaka  Upantuh'ttt.  Auruavahha  is  cited 
in  several  places  by  YAdka  who  gives  lus  attUuittikti 
or  legendary  and  historical  interpret  utious  of  the 
ftiyveda  hymns. 

Commenting  on  tin*  WiOlknown  Kiehu 

f>Wn?*T  *T«9Tr  Rr^t  ^53'  VAnkn  in  Ids 
(  Daivatu,  6'3'IH)  quotes  Sukapvmi  first,  who 
explains  that-  Vishnu  crosses  'all  this'  with  thruo 
steps  placing  them  on  the  earth,  on  the  nntttrikalm 
(  horizon  )  and  on  the  sky.  CQtf*  faf 


Nirnkfa 


I  )  Then  he  cites  AurnavAbha 
who  takes  tlie  verse  in  the  sense  that  Vishnu 
literally  and  physically  crossed  in  the  past  (  T5?*f  ) 
in  the  manner  described  by  >SA.kupfn»i,  stepping  over 
the  earth,  horizon  and  sky,  an:l  lie  ,^(»yrf  "in  augend- 
ing  (he  stepped)  at  the  I'lvhnu-jtn  In  on  the  Gaya 
Peak  "  i  — 


Aumavabba  i«  referring  to  the  first  step  pfithit- 
</<V>'-  and  is  giving  the  AitihAaikas'  view  current  in 
his  time  by  referring  to  the  "  Vishim-pada  "  at 
Gaya-Hill  from  which  place,  they  believed,  Vishnu 


actually  went  up.  The  "  Vishpu-pada  "  at  Gaya- 
Hill  is  still  worshipped  and  was  being  worshipped  in 
the  days  of  and  before  the  Vayu-PurAna  (600  A.  D.). 
The  passage  is  not  only  important  for  the  history 
of  the  Vaishnava  cult,  but  throws  light  also  on  the 
religious  history  of  early  Buddhism.  The  custom 
of  worshipping  foot-prints,  it  shows,  had  been 
already  an  old  institution  before  the  time  of  the 
Buddha.  It  probably  originated  in  this  Vedic  legend 
of  Vishnu's  stepping  over  the  earth.  2  His  supposed 
foot-prints  (Vishmi-pada)  were  worshipped  by  the 
Aitihasikas  and  those  who  believed  with  them. 

The  passage  also  shows  that  (Jaya  had  long 
become  a  sacred  place  botoro  the  Buddha  wont 
there  to  do  his  meditation.  3  And  it  was  a  sacred 
place  of  the-  orthodox  people  who  derive,!  their 
cult  from  the  ftiyvetlti. 

1  take  this  opportunity  of  pointing  out  that  the 
identification  of  the  Trivikrama- Vumana  Vishnu 
withVasu*  leva  was  complete  Ixrfoiv  the  ttaurlln'tiMnii* 
i/harnia-SAtrax  (see  II.  5.  H.  10).  Also  MWo  the 
Jtrmdhn yami  dhnrinti'tftUnti*  child-Krishna  (  Damo- 
dara )  and  the  cowherd-Krishna  (  UovindH)  wore 
known  diMties  (  ibid.)  *  This  dispow^H  off  the  view 
held  by  Indian  and  European  seholurs  that  ihp 
Krishna  worship  in  the  child- form  is  post-Christ. 
The  accepted  date  of  the  ttaHtUh'it/fiHfi.-dharma^ 
tintm*  is  *'  before  400  }*.(^.  "  (  Macdntiell,  &tin*krit 
Literature,  ]>.  25i).) 

My  own  view  which  will  appear  in  my  Tarjorr 
Lectures  is  tliat  the  date  is  over-estimated  by  two 
ccnturios.  In  any  case  the  cowherd  and  the  child- 
god  Krishna  was  worshipped  here  liefnro  Christ 
was  born. 

K.  P.  J*.Y  \SWAL. 


NOTES  AND   QUERIES. 


NOTES  FROM  OLD  FACTORY   RECORDS. 

11.  Cumpaiiy'H  oHicers  obliged  to  «o  through 
tho  ranks. 

13  December  1089.  L-tter  from  Kltltu  Yale  and 
Council  at  Fort  St.  (jeonjc  tt  Juhn  Mick*  and 
Council  at  Coaimere.  We  commend  Mr  Kirigs  mar- 
siall  Inclinations,  but  first,  lw?  must  wt«ll  understand 
the  duty  of  a  Sontinall  lief  ore  ho  rlimos  to  an 
officer  as  those  Gentlemen  here  did  [whom]  the 
Govornour  advanced  in  that  Imploy.  who  served 


sever  all  months  as  roforrnadoo  [  volunteers],  duely 
performeing  there  duty,  which  when  Mr.  King  lias 
well  discharged  the  (Jovt,rnoiir  will  encourage  him 
to  his  Mori  tin,  but  in  this  you  must  also  havo 
a  regard  not  to  discourage  our  officers  whose 
only  hopes  is  there  duo  succession  and  preferment 
which  ought  duly  to  be  observed  to  all  that 
deserve.  Records  of  Fort  St.  George,  Letters  from 
Fort  St.  George,  1G89,  p.  67. 
__  R.  C.  T. 

i  For  (Jay d- Peak  in  the  Jatakas,  s(v  J.  I.  142. 

-  Tho  orthodox  worship  of  foot-prints  to-day  is  confined  to  Vishnu-pada  (Vishnu's  foot-prints)  only. 

3  Apparently  he  went  there  because  it  was  a  sacred  place. 

4  In  the  Aiwmd&srainu  edition  the  twelve  names  Kosava,  etc.,  are  given  separately.     But  see  Rtihlt-r, 
S.B.E.  XIV.  The  identity  is  established  by  the  Vaikhfaiasa-dharma-S'iUra  (lately  published)  which  gives  tho 
prailka  •'  KeHava  "  of  tho  Baudhayana  ttintdra  and  calls  them  'the  twelve  names'.     (The   date  of  the 
Vaikhfauuta  in  the  present  form  is  cir.  200  B.C.     Its  earlier  shape  which  can  be  easily  detected  goes  back 
before   tho    Buddha's  time    and  Pan  in  i.     It  is  quoted  by   Gautama  and  Baudhayana  and   the  quoted 
xiltra*'  are   to  be    found  in  the  present   Vatklidfiaea.     1  discuss  its  date   and  importance  in  my  Tagore 
Lectures.     The  MS.  known  to  Eurojxjan  scholars  was  a  later  book  than  tho  present  one. 


APRIL,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  85 

AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  IN  THE 

EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

BY  SIR  R.  C.  TEMPLE,  BT. 

(Continued  from  p.  59.) 

IV.— The  Triestine  Society  of  1782. 

Letter  from  Robert  liitchie  to  Peter  Michell,1*  dated  Venice,  21  February  1783.1!l 

T  NOW  transmit  tho  Prospectus  of  Mr  Bolt's  scheme,  and  should  have  done  it  somo  time 
*  ago  had  I  seen  any  probability  of  his  finding  subscribers  for  the  sum  wanted  ;  he 
seems,  however,  to  have  some  chanco  now  of  being  able  to  send  out  his  ship  ono  way  or 
other,  though  I  doubt  much  whether  the  subscription  will  be  really,  or  only  nominally, 
full.  The  scheme  is  printed  in  Italian,  which  I  havo  translated  into  English,  because 
some  of  tho  Ccntlenien  who  may  havo  the  curiosity  to  peruse  it,  peihaps  do  not  under- 
stand that  language. 

Convention  relative  to  the  expedition  of  the  Ship  ilCobenzd"  by  ihe  Trieste  Society 
from  Tried?  to  the  East  Indies  and  China,  and  back  to  Trieste .20 

It  is  universally  known  that  the  underwritten  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  Bolts 
obtained  from  the  Empress  Queen  Maria  Teresa  of  glorious  memory  21  a  Commission 
or  Patent,  with  very  extensive  privileges,  t<,  establish  a  direct  Commerce  with  tho  East 
Indies,  dated  the  5th  of  'Tune  1775. 

It  is  equally  notorious  that  tho  trials  made  by  him  with  several  ships  sent  out  on 
that  voyage,  in  company  with  other  persons,  yielded  on  their  return,  considerable 
profits,  insomuch  that,  under  his  co-direction,  a  Company  was  formed  with  a  Capital 
of  two  millions  of  florins,  divided  in  Actions  (shares)  among  her  Imperial  Majesty's 
subjects  in  the  Low  Countries. 

It  is  flattering  to  him  to  havo  boon,  in  this  manner,  the  founder  and  restorer  of 
this  important  and  lucrative  Commerce  after  it  had  been  abandoned  for  half  an  age,  and 
it  will  give  him  still  greater  satisfaction  if  he  can  succeed  in  animating  tho  subjects  of 
these  hereditary  States  with  trust  and  confidence  with  regard  to  this  trade.  To  which 
end  he  offers  the  following  proposals, 

1.  Tho  abovewritten  Mr  Bolts,  jointly  with  tho  underwritten  Codirectors,  and  for 
account  of  tho  Trieste  Society,  will  set  out  and  dispatch  for  tho  East  Indies  and  China, 
by  the  ordinary  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  the  new  Imperial  Ship  called  Cobenzel,  of 
about  600  tons  burden,  now  in  this  port  of  Trieste,  furnished  with  experienced  Officers, 
and  commanded  by  Captain  John  Joseph  Bauer,  a  subject  of  the  Emperour,  [Joseph  II], 
and  this  ship  will  sail,  at  the  farthest,  within  the  month  of  March  next. 

2  Although  the  above  ship,  including  her  rigging,  furniture,  arms,  &c.,  actually  in 
readiness  cost  Mr  Bolts  more  than  the  sum  of  130,000  florins,  yet,  to  the  Society  now 
proposed,'  the  ship  and  furniture  shall  be  valued  only  at  110,000  florins ;  and  in  order  to 
facilitate'the  balancing  of  accounts,  he  obliges  himself  to  take  back  tho  ship,  on  her 

W  Secretary  to  the  East  India  Company,  1768-1783. 
tt  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  72,  No.  92. 
*>  Mteellaneoua  Letter*  Received,  \ol  72,  No.  94. 
«  Maria  Teresa,  Emprws  of  Austria,  died  29  Nov.  1780. 


86  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  t  A«ttL,  1&18 

return  to  Trieste,  for  two  thirds  of  the  value  she  shall  cost  the  Company  when  ready  fco 
sail,  in  the  condition  she  may  return  from  sea,  with  the  rigging,  furniture,  arms,  &e., 
belonging  to  her,  so  as  they  then  happen  to  be,  without  pretence  to  any  deduction  for 
whatever  accident  may  happen,  which  ho  expressly  renounces  by  these  presents. 

3.  This  projected  voyage,    including  the  ship  and  cargo,  a  part  whereof  is  already 
provided,  as  is  well  known,  and  a  part  not,  requires  a  fund  of  four  hundred  thousand 
florins.    This  fund  is  to  be   divided  into  a  hundred  actions  or  shares,   of  four  thousand 
florins  each,  and  every  proprietor  is  at  liberty  to  purchase  as  many  shares    as  he  thinks 
proper,  till  the  whole  hundred  are  completed,  and  also  a  half,  fourth,    or  eighth  of  a 
share,  so  that  a  greater  number  may  partake  of  the  profits  which  this    foreign  trade 
offers. 

4.  Mr  Bolts     being    convinced  by   experience    and  a    long  stay  in   India  of  the 
solidity  of  this  undertaking,    obliges   himself  to   take    for  his    own    account   fourteen 
shares,  amounting  to  the  sum  of  lifty  six  thousand  current  florins  of  Vienna. 

5.  As  he  has  the  jus  and  privilege  for  another  similar  voyage  to  India,  therefore,  in 
order  to  give  the    concerned   in  the    present  Adventure   a   greater   prospect  of  gain,  he 
promises  and  obliges  himself  that  those  amorg  them  who   are  unwilling  to   b.?   interested 
in  that  voyage  shall  have  the  preference   as  far  as  the  half  of  the    sums  they  have 
subscribed  to  this,  on  condition  that,   thirty  days  aft ei  advertisement,  they   shall   declare 
whether  they  chuso  to   be  concerned  in  that  separate  adventure  and  how  nnic.h. 

6.  To  convince  the  Adventurers  of  the  solidity   of  this   enterprise,  he  obliges  himself 
to  warrant,  and  hereby  does  warrant,  ten  per   cent,   per  annum  as  certain   ]>rofH,  from 
the  day  the  ship  Cobenzel  sails  to  her  safe  return,  to   each    of  the  adventurers  on  the 
capital  respectively  advanced,   and  five  per  cent,  from  the  day  of   disbursement  till  the 
day  the  ship    sails,  and  from   the  day    of  her  return  till  the   final  liquidation  of   the 
respective  quotas. 

7.  All  charges  of  whatever  kind  being  deducted,  as   also  the  abovemont.ioaed   ten 
and  five  per  cents.,  the  next  profit  of  the  voyage  is  to  be  divided  into  two  equal  pirfcs, 
one  of  which   to  be  subdivided   among   the   adventurers  according  to  their    respective 
shares,   and  the  other  half  becomes  the  property  of  Mr  Bolts,   in  consideration   of  his 
having  formed   the  project   and  ceded  his  privilege,  and  also  by  way  of  premium  for  his 
guarantee  of  a  certain  gain  to  each   adventurer  of  ten  and  five  per  cent,  as  above. 

8.  Furthermore,  the  said  Mr  Bolts  obliges  himself   not  to  withdraw  or  soil,  cede 
or  alienate  his  interest  of  fifty  six  thousand  florins  till  all  the  adventurers  are  fully  satisfied, 
not  only  in  regard  to  their  capital,  but  likewise  the  profit   warranted  or  insured  of  ten 
and  five  per  Cent.,  in  conformity  to   the  6th   article,   and   also   the  surplus  that   may 
fall  to  their  respective  shares  on  their  half  of  the  next  gain,  after  all   the  charges  are 
deducted. 

9.  To  the  end  that  the  business  of  the  projected  expedition  may  be  managed  with 
good  order  and    exactness,  and  in  order  to  give  a  greater  and  more  general  faith  and 
trust  in  the  concerned,  Messrs.  James  de  Gabbiati,  John  Adam  Wagner,  and  John  Rossetti 
are  appointed  Directors  conjointly  with  the  said   Mr  Bolts,  and  it  is  hereby  expressly 
stipulated  that,  without  the  consent   of  the  Oodirectors,  neither   he,  nor   in  his  absence, 
his  Agent,  Mr  Edward  Watte,  shall  assume   the  management  of  any  business  whatever 
relative  to,  connected  with,  or  dependent  on  the  said  adventure* 


APBJL,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  87 

10.  In  consequence,  however,  of  the  foregoing  obligation,  it  shall  be  incumbent  on 
the  Codirectors  jointly  with  Mr  Bolts,  to  prepare  and  draw  up  the  publick  or  private 
advertisements  to  the  Adventurers,  to  collect  the  money  arising  from  tho  sale  of  the 
actions,  to  realize  and  verify  the  fourteen  shares  taken  by  Mr  Bolts;  to  provide  the  goods' 
required  for  the  voyage  ;  to  give  the  needful  instructions  to  the  Captain,  Supercargo,  and 
other  officers  of  the  said  ship  ;  to  get  insurance  done,  not  only  on  the  capital,  but  also  on 
•an  expected  or  imaginary  gain,  as  is  usual  in  maritime  trade  ;  to  sign  letters  of  corres- 
pondence, and  whatever  else  is  requisite  in  the  execution  of  this  undertaking  ;  and  in  like 
manner,  after  the  return  of  the  ship,  to  take  care  that  the  merchandize  be  landed, 
sold,  the  produce  got  into  Cash,  charges  paid,  the  respective  dividends  made,  and 
whatever  else  may  be  necessary  or  convenient  for  the  general  interest  of  the  Society. 

The  money  chest  shall  be  kept  under  four  keys,  whereof  Mr  Bolts  or  iris  Agent  shall 
have  the  custody  of  one,  and  one  shall  remain  in  the  hands  of  each  of  the  other  three 
Directors.  In  this  chest  shall  be  lodged  not  only  the  money  received  or  to  be  received  for 
Actions,  but  also  all  the  documents  relative  to  the  expedition,  such  as  the  billn  of  lading 
signed  by  the  Captain,  the  policies  of  insurance,  and  every  voucher  concerning  the  vovage 
out  and  home. 

The  books  shall  be  kept  by  Mi-  Edward  Watts,  but  under  the  constant  inspection  of 
the  Codirectors,  who,  jointly  with  Mr  Bolts,  shall,  in  due  time,  get  insurance;  done  on  the 
cargo  out  and  home,  and  likewise  on  an  imaginary  or  hoped  for  profit,  so  as,  in  ease  of  a 
misfortune,  which  God  forbid,  tho  capital  and  interest  of  all  the  Adventurers  may  be 
insured. 

In  like  manner,  they  shall  jointly  give  the  requisite  instructions  to  the  Captain, 
Supercargo  and  Officers,  that,  in  case  of  any  fortunate  fire  inn  stance,  particularly  in  Asia, 
on  the  opportunity  of  this  ships  return  to  Euroj>e,  if  a  certain  protit  should  be*  offered 
independent  of  the  fund  of  this  Society,  all  such  transactions  may  be  done  which  aro 
usual  in  these  parts,  and  from  which  a  sure  profit  "results,  but  not  otherwise  ;  and  these 
profits,  independent  of  the  Company's  funds,  shall  be,  divided,  that  is,  three  fourths  to 
Mr  Bolts,  and  one  fourth  to  the  Adventurers,  the  commission  of  the  Direction,  as  in 
the  following  article,  deducted. 

In  recompense  for  the  pains  and  care  of  all  the  four  Directors,  they  shall  be  allowed, 
by  way  of  commission  and  premium,  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  on  the  whole  amount 
of  the  expedition  outward,  and  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  on  the  sales  of  the  homeward 
cargo,  after  the  ships  return,  that  is,  two  fifths  to  Mr  Bolls,  and  three  fifths  for  the 
other  three  Directors. 

On  the  safe  return  of  the  ship,  with  all  convenient  speed  in  regard  to  the  interest  of 
the  Company,  the  whole  cargo  shall  be  sold  at  publick  sale  ;  and  when  the  accounts  are 
made  up,  all  the  charges  are  to  be  paid,  and  the  ton  per  cent,  and  respective  five  per 
cent,  to  the  Adventurers,  the  commission  to  the  Directors,  premiums  of  insurance,  and 
whatever  else  falls  to  fie  charge  of  the  common  concern  ;  and  the  remaining  profit,  hoped 
for,  shall  be  decided  according  to  the  seventh  article. 

In  case  of  loss,  the  funds  insured  are  to  be  recovered  and  brought  into  cash,  and  tl}e 
capital,  interest,  and  hoped  for  gain  that  have  been  insured  are  to  be  paid  to  the  Adven- 
turers in  the  manner  above  mentioned  ;  and  every  thing  is  to  proceed  in  a  clear  orderly 
manner  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  concerned,  who  shall  at  all  times  have  free  access  to  seu 
the  accounts  and  vouchers. 


88  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [APRIL,  1918 

All  the  Adventurers,  excepting  the  Directors,  are  at  liberty  to  sell  their  shares, 
giving  notice  to  the  Directors  for  the  registry  ;  but  the  Directors  shall  not  be  responsible 
for  the  eventuality  of  this  expedition,  whether  fortunate  or  not,  having  done  their  duty  as 
indicated  above. 

Whoever  chuses  to  accede  to  this  Convention  and   social  contract  will  be  pleased  to 
sign  their  names,  and  note  the  number  of  actions  they  desire  to  take,  with  an  obligation 
to  accept  the  bills  at  usance  which  the  Directors  shall  draw  for  the  value  of  the  purchase 
as  soon  as  the  whole  number  of  one  hundred  actions  is  completed. 
Trieste,  llth  December  1782. 

We  underwritten,  elected  and  appointed  for  managing  the  affairs  relative  to  the 
Association  called  the  Trieste  Society  for  the  expedition  of  the  Imperial  ship  Cobenzel, 
in  conformity  to  the  foregoing  printed  plan,  declare  that  the  subscriptions  in  Trieste 
till  this  day  amount  to  the  sum  of  140,000  florins,  and  so  soon  as  the  subscriptions 
required  are  completed,  the  names  and  respective  sums  of  all  the  Adventurers  shall 
be  published. 

Trieste,  the  2Qth  December  1782. 

(Signed)  GUGLIJSLMO  BOLTS, 

GIACOMO  JJE  GABBIATJ 
GIAN  ADAMO  VAGNER 
GEO  :  ROSSETTI 
Note  on  the  Prospectus  of  the  Tries! ine  Company. 

The  foregoing  prospectus  is  very  interesting  as  showing  the  methods  of  the  Austrian 
Company,  known  to  the  English  as  the  Triestinc  Society  (Society  Tmperiale  Asiatique  de 
Trieste)  in  raising  funds  for  its  voyages.  Apparently  the  Society  raised  a  separate- 
subscription  for  each  voyage,  which  was  liquidated  on  ite  completion. 

Put  into  modern  commercial  parlance  and  divested  of  its  "  wrapping,"  the  scheme 
developed  in  the  prospectus  is  illuminating,  as  it  tells  us  how  funds  for  ventures  were 
raised  in  the  18th  century  in  Europe  ;  and  it  shows  incidentally  that  the  Company 
promoters  of  that  time  were  as  "  smart  "  as  the  most  modern  of  their  tribe. 

On  20  December  1782,  Bolts,  in  the  name  of  the  Triestine  Society,  promoted  a  special 
issue  of  shares  for  the  voyage  of  the  ship  Cobenzel  to  India,  China  and  the  East,  and  back. 
The  Directors  were  to  be  himself,  as  Managing  Director,  and  three  others.  He  was  also 
to  be  the  promoter. 

The  share  capital  was  to  be  400,000  florins  (  say  £40,000,  taking  the  Austrian  florin 
at  2s.  to  be  divided  as  to  260,000  florins  into  520  20%  preference  shares  of  500  florins 
each,  held  by  the  subscribers,  and  as  to  140,000  florins  into  35  unsaleable  fully  paid 
ordinary  shares  of  4,000  florins  each,  held  by  the  Directors  in  the  proportion  of  14  by  the 
promoter  and  7  each  by  the  other  Directors.  The  preference  shares  were  to  receive  on 
the  promoter's  guarantee  5%  from  the  date  of  subscription  to  the  date  of  sailing, 
10%  during  the  voyage,  and  5%  from  the  date  of  return  to  the  date  of  final  liquidation. 
These  dividends  were  subject  to  all  the  charges  of  the  venture,  including  the  Directors' 
remuneration. 

The  Directors'  remuneration  was  to  be  2£%  on  all  sales  during  the  voyage  and  2J% 
on  all  sales  after  the  ship's  return,  payable  in  the  proportion  of  i  to  the  promoter 


APRIL,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  80 

and  |  each  to  the  other  Directors.22  The  balance  of  the  net  profits  on  the  voyage, 
which  were  to  include  the  value  of  the  ship  taken  at  $  of  the  total  capital  (i.e.,  at  206,000 
florins),  and  the  guarantee  of  the  promoter,  was  to  be  divided,  half  to  the  promoter  and 
half  to  the  shareholders.  The  whip  was  to  be  insured  by  the  Society,  and  in  case  of  loss 
the  insurance  money  was  to  be  available  for  dividend.  Any  incidental  profits,  i.e.,  any 
made  during  the  voyage  by  trading  in  goods  not  included  in  the  original  cargo,  were  to  be 
divided,  f  to  the  promoter  and  J  to  the  shareholders. 

The  objects  of  the  issue  were  to  purchase  the  ship  Cubrnzcl  of  600  tons,  valued  at 
130,000  florins,  but  sold  to  the  Society  by  tho  promoter  for  110,000  florins  for  the  purposes 
of  the  issue,  and  to  equip  her  and  take  her  on  a  voyage  to  India,  China  and  the  East  ant! 
back,  the  total  cost  of  the  scheme  being  estimated  at  400,000  florins.  The  outward  trade 
cargo  was  to  consist  of  copper,  gunpowder,  iron,  cloths  and  wine,  and  also  porcelain, 
cannon,  etc.,  as  presents  for  llaidar  Ali  of  Mysore  and  other  Indian  potonatos  ;  and  the 
homeward  cargo  was  to  be  pepper.  It  was  stated  in  the  prospectus  that  the  promoter's 
previous  voyage  for  the  Society  to  the  East  had  been  very  profitable. 

The  subscript  ion  to  the  issue  was  opened  on  LM)  December  17S2,  the  capital  was  fully 
subscribed  by  23  June  1783,  and  the  ship  had  commenced  her  voyage  before  29  September 
1783.  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  her  arrival  in  the  East.  The  promoter  reserved  the 
right  to  undertake  arrangements  for  a  similar  voyage  for  the  Society  immediately  on 
completion  of  those  for  the  present  one,  and  he  set  to  work  to  raise  funds  for  another 
venture  to  tho  East  as  soon  as  the  Cobcnzcl  had  started  on  her  voyage. 

It  will  bo  seen  from  the  foregoing  statement  that  what  Bolts  did  was  this.  ."He guaranteed 
hih  subscribers  nominally  :JOf)0,  but  in  reality  only  5%  ^  on  the  capital  they  put  up,  260,000 
florins,  risking  thus  13,000  florins24;  but  h>-  sold  his  ship  to  them  for  1 10,000  florins  in  cash, 
so  lie  made  them  pay  handsomely  for  his  guarantee.  He  also  guaranteed  to  buy  the  ship 
nominally  for  260,000  tlorins  on  her  return,  but  the  shareholders  \\ere  to  have  her  insured  ; 
and  so  if  she  was  lost  on  the  voyage  he  not  only  risked  nothing,  but  got  his  share  of  the 
insurance  money  as  owner  of  14%  of  the  total  capital.-*  If  the  ship  returned  safely,  his 
share  of  tho  profit  would  cover  t ho  risk,  as  it  would  necessarily  be  great  .2C 

Thus  lie  got  50,000  florins  worth  of  shares  ( 14%  of  the  total  capital  as  above  noted  ) 
for  nothing37;  half  the  gross  profit  bey oml  20%  as  the  shareholders  paid  all  tho  charges 
of  the  venture  including  his  remuneration  ;  three-fourths  of  any  trading  profit  ( beyond 
those  on  the  proceeds  of  the  outward  and  homeward  cargo )  m  ado  during  tho  voyage; 
andorio  percent.  (J-  of  2i%)  «n  all  sales  of  both  the  outward  arid  homeward  cargo 
which  wore  always  veiy  high  in  those  days. 

It  was  those  considerations  that  apparently  made  business  men  of  the  day  accept  hi« 
guarantee,  as  at  that  time  he  was  practically  bankrupt,  the  voyage  of  the  Joseph  and,  Theresa 
not  being  the  success  he  Mould  appear  to  have  made  it  out  to  be.  It  is  probable  that  he 

22  I.e.,  1%   to  the  promoter  and  J%  to  each  of  Mio  other  Directors. 

23  That  is  until  the  return  of  tho  ship  the    only  dividend  payable    on  the  prospectus   wus    5%   for 
the  lime  before  the  ship  started. 

s*  This   was   the   outside  risk,    as   the    5%    it   represented  was  only   payable   after  deduction    of 

**  expenses." 

25  By  the  prospectus  the  insurance  money  was  specially  earmarked  as  available  for  dividend. 

*  The  value  of  the  ship  was  also  to  be  available  for  dividend. 

*  His  total  outside  risk  was  56,000  florins   for  shares   and    13,000   florins  as   guaranteed  dividend 
against  110,000  florins,  the  price  of  his  ship  paid  him  by  the  shareholders. 


'.!<>  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  APBTL,  1918 

had  to  give  away  a  large  share  of  his  advantages  in  the  prospectus  to  them  for  assistance 
in  floating  tho  issue,  in  a  manner  well  known  to  the  modern  Company -promoter, 

The  object  of  giving  Bolts  thres  colleagues  in  the  direction  of  the  Society's  venture  was 
obviously  to  protect  the  shareholders,  but  they  had  individually  so  subordinate  an  interest 
in  the  concern  that  their  control  must  have  been  shadowy. 

One  result  of  this  story  is  to  bring  homo  to  the  present-day  reader,  with  convincing 
clearness,  what  it  meant  to  European  merchants,  even  in  the  late  18th  century,  when 
"  their  ships  came  home." 

Letter  from  Mr  Nathaniel  Green,  Consult  to  Mr  Secretary  Fox,** 

dated  Trieste,  9  May  1783. 20 

Mr.  Bolts  is  now  at  Vienna,  soliciting  Credit  for  the  Value  of  One  Hundred  Thousand 
Florins  in  Copper  and  Gunpowder  for  the  Cargo  of  the  Ship  Colentzdy  which  is  to  be* 
fitted  out  here  for  Bengal  and  China  so  soon  as  the  Actions  are  all  engaged,  if  tho  Disputes 
among  Mr  Bolts 's  Creditors  do  not  throw  Obstacles  in  the  Way.  This  Expedition  proposed 
( according  to  all  Appearance  )  by  Mr  Bolts  to  amuse  his  Creditors,  is  to  be  carried  on  under 
the  Firm  &c.  of  La  Societa  Triestiiia.  Mr  Bolts  and  three  Merchants  of  this  Place  are  the 
Managers,  and  they  hope,  not  only  to  send  out  this  Ship,  but  also  to  find  Funds  in  the  same 
Way,  that  [is,  ]  by  Shares  or  Actions,  for  sending  out  another  immediately  afterwards.  All 
this  affair  is  totally  separate  from  those  of  the  Antwerp  Company  to  whom  Mr  Bolts  has 
ceded  his  Octroi  or  exclusive  Privilege  for  the  East  India  Trade,  which  began  in  1775  and  its 
term  will  expire  in  1785.  Mr  Bolts,  however,  notwithstanding  his  present  very  critical 
situation  and  his  extensive  Engagements,  still  contemplates  his  favourite  Project  of  a  Voyage 
to  the  North  West  Coast  of  America  and  round  the  Globe,  for  which  intent  he  retains  yet  in 
his  Service  the  People  he  first  engaged  to  assist  in  that  Enterprise,  vizt. 

Mr  Gilpin,  Astronomer,  who  went  tho  last  Voyage  with  Captain  Cook.™ 
[G.]     Dixon,  Armourer  in  the  same. 
[Wrn.]  Walker,  Joyners  Mate    Do.      and 

[H,]  Zimmerman,  Mariner  Do.  This  last  is  a  Native  of  Spiers  in  the  Pal atinatc 
and  is  the  Man  who  has  published  in  German  a  Relation  of  Captain  Cooke's 
last  Voyage.31 

Thus  Mr  Bolts 's  projects  may  produce  two  trading  Companies  instead  of  one,  besides 
setting  Komething  of  the  same  kind  a  going  in  Leghorn,  from  whence  a  Ship  lately  sailed 
under  Tuscan  Colours  for  East  India,  though  perhaps  its  Voyage  may  terminate  at  the 
Isle  of  France,  and  Mr  Shorriman,  late  of  Madras,  is  now  soil ici ting  the  Grand  Duke  for 
his  Protection  of  another  Ship  for  the  Coast  of  Coromaudel.  There  is  some  Ground  to 


28  Charles  James   Fox  (1740-1806),  Joint  {Secretary  of  State  with  Lord  North,  April— Deo.  1783. 

29  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  73,  No.  189. 

30  Mr.  Edward  Hcawood  informs  me  that  in  Kitaoa'a  Life  of  Captain  James  Cook   the  name   of 
G.  Gilpin  appears  in  the  list  of  officers   and  men   who  went  with  Cook  on  his  second  (not  last)  voyage, 
1772.1776.     Gilpin's  name  figures  among  the  supernumeraries  as  «  servant"  to   the  Astronomer  on  the 
Resolution,  and  he  probably  acted  ae  assistant. 

*  G.  Dixon,  Wm.  Walker  and  Heinrich  Zimmermann  were  all  members  of  the  crew  of  the  Discovery 
in  Cook's  last  voyage.  Zimmermann's  account,  entitled  Reise  urn  die  Welt  mit  Capit.  Cook,  waa  published 
atQottmgen  in  1781.  A  second  ed.  was  published  at  Mannheim  in  1782.  In  a  note  to  the  1st  ed. 
the  author  is  said  to  have  been  a  quartermaster  in  the  Discovery,  but  in  Kitson's  list  (sea  previous 
note)  he  is  styled  coxswain.  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  B.  G.  Comey  for  this  information. 


APRIL,  1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA  91 


believe  that  all  East  India  Speculations  would  sjan  bs  laid  aside  ia  ibis  Country  if  they 
were  not  supportad  by  the  Assistance  of  Englishmen  anl  other  Foreigners,  and  the 
Facility  they  ilnd  of  fitting  out  Shipa  from  English  and  other  Foreign  Ports.  Next  week 
I  shall  have  the  Honor  to  transmit  some  Notes  on  the  Account  which  Mr  B;>lts  has  lately 
presented  to  his  Creditors  on  IIIH  stopping  Payment. 

P.  &—  Some  Presents  for  Hydcr  Ally  [H/iidar  AUJ  are  getting  ready  a!  Vicuna,  of  what 
kind  I  know  not,  but  believe  the  bulk  small. 

Letter  from   Mr  Green,  (Consul  at  Trieste,    lo  Mr  Secretary  Fox, 

dated  23  June  1783. :;- 

The  Subscription  of  florins  400,000  for  the  Exp  edition  of  the  Ship  ^obrnlzcl  for  B  mgal 
and  China  for  Account  of  Mr  Bolts  and  the  Trbstino  Sjyiety  as  it  is  called  (  not  the  Imparial 
Asiatic  Company)  is  now  full,  and  the  Ship  is  to  bo  tilted  out  in  all  haste.  Hyder  Ally 
has  given  Commission  for  150  Tons  of  Iron  which  is  to  go  in  this  Ship.  A  messenger  is 
to  bo  dispatched  by  the  Way  over  land  to  the  Co.ist  of  Mal:ibar.  A  Manufacturer  named 
Martin,  at  or  near  Marseilles,  gives  Mr  B.  credit  for  a  large  Quantity  of  Cloth  for  this 
Voyage  ;  a  Person  at  Madeira  oilers  him  200  Pipes  of  Wine  for  half  ready  Money  and  half 
credit  at  Thirty  Months.  Mr  Thrthon  of  Lisbon  writes  to  him  that  if  Jus  cannot  immediately 
succeed  in  his  Project  hen-.  He  may  find  better  Friends  at  Lisbon. 

Letter  from  (lonsul.  Green  In  Mr.  Secretary  7<W, 

dated  Trieste,  11  July  17S3.:" 

Mr  Bolts  Ship,  the  Go'jc.nlz:'!,  is  to  sail  about  tJr.5  en  I  of  Anoint  for  the  Coast  of 
Malabar,  from  whence  slir  is  to  go  to  China.  A  MjmMigor  v\*ill  set  o  it  in  a  f»w  days  with 
Dispatches  for  Maniralorc,  where  he  is  to  wait  Mie  arrival  of  the  Ship. 

The  great  Ship  building  at  Fiume  for  the  Imp  >rul  India  Company  !l  vvill  not  bo  ready 
for  Sea  till  December  next. 

Letter  from   Consul   Green  to    Mr   Secretary    Vox, 

dated   Trieste,  25  July  1783J'-' 

The  Ship  Cobcutzel  is  to  carry  the  Presents  from  His  Imperial  JVLi-jesty  to  Hyder 
Ally,  Part  of  which  1  am  told  will  consist  in  soni'i  Porcelain"  of  Vienna  ani  aoma  Brass 
Cannon.  The  Present  which  Mr  Bolls  brought  from  Hy dor  for  the  late  Empress  was 
Shauls  and  Diamonds,  supposed  to  be  worth  abaut  Thirty  Thousand  Florins.  The 
Company  hopes  by  the  Favor  of  Hydsr  to  k>  able  to  procure4  a  (Urgo  of  Pepper  on  the 
Coast,  to  bring  home  which,  a  Ship  is  to  be  bought  there. 

Letter  from  Consul  Green  to  Mr   Secretary  Fox, 

dated   Trieste,  IS  August  178.'*.  l(> 

Two  Days  a^o  a  gentleman  named  Campbell  s'jt  out  from  honuc  with  Dispatclies 
from  Mr  Bolts  and  the  naw  Association  called  the  Triestino  Society,  for  Hydor  Ally  aid  for 
some  Correspondents  at  Bombay.  Tae.ir  Saip,  Cobcnlzd,  will  be  ready  to  sail  from  htiuco 
in  about  tlircc  Weeks.  She  is  to  touch  at  Marseilles  to  receive  a  Quantity  of  Broadcloth, 
at  Madeira  for  a  large.  Quantity  of  Wine,  and,  I  believe,  also  at  Cadiz  for  some  other 
Articles.  It  is  pretended  that  She  will  bo  at  Manual  ore  in  the  Month  of  May  next,  but 
I  am  told  by  some  who  understand  the  Nature  of  the  Voyage  and  the  Course,  of  the 
Seasons  that  She  cannot  arrive  011  the  Coast  of  Malabar  till  some  Months  later.  Some 


84  Miscellaneous  Letters  Receiv&l,  vol.  73,  No.    12. 
38  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  73,  No.  54. 
M  See  infra  letter  of  20  Sept.  1783. 
a6  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  73,  No.    72. 
w  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  73,  No.  121. 


92  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  .  [  APRIL,  1918 

Englishmen  who  are  Officers  on  board  arc  very  much  dissatisfied  with  Mr  B.  who  refutes 
to  pay  them,  as  he  promised  when  his  Affairs  were  in  disorder,  and  he  engaged  them  to 
wait  till  this  period.  Some  others  whom  he  had  also  brought  here  to  serve  in  his 
Expedition  to  the  North  West  of  America  by  the  Way  of  Cape  Hoorn  are  now  also  in 
bispute  with  him  for  their  Pay  and  Discharge,  both  of  which  he  refuses,  and  pretends  he  shall 
yet  be  able  to  put  this  Project  in  execution.  This  may  bo  very  uncertain,  and  I  believe 
that  he  himself  sees  that  this  Country  is  not  well  adapted  to  his  views  nor  can  give  hopes 
of  Success  to  them.  I  know  also  that  he  has  entered  into  Correspondence  with  Naples 
and  hopes  to  be  furnished  with  a  SHp  there  and  that  Court  will  take  some  part 
in  the  Affair.  He  has  also  lately  treated  for  an  English  Ship  which  is  now  here 
and  offered  £6,000  Sterling  for  the  Voyage,  but  could  not  persuade  the  Captain  to 
undertake  it. 

Letter  from  Consul  Green  to  Mr  Secretary  For, 
dated  Tricar,,   20  September  1783.^ 

The  Triestine  Society  have  at  length  sent  away  their  Ship  Cobentzd  for  the  Coast  of 
Malabar  and  China.  The  Captain  is  Mr  .John  Joseph  Bauer,  an  Hungarian,  Chief  Mute 
Mr.  Lindsay,  Second  Mr  Moon?,  and  Third  Mr  Smith,  which  three  with  two  Petty  Officers 
have  made  themselves  Austrian  Subjects.  The  Society  is  now  in  Treaty  for  another  Ship 
for  a  second  Expedition,  conformable  to  (he  Privilege  which  Mr  Bolts  has  reserved  to 
himself  in  the  Agreement  with  the  Imperial  Asiatick  Company  when  he  gave  up  the 
Octroy  38  to  them. 

Some  Projects  are  in  Contemplation  for  re-establishing  the  Course  of  India  Trade  by 
the  Way  of  Suez,  Cairo,  &c.  Some  Proposals  of  such  Tendency  have  been  made  both 
from  hence  and  from  some  Englishman  in  India,  to  people  of  consideration  in  Egypt, 
who  have  given  a  very  encouraging  Answer. 

Additional  Paper  on  Austrian  Trade  in  the  East. 

Unsigned  Letter  from  Brussels,  doted  11  April  1788,  containing  the  general  Tenor  of  the 

Instructions  intended  to  he  sent  by  tie  Emperor  to  the  Consuls  General  in  India.** 
The  Viscount  de  Walckiers10  has  just  now  called  on  mo  to  desire  me  to  tell  you 
that  he  cannot  keep  his  promise  of  sending  you  to-day  the  heads  of  the  instructions 
intended  to  be  given  by  the  Emperor  to  the  Consuls  General  appointed  in  India, 
because  the  form  and  words  of  those  instructions  are  not  yet  finally  settled,  and  besides, 
their  expedition  in  due  form  depends  on  other  regulations  now  about  to  be  taken  to 
prevent  effectually  the  abuse  of  the  Imperial  flag  in  India. 

You  know  his  only  view  in  proposing  to  send  you  the  copy  or  substance  of  the 
Instructions  was  that  you  might  find  some  means  of  learning  whether  they  are  such  as 
may  be  in  all  respects  perfectly  consonant  with  the  wishes  of  those  at  the  head  of 
India  affairs  on  your  side  of  the  water,  in  order  that  any  alterations  they  think  proper 
to  hint  might  be  made  in  them.  Perhaps  a  general  idea  of  them  may  answer  that 
purpose  which  a  few  words  will  convey  to  you. 

37  Miscellaneous  Letters  Received,  vol.  73,  No.  169. 

88  This  word  is  used  in  ita  now  obsolete  meaning  of  commercial  privilege,  exclusive  right  of  trade. 

39  Home  Series,  Miscellaneous,  voL   74. 

40  Joseph  Walcher,  born  1718  at  Lentz,  was  Director  of  Navigation  on  the  Danube  and  later  a 
member  of  the  Austrian  Government. 


1918]  AUSTRIA'S  COMMERCIAL  VENTURE  IN  INDIA 


93 


They  are  directed  to  conform,  as  far  as  circumstances  will  admit  of,  to  the 
existing  maritime  Regulations  of  the  late  Empress  for  Trieste  and  to  those  adopted  in 
this  Country  —  To  take  cognizance  of  all  Ships  which  coine  within  their  dihtrict  under 
the  Imperial  Flag—To  cause  the  Captains  and  Officers  [to]  produce  their  Passports  and 
requisite  authority  for  carrying  that  Flag  —  To  keep  proper  accounts  and  Registers  of 
the  whole,  gran  ting  their  certificate  of  such  papers  having  been  only  produced  and  in  the 
proper  form,  and  they  arc  to  request  of  the  Governors,  &c.  in  India  to  pay.uu  respect  to 
the  assumed  Flag  of  such  Ships  as  are  not  provided  with  such  PasK]X)rts  and  comply  with 
these  forms.  And  also  upon  the  certainty  of  illegal  proceedings  of  this  nature,  they 
are  to  ask  the  protection  and  assistance  of  all  Governors  &c.  that  they  may  be  enabled 
to  deal  with  such  subjects  unauthorized,  according  to  the  aforementioned  regulations 
now  making.  And  if  thuse  assuming  the  Emperor's  Flag  are  not  Imperial  Subjects  the 
Consuls  or  their  Deputies  or  Vine  Consuls  are  to  give  any  public-  declarations  or  certi- 
ficates of  it  which  may  be  necessary  to  enable  them  in  whose  ports  they  are  to  seize  them 
or  deal  with  them  as  they  please,  renouncing  all  claims  on  Unit  account  on  the  part  of 
the  Emperor. 

They  are,  on  the  other  hand,  to  protect,  as  far  as  in  their  power,  and  endeavour 
to  obtain  protection  from  those  in  power,  in  favour  of  all  Imperial  Ships  and  Subjects  duly 
authorized  by  His  Majesty  to  trade  beyond  the  Caj>e  of  Good  Hope,  to  call  thorn 
before  them,  hear  and  determine  their  disputes  and  differences  among  themselves,  take 
depositions,  ^rantcertilicates  valid  in  La,  w  ben-  give  sontenees  to  be  excited  subject 
to  appeal  here,  and  in  short,  to  act  in  general  as  other  Imperial  Consuls  do  in  foreign 
Countries,  but  always  with  the-  concurrence,,  where  needful,  and  under  the  protection  of  the 
Govornor'&c.  in  whose  Presidencies  or  J  Districts  the  Circumstances  occur.  They  are  to 
mak«  proper  Bepc,rts  to  the  Emperor  of  their  proceeding  and  in  genoral  to  maintain, 
as  far  as  in  their  power,  good  order  and  tranquillity  among  his  snbjccts  who  1radr  to 
India  or  are  there  propi-rh  auihorized-lo  cnccmrage  this  trade  and  obtain  fm-  them  such 
indulgences  and  favours  as  they  may  stand  "n  need  of,  hut  to  take  care  those  placed 
thus  under  their  authority  commit  no  offence  against  the  laws  in  the  places  they  imjuont, 
and  should  that  happen,  to  assist  as  far  as  in  their  power  in  bringing  them  to  ]nst,ce 
and  obliging  them  to  make  proper  reparation. 

You  may  look  upon  these  as  the  chief  principles  and  substance  of  the  Instructions 
to  bo  given  to  the  Consuls  General,  and  the  Visconnt  de  Walckiers  would  be  glad 
vou  could  learn  whether  any  stronger  restrictions  or  injunctions  ought  to  be  added  for 
ke  satisfaction  of  the  British  Government  or  the  Kast  India  Company.  In  that  case,  ,t 
will  only  require,  a  hint  front  him  to  have  it  done,  for  Government  here  are  deternnnec 
to  put  a  stop  to  all  the  abuses  which  have  of  late  been  committed  under  the  hnpenal 

Flag 

Our  friend  the  Viscount  b  also  very  anxious  to  know  if  th«  order*  are  given  for 


firmly  expect  to  see  you. 


04  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  APRIL,  1918 

VIVfiKAPATRAMALA. 
BY  T.  A.  GOPINATHA  RAO,  M.A.;  TRIVANDRAM. 

('  Continued  from  p.  83. ) 

THE  Vibhdgapatramdld,  a  manuscript  hitherto  unpublished,  whose  existence  was  brought 
tu  iny  knowledge  by  Mr.  Rangasvami  Sarasvati,  B.A.,  and  which  is  a  very  late  production, 
given  some  account  of  the  poets  of  the  village  of  Mullandram.  It  gives  us  some  glimpses 
into  the  lives  of  a  few  of  them,  more  especially,  of  Arunagirinatha  (otherwise  known  also 
as  Sdnadrinatha,  &c.)  and  his  son  Rajanatha  Kavi.  It  is  stated  therein  that  a  Chola  king 
who  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Benares  (Gangaikonda  Rajendra  Chojadeva  I.  is  evidently 
referred  to  here)  was  met  there  by  a  number  of  learned  men  of  the  village  of  Mandara.  This 
king  being  pleased  with  the  erudition  and  character  of  these  people  took  them  with  him  to 
his  dominions  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  temples  for  Siva  and  settled  them  in  the 
Kanchimandala.  They  were  eight  in  number  and  belonged  to  eight  different  yotras ;  their 
names  and  gotras  are  as  follows  :— 

1.  Prasadavallabha  . .          .  .          . .          . .     Kasyapagotra. 

2.  Bhaskarakavi    . .          . .          . .          . .          . .     Gatitarriagotra. 

3.  Rajanathakavi  . .          . .          . .          . .     Savariiyagotra. 

4.  Su  brah  many akavi        . .          , .          . .          . .     Saudi  lyagotra. 

5.  Jatadharesa  Dikshita  . .          . .          . .     Srivatsagotra. 

ft.     Nilakanthakavi  . .          . .          . .          . .     Bharadvajagotra. 

7.     Somanatha  Dikfthita     .  .          .  .          .  .          . .     Gotama  (  Samaga  )  gotra.  and 

S.     Mallikarjunabhatta       . .          . .          . .          . .     Saiikritigotra. 

After  so  me  time,  the  ( -hola  king  granted  them  an  agrahdra  worth  45Qnwhka#  of  gold,  which 
was  named  Mettaippadi  (translated  in  Sanskrit  as  Talpagiri)  and  which  was  divided  into 
ten  shares,  of  which  eight  were  given  to  the  abovenamed  eight  brahmanaK  and  two  to  the 
god  of  the  local  temple.  In  this  village  which  was  also  known  as  the  Rajanathapura 
(perhaps  after  one  of  the  donees,  No.  3  of  the  above  list),  liajanatha  built  a  temple  for  Siva 
and  set  up  in  it  a  Hnga  which  he  called  Rajanathesvara.  The  hill  situated  on  the  east  of  their 
village  was  called  the  Mettaippadimalai. 

The  fu>t  of  the  donees,  Prasadavallabha  Dikshita,  had,  by  the  grace  of  the  god  of 
Chidambaram  (Pundarikapura),  a  son  named  SabhapatL  The  king.s  of  the  Chera,  the 
Chola  and  the  Pandya  countries  became  his  disciples  ;  whenever  Sabhapati  went  out,  a  drum 
(ilhakkd)  mounted  on  an  elephant  used  to  be  sounded  to  announce  the  advent  of  the 
illustrious  poet.  Hence,  he  was  better  known  as  Dhakka  Sabhapati.  The  great  grandson  of 
Phakka  Sabhapati  was  Bhaskararya,  the  author  of  the  Prasannakdvya.  In  this  family 
was  born  the  poet  Tyagaraja  who  set  up  a  pillar  of  victory  in  the  Kamakotisvara  pitha  (?".  <?., 
the  Sankaracharya  matha  which  is  at  present  situated  in  Kumbhakonam).  Tyagaraja  had 
two  sons  named  Svayambhu  and  Gurusvami. 

The  contemporaries  of  Svayambhu  in  the  other  families  were  : — 

Dakshinamurti  Yajva  and  Bhaskara  Dikshita  of  the  family  of  Bhaskara  Dikshita  of  the 
Gautamagotra ;  Vidyapatimakhi,  Divakarakavi  and  Suryabhafta  of  the  family  of  the  Raja- 
iiathakavi of  the  Savarnyagotra  ;  Gurumurtikavi  arid  6ivasuryamakhi  of  the  family  of 
Subrahinany akavi  of  the  6andilyag6tra ;  Sivasuryamakhi,  Subrahmanyamaklii,  Ramah'uga- 
makhi  and  Ramachandra  of  the  family  of  Jatadharesa  Dikshita  of  the  Srivatsagdtra  ; 
Saiikarayajva,  NSlakanthamakhi,  Yajnariarayana  and  Anantakavi  of  the  family  of  Nila- 
kan{hakavi  of  the  Bharadvajagdtra ;  Rajanathakavi  and  Vfinkatakavi  of  the  G6tamag6tra ; 


APRTL,  1018]  VlVfiKAPATKAMAI-A 


d  Devarama.     .     .     of  the  family  of  Mallikarjunabhatfa  of  tho  Sai'.kritigotra;    thus  tho 
iginal  eight  families  consisted,  in  the  time  of  Svayambhu,  of  twenty-one  households. 


and  Devarama. 

Svayambhu  had  a  son  named  Sabhapati,  and  ({urusxaiui  had  a  daughter  named 
Abhiramambika  and  a  son  called  Soinaiiatha,  xvho  were  born  txviiih.  Abhiramambika  wa£ 
married  to  Rajanatha  of  the  Gotamagotra  ;  she  attained  her  age  in  her  Kith  year,  and  in  the 

Kali  year  4400  expired  (A.I) )  gave   birth  to  a  son  named  'Somidhara  (<>r  Arunagiri). 

Of  the  twenty-one  householders  mentioned  aboxe  sex  en  left  their  native  village 
Mettaippadi  and  began  to  reside  in  the  village  of  Attiyur  granted  bx  Jiukkaraya  as  an 
(igraltdru  to  Brahmanas.  The  king  Hukka  is  described  in  the  manuscript  as  one  x\ho  had 
received  tho  grace  of  tho  sage  Vidyaranya,  xvho  was  the  crixer  of  all  desired  objects  and 
xvho  was  the  establishor  of  several  temples  for  Vishnu  and  Siva.  These  seven  people 
employed  a  Karnataka  brdhnu((a  and  his  brother  as  the  Punchtthyi  and  accountant 
respectively  on  a  fixed  pay  and  another  brdhmn-Ha  for  doing  jtii.jd  in  the  local  temple 
These  ton  families  jived  in  Attiyur  cultivating  their  knowledge  of  Yulnnltt  and  other 
xAstm*.  They  had  friends  ir  the  adjacent  village  ol  Puttur  founded  by  the  Thola  kings. 

Sonadrinatha  (AninagirinaUm)  \\asscnttoa  timelier  to  learn  all  A'/M/WX  While  studying, 
liis  father  x\ho  was  anxious  to  have  his  son  married,  died.  The  boy  \\as  taken  under  his 
charge  bv  his  uncle  Somanathu,  for,  his  mother  Abhiramambika  committed  w///  with  her 
deceased  husband.  After  some  t  ime  had  passed,  Arunayirinatha  lound  the  \\ilV  ol  Iris  uncle 
not  at  all  kind  to  him;  her  ill  treatment  made  him  run  auay  Irom  his  uncle's  house.  All 
along  Sonuinatha  \\:is  ignorant- of  the  fact  that  his  nephew  \\as  not  accorded  proper  treatment 
by  his  wife-  and  \\hen  he  found  the  boy  inishii  «r  he  set  about  searching  for  him.  Three  days 
after  ho  found  hi  m  on  theriur  bank,  his  lips  tinged  red  \\ith  betel.  When  <| next  ioned  about 
the  matter,  he  explained  t  hat  fooling  tin*d  ho  slept  a\\ax  the  prex  ions  niu'ht  in  t  he  Saiva  temple 
in  Puttur  (Mavam-aharn),  meditating  upon  Yidxapati.  the  god  of  that,  temple,  lie  then 
dreamt  that  a  person  whose  head  was  ornamented  \\ith  the  crescent  moon,  whoso  arms  wore 
adorned  with  bracelets  of  Miakes.  and  xvho  was  accompanied  by  a  number  ol  children  and 
four  disciples  approached  him  and  spat  in  his  mouth  the  betel  he  was  cheuing.  Seeing 
that  his  lips  were  coloured  red  he  got  up  to  wash  them  in  the  fixer  and  therefore  he  happened 
to  be  then  by  the  side  of  the  river.  Forthwith  he  burst  into  poetic  elTusion  and  ever  since 
berime  a  famous  versifier  and  by  hisdix  inegift  he  attracted  the  attention  ol  tin,  then  newly- 
eroxMied  king  JVaudhadevaraya  MahAniyi'  and  became  a  very  intimate  friend  and 
companion  of  I  ho  king.  He  married  YajnAmbika,  a  girl  belonging  to  the  Savarnyagotra. 

There  was  a  pretty  garden  belonging  to  the  crown,  situated  on  the  south  of  the  village 
of  Mettaippadi  (Talpagrama),  on  the  east  of  Attiyur  (Audumbarapura)  and  on  the.  north- 
west of  L'nttur  (Mavagrama) :  the  officer  who  xvas  in  charge  of  this  garden  was  named  Nllugin. 
Once  when  Uukmiui,  tho  queen  of  Praudhadevaraya  saw  this  garden  she  liked  it  so  well  that 
sho  desired  to  possess  it  and  the  king  immediately  made-  over  this  property  to  her. 

Tho  cows  of  the  Brahmana  villages  near  by  used  to  enter  the  garden  and  destroy  tho 
valuable  plants  Nilagiri  protested  against  the  straying  cattle,  but  the  biahmam*  paid  no 
hoed  to  his  protestations.  Then  he  detained  the  cattle  and  declined  to  lilierato  them  : 
among  those  thus  penned  there  were  some  coxvs  belonging  to  Sonadr,  (Aruagnm).  Incensed 
at  the  insolence  of  Niladri,  Sonadri  appealed  to  tho  king  not  simply  to  order  Nilagiri  to 
liberate  tho  coxvs  but  to  grant  him  tho  garden  so  that  ho  might  build  an  ayraMra  on  its  site. 
The  kine  however  declined  to  interfere  with  tho  estate  of  his  queen.  Sonadri  then  left 
the  kincdom  of  Praudha'1ovaraya,  it  is  stated,  and  proceeded  to  that  of  the  Suratrana  (Sultan) 
where  by  tho  cleverness  of  his  composition  ho  got  access  to  his  presence  and  pleased  him 
verv  much  The  court  poet  by  naino  Anapaya,  surnamod  Kavimalla,  came  out  with  his 
characteristic  drum,  (ttftKma,  beating, :to  moot  Arunagiri  in  an  intel loot ual  wrangle;  it  was 
resolved  that  if  Kavimalla  was  defeated  by  gdnftdri  he  should  deliver  all  his  distinctions  to 


96 


THE  INDIAN  AXTIQVARY 


[  APRIL,  1918 


the  latter.  Unfortunately  for  him,  he  was  overcome  by  $6nadri  and  lost  his  title  and 
distinctions.  The  Sultan  then  decorated  him  with  the  distinguishing  appellation  of  "  Vidya- 
dindima  f§6nasaila  Kavi  "  and  detained  him  for  sometime  with  himself.  On  one  occasion 
Arunagiri  so  pleased  the  Sultan  with  his  poetic  talent  that  the  latter  conferred  upon  him  the 
title  of  '  pindima-sarvabhauma-kavi.'  Arunagiri  rendered  the  story  of  Rama  into  a  kdvya 
and  a  ndtaJca  and  "wrote  also  several  works  on  mtitra-s.  Having  thus  distinguished  himself 
in  the  court  of  the  Sultan  and  having  pleased  him,  Arunagiri  got  a  note  of  the  Sultan  ordering 
Praudhadevaraya  to  grant  the  queen's  garden  near  Puttur  to  Arunagiri  (!).  Praudhadevaraya, 
it  is  said,  quietly  gave  away  to  Arunagiri  the  garden  belonging  to  his  queen.  Arunagiri  then 
ordered  an  agrahara  to  be  built  there  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Kufila  ;  in  the  middle  of  whioh 
was  constructed  a  temple  for  Siva  under  the  name  of  Sabhapati  and  on  the  south-east  corner 
another  for  Vishnu.  This  new  village  received  five  different  names,  namely,  Praudhadeva- 
rayapuram,  Sarvabhaumapuram,  pindimalayam,  Trimaiulalam  and  Mftlandain. 

Though  pindinmkavisarvabhauma  often  caused  panic  in  the  minds  of  great  poets,  he 
never  interfered  with  the  Josser  one*. 

The  above  is  an  abstract  of  the  contents  of  the  ViMidyajMtramdla.  From  this  we  see 
that  the  so-called  kk  deed  of  division  "  is  nothing  more  than  a  panegyric  on  Piudimaknvi- 
Sarvabhauma  Arunagirinatha.  The  genealogy  of  this  person  as  gathered  from  the 
manuscript  may  be  tabulated  thus:  — 

Prasadavallabha  Dikshita  ot  the 

Ka&yapag6tra. 

! 

Dhakka  Sabhapati. 
Son 

! 

Grandson 

Bhaskararya 
Author  of 


Tyagaraja, 
set  up  a  pillar  of  victory  in  the  KAmakdfisvara  Pi:  ha. 


Svayambhu 
Sabhapati 


Somanatha 


Abhiramambika    X 


Arunagiri 
alia* 


X 


received  the  grace  of 
'Siva  in  becoming  a 
poet ;  contemporary 
of  Praudhadfcvara- 
ya ;  rendered  the 
story  of  Rama  into 
a  kavya  and  also  a 
nalaka\  obtained 
the  birudas  of  Din- 
( limaka  vis&rvabhau- 
ma;  defeated  Ana- 
\  >aya,  alias  Kavimalla. 


Rajanatha  of  the 
Gotamagotra. 
Yajfiambika  of 
the   Savarnya- 
g6tra. 


APRIL,  1018]  VIVUKAPATKAMALA  91 

The  members  of  the  family  oi  Svayambhi  hive  left  behind  certain  poetical  works  of 
theirs  which  also  yield  incidentally  some  information  about  them  and  their  ancestors.  The 
Subhadrd-Dhamfijaya-ndtaka,  a  Sanskrit  play  by  Ramakavi  yields  the  following  genealogy  : — 

Rajanatha 

Svayambhuguru    x          Daughter 

I 

Ramakavi, 

Author  of  the  Subhadrd-Dhananjaya  ^  a  (a  lea. 

It  is  stated  in  this  work  that  the  author  was  a  native  of  MulaWam  in  the  TumlSra- 
man^ala  and  that  he  belonged  to  the  Kasyapagotra.  His  ancestors  wen1*  worshippers  of 
ftiva,  arid  were  called  by  the  distinguishing  title  AghorawvAoharya  :  these  were  held  in  great 
respect  by  Sarvabhaumakavi  and  others. 

Again  in  another  work,  the  tionuwnlli-yoydiifiwdn  prahauaHd,  its  author  Arunagiri  gives 
his  genealogy  as  follows  :-  — 

Dindimakavi,  the  o])})onent  of  Kaviprabhu  of  the  Samaveda 

Nagaiiakavi,  the  court  poet 
of  the  Ballalas 

L  i  i 

Sabhapati  Abhiramanavika  ind.,  Rajanathadcsika 

i 

Arunagiri 

(Author    of    the    tiornti  vatti-yoydnairufa 
praluwuw). 

The  Bhayawkt'ChainpH  is  another  work  written  by  Kajanuthakavi,  son  ol  S(A)nagirinatha. 

The  two  kflvyfw*  the  Mltwdtrfiyudayam  and  the  AchyufamydbhyHfl(iytnHt  sung  in  praise 

of  the  deeds  of  valour  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings  Sahiva  Narasiriiha  and  Aehyutaraya  are 

<'laimed  to  have  been  composed  by  a  poet  called  Rajanatha.     In  the  former  work  the  pool 

Rajanatha  states  that  he  \\as  the  son  of  Sonadrinatha  ;  therein  we.  see  him  bear  a  long  string 

•of  biwufwt,  rather  high-sounding  in  their  purport  ;  they  are: 

1.  piiulmui-kavi  Sarvabhauma,  niiujimakavi  Rajanatha. 

2.  Chera-chola-Paiiilya-prathaniaradhya    Hridayasivabhikhya  Dindimakavi-Harva- 

bhauma-biruda  Sduatkinathatmaja  Rajanatha. 

3.  Dasarupa-Narayana-biruda-manilana  Dirniima. 

4.  Rasika-kavitasainrajya-Lakshmi])ati. 

5.  Navanataka-bharatacharya. 
(3.    Kavimalla-galla-tac'aiia-patu . 

7.  Pratibhaia-kavi-kunjara-pafichanaiia. 

8 .  Bindudaka-ka vi  -prapi tamaha . 
!).    Kavisarvabhaumabdhi  tarapati. 

1 0.  Chatur-vritti-Sarvabhauma . 

11 .  Dvadasa-desya-vritti-paradrisva. 

1 2.  Ashiabhasha-paramesvara. 

13.  Abhinava-nataka-Bhavabhuti. 

14.  Maghadyati-varti-chitraprabandha-paramesvara. 

15.  Ashbadigvijaya-patahikrita-biruda  Pinrlima^ambara. 

16.  Sharldarsana  Shaninukha. 


W  THE  1XDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [APRIL,  1918 

1  7.    'Saiva^astra-jivatu,  and 

18.    Akhilaveda-sagara-samyatrika. 

Of  these  a  very  large  number  of  the  birudas  qualify  Arunagiri  or  Sonadriimtha  than  glorify 
his  son  .  the  son  born  of  the  merits  of  such  a  great  man  as  Arunagirisa  who  bore  almost  all 
the  foregoing  birudas,  was  Rajanathakavi,  the  author  of  the  tidluvdbhyudayam.  But  in  the 
Achyitfwayabhywfayam  not  even  the  name  of  the  father  of  the  poet  is  given  ;  one  thing,  how- 
ever, is  certain,  namely,  that  the  author  of  the  Achyutardydbhyudayam  anil  the  Bhdgavaia 
Champu  arc  identical,  as  will  be  observed  from  the  introductory  verses  in  both,  extracts  of 
uhich  are  given  in  the  appendix  ;  the  authors  of  these  two  poems  were  the  contemporaries 
of  Achyutadevaraya.  The  verse  beginning  with  dtwmmilla-mivdladhara  is  found,  without 
the  least  change,  in  both  poems.  From  the  facts  detailed  above  some  feel  inclined  to  dis- 
sociate the  two  Kajanathas,  the  authors  of  the  ftdfavabhywlayam  and  of  the  Achynlardyd- 
bhyudayain  and  treat  them  as  two  different  persons  ;  there  is  also  apparently  some  ground 
for  their  doing  so,  because,  the  one  deals  with  the  history  of  a  king  who  lived  at  least  25  years 
earlier  than  the  king  whose  exploits  are  recorded  in  the  second  poem.  It  might  also  be 
stated  that  it  cannot  be  that  the  title-lens  Kajanatha  (the  grandfather  of  the  highly-sounding- 
titled  llujanatha,  whose  father's  name  even  is  not  mentioned),  was  the  author  of  the  kamja 
dealing  with  a  later  king  and  his  grandson,  the  composer  of  the  kavya  dealing  with  the  history 
of  the  earlier  king.  One  gets  out  of  this  difficulty,  if  one  admits  that  the  author  of  the 
Safiwabhyudayam,  the  AchytdardytiMiyudayatn  and  the  Mdyanitu-climnjm  was  one  and  the 
same  person,  Rajanatha,  the  son  of  Arunaghl.  If  this  conclusion  is  admitted,  as  it  must 
be,  the  genealogy  of  the  poets  of  Mullamlrnm  could  be  ishovn  as  related  to  that  of  the 
writers  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings  thus 


Abhir.iiiitt  Kaviprabhu,  tho  opponent 

(Dimhm.iprnbhu;  of  Naganimkuvi 


Sabhfipnti  Abhiruinanayiku         ixmrritni  t 


i 


Ganapuryu  KAmakshi  «»r  Svuyambliu— married  to  {Sister       fejuijriri  or   Aiunagi- 

Kamakoti  rinatha  (poHsessdr  of 

several  birudatt) 

K^iuuya         Krishnakavi                 liainakavi      Kajantitha-              Raiuakavi  Rdjanathakiivi 

kttvi              (author  of  the  (author  of   tho  &alu. 

JmbftaJr,}-  vAhhyudayam,      t  h H 

Vhananjaya  )  Achyutartydhhymla- 

yam  and  the  Maya- 

..,       :  A   ,  rata-rhampu). 
Soiuanatliu 

The    identitieation   of  the  sdnam  writers  of  the  kings  of  Vijayanagara  with  the  poets 
ol  Mullan<]ram  is  based  upon  the  following  considerations : 
(i)  The  poets  of  Mullanrlram  arid  the  sdsana  writers  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings  bear  the 

same  names. 

(ii)  They  both  have  written  the  eulogies  of  tho  kings  of  Vijayanagara. 
(hi)  They  both  were  the  proteges  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings  and  possibly  because, 
(iv)  as  the  poets,  according  to  the  V Mkapatramdla  wore  the  followers  of  the  Srikanthagama 
and  bore  the  high-sounding  title  AgJwra&ivdchdrytis,  were  able  to  induce  the  family 
guru  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings,  Kriyasakti  Panulita  to  exert  his  influence  with  the 
kings  to  procure  for  them  the  hereditary  position  (mirdsi)  of  the  jdsana  writers  of 
the  kings. 


ApHIL'   !918J  VIVfiKAPATRAMALA 


The  above  are  the  only  reasons  which  induced  me  to  take  the  poets  as  identical  with 
the  M*a*a  writers.  How  far  this  identification  is  tenable  it  is  too  much  to  say  at  present. 
Future  research  alone  should  bear  out  or  contradict  this  identity, 

As  regards  certain  facto  mentioned  in  the  Viutkajxttramaa,  a  few  words  of  explanation 
are  necessary.  First,  it  is  stated  that  the  ancestors  of  the  poet*  of  Muljaiujram  uere  originally 
the  inhabitants  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  and  that  when  a  Chola  king  went  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  Benares,  he  met  those  learned  men  and  took  them  -with  him  and  settled  thorn  in  Tondai 
nailii.  If  the  statement  is  true,  the  Chola  king  is,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  Rajendra- 
chojadeva  1.  who  conquered  all  the  countries  as  far  north  as  the  Ganges  and  as  a  consequence 
was  better  known  as  Gadgaikomlaehola.  It  was  after  his  name  the  city  of  Gangaikomlu. 
cholapuram  and  the  superb  temple  in  it*  centre  were  constructed  and  the  former  made  the 
capital  by  that  king.  This  fact  of  his  having  brought  some  'Saiva  Brahmanas  of  the 
Aganmnta  school  on  his  way  from  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  is  also  referred  to  in  his  work  the 
commentary  on  the  Siddhanta-ftaravali  of  Trilochanasivacharya  In  Anantasivacharya.  And 
we  know  from  the  inscriptions  of  Itajaraja  1.  and  his  son  Rajendnxcholadeva  1.  that  the\ 
preferred  the  Brahmarias  of  Lfita,  Gau<]a,  &c.,  countries  to  be  nwthddhiiHiii*  and  jnijdris  in 
temples.  Thus  there  is  some  truth  in  the  statement  made  in  the 


The  next  fact  stated  therein  is  that  the  original  immigrants  into  the  Toiiilaiiuulu  were 
the  followers  of  the  Srjkanfchagama.  The  pn  sent  inhabitants  of  the  village  of  Mullan  drain 
who  trace  their  descent  from  the  poets  mentioned  in  the  Vivekaiititramdlu,  now  assert  that 
they  are  not  Agamantins  but  Vedantins  belonging  to  the  Va^aiim  sect  .  (  )ne  of  them  is  to-day 
the  fftiru.  of  the  oilmongcr  caste  (VAwiyum).  It  is  very  hard  to  believe  how  they  could  have 
become  Vtujanuis  if  they  trace  their  lineage  from  persons  who  once  bore  the  title  of  Aghora- 


Atniin  Miillamlram  is  stated  to  have  been  the  native  village  of  pindimakavi  and  that  it 
also  bore    the  name   lYau.'hadevarayapuram.     An   inscription    (  No.  .*{9(>   of    the.    Madras 
Epigraphies  Collection  for  1911)  found  in  Mullaiulram  "records  that   the  Mahajanas  of 
Praihlliadevarayapuram  alias  Agaram-Mullaudram  including  the  poet  i)J»»lJ»i»fc«vi.  assigned 
house  sites  to  certain  stone-  masons  in  the  Kanmalatteru.     This  charter   Mas   engraved  on 
the  temple  of  Tandoiirisvarani-iiclaiyar/'    This  is  dated  in  the  cyclic  year  Raudra.     Another 
record  belonging  to  the  same  place  (No.  397  of  1911)  dated  S.  U72,  Sadharana  records  "  Gift 
of  land  by  a  Brahinana  lady  to  the  shrine  of  Annamalaiiiatha  built  In  her,  in  the  teni])lc  of 
Svayainbhunatha  for  the  merit  of  herself  and  her  husband  Kumarar  pincjimar  Annamalai- 
nathar."     If  'S.  1472  was  Sadharana,  Raudra  adjoining  Sadliarana  will  be  the  'Saka  years 
1423  or  1483,  the  earlier  perhaps  being  more  probable.     From  these  two  inscriptions  we  loam 
that  the  ages  of  the  Kavi  Dindima  and  perhaps  of  his  son  Kumarar  Dinrimar  Armamalai- 
nathar  were  about  the  middle  of  the  15th  century  of  the  Saka  era  which  falls  in  the  reign  of 
the  Vijayanagara  king  Aehyutadevaraya—  a  fact  which  clearly  shows  that  the  author  or 
authors  of  the  Saluvabliyudayam,  the  Achyutardydbhyitdayam  and  the  Bhdgavato-champn 
should  necessarily  have  lived  only  in  the  reign  of  Aehyutadevaraya  and  not  before.    Tho 
inscriptions  further  inform  us  that  another  name  of  the  village  Mullamlram  was  Praudlw- 
dftvarayapuram,  as  mentioned  in  the  Vivckapatramdld. 


100  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  APBIL,    191  * 

According  to  the  Veddntadetika  Vaibhavaprakdsikd  of  J)oddayacharya  of  Chola6inga- 
purain,  Vedantadesika,  the  great  Visishtadvaita  Acharya,  the  founder  of  the  Vadagalai 
sect  of  the  'Srivaishnavas,  is  said  to  have  had  a  philosophical  wrangle  with  a  IWndima-Sarva- 
bhaunm  Kavi.  2  This  Diadima-Sarvabhauma  Kavi  is  heroin  said  to  be  the  author  of  a  work 
called  Rdghavabliyudayam  and  that  to  excel  this  composition  Vedantadesika  is  said  to  have 
written  Tddavdbhyiulayam.  We  know  from  other  sources  that  Vedantadesika  lived  for  over 
a  hundred  years  from  S.  1191-1293  (  =A.».  1269-1371).  Therefore  the  opponent  of  the 
Srivaishnavacharya  must  be  an  ancestor  of  Arunagirinatha  (in  his  mother's  side). 

Again,  Nain&racharya,  the  son  of  Vedantadesika,  a  contemporary,  like  his  father,  of 
Sarvajfiasiihha  Nayaka,  is  reported  to  have  defeated  in  a  philosophical  discussion  a  poet  of 
the  court  of  the  prince  abovenamod,  known  by  the  appellation  of  Sakalya-Malla.  This 
must  be  the  Kavimalla  who  was  overcome  by  Dinnimakavi  Arunagirinatha,  as  evidenced  by 
one  of  his  titles,  Kavimalla-galla-ta<}ana-paUi. 

The  Viv&fapatramdld  contains  an  absurd  statement  that  Arunagirinatha,  incensed  by 
the  conduct  of  the  keeper  of  the  queen's  garden  near  Mettaippadi,  complained  against  him 
to  the  king  Praudhadevaraya  and  requested  him  to  present  him  with  the  garden,  so  that  he 
might  construct  there  an  aymMra,  that  Praudiadevaraya  refused  to  give  it  and  that  there- 
upon Arunagiri  went  to  the  Sultan  of  Delhi  and  got  an  order  from  the  latter  to  Prainlha- 
devaraya  to  cede  the  garden  in  favour  of  the  poet.  Even  supposing  that  the  Sultan  of 
Delhi  is  a  mistake  for  the  Sultan  of  one  of  the  live  kingdoms  into  which  the  Bahmani  king- 
dom broke,  we  fail  to  understand  what  right  the  Sultan  had  to  issue  an  order  to  be  obeyed 
by  Praiulhadevaraya  and  how  the  Vijaya  mgara  king  endured  the  conduct  of  this  most 
disloyal  and  dangerous  poet  and  settled  him  down  in  the  midst  of  his  loyal  subjects.  But 
the  village  of  Miillaiulram  is  actually  called  Praunhadevarayapuram,  a  fact  which  clearly 
bears  out  the  fact  that  it  was  made  an  agrahdra  by  Praiulhadevaraya.  Perhaps  it  might  be 
argued  that  after  all,  it  might  be  that  the  king  first  felt  some  difficulty  in  conferring  his  queen's 
garden  to  the  Brahman  poet,  but  later  on  was  pleased  by  his  conduct  and  his  learning  to  grant 
it  to  Arunagirinatha.  But  this  supposition  cannot  be  upheld,  because  the  age  of  Arunagiri 
is  far  behind  that  of  Praudhadevaraya  and  therefore  the  one  cannot  be  the  donee  and  the 
other  the  donor. 

From  all  these  petty  contradictions  and  absurdities  contained  in  the  Vivekapatramdld 
we  can  assert  withoiit  fear  of  contradiction  that  the  work  is  not  one  written  in  the  life-time  of 
Arunagirinatha  but  long  after  it,  the  chief  source  of  information  being  the  traditions  current 
in  the  village  of  Mullandrain  at  the  time  of  its  composition. 

A  number  of  places,  etc.,  occur  in  the  Viv$kapatramdld ;  they  are  Rajanathapura,  other- 
wise known  as  Talpagiri,  the  Talpagiri  hill  near  the  agarhdra  of  that  name,  Audumbarapura 
and  Navagrahara  (N.  grama).  These  are  absurd  literal  translations  of  the  Tamil  names 
Mettaippadi,  Attiyur  and  Puttiir — all  three  of  which  are  in  the  Arni  division  of  the  North 
Arcot  District.  Mullandram  is  also  there. 

( To  be  continued.) 


APRIL,  19181  THK  EAKLV  HISTOBY  OF  INDIAN  PHILOSOPHY  101 


A  CONTRIBUTION  TOWARDS  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF 
INDIAN  PHILOSOPHY.1 

BY  HEKMANN  JACOHT. 
[Translated  with  ptrmia*wn  hi/  Dr.  V.  A.  tiukthankar,  /'/>./>.,  Indon  .  | 

THE  Indians  have  no  historical  tradition  regarding  the  origin  of  their  six  philoso- 
phical system*) ;  the  general  belief  that  they  are  very  ancient  has  been  most  effectively 
strengthened,  if  not  occasioned,  by  the  circumstance  thr.t  their  originators,  who  are  believed 
to  be  the  authors  of  the  Sutras,  are  called  lUis,  i.  r.,  "  Seers  of  olden  days".  Being  free 
from  such  prejudices,  philological  research  has  arrived,  011  the  ground  of  general  considera- 
tions, at  a  relative  chronology  of  the  six  systems,  or  rather,  of  throe  pairs  of  systems,  as 
each  two  of  them  have  always  been  closely  allied  with  each  other.  The  t\\o  Mimatn8<t#9 
as  regards  their  contents,  are  Closely  associated  with  the  Revelation  ;  their  followers  are  the 
Vedic  theologians.  The  representative}*  of  SrutL  Kaiikhya  and  Yoga  hold  the  later  religious 
ideal:  asceticism  and  contemplation  instead  of  sacrifice;  their  followers  are  representatives 
of  the  Smriti.  2  Vaisesika  and  Nyaya  do  not  stand  in  an  intimate  relation  to  any  strata 
of  the  older  literature,  neither  the  Revelation  nor  the  Tradition.  They  form  t-ho  Philosophy 
of  the  learned  man  of  the  world,  the  Pandit. :i  Thus  three  chief  directions  of  Philosophy 
get  clearly  marked,  each  of  which  has  for  its  representative,  ono  of  the  classes  of  the 
Brahman  community  .  The  tirst  draws  its  concepts  and  ideas  from  the  Revelation  ;  the 
second  propounds  a  rational  scheme  of  the  world  through  bold  speculation  ;  and  the  third 
tries  to  bring  it  into  systematic  coherence  through  the  examination  of  the  facts  of  experience. 
As  Sruti,  Smriti  and  Sastra  are  the  three*  successive  stages  of  the  development  of  the 
Indian  spiritual  life,  the  chief  philosophical  schools  belonging  to  each  of  them,  stand  also 
in  a  similar  relation  of  time  to  each  other. 

This  much  can  be  gathered  from  general  considerations  with  a  fair  degree  of  certainty. 
Recently,  however,  we  have  acquired  a  positive  starting  point  for  constructing  the  history 
of  Indian  philosophy,  and  to  expound  it  is  the  object  of  these  lines.  It  is  found  in  Kautilyam>* 
u  treatise  on  state-craft  by  Kaujilya  or  ViHiiugupta,  which  has  very  lately  become  accessible. 
The  author  is  best  known  by  the  name  of  Chanakya  ;  he  was  the  first  Imperial  Chancellor  of 
the  Mauryas,  and  overthrew  the  last  of  the  Naiida  princes  and  helped  Chandragupta,  tht 
CANAPAKOTTOC  of  the  Greeks,  to  the  throne,  as  he  himself  says  in  the  last  verse  of  his 
work  :- 

vena  sat  ram  ca  sa strain  ca  Nandarajagata  ca  bhuh  I 
amar  ?eno  'ddhritany  asu  tena  sastram  idarti  krtam  || 

1  The  translator  i«  a  former  pupil  of  Prof.  Jacob! . 

2  This  assertion  will  be  proved  more  thoroughly  in  the  course  of  thin  KHHMV.    For  tho  present  it  should 
be  remembered  that  in  works  which  are  religious  but  do  not  belong  to  the  Veda,  such  at*  the  Parana*,  thw 
Sdnkhya  ideas  constitute  the  philosophical  back- ground. 

3  The  oldest  work  of  a  non-religious  character  which  ha*  the  doctrines  of  Vairief  ika  and  Nyaya  for 
its  philosophical  basis  ia  the  Chamksamhita  :  for  Vaifceika  see  I.  1.  43  ft,  63  ft;  for  Nyaya  see  III.  8.  24  ff. 

*  The  Artha'&attrn  of  Kautilya,  edited  by  B.  Shama  Sastri,  Mysore,  1909.  flf.  the  valuable  contri- 
bution by  Von  Alfred  Hillebrandt :  On  the  Kautiliya-Sdstra  and  Allied  Subjects  in  the  86th  Annual  Report 
of  the  Schleeiechen  Gesellschaft  fiir  Vaterlandische  Kultur;  and  J.  Hertel,  Literary  Matters  from  tht 
KaufMy*  &fatra9  WZKM.,  24,  p.  416  it 


102  THK  INDfAN  ANTIQUARY  t  APKIL,  1018 

Thus  the  composition  of  the  Kautilyam  must  be  placed  about  300  B.C.,  so  long  as  no 
proof  ia  brought  forward  to  show  that  it  is  an  old  forgery. » 

Kautilya  treats  in  the  first  Adhikarana  (Vidyasamuddeaa )  of  tho  four  branches  of 
learning  (Vidyas)  :— 1  Anvikuki,  Philosopliy  ;  2  Trayi,  Theology;  3  Vartta,  Science  of 
Industries,  and  4  Danrtaniti,  State-craft.  The  second  Adhyaya  gives  the  views  of  different 
authorities  regarding  the  number  of  the  Vidyas  ( the  Manavas  accept  three  [2-4  ],  the 
Barhaspatyas  two  [3  &  4],  the  Ausanasas  only  one  [4]),  and  then  explains  that  under 
Philosophy  are  to  be  understood  Sankhya,  Yoga  and  Lokayata  ( Samkhyam  Yogo 
Lokayatam  cety  anviksiki). 

Then  the  text  continues  : 

dharmadharmau  trayyam,  arthanarthau  varttayam,  na\  Anayau  damlanityum,  balubalc 
cai  'tasara  hetubhir  anviksamauA  lokasyo  'pakaroti,  vyasane'  bhyudaye  ca  buddhim  avastha- 
payati,  prajnavakyakriyavaisaradyam  ca  karoti : 

pradipas  sarvavidyanam  upayas  sarvakarmanam  ! 
asrayas  sarvadhannanum  sasvad  anvik^iki  mata  II 

"In  as  much  as  philosophy  examines  (religious)  merit  and  demerit  in  Theology,  pro  tit 
and  loss  in  the  Science  of  Industries,  right  and  wrong  policies  in  State-craft,  and  also 
discusses,  with  reasons,  the  relative  importance  of  these  (three  sciences),  it  serves  mankind, 
give*  correct  insight  into  prosperity  arid  adversity  and  lends  sharpness  of  intellect  and 
cleverness  in  business  and  speech  :  - 

Philosophy  has  always  been  considered  to  be  the  lamp  of  all  the  sciences,  a  means  oi 
performing  all  the  works,  and  the  support  of  all  the  duties." 

According  to  Kaut.il ya  the  essence  of  philosophy  lies  in  systematic;  investigation  «in<l 
logical  demonstration  ;  in  his  judgement  these  conditions  are  satisfied  only  ( /'//)  bySaiikhya 
Yoga,  and  Lokftyata. 

Now  it  will  be  of  interest  to  place  by  the  side  of  the  above  remark  of  Kautilya 
concerning  the  essence  of  dnviktikt,  Vatsyayana's  exposition  of  the  same  subject  as  given 
in  Nydya-Bhasya  (1.  1,  1).  1  shall  give  here  the  passage,  together  with  a  few  comments 
by  Uddyotakara  (6th  century  A.D.  )  on  the  same  in  his  Varllika.*  The  occasion  for  the 
exposition  of  this  subject  in  the  N yaya-bhdshya  is  the  question  why  in  the  Nyaya-Sutra 
sixteen  categories,  pramaya,  prameya,  mnwaya,  etc.,  should  be  introduced  when  xatn$aya  and 
the  rest  are  included  in  the  first  two,  viz.: — "the  means  of  knowledge/*  and  the  "right 
knowledge."  Vatsyayana  admits  it  and  then  continues  :  imas  tu  chatasro  vidyal.i  prithak 
prasthanah  pranabhritara  anugrahayo 'padisyante,  yasani  caturth}  'iyarn  anvikwki  nyayavi- 
dya: €*  But  these  ( i.e.,  the  well-known )  sciences,  of  which  this  philosophy  or  the  science  of 
Nyaya  is  one,7  are  taught  for  the  benefit  of  men,  in  so  far  as  each  of  them  has  its  special 
subject."  On  this  Uddyotakara  comments:  catasra  Una  vidyu  bhavanti,  tAs  ca  prithak- 
prasthanah :  agnihotrahavttuadi])rasthana  trayi,  halasakatadiprasthima  vartta  svamya- 

6  Hillobrandt  has  identified  the  quotations  and  references  in  the  Classical  Literature  (  Loc.  cit.,  p.  4  fi'. ) 
To  these  evidences  of  the  geniiinenesM  of  the  work  may  be  added,  aa  we  shall  immediately  see.  those 
from  the  Nydya  Bhfaya  of  Vatsyayana  of  the  4th  or  5th  century  A.D.  Further  indications  will  be  given 
in  the  course  of  this  essay. 

6  Bibl.  Ind.,  p.  13. 

f  Chaturtht  is  to  be  understood  in  the  sense  of  the  Indian  Grammar  (Pdtiini,  V.  2,  48)  as  Purayd,  and 
not  to  determine  the  order  of  enumeration  ;  because,  according  to  Kautilya,  the  AnvSksiki  stands  in  tho 
first  place,  and  Vatsyayana,  as  we  shall  see,  follows  Kautilya.  Hence  Chaturthi  means,  here  the  Vidya 
which  completes  the  number  four. 


1918]  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  INDIAN  PHILOSOPHY  103 

matyanuvidhyayini   darulamtiL,  saniHayadi-bhedaniividhayini   anvitjiki.     "These  sciences 
are  four  in  number  and  each  has  its  separate  subjects  :   those  of  Theology  arc  agnihotra, 
sacrifices,  ok;.;  those  of  the  Science  of  Industries  are  plough,  earl,  etc.;  those  of  State- 
craft  are    Prince,    Minister,     etc.;    Philosophy    treats    of    "Doubt    and     the   remaining 
(categories)."  Vatsyayana  continues  after  the  passage  juat  translated:  tasyah  prithak- 
prasthfcaalj  samiayadayah  padarthah;  tesam  pnthagvaeauam  ant  arena  'tmavidyamatnim  « 
iyam  syad,  yatho 'panisadalu''     Its   (i.e.  of  philosophy  )  special  subjects  are  the  categories 
"  Doubt,"  ete.;  if  these  are  not  taught  separately  it  would  be  nothing  more  than  a  doctrine 
of  Atman  (  or  redemption)  like  the  Upanifthad*."  Vddyotakara  says:   tasvah  sariihayadiprns- 
thanain  antarena  'tniavidyainatram  iyam  syat.     tatah  kiwi  syat  (     adh\  ;itiuavidyamutratvAd 
UpanisjadvidyAvat  trayyam  evfi 'ntarbhava  iti  cutuntvaiu  m'vartetu."     Without  these  special 
subjects   "  Doubts,"  etc.,  "  it  (philosophy)  would  be   nothing  more  than  a  doctrine  of  the 
At  man,  like  tho  Vpanixkad*.  What  would  that  come  to  (  \\  would  then  be,  like  tho  doctrine 
of  Upanishads,  included   in  Theology,   as  it  would    be    nothing    more   than  a  doctrine  of 
redemption;   and  then  the  number  of  Vidyfa    would   not    be    four."    A  fe\\    lines  after  the 
passage  we  have   discussed,    Vatsyayana   defines   the  Auviksiki    in   this     way  :  pranianair 
arthapariksanam    nyfiyah,     piatyuksagamaBritaui    imimiAimm,    sa'nviksfi  |»wt,yflksagama- 
bhyam    ik^itasya  anviks  'anaui  anviksa,  taya   pravartata  ity  Anviksiki    nyaysividyA  nyaya 
hastram.  lt  The  examination  of  a  subject  by  means  of  the  right  means  of  knowledge  is  called 
demonstration  (  nyayas).     The  inference  depends  upon  sense  perception  and  communication 
(ligairtv):  it  is  reflection  ( awr/'Ava),   /.P..  subsequent    knowledge  obtained    from  what    one 
has  already  learnt  through  perception  and  communication  :  the   Anvifoikf  has   to  do  with 
this   reflection   and     is    thus    the   science    of    demonstration,    the    Nyaya  tfiMt-ra."       And 
\7its vayana  concludes   the   Bhast/n  in  the  following  way  :   Se'vam  anvik>iki  |)ramaiuldi))hil.i 
parlarthair  vibhajyanianA  :    pradipah    sarvavidyanam     upayah     sarvakarmuuum  |    asrayaJ.i 
sarvadharmanam    Vid\(Mldose  prakirtitft  ||  tad  idiim  tattvnjfianam  niliAreyasadhiganiarthaih 
vatbavidyain    veditavyam  :    iha  tvadhyatmavidyayam    atmadi    tattvajiianam,     iiiiissreyaH- 
adbigamo  '])avarga,  praptil.i.      **  This   our  Philosophy  arranged  according  to  ^categories," 
'means  of  knowledge1,'  etc..  is  praised  by  (Ka.ut.ilya  in  tho  Adhydyu)  Vidyodd<^M  »  as  a  lamp 
of  all  the  sciences,  «   means    of   performing   all  the    works,    and   the   support   of  all  the 
duties.     One  has  to  ascertain  in  the   case  of  the  different  sciences  wherein  the  knowledge, 
of  truth  that  is  said    to  lead    to    the    proposed    srcal    lies.     Hut    here  in   this    science    of 
redemption  (Adhyatma  Vidya)  the  knowledge  of  truth  refers  to  the  Soul,  etc.  (I.  1.  !))  and 
the  attainment  of  the  highest  goal  is  the  acquisition  of  salvation." 

In  this  exposition  of  Vatsyayana,  there  are  three  points  which  are  of  importance 
for  our  investigation:  (1)  The  statement  of  Kautilya  that  there  are  four  sciences, 
not  more  and  not  less,  has  acquired  unquestioned  currency  ;  the  views  which  disagreed 
with  his  and  were  mentioned  by  him  (see  above  p.  102 )  seem  to  havo  been  definitely  set 

aside. 

(2)  Vatsyayana  makes  the  claim  for  the  Nyaya  Philosophy  to  bo  the  Annik*iki 
KAT'  E  OXHN  in  the  sense  which  Kautilya  gives  to  it, 

8  gome  MSS.  read  adhyAtmavidyd.     Bojh    words  are  used  synonymously  ;    c/.  tho  noxt  passage  from 

*6  9  In  ^another  place  also  Yatsyayana  shows  his  indebtedness  to  KautilSyam.  At  tho  end  of  his  Bhasya 
on  I  1  4  he  says  -  paramatam  apratiaiddham  amunatam  iti  tautrayuktih.  Tho  last  adhydya  of 
Kautiltvam  discus  the  3JJ  "Rules  of  Method1'  (tarirayuktayah)  after  which  the  chapter  i«  named. 
The  19th  taterayukti  r^acls :  paravakyam  apratiwddham  anumatam  (qni  facet  cowtntire  videtur),  hence 
Vateyayana  has  borrowed  this  maxim. 


104  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  APBIL,  .1918 

(3)  He  expressly  designates  it  as  an  Adhydtma  Vidya,  i.e.,  as  a  Philosophy  which 
recognises  the  atman  and  would  help  it  to  its  redemption. 

Now  as  regards  the  second  point  the  claim  of  the  Nyaya  Philosophy  to  be  the  true 
Anvikokt  is,  as  $  matter  of  fact,  thoroughly  justified  ;  as  it,  together  with  the  Vaisesika, 
fulfils  the  conditions  demanded  by  Kau?ilya  in  a  higher  degree  than  other  philosophical 
systems.  And  this  is  recognised  also  by  others.  The  commentator  to  Kamandaki's  NUiadra 
2,  7  (anviksiky  atmavijfwnam)  says  that  Anvifaiki  is  anumdnavidyd  Nyayadarfana- 
miietikadikfi ;  and  Madhusudana  Sarasvati  explains  anviksiki  to  l>e  Nyaya  (ny&ya 
-anviktsiki  paficadhyayi  Gautamena  pranita).  All  the  more  it  is  therefore  of  importance 
that  Kautiiya  does  not  mention  by  name  Nyaya  and  Vaiaesika,  while  enumerating  the 
systems  recognized  by  him  as  Anviksiki.  From  this  we  can  draw  the  inference  with 
certainty  that  at  his  time,  <>.,  300  B.C.,  Nyaya  and  Vai6e§ika  had  not  yet  received  the 
recognition  as  philosophical  systems,  not  to  speak  of  the  existence  of  the  sulras  of  Gautama10 
And  Kanada  in  the  form  in  which  they  are  now  before  us. 

In  his  enumeration  of  the  philosophical  systems  recognised  by  him  as  Anvilwlki 
Kautiiya  mentions  after  Sankhya  and  Yoga  the  Lokayata  (Samkhyam  Yogo  Lokayatam 
cetv  'anviksiki).  The  Lokayata  system  is  known  to  us  only  from  references  to  it  in 
Brahmanical,  Buddhistic  and  Jaina  Philosophies,  all  of  which  arc  agreed  in  their 
abhorrence  of  this  infidel  philosophy.  Madhava  in  his  Sarvadarsanasaipgraha  devotes  the 
first  chapter  to  it  and  calls  its  founder,  Carvaka  as  ndMka  siromani,  "  an  arch-heretic.'* 
The  Lokayata  doctrine  is  a  gross  materialism  : — The  senses  alone  give  correct  knowledge, 
the  material  things  alone  ( the  four  elements  Earth,  Water,  Fire,  and  Wind  )  are  real  ;  there 
is  no  immaterial  soul  but  the  spirit  arises  from  a  certain  mixture  of  these  elements  just 
as  the  intoxicating  effect  of  a  drink  is  produced  by  the  fermenting  ingredients  of  the  same  ; 
the  Vedas  are  a  fraud  just  as  everything  they  teach.  These  arc  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  system  and  on  this  point  all  the  records  are  in  complete  agreement. 

Now  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Kautiiya,  who  acknowledges  the  entire  social 
order  founded  on  the  Vedas,  meant  this  grossly  materialistic  system  by  that  Lokayata 
which  he  puts  on  the  same  line  together  with  Sankhya  and  Yoga  as  a  representative 
of  Anvihikt.  And  still  there  is  no  doubt  about  it,  because  the  Lokayata  doctrine 
IN  ascribed  to  Byihaspati,  the  teacher  of  the  gods,  and  many  of  the  verses  handed  down 
to  us  are  put  in  his  mouth.  There  was  also  a  NUi-fifatra  which  was  likewise  ascribed 
to  Byihaspati.  Kaufilya  refers  to  his  teaching  in  the  second  adhydya  :  vartta  dauclanitis  ceti 
Barhaspatyah  ;  samvaranamatram  hi  trayi  lokayatravida  iti.  *'  The  followers  of  Brihaspati 
recognise  only  two  sciences  :  the  science  of  Industries  and  the  science  of  State-craft, 
while  Theology  is  seen  to  be  only  a  fraud  u  by  him  who  understands  life."  Here  we 

M  Gautama  is,  of  course,  not  the  founder  of  the  Nyaya  system,  but  lie  only  helped  one  school  of 
the  Naiyayikas  to  obtain  general  recognition.  Thus  Vatsyayana  mentions  in  1.  1.  32  that  some 
Naiyayikas  maintain  that  the  inference  cemented  of  ten  parts  instead  of  five  as  taught  in  the  t&tra. 
Perhaps  also  the  true  explanation  of  the  three  kinds  of  inference,  which  Vatsyftyana  gives  in  I.  1.  5  did 
not  arise  for  the  first  time  after  the  oum]>oHitioii  of  theaiJ/ra  but  had  existed  before.  It  is  worth  noticing 
that  Caraka,  III.,  8,  24  ff.  gives  for  tho  use  of  physicians  a  short  compendium  of  Nyaya  which  in  part 
entirely  agrees  with  our  Nyaya ;  but  in  details  differs  considerably  from  it.  Have  we  perhaps  here  to 
trace  a  collateral  school  of  Nyaya  which  f  x  is  ted  by  the  side  «f  that  of  Gautama  ? 

«  Here  SaWvaraw  must  have  the  same  meaning  as  the  Mahayanistio  ttarnvriii  which  corresponds 
to  Mdyd  of  the  Vedantins.  It  will  bo  to  the  purpose  to  compare  the  saying  (dbhdi^aka)  quoted  by 
Madhava  (foe.  tit.  p.  2)  agnihotram  trayo  ved&t*  tridan^am  bhasmagunthanam  i  buddhi  paurus  'ahSnanam 
ifvike'ti  Btihaapatih.  This  verse  has  been  quoted  in  Prabodhacandrodaya  II.,  26. — Kautiiya  mentions 
the  Barhaspatyas  several  times,  e.  </.,  pp.  29,  63,  177,  192.  The  ^C^t— teachings  of  Brihagpati,  which 
Draupadi  expounds  in  Mahabhmrata  III.  32,  are  at  any  rate  as  orthodox  as  one  can  wish  S 


AraiL,   1918  1  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  INDIAN  I'HILOMH'HY  105 

have  evidently  to  do  with  the  same  repudiator  of  the  Revelation  as  is  known  to  be  the 
founder  of  this  Materialism.  And  that  this  ByihaspAti  was  known  to  IK*  the  teacher  of 
gods  can  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  a  School,12  which  was  a  rival  to  the  Bftrhaspatyas, 
that  of  the  Ausanasas,  is  traced  back  to  Usanas,  i.e.,  Sukra  or  Kavya  Usanas,  the  teacher 
of  theAauras.  The  Barhaspatyas  were  not  merely  «  school  of  philosophy  but  also  a. 
school  of  ftmriti,  like  the  Manavas,  the  Parasaras  and  Ausanasas,  whom  also  Kaujilya 
mentions. 

We  thus  understand  how  he  comes  to  place  the  Lokayata  in  the  waine  line  with 
Sankhya  and  Yoga.  Because  these  systems  are  also  considered  to  be  Srnj-itis.  Samkant 
expressly  designates  them  as  Smptis  in  Brahma  tiutm,  II.  1,1  —  3  and  Hadarayana  was  of 
the  same  view,  as  can  be  seen  from  the  wording  of  the  xw/rflw,  1:{  even,  though  lit* 
mentions  only  the  Yopra  by  name.  14  That  the  old  JSankhya  hod  the  character  of  Smyiti  is 
seen  also  from  its  method  of  teaching,  of  which  it  was  &o  characteristic  to  expound  its 
principles  through  similes  and  parables,  that,  the  tia/'tkhya  rtutra*  whieh  is  certainly  a 
pretty  modern  work,  devotes  to  them  the  whole  of  its  fourth  chapter,  the  Akhydyik&dhy&yu. 
lAvarakrsna  similarly  testifies  that  tho  Akhyfiyika*  were  an  integral  jmrt  of  the  old  Sankhya  ; 
Karika  72  runs:- 

saptatvain  kila  \e  'j'thas  te  'rthal.i  Jkptsnasya   sistitantrasya  I 
akhyAyikavirahLtah  paravadavivarjita's  cap)  II 

Sahkhva  Yoga  and  LoLayata  thus  belong  to  the  same  stratum  of  ancient  Indian  Literature 
and  hence  Kautilya  eoiild  mention  thorn  together.  We  knows  indeed,  that  Sankliya  and 
Yoga  are  t\so  ancient  systems-  -ttandtane  dvc  (mate).  The  Malmbharata  .says  of  them, 
Xll,  349.72  ___  nevertheless  the  positive  testimony  of  Kuuf.ilya  is  not  to  he  under- 
estimated. We  now  know  for  certain  that  Sankhya  and  Yogaes'iMed  at  least  300  B.C.  and 
indeed  as  philosophical  systems  which  were  based  on  logical  demonstration  (aHrfksiki), 
and  not  only  in  the  form  of  intuitive  simulation,  as  tho  so-called  "  Kpie  »Sankh\-a  ",  which 
is  only  a  popularized  variety  of  the  real  Sarikhya.*:' 

All  the  same  Me  cannot  assort  that  the  Sankhya  and  Yomi  of  Kautilya  s  time  are 
identical  in  the  details  of  their  teaching  with  these  systems  as  they  are  known  to  us  in  the 
Sankhya  Karika  and  the  Yoga  Sutra.  These  are  rather  tho  Ja*t  ^a^es  of  thoir  development 
and  as  there  intervened  between  tho  beginning  and  the  end  of  this  dovelopment  from  seven 
to  eight  centuries,  if  not  more,  changes  in  detail  cannot  but  <>cciir,  as  indeed  we  can  see 
from  the  fact  that  the  teachings  characteristic  of  Sankhya  and  Ynpi  (pratitantra,siddhanta) 


12  The  notorious  frikranUi,  from  whieh  oiien  <i.  Oppert  prowl  tlu.t    thr  umtmnt  Tndimis  poasessod 
-uns,  is  certainly  a  later  fabrication. 

13  Smi-tyssttiiavakiiHft-dofiaprasai'igii  iti  oen   im  •ii.Misinrty-anaviikuwi:  :«io-aprnH»ngat  (I)  :  itaroahani 
ea  nupalabdheh  (2)  ;  etena  yogah  pratyuktah  (3). 

»  He  did  not  iioed  tn  mention  tho  Saiikhya  as  the  wholn  <>i  thr  lir»t  Adhyaya  in  it«  poletnitul 
part  is  directed  againnl  it.  Thibaut  explains  (8B&,  Vol.  XXXIV  p.  XLVI)  :  "  It  is  perhaps  not  saying 
too  much  if  we  maintain  that  the  entire  1st  Adhyfiya  i«  due  to  the  wi.l),  on  UK;  }>art  of  the  .SOtrakani, 
to  cuard  his  doctrine  agaiiwt  Sunkhya  attaeks."  Only  on  thi«  nuppc^ition  can  tho  beginning  of  th« 
•>nd  Adhyaya  be  understood  :-in  the  1st  Adhyaya  tin-  Attumpta  of  tlie  SAukhyaK  to  interpret  individual 
images  from  the  Sc-riptures  as  a  proof  of  their  teachings,  were,  rcjoctod.  The  iint  Sutra  of  the  2nd 
AdhyAya  rejects  the  claim  of  the  SAiikhya  to  be  c-onKidored  authoritative  as  Sinriti,  and  the  2nd  Sutra 
«ays  that  the  rest  of  its  teachings  found  no  support  in  the  Holy  Scripture,. 

35  Compare  W.  Hopkins,  The  Great  Epic  of  lirfta.  p    s)7  ff. 


106  THK  INTHAX  ANTIQUAKY  [  APBIL,   1918 

as  explained  by  V&tsyayana  in  Nyavadnrsana   T.  1.  29  do  not  quite  correspond  with  our 
knowledge  of  these  systems.1*1 

We  saw  above  that  Kaufcilya  in  his  enumeration  of  Philosophical  systems  passes  over 
Vaiscsika  and  Nyaya :  this  must  evidently  be  due  to  their  not  existing  at  his  time.  He 
does  not  mention  tho  Mimamsa,  because  he  must  have  considered  it  not  as  a  systematic 
Philosophy  ( Anvifaiki ),  but  as  H  branch  of  study  belonging  to  Theology.  He  does  not 
indeed  mention  it  expressly  in  his  concise  survey  of  Theology  (Trayi)  in  Adhyaya.  3: 
'*  The  four  Vedas  and  tho  Itihasaveda  along  with  the  six  Vedangas."  But  we  may  assume 
that  the  Purva  Munamsa  (Adhvara-Mhnarasa)  was  included  as  a  subsidiary  branch  of  Kalpa 
(especially  of  the  'Srauta  Sutras) '"  under  this  Vodftnga.  Kamandaki  who  belongs  to  the 
school  of  Kautilya  mentions  the  Mimainsa  by  name  : 

aiigaiii  vedai  catvaro  mimamsa  nyayavistaral.i  j 
(iharmasastraiu  puranam  ca  tra}^i  'darn  sarvam  ucyatc  || 

One  thus  HWS  that  Kautilya's  enumeration  of  what  belongs  to  Theology  tlid  not  go  much 
into  details  :  that  even  the  Purdnd  and  Dharmasastra  belong  to  it,  follows  from  his 
explanation  of  Jlihfitta.  p.  10.  Had  he  given  a  similar  account  of  the  Vedangas  ho  would 
certainly  have  mentioned  the  Purva  Mima/insa.  But  whether  theUttara  Mimaoisa,  the  Vedanta 
existed  as  a  school  of  Philosophy  is  doubtful.  Because  the  Sutra,  as  1  have  shown  else- 
where,1* can  scarcely  bo  oldor  than  the  3rd  century  A.D.  But  on  the  other  hand  it  mentions 
a  succession  of  teachers  lo  from  which  we  can  conclude  tlmt  a  school  of  tho  exegesis  of  the 
Cpanisads  already  existed  in  early  times.  This  boas  it  may.  there  was  for  Kautilya  no 
occasion  to  mention  the  "Uttara  .Mnntimsa  as  this  also  must  bo  reckoned  as  pertaining  to 
Theology. 

Still  a  few  words  regarding  the  Buddhistic  Philosophy  by  which  1  hore  understand,  of 
course,  not  the  dogmatic  speculations  of  the  canon  2(>  but  metaphysical  and  opistemological 
theorising,  such  as  the  K^anikavada  or  the  doctrine  of  the  momeritariness  of  existence,  against 
which  the  whole  Philosophy  of  later  times  had  to  wage  a  bitter  war.  Had  this  doc- trine,  which 
must  have  required  at  least  as  much  acuteness  for  being  maintained,  as  its  opponents 
evinced  in  refuting  it,  been  in  existence  at  the  time  of  Kautilya,  it  is  quite  conceivable  that 
he.  having  recognised  the  infidel  Lokayata  as  a  systematic  Philosophy,  would  not  have  denied 
the  same  recognition  to  a  heretical  system,  if  it  only  had  deserved  tho  name  of  Philosophy 
(Anviksikt).  Such  an  inference,  however,  must  not  be  drawn.  Because  a  real  statesman 
like  Kautilya  could  easily  come  to  terms  with  the  theoretical  unbelief  of  Brihaspati  as  long 
as  there  were  no  practical  consequences  to  follow  from  it.  It  is  not,  however,  reported  that 
B^ihaspati  wanted  to  set  aside  the  political  and  social  institutions  resting  on  Brahmanical 
groundwork,  to  maintain  which  was,  according  to  Kau(ilya,  the  highest  duty  of  a  prince. 
But  the  Buddhists  and  Jainas  took  up  another  standpoint  with  regard  to  this  important 
question  ;  and  that  must  have  been  the  reason  why  this  Brahman  writer  on  state-craft 
ignored  their  Philosophy. 

*  Cf.P.  Tuxen,   Yoga :  Copenhagen,  1911,  p.  10  ff. 

*  SBE.,  XXXIV,  p.  XII.  is  JAOX.,  XXXI,  p.  29. 
19  DeuBsen,  System  dee  Vetldnta,  p.  24. 

10  If  Kautilya  had  considered  those  worth  his  trouble  to  know  he  must  have  regarded  them  a» 
different  branches  of  heretical  Theology.  He,  however,  recognised  the  Brahmauical  Theology,  the 
trayi,  as  a  t> idy*  worthy  of  study.  CJ.  Manu.  XH.  95, 

ya  Vedab&hyab  grutayo  yaa  ca  ka4  ca  kud^tayah  , 
aarvAs  ta  ni?phalah  pretya  tamoni«tha  hi  tali  amftAh  ' 


APRIL,  1918  ]  THE  KAHLV  HISTORY  OF  INDIAN   PHILOSOPHY  107 


We  have  seen  that  awarding  to  Kautilya  the  number  of  Vidyas  i*  tour.     He  lays  great 
emphasis   on  this  number.     For  he  first  puts  forth  the  views  of  the  three  >diools,  which 
differ  from  him.     Those  of  the  Manavas,  BarhoHpatyas  and  Ainanasas,  who  maintain  that 
the  number  of  viydfu  is  respectively  3,  2  and  1  ;  and  h«  continues:  eatasra  e.va  vidya  5U 
Kautilyah,  tabhir  dhannarlhmi  yad  vidyat,  tad  vidyanam  vidyatvani.     "Kautilya   teaches 
that  there  are  four  Vidyas  not  more  and  not  less.     They  are  willed    rMyfa  kvmwe  through 
them  one  learns  (vidyat)  Dharma  and  Artha."     From  these  words  one  can  Cither  that  he 
was   the  first,  who  not-   only  taught  that  the   number   of   the  ridya*    wa*   lour,  but  also 
recognized  the  Anviksiki  as  a  special  Vidya.   For  he  says  about  the  Manavas  that  they  included 
Anvikhiki  in  Theology. 21      It  is  not  that  they  denied  tho  Anviksiki  but  they  did  not  admit 
it  to  the  rank  of  an  independent  Vidya  and  hence  eonneetod  it   witli  Theology.     As  far  as 
two  Mimamsas    are  concerned,  they   were  perfectly  justified   in   doing   so.     Sarikhya  and 
Yoga,  however, could  be  looked  upon  as  different  branches  of  Theology,  l><va,\ise  as  we  have, 
*»een  they  were,  considered  as  Smrtis.     That  the   Manavas  knew  both  the.>e  philosophical 
systems  can  be  seen  from  the   circumstance  that  Manu,  who  certainly  is    to  be  eonsidered 
a  later  offshoot  of  this  school,  makes  a  considerable  use  of  Sahkhya  and  Yoira  ideas  in  tho 
theoretical    part  "of   his  work.     KauUlya's   innovation  thus  consists   in   the   fact   that   l»e 
recognized  Philosophy  to   be  a  science  by  itself,  inasmuch  as  it   has   its  own    muthorl   of 
treatment.     And  therefore  he  can  bring  in  the  Lokayata,  tho  character  of    u hose  contents 
must  exclude  it  from  the  Trayi.     Had  the  conception  of  the  Anviksiki,  as  Kauiilya  grasped 
it,  been  current  before  him,  the  Barhaspatyas   would  have   considered    the  number   of  the 
Vidyas  not  to  be  two  (  Yartta  and  ])amlaniti )  as  we  saw  above;  but   would  have  mentioned 
the  Anviksiki  as  the  third  Vidya,     Because  they  themselves  were  followers  of  Lokuyatam 
which    was  recognised  by    Kautilya  as  the  Anviksiki.   -Hence  when  we  find  in  Gautama's 
'Dharma  'Sastra  (  XJ,  3  )     the    statement  :    trayyam    iinviksikyaiii   ea-  'hhivinitaii,  *e  (Tb« 
Prince)     should     be    well     schooled    in    Theology    and    Philosophy"7,    \\e     may   presume, 
that  the  passage  is   a  later   interpolation.     J.  Jolly    classes   the    work    \\ith    the   revised 
Dharma  'Sastra.22     The,    combination    referred    to    by  (*autama :    of   Tnuji  and  Anvik*iki, 
is  not  at   all    mentioned    by    Kautilya;    probably  it    arose  from    the  efforts   of  an  enthu 
siast,  who  was  anxious  to  emphasise   the  authority   of  Vedas   and  Jirahmanas  for    every 
duty  of  a  prince.,  as  Gautama   himself  does  else  where.21     JUit   all  other  authors   recognise, 
four  Vidyas.     Tho  passage  that  has  been   translated    above  f rom  t  he.  Xydt/n  Blta-i/a   shous 
that  for  Vatsyayann  the  nuinber/rw  had  almost  canonical  authority,  as  he  bases  upon  it 
his  argument  to  prove?  that  the  Xi/aya  KaMra  must  be  called  the  true  Anviksiki.     1    shall 
soon  bring  for  wan  1  further  early   evidence  to  show  that  the  \  i«\\    of   Kauiilya  that  there 
are  four  Vidyas,  received  general  recognition.     But  in  one  point  all  the  later  writers  are 
agreed,  as  opposed  to  Kautilya,  viz.,  in  demanding  that  the  Anvik-iki  is  at  the  same  time 
Atina-vidya.   We  saw  above  that  the  author  of  the  A>///"  Kltn^ia  requires  of  the  Anviksiki 
that  it  should  not  be  merely   wiAtnw-vidyd;  but   should    have    subject- matter  peculiar  to 
itself.     Nevertheless  he  claims  towards  the  end  of  the  passage  translated  above,  that  the 
Nyaya  Sastra  is  not   only  the  Anviksiki  but  also  Adhyfitma- vidya,  a    Philosophy,   which 

21  Trayi  vartta  dwjnuirftis  cc-ti  Manavah.  trayiviseso  hy  finviksiki  'ti. 

22  «*  Recht  und  Sitte"  in    (jfrtuulrisz  de.r  Moar.  Phil.  p.  o. 

23  If  the  tradition  (SRE.,  II.,  P-  XLV)  according  to  which  Ga.iUumi  is  supjui^d    to  ho  tho  grandson 
or  groat-grandson  of  UAaiias,  can  1m    takrn  »erioiialy,  Gautama    must  havo  belonged  to  tho  nchool  of  tho 
AuBanasas;    but  this  recognized,  according    to  Kautilya,  only  «mc  Vidya  ;   dan.lanitir  eka   vidye   'ty 
Auaanas&b. 


108  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  ArRfL,  1918 

recognises  the  existence  of  the  soul  and  leads  it  to  salvation.  The  idea  obviously  is  that 
only  that  Philosophy  which  at  the  same  time  is  Atma  Vidya  has  a  claim  for  recognition. 
In  this  way  not  only  was  Lokayata  excluded,  which  Kaujilya  had  recognised,  but 
also  the  Buddhistic  systems  which  probably  arose  as  dangerous  opponents  of  Brahmanical 
Philosophy  only  after  Kautilya's  time,  in  the  centuries  immediately  before  and  after  the 
beginning  of  our  era.  In  order  to  defend  itself,  the  Brahmanical  Philosophy  assumed  the 
roll  of  JFmnamargu,  "the  way  of  Salvation  depending  upon  Philosophical  knowledge." 
This  means  exactly  the  same  as  the  demand  that  the  Philosophy  should  also  be  an  Atma 
Yidya.  It  shows  that  in  the  authoritative  circles  of  Brahman  society  a  decided  movement 
had  started  in  favor  of  exclusively  orthodox  views. 

This  transformation  had  already  taken  place  when  Kmnandaki,  belonging  to  the 
school  of  Kautilya,  wrote  hi&  AWiwm/.  While  discussing  the  four  Vidyas  in  the  second 
ISarga,  he  says: 

anviksiki  litmaviclya  syad  ik?anat  sukhadtil.ikhayoli  1 
ik§amanas  taya  tattvam  har&asokau  vyudasyati|| 

"  The  Philosophy  must  be  an  Atma  Yidya  inasmuch  as  through  it  one  understands 
the  nature  of  pleasure  and  pain  ;(  the  prince )  realising  the  truth  from  it.  overcomes 
exultation  and  grief.  " 

Prof.  C.  Formichi  discussed  the  question  of  the  age  of  Kamandaki's  Nitisara  at  the 
Xllth  International  Congress  of  Orientalists  held  at  Rome  ("Alcune  osservazioni  sulF  epoca 
del  Kamandakiya  Nitisara,"  Bologna  1899  ) — and  showed  that  Kamandaki  was  com 
paratively  late  (  a  contemporary  of  Varahamihira  or  a  little  older  ).  From  his  arguments, 
which  I  supplement  in  details,  the  matter  seems  to  stand  as  follows  : — While  enumerating  the 
Ministers  Kamandaki  mentions,  in  IV,  33  (tadrk  samvatsaro  fc  py  asya  jyotihsastrartha- 
cintakal.i  I  pra^nabhidhanakusalo  horaganitatattvavit  l|).  The  astrologer  after  thePurohita, 
whereas  Kaufilya  concludes  his  rema rks  regarding  the  Ministers  with  the  latter  without 
referring  to  the  astrologer  ;  and  does  not  at  ail  mention  the  Maiihurtika  along  with  the 
ministers,  but  places  him  in  the  same  rank  with  the  Physician  and  the  head-cook  ( p.  38  ;. 
During  the  interval  between  Kautilya  and  K&maudaki  Greek  astrology  (  Horri  )  came  in 
vogue  and  the  astrologer  came  to  stand  high  in  the  esteem  of  kings,  as  the  "  Great 
Seer  Garga  "  testifies  :'•* 

KrtsiiftngopAngaku£alam  horftganitaiiaisrlnkam    I 
yo  na  pu  jay  ate  rajft-  sa  n&sam  upagacchati  (| 
yas  tu  sarayag  vijanati  horaganitasamhitaJi  I 
abhyarcyah  sa  narendrena  svikartavyo  jayai^ina  || 

According  to  this,  Kamandaki  must  have  lived  at  the  earliest  in  the  3rd  or  4th 
century  A.D.  The  date  so  determined  explains  also  the  fact,  that  the  proof  gu*en  by 
Kamandaki  for  the  existence  of  the  Soul,  I.  20  agrees  in  general  with  Nyaya  Darsana 
L  i.  10  and  Vaisesika  Darsana,  III,  2.  1,  and  his  proof  for  the  existence  of  the  'inner 
sense'  (.Manas)  I.  30  agrees  almost  literally  with  Nyaya  Darsana,  I.  1.  60  (c/.  Vaise§ika 
Darsana,  III.  2.  1 ).  For,  as  I  have  shown  elsewhere,25  the  Nyaya  Darsana  in  the  form 
In  which  it  is  now  before  us,  cannot  well  be  placed  earlier  than  the  3rd  century 
A.D.  But  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  Kamandaki  combines  these  Ny&ya  and  -  Vaisegika 
ideas  with  those  that  are  borrowed  from  Saukhya  and  Yoga  (I.  28,  30b  to  35), 
and  thus  he  prepares  an  eclectic  philosophy  in  usttm  delphini.  On  the  other  hand  Kau(ilya 

itt  a<%,2.  '-» JAOS,  XXXI,  p.  9  ff  ~  ~" 


APRIL,  1918]  THE  PRATIHARA  OCCUPATION  OF  MAGADHA  109 

attaches  importance  to  philosophy  in  so  far  as  it  exercises  the  princes  in  logical  thinking  ; 
and  the  contents  of  the  system  do  not  seem  to  him  to  matter  much,  as  lie  recognises  even 
the  infidel  Lokayata,  along  with  Saukhya  and  Yoga.  This  dearly  indicates  a  great  difference 
in  point  of  view  between  Kautilya  and  his  later  follower  Kfmiandaki. 

An  older  witness  is  Marro.  According  to  Kautilya  the  Manavas  recognised  only  three 
"Sciences,  because  they  included  Philosophy  in  Theology  ( trayi  vartta  dandanltis  cfi  ti 
manav&h;  trayi  viseshohy  anvikshiki  'ti).  Hence  one  may  expect  Maim  to  recognise  only 
throe  Vidyas ;  but  he  mentions  four,  just  like  Kautilya,  because  he,  like  the  latter, 
separates  Philosophy  from  Theology ;  however  he  demands  that  the  Anviksiki  shall  be  au 
utrna  vidya  (  VIII,  43 ) : 

traividyebhyas  trayim  vidy&n  daiulanititn  ca  saBvatimj 
Anviksikim  c&  'tmavidyaiy  vartturainbhams  ea  lokatal.i|| 

"  ( The  king  should  learn )  from  Brahmans  well  versed  in  Vedas,  Theology,  the 
everlasting  State-craft  and  Philosophy  which  teaches  the  nature  of  the  Soul  and  learn  the 
works  taught  in  the  Science  of  Industries  from  people  who  understand  it."  We  thus  rind 
•the  same  vicw.s  in  Maim  as  in  the  Nydyabliusya  and  in  Kamandaki.  They  Imsed  their 
teachings  on  Kautilya  modifying  the  latter  to  suit  the  orthodox  tendencies  of  the  time 
which  set  in  after  Kautilya,  probably  after  the  dissolution  of  the  system  oj  Government 
introduced  by  the  heretic  Emperor,  Asoka.  That  the  account  of  Philosophy  as  we  rind 
it  in  Kautiliyam  could  not  hold  good  a  few  generations  after  the  life- time  of  (Jhaiiakya, 
speaks  for  the  genuineness  of  its  text  that  has  come  down  to  us. 

I  may  recapitulate  the  results  of  our  investigation  by  saying  that  the  Minmin.su, 
Sankhya,  Yoga  and  Lokayata  already  existed  in  the  4th  century  B.t'..  whereas  Nyaya 
and  Vaisesika  and  probably  the  Buddhistic  Philosophy  also  came  later  into  existence. 


THE  PRATtHARA  OCCUPATION  OF  MAtiAUHA. 
BY  R.  D.  BANERJ1,    M.A.,  POONA. 

IN  my  monograph  on  the  Palas  of  Bengal  I  had  stated  that  4*  Magadha  was  annexed 
1>V  the  Gurjara-Pratiharas  to  their  dominions,  and  after  NarayanapaJa  we  iind  the  names  of 
the  Gurjara  princes  in  the  votive  inscriptions  of  Magadha."  1  The  discovery  of  two 
inscriptions  in  the  province  of  Bihar  has  thrown  new  light  on  this  period  and  has  now 
enabled  us  to  determine  the  extent  of  the  occupation  of  Magadha  by  the  Pratiluiras  more 
precisely.  The  Vishnupftda  inscription  of  the  7th  year  of  Narayanapala'.s  reign  prove* 
that  up  to  that  date  Gaya  was  in  the  possession  of  Narayanapala.  The  Bhagalpur  grant 
of  N&rayanap&la  proves  that  up  to  the  17th  year  of  his  reign  Mudgagiri  or  Munger  was 
in  his  possession.  A  small  brass  image  bearing  a  votive  inscription  on  its  back  was 
discovered  in  Bihar  Town  two  or  three  years  ago.  At  present  it  is  in  the  Museum  of  the 
Banrfva  Sfthitya  Parishad  at  Calcutta.  The  image  is  that  of  a  goddess  with  four  hands 

»  Memoirs  of  the  Asiatic  Society  oj  Bengal,  vol.  V,  p.  63. 


HO  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  APRIL,  1918 

seated  in  the  arddka-parya iika  posture.     The  inscription   is  incised  on   the    back  of  the 
throne  of  the  image.     It  roads  : — 

0i/i  Deya-dha  [rmmey]  am  &ri-NdrdyanapalcHleva-rajyt  Samvat  64,  fcri-Uddaydapura-vas- 
fftrt/a  Kanaka  Uchaputra  Tharuknsya. 

Translation. 

twThe  pious  gift  of  Tharuka  son  of  the  Kanaka  Ucha  (Utsa),  (dedicated)  in  the  year 
54  of  the  reign  of  the  illustrious  Narayanapaladava/' 

This  new  inscription  proves  that  Narayanapala  reigned  for  at  lea-st  fifty  yearn  and 
that  in  the  5th  year  of  his  reign  Uddamlapura  or  Bihar  was  included  in  his  dominions. 
The  characters  of  the  two  Pratihara  inscriptions  discovered  in  the  Gaya  District  show  a 
marked  resemblance  to  the  characters  of  the  Vishnupadn,  inscription  of  the  year  7  of 
Narayanapala  and  therefore  it  would  be  safer  to  place  these  two  i records  after  the 
Visnupada  inscription  but  before  the  Bodhagaya-pedestal-inscription  of  the  reign  of 
Gopala  II.  This  proves  that  after  the  7th  year  of  Narayauapala  .Gaya  and  Western 
Magadha  were  occupied  by  Gurjaras,  but  Uddamjapura  or  Bihar  Town  and  Eastern 
Magadha  continued  to  be  ruled  by  the  kings  of  the  Pala  dynasty. 

The  Guneriya  inscription  of  Mahcndrapaia,  a  tentative  reading  of  which  was  published 
by  me  in  my  monograph  on  the  Palas  is  being  republished  now.  I  edit  it  from  a  photo- 
graph kindly  lent  to  mr  by  Dr.  D.  B.  Spooner,  B.A.,  PH.D.,  F.A.S.B.,  Superintendent, 
Archaeological  Survey,  Eastern  Circle:  — 

Text. 

1.  Sammt  9  VaUaklia. 

2.  tiudi  5  Sri-Cawa. 

3.  -carita  #ri-Mahendrupa 

4.  -l(i-deva-rdjyc  deva-dha, 

5.  -rmm[o\yarit  Paramdpaaaka 

(5.    -va-nika  Haridatla  putra  #rt  (?)  />H  .... 

Translation. 

"  In  the  year  9  on  the  5th  day  of  the  bright  half  of  Vaisakha,  in  the  reign  of  the 
illustrious  Mahendrapala,  at  the  illustrious  Qunacarita,  the  pious  gift  of  tSripa  ( ?  la )  son 
of  the  merchant  Haridatta/" 

The  record  is  incised  on  the  pedestal  of  an  image  of  Buddha  which  has  been  placed 
inside  a  modern  shrine  near  Guneriya. 

The  continued  occupation  of  Eastern  Magadha  by  the  P&las  during  their  struggle 
with  the  Gurj jara  Pratiharas  can  now  be  proved  from  a  number  of  records : — 

1.  The  Vishnupada  inscription  of  the  7th  year  of  Narayanapala. 

2.  The  Bihar  inscription  of  the  9th  year  of  Narayanapala.  a    This  inscription  was  found 
among  the  specimens  collected  by  the  late  Mr.  A.  M.    Broadley   in  the  subdivision  and 
therefore  it  proves  that  Eastern  Magadha  was  in  the  possession  of  Narayanapala  upto  the 
9th  year  of  his  reign. 

8  Memoirs  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  V,  p.  63  ;  pi.  XXXI. 


APRIL,  1918]  THE   PRATIHARA  OCCUPATION  OP  MAGADHA  HI 

3.  The  Bhagalpur  grant  of  Narayanapala  of  the  year  17.  This  proves  that  Mudgagiri 
or  Hunger  was  in  tho  possession  of  Narayanapala  up  to  the  17th  year  of  his  reign. 

4.  The  Bihar  image  inscription  of  the  year  54.     Though  the  find  spot  of  this  image  is 
uncertain  the  mention  of  Uddamlapura  in  the  record  proves  that  the  city  was  included   in 
the  dominions  of  Narayanapala  in  that  year.    There  is  a  blank  between  the   years   17  and 
54  and  in  these  thirty-seven  years  the  Gurjaras  may    have  temporarily    occupied  Eastern 
Magadha.   Such  occupation  could  not  have  teen  of  a  permanent  nature  ne  Eastern  Magadha 
was  in  the  occupation  of  Narayanapala  in  his  54th  year. 

5.  No  records  of   the  reign  of  ttajyupala,  son  of  Narayanapala,  were  known  when  my 
monograph    on    the    Palas    was  published.     Two   or  three   years  ago    Mr.    Puran   Chund 
Nahar,  M.A.9ii.L.,Zamindar  of  Azimganj,  Mtirshidabad,  discovered  an  inscription  ol  llajya- 
pala  in  the  Jain  temple  at  Bargaon  near  Bihar  in  the  Patna  District  of  Bihar  and  Orissa, 
Bargaon  is  the  site  of  the  ancient  Nalanda.  A  Jain  temple,  amidst  the  ruins,  is  the  oldest 
temple  at  that  place.    Mr.  Nahar  informs  me  that  there  are  four  stone  pillars  at  this  place, 
all  of  the  same  design.    The  record  is  incised  on  one  of  these  pillars.   Mr.  Nahar  has  kindly 
Hiippliod  me  with  four  inked  impressions  of  this  record  from   which  1  edit  it.     It  consists 
of  five,  lines  ;   the  language  is  incorrect   Sanskrit    verging  on    Prakrit.     The  object  of  the 
inscription  is  to  record  the  visit  (?)  of  one  Vaidanfitha  (Vaidyaiiatha),  sou  of  Manoratha  of  the 
merchant  family,  to   the  temple  in  the  month  of   Mftrgga  (sirsa)  in  t  he  24th  year   of  the 
reign  of  the  illustrious  llajapala  (Rajyapaln)  , 

Text. 

1  .  Om  Samrvt  24  Marygn  dun. 

2  .  S'n  -Raja  pnla  -daw-ra  - 

•*•  -.?'<•  Vanika-lcule  Manoru- 

4.  -tha-sutcna  'tfrr-Vaiflan-al/w.  * 

5.  Dev  tit  liana 


Translation. 

"  In  the  year  24.  the  —  day  of  Margga  (sirsha),  in  the  reign  of  the  illustrious  Kajapala 
(Kajyapala)  the  illustrious  Vaida-natha  (  V  ald-yu  tuit  ha)  son  of  Manoratha  of  the  merchant 
family,  bows  in  the  temple.  " 

This  inscription  proves  that  Rajyapala  reigned  for  at  least  24  years  and  in  that  year 
Nalanda,  and  most  probably  the  whole  of  South  Bihar  belonged  to  him.  This  is  tho  first 
inscription  of  Rajyapala  that  has  been  discovered  as  yet.  Two  inscriptions  of  Oopala  II., 
the  son  and  successor  of  Rajyapala  has  been  discovered  ;  one  at  Bargaon  and  the  other 
atBodh  Gayfi.  These  prove  that  GopiUa  II.  recovered  the  whole  of  Bihar  from  the  Gurjaras. 
Only  one  record  of  Vigrakapala  11.  has  been  discovered  as  yet.  It  is  the  colophon  of  a  MS. 
copied  in  the  2($th  year  of  his  reign.  But  thu  dots  not  help  us  in  determining  the  western 
limit  of  the  Pala  kingdom.  Mahipala  I.,  the  son  of  Vigrahapala  II.,  possessed  the  whole  of 
Bihar  and  a  series  of  records  prove  that  Mahipala  1.,  Nayapala,  Vigrahapala  III.  and 
Ramapala  ruled  over  Eastern  Magadha. 

«  Read  Vaidyandtha. 

*  Read  Praiiavati.     The  form  pranavatl  for  pranamati  is  to  be  found  in  ono  of  the   Barttbar   oav* 
inscriptions  where  we  have  :  AcdryA-fari-Detdnanda  pranavati  Sid 


112 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[APRIL,  1918 


MISCELLANEA. 


THE  WEEK-DAYS  AND  VIKRAMA.  | 

THE  latoDr.  Fleet  argued  (JRA8.,  1012,  p.  1039) 
that  the  Jewish  calendar  of  the  week-days  fouml  HH 
•way  into  India  after  Europe  received  it  from  the 
Jews,  that  is,  in  the  third  century  of  the  Christian 
era.  If  India  received  the  week-days  from  outside'1 
it  must  have  been  from  Syria  direct,  not  viti 
Europe.  The  evidence  is  twofold.  The  ttiirdMakania- 
vaddna  (J9ii^<toaddna)  mentions  these  d*>  s  (p.  G42).2 
In  the  3rd  century  it  was  'translated  into  Chinese,  j 
Dr.  Fleet  tries  to  get  over  this  evidence  by  saying  • 
that  the  days  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  Olniuw 
translation.  But  the  natural  explanation  is  that  it  | 
being  rather  difficult  to  expre^M  w«M>k-<in\H  in 
Chinese,  the  translator  left  them  out.  The  ol  her 
evidence  is  more  ancient.  The  Itandh^yana 
Dharma-u&tra  (Biihler,  II.  5.  !>.  J»r  prescribes 
tarpana  to  the  week-days  or  thoir  planets  m  the 
same  order  as  we  know  them  here  or  as  Europe 
learnt  centuries  after  the  BaudliAyana-X&tras  from 
the  Semitic  world. 

The  point  comae  before  us  in  connexion  with  the 
Qfohd-Sapta-faatt,  where  one  of  the  day- names 
occurs. 

Even  if  we  knew  the  week-days  in  the  first 
century  A.i>.,  as  is  clearly  proved  by  the  Avadana 
referred  to,  the  date  of  the  GAtM-Sapta-sati  need  not 
be  lowered  from  the  1st  century  A.C.,  which  was 
the  date  assigned  to  it  by  Sir  R.  Bhandarkar.  My 
friend  Mr.  D.  B.  Bhandarkar' 8  argument  in  the 
Bhandarkar  Memorial  Volume  loses  its  force  in 


the  face    of    the    Avad&na   and  the  Baudhtiyana 
Dharma-atitra. 

The  GMh&'&apta-fcatt  mentions  Vikrama  (V.  64),  a 
fact  which  was  not  known  to  me  when  I  published 
my  theory  in  1013  on  the  identity  of  Vikrama  with 
one  of  the  two  Satayohana  kings,  either  the  one  who 
conquered  Nahapana  or  the  one  who  succeeded  him. 
The  theory  apparently  appealed  at  the  time,  as 
I  was  fortunate  to  receive  a  letter  from  one 
of  the  greatest  Indian  scholars,  Mr.  Haraprasad 
Shugtri,  who  signified  his  acceptance  of  my  view. 
The  theory,  or  rather  the  mythology  about  the  non- 
existence  of  Vikrama  circulated  by  early  indianists 
in  their  imperfect  knowledge,  is  fit  to  be  given  up.* 
I  might  point  out  that  the  now  Jaina  datum  (gee  my 
article  on  Kalki)5  places  the  end  of  Nahapana 
(Nahavana)  in  58  B.C.  The  authority  which  I  had 
before  me  in  1913  placed  him  a  few  decades  earlier. 
The  new  material  makes  the  identification  doubly 
strong.  Nahapana  was  the  Saka  of  the  popular 
tradition  who  was  taken  captive,  and  whose  rule 
was  ended  by  Vikrama.  It  is  impossible  for  the 
Hindu  public  to  have  forgotten  the  great  conqueror, 
the  son  of  Gautamf  who  destroyed  so  many  oppres- 
sors of  "  dharma.  ''  Tha  Jaina  book  Vira -char lira 
also  connects  Vikrama  with  ftftdraka  Satavuhana*6 
The  Satavahana  (=  Salavahana)  origin  of  the 
Vikrama  explains  the  confusion  in  the  popular 
tradition,  which  connects  fe&lav&hana  with  Vikrama. 

K.  P.  JAYASWAL. 


i  Apparently  fh»  did,  as  in  old  literature  we  have  only  pateha. 

'  Not  only  *  some*  as  supposed  by  Fleet.    All  the  week-day  (grahas)  names  are  there. 

9  Rdhu&nd  Ketu  were  originally  separate  as  in  the  Ananda&rama  ed.  of  the  BDhS.  They  make  up 
the  nine  graha*.  The  Avad&na  also  has  got  Kdhu  and  Ketu. 

*  It  has  been  given  up,  for  Fleet  and  others  do  admit  that  there  was  a  Vikrama,  but  they  say  be  waft 
m  foreigner. 

»  Ante,  1917,  April.  «  IS.,  XIV,  97  ff. 


MAY,  1918  J  THE   FARUQI    DYNAST V   OF   KHANDESH  113 

THE  FAROQf   DYNASTY  OF   KHANDESH. 

BY  LT.-COLONKL  T.   W.  HAKJ,  C.M.Ci. 
[References  to  Firixhtu  are  io  the  Bomfxty  tc.rl  of  1830.  ] 

TTNTIL  recently  our  sole  authority  for  the  history  of  this  dynasty,  which  ruled  in  Khandesh 
^  for  225  years,  was  the  industrious  but  careless  and  uncritical  Firishia,  but  the  publica- 

tion, in  1910,  by  Dr.  Denison  Ross,  of  the  first  volume  of  Zafar  at-Wdlihi  bi  Mmaffar  wa  Alih, 
(  An  Arabic,  History  of  Gujarat),  placed  at  our  disposal  an  original  historical  sketch  of 
the  family,  on  which  the  Burhart-l-Maasir,  first  brought  to  notice  bv  Major  J.  S.  King, 
who  published  in  1WM),  under  the  title  of  The  History  of  the  Hakrnmii  />//w//,v///,  an  abstract 
translation  of  t ho  introductory  portion  of  the  work,  which  had  already  appeared  in  Th? 
India/n  Antiquary,  also  throws  some  light.  The  history  of  the  small  state  of  Khandcsh 
which,  though  surrounded  by  the  three  large  kingdoms  of  Gujarat,  Mahva,  and  the  Dak  an 
contrived  to  maintain  some  measure  of  independence  and  outlived  all  its  powerful  neighbours 
is  not  unworthy  of  study,  and  a  comparison  of  the  authorities  now  available  may  enable 
us  to  reconstruct  it  with  some  degree  of  accuracy. 

Firishta,1  our  first  authority,  attributes  the.  foundation  of  the  state  to  Malik  Raja, 
son  of  Khanjahan  Fariiqi,  whose  forbears,  he  says,  had  served  k  Ala-<t\-din  KJtnlji  and 
Af  iitifimmftd  bin  Titghhty  of  Dihli,  and  who  had  himself  held  high  office  under  the  iatt  er  monarch . 
On  the  death  of  Khanjahan  his  son  Malik  Raja,  as  often  happens  in  a  country  in  which  nobility 
is  not  hereditary,  found  no  means  of  advancement  and  was  content-  to  serve  as  a  trooper 
in  the  bodyguard  of  Kiruz  Shah,  the  successor  of  Muhammad  bin  Tughluq,  in  which  humble 
capacity  he  still  found  means  to  indulge  in  his  favourite  pursuit  the  chase.  On  one  occasion 
Firuz,  during  his  disastrous  retreat  from  Siiul  to  (Gujarat  across  the  Jlann  of  Kachchh,  while 
hunting  wandered  far  from  his  camp  and  was  resting,  weary  and  hungry,  under  a  tree  when 
ho  saw  a  solitary  sportsman  with  a  few  hounds.  He  asked  him  whether  he,  had  any  food  with 
him  and  the  hunter  produced  such  coarse  food  as  he  usually  carried  and  placed  it  before 
the  emperor,  who,  being  struck  by  his  host's  superior  manners  and  address,  asked  him  who 
he  was,  and  was  astonished  to  learn  that  the  son  of  so  important  an  mnir.  with  \vhom  he 
hud  born  well  acquainted,  was  serving  him  in  so  humble  a.  capacity.  Firuz,  on  his  return 
to  Dihli,  appointed  Malik  Raja  to  the  command  of  2, (KM)  horso  and  conferred  on  him,  for 
their  maintenance,  a  small  fief  on  the  borders  of  Baglana,  in  the  district  afterwards  known 
as  Khandcsh.  Here  a  victory  over  Baharji,  the  Rahtor  raja  of  Baglana,  compelled  that 
ruler  to  acknowledge  the  suzerainty  of  Firuz  and  enabled  Malik  Raja  to  send  to  Dihli  fifteen 
elephants.  This  service  was  rewarded  by  promotion  to  the  command  of  13, (KM)  horse  and 
by  the  government  of  the  whole  province  of  Khandesh.  Malik  Raja  was  able,  in  his  remote 
province,  to  maintain  a  force  of  12, (MM)  horse  and,  as  the  province  could  not  .support  this 
force,  he  augmented  his  revenue  by  raids  into  Gondwana  and  the  territories  of  various 
petty  rajas.  Towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Firuz,  when  the  authority  of  Dihli  grew  ever 
feebler,  Malik  Raja  anticipated  his  neighbours  in  Gujarat  and  Malwa,  and  in  1382  ceased 
to  remit  tribute  and  began  to  conduct  himself  as  an  independent  monarch. 

Such  is  Firishta's  account  of  the  foundation  of  the  state  and  the  origin  of  its  ruler,  but 
the  title  of  Khanjahfm  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  lists  of  the  amirs  of  v  Ala-a/-dm  Khalji  and 
Muhammad  bin  Tughlaq  given  by  Ziya-aZ-din  Barani ;  and  'Abdallah  Muhammad,  author 

1  ii,  641. 


114  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY, 

of  the  Zafur-fil'Walih,  gives  a  different  and  more  probable  account.  According  to  him  Rnja 
Ahmad,  as  he  styles  the  first  ruler  of  Khandcsh,  was  the  son  of  Khvaja  Jahan,  minister  of 
'  Ala-a/-(lin  Bahman  Shah,2  the  founder  of  the  Bahmani  dynasty  of  the  Dakan.  In  his 
history  of  this  dynasty  Firishta  mentions  no  amir  under  this  title,  arid  says  that  Saif-a/-din 
Ghuri  was  mztr  throughout  the  reign  of  Bahman,  but  the  Bttrhdn-i-m&'fair  describes  jvhvaja 
Jahan  as  one  '  Ain-aZ-din,  an  amir  in  the  service  of  Muhammad  bin  Tughlaq,  who,  with  his 
son  Muhammad,  deserted  his  old  master  and  joined  '  Ala-aZ-din  Hasan.  When  k  Ala-aJ-clin 
Hasan  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Dakan  as  Bahman  Shah  he  conferred  the  title  of  Khvaja 
Jahan  on  the  father  and  that  of  Shir  KJ;an  on  the  son  and  rewarded  the  former  with  the 
government  of  Gulbarpa,  the  capital  of  the  new  kingdom.  This  Khvaja  Jahan  is  certainly 
not  identical  with  Saif-aZ-riin  (ihuri,  who  is  mentioned  by  Firishla3  as  holding  the  govern- 
ment of  Gulbarga  in  addition  to  the  post  of  prime  minister,  but  \ve  may  assume  that  he 
was  an  important  amir  at  the  court  of  Bah  man  Shah  and  it  is  probable  that  he  held  the 
Government  of  the  city  of  Gulbarga  while  Saif-aZ-din  held  that  of  the  whole  province. 

k  Abdallah  Muhammad  goes  on  to  say  that  on  the  accession  of  Muhammmad  I  Bahmani, 
in  1858,  Khvaja  Jahan  retained  the  post  of  ntzir  until  his  death,  and  was  succeeded  t heroin 
by  his  son  Ahmad  ;  not  Muhammad,  as  in  the  HnrJifnt-i-Ma'attir.  This  is  further  evidence 
that  he  was  not  identical  with  Saif-af-din  (ihuri  who,  after  an  interval  passed  in  retirement, 
was  reappointed  wzir,  and  died  in  harness  at  the  age  of  107  on  April  21  st,  1307,  one  day 
after  the  death  of  his  master  Muhammad  II  Rahnmni.  whom  Firishta.  wrongly  styles  Mahmud. 
It  even  seems  doubtful  whether  Ahmad  can  be  identified  with  Muhammad,  Khvaja  Julian's 
son,  though  the  two  names  may  be  confounded.  It  is  more  likely  that  Ahmad  was  a  yonngei 
son  of  Khvaja  Jahfm,  not  mentioned  hi  the  Burhan-i-MaMr.  Ahmad,  according  to 
AbdulJilh  Muhammad,  disagreed  with  Muhammad  1  Bahmani  and  set  out  for  Daulatabad 
where  was  the  saint  Zain-a/-dJm,  whom  he  approached  as  a  disciple.  The  saint  welcomed 
him  as  a  disciple  and  said  l  Well  done  Raja  Ahmad!'  Rnja  meaning  Sultan,  so  that,  Ahmad 
took  it  as  a  good  omen.  'Phis  Recount  of  Ahmad's  disaffection  and  of  his  interview  with 
the  saint  Zain-a/-din  of  Daulatabad  enables  us  to  trace  his  career.  Bahman  Shah  had  a 
nephew,  Bahrain  Khan  MiizandiirAni,  the  son  of  his  sister,  whom  he  married  to  one  of  his 
own  daughters  and  always  addressed  as  vlson'\  and  whom  he  appointed  toDaulatnbnd,  one 
of  the  four  great  provincial  governments  of  the  kingdom.  Bahrain  resented  the  accession 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Muhammad  I.  and  seems  to  have  expected  that  he  would  inherit, 
on  the  death  of  his  uncle  and  father-in-law,  at  least  a  share  of  the  kingdom,  if  not  the  throne 
itself,  for  in  1303,  while  Firu'/  Shah  of  Dihli  was  in  Gujarat,  to  which  province  he  had 
retreated  on  the  failure  of  his  first  expedition  into  Sind,  Bahrarn  sent  a  mission  to  him  from 
Daulatabad,4  and  invited  him  to  make  an  attempt  to  recover  the  Dakan,  promising 
him  his  assistance.  It  was  impossible  for  Fiim  to  abandon  his  enterprise  against  Sind, 
in  which  was  involved  the  imperial  prestige,  but  the  envoys  were  encouraged  to  believe 
that  after  Sind  had  been  reduced  to  obedience  an  expedition  to  Daulatabad  would  lx> 
undertaken. 

In  13(55-66  Bahrlm  Khun,  having  won  over  to  his  cause  many  of  the  amirs  of  the 
neighbouring  province  of  Berar  and  secured  his  financial  position  by  retaining  for  his  own 

2  This  in  the  correct  title  of  this  king,  culled  by  Firishta  aud  European  authors  who  follow  him 
Ata-a/-dfn  Haaan  Kangft  Bahmani.  Soo  JASB.,  Vol.  LXXTII,  part  i,  extra  No.  1904;  Imperial 
Gazetteer  of  India,  ii,  386  ;  and  Zafar-al-Wulih,  i,  159. 

51  '•  632-  4  Z'Arf M»  Mr&z  ShAM,  by  Shams.i-Siraj  •  Afff  ',  p.  224, 


MAY,  1918)  THE   FAKUQI   DYNASTY   OF   KHANDKNH  115 

use  several  years'  revenue  from  Berar  as  well  as  from  his  own  province,-"1  rose  in  rebellion, 
andat  the  same  time  sent  another  mission0  to  Firuz,  who  was  no\v  at  Dihli.  whither  he  ha-1 
returned  after  bringing  to  a  successful  conclusion  his  expedition  to  Siml.  Tins  expedition 
had,  however,  exhausted  his  military  ardour,  and  ho  was  loth  to  undertake4  a  campaign  in 
the  south,  whore  the  power  of  the  Bahmanids  was  now  firmly  established.  Ho  therefore 
replied  tauntingly  to  the  envoys  that  they  had  been  among  those  who  had  rebelled  against 

their  sovereign,    Muhammad   bin    TugMaq,    and    that  if  the  course  of  events  was  not  to 

their  liking  they  had  only  themselves  to  blame. 

It  is  clear  that,  Raja  Ahmad  was  a  partisan  of  Bahrain.  When  he  left  his  king'* 
court  he  turned  towards  Daulatlbad  and  sought  the  saint .  Zain-u/-din  who,  as  is  evident 
from  Firishta's  account7  of  this  rebellion,  supported  Bahrain  against  his  cousin  and  brother- 
in-law,  gave  the  rebels  sanctuary,  and  behoved  towards  Muhammad  I,  alter  his  success 
as  only  one  whose  personal  safety  was  secured  by  a  superstitious  veneration  for  his  sane 
tity  would  have  ventured  to  behave.  With  the  progress  of  the  rebellion  we  have  no  further 
concern.  The  rebels  were  defeated  and  banished  to  Gujarat,  but  of  llaja  Ahmad  we  are 
told  that  he  entered  the  .service  of  FlriV/,  so  that  he  seems  to  have  been  a  member  of  one  of  the, 
two  missions  sent  to  the  imperial  court,  either  of  that  sent  to  Gujarat  in  1  .'»<'>.'{  or,  more 
probably,  of  tha,t  sent  to  Dihli  in  l.'Mvi-(>(».  'Ahdallah  Muhammad  repeats  I  he  story  of  the 
service  rendered  to  Firfi/  when  he  was  hungry  and  weary  in  the  hunting-Held  and  <avs  Unit, 
he  asked  Raja,  Ahmad  to  Choose  his  reward,  and  that  he  asked  for  and  received  a  grant  of  the 
village  of  Thai  nor,  known  as  Karvand.  '  Abdullah  Muhammad  ^ives  no  further  details  of 
his  history,  beyond  saying  fhat  ho  established  his  indcpcndenec  in  JUS:!,  and  Firishta' s 
brief  word  of  his  progress  until  this  yea!1  may  be  accepted  as  correct. 

]"Uja  Alimad  perhaps  chose  Thalner  as  an  obscure  corner  whence  he  might  salely  harass 
his  enemies,  the  Uahmanids,  secure  of  assistance,  in  the  last  resort,  from  the  Imperil* I 
power  of  Dihli  ;  but  that  po\\or  betran  to  decline  from  the  day  of  his  investiture  v\hh 
his  small  fief,  and  the  senile  incompetence  of  Firuz  and  the  disorders  due  to  the  wrangles 
and  feebleness  of  his  successors  were  but  the  prelude  to  the  final  crash,  the  invasion  of  India 
by  Taimur,  which  dissolved  tho  frail  bonds  which  bound  together  the  provinces,  until  the 
Savyids,  who  succeeded  the  Tim'hlaq  dynasty,  could  call  little  but  the  citv  of  Dihli  their 

own. 

The  example  of  Raja  Ahmad  in  KTfmdesh  was  soon  followed  bv  his  more,  powerful 
neighbours,  Dilavar  Khan  (Jhuri  in  Mftlwa  and  Alu/affar  I  in  Gujarfit,  and  Alimad,  instead 
of  raiding  the  powerful  kingdom  of  the  Dakan,  was  forced  to  seek  alliances  \\ 
enable  him  to  maintain  a  measure  of  independence,  for  though  thep 
balance  of  power  might  protect  his  small  state  from  utter  extinct  ion 
preserve  his  importance  if  he  allowed  the  bark  of  his  policy  to  drift  <Lft\1?")rfie  stream 
events  with  no  other  guidance  than  the  fluctuating  policy  of  his  rieighL 
or  Malik  Raja  as  he  is  styled  by  Firishta,  Jfirst  hirnod  towards  M/ihva,,  and 
to  Huahang,  son  and  eventually  successor  of  Dilavar  Khun,  whose  assist  a n 
thus  purchased.  With  Dilavar's  assistance  he  expelled  the  officers  of  M 
from  the  town  and  district  of  Nandurbar,  which  wore  long  a  bone  of 
Gujarat  and  Khandesh  just  as  were  the  Duab  of  Raichiir  between  the 

6  Firishta,  i,  657.  6  Tarlkh-i-Flraz  Sh&hf,  by  Shams-i-Sirfij  'Afif,  p.  261. 

7  Fimhta,  i,  560. 


110  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1918 

and  Vijayanagar  and,  at  a  later  date,  Kholapur  between  Bijapur  and  Ahmadnagar  and 
Piithri  between  Ahmadnagar  and  Berar.  Raja  Ahmad  probably  believed  that  he  could 
commit  this  act  of  aggression  with  impunity,  for  Mussaffar  was  then  engaged  in  warfare, 
but  he.  would  not  submit  tamely  to  this  insult  and,  suspending  his  operations  against  the 
Hindus,  marched  at  once  to  Nanclurb&r.  expelled  Raja  Alimad,  and  besieged  him  in  his 
own  capital  of  Thalner.  Muzaffar,  however,  had  yet  to  establish  his  authority  in  his  own 
kingdom,  where  the  continuance  of  his  rule  was  threatened  by  turbulent  Rajputs,  and 
asked  but  to  live  in  peaee  with  his  Muhammadan  neighbours,  so  that  Ahmad  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  obtaining  terms  and  Muwiffar  withdrew  after  obtaining  from  Ahmad  satisfactory 
assurances  that  the  district  of  Nandurbfir  would  not  again  be  molested. 

.Raja  Ahmad  died  on  April  2J),  1*JOJ).  and  was  buried  at  Thalner.  The  distinctive  epithet 
of  Farftqi  applied  to  hi^  dynasty  is  derived  from  his  claim  to  descent  from  "Umar.  the  second 
orthodox  Khali/aft  of  the  Muslims,  who  was  entitled  al-Farvq,  fc  the  Discriminator  (between 
truth  and  error)/  Ahmad's  descent  from  '  I' mar  is  thus  given  by  Firishta  8  : — Malik  Raja 
(Ahmad),  son  of  Khanjahfui  (KhvAja  Jahtin).  son  of  "A  15  Khan,  sou  of  'Uthman  Khan,  sou 
of  ShutnTjit,  son  of  Ash'ath  Sh/ih.  son  of  Sikuudar  Shah,  son  of  Talhah  Shah,  son  of 
Daiiiyal  Shah,  son  of  Ash'ath  Shah,  son  of  UrmiyA  Shah,  son  of  Ibrahim  Shah  Jial&hi..  son 
of  Adham  Shah,  son  of  Ma!.' mud  Shah,  son  of  Ahmad  Shah,  son  of  Muhammad  Shah,  son  of 
A'zam  Shi'ih,  son  of  As^-har.  SOD  of  Muhammad  Ahmad,  son  of  Muhammad,  son  of  'AhdallAh, 
son  of  'Umar  the  Discriminator. 

Raja  Ahmad  left  two  sons  Na.-ir  (not  J\Ta.>ir.  as  he  is  called  in  the  Imperial  Gazvilw.r  of 
Jadta)  entitled  Jahangir  Khan,  who  succeeded  him,  and  Hasan,  entitled  Malik  Jftikbar 
According  toFirishta  U/ija  Ahmad  had  intended  to  divide  his  small  dominions  permanently 
between  his  two  sons,  leaving  Nasir  ruler  of  the  greater  part  of  the  state,  but  establishing 
Hasan  as  permanent  and  independent  governor  of  the  town  and  district  of  Thalner.  Nasir 
established  his  authority  throughout  the  eastern  districts  of  Kl;andesh,  which  appear  to 
have  been  neglected  by  his  father,  captured  the  hill  fortress  of  Asirgarh  by  stratagem  from 
the  pastoral  chieftain  called  by  Kirishta  Asa  Ahir,  from  whom  it  took  its  name,  and  by  the 
command  of  Zain-aZ-din,  the  spiritual  guide  of  his  family,  who  came  from  Datilatabad  to 
visit  him,  founded  the  cit\  of  Burhanpur  which,  in  accordance  with  Zain-a/-dinV 
injunction,  he  named  after  the  great  saint  Bur1mn-a/-din,  who  is  buried  in  the  hills  above 
Daulatabad.  On  the  southern  bank  of  the  Tapti,  which  Zain-aZ-din  refused  to  cross, 
Na§ir  founded,  on  the  spot  where  the  saint  lodged,  a  mosque  and  a  village,  which  he 
named  ZainabA d . 

Having  thus  established  himself  in  eastern  KhAnclesh  Nasir  resolved,  by  expelling  his 
brother  Hasan  from  Thalner,  to  extend  his  authority  over  the  whole  state,  and  to 
this  end  sought  aid  of  his  brother-in-law,  Hushang  Shah,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  on 
the  throne  of  Malwa.  Hushang  sent  his  son  Uliazni  Khan  to  the  assistance  of  Nasir,  and 
in  1417  Thalner  was  captured  and  Hasan  was  imprisoned  by  his  brother.  Hasan  had  sought 
aid  of  Ahmad  1  of  Gujarat,  but  assistance  had  not  reached  him  in  time  and  Nasir,  partly 
with  the  object  of  forestalling  the.  interference  of  Gujarat  in  the  domestic  affairs  of 
Kb&ndesh  and  partly,  doubtless,  with  that  of  repairing  his  father's  discomfiture,  attacked 
Nandurbar.  On  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  sent  by  Ahmad  of  Gujarat  Nasir  fled  to  ThaJner 
and  GJazni  Khfm  to  Mandu,  and  Malik  Mahmdd,  an  amir  of  GujarAt,  besieged  Nasir  in  Thalner 

8  ii,  643. 


MAY'  19181  THE  PAEUQT  DYNASTY  OF  KHAXDKSH 


117 


the  latter  was  obliged  to  purchase  place  by  paying  tribute  ami  swearing  fealty  to 
Ahmad  Shah,  and  in  return  received  from  him  the  title  of  Khan  and  some  of  the  insignia  of 
royalty.  It  was  also  agreed  that  Hasan,  Nasir's  brother,  should  jvnmiii  at  Ahmad's  court 
as  his  brother's  representative,  or,  in  other  words,  as  a  homage.  Hasan  seems  to  have  been 
by  no  means  loth  to  assent  to  this  arrangement,  and  made  hi<  homo  in  Gujarat,  where  he 
was  safer  than  if  he  had  remained  within  his  brother's  roach 

From  this  treaty  we  may  date-  the  ostrangommi  bet  \\crn  Khamlesh  and  Malwa,  for 
Nasir  nndonbtedly  resented  (Jliazni  Khun's  pusillanimous  desertion  of  him,  which  had  left 
him  no  choice  but  to  humble  himself  before  Ahmad  of  <>ujarAt.  The  residence*  of  JIasan 
of  Khandesh  in  Cujarat  sowed  tho  seed  of  a  close  alliance  bet  \\ecn  the  two  states,  as  will  be 
soon  hereafter-,  but  Nasir  was  not  prepared  at  once  to  throu  himself  into  the  amis  of  Ahmad 
Shah  of  (Gujarat,  and  was  soon  enabled  to  form  another  .iMianrr.  The  old  animosity 
against  tho  Bahmanids  had  by  now  been  forgotten,  and  in  UlMl  Ahmad  Shah  .Bahmani, 
who  had  recently  been  at  \\ar  with  Hushang  Shah  of  MaNx.i  and,  although  he  had  inflicted 
a  crushing  defeat  upon  him,  desired  still  further  to  \\e;iken  hi*-  ad  versa  r\  and  to  oxtcnd 
his  own  influence  in  the  state  on  the  northern  border  of  hi<  kingdom,  proposed  to  Na>ir 
an  alliance  between  his  oldest  son,  "Ala-a7-din  Alunnd.  .md  \asii 's  daughter,  Ai.rha  Zainab. 
The  alliance  suited  both  parties,  for  it  provided  \a  ;ir  \\li\\  a  powerful  ally  both  against 
Ahmad  of  (iiijarat,  by  whom  he.  had  recently  been  humiliated  and  against  ILnshang  of  Malwa, 
from  whom  he  was  estranged,  and  Al.miad  Shah  Bahmani  uith  a  useful  ally  against 
Hushang. 

The  alliance  was  almost  immediately  tested.  In  the  t.»llo\\ini.  y<;ai-  Kanha,  HA j a  of 
Jiiallawar,  fled  from  the  wrath  of  Ahmad  of  (Jujarat  and  atli-mpted  to  jmrchase  tho 
protection  of  Kasir  Khan  by  the  gift  of  some  elephants,  but  \\as  told  that  the  ruler  of 
Khandesh  could  not  venture  to  face  alone  the  wrath  of  the  Sulnin  of  G'ujarfit.  Nahir  Khan 
furnished  him,  however,  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  Ahmad  Shah  Bahmani,  who 
sent  a  force  to  his  aid,  and  the  troops  of  the  Dakan  and  Khfmdoli  attacked,  nominally  in  the 
interest,  of  the  fugitive  raja,  Nandurbar,  the  frontier  district  of  (InjarAt.  They  suffered  a 
defeat,  and  a  stronger  force  sent  by  Ahmad  Bahmani  underjhr  command  of  his  son,  k  Alii-tiZ- 
din  Ahmad,  tho  son-in-law  of  Nayir  Khun,  had  no  bctttT  fortun-'.  The  Dakanis  withdrew 
to  their  own  country,  leaving  Khandesh  at  the  mercy  of  the  justly  incensed  (Jujarutis, 
who  overran  it  and  forced  Na.ur  Khan  to  take  refuge  in  the  hill  ••ountry  until  their  thirst  for 
plunder  and  revenge  was  sated,  when  he  returned  to  Burhanpur. 

The  match  between  fc  AlA-a7-din  Ahmad  and  Agha  Zainab  \\a>  not  happy.  l  Ala-a/- 
<lin  Ahmad,  who  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne  of  the  Dakan  on  hYb.  27,  1435,  led 
an  expedition  two  years  later  into  the  Konkan  and.  having;  defeated  the  RsVja  of  Sanga- 
moshwar  and  reduced  him  to  the  condition  of  a  vassal,  married  his  beautiful  daughter,  who 
received  the  name  of  Ziba  Chihra  ('  beautiful  face'  ),  Agha .  Zainab  who,  as  th<^  principal 
queen,  had  the  title  of  Malika-yi  Jahan,  was  slighted  for  the  >oungcr  and  more  beautiful 
Hindu  princess,  and  in  her  jealous  wrath  wrote  to  her  father,  \asir  Khan,  complaining  of 
her  husband's  neglect.  Na$fr  K^an,  after  obtaining  the  consent  of  Ahmad  Shah  of  Gujarat, 
the  necessity  for  which  indicates  the  change  in  the  relations  between  the  two  states,  avenged 
his  daughter's  wrongs  by  invading  Berar;  where  many  of  the  nmir*  welcomed  him  owing  to 
his  descent  from  c  Umar,  and  caused  the  Khutbah,  to  bo  recited  in  his  name.  k  Abd-al-Q&dir 
Khanjahan,  the  loyal  governor  of  Berar,  shut  himself  up  in  Narnaia  and  appealed  for  assist- 
to  his  king,  '  Ala-aZ-din  Ahmad.  A  force  of  the  host  troops  of  the  Dakan  under  the 


118  •  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  MAY,  1918 

command  of  Khalaf  Hasan  Basri,  Malik-at-Tujjar,  was  sent  into  Berar  and  found  Nasir 
Khan  awaiting  it  at  Rohankhed.  Na§ir  Khan  wan  utterly  defeated  and  fled  to  his  hill  fortress 
of  La  ling,  whithor  Malik-aZ-TujjAr  followed  him,  after  burning  and  destroying  all  the  public 
buildings  in  Burhanpur  and  laying  waste  the  fertile  plains  of  Khandesh.  An  attempt  to 
surprise  baling  failed  but  Nasir  Khan,  who  attacked  the  Dakanis  with  12,000  horse  and  a 
large  force  of  foot,  suffered  a  second  severe  defeat,  which  so  preyed  upon  his  mind  that  it 
is  said  to  have  contributed  to  his  death,  which  occurred  on  Sept.  20,  or,  according  to 
another  account,  Oct.  1,  1437.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  4  Adi  1  Khs'n  I.  after  whose 
accession  Malik-aZ-TujjAr,  hearing  that  a  force  was  advancing  from  NandurbAr  to  relieve 
Laling,  retired  to  the  Dakan  with  his  plunder,  which  included  sevent\  elephants  and  many 
guns. 

4  Adil  Khan  reigned  without  incident  until  1441,  when  he  died,  either  on  April  ,*K)  or 
on  May  4,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mubarak  Khan,  who  likewise  reigned  without  inci- 
dent until  his  death  on  Juno  5,  1457,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Malik  '  Amd,  who 
assumed  the  title  of  *  Adil  Khan  TI. 

*  Adil  Khan.  II  was  one  of  the  most  energetic  and  most  powerful  rulers  of  Khandcsh. 
He  established  his  authority  over  the  rajas  whose  territory  was  included  in  or  marched  with 
his  own,  including  the  rajas  of  Gondwana,  and  compelled  them  to  pay  him  tribute,  he 
suppressed  the  depredations  of  the  Kolis  and  Bhils  thus  making  the  roads  throughout  his 
dominions  safe  for  travellers,  he  strengthened  and  extended  the  defences  of  Asirgarh,  he 
fortified  Burhanpur  by  building  «  citadel  on  the  Tapti,  and  he  carried  his  arms  as  far  HS 
Jhiirkhaiul.  now  known  as  (ttmtiya  Nag  pur,  from  which  exploit  he  was  known  as  Jhaikhandi 
Nultfm.  The  author  of  the  Zaftti-(il-W(i1i/i  evidently  did  not  understand  this  title  for  he 
erroneously  attributes  one  bearing  a  slight  resemblance  to  it  to  Mubarak  Khan.  k  Adil  Khan's 
father  and  predecessor,  wiio,  he  says,  was  known  as  (•hnnkunda*  a  word  without  meaning  bu^ 
bearing  .some  resemblance  to  a  Hindi  word  meaning  "  square."  the  applicability  of  which  is 
not  clear.  Firishta's  account  of  the  origin  and  application  of  the  nickname  is  undoubtedly 
correct. 

The  alliance  with  Mtilvva  had  terminated  with  (iliazni  Khfui's  desertion  of  .Nasir  J\|>an  in 
1417,  that  with  the  Dakan  had  ended  in  disaster  and  humiliation,  and  since  Mulik-rz{  Tujjar's 
invasion  of  Khandesh  the  Karuqis  had  learnt  to  regard  the  king  of  Gujar/U  as  their  natural 
protector,  had  recognized  his  suzerainty,  paid  him  tribute,  and  maintained  an  agent  at  his 
court,  \\dil  Khan  II,  Hushed  with  his  successes  over  Hindus  tind  aborigines,  believed  that 
the  time  had  come  when  ho  could  stand  alone,  and  failed  to  remit  tribute  to  Gujarat  and  to 
appoint  an  agent  to  represent  him  there.  Mahmud  Baikarah,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  Gujarat  in  1458,  accordingly  sent  an  army  to  reduce  him  to  obedience  and  'Adil 
Kli&n,  who  was  forced  to  seek  refuge  in  Asirgarh,  obtained  peace  on  the  payment  of  all  arrears 
of  tribute  and  henceforward  remained  obedient  to  Mahmud  of  Gujarat.  The  author  of  the 
Zafar-al-Walih  says  that  this  invasion  of  Khandesh  occurred  in  1459-00,  but  from  what  we 
know  of  the  history  of  Gujarat  Mahmud  can  hardly  have  had  leisure  to  invade  Khandesh  in 
that  year  and  it  is  far  more  probable  that  'Adil  Khan  II.  ventured  to  defy  Gujarat  towards 
the  end  of  his  reign,  when  his  successes  had  increased  his  power  and  inspired  him  with  con- 
fidence, than  at  its  beginning  when  he  had  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  could  throw  off  his 
allegiance.  Moreover  from  an  event  which  occurred  during  his  visit  to  Malnntid  Shah,  his 
designation  of  a  distant  relative  as  his  heir,  he  being  then  childless,  it  is  probable  that  be 
was  then  advanced  in  years,  for  had  be  been  a  young  man  with  a  prospect  of  begetting 


MAY,  1918]  THE   FARUQ1   DYNASTY    OF    KH  VXDBSH  119 

children  ho  would  not  have  been  likely  to  imperil  the,  rights  of  a  son  who  might  bo  born  to 
him  by  naming  a  distant  relative  as  his  heir.  Tt  appears  therefore  that  1490-1500,  the  date 
given  by  Firishta0  for  the  invasion  of  Khandesh  by  Ma»imiid  Baikarah,  is  correct.  After 
his  reconciliation  with  his  suzerain  'Adil  'Chan  visited  Gujarat  and  was  kindly  received, 
and  the  author  of  the  Zafar~al-Wdlih  says  that  he  associated  much  with  Mahmud  Baikarah 
and  was  on  most  intimate  terms  with  him.  He  was  childless  and  the  heir-presumptive  to 
the  throne  of  Khande'sh  was  his  younger  brother,  DiVud  'shan,  a  feeble  and  worthless  prince. 
There  was  at  the  court  of  Ma'imud  Baikarah  a  child,  '  Alain  'Chan,  who  was  directly  descended 
in  the  male  line  from  ifasan  'Chan,  Malik  Iftijchar,  the  younger  brother  of  Nasir  Khan 
who,  after  having  been  captured  and  imprisoned  by  his  brother,  had  been  sent  to  Gujarat, 
whore  he  and  his  descendants  had  lived  ever  since,  the  objects  of  the  special  favour  of  the 
kings  of  that  country.  Hasan  K"han  married  a  relation,  probably  a  sister,  of  his  benefactor, 
Ahmad  I  of  Gujarat  and  left  a  son,  Cxhazni  Khan,  who  married  Ahmad  Shah's  daughter 
and  left  by  her  a  son,  Qaisar  !\han,  who  married  the  daughter  of  the  Sultan  of  Sind  and  left. 
a  son,  Ahsan  'Chan,  who  was  married  by  Mali  mud  Baikarah  to  his  daughter,  the  sister  of 
Muzaffar  11  of  Gujarat,  and  left,  a  son,  "Alain  Khan,  \\lio  was  related  to  '  Adil  Khan  II 
no  more  nearly  than  in  the  ninth  degree,  but  was  regarded  almost  us  a  member  of  the  royal 
house  of  Gujarat.  Firishta,,1"  in  his  heading  to  the  reign  of  w  Alain  Khan,  who  eventually 
succeeded  under  the  title  of  '  Adil  Khan  HI,  makes  him  a  son  of  Nasir  Khan,  nut  this  is 
absurd,  for  he  was  certainly  a  child  about  1500  and  Naur  had  died  in  14*57.  If  we  supported 
1  Alain  Khan  to  be  a  post  humous  son  of  Naur  he  would  have  been  seventy-one  years  of  age 
at.  the  time  of  his  accession  in  1509.  when  he  was  certainly  a  young  man.  Moreover  Firishta 
contradicts  himself,11  by  correctly  describing  "  Alain  Khan  as  daughter's  son  to  Mahuiud 
Baikarah  of  Gujarat,  who  was  fourteen  years  of  age  in  14.~>S,  so  it  is  obvious  that  he 
cannot  have  been  a  son  of  Nasir  Khan. 

