ITALY AND HER INVADERS
HODGKIN
JSonfcon
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.G.
MACM1I.LAN At CO,, 66 FIFTH AVKNUE
ITALY
AND
HER INVADERS
600-744
THOMAS IIODGKFN
!>.<!. L., OXVOHD AND T>imiuv
Lrrr. I)., l>uw,w
PBIiLOW OF WJNJVK1WTTV COI.LKOK,
VOLUMK VI
VII. TUB LOMBARD KINGDOM
AT TUK CLARENDON I'HKSH
XDCCOXCV
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRfcSS
BY HORACE HART, PftlNTKK TO THK UNIVI.MMiY
CONTENTS
BOOK VII
THE LOMHAHU KiXU
CHAPTEK I.
TUB KKVKNTH CKNTl KY.
*.l>. JAM
Burvey of the events of the H«v<»«th century :
Li England ... ,
In France . . » . . ^
In Spain ...... r;
6 10 In Constantinople : fall of PhoaiH 6
HerucliuA Emperor : Pornian War . ,8-11
Mohaiinnedaiiism . . . . .11-16
Monothelctism : iho Kethwi* , . .16-19
641 Deatli of HoracliuH . . . . n;
Emperors of tho Heracliau Hue , . * 19-21
CHAPTER II.
THK yOUK OHKAT
I. The Dually of Trimt (Tri<kntum).
Authorities . . m . ^
Geographical configuration of the duchy . „ ^-27
569-595 Duke Euin . . . t ,27
S75-577 I^ankish invanioa uudor ChranmichiH , . aH
59° )3 „ under Chcdin . . . 30-33
595 J>ukeOaidwald . * . . , * \\
680 DukoAlahis '
vi Contents.
II. The Duchy of Friuli (Forum Julii).
Table of Dukes of Forum Julii . 36
Authorities . . . . , -37
Situation of Friuli. Forum Julii ===Cividale . 38-42
Gisulf, nephew of Aluoin, first Duke . , 42
Boundaries of the duchy . . . .44
Duke Grasulf I : correspondence with Childebert . 45-49
Duke Gisulf II : reconciliation with Agilulf . 49
610 (?) Avar invasion : death of Gisulf, siege of Forum Julii 50-53
Griinwald's escape from the Avar , , ,54
Story of the ancestors of Paulus Diacouus . . 55-58
Taso and Cacco murdered by * the Patrician ' Gregory 59
Duke Grasulf II . . . .60
III The flwhy of lienewnto (Ilenevmtwn),
Table of Dukes of Beneven turn . . .62
Authorities . . . . 63
Situation uud curly history of Bciie veil turn . . 63-68
< The Snnmite Duchy' «... 68
Later hint ory of Bonevento . . . 69-70
571-591 Zotto, first Duke . . . . 7*
Destruction of monawtcry of Monte Casino . • 72
591-641 Arichis second Duke . * . .74
Note on Arichis a« tutor to the young PriuccK of
Friuli * . . . * 74
Geographical extent of the duchy •. , ,76
Relations of Arichis with tho Pojw . . 77
Bcligious condition of thcs duchy , . » 78
Kadwuld and Griinwald arrive at Jtenevonto . 79
641-642 Duke Aio. Sclavoiuan invasion . . . 80-8 1
642-647 Duko Kadwald . , , . , 81
647-662 Duke Grimwald . , . . .81
IV. The Duchy of tywlffo (FSjMfotiwn),
AuthoritieB • .... 83
Table of Dukes of Bpoletiuw . . .84
Geographical position and early history of Bpoleto . 83-87
Mediaeval and modern history of Spoluto . . 88
I«aac the Hermit 89
Contents. vii.
571-591 Farwald, first Duke. Classis taken. Rome
threatened , . . , .91-92
591-601 Ariulf, second Duke .... 92-95
501-653 Theudelap, thh*d Duke : his aqueduct , . 95-96
653-663 Atto, fourth Duke . . . . 96
Note A. Ecclesiastical notices of the Lombards
of Hpoleto in the Dialogues of Gregory
the Great , . . .97-100
Life of St. Cetheus .... 100-104
CHAPTER III.
SAINT COLUMBAXUS.
Authorities , . . . .105
Last years of Agilulf: pence renewed with the*
Empiro . . . . . 107
Ilelat ions with the Franks . . . 108
Early history of ColunibunuH, the Irish saint . MI
Colunibanus in Gaul : settles at Anagratis . u 2
Foundation of Luxovium and Ad Fontaims . u.)
Quarrels with Gauliwh prelates : disputes about
Easter . . . . .114-119
Friondnhip with nnimals .... 119-121
Dispute with Theodorio JI of Burgundy an<l
Brunichildb . . . . ,121-122
Transportation to Nantes. . . . 123-125
At Courts of Chlotochar II and TheudcLert 31 . 126
By the Lake of Constance. St. Gallus . ,126-129
Theudebert defeated at Tolbiac, and put to death . 1 30
613 Columbanus in Italy . . « . «3!
Founds thu monastery of liobbio. Its library . x,!8"1.!.1)
The Saint's Sapphics .... 135-137
Resumes u hermit life . . • • 137
Intercourse witli Agilulf and Theudolinda, . 13^
Letter to Popo Boniface IV. Three Chapters
Controversy . . . . * *39"M3
Was Agilulf converted from Arianimu '{ . . i43~*45
615 Death of Columbanus . , . .145
Subsequent history of his rule . . - 1 4(>
Death of Agilulf M7
Vlll
Contents.
CHAPTER IV.
THEUDELINDA AffD HEE CHILDREN.
A D. rA<iL
Table of Lomhard Kings of the Bavarian line . 148
Authorities . . . . . 149
Adalwald's failure . . . . r 50
Succession of Exarchs. The Column of Smaragdus 151-152
616-620 Eleutherius, Exarch. Rebellion of Joannes
Coinpsinus . . . . 154
\Var with the Lombards : exploits of Sundrar . 135
Rebellion of Eleutherius. His murder . 156
625-644 Isaac the Armenian . . . . 156
Fall and death of Adulwald . . . 157-160
Silence of the historians as to Theuclelinda . 1 60
628 Death of Theudelinda . . . . 160
626-636 Reign of Arhvald . . . . 161
C^ueen Oundiporga imprisoned. Interference of
Chlotochar II on her behalf . .161-163
Mysterious story about the death of Duke Taso 163-164
636 (Jundiperga marries Rolljari and raises him to
tho throne , . . . 165
Rothari's ill treatment of Guudiperga. She i«
again helped by interference of Frank ish
king . . . , . 1 66
Death of Gundipergrt , . . , 167
Character of Rot hari . . . . 167
Conquest of tho J&iviera . . . 169
Epitaph of Isaac the Armenian . . i6<>
Stnuige proceedings of Cartularius Maurice at
Rome .....
Isaacs spoliation of tho Lateran
Rebellion of Maurice quelled by Isaac . .172-
644 Theodore Calliopas, Exarch
170
171
173
CHAPTER V.
THK LECUHtATIOK OF ItOTHARI.
Authorities .
2 2 Nov. 643 Publication of Code of Rothari .
Prologue ,
176
Contents.
IX
A. B. PAGE
Pedigree of Rothari and names of his predecessors . 177
Offences against the king and his peace . . 178-180
Offences on the king's highway . . 1 80
TheAldius . . . . . . 181
Walwpauz: nocturnal entry : scandalum . .181-182
Compensation for bodily injuries to a free person . 183-184
Injuries to Aldii and household slaves . . 186-189
Accidents in tree-cutting. * Common employment ' . 189
Poisoning. The blood-feud .... 190-191
'Magistri Comachu' . . . . . 191
Injuries by fire. Injuries to water-mills . . 192
Laws of inheritance . . . . . 193
Thinx and Gairetldn® . . . . .194-196
Marriage laws. The Mundium . . .197-199
A Lombar/d courtship and marriage. Mtta and
JMoryincap ..... 199-203
Sexual immorality. ' Ancillu llomana ' . , 203-205
Unequal marriages ..... 205
Manumission of slaves : four kinds . . « 206-208
Vendors and purchasers .... 208-209
Removing landmarks : coining nnd forgery . . 209
Piynoratio . . . . . .210
Theft . . . . . . .211
Fugitive slaves ..... 212-214
Offences against the public peace . . . 214-215
liural life ...... 216-223
Judicial procedure. Institution of Sacramentahs . 224-227
Course of a Lombard I aw- suit . . . . 227-230
"Wager of battle . . . . .230
Privileged alien (wareyanyd) . . . • 231
Claims of the king's exchequer . . . 232
Vampires and witches . . . . . 233
A brawling woman . . . . . 234
Silence of the code as to amount of composition for
injuries, varying according to rank of the Bufferer.
Troya's theory of the * variable ynidriyild' » 235
Hotlmri's Peroration . . . . ,236
x Contents.
CHAPTER VI.
OBIMWALB AND CONSTANS.
A. D. rAGi-;
Authorities . . • • • 239
652 Eodwald King of the Lombards . . . 24 l
653-661 Keign of Aripert I . . . .241
661-662 Percttmt and Godepert. Their dissensions . 242
Inter vent iou of Grimwald. Death of Godepert . 24,)
662-671 Reign of Grimwttld . . . . 24,]
Flight, return and second escape of Perctarit . 24/5-252
642-668 Reign of Emperor Constanw II . . • 253
The Monotheletic controversy* The Type . 255
ReHistance of Pope Martin I . 256
The Exarch Olympian ordered to arrest the Pope 257
He renounces the attempt, proceeds to Sicily, and
(licH then* ..... 258
653 Pope Martin arrested hy the Kxarch Tkeodons . 260
Carried captive to Constant inoplo . . 261-262
654 Hiw examination, sentence and imprisonment . 262 267
655 Baninhnujnt to (JhcrHon and <l<-uth . . 267-260
663 Arrival of CoiiHtanK in Italy , . * 272
Siege of JJemwnto . , . 273-275
Battle of Forino . 275
OoimttuiB in Homo .... 276-27(;
663-668 CoiiHtiuiH visits Hicily and roiuainH there five yearn 280
Financial oppreHHion of the >Sicilians . * 2Ho
668 Murder of CoiiHttuiK * . . ,281
Usurpation of Miasizinfl. Its cany Hupprohnion * 282
663 TranHamund, Ihiko of Spolcto , . . 283
llomwald, Duke of Ikaiovtmto: colony of Uul-
gariuns , 284
Ago, Duke of Kriuli . 28f>
Lupus, Duke of Friuli. Avar invasion . , 285-287
Wechtari, Duke of Friuli. Hin dctVnt of the
BcJov«ue» , 288-289
Qrimwald'a revenge on Opitergium » f 289
His «uok of Forum Populi . . . 290
671 Death of Grimwald , 291
His laws* * . . . .291 292
Note B. Tho Story of St. KarbatUH . , 293-298
Mention of Theuderoda iu tho Life of Bt.
Babiuus » 299
Contents. xi
CHAPTER VII.
THE BAVARIAN LINE KESTOBEB.
A. D. I>AOR
Table of the Family of Aripert . . . 300
Authorities . . . . ,301
672 Return of Perctarit . . . .302
672-688 Reign of Perctarit .... 302-305
Rebellion of Alahis .... 304
688-700 Reign of Cunincpert .... 305
Rebellion of Alahis and its suppression . . 306-315
Pestilence in Italy . . . . 316
Lombard coinage. . . . . 317
Visit of Ceadwalla the West Suxon . . 317-319
698 {Synod of Pavia . , . . . 310
700 Death of Cunincpert . . , . 319
Short reign of Liutpert : Ansprand regent , 320
Raginpcrt seizes the kingdom and dies . . 320
701-712 Keign of Aripcrt II? son of Itaginport . . 321
Rebellion of Rotharit . . . . 321
Cruelties practised on the family of Aiinprand . 322
Pilgrimages of Anglo-Saxons to J Ionic . • 323
Foreign and domestic policy of Aripert II . 324
712 Return of Ansprand : death of Aripert II . ,pr»
CHAPTER VIII.
STORY OF THE DUCHIIKH, CONTINUKI>.
I. Trient.
Duke Ahihis . . . . . 327
II. tfriulf.
Duke Ferdulf the hot-tempered . . . 329
Quarrel with Argait : terrible defeat by the
Sclovencs . . . . 329-331
Duke Corvoluw, blinded by the king . . 331
Duke Pemmo : his domestic relations . . 332-334
His altar-slab ntill shown at Cividale . , 3,^
III. Jtenewnto.
Conquest of Tarentum by Romwald II . * 335
Extensions of the Lombard frontier by Gisulf LI . 336
IV.
663 Duke Transamuud I
703 Duke Farwald II and Wachilupus . , 337
xii Contents.
CHAPTER IX.
THE PAPACY AND THE EMPIKE.
A 1>. PAGE
Authorities . . . * . 339
Tablo of Kings, Emperors and Popes . . 340
663 Emperor Constans in Home . . . 341
Poem on the abasement of Kome . . . 341
678-681 Pope Atfutlio. Victory over Monothdeti»m . 343~345
tftfo-681 Hixth Gonoi al Council (Constantinople) . . 345
Port rait ol'Coiwt ant ine Pogonattis and bis brothers
at Itavcnna . 347
(i«S5 Justinian II, Kmperor , 349
6S6 JJinputed Pnpal Election. Conon chosen. . 350
687 „ „ „ BoifliuB choaen . 351-352
Intrigues of the deiValccl candidate Paschal , 353
6yr QuiniKextan (Council (hi Trullo) . . -354-357
SiTgius rt'iuKfH to accept, tbe dccreeH of tbo
(Council . . . . . 357
Ilia attempted anvat. Kearw of %achariuH , 358
Council of Aquilela. TIio lant of the Throe
ClmpierK . . . » . 359
(>9^ Fall UIK! Imuinhmcnt of Justinian II . . 359-362
695-698 Koiffii uI'LuoutiuH II : d^tlironetlljy ApKituar . 362
698-705 itcign of TiberiuH III: viwit of Exarch Theophy-
laet to Homo .... 363
705 .Restoration of Jiihtinian 1 1 . . • 3^5"3^^
HIM ven^canct^ on IUH ent'inh-H . . » 369
Kin izuthHRtfc to I*op(i Jolni VI f . . . 370
708-715 Con«iuntino Tope. Quarrel with Archbishop of
Jttivdimu P . * . 371
JiiHtinian'H veiigcanco on Kavonna . . 372-375
710-7** J'opti OonHtantino visitn OoiiHtaniinoplo . * 375""379
711 Fiiinl fall of Justinian fl . . . • 379~3#4
711-713 PhilippicuK, a Monotlusleto, Kmperor . . 384
Civil War in Itoinci 385
Kiwi of MonotlidetiBin .... 386
Note 0. Lint of POJJCH from tho Deiith of Gre-
I to thu ordination of Uri'gory III . 387
Contents.