One  day  towards  the  end  of  his  reign  k  Adil  Khan  11,  who  was  visiting  Mahmtid  Baikarah' 
was  sittin<r  with  him  in  the  hall  of  the  palace  at  rhampanir.  when  the  coi/vcrsation  turned 
on  "Alam  Khan,  who  was  then,  in  the  room.  Ala'mmd  evidently  wished  that  he  should  be 
well  provided  for,  and  "Adil  Khan  embraced  and  fondled  the  engaging  child  and  at  length 
promised  Mahmud  that  he  should  succeed  him  on  the  throne  of  Khandesh. 

Shortly  after  adopting  his  young  cousn.  as  his  heir  w  Adil  l^han  II,  died,  Rfgardiiur  the 
date  of  his  death  there  are  some  discrepancies.  Firishta  gives  it,12  as  Habi-al-a  wwal  14,K97 
(Jan.  15,  1402)  but  this  date,  which  differs  by  more  than  ton  years  from  that  given  by  any 
other  authority,  nviy  be  at  once  discarded,  for  Kirishta  himself  contradicts  it  twice,  first  in 
stating  that  "Adil  Khan  II,  having  succeeded  on  Rajab  12,  SOI,1'  reigned  for  forty-six 
years,  eight  months,  and  twelve  days,1*  which  period  brings  the  date  of  his  death  to 
liabi-al-awwal  24,  90S  (Sep.  27,  1502),  and  secondly  in  stating  that  "  Adil  Khan's  successor, 
PiVud  Khan,  died  on  Jamadi-al-awwal  1,  014,  after  a  reign  of  eight  years,  one  month,  and 
ten  days,  according  to  which  statement  the  date  of  'Adil  Khan's  death  would  be  Habi-al- 
awwal  20,9015  (Oct.  14,  1500).  The  author  of  the  Zrtfar-al-Walihtir'  gives  the  date  as  Itabi'- 
al-awwal  15,907  (Sep.  2S,  1501)  which  divides  almost  equally  the  period  between  the  two 
dates  found  by  calculation  from  FirLshta's  statements  regarding  the  duration  of  the  two 
reigns  and  may  be  accepted  as  correct.  Mr.  Stanley  Lane  1'oole,  in  his  Mohammadau 
liw,**  gives  the  date  of  'Adil  Khan's  death  and  Da'ud's  accession  as  1503,  for  which 


o  H9  401  |0  "'»  552,  553.  1!   11,  f*.  •>:.».  l*  ii, 

13  iif  550.  If  ii,  551.  x  i(   :>4.  w  p. 


120  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  19  IS 

hiB  authority  seems  to  be  the  Useful  Tables,™  published  by  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal* 
but  what  the  authority  for  those  tables  is  I  do  not  know.  The  Muniakhab-al-bubab,  a  work 
which,  so  far  as  its  account  of  the  dynasties  of  the  Dakan  goes,  is  admittedly  a  mere  epitome 
of  Firishta,  gives  the  date  as  Sep.  27, 1501,  so  that  it  is  clear  that  the  date  given  in  the  Bombay 
text  of  Firishta  is  a  misreading. 

According  to  the  BurMn-i~Mafair*  a  most  untrustworthy  authority  for  the  reigns  of 
the?  earlier  Nizam  Shahi  kings  of  Ahmadnagar,  k  Adil  Khan  II,  who  is  described  as  'Adil 
Shah,  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Khandesh,  in  accordance  with  his  will,  by  his  son 
"  Mahmud  Shah  Faruqi,"  whose  presumption  in  styling  himself  Shah  aroused  the  wrath 
of  Mahmud  Baikarah  of  Gujarat.  A  long  and  confused  account  of  the  invasion  of  Khandesh 
by  Mahmud,  of  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah's  expedition  to  assist  "k  Mahmud  Faruqi,"  and  of  the 
defeat  and  discomfiture  of  Maliiuud  Baikarah  follows.  Another  version  of  this  story  is 
given  by  Firishta  in  the  only  passage  in  which  he  quotes  ls  the  Burhan-i-Ma'asir,  called  by  him 
the  u  Waqai'-i  Nizamtth&hiyyah  which  Sayyid  'All  Samnani  was  writing  in  the  reign  of 
Burhan  Nizam  Shah  IT,  arid  which  he  never  lived  to  finish,"  but  in  this  version  Mahmfid 
Baikarah  is  represented  as  coining  to  attack  and  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah  to  support  'Adil  FC1  an 
II,  and  the  mythical  u  Mahmud  Shah  Faruqi  "  is  not  mentioned.  Firishta  discredits  the 
story,  as  well  he  may.  Not  only  has  Sayyid  'Ali  been  obliged  to  juggle  with  the  chro- 
nology of  the  Faruqi  dynasty,  but  he  has  invented  a  Faruqi  ruler  who  never  ascended  the 
throne  and  fathered  a  son  on  the  childless  "Adil  T\  1  an.  The  motive  for  the  invention  of  the 
story  was  doubtless  a  desire  to  conceal  the  discomfiture  of  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah,  who  was  at 
this  time  attempting  to  wrest  the  fortress  of  Daulatabud  from  the  brothers  Sharaf-a2-d!n 
and  Waj!h-aZ-din  and  beat  a  hasty  and  undignified  retreat  on  hearing  that  Mahmud  Baikarah 
was  inarching  through  Kl  andesh  to  the  relief  of  the  fortress. 

On  the  death  of  'Adil  Khan  TI.  Mahmiid  Baikarah  took  no  steps  to  obtain  the  throne 
for  }\\H  protege  'Alain  Khan,  the  adopted  heir,  and  'Adil  Khan's  brother  Da'ud  Kl-aii  would 
have  succeeded  peacefully  had  not  a  strong  party  among  the  amirx  of  KKmdesh  been 
bitterly  opposed  to  him  and  proclaimed  instead  of  him  his  infant  son  (rliazni  Kl  an  ;  but 
^rl.azni  Khan's  party  was  overcome  and  Da'ftd  Kl  an  retained  the  throne. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  follow  the  events  of  DtVud's  brief  but  troubled  reign.  Accord- 
ing to  Firishta  Da'ud  entertained  the  design  of  annexing  part  of  the  Nizam  Shahi  dominions 
and  to  this  end  committed  some  acts  of  aggression.  It  seems  impossible  that  so  fee-bio  a 
monarch  should  wantonly  have  provoked  so  powerful  a  neighbour,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah  invaded  Khandesh  in  this  reign,  though  according  to  the  Burhdn- 
i-Ma'dsir  it  was  not  until  after  Da'iid's  death  that  he  attempted  to  enthrone  in  Burhanpiir 
a  pretender,  'Alam  Khan  Faruqi,  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  protege  of  Mahmud  Baikarah, 
who  bore  the  same  name.  The  silence  of  the  author  of  the  Burhan-i-Macifiir  is  easily 

J7  Ain-i-  Akbari,  Colonel  Jarrott's  translation,  ii,  227,  n.  2. 

18  ii,  189.  Major  J.  S.  King,  in  his  preface  to  The  History  of  the  tiahmant  Dynasty,  says,  "  Though 
the  two  authors  (Firishta  and  the  author  of  the  Burh&n-i-MdAsir)  were  contemporaries  and  probably 
met  one  another  in  Al.madnagar  neither  makes  any  mention  of  the  other,"  and  adds,  in  a  note  referring 
to  Firishta,  "he  never  mentions  the  BwhAn-i-Ma'Sair  unless  he  alludes  to  it  under  some  other  title. 
Professional  jealousy  probably  accounts  for  this.  But  the  work  quoted  by  Firighta  as  the  tfa//A't«-ig 
NizAmshMiiyyah  is  undoubtedly  the  Burhdn-i-Ma'&sir,  Major  King  is,  however,  quite  right  in  saying 
that  Firishta  does  not  mention  the  Burhdn-i-Mcfasir  hi  the  long  list  of  authorities  cited  at  the  beginning 
of  his  history. 


-ai*r,  1919]  THE   FARUQI  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH 


121 


^inad's  invasion  of  M&ndesh  brought  him  no  glory  andnfc  .-wa*  tfhuiiousy 
expend  irbm  the  country.  From  a  doinparison  of  the  Zafar-al.  Wdlik  with  ^rwttt»^  appears 
that  Hwam.irf.dtn,  an  amir  of  ,vhan«iesh  who  was  om,  of  Ba'ud  Khaa's  principal  opponents 
Wvitod4,inad  M;Am  Shah  to  aid  him  in  overthrowing  Da'ud.  <A  .mad  invaded  the  country 
bnagi^  uwiwai..,..,  '.U^n  Xhan,  with  him,  and  laid  it  watfo.  Da'tU;  w,io  probaoty  dared 
not  .appeal  -to  Ma,,mud  Baikarah  of  Gujarat,  lest  be  should  bring  another  protester  into 
tho  boiu,  applied  tor  aid  to  Na-.ir-aJ-din  Shah  of  Malwa  who,  in  1504,  *mt  *  fpirce.  under 
Iftui  ,_aa,  one  of  his  amiw,  to  aid  him.  Iqbal  Kl  an  expelled  A  mad  Ni  am  Sh&h  but 
bworo  leaving  the  country  insisted  that  the  Khu  bah  should  bo  recited  in  Burhanpfir  in  the 
nanio  01  iu*  master,  JNIaJr-aJ-din  Shah,  with  which  humiliating  demand  l^'ud.was  forced 
to  oouijtUy,  'Alarn  JOAn  had  Hed  with  his  protector,  A.irnad  Ni  am  Sh&h.'and  for  the 
Muuuourf  lour  years  ot  his  life  Da'Qd  .Chan  reigned  in  peace,  dying  on  Aug.  J{8,  1508.  • 

Alter  au)  death  of  Da'fld  his  son  UUzni  Khan  was,  according  to  Firishta,  raised  to  the 
throuo  uy  .tUUR  •iuAm-aWin  and  the  other  m».»,  but  was  poisoned  by  them  after  ton  days 
Ac^OiUjnri  uo  uio  44'ar-al-tfalih  .^azni  Khan  had  been  poisoned  during  thcliletimo  of  his 
ikvuui-,  ou.  two  Uworuparicy  is  of  little  consequence,  for  (^.azm  !C'  an  never  actually  reigned 
anu.ai.aooi,  ujimuOuioly  after  the  death  of  DA'fld  Ahmad  Ni;;;,in  Saah  reappeared  in 
e,  'Alain  IC1  an. 


Tnu  Uo3ounL  uf  this  fc  Alam  [Oi4n  is  not  precisely  known,  but  there  is  ncnvhere  a  hint 
that  uo  wutf  udi  uiiposior.  According  to  Firishta  he  was  "  of  the  offspring  oi  tho  ^ariiqi 
BU11.WV  'i  Uo  IJar-al-Wali/i,  calls  him  t6  a  relation  of  Da  ud  »;  anU  tiio  author  of  the 
&ur^«,-i-^a'a*ir  says  that  he  was  t4  of  the  stock  of  the  rulers  of  4*/-."  It  is  probable 
thau  uu  w^  iar  uud,rer  in  blood  to  Da'ud  than  was  the  other  VAlaiu  _  an,  who  was  protected 
by.--UUviiiud  iiaikarah.  It  will  bo  convenient  to  distinguish  tho  two  pretender^  as  *Alam 
Jvi^au  y*  UajaraD  and  'Alam  K!  an  of  Ai.imadnagar. 

*  Alaiii  i^>a  oi  Gujarat  now  thought  that  it  was  time  to  assort/  his  claim  to  the  throne 
of  Kl&iiau^  and  iiis  inouiur  applied  to  her  father,  Ma  ,mud  Baikarah,  for  assistance,  wnich 
wau  ro^oiiy  gi^oa.  In  JMovomuer  or  December,  1503,  only  throe  or  four  mon.ns  alter  the 
duatu  oi  JJa'ud  ._  an,  Ma..  mud  liaikarah  set  out  from  Cliampanir  for  Tiialnor,  then  held  for 
Aaitotl'b  prot^yc,  styling  himself  4Alam  fcihah. 

Tiiu  ^jodiuon  in  ^andosh  was  now  as  follows  :—  '  Alam  K]  an  of  A'^madnagar  and  Malik 
Hisftiu-u.ir.uin    tiie    Mughul,    the   leader  of  the    Ai.imadnagar  party  in    I    anuosh,  were  at 
Burhailpur,  wiiurotney  wore  joined  by  A'unad  Ni.ain  8nan  of  A  madnagar  and  fc  Ala-af-din 
Iniad  o^aii  ot  tfurar,  wnom  ilisam-aZ-din  had  summoned  to  his  aid  ;  Malik  Ladan,  tho  leader 
of  the  Gojarat  party  in  K^andesh,  had  shut  himself  up  in  Asi  garh,  wnere  iu>  was  busioged 
by  the  partisans  ot  l  Alam  K^an  of  A.'imadnagar  ;    and  Mal.imud  Shah  .Baikarah  and  his 
protegz,  '  Alam  K^an  of  Gujarat,  wore  advancing  on  Thalnor.     Thalnor  surruiiduAni,  and  on 
hearing  of  its  tall  A  imad  iMi  am  8hah  and  'Ala-aZ-din  Iniad  Shah  floJ  lor  roiugu  to  Gawil- 
ga  ;h,  leaving  4,000  troops  in  Burhanpur  to  support  their  candidate  for  the  throne.      Ma  mud 
then  sent  two  of  his  am  rst  Sayyid  AT:af  K^an  and  4  Aziz-al-Mulk  agivinst  Uinain-ajl-uiu  and 
*  Alam  iJian  of  A'imainagcir,  aadtho  troops  of  A  madnagar  and  Borar  Hoji  froai  liaraanpfir 
so  that  riis^m-*a>din  was  obliged  to  provided  for  his  own  sat'oiy  :  by  sending  tho  'pro  Condor 
oH  to  tho  Dakaa  and  making  hid  mibmisHion  to  Ma  inQd  Baikarah.   JV^iiK  il^l^.i  aad  foro- 
stalled  him,  and  there  was  now  no  obstacle  in  the  path  of  'Alam  i£  an  of  Gujarat.  H>  ti^o  throne. 
On  April  I,  1509,  Ma  imud  Baikarah  held  a  court  ab  TnalnoC  an  J  i  rurally  J  aU  prjl-yj  \ 
;  Whfl  n6w  took  the  title  oi  *  Adil  (vh&q  III,  aa  ruler  of  KliaaJ0J^  coalo*vi.ig  ou 


122  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  19 iff 

us  though  he  had  been  a  mere  officer  of  Gujarat,  the  title  of  AVam-i-Hum&y&n.  Malik  L&dan 
received  the  title  of  Khanjahan  and  Malik  His&m-aZ-din  that  of  Shahryar  and  Mafcmud, 
nfter  giving  his  nephew  four  elephants  and  300,000  tangas,  returned  to  Gujarat. 

In  the  meantime  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah  had  returned  to  the  frontier  of  his  own  kingdom 
iind  ventured* to  send  a  letter  to  Mahmud  Baikarah  requesting  him  to  grant  to  *Alam  F^an, 
who  had  taken  refuge  at  the  court  of  Ahmadnagar,  some  small  share  in  the  dominions  of  his 
forefathers.  To  the  letter,  which  Ahmad,  who  had  revolted  from  his  master,  Mahmud 
Shah  Bahmanf,  had  imprudently  addressed  as  from  one  king  to  another,  no  written  reply 
was  vouchsafed,  but  the  envoy  who  bore  it  had  to  endure  an  unpleasant  interview  with 
Mahmud,  who  ^wrathfully  asked  how  one  who  was  a  rebellious  slave  had  dared  to  address 
him  as  one  Wng  writing  to  another,  instead  of  embodying  his  requests  in  the  form  of  a 
humble  petition,  and  closed  his  homily  with  a  threat  that  such  insolence,  if  repeated,  would 
not  go  unpunished. 

4  Adil  Kfcan  III,  now  established  on  the  throne  of  Khandesh,  still  further  cemented  his 
alliance  with  Gujarat  by  marrying  a  daughter  of  Sultan  Muzaffar,  who  afterwards  succeeded 
to  the  throne  of  Gujarat  as  Muzaffar  IT.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  cause  Malik  Hisam-aJ- 
dfn  Shahryar,  who  was  again  plotting  with  Ahmad  Nizam  Shah,  to  be  assassinated.  The 
dispatch  of  a  large  force  from  Gujarat  averted  a  danger  which  threatened  the  state  from  the 
direction  of  Ahmadnagar,  and  the  reign  of  'Adil  Khan  III.  was  not  marked  by  any  note- 
worthy event  until  his  death,  on  Aug.  25, 1520,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Muhammad 
I.,  who  is  generally  known  as  Muhammad  Shah,  from  his  having  been  summoned  to  the 
throne  of  Gujarat,  which  he  never  lived  to  occupy. 

The  history  of  Muhammad  Shah's  reign  is  to  a  great  extent  that  of  Bahadur  Shah  of 
Gujarat,  with  whom  he  always  acted  in  concert  and  by  whom  he  was  designated  heir  to  the 
kingdom  of  Gujarat.  In  1.527  a  quarrel  arose  between  Burhan  Nizam  Shah  I  of  Ahmad- 
nagar and  *AKL-a&-din  4Imad  Shah  of  Berar,  which  was  composed  for  a  time  by  Bahadur 
Shah  of  Gujarat,  who  took  the  king  of  Berar  under  his  protection.  In  the  following  year 
Burhan  and  Amir  Band  of  Bidar  invaded  Berar,  and  Muhammad  Shah,  who  regarded  'Ala- 
aZ-din  'Irnad  Shah  as  a  protege  of  his  uncle,  Bahadur  Shah,  at  once  responded  to  his  appeal 
for  help  and  marched  to  his  assistance.  Burhan  T  and  Amir  Barid  severely  defeated  '  Ala- 
ai-dfnand  Muhammad  Shah  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mahfir  ami  Muhammad  fled  to  Asirgarh. 
leaving  all  his  artillery  and  elephants  in  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and  at  once  appealed 
to  Bahadur  Shah  for  assistance.  Bahadur  Shah,  Muhammad  Shah,  and  'Ala-aZ-dm  '  I  mad 
Shah  then  marched  to  Ahmadnagar  and  Burhan  T  fled  to  the  protection  of  his  fortress 
capital,  Dautetabad ;  but  Bahadur's  intervention  in  a  quarrel  which  was  regarded  as  a  purely 
domestic  affair  in  the  Dakan  and  his  announcement  that  he  had  annexed  Berar  aroused  the 
resentment  and  apprehensions  of  the  other  kings  of  the  Dakan,  and  Isma'il  'Adil  Shah  of 
BfjftpAr  and  Sultan  Quli  Qutb  Shah  of  Golconda,  as  well  as  Amir  Barid  of  Bidar,  sent  contin- 
gents to  the  aid  of  Burhfin,  whereupon  Bahadur,  fearing  lest  his  communications  with  his 
own  country  should  be  endangered  by  the  rainy  season,  which  was  approaching,  hastened 
to  make  peace.  It  was  agreed  that  the  fortress  and  district  of  Mahur  should  be  restored  to 
Ala-aJ-d!n  Clmft4  Shah  and  that  Burhan  should  return  to  Muhammad  Shah  the  elephants, 
guns,  and  other  booty  which  he  had  taken  from  him  the  year  before.  Bahadur's  nephew 
was,  of  coarse,  indemnified  at  once,  and  he  and  his  uncle  returned  to  their  kingdoms,  but 
Bahadur  considered  that  he  had  already  done  sufficient  for  Berar  and  failed  to  enforce  the 
stipulation  regaining  the  restoration  of  Mahur.  The  kings  of  the  Dakan,  whp  bitterly 


MAY,  1918  j  THE    FARUQI    DYNASTY   OF   KHAXDESH  123 

resented  'Ala-aZ-din's  appeal  to  the  powerful  king  of  Gujarat,  were  in  no  mood  to  see  his 
wrongs  righted,  and  Mahur  remained  in  the  possession  of  Burhan. 

This  companionship  in  arms  increased  the  intimacy  between  Bahadur  and  Muhammad 
and  Bahadur,  not  only  permitted  his  sister's  son,  whose  ancestors  had  boon  content  with  the 
title  of  Khan,  to  assume  the  royal  title,  but  was  accustomed  to  give  him  a  seat  beside  him  on 
his  throne,  and  it  was  probably  now  that  ho  openly  acknowledged  him  as  hoir-presumptive 
to  the  throne  of  Gujarat. 

In  1530  Bahadur  again  visited  Burhanpur  and  soomeil  inclined,  in  response  to  an 
appeal  from  the  King  of  Berar,  to  attack  Alimadnagar  once  more,  but  Muhammad,  who  had 
nothing  to  gain  from  a  strife  which  would  convert  Ahmadnagar  into  a  permanent  enemy  of 
Khandesh,  came  forward  as  peacemaker,  and  his  counsels  prevailed.  Early  in  1531 
Muhammad  accompanied  Bahadur  on  his  expedition  into  Malwa,  in  which  ho  captured  Mandu 
on  March  28,  1531,  and  subsequently,  after  reducing  to  obedience  the  Rajputs  who  had 
acquired  power  in  that  country,  in  which  operation  he  was  much  assisted  by  Muhammad, 
annexed  Malwa  to  Gujarat. 

In  1534-35  Muhammad  assisted  Bahadur  in  his  siege  of  Chitor,  which  ended  in  the 
capture  of  that  fortress,  and  in  the  same  year  accompanied  him  in  his  flight  from  Humayun't* 
army  at  Mandasor  to  Mandu.  Bahadur  fled  from  Mandu  to  Champanfr,  whither  ho  was 
pursued  by  Humayun,  and  thence  to  Kathiawad.  Humayiin's  expedition  into  Malwa  and 
Gujarat  had  much  alarmed  the  kings  of  the  Dakari,  who  were  convinced  that  he  intended 
at  once  to  recover  the  Southern  Kingdoms  for  Dihli,  and  Burhan  I.  of  Alimadnagar;  Ibrahim 
*Adil  Shah  I.  of  Bijapfir,  Sultan  Quli  Qutb  Shah  of  Golconda,  and  Darya  'I mad  Shah  of  Berar 
formed  an  alliance  against  him,  but  their  apprehensions  were  premature,  for  Hurnayun,  who 
was  harassed  by  the  activity  of  Bahadur's  amirs  and  disturbed  by  news  of  the  progress  made 
by  the  already  formidable  Shir  Shah,  was  unable  to  maintain  his  position  in  Gujarat  and 
retired  to  Mandu  and  thence,  on  Bahadur  Shah's  return  from  Diu  to  Ohumpanir,  to  Dihli. 

Humayun,  on  retiring  to  Dihli,  left  some  of  his  amirs  in  Malwa  to  retain  possession  of 
the  province,  and  Muhammad  Shah  of  Khandesh  was  engaged,  under  the  orders  of  Bahadur 
Shah,  in  expelling  these  intruders,  when  he  received  news  that  Bahadur  had  been  drowned 
on  Feb.  13,  1537,  at  Diu,  whither  ho  had  gone  to  treat  with  the  Portuguese  under  Nuno 
da  Cunha,  and  that  the  affairs  of  Gujarat  were  in  great  confusion  owing  to  the  return  of  the 
Mughul,  Muhammad  Zaman  Mirza,  from  Hindustan  and  the  Panjab.  Muhammad  Shah 
was  summoned  by  the  amirs,  in  accordance  with  his  uncle's  will,  to  ascend  the  throne  of 
-Gujarat,  but  before  he  could  reach  Champanir  he  died,  on  May  4,  1537,  and  was  buried  in 
Burhanpur. 

On  the  death  of  Muhammad  Shah  an  attempt  was  made  to  raise  to  the  throne  his  young 
son  Afemad,  but  the  majority  of  the  amirs  supported  the  cause  of  Muhammad's  brother 
Mubarak.  Ahmad  died,  or  was  probably  put  to  death,  and  Mubarak  ascended  the  throne, 
using  the  royal  title  which,  in  the  case  of  Muhammad,  had  been  recognized  by  Bahadur 
Shah  of  Gujarat.  The  death  of  Muhammad  Shah  had  left  the  throne  of  Gujarat  vacant, 
and  the  amirs  of  that  country  were  obliged  to  seek  their  king  in  Khandesh,  where  Bahadur , 
in  order  to  secure  an  undisputed  succession  in  Gujarat  for  his  nephew,  Muhammad  Shah  of 


124  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1918 


Khandesh,  had  imprisoned  his  younger  brother,  Latif  Khan.  Latif  Khan  was  now  dead, 
but  had  left  a  son,  Mahmud,  and  a  deputation  from  Gujarat,  headed  by  the  amir  Ikhtiyar 
Khan,  waited  on  Mubarak  Shah  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  Mahmud.  The  demand 
was  a  disappointment  to  Mubarak,  who  had  hoped  that  the  choice  of  the  amirs  of  Gujarat 
would  fall  on  him,  and  he  demurred  to  surrendering  Mahmud  but,  on  the  ambrs  of  Gujarat 
assembling  their  forces  and  assuming  a  threatening  attitude,  delivered  him  to  Ikhtiyar 
Khan,  who  carried  him  of!  to  Gujarat  and  there  enthroned  him  as  Mahmud  III.  The  history 
of  Gujarat  during  the  early  part  of  Malmiud's  reign  is  the  history  of  contests  between  the 
leading  am\rs  of  the  kingdom  for  the  possession  of  the  king's  person  and  the  regency  which 
such  possession  involved  and  two  amfr.s  entitled  "Inmd-al-Mulk  and  Darya  Khan,  having 
slain  Ikhtiyar  Khan,  quarrelled  with  one  another.  *1  mad-al-Mulk  was  worsted  by  his 
confederate  in  the  contest  for  the  possession  of  the  young  king  and  fled  to  Khandesh,  where  he 
took  refuge  with  Mubarak  Shah.  Darya  Kl  an  and  Mahmud  III  pursued  him  and  were 
met  by  Mubarak  at  Dankri.  Mubarak  was  defeated  but  the  Gujaratis  refrained  from 
following  up  their  success  and  'Imad-al-MuIk  fled  to  Mandn  and  took  refuge  with  Qadir 
KKm,  one  of  the  old  amir*  of  the  Khalji  kings  of  Malvva  who,  on  the  expulsion  and 
retirement  of  Humayun's  officers  from  Mai  wa,  had  assumed  the  government  of  the  country  and 
entitled  himself  Qadir  Shah.  According  to  Firishta,ly  Mahmud  now,  in  fulfilment  of  a 
promise  which  he  had  made  to  Mubarak  when  they  were  fellow-prisoners  in  Asirgarh  during 
the  life-time  of  Bahadur  and  Muhammad,  surrendered  to  Kl  fmdesh  the  town  and  district  of 
Nandurbar. 

It  was  in  Mubarak's  reign  that  the  army  of  Khandosh  first  measured  swords  with  the. 
troops  of  Akbar,  and  defeated  them.  In  1501  an  imperial  army  under  the  command  of 
Adham  Klfin,  Akbar's  foster- brother,  conquered  Malwa  and  expelled  Bfiz  Bahadur,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Shuja'at  Khan,  Shir  Shah's  viceroy  of  that  province,  who  hud  assumed 
independence  as  the  power  of  the  short-lived  Sur  dynasty  of  Dihli  declined.  Ba/  Bahadur 
took  refuge  in  Burhanpur,  and  was  followed  thither  in  \~M'2  by  the  brutal  Pir  Muhammad 
Kl-an.  Akbar 's  governor  of  Malwa,  who  committed  the  most  terrible  atrocities  in  Khfmdesh, 
plundering  and  laying  waste  the  country  and  slaughtering  its  inhabitants  without  regard  to 
age  or  sex.  He  captured  Burhanpur  and  ordered  a  general  massacre  of  its  inhabitants  in 
which  many  pio\is  and  learned  men  perished.  Mubarak  and  Bay,  Bahadur  shut  themselves  up 
in  Asirgarh  and  Tufal  I\1  an,  who  had  usurped  the  government  of  Berar  and  imprisoned 
Darya  Shah,  the  last  of  the  'I mad  Shahi  dynasty,  came  to  their  assistance.  The  allies 
marched  to  attack  Pir  Muhammad  who,  anxious  to  save  the  plunder  which  he  had  collected, 
retired  before  them  without  fighting.  On  reaching  the  Narbada  Pir  Muhammad  and  his 
officers  were  attacked  and  defeated  by  their  pursuers  and  lied  in  confusion  across  the  rivor, 
•n  which  Pir  Muhammad  was  drowned.  All  historians  agree  in  regarding  his  fate  as  God's 
judgment  on  the  atrocities  which  he  had  committed  in  Malwa  and,  above  all,  in  I\i  andesh. 
As  Budaoni  says,  "  the  sighs  of  orphans,  the  weak,  and  the  captives  did  their  work  with 
him."  As  a  result  of  the  defeat  of  Pir  Muhammad  Baz  Bahadur  temporarily  regained 

possession  of  Mandu. 

(To  bt>  continued  ) 

19  ii,  659. 


1918]  VIVEKAPATRAMALA  L25 

VI  VEK  APATR  AMALA  . 

BY  T.  A.  GOP1NATHA  RAO,  M.A.;  TKIVANDRUM 
(Continued  from  p.  100) 

n  ''Ji  :  II 


ftf*r*qr  n 

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5  1  am  indebted  to  Mr.  T.  S.  Kuppusvarni  Sastri  of   Tanjoro  for  the   text    of  the 
AS  Also  the  extracts  from  t-bo  tfubJiadrd-Dhinailjaya  Nfitikam*  the  Bhdgavata-champu  aad  the   Stimiiua  /  /, 
Y604nanda-<praha*anant.     Tie  has  also  been  kind  enough  to  make  several  valuable  fluggestio 


126  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  •  [  MAT, 


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THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [Hfc*. 


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IM-AlM-:  J. 


J'ICU'M     S  I  N  <  J  JiiiJ  I  L  . 


MAY,  191$]  OX  A  PECULUA  POLISHED  HAM&BRSTONE  135 

ON   A    PECULIAR   POLISHED    HAMMER8TONE   PROM 
8INGHBHUM,   CHOTA    NAGPUR,    INDIA 
BY  H.  0.   DAS-GUPTA,  M.A.,  F.G.S. ;  CALCUTTA. 

THE  implement  to  be  described  here  is  included  among  a  number  of  stone  implements 
presented  to  the  Geological  Department  of  the  Presidency  College,  Calcutta,  by  Mr.  Subodha 
Krishna  Biswas,  M.sc.,  who  came  across  them  in  the  course  of  his  professional  work  as  a 
geologist  in  the  district  of  Singhbhum.  According  to  Mr.  Biswas  the  specimens  were 
obtained  from  two  different  localities :  one  of  them,  Xadup  or  l^adup,  is  about  5  miles  south 
of  Kalimati  Railway  Station  (  Lat.  22°46',  Long.  86°17' )  and  the  other  is  about  a  mile  and 
a  half  east  of  the  workings  of  the  Cape  Copper  Compauy  at  Matigara  (Lat.  22°3S',  Long. 
86'  26' ).  Both  these  localities  are  in  Dhalbhum  and  arc  mostly  inhabited  by  theKols  and 
the  Santhals,  while  the  implements  were  all  found  among  the  debris  at  the  mouths  of 
ancient  copper  rainos.  The  rocks  which  were  utilised  in  preparing  the  specimens  are 
hornblende-schist,  a  rock  which  is  very  common  in  the  area,  though  according  to  Mr.  Biswas 
in  the  exact  localities  whore  the  specimens  were  obtained  the  strata  are  phyllitic  and 
quartzitic  showing  that  the  rocks  used  for  the  manufacture  of  the  implements  must  have 
been  brought  thore  by  persons,  the  remnants  of  whose  handicraft  they  are. 

A  number  of  implements  from  Chota  Nagpur  has  been  described  by  a  number  of 
workers  including  the  late  Dr.  Wood-Mason1  and  the  Rev.  P.O.  Bodding.2  But  the 
specimen  under  notice  is  of  an  unusual  type  and  accordingly  a  short  description  of  it  is 
desirable. 

The  implement,  as  the  accompanying  Plate  1.  shows,  is  broken  and  has  a  thickened  head 
followed  by  a  portion  which  is  flat.  A  specimen  somewhat  similar  to  this  has  been 
described  by  Mr.  Rh  ett-Carnac  3  from  Banda  in  the  United  Provinces,  and  there  is  a  plaster 
cast  of  it  exhibited  iii  the  Archaeological  collections  of  the  Indian  Museum,  Calcutta. 
These  two  specimens,  however,  differ  from  each  othej  markedly  both  in  the  shape  of  the 
head  and  of  the  remaining  portion — the  latter  being  quite  cylindrical  in  the  Banda  speci- 
men while,  as  alrealy  luantionad,  it  is  quite  flat  in  the  spool  men  from  Singhbhum.  There 
is  also  a  marked  dtff^reine  in  the  nature  of  ths  head  which  in  the  Banda  specimen  has  a 
portion  -about  one-tifth — protruding  beyond  the  cylindrical  part  while  no  such  protuberance 
is  present  in  the  Singhbhum  specimen.  Jn  the  latter,  however,  the  boundary  between  the 
head  and  the  flat  portion  is  very  marked,  though  it  is  not  equally  well  pronounced  on 
both  faces,  while  any  such  marked  boundary  is  altogether  wanting  in  the  Banda  hammer. 
The  head  shows  evidence  of  wear  resulting  in  three  well-marked  concavities.  The  flat 
portion  i»  only  partially  present  and  there  is  n3  indication  regarding  its  real  length. 

It  is  rather  difficult  to  say  definitely  anything  about  the  use  to  which  this  peculiar 
implement  was  put.  But  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  it  was  foun  1  among  the  debris 
at  the  mouth  of  old  pits  dug  for  copper-ores,  it  may  be  supposed  that  it  was  used  as  a 
hammer  to  break  the  cupriferous  rocks— the  precise  way  in  which  the  hammer  was  used 
being,  however,  doubtful — e.g.,  whether  it  was  a  double  -headed  hammer  with  a  handle 
attached  to  it,  or  a  single-headed  hammer,  the  flat  part  preserved  being  used  as  a  handle. 
The  sharp  boundary  between  the  flat  part  and  the  head  would  lead  one  to  suspect  that  it 
was  double-headed,  but  then  the  somewhat  large  size  of  the  flat  part  is  rather  difficult  to 
account  for;  while,  if  the  flat  part  is  supposed  to  be  used  as  a  handle,  it  may  be  argued 

>  Jour.  As.  Soc  Bmg*>  VoL  LVII.  1888,  pp.  387-396. 

»  Ibid,  Vol.  LXX.  1901, Part  III,  pp.  17-22 ;  and  Vol.  LXXtlf,  Part  111.  pp.  27-31. 
,  Vol.  LH.f  1883,JP»rt  I,  p.  22§^_     ,r 


130  THE   INDIAN   ANTIQUARY  [MAY,  1918 

that  a  cylindrical  pattern  would  have  served  the  purpose  better.  Mr.  Rivett-Carnac 
believes  that  the  Banda  implement  might  have  been  used  as  a  pivot. 

The  specimen  was  obtained  from  the  second  of  the  two  localities  above  referred  to, 
and  the  collection  also  includes  one  pounder  and  two  stone  arrow-heads. 

It  may  b^  mentioned  here  that  at  a  meeting  of  the  Aniatie  Society  of  Bengal  Sir  Thomas 
Holland  exhibited  some  grooved  stones  and  ground  pebbles  found  in  Singhbhum  and  used 
by  a  past  and  unknown  generation  of  gold  miners. 4 

TRIMUKTIS  IN  BUNDELKHANI). 
BY  KA1  BAHADUR  HIRALAL,  B.A.,  M.K.A.S. ;  DAMOH. 

A  perusal  of  Mr,  Natefia  Aiyar's  article  on  the  Trimiirti  image  in  the  Peshawar  Museum 
contributed  to  Sir  John  Marshall's  Annual1  for  1913-14  (  which  has  just  appeared)  has 
suggested  this  supplementary  noto.  In  the  Deputy  Commissioner's  bungalow  at  Dam  oh, 
which  I- am  just  occupying,  there  is  an  image  of  a  Trimfirti,  which  is  somewhat  peculiar 
and  confirms  Rao  Sahib  Krishna  Shastri's  remark  quoted, by  Mr.  Aiyar  that  "Brahma, 
Viehriu  and  Siva  being  all  directly  or  indirectly  recognised  to  be  identical  with  the  sun, 
there  is  every  possibility  of  the  Trimurti  figures  representing  the  .sun-god."  The  photo  of 
the  Bangaon  8  Trimurti,  which  is  reproduced  in  the  accompanying  Plate  II,  actually  represents 
the  sun  with  all  his  emblems  and  accompaniments.  In  front  of  the  standing  figure,  there 
is  the  broken  image  of  Chhaya  (Sun's  wife)  below  which  sits  the  Saratlii  or  chariot  driver 
holding  the  reins  of  seven  horses,  of  whom  only  three  can  bo  seen,  the  rest  being  broken. 
There  are,  three  side  figures,  the  bull-faced  Mahadeva  in  a  sitting  posture,  surmounted  by 
Vishnu  standing  with  feminine3  grace  and  holding  the  Oadd  (mace)  in  Iris  hand,  while  on 
the  opposite  side  stands  the  bearded  Brahma,  all  these  tVree  combining  into  the  main 
figure *.&£•  the'  sun  described  before.  At  the  top  there  are  figures  of  two  females  shooting 
with  a  bow  and  arrow,  apparently  tie  other  wives  of  the  sun,  who  along  with  ChJuun'i, 
form  the  three  Saktis,  or  counterparts  of  the  Hindu  Triad. 

This  is,  moreover,  a  unique  representation  of  sun  worship  by  one  of  those  six  classes 
of  adorers,  who  regard  the  sun  in  the  triple  form  to  which  reference  is  made  by  Sir  B.  (i. 
Bhand&rkar  in  his  *'  Vaishyavism,  JSaivism  and  minor  religious  systems.'9  Speaking  on  thr 
sect  of  Sanras  he  remarks  in  §  115,  p.  152,  that  "somo  worship  the  orb  of  the  sun  who  has 
just  arisen  as  Brahmadeva,  the  creator,  others  the  sun  on  the  meridian  as  Isvara,  tin? 
destroyer.  He  is  also  regarded  as  the  originator.  Some  regard  the  setting  sun  as  Vishnu, 
the  protector,  and  considering  him  as  the  cause  of  the  creation  and  destruction  also  and 
as  the  highest  entity  worship  him.  There  are  some  who  resort  to  all  the  three  suns  as  a 
triple  form. "  The  Bangaon  statue  would  be  easily  recognised  as  one  in  which  the 
suns  are  conceived  in  a  triple  form. 

A  minute  scrutiny  of  the  image  would  show  that  the  sun-god  wears  top-boots  up  to 
his  knees,  terminating  into  a  curl  at  the  foot  end  in  a  Pesauri  or  Peshawar  fashion.  This  is 
another  interesting  point,  confirming  the  identity  of  the  imago  with  sun  worship  incorpo- 
rated from  foreign  sources.  Again  quoting  from  Sir  R'nikrishna,  that  learned  savant 
remarks  in  para  116  of  his  book  as  follows: — "The  form  of  the  idol  of  the  sun 
worshipped  in  such  temples  is  described  by  Varahamihira  ( Brihat  Samhitu,  Chap. 58  ),  but 
the  features  mentioned  by  him  which  have  a  significance  for  our  present  purpose  are  tha$ 

4  Proc.  As.  Soc.  Beng.  1903.  p  302.  »  See  pp.  276-280. 

*  IB  13  miles  north  of  Damoh.  The  image  lying  in  the  1  «puty  Commissioner's  compound  was 
brought  from  that  place  about  4  years  ago. 

3  Compare  Mr.  Aiyar's  remarks  in  his  footnote  No.  2  on  page  278  of  the  Archaeological  Report  for 
1913-14  where  he  says: — "It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Vishnu  being  regarded  as  the  pioserver 
perform  P  the  rdle  of  the  mother  of  creation.  Hence  we  tnd  that  in*  certain  Purftj  as  Vishpu  is  described 
as  the  ftakti  or  female  counterpart  of  Siva.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore.^that  in  the  figures  under 
consideration  the  portion  allotted  for  Vishnu  is  carved  with  feminine  grace. "^ 


PHOTO  oj.<  TJUWHTI  FOUND 


BAKU  AON    13  MILEtf   3fR(JU 


JtTNE,  1918|  THE    FARUQI    DYNASTY    OF    KHANDESH  141 

THE   FARUQI    DYNASTY  OF   KHANDESH. 
BY  LT.-COLONJSL  T.  W.  HAIG,  C.M.G. 
( Continued  from  ;>.  124. ) 

TN  the  summer  of  1504  Akbar  himself  marched  to  Mtindu  from  Agra  and  his  amirs 
*•  captured  the  fortresses  held  by  officers  who  had  not  yot  submitted.  Among  the  places 
so  captured  was  Bijagarh,  which  was  held  by  'Izzat  Khan  for  Mubarak  Shah.  The  fortress, 
was  surrendered  conditionally,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Mubarak  should  give  a  daughter  in 
marriage  to  Akbar,  should  give  her  in  dowry  the  districts  of  Bijagarh  and  Handiya  and  should 
henceforth  cause  the  Khuibah  to  be  recited  in  his  dominions  in  the  name  of  Akbar. 
Mubarak's  daughter  was  conducted  to  the  imperial  court  by  Akbar's  eunuch,  rtimad  Khan.  Tho 
treaty  with  Akbar  made  no  alteration  in  the  status  to  which  the  rulers  of  Khandesh  had 
long  been  accustomed.  They  had  for  many  years  been  subject  to  the  suzerainty  of  Gujarat 
and  though  it  appears  that  the  feeble  Mahmud  111  had  not  ventured  to  assort  this  suzerainty 
they  now  merely  exchanged  their  former  allegiance  to  Gujarat  for  allegiance  to  the  emperor. 
It  does  not  appear  that  Akbar  intended  to  regulate  the  succession  to  the  throne  or  to 
interfere  in  anyway  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Khandesh  except  in  so  far  as  those*  affairs  affected 
the  foreign  policy  of  the  state,  but  he  certainly  assumed  control  of  its  foreign  policy  and 
expected  the  assistance  of  a  contingent  of  troops  whenever  the  imperial  army  was  engaged 
in  operations  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Khandesh. 

Mubarak  died  on  December  19,  i5(>(>,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Muhammad 
Shah  IT.,  a  wild  and  generous  prince,  who  left  all  power  in  the  state  in  the  hands  of  his 
minister,  Sayyid  Zain-aMin. 

Meanwhile  the  affairs  of  Gujarat  had  fallen  into  great  confusion.  M  ah  mud  III  had 
been  murdered  in  1554  and  loft  no  male  issue.  The  leading  amtw  raised  to  the  throne  a 
voung  man  named  Razi-al-Mulk,  who  was  said  to  bo  a  descendant  of  Ahmad  I  and  who 
succeeded  under  the  title  of  Ahmad  II  and  was  assassinated  in  1500.  There  appeared  to 
bo  no  male  heir  of  the  royal  house  left,  for  Mahmud  Til,  who  dreaded  a  disputed  succession, 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  ensuring  that  no  woman  of  his  harem  ever  gave  birth  to  a  living 
child,  but  the  minister,  rtimad  Khan,  produced  a  child  named  Nanhu,  and  by  swearing 
that  the  boy  was  the  son  of  Mahmud  III  by  a  maidservant,  of  the  harem  whom  he  had  saved 
from  Mahmud's  barbarous  and  unnatural  treatment,  induced  the  amirs  to  acknowledge 
him,  and  he  was  raised  to  the  throne  under  the  title  of  Muzaffar  HI.  In  1507  rtimad 
Khan,  in  order  to  rid  himself  of  the  importunity  of  Ohangrz  Khan,  another  leading  amir, 
who  wras  demanding  additional  ilefs  with  a  view  to  extending  his  power,  contrived  to  embroil 
Changiz  with  Muhammad  II  by  sending  him  to  recover  Nandurbar,  which  had  always 
belonged  to  Gujarat  until  it  was  surrendered  by  Mahmud  III  in  fulfilment  of  his  promise, 
to  Mubarak  II  of  Khandcsh.  Changiz  Khan  marched  to  Nandurbar,  occupied  it,  and 
emboldened  by  his  success,  advanced  to  Thalner.  Muhammad  II  induced  Tufa!  Khan  of 
Berar  to  assist  him  in  repelling  the  invader  and  the  allies  marched  to  Thalner.  Changfz 
Khan,  being  too  weak  to  withstand  them,  entrenched  himself  and,  when  he  perceived  that 
the  enemy  was  resolved  to  bring  him  to  battle,  lost  heart  and  fled.  Muhammad  and  Tufal 
pursued  him,  taking  much  plunder,  and  reoccupied  Nandurbar. 

In  1568  Changiz  Khan  defeated  the  minister  rtimad  Khan   and  expelled  him  from 
Gujarat,  and  the  wretched  king,  Muaaffar  III   became  a  mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  any  one 


142  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JUNE.  1918 

of  the  amirs  who  could  for  the  time  obtain  possession  of  his  person.  The  genuineness  of 
his  descent  from  the  royal  house  had  always  been  suspected  and  was  now  openly  impugned 
and  Muhammad  II  of  Khandesh  deemed  the  occasion  opportune  for  asserting  his  claim  to 
the  throne,  which  was  undoubtedly  superior  to  that  of  Muzaffar,  and  invaded  Gujarat  with 
an  army  of  80,000  horse.  He  advanced  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Ahmad4bad  but  the 
amirs  of  Gujarat  assembled  an  army  of  seven  or  eight  thousand  horse,  utterly  defeated 
him,  and  compelled  him  to  retire  to  Asirgarh.  Shortly  afterwards  Khandesh  was  overrun 
and  plundered  by  the  princes  known  as  the  Mirzas,  distant  cousins  of  Akbar,  who  had 
recently  sought  a  refuge,  whence  they  might  trouble  Akbar,  in  Gujarat,  but  had  quarrelled 
with  Changiz  Kh&n  and  fled  from  the  country.  Muhammad  II  assembled  his  army  with 
the  intention  of  punishing  them,  but  before  he  could  take  the  field  they  had  fled  and  passed 
beyond  the  confines  of  his  kingdom. 

In  1574  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah  1  of  Ahmadnagar  conquered  and  annexed  the  kingdom 
of  Berar,  carrying  off  from  the  fortress  of  Narnala,  where  they  had  been  confined,  all  the 
members  of  the  'Imacl  Shahi  family.  He  then  marched  against  Biclar. 

The  annexation  of  Berar  by  Ahmadnagar,  which  threatened  to  upset  the  balance  of 
power  in  the  Dakan,  was  most  distasteful  both  to  "Ali  kAdil  Shah  I  of  Bijapur  and  to  Ibrahim 
Qutb  Shah  of  Golconda,  and  the  latter  went  a  secret  mission  to  Muhammad  11  of  Khandesb 
urging  him  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Berar  from  Ahmadnagar,  and  promising  help. 
A  pretender  to  the  throne  of  Berar,  representing  himself  to  be  the  son  of  Darya,  the  last  of 
the 'Imad  Shahl  dynasty,  appeared  at  the  same  time  in  Khandesh  and  sought  Muhammad's 
aid.  It  appears  to  have  been  the  ambition  of  Muhammad's  minister,  Sayyid  Zain-aZ-din, 
that  committed  Khandesh  to  the  support  of  the  pretender'**  claim,  and  Muhammad,  according 
to  Firishta,  2o  placed  at  his  disposal  a  force  of  6,000  horse  which,  when  it  entered  Berar, 
was  reinforced  by  seven  or  eight-  thousand  of  the  adherents  of  the  'Imad  Shahi  dynasty ; 
but  according  to  the  Bu,rhan-i-]Ma'a*ir,  the  author  of  which  would  be  likely  to  magnify  the 
difficulties  with  which  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah  had  to  contend,  Muhammad  II.  sent  into  Berar, 
an  army  of  nearly  20,000  horse,  under  the  command  of  Sayyid  Zain-a7-din,  having  received 
encouragement  and  material  assistance  from  kAli  'Adil  Shah  as  well  as  from  Ibrahim  Qutb 
Shah.  Berar  had  not  settled  clown  quietly  under  its  conquerors  and  even  one  amir  of 
Murtaza  Nizam  Shah  had  rebelled.  On  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the  invaders  the  amir 
appointed  by  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah  to  defend  his  conquest  assembled  at  Elichpur,  the  capital 
to  concert  measures  of  defence  with  Khurshid  Khan,  their  leader.  It  was  decided  that  the 
army  of  occupation  was  not  strong  enough  to  withstand  the  invaders  and  Khurshid  Khan 
withdrew  to  Gawilgarh,  where  he  was  besieged  by  the  army  of  Khandesh.  The  rest  of  the 
Alonadnagar  amirs  withdrew  from  Gawilgarh  and  attacked  another  force  of  the  invaders, 
which  was  besieging  Narnala,  but  were  defeated  and  fled  southwards  to  join  Murtaza  Nizam 
Shah,  who  was  preparing,  at  Cdgir,  to  invade  the  small  kingdom  of  Bidar.  They  were 
overtaken  by  the  army  of  Khandesh  and  again  suffered  a  severe  defeat,  apparently  on  the 
banks  of  the  Pengunga,  in  which  river  many  were  drowned.  A  remnant  of  the  fugitives 
reached  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah's  camp  at  Cdgir  in  sorry  plight,  and  Murtaza  at  once  perceived 
that  the  expedition  against  Bidar  must  be  abandoned  if  he  wished  to  recover  and  retain 
Berar,  and  marched  northwards  with  his  whole  army,  sending  ahead  an  advanced  guard  of 
picked  troops  under  the  command  of  Sayyid  Murtaza  Sabzavari.  The  army  of  Afcmadnagar 

20  ii.  268. 


JUNE,  1018]  THE   FARUQI   DYNASTY   OF  KHANDESH  143 

reached  Balaptir  and  on  its  approach  the  army  of  Khandesh  fled  to  Burhanptir,  and  as  the 
invaders  continued  their  march  northward  Muhammad  II  left  Burhanpfir  and  took  refuge 
in  Asirgarh.  Murta^a  I  captured  and  sacked  Burhanpur  and  then  marched  towards  Asirgarh 
sending  Changiz  Khan  in  command  of  his  advanced  guard.  A  force  of  seven  or  eight  thousand 
horse  which  was  sent  by  Muhammad  II  against  Changiz  KMn  was  defeated  and  the  whole 
army  of  Ahmadnagar  advanced  against  Asirgarh.  The  main  body  of  Muhammad's  army 
was  encamped  about  the  fortress,  but  iled  on  the  approach  of  the  invaders,  leaving  its 
camp  and  baggage  behind,  and  was  pursued  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Akbar'n  dominions. 
The  army  of  Ahmadnagar  then  formed  the  siege  of  Asirgarh.  The  siege  was  likely  to  be 
protracted  and  as  Muhammad  II  was  most  anxious  to  come  to  terms  negotiations  were 
opened  which  terminated  in  a  tivaty  under  which  the  army  of  Ahmadnagar  agreed  to 
evacuate  Khandosh  on  payment  of  an  indemnity  of  9(X),000  muzaffaris.-'L 

Muhammad  II  did  not  long  survive  his  disastrous  attempt  to  add  Berar  to  his 
dominions,  and  died  iu  1576,  leaving  a  young  son,  Hasan  Khan  and  a  uterine  brother,  Raja 
'Ali  Khan,  to  dispute  the  succession.  Firishta  says22  that  Raja  'AH  Khan  was  at 
Akbar's  court  at  Agra  at  the  time  of  his  brother's  death,  and  Hasan  Khan  was  enthroned 
but  was  deposed  in  favour  of  Raja  4Ali  Khan  on  the  hitter's  return  from  Agra,  but  the  Zafar 
at  WMih  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  events  immediately  following  Muhammad's  death. 
It  seems  that  Raja  4Ali  Khan  was  present  at  his  brother's  deathbed,  and  Lad  Muhammad, 
the  paymaster  general,  who  entered  while  the  question  of  the  succession  was  under 
discussion,  insisted  on  the  enthronement  of  Hasan  Khan,  in  the  hope  of  profiting  by  a  share 
in  the  guardianship  oi'  a.  minor  sovereign.  The  other  amirs  readily  acknowledged  the  boy 
but  Raja  "Ali  Kl-an  obtained  the  consent  of  8ayyid  Zain-aZ-din,  the  wz/V,  to  an  arrangement 
under  which  he  became  his  nephew's  guardian  and  king  in  all  but  name.  This  arrangement 
remained  in  force  until  an  extensive  plot  for  the  assassination  of  Raja  wAli  Khan  was  discovered. 
Its  author  was  "Ali  Khan,  the  maternal  uncle  of  Hasan,  and  the  leading  conspirators  were 
Hasan's  mother,  Raihan,  governor  of  Burhanpur,  and  Khanjahan.  The  plot  was 
discovered  by  means  of  an  injudicious  attempt  by  'Ali  Khan  to  gain  over  'Arab  Khan 
ul-Yafi'i,  who  was  a  devoted  adherent  of  Raja  '  Ali  Khan  and  disclosed  the  plot  to  his  master. 
The  conspirators  were  put  to  death,  except  Hasan's  mother,  who  was  generously  pardoned, 
and  Hasan  was  deposed,  so  that  Raja  *  Ali  Khan  became  king  in  name,  as  well  as  in  fact. 
According  to  Firishta22  Raja  kAli  Khan,  seeing  that  Akbar  had  obtained  possession,  not 
only  of  Hindustan  and  Bengal,  but  also  of  Malwa  and  Gujarat,  refrained  from  exciting  his 
wrath  by  assuming  or  using  the  title  of  Shah  and  always  regarded  himself  as  his  vassal, 
while  maintaining,  on  the  other  hand,  the  most  friendly  relations  with  the  independent 
kings  of  the  Dakan.  This  statement  is  not  correct,  at  any  rate  of  the  early  days  of  Raja 
'Ali  Khan's  reign.  According  to  the  Zafar-al-Wdlih  Raja  'Ali  Khan  assumed  the  title  of 
lAdil  Shah  IV,  by  which  he  is  always  described  in  that  work,  and  he  seems  at  first  to  have 
cherished  the  idea  that  the  kings  of  the  Dakan,  by  maintaining  an  unbroken  and  united 
front,  might  bo  able  to  check  the  extension  of  the  Mu^hul  empire  beyond  the  Narbada,  or 
at  all  events  beyond  the  northern  frontier  of  Berar,  but  he  was  a  wise  monarch,  and  must 
Boon  have  realized  that  it  was  impossible  to  unite  the  quarrelsome  rulers  of  Ahmadnagar, 

?l  Firishta  gays  a.  million,  but  on  this  point  tho  Bwhbn-i-ldat<i*ir  in  probably  the  better  authority 
It  may  be  that  the  additional  hundred  thousand  was  a  gift  to  the  minister  who  arranged  the  treaty. 
This  was  usual  in  the  Dakan. 

88  ii,  502. 


144 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I'™*. 


Btdar,  Bijapfir,  and  Golconda,  oven  in  a  cause  in  which  their  common  interest  was  indis- 
solubJy  bound  up. 

It  is  true  that  neither  in  Firishta  nor  in  any  history  written  in  Northern  India  is  Raja 
'Ali  Khan  ever  referred  to  by  the  title  of  Shah,  but  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  the 
kings  of  the  South  often  used  this  title  in  their  correspondence  with  the  imperial  court,  and 
it  is  quite  clear  that  Raja  '  Ali  Khan  never  so  used  it.  The  title  of  Raja,  which  he  always 
used  and  by  which  he  is  known  even  in  imperial  chronicles,  was  probably  adopted  by  him, 
in  imitation  of  the  founder  of  his  dynasty,  as  a  word  which  etymologically  bore  the  same 
meaning  as  Shah  and  at  the  same  time  could  not  be  objected  to  by  an  emperor  who 
numbered  among  his  vassals  many  territorial  rulers  bearing  the  same  title.  But  it  also  seems 
certain  that  the  more  exalted  title  of  "Adil  Shah  was  employed,  not  only  within  the  limits  of 
Khandesh  but  also  in  Raja  "All's  correspondence  with  tho  kings  of  the  South.  It  will, 
however,  bo  more  convenient  to  refer  to  him  as  Raja  'Ali,  both  because  that  is  the  title 
under  which  he  is  more  generally  known,  and  because  his  title  of  'Adil  Shah  is  apt  to  be 
oonfounded  with  tho  titles  of  the  "Adil  Shahi  Kings  of  Bijapur. 

For  some  reason  which  is  not  quite  clear  Raja  'Ali  Khan  made  Lad  Muliammad,  who 
had  been  the  first  to  advocate  the  acknowledgement  of  Hasan  Khan  as  king,  his  minister, 
and  gave  him  the  title  of  Asaf  Khan. 

The  first  recorded  act  of  Raja  w  Ali  Khan's  name  docs  not  display  him  in  the  light  of  a 
royal  tributary  of  Akbar.  Both  Mubarak  II  and  Muhammad  II  had  paid  tribute  to  Akbar 
and  in  1579  2J  Shah  Buda^h  Khan,  governor  of  Mulwa,  sent  his  son  l  Abd-al-Matlab  Khan 
to  demand  payment  of  the  tribute  according  to  custom.  Raja  'Ali  Khaii  replied  to 
'Abd-al-Matlab's  demand  that  he  collected  his  revenue  for  his  army  and  was  accountable  to 
his  army  for  it.  'Abd-al-Matlab  was  returning  to  Malwa  with  this  answer  when  Raja  'Ali 
Khan's  army,  which  was  following  him,  came  up  with  him  on  the  bank  of  the  Narbada. 
His  mission  was  not  strong  enough  to  copo  with  an  army,  but  'Abd-al-Matlab  Khan,  who 
was  a  notorious  coward,  iled  across  the  Narbada  without  waiting  to  ascertain  what  tho 
intentions  of  the  leaders  of  the  army  were.  He.  himself  was  nearly  drowned,  and  his  elephant, 
his  banners,  and  his  kettle-drums  were  carried  back  as  trophies  to  Asirgarh.  This  episode 
is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  histories  of  Akbar  \s  reign,  but  the  author  of  the  Zafar-al- 
Wdlih  tells  us  that  Shah  Budagh  Khan  was  highly  displeased  with  his  son  for  his  conduct 
on  this  occasion,  which  certainly  did  not  tend  to  advanco  the  imperial  prestige. 

In  1584  an  event  occurred  which  tended  to  turn  Akbar 's  eyes  towards  the  Dakan.  The 
insolence  and  absolute  predominance  hi  Ahmadnagar  of  the  minister,  SaJabat  Khan,  who 
had  a  monopoly  of  access  to  his  feeble-minded  master,  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah  I  which  enabled 
him  to  issue  such  orders  as  he  pleased,  had  long  disgusted  many  amirs  in  the  state,  and  nono 
more  than  Sayyid  Murtaza  Sabzavari,  governor  of  Berar,  and  his  principal  lieutenant, 
Khudavand  Khan.  Their  resentment  against  Salabat  KMn  reached  such  a  pitch  that  they 
assembled  the  army  of  Berar  and  marched  on  Ahmadnagar  with  tho  avowed  object  of  over- 
throwing the  minister  and  releasing  the  king  from  his  bondage  to  him.  On  December  9, 
1584,  they  were  attacked  at  the  pass  of  Jeur,  two  leagues  from  Ahmadnagar,  by  the  royal 
army,  and  utterly  defeated.  They  fled  through  Berar,  and  the  small  force  which  was 
detailed  to  pursue  them  allowed  them  no  opportunity  of  repairing  their  defeat.  They  there- 
fore crossed  into  Khandesh  with  the  object  of  invoking  the  aid  of  AKbar  in  their  quarrel 
with  the  constituted  authority  in  Ahmadnagar  and  in  the  belief  that  Raja  *Ali  Khan  would 

**  Zafar  al  Walihi  hi  Mutqffar  wa  AUh,  i,  67. 


JUNE,  1918]  THE  FARUQI    DYNASTY    OF    KHANDESH  145 

observe  towards  them  at  least  a  benevolent  neutrality  ;  but  the  policy  of  inviting  imperial 
interference  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  Dakan  was  very  far  from  commending  itself  to 
him  and  when  his  attempt  to  divert  them  from  their  purpose  failed  he  sent  against  them  a 
force  which  pursued  them  as  far  as  the  Narbada,  the  frontier  of  his  kingdom,  and  took  from 
them  such  elephants,  horses,  and  baggage,  as  they  had  been  able  to  save  in  their  flight. 

The  two  amirs  reached  the  court  of  Akbar,  who  appointed  each  of  them  to  the  command 
of  1,000  horse  and  sent  a  message  to  Raja  '  Ali  Khan  commanding  him  to  restore  the  plunder 
he  had  taken  from  them,  which  order  was  promptly  obeyed.  At  this  time  Akbar  received 
another  fugitive  whose  presence  reminded  him  thtit  there  was  work  to  be  done  in  the  Dakan. 
This  was  Burhan-aZ-din,  the  younger  brother  of  Murtaza  Nizam  Shah,  who  was  no  longer 
safe  in  his  brother's  dominions  and  fled  to  Agra  by  way  of  the  Konkan  and  Gujarat.  In 
August,  1585,  Akbar,  who  was  obliged  by  the  death  of  his  brother,  Muhammad  Hakim 
Mirza,  at  Kabul,  to  march  towards  the  Panjab,  appointed  his  foster-brother,  Mirza  'Aziz 
Kuka,  Khan-i-A'zam,  governor  of  Malwa.  With  Khan-i-A'zam's  arrival  in  Mahva  began, 
Raja  kAli  Khan's  troubles.  His  true  sympathies  were  with  the  independent  kings  of  the 
Dakan,  but  his  own  kingdom  formed  the  outpost  of  imperial  aggression  against  theirs,  he 
could  not  trust  them  to  join  whole-heartedly  with  him  in  any  resistance  to -that  aggression 
and  it  was  impossible  for  him  alone  to  stem  its  tide. 

Khan-i-A'/am,  having  made  Handiya  his  headquarters,  demanded  of  Raja  'AH  Khan, 
early  in  1580,  passage  through  Khander->h  for  the  army  with  which  he  proposed  to  invade  the 
Ahmadnagar  kingdom.  Raja  fcAli  Khan  replied  that  the  passage  of  so  large  a  force  would 
devastate  his  small  kingdom  and  suggested  that  the  best  line  for  an  army  advancing  from 
Mahva  to  invado  Ahmadnagar  lay  through  Kherla,  in  north-eastern  Berar,  and,  on  tho 
rejection  of  this  proposal  by  Khan-i-A'zani,  appealed  for  help  to  Ahmadnagar.  Salabat  Kh,an» 
tho  regent  of  Ahmadnagar,  largely  reinforced  the  army  of  Berar,  which  had  its  headquarters 
at  Elichpur,  and  placed  it  at  the  disposal  of  Raja  kAli  Khan.  In  the  meantime  the  imperial 
amirs,  of  whom  many  disapproved  of  Khan-i-Abzam"s  enterprise,  were  quarrelling  among 
themselves,  and  Mir  Fathallah  Shirazi,  whose  duty  it  was  to  keep  the  peace  between  them, 
was  much  harassed.  Khan-i-A\zain  could  ill  spare  Mir  Fathallah,  whose  services  in  the 
turbulent  camp  were  invaluable,  but  the  unexpected  opposition  of  Raja  'Ali  Khan  called 
for  the  intervention  of  his  ablest  negotiator,  and  Mir  Fathallah  was  sent  to  Asirgarh.  In 
Raja  'Ali  Khan,  whose  object  it  was  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  the  Dakan  without  appearing 
to  oppose  tho  imperial  policy,  Mir  Fathallah  met  his  match.  Raja  'Ali  Khan  secretly 
invited  the  army  of  Berar  to  invado  his  kingdom,  in  order  that  it  might  appear  that  in 
opposing  the  designs  of  Khan-i-A'zam  he  was  acting  under  compulsion.  As  the  army 
advanced  he  sent  his  minister,  Aaaf  Khan,  to  Mir  Fathallah  to  warn  him  that  he  stood  in  great 
clangor  and  to  conduct  him  on  his  way  back  to  Handiya.  Fathallah  had  no  choice  but  to 
retire  and  when  Asaf  Khan  left  him  his  retirement  speedily  became  a  ilight.  On  his  arrival 
in  Handiya  Khan-i-A'zam  so  rated  him  for  his  failure  that  he  refused  any  longer  to  yorvo 
under  him  and  withdrew  with  his  contingent  into  Gujarat.  Khan-i-A\zam  whose  force  was 
dwindling  away,  was  now  goaded  into  action.  Ho  invaded  Berar  and  attempted  un  attack 
on  Kherla,  which  was  disastrous  to  the  horses  of  his  cavalry,  but  he  plundered  some  of  the 
northern  districts  of  Berar  and  on  March  20,  1586,  sacked  Elichpur,  which  had  been  left 
•defenceless  by  the  advance  of  the  army  of  Berar  into  Khandesh.  In  the  meantime  the 
Army  of  Borar,  under  tho  command  of  Mirza  Muhammad  Taqi,  having  been  royally  enter- 
tained by  Raja  'Ali  Khan,  had  advanced,  together  with  the  army  of  Khandesh,  towards 


145  THE  INDIAN   ANTIQUARY  [JUNE,  1918 

Handiya,  and,  on  learning  that  Khan-i-A'z.am  was  plundering  in  Borar,  attacked  and  burnt 
that  town  and  at  once  turned  southwards  in  pursuit  of  the  imperial  troops,  whom  they 
largely  outnumbered.  The  imperial  troops  plundered  Balapur  and  the  anfirs  of  the  Dakani 
army  pressed  on  so  rapidly  in  pursuit  that  only  a  few  of  their  troops  could  keep  pace  with 
them.  An  indecisive  action  was  fought  at  Chandur,  but  Jvhan-i-A'zam  would  not  stay  his 
flight  towards  Nandurbar,  for  which  town  he  was  making  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to 
persuade  his  brother-in-law,  the  KhanVhanan,  who  was  then  Governor  of  Gujarat,  to  join  him 
in  invading  the  northern  districts  of  the  Dakan.  His  flight  was  so  rapid  that  he  was  even 
obliged  to  maim  some  of  his  elephants  to  prevent  their  falling  uninjured  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  His  troops  reached  Nandurbar  on  April  10,  1586,  and  as  the  Khankhanan  could 
not  then  join  Kh&n-i-A'zam  in  his  enterprise  hostilities  ceased  and  the  armies  of  Borar  and 
K1  andesh  retired. 

The  Dakan  thus  enjoyed  a  brief  respite  from  foreign  aggression,  but  the  progress  of 
events  in  Ahmadnagar  favoured  Akbar's  designs.  On  June  14,  1588,  Murtaza  Nimm  Shah  I, 
the  madman,  was  murdered  by  his  son  Husain  Nizam  Shah  I,  who  succeeded  him  and  was 
himself  murdered  a  few  months  later,  when  the  party  in  Ahmadnagar  who  had  embraced 
the  heretical  Mahdavi  doctrines  raised  to  the  throne  the  boy  Lsma'il,  son  of  Burhan-aZ-din* 
who  had  fled  from  Ahmadnagar  and  taken  refuge  at  Akbar's  court. 

Burhan,  who  had  lately  been  employed  by  Akbar  in  the  Bangash  country,  where  he  had 
clone  good  service,  was  now  the  undoubted  heir  to  the  throne  upon  which  a  faction  had 
placed  his  youthful  son,  and  Akbar  dispatched  him  to  Malwa  in  order  that  he  might  attempt 
to  secure  it,  at  the  same  time  sending  instructions  to  K&an-i-A'/am  and  Raja  'All  Khan  to- 
give  him  all  the  assistance  in  their  power.  Burhan  refused,  however,  the  help  which  Khau- 
i-A'zam  offered  him,  on  the  ground  that  his  people  would  resent  his  appearance  in  his  country 
at  the  head  of  a  foreign  army  ;  the  true  reason  for  the  refusal  being  evidently  the  desire  to 
avoid  laying  himself  under  an  inconvenient  obligation,  and  invaded  Berar  with  only  his 
own  contingent  of  1,000  horse  and  300  musketeers.  Leaving  Elichpur  on  his  right  he  marched 
ou  Balapur,  but  was  defeated  by  the  commandant  of  that  post  and  lied  back  to  Malwa. 

On  receiving  the  news  of  the  failure  of  Burhan 's  first  attempt  to  recover  his  throne 
Jamal  Khan  the  Mahdavi,  who  was  now  supreme  in  Ahmadnagar,  attempted  to  inveigle 
Burhan  to  Ahmadnagar  by  means  of  a  proposal  that  he  should  come  himself  and  take 
possession  of  his  kingdom,  but  Burhan  was  too  wary  thus  to  deliver  himself  into  the  hands 
of  his  adversary. 

Burhan  now  perceived  that  ho  could  not  recover  his  kingdom  without  foreign  aid, 
and  sank  his  pride.  Raja  'All  Khan,  in  obedience  to  Akbar's  orders,  not  only  prepared  his 
own  army  for  the  field  but  wrote  to  Ibrahim  'Adil  Shah  II  of  Bijapur  and  his  powerful 
minister,  Dilavar  Khan  the  African,  proposing  that  the  army  of  Bijapur  should  invade  Ahmad- 
nagar from  the  south  simultaneously  with  its  invasion  from  the  north  by  Burhan  and  his 
allies.  Dilavar  Khan  gladly  seized  the  opportunity  of  striking  a  blow  at  Alimadnagar  and 
invaded  the  Nizam  Shahi  dominions  from  the  south  while  Burhan  and  Raja  'Ali  Khan 
invaded  Berar.  This  double  attack  caused  much  dissension  in  Ahmadnagar  but  Jamal  KMn 
ultimately  decided  first  to  turn  southwards,  and  trusted  to  the  army  of  Berar  to  check 
Burhan's  advance.  He  defeated  the  army  of  Bijapur  but  almost  in  the  moment  of  victory 
learnt  that  the  army  of  Berar  had  gone  over  to  Burhan,  and  he  was  obliged  to  turn  north- 
ward without  delay.  He  was  pursued  by  the  army  of  Bijapur,  which  had  not  been  broken 
by  its  defeat,  and  now  harassed  him  by  cutting  off  his  supplies.  On  reaching  Ahmadnagar 


JUNE,  1918]  THE  FARUQ1  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH  1*7 

he  learnt  that  Burhan  and  Raja  'Ali  Khan  had  advanced  as  far  as  Rohankhed,  a  small 
town  lying  on  the  slopes  of  the  plateau  of  southern  Borar,  and  were  there  awaiting  him  with 
7,000  horse  and  forty  elephants.  He  pressed  on  to  meet  them,  but  defection  and  desertion 
had  boon  rife  in  his  army  ever  since  he  had  taken  the  field,  and  of  the  10,000  horse  which 
he  had  led  against  the  army  of  Bijapur  no  more  than  3,000  remained  to  him.  The  battle  of 
Rohankhed  was  fought  on  April  5,  or,  according  to  other  accounts,  on  May  7,  1591. 24 
From  the  first  Jamal  Khan's  army  had  no  chance  of  victory.  TTabashi  Khan,  one  of  his 
amtrtf,  deserted,  with  nearly  1 ,000  horse,  to  the  oncrny,  his  gunners  refused  to  fire,  and  his 
cavalry  was  checked  by  a  slough  into  which  they  rode.  Jamal  Khan  in  desperation  charged 
the  enemy  at  the  head  of  a  small  body  of  cavalry  and  received  a  musket  ball  in  the  forehead, 
which  killed  him  on  the  spot ;  Khudavand  Khan,  his  principal  lieutenant,  was  cut  down 
while  attempting  to  Hoc,  and  the  young  king,  IsmtVil  Shah,  was  captured  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  field. 

All  authorities  agree*  in  assigning  the  chief,  if  not  the  sole  credit  for  this  victory  to  Raja 
'Ali  Khan.  Burhan  had  a  small  contingent  of  his  own  followers  and  adventurers  from  the 
imperial  army,  and  he  had  been  joined  by  the  amirs  of  Borar  and  other  deserters  from  the 
army  of  Isma'il  Nizam  Shah  and  Jamal  Khan,  but  Raja  "Ali  Khan's  troops  formed  by  far 
tho  greater  part  of  the  invading  army  and  he  probably  supplied  nearly  all  the.  elephants 
and  artillery.  During  the  battle,  which  lasted  but  for  a  short  time,  Burhfm,  by  agreement 
with  Raja  kAli  Khun,  stood  aside  with  instructions  not  to  interfere  unless  the  day  should 
appear  to  bo  going  against  the  army  of  Khandesh.  The  arrangement  was  creditable  to  the 
political  acumen  of  Raja  kAli  Khan  and  Burhan,  though  it  is  probable  that  Akbar  would  have 
preferred  a  greater  measure  of  activity  on  the  part  of  Burhan,  who  would  thus  have  been 
presented  rather  as  Akbar's  candidate  ior  tho  throne  than  as  a  legitimate  sovereign  seeking 
his  hereditary  right.  But  for  those  who  had  the  interests  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  Dakan 
at  heart  it  was  most  undesirable  that  Burhan's  appearance  on  the  scene  in  his  quest  of  a 
throne  should  be  marked  by  an  act  of  open  hostility  against  his  prospective  subjects. 

Raja  'Ali  Khan,  having  congratulated  Burhan  on  his  road  to  the  throne  being  now  opon, 
retired  to  Burhanpur,  with  Jamal  Khan's  elephants  and  artillery  as  his  reward,  and  Burhan 
marched  on  to  Ahiuadnagar,  whore  ho  ascended  the  thi-ono  without  opposition  as  Burhan 
Nizam  Shah  IT. 

Tho  death  of  Burhan  on  April  13,  1595,  and  the  subsequent  disputes  regarding  the 
succession  gave  Akbar  tho  pretext  which  he  had  long  desired  for  diroet  interference  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Dakan.  Ho  had  boon  bitterly  disappointed  in  Burhan  II  who,  instead  of  proving 
to  be  the.  obedient  vassal  of  his  expectations,  had  assorted  his  independence  and  taken  his 
own  course,  and  tho  Akbarndma,  tho  official  history  of  Akbar's  reign,  inveighs  against  his 
gross  ingratitude.  On  his  death  his  older  son,  Ibrahim  Nizam  Shah,  who  was  distasteful 
to  a  majority  of  the  amirs  on  account  of  his  birth,  his  mother  having  boon  an  African,  was 
raised  to  tho  throne,  and  his  younger  son  Isina'il,  who  had  already  occupied  it  for  a  short 
period  before  his  father's  accession,  was  blinded.  Ibrahim  was  slain  in  a  battio  between  his 
partisans  and  his  enemies  on  Aug.  7,  1595,  and  Miyan  Manjhu  raised  to  the  throne  a  youth 
named  Ahmad,  whom  he  represented  to  be  the  son  of  Muhammad  Khudabanda,  sixth  son 
of  Burhan  Nizam  Shah  I  (1509-1553),  and  imprisoned  Bahadur,  son  of  Ibrahim  Nizam  Shah, 
in  tho  fortress  of  Jond.  The  African  amirs,  who  had  been  partisans  of  Ibrahim  and  know 
Ahmad  to  be  supposititious,  refused  to  acknowledge  him  and  rallied  to  the  support  of  the 


2*  The  Akbarn&ma  has  April  5,  and  Firishta  (ii,  2917)  and  tho  BurMn-i-Ala'toir  have  May  7. 


148  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JUNE,  1918 


famous  Chand  Bibi,  daughter  of  Husain  Nizam  Shah  1  and  widow  of  'Ali  'Adil  Shah  I  of 
Bijapur,  who  had  returned  to  Alunadnagar  since  her  husband's  death  and  now  stood  forth 
as  the  champion  of  the  lawful  heir,  the  infant  Bahadur  Nizam  Shah. 

The  African  amirs  besieged  Miyan  Manjhu  in  Ahmadnagar,  and  he  betrayed  the  eauso 
of  the  Daktm  by  appealing  for  assistance  to  Sultan  Murad,  Akbar's  second  surviving  son, 
who  was  now  viceroy  of  Gujarat.  Murad's  instructions  from  his  father  covered  this  contingency, 
which  had  been  expected,  and  the  prince  marched  towards  the  Dakaii.  At  the  same  time 
the  viceroy  and  amirs  of  Malwa,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  *  Abd-aZ-llai.iim,  KMnkhanuu,  in 
accordance  with  Akbar's  orders,  murched  to  the  Dakan in  concert  with  the  ] wince. 

The  position  of  Raja  'Ali  Klian  was  now  one  of  great  difficulty.  Akbar's  armies  were 
about  to  undertake  the  enterprise  which  he  had  always  dreaded  and  deprecated,  and  had 
once  actively  opposed,  the  subjection  of  the  first  of  the  independent  kingdoms  of  the  Dakan 
which  lay  in  their  way.  During  the  life-time  of  Burhan  Nizam  Shah  Tl  the  poet  Faizi  was 
sent  as  an  envoy  from  the  imperial  court  both  to  Alunadnagar  and  to  Kliandesh,  and  his 
mission,  which  had  not  been  brilliantly  successful  in  Ahmadnagar,  was  believed  to  have 
secured  the  adhesion  of  Raja  vAli  Khan,  whose  sympathy  with  the  kings  of  the  Dakan  and 
whose  opposition  to  Khfui-i-' Assam's  filibustering  expedition  were  well  known,  but  it  was 
deemed  advisable  to  send  at  this  time  another  envoy,  who  should  not  only  assure  himself 
of  Raja  'Ali  Khan's  acquiescence  in  the  invasion  of  Ahmadnagar,  but  should  convert  him 
into  an  active  ally.  To  this  end  ho  was  to  offer  him  the  coveted  district  of  Nandurbar,  which 
had  for  some  time  past  formed  part  of  the  imperial  province  of  Gujarat,  and  though  the 
bribe,  together  with  other  considerations,  secured  its  object,  Raja  'Ali  Khan  did  not 
acquiesce  in  the  armed  intervention  ot  the  empire  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  Ahmadnagar 
until  he  had  made  an  appeal  for  help  to  Ibrahim  'Adil  Shah  II  of  Bijapur  and  had  been 
disappointed.  At  length  he  was  compelled  to  join  the  Mughuls  and  accompanied  them  with 
his  army  to  Ahmadnagar.  taking  part  in  the  siege  of  that  city,  which  was  opened  on. 
December  26,  1595,  and  closed  on  March  2.1,  I596,2ji  on  which  date  was  concluded  the 
treaty  under  which  Chand  Bihi,  regent  of  Ahmadnagar,  ceded  the  province  of  Berar  to 
the  emperor  Akbar. 

The  besieged  garrison  of  Ahmadnagar  had  some  hopes  of  assistance  from  Raja  'Ali 
Khan,  on  account  of  his  knoun  sympathies  with  the  kingdoms  of  the  Dakan.  but  they  were 
ultimately  disappointed.  The  author  of  the  llwrhan-i-Mn'n*ir  writes,  'Traditions  of  the 
'  old  friendship  of  Raja,  "All  Khun,  ruler  of  Khandesh,  still  remained,  and  he  maintained  an 
1  uninterrupted  intercourse  with  those  within  the  fort,  so  that  thoy  were  enabled,  by  his 

*  means,  to  introduce  any  supplies  that  they  might,  require,  and  occasionally,  when  a  body 
4  of  gunners  came  from  the  other  forts  in  the  kingdom  to  reinforce4  those  in  Ahmadnagar, 
4  they  were  able  to  enter  the  fortress  by  the  connivance  of  Raja  'Ali  Khan,  and  greatly 
4  strengthened  the  defence.     When  this  matter  became  known  to  the  prince  (Sultan  Murad) 
k  he  removed  Raja  'Ali  Khan  from  the  position  which  he  occupied  and  placed  that  section 

*  of  the  trenches  under  the  command  of  Raja  Jagaunath,  who  was  one  of  the  great  Rajput 
'  amirs,  and  thus  all  ingress  and  egress  were  stopped.     In  the  course  of  the  siege,  and  while 
'  it  was  at  its  height,  Raja  'Ali  Khan,  being    instigated  thereto  by  Akbar's  amirs,  sent  to 
'Chand  Bibi  Sultan  a  letter,  saying,  "T  purposely  accompanied  the  Mughul  army  into  this 

*  country  with  the  object  of  preserving  the  honour  of  the  Nizam  Shahi  dynasty.     I  know 


25  This  is   the   date   givou    in  the    Ihu'li^n-i-Ma^sir.     According    to   the    Akbarn&ma  terms 
concluded  and  the  imperial  forces  retired  on  March  2,  1596. 


JUNE,  1918]  DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  149 


*  well  that  this  fortress  will,  in  a  short  time,  be  captured  by  the  MujUfhuls.    See  that  you 

*  shun  not  the  fight,  but  protect  your  honour,  and  surrender  the  fort  at  the  last  to  the  prince, 
4  who  will  give  you  in  exchange  for  it  any  fort  and  any  district  in  this  country  that  you  may 
'choose.    The  honour  of  the  Nizam  Shahi  house  is,  owing  to  the  connection  between  us,  the 

*  same  to  me  as  the  honour  of  my  own  house,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  1,  laying  aside  all 

*  fear  of  arrow  or  bullet,  have  come  to  the  gate  of  the  fort,  and  I  will  bring  Chand  Bibi 
c  Sultan  to  my  own  camp."     When  the  defenders  received  this  loiter  their  dismay  and  confu- 
4  sion  were  greatly  increased,  and  they  were  struck  with  terror,  for  they  had  relied  much  on 
'  Raja  'All  Khan,  and  they  now  almost  decided  to  surrender,  but  AlV-ul  khan  did  his  best 
4  to  pacify  them  and  to  calm  their  fears,  and  sent  llaja  lAli  Khan  a  reply,  saying,  "  1  wonder 
'  at  your  intellect  and  policy  in  sending  such  a  letter  to  Chanel  Bibi  Sultan,  and  at  your 

*  endeavouring  to  destroy  this  dynasty.     It  was  you  who  went  forth  to  greet  the  Mughul 
1  army,  and  it  was  you  who  brought  them  into  this  country,  and  the-  Sultans  of  the  Dakan 

*  will  not  forget  this.     Soon,  by  the  grace  of  God,  the  Mu^hul  army  will  have  to  retreat, 

*  and   then    Chand    Bibi    Sultan  will  be  in  communication,  as  before,  with  the  Sult&ns  of 

*  the  Dakan.   It  will  then  bo  for  you  to  fear  the  vengeance  of  the  heroes  of  the  Dakan,  and 

*  to  tremble,  for  your  house  and  for  your    kingdom  !  ''    When  this  iv.pl>  reached  Raja    'Ali 

*  Khan    he  was  overcome  with  shame  for  what  he,  had  written,  and  the  Mu^hul  Amirs  gave 
'up  all  hope  of  taking  tiio  fortress.' 

(To  **e  continued.) 

DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD. 

BY  PKOi''.  D.  li.  BHAXDAKKAK,   M.A.;   CALCUTTA. 

CHAPTER  II. 

POLITICAL  HISTORY—  (continued  from  page  7S  above). 

THE  reign  of  Nahapana,  though  it  began  gloriously,  eaiue  to  a  disastrous  cud.  He 
was  defeated  and  killed  in  battle  by  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  of  the  Satavfthana  dynasty. 
In  Cave  No.  3  at  Nasik  has  been  cut  a  large  inscription,  which  sets  forth  a  long  panegyric 
of  this  king.  We  shall  soon,  give  a  somewhat  detailed  account  of  this  record,  but  here  we 
may  notice  only  two  epithets  used  in  connection  with  Gautamiputra  Satakarai.n  and  coming 
immediately  one  after  the  other.  The  first  calls  him  the  uprootcr  of  the  Kshaharata  race 
and  the  second  the  restorer  of  the  glory  of  the  Satavahana  family.  *  The  first  epithet, 
making  allowance  for  the  exaggeration  which  it  obviously  contains,  indicates  that  he 
certainly  killed,  if  not  all  the  Kshaharatas,  at  least  those  who  ruled  over  Maharashtra, 
Gujarat  and  Central  India.  Otherwise  there  is  no  sense  in  his  being  represented  to  have 
re-established  the  glory  of  the  Satavahana  dynasty  to  which  lie  pertained.  We  know  that 
the  Satavahanas  had  held  Northern  Maharashtra  and  soni3  parts  of  Central  India  before 
these  came  under  the  sway  of  Nahapana.  It  is  true  that  these  epithets  alone  do  not 
necessarily  prove  that  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  turned  his  arms  against  Nahapana  himself 
and  killed  him.  But  this  can  be  easily  inferred  from  certain  facts  revealed  by  the 
Jogaltembhi  hoard.  The  total  number  of  coins  from  the  lot  examined  by  Rev.  M.  Scott 
was  13,250.  Only  one-third  of  this  number  consisted  of  Nahaptina's  own  coins,  the 
remaining  two-thirds  being  those  of  Nahapnna  re-struck  by  Gautamiputra  Sotakarni  a 

»  EL,  VIII.  60,  1.  6.  *  JBBRAS.,  XXII.  224. 


160  THE  INDIAN  ANT1QUABY  [  JUNK,  1918 


It  is  worth  noting  that  in  this  second  class  of  coins,  i.e.  those  re-struck  by  Satakttrni,  there 
was  not  a  single  one  belonging  to  any  prince  other  than  Nahapuna,  as  would  certainly 
have  been  expected  if  any  such  ruler  had  really  intervened  between  thorn,  especially  as 
these  coins  numbered  upwards  of  8,000.  I  think,  the  evidence  supplied  by  this  hoard  is 
conclusive  that  teutakariii  destroyed  Nahapuna. 

The  extent  of  Gautamiputra't*  territory  may  be  inferred  from  the  description  given  of 
him  in  the  big  Nasik  Cave  inscription  referred  to  above.  Therein  he  is  said  to  have  been 
king  of  the  following  countries : — 

1.  Asika. — This  country   has  been  mentioned  by  Variihamihira,  but  he  does  not  tell 
us  where  exactly  it  was  situated. 

2.  Asalca. — This  evidently  is  Assaka,  the  Prakrit  form  of  the  Sanskrit  Asmaka.     This 
must  be  the  country  watered  by  tho  lower  Godavari,  consisting  of  the  south-east  parts  of 
the  Nizam's  Dominions  and  the  Godavari  District  of  the  Madras  Presidency.3    Its  capital 
Potana  or  Potali  has  been  mentioned  in  the  Pali  literature.  4 

3.  MU'lata — is  the  country  with  Pratishtluma  or  Paithan  as  its  capital. 

4.  Suratha — is  Surnshtra,  corresponding  to  modern  KathiawAr. 

5.  Kulcura — probably  modern  Gujarat.5 

6.  Aparanla. — The    Avord   literally    means    the   Western   End.     Ptolemy,  who    was 
contemporaneous  with  Gautamiputra  and  Pulumavi  divides  Ariakes  (Afla/iariKijrrAparantika) 
into    four  sections,    two  on  the*    seaboard  and    t\\o   situated  in  land. (i     Of  those  on  the 
sea-coast    the    northern     corresponded    to     tho  Than**  and  Kolaba     Districts   and    the 
southern  to  the  Ratnagul  and  North  Kanara  Districts.     Of  the  inland  parts  the  northern 
was  very  nearly  coincident  with    the  country   watered  by  the   upper   Godavari,  and   the 
southern  included   the  Kanarese-speaking  districts   of  the   Bombay  Presidency.     Both  the 
northern  sections  belonged  to  the  Sadinon  (=&atavahanas). 

7.  Anupa. — A  district  on  the  Upper  Narmada  with  Mahishamati  as  capital.7   Mahishmati 
has  been  identified  with  Mandhala  in  the  north-west  corner  of  the  Central  Provinces.8 

8.  Vidablta — is  of  course  Vidarbha.     It  corresponds  to  the  western  portion  of  Berars 
and  the  valley-country  west  of  it.1' 

9.  Akaravanti — Mahva.    1  take  this  whole  as  one  name.     This  is  clearly  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  in  the  Junugadh  inscription  it  is  qualified  by  the  word  Purvapara,  which  means 
both   the  eastern  and   western  divisions  of  the  Akaravanti  country,  and  not  the  eastern 

3  In  the  Sutta-niputa  (V.  977)  the  Assaka  (Asmaka)  country  ha«  boon  associated  with  Mujaka, 
exactly  us  it  bus  been  done  in  thin  inscription.  In  tho  edition  of  tho  Sutta-nipata  by  V.  Fausboll 
the  reading  Alaka0  is  wronply  adopted  in  tho  text  (Vs.  977  and  1010-1),  and  the  variant  Mu}aka 
noticed  in  the  foot-notes.  The  Sutta-nipata  distinctly  tella  us  that  the  capital  of  Mujaka  wag 
PatiHhana  (Paithan)  and  that  Assaka  was  situated  immediately  to  it»  eouth  along  the  river  Godavari. 

«  Jat.  Ill,  Hand  16. 

8  Sir  Kamkrishna  Bhandarkar  identifies  it  with  that  portion  of  Rajput&nflt  which  is  called 
Kiu-oho-lo  by  Hiouen  Thsang  (Yuan  Chwang)  (Trans.  Inter.  Or.  Cong.,  1874,  312-3  ;  EHD.9  17,  ri.  4). 
According  to  Pandit  Bhagwanl&l  it  denotes  "  probably  part  of  East  Rajputana"  (B.  G.,  I,  i.  36 
n.  7).  But  as  in  this  and  Budradaman's  Junaga<}h  inscription  Kukura  is  associated  with  Aparanta* 
it  seems  to  be  part  of  Gujarat. 

•  Above  XIII,  325-7  and  306-7.  7  Trans.  Inter.  Or.  Cong.,  1874,  313. 

8  JRAS.,  1910,  445-6.  9  Pargiter,  MArkandeya-Pwdqa,  336. 


JUNE,  1918]  DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  151 

Akara  and  the  western  Avanti  country  as  has  boon  taken  by  Pandit  Bhagwanlal 
Indraji.10  The  latter  proposal  is  against  the  Sanskrit  idiom.11  Avanti,  of  course,  is 
another  name  for  Ujjayini  (Ujjain),  and  Akara,  I  think,  is  identical  with  the  ancient  midland 
town  of  A  gar,  40  miles  NNE.  of  Ujjain  from  which  the  Bania  caste  Agarval  derives  it» 
name.12 

Gautamiputra  is  also  styled  'lord  '  of  the  following  mountain  ranges: — 

1.  Vljha  *=  Vindhya,  here  denoting  the  portion  of  the  Vindhya  range  cast  of  Bhopal. 

2.  Ackhnvata  =  Rikshavat — "the  Satpurfi  Hills,  and  the  hills  extending  through  the 
middle  of  Berar   and  the  south  of  Chutia  Nagpur  nearly  into  West  Bengal."  18 

3.  Parivata  ™  Pariyatra,  the  j)Ortion  of  the  Vindhya  range,  west  of  Bhopal. 

4 .  Sah  ya  =  the  Sahyadris. 

5.  KanJuicjiri  =  Krishiiagiri,  doubtless  the  mountain  on  which  Kanheri  in  the  Thana 
district  is  situated  and  from  which  it  derives  its  name.     It  is  mentioned  as    Kaijhasela= 
Krish \ia6aila  in  inscriptions  of  Kanhori  Caves. 

(>.     Macltti — not  identified  so  far. 

7.     Siri(ana  =  Hristana,  probably  the  same  as  'Sri-saila  or  Sri-par  vata,  the  name  of  a 
mountain  on  tho  river  Kistiia  in  the  Karnul  District.3* 

S,     Malaya— -ttw  southern  portion  of  the  Western  Chats. 

9.  Mahinda  —  Mahendra,  the  great  range  between  tho  Mahanadi  and  Godarari   in 
Eastern  India — -tho  Eastern  (4hdts. 

10.  Setagiri — not  yet  identified. 

11.  Chakora. — The  Markaiuleya  Puraua  montioiis  it  along  with  'Sri-par  vat  a  (Siritana). 
It  may  have  been  in  tho  same  locality. 

The  specification  of  the  mountain  ranges  is  apt  to  load  one  to  suppose  that  Gautami- 
putra was  the  lord  of  the  whole  Dakskinapatha  or  Southern  India,  Their  mention, 
however,  need  not  mean  that  he  was  the  lord  of  cadi  whole  range.  If  part,  of  any  range 
ran  through  his  dominions,  it  would  justify  a  panegjrrist  in  calling  him  its  lord.  That 
Gautamtputra  was  not  tho  master  of  the  whole  of  Southern  India  is  clearly  proved  by  tho 
fact  that  Ptolemy,  while  referring  to  his  son  Pulumavi  who  reigned  conjointly  with  him  > 
speaks  not  of  onobut  of  six  kings  as  ruling  over  different  parts  of  Dakshinapatha,  along  with 
PuJumAvi.  Thus  we  have  not  only  Polemaios  ( Pulumavi )  reigning  at  Paifchai.i  but  also 
Baleokuros  at  Hippokoura,  Kcrolothros  (Keralaputra)  at  Karoura  ( Karfir),  Pandiori 
(  Pamlya)  at  Modoura  (Madura)  and  so  forth.15  The  list  of  the  countries,  however  gives  us 
a  better  idea  of  the  extent  of  Gautamiputra's  territory.  It  shows  that  he  hold  tho  whole 
of  the  country  watered  by  the  Godavari,  Berar,  Malwa,  Kaihiawar,  Gujarat  and  Northern 
Konkan, 

The  object  of  the  large  inscription  alluded  to  above  (Inscription  No.  2)  is  to  record  tho 
grant  of  Nasik  Cave  No.  3  to  the  Bhadrayaniya   sect  of  Buddhist  monks  by  Gautami,1^ 

*0  Above,  vii.  259  ;  KG.,  I.  i.   3(i  and  XVI.  G31.  ~~ 

11  See  also  the  translation  of  this  passage  from  the  Junagadh  inscription  by  Kiolhorn  (El.,  VIII.  47). 

18  B(j.,  IX.  i.  70.  l3  Pargitfcr,  Markandeya  Purdna,  340. 

i*  Ibid,  290.  i:;  Above  XTII.  3G«-8. 

l*  Biihler  and  M.  Sonart  tako  Balasiri  to  be  thy  proper  name  of  thin  Quoon  (A8WI.t  IV.  109; 
El.t  VIII.  02).  Butthift  is  highly  improbable,  because  Balasiri  does  not  sound  to  be  a  proper  name, 
and  seems  to  bo  as  much  an  attributive  as  the  other  phrases  following  it.  Nor  is  Gautanu  a  proper 
name.  It  only  means  that  through  her  father  she  belonged  to  tho  (lotarna  gotra.  Similar  instances 
are  Vasishtht,  MAdhari  and  so  forth.  This  reminds  us  of  the  usage  still  current  in  Rajputana  where  no. 
Rani  is  known  by  her  proper  name,  but  only  by  her  clan  name. 


152  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JUNE,  1918 

mother  of  Satakarni  and  grand-mother  of  Pujumuvi.  The  inscription,  it  is  worthy  of 
note,  refers  itself  to  the  reign  of  Pujumuvi  and  not  Satakarni,  and  is  dated  the  13th  day 
of  the  second  iortnight  of  summer  of  the  19th  regnal  year  of  the  former.  On  the  same 
day  the  yillage  of  Sudasana  in  the  Govardhana  district  was  granted  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Cave  ( Inscription  No.  3)  by  the  lord  of  Dhanamkata,17  who  must  be  Gautamiputra 
Satakarni  and  the  village  of  Pisujipadaka  by  Pulumavi  for  painting  it  (Inscription  No.  2). 
In  the  22nd  year,  however,  in  lieu  of  Sudasana  the  village  of  Samalipada  in  the  same  district 
was  given,  not  by  fealakarni  but  by  Pulumavi  (Inscription  No.  3).  It  seems  that  before 
this  cave,  i.e.  Cave  No.  3  at  Nasik,  was  excavated  the  Bhadrayaniya  mendicants  were  living 
in  some  of  the  caves  already  existing  on  the  hill  which  in  the  inscriptions  is  called  Trira6mi. 
For  the  maintenance  of  those  mendicants  Gautamiputra  Satakarni ls  granted  a  piece  of 
land  in  the  village  of  Aparakakha^i  in  the  18th  year,  i.e.  one  year  previous  to  the 
excavation  and  presentation  of  the  cave  to  the  Bhadrnyaaiyas  ( Inscription  No.  4),  But  the 
village  could  not  be  inhabited  and  the  field  could  not  bo  tilled.  Another  piece  of  lane! 
was  therefore  given  in  the  year  24  by  'Satakarni  who  was  here  joined  by  his  mother  in  th( 
making  of  this  gift  ( Inscription  No.  5). 

It  is  supposed  b}^  Biihler  and  Bhagwanlal  Indraji  that  the  dates  of  Inscriptions  Nos.  4 
and  5  in  which  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  is  mentioned  as  the  donor  must  refer  to  his  reign 
and  those  of  Inscriptions  Nos.  2  and  3  to  the  reign  of  Pujumuvi  wh(>  alone  figures  there 
as  the  grantee.  It  is,  therefore,  contended  that  Satakarni  and  Pulumavi  reigned 
separately,  the  latter  after  the  former,  even  so  far  as  Maharashtra  was  concerned  and 
that  {Satakarni  was  dead  when  Cave  No.  3  was  granted  to  the  Bhadrayaniyas.  Sir 
Ramkrishna  Bhandarkar,  on  the  other  hand,  contends  that  all  these  dates  pertain  to  the 
reign  of  Pujumavi  and  that  he  reigned  conjointly  with  his  father,  the  former  over 
Maharashtra  and  the  latter  over  the  hereditary  Hatavahana  dominions.  The  latter  view 
alone  can  be  correct.  For  in  Inscription  No.  5  Gautamiputra  Satakarni,  who  is  the  donor 
there  along  with  his  mother,  issues  a  grant  in  favour  of  Buddhist  monks,  who,  it  if 
expressly  stated,  were  staying  in  the  cave  which  was  the  pious  gift  of  theirs.  This  cave 
which  was  a  pious  gift  of  Satakarni  and  his  mother  must  doubtless  be  Cave  No.  3  which, 
as  we  have  seen  above,  was  excavated  and  given  over  to  the  Bhadrayaniyas.  But  then 
we  have  also  seen  that  this  cave  was  presented  to  these  monks  in  the  19th  regnal  year, 
not  of  Satakarni  but  of  Pulumavi.  Inscription  No.  2  does  not  leave  us  in  any  doubt  on 
this  point.  Evidently  Sutakarni  was  living  when  the  cave  was  granted  to  the  Bhadrayaniyas. 
otherwise  how  could  he  possibly  make  an}'  grant  to  these  monks  while  they  were  dwelling 

a7  The  words  Ya  atnhe  hi  sava  19  gi  pa  2  diva  lii  Dhanakaiasamanehi  ya  etha  pavate  .  .  .  data 
have  very  much  puzzled  the  antiquarians.  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji,  Buhlerand  M.  Sennrt  take 
Dhanakatasamanehi  to  stand  for  Dfutny  a/cat  a-£ramanaih.  I  cannot  understand  how  these  Sramanaa 
could  have  grouted  the  village  of  Sudasana.  Besides,  the  word  fcramana  nowhere  occur*  in  cave 
inscriptions  and  in  the  sense  of  Buddhist  mendicants.  Dhanakatasamanehi  must,  therefore,  be  taken 
aa  equivalent  to  Dhanakata-adminehi  tmd  connected  with  dato  as  is  done  by  Sir  Kainkrishna  Bhandarkar 
(EHD.t  J8,  n.  2).  The  letters  amhehi  preceding  the  date  I  split  up  into  the  two  words  amhe  hi  and 
amhe  I  take  in  the  sense  of  *  we  '  and  connect  with  daddma. 

13  M.  Senart  supposes  that  Nasik  Inscription  No.  4  calls  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  '  lord  of 
Benakataka'.  I  however  prefer  to  read  Bendkafakd  tvami  with  BUhler  and  Pandit  Bhagwanlal,  and 
take  Benakataka  to  be  the  place  where  the  king's  army  was  encamped.  Similarly  in  Nasik  Inscription 
No.  3  1  prefer  to  road  Navanard  svdmi  instead  of  Navanara-svtimi  and  suppose  that  Pulumavi  issues 
his  order  from  a  locality  called  Navanara.  * 


JUNE,  1918]  DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PERIOD  153 

in  the  cave  presented  to  them  ?  Further,  as  Inscription  No.  2  is  dated  in  the  reign  of 
Pulumuvi  notwithstanding  that  his  father  Satakarni  was  alive,  the  only  possible  conclusion 
is  that  the  former  was  ruling  over  Maharashtra  and  the  latter  over  the  old  Andhra  territory, 
and  that  consequently  all  the  dates  of  the  inscriptions  just  noted  must  refer  to  the  reign 
of  Pulumavi  alone.19 

Klaudios  Ptolemaios,  writing  his  geography  of  India  shortly  after  A.D.,  150  speaks  of 
at  least  three  kings  ruling  over  different  parts  of  Western  India.  Thus  he  tells  us  that 
Ozene  was  the  capital  of  Tiastencs,  Baithana  of  Siro  Polemaios,  and  Hippokoura  of 
Balookouros.20  Ozene  is,  of^course,  Ujjain,  and  Baithana  is  Paiihau  on  the  Goduvari,  the 
ancient  Prat isht-h ana,  in  Nizam's  dominions.  Hippokoura  has  not  been  definitively 
identified,  some  taking  it  to  be  Kolh&pur  and  others  Hippargi  in  the  Bij'ipur  district.** 
Of  the  royal  names  Tiastcnes  obviously  corresponds  to  Chashtana,  the  founder  of  the 
second  Ksluitrapa  dynasty,  which  we  know  wielded  sway  over  Kathifiwar,  Gujarat  and 
Malwa  and  which  seems  to  have  immediately  succeeded  Nabapana's  family.  Siro  Polemaios 
is  Sri-PuJumavi,  son  of  Gautamiputra  S/itakarm,  and  Balookouros  is  Vilivayakura,  name 
of  a  king  whose  coins  have  boon  found  at  Kolhapur.  These  three  princes  have,  therefore, 
been  regarded  as  contemporaries  of  one  another. 

Diverse  views  have  been  expressed  in  regard  to  the  relation  in  which  Chashfana  stood 
with  Nahapfuia,  on  the  one  hand,  and  with  Gautamiputra  'Satakar.ji,  on  the  other.  Pandit 
Bhagwanlal  Inrlraji  to  the  last  held  that  Chashtana  was  a  contemporary,  though  not  a 
subordinate,  of  Nahapfuia.22  According  to  J)r.  Fleet  Chashfana  was  Nahapana's  co-regent 
or  viceroy  at  Ujjain  just  as  Bhumaka  was  in  Kafhiaway.2'5  Prof.  Olden  berg  and  Dr. 
Burgess  regard  Ch.'ishfana  as  the  satrap  of  Gautamiputna  'Satakarni,  the  Andhra  con 
quuror  of  Naliapana.-4  Prof,  llapson  and  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith,  however,  consider  that  he  was 
a  satrap  of  the  Kushana  sovereigns  who  ruled  over  North  India.3"1  Now,  ('hash tana's 
coins  have  been  found  in  Katbiuwur  and  Gujarat  and  even  as  far  north  as  Ajiner  and 
Pushkar.  His  capital,  as  Ptolemy  tells  us,  was  Ujjain.  il  seems  that  if  we  exclude  the 
Poona  and  Nasik  districts,  his  dominions  wore  co-extensive  with  those  of  Naliapana.  Tt  is 
not,  therefore,  probable  that  both  Naliapana  and  Chashtana  ruled  simultaneously  or  that 
Chashtana  was  a  viceroy  of  Nahapaua.  Again,  his  foreign  title  Kshatrapa  and  the  use  of 
the  Kharoshthi  alphabet  on  his  coins  clearly  show  that  Ohashtana  was  a  viceroy,  not  of 
Gautamiputra  'Satakarni,  but  of  some  northern  alien  power.  The  view  held  }>y  Prof* 
Rapson  and  Mr.  Smith,  viz.  that  he  was  a  satrap  of  the  Kushana  family,  is  therefore,  tho 
only  plausible  one.  It  appears  that  after  the  destruction  of  tho  Kshaharata  family,  tho 
Kushana  overlord  appointed  Chashtana  to  be  a  satrap  and  dispatched  him  to  save  as 
much  of  Nahapana's  territory  as  was  possible  from  the  clutches  of  the  fcatavahanas. 
Chashtana  seems  to  have  performed  his  task  not  unsatisfactorily,  because,  as  the  find 
spots  of  his  coins  show,  tho  Poona  and  Nasik  districts  were  tho  only  two  provinces  from 
Nahapana's  territory  which  he  did  not  hold. 

But  it   may  be  askod :  how  is  it  that  Nasik  Inscription  No.  2  makes  Gautamiputra 
Satakarni  the  lord  not  only  of  Akaravanti  (Malwa)  but  also  of  Surashtra  (Kuthiuwar) — 

19  For  a  full  discussion  of  tho  subject,  seo  my  article  in  JBBltAX.,  XXI LL.  (ii)  and  ft". 

20  Above,  XIII.  359  and  306.  21  KUD.,  44  ;  BU.,  I.  i.  f,4I 
22  BQ.t  I.  i.  32.                                                                              23  JRAti.,  11)13,  U93  and  n,  i. 

21  Above,  X.  226  ;  AtiWI.,  iv.  37,  n.  4.  25  ciC.-AMk.,  Intro,  cvi  ;    EH1.9  21  (Ml. 


154  1HE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JUNE,  1918 

just  those  provinces  which  were  under  the  sway  of  Chashtana?  The  answer  is  simple. 
The  date  of  this  inscription  is  the  19th  regnal  year  of  Pulumavi.  What  is  its  Christian 
equivalent  ?  If  we  suppose,  as  is  commonly  held,  that  Nahapana  was  killed  in  battle 
shortly  after  the  year  46  (~  A.D.  124)  the  last  date  we  have  for  him,  Pujumavi's  nineteenth 
regnal  yeo.r*  must  correspond  to  circa  A.D.  145.  Now  no  less  than  six  stone  inscriptions 
have  been  discovered  in  Cutch,  bearing  the  date  52  and  referring  themselves  to  the  conjoint 
reign  of  Chashtana  and  his  grandson  Rudradaman.26  It  appears  that  in  the  year  52 
(=A.D.  130)  Chashtana  was  Mahfikshatrapa  and  his  grandson  Rudradaman  Kshatrapa, 
governing  Kachchha  and  Surashtra.  it  was  therefore  between  A.D.  130  and  145  that 
Gautamiputra  'Satakarni  seems  to  have  wrested  Malwa  and  KAthiawar  either  from 
Chashtana  or  Rudradaman,  but  most  probably  from  the  former.  The  story  appears  to  be 
simply  this.  Gautamiputra  Satakarni  and  his  »on  Vasishthiputra  Pulumavi  came  from  the 
south-east  to  regain  the  provinces  lost  to  their  family,  overthrew  Nahapana  circa  A.D.  126, 
and  re-established  their  power  over  the  north-west  part  of  Maharashtra.  Not  being  content 
with  this,  they  soon  turned  their  arms  against  another  dynasty  of  foreigners — the  Kshatrapa 
dynasty  that  came  immediately  after  Nahapana  and  succeeded  in  wresting  their  dominions 
also  about  A.D.  145.  This  is  also  clear  from  a  rock  inscription  of  Rudradaman  at  Junagadh 
in  KiUhiawar.  In  this  record  men  of  all  castes  are  represented  to  have  gone  to  Rudradaman 
and  chosen  him  as  their  lord  for  protection.27  If  Rudradnman  had  succeeded  Chashtana 
in  the  natural  course  of  things,  people  of  different  casks  would  not  have  repaired  to  him 
and  selected  him  as  their  protector.  Evidently  his  family  seems  to  have  lost  the  kingdom 
and  he  to  have  regained  it.  This  is  also  indicated  by  the  boast  of  Rudradaman  in  the  same 
inscription  that  the  title  of  Mahakshatrapa  ho  had  won  for  himself  and  not  inherited.28 
He  was  by  no  means  slow  to  retrieve  the  glory  of  his  family.  For  the  samo  Jimngadh 
epigraph  speaks  of  Rudradaman  as  the  lord  of  Akaravanti,  Surasht.ra,  Kukura  and  Aparihiia 
—just  those  countries  ruled  over  by  GautamSputra  Satakarni  according  to  Nfisik  Inscription 
No.  2  as  stated  above.  Now  the  date  of  the  Junagadh  epigraph  is  (  Saka)  72  =—  A.D.  150, 
and  the  date  of  the  Nasik  inscription,  wo  have  scon,  is  about  A.D.  145.  It  must  be,  therefore, 
between  145  and  150  A.D.  that  Rudradaman  succeeded  in  reconquering  the  provinces  lost 
to  his  family.  Again,  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  Rudradainan  is  represented  to  have  twice 
subdued  'Satakarm,  the  lord  of  Dakshinupatha,  but  not  to  have  destroyed  him  in  con  sequence 
of  his  relationship  with  him  not  being  remote  and  to  have  acquired  a  good  name  on  that 
account.  It  will  be  seen  that  this  'Satakarm  can  be  110  other  than  Gautamiputra  Satakarni. 

26  1  was  the  first  to  discover  those  inscriptions  (PRANl.-WC,  1905-06,  35)  ;  yet,  curiously  enough, 
my  name  has  not  been  mentioned  in  AM.-AH.,  1905-00,  106-7.  A  detailed  summary  of  thoir  contents 
has  been  published  by  mo  in  l'ltAM,-Wf!.,  1914-15,  67.  The  date  of  tlio.se  inscriptions  is  thus 
expressed  :  Rdjfio  Chfahbannaa  Yfiiinwtikapulrasa  rlijno  Rudtadaniaia  Jayadamaputrasa  varshe  dvi~ 
package  50  2  Phagunn-bahutoHa  dvitit/atn  15  2.  At  first  3  was  inclined  to  supply  pautraaa  after 
Ytfdmotikaputraaa,  and  refer  the  duto  to  the  reign  of  Rudrtidaman  (JBBKAS.,,  XXIII.  68).  Mr.  R.  C. 
Majumdar  of  the  Calcutta  University  has  kindly  offered  the  suggestion  that  the  date  had  better 
be  referred  to  the  conjoint  reign  of  Chaslitana  and  Rudradaman.  1  entirely  accept  thin  suggestion 
which  is  a  very  happy  one.  This  at  once  does  away  with  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  word  paMrasa — 
an  addition  which  seems  to  be  highly  improbable  when  we  have  to  make  it  not  to  one  but  to  tix 
records  that  were  found  in  Cutch  and  which  even  though  it  is  made  does  not  render  the  passage 
entirely  free  from  straining.  It,  therefore,  seems  that  Jayadaman  died  and  was  succeeded  to  hig. 
Kshatrapa  rank  by  hia  eon  Rudradaman  during  the  life- time  of  Chashtana  himself. 

«  JE?I.,  VIII.  43,  1.  9. 


JUNE,  1918]  DEKKAN  OF  THE  SATAVAHANA  PEKIOD  1»5 

Nasik  Inscription  No.  5  tells  us  that  he  was  alive  at  least  up  to  tho  24th  rognal  year  of 
Puhmiavi,  which  must  correspond  to  A.D.  150 — the  date  of  the  Jumigadh  inscription.  Now, 
in  what  relationship  could  this  fcatakarnj  have  stood  with  Rudradaman  ?  In  this  connection 
one  Kanheri  inscription  is  invariably  referred  to.  It  records  the  grant  of  a  minister  of  the 
queen  of  Vasisht.hiputra  'Satakarni,  Her  name  is  lost,  but  she  is  said  to  have  been  tho 
daughter  of  a  Mahakshatrapa  called  Kudra.  lludra  may  of  course  stand  for  Rudradiiman, 
Budrasiniha  or  Rudrasena — all  belonging  to  Chashiana's  family.  But,  according  to  Biihler, 
the  form  of  the  letters  is  of  the  time  of  Budradaman.  Vasishthiputra  Satakarm  was 
thus  Rudradaman' s  son-in-law.  The  metronymic  VasishtLiputra  clearly  shows  that  the 
former  was,  likePulumuvi,  a  son  of  Gautamiputra  SjUakarni.  Cautaraiputra  fc/jtakarni 
was,  therefore,  the  father  of  Rudradainan's  son-in-law,  fcatakarm's  connection  with  Rudra- 
daman was  thus  by  no  means  intimate  and  can  be  described  as  "  not  remote,1'  as  has  been 
done,  in  the  Junagadh  inscription.29 

Gautamiputra  ftatakarni  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Pulumavi.  We  have  seen  above 
that  he  was  ruling  conjointly  with  his  father,  the  former  over  Maharashtra  and  the  latter 
over  Andhra-deua.  After  the  death  of  fcatakarni,  Pulumavi  seems  to  have  become  ruler  of 
Andbra  desa  also.  For  we  have  an  inscription  on  the  Amarjtvati  sttipa  in  the  Kistna 
district  which  distinctly  refers  itself  to  his  reign.80  His  coins  also  have  been  found  in  tho 
Kistna  and  Godavari  districts,31  showing  clearly  that  he  had  succeeded  to  his  ancestral 
kingdom.  Pulumavi  died  about  A.D.  158,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brothers,  Siva-fcri- 
fcatakarm  and  Sri-Chan  Jra-Sati.  Coins  of  these  two  last  have  been  found,  which,  so  far  as 
the  numismatic  style  is  concerned,  are  closely  connected  with  those  of  Pulumavi.32  .Besides, 
they  three  have  the  common  metronymic  Vasishthiputra.  This  shows  that  they  must  all 
bo  brothers.  According  to  the  Matsya  Parana,  Puluinavi  was  succeeded  by  Siva-fcri* 
who  can,  therefore,  bo  no  other  than  6iva-Sri-'S;'itakarni  of  tho  coins.  With  this  prince 
I  identify  Vasishthiputra  Satakarni,  son-in-law  of  Budradaman,  who,  as  I  have  remarked 
before,  has  boon  mentioned  in  a  Kanhcri  cave  inscription.  Hiva-Sri-JSatakarni  must  thus 
have  been  succeeded  by  5Sri  Chaudra-Sati.  We  do  not  know  who  came  immediately  after 
this  last  king.  But  of  tho  two  iSatavahana  princes  who  remain  to  be  noticed,  &akat»cna 
was  certainly  earlier  than  YajTia-6atakarni  on  pal  geographic  grounds.  Tho  name  of  the 
first  prince  occurs  in  two  records  inscribed  in  a  cave  at  Kanherf,83  but  seems  to  have  been 
wrongly  deciphered.  Three  yearn  ago  I  had  occasion  to  examine  the  inscriptions  personally. 
I  also  took  ostampages  of  the  portions  which  contained  his  name.  And  on  a  careful 
comparison  I  was  convinced  that  the  real  name  of  the  king  was  not  JSakasena  but  Siri-Sata. 
Commonsense  also  would  lead  us  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  first  reading.  For  the 
first  line  has  been  read  as :  Sidham  ratio  Madhariputasa  Svdmi-Sakasenasa.  Now,  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  wherever  we  meet  with  a  Satavahana  name  in  an  inscription,  it  is 
invariably  prefixed  with  the  honorific  Siri  (  =  &ri).  Thus  we  have  Siri-Satakani,  Siri- 
Pulumavi,  Siri-Yajiia-Satakani,  and  so  forth.  And  the  two  Kai.theri  inscriptions  just 
referred  to  alone  become  an  exception,  if  we  read  Sakanena.  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji 

29  For  a  detailed  consideration  of  this  question  see  JUBKAX.,  XX  111.   72-3. 

30  Liiders'  List,  No.  1248.  »i  CW.-AMk.>  20-3. 

82  Ibid,  Intro,  xl.  M  ASWJ.,  V.  79  and  82. 


166  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JUNE,  1918 

was  nearer  to  the  truth  when  he  proposed  to  read  also  SiriaenaJ*  As  a  matter  of  fact 
there  is  absolutely  no  doubt  as  to  the  first  two  letters  being  Siri.  And  the  next  two 
almost  certainly  are  Sdta — a  reading  which  is  fortified  by  the  fact  that  we  know  a 
Satavuhana  prince  of  exactly  this  name  from  coins  found  in  Western  India.35  The  last 
Sutavahana*  king  whose  name  has  been  preserved  is,  as  mentioned  above,  Gautainiputra 
Sri-Yajna-Satakarni.  One  inscription  of  his  has  been  found  in  Chinna  in  the  Kistiia  district 
and  three  in  Maharashtra — two  in  a  Kariheri  and  one  in  a  Ntfsik  Cave.80  This  shows  that 
both  the  Andhra-deaa  and  Maharashtra  continued  to  bo  under  the  Satavahanas  up  to  this 
time.  Nay,  he  seems  to  have  extended  his  sway  far  beyond  as  is  indicated  by  the  find- 
spots  of  his  coins.  Some  of  these  have  been  found  not  only  in  Gujarat  but  also  in 
Kajjhiawar  and  Eastern  Malwa.  He,  therefore,  appears  to  have  wrested  these  provinces 
from  the  Kshatrapa  dynasty  of  Ujjain  as  Gautainiputra  Satakarrii  did  sometime  before 
him. 

After  Yajfia  featakarui  Maharashtra  yeems  to  have  been  lost  to  the  Satavahana 
dynasty.  This  appears  to  have  been  caused  by  the  irruption  of  the  Abhiras.  In  a  cave 
at  Nasik  we  have  got  an  inscription  which  refers  itself  to  the  reign  of  the  Abhira  king 
Isvarasena,  son  of  Sivadatta.37  In  Malwa,  Gujarat  and  Kathiuwar  wo  find  coins  of  a  king 
called  isvaradatta  who,  though  he  styles  himself  a  Mahakshatrapa,  was  an  intruder.  He 
has  been  looked  upon  as  an  Abhira,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  names  of  the  Abhira 
king  and  his  father  referred  to  in  the  Nasik  inscription  were  really  isvaradatta  and  Si  vasena , 
and  not  Isvarasena  ami  'Sivadatta.  The  father  is  not  called  a  king,  and  if  he  had  really 
been  a  ruler,  the  vfOT&rtfjnuh  would  certainly  have  been  conjoined  with  his  name.  The 
son  alone,  therefore,  soeiiiK  to  have  been  iv  king  and  made  himself  so.  And  it  seems  to 
me  that  it  was  one  and  the  same  Abhira  prince,  viz.  Isvaradatta,  who  conquered  not  only 
Malwa,  Gujarat  and  Kathi&way  but  also  Maharashtra,  I  have  elsewhere  shown  3s  that 
isvaradatta  is  to  be  assigned  to  A.D.  188-90.  This  certainly  places  him  immediately  after 
Yajfta  Batakariii. 

Though  the  katavahanas  wore  deprived  of  Maharashtra  or  Western  Dokkan  about  the 
end  of  the  second  century  A.D.,  they  for  sometime  retained  possession  of  Eastern  Dekkan. 
We  have  thus  coins  of  Sri-Rudra-featakarm,  Srf-Krisliva-'8atakari.ii  and  Bri-Chandra  (II) 
found  in  Central  Provinces  and  Andhra-desa  only  and  not  at  all  in  Western  India.30  If  we 
assign  an  average  reign  of  15  years  to  each  one  of  these  kings,  the  Satavahana  power  came 
to  an  end  in  the  first  half  of  the  third  century  A.D.  On  the  Jagayyapetta  stupa  in  the 
Kistna  district,  we  have  throe  inscriptions  belonging  to  the  regin  of  Sri-Virapurushadatta 
of  the  Ikshvaku  family.  On  palaeographic  grounds  the  records  have  been  ascribed  to  the 
third  century.  It,  therefore,  seems  that  the  extinction  of  the  Satavahana  rule  was  caused 
by  a  northern  dynasty  called  Ikshvaku. 

To  be  continued 

3*  JBBRAS,  XII.  407-9.  35  CIC.-AMk.,  p.  1. 

*  EI.9 1.  96;  ASWI.,  V.  70  and  79  ;  JKI.,  VIII,  94.  *?  EI.t  VIII.  88. 

&ASI-AR.  1913-14,  p.  230.  »  OIC.-AMk.,  Intro.,  xlii,  &  ff. 

*°  AS8L,  I.  110. 


JUKE,  1918]  ON  THE  AUTHENTIC JTY  OK  THE  KAU'jMLIYA  157 

ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  KAUTlLiYA. 

BY  HERMANN  JAU)H1  ;  BONN. 
(  Translated*  from  the.  German  by  V.  S.  SUKTHANKAR,  PH.!).  ;  POONA.  ) 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  th«  Kautiliya  is  one  of  the  oldest  monument,-  of  the 
classical  Sanskrit  literature;  for  from  the  whole  range  of  this  literature  upto  the  earliest 
times  one  can  cite  numerous  instances  of  quotation  and  borrowing  that  £•<>  to  prove  the 
acquaintance  with  this  work  and  the  recognition  of  its  authority.1  Hut  already 
A-  Hillebrandt,  to  whom  we  owe  the  first  really  critical  inquiry  concerning  the  Kautiliya,  has 
expressed  a  doubt  regarding  its  authorship ;  at  p.  10  of  his  monograph  cited  in  the  foot- 
note, he  says  :  "We  cannot  assume  that  Kautilya  himself  is  the  sole  author  of  the  text 
in  question.  It  only  originates  in  his  school,  which  quotes  often  the  opinion^  of  other 
teachers  and  opposes  to  them  (after  tlie  manner  of  Sutra  work*  )  expressly  the  view  of 
Kaufcilya  himself,  at  times  expressing  the  latter  in  the  form  of  direct  maxims."  In  other 
words  the  opinion  of  Hillebrandt  is  that  just,  as  in  the  Sutras  the  vie\\  ot  the  uJleg^l 
author  is  eitsd  with  his  name,  while  in  reality  that  particular  work  nnlv  arises  in  his 
school,  so  also  the  expressions  iti  Kautilyah  or  ne'll  KmUllyah.  which  occur  72  times, 
reveal  the  fact  that  the  Kautilya  could  not  have  been  the  work  of  Ka.ut.il \;i  himself,  but 
must  have  arisen  in  a  school  of  his,  the  existence  of  which  we  are  led  to  populate.  Now 
the  editor  of  the  text  has  already,  in  my  opinion,  conclusively  refuted  this  argument  in 
his  Preface,  p.  XT!  :  '"But  when  certain  occidental  scholars  judging  (<„  rather  misled  2) 
by  current  usage,  according  to  which  no  author  when  he  sets  forth  hi.x  own  view  puts  down 
alongside  of  it  his  name,  hold  the  opinion  that  works  which  contain  the  names  of  Baduravana, 
Bodhayana,  etc.,  in  formulae  like  UiBddarayanuh.  ity  aha  BodJuif/tiniih.  //»  h'au tilt/a,  etc.,  a, re 
not  composed  by  these  persons,  their  view  is  based  on  the  ignorance  of  the  usaire  of  the 
ancient  Indian  scholars.  For,  when  an  author,  after  refuting  |  SIW  |  the  \ie\\s  of  his 
opponents,  wishes  to  express  his  own  views,  he  must  either  speak  of  himself  in  the  first 
person  or  specify  his  name.  The  use  of  the  first  |>erson,  which  involves  the  briniring  into 
prominence  of  one's  own  person,  is  opposed  even  to  this  day  to  the.  .sentiment  of  Indian 
scholars;  they  rather  would  take  pains  to  conceal  thoir  personality.  Consequently  those 
authors  could  not  help  giving  their  own  names  when  they  were  staling  their  own  views. 
For  this  reason  it  is  not  right  to  assert  tnat  our  Arthasastra  was  \\ritten  not  by  Kautilya 
himself  but  by  some  one  from  the  circle  of  his  pupils,  notwithstanding  the  frequent 
repetition  of  the  formula  iti  Kantilyah  in  the  work/' 

The  occurrence  of  the  expression  iti  Kaulilt/ah  is,  as  far  as  1  know,  the  only  argument 
that  has  been  advanced  against  the  authorship  of  Kautilya.  But  this  evidence  is,  as  we 
must  grant  Shama  Shastri,  inconclusive.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  not  do  either  to  look 
upon  it  a»  a  positive  proof  of  his  authorship;  for,  one  does  come  across  cases  in  which  he  who 
is  named  as  the  author  in  the  way  mentioned  above,  is  not  the  real  author ;  for  instance, 
Jaimini  and  Badarayana,  as  they  mutually  quote  each  other,  cannot  be  the  authors  of  the 
two  Mimfiuasii  Sutras  ;  for,  that  the  two  Mimrimsii  Sutras  could  have  been  produced  approxi- 

*  [To  the  Rev.  Father  Dr.  Robert  Zimmermann,  S.  J,,  PH.D.,  ar^  due  my  most  Niuci'iv  thanks  for 
having  kindly  undertaken  to  go  over  the  translation  in  manuscript  and  for  having  improved  upon  my 
unaided  efforts;  tho  more  so  as,  owing  to  the  diffioul  tint*  in  the  way  of  communicating  with  th<-  author 
of  the  article,  the  translation  oould  not  be  submitted  to  him  for  th«  benefit  of  revision.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  add  that  I  am  solely  responsible  for  the  errors  and  imperfections  of  tho  translation. — V.  S.  S.I 

1  See  A.  Hillebrandt,  Das  Kautiliyalastra  und  Verwandtes,    liroslau  1908,  pp.  2  ft.       J.  Hertol  in 
'WZKM.,  Vol.  24,  pp.  417  f.    The  author  in  these  Sitzungsborichten,  1911,  pp.  733,  735.   footnote  1.  !M$2. 

2  Translator. 


158  THE  INDIAN*  AXTIQt-AHY  [JUNE,  1918 

matdy  at 'the  same  time  seems  impossible  on  account  of  the  extreme  dissimilarity  of  their 
btyles,  and  perhap*  also  by  reason  of  their  mutual  differentiation  as  purva  and  nttara.  If  we, 
therefore,  provisionally  leave  out  of  consideration  the  specific  statements  of  the  author  of 
the  Kaufiliya  regarding  his  personality  and  confine  our  attention  to  the  occurrence  of  his 
name  in  the  formula  it  I  Kautilyah,  it  would  be  after  all  possible  to  imagine  that  Kautilya 
might  not  be  the  author  of  the  ArthasAstra  that  is  called  after  him.  It  would  then  be 
a  work  of  an  indeterminate  period  of  composition,  and  would  be  without  that  significance 
for  the  'culture  history  *  (KuUwgescMcJile)  which,  1  am  convinced,  it  possesses.  The  great 
importance  of  this  question  calls  for  a  detailed  inquiry,  which  is  to  occupy  us  in  the  sequel. 

When  we  say  that  a  work  had  its  origin  in  the  school  of  a  certain  individual  person 
after  whom  it  is  named,  we  must  assume  two  things  :  1.  that  the  alleged  author  was  the 
founder  of  a  school  that  acknowledged  him  as  such  in  the  sense  that  he,  either  materially  or 
formally,  brought  the  development  of  a  '  discipline  *  to  a  certain  completion  and,  through 
its  being  regularly  handed  down  from  teacher  to  pupil,  made  a  new  tagiuning  ;  2.  that 
the  'discipline',  that  had  l>ecn  handed  down  in  that  manner  and  perhaps  also  amplified 
as  regards  minor  details  through  discussion  and  controversy,  was  put  forward  in  the  form 
of  a  book  by  some  subsequent  adherent  of  the  school.  (1an  we  make  these  assumptions  in 
the  case  of  the  Kaut.ilya  ? 

[S34  |  That  KauHlya  could  have  been  the  founder  of  a  school  in  the  above  sense  i> 
hardly  conceivable  in  the  1  ight  of  what  we  know  from  history  of  the  position  of  this  man.  For. 
according  to  the  unanimous  voice  of  tradition,  which  makes  itself  heard  already  in  theKauti 
lya  (yena  last  raw  ra  Mfwlram  ca  Nandarajagatdca  bhuh  \  amarieno  'ddhrtaiiy  d£u),  he  had  played  a 
leading  part  at  the  time  of  the  founding  of  the  Mauryan  Empire  and  become  the  first  Chancel- 
lor of  the  State  that  was  soon  to  grow  to  such  prodigious  dimensions.  This  office  imposed  on 
him  undoubtedly  n  task  to  which  only  a  man  endowed  with  extraordinary  powers  could  be 
equal.  That  such  a,  man  might  have.  4*  formed  a  school  "  among  the  statesmen  and  diplomats 
of  his  time  -a<  we  might  say  of  Bismarck —may  be  unhesitatingly  admitted  ;  but  that  he 
had  founded  an  academy  is  difficult  to  believe.  Just  try  and  imagine  Bismarck  at  the  end 
of  the  day's  w<»rk,  if  there*  was  at  all  an  end  to  it,  lecturing  to  a  number  of  Assessors  on  the 
theory  of  politics  and  administration  !  Hardly  less  preposterous  is  it  to  imagine  that 
Kautilya,  the  Indian  Bismarck,  should  collect  pupils  around  himself  like  a  common 
Pandit,1''  instruct  them  in  the  Arthasastra,  and  in  this  manner  found  a  school  of  the 
Kaufiliyas.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  quite  compatible  with  the  character  of  a  great  states- 
man, nay  even  a  ruler,  that  he  should  deal  with  the  subject  of  his  avocation  or  a  part  of  it  in 
theoretical  treatises,  as  indeed  was  actually  donp  by  Frederick  the  Great.  Therefore,  if  one 
may  speak  of  a  school  of  Kautilya  in  any  sense  of  the  term  whatever,  then  such  a  school 
could  have  originated  not  with  Kautilya  personally,  but  only  through  the  medium  of  the 
Arthasastra  written  by  him.  In  other  words  the  book  does  not  owe  its  existence  to  the 
school,  but  the  school  to  the  book.  It  is  |>erha|^  not  wuj)erfluous  to  point  out  that  the 
word  school  is  used  in  the  last  sentence  in  two  widely  different  senses.  In  the  forme: 
case — that  is,  had  Kautilya  himself  founded  the  school—the  word  school  signifies  the 
sequence  of  teachers  and  pupils,  (jurtiSi*,/a*(Witana,  in  the  latter  the  totality  of  the  followers 
of  his  doctrines,  fnnmatanusarita. 

*  ItiH  truo  that  in  the  first  Act  of  the  Mudrarnk^asa  lie  is  represented  as  cue.  But  the  author  of 
this  drama,  who  lived  a  millennium  after  Cdimkya's  time1,  depicts  the  age  of  his  hero  after  the  patten* 
of  liis  own. 


JUNK,  1918)  ON  THE  AUTHKXTIC1TV  OF  THK  KAUTJL1VA  15!) 

Now,  what  do  we  know  in  reality  about  a  school  of  the  Kau  jiliyas  '(     The  solitary 
fact  which   could  he  adduced  in    favour  of  its  peculation  is  that  Kamamlaki,  the  author 
of  the  NitiHjira,  culls  Vismigupta,  /.  <>.  Kaufilya,  Jus  guru  (II   G).     in  tin's  instance  guru  can 
clearly  not  be  taken  in  its  strict  sense;  for,  since  Kamaiuloki  (as  \\as  phown  above  1911, 
p.  742)  can  at  the  earliest  be  placed  [835]  in   the  third  century    A.D.,  he  could  not    have* 
been   a   contemporary  of  the  minister  of   Candragupta.     In  other  words,   in  Kuinanclaki's 
mouth   j/Mmsigni ties  either  the  Great  Master  of  the  Science   or  the  i>aratnj>ur(iyura.     But 
the  latter  appears  on  his  own  saying  not  to  have  l>ecn  the  case.     For,  after  praising  Visnu- 
gupta  and  his  deeds  in  the  introductory  verses  of  his  \\ork  (I  2-  -(>),  ho  proceeds  to  sav  : 
<l«r«<in(U  taMja  sudr*o  vidyanaw  panultxranah  \ 
rajavidyapriyatui/a  sanikfipluyranllwrH  (irl/niruf  >  1 
uparjane  palaitc  ca  bhumrr  bliuiniwaram  prati  \ 
'/at  kitnt'td  tipadek«ydmo  riijaridyaridani  mnlant  ,  S 

"From  out  of  thr.  teaching  (ftarianut  --  mitral  <V)oi  this  sage,  whose  gaze  has  penetrated  t(v 

the  dec])cst  fundament  of  all  sciences,  shall  we,  as  friends  of  the  Science  of  Kings,  teach  onlv 

a  Kiuall  ]iart  conceming  the  ae(|uisition  and  preservation    of   territory    on    the  part  of   the 

prince,  abridged  in  form,  but  of  like  contents  (arlharal.V.  :ai-lha(1a)s  fn  1unut  ew  tfasya  taf), 

to  which  the  masters  ot  the  Science  of  Kings  have  given  their  assent."     As  K;imandaki  in 

this  instance  scribes  the  attribute  tauiltiplagranl'ha  to  his  work,  therefore,  contrasted  with 

it,  the   original  that  served  as  the  source  must    needs  be  called  t'lfitrlagrawllia.  with  \\hich 

only    the  KauJiJfya  could   have    l>ecji    meant.      This.  undoubtedly,  he   meajis  |>v   rfar.'r///</, 

aw  indeed  also  Vaise^ika.   and    Nyava-Darsana,    are   the     usual    designations   ol'    these    t\\o 

Sutras.     Our  conclusion  that  the  source  used  by  Kamamlaki  \\as  the  Kaufiliva  is  supported 

by  his  quotation  II.  li  :  ridyii't  cnlaxm  <<wi  'td  Hi  no  tfuruflur*tiHtnn,  which  is  almost  idejitical 

with  Kaufiliva,  ]>.  i),  rvi/axm   era  n'di/d  Hi  Kaiitilyal.*      In  any    exeul,    in     Kjlmandaki    we 

find  no    reference  to   ayama  or    amntii/a  as  we  indeed  might,  expect    if  he    had  learnt   the 

doctrines  of  Kaufiha  not   from   his  work,  but    in   his  '-school."  ,>.  if  Kaufilya    had    been 

his  p<i  m  in  pa  rflgtr  r  // . 

To  estimate,  houever  the  relation  of  Kaufilya  to  Kiuiiaudaki  adetjuately,  we  must- 
clraiM  attention  to  two  tiicts  that  are  hinted  at  by  Kmiiaudaki  himself  in  th(^  verses: 
translated  above.  In  the  first  plaee.  it  is  to  lie  noted  that  he,  in  addition  to  the  authority 
of  Kautilya.  appeals  to  the  consensus  of  the  wranf*  of  the  science  (rajavidi/amdam  matam), 
that  ift  to  say,  he  takes  into  consideration  [8^6  |  other  authorities,  older  and  newer,  when 
their  doctrines  have  received  general  recognition.  Thus  we  can  explain  'diveis 
points  of  difference  between  Kumiuidaki  and  Kaufilya  as,  for  example,  those  dealt  with 
above.  1011.  )).  742.  A  further  instance  concerns  the  doc-trine  of  the  mati'lala  (  '  political 
sphere ' )  and  its  constituents  to  which  Kaufilya,  p.  259,  refers  very  briefly  without 
mentioning  any  authorities,  obviously  as  a,  matter  of  little  practical  value. •"•  But  here  was 
a  field  for  idle  theorists.  Kamandaki  cites  Vlll,  20-41  a  great  number  of  different  theories^ 
in  some  cases  giving  the  names  of  thoir  exponents.  Thus  it  follows  that  ho  is  not  a* 

*  XI ,  «K  KAmiuictaki  refers  to  tho  views  of  Kautilya  concerning  the  number  of  ministers  in  theComT 
ril  of  Stato  (manfrim  mautrnman*1iate) :  uathdtnmMiavam  Hy  am/c  ;  cf.  Knut.,  p   29  :  i/at/id«6marthuam  lt~* 
Kauttlyal,.     His  including  Kautilya  under  the   anyc  would  not  bo  intelligible,  if  he  had  belonced  to 
-  School  of  the  Kautiliyiw.'     But  in  the  mouth  of  a  compiler  who,  in  addition  to  his  chief  authority  hmi 
consulted  others  an  well,  it  is  unobjectionable.     On  this  question  see  tho  immediate  sequel. 

i  ,  ?  ^Ter>u"g  Js  M^nU'K  P^edure  in  i}ll*  respect.     VII,  im>  he  teaches,  what  according  to  Kamaii 
daki.  VIII,  28  is  the  view  of  Usanas,  and  VII,  157  that  of  the  MftnavaB  (ib.  35).    Thus  we  have  hew,  » 
combination  of  the  two  views,  which  we  may  expect  to  find  in  tho  Bhrguprokta  Manusmrti      Bevtm<i, 
this,  however,  no  direct  connection  of  Manu  with  ib»  doctrine*  of  'the  Mtlnavus  comniun'icat«d  £ 
Katitilya  is  demonstrable,  see  above  1911,  p.  74S.  "««wic»«ea  rn 


100  •  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [,1  UNK,  1918 

biased  partisan  of  his  master.  The  second  peculiarity  of  his  work  that  deserves  notice  is 
that  he  presents  only  one  small  section  of  the  ArthaSastra  (yat  hitHCit ).  He  omits 
everything  that  is  concerned  with  the  actual  reality  of  the  life  in  the  State,  the  State  affairs 
proper,  such  as  Administration,  Control  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  Administration  of 
Justice,  etc*.,  in  fact,  those  very  things  which  impart  to  the  Kautiliya  an  incomparable  value; 
in  our  eyes  ;  oral  least  ho  dots  not  go  beyond  the  most  general  maxims.  Surely  he  was 
no  statesman  but  a  typical  Pandit  ;  in  fact,  even  his  work  is  characterised  by  his 
commentator,]).  137,  &HiMthakai\tf9#rarup(i.  'i.e.  didactic  ]>oetry.  The  subjects  which  chiefly 
interest  him  are  those  that  bear  on  abstract  concepts,  and  may  be  discussed  even  by 
laymen  with  a  vmiwmblance  of  political  discernment  :  such  parts  of  the  Sastra,  f.>r  instance, 
as  have  offered  material  to  Bhanivi  in  sai'ga  1  and  2  of  the  Kiratarjmriya.  and  Al.-igha  in 
the  2nd  sarga  of  the  Sisupala.vadha  for  their  descriptions  and  for  inan\  ingenious  bon* 
mot*.  Such  is  not  the  case  with  a  science  that  is  handed  dovMi  traditionally  and  studied 
ina  school,  but  rather  with  a  Siistra  which  the  author  knows  principally  from  Jwmks  and 
from  which  he  concocts  his  own.  In  any  case  \\c  cannot  appeal  to  Kamandaki  Jor 
establishing  the  act  ua-1  existence  of  a  school  of  the  Kautjliyas,  which  is.  intact,  here  the 
point  at  issue. 

So  far  we  have  been  treating ol  the  school  "'as  an  indefinite  abstraction  :  it  i>  absolutely 
necessary  that  we  now  com**  t'.>  the  actual  facts  of  the  case  and  try  to  <let ermine  the 
importance  of  the  school  for  the  development  of  the  Artha^astra.  \Yc  lind  information 
regarding  it  [  $,'J7  I  in  what  Kautilya  says  concern  ins  the  sources  utilised  by  him.  This 
(juostion  will  now  be  subjected  to  a  detailed  examntitioii. 

As  authorities  arc  mentioned  in  the  Kautiliya  the  following  :  the  <nlury(ili  5.*>  times,  nj)(iri 
twice,  dec  twice,  M-'mavali  5  times,  BArhaspatyAh  (>,  Au^aimsaU  0,  "Bbaradvajah  7,  ViA:"»l:ik- 
*nh  0,  Purasar.-ih  4,  Parusarali  once,  J^ira^ara.'.i  once  (for  the  latter  two  \\e  ought  perha]>s  to 
road  Par;ir,araJi),  Pisunah  0,  Kaunapadantal.i  4.  Vatavyjidhil.i  f>,  BahudautijnitraJ.i  1,  Ambhi- 
yah  (porhaps  a  mistake  for  rif>art/Ah  '.)',  besides  these,  si\  authors  ar<*  mcntiojiod  once  <»oi:h, 
Imt  probably  not  as  authors  of  Artha>astras,  see  above  IOJ1.  p.  959.  Kautilya  thus  j-efers 
to  his  predecessors  114  times--all  instances  wbcr 'in  eith«^r  he  di(Tcr>  from  them,  or  they 
differ  from  one  another — anil  then  he  expresses  his  O\MI  \ie\\s  \\itli  'iff  Kattfilt/nh  or  nr'fi 
Jiaufilyah  (altogether  72  times)  ;  o:\ly  once,  p.  17,  we  find  in  a  verse  (fat  Kaniliimfartttinani. 

This  frequency  of  contradiction  ap]>ears  tonic  to  disclose  unmistakably  an  individual 
author  with  a  pronounced  critical  tendency  and  is  in  entire4  harmom  with  the  Au>rds  of 
Kaut.ilya  quoted  above,  that  he  had  reformed  the  Arthasastra  without  Consideration  in 
-tjuite  an  independent  manner  (amawnaiidUirfam  iilu).  If  the  Kaujiliya  had  originated  in 
his  school  a  long  time  after  Kautilya's  death,  and  only  reproduced  tho.-se  of  his  doctrines 
that  in  the  meantime,  had  attained  general  recognition,  would  people  have  taken  the  same 
interest  in  carefully  no!>iii#  all  those  pmnts  in  which  the  doctrines  of  Kaujilya  differed 
from  those  of  his  predecessors  i  And  would  they  have  called  his  opponent*  near  yah  ;  ought 
not  the  founder  of  the  school  to  be  the  only  dear  yah  for  them  ? 

NOAV  it  is  highly  remarkable  that  two  rather  large  sections  of  the  work,  pp.  09-150 
and  ]))>.  197-253,  contain  no  reference  to  divergent  views.  The  former  would  have  included 
the  whole  of  the  adhyakxapracara  (pp.  45-147),  if  antagonistic  view?  had  not  J>eeii 
mentioned  on  pp.  03  and  08.  At  both  these  latter  places  the  question  is  about  the  measure  of 
punishment  for  losses  which  the  responsible  overseers  are  guilty  of  (p.  03),  and  also  about 
how  to  trace  their  crimes,0  p.  08.  Both  these  questions  relate  really  to  the  Criminal  Procev 

tf  Head  1dk*a.yo,li  for  bh<ik*(iyati  of  the  printed  edition.  ,  \ 


JUNE,  19181  REVISED  CHRONOLOGY  OP  THE  LVST  (JUPTA  EMPERORS  161 


/lure  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  Administration,  the  subject-matter  of  the 
fidra.  Tho  other  section  includes  the  4th  and  5th  atlh  i  kara  nas  :  kaniakukotlhannm  and 
yoflavrttam  npto  tho  last  adhyiiya  of  the  latter,  which  deals  with  a  topic  unconnected 
with  the  preceding  one,  namely,  |  838  |  what  should  he  done  in  the  event  of  a  prospective 
vacancy  of  the  throne.  These  two  sections,  in  which  no  referenee  i:>  made  to  any 
antagonistic  views,  have  this  in  common  that  they  do  not  deal  so  much  \\ith  general 
principles  as  rather  contain  detailed  practical  hints  :  the  (idhyafaapraritm  regarding 
Administration,  Inspection  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  the  other  about  Police,  Hud  get  and 
similar  subjects.  They  are  things  about  which  the  doctrinaire  docs  not  worry  himself,  but 
which  for  the  practical  politician  are  of  the  utmost  importance  ;  and  on  \\hich  after  all 
only  such  a  person  can  give  an  authoritative  opinion  a>  has  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
affairs  of  the  State.  If  Kaiifilya  does  not  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity  of  entering  into 
controversy  in  connection  with  these  parts  of  his  work,  the  reason  probably  is  that 
his  predecessors  never  having  dealt  with  these  subjects,  n<»  opportunity  offered  itself. 
•In  the  introductory  remarks  of  his  \\-ork  the  use  of  the  expression  prayuxa*  appears  to  show 
that  he  had  Home  such  idoa  in  his  mind:  pilbiri/d  l^blic  pldatn  ca  t/iiwinh/  iirlU<i*fi*lrfiui 
p'^'i^i^jirt/fif-h  pr(iNihf1pii,fin,t\  pn'it/a  '<a*  I  ('mi  xaiuJn'  ft/fit  Icani  idnm  ^/•///r/v^-'/yv////  l-rf((m.  . 

(T()  be    CftHltHMl'd.) 

THE  REVISED  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  LAST  GITTA  KMPGKOUS.* 

ItY  UAMKSH  CHAXJ)I!A  MAJUMDAK,   M.A.  :  CALCUTTA. 

TUB  Bhitari  Seal  of  KumAragupta  11.  has  added   three  nc\\    names  to  the  list  of  the 
(lupta   Emperors.    Dr.    iloernlc    \vho     announced    this     important    discovery    in    JASB., 
Vol.  LXVIII,  l*art  I,  p.  SS,  undertook  at  the  same  time  a  discussion  about  the  chronology 
of  these  kin^s  and  arrived  at  the  following  conclusions  about  their  dato  :   - 
Pnragupta,  A.I>.  470-  -4S5 
Narasimha^upta  (Bsd.iditya),  A.D.  185  -  -i  j.'JO 
Kuinaragupta  II,  A.J>.  r»,'JO    (accession). 

Dr.  Hoemle's  views  liave  been  generally  accepted  by  scholars.  Thus  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith 
placed  the  aoeession  of  the  three?  kings  respectively  in  -ISO,  4Sf>  and  ">.'$."»  A.D.,1  while 
Mr.  Allan  refers  it  to  A.D.  4SO,  48f>  and  o30.a 

A  few  inscriptions,  recently  discovered,  seem  however  to  invalidate  the  above  eonclu- 
-ions.  As  none  of  those  inscriptions  has  been  published  in  detail,  it  \\ill  simplify  matters 
ii  a  short  description  of  oaeh  of  them  is  given  at  the  outset. 

1.  The  first  in  point  of  importance  is  an  inscription  on  a  Buddhist  image  discovered 
at  Sarnath.  Tho  announcement,  of  this  discovery  together  with  a.  reading  of  the  dated 
portion  was  published  in  the  Annual  lit*  port  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  India. 
Part  I,  p.  22.  {  Through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  J{.  1).  "Bauer  jee  of  the  Indian  Museum  1 
had  an  opportunity  of  examining  the  estampages  of  this  and  tho  two  following  inscriptions. 
1  read  the  dated  portion  as  follows  : 

Vnrsha    $alc.  Guptdnd^   sa-ch'iliihpd'i'Chdta'luttnrf1.    hint  mini  ml'shati  Kitniumrjuptc.     mase 


"  In  the  year  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  of  the  Ouptas,  in  the  month  Jyaisluha,  while 
Kuinaragupta  was  protecting  the  earth/' 

*  This  articlo  was  submitted  for  nublicatiort  in  August  1917i  —  D.  II  13, 

1  Early  History  of  India,  3rd  Edition,  pp.  :J1  M2.2       Catalogue  of  Gupta  Coins,  XLIX,  LV,  LX. 

4  See  also  Annual  J*r  ognsa  Report  of  tho  Nortliern  Circle,  Buddhist  and  Hindu  Monuments',  1914-15, 


.  05. 


KJO  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JwNE,  li»18 

~~  2  &  3.  The  second  and  the  third  inscription*  were  also  inoi«wl  on  Buddhist  images 
discovered  at  Sarnfith.  The  announcement  of  their  discoverv  together  with  a  translation 
of  the  dated  portion  uas  published  in  the  Annual  RW*  of  tlu'  ArehirologicaJ  Survey 
referred  to  aliove. 

In  one  of  these  inscripl  ions  a  cousiderahlc  iiorlion  of  tin-   hue  containing  the  date  i* 
quite  illegible  but  enough  reuiaius  to  show  that  the  two  inscriptions  belonged  to  the  *ame 
year  and  were  probably  dated  in  identical  uonls.    1  read  the  second  inscription  as  follows  : 
ffinttitikkriiHti     *aj*<i-2Muclia'u<l-nUare  >at<'   ffininitaM   ptitAiriui    Builhayuptc 


"When  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven  years  of  the  Guptas  had  passed  away,  and  Budhu- 
gupta  Avas  ruling  the  earth." 

The  third  inscription  reads:  ....  pta  jM(f)cha{t)ta(?)d'utla'n  Hit*  Mtu(ii<iu'n 
prithiriw  Budlwgu  X  prof  fault  Va'ixakha-HiaM  xaptame. 

4.  A  copperplate  of  the  time  of  Jjudhagupta  lias  l>een  discovered  at  Damodarpur  in 
the  dist  licit  of  Diuajpur,  Bengal.  Jt  records  a  grant  of  land  in  the  Piimjuvardhaiui-bhukti. 
Jt  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Varendra  Research  Society  along  with  four  others  belong- 
ing to  the  Gupta  period.  Short  notices  of  these  inscriptions  have  been  published  in  p.  273 
of  the  Indo-ArytiH  famx  by  Kama  Pra  sad  Chanda. 

Now  the  question  arises  about  the  identity  of  Kuinaragupta  mentioned  in  No.  1.  We 
know  of  three  kiiiL"-  of  this  name  belonging  to  the  Gupta  Dynasty.  Tho  iirst  Kuinaragupta 
musf  have  died  b»'iore  \.i>.  45(»-7  *,  the  earliest  recorded  date  of  his  son  and  successor 
Skandagupta.  Kuinaragupta  of  the  later  Gupta  Dynasty  is  said  in  the  Aphsnd  Inscription 
to  have  defeated  Uanavariuman,  ^hose  reign  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt  in  the  middle  of  the 
6th  century  A.J>.  b\  the  recently  discovered  Haraha  Inscription.  Kuinaragupta  of  Inscrij)- 
tion  No.  1  with  a  date  in  I«"i4  <i.  E.  (A.D.  473-4)  cannot,  therefore,  be  identified  with  any  oi 
these,  and  must  be  identified  \\ith  Kiunaragupta  11.  of  the  Hhitari  Seal.  For  it  cannot  l>e 
niaintained,  without,  positive  evidence,  that  a  neu  ruling  dynasty  had  sprung  up  uithin  the 
home  territories  of  the  Guptas  in  less  than  six  years  after  the  death  of  Skandagupta. 

If  this  ih>  once  admitted,  the  chronological  scheme  proposed  by  Dr.  Hoeinle  and 
accepted  by  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  and  others  at  once  falls  to  the  ground.  fj  he  invalidity  oi 
their  chronological  assumption  is  also  definitely  established  on  independent  grounds. 
Inscription  No.  4  plainly  indicates  that  Budhagupta  Mas  not  merely  a  local  mler  of  Malwa 
as  has  hitherto  Keen  suppled  but  that  lism.phc  iMuidul  to  I'm  <  juvaull  aua-  blukti  or 
Northern  Bengal.  This  conclusion  is  sup]:oiUd  by  the  Sainath  Inscription  of  the  same  king 
(Nos.  2  and  3).  Now  the  latter  places  bis  reign  in  the  year  jr>8  (current)  of  the  Gupta 
Era  or  A.I>.  477-S.  According  to  the  accepted  scheme  uf  chionology,  either  Skandagupta 
or  Puragupta  must  have  been  the  Chipta  Emperor  at  that  time  and  there  is  no  place 
for  Buclhagupta,  king  of  Magadha,  before  A.D.  nSO,  thedate  of  Kumaiaguptall,  the  last  king 
in  an  unbroken  line  of  succession  that  ruled  over  Magadha. 


4  It  is  generally  asuumeci,  on  the  nuthoiity  of  the1  JunugaOh  H<ck  Inscription  (Fleet's  No.  14)' 
that  the  earli*'Ht  recorctod  date  of  Skaud«gui/ta  i»  i;,fi  (}.  E.  or  A.U.  465-6  (Allan's  Catalogue  of  Gupta 
Coins,  (1XXXV1H  ).  This  view,  howo\vr»  dors  not  fctem  to  bo  quite  con  ret*  Tho  inscription  says  that 
Ohakrapulita,  an  officer  of  Skandagupta,  renewed,  in  tho  \tar  J37,  the  embankment  cf  the  Sudarsuna 
lake  which  had  burst  in  the  year  136  in  con&rqi:cj.cc  of  cxctaahc  ruin.  It  doen  not  necessarily  follow 
from  this  that  Chakrapalita  was  aheady  on  tffieer  under  {^kendagupta  ,  when  the  dam  of  the  lake  had 
actually  burst,  and  there  remains,  tKerefoic,  no  groind  for  the  supposition  that  Skandogupta  had 
ascended  the  throne  as  early  as  136  G.  E.  or  A,I>. 


K,  19JSJ  REVISED  CHKOXOLOGY  OF  THE  LAST  GUPTA  EMPERORS  163 

Let  us  now  examine  the  grounds  on  which  Dr.  Hoerule  5  based  his  chronological  theory. 
He  accepted  a<*  true  the  statement  recorded  by  Yuan  Chwang  that  Mihirakula  was  defeated 
by  king  Balfiditya,  of  Magadha,  and  identified  this  Baladitya  with  Narasiiiihagupta  of 
the  Bhitari  Seal  on  the  ground  that  the  latter  "  calls  himself  Baladitya  on  his  coins.  " (} 
He  then  pointed  out  that  as  MihirakulaVs  linal  overthrow  in  India  look  place  in 
about  A.D.  530  "  it  follows,  that  Baladitya  in  whose  reign  Mihirakula's  overthrow 
took  place  must  have  reigned  down  to  about  A.T>.  580  " 7  and  accordingly  adjusted  the 
dates  of  Puragupta,  Xarasimhagupta  and  Kumaragupta  II. 

This  argument  is  considerably  weakened  by  two  considerations.  In  the  first  place,  wr 
need  not  Jay  too  much  stress  on  a  tradition  recorded  by  Yuan  Chwang,  specially  when  \\c 
remember  that  his  information  about  Mihirakula  was  anything  but  satisfactory*  and  that 
the  credit  of  defeating  Mihirakula  is  given  to  Yahodharman  in  the  Mandasor  Inscription. f| 
In  the  stx'ond  place,  the  identity  of  the  Bfiladitya  of  Yuan  Chwang  and  Narasiriiha- 
gnpta  Baladitya  is  anything  but  certain,  for  wo  know  from  a  Stirnuth  stone  inscription  1(1 
that  there  wen*  at  len>t  threw  kings  of  the  samo  name.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
evidence  on  which  J)r.  Hoerule  based  his  chronological  scheme  must  be  pronounced  to  be 
very  weak.  It  might  ha \ebeen  provisionally  accepted  in  his  days  in  the  absence  of  anv 
other  evidence,  but  we  must  be  prepared  to  give  it  up  as  soon  as  more  definite  information 
is  forthcoming.  Such  informations  are  furnished  by  the  inscriptions  noticed  above  and  it 
is  therefore  high  time  to  reconstruct  the  whole  chronological  .scheme  on  this  new  basis. 

It  will  tollow  from  what  has  been  said  above  that  the  total  period  of  the  reign  of 
Puntguptn  and  Narasiiiihagupta  cannot  possibly  be  more  than  IS  years,  from  A.I).  455-0  the 
last  recorded  date  of  Kumaragupta  I.  to  A.D.  473-4  th e earliest  date  of  Kumaragupta  II.  Thi> 
in  itself  is  uot  inadmissible  but  the  difficulty  is  caused  by  the  fact  that  we  havo  to  place 
during  the  same  period,  the  great'  emperor  fcikandagupta  whose  known  dates  range  front 
A.D.  45(>  7  to  A.I>.  407-OS.  This  raises  once  more  the  question  of  relationship  of  Skandagupta 
to  I'ura^upta,  a  question  which  has  never  l>een  satisfactorily  answered.  As  SkaiidajL^upta 
had  certainly  ascended  the  throne  in  less  than  a  year's  time  within  his  father's  death, 
Puragiiptu  could  not  possibly  have  preceded  him.  Puragupta  could  therefore  be  either 
(1)  tlie  successor,  (2)  the  contemporary  or  (3)  identical  with  8kandagupta.  Let  us  no\\ 
consider  the  probability  of  each  of  these  points  of  view. 

(1)  Dr.  Hoernle  ll  looked  upon  Puragupta  as  successor  of  Skandagupta  and  this  vie.u 
has  been  generally  accepted.  As  beheld  that  Narasiiiihagupta  ruled  in  A.  D.  530,  ho  naturally 
argued  that.  the.  interval  of  75  years  between  this  date  and  the  earliest  recorded  date  of 
Skandagupta  "can  be  more  easily  filled  up  by  t  \\ogeuerations  including  three  reigns  than  by 
two  general  ions  including  only  two  reigns,  i.e.,  by  assuming  that  Skandagupta  and  Puragupta 

r*  Dr.  Hopnile  has  now  considerably  modified  his  theory.  »S**e  J I! A .S. ,  1901*.  pp.  128-!).  He  would 
now  identify  I'unigupta  with  Skandugupl a  and  plurr  the  Jailer's  death  at  about  A.T>.  48f>,  the  other 
portions  of  tin*  olironological  solieine  ivinaining  intact.  Tho  ot her  .sc-holars,  liowevcT,  have  accepted 
the  original  chronological  scheme  laid  down  b\  Dr.  Hoemle  apparently  on  the  same  grounds  as  were  put 
forward  by  him.  U  is  therefore  necessar}  to  examine  these  grounds. 

<•  Op.  cti.,  p.  97.  :  °P-  c^-«  1>-  9»»- 

s  This  is  clearly  proved  by  the  fact  that  he  platvs  Mihirakula  ••  somo  ^cuturieg  ago  "  although 
the  latter  must  have  Flourished  hardh  more  than  ft  centurv  before  him. 

11  Fleet's  N«»s.  33,  34.  l'   Flee  '»  (Sup'a  luwriptiotw,  No.  79. 

11   fclfv  footnotes  above- 


164  THK  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JITNB,  1918 

were  brothers,  succeeding  one  an  other  and.  being  themselves  succeeded  by  Narashiihagupta."  12 
According  to  the  new  scheme  of  chronology  put  forward  above  the  interval  totweeu 
the  latest  date  of  Skandagupta  and  the  earliest  date  of  Kumaragupta  II.  is  reduced  to 
tally  ti  years,  and  not  only  does  it  invalidate  Dr.  Hoernle's  argument*,  but  it  .seems  also 
to  be  fatal  to  his  conclusions.  For  if  we  hold  Puragupta  to  be  the  successor  of  Skanda- 
gupta the  two  reigns  of  Puragupta  and  Narasiiiihagupta  would  have  to  be  crowded  in  the 
short  space  of  less  than  ti  years,  a  theory  not  deserving  of  serious  consideration  without 
strong  evidence  in  its  support. 

(2)  Dr.  Fleet  was  of  opinion  that  "there  was  a  formal   division  of  tin*  Karly   Gupta 
territories  in  the  generation  of  Skandagupta  and   Puragupta   or   some  dissension  between 
them."13    This  implies  that  both  Skandagupta  and    Puragupta  wen-   eon t em] iorary  kings 
over  different  portions  of  the  Gupta  Empire. 

The  Bhitari  Stone  Pillar  Inscription  of  Skandagupta  records  his  achievement  as  crown 
prince  and  as  well  as  emperor,  and  we  are  told  that  he  erected  there  an  image  of  the  god 
Vishnu  in  order  to  increase  the  religious  merit  of  his  father.  It  is,  therefore,  certain  that 
he  succeeded  his  father  in  those  parts  of  his  dominions. 1i  The  Junauailh  Rock  Inscription 
of  the  year  1 38 l5  records  that  Skandagupta  selected  Parmulatta  a<  his  jrowrnor  over 
Surashtra,  and  the  latter  appointed  his  son  Chakrapalita  as  the  governor  of  the  city. 
We  are  told  that  Chakrapalita  renewed  the  embankment  of  the  Sudarbana  lake  in  the 
year  137.  Skandagupta  must,  therefore,  have  come  into  the  possession  of  the  western  parts 
of  his  empire  immediately  after  his  father's  death.  These  considerations  seem  to  show  that 
Skandagupta  inherited  the  empire  intact  from  his  father  and  there  could  not  possibly  have 
been  any  formal  division  of  the  Gupta  Empire  on  the  death  of  Kumaragupta  i. 

It  may  be  contended  that  Puragupta  rebelled  against  his  brother  ;«t  a  later  date  and 
«arved  out  a  dominion  for  himself  and  his  successors.  Thi,svie\\  i>.  however,  opposed  to 
the  testimony  of  coins. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  Kumaragupta  I.  introduced  a  new  type  «»f  M!\  cr  coinage  for 
the  home  territories  of  the  Gupta  umpire  and  this  type  is  commonly  found  in  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  Gupta  empire.  Skandagupta  imitated  this  type  of  coins:  four  of  them  are 
dated  in  141,  four  others  in  146  and  one  in  148.  This  shows  that  Skandagupta  wan  in 
possession  of  those  parts  down  to  the  end  of  his  reign.  On  the  other  hand,  the  available 
•coins  of  Puragupta  are  all  of  the  "Archer"  type  and  closely  resemble  iu  style  Skanda- 
gupta's  heavier  issues  which,  according  to  Mr.  Allan,  belong  to  a  later  period  of  the  reign 
And  to  the  most  eastern  Gupta  dominions.1'5  These  numismatic  considerations  certainly 
do  not  favour  the  theory  of  a  division  of  the  Gupta  empire  in  Skandagupta \s  reign,  or  the 
•contemporaneity  of  the  reigns  of  Skandagupta  and  Puragupta. 

(3)  We  next  come  to  the  question  of  the  identity  of   Puragupta  and    Skandagupta. 
The  Bhitari  seal  of  Kumargupta  11.  favours  the  supposition.  It  traces  the  genealogy  of  the 
Gupta  dynasty  from  Gupta  up  to  Kumaragupta  I.    and  then  continues  :  "His  son  (was)  the 
Maharajadhiraja  the  glorious   Puragupta,  who  meditated   on  his  feet  (latyMl 

(and)  who  was  begotten  on  the  Mahadevi  Anantadevi." 

11  Op.  cit.t  p.  96.  J»  Abova,  1*00,  p.  L)kJ7. 

14  Allan's  Oupta  Coin*,  p.  xlvi.  *  Fleet's  No.  14. 

16  Allan's  Gupta  Coiiut  pp.  xov,  cii,  120-133. 


JUNE,  1918]  REVISED  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  LAST  UUJ'TA  EMPERORS  165 

As  Dr.  Hoernle  admitted,  the  expression  latpddanudkyata,  applied  to  Puragupta  in  the 
Bhitari  seal,  seems  to  indicate  him  as  having  been  the  immediate  successor  of  his  father 
rather  than  a  remoter  successor  of  him.17  As  Skandagupta  is  known  to  have  been  the 
immediate  successor  of  his  father,  the  natural  presumption  is  that  Puragupta  was  but 
another  name  of  Skandagupta.  This  view  was  discarded  by  Dr.  Hoernle  on  the  ground 
that  it  seemed  "  hardly  probable  that  in  such  genealogies  the  same  person  would  be  called 
by  different  names  "1&  and  even  when  later  on  he  assumed  the  identity  of  the  two1'  he  was 
at  a  loss  "  how  to  account  for  the  two  names  of  the  same  person.  ?1  2° 

Such  instancies  of  double  names  are,  however,  not  unknown  even  in  the  Gupta  dynasty. 
C'handragupta  IT  had  a  second  name  Devagupta  and  both  the  names  occur  in  the 
genealogical  list  of  the  Vakajaka  kings.  Thus  in  the  Chammak  village  grant  of  Maharaja 
Pravarasena  TI,21  the  donor's  father,  is  said  to  have  married  Prabhavati-Gtipta,  daughter  of 
the  MakarAjfidhirftjti,  Sri- Devagupta,  while  a  copperplate  grant  of  Itudrasemi"  calls  the  same 
Prabhfivjiti  Gupt/i.  daughter  of  Chandragupta  Tl.  Another  instance  may  he  quoted  from 
the  inscriptions  of  the  Pala  dynasty.  The  fourth  king  of  I!UN  dynasty  is  generally  known 
as  Vigrahapala,  but  in  the  Bfwlal  pillar  inscription  of  the  time  of  Narayaiiapala23  be  is 
mentioned  under  the  mtmo  of  'Surapala.  These  instances  are  calculated  to  obviate  the 
objection  raised  by  Dr.  Hoernle,  against  the  identity  of  Puragupta  andSLo-ndagupta. 

Numismatic  considerations  also  support  the  identity  of  Skandagupta  and  Puragupta. 
All  the  coins  attributed  to  Puragupta  are  exactly  similar  to  the  coins  of  Skandagupta  with 
the  difference  that  on  one  coin  alone  the  two  letters  Pu,  ra,  are,  written  vertically  beneath 
the  left  arm  of  the  king  in  place  of  the  haters  /Sfra,  nfla.  As  a  matter  oi  fact,  before  the 
discovery  of  the  coins  with  the  letter?-.  P?/  ra  the  other  similar  coins,  now  attributed  to 
Puragupta,  used  to  be  attributed  to  Skandagupta.-4  If  it  is  assumed  that  Skandagupta 
had  a  second  name  Puragupta,  all  these  coins  may  be  without  any  difficulty  attributed  to 
Skandagupta  himself. 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  the  new  inscriptions  seem  to  be  fatal  to  the  accepted  view  that 
Puragupta  succeeded  Skandagupta.  They  certainly  favour  the  supposition  that  the  two 
names  wore  identical  although  they  do  not  absolutely  preclude  the  theory  that  Skanda- 
gupta and  Puragupta  were  rival  kings. 

As  has  been  pointed  out  above,  Bndhagupta  can  no  longer  be  looked  upon  as  a  mere 
local  ruler.  Wo  learn  from  Inscription  No.  4  that  his  kingdom  included  Pumlravardhana 
or  Northern  Bengal,  from  Nos.  2  and  3,  that  it  extended  up  to  Sarnath,  and  from  the 
Erau  stone  pillar  inscription  25  that  it  included  the  country  between  the  rive  IB  Narmada 
and  Jamunft.  He  must  be  said,  therefore,  to  have  been  in  possession  of  a  fair  portion  of  the 
Imperial  Gupta  territory,  if  not  the  whole  of  it,  and  there  remains  no  ground  for  relegat- 
ing him  to  the  position  of  a  local  ruler. 

Now,  the  Sarnath  inscriptions  (Nos.  2  and  3)  definitely  prove  that  Budhagupta  was 
ruling  there  in  158  G.E.  or  A.I).  477.  The  Bhitari  seal  of  Kamaragupta  IT  places  this 
monarch  as  well  as  his  two  predecessors  in  an  unbroken  line  of  succession  from  Kum£ra- 

"  Op.  cit.,  p.  93.  1R  find. 

19  JRAS.,  1909,  p.  129.  -[]   Ibid. 

2'  Fleet's  No.  55.  22  Above,  1912,  p.  215. 

23  Ep.  Ind.,  II,  p.  161.  24  Allan's  Gupta  Coins,  pi  cii. 

25  Fleet'  8  No.  19. 


100 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JtrNK,  1918 


gupta  1.  It  would  follow  therefore  that  the  reign  of  Kum&ragupta  II  was  closed  before 
A.D.  477,  at  least  in  the  Sarn&th  regions,  and  this  inference  is  in  full  agreement  with  the 
Sarnath  Inscription  (No.  1)  which  gives  us  the  date  A.D.  473-4  for  Kumaragupta  II. 

As  a  result  of  the  foregoing  discussions  the  following  reconstruction  of  the  chronology 
of  the  last  Gupta  emperors  may  be  offered  with  confidence  on  the  basis  of  the  newly 
discovered  inscriptions  mentioned  above: — 

Kings.  Known  dates .  Probable  period* 

1.  Skandagupta  or  Puragupta, ")  *„**»« 

or                        >  AJ)-  456-7—467-8  A.D.  456-468 
Skandagupta  and  Puragupta  ) 

2.  Narasimhagupta  Nil.  A.D.  468-472 

3.  Kumaragupta  11.  A.P.  473-4  .    A.D.  472-477 

4.  Budhagupta  A.  D.  477-8— 494-5  AD.  478-500 
The  relation  of  Budhagupta  to  his  predecessor  cannot  be  easily  determined.     It  is 

natural  to  look  upon  him  as  the  immediate  successor,  if  not  the  son,  of  Kumaragupta  II, 
but  it  is  not  impossible  that  he  was  a  successful  rebel  in  the  west  who  had  gradually  forced 
his  way  to  the  imperial  throne.  The  fact  that  no  gold  coins  of  Budhagupta  have  been 
discovered  as  yet,  is  certainly  difficult  to  explain.  It  may  bo  supposed  that  the  coins 
bearing  simply  the  c  Aditya  legends '  like  Prakasaditya  and  DvadaAaditya  really  belonged 
to  him,  though  at  present  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  they  were  so.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  may  very  well  be  that  he  did  not  survive  his  usurpation  of  the  imperial  throne  for 
a  sufficiently  long  time  to  institute  the  gold  coinage. 

The  reconstructed  Gupta  chronology  clears  up  our  knowledge  about  the  history  of  the 
period  in  some  respects.     To  take  only  one  instance,  the   history  of  the  so-called  later 
Guptas  becomes  more  definite  and  more  consistent.     The  begining  of  this  dynasty  cannot 
be  placed  later  than  the  commencement  of  the  sixth  century  A.D.,  because  the  fourth  king 
of  this  dynasty,  Kumaragupta,  who  also  belonged  to  the  fourth  generation  of  kings,  was  a 
contemporary  of  Isanavarmman  and  therefore  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  6th  century  A.D. 
According  to  the  hitherto  accepted  chronology  of  the    last  Gupta  emperors,  the   lirst  half 
of  the  6th  century  is  covered  by  the  two  reigns  of  Narasimhagupta  and  Kumaragupta  II, 
the  former  of  whom  died  in  about  A.D.  530.     We  have  thus  to  suppose  that  the  first  four 
kings  of  the  later  Gupta  dynasty  were  contemporaries  of  these  Gupta  emperors,  although 
the  available  evidence  shows  that  all  of  them  ruled  over  Magadha.    The  scheme  of  Gupta 
chronology  reconstructed  above  gives  a  very  natural  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  later 
Guptas.     The  last  lineal  descendant  of  the  mighty  Gupta  emperors  died  some  time  after 
A.D.  473-4.     The  throne  was  then  occupied  by  Budhagupta  whose  latest   known  date  is 
A.D.  494-5.    We  have  no  definite  information  of  any  other   Gupta  king  occupying  the 
imperial  throne  of  Magadha  and  this  is  quite  consistent  with  the  supposition  that  a  new 
dynasty  of  local  kings,  probably  scions  of  the  Gupta  Emperors,  was  established  at  Magadha 
at  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century  A.D. 

In  conclusion,  I  may  refer  to  an  article  on  the  "  Gupta  Era  and  Mihirakula  "  contributed 
by  Mr.  K.  B.  Pathak  to  the  Bhandarkar  Commemoration  Volume,  recently  published  by 
the  Bhandarkar  Oriental  Research  Institute,  He  has  read  the  5th  word  in  the  Sarn&th 


JUNE.  1918  J 


BOOK  NOTICE 


167 


Inscription  No.  1  as  Sasati  instead  of  rakskati,  but  the  latter  reading  is  quite  clear  on  the 
estampage.  Besides,  he  holds  Kumaragupta  of  the  S&rn&th  inscription  to  be  the  son  and 
successor  of  Skandagupta,  and  different  from  Kumaragupta  of  the  Bhitari  seal.  Further, 
he  takes  Budhagupta  II  ( sic )  as  son  and  successor  of  Kumaragupta  of  the  Sarnath 
Inscription.  As  he  furnishes  no  reasons  for  these  hypotheses,  I  am  unable  to  discuss  them 
n  the  present  paper.  I  do  not  know  of  any  evidence  which  either  establishes  the  existence 
of  Budhagupta  II  or  proves  the  relationship  assumed  to  exist  between  Skandagupta, 
Kumaragupta  of  the  Sarnath  Inscription,  and  the  so-called  Budhagupta  II. 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


THE  SANSKRIT  POEMS  OF  MAYURA  AND  B ANA'S 
CANpisATAKA,  edited  with  a  translation,  notes  and 
an  introduction  by  G.  P.  QUACKENBOS,  A.M., 
Ph.D.  (Columbia  University  Indo-Iranian  Series, 
vol.  9.)  New  York.  1917. 

PROF.  JACKSON,  the  general  editor  of  the  Series, 
is  to   bo   congratulated  for  the  success  of  his  pupil 
Dr.  QuackenboH,  who,  by  bringing  out  this   critical 
edition  of  the  poems  of  Mayura  and  tho  CandUataka* 
has    not    only    preserved    tho    reputation    of    tiio 
Columbia  editors  but  has  actually  increased  it.    To 
handle  and  study  the  artistic  and   iiieo  volumes  of 
this  series  is  a  pleasure  to  a  Sanskrit  scholar  v  hose 
hard  lot.  is  to  read  old  and  worn-out  MSS.  or  cheap 
Indian  editions.  Jn  the  Introduction  Dr.  Quackenbos 
has  very  ably    discussed    anything  and  everything 
concerning  MayOra,  the  contemporary  and  rival  of 
Baiiabhattu.     His  criticism  of    the    poems  ie   just. 
Original    and    romantic    indeed   are  the    following 
remarks  on    tho    origin    of  the    Candtsntaka  : — "  1 
cannot  refrain  from   hazarding  the   suggestion  that 
}>erhap8  the   (hituJ'^alaka  was  written    by    Bana  to 
propitiate  the  anger  o  fhis  wife  by  praising  the  foot 
with  which  she  hud  spurned  him.     The  reader  will 
remember  how  Mayura,  while  eavesdropping,  heard 
a  lover's  quarrel  in  progress  between   Baua  and  his 
wife.  Buna  was  saying  :  *O  faithful    one,    pardon 
this  one  fault  ;  I  will  not  again    anger  thec/     But 
she  spurned  him  with  her  foot,  and  Mayiira  heard  her  I 
anklet  tinkling.     Then  Bana  recited  a  propitiatory  j 
stanza  (Gatnprfiyh  rfitrih  krsatanu  $asi    firyata  iva 
Pradipo'ya1''     iiitlritvasfim    vpayato   yhtirnita    iva  ; 
Praniimdnto    IHIIIKUS    tyajani    i\n   Wha'pi   krudham 
aho      Kuca-pratyasatti/a     hrdayamapi    te      ttubhru 
kathimm)     in    which    he    addressed     his    angry 
spouse  as  subhrti,  'fairbrowed'.  Thereupon  Mayura, 
unable  to  restrain    his    propensity    for    punning, 
interrupted  the  quarrel    and  said  :  *  Don't  call  her 
eubhrd  (Subhru    was    one  of  the  six   krttikiis,  the 
Pleiades,  who   were  accounted  the  BIX  mothers  of 


Skanda ;  Cancli  was  his  seventh  mother)  but  Candi* 
j  which,      punningly,      moans     «  Don't      call      her 
fairbrowed,    but  a    vixen/    Mny  not,  therefore,  the 
title  CamlUataka   have  tho  underlying  meaning  of 
4  The  Hundred  stanzas  to  tho  Vixen  ?'  The   matter 
is  all  legend,  or  mostly   all  ;  but    speculation,  even 
in  legend,  is  not    without  interest."    (p.  247,  foot- 
note).   Simultaneous    propitiation   of    one's   Deity 
and  lady-love  is  not  unknown  in  Sanskrit  literature 
(e.  (j.,  Kalharia,  in  his  Rajntamhtjiii",   Vll.  1,  refers 
to  ftiviiHs  simultaneous    praiwo  of  Hanrfhyd    and  of 
his    consort)    and    douhfc    entente    is    the    play  of 
Sanskrit      poets      and      commentators.     If      tho 
suggestion   of  Dr.    Quackenbos  bo    communicated 
to    orthodox     Sanskrit     pandits,    wo     may     soon 
expect  a    ^rnfjarapak?iyatlka      of   the  Caw]1£atnku 
which     would    be  a    parallel    to   tho     devotional 
interpretations    of    tho    Ainnrui>atnku,    tho  Caura- 
jMHca&ik&     and     the     ftrhtfjiratilakfi    of   Kalidasa. 
The  text  of  tho  pooins  has  been   edited    critically. 
The    Mayuraitaka  ho*?  been  printed    for  the    first 
time    from     the     unique    birch  bark    tidradd  MS. 
in  the  Tubingen     University    Library.     The  other 
poems   wore  printed    many    times  in    India    and 
Dr.     QuackonboH     has    given     all      the     different 
readings  of    those    editions   and  also  the  readings 
of  tho  sokax  as  quoted  in  the   various  anthologies, 
works    on     poetics,    etc.      The    translation    is    a 
faithful     one    following    tho  interpretation  of  tho 
commentaries  printed   in    the  Kdryamdlu,   editions 
of    the   jSttryatataka   and  CftnilUfitaka.     The  editor 
has  also  added  various  explanatory  notes. 

We  have  noticed  all  its  good  features.  As  for 
its  defects,  there  are  a  few  mistranslations  and  a 
few  misleading  notes  as  examples  of  which  we 
may  mention  the  following  :  (1)  p.  21 — purfr 
mamvatijayinya™  6'r?  Vjjayinya*1  puri  :  'Formerly 
in  ...  Amaravati  UjjayinS,  feri  Ujjayini.'  (It  ought 
to  be  'in  fen  Ujjayini  which  surpassed  Amaravati — • 
tho  city  of  the  Lord  of  Devas.')  (2)  p.  272-* 


168 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


L  JUNE,  1918 


Kuvaiayakalikd-karnap&rddarena;  'out  of  regard 
for  her  ear-ornament.,  an  imitation  lotus  bud  '— 
an  oar-ornament  iu  the  shttpo  of  a  lotus.'  (Tne 
commentary  explains  'Nilatpato-kaiibl-rApa* 
KarpapCirah*  ;  here  rnpa  does  not  mean  snap* 
but  indicates  identity  of  the  two,  i.e.,  the  lotu* 
tself  is  the  ear-ornament.  For  lotus  a* 

ear-ornament,     cf Bluiwrit     putrapremtu 

Kuvalayadaiaprapi  karne  karoti.    MeghadQta  I.  48). 

(3)     p.     J09 — Dr.      Quackonbos      identifies       lln1 

4  Mountain    of      Sunrise  *     (Uduyagiri)     with     31 1. 

JMcru.  But  these  two  are,  aceording  to  tlioPuritnu*. 

diil'erciit ;    Udayagiri    is    located   to    tlio   oast    <>t 

Bharatavarsa,  tho    southernmost   countiy  of    tlir 

JombudvJpa  in  tho  ccntro  of  \vhich   is   Mt.  Meru 

Thus  Udayagiri  is  to  the  east  of  India,  whereas  Ml 

Meru    is   to   its    north.    (4)    pp.    231-5 — Bhupalal 

tati-bhaskarunvaya-bhuvah      kc      niima     nVw'idil" 

Bharttiram      punar     eka     eva     hi      bhunitt     tch".' 

(leva  manydmahc  ;  Yeni^-'nija?1.1  purimrxya  Kintlaiuin 

a*ha'kr*ya       vyitdaaydyatani      Colam     p  nifty  n     cu 

inadhyadc&am     adhuivi     Icancyii™'      karah     jmtitah. 

Dr,    Potorson    supposed     that    this    sloka    refers 

to   tho    conquests    of    Harsavardhana,     Mayura'b 

patron.     But  as    his  conquest     iiovor    extended  to 

Southern    India,   Dr.    Ettinghausen    boliovos  (and 

Dr.  Quackeiibos  also    seems    to  believe)  it   to   be 

u  stanza   written   before  a  campaign,   forecasting 

what  Harsa    intended    to  do.     But  it   cannot  bo  a 

forecast.  The   suffix   ta   (kta)    of  patitah   refers  to 

past    tense    only.     Here    it    has  been   used   with 

adhuiui  (now)  and  thus  tho  past  sense  is  modified 

a  little  BO  as  to   mean  immediate  past  or  in  other 

words  Present    Perfect    Tense.   It  cannot    refer  to 

future.    Hence     we    must    take    the    stanza    not 

as  a  forecast   but  as  *  Praise  in  the  conventional 

exaggerated  style  of    a  poet   given   up  to  punning 

and  without  any  reference  to  historical  accuracy.' 

SURENPRANATH  MAJUMDAIt   SASTRI. 

PARTUA-PARAKRAMA  VYAYOGA  OF  PAIIAMAUA 
PKAHLAi>ANAPEVA,  edited  with  introduction  by 
0.  D.  DALAL,  M.A.  Baroda,  1917.  Price 
Annas  six. 

IT  is  the  fourth  volume  of  th  •  Gaekwad'a  Oriental 
Series  which  was  welcomed,  a  few  months  ago, 
in  my  review  of  the  first  volume — Kdvya-mimdmsd. 
The  work  under  review  is  a  vydyoya  or 
«ii  one-act  drama  on  military  spectacle.  The 


subject    matter     is   the     par&krama    of     POrtha 
(Arjuna)  in  defeating   tho  army  of  tho  Kauravas 
and  recovering  tho  OOWB   of  Virata,     The  author 
is     PrahlAdanadeva,     tho    youngor     brother   and 
Yuvartja    (AJ>.    1  102-1207)  of   king    Dlulravarsa, 
the  Puramara  ruler    of  ChandravatJ     and     Mount 
Aim.     Prahladana    was     famous    us     a     warrior, 
plijlanthropist     and     poet.      The    author     of    the 
Kirtikainnudl  says  that  this  royal  bard  made   tin1 
Goddess  of  Learning,  who  was  afllioted  with  sorrow 
on  account  of  the  death  of  JMuiija  and  Bhoja,   again 
delightful    by     dramatizing     a     beautiful     story. 
He  also   describes   our   poet  in   a  praeasti  as   tho 
incarnation    of   ^ai'ojdtfcina&amhhavdi    ((Joddess    of 
Loarniug)  or  of  tho   heavenly   cow.  Though  these 
descriptions  have  been  prompted  by  what  Visakha- 
datta  refers  to  (in  his  Mmlrarfiksftxn)  as  4<  Fluwttiti 
xr*1  'Hthfty'i'h    k$iti  ixitiniuMtiitdt  nipt  tjunaih         prcthlid 
rattt''*iit'tyiih  sa  khtnu"    Ihis  Vyuyoga  exhibits    <>ur 
royal    bard's  skill  in  drawing  word  -pictures  ancl  in 
delineating  the  tfwtbh  -'ivokti  alai,  karri  ns  an  example 
of  which  1    quote  :  — 

<  t  ojd  n  -atitrawtt  n  ituvupu  *tt  h       prekfyu        f>>  <  ^juty  i  - 


S  rair-iimkharitainahfl  kudhramtM  ran' 


Udhorodh  <"<d-(iiaxa<jatayo>i>y&su  bhityfi 

tAh     Kwupatihati*    (  hTlit  ?)    tn&taras- 


It  contains  many  line  passages  some  of  which 
reminds  the  reader  ot  similar  incidents  described 
in  tho  VcnfsHiH  hit.ru  and  tho  Dhattuitjaya-vijuya- 
vyayotja  which  treats  of  the  same  subject. 
Though  our  poet  is  skilful  in  writing  fine  verses 
and  is  thus  really  a  praliliidaiia  (gladdener),  he  is 
not  very  artistic  in  the  manipulation  and  develop- 
ment of  the  plot.  His  stylo  is  (Jawli  He  intro  - 
duces,  in  his  PrciBtavaua,  a  Sth&paka  in  addition 
to  tho  tiutradltaru.  The  Prakrit  passages  insert 
y  to  avoid  hiatus  (tho  Ya-£ruti  of  Jaina  Prakrit)  — 
a  iKiculiarity  f)robably  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
MSS.  belonged  to  Joina  Bhajularas.  The  editor 
has  performed  his  duty  very  satisfactorily  ; 
his  introduction  is  learned,  and  there  are 
only  a  few  printing  mistakes  (e.r/.,  road  hltd  for 
hatd  in  thettoka  quoted  above,  vartavara  for 
var?adJtara  in  p.  13,  Acdrya,  vicdryatdm  for 
A  cdryavi  c  &ry  Mm.  ) 

SURENDRANATH  MAJUMDAH   fc)ASTRl, 


JULY    1018  J  i'HE  HlNDOLA   MAHAL  AT  MAXDU  1(30 

THE  VAl'LTlXi;  SYSTEM  <)K  THE   HIXJ)OLA  MAHAL  AT  MAXDU.* 

BY   I'APTAIN   K.  A.  C.  CIJ  KS \VF.LL.   \\..\.V\ 

T  OOKJXCJ  through  the  Annual  Keport  of  the  Archa^olo^ul  Sur\e\  of  India  for  llMtt,  I 
was  much  struck  with  the  interior  of  the  Hindola  Marui.1  at  Mandu.  wlneh  J  think  must 
possess  one  of  the  mo*t  remarkable  vaulting  systems  in  Jndia.  This  building  is  T-shaped 
in  plan,  and  consists  of  a  great  Durbar  Hall  (Plate  I,  \)  SS.1,  feet  k'ng  1>\  '24  \  feet  broad 
and  38,1  feut  high,  forming  the  stem,  and  a  cross-piece  in  two  stoiv\>.  The  Around  Hoor  of 
the  latter  is  taken  up  by  passages,  storerooms,  a  stain\a.y  and  a  broad  ramp  leading  to 
the  upper  lloor,  \\here  there  is  another  line  hall,  a  glimpse  of  \\hieh  i*.  MTU  through  the 
window  over  the  door  at  the  end  of  the  Durbar  JJall. 

As  may  be  seen,  the  vaulting  system  ol  the  iireat  Durbar  Hall  eoiisi^N  ot  a  series  n\ 
transverse  arches  evenly  <%paeed  ;  the  backs  of  these  arches  are  tilled  up  level,  but  the 
rooting  between  then)  hnu  disappeared  as  longaijn  a^  1S4L*  '  The^e  1ian-\er-.e  ai'ehes  mav 
have  be'Mi  ennnected  either  by  a  *eriV»*  of  barrel  vault.s  ruiinin*.,  at  liiiht  duties  to  the  axis 
of  the  hall,  or  by  means  of  brains  of  \\ood  or  stone.  Mr.  ('oiisens-  sui:neM-  u  that  the  nK>f 
was  supported  on  wooden  beam*,  whirh  have  been  eajTied  oH.  ;i>  ha-  hfippeimd  in  s«>  many 
Imildings  at  BijApur  and  other  places/'  In  vieu  of  the  tremendous  abutment  provided 
(Plate  1,  1^)  H  is  diln'cultto  l>elieve  that  it  can  have  been  roofed  \\ith  anxthin-  lighter  than 
stone.  I  venlure  to  suggest  that  il  was  j-oofed  by  a  series  ot  barrel  \ault-  icstiuo  oji  tho 
transverse  arches,  and  jny  reason  for  doing  so  will  beenme  clear  in  the  course  <>t  this  article. 

The  Lrreat  feature  of  this  vaulting  system  \\hich  Jmmediatch  strikes  one  i.s  that,  owint' 
to  the  roof  being  carried  on  fixed  points  spaced  well  apart,  the  \\all  between  them 
becomes  merely  a  curtain  wall,  which  may  be  pierced  nt  will  and  lateral  huhtinur  obtained, 
as  in  (Gothic  vaulting.  With  a  simple  barrel-vault  running  from  one  end  ot  the  hall  to  the 
other  it  is  very  difficult  to  do  this.  J  shall  therefore  attempt  to  irate  this  somewhat 
unusual  solution  to  its  earliest  type,  a  type  in  A\ Inch  this  potentiality  toi  Literal  lighting 
is  not  realised,  and  in  which  the  arches,  placed  seldom  more  than  six  <>i  -even  lect  apart, 
are  roofed  with  stone  slabs  and  never  vaulted.  This  primitive  t§\  pe  can  be  traced  hack  to 
the  commencement  of  the  Christian,  era,  .vhen  it  is  found  in  Nahata'an  tombs  xtill  existing 
in  the  «lebel  Ran  ran  (the  country  lying  S.  K.  of  Damascus). 

The  Na  bat  loans,  who  were  once  thought  to  have  been  Arauueans  on  account  ot  their 
language,  have  been  shown  by  Xiildeke  and  others  to  have  been  tine  Arabs  \\ho  made  use 
ot  Aramaic,  for  literary  purposes-  all  their  inscriptions  are  in  Aramaic  -because  Arabic  had 
not  at  that  time  developed  into  a  literary  language".  Our  knowledge  ol  lliem  may  be  said 
to  date  from  the  Hellenic  period,  when  we  hear  of  Antigonus  sending  his  genera- 1  Atheiueus 
against  them  in  312  B.C.,  previous  to  which  we  know  practically  nothmu  about  them.  At 
this  time  they  were  nomads,  without  agriculture;  nevertheless  they  \\ere  ureat  traders. 
The  -first  ruler  (™/*«woy)  of  whom  we  hear  is  Aretas,  with  \\homJasnn.  the  Hijih  Priest, 
sought  refuge  in  10!)  Jt.c. ;  The  Nabatauins  got  their  chance  on  the  tall  of  the  empire  of 
tho  Ptolemies  and  the  Seloueids,  and  their  kingdom  may  be  said  to  date  from  Krotimus, 

*  Hepriiited  with  additions  from  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Institute  of  JJrifi*h  .\r-*luHcl*. 
I   .4.  ilescripti'tn  of  the,   Ruined  City  of  Mamloo.      Ity  a  Subaltern.     J'ombay,    iS54-      (I'refac*-    dated 
June,  1842.)     See  pages  10-17. 

Survey,  Ani'tnl  R'ljrjrt.  1903,  p.  32  n.  y  Mace.,   V\ 


170 


THE  INDIAN  ANT1Q17ARV 


[  JULY,  1018 


about  110-100  B.C.  In  84  B.C.,  the  Nabatoan  king  Aretas  1IJ.  took  Damascus  from 
Antiochus  XII.  :  it  was  recovered  by  Herod,  23  B.C.,  but  it  again  changed  hands  nineteen 
years  later,  being  taken  by  Aretas  IV.  in  4  B.C.  In  A.  D.  100  the  Nabatean  kingdom, 
which  now  comprised  Bostra  (Hauniu)  and  Petra,  was  converted  into  a  Roman  province 
(Provincia  Arabia)  by  Cornelius  Palma,  the  Roman  governor  of  Syria.* 

As  might   be  expected,  the  architecture  of   the  Hauran  was  governed  by  local 
conditions.    Like  the  mountains  of  the  Hauriin,  the  entire  region  is  one  in  which  black 

basalt  is  the  only  rock. 
except  at  its  southern- 
most extremity,  where 
limestone  appears  ass  a 
building  stone  in  the 
ruins  of  Ku^air  al-Halla- 
but.r*  The  country  does 
not  produce  any  timber, 
and  this  quite  material 
necessity  became  the 
mother  of  invention  ami 
led  to  the  discovery 
of  new  constructive 
methods.  Thus  the  arch, 
the  sole  means  of  covering 
wide  spaces,  became  the 
principal  element  of  con- 
struction and  a  Aeries- 
of  parallel  arches  support- 
ing ceiling  slabs  (Fig.  J  ) 
M»rved  to  cover  most  oi 
pi,,  ]  their  halls.11 

The  architecture  of  this  region  is  divided  by  Itatler  into  five  group*:—  (1)  The 
Prehistoric-  -a  rough  megalithic  style  without  any  indication  of  date  ;  (2)  The  Xabatwan  : 
(3)  The  Roman  ;  (4)  The  Christian  :  (5)  The  Muhammadan.  The  first  historical  period 
is  the  Nabatiwm,  the  earliest  monument  of  which  that  can  be  accurately  dated  is  placed 
by  him  c.  GO  B.C.  It  may,  of  course,  have  begun  somewhat  earliei  ,  and  it  lasted  until 
A.D.  UH>  when  the  Roman  period  commenced,  and  continued  until  the  time  of  Constantine. 
The  Roman  and  Christian  periods  have  much  reduced  the  Nabatean  remains,  but 
many  scattered  details  of  very  characteristic  ornament  and  numerous  inscriptions  in 
Xabataean  script  remain. 


r>f   tie  Xaba'as  m 


*  Sohurer,   (E.).     Hi 
People,  Div.  I,  Vol.  2. 

5  Butler  (H.  C)-     Awi'.nt  Archittc.'vrs  /n  Pyria,  Sect-  A,  p 

•  De  VogUc.    Nyr/e  Gentrale.  tome  I,  p.  0. 


»>eini:  Appendix    ii.  to  his 


ry  °f  tlt€ 


Indian  Antiquary 

VAULTING  SYSTEM  OF  HINDOLA  MAHAL,  MANDU.  Plate  I. 


A.  The  Hindola  Mahal  (Interior) 


B.  The  Hindola  Mahal  (Exterior), 


C.  Tak  Aiwan.    (From  Dieulafoy : 
L  Art  antique  de  la  Perse}. 


JULY,  1918] 


THE  HINDOLA  MAHAL  AT  MANDU 


171 


Butler,  like  De  Vogue,  emphasises  the  fact  that  "  the  architecture  was  the  most  truly 
lithlc  that  the  world  has  ever  Hccn  ;  it  was  entirely  of  stone,  sometimes  even  to  the  doors- 
and  window  shutters." 7  It  offers  a  marked  contrast  to  that  of  Northern  Syria  in  plan,  prin- 
ciples of  construction  and  ornamental  details — in  all  those  things  that  go  to  make  up  style.8 
For  the  roofing  of  all  narrow  apartments  stone  slabs  were  employed ;  when  the  width  did 
not  exceed  9  feet  the  space  was  reduced  by  corbels  to  about  6  feet,  and  slabs  slightly  over 
this  length  were  placed  across.  The  wall  was  always  carried  up  above  the  corbels  to  weight 
thorn  and  keep  them  in  place.  When  broader  spaces  were  to  be  roofed  an  arch  was 
thrown  across,  the  haunches  of  the  arch  were  filled  up  level  with  the  side  walls,  and  long 
slabs  were  laid  from  these  side  walls  to  the  central  line  of  support  thus  provided.  Corbel- 
ling was  used  at  the  same  time  to  further  help  the  cross  slabs.  In  roofing  a  space  that  was 
very  long  as  well  as  over  9  feet  in  width,  two  or  more  transverse  arches  were  used,  giving 
a  series  of  transverse  supports  all  down  the  hall.  The  Druses  of  the  FTaur.-.n  build  tbeir 
houses  in  this  fashion  at.  the  present  day. 

Tombs  wore  wholly  or  partially  excavated  in  the  ground  und  paved,  walled  and  roofed 
with  stone.  One  of  the  earliest  found  is  described  and  illustrated  by  Butler.  Jt  is  roofed 
with  arclies  which  support  slabs  (Fi&.  *2),  and  eight  stehr  with  Nalwtiwm  insertions  were 
found  in  it  ri 


NABATAEAN 
TOMB- 


Fig.  2. 

7  Butler,  Anc.ient  Architecture  in  £yr>a,  p.  68. 

8  Butler,  Architecture  and  other  Arts,  p.  310- 

0  Ancitnt  Architecture  in  Syria,  p.  206  and  ill.  186. 


Another  p.  207,  also  illustrated. 


172  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1918 

Some  examples  of  this  form  of  rooting  were  published  by  De  Vogiie  fifty  years  ago. 
Recently  the  ground  has  been  thoroughly  gone  over  by  the  Princeton  Expedition,  \vhich 
has  published  and  described  many  new  buildings.  Confining  myself  to  those  which  are 
•dated,  I  have  compiled  the  following  list  : — 

A.I). 

345.     Church  of  Julianog  at  Umm  al-Jamal.lu 
371.     Pratormm  at  Umm  al-Jamal.11 

412.  Kasr  al-Ba'ik,  near  the  Avestern  border  of  the  southern  Hauraii.  A  Greek 
inscription  states  that  it  was  built  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Arcadius 
under  the  dux  Phil.  Pelagios,  A.D.  412.1- 

430-1.  A  small  house  at  al-Majdal,  iu  which  it  occurs  on  the  ground  floor.ia 
508(?)    Church  No.  1  at  al-Umtu'iyah.     Inscription  gives  date  which  may  possibly 

be  A.D.  f>08.14 

f>15.     Church  of  8.  George  at  Zor'ah,  dated  410  of  the  Era  of  Bosra  (•— A.D.  51f)).*3 
578.     House  of  Fhivios  Scum— a  Hoinan-Nahata?an  name — at  al-Haiyfit.lu 
024-5.     Monastery   of   S.  Govirge   at,   Sameh.     This    date   is    exceedingly   late    for   a 
Christian  inscription  to  be  found  in  situ  in  Syria,  ah  Islam  had  been  proclaim- 
ed and  Christian  Arabia  was  on  the  point  of   extinction.     Bonni,   however, 
had  not  fallen  and  the  country  was  still  under  the  protection  of  the  Empire.17 
Let  us  now  stop  a  moment  to  examine  the  exact  ration  d-c.tr>1  of  this  roofing  system. 
Being  a  country  of  stone,  the  people  naturally  hail   a.  predilection  for  the  lintel,  and  used 
it  wherever  possible.     Where,  however,  this  was  not  possible  they  nsod  the  arch,  arid  it  may 
well  be  asked,  why  did  they  not  make  the.  arch  continuous,  and  thus  form  a  barrel- vault. 
I  think  the   answer  must  be  that,  as  they  were  not  acquainted   with  the   Mesopotamia^ 
method  of  building  a  vault  without  centering  by  using  flat  bricks  in  rings  sloping   back- 
wards  at  a  considerable  angle  against  a  head   wall,  any  barrol-vuult  built  by  them  would 
have  required  considerable-   timber  for   the  centering— a  serious  matter.     By  building  a 
series  of  separate  arches,  however,  the  same  piece  of  centering  could  he  used  over  and  over 
again    a*   soon   as  one  arch  had  set,  thus  reducing  the  timber  required  to  an  absolute 
minimum,  and  their  favourite  lintel  method  could  be  used  as  a  final  covering.     Tn  all  these 
early  buildings,  however,  the  fact  that  the  roof  is  borne  on  points  of  support  spaced  at 
regular  intervals  permits  the  piercing  of  the  side  walls  for  lateral  lighting.     Yet  out  of  the 
large  number  of  examples— some,  thirty  or  forty— described  by  De  Vogue  and  Butler,  there 
are  not  many  in  which  this  opportunity  has  Veen  realised,  and  even  in  these  cases  it  has 
only  been  made  use  of  in  a  timid  and  halting  manner,  small  square  windows  piorccd  at 
irregular  intervals,  and  not  in  each  bay,  being  all  that  is  attempted. 

The  Persians  must  have  been  acquainted  with  this  system  at  a  fairly  early  date,  since 
it  is  found  in  the  palace  built  about  50  miles  south  of  Mosul  at  Hatra  w  (or  al-Hadr)  by  the 
Parthiww,  (Plate  II,  B)  whose  dynasty  came  to  an  end  in  A.D.  22(5.  It  was  left  to  the  keen 
•architectural  insight  of  the  Persians  to  realise  its  potentialities  fully  and  to  carry  it  to  its  firml 

10  Ancient  Architecture  in  Syria,  pp.  173-17(5.  n  Hid,  pp.  160-106. 

12  Ibid,  pp.  81-83.                         W  Ibid,  pp.  120-122.  1*  Ibid,  p.  92. 
is  De  Vogue,  Syrie  Centirdte,  tomo  T,  pp.  61-62  and  plate  21. 

lfi  Butler,  Ancient  Architecture  in  Syria,  pp.  362-363.  i:  Ibid,  p.  85. 

i*  Andrae  (Dr.  W.).  Hatra.  Deutscbs  Orient-O*sellschaft.  Wissenschaftliche  Veroffeutliohungen, 
NOB.  9  and  21.  It  occurs  in  Room  15 — see  Abb.  21  and  228. 


JULY,  1918  ] 


THE  H1NDOLA  MAHAL  AT  MANDU 


173 


development.  They  wore  responsible  for  two  innovations,  (a)  they  were  the  first  to  use 
barrel-vaults  to  connect  the  transverse  arches,  thus  making  it  possible  to  place  them 
farther  apart,  (/>)  they  pierced  windows  in  each  of  the  curtain  walls  between  these  arches 
and  thus  obtained  excellent  lateral  lighting,  ao  that  when  Dieulafoy  saw  the  ruins  of  the 
earliest  building  of  this  type,  he  was  irresistibly  reminded  of  a  Gothic  cathedral. 

This  building,  known  as  Tak  Eivaii  or  Kut  Gap/in,  stands  at  Karkh.  This  town,  which 
is  known  in  Syriac  as  Karkha  de  Ladan,  was  founded  by  Shapur  II.  who  died  A.  i>.  379. 
Although  seen  by  Rawlinson  in  1838,  1!J  it  was  first  surveyed  and  described  by  Dieulafoy 
some  thirty  years  ago.-0  It  is  raised  on  a  sub-basement  connected  with  an  immense 
rectangular  enclosure,  to  which  it  probably  formed  a  monumental  gateway.  In  its  present 
state  it  consists  of  a  gallery  about  GO  feet  long  by  27  fool  broad  (Plate  1,C),  which  originally 
formed  one  of  the  arms  of  a  long  hall,  the  centre  of  which  was  occupied  by  a  dome.  Each 
arm  was  spanned  by  transverse  arches  (aros-doubloaux)  brought  up  level  and  joined  by 
barrel- vaults  (foiinerets)  Plate  1 1 ,  A  shows  Phone  Spiers'  restoration  and  Figs.  3  and  4  explain 


&.        fSr. 


(Fig.  3  £  4.) 

the  vaulting  system  in  detail.  The.  curvature  of  the  transverse  arc  lie*  was  found  to 
correspond  to  a  radius  equal  to  half  the  width  of  the  hall,  hence  semi-circular  arches  are 
shown  in  the  restoration.  If  we  boar  in  mind  the  restrictions  imposed  by  longitudinal 
lighting,  the  very  groat  step  forward  here  taken  will  be  realised. 

We  now  come  to  a  building  which  every  writer,  with  the  exception  of  Professor  Max 
van  Berchem,21  has  regarded  as  Muhammadan.  This  is  Kusair  Kharimeh,  which  standi  in 
the  country  lying  east  of  the  Jordan,  the  Moab  of  the  Old  Testamo  nt,  or  the  steppe  of 


19  Jourmi  of  the  Royal  Gw/raphical  Society,  Vol.  IX,  p.  71. 

20  L'Art  Antigu?  de  la  Perse,  tome  V,  pp.  79-87.      2l  See  Journal  de*  Savants,  1909,  pp.  400-408. 


174  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

Balqa,  whore  so  many  of  the  Umayyad  Khalifs  passed  a  groat  part  of  their  lives.  Our 
vaulting  system  occurs  in  three  halls  on  the  upper  floor,  but  although  the  transverse  arches 
are  joined  with  barrel-vaults,  windows  are  not  pierced  in  the  bays  (Plate  II,C).  In  this  respect 
it  is  unique  among  Muhammadan  buildings  vaulted  in  this  fashion,  which  fact  appears  to 
me  to  lend  further  support  to  Prof,  van  Berchem's  views  as  to  its  pre-Muhammadan  date. 
As  for  the  date  of  Kharaneh,  a  terminus-ad  quern  is  fortunately  provided  by  the  preservation 
on  its  wall*  of  the  last  three  lines  of  an  inscription  painted  in  black  and  copied  by  Dr. 
Moritz,22  which  runs,  "  .  .  Amir  said  it  and  Abd  al-Malik  the  son  of  Uhayd  wrote  it  on 
Monday  three  days  remaining  from  Mufiarram  of  the  year  ninety-two  (  -=A.D.  710)."  Dr. 
Moritz  suggests  that  Abd  al-Malik  was  probably  a  member  of  al-Walid's  suite  on  his  return 
from  the  visit  to  Mecca,  which  he  made  in  A.H.  91,  (709),and  wAich  is  recorded  by  Tabari 
and  Ibn  al-Athir. 

A  few  hours  west  of  Kharaneh  stands  Kusair  '  Amrah,  first  seen  by  Professor  Musil  in 
1898,  and  completely  surveyed  by  him  in  1900  and  1901  under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial 
Academy  of  Sciences  of   Vienna.    The  feature,  of  course,  which  concerns  us  is  the  hall 
roofed   with   three  barrel-vaults  resting   on  transverse   arches  with  windows  in  the  bays 
between  them  (Plate  II,D),  but  the  unique  feature  of  the  building  is  its  rich  and  well- 
preserved  wall-paintings  which  are  fortunately  combined  with  inscriptions   enabling  us  to 
lix  its  date  within  very  narrow  limits.  The  two  most  important  pictures  are  one  representing 
ilie  Khalif  enthroned,  with  an   Arabic  inscription  too  damaged  to  be   deciphered,  and 
another — a  group  of  six  figures — representing  the  enemies  of  Islam,  four  of  whom  may  be 
identified    by   their  inscriptions   as   Kainar  (the   Emperor  of  Byzantium),  Roderick  (the 
Ostrogoth).  ( 'hosroes  (King  of  Persia)  and  Negus  (King  of  Abyssinia).     It-  must  therefore 
have  been  built  after  A.D.  711,  when  the  Arabs  first  came  in  contact  with  Roderick  at  tlie 
battle  of  the  Guadaletc.     On  the  other  hand,  Professor  Musil  lias  brought  together  detailed 
historical  evidence  from  the  Kildb  al-Ayhflni  and   other  works  to   .show  that   it  must    have 
l>eeii  built  by   the    linayyads,  who  have  been  shown  both  by  him-3  and  by  Lammens-4 
to  have   been    real    Arabs   of  the    desert,    fond   of  hunting,    wine,  poetry,     and  the  free 
open-air   life,  hating   towns  and  neglecting  their  capital,  Damascus,  whenever  possible — 
Muhaminadans  in  name  but  not  by  temperament      Especially  was  this  the  case  with  Walid 
1.  a  half- Bedouin,  who  already,  when  heir  to  the  throne,  had  selected  the  steppe  of  Balqa 
(Moab)   as  his  dwelling  place.     He  combined  with  this  a  real  craze  for  building  and  the 
Kittih  al-Ayhtini  especially   mentions   pleasure    palaces    built   by    him.     Professor  Musil 
suggests  that  just  as  Tuba,  lying  in  the  Wadi  Ghadaf,  probably  corresponds  with  Aghdaf 
so  it  is  probable  that  Kusair  '  Amrah — half  hath,  half  hunting-hox — must  be  one  of  the 
Umayyad  palaces  mentioned   in  early  Arabic  literature,  concealed  under  a  name  that  is 
modern.     As  the  Umayyad  dynasty  came  to  an  end  in  A.T>.  750,  this  fixes  the  other  limit. 
Basing  his  opinion  on  convincing  arguments  as  to  the  identification  of  the  two  remaining 
figures  which,  however,  I  cannot  enter  into  here  for  want   of  space,    Professor  van 
Berchem  has  narrowed  down  the  probable  date  to  A.D.  712-715.25 

This  fixes  the  date,  more  or  less,  for  a  building  scarcely  a  mile  away,  known  as  Hammam 
as-Sarakh26,  since  its  plan  and  dimensions,  as  well  as  the  number  and  arrangement  of  its 
rooms,  are  almost  identical.  One  chamber  even  is  roofed  with  three  barrel-vaults  resting 
on  transverse  arches  with  windows  in  the  bays,  just  as  we  have  already  seen  (Plate  II,  D). 


22  Ausfluyc  lu  der  Arbia  Petrcea  :  Mtlanjex  de  la  Faculte  orierttale ,  Beyrouth,  tome  III,  p.  422. 

w  Husejr^'Amra,  pp.  151-160. 

21  La  h&dia   et  la  hfra  sous  leg  Omaiyades :  Melanges  de  la  Faculty  orientate,  Beyrouth,  tome  VI 

pp.  91-112. 

25  Journal  des  Savants,  1909,  pp.  304-370. 
2«  Butler,  Ancient  Architecture  tn  Syria,  Sect.  A,  pp.  77,  78,  and  Appendix,  pp,  xix-xxv,  with  plan*. 


Indian  Antiquary 
VAUL11JNG  SYSTEM  OF  HINDOLA  MAHAL,  MANDU.  Plate  II. 


JULY,  1018] 


THE  HINDOLA  MAHAL  AT   MANDr 


175 


Butler  has  also  published  a  description  of  an  exceedingly  early  mosque  at  Kuwait 
al-Hallabat.27  Jt  measures  10.10  m.  by  11.80  m.  and  is  divided  by  two  rows  of  five  archer 
carried  on  columns  and  engaged  piers  (Fig.  5).  The  walls  are  levelled  up  above  the  arches 
and  barrel-vaults  are  turned  upon  them.  He  suggests  that  it  belongs  to  the  eighth  or 
ninth  century.  This  mosque  has  a  concave,  mihrab,  which  he  expressly  states  was  built 
with  the  walls,  and  not  added  afterwards.  As  the  concave  mihrab  does  not  go  back  to  the 
earliest  days  of  Islam,  this  is  important,  as  it  gives  us  a  clue  to  its  date.  According  to 
Makrizi,  the  first  to  introduce  the  concave  mihrab  \vas  lUumr  ibn  'Abd  al-Aziz  when  he 


ACTVAL  STATE- 


restored  the  mosque  at 
Medinah  by  order  of  the 
Khalif  Walid,  A.  H.  87-8K 
(  705-700  ).  The  mihrub 
was  copied  from  the 
Christian  apse  and  for  this 
reason  was  received  with 
some  reluctance  by  Islam, 
in  fact  it  is  defined  as 
the  least  hol\  part  of  the 
mosque  and  t  lie  Imam  is 
earnestly  A\  timed  not  to 
take  up  his  station  within 
SECTION'ArB'RESTORED-  it.--  In  keeping  with  this 

(Fi^r.  r>. )  statement,  the  exceedingly 

early  niihrab  in  tlir  mosque-court uird  of  the  eighth  century  palace  of  rkhaiuir  is  entirely 
without  decoration,  and  is  a  simple  rectangular  recess  roofed  with  a  semi-dome  set  on 
horizontal  brackets  :  the  archivolt  consists  of  a  double  ring  of  vou^soirs.  Though  the  first 
Egyptian  mosque  \va^  built  by  *Amr  ibnal-.V  in  A.  i>.  042  it  was  not  given  a  concave 
mihrab  until  its  third  enlargement  in  A.  D.  710.  The  mosque  at  Ku-air  al-Hallahat  must 
therefore  have  been  built-  after  A.  I).  700  a- 1  the  earliest.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  scarcely 
likely  to  be  later  than  the  early  part  of  the  ninth  century,  as  it  has  not  a.  distinctively 
Mubammadan  appearance,  and  we  know  from  ninth-century  buildiniis  a.t  Saniarra,  and 
from  the  mosque  of  Il»n  Tulun  at  Cairo  (A.  i>.  87<>  S7J)),  that  strong  individuality  had  been 
acquired  by  that  t  ime. 

The  Jast  early  instance  tbat  T  shall  quote  occurs  in  the  palace  of  Ukhai.lir,  discovered  by 
Massignonin  10OS,  a-ud  by  Miss  Bell,  independent l\ ,  in  11MM.)  An  interest inii  example  of  our 
vaulting  system  is  found  in  one  room  (Miss  Hell's  Room  3'2)  in  which  t  he  windows  are  not  pierc- 
ed, but  simply  blocked  out  (Plate  111.  A.  and  Fi>.  (1).  This  palace  may  he  placed  c.  AD.  750. 
The  finest  and  most  beautiful  example  to  be  found  in  the  Middle  East  is  undoubtedly 
KhanOrthmaat  Baghdad  (Plate  11I,C),  which  will  a-t  once  be  recognised  as  having  the  closest 
possible  affinity  with  the  Hindola  Mahal,  indeed  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  anywhere  two 
interiors  so  nearly  identical.  Uieulafoy  and  General  l)e  Boy lit'--'1  attribute  this  building 
to  the  twelfth  century,  and  Baron  von  Oppenheim  says  that  it  doubtless  belongs  to 
the  times  of  the  Khaiifate-0  (ended  AJ>.  1258)  1  find,  however,  that  Commander 
J.  F.  Jones,  who  saw  it  in  1840,  states  that  it  bears  the  date  758  (=-A  r».  135(t-7).al  This  is 

-«  Ibid,  pp.  74-77  and  Appendix  xvii-xix. 

"*    »^ell(U.  L.).     Palace  and  M<wqw  at  UkhatJir,  pp.  U7-151. 

2.1  Pronic  ct  Namarrn,  p.  33.  30   Vom  Mittelwcr  zum  Pcrftischr/i  Volf,  Hand  II,  p.  241. 

si  Memoir  on  the  Province  of  Baghdad.     Selections  from  the  Kocord*  of  the  Bombay  Government, 
XL11I— New  Series,  p.  316. 


176 


THE  INDIAN  ANTJQCARY 


(JULY,  191S 


the  year  in  which  the  Mcrjauiyeh  Mosque  was  Imilt,  of  whose    rnthnuiicnt   Klwn   Orthma 
forms  part.     Perhaps  the  dating  inscription  may  have  since  (lirvippearcfl 

the 


dale   of  the 

Hindoht  Mahal,  (.-apt.  -Barnes 
states1-'  that  it  eannot  be  fixed 
\vith  exactitude,  as  no  inscrip- 
tions. \\ere  discovered  during 
the  repair.-,  a.ud  he  had  not 
succeeded  in  finding  a  specific 
reference  to  it  jji  any  history. 
He  considers  it,  however,  to 
he  one  of  the  earliest  Mu  ham- 
inadan  Imildiu^s  at  Alfmdu. 
Thi:*  IN  proUible  for  two  rea- 
son*, (a)  it^  sloping  walls  which 
recall  fourteenth  -century  build- 
ing at  Delhi,  (b)  the  fact 
that  a  lariM-  number  of  the 
faein^  stones  bear  on  their 
innei  >idc-  the  images  of 
Hindu  irods  or  remains  of 
Hindu  nniitment,  while 
broken  images  were  ioiincl 
mixed  indiscriminately  with 
the  nibble  eon*.  Hu  suggests 
that  the  building  whieh  it  most 
resembles  in  its  sloping  walls 
and  decorative  features  is  the 
t<>mb  of  Muhammad  Tughlaq 
at  Delhi  (d.  Ktt4).  However, 
1  do  not  think  \\e  need  assume 
that  it  is  <|iiite  a>  old  as  that. 
Fir.stl\  .  one  \\ould  expect  the 
stvle  of  a  ])rovincial  building 
to  lag  some  forty  or  fifty  year* 
behind  that  of  the  capital  :n 
secondly,  the  tomb  of  Muham- 
mad Tu  gh  lac  i  is  the  very 
earliest  in  Delhi  with  sloping 
walls  ;  there  are  several  later 
examples  which  may  have  influenced  the  Mandu  architect. 

32  Conservation  at  Mandu  and  Dhur.     .1.  N.  1ml.,  Annual  Report*  1W.J  4,  p.  :U. 

33  As  an  example  of  this  I  would   cite  the  following  ease  takon  from  the  field  oi    piUmogrniihy.     As 
is  well  known,  the  Kufic  charactor  was  employed  for  all  liisl/orical  iiiaciiptioiis  in  I'^.vpt  down  lo  the  iidl 
of  the  Fatimide  dynasty.     The  curved  character,  however,  was  employed  in  Sy  riabei  ore  this  ev«*iit.  f.f/.. 
on  the  minbar  made  by  order  of  Nftrad-Din  for  the  mosque    at  Aleppo.     This  mln^tr  is  dated  H.  oG4 
(11(58),   and  was  moved  by  Saladin  to  the  mosque  of  el-Aksa  at  Jerusalem,  when-  it  still  ih.     It  is  /Ihw- 
t  rated  in  the  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  Vol.   I  v  plate  V]  II.     The  latest    historical  insci-iption  in  Kufic    in 
Cairo    is  in  the  Mosquo  of    aa-SolUi  TalA'i  and   iy   dated  H.  555  (H60).    The  earliest    in  the  curved 
character  is  dated   576   (1180-1).     In  the  largo  towns  of   the    provinces   the   last  Kufic    inscription 
<  Alexandria)  is  dated  H.  583(1187-8)  and  the  ttrst  in  the  curved  character  (Alexandria)  is  dated  in  the 
same  year.  In  the  small  towns  of  the  provinces  the  last  Kufic  inscription  (Kiis)    is  dated  H.  5l>8   (1172) 
and  the  first  in  the  curved  character  (Desuk)  is  as  late  as  H.  594(1197).    See  M.  van   Berchem  :   Corpus 
2  H»Griptionum  Arabicarum,  1,  p.  719. 


-..••*'.'•  -'.ySfrv.-  -.- 


VAULTING  SYSTEM  OF  HINDOLA  MAHAL,  MANDp.        Plate 


m. 


A.  Ukhaidir:  Miss  Bell's  Room  32. 
(From  Dr.  Oskar  Reuther :  * 
Ocheidir}. 


B.  Aiwan  in  the  ruiried  palace  of  Machi, 

near  Hawzdar. 
(From  G.P.Tate:  Seistan}. 


JULY,  1918]  THE  HINDOLA  MAHAL  AT  MANDU  177 

This  view  receives  further  support  from  the  historical  evidence.     Mandu  was  finally 
conquered  by  the  Muhammadans  in  1305,  and  was  ruled  by  governors  appointed  from 
Delhi  until  Dilawar  Khan  declared  himself  independent  in    1401.     Like  his  predecessor, 
Dilawar  Khan,  although  he  spent  several  months  of  the  year  at  Mandu,  resided  at  Dhar, 
and  Mandu  only  became   the  capital  on  the  accession  of  Husharig  (1405-1434).     Although 
Mandu    owed    most   of    its    splendour    to    Hushang,    we   know    from  inscriptions  that 
Dilawar  Khan   also   erected   buildings  there,  viz.,  the  Tarapur  Gate**   and  the  mosque 
named  after  him.     This  mosque,-*14  as  well  as  the  Lat  Masjid  at  Dhar,  built  by  him  in  1405, 
are  both  constructed,  like  the  Hindola   Mahal,  of  Hindu  remains.     I  think,  therefore,  on 
historical  and  archaeological    grounds,  that  the  Hindola  Mahal  was  probably   built  in  the 
first  quarter   of   the  fifteenth  century,  either  by  Dilawar  Khan  or  Hiishang,  the  chances 
being  in  favour  of  the  former. 

Before  closing  I  give  here  (Plate  III,  B)  an  interesting  example  of  an  aiwfm  vaulted 
in  this  fashion. *«  This  building  stands  at  Maehi,  near  Hauzdar  on  the  trade  route 
through  Scistan,  and  was  perhaps  built  about  A.  i>.  1000. 

Postscript.— In  the  iirs't  part  of  this  article,  when  speaking  of  Ka^r  Kharanch,  I 
said  that  Prof.  M.  van  Berchern  did  not  accept  the  view  that  it  is  a  Mnhammadan 
building.  His  reasons  for  doing  so  are  as  follows.  Kusair  '  Anirah  is  not  fortified, 
and  no  one  would  expect  it  to  be  since  the  Umayyads,  masters  of  a  great  part  of  Asia, 
had  no  need  to  fortify  their  residences  when  these  lay  wel'  within  the  boundaries  of  their 
empire.  On  the  other  hand  Kharanch  as  well  as  Mashita,  Tuba,  'Amman  and  Abyad  are 
fortified  buildings  of  Mosopotamjan  type  adapted  to  the  plan  of  the  caxtra  of  the  Roman 
7/me.v,  such  as  Qastal.  He  discusses  the  matter  at  considerable  length,  and  concludes  that 
the  hypothesis  which  attributes  these  buildings  to  the  Ghassan ides,  who  were  Syrians  and 
Christians,  is  improbable  owing  to  the  complete  absence  of  Christian  symbols  and  the 
presence  of  fragments  of  images  at  Mashita,  as  well  as  the  Dion\siac  interpretation  of  the 
fagade  suggested  by  CVrmont  Clanneau.  Further,  Mashita  and  Kharftnch  are  strongly 
influenced,  if  not  entirely  inspired,  by  Persia  and  Mesopotamia.  Now  the  Lakhmids  were 
of  Mesopotaanian  origin,  and  the  inscription  of  Ncmara  proves  that  at  the  commencement 
of  the  fourth  century  the  Lakhinid  king  Imrulqais  was  allied  with  the  Romans  and  Persians, 
and  that  his  rule  extended  to  the  Roman  boundary  east  of  the  Hauran.  He  may  well  have 
felt  the  need  of  frontier" forts  and  Tuba,  Amman,  Mashita  and  Kluiraneh  form  just  such  a 
line  of  advanced  j>o-;ts  towards  the  west.  Prof,  van  Berchem  therefore  places  them  in 
the  fourth  century.  1  submit  that  in  the  sorios  of  buildings 'dealt  with  in  this  article, 
Kharaneh,  by  reason  of  the  absence  of  windows  in  the  bays,  falls  more  naturally  into  the 
fourth  than  into  the  eighth  century,  and  that  support  is  thus  lent  to  Prof,  van 
Borchem's  theory. 

33  Zafar  Hasan.  The  Inscriptions  of  Dhar  and  Mdndu:  Epigraphia  Indo-Moslemica,  1909-10, 
pp.  18-19. 

3*  Barnos  (Capt  E.),  Dhar  ani  MandA  :  Journ.  Bombay  Branch  oj  the  Royal  Asintit  £ottely. 
Vol.  XXI,  p.  384. 

*  Tale  (G.  P.)     Seistan,  plate  to  face,  p.  136. 


17H 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JULY,  1918 


THE  FAKUQ1  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH. 
BY  LT..COLONEL  T.  W.  HAIG,  C.M.U. 

(Continued  from  p.  149.) 

THE  peace  was  not  long  kept  between  the  imperial  troops  and  the  armies  of  the  Oakan. 
Each   side    accused  the  other  of  bad  faith,  but  there  appears  to  have  been  some  excusable 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  position  of  the  southern  frontier  of  Berar,  and  the  Dakanis, 
who  accused  theMuglmls  of  breaking  the  peace  by  occupying  Viithri  and  other  places  beyond 
the  limits  of  Berar,  attacked  some  Muglml  posts  which  were  unquestionably  within    that 
province.     The  Mughuls  could  adduce  some  evidence  to  show  that  Pathri  was  included  in 
Berar,  and  there  seems  to  bo  no  doubt  that  the  responsibility  for  the  renewal  of  hostilities 
lay  with  the  rulers  of  Ahmadnagar,  who,  having  obtained  help  from  Bijapur  and  Golconda. 
decided  to  make  an  attempt  to  expel   the  imperial  troops  from  Berar.     Abang  Khan  of 
Alimadnagar  appealed  for  help  to  Ibrahim  4Adil  Shah  11  of  Bijapur,  who  sent  to  his  assis- 
tance a  force,  well  supplied  with  artillery,  under  the  command  of  his  best  oflieer,  the  eunuch 
8uhail  Khan'  A  contingent  under  Mahdi  Quli  Khan  was  also  supplied  by  Muhammad  Quli 
Qutb  Shah  of  Golconda,  and  the  allied  army  of  the  Dakanis,  (>M,000  strong,  marched  toward* 
Soiipat  cm  the  (Jodavari,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  town  of  Pathri.     The  Khankhanan. 
who  had  his  headquarters  at  .Ifilna.  at  once  assembled  his  forces  and  himself  went  to  Shah- 
pur,  to  inform  Sultan  Murad  of  the  impending  danger.     The  prince  wished  to  take  the  iirld 
in  person  but  the  Khankl.anan,  whether  from  selfish  motives  or  in  the  interest  of  the  imperial 
<«.aiise,  dissuaded  him  from  this  course,  and  himself     assumed  command  of  the  (ield  force 
with  Shahrukh   Miraa.     The  imperial   army,   uhich    mustered   no   more  than    20000  horse 
according  to  Firishta,2«  or  l.VOOO  ac.-ording  to  the  AL'lxirnnwa.  inarched    to  A&hti,    to    the. 
north  of  the  (lodavari,  and  there  entrenched  itself,  halting  for  fifteen  days  before  vrnturinir 
1o  attack  the  enemy.     The    battle    began    on     rVh.    S,     i:><>7,    according    to    Firishta,    and 
on    Feb.   17   according   to  the    AMtinrnmtt.     The   various  accounts   oi  this  extraordinarily 
complicated   battle  differ  in   detail,   but  agree  in  all   the   main  particular^  and  displax    the, 
lack  of  discipline  and  cohesion  in  oriental  armies.     In  the  army  of  the  Dakan  the  contingent 
of  A'nnadnagar  occupied  the  centre,  that  of  Bijapur  the  right.  and  that  of  Colconda  the  left. 
In  the  imperial  army   the  KhfmkliAnan  and  Shfihrukli  -Mir/fi   comman<led  the    centre  and 
Raja  <Ali  Khan  and  Haja  Ja^annath  the  right  and  left.      As  the  imprrial  troops  advanced 
to  the  attack  Suhail  Khan  opened  lire  witb  his  artillery  and  put  t\\<>  or  t  hrec  thousand  horse 
out  of  a,ction;  Raja  'Ali  Khan  with  thirty  of  his  principal  <>nicers  and  ,-)00  of  his  men  bein«r 
.slain      The  two  \\ings  of  th(^.  im]»erial  ann\    were  defeated  and  put   to  flight,  so  that    many 
of  the  men  hardly  rested  until  Micy  had  reached  Shahpur.  more  than  a  hundred  miles  distant. 
where  their  accounts  of  the  total  defeat   of  the  imperial  troops  so  alarmed  Sultan  Murad 
and  his  tutor,  Muhammad  Sadki  Kl.an,  thut   they  prepared  to    retire  I  mm  Jierar.      In  the 
meantime    the    Khankl.anan    and  Shahrukli  Mir/a  had  not   only  stood  their  ground  in  the 
centre  of  the  imperial  army  but  had  pushed  back  the  army  of  Ahmadnagar  and  captured 
the  Bijapur  artillery,  which  they  uere  enabled  to  do  by  the  disposal  ot  the  Bijapur  contin 
eeiit  who,  being  assured  of  victory,  and  scattered  in  all  directions  in  search  of  plunder.     The 
battle   had  not  begun  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  \\hen  night  fell  the  Kl  ankhanan  and 
Shahrukh  Mirza,  with  the  small  force  that  remained  to  them,  held  their  ground  on  the  field, 
while  Suhail  Khan,  who,  though  he  believed  the  defeat  of  the  imperial  army  to  be  complete. 


c  ij^  320. 


JULV,  1918  ]  THE  FAHUQI  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH  179 

had  retained  the  royal  guards  of  Bijapur  near  his  person,  bivouacked  within  a  bowshot  of 
the  remnant  of  the  Mughuls,  neither  party  being  aware  of  the  propinquity  of  the  other  until, 
after  a  watch  of  the  night  was  passed,  the  Bijapuris  lit  their  fires.  The  Khankhan&n  then 
opened  fire  with  his  artillery  and  that  which  he  had  captured  on  Suhail  Khan's  position, 
and  at  intervals  through  the  night  caused  the  great  drums  to  be  beaten,  thereby  rallying 
round  him  many  fugitives,  so  that  before  the  morning  he  had  assembled  4,000  men  to  oppose 
to  the  12,000  who  had  gathered  round  Sukail  Khan.  During  the  night  the  imperial  troops, 
finding  no  trace  of  Raja  kAli  Khan  or  his  contingent,  hastily  concluded  that  he  had  either 
fled  or  deserted  to  the  enemy,  and  plundered  his  camp.  Accounts  of  the  circumstances  in 
which  the  battle  was  renewed  in  the  morning  differ.  According  to  one  version  the  Khan- 
kVuian  refrained  from  taking  the  offensive,  believing  that  Suhail  Khm  would  ask  for  terms, 
and  the  Muirjmls  were  attacked  by  the  Dakanis  when  they  went  down  to  the  river  in  the 
morning  to  slake  their  thirst  ;  but  according  to  the  other  version  the  Mu-huls  attacked  the 
enemy  with  loud  shouts  before  it  was  light.  There  is  no  discrepancy  regarding  the  result  of 
the  battle.  The  Bijapuris  were  utterly  defeated  and  fled  towards  Kaldrug,  Suhail  Khan 
who  had  been  wounded,  escaping  with  difficulty.  The  contingent  of  Ahmadmigar  and 
Golconda,  which  had  been  put  to  flight  on  the  previous  day  and  had  barely  rallied  where  the 
BijApuris  were  defeated,  fled  headlong  and  in  sorry  case  to  A'unadimgar  and  ilaidarabad. 
Forty  elephants  and  ail  the  artillery  of  the  Dakanis  were  captured. 

When  the  corses  of  Raja  CAH  Khan  and  his  valiant  contingent  were  discovered  those 
who  had  plundered  his  camp  were  overwhelmed  with  confusion,  and  it  \\ould  appear  that 
his  banner,  kettle-drums,  and  elephants  were  restored.  11  is  body  was  carried  to  Burhan- 
pur  and  was  there  buried,  with  great  pomp,  in  the  Daulat  Maidfin.  He  was  succeeded  in 
Kl.andesh  by  hi*  .son  Qadr  Khan,  who  assumed  and  used  the  title  of  Bahadur  Shah.  The 
prince  bitterly  resented  the  unfounded  suspicions  of  his  father's  good  faith  and  the  plunder- 
ing of  his  camp  and,  with  less  wisdom  but  more  honesty  than  his  father,  consistently  opposed 
Akbar.  Sultan  Muracl  sent  him  congratulations  on  his  accession  and  invited  him  more  than 
once  to  visit  him  at  Shahpur,  but  Bahadur  Shah  e\  aded  the  invitation  on  each  occasion, 
urging  as  his  excise  the  lack  of  a  suitable  force  to  accompany  him,-  a  suttieienUy  pointed 
reference  to  the  los*es  which  his  state  had  suffered  by  its  activity  in  the  imperial  cause.  He 
could  not,  however,  refuse  Murad's  ofler  of  a  contingent  of  4,000  horse  to  be  placed  under 
his  command,  and  his  proposal  to  marry  a  daughter  of  the  Faruqi  house,  and  he  gave  to 
the  prince  a  cousin  german  of  his  own. 

Bahadur's  reign  was  troubled  by  dissensions  between  his  r/wtr.s,  but  he  was  no  roi 
fnini'tnii  and  usually  contrived  to  follow  his  own  course,  which  was  disastrous  to  him  in  the 
end. 

On  May  1,  1599.  Shaikh  Abul  Fa/,1,  Akbar's  secretary,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the 
Dakan,  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Burhanpur  and  was  courteously  welcomed  by 
Bahadur,  who  urged  him  to  remain  for  some  time  in  the  city  as  his  guest.  Abul  Fa 7 1  insisted, 
however,  on  continuing  his  march  to  join  Sultan  Murad,  but  was  delayed  by  wind  and  rain 
and  was  overtaken  by  Bahadur  Shah.  He  took  advantage  of  Bahadur's  forcing  his 
company  upon  him  to  urge  him  to  aid  in  the  conquest  of  the  Dakan,  but  Bahadur  temporized 
and  suggested  that  he  should  send  his  son  Kabir  Khan,  with  a  contingent  of  2,000  horse, 
to  join  the  imperial  camp.  He  again  urged  Abul  Fa/,1  to  stay  with  him  in  Burhanpur,  but 
Abul  Fazl  again  declined,  saying  that  he  would  have  acceded  to  the  request  had  Bahadur 
agreed  to  join  the  imperial  army  in  person.  Bahadur  then  attempted  to  conciliate  Abul 


180  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  1918 

Fazl  with  gifts,  but  he  declined  them  on  the  ground  that  his  imperial  master  supplied  all  his 
needs. 

Sultan  Murad,  who  had  long  been  drinking  heavily,  succumbed  to  the  effects  of  his 
intemperance  before  Abul  FazI,  whom  he  was  avoiding,  could  overtake  him,  and  on  May  12, 
1599,  died  at  Dihari,  on  the  Purna,  of  delirium  tremens  or  alcoholic  poisoning. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Bahadur  for  some  reason,  probably  because  it  had  virtually 
become  an  imperial  city,  conceived  a  dislike  to  Burhanpur  and  resolved  to  destroy  it  and  to 
build  with  its  materials  a  city  at  a  distance  of  about  ten  miles  from  it,  which  be  proposed  to 
name  Bahadurpur,  but  the  people  of  Burhanpur  protested  strongly  against  this  proposal. 
They  had  no  objection,  they  said,  to  his  building  a  new  city  for  himself,  but  objected  to  the 
destruction  of  Burhanpur,  which  had  been  founded  in  honour  of  the  saint  Burhan-aZ-din 
and  bore  his  name.    Bahadur  then  denied  that  he  had  any  intention  of  destroying  Burhan- 
pur, but  proceeded  with  the  building  of  Bahadurpur,  beginning  with  his  own  palace.    When 
?Hhis  was  completed  he  assembled  Sayyids,  amw,  and  all  the  principal  men  of  the  state  with 
'(jK>et3,  singers,  and  minstrels,  and  gave  a  great  feast. 

Sultan  Daniyal,  Akbar's  youngest  son,  was  appointed  to  the  Dakaii  in  the  place  of  his 
brother,  Sultan  Murad,  but  travelled  in  a  very  leisurely  manner  towards  the  seat  of  his  new 
government,  and  did  not  reach  Burhanpur  until  January  1,  1000.  After  his  arrival  in 
Burhanpur  Bahadur  »Shah  imprudently  refused  to  wait  on  him  or  to  acknowledge  his  arrival 
in  any  way.  Daniyal  was  much  enraged,  and  though  he  was  understood  to  be  marching 
southwards,  under  his  father's  orders,  to  besiege  Ahmadnagar,  and  had  already  sent  order 
to  Abul  Fazl  to  refrain  from  opening  the  campaign,  which  task  had  been  reserved  for  him, 
he  halted  in  Burhanpur  and  summoned  the  amirs  of  Berar  to  his  aid,  with  a  view  to  punishing 
Bahadur  for  his  insolence.  To  all  demands  for  reparation  for  the  insult,  which  included 
the  payment  of  an  indemnity,  Bahadur  returned  temporizing  replies,  and  Daniyal  would 
probably  have  besieged  him  in  Asirgarh,  had  he  not  received  peremptory  orders  from  his 
father  to  continue  his  march  towards  Ahmadnagar.  Akbar  was  himself  on  the  way  to  the 
Dakan,  and  was  now  at  Ujjain.  He  had  intended  to  spend  some  lime  in  Malwa,  but  on 
^earning  of  the  attitude  of  Bahadur  resolved  to  march  at  once  to  Burhanpur.  In  order  to 
appease  Daniyal  and  to  leave  Bahadur  a  loophole  for  escape  Akbar  feigned  to  believe  that 
Bahadur,  having  learnt  of  the  emperor's  impending  arrival,  had  scrupled  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  prince  before  paying  them  to  the  emperor  himself.  On  DaniyaTs  leaving  Burhanpur 
Bahadur  sent  him  a  present  and  sent  his  son,  Kabir  Khan,  to  set  him  on  his  way,  but  when 
Khvaja  Maudud  arrived  at  his  court,  as  Akbar  \s  envoy,  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances 
of  the  slight  put  upon  the  prince  he  found  Bahadur  immovable.  He  took  the  position 
that  it  would  have  been  derogatory  to  him,  as  a  king,  to  make  the  first  visit  to  a  mere  prince 
and  instead  of  making  the  offerings  which  Akbar  had  expected,  both  as  tribute  and  as 
reparation  for  the  slight  put  upon  his  son,  he  sent  only  four  inferior  elepha'nts.  Akbar  sent  to 
Abul  Fazl,  who  was  hastening  from  Berar  to  join  him,  orders  to  visit  Bahadur  Shah  and  to 
offer  him  forgiveness  on  condition  of  his  appearing  at  court  and  making  his  submission,  but 
the  mission  failed  and  on  April  8, 1600,  Akbar  arrived  before  Burhanpur  and  on  the  following 
day  sent  Khan-i-A'zam  and  other  officers  to  form  the  siege  of  Asirgarh.  Abul  Fa/,1  was 
appointed  governor  of  Khandesh  and  sent  his  brother,  Shaikh  Abul  Barakat,  and  his  eon, 
Shaikh  'Abd-aZ-Rahman,  in  different  directions  with  troops,  to  establish  the  imperial 
authority  in  the  country.  Mwaffar  Husain  Mirza  was  sent  to  Laling  where  three  of  Bahadur's 
amirs,  Fulad  KUn  the  African,  Kup  Rfii,  and  Malik  Shir,  were  assembled  with  their  troops. 


JULY,  1918  ]  THE  FARUQ1  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH  181 

Fulad  Khan  submitted,  and  slew  Rup  Rai,  who  attempted  to  prevent  him  from  deserting, 
so  that  all  Rfip  RaTs  elephants  and  other  property  fell  into  the  hands  of  Muzaffar  Husain 
Mirza.  At  the  end  of  May  Bahadur  attempted  to  open  negotiations  with  Akbar,  sending 
his  grandmother  and  his  young  son  to  the  imperial  camp  with  sixty  elephants,  and  promising 
to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Sultan  Khusrav,  the  son  of  Sultan  Salim  (Jahangir),  but 
it  was  evident  that  these  negotiations  were  only  a  device  to  gain  time  until  provisions  should 
become  so  searee  and  dear  that  Akbar  would  be  obliged  to  retire,  and  Bahadur  was  informed 
that  nothing  but  unconditional  personal  submission  would  be  accepted. 

On  June  21  a  force  under  Qara  Baig  and  other  officers  captured  the  Sapan  hill,  from 
which  the  Khandeshis  had  been  able  to  harass  the  besiegers  of  Asirgarh,  and  the  whole  of 
Bahadur's  forces  were  driven  inside  the  fortress  ;  and  on  August*! 3  Malik  Shir  and  the 
garrison  of  Laling,  who  had  surrendered  to  Khvajagi  Fathallah,  were  brought  to  court. 

On  Sept.  22,  further 'overtures  for  peace  made  by  Bahadur  were  rejected,  but  the  siege 
made  slow  progress,  for  many  of  the  imperial  officers  had  received  bribes  from  Bahadur,  and 
Abul  Fa/J  was  sent  to  infuse  fresh  vigour  into  its  prosecution.  The  garrison  was  reduced 
to  groat  straits,  for  Bahadur  had  permitted  many  refugees  from  his  kingdom,  to  the 
number  of  18,000,  with  their  horses  and  cattle,  to  enter  the  fortress,  and  the  insanitary 
conditions  arising  from  the  presence  of  so  large  a  number  of  people  and  animals  in  a  confined 
space  were  aggravated  by  the  putrefaction  of  the  vast  stores  of  grain  which  the  fortress 
contained,  and  a  pestilence  broke  out  among  men  and  beasts,  so  that  large  numbers  perished. 
The  plight  of  the  garrison  facilitated  the  capture  of  the  fort  of  Maligarh,  a  large  outwork 
situated  to  the  north-west,  of  the  main  fort  and  on  the  lower  slopes  of  the  hill,  which  fell  on 
Dec.  9. 

Bahadur  Shah's  chief  anxiety  was  to  escape  t  he  <  lisgrace  <  >f  formally  surrendering  Asirgarh, 
but  although  he  had  boon  able  to  buy  mam  of  the  officers  in  the  besieging  force  it  was 
evident  that  Akbar  intended  to  remain  in  Khandesh  until  the  fortress  fell.  It  was  therefore 
decided  that  an  attempt,  should  be  made  to  evade  the  surrender  by  a  stratagem.  Bahadur 
Shah  was  to  fulfil  Akbar's  conditions  by  appearing  before  him  at  Biirhanpur,  in  the  hope 
that  the  emperor  would  be  content  with  this  formal  act  of  submission  on  the  part  of  the 
ruler  and  would  confer  the  government  of  Khandoh  on  him  as  a  vassal,  following  a  common 
practice  in  such  cases,  so  that  the  formal  surrender  of  Asirgarh  would  be  avoided.  In  the 
event,  of  this  expectation  being  disappointed  it  was  decided  that  the  fortress  should  hold  out 
and  that  Bahadur  should  avert  Akbar's  wrath  from  himself  by  representing  the  garrison  as 
rebels  who  defied  his  authority.  Accordingly  he  agreed  to  wait  upon  Akbar  on  condition 
that  the  government  of  Khandesh  was  bestowed  upon  him  and  that  he  was  allowed  to 
release  the  imprisoned  members  of  the  Faruoi  family,  for  it  was  the  custom  in  Kl  andesh 
to  imprison  all  members  of  the  ruling  family  except  the  reigning  king. 

No  attempt  at  regulating  the  issue  of  rations  in  the  fortress  had  been  made  and  discontent 
was  rife,  for  large  numbers  of  those  who  had  taken  refuge  there  were  suffering  from  scarcity 
and  want.  The  garrison,  learning  that  Bahadur  proposed  to  desert  them,  sent  a  deputation 
to  him  to  announce  that  they  would  not  permit  him  to  leave  the  fortress  alone,  but 
would  accompany  him.  At  length  Sadat  Khan,  one  of  the  leading  amirs,  was  permitted 
to  go  to  the  imperial  camp  to  arrange  preliminaries  with  the  emperor,  and  carried  with  him 
a  large  quantity  of  treasure  from  the  fortress  to  assist  him  in  his  negotiations.  He  was 
accompanied  by  his  contingent  of  troops  and  a  large  retinue  of  private  servants  and  turned 
traitor.  Having  made  terms  for  himself  he  entered  Akbar's  service  and  disclosed  the  state 


182  "     THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY'  bfrOT,  19*? 

of  affairs  in  the  fortress.  Muqarrab  Khan  was  next  sent  to  the  imperial  camp  and,  having 
obtained  Akbar's  promise  that  Bahadur  should  be  maintained  in  his  kingdom,  returned  to 
the  fortress  and  persuaded  Bahadur  to  descend  to  the  imperial  camp  and  make  his  submission. 
Bahadur  left  the  fortress  with  the  leading  men  of  his  army  and  was  received  at  some  distance 
from  Akbar's  camp  by  the  Khati-i-A'gain  and  by  him  conducted  into  the  imperial  presence. 
14  And  that/'  says  the  author  of  the  Zafar-ul-Wdlih,  l<  was  the  end  of  his  reign  over  his 
kingdom  and  his  mountain." 

Bahadur's  stratagem  failed,  for  he  soon  discovered  that  Akbar's  promise  to  maintain 

him    in    his   kingdom   was  contingent   on  the   surrender  of  Asirgarh,  and  as  the  fortress 

continued  to  hold  out  the  promise  was  held  to  be  void.  From  the  Akbarndma  it  would  appear 

that  the  obstinacy  of  the  garrison  was  due  to  secret  instructions  from  Bahadur,  but  the 

author  of  the  Zafar-al-Wdlih  gives  a  different  account.     He  says  that  among  those  who 

remained  in  the  fortress  was  Malik  Yaqiit.  Muqarrab  Khan's  father,  who  was  old  and  blind, 

1  and  he  assembled  in  the  royal  palace  in  the  fortress  all  the  sons  of  Mubarak  Shah  and  their 

1  sons,  and  said  to  them.    fck  The  fortress  is  as  it  was  and  the  garrison  is  as  it  was.    Which  of 

'  you  will  accept  the  throne  and  will  protect  the  honour  of  your  fathers  ?  "    And  not  one  of 

1  them  answered  him  anything,  and  he  said  to  them,  "  Would  to  God  that  ye  were  women!  " 

And  they  excused  themselves  ;  and  it  happened  that  as  he  was  defending  the  fortress  there 

came  up  to  it  his  son  Muqarrab  Khan  with  a  message  from  the  king,  and  Malik  Yaqiit  said 

'to  his  son,     "  May  God  not  show  me  thy  face.     Go  down  to  Bahadur  and  follow  him/1 

And  he  wont  down  and  obeyed  his  order,  until  at  length  in  the  assembly  of  Abu]  Fa/1  he 

*  stabbed  himself  in  the  belly  with  his  diiggwr.   in  abasement  that  his  father  was  not  content 
with  him,  and  he  died.     But  Malik  Yaqiit  Sultani,  when  he   despaired  of  all  the  offspring 

1  of  Mubarak  Shah,  went  out  to  his  house,  made  his  will,  bathed  himself,  and  had  his  shroud 

'  brought.     Then  he  summoned  his  family  and  went  out  to  the  mosque  which  he  had  built, 

and  prayed,  and  distributed  benefits  and  gave  alms,  and  he  caused  to  be  dug  a  grave  in  a 

spot  which  be  desired,  and  then  he  ate  opium,  for  his  jealous  patriotism  was  strong  upon 

him,  and  he  died  and  was  buried  there.     And  they  said,  w"  Search  for  a  text  in  God's  book,'' 

'  and  this  was  found,  vv  Say  :  0  my  servants  who  have  transgressed  to  your  own  hurt,  despair 

not  of  God's  mercy,  for  all  sins  doth  God  forgive  !    Forgiving  and  merciful  is  lie  !  "  May 

*  God  pardon  him  and  have  mercy  upon  him  !  Then  the  people  of  the  fortress  were  summoned 
"  to  come  down  and  take  assurance,  and  in  accordance  with  their  answer  Shaikh  Abul  Fa /I 
'  of  Dihli  went  up  the  mountain  and  took  his  seat  on  the  stone  platform  known  as  that  of 
"  Tafa'ul  Khan,  and  gave  permission  to  them  to  descend  with  their  families,  and  this  they 
'  did,  and  the  reduction  of  the  fortress  in  A.IL  1009  (A.D.  1600-01)  was  attributed  officially 

*  to  Shaikh  Abul  Fa/,1. 

w  The  beginning  of  the  rule  of  the  Fariiqis  in  Burhanpur  was  in  A.H.  784  (A.D.  1.382) 
'  and  from  that  date  the  name  of  Burhanpur  (as  applied  to  the  province)  was  disused,  and 
1  the  province  was  known  from  them  as  Khaiidesh  (u  the  country  of  the  Khans  ")  of  the 
fc  dependencies  of  Dihli,  and  in  the  reign  of  Bahadur  Shah,  son  of  'Adil  Shah,  after  225  years, 
w  the  province  was  again,  as  formerly,  included  among  the  dependencies  of  Dihli.  And  the 
"  kingdom  is  God's,  be  He  praised  !  ' 

•The  exact  date  of  the  surrender  of  Asirgarh,  as  given  in  the  Akbarndma,  was  January 
2(>,  1601,  which  may  be  taken  as  the  date  of  the  extinction  of  the  dynasty  founded  in  1382 
by  Raja  Ahmad  or  Malik  Raja,  and  according  to  the  same  authority  it  was  not  Shaikh  Abul 
Fazl  himself,  but  his  son,  Shaikh  'Abd-aZ-Rahman,  who  received  the  surrender  of  the  fortress. 


,  1918]  THE  FARUQl  DYNASTY  OF  KHANDESH  183 

According  to  Khafi  Khan,  the  author  of  the  MuntaMub-ul-Lubdb,  all  the  treasure 
oi  the  Farftqis  and  much  buried  treasure  of  the  former  Hindu  chiefs  of  Asirgarh  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Akbar's  officers,  and  in  the  same  work  there  is  an  interesting  story  of  a  superstition 
connected  with  the  fortress.  It  is  said  that  there  was  a  large  rock  in  the  Tiipti  near 
Burhanpur  and  that  when  the  city  was  founded  in  obedience  to  the  posthumous  instruction.1* 
of  the  saint  Burhftn-a?-din,  conveyed  through  the  saint  Zaiii-a/-din,  the  latter  said  that  so  long 
as  the  rock  should  retain  its  shape  the  kingdom  should  belong  to  the  Faruqis,  but  when  it 
assumed  the  shape  of  an  elephant  the  kingdom  should  pass  from  them.  Aklwr  heard  this 
story,  and  being  impatient  for  the  fall  of  Asirgarh.  the  siege  of  which  was  long  protracted, 
employed  sculptors  to  cut  the  stone  into  the  likeness  of  an  elephant.  His  action,  with  the 
evidence  of  faith  in  the  old  prophecy  which  it  displayed,  disheartened  Bahadur  and  hastened 
the  surrender  of  the  fortress  It  is  evidently  to  this  circumstance  that  Firishta  refers  \\hen 
he  says  that  the  outbreak  oi  sickness  in  the  fortress  was  attributed  by  the  besieged  in  the 
arts  of  sorcerers  employed  by  Akbar. 

The  author  of  the  Mnntal-ljnb  al-Lubdb"~  also  says  that  the  siege  of  the  fortress  lasted 
for  nearly  four  sears,  beginning  in  the  early  part  of  A.H.  IOO8  (.Inly-August  lf>l)0)  and 
ending  at  the  beginning  of  A.M.  1012  (June,  H»03),  but  on  tins  point  the  c\  iijence  of  the 
Akbnrw'unn,  written  by  Shaikh  Abul  Fa/1,  who  took  part  in  the  siege,  and  oi  Firishta  and  the 
author  of  the  Z'lfur  nl  1IVJ//A,  both  ot  \\hom  \\ere  contemporaries,  \\hile  the  latter  bad  an 
intimate  personal  acquaintance  \\ttb  many  of  th«-  principal  actors  jsconeluM\e 

The  author  of  the  Z(t (a r  al- 1{ '</////,  \\lio  \\a^  for  a  time  in  the  ser\  ice  of  Kulad  Khan 
one  ol  the  «/////•*•  of  Raja  'All  Kl  An  CAdil  Shah  1\')  and  Bahadur  Shah,  uives  the  following 
character  of  Bahadur:  "In  his  reijjn  the  might\  were  humbled  .md  those  of  lou  drgrct 
4  were  exalted,  lie  who  laboiucd  not  obtained  advancement  and  he  who  was  honest  tell 
4  behind,  and  he  divided  among  lc\\d  fellows  of  the  baser  sort  t he jewcN  and  rich  stalls  which 
'his  lather^  had  amassed  and  collect ed  together  .ill  that  promoted  sensual  enjoyment,  and 

all  manner  of  unlawful  pleasure  became  common  and  he  arou^-d  \\iath  in  the  breasts  ol 
v  hi>  father'.--  ministers,  so  that  they  were  prepared  to  welcome  even  a  disaster  that  mijrht 
'  bi'int'  |»<ace.  Nc\crthelcss  there  were  in  Bahadur  some  praiseworthy  qualities  ^uch  as 

a-siduitv    in    alm>-ui\ing  at  lit,  seasons:    and  with  equal  justice  he  distributed  alms  to  the 

well- being  ot  those  who  were  in  want,  and  \  er\  willingly  to  Shaikhs  and  Sufis  who 
'  claimed  to  work  miracles,  even  though  these  A\ere  doubtful.  Nor  was  he  without  trust  m 

(lod.  and  would  alwavs  say  >/w,s/m7/</A  ("  pleasi-  (iod  ")  when  he  inxlertook  anA   business.' 
friii-  skctt  h  docs  not  much    exalt    Bahadur    in    our    eyes.     Jlc    was    cxidcntly    weak 
-c-isiiiil.   and   strongls    tinged    with   superstition.      His    ]>etulan(     and     foolish     defiance     of 
Akbar  \uis  evidence  ralher  of  lack  of  understanding   than  of  streiiuth  of  character,  and  he 
(citainh  cntcrc<l  upon  the  undertaking  without  (-(Minting  the  cost. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  t]ic  Farihji  ]>rinccs  whom  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
hou,y.c.  to  im]»rison  lest  the  succession  should  be  di-turbcd.  and  we  have  seen  that  the  faithful 
Malik  Yaqut  when  Bahadur  left  the  fortress,  a^emblcd  thesr  princes  and  unsuccessfully 
trie  I  to  rtmse  their  spirit  by  inviting  one  of  them  to  as-end  the  \aeant  throne.  The  circum- 
stances of  their  lives  had  not  been  such  as  to  foster  in  them  a  spirit  of  enterprise.  When  the 
fortress  was  finally  captured  over  iifty  of  these  unfortunate  prince*  all  of  whom  sprang 
from  Mubarak  Shah  II,  the  ninth  ruler  of  the  line,  fell  into  Akbar's  hands.  Their  genealogy 
is  as  follows. 


184  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JULY,   1918 

Mubarak  Shah  II,  died  1560. 
Muhammad  Shah  II,  died  1576. 
1.    Hasan  Khan. 

i.     Qasim  Khan, 
ii.     Ibrahim  Khan. 
II.     Ilaja  4Ali  Khan  ('Adil  Shah  TV.)  died  ir>97. 

1.  Bahadur  Shah. 

i.     Kabir  Khan. 

ii.     Muhammad  Khan, 
iii.     Sikaiidar  Kl  an. 
iv.     Mu  -affar  Kl  an. 

v.    'Mubarak  Kl  an. 

2.  Ahmad  Kl  an. 

i.      Mu-  affar  Kl  an. 
ii.      "Ali  Khan, 
iii.      Mu' ammad  Khan. 

3.  Mahmud  Kl  an. 

i.      Vali  Kl  an. 
ii.      Ibrahim  Kl  An 

4.  Tahir  Kl  an. 
f>.     MasTid  Khan. 

(i.  Mu 'jam  mad  Kl  an. 

7.  Daughter  married  to  Vali  .Khan. 

8.  Daughter  married  to  Xa^ir  Khan. 

9.  Daughter  married  to  Sayyid  IsnrVil. 

III.  DiViid  Klan. 

1.  Fat '.i  Khan. 

2.  Muhammad  Kl  an 

IV.  llamid  KJ_an. 

1.    Bahadur  Khan. 
V.     Qai^ar  Khan. 

1 .  Latif  Khan. 

i.     Habib  Khan, 
ii.     Ibrahim  Khan. 

2.  Dilavar  Khan. 

3.  Murtaxa  Khan. 
VI.     Bahrain  Khan. 

1.  A" /am  Kl  an. 

2.  Musa  Khan. 

3.  .lalul  Khan. 
VII.     Shir  Khan. 

1.  Ismail  Khan. 

2.  Ahmad  Khan. 
VIII.     Cjlazni  Khan. 

I.    Ahmad  Khan. 
IX.     Darya  Khan. 

1.  Muhammad  Khan. 

2.  Maljmud  Khan. 

3.  Muzaffar  Khan. 


1918]  THE  FAHUQI  ])YNASTY  OF  KHAXDRSH  185 

X.     Sahib  Khan. 

1.  TahirKhati. 

i.     Sikandar  Khan, 
ii.     Ibrahim  Khan. 

2.  Sidq  Allah  Khan. 

XI.     ])aughter  married  to  Farid  Khan. 
J .    Dilavar  Khan. 

i.     Taj  Khan. 
In;  addition  to  these,  descendants  there  were  :— 

(1)  Muhammad  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Chand  Khan,  whose  name  does  not  appear  in 

the  genealogy,  probably  because  he  was  dead,  but  who  was  evidently  a  member 
of  the  royal  house. 

(2)  'All  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Hasan  Khan,  only  son  of  Muhammad  Shah  11. 

From  this  genealogy  we  learn  that  the  youthful  JIasan  Khan,  son  of  Muhammad  11., 
was  not,  as  the  Zafnr-al-Walth  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  put  to  death  by  his  uncle,  Raja 
*Ali  Khan,  who  supplanted  him,  but  lived  to  marry  and  to  have,  a  lainilx  of  at  least  two 
wins  and  a  daughter. 

The  ultimate  fate  of  all  these  princes  is  unknown,  but  aeeording  to  the  A klmrtta nut  they 
were  presented  to  Akbar,  who  ordered  that  they  should  attend  regularly  at  rourt  in  order 
that  he  might  judge  of  their  fitness  for  advancement. 

Firishta.,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  aeeount  of  the  rulers  of  Khandesh,  makes  one  of  his 
few  original  contributions  to  history.  He  tells  us  28  Unit  in  -\.n.  \\Yl\\  (A.D.  1(>I4)  he 
visited  the  fort  of  Asirgarh  in  company  with  Khvaja  Husain  Turbati.  who  had  held  an 
im])ortant,  post  in  the  service  of  Sultan  Daniyal.  After  descrihiiii>  the  fortress,  he  writes: 
i  They  say  that  when  Akbar  PadshA.Ii  had  conquered  the  fortress  and  returned  to  Agra, 
4  he,  in  consequence  of  his  attachment  to  the  ways  of  the  unbelievers,  sent  orders  that  the 
4  great  Friday  mostjue  in  the  fortress  should  be  destroyed,  and  an  idol  temple  erected  on 
4  its  site,  but.  Sultan  Dfiniyal,  who  was  then  in  Burhanpnr,  did  not  obe\  the  order,  and 
4  purposely  neglected  to  carry  it  out,  so  that  it  was  never  given  efTect  to."1 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  this  statement  ot   Firishta.      He  was  a  good   Muslim  and 
was  probably  much  scandalized  by  the  report  of  the  order  which  Akbar  had  issued,  but  he 
always  writ.es  with  the  highest  respect  of  Akbar  and  his  natural  impulse  \\ould  have  been  to 
conceal  a  fact  so  damaging  to  a  great  monarch  whom  all  Muslims  are  anxious  to  claim  as  one, 
of  themselves,  despite  his  well  established  unorthodoxy.     The  order  is  only  one  instance  out 
of  many,  though  perhaps  the  most  marked,  of  Ak bar's  hostility  to  Islam. 

List  of  the  FAruql  Rulers  of  KMndesh 
1 .      Raja  Ahmad  or  Malik  Raja  ....  .  .  .  .  .  .     138:5 

L>.     Na-ir  Khan.  Jahangir      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  April  2S),  I3!M). 

3.  -AdilKhanl.  .  .  .  .  ..  .  .  .  ,Scpl.  2U,  or  Oct .  J ,  14:57. 

4.  Mubarak  Khan  1 .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .April  ;*<),  or  May  4,  1441. 

5.  "Ain  Khan  ("Aina).  'Adil  Khan  1 1.,  Jharkhandi  Sultan  -.  June    0,1457- 
(i.      DtVudKhan                        .  .               .  .               ..               .  .               ...  Sep.  28,  J5U1. 

7.     lAdil  Khan  111.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  •-  A]irill,150. 

S.     Muhammad  Shah  I.  (Muhammad  1.  of  (Gujarat)        .  .  .  .  Aug.iW,  1520. 

1).     Mubarak  Shah  11.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  >  M».v  4,  1537. 

10.  Muhammad  Shah  11.      ..               ..  ..  .  .  ..  Dec.  I!),  15f>6. 

11.  Hasan  Shah                       .  .              , .  .  .  .  .  -  -  1570-77. 

J2.  Raja  fcAli  Khan  ('Adil  Shah  IV.)  . .  . .  . .  .  .  1577-97. 

13.  Qadr  Khan,  Bahadur  Shah            ..  .  .  ..  .  .  Feb.  17,  1597. 

\_Aairgnrh  caj>turt>d  by  Al'hnr.]  Jan.  2(>,  1601. 

25  ii.  .j()7. 


186 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[JULY,  1918 


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JULY,  1918]  ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY'  OF  THE  KAUTILiYA  187 

ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  KAUTILfYA. 

BY  HERMANN  JACOBI,  OF  BONN. 
(  Translated  from  the  German  by  V.  8.  SUKTHANKAR,  PH.D.  ;  POONA.  ) 

( Continued  from  p.  161 . ) 

AH  is  evident  from  this  quotation,  by  acan/M  Kaurilya  means  his  predecessors.  And 
when  he  introduces  a  doctrine  with  the  words  iti  fofoyah,  he  must  be  referring  to  them  all 
collectively  or  at  any  rate  to  the  majority  of  them,  except  when  he  adds  ity  eke  or  ity 
apare,  pp.  164,  (185)  338.  Only  in  one  instance,  p.  320,  is  the  meaning  of  dcaryah  to  bo 
restricted  to  the  three  oldest  schools  which  will  presently  be  mentioned;  because,  after 
quoting  the  opinion  of  these  tear  yah,  the  author  proceeds  to  enumerate  the  views  of  the  rest 
of  the  authorities  which  differ  from  them. 

The  authorities  that  are  actually  mentioned  by  name  an*  of  two  kinds :  the  schools 
and  the  individual  authors  ;  the  former  indicated  by  the  name  in  the  plural,  the  latter  in 
the  singular.  Four  schools  have  been  named:  the  ManavaJ.i,  Barhaspatyah,  AusanasfiJi  and 
Parasarali.  The  tirst  three  are  connected  with  each  other,  because  four  times  (pp.  6,  20, 
177,  192;  they  are  quoted  one  after  the  other,  and  once  only  (p.  69)  in  connection  with 
the  Parasarai.i.  One  may,  therefore,  conclude  that  those  three  were  looked  upon  as  the  older 
and  the  more  respected  schools  and  the  Parasaral.i  as  a  later  one.  To  the  same  conclusion 
point  the  names  as  well;  for,  the  former  are  derived  from  divine  persons  but  the  latter 
only  from  a  Usi.  These  six  schools,  however,  were  not  exclusively  schools  of  Arthasastra  ; 
they  dealt  with  the  Dharmasastra  at  the  same  time.  For,  in  the  chapter  of  tho  KautiUya 
dealing  with  Administration  of  Justice  (  dharmasthiya  )  the  above-mentioned  three  schools 
have  been  quoted  twice  (pp.  177,  192),  and  the  acarydh,  aparc,  ckc.  nine  times.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  many  Dtiarmasdstras  as,  for  example,  |  839  J  Bodhayana,  dautaina,  Vasistha, 
Visnu,  Manu,  etc.,  have  the  duties  of  the  king  been  laid  down.  We  thus  perceive  that 
both  subjects,  Law  and  Politics,  were  intimately  connected  with  each  other  and  probably 
taught  in  one  and  the  same  school.  Therefore  a  doubt  may  be  entertained  as  to  whether 
there  were  any  schools  exclusively  for  Arthasastra. 

The  remaining  authorities,  which  are  spoken  of  in  the  singular  number,  namely, 
Bharadvaja,  Vi^aJakhal.i,  Pisunah,  Kauuapadantah,  Vatavyadhil.K  and  Bahudantiputral.i  must 
refer  to  individual  authors.  For,  if  these  persons  had  also  been  looked  upon  as  founders  of 
schools,  then  like  iti  Paratardh,  also  iti  Bhdradvajah  ought  to  have  taon  said  ;  but  we 
invariably  find  only  the  singular  iti  Bharadvfijah .  This  difference  of  nomenclature  makes  it 
clear  that  Kauulya  distinguished  between  schools  and  individual  authors. 

A  close  examination  of  the  passages  in  which  the  later  authorities  have  been  named 
reveals  a  remarkable  fact,  namely,  that  they  invariably  occur  in  the  order  given  above  with 
tho  Para^arul.i  standing  behind  VLsalak^ah.  On  one  occasion  (pp.  13  f.)  the  whole  series 
is  enumerated:  three  times  (pp.  32  f.,  320-322,  325-328),  the  first  six  members;  onco 
(pp.  27  f.)  only  the  first  four ;  and  once  (  p.  380  )  only  the  first  two.  In  two  passages 
(pp.  320  ff.,  32r>  ff.)  Kaurilya  refutes  them  one  after  the  other  in  succession  ;  in  the  remaining 
places  the  refutation  of  each  author  is  attributed  to  the  next  following.  The  idea 
that  the  sequence  is  meant  to  be  chronological,  which  lies  near  at  hand,  must  be 
abandoned  after  a  close  scrutiny  of  the  first-named  places.  On  pp.  320  ff.  is  discussed  the 
relative  value  of  the  seven  prakrtis  :  wfimin,  amdtyatjanapada,  durga,  ko  «,  danda  and  mitra. 
According  to  the  ticarydh,  their  importance  diminishes  in  the  order  given  above.  On  the 


1*88  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  \  JULY,  1918 

contrary  Bhiiradvaja  exchanges  the  places  of  1  and  2,  Visulakftah  of  2  and  3,  the  ParasaraJi 
of  3  and  4,  and  so  on  right  through  the  series.  In  the  other  passage  (pp.  325  if.)  the  dis- 
cussion is  about  the  three  kopajuh  and  the  four  kdmaja  do*fili\  Bhiiradvaja  looks  upon  the 
kdmajti  dottih  as  more  heinous  than  the  kopajah  :  Visalaksah,  the  second  kopnja  as  worse 
than  the  first ;  the  Pnrararai.i,  the  third  worse  than  the  second ;  and  in  the  same  way  the 
kdmoja  dosdh  are  gone  through  maintaining  the  same  stereotyped  sequence  of  authors,  and 
the  same  fixed  scheme.  The  question  whether  the  historical  development  could  have 
taken  place  in  this  manner,  according  to  an  unalterable  programme,  need  not  be  seriously 
discussed.  That  Kaiuilya  had  not  meant  the  series  to  be  a  chronological  one,  can  besides 
be  demonstrated  in  another  way.  For,  according  to  it,  Bharadvaja  ought  to  be  the  oldest 
author.  Xow  Bharadvaja  attaekw  (p.  253)  a  doctrine  that  is  explicitly  attributed  to  Kautilya 
and  is  subsequently  [840]  refuted  by  the  latter.  Bharadvaja  should  accordingly  have 
been  not  the  oldest  but  the  most  modern  author,  and  besides  a  contemporary  of  Kautilyn 
himself  !  Probably  the  serial  sequence  expresses  the  degree  of  estimation  which  Kautilya 
entertained  in  regard  to  the  respective  predecessors,  and  Bharadvaja  stood  in  the  eyes  oi 
Kautilya  the  lowest  in  the  scale.  Kautilya  utilised,  as  is  absolutely  certain  in  two  cases 
and  more  or  less  probable  in  the  remaining,  the  names  of  his  predecessors  for  staging  an 
imaginary  controversy  as  a  means  of  enlivening  his  discourse  !  This  solitary  artifice  strikes 
one  as  something  extraordinary  in  a  manual  of  instruction  otherwise  so  sober  and  pertinent. 
It  was  the  first  step  towards  an  artistic  representation  that  was  taken  by  a  great  writer  and 
that  remained  without  issue.  Such  liberty  could  be  taken  by  a  great  master  ;  it  would  be 
something  unheard  of  in  the  case  of  a  pedagogue. 

From  the  data  of  the  Kautiliya  we  can  infer  regarding  the  development  of  the  Arthasustra 
that  it  was  at  first  cultivated  and  handed  down  in  schools  and  that  subsequently  individual 
authors  wrote  on  the  subject.  This  evolution  was  already  completed  before  the  time  of 
Kautilya,  whose  work  bears  the  stamp  of  a  strong  individuality,  both  as  regards  the 
form  and  the  contents.  This  same  development,  first  only  a  scholastic  tradition  and  then 
individual  productions,  may  be  demonstrated  also  for  the  Katnasastra,  which,  as  AUIP  shown 
above  1911,  p.  962,  belongs  to  the  same  literary  category  as  the  Artluuastra.  Thus,  if  we 
except  the  mythical  founder  of  the  Kfunaaiistra,  Nandin,  the  attendant  of  'Siva,  and  the  semi- 
legendary  (;  author  'Svetaketu,  son  of  Uddalaka,  then  the  first  writer  on  Kanuisastra,  whose 
work  was  known  to  and  [841 J  used  by  Vatsyayaiia,  according  to  his  own  testjinonv  (pp.  fi 

<•  Yatnyayana  mentions,  pp.  7S  f.,  a  doctrine  of  Auddalaki  ;  the  commentary  also  nno  on  p.  77,  and 
p.  80  assigns  a  verse  to  him.  Further,  p.  4,  the  commentary  quotes  two  versos  according  to  which  Yuddalaki 
did  away  with  the  promiscuity  of  wives  and  with  the  consent  of  his  father  composed,  as  an  ant-otic,  the 
KamaHastra  (sulfhaw  s^tram).  UddaJakn  sets  forth  Brh.  Ar-  VI.  4,  2  ft.,  tlio  doctrine  of  rift  corundum 
and  teaches  the  use  of  two  mantra*  from  which  it  follows  that  a  man  was  permitted  to  IJHVO  sexual  relation 
with  any  woman  during  her  menses.  There  must  have  thus  actually  existed  a  certain  i;roniiscuity  of 
wives.  We  ought  also  perhaps  to  interpret  the  story  of  Jabfda  and  her  son  Satyakfima,  ('hand.  Up.  JV. 
4,  2  in  the  same  way  (and  not  as  rendered  by  Deussen  that  JabalA  in  her  youth  knocked  about  a  good 
deal  working  as  a  maid -servant).  According  to  MBh.  1.  122,  Svetakotu  did  away  with  the  promiscuity  of 
wives,  because  he  was  indignant  at  seeing  that  a  strange  Brahman  should  actually  avail  l,ims>lf  of  the 
right  which  his  father  (theoretically)  recognised.  From  what  tradition  has  to  report  con  corning  the  fathpr 
aud  son,  it  is  therefore  explicable  why  the  composition  of  a  Kamaeastra  was  attributed  to  ftvetaketu. 
Nor  do  1  wish  to  question  the  fact  that  doctrines  relating  to  the  Kamaiiastra  wore  current  under  his 
name.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Apastamba  I.  .5,  14  ff.  counts  Svotaketu  among  the 
modern  authors,  Jolly,  Rerht  und  Sitte,  p.  3  (Grundriss). 


JULY,  1018  ;  ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  KAUTlLlYA  189 

and  371),  was  Babhravya  Piificala.  Now  it  is  very  remarkable  indued  that  Vatsyayana  (quotes 
the  Babhraviyas  four  times  (pp.  70,  96,  247,  303).  The  conclusion  is  that  here  we  have  a 
school  in  which  the  doctrines  of  its  supposed  or  actual  founder,  Babhravya  Pa^icala,  were 
traditionally  handed  down.  The  rest  of  the  authorities  named  by  Vatsyuyana,  treat  of 
the  seven  parts  of  the  KainaBastra  severally,  winch  cannot  therefore  be  looked  upon  as 
products  of  distinct  schools.  For,  it  in  indeed  not  possible  to  assume  that  there  ever 
existed  distinct  schools  which  had  specialised  only  in  subjects  like  the  Science  of 
Courtesans,  Seduction  of  a  Maiden  or  Intercourse  with  Prostitutes.  The  respective 
works  are,  as  Vatsycayana  himself  unequivocally  states,  written  by  definite  individuals  : 
,I)attaka,  Carayai.ia,  Suva.rnana.hha,  (<hot.akamukha,  (Jonarcliya  and  Kucum,tra.  As  was 
shown 'above,  1911,  p.  959,  note  2,  Ghotakamukha  and  Carjiyai.ia  are  also  mentioned  in  the 
Kautiliya  and  Gouardiya  in  the  Mahfthhiisya.  As  out  of  the  above-named  authors 
Dattaka  is,  according  to  Vatsyayana,  the  oldest  and  had  been  commissioned  by  the 
courtesans  of-  Piitaliputra  to  write  his  work,  therefore  he  must  have  lived,  as  1  have  stated 
in  the  above-cited  place,  at  the  earliest  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  century  B.C.  ;  tor 
Vataliputra  became  the  capital  of  Magadha  only  in  the  middle  of  that  century.  It  clearly 
follows,  therefore,  that  individual  authors  had  begun  writing  on  the  subject  alruuly  in  the 
fourth  century  B.C.  7 

Vatsyayana  himself  iinally  being  the  last  author  is  now  to  be  considered.  Vatt-yayana 
is  the  gotra  name,  the  personal  name  is  Mallanaga  (Com.  p.  17 :  VrilxyAyntm  Hi 
ttwigolranimiltd  samdkhya,  Mnllanaya  Hi  -^an^kdrika).  Already  Subandhu  rails  the  author 
of  the  Kdmnsutra  Mallanoga,  (p.  89)  to  which  passage  the  commentator  adds  t\  q notation 
from  the  Visva,kotfi.  The  personal  name  renders  it  indubitable1  that  the  Kumnvutru  is  not 
the  work  of  a  school  but  that  of  an  individual  writer.  Moreover,  Vatsyayana  was  the  regene- 
rator of  the  Kamasastra,  which  in  his  time  was  'titwnnakuljjftm,  all  but  extinct.  That  he  is 
much  later  than  Kautilya,  I  have  shown  above,  1911,  pp.  9G2-3,  foot-note  1;  he  can 
scarcely  be  prior  to  the  third  century  A.D. 

7  To  the  reasons  already  adduced  for  assuming  a  considerable  difference  in  point  of  time  between 
Kautilya  and  VatsyAyana  may  l^e  added  that  the  latter  looked  upon  abstention  ironi  moat  diet  a* 
iiu*ritorioiis(md'!'«o6fe«/.1j«"wA/t6%a7/  tfislrfid  eva  nitdrana11.'  ilharMah,  p.  12),  while  in  Kaulilyn's  time  there 
\vas  no  such  thing.  Tn  tho  stinddhyaksa  a  number  of  animals  ure  named  which  should  not  be  slaughtered 
(especially  in  the  abhayavana*},  but  meat  diet  wan  not  tabooed.  For,  otherwise  Kauf.ilya  would  not 
give  rules  regarding  the  sale  of  moat.  c.<;.,  "  only  tho  flesh  of  freshly  slaughtered  nnunals  and  cattle 
(mrgapft$<lndm)  should  be  sold,  and  itshould  be  devoid  of  bones  ;  the  bones  ought  to  be  compensated  with 
meat  of  the  flame  weight.  No  animal  should  bo  Hold  of  which  the  heud,  I'eet  and  bones  have  been  severed, 
which  hat?  an  offensive  smell  or  had  fallen  dead."  The  die  inclination  towards  meat-eating  has  l>oen  on 
the  increase  since  very  early  times,  la  the  time  of  Brahman  as  some  already  forbid  beet ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  Yujfiavalkya  raises  no  objection  to  tender  bee- f,  ftftiiiptttha  Hrnhw.  Ill  I.  ~.  '1\  ;  in  later 
times  many  Brahmun  ascetics  were  converted  to  complete  vegetarianism.  The  motive  power  in  this 
movement  appears  to  be  the  duty  of  akl^atl  imposed  upon  the  fourth  Asmma,  the  punvrdjakas  (also  in 
Kautiliya,  p.  8  :  saroe^dm  ahi't'sd).  Buddhists  and  Jainas  raised  t)it*ahim*dt  though  not  at  the  outset, 
still  with  certainty  in  later  times,  to  a  general  religious  commandment.  Asoka's  example  and  edicts 
must  have  exorcised  the  moat  powerful  influence.  In  the  MahAbhdrata  occurs  a  polemic  against  animal 
sacrifice  and  the  recommendation  of  vegetable  sacrifice  as  a  substitute  for  it.  The  prohibition  of  moat« 
eating  follows  naturally  the  abstention  from  killing.  3n  India  extreme  principles  heroine  established 
in  the  long  run  :  the  more  stringent  rule  appears  to  be  the  more  correct  one  :  the  Indian*  fight  why  of 
cultivating  lax  habit--.  An  important  role  was  played  in  these  matters  probably  by  the  women.  Do 
they  not  appear  even  iiowaHUys  a^  the  guardians  of  thp  orthod  >x  tnvlitioii,  though  the  men  mi^ht  be 
prepared  to  renounce  it  ? 


190  THE    INDIAN    ANTIQUARY  [  JULY,  W8 

[  842 1  The  transition  from  the  scholastic  treatment  of  a  •  discipline '  to  its  presentation 
in  literary  works,  which  we  can  follow  in  equal  measure  in  two  separate  subjects,  was 
caused  probably  by  the  growth  of  these  sciences,  which  rendered  their  separate  treatment 
and  specialisation  inevitable.  Simultaneously  a  change  in  the  form  of  its  presentation 
must  have  set  in.  While  those  text-books  which  were  the  products  of  schools,  such  as 
the  srauta-,  dharma-,  grhyasutras,  the  two  Mimamsft  sutras,  exhibit  the  sutra  style,  the 
works  of  individual  authors  such  as  YuBka'g  Nirukta,  PataTijali's  Mahabhaisya,  Vutsyfyana's 
Karpasutra  (in  spite  of  its  designation  as  sutra)  are  of  ^different  type.  By  the  side  of 
dogmatic  exposition  discussion  comes  more  and  more  into  prominence.  The  siltra  style 
changes  into  the  bh&?ya  style.  The  Kantiliya  has  also  its  place  in  these  stages  of 
development :  alongside  of  sections  in  which  the  author  attempts  the  shortness-  of  the 
satrap  there  are  others  where  the  author  indulges  in  a  certain  amount  of  breadth  and 
prolixity  after  the  manner  of  the  BhAtfa*.  In  point  of  fact  the  author  of  an  old  Tiku»  on 
KAmandaki's  NitisAra  (pp.  136  and  138)  designates  the  Kautiliya  as  KautalyabhAsya  » 
and  an  anonymous  AryA  of  unknown  origin  added  at  the  end  of  the  Kautiliya  says  : 
[843]  dr*tv&  vipratipatlim  bahudha  sastrew  bh£<yakaranam  \ 
svayam  evq  Vi^vguptas  catara  sutram  ca  bhd?yam  ca  \\ 

If  then  our  Kautiliya  is  the  Bh.isyp  and  we  know  nothing  about  another  work,  a. 
Sutra,  of  Kautilya,  nor  can  we  even  imagine  what  that  Sfitra  should  be  like,  to  which  the 
Kautiliya  could  stand  in  the  relation  of  a  Bha?ya,  it  appears  to  me  that  the  above  state- 
ment that  Vixnugupta  himself  is  the  author  of  a  Sutra  and  a  Bh&gya  must  be  interpreted 
to  mean  that  the  Kautiliya  is  at  once  Sutra  and  Bhas.va.  It  would  not  be,  for  that  matter, 
the  only  instance  of  a  Bhfisya  that  was  not  a  commentary  to  any  Sutra  :  another  example 
is  the  Pranastapadabhasya,  which  is  an  entirely  independent  treatise  on  the  Vauenka 
system  and  in  no  sense  a  commentary  on  the  Sutra  of  Kai.iuda.  The  designation  Bhasya  for 
those  kinds  of  works  did  not,  however,  come  into  vogue,  as  \ve  see  that  V;  tsyayana  on  the 
contrary  gives  the  title  Kamasiitra  to*kis  work.10 

Generally  speaking  it  must  be  emphasised  that  the  free  exposition  of  the  sciences  in  the 
form  of  literary  works  does  not  import  a  complete  breakdown  of  the  primeval  institution 
of  the  Vedic  school.  People  may  have  adhered  to  the  old  method  in  Vedic  '  disciplines  '  and 
others  similar  to  these,  and  given  that  method  a  scholastic  turn,  conformable  to  the  parti- 
cular subject  in  hand,  in  the  case  of  others.  The  first  might  have  been  the  case  with  the  two 


8  For  thu  age  of  the  Upadhyayanirtipaksu  Tika,  from  which  the  editors  have  given  in  the  Bibl.  Ind. 
extracts  with  their  own  additions  (see  bhilmika,p.l),the  fact  that  the  author  calls  Vatsyayana  a#ma<i<7urr' 
appears  to  be    decisive  (p.  130  whero  he  quotes  a  passage   from   the  Kamasutru,  p.  3  of  the  edition). 
This  statement  could  not  very  well   have  been    smuggled   into   the  text  by  the  editors.     On  the  other 
hand  the  quotations  from  Kullukabhunu  to  Manu,  VIII.  155-157  on   pp.  211  ff.,  from  Suhityadarpajia 
(III.  146  f.)  <>n  p.  278,  from  Mudrar&ksasa,  p.  223  (cited  according  to  a  printed  edition  of  the  drama  !) 
are  undoubtedly  additions  by  the  respective  edit  or*  :  nrfhuprakasartham. 

9  The  spelling  Kautalya  is  rendered  certain  through  the  derivation  of  the  name  from  kufala  (kutaiAh 
kurnbhidhAnydh  —  kuta'".1   idnti) ;  com.  to  Kamandaki  1.  2   and  Hemacandra  Abhidhanac.  III.  517  com. 
Does  perhapt  the  form  Kaujilya  rest  on  a  popular  etymologic  fi  Kauri lya  denotes  '  falsity,  cunning,'  and, 
in  the  tradition,  that  is  just  the  prominent  characteristic  of  Canakya,  of.  the  stories  about  him  in  tru- 
PariBistaparva,  VIII.  194  ff.,  particularly  352-376,  as  also  the  MudrarAksasa. 

w  The  case  is  quite  different  with  the  use  of  the  designation  sAtra  with  the  Jainas  and  Buddhists. 
They  were  influenced  by  the  religious  literature  of  the  Brahmans.  The  name  a»ga  for  the  oldest  portion* 
of  the  Jaina  canon  shows  that  most  clearly ;  for  it  the  i-€rfA»W/a*  had  evidently  served  as  model 


JULY,  1018  J  ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  1HE  KAUTlLiVA  191 

MSmaipsas,  of  which  it  was  noted  above  that  both  the  alleged  authors  quote  each  other. 
For,  as  the  exegesis  of  the  Vedas,  theoretically  dealt  with  in  the  Purva-Mimarpsa,  was 
developed  in  the  schools  of  the  'Srauta-Sutra  and  followed  in  practice,  it  is  probable  that 
the  scholastic  method  of  the  latter  was  introduced  into  the  former.  Later  the  Uttara- 
Miinamsa  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  older  branch. 

With  the  Vedic  schools  should  not  be  confounded  the  academic  schools,  even  though 
the  latter  were  moulded  after  the  pattern  of  the  former.  We  shall  elucidate  the  differ- 
ence by  a  reference  to  the  later  philosophic  schools,  about  which  we  are  better  informed. 
A  philosophical  system  must  have  been  originally  the  vigilantly  guarded  property  of  a 
school ;  for,  as  in  accordance  with  the  Indian  custom  [844]  the  disputant  that  was 
vanquished  in  public  disputation  had  to  acknowledge  the  victor  as  his  guru,  it  waa  disadvan- 
tageous that  the  train  of  thought  of  any  disputant  should  be  known  beforehand  to  his  anta- 
gonist. At  a  later  stage  of  development  when  the  knowledge  of  the  system  could  no  longer 
be  kept  secret,  there  took  place  the  composition  of  the  respective  .Sutras.  Here  we  find 
the  actual  authors  mentioned  by  name  in  the  case  of  the  Vaisesika — and  Nyayadarsana  : 
Kanuda  the  Kasyapa  for  the  former,  and  Ak^apada  the  Gotama  for  the  latter.  Now  the 
interpretation  of  the  Sutra  became  the  task  of  the  school,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the 
case  of  the  Vedic  school  it  consisted  in  its  traditional  preservation.  When  therefore  ulti- 
mately the  exegetical  activity  of  the  school  results  in  a  written  exposition  in  the  form  of  a 
lihasya,  the  Hcieiice  acquires  a  standing  independent  of  a  school  exclusively  devoted  to 
it ;  henceforth  its  cultivation  lies  mostly  in  the  hands  of  Pandits  who  do  not  form  a 
corporate  school  in  the  original  sense.11  It  may  be  that  the  scheme  roughly  sketched 
here  has  to  be  modified  in  details  ia  regard  to  other  'disciplines' ;  but  in  every  case  one 
may  assume  the  following  three  stages  :  1.  during  the  initial  stages  of  development  of  a 
*  discipline  \  its  existence  is  bound  up  with  the  school  or  schools  devoted  to  it ;  2.  through  the 
composition  of  the  Sutra  a  certain  amount  of  completion  is  attained  and  the  activity  of  the 
school  is,  in  the  first  place,  directed  towards  the  interpretation  of  the  Sutra  but  is  incidentally 
also  concerned  with  supplementing  the  material  contained  iii  it ;  3.  the  composition  of  tlu^ 
Bhar-ya  ushers  in  the  dissolution  of  the  school  as  such,  in  placo  of  which  steps  in  the  scholastic 
and  scientific  study. IJ  It  may  here  be  added  that  eventually  the  Sutra  becomes  a  purely 

11  For  a  science  the  living  tradition  IK  naturally  of  groat  importance  in  India.    Hut  it  does  happen 
that  the  dgnma  becomes  extinct  and  is  ^subsequently  revived.     So  Bhartrhari  appends  at  the  end  of  the 
second  book  of  the  Vakyapadiya  a  r6#um<-f  of  the  history  of  grammatical  studies  upto  his  own  time.     He 
relates  among  otnor  things  how  the  study  of  the  Mahabha«ya,  which  then  existed  only  in  manuscript, 
was  revived  by   the  Aoaryfi  Candra  and   others   (B.    Liebich,   Da*  Datum  Uandragomitut  wid   Kalidasu, 
1 1.  7).     Also  similarly,  as  Prof.  Von  StcherbatskOi  informs  me,  the  study  of  the  ancient  Nyaya  in  Sfttra, 
Bhasytt,  V'urttika  and  TAtparyatika  has  been  brought  into  voguo  again  in  our  time  through  the  editions 
of  these    works,    after    being  supplanted    for   centuries    by  the    Tattvaeintainani    and   the   literature 
connected  with  it. 

12  One  of  tho  most  modern   schools  that  we  know  of,  that  of  the  Dhvani -doctrine   has  gone  through 
thw  three  stages  set  forth  abovi-  in  barely  a  century,  see  my  remarks  in  ZDMd.,  vol.  56,  pp.  405  ff.  (pp.  1  4 
ft.  of  the  off -print).     Through  the  Dhvanyaloka  tho  Dhvaiu-doctrine   became   the  common  property  of 
the  Pandits ;  thenceforward  one  can  speak  of  a  Dhvani-school    only  in  the  figurative  sonse  of  tanmat&nu- 
ttdritd.     In  the  grammatical  school  of  Panini  the  activity  of  the  individual  authors  appears  to  have  attain- 
ed great  importance  already  in  the  second  phase.     The  case  of  the  medical  schools  may  again  have  beuu 
quitej  different,  if,  that  is,  we  might   believe  in  tho  intimations  of  the  Upamitibhavaprapafica  Katha, 
pp.  1210  f.,  a  medical  school  was  constituted  through  the  pfifha  of  a  Samhita. 


192  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY,  [  JULY,  1918 

literary  form,  especially  when  |845]  its  author  writes  simultaneously  also  a  commentary ; 
this  took  place  when  the  sciences  detached  themselves  entirely  from  the  school  proper. 

We  have  set  forth  the  foregoing  reflections  regarding  the  different  kinds  of  schools  in 
India  in  order  to  clear  up  the  point  whether  the  Kawiliya  could  be  the  product  of  a  school. 
If  such  were  the  case,  we  ought  to  expect  a  Sutra-work,  as,  however,  the  Kautiliya  is  not 
a  Sutra  but  rather  a  Bhasya,  which  designation  is  also  expressly  given  to  it  by  an 
undent  author;  therefore  the  work  is  presumably  that  of  an  individual  author,  as  shown  by 
many  a  peculiarity,  material  ami  formal,  which  has  come  to  our  notice  in  tbe  course  of  our 
inquiry.  We  must  now  investigate  if  there  is  reason  for  doubting  the  common  Indian 
tradition  that  Kautilya  himself  is  the  author  of  the  work  under  discussion. 

In  the  first  place,  it  must  be  emphasised  that,  as  already  shown  by  Hillebrandt, 
throughout  the  Indian  middle  ages  Kauulya  was  with  one  accord  looked  upon  as  the 
author  of  the  Artha6astra  under  reference.  J  single  out  only  the  evidence  of  Daiulin,  who 
places  in  the  mouth  of  a  character  in  the  Dasakumarac.  Chap.  VIT1,  the  words  :  ///am  (scil. 
dandanttih)  iddnim  acan/a-V innuguytena  Mauri/artJu  xatlbhih  Mokasahcifiraih  xainfaipld  ;  here 
with  is  the  time,  the  author,  purpose,  extent  of  the  work  most  deliniteK  given,  in  complete 
accordance  with  the  data  of  the,  Kauiiliya  itself.  The  passages  in  ujiich  the  facts  in 
tion  are  given  are,  in  addition  to  the  opening  sentence  of  the  work  quoted  above 
the  last  verse  of  11,  of  II  10,  and  the  last  three  verses  at  the  very  end  of  the  work.  The 
iirsi,  question  is  :  whether  these  verses  may  not  be  later  additions.  ThL-s  supposition  is 
impossible  in  the  case  of  the  end  verses  of  1  1  and  11  10-  For  were  we  to  strike  off  these 
verses,  then  those  chapters  would  hick  the  usual  metrical  conclusion.  There  is  in  the 
Kautiliya  (as  in  the  Kjimasutra)  the  rule  that  every  chapter  must  end  with  at  least 
one  verse.13  Further,  as  regards  the,  three  verses  at  the  end  of  the  work,  it  is  well-known 
that  that  is  the  place  where  authors  give  information  about  thcmselve<  and  their  work  ; 
it  must  be  specially  emphasised  that  the  Kamasiitra,  which  in  other  respects  also  agrees 
|846]  in  outward  form  with  tho  Arthajsastra,  ends  with  eight  vrcrse>  containing  information 
about  the  work,  the  sources,  the  author,  the  purpose  and  the  justification.  Lastly,  the 
introductory  words,  which,  indeed,  do  not  contain  Kautilya "s  name,  cannot  be  dispensed 
with  and  find  besides  their  parallel  in  the  Kamasiitra,  whore  similarly,  before  the  enumera- 
tion of  the  Prakaranas,  but  in  greater  detail,  the  relation  of  the  work  to  its  sources  has 
been  set  forth.  Accordingly  the  expunging  of  the  doubtful  passage,*  would  result,  in  gaping 
blanks ;  the  amputation  is  therefore  not  feasible. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  contents  of  the  above  passages.  The  introductory  words  say 
that  the  contents  of  the  works  of  all  previous  masters  have  been  compressed  in  the 
ArthaBastra  before  us.  If  the  Kautiliya  were  tho  product  of  a  school  it  would  have  in 
that  case  appealed  to  the  tradition  of  the  school  itself  and  not  to  older  teachers,  who 
would  be  looked  upon  as  the  leaders  of  rival  schools.  The  wording  of  this  passage  points 
thus  to  an  individual  author,  independent  of  every  school.  The  same  follows  from  the 
end  verse  of  1  1,  which  roads  as  follows  : 

xukJtagrahanavijneyam  taltvartliapadanticilam  \ 
Kaut  Hyena  krtam  *astram  vimuktagranthavistaram  \\ 

13  Only  an  apparent  exception  to  this  rule  is  XIV  1,  where  a  manlm  in  prosu  follows  tin-  last  vorso  : 
for,  this  mantra  is  probably  a  gloss  intended  to  supplement  the  agnimantra  mentioned  in  that  verse. 
Otherwise  when  mantras  are  laid  down  (XIV  3),  th  •  directions  for  use  are  always  appended  to  them 
introduced  by  the  words:  etasya prayogah.  There  are  no  such  directions  in  this  instance. 


JULY,  10183  ON  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  KAUTILlYA  193 

"  Kautilya  has  composed  this  manual  easy  to  understand  and  to  study  ;  exact  as 
regards  subject,  ideas  and  words;  free  from  prolixity/'  These  appear  to  be  the  words  of 
the  author  of  a  book  intended  for  self -instruction.  A  text-book  intended  for  the  use  of 
schools  does  not  nood  to  be  aukhagraltanavijtiei/a  :  the  teacher,  the  school  is  concerned 
with  its  exposition. 

The  second  verse  runs  :  .  / 

v  y   ' 


y  anukramya  prayogam  upalabhya  ca  \ 
Kautilycna  narendrdrthc  xdsanaxya  vidhih  krtah  \\ 

"After  scrutinising  all  fc/istras  and  with  due  regard  to  practice,  Kamilya  has  formu- 
lated those  instructions  concerning  documents  for  the  benefit  of  kings."  This  verse  refers 
only  to  the  particular  chapter  samnadhikdra  :  Kautilya  claims  special  credit  for  it,  probably 
us  this  subject  was  either  not  dealt  with  at  all  before  him  or  at  any  rate  not  dealt  \\ith 
Milliciently  well.  The  personal  note  is  here  unmistakable.  Would  a  school  compiler 
boast  of  having  provided  for  the  wants  of  a  king  ( 

The  versos  at.  the  ond  of  the  work  road : 

xa-slrnm  id  ait*  yuTclaw  Hdhhi*  tontrai/uktibhih  \ 

piilaiu,  cokt'i  HI  lokfwtitt  xyx  parast/a  ca\\ 
dliarnunn  art/tarn  ca  Itntmnt  ca  jtrfttwrfayali  pall  ca  \ 
|  847  1  adharnianartharidr'  an  ,'dain  xiixIruM  mlianti  ca  \\ 

t/i  iia  xdxfraw  ca  .v</v/ww  ca  Anitdaruja-gatd  ca  h/iiifi  \ 
ntHttftfc^o'>ddJtt'tdtty  UMI  1cna  *dx'ram  idcun  krtutn  |, 

k  Thus  has  this  Sastra  that  lead-  to  the  acquisition  and  prc>.er\  ation  of  this  and  the 
other  world  been  set  forth  along  with  these  methodic  concept. s.  This  S:istra  brings  about 
and  protects  Justice,  Prosperity  and  Enjoyment  and  also  dispels  Injustice,  Detriment  and 
Displeasure.  This  manual  has  been  composed  hv  him  whofjuickly  and  angrily  rescued 
at  uiiee  the  Science,  the  Art  of  War  and  the  Karth  that  had  passed  to  the  Xanda  King.' 
The  first  of  these  three  \erses  refers  to  the  last  chapter  (concerning  methodic 
i;oncepts)  and  to  the  first,  word,-*  of  the  l>ook  :  j>;tJt<ry<i  lulht  palaw  ca.  The  second  ver>e 
promises  th<%  attainment  of  tlu^  triraryu  to  him  uho  knows  this  S.-istni,  as  is  done  in  a 
similar  way,  in  partly  identical  word.-  in  ihe  Kama-utra,  p.  i]70  :  iHtannani  arlhain  ca  kuwini* 
ca.  etc,  Lastlv,  the  end  verse  tell.-  u>.  with  ,sur]»assing  conciseness,  who  the  author  is,  not 
ih  rough  the  specification  of  his  name,  which  had  occurred  already  twice,  but  through  the 
recounting  of  his  distinguished  services.  That- is  not  self-praise  :  they  arc  tiic  words  of  a 
man  who  stands  at  the-  pinnacle  of  hi>  fame.  But.  in  spite  ot  his  sell-consciousness,  which 
is  not  veiled  by  any  sham  modoty,  one  docs  feel  in  the  words  of  the  Chancellor  of 
Candragupta  a  certain  amount  of  courteous  consideration  in  so  far  that  he  does  not  specif  \ 
the  name  of  the-  master  whom  lie  lias  raised  to  the  throne1;  for,  it  might  in  this  connection 
have  called  forth  his  disfavour.  Kamanclaki,  on  the  other  hand,  who  could  glorify  the 
groat  master  irrespective  of  any  such  consideration,  praises  as  his  work  the  overthrow  of 
the  Nandas  and  the  raising  to  the  throne  of  Candragupta,  each  in  one  stanza  (I  4.  5).  If 
some  one  in  later  times  had  added  a  praiafiti  to  tie  book,  it  would  surely  have  been  a 
•lengthy  oulogium  like  Kainandaki's,—  What  the  words  amfimno  \Uhrtdnydsu  in  the  last 
vorso  referred  to  the  Arthasastra  imply,  deserves  to  be  discussed  more  fully.  Amarsa  is,  taking 


194  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [JULY,  1918 

it  in  its  widest  sense,  the  irritation  caused  by  the  conduct  of  the  opponent ;  1A  the  primary 
meaning  of  uddhrla.  is  something  like  "  restoring  to  its  rights  "  and  is  according  to  its 
object  to  be  translated  differently :  with  reference  to  the  Science  it  may  be  rendered  with 
something  like  "reform."  The  seriso  of  Kautilya's  words  very  probably  is  that  he  [848] 
is  vexed  over  the  narrow-mindedness  of  his  predecessors,  and  that  he  has  without 
a  moment's  hesitation  (am)  thrown  overboard  their  dogmatism:  it  implies  the  sense  of 
Contempt  in  which  the  "  Professors  "  arc  held  by  the  statesman,  which  even  Bismarck  was 
at  no  pains  to  conceal.  This  standpoint  of  Kaufilya  finds  expression  in  his  work,  on  the 
one  hand  in  the  frequent  rejection  of  the  doctrines  of  the  deary  as,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
the  admittance  of  important  matters  into  the  Siistra  which  his  predecessors  did  not  deal 
with  there,  but  which  in  a  serviceable  hand-book  of  Politics  could  not  very  well  «be  left 
out.  The  agreement  obtaining  between  the  words  of  Kautilya  and  the  character  of  his 
work,  and  the  personality  that  characterises  them  would  be  difficult  to  understand,  if  those 
were  not  the  very  words  of  the  author.  A  later  writer  who  wanted  to  pal  in  off  his  own 
lucubration  or  that  of  his  school  on  the  name  of  the  famous  statesman,  would  surely 
have  faltered  somewhere.  From  tliN  view- point  the  higher  ml  icism  must  acknowledge 
the  authenticity  of  the  Kautiliya. 

Many  will  perhaps  find  it  difficult  to  bring  themselves  to  believe  in  the  ant heiiticit y  of 
the  Kautiliya  for  the  reason  that  literary  forgeries  have  been  in  India  the  order  of  the  day 
from  time  immemorial  on  an  extensive  scale.  For  is  it  not  a  forgery  when  a  work  is  given 
out  as  revealed  (jyrokta)  by  Mann.  Y;ijfiavalkya,  Vyasn  or  some  god  or  INi?  Dut  a  forgery 
in  the  name  of  a  historical  personality  with  studied  adaptation  of  Ihe  v\ork  on  that  of  the 
latter  would  be  no  longer  a  pia  frail*  but  a  re  lined  imposture,  which  has  no  counterpart  in 
tlie  Indian  method.  For  this  case  would  be  quite  different -from  that  ^hen,  foi  instance1, 
some  tractate  or  commentary  is  attributed  to  Sankara  through  the  putting  down  of  liis 
name  at  the  end  of  the  chapter  ;  the  Kauliliya  is  a  masterly  product  of  the  highest  rank 
and  recognised  as  such  through  a  long  scries  of  centuries.  He  who  could  urit-e^uclt  a  work 
must  have  suffered  from  a  morbid  lack  of  self-consciousness,  were  he  to  ^cad  it  out  into 
the  svorJd  under  the  name  of  another  in  order  to  assure  its  recognition.— -Another  mis-state - 
m»'iit  commonly  made  by  authors  in  India  is  one  w^jich  is  rather  a  *//y;/>/v<»,s'/<>  reri  than  a 
direct  falsification,  and  consists  in  the  publishing  of  the  work  under  the  name  of  the  patron 
who  brought  about  the  composition,  more  or  less  influences  or  even  supervises  it,  instead  of 
under  that  ol  the  author  himself  ;  a  well -known,  instance  is  that  of  the  works  going  under 
til",  name  of  Bhoja,  kino;  of  Dhara.  Such  an  origin  is  impossible  in  the  case  of  the  Kauiiliyu 
on  account  of  the  way  explained  above  in  which  Kautilya  looks  upon  the  composition  of 
the  work  as  a  personal  achievement ;  and  even  if  such  were  the  oa.se,  the  question  of  the 
age  of  the  work  would  not  be  affected  by  it.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do  not  wish  [849]  to 
dispute  that  Kaufilya  may  have  had  collaborators  for  certain  parts  of  his  work,  especially 
for  such  as  deal  with  technical  details  ;  officers  engaged  in  the  respective  branches  of  admi- 
nistration may  have  supplied  the  material  and  he  may  have  only  attended  to  its  editing. 
A  similar  state  of  things  may  be  observed  elsewhere,  for  example,  in  the  commentary  of 

14  Compare  the  definition  in  the  Rtisaga-igadhiiru,  p.  88:  parakridvajmldindnaparfidliajanyo  tnautui- 
ndkpdrusyA-dikdranibhiltai  oittavrttivt'teso  'marsat.  Similarly  already  in  Hharata,  p.  80  :  amarso  wlnta 
vidyaUvaryadhanobaldksiptasyd  'pam&nitasya  vd  samatpadyatt.  These  definitions  arc  applicable  primarily 
to  poems  and  dramas. 


JULY,  1018]  MISCELLANEA  195 

Arjunavarraacleva  to  the  Amaruka,  in  which  one  believes  to  be  in  a  position  to  distinguish 
between  the  words  of  the  princely  author  and  the  learned  disquisitions  of  his  Pandits. 
But  even  this  reservation  does  not  vitiate  the  authenticity  of  the  Kautiliya. 

Lafltly,  one  might  hesitate  to  accept  the  fact  that  just  the  Kautiliya  should  survive  as 
the  only  literary  monument  of  those  early  times,!'*  for  which  the  "  luibcnt  sit  a  fata  libdli  " 
would  offer  no  satisfactory  explanation.  1  too  do  not  look  upon  its  preservation  merely 
as  a  matter  of  an  unexpected,  lucky  chance,  but  would  emphasise  that  epoch-making 
works  of  master-minds,  to  which  category  the  Knutiliya  undoubtedly  belongs,  have  this 
advantage  over  other  merely  creditable  productions  that  they  do  not  get  antiquated  but, 
•on  thfc  contrary,  attain  the  dignity  of  a  canon.  Similarly  out  of  a  slightly  older  epoch 
has  been  preserved  the  Xirukta-  of  Yaska,  and  from  slightly  more  modern  times  the 
Ma-habhasya  of  Pataiijali.  The  high  esteem  in  which  these  \\orks  are  held  protects  them 
not  merely  from  the  tooth  of  time  but  also  from  the  hand  of  the  meddlesome  interpolator. 
In  the  latter  respect  was  the  Kautiliya  further  protected  through  the  enumeration  of  the 
Prakaranas  contained  in  if  and  the  speciiicntion  of  its  extent,  like  similar  data  in  the 
Kainasutra  also.  We  have,  therefore,  a  certain  guarantee  for  the  fact  that  our  text  has  not 
undergone  any  considerable  addition  ;  \vhether  any  curtailment  hus  t.j'Ken  place  \\iil  IHJ 
revealed  by  a  critical  study  of  the  \vork. 

The  outcome  of  our  investigation  is,  on  the  one.  hand,  that  the  suspicion  against  the 
authenticity  of  the  Kamilivais  unfounded,  and,  on  the  other,  that  the  unanimous  Indian 
tradition  according  to  \\liieh  the  Kautiliya  i-  the  \\ork  of  the  famous  minister  of 
Candragupta,  is  most  emphatically  continued  through  a  series  ol  internal  proofs.1'1 

MISCELLANEA. 

VATSY;\YANA  AXD  KALIPA^A.  J»M|  idea   st^mw   to  he    a  «  li-ar   proof  of    Kalidusa'8 


IN   Act.  IV  of  tin-  Mk'nitala  Kalidasu  has  trot  the  W'^<^  *™™  Vf.fsyAyan.i. 

famous   verso,    UntnWwm   <juran,   el  c.      Ka^yapa  In  tllc  tllird  inot  of  th"  VITS(1  fmm  tho  &*'<»W" 

iul  his  verse  advises  kakunUla  as  to  how  she  should  q»"t«'d  above,   uc-eurdmg  t.i    hum-    rradmo  w,,    Kot 

)»ohuve  horsolf  in  her  husband's   Jiouso.     The   tjjji-d  ^  '<!/»<"*'<«  *"«^  »*  Mo,,<  s/»/.     Ju  ihn   li^hl  of  Mie 

foot    of    the    vorao     blni./M.tha.n    Mura     d«k«hi,u\  ^Inm^lrn    it    uouhl    b-    n,,u    justifiable    to    alter 

Vmjanc  bho'jc^u  -.     «»ut«tkhti  i*  ruthcr  ink'rostii',-  bh^/^ltu  intn  MW  ^,  O.M-.O  tor  uJl. 

»is  it  r.Icarl.v  shows   tlial     Kalidnsii  wnfc  indebted   to  Arcojiting    Prof.     ,7m-obi^  thoorjMhat  the  third 

Vatsyayuna    for    the    idoa   and     languago    of   this  ^itury     A.J>.    should    be     fixod    tis    tho     date    o! 

o.     A    laxly  who   is  c  Jen-  ,-M  rirf    must  possess  X  "t^yAyunn,  the  Bunit-    j^nod    -hould  ulso  be  now 

ording    to    VatsxAyuuii.  among    other  qualities,  lult     (loxvn    a*    tlle    kmrr     ilMij1     of    tho    (latn  oi 

niittifJkaJt  a-nd  jtfirijancfltlkjahinifam  (Kdtna- 

a,  IV,  1,  3!MO).     This   similarity   of  language  N.  <J.  MAJL  MDAR. 


13  Tt  may  further  be  emphasisod  here  that  iji  th(»  later  climsiuul  period  th  »iv  vvu.s  no  lunger  any  cor- 
tain  tradition  coneoniing  the  pro-  and  early  classical  \vrii.ers  and  that  therefore  lliey  could  uol  be  distin- 
guishod  in  that  period  Thus  tho  lexicographers  (TriluVi'laat^u,  JI  3ti:»  f.,  Abhidhinacintiiuaiii,  ILL  517  f.) 
identify  tho  following  writers  with  Kautilya  :  both  tho  VatsyAyanus  (M-illauaga  aid  J'ak^ila-svamin), 
Drarnila  and  Angula.  Is  it  p3rhaps  duo  to  this  confounding  of  YAtsyayana  with  Kautilya  that  tho 
commentator  to  the  Kamandaklya,  as  remarked  above  p.  M)  >,  no^  S,  calls  tho  author  of  tho  KAmasutra 
asniadgurn  ? 

30  Tho  above  article  of  Prof.  Hermann  Ja?obi  apfi3aroJ  in  th»  X.teui/vltcri-hie  der  kjniy'icb 
Preussiscfan  Akademkder  W  fovenschajten,  1912,  No.  XXXV11I. 


106 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


1918 


NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 


SPREAD  OF  HOBSON-JOBSON  IN 
MESOPOTAMIA. 

THE  war  has  naturally  brought  about  a  new 
crop  of  Hob.son-Jobsons  and  corruptions  of 
Knglish  and  European  languages  which  are  begin- 
ning to  be  reported  and  are  worth  collecting  from 
the  commencement  for  the  sake  of  future  students 
of  philology. 

Air.  Edmund  Oaudlor,  the  representative  of  tlie 
British  Prebs  in  Mesopotamia,  is  responsible  for 
those  contained  in  the  following  extract.-  taken 
from  ft  letter  published  in  the  (London)  ob^-rrcr  on 
the  12th  M»y  1018. 

A. — Hobson  Jobsons. 

1.  Imshi.  Imperative  of  Ar.  verb  rnashl,  i  o  a«»:  go.  I 
get  out.  To  vanish,  a  vaiiisher  (one  who  vanishes),  j 
•'  There  was  a  small  port  on  the  Euphrates  where  , 
t  he  villagers  were  called  'imshis*  1»\  the  Km  i.,h  rank  • 
,md  file.  Tht  word,  with  its  Djinn-like  [Ar.  jhn,,  \ 
ycwric  term  for  supernatural  beings  of  dnrkne.>s  }  j 
-ugguhtion  of  disappearance,  is  very  apt."  ; 

-.  Makoo.  Contracted  form  of  Ar.  in  >  ii>ikiinti\ 
\*  becoming  nothing.  Theiv  is  none,  not  to  be 
tud.  tut  of  stock.  "  I  only  know  of  one  m-tuiicc 
i  it  which  'rnakoo'  has  boon  applied  to  an  individual, 
•  ind  that  is  Makoo  Effendi  of —  [Mr.  NVxer  has],  ;i 
picturesque  dignified  old  gentle-man,  a  sort  ot 
general  factotum,  contractor  mid  agent,  whom  we 
have  inherited  from  the  Turk.  He  stands  \\ith  the 
palms  of  hn  hands  turned  up  and  resting  un  hi.- 
hip*,  his  eye?  fixed  on  the  far  horizon  empty  of 
hope,  the  pe*  Bonification  of  'inakoo.'  *  If  \  on  talk 
about  work,'  said  a  subaltern  to  me.  '  h<'  falls 
all  of  a  tremble  and  spins  out  *  makoo^  by  the 
rard.'  " 

3.  Bill  bellum.  Ar.  b"il*ba1am9  in  the  rm  r-)»oat. 
Any  kind  of  river-boat.        '  In  Basrah  y"\i   have 
soldiers  calling  out  for  a  'bill*bellum.'  " 

4.  Marionette.   Ar.  mcmdraf, a  turret  :  the  mina- 
rets of    a   mosque.    "  The  other   day    I    heard  a 


corporal  talking  about  the  'domej  and  marionettes 
of  Bagh  lad/" 

B.— Corruptions  of  European  words. 

1.  Shamfn  da  far  Fr.  chemin -de-fen  a  railway. 
"  An  Arab  asked  me  the  other  day  where  the  new, 
*  «hemin  duffer  was  going  to  be.'  " 

2.  Satardnbil,  terumbil.  An  automobile,  motor 
car.     "  The  men    of    the  desert  call    our     motorn 
*stronbi!ls'    or   *  terumbills/    ti  truly  ouomatoprvic 
word." 

3.  Antika.  Any  '•  antiquo."    "'Thourohm  who 
holds  out  a  faked   curio    at    Babylon   aak«  you    to 
buy  an  *  antica."  [This  H  an  old  expression  in  the 
Near  East  through  the    Italian  ant  tea.    The  Editor 
hoard    it    used    continually  in    the  ba/.aar  in  Cairo 
50  years   ago.     The  expression   u<ed    in  enquiries 
then    was  usually.   fu»lnk   hnju   ttn'h'n  ':     Js   there 
any  antique    with    you?    Have    \  on    any    at  ciout 
m»iiiB  V  j. 

*.  KuntrQchi.  A  oontractt.r.  Fr.  rontrat  and 
Turk.  rhi.  un  agent,  a  handlei .  ••  Tim  o  >utractjr 
is  the  '  c-mLrachi  '  (<  nut  rut  and  >h>,  the  Turkish 
tcrmmatio.i  th;it  imphen  agent )."  [(.T.  in'itth  ulchi, 
tli«-  'Jump  mail."  th--  'male  kitch»n-m  ud,  or 
MWOCMIK*'  of  tho  An^lo-Iudia  i  household:  ///. 
th'k  man  who  handles  the  lamp.-  (properly  torches, 
»tfi.-,'h  nt).-  KD.  J. 

.">,     Damt'ul.    U'o  deceive.   "At    Aden   T  hear  the 

Arab^  lia\e  eoin.-d  a  verb  from  an  KnLfhsh  expletive, 
'diimful.'  which  is  conjiiLcat'-d  m  all  it-,  mood^  and 
tenses.  *1  dumfuh'd  you  [da  in  fait  uk],  'you 
dumfulol  ni'1  [damfa  Han't]*  with  the  Arab 

i>.  Finish.  To  finish,  end,  ho  done  for.  "Jt>  has 
{••yn'oad  from  l^asrah  to  Samarrah  and  to  the  remot- 
est villages  of  the  desert.  A  familiar  greeting 
from  the  Arabs  as  we  went  up  the  Tigris  was  *  Turk 
finish,'  and  it  was  alway*  accompanied  with  an 
eloquent  gesture  of  finality." 


*"     ' 


AUOUHT.  181HJ  RELIGION  fN  SfNJ) 


197 


RELIGION  IX  SIND. 
BY  C.  E.  L.  CARTKli.   I.C.S. 

Part  I. 

(Continued  from  Vol.  XLVt,  i>.  20S  (,f  KMT.) 

TJA\1X(;    formulated    our  hypothesis   let   us  proceed  to  examine  a   few  legends    which 

clearly  refer  to  pre-Mussalman  times.     In  th,  History  of  G'ujerat '   we  read  that  tho 

Brahmins  of  Smd    reiused   to  become  Shrimali  Brahmans.     -  The  angry  Sindh  Bruhmans 

m  their  own  countn  worshipped  the  sea.     Al  their  n,,uest  Sumudra  scut  I hr  demon  Sarika 

to  rum  Shrtmal.     Sarika  carried  off  the  nmrruigeahl,    Brahman  girls Shrimal  became 

waste*  ....  When  thev  heard  that  the  Shrimal  Brahman.s  had  returned  to  their  old  city 
and  were  prospering  the  Brahmans  of  Sind  once  more  .sent  Sarika  to  carry  a wuy  their 
marriageable  daughter*.  One  girl,  as  she  was  IMMII^  jla|rcl  auay  (.aUj.4,  (>n  ncu/house_ 
goddess  and  Sarika  wa-  spell-bound  to  the  spot .  King  Shripimj  camr  up  and  was  about' to 

slay  Sarika  with  an  arrow  when  Sarika  said  -  Do  not  kill  me, let  your   Brahmans  at 

their  ueddino>  om-  a  dinner  in  my  honour  and  let  thorn  also  marry  'their  daughters  in 
unwashed  clotho  .  .On  this  Sarika  Hed  to  Sindh  And  in  her  honour  the  people  both  of 
Shrimal  and  of  Jixlhpm  still  marry  their  daughter  m  unwashed  clothe*." 

This  extract  dearlv  indicates  that  m  Sindh  tho  orthodox  Hindus  had  oiven  up  the 
worship  of  ccleMJal  dcitic-  and  were  water  worshippers.  Jt  i,s  true  the  sea,  is  specified  but 
the  connotfitiim  i*  \airm-  Kven  Punjabi  Mahommedaiis  to  this  day  call  the  Indus  the 

That  tin*  crocodile  \va>  demonic  may  be  gathered  from  the  Mi-an^c  lycanthropic  tale 
incorporated  in  tin-  MtihtiMwrulfi.-  Arjun  was  rowng  through  Western  India  in  search  o! 
adventure  and  had  apparently  reached  tho  lakes  oi  the  Lower  Indus  Hood  plain.  "  Dracr- 
ged  by  rhe  rent»wned  Arjuna  to  the  land,  that  crocodile  became  a  beautiful  damsel 
4V  Who  art  thou.  O  hrautitul  one  '  What  for  hadst  thou  been  a  raiigtM-  of  the  Waters  *  " 
....  The  damsel  repliiil,  saying.  k<  I  am.  Oli  mighty  armed  one,  an  Ajisara  sporting  in 
the  celestial  \\ood>.  1  am.  Oh  mighty  one.  Vaiva  b\  name  "...  and  then  she  describes 
how  she  and  four  othei>  (dear  to  Kuvera),  Su;ira\evj.  S-tmichi.  Yudonda  and  Lata,  tempted 
a  Brahman,  who  curbed  them.  4>  Becoming  croeodiles  raiiire  ve  the  waters  i or  a.  hundred 
\ears  .  ,  An  exalted  individual  will  (hag  ye  all  from  the  water  to  the  land.  Then  ye 
will  have  back  your  real  forms."' 

Xow  this  tale  is  pure  lyeantliropy  and  is  all  the.  stranger  because  this  form  of  magic  is 
so  rare  in  India.  The  name  of  the  leader  of  the  Apsaras.  Varga,  is  to  be  noted.  One  must 
assume  that  the  Beast,  the  terror  of  the  jungle,  the  incarnation  of  foul  murder,  is  riot  in 
Sind  cither  t  he  panther  (Marathi  irayh),  or  the  tiger  (Sk.  rt/iiyhru),  but  t  he  crocodile  (Si.  wagho). 
In  Europe  the  Beast  wa^  the  wolf  (Norse  varyr  Saxon  rarity)  and  from  the  terror  inspired 
by  its  ferocity  was  evolved  the  whole  conception  of  the  werwolf.  In  Sind  the  Beast  was 
eventually  lost  in  an  all-embracing  Hinduism.  A  curious  parallel  of  absorption  in  Catholic 
Christianity  will  be  found  in  the  most  holy  miracle,  which  St.  Francis  wrought  when  he 
converted  the  very  fierce  wolf  of  Agobio.a 

'  Bombay  Gazetteer,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  1,  p.  462. 

»  Trans,  by  P.  C.  Roy,  Calcutta,  1883.     Adi  Parva.  ch,  218. 

£  Little  Flower*  of  St.  Francis t  ch.  XXI.  For  the  terror  inspired  by  the  crocodiles  among  the  Jewa 
aeejofc,  ch.  41  R.V. 


198  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1018 

Does  the  mythical  *  makara '  represent  the  contribution  of  Brahmanical  Sind  to  catholic 
Hinduism  ?  One  Puranic  legend,  quoted  in  the  History  of  Gujerat,'  refers  to  the  conquest 
of  Mayuradhvaja  of  Gujerat  by  Makaradhvaja  of  Sind.  This  fight  is  considered  to  represent 
the  contest  in  which  the  Mers  from  Sind,  as  allies  of  the  Huns,  overthrew  the  Gupta  viceroy 
of  Kathiawar.  -  It  is  significant  that  the  Mers  fought  under  so  repellent  a  standard. 

What  the  classical  idea  of  the  Makara  was  may  be  gathered  from  the  gloss  incorporated 
in  Sir  William  Jones'  translation  of  the  Institutes  of  Manu  (VII.  187).  "  On  the  march  let 
him  form  his  troops  ....  like  a  macara  or  soa-monster,  that  is,  in  a  double  triangle  with 
opices  joined.  In  the  Mahdbhdrata  "  the  formation  literally  reproduces  the  crocodile  form. 

Part  II. 

Introduction. 

The  first  part  of  this  article  was  based  on  customs  observed  in  Lower  Sind  regarding 
the  river  cult  and  the  few  remarks  of  reticent  villagers.  In  central  Sind  the  attraction 
of  the  shrine  of  Uderolal  results  in  less  reticence  and  fuller  details  are  available.  The 
problem  is,  hovv  did  the  cult  survive  the  subtle  blandishments  of  Buddhism  and  the  more 
violent  methods  of  the  Arabs.  Regarding  the  former,  Hiuen  Tsang  is  clear,  though  a 
Sindhi  characteristic  appears,  then  as  now— no  tale,  no  religion.  It  took  an  aeronaut  arhat 
to  convert  the  denizens  of  the  Indus  flood  plain.  lk  Since  then  generations  have  passed 
and  the  changed  times  have  weakened  t hoir  virtue,  but  as  for  the  rest  they  retain  their  old 
customs."  Arab  methods  may  be  conveniently  studied  in  the  Chachnama. 

In  the  story  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  River  God  not  only  have  the  details  of  the  cult  at 
Uderolal  been  described  in  full  but  the  cask;  customs  of  the  Thakurs  have  been  elaborated 

not  because  of  an  essential  connection  with  religion  as  illustrative  of  how  completely  a 

foreign  control  has  been  established  over  a  purely  local  religion,  centuries  after  it  might 
reasonably  be  supposed  to  have  died  out,  and  of  how  it  is  maintained  by  the  custom  of 
exogamy. 

In  the  cult  of  Khwaja  Khizr  the  Thakur  was  less  successful.  Apparently  it  had 
already  become  esoteric  before  the  Thakur  arrived  and  the  most  he  could  do  was  to  assert 
that  the  deity  worshipped  near  Sukkur  was  identical  with  the  incarnate  Uderolal. 

The  Story  of  the  Incarnation  o!  the  River  God. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  when  Marakh  was  king  of  Tatta  and  Aho  was 
his  vazir,  the  Hindus  o{  Sind  were  greatly  oppressed  -so  much  so  that  their  sacred  threads 
were  removed  and  their  top-knots  cut  off  that  they  might  be  converted  into  Islam.  Tatta 
was  at  that  time  the  capital  of  Sind.  The  Hindu  panchdyat  of  Tatta  thereupon  approached 
the  king  with  a  request  that  they  might  be  relieved  from  so  great  a  tyranny,  but  the 
king  utterly  refused  saying  that  they  must  obey  his  order  for  he  desired  only  one  religion 
in  his  realm.  Then  the  panchayat  asked  for  a  respite  of  three  days  on  the  expiry  of 
which  they  would  make  a  final  reply.  The  older  members  of  the  panchdyat,  who  were 
learned  in  the  Sastras  and  the  Bhagawad  (?tfd,  the  most  holy  books  of  the  Hindus, 

«  Op.  cit.,  p.  135.  6  Op.  cit.  Karna  Parva,  XI.  U-21. 


AUGUST,  1918]  RELIGION  IN  SIND  199 


called  to  mind  a  sloka  of  the  third  book  of  the  Bhw/avad  Gita9  wherein  it  is  written, 
"  Whenever  the  dearest  ones  of  God  are  oppressed  or  their  ritual  interbred  with,  God, 
becoming  incarnate,  will  protect  those  dear  to  him/'  ° 

Remembering,  then,  this  tlnka  they  resolved  to  go  in  a  band  to  the  bank  of  the  river 
at  Tatta,  where  they  offered  prayers  for  three  days  continually.  At  the  close  of  the 
third  day  a  voice  was  heard  coming  from  the  1  liver,  saying,  "  Eight  clays  from  to-day 
I  shall  be  born  atNasarpur  in  the  house  of  Katanrui  Arora,  who  is  Asharm  by  Yiran  and 
Tina  by  caste.  I  shall  be  called  Udorolal.  My  mother  \s  name  is  Deoki.  Do  you 
therefore  request  the  king  that  after  eight  days  he  and  his  razir  should  come  to  me  there 
to  discuss  your  religious  differences.  1  shall  gladly  dispose  of  them.  Meanwhile  the  kinjr 
should  stay  his  hand.'' 

The  panchayat  became  of  good  cheer  and  with  hearts  emboldened  returned  to  the  city 
strewing  flowers  on  the  road.  They  related  their  tale  to  the  king  who  agreed  to  postponr 
matters.  After  eight  days  on  Friday  the  first  day  of  Clmilra  in  the  year  10(17  Kawmt 
Uderohil  was  born  in  the  aforementioned  house  ai.  Nasarpur.  The  king  then  sent  his 
vazir  Alio  to  Nasarpur  to  enquire  into  the  statement  of  the  Hindu«  :  first  asking  tlic  name 
of  the-  father  he  came  to  the  house  of  JJatanrai,  where  he  learnt  that  a  child  named 
Udcrolnl  had  actually  been  born.  In  those  days  Xasarpiir  was  also  on  the  bank  of  the 
Indus.  Aho  entered  the  house  vsith  sonic  of  the  elders  of  Nasarpur  and  indeed  found  the 
child  in  a  cradle.  After  a  few  moments  the  babe*  had  become  a  youth  <>f  sixteen  years  of 
age,  again  he  became  a  black-bearded  man,  and  yet  again  after  a  short  while  a  grave  old 
white-bearded  man.  Much  astonished  he  humbly  requested  the  babe,  to  accompany  him 
to  Tatta  for  the  king  had  summoned  Him  in  connection  with  a  dispute  regarding  the 
Hindu  religion.  He  replied  that  the  mzir  should  go  in  advance  to  Tatta  and  then  He 
Himself  would  appear  on  the  bank  of  the  river  at  Tatta  what  time  the  razir  rcmemhcrcd 
Him.  The  razir  set  out  from  Nasarpur  and  after  three  days  reached  Tatta.  On  the  fourth 
day  while  standing  on  the  bank  of  the  river  he  remembered  the  words  of  I'dcrolal  Sahib  and 
to  his  surprise  at  once  saw  Him  emerging  from  the  rher  at  the  head  of  a  regiment  armed 
with  swords  and  other  weapons.  The  razir  was  astonished  to  see  such  an  army  coming 
from  the  river  and  begged  rderol;;!  to  send  it  back  again  as  there  was  no  question  <>1  a 
fight  ;  the  king  merely  desired  His  presence.  Udcrolal  thereupon  commanded  the  army 
to  return  to  the  river,  while  he  accompanied  the  wzir  to  visit  the  king. 

On  seeing  God  thus  incarnate  the  Hindus  collected  in  large1  numbers,  rejoicing  ni  Him 
and  conducted  him  with  great  pomp  to  the  king  The  razir  then  related  all  that  he  had 
seen,  introducing  Vderohil  by  name  and  reporting  that  he  was  considered  as  the  yiu  n  <>1 
the  Hindus.  The  king  arose1  to  receive  Him  and  enquired  of  the  razir  the  name  of  the  new 
incarnation.  The  vazir  replied  that,  He  was  known  both  as  Uderolal  and  as  Zinda  Pir.  He 
was  called  Zinda  Pir  because  He  was  their  personal  God,  though  the  meaning  of  Zinda 
Pir  is  this,  that  Zinda  means  living  and  Pir  means  a  guru  or  a  teacher.  The  king  thereupon 
addressed  Uderolnl,  saying  that  as  He  was  held  to  be  an  incarnation  by  the  Hindus,  He 
should  advise  them  to  give  up  the  worship  of  stocks  and  stones  and  become  Mahnjnedans 


6  The  reference  is  perhaps  to  Bhagnvud  GUd,  III.  3~j :  There's  mow  happiness  in  duing  out's  own 
Law  without  excellence  than  in  doing  another's  Law  well.  It  is  happier  to  die  in  one's  own  Law; 
-another's  Law  brings  dread.— (L.  D.  BARNETT,  Temple  Classics). 


200 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUOUHT,  1918 


whereby  there  would  be  one  religion  throughout  the  country.  Udcrolul  replied  that  the- 
world  is  the  creation  of  God  and  all  is  according  to  His  nature,  wherefore  he  should 
abandon  his  plan  and  cease  from  tyrannising  over  the  Hindus.  A  reference  to  the  tiastratt 
or  to  the  Koran  would  show  that  God  had  created  all  things  in  His  wisdom  and  in  the 
fullness  of  His  wisdom  had  H«,  created  many  religions.  To  Him  Hindus  and  Turks 
were  alike.  Those  who  remember  Him  are  those  who  are  nearest  and  dearest  to  Him.  It 
would  be  better  therefore  for  the  king  to  follow  Hi*  (Uderolul's)  advice-  and  abandon  his 
plans. 

The  king  asked  the  r-eraras  to  what  should  be  done  to  Udcrolul  ;  he    replied  that  the 
king  should  be  linn,  that  he  should    bind  Uderohil  and   cast  him   into   prison.    The  king, 
issued   orders  accordingly  but  his  men  could   not  capture   Uderolal.     At  times  life  body 
changed    to    air,     at    times   to   water,    at  times  it  was   itself  ;  thus  their  efforts    were 
fruitless. 

Failing  in  this  the  king  and  his  razir  turned  their  thoughts  to  converting  the  Hindus 
to  Islam  by  force.  On  hearing  this  they  became  terrified  but  Uderolnl  calmed  their  feaw 
and  commanded  Fire  to  destroy  th<-  houses  and  places  of  the  Turks.  While  this  firo  was 
racing  through  the  town  the  king  and  the  vasir  with  all  the  Mahomedun  ryots  bowed  before 
Uderolal  and  begged  for  pardon,  offering  to  obey  all  His  orders.  Udernl.,1  commanded 
that  all  should  be  free  in  their  own  religion  and  that  Hindus  should  not  be  persecuted  for 
the  future.  The  king  submitted  to  tl.is  and  Udcrolnl,  first  consoling  the  Hindus,  returned 
tt.  Nasarpur  and  lived  with  his  father. 

On  reaching  the  age  of  twelve  he  asked  his  brothers  Somo  and  Bhandur  to  give  up 
their  worldly  affairs  and  to  join  him  in  founding  their  new  Tlmlnrai  or  DaryAfnntTii 
religion.  This  they  refused  to  d<>  and  remained  in  their  business.  Uderolul  then  ordered 
his  cousin  Pugar  to  bear  his  commands  and  to  found  the  new  religion.  He  agreed  and 
was  led  to  the"  bank  of  the  river,  where,  while  bathing,  he  saw  the  true  form  of  Uderolal 
and  many  other  wonders.  By  the  grace  of  Uderolal  his  mind  and  heart  were  open  and. 
understanding,  he  saw  what  remained  to  be  seen. 

Returning  from    the  liver  Uderolul  made   him  his  disciple   and    gave     him  seven 

things : — 

(i)  Jot  o^  or  lamp. 

(ii)  Timaltlioryhari     ..     A    pot  containing   sacrificial   water  for     distribution 

in  cups  to  Hindus, 
(iii)  Robe 
(iv)  Drum          Capable  of  emitting  various  notes. 

(v)  Crown         

(vi)  Deg  J^i  i  A  large  metal  pot  for  cooking  rice. 

(vii)  Teg~'          A  sword.. 

Somo  and  Bhandar,  the  brothers  of  Lai  Sahib,  now  became  jealous  of  Pugar  and 
wished  to  drive  him  away.  Lai  Sahib,  however,  informed  them  that  Pugar  was  the  only 
person  fit  to  be  his  disciple  :  if  they  wished  to  share  in  hie  service  and  its  rewards  and  to 
be  respected  as  was  Pugar,  let  them  take  the  Timahli  and  distribute  water  from  it  to  the 

"f  At  thTpresent  day  the  jot  is  in  the  posseWion  of  the  Thakurt.  of  Sehwan  and  the  crown  with  the 
clue!  of  the  Thakure,  who  resides  ftt  Alipur  (Punjab).    There  is  no  trace  of  the  other  gift.. 


AUGUST,  1918]  KELKUON  IN  SIN1>  201 

Hindus,  whereby  they  too  would  be  respected  as  Thakurs  and  obtain  wealth,  reputation, 
and  believers.  8 

After  the  establishment  of  the  new  religion  Vdcrolal  Sahib  came  riding  on  horseback, 
spear  in  hand,  to  Jhai-jo-Goth,  some  eight  miles  from  Nasarpur,  and  halted  in  a  largo 
open  space.  A  Mahomedan,  who  was  there,  on  being  asked  who  the  owner  was,  replied 
that  he.  himself  was.  Uderoliil  informed  him  thai  he  wished  to  purchase  the  land,  but  the 
Mahomcdan  before  selling  wished  to  consult  his  wife.  He  \\cnt  off  to  do  so  and  on  his 
return  found  Uderoial,  whom  ho  had  left  in  the  full  blaze  of  the  sun,  standing  beneath  a 
large  tree  that  had  suddenly  grown  up  on  the  land.  The  Mahomedaii  was  astonished 
particularly  by  the  miracle,  and  offered  the  land  gratis  to  Him,  provided  he  might  receive 
the  income  accruing  to  the  temple,  which  would  be  built,  on  the  spot.  Vderolal  granted 
the  request.  Further,  he  struck  his  spear  in  the  ground  and,  biinging  to  light  many 
diamonds  and  rubies,  told  him  that  all  was  his  for  the  gathering.  The  Mahomedan 
declined  everything  except  the  income  of  the  temple.  Vderolal  confirmed  the  grant 
and  was  immediately  swallowed  up  by  the  ground,  himself,  his  horse  and  his  spear  and 
was  never  seen  again. 

When  the  news  of  this  event  spread  abroad,  the  king,  Marakh,  sent  his  wz/r  to 
enquire  into  the  matter  ;  if  the  information  was  true  he  should  build  a  fine  mausoleum 
over  the  spot  in  eommemoiation  of  Uderoial.  The  Thakur  Pugar  also  arrived  at  the 
place  and  as  they  could  not  agree  among  themselves  about  the  construction  of  the 
mausoleum  they  decided  to  \iatchduring  one  whole  night  and  to  carry  out  whatever 
orders  a  voice  fro  in  uiulcrurround  should  give.  While  keeping  their  vi^il  they  heard  a  voice 
declare  that  the  king,  wealthy  as  he  was,  should  build  the  mausoleum  in  fitting  style  and 
that  the  Hindus  should  build  another  place  adjoining  it  in  which  should  be  maintained  the 
lamps.  In  fact,  it  is  said  Vdcrolal  considers  Hindus  and  Mahomedans  alike  and  would 
rejoice  if  both  would  worship  at  his  tomb,  adding  that  He  is  not  dead  ;  His  name  of 
Vderoliii  <,r  Amurlal  indeed  signifies  the  everlasting  one. 

The  order  was  obeyed  and  the  two  places,  sti'l  in  existence,  \\ere  built  side  by  side. 
Mahomedans  do  not  go  to  the  jot  building,  but  Hindus  go  to  both.  Five  lamps  are 
maintained  up  to  the  piesent  time  and  lit  at  night-fall  in  the  tomb,  where  a  Mahomedan 
sits  to  collect  the  offerings.  These  lamps  are  lit  by  the  Hindus  and  all  service  is  done  by 
them,  such  as  sweeping  the  floor,  cleaning  the  tomb  and  offering  ilowers.  The  Mahomedans 
only  collect  the  money  offerings.  In  the  jot  building  lights  are  kept  burning  day  and 
night. 

The  holy  tree,  which  grew  up  while  the  original  owner  went  to  consult  his  wife,  still 
survives.  It  is  worshipped  and  no  common  person  is  allowed  to  touch  it.  The  seeds  of 
this  tree,  if  swallowed  like  pills,  are  a  certain  specific  for  aoulcss ness.  Pugar  8ahib  had 
also  constructed  a  well  and  a  rest-house  (bhanddro)  for  travellers,  which  still  exist.  The 
well  is  considered  sacred  as  the  Ganga  or  Jumna. 

A  fair  is  held  annually  'sn  the  first  day  of  Chaitr  (Chtti  chand)  at  Jhai-jo-gotb 
(Uderoial)  and  all  Uderolal's  followers  from  Sind,  the  Punjab,  Cutch  and  elsewhere  come. 

8  The  Thakura  of  Nustnpur  aro  in  consequence  known  as  Somuis.  The  followers  of  Pugar  are 
Bhudai  Thakurs.  These  la i  for  arc  HO  called  from  Budho,  tiw  son  of  Pugar  in  his  old  uge.  The  Thakura 
of  Sehwau  and  of  the  Punjab  <T"  Kudhais.  There  are  Budhais  also  in  other  parta  of  Sind. 


202  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AUGUST,  1918 


A  largo  market  is  opened  during  the  fair.  A  fair  is  also  held  on  the  first  day  of  every 
month  at  Uderolal  and  a  mid-yearly  fair  is  held  on  Asu  cfw,nd.  At  Xasarpur  also  fairs  are 
held  as  at  Uderolal  at  the  place  where  he  was  born,  the  place  being  considered  holy  and 
jot  being  maintained  there. 

On  the  island  of  Bukkur  a  fair  is  also  held  m  Uketi  chand.  After  Uderolal  had 
disappeared  at  Jhai-jo-Goth  he  appeared  again  at  Bukkur  emerging  from  the  rock.  He 
was  seen  and  people  still  worship  Him  as  Zinda  Fir  in  the  temple  built  over  the  spot. 
Here  a  light  is  perpetually  maintained  \i\  a  cave.  Prom  the  Sakra-nl  of  Sramin  to  the 
Sakrant  of  Bado  the  Hindus  at  Sukkur  lock  the  doors  of  the  holy  place  of  Zinda  Pir  for 
forty  days  and  no  one  but  the  care-taker  is  allowed  to  enter.  He  too  approaches  the  place' 
not  in  a  boat  but  swimming  on  an  earthenware  pot  (matt)  with  his  eyes  bandaged.  Ho 
but  adds  oil  to  the  lamp  and  trims  the  wick.  After  the  expiry  of  forty  days  a  great  fair 
is  held  when  many  bahardwis  (y  I  -4?  a  ball  of  spiced  dough)  and  much  tweet  rice  are 
distributed. 

At  Uderolal  the  service  is  in  the  hands  of  a  Buiragi,  who  has  been  placed  in  eharge  by 
the  Thakurs.  From  him  no  accounts  are  taken  and  he  is  in  fact  his  own  master  with  In* 
own  chelas  to  succeed  him.  He,  however,  serves  all  Thakurs  who  visit  Uderolal.  Jt  is  he 
who  adorns  the  tomb  with  its  rich  trappings  on  every  day  of  the  new  moon,  on  even- 
Friday,  and  on  every  thirteenth  day  of  the  moon  a  golden  turban  and  a  rich  piece  of 
cloth  are  laid  upon  the  tomb.  At  the  same  time  people  offer  rice  cooked  with  sugar  (r/y/r) 
and  baharaiiiifi,  of  which  the  former  is  eaten  and  the  latter  thrown  into  tho  well. 

At  other  places  where  there  are  disciples,  as  at  Sehwan  and  Shikarpur.  \\ill  be 
found  temples  for  the  jot  where  lamps  are  maintained  night  and  day.  At  every 
temple  or,  as  in  Hyderabad  city,  at  even  road-side  shrine,  a  jhari  full  of  water  is  also 
maintained  near  the  Jo/.  Both  are  worshipped  symbolically  and  equally.  Morning 
and  evening  prayers  must  be  offered  before  the  jol  and  the  jhnri,  or,  if  possible,  on  the 
river-side  before  running  water.  A  Thakur  as  part  of  his  worship  should  morning  and 
evening  ceremonially  east  rice  and  sugareandy  into  the  river.  At  "Uderolal"  He  js 
addressed  as  J -til  Udero  Sain  (the  holy  leader),  Ratuani  Sher  (the  lion  of  the  house  of 
Uatanrai,  and  Baga  Bahar  Sher  (Lion  of  the  white  sea). 