Xlll
CHAPTER X.
THE LAWS OF UOTPBAND.
A. D. PAGE
Authorities . . . . . . 389
712 Death of Ansprand. Liutprand king . . . 390
Conspiracy of Rothari. Liutprand's courage . . 391
Yearly Assemblies of Lombards. Laws promulgated
with their consent . . . . 393
Liutprand's laws compared with Rothari's . . 395
Penalty for murder increased. New application of
the guidrigild ..... 396*398
Law of the Lombards contrasted with law of the
Romans ...... 399
Signs of increased civilisation in the laws , . 400
Penalties on procrastinating judges . . . 401
Wager of battle ..... 402-403
Manumission of slaves. Laws about horses . , 405-406
Soothsayers and idolaters .... 406-407
Special cases : Incitement of a slave to murder , 407-408
„ Insult to a woman , . . 408
„ Preference of a faithful son . . 409
„ Brawling women . . . 410
3, Accidental death at a well . . 411
„ Death of a child from a horse's kick . 412
Note D. Prices under the Lombard Rule . . 413-414
CHAPTER XI.
ICONOCLASM,
Authorities. Theophanes : Nicephorus . . 415-417
Some Events of the Eighth Centwry.
711 Saracen conquest of Spain .... 418-420
732 Charles Martel's victory over the Saracens . . 420-422
Conversion of Germany. Willibrord and Boniface . 422-424
717 Accession of Leo III . 424-426
718 Saracon siege of Constantinople * , . 426-427
Rebellion of Sicily ..... 428
Beginnings of Iconoclasm. Yezid II . . . 429
Note on growth of Image-worship . . . 431
726 Iconoclastic decrees of Leo III . . . 432
Destruction of mosaic picture of Christ (the Chalce) . 434
xiv Contents.
A. P.
Attempted revolution in Greece . . . 435
729 The flilentiwn. The Patriarch Germanus deposed
and Anastasius made Patriarch in his stead . 436
Lull in the controversy in the East . . 43^
CHAPTEH xn.
KINO LJUTPRAHD.
Authorities . . - • • 437
Table of the family of Liutprand . . - 438
Karly life of Urogory IE ... • 439
7 i 5-73 * Character of Pontificate of Gregory II . . 439
Visit of Bavarian Duko Theodo to Homo . . 440
MoiwHtcry at Monte C/aroino rebuilt . . 44 *
Oonqtu'Ht and mionqut'Nt of Ouinac . • 442
Cowmen!. and surrender oFOtais . - 443
7JS4 Farwuld of Spolcto deposed hy his f<>n Transa-
inund •
Bwond wnujuefti of ClasfliH • • • 444
Fimuuiinl inmbloB between Leo III and his
[iuH»n wibjfctH * 44S
Attempt* on the life of tli« Pojm • • * 447-44B
Tim I'i»iio def««dwl by the Lombard* of Kpoloto . 448
727 HewpiioH of tb« IroiKwlaKtic dr«reeH . » 449
Accouni of these events given by Tlwophaites . 45^-45 r
Anti-rapal niovotncnt in Campania . . 453
( 'ivii war ui Huvtiiina . 453
Liuiptiuid'H ooiMjnentB • • • •454-455
KutychiuH, Kxatvli : hi« cle«iK"H against the Popo 455
730 Combiiuttiou of Liutprand iirnl the Exarch * 457
The Popt»f« iuicrvu'W with Liutprand , * 458
IWiwiuH, Anii-Emj»eror . 459
731 Dmtb of Oivgory H. Oregoiy Ilf Huoccvd» him , 460
Council of ,1 1 iiliiin binhopn . . • 4^2
7^3 L«o1H rmiitftt on the Pope. Papal patrimonios
flt»(|U(»Ht<n^'d . • » • 4° 3
Affmrn of Frhili. The Patriarch of Aquileia at
Pdriarch (.WlintuB imprinoned by Pcmmo .
INmtmo tloi>«w«I : ItatchiH nuccecdH him - *
730 (?) Affair* of Henevawto. Death of ttomwald II.
Auflelitin, umirpur . • - * 47 J
Contents. xv
A'1>- PAOK
732"-739 Gregory, nephew of Lintprand, Duke . . 471
739-742 Bebellion of GottFclwlk .... 471
742-751 Gisulf II, Duke 472
735 Sickness of Liutprand, Hihleprund associated
with him ..... 473
Liutpraiid'n adoption of Fippiu . . . 474
Liutprund helps Charles Martel agahiht the
Saracens , . . , • -J75
739 Tranwimund of Spolcto rebels and i,s depoped,
Ilildcrie, Duko of Spoleio , . . 473
Liutpnmd takes four cities from the
Konian . . . . . 47-
Qrepjory TIT appeals to ChnrleK Martel for help . 47^-478
Chart's Martel refuses 1o interfere . . 478
TnukRiumind rocovoix IUK duchy . . . 47^
He refuHcs to ivsloro the four towns to tin* Pojw , 479
741 Death of (Jre^rory II F: Hurct^eded by Ziu'lmriiiR
(741-76*) ..... 480
742 Liutprand inarchcH to the South. Bat flu of the
MctauniH . . . . .480
LiutpraruVB bargain with thu Pop(\ Tranwimund
finally oxpttllcd from Hpolrto . . 481
Alleg<sd conquest of llavonna and re-cuptnrc by the
.
VeiK'tia in the eighth century , . . 484-4^7
JojuincH I >hu'onuH on the recovery of Huvi'imu , 487-481)
Dandolo'n vornion of tin* HHIIM <«v<»ut» . . 489-490
Summary, us to hk»g«»fl of Knvenna and (,1hiHsi.s . 40.0
Meeting of ZuchnrinH and Liutpraud at Torn! . 491-494
Tluj four tmviw nwtored. The I'opci'H trunuphal
entry Into Homo . . . .494
743 Liutprand reuewH hi« opcraticuiH againnt Itiivonna 495
ZachariaK jonrncyH to Pavia to interecdet for
740 Death of Emperor Loo Iff: Hucmwdecl by (Jon-
Htaxilimt OoproTiymuB , » .
744 Death of Liutprand . * . .
IIw reveronccj for tho Pojio. TninHporiation (*f
th« body of St. AuguHtino . . ,
Character of Liwtprawd. Lnnt vorcln <»f Patilun
xvi ( Contents.
A. B.
Note E. On the alleged Letters of Pope Gregory II
to Leo III .... . 501-505
Note F. Correspondence of Pope Gregory III with
the Venetians as to the recovery of Bavenna , 505-508
CHAPTER XIII.
POLITICAL STATE OF IMPERIAL ITALY.