The  Daryujxinlhw  are  monotheists  and  worship  no  other  gods  nor  are  they  idolaters. 
Their  only  religious  books  are  the  Janum  hnkhi  (the  story  of  Uderolnl,  in  verse  from 
which  the  foregoing  story  is  taken)  and  other  poems  and  writings  in  praise  of  Udcrolal. 

Women  partake  in  the  worship  of  Uderolal.  From  ancient  times  they  visit  the  central 
place  of  tho  cult  to  pray  for  children,  seating  and  humping  themselves  at  the  time  ot 
prayer  on  a  wishing-stone.  They  pray  too  on  many  accounts,  on  behalf  of  their  husbands, 
for  wealth  or  for  health.  When  going  to  the  river  to  ask  such  requests  they  carry  sweet 
rice  in  &jhari  which  must  not  be  opened  on  the  way.  The  whole  is  thrown  into  the  river 
as  also  other  offerings  of  rice  and  sugar  to  the  accompaniment  of  hymns  in  praise  of 
Uderolal.  Finally,  they  draw  their  *(iri  (rava  or  cltadar,  the  body  cloth)  slightly  across 
their  breast  and  beg  for  the  required  boon.  Such  prayers  should  be  offered  on  Friday,  the 
13th  dayor  a  new-moon  day.  In  other  respects  there  is  no  special  ritual  or  place  specially 
-set  apart  for  women. 


RELIGION  IN  SIND  203 


or 

*****  th°Ugh  a  feW  Brahmin 


may 


persons.  Tfcere  is  a  third  sub-division  known  as  the  Ghop,is,  who  centre  around  Mehar 
and  have  their  own  followers.  The  story  runs  that  they  are  the  descendants  and  disciples 
of  a  poor  man  who  lived  with  some  Budhais  (who  are  known  also  as  Vardharis)  as  a 
temple  servant.  One  day  when  the  Thakur  arose  early  in  the  morning  and  ordered  hi, 
horse  to  be  prepared  as  he  washed  to  go  to  the  river,  this  man  came  and  knelt  before  him 
like  a  horse  saying  that  he  was  the  horse  and  that  the  Thakur  Sahib  should  ride  him  to  the 
river.  The  Thakur  rejoiced  and  told  him  that  he  might  now  leave  the  temple  and  obtain 
his  own  disciples  who  should  henceforth  be  known  as  Gho.rais.  When  Ghorais  approach  a 
village  where  other  Ghoniis  live  they  neigh  like  a  horse  before  entering  it, 

The  custom   of  marriage  among  Thakurs  is  this.     No  Thakur   may    marry   from  a 

Thakur  family  ;    more   especially  a  Buclhai  may  not  marry  from   a  Soimi  Thakur  family 

for  all  Thakurs  are  brothers.     A  Thakur  may  not  even  marry  from  a  DarydpaM  family 

which  is  reckoned  among    his    own  disciples.    A   Thakur  may    marry  from  any  Punjabi- 

Hindu  family,   e.g.,  Arora,    Lanjf,ra  (  f  ^  UJ  ),  Suparcja  <  U>^),  Khir*na  (  £  f    f). 

Rabar  (c/V);     Kukarejad^^^),    Ohanwala   (JlyU).  ''I  hey    do    not    marry 

from  among  Sindhi  Lohanas  nor  from  among  the  Thakurs   of  Punjab.    Conversely    too 

Thakur  daughters  must   be  given  to  Punjabi  families.     Among  th*.  rank  and  file  of  th<> 

Daryaptinthi  religion  marriage  is  a  question   of  social  position.     Daughters   may  be  given 

to  castes  or  sub-sections  of  equal  standing  but  not  to  those  of  lower  entoem  though  daughter* 

may    be    taken  from    such   (hypergamy)  or  from    within    the    same   section    (endogamy). 

-Socially  Budhais  will  have  no  intercourse  with   Somais,  as  Pugai  ,  their  ancestor,  was    the 

honoured  disciple  of  Uderolal. 

Thakurs  are,  ordinarily  speaking,  a  priestly  class  and  when  ^rsonally  they  have  a 
sufficient  number  of  followers  they  are  absolved  from  the  necessity  of  working  for  their 
-living.  Otherwise  they  enter  Government  or  private  service  or  engage  in  trade. 

The  story  of  UderolaJ,  Lai  Wadero,  the  holy  chieftain,  is  remarkable  from  many  points 
of  view.  The  incarnation  of  the  God  of  Nature,  the  God  of  Sind,  the  J  liver  God,  is  assigned 
a  definite  and  comparatively  recent  date.  It  may  be  that  the  Hindu  revival  spring  from 
the  persecution  of  a  petty  Sumro  prince  during  the  latter  part,  of  the  loth  century  just 
previous  to  the  inroads  of  Mahomed  of  Ghazni  ;  it  may  be,  however,  rather  later  and 
represented  a  reaction  against  the  strength  of  the  agents  of  Gha/ni  kings.  Probably  the 
latter  is  a  better  explanation  in  view  of  the  close  connection  of  the  Thakur  family  with  the 
Punjab.  One  may  picture  to  oneself  the  break  up  of  Brahmanical  rule  in  the  Punjab,  the 
Hight  of  large  classes  to  Sind,  the  "  capture  "  of  local  Hinduism  in  the  llth  century/  just 
as  in  the  17th  and  18th  centuries  a  new  swarm  of  Uttaradis  came,  partly  to  avoid 
local  persecution  and  partly  to  avail  themselves  of  trading  facilities  under  the  Mogul 
regime*. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  I  AUTO  191* 


i7the  great  and  persistent  strength  of  a  noa-Brahmamca ^1  rehgion  purely 
ei<i  and  still  pure  in  its  worship,  not  at  all  idolatixms,  yet  c*«ent,a ly  Hmdu  m  * 
>n  and  philosophy,  is  a  featme  which  cannot  be  passed  over.  Strangely  enough 
,  *hivistan,  one  great  home  of  the  Thakurs,  was  a  reruns  se  tlem*>t  of  the  Gupta, 
th  n,e  the  ,ult  of  the  great  god  Siva  was  to  spread  over  ftnd.  The  cult  d-d  not  spread 
far  onlv  one  daughter- colony,  that  of  Fir  Putto,  is  known  and  their  elements  of  both  the 
Saivite  and  Daryapa.thi  religions  have  been  caught  up  with  Buddhism  and  Sufi-ism  and 
remoulded  into  a  strange  Moslem  cult. 

Ajrain.  the  unsuccessful  at  tempt  to  connect  up  the  religion  with  the  cult  of  Krishna  must 

be  noted. 

The  revival  of  religion  preparatory  to  the  Incarnation  is  professedly  inspired  by, 
the  Bhagawd  Gltd  but  this  is  again  nowhere  referred  to  nor  does  it  form  any  part  in  the 
modern  Dan,apt<ntki  religion  or  in  any  branch  of  it  except  at  Bohara,  *  0t  another  and, 
apparently  a  Vishnuvite  attack  uas  made  on  the  worship  of  the  Ciod  ot  the  Waters. 
Jhiinpir  is  a  popular  place  of  resort  for  Hindus  in  the  old  Mogul  iiirgawot  Sonda  or 
Sondro.  The  story,  as  related  in  the  Tuhf«t~nl-L>iram,  is  «*  follows:  -  Suiidro  "  n  Js  another 
important  place.  Until  recent  times  there  u;is  a  law  fort  here.  JU  name  was  Bhim-kot 
and  Hindus  frequently  visit  it  as  u  place  of  pilgrimage.  There  is  a  spring  of  water  at  the 
place ;  the  water  trickles  from  beneath  a  elifl.  The  spring  is  an  interesting  phenomenon  of 
nature.  The  locality  is  commonly  known  as. I  him.  The  piaee  also  po^srsses  a  ston<-  whic.h 
the  Hindus  worship  as  a  deity. 

The  servants  of  this  place  sa\  that  a  party  of  virgins  took  tbi*  stone  and  threw  it 
into  the  over.  On  their  return  they  found  the  stone  on  the  exact  spot  whence  they  had 
removed  it.  Seeing  this  the  virgins  thrust  their  hands  into  thn  sleeves  of  connivance  (,'.< ., 
they  Avere  ashamed  to  touch  it  again),"  lu 

Tlie  geography  of  the  story  calls  for  some  notnv.  Jn  the  Tuhf<tt-ul-kiruHi  Xasurpur  is 
,>taied  to  liavn  be(Mi  founded  on  the  banks  of  the  Sau^ro  \Vah  in  th<-  KJtli  eenturx  and  that 
it*  glory  IUK!  departed  by  the  18th  century.  The  topographical  luaps  still  show  the  old 
course  of  the  San^ro  Wall  and  Dhoro  Phital  running  due  M>ulh  parallel  \\ith  thc^  lin<-  of  the 
GanjaHilU  but  far  to  the  east  of  them,  -l>oes  the  Sai^io  Wah  rcprcnent  an  old  course  of 
th(^  Indue*  and,  if  a°?  how  could  it  run  fi-oni  iSasarpur  t«>  Tatta,  which  lies  far  to  the-  eolith 
west?  rl  he  vagaries  of  the  river  constitute  of  course  ihe  only  problem  in  Sind  and  in  tin- 
days  before  it  was  harnessed  by  huge  riveraij)  embankments  nothing  definite  could  ever  be 
postulated  as  to  its  course.  The  move  from  Nasarpui  to  Jhai •  jo-Goth  piobably  represent* 
an  attempt  to  keep  the  cult  located  on  the  river  bunk  though  the  river  is  now  many 
uiiies  west  of  Uderolal.  Curiously  enough  the  canal  running  pact  »Shahdadpur  towards 
Brahnjanabad  is  still  known  a*  Marakh  Wall.  This  deposes  of  the  jKNenibillty  of  the  Indus 
lying  east  of  Shalidadpur  and  gives  respeetabi/ity  to  the  history  of  the  talc. 

Khwaja  Khizr 

On  a  small  island  near  Bukkur  stands  the  ziarat  oi  Khwaja  Khizr.  He  is  identified  by 
MuHsahuaus  with  the  River  God,  the  Living  God,  Zinda  Pir  as  he  became  manifest  there. 

»  The  town  of  Sonda  is  eight  wiilew  from  Jhimpir  station  and  midway  between  it  and  Jhurruok  to  the 
north-cast  are  some  Buddhist  ruins-  Then*  «  no  truou  of  Bhim-kot.  A  large  tumulus,  unexplored,  over- 
looks  Jhimpir.  Any  spring  is  a  phenomenon  in  Sind. 

w  A*  evidence  of  the  pre-Mussalman  existence  of  Vislmuvisni,  Bee  the  name  of  the  capital  of  (Central) 
Sind  in  Hiuen  TsangV  account.  Fi-aliou-p'o-pu-Jo  =  Hishnuvpur  or  Vishnupur.— Beal,  11  p.  272. 


AUGUST,  1918]  KELKUON  IN  HIND  205 

Tliis  identification  is  based  on  the  similarities  of  tho  two  personalities,  on  the  foot  that 
both  are  eternal,  that  both  derive  their  power  from  the  fountain  of  life.  Here  there  was  no 
Mussalman  buried  on  a  spot  hold  sacred  by  Hindus,  as  at  Sehwan,  no  attempt  as  at  Uderolal 
to  combine  persons  of  both  religions  as  servant^  ol;  one  incarnation.  The  identification 
was  complete,  the  cult 'was  esoteric  and  uncongenial  ritual,  such  as  the  cult  of  the  Satyun 
or  Virgins,  was  separated  out. 

The  period  of  the  identification  is  an  extremely  difficult  problem.  Does  it  date 
from  the  days  of  fchc  Arab  conquest  or  from  the  time  when  Multan  was  a  centre  of  Sufi 
learning  and  missionaries  of  all  types  wandered  through  the  land  working  subtly  as  leavon. 

Who  Zinda  Pir  was  wo  have  discussed.  El  Khizr,  in  Arabic  legend,  was  the  vazir  of 
Dhoulkarnairn,  the  two-horned  one,  Alexander  the  Great,  who  drank  of  the  Fountain  of 
Life,  through  the  virtue  of  which  he  will  live  till  the;  day  of  judgment.  To  Mussulmans  in 
distress  he  appears  clad  in  green  robes  —whence  his  name.  1 1 

In  tho  fourth  book  of  tho  adventures  of  Hatim  Tii  will  be  found  a  life-like  picture  of 
Khwfija  Khizr  in  tho  character  of  a  <b  white  magician."  Ho  was  a  man  of  venerable 
appearance  dressed  in  green  apparel,  who  guided  liatim  Tai  from  an  enchanted  desert,  who 
released  him  from  the  clutches  of  a  magic  tree,  who  1  night  him  the  <-harm  of  the  ninety- 
nine  names  of  Cod,  which  is  however  of  no  avail  unless  "you  keep  yourself  pure  ;md  never 
utter  a  falsehood;  every  day  you  must  devoutly  pun!;*  yourself  with  water,  and  never  break 
your  fast  till  set  of  sun,  nor  must  you  repeat  tho  charm  at  an  improper  time/1  Later  when 
he  finally  released  Jlatiui  Tai  from  Sam  Aiimar's  power,  lblis,1he  Devil  (on  whom  !*»  curses) 
informed  the  latter  that  they  should  fight  no  more — "over  the  unerring  decrees  of  the 
Almighty  I  have  no  power  or  control.  The  Eternal  hath  willeil  that  Halinf  s  fame  should 
be  perpetual  and  he1  hath  commissioned  tho  prophet  Khwaja  Khixr  (on  whom  be  peace)  to 
assist  him  in  his  bold  undertakings/'  This  Moslem  charm  finds  such  a  strange  analogue 
in  Hinduism  that  one  is  tempted  to  believe  that  it.  is  a  borrowed  one.  "  O  Illustrious  one, 
listen  to  the  one  hundred  and  eight  names  of  the  sun  as  they  were  disclosed  of  old  by 
Dhanmyc  to  the  high-souled  son  of  Pritta  !  Dhanmyo  said  '  Surya,  Aryamcn,  lihaga 
.  .  .  the  merciful  Maitreya.'  These  are  the  108  names  of  Surya  of  immeasurable  energy  as 
told  by  the  self-create.  For  the  acquisition  of  prosperity  1  bow  down  to  thee,  Oh 
Bhaskara,  blazing  like  unto  gold  or  fire,  who  is  worshipped  of  the  gods  and  the  Pitrisand 
the  Yakhas  and  who  is  adored  by  the  Asuras,  Nisacharas  and  Siddhas.  ll<>  that  with  fixed 
attention  rcciteth  this  hymn  at  sunrise  obtaineth  wife  and  offspring  and  riches.  .  .  „  "  13 

Once  in  this  guise  of  a  divine  helper  Kh\v;ija  Khizr  apj>oars  in  Sindhi  legend.    Mullah 

Baud  of  Sehwan  was  an  accomplished  and  learned  man  ;  his  son  Nnr-nl-haq,  when  a  child, 

was  very  weak  in  mind  and  forgetful  ;  his  father  tried  hard  to  teach  him  tho  Koran  but  tho 

boy  could  remember  nothing.     His  father  then  shut  him  up  in  a  cell  and  paid  no  heed  to  his 

lamentations  and  weeping.     The  boy  was  indeed  a  blessed  soul,  for  in  that  confinement  he 

had  a  vision  of  Khwaja  Khizr,  who  addressed  him  :  *'  Child,  why  Jicst  thou  low  thus  ?     Got 

up.    Henceforth  whatever  thotr  roadest  will  remain  in  your  memory.1'    At  once  tho  Koran 

shone  in  his  mind,  there  and  then  ho  repeated    thorn  aloud  and  shouted  to  his  father  and 

mother  who  took  him  out;  their    instructions   were    welcomed  by  him;  he    remembered 

promptly  whatever  he  was  taught  and  gradually  became  a  very  learned  man.     He    was 

surnamed  Ta'lib-i-ibn  Ustad — the   seeker  of  the  Preceptor's  knowledge— -and  Mushta'qi — 

u!TAf  Koran,  Everyman  Ed.,  p.  186.  MahAhhdmta.    Vana  Parva,  oh.  III. 


200  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUAKV  [  AUGUST,  1918 


enthusiastic— was  bis  nom-de-plume.  His  poetry  was  greatly  appreciated  by  Mirza  Sahib 
—that  illustrious  poet  of  Persia,  when  he  saw  this  poet  of  Sind  in  the  course  of  his  travels 
in  Persia. 

Simple  though  this  identification  may  be,  there  is  still  considerable  doubt  attached  to 
it,  as  though  the  Baloches  are  in  some  measure  disciples  of  the  River  God,  a  cult  which 
they  seem  to  have  adopted  in  Sind  several  centuries  ago,  they  are  unable  to  fix  their  choice 
of  the  personality  of  their  Pir.13  Khwaja  Khizr  in  one  Baloch  ballad  takes  the  place  of 
the  archangel  Mikail  in  the  heavenly  hierarchy  and  is  at  times  variously  identified  with 
Elijah  or  Ilias  and  the  River  God.  In  the  delta  of  the  Indus  Khwaja  Khizr  is  held  to  be 
the  brother  of  Ilias. 

The  Khulusat  has  no  reference  to  this  ziaral  butManucci  mentions  it14  though  tinder  afn 
ill-written  name.  "  At  a  short  distance  from  the  fort  (of  Bakkur)  towards  the  north  was  a 
little  island  known  as  Coia  Khitan,  where  is  a  tomb  held  in  great  veneration  by  the  Moors." 

According  to  an  "  ex-Political  *'15  the  date  on  the  mosque  of  Khwaja  Khizr  ziaral  is 
A.H.  341  («=*  952  A.D.)  The  story  of  its  being  built  is  that  "  a  shepherd  named  Baji,  whose 
hut  stood  where  the  Mahal  of  Baji,  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  town  of  Rohri,  now  stands, 
observed  at  night  a  bright  flame  burning  at  some  distance  from  him.  Thinking  it  had 
been  kindled  by  travellers,  he  sent  his  wife  to  procure  a  light  from  it  but,  as  often  as  she 
approached,  it  vanished.  She  returned  and  told  her  husband  ;  and  he  disbelieving  the 
report  went  himself  and  then  discovered  that  it  was  indeed  a  miraculous  manifestation. 
Awe-struck  with  what  he  had  seen  he  erected  a  takii/ah,  or  hermit's  hut,  on  the  spot  and 
devoted  himself  as  the  fakir  to  the  religious  care  of  the  place.  Soon  after  this  the  Indus 
altered  its  course  and  abandoning  the  walls  of  Alor,  encircled  the  ground  on  which  the 
takiyah  of  Baji  stood  and  which  is  now  called  the  island  of  Khwaja  Khizr. 

"  There  is  another  story  which  relates  that  the  Rajah  of  Alor  was  desirous  of 
possessing  the  beautiful  daughter  of  a  merchant  who  resided  in  his  city.  The  unhappy 
father,  unable  to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  king,  entreated  that  a  respite  of  eight  days 
might  be  allowed  to  him,  and  having  spent  that  time  in  fasting  and  prayer  he  was 
miraculously  conveyed  with  his  daughter  and  all  his  wealth  to  the  island  Khizr,  the  river 
at  the  same  time  deserting  the  city  of  Alor." 

The  violence  of  the  river  has  given  rise  to  a  characteristic  Sindhi  proverb — t(  Who  has 
drowned  the  place  ?  Khwaja  Khizr, "  which  means  that  one  must  not  grumble  at  the 
tyranny  of  a  great  man  but  submit. 

Khwaja  Khizr  appears  once  in  history.  Qutb  Sahob,  Qutb-uddin  Bakhtyar  Kaki  of 
Ush,  settled  at  Delhi  and  died  in  the  year  A.  r>.  1236.  He  obtained  his  name  Kaki  from 
his  ability  to  produce  hot  cakes  (kak)  from  his  armpits.  Khwuja  Khizr,  who  "  still 
regulates  the  wealth  a«nd  the  price  current  of  grains,"  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  gave 
him  the  power  of  prophecy. 

Now  it  is  very  remarkable  that  the  date  quoted  by  Mr.  Eastwick  corresponds  very 
closely  with  that  given  in  the  Uderolal  legend.  At  the  same  time  the  story  of  Qutb  Saheb 
Bhows  that  by  the  beginning  of  the  13&U  -century  the  identification  of  Khwaja  Khizr  with 
the  River  God  ( ?  Nature  God )  was  complete.  It  seems  indeed  that  the  invasions  of 
Mahomed  of  Ghazial  must  have  h&iara0red  into  the  understandings  of  the  Sindhis  that, 

"  L.  Dames,  Popular  Poetry  of  the  Balochea,  p.  141.  »«  Storia  do  Mogor,  I,  326. 

>*  &ry  Leaves  from  Young  Egypt,  by  an  ex-Political.    H.  B.  Eastwick. 


1918  J  KKL  I  C    (  N     A    NJ>  207 


Hindu  or  Mussulman,  they  were  of  one  stock  .supported  by  the  same  river  and  bound 
together  by  common  interests.  Whether  matters  were  clinched  bv  a  sudden  diversion  of 
tin-  river  is  doubtful  in  spite  of  the  persistence  of  the  legend,  for  no  sudden  diversion  or 
Catastrophe  could  carve  a  v\ay  of  the  river  of  the  >izc  of  the  Indus  across  a  range  of  hills  or 
line  of  high  ground. 

Wo  must  think  rather  of  political  events  moulding  and  reviving  old  creeds,  think 
dt  the  Hindus  as  worshipping  the  river  and  of  the  Mahomedans  with  a  veneer  o* 
Arabic  learning,  carrying  on  to  the  full  all  their  old  customs  and  folklore  What 
H»ot  should  be  holy  if  not  that  to  which  the  pulla  went  on  pilgrimage  annually, 
that  which  breasted  cxery  year  the  Hoods  \\hich  overwhelmed  the  land.  The  early 
years'  of  the  llth  century  gave  the  Sindhi  much  to  think  about  and  one  ivsult  was  the 
realisation  by  Hindus  and  Mahomedan>  that  both  could  worship  at  the  same  .shrine*  and 
|,r<t\  for  help,  for  both  worshipped  the  living  (Jod.  The  cult  of  Uderolal  \\  as  developed 
by  foreigners  who  brought  their  own  ideas  of  their  saviour  as  a  \\arrior  ,  thai  of  Khwjija 
Khizr  was  more  primitive,  and  aboriginal.  In  it  the  <n>d  moves  through  the  rivers  seated 
nn  a  pulld,  and  so  every  year  the  first  ^nllit  caught  in  the  .season  must  be  ofTered  as  a 
>aeri(iccto  the  J  \ivcr  (lod.  In  both  cases  the  religion  i.s  the  same  but  the  background  is 
different,  the  setting  is  different  .  The  l/deroh'il  legend  clearh  shows  hov\  the  eiVort  wa,- 
made  bv  the.  Thalua>  to  rapture  the  earlier  form  of  their  own  religion  and  to  \\lu\i  extent 
thev  succeeded,  for  the\  ca.n  but  assert  that  Zinda  Pir  i^  the  same  a.s  I'derohil.  The  cult 
i.f  rdcroliil  has  become  |)iirely  anthropomorphic  in  the  hands  of  the  Thakurs  I'Yom  the 
cult  of  Zinda  I'ir  b\  a  feu  stages  of  evolution  a,  true  conception  of  (iodhead  may  still 


Within  a  mile  of  Mai  Pir's  coppice  is  the  shrine  ot  Ahmed  Pir  or  Hot  Hakim—  the 
I'll  of  the  Jackals.  This  composite  saint  ha*  two  KltttHfti^  a  Sheikh  and  a  Muighar  Baloch. 
Th-  Klmliftt  of  Mai  Pir  i>  a  Sheikh  In  both  eases  the  annual  ceremony  depends  upon  the 
Hindu  calendar  and  m\  Mussalman  informants  \\eiv  in  doubt  a>to  whether  the  anniversary 
».f  Mai  Fir  fell  in  A'"/«  n  (Mfirtjti)  or  P"h  (l*<tu*lt<i)  It  is  pro})ably  in  Salnri  as  the  Jackal 
Pir's  a.nni\ersary  is  I'oli  12th. 

The  first  point  of  interest  i,s  that  a  certain  cure  for  rabies  is  for  the  person  bitten  to 
o  to  Hot  Hakim's  shrine  and  drink  holy  water  and  ashes.  This  form  of  medicine  is  u 
oummon  one;  Pir  1  Who's  ashes  arc  a  specific  for  am  ordinary  complaint.  The  "ashes"  are 
-imply  wood  ashes  prepared  on  a  sanctified  spot.  Xou  in  Balochistan  Bibi  Dost  '•'•  is  llio 
popular  physician  for  this  terrible  illness  of  rabies  audit  was  not  by  mere  chance  that 
Baloches  captured  one-half  of  the  cult,  of  Mai  Pir  and  set  up  their  own  KM'iJu  (a 
Murghar)  and  invented  ihoir  own  saint  (Hot  Hakim).  Jt  \\ould  a]>j)eur  that  the  strict  rule 
preserving  the  virginity  of  Mai  Pir  had  necessitated  the  separation  of  "  Ahmed  Pir/f 
A  former  connection  is  certainly  indicated  by  a  Sheikh  being  KlmUfn  at  either  shrine, 
while  though  the  medicine  is  obtainable  at  Ahmed  Pir's  shiinc,  it  is  at  Mai  Pir'a 
that  the  jackals  arc  fed  rilually.  Ji  is  illnsfrntive  of  Baloch  superstition  that  they  did 
not  attempt  to  restore  Mai  Pir's  cult  but  were  satisfied  with  that  of  Ahmed  Pir  (Hob 
Hakim)  however  much  they  had  formerly  had  frith  in  Bibi  Dost. 

In  fact,  one  is  tempted  to  believe  that  the  jackal  alnio.^t   became  the  Beast  associated 
with  the  Vegetation  Deity,    but  did  not,  being  too  contemptible.     It  is  formidable  nnly 
*~Frtnitters  of  Balochistan,  hyO.  P.  Tfttt*.  i>p.  MW.  2(X),  204. 


208  THE   LNDJAN   ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,    liUN 

when  rabid  and  Bibi  Dost,  Madonna,  healed  her  votaries— if,  as  Mr.  Tate  sagely  remarks, 
they  arc  not  fated  to  die. 

That  the  whole  ritual  is  of  great  antiijuity  i-  «»bvious. 

(a)  Jt  occurs  separately  in  Sind  and  Balochistan. 

(b)  In  Sind  it  is  part  of  the  cult  of  th^  Virgin  Mai. 

(c)  It  depends  upon  the  Hindu  caJendai . 

(fl)  Rice  is  the  only  offering  made  to  th»-  jackals  at  Mai  Pir  «  shrine. 

The  question  is  at  what  stage  of  pro-history  th^  cult  arose. 

In  this  |character  as  "wolf -god".  Apollo  i*  is-ially  regarded  as  he  who  keeps  away 
wolves  from  the  flock,  yet  offerings  were  laid  out  in  his  honour  just  as  in  Mai  Fir's  case: 
A  still  closer  parallel  in  ritual  will  lie  found  in  'h»  issociation  of  jackals  with  the  1  Ionian 
Ores,  a  ''Mediterranean  "  deity,  linking  up  \vh«»^  ,.-ult  with  the  East  is  the  well-kno\\n 
incident  in  the  legend  of  Samson.  A\lierf  '•  fox  i<  noted  in  the  margin  to  connote  *'  jackal/' 
Further,  one  may  cite  the  elaborate  disen^'mn  by  Mr.  B.  A.  Oupte  in  his  work  on  Hindu 
Holidays,  where  the  details  of  the  \\orship  of  Lak^b^ii  are  related  at  considerable  length  and 
a  not  unreasonable  conclusion dnnui  that  Lak-hmi  *.vas  purely  a  vegetation  goddess.  Thus, 
diffused  throughout  the  Middle  East  is  a  popnlai  <  '"res  eult  ;  to  tix  its  origin  or  development 
would  throw  considerable  light  on  the  \\anderijig-  -»f  people. 

We  may  at  least  draw  our  own  c«»n<-lu>ion^  witli  regard  to  Sind  ;  they  require  primitive 
man  to  be  neither  a  believej1  in  totem,-  nor  aho^-.th^i  •mimistic.  He  was  of  necessity  verv 
matter-of-fact,  childish  and  fearful  for  «JTO<M|  reason  >J  the  bigness  of  the  world. 

(i)     Tribal  religion  is  indissolublv  ennn^'i.-^  .vith  economics. 

(ii)  Nature,  red  hi  tooth  and  ela\\.  \\.i-    i  r-'dity  to  primitive  man. 

(iii)  Divine   help    was    the    onl\    remedy    701    ra)>ies,    or,    in   other   words.    rabirM 

was  one  (?  the  only)  illne-s  tluit  in  itv^vj  that  lie  could  not  understand. 
The  first  and  second  propositions  are  truion-.  'li'Mirh  often  forgotten,  and  the  third  is 
but  a  special  case  of  the  second  ()ther>  han-K  :i-"l  elucidation.  One  obvioush'  i\  the 
classification  of  the  genus  rv/w/',v  as  dog  and  imn-do-r.  tlie  dog  being  the  domestic  serxant 
and  non-dog  all  the  allied  wild  species.  Thi^  d  i<si:i • -at ion  is  presumably  still  that  nf  the 
N.-W.  Frontier,  where  wolves  are  said  to  be  inbivd  -.vith  dogs  in  every  third  generation. 
Another  is  the  dependence  of  medicine  upon  n-li-.,,!;.  this  subject  opening  up  a  wide  Held 
for  discussion  on  the  psychological  aspect  of  F,U'  ,  :t  T<eing  the  residuum,  the  Incompre- 
hensible, after  all  the  old  wives'  medieine>,  the  ••  tri. •«'  remedies  "  of  kakinis  and  m/V/v  have 
j>roved  ineffective.  We  are  no  more  advanced  in  ••  Physician,  heal  thyself." 

One  further  conclusion  remains.  It  i-  a  t'avmr.t^  axiom  of  anthropologists  that  the 
concept  of  maternity  as  a  matter  of  ob*er\  atinn  ]>iv\-odcs  that  of  paternity,  which  is,  y>wr 
Mendel,  a  matter  of  conjecture.  It  naturalh  lollows  that,  the  worship  of  the  Kiver 
being  local  and  that  of  Ceres  general,  the  \\orship  of  the  Living  dod  of  the  Indus  was  graft- 
ed upon  the  worship  of  Mother  Nature,  by  a  more  aJv  incod  race,  who  ventured  into  the 
riood  plains  and  waxed  fat  upon  agriculture.  (  hie  )nij;ht  talk  of  Aryans  and  non-Aryans,  for 
we  think  we  know  the  Aryans,  but  criticism  ha-  -lull-.-J  the  virtues  of  the  Aryan  touch- 
stone and  the  non- Aryans  have  still  to  be  elas^iii.  I  One  non-Aryan  race  we  certainly 
know  of  locally,  a  pigmy  brachycephalic  race  of  i  miters,  who  worshipped  the  sun  after 
their  Prometheus  had  taught  them  the  use  of  fire,  -j  -iM^-q  of  dolmens  and—but  the  subject 
of  the  Stone  Age  requires  separate  treatment. 


AUQCTT,  1018]  ALLBUBD  BITDUH1STTXFU-K.NX*:  l.N  THE  SUN  TKMPLE  ATKO.NARA  K  2<«> 


ALLEGED  BUDDHIST  JNFLUENCE  IX  TUB  Sl'N  TEMI'LK  AT  KONAKAK. 
BY  <U'Ri;  J.)AS   .SAKK.UJ.    il..\.:   'JALtlU'JTA. 

It  was  Raja  Rajendra  Lala  Mitra.  who  sou  us  (,<>  ]me  (irst  suggested  in  las 
Annuities  ofOri.,0  that  like  ]>arpan,  th«-  place  ,,f  <ian<*ha,  Konarak,  the  place  of  t.],< 
Sun, '  may  fairly  bo  suggested  to  lum-  1,,-en  Buddhist "  (An'.  Or**,  Vol  II  ,,  148)  '  , 
his  nmeh  earlier  work  Stirling  -tho  first  «,>.m,  worker  in  t1,H  Held  of  Orissa  Histon  '-- 
makes,  no  mention  of  such  u  th.-ory  in  the  <-l,apk,  doling  w.t.].  i,h(!  gl,.at  U)ln])1(,  ,,f  t,,,. 
Sun,  though  he  expatiates  at  som,-  length  „„  the  archii.rot,,,-.,,!  ,.OIUains  !llld  tht.  ,,,,,,„  -.  .., 
of  the  door-frame  carved  in  black  chlorite. 

Dr.    Mitra    apparently    based    his    them  \    on    the    o.\j^,ei"'e    ,,|     «k     .,  .  f».f. 
Konarak.     Popular   belief    and    the    account- jn  t  he  existing  i-eli«'ious  \\o-ks  like  /'n    /*'' 
.SV/,iA*/rt  seoni   to  indicate    that     diiy  extinct     SesmaJ    Mas     >   „  ,,f  some    inijxu-tance/  M 
ap]>ears  to  have  been  once  u  sort  of  article  <,f  fa-itli  in  these  p;»/-()S     |lh.litl  t/hr  person    wh» 
witnessed  the  car-festival   held  in  this  seaside  jJuinc  had  tli*-.  pnxilegc  (>f  ScCing  tJ1(k   Sr  , 
Coil    in  a    corporeal  existence    (ftariri  P^xi        -  Maitreyuksliy-,    vane  pmiye    rathayAti  •- 
niahotsavani    jc    ]>asyanti    jiara     lihaklyA    t.-    p;i-vant,-    tan.i     -avoli  "    (Ktnritii    Homhu  < 
(liap.  VT). 

The    ))rcsencc    ol    aji  Asoka    iuserij.tioM   ,it    Dhanli    not,   \-tr   from    HhubitJicsua-r-  .t?-  • 
cjfy  of  numerous  temples     and    the    mention    in  Yuan    ('Inv.-u^'s    \\ork  nf  about  a  doz.«  i 
it  &  in*  built  by  the  Emperor  Asoka  in  the  OK-  Iract  was  iv^.inled  in  Dr.  Alitra's  times 
a  sufficient   basis  for    holding    m{inv    of    the    principal   shrim-    in    Orissa  as   primarily     i 
J3uddliist  origin. 

In  the  passage    referred    to    alio\u    (qimted    by    Dr.    M  lr,i   tnmi    the    translation 
Stajiislaiis  Jujien  )  there  is  a,  reierence  to  the  extraordiiifiry  j>n  dixies  exhibit-ed  at,  ,sonn 
these  itupafti  and  to  the  scholastic  tictivitic.^  <>!  some    ten    tho'isand    inojik>>     v\h          mh. 
k  the  groat  vehicle'  in  some  hundreJ  local  ni<.'.asterics  \\hei-e  heretic,-  and  men  of  th<^  fa'-'i 
lived  k  pell  mell  \      It  seemed  to  have  been  aigued  that  as  Jiuddhism  \\as  oiico    in  siieh     \ 
llonrishing  condition  in  the  province  of  Ori-sa,   it   was  (juite  reasonable  t-»  -suppose    t-h-;, 
other  shrines  A\ithin  H  or  4  days  journey   fron-   JXiunli  would  st:ll  contain  lingering    (.rat. 
of    their    J^uddhist   origin    either    in    ccreinoMals  or    in  the    irchitecture   and     sculpt  n»  • 
Dr.  Mitra  also  Jays  considerable  stress  on  a  pa.ssa^e  from  the  F<»'-kn.-kif  of  \vhich  an  Knghs'i 
translation  from  the  French  rendering  )>y  MM    Remusat,  Kla.pr'»th  and  Landresse  se<^m-  -  > 
havc^   been   available   in  Calcutta  at   least  ^7    u-ars  before   Dr.  Mitra  piiblislnul  his  *n-v  *\ 
pioneer  work.     The  passage  in  (juestion  refei-  to  the  ohscrvaiiee  in  ancient.  P.-lr.aliputra     >i 
a  ear-festival,  a    close    analogue  of  which    the    Chinese    Pilgrim    saw    in    a     festival     n 
Buddhist  Khotan  on  his  way     to  India.    The  description  of  the  ceremony    seems  to  ha    t- 
made  a  deep   impression   on    the    Indian    Orientalist    and  t  ho  ear-festival  /"'/•  ,xr  seems  '.) 
liavo  been  regarded  as  a  special  feature  of  the  Buddhist  faith. 

The  Khamlagiri  caves  lying  within  a  few  hours  journey  from  JXhanli  --one./ 
regarded  as  the  habitation  of  Buddhist  monks — have  no\v  been  proved  to  be  of  Jain  i, 
•origin  from  the  Halhigumybti  inscription  of  King  Khiiru vela  supposed  by  Bhagwj/niil 
Indraji  to  be  of  the  2nd  century  B.r.  (  Acte>  du  sixieme  congres  des  Oriontalist.es,  \'ol 
III,  pp.  174-77,  and  Mr.  K.  P.  JayaswalV  ]>aper  in  JBORS.,  December,  U)J7)  aj)d 
the  following  three  minor  .inscriptions:  (1,  the  inscription  referring  to  the  Jaina  Monk. 


210 


THE   INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


AUGUST,  1918 


(in  Navannini  Gumplijii  (-)  the  inscription  of  the  Chief  Queen  of 
Khar,'t\cla  (in  the  Manehupuri  cavi-i.  ami  the  (.'{)  rdyota  Kesari  inscription  in  the 
l.;i.latcndra  Ke>ari  (jumph.j  supposni  on  epigraphical  grounds  to  date  from  the  10th 
ii-utnn  A.I>.  (Kp.  Ind.,  Vol.  XLII.  op.  Ih'O.  ia"M<><>). 

The  emperor  Asoka,  flourished  in  the  tfnl  ccntun  B.C.  If  only  after  the  hipBe 
**  a  century  or  two,  Jain  ism  could  lea\r  such  last  \ng  evidence  of  its  h>n^  continuance 
i  the  Kmnara  and  Kumari  Hill-  in  HOST  pro\imit\  to  Phaulij  it  is  difficult  to 
i  -del-stand  why  Huddhism  should  he  draped  in  In  ae.eount  for  the  existence  of  a 
thirteenth  century  Solar  Temple  \\hn-h  «-npper-phi.tes  of  (ian^a  Kings  (Narasiiiiha  Dcva. 
fl  and  \\\JASfi..  11)00  and  11HC.  ayjvc  in  attributing  to  Narasiiiiha  J)cva  I  (L;in< 
Lulya  Narasiiiiha  or  Narasiiiiha  of  ;  he  tail),  a  kiuy.  \vhoxr  name  is  also  mentioned  in 
1  MI'S  connection  in  Alml  Fa/nl's  A'1'"  Aklmri 

Mr.  M.  M.  (^hakravarty  lia-  ailer  \  er\  minute  and  careful  calculations,  asecr- 
i  .ined  the  periods  of  reign  of  tut  ie-|)ecti\e  kin««s  of  the  (<an^a  dynast  \  in  Orissa 
.  -d  there  cannot  be  the  least  h'-'uriim  in  aeeeptino  (J2^S-(i4)  as  the  period  of  tirst 
Karasiiiiha's  rei^n  (•lAtfll.*  ])ar»  I  lO(L^).  .Mr  \*.  A.  Smith  also  aon-^s  in  holding 
!  .i.-it  tluk  Konarak  temple  was  In;-' 
t.'tuecn  A.  i>.  L240  to  1280.  Th- 
'i  "linage  since  removed  to  tin 

•  —  i^ned  on    paleooraphic  and  o*1* 
Ke-    heen    done     hy     Mr.  1\1.    M      t 

I  .rt    Tl,    p.  283. 

TJuHijih    the    ])alm-leai     rcei  -• 
)    ,ihieal  king   of  the    KeAari   dy    . 
Lajendra   L;ila    Mitru  was    please 
i    .    trace    of    any     earlier    strneK,'- 
tuat   tlie  ])resent  foundat  iojis  \ve'> 

The    late    ]>i'.    Fleet,    in   his    »- 
l  rlieves   t  he  tem]»le-chi  onic,les    an 

-  .pposition  that  (\\ce]»t  the  t\\o    > 

MahaAiva  (lupta  and  Ja.nmeja\  . 
\-iraha.    \-e.,    are  mere     iigmenS     i 
}  ^   ^24.  \\\\(\*  d  wq.).    Kxeept  tli    i- 
j,  xcription  or  eo])per-plate  has    \, 


n    the    l.'Jth    century  tlion«ih    he    assigns   the     period 

e!\    :iK<-nption  found  at    Konarak  on  the    pedestal  of 

Indian     Museum,    though    undated,    may    safely     he 

_  :  onnds  to  the  third  quarter  of  the    1,'Jth  eentnrs  a^ 

-.ikj,i\art\     in     his    note    in    the     J/iOKS..    \o|.     |f|, 

nt      I'mi    aserjlM->     the    eivetion    ot     the  temple  to    ,i 

;  —  one    of    the    s-i-ealled  Caesars    of    Orissa     as     I>r. 

^ixlelhMn      then-  are    in  tin-    remains   at    Konarak 

\\hii-h    iniL'ht     rrasonahly    lead    to     the    presumption 

u'd  on    the  rnin>  o|  an    earliei     .shrine 

pei  on  the  Soma\  ainsi  Kings  of  Katak,  riglitl\  dix- 
mii^  tortli  eonvim-ing  arguments  in  fax  our  of  the 

'  .a\a)n>i  kin»>  '-'  of  t  he  llth  eenturx  -\t\\  nil  Kesari 
Malnhhaxn  (<upta  the  other  KeAaris  styled  Kunna, 
*  ihe  chi'onicler's  i)na.ginatioji  (Kjt.  Intl.*  Vol.  Ill, 

i^ripiion  of  Td\ota  Kesari  mentioned  above  no  other 


imind  of  any  other-  Ke>aii  'king.  In  Sandhyakara 
Ii'andi's  Kamtirftrild  (Axial  if-  •  Sor:  ;  <  J/u//o//s.  Vol.  I.  p.  J40.  and  p.  3o.  t\ku  of  sloka  ;">)/ 
t  .  -re  is  mention  of  one  Kanut  K  -ari.  But  of  this  king  also  no  inscription  or  anv 

1  Mr.  JayusWul  says  in  his  pajHT  .  i  •  Hilt  luniunplui  inscri])tion  of  tlie  emj^ror  KhAntvelu  (JJ1OKS., 
1  •  ^cinlicr.  1017,  }>.  448),  that  bofoiv  11  <•  Urn.-  <>f  Kharuvfla  1  IHM-C  were  temples  of  the  Arhats  on  tlie 
l."«,tiyii^iri  Hills  H»  they  an-  monticm  >\  \  t  hf  mst-ription  u.s  inntitiitiuut.  \vliichluul  been  previously  in 


-   Mr.  B.  ('.  Mnjuindar  is  of  opinioii    ;»-at  tlic.sc    kin^  hudtlioir   raj    tit  Sainbnlpoie   although   their 
t"-:»toru»s  c\tenclp(l  to  Cluiiulwair  or  Ciutinr  ,  *\\  Orissu  (A'/>.  //^/.,  Vol.  XI.  p.  102). 

:<   Sm.Jia     iti    DaiidjbhuktibhupatiradfiiuHM|)i\ibluiv.ikar,ikarakanu\luniukulu^-  tulitotkaleaajctirjiti  — 


AUGUST,  1918]  ALLEGED  BUDDHIST  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  SUN  TEMPLE  AT  KONAKAK  211 


other  reliable  epigraphic  evidence  has  yet  been  discovered.  If 
to  in  the  Palm-leaf  record,  had  really  existed  and  been  the  builder  of  this  important 
temple,  Cho<Ja  Ganga's  descendants  would  hardly  have  tried  to  filch  the  honour  from 
him  and  in  all  likelihood  some  of  the  inscriptions  of  these  monarchs  would  have  set  forth 
details  about  the  earlier  origin  of  the  temple.  It  may  be  argued  that  as  the  Kesari 
kings  were  staunch  Hindus  according  to  tradition  and  popular  belief,  their  connection 
with  the  temple,  even  if  proved  to  be  a  historical  fact,  would  not  be  of  much  help  to  the 
supporters  of  the  theory  of  Buddhist  origin.  But  even  in  this  regard  there  seems  to 
be  a  divergence  of  opinion.  Some  architectural  ornaments  on  the  temple  such  as 
Gaja-Simha  or  elephants  surmounted  by  lions  or  leogriffs,  have  been  explained  in  a  manner 
more  clever  than  convincing  —  as  the  symbols  of  the  triumph  of  the  Hindu  Kesari  kings, 
represented  by  the  lions,  over  Buddhistic  faith—  of  which  elephant  representations  are 
said  to  be  the  special  symbols.  It  is  thus  suggested,  inspite  of  reliable  evidence  to 
the  contrary,  that  the  mythical  Kesari  transformed  or  built  up  anew  in  parts  a  shrine 
originally  Buddhist,  and  in  token  of  his  dominance  put  up  these  huge  figures  on  the 
pyramidal  roof  of  the  temple  as  prominent  sculptural  decorations.  The  assertion  that 
lions  were  the  symbols  (Ldfichhana)  of  the  Kesuri  kings,  still  remains  to  be  proved.4 
The  seal  of  the  Muranjamura  copper-plate  of  Yayati  Kesari  (JBOR8.*  March,  1916) 
is  a  figure  of  Srf  or  Kamaldtmika  and  that  on  the  copper-plate  of  Jananiejaya  (described  in 
Ep.  Indi.9  Vol.  XI,  p.  95,  et.  seq.)  is  the  representation  of  a  man  in  a  squatting  posture. 
It  would  thus  appear  that  no  evidence  is  forthcoming  at  present  to  connect  the  temples 
with  any  line  of  kings  anterior  to  Gaiiga  Dynasty.  The  Udytoa  Kesari  Jaina  inscrip- 
tion at  Khanrlagiri  further  proves  that  during  the  reign  of  this  king  with  the  Kesari 
title  (of  about  the  10th  century  A.D.),  no  intolerant  persecution  of  heretical  sects  had 
taken  place.  In  India  it  is  hardly  safe  to  theorize  about  the  creed  of  the  builders  of  a 
sacred  slirine  merely  from  the  way  the  temple  is  fashioned  or  from  its  architectural  or 
sculptural  remains.  Like  Buddhist  stupas,  Jaina  stupas  have  also  been  discovered,  and 
Hindu  curvilinear  temples  like  those  of  the  Jainas  are  by  no  means  uncommon.  It  has 
therefore  been  rightly  held  by  modern  authorities  like  Mr.  V.  Smith  that  works  of  art 
and  architecture  should  be  classified  with  regard  to  their  age  and  geographical  position 
only,  and  arbitrary  divisions  formerly  favoured  by  specialists  like  the  late  Mr.  Fergusson 
according  to  the  so-called  religious  styles  have  now  been  abandoned.  We  have  so  far 
Ixsen  able  to  show  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  geographical  position  of  Koriarak  or  in  the 
age  or  style  of  the  temple  which  would  lead  to  a  reasonable  inference  as  to  any  Buddhist 
influence.  We  shall  now  examine  the  so-called  Buddhist  indications  which  are  said  to 
be  still  lingering  in  the  name  of  the  place,  the  traditions  regarding  past  ceremonies,  the 

4  The  stone  image  of  an  elephant  surmounted  by  a  lion  is  also  met  with  in  tho  JJourimr  Luytia 
(grotto),  one  of  the  Hindu  Saiva  oaves  in  Ellora  (Monuments  de  L'Hindustltan  par  M.  Langles,  Tome  II, 
plate  contra,  p.  87).  Mr.  B.  0.  Majumdar  has  kindly  suggested  to  mo  that  tho  fabulous  strength  of 
the  king  of  boasts  could  best  bo  indicated  by  a  design  in  which  ho  is  shown  as  tearing  open  the  skull  of 
huge  elephants.  In  Sanskrit  literature  the  capacity  of  lions  to  strike  down  the  huge  pachyderms  of  thft- 
forest  seem  to  be  emphasisd  in  passages  such  as  bhinaUi  ntiya™  kan-rdja  kutnbham. 


212  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,   1917 

jxjculiar    style    of   architecture   and  the    subject    of  some    of    the    principal    decorative 
sculptures. 

As  regard  traditions,  as  to  the  so-called  Buddhist  ceremonies,  much  has  been 
Diade  of  the  car-festival  or  Ratha  Yatrfi,  as  already  alluded  to.  Whatever  may  be  the 
origin  of  tmVfestival  there  is  no  doubt  about  the  fact  that  the  system  of  perambulation 
in  cars  and  other  conveyances  appear  to  have  been  early  adopted  as  an  integral  part  of 
some  of  the  Hindu  observances. 

In  the  Agni  Purana,  we  find,  even  in  connection  with  such  a  rather  unimportant 
iiffair  as  the  consecration  of  hand- written  books  or  manuscripts  that  after  the  Pratistha 
ceremony  the  book  is  to  be  perambulated  (apparently  round  the  city  or  town)  in  ' 
oars  or  elephants  '  Eathena  hastind  vdpi  Wtramayct  pustakam  naraih.'  (  Vol.  1,  p.  186, 
chap.  63,  v.  16,  Biblioth.  Indie. )  Thus  it  would  appear  that  mere  perambulation  or 
carrying  to  and  fro  in  cars  of  an  image  or  simulacrum  cannot  always  be  taken  as  a 
Buddhist  observance — specially  in  a  period  when  Buddhism  had  no  longer  any  hold 
on  the  province. 

In  his  otherwise  excellent  monograph  on  Konarak  published  under  the  authority 
of  Government  Mr.  Bishan  Swamp  tries  to  make  out  a  strong  case  in  favour  of  the 
<l  Buddhistic  "  theory.  The  name  Kona  Kone  or  Kona  Kona  occurs  in  certain  verses 
in  the  copper-plates  of  Narasimha  T)eva  II  (JA8B.,  1896,  p.  251,  and  of  Nrisiihlia 
I)eva  IV,  (JASB.9  1895)  referred  to  above  (Koiia  Kone  Kutir  Kamachikara  Dush.ia, 
rashme)  SFfTr  sfipr  jf^T  OTfaraj*  *W  nfr.  The  common-sense  inference  from  this 
is  that  the  place  was  known  at  the  time  as  Kona  Kone  or  Kona  and  the  word  Konaraka 
means  only  the  Arka  or  Run  God  at  Kona.  This  explanation  (simple  as  it  is)  has 
met  with  the  approval  of  so  careful  a  scholar  as  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  (History  of  Fine, 
Arl  in  India  and  Ceylon,  p.  28,  foot-note).  Mr.  Bishan  Swarup,  however,  makes  bold  to 
assert  that  Konakona  is  an  abbreviated  or  corrupted  form  of  Kona  Kamana  or  Komi 
Gamana,  the  name  of  one  of  the  previous  Buddhas  (Konarka,  p.  85).  Whether  phonetic; 
decay  can  account  for  this  change  seems  to  be  very  much  open  to  doubt,  but  when  the 
ingenious  author  of  Konarka  proceeds  to  account  for  the  last  two  syllables  in  Konaraka 
by  bringing  forward  from  the  Sanskrit  dictionary,  Amarakosha  (1,  1,  15),  the  word  Arka 
Bandhu  as  one  of  the  appellations  of  Buddha — one  though  convinced  of  the  ingenuity 
of  the  explanation  can  hardly  accept  it  as  a  correct  or  scientific  statement  of 
actual  facts. 

Then  as  regards  the  form,  the  temple  looks  like  a  huge  car  furnished  with  wheels — 
beautifully  sculptured  in  the  plinth.  There  are  still  some  remains  of  big  stone  horses 
which  Mr.  Havell  regards  as  splendid  specimens  of  Indian  sculpture.  Any  one  acquainted 
with  Indian  iconography  would  admit  that  the  Sun  God  is  represented  as  being 
drawn  by  seven  horses  in  a  car  driven  by  his  charioteer  Aruna.  Though  there  is  nothing 
to  show  that  the  number  of  these  horses  at  Konarak  were  increased  at  any  subsequent 
date,  Mr.  Bishan  Swarup  supposes — 1  do  not  know  on  what  authority — that  the  number 
of  horses  in  this  car  pagoda  was  originally  four  and  was  increased  to  seven  at  some 
later  date  (Konarka,  p.  89).  He  was  apparently  thinking  of  some  sculpture  at  Bodh-gayu, 
reference  to  which  will  be  made  in  a  subsequent  part  of  the  paper,  wherein,  Apollo  is  said 
to  be  represented  as  being  drawn  in  a  car  with  a  team  of  four  horses. 


AUGUST,  1918]  ALLEGED  BUDDHIST  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  SUN  TEMPLE  AT  KONARAK  213 


The   key-stone  of    the   Buddhistic    theory  appears  to   be  the   subject  represented 
in  some  of  the  sculptures  in  the  temple  and  it  is  necessary  to  consider  them  wriatim. 

Much  has  been  made  of  the  abundance  of  elephant  figures  not  only  in  the 
various  friezes  of  the  temple,  but  also  in  the  elaborately  sculptured  altar  or  Ratna-Vedl. 

In  Konarak  there  are  not  only  elephant  friezes,  but  goose  friezes  as  well,  and 
there  are  cornices  containing  rows  of  processions  of  horsemen  and  infantry.  While  it 
must  be  admitted  that  elephant  figures  are  met  with  in  somo  of  the  oldest  Buddhist 
remains  such  as  the  Asokan  cave  known  as  the  Lomasa  Rishi  Guha  m  the  Harabar  Hills, 
similar  sculptures  arc  also  to  be  found  in  structures  almost  contemporaneous  with  Kona- 
rak temple  such  as  the  tempio  of  Hoysaleswar,  an  undisputed  Hindu  shrino  supposed 
to  have  been  built  between  A.D.  1117  and  128S.  Tn  the  Hoysaleswara  temple  in 
Southern  India  there  are  amongst  the  animals  depicted,  figures  of  horses,  elephants  and 
'Sardulas  (lions)  and  the  last  were  believed  by  Home  to  be  the  symbols  of  Hoysala  Balla- 
las,  even  as  the  lions  or  leogriffs  in  Konarak  sculptures  were  taken  to  l>e  the  emblems 
of  the  Kesaris.  Architectural  ornaments  of  this  description  are  also  not  quite  un- 
.comraon  in  Ellora  Caves.  M.  Langles  says  iu  describing  the  Adinatlm  Sabha  in  Ellora 
(Tome  II,  p.  79),  kt  on  a  aussi  pratique  <le  petites  rclraites  (Nos.  8,  1),  10,  II,  12,  14,  15,  16. 
1  17,  IS)  converges  d'une  multitude  innombrable.  de  sculptures.  1/cA-terior  es.t  orue, 
•d'elephants  dc  lions  et  autres  auimaux/'  A  careful  study  of  these  with  reference  to 
Sanskrit  works  has  convinced  the  modern  scholars  of  the  prevalence  of  *va  canonical 
*cli cm  of  decoration "  of  which  such  frieze-borne  figures  formed  a  part.  (History  of 
Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon,  by  V.  Srnit-h,  p.  42,  foot-note  2.) 

The  Khajuraho  group  of  temples  are  believed  to  have  l>eeu  erected  Ixttween 
the.  4th  and  8th  century  of  the  Christian  era  and  in  the.  precincts  of  one  of  them- -the 
temple  of  Visvanatha—  there  is  a  colossal  elephant  carved  out  of  stone.  Elephant  figures 
are  also  to  be  met  with  in  the  Ellora  Caves.  The  huge  stone -elephants  at  Konarak 
considered  by  connoisseurs  to  be  not  less  vigorous  in  execution  than  t-Jie  much- Ix? lauded 
horses  of  the  Sun  cannot  therefore  be  regarded  as  something  singular  or  exceptional. 
The-  picture  of  a  boy  and  elephant  in  the  Konarak  altar  reminds  ^r-  Bishau  Swarup 
<>f  the  Jataka  story  which  describes  how  the  mother  of  the  future  Buddha,  saw  in  a 
prophetic  dream  that  a  white  elephant  was  entering  into  her  womb  by  pie. nun g  one  of 
her  sides.  Mr.  Swarup  further  mentions  that.  Buddha  himself  was  born  as  an  elephant- 
keeper  or  driver  in  one  of  his  incarnations  (Konatka,  p.  8N).  On  this  slender  foundation 
is  based  the  identification  of  the  sculpture  as  illustrative  of  the  Jataka  story.  Mr. 
Swarup  identities  another  part  of  this  very  altar  as  depicting  the  meeting  of  Samba — 
the  son  of  Krishna — and  the  Sun  God,  after  the  former  had  J>een  cured  by  the  special  favour 
of  the  latter — of  the  dread  disease  of  leprosy —the  result  of  paternal  curse  for  a  thought- 
les<  indiscretion.  If  the  boy  and  elephant  had  merely  been  illustrative  of  a  Jataka 
story,  it  is  only  natural  to  suppose  that  the  continuity  of  the  subject  should  be  main- 
tained in  the  adjoining  panels  as  well —as  is  said  to  be  the  case  in  regard  to  somo  of  the 
far-famod  sculptures  at  Boro  Budur,  but  to  identify  at  the  same  breath  two  such  neigh- 
bouring sculptures,  forming  component  parts  of  a  single  altar  piece,  as  depicting  the 
Buddhist  Jataka  and  Hindu  Pauranic  legends,  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  a  satisfactory 
way  of  reconciling  facts  with  theory.  The  pro  valance  of  so-called  Buddhist  ornaments 
like  the  goose-frieze,  the  elephant-frieze  and  the  Barajltdnji  ornament  consisting  Of 
reproductions  of  a  water-weed  on  the  pilasters/'  the  scroll  work  of  Nagas  and 

5  The  goose-frieze  is  found  in  the  AAokan  pillars,  e.f/..  the  ptUar  at  tin*  entrance  of  the  Indian  Museum, 
and  Bardjhdnji  decorations  are  met  with  in  the  remains  at  Bocih-Qaya.  There  is  a  prominent  goose-frieze 
in  the  semi-circular  moonstone  at  Anuradhapura,  which  is  overtopped  by  a  mixed  frieze  of  lions, 
horaes,  elephants  and  bullocks  (Plate  90,  Vi£vakarnia,Tpt.  VII,  published  by  Dr.  A.  K.  Coomaraswaray), 


214  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AUGUST,  1918 

Nagakanyas.  and  the  figure  of  Lakghml  on  the  lintel,  seem  only  to  indicate  that  like 
that  of  Makara  in  Hindu  ornaments,  in  Toranas  (gateways)  and  water-spouts  (Annual 
Report  of  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  19034,  p.  227),  the  use  of  these  architectural 
devices  extended  far  back  into  the  Buddhist  age.  In  the  mediaeval  period  these 
conventional  ornaments  and  decorations  seem  to  have  been  adopted  by  architects  in 
southern  and  south-eastern  part  of  India.  Similarly  in  some  Buddhist  Mpns  miniature 
productions  of  these  sacred  structures  are  found  in  the  ornamental  pilasters.  It  would  be 
as  safe  to  ascribe  the  existence  of  a  tempJe  to  Buddhist  influence  because  of  the  existence 
of  the  Bardjhanji  decoration,  goost^-friezes  or  elephant  friezes  as  it  would  be  to  attempt 
to  lay  at  the  door  of  Buddhism  the  type  of  fcaiva  temple  of  the  Bengal  School0  (of 
17th  century)  which  are  still  to  he  found  in  some  parts  of  Nadia  and  other  Bengal 
districts — simply  because  the  pilasters  of  these  buildings  contain  reproductions  of 
temples  iu  miniature. 

The  sculptural  representation  of  trees  found  in  the  plinth  have  been  taken  to 
stand  for  the  sacred  Bodhi-Trec  of  the  Buddhists.  Tn  the  Jaina  caves  at  Khanriagiri, 
trees  enclosed  in  railings  art*  also  found  carved  in  relief.  Tree-worship  is  prevalent 
among  the  Hindus  to  this  very  day.  Kalpadruma,  the  legendary  Tree  of  Desire  des- 
cribed in  sacred  literature,  the  model  of  which  used  to  be  constructed  in  gold  and  given 
away  as  M<iha-dana<  may  also  have  some  influence  in  determining  the  motif  of  such 
architectural  ornaments.  That  a  Kalpadruma  existed  at  Kouarak  like  the  Valesrara 
at  Puri  appears  clear  from  the  Kabila  Sawhita  from  which  the  following  translation  of 
an  extract  is  given  in  Dr.  Mitra's  work.  "  There  exists  an  all-grunting  tree  named 
Arka-Vata  adorned  by  numerous  birds  and  at  its  foot,  dwell  many  saints  and  whoever 
goes  to  the  salvation-giving  Ixinian  tree  becomes,  for  certain,  indestructible.  For 
the  good  of  animated  beings  Nuryya  himself  has  become  the  tree  and  those  who  recite 
the  excellent  mantra*  of  Suryya  under  its  shade  in  three  fortnights  attain  perfect  ion.'' 
(Ant.  Oriftsa,  Vol.  I,  p.  147.)  Under  the  circumstance  these  trees,  should,  J  think,  be- 
taken as  conventional  decorations  only.  As  regards  the  semi-ophide  Naya  and  Nayini 
figures  represented  singly  and  in  couples,  usually  forming  part  of  the  beautiful  scroll 
work  and  said  to  be  an  evidence  of  Buddhist  Architecture  (Konarlcn,  p.  8(i).  Mr,  M. 
Ganguly  in  his  work  OH  Orissa  has  jointed  out  (Ganguly'**  Oriwa,  p.  177-78),  that  in 
the  MahAblulra&a  Adi'parba.  mention  is  made  of  the  thousand  Nugas,  the  offsprings  of 
Kanyapa.  Even  to  this  day  when  performing  puja  of  the  Serpent  Goddess  Manas u, 
the  name  of  the  principal  eight  Nugas — Vasuki,  Padma,  Mah&padma.  Takshaka,  Kulira, 
Karkata  ftankha,  &c. — are  duly  recited.  Mr.  Ganguly  holds— I  think  with  the  majority 
of  Hindu  opinion  in  his  favour— that  these  demigod-like  Nagas  were  probably 
borrowed  by  Buddhism  from  Hindu  sources.  At  any  rate  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  every  Naga  representation  found  in  Hindu  temple  should  be  the  outcome  of 
Buddhist  cult,  simply  because  there  is  mention  of  N&gas  in  Buddhist  sacred  books, 
this  does  not  in  any  way  militate  againt  the  generally  accepted  opinion  that  a  certain 
amount  of  resemblance  is  noticed  among  the  Buddhist  Niiga  figures  as  represented  on 
the  tope*  of  Sanchi  ami  Bharhut,  and  the  Naga  representations  of  the  later  Brahminical 
])criod  as  found  in  the  south-eastern  (Orissa)  temples. 

c  Mr.  K.  K.  Mukerji,  referring  to  1hig  class  of  templea  in  the  chapter  on  "  Building  and  Carving "' 
in  his    Foundation  of  Indian  Econotwctt,  observes :   **  in  the  older  brick  temples  the  spaces  between 

the  curved  lines  and  roof- btiflo  and  on  thr  sides  are  covered   with  carvings there   are  also  mixed 

panels  of  rosettes  or  geometrical  patterns  and  in  Nome  instances  miniature  temples  are  piled  one  above 
the  other  along  the  arched  openings  "  (p.  247).  A  temple  of  this  kind  has  been  described  by  the  present 
writer  in  his  article  on  the  remains  at  Hrinagar  (Nadia)  in  the  Journal  of  the  ttahitya-Parwhad  (Vol. 
X1I1,  p.  259). 


AUGUST,  1018,  ALLEGED  BUDDHIST  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  SUN  TEMPLE  AT  KONARAK  215 

The  .Indian  sculptors  of  old  never  carved  tlioir  names  underneath  the  works  of  art 
coming  from  their  chisels  nor  described  the  subject  which  they  represented  in  the  various 
sculptures.  Hindu  iconography  as  a  science  is  still  of  recent  origin.  To  this  may  be 
ascribed  the  conflict  of  opinion  which  is  so  often  noticed  in  regard  to  the  identification 
of  sculptures  by  different  scholars  and  sometimes  ludicrous  mistakes  are  made  because 
of  the  partiality  or  bias  towards  a  particular  theory. 

Instances  of  such  clashing  opinions  are  by  no  means  uncommon  in  regard  to  the 
Ron arak  sculptures.  The  well-known  fc "Teaching  Scene  "  has  been  taken  by  Mr.  Swamp 
to  represent  Buddha  in  the  act  of  delivering  a  sermon  or  imparting  religious  teaching 
to  some  of  his  disciples  (op.  r//.,  p.  8(>).  Dr.  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  a  scholar  well 
"Icarne^l.  in  Hindu  and  Buddhistic  lore,  describes  this  in  his  ]V.vw/.v//7«fl,  Part  VII,  plato 
72,  as  Vaishnava  (Juru.  Any  one  who  has  the  opportunity  of  examining  this  picture 
carved  in  chlorite  or  the  beautiful  reproduction  of  it  as  ^ivon  by  Dr.  < -ooinaraBwamy 
will  admit  that  there  is  nothing  in  it  peculiarly  Buddhistic,  which  may  confirm 
Mr.  Swarup  "s  identification. 

There     is      another     representation,      known     as     the     "Archery      Scene,"    which 
Mr.  Swarup  considers  to  be  tho  illustration  of    an  incident   from  kfti-Hblwiigti  Jataka  (op. 
cU..  p.  87).     Buddha,    though   he  was    without    any    previous  training,  i*   said    to  havo 
defeated   all  his  competitors  in  an  archery  competition.      Among   the   local    pooplo  this 
sculpture  is  said  to  illustrate  the  shooting  of  arrows  by  Para>ur:ima.     In  tho  Hindu   sacrod 
books  there  is  mention  of  an  inc.idcnt  referring  to  Para^urfmuVs  reclaiming  land  from  tho 
sea-bed  bv   shooting  arrows.     Whether  the   mound    or  projection  in    the  ntculpturc  which 
the  arrows  are  represented  as  piercing  through   is    meant    for  a  soa-sido  din"    or    is    due 
merely  to  a  wrong  idea    of  perspective    is   more  than  what  can   be  assorted  with    confi- 
dence'.    As   instances  are    not    wanting   of  representations  of  purely   secular  incidents— 
such    as  hunting  scenes — among  tho '  Konarak  sculptures    there  need    be  no  objection  in 
takimr  this  at  least  as  a  secular  feat  in  archery.     Among  these  sculptures  some  have  been 
identified  as    pictures    of  P.uimtt.fc    incidents    such  as    marriage    of  Sita    and    killing    of 
Mahisha>ura  and  accepted  as  such  without  cavil  even  by  Mr.  IVishan  Swarup.     A    numbo 
of  image*  of  Hindu  deities  such   as    Bishnu,    Sfirya,   Manga,  Balagopala   «wid  Bnhaspati, 
&e     have  also  been  discovered  among  the  ruins.     It    docs    not   seem  therefore   probable 
that  anioiK'    Hindu    Pa,iran.ic   sculptures    of    this  dese ripliou,   illustrations   of    Buddhist 
.lataka   stories  would   also  find  a    place  in    a    scattered   disconnected   sort  oi    way.     Mr. 
BiHhan    Swarup    identified  one     of    these  stone-carved  pictures  as  Buddha  with  Muoha- 
linda  tho  Serpent   (loci  (op.  r//.,  p.  87)  and  tho  two  small  female  figures  standing  on  two 
sides  were  declared  to  bo  Sujata  the  wife  of  the  rich  toc»tk;  who  brought  the  Lnhghtcned 
One  food    after  hi,  prolonged  abstinence,  and  lu,   maid-servant  IMuna ,.     Mr.  Swarup  s 
objection   to  the  group  being  a  Hindu  Vaishnavito  image  lies  in  the  fact    hat  ordmanly 
Vishtu  is  depicted  as  lying    on  the  Ocean   of  Milk   with   tho  serpent  >osha    or  Ananta 
spreading  its  hoods  over  his  head. 

In  the  catalogue  of  exhibits  published  on  tho  occasion  of  the  centenary  of  the 
India  Museum,  1913,  there  fe  a  description  of  an  authentic  Buddha  and  Mucka.ula 
imago  (No.  6290  of  the  Catalogue).  It  is  noticeable  that  in  this  sculpture  Buddha  » 
represented  as  seated  on  the  head  of  tho  Serpent  God.  Ser^nt  hood,  are  found  also 
on  the  head  of  the  image  of  the  Jaina  Th-thankara  PArsvanatha-  It  do.  not  seem 
quite  safe,  therefore,  to  classify  an  image  as  Buddhistic  me  rely  Iron,  the  accompanying 
serpent  symbol.  In  his  comprehensive  work  on  Hindu  Iconography,  Mr  1.  A.  Gopi- 
natha  Rao  describes  a  Vishui  image  of  the  Bh^lMmka  order  in  which  the  god  is 
shown  in  a  standing  posture  with  the  serpent's  hood  over  his  head,  flanked  en  two 


216  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [AUGUST,  10    , 


sides  by  the  figures  of  Lakshmi  (Goddess  of  Wealth)  and  Prithvi  (The  Earth  Goddess). 
In  a  silver    statuette  of  Vishnu  discovered   in  the   village   of  Churai  in  Bengal  (given 
in  plate  No.  .24,  of  Mr.  R.  D.  BanerjTs  History  of  Bengal)  the  god  is  shown  as  stand- 
ing upright  and  has  over  his  head  a  sort  of  arch  which  seems  to  be  made  of  hoods  of 
serpents.    While  there  may  be  still  some   doubt  as  to  the  definite  classification  of  this 
8o-callefl  Muchalinda  sculpture,    the  statement  that  it  is  an  image  of  Buddha  cannot 
be  held  to  have  been  established.     On  the  lintel  of  the  beautifully  carved  chlorite  door- 
way of  the  temple  well-known    as  a  memorable   production  of    Orissa  art.,  is  depicted 
the  image  of  &rt  or  MaJia  LaksJim?,  a  fact  which  is  sought  to  be  made  one  of  the  strongest 
proofs   of  the  theory  of  the  Buddhist  origin  of  Konarak  ruins.    The  goddess    /Sri  has 
been  described  in  the  Matsya  Purana  in  the  chapter  dealing  with  the  Sun  God  and  other 
minor  gods  and  goddesses  (Chap.  26,  Slokas  40  to  46)  and   it  mainly  agrees  with   the 
noticeable     features    of    the    deity    ordinarily  depicted     in    the    sculptures.  7     As    Mr. 
B.  C.  Majumdar  has  shown  in  one  of  his  learned  articles  in  the  Bengali  magazine,  Sahitya 
(tfahitya  1312  B.  S.,  p.  131-138),  these.   S'n  images  are  identical  with  Kamalatmika,  one 
of  the  Dasamahuvidyas  of  the   Hindu  Pantheon.     It  will  appear  from  Mr.  M.  Chakravar- 
ty's  learned  notes  on  Dhaali  and  the  caves  of  Udayagiriand  Khan^agiri  (Calcutta,  1903), 
that  the  images   of  &r«,  Gaju-ljal-shml    or  Maliakikshmi  and  pictures  of  trees,   &e.,  are 
common  alike  to  Hindus,  Buddhists  and  Jainas.     Even  to  this  day  trees,  are  represented 
in   Jaina  places    of  worship   and    Kalpadruina  of   the  sacred  lore  8    has    by  no   means 
fallen   into  oblivion,     fcrimurtis  are  not  peculiar  only  to  Buddhist  atupas  at  Sanchi,  but 
reproductions    of   these   figures  are  met    with  in   Orissa  as    in  the  Lakshmi  temple  in 
Jagannatha  enclosure,  Puri. 

Mr.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar,  in  the  Annual  He-port  of  the  Archaeological  Purvey, 
Western  Circle,  1904,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  Hindu  temple  of  Xarasiiiiha  Natha 
situated  in  another  part  of  the  province  of  Orissa.  .The  temple  which  he  ascribes  to  <)th 
century  or  to  an  earlier  period  has  got  a-  chlorite  door-frame  somewhat  resembling  the 
one  at  Konarak  and  in  the  lintol  is  depicted  the  image  of  Lakshmi  and  two  female  atten- 
dants bearing  flyskips  and  over  the  head  of  the  goddess  are  represented  two  elephants 
holding  aloft  two  water- jugs  in  their  trunks.  Professor  Bhandarkar  referring  to  plate 
No.  1,  and  p.  71,  of  Fergusson  and  Burgess's  Cave-Temples  of  India,  observes  :  "  It  is  no 
wonder  that  Lakshmi  image  should  be  found  on  the  lintel  of  the  temple — as  these  are 
met  with  alike  in  the  ancient  caves  of  Katak  and  the  temples  of  Southern  Orissa."  Like 
the  Svdstika,  Sri  or  KamalatmlH  figure  seems  to  have  been  looked  upon  as  a  beiieficient 
symbol  and  as  such  came  to  be  adopted  as  a  sort  of  conventional  decoration  by  Hindu 
architects,  especially  in  connection  with  sacred  places  of  worship. 

The  erotic  sculptures  at  Konarak— the  likes  of  which  are  also  found  in  other 
Orissa  temples— have  also  been  brought  into  requisition  in  the  attempt  to  establish  the 
Buddhist  claims.  These  pairs  of  human  figures  in  various  attitudes  (bandhas)  are  taken 
to  be  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Tdntriks  of  the  Left  Path  School.  The  pro-Buddhist 


8  In  Kh&ravela's  inscription  there  is  mention  of  a  Kalpa  Tree  (in  gold)  given  away  by  the  Emperor 
with  leaves  on  (JBORS.,  December  1917,  p.  463).  Mr.  K.  P.  Jayaawal  refers  to  Hemddri'*  Cfiatunarga 
-Chint&mani  for  description  of  this  Mah&d&na  (Danakhan$a  5),  a  fact  which  seems  to  ehow  that  cere- 
.monies  of  this  kind  like  the  conception  of  the  tree  itself  were  essentially  Hinduistio  in  character, 


AUGUST,  1918]  ALLEGED  HUDDHIST  INFLUENCE  LV  THE  SUN  TEMPLE  AT  KONARAK  217 


arguers  assert  that  the    union  of  those   erptic  pairs  is  a  crude  way  of  representing  the 
union  of  Buddha  and   PnijW   (wisdom)     (Konarka,  p.  63).    In  direct  contradiction  to 
this  theory  it  has  been  stated  by  tt  writer  in  a   vernacular  journal  that  the    object   of 
these  carvings  was  to  prevent  the  austere  devotees  of  Buddhism  from    approaching  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  temple.    This  view  may  bo  dismissed   without  much   comment  as 
under  some  of  its   degraded  Tdntrik  forms,  a    good  deal  of  license  scoais  to  have  been 
allowed  to  followers  of  the  faith.    Sir  ,1.  G.  Woodroffe  in  his  preface  to  Mi-.  M.  Ganguly  V 
book  on  Orissa,  has  referred  to  Dr.  Maeterlink's  mention  of  the  occasional  existence  of  a 
type  of  erotic  representation  on  the  walls  of  Gothic  cathedrals.    It  has  been  justly  held 
that  more  sentimental  or  spiritual  explanation  of  these  sculptures  do  not  explain  away 
dieir  bearing  as  a  natural  land  -mark  in  the  evolution  of  human  faith  and  morality,  and 
one  is  'reminded  of  Kraft  Ebbing'  s  well-known  dictum  that    Asexual  feeling  is  really  the 
root  of  all  ethics  and  no  doubt  of  aesthcticLsm  and  religion  "  (Psycho.  8wt  p.  2).    Messrs. 
Stephen  and  Catherwood  inth^  course  of  their  explorations  in  Central  America  discovered 
ruins  of  huge  edifices  in  the  cornices  of  which  were  found  depicted  symbol**  of  an  erotic 
character  'membra  conjuncta  in  coitu  '  (Squicr's  Serpent  tiymbol#9  p.  48).  Mr.  \Vestropp, 
mentions    having   met    with    the   symbol    in    temples    and   public    buildings   at   Tauuco 
(Primitive,  Symbolism,  p.  33).  ]t  is  interesting  to  observe  that  like  the  sculptors  illustrating 
the  descriptions  in  Kamatantra  on  the  steps  of  Mtihumayu  or  RamehaH'lt  temple,  and  on  the 
porch   of  the    Sun    Temple  at  Konarak,    he    explains  these    pictures    as   representing  in 
various  manners  the  union  of   two  sexes.     Another  remarkable  feature   of  similarity   in 
religions     so    diverse  as  Mexican    Jiud    East    Indian  is  the  worship  of   the  Sun  God    in 
Mexico,    which  appears  to    have  been,  interconnected   with    the  worship   of    the    Phallic 
symbol.    Representations   similar  to    those   which   Dulaure  found  carved  or   painted  at 
Panuco  wore  observed  by  Bertram  on  the  sacred  edifices  at  Tlascalla,  where  among  the 
local    creek    tribe  holiolatry    was    strongly    in   evidence.     No   connection  has  yet    beou 
established    between    the    religious    cults    of   India   and    Mexico  and   what  appears    to 
have    been     a    stage    in    the   natural    evolution    of    human    faith    or    as    it    lias    beou 
crtlled  __  a    'cosmic    process,'    should    not    be   hastily  ascribed    to    a    degraded    form  of 
any    particular    religion.     One  is    therefore   inclined  to   hold   that   these   erotic  figures 
by    no  means  establish    the   Buddhist  origin  which  is  claimed  for   Konarak.     It  may 
be    stated   in    this    connection    that    according    to    Hindu    works    like    Utbilakkanrla 
((-hap.    XI)     sculptures    of     this    description    are    carved    with     a    view    to    prevent 
the    buildings   being     struck    by    lightning      (Vairdpdlddi-bltUi/ad^oaranartJuim.  Tsrqnrf?- 
*ft«irft  TO°lf*f  1    &«-)•     Mr-  V-  Smith  whose  attention  seems  to  have  been  drawn  to  such 
Sanskrit  texts  has    also  remarked  that  "such    sculptures  are  said    to  bo    a  protection 
against  evil  spirits  and  so  serve  the  purpose  of  lightning-conductors  "    (History  of  Fine 
Art  in  India  vnd  Cry  Ion,  p.  190,  foot-note).    In  the  Agnipirdna  also,  we  find   directions 
regarding  tho  representations  of  these  human  couples  in  certain  parts  of  sacred  buildings 


(Ami    Vol    1    p    356    Ed.  BMioth.  Indie.  Ch,    104—30.     Milhuwii  pfidavarn&blii 

h   vibhushael    Rw*:  qiwftf*  <TT«rr  frr  I?**T  )•    It  Has   also    been    asserted  that 


vibhushayel    Rw 

according  to  the  Silpn  Kdstras,  it  was  customary  to  depict  on  the  temple  buildings  scenes 
portraying  the  nine  principal  sentiments  (Ba*a)  nnd  the  erotic  passion  or  'Sririgara  Easa 
beinc  the  first  in  the  category,  has  naturally  come  to  occupy  a  more  prominent  place. 
These  explanations  coming  a*  they  do  from  Hindu  sources,  certainly  go  to  show  that 
carvings  of  this  kind  were  not  the  hall-mark  of  any  particular  creed.  Not  content  with 
the  so-called  indirect  evidence  of  once  prevailing  Buddhism,  an  attempt  ha*  been  made 
to  silence  all  dissentients  by  making  a  bold  assertion  to  the  effect  that  there  is  an  image 
of  Buddha  at  Puri  which  can  be  traced  to  Konara*.  The  image  of  Sun  in  the  Sun 
Temple  at  Puri  is  said  to  have  been  removed  from  the  Konarak  temple  and  there  is  also 


218  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,   1018 

a  tradition  recorded  in  tho  Palm-Loaf  Temple  annals  (Madia  Paiiji)  which  lend  support 
to  this.  In  the  Sun  Temple  there  is  another  partly  mutilated  image  which  the  Pandas 
or  the  custodians  of  the  temple  declare  to  be  that  of  Indra,  the  Hindu  Jupiter  Pluvius. 
Mr.  Swamp  declares  this  image  to  be  that  of  Buddha  (Konarka,  p.  84),  an  identification 
which  would  naturally  lend  a  strong  support  to  his  own  theory.  Mr.  Swamp's  opinion 
in  this  matter  cannot,  however,  be  accepted  as  final  as  Ave  find  that  a  very  different  view 
has  been  put  forth  by  an  independent-  scholar,  after  a  minute  and  careful  personal 
inspection.  In  an  article  in  the  Modern  World.  July  1913,  Mr.  Himangshu  Sekhar  Banerji, 
ji.L.,  who  took  careful  measurements  of  the  altar  at  Konarak  and  the  pedestal  of  tho 
images  in  the  Puri  Sun-Temple,  has  desciibed  the  similarity  of  tho  so-called  Buddha,  with 
that  of  the  Moon-god,  in  tho  Navagra-ha  frieze  at  Konarak  and  in  view  of  the  tradition  tha^ 
the  Moon  was  also  worshipped  there  along  with  the  Sun,  he  is  inclined  to  hold  that  the  image 
in  question  is  that  of  the  Moon.  If  there  had  boon  anything  poculiary  Buddhistic  about 
the  image  which  was  likely  to  lead  to  a  satisfactory  identification,  the  fact  would  hardly 
have  escaped  the  attention  of  modern  researchers.  Mr.  M.  Ganguly,  whose  work  on  Orissa  is 
probably  the  latest  of  its  kind  from  the  pen  of  an  Indian  scholar,  has  also  been  careful  not 
not  to  hazard  such  a  guess.  Mr.  Sxvarup's  identification  can  therefore  only  be  regarded  us 
*  proven  '  under  the  circumstance.. 

Some  of  the  Indian  writers  arc  so  much  obsessed  with    '  Buddhist '  theories  that  we 
find  in  a  vernacular  work  on  Puri  Shrines   (Purl  Tirlha)  by  Mr.    Nagendra  Nath    Mitraj 
a  statement  to  the  effect  that  there  are  big  images  of  Buddha  on  tho  pyramidal  roof  of  the 
Konai  ak  porch  or  Tagmohan.     We  had  an  opportunity  of  inspecting  these  images  at  close 
quarters,  having  risked  a  climb  to  the  roof  with  the    help    of  the  local   cJunvkiflar.     Being 
four-headed  they  are  popularly  believed  to  be    representations  of   Brahman.  Mr.  Swamp 
with  Mr.  Longhurst   of  the  Archaeological    Survey  (Arch.  Survey  Report,  E.  Circle,    1900), 
so  far  differs  from  the  popular  identification  as  to  take  these   images  for  representation  of 
Siva  or  Mahosvara,  the  mat  tod  looks  being  considered  a  fifth  head  on  the  strength  of  cer- 
tain passages  quoted  from  Hindu  Texts.     The  author  of   "Konarka"   monograph    seems 
to  be  under  no  illusion  that  these  images  weie  made  to  represent    the  founder    of    Bud- 
dhism in  any  of  the   varying    attitudes   (tlwrtra),  but  Mr.  N.  Mitra  seems  to  go  a  step 
further  even  than  other  theorists  of  this  school.     Mr.  Swarup,  in  view  of  his  own  peculiar 
views,    seems  to  be  anxious  to  relegate  the  Solar  cult  to  a  very  subordinate  position,   and 
enunciates  the   view  that  it  could  never  make  a    stand  as  a   distinct    or   separate  creed 
having  subsequently    become,  absorbed    in  the  Saivite  faith — the  Sun  Cod  coming  to    be 
regarded  as  one  of  the  eight  forms  of  Siva  or  Kudra.     To  an  unsophisticated  person    the 
obvious  object  of  this  assertion  would  appear  to  be  that  if  Sim-worship  were  reduced    to  a 
men;  *  subsidiary  cult/  it  would  bo  easier  to  attribute  the  building  of  this  famous  fane  to 
a  once  flourishing  and  widely  prevalent  faith  like  Buddhism.     Heliolatry  seems  to   have 
onoe  been  fairly  established  in  this  land — from  the  temple  of  Martand  {>  in  Kashmir  in  the 
far  north  to  that  of  Konarak  in  the  southern  shore.    In  Punjab,  Multan  (Mulasthn)    on 
the  I'henab  (Chandrabhaga)    was  an    ancient   scat  of  Sun-worship.     (Cunningham's  The 
Ancient  Geography  of  India,  p.  232).    Mr.  N.  N.  Vasu  quotes  VardJia  Purdta  (178,  49-55) 
to  show  that  Sun   images  \\  ere  consecrated  by  Sambu,  the  Pauranic  founder  of  the  cult  at 
Muttra,  Multan,  and  Ujjain  (In trod,  to  Vraja   Parikramd),   and  in    Vabishya  Purdna   also 
there  is    mention  of  Multan   and    Chandrabhaga  in  connection  with   heliolatrous   rites 
(Viatnavim,      Kaivism,     <fcc.,     by     Sir    R.      G.     Bhandarkar,    p.    153).    In      Central 
India   the    shrines   of   the    Sun    Cod   were    not      quite     a    negligible     factor    (Report 
Arch.  Survey.  JF.     India,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  73-74,  one  of  the  interesting    remains    of  early 
y  Built  by  king  LulitiUlitya  in  tho  8th  century  l.etweeu  A.D.  24  to  700. 


AUGUST,  1918]  ALLEGED  BUDDHIST  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  SUX  TEMPLE  AT  KONARAK  219 

heliolatry  in  the  Gwalior  inscription  of  Mihirakula,  now  m  situ  in  the  Indian  Museum, 
Calcutta,  which  records  the  erection  of  a  Sun  temple  by  this  blood-thirsty  son  of  the  White 
Hun  Toramana,  in  the  15th  year  of  his  reign,  *.  e.  about  A.  u.  530.  (Fleet  No.  37.) 
Mr.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar  in  his  interesting  progress  report  of  the  Archwological  Survey, 
W.  Circle,  1905-06,  pp.  51-52,  describes  a  7th  century  Sun  temple  at  Basantgadh 
in  Sirohi,  and  a  8th  century  one  at  Osiah  in  Jodhpur  State,  both  of  which  are  rich 
in  artistic  sculptures.  M.  Langlcs  describes  a  Sun  Clod  m  the  ]>oristylo  or  verandah 
of  the  cave  at  Ellora  Djenouassa,  (Jrmwasa)--a  Saiva  cave  which  may  be  ascribed  to  8th 
or  9th  century  (Le  toit  du  verandah  on  peristyle  sur  Jos  imirailles  du  quel  on  a  sculpte 
.  .  .  Souria  (le  soleil)  trance  dans  son  char  par  ,sept  clievaux,  p.  89,  Tome  If). 

There  is  an  old  Sun  Temple  at  Gaya  to  the  north  of  the  Vislmupada  Temple,  the 
sacred  fane  which  contains  according  to  Hindu  belief  the  foot-print  of  Vishnu.10  The  Sun 
ill  this  temple  is  as  usual  uhowii  as  being  drawn  in  a  seven-horse  car.  Tlir  image  is 
important  in  the  sense  that  th«  sculptor  has  followed  the  description  of  the  (jlod  as 
given  in  the  Hindu  scriptures  intend  of  taking  for  his  model  the  standing  figure  with  two 
archer  companions  said  to  be  an  adoption  of  Greek  Apollo  found  on  an  A>oka  railing  in 
Bodh-(»ay«i,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made. 

If  the  Apollo  model  had  no  influence  in  determining  the  nature  of  the  image  at 
Gay«  itself,  it.  is  not  likely  that  it  would  have  any  influence  on  the  13th  century  artists 
at  Konarak.  Gaya  is  not  the  only  place  in  .Bihar  containing;  traces  of  Solar  worship. 
In  an  open  courtyard  inside,  the  temple  of  goddess  Puftanesvari,  the  guardian  deity, 
according  to  the  local  Hindus  of  the  city  of  Patna,  was  found  a  bi<j  i  ma  ire  of  the 
Sun  God.  ti 

A  twelfth  century  chlorite  Sun  image  found  at  Rajmahal  on  the  border  of  Bengal, 
has  been  thought  deserving  of  a  notice  in  Air.  V.  Smith's  History  of  Fine,  Art  and 
tfc.tiljrfiirv.  In  Be.ngal  itself  instances  are  not-  unknown  of  the  Sun  CJod  being  worshiped 
under  a  totally  different  name  as  the  result  of  forgetfulness  or  misconception  on  the  part 
of  local  inhabitants.12  Mr.  Brajendra  Nath  Banerji  121  the  Journal  of  the  tfahitytt  Parishad, 
describes  the  so-called  image  of  Shasfhi  (the  guardian  goddess  of  infants)  worshipped  at 
('hinsurah  \\hieh  is  in  reality  an  image  of  the  Sun  (Jod  A\ith  the  usual  top-boots 
and  lotuses  in  both  hands  (Journal  of  Iht  Hattgtija  tfdhitya  Parishad,  \'oJ.  XV1IJ, 
]>.  193  ).  Mr.  Nikhil  Nath  HOY  in  his  history  of  Murshidabad,  describes  an  image  of 
a  Sun  Ciod  seated  on  a  horse  known  as  (~lafnyadilya,  which  is  still  worshipped  in  the 
village  Amarakinjdu,  lying  not  far  from  Berhampore,  the  headquarters  of  the  Murshida- 
bad  district.  In  the  Kandi  subdivision  iu  the  same  district  the  Sun  (jjod  is  regularly 
worshipped  at  Jemo  Rajbati,  and  also  at  Gokarnu,  Pfitanda,  under  the  name  of  Kuiaditya 
(Journal  of  tl&  Sahfajck  Parixhad*  Vrol.  XIV,  p.  144).  Not  long  ago  the  late  Dr.  Bloch 
discovered  at  Maldah  the  image  of  a  Sun  (Jod  of  the  Aditya  class.  Some 
of  the  Sen  Kings  of  Bengal-  -who  flourished  before  the  Mahomedan  conquest  —  were 
Sun-worshippers  and  Kesava  Sena  in  tho  Ediljmr  Grant  (JA8B..  Vol.  X,  1914,  p.  103), 

10  Tho  siinuu  evidently  belongs  to  Biiddhi«t  tiimen,  and   proves   that   Sun-  worship  a«  a  distinct    cult 
was  even  tlmti  in    vigorous  exiBlentio.     Inside    the   tornjdu   is    an  iusmptKin    iu    tlu«   ora  of  Buddha's 
a,  year  1813.     (List  of  AHfiietti  Mnuwnetitu  of  Hewjul,  p.  280.     Above  Vol.  X,  p.  341.) 


11  The  image  i8  no  longer  worshipped  and  wan  lying  noglactctl  whrn  tho  writer  of  this  note  visited- 
the  ahriuo  witli  some  delegates  to  tl»e  t««t  Bengali  LiU^rarx  l-oiifereuc-e  held  at  Banlupur. 

32  It  is  intereftting  to  note  that  lingering  traces  of  heliolatrous  rit-es  are  Htill  to  be  obaorved  in  the 
Ghfuit  (Sansk.  Vhhata  ?]  festival  of  Bihttri  and  up-country  women. 


220  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1918 

describes  himself  as  Parama  Saura.  The  Solar  cult  which  was  once  so  wide-spread  and 
has  left  such  important  archaeological  evidence  of  its  influence  cannot  be  called  a  'subsi- 
diary '  one,  and  there  appears  to  be  no  proper  foundation  for  the  idea  that  at  Konarak 
the  Sun  worship  had  flourished  like  a  parasite  on  the  ruins  of  a  once  popular  Buddhist 
place  of  worship. 

It  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  the  relative  merits  of  the  theories  as  to  whether  the  Sun 
worship  ultimately  got  merged  or  incorporated  in  Nftrayanic  or  Vaishnavic  cult  or 
in  the  Saivaic  one,  though  certain  facts  are  certainly  in  favour  of.  the  former  supposi- 
tion. It  is  worthy  of  note  that  at  Yrindaban,  one  of  the  principal  seats  of  modern  Vaish- 
navism,  Sun  is  even  now  worshipped  in  a  temple  on  the  tlla  of  twelve  Adityas,  and*  at 
Muttra  another  sacred  place  of  Vaishnavitc  pilgrimage  there  is  a  Sun  temple  <m  the 
Surya  Ghat  or  Surya  tirtha  where  according  to  Hindu  belief  Bali,  the  lord  of  the  Patala 
regions,  obtained  from  the  Sun  God  the  jewel  (•hintamani  as  a  reward  of  the  austerities 
practised  by  him.  In  the  copper-plate  grants  of  Kesava  Sena,  and  Visvarupa  Sena  (JAtiB., 
Vol.  L.XV,  Pt.  I,  p.  9),  after  the  opening  words  Namo  Nargyaiiitya  snfi  JTKIlUJiq  (Salu- 
tation to  N&r  jiyajqia  )  occurs  the  sloka  (vaiidc.  Arabinflabana-va^Mabam^^andhakdra-kdrdni' 
baddkabhutonatrayamuktiheluw  )  ^ 


Salutations  to  Thee  Thou  friend  of  the  lotus  plants  and  deliverer  of  the  three 
worlds  from  the  prison  of  darkness.  &c.  That  the  stanza  is  to  be  taken  as  referring 
only  to  the  Sun  God  hardly  requires  any  comment.  In  reference  to  the  Martand  temple 
is  also  mentioned  *  the  local  name  of  Vishmi  as  the  Sun  God.'  In  popular  parlance  the 
Sun  God  is  even  to  this  day  referred  to  in  Bengal  as  Surya  Narayaiia.  A  carved  stone 
in  the  Indian  Museum  —  known  as  Surya  Nar,-iya\a  Sila  —  on  the  top  of  which  is  sculptured 
the  lotus  symbol  of  the  Sun  seems  to  bear  convincing  testimony  to  the  union  of  the  two 
tenets.  At  any  rate,  so  far  as  Konarak  is  concerned,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  such 
clashing  of  lival  Hindu  flee:  t  sand  the  claims  now  rashly  advanced  on  behalf  of  Buddhism 
restricts  the  discussion  to  the  actual  influence,  if  any,  exercised  in  this  part  of  Orissa  by 
the  Buddhist  faith  alone.  In  the  Arch,  tiurvni  reports  there  is  no  mention  of  any 
Buddhist  remains  found  at  Konarak.  Nowhere  on  the  temple  do  we  find  any  representa- 
tion of  the  characteristic  Buddhist  symbol  of  Tri-ratna.  Messrs.  Vincent  Smith  and 
Havell  in  their  well-known  works  on  Indian  Art  and  Sculpture  have  made  no  observa- 
tions on  this  point.  Mr.  R,  I).  Banerjj,  now  Superintendent,  Archaeological  Survey, 
Western  Circle,  who  had  on  more  than  one  occasion  studied  the  Konarak  remains  on  the 
spot  declared  to  me  that  nothing  Buddhistic  has  yet  been  found  on  the  site  in  the 
course  of  excavations  made  by  the  officers  of  the  Arclutological  Survey.  Mr.  M.  Ganguly 
also  maintains  a  discreet  silence  and  does  not  commit  himself  to  the  views  enunciated 
by  Mr.  Bishan  Swarup. 

As  we  have  shown  above  the  so-called  evidence  adduced  in  support  of  the  pro- 
Buddhist  theory  is  exceedingly  unsatisfactory,  as  Dr.  Rajendra  Lala  Mitra  himself 
admits,11  and  so  long  as  no  new  results  of  archaeological  or  epi  graphic  a)  discoveries  are 
forthcoming  to  corroborate  such  statements  no  accurate  or  scientific  writer  should  speak 
of  Buddhism  or  Buddhistic  influence  in  connection  with  the  Konarak  ruins. 

i»  <»  ij«he  evidence  available  is  certainly  exceedingly  in  agre  and  unsatisfactory,  but  without  the 
assumption  of  previous  sanctity  and  celebrity  it  becomes  difficult  to  account  for  the  selection  of  a  sea- 
beach  for  the  dedication  of  so  costly  and  magnificent  a  temple  as  the  Black  Pagoda"  (Ant.  Oriasa, 
Vol  II,  p.  148).  As  regards  the  inaccessibility  -or  loneliness  of  some  of  the  wellkno^n  sacred  places  of 
the  Hindus,  one  is  tempted  to  quote  from  the  beautiful  lay-sermon  of  Sir  Rabindranath  Tagore  "  What 
is  Art?  *'  (Personality,  p.  28»20  A  32),  in  justification  of  the  selection  of  such  beautiful  sites. 


AUGUST,  1918]  SAMAJA  221 

SAMAJA. 

BY  N.  U.  MAJUMDAR,  ESQ.,  B.A.;  CALCUTTA. 

PROFESSOR  D.  B.  BHANDARKAR  in  his  discussion  on   Asoka  «  Kock-edict  ]  in  which 
the  king  condemns   the  tamdja  but  shows  his  leaningnoss  towards  a  particular  kind  of  it, 
has  culled  from  many  sources  various  references  to  the  word  samdja.*  He  has  clear)  v  shown 
from  Brahmanical  and  Buddhistic  literature  that  there  were  two  kinds  of  *«»/<«>/,  and  that 
the  groat  monarch  wanted  to  taboo  that  particular  kind  in  which,  animals  out  of  number, 
were,  as  a  rule,  slaughtered  and  "  the  meat  formed  one  of  the  principal    articles  of  food 
served."     Regarding  this    point   I  do   not    think  any  reasonable   doubt  can  possibly  be 
entertained.     But  what  was  the  second  kind  of  satnaja.     Prof.  Bhandarkar  has  shown  j$nod 
reason  to   suppose   that  in  this  samdja   u  the pcuplo  were  entertained  with  dancing,  music, 
and  other  performances,"   which  according    to  Rock-edict  3   was  considered  Sddhiunatd 
or  excellent  by  king  Asoka  > 

The  above  theory  of  Prof.  Bhandarkar,  lam  glad  to  say,  is  strongly  confirmed  by 
the  following  evidence.  First,  1  want  to  point  out  that  the  word  samdja  in  the  sense  of 
theatrical  performance  has  been  used  by  Vatsyayana  in  his  Kdmasutra  where  ho  describes 
it  as  a  gort  of  rt'liywu*  observance.  The  passages  which  refer  to  it  are  translated  below  :  2 

"  On  the  day  of  a  fortnight  or  mouth,  sanctioned  by  prevailing  custom  ('prajuute)  those 
who  are  attached  to  (the  service  of  )  the  temple,  of  the  Goddess  of  Learning  must  hold  a 
vamdja." 

*'  Actors  coming  from  other  places  should  give  them  a  performance  ( prekahanakam  )." 

"On  the  second  day  (after  their  performance)  (the  actors)  should  invariably  receive 
(marks  of  honour  from  those  (engaged  in  tho  service  of  the  Goddess  of  Learning).  " 

"  Then  they  might  repeat  the  performance  or  be  discharged  according  to  the  taste  (  of 
the  audience)." 

*'  And  in  adversity  or  in  festivity  they  ( should  )  help  one  another.  " 

"  And  honour  and  help  to  the  itinerant  (actors)  who  have  (  already  )  entered  into  the 
covenant  is  the  duty  of  a  Gaiia." 

From  the  abovo  quotations  itapjwars  that  samdja  meant  a  sort  of  theatrical  perform- 
ance. We  further  notice  that  it  had  great  religious  importance  inasmuch  as  it  was 
customary  to  hold  it  in  templos  of  Sarasvati  who  was  no  doubt  considered  to  be  the 
presiding  deity  of  the  dramatic  art. 

In  the  Jdlaka  also  samdja  has  been  used  in  the  above  sense.  From  the  Kanaverujdluka 
(No.  318)  it  appears  that  in  those  days  there  were  companies  of  itinerant  actors  (nata)  whose 
business  it  was  to  move  from  place  to  place  and  show  their  performances,  which  ar»* 
called  samdja,)  in  villages  ( ydma  ),  towns  (  nigama )  and  cities.  A  courtezan,  in  the 
abovo  Jdtaka,  is  in  deep  love  with  her  husband  who  has  run  away.  In  order  to  trace  him 
back  she  calls  together  somo  professional  actors,  and  addresses  them  thus  :  fc  TumJidkam 
agamanatthdnatn  ntima  n'atth-i,  turn/it  gdma-nigama-rd'iadftaniyo  gantvd  samajjam  katva 
aamajja^nandale  pafhamam  eva  imam  gttom  gdyeyydthd  (ti  nate  sikkhdpenti  patJuimam  gdthdm 

vatva),Qtc.     .' Te  Bdrdnasito  nikkhamitvd  tattha  tattha  samajjam  karontd 

pathamam  eva  gUakamydyimsu.  "  :{     In  this  passage  samdja  must  mean  theatrical  perfor- 
mance and  samaja-mawlala,  the  stage. 

The  samdja  which  is  described  in  the  Kdmasutra  and  to  which  there  are  references 
in  the  Jaiaka  would  correspond  to  the  second  kind  of  samdja  as  described  by  Prof. 
Bhandarkar.  But  this  is  not  the  only  sense  in  which  the  word  has  been  used  In  the 
Jataka.  Turning  to  Fausboll,  VI,  277  we  come  across  the  passage  Passa  malk  wmajjasmin 

i  Ante,  1913,  256-58.  2  KdmaMra,  ChowkrambA  Sanskrit  Series,  49-51. 

'  Fausboll,  JdMka,  III,  61-2. 


222  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  AUGUST,  1918 


digunai  bhujam.     We  further  learn  that  this  samajja  was  mancMtimaficJta  which 
the  commentator  explains  as  maifchanam  upari  baddha-maiieha.     This  word   muFt  mean, 
therefore,  here  at  any  rate,  a  stage  for  the  purpose  of  a  wrestling  combat.     It  should  be 
noted  also  that  a  stage  can  but  occasionally  serve  this  purpose  for  which  alone,  however, 
open  space  'is  always  preferable.    The  commentator    explains  no  doubt,  samajjasmin    by 
mr;//tf-ra?r;7,    but   that   meaning   cannot   be  the  only  meaning  for  reasons  just  noted — a 
conclusion  which  is  forced  upon  us  from  a  comparison  of  the  two   instances   of  the  Jdtaka 
referred  to  above.     In  the  first  of  these  as  I  have  already  shown  samdja  cannot,  of  course, 
mean  a  malla-rahga  for  tho  simple  reason  that  natav  play  on  it.* 

Prof.  Bhandarkar  has  noticed  that  rahga  and  prtkshagdra  are  used  synonymously  with 
xamaja.  1  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  here  xamaja  means  the  place  whore  plays  are 
enacted  just  like  *  theatre  '  which  has  a  double  meaning.  '  Prekshdgdra  '  is  the  same 
as  '  prekshdgrihu,  '  the  construction  of  which  is  described  at  length  by  Bharata  in  his 
Niififaiftstra  (II,  8,  etc. ).  In  the  description  of  samdja  in  the  Kamasutra,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  the  word  prekxlianakam  means  a  performance.  From  those  the  conclusion 
becomes  unavoidable  that  ttamdja  was  primarily  a  technical  word  for  theatre.  I  do  not 
doubt,  however,  that  games,  contests  of  animals,  etc.,  were  also  exhibited  in  a  wmdja 
which  practice  is  common  even  now.  A  stage,  therefore,  serves  two  objects,  primarily,  the 
enactment  of  a  drama,  and  secondarily,  the  exhibition  of  games.  These  were  also  what 
* am -aja  used  to  servo  in  Ancient  India. 

But  the  question  that  arises  hore  is:  which  of  the-  above  two  senses  would  suit  the 
xam'ijft  which  a  king  like  Asoka  considers  excellent  (  l)r.  Thomas  takes  it  in  the  sense  of 
'  a  celebration  of  games  or  rather  contests  '  (JJkl»Sf.7  1914,  393-4).  But  then,  why  should 
A4oka  show  a  special  predilection  for  it  in  one  of  his  own  religious  writs';  There  is  no 
evidence  to  prove  th%J  the  celebrations  of  games  was  looked  upon  as  a  religions 
oteonwnw  in  his  days.  On  tho  other  hand  there  is  evidence  to  prove  that  samaja  in  the 
sense  of  theatrical  performance  was  really  looked  upon  as  religious.  J  have  already 
referred  to  the  tesimony  of  Yatsyayana  to  this  point.  But  this  is  not  all.  Jn  the 
Ramdyana.e.  (j.*  the  theatre  is  pre-eminently  looked  upon  as  a  sign  of  prosperity  of  a  country 
(rdshtrnvardhann).  In  the  following  passage  it  has  been  said,  that  in  a  kingless  country 
utfsarjff  and  siinajoK  which  delight  the  actors  and  dancers  never  flourish  : 
Ndrdjake  janapadv  prahrifihtanatanartakfih. 

utsavjLvcha  Samdjufaha  vardharUe  rdshtravardhandh.      —Ayodhyd,  c.  07, 15. 
It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  king  patronized  the  theatre  which  was  regarded  no  doubt 
as  an  instrument  of  educating  the  people. 

In  view  of  what  is  stated  above,  we  are  now  in  a  position  to  understand  Asoka "s  liking 
for  this  particular  kind  of  vwija,  and  this  explains  why  he  was  so  eager  to  record  his 
sympathy  with  it.  It  may  be  noticed  here  that  if  our  interpretation  is  correct  it  is  the 
first  in&criptional  evidence  of  a  king  supporting  the  stage  in  India.  Besides  this  there 
are  in  record  two  other  inscriptional  evidences  proving  the  same  fact,  viz.,  the  Nasik  Cave 
inscription  of  the  19th  year  of  the  reign  of  Vasisthiputra  Fulumayi  and  the  Hathigumpha 
inscription  of  the  Emperor  Kharavela.  M.  Senart  in  editing  the  former  inscription,  took 
«amdja  in  the  sense  of  '  assembly. '  r'  But  that  word  has  to  be  interpreted  in  a  different 
sense  now.  In  1.  5  of  the  Hnthigumphn  inscription,  it  has  been  recorded  that  the  king, 
who  was  himself  a  master  of  music  (*  gandha.va-veda-budho  '),  entertained  his  capital,  in 

*  As  to  the  fact  that  samdja  was  sometimes  celebrated  on  the  top  of  a  hill  which  was  first  pointed 
out  by  Prof.  Bhandarkar  and  the  which  Dr.  Thomas  has  again  drawn  our  attention,  we  may  cite  the 
case  of  the  Jogimara  cave  at  Ramgarh  Hill  which  according  to  the  late  Dr,  Bloch  was  the  site  of  a 
theatre  flourishing  there  at  least  about  the  second  century  B.  o. —  Archaeological  Survey  Report,  1903-4. 

5  Epi.  lndt,  VIII.  61. 


AUGUST,  1918] 


MISCELLANEA 


223 


the  third  year  of  his  reign,  by  '  U 8ava-*amdja>  fi  just  Jike  Pulumayi.  It  was  worth  noticing 
here,  that  in  tho record  dampa  (?)  nata^ita-itdditaMwdasanahiis  mentioned  over  and  above 
Usava-ftamdja—kdrdpandhi.  This  makes  clear  thiit  in  those  days  samaja  or  theatre  did  not 
merely  consist  of  dancing  and  music.7  These  are  then  instances  to  show  that  the  Hindu 
theatre  began  to  receive  State  support  from  very  early  times. 

MISCELLANEA, 


HATHTGUMPHA  INSCRIPTION. 
MESSRS.  K.  P.  JAVASWAL  and  R.  D.  BANKRJI 
have  placed  the  students  of  Indian  Antiquity 
under  a»deep  obligation  by  having  made  accessible 
to  thorn,  for  the  first  time,  a  reliable  version  of  the 
very  important  inscription  of  King  Kharavola  at 
Hatliigumpha  (JBon&.  1U17,  pp.  425-507). 
Mr.  .Jayaswal  has  further  increased  the  value  of  his 
publication  by  adding  a  learned  introduction  and 
various  notes  for  clearing  up  the  subject,  and  it 
may  Ix*  confidently  expect od  that  ere  long  the 
contents  of  this  valuable  inscript  ion  will  be  fully 
utilised  for  studying  the  history  of  the  period. 
Before  this  can  be  done,  however,  wo  must  arrive 
at,  a  definite  understanding  about  tho  date  of  this 
record.  T  propose,  therefore,  to  discuss  this  point 
in  some  detail  in  (he  following  pages. 

The  various  theories  entertained  on  tho  subject 
have  been  summarisi-d  by  Mr.  K.  D.  lianerji.  on 
pp.  48K-489,  in  his  note.  They  may  be  divided 
Into  two  classes.  According  to  one,  there  is  a 
direct  reference  to  a.  date,  in  line  10  of  the  record  ; 
according  to  the  other,  there  is  no  date  in  line  10 
but  there  are  references  to  some  events  elsewhere 
(II.  0  and  II)  in  the  record  from  which  an  idea  of 
its  approximate  date  may  be  formed. 

Both  Mr.  ,7  ay  aswal  and  Mr.  K.  J).  Banerji  have 
endorsed  the  tirst  of  these  theories,  nnd  have 
unhesitatingly  pronounced  that  the  record  does 
contain  a  date  in  lino  10,  -- -**  In  the  time  of 
king  Muriya  [Chandrugupta]  which  had  elapsed  by 
hundred  and  sixty-five  years  "  according  to 
Mr.  Fayaswal  (pp.  441),  451^  and  "  in  the  era  of  the 
Maurya  kings,  one  hundred  and  sixty  years  increas- 
ed by  five  .  .  ,"  according  to  Mr.  Banerji 
(p.  492).  [nspite  of  this  difference  of  interpreta- 
tion, which,  by  the  way,  is  not  insignificant,  both 
the  scholars  take  their  stand  upon  the  same 
reading,  viz.  *•  Pan-amtarlya  sathi-vasa  sate  RAJ  a 
Murlya-kale."  The  correctness  of  this  reading 
(with  slight  unimportant  modifications)  have 
hitherto  been  conceded  even  by  those  (e.g.  Dr. 
Fleet)  *  who  were  not  disposed  to  look  upon  it  as 
containing  a  date,  for  there  Deemed  to  have  been 


vofy  little  ground  of  doubt  in  the  facsimile  given 
by  Pandit  Bhagw;' n  Lai  ludraji.  Now  that  an 
impression  has  been  prcjrared  on  approved  scientific 
method,  it  is  time  to  examine  elos-ly  the  original 
words  as  they  stand  in  the  record  Fortunately, 
Mr  Baunr ji  has  taken  a  separate  impression  of  the 
'dated  portion'  (see  Plate  IV)  and  it  may  be 
hoped,  therefore,  that  we  have  here  the  best 
mechanical  cHtumpage  of  ihe  portion  that  we  may 
ever  hojK'  to  obtain. 

Now  any  one  \vlio  evrn  cursorily  glumes  ut 
riatc  IV  must  at  once  conn  to  the  eouclusion  thai, 
the  letters  read  as  *'  »SV/  tin  wi  wt  "  are  far  from 
clear.  Tn  the  first  place  the  second  lit  tor  can  be 
hardly  read  as  •  tl,i  \  This  ma\  be  verified  by  a 
comparison  of  the  other  'tlaVin  the  rtcord,  t.f/- 
that  of  •  Choyn  (or?  a)  tin*  in  the  same  line 
'HiVhtka*  in  1.  0,  and  *  Atlwme '  in  1.  7.  The 
next  letter  read  as  '  va  '  looks  like  »ta  '  for  its 
lower  limbs  are  not  joined  and  there,  is  no  sign  that 
they  were  ever  so  joined.  The  third  letter,  read 
as  '  sa  ',  looks  more  like  '  pa  '  than  anything  else  : 
the  left  limb  of  '  sa  "  is  entirely  wanting  for  we 
cannot  suppose  that  the  same  stroke  served  both 
as  the  right  limb  of  '  ta  '  (or,  va)  as  well  as  the  left 
limb  of  *  sa  \ 

It  thus  appears  to  me,  that,  so  far  at  least  as 
the  facsimile  goes,  there  is  no  justification  for  the 
reading  *  satliivasa-sate  '.  Tu  the  absence  of  this 
reading,  there  remains  no  trace  whatsoever  in  the 
inscription,  of  any  direct  reference  to  a  date. 

Now,  conceding  for  a  moment,  that  the  record 
really  contains  the  date  10i">,  of  the  era  of  Muriya 
[Chandragupta]  or  of  the  Maurya  kings  as  con- 
tended by  Mr.  Ja  \as\val  and  Mr.  Hanerji,  and  ia  to 
be  placed  in  about  1(51  n.c.  let  us  see  what  result 
follows.  The  record,  as  interpreted  by  these  two 
HOholuis,  mentions  hi  line  0,  that  king  Kharavela, 
in  his  fifth  year,  brought  into  the  capita!  the  canal 
excavated  by  king  Nanda  three  centuries  before. 
As.  Mr.  Banerji  has  shown  (p.  498),  this  would 
mean  that  a  king  Nanda  was  master  of  Kalriga  in 
about  405  or  409  B.C.  Mr.  Banerji  would  identify 


that    actual 
^curronco  of 


8  Journal  of  Ike  Bittarand  Ori#*a  Research  Society,  1917,  455. 

7  To  show  further  that  it  was  really  a  full-flodg;ed  theatrical  performance  in  the  sense  tl 
dramas  were  enacted  on  the  stage,  I  should  like  'to  draw  the  attention  of  scholars  to  the  o-c 
tho  word  n1takat  *.  e.  drama,  in  the  Jdtd/ca  ( IV,  105). 

3  Fleet  no  doubt  suggested  some  alterations,  but  ho  fully  admitted   the  possibility  of  t'.iis  reading,. 
See  his  reading  quoted  hy  Mr.  Banerji  on  p.  491. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[AUGUST,  1018 


him,  not  with  the  earliest  ruler  of  the  Nanda 
Dynasty,  but  with  the  earliest  king  of  the  Paura- 
nic  Hat  whose  name  contains  or  is  supposed  to 
contain  the  adjunct  Nanda,  i.e.  Nandivardhana. 
tVe  leave  out  of  consideration,  for  the  moment, 
the  fact  that  the  name  is  given  aa  Nandivardhana 
in  all  the  authentic  PurAncw,  that  the  corrupt 
Bhavishya  Pur  Ana  alone  gives  the  name  an  Nanda- 
vardhana,  that  none  of  the  Pur&nas  count  liim  or 
his  successor  among  the  Nanda  kings  and  that 
there  is  no  justification  therefore  to  dub  him  us 
Nanda  I.  as  Mr.  Banerji  has  done  on  the  authority 
of  Mr.  Jayaswal.  We  take  for  granted  that  Narida- 
vardhaua  ,or  Nandi  vardhana,of  the  S  isu  naga  dynast  y 
was  on  the  throne  in  405 B  .c.  (taking  the  later  date). 
This  would  place  Ajatasatru's  reign,  according 
to  Mr.  Jayaswal's  calculation,  between  508  and  5IU 
B.C.,  or  rather  earlier,  as  we  may  justly  suppose 
that  king  Nandivardhana  was  for  some  years  on 
the  throne  of  Magadha  before  he  could  excavate  a 
canal  in  Kalinga.  Now  this  not  only  runs  counter 
to  the  present  accepted  view  about  the  date  of  the 
death  of  Buddha  but  is  also  opposed  to  the  ortho- 
dox view,  accepted  by  Mr.  Jayaswai,  that  the 
Buddha  died  in  the  8th  year  of  Ajata&atm's  reign 
(see,  <?.  gr.,  the  Synchronistic  table  of  Mr.  dayo&wal 
in  Appendix  C  of  his  paper  on  the  Saisunnka  and 
aurya  Chronology,  etc.,  published  in  JBORfl., 
*Sept.  1915.  Heprint  p.  49).  The  date  of  tht; 
Hathigumphd  inscription,  as  interpreted  by  Mr. 
Jayaswal  and  Mr.  Banerj  it  thus  upsets  the  accepted 
date  of  the  Gautama  Buddha  and  therewith  the 
whole  chronological  system  based  upon  it.  Such 
far-reaching  conclusions  can  be  accepted  only  on 
the  basis  of  clear  and  positive  evidence.  But  AH 
has  been  seen  above,  the  line  10  of  the  record 
which  is  the  keystone  of  the  whole  structure  is  far 
from  being  clear  and  positive. 

Attention  may  be  drawn  in  this  connection  to 
the  ways  in  which  idioms  expressing  dates  have 
been  interpreted  by  these  scholars.  We  have 
three  such  expressions,  viz.,  li-vaaa-sata  in  line  6, 
tercwa-ww-aoto  inline  11,  and  the  alleged  eathi- 
va*a-0ata  in  line  10.  They  have  taken  the  first 
two  in  the  sense  of  300  and  1300  respectively,  but 
have  interpreted  the  last  as  160,  while  it  is  clear 
that,  to  be  consistent,  they  should  have  explained  it 
as  6,000.  According  to  the  usual  meaning  the  first 
two  expressions  ought  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of 


1 13  and  103,  respectively.  These  would  upset  many 
theories  started  by  Mr.  Jayaswal.  Thus,  for  example, 
there  would  be  no  basis  for  the  suggestion  that  we 
have  |n  line  11  a  reference  to  the  Kaliiiga  hero  who 
flourished  at  the  time  of  Mahabharatu  war,  or  that 
there  was  a  careful  chronicle  in  Orissa  at  the  time 
of  Kharavela  which  could  go  back  1,300  years. 
But  by  far  the  most  important  results  would 
follow  if  we  take  ti-vutta-aata  to  mean  103  on  the 
analogy  of  the  so-called  aathi-vaaa-ftata.  For  then  • 
we  have  to  place  a  Nanda  King  in  Kalinga"  in  the 
year  54  of  the  Maurya  era,  and  this  by  itself  would 
go  far  to  prove  that  there  is  something  wrong  in 
the  system  of  chronology  adopted  by  the  authors 
of  the  paper. 

Mr.  Banerji  has  maintained  that  even  apart  from 
the  question  of  the  true  reading  of  line  16,  Dr. 
Fleet's  views  about  the  date  of  the  record  were 
grossly  inconsistent  in  themselves.  In  this  1 
cannot  follow  him,  and  it  is  but  due  to  the  memory 
oi  the  illustrious  scholar  that  his  ease  should  be 
fairly  represented.  As  shown  by  Mr.  Banerji 
(p.  494)  Dr.  Fleet  concluded  from  Home  details  in 
line  1  1  that  the  eleventh  year  of  Kharavelu  fell  in 
the  ]  13th  year  after  the  conquest  of  Kaliuga  by 
ABoka,  and  that  Kh&ravela  therefore  ascended  the 
throne  of  Kalinga,  11J  years  after  the  anointment 
of  Asoka.  Mr.  Banerji  then  adds,  "  Now,  accord- 
ing to  Dr.  Ltiders,  Kharavela  caused  an  aqueduct, 
that  hud  not  been  used  for  103  years  since  king 
Xanda  or  since  the  Nanda  kings,  to  be  conducted 
int  o  the  city,  in  the  6th  year  of  his  reipn.  This 
view  is  also  shared  by  the  late  Dr.  Fleet."  ( p.  41)4). 
Jt  becomes  easy  of  course  to  show  that  the  two 
views  are  incompatible  with  each  other.  The 
fact,  however,  is  that  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  particular  view  of  Dr.  Ltidery.  was  also 
shared  by  the  late  Dr.  Fleet.  His  published 
writings  on  the  subject,  referred  to  by  Mr.  Banorji, 
contain  no  such  thing  and  Mr.  Banerji  should  have 
given  full  reference  before  advancing  such  a 
charge  against  the  late  lamented  scholar.  He  was 
too  critical  a  scholar  for  such  inconsistencies  and 
I  maintain  that  his  view,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is 
perfectly  consistent  in  itself.  It  may  be  mentioned 
in  this  connection  that  Mr.  Banerji  has  fallen  into 
similar  error  in  his  criticism  of  Ltider's  view. 
Khartxvela,  according  to  it,  would  not  be  four 
years  of  age,  as  Mr.  Banerji  maintains  in  1.  22. 
p.  496,  but  II  years  of  age  when  Asoka  died. 

R.  C.  MAJUMDAR. 


SBPTSMBEB,  1018  ]  E  AND  0  IN  MARWAKI  AND  GUJARATI  225 


THE  WIDE  SOUND  OP  E  AND  0  IN  MARWARI  AND  GUJARATI. 
BY  DR.  L.  P.  TESSITORI  ;  BIKANER. 

T  HAD  already  dealt  with  the  subject  of  the  present  paper  in  a  note  published  in  appendix 
*  to  my  "  Progress  Report  on  the  work  done  in  connection  with  the  Bardic  and  Histori- 
cal Survey  of  Rajputana  during  the  year  1915  ",*  and  had  hoped  that  I  had  therein  given  the 
genesis  of  the  wide  sound  of  e  and  o  in  Marwari  and  Gujarati,  as  distinct  from  the  narrow 
sound,  with  sufficient  lucidity  and  documentation  to  convince  everybody.  But  in  this  I 
was  mistaken  and  a  contradictory  article  by  Mr.  N.  B.  Divatia,  recently  appeared  in  this 
'Journal*  now  obliges  me  to  take  up  the  same  subject  again  and  remove  some  shades  of  doubt 
which  it  has  cast  on  my  conclusions. 

In  the  note  to  wThich  I  have  just  referred,  1  had  shown  that  every  ct  u  (wide)  3  of 
Marw&ri  and  Gujarati  is  derived  from  an  a'i,  aii  of  the  Old  Western  Rajasthani,  whereas  every 
e,  6  (narrow)  is  derived  from  O.  YV.  Rajasthani  e,  o,  or,  in  sojue  few  cases,  O.  \V.  Rajasthani 
/,  ea,  u,  oa.  With  regard  to  the  former  change  I  had  pointed  out  that  the  manuscripts  indicate 
that  it  was  effected  through  a  process  of  contraction,  that  is,  through  suppression  of  the 
hiatus,  the  intermediate  step  being  the  diphthongs  «?,  aw,  (W  «fr).  Tims  O.  W.  Rajasthani 
a'i,  through  ai,  gave  Marwari-Gujarati  c,  and  similarly  O.  W.  Rajasthani  ati,  through  cniy  gave 
Marwari-Gujarati  o.  Seeing  that  the  spelling  ai  au  is  found  in  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  earliest 
manuscripts  of  Marwari  and  Gujarati,  and  that  it  is  still  used  by  accurate  Marwari  writers 
to  represent  the  wide  sounds  l\  o,  4  and  at  the  same  time  considering  that  this  ai,  an  spelling 
is  not  only  etymological  ly  accurate  but  also  very  significative  in  that  it  graphically  represents 
the  genesis  of  the  sounds  themselves,  I  had  suggested  that  it  might  he  adopted,  or  rather 
read  opted,  in  Gujarati  to  distinguish  the  wide  sound  (e,  o)  from  the*  narrow  sound  (  r,  o). 
It  is  known  to  everj'body  that  one  of  the  deficiencies  of  modern  Gujarati  orthography  is  the 
use  of  a  unique  sign  to  indicate  both  e,  o  and  ey  d. 

Shortly  before  the  publication  of  my  note  Mr.  Divatia  had  in  this  same  Journal  B 
proposed  a  theory  according  to  which  the  e,  o  of  Gujarati  was  devolved  from  O.  W.  Rajas- 
thani a'i,  aii,  not  through  ai,  an,  but  through  a//a,  uva  (ay,  ar).  hi  reply  to  this,  1  had  in 

*  Jour.  As.  $oc.  of  Beny.,  N.S.,  XII,  1916,  pp.  73  ff. 

*  The  Wide   Sound  of  E  and  O  with  Special  Reference  to  Gujarati.     Vol.  XLV1,  pt.  DLXXX1X,  1917, 
and  Vol.  XLVII,  pts.  DXCI  and  DXCII,  1918. 

a  I  use  a  grave  accent  C  )  to  represent  the  wide  sound  and  an  acute  accent  (')  to  represent  the  narrow 
sound. 

*  I  give  below  a  specimen  which  I  have  taken  at  random  from  a  manuscript  about   50  years  old 
containing  the  "  Khyuta  "  of  Bikaner  by  Sinflhdyaca  Dayala  Dflea  (MS.  Nu.  1  of  Dettcr.  Cat.  vf  Bard,  and 

Ui*tl.  MSS.,  Sect,  i,  pt.  ii)  : 


finsr  vt  ^nfw  *ft%  ^r^    ^  ^rnr  %  m«ift^  ^  RPIMH^  5p^t  nrer 


^  cnr  %  $  nwr 

etc.     (  pp.  342&—  343a). 

1  A  Note  on   Some  Special    Features  of  Pronunciation  etc.  in  the  Gujarati  Language,  Vol.  XLIV, 
DLII  and  DLVI,  January  and  May  1015. 


226  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  SBPTEMBIR, 

my  note  given  some  reasons  which,  I  believe,  conclusively  dismiss  Mr.  Divatia 's  explanation,, 
but  he  has  not  been  persuaded  by  them  and  in  his  new  article  on  the  subject  still  clings  to 
his  theory  and  not  only  maintains  that  e,  o  axe  derived  from  at/a,  aw,  but  also  that  the  result 
of  the  contraction  of  a*,  aw,  if  this  contraction  ever  takes  place,  is  not  £,  o,  but  £,  J. 

Naturally,  in  the  beginning  of  his  new  article  Mr.  Divatia  examines  the  arguments 
given  by  me  against  his  theory  and  tries  to  dismiss  them,  but  how  !  Instead  of  removing 
them  from  his  path,  he  simply  walks  round  them  and  gets  beyond.  One  of  my  arguments 
is  that  there  are  no  sure  instances  of  any  of,  aii  of  the  O.  W.  Rajasthani  having  changed  to 
aya,  ava  in  any  stage  of  this  language.  To  prove  the  contrary,  my  opponent  splits  the  vocal 
compounds  a'i,  a«  into  their  two  elements  and  fetches  instances  of  isolated  i,  u  having  passed 
into  ya,  va  in  the  later  stage  of  the  O.  W.  Rajasthani  if  not  in  Gujarati  itself  !  The  only 
instances  of  the  pretended  change  a'i  >  aya  which  Mr.  Divatia  is  able  to  quote,  are  vayara* 
payasdra,  bayathaii,  and  payathati.  1  had  already  explained  these  forms  as  incorrect 
readings  due  to  the  habit  of  the  scribes  to  write  ya  for  i.  But  Mr.  Divatia  does  not  accept 
this  explanation  and  ransacks  some  O.W.  Rajasthani  texts  in  search  of  examples  like  nisca?, 
uvajhdi,  RSmaira,  etc.,  which  in  his  opinion  prove  that  the  scribes  instead  of  showing  a 
tendency  to  write  ya  for  i,  show  a  tendency  to  write  t  for  ya.  But  i  is  the  regular  spelling 
in  all  these  cases  and  does  not  represent  a  tendency  of  the  scribes,  but  a  tendency  of  the 
language  !  The  fact  is  that  the  tendency  of  the  scribes  to  write  ya  for  i  is  not  only  indisputable 
but  also  much  more  widely  established  than  Mr.  Divatia  imagines,  for  it  is  found  in  Prakrit 
manuscripts  as  well.  To  cite  only  one  case.  Of  the  two  manuscripts  collated  by  Prof.  H.  Jacobi 
for  the  edition  of  his  MaharMri  Erzahlungen,  A  and  B,  the  former  reads  gayam  for  ga'im 
(p.  73)  and  payasdrio  for  paisdrio  (p.  63),  and  the  latter  kayavaya  for  ka'ivaya  (p.  61)  and 
vayara  for  va'ira  (p.  60).7 

Another  of  my  arguments  was  that  it  is  not  admissible  that  a  language  which  possesses 
a  tendency  to  samprasarana  even  greater  than  Apabhramsa  itself,  should  at  the  same  time 
possess  a  tendency  to  emti-samprasdraria,  to  use  Mr.  Divatia's  expression.  In  other  words,  it 
is  not  admissible  that  the  0.  W.  Rajasthani  after  changing  kavana  into  Jcaiina  should  have 
reversed  the  process  and  changed  Jcaiina  into  kavaya  back  again.  Mr.  Divatia  clings  to 
this  example  and  discovers  that  Apabhramsa  kavaya  is  derived  from  Prakrit  kaiina  <  ko-wta 
<Skt.  kah  punah  (!),  and  that  the  0.  W.  Rajasthani  form  kaiiya  itself  is  only  a  return  to 
the  old  Prakrit  form !  This  is  of  course  all  in  perfect  accordance  with  Mr.  Divatia's  principle 

6  Also  vayaragt,  evidently  a  talsama  in  part  modelled  on  vayara. 

7  These  examples  probably  show  that  the  O.  W.  Rajasthani  scribes  who  wrote  vayara  and  payasdra 
were  not  thereby  introducing  a  change  in  the  regular  spelling,  but  only  perpetuating  an  inaccuracy  which 
had  become  traditional.    From  the  grammatical  point  of  view  these  forms  with  aya  are  no  less  foreign 
to  the  O.  W.  Rajasthani  than  they  are  to  the  Maharastrf,  and  if  they  do  not  represent  an  actual  change 
in  the  case  o!  the  latter,  much  less  can  they  represent  an  actual  change  in  the  case  of  the  former.    They  are 
evidently  anomalous  spellings  which  for  reasons  difficult  to  detect  were  more  frequently  used  in  the  case  of 
some  particular  words  than  in  the  case  of  others.    Had  it  been  the  case  of  an  actual  change  these  spellings 
would  apply  to  all  words  alike.    Mr.  Divatia  has  not  ignored  this  objection,  but  being  unable  to  remove 
it,  he  has  contrived  to  discredit  it  by  admitting  the  possibility  of  the  impossible.    According  to  him  it 
is  quite  natural  that  aya  should  be  found  "  only  in  certain  words/'  for   "  changes  in  a  language  cannot 
proceed  on  regular  lines  of  uniform  march  ;  some  forms  will  linger,  some  progress,   go  backwards  and 
forwards,  till  a  final  settled  state  is  reached."    Thus  vayara,  payasdra  and  the  like  are  only  instances  oi 
words  which  felt  the  change  that  was  beginning  to  come,  in  advance  of  the  others.    Needless  to  say,  this 
theory  of  precocious  and  tardy  words  and  of  pendulum-like  oscillations  backwards  and  forwards  is  new 
and  would  require  to  be  proved*  ' 


W&]  E  AND  O  IN  MAR  WAR!  AND  GUJARATI  227 

that  languages  "go  backwards  and  forwards  ",  but  the  generally  accepted  principle  is  very 
different  from  this.  8 

My  third  and  last  argument  was  that  when  tho  Marwari  and  Gujarati  scribes  found 
that  the  spelling  ai,  aii  no  longer  corresponded  to  the  actual  pronunciation,  they  did  not 
alter  it  into  aya,  ava,  but  into  ai,  au.  Evidently,  by  the  time  when  at,  au  were  introduced 
into  Use— about  the  sixteenth  century  A.D.— tho  two  elements  in  the  vocal  compounds  ai, 
aii  had  been  blended  together  into  diphthongs  and  were  then  pronounced  as  diphthongs.  This 
is,  perhaps,  the  strongest  and  most  decisive  of  all  my  arguments  in  that  it  proves  that  during 
the  period  of  transition  from  O.  W.  Rajasthanito  modern  Marwari-Gujarati,  if  not  earlier, 
tthe  tendency  of  the  language  was  to  fuse  the  two  elements  in  tho  groups  a*,  au  into  one,  not 
to  divaricate  them  further  by  amplifying  them  into  aya,  ava.  But  Mr.  Divatia  easily  disposes 
of  this  alignment  by  refusing  to  believe  that  early  Gujarati  manuscripts  contain  the  spelling 
ai,  au.  Even  if  this  was  the  case,  it  would  suffice  to  know  that  the  spelling  is  found  in 
Marwari  manuscripts,  but  that  it  is  found  in  Gujarati  manuscripts  as  well  is  a  matter  that 
can  be  easily  ascertained  by  Mr.  Divatia  himself  if  he  only  cares  to  complete  his  researches, 
which,  as  he  states,  are  "limited  in  extent  in  this  respect."  ° 

In  conclusion,  none  of  Mr.  Divatia's  replies  to  the  arguments  given  by  me  against  his 
theory,  does  really  hit  tho  point,  much  less  can  these  replies  demolish  my  criticism.  However, 
Mr.  Divatia  has  satisfied  himself  if  no  others,  and  thinking  that  he  has  cleared  his  path  of  all 
obstacles,  proceeds  on.  I  shall  not  follow  him  into  all  his  details,  but  will  confine  myself 
to  examining  the  two  or  three  main  points  in  his  discussion  and  conclusions.  He  begins  by 
suggesting  that  if  a?/a,  mm  (as  developments  of  ai,  au)  were  not  actually  written,  except  in  a 
few  cases,  "  they  were  potential  developments  as  precedent  conditions  requisite  for  the  pro- 
duction of  the  wide  sound  (e,  6)  which  comes  on  the  final  a  being  lost  through  want  of  accent 

8  The  other  examples  'with  which  Mr.    Divatia  trios  to  show  that  a  va    of  tho    Apabhramsa  after 
Incoming  u  in  O.  W.  Rtvjaathani  can  revert  to  va  in  Gujarati,  are  :  dettdimt  -  d?Mva.ra>  deitla^devala,  and 
deura  >  devara.     Hero  the  reversion  of  tho   xaniprctoiirana   is   only  apparent.     In  several  old   Marwari 
manuscripts  (e.g.9  MS.  No.  15  of  Defter .  Cat.  of  Bard,  and  Histl.  M$S.9  Sect,  ii,  pt.  i,  Sam  vat  1015-34), 
I  have  found  tho    spelling  vu  for  u  coming  after  a    long  vow«l.     Thus  :   rdvu  for   rdn,    rdvuta  for  rduta, 
rtivula  for  rdu]af  vd»nli,  for  »du)i,  Sckkdvuta  for  NckhiutH,  etc.     Evidently,  wo  have  hero  inwrtion  of  w-sruti 
between  w  and  tho  preceding   long  vowel,  and  it  is  this  va-nruti  that  has  given  rise  to  the  modem  va. 
Thus  O.  W.  Rajaathaiii  deula  first  becomes  cfevitfo,  through  insertion  of  ivi-Kniti,  and   then,   by  dropping 
tho  u,  devala.     There  is  no  question  of  reversion  of  wmpraadrana  here. 

9  Not  only  is  tho  spelling  ai,  au  found  in  early  Gujarati  manuscripts,  but  it  i*  very  often  found  side 
by  side  with  the  old  spoiling  a%,  aw,  a  circumstance  that  shows  letter  than  anything  else  that  the  former 
spelling  is  the  immediate  successor  of  the  latter  and  that  there  are  no  intermediate  steps  like  aya9  ava 
between  them.   Here  is  an  illustration  of  the  above-mentioned  case,  taken  from  the  first  page  of  a  manuscript 
in  my  possession,  written,  apparently,  to  wards  tho  middle,  if  not  the  end,  of  the  seventeenth  eontury  A.D. 
and  containing  a  Gujarati  bdldvabodha  to  a  "  Jambuoftritra,"  a  Jain  work  : 


T^1  .  .  .  .  ,  etc.  It  will  be  noticed  that  in  the  above  extract,  a*,  ai  are  used  side  by  aide, 
whereas  au  is  constantly  represented  by  o.  This  ia  not  a  mere  graphic  peculiarity  of  the  manuscript, 
but  it  is  a  general  fact  that  while  early  Gujarati  manuscripts  as  a  rule  always  represent  i  by  at,  they 
very  seldom  represent  d  by  at*,  but  either  use  the  old  form  aw  or  the  newer  form  o.  Marwari  nianuscripte 
are  more  consistent  in  this  respect  and  use  both  at  and  au.  The  Gujarati  manuscript  cited  above  is  only 
one  of  many  I  could  cite  in  which  ai  is  used  side  by  side  with  at.  Indeed,  tho  practice  of  writing  at 
ii  so  prevalent  in  early  Gujarati  manuscripts  that  I  am  very  much  puzzled  to  explain  how  a  Gujarati 
scholar  can  assert  that  he  has  never  come  across  any  instance  thereof  t 


228  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  SBFTUMBBE,  1&18 

thus  giving  ayt  av  as  the  causative  principle  of  the  broad  sound."  Translated  into  practice, 
this  means  that  O.  W.  Bajasthani  karai  to  become  modern  Marwari-Gujarati  kare,  had 
to  pass  through  the  stages  :  karaya>karay,  the  entire  process  being  as  follows  : 

(1)  karai>(2)  karaya>(3)  karay  >(4)  kari. 

• 

There  is  no  room  for  the  karai  of  the  manuscripts  here,  but  this  is  no  stumbling-block 
for  Mr.  Divatia  us  he  has  already  disposed  of  the  inconvenient  form  karai  by  denying  its 
existence.  Anyhow,  one  would  like  to  ask,  in  what  does  karay  differ  from  karat  ?  For  it  is 
clear  that  it  must  differ  in  something,  otherwise  the  third  phase  would  represent  no  progress 
in  respect  to  the  first.  My  opponent's  reply  to  this  question  can  hardly  be  expected  to  be  any 
other  but  this :  that  the  last  letter  of  karai  is  a  distinct  i  separated  by  hiatus  from  the  preced-' 
ing  a,  whereas  the  last  letter  of  karay  is  an  indistinct  i  attached  to  arid  forming  one  syllable 
with  the  preceding  a.  Well,  if  it  is  so,  is  this  not  tantamount  to  admitting  that  the 
second  syllable  of  karay  is  a  diphthong  '{  And  if  it  is  a  diphthong,  is  not  ai  its  proper 
expression  ? 

I  think  I  can  guess  whence  Mr.  Divatia's  idea  of  the  intermediate  phase  aya,  ava  has 
sprung  from.     He  has  seen  that  in  modern  CJujarati  the  at,  a  n  of  tat-ftamns  (e.  g.  daiva,  gaurava ) 
is   pronounced  differently  from  the  c,  o  of   tadbhavas,  while  on  the  other  hand  aya,  (ava) 
of  tatsamas  and  sem'i-tatsamas    (e.  g.    xamaya,  paya.    nayana,  kavaft)    is   pronounced  very 
much  like  £,  o.  and  has  concluded  that  aya,   ava  arc  akin  to  I,  o,  and  ai,  an  remote  from 
it.     If  this  was  Mr.  Divatia's  line  of  thought,  he  has  made  here  a  double  mistake :  firstly 
in  assuming  that  tadbhava  ai,  an  were  necessarily  pronounced  in  exactly  the'  same  way  as 
tatsama  ai,  au,  10  and  secondly  in  imagining  that  at/a,  ara  are  correctly  written  in  all  cases 
when  they  are  pronounced  e,  o.     Forms  like  sanuiya,  paya.  nayana,  etc.,  as  are  commonly  met 
with  in  O.  W.  Rajasthani  and  modern  Marwari-Gujarati,  are  really  incorrect  spellings  for 
Gamat,  pat,  na'ina  or  samai,  pat,  tuiina,  respectively.     In  my  article  mentioned  above  T  had 
suggested  that  in  the  case  of  all  these  tatsaman  or  wini-ialsamas  the  transition  of  aya  to  c 
must  have  taken  place  through  the  intermediate  step  a'i,   but  I  had  been,  unable  to  adduce 
any  instances  of  this  passing  of  aya  into  ai  then,  as  up  to  the  time  of  writing  that  article  1 
had  met  with  none  in  the  manuscripts  1  had  examined.     Since   then  I  have  found  many 
instances  of  a'i<aya  in  i\\v  Jiau.Ja'iUi  Si  rail  CJia^da  by  Vithu  Sujo.  a  Pi ugala  poem,  whereof 
.a  copy  dated  Saipvat  162!)  is  preserved  intheDarbar  Library  in  the  Fort  of  .Bikaner,1!  and  in 
a  few  other  manuscripts. 

Continuing,  Mr,  Divatia  quotes  some  etymologies  which  in  his  opinion  prove  that 
O.  W.  Rajasthani  a/,  au  when  accented  on  the  «,  give  aya,  ava  and  hence  e,  o  in  Marwari- 
Gujarati,  and  when  accented  on  the  •/,  u,  give  ct  6.  Unfortunately,  a  large  proportion  of 
these  etymologies  are  incorrect,  and  some  instead  of  proving  what  they  are  intended  to  prove, 
prove  exactly  the  contrary.  To  point  out  only  a  few  inaccuracies  : 

aneru  is  not  from  anatraS,  but  from  anyaeru  (Ap.), 

the  resultant  of  ma'igala  is  not  megala,  but  megala, 

verc  does  not  come  from  vaira'i  but  from  *viara'i  (Ap.)>*0«roK,  vcra'i  (O.  W.  Raj.), 

Rdthora  is  not  from  Rathaura,  but  from  Rdthaiira. 

W  Probably  they  were  pronounced  in  a  way  similar  to  the  at,  au  of  Hindi. 

II  See  Descr.  Cat.  of  Bard,   and  Histl.   M88.,  Sect,   ii,  pt.  i,  No.  15.     The  instances  include:  pa'i 
(<paya),  ha*  (<  haya),  tnatgala  (<niayagala)9  hdivara(<Jtayavara),  vija'i(<vijaya)t  and  other  similar  forms. 
Forma  like  these  are  also  met  with  in  the  adeapotic  Jaita  Si  raii  Chanda,  whereof  a  copy  dated  Saipvat  1672 
is  likewise  found  in  the  Darbar  Library  at  Bikaner. 


1018]  E  AND  0  IN  MARWAJU  AND  GUJARATI 


It  is  not  exactly  clear  what  Mr.  Divatia  means  by  the  accent  which  he  thinks  is  always 
Resent  on  the  one  or  the  other  element  of  ai,  eiu.  He  can  hardly  mean  the  old  Sanskrit  accent 
for  his  accent  does  not  fall  on  the  same  syllables  on  which  the  Sanskrit  accent  would  fall* 
besides,  the  Sanskrit  accent  does  not  always  support  the  theory  that  ai,  au  give  i  o  only 
when  accented  on  the  a.™  What  he  probably  means  by  act-out  is  a  stress  or'^reateV 
emphasis  possessed  by  one  of  the  two  vowels  in  eontradistinetion  from  tin-  other,  1m t  if  lie 
means  this  stress,  he  has  a  very  peculiar  way  of  defining  and  locating  it,  In  some  places  he 
speaks  of  the  tfc  preponderance  "  of  one  vowel  over  the  other.  From  the  examples  ho  gives 
of  the  preponderance  of  i  or  «  over  the  preceding  a,  it  appears  that  he  finch  the  reasons  of 
this  preponderance  in  the  fact  that  the  /,  or  «,  is  »  guru,"  i.  ,.,  prosorlieally  Ion-  either  by  in 
nature  or  by  position.  Thus  in  Ottawa  >  Cilora  it  is  an  *  long  by  nature  that  predominates, 
whereas  in  PannauW  >  Pannault  >  Pdndli  it  is  an  n  long  by  pewit  ion.  Aow,  this  is  all  very 
well,  or  at  least  it  would  be  if  the  etymologies  given  were  all  correct,  but  these  are  examples 
of  au  >  d}  not  of  au  >  d  ! 

1  have  noted  that  several  of  the  /'*  and  w's  which  Mr.  Divntia  understands  as 
predominating,  belong  to  the  initial  syllable  of  a  suffix  or  of  the  second  member  of  a  nominal 
compound.  This  is  probably  a  mere  coincidence  which  my  opponent  possibly  .has  not  even 
noticed,  but  should  he  ever  think  of  this  and  come  out  some  day  \\  ith  a  nt*\v  theorv  according 
to  which  an  i  or  ?/  forming  part  of  the  init  ial  syllable  of  a  suffix  or  of  the  second  member  of  a 
nominal  compound  predominates  over  the  terminal  a  of  the  >\ord  to  \\hich  it  is  appended 
and  gives  rise  to  c,  o,  I  think  I  have  better  forestall  him  JIOAV  by  quoting  a  few  etymologies 
which  show  that  such  is  not  the  case  : 

Skt.  npa-visall  >  Ap.  uva-iua'i  >  O.  W.Haj.  ba-mi'i  >  Mur\\.-(Juj.  b(,si-  "Sits  down  '', 
Skt.  *2>ra-bhutakah  >  Ap.  *2>a-hnttaii  >O.W.Raj.  2** -It u tail  >^lar\v.-(«nj.  y>o/,/o  ''Arrived", 
Skt.  yra-luira-  >  Ap.  pa-Jutm-  >  O.  W.  I'aj.  pa-hum  >  Mar\\.-(«uj.  pbhra  "  A  watch  of 

the  day  ", 

Skt.  *dva-uaptali  >  Ap.  *bajt  attar  i  >  O.W.liaj.  ba-hutari  >  Marw.-CJuj.  buhtnrn  "  Seventy- 
two  ", 

Skt.  ffu-bhfita  >  Aj).*^w-W<«(fe-  >  O.  W.  Itaj.  au-haru  >  Marw.-Ouj.  .v///^///  4   A  warrior", 

O.W.  Raj.  "kabana-ita  >  Mar\v.-duj.    kabauctn    "  A  bowman  "\ 
O.A'V.Kaj.^>«A7/r/ra-Vto  >  Marw.-(3uj.  puklmrilu  "  An  armoured 

horse  ", 
Skt.  ftva-jana*  >  Aj).  Mt-(y)ana-  >  O.  W.  Kaj.  xa-yana  >  .Ma.r\v.-(iiij.,s/////  "  A  relative  or 

friend  ", 
Skt.tiwJut-imtra-  >  A]),  tfiwha-jtulta-  >  O.W.  Raj.  Niha-iifa  >  Marw.-(Juj.  tiihofa  13'fcSon 

or  descendant  ofSiho'', 

Skt.  +LabJui-j>ura-  >  Ap.  *Lah(i'jiura-  >  O.  W.  Raj.    Lalia-tir<i  >  Mar\v  -Ouj.   Lahorn,  i» 

kk  Labor." 

12  Cfr.  the  cases  following  : — 

Skt.  kari'ra-  >  O.  W.  Kaj.  Ajayarar-Marw.-lJiij,  Mra  "  Capparis  Aphyllu  ", 

Skt.  °ndgara-  <Ap.  °na(y)ara->  O.  W.  Kaj.  'nayara,  0»wtro>Mi>Pw..GiJi.  ^wtv-a  "Oity  of  ...,'• 
Skt.  vijayd->Ap.  v*/a(y)a->  O.  W.  Raj.  vyaya,  vyat>Marv\\-Guj.  v<jc.      Virtxjry  ', 
Skt.  ttatd-<  Ap.  «a(y)a-,  «aie>  O.  W.  Kaj.  KN,  «aii,>Marw.-Guj.  «a,  ad  "  Hunciml  ". 
Skt.  samayd-'PAp.  «ama(y)a->    O.  W.  Kaj.  aauuiya,  samai  >Murw.-Guj.  ftawv    'Time,  epoch.'* 
»  Patronymics   in   °dta   and   names    of  town*   <>r   villages   in  nora  are   often    immounocSd  narrow 
nowadays,  but  the  evidence  of  old  manuscripts  shows  that  the  o  in  those  terminations  was  in  origin  wide. 
In   fact,  the  manuscripts  exhibit  in  these  cases  both  the  o  and  tho  6  spelling  (e.g.    flMTrt'and    5f n?fr  ), 
'but  the  former  is  perhaps  the  more  frequent  in  old  and  accurate  manuscripts,  and,  anyhow,  tho  fact  that  the 
manuscripts,  though  often  writing  6  for  d,  never  write  o  for  <5,  is  a  Biifllcient  reason  for  concluding  that  the 
-o  in  these  terminations  must  necessarily  have  been  wide  in  origin. 


230  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  .  [&EFCKKBE*,  1918 

I  have  remarked  above,  incidentally,  that  some  of  the  etymologies  which  Mr.  Divatia. 
produces  in  order  to  show  that  at,  ail  gave  <?',  o',  and  aya,  am  gave  £,  o,  are  incorrect  and  instead 
of  proving  what  they  are  intended  to  prove,  prove  exactly  the  contrary.  My  opponent  will 
no  doubt  be  surprised  to  learn  this,  and  still  more  to  learn  that  his  theory  is  not  only  fallacious, 
but  is  the  perfect  reversion  of  the  truth.  Guided  by  k<  the  perception  of  the  ear,"  Mr.  Divatia 
asserts  that  e,  o  can  only  be  the  result  of  aya,  ava,  and  that  the  contraction  of  at,  aii  can 
only  give  e,  rf.  The  real  facts  are  precisely  the  contrary  :  ai,  aii  gives  e9  o,  and  aya,  ava  gives 
<%  rf.  Of  the  former  change  I  need  give  no  illustrations  as  I  believe  I  have  sufficiently 
proved  it  in  my  note  to  which  I  have  referred  above,  and  which  as  I  have  tried  to  show,  has 
not  been  in  the  least  impaired  by  Mr.  Divatia's  adverse  criticism.  I  shall  therefore  confine 
myself  to  show  how  aya,  ava  contracts  into  e,  o.  One  of  Mr.  Divatia's  examples  is  ghayeru, 
and  another  kasolt.  The  correct  etymology  of  these  two  words  is  as  follows  : 

Skt.  ghana-taram  >  Ap.  ghana-(y)aru  >  0.  W.  Raj.  and  Guj.  ghanerft  "  Plentiful ", 

Skt.   kaw-pattikd  >  Ap.    kasa~vat(i(y)d  >  0.  W.  Raj.  and  Guj.    kasa-wtt  >  Marw.-Guj. 

kasoti  *"  Touchstone. " 

Here  we  have  a  real  instance  of  the  change  of  aya  to  c  and  of  ava  to  o.  Mr.  Divatia  represents 
the  change  as  having  taken  place  through  an  intermediate  step  a'i,  ati,  and  thus  makes  the 
two  examples  agree  with  his  theory,  but  these  ai',  an  are  not  the  regular  at,  au  of  the  0.  W. 
Rajasthani,  but  merely  hypothetical  forms  which  have  no  more  reality  than  Mr.  Divatia '» 
potential  steps  ai'  >  aya,  aii  >  ava,  supposing  that  the  latter  were  justifiable.  Two  other 
instances  of  aya  >  et  ava  >  6,  which  are  unconsciously  given  by  Mr.  Divatia  himself,  are  the 
following : 

Skt.  ava-yava-  >  Ap.  ava-(y)ava-  >  0.  W.  Raj.  ami  Guj.  avtva  "  Limb", 

Skt.  *Parna-pallikd  >  Ap.  *Pan*a-valUya  >  0.  W.  Raj.  PAna-vaU  >  0.  W.  Raj.  and  Guj. 

Ptnfli"TX.  of  a  place." 

I  now  proceed  to  give  some  additional  instances  of  my  own ; 

Skt.  *Phulla-ta!dfakah  >  Ap.  *Phul1a-tadaau,  *Phulla-(y)a<la(y)aU  >  0.  W.  Raj.  PMlel&u 
>  Marw.-Guj.  PhMeldva  "  N.  of  a  tank." 

Skt.   *(ut)tunga-paifikd  (?)  >  Ap.   *(ut)tunga-vattiytf  >  0.  W.  Raj.  *tanga-va{i  >  Marw.- 
Guj.  tangdti  "A  small  tent", 
Skt.  dv&ra-patla-  >  Ap.  bdra-vat{a->  0.  W.  Raj.  bdra-vata  >  Marw.  b&rota  "Door-panel  " 

0.  W.  Raj.  baja-vataii  >  Marw.-(Guj.)  bajdfd  "  A  footstool ", 

Skt.  +de8a-vrttakah(?)>Ap.  *de8a-vattaii<Q.  W.  Raj.  desa-vafau  >  Guj. desa-vatd  >Marw. 

desdtd  "  Banishment  ", 

Skt.  kara-patira->  Ap.  kara-vatta-  >  0.  W. Raj.  kara-vata  >  Marw.-Guj.  kardta  <c  A  saw", 

Skt.  nanandr-pati  >  Ap.  waflandw-tw  >  0.  W.  Raj.  *nananda-vai  >  Marw.-Guj.  nanadti 

u  Husband's  sister's  husband", 

Skt.  pra-vayati  >  Ap.  +pra-va'i  >  0.  W.  Raj.^reK,  >  Marw.-Guj.|)rfi  "  Pierces,  strings  ", 

.      O.  W.  Raj.  kara-vala  >  Marw.-Guj.  hardla  "  Vanguard", 
Skt.  *Phala-vardhika  >  Ap.  *PAofa-w«W*%)a  >  0.  W.  Raj.  Phala-vadhi  >  Marw.-Guj r 


SEPTEMBER,  1918]  E  AND  0  IN  MAR  W  A  HI  AND  GUJARATI  231 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  all  the  above  examples  the  ya  or  va  which  combines  with 
a  preceding  a  to  form  ear  o,  is  initial  in  the  second  member  of  a  nominal  or  verbal  compound. 
This  is  a  very  important  circumstance,  because  it  contains  in  itself  the  reason  why  the  ya 
or  va  in  all  these  cases  did  not  undergo  samprasarana.  I  have  said  above  that 
sampraadrana  is  one  of  the  most  marked  features  of  the  0.  W.  Rajasthani,  and  that  every 
ava  of  the  Apabhratpsa  is  changed  into  aii  in  the  former  language.  But  when  va  is  initial 
in  a  word  or  comes  immediately  after  a  prefix,  samprasdrara  does  not  take  place.  Thus 
Ap.  vaira  remains  va'ira  in  O.  W.  Rajasthani,  and  similarly  a-vcwa  remains  a-vam,  but 
navamaii  becomes  naiimau.  Mr.  Divatia  has  made  the  mistake  of  overlooking  the  fact  that 
initial  va  cannot  undergo  samprasfirana  and  has  given  a  series  of  etymologies  in  which  he 
presupposes  two  conditions  incompatible  with  one  another  :  the  existence  of  a  stress  or 
accent  on  a  va  or  ya  initial  in  the  second  member  of  a  compound,  and  the  weakening  of  this 
va  or  ya  into  u,  i.  It  is  obvious  that  so  long  as  the  va  in  kasa-vaft  retains  the  stress  or 
emphasis  which  naturally  falls  on  the  initial  syllable  of  every  word,  it  can  never  undergo 
samprasarana.  The  form  kasauft  can  only  be  possible,  if  at  all,  when  the  word  kasa-vatt 
has  ceased  to  be  considered  as  a  compound  and  the  va  has  lost  its  stress  or  has  transferred 
it  to  another  syllable.  *  4  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  has  happened  in  the  case  of  kasavafi, 
and  we  have  of  this  word  two  parallel  developments  :  (a)  kwta-vaft  >  /ta#o/f,  and  (6) 
kasavait  >  kasauti15  >  kasofi. 

In  all  the  examples  of  the  change  aya  >  e,  ava  >  6  which  have  been  given  above,  the 
ya  and  va  are  initial,  a  condition  which  is  essential  in  O.  W.  Rajasthani  for  the  production  of 
the  narrow  sound.  But  if  we  step  out  of  the  boundaries  of  the  0.  W.  Rajasthani  into  the 
domains  of  Apabhraip&a  and  Prakrit,  we  find  that  here  the  change  aya  >  e,  ava  >  o  is  not 
confined  to  cases  when  ya  and  va  are  initial,  but  extends  to  other  cases  as  well.  Thus  we  find  lem 
(  <  Skt.  layana),  lona  (  <  Skt.  lava'na),  ohi  (  <  Skt.  avadhi),  etc.  I  need  not  give  more  examples 
of  this  kind  because  the  reader  can  see  them  for  himself  in  Pischol's  Q-rammatik  der  Prakrit- 
Spraclien,  §§  153-4,  but  what  I  wish  to  remark  here  is  that  tho  change  aya  >  e5,  ava  >  6  is 
not  a  peculiarity  of  the  0.  W.  Rajasthani,  but  rather  the  continuation  of  a  process  which 
was  already  in  operation  in  the  early  Prakrit-Apubhranifca  stage. 

But  to  revert  to  the  e,  o  sound.  Certainly  I  need  not  waste  time  to  emphasize  the 
absurdity  of  Mr.  Divatia's  suggestion  that  this  sound  was  probably  matured  under  the 
influence  of  certain  Arabic  and  Persian  words.  Mr.  Divatia  must  be  very  little  persuaded 
of  the  plausibility  of  his  own  derivation  of  this  sound,  if  he  finds  it  necessary  to  supplement 
it  with  such  hypotheses.  No,  Arabic  and  Persian  could  not  be  responsible  for  the  birth  of 
c,  o  in  the  least,  and  to  accuse  them  of  sharing  the  paternity  of  these  sounds  is  ridiculous, 
just  as  ridiculous  as  it  would  be  to  impeach  English,  because  it  possesses  words,  like  "  hat  ", 
and  u  hot  ",  whereof  the  vowels  are  pronounced  much  like  the  e,  o  of  modern  Gujarati  !  But 
why,  instead  of  going  so  far  in  search  of  foreign  influences,  why  not  lay  greater  stress  on  the 
analogy  of  the  i,  o  of  Marwari-Gujarati  with  the  at,  au  of  Hindi  1  The  latter  sounds  are 
identical  with  the  former,  except  that  they  represent  a  slightly  earlier  stage,  the  very  same 

i*  Cases  of  this  kind  are  not  unheard  of.     Cfr.  taruarct  (<  taru-vara),  and  Wmora<  himvara  (< 


. 

w  I  have  found  the  form  ka*aii(a  used  once  in  Somasundarasftri's  bdldwtiodha  to  DharmadAsa1* 
"  UvaesamalA",  473.  Its  derivative  1ca*dt\  ii  used  in  Hindi  (Bates,  p.  111).  Mr.  Divatia  cannot  possibly 
claim  this  form  kataiitl  as  evidence  in  support  of  his  theory  that  an  o  followed  by  an  accented  14  gives  6, 
because,  as  I  have  remarked  above,  the  u  in  kaaaUtt  cannot  be  accented. 


232  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER,  1918 

stage,  I  believe,   of  the  Marwari-Gujarati  diphthongs  of,    au  as  they   must  have  been 
pronounced  previous  to  their  transition  into  the  wide  vowels  e,  o. 

I  cannot  conclude  this  note  without  a  Remark  on  the  pronunciation  of  e,  6.  As  I  had 
already  pointed  out  in  my  former  note  on  the  subject,  there  is  in  modern  Marwari-Gujarati 
a  marked  tendency  to  pronounce  e  and  o  less  wide  when  they  are  final,  than  in  other  cases. 
Here  under  the  term  final  I  comprehend  also  an  e  or  o  forming  part  of  the  penultimate  syllable 
of  a  plurisyllable  ending  in  a  quiescent  «.  In  some  cases,  the  vowel  is  actually  heard  as 
narrow,  thus  the  words  :  dve-ld  "  will  come  ",  rove  ''  is  crying  ",  Bltafanera  "Bhatner  ",  ghdrd 
"  horse  ",  hard  "  do  !  ",  Ndgora  "  Nagor",  Rdfhora  u  Rathor",  Rinamalota  "a  sou  or  descendant 
of  Rinamala  ",  are  generally  pronounced  :  Aveld,  rdvc,  Bhatner,  yhdrd,  kar6,  Nagdr,  Rflthdr,  ' 
Rinmaldt.  Here  etymology  and  the  evidence  of  the  old  manuscripts  are  our  only  guide  for 
recognizing  in  all  these  vowels  which  are  now  heard  as  narrow,  an  originally  wide  vowel  whereof 
the  value  has  subsequently  been  modified.  Were  we  to  rely  only  on  the  "  actual  percep- 
tion of  the  ear  "  and  disregard  the  evidence  of  the  manuscripts  and  of  etymology,  we  should 
incur  into  the  same  error  us  Mr.  Divatia  who  misunderstood  vere  for  vere,  Rat-horn  for  Rathdra, 
and  Guhilota  for  Guhildta.  The  ki  actual  perception  of  the  ear  "  is  often  most  fallacious, 
but  etymology  is  a  faithful  guide,  and  so  are  old  manuscripts  in  this  special  case.  In  fact, 
accurate  Marwari  manuscripts  always  maintain  with  scrupulous  accuracy  the  distinction 
between  et  d  and  e,  6  by  representing  the  former  by  the  signs  tr,  9TF>  and  the  latter  by  the 
signs  $,  sfr. 

In  this  connection  I  may  here  reiterate  the  pracl  ical  suggestion  which  I  had  already 
made  in  my  previous  note  :  that  when  the  question  of  revising  the  present  imperfect  spelling 
of  Gujarati  comes  to  be  reconsidered,  the  signs  IT,  3^ — which  were  formerly  used  in  Gujarati 
and  are  still  used  in  Marwari — should  be  readopled  to  represent  the  wide  sound  of  c  and  o. 
Etymology  and  manuscript  tradition  show  that,  the  above-mentioned  signs  are  the  only 
legitimate  and  correct  ones  and  their  readoption  in  Gujarati  would  have,  besides  others, 
the  great  advantage  of  better  conforming-  the  orthography  of  this  language  with  that 
of  Hindi  and  making  it  more  easily  intelligible  in  other  parts  of  the  country.1'1 

16  I  have  purposely  refrained  from  alluding  in  the  course  of  this  note  to  a  misinterpretation  of  a 
passage  in  my  former  note  which  my  opponent  makes  and  emphasizes  as  if  in  order  to  condemn  me  with 
my  own  words.  A  reply  to  this  point  might  have  boon  interpreted  as  a  personal  controversy.  In  my 
former  note  I  had  taken  the  opportunity  of  correcting  an  inaccuracy  into  which  I  had  fallen  in  the  first 
chapter  of  my  "Notes  on  the  Grammar  of  the  Old  Western  Rajaathani,  etc,1',  by  representing  the  result 
of  O.  W.  Rajasthani  ol,  aii,  as  d, 6  in  Gujarati  and  at,  au  in  Marwari.  This  moans  that,  misunderstanding  the 
use  of  the  signs  at,  &u  in  Sir  George  Grierson's  Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  IX,  Pt.  ii,  to  indicate  the  £,  d 
•ound  of  Marwari,  I  had  concluded  that  this  sound  does  not  exactly  correspond  with  the  e,  d  of  Gujarati, 
which  in  the  modern  writing  is  inaccurately  represented  by  T£>  sff,  and  only  after  coming  to  India  I  dis- 
covered that  the  £,  d  of  Marwari  and  the  £,  6  of  Gujarati  are  exactly  the  same  and  identical  sound.  But 
Mr.  Divatia  misinterprets  my  words  so  as  to  take  them  to  mean  that  "  Dr.  Tossitori  ....  thought  Mar- 
avadf  did  not  possess  even  the  narrow  4— <5  as  evolutes  of  «Tf,  M"^,  much  less  the  wide  2— d  "  (!),  and  in 
another  place,  referring  to  "  Dr.  Tessitori's  gracefully  (sic)  frank  admission  ",  says  that  "  when  he  wrote 
his  "  Notes ' '  the  wide  sound  of  e  and  o .  .  .  .  was  never  present  before  his  mind,  and  he  states  there  that 
*?Jand  Wr  became  3  Of)  and  d  (W)  narrow  "(0  Here  evidently  Mr.  Divatia  assumes  that  in 
my  ' '  Notes ' '  I  had  used  I,  6  to  represent  the  Gujarati  narrow  sound,  but  how  arbitrary  this  assumption  ii 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  my  "  Notes  "  I  have  never  indicated  in  writing  the  distinction  between  tfaft 
wide  and  narrow  sound  of  tt  o  in  Gujarati,  but  following  the  modern  Gujarati  spelling,  I  have  represented 
both  by  3,  6. 


1918]  VARTTA— THE  ANCIENT  HIN0U  ECONOMICS  233 

VARTTA— THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS. 

BY  NARENDRA  NATH  LAW,  M.A.,  B.L..  P.R.S.;  CALCUTTA. 

Stray  expressions  of  thought  in  aneient  Europe  on  the  material  interests. 

Though  the  science  of  economics  is  essentially  modern,  stray  expressions  of  thought 
on  the  material  interests  may  be  traced  back  in  Europe  to  the  time  of  Hesiod  (8th  century 
B.C.),  whose  Works  and  Days  l  is  a  long  versified  dissertation  embodying  directions  for 
practical  guidance  in  the  material  concerns  of  life,  such  as  the  making  of  ploughs,  sowing, 
planting,  reaping,  threshing,  supervision  of  slave -labourers,  weaving  of  cloths,  management 
of  dogs,  horses,  oxen,  etc.,  shearing  of  sheep,  felling  of  \*ood,  sea-trade.  The  European 
writers  Subsequent  to  Hesiod  were  occupied  in  a  very  large  measure  with  thoughts  about 
political  constitutions.  In  spite  of  thiH  feature,  we  meet  with  economic  precepts  and 
anticipations  of  later  economic  researches  in  some  of  the  writings. 

Plato  (429  or  427—347  B.C.) 

Plato  has  given  us  a  few  economic;  thoughts  and  analyses,  some  of  which  are  correct 
even  according  to  modern  criticism.  These  may  be  gathered  from  the  Republic,  Laws, 
and  the  dialogue  called  Sophist.  The  Eryrias,  a  short  dialogue,  treats  of  wealth  ;  but  it 
is  considered  spurious  and  does  not  go  deeper  or  farther  than  the  aforesaid  works.  Plato 
•recognizes  the  economic  basis  of  political  society,  the  importance  of  the  division  of  labour 
and  also  of  the  primary  occupations  such  as  agriculture,  cattle -rear  ing  and  artisanship,. 
domestic  exchange  of  commodities,  foreign  commerce,  and  currency  ;  and  touches  the 
subjects  of  distribution  of  property,  money-lending,  interest  on  loans  and  overdue  account sr 
and  such  other  topics.  Though  many  of  his  ideas  are  crude  and  unscientific,  they  furnish 
germs  of  much  serious  thought  to  later  writers.  His  economic  speculations,  however,  are 
found  in  mixture  with  his  treatment  of  political  and  ethical  questions  which  occupy  the 
primary  place,  and  are  not  disintegrated  yet  as  a  separate  subject.  - 

Xenophon  (circa  430-357  B.C.) 

Xenophon's  (EcoHvmicn  treats  of  the  management  of  the  household  consisting  of  the 
family  with  its  dependants  and  requiring  projierty  for  its  maintenance.  Incidentally,  he 
touches  the  subjects  of  agriculture,  manufactures,  trade,  foreign  commerce,  nature  of  money 
and  some  other  kindred  topics.  His  precepts  for  the  management  of  private  property  show 
much  sense  and  sagacity,  3  but  his  views  on  the  subjects  just  mentioned  are  not  in  advance 
of  his  times  except  in  one  or  two  instances.4 

Aristotle  (384-322  B.C.) 

It  was  Aristotle  who  tirst  reached  the  conception  of  a  special  science  or  art  of  wealth, 
though  ho  never  treated  it  apart  from  ethical  and  political  considerations.  He  used  the 
word  chrematistike  sometimes  as  equivalent  to  ktetike,  i.e.,  acquisition  in  general,  and  some- 

1  See  T.  Cooko's  translation  of   the  poem  in  three  books,  and  J.  K.  lugram's  History  of  Political 
Economy,  (enlarged  ed.,  11)15),  p.  9. 

2  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy  (edited  by  R.  H.  1.  Palgrave)  under  *  Plato,  '  and  Ingram,  op.  cit.f 
pp.  12,  13. 

3  Xenophon's  work  on  the  revenues  of  Athens  contains  somt-  practical  suggestions  for  their   improve- 
ment. 

*  Palgrave.  op.jdV.,  *  Xenophon.  '  and  Ingram,  op.  c#..  pp.  13,  14 


THE  INDUN  ANTIQUARY  [  Sfi*TEM*»B,  1918 

times  in  the  narrower  sense  of  that  kind  of  acquisition  that  is  rendered  possible  by  exchange 
and  money.  The  appended  table  5  of  the  divisions  of  acquisition  will  show  that  he  divided 
wealth  into  three  classes,  natural,  intermediate,  and  unnatural.  Hunting  of  wild  animals 
<,r  of  slaves,— the  *' living  tools",  is  considered  a  "  natural"  mode  of  acquisition  as  also  the 
first  division  of  chrematistike,  on  account  of  their  having  the  same  relation  to  the  house- 
hold as  mother's  milk  to  the  young,  or  ordinary  food  to  the  graminivorous  or  carnivorous 
animals.  The  "  intermediate"  acquisition  is  thought  to  be  somewhat  removed  from  nature 
and  hence  it6  name.  This  gulf  reaches  its  farthest  limit  in  the  "  unnatural ",  with  exchange 
for  its  instrument.  Wealth  is  defined  to  be  "a  number  of  instruments  to  be  used  in  a 
household  or  in  a  state."  None  of  the  modes  of  acquisition  should  be  pursued  immoderate- 
ly, as  domestic  economy  is  not  identical  with  amassing  wealth,  nor  statesmanship  with 
finance.  The  foundations  of  an  "art  of  acquisition1'  quite  apart  from  the  "  art  of  house- 
hold management"  were  thus  laid.6  The  term  oikonomikr  continued  to  denote  as  before 
'household  management ',  chrematislike  (or  kletikv)  being  used  to  stand  for  the  predecessor 
•of  modern  economics.  "Political  economy  "  as  the  name  of  the  science  of  wealth  was  first 
used  bya  French  author  in  the  title  of  his  work  Traite  <h  V Economic,  PoUtiquc  published  in 
1615.7  Aristotle  dwells  on  diverse  topics  of  economics  which  I  need  not  reproduce.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  with  him  originated  the  conception  of  a  distinct  *  science  or  art  of  wealth  '. 