Authorities. Marini's ' Papiri Diplomatic! ' . . 509-5 1 2
Condition of Boman population of Italy (seventh and
eighth centuries) . . . . . 512
Bearing on question of origin of Italian Republics . 513
Two schools : Savigny v. Troya and Hegel . . 514
Geographical limits of Imperial Italy . . , 5*5-5*9
554 ' Pragmatic Sanction ' of Justinian . » . 519-526
Division of Eastern Empire into Themes . . 526
Power of all kinds tended to become concentrated in
hands of military officers . , . * 527
Table of civil and military offices . . . 527
Koto on i unctions of Praofactus and Vicar ii . . 528
The Exarch and his prerogatives . . . 529-1)31
Origin of Exarch's title .... 53*~532
List of Exarchs . 533-537
General character of their rule . . . 538
The Consiliarius ..... 538-539
The Magister Militwn or Duoo . . . 639-54*
Note on the convertibility of the two titles . . 540
The Cartularius . 541-542
The 7te Itomae ..... 542~S43
Tho Dux Neapoleos ..... 543-544
Tendency of the duchies to split up . . 544
Tho Triluni ..... . 545
"Was Tribunus equivalent to Comas 1 . . . 346
Early hintory of Venice. Tribwrd, JDuces, Mayistri
Militum ..... . 547-549
Did the Ouriae survive 1 Degradation of the Curias . 549
Disappearance of the Curia* in the East . . 551
Officers enrolled in the Album Curiae . . . 552
The Curator ..... . fi63-f>64
Tho Dufensor : decline of his oflictj . , . 554-557
The Curiae become mere courts of registry . - 558
Contents. xvii
A. D. PA<*E
Improbability of their giving birth to the Italian
Republics ..... 560
Note G. On the continued existence of the Senate of
Borne during the seventh and eighth centuries . 561-564
CHAPTER XIV.
POLITICAL STATE OF LOMBARD ITALY.
Authorities. Savigny, Troya, Hegel, Capponi . 565-566
The Lombard King ..... 567-570
The Trout Crown ..... 570-573
The Lombard Duke ..... 573~575
The Gastald ...... 575~578
The #»<ZtWiw . . . . . 57 B
Condition of tho vanquished Romans under the* Lombard*} 5 80-59 2
Pttulus Diaconus on the Lombard land-settloment . 580-586
Condition of tho lioxnans as gathered from tho Lom-
bard laws , 58<>~*S92
Wero tho Romans all turned into Aldiil , . 587
Posttible exceptions : Artisans in the townn . . 5^9
w „ Wealthy Romans . . 589
How did tho Lombard laws pumali crimes against irec
lloman population ? . . . .590-592
Probable survival of lloxnan law among the vanquihhed
for their own internal affairs . . * 59 2
Personal law in tho Lombard state , . . 593
CoacluBion ...... 594
QL,O»BAKY OF LOMBAHD Wonxm .
VOU TL
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ClTADHL OK LA ?{<«f*'A ASJ> A<JUKDX7CT 0»* PONTH 1/EILK
TOUKI : KII«.J,T«» ,
MAI» <IP SOVTIU:UN ITALY usiimu THK itur<m OF AtTiiAitr » To face payv i
MAP or Tin: DWIIY OF TUIDUNTUX . . . „ „ 25
Ar/fAit »x THK CnritfU OF >Srr, MAUTIN AT CIVXIMLK « „ ?, 333
CORRIGENDA
P. 32, 1. 10, ilvh *a' it/far 'JFerruye GtM(ruM.9
P. 169, 1. 1 4, for '626 ' read '625.'
1*. 179, 1, 10, alter ' camphio ' to 'cainfio.'
P. 257, 1. *$,for < 626" ' read '625.'
P' 335? 1. 28, ' the whole of the Terra Ji Otranto . , , passed under
rule.' Add 'We xnust probably except Ofcranto itsolf, which seems to have*
remained Imperial, au stated on p. 516.*
P« 515-6. The assertion that Piacenza remained subject to tho Empire for a
generation requires to be modified, as we see from the letter of the Exarch (vol. v.
p. 273) that it was in 590 under the sway of a Lombard Duke, by whom it wan
Hurrendered to the Empire. Also the recovery of this city by Agilulf (about 60 1 )
is rather a matter of inference than of direct statement, at any rate by Panlw.
MARE
A D R I A T I C U M
ITALY
AT THE END OF THE
SIXTH CENTURY
BOOK VII.
THE LOMBARD KINGDOM.
CHAPTER T.
TUB BKVKMTH 0 KNIT FRY,
TIIK century whoso early years witnessed the death BOOKVH.
of Pope Gregory the Great, and the establishment of — — - -
something like peaceful relations between the Empire
and' t lie Lombards in Italy, was one of a strangely
mingled character. As far as Western Europe was con-
cerned— pnrhaps wo might say as far as the Aryan races
were concerned — it was, on the whole, monotonous, un-
ovent ful, unimportant; but the changes wrought during
its course in tho regions of tho Kast, the immense
spiritual revolution which it witnessed among the
Semitic jnsoplos, and which has profoundly modified
the condition of a quarter of the human race at tho
present, day, these characteristics entitle tho seventh
century <o a place in the very foromost rank of tho
great opnc.hs of tho world's history.
Let us briefly survey tho events which wont hap-
pening in tho rust of Europe and round the Mediter-
VOU VI, li
2 The Seventh Century,
BOOK vn, ranean Sea dining the hundred years which now lie
ClI. 1. , n
before us.
Tho In England, the great achievement of Gregory — the
century introduction of Christianity — was carried triumphantly
Ian?"8" forward. Edwin of Deira, in his youth the hunted
outlaw, in his manhood the king of Northumbria, and
the mightiont in all the land of Britain, wrought with
bnu'n and sword for the supremacy of the faith which
ho had U»arno<i from Pauliivua. Benedict Biscop intro-
duced into the barbarous land the architecture and
tho, moHuicH of Italy. The statesman-archbishop Wilfrid
of York won for Rome that victory over the usages
and teaching of Fona which even the memory of the
saintly Ai<Iau was xmable long to postpone. When
tlu* wiiiury closed, the body of St. Cuthbert, monk
awl bishop, had boon for thirteen years lying in its
tiwfc rusting- ] >Iue«* at Lindisfarne ; and the chief herald
of hit* faints that Baeda who was to be known by the
title of Venerable, wan Btill a young deacon of twenty-
He von yoars of ago. The great Northumbrian kingdom
to which they both belonged, and of which the seventh
century bad behold the glory, wa» already slowly
falling into ruinn.
in Franm In France the chief clmractorifltic of the century
UK* <locay of the Merovingian race, and the ever-
importance of tho Mayora of the- Palace.
The Frnnkwh kingdoms were indeed for a few years
reunited utulor Oblotochar 11, the son of Freclegundis,
and both that king hirnwelf and hi» Bon Dagobert
(6a8 638) Bbowed Home trace** of the old daemonic
energy whicb had made the firnfc Merovingians terrible,
if not l)olovcd. But the realm wa« «oon again parted
^r, the 'Germany* and the 'France' of a future
England: France. 3
day already beginning to reveal themselves, as Australia BOOK VIL
on the one hand, and Neustria with Burgundy on the
other. The kings of this divided realm, a wearisome suc-
cession of Chilperics and Childeberts and Theodorics,
scarcely exhibit even a vice which can help us to dis-
tinguish them from one another. They are already
c rois faineants/ for the possession of whose persons
rival Mayors of the Palace fight and conspire, but who
have no self-determining character of their own.
Of these Mayors of the Palace we, of course, watch
with most interest the * Arnulfings/ who will one
day bo known as the ' Karl ings/ the descendants of
two Ausfcrasian grandees, Pippin z, and Anmlf, bishop
of Mete, whose combined desertion (as will bo hereafter
told) delivered over BruuecliildiK and her great-grand-
children into the hands of her hereditary enemy, But
owing to the premature clutch at the name as well as the
reality of the kingly power, made by Grimwald, son of
Pippin (656), the fortunes of the Armilfinga were for a
time during the latter part of the century under a cloud,
and other figures iill tho confused picture* Ebroin,
Mayor of the Palace for the three kingdoms, governs
with a ntrongf and grasping band, is imprisoned, emerges
from confinement, gets hold of one of the royal
puppets, and again rules in \m name* A bewildering
Buceension of Mayors of the Palace, for Neustria, for
AuHtrafcitt, even for a mere inaction of AuatraBia, nuch
iiH Champagne, paafl before UN, and civil war and
aKKftHBi nation supply the staple of the dreary annals of
the chronicler.
At longth (689) the waters of ( Jhaos begin to subside.
Tho ArnulfingH reappear on the Koene. .Pippin, Beccmd
* Cflllod 1>y Inter writorn Pippin of
B 2
4 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vn. of the name1, grandson of Arnulf on the paternal, of
°H"1'.. the first Pippin on the maternal side, becomes Mayor
of the Palace of all the three kingdoms ; and, in the
strong hands of that able general and administrator,
the Frankish realm enjoys some degree of rest from
tumult, and peace from external enemies when the
seventh century closes.
Already we have to note in these Arnulfing states-
men, sprung as they were from the loins of a man
who in later life became a bishop, and even a monk,
a strong tendency to link their cause with that of the
Church, perhaps to oppose to the ghastly licentious-
ness of the later Merovingian kings something of that
higher standard of morality and religion, for which
the barbarised Church of the Franks was dimly and
fitfully striving.
in Spain. In Spain the seventh century was a period of dreary
and scarce interrupted decline. The ViHigothic nation,
which had, under Recured (589), solemnly renounced
the Ariau heresy, now rushed into the other extreme
of narrowest and most bigoted orthodoxy. The king
was an elected ruler, who never succeeded in founding
a dynasty that lasted for more than two generations.
The nobles, turbulent and rapacious, were perpetually
conspiring against their king, or oppressing their poorer
neighbours The bishop** were now the most powerful
order in the state : their a&semblies, the councils of
Toledo, of which fourteen were held during the seventh
century, were the real Parliaments of the realm, There
was a scanty infusion of the lay nobility in these
councils, but the predominant voice belonged to the
1 Commonly, but on inHiifTidont authority, callod Pippin of
(HW» DnlmVt I)miiH(?h« Gwehiclito, ii. 209),
Spain. 5
ecclesiastics, whose influence was seen in the ever HOOK vn.
sterner and more cruel legislation directed against the
unhappy Jews (so long the faithful clients of the Arian
Goths), and in the sickening adulation with which
usurper after usurper, if only successful and subservient
to the Church, was addressed by the Council, and
assured of the Divine favour and protection. Kvery
symptom showed that the Visigoth ic kingdom in Spain
was ' rotten before it was ripe/ Eleven yeans aft (a*
the seventh century had closed, judgment was pro-
nounced upon the earth-cumbering monarchy. kT!n*
Moors,5 that is, the Saracen conquerors of Africa,
crossed the straits of Gibraltar : and in one victorious
battle brought the whole fabric oft ho (Jot hie »stat<* to
the dust. A slender remnant of the nut ion fled for
shelter to the mountain fawtneases of tho AKtunan, but
the great mass of the Spanish population bowed bonouth
the Moorish yoke, and repeated the prayer of Islam
when the voice of the muezxin was heard from the
minaret. The work of the Scipios was undone, ami
Spain, lost to the Aryau world, had once more a Semite
lord. The same fate had previously overtaken K#vpt, Hitman
(Jyrezie, and Carthage. Tho.se fair provinces, once tlH»u7!uuo"
granary of Home, were now for ever lost to her Kmpire,
and only in our own century have tho civilisation and
religion of Europe been able to exert, an influence, and
that but a superficial influence, on the great Oriental-
ised, Mohammedaniseel regions of Northern Africa.
The rapid conquests of the Saracenn ulon# the KV,-»I
Southern «hore of tho Mediterranean invite, UK to £\\'v\l"
a brief glance at the evoiiln which Intel nwunwluh* been
occurring at Constantinople and in the re^ionH of'thr
East* Tho seventh century, in the story of tho Roman
6 The Seventh Century.
BOOK yn. Empire, must be remembered as the period of the
CH. i. . A /» TT T *
- dynasty or Heraclms.
We left Phocas, the murderer of Maurice, wearing
the Imperial diadem, and receiving the shameful con-
gratulations of Pope Gregory. For eight years this
coarse and brutal soldier filled the highest place in the
civilised world. We are bound to look with some dis-
trust on the record of the crimes of a fallen sovereign
when written by the servants of a hostile dynasty ;
but after making every deduction on this score we
cannot doubt that Phocas was a cruel and jealouK
tyrant, as well as an utterly incapable ruler, and that
the Empire passed through one of its deopest gulfn of
humiliation while lie was presiding over its destinies.
KaqMMii- At length deliverance for Constantinople came from
youuK l° distant Carthage, still a member of the great ' Roman
6tI^aollUH' Itepublio/ though not long to remain, in that condition.
Heraclius, Exarch of Africa, after two years of prepara-
tion, sent two annameute forth for the delivery of the
Empire. One, embarked on high, caBtle-like nhipH,
went by sea ; the other, consisting chiefly of infantry,
assembled at Alexandria, and went by land. Each wan
under the command of a young general ; the navy under
Heraclius, junior, the Exarch's son, — the land force
under his nephew Nicetas ; and it was understood that
the diadem was to be worn by him who first arrived
at Constantinople. The winds were favourable to
the sailors, and in this race for Empire the young
Heraclius won, The servants of the hated Phocas made
but a feeble and faint-hearted resistance. Heracliun
tamed for a while at Abydos, where a host of exilen
driven into banishment by the tyrant gathered round
him. The brother of Phocas, to whom the custody of
Accession of Heracliits. 7
the long walls had been committed, fled with precipita- BOOK VIL
tion, and soon Heraclius, with his castled ships, was ----- '
anchored in the harbour of St. Sophia. A short battle,
perhaps a naval engagement, followed. The African
troops won a complete victory, and Phocas, deserted
by all his followers, was brought into the presence of
his conqueror with his arms tied behind his back. Ac-
cording to the well-known story, a short dialogue took
place between them. Heraclius said, * Is it thus, oh ! Captur*-
miserable man, that you have governed the Empire ? ' <!uti<m «»t
Phocas answered/ May you be able to govern it better1 ! ' Phortth'
Heraclius, seated on his cxirule chair, kicked the fallen
tyrant, and ordered him to be * cut up like dogs' meat.'
His body, and those of his brother and two of his
most hated ministers, were then burned in a place
called the Bull.
The young Heraclius, as liberator of the Empire, han
something about him which attracts our sympathy and
admiration ; but when we are reading his story, as told
by John of Antiochor the monk chronicler TheophaueK,
it is impossible not to feel how thoroughly barbarised
were all, even the best men of this epoch of the Empire.