Stray  expressions  of  thought  fn  the  ancient  East  on  the  material  interests. 

The  Ohaldaaans  reached  a  high  decree  of  excellence  in  agriculture  making  the  soil 
yield  a  good  many  raw  products.  Their  methods  were  first-  transmitted  to  the  Greeks  and 
afterwards  to  the  Arabs,  and  practised  long  after  the  disappearance  of  the  ChaJd&an  civiliz- 
ation. The  people  of  Irak  under  the  Abbasido  Caliphs  followed  those  methods  while  the 

ft    The  art  of  acquisition  (kte'ikc  ;  but  chremaiistikc  is  sometimes  used  in  thN  wide  seiiie). 
I.  Hunting  (a)  of  wild  beasts,  (ft)  of  those  who  aro  •  by  nature  slaves.' 
IJ.  Chrematistike,  the  science  or  art  of  wealth. 

(1)  Natural,  including 

(a)  keeping  of  cattle,  flocks,  &<•. 

(h)  agriculture  (including  cultivation  of  fruit-treeta 

(c)  bee-keeping. 

(d)  keeping  offish.  '  '"'*' 

(e)  keeping  of  birds. 

(2)  Intermediate, 

(a)  wood-cutting. 
(h)  mining. 

(3)  Vntiatural  (  =  metdbletike,  exchange). 
(a)  trade  (commerce  and  retail  trade). 

1st,  ship  owning. 
2nd,  carrying  trade. 
3rd,  shop-keeping. 
(6)  money-lending  (usury). 
(<•)  labour  for  hire. 

1st,  of  th«  skilled  artisan. 
2nd,  of  the  unskilled.  " 

— Jowett's  Politics  of  Aristotle  (Oxf.  1885),  vol.  II,  p.  35,  as  quoted  in 

Palgrave,  op.  cit., '  Aristotle '. 

r>  Palgrave,  op.  cit.,  '  Aristotle  ',  and  Ingram,  op.  cit.,  pp.  14-17. 
7  Ingram,  opt  cit.,  p.  45.    *  Economia*  meant  but  '  domestic  management '  according  to  Bacon, 


SEPTEMBER,  1918  ]  VARTTA— THE  ANCIEXT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  235 

work  entitled  Nabatawn,  Agriculture  of  Ibn  Wahahiyah  ( the  Nabat«eans  being  an 
Arab  people  on  the  east  and  south-east  of  Palestine)  preserves  according  to  one  body  of 
opinion,  a  reflection  of  those  methods.  In  the  opinion  of  E.  Ronari,  "  It  is  possible  that 
the  method  which  is  taught  in  them  goes  actually  back,  as  fa,r  as  the  processes  are 
concerned,  to  the  most  ancient  periods  of  Assyria ;  just  as  the  Agrimtnsores  latine,  so  recent 
in  regard  to  the  editing  of  them,  have  preserved  for  us  customs  and  ceremonies  which  can 
be  explained  only  by  the  *  Brahmanas  '  of  India  and  which  are  consequently  associated  with 
the  earliest  ages  of  tho  Aryan  race."8  Agricultural  treatises  on  clay  were  deposited  in 
one  or  other  of  the  sacred  libraries  in  which  the  priests  of  each  city  used  to  collect  docu- 

•  mentR  of  all  kinds." 

China. 

Dr.  Chen  Huan-Chang's  fck  Economic  Principles  of  Confucius  and  his  School "  makes 
it  clear  that  in  the  writings  of  Confucius  (552479  B.C.)  and  his  disciples  were  imbedded 
remarks  bearing  on  the  .administration  of  wealth,  its  relation  to  the  various  social  sciences, 
the  principles  that  should  underlie  the  production,  distribution  and  consumption  of  wealth, 
and  public  finance.  It  should  not  be  thought  that  there  was  a  separate  systematic  exposition 
of  all  the  principles.  They  are,  on  the  contrary,  found  scattered  throughout  their  sacred 
writings  and  require  to  be  scraped  together  to  show  thai  Confucianism  is  a  great  economic 
in  addition  to  being  a  great  moral  and  religious  system,  containing  many  an  early  "antici- 
pation ot  the  accepted  economic  teachings  of  today." 

India:  Varitd  emerges  as  a  brancb  of  learning  in  the  epic  period. 

In  India,  the  subject  treating  of  wealth  emerged  very  early  as  a  special  branch  of 
learning  under  the  name  VArtta.  II  is  implied  in  the  use  of  the  expression  tisrah-vidydh 
in  the  Jlamdyam'1®  which  points  to  the  inference  that  Varlla  crystallized  as  a  branch  of 
learning  most  probably  in  the  epic  period.  A  few  Pur  Anas11  record  that  the  group  of 
occupations  signified  by  the  word  came  first  into  existence  in  the  treta  ago,  and  we  find  its 
appearance  as  a  branch  of  learning  in  the  Ramayana,  the  great  epic  of  that  age. 

The  relation  of  V&rtid  to  ArtJiastistra  In  the  KautiKya. 

In  the  Kaulillya*  Varlla  is  mentioned  as  dealing  with  'wealth  and  loss  of  wealth r 
(arthannrlhau)1-  while  the  scope  of  the  arthasdfttra  is  laid  down  thus:  "artha  (wealth  or 

*  goods ')  is  the  object  of  man's  desire;  the  inhabited  land  (or  country)  is  artha ;  that  science 
which  treats  of  the  means  of  acquiring,  preserving,  and  developing  the  said  land  or  country 
is  Arthatifotra  (science  of  man's  material  concerns)."1'1    Arlha'sAstra  deals  with  wealth,  but 
as  good  government  is  the  sine  qua  non  of  peaceful  acquisition  of  wealth,  it  treats  of  polity 
also.     Arlhasaslra  thus  concerns  itself  with  the  economic  development  of  the  country  but 

8  Memoir  upon  tlte  age  of  the  work  entitled  "  Nabatcean  Agriculture"  (in  French),  p.  38,  as  quoted  in 
G.  Maspero's  Dawn  of  Civilization,  p.  770,  f  n.  5. 

9  For  the  information  in  the  paragraph,  see  G.  Maapero,  op.  eit.,  p.  770. 

10  Riimayana,  Ayodhyii-kanAa,  ch.  100,  slk.   68,  mentions  three  divisions  of  learning  of  which  one   i» 
vartla. 

11  Vdyu-Purana,  oh.  8,  »lk.  134;  Mateya-Purana,  ch.  140,  61ks.  1—3 ;  ZJrafcmdnda-PwrAna,  ch.  I,  Bile. 
107;  ch.  8,  slk.  105;  ch.  63,  slk.  4  (same  as  Matey  a -P  ur  ana,  loc.  eft.) 

*'•  Kautifiya,  Bk.  I,  vidyfoamuddesah,  p.  7 — (<  Dharinadharmau  trayyam.     Arthanarthau  varttayam. 
Nnyanayau  dan^anityam."    Cf.  Agni-Purdna,  ch.  238,  slk.  9  ;  Kamandaktya,  oh.  2,  6)k.  7. 
#  Ibid.,  Bk.  XV,  tantrayuktayah,  p.  424. 


THE  INDIAS  ANTIQUAKY  CSawswoM*,  1918 

has  to  do  in  a  large  measure  with  polity  (da*dan#i)  which  helps  to  create  and  maintain  the 
condition  precedent  of  econdraio  development.1*  The  relation  between  vfottd  arid 
Arfkaiaatra  appears  therefore  to  be  that  the  former  is  the  general  name  of  the  branch  of 
-learning  that  treats  o:f  wealth  alone  while  the  latter  deals  with  it  in  combination  with 
polity,  and  other  subjects  having  more  or  less  intimate  connection  with  v&rUa  and  danda- 


a  sub-type  of  ItiMsa.Veda;  how  far  this  is  additional  clue  to  the  time 

of  emergence  of  Vdntfi. 

Having  noticed  the  relation  of  Varttdto  Arthaadstra  we  are  led  to  enquire  whether  the 
sub-sumption  of  the  latter  under  Itihfaa-Veda  as  done  by  Kaufilya  10  can  furnish  any* 
<slue  to  the  time  of  emergence  of  the  subject  and  thereby  that  of  Vartta,  for  Itihdsa  is 
mentioned  in    the   Atharva-Veda^    Taittiriya-Brahmana,1*    Sutapatha-Brdhmana  ]*    and 
various  other  Vedic  works  20  as  a  branch  of  learning.    The  implication  of  the  term  as 
given  by  the  commentators  is  not  expressly  in  favour  of  its  inclusion  of  the  six  sub-types 
of  learning  as  represented  in  the  Kautilit/a.     Moreover,  the  Vodic  texts  themselves  mention 
very  often  Purana  and  Itihasa  side  by  side  as  a  compound  expresaion,  which  seems  not  to 
support  their  relation  to  each  other  as  genus  and  species  ;  for  if  the  words  bore  the  mean- 
ing given  in  the  Kautiliya  the  mention  of  Itihasa  would  have  obviated  the  necessity  of 
citing  Purdria  separately.    We  are  not  therefore  in  a  position  to  say  that  the  denotation 
of  the  word  Itihasa  in  the  aforesaid  Veiic  passages  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Kaufilit/a. 
It  may  be  supposed  that  the  word  Itihasa  may  be  found  in  use  in  post-  Vedic  Sanskrit  *>l 
or  Pali23  and  Jaina  3{  literature  with  the  denotation  it  bears  in  K&utilya's  treatise,  but  so 
far  as  I  see,  the  evidences  in  the  Hjjht  of  their  current  interpretations  do  not  favour  the 
supposition. 

Thus  the  aforesaid  meaning  of  Itihasa  in  the  Kuut  Hit/a  stands  alone  unless  it  be  said 
that  the  meaning  should  be  read  into  the  word  in  the  passages  of  wc/^ks  chronologically 

'*  Of.  Kautiliya,  Bk.  I,  p.  9.  "  Anvikshaki-trayi-varttanaiM  Yotfakshemartadhano  danilal.i." 
15  The  contents  of  tho  Kautiliya  Arlh^gt^tra  load  us  to  infer  tlmt  the  sublets  of  administration  of 
justice,  polity  including  art  of  war  and  intior-statal  relations,  building  of  forts,  town-planning,  <&c., 
formed  part  of  the  Arthafostra  in  view  of  thoir  bearing  on  polity  and  economies  though  of  course  those 
subjects,  that  had  a  comparatively  distant,  connection  with  them,  received  proportional  attention  und 
space  in  the  working  up  of  the  treatise. 

*  Itihtisa-Vcda  includes  (1)  Purana,  (2)  Itivritta,  (.*{),  Akhyavik  i,  (4)  ttlAlmriina,  (3) 
and  (6)  Arthasastra.  —  (Kautiliya,  Bk.  I9vriddhtt9aH.'yor/aft9  p.  10.) 

*  Atharva.Ve<la,  XV,  4. 

'8  Taittirtya-Briihmana,  III,  12,  8,  2. 

19  Saiapatha-Brahmana,  XI,  5,  6,  4-8  ;  Xlil,  ±,  ;{,  3  ff.;  XIV,  ,1.  4,  10  ;  0,  10,  6  ;  7,  3,  11. 

20  E.g.,  Taittirlya.Aranyakatll,  9  and  10  ;  &j,'likhat/ana-£irauiu-*:ntru,X.Vl,  2,  2  ff.;  ASvalay 

Stitra,  X,7,  1  £C.;  &a,hkhyayana.Grihya-SAtra9  1,  24,  8  ;  Asvaldyana-Grihya-^Atm,  III,  3,  1-3;  Hiranyakenn- 
Grihya-tiAtra,  II,  19,  6.  Cf.  Brihadaranyaka-Upanishad,  II  4,  10  ;  IV,  1,  2  ;  6,  11  ;  IV,  5,  ll;Maitr& 
ymni'Upaniahad,  VI,  33;  Chhandogya-U  panMad,  III,  1-4. 

21  E.g.,  Gautama,  VIII,  6  ;  Vishnu,  XXX,   38  ;  LXXIII,   10  ;  Baudhayana,  II,  5,  9,   14;  IV,  3,  4; 
Manu,  III,  232;  Fayu-Purdiu»,  ch.   I,  elk.  200.     Vishnu-  Purana,  Pt.  I,  oh.    1,  slk.   4.     Agni-Purtina, 
ch.  271.  61k.  10.    Bhagavata-Purcina,  Skandha  1,  ch.  4,  nlk.  20. 

31  E.g.f  Sutta-Nipdta,  Mahavagya  (Seiasutta)  I  S  BE.,  vol.  X],  p.  98  mentions  Itihasa  as  the  fifth 
Veda;  P&rayanavagga  (vatthug&tha)  [SBE.,  vol.  X],  p.  189.  Quutiont  qf  Milinda  [SBE.,  vol.  XXXV], 
pp.  6,  247. 

^  Kalpa-Sttra  [SBE.,  vol.  XXII  J,  p.  221  mentions  Itih6*a  as  the  fifth  Veda. 


1918]  VAKTTA— THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  23? 


Anterior  or  posterior  to  the  Kautiliya.  In  that  case  also  the  separate  mention  of 
will  present  difficulty  in  the  way  of  accepting  th«  signification  in  toto.  The  relation  there- 
fore of  Arthaifatra  or  Itih&aa  as  set  forth  in  Kautilya's  work  does  not  furnish  us  with  any 
additional  clue  as  to  the  time  of  emergence  of  varttit. 

The  process  ot  emergence  of  Vartta.   Its  use  to  denote  certain  occupations  and  trade. 

Side  by  side  with  the  signification  of  vartta  as  a  division  of  learning  (eidya),  we  find 
its  use  as  a  collective  name  for  the  occupations  of  the  third  caste,24  the  Vaisyas,  viz., 
roughly  speaking,  agriculture,  cattle-rearing  and  trade.  The  allotment  of  distinct  means 
of  livelihood  to  each  caste  must  have  preceded  the  raising  of  the  oritti  or  means  of  liveli- 
hood of  the  Va&yas  to  the  status  of  a  division  of  learning  for  greater  specialization  in  the 
same  in  order  to  make  it  more  effective  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  objects  it  sub-served. 
This  use  of  vartta  as  signifying  certain  occupations  and  trade  is  found  in  Sanskrit  works 
from  the  Ramayam  downwards.  A  few  instances  are  cited  in  the  foot-note. 3B 

The  elements  of  vartta  in  this  sense  are  agriculture,  cattle- rearing  and  trade  according, 
to  certain  texts  ; 2ft  while,  according  to  others,  money-lending  is  added  to  them  as  the  fourth 
item.37  V&ritd  formed  the  means  of  subsistence  of  the  third  caste,  which  Mann  a8  details 
as  agriculture,  cattle-rearing,  trade,  and  money-lending  which  are  further  detailed  in 
subsequent  passages:  "  A  Vaisya  must  know  the  respective  value  of  gems,  of  pearls,  of 
coral,  of  metals,  of  (cloth)  made  of  thread,  of  perfumes,  and  of  condiments.  He  must  be 
acquainted  with  the  (manner  of)  sowing  seeds  iwid  of  the  good  and  bad  qualities  of  fields 
und  he  must  perfectly  know  all  measures  and  weights.  Moreover,  the  excellence  and 
defects  of  commodities,  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  (different)  countries,  the 
(probable)  profit  and  loss  on  merchandise,  and  the  means  of  properly  roaring  cattle.  He 
must  l>e  acquainted  with  the  (proper)  wages  of  servants,  with  the  various  languages  of  men. 
with  the  manner  of  keeping  goods  and  (the  rules  of)  purchase  and  sales. "  Jt  will  b(5  seen 
that  these  details*  of  works  are  necessitated  l»y  the  three  or  four  principal  duties  of  the 
Vaisyaa  mentioned  above.  Tn  the  Knufiltya^  however,  vdrlta  denotes  only  agriculture, 

2*   Vdrttd,  according  to  thu  Knu^lliya,  is  also  thf>  means  of  livelihood  of  the  &iidras  (famtitiya.  v'tdytt- 

fiamuddf'frifi*  P»  7  }.  , 

25  Rdmdynwi.  Ayoilhyii-KiitAa,  nlk.  41.  MnMbhdrn,^  tidnli-Purwt.  ch.  "S.  rtlk.  35;  ftifr/i,i-Pan»i, 
oh.  5,  slk.  79.  Bhtltjavmluitd,  XVIU,  44  ;  Kauttiiya,  vidyd+aniudtlcfoh,  p.  **.  Vayt  PurAua.  ch.  8,  «lks. 
128  'l30,  134;  ch.  24,  ilk.  103.  Vith*u-Pnm*a,  ch.  fif  slk.  20,  32;  MMgavato'Pnrfit<i,  Skundu  7,  oh.  11, 
Hlk.  15  ;  Skanda  10,  ch.  24,  ilka.  20,  21 ;  Skanda  11.  oh.  2».  nlk.  33  ;  nmhmA»,la-Punt»a,  ch.  8,  Blk.  J3(» 
(game  as  Vayu-PurAna,  ch.  8,  *lk.  134);  ch.  26,  Wk.  H  (same  as  V,,yn-PurA*<i9  ch.  24,  Blk.  103);  Linga- 
Purrtna,  ch.  39,  Blk."  43  ;  ch.  21,  41k.  16  (same  as  VAyn-Pur&*nt  «h.  '24,  slk.  103) ;  Utovwhya-Ptirdy*, 
Bnhma-Paroa,  ch.  44,  slk.  10;  Ndmdtya-Purt-ta,  Alrl'SnmhtiA,  ulkn.  Hf  15. 

w  Knutillya,  Bk.  I,  vidyd-aamuddesah,  p.  4,— krishi-pasupulyo  vaiiijyA  «>ia  vfirtta ;  dhanya-pasuhi- 
ranya-kupya-vishti-pradanAdarpakarikl  (i.e.,  agriouUdre,  oattle-roaring  and  trade  constitute  cdrttd  ;  it 
ieuaefid  in  that  it  brings  in  grains,  cattle,  foroat-produoe,  labour.  &c.).  Cf.  Kdtnandatoya,  ch.  2.  alk.  14; 
and  Questions  of  Milinda  (NBE.,  vol.  xxxv),  p.  247  (IT,  3,  26) . 

27  Nilakantha's  commentary  on  Mahdbhdrata,  &Ai*i  Parva,  ch.  5,  slk.  71)  (with  commentary) ;  BhAga. 
vato-Purdna,  Skanda  10,  oh.  24,  slk.  21— 

krishi-vanijya-gorakshfi  kusidam  turyamuchyate. 
Vartta  chaturvidha  tatra  vayara  govrittayo'nisam, 

28  Manic.  I,  90;  of.   MMbMrata,   &dnti   Parva,  ch.    63,  ftlk.    1;  Bhdffavata.Purdna,    Skanda    7, 

ch.  11,  slk.  15.  Au  .          .  '• 

29  Manu  (SBE.)>  iv,   329-332.    The  various  duties  contemplate   their  performance   by  various 

Motions  of  the  Vaisyaa  and  not  by  every  individual  Vaiaya. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER,  1918 

cattle-rearing,  and  trade,  money-lending  ^eing  omitted.  In  addition  to  this  difference,, 
there  is  another  between  Manu's  law-code'and  the  KautjUya,  viz.  that  the  former  makes  the 
serving  t>f  the  three  higher  castes  the  only  occupation  of  the  'Sftdras,  while  the  latter  adds 
to  it  vdrttd  and  Mrukusilavakarma  (professions  of  artisans  and  bards).™  The  separate 
mention  of  varttd  and  kdru-karma  may  suggest  that  the  various  arts  and  crafts  did  not  fall 
within  the  limits  of  vdrtta  in  its  primary  *enw.  This  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Vishnn- 
Purdna  which  appears  to  make  a  distinction  between  "  vdrttopdi/a  "  and  "  karma yd  hasta- 
siddhi"**  the  latter  expression  reforrin^  to  arts  and  crafts  involving  manual  labour  and 
dexterity.  But  as  a  branch  of  learning,  its  scope  was  much  widened.  We  shall  return  to 
this  point  shortly. 

Vartta  as  a  branch  of  learning  is  posterior  to  the  allotment  of  particular 
occupations  to  the  Vaisya  caste. 

The  raising  of  varttd  to  the  status  of  a  branch  of  learning  so  important  as  to  be  classed 
with  its  three  other  principal  branches,  viz.,  Anvlfahikl,  Trayi  and  Dantlaniti,  is  as  old  as 
the  Ramayana*  though  of  course  its  attainment  of  the  literary  status  must  have  been  poste- 
rior to  the  allotment  of  agriculture,  stock-roaring,  trade,  and  money-lending  to  the  third 
caste,  the  Vaisyas.  Previous  to  the  emergence  of  varttd  as  a  fcfistra  requiring  systematic 
study,  the  occupations  and  trade  must  have  developed  haphazardly  ;  but  subsequent  to  its 
conversion  into  a  type  of  learning,  agriculture,  cattle-rearing,  trade,  and  money-lending 
may  be  inferred  to  have  received  a  careful  attention  and  perhaps  a  conscious  direction. 
The  questions  put  by  Rama  to  Bharata  in  the  Edmui/ana  *2  and  by  Narada  to  Yudhishthira 
in  the  Mahdbhdrata :j:i  regarding  the  people  engaged  in  agriculture  and  other  occupations 
and  the  application  of  vdrttd,  point  to  the  same  inference. 

A  few  texts  in  which  Vdrttd  is  mentioned  as  a  branch  ol  learning. 

The  scope  of  Vdrttd. 

Some  of  the  Sanskrit  texts  in  which  vdrttd  is  impliedly  or  expressly  mentioned  as 
a  branch  of  learning  are  given  below. al  The  topics  that  came  within  its  scope  were  natur- 
ally those  means  of  subsistence  that  were  embraced  by  vdrttd  in  its  primary  sense, 
viz.  agriculture,  cattle-rearing,  trade,  and  money-lending.  Its  scope  was  not,  however, 
limited  to  these  four  subjects  but  became  much  wider.  Such  a  widening  of  scope  is 
not  uncommon  ;  for  the  secondary  sense  of  a  word  is  not  often  shackled  by  the 

30  Kautillya,  Bk.  I,  vidy&-8airwdde6ah,  p.  8.     Of.  Kdmandakfya,  ch.  2,  slk.  21. 

31  Vishriu-Puraiui,  pt.  I,  oh.    6,  elk.  20,  vorse  2. — Vartt-opayam  tatas  ==chakrur==hastasiddhiurha 
karmajfim. 

S2  Rdmayana,  Ayodhya-kOnda,  ch.  100,  alks.  68,  47. 

88  Mahabhdrata,  Sabha-Parva,  oh.  6,  slks.  76-79. 

34  Rdmayana  AyodJiya-k&nda,  ch.  190,  slk.  68  (vdrttd  implied)  ;  Mahabliarata,  Vana-Parva,  ch.  150 
dike.  30,  31  ;  kanti-Parva,  ch.  18,  61k.  33,  and  oh.  59,  61k.  33  ;  Hariva™sa,  ch.  40,  elk.  39  (vdrttd 
implied)  with  commentary  ;  Manu,  VII,  43  ;  Yajftavalkya,  I,  311 ;  KautiHya,  Bk.  I,  vidyd-samuddeiah, 
pp.6,  7;  Ayni-Purdna,  ch.  225,  elks.  21,  22  (same  as  Manuy  loo.  cit.  )  ;  ch.  237,  slk.  5; 
ch.  238,  61k.  9  (same  as  Kautiliya,  Bk.  I,  p.  7,  lines  1  &  2)  ;  Vdyu-Purdna,  oh.  61,  61k.  167 ;  Mattya- 
Pur&na,  oh.  215,  alk.  53  (same  aa  Manu,  loo  cit.)  ;  ch.  145  ;  elk.  36  ;  Bhagavata-Purana,  Skanda 
III,  ch.  12,  nlk.  44;  V i*hnu-Pur&na,  pt.  I,  ch.  9,  61k.  119;  pt.  II,  oh.  4,  61k.  84  ;  pt.  V,  oh.  10, 
Blkfl.  26-30 ;  Brahm&n&a-Purbna,  ok  I,  61k.  107 ;  oh.  64,  elks.  25,  32  ;  oh.  65,  61k.  36  ;  Brahma- 
Purbna  oh.  20,  61k.  85 ;  oh.  179,  61k.  40 ;  ch.  187,  elks.  43-46  ;  Devi-Purana.  oh.  37,  61ks.  60,  61 
(Vayaviya-SaVhita),  pt.  I,  oh.  I,  61k.  22. 


SEPTEMBER,  1918]  VARTTA—THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  239 


primary.  In  the  Devi-Purdna,**  war/fa  a*  a  branch  oj  learning  appears  to  include  karmdnta, 
i.e.  manufactures.  Though  trade  is  omitted  in  the  ttoka,  the  inclusion  of  trade  within 
vdrtlA  does  not  admit  of  any  doubt  in  view  of  the  many  evidences  already  cited.  The 
subsumption  of  manufactures  under  vdrltd  or,  in  short,  any  occupation  or  accomplishment 
that  had  an  economic  value  follows  from  the  fact  that  vartta  was  not  merely  a  sub- 
class but  the  highest  class  of  learning  dealing  with  wealth.  Arthaiastru.  according  to 
the  PrasthaHobhcJah'tf  of  Madhu-sudana  Sarasvati,  is  an  Upa-Voda^  an(j  includes 
ntttiaslra  (political  ethics,  or  morals),  fi*w-x&*tru  (veterinary  science),  *il]ja-io6tra 
(mechanical  and  fine  arts),  8u-pakara-4atitm  (cookery),  and  chnluhxlioxhlikaM 
sdstra  (sixty-four  :J8  kuldx,  i.e.,  practical,  mechanical  or  fine  arts).1*  But  as  rdrtld  i* 
{he  highest  category  of  learning  relating  to  the  material  interests,  urMatdatra 
in  its  economic  aspects  cannot  but  fall  under  the  .same.  The  whole  field  of 
human  knowledge  is,  as  we  have  already  pointed  out,  divided  among  four 
•categories  of  knowledge,  viz.,  anvikxhiki,  relating  to  philosophy  and  reasoning,  trayi  to 
the  Vedas,  i.r  ,  to  thoajogy,  dantiatilti  to  polity,  and  vartta  to  wealth  both  public  and 
private. 40  Hence  rartiu  was  the  branch  of  learning  of  ancient  India  devoted  to  the 
systematic  study  of  the  material  interests  of  the  people  with  a  view  .to  their 
Acquisition,  preservation  and  development. 

*J  Devl'Paranna,  ch.  37;  tilk.  01 — 

1'asvadi-palanaddevi    knahi-kiirmfmta-kuranul. 
Vurttanod  varanud  vfipi  vartta  sa  ova  giyato. 

36  ThePrasthuHoMirdah  of  Mttdlmsudana  Sarasvati  in  IndiscJiK  ^tudicn,  vol.  1,  pp.  -2j:\.  [A  Bengali 
translation  of  the  piece  together  with  the  Sanskrit  tnxt  appeared  in  the  tfurva'lhtt-F'firnxichatt'lra  (7th 
SaWkhyA*  A.D.  1855,  pp.  217-224)  edited  by  Advaitya  Clrnran  A<]hya.  j  Tim  eighteen  divisions  of  learning 
are  4  Veda$  -f-  6  Ahya*  I-  4  1  •'  pAWtjas  f  4  l>)ja-Ve'lns,  viz.  .lyuroedti,  (tdnd/tarvu-Vvda*  Dhautir-Vcda,  and 
Artltasdfitra).  The  texts  that,  mention  the  divisions  as  fourtu(?n  loave  out  of  account  the  four  I'pa- 
Vedas.  For  the  mention  of  the  divisions  either  aa  fourteen  or  eighteen,  see  rtivn-Purfina  (Vtiyavnja- 
•SV/w/uVd,  pt.  1.  ch.  I,  slks  22,  2IJ ;  Bruhtnd-Purdna,  uh.  170,  slk.  40  t  tfkwida-PHrdnt/  (Vi8hnit-klMn&a)t 
•oh.  9,  Alk.  54;  oh.  Jl.  «lks.  15-20  ;  eh.  32.  slk  21  ;  ch.  3K  ;  slk.  Gs  ;  ch.  4li,  slk.  II  ;  Kd^Jfc/MiaM 
ch.  2,  slk.  100  ;  ch.  i),  49. 

The  highest  categories  of  learning  are  generally  mentioned  as  four,  of  which  niirttti  is  one.  In  thin 
case,  the  whole  Vodic  lore  falls  under  Tntyt.  J^ptntttimla'a  law-code  [fl,  11,  20.  1  I  HJK!  \'2  (H.tt.E.)] 
says,  '*  Tho  knowledge  which  &Qdras  and  women  possess  is  the  completion  of  nil  study.  They 
declare  that  this  knowledge  is  a  supplement  of  the  AMarva-Veda."  The  footnote  following  the 
commentator  (aeo  also  Biihlor's  Introduction,  XXXll  )  adds  that  •'  men  ought  Jiot  to  study 
solely  or  at  first  such  Sastras  as  women  or  fcudrus  also  learn,  but  at  first  they  must  study  the 
Veda.  The  knowledge  which  women  and  feiidras  possess  is  dancing,  music,  and  other  branches 
•of  the  Arthafdatra."  The  la  t  sentence  makes  a  confusion  between  (rdndharva-\'eda,  which  like 
Arthas&ttra  ie  also  an  Upa^Vcda.  but  treats  of  dancing,  music,  &c.,  while  J/'/Ao.sV/w/ra  treats  of  quite 
different  matters.  The  expression  "  other  branches  "  wrongly  conveys  the  implication  that  dancing 
and  music  are  also  branches  of  Arthasdstra. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  position  of  Artha^ra  as  an  U pa-Veda  has  qoen  put  put  here  as 
proceeding  from  its  relation  to  the  Alharw-Veda,  but  according  the  Kautillyn,  its  position  as  such 
comes  from  its  relation  to  the  fifth,  i.e.,  the  ItihA&a*Vvdn. 

U  Cf.  Vishnu-Purdna,  pt.  Ill,  ch.  6,  slks.  28,  29. 

3*  Jayamaugala,  the  oimo tutor  of  the  Kdmwt&tram  of  Vatsyayana,  computes  kal'is  with  their 
sub-division  to  be  as  many  as  518,  and  refers  to  a  set  of  them  called  PAhchdtiM  (see  Vatsyayaria's 
KdmasMram,  pp.  32,  40). 

39  Madhusudana  Sarasvati,  op.  cit.,  pp.  10,  13,  22. 

«  Prof.  H.  H.  Wilson  writes  the  following  note  on   "  vdrttd'"  in  his  translation    of  the     Vishnu 
[Bk.  I,  ch.  9,  glk.    110  (  =  vol.  I,  p.  U8,  Hall's  ed.  1864)]:   ••  vdrttd  explained  to  mean  the 
(mechanics,  sculpture,  and  architecture  ) ;  Ayur-  Veda  (medicine )?  &c. 


240 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [Bm****m,  191* 


Tho  learners  and  teachers  of  Vartti  or  its  branches. 

The  application  of  the  principles  of  Vfotta  within  the  state  by  competent  men  was  the 
look-out  of  the  sovereign.*1  In  view  of  this  exigency,  the  sovereign  had  to  learn  vartta 
with  perhaps  special  Attention  to  its  more  ttfef  ul  sub-divisions,  viz.  agriculture,  cattle-rearing 
and  trade  from  teachers  having  special  knowledge  thereof.*-'  Kautilya  includea  vArUA  in 
the  course  of  study  prescribed  for  the  prince,  the  subject  being  taught  by  superintendents 
of  government-departments  (adhyakshah)  having  not  merely  a  theoretical  but  also  a 
thorough  practical  knowledge  of  the  same  and  who  wore  in  charge  of  various  agricultural, 
industrial  and  commercial  operations  of  the  state.4-1  The  prince  also  learnt  arthaiastra  from 
competent  professors.44 

It  seems  that  the  two  higher  castes,  eligible  as  they  were  to  the  study  of  all  ttie  branches 
of  learning,  could  learn  Vartta  like  the  Vaisyas  either  in  order  to  have  a  merely  general 
knowledge  of  the  subject  or,  according  to  particular  needs,  to  have  a  special  knowledge  of 
some  or  all  of  its  branches.  The  Brahmanas  learnt  the  subject  sometimes  perhaps  for  the 
sake  of  making  their  education  all-round,  and  sometimes  for  the  purpose  of  teaching  it  t*> 
their  pupils  ;  for  the  Briihmayas  were  teachers  not  merely  of  theology  and  philosophy  but 
also  of  economics,  polity  including  even  the  art  of  warfare  and  use  of  weapons,  as  also  the 
practical  or  fine  arts,  and  accomplisments.  Only  a  few  instances  will  suffice.  Ruma  and 
his  cousin  were  taught  the  use  of  some  weapons  by  Visvamitra,  the  Pui.idavas  the  military 
art  along  with  the  use  of  weapons  by  Broach  uryya.  The  various  branches  of  learning 
together  with  the  sixty-four  kolas  were  learnt  by  Krishna  from  his  preceptor  Saradipani .  Thus 
the  members  of  the  first  caste  were  often  masters  and  teachers  of  the  practical  arts,  though 
of  course  it  should  be  admitted  that  the  knowledge  and  practice  .of  vartta  were  the  special 
obligation  of  the  Vaisyas,  just  as  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  dandanlti  (polity)  the 
special  charge  of  the  Kshattriyas.  The  members  of  the  fourth  caste  were,  as  it  appears 
from  several  Sanskrit  texts,  debarred  from  literary  or  scientific  culture,  but,  according  to 
Kautilya,  they  were  eligible  to  the  means  of  subsistence  included  in  v&rttd  and  had  therefore 
at  least  the  practical  knowledge  required  for  the  purpose  and  transmitted  from  one  genera 
tion  to  another  through  apprenticeship  of  some  form  or  other. 

Manner  of  treatment  and  extant  literature. 

The  manner  of  treatment  of  vartta  or  its  sub-topics  in  the  treatises  on  the  subjects,  so- 
far  as  we  can  judge  it  from  the  evidences  at  oiir  disposal,  was  rather  concrete,  though,  of 
course,  general  maxims  and  wise  saws,  the  generalizations  that  were  the  results  of  long 
experience  were  not  wanting  in  them.  The  economic  treatises  of  the  ancients  whether  of 
Greece  or  India  could  not  be  like  their  namesakes  of  the  present  day.  The  aim  of  the  works 
on  vdrttd  was  more  or  less  practical,  their  primary  object  being  the  guidance  of  the  traders, 
agriculturists,  cattle-rearers,  artisans,  artists,  and  directors  of  industries,  and  the  concrete 
mock  of  treatment  of  the  subjects  in  those  books  was  determined  by  this  practical  purpose. 
I  have  appended  at  the  end  of  this  discourse  names  of  extant  treatises  on  the  various  art& 

**  Ildmdyfimi,  Ayodhyd-1cdn$at  100,61k.  «8;  MdltfibltArata,  Mibhd-Parva,  eh.  5,  Slks.  76-79. 

42  jifantit  VII,  43— 

*       '     *  Traividyebhaairayim  vidy&ddandan!tiiji  atha  fc&dvatSm, 

.,  Anvikshikim   ch&tmavidyam  v&rttar«mbhan  scha  lokatali. 

v      .  —of.  Yajnawlhya,  I,  311 ;  Aym-Pur&nu,  oh.  238,  61k.  8, 

43  Kautiliya,  Bk.  I,  VriddKHCWyogat,  p.  10.  44  Ibid. 


SEPTEMBER  W8J  ON  THE  YAJVAPALAS  OR  JAJAPELLAS  OF  NARWAR  241 


and  crafts  and  such  other  subjects  as  are  classed  under  vdrtta  in  two  £to,  the  first  of  which 
contains  the  names  of  maiwcripts,  and  the  second  names  of  printed  tuorks.  So  far  I  have 
not  come  across  any  work  entitled  Vdrtta-^tra  dealing  with  the  entire  subject  in  a  general 
way.  The  absence  of  such  a  book  in  the  Lists  cannot  be  a  bar  to  the  recognition  of  the 
other  works  mentioned  therein  as  appertaining  to  vdrtta  in  view  of  what  we  find  in  regard 
to  the  three  other  divisions  of  learning  AirtfahilA,  Trayi  and  Danlanlti ;  for  I  do  not  think 
there  are  any  works  entitled  Anrtkshiki  or  Trayl  though  there  are  admittedly  hundreds  of 
works  on  philosophy  and  theology.  Similarly  in  framing  the  list  of  more  than  150  works 
on  Dandantti  or  its  sub-topics,  which  I  have  collected  and  published  elsewhere,  I  have  not 
come  across  any  book  with  the  title  DandanHi.  It  is  not  essential  that  books  must  always 
lae  named  after  the  divisions  of  learning  to  which  they  belong,  and  it  is  not  a  fact  that 
books  named  otherwise  cannot  appertain  to  thoee  divisions  of  learning.  Most  of  the  works 
named  in  the  lists  are  on  ono  or  other  of  the  sub-topics  of  vdrtta  or  on  a  group  thereof, 
treating  of  architecture,  sculpture,  painting,  examination  of  precious  stones,  agriculture, 
nourishment  of  plants,  treatment  and  cultivation  of  trees,  laying  out  of  gardens,  cow-keep- 
ing, handicrafts,  construction  of  carriages  and  ships,  Ac.  Wo  do  not  oxpect  to  find  in 
these  works  an  attempt  to  elicit  economic  laws  by  an  inductive  and  deductive  study,  of  man 
and  his  diverse  activities  in  relation  to  the  utilisation  of  nature.  The  analog)  of  the  hand- 
ling of  polity  in  the  available  treatises  on  the  subject  points  also  to  the  same  inference. 
We  find  in  them  details  as  to  the  duties  of  various  government-servants  from  the  Viceroys 
to  the  lowest  menial,  how  the  State-departments  should  be  administered,  how  war  is  to  be 
waged  and  inter-statal  relation*  maintained,  and  so  forth,  and  not  any  abstract  discussions 
of  the  origin  and  development  of  State,  nature  and  seat  of  sovereignty  and  such-like. 

(To  be  continued.) 

A  NOTE  ON  THE  YAJVAPALAS  OR  JAJAPELLAS  OF  NARWAR. 

BY  M.  B.  (JARDE,  B.A. ;  GWALIOH. 

IN  his  Coins   of  Al&lfoval  India   (p.   90)   Sir  A.   Cunningham  gives  the  following 
genealogical  table  of  a  family  of  kings  whom  he  rails  k  Rajputs  of  Narwar '. 


Accession. 

Dates  from  inscriptions  and 

COlllM. 

SAMVAT. 

A.]). 

Malaya  Varmma  Deva 

S.  1280,  1282,  1283,  1290 

1294 

1237 

ChahadaDeva       

K.  129-  1303,  1305,  1306, 

1311. 

1312 

1255 

Nrivarmma            

.... 

1312 

1255 

Asalla  Deva           

S.  1327,  1330. 

1335 

1278 

Gopula        

S.  1337. 

1347 

1290 

Ganapati      

S.  1348,  1355. 
^ 

^ 

lie.*  1 


VAUIUVO    4-WJHtDHCU 

relating  to  the 


and  other  sources '  known  to  Cunningham.    Four  inscriptions 

mentioned  by  him,  namely  :— 

No.  1.    At  Rai,  dated  S.  1327  =  A.D.  1270,  in  the  time  of  Asalla  Deva 
No.  2.    At  Dahi,  dated  1337  =  A.  D.  1280,  mentioning  Gopula  Raja. 
No.  3.    At  Surwaya,  dated  1348  =  A.D.  1291,  in  the  time  of  Ganapati 
No.  4.    At  Narwar,  dated  8. 1355  =  A.D.  1298,  in  the  time  of  .Ganapati? 

1  Cunningham  gives  another  defective  lift  of  theee  kings  ia  his  A.  £,  Report*,  Vol.  II 
•  Coins  oj  Medieval  India,  p.  00. 


y  .  A      ^ 

V  .R ,NA M-^  |T 

,  *Tw\ 


242  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [SEPTEMBER  1018 

As  none  of  these  inscriptions  mentioned  the  family  name  of  the  kings  or  supplied  any 
•clue  to  the  identification  thereof,  Cunningham  contented  himself  by  calling  the  dynasty 
*  Rajputs  of  Narwar.'  And  this  vague  appellation  or  its  equivalent  "  princes  of  Narwar  " 
has  been  given  to  this  dynasty  in  books  on  chronology,  numismatics  and  history  published 
since. 

Recently  however,  five  more  inscriptions  of  this  dynasty  have  been  discovered  by 
;me,  two  of  which  are  valuable  as  supplying  the  hitherto  unknown  name  of  the  dynasty  and 
further  as  clearing  away  certain  misconceptions  about  Ch&hada  of  Narwar,  the  founder  of 
the  dynasty. 

A  stone3  inscription  on  a  Jaina  Temple  at  Bhimpur  about  3  miles  from  Narwar 
dated  in  V.  S.  1319  in  the  reign  of  A.sala  Deva  contains  the  following  verses  :  — 


(  <?  ?  ) 


?  ] 


1  1     etc.,  etc. 

The  facts  of  historical  inqwrtance  gleaned  from  this  passage  are  that  there  was  a  race  of 
kings  named  Yajvapala  ;  that  in  that  race  was  born  Sri  Ya(pa)rdmadirilja  ;  and  that  he  was 
succeeded  by  Chahaija. 

In  another  stone3  inscription  found  in  the  kachcri  at  Narwar,  dated  in  V.  8.  1339  in  the 
reign  of  Gopala,  occurs  the  following  text  :-- 

«i<i  HiJ|*¥«J)  Pf^to5*  I 

r  II 


nftgr  ll   etc.,  etc. 

This  passage  tells  us  that  Chahada  of  Narwar  was  born  in  a  noble  family  which  was  called 
after  a  legendary  hero  named  Jayapala  ;  that  the  current  popular  form  of  the  family-name 
was  Jajapella  ;  and  that  Chaha  la  captured  from  enemies  Nalagiri,  i.e.,  Narwar,  and  other 
big  towns. 

On  combining  the  information  supplied  by  these  two  records  we  learn  that  the  family 
name  of  the  kings  of  Narwar  hitherto  known  by  the  rather  vague  title  '  Rajputs  of  Narwar  ' 
was  Jajapella.  The  alternative  form  'Yajvapala'  specified  in  the  Bhimpur  inscription 
appears  to  be  a  learned  Sanskritised  form  of  the  popular  Jajapella.  We  further  learn  that 
Ghahada's  immediate  ancestor  was  &ri  Yaramadiraja  or  Param&diraja  and  not  Malaya 
Varmma  *  as  supposed  by  Cunningham  (Coins  of  M  .  India,  p.  90).  Yaram&diraja  however 
does  not  appear  to  haveruled  over  Narwar  for  we  learn  from  the  Narwar  kacheri  inscription 
that  it  was  Ch&hada  who  conquered  Narwar  from  enemies. 

8  Theae  stones  have  now  been  deposited  in  the  State  Museum  at  Gwalior. 

«  A  copper  -plate  inscription  of  this  Malaya  Varmma  dated  V.  S.  1277  has  been  lately  discovered  at 
Kuretha  in  Gwalior  State,  from  which  it  is  deer  that  Malaya  Varmma  did  not  belong  to  the  Jajapella 
rally  of  Narwar  but  was  a  Pratihftra. 


1918]  ON  THE  YAJVAP^LAS  OR  JAJAPELLAS  OF  NARWAR  243 

The    new  historical  information   noticed  above    is   important  as  it  clears  away  the 
.obscurity  that  hitherto  hung  over  the  history  of  the  Chahada,  Deva  of  Narwar. 

A  Muhammadan  historian  named  Maulina  Minhaju-d-din  informs  us  that  in  A.  H. 
631  or  632  (= A.  D.  1234  or  1235)  the  forces  of  Shamsu-d-din  AHamsh  defeated  at  Ratitham- 
bhor  a  powerful  ruler  of  the  name  of  Rana  Chahada  Achari  who  sustained  another  defeat 
in  A.  H.  649  («A  D.  1251)  near  Narwar  at  the  hands  of  Ulugh  Khan.r»  According  to 
Cunningham,  Raverty  held  that  two  different  Hindu  chiefs  were  intended  here.  But 
Mr.  E.  Thomas  thinks  them  to  be  one  and  the  same.**  (Cunningham  says  '  Major  Raverty's 
opinion  is  not  without  support,  but  \  am  inclined  to  agree  with  Thomas.  T  found  my 
conclusion  on  the  title  of  Aohari  which  is  given  to  Ranthambhor  Chaharja  in  this  account 
'and  tq  the  Narwar  Chahaia  Deva  in  all  the  accounts/  ?  Hoceiitly  Rai  Bahadur  Daya 
Ram  Sahni  in  his  article  on  the  Rataul  plate8  of  the  Chaham-nia  Chahada  Deva  (of 
Ranthambhor)  supports  the  identification  of  the  Chahada  of  Ranthambhor  with  his  name- 
sake of  Narwar.  His  conclusion  is  based  on  three  arguments  : — 

(1)  The  type  of  characters  used  in    the    Hataul   plate   inscription    of  the   Chfihamana 
Chahaia  fits  in  very  well  with  the  time  of  the  Chahalu  of  Narwar. 

(2)  His  second  authority  is  the  historian  MiuhMJu-d-diu  referred  to  above. 

(3)  His   third  argument  fc  is   afforded  by  numismatic  records.     The  coins  of  Chahaia 
discovered  at  Narwar  and  other  places  are  of  two  kinds,  namely,  those  issued  by  him  as  an 
independent  ruler  and  secondly  those  struck  by  him  us  a  tributary  to  Altamsh.    The  coins 
of  both  those  kinds  are  of  the  bull  and  horseman  type  like  those  of  the  Chahamana  rulers,  and 

what  is  more,  those  of  the  first  kind  also  bear  on  the  reverse  the  legend  of  As&vari  Sri 
Samanta  Deva  which  occurs  only  on  the  coins  of  the  ChAhamuiw  Somesvara  and  his  son 
Prithviruja.' 

Now  this  identification  of  the  Chahamana  Chahada  of  Ranthambhor  with  his  namesake 

•of  Narwar.  which  was  generally  favoured  by  writers  on  the  subject  in  the  light  of   facts 

hitherto  known,  is  (dearly  refuted  by  our  newly  found  inscription*  of  Bhimpur  and  Narwar 

kacheri,  which  as  already  noticed  inform  us  that  the  Chahada  of  Xarwar   was   a   Yajvapula 

or  Jajapella  and  not  a  Chahamana. 

The  arguments  adduced  by  previous  writers  in  favour  of  the  identification  of  the  two 
Chnhadas  are  also  not  unimpeachable.  Let  us  examine  them  : — 

(1)  The   palffiographical  argument  afforded   by   the   Rataul  plate   can  show  nothing 
more  than  that  the  Chahamana  Chahaia  was  a  contemporary  of  the  Chahada  of  Narwar  and 
not  that  they  were  identical. 

(2)  As  for  the  statement  of  the  historian  Minhaju-d-din  it  is  seen  from  Cunningham's 
remarks  quoted  above,  that  opinion  is  divided  as  to  whether  the  two  accounts  of  the  historian 
really  refer  to  one  and  the  same  Hindu  chief.    It  is  just  possible  that  the  two  Chuhadas 
were  contemporary  of  each  other  and  the  historian  identified  them  through  oversight. 

(3)  The  numismatic  evidence  also  is  not  convincing.     Coins  of  the  Narwar  Jajapellas 
Chahada,  Asala  or  Asalla,  and  Ganapati  have  been  found  hitherto.  The  coins  of  the  two  latter 
princes  are  represented  by  only  one  type9  showing  on  the  obverse  a  rude  figure  of  a  horse- 
man and  on  the  reverse,  a  legend  specifying  the  name  of  the  prince  preceded  by  the  word 

*  Cunningham,  Coins  of  Medi&val  India,  pp.  90-91,  where' the  authority  quoted  is  Raver  l\ft  Transla. 
ton  of  Tabqdt'i'Nasiri,  pp.  731  and  824.     See  also  Duff's  Chronology  of  India,  pp.  184  and  194. 

«  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi,  p.  67.  r  Cunningham,  C.  M.  I.,  p.  91. 

•  tip.  Ind.,  Vol.  XII,  pp.  223-24.  8  Cunningham,  C.  AT.  /.,  p.  73,  Not*  8-10. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  j  SEPTEMBER,,  191$ 

rimat,  and  a  date  below.     Of    the  coins  of   Chuhada  three  different  types  have   been 
traced : —  f 

No.  1 .  This  typeio  is  exactly  similar  to  that  of  the  coins  of  Asala  and  Ganapati 
mentioned  above. 

No.  2.  This  type11  bears  on  the  obverse  a  figure  of  a  horseman  and  the  legend  Srt 
Chahada  Deva,  and  on  the  reverse,  a  bull  and  the  legend  Asdvari  Sri  Somanta  Deua. 

No.  3.  This  type12  is  similar  to  type  No.  2  with  one  difference,  namely,  that  the  legend 
on  the  reverse  is  replaced  by  Asdvari  &rl  8vma8&ralade.va. 

The  definite  find  places  of  these  three  different  types  of  Chahada 's  coins  have  not  been 
recorded.  It  is  likely  that  coins  found  elsewhere  have  been  confounded  with  those  found  at 
Narwar.  To  me  it  appears  that  the  coins  of  type  No.  1  alone  belong  to  the  Chfihada  of  Narwar  • 
as  they  resemble  the  known  coins  of  his  descendants  Asala  and  Ganapati.  While  types  Nos.  2 
and  3*  are  to  be  referred  to  the  Chahamfma  ChAhaf  a  of  Ranthambhor  as  they  are  copied  from 
the  Chahamina  type.  Thin  view  is  supported  also  by  Cunningham's  remark  13  that  the  title 
Achtri  (or  Asdvari)  does  not  appear  on  the  Narwar  coins.  The  title  Asdvari  is  absent  only 
in  type  No.  1  of  Ch Aha  la's  coins  which  alone,  to  judge  from  Cunningham's  remark,  must 
have  been  found  at  Narwar. 

If  this  view  is  correct  the  title  Achiiri  (Asftvari)  rightly  belongs  only  to  the  Ch/hamliza 
Chahatla  of  Ranthambhor.  And  the  assignment  of  that  title  to  the  Chahada  of  Naiwar  by 
Muhammaclau  historians  is  probably  due  to  confusion  arising  from  the  fact  that  the  two 
Chaharlas  were  nearly  contemporary. 

Having  thus  explained  away  the  arguments  adduced  by  previous  writers  in  favour  of 
the  identification  of  the  two  Chahaijas  we  may  safely  conclude  on  the  authority  of  the  Bhimpur 
and  Narwar  kaclieri  inscriptions  that  the  Chaharla  of  Narwar  and  the  Chahada  of  the  Rataul 
plate  or  of  Ranthambhor  were  two  different  persons.  The  former  was  a  Yajvapala  or  Jaja- 
pella  and  the  latter  was  a  Chahamana. 

NOTES  AND  QUERIES. 

SPREAD  OF  HOBSON-JOBSON  IN  crew.     They    have    been     compared   to   the  Nile 

MESOPOTAMIA.  dafabiyah,  but  ]  am  told  that  they  are  more  after 

WiTB     reference    to   the    words   quoted   by    Sir  the  pattern  of  the  •  nugger  '  of  the  Soudan     .     .     . 

Richard  Temple  (ante,    j>.  196)  from  Mr.  Edmund  The  »"«*»&»   carrries    anything     from   fifteen  to 

Candler's  article  in  the  (London)   Observer  of  12th  ^venty  tons.  She  can  make  ten  mile*  a  day,  towed 

May  1918,   I  may  give  here  some  further  examples  a«ain8t  the  current,   and  four   to  six   mile*    [sic] 

of  Hobson-Jobson  from  an   article  in    the  Daily  knots  an  hour  with  a  following  wind.11 

Telegraph  of  14th  March  1916  by  the  same  writer.  3.     Bellum.  Ar.  belam  (see  ante,  p.    196).    «'  The 

1.  Kellek.  Ar.  kelek,  a  large  skin  raft.  Arab  name  for  the  long,  narrow,  oanoe -shaped  boats 

2.  Mahaita.  Ar.  mahayatah,  a  large  river  sailing  of  the  country,  the  gondola  of  Basra  ...     It  is 
boat.    "  These  local  river  craft  make  a  picturesque  punted  or  paddled,  according  to  the  depth  of  the 
fleet,  with  their  high-forward-sloping  masts,  huge  water.  ' 

rudders,  lateen  sails,  and  cut-away  prows,  pointed         4.     Oufar.  Ar.  quffah,  a  river  tub.  "Another  boat 

and  barbed.     They   are  painted    like  the    Chinese  indigenous  to  the  Tigris  is  the  cauldron-like  gufar 

junk,  but  with  Arab  designs  and    characters,  the  of  Baghdad    ...     It  is   made  of  reed  backed 

star  and  orescent  and  figures  like  the  signs  of  the  with  wooden   uprights  plastered   over  with  pitch 

Zodiac,  generally  white  on  a  point  of  green,  or  red,  from  the  bitumen  wells  of  Hitt." 

or  yellow.  Each  boat  carries  a  large  clay  oven  like 

an  antheap,  and  the  poop  is  boarded  over  for  the  A.  G.  ELLIS. 


XT  .  C.  M .  /..p.  73,  Nos.  5  and  6.  .  See  also  Thomas,  Pathan  Kings  oj  Delhi,  p,  75 

No.  46.  This  ty^e  is  ignored  by  Kai  Bahadur  Day*  Ram  (  Ep.  lad.,  Vol.  XH,  p.  224)-  V 

»  Cunningham,  C.  M.  /.,  p.  1)2,  No.  nil.  Thomas,  Pathan  King*  of  DdMt  p.  70,  No,  and  V.  A 
Smitli,  Catalog**  of  G'ottw  in  the  hid.  Mue.,  pp.  262-63. 

«  Thomas,  Pathan  King*  of  Delhi,  p.  70,  No.  40 ;  Cunningham,  C.  M .  /.,  p.  02.  No.  4. 

13  Cunningham,  C.  M.2.,  pp.  9 i-Ofe.  *      ' 


m§]     THE  STRATAGEM  USED  BY  ALEXANDER  AGAINST  PORUS  245 


THE  STRATAGEM  USED  BY  ALEXANDER  AGAINST  PORUS 

ALLUDED  TO  IN  THE  AiN-I-AKBARt 

BY  VINCENT  A.  SMITH. 

MR.  H.  BEVERIDGE  has  drawn  my  attention  to  two  passages  in  the  Ain-irAkbart  as 
*"*  translated  by  Jarrett  (vol.  iii,  pp.  330,  392),  which  allude  to  a  stratagem  practised 
by  Alexander  against  Porus.  Neither  passage  specifies  the  nature  of  the  operation.  The 
earlier  one  states  that  Alexander  *  by  stratagem  put  him  (Porus)  to  rout.'  The  second,  an 
allusion  in  Akbar's  '  Happy  Sayings',  intimates  that  Akbar  did  not  believe  the  story,  his  words 
,  being  reported  as  :  •  The  legend  of  Alexander's  stratagem  against  Porus  does  not  carry  the 
appearance  of  truth.1  Evidently  the  tale  must  have  been  of  a  marvellous,  incredible 
character.  Jarrett,  commenting  on  the  later  passage,  suggests  that  the  allusion  must  be  to 
the  ruse  by  which  Alexander  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Hydaspes.  That  suggestion  cannot 
be  correct,  because  the  Persian  and  Muslim  traditions  treat  the  Macedonian  invariably 
as  a  legendary  personage.  They  never  betray  the  slightest  knowledge  of  the  authentic 
accounts  of  the  Indian  campaign,  except  in  so  far  as  that  the  name  '  Fur  '  may  be  taken  as 
the  equivalent  of  Porus.  I  have  looked  through  Captain  H.  Wiiberforce  darkens  transla- 
tion of  Nizami's  Sikandar-ndma  (London,  Allan,  1881),  which  gives  the  Sikandar  legend 
at  immense  length  in  cantos  xlvi-xlviii.  Alexander  is  there  represented  as  having 
invaded  China  through  '  Tibat  ',  and  as  having  advanced  even  into  Russia.  Those  absurd 
stories  are  supported  by  a  mass  of  fictitious  correspondence,  but  the  poem  does  not  mention 
the  *  stratagem  '  which  forms  the  subject  of  this  note. 

Mr.  Beveridge  holds  that  the  allusions  in  the  Ain  refer  to  the  tale  related  by  'Abdullah 
bin  al  Moqaffa  in  his  preface  to  the  Arabic  version  of  K  dila  and  Dimna,  and  mentions  that 
Silvestre  de  Sacy  pointed  out  at  p.  49  of  his  edition  of  that  work  (Paris,  1816)  that  it  had 
been  used  by  Abu-l  Fa*L  Silvestre  de  Sacy's  book  apparently  is  wanting  in  the  Oxford 
libraries,  but  is  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  Mr.  Beveridge  has  been  good 
enough  to  communicate  the  French  text  from  page  15.  It  is  unnecessary  to  print  that 
extract,  because  I  have  found  in  the  Monier  Williams  collection  at  the  Indian  Institute  at 
Oxford  a  rare  English  work  which  serves  the  purpose  more  conveniently  and  seems  to  be 
little  known.  The  title  is  :— 

k  KalUa  and  Dimna,  or  the  Fables  of  Bidpai,  translated  from  the  Arabic  by  the  Rev, 
1  Wyndham  Knatchbull,  A.M.,  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford,  and  Rector  of  Westbeere 

•  in  the  Country  of  Kent.  Oxford,  printed  by  W.  Baxter,  for  J.  Parker  ;  and  Messrs.  Longman, 
•Hurst,  Rees,  Orme,  and  Brown,  London.     1819.'    Knatchbull  was  a  pupil  of  de  Sacy. 

Page  1  gives 
4  The  Preface  of  Ali,  the  son  of  Alschah  Faresi  [i.e.,  Alshah  Farisi,  the  Persian  ;  also 

known  as  Bahnud  o>*H  son  of  Sahwan  ]. 

•Alexander,  having  overcome  the  kings  of    the   West,  turned   his   arms    toward 
'the    East  ......  Afterwards    directing   his    course   towards   China,  he    in    his    march 

'summoned   Four,   at  that  time  King   of  India,   and  renowned  for  his  wisdom   and 

•  great  power,  to  declare  himself  his  vassal  ;  but  Four  on  the  contrary  made  immediate  prepa- 
'rationa  for  resistance  ......  Alexander....  determined   to  call  to  his  aid  the  experience 

4  which  he  had  acquired,  and  to  employ  stratagem  to  secure  his  success.    For  this  purpose 


24ft  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUABY  [OOTOBVB, 

4  he  began  by  ordering  an,  intrenohment  to  be  formed  round  his  camp  ......  in  the  mean- 

e  time  he  ordered  the  artificers  in  his  train,  many  of  whom  he  had  taken  from  the  different 
'  cities  on  his  march,  to  make  hollow  figures  of  brass  [  nahds  ^r  lau  ]  1  representing  horses 
1  and  men,  caparisoned  and  equipped  in  a  manner  to  give  them  the  appearance  of  regular 
'  cavalry  and  to  be  filled  with  naphtha  and  sulphur,  and  placed  in  front  of  his  line,  intending 
'  that  the  combustible  materials  should  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  battle  be  set  on  fire  .  . 
'  Four  had  placed  his  elephants  in  the  front  rank,  which,  advancing  to  meet  the  figures  of  brass 
'  which  were  simultaneously  pushed  on,  no  sooner  touched  them  with  their  trunks,  than, 
'  being  rendered  furious  by  the  heat,  they  threw  down  those  who  were  on  their  backs,  and 
4  then  suddenly  turning  round,  took  to  flight,  and  trod  under  their  feet  and  crushed  all  they 
'  met/ 

Four  and  Alexander  then  engaged  in  mortal  combat.     '  Alexander,  taking  advantage 

*  of  the  moment  when  he  was  off  his  guard,  struck  him  a  blow,  which  made  him  fall  from  bis 
'  horse,  and  with  a  second  laid  him  dead  at  his  feet.    The  Indian  army  renewed  the  combat 

*  ......  but  finding  at  length  all  resistance  to  be  ineffective,  they  accepted  the  terms  which 

'  the  conqueror  offered  them.' 

Another  version  of  the  story  is  given  by  Firdaus!  in  the  Shdhndma.  Mohl's  abstract 
in  French  is  reprinted  by  Dowson  in  Appendix  A  to  vol.  vi  (p.  476,  note  2)  of  The  History  of 
India  as  told  by  its  own  Historians.  According  to  the  poet  the  horses  and  riders,  exceeding 
a  thousand  in  number,  were  constructed  of  iron,  the  joints  being  soldered  and  rivetted  with 
copper.  Note  1  on  the  same  page  states  that  a  similar  tale  was  related  concerning  the 
mythical  Prester  John  of  Abyssinia,  who  adopted  the  expedient  against  the  son  of  Chingiz 
Kh&u.  It  is  not  worthwhile  to  pursue  the  variations  of  the  legend  through  other  books. 

It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  Mr.  Beveridge  is  right  in  maintaining  that  the  story, 
as  related  in  the  Arabic  and  Persian  works  named,  is  that  referred  to  by  Akbar  and  Abu-1 
Facl.  Akbar  showed  his  good  sense  in  rejecting  the  fantastic  legend. 

NOTES  ON  KALIDASA. 
BY  PROF.  H.  B.  BHIDE,  M.A.,  LL.B.;  BHAVNAGAR. 

(1)  Early  References. 

References  to  Kalidasa  may  be  direct  or  indirect.  By  direct  reference  I  mean  the 
mention  of  the  name  of  Kalidasa  or  his  work.  By  indirect  reference  I  mean  the  mention 
or  indication  of,  or  the  reference  to,  a  story  or  the  incidents  in  a  story,  or  any  other 
peculiar  feature  found  in  the  works  of  Kalidasa. 

Bajaa  is  the  earliest  writer  who  directly  refers  to  Kalidasa.  The  following  couplet  from 
the  Harshacharita  is  well-known  : 


II 

But  it  is  not  so  well-known  that  the  Harshacharita  contains  another,  though  indirect, 
reference  to  K&Udasa.  On  the  death  of  Prabhakaravardhana,  his  elder  son  Rajyavardhana 
consoles  Harsha  in  the  following  words  amidst  others  :  —  #I*1H«HHIH  TI^KiR' 

ir 


I  (p.  179).  2    In  this  passage  all  the  references  except  the  first 

P*  Saoy  translates  by  •  bronze,'  but  '  bftom  '  teems  to  be  correct, 
Tht  edition  used  is  the  Niroftyasfigua  edition. 


Oo*OB*ft,  101&]  KOTfeS  ON  KiLIDiSA 

are  t6  personages  that  figure  in  Kalidasa's  works.  Of  these  the  most  significant  is  the 
reference  to  Dilipa  and  Raghu.  Baghu  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  Dilipa  and  this  relationship 
between  the  two  rests  solely  on  the  authority  of  the  kaghu-vaitia  ;  it  is  not  affirmed  by  the 
Rdmdywia  or  by  the  Purdnaa.  We  may  therefore  reasonably  conclude  that  Bana  relies 
upon  the  Raghuvansa  when  he  makes  Baghu  the  son  of  Dilipa.  Thus  this  constitutes 
another  and  indirect  reference  to  K&lidasa  by  Bana. 

There    are   some   other  passages  in  the  Harshacfiarita  which  may  show  that  Bana   is 
influenced,  perhaps  unconsciously,  by  Kalidasa's  works.    These  passages  are  given  below  :  — 

(i)    *rft  **  .  -  •  WJOT  n*Hqf«4fqr*i:  tonft  I  inrrflres  IR^*^  awr  t    P.  158 

Compare  with  this  the  following  :  — 

*r  fttrr  ftquqmr  %**  n^rt*^  I 

Raghu.     I.  24. 


tidkuntala  VI. 

(2)  *r  ^r  ^r^lPr  f>^^  ^crfyrfirrTfwr  *fttor  ft^TFimnn^w  I   p.  167. 

May  it  be  that  Bana  had  in  his  mind  Canto  IV  of  the  Kumarasambhava  when  he  put 
these  words  in  the  mouth  of  Yasomati  ? 

(3)  wn!  ^  w  yp'Tr  .  .  .  ^r  ^T^^TC 

p.  188. 


This  reminds  us  of  the  following  lines  from  the  Meghaduta:  — 


(4)    $*  *r 

I     p.  190. 


The  idea  here  may  be  traced  to  the  following  lines  from  the  tidkuntala  : 


grfir*  155  •''wT  i 

(5)    sr  ^  wrf?T&f^rT  ^Pr%s  ^Wj  f^r^rr^r  ^'^^  nysn  I    p-  192. 
Compare  with  this  :  — 


^  Raghu.  II.  52. 

I  now  come  to  a  predecessor  of  Bana. 

Generally  Bana  is  supposed  to  be  the  earliest  author  who  refers  to  Kalidasa.  But  there 
is  a  still  earlier  writer  whose  work  contains  references  to  Kalidasa.  As  will  be  seen  later 
on,  these  references  are  indirect  in  the  sense  I  have  explained  above.  The  writer  I  mean  is 
Subandhu*  the  author  of  the  romance  Vdsavadaitd.  He  is  believed  to  be  a  predecessor  of 
Bana;  Dr.  Satrishaofaandra  Vidyabhushan  supposes  him  to  be  a  contemporary  of  lUftna. 
Without  entering  into  a  controversy  on  the  point  here,  I  may  state  that  the  grounds  he 
advances  do  not  appear  to  me  to  be  conclusive  and  that  I  therefore  associate  myself  with 
the  scholars  who  hold  that  Subandhu  preceded  Bana* 


248  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARV  [OOTOBKB,  1018 

Subandbu's  Vasavadattd  is  a  wellknbwn  work.  It  seems  to  hare  served  as  a  model 
to  Bana  who  much  improved  upon  his  model  in  his  great  work  Kddambari.  Subandhu's 
work  contains  unmistakable  references  to  certain  episodes  and  incidents  in  the  Raghuvathsa 
and  the  ftakunfala.  These  references  occur  in  three  passages.  In  two  of  them,  the  story 
ol  Dilipa  as  -given  in  the  Raghuvaihsa  is  referred  to,  while  in  the  third  are  referred  to  the 
incident  of  the  curse  of  Durvasas  which  plays  such  an  important  part  in  the  fcdkuntala 
and  the  Svayamvara  of  Aja  and  ludumatt  described  in  the  Raghuvama.  Let  me  quote  the 
passages  : 

(1)  f^cfta  W 

pp.  16-17. 

(2)  f 


c.    p.  134. 
(3)    SOT  inrrcfr  *<Tfr*nqr*Kn*^  I 


pf  I     P-  80. 

Iu  (I)  the  name  of  Dilipa's  wife  occurs,  and  it  is  given  only  by  Kalidasa.  What  i& 
more  important  is  the  word  tf^rsnr:;  therein  we  see  the  reference  to  the  episode  so 
beautifully  described  in  Canto  II  of  the  Raghuvatifa.  The  reference  in  (2)  will  be  understood 
from  the  following  verses  which  ooour  in  Canto  I  of  the  same  epic.  The  context  is  that 
is  explaining  to  Dilipa  the  reason  why  Dilipa  was  without  a  son  ;— 


srr  II  ••  II 

It  is  olear  that  thin  part  oi  the  story  is  refered  to  in  (2).  In  (3),  the  allusions  are  to  two 
incidents,  one  in  the  Rayhuvahsa  and  the  other  in  the  Sdkuntala.  The  first  is  to  Indumati's 
choice  of  Aja  which  is  the  subject-matter  of  Canto  VI.  The  second  is  to  the  incident  of  the 
curse  of  Durvasas  on  which  hinges  the  plot  of  the  Sdkuntala. 

In  some  places,  Subandhu  uses  words  and  phrases  which  may  point  to  his   acquaint- 
ance with  some  of  Kalidasa's  works.    A  few  such  cases  may  be  illustrated. 

(4)     When  describing  the  morning  time  he  says 


5  (P.  28).    The  idea  here,  and  especially  the  word  tffa%*r$nft3*#lrs  at  once 
puts  us  in  mind  of  the  following  verse  :  — 


Raghu.     XI.  20. 
(5)    Again,  see 


isrifr  rcnr  I       p.  24. 


The  references  to  pages  are  from  the  edition  of  VfaavadcUtd  by  JivMM&da  Vidyaiogar. 


OCTOBER,  1018]  NOTES  ON  KALIDASA  249 

It  brings  to  our  mind  these  verses  from  Canto  VII  of  the  Baghuvwhia  :— 


tffctfrftar*:  II  ^  II 

(6)  Lastly,  in  CTCfihlTft  Prtfa  5F$m  TOff  (ft*  gftm  (  y^^tHq^^^  )  (p.  32),  the 
peculiar  meaning  of  the  word  Prtfar  is  worth  notice.  In  this  clause  the  word  has  two 
meanings  ;  one  is  %ff  (liberation)  and  the  other  frffr  (highest  felicity).  If  we  take  the 
former,  there  is  an  apparent  ftcN"  which  is  removed  if  we  take  the  word  in  the  latter 
sense:  In  the  former  sense  the  word  ft*N  is  used  in  the  Sakuntala.  Dushyanta,  on 
seeing  Sdkuntala  exclaims  :  *  wt  W?tf  %*f%*?«T*  |  *  Kalidasa  is  perhaps  the  only  writer  of 
the  early  times  who  has  used  *  Pnfrf  '  in  this  sense  ;  Subandhu  who  was  ever  on  the  look- 
out for  an  opportunity  to  use  fir«r  might  have  picked  up  the  word  whose  other  meaning 
enabled  him  to  employ  the 


As  regards  the  question  of  Subandhu  's  indebtedness  to  Kalidasa  whose  priority  in 
point  of  time  to  Subandhu  is  consequential  thereupon,  the  last  three  quotations  may 
not  be  looked  upon  as  a  conclusive  proof  of  it,  but  the  first  throe  are  clearly  so  ;  because 
the  references  they  contain  are  to  incidents  which  are  narrated  nowhere  except  in  the  works 
of  Kalidasa.  Therefore,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the  contrary,  we  may  conclude 
that,  the  original  source  of  these  allusions  is  the  works  of  Kalidasa.  In  this  light  their 
importance  cannot  be  too  much  emphasised  They  form  a  very  important  landmark, 
earlier  than  any  hitherto  known,  in  arriving  at  the  date  of  the  premier  poet  of  India  — 
a  vexed  question  with  which  I  shall  deal  some  other  time. 

(2)    Kalidasa  and  BharavL 

Buarcivi  is  one  of  the  earliest  Sanskrit  authors.  From  his  Kiratdrjuniya  I  adduce  a 
few  passages  whioh  find  a  olose  parallel  in  the  works  of  Kalidasa. 

BHABAVL 


\ 

.  XIV. 


I.    9.  **nwBil         R  XVII.  45. 


•  XVII.  49. 


*?nf 

57t 


I.    11. 

rr  I       A  I.  22. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [ObxosKX.  1918 

I*T 


it 

II.     50, 


I  R.  I.  25. 

I.    13. 


IT:  I  R.   XVII.  66. 

I   R,  IX.  4. 


V  m**tt  I          R.  I.  20. 
I.    20.  >.  ^  ^^  ^ 

R.  XVD.  48. 


R.  XVII.  53. 
II.    21. 


;  I         R.  XVII.  79. 


n.  4i.  wmflfammh  i  .  ...  R.  vn.  41. 


Ma.  I.  8. 


Vll.      lo.  i&tim-j^tt^m.  r^  ra.  ^  i   z^    T    n 

*:  I  A.  1.  J* 


IX.  70, 
Wff  ft  I  *I^H ^MMUMlfomiH  %  Vf  I 

j  wir  ft  fc^^frt! 

^rll  wr°w 


XIII*    6«  S,  II 


OCTOBER,  1018]  NOTES  ON   K&UD&8A  251 

(3)    A  difficulty  in  the  MeghadiHa. 

The   several   commentators  and   annotators  of  the  Meghadfita  have  failed  to  satis- 
factorily solve  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  the  following  three  passages:— 

(V)  wmrw  TO«rf**§  (  imfrrtt  ) 


roh  F.  2. 


V.  4. 


F.  116, 

Both  the  readings  in  the  first  passage  are  open  to  objection  as  being  difficult  to  be  recon- 
ciled with  the  other  two  passages.  The  reading  TO*0  is  objected  to  on  two  grounds. 
(A)  In  v.  4,  Srdvana  is  said  to  be  qrareriT,  ».  e.t  proximate.  Such,  however,  would  not  be 
the  case  if  the  Yaksha  had  seen  the  Cloud  on  the  first  day  of  Ashddha,  because,  the  whole  of 
A  shad  ha  had  to  elapse  before  tirdvana  commenced.  (B)  Secondly,  we  are  told  further  on 
that  the  remaining  period  of  exile  was  few  mouths  and  that  the  curse  was  to  come  to  an  end 
on  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Kdrttika.  If  we  count  from  the  first  day  of 
Ashddha,  the  period  upto  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Kdrttika  comes  to 
be  four  months  and  ten  days,  that  is,  ten  days  in  excess  of  the  period  mentioned.  These 
considerations  lead  Vallabha,  one  of  the  commentators,  to  reject  the  reading  Wf0  **u<l 
approve  of  sr^R*.  This  word  literally  means  'on  the  ending  day':  but  it  can  be  taken 
to  mean  'on  one  of  the  last  days.  '  This  reading  no  doubt  enables  us  to  get  rid  of  the  first 
objection  urged  against  1PT*?*;  because  Srdvana  then  becomes  proximate,  as  required  by 
verse  4.  But  the  second  objection  reappears  in  a  new  form.  With  the  reading  W{+ 
there  was  an  excess  of  ten  days  ;  with  the  reading  ITOT°  there  will  be  found,  on  calcula- 
tion, a  deficiency  of  about  fifteen  days,  even  if  we  construe  the  word  most  literally  and 
take  the  day  to  be  the  tenth  Tithi  of  the  dark  fortnight  of  AsMdha.  Thus  we  are  left  to 
choose  between  an  excess  of  ten  days  over  or  a  deficiency  of  about  fifteen  days  in  the 
required  period. 


Mallinatha  who  prefers  the  reading  STCpr*  tries  to  refute  the  objections  brought  against 
it  in  the  following  manner.  As  regards  the  first  objection,  he  says  that  what  is  intended 
by  JpKTCfW  is  proximity  in  general  of  the  months  of  Aahddhaewd  Srdvana,  so  that  the  proxi- 
mity of  Srdvana  to  Ashadha  may  be  construed  to  mean  the  proximity  of  Sravana  to  any 
day  of  Ashddha  and  to  the  first  day  in  particular  in  the  present  case  ( 

f  ffir  TOT  ^wfa  flwya?  i  ^>iffar<Erc«r  snwsrw&fft^RKftRr  ^w  I 


'  )  I  As  to  the  second  objection,  he  says  that  the  reading  STOT*  being  equally 


liable  to  a  similar  objection,  it  is  better  to  select  the    reading  !THT*ro    (  a^tf  tffif 


'  *flf  I  )•  In  short,  the  expresison  ^njcT  irr^r*  is  not 
to  be  construed  too  literally  but  we  are  to  have  four  months  approximately. 

So  far  as  I  know  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  meet  these  difficulties  by  offering  a 
better  and  more  satisfactory  explanation.  I  venture  to  offer  one  and  it  may  be  taken  for 
wkat  it  ia  worth. 


252  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OcroBBB,  1018 

Let  us  dear  the  ground  before  we  proceed  with  the  explanation.  Let  us  consider  the 
data  supplied  by  the  text,  so  that  the  problem  may  be  clearly  grajped.  The  data  are  four. 
(1  )  On  a  certain  day  of  AsMdha  the  Yaksha  saw  the  Cloud  to  whom  he  entrusted  a  message 
to  be  conveyed  to  his  beloved.  This  day  is  to  be  fixed  by  us  bearing  in  mind  the  two 
readings  TO4*  *nd  TOT*.  (2)  Srdvana  was  proximate  to  that  day.  (3)  The  curse  was  to 
come  to  an  end  on  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Karttika.  (4)  Lastly,  the 
period  from  the  day  on  which  the  oloiKl  was  sent  to  the  last  day  of  the  curse  was  four 
months.  These  data  are  given  and  we  are  required  (a)  first  to  determine  the  day  on 
which  the  message  was  delivered  to  the  Cloud  by  the  Yaksha  and  (6)  secondly  to  prove  the 
correctness  of  one  of  the  two  or  both  readings  accordingly. 

Here  it  is  best  to  proceed  from  the  conclusion  to  the  beginning.  We  are  told  that  the 
curse  was  to  end  on  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Kdrttika.  If  we  count  four 
months  backwards  from  this  day,  we  see  that  the  day  on  which  the  Yaksha  saw  the  Cloud 
must  have  been  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Ashadha. 

This,  however,  apparently  lands  us  in  a  great  perplexity.  Neither  of  the  readings  TO*° 
and  sftR*  fits  in  with  our  calculation  and  we  know  of  no  third  reading.  The  word 


may  mean  either  '  on  the  first  day  '  or  '  on  one  of  the  first  days  '  of  Ashddha,  but  the 
eleventh  Tiihi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Ashadha  is  not  the  first  day  of  the  month,  nor 
any  stretch  in  the  meaning  of  the  word  TOT  makes  it  'one  of  the  first  days'  of  the  month. 
I  think  it  is  too  much  to  take  the  first  day  of  Aahddha  to  extend  beyond  the  first  ten  days. 
In  neither  case,  again,  can  Srdvana  be  said  to  be  pratydsanna  to  that  day.  Similarly,  the 
eleventh  day  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Aahddha  cannot  be  the  prasamadivasa  Aahddha  in 
either  of  the  two  senses  which  we  have  explained  above.  Under  these  circumstances,  only 
two  alternatives  seem  possible  ;  either  the  expression  ^Jjtt  *TOT^  should  not  be  construed 
too  literally  or  the  poet  should  be  taken  to  have  overlooked  the  inconsistency.  Is  there 
no  getting  over  this  dilemma  ? 

I  think  there  is  one  way  out  of  the  difficulty  thus  created.  As  has  just  been  made 
clear  the  difficulty  arises  because  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Aahddha 
cannot  be  made  the  mj'«rftqq  or  mmftm  of  Aahddha  and  TOTOTT  to  Brdvana.  This  difficulty 
is  bound  to  remain  insurmountable  so  long  as  the  arrangement  of  months  is  taken  to  be 
what  Fleet  calls  southern8  or  Amdnta  ('ending  with  the  conjunction  ')  arrangement  in 
which  the  bright  fortnight  precedes  the  dark  fortnight  of  the  month.  If  however  we  proceed 
on  the  basis  of  the  Pdrnimdnta  (  '  ending  with  the  Full  Moon  '  )  arrangement,  the  difficulty 
will  be  seen  at  once  to  vanish;  at  least  one  reading*  TO***  will  be  found  to  give  intelligible 
sense.  The  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Aahddha  can  then  be  taken  to  be  a 
in  the  sense  that  it  is  one  of  the  last  days  of  Aahddha  because  the  bright  would 


then  be  the  second  fortnight  of  the  mouth  and  only  four  days  after  the  next  month  Srdvana 
would  commence.  Thus  &rlttt*a  would  also  be  Pratydaanna  to  that  day.  In  this  manner 
the  lines  quoted  in  the  beginning  of  this  note  can  be  satisfactorily  reconciled  and  explained. 
And  looked  at  from  this  point  of  view,  the  reading  TOT*  will  have  to  be  preferred  to 

1  See  Qufto  I**crtjtftont  :  Introduction,  p.  701 


OCTOBB*,  1918]  NOTES  ON  KiLIDASA  -     253 

the  latter  remains  unintelligible  whichever  df  the-two  arrangements:  of  months  we  .take 
as  the  basis  of  our  calculation.4 

Can  we  conclude  from  this  that  in  K&lidasa's  days  the  Pdrnimanta  arrangement  was 
the  one  generally  current  and  not  the  Amtinta  one  ? 

(4)  Second  difficulty. 

I    have  met  with  another  difficulty,  not  in  the  Meghaduia  but  in   the   BaghuwMa. 
I  have  not  been  able  to  solve  it  and  I  wish  to  bring  it  to  the  notice  of  scholars  with  a  hope 
that  some  one  will  be  able  to  do  it. 
• 

In*  the  ninth  Sarga  o!  the  Raghu  the  pout  rs  describing  the  Spring.    The  description 
opens  with  this  verse  ;  — 


The  difficulty  occurs  in  the  verse  which  follows  .  — 


\ 

II  ^  II 

I  give  Mr.  Nandargikar's  translation  of  this  verse  :  "  Desirous  of  going  to  the  quarter  pre- 
sided over  by  the  Lord  of  Wealth  (Kubora)  the  Sun,  having  his  horses  turned  back  by  his 
charioteer,  left  the  Malaya  mountain  brightening  tie  dawn  by  removing  the  frost."  The 
same  phenomenon  is  similarly  described  in  the  3rd  Sarga  of  the  Kumdra-sambhava.  The 
poet  says  :  — 


II  vt  II 

*  A  second  explanation  of  JftnT*  is  suggested.  It  is  proposed  to  take  the  word  SHW  in  the 
'the  beat,'  i.e.,  the  holiest.  In  Ashddka,,  the  eleventh  day  of  the  bright  fortnight  ia  the  only  day 
which  is  observed  as  a  holiday  and  a  very  sacred  one  ;  that  should,  therefore,  be  taken  as  the  1WT  f^TH 
of  Ashddha.  In  this  rendering  one  difficulty  is  got  rid  of  ;  v.  2  is  certainly  rendered  consistent  with  v.  1  16. 
But  the  other  difficulty  remains  ;  the  month  faravana  is  not  praty&sanna  to  the  eleventh  day  of  the  bright 
fortnight  of  Ashddka,  unless  as  I  have  suggested  the  arrangement  of  months  is  Pdrtiimdnta. 


In  the  case  of  ITSR0  also  another  interpretation  is  suggested.  It  is  to  bo  explained  thus  :  —  I 
fPT*  Sfft^q'  1WT:  I  JTSTWrOT  f^T^TV  flfaiEir  I  &ama  is  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  '  coolness  ',  BO 
•will  mean  *  on  a  cool  day  ',  Even  this  explanation,  however,  is  no  w&y  better  in  that  it  does  not  avoid  the 
one  or  the  other  of  the  two  difficulties.  Even  if  the  '  cool  day  '  be  the  eleventh  Tithi  of  the  bright  fort- 
night of  A"hdAha,  fardvana  is  not  pratydsanna  to  it.  To  avoid  this  if  wo  take  that  day  to  be  towards  the 
end  of  the  month,  the  period  of  four  months  an  mentioned  in  v.  110  falls  short  of  fifteen  days  at  least.  If 
however,  the  P&rnim&nta  scheme  be  accepted,  this  interpretation  may  be  allowed  by  supposing  that  the 
eleventh  day  of  the  bright  fortnight  was  perhaps  cool  when  the  Yaksha  saw  the  Cloud,  but  then  the 
necessity  of  assigning  this  meaning  no  longer  exists  as  the  ordinary  meaning  taken  by  Vallabha  serves  th* 
purpose  equally  well  or  perhaps  better. 


It  will  be  observed  as  regards  these  other  meanings  of  IftR?  and  WT»  that  whatever  the  meaning 
they  are  taken  to  have  they  do  not  render  the  verses  consistent  unless  the  PArnimdnta  arrangement  ia 
accepted.  I  lay  emphasis  not  so  much  on  the  meaning  of  the  words  Wf»  and  STW>  as  on  the  fact 
that  the  verses  yield  consistent  sense  only  when  construed  in  a  way  such  as  I  have  suggested. 


264:  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  OOTOBHK,  1918 

In  these  passages  the  poet  seems  to  moan  that  with  the  commencement  of  the  Spring  (  if£: 
*W3f3")  the  Dakshindyana,  i.e.,  the  Sun's  southward  journey,  came  to  an  end  and  the 
Udagayana,  i.e.,  the  Sun's  northward  march,  commenced.  The  Sun  is  said  to  be  desirous  of 
going  to  the  North  (f^nrr^y)  an(*  therefore  to  have  had  'his  horses  turned  back' 
(  iftffifowff  *:  )•  In  the  verse  from  the  Kumdra,  the  Sun  is  said  to  be  *  ready  to  proceed  ' 
towards  the  North  (  n*5  «Tf  ^T  )•  All  this  clearly  shows  that  according  to  the  poet  the  time 
of  the  commencement  of  the  Udagayana  coincided  with  the  time  of  the  commencement  of 
the  Spring.  Now  if  we  look  to  the  Indian  Calendars  we  see  therein  that  the  Dakshindyana 
ends  on  some  day  in  the  month  of  Pausha;  this  day  which  is  called  the  13TCqFfKW  day 
(the  day  of  the  Sun's  entering  the  Makara  Rdn]  generally  corresponds  to  the  13th  or  14th, 
January  every  year.  This  is  the  conventional  ending  of  the  Dakshindyana.  Actually  it 
ends  on  the  23rd  of  December  every  year,  i.e.,  about  21  days  earlier  than  the  supposed 
Makara-samkramana.  Next,  the  Spring  (  TO??r*  )  really  begins  with  the  T??f^flF*pT  (  the 
Hun  entering  the  Mina  Rein),  i.e.,  about  two  months  after  the  M  akara-samkramana  ;  this 
generally  takes  place  in  the  month  of  .Phalguna.  5  How  are  we  then  to  reconcile  what 
Kalidasa  says  with  the  prosent-day  facts  as  we  observe  them  ? 


A  similar  discrepancy  is  visible  in  the  description  of  the  hot  season   (  tffar  ).     Jn  the 
LGth  Sarga  the  poet  describes  the  Grlshma  and  the  following  are  the  opening  verses  :  _ 


\ 

vv 


The  first  verse  describes  the  advent  of  the  Grishma.  For  our  purpose  the  second  verse  i» 
more  important;  it  is  thus  translated  by  Mr.  Nandargikar  :—  <k  The  Sun  having  come 
back  near  from  that  side  of  the  Equator  which  is  marked  by  Agastya.  the  northern  quarter 
began  to  produce  the  oozing  of  snow  on  the  mountain  Himalaya  as  though  it  were  a  flow 
of  tears  cool  with  joy/'  The  point  to  lie  noted  here  is  this  :  When  the  Grtshma  set  in  (  qtf: 
WWiFR  ),  the  Sun  came  back  (  *n%j^  )  near  (  *rfft  )  the  North  from  the  South  in  which 
the  star  Canopus  rises  and  sets  (  BT^im%rrf*Tr?r  )•  What  is  meant  by  the  Sun  coming 
back  near  the  North  is  that  the  Sun  came  nearer  the  Celestial  Equator,  to  the  South  of  it, 
and  was  about  to  cross  it  after  a  mouth  or  so.  So  far  as  the  poet  himself  is  concerned,  he 
is  consistent  in  these  two  descriptions  of  the  Vasanta  and  the  Grtshma.  To  reach  the 
Equator  from  the  Vernal  Equinox  the  Sun  takes  three  months.  If  according  to  the  poet 
the  advent  of  the  Vasanta  coincides  with  the  commencement  of  the  Udagayana,  it  is  clear 
the  Gftzhmi  will  commence  one  mouth  before  the  Sun  crosses  the  Equator  ;  because  the 
Vasanta  lasts  two  months.  Thus  the  poet  can  very  well  say  that  the  Sun  is  near  the 
North  when  the  Grlshma  sets  in.  When  the  Equator  is  crossed  the  Sun  will  be  in  the 
North,  If  we  now  turn  to  the  Indian  Calendar  we  find  that  the  Grishma  commences 
one  month  after  the  Sun  has  crossed  the  Equator.  Of  the  six  months  that  the  Sun  takes 
for  the  northward  journey,  the  first  two  constitute  the  Sisira  season  ;  the  next  two  the 
Vasanta  and  the  last  two  the  Qrtshmi.  The  Equator  is  crossed  during  the  Vasanta,  one 


5  I  have  calculated  on  the  basis  of  the  AmAnta  arrangement  of  months.  PArnimdnta  arrangement 
will  involve  slight  changes;  but  it  will  not  affect  my  point,  namely,  that  the  Spring  commences  two 
months  after  the  Udagayana  begins. 


OCTOB»*,  191B]  ffOTES  ON  KJLlJDlSA  255 

month  after  its  advent ;  and  one  month  after  the  crossing  the  Griahma  commences. 
The  northernmost  point  of  the  journey  is  reached  (that  is  to  say  the  Udagayana  ends)  at  the 
end  of  the  Qrishma.  fi 

Thus  in  the  case  of  the  Orishma,  also  as  in  the  case  of  the  Vasanta,  a  difference  of  two 
months  is  to  be  seen.  According  to  the  poet  the  Grlshmi  begins  two  months  after  the 
U-dagayana  begins ;  while  according  to  the  Calendar  it  begins  four  months  after  the 
beginning  of  the  Udagayana. 

The  question  is  how  to  explain,  this  discrepancy. 

I  should  like  to  have  one  point  made  clear  for  those  who  may  attempt  to  solve  the 
question.  It  may  bo  thought  that  the  discrepancy  can  be  explained  away  by  taking  into 
consideration  the  effects  of  the  Precession  of  the  Equinoxes  and  then  calculating  the  dif- 
ference that  has  crept  in  during  the  period  intervening  between  Kalidasa  and  the  present 
generation.  But  so  far  as  I  can  see  the  question  appears  to  be  insoluble  on  purely  astrono- 
mical and  mathematical  calculations,  simply  because  of  the  wrong  assumptions  which  the 
poet  seems  to  have  made.  The  following  are  my  reasons. — The  phenomenon  of  seasons 
does  not  depend  upon  and  therefore  is  not  produced  by  the  Precession  of  the  Equinoxes, 
Seasons  are  caused  by  the  variations  in  the  severity  of  the  heat  generated  by  the  rays  of  the  Sun, 
and  this  depends  exclusively  on  the  Sun's  position  relative  to  the  Earth  alone.  When  the 
Sun  reaches  the  southernmost  point  (that  is,  when  the  Dakshiyayana  ends)  the  Sun's  rays 
produce  the  minimum  amount  of  heat ;  therefore  about  that  time  there  must  occur  the 
cold  seasons.  In  other  words,  the  two  months  preceding  the  Sun's  reaching  the  Vernal 
Equinox  and  the  two  months  following  are  bound  to  be  cold  months ;  and  these  correspond 
to  the  Hemanta  and  the  Siiira  seasons  of  the  Indian  Calendar,  The  preceding  two  months 
comprise  the  Hemanta  and  the  following  the  'Sisira.  The  Precession  of  the  Equinoxes  does 
not  affect  the  heat-producing  capacity  of  the  Sun's  rays.  What  it  does  is  that  it 
causes  an  apparently  retrograde  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Sun  along  the  Celestial  Equa- 
tor. This  no  doubt  loads  to  a  change  in  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  the  seasons  but 
indirectly  and  in  a  way  having  no  bearing  of  the  question  before  us.  For  instance,  about 
6000  years  before,  the  Vasanta  might  have  been  beginning  in  the  month  Marga&rsha, 
whereas  it  now  begins  in  Phdlguna  ;  but  then  there  must  have  been  a  corresponding  change 
in  the  time  for  the  end  of  the  Dakshindyana  and  the  beginning  of  the  Udagayana,  which  must 
have  been  occurring  two  months  earlier,  i.e.,  in  the  month  A&vina.  So  that  even  then  a  period 
of  two  months  must  be  intervening  between  the  close  of  the  Dahsliindyana  and  the  advent 
of  the  Vasanta.  I  therefore  think  that  in  this  instance  Kalidasa  cannot  be  justified  on  purely 
mathematical  grounds.  On  what  other  ground  he  can,  if  at  all,  be  justified  I  leave  to  scholars 
to  decide;  I  only  hopo  this  our  premier  poet  of  India  does  find  some  justification  at  the 
hands  of  some  able  scholar. 

A  few  other  astronomical  allusions  that  may  throw  light  on  the  question  I  propose 
to  discuss  in  the  next  note. 

( To  be  continued.) 

*  Of  course  all  this  is  according  to  the  conventions  of  the  Indian  Calendars.  Accurate  calcula- 
tions will  show  that  the  beginning  of  the  Vaaanta,  the  crossing  of  the  Celestial  Equator  by  the  Sun  and  such 
other  events,  will  have  to  be  antedated  by  about  21  days  in  each  case.  But  as  I  have  said  above  this 
change  will  not  affect  my  argument,  as  the  change  will  have  to  be  made  throughout  and  its  effects  in  on* 
place  will  be  neutralised  by  those  in  the  other. 


VAETTA  —  THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  K<X»«)HI08, 
BY  KARENDRA  NATH  LAW,  EQB.,  ILA^  BX.;  OMOUTWU 
(Continued  from  p.  2*L) 

Conclusion.  $K 

Thus  ft  appears  that  a  branch  of  learning  for  the  study  of  wealth  developed  m  India, 
the  time  of  its  emergence  being  roughly  indicated  by  the  fact  that  it  is  first  wfom>d  to  in 
the  Rdmayana  and  was  posterior  to  the  allotment  of  particular  occupations  to  the  Vaitya 
caste.    In  Greece,  it  was  Aristotle  who  first  reached  the  conception  of  a  special  science  or 
art  of  wealth  m  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  though  stray  thoughts  on  the  material  concerns 
of  life  had  commenced  to  be  expressed  by  earlier  writers.    The  emergence  of   V&rtta  in. 
India  as  a  distinct  branch  of  learning  was  very  probably  earlier  than  Aristotle's  conception 
of  a  similar  branch  of  learning  in  Greece.    The  Chaldaeans  had  reached  a  high  degree  of 
excellence  in  agriculture  and  their  methods  had  been  transmitted  to  the  Greeks  and  Arabs  ; 
and  it  is  likely  that  they  left  in  their  libraries  clay  treatises  on  agriculture  which  are  all 
lost  to  us.    The    "Nabat»an   Agriculture"  appears  to  be  the  only  work  that  seems  to 
contain  a  reflection  of  the  methods  of  agriculture.    We  have,  however,  no  evidence  to  show 
that  the  Chaldseans  had  developed  a  branch  of  learning  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  material 
interests  of  the  people.    As  to  China,  Dr.  Chen  Haun-Chang's  work  makes  it  clear  that 
many  economic  concepts  and  principles  were  imbedded  in  the  writings  of  Confucius  and 
his  disciples,  but  he  does  not  make  out  that  the  groat  philosopher  was  the  originator  of  a 
distinct  subject  of  study,  conducive  to  the  preservation  and  improvement  of  the  material 
concerns  of  life.    In  India,  this  branch  of  learning  developed  earl}-  on  the  soil  and  was 
intended  to  give  a  scientific  direction  to  the  economic  activities  of  the  people.     This  literary 
type  taking  its  rise  in  the  triple  occupation  of  the  Vai^ya  caste  included  at  first  within  its 
scope  three  occupations  alono,  viz.,  agriculture,  cattle-rearing,  and  trade.    References  to  this 
branch  of  learning  Be  scattered  not  only  in  Sanskrit  literature  from  the  epics  downwards 
but  -also  in  Buddhist  and  Jaina  works  which  point  to  the  wide  currency  acquired  by  the 
subject  in  early  times.    In  the  Kdlpa-Stara,  for  instance,  the  Arhat  kishabha  "  during  his 
reign  fought,  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  the  seventy-two  sciences,    ....   the  sixty-four 
accomplishments  of  women,   the  hundred  arts,  and  the  three  occupations  of  men."**    The 
three  occupations  are  evidently  the  woll-known  triplet    ••  agriculture,  cattle-rearing,  and 
trade,"    which  we   find   expressly  mentioned  in   the  Milinda-Paftha  as  "  kaai,  vanijja*, 
gorakkhu";40  and  the  teaching  of  those  occupations  implies  that  vdrltd  in    its  primary 
sense  had  risen  to  be  a  division  of  learning. 

The  scope  of  this  science  of  wealth  after  its  fullest  expansion  came  to  embrace  all  the 
branches  of  knowledge  bearing  on  wealth  and  stood  side  by  side  with  the  three  other 
divisions  of  human  knowledge,  —  Anvikviki,  Trayi  and  Dandaniti.  These  four  literary  types 

*  Kappa-Sutra  (SBE.,  vol.  xxii),  p.  282.      Prof.  H.  Jacobi  commenting  on  the  passage  says  :    "The 
arts,  as  those  of  the  potter,  blacksmith,  painter,  weaver,  and  barber,  eaoh  of  which  five  principal  arts  if 
subdivided   into  twenty  branches,  are  inventions  and  must  be  taught  ;  while  the  occupations,  agriculture, 
trade,  <toe.t  haw  everywhere  developed,  as  it  were,  of  themeeivef  "  (the  italics  are  mine).    The  last  remark  ia 
this  passage  does  not  seem  to  be  justified  ;  for   "  the  three  occupations  of  men"  mentioned  by  th* 
Kalpa-  Sutra  tefer  evidently  to  "  agriculture,  cattle-rearing  and  trade." 

*  Uilindct-Pafiha  (Tr*nokn*r'>  ed.),  p.  178. 


divided  among  thenwelves  the  who'le  field  of  human 
pomt,  be  ««**«*  *  doling  on  the  same  level 


the  pursuit  of  leamiag  po«ible,  2>«9<fe»i«  (Polity)  is  given  the  first  place 
tho  peace  and  order  it  brings  about  in  the  State  and  thereby  make!  ft 
people  to  pursue  the  other  branches  of  learning.'* 

Epigraphic  confirmation  of  the  existence  of  V&rttd  as   a  h™^    *  i 
teaching  by  professors  in  a  college  comes  from  a  South   InZ  T       T*  **  * 
records  that  in    the  Sthlngunduru  agraMra  «were  £L£   ^7T°*«   •  *** 
sorcery  (or  magic),  m  logic  m  the  art  of  distorting  people  by  *^V££  » 
the  use  of  weapons,  in  sacrificing,    ....         and  i  P°°try»  in 

•meals.   While  its  grovesput  2  shame  the 
great  a^r.  that  all  the  surrounding 
their  si,  ^^  the  three  rival  divfcions  of 

sciences,  the  eighteen  great  ,»*«,  the  making  of  numerous  versos  of 
architecture,  the  art,  of  m«.«  and  dancing,  and  in  the  knowledge  of  all  the 
ton*,    which  were   possessed  by   the    Banana   of   the    &££ 
Thefoydivisions  d  :  learning  ;  mentioned  in  the  passage  imply  ,**  as  one    of  them 
some  of  the  arts  that  have  already  been  classel  under  vdm&  have  also  been 
mentioned    as  being  taught  in    the   agrahdra.    The  inscription  Wongs  pr 
12th  century  A.p.  and  testifies  to  the  fact  that   up    to   thai  time  at  las  as   * 

branch  of  learning  did  not  yet  become  in  India  the  unfamiliar  or  obsolete  subject  of 
later  years.  ^ 

[  NoTB.-Some  of  the  important  Catalogues  of  manuscripts  have  been  consulted  first- 
hand  instead  of  through  Aufrecht's  Catalogus  Catalog,™*,  in  view  of  the  definitive  and 
descriptive  details  that  such  consultation  can  furnish. 

There  are  chapters  in  the  Pur&nas  and  other  Sanskrit  works  like  the  Vishnudharmoitara 
devoted  to  various  topics  of  V&rtta.  As  these  chapters  do  not  require  any  ^cial  mention 
they  have  been  omitted  in  the  Lists.  * 

There  are  a  good  many  MSS.  on  mil*  rak  and  (heir  chemical  actions  mentioned  in 
Dr.  P.  C.  Boy's  History  of  Hindu  Vhtmistry  and  Dr.  B.  N  Seal's  PosUiv*  Sciences  of  the 
Ancient  Hindus.  Only  those  portions,  if  any,  of  the  MSS.  that  treat  of  the  processes  by 
which  they  can  be  reduced  into  raw  materials  for  the  production  of  articles  of  commercial 
value  can  come  within  the  scope  of  Vdrtta. 

It  is  not  possible  to  discuss  the  dates  of  tho  various  worts  mentioned  hero.  Apart 
from  the  difficulty  of  the  task  itself,  a  good  many  of  the  works  are  out  of  reach  and 
perhaps  not  available  for  copying  or  consultation.  ]t  cannot  be  denied  that  womo  of  them 
are  of  recent  composition  but  even  these  may  be  the  lineal  descendants  of  tho  older  oner 
in  which  latter,  however,  the  treatment  of  their  respective  subject*  might  be  seen  in  greater 
freedom  from  influences  which,  multiplied  by  tho  lapse  of  time,  tend  to  put  it  away  from 
its  ancient  orthodox  line.  ] 


"  See  Kauttitya,  Bk.  I,  Vidyd-Samuddctah.  p.  7. 

*  Sift-ftaana  at  Taldftgundy,  No.  103  (L,  Bioes  Mysore  Inscriptions,  p, 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUABY  [OoroBWt,  10 19 


LIST  I. 

Available  Manuscript*  on  VftrttA  or  its  Sub-Topics. 

(1)  Manushy&layaGhandrik&. — "  Tachchu-Sdstra,  a  primer  of  architecture  in  65  stanzas 

with  Malay alam  translation  and  notes/' 

•  A  supplementary  catalogue  of  Sanskrit,  Pali  and  Prdkrit  books  in  the  Library  of 
the  British  Museum  (acquired  during  the  years  1892-1906)  by  L.  D.  Barnett, 
p.  715. 

(2)  Mayafcilpa  or  Artisan's  Manual  by  Maya. — Classified  Index  to  the  Sanskrit  MSS. 

in  the  palace  of  Tanjore  prepared  for  ihe  Madras  Government  by  A.  C.  Burnell, 
(1880),  p.  62. 

(8)  RftJagTihanlrmAaa.— "  On  architecture."    Ibid,  p.  62. 

(4)  RatnaparikshA. — "On    gems   and    their    qualities,     etc.     Some    described     are 

imaginary."    Ibid,  p.  141. 

(5)  VAstu-RatnAvali,  compiled  by  Jeva  Nath  Jotishi. — "  A  treatise  on  house-building 

and  the  religious  observances  connected  with  it."     Ibid,  p.  154. 

(6)  VAstusankhya,  deposited  with  Pandit  Syamacharana,   Benares. — "  An  extract  of 

Todarananda,  very  rare,  complete  and  incorrect." 

Catalogue  of  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  JV.  W.  P.  compiled  by  order  of  Government,  Part  IX, 
printed  (1885)  by  Pandit  Sudhakara  Dvivedi,  Librarian,  Benares  Sanskrit 
College,  p.  56. 

(7)  VAstu-R&ja-Vallabha,      by     Mandanasutradhara.— <c  A    treatise      on      Vastu." 

Remark  ibid.    Ibid,  p.  56. 

(8)  VAstU-ViChAra,    by  Vifevakarman,  deposited  with  Gaurinatha   Sastri,  Benares.— 

"  A  treatise  on  Vastu ;  very  old,  complete  and  correct."     Ibid,  p.  56. 

(9)  VAstu-Pradipa,  by  Vasudeva,  deposited   with  Um&saiikara  Misra,    Azamgarh.— 

"Bare,  recent,  complete  and  correct."    Ibid,  Pt.  X,  p.  56,  No.  1. 

(10)  VAstu-Prakftba.    deposited    with     Balabhari     Sapre,     Benares.— Remark     ibid. 

Ibid,  p.  56,  No.  2. 

(11)  AparftJitavAstu-SAstram,    by   Visvakarman,   in    the    possession   of  Manisankara 

Bhatta,  Surat. — Catalogue  of  Sanskrit  MSS.  contained  in  the  private  libraries  of 
Gujarat,  Kdthiavad,  Kachchh,  Sindh  and  Khandesh,  No.  3  (compiled  under  the 
superintendence  of  G.  Buhler  by  order  of  Government,  printed  at  the  Indu 
Prakasa  Press,  Bombay,  1872),  p.  276,  No.  1. 

(12)  Jn&naratnakobha,   by    Visvaka$;man,  in  the  possession  of  Acharatalal  Vaidya, 

Ahmedabad.— Ibid,  p.  276,  No'.  3. 

(13)  Pr&s&d&nukfrtaiiam.    Author  not  mentioned.    In  the  possession  of   Gopal  Rao, 

Maieg&rava.— On  Silpa.    Ibid,  p.  276,  No,4. 

(14)  RAjavaUabhJhTikA,  deposited  with  Nirbhayarim  Muli.~/6«,  p.  276,  No.  6, 


OCTOBER,  1018]  VlRTTJU- THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  259 

(15)  KriyAsaihgrah&-P*fl]ik&.— "A   catalogue  of   rituals    by  Kuladatta.    It  contains 

among  other  things,  instructions  for  the  selection  of  a  site  for  the  construction 
of  a  Vihara  and  also  rules  for  building  a  dwelling-house." 

The  Sanskrit   Buddhist  Literature  of  Nepal  by  R.  L.  Mitra,   1882,  p.    105, 
No.  B.  23. 

(16)  Ratnapaiiksh£. — (<  On  the  merits  and  defects  of  precious  stones  and    jewels    of 

Buddha  Bhattacharyya.  The  articles  noticed  are  diamond,  pearl,  emerald, 
carbuncle,  ruby,  sapphire,  lapis  lazuli,  bhishma  (?),  crystal  and  coral.  The 
work  is  in  Sanskrit  verse  and  its  meaning  is  explained  in  Newari  prose.  As 
usual  in  Sanskrit  works  of  this  class,  great  importance  is  attached  to  good  and 
ill  luck  the  jewels  are  calculated  to  bripg  on  under  particular  astrological  and 
other  circumstances."  Ibid,  p.  291,  No.  B.  50. 

(17)  R&Javallabha-Mairfana,     by     Mandana     Sutradhara   (age   1578    Samvat,  com- 

plete).— "  On  architecture.  In  the  colophon  it  is  stated  that  Mandana,  a 
Sutradhara  or  architect  who  was  in  the  service  of  Kumbhakarna,  king  of 
Medapata,  composed  the  work  and  by  his  devotion  to  Ganapati  and  to  his 
teacher  and  the  propitiation  of  the  Goddess  of  Learning  he  expounded  the  art 
of  building  as  taught  by  the  Munis.  (EE.,  Appendix  II.)  Medap«ta  is  Meva<l 
and  a  king  of  the  name  of  Kumbha  ruled  over  the  country  according  to  Tod 
from  A.D.  1419  to  1469.  He  had  a  taste  for  the  arts  arid  constructed  many 
temples  as  well  as  strongholds.  It  is  not  unlikely  therefore  he  had  in  his  service 
persons  who  road  the  literature  of  architecture  and  who  could  compose  such 
treatises  as  the  one  under  notice." 

Report  on  the  search  for  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  the  Bombay  Presidency  during  the 
year  1882-83  by  Dr.  R.  G.  Bhandarkar,  p.  86,  No.  404, 

(18)  Padapavlvaksha.    Author  not  mentioned.     Place  of  deposit    (henceforth  written 

P.  IX)  Narasimhacharyya  of  Kunibhaghonarn. — "  Subject — Dohada  "  (nourish- 
ment of  plants).  List  of  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  private  libraries  of  S,  India  by 
Gustav  Oppert,  Vol.  II,  p.  371,  No.  6333. 

(19)  Vylkshadohada.  Author  not  mentioned.  P.  D.Tadakamalla  Venkata  Krishnarayar 

of  Tiruvallikeni.— Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  223,  No.  3271. 

(20)  Vriksh&yurveda.      Author     not     mentioned.      P..    I>.  Ta  akama.Ua      Venkafa 

Krishnarnyar  of  Tiruvallikeni.— Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  223,  No.  3272. 

(21)  Sasyananda.    Author  not  mentioned.     P.  D.   same  as  above, — "Subject — Krishi 

sastra."     Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  223,  No.  3289. 

(22)  Ratnalakshaga.    Author    not  mentioned,    P;  D.  Maharaja  of  Travancore, — Ibid, 

Vol.  I,  478,  No.  6161. 

(23)  Ratn&dipariksha.    P.    D.    Piehchudikslutar     of    Akhilandapuram.— "  Subject— 

Ratnasastra."     Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  320,  No.  5253. 

(24)  Ankanab&stra.     Author  not  mentioned.     P.  D,    Virasvami  Aiyangar    of   Siva- 

ganga.— "  Subject— Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  228,  No.  2499. 

<25)  K&fcyapiya,  by   KWyapa.    P.  D.  Sankar&oh&rya-matbani  of   Kumbhaghopam. — 
"  Subject— 1 Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  395,  No.  6836. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OCTOBER,  1918 

(26)  Kdp&dijalaithftnalaksbaga.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.  Mahfirajft.  of  Travan- 

oore.— "  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  467,  No.  6941. 

(27)  KshetranirmAaavidhi.      Author     not    mentioned.    P.   D.   R&jl  of  Goohin  at 

Tiruppunittura.—'' Subject— SUpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  264,  No.  2811. 

(28)  Grfhapfthikft.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.  S.  Kodanda,  R&mavadhfinapantulu 

of  Vijayanagaram.— "  Subject— fcilpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  1,  p.  646,  No.  7644. 

(29)  Goporavlm&n&dilakshaijLa.    Author  not    mentioned.    P.  D.   Arohakayog&nanda- 

bhatfa  of  Melakoja.— .«  Subject— Silpa."      Ibid,    Vol.    II,    p.   269,  No.  4009. 

($0)  Chakrafeftstra.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.   D.   Sagi  Narasayya   of  Karempudy. 
(Palnud  T&lAk).— "  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  200,  No.  2793.    ' 

(81)  Chitrapata.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.D.  Athakopachwiyyar  of    Vanamabalai  in 

Nanguneri,  Tinnevelly   District.—"  Subject— Silpa."      Ibid,    Vol.    I,  p.     440, 
No.  6426, 

(82)  J&largala*    Author  not   mentioned.     P.  D.    Subrahmanya  dikshitar   of  Chidam- 

baram.—" Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  No.  461. 

(83)  Jalftrgala,  by  Var&haznihira.   P.  D.    Tacjakamala   Veukatakrishntyar  of  Tiruvalli- 

keni.— Ibid,  VoL  H,  p.  217,  No.  3146. 

(84)  JalArgalayantra.    Author  not    mentioned.    P.  D.    Same  aa  above.— "  Subject— 

Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  217,  No.  3147. 

(85)  Devdlayalakshaga.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.  Maharaja    of  Tr  a  vane  ore.— 

"  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  If  p.  470,  No.  6998. 

(86)  Dv&ralakshaaapatala.     Author  not   mentioned.      P.    D.    Same    as    above.— 

4 '  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  470,    No,  6003. 

(87)  Pakshimanushy&layalakihaaa.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.  Same  as  above.— 

"  Subject— Silpa."    The  construction  of  aviaries  dealt    with   in  this   MS.   is 
likely  to  be  interesting.    Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  471,  No.  6030. 

(88)  Prftf&dakalpa.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.  Mandadi  Kondoyya  Pantulu   Vija- 

yanagaram,  Vizagapatam    District—11  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid9  Vol.  II,  p.  522, 
No.  7064. 

(89)  PrftsMaiakshaua.    Author  not   mentioned.    P.  D.   Mahar&j&  of  Travancore.— 

«  Subject— &lpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  473,  No.  6066. 

(40)  Prflsadalakshaw,  by  Varahamihiia.    P.   D.   B&J&   Vellariki    Venkataramasurya- 

prakWa  Bow  of  Ulukuru  (Vissampeta  Division).—"  Subject-^Silpa."  Ibid,  Vol. 
II,  p.  208,  No.  2969. 

(41)  Pr&s&d&laiiUUratek&a&a.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.    Mabar&j&  of  Travan- 

core.— '*  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  473,  No.  6067. 

(42)  ValipithalakshapA,    P.  D.    Same  as  above,—"  Subject— Silpa."    Ibid,  VoL  I, 

p.  473,  No.  6069. 

(48)  ManushyAlayaehandrlkft,  by  Anmadatta.  P.  D.  Mah&raja  of  Travancore. 
MB.  No.  1  of  this  List  bears  this  name  but  its  author  has  not  been 
mentioned.—11  Subject— fcilpa."  Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  476,  No.  6108. 


OOTOBWR,  1918]  vlRTTA—  THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  261 

(44)  Manushyalayalakshasa.    Author  not  mentioned.    P.  D.    Maharaja    of  Travan* 

core.—  "  Subject—  Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  I,  p.  475,  No.  6109. 

(45)  Marichipatala.      Author  not    mentioned.    P.    I).    Amasvami   of    tSrivilliputtur, 

Tinnevelly  District.—"  Subject—  Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  1,  p.  448,  No.  5610. 

(46)  Manakathana.    Author  not  mentioned.—"  Subject—  6ilpa."    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  473, 

No.  8070. 

(47)  MftnavavAstulakshana.    Author  not   mentioned.     P.   D.    Maharaja    of   Travail- 

core.—"  Subject—  Silpa."     Ibid.  Vol.  I,  p.  470,  No.  0125. 

(48)  M&navas&ra.    Author  not   mentioned.    P.  D.    "Sftmarip.achari  of    Srimashmun, 

Chidambaram   Taluk.     According    to   Aufrecht's  Catalcqus  Catakgorum,    it  is 
same  as  Mftriasara.  —  "Subject  —  fcilpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  31,  No.  532. 

(49)  M&nasa  (perhaps  M&na£&ra).     P.  D.  Puliga<1da  Anirachala    i»atttri    of    Kottupeta 

(Vijayanagaram),  Vizagapatam  District.     "  Subject—  Hlpa."     Ibid.,    Vol.     11, 
p.  518,  No.  6976. 

(53)  Rathalakshana.     Author    not   mentioned.     P.  J).    Archakayogananda-hhatta-    of 

Melkota.  —  <v  Subject  —  Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  204,  No.  4124. 

(51)  V  stU-Chakra.     Author  not  mentioned.     P.  1).  Raja  of   Vijayanagram,  Vizaira- 

pattvn  District.  —  Ct  Subjoct—  Silpa.11     Ibid,  Vol.  1.  p.  538,  No.  7397. 

(52)  Vflstu-Lakshftn*.     Author  not  mentioned.     P.    D.   Maharaja     of    Travancori'.  — 

11  Sv.bjecl—  Silpa."     Ibid.  Vol.  1,  p.  4W,  No.  (J1J18 

153)  VftstU-Vidya.     Author     not    rac-nth-md.     1'.     D.     Mahaiajl     of    Trav^ncore.— 
-  Subject-  Silpa."     Ibid,  Vol.  1,  p.  480,  No.  (51  H9. 

(54)  Vastu-S^stra,  by  Sanat  Kiunara.    P.  1).    Paravastu   Vonkutaraiigacharyar  of  Visa- 

khapattana,  Vizag«»pata.ni  District.-  tk  Subject     Silpn."     Ibid.     Vol.   1,    }).    580, 
No.  8239. 

1  55)   Vimdna-Lakshana.     Author  not  mentioned.     P.    D.    ArcJ  akayogananda    bhatfa 
of  Melkota.—"  Subject—  Silpa.  "     Ibid,  Vol.  11,  p.  200,  No.  4150. 


(66)  Vi&vakarmiya,  by  Visvakaruia.     P.    D.     Maharaja    of  rl'ni\'ancore.  —  u 
'Silpa,"     Ibid,  Vol.  1,  p.  480,  No.  0207. 

(57)  Silpa-SAstra,     Author    not    mentioned,     P.      D,     Are!  ukuvogananda    bha(ta    of 

Melkota.-  Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  207,  No.  4187. 

(58)  Silparthailra.     Author    not    mentioned.       P.    I).     _*nobil*.jiyar     of     Kftiiohipur 

(('onjeveram),  (-hingleput   Distriet.  —  'SSubject-  -ViJjm."     Ibid,    Vol.    1,     p.  20, 

No,  U48. 

^59)  SLacjlvidiksandhAna.  Author  not  mentioned.  P.  D.  Sagi  Nurasayya  of 
Karempuqli  (Pallia*  Talftk).—"  Subject—  Silpa."  Ibid.  Vol.  11,  p.  200, 
No.  2802. 

(60)  Pitha-lakshana.  Author  not  mentioned.  P.  D.  Maharaja  of  Travanoore. 
«  Subject—  feUpa."  Ibid9  Vol.  I,  p.  472,  No.  0037. 

(81)  Pratimftdravyftdi-vacana.  Author  iu»t  mentioned.  P.  1>.  Au/iasvitrnj  of  Sriraiigaui, 
Trichinopoly  District.  "  Subject-  Silpa."  Ibid9  Vol.  L  p.  490,  No.  6384. 


26$  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [OoroBUR,  191 

(62)  Mula-stambha-Nimaya  —  "On  architecture  "  (aco.  to  Aufrecht's  Catalog™   Cata- 

logorum.  Pt.  I,  p.  464).    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  202,  No.  2486. 
(68)  Kautttka-lakshaw—  "On  Silpa."— Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.  258,  No.  3998. 

(64)  ChatvArlmtat-vidyft     (i.e.,     forty  branches   of    learning).    Ibid,  Vol.  II,  p.    230, 

No;  3407.  The  subject  being  '  mantra '  as  mentioned  by  Oppert,  we  do  not 
expect  from  it  more  than  an  enumeration  of  the  branches  of  learning. 

(65)  Ambum&nakalpa— "  On  Silpa."   Bumell,  62  b.    Anfrecht  (henceforth  abbreviated 

into  Auf.),  Pt.  I,  p.  1. 

(66)  Ag&ravinoda,  by  Durgasankara.— "  On  architecture ."    N.  W.  564.    Auf.,  Pt.   1, 

p.  2. 

(67)  Jayam&dhavain&nasollasa,  by    Jayasirphadeva.— "On  architecture."    Bik.   708  ; 

Bhk.  21  ;  Poona,  202.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  201. 

(68)  TfcrMakshapa.— "  On  sculpture."    Burnell,  62  b.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  229. 

(69)  Mapi-parikshfl,  or  Ratnaparikshft,  attributed  to  Agastya.—"  Testing  of  precious 

stones. "    L.  131.    Auf.,  Pt.  1,  p.  420. 

(70)  MAnasftra.    It  IB  being  translated  in  the  "Indian  Architecture."     "On  architec- 

ture/' Burnell,  62  ft,  Taylor  1,  71.  Oppert  II,  532.  Quoted  by  Ramr«j.  Auf., 
Pt.  I,  p.  452. 

(71)  Ayftdilakshasa.— "  On  fcilpa."    Burnell,  62  b.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  52. 

(72)  ArAmddipraiisiithSpaddhati,  by  Gang&ram  Mahudakara.— On  gardens.    Hall,  p.  94. 

Auf.,  Pt  I,  p.  53. 

(73)  Kaideva. — This  work   may  have  some  bearing  on  agriculture. — "  On  Botany." 

Quoted  three  times  in  the  Niryaya-sindhu.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  128. 

(74)  Gflhanirupaiiasamkshepa^   c  On  architecture."    Kft&n.  6,  Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  157. 

(7:)  ChUrakarm&fclpatestra   or    BrfthmiyaWlpa.— "  On   architecture."    Burnell,    62  »>, 
Auf.t  Pt.  I,  p.  187. 

(76)  Chitrasfitra.— "  On  painting,  mentioned  in  Kujtanimata  23."    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  187. 

(77)  JfiAna-Ratnakosha.    "  On  feilpa.'1-   B.  4.  276.    Auf.t  Pt,  I,  p.  210. 

(78)  Nava  Ratna-Parjksha,  by  NAiayana  Pandit.—'4  On  gems."    Bik.  708.    Auf.,  Pt.  1 

p.  281.  ' 

(79)  Pr&sftda-Dipika,— "  On  architecture."   Quoted   in  Madana-Pririjata.    Auf.,  Pt.  I, 

p.  364. 

(80)  Mayura-Chitraka  or   Megham^la  or   RatnamWA.— c<  Indication  of  coming  rain. 

famine  or  plenty,  etc.,  from  the  appearance  of  the  atmosphere.  Attributed  to 
N&rada."  L.  2668,  Report  xxxvi,  Pheh.  8.  Quoted  in  Santisara.  Auf.  Pt  I 
p.  432. 

(81)  Murtti-Lakshasa.— "  On  the  forms  of  idols*"    Rice  96.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  464. 

(82)  Ditto.— From  the  Qarudasamhita.    Burnell,  207  b.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  464. 

(83)  Mtirttl-Dhy&na.— "  On  sculpture."    Burnell,  62  b.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  464. 

(84)  Hatna-Samuchch*ya.— "  On  precious  stones/'    Bik.  708.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p,  491. 


1018]  VARTTJL-THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS 


(86)  Lak8haW.Samuchehaya.^«On  the  features  in  imafcs  of  deitie^  Bik  411 
(attributed  to  Hemadri)^  K*}m.  12.  Quoted  by  Ftir&dri  in  D«n<*kaw> 
p.  623,  by  KamaJAkaxa,  Oxf.  279  a,  in  MMrtad^akat  Oxf.  326*  by  Khan- 
der&ya  in  Paraiurama-prakafa.  W.  p.  312."  Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  535 

(86)  Loba-Ratn&kara,— -  A  work  on  metals."    Sp.  p.  99.  '  AuJ.,  W  I,  p  546 

(87)  LohAnwa.— «  A  work  on  metals."    Sp.  p,  99.    A^  Pt  £  p  "^  ' 

(88)  Lcha-SAstra.— Quoted  by  Sivarama  on  Vfeava^atta,  p.  198.    Auf',  Pt.  I  p  546 

(89)  VftstU-NlrmAga.— '<  On  architecture."    Pheh.  9.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  568          ' 

(90)  Vftstu-Prakatia  by  Visvakarman,— «  On  architecture."    Oudh  xii  30  NP 

Pt.  I,  p.  568.  '       '      ' 

(To  be  continued.) 


BOOK  NOTICE. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OP  SOUTH  INDIAN  HISTORY.  BY 
8.  KBISHNASWAMI  AIYANGAR.  Madras  Univer- 
sity Special  Lectures  on  Indian  History  and 
Archaeology.  Second  Series,  Madras.  The 
Modern  Printing  Works,  Mount  Road.  1918. 
Price,  Rs.  3-12-0. 

THESE  lectures  strike  mo  as  an  honest  attempt 
to  present  to  the  student  the  actual  facts  as  ascer- 
tained to  date  of  the  earliest  known  definite 
history  of  South  India  without  any  trimmings. 
They  are  to  my  mind  all  the  more  valuable  for  that 
and  all  the  more  creditable  to  tho  lecturer,  as  he 
iiimself  is  a  South  Indian.  Indeed  he  has  gone 
out  of  his  way  to  state  all  the  facts — epigraphic 
or  other  that  have  come  before  him,  so  as  not  to 
allow  "  patrio'ismto  take  command  of  evidence/' 
<md  he  has  tried  to  avoid  the  pitfall  of  making  too 
much  of  epigraphical  arid  too  little  of  other  forms 
of  evidence.  Here,  1  am  entirely  with  him. 

1  am  glad  to  note  that  the  author  is  aware  that 
1  he  old  charge  against  Indian  History  of  a  total 
want  of  chronological  data  will  gradually  have  to  be 
abandoned  aa  untenable.  I  am  of  those  who  believe 
in  the  establishment  in  due  course  of  a  set  of  chro- 
nological facts  of  a  reliable  character,  in  regard  to 
early  Indian  History,  and  that  the  labours  of 
contributors  to  such  a  Journal  as  this  for  so  many 
years  will  not  prove  to  have  been  in  Vain.  In 
compiling  a  "  popular "  history  of  India  from 
the  earliest  times  to  the  latest  a  few  years  ago, 
which  had  necessarily  to  be  very  brief,  I  felt 
myself  astonished  to  find  how  very  far  towards 
a  sufficiently  definite  chronology  for  general  pur- 
poses scholars  and  researchers  had  gone  in  the  last 
35  to  40  years.  My  own  impression  is,  as  an  old 
student  of  history  of  all  sorts,  that  if  you  know 
enough  and  understand  enough  of  what  ancient 


writers  meant  to  convey  or  report,  you  can  dig 
actual  facts  of  history  out  of  almost  any  an.  ient 
records  or  writing*  At  any  rate  it  is  worth  the 
while  of  scholars  to  enter  on  the  study  of  the 
old  ocuments  in  this  spirit,  fo;  they  will  in 
time  be  duly  rewarded. 

Patience  and  time  will  solve   most  puzilos  and 
explain  historical  references  in   the  most  unlikely 
places.     Thirty-five    years    ago  1    collected    and 
began  to  publish  the  Lcjcndx  of  tfo  Punjab,  taken 
down    verbatim  from    wandering    bards,  and    ono 
>f  the  early   heroes,  with    every   kind    of  folktale 
fastened  on  to  his  memory,  was  Raja  Sirkap.     At 
that  time   no  one  knew  and  no  one  could  conjee- 
ture  who  WHH  referred  to.     We    know    now    ihat 
Sirkap  was  one   of   the  cities  on  the  aitf  of  TaxiJn 
and  that    thn     modern  Punjabi  bard  IR     still    per- 
petuating in  his  own  fortune   the  memory  of   thu 
actual  Saka  and  perhaps    Indo.Bactrian  rulers  of 
that  spot  in  the  centuries  round  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Christian  era. 

I  notice  that  the  author  lays  no  claim  to  great 
antiquity  for  the  history  of  Southern  India.  In 
tho  present  state  of  knowledge  perhaps  this  is  wi«e 
but  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  as  time  goes  we 
sli a  11  find  that  this  can  be  properly  carried  back 
further  than  is  now  recognised.  Civilisation-  «n<l 
therefore  history — must  have  been  very  old  there. 

In  a  brief  notice  like  this  it  is  impossible  to 
enter  into  any  argument  on  details  and  I  content 
myself  with  expressing  gratitude  for  what  the 
book  contains — much  that  is  of  real  value  to 
students,  especially  to  the  younger  sort,  and  much 
that  every  mature  student  can  take  seriously  into 
consideration. 

B.  C. 


264 


THE  UHXLAN  ANTIQUARY 


[OCTOBER,  191 S 


HOME  OF  KALID18A. 

IN  the  KAvy&darfa  Dan  din  contrasts  between 
two  schools  of  Sanskrit  poetry,  the  Vaidorbka  and 
the  Gaudiya  (I  vs.  40-100).  The  ten  qualities 
tflesha,  prof  Ada,  0amo*d,  etc.  are,  according  to  him 
characteristic  of  the  former.  But  they  are  not  so 
with  the  poets  of  the  latter  who  seldom  observe 
them.  The  great  difference  that  lies  between 
the  two  schools,  is  illustrated  by  Pan^in  with  re- 
ference to  certain  specific  examples.  He  fir»t  cites 
a  passage  from  the  Vaidarbha  school  and  then  by 
way  of  contrast  cites  another  from  the  Qauda 
school. 

To  explain  the  praaAda  gutia  Darwin  (  I,  v.  45  ) 
8  tys  : 


MISCELLANEA. 

A.D.  According  to  him,  rtti  means  Viiishta-pada* 
racland  (I,  ii,  7),  and  is  of  three  kinds,  the 
Vaidarbht,  Gaudt  and  the  PdftchAH : 

"sr  **r  $1$  $itf *r  qngmrr  5flr  I " 4 

After  stating  this  Vfimana  6  writes : 


The   expression  *  lakahma  lakshmf™  tanoti  * 
fragment  of  the  following  verse  of  fe&kuntala  :  ] 


The  mere  fact  that  Dandin  quotes  Kalidanti  to 
illustrate  the  Vaidarbha  school  of  poetry  is  not  so 
important,  for  ho  ie  regarded  as  a  pre  eminently 
Vaidarbha  poet  by  other  rhetoricians  to.  2  What 
JH  however,  more  important  is  that  we  get,  from 
him  u  valuable  hint  in  regard  to  fho  part  of  the 
country  to  which  the  greatest  poet  of  India  belong- 
ed. In  the  KAvyfidarfa  (I,  vs.  44,  46,  54,  60,  80), 
the  poets  of  the  two  schools  are  qualified  by  such 
adjectives  as  Qaudaili,  GamJiyaih  and  Ad&fcMhAty- 
&n(wn,  and  Vaidarbhaib  and  DGkvhinttyAh  respec- 
tively. From  this,  it  is  clear  that  according  to 
iJaii  <J  in  the  poets  of  these  two  schools  were  albo 
inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  after  which  they 
were  designated.  This  is  also  the  view  taken  by 
the  author  of  the  commentary  called  Hridayan- 
(inma  published  by  Rao  Bahadur  M.  Rat  gaeharytt 
from  Madrttd.  a  To  silence  those  who  would  argue 
thai  Kalidasu  might  as  well  have  imitated  the 
Vttidarbha  school  without  having  anything  to  do 
with  the  Vaidarbha  country,  it  is  necessary  to 
pontt  out  that  the  sense  which  we  put  forward 
here  is  also  -corroborated  by  the  early  rhetorician 
V  Am  an  a,  who  flourished  in  the  8th  or  9th  century 


The  substance  of  the  foregoing  passage  is  that 
each  school  took  the  name  of  the  country  in  which 
it  flourished.  The  poets  of  a  country  developed 
one  particular  style  of  poetry  and  that  parti- 
cular style  became  peculiar  to  that  country. 
This  led  to  the  rise  of  the  various  schools  and  this 
was  why  they  wore  designated  lifter  the  names  of 
countries.  Thus  according  to  Vamwna  who  no 
do ubt  represents  the  cumnt  tradition  of  his  agr, 
the  Vaidarbha  school  WHS  estfiblished  in  Vid»rl>ha 
which,  according  to  Cunningham,  roughly  corres- 
ponds with  the  territory  "  extending  frcm  near 
Burhanpur  on  the  Tapti  nid  Nunder  on  (he 
Godavari  to  Ratanpur  in  Chattisgnrh,  and  tim 
Nov\agadha  near  the  source  of  the  Malinnadi."  *> 

According  to  Vfimiuia  the  Vaidarlha  school  is 
superior  to  all  other  sister-schools  by  reason  of  its 
being  eamuyra-gutid,  i.e.,  possessing  all  the  leu 
qualities  of  poetry,  ojas,  pratifrda,  etc.  To  illustrate 
this  Vcmana  quotes7  the  wellkno\u»  stanza  from 
Gah  anta  w  tnahishd  n  ip^nriaalila^ 
^iiaw,"  rtc.  I'lus  quotation, 
immediately  following  the  above  definite  state- 
meiit  of  the  author,  that  the  Valdai bha  whool 
means  that  school  which  originated  in  Vidarbha, 
seems  to  denote  that  V  a  maim  believed  KaliduHa  to 
have  been  a  native  of  Vidarbha.  8  This  tradition, 
recorded  again  by  an  author  who  conies  only 
a  few  centuries  after  Kfilidasa,  must  be  looked 
upon  as  the  most  valuable  piece  of  evidence  we 
hithtrto  had,  in  fixing  the  home  of  the  grt-at 
poet. 

N.  (>.  MAJTJMDAJI. 


1  This  has  been  brought  to  our  notice  by  Dr.  Barnett—  JRA  S.  ,  1905,  p.  635. 

2  Gopeitdra  Tripurahara   Bhupala,  a  commentator   of  Vflmana,  quotes  the   following  fragment 
of  a   verse—  Vaidarbharfti-saVdarthe   KMidtoah     pragalbhate—Kdrytilarnkdrastitta,     Vidyabiiasa    Press 
Ech'tion,  p.  18. 

28.  4  Kavydlawkdra-ritra,  p.  16.  5  Ibid,  p.  17. 


Ancient  Geography  of  India,  p.  526. 


18. 


7  K4.vyMa™kara'8titra,  p. 

*  It  should  be  noticed  here  that  M.  M.  Pandit   Haraprasad  ^aatrf  mainly  depending  011  the  flem 
of  Kaliddsa  concludes  that  the  poet  must  have  belonged  to  W.  M£l*ft.-  JBOHtf,  1915,  p.  15. 


l^ftiamn,  Ul«]         ,  SlOE-LIGHtS  ON  OBOCHUND 


SIDE-LIGHTS  ON  OBBCHUND : 
An  Echo  of  the  Intrigues  before  Plaasey. 
BY  SIR  RICHARD  CARNAC  TEMPLE,   Br. 

C.QME  years  Ago  Sir,  George  Forrest,  in  the  course  of  his  researches  into  the  life-story  of 
f-\  ^Robert  Clive,  found  among  the  CHve  MSS/|telonging  to  his  descendant,  the  Earl  of 
Powis  two,  documents  in-  Armenian  (Ptetes  I  ai^J  T[).  Plate  1  shows  an  original  letter 
addressed  to  Agha  Petros  and  signed  in  the  Panjablf  character,  tw  Amirchand  "  (Omichund). 
*Pl»t-a  II  shows  an  unsigned  copy  of  it,  with  a  footnote.  "Copy  of  Mar  Mi  re  hand's  letter." 
Neither  document  bears  a  date. 

There  is  nothing  to  show  why  Clive  should  have  got  possession  of  both  the  original 
and  the  copy  and  have  so  carefully  preserved  them,  beyond  the  fact  that  the  letter  is-  addressed 
to  Agha  Petros  and  indicates  that  he  and  Omichund  were  closely  connected  in  some  trans- 
action of  a  confidential  nature  with  Wach,  a  legitimate  Bengali  form  for  the  name  of  William 
Watts,  the  Chief  of  the  East  India  Company's  Factory  at  Kasimbazar  from  1752  to  1758. 
But  a  reference  to  the  Orme  MSS.  preserved  at  the  India  Office  supplies  the  explanation. 

During  the  collection  of  matter  for  his  History  of  the  Military  Transactions  of  the  British 
Nation  in  Indostan,  Or  mo  laid  under  contribution  all  the  great  actors  in  the  drama  of  the 
foundation  of  our  Indian  Empire,,  including  Clive  and  his  immediate  associates,  and  had 
copies  and  translations  made  of  the  papers  and  information  supplied  to  him.  Among  a 
series  of  letters  written  by  William  Watts  to  Colonel  Clive  between  the  29th  December  1750 
and  the  27th  June  1757  *  is  a  letter,  dated  the  8th  June  1757,  covering  the  Armenian  document 
under  discussion ;  but  in  order  to  understand  both  the  document  and  its  covering  letter,  it 
is  necessary  to  review  briefly  the  situation  in  Bengal  at  that  period. 

The  events  leading  up  to  the  determination  of  Suraju'ddaula,  Nawab  Governor  of 
Bengal,  to  oust  the  British  from  his  jurisdiction  have  been  ubly  set  forth  by  Mr.  S.  C.  Hill 
in  the  introduction  to  his  Bengal  in  1756-57-'  From  this  it  appears  that  in  May  1750  orders 
were  issued  for  the  seizure  of  Kasimbazar  Factory,  f  of  which  William  Watts,  then  an  old 
servant  of  the  Company,  had  been  Chief  since  1758.  On  the  1st  June,  Rai  Durlabh,  the 
Nawab's  dlwtn,  attempted  to  force  his  way  into  the  Factory,  but  meeting  with  resistance, 
he  treacherously  persuaded  Watts  on  the  following  day  to  pay  a  complimentary  visit  to  the 
Nawab  at  Murshidabad.  Watts  was  seized  and  the  Factory  was  subsequently  surrendered 
by  Matthew  Collett,  the  next  senior  official. 

Then  occurred  the  Tragedy  of  the  Black  Holefend  the  capture  of  Calcutta  on  the 
20th-21st  June,  and  meanwhile  Watts  and  Collett  were  kept  with  others  of  the  Company's 
servants  in  prison  at  Murshidabad,  and  subjected  to  much  insult  until  the  24th  June,  when 
the  Chiefs  of  the  French  and  Dutch  Factories  at  Chandernagore  and  Chinsurah  obtained  their 
liberty  for  them  and  became  sureties  for  their  appearance  when  required  by  the  Nawab. 
Tliev  repaired  to  Chandernagore  where  they  remained  until  the  13th  August,  when  they 
joined  thTsurviving  members  of  the  Bengal  Council  atfrlta  on  the  Hugli,  whither  the  refugee* 
from  Calcutta  had  fled,  -  £  } 

M88.,  Jwto,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  2265-2317 
to  fttattbidftb&d,  th*  Nawftb's 


::1 260  THE 

On  the  20th  August  1756  Watts  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  locally  constituted 
Secret  Committee  of  the  Bengal  Council,  the  other  members  being  Roger  Drake,  the  Bengal 
President,  Major  James  Killpatrick,  the  chief  military  officer,  and  J.  Z.  Holweli,  the  h&ro 
of  the  Black  Hole.  Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Admiral  Watson's  squadron  with 
Colonel  Clive'f or  the  relief  of  Calcutta,  bringing  orders  from  the  Court  of  Directors  in  England 
for  the  foundation  of  a  regularly  appointed  Select  Secret  Committee,3  Watts  became  one  of 
its  members  and  attended  its  first  meeting  on  the  12th  December  1756. 

.,jftj> 

Calcutta  was  retaken  on  the  2nd  January  1757  and  Roger  Drake  rwwtated  as 
President.  Then  followed  the  attack  on  Hftgli  and  a  Treaty  with  the  Naw&b  on  the  9th 
February.  One  of  the  conditions  privately  accepted  was  that  the  British  should  have  a1 
representative  at  the  Nawab' s  Court,  and  Watts  was  selected  for  the  office.  Hi«  appointment 
wa»  agreeable  to  Suraju'ddaula,  who  Considered  him  a  weak  man,  but  Clive  and  the  Bengal 
€ouncil  judged  him  fit  for  tho  post,  "  being  very  well  versed  in  the  country  language,  andin 
their  politics  and  customs."  His  position  was  a  delicate  one.  He  was  charged  to  effect 
by  diplomacy  the  fulfilment  of  the  Treaty  and  all  the  objects  which  the  Council  had  in  view, 
such  as  complete  restitution  for  losses  sustained  and  a  guarantee  that  no  fortification  should 
be  erected  on  the  river  below  Calcutta. 

Watts  was  accompanied  by  a  native  adviser  and  agent,  a  Hindu  merchant  at  Calcutta 
named  Amir  Chand,  but  known  to  contemporary  Europeans  and  ever  since  as  Omiohund. 
He  was  a  Panjabl  who  for  many  years  had  acted  as  an  agent  for  the  English  in  their  annual 
investment  of  Indian  goods  in  Bengal,  chiefly  saltpetre.*  There  were  constant  disputes  with 
him  and  the  other  merchants  who  contracted  with  the  Company,  and  in  consequence,  the 
Bengal  Council  changed  its  policy  in  1753  and  began  to  deal  directly  with  the  producers  at 
the  various  u  aurungs  "  (factories)  without  the  intervention  of  agents. 6  Although  Omichund 
continued  to  be  the  medium  for  the  supply  of  certain  goods,  chiefly  again  saltpetre,  this 
proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  Council  naturally  affected  his  friendly  feelings  towards  the 
English  and  threw  him  into  the  arms  of  the  native  government,  especially  as  he  had  been  held 
in  high  esteem  by  '  Alivardi  Khan,  Suraju'ddaula's  grandfather  and  immediate  predecessor. 

Apparently  Omichund  miscalculated  his  influence  with  the  young  Nawab  and  therefore 
deemed  it  wise  to  regain  the  favour  of  th<|  English,  for  from  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
Company's  servants  from  Calcutta  he  cwed  every  effort  to  render  himself  invaluable  to 
the  Secret  Committee.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent  tfa#  Bengal  Council  from  issuing 
an  order  in  January  1757  for  the  sequestration  of  his  goodsJjwj suspicion  of  his  complicity  in 
the  proceedings  leading  up  to  tho  Black  Hole  episode,  but  affipitlirect  proof  could  be  found,6 
the  order  was  rescinded.  Omichund  then  induced  Clive  vKpke  action  on  his  behalf,  with 
the  result  that  he  was  allowed  to  accompany  Watts  to  MjBjbidabad,  on  the  17th  February 
1757, 7  as  confidential  adviser  and  agent,  and  from  the  iSers  of  Watts  preserved  among 
Ormt  M88.9  he  at  first  appears  to  have  justified  ClivoReonfidence  in  his  loyalty. 


3  Afterwards  the  celebrated  Select  Commit  t  tee,  finally  devflBping  into  the  Foreign  Department.. 

4  As  early  as  1744  we  find  him  in  partnership  with  "  £>eep||und  "  {Dip  Chand),  a  Patna  merchant, 
dealing  always  in  saltpetre,  the  name  of  the  firm  being  then  "  Omichund  Deepchund,"  as  the  Europeans 
understood  it.    The  partnership  was  apparently  dissolved  in  1746,  after  which  date  both  Omiohund  and 
Deepcllfed  contracted  separately.  /.  O,  Record*,  Coast  and  Bay  Abstract*,  vol.  V. 

&  Orme,  History  of  Indotfan,  vol.  II,  p.  51 ;  /.  O.  Records,  Command  Bay  Abstract*,  vol.  V,  pp.  424*425. 
6  The  part  he  actually  played  in  the  Tragedy  has  never  been  cleared  up* 
»  Orme  MS8.,  'india.  vol.  IX,  p, 


sroE-UGHTs  PN  OMICHWD  265; 

' 


On  the  ted  March  1767  Watts  wrote,  9  "  I  must  do  this  justice  to  Omidmnd  to  sa; 
he  fc  indefatigable  in  the  Company's  interest  ;  his  assistance  is  of  the  utmost  service  to  me 
he  declares  he  will  convince  the  Company  and  the  whole  world  of  his  attachment  tothei 
gervice."  On  the  26th  he  reported,  *  "  Omichund  is  indefatigable  in  the  service  of  th< 
Company  and  if  ever  man  deserved  their  favour  he  does  ;  he  is  always  with  me,  and  as  I  an 
convinced  of  his  superior  understanding,  I  always  consult  him  and  am  persuaded  he  is  sincere 
and  hearty  in  the  cause  of  the  English  ;  and  if  our  advice  is  thought  worthy  to  be  listenec 
to,  I  do  not  doubt  we  shall  be  able  to  be  of  advantage  to  the  Company  and  particulars  ; 
hitherto  I  think  I  have  not  erred."  Again,  on  the  llth  April,  Watts  wrote,  10  "  As  Omiohund 
has  a  superior  understanding  and  as  I  am  persuaded  it  is  greatly  for  his  interest  we  should 
be  successful,  I  therefore  consult  him  on  all  occasions,  which  I  hope  you  will  approve  of." 
His  illness,  a  few  days  later,  caused  Watts  great  anxiety  ;  "  Omichund  is  ill  ;  if  any  accident 
should  happen  to  him,  we  shall  miss  him  greatly."11 

During  the  first  two  months  of  Watts  's  stay  at  Murshidabad  Omichund's  assistance 
was  invaluable,  and  it  was  he  who  persuaded  Suraju'ddaula  to  allow  the  English  to  attack 
the  French  in  Chandernagore  in  March  1757,  as  a  reprisal  for  assistance  reported  to  have 
been  treacherously  given  to  the  perpetrators  of  the  Black  Hole.  After  the  capture  of  the 
place,  Jean  Law,  Chief  of  the  French  at  Kasimbazar,  endeavoured  to  re-establish  his  influence 
with  the  Nawab,  but  the  more  attractive  promises  of  the  Company's  agents  prevailed,  and 
Watts  eventually  gained  the  upper  hand.  Nevertheless,  although  the  Nawab  withdrew 
his  protection  from  the  French,  he  was  still  suspicious  of  the  designs  of  the  English,  and  on 
Olive's  demand  for  the  complete  fulfilment  of  the  Treaty  of  the  9th  February  1757,  his  attitude 
towards  Watts  became  threatening. 

Sur&ju'ddaula  had  by  this  time  rendered  himself  odious  to  a  large  proportion  of  his 
subjects  as  well  as  to  the  Europeans  in  his  dominions,  and  Omichund  now  devised  a  scheme 
to  depose  him.  The  particulars  were  first  communicated,  on  the  17th  April,  to  Luke 
Scrafton12,  who  had  apparently  been  sent  to  Murshidabad  in  connection  with  the  Company's 
business  at  Kasimbazar  Factory.  Omichund's  idea  was  to  obtain  the  support  of  the  Seths, 
the  powerful  Hindu  financial  community  of  Bengal,  and  with  their  help  and  that  of  the 
British  to  set  up  Yar  Lutf  Khan18,  a  military  adventurer  and  an  officer  in  high  command 
in  the  Nawab  's  army.  On  the  20th  April  Omichund  had  an  interview  with  "  Juggutseat  " 
(Jagat  Seth),  u  the  head  of  the  fraternity,  who  seems  to  have  received  his  suggestion  with 
favour,  and  with  the  sanction  of  Watts,  he  visited  Yar  Lutf  Khan  on  the  23rd,  when 
preliminary  conditions  were  arranged.  ls  Omichund  was  now  at  the  height  of  his  power, 
and  Scrafton  warned  Clive  not  to  allow  him  too  much  latitude,  as  he  "  wants  to  have  the  whole 
honour  to  himself  and  cannot  bear  that  any  one  should  interfere."  10  It  is  at  this  point  that 
Khwaja  (or  Agha)  Petros  comes  prominently  into  the  story. 

•  VrmeMSS.,  India,  vol.  IX,  p.  2277.        »  Ibid,  p.  2285.          l0  Ibid,  p.  2291.         "  Ibid,  p.  2295 
**  Ibid,  pp.  2324-2326.    Scrafton  was  one  of  the  emissaries  employed  by  Clive  to  treat  with  the 

Kftwab  alter  the  retaking  of  Calcutta.  He  was  appointed  Resident  at  Murshidabftd  when  Mir  Ja'fir  was 
Mde  Nawab  Naxim, 

*»  Mir  KhudAyar  (also  KhudadAd)  Khan  Latt,  called  by  Watts  "  Meir  Godau  Yar  Cawn  Lattty  " 
{Orm*MS8.t  Iiufo,  vot  IX,  p.  2299),  with  many  curious  variants,  including  "  Murgodaunyer  Cawn 
»"  (JK4,  voL  X,  p.  2405).    He  had  been  brought  to  Murshidabad  by  the  Seths,  which  may  haw 
a  oste  re«»oo  why  Omichund  counted  on  their  support* 

*  Or**  MSB.,  India,  vol  IX,  pp,  *3*6.**2& 

19  *tt  W*  ****•**><>*  »/W*p.2330. 


2*8  i  THE  INDIAN  AimOtTABY  [^r^^m^m^' 

Petro*  Arratoon,  usually  known  as  Coja  (Khw^ja)  Petrtis  (Petrose)  was  an  important 
Armenian  merchant,  whose  brother  Grigor  Ateatoon  (Oorgfn  Khan)  was  a  general  of  Iflr  • 
K&sim. 17  He  had  resided  in  Calcutta  shice  1748  and  had  rendered  valuable  service  to  the 
English  at  the  time  of  its  capture  and  in  the  negotiations  following  its  recapture.  He  seems 
to  have  accompanied  Watts  and  Omiohund  to  Murshidabad,  as  he  is  mentioned  in  a  letter 
of  the  18th  February,  immediately  after  their  arrival, li  and  subsequent  lettters  show  him 
to  have  been  employed  as  an  emissary  by  both  Watts  and  the  Nawab.  On  the  24th  April 
1757,  Mir  Ja'fir, !»  Suraju'ddaula's  Bakhshi  or  Paymaster  General,  who  had  previously  agreed 
to  countenance  Yar  Lutf  Kh&n's  pretensions  but  had  since  been  approached  by  the  S«th» 
as  a  more  suitable  candidate,  sent  for  Petros lo  and  desired  him  to  tell  Watts  that  he  could 
secure  the  adhesion  of  the  Naw&b's  chief  officers  in  support  of  his  own  claims  if  these  were 
put  forward.  "  This  scheme/'  Watts  considered,  "  more  feasible  than  the  other  "  S1  and  he 
urged  its  adoption  by  Clive,  who  readily  acquiesced,  since  he  was  doubtful  of  the  wisdom  of: 
setting  up  BO  comparatively  unimportant  a  man  as  Yar  Lutf  Khan,  while  Mir  Ja'fir,  brother- 
in-law  of  the  late  Nawab  Governor,  '  Alivardi  Khan,  was  a  personage  of  weight  and 
influence. 

This  change  of  candidates  placed  Omichund  in  an  awkward  position,  for  he  could  not 
hope  to  have  any  ascendancy  over  Mir  Ja'fir,  the  Seths'  nominee,  and  he  therefore  seems  to 
have  determined  to  get  what  he  could  out  of  the  Nawab  and  at  the  same  time  to  revenge 
himself  en  both  the  Seths  and  the  British  for  overriding  his  support  of  Yar  Lutf  Khan. 
Ranjtt  Rai,  the  Seths'  broker,  was  pressing  the  Nawab  for  the  payment  to  his  clients  of  a 
sum  agreed  on  by  the  Treaty  of  the  9th  February,  and  Omichund  seized  the  opportunity 
to  suggest  that  if  negotiations  were  conducted  solely  through  him,  the  Nawab  might  evade* 
this  and  other  obligations.  Suraju'ddaula  accordingly  flouted  Ranjft  Rai  and  ordered  a 
large  sum  of  money  .to  be  paid  to  Omichund  in  consideration  of  his  advice.  Such  conduct 
naturally  roused  the  anger  .of  the  Seths,  who  not  only  declined  to  be  associated  with  Omiohund 
but  used  all  their  influence  to  set  Mir  Ja'fu;  against  him. 

Watts,  however,  showed  no  distrust  of  Omiohund  until  the  14th  May.  On  that  day,*8 
In  reply  to  a  letter  of  the  8th,  in  which  Clive  had  suggested  that  an  ample  reward  should  be 
granted  to  the  agent  for  his  services,  Watts  strongly  opposed  a  proposition  "  to  give  Omichund 
5  per  cent,  on  whatever  money  he  may  receive  on  the  new  contract,"  and  added,  "  As  I 
by  no  means  think  he  merits  such  a  fav6ur  or  has  acted  so  disinterested  a  part  as  I  once 
imagined,  I  have  not  mentioned  the  5  per  cent,  to  him."  To  support  his  attitude,  Watts 
gave  the  details  that  had  recently  come  to  his  knowledge  of  the  trick  played  on  Ranjft  RJfci 
narrated  above,  together  with  other  proofs  of  overreaching  duplicity,  greed  and  general 
untrustworthiness  ota  the  part  of  Omichund.11  Three  days  later  Watts,  again  wrote  to 
Clive,  repeating  his  distrust  and  reporting  an  interview,  detrimental  to  the  Interests  of  lOr 
Ja'fir,  that  Omiohund  had  had  with  the  N%w&b.  In  this  letter  Watts  charges  his  former 
coiifidant  with  dishonesty,  calls  him  a  liar,  and  winds  up  with,  "  I  have  learnt  many 
particulars  relating  to  Omichund  too  tedious  to  mention  at,  present;  but  they  will  astonish. 

*  Son-in-law  of  Mtr  Jft'fir  end  the  second  Nawtbttfedm. 

»  Orm*  MSB..  India,  *ol  IX,  p.  *W, 

»  Afte&ard*  the  ft*t  N»w*b  Nfcdm  ^  Sen^  «ppoin  tod  by  th«  Bn^bh. 

»  Orme  JT&&.  India,  vol.  XX,  p.  WOL 

11  Op.  oft*  toe.  o#«  i '     Al        •       '  "'  *  -  "<     •' 

«  HID,  stngM  in  rut  jr.  wi  n,  TO.  aw-wi.  «i&.  A,**.  <*• 


SIDE-LIGHTS  ON  QMIOHUND 

OB  the  20th  May,  in  a  poetsoript  to  another  letter  to  Clive,  he  remarks,  "  We  are 
deceived  and  Omiohund  is  a  villain,  but  this  to  yourself."  w  .  .' 

Watts  now,  as  far  as  possible,  employed  Petros  in  the  room  of  Omichund,  though 
he  was  careful  not  to  arouse  the  suspicions  of  the  latter.  Petros  was  thus  the  principal 
go-between  in  the  negotiations  with  Mir  Ja'fir,  who  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Omiohund, 
Whom  he  styled  "  an  intriguing  Gentoo  [  Hindu]  without  fortitude  or  honesty."  16  But 
dive  considered  it  dangerous  to  oppose  him  openly,  although  he  had  by  this  time  the  lowest 
opinion  of  him.  * 

Having  regard,  therefore,  to  what  was  looked  on  as  Omichund's  treacherous  nature, 
two  treaties  with  Mir  Ja'fir  were  drawn  up  :  a  false  one  containing  a  clause  providing  him 
with  A  substantial  gratuity,  and  another,  the  true  one,  omitting  any  mention  of  him.**  Watts 
was  instructed  to  flatter  Omiohund  and  lull  any  doubts  that  he  might  express  by  telling 
him  that  the  Select  Committee  were  "  infinitely  obliged  to  him  "  for  the  pains  he  had  taken 
*'  to  aggrandize  the  Company's  affairs,"  and  further,  "  that  his  name  will  be  greater  in 
England  than  ever  it  was  in  India."  a»  In  reply,  Watts  wrote,  on  the  23rd  May,  "We 
[  Luke  Scrafton  and  himself]  shall  either  deceive  Omichund  as  you  mention,  or  pretend  to 
have  dropt  the  scheme  and  leave  him  intirely  out  of  the  secret,  whichever  on  consultation  we 
judge  the  most  secure/'30 

Watts,  Omichund  and  Petros  were  all  this  time  wtill  in  Mnrshidabad,  from  whence 
Watts  was  anxious  to  escape  to  Calcutta  before  Suraju'ddaula  could  become  aware  of  the 
plot  to  depose  him.  But  in  consequence  of  Omichund's  intrigues  with  the  Naw&b  and  his 
officers,  it  was  necessary  to  induce  the  former  to  depart  before  the  others,  and  he  was 
persuaded  to  set  out  for  Calcutta  with  Scrafton  on  the  30th  May.  On  the  way  down,  however, 
he  managed  an  interview  with  Rfii  Durlabh  at  Plassey  (Palasi,  eight  miles  from  Murshid&bad) 
during  which  Watts  surmised  that  he  disclosed  the  conspiracy  with  Mir  Ja'fir,  while  he 
•himself  got  the  first  inkling  of  the  contents  of  the  false  treaty.  8l 

On  the  3rd  June  Omar  (Aumee,  'Umr)  Beg,  Mir  Ja'fir  'B  confidential  agent,  was 
provided  with  copies  of  both  treaties  for  his  master's  inspection,  and  on  the  5th  Petros  took 
Watts  concealed  in  a  dooley  to  the  palace  of  Mir  Ja'fir  at  Murshid&b&d,  and  there  the  real 
treaty,  drafted  by  the  Select  Committee,  was  signed.  8a  Watts  effected  his  escape  a  week 
later,  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  June,  and  it  was  during  this  period  that  the  Armenian 
document,  the  subject  of  this  paper,  was  received  and  transmitted  to  Clive. 

Prom  the  evidence  available,  the  letter  in  question  could  not  have  been  written  before 
Owichund  left  MurshiddMd  on  the  30th  May  1757,  or  after  the  8th  June,  the  date  of  a  letter 

}  \Watts  to  Clive  mentioning  its  receipt. 

^i  *    'On  the   6th  June   Clive  wrote  from  the  French  Gardens  (  Calcutta  )   to  Watts  at 
Murshidftb&d  :M     "  You  assured  Mr.  Scrafton,  that  Omychimd  once  gone,  you  had  no 


M88.9  India,  vol.  IX,  pp.  2309-2310.  »  Ibid,  p.  2310. 

M  Orme,  History  of  Jn&utan,  voL  II,  p.  150.  "  Orme  MSS.,  India,  vol.  X,  p.  2416, 

B  The  exact  data  whan  the  false  treaty  was  shown  to  Omiohund  and  when  he  found  that  he  had 
been  duped  do  not  appear  in  the  Record*  now  available,  but  according  to  Orme  (History,  vol.  II,  pp. 
158-  159)  the  first  inkling  Omiohund  had  of  the  false  treaty  was  during  a  visit  to  Rai  Durlabh  on  the  night 
of  the  90th  May,  and  he  Ent  taw  it  on  the  10th  June  through  bribing  a  scribe  (Ibid,  p.  163),  and  wm» 
told  of  the  real  treaty  by  dive  and  Sorafton  on  the  30th  June  (ibid,  pp.  ISM  82), 

»  Orm*  M88.9  India,  voL  X,  p.  2415.  »  Ibid,  vol.  IX,  p.  2415, 

»  Ibid,  vol.  IX,  p.  2313  ;  Orme,  History,  vol.  II,  p.  159.  ? 

«  Of**  JfAA,  India,  vol.  IX  PP.  1313-2314.  «  Hill,  Bengal  in  173647.  vol.  U,   p, 


270  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


further  obstacle  to  a  conclusion,  then  why  this  delay  I  Swdy  youaafc  ijeeeivea 
you  employ,  or  you  have  been  deceiving  me,  and  all  yourwmwa*  to  get  away  Qmyotaw4 
The  affair  [of  the  conspiracy  to  depose  Suritfu'ddaula]  is  now  publiekly  talked  of,  attd  if  J* 
does  not  take  place  within  a  short  time  after  the  receipt  of  this,  I  will  set  it  aside,  being 
determined  not  to  undertake  it  in  the  Rains." 

Watts  replied,  on  the  8th  June,  vindicating  himself  from  Olive's  accusations  :  M 
"  I  have  not  been  duped  as  you  must  know  by  this  time,  and  be  convinced  Omichund  had 
been  the  occasion  of  the  delay.  As  a  further  proof  I  inclose  you  Copy  and  translate  of  a 
letter  from  him  to  Petrus  [  Khw&ja  Petros  ].  Please  to  send  for  Petrus's  brother  [Grigor 
Arratoon]  and  ask  him  upon  oath  if  Omichund  did  not  dictate  and  he  write  such  a  letter  to . 
his.  brother.  If  this  will  not  satisfy  you,  and  Omichund's  address  has  more  weight  than  my 
proofs,  I  will  send  you  the  original  letter  with  his  own  signing.  Let  me  beg  of  you  to  comply 
with  this  "request  not  to  divulge  what  I  have  inclosed  or  wrote  you  to  Omiohund,  till  I  am 
in  a  place  of  security,  as  he  is  implacable  in  his  resentments,  and  may  be  induced  to  discover 
every  thing  by  writing  up  here  in  order  to  sacrifice  Petrus  and  me  to  his  resentment.  Thfr 
Nabob  and  Meer  Jaffier  are  at  open  variance,  and  it's  apprehended  troubles  between  them 
will  soon  ensue ;  the  latter  is  supported  by  Laittee,  Roydullub,  Juggutseat  w  and  others, 
but  of  this  I  shall  write  you  more  certainly  in  the  evening/' 

The  only  document  that  Watts  appears  to  have  enclosed  to  Olive  on  the  8th  June 
was  the  copy  (Plate  II)  of  the  Armenian  letter,  and  finding  his  mistake,  he  wrote  again  on 
the  llth,  sending  the  translation,  and  no  doubt  the  original.  This  accounts  for  the  original, 
the  copy  and  the  translation  being  all  three  in  Olive's  possession,  and  the  first  two  being 
handed  down  to  his  descendant. 

Watts's  letter  of  the  llth  June36,  written  on  the  day  before  he  left  Murshid&b&d, 
runs  as  follows : — 

"  I  have  this  moment  received  yours  of  the  10th.  Meer  Jaffeir  and  the  Nabob 
continue  with  their  forces  armed  night  and  day ;  Roydullub  is  faithful.  Many  Jemidars  « 
have  sworn  to  join  Meer  Jaffipr  in  case  of  an  attack.  Upon  it's  appearing  that  you  favour 
Meer  Jaffeir's  cause,  I  imagine  the  Nabob  will  be  deserted  by  most  of  his  people,  and  you 
will  have  little  else  to  do  than  the  trouble  of  a  march.  As  we  hourly  run  the  risque  of  a 
discovery  and  of  course  being  then  at  least  made  prisoners,  and  as  there  is  no.  depending 
upon  the  arrival  of  Cossids  «•,  your  last  being  3  days  in  the  way,  if  I  do  not  hear  from  you 
to  morrow,  I  am  determined  to  set  out  the  nert  day.  We  are  already  suspected  of  wanting 
to  run  away ;  this  the  whole  town  talk  of.  Meer  Jaffier  has  sent  to  me  to  get  away  %  '<nn 
as  possible.  This  incloses  Omichund's  letter  to  Peforus."  yAI 

The  enclosure  is  in  reality  a  free  translation  oi  a  part  of  the  Armenian  letter  undei 
discussion,  no  doubt  given  to  Watts  by  Petros  himself. 

w  Orme  MSS.,  India,  voL  IX,  p.  2816.  I  give  below  reasons  for  identifying  Grigor  Arratoon  a* 
the  "  brother  "  motioned,  though  of  course  there  may  have  been  other*. 

85  These  name*  are  YAr  Lutf  KhAn  Lit!,  RAi  Durkbh  and  Jagat  Seth,  the  chief  of  the  Sethi.  The 
But  two  were  with  SuiAju'4dau!a'«  fowe*  at  Plawey  (23rd  June  1757),  tat  reftued  to  flght,  which 
•apporta  the  statement  in  Watt*1 *  tetter* 

*  Orme  MSB.,  India,  voL  IX,  *  W17. 
n  Jemadar  (^'ddr),inilit^ 

*  Co«dd  (f  Art* ), 


SIDE-tlOHTS  ON  OMICHUND  271 


"  Omiehund's  compliments  to  Petrus.  There's  letters  gone  for  Mr.  Watts  to  forbid 
lite  coming  down  'till  permission  is  given  from  hence.  You  and  I  are  one.  Let  us  consider 
what  is  for  our  own  interest  and  act  so  as  to  make  it  pass  that  we  have  had  the  whole 
management  of  this  affair.  If  our  friend  is  not  set  out,  keep  him  a  few  days  ;  affairs  are  not 
yet  settled  here  ;  hereafter  I  will  write  you  the  particulars.  You  have  a  good  understanding 
therefore  there's  no  occasion  to  write  you  much.  Our  HUCCBHR  depends  upon  each  other. 
All  my  hopes  are  in  you." 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  discuss  the  document  itself,  and  I  begin  with  a  translitera- 
tion thereof,  followed  by  a  translation  and  a  free  rendering. 

Transliteration  and  Notes  by  Mr.  A?.  M.  Gregory. 

(PLATES  I   AND  II.) 

Aminapaitsar  Sahapi   SAh&p  »•  '  Aghft  *«   Petros. 

Arz11  lini  viragrialin  ghullu^human42    wor  minohi  walchtas4^   Sahapltzas  shenorhA 
ohunemq.     Shw&t  fikrmandamq  u  nienq,  yev  Amirchaiidin^   gholan  lasitzi  yoki  Oaurthf 
Sahapis  haghighatan  **    khartzrt. 

Asatz  '  qanf  qalamos'*7  :  asatz  '  wor  griem  '  Ainirchandan.  Sah&pis  gliullughftman 
bandagl  *8  uni.  Asuma  thae  teghaes  Wachin  4B  gi-etzin,  tliae  mlnch!  inonq  grenq  wooh, 
mochov  ghuo  woch. 

Menatz  yes  dfi   min  amq.  Inch   miez  lev  llni  aryes.    Lev  mardi  :  w»  deran  hram&nn  51 
wo\-hch  minchi  virchan  myernu-    Ycv  hramanotz  tanitzan  khathir  jam  ™  katzir  yes  togli  sam. 
Ye7en  baryekaman  wor    hraman6tz  khet   gol^tza,    yekela   bharfya    thae    woch,  qani  or 
het&tznes;   zira  w    dher^vas   teghas    maslahatan    rA   ohi    yelel.  Maslahatan   llnf   hakutz 
lazumin56  kogriem  hramanotz. 

83  Ar.-Pers.,  gdhib-i-sdhibdn,  lord  of  lorda. 

«o  Turki,  Aghft,  a  groat  nobleman,  lit.,  older  brother. 

u  Ar.-Pers.7'a>V  a  petition,  a  respectful  request  :  *  bo  it  humbly  known.' 

«  Turki,  ?MU£9,  service  (qul,  ftlave.    Urdu,  quit,  servant)  ;  4  in  your  service,  to  you.' 

43  Ar.-Pers.,  waqt,  time. 

44  Ar.-Per8.,  fiknnand,  anxious. 

45  Amirchand,  correct  Panjabi  form  of  the  wellknown  name  Omichuml. 

46  Ar.-Pers,,  1w,qlqatt  real  Htaie  of  tiffairs,  the  truth. 

47  Ar.  -Pers.,  kaldm,  words. 

48  Pers.  bandagi,  service,  devotion  :  compliments. 

4«  Wachln,  to  Wftch,  Bengali  form  of  the  naino  of  Mr.  William  Watts,  Chief  at  KasimbAzAr. 

»  Pers.,  mardi,  manliness,  boldness. 

•M  In  the  original  letter,  between  the  first  word  of  the  eighth  line,  mdrdi,  and  the  fourth  word 
<vokheht  there  are  two  contractions,  replaced  in  the  copy  by  aiyei,  the  fourth  word  in  the  eighth  line,  mean- 
ing  to  do  or  perform,  which  makes  sense,  but  does  not  at  all  convey  the  meaning  of  the  original,  aa 
the  contractions  for  which  it  IB  substituted,  derdn  hramdnn,  mean  "  the  management." 

W  Ar.-Pers.,  khdtirjam'a,  tranquil,  at  ease. 

»  Turki,  zird,  because. 

M  Ar.-Pera.,  majtote^  a^"1.  twuisaotion,  deUberation. 
u,  Jdrim,  necessary  expedient. 


y®     '    :  ';•  '  '  ^--^^ 


grielaD  lazu*  obi,  4*  fcffctoAnqad  dfcift  *7  mirdte:  *«' 
hr&xn*n6*zn&  yev  fcr&mto&tz  leva*  ton*.    Im  kull  69  bftn&n  hr&mftn«t* 
thoghel    Zidftwooh^ 

Addition  to  the  Copy  (Plate.  II). 
Marmirchadin  «»  grin  n&ghlan.** 


Translation  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Gregory. 
To  the  most  illustrious  S&hibs,  Agha  Petros. 

Be  it  humbly  known  in  the  service  of  him  to  \*hom  the  above  is  written,  that  up  to  the 
present  time  we  have  no  fovour  [  letter]  from  the  S&hib.  We  are  very  anxious,  and  hearing 
>f  Amirchand's  arrival  I  came  to  the  Pavilion  ;  °5  I  enquired  into  the  real  state  of  thing* 
A  out  the  Sahib. 

Amircharid  told  me  to  ^rite  thege  few  \v6rds.  Ho  sends  his  compliments  of  devotion 
n  the  service  of  the  S&hib.  He  says  that  they  have  written  to  W&ch  from  here  that  so 
ong  as  we  do  not  write,  no  one  is  to  come. 

It  remains  that  you  and   I  are  one.      What  is  good  for  us,  do  that.     Be  thoroughly 

aanly,  so  that  the  management  of  everything  is  ours  till  the  end.  And  be  tranquil  rbout 

'our  home.     And  if  the  friend  who  is  to  come  with  you  has  arrived,  whether  it  is  good 

>r  not,  delay  him  for  a  few  days,   as  deliberations  here  are  not  yet.      Deliberations  over, 

will  write  to  you  tomorrow  what  is  necessary. 

It  is  not  expedient  to  write  details  of  oircumstances,  because  you  are  a  wise  man 
md  because  my  advantage  is  yours  and  yours  mine.  My  whole  affair  I  leave  open  to 

/our  inclination.    No  more. 