The same thought striken us when we look upon the
grotesquely barbarous coins of Heraclius. The Greek
Republics had had their young and chivalrous tyranni-
cides, their Aristogeitons and their Timoleous ; but
great as is the descent from the glorious stater of
Rhodes or Oyzicus to the strange aureutt of Heraclius,
HO great ivS the fall from the tragic beauty of the
deeds of the Greok tyrannicides to the coarse brutality
of the murderers of P
H> Joann. Aut 218 (up, Mtillor,
Fragiuoutii Hi.stoi'icortuu Oniocoruni, vol. v),
8 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vii. It was indeed at a perilous and difficult crisis that
H' Heraclius seized the helm of the state. The Avars
Emperor^ (who about this time made a terrible raid into Italy,
610 641' almost obliterating Friuli from the list of Lombard
duchies) were now at the height of their power, and
were able to roam over Thrace unchecked right xip to
Persian the long; wall of Anastasius. On the other hand the
War
Persian king Chosroes, grandson of the great Nushirvan,
under pretence of avenging the death of his benefactor
Maurice (who had won for him the throne), liad not
only overrun Syria, but had sent a victorious army
through the heart of Asia Minor, to encamp finally at
OhaJcedon, within sight of Constantinople, Thu« tho
Roman Empire, though still owning in theory tho fairest,
part of three continents, was in danger of seeing itself
confined within the narrow limits of the capital. The
overthrow of Phocas and consequent change of dynasty
at Constantinople did not arrest the Persian career of
conquest, The overtures for peace made by HonicluiH
resulted only in an insulting answer from *tho noblest
of the gods, the king and master of the whoh* earth,
ChosrooH, to Heraclius, his vile and insensate slave/
Syria was again overrun, Egypt was turned into a
Persian province, the army of the Persians WUH aj^siin
seen encamped at Chalcedon. None of tho Pornian
triumphfl, not even the conquest of Egypt (which in-
volved the lows of the chief corn supplies of Constanti-
nople), affected either Emperor or people so profoundly
as the capture of Jerusalem, and, with it, of that iden-
tical Holy Cross which Helena believed herself to have
discovered three centuries before, and which hud given
its name to so many churches iu Italy and In every
province of the Empire. Nevertheless, for twelve
Heracliiis and the Persian War. 9
years Heraclius seemed to be sunk iu lethargy, andi*x>Kvn.
to endure with patience the insolence of the Persians. -
It is probable that he was really during this time
consolidating his power, disciplining his forces, and
persuading the factious nobles of the state to acquiesce
in his assuming something like an ancient dictatorship
for the salvation of the Republic '.
At length, in 622, a fateful year for Asia and the
world, Heraclius, having completed his preparations,
and having coaxed the Ohagan of the Avars into tem-
porary good humour, set forth on tho first of* his #reat
Persian campaigns. Theso campaigns wore six in AMUII*-
1 1 J. 1 /» XI A 1 ' ' ' ('«lllll«»«"'*
number, and presented some of the strangest VIOLSHI- oni«*ra-
tudes recorded hi history; but through all, the untiring LT&*H.
patience, the resourceful gonoralshi]), the unfaltering
courage of Heraclius, revealed themselves, and once
again, as eleven hundred years before, the disciplined
armies of Greece proved themselves mightier than the
servile hordes of Persia.
Heraclius, after penitential exercises and in reliance
ou the virtue of a heavenly picture of the Virgin, set
sail from Constantinople on the day after Fluster,
and voyaged through the. Archipelago, and along the
southern coast of Asia Minor till he reached the shores
of Oilicia and the neighbourhood of Issus, already
memorable for one great victory of Hellas over Iran,
From thence be pltingecl into the defiles of Taurus,
succeeded by a scries of brilliant manumvres in utterly
1 This is tho vi«w tnkon by ProfoBwor Bury of tho mil <*hu twins*
of thoHO first twolvo yoarn of IIoruelluH UH to which history in so
slnmgoly Bil<<ut. lit* thiukw that tlu* npjmn^aily wild H<'hnnto of
trannfc^rrlng tho w»ut <yf empire from OonHlantinoplu to (Jarfha^o
wu« rwilly at Htrok<» of HUcecHHful policy by whl«li iho Km^oror
brought tho Byzantiuo aohl<»H and populace to rtMWon (ii.
io The Seventh Century.
BOOK vii. baffling the Persian generals, and at length won a
".. ' . decisive victory in the highlands of Cappadocia. He
was thus encamped upon the line of communication
between the Persian king and his generals at Chalce-
don, hoping doubtless to compel the retreat of the
latter. But for some years the Persian standards
were still visible at Chalcedon, and once, half way
through the war, Constantinople was straitly besieged
by the combined forces of Persians and Avars. But
not all their endeavours could recall Heracliuft from
his career of conquest, nor force the Itoman mawtiiF to
relinquish his hold of the Persian leopard. At OHO
time he would be wintering in the passes of the
Caucasus, forming a network of alliances with the rough
tribes of Colchis and Albania. Then ho would descend
into Media, lay waste the plains of Aftorbijan, and
avenge the desecration of Jerusalem by burning tho
birthplace of Zoroaster. Then would follow a campaign
^by the upper waters of the Euphrates, or among tho
difficult ranges of Taurus, and in almost all of those
campaigns victory followed the Roman eagles, and the
Persian generals, serving a suspicious and tmreasonahle
master, grew more and more disheartened and bo-
ss?, wildered by the strategy of their foe. At length a
decisive victory within sight of Nineveh, followed by
the capture and spoliation of the royal palace of
Da&tagherd, completed the ruin of the Persian king,
The long-stifled rage of IUH subjects broke forth against
a tyrant who wan safe only while he was presiinunl to
tea be irresistible. Ohosroon lied : his son KiroeR, whom
he had sought to exclude from the succession to the
throne, conspired against him ; eighteen of Im other
son« were slain before his eyes, and he himself perished
Heraclius and the Persian War. u
miserably in the Tower of Oblivion, to which lie had BOOK vn.
been consigned by his unnatural offspring. Heraclius - -'--
had little to do but to look on at the death-throes of the
Persian kingdom. He was able to dictate his own terms,
which were just and moderate: the restoration of the
conquered provinces of the Empire, and of the precious
Cross, which he brought in triumph to Constantinople,
and next year carried back in pilgrim fashion to
Jerusalem. In all the long duel between the Republic
and the Arsacidae of Parthia, between the Km pi re and
the Sassanidae of Persia, a duel which had been going
on since the days of Crassus the Triumvir, no victory
had been won, so brilliant, BO complete, apparently so
final, as these wonderful victories of Hcracliun.
And yet these seeming brilliant triumphs of western
civilisation were only the prelude to its most disastrous
and irreparable defeat. The darkly brooding Kiist
renounced the worship of Onnuttd, and the; belief iu
Ahriman, she abandoned the attempt to substitute
a Monophysite creed for the cautious compromise* of
Chalcedon ; but it was only in order to emerge from
the burning deserts of Arabia with blood-dripping
scimitar in her hand, and with Ihis cry upon her
fanatic lips, 'There is no God but God : Mohammed is
the Prophet of God/
The career of the Saracen conquerors, though in
after years it was to include Sicily, and even. parts of
Italy within its orbit, did not immediately exercise
any direct influence on the Hesperian land. The Arabs
are not among the invaders whom) deedn this history
KUH undertaken to describe1 ; and therefore it- will be
1 Tho cliiof <lat<*M for ih<* Hniwu invasions of Italy unil Sicily
tiro HB follown: Firnt firm foothold obtuiw<l in Hinly 1»y tho
12 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vn. sufficient here to enumerate a lew dates which indicate
___ L_ their onward whirlwind course of conquest through
the seventh century.