7  AMlRCHAND. 

(Addition  to  the  copy.) 

Copy  of  Mar  Mirchand's  letter. 


Fret  tendering. 
Co  Agha  Pctros. 

We  have  had  no  letter  from  you  up  to  the  present  and  have  become  very  anxious, 
Q  Bearing  of  Amirchand's  arrival,  T  came  to  the  Pavilion  (Gaurthi)  to  enquire  into  the 
eal  facts  about  you.  *  ';  : 

Amuchand  has  told  me  to  write  to  you  lor  him.  He  sends  has  compliments  and  says 
,hat  Wach  (Watts)  has  been  written  to,  to  say  that  no  one  is  to  aotiae  until  he  hears  from  us. 

*G  Hindi,  Wurd,  details.  *7  Peru.,  ddndfvr.i*v.  tljfM^J&gi.,  tnard,  a  man. 

53  Ar.-FerB.,  kull,  all,  entire.  *>  Ar.-4«^^^  inclination. 

•i  Ar.-Fera,  *i4da,  the  ordinary  shortened  ending  of  a  Persian^  M-feharnmadftn  tetter  in  India, 
zidda  Jiadd-i-adab,  more  would  be  the  limit  of  respect :  *  your  obedici^^&yit'  In  the  original  but  not 
in  the  copy,  just  above  the  last,  word  zidd,  there  appear*  the  Arme^p||piir  cha  with  two  marks  to  the 
left  of  it,  which  no  doubt  represent  the  letter  tm,  so  that  the  word  ^)gM  read  woch,  •  nothing.*  A  usual 
ending  to  Armenian  letters  in  India  at  that  period  was  zidu  icoch  *  n^mbre,'  in  imitation  of  the  Persian 
ending  above  mentioned. 

62  The  signature  is  m  PanjAbt  characters,  but  the  last  three  signs  are  not  at  all  clearly  written. 
However,  as  Anitrchand  is  a  common  Panjabt  name,  they  no  doubt  are  meant  for  r-c&*4,  »'•<?.,  rchand, 
with  the  bindt>  n»  omitte4. 

e^  Marmirohand  in  the  copy  seems  to  be*  slip  of  the  pen  for  AmtrohftncL 

ei  Ar.-Pers.,  noffc  a  eopy. 

H  For  the  reason  for  thus  translating  Gaurthi  in  the  text,  «eeii0%  p.  197. 


iqua 


Plate  I. 


Original  document  in  Armenian  signed  by  Ami  Chand. 


Indian  Antiquary 


Plate  II. 


(t  ,J|/'.;tw V.T  '.^     "*s  .yv        •H** 

.  •    '  •  /;>  -^  "^""^r  *v »  ^'^%*iuiBHf  a  • "       ,   , 

L-'^i^s^ysa^a^  v 


Rough  copy  of  No.  I. 


1018]  SIDE-LIGHTS  OK  OMICHUND  273 


.  For  the  rest,  he  says  that  you  and  he  are  of  the  same  mind  and  asks  you  to  aot  in  youi 
oint  interests  boldly,  so  that  the  management  of  the  whole  affair  shall  appear  to  be  in  youi 
own  hands  until  the  end  of  the  business.  He  says  you  are  not  to  worry  about  your  home 
because  he  is. here,  and  you  should  delay  the  departure  of  the  friend  (Watts)  fora  few  days, 
in  any  case,  as  the  business  is  not  yet  settled.  As  a  soon  as  it  is  settled  he  will  write  at 
onoe  what  it  is  necessary  for  you  to  do. 

It  is  not  expedient  to  go  into  details  because  you  know  them  and  you  are  both  in  the 
same  position,  and  he  leaves  the  whole  affair  to  you  to  deal  with  as  you  think  best. 

Date  and  Address  of  the  Letter. 

It  will  be  seen,  then,  from  the  general  evidence  available,  that  the  date  of  Ornichund's 
letter 'to  Agha  Petros  is  narrowed  down  to  the  week  between  the  30th  May  and  8th  June 
1757,  and  from  the  correspondence  quoted  in  this  discussion  it  can  bo  actually  fixed  as  during 
the  night  of  the  30th-31st  May,  for  the  following  reasons. 

It  was  written  by  Omichund  from  a  place  apparently  called  Gaurthi,  of  which  more 

anon,  to  Petros  who  was  then  at  Murshid&bad.    It  could  not  have  been  written  at  the  latter 

place,  nor  after  Omichund  reached  Calcutta,  as  he  did  not  arrive  until  the  8th  June,00  and  it 

was  received  before  that  date  at  Murshid&b&d.    So  it  must  have  been  written  .on  the  way 

down,  and  Petros  thought  that  his  brother  Grigor  was  present  when  it  was  written.0*     On 

the  3rd  June  Watts  complains  to  Clive,08  that  "  Omichund's  four  hours  visit  to  Roydullub 

[R&i  Durlabh]  at  Plassy  has  been  the  cause  "  of  the  set-back  in  the  negotiations  with  Mir 

Ja'fir.    From  Orme  we  learn89  that  Omichund  twice  gave  Scrafton  the  slip  on  the  way 

to  Calcutta,  at  Kasimbazar  and  at  Plassey,  on  the  night  of  the  30th  May,  and  that  he  did  no 

see  him  again  after  his  second  absence  until  3  p.m.,  on  the  31st,    In  the  interval  Omichund 

had  had  his  conference  with  Bai  Durlabh,  at  which  Grigor  Arratoon  must  have  been  present 

and  this  was  when  he  had  the  letter  written  to  Petros.    Rai  Durlabh,  Suraju'ddaula's  diwan 

was  then  in  favour  of  Mir  Ja'fir's  claims ;  Grigor,  the  brother  of  Petros,  was,  as  Gorgin  Khan 

a  general  in  the  service  of  Mir  Ja'fir's  son-in-law.    At  the  conference  Omichund  heard  a  rumour 

of  a  treaty  between  Mir  Ja'fir  and  the  English  which  deprived  him  of  his  claims,70  and  his 

only  chance  of  defeating  it  was  to  get  Watts  to  remain  at  Murshidabad  and  thus  fall  into 

the  hands  of  Suraju'ddaula.    Accordingly,  he  first  persuaded  Rai  Durlabh,  and  apparently 

Grigor  also,  to  waver  in  their  allegiance  to  Mfr  Ja'fir,  and  then  induced  them  to  let  him  dictate 

a  letter  to  Petros,  with  the  sole  object  of  delaying  the  departure  of  Watts  and  so  upsetting 

the  scheme  in  favour  of  Mir  Ja'fir.    This  does  not  imply  that  either  Rai  Durlabh  or  Grigor 

was  aware  of  his  real  motive. 

Omichund's  plan  miscarried  because  Petros  remained  loyal  to  Mir  Ja'fir  and  the  English, 
and  on  the  further  journey  down  to  Calcutta,  Scrafton  managed  to  allay  the  suspicions  which 
gave  rise  to  the  letter.71 

The  whole  evidence  thus  shows  that  the  letter  was  written  in  the  early  hours  of  the 

81st  May  1757.^ 

«e  Onne,  Hwtory  o]  Iiwtorttw,  vol.  II,  p.  159. 

a  g-g  -tyTatts's  letter  of  the  8th  June,  quoted  above.  Petros  n  ust  have  told  Watts  that  he  thought 
his  •  brother  *  wrote  the  letter  or  Watts  would  not  have  used  the  terms  he  employed  in  writing  to  Clive. 
Ilia  unite  likely  in  the  whole  circumstances  that  Grigor  Arratoon  was  present  and  there  is  nothing  in 
the  hbtorv  ol  the  time  to  show  that  any  other  brother  of  Petros  was  of  sufficient  importance  for  Olive  to 
mtSovhim  in  ft  confidential  capacity.  The  fairest  assumption  is  that  Grigor  was  the  "  brother  "  meant 
by  Petros,  and  it  is  not  likely  from  the  language  in  which  the  letter  is  couched,  that  the  term  '  brother  * 
mmly  meant  some  unnamed  relative. 

*  Orm*  M88.,  Indfo,  vol.  IX,  p.  2313.         \*  Orme,  Hw/ory  of  Infatan,  vol.  II,  pp.  158-150. 

•  On*  «•  **•  **  **• 


274  THE  INDIAN  ANTKJUAK Y 

The  name  Gaurthl,  the  place  from  which  the  letter  ifl  §aid  to  be  written,  is  obeowre- 
No  such  town  or  village  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Flamy  can  be  traced  on  any  18th  century 
map,  but  it  must  have  been  close  to  Plasseyand  in  the  camp  of  RAi  Duriabh.  A  contemporary 
plan  of  the  battle  of  Plassey  by  Major  Rennell,  reproduced  in  Broomed  History  cf  the  Bengal 
Army  and  also  by  Mr.  Hill  in  hie  Bengal  inir56-57,  vol.  I,  p.  cxcv,  gives  "the  NawAb's 
Hunting  House  "  on  the  river,  close  to  Plassey  Grove.  As  B&i  Duriabh  was  the  Nawftb's 
•diwan,  his  headquarters  were  no  doubt  in  that  building.  Assuming  this  to  be  the  case/ we 
may  take  it  that  Gaurthi  is  a  corruption  of  ckauihri,  through  a  metathesis  ctourthi,  such 
as  is  common  in  India,  and  it  would  then  mean  a  pavilion  in  a  garden  ( chab&tra ),  just  die 
kind  of  place  where  such  an  interview  as  that  between  B&i  Duriabh  and  Omichund  would 
take  place  at  night. 73  • 

All  students  of  the  period  covering  the  career  of  Omichund  are  indebted  for  this 
additional  light  on  his  methods  of  dealing  with  the  English  to  the  discovery  by  Sir  George 
Forrest  of  the  Armenian  letter  and  its  copy.  Both  documents  have  been  deciphered, 
translated  and  annotated  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Gregory,  formerly  of  the  Federated  Malaylltates 
Oivil  Service,  and  it  was  by  the  help  of  Mr.  Gregory's  accurate  translation  that  I  was  able 
to  identify  it  with  the  incomplete  and  free  rendering  supplied  to  Watts  and  handed  over  to 
-Give,  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  two  Armenian  friends,  Mr.  John  Apcar  and  Colonel 
•G.  M.  Gregory,  for  assistance  leading  to  the  decipherment  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Gregory  of  documents 
which  proved  a  stumbling-block  to  many  scholars. 

The  language  of  the  letter  is  that  of  an  inferior  addressing  a  superior,  which  shows 
that  Watts  was  not  quite  correct  in  saying  that  the  letter  to  Petros  had  been  written  by  his 
brother.79  What  Petros  meant  to  convey  was  that  his  brother  was  present  and  was  aware 
of  its  contents.  There  is,  in  fact,  no  indication  of  the  scribe's  name. 

The  original  (Plate  I)  is  written  in  a  difficult  cursive  hand,  full  of  contractions,  even 
of  foreign  words,  sometimes  marked  by  a  line  (pativ)  drawn  above  the  contracted  words 
in  the  familiar  European  manner,  and  sometimes  without  any  signs  to  mark  them.  The 
<jopy  is,  however,  clearly  written  in  a  fine  legible  hand,  despite  the  /Contractions. 

The  language  of  the  letter  is  a  vulgar  form  of  the  Julfa  dialect  of  Armenian,  current 
in  India  in  the  18th  century,  in  which  the  use  of  foreign  words  was  common.  Indeed,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  footnotes,  the  letter  is  full  of  Persian,  Turki,  and  even  Hindustani  terms, 
adapted  to  Armenian  colloquial  forms. 

Reviewing  the  conditions  surrounding  this  remarkable  letter,  one  cannot  help  consider- 
ing what  would  have  happened  had  Agha  Petros  acted  as  Omichund  desired  and  kept  Watts 
in  Murshid&b&d  until  Sur&ju'ddaulia  had  him  in  his  power.  Olive's  kftter  of  5th  June.  1757  to 
Watts  (supra,  pp.  182-8)  shows  that  had  Watts  failed  in  his  mission,  as  he  would  have  done 
if  Omichttnd  had  had  his  way,  Clive,  for  some  months  at  any  rate,  would  have  dropped  his 
scheme  of  deposing  Sur&ju'ddaula  and  setting  up  Mir  Ja'fir*as  Naw&b  Nftzim  under  British 
suzerainty,  and  the  world-famous  battle  of  Plassey  would  not  have  been  fought.  No  doubt 
so  worthless  a  prince  as  Surftju'ddaula  would  not  long  have  retained  his  power,  and  no  doubt 
Clive  would  in  time  have  found  means  to  obtain  supreme  authority  in  Bengal,  but  it  would 
have  had  to  be  achieved  in  some  other  way.  There  was  nothing  then  but  the  loyalty  of 
Agha  Petros  to  prevent  the  success  of  Omiohund'e  proposal  and  a  complete  change  in  the 
story  of  British  supremacy  in  India  as  w*  know  it.  The  letter  we  have  been  discussing 
therefore  Just  missed  being  of  the  first  importance  to  history. 


8*6*tfc*  fcttw  of  th»  fell  J«i*  1W7,  <n»*d  «!»*«,  p.  Itt, 


m*J  VARTTA— THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  275 

VARTTA— THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS. 
BY  NAKENDRA  NATH  LAW,   M.A.,  B.L.,  P.R.S.;  CALCUTTA. 
(Continued  from  p.  263.) 

(91)  Vfcsttt-Vtohfcra.— "  On  architecture."    B,  4,  276 ;  NP.  ix,  56.    Auf.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  568 

(92)  VOstU-Vidhl   by  Vil^karman.— "On  architecture."      Mack.    133.     Auf.,   Ft.   I, 

p.  668, 

<93)  VAsttt-Sftstra-Samarftigana-Satradhara,  by  Bhojadeva.— Kh  75.  Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  668. 
(94)  VAstU-Slromaitf.— "  On  architecture."     Pheh.  9.    Auf.,  Pt.  T,  p.  568. 
<95)  Ditto,  by  Mah&rftja  Syamasah  Saukara.--NP.  V,  92.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  568. 

(96)  VAstu-Sa  ngraha,  by  Visvftkarman.—"  On  architecture."    Mack.  133.    Auf.,  Pt.  I, 
p.  568. 

<97)  V&stu-Samuchehaya   by    Visvakarman.— "  On   architecture."      Ka&in.  6.    Auf.9 
Pt.  I,  p.  568. 

<98)  VAstu-Sara,   by  Sutradhara-man >na.— "  On  architecture."     NP.  V.]   92.    Auf., 
Pt.  I,  p.  569. 

(99)  VimAna-Vidya.— "  On  architecture."    Burueli,  (52b  .    Auf.t  Pt.  I,  p.  578. 

(100)  Vaikhftnasa.— "  On  architecture/'    Quoted  by  Rainraj.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  610, 

(101)  Sastra-Jaladhi-Ratna,    by    Hariprasada.— "  On  Silpa/1    Bik.  708.    Auf.,  Pt.  I, 

p.  644. 

(102)  Silpa-Kalft-Dtpika.— "  On  feilpa/'     Burnoll,  62»> .  •  Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  647. 

(108)  Silpa-Lekha. — "  On    ^ilpa."    A    work    quoted   according  to    Raya-mukufa    by 
Sarvadhara.    Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  647. 

(104)  Slpa-Sarvasva-Samgraha.— ••  On  Silpa."    Burnell,  62b.    Auf.,  Pt.  L,  p.  647. 

(105)  SakaWdhikftra.— "  On    architecture,     attributed   to    Agastj^a."     Taylor    I,    72, 

quoted  by  Ramraj.     Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  683. 

(106)  Sarva-ViWrlya-Yantra,    by    Narayana   Dikshita.— f<  On  architecture. "    Rioe  46. 

Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  702. 

(107)  Sftrasvatiya-SIlpa-Sastra.--4 'On  architecture."    Burnell,  62b.    Quoted  by  Ramrfy 

Auf.,  Pt.  I,  p.  714. 

(108)  AparaJitapriehchhA,  by  Bhuvana-deva.— "  On  architecture.'1    10. 1603  (two  first 

chapters).    The  work  is  quoted  by  Hemadri  in  Pari<esha-khanda.    2,  660-62-819, 
Auf.,  Pt.  II,  p.  4. 

<109)  Ratna-Dipika,   by    ChaiXtehvara.— "  On  'Silpa."      Rgb.     1022.       Auf.,    Pt.    IIf 
pp.  36,  114. 

<110)  KslitfAr«iava,    by    ViUvakarman.— « On   Silpa."     Petem   4,  32.    Auf.,  Pt.    H, 
pp.  28,  138, 

<111)  VlWakwma^lUta,— f<  On  Silpa.1'     Quoted    by    Hemadri    in   Pari*tska-kk**da 
2/817/826,827,828.    Auf.,  Ft,  II,  p.  138. 


270  TUlfi  JJNJLHAW 


(112)  Vi*vA-Vidjr«>liara*a.— "  On  the  duties  of  artisans  by  Ba^vlohtiya,'* 

(ino).    4*/,  Pt,  II,  p.  139. 

(113)  Ghattotsarga-Siichanika,— u  On  the  erection  of  steps  on  the  bank  of  a  river." 

OS.  2,  298.    Auf.,  Pt.  Ill,  p.  37, 

(114)  Pratiihtha-Tattfa  or  Maya-Samgraha.— "  On  architecture."  Rep.,  p.  11.    An/., 

Pt.  Ill,  p.  74. 

(115)  Pratisbtha-Tantra. — •*  On  architecture  in  a  dialogue  between  Siva  and  P&rvati." 

Rep.  p.  6  (copied  in  1147).    Auf..  Pt.  Ill,  p.  74. 

(116)  Krishi-Vishaya,  by  an  unknown  author.    ]The  first  few  61okas  quoted  in  the 

catalogue  are  identical  with  those  of  Parftbara's  Kfiahi-aamgraha  printed  at- 
Calcutta  (1322  B.S.),  but  the  last  iloka  quoted  in  the  same  does  not  coincide 
with  that  of  the  latter.)— "  A  guide  to  agriculture."  R.  L.  Mitra'e  Notice*  of 
Sanskrit  MSS.  (Calcutta  1871),  vol.  I,  p.  179,  MS.  No.  oooxvii. 

(117)  RataamUa,    by     Pasupati. — "A    treatise   on    precious  stones/'    Ibid,  vol.   I 

p.  205,  MS.  No.  coclxiv. 

(118)  Maya-Mata,    alias    Maya-Silpa,     alia*    Pratlshthft-Tantra.— "  A     treatise     on 

architecture  founded  on  the  canons  of  Maya!   a   Danava,   who  is   reputed  to 
have  built  a  palace  of  Yudhishthira.  ......  It  is  remarkable  in  being  less 

devoted  to  religious  ceremonies  and  astrological  disquisitions  than  the 
Manasara. 

Contents: — 1.  Architecture  defined.  2-3.  Examination  and  purification  of  the 
jround  intended  to  be  built  upon.  4.  Measurement  of  land.  5.  Ascertainment  of  the 
points  of  the  compass.  6.  Fixing  of  pegs  to  demarcate  the  spots  for  building.  7.  Offer- 
ings to  gods,  8.  Measure  of  villages  and  the  rules  of  laying  them  out.  9.  Ditto  for 
towns.  10.  Directions  for  laying  out  squares,  octagons,  &c.  11.  Laying  the  foundation 
Bind  the  ceremonies  to  be  observed  on  the  occasion.  12.  Plinth.  13.  Base*  14.  Pillars.  15. 
Stone-work.  16.  Joining*  or  cementation.  17.  Spires  or  tops  of  houses.  18.  One- 
storied  houses.  19-20.  Two-storied  houses.  21.  Three,  four,  &c.  storied  houses.  22,. 
Gopuras  or  gates*  23-  Mangapas-  24.  Out-offices,  barns,  treasuries,  ftc.  25.  Mandapa 
sabhas  or  open  courts.  26.  Linear  measure, — of  finger  breadths,  &c.  "  Ibid,  vol.  II,  p.  306. 
MS.  No.  912. 

(119)  Vibvakarmiya-Silpam. — "  A  treatise  on   the  manual  arts  attributed  to  Viiva- 

karma,  the  divine  architect. 

Contents: — Origin  of  Vifcvakarma,  derivation  of  the  word  takshaka  (carpenter),. 
vardhaki  (sculptor),  &c.  2.  Height  of  man  in  different  ages  of  the  world  ;  wood  and 
stone4  for  the  formation  of  images.  3.  Sacraments  for  sculptors  and  carpenters. 
4.  Halls  for  the  consecration  of  Siva  and  other  gods*  5.  Proportions  of  the  images  of 
the  planets  and  lingams.  6.  Formations  of  oars-  7.  Consecration  of  cars,  8.  Forma 
of  Brahmi,  Mahehvari  and  other  goddesses.  9.  Sacrificial  or  Brahmanical  thread. 
10.  Sacrificial  threads  of  gold,  silver,  and  muflja  fibre  ;  the  different  sides  where  images 
of  gods  and  goddesses  are  to  be  placed ;  qualities  of  a  kind  of  stone  called  '  Hemaiitt  r 
or  golden  stone  to  be  found  to  the  south  of  the  Mem  mountain.  11,  Image*  of  Indra, 
M&heftvari  and  other  gods  and  goddesses.  IMS.  Orowxu,  cre»t*  and  other  head-oraa- 
manti.  14  Movable  and  fixed  throne*  far  linage ;  ore»U  and  other  om»m«at»  f or  tb* 


VJLHTTi—THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  •  277 


iiead ;  repairs  of  temples.  16.  Proportions  of  doors  of  temples  for  lingams.  16.  Eropor- 
iion  of  doow  for  other  temples.  17.  Temples  for  VighneSa.  Most  of  these  chapters  appear 
Imperfect  and  fragmentary,  and  the  work  is  obviously  incomplete."  Ibidt  vol.  II, 
p.  142,  MS,  No.  731. 

(U8j  MAnaiollftsa,  by  the  Chalukya  king  Somes vara.— "  A  treatise  on  architecture 
and  allied  subjects.  The  latter  part  is  taken  up  with  a  description  of  royal 
pleasures.  In  two  chapters."  (Incomplete).  Ibid,  vol.  Ill,  p.  182, 
MS.  No.  1216. 

(121)  HAnasdlAsa-Vj4ttonta-Prakft&a.  P.  D.  Pandit  Vamana  Achftrya,  Benares.— In 
Weber's  Berlin  Catalogue,  p.  J79.  Ibid,  -vol.  Ill,  p.  182. 

(182)  Silpa-SftStra.— Palm  leaves,  Karnafa  character,  "On  construction  of  temples  and 
images/'  A  descriptive  catalogue  of  the  Mackenzie  Collection  by  H.  H.  Wilson* 
p.  170,  No.  4. 

(128)  Sllpa-Sastra. — Palm  leaves,  Grandham  character  imperfect.  "On  architecture 
regarding  construction  of  ornamented  gateways."  Ibid,  p.  170,  No.  5. 

(124)  8ilpa-&Astra. — Paper— Telugu  character.  "Direction  for  making  images."  Ibid* 
p.  170,  No.  6. 

(126)  Silpa-Sastra,  by  Peddan&chary a.— Telugu  book.  "  On  making  images  and 
ornamental  work  in  gold  and  silver. "  Ibid.,  p;  304,  No.  5. 

(126)  Pafteharfttra    Dipikft,    by    Pedrlanacharya.— - "A    work   on    the  manufacture    of 

images,  their  dimensions  and  embellishment.    Ibid,  p.  170,  No.  8. 

(127)  V&stU-Saqtgraha. — Palm  .leaves. — Telugu  character.     "  On  architecture,  erection 

of  buildings,  temples  and  fabrication  of  images."    Ibid,  p.  171,  No.  12. 

(128)  GrihanlrmdJ&a-Vidhi.    Author  not  mentioned. — Palm  leaves.    "  On  rules  for  the 

erection  of  houses,  temples  and  other  edifices."    Ibid,  p.  304,  No.  6. 

(129)  Ratta-Mattam. — "  A    book    on    agriculture.    Translated   from   the  Kanada   of 

Ratta,  by  Bhaskara,  son  of  Nagaya  and  dedicated  to  Vonkatapati  Palligar  of 
Eravar.  (Astrological  predictions  of  the  weather,  rain,  drought  and  similar 
topics  applicable  to  agriculture  and  the  plenty  or  scarcity  of  grain.)"  Telugu 
book.  Palm  leaver  Ibid,  p.  303,  No.  1. 

(180)  V&stu-Purosha  Lakshana. — "On     architecture."     Canarese   letter,   incomplete. 

A  Catalogue  Raisonie  of  Oriental  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  late  College  of  Fart 
St.  George  by  the  Bev.  William  Taylor,  vol.  I,  Madras,  1857,  p.  313,  No.  1662. 

(181)  AfcWip*t-B»tyapiya.— "  On  silpa."    Ibid.  vol.  I,  p.  314. 

(182)  Bflpa-Sftstram,  by  Kaayapa.— "  On  the  structure  of  a  Saiva  temple   in  Canareae 

letter."    Ibid.  vol.  I,  p.  314,  No.  1586. 

188)  E*eteft-6»lta-SArtra.— "  On  land-surveying."    Ibid,  vol.  I,  p.  347. 

184)  Ajtolaihitftrtha-OilntAmaiJi,    by    Malla    Someevara.— "  Malayilam    fetter.    On 
/W,  vol.  I,  p.  478. 


278  THE  INDIAN  ANTfQUAKY 


(135)  Ratna-testra.—"  On  characteristics  and  examination  of    stones/'    Ibid.,  rol.  I, 

p.  555. 

(136)  Manavala-NArAyawa-Satakam.—  "  (3)     "  Vaisiyar    ptruinai,     the     honour    of 

merchants.  The  merchants  must  skilfully  conduct  their  own  business.  They 
must  not  lay  on  too  large  profits.  Whosoever  oomes  to  them,  they  must 
preserve  an  even  and  correct  balance.  If  the  dishonest  come,  offering  to  leave 
a  pledge,  they  must  give  ttom  no  loan  ;  but  if  the  honest  come,  and  only  ask  a 
loan  without  pledge,  they  must  give  it.  In  writing  their  accounts,  they  must 
not  allow  of  a  mistake,  even  if  no  more  than  the  eighth  part  of  a  mustard  seed. 
They  will  assist  a  (public)  measure,  even  to  the  extent  of  a  orore  (of  mpney). 
Such  is  the  just  rule  of  a  mercantile  class." 

(4)  "  Vellarher  perumai  ,  the  honour  of  agriculturists.  The  Vellarher,  by  the  effect  of 
their  ploughing  (or  cultivation)  should  maintain  the  prayers  of  Br&hmanas,  the 
strength  of  kings,  the  profits  of  merchants,  the  welfare  of  ail  —  charity,  donations, 
the  enjoyments  of  domestic  life,  and  connubial  happiness,  homage  to  the  gods, 
the  Sastras,  the  Vedaa,  the  Pwr&naB,  and  all  other  books  ;  truth,  reputation, 
renown,  the  very  being  of  the  gods,  things  of  good  report  or  integrity,  the  good 
order  of  castes,  and  manual  skill  ;  all  these  things  come  to  pass  by  the  merit 
(or  efficacy)  of  the  Vellarher'a  plough."  Ibid,  p.  15,  No.  2108. 

<137)  NAvA-Sftstram.—  "  On  ship-building  and  navigation.  But  the  work  is  chiefly 
astrological.  Some  directions  are  given  respecting  the  materials  and  dimensions 
of  vessels."  Ibid,  vol.  Ill,  p.  6,  No.  2226.  The  same  work  is  cajled  Kappal 
&astra*n  at  p.  444  of  the  above  catalogue. 

<138)  MS.   No.    790f     Sec.    30    (name    not   given)    deals    with    miscellaneous     arts, 
mechanics,  building,  &c.—  "  On  the  art  of  constructing  forts,  houses,  fanes  ;  of 
settling  a  village  ;  navigation  and  variety  of  other  similar  thiflfes  enumerated  as 
taught  in  38  works,  the  names  of  which  are  given  (in  the  MS,)."    Ibid  vol  III 
p.  350.  .  ' 

<139)  Silpa-Nighwtu,  by  Aghora  S&stri.—  "In  Grantha  character/5  A  classified 
catalogue  of  Sanskrit  works  in  the  Saraswati  Bh&nd&ram  Library  of  His  Highness 
the  Mdh&r&ja  of  Mysore.  Class  XIX,  No.  533. 

#40)  ttlpa-Sdstra-BbDslialya.—  "  In  Grantha  character."    Ibid,  class  XIX,  No.  534, 

<141)  DevatA-SDpa.—  "  With  Telugu  translation  in  Ottiarese  character  "  Ibid 
class  XIX,  No.  585. 

<142)  Go-Sutra.—  Oxf.  398*.    A*/..  ft.  If  p.  169, 

(148)  Go  S*ntt<—  Burnett,  149*.    Ibid.  Pt.  I,  p.  169. 

<144)  flo-Stati.—  66th  ptrisishta  of  the  AV,—  W.P.  94.    Ibid*  Pt.  I,  p,  169. 

<145)  Govtldya-Sftitra.    Author  not  mentioned.—  *  Sulqwk—  FWfoa."   Oppert. 
p.  533,    MS.  No.  7298.  * 

KM.  vol.  I,  MS.  No. 


ViBTTl—  THE  ANCIENT  HINDU  ECONOMICS  270 

(14T)  KaHUrturtra,—  «  Name  ol  a  work  by  Vittkhila."    Mentioned  in  Monier*  Williams1 
Sanskrit-English  Dictionary  under  the  word  '  Kala.' 

(148)  Chltra-BhArata.—  Mentioned  in  Monier  Williams'  op.  cit.  under  the  word  'ohftra  '. 

It  seems  to  be  a  work  on  painting. 

(149)  VAftn-Bftfttram—  (1)  RAjavaliabha  maudanam  (see  List  II),  (2)  RQpamandanam, 

(3)  Prasttdft-mandanam,   (4)  Ltevata-mtirtti-prakaranam.  —  "  On  Silpa."  Cata 
logue  of  Printed  Books  and  Manuscripts  in  Sanskrit  belonging  to  the  Oriental 
Library  of  the  A.  8.  £.,  p.  173,  No.  I.  G.  89. 

(160)  Bllpa-Sastra.  —  A  treatise  in  Tamil,  said  to   have  been  originally  composed  in 
Sanskrit  by  Myen.    Indian  Antiquary,  vol.  V  (1876),  pp.  230-237,  293-297. 

LIST  II 

Printed  works  on  VarttA  or  its  Sub-Topics. 

(1)  R&JavaUabhama£<lanam,  byMandana,  son  of  Srikshetra.—  "A  metrical  treatise  on 

architecture  in  14  adhy&yas  ;  edited  with  Gujrati  translation  and  over  100 
plates  and  diagrams  by  N&r&yana  Bh&ratt  Yasavanta  Bh&rati  (Baroda,  1891)." 
Stated  to  have  been  composed  at  Udaipur  in  Samvat  1480.  A  supplementary 
catalogue  of  Sanskrit,  PMi  and  Prakrit  books  in  the  Library  of  the  British 
Museum  (acquired  during  the  years  1892-1906)  by  Dr.  L.  D.  Barnett, 
p.  715. 

(2)  Viftvakarmaprak&fcab.—  "  A  work  on  architecture  attributed  to  the  god,   Vifcva- 
karma.    With  a  Hindi  translation  by  Saktidhara  Sukula  for  Munshi  P&l&r&m 
and  hence    conjointly   with    the    text   styled  P&lar&m-Vil&sa,    pp.    IV,   304 
(Luoknow,   1896).    The  preface  states   that   the  work,  first  communicated  by 
Brahma  to  Siva    was  thence   transmitted   successively    to   Garga,    Par&ara, 
Brihadratha  and  Vifcvakarma."    Ibid,  p.  715. 

(3)  Bllpabastrasarasaqigraha.—  M  A  manual  of  architecture  by  Kalyana  iSivanarayana 
of   Surat.     12  plates.    (Rajanagar,    1898).   With    a    Gujarat!   translation    by 
Kaly&iiad&sa  Bh&n&bh&i  Gujjar/'    Ibid,  p.  375. 

(4)  Laghu-Wlpa-Jyotif  ha-SAra. 
(5) 

(6; 

(7)  Vftitu-Ratnftvali. 

(8)  VAitava-Vlehitra-Pra*na. 
(9) 


(10)  Sllpadhl-VrMdht 

(11)  Yuktl-Kalpa-Taru,  edited  by  Pandit  livarchandra  Sftstri  with  a  Foreword  by 

the  present  writer. 

(12)  Kriihi-Saitogral^a,  by  Par^Ara.  • 
<13)  Kikttra-PrMtoa. 

<14)  UpavanaTtooda,  edited  by  Kavjiija  Oa?an4th  Sen. 


280  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

UTORASENA.  . 
BY  A.  VBNKATA8UBBIAH,  M.A,,  Pfl.D.;  MYSORE. 

IN  stanza  2  of  the  Rigveda-Samhitd,  X.  102  occurs  the  word  Indraaend  which  to  taken 
by  Geldner  (Vedische  Stvdien;  2,  p.  1)  as  denoting  Mudgal&nl  (or  the  wife  of  Mudgala) 
mentioned  in*  stanzas  2  and  6  of  the  same  hymn.  This  hymn  is  obscure  and  the  most 
diverse  views  have  been  held  about  its  import.  Bergaigne  (Religion  Vedique;  2,  p.  280ff.) 
thinks  that  the  hymn  depicts  liturgical  symbolism ;  Henry,  (Journal  Ariatique;  1895,  II, 
p.  516  ff.)  that  it  refers  to  the  methods  employed  in  primitive  divination,  and  Bloomfield 
(ZDMQ.,  48,  p.  547),  that  the  hymn  refers  to  heavfenly,  i.e.,  mythological  events  and  not 
to  human  events.  Similarly,  Profs.  Macdonell  (Vedic  Index,  II,  p.  167)  and  Keith  ^ 
(JRA8.,  1911,  p.  1005  n).  Profs.  Geldner  and  Oldenberg,  on  the  other  hand,  consider" 
that  it  is  an  dkkydna  or  itiMsa  hymn  and  that  it  describes  a  chariot-race  in  which  Mudgala'* 
wife  took  prominent  part.  For  literature  connected  therewith,  see  Oldenberg,  Sjgffda- 
Noten,  II,  p.  318.  *> 

In  p.  1328  ff.  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  1910,  Mr.  Pargiter  has  attempted 
to  throw  some  light  on  this  hymn  with  the  help  of  certain  details  contained  in  the  Purdras 
about  Mudgala,  who  is,  according  to  the  Nirukta  (9.  3.  2.  3.)  and  the  Sarvdnukramani,  the  son 
of  Bhfimya&va  and  the  author  of  this  hymn.  With  the  help  of  these  details,  Mr.  Pargiter 
has  constructed  the  following  genealogy  :— 

Bhrimyaeva 
Mudgala 

Brahmishtha  =  Indrasena 
Vadhryasva=Menaka 


Divodasa 


And,  from  this  genealogy,   he  has  arrived  at   the  following  conclusions  respecting  the 
persons  named  in  the  hymn  : 

1°    Mudgala  was  a  rdjd  of  the  North  PaSchala  dynasty  and  yet  might  also  be  regarded 
as  a  rishi. 

2°    Mudgal&nl,   whose  name  is  not  mentioned,  was  obviously  Mudgala's  wife,  as  is 
generally  agreed. 

3°    Indrasena  was  the  daughter-in-law  of  Mudgala,  being  the  wife  or  rather  the  queen 
of  his  son  Brahmishtha* 

4°    Vadhri,  in  stanza  12,  seems  to  refer  to  Indrasen&'s    son  and  Mudgala's  grandson 
Vadhryaiva. 

5°    Ken,  mentioned  in  stanza  6,  was  the  sdrathi  or  charioteer  who  drove  Mudgalani 
in  the  race. 

Mr.  Pargiter  is  therefore  disposed  to  interpret  the  hymn  in  accordance  with  the  above 
conclusions. 

In  the  note  referred  to  above,  Mr.  Pargiter  has  collected  the  information  given  by  the 
flo*  about  Mudgala  only  and  has  not   brought  out  anything  new  about 


1  In  th*  opinion  of  ih*M  sohotaw  (and  of  ISiyftna  *!*>),  IndiwmA  it  not  *  proper  nmme»t  mil,  but 
»  oommon  name  meaning  *  Xadm^i  bolt/  This  mud  therefore  IMS  not  been  tooorded  «n  m^y  in  th« 
In  * 


INDBASBNA  281 


Although  Geldner  had  long  ago  pointed  out  that  her  name  occurred  in  the 
(Calcutta  ed.,  3.  113.  22  ;  4.  21. 11)  where  she  ia  described  as  Nfcrayan!  and  as  the  wife  of 
Muclgala.  It  is  therefore  my  object  to  give  here  some  details  about  this  Indraeena  which 
I  have  boen  able  to  gather  from  the  South  Indian  text  of  the  Mahdbhdrata  as  it  is  printed  in 
the  Kumbhakonam  edition. 

The  stanzas  referred  to  by  Qeldner  in  his  Vedische  Studien  are  found  in  this  edition  on 
p.  186  of  the  Vanaparvan  (Ch.  114  ;  23,  24)  and  p.  47  of  the  Virdtaparvan  (Ch.  24  ;  19-22). 
In  both  these  places,  this  text  roads  Ndldyani  instead  of  its  doublet  form  Ndrdyant ;  and  it 
thus  indicates  that  Indrasena,  the  wife  of  Mudgala,  was  the  daughter  of  Nala.  She  must 
therefore  be  identified  with  the  Indrasena,  who,  we  read  in  the  Nalopdkhytfna*  was  bom  to 
Nala*of  Damayanti. 

This  inference  is  confirmed  by  the  following  story  found  in  chapters  212  and  213  of  the 
Adiparvan  (p.  359ff.),  where  it  is  related  by  Vyasa  to  king  Drupada  with  the  object  of 
overcoming  his  repugnance  to  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  five  men  (the  five  Pandava 
brothers) : 

"Krishna^  the  daughter  of  Drupada,  was,  in  her  former  birth  known  as  Indrascna.  She 
was  then  the  daughter  of  Nala  and  was  married  to  the  rishi  Maudgalya3  who  "was  old  and 
mere  skin  and  bones,  who  was  reeking  with  a  smell  which  was  other  than  pleasant,  whose  hair 
had  become  white  and  the  skin  furrowed  with  wrinkles,  who  was  afflicted  with  leprosy,  whose 
skin  and  nails  were  peeling  off,  who  was  repulsive  to  look  at  and  who  was  extremely  irritable, 
harsh,  jealous  and  fanciful.4  The  blameless  Indrasena  used  to  serve  her  husband  faithfully 
and  to  eat  what  was  left  of^ his  food  (uch-chhishta)  after  he  had  eaten.  One  day,  the  thumb 
of  Maudgalya  came  off  when  he  was  eating  his  food  ;  and,  Tndrasena,  when  she  sat  down  to 
the  remnants,  unconcernedly  threw  it  away  and  consumed  the  food  left  without  any  feeling 
of  disgust.  Her  husband  was  much  pleased  at  this  act  of  wifely  devotion,  said  that  he  would 
grant  her  a  boon,  and  asked  her  often  what  she  desired.  Indrasena,  being  thus  frequently 
urged,  begged  of  the  rishi  that  he  should  sport  with  her,  first  dividing  himself  into  five 
persons,  and  later  becoming  one  person  again. 

"The  rishi,  owing  to  the  power  of  his  austerities  and  his  yoga,  accordingly  sjiorted  with 
Indrasena  for  many  years,  now  making  himself  into  five  men,  and  again,  as  one  man,  in 
Indraloka,  Meru  and  other  places.  Indrasena  thus  came  to  the  fore-front  of  pativraifa 
in  the  same  way  as  Arundhati  and  Sit  A ;  and  she  attained  a  greater  distinction  in  this  respect 
than  even  her  mother  Damayanli.* 


2  Damayantya  aaha   Nalo   vijahftr   '  amaropamah  |, 
janayamasa  cha  tato  Damayantyam  xnahaman&fyl 
Indrasenam  autart  ch&pi  Indrasenaft  cha  kanyakamj) 

MahdbMrata,  111.  54.  48-9. 

8  The  husband  of  Indrasena  is  represented  in  the  Mahdbhdrata,  4.  24,  21  as  being  aged  more  than 
one  thousand  years. 

*  esha  Nalayant  pftrvam  Maudgaiyam  athaviram  patim  | 
aradhayamasa  tada  kuahthinaih  tarn  anindita|| 
tvag-asthi-bh&ta'i  katukaqi  lolam  Irshyaip  sukopanam  | 
sugandhetara-gandha4hyam  valt-palita-mtodhajam  || 
sthaviram  vikritakarat^  <tryamaiia-nakha.tvacham  || 
Uohohhish^m  upabhunjftna  paryupaste  maha-munim|| 

'  ,  Adiparvan,  Ch.   212  ;  4-6. 

»  ek*-p*tnt  Utha  bhfttva  s*daiv««r«  yaiasvintjl 


ruav  . 

Dmm*y«nty»4  oha  mAtus  s4  vifesham  adhikam  yayau  || 

Ibid,  212  ;  20. 


•     ,     •"         .H.        - -,  v     ..-     .    ',  •  ,i;,,. -r.  «<  i 

MB  INIWA»'.*»lWJA»y^  :  ,'    ,  "•••  '::<: 'W$^ 


"  While  the  rishi  Maudgalya  thus  played  with  Indraeena,  many  yeawelapsrf  aftatfc* 
became  weary  (vyarajyata)  of  sensual  pleasures.  He  therefore  resolved  to  abandon 
this  luxurious  course  of  life  and  to  practise  austerities  (tepas)  in  a  retired  place.  On  this 
resolve  being  announced  to  Indrasena,  she  fell  down  on  the  earth  and  earnestly  besought 
the  rishi  not  to  'leave  her  as  her  desire  for  sensual  pleasures  (kama-aevana)  was  still  unsatis- 
fied. The  rishi  grew  wroth  at  this  bold  and  impudent  request  and  uttered  a  curse  that  she 
should  be  born  as  the  daughter  of  Drupada,  the  king  of  the  PaSch&Jas,  and  have  five 
husbands. 

'*  Grieving  at  this  curse,  and  with  her  craving  for  sensual  pleasure  unsatisfied,  Indrasem, 
too,  repaired  to  a  forest  and  practised  austerities  in  order  to  please  Siva.  That  god,  Jbeing 
pleased  at  the  austerities,  showed  himself  to  Indrasena  and  conferred  a  boon  on  her  that 
she  would  in  her  next  birth,  have  five  husbands." 

"* 

The  story,  I  may  observe,  is  not  peculiar  to  the  South  Indian  text,  but  is  found  in  some 

of  the  editions  of  the  Northern  text  also,  though  not  in  all.  Here,  too  these  editions  have 
the  form  Ndrnya»i  instead  of  Ndlftyanl  It  should  be  noted  that  the  wording  of  the  text  — 
Damayantyd&  cha  mdtus  sfi  vUesham  adhikam  yayau  —  informs  us  in  an  unmistakable  way  that 
Indrasena,6  who  is  described  as  Nalayani  and  as  the  wife  of  Maudgalyfc,  was  the  daughter 
of  Damayanti. 

This  story  is  very  interesting  and  confirms  the  correctness  of  Geldner's  interpretation 
of  E  V.  X.  102  in  several  respects: 

1.  Thu«,  it  is  clear  from  the  above  story  that  Indrasena,  mentioned  in  stanza  2,  is  the 
same  as  the  Mudgalani  mentioned  in  si.  2  and  6,  and  that  she  is  the  wife  of  the  Mudgala 
mentioned  in  st.  5  and  0  and  not  his  daughter-in-law  as  Mr.  Pargiter  would  believe. 

Mr.  Pargiter  seems  to  have  been  misled  here  by  the  use  of  the  word  Mudgala  instead 
of  the  more  correct  form  Maudgalya.  Such  negligence  however,  in  the  matter  of  adding 
patronymic  suffixes  is  fairly  common  not  only  in  the  epics  and  Purdyas,  but  in  the  Rigveda 
also.  See,  for  example,  ZDMO.,  42,  p.  204ff.  where  Oldenberg  has  shown  that  the  word 
Vasishtha  is  used  in  the  Rigveda  to  denote  not  only  the  original  Vasishtha  but  his  descendant 
as  well. 

As  regards  the  word  Mudgala  itself,  we  have  already  seen  above  that  the  Mah&bhAreUa 
in  one  place  (111.114.  24)  uses  that  word  to  denote  Mudgala's  son  (who,  in  1.  212.  213  is  called 
Maudgalya).  Similarly,  it  relates  in  the  Vanaparvan  (Ch.  261)  the  story  of  a  Mudgala 
(whether  the  same  as  Indrasena's  husband  or  a  different  person,  there  is  no  ineans  of  saying) 
who  was  offered,  because  of  his  zeal  in  giving  gifts,  the  privilege  of  going  to  heaven  in  his 
mortal  body  (tasarira-svarga)  but  refused  to  avail  himself  of  it.  In  this  rtpry,  the  hero  is 
called  Mudgala  (  in  HI.  260.38;  111,261,3,11,  14,  etc.)  and  Maudgalya  (in  HL  26L  6,  14, 
25,  33,  etc.  )  indifferently.  And  in  the  Bhdgavata,  X.  21.  34  the  word  Mudgala  is  used  of  the 
father  of  Divodasa,  i.e.,  to  denote  Vadhryasva,  the  grandson  of  the  original  Mudgala. 

There  is  thus  no  doubt  that  the  Mudgala  mentioned  in  st.  6  and  9  of  JtF.'X.  102  ia  iden- 
tical with  the  Mudgala  of  the  Mahabhanda,  HI.  114.24,  with  the  Maudgalya  of  the 


«  The  text,  I  may  here  note,  c*IU  Maud«^»'«  wife  a«  3/aA*H4fw^  ill  on*  pliw?^-!.  f  It.  17. 


281 


L  Ch.  212, 213  and  with  the  Brahmishha  7  (son  of  Mudgala)  of  Mr.  PargiterV 
g«e*logical  Uble. 

2;.    The  story  also  supports  the  opinion  of  Geldner  (p.  1)  and  Oldenberg  (p.  318,  n.  2> 
th*t  Mudgala  was  a  Brahmin  against  those  of  Henry  and  Pargiter  who  believe  that  he  was 
a  king. 

3.  The  story  gives,  as  can  be  seen  above,  a  graphic  description  of  the  decrepitude 
(abgdebtheit)  of  Mudgala,  a  point  about  which    Bloomfield  and   Olclcnberg  seem  to  be 
sceptical. 

Mudgala's  decrepitude  is  thus  well-attested  and  can  be  taken  as  a  certain  fact.  It  is 
not,  ^owever,  quite  so  certain  that  it  was  this  decrepitude,  which,  as  Geldner  believes,  pre- 
vented him  from  riding  the  chariot  himself  in  the  race  and  led  him  to  substitute  his  wife 
Indrasenfc  in  his  stead.  A  passage  8  of  the  Kathaka-SamJnta  (X.  5  ;  Vol.  I,  p.  130)  which 
relates  the  story  of  a  chariot-race  between  Vanmdeva  and  Kusidayi  shows  that  it  was  not 
unusual  for  women  to  take  part  in  such  races.  Indrasena,  loo,  who  was  the  daughter  of 
Nala,  a  noted  charioteer, 9  must  naturally  have  known  more  of  chariots  and  their  driving  and 
of  races  than  her  husband  the  Brahmin  nshi.  These  factn  offer,  in  my  opinion,  sufficient 
explanation  as  to  why  Mudgala  did  not  himself  ride  in  the  race  but  sent  his  wife  Indrasenfi 
instead  as  rider. 

4.  In  interpreting  st.  6  of  the  hymn.  Geldner  has  followed  Sayaia  in  thinking  that 
Mudgalani  (i.e.,  the  wife  of  Mudgala)  was  both  tho  rider  (rathVi)  as  well  as  the  charioteer 
(sdrathih)  in  the  race.  He  has  therefore  accepted  (p.  8)  Saya'-a's  dictum lo  that  tho  word  ken 
in  that  stanza  stands  really  for  tho  feminine  form  kctini.    Further  on,  however,  Sayaija  has 
given  another  explanation11  according  to  which  Kesini  was  the  charioteer.  I  am  disposed  to 
think  that  this  last  explanation  is  correct  and  that  this  Kefcini  is,  perhaps,  identical  with  the 
Kesini  that  was  employed  by  Damayanti  to  observe  the  actions  of,  a*nd  to  carry  me^ages 
to,  B&huka  (i.e.,  Nala)  in  the  Nalopdkhydna.1" 

5.  Regarding  Geldner's  interpretation  of  st.  11  of  the  hymn— an  interpretation  which 
is  not  acceptable  to  Bloomfield,  Oldenberg,  ond  Pargiter—,  the  story  related  above  shows  that 
the  sense  which  Geldner  attaches  to  the  first  half  of  that  stanza  is  quite  correct— FO  correct 

71  am,  however,  very  doubtful  that  Mudgala 'B  son  was  named  Brahmishtha.  From  the  footnotes 
given  by  Mr.  Pargiter  on  p.  1329  (loo.  cit.)  it  can  be  seen  that,  out  of  eight  /Vrfwof*  which  he  has  used  to 
construct  the  genealogy  in  question,  only  two  contain  the  word  Bmhmishtha.  In  both  these  places,  it 
is  preferable  to  regard  this  term  as  a  common  noun  (=  the  best  of  Brahmins  ;  a  brahmarshi)  rather  than 
as  a  proper  name.  The  corrupt  text  of  the  HarivaWfa,  too,  which  uses  the  word  brahmarshi  in  thie 
context,  favours  this  view. 

Ludwig  has,  in  his  ftigveda  (III.  171),  sot  down  a  table  where  he  has  shown  Vadhryaiva,  the  father 
of  Divodasa,  as  the  son  of  Devavan— a  view  accepted  by  Macdonell  (Vedio  Index,  I.  370).  Though  there 
Unot  much  evidence  in  favour  of  this  view  too,  I  have  here  provisionally  adopted  it  for  lack  of  a  better- 
attested  genealogy. 

»  V&madeva*  oha  vai  Kusid&yl  chatmanor  ajim  ayat&in  |  tasya  Kusidayf  purvasy&tidrutasya  kuba 
MW    nyamrbiat  |  ta  dvitfyam  upa  paryftvartata  I   tsham   va    .    .    .    Iwham   vft  chhetsyaxniti  I  sa 
Vtaadeva  ukhyam  agnim  abibhal?    .    .    .  || 

»  JtfoMWWfato,  Fanaparvon,  64.  2;  69.  28*31 ;  70.  18.  etc. 

10  ketfti  sArathyabhiprAyeiia  pullingata. 

**  fttba  v»  kalt  keiinl  stothir  asya. 

«  JloWiMfa^  HI,  Oh.  72,  73. 


284  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  NOVEMBB*,  191B 

as  to  be  surprising  when  one  bears  in  mind  that  Geldner  did  not  know  of  the  story  related 
above  by  the  Mah&bhdrata.  He  has  there  rightly  interpreted  the  sentence  pariviiktew 
patividyam  dnat  and  has  remarked  that  after  winning  the  race  and  thus  pleasing  the  old 
Mudgala,  the  net  advantage  gained  by  Indrasena  was  not  much  to  speak  of,  and  that,  on  the 
whole,  she  was  rather  disappointed  than  otherwise.  The  correctness  of  this  opinion  is  fully 
borne  out  by  the  above  story,  which  relates,  as  we  have  already  seen,  how  Maudgalya  was 
pleased  with  his  wife,  offered  her  a  boon,  sported  with  her  as  she  desired,  but  left  her  before 
her  desires  were  satisfied  and  thereby  disappointed  her. 

6.     In  the  light  of  what  has  gone  above,  Mr.  Pargiter's  opinion  that  vadhri  in  st.  12 
refers  to  Indrasena's  son  seems  to  me  to  be  quite  untenable. 

In  the  course  of  the  above  discussion,  we  have  met  with  the  names  of  two  women, 
Damayanti  and  Indraftena,  that  were  regarded  as  patterns  of  pativratas.  These  two  were 
related  to  each  other  as  mother  and  daughter.  It  is  therefore  interesting  to  find  further  that 
AhalyA  (wife  of  Gautama  and  mother  of  Satananda,  etc.)  who  is  also  regarded  as  a  pattern  of 
chastity,  was  the  daughter  of  Vadhryabva,  the  son  of  Indrasena  (Bhdgavata,  IX.  21.  34). 

We  can  now  rewrite  Mr.  Pargiter's  genealogical  table  as  follows  : — 
Bhrimyasva 

Mudgala  Nala  ==  Damayanti 

Devavan  =  Indrasena 

Vadhryasva  •      Menaka 

i 

i 

Divodasa  Ahalya  *=**  Gautama 

Of  these  names,  all  except  Bhrimyasva,  Nala,  Damayanti,  and  Menaka  are  found  in 
the  Blgveda. 

NOTES  AND  QUERIES 

"  A  FAQUIR'S  CURE  FOR   THE   CHOLERA."  leave,    and    bound  her  hands    an    legs    8  inches 

(Selected  from  the  Native  Newspapers).  asunder  with  a  piece  of  rope.     This  stayed  the 

^     .        o««  symptoms  of  the  disease,  and  after  an  hour  they 

Priw  of  Wales  I*land0a*#te,  M  October  1822.  Unloo8ed  the   knote.      However,   she    was     quite 

The  wife  of  a  barber  at  Etabauscee  Mobarazppoor,  iutoxioated  by  the  draft  9he  had  fcaken  and   etept 

which  lies  to  the  north   of  Kristn-nugur  if  aged  in  thc  night  8oundiy.      The   next    morning.  ^ 

about  24,  was  seized  with  the  Cholera  Morbus,  in  £ound    herself    quite      recovered.    The    Barbar 

the  month  of   Ausur.8    A  Fakeer,  who'  came  to  wanted  to  make  some  present  to  the  Fakeer,  who 

the  house  to  ask  alms,  hearing  of  this,  said  to  the  8Ojourned  there  that  day;  but  the  latter  declined 

Barbar  (ric)  that  if  he  would  permit  him,  he  could  the  offer.     He  8aid  that  any  one  might  be  oured 

make  a  cure  for  his  wife.    As  no  doctor  was  to   be  of  the  cholera  Morbua  by  that  draft,  and  there- 

had  in  the  village  they,  according  to   the  advice  fore  we  have  given  pubiioity  ^  it  £or  tbe  good  of 

of  tbe  Fakeer,  made  her  take  some  green  leaves  of  ^  pubjiCt 
Siddhy1   and  Opium   with  the   juice  of    siddhy  R.  c.  T. 

1  Referring  apparently  to  some  place  in  India  and  not  to  a  place  in  Prince  of  Wales  Island  (Penang). 
It  looks  as  if  the  paragraph  had  been  translated  direct  from  some  Indian  native  paper. 

•  A  misprint  for  Auain  (A*win),  (October).  •  SUM  =  bhang,  Indian  heap  (C«fma6w 


1018]       THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  WESTERN  CHALUKYAS  285 


THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  WESTERN  CHALUKYAS  OF 

BY  A.  VENKATASUBBIAH,  M.A.,  PH.D.  ;  MYSORE. 

chronology  of  the  Western  Ch&lukyas  of  Kalyaui  was  originalJy  determined  by 
*     Dr.  Fleet  in  his  Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts  (revised  edition  published  in  the 
Bombay  Gazetteer,  1896,  Vol.  I,  Part  2,  pp.  277-584)  by  the  help  of  dates  recorded  in  the 
inscriptions  of  these  kings.     And    this  account  was,  later,  confirmed  by  Kielhorn  who 
has  included  most  of  these  dates  in  his  List  of  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India  (El., 
Vol.    7,   App.)»   and  has   given  a  synchronistic  table  for  Southern  India  in  EI.t  Vol.  8, 
App.,  based  on  the  results  of  these  dates.    I  subjoin  here  from  that  table  the  names  of  the 
Western  Chftlukyan  kings  with  their  (initial)  dates  : 

Tailall  .............      973 

Saty&raya         ............      998 

Vikramaditya  V  ...........     1009 

Jayasimhall  .............     1018? 

S6m$svaral  .............     1044 

S6mSBvara  II  .............     1068 

Vikramaditya  VI  ...........     107(3 

SomSivaralll  ...........     1128 

Jagadekamalla  II  ...........     1139 

Tailalll  .............     llr>4 

SftmtfvaralV  .....  '        ........     11  84-1180 

The  List  of  Inscriptions  referred  to  above  contains  83  verifiable  dates  of  the 
Ohalukyas,  of  which,  however,  18  have  been  eharacterihcd  by  Kielhoin  as  slightly 
irregular  and  therefore  needing  emendation,  and  35  as  wholly  irregular.  Thus  the  number 
of  verifiable  dates  used  by  him  and  Dr.  Fleet  for  purposes  of  chronology  as  Ihey  stand  is 
less  than  half  of  those  that  are  at  hand. 

I  have  shown  in  my  book,  Some  &  oka  Dates  in.  Inscription,  that  the  great  majority  of 
these  Irregular'  dates  are  regular  enough  to  indicate  to  us  with  certainty  the  days  on 
which  the  events  recorded  happened.  I  have  also  shown  on  p.  XIJ  of  the  Introduction 
of  that  book  that  the  correct  equivalents  of  some  of  these  dates  make  untenable  the  accept- 
ance of  the  dates  proposed  by  Drs.  Fleet  and  Kielhorn  for  the  commencement  and  the  end 
•of  the  reigns  of  some  W.  Ch&lukyau  kings.  I  therefore  propose  to  give  here  a  revised 
chronology  of  these  kings,  utilising  for  this  purpose  not  only  the  45  dates  (of  £U£/.)that 
have  been  rejected  as  irregular,  but  also  the  verifiable  dates  contained  in  the  several 
volumes  of  the  Epigraphia  Carnatica*  and  the  Reports  of  the  Madras  Kpigraphists. 

i  The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used  in  the-  course  of  this  paper  :— 
JAt  for  Indian  Antiquary. 

Epigraphia  Carnatica. 


El, 

(F.)  DKD. 

(K.)  LI  SI. 
(V.)  SSDL 


Epigraphia  Indica. 


•LJ|JAgjLCIJJlJ.J.C*     JLUUAWW. 

(Fleet's)  Dynasties  of  the  Kanareso  Districts  in  the  Bombay  Gazetteer, 
1806,  Vol.  I,  Part  2. 

(KielhonTs)  List  of  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India,  App.  to  KJ.t  Vol.  7. 
(Venkatasubbiah's)  Some  Saka  Dates  in  Inscriptions. 


(V.)  BBIH*  enaasuas      o  . 

The  Euclish  equivalent!.  0i  the  dates  of  the  inscriptions  cited  below,  have  been,  for  the  most  >  part, 
2£d^  ™  •ooofdance  with  the  principles  indicated  in  myjjook   S8D1.     Of 

ewivaiente!  those  nfeST  aw  certain  (through  their  being  calculated  on  the  strength  of  rnore  than 

detail)  are  here  printed  in  thiok  type. 

observe  here  that  I  hajre,  by  reference  to  ink-imprewions,  verified  the  text  published   in 
?  oTthe  more  important  mioViptions  that  I  have  made  use  of  in  writing  thi*  paper. 


286 


THE  INDIAN 


The  connection  between  the  later  Ch4taky*8  of 
Budami  is  traditionally  given  as  follows  :— 

Satyairaya  Vija.^ditya 


of 


Satyasraya  \7ikramaditya  II. 
Satyae'raya  Kirttivarman  II, 


Bhima  I. 
Kfrttivarman  III 
Taila  I. 

Vikram&ditya  III  • 

Bhima  II. 
Ayyana  I. 
Vikram&ditya  IV. 

Taila  II. 

Of  these,  nothing  is  known,  beyond  the  mere  mention  of  their  names,  of  Bhima  !„ 
Kirttivarman  III,  Taila  I,  Vikramaditya  III,  and  Bhima  II. 

Ayyana  I  is  said  to  have  married  a  daughter  of  Krishna  and  to  have  begot  on  her  a 
son  named  Vikram&ditya  IV.  This  Krishna  has  been,  with  great  probability,  identified 
with  the  Rashtrakuja  king  Krishna  II  (884-913),  which  places  Ayyana  somewhere  about 
A.D.  930. 

His  son  was  Vikramdditya  IV,  who,  it  is  related,  married  Bonth&devl,  daughter  of 
the  Kalachuri  Lakshmana-dfcva.  No  inscriptions 3  seem  to  have  been  found  of  his  time  ; 
and  it  thus  seems  that  he  did  not  reign  as  king. 

3  In  EC.,  Vol.  XI,  Mr.  Rice  has  published  an  inscription  {CD.  2f» ;  p.  13)  which  at  first  sight  seems 
to  belong  to  his  rejgn.  This  epigraph  records  that,  in  the  year  feuku  892,  on  Sunday  which  was  the  thir- 
te^n,5l  .57  «  the  bri8ht  fortnight  of  Pansha,  and  the  day  of  the  uttartiya'na-Sa'nkranti  when  the  Malid- 

'rntn/ihiifntft.    HftvnvnAimrtvrt    ]Psi«<s**rm/i2ii^sj,»s.  I..*    r  T'«  7*~.~1.~,,  .£,/.,•  4..  ~  J  t. i__i s     _V    ji_  11  .  ... 


I 


,v.w,v.,  ,...»»»»,««,  ,v*,™,^j,w  wuvj.  LMtm.M  »n  ( ,lir  A.uuu  juuui  igu  one- uiouBanu,  j'anctayyu,  jtne  same  as  above  ?) 
made  a  grant  of  Waadyd*a»  on  behalf  of  a  tank  and  of  the  Tribhuvana  [maUal-devalaya  of  Pitiaeere 
Although  the  record  does  not  specify  the  reigning  king  as  being  a  Chalukya,  the  mention  of  the  word  «Vt ' 
bhuwna[malla]  in  connection  with  the  temple  may  be  taken  as  indicating  that  the  reigning  king  Vikra 
maditya  was  a  Chftlukya.  And  as  the  date  cited  corresponds  quite  regularly  to  28rfl  January,  070,  one  is 
tempted  to  identify  this  Vikramaditya  with  Vikramaditya  IV,  father  of  Taila  II,  and  to  infer  that  he 
too,  had  perhaps  the  cognomen  of  Tribhuvanamalla  like  his  namesakes  Vikramaditva  V  and 
Vikramaditya  VI.  * 

And  in  favour  of  such  a  supposition  can  also  be  construed  the  fact  that  the  provinces  of  Nolam- 
bav&4i  and  Kadambalige  were  always  the  strongholds  of  the  Chalukyas.  Thus,  after  the  overthrow  of 
the  Western  Chalukyas  of  BAdftmi  by  the  Rashirakutas,  wo  find  governors  of  the  Chalukya  family  rulina 
in  these  provinces,  namely,  the  Mahfadmanta  66drakayya,  father  of  the  Pandarasa  mentioned  above  who 
was  the  governor  of  Kadambalige  in  967,  followed,  later,  in  this  office  by  his  son  Pandarasa.  And  simi. 
J?irS>?ftertheoverthrowof  the  Chalukvas  by  the  Kajachuryas,  we  again  find  that  the  authority  of  the 
Chalukyan  emperors  Jagadekamalla  III  and  S6me*vara  IV  Tribhuvanamalla  was  acknowledged  if 
not  really,  at  least  nominally,  in  these  provinces.  ' 

Although  there  is  thus  nothing  inherently  improbable  in  the  above  supposition  that  Vikramaditva 
IV  was  ruling  with  supreme  titles  in  A.D.  070,  there  are  three  thing*  that  tend  to  cast  a  doubt  on  its  cor- 
rectneBs.  These  aw»— (1)  the  fact  that  the  reading  ttf  [Vikrajmaditya.deva  m  the  inscription,  seems  eo 
far  as  can  be  judged  by  an  ink-impression  of  it,  to  be  doubtful ;  (2)  the  further  fact  that,  according  to' an 
Adarguftchi  inscription  (KLISL  No.  104),  the  reignMg  king  at  that  time  waa  the  Raehirakuta  Nityavar- 
sha.Khottiga  who  was  followed  m  072  \>y '.Kakka  J;  and  (3)  the  evidence  of  numerous  Chalukyan 
ingonijtions  that  it  was  Taila  II  (eon  of  VikraifllUi#ya  IV)  who  dispossessed  the  Rfehtrakfitae  of  their 
sovereignty.  , ,  .  *  • 

These  facts,  however,  are  not  conclusive  and  can  all  be  otherwise  explained.  I  nevertheless  think  it 
better  that  one  should  wait  until  some  more  evi&noe  is  forthcoming  before  one  gives  ft  place  to  — 
ditya  IV  among  the  Chalukyan  emperor*.  * 


frag  OflRoyOLOQY  OP  THE  WESTERN  CHALUKYAS  287 


J  ?  Ahavamalla,  *ho  completely  overthrew  the  Rashrakufas  and 
beoamewlerlntheirBtead.  The  date  of  his  coming  to  power  is  given  in  a  Gadag  mecripticm 
<KUtt.  No.  140)  as  the  year  fcrimukha,  which  must  be  taken  as  the  southern  luniiolar 
Srtmukha  which  corresponded  to  Saka  895  (=A.D.  973), 

The  earliest  verifiable  date  we  have  for  him  is  recorded  in  a  Segal  inscription  (KLIS1 
No,  141)  and  corresponds  to  7th  July,  978  ;  the  latest  is  recorded  in  a  Talguml  inscription 
<(KLISI.  No.  146)  ai*d  corresponds  to  20th  September,  996> 

Among  his  feudatories  and  officers  (see  F.  DKD.,  p.  42S)  must  be  mentioned  the 
Mahfodma*tfdhipati  6&ntivarman  of  the  Matura  r'  family  who  was  ruling  the  Santalige 
,  -one-thousand,  the  Edenftd  seventy,  and  other  divisions  in  A.I>.  991  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  477  • 
p.  16tf)  ;  the  Mahfodmanta  Jfttarasa  who  was  ruling  the  Kadambajige  one-thousand  in  992 
(EC.  XI,  Dg.  114  ;  p.  129)  ;  and  the  MaUmaydalesvam  Chattu  or  Chaitayya  who  was 
ruling  the  Banavase  twelve-thousand  in  A.I).  980  (EC.  VIII,  Sb,  413  ;  p.  148). 

An  inscription  at  Hunavalli  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  T>29  ;  p.  109)  seems  to  indicate  that  Taila 
was  reigning  from  Banavase  as  headquarters  in  9K5  ;  and  another  inscription0  at  AnSgondi 
(in  the  Nizam's  dominions),  that  he  was  reigning  from  Panipe  7  or  Hampc  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Tuiigabhadra  as  headquarter  in  088. 

He  was  succeeded  in  998  by  his  son  Trivabedanga  Satyasraya,  wlio  is  said  in  an  inscri])- 
tion  at  Hiri-Chavuti  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  234;  p.  76)  to  have  been  reigning  in  Saka  921, 
Vikarin  or  A.D.  999.  The  earliest  verifiable  date  for  him  is  22nd  March,  1002  given  in  an 
inscription  at  Gadag  (KLIS1.  No.  146)  ;  the  latest,  26th  July,  1008  given  in  an  inscrip- 
tion at  Manawalli  (KL1SI.  No.  148). 

He  was  succeeded  in  about  1009  by  Vikramaditya  V  Triblmvanamalla,  eldest  son  of 
his  brother  Dasavarman  or  Yasovarman.  The  earliest  verifiable  date  for  this  Vikrama- 
ditya is  10th  October,  1010  given  in  an  inscription  at  Nelluru  (EC.  VIII,  Sb*  471  ;  p.  156)  ; 
the  latest,  29th  December,  1012  given  in  an  inscription  at  KuraclihaJJi  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  287; 
p.  259). 

Among  his  feudatories  and  officers  (see  F.  DKD.  p.  434)  must  bo  included  the 
Mahdmandalesvara  Ohaftayya  mentioned  above  and  the  MahdmandaUsvara  Kundamarasa, 
who  were  the  governors  of  the  Banavase  twelve-  thousand  province  in  1010  and  1012. 

Vikramaditya  V  seems  to  have  been  succeeded  in  A.D.  1014  or  a  little  earlier  by  his 
younger  brother  Ayyana  II.    His  name  appears  in  the  list  of  Chalukyan  kings  given  by 
inscriptions  8—  three  at  Belgame    (EC.  VII,  Sk.  110  ;  p.  149  ;  Sk.  130  ;  p.  177  ;  with 


*  VSSDI.,  p.  125;  No.  193. 

6  For  a  brief  account  of  some  chiefs  of  this  line,  see  Dr.  Fleet  in  El.  XI,  p.  6.  Dr.  Fleet  has,  however, 
there  made  use  of  some  only  out  of  tho  many  inscriptions  in  EC.  V11T  that  mention  the  chiefs  of  this 
family. 

6  A  brief  notice  of  this  and  other  inscriptions  at  Aiifgondi  is  given  by  Mr.  Shama   Shastry  in  the 
Journal  oj  the  MytMo  Society,  Vol.  VII,  p.  285  ff.     It  is  much  to  bo  desired  that  these  inscriptions  be 
properly  edited. 

7  This  was,  later,  the  capital  of  the  Vijayanagar  Empire. 

8  There  are  four  other  inscriptions—  EC.  VII,  Sk.  100  ;  137  ;  185  and  EC.  VIII,  Sb.  277—  which  also 
seem  to  point  to  the  succession  and  reign  of  Ayyana  II.    They  all  relate  that  there  were  two  kings  who 
reigned  after  Irivabe4anga  Satyaaraya  and  before  Jayasiniha  II.    The  name  of  the  earlier  of  these  two 
kings  U  given  by  all  as  Vikramaditya,  while  the  name  of  his  successor  is  given  as  Ayyana  by  8k.  185  and 
«A  Dasavarman  by  the  other  three.    AU  these  four  inscriptions  commit  a  curious  mistake  in  the  genealogy 
fcy  making  Jayasiraha  II  stand  in  the  relation  of  a  nephew  to  Vikramaditya  V. 


288  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBER,  1918 

a  date  corresponding  to  23rd  January,  1072 ;  Sk.  123 ;  p.  164,  of  about  1168) ;  one  at  Ghikka- 
M&gadi  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  197  ;  p.  213)  of  about  1181  ;  one  at  VwJi-i  (EC.  VIII,  Sb,  233  ;  p.  74) 
with  a  date  corresponding  to  12tK  January,  1139;  one  at  Bb&rangi  (ibid.>  Sb.  328  ; 
p.  116)  of  about  A.D.  1158 ;  and  two  at  Harihara  (EC.  XT,  Dg.  41,  p.  82  ;  Dg.  35,  p.  69)  thfr 
former  with  a  date  corresponding  to  26th  October,  1147,  He  seems  to  have  reigned  for  a 
short  time  only,  which  fact  perhaps  explains  why  no  inscriptions  of  his  reign  have  been  so 
far  discovered  and  why  his  name  has  been  left  out  in  the  genealogies  contained  in  many 
inscriptions. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Jayasixfaha  II  who  had  the  cognomen  of 
Jagadfikamalla.  He  is  represented  by  an  inscription  at  Kodakani  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  16  ;  p.  5) 
as  reigning  in  Saka  937,  Rakshasa,  or  in  A.D.  1015,  and  by  another  inscription  at  Sauda 
(EC.  VII.  Sk.  125 ;  p.  265)  as  reigning  in  &aka  938,  Nala,  or  in  A.D.  10]  6. 

The  earliest  verifiable  dates  for  him  are  13th  May,  1017  given  in  an  inscription  at  Salfir 
(EC.  VII,  Sk.  285  ;  p.  258)  and  22nd  December,  1017  9  given  in  an  inscription  at  Belgame 
(EC.  VII,  Sk.  125  ;  p.  173  —  KLISI.  No.  152) ;  the  latest  date  is  25th  April,  1042  given  by 
two  inscriptions  at  Aohapura  (EC.  VIII,  Sa.  108  bis  and  109  bis  r  p.  21  Iff.). 

Among  his  feudatories  and  officers  (see  F.  DKD.,  pp.  436, 437)  must  be  mentioned  the 
Mahaadmantddhipati  Santayya  or  Santivarman  (EC.  VIII. ,  Sb .  60-64) ,  thcMaltdsdmantddhipati 
Alayya 10  and  the  Mahdsdmantddhipati  Jayasimha  or  Singaija-deva,  sou  of  above  (EC.  VIIT, 
Sb.  184  ;  p.  64) — all  of  the  Matura  family,  and  governors  of  the  E<)en&(]  seventy  and  other 
divisions  in  1032,  1036  and  1037 ;  JagadSkamalla  Nonamba-Pallava-Permm&nadi  of  tho 
Pallava  lineage,  who  had  tho  titles  of  Samadhigata-pancha-mahdiabda  and  ftripiithvivalla- 
bha  and  was  ruling  the  Kadambajige  one-thousand,  the  Kogali  five-hundred,  the  Ballukunde 
three-hundred,  etc.,  in  1022  (EC.  XI,  Mk.  10  ;  p.  161) ;  Udayaditya-dSva  and  Jagadekamalla 
Immadi-Nonamba-Pallava-Permm&nAdi,  successors  of  the  above,  who  were  ruling  the  same 
provinces  with  the  same  birudas  in  1033  (EC.  XI,  Dg.  71 ;  p.  1 1 1 )  and  1037  ( EC.  XI,  Dg.  126  ; 
p.  131) ;  Mukarasa,  brother  of  tho  Mahdmawiale*vara  Kundamarasa  and  ruler  of  the  8&nta- 
Uge  one-thousand  in  1025  (EC.  VIII,  Sa.  7 ;  p.  178);  the  MaMsdmanta  SatyftSraya,  son  of 
the  above  Kundamarasa  and  ruler  of  the  S&ntajige  province  in  1030  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  30 ;  p.  92); 
Brahmadeva11  who  was  ruling  the  Banavase  twelve-thousand  in  1032  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  191  ; 
p,  66);  the  JfaAdma»iJaK^mBijjarasaorBijjanaof  the  (^Wukya lineage  and  his  brother  the 
Mahdsdmanta  G6narasa  who  was  ruling  the  Santatfge  province  in  1042  (EC.  VIII,  Sa.  108 
bis,  p.  211) ;  the  Mdhdmandale&vara  Madhumarmadeva  mentioned  in  a  KattQ-Bennfir 
inscription  of  1025  (No.  490  of  1914); la  and  the  MahAmanddlejvara  Rcvaraea  mentioned 
iu  a  Yewur  inscription  of  c.  A.D.  1040  (EL  XII.,  p.  269). 

His  capital  or  headquarter  was  at  Tagajila  in  1032  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  20a ;  p.  98)  and  at 
Ghaftada-kere  in  1038  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  153;  p,  194). 

«   VSSDI.,  p.   128;  No.  203, 

»  The  MaMadmantddhipati  Alayya  is  represented  by  the  inscription  as  having  been  the  governor 
of  the  Banavase  twelve-thousand  and  the  Santa|ige  one-thousand  provinces.  He  was  killed  at  some  time 
before  24th  December,  1037  in  a  fight  at  Kuppaga44e  with  the  M6n$alika  Kundama. 

"  This  Brahmarieva  was  the  ruler  of  the  Nagarakhanda  seventy  in  1029  (EC.  vn,  8k.  81 ;  p.  108)*. 

11  That  is,  No.  490  of  the  Madras  fipigraphist's  collection  for  1914 ;  and  similarly  in  other  such- 
references. 


DECEMBER,  1918]       THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  WESTERN  CH&LUKYAS.  289 

->  -•.      \    .     -  .._ .    -..- .. .  -        - 

Jayasimha  was  succeeded  by  his  son  S6m«vara  I,  who  had  the  double  biruda  of  Trai- 
IdkyamaUa-Ahavamalla.  The  earliest  date  for  him  is  23rd  January,  1048  ghen  by  an  inscrip- 
tion at  Belgftine  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  323 ;  p.  273  —  KLISI.  No.  160)  ^  and  another  at  Huli  (KLISL 
No.  159)."  He  died  ou  the  29th  or  30th  of  March,  1068  by  entering  the  waters  of  the 
Tungabhadrft  as  is  related  in  another  Belgame  inscription  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  136  ;  p.  181). 

Among  his  queens  (see  F.  DKD.  p.  438)  must  be  included  Hovsala-devi  who  was  his 
piriy-arasi  or  senior  queen  and  was  ruling  from  Kaly&tii  as  capital !  5  on  24th  December,  1053 
(EC.  VII,  HI.  1  ;  p.  275).  And  among  his  feudatories  and  officers  (see  F.  DKD.  p.  439)  must 
be  mentioned  the  Mahdmanlaletivara  Lakshmarasa  who  was  the  governor  of  the  Banavfiso 
tweiye-thousand  in  1067  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  19  ;  p.  88) ;  TrailokyamaHaNanni-Nolamba-Pallava- 
Permmanadi,  who,  with  the  birudas  of  Sanwlhigata-pancha-mahdsabda  audNViprtiAt'itttl- 
labha,  was  ruling  the  Kadambalige  one-thousand,  Kogali  live-hundred,  and  Ballukundc  thrce- 
hundred  in  1047  (EC.  XI,  Dg.  20  ;  p.  49);  his  successor  Narasinghadeva,  who.  with  the  sumo 
birudas,  was  ruling  the  above  provinces  in  1049  (EC.  XT,  Jl.  10;  p.  151);  (!h6rayadeva. 
son  of  the  above  (EC.  XI,  Jl.  10  ;  p.  151);  the  Mahdsdmantas  Kragara.su  and  Siriyamarasa  of 
the  Ahihaya  family  (EL  XII,  p,  292) ;  the  MaMmanJatisvara  Satyasrayadeva  ot  the  Matura 
family  who  was  ruling  the  Eden&d  seventy  and  other  divisions  in  1057  (EC.  VIIT,Sb.500  ; 
p.  163) ;  the  Mahdpradhdna  Daydandyaka  Rupabhaftayya  who  was  governing  the  ISagrahdras 
and  the  txiddardvula  in  1065  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  110  ;  p.  197);  the  DaytanAyalca  UdaySditya  who 
was  ruling  the  Banavftse  and  Santaligc  provinces  in  1065  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  249 ;  p.  78) ;  the 
MdhdmandaUsvara  Traildkyamalla  Vira-S&ntara  who  was  ruling  the  Santaligc  one-thousand 
in  1062  (EC.  VIII,  Nr.  58  ;  p.  278);  and  the  Mahdmandalesvara  Tr:tildkyainalla  Bhujabala- 
fcantara  who  was  ruling  the  same  province  in  10(57  (EC.  VITI,  Nr.  59  ;  p.  279). 

We  learn  from  a  Belgame  inscription  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  169;  p.  197)  that  his  capital  or 
headquarter  in  1067  was  KadaravalJ-i  or  KMaroJi. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Somes vara  IT,  suniamcd  Bhuvanaikamalla,  who 
was  anointed  on  the  throne  on  llth  April,  1068  (EC.  VII,  Sk.  136  ;  p.  181)  about  13  days 
after  the  death  of  his  father.  The  latest  date  for  him  is  24th  January,  1076  given  by  an 
inscription  at  Kadar6ji  (KLISL  No.  178).* ° 

An  inscription  at  Torevanda  (EC.  VIII,  Sb.  299 ;  p.  108)  dated,  seemingly,  in  1009 
shows  that  his  capital  (ndewdu)  at  that  time  was  Bankapura ;  and  another  at  NiralgL 
(F.  DKD.,  p.  444)  dated  in  1074  also  relates  that  the  king  was  then  at  Bai'jkftpura.  It  would 
thus  seem  that  S6m6svara  II  lived  more  at  Bankapura  than  at  Kalyani.  To  tho  list  of  his. 
feudatories  given  by  Dr.  Fleet  (DKD.  p.  443),  we  must  add  the  name  of  the  Kadamba  Mahd* 
mandaU&vara  KIrttivarman  II  who  was  ruling  the  Banavase  province  in  1071  (EC.  VIII,. 
Sb.  387;  p.  112). 

*  VSSDL,  p.  134;  No.  216.  14  VSSDI.,  p.  129;  No.  204. 

"  Dr.  Fleet  has  pointed  out  (DKD.,  p.  44C,  n.  S)  that  the  earliest  mention  of  Kalyani  as  capital  is  in 
an  inscription  at  Kembhavi  of  1053.  To  this  we  have  now  to  add  the  Honnaji  inscription  likewise  dated 
in  1053*  As  an  inscription  at  MuttagadOr  (EC.  XI,  Hk.  65,  p.  205)  mentions  that  Trail&kyamalla  was 
ruling  from  Bandanikeya-ghat^a  in  1051,  it  seems  likely  that  the  capital  was  removed  to  Kaly&ai  at  some- 
time  in  1052  or  1058. 

M  VSSD1.,  p.  114;  No.  160. 


290  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [DECEMBEB, 

S6me*svara  II  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Vikram&ditya  VI  who  forcibly  deposed 
Sdmesvara  and  had  himself  anointed  onTthe  throne.  "It  is  difficult  to  determine  in  which  year 
this  event  took  place.  For,  on  the  one  hand,  we  have  seen  from  the  K&dar6}i  inscription 
that  Sdmesvara  H  was  the  reigning  king  on  24th  January,  1076.  On  the  other  hand, 
an  inscription  at  Hulegundi  (EC.  XI,  Cd.  82 ;  p.  32)  records  that,  when  the  reign  of  the 
Mahdrdjddhirdja  Parameivara  Paramabhatfdraka  Tribhuvanamalla-dfiva  was  ever  increas- 
ing in  prosperity,  the  'Mahdedmanta  Mangiy-fichayya  who  was  a  dweller  at  the  lotus-feet 
of  the  Mahdrdj&dhirdja  ParanUhara  Trailokyamalla-Nolamba-Pallava-Pemmftnafli  Jaya- 
8imha-deva  (i.e.  of  prince  Jayasimha  III),  and  who  was  ruling  the  Sujgallu  seventy,  made 
n  grant  of  lands  to  some  temples  on  the  occasion  of  uttardyana-aankrdnti  on  Monday,  the 
eighth  day  of  the  dark  fortnight  of  Pushya  in  the  year  Saka  995,  Pramftdicha.  And,  similarly, 
an  inscription  at  Hflvinahadagalli  (No.  127  of  1913)  records  that  the  king  Tribhuvanamalla, 
while  he  was  encamped  at  Gdvindavfkli,  made  the  grant  of  a  village  to  a  temple  on  the 
occasion  of  vyatipdfa  on  Friday,  the  eighth  day  of  the  dark  fortnight  of  Ph&lguna  in  the 
year  Saka  993,  Sadh&rana.  The  dates  of  these  two  inscriptions  correspond  quite  regularly 
to  Monday,  28rd  December,  A.D.  1073  and  Friday,  25th  February,  A.D.  1071 ;  and  they  show 
that  in  1071  and  1073  it  was  Vikramaditya  VI  and  not  his  brother  S6mfeivara  Bhuvanai- 
kamaila  who  was  recognised  as  sovereign  ruler  in  the  Kogali  five-hundred  and  the  Kadam- 
balige  one-thousand  province  (of  which  the  Sulgallu  seventy  was  a  subdivision). 

The  overlapping  dates  of  these  epigraphs  go  to  show  that  Vikramaditya  VI  made 
himself  independent  of  S6me*svara  II  and  assumed  sovereign  titles  at  some  time  before 
December,  1073  or  February,  1071,  that  he  and  Somesvara  were  both  ruling  as  emperors 
for  some  time,  and  that  ultimately  Somesvara  was  dispossessed  of  his  sovereignty  at  some 
time  after  25th  December,  1074  (KLISI.  No.  177)  or  23rd  January,  1076  (KLISI.  No.  178). 
The  inscriptions  thus  confirm  the  account  given  by  Bilhana  in  his  Vikramankadcvacharita 
(cantos  IV,  V,  VI)  that  Some's vara  II  was  a  weak  and  tyrannical  ruler  who  oppressed,  and 
alienated  the  affections  of,  his  subjects,  that  he  meditated  evil  towards  his  brother 
Vikramaditya,  and  that  Vikramaditya,  learning  of  this,  left  the  capital  with  his  brother 
Jayasimha  and  a  large  force,  defeated  the  army  sent  against  him  by  Sdmesvara,  and 
eventually  deposed  him  and  had  himself  crowned  as  emperor. 

On  p.  83ff .  of  iny  book  (SSDI),  I  have  discussed  the  question  of  the  starting-point  of  the 
Chalukya-Vikraina  era  which  was  founded  by  Vikramaditya  after  he  had  himself  anointed 
as  emperor.  1  have  there  shown  that  the  majority  of  the  dates  recorded  in  that  era  favour 
the  view  that  the  era  began  in  the  year  A  D.  1076.17  And  I  am  accordingly  disposed  to  think 
that  the  correct  equivalent  of  the  date  recorded  in  the  WarlagSri l8  inscription  is  Thursday, 
llth  February,  1076,  and  that  Vikramaditya  was  anointed  as  emperor  on  that  day  or  shortly 
before  that  day.  As  he  had  assumed  imperial  titles  at  some  time  before  December,  1073  (or 
February,  1071),  as  we  saw  above,  there  is  thus  an  interval  of  two  (four)  years  and  some 
months  between  that  event  and  his  anointment  on  the  throne. 

(To  be  continued.) 

"  I  may  here  add  that  since  I  wrote  those  pages  I  have  examined  nearly  a  hundred  more 
dates  recorded  in  that  era  and  that  the  great  majority  of  these  dates,  too,  have  confirmed  me  in  the  view 
expressed  above. 

i*  For  a  discussion  of  the  equivalents  of  this  date,  see  VSSDL,  p,  84. 


DECEMBER,  1918]  '&  MAURYANA  291 

MAURYANA. 

BY  AftUN  SEN,  B.A.  (CANTAB.)  ;  CALCUTTA. 

In  connection  with  my  lectures  to  the  Post-Graduate  Students  of  the  Calcutta 
University  I  have  had  occasion  to  study  Mauryan  Sculpture.  I  find  I  am  unable  to  agree 
with  the  various  theories  archaeologists  have  hitherto  promulgated.  The  reasons  which 
lerfd  me  to  this  conclusion  are  set  forth  in  this  paper  with  the  hope  that  they  will  receive 
an  impartial  consideration  from  scholars  interested  in  the  subject. 
The  theories  referred  to  resolve  themselves  into  the  following  : — 

(1)  Mauryan  Sculpture  was  executed  by  a  Persian. 

(2)  Ditto  imitated  from  Persian. 

(3)  It  may  have  been  done  by  an  Asiatic  Greek. 

(Vide  Vincent  Smith's  History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon,  p.  60 ;  Sir  John 
Marshall's  A  Guide,  to  Sanchi,  pp.  9  and  10  ;  Ferguson's  History  of  Indian  and  Eastern 
Architecture,  VoL  I,  pp.  58-60.) 

The  theories  are  based  upon  the  following : — 

(1)  Some  AAokan  pillars   which    unfortunately    want  both   abacus   and    capital, 
e.g.,  Delhi  Topra,  Delhi,  Meerut,  Allahabad,  Lauria  Araraj,  Sanchi,  Rummiutlei,  Nigliva. 

(2)  Columns  more  or  loss  complete,  e.g.-- 
(  i  )  Sarnath. 

(  ii )  Saukisa. 

(iii)  Lauria  Nandangarh, — (a)  Lion. 
(iv)  Ditto  — (6)  Bull. 

(v)  Bakhira, 

(3)  Certain  other  sculptures  in  the  round  which  we  shall  deal  \\ith  later. 
To  take  the  columns  first, — 

(i)  They  all  apparently  lack  a  base.  I  have  nowhere  found  any  reference  to 
one.  At  any  rate  in  the  only  column  which  appears  to  have  successfully  resisted  the 
ravages  of  time,  the  Barbarian  and  tho  Archaeologist,  there  is  no  base. 

(ii)  Then  comes  the  shaft,  which  is  round  and  highly  polished  -oxtremoly  elongated, 
and  in  most  cases  slightly  tapering.  Tho  Bakhira  column,  however,  is  short,  very  thick 
and  not  tapering.  From  the  slight  attenuation  towards  tho  top,  archaeologists  have 
concluded  a  wooden  origin, — why,  I  fail  to  see.  I  did  not  kno  wthat  the  trunk  of  a  tree 
tapered  towards  one  end.  And  even  if  it  did,  it  would  not  prove  anything.  If  the  tree 
stumps  used  in  modern  huts  be  taken  as  a  clue  (they  do  not  taper  in  tho  least  bit)  ;  of 
this  later. 

(iii)  Then  comes  the  capital — which  contains  the  following  decorations  : — 

(a)  4  wheels  alternating  with  the  4  animals,    tho    lion,     bull,    horse    and    tho 

elephant  in  Sarnath. 

(6)  In  Saukisa— the  lotus  followed  by  the  so-called  honey-suckle,  then  the  rush 
ornament  carved  all  round.  This  is  placed  above  tho  "  cable  ornament  " 
and  "  the  bead  and  reel."  I  apologise  for  tho  terminology,  which  I  here 
adopt  to  save  confusion. 

(c)  In  both  the  Lauria  Nandangarh  Columns— -the  row  of  geese  with  heads  down- 
wards apparently  pecking  at  something.  This  according  to  Vincent  Smith  is 
in  basrelief .  Ideas  of  basso,  mezzo  and  alto  do  not  appear  to  be  a  constant 
quantity. 


292  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DECEMBEB,  19J8 

(d)  In  Bakhira — it  is  a  rectangle  above  the  cable. 

(e)  In  Allahabad— there  is  the  so-called    honey-suckle,    etc.     In  most  it  is 

circular — except  at  Bakhira  where  it  is  rectangular. 

(N.B.— What  is  called  a  honey-suckle  ornament  by  some  is  called  a  palmette  by 
Vincent  Smith.  *  Apparently  they  are  not  sure  which  plant  it  is  supposed  to  represent). 

In  each  case  these  decorations  surmount  "a  bell  capital" — 'so-called'  because 
firstly  it  is  not  a  capital,  and  secnodly  it  is  not  a  bell.    The  eye  which  docs  not  trace  in  it 
a  representation  of  a  lotus — an  inverted  lotus  must  be  singularly  blind. 
(iv)  The  Abacus,  which  is  invariably  zoophoroug. 
(a)  In  S&rnath  the  animals  are  four  lions. 
(6)  Sankisa — 1  elephant. 

(c)  Lauria  Nandangarh — 1  lion. 

(d)  Ditto  —1  bulf. 

(e)  Bakhira  — 1  lion. 

We  must  discuss  the  general  characters  of  these  columns  before  we  begin  to  ascertain 
whether  there  is  any  resemblance  with  Persian  which  the  Persomaniacs  fancy  they  have 
Detected. 

(a)  These  dolumns  do  not  support  any  wall,  or  any  cornice — there  is  not  the 
faintest  trace  of  any  building  anywhere.  They  are  simply  landmarks  of  the  progress  of 
the  piety  of  the  monarch.  (6)  They  are  all  in  grey  sandstone,  (c)  They  are  highly 
polished  and  hence  there  is  no  scope  for  the  addition  of  any  kind  of  plaster,  stucco  or 
clay,  (d)  The  high  polish  also  negatives  the  superimposition  of  any  colour,  (e)  Nor  is 
there  any  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  encased  in  metal  or  enamel  plate.  (/)  The 
technical  quality  of  the  whole  is  of  a  highly  developed  kind.  It  bears  the  stamp  of  tho 
uttermost  decadence,  thus  presupposing  thfc  existence  of  the  two  previous  periods  of 
art  of  this  type — the  classical  and  tho  primitive.  The  extraordinary  realism  of  each 
detail  cannot  fail  to  attract  notice,  nor  the  infinite  care  which  has  been  devoted  to  the 
delineation  of  each  detail.  The  rapid  and  easy  transition  in  any  sculptured  piece,  from 
relief  of  one  kind  to  another,  from  basso  to  mezzo,  from  mezzo  to  alto,  without  any 
abruptness,  (vulgarly  without  chipping  off  a  bit  of  a  brittle  material  like  sandstone),  also 
the  delicate  modelling,  e.g.  of  the  legs  and  the  body  of  the  elephant,  the  geese,  the  tendrils  (?) 
of  the  lotus — all  are  indications  of  an  advanced  stage  of  sculpture.  The  proportions  which 
would  make  them  classical  sculpture  are  there,  only  the  Promethean  spark  is  absent.  It 
is  not  primitive— because  it  is  not  in  the  least  degree  stiff.  We  must  now  come  to 
details : 

(I)  Material. — Asokan,  columns  are  invariably  made  of  monolithic  grey  sandstone.  In 
Persia  various  materials  are  used — a  limestone  of  good  quality — some  varieties  are  so 
hard  as  to  deserve  the  name  of  marble — so  fine,  so  hard  and  so  close-grained.  These 
rocks  vary  in  colour — from  light  to  deep-grey,  with  here  and  there  yellowish  and  dark 
brown  tones.  Other  materials — artificial  stones,  burnt  brick,  crude  brick,  also  a  kind  of 
plaster — white  and  as  hard  as  stone — are  used  (Perrot  and  Chipiez,  pp.  47-48)'.  It  is  clear 
that  the  materials  used  in  Persia  were  different  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  were 
familiar  with  grey  sandstone.  It  would  have  taken  them  some  time  to  adapt  themselves 
to  the  exigencies  of  the  strange  material.  Their  first  attempt  with  a  new  material  could 
hardly  have  yielded  such  "  precious  "  products.  It  is  one  of  the  axioms  of  Art  that  a  new 
material  baffles  the  artist  for  ages,  before  it  ultimately  yields  to  him. 


1918  ]  MAURYANA  293 

(2)  Base.— I  have  observed  above  that  Maurya  columns  have  no  base— in  Persia 
they  invariably  have  that  appendage.    And  the   reason  is  not  far  to  seek— if  Persian 
structures  are  inspired  by  the  huts  of  peasants,  such  as  those  that  we  see  now  and  which 
doubtless  existed  in  profusion    in  those  times,  the  reason  becomes  apparent.    The  truth 
is  that  Persian  structures  are  built  from  wooden  models—and  some  stone  was  necessary 
to  prevent  the  access  of  damp  to  the  wooden  columns.    See  Perrot  and  Chipicz,  p.  98, 
The  Persian  base  presents  an  infinite  variety— a  rectangular  piece  and  above  it,  a  series 
of  concentric  circles  bulging  in  the  middle  ;  a  boll  highly  decorated  with  rosettes,  &e., 
and  above  a  round  superstructure,  Ac.  (Observe  that  this  bell  does  not  present  any  point 
of  similarity  with  the  lotus  or  even  a  conventionalised  lotus— there  is  not  the  faintest  indi- 
cation of  a  leaf,  a  petal  or  tendril).   Also  a  highly  conventional  ornament  of  a  highly  decora- 
tive type  which  is  utterly  divergent  from  any  decoration  found  in  India.     See  Perrot  and 
Chipiez,  pp.  88,  89,  91  and  93 ;  for  other  bases,  Dieulafoy  II,  pp.  82-85. 

(3)  Shaft.— In  India  it  is  plain,  round,  highly  polished.    In  Persia  there  is  no  mention 
of  any  polish.    That   would  not  be  necessary,  because  of  tho  coating  of  paint,  plaster  or 
metal  which  would  usually  be  added.     Secondly,  it  is  almost  invariably  fluted.    Tho  only 
coincidence  is  that  they  sometimes  taper  in  Persia  (Dieulafoy),  in  India  almost  invariably. 
The  base  would  naturally  have  to  be  heavier  and  therefore  thicker  to  counteract  the  law 
of  gravitation  with  the  increase  of  length.    This  would  be  eminently  necessary.    The  res- 
pective  height  cannot  be  compared   from     photos-—  which  are  at  best  misleading.     In 
Persia  columns  are  never  monolithic,  in  the  Mauryan  period,  always.    It  is  vory  strange 
that  Indian  art  which  merely  imitated  Persian  should  have  made  that  ex|>erimeiit  at  the 
vory  outset. 

The  vast  majority  of  Persian  shafts  are  fluted,  three  given  hi  Dieulafoy  are  plain-— 
II,  p.  83,  figs.  59,  60  and  61.  But  evidently  the  plaster  (which  would  be  fluted)  has  peeled 
off.  All  these  three  arc  very  rough  in  appearance  which  is  opposed  to  tho  spirit  and 
grain  of  Persian  art.  Lastly  Perrot  and  Chipiez  assert — (p.  87) — '<It  is  fluted  in  all 
instances  save  in  tho  fa$ados  of  the  Necropolis  at  Persopolis  (PI.  1)  and  the  single 
column  that  still  remains  of  the  Palace  of  Cyrus  in  the  upland  valley  of  the  Polvar 
(fig.  11).  In  the  latter  case  the  building  dates  from  a  time  when  Persian  art  had  not 
constituted  itself  and  was  as  yet  groping  to  strike  out  a  path  of  its  own.  On  the  contrary 
tho  rock-out  tombs  which  are  coeval  with  the  Palaces  of  Darius  and  Xerxes,  and  if  in 
thorn  the  shaft  is  plain  it  was  because  the  vaults  stood  a  considerable  height  above 
ground.  To  have  them  fluted  would  have  reduced  the  column  still  further  and  divested  it 
from  a  frank  clear  aspect." 

(4)  Capital. — The  lower  element  of  all  capitals  in  India  is  a  lotus — represented  with 
extraordinary  realism — with  oven  the  veins,  and  the  slight  curves  found  at  the  tip  of  the 
leaves,    (tf.5.— Mauryan  Art  is  always  realistic-— Persian  Art  never.)    The  inverted  lotus 
bulges  at  the  bottom,  narrows  down  in  the  middle  and  again  bulges  at  the  top— exactly  as 
a  full-blown  lotus  would  do.    Below  this,  there  is  the  "  cable  "  as  well  as  above  it,  together 
with  the  "bead  and  reel."    The  prototype  of  the  cable  is  the  rope,  (as  well  as  of  the 
reel)  and  the  bead  must  also  have  been  found  in  profusion  in  India  (if  it  is  really  a  bead). 
As  Aiokan  art  was  eminently  realistic,  they  transferred  these  common  objects  to  stone 
(unless  it  be  the  contention  of  the  European  archaeologist  that  Indians  borrowed  the  rope 
from  the  West).    What  is  called  a  bead  and  reel  may  also  be  a  different  variety  of  rope. 
Nothing  similar  is  found  in  Persia — to  judge  from  the  plates  in  Perrot  and  Chipiez, 


294  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [DECEMBER,  1918 

pp.  91 — 97.  Above  this  is  a  round  (or  rectangular)  piece  with  a  bas-relief  of  various 
plants.  Fergusson  failing  to  find  an  analogy  in  Persia  has  to  rush  to  Assyria  for  a  proto- 
type. What  he  calls  the  honey-suckle  is  dubbed  a  palmette  by  Vincent  Smith  as  has  been 
stated  above.  At  any  rate  one  discerns  a  lotus  on  the  flat,  an  ornament  which  must  have 
been  meant  to  represent  a  plant  of  the  screw-piece  variety,  (or  even  a  fading  lotus),  the  last 
must  have  been  leaves  swaying  with  the  wind  and  curled  up  in  various  manners — treated  of 
course  as  decoration.  Figure  5  in  Fergusson,  page  57,  is  misleading — it  is  essentially  differ- 
ent from  that  in  the  Indian  Museum,  also  from  the  plates  in  Vincent  Smith— (probably 
another  case  of  a  theory  based  on  an  incorrect  illustration). 

The  Sfcrnath  column  presents  a  different  type.  The  four  animals  alternating  with 
wheels  are  represented  with  great  fidelity.  The  modelling  is  delicate,  the  bull  is  typically 
Indian  and  the  transition  from  basso  to  alto  (which  is  the  insignia  of  an  extremely 
advanced  art)  is  very  clear ;  some  of  the  spokes  of  the  wheel  appear  to  be  in  deeper  relief 
than  others.  (  Wiekoff  observes  that  it  was  to  the  credit  of  Roman  art  to  have  discovered 
"Illusionism"  which  is  utterly  absent  in  Greek  art.  To  explain  the  term  in  a  crude 
manner : — illusionism  is  the  gradation  of  a  relief — where  the  artist  begins  with  a  few 
scratches  on  his  medium  and  gradually  intensifies  his  depth.  After  attaining  his  maximum 
depth  he  allows  it  to  die  down  again).  The  four  animals  represent  the  four  points  of  the 
compass— North,  South,  East,  West.  In  Persian  art,  we  strive  in  vain  to  discover  any 
similarity  to  any  of  these  features.  The  lowest  point  is  a  decorative  bell — without  any 
bulging  —without  any  delineation  of  any  of  the  veins  of  the  lotus — with  the  lines  pointing 
strictly  downwards.  This  is  connected  with  the  next  element  by  a  pyramidal  decoration. 

The  next  is  a  bulging  cylinder  supporting  egg-shaped  ovolo— engraved  with  a  pattern. 
Above  the  egg-shaped  ovolo,  we  find  a  plaque  with  the  same  pattern ;  and  lastly,  above 
this  and  just  below  the  abacus  is  a  unique  and  typical  ornament  with  five  cylinders 
separated  by  straight  lines  and  terminating  on  both  sides  with  brackets  ending  in  rosettes 
— there  being  four  rosettes  on  each  side,  two  above  and  two  below  separated  by  blank 
spaces.  I  shall  not  comment  on  the  perspicacity  of  those  who  detect  any  resemblance 
between  an  abacus  of  this  type  and  an  Indian  abacus. 

(N.B. — There  is  no  gradual  transition  in  relief  in  any  of  these  decorations  judging 
from  plates.)  The  vast  majority  of  Persian  capitals  conforms  to  this  type,  while  in  one  or 
two  the  abacus  is  made  to  rest  on  the  shaft*  See  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  pp.  91-95,  326,  328, 
33(i,  Dieulafoy,  Vol.  II. 

(5)  Abacus.— The  Asokan  entablature  is  zoophorug.  In  Sarn&th,  four  lions  are 
placed  in  close  juxta-position.  Regarding  it  from  the  front  we  see  two  lions  only  with  the 
backs  to  each  other  (exactly  contrary  to  the  Persian  design).  In  the  others  single  animals 
are  depicted — the  bull,  the  elephant  and  the  horse  (apparently  in  Bummindei).  They  arc 
all  extremely  realistic  (which  is  antagonistic  to  Persian  sculpture) .  The  chores  of  the  body, 
of  the  face,  and  the  hair  are  executed  with  extreme  precision,  the  mane  Tails  in  ringlets, 
(congealed  ringlets),  the  protuberance  of  the  cheek  muscles  and  the  deep  shading  beneath ; 
the  nostrils,  the  pucker  of  the  flesh  around  the  curve  of  the  tongue,  the  sweep  of  the  eye, 
the  straight  pose  of  the  leg,  with  the  slightly  perceptible  muscle— all  these  differ  from  the 
Persian  art,  which  treats  the  animals  as  conventionalised  designs.  These  lions  indicate 
a  tense  of  form  which,  however,  has  deteriorated  immensely.  It  is  the  art  of  an  aesthete — 
a  sense  of  form  without  rhythm. 


1918  ]  MAURYANA  295 

In  the  elephant  we  find  the  broad  generalisation  which  is  so  characteristic  of  Indian 
sculpture.  There  too  the  same  characteristics  are  evident.  The  bull  recalls  even  a  medie- 
val painting  or  scuplture,  the  curves  are  sweeping,  the  hump,  the  well-rounded  body,  the 
slack  ears  (which  are  even  marked  inside),  the  easy  fall  of  the  legs— do  not  certainly 

recall  Persia. 

<* 

We  shall  now  describe  the  differences  with  Persian  animals. 

The  animals  represented  in  Persia  are  also  the  lion  and  the  bull — but  the  lion  is  a 
conventional  design  with  horns.  The  animal  is  thick  set  and  the  curve  of  the  neck 
is  exaggerated,  the  mane  is  scanty  and  brushed,  being  ongravod  with  straight  cuts  with  the 
chisel,  the  ear  is  straight  and  stiff,  the  lobe  is  u.  curve  (ogee),  the  eye  is  wider,  the  nose  is 
aquiline,  terminating  in  a  stump,  there  are  horses,  the  legs  stick  out  at  right  angles,  three 
cheek  muscles  are  represented  (not  one  as  in  India). 

What  is  called  the  bull  is  a  unicorn.  The  proportions  of  the  animal  are  not  as  well- 
rounded  or  delicate.  The  horn  is  of  an  ogee  shape,  the  nock  is  an  absolute  arch,  four  lines 
are  drawn  over  the  eyes.  Fillettes  (with  rosettes)  are  attached  wherever  possible.  The  legs 
protrude  in  a  characteristic  manner.  It  is  a  design,  not  an  animal,  not  of  the.  same  world 
as  the  Indian  bull.  There  is  just  one  representation  of  an  Indian  bull  in  Persepolis — Perrot 
and  Chipiez,  p.  407  ;  but  the  sculptor  betrays  his  want  of  skill,  it  is  the  crude  attempt 
of  an  artist  who  is  endeavouring  to  create  something  entirely  novel.  It  is  a  bas-relief 
not  a  sculpture  in  the  round,  it  is  not  as  slack  as  the  Indian  prototype,  the  mouth  is  of  a 
different  shape,  the  udder  is  not  wholly  shewn— it  is  a  mere  elongated  specimen.  (From 
indications  like  those  we  can  argue  that  Persia  borrowed  motifs  and  styles  from  India.) 

These  animals  on  the  Persian  entablature  are  placed  in  their  characteristic  position  to 
support  the  wooden  beams  on  top,  which  arc  made  to  rest  on  the  horns,  and  on  the  backs 
surmounted  by  a  stone,  and  that  is  the  invariable  rule. 

Now  that  we  have  dealt  with  the  animals,  we  shall  pass  on. 

(1)  If  a  Persian  artist  had  executed  Asokan  sculpture,  he  would  have  carved  an 
essentially  Persian  thing  or  at  least  would  have  betrayed  his  nationality  by  the  representa- 
tion of  some  feature  characteristically  Persian.  No  adaptation  \\ould  seem  to  be  neces 
sary  and  the  Persian  column  would  have  served  Asoka's  purpose  just  as  well. 

(2)  If  an  Indian  had  merely  imitated  irom  Persia,— 

(i)  there  would  be  some  Persian  characteristic  in  his  art; 

(ii)  the  art  would  not  have  been  realistic,  but  conventional ; 

(iii)  if  Flinders  Petrie  is  correct  that  a  design  is  borrowed  from  a  natural  form 
then  very  many  of  the  Persian  designs  must  have  been  borrowed  from 
that  primitive  art,  of  which  Maurya  is  the  decadence— e.g.,  the  Persian 
^palmetto  must  have  been  derived  from  the  Indian  lotus ; 

(iv)  the  spirit  of  Mauryan  art  would  not  have  been  so  essentially  divergent- 
there  would  have  been  more  colour  and  less  sombreness.  Mauryan  art 
never  stoops  to  those  subterfuges,  with  which  artists  of  every  age  have 
tried  to  conceal  their  lack  of  thought ; 

(v)  the  numerous  decorations  of  Persia  (or  at  least  some  of  them)  would  have 
been  represented.  It  is  useless  to  multiply  arguments  to  refute  an 
absurdity. 


296  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY  [  DBCMBIB,  1918 

Lastly,  we  come  to  sculpture  in  the  round: 

(3)    Sculpture  in  the  round  :  of  which  we  found  three  of  the  Maurya  period: 

(1)  Colossal  female  statue  from  Besenagar.     * 

(2)  Ditto          Mathura  Museum. 

(3)  Ditto          Victoria  and  Albert  Museum 
(which  is  in  red  sandstone,  a  material  never  employed  in  Persia). 

From  (1)  we  irrefutably  conclude  the  existence  of  a  very  old  art  before  it.  Mark 
how  well  the  plaited  hair  19  represented,  how  clear  are  the  incisions  for  the  eye,  how  care- 
ful and  how  aesthetic  the  execution  of  the  jewellery,  e.g.,  in  the  rings  of  the  Mekhald, 
each  one  is  smaller  than  the  one  which  follows  (cf.  Wiekoff) .  The  same  remark  may  be 
applied  to  the  folds  of  the  cloth  in  front.  The  drapery  presents  unique  features. 

In  (2)  the  same  characteristics  are  seen— the  eyes  are  straight-cut  (typical  of 
Indian  art),  the  ears  are  long,  the  arms  are  well-rounded  and  smooth,  there  is  also  the 
typical  protuberance  of  the  belly,  the  folds  of  the  garments  hanging  down  in  front  are 
marked  with  clear  outlines.  The  cords  bound  round  the  body  are  very  definite,  the  pose  is 
typical,  the  chest  broad,  the  waist  thin,  the  belly  treated  like  the  figure  8,  the  support  of 
the  body  on  one  leg,  the  other  leg  being  slightly  bent  forward— he  has  no  beard.  In  vain  we 
look  for  the  stylisee  figures  of  Persia,  for  winged  monsters,  and  long  processions  of  sycophants 
bowing  down  before  the  King  of  kings.  In  Persia  there  is  practically  no  sculpture  in  the 
round,  the  monsters  guarding  the  entrances  are  direct  importation  from  Assyria  where  the 
number  of  logs  indicate  the  absence  of  development  of  sculpture.  The  bas-reliefs  are  con- 
fined to  a  few  themes— king  with  heavy  beards,  and  before  him  a  long  train  of  courtiers,  one 
standing  behind  the  other,  all  in  the  same  position.  There  is  no  generalisation  of  form — 
other  figures  are  all  alike — the  dress  is  different,  the  pose  is  different — in  short  there  is 
no  feature  in  common*  Even  an  outsider  who  compares  the  combat  of  the  lion  and  the  bull 
in  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  p.  434,  might  draw  an  illuminating  conclusion.  The  wheel  depicted 
in  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  p.  404,  is  totally  divergent  from  the  Aiokan  wheel.  Some 
of  the  figures  are  covered  over  with  enamel — which  is  the  last  degradation  of  sculpture. 

In  Persia,  art  is  full  of  all  that  is  banal  and  vulgar — features  which  are  absent  in  India. 

And  a  person  who  still  persists  in  saying  that  Indian  art  is  derived  from  Persia  must 
be  blind,  dull  and  perverse. 

Sir  John  Marshall  seems  to  think  that  the  style  is  Perso-Greek  and  the  figures  were 
carved  by  a  Bactrian.  It  is  hard  to  realise  the  full  import  of  this  statement*  If  he 
means  that  the  style  is  Persian,  the  technique  Greek,  the  handiwork  Bactrian  and  the  soil 
Indian,  the  onus  of  proving  this  apotheosis  of  internationalism  is  on  him.  From  the 
standpoint  of  the  Philosophy  of  ^Esthetics,  this  combination  would  be  unjustifiable.  If  the 
style  is  Persian  the  other  incidents  would  tend  to  be  Persian,  and  so  on. 

Greek  Art. — The  contention  of  some  critics  who  discern  a  similarity  between  Mauryan 
and  Greek  art  does  not  call  for  any  comment.  As  Gardner  points  out,  Mauiyan  art  is 
more  mature  than  Greek  art  of  the  same  period, — a  fortiori  from  colonial  Greek  art.  I 
quote  Vincent  Smith  (p.  58)—"  Bat— as  Professor  Percy  Gardner  observes— there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Indian  art  had  an  earlier  history.  The  art  of  Asoka  is  a  mature  art,  in 
some  respects  more  mature  than  the  Greek  art  of  the  time,  though  of  course,  far  inferior 
to  it  at  least  in  our  eyes."  It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  to  quote  Gardner  to  prove 
what  is  apparent  even  to  the  untrained  observer. 


DECEMBER,  1918  J  NOTES  ON  AfiOKA  INSCRIPTIONS  297 


NOIES  ON  A^OKA  INSCRIPTIONS. 
BY  K.  P.  JAYASWAL,  M.A.  (OxoN,),  BAB.-AT-LAW  ;  BANKIPORE. 

THE  TERM  AS  HA  SHU  IN  ROCK  SERIES  XID. 
The  passage 

"iha  cha  sa[vre]shu  cha  amteshu  ashashu  pi  yojanasa[te]shu   yatra  Amtiyoko 

nama  Yonaraja ava  Tambapamniya" 

—Shahbdzgadhi  (Is.  8-9). 

haflbeen  translated  by  Btthler  as  follows— "  both  here  .  .  .  and  over  all  his  neighbours, 
even  as  far  as  six  hundred  yojanas,  where  the  King  of  the  Yonas,  called  Amtiyoka 
dwett* as  far  as  Tambapamni"— Ep.  /w/.,  II,  471. 

This  is  the  accepted  translation. 

The  expression  under  consideration  is  Ashashu.  European  scholars  have  taken 
it  as  equivalent  of  A-shatw,  ' up  to  six '.  This  interpretation  is  objectionable.  Sha  for  six 
is  nowhere  met  with  in  Pali.  In  Asoka's  inscriptions  themselves  we  have  for  six  satlu,  as 
in  "Pillar  Edict  "  IV  (saduvisati).  The  chief  emphasis  is  on  ashashu,  because  pi  is  after 
that  and  not  after  yojawiateahu.  This  is  a  further  indication  that  tho  word  has  got 
nothing  to  do  with  six.  For,  why  should  six  be  emphasised  ?  Six  by  itself  is  in  no  way 
extraordinary.  The  value  of  the  yojana  is  now  known:  4'54  miles  (Fleet,  Translation  of 
Kautilya's  Arthaifatra,  p.  541).  If  tho  old  interpretation  is  accepted  tho  distance  between 
Syria  (where  Antiochus  was  living)  and  Pataliputra  would  be  roughly  2,800  miles.  But 
this  is  far  too  short  of  the  overland  route  from  Patna  to  Syria.  It  is  also  noteworthy  that 
for  '  as  far  as  '  in  the  same  inscription  ava  (as  in  *  ava  Tambapanmiya 1)  is  used.1 

I  am  inclined  to  interpret  ashashu  as  a  country-name  :  '  Here  and  all  over  the  neigh- 
bouring countries,  even  in  (that  part  of)  Asia  where  Antiochus  (dwells),  which  is  100  yojavas 
(in  length).'  This  was  the  place  where  A6oka  had  achieved  his  dtiarmavijaya  or  conquest  by 
religion.  In  other  words,  not  throughout  the  whole  of  tho  Empire  of  Antiochus  but  in 
Syria  only  he  succeeded  in  propagating  Buddhism,  and  this  portion  of  Syria,  according  to 
the  information  received  by  the  Emperor  (evidently  from  his  missionaries)  was  100  yojanas 
in  length.  Hundred  yojanas  will  be  above  460  miles,  a  measurement  which  tallies  very  well 
with  the  actual  measurement  of  Syria  under  Antiochus.  Yojana*atc.*hu  qualifies  the  preced- 
ing Ashashu.* 

The  Greeks  associated  the  name  Asia  with  the  country  east  of  Greece.   The  limit  was 

not  definite  to  the  east,  but  it  was  more  closely  connected  with  the  immediate  east  (Asia 
Minor  and  the  neighbourhood).  Asoka  is  using  the  expression  as  the  Greeks  at  the  time,  or 
rather  the  court  of  Antiochus,  used  it.  Asia  originally  was  an  eastern  term  and  Asoka  i» 
employing  not  the  Greek  feminine  form  but  the  base  with  the  Indian  inflexion  to  denote  a 
country.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  pronunciation  is  preserved  in  all  the  recensions,  the  sh  i& 
not  allowed  to  become  dental.  Probably  in  the  time  of  Afoka  Persia  was  distinguished  by 
its  name  from  the  rest  of  Western  Asia,  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  which  alone  were  called  Asia 
in  the  narrow  sense. 


i  The  use  of  I  is,bowever,  not  unknown,  for  instance,  eoe  Rock  II  (GirnAr— a, 
Another  possible  interpretation  is  "  Even  in  Asia,  over  hundreds  ofyojanas." 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


1918 


MISCELLANEA. 


IDENTIFICATION  OF  SOME  OF  THE  POST- 
ANDHRABHfUTYA    RULERS  OF  THE 

PURANIC  LIST. 
(1)  Satrap  Vanaipara. 

THE  Vdyu-Pur&na,  l  after  it  closes  the  so-called 
Andhra  Dynasty,  gives  a  brief  notice  of  the 
dynasties  which  sprang  up  >  while  the  Andhras  were 
still  reigning  (i 


tpT.  ;  37,  352),  whom  the  other  Puranas  imply  to 
have  been  once  subordinate  to  the  Andhras  (sata- 
v&hanas)  by  their  term  bhrity&nvaya.  After  them 
there  are  described  mushroom,  contemporaneous 
dynasties  and  communities  (  ^f^n 


37,  384),  Amongst  the  latter 
there  is  one  name  which  we  can  probably  identify 

with  the  Vanaspara  of  the  S&ranatha  inscription  of 
Bala. 

It  is  Viftvaph&ni  (37,  271).  It  is  spelt  as  Visvapha 
tika  in  the  Vishnu,  as  Visvaphati  in  the 
BrahmdnJa,  as  Vigvasphani  in  Hall's  MS.  of  the 
Vayu,  and  as  Vifivaspharji  and  ViSvasphurji  in 
the  Bhdgavata.  *  Out  of  these  we  may  assume 
Vlsvasphart  as  the  nearest  form  of  the  original 
word.  As  in  the  case  of  Kusala=Kunflla,  6  we  may 
assume  a  confusion  between  Vi£vasphari  and 
Vinvasphari  or  rather  between  VinasphariG  and 
Vigaspaari,  the  latter  in  its  turn  becoming  Sans* 
kritisedas  Visvasphari, 

Now  Vlnasphari7  can  be  easily  recognised  as 
ihe  Vanaipara  of  the  Sftran&tha  statue  inscription. 
*  The  history  which  we  get  of  Vinasphari  is 
noteworthy  for  two  points. 


(a)  it  gives  us  the  extent  of  the  empire  oi 
Kanishka  (if  my  identification  be  correct)  ; 

(6)  it  gives  us  also  the  administrative  policy  of 
Vinasphara,  and  therefore  probably  of 
his  race,  in  India. 

The  Vdyu  gives  10  felokdrdhas  to  this  man, 
which  is  the  longest  account  of  an  individual 
ruler  in  the  ipost-Mah&'Bhdrata  list.  Vanas- 
phara's  was  recent  history  in  the  authority 
from  which  the  Vdyu  borrowed  it,  as  it  is  stated 
there  '  he  is  called  fflsjfftffi;  f  <374)'  Nordoubt 
his  contemporaries  were  very  much  impressed  by 
him  ;  he  was  "  in  battle  as  powerful  as  Vishnu." 

The  complete  passage  is  as  follows  :  — 


it 


snftt 

The  purport  of  the  last  two  lines  in  the  copy  of 
the  Brahmdiida  which  was  before  Hall  is 
expressed  differently,  viz.,  "  the  king  committed 
suicide  by  throwing  himself  into  the  Ganges."  8 
Here  the  Brahmdnda  as  I  have  noticed  in  several 
other  instances  seems  to  give  a  more  faithful 
account. 


1  Bibtiotheca  Indica  edition  by  Rajendra  Lala  Mitra,  1888.    In  many  particulars  it  contains  valuable 
information  which  the  other  editions  and  also  the  MS8.  which  I  have  seen  in  Calcutta  do  not  contain. 
{This  note  was  written  in  September,  1913.] 

2  These  rivals  were  five  (*A%RfT*  fRj),  <&.,  the  Abhtras,  the  Gardabhins,  the  gakas,  the  Yavanas,  the 
Tusharas  (=:  Tokharis).   The  Maru^das  or  Muru^das  the  Maunas,  and  the  Andhras  [aco.  to  the  Matey  a, 
the  flri-Parvato  Andhras,  273 ;  17,  18,  23]  evidently  followed  the  five  contemporaries  of  the  Andhra 
Satavahaaas.      Their  periods   are  given  in  the  V&yu  37,  352  to  358. 

8  Wilson  takes  the  OT^TtlT  viz.,  "  on  their  close,1'  but  the  Purdnas  never  use  this  term  to  denote 
the  close  of  a  dynasty.  They  use  uchchhinna,  ante,  partydya.  The  periods  given  to  them  also  prove, 
in  the  light  of  verified  facts,  that  the  specified  five  dynasties  did  spring  up  under  the  S&tav&hana  regime. 

<W.andH.,FuA»u,IV,,  217.  Cf.  Brakmdntla  (Bombay  ed.),  BhdgavcUa  (Vanga-Vast  ed.),  XII.  I. 

A  W.  and  H.,  IV.,  189 ;  V*yu,  37,  (Bibl  2nd.). 

e  Cf .  Svdtitorni  (M .,  273,  6)  =  Sdiikarni. 

7  The  form  Vaaasphara  (with  ph  instead  of  p  only  as  in  the  Sftran&tha  inscription)  seems  to  be  more 
correct.  A'rftjaput'  dan  called  "Banftpbara"  were  living  in  the  days  of  King  Prithvtraja 
Chauhftna.  ilhft  and  tdala,  whose  heroism  is  sung  in  ballads  in  Hindustan,  were  Banapharas  who  were 
regarded  as  a  low  race,  as  none  would  give  girls  to  them  in  marriage.  These  Banftphara  Rajputs  may  be 
still  living  near  Mahoba,  the  centre  of  Alha  and  ttdala.  They  are  found  at  present  in  the  district  of 
Mirzapur,  U.P.  *  I  do  not  find  it  in  the  Bombay  edition. 


DlJCEMBER,  1918] 


BOOK.NOttCE 


has  3*TOTOr  in  place  of  «!T»nfnrr.  (fellow)  will  establish  (in  authority)  subjects  mainly 

It  is  significant  that  he  is  not  called  '  king '  in  non-Brahmanical.''    I  think  the    Vdyu    and  tlie 

the  Bhfyamta,  nor  in  the  first  five  lines  of  the  j  Vhhuu    have    mistaken   a-brahma    for   Brahmn. 

Vayu,  that  is,  the  passage  quoted  by  the  Vdyu  from  Instead  of  Paiichakaa  the  BMgavfita  has  Yajrua 

its  first  authority,  for  these  alone  are   known  to  and  M adraka*  ( ?)  and  the  Vishnu,  Yadus  or  Padu*. 


the  BMgawta  and  Viehnu.  Verso  373  which  stands 
in  the  air  and  implies  a  mere  repetition  is  intro. 
ducedonly  for  the  information  tffaifrfiKfroS. 
This  as  well  as  the  succeeding  verses  might 
have  been  newly  composod  by  one  uf  the  last 
authors  of  the  Vdyu,  who  was  trying  to  give  an 
abstract  of  another  authority.  Thus  it  is  \ery 
probably  in  his  own  version  that  Vinasphan 
is  called  fpp^jtjf  anc*  related  to  have  established  a 
new  kslutttra  and  to  have  been  orthodox. 

Vinasphari  seems  to  have  suppressed  little  rulers 
of  Magadha  ^  q7Kf^|»T  ^T3T»T  )  wno  had  sprung  up 
there  when  the  Satavahana  empire  became  weak 
(according  to  the  Vdyu  after  Hala,  i.e.,  after  c.  Gf> 
A.D.).  It  also  appears  that  to  the  exclusion oi'  the 
Kshatriyas  he  employed  other  castes  as  district 
rulers.  They  wore  the  Kaivartas  ( =  one  of  the 
aboriginal  tribes  of  lower  Magadha),  Pafichakas 
(Pafichamas  ?),  Pulindas  and  Brahmans.  In  the 
Bhdgavata  instead  of  Brahmans  we  have  sriff^j- 

wicked 


He  thus  generally  established  in  Magadha  non. 
Brahmanic  and  distant  races  in  authority.  On  the 
whole  his  rule  and  policy  wero  regarded  a» 
abnormal. 

His  eunuch-like  appearance  probably  refers  to 
his  Mongolian  features,  sparse  of  moustaches  and 
beard.  He  was  of  a  gigantic  frame  (ifg PET^),  and 
a  great  warrior.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  capable 
lieutenant  of  Kanibhka,  extending  his  dominions 
up  to  Magadha.  It  was  probably  he  who  dug 
up  Buddhist  relics  and  sent  them  to  his  master  on 
the  North -Western  frontier. 

(2)  Yama. 

The  abovementioned  "  king  of  the  M&hiehis  " 
is  called  &akyam&  in  the  Vayu.  This  we  can 
analyse  as  tiaka+yama.  Ho  must  have  been  0110 
of  the  Yam  as  whose  coins  have  been  grouped 
under  Malava  by  Mr.  V.  Smith  in  his  Cctfaloyuc 
of  Coin*  in  the  Indian  Museum  (pp.  174,  170),  and 
very  probably  the  one  mentioned  at  p.  176  who.so 
i  found  •«  in  characters  of  about  A.D.  100." 

K.  P.  JAYASWAL. 


BOOK-NOTICE. 


A  HISTORY  or  THE  MARATHA  PJBOPLB,  by  C.  A. 
KINOAID,  C.V.O.,  I.C.S.  and  RAO  BAHADUR 
D.  B.  PARASNIS.  Vol.  1.  —  From  the  Earliest 
Times  to  the  Death  of  Shivaji.  Pp.  294. 

ALMOST  a  century  ago,  Captain  James  Grant 
Duff  published  his  monumental  work*  Since  then 
many  new  manuscripts  illuminating  many  dark 
corners  of  Maratha  history  have  been  brought  to 
light. '  The  labours  of  scholars  like  Rajwade  and 
Parasnis  have  been  mainly  devoted  to  the  sifting 
an4  editing  of  these  documents,  but  very  little 
has  been  done  for  making  the  results  of  their 
researches  available  in  a  handy  form  to  the 
public  in  general.  Mr.  Sardesai's  Marothi  AKUO/, 
written  in  Marathi,  is  a  closed  book  to  the  ordi- 


nary  student  who  do  ?s  not  know  that  language. 
The  late  Mr.  Ranade's  little  volume  gives  much 
food  for  thought  and  points  out  an  altogether 
new  angle  of  vision,  but  the  great  scholar  died 
too  early  to  finish  his  work,  and  many  of  the  new 
documents  now  available,  were  still  undiscovered 
in  his  time.  The  necessity  of  a  work  as  has  been 
now  undertaken  by  Messrs.  Kincaid  and  ParasniR 
is  therefore  undeniable. 

In  dealing  with  Maratha  history,  we  are  con- 
fronted with  the  double  danger  of  being  either  U>d 
astray  by  the  prejudice  and  bias  of  earlier  Euro- 
pean writers,  or  of  being  hopelessly  entangled  in 
the  thickets  of  legends  in  which  the  Maratha 
chroniclers  revelled.  For  the  first  hundred  pagew, 
the  path  before  our  authors  lay  clear  and  straight. 


300 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


[DECEMBER,  1018 


Mr,  Kincaid  has  nicely  summarized  the  work  of 
one  of  the  greatest  Indian  scholars,  Sir  Ram- 
krishna  Bhandarkar,  and  for  the  Muhammadan 
period  he  has  depended  mainly  on  Ferishta.  His 
charming  style  makes  the  volume  extremely 
readable,  and  we  b«ve  no  doubt  that  Messrs.  Kin- 
caid and  Parosnis  will  have  a  hearty  reception 
from  those  who  have  no  leisure  to  enter  into  the 
intricacies  of  the  history  of  the  Marathas. 

For  the  materials  of  Shivaji's  biography,    our 
authors  have  depended  on  four  Bokhara.     The 
earliest  of  these  is  the  Sabh&ead,  and  written  only 
a  few  years   after  Shivaji's   death,    it  is  to   our 
estimate,  the  most  trustworthy.     It  is  to  be  noted 
that  Shivaji  hod  been  deified  even  in  his  life-time, 
and  although  Sabh&sad's  credulity  was  not  much 
above  the  average,  his  Bakhar  wants  many  of  the 
wonderful   anecdotes  to    be  found   in    the    later 
oUronicles.      The  next  important  Baldiar  is  that 
of  Chitnis  and  it  is  twice  as  large  as  the  Sabhasad. 
•Captain  Grant  Duff  mainly  relied  on  Chitnis.  The 
Miivadigvijaya  Bakhar  is  the  biggest  of  the  three 
and  abounds  in  many  improbable  stories.     It    i& 
on  this  Bakhar  that  our    authors    have    mainly 
relied.    Yet  its  authorship  and  date    of  composi- 
tion are  very   uncertain,  and  for  all  we  know   it 
may  be  a  spurious   work.     In  spite  of  all   that 
Messrs.  Nandurbarkar    and  D&ndokar,    the  joint 
fKlitora  of  the  Shivadigvijaya,  have   to  say,   it  is 
very  difficult  to  believe  that  Khando  Ballal  Chitnis 
-could  have  been  its  author.   The  question,  however, 
has  been  already  discussed  by  Mr.  Raj  wade,  and 
for  further  discussion  we  should  refer   the  reader 
to  a  volume  of  selections  from  the   Bokhara  to  be 
shortly  published  by  the  Calcutta  University.    Yet 
it  may  be  incidentally  mentioned  here,  that  a  few 
years  ago  Prof.  Jadu  Nath  Sarkar  obtained  from 
the  India  Office  Library  a  copy  of  a  dated  Persian 
manuscript  work — Torikh-i-Shivoji.  Its  style  leads 
Prof.  Sarkar  to  think,  that  it  is  not  an  original 
work  but  a  translation  of  some  Marathi  Bakhar, 
and  its  curious  agreement  with  the  Shivadigvijaya, 
both  in  subject  matter  and  in  general  arrangement, 
further  leads  him  to  believe  that  the  latter  work 
is   nothing  but  a   new  edition    of    the    original 
Bakhar  of  which  Tarikh-i- Shivaji  is  a  translation. 
The  Shivadigvijaya  therefore,  in  its  present  form 
could  not  have  been  written  earlier  than  the  last 
decade  of  the  1 8th  century,  and  it  is  extremely 


unsafe  to  rely  on  the  traditions  and  legends  com- 
piled by  the  unknown  chronicler.  Without  any 
comment,  our  authors  mention  that  incident  of 
the  Bijapur  butcher,  although  Sabhasad,  who  as 
a  contemporary  ought  to  have  known  better,  is 
silent  about  it.  Mr.  Kinoaid  says  that  Bhawant 
of  Tuljapur  was  hidden  and  saved  from  sacrileges 
of  Afzal  Khan,  although  Sabhasad  clearly  states 
that  she  was  pounded  in  a  mill  lft*TOpft 


We   do   not  know   whencfc   the  authors  gather 
that  Tanaji  Malenro  and  other  companions  of  the 
great  hero  were   introduced  to  him  by   his  guar- 
dian Dadaji.    Messrs.  Kincaid  and  Parasnis  simply 
quote  letters  after  letters  from  the  Shivadigvijaya. 
\  But   in  case  Bao  Bahadur  Parasnis  has  not  clis- 
i  covered  them  in   original,  they  should  be  rejected 
|  as   altogether   untrustworthy.      Credulous  as   our 
I  authors    seem  to   be,   the     extravagance   of     the 
BakJtar  of  their  preference  is  at  times  too  much 
for  thorn.    For  instance,  they  have  not  been  able 
to  accept  the  Shivadigvijaya  version  of  the  Shaista 
Khan  incident,  although  shorn  of  its  exaggeration 
it  has  the  support  of  Sabhasad  and  Chitnis. 

Again,  in  this  history  of  the  IV  la  rath  a  people, 
we  look  in  vain  for  a  good  description  of  Shivaji's 
administrative  system  or  any  account  of  his 
navy.  The  chapter  devoted  to  the  Pandhar- 
pur  movement  might  have  been  much  enlarged 
and  the  fabricated  geneology  of  Shivaji  discarded 
on  the  strength  of  the  temple  inscription  of  Math 
(see  Raj  wade).  The  transliteration  of  some  Per- 
sian names  is  incorrect,  as  in  the  case  of  Fulad 
Khan  Kotwal.  Mr.  Kincaid  misled  by  the  error 
of  the  Bakhar  s  f  calls  him  Polad  Khan.  He  is, 
however,  to  be  congratulated  for  his  appreciation 
of  the  national  aims  of  Shivaji.  And  in  spite  of 
its  few  defects  this  volume  will  be  an  excellent 
guide  for  the  uninitiated  readers  of  the  Bakhar  s, 
who  lack  the  necessary  geographical  knowledge. 
Here  they  will  find  an  excellent  compilation  of 
the  anecdotes  of  Shivaji  and  the  story  of  his  life 
chronologically  arranged.  Messrs.  Kinoaid  and 
Parasnis*8  work  will  enable  them  to  master  these 
initial  difficulties  that  beset  the  study  of  the 
Bakhar*. 

S.  N.  SXK. 


(iARBE'8  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BH  AGAVA  DC  IT  A.* 
TRANSLATED  FKOM  THI:  HERMAN     BY  N.    H    VTCIIKAK,    \i.\.;  POOXA. 

Preface. 

[Text  p.  5]  OF  Iranlations  of  Blutg.  and  of  treatises  over  it,  there  is  eertamiy  110  lack.1 
A  new  translation  and  investigation  of  the  famous  poem  i><  not  however  superfluous 
-since  Bohtlingk  in  his  "  Bemerkimgen  zur  B/tay."*  has  shown  hon  much  vet  remains  to 
bo,  done  for  an  exact  understanding  of  the.  text  of  the  Bltai/.  I  tohtl  mirk's  remarks 
conclude  with  the  words:— "  An  unprejudiced  examination  of  the  philosophical  contents 
of  the'  Bhag.  influenced  by  no  commentator  is  certainly  very  much  to  be  A\isbed  for. 
if  coming  from  >t  scholar  familiar  with  the  philosophical  systems  of  India  "  If  tin  great 
scholar — only  recently  snatched  axvay  from  us — be  right  in  holding  tin*  vir\\ ,  and  if  I  might 
reckon  myself  -on  the  gi on i id  of  my  work  for  the  Indian  IMulosnphx  -as  amongst  those 
qualified  for  such  a  \\ork,  1  need  have  no  scruples  in  putting  forward  the  reMilt  of  (my) 
all-sided  and  searching  investigation  of  1  he  Bha<i. 

I     The  Bhagavadgita  in  its  Original  Form. 

[  Text  p.  6  |  The  days  \\henthe  Bkag.  because  of  the  loftiness  of  its  thought  and  ot 
its  language  excited  in  Europe  nothing  short  of  enthusiastic  rapture,  are  long  gone  by. 
AVo  are — in  spite  of  phautustic  thc,usophists  like  Franz  Hart  maim  ~gro\\  n  more  sober  and 
more  critical,  and  do  not  any  more  shut,  our  eyes  to  the  manifest  shortcomings  and  weak 
points  of  the  poem.  Kven  now  the  still  ]>re\  ai  ing  view  in  India  is  of  the  homogeneity  3  of  the 
B/Mtg.,  though  this  viei\  lias  )/een  often  en.nigh  refuted  l*y  (ierman  scholars.  Already  in 
1826  had  W.  von  Humboldt  in  his  well-known  essa\p  "On  an  Kpisode  of  the 
Mahabharuta  known  under  the  name  of  li/tay.,"  p.  .^3,  said:  '*The  interpolations  and 
additions  (tan  with  great  probability  be  eonjeetured  t^v<Mi  if  on<  Ix*  not  in  the  position  to 
si  iiglo  thorn  out;"  and  again  j).  «")4,  4k  the  telation.ship  of  (he  individual  doctrines  would  pro- 
bably have  been  stronger  if  indeed  the  idea  c..1'  unity  had  prevailed  from  the  vcr\  iirst  design 
of  the  woik."  With  greater  decisiveness  has  Weber  after  him  \J mi.  M-it.  II,  3JM  (isr>;i)| 
expressed  himself  on  this  po?nt  :-  "The  Bhag.  can  be  regarded  only  .is  a  combination 
of  partly  vers  different  kinds  of  pieces."  A.  Holtzmann,  Dat<  J/ahah..  IT.,  pp.  103-10;"). 
emphasises  the  iK^cessity  of  the  supposition  that  the  tthny.  might  have  been  recast  : 
KO  also  E.  W.  Hopkins  in  his  (ircat  Epic  of  J mtiu,  MH)2.  speaks  moiv  than  once  (]».  2<).">, 
p.  234)  of  the  rewritten  Gitti  (rewritten  by  a  modernizing  hand).  In  what  way  Hopkins 
thinks  that  the  (*Ua  might  have  been  re  writ  It  en  is  to  bt;  seen  from  his  older  work  The 

*  |  (Jarbw's  ((Jtormnn)  Introduction  to  tiis  ((tonnan)  TraiiBlati(»n  of  Hlnt;i<ti'ti<t'iUfi  Hj>|>eart'ci  ni  Leipzig 
in  190o.| 

1  A  Comprehensive  iv/viow  of  tJ»e  JMSS.,  editions  tind  tr^imlatxniy  «>f  tin*  /iftfif/.  ami  of  its  native 
commentaries  and  of  the  explanatory  troatise^  thereof  by  Kuropoun  scliolurM  is  jiivxn  by  A  Holtziaann, 
Das  Mahdbhdmtu,  II.  1893,  pp.  1^1 — 1^3.  Since  tho  a]>j>earancft  of  HolUmann's  work  no  year  has  paaaed 
but  has  added  in  India  further  contributions  to  tlio  literature  011  tli<»  If  hay. 

"    Beriohte  dor  phil-hist  Kla.sse  «lef  liliJnigh.  Sachs.  (JoaAll.  dorWiHHen.  sitzung  N'oin  G  Febr.    1897. 

•'*  Protap  Chandra  Roy  say»«  in  iiis  translation  of  Hie  Mttlklbhdmttt,  \'l.  7."»,  notf  :  '•  Tho  t*,-xt  of  the 
Wild  has  come  down  to  us  without,  it  may  b^  \riitnrcd  to  bo  Htatcd,  any  int«ri>olation." 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

Religions  oj  India,  p.  389,  [Text  p.  1]"  where  it  is  said  :  *'  This  Divine  Song  {or  Song  of 
the  Blessed  One)  is  at  present  a  Krishnaite  version  of  an  older  Vishnuite  poem  and  thin  in 
turn  was  at  first  an  unsectarian  work*  perhaps  a  lato  Upauiafaad."  Again  at  p.  399, 
Hopkins  aays  :  "  It  is  noticeable  that  although  Krishna  (Vishnu)  is  the  ostensible  speaker, 
there  is  scarcely  anything  to  indicate  that  the  poem  was  originally  composed  even  for 
Vishnu."1  As  would  be  evident  from  what  follows,  1  do  not  share  this  view  of  the  American 
scholar.  The  conviction,  however,  that  the  Bhag.  has  not  reached  us  in  its  original 
form  but  has  undergone  essential  transformations,  is  now,  however,  shared  by  most  of 
the  Indologists  outside  India.  Still  this  conviction  has  not  upto  now  led  any  one 
to  separating  the  later  parts  of  the  Bhag.  And  this  for  conceivable  reasons — since  any 
such  attempt  exposes  the  critique  quite  too  much  to  objections  and  contradictions. 
Because  of  the  importance  which  the  BJtay.,  however,  possesses  for  the  Indian  spiritual  life, 
it  appears  to  nie  to  be  in  the  r el igio -historical  interests  of  the  ( present )  moment,  that  such 
a  task  should  be  ventured.  The  translation  that  1  offer  in  the  sequel  will  neither 
be  polished  nor  smooth,  but  will  be  quite  literal,  and  will  contain  therefore  in  smaller  type 
those  parts,  which  according  to  my  view  ure  interpolated  by  a  later  hand.  In  this  I  have 
proceeded  on  the  following  consiflerations. 

A.  Holtzmann  (op.  cit.t  pp.  163,  164)  is  on  account  of  the  inconsistencies  in  the  Bhag. 
led  to  the  conclusion  that  "  We  have  before  us  a  Vishnuite  revision  of  a  pantheistic  poem. 
We  must  distinguish  between  an  older  and  a  later  Bhag*  The  older  poem  was  a 
philosophioo-poetical  episode  of  the  old  genuine  Maltdbharaia,  being  composed  with  a 
pantheistic  tendency/5  (Text  p.  8]  When  I  read  this  statement  the  conviction  grew 
strongly  on  me  that  the  fact  was  just  the  opposite  of  this.  Just  before  the  passage  quoted 
above,  rioltzmami  correct!  JT  shows  how  the  theological  idea  of  the  poem  must  be  regarded 
as  a  contradiction  with  itself.  "  On  the  one  hand,  the  pantheistic  and  thoroughly  impersonal 
World-Soul,  on  the  other,  the  extremely  personal  arid  realistic  Krishna-Vishnu,  incorporated 
as  a  human  being  ;  and  we  are  called  upon  to  believe  that  thtw  two  principles  are  identical." 
Because  of  this  contradiction  the  investigation  must,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  proceed  to- 
distinguish  the  later  component  parts  of  the  QUA  from  the  older  ones  ;  but  in  my  opinion 
the  investigation  should  not  be  carried  on  after  Holtzmann's  fashion. 

The  whole  character  of  the  poem  in  its  design  and  execution  is  prepondcratmgly  thoistio .. 
A  personal  God  Krishna  stands  forth  in  the  form  of  a  human  hero,  expounds  his  doctrine, 
enjoins,  above  all  things,  on  his  listener,  along  with  the  performance  of  his  duties,  loving  faith 
in  Him  and  self-surrender;  and  then  discloses  Himself  as  an  act  of  especial  grace  in 
His  super -mundane  but  withal  personal  form,  and  promises  to  the  faithful  as  a  reward  for 
his  faith,  that  he  would  be  united  with  Him  after  his  death,  and  would  be  admitted  into 
the  fellowship  of  God.  And  by  the  side  of  this  God — (who  is)  delineated  as  personally  us 
possible,  and  who  dominates  the  whole  poem — stands  out  frequently  the  impersonal  neutral 
Brahman,  the  Absolute,  as  the  highest  principle.  At  one  time  Krishna  says  that  He  is  the 
sole  Highest  God  who  has  created  the  world  and  all  beings  and  rules  over  it  all  ;  at  another 

*  Of  interpolation!*  and  change**  (made)  in  the  B hng.  Hnpkma  treats,  fteliyioiw  of  Imfia,  39d 
»nd  429  (top). 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAGAVADGtTA  3 


time,  he  expounds  the  Vedantic  doctrine  of  Brahman  and  Maya—the  CoamicaJ  Illusion,  and 
expounds  as  the  highest  goal  of  a  human  being  that  he  be  freed  from  the  World-Illusion  and 
become  Brahman.  These  two  doctrines — the  theistic  and  the  pantheistic — are  mixed  up 
with  each  other,  and  follow  each  other,  sometimes  quite  unconnected  and  sometimes  loosely 
•connected.  And  it  is  not  the  case  that  the  one  is  represented  as  a  lower,  exoteric, 
£  Text  p.  9]  and  the  other,  as  the  higher  esoteric  doctrine.  It  is  nowhere  taught  that  the 
Theism  is  a  preliminary  step  to  the  knowledge  of  the  reality  or  that  it  is  its  symbol,  and 
that  the  pantheism  of  the  Vedanta  is  the  (ultimate)  reality  itself ;  but  the  two  beliefs  aiv 
treated  of  almost  throughout  as  though  there  was  indeed  no  difference  between  them,  either 
verbal  or  real. 

One  might  seek  to  disregard  the  contradictions  in  the  Bhag.  with  the 
-explanation  that  there  was  not  to  be  expounded  in  the  Bhay.  any  consistent  system, 
but  that  it  was  only  a  poet  speaking  there,  who  received  and  fashioned  thoughts  as  they 
streamed  into  his  mind,  without  paying  any  heed  to  the  inconsistencies  that  are  to  be  found 
#t  various  places.5  Any  such  view  regarding  the  Gltd  is  quite  erroneous.  The  Gitd  is 
-certainly  no  " artistic  work  which  the  all-comprehending  vision  of  a  genius  has  created/' 
The  play  of  inspiration  is  indeed  oftentimes  perceptible  ;  not  seldom,  however,  there  are 
{merely  high- )  sounding,  empty  words  with  which  an  idea  that  has  been  already  quite  often 
explained,  is  repeated  ;  and  occasionally  the  literary  expression  is  exceedingly  faulty. 
Versos  are  bodily  taken  over  from  the  Upanishad  literature,  and  this  is  certainly  what  a 
poet  filled  with  inspiration  would  never  have  done.  The  workings  of  Sattw,  Rajas  and 
Tamos  are  systematised  with  a  truly  Indian  pedantry  .  and  much  indeed  besides  this 
.could  be  brought  forward  to  prove  that  the  Gitii  is  not  the  product  of  a  genuinely  poetic 
creative  impulse,  but  is  partially  a  purely  artistic  didactic  poem  for  the  propounding  of 
certain  definite  religio-philosophical  ideas.0  The  inconsistency  pervading  through  the 
greater  part  of  the  Gttd  [Text  p.  10  ]  cannot,  therefore,  be  overcome  by  relying  onthe 
poetic  character  of  i^  poem.  One  can  remove  the  inconsistency  only  by  the  supposition 
that  out  of  the  two  heterogeneous  doctrines  that  are  put  in  the  mouth  of  the  personal 
<God  Kpishva,  one  must  be  a  later  addition.  And  if  this  be  the  case,  could  we  really 
doubt  that  we  must  reject  the  pantheistic  doctrine  (as  a  later  addition)  and  not  tho 
heistic  one,  as  Holtzmann  does  ? 


nmholdt,  p.  95,  says  :  "  There  is  (in  tho  <l\t&)  a  sa?e  that  speaks  in  the  f  ultra*  and  enthusiasm 
of  bin  knowledge  and  of  his  feelings,  mid  not  a  philosopher  brought  up  in  nny  school,  who  divide* 
his  material  in  conformity  to  »  rttlod  mnthod.  an*  arrives  at  tho  last  «r}*  of  bin  doctnnes  through 
the  duo  of  a  Met  of  systematic  ideas. ''  .,.,-,, 

6  Bohtlingk  in  his  Bemerkunjen  (  p.  6,  end  )  says  :  «  The  Wf*  contains  by  the  Hide  of  many  high 
and  beautiful  thoughts,  not  a  few  weak  points  :  contradictions  (which  the  commentators  have  tried 
to  pa««  over  a»  excusable),  lepet  it  ions,  exaggerations,  absurdities  and  loathe**™  pomte."  Hopkins, 
Region*  4  M*.  P.  m  Barnes  the  BAa,.  as  a  characteristic  work  of  the  Hindu  Literature  ••  in  its  sub- 
taly  as  in  its  puerilities,  in  its  logic  as  in  its  want  of  it  f  and  p.  399  (bottom),  -an  ^assorted  cabinet 
.irf  Drimitive  philosophical  opinions."  Hopkins  passes  the  following  judgment  (p.  400)  on  the  poetic  worth 
f  the  Bhaa  "  Despite  its  occasional  power  and  mystic  exaltation  tho  Divine  Song  in  its  present 
late  as  a  poetical  production  is  unsatisfactory.  The  same  thing  is  said  ov«r  and  over  again,  and  the  con.. 
tadictioJ iin  phraseology  and  meaning  are  as  numerous  as  the  petitions,  HO  that  ono  is  not  surprised 
to  find  it  described  as  «  the  WondMul  Song,  which  causes  the  hair  to  stand  on  end.  '• 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

One  might,  however,  object  that  the  Indians  themselves  have  not  at  all  seen  any 
inconsistency  in  this  combination  of  Pantheisfti  and  Theism  ;  in  many  other  passages  of  the 
Mahdbhdrata  (e.g.  just  at  its  commencement,  AnukramanikSparvan,  vv.  22-24),  in  the 
Puranas  and  elsewhere,  Krishna,  i.e.  "Vishnu,  is  indeed  often  enough  identified  with 
the  universal  Sbul.  And  in  the  system  of  Ramanuja,  the  Brahman  is  conceived  to  be 
thoroughly  personal, — as  an  all-powerful,  all -knowing  and  all-merciful  Ruler  of  the 
Universe  which  is  pervaded  bj'  His  godly  spirit.  Why  should  not  have  (therefore)  the 
author  of  the  Gild  composed  the  poem  under  this  belief  itself  in  which  the  theistic  and 
tho  pantheistic  elements  lay  side  by  side  V  ;• 

[Text  p.  11  ]  To  this  1  reply  as  follows.  The  identification  of  Krishi/a  with  Brahman, 
his  being  regarded  as  the  universal  Soul,  belongs  to  a  period  posterior  to  the  original 
Bhag.—  a  period  tilled  with  syncretic  inclinations.  This  can  be  proved  from  the  Olta 
itself  as  it  has  come  down  to  us. 

As  is  well-known,  Krishna  comes  to  be  regarded  as  the  Supreme  Principle  first  in  the 
later  parts  of  the  MahdbJiarata.  The  CJita,  however,  does  not  belong  to  its  later  interpola- 
tions. The  Gtta,  even  in  the  revised  form  in  which  it  lies  before  us,  is  regarded  rightly  as  one 
*'  of  the  older  episodes  of  the  Mahabhimita.  (Holt/.mann,  op.  rrt.,part  11,121  ;  Hopkins, 
Great  Epic,  205,  402.)  Indeed  Holtzmann  (I,  127)  would  "ascribe  the  oldest  parts  of 
the  Bh«g.  unhesitatingly  to  the  older  poem."  Even  if  I  do  not  subscribe  to  this  latter 
statement  still  on  ground  of  its  language  and  its  metre,  the  relative  antiquity  of  the  Bhay. 
cannot  be  doubted. 7  With  this  also  quite  fits  in  (the  circumstance)  that  in  the  Gild 
Krishi.ia  stands  forth  almost  thoroughly  as  a  person,  and  that  his  identification  with 
Brahman  is  expressed  in  clear  words  only  in  a  few  passages  (which  also  will  be  discussed 
more  closely  shortly).  1  shall  bore  only  call  attention  to  Bhug.  VII.  19:  "  At  the 
end  of  many  lives  the  man  of  knowledge  approaches  mo  realising  that  <  Vasudeva  is 
everything.'  Such  a  high-souled  person  is  very  difficult  to  find.'5  That  is,  Krishna  was 
very  seldom  regarded  as  the  all  (or  Brahman),  but  he  was  almost  always  regarded  as  a 
personal  God.  Does  not  the  reviser  of  the  (titd  express  here  in  quite  clear  words  that 
the  identification  of  Krishna  with  Brahman  was  at  his  time  first  in  (process  of)  growth  ?  In 
the  first  verse  of  the  twelth  Adhyuya,  whieh  in  my  opinion  belongs  to  the  older  poem,  those 
who  revere  the  unchangeable  and  unknowable  Brahman  are  placed  in  opposition  to 
tho  Theists  who  worship  Krishna,  with  a  preference  for  the  latter  (verse  2),  and  with  a 
remark  that  the  difficulties  [in  the  way  |  of  the  Theists  for  obtaining  eternal  welfare  are 
lesser  [than  for  the  Avyakta-Upusakas]  (verse  C ). 

[Text  p.  12]  Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  39$ ;  characterises  the  third  of  the  periods  postu* 
lated  by  him  in  the  development  of  the  Mahabhdrata-texi  in  these  words  : — "  Re-making  of 
the  epic  with  Krishna  as  all-god,  &c." ;  for  the  preceding  second  period,  [a  Mahdbhdraia  tale 
•with  Pandu  heroes,  lays  and  legends  combined  by  the  Puranic  diaskeuasts]  Hopkins  lay& 

"  For  more  oa  this  point,  pee  i>art   IV  of  this  Preface. 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAOA  VADGITA  9 

down  4t  Krishna  as  a  demi-gocl."  On  the  ground  of  this  close-fitting  theory  s— a  theory 
which  in  its  essentials  is  quite  convincing  to  me— 1  believe  Hopkins  cannot  possibly  be 
regarded  as  holding  that  Krishna  had  developed  from  a  dcmi-god  immediately  to  an  all- 
god,  from  a  half  god  to  a  universal  being.  In  between  lies  naturally  the  transition  from 
half  (demi-)god  to  God,  and  his  identification  with  Vishnu. »  Only  after  the  Krishna  cult 
had  reached  that  point  inits  development,  could tho  one  god  be  identified  with  the  Universal 
f Soul;— an  event  furthermore  ^hich  signifies  more  the  degradation  of  the  Brahman 

!'' 

\  conception  than  the  exaltation  of  the  personal  God. 

The  original  Bftag.  has  been  composed  during  that  period  in  which  Krishna- 
Vishnu  had  become  the  highest  (or  we  might  simply  say,  the)  God  of  Brfihnmnism  :  and  in 
the  period  when  Krishna  began  to  be  identified  with  Brahman  and  a  Vedfmtie  turn  to  l>e 
given  to  Krishnaism  in  general,  originates  the  pantheistic  revision  of  the  poem  as  it.  lies 
before  us  now;  and  then  originate  also  those  constituent  parts  (of  the  poem)  which 
in  my  translation  I  have  exhibited  as  additions.  Indeed,  I  have  already  indicated  that 
Krishna  first  appears  in  the  Gil  a  to  be  identified  with  Brahman  only  very  sporadically. 
Many  times  [Text  p.  1,3  ]  the  conceptions  of  Krishna  mid  of  Brahmnn  are  placed  in  juxta- 
position (but)  as  quite  different  from  each  other,  so  that  it  almost  makes  an  impression  as 
though  the  reviser  might  have  shrunk  from  asserting  quite  emphatically  the  identity  of 
Krishna  and  Brahman  because  of  the  distinctly  theistie  character  of  his  subject-matter. 
Arjuna  indeed  says  to  Krishna  (X,  12):  "Thou  art  tho  Highest  Brahman"*,  and  in  the 
passage  already  cited,  it-  is  said  tc  Vasudcva  is  AH"  (VII,  19).  [Similarly  in  XI,  40], 
However  VIII,  1,  Arjuna  asks  -"  What  is  the  Brahman  ?",  and  Krishna  answers  (v.  3)  not. 
that  "I  am  Brahman  "  but  says  "  Brahman  is  the  unchanging  highest  principle  "  and  gives 
a  different  explanation  of  himself  in  v.  4  b.  In  XIV,  26-27  Krishna  says,  "  He  who  serves 
mo  with  an  unswerving  devotion  is  tit  to  become  one  with  Brahman,  beeause  I  am  tho 
substratum  of  Brahman."  In  XVIII,  50-53,  it  is  taught  how  the  perfected  one,  reaches 
Brahman ;  but  immediately  thereafter  (vv.  54,  55)  we  hear  that  having  beeome  Brahman, 
be  compasses  devotion  for  Krishna  and  that  consequently  ho  enters  into  Krishna. 

In  these  passages,  then  Krishtja  and  Brahman  are  quite  distinctly  distinguished  from 
oach  other.  It  is  not  only  here  that  they  arc  separate,  but  (they  are  so  )  everywhere 
through  the  whole  poem  (excluding  of  course  those  passages  where  the  Vedantie  reviser  has 
mixed  up  and  completely  identified  with  each  other  the  two  ideas).  In  the  older  poem 
Krishna  speaks  of  himself— and  Arjuna  of  Krishna— as  an  individual,  a  person,  a  conscious 
God-head.10  In  the  additions  made  at  the  time  of  the  revision,  the  neutral  Brahman 
steps  in  as  the  highest  principle  and  is  occasionally  identified  with  Krishna.  To  summarise 
therefore,  in  the  older  poem  is  preached  Krishnaism  based  philosophically  on  Sdwkhya-yoga ; 

•  I  might  as  well  leavo  out  of  account  Jonoph  Dahlmann's  theory  regarding  the  IK unogeneoiw 
character  of  tho  Mahdbhdrata  —a  theory  that  is  shared  by  no  non-Indian  scholar. 

'  Of  this  identification  of  Krishna  with  Vishnu  and  tho  rouaon  thereof  1  shall  treat  at  length 
in  »  different  connection  in  part  II  of  this  Preface. 

1§  Eren  in  the  description  of  the  \UsluH,  Mbh.  VI,  Adh.  08  (Calc.  Edition),  Krishna  in  viewed 
quit?  emphatically  in  a  personal  capacity. 


a  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

the  Veddnta  philosophy  [  Text  p.  14  ]  is  taught  in  the  additions  (made  at  the  time)  of  the  revision.*  1 
Of  course  it  is  known  long  since  that  the  doctrines  of  the  S&mkhya-yoga  are  for  the  most 
part  the  basis  of  the  philosophical  ideas  of  the  Bhag.  and  that  by  their  side,  the  Vedanta 
considerably  recedes  to  the  back-ground.  How  often  are  S&mkhy  a  and  Yoga  mentioned  by 
name,  while  (the  word)  Vedunta  comes  only  once  ( Vedantakrit,  XV.  15)  and  that  too  in  the 
sense  of  Upanishad. ]*  So  then  even  if  we  think  only  of  the  role  which  the  philosophical 
systems  play  in  the  present  Gitd,  and  if  we  hold  in  view  the  irreconcilable  difference 
between  the  S»mkhya-yoga  (on  the  one)  and  the  Vedihita  (on  the  other  hand), — a 
difference  which  can  only  be  overcome  by  distinguishing  older  and  newer  parts  (in  the 
-Gitd), — the  Ved&ntic  portions  of  the  Shag,  would  be  proved  to  be  over  again  i*s 
un-original.  Were  we,  therefore,  to  investigate  the  Gitd  either  from  the  religious  or  from 
the  philosophical  point  of  view,  [  Text  p.  15  ]  the  same  result  would  be  attained  in  either 
case.13 

Since  Mimarfasa  and  Vedanta    are  most    closely    bound  up   with  each   other  in  the 

philosophical  literature  of  Brahmanism,  it   is  conceivable  that  the  reviser  of  the  Olid 

should  have  ushered  in  Mtmutnsa  tenets  as  well,  along  with  Vedantic  views,  in  this  popular 

v  work,  more  religious  than  strictly  philosophical.     That  the  poem  itself  iiiveighw  against 

,the  performance  of  Vedic  works  (II.  42-46,  and  XVIII.    66)  has  not  prevented  the  reviser 

(of  Gitd)  from  making   additions  in  which   he  brings   in  his   ritualistic  stand -point  and 

,'  impressively  recommends  (III.  9-18,  IV.  31)  the  Vedic  sacrificial  work.1*    The  sacrifice  was 

in  the  older  poem  (IV.  25  and  S.  and  elsewhere),  thoroughly  understood  in  a  metaphorical 

spiritual  sense. 

11  The  additions  made  (to  the  Gitd)  at  the  time  of  the  revision  are  related  to  the  original  Bhag. 
us  the  subsequently  interpolated  Uttaratapaniyd  t<>  the  older  Ptirvatdpantya  in  the  case  of  the 
A risimhatdpaniya  Upanishad,  Weber  (2nd.  Stud.,  IX,  54)  has  characterised  the  two  parts  of  thin 
Upanishad  in  the  following  words  :  "  The  great  difference  of  the  two  from  each  other  can  be  seen  quite 
•clearly.  The  Ptirvatapanlyam  is  purely  exoteric  and  is  concerned  only  with  the  forms  of  belief  of  one 
(particular)  sect,  which  reveres  the  Nrisimha  form  of  Vishnu  as  the  highest  expression  and  the  most 
exalted  form  of  godhood  ;  audit  (i.e.  the  PArvatdpantya)  is  based  essentially  on  the  standpoint  of 
the  Yoga  system.  The  Uttaratdpariiyam  is,  on  tht  other  hand,  purely  esoteric,  and  is  concerned  only 
with  the  identification  of  the  All -Soul — the  highest  JLtman,  i.e.  Brahman — with  the  Universe,  and  more 
particularly  with  representing  its  identity  with  the  holy  syllable  Ow,  the  different  parts  of  which  are  in 
their  turn  represented  as  containing  the  Universe,  and  stands  essentially  on  the  standpoint  of  the  Vodanta 
«y stem."  Thus  in  the  Nrittimhatdpdnt  Upanishad  also,  the  Yoga  doctrine  Iwutd  on  Theism  is  the  older 
{view},  and  the  Veddntic  doctrine  the  later  one.  Moreover,  it  has  be<«n  shown  in  part  IV  of  this  Preface 
that  the  reviser  of  the  Bhag.  has  utilised  the  Uttaratdpaniya. 

12  '  Vedanta  '   has  generally  this  sense  very  often  in  Mahdbh&mta,   cf .  Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  113. 

ja  Even  in  the  so-called  quintessence  verse  of  the  CWd,  XI.  55  ( Sarva-aastra-Sara  or  HO  forth 
'according  to  the  commentators)  there  is  nothing  of  Vedantic  doctrine.  ' 

J«  The  description  of  the  Tatnasa  kind  of  sacrifice,  XVII,  13,  "  where  there  are  no  prayer*  arid  no 
gifts**  might  probably  occasion  the  view  whether  it  might  here  bo  intended  to  speak  approvingly  of 
the  sacrifices  prescribed  in  the  Mimdmsd.  The  description  of  the  Sattva  kind  of  sacrifice,  however, 
in  v,  lias  being  "  performed  by  those  who  do  not  expect  any  reward  therefrom'*  is  against  this 
view.  The  objec  of  the  author  in  these  verses  is  to  bring  together  under  his  scheme  of  Sattva, 


CAUSE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAGA  VADGlT,\ 

Ever  since  the  Bhag.  was  completed  as  it  has  come  down  to  us,  it  has  served  to  the 
later  poets  as  a  model— even  with  all  its  admixture,  inconsistencies  and  vagueness — which 
all,  the  Indian  mysticism  can  put  up  with.  After  the  pattern  of  the  Bhag.  are  composed 
[Text  p.  16  ]  the  Anugttd  (M hb.  XIV.,  Ad.  16-51,)  the  fsvara  Gitd  (Kurmap.'H.  Ad.  1-11), 
the  Vyasa  Qitd  (Kurmap.  II.  Ad.  12-34.  )15  and  indeed  many  other  pieces  besides,  not  to 
mention  the  borrowings  from  the  Bfiag.,  e.g.  in  MJib.  III.  120  and  in  the  Paficharatra 
Section,  Mhb.  XII,  Adh.  341  and  i!.,  compare  particularly  Bhag.  XI,  ir>  and  ff.,  and 
M  hb.  XII,  verse  12914  and  ft.  (Calc.  edition). 

I  have  read  the  Bhag.  six  or  neven  times  during  the  course  of  tho  year,  and  the 
impression  has  ever  strengthened  itself  on  niy  mind  that  the  Vedantic  and  the  Miin£ri)Hic 
parts  are  unoriginal.  I  have  therefore  ventured  to  carry  into  practical  execution  the  idea 
of  separating  the  above  named jparts  of  the  Bhag.,  not  us  the  result  of  any  abrupt  conceit , 
but  on  the  basis  of  a  slowly  accumulating  conviction.  (By)  thus  (separating  the  particular 
parts)  it  appears  to  me  that  there  is  (by  this  process)  nowhere  caused  any  real  gap  in  the  / 
Bhag.,  rather  tho  interrupted  relationship  of  the  various  passages  is  further  restored  ;  - 
thus,  for  instance,  quite  decidedly  by  removing  th^  passages  111.  SMS  ;  VI.  27-32  ;  VI 1. 
7-11;  VIII.  20,  IX.,  <5.10  A  letter  confirmation  of  my  theory  (than  this)  cannot 
possibly,  I  believe,  ho  expected. 

If  1  might  still  bring  forward  a,  circumstance  in  favour  of  my  opinion,  it  is  the  use  of  the 
word  "Maya"  which  occurs  six  times  in  the  Bhag.  Among  those  passages  the  word 
J/a^ihasatlV.  Oand  XVI 11."  01  the  old  sense  of  "miraculous  power";  (these  passages  in 
uiy  opinion  are  old  since  they  treat  of  Isvara)  but  the  word  has  at  VI J.  14  (twice),  15 
and  25,  tho  technical  Vediinta  meaning  of  the  worlri-appearauco,  (tomic  Illusion.  Over 
and  above  this  word,  which  forthereligio-philosophical  development  of  India  is  of  very  great 
interest,  [Text  p,  17  J  I  will  not  seek  to  support  my  theory  with  (other)  literary  investiga- 
tions ;  and  just  no\v  1  refrain  from  the  possible  attempt  of  bringing  to  bear  on  the  case 
literary,  stylistic  or  metrical  arguments:  because  the  revision  of  tho  Gild  has  not  naturally 
been  carried  on  so  mechanically  that  the  Ved&ntie  and  the  ritualistic  pieces  were  put 
in  whenever  any  occasion  presented  itself  as  being  favourable,  and  that  the  old  constituent 
parts  of  the  work  scrupulously  preserved.  It  is  rather  to  be  supposed  thai  because  of 
the  exigencies  of  the  interpolations,  most  of  the  poem  has  been  shaped  anew.  However 
the  old  Bhag.  has  not  thereby  suffered  so  radical  a  transformation  of  its  character  that 

tiaju*  and  2'amcu  the  different  kinds  of  sacrifice*  known  to  him  in  civilized  life  of  hi*  community, 
but  not  thereby  to  recommend  the  Vedio  sacrifice  and  tlio  tenets  of  the  J/in*&W*«.  The  same  ia  thr 
caw  wife  the  veneration  of  tho  Brahmajm*  in  v.  H  and  of  the  pirn-tire  of  Vc<lu-ivcitation  in  v.  15.  lu 
XVIII,  5-U,  •acrifioe,  alms-giving  and  authorities  are  recognised  as  iiu-mis  of  purification.  Still, 
howow.it  wempliaHiB-d  that  one  should  not  practice  them  will,  u  vms  to  their  ivniilte  [and  thin  in 
opposed  to  (tho  tenets  of)  Mirndihtid.  ] 

'5  Raji'iidralala  Mitra,  Catalogue  of  ttitsuncr  (iV»',),  201-  No.   ^^;- 

^6  For   rnoro  on  tliis    point,    see   tho    Appendix     ••  On    th<-    i>a»sM,gH.    in  tho  Bhag.    not 
to  it." 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

the  interpolated  passages  are  not  for  the  most  part  even  now  recognisable  as  such  in  the 
new  work.  Though  the  interpolations,  arerdi&trihu ted  very -unequally  on  the  eighteen 
Adhyayag,  it  can  well  be  supposed  that  the  original  Gita  must  have  consisted  of  a  smaller 
number  of  Adhyayas.  Its  division  into  eighteen  Adhyayas  is  presumably  fashioned  after 
that  of  the  MaMbMrnla  into  eighteen  'jwvqns  :  perhaps  the  eighteen  Puranas  were,  also 
known  at  that  time.  .  . 

The  passages  expurgated  by  me  afe,  as  already  said,  mainly  of  a  Vedaiitic  and 
Mimariisic  import.  Other  passages  are  also  expunged  OH  other  critical  grounds,  tho  reasons 
of  which  arc  set  forth  in  the  Appendix.  One  hundred  and  seventy  out  of  the  seven 
hundred  verses  of  the  Bhttg.  fall  away  in  this  way:  if  the  twenty -four  verses  at  the 
beginning  and  at  the  end  which  might  or  might  not  belong  to  the  .original  GUd  are  to 
be  deducted  from  this  number,  there  are  one.  hundred  and  forty-six  (of  those  interpolated 
verses),  or  more  than  one-fifth  of  the  whole. 

T  do  not  cherish  the  illusion  that  according  to  the  method  outlined  above  1  might 
have  succeeded  in  taking  out  all  the  unoriginal  parts  of  the  B/iat/.  At"  the  time  of  the 
revision  there  mighthavobcon  added  many  other  verses  besides,  of  which  no  word  might  have 
been  existing  in  the  original  poem  ;  moans  are,  however,  want-ing  to  decide,  them  us  unori-. 
ginal,  and  1  should  not  venture  upon  pure  guess.  \\r.  von.  Humholdt's  remarks  on  p.  46 
of  his  work  make  it  appear  that  this  groat  scholar  AUIS  inclined  to  make  the  genuine  Glid 
[Text  p.  18]  end  with  the  eleventh  Adhyaya.  Hopkins,  Chaff  7fy/r.  2»,\  calls  the  verses 
of  Mbh.  VI.  830-1382,  i.e.  just  the  first  fourteen  Adhyayas  of  our  poem,  -the  heart  of  the 
Gita."  n  T  admit  unhesitatingly  that  the  later  Adhyayas  contrast  unfavorably  with  tht» 
preceding  ones;  1  would  not  however,  therefore,  venture  to  declare  them  to  be  outright 
later  additions,  but  would  suppose  that,  as  it  so  often  happens  the  skill  of  the  composer 
has  failed  him  as  he  approached  the  ond.  That  many  of  the  fundamental  teachings  of 
the(7fta  are  for  the  first  time  brought  into  clear  light  in  passages  of  the  eighteenth  Adhyaya 
(vv.  55,  (56)  speaks  for  the  genuineness  of  the  later  Adhvavas. 