Saracen In 622, the year when Heraclius set forth for his
^^^.g^ppj^ wj£h Persia, Mohammed made that
celebrated retreat from Mecca to Medina, which has
been, ever since, the great chronological landmark for
the world of Islam. In 628, he wrote to the Em-
peror, as well as to the Kings of Persia and Abys-
sinia, calling upon all to accept the new divinely given
creed. In 629 was the first shock of battle between
the Empire and the Children of the Desert, when
Khalid, * the Sword of God/ won a doubtful victory.
In 630, Mohammed returned in triumph to Mecca,
where he died ou the 8tli of June, 632.
Under Mohammed's successor, the Caliph Abu Bekr,
though he only reigned two years, great part of Syria
wtiB overrun by the Arab wwaims, the decisive buttle
of Yermuk was won by Khalid in 634, and in the year
after Aim Bekr'fl death (635), Damascus wo« taken.
Omar, the next Caliph (634-643), flaw the conquest of
Syria and Palestine completed, Jerusalem itself taken
(637), and Ifigypt wrested from the llomau Empire.
Heraclius himself, so lately the brave and resourceful
fnmi general, seemed struck by mental impotence, and fled
l>na" in terror to Ohaleedon (638), bent apparently only on
saving bin o'wn imperial person,, and the precious wood
of the Holy Cross which be carried with him from
Jerusalem. In the midst of the ruin of his Empire,
H undor tho Atflabito KImliiH 827 j Homo Ixwiogod ami
at Potor's takon by Iku KamcwiH, 846 ; Dofoat of tho Baniccmn on
tho Oarigliauo, 916* Bicily conquered by tho Fatimito Khalifa,
964 ; Nonnuu eonquowt of Bicily and final aubjugatiou of tho
Saracens, 1060-1089.
Saracen Conquests. 13
with provinces which had once been kingdoms wrested BOOK vrx,
On 1
from the grasp of his nerveless arm by the followers LL_
of an Arabian camel- driver, it seems to have been a
consoling thought that at least that precious relic
would not fall again into the hands of the infidel.
Meanwhile, Persia, enfeebled by her disastrous
struggle with Heraclius, and having no energy of
religious conviction in her people which could struggle
against the faith of the Arabians, hot as the sand of
their own deserts, fell, but not quite so speedily as
Syria and Egypt. The war of Saracen conquest began
in 632. In 636 the gi^eat battle of Cadesia was lost
by the Persians, and thoir famous banner, the jewel-
loaded leathern apron of a blacksmith, fell into the
hancU of the invader. But the struggle wan still con-
tinued by the sons of Iran, and it wan not till 641 that
the battle of Nehavend destroyed their last hopes of
successful resistance.
The conquest of Northern Africa seems to have, been
one of the hardest tasks that were undertaken by the
followers of the prophet T. Carthage wan not taken
till 697 : it was retaken by the Imperial general, and
not finally captured till 698, two yearn before the
close of the century. But if the conquest was wlow, it
1 Freeman (History and Conquests of the Saracens, p. 8#) res-
marks on tills fact : * While Egypt wan won almost without a blow,
Latin Africa took nixty years to conquer. It was first invndod
under Gthman in 647, but Carthago was not subdued till 698, nor
was the province fully reduced for eleven yoarB longer.* He attri-
butes thl« delay to tho strong Imperial Bpirit of the cilisson-s of
Carthago -'Koman in ovory sense: their Innguago Latin, thoir
faith orthodox/ — and to tho sturdy barbarism of tho Mnuritaninn»,
who had fought for their rudo liberty agninnt tho GaosarH, and had
no intention of surrendering it to tho Caliphs,
14 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vn. was sure, and the path of the conquerors was prepared
- 11- for that final onrush which, in 711, added the great
peninsula of Spain to the dominions of the Caliph.
(j-reat In one generation, not the conquering power, hut
in the the fervour of faith, the absolute oneness of purpose
which at first animated all the followers of Mohammed,
had departed. Omar's successor, Othman (644-655),
was more of a worldly king and less of an aposble
than any of his predecessors, and he perished in a'
rebellion caused by his weak favouritism, and fomented
by the ambitious and intriguing Ayesha, widow of the
Prophet. The murder of Othman was used, most un-
justly, to stir up popular feeling against All the next
Caliph (655-659), the brave, pious, simple-hearted son-
in-law of the Prophet, Schism and civil war followed,
and the student who has followed with any sym-
pathetic interest the story of the early believers in
Islam, finds with indignation that the story ends with
the assassination of Ali, and the murder of his two
sons Hassan and Hosein, grandsons of the Prophet, by
order of the descendants of his most persistent enemy 1
(661-680)* In the person of Moawiyah this hostile
family ascended the throne (now indeed a throne) of
the Caliphs, and fixed their luxurious abode among the
gardens of Damascus. The faith of Mam, liko the faith
of Christ, but with a far more rapid decline, had fallen
away from its first fervour, and was accepting the
kingdoms of this world and the glory of them at the
1 Abu Sofian, father of Moawiyah. Tim dualh of Hassan wan
caused by poison, and the connection of Caliph Moawiyah with
it was only a matter of suspicion. But tho death of Homtfu aftor
the battlo of Cufah wan a veritable martyrdom, and tho Caliph
Yozid, son of Moawiyah, muat bo hold responsible for it
Saracen siege of Constantinople. 15
hands of the Dark Spirit. Like Christianity also, but BOOK vn.
again with swifter development, it was rent asunder - 1-1-
by a mighty schism. The well-known division between
the Shiites, who venerate the memory of Hassan and
Hosein, and the Sunnites, who at least condone the
guilt of their murderers, still cleaves the Moslem world
with a chasm quite as deep as that which separates
the Latin Church from the Greek, or the Protestant
from the Catholic.
Still, notwithstanding its spiritual decay, the spirit stage of
of Islam was a mighty force in that effete world of noyio i>y
Hellenic Christianity. Still, as the drilled and uni- ve
formed Jacobins of France carried far the standards 6?3~ 77*
of Napoleon, did the Saracen warriors, with the
religious maxims of the Koran on their lips, do the
bidding of the sensual and worldly-minded Ommiade
Caliph at Damascus. It was in the year 672, fifty
years after the Hegira, under the reign of the great-
grandson of Heraclius, that the fleets and armies of
Moawiyah set sail for Constantinople, eager to earn
the great blessing promised by the Prophet, 'The
sins of the first army that takes the city of Caesar
are forgiven/ But not yet, nor for near eight centuries
to come, was the fulfilment of that promise to be
claimed. For five years (673-677) (magnified by
tradition to seven) did the Aral) wave dash itself in
vain against the walls of Constantinople. The fire-
ships of the Greeks carried havoc into their great
Armada, the land army sustained a disastrous defeat,
with the loss of 30,000 men, and at last the bafHed
armament returned, not without fatal storm and ship-
wreck, to the Syrian waters. Then was peace made
on terms most honourable to the Empire, including
16 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vn. the restoration of captives, and a yearly tribute of
— £120,000 from Damascus to Constantinople: and for
a generation peaee in the Eastern waters of the Medi-
terranean seems to have been maintained, though
North Africa was during this very time witnessing
the steady progress of the Saracen arms.
Monothe- While such tremendous conflicts as these were
lofcism.
going forward, conflicts in which the very existence
of the Empire, the mere continuance of the Christian
Church, would seem to have been at stake, it might
have been supposed that theological metaphynicH
would at least be silent, that all who profeswed and
called themselves Christians would bo drawn together
by the sense of a common danger, and would agreo
at least to postpone, if they could not abnolutoly
relinquish, the verbal disputations on which they had
wasted so much energy On the contrary, the seventh
century was disastrously distinguished by the fury
of one of the bitterest and least intelligible of all
* these disputes. Monophysitism had filled the world
with turmoil for nearly two hundred years* Now
Monotheletiam took its place as chief disturber of
the nations.