My  translation  of  the  Bhag.  will  in  a  convenient  manner  enable  the  reader  to 
pass  lightly  over  what  I  regard  its  un-gcnuine  passages,  and  thus  to  secure  a  faithful 
representation  of  the  original  form  (of  the  Eliay.).  In  any  case,  mv  attempt  at 
reconstructing  (the  original  Blag.)  removes  all  the  most  glaring  contradictions  that 
pervade  the  whole  poem  in  its  present  form,  creating  ambiguity  and  vagueness.  It 
represents  a  Gita  the  religious  character  of  which  is  purely  theistic,  and  the  philosophical 
character  of  which  closely  corresponds  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Samkhya-Yoga.  Clear 
though  the  result  of  my  investigation  appears  to  me  personally,  T  still  expect  to  meet  with 
opposition  (from  others).  This  opposition  is  principally , to  be  A'xpeeted  from  tfae  side  which 
regards  the  Samkhya  as  nothing  else  than  a  "muddling  up"  of  Vedanta,  though  this 
standpoint  in  itself  does  not  necessitate  the  rejection  of  the  result  T  have  arrived  at. 

*  When  however  Hopkins,  p.  :>H  says  that  the  feart  of  the  poem  differs  in  style  from  itx  beginning 
«nd  ending,  he  does  not  indeed  regard  in  thia  ptiiBage  the  beginning  of  the  (KM  as  belonging  to  the 
41  heart."  How  is  this  to  agree  with  bin 


^AHBE^NTRODUCTION    TO    THE    SHAGArADOtT, 
IL-Tbi  Origin  o!  the  Doetrinw  Of  the  BhagavadgJti. 


a  part  of  the  huge  matenal  regardzng  Knsh.a  and  the      r^cult.     Even          ma 
is,  however,  very  much  complicated  and  does  not   yield  quite  easily    to    any  attempt 
toseeure   a   clear  and  homogenous  apprehension  regarding  the  progress  of  Krishna-ism 
An  attempt  of  this  kind  is  beset  by  the  danger  of  some  essential  and  chronological  violonc-u 
.  being  done  to  the  statements  contained  in  our  sources.     Whether  I  might  have  succeeded  in 

steering  clear  of  this  danger,  is  for  others  to  decide.    I  can  only  say  that  I  have  constantly 

placed  this  pitfall  before  my  e}Tes. 

In  the  epoch  in  which  the  Kshatriyas  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  reformation  oi 
the  spiritual  life  of  Ancient  India — according  to  my  view  they  had  the  leading  of  it  1*-— there 
was  established  by  a  valiant  warrior,  Krishna,  the  son  of  Vasudeva  and  Devaki,  a 
1  monotheistic  religion  which  spread  itself  first  amongst  his  co-tribals  the  Yadavas,  -Satvatas 
or  VYishnis,  and,  then,  beyond  the  range  of  that  tribal  communion.  This  view  was  first 
put  forward  only  by  way  of  a  hypothesis  by  R.  Q.  Bhandarkar  in  connection  with  his 
exposition  of  the  Ramanuja  system  and  its  antecedents  (Report  on  Search  for  Sanskrit  MSS. 
in  Bombay  Presidency.  1883-84,  Bombay  1887,  p.  74)  ;  b  it  this  view  can  (now)  be  securely 
established.  In  connection  with  this,  there  are  principally  to  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion the  foil  owing  three  lines  of  evidence,  which  mutually  support  and  supplement  each 
other.  First,  Krishna  Devakiputra  is,  aw  i«  well  known,  mentioned  already  in  Chhandoyyo- 
panifthad  III,  17,  0  as  the  pupil  of  Aiigirasa  Ghora,  in  a  very  remarkable  [  p.  20]  way  in 
connection  witn  doctrines  which  bear  a  distinctly  ethical  character.1*  Secondly,  is  to  be 
mentioned  the  role  which  Krishi  a,  the  renowned  hero  of  the  Yadava  clan  and  the  ally  of  the 
Pandavas,  plays  in  the  older  parts  of  the  Mahdbharata — the  role,  viz.,  as  a  warrior, 
counsellor,  and  expositor  of  religious  doctrines.  The  Petersburg  Dictionary  t  11.413,  already 
speaks  of  the  "  natural  cou^tiou  "  of  the  hero  fa-nied  in  the  MaMbhdrata  with  the  teacher 
Krishna  mentioned  in  the  Chhdndvgyopanishad ,  and  this  connection  should  not  be  severed 
unnecessarily.  Thirdly,  there  is  another  circumstance  to  be  mentioned  an  belonging  to  this 
point,  viz.,  that  the  patronymic  of  Knshia,  viz.  "Vasudeva,"  meets  us  in  a  large  number 
of  cases,  and  used  earlier  than  the  personal  name,  as  the  designation  of  God,  and  is 
primarily  found  specially  amongst  the  members  of  that  clan  to  which  Kj-ishya  according 
to  the  Mahdbhdrata  belonged.20  This  circumstance  is  therefore  of  primary  importance 
since  the  deification  of  the  founders  of  sects  in  India  is  a  general  custom,  and  docs  not 
date  first  with  only  the  rise  of  neo-brahmaiusm  since  the  close  of  the  12th  century  A.I>., 
as  held  by  Barth,  Religions  de  Vlnde,  137. 

If  these  lines  of  evidence  were  to  bo  combined,  the  way,  I  should  think,  is  shown  to  us 
for  our  understanding  of  what  Krishna  Vasudeva  once  was  in  reality.  From  the  tangle  of 
tradition,  legend  and  myth,  with  which  the  conception  of  Krishna  is  overgrown,  there  can 
be  peeled  out  as  kernel  a  victorious  hero  who  at  the  same  time  was  the  successful  founder 
of  a  religion.  

18   See  my  Beitr&ge  zur  indischen  Kulturgeschichie  ( Berlin  1003  ),  Aufaatz  I. 

W  ChkAnd.  Up.  Ill,  17,  4  :  Austerities,  charity,  straightforwardness,  non-injury  and  truthful  wordi, 

*  R.  Q.  Bhandarkar,  loc.  ct*.,  p.  73. 


10  THE    INDIAN    ANTIQUARY 

The  contradictions  which  the  character  of  Krishna  exhibits  in  the  Mahdbharata  have  led 
Ad  Holtzmann  to  the  view  that  two  different  persons  might  be  mixed  up  together  in  the 
Krishna  of  the  epos.  This  recourse,  however,  has  been  long  since  recognised  to  be 
unnecessary,  since  the  contradictions  can  quite  satisfactorily  be  explained  through  the 
revision  effected  in  the  old  Kuru-epos,  according  to  which  (i.  e.,  the  old  kernel)  Krishna  was 
an  antagonist  of  the  Kurus,  and  a  person  [p.  21]  full  of  trickery  and  cunning  ;  in  the  present 
Panda va-epos,  Krishna  is  glorified  as  a  friend  and  helper  of  his  heroes.21 

Weber  also  supposed  on  mythological  grounds  that  in  the  Krishna  of  the  epos  and  of 
the  Hindu  religion  different  persons  bearing  this  name — one  human  and  one  ormore(?) 
mythological  personalities— might  have  coalesced  together  (Zur  Indischen  Keligionsgeschichte ,  ' 
eine  Kursoiische  VbersicU,  Stuttgart  1899,  pp.  28  and  29=Eng.  Trans,  by  Grierson  Jnd. 
Ant.,  Vol.  30,  1901,  p.  285  ff. ).  However,  the  way  in  which  Weber  presumes  "some  such 
mythical  basis  "  and  arrives  at  his  opinion  by  means  of  various  possibilities,  affords  no 
exact  insight  into  the  way  of  reasoning  through  which  he  had  reached  hi«  conviction  in 
the  matter,  and  offers  no  help  to  a  critical  analysis  of  his  standpoint. 

Still  less  convincing  to  me  is  the  phantastic  theory  brought  forward  by  Senart  and  Barth 
regarding  Krishna's  having  originally  a  purely  mythical  aspect.  Senart  in  his  essay  on  the 
legend  of  Buddha,  sees  in  Krishna  as  much  as  in  Buddha,  a  sun-hero,  a  popular  form  of  tlm 
atmospheric  Agni,  and  A.  Barth,  Religions  de  Vlnde ,  pp.  100,  103,  [The  Religions  of  India, 
English  Translation  (1882),  Triibner's  Oriental  Series,  p.  172]  shares  his  opinion.  At  the 
latter  place  Barth  says :  "  Considered  in  his  physical  derivation,  Krishna  is  a  figure  of 
complex  quality,  in  which  there  mingle  at  length  myths  of  fire,  lightning,  and  storm,  and  in 
spite  of  his  name  (Krishna  signifies  "  the  black  ono")  of  heaven  and  the  sun,"  and  further 
below  he  puts  forward  the  statement  that  in  Krishna's  parents  Vasudeva  and  Devaki,  "  we 
recognise  concealed  the  ancient  pair,  the  colonial  man  and  the  Apsaras."  Weber  also  who 
otherwise  gives  a  very  sound  view  regarding  the  gradual  elevation  of  Krishna  from  a 
human  being  to  godhood,  has  given  a  mythological  interpretation  to  many  of  the  purely 
human  references  to  Krishua.  He  understands  Vasudeva  as  ''Indra  son",  Intl.  Stu.  I.  432; 
XIII.  353,  note  2  ;  and  in  Ind.  Streifen,  III.  428,  he  says  [p.  22] :  uThe  close  relationship 
of  the  legend  of  Krishua  with  Indra,  the  Vedic  representation  of  the  thunder  god,  was 
already  [  even  b  of  ore  Senart  ]  regarded  as  certain,  Indra  being  called  'Govind'  and  Krishi-a 
•Gnvinda  ',  because  of  the  common  relation  of  both  to  Arjuna,"  t.e.,  because  Arjuna  is 
represented — like  so  many  other  heroes  of  Indian  legends — as  a  son  of  Indra.  This 
followed,  in  the  present  case,  from  the  fact  that  Arjuna  was  known  to  be  a  name  of 
Indra  in  the  Vedas.22 

Tho  striking  refutation  which  Oldenberg  urges  against  the  solar  theory  of  Senart 
in  relation  to  Buddha,  cannot  indeed  in  the  same  way  be  made  applicable  to  Krishna, 
since  in  this  case  there  are  wanting  such  older  materials  of  a  thoroughly  reliable  genuine- 
ness, as  are  to  be  found  in  the  old  Pali  texts  regarding  the  life  of  Buddha.  The  analogy 

111  L.  Von  Schrooder,  Indiens  Literatur  und  Kultur,  p.  480. 

--•  Webar  likewise  finds  it  a  great  riddle  ( InL  Stu.,  XIII.  355,  note  5)  how  Krishna  might  have  come 
to  have  th*  names  Kafova  and  Govinda.  There  is  nothing  less  puzzling  than  this  to  any  one  who 
sees  in  Krishna  a  hum*n  being.  Tho  epithet  Kesiva  shows  that  Krishna  had  long  curling  hair,  or 
waa  supposed  to  have  such  hair- dress  ;  and  Gavinda  "  the  herd-obtainer  "  simply  denotes  the  victorious 
in  battle.  That  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  supposing  that  the  bye-name  Govinda  might  be  * 
Prakritic  form  of  Gopendra  "  the  prince  of  the  herdsmen  "  baa  been  already  mentioned  in  the 
Dictionary. 


OARBE-8    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    BHAQAVADGtTj 


is,  however,  none  the  less  .very  instructive.    II  the  solar  ti,,™     i     7-n    , 

r:^^ 

to  make  a 


concession  to  the  historical  view-then,  by  a  parity  of 

circuinstanoeB,  the  solar  theory  in  the  case  of  Krishna  might  not  well  stand  L 
the  Krishna  myth  we  should  not  see  the  «  basis  ••  from  which  the  conceptions  of  the  person 
of  Krishna  might  have  been  evolved;  on  the  other  hand,  we  muni  see  in  the  Krishna- 
myth  purely  mythological  ideas  which  are  engrafted  on  Krishna,  ufter  he  was  raised  to 
God-hood.  From  this  stand-point  all  the  difficulties  that  are  inherent  in  the  solar  or 
atmospheric  [p.  23]  theory  regarding  Krishna,  vanish,  and  from  this  point  of  view  the 
.circumstance  that  many  of  the  Krishna-myths  recur  with  much  peculiar  characteristics  in 
the  apocryptfc  biography  of  Buddha,  is  not  (  therefore  )  to  be  wondered  at. 

Every  unprejudiced  historical  consideration  of  our  material  shows  us  Krishna  in  the 
oldest  period  as  a  human  being,  arid  later,—  in  a  progressive  development  as  half-god,  god, 
and  a!l-Soul.2'  If  in  the  mythology  of  liin  iuinm  K/ishu*  is  represented  as  a  God  assum- 
ing human  sh&p?,  or  as  an  incarnation  of  Vish'.oi,  it  is  simply  the  reversal  of  the  real  rela- 
tion, as  is  to  bd  observed  elsewhere  quite  distinctly  in  the  myths  that  bring  about  the 
transformation.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Euhemerism  is  quite  justified  in  our  present  case. 

Krishna  is  therefore  as  much  a  real  personality  as  Buddha;  and  his  parents  also  — 
JJevakiand  Vasudova—  were  no  mythological  or  allegorical  persons,  but  human  beings  like 
(  Krishna)  himself.  The  question  has  naturally  bcrni  raised  as  to  what  fundamental  causes 
tie  deification  of  Krishna,  might  bo  due  to.  Sjm*  (W^bjr,  Ini.  Lit.  Qeich.  2  p.  78,  notw 
68—  English  Trans.  (1892),  p.  71,  note  08  ;  Ind.  Stu.  XHJ,  p.  349,  note,  Holtzmum,  Arjuni, 
]>.  (>l)  declare  this  to  be  a  riddle;  on  the  other  hand,  the  ssrvkioa  which  Krishna 
rendered  in  bringing  about  the  victory  of  the  P.lnrjavas  are  mentioned  in  this  connection. 
Schroedor,  Indiens  Literatur  und  Cultur,  p.  332,  finds  it  reasonable  and  natural  that  "  thoso 
new  rulers  of  the  Madhyadesa  were  ready  [p.  24  J  to  insist  and  to  promulgate  the  reverence 
shown  to  their  national  hero  by  thoir  allies,  and  w^re  at  great  pains  to  magnify  th^ 
glory  of  the  hero  who  had  now  baconu  th^ir  hero  as  wall  ;"  and  p.  333,  h^  says  (in  agree- 
ment with  Lassen,  Ind.  Altertumskunde,  I,2  821,)  the  Panfjavas,  the  heroes  of  the  Miiha- 
bhir.ita  appear  as  the  furthorers  of  the  K/Hhaa-wor<hip.  As  against  this,  it  is  to  be» 
remarked  that  the  deification  of  Krishna  has  bi»o:i  brought  about  in  a  tim  •>  when  the  help 
which  the  Yadavas  had  once  rendered  to  the  victors  of  the  Kuril-tribe,  did  no  longer 
possess  any  actual  interest.  Quite  naturally  the  reason  of  Krishna's  deification  is—as  has 
boon  already  stated  above—  due  to  his  being  the  founder  of  the  monotheistic  religion  of  his 
tribe  ;  and  this  on  account  of  the  numerous  analogies  which  the  religious  history  of  India 
presents  to  us  from  (the  time  of)  Buddha  down  to  quite  modern  times. 

Regarding  the  original  essence  of  this  religion  it  can  only  be  said  that  it  was  popular 
and  independent  of  the  Vedic  tradition  and  of  Brahmanism,  and  that  most  probably  it 

23  Hopkins,  Religions  of  India^  p.  465,  Hays  that  the  Divino  man  of  tho  Mbh.  "must  be  the  same 
with  the  character  mentioned  in  the  Chhdndogya  Upanishad,  3-17-6."  On  page  466  (end),  however, 
Hopkins  strikes  out  a  different  way  of  explanation  :  •'  It  cannot  bo  imagined,  however,  that  tho  cult  of 
the  Gangetio  Krishna  originated  with  that  vague  personage  whose  pupilage  is  described  in  the  U  pan  i 
afcai,"  and  on  the  next  two  pages  he  declares  Krishna  to  be  an  anthropomorphic  God.  This  deduction 
of  the  otherwise  very  ingenious  and  lucid  scholar  appoars  to  me  not  to  be  happy.  In  Fatwboira  Indian, 
Mythology  according  to  ike  MahAbhdrata,  London  1903,  p.  121,  Krishna  has  been  treated  of  in  a  remarkable 
manner  with  reference  to  the  Hari-vwMa,  the  Bhdgavata  Pur  Ana  and  other  later  works. 


12 


THE    INDIAN    ANTIQUARY 


laid  from  its  very  start  groat  emphasis  on  the  moral  side  of  which  there  is  dreadfully  too 
little  in  the  Brahmanical  religion  and  philosophy.  We  might  compare  above,  and  think 
of  the  role  which  duty  plays  in  the  Bhag.  Other  passages  of  the  Mahdbhdrata  might 
be  brought  forward  to  support  the  wew  thai  the  K  ishnaism  has  been— from  the  very 
beginning— an  ethical  religion  of  the  Kshatriya* ;  e.  g.,  Mahdbhdrata.  VJ,  3044,  3045  (Calc. 
edition.) 

Rajarshinam  udarauam  {Lhaveshvanivartinurn  | 
Sarvadharmapradhaniinum  tvam  gatir  Madhusiidana  || 

''Thou,  O  Madhusiidana,  art  the  resort  of  the  noble  royal-sages  who   never   turn  back 
from  fight  and  with  whom  all  behoats  (of  duty)  preponderate." 

In  K;ish\ia's  religion  God  is  named  "Bhagavat  "  "  the  noble  one/'  a  word  used  in 
India  since  very  ancient  times  to  denote  the  godly  and  holy  beings.  Along  with  this 
word  there  came  to  be  used  in  course  of  time  other  epithets  :  [  p.  25  ]  Narayana,  Purushot- 
tama,  as  well  ai  the  patronymic  and  tlr?  personal  nimo  of  the  founder  of  the  religion.  As 
the  oldest  names  of  the  sect  occur  (first  in  the  12th  book  of  the  Mah'lbhdrala)  Bhagavata 
and  S&tvata;  the  latter  is  derived  from  the  clan  of  Krishna.  Later  than  both  these  names 
is  the  name  Pancharutra,  which  occasionally  signifies  a  particular  subdivision  of  the  sect, 
but  which  is  generally  used  as  equivalent  to  Bhagavata.  With  this  (latter)  name  only 
I  shall  designate  in  the  sequel  the  followers  of  the  Kyish \ia-religion,  because  I  regard  this 
as  the  original  name, 

If  we  were  now  to  enquire  about  the  time  when  K;ish;ia  lived  and  established  his 
religion,  we  shall  have  to  place  him  according  to  Child  Up.  III.  17-6,  a  couple  of  centuries 
before  Buddha ;  and  if  there  is  any  historical  nucleus  in  Krishna's  participating  in  the 
war. of  the  P&'ttlavas  with  the  Kauravas,  (and  his  participation  I  believe  to  be  real)  he 
will  have  necessarily  to  be  still  carried  back  to  a  higher  antiquity.  The  existence  of  the 
sect  founded  by  Krishna  is  indeed,  confirmed  for  the  first  time  by  literary  evidence  of  the 
4th  contury  B,C.  ;  it  is  from  Pdnini,  IV.  3P98,  where  is  laid  down  the  formation  of  the 
word  " Vasudevaka  "  in  the  sense  (if  "a  worshipper  of  Vasudeva."  The  alternative 
explanation  given  in  the  Mahdbhdshya,  athavd  nai<d  <f?c.,  a*  evidently  appears  as  the 
correct  one.25  In  the  passage  from  Panini,  [p.  26]  Vasudeva  is  not  the  epithet  of 
the  Kshatriya  Krishna,  but  of  the  highest  being.  As  against  this  it  cannot  be  urged 
that  in  the  passage  under  consideration  "  Arjunaka  "  in  the  sense  of  "  a  worshipper  of 
Arjuna  "  stands  by  the  side  of  '*  Vasudevaka. "  For  inasmuch  as  Panini  has  mentioned 
both  of  these  forms  in  close  connection  with  each  other,  ho  must  not  have  thought  of 
Arjuna  as  the  friend  and  companion  in  arms  of  the  human  Krishna ;  on  the  other  hand, 
Pai.iini  must  have  conceived  of  Arjuna  in  that  individuality  in  which  he  stands  forth  in 

2*  Kiolhorn  reads  in  his  edition  tatra-bhavatah,  which  is  certainly  wrong. 

23  (J/.  Weber,  Ind.  Stu.,  XIII,  348  ff.  Weber  sees  in  the  staterasnt  of  the  Mahdbhfahya  regard- 
ing the  worship  of  Vasudeva  (  something  )  less  than  Tola ng,  whom  he  Controverts  and  who  correctly 
explains  Vasudeva  in  the  passage  quoted  as  "  a  name  of  the  {Supreme  Being."  Against  the  view  of  Telang 
that  the  Mah&bfiAshya  proves  the  worship  of  Krishna  as  the  highest  being,  Weber  urges,  p.  353,  that 
numerous  other  passages  oC  the  Mahdbhfohyct  refer  to  Krishna  Vasudeva  as  a  hero  and  half-God,  In  these 
p&  IB  1301,  however,  Pataftj&li  has  simply  utilised  the  material  from  the  epic  stories.  If  the  renowned 
commentator  quotes  legendary  stories  known  to  him  in  which  Krishna  is  mentioned  as  a  semi- divine 
hero,  to  illustrate  grammatical  instances,  it  does  not  militate  against  the  fact  that  Patanjoli  in  other 
plftoa-i  refers  to  the  worship  of  Vasudeva  as  the  Highest  God, — a  worship  that  had  spread  wide  amongst 
the  people  ia  his  time.  Of.  also  on  this  point  R.  G.  Bhandarkar,  Indian  Antiquary,  III,  16. 


OAfcBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BSAOAVADQftA  13 

the  Bhag.  (excepting  its  prologue)  and  in  which  he  must  have  been  generally  known  m 
Palm's  time,  viz.,  as  Krishna's  disciple  to  whom  the  religious  truth  was  disposed  by  the 
Supreme  Being,  and  who  in  consequence  must  be  regarded  as  the  preacher  and  promulga- 
tor  of  that  religion.  The  way  of  worship,  which  should  have  brought  into  vogue  the  two 
derivatives,  Yasudevaka  and  Arjunaka,  must  have  been  a  different  matter  ;  in  essence, 
however,  both  the  words  signify  the  same  thing,  viz.,  a  follower  of  the  Bhagavata  religion, 
and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  Panini  has  mentioned  them  simultaneously.2* 

I  have  above  fought  resolutely  against  the  theory  of  the  mythical  origin  of 
Krishna.  When  I  first  investigated  the  theory  regarding  its  probability,  I  became  doubtful 
•  for  a  long  time— because  of  tho  name  Arjuna,— whether  after  all  the  theory  might  not 
be  a  true  one,  since  the  two  names  Krishna  and  Arjuna  convey —in  spite  of  us— [p.  27]  an 
'allegorical  or  naturalistic  impression.  The  word8  indeed  have  led  even  Weber  (Zur  ind. 
Religions  Oeschitchie,  pp.  28-29)  to  think  in  a  similar  fashion.  However,  such  impression? 
being  dependent  on  the  etymology  of  names,  land  one  quite  too  oft  in  an  errror,  and 
give  riso  to  an  allegorical  mdaninv  or  some  other  mysterious  explanation  where  the 
simple  and  the  moat  natural  moaning  was  intended.  1  (need)  remind  only  of  Maya,  the 
mother  of  Buddha.  The  names  Krishna  and  Arjuna  are  often  to  be  met  with  in  India,  and 
Krishna  besides  as  that  of  a  poet  in  the  Rigveta.  If  now  two  persona  bearing  these  names 
(sic.  Krishna  and  Arjuna)  appear  in  close  relation  with  each  other,  the  circumstance  is 
indeed  very  striking  ;  but  still  it  is  not  necessary  for  us  therefrom  to  recognize  in  them  — 
say — an  embodiment  of  day  and  night  or  some  such  other  thing;  on  the  other  hand,  this 
circumstance  might  lend  itself  to  a  very  simple  explanation  in  two  ways.  Either  the  concep- 
tion of  Arjuna  as  a  counterpart  of  Krishna  was  freely  invented  when  the  latter  was  enveloped 
up  in  legend  ;  in  such  cases  the  people  arc  fond  of  a  parallelism  of  names,  and  the  name 
Arjuna  had  especially  in  this  case  a  double  justification  as  being  the  name  of  the  hero,  in 
which  the  tribe  of  the  Pai.ulavas,  i.  f .,  the  sons  of  the  "  white  one  ",  was  to  a  certain  extent 
individualised  ; 2T  or  there  was  really  amongst  the  Pantlavas  a  friend  and  follower  of 
Krishna  bearing  the  name  Arjuna.  If  now  we  wore  to  decide  for  the  second  of  these  two 
[p.  28]  alternatives,  we  might  guess  that  4<  Aijuna  "  might  have  been  originally  a  by-name. 
i.e.,  the  short  form  of  a  by-name,  which  originated  from  our  hero  having  had  a  team  of 
white  horses.  Arjuna  alwo  bears  in  the  Mahdbhdrata  the  surnames  'Svetavaha,  Hvetavahana, 
&vet£sva,  Sitasva.  In  this  case  too,  viz.,  to  this  genesis  of  the  name  Arjuna,  might  also  have 

2*  An  entirely  different  viow  of  our  (  present )  Pttnim-pitssage  has  been  expressed  by  Hopkins,  Great 
Kpic,  p.  395,  note  2  :  "  Tho  whole  "  evidence  "  at.  its  most  evincing  in  that  Panini  knew  a  Mahdbhdrata 
in  whioh  the  heroes  (  Krishna  arid  Arjuna  )  were  objects  of  such  worship  as  is  accorded  to  most  Hindu 
Herges  after  death. "  Had  Pamni  really  thought  of  only  aome  suvh  worship,  it  is  in  tho  highest  degree 
surprising  that  he  should  have  chosen  just  these  two  names,  which  from  the  point  of  view  of  religious 
history,  are  of  very  great  significance  and  are  from  the  samo  point  of  view  associated  together  closely, 

tf  Lassen  sees,  not  only  in  Arjuna  but  also  in  Krishna,  the  personification  of  a  tribe,  and  holds  the 
two  heroes  as  representatives  of  two  Aryan  tribes,  differentiated  from  each  other  by  white  and  dark  skin 
complexion.  See  Ind.  AUertumakunde,  I2,  p.  789  and  ff.,  particularly  p.  791.  "The  differentiation 
according  to  colour  must  have  some  meaning,  and  this  can  only  be  that  the  Pafichalaa  like  the  Yadavas 
who  are  represented  by  Krishna,  both  belonged  to  the  Aryan  people  who  had  immigrated  earlier,  but  that 
both  had,  through  the  influence  of  climate,  become  more  dark-complexioned  than  the  youngest  immi- 
grants from  the  North,  the  former  therefore  being  called  "black"  in  opposition  to  the  latter."  How 
does  thia,  however,  agree  with  the  fact  that  Arjuna  himself  is  often  characterised  in  Mahdbhdrata  as 
having  a  dark  complexion  ?  Cf.  Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  p.  383. 


14  THE  rNDIAN  ANTIQUART 

contributed  (  Arjuna's)  contrast  with  Krishna  (in  colour).  It  can  scarcely  be  thought  that 
Arju-na  has  been  from  the  very  first  a  real  personal  name.  Cases  of  colour-epithets  becoming 
individual  names  (of  persons)  have  indeed  been  quite  extraordinarily  common  in  India 
since  very  remote  times.  In  addition  to  Krishna,  Arjuha  andPandu,  I  might  name  Asita, 
Kapila,  Chitra,  Nila,  Rama,  Roluta,  Lohita,  Virupa,  &ukla,  ityftma,  Syamaka,  Syava, 
Syuvaka,  Sveta,  Hari,  Harita.  If  it  therefore  follows  from,  this  list — which  could  certainly 
be  still  enlarged— that  every  kind  of  colour  has  been  utilized  to  serve  as  basis  for 
(coining)  personal  names,  I  cannot  still  deuido  for  the  supposition  that  the-  friend  and 
disciple  of  Krishna  might  have  borne  as  a  child  the  namo  Arjuna  ;  since  the  play  of 
chance  that  might  have  brought  together  two  persons  of  the  names  Krishna  and  Arjuna 
(black  and  white)  would  be  (indeed)  too  remarkable  and  (therefore-)  improbable ;  had 
it  been  "black"  and  "red"  or  t(  black "  and  "yellow,"  the  probability  would  have 
been  greater  (that  there  was  such  a  person  who  bore  the  name  from  his  infancy). 

The  development  o!  the  Bhftgavata  religion,  which,  according  to  the  usual  view,  dates 
from  the  medieval  ages  of  India,  but  which,  according  to  my  opinion,  as  set  forth 
above,  commences  much  earlier,  proceeded  along  two  lines— viz,,  the  speculative  one  and 
the  deepening  of  tho  religious  sentiment. 

The  genuine  Indian  disposition  to  combine  Jtoligion  and  Philosophy  and  the  strong 
speculative  tendency  in  particular  of  the  Kshatrjya  caste,  resulted  in  a  philosophical 
basis  being  given  to  the  Bhagavata  religion,  when  .an  interest  in  philosophical  questions 
had  laid  possession  far  aud  wide  of  all  classes  of  society  in  ancient  India.  For  this  purpose 
were  utilized  the  two  oldest  systems  (of  Philosophy;  which  India  has  produced ,  wz.,  JSamkliya 
and  Yoga.38  [p.  29]  The  way  in  which  a  philosophical  basis  was  thus  given  to  the  Bhagavata 
religion  can  indeed  bo  recognized  quitu  distinctly  in  the  Bhag.,  the  proper  devotional  manual 
of  that  sect.  Besides  I  might  here  as  well  refer  to  a  conjecture  which  T  have  put 
forward  in  my  Samkhya  Philosophic,  p.  56.  In  place  of  *'  the  old  Vishnu-ism  with  a 
Samkhya-metaphysics  "  which  A.  Barth,  Religions  dc  CLmlc  p.  ]  J  7  arrives  at,  because  of  the 
many  traces  of  a  dualistic  theory  of  the  Universe,  to  be  found  in  Vishrin-ite  works, 
we  shall  have  probably  to  substitute  simply  "the  religion  of  the  Bhagavatas,"  which 
indeed  at  a  later  period  merges  into  Vishnu-ism,  and  to  which  tho  Bhagavata  religion 
has  transmitted  its  views. 

R  G.  Bhandarkar,  Report,  p.  74  (bottom)  speaks  of  the  4t  religion  of  Bhakti  or  Love  and 
Faith  that  had  cxistedfrom  times  immemorial."  So  high  an  antiquity  for  (the  existence 
of)  Bhakti — a  trustful  and  confiding  devotion  to  God—should  not  only  have  been 
asserted,  but  proved  as  well.  So  long  as  the  latter  is  not  the  case  it  cannot  really  be 
held  as  probable  that  Bhakti  has  been  the  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  Bh&gavata  religion 
from  the  very  beginning,  although  this  conception  has  in  later  times  supplied  it  and 
its  offshoots  with  their  most  important  characteristics.  Tho  question  regarding  the  age 
anil  the  origin  of  Bhakti  is  of  such  an  importance  for  our  (present)  consideration  that  we 
must  investigate  it  somewhat  closely. 

As  the  oldest  evidence  for  the  word  Bhakti  in.  the  above-mentioned  sense  might 
be  mentioned  tho  concluding  verse  of  the  Svetasmtara  Uyanishad :  "  yasya  deve  para 
bhaktih  "  "  he  who  has  the  highest  devotion  for  God,*'  and  the  use  of  this  word  has 

«  Compaue  Lawaen,  /.  A.  K.,  IP,   p.  1123. 


GARDE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  TUB.  KHAGAVADGtTA  15 

contributed  along  with  other  reasons  to  the  oft-repeated  assertion  of  the  post-Christian 
origin  of  the  Svetabatara  Upaniehad**  I  do  not  believe  that  this  supposition  ie  justified; 
t  p.  30]  and  just  for  this  reasou~that  many  verses  of  the  SvelMvatara  Upanishdd  are 
already  to  be  corns  across  in  the  original  Hhag.  which  according  to  my  view  (see  below, 
Oh.  IV  of  this  preface)  dates  from  a  pre-Christian  period.  If  it  could  really  be*  proved  as 
Sankara  makes  us  understand,  that  the  Brahma-Sutra*  oftentimes  Allude  to  the 
tiveldwatara  Upanishad,  then  the  existence  of  the  latter  in  pre-Christian  times  could  be 
completely  vouchsafed  for.  In  determining  the  aatiquily  of  (the  idea  ofj  Uhakti  in 
India  we  might,  however,  leave  for  a  short  time  this  (point  \  out  of  our  consideration. 

Weber  lias  on  oft-repeated  occasions  asserted  the  borrowing  Of  the  (conception  of) 
Wakti  from  Christianity,  and  in  making  this  assertion,  lie  has  principally  relied  upon 
the  remarkable  legend  contained  in  the  twelfth  book  of  the  MaMbltdnda  which  says  that 
the  sages  Narada  (Adh.  337,  Cal.  etL),  Ekatu,  Dvila  and  Tr  it  a,  (Atlh.  338)  had  gone  to 
the  'Svetadvipa,  "the  white  island,"  or  " the  island  of  the  white  ones/'  and  that  Naruda 
brought  back  with  him  from  there  the  Pa  fichu rat nt  doctrine  1  here  expounded  to  him  by 
NarayaTia.  Weber's  explanation  that  tlxjs  stalcjnent  could  only  be  eAplicahle  "  if  we 
recognize  therein  a  tradition  of  the  journey  of  Indian  saints  to  Alexandria  and  cf  their 
having  incurred  there  an  acquaintance  with  Christianity/'  is,  tit  the  Jirst  sight,30  very 
tempting.  When  wo  read  in  the  JUahdbharaln  that  the  white  men  living  in  the  Svetadvipa 
were  filled  with  the  highest  passion  for  the  OIKS  imisible  Cod  Narayaaa  (Mahdbhumla,  X1J. 
12,7(.)S)  and  that  th<-y  worshipped  him  in  their  hearts  with  lowly  inuitered  pniycrs  (  Maha- 
bhdrala^  XII.  12,787),  the  whole,  to  be  sure.,  sounds  as  extraordinarily  Christian.  Lasson 
himself — who  otherwise  has  iirmJy  set  himself  again>t  Weber's  theory  regarding  the  influence 
of  Christianity  in  the  development  of  Krishna,  isin  -is,  by  reason  of  this  portrayal  of  the 
Kvetadvipa,  led  to  viic  supposition;  ln,d.  AUrrlnm.  Il~.  IlltS,  1119)  [p.  31  |  that  'k  certnin 
Brahmins  mi^lit  have  learnt  to  know  of  Christianity  in  a  land  lying  to  the  north- west 
of  their  mother- country  and  might  have  brought  to  India  seine  Christian  tenets  ;  ''  he  is 
of  the  opinion  that  this  land  might  be  Farthia  *' since  the  tradition  thut  the  apostle 
Thomas  had  preached  gospel  in  this  land  is  Md.'1 

After  reading  that  remarkable  section  (of  the  Mahabh&ruta)  \  cannot,  howcsver, 
convince  myself  that  there  is  contained  in  the  legend  the  historical  kernel  which  Weber 
and  Laeson  believe  to  find  therein.  The  account  Ls  so  marvellous  and  phantastic  that 
I  can  only  perceive  therein  the  representation  of  a  purely  mythical  land  of  blessed 
existence.  The  view  of  Barth  (Religion*  de  llrtdc,  page  132)  [  —  English  Trans.,  Triibncr's 
Oriental  Series,  p.  221]  and  of  Telang:a  that  there  lay  here  purely  a  product  of  poetic  fancy 
appears  to  be  thoroughly  conclusive.  The  Svetadvipa  lies  north-east  (XII,  12,703;  or  north 
XIJ.  12,774)  of  the  Mount  Aleru  (and)  on  the  other  side  of  the  Milky  Ocean;  the  white 

'•*  JE.jj.,  by  Wober,  Irid.  Stn.9  L  421-423;  and  Roer  in  thr  i'rofuce  to  his  translation  of  th« 
Upanishad,  Bibl  Indi.,  Vol.  XV.,  p.  30. 

31  Die  Qrivchen  in  Indien  :  Sitzunijsbcri.  Ber :  Aka :  Wissensch.  1800,  p.  930  ;  cf.  also  /nd,  Stu., 
I.  400,  II.  398  and  fl;  Die  Rdma-Tdpaniya-Upanishnd<  Ahhaxul.  Berlin  :  Aku  :  Wjs.sensch.,  1804,  pk  277. 
fiber  d'ie  Kri#hna-janmd*htani  ( Tho  birthday  festival  of  Krishna),  ibid,  1807,  pp.  318-324:  Zwr 
Indittctien  Religioiwgwhichte,  p.  30  and  elso where. 

31  Pcutdpa  Chandra  Ray,  Mahdbhdrata  tmns.  XII,  p.  752  note,  following  Telang'e  preface  to  hi« 
metrical  translation  of  the  Btog.,  a  work  not  aoceaublf  to  me.  Hopkins  also,  Religion*  of  India,  pp.  431, 
412,  does  not  find,  any  trace  ol  Christianity  in  the  Svetudvipa  episalo. 


16  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

resplendent  residents  of  this  land  have  no  sense  (organs),  live  without  nourishment,  are 

exuberantly  odoriferous  and  are  sinless  ;  tfcey  blind  by  their  lustre  the  eyes  of  sinful  men 

and  are  further  described  with  other   fabulous  particularities  (XII.    12,704,   and  ff.;  see 

specially   Sama-mushka-chatuskM.)    Wh»n  we  now  remember  that  the  Indians  had  had  in 

their  otfn  land,   for  centuries  together,    sufficient  contact  with  the  Greeks,  it  appears  to 

me  unbelievable  that  an  Indian  mission  in  Alexandria,  Asia  Minor  or  Parthia  should  have 

brought  back  home  impressions,  which  could  have  served  as  the  basis  of  any  .such  legend, 

developed  in  relatively  so  short  a  time.     In  favour  of  the  supposition,  {p.  32]  that  nothing 

substantial  seems  to  lie  at  the  back  of  the  story,  might  be  mentioned  this  circumstance  — 

amongst  others  —  that  the  sages  Ekata,  Dvita  and  Trita  are   called  the   sons  of   the    god 

Brahman,  anl  more  especially  the  fact  that  it  is  Narada  who  makes   that  fruitful  journey 

to  Svetadvipa  ;  because  Narada  often  emerges  forth  in  the  Indian  literature  serving  as 

the  intermediary  between  godh  and  men,  and  his  home  is  as  much  in  the  heaven  of  the  gods 

as  on  the  earth  of  mortals.     Moreover,  the  whole  narration,   in  spite   of  the   apparently 

Christian  traces  referred  to  above,  bears  a  thoroughly  Indian  character. 

Weber,  loc.  cit.,  is  further  of  the  opinion  that  the  name  Christ,  son  of  the  divine  (?) 
Virgin  aftar  it  became  famous  in  India,  might  have  reminded  the  Indians  of  (the  name  of) 
Krishna,  the  son  of  Devaki  (i.e..  evidently  of  the  divine  goddess,)  and  thus  it  might  as 
well  be  4<that  numerous  Christian  themes  and  legends,  specially  those  of  the  birth 
of  Christ  amongst  cowherds,  of  the  stable  and  the  asylum  being  the  place  of  his 
birth,  of  the  Bothlehamitc  slaughter  of  children,  of  the  taxation  of  Emperor  Augustine 
and  such  others  reappear  in  the  Indian  legends  of  Krishna."  According  to  the 
showing  of  Weber's  suggestive  essay  "On  the  Krishnajanmashtami,"  however,  the 
Christian  elements  in  the  K.-ishna-myth  are  to  be  referred  to  so  late  a  period  that  they 
hardly  need  be  considered  in  connection  with  the  question  here  treated  of  ;  and  some 
traces,  for  which  Weber  nupp3ses  a  Christian  origin,  are  with  certainty  ascribed  to  a, 
pre-Christian  period  (cf.  Bhandarkar,  Indian  Antiquary,  III,  p.  14  ft.)  Weber's  opinion 
that  we  have  probably  to  recognise  even  in  the  first  century  A.D.  an  influence  of 
Christianity  on  India  and  more  particularly  on  the  due  tines  of  Paficharatras  is  already 
refuted  sufficiently  by  Laseen,  /.  A.  K.y  II.  a  1121-1128  ;  further,  other  weighty  authorities 
have  raised  their  voice  against  Weber'  a  theory. 

No  shadow  of  evidence  has  therefore  upto  now  been  brought  forward  to  support  the 
theory  that  [p.  33]  the  conception  of  Bhakti.  with  which  wo  are  immediately  concerned  is 
derived  from  Christianity.  The  religious  significance  contained  in  the  word  Bhakti  has 
nothing  exclusively  about  it  that  is  specifically  Christian.  Not  only  have  devotion  to  God 
and  faith  in  Him  developed  themselves  gradually  in  other  monotheistic  religions  :  but 
even  beyond  the  circle  of  monotheistic  ideas,  the  two  conceptions  are  to  be  found.3* 
And  particularly  in  India  we  possess  all  the  essentiaU  on  (the  strength  of)  which  we 
have  to  regard  Bhakti  as  an  "  indigineous  "  fact  as  Barth  says  ;  since  monotheistic  ideas  are 
to  be  found  prevalent  from  (the  time  of)  the  Rigveda  onward  through  almost  all  the  periods 
of  the  religious  history  of  India,  and  the  powerful  longings  after  the  Divine,  peculiar  to  the 
Indian  soul  from  yore,  must  have  developed  such  sentiments  as  Divine  Love  and  Divine  Faith 
in  a  popularly  conceived  monotheism. 


»  Barfch,  Religion*  de  I'Ind*,  132  (  ==  Bngliih  Translation,  p.  220-1). 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAQAVADGfrA  17 

•Edmund  Hardy,  Lit.  Centralblatt,  1903,  No.  38,  *p.  1260,  points  out  that  (the  word)  ( 
tfakli  (in  its  Pali  form  bhatti)  is  to  be  found  in  the  sense  of  "love",  <£  self-resignation  ",  > 
iti  JMaka,  V.  340,  3,  6 ;  352,  11,  and  refers  to  Thtragdthd,  V.  370,  Avhcro  the   word  passes 
into  the  specific  sense  of  "devotion  to  God."  In  this  latter  sense,  might  also  be  mentioned 
pa*ini,  IV.  3.  95  in  conjunction  with  (Sutra)  98  (following).     From  these  passages  it  follows 
that  the  word  Bhakti  h&&  been  used  in  the  secular  sense  of  '•  lovo",  "devotion",  " attach-  ( 
ment M,  in  the  fourth   century  B.C.,  and  that  during  the  same  period,   a  way- was   l>eing  ; 
prepared  for  the  employment  of  the  word  to  denote  the  relation  of  man  to  God.     Even  j 
though  "the  bhahti  which  is  spoken  of  (in  P<i'//w/,  IV.  3,  95)  be,  the  same  as  tho  one  treated 
of  in  the  rules  96  to  100,  and  is  to  be  understoo< I  <  >uly  in  tho  simple  sinee  of  "  love ' ',  "  devo- 
tion"—according  to  rule  96,  it  is  applicable  to  inanimate  things  surh  as  cako  or  pastry  as  the 
Calcutta  Scholia  explains  it"— (Weber.  Ind.  tilu.l..  XIII.  319,  3r»0),  still  tho  connection  of 
the-wordccJ5Aatti"  with  Vasudova  in  rule  98  is  at  l«tf  [  p.  34]  a  proof  that  in  Panini's  time 
the  use  of  the  word  Bhaktiin  tho  sense  of  "devotion  to  (Jod"  was  in  process   of   growth  ; 
and  the  opinion  of  Patanjali  on    this  passage  referred  to    above    (  regarding  Bhakti  with 
reference  to  Tatrabhagavat)  proves  that  this  sense  of  Bhakti  was  quite  current-  in*tho  second 
century   B.C.,   and  indeed  much  earlier.     The  supposition  thai    the  use  of  the  word  Bhakti 
in  a  specific   religious  significance  might  have  been  caused  by  a-  conception  imported  from 
outside,  can  be  thus  refuted. 

.  Though  indeed  "devotion  to  God  "  can  tin i*  scarcely  be  claimed  (as  belonging)  to 
'the  original  Bhagavata  religion,  still  the  belief  of  the  Vasude\  a-^vorshippers  ^as  in  any  ease 
permeated  by  this  sentiment  before  tho  Bhag.  eame  to  IKJ  composed;  sinee  a  new  idea  is 
(usually)  explained  in  a  manner  unlike  tho  one  followed  in  the  case  of  Blwkti  as  treated  in 
the  Bhagt,  where  this  conception  "is  ever  and  anon  summoned  forth  as  something  self -evident. 

If  we  were  now  to  divide  the  development  of  tho  Uhagavata  religion  into  (different) 
periods,  the  first  period  must  reasonably  be  allowed  to  last  so  long  as  this  religion  led  a 
solitary  life  outside  (the  pale  of)  Brahmanisin.  In  this  first  period,  which  might  be  reckoned 
as  running  from  an  undeterminable  beginning  to  about  300  B.C.,  fall,  probably,  all  the 
religio-historical  events  discussed  hitherto  in  this  section,  /.;*.,  briefly  put,  (a)  the  founding 
of  the  popular  monotheism  by  Krishna  Vasudeva,  (6)  its  being  philosophically  equipped. with 
(tenets  of)  S«ifakhya-yoga,  (c)  tho  deification  of  the  founder  of  that  religion,  and  (d)  as 
I  believe,  the  deepening  of  the  religious  sentiment  on  the  ba^is  of  Bhakti. 

The  second  period  is  characterised  by  tho  brahm-uiisin-j  of  the  Bhagavata  religion  and 
the  identification  of  Krishna  with  Viahmi.  Tho  great  popularity  of  the  legends  and  myths 
with  which  the  personality  of -Krishna  was  surrounded  must  have  excited  the  interest  of 
the  Brahmins ;  however,  the  basis  for  equating  Krishna  with  Vishnu  [p.  35]  was  indeed  first 
given  to  them  when  Krishna  was  definitively  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  a  God  from  a  tribal 
hero.  Against  this  view  it  might  be  objected  that  just  as  Rama,  as  a  purely  human  hero, 
•came  to  be  regarded  by  the  Brahmins  as  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu,  and  has  become  divine 
primarily  in  consequence  of  this  identification,  why  should  we  not  similarly  say  that 
Krishra  as  a  (human)  hero  oame  to  be  regarded  as  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu  ?  To  th!$ 
it  is  to  be  replied  that  the  fact  of  the  matter  lies  indeed  very  differently  in  the  two  oases. 
K  ma,  tender,  pious  and  self -resigning,  and  a  rigid  moralist  ifras  a  genuine  Brahmanical 
character,  that  could  more  easily  be  assimilated  to  the  Vishnu-cult  than  the  popular 
conception  of  the  powerful  and  active  Krishna,  about  whom  the  Brahmins  indeed  knew 


18  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

.quite  well  from  tradition  that  he  had  rejected  the  authority  of  the  Veda  and  had  withstood 
the  Brahmanical  theory  of  sacrifice — the  great  source  of  income  of  the  Brahmins — (of. 
I  Bhagavadgitd)  in  the  same  way  as  it  was  done  after  him  (Krishna)  by  one  greater  than  him, 
i.e.  by  Buddha,  with  greater  results.  Even  t5ankarftch&rya  at  a  time  when  the  Bh&gavatas  f 
had  long  since  been  immerged  into  Brahmanism,  refers,  towards  the  end  of  his  critiqu£  of 
the  Bhagavata-Paficharatra-religion  (Com.  on  Brahma-Sutra^  II.  2,  42-45)  to  the  anti- 
Vedio  character  of  the  sect.  How  can  it  be  doubted  that  the  Brahmins  had  admitted  the 
Bh&gavatas  into  their  own  (Brahmanical)  ranks—quite  reluctantly  indeed,  but  with  a  correct 
apprehension  of  the  many  advantages  accruing  therefrom,  in  order  to  be  able  to  counteract 
tho  influence  of  Buddhism  all  the  more  successfully?  Before  Krishna  Vftsudeva  had 
become  to  the  Bhagavatas  a  spiritual  boing,  could  the  Brahmins  with  any  show  of  Justifica- 
tion bring  it  about  that  Krishna  showed  an  inner  relationship  with  tho  Br£hmanical  Vishiiu? 
With  the  older  character  of  Krishna — his  being  a  man  and  a  warrior — as  it  survived  in  the 
epical  stories,  the  Brahmins  could  readily  accomodate  themselves,  since  they  could  rely 
on  their  convenient  Avatdra  theory. 

As  the  oldest  evidence  for  the  identification  of  Vishnu  with  Narayana-V&sudeva,  the 
God  of  the  Bhwgavatas,  [  p.  36]  Weber  mentions,  Ind.  Stu.  XIII,  353,  note  1,  the  passage 
in  the  Mahfaiar&yaua  Upanishad—Taittiriya  Aranyaka  X.  1-6.  As,  however,  we  cannot  yet 
say  as  to  when  this  Upanisbad-eompilation  might  have  been  grafted  on  to  the  Taittiriya 
rAranyaka  as  it  last  book,  this  evidence  loses  all  worth  for  chronological  purposes.  Quite 
^different,  however,  is  the  circumstance  known  long  since  that  Megasthenes  in  his  account 
(of  India)  describes  Krishna — under  the  name  Herakles — as  an  avatara  of  Vishnu.  The 

parallelism  of  Herakles  with  Dionysos  (  ==&iva)  proves,  pace  Weber,  Ind.  Stu.  II.  409,410, 

that  Krishna  was,  at  the  time  when  Megasthenes  lived  in  India,  no  more  regarded  as 
simply  a  tribal  hero,  but  was  already  looked  upon  as  Vishnu,  i.e.,  as  an  incarnation  of  his. 
The  identity  of  Krishna  with  Vishiju  was  therefore  already  firmly  established  between 
302  and  288  B.C.,33  and  the  Kyisbr a- worship  proper  cannot  be  said  to  have  arisen  for  the 
first  time  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  A.D,,  as  Weber  had  opined  many  years  ago  (Ind. 
Stu.  I,  400,  note  at  the  end). 

In  the  meanwhile  wo  can  place  the  identification  of  Krishna  \\ith  Vishnu  and  the 
antecedent  deification  of  Krishna  not  much  before  300  B.C.,  since  during  the  second 
period  in  the  development  of  tho  Mahdbhdrata  text,— a  period  which  Hopkins,  Great 
Epic,  398,  reckons  on  good  grounds  but  naturally  with  the  reservation  of  reasonable 
probability,  from  400-21)0  B.C. — Krishna  is  known  only  as  a  demi-god  ("no  evidence  of 
Krishna's  divine  supremacy ").  The  supposition  is  not  indeed  unjustifiable  that  the 
remodellers  of  the  Epic  might  have  stuck  to  that  character  of  Krishna,  which,  in  spite 
of  his  deification,  he  possessed  in-  the  popular  tradition ;  they  could  not  have,  however, 
held  themselves  aloof,  for  any  long  period  [p.  87]  from  the  Brahmanical  conception  of  the 
identity  of  Krishna-Vishnu  after  this  (conception)  had  been  once  raised  to  (a  point  of) 
dogma* 

»*  Incidentally  it  might  be  added  that  Ba£o3i?o  ( =  V&sudeva  )  is  to  be  found  as  the  name  of  a  King, 
manifestly  ftthort  form  of  a  theophoric  proper  name!  and,  * 'evidently  an  Indo-Scythian  one"  on  numerous 
coins  belonging  to  ft  period  just  preceding  and.  following  our  (i.e.  the  Christian )  era,  (Weber, /nd, 
Stu.  XIII,  363,  note  2 ).  In  this  circumstance  we  could  have  an  additional  evidence— if  it  be  stilt 
required— for  ( the  existence  of )  Kjishija-wonhip  in  a  period  preceding  the  birth  of  Christ. 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAOAVADQfTA  19 


Th»  secotul  period  of  the  Bhagavata  religion  could  be,  1  believe,  fixed  from  300  B.C. 
to  about  the  beginning  of  our  (i.e.  the  Christian)  era,  In  any  case  the  original  Bhag. 
might  be  assigned  to  .this  period  (and  in  making  this  remark  I  do  not  wish  to  express 
myself  just  now  regarding  its  date,)  since  in  (the  genuine  parts  of)  the  work,  Krishna  is  not 
«till  identified  with  Brahman,  but  is  designated  oftontimes  as  Vishnu  ;  (of  the  three 
passages  X.  21,  XT.  :4  and  30,  the  last  two  belong  to  the  old  poem)  and  since  the  passage 
IV.  6-8  contains  a  reflection  of  the  Avatdrn  theory. 

The  third  period  of  the  Bhagavata  religion  for  which  1  would  postulate  the  period  from 

^e  beginning  of  our   (Christian)  era  to  the  Commencement  of  the  twelfth  century,  is 

specially  characterised  by  the  identification  of  Krishna-  Vishnu  with  Brahman:  in  spite  of 

the   vedantification   of    Krishnaism,   however,  the   older  SuMya-yoga     elements   hold 

on.    In  the  former  part  of  this  period  the  remodelling  of  the  Bhag.  has  taken  place. 

Along  with  this  pantheistic  conception  of  fiod  which  has  been  brought  about  quite 
consistently  with  the  (spirit  of  the)  time,  there  was  developed  an  erotic  comprehension  of 
Krishna,**— quite  in  consonance  with  the >  dual  metaphysico-scnsual  nature  of  the  Hindu 
character  ;  this  latter  view  revels  principally  in  describing  Krishna's  love-spgrts  with  the 
cowherd-maidens,  which  are  at  the  same  time  explained  in  a  mystic  sense.  The  allusions  to 
Krishna's  pastoral  life  are  to  be  traced  back  to  the  supposition  that  Krishna  as  a  human 
being  was  born  in  a  pastoral  people  and  had  attained  fame  as  their  leader. 

[p.  38]  I  might  date  the  fourth  period  (in  iho  hmUirx  j  of  the  Bhagavata  religion  with 
its  systematisation  by  Ramanuja  in  the  first -thin  I  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  system  of 
^  Ramanuja  that,  as  is  well-known,  still  counts  at  the  present  day  numerous  followers  not 
only  in  Southern  India,  but  has  also  obtained  wide  currency  »s  an  important  form  of  faith 
among  many  Brahmin  families  in  Northern  India,  has  been  deseribed  most  lucidly  hy  K.  G. 
Bhandarkar  at  the  place  referred  to  above  .'*•'  When  however  Bhandarkar  says  at 

the  end  of  page  74  :"  It  was  Ram&nuja's  endeavour  to seek  a  Vedantic 

and  philosophic  basis  for  the  religion  of  Bhakti  or   Love  and  Faith ,  and 

thus  the  Pancharatra  system  which  was  independent  of  the  Vedas  beforehand,  became  a 
system  of  the  Vcd-mta  or  an  Aupauishada  system,"  the  statement  is  posiiivelv  incorrect. 
And  for  this  reason:  the  fundamental  Vedantic  ideas  were  not  first  pushed  by  Rarnunuja 
into  the  religion  of  Bhakti ;  on  the  contrary  they  had  found  their  way  there  many  centuries 
before  him,  a  fact  disclosed  to  us  by  the  KJmg..  the  nhtlgamto  Punina  and  other  texts. 
I  might  (here  as  well)  object  to  another  mistaken  view  to  be  occasionally  met  with,  viz.,  that 
Vishnu-ism  is  distinguished  into  Kama- ism  and  Krishna-ism  according  as  it  has  a  tendency 
to  contemplation  and  speculation,  or  one  to  an  inordinate  enjoyment  of  life,  and  that 
therefore  the  system  of  Ramanuja,  or  for  matter  of  that  the  religion  of  the  Pa  *  ehar&tras,  is 
to  be  regarded  as  Rama-ite. 36  Indeed,  the  Krishna-ite  sect  founded  by  Vallabhacharya 
about  A.D.  1500  has  inordinate  enjoyment  of  life  written  on  its  banner,  and  the  lower  classes 


M  In  the  latest  parts  of  the  Mbh,  and  in  Hariva^wt  ;  this  development,  as  i*  well  known,  reaches  its 
-climax  in  Qitogovinda. 

**  Cyval*o  Sawadarfanaaajtfwfot  on-  IV  •  Wilson,  Extsa-j*  a?ui  Lecture*,  ed.  R.  Rost,  T.  34-36  ;  Cole, 
teooke,  Jlto.  Biiaya,  ed.  Cowell,  in  the  Article  on  the  Panoharfitra*  or  Bhdgavata  I.  437-443;  JC,  M, 
Baoerjeft,  Dialogues  on  the  Hindu  Philosophy,  401  and  ft ;  Hopkins,  Religions  of  India,  p.  496  and  9, 

86  This  view  was  first  propounded  by  Wilson,  Enaya  and  Lecture*,  I.  88,  note  andj  40,  and  Cole- 
brook*,  JUTto.  Buoy*,  2 1,  211,  (contra,  however,  p.  430 ). 


20  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


amongst  the  followers  of  Chaitanya,  who  at  about  the  same  time  refashioned  the  religion 
of  Bhakti  in  a  popular  manner,  [p.  39]  and  in  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  Brahmanisni,  insisting 
011  an  ardent  and  ecstatical  devotion  to  Krishna,  oan  be  scarcely  distinguished  in  point  of 
their  morality  from  the  followers  of  Vallabhacharya.  From  this,  however,  no  conclusion 
a  posteriori  could  be  drawn  regarding  the  age  when  Krishna-ism  became  speculative  like  the 
Rama-ism.  And  as  regards  the  system  of  Ramanuja,  there  are  Rama-ite  elements  pervading 
it,  in  as  much  as,  for  instance,  Rama  like  Krishna  is  looked  upon  as  a  Vibhava — a  manifes- 
tation of  Isvara  ;  and  finally,  every  (point  of)  difference  involved  in  the  two  conceptions  of 
Krishna  and  Rama  is  generally  reduced  to  the  lowest  extreme— just  as  indeed  Vish-.u  and 
6iva  are  also  merged  together  in  the  one  personality  of  Hari-Hara ;  however,  the  system  of 
Ramanuja  is  in  its  basis  thoroughly  Krish^a-ite  as  it  is  a  continuation  of  the  Paficharatra 
religion,  the  Krishna- ite  character  of  which  need  not  be  proved,  but  is  already  guaranteed 
by  the  name  of  its  God — Vasudova, 

Among  the  modern  works  in  which  the  doctrine  of  Bhakti  is  developed  in  agreement 
with  those  of  the  Bhag.,  the  first  place  is  takeu  by  the  &&*dilya8Utras  an  imitation  of  the 
(older)  philosophical  Sutras. 

1  have  here  followed  in  a  brief  exposition  the  development  of  the  Bhagavata  religion 
from  the  time  of  the  Bhag.  (and)  beyond  (as  well)  for  the  sake  of  completeness,  as  for 
the  fact  that  Krishna-ism,  from  the  time  of  the  compilation  of  the  Bhag.  has  obtained 
a  preponderating  significance  in  the  religious  life  of  the  Indiana,  a  significance  none  the 
least  due  to  the  powerful  influence  of  this  poem, 

PART  HI 

The  Doctrines  of  the  Bhagavadgita. 

The  situation  of  the  dialogue  between  Krishna    and  Arjuna   is    well  known  ;  still  a, 
short  sketch  of  the  same  mi^ht  perhaps  be  welcome  to  some  that  might  consult  this  work. 
The  Kauravas  and  the  Pa u  lavas,  after  many  years'  quarrel,  march  against  each  other,  pre- 
pared for  open  battle,  to  the  Kuru-field  -the  province  of  modern  Delhi—  [p.  40]  with  their 
respective  armies  and  allies.    Although  the  two  families,  being  closely  related   with  each 
other  have  an  equal  claim  on  the  name  Kurus  or  Kauravas,  this  epithet  is  usually  confined 
to  the  members  of  one  party,  i.e.,  to  the  blind  old  king  Dhritarashtra,  his  uncle  Bhtshnm, 
and  to  the  former's  sons,  the  oldest  of  whom  is  Duryodhaaa ;  only  Arjuna,  in  spite  of  his 
belonging  to  the  other  party,  is  six  times  called  in  the  BUg.  4'  a  scion  of  the  Kuru  "  or 
by  some  such  name.37    The  course  of  the  battle  is  narrated  to  the  blind  king  Dhrftar/>8h*ra 
by  his  charioteer  Samjaya,  on  whom  Vyasa,  the  reputed  author  of  the  MaMbhdrata,  had 
conferred  the  supernatural  power  of  knowing  all  the   events   of  the  war.    The   dialogue 
between  Krishna  and  Arjuna  occupies  one  of  the  first  places  in  this  narration  of  Samjaya 
and  this  dialogue  is  called— to  quote  its  full  nzmQ—BhagawdgUopanishad  "a  secret  lore 
expounded  '  by  the  revered  one,  "  though  usually  shortened  into  Bhag.  or  even  simply 
culled  OUa.  At  the  sightof  his  close  relatives  pitched  in  the  hostile  camp,  Arjuna  is  reluctant 
to  begin  the  battle,  and  is  lectured  to  by  Krishna,   who  in  his  human  form  stands  by 
Arjuna's  side  a»  his  charioteer,  upon  the  behests  of  duty.    Krishna's  admonitions  and 
instructions  strengthen   themselves  in  the  sequel,  and  in  the  eleventh  Adhydya  Krishna 
discloses  himself  to  Arjuna  as  the  sole  God  and  the  Ruler  of  the    Universe,   who  has 
assumed  the  form  of  a  Yadava 


GARBE'S    INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAOAVADOfTA  21 


Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  384,  regards  the  Gild  as  a  "  purely  priestly  product  "  ;  this  view 

appears  to  me  to  be  a  gross  misinterpretation  of  the  essence  of  this  poem,  in  which  the 

.Veda  and  the  Brahraanical  ritual  is  censured  and  the  lustful  covetousness  of  the  Brahmanas 

severely  criticised   (II.  42-46j.    It   is  just  therein  that  the  Gita  is  v  ot  &  priestly  [  p.  41  ] 

prpduct  that  lies  principally  the  religio-historieal  significance  of  the  \\ork. 

In  so  far  as  it  concerns  the  tenets  of  the  "  re-fashioned  "  BJutg.  one  might  still 
refer  even  to-day  to  the  well-though  t  out  work  ol  W.  von  Humboldt,  whoso  famous  treatise 
maintains  its  value,  though  the  scholarship  of  wu  days  evidently  differs  from  him  on  a  few 
points,  and  though,  in  my  opinion,  thai  profound  scholar  often  sees  too  much  moaning  tis 
(hidden)  in  the  words  of  the  (ftta. 


If  we  were  now  to  keep  in  view  the,  original  and  iiot-yct-Vedantisisod  Grtff,  as  1  have 
tried  to  peel  it  out  from  its  present  form,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  allude  to  the  fact  that  it 
shares  the  common  Indian  beliefs  regarding  1he  transmigration  of  the  soul,  the  retributive 
power  of  actions  and  the  possibility  of  freedom  from  the  distressing  revolution  of  lives. 

Not  only  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  Blia<f.  according  to  which  devotion  to»Gnd  is  the 
climax  of  all  knowledge,  marks  out  the  poem  as  a  text-book  of  the  Bhagavatas  ;  lut  (hi** 
fact  is  also  recognisable  from  its  epithets  for  God  (Krishna,  V;,sudeva,  Uhagavut, 
Punish  ottaina).  I  find  the  Bhagavata  doctrine  in  a  special  but  important  ]x>int  in  the 
Qitd,  viz.,  iu  XV.  7,  where  God  say,-*  that  the  individual  soul  has  proceeded  from  him  and 
is  a  part  of  himself.  :{8  We  have  seen  in  part  11  uk>\e  that  the  knitting  together  of  the 
monotheism  with  the  tenets  of  the  Saihkhya-yotfus  above  all  a  piocess  characteristic  of 
the  Bhagavatas. 

This  knitting  together  necessitates,  in  variou*  ways,  a  forced  interpretation  and  a 
distortion  of  the  two  systems  ;  since  thus  only  could  the  theism  of  the  Bliagavatas  bo 
provided  with  the  tenets  of  the  avowedly  atheistic  Siimkhya  system  and  with  those  of  the 
Yoga  system,  only  outwardly  furnished  with  a  formal  theistie  appearance.  |p.  42]  If  there- 
fore the  Bhag.  discloses  numerous  discrepancies  from  the  genuine  Saihkliya-yoija  doc- 
trines, i.e.,  from  the  doctrines  as  expounded  in  the  respective  text-books  of  the  two 
systems,  it  would  be  entirely  a  mistake  to  perceive  here  an  older  stage  of  the  Samkhya-  yoga. 

The  Samkhya  system  is  mentioned  by  name  six  times  in  the  GUa  (II.  39,  III.  3,  V.  4,  5, 
XUI  24  XVTII  13  cf.  also  XVIIL  19,)  and  its  fundamental  tenets  arc  sot  forth  in  theii 
unmixed'  purity  at  IL  11-16,  18-30,  III.  27-29,  V.  14,  VII.  4,  XUI.  5,  19  and  ff.  Besides, 
the  whole  poem  is  permeated  by  the  influence  of  the  Sarhkhya  tenets,  and  principally  by 
the  theory  of  the  three  GuVas.  However  the  terms  of  the  Samkhya  (system)  are  not 
quite  always  used  in  the  Bhag.  in  their  technical  sense,  but  constantly  in  a  sense  which 
is  in  keeping  with  the  current  literary  usage.  Thus  toddhi,  ahatiMra  and  manas,  m  many 
places  to  be  sure,  denote  the  three  internal  organs  of  the  Samkhya  system,  but  buddhi 
and  manas  occasionally  meet  us  in  the  sense  of  '«  mind,  heart,  understanding,  view,  "  and 
**Wm  in  the  sense  of  "egoism,  pride."  Praknti  too  is  not  always  matter^or  the 
primal  matter  -but  stands  in  the  sense  of  '•  nature,  essence,  natural  condition  at  III,  33 
IV.  6,  VII.  4,  5,  20,  IX.  8,  12,  13,  XI.  fil,  XIII.  20,  XVIII.  59  ;  similarly  atman  has  not 

^    38  See  bemde.  the~well-known  paa^B^egarding  the  Paucl^tra-tenetB,  Madhunftdaaa    fiamvat 
in  Weber,  Ind*  Stu.l,l\. 


22  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

always  its  philosophical  sense,  but  is  to  be  translated  as  "  essence  ",  "mind  ",  Ac,  Thus 
Sathkara  explains  atman  as  the  internal- organ,  and  often  enough  by  antahkawyn 
e.g.,  at  V.  21,  VI.  10,  36,  47 ;  XIII.  24 ;  though  in  these  oases  it  would  be  Well  to  take  it  in  the 
sense  of  the  empirical  self  (i.e.  of  the  Vi&shtfttman  of  the  text-books)  connected  with  its 
limitations.,,  In  many  places  (IV.  21,  V.  7,  VI.  10)  the  commentators  go  to  the  length 
of  even  explaining  tftman  as  the  body. 

The  relation  between  the  Bhagavata  religion  and  the  Yoga  tenets  rests  on  reciprocal 
influences.  The  Bhftgavatfcs  have  taken  over  the  conception  of  Yoga,  [p.  48]  but  have  explain- 
ed it  differently,  and  given  the  word  the  sense  of  ''  self-surrender  to  God,  devotion  concentra- 
ted on  God."89  On  the  other  hand  t~e  Yoga  aystem  has  taken  over  the  idea  of  God  from  the  « 
BMgavata  religion.  1  have  shown  at  great  length  in  the  Encyclopaedia  of  Indo- Aryan  Philo* 
logy  and  Antiquity,  III.  4,  p.  50,  how  the  idea  of  God  is  understood  in  the  Yoga-sAtras,  and 
how  it  is  ushered  into  the  system  of  the  (Yoga)  doctrines  in  a  completely  superficial,  uncon- 
nected manner,  disturbing  the  connection  (of  the  sulras).  If  one  were  to  eliminate  from  the 
Yoga-sAtras  (those  sfdras  viz.)  I.  23.  27,  II.,  1,  45,  that  treat  of  God,  there  would  be  caused 
n  the  text  no  lacuna  ;  on  the  other  hand,  something  would  drop  away  which  militated 
against  tho  entire  presumptions  of  the  Yoga  system.  If  indeed  the  borrowing  over  of  the 
conception  of  God  into  the  Yoga  system  signifies  a  concession  to  the  Bhagavataa,  tho  same 
is  the  case  in  a  higher  measure  with  Isvarapranidhana  (mentioned  in  Yoga-#utra8,  I.  23, 
II.  I,  45)  in  the  sense  of  self-surrender  to  God,  in  which  Rajendralala  Mitra,  Yoga 
Aphorisms,  p.  28,  has  already  recognised  a  borrowing  from  the  Bhakti  system,  i.e., 
from  the  religion  of  the  Bhagavatas.  livarapra  idhana  is  perfectly  synonymous  with 
Yoga  from  the  Bhagavata  point  of  view. 

I  must  leave  it  undecided  whether  the  many-sided  role  which  Yoga  plays  in  the 
Bhag.  entirely  conforms  with  the  position  it  has  occupied  in  the  Bhugavata  religion, 
or  whether  the  author  of  tho  Gitd  did  not  utilise  in  a  very  great  measure  tho  tenets 
of  the  Yoga  system.  I  am,  however,  inclined  to  accede  to  the  first  alternative.  The 
words  yoga,  yogin  or  other  radically  connected  forms,  occurring  quite  often  in  the 
Bhag.  had  necessarily  to  be  rendered  in  tho  translation  by  a  series  of  different 
expressions.  Sometimes  the  meanings  so  imperceptibly  pass  into  each  other  that  one  is  apt 
to  become  doubtful  as  to  what  meaning  to  choose.  The  following  passages  in  part,  [  p.  44] 
though  they  do  not  contain  the  word  j/ogra,  treat  evidently  of  the  yoga  practices  which  form 
the  subject-matter  of  Patanjali's  text  ;  IV.  27,  29,  30  ;  V.  27,  28  ;  VI.  10  ff. ;  VIII.  8-14 ; 
XVIII,  33.  In  the  great  majority  of  the  passages,  however,  yoga,  yogin  and  other  verbal 
derivatives  of  the  root  yuj  have  a  significant  meaning  characteristic  of  the  Bh&gavatas,  and 
designate  respectively  self-surrender  to  God,  devotion  to  him,  and  a  self -surrendering  devout 
saintly  being.  Further,  yoga  when  it  is  connected  with  karman,  stands  (III.  3,  7,  V.  1,  2, 
IX.  28,  XIII.  24)  in  its  original  sense  of,  "  performing  or  carrying  out  of  the  work.0  *o 
Relying  on  this  sense  of  the  word,  there  appears  in  Qitd  the  Yoga  doctrine  (particularly  in 
the  third  Adhyaya  and  V.  2  ff.)  explained  away  as  the  doctrine  of  conscientious  discharge  (of 
one's  duties),  and  placed  in  opposition  to  the  Saifakhya,  which  is  called  the  theory  of  correct 

*9    "  The  BhaktimArga  in  connected  with  the  Yoga  and   has  developed  out  of  it."    Jacobi,    Q&t, 
Gel.t  AW>  1897,  p.  277. 


««  The  instrumental  yogtna  posaesiee  to  our  literary  sente,  in  suoh  cam  direetly  or  approximately, 
meaning  of  a  preposition  "by  means  of.1'    Cf.  Bdhtlingk,  Bemerkvngen  ZurBtog.  HI.  3,  XIII.  24* 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO   THE  BHAQAVADQtTA  23 

knowledge.  This  peculiar  explanation  of  Yoga,  however,  must  not  have  first  been  brought 
forward  by  the  author  of  the  Bhag. ;  one  might  rather  regard  the  recognition  of 
both  the  ways  of  salvation— the  Jnunamarga  and  the  Karmamarga— which  are  mentioned 
side  by  side  in  Bhag.  III.  3.  XIII.  24  (at  the  latter  passage  Saihkhyena-yogona  is 
used  in  the  sense  of  Jnunamurga)  and  which  without  being  particularly  mentioned  stand 
side  by  side  in  the  poem,  as  a  tenet  peculiar  to  the  Bhugavatas.  The  Karma-ycga  of  the- 
Bhqgavatas  though  later  mixed  up  with  the  ritualistic  Karmamdrga,  preserves  however 
in  the  Bhag.  its  genuine  sense  of  €<  conscientious  performance  of  one's  duties  without 
(regard  for)  personal  interest."  Tho  Jndna-yuga  of  tho  Bhagavatas  consists  of  a  knowledge 
t  of  God  and  a  knowledge  of  nature  in  tho  Surhkhyu  sense,  and  involves  in  itself  the 
renunciation  of  all  actions. 

It  certainly  merits  consideration  that  even  in  so  late  a  stage  of  development  of  the 
Bhflgavata  religion  as  in  the  system  of  Ramunuja,  the  first  two  of  the  [p.  45]  five  ways  that 
lead  to  emancipation  are  called  tho  Karma-yoga  and  tho  Jnana-yoga.il  Kainanuja's  third 
way  of  salvation  is  Bhakti-yoga  (already  mentioned  in  Bhag.,  XIV.  26) ;  tho  fourth,  the 
Prapatti-yoga  is  an  offshoot  of  the  Bhakti-yoga,  and  tho  fifth,  the  Achdrydbh imam-yoga  is 
evidently  a  modem  addition. 

Finally,  tho  word  yoga  meets  us  in  the  Bliag.  in  a  still  different  sense,  which  indeed 

has  been  developed  from  tho  conception  of  "  action",  viz.,  in  those  passages  where  the  yoga 

/  of  the  God  is  spoken  of,  ».c-,  his  wondrous  power  (IX.  5,  X.  7,  18,  XI.  8,  47)   or  where 

God,  in  accordance  with  this  sense,  is  called  yog  in  "  possessing  wondrous  power"  (X.  17) 

or  yogesvara  "  tho  lord  of  wondrous  power  "  (XI.  4,  9 ;  XVII.  75,  78). 

We  might  now  proceed  to  exhibit  in  a  short  sketch  the  tenets  of  the  genuine  Bhag., 
i.e.  the  Bhagavata  doctrine  provided  with  elements  of  Samkhya  and  Yoga,  much  differently 
explained-    It  may  not  be  very  desirable  to  follow   the  sequel   of  thought    of   the   Bhag.^ 
(step  by  step,)  since  it  deviates  from  ono  thought  to  another,  and  continually  mixes  with! 
one  another  tho  different  recognised  standpoints,  all  the  more  so  in  its  practical  aspects,     j 

We  begin  with  the  theoretical  (lit.  systematic)  part  of  the  Bhag.  and  first  with  the 
idea    of  God.    God  is — as  would  be  scarcely  necessary  to  repeat  after  tho  preceding 

remarks a  conscious,  eternal,  and  all-powerful  being  c<  tho  bogiruiingle^s  great  Ruler  of 

the  World"  (X.  3).  He  is  not  only  different  from  the  changing  world,  but  is  also 
different  from  the  immutable  soul  of  the  human  being  (XV.  17-19);  He  is  therefore  a 
spirit  in  a  different  and  higher  sense  than  the  Atmaii  of  the  creatures.  When  it  is  said 
(VII.  4-6)  that  God  possesses  two  forms— a  higher  spiritual  one,  by  means  of  which  the 
world  is  held  up,  and  a  lower  [p.  46]  material  one,  out  of  which  everything  proceeds—which 
according  to  the  Surhkhyas  belongs  to  the  Prakriti,  it  in  not  to  be  understood  that  matter 
constitutes  a  half  of  God's  being  ;  it  is  rather  meant  that  matter  follows  its  blind  course 
not  independently  by  itself,  but  acts  under  tho  guidance  of  God  ;  in  other  words,  God 
works  in  matter,  and  acts  by  it.  This  is  placed  quite  beyond  the  range  of  doubt  in  other 
passages  of  the  Bhag.  God  deposits  the  seed  in  matter  for  being  unfolded 
(XIV.  3-*)  ;  he  is  likewise  the  father  of  ail  beings,  while  matter  is  to  be  compared  to  the 
womb  of  a  mother  (XIV.  4).  God  directs  the  origin,  development  and  dissolution  of  the 
Universe  (IX.  7,  8, 10),  and  in  this  sense  he  calls  himself  the  origin  and  the  end  of  tho 

«  R.  G.  Bhandarkar,  Report,  1887,  r-  69. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


entire  world  (VU.  6,  X.  8),  and  identifies  himself  with  Death  (XL  32.)  All  the  conations 
of  beings  originate  from  him  (X.  4-5) ;  He  directs  their  destiny,  *.e.  rewards  them 
according  to  their  deeds,  and  makes  the  beings  revolve  in  the  circle  of  births  "  like 
unto  the  figures  of  a  puppet  show  "  (XVIII.  61).  Whatever  God  does,  comes  to  pass  only 
for  the  sake,  of  the  world,  for,  to  God  himself  there  is  no  wish  to  be  fulfilled  and  no 
object  to  be  striven  after  (III.  22,  24).  "  Every  time  when  Bight  is  on  the  wane,  and 
Wrong  rampant,"  God,  who  exists  from  all  eternity  and  is  immutable,  creates  himself 
a -now,  i.e.  takes  a  new  form  of  incarnation  "  for  the  defence  of  the  good  and  the 
annihilation  of  the  wicked,  and  thus  to  securely  establish  the  Eight  "  (IV.  6-8)*  Since  the 
deed  of  God  is  an  action  of  the  matter  ruled  by  him,  and  never  originates  from  an  egoistic 
motive,  God  is  not  bound  down  by  his  actions  (IV.  13,  14 ;  IX.  9).  He  can  therefore  be 
never  ensnared  in  world-existence.  The  visionary  picture  of  God  in  the  12th  Adhydya 
is  a  dramatic  production,  intended  to  work  on  the  phantasy  (imagination),  but  is  of  little 
significance  for  the  proper  doctrines  of  the  OUd. 

The  relation  of  God  to  the  world  of   mankind  does  not  entirely  conform  to  a  rigid  law 

of  recompense  ;  [p.  47]  on  tlie  other  hand,  God  loves  human  beings  who  know  him  and  are 

devoted  to  him  with  all  their  hearts  (VII.  17,  XII.  14-20  ;  XVIII,,  64,  65,  69),  and  he 

•emancipates  from  all  sins  everyone  who   resorts  to  him  entirely    (XVIII.  66).    In  this 

passage  (and   also  at  XVIII,  56,  58,  62,  73)  is  indeed  to  be  found  the  doctrine  of  divine 

y  favour    (Prasddd)    which   we  come  across  in  some   of  the   Upanishads  of  the    middle 

**  period  4l  (Katha,  'Sveta,  Muwfaka),  and  which  as  a  consequence  plays  so  predominant  a 

part  in  the  Indian  sects. 

Even  though  God  directs  the  world-process,  it  is  however  'matter,  as  we  saw  above, 
which  does  all  work  (III.  27,  V.  14,  XIII.  20,  29).  From  the  primordial  matter,  originates 
tho  world,  into  which  it  goes  back  (VIII.  18,  19);  the  idea  of  evolution  and  roabsorption 
as  much  as  the  conception  of  the  world-periods  is  therefore  taken  over  from  the  S&mkhya 
system.  All  the  theories  in  the  Bhagavadgitfi  regarding  matter  generally  agree  with  those 
of  the  Sariikhya  system.  The  three  guyas  play  here  (in  the  Bhagavadgitd)  the  same  role  as 
in  the  S&mkhya  system;  they  affect  by  their  actions  the  soul  in  bondage  (XIV.  5ff.), 
and  the  results  of  their  activity  make  themselves  felt  in  life  step  by  step,  as  haa  been 
set  forth  in  a  very  thorough  fashion  in  Adhytyas  XVII  and  XVIII.  The  physiological 
exposition  of  the  internal  organs  and  the  senses  is  that  of  the  SAmkhya  system  (III.  40 
42  ;  XIII.  5).  All  these  similarities,  however,  are  not  for  the  doctrines  of  the  Bhagavadgitd 
of  that  much  significance  as  the  fundamental  theory  regarding  the  nature  of  matter 
borrowed  over  from  the  S&thkhya,  from  which  proceeds  the  philosophical  consideration 
in  Adhyaya  II.  Though  indeed  matter  is  not  something  created  by  God,  still  it  is 
present  from  eternity  onward,  and  it  unceasingly  underlies  all  progress  and  change.  All 
its  products  and  effects  are  finite ;  its  actions,  such  as  joy  and  sorrow,  oome  and  go,  and 
therefore  it  is  not  right  that  one  should  be  influenced  by  them  (II.  14). 

[P.  48]  In  contrast  to  the  mutability  of  what  matter  gives  rise  to,  stands  the 
immutability  of  the  spirit.  As  a  matter  of  foot,  the  spirit  (the  soul,  the  self)  is  to  that 
degree  like  matter  in  that  both  are  eternal  and  imperishable ;  since  what  is,  has  ever  been, 
•and  will  always  be ;  "  to  anon-existing  thing,  no  existence  can  be  imparted ;  to  the  existing 

«  See  Hopkin*,  On*  j?^  ^  i  $*.  I  *~ 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAGA  VADCfiTA 


no  noa-existence  "  (II.  16)  ;  but  the  great  difference  botween  matter  and  spirit  coasts  in  this 
that  the  spirit  is  never  capable  of  change.  When  it  is  said  (XIII.  21)  that  the  spirit  enjoys 
the  (manifestations  of  the)  guna,,  and  that  its  attachment  to  those  gunai  is  the  primary 
cause  of  the  spirit's  rebirth,  tho  real  point  is  simply  a  pieUresque  way  of  expression 
which  is  entirely  to  be  explained  in  accordance  with  tho  Samkhya  view.  '  As  a  matter  of* 
fact,  the  spirit  dwells  in  life,  absolutely  not  cloin-  anything--  neither  acting  nor  causing 
one  to  act "  (V.  13-15),  and  remains  untouched  by  all  actions  and  iufiueuoes  of  matter. 
This  has  been  expounded  in  a  noble  language,  in  the  second  Adhyaya  of  the  Bhag. 
Ho  who  therefore  knows  that  tho  spirit  is  the  true  self  «  1"  that  leaves  an  old  body  and 
enters  into  a  new  one,  just  as  a  man  casts  off  old  clothes  and  take  son  now  ones  (II.  22), 
and  fcnows  that  the  spirit  can  neither  1x3  changed  nor  destroyed,— he  is  noi  grieved  at  tht> 
sorrow  and  death  of  anyone,  i.e.,  at  those  things  u  hich  affect  only  the  destructible  body, 

All  this  is  pure  Samkhya  philosophy  ;  in  spite  ol  this,  however,  the  apprehension  of 
the  spiritual  principle  in  the  Bhag.  is  essentially  different  from  that  in  the  Haifakhya 
philosophy  :  not  exclusively  philosophical,  but  appreciably  religious.  The  individual  soul  dous 
not,  according  to  the  Gltd—  which  expounds  tho  belief  of  the  Bhaga^ilas— possess  from  all 
f  eternity  a  separate  existence,  but 't  has  detached  itself  as  a  part  of  the  Divine  Soul  (XV.  7  ;  ef. 
al&9  XVT.  18  ;  XVII.  6).  The  expression  mama* 'iv/'j/i.vo  jival<>k<  j,vabkidah  sandt(inah  (XV.  7)  is 
so  clear  that  one  must  be  indeed  a  credulous  follower  of  'Saiiikara  to  understand  the  word 
aiiiia  in  this  important  passage,  in  a  Vedantie  sense  as  equivalent  to  "  an  imaginary,  an 
apparent  part."  The  individual  souls  are  therefore  of  [p.  49]  divine  origin;  they  appear 
in  conjunction  with  matter,  which  in  itself  is  not  in  the  position  of  bringing  about  any 
change,  but  which  has  given  rise  to  life  and  ronseiousness  in  t  he  world.  The  duty  of  a 
man  is  to  so  behave  himself  that  Irs  soul  could  return  back  to  its  starting- point- -the  God. 

With  this  we  might  proceed  to  the  practical  part  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Oitd.  Here,  to 
begin  with,  stand  the  two  ways  of  salvation  in  contrast  with  each  other,  one  of  which 
consists  in  the  renunciation  of  life  and  in  striving  after  knowledge,  and  tho  other,  in 
dutiful  and  disinterested  actions.  Although  this  second  way  of  salvation  is  in  many  places 
regarded  as  the  better  one  (IIT.  8,  V.  2,  XVIII.  7),  and  according  to  the  whole  connection 
of  the  Oitd  is  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  proper  ethical  ideal  of  the  poem,4:<  still,  the  author 
(of  the  Oitd)  who,  according  to  what  1  have  said  above,  is  a  faithful  interpreter  of  the 
Bhagavata  tenets  in  their  practical  teaching  as  they  were  prevalent  in  his  times,  has  not 
ventured  to  cast  off  the  way  of  emancipation  (consisting  in)  renouncing  the  world  and  in 
abstract  knowledge.  The  view  that  freedom  from  the  cycle  of  births  could  bo  won  through  J 
meditation  by  absolutely  detaching  oneself  from  tho  world,  was,  from  centuries  ago,  so 
firmly  rooted  in  the  thoughtful  circles  of  the  Indian  people,  that  it  could  not  be  any 
longer  seriously  contended  against.  There  remained  no  other  alternative  but  to  let  the 
two  ways  pass  current  side  by  side,  and  to  propound  that  right  action  as  much  as  know- 

ledge the  latter  pra-supposing  tho  noil -performance  of    works  (the  state  of  non-action) — 

would  lead  to  emancipation.  Since,  therefore,  in  the  Oitd  sometimes  the  one  and  some- 
times the  other  standpoint  emerges  forth,  and  occasionally  the  ideal  of  quietism  is  distinctly 
held  superior  to  that  of  actions  (VI.  3),  there  have  arisen  inconsistencies  and  confusion, 
which  could  have  been  avoided  in  any  definite  rejection  of  the  quietistio  standpoint. 
Ip,  80]  The  two  standpoints  are  in  the  OUd  squared  with  each  other  on  the  explanation 
"  Compare  also  the  so-called  qumtaaiauoj  verse,  XI.  55. 


26  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

that  the  discharge  of  duty,  which  is  done  without  any  regard  for  consequences  and  without 
tiny  selfish  interest,  loses  its  retributive  power,  and  that  consequently,  for  the  doer  thereof , 
the  world  no  longer  continues  to  be.  According  to  this  view,  such  kind  at  work, 
therefore,  is  the  same  as  the  non-doing  of  work  (incidental)  to  the  path  of  knowledge. 

The  knowledge  to  be  attained  through  the  quietistic  path  of  salvation  is,  in  many 
passages  of  the  Oitdy  described  entirely  in  conformity  with  the  S&mkhya  system,  as  (consisting 
in)  differentiation  between  spirit  and  matter  (XIII.  23,  XIV.  19) ;  and  as  a  result  of  this 
differentiation,  the  release  of  the  knowing  man  from  the  necessity  of  rebirth  is  stated 
^irrespective  of  his  behaviour  (XIII.  23).  This  might  be  regarded  as  an  isolated 
recognition  of  the  genuine  Samkhya  ideal.  In  general,  according  to  the  standpoint 
of  the  Ehag.t  the  knowledge  that  brings  about  emancipation  is  not  confined  (only)  to 
distinguishing  spirit  and  the  matter ;  on  the  other  hand,  this  recognition  of  difference 
might  simply  be  regarded  as  a  sine  qua  non  of  the  knowledge  of  God,  which  primarily 
leads  man  in  truth  to  the  highest  weal. 

The  other  path  of  salvation—  the  selfless  performance  of  duty- -is  preached  in  the 
tthag.,  at  every  step  in  a  great  variety  of  expressions.  The  performance  of  duty 
would  not  generally  lead  to  its  goal  so  long  as  it  is  accompanied  by  any  hope 
of  the  reward.  One  should  do  the  ordained  (duty)  Avithout  attachment,  in  repose  and 
equanimity  (of  mind),  pervaded  by  a  uniform  sentiment  towards  everyone,  treating  alike 
the  agreeable  and  the  disagreeable,  joy  and  sorrow,  success  and  failure,  without  any  wish 
and  without  any  personal  interest  \\hatsoever.  The  deeds  of  one,  who  acts  in  this  state 
of  mind,  unconcerned  with  the  ephemeral  products  of  matter  (IT.  14),  and  entirely  in 
accordance  with  the  commands  of  Duty,  am]  after  the  Divine  pattern  (III.  22),  dedicating 
to  God  the  fruit  of  all  his  actions—  [p.  51]  such  deeds  do  not  lie  within  (the  domain  of)  the  law 
.  of  recompense  (IV.  22,  23 ;  IX.  27,  28  ;'  XVIII.  12, 17).  The  injunctions  that  are  laid  down 
here,  postulate  the  rejection  of  the  performance  of  Vedic  works  ;  this  rejection  being 
expressed  without  any  reservation  in  the  original  Gitd.  All  ceremonies,  indeed,  of  the 
Brahmanical  ritual  entirely  servo  selfish  wishes,  and  therefore  stand  in  sharp  contrast  to 
the  ethical  ideal  of  the  Gtta.  It  is  therefore  said  (XVIII.  66)  "Leave  off  all  holy 
observances,"  and  at  II.  42-45  is  expressed  open  scorn  at  the  reward  of  the 
Veda,  which  refers  only  to  the  material  world,  and  can  hold  forth  only  the  prospect 
of  an  ephemeral  reward  (of.  also  IX,  >20,  21).  Indifference  to  what  the  Sruti  teaches  is 
likewise  a  condition  precedent  for  the  obtainment  of  salvation  (II.  52-53).  That  there  is 
pure  Samkhya  doctrine  underlying  all  this  insistence  need  scarcely  be  mentioned. 

Whichever  of  the  two  ways  of  salvation  one  might  betake  oneself  to,  one  must  overcome 
the  difficulties  inherent  in  the  constitution  of  one's  nature.  When  it  is  said  (III.  33)  that 
*'  beings  follow  (their)  nature,"  and  when  at  XVI.  1  and  ff.  there  is  a  distinction  made 
between  men  as  those  who  are  born  to  a  divine  (inheritance  of)  nature,  and  those  to  a 
demonic  one,  this  predestination  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  working  of  the  former  karman. 
There  is  no  word  in  the  Qtia  of  predestination  as  such ;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
presupposition  of  moral  freedom  can  be  recognized  as  (pervading)  the  work  quite  through. 
One  is  entirely  at  liberty  whether  he  would  or  would  not  fight  against  the  hindrances 
that  lie  in  the  way  of  emancipation,  and  whether  he  would  strive  after  a  lower  or  after  a 
higher  ideal.  In  the  way  of  the  realization  of  this  last,  innate  ignorance  (avidyA) 


GARBE  S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAQA  VADOtTA  27 

places  itself  m  opposition  (v.  15)  to  the  Jitdnuyoga ;  (in  the  case)  of  the  Karmayoga* 
greed— likewise  innate  in  human  nature— which  is  a  veritable  enemy  of  mankind 
<III.  37,  48) ;  [p.  52]  want  of  faith  and  scepticism  also  are  likewise  fatal  (IV.  40).  As  a 
serviceable  means  of  suoessfully  opposing  these  obstructions,  there  are  recommended 
several  of  the  j^a-praotioes  (V,  27,  28,  VI.  10  and  if.,  VIII.  10,  12  and  ff.).  In  the  case  of 
one  who  does  not  succeed  in  submerging  these  obstructions,  hi*  #>0a-practices  are  not 
thereby  rendered  useless ;  since  such  a  man  is  Ixmi  again  in  the  best  of  environments,  and 
finally  does  reach  the  highest  goal  (II.  40,  VI.  41  and  ff.). 

The  most  important  of  those  claims  which  the  GUd  makes  on  the  man  seeking  emancipa- 
tion, I  shall  now  finally  refer  to.  As  is  known,  the  Rl\ag.  is  the  song  par  f.rceKence  of 
Kiakti,  the  faithful  and  devout  love  to  God.  Devotion  to  God,  (proceeding j  as  much  from 
the  path  of  knowledge,  as  from  selfless  performance  of  duty,  loads  with  unconditioned 
certitude  to  the  goal.  The  whole  poem  is  permeated  by  this  sentiment— -to  preach  this 
doctrine  was  the  whole  poem  composed.  Prom  devotion  to  God,  springs  knowledge  of  God 
(XVIII.  55),  and  this  knowledge  so  works  that  the  faithful  offers  up  all  deeds  to  God  and 
leaves  the  fruit  thereof  to  his  care.  Without  distinction  of  birth  or  former  behaviour, 
Bhakti  guarantees  to  every  one  the  certainty  of  emancipation — even  to  the*  wicked,  to 
women,  to  the  Vaisyas  and  to  the  SAdras  (IX.  30-32).  The  main  point,  however,  is  nofc 
simply  a  mere  transitory  emotion  of  love:  on  the  other  hand,  the  whole  being  of  a  man  must 
be  permeated  by  au  unfaltering  (ananya,  avyabltichariri)  *4  devotion  to  God.  If  this 
be  the  case,  the  thoughts  of  a  man  on  the  point  of  death  are  (naturally)  fixed  on  God. 
Particular  emphasis  is  laid  on  this  point  in  the  Bhag.  (VI [1.  5,  9,  10,  1ft),  since  a  man 
•enters  in  that  state  of  existence  (MiAva)  which  he  contemplates  at  the  time  of  death.45 

In  what  light  arc.  we,  now  to  regard  the  conditionofaman  freed  from  worldly  existence  and 
rnade  one  with  God?  [p.  53]  Is  it  unconsciousness  as  is  taught  in  the  Sariikhya-yoga  ?  When 
the  soul  returns  to  it**  place  of  origin,  is  its  individuality,  which  it  once  bore  separately  from 
And  as  a  part  of,  the  divine  soul,  obliterated  ?  Most  of  the  expressions  which  the  Olta  uses 
to  denote  the  existence  of  the  emancipated  (soul)  are  colourless,  and  are  of  no  help  in  giving  an 
Answer  to  this  question :  siddhi  (XII.  1ft,  XVI.  23),  para  siddhi  (XIV.  1),  para  or  paramA 
#ati  (VI.  45,  VIII.  13,  IX.  32,  XVI.  22,  23),  pada  andma,ya  (II.  51)  and  Sdtvatapada  avyaya 
(XVIII.  56).  Along  with  this,  the  Bfutg-  ^S(>  designates  the  state  of  the  emanci- 
pated soul  diversely  as  quietude  (kdnti)  or  as  the  highest  repose  (para  or  naishthikt  Bdnti 
{IV.  39,  V.  12,  XVIII.  62),  and  by  this  is  meant  not  the  obliteration  of  consciousness  for 
all  eternity,  but  a  state  of  blissful  freedom  of  the  soul,  existing  on  individually,  in  the 
presence  of  God.  The  Bhag.  offers  no  explanation  of  how  indeed  a  soul  can  havej 
A  conscious  existence  without  any  reference  to  matter  as  is  postulated  by  the  Smhkhya-l 
yoga.  Evidently  this  is  a  view  originating  in  the  oldest  period  of  the  Bh&gavata  religion, 
and  has  ever  since  represented  a  dogma  of  the  Bhagavata  faith  ;  and  for  this  reason  also  it 
came,  about  that  when  this  religion  was  furnished  with  Samkhya-yoga  elements,  this  dogma 
was  not  supplanted  by  the  mutually  contradictory  doctrine  of  the  two  systems.  Out  of 
the  logical  difficulties  that  follow  from  this,  the  faith  of  the  believers  helped  them  out. 

That  the  author  of  the  Bhag.  as  a  matter  of  fact  saw  in  the  going  of  the  emanci- 
pated soul  to  God,  a  continuance  of  conscious  individuality,  can  be  proved  from  the  following 

«*  60e  the  paoMges  in  Jacob's  Concordance. 

«  For  the  result*  of  this  theory,  compare  Barth,  Religion*  de  VInde,  136  (=En^lifh  Trans.,  p.  228). 


28  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 


passages  of  the  poem.  Krishna  says  VII.  23,  "  those  that  worship  God,  go  to  God ;  while 
those  that  revere  me,  go  to  me/9  and  at  IX,  26,  he  repeats  the  same  promise  somewhat 
more  fully.  That  the  "  going  "  to  the  Devas  (or  to  the  Pitris  and  Bhfttftni,  IX.  26) 
can  only  mean  a  conscious  continuance  of  an  individual  being,  is  clear,  [p.  64]  As  the  "going" 
to  Krishna  (or  God)  is  spoken  of  along  with  that,  no  other  meaning  could  have  been  intended 
by  this  •'  going  ",  because  of  the  parallelism  and  the  correspondence  of  the  expression  ( yd 
with  the  accusative).  If  one  were  still  doubtful  regarding  this  conclusion,  I  might  refer  him 
to  XIV.  2,  where  God  describes  the  emancipated^  (ones)  with  the  words,  mama  sddharmyam 
agatdh  "  those  who  have  attained  sameness  of  essence  with  me."  Sddharmya  does*not  signify 
/oneness,  sameness,  identity  (aikya,  aikdtmya,  MAtmya)  but  qualitative  equality.  From  this 
it  follows  that  emancipation,  according  to  the  BJiag.,  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  elevation 
of  the  soul  to  God-like  existence,  as  an  individual  continuance  in  the  presence  of  God.  In 
this  connection  it  might  further  be  mentioned  that  in  XVI.  23,  the  condition  of  the 
emancipated  is,  after  being  described  as  a&dd&iand para  gati,  called  "  suklia,"  happiness,  bliss. 

The  doctrines  here  briefly  worked  out  are  to  be  met  with  not  only  in  Bhag.  but 
also  in  many  other  passages  of  the  Mahdbharata ;  and,  of  course,  the  entire  series  of  ideas  of 
the  refashioned  Vedantisized  Gitd,  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  something  standing  isolated  in  the 
Mahdbhftralat1  I  believe,  however — and  the  supposition  is  not  over-bold — that  the  Oita  is 
the  source  from  which  these  doctrines  might  have  spread  to  other  parts  of  the  Epos,  apart 
from  these  plagiarisms  and  imitations  mentioned  above,  which  can  clearly  be  recognized 
as  such. 

I  have  now  to  offer  a  few  words  of  observation  on  the  question  regarding  the 
Buddhistic  and  the  Christian  influence  in  the  Bhag.  Buddhistic  influence  might  be  detected 
in  the  recommending  of  the  golden^  mean  in  VI.  16,  17,  [p.  56]  and  this 
supposition  would  gain  ground  by  a  reference  to  the  occurrence  of  the  word  Nirvana  in  the 
immediately  preceding  verse,  VI.  15.  As  evidently  the  application  of  the  word  Nirv&wiz, 
not  entirely  confined  to  Buddhistic  literary  usage,  (Brahmanirv&na  occurs  four  times  in  the 
refashioned  Gita),  and  as  the  idea  of  the  thoughtful  moderation  (the  golden  mean  referred  to 
above)  could  be  explained  on  the  ground  of  common  human  reflection,  the  Buddhistic 
influence  in  this  passage  might  be  regarded  as  very  much  doubtful,  resting  at  most  on  very 
far-fetched  reasons.  .  And  the  pessimism  which  comes  up  to  notice  at  XIII.  8  is  not  to  be 
referred  back  to  the  Budhistic  influences,  but  must  be  derived  from  the  tenets  of  the 
Sftriikhya  philosophy,  which  in  this,  as  in  other  respects,  lies  at  the  root  of  Buddhism.4* 

More  important  is  the  question  regarding  the  influence  of  Christianity  on  the  Bhag., 
an  influence  which  is  often  asserted  and  as  often  refuted.  Any  Christian  influence  in  the 
original  (genuine)  Qlta  is  as,  I  think,  quite  precluded  by  its  age,  which  I  trust  I  shall  establish 
with  some  degree  of  probability  in  the  next  part.  I  would  also  refer  to  what  I  tried  to  make 
good  above  regarding  the  genuine  Indian  origin  of  Bhakti.  That  there  is  a  historical 
possibility  of  the  author  of  the  refashioned  Gitd  being  acquainted  with  the  tenets  of 

_  •  .._!-.  '"  '  I  '  '  "  -.---.-...-      ..---.-  -rr       --.-  i,  .._..--  | 

**  The  parallel  expression  IV,  10  madbhdwm  Agat&h  "  have  reached  my  state  "  finds  its  explanation 
in  this  passage. 

«T  Compare  Hopkins,  Rdigions  of  India,  p.  401  (top). 

"  The  treatments  of  this  question  in  Tekng,  Introduction,  p.  24  and  &,  rests  on  the  erroneous 
nupposition  that  the  OUd  is  anterior  to  Buddhism. 


GARDE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAQA  VADGtTA  29 

Christianity,  is  to  be  conceded ;  however,  I  do  not  think  that  any  one  has  succeeded  in  rais- 
ing this  possibility  into  probability  or  into  certainty.  To  me  personally,  there  is  no  idea 
to  be  met  with  in  the  Gita  that  could  not  be  explained  satisfactorily  on  the  basis  of  the 
vaat  treasure  of  thought,  or  on  that  of  the  proper  spiritual  inheritance  of  the  Indian  people. 
In  th^i:|j^||tion,  I  hold  myself  at  a  standpoint  quite  the  opposite  of  F.  Lorinser,  who  iii 
the  jftwifce,  notes,  [p.  58]  and  appendix  to  his  metrical  translation  of  the  Bhag. 
(Breslau,  1869)  asserts  his  conviction  with  an  earnestness  and  zeal,  which  might  win  esteem 
even  from  an  opponent,  that  "not  only  did  the  author  of  the  Bhag.  know  and  probably 
utilise  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament,  but  also  generally  did  weave  into  his  system 
Christian  ideas  and  views  "  (page  v).  Lorinser  would  even  prove  from  which  parts  of  the 
New.  Testament  a  larger  number  of  "  sentences  are  borrowed,"  and  from  which  a  lesser  num- 
ber of  them ;  that  the  "  epistles  of  St.  Paul  in  their  entirety,  with  the  exception  of  the  Thessa- 
lonians  and  the  Philemon  have  been  utilised  '  (p.  285).  In  this  strain  does  he  proceed. 
Lorinser  was  certainly  a  good  theologian.  In  this  case,  however,  he  trod  into  a  province 
with  which  he  was  not  sufficiently  familiar.  That  the  Indian  words  appear  in  his  writings 
very  often  in  a  false  orthography  and  with  false  articles,  is  not  purely  an  accident,  but 
a  syinptom  of  the  fact  that  he  was  not  equipped  with  the  requisite  philological  knowledge 
with  which  to  judge  of  things  Indian.  Had  Lorinser  been  more  closely  familiar  with  the 
history  of  the  development  of  Indian  thought,  ho  would  not  have  drawn  so  very  emphatic 
conclusions  from  the  "resemblances  "  collected  together  by  him.  These  resemblances  are 
for  the  most  part  entirely  of  a  vague  nature.  They  relate  to  likeness  in  thought  and 
expression,  which  however  finds  ita  explanation  in  the  similarity  of  the  back-grouud 
(lit.  characteristics)  of  the  New  Testament  of  the  Bhag.  Even  Weber  who  was 
inclined  to  concede  to  the  Christian  influence  in  India  a  wide  field  to  range  over,  says 
Ind.  Liter.  Gesch*,  p.  367  (^English  Trans,  p.  238,  Note  252a)  that  Lorinser  Jias  estimated 
much  too  highly  the  bearing  of  his  argument,  and  that  the  question  whether  to  postulate  or 
not  any  acquaintance  of  the  Bhag.  with  the  tenets  of  Christianity  is  still  sub  judice. 
Besides,  Lorinser's  theory  has  been  refuted  by  such  reputed  sound  scholars  as  E.  Windisch, 
John  Muir,  Max  Miiller,  C.  P.  Tiele  and  Tclang,  with  such  conclusiveness,  [p.  57]  that  I 
need  not  refute  it  in  detail  any  more.49 

PART  IV. 

The  Age  of  the  Bhagavadgitft. 

Among  those  works  which  have  contributed  most  to  the  understanding  of  the  Bhag., 
ranks,  without  doubt,  K.  T.  Telang's  English  Translation  of  the  poem  fi«  in  the 
Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  Vol.  VIII,  Oxford  1882.  Telang's  attempt,  however,  to  prove 
for  the  Bhag.  a  high  antiquity, —an  antiquity  higher  than  Apastamba's  Dharmasufra— 
has  rightly  found  no  countenance  amongst  the  European  Indologists.  In  the  preface  to 
his  translation,  p.  34,  Telang,  after  an  extensive  argumentation,  comes  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  Gild  must  be,  in  any  case,  older  than  the  third  century  B.C.,  though  we 
cannot  say  how  much*  Since  we  now  know  through  Buhler's  investigations  that  the 

-   «  Compare  A.  Holtcman,  Da*  Mahdbhdrala  und  Seine  Teik,  part  II,  p.  152. 

60  The  Moond  edition  o!  the  work  of  1898  though  not  much    different  (from  the  first   edition)  i» 
unfortunately  not  accessible  to  me, 


30  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

Apaatamba  DharmasAtra  is  to  be  placed  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  B.C.,51   the  OitA  must, 
according  to  Telang's  line  of  argumentation,  belong  at  least  to  the  fifth  century  B.C. 

The  entire  reasoning  of  Telang  is  critically  examined  by  Btthtlingk  in  the  beginning 
of  his  Bemerkungen  and  has  been  proved  to  be  completely  baseless.  The  proofs 
(offered)  by  Telang  are  in  fact  so  weak  that  one  might  wonder  how  a  man  of  his  learning 
and  acumen  should  not  have  recognized  their  superficiality,  if  there  were  not  (indeed) 
a  psychological  influence  to  account  for  this.  To  Telang,  as  to  every  Hindu, — how  much- 
aoevor  enlightened — it  is  an  article  of  faith  to  believe  in  so  high  an  antiquity  of  the 
Bhag.  And  where  such  necessities  are  powerful  criticism  indeed  comes  to  an  end. 

The  task  of  assigning  a  date  to  the  GUd  has  been  recognized  by  every  one  [p.  58]  who 
has  earnestly  tried  to  solve  the  problem,  as  being  very  difficult ;  and  the  difficulties  grow  (all 
the  more)  if  the  problem  is  presented  twofold,  viz.,  to  determine  as  well  the  age  of  the 
original  Gtta  as  also  of  its  revision.  I  am  afraid  that  generally  speaking,  we  shall 
succeed  in  arriving,  not  at  any  certainties,  but  only  at  probabilities  in  this  matter. 

If  we  first  take  into  consideration  the  Oita  in  its  present  form,  we  might — in  fixing 
its  lowest  limit — leave  out  of  consideration  all  the  testimonies  for  its  existence  that  are 
posterior  to  K&lid&sa.  Kalidasa  is  the  oWest  jauthp£  who  refers  to  the  GUd  and  that  he 
does  so  is  firmly  established  by  Telang  (Inlr eduction^])'  29).  Of  the  two  confirmatory 
passaged  which  Telang  brings  forward52  the  second  one  particularly  is  convincing,  viz., 
Kumarasambhava  VI.  67,  where  Angiras  s&ys  to  the  Himalaya:  ethane  tvam  sthava- 
ratmanam  Vishnum  a  huh  inanishinah.  "Rightly  do  the  wise  call  thee  Vishnu  in  the 
shape  of  a  mountain."  The  reference  is  here  (as  already  pointed  out  by  the  commentator 
Mallinatha)  unmistakably  to  Bhag.  X.  25,  both  in  form  and  in  sense.  To  Kalidasa, 
therefore,  who  is  to  be  carried  back  to  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  A.D.,  63  the  Gitd  was 
an  authoritative  work.  We  might  therefore  set  down  A.D.  400  circa  as  the  lower  limit 
of  the  Git  a. 

It  is  not,  however,  to  be  supposed  that  the  present  Gtia  first  originated  in  a  time 
that  lies  very  near  to  this  lower  limit  as  fixed  by  us.  The  revision  of  the  poem  belongs  to 
that  period  in  the  development  of  the  Mahdbhdrata  text  which  Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  308, 
places  between  200  B.C.  to  A.D.  100*200  (Remaking  of  the  epic  with  Krishna  as  all-god, 
intrusion  of  masses  of  didactic  matter,  addition  of  Purdnic  material,  old  and  new).  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  however,  the  present  GUd  [p.  59]  could  be  mostly  attributed  to  the  second 
half  of  this  period.  This  follows  from  the  fact  that  a  considerable  time  must  have  elapsed 
before  some  one  could  venture  to  subject  the  original  Gitd  to  a  thorough  revision  and 
transformation.  From  the  consideration,  therefore,  of  the  age  of  the  genuine  Gitd  which 
too  I  shall  forthwith  try  to  fix,  the  revision  of  the  GUd  could  not  have  taken  place  earlier 
than  the  first  or  second  century  A.  &.;  and  if  I  were  to  fix  upon  the  second  century  (aa  the 
period  of  the  revision),  I  would  still  be  placing  it  somewhat  earlier  than  is  usually  the 
case  ( to  do ),  and  earlier  than  what  John  Davies,  for  instance,  ( The  Bhag.*  183, 

si  See  Btihler's  preface  to  hia  translation  of  tbjb  work.— [  SBE.  XIV  ]. 

«  The  first  paaMge  ia  to  be  read  aa  JRtytaMHfeia,  X,  31  and  not  07,  aa  §tated  in  Telang's  work. 

«  See  the  latest  literature  on  the  question  by  W.  Klemm,— ZDM<7.  58,  290. 


GARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAQA  VADGtTA  31 

194,  200)  has  done,  who  with  Lassen  and  Weber  accepts  the  third  century  A.D.54  The 
QitA  as  it  has  come  down  to  us  cannot  be  much  later  than  this.  The  history  of  the 
development  of  the  Mdh&bharata  text  teaches  that.  [p.  60]  That  the  revision  cannot  be 
older  depends  principally  on  further  reasons  to  be  investigated.  Such  reasons  are  afforded 
e  following  considerations. 


In  a  verse  of  the  Bhag.  (XIII.  22)  which  belongs  to  the  revised  version,  and  in  the 
Nri8imhat&.  Upaniahad,!!.  9.2,  the  two  words  Upadrashtn  (the  overseer)  and  Anumantri  (the 
oonsenter)  stand  side  by  side,  and  the  latter  of  these  two  \vords  is  so  very  rare  that  none 
€an  doubt  the  historical  relation  of  the  two  passages.  As  in  all  other  relations  to  the 
Upanishad  literature  the  Shag,  is  the  borrowing  party,  so  in  this  case  also,  wo  have 
to  regard  in  this  passage  of  the  Nri-Td-Upanisliad  the  prototype,  and  in  the  first  quarter  of 
Bhag.  XIII.  2  the  copy  thereof,  because  th<>  word  Anumantri,  as  an  epithet  of  one 
form  of  the  highest  spirit,  has  been  preserved  in  its  originality  in  the  Nri-  Td-  Upanishad  through 
the  entire  contents  of  the  text  ;  since  Anumanlri  is  synonymous  with  Anujfitttri  fonnerly 
used  in  this  Upanishad,  and  this  latter  is  spoken  of  as  existing  as  a  form  of  the  Atman  in  the 
second  part  (II.  2.8,  10,  13,  14  ;  3,  1,  6.14;  S,  6,  7  ;  9.33  here  Anujnatri  is  used  by  the 
side  of  Upadrashtri).  Now  Weber,  Ind.  Lit.  Gwh?  p.  186  (—English  Trans.,  p.  167)  has 
placed  the  Nri.-Ta.-Upanishad  in  the  4th  century  A.D.,  though  later,  Ind.  Stu.  IX,  62,  63, 
this  date  is  reiterated  only  with  reservation.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it  follows  from 
Weber's  statements  at  the  latter  place  that  the  reason  on  which  he  has  based  this  date  is 
not  tenable.  Weber  had  had,  with  regard  to  many  Indian  works,  a  disposition  to  bring  them 
down  chronologically,  and  this  is  true  also  of  the  NrL-Td.  -Upanishad.  In  any  case,  however, 
this  secondary  Upanisfiad—  and  with  it  the  Uttaratapaniya,  latterly  attached  thereto—  that 
comes  into  consideration  as  the  source  of  the  above-mentioned  verse  of  the  Bhag. 
should  be  placed  in  post-Christian  period  ;  and  its  being  utilized  by  the  reviser  of  the 
Bhag.  points  to  the  fact  that  he  must  not  have  in  any  case  lived  earlier  than  the 
second  century  A.D.  The  striking  remark  of  John  Davies,  The  Bhag.*  p.  192,  andff., 

**  The  manifold  resemblances  which  the  Oitd  bears  in  thought  and  «'xprossion  to  the  Vpamsliads  of 
the  oldest  and  intermediary  classes,  do  not  prove  the  antiquity  of  the  poem,  because  this  is  to  bo 
'regarded  simply  as  a  dependence  of  the  Gild  on  texts  partly  belonging  to  a  considerably  high  antiquity. 
Telang,  in  the  notes  to  his  translation  of  the  poem,  SBE.  VIII,  has  referred  to  numerous  parallelisms 
from  the  Brih.  Ch&n.  Kaus.,  Uat  Katha,  Munda,  Pm.s'na,  Mailra.  and  &vctds.  UpaniaJtafo,  but  so  far  aft 
I  can  see,  verbal  or  almost  verbal  borrowing  of  versos  or  parts  thereof  is  confined  to  the  Katha  and 
&vet&*.  Vpanithafo  :— 

Bhagavadgtid  II,  10  =  Katha  II.  10. 
„  II,  20  =  Katha  II,   18. 

„         m,  42  =  Kaiha  IH.  10  (cf.  VI.  7.) 

y      „       v,  i3  =  &»*f  m,  i«. 

„       Vm,    9  =  &>eM    III.  8. 
VHI,  11  =  Kafha  II.  15. 
„  XHI,  13,  U  =r  &***    III.  16,  17. 
„        XV,    1  ss  Katha  VI,  1. 

For  fixing  the  date  of  the  Bhag.  its  relationship  with  the  later  Upanithad*  only  could  be  turned  to 
any  account,  as  indeed  I  shall  soon  below  similarly  utilize  one  such  relationship  (of  the  Bhag.)  with 
undoubtedly  a  secondary  Upamthad. 


THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUABY 


that  our  poem  is  closely  related  to  the  Purdna  literature  in  its  mythological  and  literary 
characteristics,  [p.  61]  points  in  the  same  direction : — "  In  fact  it  is  impossible  to  read  the 
Bkag.  and  the  Pwdnas  without  feeling  that  we  are  treading  upon  the  same  ground/'  The 
view  that  had  become  prevalent  for  a  long  time  that  the  Purdnas  represent  a  later  phase 
of  literature  connected  with  the  MaMbhdrata  must  now  be  well-nigh  revised,  since 
Hopkins  *5  has  now  proved  that  the  eighteen  PurAnas  were  known  before  the  completion 
(of  the  text)  of  the  Mahdbhdrata.  Apart  from  this,  however,  the  similarity  between  the 
character  of  the  Bhag.  and  the  Purdnas  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  proof  that  the  present  OUa 
cannot  possibly  be  placed  before  the  second  century  A.P. 

In  this  connection,  I  might  also  urge  one  more  linguistic  consideration!  which  in  it* 
singularity  is  not  indeed  devoid  of  great  importance.  Bhag.  X.  25  which  belongs  to  the 
later  revision  contains  the  word  Himalaya,  the  modern  form  of  the  older  Himavat,  this 
(latter)  however,  as  is  well  known,  still  surviving  in  the  later  literature.  According  to  the 
showing  of  the  Petersburg  Dictionary,  Kftlidftsa  is  the  oldest  author  of  any  definite  dater 
w^°  employs  the  form  flimatoyq  (and  similar  new  forms  Ulimagiri,  Himadri).  Even  though 
the  word  Him&aya  might  indeed  have  been  used  before  (the  time  of)  KMd&sa,  still  the 
use  of  that  word  makes  an  impression  of  relative  lateness.  I  therefore  believe  as  a  whole, 
that  even  though  I  might  not  have  brought  forward  any  cogent  proof,  I  would  not  be 
going  much  wrong  if  I  were  to  place  ihojefashioned  QUa  in  the  sec^ndhcentury  A.D. 

If  we  now  fix  our  attention  on  the  genuine  Ottd  it  is  unfortunately  impossible  to 
arrive  at  any  chronological  result  on  (the  basis  of  a)  resemblance  with  the  MAnava 
Dharmaidsfoa.  W.  von  Humboldt  has  already  drawn  attention  to  the  parallels  between 
/  Manu's  law  book  and  the  Bhag.™  However  there  is  only  one  verse  which  (with  a  minor 
difference)  [p. 62]  is  common  to  both  the  works;  viz.,  Bhag.,  VIII,  17—Manu  I.  73. 
Telang  in  the  preface  to  his  metrical  translation  of  the  Bhag.  p.  115,67  is  naturally  of 
the  opinion,  in  accordance  with  his  conviction  of  the  high  antiquity  of  the  QUa,  that  Manu 
might  have  extracted  the  verse  from  the  Qitft.  However  the  thing  could  be  just  the 
other  way,  and  besides  there  is  still  the  third  possibility  that  it  might  be  a  verse  loosely 
floating  about,  belonging  to  the  Brahmanical  tradition,  which  both  the  works  might  have 
utilized  independently  of  each  other.  When,  further,  Hopkins,  Great  Epic,  pp.  19,  22,  is, 
after  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  Mahabharato  and  of  the  Manusmnti,  firmh  convinced 
that  the  present  form  of  the  text  of  Manu  is  later  than  the  old  Epic  but  older  than  the 
didactic  Epic,  while,  Biihler  (Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Manusmiiti,  p.  98)  declares  our 
Manu-text  as  later  than  our  Mahabhdrata,  the  attempt  to  utilize  the  above-mentioned 
similarity  for  purpose  of  fixing  the  date  of  the  original  Q#at  is  completely  hopeless. 

I  believe,  however,  that  the  investigation  regarding  the  age  of  the  genuine  Ottd  could  be 
carried  to  a  definite  result  with  a  closer  examination  of  another  passage.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  Adhydya  which  everyone  regards  as  being  old.  Krishna  says  that  he  had 
taught  in  the  preceding  ages  the  secret  of  the  Yoga  doctrine  to  Vivasvat  (— S#rya,  the 
sun,  the  birth-place  of  the  warrior  caste,  aarva-ka^atriyorva^a-vija-bhutaya  Adtiydya  aa 
M&dhusudana  says)  and  from  him  it  passed  on  to  Manu,  Ikshv&u  and  the  old  sages  of  the 


«  American  Oriental  Society  Proceedings,  October  1888,  p.  5 ;  Great  Epic,  p.  48. 

M  See  DOW  all  of  them  put  together  by  A.  Holtzmann,  Dot  Mahdbhdrata  IV,  127  (top). 

tf  InHoltcmann,  op.  cit. 


QARBE'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BHAGAVADQfaA  33 


Kihatriya  does  (Mjarahi)**  In  course  of  time,  however,  the  Yoga  doctrine  on  this 
earth  [p.  68]  passed  into  oblivion  and  it  was  then  being  preached  by  Krishna  to  Arjiina 
onoe  more. 

.How  does  this  now  in  reality  afieot  the  antiquity  and  the  vicissitudes  of  the  Yoga 
doctrines?  Th^t  the  Yoga  system  is  pro-Buddhistic  is  evident  from  the  investigations 
of  Kern  (  Buddhism,  Vol.  I,  470  and  ff, )  and  of  Jacolu',  Nac/tr.  d.  doit.  Oes.  d.  Wi*«. 
1896,  45  ft.  We  know  nothing  of  importance  with  regard  to  .this  system  during  the 
period  between  Buddha  and  Patafijali,  and  what  is  said  in  tho  Bhag.,  IV7.  2  regard- 
ing the  decadence  of  the  Yoga  system  (sa  kdkmt  iha  wahata  yogo  nashtah)  might  well 
correspond  with  this  historical  reality.  The  composition  of  the  Yoga- Sutras  by  Patanjali 
must  have  taken  place  at  about  the  same  time  as  that  of  the  MahdbhasJiya,  i.e.,  in  tho 
middle  or  in  the  second  half  of  the  second  century  B.C.  I  now  venture  to  assert  that  the 
Yoga-8fitrae  in  which  the  Yoga  doctrines  were  fixed  and  infused  with  new  life,  must  not 
have  existed,  or  at  least  must  not  have  acquired  a  general  recognition  and  currency,  at 
the  time  when  the  original  Oitd  came  to  be  composed  ;  otherwise  it  would  not  have  been 
possible  to  put  into  the  mouth  of  Krishna  at  the  above-mentioned  passage  of  tho  Bhag. 
the  words  regarding  Yoga  referred  to  above;  since  a  poet  generally  makes  -hw  hero- 
speak  about  events  which  are  to  be  regarded  as  having  occurred  in  a  very  remote  past  in 
such  a  manner  as  would  correspond  to  the  state  of  things  existing  in  his  own  times. 
I  therefore  conclude  from  Bhag.  IV.  1-3  that  the  author  of  the  genuine  Gtia  did  not  know  j 
the  Yoga-Sutras \  and  that  he  therefore  lived  before  Patanjali,  presumably  in  the  first) 
half  of  the  second  century  B.C.  The  contents  and  the  language  of  tho  Bfaig.  speak  against1 
a  much  higher  date  thereof. 

If  it  were  to  be  urged  against  this  position  that  the  Yoga  in  the  Bhag.  might  be- 
different  from  that  treated  of  in  the  Yoga-Sutras,  it  might  be  replied  that  the  present 
far-fetched  sense  of  Yoga  in  the  OUd  as  "  Self  -surrender,"  t(  Devotion,"  presupposes  the 
original  conception  of  Yoga  as  c< concentration  of  thought,''  [p.  64]  and  that  the  words 
Yoga,  Yogin  are  still  used  in  the  Bhag.  in  their  technical  original  sense. 

According  to  my  view,  therefore,  the  genuine  QUA  originates  in  the  first  half  of  the 
second  century  B.C.,  and  the  remodelling  of  the  poem  in  the  second  century  A.P. 


Postscript. — In  concluding  this  translation,  the  translator  gladly  acknowledges  the  help- 
he  received  from  others.  Dr.  Belvalkar  of(bhe  Deccan  College  suggested  the  idea  of  translat- 
ing the  work  for  the  benefit  of  the  Senior  Sanskrit  Students  of  that  College,  Dr.  Gune  of 
the  Ferguson  College  very  kindly  read  portions  of  the  translation  in  manuscript.— N.  B.  U. 


W  "  It  it  remarkable  that  in  this  place  it  is  not  tho  priests  but  the  king*  that  arc  mentioned  at  the 
»ncitjntcT»tocUanB  oftheJ5%."— Holtemann,  Das  MM.,  II,  157.  It  would  be  more  correct  to  say 
«<a»  the  ancient  ouitodiana  of  the  Yoga  doctrine  expounded  in  the  Bhaj." 


34  THE  INDIAN  ANTIQUARY 

APPENDIX 

Regarding  the  pauages  of  the  Bbig.  not  originally  belonging  to  it 

7.  I- 19— These  verses  are  shown  in  a  smaller  type  (in  the  translation),  because  they  relate  to  a  des- 
cription of  the  great  battle  in  the  midst  of  whtoh  the  Bhag.  (MM.  VI  (Bhishma-parvan )  Adh.  25-42) 
has  been  interact.  Adhydya  43  connects  itsjalf  with  v.  19  (of  the  Bhag.)  and  the  flrst  three 
verses  of  this  Adhydya  are  in  any  case  interpolated.  In  this  Adhydya  the  description  of  the  uproar 
caused  before  the  battle  is  again  resumed,  and  it  was  necessary  for  the  narrator  to  have  done  this,  in 
order  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  situation  after  the  interpolation  of  the  Bhag.  Adhydya  43f  v.  3 
cd.—#ahasaivdbhya?Mnyanta  ea  sabdaa  tumulo  bhavat—ia  a  verbal  repetition  of  Adhydya  25,  v.  13  od. 
Before  the  Bhag.  was  interpolated,  verse  4  of  Ahhydya  43  followed  therefore  immediately  after  verse  19 
of  Adhydya  25,  the  former  with  the  statement  that  the  gods  and  demi-gods  arrived  (on  the  scene)  to 
witness  the  mighty  war. 

The  Bhag.  besides  begins  not  with  verse  1 — as  the  traditional  view  holds — but  only  'with  v.  20  of 
the  25th  Adhydya.  This  indeed  follows  from  the  fact  that  in  v.  20  Arjuna  sees  the  enemy  in  battle  order 
face  to  face;  but  according  to  the  foregoing  account  he  must  have  abroad y  seen  the  battle-array  of  the 
opposite  party ;  thus  in  w.  14,  15  he  already  shows  himself  (prepared)  to  open  the  attack,  because  he 
ateps  into  the  general  war-cry  with  his  horn.  Perhaps  also  the  word  atha  at  the  beginning  of  v.  20  is  an 
external  mark  intended  to  show  the  beginning  of  the  GUd. 

II.  17 — A  VedAntic  interpolation,  necessitated  by  the  mutual  contrast  (referred  to  in  the  sequel) 
between  the  transitoriness  of  the  bodies,  and  the  eternity  of  the  spirit,  that  always  takes  new  bodies  and 
to  whioh«alone  relate  the  expressions  in  the  masculine  genetive  case  in  the  following  verse. 

//.  72— A  Vedantic  appendage. 

///.  9-18 — An  interpolation  of  the  Mhnamsa  theory,  which  does  not  quite  fit  in  with  the  connection. 
Verse  19  connects  itself  immediately  with  v.  8.  In  this  latter  verse  Arjuna  is  asked  to  do  the 
niyalam  karma,  i.e.,  to  fight ;  in  the  passage  interpolated,  the  significance  of  the  sacrifice  in  imparted 
to  the  word  kartnan.  The  interpolation  concludes  in  w.  17-18  with  the  description  of  a  man  who 
no  more  finds  any  use  in  the  ritualistic  regulations,  and  who  is  generally  averse  to  action.  Verse  19  and 
ft.  stand  in  glaring  contrast  to  these  two  verses. 

2/1.  23 — Spurious  for  the  reason  stated  by  Bohtlingk  :  "  23b  =  IV.  ll-b  as  already  observed  by 
Schlegel.  The  present  tense  there  (in  the  latter  case)  is  in  order,  but  in  the  case  on  hand,  one  would 
have  expected  the  optative  (to  correspond  with  the  one  in  23a.)  IV.  11  is  therefore  older  than  3.23." 
To  this  it  might  be  added  that  the  wording  of  the  second  line  of  our  (present)  verse  has  quite  a 
•different  meaning  than  in  IV.  11. 

IV.  24— A  Vedantico -ritualistic  appendage  which  mars  the  context,  and  which  might  ha\e  been 
occasioned  by  Brahmdgnau  in  v.  25  (to  the  latter  i*  to  be  compared  brahmacharya). 

IV.  31,  32 — A  Vedantioo-ritualistic  interpolation  in  the  description  of  the  sacrifice  understood  in  a 
spiritual  sense. 

IV.  34— Interpolation    for   the    purpose    of   recommending  the    scholastic     discipline    of   the 
Brahma  nas.    Line  2  conflicts  with  the  circumstance  that  it  is  Krishna  himself  who  is  instructing  Arjuna. 

JV.  35— Vedantic  interpolation. 

V.  6,  7,  10, 16-22,  24-28— Vedantic  interpolations. 

VI.  27-32 — Vedantic   interpolation,   quite  explicitly  to  be  recognised  as  mich,  in  that  v.    33  is 
•directly  connected  with  v.  26. 

VII.  7-11,  14,  15,  19,  25,  26,  29,    30— Vedantic    interpolations;    w.  7-11  intercept  an  exposition 
vesting  on  a  fundamental  tenet  of  the  Sdihkhya  (Philosophy),    V*  26,  according  tb  which  no  one  knows 

God,  is  along  with  v.  25,  excluded  for  the  reason  that  it  contradicts  v.  24,  according  to  which,  only  the 
unknowing  one*  understand  Him  not* 

VIII.  1-4;  20-28;  IX.  1-6— Interpolations,  based  as  they  are  on  the  standpoint   of  the  Vedmnta 
and  the  Brahmanio  theory  regarding  the  auspicious  and  inauspicious  time  for  death  (VIII,  23-17),  with 
%h«  superficial  nature  of  wfcich,  the  original  QttA  hat  indeed  nothing  to  do.    The  whole   ohsfeMtter  of 
the  poem  shows  that.    In  IX.  7,  8  is  resumed  fee  consideration  of  (the  point  contained  in)  Vltt;  18,  If, 


OABBB'S  APPENDIX  TO  THE  BHAOAVADOtTA  35 


the  worshippers  of  God. 


•  •  M  -.If'?"?11  6lab0rate  eXP°8iti<m  fr°m  U"  Voda*tic  standpoint,  at  length  degenerating  into 
maipid  details  of  a  previous  subject.  An  imitation  01  X.  20-39  is  to  be  found  in  the  isva^tA  KArw 
purtiAta  II.  7,  3-17  :  the  text  in  the  B'iagstvadffUA,  how  o.  or,  has  quite  a  Pa/-<J/uc  character- 

•  One  might  suspect  whether  tho  first  verse  of  the  Seventh  AdhyAya  might  not  also  belong  to  this 
Urge  interpolation.  It  ia  curious  that  Arjuna  should  at  this  place  say  (when  there  are  eight  more 
Adhydyas  still  to  follow)  that  hi*  perplexities  had  disappeared  as  a  result  of  Krishna's  instructions. 
At  the  end  of  the  poom  XVI11.  72  Krislia  for  the  tint  time  naturally  ask«  Arjuna  how  it  (his  advice) 
•affected  him  in  general:  and  Arjuna  s  .statement  (\.  73)  has  it*  proper  souse  and  justification  there. 
I  shall  not  however  attach  too  much  importance  to  uuy  such  want  of  consideration  in  the  poem. 

Xf.  7,  13,  15,  16,  18,  19—  Pantheistic  interpolations.  When  it  is  said  in  theso  verses  that  the 
divine  person  of  Krishna  contains  in  it,  the  whole  world  and  the  gods  ami  all  bcinjp  and  all  things  beside, 
and  that  this  body  is  without  beginning,  without  con'ro  (lit.  middle  part)  and  without  ond,  the  whole  stands 
in  flagrant  contrast  with  what  follows  ;  HIIICO  iu  v*  .  :>n.L»3  the  worlds  and  all  suiKmiatural  beings  look 
at  Krishua  with  u,  .tonishment  and  wonder,  un-I  tins  cannot  be  said  of  them,  if  they  were  contained 
in  him  ;  and  iu  v.  32  K;ishria  says  that  ho  was  ab.m:  to  do  what  an  omnipresent  being,  pervading  the 
whole  universe,  could  not  i.ave  said  of  himself. 

XI.  37-40—  Vedantio  interpolation. 

Xlll.  2  —  VedAntio  interpolation.  Krishna  stylo-  himself  hero  as  tho  knower  of  tho  field  in  all  the 
fields  (as  the  soul  in  all  the  bo  lies)  ;  how  oould  ho  th<m  ^tfll  hold  in  proapjct  m  v.  3  any  instruction 
regarding  him  who  is  the  knower  of  the  Held  ? 

XIII,  4—  An  interpolated  vordo,  since  the  appoa!  ui  the  U  paitiihdds'  and  to  the  Brahmasdtra  (and 
therefore  to  the  Vadantio  sources)  scare  oly  liba  in,  1  ho  principle  «>f  life  in  the  sequel  being  described 
according  to  the  theory  oi  SAmkhya-yo'ja. 

XIII.  12-18,  27,  28.  30  33—  VedAntic  interp>Utioin,  Verso  27  apt>oarsto  bo  fasliioned  in  a  Vedfmtus 
aenste  after  the  pattern  of  v.  29.  With  regard  to  v.  31,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  to  bo  expunged 
along  with  its  neighb  >  irs.  If  the  vewe  however  mighi  have  belonged  to  the  original  poem,  p(tramdtman 
ought  to  stand  here  quite  in  the  souse  of  dttnan  as  in  VL.  7  and  Xlll.  22. 

X.IV.  26,  27—  Vedantio  appendage.     The  question  asked  iu  v.  21  is  answered  by  vv.  22-25, 
XV.  12-15  —  An  interpolation  that  disturbs  tho  connection,  and  is  based  on  tho  standpoint  of  Vedanta 
and  Brahmauic  theology. 

•  XVII.  23-28  —  An  appendage  regarding  the  use  of  the  expressions  otn,  tat,  MU&ndasat,  with  a 
Vedantic  starting-point.  The  whole  theory  is  here  ant)  in  the  Bhagavadgltd  generally  as  little  used 
•as  possible  externally  also  this  passage  proves  itself  as  being  subsequently  interpolated,  since  tho 
Enumeration,  based  on  the  disposition  previously  mentioned  in  v.  7,  comes  to  an  end  with^v.  22. 

XV  'III.  45,  46—  Interpolated  verses  because  of  the  VedAntic  expression  Yena  larvam  idam  totam 
'in  v.  46*  V.  45  stands  in  close  oonnaction  with  v.  46. 

XVIII.  50-54  —  VedAntio  interpolation.  When  in  these  verses  it  has  been  mentioned  as  to  how  the 
perfected  one  goes  to  Brahman,  we  might  ask  as  to  why  he  should  be  admitted  in  v.  55  into  uidon  with 
Krishna,  the  personal  God.  Verse  54  forms  a  transition  to  the  intercepted  text  of  the  original  poem 
though  in  a  clumsy  manner,  since  one  that  has  become  Brahman  has  no  more  any  occasion  to 
compass  the  highest  devotion  to  Kf  ishna. 

XVIII.  74-7S—  Satfajaya's  concluding  remarks,  appended,  for  reason  of  the  (poem's)  insertion^  the 


INDEX 


Sup.  ttands  /or  tfo  Supplement,  Garbe'a  Introduction  to  the 

b,  pp.  1 — 30. 


.abacus,  of  A6okan  pillars       . .          . .  291,  f.  ;  294 

Abbaside  Caliphs  of  Irak         . .         . .  . .  234 

Abdallah  Muhammad,  author  of  the  Zafar-al- 
Wdlih,   on   the   Faruqi  dynasty   of    Sfcan- 

desh        113—115 

*  Abd-ar-Rahman,  and  Asirgarh  . .          . .   182 

Ibhtra  Migration  into  India,  date  of    . .  35,  f. 

Ibhira,  dyu.,  and  Maharashtra 156 

Abhirama,  Dinglimaprabhu        . .          . .          . .     98 

AbMrapalli,  an  Abhira  settlement         . .  35 

Abu,  mt 168 

Abul  Fas),   Shaikh,  necretary   to   Akbar,  and 
author  of  the  Akbarndma,    179—183;   210; 
on  Alexander  and  Porua          .  .          .  .  245,  f. 

Abyad,  fortified  building  (Hauran  dist.)        .,    177 
Abyssinia  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .    1  74 

Aohapura  inscrip.  . .          . .          .  .          . .   288 

Aeharl,  or  Asavari,  title  of  Chuhada  Chaha- 
mana  of  Hanthambhor  ..      ..          ...      ..   243,  f. 

Achdrydbhimdna-yoga,      iifth    way    of    salva- 
tion        . .          .  .  Sup.     23 

Achhavata,  Rikshavat,  Satapura  Hills,  etc.   . .   151 
Ac hm,     Atoheen,    and    Austria's   commercial 

venture  in  India  in  the  18th  oen        . .          . .      61 
AchyutadSvaraya,  Vijayanagara    k.,    copper- 
plates of,  80;  81;  kdvya,  in  praise  of  . .        97—99 
Achyutar&ydbhyudayan  kdvya     attributed      to 

Rajanatha         97—99 

acquisition,  the  art  of,  (ktelike),  Aristotle's  treat- 
ment of  it 233,  234  &  n. 

Adhyatma-vidya,  philosophy 107 

Adil  ghan,  L  of  Khandesh,  118 ;  185,  f.;  II.,  or 
Malik  'Aind,  118—120;  185,  f*;  III,  or  Alam 

&an           llfr— 121;   185,  f. 

Adil  Shah,  I.  of  Bfjapur,  'All,  142  j  II.,  146  or 
Ibrahim,148;  IV,  'AH  &an  Raja,  143,  f.;  182—186 

Adil  Shah!  kings  144 

Adiparvcm,  the,  and  Krishna  (Indrasena)  . .  281  &  n. 
Idivaraha,  .epithet  applied  to  Bhoja  I  .     76 

advertisement,   E.  I.  Co.'s,  referring  to  Wm. 

Bolt* 29,  30,  34 

Afzal  Khan,  and  Bhawftni  of  Tuljapur         .     300 
Agamanta   School   of   Brahuuwaa,   and   Mul- 

Iaa4ram 99 

Agar,  N.N.S.  of  Ujjain,  possibly  Akara         . .   151 
Agaram-Muliandram,  Praudhadg  varaya  - 

puram,  or  Mujjandram  99 

Agastya's  Hill,  Pottiyam  48 


age,  of  the  Bhagavadgitd, .  . .  gup.  28 33 

Aghdaf,  modem  Tube 174 

Aghdrativaoharya,  title  of  the  poets  of  Muilaiid- 

ram  98,  f. 

Agni,  and  Buddha  **? gup.  JQ 

Agobio,  wolf  of  St.  Francis  197 

Agra,  and  Akbar  135 

agriculture,  233  and  the  Chaldeeans,  234  A  n., 

235  &n.t  237&n.,  238,  240,  f.  ;  or  Raai. .  256  &  n. 
Agrimenaorea  latine,  the  230 

Ahmad  I,  of  Gujarat,  116,  f.,  141 ;  II.,  or  Raff- 

nl-Mulk  .  .  . .  .  .  .  .        *  . .    141 

Ahmad  Khan        . .          .  .          . .          . .          . .    1 84 

Ahmad  Raja,  reputed  founder  of  the  Farftqi 

dynasty,       and      the     saint     Za  in -ad- din, 

114—117;  182,  185.  f. 
Ahmad  Shall  Bahmani,  and  Siandesh  . .     117  ;  186 

Ahmadabad,  and  Efeandesh        142 

Ahmaduagar,  and  JOiandesh,  120,  123,  f.  ;  and 

Berar,  142,  f.;  and  Akbar,  etc.  144— 148  ;178— 180 
Ahinodavad,  tii  ,  and  Austria's  commercial 

venture  in  India  . .          . .          . .          . .       3 

Ahmed  Pfr,  Hot  HakSm,  Pir  of  the  Jaok&ls      . .    207 
*  Aiii-ad-din,    Khvaja  Jahan,  ancestor   of  the 

Far  ftqi  dynasty  of  Khandesh  ..  ..  114;  186 
Ain-i  Akbar i,  the,  210  ;  and  the  stratagem  used 

by  Alexander  against  Porus  . .  . .  245,  f. 
Aitareya-Brdhtnana,  and  the  first  mention  of 

the   Andhras     .  .          . .          . .          . .  70 

aiwan,  vaulted  building  at  Machi  (Seistan)     . .   177 

AjataSatru,    k.,   date 224 

Ajxner,  and  Nahap ana's  coins    . .          . .  75 

Ajna-lekha,  an  order       . .          .  .          . .         52  &  n. 

Akara,  and  Agar  . .          . .          . .          , .          . .    151 

Akaravanti,    M&lwa,    and    QautamSputra, 

etc.  .,  150:  153,  f. 

Akbar,  and  literature.  44  ;  and  J&andesh,  124  ; 

341 — 144;  179— 183;  and    the  Dakan,    144 

— 148;    and  161am,    185;  and    Alexander's 

stratagem  against  Porus         . .         . .         245,  f . 

Akbarndma,  the,  and  the  Dakan,  etc.,  147  &n., 

148,  n. ;  178;  183;  186 
Akshapada,  author  of  the  Nydyadarfana      . .     191 

akshaya-ntoi,  and  Nt* 51 

(Aia-al-din  Bahman  Shah,  founder  of  the  Bah- 
man!  dynasty  . .         . .         . .       114  &  n. 

'Ala-ad-din  Jfoalji,  of  Delhi 113 

Alb6runi,and  the  Gupta-ValabhS  year,  etc. . .  16 ;  20 


302 


INDEX 


Aleppo,  mosque  at          176,  »•  i 

Alexander  the  Great,  or  Dhoulkarnain,  205  ; 

and  Fonts         246"*  f. 

Alexandria,  and  the  last  Kuftc  ioaorips.,  176,  n.;     ' 

visited  by  Indian  Sages         . .         . .  Sup.  15,  16 

al-  Hadr,  or  Hatra          172 

al-Haiyat,  example  of  vaulted  roof  at..         ..172 
4 All  Khan,  Raja,  idil  Shah  IV  . .  143,  !.;  186 

Alivardl  KhAnand  Omichund  ..         ..     266—268 

Allahabad  Pillar 191,  f . 

ai-Majdal,  example  of  vaulted  roof      . .         . .   172 
al-Umtaliyah,  vaulted  roofed  church  at         . .  1 72 

alWalfd,  and  Mecca       174 

Amara,  author,  and  the  words  ghoeha  and  mahd- 

Mdn  ..  35,36 

Araarakundu,  near  Berhampore,  and  the  Sun 

god        219 

Amaravat£,  *Mpa  inscrip.          . .         ..     155  ;  167 

Aroarlal,  Uderolal  201 

amarta,  meaning  of         193 

anidtya,  meaning  of         . .         . .    *         74,  78  &  n- 

Ambika,  Iba,  riv 73  &  n- 

America,  and  Austria's  commercial  adventure, 

90, 92 ;  and  erotic  sculptures 217 

Amirchand,  Omiohund 256,  f . 

'Amman,  fort,  Haurau  dist 177 

Anor-ibn  al- At,  built  the  first  Egyptian  mosque.  175 

Amtiyoka,  Antioohus 297 

Anapftya,  alias  of  Kavimalla 95 

Ancient  HiriUu  Economics,  or  Vdrtta,  233 — 241  ; 

275—279 

Andarea,  the  Andhrau    . .         . .         . .         . .     70 

Andhapura,  Andhrapura  71 

Andhra,  race,  Pliny's  description,  70,  71  ;  terri- 
tory, and  Pulumavi,  153  ;  rulers       . .         . .   298 
Andhrabhritya   (post-)   rulers  of  the  Puranio 

list,  identification  of 298 

Andhra -de6a,  the  Telugu  co.,  71;  155 ;  and  the 

Satavdhanas     ..         . .'         156 

AtuSgondi  inscrip.  287  &  n 

akga,  oldest  portion  of  Jaina  canon  . .  190,  n 

Angirasa  Qhora,    guru  of    Krishna    Devaki- 
putra      , ."         Sup.  9 

Aiigula,  writer,  and  Kautilya  . .          . .         195,  n, 

animal,  and  vegetable  sacrifices          . .        189,  n 
animals,  in  Mauryan  sculptures      .  .291,  f. ;  294,  f, 
Antigonus,  and  the  Nebatttans  ..         ..    169 

anttJba,  any  antique,  Hobson-Jobson    ..         ..196 

Antjochua,  Aihtiyoka      . .         . .         . .         . .  S97 

Antiochutt  XII,  and  Damascus  . .         . .  170 

Antwerp,  and  the   Priviledged  Ooxnpany  of 

Fiutae,etc.      ..         57;  90 

Anumantri,  the  consenter         . .         . .       Sup.  3 


Anapa,    (in  modern  0.  Provinces)   and  Can- 

taralputra         150 

Anvikiiki,  philosophy,  102—107,  109 ;  Anvik- 

ahikt 238,  f.;  241  ;  256 

Apabhraipsa,  or  Prakrit  and  the  wide  sound  of 
E and  0,  37—40;  42,  43;  47  n.,  48 ;  226,  227  n.,  231 

Apardjita,  g 51,  n. 

Aparakakha^Ji,  vil.  in  Nasik  grant      , .         . .  152 
Aparftntika,  and  Ariaka,  77;  Apar&nta,  West- 

ern  coast  of  India 150,  n.;  154 

Apastamba's  Dharmatfarct         . .        . .  Sup.  29,  f.    < 

Aphsad  insorip 16£ 

Apilava,  Apitaka,  possibly  Vedisri    ...         . .     72 
Apollo,  wolf  g.,  208  ;  and  sun,  at  Bodh  Gaya, 

212;  219 

Apollodotus,  coins  of 74 

Apratihata,g 51,  n. 

ApratilMtacharya,  title  of  Satakarni  . .  72,  n. 

Arab,  conquest  of  Bind 205 

Arabia,  Christian  172 

Arabic,  words  and  Gujarati,  26 ;  and  Indian 
literature,  44 — 46;insorip.  in  Kueair ' Amral, 
174  ;  or  Muslim,  tradition  of  Alexander  . .  246 
Arabs,  and  Nebatfcans,  169;  the  Umayyads, 
174 ;  and  the  River  cult,  198 ;  Chaldiean  agri- 
culture . .  . . 234,  25fr 

Aramaic,  and  the  Nabatieans 169 

Aranya-parva,  the.  and  the  TSmraparrd  riv.  . .     48 

Arcadiua,  imp 1 72 

arches,  vaulted,  etc.   of  the  Hindola  Mahal, 

Manda 169—174 

architecture,  of  the  flauran,  1 70 ;  prehistoric, 

etc 170,  n.,  171,  172,  n. 

Aretas,  first  known  Nabateean  ruler,  169 ;  III. 

and  IV.,  and  Damascus         170 

Ariake,  Apar&ntika,  77;  or  Ariakes     . .         . .   150 

Aristotle,  and  economics,  etc 233,  f.  j  256 

Arivilhnangalam  plates,  of  6rii»angaraya  II. .     79 
Arjun,   and   the   crocodile,  197;    or  Arjuna, 
P&rtha,  168;  and  the  Bhagavadtftit,  Sup.  6  ; 
Indra,  Krishna,  other  names  of.  Sup.  10, 12, 

13  &n.  ;  14;  20;  33— 35 

Arjunaka *        ..Sup.  12,  13 

Arka-Vafa  tree,  and  the  Kalpa*  drama  tree  . .  214 
Armenian  letter  of  Omichund,  see  Sidelights 
on  Omichund    . .         . . 265 

ArratOon,  Petros  (Khwaja  Petrus)  and  Grigor 
(Gorgia  Khan )  Armenian  merchants  in  Bengal 

(1757) 265,269—274 

arrow  .heads,  stone,  from  Chota  Nagpur  . .  136 
Art,  Indian,  Persian,  etc.,  see  Mauryana  . .  291 
art,  of  acquisition,  (ktetike)  or  science,  of  wealth 


INDEX 


303 


urtlta,  wealth  or  goods 235 

Arthatdatra>  (The,)  Explains    . .         . .          50—50 
Arthasdstra,  see  Authenticity  of  the  Kaufitfya, 

157—101;  187—195 

Arthdtortra,  refers  to  tho  Tflmraparui  riv., 
48 ;  and  philosophy,  101,  u.  ;  and  VdrUd, 
relation  of  . .  235,  23(1  &  n.,  239  &  n.,  240 

ar thins,  suitors 54,  n. 

Aruna,  charioteer  of  tho  Sun-god         . .         . .  212 
Arunagirin&tha,    S6nddriuutha,   etc.,   poet   of 

MuUancJram  94 — 98:100 

Aryaman,  Ayama,  minister  to  Kahapana  . .    74,  78 
Aryan,  settlements,  and  the  Andhrus,  70  ;  race.  236 

Aryanivdsa,  Aryan  settlement 35 

Asaka,  Assaka,  co.,  (Sans.  Afimuka)  and  Gau- 

tamiputra         150 

Asalla  Deva,  Rai  inscrip.  of,  241,  f.  ;  or  Asala, 
coins  of  . .          . .          . ,          . .          243,  f. 

ascetics,  Brahman,  aud  vegetarianism      ..  189,  n. 
(lahcishu,  term  in  Hook  Series  XIII  . .       297 

ashes,  sac  rod,  as  medicine      . .          .  .          . .       207 

<A$htamdtarak,  eight  goddesses          . .          . .        13 

Aahti,  scene  of  a  battle  178 

Asia,   British   settlements,  etc.,   in,  and   Aus- 
tria's commercial  venture  in  Iiidiiu  3,  5f  0  : 
33;  69  ;  00  ;  87  ;  and  tho  Umayyads  . .    177 

Ania  Minor,  Indian  Mission  in   .  .          .  .        Hup    1  fj 
Asiatic,  Greek  and  Mauryan  Sculpture  . .   -91 

Asiatic  Company  of  Trieste,  sue  Tricsti  . .     32 

Asika,  co.,  unidentified,  and  Gautamiputra    . ,    160 
AHirffarh,  f ort ,  110,  118,  121,  f. ,-  124,  142-140; 

180—182  ;  !S;'i 

Asmaka,  Asaka,  and  Mulaka     .  .          . .     150  &.  11. 
A6oka,   Notes,    (from   Vol.    XXXIX,    p.  04) 
No.  XII,,  Identification   of  Tambapamni 

in   tho  Rock  Edicts        48,  f. 

Awoka,  inworiptions,  Notes  on   ..          ..  ..   297 

AAoka,  inscrips.,  52;  50;  71  ;  138;  209,  f.  ;  hia 
time-table  of  work,etc.,  53,  f.:  and  Buddhism, 
55,  n.  ;  heretic  ernp.,  109; and  ahi'l'ed,  189,  n.j 
*t&pa#,  in  Oclra  district,  209  ;  date,  210;  rail, 
219  ;  Rock  Edict  I  audthe  word  Samdja,  221; 
and  Kaiinga,  224 ;  and  art,  seo  Mauryana     291,  ff. 
Awrama,  the  fourth,  and  ahiW*d. .         . .     189,  n. 

as-Salih  Tal&'i  Mosque,  Cairo        . .          . .     1 76,  n. 

Assyria,  and  agriculture, 236  ;  and  Indian  sculp- 
ture, etc 294 

tvamedha,  sacrifice  and  Satakarni    . .     71,  72,  n. 

veterinary  science 239 

Vedic  gods         61,  n. 

Atoheen,  Achin 61 

Athen»tis,  general          169 

Ativirar&ma  PAndya,  copperplates  of  . .         . .     81 
dtman,  redemption          103,1. 


Atma-Vidya  philosophy  . .         , .          108,  f. 

Attiyur,  N.  Arcot  district,  Brahmana  settlo- 

Baent 95.  100 

Auddalaki,   a    doctrine    of,  and   tho  K&ma. 

«fatra 188,n. 

Audumbarapura,  N.  Arcot  district       ..          ,.   100 

Augustine,  emp Sup.  10 

Augustus,  Tiberius,  on  coins 77,  n. 

Aurnavabhu,    probably   tho    Teacher   in    tho 
Briltad-dranyaka  L'jHininlutd,  and  tho  worship 

of    Trivikruma-Mslniu          84 

aiimmj*,  factories  . .          .  .          . .          .  .   200 

Ausanasah  school  of  philosophy  . .          . .    187 

AuHaiittHas,rivalK  of  tho  Barhanpatyas.  102,105,l07&ii 
Austria's  Commercial  Venture  in  India,  in  tho 
Eighteenth  ( Vnturx ,  (coiitd.  from  Vol.  XLVJ, 
p.  280)  .  .          .  .  1— 1  f,  ;  >>:\-    :\4  ;  57—09  ;  8&— 93 

Authenticity  of  tho  KuuliHyu  .  .  157—101;  187—195 
automobile,  vutaruHlril  etc.,  Hob^on-JobHon.  .  190 
AvatMna,  the.  and  the  \\eek  days  .  *  .  .  112 

Avanti,  78  ;  tjjayini 151 

Acatdra  tlieory,  and  Kriuhna      .  .  .  .Sup.  18,  19 

Ayuma,  Arvamun  ..          ..          ..          74;  78 

Ayyaiui  J.J^dnrui  ('halnk.va    U.,  2S<>;  1L,  ^H7  &  n. 


Babhra\,\a   I'lifii'liAiii.  >iiji[io»ed   lirsl    \vritcron 

Kdntasdytra  .  .  1 89 

Badal  pillar  iiiMori]».         ..          ..          ..          ..    105 

Budami,  inaerip.  and  the&aku  era,  70  ;  to.,  tho 

Chalukyas  of 28(>  &  11. 

Bddarayana,  nut  hor.  and  a  jl/f'mi ".'#£  »S'ii/r«  .  .  1 57 

Baga  Bahar  Slier,  Vderoini  2U2 

Baghdad,  tho  Khan  Orthnia  ino.stpic.  I  75  &  n.; 

190  ;  and  the  tiuj'ttr  (boat) 244 

I3aglana,  fief,  and  Malik  Kaja    ..  ..  ..113 

Bahadur  Shuh,  Q.»dr  WiAii  of  WiundeHh,  and 

Akbar 179—183;  185,  f. 

Bahadurpur,  near  B\irhanpur    .  .          .  .          .  .    180 

ba/tardnu#,  npiei'd  dough  balls  .  .          .  .          . .   202 

Bahmani,dyn.,  113,  f. ;  orBahiunnidn. .  ..  117 

Bahrain  l&an  114,  f.  ;  184 

Bdhuka,  Nnla 283 

Bairagi,  temple  attendant  202 

Baithana,  Paithan,  ancient  I'rutislithduu,  cap. 

of  Biro  Pulemaios  153 

Bakkur,  fort  200 

Bala,  his  Saranatha  inscrip 298 

BolAditya,  Narasithhaguptu,  date-,  101  ;  and 

Mihirakula 163 

Balasiri,  and  Gautamt 151,  n. 


304 


I  N  D  E  X 


Baleokuros,  k.,  151  ;  Vilivayakura       . .          . .   163 

Bali,  g.,  and  the  Sun  god  220 

Baliapatam,  Beliapatam  or  Valarpattanain 
near  Cananore,  and  Austria's  commercial 
venture  . .  . .  . .  •  •  . .  10,  it.;  13,  n. 

Baloches,  and  tho  Rivor  god 206 

Baluchistan,  and  Hibi  Dost 207,  208 

Bulqa,  Steppe,  Moab,  ruins  near          .  .          ..174 

Cambridge,  E.  J.  Co. '8  servant 01 

Bana,  first  reference  to  KulidAsa          . .     246—248 

BAnabhatta  167 

Banas,  two  rivers  of  the  name  in  W.  India  . .  73,  n. 
Ban  da,  IT.  P.,  stone  implement  from  . .  135,  f. 
Kandanikoya-ghatta,  Chfllukya  cap.  . .  289,  11. 
Bangaon,  in  Bundelkhand,  Trimurti  image 

from 136 

Kaiikapura,  Chalukya  cap 289 

barujtidnji,  temple  ornament      .  .         213  &  n.,  2J4 

Barake,  Dwarka 77 

Bargaon.  ancient  N&landu,  inscrip.  at . .          ..Ill 

BArhaspatyas,  school  of  philosophy,  102,  104& 

11.,  105:    107;  187 

Barnagorc,  Barfmagar,  Dutch  settlement        . .      58 
BariidsH.  Sftiiw.  Pa.rnnsA,  o.nd  the  Bunas:       73  &  11. 
barrel- vaults,  in  roofing  ..    169,172 — 175 

Barth,  on  Krishna,  Sup.   JO,    14;  and    Bhakti, 

Sup.  15,  10,  n.;  27,  n. 
Barugaza,  Broach   .  .          .  .          . .          .  .74;  77,  78 

Barwell,  Rich.,  K.  1.  Co.'s  servant  .  ,      .'13  &  n. 

Barygaza.  ('ambay  ..  ..  ..  ..77 

Basantaguilh,  in  ftirohi,  sun  temple  at  .  .    219 

Basra,  and  the  bdlum  (boat)       .  .          . .    1  90  ;  244 

Ban  dh  Ay  aim      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .    84,  11. 

tiaiidliflifatia  D/tarwaflAtra,  and  the  week  days.     112 

Bauer,  Austrian  captain 0  ;  8,r>;  92 

Beck,  Mr.,  E.  J.  Co.'s  servant,  Bombay  .  .        7 

beef,  as  food          1  89,  n. 

neginninrjs  of  Nowth  Indian  History*  Book- 
Notice 265 

Bolgftmp,  iiiHcrip.  287-~289 

Bolginioao,    Count,     Austrian    Ambassador  in 

London 63  <fe  n.— 68 

helium,  (Ar.  belatn)  boat  (Hobson-Jobson)196;  244 
Benares  and  Gai'igaikonda-Hajfcndra  Ch61a- 

dova  I      . .          . .         ". 94  ;  99 

Bengal,  Gulf  and  Province,  and  Austria's  com- 
mercial  venture,  12,  it.,  29  &  n  ;  69  ;  74  ;  90, 
91 ;  and  the  PA  las,  109  ;  and  Akbar,  J  43 ;  and 
the  Sun  god,  219;  Council,  (1757)  265,  f.  ; 
andE.  J.  Co.'s  trade,  266 ;  and  Clive,  274; 
Northern,  or  Pundravardhana-bhukti  . ,  162;  165 

Berar  and  Kfcandesh,  117,  f.;  121—124  ;  141— 
145 ;  and  Akbar,  148 ;  1 78 ;  and  Sulfcan  Dani- 

yai       180 

Besnagar,  female  statue  from  , .  . .  . .  200 
Bettigo,  Greek  form  of  Potigai  . .  . . '  40 


Beypore  and  Win.  Bolts  12 

Hhadr&yanfya  monks,  and  the  Nasik  Caves. .  161, f. 
Bh&galpur  grant,  and  Mudgagiri  . .  109 ;  111 
Bhagavadgttd,  Oarbe's  Introduction  to  the, 

Sup.  1—36 

. .  .  .97—99  ;  125,  n. 

,  the,  and  Sind   . .  198,  199  &  n. ;  204 
Bhakti,  oldest  evidence  of  the  word,  Sup.  14; 
idea,    in     India,     and      Christianity,     etc. 

Sup.  15— 17;  19,  f.j  27 

Bhakti-yoga  Sup.  23 

Bhandar,  brother  of  Uderolal    . .          . .          . .   200 

Bhandarkar,    Sir   R.  0.,  and  the   Abhirae,  etei 

35 ;  43,  n. 

Bhandarkar,  D.  H.,and  the  Vikrama  era        . .     20 
bhang t  Indian  hemp,  and  cholera  . .   284  &  n. 

Bhttradvaja,  and  the  Arthatdstra  . .          187,  f. 

Bharangi  inecrij).  . .          . .          . .          . .   288 

Bhftravi,  160  ;  and  Knlidfisa        . .          . .         249,  f. 

Bharhut  topes      . .          . .          , ,          .  .          .  ,   214 

Bharukachha,  modern  Broach  . .  73  &  n.;  78 

Bhtokardrya,  of    Mullaiiflram,   author  of  the 
Prasannakdvya  . .          . .          . .          94  ;  96 

BhilBya  and  Sfltrrt  styles  .  .          .  .      1 90— 1  92 

Bhawftni  of  Tuljapur,  and  Afzul  Khun  . .   300 

Bhima  I.,  IT.,  BAdami  kings 286 

Bhim-kot,  fort,  in  Sind 204  &  n 

Bhimpur,   near     Narwiir,    stone  inscrij).  from, 

242—  244 

Bhishma Sup.  20 

Bhitari  Seal,  insciip.        ..          ..          ..      101 — 166 

Bhudai  Thnkurs,  of  Sind  .  .          .  .       201  &  n. 

Bhumaka,  Ksliatra}>a  k.  .  .          . .  73 

Bibi  Dost,  Saint,  in  Baluchistan.  207;  Madonno,208 
Bihar,  inscrip.  from,  109;  or  Vddiuidapuru, 

110  ;  111 
Bihdri,  poet,  quotations  from    .  .          .  .    25,  n.  ;  47 

Bijftgarh         1  '22,  ft.  ;  1 41 ,  f.;  ] 44 

Bijapur  and  Ahmadnagar,  14(J — 148;    178,  f .  ; 
the  butcher  incident  of  .  .          .  .          .  .    300 

Bikaner,  225  &  n.;  Darbnr  Library     . .         228  &  n. 

Bikhira  column 291,  f. 

b'il-balam,    bill-bellum,  a  river    boat,  Hobuon- 

Jobson,  196  ;  or  beUnni  244 

Bilgi,  Bilgc>,  in  N.  Kanarn,  and  Austria's  com- 
mercial venture  . .          . .          . .       15  &  n. 

Bilhana,  on  S6m£6vnra  11  290 

Billiapatam,  Bimliapatam  and  Win.  Bolts      10 — 13 

Bin4usflra  and  A66ka 71 

birch-bark  Ms 167 

birth,  and  rebirth,  cycle  of  . .  . .  $up.  25 
birudas,  of  Arunagirinatha,  etc.  . .  96 — 98 
jBisfenavpur,  Vishnupur  . .  . .  204.  n. 

bitumen,  wells,  at  Hi tt 244 


INDEX 


305 


.  .265,  f,    Browu,  Mr.,  with  Wm.  Bolts 


jSculp- 


Black  Hole  of  Calcutta,  and  Omichuiid 

Black  Pagoda  ........  220,  n.    Brussels,  Brucells,   and   Austria's  commercial 

Bloom,  Ben.,  E.  1.  Co/s  servant,  Bencoolen  ..     50       venture  .......  57- 

Boddam,  governor  at  Surat,  and  Wm.  Bolts.  .  .     2    Buddha,  law  of,  and  MihirakuJa,  18  ;  84  n.;  and  ' 

no       the  elephant,  etc.,  in  carving,  213;'  210—21  8; 
death     of,    224;     ond     the   Bhagavady\t<i  . 
219  gup.  io~l3  ;  18  ; 

157    Buddhism,  and  Asoka,  o:>.  n.  ;  in  Syria,  297; 
214        and  Vaishnuva  worship,  84  ;  and  the  River 
204       cult,  198  ;  and  the  Darydpanthi  religion,  204; 
and  Orissa,  209,  f.;  and  Hinduism,  etc.,  214  , 
30;  34  ;  35       217,  218;  and  the  BhAgavata  religions,  etc. 
Bo  Its,  Wm.,  Lieut-Col.,  see  Austria's  commer-  „        .       t> 

oil  p.  Jo  J  «o,  11. 

.  .  1,  fi.    Buddhist,  vision  of  the  story  of  Mihirakulu, 

* 


13 


Bodhagaya-pedoatal  inscrip 
Bodh-Gaya,  inscrip.  of  Clopala  II,  111 
ture,  212  ;  213,  n.  ;  sun  templo          . 
Bodhayana,  and  the  Artluxifolra  . 

Bodhi-treo 

Bohara,  tn.,  and  Udorolul 
Bohtlingk,  and  the  Rhaynvadtftd  Sup.  1  ;  3  ;  22 


33 


cial  venture  in  India 


«»•> 


Bombay,  see  Austria'*  commercial  venture  in 
India,  1,  fi.  ;  fmds  of  submerged  trees  on  the 
Island     .  .      ^   ..          ......         ^.,49,11. 

boots,  on  Trjmurti  image  .  .          -  .     130—138 

Boro  Budur,  sculptures  ...... 

Jiosra,  Era  ........ 

Bostra,  Itauran,  Naliataean   kingdom  .. 

Bowles,  Dan.,  Capt.  of  the  tinow    Vienna 

Brahma,  Brimho  g.,  2  ;  and  the  sun      .  . 

Brahmadeva,  writer 

Brahman,  image,  Kouarak    temjile,    218;    th 
VbHoluto,  etc.,  in  the  n)tnga^ndg\tti,  Sup.  ? 


j  9  .  mouks  an(l  v*hnvadat<i,74  .  moak8f  aml 
the  Nfisik  Caves,  101,  f.  ;  image  iiworip.,  Sflr- 
uath,  161,  f.;  ruins,  in  Sind,  204,  n.;  influence. 
iu  Sun  templo,  in  Konaruk,  209  ;  ornament*, 
etc.  in  torn  plo*  '2}  3,21  4;  works.and  economics. 
2f>G  ;  relics,  299  :  influence,  in  the  Btwyavatl- 
g\t&,       ..         ..  .....          Sup.  2K 

.01,f.     Huddhistic,  philosophy  ......       100—  J  OH 

130,  f.    Buddhists,  and  ahi'»stlt  etc.    .  .         189,  n.;  190,  n. 
'39    Budhaguptu,  pillar  inscrip.    10,  20  ;  date,  18  ; 

160  ;  copperplati-.  102  ;  105;  IJ        ..       17;  107 
Budlmis,  or  \  ordlmris,  Tlmkure  ..          ..203 


3  ;  and  Krishna,  Sup.  4.  ,5  :  and  the    Sa^es.  Biihler,  the  Into  Dr..  aM-1    i  he  ago  of  the  /|JWIA- 

Sup.  1«;  and  Krishiiu,  etc.          ..         Sup.  IS):  3,"»       tamba  Dh<tnit<tMir>t  ..     ^5up.  29,  30,  n.  ;  32 

Brahman,  ascetics,  &  vegetarianism.,  J«9n.,  190,  n.    Bukka  TI,  C(>]>porplatofc  oi,  79  ;  and  Brahmai^as.  9»r> 
tf*  an<i  Oaiignikondn  Rnjcndra  Choja-  Bukkur,  ial.,  and  Vderolal        .  .  .  .     202  ;  204 

Bimdelkhand,  Triniurtfs  fr  >m  .  .  .  .     136  ,  1  38 

Unrji>n1<  British  fthip  (1  Htli  cen.)         ..          .  ,      <M) 
........        ^u)    -*    Burhau-ad-din,  Sai)A,  and  BurlianpOr.  110  ;  180.  183 

Brahmaju,  imngi*  ........ 

Brahmanioal,  version,  of  history  "fMihirakula, 
]  9  ;  faith,  and  Usha  vjulatu,  73  &  n.;  74  ;  rule, 
and  the  PoiijnK  203;  ritual,  and  the 


dova  1,  etc.  <M,  f,  :  99  :  and  l>eef,  1  H«,  n.  ;  and 
the    Ayrimcnxw*  lathic,   235  ;  and  the  )tha- 


lihayavadgiM 


and  th 


Sup.    2(i 
Uhfi<jaiwl<titti    ..Sup.  T», 


BurliAu-ad-dtn,  of  Ahmndnagar,  145,  f.  ;  Nizam 
ShAli  II  ......  ...  147,  C. 

nnrhan-i-Mu'it*irt  and  the  Fm-aqi  dynasty  of 
Khandtflh,  J  13,  f.:  and  the  Waq&i'iy  Nixdw 
>s./^  ///>/(/  ft,  1^0  &  n.  121  ;  142  ;  143,  n.  ;  147, 

n.  ;  148  &  u. 


BrahmanB,  and  Ushavodata,  73  ;  70  ;  or  Brali- 
s,  of  Sind.  197  ;  and  Udcrolal,  203  ;  and 


0;  11,  12;  17;  20    Buruunpiir,  cap.  of    the  Faruqi    dyn., 


VdrttA,  240  jandChristionity,  etc.  Sup.  15;  17,  18 


Butler,  IT.  < 


|  Byzantii 


S  ;  120—125  ;  142  ;  179—182  ;    185 
,  and  Nabatoean  architecture,  170 

t\:  n,  •  172  &  n.  ;  171,  n.—  175 


Brahmi,  iimcrip.  <>n  coins  ......     "G 

Brahmishtha,  son  of  Mudgala    .  .         280  ;  283  &  n. 

Brieneourt,   M.  Anquetil,  French  Consol,  Surat.     2 

Brihaspati.  and  tlie  hokAsata   philosophy,  104 

&  n.,  105,  f.    Cadiz,  and  AVm.  BoJt>-  ......     »1 

British,  Govern  men  t,  etc.,  and  Austria*s  com-  Oicsars,  of  Ori&sa  ,  Kesari  tog»  ••         ..210 

iwrJial  venture  in  India,  2—7  ;  05—08  ;  93  ;  Cahill,   Capt.    J,,    and  Awtria'a   commercial 

and  Omichund  ........  267       venture  .  .  I  ;  2 

Broach,  and  Austria,  3  ;  ancient  Bharukaohha,  Cairo,  Ibn  Tulun  mos'fjc,  175;  the  ab-Salih 


73  &  n.  :  78  ;  or  13aniga,  74  ;  and  cotton,  etc.  77,  78       Tala'i 


^  7tt»  "• 


306  INDEX 


Caius,  on  coins 77,  n.    rn>ft  i___   ,.„ 

«,-„„,    Cajanua    Indiou,,    <M,,l,,v     M**,)          ^±£'  ^  Cta*"J- »         -•        - .  1« 

.Mutat          l&n    ^^P^^^^'^derSkandagupto.ieZn.;^ 

Calcutta,  and   Austria'*  commercial  venture,  cht ST'  ^  T^"5        ' '         • •     234 ;  25C 

31-34;  and  Surftja'ddaula,  etc.,  J66-269;  273  *    '    WMtem'    *«ytol  Chronology  of, 

uttleiidar,  Jewish;  and  India        112    p.    m      .       ..  286—290 

Caliphs,  Abbaside  234  CnZ^'  I      *"**  **  PraVftr°Sena  U     ' '  16° 

Callandar,  A.  J.,  witness  for  Win.  Bolts     ..     08   n,«-    j  '  » /'        "       1215  m 

Uallicut,andWm.  Bolt* 12       /^  ^  "^  the   ***»*•  ***** 

Cambay,  and  Wm.  Bolts,  10 ;  or  Barygaza     ..     77   «ua     ,       ''  139 

Campbell,  agent  for  Wm.  Bolt*  . .         . .     91        f^?  ,™    * '  ^"SW*  °'  KauWya,  101 ; 

cawkya,  158,  n. ;  and  the  JfwIrtl/dfcaM,  etc>.,  °9 ;  <can*kya,  I68,n.j  190,n.)8ee  Xa««%ff, 

190,  n. ;  see  Ch&nakyn  48    r.       ,  »  147,  fi, 

canal,  ancient,  in  Kalinga,  and  Hathigumj.hfl  ^T^  "*  "*  ibhtr*S          ' '         •  •     35,  f. 

inBCrip 223>f<    ^   B^.  regent  of  Ahmadnagar    ..    148, f. 

caadS,  MiHtt  (Candy)    Portuguese  measure..     15    ^^^  a«d  Austria's  commercial  vei,- 
C(indi»otaka,  a    work    by     Buna,    suggi-stud  ture' 3i  •  67,  f.; and  Calcutta  refugees,  265  ; 

..Viginof  1(J         attacked  by  British 207 

Candragupta,  and  KautUiu,.   I.-,!, :  11,3;  l!)5;  Chandrabhftgft,  Chenab,  riv 218 

*x>  Chandraguptu       '. .  .  .  53    Chandragupta,  his  daily  routine,  03— 55 ;  and 

( 'annanore,  and  Wm.  Bolt, 12       8ekwos'^-  70,  f.;  and  Chtoakya,  101;  138; 

Capo,  of  Good  Hope,  ivuU  Austria  V  i-oimnercwl  '  Uf  ''  15°  ;  and  Hathigumpho  inscrip.  223 

venire  2 ;  (i ;  08 ;  85  ;  93    Chandrag«P^  «.  date,  20  ;  or  Dovaglipta  . .   II* 

C'apoll,  B«jah  Moluvur,  of  Delagou   Bay,  and  ChandrAvati,  Paramflra  ci 168 

Wm.  Bolts        '  ]    Ulftndwar.  tt«d  Cuttack  ..          ..        210,  n. 

,,n,ital,  of  Afalati  pillar,          ..         ..    391;  293,  f.    ^"^-Jf'        '. 141~148 

Cur  festival,  in  Kouarak.  ott,.  8V  V  ;  or  Batha  ^f^  Twbmella  ra»a-  ******  •  •     48 

Yutra 212    Charakas,  ascetics          73*  n. 

Caraka        104.  n     oha"ot  race«.  »nd  women         ..         ..       281  ;  283 

CArflyana,  and  the  J&M/I'/I> 18'.')    C™ttno-     founded   the   second   Kshatrapa 

Caniac,  Gen.  J.,  and  Austria's  commercial  ven-  ^,  "          "          "          "          *'     ^^ — ^^ 

lure         . .         . ,  . .        4  &  n. ;  8-10    ^*"'   °™  f  Stttur «-  - 

Carnicobar,   isl».,     ,u,d    Austria',    eoinmereial  ^^"***««t^dirdir/ra,    the  sixty-four 


venture 12.  n.  2;W 

.MI rrick,  carrikar,  cuxgu   »,oul 12    Chttturm»^ha-KaJkiU,  Kalkin,  or  Kalkiraja. . .      18 

Curvaka,  founder  of  the  Lokuyata  pliUuBophy.   104    Chaut^  and  (laurthi 274  &  n. 

Curwar,  tn.,  arid  Wm.  Bolts      .  .          .  .  13  ;  15    chemiu-de-fer»  sham-in-dafar ,  Hob«on-Job8on.    lOCi 

fcmth9  tin  piti ft         .  .          ..          ..          ..28    Ghenab,  Chandrabhaga  riv.       ..          ..          ..218 

custra  of  Qastai 177    Chen    Haun-Chang,   Dr.,   011   Confucius    and 

rave,  inscriptions,  Kafcii;,  70,  f. ;  73—78,  n.  ;  161  economics         256 

-153  ;  222  ;  Khtwfrgiri  209 ;  211  ;  214  ;  210  ;         Cherrika,  Chirakkal         g ;  u 

Udayagiri,  etc 216    CMAndogyopanishad,     the,       and     Kriahna, 

ceremonies,  in  templet,  rtr 211,  f.  Sup.  9  &  n.;  11,  12 

Cores,  g 208   c^^»  festival,  and  sun  worship  . .          219f  n. 

Ceylon,  ancient  Tainbapamne  and  India,  48  ;  ChhAya,  wife  of  the  sun,  image  . ,          . .   136 

Greek  Solen 49    Chidambaram,  Pundarikapura  . .         . .     94 

(Jeylonese  Chronology,  uncertainty  of  . .          . .     20    Chikhalapadra,  in  Kftpur  7g 

cMWtra,  garden,  and  Gaurthi 274    Chikka-Mftga^  inscrip 288 

Vhachndma,  the,  and  Arabs  in  Sind     ..         ..198    children, and  Uderolftl,  202;  slaughter  of,  in 
Chahada  AohArt,  Rfina,  Ch&hamona  Ch&hada         i      Bethlehem         Sup.     Id 

of  Ranthambhor  and  Chnha^a  of  Xarwar.  243,  f.    China,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture,  57; 
ClUhada  Deva,  Rajput,  founder  of  Narwar  85;  88—92 ;  and  economics,  235;  266 ;  and 

dyn <     242—244       Alexander         .,245 

Chaitanya,  and  ShaM Sup.     80    Chingiz  Khan        24& 


30? 


Chtmsa,  Kistna  dist.,  &atav&hana  inscrip,      . .   156 

Chinsura,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 
30,  31,  34 ;  Shaath!  image  at,  219;  and  Cal- 
cutta, refugees  . .         . .        206 

Chintamani,  jewel  220 

Chirakkal,  Cherrika,  on  Malabar  coast,  ancient 
Kolattiri  9,  n, 

Chitor,  siege  of  (1634) 

e/rivora,  monk's  garment  

Choja  kings  and  Mu)lan4ram 

cholera,  a  Faqutr's  cure  for 


Colastria,  Port,  Kdlattiri        . .        9  ft  h.,  10,  II 
Collett,  Matt.,  E.  I.  Co.'s  servant  and  Kasim- 


11 

..  123 
,.  73 
94;  99 
.  284 

Chosroes,  k.  of  Persia 174 

Chota  Nagpur,  stone  implements  from,  135;  or 

Chutiya  Nagpur          118 

Chowra,  Soury,  a  Nicobar  isl 13 

ohrematittike   and   ktetike,    science    or  art  of 


wealth,  etc. 


233,  234  oc  u. 


Christ,  Jesus,  date  of,  and  the  Abhira  immigra- 
tion into  India,   35,  36 ;   worship,   and  the 

cult  of  the  Child  Krishna       . .        84  ;    Sup.    16 
Christian,  era,  36 ;  44  ;  architecture,  in  the  Hau- 

ran,  170 ;  175 ;  inscrip.  in  Syria,  172 ;  influence. 

in  the  BJtayavadglta     . .         . .  Sup.     28,  «>9 

Christianity,  and  the  cult  of  the  Child  Krishna, 

35 ;  and  the  wolf  of  Agobio,  197  ;  and  Bluikti, 

etc.  ..          •  •         ••  Sup.  15    &  n,,  16 

Christians,  the  Ghassanides        177 

Chronology   of  the   Western    Chalukyas    of 

Kalyftni  285—290 

Chronology,  revised,  of  the  last  Gupta  emperor* 

161—167 

chronology,  Ceyloiiese,  uncertainty  of . .         . .     20 
Churai,  vil.,  in  Bengal,  Vishnu  statuette  in  . .  216 
Church,  Rich.,  Resident,  Tellicherry     . .         . .       8 
Church,  of  Julianos,  Umnval-  Jamai  and  others, 
vaulted  roofs  of 


ancient  .Jharkhan<J,  118;   or 


Chutiya 

Chota  Nagpur 

olay  records  and  agriculture 
Olive,  Jlobt.,  and  Omichund,  etc. 


172 

135 
256 


. .     235 ; 
265—269 ; 
273  ft  n.,  274 
oloth,  blue,  merchandise,  62  ;  trade  in . .          89,  91 

olothes,  unwashed,  for  brides 197 

Oloud-WMsenger 251,  f.;  253,  n. 

Gobtntel,  Austrian  ship    . .         •  •  68;    85 — 92 

Coia  Khitan   (Manucci)  for  Khw&ja  Khizr.,  206 

coinage,  Strait  Settlements        28 

coins,  of  Toramftna,  19 ;  Roman,  74 ;  of  Naha- 
ptaa,  73—77 ;  his  Jogajtembhl  hoard,  149, 
f. ;  of  Vitivayakura,  153  ;  Malaya,  of  Puluma- 
vi,  etc.,  75,  n, ;  155,  f. ;  of  Balfiditya.  163 ;  166 ; 
Gupta,  164  ft  n.;  165;  of  Mediieval  India, 
j  etc*  241  ft  n.,  243  ft  n.,  244 ;  of  the  Ya- 


mas,  299 :  of  Vfeudeva 


Sup.  18,  n. 


colour  ePitllet8  and  names,  in  India  .  .       Sup.  14 
Colours,  flag,  ensign,  English,  arid  Austria's  com- 
mercial venture,  1,  2;  10,  11;  15  ;  Imperial,  of 
Austria     .  .         .  .       12—14;  33,  f.;  64,  66;  92,  f. 

columns,  or  pillars,  Asokan,  etc.          .  .       291,  ff. 
commercial  venture  in  India,  see  Austria's  .  .  1,  ff. 
Committee,  Select,  and  the  Foreign  Dept.  266  ft  n. 
Company,  (Imperial  India)  of  Fiume,  etc.  57 
&  n.  ;  or    Society,    Commercial,    of    Wm. 
Bolts,  85—87  ;  Imperial  Asiatic,  57  n.,  58;  64; 

66  ;  91,  92 

Company,    E.  I.,  and    Austria's    commercial 
venture,  15  ;  67;  68;  69;  85,  n.;  93  ;  slaves  for, 
56  ;  officers,  obliged  to  go  through  the  ranks, 
84  ;  and  Omichund       .  .         .  .         266,   f.  ;   269 

composers,  of  Vijayanagara  copperplates,  en- 
gravers of  Afotwcw,  lists  of,  79—81;  pedigree 
of  j&aanam  composers.  .         .  .         .  .        .  .  82,  f. 

Confucius,    and    wealth,  or   economies..  235;  266 
conquest,  of  Gujarat,  198  ;  Arab,  of  Sind       .  .   205 
contractor,  kuntraehi,   Hobsou-Jobscm  .  .    199 

Contribution  towards  the  Early  Histiry  of  In- 
dian Philosophy  ......         101,  ff. 

Cook,  Capt.  ........         90  ft  n. 

copper,  tracio  in    .  .          .  .          .  .  58  ;   89  ;  NO 

copper-plate,    documents,  Vijayanagara,   lists 
of,  with  composers,  etc.  79,  ff.;  grant,  of  Rud- 
raseiia  II,  165;  Narawirhha  Deva  II.  210,  212  ; 
of  Yayati  Kesari,  211  ;  of  Ke6ava  Sena,  220  ; 
of  Malaya  Varmma,  in  Kuretha,  Gwalior.  .   242 
Cor/ftorant,  British  ship,  and  Wm.  Bolts         .  .  8  ;  29 
Cornelius  Palnia,  Roman  governor  of  Syria    .  .    I  7U 
Coromandel  Coast,  and  Austria's  commercial 
venture  ......  12,  13  ;  57;  68;  90 

corruptions,  of  European  words  in  Mesopota- 
mia         ............    196 

Cos  mas,  monk,  and  India          .  .         .  .         .  .     19- 

Cosmic  Illusion,  or  Maya  ..         .  .    Sup.  3;  7 

cotton,  etc.,  trade,  and  Wm.   Bolts,  31  ;  and 
Broach    ............     77 

countries,  (and  mountains)  ruled  by  Gautami- 
putra  ftatarkarni        ......          150,  ft. 

courtesans,  science  of     ........    189 

cowherds  and  Krishna,  84  ;  and    Christ,  and 
Krishna,  '  Sup.    16  ;  cowherd-maidens  and 
Krishna  ..........       Sup.  19* 

crocodile,  wdgho,  in  Sind,  197;  and  the  Jews.  197  n. 
crown,  of  Uderolal         ..         .  .         ..     200ft  ti. 

Crux,  Joao  de,  Austrian  pilot     ......    67 


308 


IN  DE  X 


cults,  Vaistopava,  etc,  84 ;  in  Bind,  the  River, 
Uderolal,  etc.,  198;  204—208;  religious,  of 
India  and  Mexico,  etc.,  217 ;  Solar,  218—220; 

of  Krishna        5:9)  11, n.  ;  17 

Cunningham,    Sir  A.,  and  coins  of  Mediaeval 

India 241  ;  243,  n, 

cure,  for  rabies,  204 ;  a  Faqlr's,  for  cholera.       284 
currency,  Malay,  in  Trengganu  . .         . .     28 

curse,  of  the  DurvAsas 248 ;  251,  f. 

customs,    in    River  cult,   198;  marriage,    of 

Thakurs 203 

Cuttaok,  210,  n.;  aee  Katak        210 

Cyrus,  palace  of 293 


Dahanu,  D&hanuka,  creek          . .         . .       73  &  n. 

JDahi,  inscrip.  of  Gopala  Raja 241 

Dahrasena,  Traiku^aka,  k,,  copper-plate  grant 

of 78 

Dakan,  113  ;  and  the  Bahmani  dyn.,   114 ;  and 

ffiandebh,eto.,  115;  117,  f.j  121;  127;  142— 

149;  and  the  Mugfcals,  179,  f.;  see  Dekkan.  69 
Dakhamita,  Dakflhamitra,  wife  of  Ushavadata.  73 
Dakshinapatha,  Dekkan  . .  71,  f. ;  151 ;  154 

ddl,  food,  from  the  Caganus  Indieu*  . .  . .  1,  n. 
Damana,  Damanagahgft,  river  . .  . ,  73  &  n. 
Damascus,  and  the  Nabatceans,  etc,,  170;  and 

Umayyads         174 

Damayantl ,  Indrasena 281—284 

damful,  to  deceive  196 

Damodara,     the   Child-Krishna  . .         ..84 

Damodarpur,  in  Bengal,  copperplate  from.  162 
dantantti,  state-craft,  102,  f. ;  107 ;  236  ;  238— 

241 ;  256,  f. ;  264 

Da^in,  and  Sanskrit  poetry 264 

Danes,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture  30  &  n. 
Daniy&l,  Sultan,  son  of  Akbar  . .  , ,  180;  185 

Darius,  insorip.  of,  136;  palace 293 

Darpan,  and  Ganeeha     . .         209 

DaryApanthi,  or  Thakurai  religion        . .    200 ;  203 

Daryftpanthis,  monotheists,  202 ;  and  marriage, 

203,  f. 

DArya  Shah,  last  ImAd-Shaht  k 124 

Dadapura,  modem    Mandasor,    and  Ushava- 
data        73,  77,  78 

Dasyu,  tribe,  of  VifivAmitra,  and  the   ibhima.    70 
Date,  of  the  Abhira  migration  into  India  . .  35,  f. 
Date,  of  Pftnini  and  KAtejayana          .'.         ..  138 
date,  of  Chandragupta,  140 ;  of  last  fihipta  em- 
peror*  161—163  &  n. ;  of  the  Hmdia  Mafcal, 
176;  of  the  HJU$gumpha  inscrip,  223;  of 
Buddha's  death,  254 ;  of  the  Bhogondtftd.  6up,30 


Dattaka,«ndthe  courtesans  of  PA^atiputra  ..169 
DA'ud  Kban,  of  Kbandejh    .,     119—121  ;  184—  186 
Daulatabad   ......  114—  116  1  120  f   122 

Davis,  J,,  and   the  Bhagavadgttd    .  .  Sup.  30,  31 
Dawa-Sangaba  (Dravya-Sangraha)  by  Nemi- 
ohandra      SidhAnta-Chakimvarti,       (Book- 
Notice)   ..........         ..139 

death,  of  Maria  Teresa,  85,  n.  ;  of  Bucldha,  224  ; 

and  God  ..........  Sup.  24;  34 

Deepchund,  Dip    Chand,     partner  of    Omi- 

chund  ............  266,  n. 

deg,  metal  pot,  and  Uderolal     ......  200 

deification,  of  founders  of  sects  in  India,    of 

Krishna        ......     Sup.  9;  11;  17;  18 

Dekkan,  of  the  Satavahana  period,    69—78  ; 

149—  156;  see  Dakan  ......  113 

Delhi,  ancient  buildings,  etc.  176,  f.  ;  Topra,  291  ; 

see  Dihli,  113  ;  ancient  Kurufield      .  .      Sup.  2o 
Denmark    ............     34 

deposition,  regarding  Austria's  commercial  ven- 

ture       ..........         ..58 

Department,  of  worship  and  temples,  Maury- 

an  institution    ..........     51 

Desuk,  and  the  curved  character  .  .         ,  ,  176,  n. 
Devagupta,  Chandragupta  II    ......   105 

Devaki,  m.  of  Krishna          .  .  Sup.  9  ;  11  ;  16 

DcvAndihpiya,  title  of  Tissa  and  of  A6oka,  48  ; 

or  Dtvandrii-priya        ........  128 

Devaraya  IV.,  copper-plates  of  ......     79 

development,  of  the  Bhftgavata  religion,    Sup.  14 
Devil,  the,  Iblis    ..........  205 

de  Vogue1,  and  Nabatoan  architecture,  170,  n.  ; 

171  &n.  ;  172  ft  n. 


dhakkd,  drum 

Dhakka  Sabh&pati,  or  Sabhftpati 
Dh&r,  Lat  Masjid 
Dh&rHvarsha,  k 


DhartnaMttra,  50  ;  and  Artha&tetra 

DhamMu&tra>  work  by  Apastamba, 

of  .....  .         .. 

dharmayuktas 

Dhauli,  Atioka  inscrip.  ..    •     .. 

Dhoulkarnaim,  Alexander  the  Great 


Dhvani-doctrine  • 

Digambara,  Jaina  sect    . . 
Dihli,  and  Btfndeah,  113—116 ;  etc,, 
tee  Delhi          

Dilawar  j|$&t  and  MAndu 
DiBpa, 


. .  94 
94;  96 
..  177  &n. 
..168 
..  56 
..187 

antiquity 

..      Sup.  29 

. .  55 
. .  209—211 

..205 
..  Sup.  20 

191,  n. 

..  139 
123,  f.  1 182; 

..  176 

..  176 
247, 1. 
..  95 


1  X   L>  E   X 


l>imUma-Sarva»>tianm,tkax'i,  Simudn  or  Arm*-          I  Kdu-ts,  Kork,  H11,i  lllr  ui.nlilieal  ion    oi  Tarn- 
rirj,     M-.9H;     4llltlior  of    tho  fffy/wdfc/,;/,,-  K.piim.u.  4«.  1.  :  e,di,^.  nut  proc-la  ma  turns.     51 


Dionysoy,  Siva     ..            ..           .  .           .  .       Sup.     IS  Jlumnnt.  Lv  L  Co  's  sh,,,    ........      L><) 

Dipakarui,  k.»  and  the  Yaksha  Sata     ..           ..      (>'.J  lv,\  pi  ,  .md  Wm.    IM.UH,   !>-  ;  the  iii'bi  Mosquo 

dipMtttt  and  c/6/W,  of  Ahuka  itiKtM'ip.        .             .  .      ,">(,  '".  I  T.'i  ;  and  the  Iviili.   character       .  .         17G,  n. 

discipline,  disciplines,  VtMlic.      ..           ..           .  .    \\\  KLita,  sn»r,  and  fc\vtad\  ipa      ..           .  .fcJup.  If),  1(1 

Dixon,  ariaouror,   with  dipt.   Cook.  and  \Viu.  H-Aksn    iu<»M|ue.    iloriiMiii-iu     ..          ..           17(i,  n. 

Holts         ..           ..             .....      <i<)    &   n  H.  -pliant,      s\  uilml  »,t     IliiiMln^m.     oti-.      211 

Doetrinos  <»f  thr  /thfifiarftihiilti    ..             Sup.  20  —  *2u  *V      n       J  j  I  ;  ^  hi 

«locuuioiitfc>,      (0n«am^)     Vijux.iuaL'nra.     writers        .  Klu-hpiir     ..          ..           ..  .  .               IP*;  I4,">,  f. 

of               ..           ..           ......          79,  fi.  J^il'1^.  Mifl>,  ami  Kli\\n|;i  Khi/.r             ..           ..    -J(M> 

Uogs^  in  Sind    cult              ..           ..           ..           ,.208  ''-'  '^»l/''-.  •'"  "   *»»    \lc\.nnl«T     tln>  (in-nt,    ami 

dollar,  oto.  Strait    StatloriWMilh  .  .            ..          .  .     ^S  Ala  ^nliuau  ,         .            .                      ....    :2o;> 

Diturnar  Layna.  Saivn  <*n\if  KlJora        ..          211,  n.  *  -  ;"!1"  •  <'<i  s    .  -  II  ,  n  ;  -J  I  !{  .  Sun   iriiijiU  .  .          ..    2J!> 

Drako,  Hoi;rr.  1'ivsnl.Mit,  I5mi-.il    Cmmcil        ..    LMi6  ("<l  «"«Mptuu.i..  uu    n^    Wil>.   (»i  .  .     Sup    23;    i!7,  2H 

Dramila,   and  Kaut-ilsa    ......           10."*,  n.  ^"ipf'™'.  "I    V.i-sn.i,  :-P  i    \M,I  na's  rtiiuiiifn-ml 


^  r  , 

drum,  dhukkd.  OJ  ;  or  dinditnu    !).">;  and  lr  tie  ro  *  '  '*  ''  ' 

liiitpirr,    (;ii[)la     lii',  .    ut      '  ;.r     I'tolonucs    and 
lal  «...          ..          ..          .  ,  .i.''(  *  * 

j  i  i    j  «  ,  >i    r          Si-loiu-ids  .  .  .  .  .  .  ..    \(\\\ 

Urupada,  and  IndruReria  -.  -  L'hK  f. 

,,  .  ..       tl         .          ,     -     ,  ,-,      laiiju\-s^,  Alnriji  'IVn^M     ..  .  ..    K.'>,    n.  ;  !>:$ 

Dniaaw,  of  Uio  HaurAn,  tht^ir  houses     ...    1*1     ^ 

,,      Kiidii^iiiiN  ,  and  ll»r  Tliakur-        .  ..  ..    liO!> 

DundaR,  C  apt.  ot  tli<^  lioya/  tiutni      .  .  .^1 

..      .        T1    „     TT.     ,   ,       ....    ,ri     ,  ,t  (i     Kngl.md,and  Oiuirlnind  ..  ..  .    Htf 

Durbar  Hall,   Hindola    Mahal,  ATand  ..    l(»l* 

..          L1^.     .         Jjiii^Jish.  <h«  ,  and   Vn-s!  !inV  ruin:th-i'«  nl  N«  i,i  i,: 
Durvaflfts.  c'urse  of          ..  ..  -is      «.)l,i.     , 

_^  I,  L1  ,   l."i  .  r-7.  I    ;  t»l,  f;  aiidOiiih-liiind,  2<ili; 

Duryodhana          .  .          .  .  .  .  .         fcup.  ." 

',  ,  ,    ,  .    ,  atlitrlvllii'   rn-ii'-h,  Jf.T  ,  or  ltnli.',li   .  .  2liS  ;  :'7iJ,   f. 

li*    tlu',  and  Austria  s  cornnicrrja  I   viiiur*- 

.,,.    ..  ..        __      ^.         ...     0'ijL'ravrrs,  rlr.,  ol  •.  «)|ipi-iplnh'.s.  rh-.   ..  .  .  71).  ft'. 

i.i 


. 

„,  *.!,-.      Ijpmllos.  of  SI     I'nnl,  -ind  tluk  l>li<niu 

dutv,  lu  UK*  Jfhiiwirutiyita        ..  .•   Su].    iN.,   L'^ 

..      ,.     K]ntomcot  .IMIIII.SIII.  l»\   i'tirarliand  Xalmr,  M.A., 
Dvita,  sa£?<-  .....  ..   SU}».    Ki,   li» 

,...,,,  «-         «n<l       Krisliiuu-lnnnliM       <d»..,->          \rdnnla 

|)\v:irka»   liarakc  ..          -.  ..          •          *< 

......  ,,  ('hiiitaiitani.  Hook-Not  j<-<>        .  .  ..  ..    140 

dviiasluM,  reigiun.Lr  with  tho  Andnras          ..        -.'^ 

oqijimi\fs,     prort  w,sio»    of  ..  ..  ..   STifi 

1'lra,  Kras,  Malava  and  Viki-anra,  t-(f.t  <»  .  lio  ;  t  ho 
(Uijtlri,  2(t  ;  Ki2  ;  Christ  inn.  and  tin-  dale  <>»  the 
/Ihhiras,  ft.«-.,    :t(»;   4-(,  4;»  ;    t.f    Jiosrtt,     172; 
C'luilukya-ViUraniu       ..  ..  ..       litM»  &  n. 

A  and*),  the  wide  Bound  of.  «uh  sius-ial  ivf.-,  j  Km|^  pii|lir  ins<.ril,.  nf   |;udhaKuplu,   JJ<»ar  ins- 

onco  i-o  (iujardii  <tron>  Vol.   \l.\  I,   p.  :«>4,^         |       (.rjl,   of  TtinilllAmi         ......         J  8  ;  Hw 

-'•"•  :  '*'•  ':-—•'.  •  •     (.n>tir,       wulptuivs,      Knimrak,      <-l<1.  ,      21(>; 
Earlof  Lincoln,,  K.  1.  Co.'.s  ship,  UI<T  th.    ,i<^<}*h  (\  Ainorica,  "17;  we   ..  ..  ..      Sup.      !  {» 

and  Thrt'cxu         ..........      30     KruiitrmK|  date      ..........    Kill 

Heist.  Tin*  Am  ifiit,  stray  ^'Xpn^NK.n^,  of  ihi»ui/.ht  Kryjcttttt,  work  l»y  I'lato,  and  "conon  ics  .  .    ii3i{ 

on  inatoritil  inloivsts      ..  .  2,'iJ.  ft      Kuropc.  and  Au.^<  ria's  (MMiim^n-ial  vcnlurc,  Ji  ; 

JOast  luditi  C'nirtfmny,  see  Company  ,  L].  L          ••     1  «r»         Htapics,  in  India,  1  f>  ;  Anci'-nl,  and  stray  oxprcw- 
lOnst   ludios,  and  AiiMtria'sc'omm^n  lal  venture,  ,       HJOIIH  nf  thuii^ht  on  t  lie  material  inlerests.       233 

r>7,  n.:  S"»  cV   n.;   SSt   Si)      !)l  ~--\r.\  \  Kuropran.  N:itu»n?»,  and  Jndin,  4  ;  enimnodities, 

lOastoni  (ihAt^t  Mala^ndra  .  .-  --    1«">'  ,       for  trade   in    India,   7    (or  staples)    10:     J,r>; 

oelipse,  solar         ..          ..          ..  •-          .  .  i  o,  f  .  |       words,  corruptions  of,  1UH  ;  IndolojjistH,  and 

Kvonomiiii  donn^ti^  Tnana,uenient        .  .  -'»4,    ii'  ,       i\\^  a^o  of  the   ttluiynradifitA  .  .      Sup.     29 

Kc.on.omic    Prmciplr*    of   Vwtfnctu*     run!     //M  I  Europeans,  and  Suraj'ddaula      ..  ..          ..207 

School,  a  work  by  Dr.  Chen  Huaii  -Cheng.    ..   235  ,  oxogumy,  in  cult  of  tho  River  (Jod,  Sind  198;  203 
icH,  Tho   Atu-ieiit  Hindu,  VArttri.  233  --          |  e  xtracts,  f  rom   tho  Uttarapnnina  of  (iunabhadra. 
241        :!:»<;—  LNJ3  ;     27C.  _  27*J        20,   f.  ;  and   tho    Trifokti*i1rti  Palm  loaf   MJ».     22 


310 


INDEX 


Factory,  Factories,  Austrian,  in  Delagoa  Bay, 
10;  15  ;  Caiinaiiore,  12  ;  the  Nicobars,  13;  61; 
66 ;     Kaliot,  64, 11.  ;  British,  at  On  ore        . .     15 
Factory  Records,  Old,  Notes  from        . .         56  ;   84 
FaiRi,  poet,  and  envoy  to  J&andesh      . .          . .   148 
Faqir'B  cure  for  cholera  . .          . .          . .   284 

farmdn,  Mogul,  5 ;  see  firtnan* 140 

Faruqi  dynasty,  of  l&aDdesh  113,  ff  ;  141,  ff  ;  178,  ff- 
Ktttin  ide  dynasty  . .          . .          . .          176,  n. 

Jaujddr,    phousdar,    chief  police  officer,  Hug- 
11,  31 ;  or  fouzdar         . .         . .          .  •         . .     32 

female.,  statues,   from  Bosenagar,  etc 296 

Ferishta,  and  Maratha  history,  300  ;  see  Firish- 

tft  113 

Fife,  Mr.,  and  Wm.  Bolts,  12  ;  or  Fyf  "1          . .     13 
finish,  to  be  done  for        . .          . .          . .          . .    196 

Firdausi,  on  Alexander  and  Porus        . .          . .   246 

Firwhta,  on  tho  Faruqi  dynasty  of  KJ$nd6shf 
113  —  110;  118—121;  124;  .142—144;    147, 
n.  ;  178  ;  1 83  ;  185  ;  see  Ferishta       . .          . .   300 

finnans,  Mughal,  to  &vetambara  church,    140  ; 
see  farmdn         . .          . .          . .          . .          . .       5 

Firuz  Shah,  and  Malik  Raya,  etc.         . .     113—116 
Flume,    Privilodgod    Company  of,     57   &  n.  ; 
ship-building  centre      . .          . .          . .  91 

flag,  see  colours     . .          . .          . .          .  .          .  .        1 

FlaviuH  Sons,  house  at  Haiyat    . .          . .          . .    172 

Fleet,  th«  lato  I>r   J.  F.,  and  tho  M&lava  nra, 
etc.,  16,  f.  ;    and  insorips.,  18,  20;  223  &  11., 
224;    and   tho     W.   Chfilukyus,    285  <fe     n.; 

287  &  n.;   289   &,    11. 

Vontana,    Nicholas,     surgeon  on    the     Joseph 
and  Theresa      . .          . .          . .          . .  12,  IK 

foot-prints,  and  Trivikrairxa  Vishnu  worship.  84  &  n. 
Foreign  Department,  from  Select  Committee.  266,  n. 
forgery,  literary    . .         . .          . .          . .          . .    1 94 

Fort  St.  George,  andjAuHtria's  commercial  ven- 
ture          7;  56—  59;  61— 63;  84 

Fort  William,  and  Austria's  commercial    ven  - 

ture         31—34;    67 

Fox,  C.J.,  Joint  Sec.  of  State    . .      90  &  n.  ;  91 ;  92 
Francis,  Sir  Wm.,  and  Wm.  Bolts         . .       30  &  u. 
French,  trade,  etc.,  and  Austria's  commercial 
venture,  3  £57;  58;  61 ;  and  English,  at  war, 
68;  aid  the  English,  265  ;  attacked  by,  267;  269 

Friday jnosque,  Asirgarh  1 85 

Fulta,  on  the  Hugli,  and  Calcutta  refugees  .  •   265 
Fur,  possibly   Porus         245,  f. 


Gabbiati,  J.,  and   Wm.  Bolts'   Company.    86 ;  88 
yadrf,  mace          . .          •-          •  •          ••          •  •        136 


Uadaq  insorip.        . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  287 

Ganapati  Raja,  his  Surwaya  inscrip.  and  coins 

241 ;  243,  f. 

Ganesa,  g.,  in  image,  137;  and  Darpan  . .  209 
Ganeahra,  W.  of  Mathura,  insorip.  at  . .  . .  73 

Ganga,  kings,  and  Orissa  210 

Gangaikonda  R&jtodra  ChoJadSva  I.,  and  Man- 
dam         94;  »9 

Gaiigos,  riv.,   and  the   poets  of  MuUanclram.     99 
Garbed  Introduction  to  the  Bhagavadgitd  Sup.l — 36 
Garcia,  Joan  de,  Austrian  pilot. .  . .  67 

Garuda,  g.,  image           . .          . .  . .          . .    137 

(HUM'Ftapta'Satt,  the,  and   Vikrama     ..          ..112 

Gaudiya,  vSchool  of  Sanskrit  poetry        . .         . .  264 

Gaurthl,  in     Bengal,   Omichund's  letter  i'rom, 
272—274  ;  and  chauthrt  ..          . .    274  &  11. 

Gautama,  quoted  tho   Vaikhtinaxu,  84 ;   104  ft 

11.  ;  and  the  Nyaya  system,  and  U$anas.     107  &>  n. 
Gautama,  and  Ahalyu     ..          ..          ..          ..    284 

( Jautami,  father  of  Nahapana 112 

(Jautamf,  Balasiri,  m.  of  Gautamiputra. .    151  &  n. 
( rautamiputra  Satakarni     .,  date,  72  ;  coins  of, 
etc.,    149;     Lord    of  tho    mountain   ranges, 

and  the  Nasik  caves,  etc 151 — 156 

(lay a,  and  Narayanapala,  109  ;  inscrips.,  110, 
111;  Sun  temple          . .          . .  . .          ..219 

(Jaya-Pcak,  Vishnupada  ..  ..          ..84 

(Jleldner,  on  tho  Jttgveda-Sfi'Hhitfi  . .     280 — 284 

genealogical  tree,  Gupta,  1 7  ;  table      ..          ..284 

genealogy,  of  the  idaanam  engraven*  of  the  Vi- 
jayanagara  Empire,  82  :  of  the  poets  of  MuJ- 
lan.dram,   96—98;   of  Faniqi  dynasty,  183- 
186  ;  of  Indrasenft  . .          .  .28C;  283;  n.,  284 

Gfcntoo,  Hindu       . .          . .          . .          . .          .  .   2(J9 

Genuineness    of    the  VrUtitt    in     Mamma t-a'n 
Kdiryapra/cdita,  an  additionul  proof  for       .  .      23 

George,  BOO  Fort  St.  George        . .          .  .          .  .        7 

Ghassanides,    Christians,    buildings  attributed 

to  them 177 

Ghataka,  possibly  a  Kshatrapa  . .          . .  73 

Ghazni  kings,  utid  the  Hindu  revival  in  Sind.  203 

Ghazni  WiAn  184*186 

Ghorais,  sub-division  of  tho  Thakurs  . .  .  .  203 
ghosha,  unit  of  the  Aryan  settlement,  otc. . .  35  &  11. 
Ghotakamukha,  and  tho  Kautiltya  . .  . .  1 89 
Gilpin,  astronomer,  with  Capt.  Cook,  and  Win. 

Bolts  90  A  11. 

Girnar  inscrip.  54  ;  78  &  n. 

Goa,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture.    ..11;    13 
God,  and  god-idols  of  the  Mauryas,  51  &  n.  ; 
of  the  River,  198;  of  the  Waters,  Uderolal, 
203,  f.;  206;  mtheBhagavadgtid,  Sup.  2,  5,  9, 
1 1&  n.,  12,15,  17, 19— 21,  23,  f.,  26,  28,  33,  34,  f. 
goddess,  of  learning,  temple  of  . .       221 


INDEX 


311 


Sup.  22 
3;  7, 
178,   f 

i  ..   139 

..    18! 


gods,  and  the  Yoga  system 
Gogo,  and  Wm.  Bolts,  1 ;  or  Goda 
Goloonda,  and  Berar,   122,  f . ;  142;    144; 
gold  coinage,  of  Kadphises  II    .. 
Gommate&vara,  statue  at  Sravana  Belgol 
Gonardiya,  and  the  Mahdbhdshija 

Good  Hope,  e 2,  n.; 

goose  frieze  in  temples    ..         ..       213  &  n.,  214 

GoptUa  II.,  insorip.  of     . .         . .         . .      HO,  11 

Gopala  Raja,  Dahi  insorip.  etc.  . .         . .        241,  f 

gorakl<Mt  trade 25G 

Govarclhana,     Govardhan-Gaugapur,    W.    of 

NAsik,  and  Ushavadata  . .    73  ft  n.,  74 ;  78 

Government,  British,  in  India    . .         . .  2, 

Govinda-Krishna,  the  cowherd,  84  jorlndru.Sup.  1( 

GMBCO- Roman  insorip.  on  coins 7; 

grama,  unit  of  a  settlement        3; 

Grant,  Capt.,  of  Chandernagore  . .         . .     31 

Great  Britain,  and  the  Mogul  Emperor,  etc.  5  ;  14 
Great  Duke  of  Tuscany,  Austrian  ship  . .  t>8,  69 
Greece,  and  economics,  240;  or  science  of  wealth.  256 
Greek,  inscrip.  of  KasralBa'ik,  172;  sculpture, 

etc 291 ;  294  ;  296 

Greeks,  and  Yavanas,  138;   and  Chaldron  ag- 
riculture, 234  ;  and  Indra        . .          . .       Sup.    I C 
Green,  Nath.,  Consul  at  Trieste  . ,  57  &n. ;  90 — 96 
grit-stone,    and  pottery,  significant  findsnear 

Kula6ekharapattanam  49 

Guadalete,  battle  1 74 

gufar,  guffar,  riverboat,  Ttobson-Jobnon          . .  244 
Giuseppe  and    Ttresa,    Austrian    ship,    Joseph 

and  T/wresa  1 ,  3 

Gujarat,  and  fi$ndosh,  113;  115—118;  121— 
124;  141,  f. ;  147;  and  Gautamiputra  &ata- 
kanti,  14D;  probably  ancient  Kuruka,  150; 
and  the  Second  Kshatrapa  dyn.,  etc.  ..  153;  156 

Gujarati,  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  0.  24 — 

28  ;  37—47  ;  225—232 

Gunabhadra,  on  Mihirakula,  19 ;  extract  from 
the  Uttara-purAna  20—22  n. 

gwias          Sup.  24,  f. 

Guneriya  insorip,,  of  Mahendrapaia      . .         . .   110 

gunpowder,  trade  in        . .         . .         . .  89,  f. 

guns,  landed   from  Austrian  ships,  13 ;  and 
anoient  Indians  106,  n. 

Gupta  Emperors,  the  last,  revised  chronology 
of  161—167 

Gupta  Era  and  Mihirakula,New  Light  on  (contd. 
from  Vol.  XLVI,  p.  296)  . .  16—23  ;  166 

Gupta,  empire,  invaded,  17 ;  insorips.,  19,  20  ; 
coins  and  kings,  1644  n.,  165 ;  era,  date,  20; 
165;  viceroy 198 


Guptas,  Imperial,  genealogical  tree,  17 ;  Early, 
and  Kalkiraja,  19;  in  insoripg.  161,  f. ;  the 

later,  166 ;  and  Sen  wan  204 

Gupta- Valabhi  year,  etc.  16  ;  and  Saka  . .  17 
ffur,  sugar  2Q2 

Ourjara-Pratiharas  and  Magadha,    109;  and 
Bihar lu 

Gurusvami,  son  of  Tyagaraja,  94  ;  family  of .  .95,  f. 
guruiityasant&na,  sequence  of  teachers  and 

PuPila 158 

Uwalior  inscrip.,  of  Toramuna,  1 8  ;  of  Mihirakula, 

219  ;  Museum,  and  the  Narwar  insorip. . .   242,  n. 


13 
72 


Haidar  'Ali  Khan,  Nabob,  and  Wm.  Bolls,    12; 
8!)  ;  seo  Hyder  >Ali       ......    *     .  .' 

Hakusiri,  Saklisri  ........ 

ftamid  {ChAn          .......... 

Mammon)  as-Surakht  building  in  Moab  .  .    174 

hammerstone,  from  Singhbhuin  .  .        .  .         135,    f. 

Humpe,  Pampo,  Vijayanagar  cap  .....   287 

Happy  Sayinytt,  a  work  by  Akltar         .  .          .  .   245 

Haruha  inscrip.,  and  i^amiviirnmn        .  .          .  .   162 

Hardy,  Ed.,  and  the  Blwgavuduitfi         .  .        Sup.   I  7 
Harihara  11.,  coppeq>luteH  of.    79  ;   Hnrihara, 


Hari-Hara,  Vishnu  and  Sivti  .  .  .  . 
Hargavardhana,  jxitron  of  Mu\  CirA  .  . 
Varshacharita,  the,  and  Kaiidjlsu  .  . 
Hartmann,  Franz,  arid  the  Wtageivaduttti 
Hawaii  Hjan,  143;  Malik  Iftikhfu  .. 

Hasan  Shah  ........ 


Sup.   20 
.  .    108 
246,  f 
Sup.  1 
..   I8tt 
185,   f. 
.  .          .  .          .  .          .  .        5 

Httthigumpha  inscrip.     .  .  72  ;  209  ;  222  —  22  4 

Hatim  Tai,  and  Khwaja  Khixr  .  .          .  .   205 

Hatrtc,  al-Hadr,  S.  of  Mosul,  vaulted  roof  build- 
ing         ..........  172 

Haurun,  Bostra,  architecture  of  .  .  170,  f.  ;  177 

Hawke,  the  ship    .  .         .  .         .  .          .  .          ..15 

Hegner,  J.,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 


heliolatry  in  Tlascalla,  217  ;  in  India,  218,  219  &  n. 
Homachandra  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  O, 

27,  n.  ;  43,    44  ;  4« 

hemp,  Indian  bhang,  and  cholera         .  .      284  &  n. 
Herod,  and  Damascus   ........   1  70 

Hesiod,  8th  cen.  B.C.,  author  of  Works  and 
Days       ............  233 

Hillebrandt,  A.,  and  the  Kautitiya.  151  &  n.;  192 
Hillsborough,  Earl  of,  Seo.  of  State.  .  .  64,  65  ft  n. 
Himalaya,  Himngiri,  etc.,  ancient  Himavat.  Sup,  32 


INDEX 


Hindi,  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  0,  24 ;  26  j 

27,  n.;  30, 11.;  43—47  &  n,I  228,  n.;  231  &n.;  232 
Hindola  Mahal  at  Mfindu,  vaulting  system  of.  169,ff. 
Hindu,  gods,  ornaments,  etc.  in  Hindola  Mahal, 
170;  remain^  and  mosques,  177;  revival,  in 
Sind,  203 ;  calendar,  and  Mai  Fir,  208 ;  cus- 
toms, in  temples  etc,  211,  f. ;  and  Buddhiat 
ornaments,  etc.  213—217 ;  temple,  sites,  220, 
11. ;  theatre,  223 ;  or  Qentoo,  200 ;  religion, 

and  Kjishjia  Sup.     10 

Hindu  Economics,  the    Ancient,  and    Vdrttd 

233,  ff. ;  256,  ff.  ;  275,  ff. 
Hinduism,  and  Jainism,  140 ;  in  Sind,  197,  f. ; 

205  :  and  Krishna         Sup.     1 1 

Hindus,  orMarathas,  2  ;  and  ghandesh,  1 1 8 .  jn 
Sind,  197—205;  207  ;  and  tree  worship,  214  ; 

220,  n. 
Hindustan,  and  Akbar    . .         . .         . .         . .   143 

Hippargo  in  Bijapur  dist.,  153;  and  Hippokou- 
ra,  cap.  of  K.   Baleokouros,  not  definitely 

identified  151  ;  153 

hiranya,  gold  coin,  as  a  tax  . .  . .  50,  51 
Hiri-Chavuti,  Chalukya  inscrip.  at  . .  . .  287 
History,  of  the  Maratha  People,  Book-Notice, 

299,  f. 

History,  Early,  of  Indian  Philosophy,  a  Con- 
tribution towards          101,  ff 

History,  S.  Indian,  Beginnings  of,  Book-Notice.  263 
History,  political,  of  the  Dakkan,  of  the  S&ta- 

vahana  period  . .         . .        69,  ff. ;  149,  f! 

History,  of  early  Buddhism       . .         . ,         . .     84 

Hitt,  bitumen  wells  of 244 

Hiuen    Tsiang,    on    Mihirakula,  18;  date,  19 ; 

Yuan  Chwang,  150,  n. ;  and  Sind  . .  198 ;  204,  n. 
Hobson-Jobson,  in    Mesopotamia,   spread    of 

196;  244 

Hoernle,  Dr.,  and  the  Guptas,  161 ;  163  &  n,— 165 
Holland,  High  and  Mighty  United  States  of  . .  34 
Holland,  John,  Lord  Mayor  of  Madras  , .  69 
Holtzmann,  and  the  Bhagavadgttd,  Sup.  1  &n. — 

4;  10,  ll;29,n.;32,n.;33,n. 
Holwell,  J.  Z.,   hero  of  the  Blaokhole  of  Gal- 

outta 266 

Home  of  K&lidasa  264  &  n. 

Hopkins,  E.  W.,  and  the  Bhagavadgltd,  Sup. 
1—6,  n.;  8,  &  n. ;  10,  n.;  11,  n. ;  15,  n. ;  18,  19,  n.  ; 
21;  24,n.  ;28,  n. ;  30;  32 

hornblende-schist,  rook,  implements  of  . .  135 

Hornby,  Win.,  E.  I.  Go's  servant,  and  Wm.  Boltt  7 
Hot  Hakim,  Ahmed  Pir,  Fir  of  the  Jackals    . .  207 

Hougley,  to.  HugU         31 

Hoysala-devt,  q.  to  Sftmdsvara             . .         . .  289 
Hoysaleswar,  temple 213 


Hughes,  Sir  Ed.,  Commander,  K.  Indies,  and 

Austria's  commercial  venture,  57&n.~-09;  63,  64 
HOgll,  riv.,  and  tn.,  and  Austria's  commercial 

venture,  29,  f.,  (Hougley)       . .         . .  31 ;  265,  f. 

Hulegundi,  inscrip.  290 

Huli,  Chalukya  ingcrip.   . .          289 

Hultzsch,  Dr.,  and  the  Tambapamni  riv.,  49  ;  and 

the  word  dipista,  etc /j6 

Humayun,  emp.,  and  Mandasor,  etc 123 

Humboldt,    W.     von,   and    the    BhagavadgitA 

Sup.  1,  3,  n. ;  8;  21;  32;  &  u. 
Htina,     conqueror,    Mihirakula ;    empire,  'in 

Oxus  Basin        19 

Hfinas,  and  the  Guptas,  etc 17 

Hunavalli,  inscrip.  2S1 

Husain  Nizam  Shah  1 14<» ,  148 

Hushung,  governor  of  Mandu 177 

Huviiitthadagalli,  inscrip  ^ 

Hydaspos,  and  Alexander          ^46 

Hyder  Ali,  Haider  'Ali,  and  Austria's  commer- 
cial venture       12;  13,  89,  91 

hypergamy,  and  tho    Daryapanthis,   203  ;  and 

tho  Thakurs       .  .  .,nu 

• 


74 


Iba,  Arnbikd  riv. 
Iblis,  the  Devil      . . 
Ibn-al-Athir  historian 
Ibn-Tulun,  mo 8 quo  in  Cairo 
Ibn    Wahshiyah,    author   of   Nebatcean   Agri- 
culture    . . 

Ibrahim  •  Adil  Shah  II,  of  Bijapur        . ."     143  ; 
Identification    of  some  of  the   Post- Andhra - 

bhritya  Rulers  of  the  Puranio  list  . . 
identification  of  the  poets  of  MullanOram 
and  the  tSfaana  writers  of  the  Vijayana- 
gara  kuigg,  98,  99 ;  of  Krishna -Vishnu,  with 
Brahmin  ..  ..  .'.  t\  gup 

idol,    temple,  and  Akbar,    185  ;  god    idols  of 

the  Mauryas gj  ^ 

Ikshvaku,  sage,  and  the  Yoga  teaching         Sup. 
Ikshvaku  dyn.,  and  the  Sata vahana  dyn. 


205 
174 
175 

235 


298 


32 


Imad  Shahi,  dyn.  ........   14g 

image,  images,  TrimOrti,  in  Peshawar  Muse- 
nm,  136,  f.  ;  at  Sarnath,  161,  f.  ;  in  Hindola 
Mahal,  MfindO,  176;  fragments,  at  Mashita, 
177;  of  Buddha,  in  Hindu  temple,  217,  f  ,  ; 

ofSun«od       ........       219'&  n 

Imam,  the,  and  the  mihrfb       ......    175 

Imperial  Majesties  of  Austria    .  .          1  ;  3^*9  . 

U,  f.;  14,  f.;   32^.34 


INDEX 


313 


implements,  stone,  from  Singh bhum    . .  135 

Imrulquis,  Lakhmia  k.,  and  the  Romans        . .   177 
imshi,  (Arab  mcw/if),  to  go  out,  etc.,  Hobsoti- 

Jobson 190 

incarnation,  of  the  River  God,  in  Sind,  198,  f. ; 
of  Uderolal         . .          . .          .  .          .  .          . .  203 

India,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture,  1,  H  ; 
29,  tf. ;  57,  ft.  ;  85,  fit.  ;  visited  by  Song  Yun 
and  Cosmas,  19;  Abhiri  migration  into,  35,  f.; 
&  Ceylon,  48 ;  changes,  in  level  of  land  and 
sea,  49 ;  and  the  Jewish  calendar,  1 12  ;  invad- 
ed by  Taimur,  115;  and  Mihirakula,  163;  and 
the  vaulting  system,  169;  and  magic,  197; 
*ind  Yuan  Chwang,  209 ;  and  temple  sculp- 
ture, 211,  f  ,  214  ;  other  sculptures,  293  ;  and 
women's  orthodcxy,  189,  n.  ;  and  tradition  of 
Hciencea,  191,  n.,  192  ;  and  literary  forgeries, 
194  ;  and  sun  worship,  21 H  ;  medurval,  coins 
of,  241  &  n.  ;  243,  n.  ;  the  Rrdhmans,  and 
Vdrtta,  235  ;  239 ;  260,  f. ;  and  King  "  Four,11 
(Alexander;,  245,  f.  ;  and  Kalidasa,  264 ;  and 
Omichund,  269  ;  272,  n.;  and  the  British,  274  ; 
and  Vinasphara,  298 ;  ancient,  and  the  stage, 
222  ;  Central,  and  Gautamiputra,  149,  151 ; 
North,  and  the  Kushanaa,  153;  South,  or 
Dakghiiiapatha,  71,  72  ;  and  Gautumiputra, 
151  .  154;  West,  and  the  Kshatrapas,  73; 
Kings  of,  153 ;  and  the  Satavahona  dyu., 
156  ;  and  Arjun,  197  ;  and  the  Bhagavadgttd, 
Sup.  1  &  n.,  2;  7  ;  9  :  )  1  .  13—16 ;  and  Christ 
Sup.  16;  18;  North  and  South  .,  Sup.  19 
Indian  Philosophy,  a  Contribution  towards 

the  Early  History  of 101f  ff. 

Indian,  campaign  of  Alexander,  245  ;  History, 
see  Beginnings  of,  253  ;  calendar,  254,  255  & 
n.  ;  goods,  in  Bengal,  266 ;  homp,  or  bhang, 
284  &  11.  ;  bull,  Sarnath  Pillar,  294 ;  other 
sculptures,  295  ;  South,  inscrip.  and  Varttd, 
257;  Spiritual  life,  and  the  Bhatfavadgitd,  Sup. 
2  ;  mysticism,  Sup.  7  ;  Sages  and  Christian- 
ity, Sup.  15 ;  people  and  renunciation,  etc. 

Sup.  25  ;   28  j    29 

Indians,  ancient,  and  guns,  105,  n.  ;  and  the 
Bhagavadgttd,  Sup*  4  ;  and  the  Greeks,  Sup. 

16;  and   Krishna  Sup.     20 

Indies,  E.,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 

30  ;  86  ;  88 ;  89 

individual  soul,  see  soul  . .  Sup.   25  ;   27,  28 

Indo-Bactrian,  rulers  of  the  Panjab     . .          . .  263 
Indologists,   European,  and   the  age  of  the 

Bhagavadffttd Sup.  29 

Indra,  g.,  Jupiter  Pluvius,  image,  218  ;  Govin- 

da,  and  Krishna          Sup.     10 

Indraloka,  and  Maudgalya        281 

Indraaena 280,  fif. 


Indus,  riv.,  called  the  aea,  197;  and  Uderolal, 

etc 199;    204;   206—208 

industries,  sciences,  anil    Vdrtta  .  .      102 — 104  ;  109 
influence,  Buddhistic,  in  tho  Sun  temple,  Kon- 
arak,  209 ;  Buddhistic,  and  Christian,  in  tlio 

LthayatXHlfjitd «$Up.  28 

Inscription,  the  1  luthigumphA 223 

Inscriptions,  Asoka,  Kotos  on 297 

Inscriptions,  Amaru vati  xttipa,  155;  Andhra, 
71;  Anegonde,  etc.,  287  &  n.;  Arabic, 
174  ;  176  &  n.  ;  Asoku,  (edicts  48,  49  ;  71  ;) 
51—53;  50;  138;  297;  BudAmi,  70;  Bel- 
gaum,  287  &  n.— 289  ;  Bhngalpur  grant,  109; 
111;  Bhitari  seal,  ItU—  Kii> ;  Bihar  image, 
109  &  11. — 111;  Bodh  C! n. vn,  llu,  f.  ;  Budho- 
guptu,  etc.  16  &  n.  ;  18  &  n.  ;  50  ;  Chtilukyu 
(W.)  285— 21)0  ;  Christian,  in  Syria,  172  4  on 
coins,  75;  241,  f.;  Copper-pin trf  79 — 81  ^  162  ; 
165;  210—212  ;  220  ;  242  ;  of  Darius,  138  ; 
Kran  stone  pillar,  18  ;  105,  f.;  Giniar,  1)4  ;  78 
&  n.;  Greek,  7/i;  172  ;  Gunoriya,  110  ;  Gupto, 
etc.  1 9.  f .  ;  50 — 57;  referring  to  Guptu  history, 
101—107;  Gwalior,  18;  211);  242,  n,;  HArSha, 
162  ;  Jlathigumphu,  72  ;  209 :  222,  f.  ;  JuniV 
gaclh,  150  &  11.;  lol  &  n.;  154,  f.;  162,  n.;  164; 
Juimar  Cave,  70;  73;  74;  78;Knliauth  pillar,  2U; 
Kalsi,  ,33;  Kauh<Vi,  70;  70;  1,51;  155;  Kurle, 
70;  73  &  n..  74;  Kharavela,  etc.,  216  ;  Koda- 
kajii,  288,  289 &  n.;  Ivonaruk,  21C  &n.;  Krisli- 
ua,  71,  72,  n.;  Kshatrapa,  70 — 73;  75  ;  Maga- 
dha,  109,  f.;  Mandn«ore,  otc.,  10  &  n.;  50;  163; 
Mandu,  177;  Nuhnpana,  72;  74  ;  75 ;  Nttna- 
ghat,  71,  ii.,  72,  n.;  Nasik,  74,  75  &  n.;  141>— 
156;NebaU«an,  1()9— 171;  Palu,  165  ;  of  Raja- 
raja  1,  etc.  99  ;  Rutau)  plate,  243  ;  Sandtt, 
288;  Saranatha,  298  &  n.;  Sfimath,  etc.  16  & 
n.f  17;  161—167;  Sogal,  287;  Satakarni,  71  & 
n,,  72  A  n. ;  Stone,  Bhitari,  161—166  ;  Eran, 
118 ;  165,  f.  ;  of  Narwar  liajputs,  241—244  ; 
Slupa,  Amarfivati,  155 ;  Jagayyapetta,  156; 
S£tnchip  72 ;  in  Syria,  172  ;  Temple,  Bhimpur, 
242;  KhajurAho,  137;  Sun.  219,  n.;  Taldagun- 
dy,  257,  n.;  Talgund,  278  ;  Taxila  Scroll,  76  ; 
Vishmipada,  1 10  ;  Wadageri,  etc.,  290  ;  on 
Dekkan  history,  70 — 78  &  n.  ;  referring  to 

Shivaji 300 

intercourse,  with  prostitutes 199 

interests,     material,     stray    expressions    of 
thought  on,   in  ancient  Europe,  233  ;  in  the 

ancient  East 234,  f. 

invasion,  Huna,  of  the  Gupta  empire,  1 7 ;  of 
India,  by  Taimur,  115;  of  fchAndesh,  118,  ff. ; 

of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  206 

Irak,  and  the  Abbaside  Caliphs            ..         ..234 
iron,  trade  in        89 ;  91 


314 


INDEX 


BAnavarmman,  and  Skandagupta        . .      162  ;  166 
Islam,  in  Syria,    172;    174;    and   the  niihrab, 
175  ;  and  Akbar,  185 ;  in  Sind  . .  198  ;   200 

Isle  of  France,  and  Wm.  Bolts 90 

Isma'ilShah,  k 146,   f. 

IsVara,  the  sun,  137  :  or  Vibhava,  Krishiia, 

Sup.     20 
fsVaradatta,  coins  of       .  .          .  .          .  •          . .   156 

tsVarasena,  Abhira  k 156 

a*  Vedd,    ami  the  Arthatfatra,    236  &  n.  ; 

237  ;  239,  n. 


Jabala,  story  of 180,  n. 

jackals,  and  Ahmed  Pir  . .         . .          207,  f. 

Jagadekamalla,  Jayasimha  II,  W.  Ohalukya 
k 285  ;  288 

Jagayyapeta,  st&pa  inscrip 156 

Jah&ngir,  Sultan  Salim 1 81 

Jah&ngir,  Nasir  Khan  of  Khandeah       .  .  185,  f. 

Jairaini,  and  the  MimAn'sd  S&toa          .  .          .  .    157 

Jaina,  authorities,  and  Gupta  dates,  etc.,  18  ; 
and  Mihirakula,  1 9  :  literature,  20.  21,  n. ; 
Matha,  at  Kolhapur,  Kannada  MfiS.  from, 
21,  n.  ;  origin,  of  the  KhanOagiri  caves,  209 ; 
and  Hindu,  and  Buddhist,  ornaments  in  tem- 
ples, 216  ;  works  and  economics  . .  . .  256 

Jainas,  and  ahi^ed,  189,  n. ;  and  the  term 
rttra  ..  .  ."  LOO,  n. 

Jainism,  Indian  and  European  philosophical 
systems,  and  Hinduism,  140  ;  in  the  Kumari 
Hills 210 

Jaipur,  and  the  Malavas  76 

Jajapella  or  Yajvapala  dynasty  . .         241,  ff. 

Janam-bakti,  Story  of  Uderolal  and  the  Darya- 
panthis  202 

Janmejaya  Mahabhava  Gupta,  Somavams"! 
k.,  210 ;  oopper-plate  of  . .  .  211 

Jasavanta  Sonigaro,  Song  of     . .          .  47 

Jason,  High  Priest,  and  the  Nebataeans  169 ! 

Jat&dhar&a  Dikshita,  poet,  of    Muljandram. .   94 

JayAd&man  154,  n. 

Jayaditya,  and  the  word  (jhoshu  .  .          . .     35 

Jayanta,  g.,  in  the  Artliatdstra         ..  51  fn. 

Jayasimha  II,  W.  Chalukya  k.t  285 ;  Jagadi- 
kamalla,  288,  f .  :  HI 290 

Jebel  £aur&n,  S.E.  of  Damascus,  Nebataean 
tombs  in  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  169 

Jemo  Bajbati,  etc,,  near  Berhampur,  and  the 
Sun-god  219 

Jering,  (Patani)  and  tin  piti* 28 

Jerusalem,  the  el-Aksa  mosque  . .         1 76,  n. 

Jesus  Christ          . .         ,         . .     35 


Jewish,  calendar,  and  India       ..          ..         ..112. 

Jews,  and  the  crocodile  ..  197    A;   n. 

Jhai-jo-Ooth,  tn.,  in  Sind,  and  Uderolal,  201, 

f.;  204 

Jhalakikara,  and  the  Kdvydprakdta         .  .23  &  n. 
jhari,  timahli,  waterpot  . .         . .    200  ;  202 

JhArkhand,    modern    Chutiya    Nagj>urt    and 

Adil  jOi&n  II  of  Kh&iidesh  . .  . .  188  ;  185,  f. 
Jhimpir,  Hindu  resort  in  Sind  . .  . .  204  &  n. 
Jinaprabhasuri,  and  Satavaliana  . .  . .  69 

Jinasena,  and  the  Meylwdtita,  17;  and  Mihira,- 

kula,  etc.  ^9- 

Jft&namarga,  Brahmanioal    philosophy,    108; 

Sup.  23 

Juana-Yoga          Sup.     23 

Jodhpur,  marriage  custom        . .          . .          . .   1 OT 

Jogae      bhi,  Nasik  dist.,  find  of  Nahapana'a 

coins 74,  f.  ;   149 

Jogimara    cave,    Hamgarh    Hill,    und    gam- 

Aja  222,  n. 

Joseph,  emp,  of  Austria,  6  ;  59  ;  (II)  . .  63,  n. 
Joseph  and  Theresa,  or  Guiscppe,  Austrian 

ship,  3  ;  4  ;  7  ;  10 — 14  ;  29 ;  formerly  Sari  of 

Lincoln 30,  f.  ;  57;  67,  f.;  89 

jot,  lamp  ol  Uderolal  . .  . .  200  &  n. — 202 
Julfa,  near  Ispahan,  61,  ri.;  68,  n.  ;  dialect  . .  274 
Julianos,  Church  ol,  at  Umm-al-Jamal  . .  172 

Junfigadh  inscrip.,  150&  n,  ;   151  ;   154 — 156; 

162,   n.;    164 
Junnar  ;  cave  inscrip.,  70 ;   73,  f.  ;  tn.,  Mughal 

head-quarters 73 

Jupiter,  Pluviua,  Tndra 281 


Kabir  Khan  of  Ehandesh  . .          . .         1 79,   f . 

kfchang    (Malay)    Cajanu*    Indicus,    dot 

plant 1,  n. 

Kachchha,  and  Kudradaman 154 

Kddatnbart,  a  work  by  Ba^a     . ,          . .          . .   248 
Kadaravlli,  or  KAdar6li,  Chalukya  cap.,  289 ; 

inscrip.  . .          . .    290* 

Kadphiaes  I.,  Kujula-Kadphises,  and    Naha- 

pana,  76,  f.  ;  II.,  his  gold  coinage,  etc.    . .      76,  f. 
Kaf rl,  Caffree,  native  of  S.  Africa         . .         . .     56 

Kahaurh  pillar  inscrip 20 

Kaisar,  emp.  of  Byzantium 174 

Kalaohuryas,  overthrew  the  Chalukyas          286,  n. 

Kalhana 18  ;  16T 

Kalidasa,  Notes  on          246,  ff. 

Kalidtoa,  home  of  264  &  n. 

Kalidaaa,  and  the  Hunas,  17;  167;  and  Vat- 

syayana ,  date,   1 95  ;  and  the  Bhagavadgttd, 
Sup.  30  ;  and  the  .word  Himalaya        . .    Sup.  3J; 


I  N  D  K  X 


315 


and  Dimna,  or  The  Fable*  of  Bidpai, 


Kasyapa  on 

and  "  Four,  "  (Porus)  k.  of  India     . .  245     •-  -   -         214 


conquered  by 

and  the  Nanda  kings 223,f.  Katohln  r'  I '  7" 

Kaliot,    Caliaton.    in    S.    Ka.mra,    Austrian  ^ai|.  ^°ho,,le,  H  W,co.«r  ialand  ..         ..     13 

fa«tory ti4  &  „  Kat^"^9^,   nwork  l,y  ifcmadeva,  men- 

Kalkin.    Kalkiraja,    or   Chaturmukha-Kalkin        '  t'"na  Satov4h»n»        .19 

tyrant,  and  Mihirakula,  a  comparison        is'-,,,  Ktt™»r'    anwo»<- Surafta.  Suraslitra.    ISO, 

XaUowrath,**;  Count KoUo.orath,  etc.,  Austrian  '     '  *±         ,*>emd  K^™P"  <**>..  etc.,  153  ; 

,.  106;  and  ISind  ....                                        IQK 

*nip      ••                                                        59;  00  ,04  KA.                                                  B 

Kalpadruma,  Tree  of  Desire,  and   the   Arka  ^yayana,  and  the  word  mo/idAUri,  36 ;  dat*, 

Vo*a                                          ..       214;  210  &n  aud  P&^        138  A  n. 

Kalpq-Stora,  and  the  sciences   . .          .         250  &  n."  Kau*®ya> the>  on  the  Authenticity  of,  157,  ff.; 

Kalsi  in  so  rip.         . .          . .          . .          . .          . .      53  Iffl,  fl. 

Kalyftni,  and  the  W.  Chalukyas          ..         285,  ff.  K(tMii^f^   tho,  and    1  'drttd,  235  A  u.-— 238  & 

KamakdfciBvara  jtf//*a,    (Sankaracharya  nnttlui,,  ^                                      n.  ,  239,  n. ;  240  &  n. ;  251 

Kumbhakdnam,)  victory  pillar  in  ..         94  ;  96  KlluVi'ya,  Chanakya,  author  of  the  Arthatfotra, 

Kamaiatmika,  image,  and  &ri 48  ;  50 -52  ;  and  flu     Nandas,  55  ;    Vifinu. 

Kamandaki,  and  Kautilya,    100;  108,  109;  159  g»pta,  101  &  n.  — 104  A  n.;  100  A  n.— 109; 

&  n,  160 ;  193  80e  **«**»* 157,  ff. 

Kdniatdstra,  development  of,  J88  &  n.  ;  and  Kautilyam,  the 101^103,  n. 

Kalidasa..                                                         ..195  ^verf,  Karabeaa,  riv 74  A  n. 

Kdnwmtra,     190;  102,   f.  :195;    and   wnndja.  Kavi-DiaOima,  Oinaima-kavi    ..                      ..99 

221  &  n.  ;  222  Kavimalla,  .\napilya,  court  poot,  defe**tod   by 

Ka i lada,  author    ..               ..          .           104  ,   190,  f.  Honfidri  . .                                                          05 ;    100 

Knnavernjdtaka,  and  xamdja       . .                     . .  221  Kavipmbhu,  ])<x»t                                               m  e     gg 

K'Vichimaudala,  and   the   mou   of   Mandara..      !I4  ^dvya,  ot  Rama    ..                                                         93 

K,  i  uhagiri  Hills,  Krishna^  in       ..          ..          ..    lol  KAvya  UrttinaH,  TTsanns  or  ^ukni            ..          ..    i»5 

Kanheri  inncirip.  and  the  Satavahana  dyn.,  70  :  KdnynpmkdAa,  a  work  by  Mammata,  additional 

70;  151  ;  1 55  proof  <>f  the  gonuinonoHK  of   the    Vrittis   on 

K! i  Mishka' s  empire,  extent *of      ..          ..         298,   f.  itr '.'I 

KAi.ivas,  and  ^i^uka        ..          ..          ..            .71  Kodgerco,  Khijiri,  tn.,  and  Austria's  coinrner- 

K.»i,|»ura,   and    Kapur-ahara,    f>oKsibly    Surat..      78  cial  vontuiv                                                        29;   31 

Karabenal,  KAvori,  riv.    ..          ..          ..        74  A  n.  Kelan  tan,  tn.,  and  value  ol  tin  pit  iff     ..          ..28 

Karu4ma]|i  iiiKcrip.          ..          ..          ..          ..     287  kdlak,   (Ar.   fce/rA1),    large    .skin    raft,    hTobsou- 

Karajika,  vil..  and  Ushavadat^i J orison 244 

Kdrikds,  and  Mammata  . .          . .          . .          .  .  Kembhavi,  iiiscrip.           . .          . .          .             289,  n. 

KarlUi,   Karkha  do   Ladan,   tn.,  jmlace    ruins  Koropothros,  Koralaputra,  k.      ..                       ..151 

nt-ar  KeAari,  dyn.,  Caosars  of  Orissti,  210;  and  thn 

Karle,  uiscrip.  and  the  Satavahana  dyn.,  70;  lion  symbol        211  &  n.  ;   213 

73  &  n.  ;  74  Kesava,  a  name  of  Krishna     . .          . .  SUJK  10,  n. 

Kannamdrga         Sup.   23  Kflfeva  Sena,   Kdilpur  grant  of,  210  ;  popper- 

karmdnta,  manufactures 239  }>!***        220 

Karma-yoga  Ivosi,    ohariotoor   of    Mudgulun!,   ?80  ;  or  Ko- 

kdr*JtdpCMictttt  coins                                                  70,  f,  sini           . .          • .          • .          . .          . .          .  .   283 

kdrukusttawakartna,  profession  of   artists,  etc.    238  Iv^tu,  planet          1J2 

Karur,  Karaura 151  Khafi  SbAn,  author  of  the  MuntaMutb-al- Isnbdh.    183 

Karvand,  Thalner            115  KhaharAta   or   KshaharAt»,   family    name    of 

jfcrm,  agriculture 256  Nahapana         73 

KASika,  and  the  word  M dftatudri         ..         ..     30  Khajuraha,  near  Hundelkhand,  Trimurti  image 

Kasimbazar,  E.    I.     Co.'s    factory,    and  Win.  from                                                    137  &  n.  ;    13b 

Watts  and  Surajulddaula,  etc. .  .265  ;  267  ;  273,  f.  Ivhajuraho,  group  of  templee 213 

Ka*r  al-Ba4ik,  in  the  Hauran,  and  vaulted  roofs  172  Khalifate,  mosque  of  the  time 175 

"    r   KMraneh,   Kueair,  building >f  the  Urn-  Khalif  Walid,  and  the  mi hr&b   ..                    ..175 

yyadKhalifa                          -»        . .173,1.;  177  Kha^dagm,  Jaina  caves            209,   211;  2U  ;  216 


I  N   D   K  X 


li,  and  the  Faruqi  dynasty,  1 13.  ff.;  144  , 

it  ;  178,  H. 

WWinjahan,  Furuqi,  ofticer  under    Muhammad 
bin  Tughlnq  of  Delhi,  and  ancestor  of  the  Far- 
uqi  dyu.,  I  I  3 ;  ur  Khva  ju  Jahan  ..114;  110;    143 

Khfmkljanan,  om<-er          148:178,  f. 

Ivhan  Orthma,  mosquo,  Baghdad          .  .  L7r>,    f. 

Kharfmoh,  Ka^r,  or  Kusair  Kharanoh  . .  173,  f.  :  I  77 
KhAra  \vlu,       k.t      and       the      Hathigumpha. 

iiiscrips 209;   210  &   n.  ,   222—224 

Kharoshihi,  mscrip.  on  Na  hup  unit's  coins,  75; 
77  ;  on  Chash  tana's      -  .  .  .  .  .  . .    153 

Khijiri,  Kedgeree,  ut  Hiigli  mouth         ..          2ft;  31 
kliillats,  Muhammudun  term,  and  hi>'<nni<t        ..      50 
Khotan,  car  festival         .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .    209 

Khusrav,  Sultan,  sou  of  Jahangir  .  .  .  .    181 

Itbutbtth,   recited,  in  nit  mo  of  Ntisir  Khun,   117; 

121  ;  and  of  Akbar 141 

KhvHJrt.  Jahan .  and  K^anjahan  Karuqi  . .  ..114 

'vliwuja  Khizr,  cult  iii  Smd.    IDS     z'n\mt,  204, 

f.  ;  and  Mikail.  Elijah,  etc 200,  f. 

Kielhorn.  tin-  lain  L'rof,.and  Hie  \V.  (Mmlukyas. 

285  &  u.  ;  and  the  Hh <i<m rm/t/itu  ..  Sup.  12 
killing,  sltiufijht or,  and  mcsil  catin<;  ..  ISO,  n.  ;  221 
Ivillpatnciv,  Major,  J.,  Ifon^ul  C.  ..  ..  200 

Kinii,  Mr.,  E.   L  Co.'s  servant 84 

kingdom,  of  Nahnpaiui.  pxtont   of  .  .  75,  f. 

kmi^s,    Vi jjiyatuiujara.     and    their   copperplate 
ougraviimp.  79,  (1\  ;  SCMLMICO  of,    etc.,  in  the 

ArlhaSfotra  159;    187;   193 

Kirttivarman  III,  Budanii  Clmluk\'a   k.          . .   280 
Kitfib-dl'Ayhtiiii.  and  building  ii>  Kusair  'Am- 

nih  174 

Kiu-cho-Jo,    i«o,,    and    Kukiira    .  ..  150,  p. 

knowledge,  ;ii  vision  K  of.  2  ."id.  f.  :  or  learning.  239,  n. 
Kodakam  inwrip.  *• .  ..          ..          ..   288 

KoLuttiri.  Kolatti.'id  or  Colnst  ri;«.  in  N.   Malalmr, 
no\\  Ohorakkal          .  .          .  .          .  .  9,  n. 

Kolhaimr,  and    llippoukoum.   coins  from      .  .    153 
Konarak,    Sun     toiuplc.  alh^t-d   Buddhist  in- 
nuetice  ii.  .  .  ....          .  .         209,  IT. 

Konkan,  and  the  Dnkat     .  .  .  .  .  ..117 

/Cown.  the*,  and  Ta'bilt-i-ilm       .  .          . .          .  .    200 

Korku  i,  on  tin-  Tamrap>tvni  river.  aiiuu>nt  port 
for  goni  tj-Jide,  48;  eiu-ly  s->tt lemon t  of  civil- 
ised man   .  .  .  .  .  .  . .  . .  .  .    49 

Krishna,  g.,   tho  Child,  35  ;  or  DArnorlara,  84; 
(iovinda,  tlu«  (Cowherd,  84  ;  cult,  moutioiu^d 
)>v    Me«asthnnest  55,  n.  ;   Sup.   18:    and   the 
Daryapanthi  religion,    201:   and   Samdipani, 
240  ;  in  tho  Khasfttnadfjtlfi         .  .          . .  Siif>.     2,  ff. 

'Irishnu,    dr.  of  Drupada,  sor  Indrasona        ..     280 
Kpishtia,  Andhrahk.          ..          ..          tm          ..71 

Krinhiia  II. f  Rashtmkuta  k 280 

Krishf.iadovara\M,   ooppori)late»j  of        .  .  79,    f. 


Krishimism,  and  Chritttianitv .     Sup.  15,  16;  18,  n 

Krishna -&aUtkarni  155 

Krignaraja  III.,    Ru^trakutu  k.  ..          .,      19 

Kriydmkti    Puu^it,  family  guru  of    Vijayana- 

gara  kings          y^ 

Kshaharuta,  (and  Khaharfttu,  family    name  of 

Nahapuna,  73)  dyn.,   and   tho  ^Attivahanas. 

72  ;  and  (Jautumiputra,  S'atakarni,    149;  de- 
nt rue  lion  of        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..153 

Kshatrapa,     title,     of    Chashtana,    etc.,   153, 

15J  <\r  n.;  dyn.,  of  Ujjain        . .          . .          . .    150 

Kftluitrapdntu,  Persian  title         .  .          .  .          .  .        7 

Kshattriyas,  and   daiijanUi,  240  ;    or    Kshat  - 

riyas,  and  Spiritual   life  in    India,    etc..  Sup. 

9:  12;  14;  Sages,  and  yoyu     teaching.  Sup.     33 
ktetikc,     acquisition,     and   cltrciMitit<tikc,   233 

234    At    n. 
Kuhera,  lord  of  wealth    ..  ..  ..  ..    253 

Kiltie,  character  in   inscrips.        ..  ..       1 7(i  cV.  n. 

Kujula   Knilphises.  Kudphiscs  1  .  .  70 

Kukurn,  prohably  (iujanil  ..         150   A-   n..    154 

Kulasrkliarapattanain.   tn.,     ami  )»ort,    si^-ni 

licant  ^nt-stone  linds  near      .  .  .  .  .  .      49 

Kumurugupta  1.,  date.  17,  I  (i:i,  i.  ;  II.,  mscrips. 

of,    eti.,    20;     1GI---I07:     II!  .  .         17  ;    107 

Kiondmttfinilihtira*  a  work  l>\  KalidMbti  ..      18 

kuttlrtM'lu.  <  on  tractor      ..  .  ..  ..    |<>G 

Kurn -Held,  modern  Delhi  .  .  .  .  Suj-.  20  A  n., 

Kurus.  ;uid  Krishna          ..  ..  Suj>.    10,    11 

Kiis.  nnd  the  last   Kufic  inscrip.  ..  17(1.   n. 

Kucptir  til-Hiillaluit.  niins,  170  ;  moscjuf-  .  .     175 

Kuwait    '  \mrah,   1C.  of  .Jordan,  probul»J\    I  m 

a\  \ad  ] m lace        ..  ..  .  .  ..      1 74      [  77 

K usa ir  Khu ranch,  Kharaneh      ..  ..  ..173 

kuwttu.   Av/.s-awy/.s,  possibly  coins,  from     Ku.sli- 

»»»« 74  ,'70,  f 

Kushmm.  dyn.,  and  currency      .  ..  7(> 

Kut  (Japan,  Tnk  Kivan,     buildinu        ..  ..173 


l^adup,  Nadup     ..          ..         ..         ..          ..135 

Lakhmid.  dyn.      ..          ..          ..          ..          ..177 

Lakshmi,  image,  137;  216,  vegetarian  goddess  208 
Lakshrnikanth  Sinai,  Luximicant  Sinoy,  agont 

for  Win.  Bolts      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .         13  ;  15 

Lalitaditya,  and  the  Sun  temple,  Martand.  .218,  n. 
Lai  Sahib,  200;  LAI  Udero  Sain,  holy  lender, 

202  ;  LAI  Wadero,  names  of  Uderolal         . .   203 
Laasen,  on  Krishi;a,  Sup.  11  ;  13,  11. ;  14,*n. ;  15  :  3] 
Lat  Masjid.  Dhar  . .          . .          . .          . .          ..177 

Lauria  Araraj.  Lauria  Nfltidtingnrh,  Asokari 

pillars  t       . .         291  ;    293 


INDEX 


317 


Law,  Jean,  French  chief,  Kasiiubazar          . .       207  ' 
Law-oode,  of  Manu,  238 ;  of  Apastamba    . .  239,  n. 

Laws,  (Plato)  and  economics 233 

learning,  goddess  of,  221  ;  division**  of,  239,  n.; 

or  knowledge 256,  f. 

legend,   of  Krishna  and  Indra,  Sup.      !»  ;    of 

Buddha,  Sup.    10;   MakdbhArata,   of  Bhaktt 

and  Christianity       Sup.  1 5,  f . 

Leghorn,  and  Wra.  Bolts  . .         . .          30  ;  08  ;  90 

Leopold,  Austrian  ship 3,  4 ;   R 

letter,  Armenian,  of  Omiohund  . .         . .  205 

Lewis,  E,  I.  Co.'s  agent,  and  Wm.  Bolts.  4  ;  0,  7,  8 
lighting,  in  vaulted  roofs. .  . .  169;  1 72  ;  173 

limes, 'Roman        . .         ..          177 

Lindeman,  Julius,  Austrian  seaman  . .  00  ;  04 
lion,  symbol,  of  KeSari  kings  ..  211  &  n.  ,  213 

lipi,  despatch,  etc 52  &  n.  ,    50 

liquor,  manufactured  by  Austrians,  in  India. .     13 

Lisbon,  and  Wm.  Bolts 91 

lists,  of  Vijayanagara  copperplates,  etc.  77,  ff.  ; 

of  FAruq!  rulers,  184,ff.  ;  of  available  MSS. 

on   Vdrtto, 258,  ff.  ;   275,  ff. 

literature,   Arabic,   Persian,  and  Indian,  44 ; 

Sanskrit,  and  economics         25( 

Lokayata,  philosophy  ..  102  ;  104—100;  108,  f. 
London  and  Vienna,  courts  of,  3 ;  Bee  St.  James  5. 
Loriuaer,  and  Christianity,  the  BhagavadfiUfl 

Sup.     29 
Low    countries,     and     Austria's    commercial 

venture    . .         . .          . .          . .         . .  85 

Lucius,  on  coins     . ,          . .          . .          . .          77,  n. 


MHcey,  Lieut.,  of  Chundornagore,  and  Austria's 

commercial  venture,  57  ;  or  Mace  58 — 60  ;  63,  f. 
Machu.  range,  unidentified      ..          ..          ..151 

Machi,  in  Seistan,  vaulted  roofed  palace  ruins.  177 
Madagascar,  and  E.  I.  Co.'s  slaves       . .         . .     50 

Madakara,  or  Mattamy,  12  ;  or  Mad4acana,  13; 

fort  near  Baliapatam  . .         . .  12,  n.;  13,  n. 

Madhia,  vil.  near   Bundolkhand,   Vishnu  Tri- 

murtifroxn        137 

Madhusudana,  g.  Sup.  12 

Madhyadefia,  and  the  Panda vas  . .        Sup.  11 

Madira,  g.,  in  the  Arthatfotra 51 ,  n . 

Madonna,  Bibi  Dost        208 

Madras,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 

32,  f . ;  57—67 

Madura,  Madoura  151 

Mafoome,  riv.,  B.  Africa  1 

Magadha,  Pratihara  occupation  of       . .        109,  ff. 
Magadha,  and  the  Guptas,  162,  166 ;  180 ;  and 

the  Nandas,  224 ;  and  Vinasphari     ..         ..299 
Mftgha,  and  Kautflya 160  j 


magic,  in  India     . .          . .          . .         , .          . .   197 

Mahdbhdrata,  the,  and  animal  sacrifice,  180,  n.  ; 

and  the  crocodile,  197,  f.  ;  and*'****,  238 ; 

and  the  name   Indrasenn,   281 — 284 ;     and 

the  Bhagavadgitfl,  Sup.  1  *  n. ;  2 :  4 :  5n., 

6,  n.  I  8—13,  n,  ;  15,  &  n. :  18—20  ;  28—32  &  n. 
MahdbMrata  Adtparba,  and  N&gas  ..  ..214 
Mahdbhdshya,  of  Patafijali,  and  the  word 

ghosfa,  35  &  n.  ;  36  &  n.  :  195 ;  nnd  Krishna, 

Sup.    12  &  n. ;  dute        Sup    33 

Mahftdeva,  Trimurti          136,  f. 

Mahfcdevi  Anantadevi        164 

maJiaila  (Ar.    nwhayalah)  river  Bailing  boat, 

Hobson-Jobson  .  ,          .  .          .  .          . .    244     ' 

Maha-kshatmpji,  title  nf   TsahapAnu,    74;  of 

Cliashtana,  etc.  154,  f. 

MaharftjMhiraja,  title  of  Purapiptn    ..          ..164. 
MaharuHhtra,and  the.  Salivahaim-6aka,  etc.,  70  ; 

73  ;  and  Gautanriputra  Sfitakanii,  etc.,  149  ; 

152  ;  164 ;  and  tlio  Abhiraw 1 56 

Muharashtri,  and  the  wido  sound  of  AT  and  0. 226,  n. 
Mahaslva    Gupta     or   Yaynli    Kesart,  Soimi- 

vamSi  k.  21O 

mahd&Adri,  meaning  of    . .         . .          .  .  36 

Mahpndrn,  Mahinda,  the   Eiisfcrn  ghats          .  .    161 
Mahendrapaln ,  Chineriyu  ius<-rij).  of      .  .          .  .    110 

Mahedvara,  or  Sivn  imtig<'^         .  .          . .          .  .   21 K 

Mahipala  I.,  and  Bihar Ill 

MAhishmati,  cap.  of  Anapa        .  .          .  .          .  .    150 

Mahmud  III.,  of  (JujarAt,  124;  and  KWtadonh   141 
Mahomed  of  Ghazni,  and  Sind     . .  203  ;  206 

Mahommedans,  Panjobi,  and   the  Indus,  197; 

and  Udorolal 199  ;  201  ;  203 

maiden,  seduction  of       ..          ..          ..          ..189 

Mai  Pir,  Virgin 207,  f. 

Makara,  Macara,  noa-monflter,  and  Hinduism, 

198;  214 
Makaradhvaja  of  Sind,  and  Mayuradhvaja  of 

Gujarat  198 

makoo,  contraction  of  Ar.  mid  yaktin,  there  is 

none  ;  Hobson-Jobsou  19(5 

Makrizi,  and  the  introduction  of  the  mihrdb  . .   175 
Malabar,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture,  14;  91,  f. 
Malava,  and  Vikrama,  eras        . .          . .         . .     20 

Mala  van,  and  Malayan,  75  &  n.  ;    and   Unhava- 

data         70 

Malay  currency  in  Trenggann 28 

Malaya,  southern  part  of  W.  (Jhats  . .  161 ;  253 
M&layas,  Malavas  and  Uthamabhadras  . .  76  A  n. 
Malaya  Varmma  Deva,  Rajput  k.  of  Narwar, 

241 ;  a  Pratihara          242,  n, 

MAligarh,  fort,  and  Akbar  181 

Malik   'Aina,  of  £handei»h,  Adil  Kfaftn  II          . .   118 
Malik  Raja,  reputed  founder  of  Ifcandesh,  113 ; 
or  Raja  Ahtnad  , .        114,  f.  ;  182  ;  185,  f . 


318 


INDEX 


Mallanaga,  personal  namo  of  VAtsyayana        .  .    189 

Mallikftrjuna,  copper-plates  of 79 

Maliikarjunabhaifrai  poet  94 

Mallinatha,  and  the  MetfwdiMa,  261  ;  and  the 

Hhayavadf/Ud Sup.  30 

JVltilwa,  and  Bhunlaka,  73 ;  and  £handesh,  113  ; 
I  is—]  ]  8  ;  121  ;  123  ;  and  Akbar,  124  ;  143 — 
146;  148;  180;  or  Akaravanti,  160,153; 
aud  the  2nd  Kshatrapa  dyn.,  153 ;  and  the 
S%takarni»,  72;  154;  arid  Budhagupta,  1G2  ; 
K.,  and  the  Abhtra  dyu.,  etc.,  156  ;  W.,  and 

KalidAsa  204,  n. 

MAmala,  dist.,  MAval  78 

Mambaras,  Nambanus,  77;  or  Nahapana        . .     78 
Mamma^a's  Kdvyaprakdita,  an  additional  proof 

of  the  genuinoness  of  the  Vrittis  on  it         . .     23 
?/i  u  n  drat  (Ar.)  minaret,  and  marionette  ..   19C 

M'luasa,  serpent  goddess  . .          . .          . .   214 

Altituiva  Dh(irnia6datra,  and  the  Bhagavadyitd  Sup.  32 
MAnavah,  School  of  Philosophy,  187;  or 

MAiiavas  102;  107;  109 

Manawttlli,  itiscrip.  .  .          .  .  .  .  28 

MandAra,  vil.,  and  Mullandram  .  .          .  .      94 

Mandasorr.  inscrip.  and  Dr.  Fleet,  10 ;  20  ;  103  ; 
Dasapura,  73,  n.  I  78 ;  and  Nahapana'e  coins, 

75  ;  and  Humayun J23 

MA ud u.  the   vaulting  system  of  the  Hindola 

Mahal  at  109,  ff. 

Mandu.  and  Akbar  141 

Mangaloiv,  and  Austria's  c'Oiitint>rciaJ  von  lure. 
12  &  n.  ;  13  ;  or  Manguloiv     .  .  .  .  15  ;  91 

mdnjhi,  muTijce,  master  of  native  boat  . .     31 

Manu.  and  the  Sankhya  and  Yoga  systems,  107  ; 
109;andKautilya,  lf>9,  n.  ;  and  Vurtttt,  237 
&   n.  ;   code  and  the   Kttutiliiiri,     238;    aud 
the  Mayawdifttd          . .          .  .          .  .        Sup.  32 

Manucci,  and  the  Ziarat  of  Khwoja  Khizr     . .   200 
MSS.,  Kannada,  21,  n. ;  Trilokasara  Palm-leaf, 
extract  from,  22  ;    MAravadi,  etc.,  and    the 
wide  sound  of  E  and  O,  24,  f. ;  44-47 ;  225  n. 
—229,  n. ;  232  ;  and  Varttfi,  241  ;  257  ;  258— 
203  ;  275—279  ;  see  Orme  .  .          .  .  205  &  n. 

Manuitmriti,  the,  and  the  Muhdbhtirata.       Sup.  32 

Marukh,  k.,  of  Tatta 198  ;  201 

Marakh  Wah,  canal,  in  Sind      . .          . .          . .   204 

Maratha  People,  a,  History  of,  Book-Notice  .  .  299 
ManUhas,  Hindus,  and  Wm.  Bolts  . .  2,  3  ;  6 
Marat-hi,  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  O  . .  45 
MAravadi,  MSS.,  and  the  wide  sound  of 

JB  &  O.t  24,  f.  ;  44—47 

Maria  Theresa,  and  Austria's  commercial  ven- 
ture, 57,;n.  ;  68,  f.;  63,  n.  ;  death  of         . .    85  &  n. 
marionette,   (Ar.  mandral),  minaret,  Hobson- 
Jobson 1 90 


marriage,  customs  of  Thakurs  of  Sind  .  .         «  .  203 
Marseilles,  and  Wm.  Bolts         ......     91 

Mart  and,  Kashmir,  Sun  temple  .  .     218  ;  220 

Marwari,  the  wide  sound  of  B  and  O  in  it,  225—232 
mashi,  Ar.,  to  go,  and  imshi       .  .          .  .          .  .   196 

Mashita,  frontier  fort,  Hauran  diet  .....   177 

material,  of  A6okan  pillars         .  .         .  .         .  .  292 

material  interests,  stray  expressions  of  thought 
on.  in  Ancient  Europe,    233  ;  in  the  Ancient 
East,  234,  f.  ;  or  concerns,  230,  ff.  ;  and  the 
Chaldaeans          ..........   250 

Math  inscrip  ...........   300 

Mathura  museum  .  .          .  .          .  .         '  .   296 

mctti,  earthen  put  .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .  202 

Mattamy,  f  or  Madakara  ........      12 

matter,   the  theory  of,    in  the   Bhagavadgitti,. 

Sup.     24—27 

Maudgalya,  rishi,  Mudgala     .  .    281  &  n.;  282  &  n. 
Muuna,  dyn.,  and  the  Andhras,  otr.     .,         70  :    71 
Mauryan  empire,  and  Kautilya  ..          ..158 

Mauryana  ..          ..          ..          .  .         291,ff. 

Mauryas,  their  god-idols.  .          .  .          51  &  n.  ;   101 

Maval,  Mamala,  di«t.       .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .      78 

Max  Miiller,  and  tho  BluiyavadtftA     .  .         Sup.  29 
Maya,  m.  of  Buddha  .......        Sup.    13 

Mdyfi,  the  Cosmio  Illusion          .  .          .  .     Sup.  3  ;  7 

nid  yakitm,   Ar.,  it  is  becoming  nothing,   and 


Muyura,    contemporary   HIM!    rival    of    Buna- 

bhatta    ..........  107,1. 

MoKonnie,  Capt.  J.,   1  ;  orM«-Konnyl  and  Wm. 

Bc.lts       ........    '  .  .        "2 

meat-oating,  i«9,  n.  ;  and  samdja         .  .          .  .   221 

Mecca,  and  al-Walid        ........    1  74 

Medinah,  mosque,  and  the  mihrdb       .  .          ..175 

Meerut  pillar         .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .  291 

Megasthenes,  on  Chandra  gupta,  53  ;  55,  n.  ;  and 

tho  Andhras,  70  ;  and  Krishna         .  .        Sup.  1  8 
Meyhadtitu,  the,  and  Jinasena,  18;  a  difficulty 

in  it         ..........         251,  ft*  . 

Meghavarna,  k.  of  Ceylon          .  .          .  .  20 

Mehar,  in  Sind,  Ghorai  centre    .  .          .  .          .  .   203 

memorialH,  in  Austria's  commercial  venture  61  —  00 
Menander,    coins    of       .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .      74 

Mendoff,  Manoel,  Austrian  quartermaster      .  .     07 
Merjaniyeh  mosque,  date  .  .          ,  .          .  .   1  75 

Mers,  from  Sind  .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .   198 

Meru,    mt.,  168;   and   Maudgalya,  281  ;   and 

Svetadvipa        ........        Sup.  15 

Mesopotamia,  the  spread  of  Hobson  -  Jobson   in 

196  ;  244 

Mesopotaxnian  method  of  vault  -building  .  .  172  ;  177 
metabletike,  unnatural  exchange  .  .         234,  n. 

Mettaippaoli,  Sansk.  Talpagiri,   an    agrahdra, 

1J.  Arcot  dist  .....         '.  .  M  ,  !.  ;  100 


INDEX 

Mexico,  and  the  Sun-god .217  Mubarak  Shah,  of  Kh*mdesh,  and  Akbar,  141 ; 

Michell,  Peter,  E.  1.  Co.'a  servant        .            .85  182;- 11.                                           . .      183—180 

migration,  Abhira,  into  India     . .         .             35,  f.  Muburaku'dduula,  Nawab  N&cim  of  Bengal.   29,  n. 

Mihirakula,  and  the  Gupta  Era,   New     Light  Mudgagiri,  Mnnger,  and  NArayajiapala  ,.  109  ;  111 

on 10,  ff.  Mudgala,  rtijd  of  N.  I'andifila  dyn.,  or  a  r*^«i 

Mihirakula,  defeated,  103    &  n. ;    and     arly  280  ;  282—284 

heliolatry           . .          ..          ..          ..          ..219  Mud^alauj,   \\iiV  of  Mudgulu,  and  Indrasena, 

mtfirdb,  the,  date  of  introduction          ....   1 75  280,  282 

Mikail,  Archangel,  and  Khwdja  Khizr..         ..  200  Mmlrdrdk*u«a,  the,  and  Kuutil>a,  158,  n.  ,  or 

Mimdmsa,  system  of  philosophy,  100;  109;  257  ;  IVuuiKya  liio,  u 

.    and  the  Vedanta     ..  Sup.  0  &  n.,  7&U..8    34  Mughal,    emperor*,    their    JirmaHit,    etc.,     to 

MtmdWSd  Slltnta 157  &vet«mban«  Church,  140  ;  empire,   143  ;  and 

3,  two 101:100,  f.  the  n«kan          148,1. 

r,  in  Aleppo  mosque,  and  curved  eliarae-  Mu^luilh,  and  the  Dakan             . .          . .           I7S,  1. 

ter           .          ..           17<>,  n  Muhammad  1.,  liahiuani,  1H,  i'.  :  1 1.,  114  ;  143  ; 

Minhaju-d-din,  historian,  and  (Jhahac,la   AchAri  uud  Akbar         144 

Rar^a  of  Banthambhor  -'4IJ      Aluhiuiunad  1.,  of  Ivhundeuh       122 

Minnagara,   cap.  of  NahapamVs  kingdom,   77;  Muhammad   Inn   Tim l.ila<j,  of  Delhi,   113—115; 

several  places  of  the  name,  identification  of  lomh         .  .            .          . .          . .          .  %         .  .170 

mirds i,  hereditary  position          ..          ..          .  Muhammad  Qnli  Qutb  Shnh  oi'  (,;«>!•  ondtxh      ..    I7h 

Mir  Ja'fir,  Nawab  Nuzim,  207,  n.  ;  208  £    n.;  Muhammad    Shah  1.,    Muhammad   I.  of  Clujn- 

and  Omiehund,  20t);  273  ;  Meer  JaihVr. .  270;  27J          nU  185,  i, 

Mir  Kasim,  son-in-law  of  Mir  Ju'fir          .      2(}8  &.  i\  Muhammnd  Xliult  11.,  <>f  Khnndcsl),  H 1,  f.  ;  1 84-   )  Hi 

Mir  Khudaynr  Khan  hati,  Yar  Lutf  Kliai      207  &  n.  \luiwnmuulan,  architecture .    of    tho    1,-Cauraji, 

Mirzas,  overran  Khandesh            . .          •  •          .  .    J42  170  ;  I  75,  f  ;  pcrjod,  of  Maratha  history      .  .    300 

Mirza  Sahib,  and  Ta'lib-i-ibn  V.stud      ..          ••    200  MuhHiimnidaiiB,    llir     riiuiy^adh.     174;     and 

Mlechohhas,  tho  Abhiraq              •-          ••             35,  i.  MAndu    ••            -          ••          ••          ••          ..177 

Moab,  the  stejipe  of  Balga           .  •          •             1  <•*•  *•  .Mu|ak:»,  co.,  and  (.Uiutaiiii))ut.rj,             .  .        150  &  n. 

Modoura,  Madura  l>)]      MillaNihu,  Aluhau  218 

Mogul,  Empire,  44;  rule,  in  the  Punjab              203  jAluj|mi(|j.alJi}  ])oc(t5  ^  nij(|  tho  tfartna   writers 

Moguls,  of  Surat  and  Wm.  Holts,  and  th.»  E.  1  of  ^  Vijayanngara  dyiittKty,  79;  and  MAu- 

Co.             •  .          •  «          •  •          -  •          '  •         -,•>;•»  iiina,',)4  ;  97,  f. ;  or  Pruudhudovurayapuram.  1)U,  t 

Monastery  of  St.  George,  in  Sameh,  172  ;  mon-  Mullens,  J.,  Austrian  sailor  and  Wm.  Holts     .  .      01 

asteries,  in  Orissa          ..          ••          ••          .  .    ->J  Multan,  and  Sufi  h-aniing,  205;  or  Mulasthn, 

moaey-lendiug, 233;  and  Varltd  (usury)  234ii.;  237 J.          Hnd  Sun  worshij.  218 

monks,  Buddhist,  and  Ushavadata       . .         74—70      Alungor?  Miulwiniri         10«    1]  * 

monotheistic  religion,  established  by  Krishna^     ^  Muntakhab-ai-LiMb9  the,  mid  the  iMiruqis     ..    183 

Sup.  »  ,  11-  10  ;  or  monotheism           .Sup.  17  s ;  1 1  ^^{  ^^  ^^  ^  .  ^^  yf                          ,  ^ 

moiiotheirtts,  the  Daryapanthis  . .          .  .     -0-  .  -  Muniftj«muro  ropjwr  plate  of  Yny Ati  Ko^ari  ..211 

Moon -god,  imago              ••          ••            *               ~  Muri>a,  Chandrugupta    ..          ••          ••          ••   223 

Moors,  u-od  Khwaja  Khi/r          ..            •          --^-^  Murshidaljad,    Hud    Wm.    Watts,    etc.    (1757) 

Morvi,  copper-plate         .  •          •  •            •                »   •  205  &  n.~  270  ;  273,  I. 

Moslem,  cult,  in  Siad      ..          ••            •          - '     •  Murta/H  Nitam  Shuh  1.,  of  Ahmadiiagar.   142— 14ti 

Mosques,  at  Kusair  al^Hallabat,  Medmah,  Urst  MuHeum     Iutlifln,  2M  ,  MathurA,  Victoria  and 

Egyptian,  Iba-Tulun,  (Cairo),  Khan  Orthma,  ^^ 2y<| 

etc.,  175  &  n. ;  Mcrjaniyeh,  Aleppo,  el-Aksa  Mushta'qij  llow.de-/rfiime  of  Ta'lib.i-ibn  Ustad.  205 

(Jerusalem)    as-Salih     Taia«i,    170    &     n;  Muslim>  tradition,  of  Alexander  245  (Arabic). .  240 

,n,  Lat  Masjidat  Dhar,   177;  MussalmailH,  «nd  Khwaja    Khizr,    204;    and 

i;    of   Khwaja   Khizr..         ••  -uo  ,                                       „         ..      205:207 

1     t  utii.oftTSuD   16         HinclUb 

8 ;  Meru  . .  1«» ,  -81.  Sup.          m^Mt  .^^ 289,  n. 

Mountain    ranges,    in    dominions    of    Gau  Muttro,  and  Sun  worship          ..       ...     218 ;  22« 

tamiputra         Musaffar  I.,    of    Gujarftt,   115,  f. ;  II.,  122; 

tnka,  deer  symbol   ..         ••  '  jn 141,  f. 

,,  of  Bbtoderf.,  123 ,i.  i  n,  -d  Akba'185  4*  ,  Mu-affftr  Hu,aill  MM,  and  the  Dakan  . .     180  f. 

Mubarak  Khan,  of  ttandeeb,  U8  ;  I.    •  •         180'  ! 


320 


INDEX 


Nabataan  Agriculture,  a  work  by  Ibn  Wahshiyah, 

235  &  n  ;  256 


Nabatuean  tombs,  near  Damascus,  the  archi- 
tecture of,  etc.,  and  the  flauran  . .          . .  169,  f. 
Nabatseans,  Arabs  of  8.  E.  Palestine  . .      169  ;  235 
Nabob,  the  Mogul,'  and  Wm.  Bolts,  2 ;  5 ;  8 ;  11 ; 
or  Haidar  AH  Khan,  12  ;  13 ;  or  Mubaraku- 

'ddaula 20— 31;  34 

Nadup,  Ladup,  S.  of  Kalimati,  stone  implements 

from        135 

Naga,  worship,  and  the  Mauryas,  etc.,  51  ft  n,  I 

Nagas  and  Buddhism  214 

Naganakavi,  court  poet  of  the  Ball  Alas  •  •     . .    97.  t 
Naganika,  q.  to  Satakarm        . .         . .  71  ;  72  &  n. 
nayara,  unit  of  a  settlement       . .         ."•         .  •     35 
Na  hap  Ana,  and   the  Satavahanas,    73    &    n.; 
coins  of,  74   &   n. — 76 ;    or  Nambanos,  77, 
f.  ;  or  Nahavfiua,  112;  and  Gautamiputra, 

etc.        ..          ..          149,  f.;  154 

Naib  Subadar,   Naib  Suba,   deputy   governor 

of  Bengal          29 

Nainaracharya,  and  Kavimalla  , .         . .   100 

Nala,  and  Nalayani,  or  Indrasenfl,  281,  f. ;  or 

Bahuka  283,  f. 

Nalagiri,  Narwar 241,  f. 

Nalanda,  Bargaon  Ill 

NalayanS,  Narayani,  or  Nala 281 

Nambanus,  Mambaros,  Nahapana        . .  77,  f. 

Nanaghat  cavo  inscrip 71  &  n.t  72 

Nanamgola,  perhaps  Nargol,  W.  of  San j an  . .     73 
Nanoowry,  Nicaoree,  a  Nicobar  isl.,  and  Aus- 
tria's commercial  venture  . .         . .     13 ;  61 

Nanda,  k.,  193  ;  and  the  Hathigumpha  inscrip. 

223,  f. 

Nandas,  55  ;  and  Chanakya       . ,         . .     101 ;  103 
Nanda vardhana  and  Panini,  138  ;   or    Nandi- 
vardhana,  and  the  Hathigumpha  inscrip. . .  224 

Nandin,  and  the  Kamafiastra 188 

Nandurbar,  tn,,  in  Gujarat  , .   115—117 ;  124 ;  141 
Nanhu,  Mujsaffar  III.,  of  Gujarat        . .         ..141 

Naples,  and  Wm.  Bolts 92 

Narada,and  Vdrttd,  238 ;  and  gvetadvfpa.  Sup.  15,  f 
Narasirima  Deva,  Ganga  k.,  copperplates  of, 

210;  212 
Narasimhagupta,  k.,  17;  and  Baladitya,  date, 

161;  163,  f. ;  166 

Narasimha  Natha,  temple,  Orissa       ..         ..216 
Nftrayana,  Sup.  12  •  15 ;  Vasudeva  ancTKrishna, 

Sup.  18 

Nar&yanapaia,  k.,  grants  of     . .        . .  110,  f. ;  165 
Narayani,  and  Indragena          . .  181,  S. 

Narendra,  Nandendulj,  etc,,  names  of  Chandra- 
gupta ..         ..55 


Nargoi,  Nanamgola        73,  n. 

Narnala,  tn 142 

Narwar,  Nalagiri,  and  the  Yajvapaia  dyn.    241, « , 

Narwar  Kacheri  inscrip 242,  ft. 

Nasarpur,  in  Sind,  and  the  River  god,  etc , 

198 ;  200—204 

Nasik  inscrips.,  70,   f.;  73—  78, 11.  ;  151—153;   222 
Nasir  ]ftan,  of  Khandoeh  and  JaMngir        . .   186 

nafa,  itinerant  actors 221,  f. 

ndtaka,  or  drama,  of  Rama        . .         . .  96  ;  223,  n. 
Nature,  g.,  and  UderolAl  , .         . .     203  ;  200 

NavAgrama,  etc.,  Puttur,  in  N.  Arcot  . .       95 ;  100 
NawAb    Surfiju    'ddaula,    and    the     British, 

266  &  n.— -270 

Nayapaia,  k.,  of  E.  Magadha m 

Necropolis,  at  Persepolis  293 

Negus,  k.  of  Abyssinia 174 

Nelluru  inscrip.    . .         . .         . .         . .         . .  287 

Nemara  inscrip.  177 

Nomicandra,  on  Mihirakula       . .         . ,         . .     lo 
New  Light  on  the  Gupta  Era  and  Mihirakula 

(contd.  from  Vol.  XLVI,  p.  296)       . .  16,  ff. 

New  Testament,  and  the  Bhagavadyttd     . .  Sup.  2i) 

Nicks,  J.,  E.  J.  Co. 'a  servant 84 

Nicobar  Isls.  arid  Austria's  commercial  venture, 

13;  01;  62;  60 

Nigliva,  pillar 291 

Nilakaitfhakavi,  Bruhmai^a,  of  Mandara       . .     94 
Nirgrantha  Jamas,  and  Kalkiroja        . .         . .     18 

Nirukta  of  Y§aka  19.r> 

Nirvdna,  the  word,  and  th<*  Bhagavadtftd.     Sup.  28 
NUisdra,  a  work  by  Kumandaki,  104 ;  age  of, 

108  ;  and  Kautilya 109 

nttiddstra,  political  ethics  . .         . .          . .  239 

njyf,  and  akshaya-'nivi,  explained  . .         . .     51 

Nipam  Shahi  kings  of  Ahmadnagar     . .  120 ;  148,  f. 
Nizamat,  Government  of  the  Nawab  Nazim  of 

Bengal,  etc 29  A;  n.;  34 

Note,  on  the  Yajvapalas  or  Jajapellas  of  Nar- 
war          241,  ft 

Notes,  from  Old  Factory  Records  . .      56  ;  8* 

Notes  on  Kalidasa,!.,  Early  references,  246,  if. ; 
IL,  Kaiidaaa  and  BhAravi,  249,  f. ;  III.,  A 
Difficulty  in  the  Meghadtita,  281,    f.    ;  IV. 
Second  Difficulty,  in  the  Raghuvatiifa     . .  253,  ff. 
Notes,  on  A6oka  Inscriptions — the  tQrmAshashu  297 
Nrisimha,  form  of  Vishnu          . .         , .    Sup.  69  n. 
Nrivarxnma,  Rajput  k.  of  Narwar       . .         . .  241 
Nuno  da  Cunha,  Port,  governor  of  Diu        . .  123 
Nur-ad-Din,  and  the  Aleppo  mosque   . .        176,  n. 
Nyaya,  philosophy,  101  &  n.;  104  ft  n.;  106;  108;  109 
Nydya-Bhdehya,  the,  102  &  n.i  103  ft  n.;  107$  109 

Nydya-S&tra       108  j  107 

Nydya-Sfara         102  ;  104,  n. 


INDEX 


321 


0  and  E,  the  wide  sound  of,  with  special  re- 
ference to  Gujarat*  (contd.  from  Vol.  XL VI, 

P-304) 24,  ff.  ;  37,  fit.  ;  225,  ft 

Oakley,  Ch,,  E.  I.  Go's,  servant  , .         . .     59 

Oaoupation,  Pratthara,  of  Magadha  . .  109,  ff. 
Ootroi,  exclusive  privilege  of  trade  . .  90  ;  92 

Odra,  atfipas        209 

(Economics  (Xenophon)  233 

Officers,  of  E.  I.  Co.,  obliged  to  go  through 

the  ranks          . .         84 

'oikonomike,  household  management  . .  . .  234 
Old  Factory  Records,  Notes  from  . .  56 ;  84 

Oldenberg,  and  Buddha Sup.  10 

Olden  burgh,  Duchy         , .         . ,         . .          6      n. 

Om,  holy  syllable  Sup.  0  n. 

Omar,  (Aumeo,  *Umr)  Beg,  agent  for  Mir  Ja'- 

fir  209 

Omichund,  New  Light  on          . ,         . .        205,  ff. 

Onore,  tn,,  E.  I.  Co 13;  16 

origin,  Indian,  of  the  BhagavadttUd.  . .  Sup.  28 
Orissa,  shrines  in,  209,  f.  ;  ornaments  of,  2]  Of.;  224 
Orme,  MSS.,  and  India,  205  &  n.  ;  20(>  &  n. ; 

267,  n. ;  268,  n.  ;  209,  n.  ;  270,  n. :  273  &  n 
Oaiah,  Jodhpur  State,  Sun  temple       . .         . ,  210 

Ostrogoth,  Roderick        174 

Oxus,  Vaukeu,  riv.,  17  ;  and  the  Huna  emp.  . .  10 
Ozeno,  Ujjini,  cap.  of  k.  Tiastenes  . .  . .  ir»!} 


padika,  patika,  a  coin  .  .  .  .  *  .  .  70,  f. 

pahild  paUan,  Pily  Phultum,  first  regiment,  7  &  n. 
paintings,  wall,  in  Kusair  'Ainrah  .  .  .  .  174 
Paifchana,  69  ;  Paitfmn,  Baithana,  Pratishthfma, 

etc  .......    •      150&n,  ;  151;  1T>3 

Paia,  dyn.,  of  Bengal,  109—111  ;  inscrips,  .  .  165 
palaces,  ruins  of,  in  the  Hauran,  172;  174;  of 

Cyrus,  Darius  and  Xerxes      ......  293 

Pali,  texts  ........  Sup  10,  n. 

Palm-leaf,  MS.,  the  Trilokasdra,  extract  from, 

2?  ;  record,  Puri,  210  ;  temple,  Puri  .  .         .  .  218 

Pampe,  Hainpe     ..........  287 

Pafichalas,  Aryans  ......  Sup,  13,  n. 


PaftcharatrA,  and  Bhdgavata,  Sup.  12  ;  and  Nara- 
da,  Sup,  15  ;  and  Christianity  .  .  Sup.  16  ;  18—20 

P§j>davas,  and  Dronacharya,  240;  and 
Krishna,  IndrasenA,  281,  f.  ;  and  Krishna, 
etc  .......  Sup.  0;  11-13;  20 

Pandion,  PMya  k  .........    161 

Paijdya,  CO.,  and  ASoka  institutions     ,  .        •  •      48 


Panini,   and  the   wide  sound   of  E  and  0,46; 

cm  Siva,  etc.,  51,  n.;  84;    und  Katyayana, 

dates  of,  138 ;  and  the  Krishija    sect,   etc. 

Sup.  12;  13  &n.  ;  17 

Panjab,  and  Akbar,  145  ;  and  the  Thakurs     . .  203 
pantheistic   doctrines,  ami  the  UhagavadgUd, 

Sup.  3—5,  19;  35 
panther,  wdyh       ..         ..         ..         . .         ..197 

Punuco,  tn.,  and   erotic  sculptures       ..          ..217 

Par,  Paradu,  riv.  f4  &  n, 

Paromadiruju,  YaramfalirAjn      ..         ..         ..  242 

Pura&arah  school  of  philosophy  . .  1 87,  f . 

ParafoirAma,  in  temple  sculpture  ..         ..216 

PArdi,   Surat   diet.,   Dahrascnn   grnnt   at       ..     78 
Pargiter,  Mr.,  and  the   Itigvcda.SaWhM,   280; 

282—284 
Parisd,  ooimoiJ  of  ministers        . .          . .        62  &  n. 

Pari&istajwrva,  the,  and  funnkyrt  . .  190,  n. 
Parivata,  IViriyAtra,part  oft  In-  Vindhya*  range.  151 
Pan^idatta,  govenior  of  NurAHhlra,  under 

Skandagupta . .   104 

Panpasu,  BaruusA,  nv . .  73,  n. 

Ptirtha-Pardkranw      VydytHju,     of     Tarfimara 

PrahlAdunadova,  Book-Not iec  ..          ..    168 

Purthia,  und  St.  Thomas,  txtr.    .  .  Sup.  15  ;  16 

Parthian,  rise,  date  .          .,          ..          ..    138 

Parth inns,  and  vaulted  roofing,  172  ;  or  Partlii- 

vus  .,          ..    138 

Pnrvuti,  g.,  image  . .         . .          . .          . .    137 

parivdna,  Mogul    .  .          .  .         . .          . .          . .        5 

Put-uliputra,  and  Maurya  worship,  51  ;  the 
courtesans  of,  and  Dattaka,  189  ;var  fewtivul, 

etc 209  ;  297,  f. 

Patanjali,  and  Maltdbhd^hya  and  the  word 
[jhosha,  35,  f.  ;  195;  and  Maurya  worship,  etc, 
51  &  n.  ;  138  ;  and  Krishi.ui,  etc.,  Sup.  12  ; 

17;  22;  33 
Pathrf,  and  the  Muglmls  . .          .  . .    178 

PatitthAna,  Paithan        150,  n. 

Patna         291 

pattamdr,  express  messerigei'      . .          ,  . .  7  ;  8 

Pattanesvari,  temple,  and  the  Sim-god  . .  219 

Pattar,  Puttcrah,  Tattara  (Malay&lam),  foreign 

Brahmans         8  &  n. 

Pearlc,  the  frigate  . .         . .         . .         . .     6G 

pedigree,  of  the    sasanam    composers    of    the 
Vijayanagara  empire  . .         . .         . .         . .     81 

Pelagios,  phil.  dax,  and  Kasr  al-BA'ik  . .   172 

pepper,  trade,  and  Bimliapatam,  10;  11 ;  13  ;  15 

89;  91 

periods,  of  the  Bhagavata  religion       . .       Sup.  10 
Periplus,  the,  and  Greek  coins  . .    74  ;  77 ;  78 

Perriman,  J.,  Capt.  of  the  Pearle         . .         . .     56 

Persepolie,  the  Necropolis,  etc 293  ;  295 

Persia,  174  ;  206  ;  and  Mauryan  sculpture.  191—197 
Persian  lang.,  and  Gujarati  words,  26 ;   and 
Indian,  44,  !.;  tradition,  and  Alexander  etc.  245,  f. 


322 


INDEX 


172 


177 
170 
268 
217 


4:5 

37 
32 


Persians,  and  vaulted  roofing,  etc. 

Petra,  Nabatoean  co.,  and  Rome 

Petros,  soa  Arratooa        ........ 

phallic  symbols,  in  temples        ...... 

Philosophical    systems,  Indian,  European,  and 

Jainism  .......... 

Philosophy,    Indian,    101—109;  and  religion, 

combination  of  .  .         .  .  ^U 

phirmaunds,  of  trade,  Mogul 
phonetic    process,    and    the    wide    sound    of 

jBJand  O  ......... 

Phousdar,/awfddr,  31;fouzdar   ..... 

pillars,  of  victory,  94  ;  96  ;  213,  a.  ;  see  Maury- 

ana          ..........          2Ulf  ff. 

Pintjitakavada,  tn.,  and  Ushavad&ta  .  .          •  .     73 
Pir  Muhammad  Khan,  governor  of  Malwu       .  .   124 
Pir  Patho,  cult  of  ......      204  ;  207 

Pisajipadaka,  vil.,  in  Nasik  grant         .  .          .  .   152 

Pischel,  Prof.t  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  O, 

43  &  n. 

P'i-shen-p'o  pu-lo,  for  Bislmavpur,  Vishnupur, 

204,  n. 
pitis,  cash,  iaTrengganu  ......     28 

Plassey,   Palasi,   battle,   etc.,   and   Ornichund, 

209,  f.;  273,  f. 


pranaya,  gift  of  affection,  a  tax        ..        .  .  50,  f. 

praptis,  gratuitous  distribution  of  water         .  .     74 
Prapatti-yoga       ........       Sup.  23 

Pr&s&davallabha,  ancestor  of  Arunagiri     .  .  94  ;  96 
Pradannqkdvya,  a  work  by  Bh^karftrya         .  .     96 
Pratihara  Occupation  of  Magadha        ,  .         109,  fi. 
pratijfid,  coronation  oath    ....         .  •  50 

Pratisht'hftna,  or  Paithan,  birthplace  of  Satava- 

hana,  69  ;  cap.  of  Mujaka,  150  ;  Baithanu   .  .    153 
prali'Vedakas,  ushers        .  .          .  :          •  •         54  &  n. 
Praudhadevarftyu,    k.,  copperplates    of,    79; 

Maharaya,  and  the  poet  fedijadrinatha.  95;  96?  100 
Praudhadevarayapuram,  or  Mujjanclram.    .  .    99,  f. 
1'ravarasena  II.,  Chammak  grant  of    ..          ..165 

predestination,"  and  the  BhayavadgUd  .  .        Sup.  2(i 
prehistoric  architecture  ......   170 

pre-MusHdlman,  times  in  Sind    .  .          .  ,          .  ,    197 
Prcster,  Jolm,  of  Abyssinia,  legend  of  .  .          .  .   24  1> 

Princeton  expedition  and  architecture  in   the 


Vlato,  and  economics 
Pliny,  and  the  Andhras 
Poets,  of   Mullan<Jram,  • 


233  &  n. 

70 

Vivekapatrama 

79,  ff.;  94,  ff. 

Poksharas,  Pushkar,  W.  of  Ajiner,  throe  places 
uf  the  name        . .          .  .          .  .          . .         75  &  n. 

Polernaios,  Sri-l^ijumavi  . .         . .      151  ;  153 

political  economy,  first  use  of  the  naruu         . .  234 
political   history,  of  the  Dokkau,  of  the  Satu- 


vahana  Period 

Polity,  23G ;  240  ;  257  ;  see  Di 
Polyacatt,  Pulicat 
Pondicherry,  and  Wm.  Bolts 
Poonah,  and  Wm.  Bolts. 
Popham,  Step.,  E.  I.  Co/w  servant 
porcelain,  trade  in 
Port     L' Orient,    and     Austria's 

venture 
Portuguese,  trade,  in  India 


3,  4 


69,  ff.;  149,  ff. 
..    102 
..     01 
..     12 
6  ,  7  ,  8  ;  10 
07,  f. 
89;  91 
commercial 

57—59 
..  3;  4 


PoriiR,  and  the  stratagem  used  by  Alexander, 

245,  f. 
Potalaka,  Potigai  (Greek  Bettigo)        . .         .  .48,  f. 

Potana,  Potali,  cap.  of  Asalca 150 

Potiyam  or  Potigai,  nit.,  or  Agastya's  Hill, .  48,  f. 
pounder,  atone,  from  Ohota  Nagpur  . .  . .  136 
Pwetorium,  at  Umm-al-Jaraal  ..  *  ..  ..172 
Prahladatiadeva,  Paramara  Yuvaraja,  writer. .  168 

Prajfia,  wisdom 217 

prajltdpanfa,  public  proclamations  of  AAoka . .     fi2 
Prakrit  or  Apabhrarada,  and  the  wide  sound  of 
J5  and  O  . .         26,  f,;  37—41 ;  43—45  ;  231 


172 
216 
243 
r>l 


Prithvi,  earth  goddess 
Prithvfraja,  Ch&hamana  k.,  coins  of     .  . 
Priyada  lii,  and  Asoka 
proclamations,     of.    Priyadarsi,     f>l  ;     prujnd- 
panas      . .          .  .          . .          . .          . .          . .     52 

prospectus,    of   Wm.  Bolts'  Company,  85,  ff.  ; 

note  on 88,  ff. 

prostitutes,  intercourse  with       ..          ..          ..189 

Pro viridia  Arabia,  Nabatomn  kingdom.  .          ..    170 

Ptolemaios,  Klaudios,  and  W.  India     . .          .  .    163 

Ptolemy,    011    Mhmagara,    78;    contemporary 
with  Cautamiputru,  etc.          ..          ..       150,151 

Ptolemies,  fall  of  their  empire    .  .          .  .          .  .    1 69 

l*ugar,  disriplc  of  Uderolnl        . .  200,  201  &  n.  ;  203 

Pulicat,  Polyacatt  61 

pulla,  fish  . .       * 207 

Pujumaviand  Pulumayi,  7,r>n,;  Polemuiou*.  150-155 

PumJarikapura,  Chidambaram 94 

£u^iravardhana-bhukti,  N.  Bengal  . .  1(52  165 
pura,  (Pali)  meaning,  capital  town  . ,  . .  71 
Puragupta,  17  ;  date,  161,  f. ;  and  Skandogupta, 

suggested  identity  of  . .          . .        163  &  n. — 166 
Purana    literature,    and     the    Bfiagavadyitd, 

Sup.  8 ;  9 ;  30  ,  32 
I'urdnas,  and  the  Andhras,  etc.  71,  f.    ;  and 

Vdrtta,  etc 235  &n.— 239  &  n. 

Purandara  Kdgari,  possibly  a  Somavauisi  k.. .  211 
Puranic  list,  and  Post-indhrabhritya  rulers, 

identification  of . .  298 

Puri,  tn.,  and  the  palm-leaf  record,  210  ;  and 
the  Vateftvara  tree,  214;  temple  ornaments, 

etc 216,1. 

Purushottama,  g,            . .         . .  gup.  12 ;  21 

Puahkar,  Poktharae,  W.  of  Ajiner      . .  75  &  rr  ;  76 
Puttur,  NavAgrahara,  Nl'Arcot,  and  iSdna- 
drinAtha  95,  f, 


323 


Qadr  BW»  Bftbadur  Shah  of  KhftndeBh  .  .  179 

qastal,  ft  c<*lr<*    ........        .  .  177 


,  an-Uh,  XV  .  i 


ol 


Quli  Qu#>  Shfth  of  Golcondah,  122  ;  and  Huruft. 
yuii         •  •         "         ........  123 

<jutb  Saheb,  Qutb-ud-din  Bakhtyar  Kaki  of 


U«h,  and  Khw&ja  Khizr . , 


H,  cure  for 


206 


207,  {. 


28f.  a. 
19 
1<J9 
243 
212 
202 


...  ......  247 

fia<7/tut>Omia,  the,  and  the  Tainraparni  riv.,  49  ; 
and  Ba^a,  etc.,  Subandhu'n  reference  to,  247 
—249  ;  a  difficulty  in   ........  263 

Rfthu,  planet         ..         ..         ..         ..         .  .   1J2 

RAJ,  inscrip.,  of  Asalla  Deva       ..         ..         .  .  24  J 

Kai  Durlabh,  Diwdn  to  Suraju'd-daula.  .261);  273,  f. 
Hilja  Ahmad,  reputed  first  ruler  of  Khandosh, 

114;   J82;  185,  f. 
Rfijii     'All,    'AH    Bhon,     <>r    Adil    Shalt    TV. 

144—149  ;  183—  18(J 

Rajanatha,    eon    of    Arui>agiri,    possibly  two 
poets  of  the  name    ......     94  ;  00—  -08 

Rajanathapura,  94  ;  or  Talpagiri  100 

Rajanath&fivara,  Uiiffa,  ot  RnjanAtnnpuru  '*4 

R&jaraja  1,  inscrips.  of     .  .          .  .  &9 

Raja  Sirkap,  Panjab  Saka  hero  2K3 

Rajasthani,  and  the  wido  eound  of  E  and  f  '. 

4),  42  :  4-1  .  22a—  232 

Kdjatarangi*i,  the,  and  Mihirakula       .  .          18,10 
Rojendracholadova  1,  Gaiigaikoyda  CJi61a.     i)4  ,  99 
Rajmaha),  and  the  Sun-god        ......   219 

Raiputam*,   and  Bhumaka,    73  ;  anrMrie  Mala- 

va«          ..........         7B*"- 

Rajputfi  <  f  Narwar,  genealogical  ta»)le  of        .  .   241 
Rajyapala,  Bargaon  inscrip,  of  .  .         .  .    1  1) 

Rama,  kdvya  of,  96;  and  Vdrttd,  238  ;  and  Vi4- 

vdmitra,  240  ;  and  Vi^nu      .  .         -  -       Sup.  1  7 
Rama-iBin  ........  Sup.  10;  20 

Ramakavi,    author    of    the    Sane.     HnMadrfi> 

Dhananjaya-ndtaka      .  .          ......  97'  i> 

Ramanuja,  system  of      .  .  .  Kup.  4  '  »  ;  1  fl  ;  23 

R&niapala,  and  E.  Magadha       ......   ** 

Ramatirtha,  tn.,  and  Ushavadata         .  .          .  .     73 

Rdindya«at  the,  and  the  word  f/fowfca,  35  ;  and 

V4r«o     ..  283&n.:237&n.;238&n.;25b 

Ramsay,  And.,  of  Bombay,  and  Win.   Bolts, 

I)  A  n      10 

Katiga  II,  oopperplates  of,  79  ;  VI       .  .         .  .     81 
rankfl,  B-  I-  OO/B  officers  obliged  to  go  through 

them      ........         '  '  „ 

Banthambhor,  district  and  battle        .  .         •  •  ^« 
ro*a,  sentiments,  symbota  of,  in  temples       .  .  ^" 


Lte  k.,  Kriguuraja  III 
Rataurai,  Arora,  a  name  of  UderolaJ 
Rutaul  plate  inscrip. 
Ratha  Yatra,  Car  festival 
Ratnani  Shor,  Vderolal 
Ratnaprabha,  a  hell,  and  Kalkimju 
ram,  s&ri,  body  cloth 
Ravenscroft,  Mr.,  K.  I.  Co.V  MTXHIU 

Ra/i-al'Mulk,  Ahmad  11.,  of  Ou  jurat  . 

re-birth,  and  birth,  in  the  R/«i0ai<adgU4.  Hup.  26,  26 

record,  pulm-lcaf ,  in  Puri  210 

Records,  Old  Fnolor>  ,  Notes  froni         . .          fi6  ;  84 
redwood,    from   Kaliot,    Anntriai      trade     in, 

:i2--34  ;  04  &  n. 
references,  to  places  mentioned  in  copper-plate 


202 
4 
HI 


grants 79—81 

rcformadoe,  volunteers    .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .      S4 

Religion,  in   Sind,   (contd.   Iroin   Vol.    XLVI, 

p.  208) 107,  ff. 

Religion,  moriothri^tie,  ol    Knshua,  do.    Sup. 

9— 13  ;  and  philosophy  ..          ..         Hup.  14 

Ronaud,  Nie,,  Austrian  seanian  .  .  .  .      (i8 

Republic,  The,  (Plato)  and  eeononiies    .  .  .  .    233 

Revised  Chronology   «  i'   the   Lust    Uuptii    Em- 

perors      .  .  .  .  .  •  •  •  •  •  101,  ff. 

revision,  of  the  IthayiU'iiduttti,  date        ..Sup.  30.  :<1 
'   Revival,  Hindu,  in  ISind  -  .          .  .  2011,  t. 

/,  and  monotheism  ..          ••         Sup.  Hi 

f-iS't/'.'i/tt'/ri,    and    the    name    Indrasena, 

280  ,  282  .  28.'J  A.  n. 

t,  or  Aclmavata,  Satpura  Jlills          . .    1M 
i,  and  ITshavadiUa  . .         73  &  u. 

Ritchie,  R.,  E-  1.  ('o.'d  agent,  Vienna  . .    08  ;  86,  fl. 
River  cult  in  Sind,  sec  Religion  in  Sind  . .      197,  IT. 
Rock  Edicts,  identification  of  Tambapamri.      48,  f. 
Hock  edicts,  1.,  221  :  2J)7-&n.,  Xlll,  71  ;  inscrip., 
I       Junaga<,lh  •  •  •  •          •  •  Io4  't  lo*,  n. 

!    Roderick,  tho  Ostrogoth  174 

,  Rodriqiuv/-,       Domingo,     of     TcOlichcrry,  and 

VViu.  Bolts         io 

Rohan khcd,  battle  l47 

Roman,    Emperors,    coins  of,    74;   Bnd   Kftd- 
pluses,    77 ;    architecture,  in   tho    Hauran, 

170;  177;  art 2-)4 

Ronmna,  and  the  J.akhiuid  k.  Imrulques  . .  1  77 
rooting,  systems,  see,  Vaulting  System  . .  1 69,  £f. 
KoHBotti/J.,  "rid  Wm.  Bolts'  Company  . .  86  ,  H8 
routines,  of  Asoka,  and  of  Chandragupta  .  .54,  n. 
Roy,  Protap  Chandra,  and  the  Bhagavadyitd  <. 

Sup.  1  n. 

Royal    Henry,    ship        :il 

^sis,    seers     of     olden     days,     And     Indian 
philosophical  sy stems »   101 


824 


INDEX 


Rudra,  or  Siva 218 

Rudradaraan,   50;   and   Gautamiputra    ftata- 

karni,  etc.         164  &  D*l  155 

Rudrm-Satakarni 156 

Rudrasena,  copperplate  grant  of         . .        . .  165 

ruins,  of  Kuiair-alOaaiiabat,  etc 170 

Rulers,  Fftrftqi,  of  fihftndeah,  list  .  -  1 85,  f . 
Rulers,  Post-Andhrabbritya,  of  the  Puranio  list.  298 
Rumbold,  Sir  Thos,,  gov.  of  Madras  . .  57  *  n.,  58 

Ruramendei  Pillar,  291 ;  insorip 294 

Ryan,  agent  for  Wm.  Bolts       57 


Sabandhu,  and  Mallanaga          189 

Sabhapati,  and  Siva        96 

Sabhapati,  Phakka  Sabhapati,  ancestor  of  the 
poets  of  MullantjLram,  94,  f.  ;  a  second  of  the 

name 96 ;  98 

aaared  thread,  cut  . .          . .          . .          . .    198 

sacrifices,  in  Nan&ghat  inscrip.,  71,  72  An.; 
animal  aud  vegetable,  189,  n.;  in  the  Bhaga" 

vadgltd 6&n.,  7,  n.;  18  ;  32 

Sadafiiva-diVfl-rfiya,  copperplate  of      . .          . .     81 

Sadinon,  the  &atavAhanas          150 

Sages,  Indian,  and  Svetadvlpa,  and  Alexandria, 
Sup.  15,  10;  Kshatriya,  and  Yoga  teaching, 

Sup.   32 

Sahya,  Hills,  Sahy&dris 151 

St.  Francis  197  &  n. 

St.  George,  fort,  and  Austria's  commercial 
venture,  7  ;  56 — 59;  61 — 63  ;  69  ;  84;  monas- 
tery, in  Sameh  1 72 

St  James,  court  of,  and  Vienna,  5  ;  63  >'  05  ;  or 
London  . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .       3 

St.  Paul,  Epistles  of,  and  the  Bhagavadgitd.  Sup.  29 
St.  Thomas,  and  Parthia  . .  . .  Sup.  16 

St.  ThomS,  near  Madras  58 

Saiva  Brfthmanas,  and  Rajfridra  Chdladeva  T.  99 
Saka,  year,  10, 17  ;  era ,  20 ;  76  ;  rulers,  of  the 

Panjab 263 

&aka-kdla,  faaka-nripaJcdfa,  and  other  variants.  70 
£fikalya-Malla,  court  poet,  and  Nainaracharya.  100 
&akapuni,  on  Trivikrama  Vijhnu  worship  . .  84 
&akas,  and  Dadapura,  78 ;  the  Parthivas  . .  138 

Sftkasena,  Siri-Sata,  k.  155 

Sakti,  female  counterpart  of  Siva  . .  136  &  n. 
&aktis>!,  Hakusiri,  son  of  ^atakarni  . .  . .  72 
Slkuntala,  the,  247—249 ;  and  Subandhu  . .  264 

Sakyama,  Ydma 299 

Saladin,  and  the  el-Aksa  mosque,  Jerusalem.  176,  n. 

Salfan,  Sultan,  Jahangir  181 

Saiivahana,  &atav&hana  69 

&tUivahana-6aka  70 


saltpetre,  trade  in 
Saiur,  insorip 


866  6  n. 

..  28$ 


a  kdvya,  attributed  to  R4|a- 

..        97—  9fr 
Sajuva  Narasimha,,  Vijayanagara  k  .....     97 

salvation,  in  the  Bhagavadgitd  .  .  Sup.  25,  f. 

samdja,  word  in  Rook  Edict  I.  .  .      221,  ff. 

8amarr&,  and  Muhammadan  buildings          .  .  1  75 
S&nxba  ;  son  of  Kfishna  ......  213 

Sambalpore,  and  the  Somavatnsi  kings       .  .  210,  u. 
Sambu,  and  the  Solar  cult         ......  218 

Sftxndipani,  preceptor  of  Krishna          .  .         .  .  240 

Sameh,  example  of  vaulted  roof,  at     ..         k.  172 
Samjaya,  charioteer       .  .         .  .  Sup.  20  ;  3ft 

ftamkara     ............   105 

S&mkhya,  system  of  philosophy,  102  ;   105  $ 

n.:  107  —  109  ;  and  the  BhagavadgttA.      Sup. 

14  ;  22—  -26  :  28    34 
SAmkya-Yoga,  monotheism,  Sup.  6  &  n.:  8  ;  17 

19;  21  ;  27    35 
Samson,  legend     ..........  208 

Samudra,  and  the  Brahmans  of  Sind    ,  .         .  .   1  97 
Samudragupta  and  Meghavarna  of  Ceylon     .  .     20 
sawvdlui,  unit  of  a  settlement    ......     35 

tanads,  Mughal,  to  Avotambara  Church  .  .    1  40 

Saiichi,  stfipa,  inscrip.,   72  ;  or  topes,    214  ; 

pillar       ............   291 

Sanctifwimo  Sacramento,  Austrian  ship  .  .     ,*{2 

Sanda  inscrip.        .  .          .  .         .  .          .  .          .  .   288 

Sandhyd,  prayer,  and  A6oka       ,  .          .  .          .  .     54 

Sankara,194;  and  the  (ivetdavalara  U  pants  had, 

Sup.  15  ;  or  Sankaracharya,  and  the   Bhaga- 

vata-Pancharfitra  religion       ..         ..     Sup.     18 

Sai'ikaracharya  mat  ha,  or  Kamak6tffivara  pit  ha, 

94;  96 
Sankhya,  philosophy      .  .          .  .          .  .          .  .   109 

Sankisa,  column  ........          291,  f. 

Sanskrit,  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  O,  25  ; 

26;  28,  n.;  37—41  ;  43  &  n.—  46  ;  229  <fe  n., 

230;  in  inscrip.,  Ill  ;  texts,  and  Vdntd,  238 

&  n.,  239  ;  266  ;  and  the  Sudras     .  .          .  .   240 
Sanskrit  Poems,  by  Mayura,  and  Buna's  Candi- 

Sataka,  Book*  Notice    ........   167 

Saranatha  inscrip.  .  .          .  .  52  ;  298  &  n. 

Saras  vat!,  and  dramatic  art      ,  .         .  .         .  .  221 

Sdrathi,  charioteer,  of  the  sun    .  .         .  .      136  ;  280 

Sarhang,  sarang,  native  skipper.  .          .  .          .  .     31 

Sarika,  demon      .  .         .  .         .  .         .  .         .  .   197 

Sarnath,  inscrips.,  16,  f.;  image,  etc.  161  —  163  ; 

166,  f.  ;  column  .  .         .  .  291,  £.;  294 

Sfoana,  orders,  52,  n.  ;  documents,  79  ;  writers 

of  the  Vijayanagara  kings    .  .         ,  .  98,  f. 

tdsanam,   composers    and   engravers   of   the 

Vijayanagara  empire,  pedigree,  etc!  .'  .         ,  .  82,  f. 
tdrtra,  stage  of  development      ......  JOl 


enujOB,  vji  vjuvii  D«Bnms,  j  ov  t  ui  muumiries      t~4  I 

102—104;  109  ;  of  kings,  160  ;  expositions  of, 
190—194  ;  or  art,  of  wealth  . .          . .     234  ;  25G 

Scott,  Revd.  K.,  and  coins  of  NahapAnn        . .  74,  f- 
Soott,  H.,  Customs  officer,  Calcutta      . .          . .     32 

Sorafton,  Luke,  and  Omichund,  267  &u.;  209  &  n.;273 
script,  Nabatwan  .  .          . .          . .          . .          . .   1 70 

sculpture,   remains    of   old   Indian,    212 ;   see 
Mauryaiia  . .          .  .          .  .          . .         291,  ff. 

Scythia,  co.,  in  Sind          .  .          . .          . .  78 

sea,  and  the   Indus  .  .          . .          . .          ..197 

seduction,  of  a  maiden     .  .          .  .          . .          . .    189 

Sehwan,  in  Sind,  and  Uderolal,  etc.  .  .200  :  202—205 
Select  Secret  Committee,  later  the  Foreign  De- 
partment            200  &  n.,  269 

Seleucida,  fall  of 1 69 

Seleucos,  and  Chandragupta      . .         . .         . .     70 

Sen,  dyn.,  Bengal,  sun  worshippers      . .         . .  219 

Senart,  on  Krishna          Sup.  10,  f. 

Sorampore,  &rirampur,  and  Wm.  Bolts.      . .  30  ;  58 
Seringapatam,  and  Wm.  Bolts  . .         . .  12,  f. 

Seriva,  ancient  Andhapura         71 

serpent,  in  temple  sculpture 215 

&esha,  serpent,  reputed  father  of  &&tav&hana . .    70 

Setagiri,  hills,  unidentified         151 

Seths,  Bengal  Hindu  financial  community,  and 
Omichund,  etc.  . .     267  &  n.  ;  268  :  270,  n. 

settlement,  Aryan,  units  of       35 

Settlements,   projected  Austrian,  in    Gogo,  7; 
Bimliapatam,  10  ;  Nicobars,  13  ;  E.  I.  Co.  '9, 
in  Sumatra,  56;  67;  Dutch,  etc.,  Baranagore.  58 
sex,  and  ethics,  etc 217 


Siritanu  fcristana,  probably  &ri-6aila    .  .  .  .    151 

Sirkap,  c.  on  Taxi  la  silo  .  .          .  .          . .    263 

Siro-Polemairt,  &ri-Pulumuvi       .  .          .  .          .  .    153 

Sisuka.  Shnuka,  Aridhra  conqueror       .  .          .  .      71 

Siva,  and   Mihirakula,    19:  mid  the  Mauryae, 
51  &n.;    temples,  etc.,   and  the  Brdhmana* 
of  Mandara,  94 — 97 ;  and  the  Sun  -god,    1 36  & 
n.:  137;  or  Rudra,  218;  DionysoH,   Sup.  18; 
Vighnu  Ilari-Hara        .  .          .  .          .  .         Sup.  20 

&ivadatta,  Abhira  k.        . .          .  .          .  .          . .    136 

Siva  -Sri-  S&takarui,  coins  of,  etc.  .  .          .  .    155 

Skanda,  worshipped  by  the  Mauryas    .  .          . ,      51 
Skandagupta,  1 7  ;  his  Kahanin  pillar  insorip., 

20  j  and  Purapupta,  suggewtcd  identity.  161 — 167 
slaughter,  and  killing,  189,  n.  ;  221  ;  of  Bethlo- 
ham         . .          . .          . .          . .          .  .       Sup.   1 0 

slaves,  for  E.  I.  Co.,  Sumatra      .  .          .  .  56 

Smith,  Hon.  Chas.,  President,  Madras              , .      61 
Smriti,  stage  of  development  in   Indian  spiri- 
tual life 101 

Snow  Vienna,  Austrian  ship       .  .          61,  f.;  65—67 
Society,  Triestine,  (sec  Company)          .  .  85,  ff, 

Segal,  inscrip.       . .          . .          .  .          .  .          . .   287 

solar,  eclipse,  16,   f.  ;   cult,   see    Sun   Temple, 

Konarak,  209,  ft  ;  theory,  and  Buddha.  Sup.  10,  f . 
Solen,  probably   variant   of  Ceylon,  Greek  for 
Tamraparni  riv.     '       . .          . .          . .          . .     49 

Somadeva,  Jaina  author,  and  Mihirakula,  19 ; 
and  &&tavahana  . .         . .         . .         . .     69 

Somais,  Somai,  Thakura,  Xasapur        . .       201;  203 
Dikshita,  of  Mandara          . .         . .     94 


326 


INDEX 


Sontavattt-yvydnanda'prafuwana,    a   work    by 

Aranagiri  07  &  n.,  125,  n. 

Somavariifl!,  kings,  of  Katak 210 

S6m66vara,  Chahamana  k.t  coins  of      . .         . .  243 
SomeSvara  1.,  W.  Chalukya  k.,  285  ;  or  Trailo. 
kyamalla    Ahavamalla,  289;    II. ,    285,    or 
Bhuvanaikamalla,  289,  f.  ;  III.,  IV.        . .     285 

Somo,  brother  of  Uderolftl       200 

Sftnadrinatha,     Arunagirinutha,     poet,     of 

Mullanclram 94—98 

66nagiri,  Arunagirin&tha  98 

Sonda,  Soundah,  in  N.  Kaiiara,  and  Austria's 

commercial  venture 13  ;  15,  n. 

Song  of  Jasavanta  Sonegars,  date  . .  . .  47 
Song  Yong,  Chinese  pilgrim,  on  Mihirakula,  eto.  1 9 
Sophist,  Dialogue,  (Plato),  and  economics  . .  233 
Sdrp&raga,  and  &oparu,  cap.  of  an  ancient 

dist 73  &n.)  78 

Soul,  the,  and  K&mandaki,  108,    f . ;    trans- 
migration of,  etc.,  Sup.  2;  4;  5;  21;  23—25;  27,  f. 
sound,  the  wide,  of  E  and  O,    (oontd.  from 

Vol.    XLVI,  p.  304)     .  .      24,  ff.;  37,  ff.  ;  225,  ff. 
Spirit,  the  theory  of,  in  the  Bhagavadgltd     . . 

Sup.  24—26 ;  31;  34 

Spiritual,  life,  Indian,  stages  of,  101 ;  and  the 
Kshatriyas          . .          . .          . .  Sup.  9 

Spring,  in  the  Raghuvathfa . .      . .       253  ;  254  &  n. 

springs,  in  Siud 204  &  n. 

Sraddadhdndn,  superstitious  devotees  . .  . .  51 
Sravana  Belgoja,  in  Mysore,  statue  in. .  . .  139 
Sri,  goddess,  in  the  ArthaMtira,  61,  n.  ;  and 

Mah&Lakshmi  216 

Sri-Chandra-Sati,  k.,  coins  of  . .         . .  155,  f. 

faftkanthdgrama,  the,  and  the  poets  of  Mullap- 

dram      . .          89,  f. 

Srinangaraya  II.,  the  Arivi.ll mahgalam  plates  of,  79 
Jringdra  rasa,  erotic  passion,  and  temple 

sculpture  (see  erotic,  216) 217 

SrS-parvata,  gin-tana,    hill        151 

$r!-Pu|umavi,  Siro  PolemaioB 153 

Srirauga,  II.,  copperplates  of 81 

gri-Saila,  k.,  Sirifana 1 51 

drivallabha,  and   Varatunga  P&ntfya,  copper- 
plates of 81 

stage,  the,  in  ancient  India        222 

Staht,     Lieut.,       and      Austria's      commer- 
cial venture 61,  f. 

staples,  Europe  staples,  and  Austria's  commer- 
cial venture 10  ;  15 

State -craft,    (see  Dandantti,    102)    science  of 

102—104  ;  109 
statues,    Gommafcedvara,  at  Sravana-Belgola, 

139  ;  female,  Besenagar         296 

Stedman,  Sam.,  E.  I.  Co. 'a  servant    . .         . .     11 
Steppe  of  Balqa,  Moab,  and  the  Umayyada.  178,  f . 


Sthangunduru,  ay  r altar  a,  subjects  studied  there.  257 
Stone,  inscrips.,  Bhimpur          . .          . .          . .  242 

Stormont,  Visoouiit,  Sec.  of  State  . .  64  &  n. 

Strait  Settlements,  coinage  of 28 

Stratagem,  of  Alexander,  against  Porua..245,  f. 
at&pa*,  Safichi,  72;  216;  Buddhist  and  Jaina, 

111  ;  J14;  in  Otfra 209 

Subandhu,  and  Kdlidasa  . .         . .          247,  f. 

Subha -Chandra,  Jaina  mouk     . .         . .         . .  210 

Subhadrd-DJwnanjayandtaka,  play,  by  Rama- 

kavi  97  ;  125,  n. 

Subrahmanyakavi,  scholar  of  Mandara  . .  94 

Sudarsana-laka 162,  n.;  164 

Sudasana,  vil.,  in  Ntisik  cave  grant  . .  152  &  11. 
JSudrakti  Satavahana,  and  Vikrama  *112 

JSudras,  and  Abhiras,  35,  f.  ;  and  Vdrttd,  237  n.— 

239,  n.  ;  and  emancipation  . .  . .  Sup.  27 
Suffolk,  Earl  of,  Sec.  of  State  . .  . .  57  &  n. 
Sufi-isn  ,  and  Daryapaothi  religion  . .  204,  f. 

sugar,  manufactured  by  the  Austrians. .  13 

Sukkdni,  quarter-master  .  .          .  .  67 

Sukkar,  in  Sirid 202 

&ukra,  Kavya  U6anas,  U6anas  . .          . .          . .    106 

Sulivan,  Ben.,  of  Fort  St.  George          . .          . .     63 

Sultan,  Suratrftna,  and  Sd^adri,  95,  f.  ;  Murad, 
178—180;     Salim,    JahAngir,    Khusrai,  and 

IQiaiidesh 181  ;  185,  >. 

Sumatra,  J5  1.  Co.'s  settlement            . .          . .     56 
Sun  Temple,  Kanarak,  alleged  Buddhist  influ- 
ence in         209,  ff. 

Sun,  and  Brahma  etc.,  136;  138;  worship,  in 
Mexico,  217  ;  in  the  Raghuvariifa,  253 — 255  ; 
and  Buddha,  Sup.  10 ;  Sflrya. .  . .  Sup.  32 

Suiigas,  and  Si£uka         71 

a&pakdra-sdstra,  cooking . .         . .          . .         . .  239 

Superb,  E.  I.  Co.'s  ship 58 

Sur,  dyn.,  of  Delhi  124 

Suraju'ddaula,  and  Omichund,  etc.,  265—270:273,!. 

Surapala,  Vigrahapala 165 

Surash^ra,  KAthiawad,  150  i   153  ;  and  Gauta- 

miputra,  otc 154  ;  164 

Surat,  Mogul's  city,  and  Wm.  Bolts,  etc.  2,3, 

5  ;  8;  and  Kapura 78 

Suratha,  Surllshtra  150 

Surwaya,  inscrip.  of  Ga^apati  Raja  . .  . .  241 
Sfcrya,  Sun  g.,  138;  or  Stiryya,  214;  and  the 

warrior  caste Sup.  32 

efarat  style,  and  bhdsya  style  . .  . .  190 — 192 
Suvarpamukha,  tn.,  and  Ushavadata  ..  ..73 
Suvar^an&bha,  writer  ..  .,  ..  ..189 

Suvarnae,  coins 7tt 

Svayambhu,  son  of  TyfigarAja,   of   Mandara, 
possibly  two  of  the  name       ..         •.        94 — 96 


IND  E  X 


327 


iSvetadvipa,  White  Island,  aud  the  Sages 
N&rada,  etc Sup  15  &n. ;  16 

Svetaketu,  and  the  Kdtnasfatra          . ,        188  &  n. 

Svetambara,  Jain  sect 140 

ftvetdtvatara  Ujanishad Sup.  14  ;  15 

$vetavAha,  and  other  variants,  names  of  Ar- 
juna  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  Sup.  13 

Syria,  and  the  week  days,  112;  and  architec- 
ture, etc.  170—172  ;  170,  n.  ;  and  Antiochus.  297 

Systems,  Philosophical,  of  India    . .  101  :  104—106 


Tabyi,  historian  . .         . .         . .         . .         ..174 

Tafa'ul  Khan,  stone  seat,  Khandesh       . .         , .    102 
Taila  1.,  Bfldami  Chalukya  k.,  280;  II.,  285,  i 

280  &    u.;    or   Ahavamalla,   287 ;    III.      . .  285 

Taimur  and  India  115 

Tak  Eivaii,  building  near  Karldi  .  .          . .   173 

takiyaht  hermit'*  hut       .206 

Talgund,  inscrip.  287 

Ta'lib-i-ibn       Uatad,      or      Mushta'qi,     Siiid 

legend ^05 

Talpagiri,  Mettaippadi  or  Rajanathapura .  94  ;  100 

taniasa,  sacrifice  Sup.  6,  n. 

Tambapumni,  riv.,  identification  of      . .  48,  f.;  297 

Tamrapurm,  riv 48»  f • 

tonmatdniudrUd,  totality  of  followers  of  a  doc- 
trine         I** 

Tarikh'i'tiMvaji,  Persian  work 300 

Tatpdddnudhydta,  expression,  applied  to  Pura- 
gupta      . .         •  •         •  •         •  •         •  •         1 04,  f . 

Tatta,  cap.  of  Sind,  and  Uderoiai     ..  19s,  f.;  204 

lattvas        13y 

Taxila,  Soroll,  inscrip.  70 ;  tn.,  138 ;  and  Sir- 

kap         *«3 

Taylor,  J.,  of  Madrasapatam 01 

teg,  sword  20° 

Tel,  Telingiri,  and  the  Telavaha  riv 71 

Telang,  on  Bhakti  ..         . .  Sup.  1C  &  n.  ;  28,  n.— 32 
Telliohorry,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 

8—12  :    14 

Telugu,  co.,  Andhradesa  71 

Temples,  of  Siva  and  Vfehpu,  94,  90 ;  of  the 
Sun,  Kanarak,  etc.,    209,  ff. ;  and  worship 
department,  Mauryan  institution     ..         . .     51 
terms,  explained,  in  the  ArthaMetra     . .          50,  ff. 

territory  of  Gautamiputra         1  CO 

Tossitori,  Dr.,  and  the  wide  sound  of  E  and  O, 

37  &  n.— 39  ;  43—47 ;  225,  ff . 

texts,  on  V&rUA,  etc 238—240 

Thakurs,  and  Uderoiai,  200  &  n.;  201  &  n.;  202 ; 
and  exogamy 203;  207 


Thalner,   vil.,    Karvand.  and   Baja  Ahmed. 

115,  f.;  121:  141 

Tho  Divine  Song,  BliagavadgUd  . .  Sup.  2,  3,  n, 
The  Practical  Path,  by  Champat  Kai  Jain, 

Book-Notice 139 

theatre,  etc.,  and  samdja  . .  . .  221 — 223  &  u. 
Theism,  and  the  BhayavadgUd.  Sup.  3—0,  u. .  8,  n. 
Theology,  trayi  ..  ..102—104;  100,  f.;  109 
Thomas,  St.,  and  1'arUna  . .  . .  Sup.  15 

Tiberius,  or  Augustus,  on  coins. .         . .  77,  n. 

Tibet,  Tibat,  and  Alexander 245 

tiger,  vy&ghra        ..         ..          ..          ..          . .   lt>7 

Timbe,  near  Dclagoa  Bay,  and  Wm.  Bolts  . .  1 
Tinnevelly  dist.,  ancient  Pan<;lya  kingdom  . .  48 
Tirtlia-kalpa,  a  work  by  Jinaprabhusuri  .  .  09 
Tirumalarfi^  a,  copporplatct.  of  .,  ..  81 

Ti»sa,  k.  of  Ceylon  48 

tombs,    Nabateean,  and  vaulted    roofs,    etc., 
109;  170;  of  Muhammad  TugUaq,  176;  of 

Uderoiai  201,  t. 

Toudaimidu,  and  Mullandram 99 

Torumuua,  Eruu  Boar  inscrip.,  etc.      . .  18,  f. 

Torovunda,  inscrip.          .  .          .  .          . .          .  .   289 

trade,  Austrian,  in  8.  India        .  .          . .  59,  f. 

tradition,  and  Alexander  .  .          . .          . .   245 

trendy,  Black  Hole         .  .          .  .       265  ;  200   &  u. 

Ti%nil6kyamallu,  biruda  of  Somesvara  1  . .  289  &  w. 
Truitf   tic   r Economic    Politiqm    (1015)         ..   234 
Tranqutibar,  Danish  settlement   .  .        . .  58,  f. 

tran»migrati()ii,  of  the  soul        . .          . .        Sup.  21 

trayi,  theology,  102;  100,  f.:  109;  238,  239  &  n., 

291;  250 

treaty,  with  SurAju'ddaula,  etc,  . .  260—269  ;  273 
trees,  in  temple  carvings,  etc.  .  .214  ;  216  &  u. 
Tr  ngganu,  and  Malay  currency  . .  . .  28 

Tretd  ago,  and  V&rttd 233 

Triest,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture,  9 ;  32  ; 

51  &  n.;  58—60  :  64  ;  68  ;  Society  of  . .  85,  ff. 
Trilokasava,  palm-leaf  MS.,  extract  from  . .  22 
Trimartis  in  Bundelkhand  . .  . .  136,  ft. 

Trinkat,  Trieutteo,  Nicobar  isl 13 

Trita,  sage,  and  Svetadvipa      . .          . .    Sup.  16,  f. 

Trivikrama  Vishnu  worship 84 

Tuba,  frontier  fort,  tfauran       ..         ..     174;  177 

TuRhlaq  dyn.         . .  . .          . .          .  .    115 

Turks,  and  UdoroJAJ        200 


Udayagiri,  mt.v  168 ;  temples  on,  210,  n. ;  caves,  216 
Uddalaka,  and  the  Kdinaidst;*  ..      1 88  &  D  . 

UddauOapura,  Bihar 110,  f. 

uddhrta,  meaning  of        194 

Uddyotakara,  early  writer        . .        . .         102,  f . 


328 


INDEX 


Uderolal,  see  Religion  in  Sind  . .         . .        197,  ff. 

udydna,  royal  gardens 54 

Udyota  KeSari,  insorip 210,  f. 

Ujjain,  Ozeno,  cap.,  of  Chashtana,  etc.,  153;  156; 

and  Akbar,  180  ;  and  Sun  worship  . .         .  *  218 
Ujjayini,  Ujeni,  78 ;  Avanti       . .         . .     151 ;  167 

Ukhai<)ir,  palace,  ruins,  etc.       . .         . .         . .  175 

Ulugh  Khan,  and  Ranft  Chahada  Acharl  . .  243 
Uraar,  Khalifah,  or  al-Fdrftq,  ancestor  of  the 

Faruqfdyn 116,  f. 

Uinar  ibn  'Abd  al-Aziz,  and  the  mihrdb  . .  175 

Umayyad  Khalifs,  Arabs,  174 ;  a  power  in  C. 

Asia        177 

Umnval-Jamal,  Church  etc.,  with  vaulted  roof.  172 
Umtatiyah,  example  of  vaulted  roof,  at  . .  172 
Upanishads,  the,  and  the  Bhagavadtfltd, 

Sup.  14;  15;  31  &n. ;  35 

Usanas,  &ukra,  etc.,  105  ;  and  Gautama  . .    107,  n. 
Ushavadata,  two  of  the  name,  73  &  n.;  his  bene- 
factions           74 — 78 

usury,  see  money-lending          . .         . .        234,  n. 

Uttamabhadras,  and  Malayan 75 

UttarMis,  in  Sind  203 

Vttara-purdna,  extract  from  . .  . .  20 — 22,  n. 
utthdm,  energy  . .  53 


Vacha,  and  Vraclwt,  words  in  Agoka  inscrip.  53,  f. 

vackeel,  vakil        29  &  n. 

Vadhryafiva,  Vadhri,  son  of  Indrasena.   280 — 284 

Vaidarbha  School,  of  poets         264 

Vaijayanta,  g.  51,  n. 

Vaiteiika,  system  of  philosophy,  104  ;  106;  108: 

190,  f. 
Vaishnava  worship  and  Buddhism,  etc.         84  ;  220 

VaMravana,  g.  51,  n 

VaiSyas,  and  Vdrttd,  237  &  n.,  238  ;  240  ;  256; 

and  emancipation         Sup.    27 

Vakataka,  kings 165 

Vakeu-tira,  Vanksu,  Oxus,  riv.  ..         ..       17 

Valaipattanam,  Baliapatam      . .         . .  10,  n. 

Vallabha,  commentator,  251  ;  253,  n.  ;  and  the 

Krishna  sect Sup.  19 ;  20 

Valuraka,  caves 74 

vanijjd,  cattle-rearing      . .         . .          . .         . .  256 

Varahamihira,  108  ;  and  Sun,  idols. .  136  ;  138 ;  150 
Varatunga   Pandya,   Srivallabha,   copperplate 

of  81 

Vardharis,  or  Budhais,  Thakurs  . .         . .  203 

Varga,  Apsaras  leader 197 

vargr,  varag,  wolf  197 

Vdrtika-rttra,    Patafijali's~  gloss  to,  and  the 

Abhfras  36 


Vdrttd,  the  Ancient  Hindu  Economics,  233,  ff. ; 

256,  ff. ;  275,  ff. 

Vdaavadattd,  romance  by  Subandhu         . .     247,  f, 
Vasishthiputra    Pulumavi,    and    Nahapdna, 

154,  f.;  insorips.  of 222 

Vasishthiputra  Satakarni          155 

Vasudeva,     g.,       and     Trivikrama-Vamana 

Vishnu,  84 ;   137,  f.  ;  in  the    Blwgavadgttd, 

Sup.  4;  6;  9—13;  17;18;  20;  21 

Vatesvara  tree,  Pun 214 

Vatsyayana,  and  Kautilya,  102  &  n. — 104  &  n.; 

106—108;  and  the   KdmaJdstra,  188&n.  ; 

andMaUanaga,etc.,  189  &  n. ;  190  &  n. ;  and 

Kaiidosa,  two  of  the  name,  195  &  n. ;  and 


Vaulting  system  of  the  Hindola  Mahal,  Man- 
da  ..  169,  ff. 

Vdyupurdna,  the,  and  the  Abhiras  . .  35 ;  36  &  n. 
Veda,  the,  and  Krishna,  etc.,  . .  Sup.  18 ;  21  ;  26 
Vodanta  and  the  Bhagavadgttd  . .  Sup.  5 — 9 ;  34,  f . 
VSdfintad&ika,  founded  the  Va^agalai  6rivaish- 

nava  sect  100 

Vedantins,  and  Agamantins 99 

Vedic,  legend,  of  Vishnu,  84;  Schools,  190,  f. ; 
works,  and  Vdrttd,  236  &  n.;  and  the  Bhaga- 

vadgltd Sup.  6;  7  &n.;  11 

Vedi6rt,  son  of  Satakarni  72 

Vegetable,  and  animal,  sacrifices,  189,n.;  god,  207,  f. 
Venice         . .          , .          . .         . .         . .         . .     85 

VShkata  I.,  II.,  copperplates  of  . .  81 

Venture,  commercial,  see  Austria's     . .         . .  1,  ff. 

Vernon,Sir  Ed.,  Commander -in -Chief,  E.  Indies. 

82,  n. 
V&t&la,  ghost  k.,   and  6&tav&hana      . .         . .     70 

Vibhdgapatramdld,  a  name  for  the  Vivtkapat- 

ramdld ..»«..   79,  n. 

Vibhava,  L§vara  and  Krishna    . .         . .        Sup.  20 

Victoria  and  Albert,  Museum     . .         . .         . .  296 

Victory  pillar,  at  Kftmakfyisvara  pifha  . .   94  ;  96 
Vidabha,  Vidarbha,  oo.,    and    Gautamiputra, 
150;  and  the  Vaidarbha  School  of  Poetry. .  264 

Vidyftpati,  g 96 

Vidyftraflya,  sage  9fr 

Vidyas,  and  Kau^ilya,  102—104;  107,  n.— 109;  237 
Vienna,  and  Austria's  commercial  venture, 

3  ;  5 ;  6 ;  34  ;  86 ;  90 ;  91 
Vigrahapala  II.,  IU.,  inscrips.  of,  etc.  111; or 

6arapala 165 

Vijayanagara,  dyn.,  sfoana  writers  of  and  the 
poets  of  MuHantfram,  79,  ff. ;  pedigree  of  the 
composers,  etc.  . .         . .         . .      82,  f. ;  98 

Vikrama,  and  Mala va,  eras,  etc.  1 6 ;  20 ;  and  the 

week-days        112  &  n. 

Vikramaditya,  k.  of  Ujjain,  70  ;  III,  286  &  n. ; 
IV,  286  &  n.;V.,  285,  286  &n.;  Tribhu- 
vanamalla,  287  &  n. ;  VI  29 


INDEX 


329 


..  153 
298,  f. 
..  151 

54  &  n. 
..  79 


10 


Vilivftyakura,  Baleokourous,  coins  of  . . 

Vinaspharf,  and  Vanaspara 

Vindhya,  Vijha,  mts 

vinita,  word,  in  Asoka  inscrip. . .  . .  53 

Vira  Narasiihha,  copperplate  of . . 

Virapurushadatta,  Sri  Ikshvaku,  k.     . . 

virgins,  cult 

Virupaksha,  copperplates  of 

Visakhft,  worshipped  by  the  Mauryas  . . 
yishnu,  Temples,    95,  f.  ;  and    the  Sun,   136  & 
n.  *137  ;  220  ;  image,  etc.,  164  ;  216  ;  Trivik- 
rama   worship,     84  ;    in    the     Bhwjavndgttu, 
^  Sup.  2,4,   5,n.  ,  «,  n.;  11  ,  17; 

Vis^iuism,    pre-Mussalman,  204,  n. ;    in    the 

Btiagav(tdcjUd Sup.   14; 

Vishmipadu,    on     Gaya  Peak,  84  &    n.  ;    219; 
inscrip.    . .          . .  .  .          . .          . .          109,  f. 

Vishnupur,  P'i-shen-p'o-pu-lo      ..          ..         204,  n. 

Vishnu vitc,  attack  on  Uderolal.  .          ,  .          . .   204 
Vismiguptja,  Kautilya,  or  Chauakya.. .  101;  159;  190 
Visvamttra,  and  the  Audhras,  70  ;  and  Rama.  240 
ViAvaphaiii,  Visvaphat  ika,  etc., and  Vanuspara.  298 
Visvarvipa  Sena,  copperplates   of  .  .          . .   220 

VMkapatrawm,  the         . .      79,  IT.  ;  94,  tf.  ;  125,  ft. 
volunteer,  reformadoc      .  .          .  .          .  .  84 

nraja,  vrajan,  divisions  of  fand. .        .  .  .  .  55  &  n. 

Vrindubari,  and  Sun  worship      .  .  .          . .   220 

Vrittis,  in  Mammata's  Kdvya  Prahi^a.mi  addi- 
tional proof  of  the  genuineness  of  ..23 
Vudri,  inscrip.       .  .           .  .           .  .           -  .           -  -    288 

Vya«a,  and  the  story  of  Indrascna       .  .281;  Sup.  20 


week  days,  and  Vikrama  112 

werwolf      ..          . .          ..          . .          ..          ..     197 

Western   Chaiukyus    of    Knlyfljiii,    chronology 


of 


285,  ft. 
151 

(J2 
217 
197 
208 
nd 


Western  Ghats,  Malaya 
. .   156     Williams,  Capt.,  E.  J.  Co  s  nervant      . . 

205  ;  208     wisdom»  prajiid 

70     wolf,  vargr 

61     wolf -god,  Apollo  

women,  and  orthodoxy  in  India,  189,  n. 

Uderolal,  202;  their  studies,  etc.  239,  n.  ,  256  ; 
and    chariot   races,  283  ;  and  emancipation, 

Sup.  27 

words,  European,  corruption  of  ..  ..    1*M> 

Works  and  Day  ft,  a  work  by  Hi>siod      .  .          .  .   233 
worship,  and  the  Mauryas,  5 1  ;  84,  n.  ;  in  Sind, 
197;  202  ;  204  ;  207,f.;  of  the  Sun,  217—219  &  n. 


233  &  n. 
..   293 


on,  and  economics 
Xerxes,  palace  of 


Wadagori  inscrip.  .  .          .  .          .  .          . .   290 

wdyh,  panther       ..          ..          ..          -.          ..197 

tmlyhoi  crocodile    ..  ..  ..  --  ..197 

Walid    I,     Umayyad   Khalifa,    1 74  ;    and    the 

tnihrdb 175 

Walker,  man  with  Capt.  Cook,  and  with  Wm. 

Bolts 90  &  n. 

wall -paint ings,  Ku^air  \Amrah  . .          . .          . .    174 

Waqd'^-i    Nizdmshdhiyyah,      and     the     Bur- 

Mn-i'Ma-dKir 120  &  n. 

Warren    Hastings,    and    Austria's  commercial 

venture 29—31 

water  worship,  in  Sind  . .  . .          . .          . .  1 97 

Watson,  Admiral,  and  relief  of  Calcutta          . .   266 
Watts,  Ed.,  E.  I.  Co.'s  servant   . .          . .         1 86,  f . 

Watts,  Wm.,  Chief,  Kasimbazar  . .        265,  ff. 

wealth,  art  of         . .         . .     233—235 ;  239 ;   256 

Weber,  and  the  Bhagavadgltd  , .  Sup,  1  ;  6,  n. ; 

10—13 ;  1&— 18 &  n,j  21,  n.;  29;  31 
wedding  customs,  Jodhpur,  etc.  •  •     197 


Yadavas,    and     the    followers     of     Krishna, 

Sup.  9;  11  ;  13,  n. 
155,  f. 
189,n. 
..  24J,ft. 
56;    H4 
..    299 
.  .    291> 
268; 
270  &  n. 

Yarumiiiliruja,  or  ParamAdiruja,  Jajajjella  k.  ..242 
Yaftodharman,  and  Mihirakula  .  .          .  .          . .      18 

Yavanas,  Greeks  . .          . .          .  .  . .  . .    163 

Yewur,  inserip 288 

Yoga  system,  of  philosophy,  102  ;  104,  f.  ,  107 — 

109;  Sup.  21—23;  27 
Yuan    Chwang,  Iliouen  Thsnnp,     150,    n.  ;  on 


Yajfia-ftfitakarni 

Yajnavalkya,  on  beef  diet 

Yajvapdlas,    or   Jajapallas    of   Narwur 

Yale,  Elihu,  E.  T.  ('o."s  servant .  . 

Yama,  Sakyama  . . 

Yamas,  coins  of    . . 

Yar  Lull  Khan,  Indian  ollicer  (1757)  267 


Mihirakula,  1 63  ;  and  Odra 


209 


Zafar-dl-WaUh,  the,  and  Kljandesh         ..     183;  185 
Zidrat,  of  KhwAja  Khizr          . .  . .     204  ;  200 

Zimmerman,  with  Capt.  Cook,  and  with  Wm, 

Bolts ,    •  •        90  &  D. 

Zinda  Pir  ;  Uderoiai       . .         . .  202  ;  204  ;  207,  f .