It was in that eventful year 622, which witnessed
the withdrawal of Mohammed to Medina, and the
departure of Ileraclius for the Persian war, that tho
Emperor seems to have first conceived the idea that
the Monophy&ite dissenters might after ail be recon-
ciled with the Church, which accepted the clecreon
of Chalcedon, by a confession on the part of the latter
that, though the Saviour had two natures, be had only
one will, 'only one theandric energy/ Through all
the later events of his chequered reign, his
Monotheletism. 1 7
against the Fire-worshippers of Persia, his defeats by BOOK vn.
the Allah-worshippers of Arabia, he seems to have
held fast to this scheme of reuniting the Church by
the profession of Monothelete doctrine. Sergius, Pyr-
rhus, and Paul, the successive Patriarchs of Constanti-
nople, zealously and ably abetted his designs. The
Patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria subscribed to
the same doctrine: even the Pope (Ilonorius I), when MS.
appealed to, gave judgment in words winch might
be understood as at least permitting, if not ordaining,
the teaching of the Monothelele faith. For a time
only Sophronius, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, stood,
like another Athanusius, uloiw against the world.
But the current soon bogan to wot in the contrary
direction. The very willing-ness of the jYIonophysito
schismatics to accept tho new doctrine aroused HUH-
picion among those who had been for two centuries
fighting the battle of Chaleodon : and tho Popes of
Home1, far from the fascination of the Imperial
presence, and under no political compulsion to pro-
pitiate tho Monophysitos of Kgypt and Syria, resisted
with vehemence the new Kirenicon. The Kmperor,
however, still persevered in his plan, Uiough ho tried
to broaden tho issue by withdrawing from it one or
two terms of technical theology which appeared un-
necessary. In 638, the year after tho lows of Jerusalem,
the year before the Saracen invasion of l^gypt, there
appeared at Constantinople an Kethesis, or exposition Tin- KV-
of tho Faith, which was ailixed by tho orders of HiTm-iiu-
» .6 \H,
IIoracliuH t<> tho great gales of the church of St.
Sophia* This document % after rop<^a<ing in orthodox
1 Sovt'riuuH 640; John IV 640-642 ; Th<M><lonts 6, (2
2 <juot<*<l in full )>y BaroniuH, H,U. 6,59.
VOL, VI. 0
i8 The Seventh Century.
BOOK vn. terms l the doctrines of the Trinity, of the Incarnation,
OH 1
- 1— of the two natures in Christ, declared that many were
6sa scandalised by the thought of two operations a, two
warring wills of the Saviour, that not even Nestoims
in his madness, though he had divided Christ into
two perspns, had dared to say that their wills were
contrary one to the other. c Wherefore/ said the
Ecthesis, * following the holy Fathers in this and in
all things, we confess one will of our Lord Jesus
Christ, the very God, so that there was never a
separate will in His body when animated by the
intellect, which worked by a contrary motion natural
to itself, but only such a will as operated when and
how, and to what extent the God who was the Word
willed -V
Then followed the usual profession of faitJi in the
five great Councils, including Ohalccdou, und the usual
anathema of all the great heretics, from Novatus and
Sabellius to Theodore, Theodwet, and Ibas*
This new declaration of faith, accepted generally
in the East, except by the Patriarch of Jerusalem,
was energetically repudiated at Rome, where Honorius,
the peaceful and the unmetaphysical, no longer filled
the Papal chair. Finst Mover! HUH and then John IV
1 Nob very dissimilar, m it BOOUIH to mo, to tho 8o-callod Atlw-
nasian croud.
8 ThoEcihOrsiw forluido the nso of tho word onor#y(=r operation),
whothor J>y thoso who aNwortod or thoHo who domod tho oxintoncit
of ono onorgy in Christ.
8 * Undo snnetoH Palms in onmilmn ot in hoc HocjuuntoH tinntu
Yoluntotem Domini nontii JCHU Chrisli voriHHinii Doi confiU»xuur
tit poto in nullo toinj[K)i'o nnimali inittlloctualiior ojim corjiurut
separatam? nee ox proprio im]H»lu ooutmrio moiu ttnito oi l>«*o
yorbo in una substantia Maturalom OJUH producoro inoliononi Htxl
quaudo ot cjiialom ot quantam ipno Doua Vorlnuu voluorat.'
Death of Hemdhts. ig
set themselves to combat the new doctrine, and the BOOK vn
latter Pope, while piously shielding the memory of _1'
HonoriuR, visited with absolute anathema the Kcthesis '**'•
of Heraclius. The tidings of this condemnation, how-
ever, can hardly have readied the ears of the Imperial
theologian. The anathema was probably pronounced
hi January, 641, and on the eleventh of February in
the same year, Heraclius, who had lono- been suffering
from a painful disease, died; thus ending one of the i**H»ii«.f
., , ,» , ,. '
most glorious and one oi the most disastrous
in the whole lon# history of the Kastrni Caesars.
With tlie death of HeraeliuH, a dispute, whirl* hud
prol)ably been long foreseen, broke out ronrerniiijLC M«UI.
the succession to tbu throne. Horadins, uftor tlie
doath of his first wife Kudooia, had iniirnci] bin niw,
the beautiful Imt ambitious Marlhuu Sut?h a union, for-
bidden by Clutrch law, and repugnant io the pnuwal
feeling of Oli riHtondom, had becMi (UMtounc^I «vt*n by
the friendly Groon faction in ih<* (fircuH, and tin*
Patriarch Sorgius, who wan ever tlu« loyal lii'iiclunati
of JlenuiiiiiK, wrote him a long h*ltt»r, <»it( relating1 him
not thus to sully his fair ianm; bui passion won
the day, and, in spite of all roinoiiKtnmws, Martina
became the Augusta of Uu» KonutiiK Now, howovtir,
when after the dcatli of her liUHbund the
woman, whose beauty was probably fad<*(l,
herself in the Hippodrome before Iho citix<^iH of
( JoiwtantniojJe, and claimed under her lawband'H will
the right to administer Lho KinpSro JIH tho HOIIIOI*
j>artner of two ICmperorn, her ntejmon (1oitK(fui(ih<* an«!
her own son Heracjonas, tlu% voiws of flu*
clamoured against nucb a partition of power,
out (as if Pulcjheriaaiul Theodora had been forgutluu
c 2
20 The Seventh Century.
BOOK m names), 'You are honoured as the mother of the
Emperors, but they as our Emperors and lords/ F« >r
the moment Martina retired into the background,
and Constantine, third of that name, was reeo#niwd
as Emperor, with Heraclonas for his younger colleague.
After three months and a half, Constantino, apparently
a weak and delicate man, died at Chalcedon, not
without suspicion of foul play: and then Martina,
as mother of Heraclonas, became again tho cluVf
person in the Empire. Neither she nor her cliiichvn,
however, were popular in Constantinople, and a larg<*
part of the army supported the claims of tho young
Heraclius, a boy of ten years old, son of tlio IntHy
deceased Constantine. For a short time II
and the young Heraclius, whose namo wan
to Constans1, reigned together in apparent linnnonv ;
but there were mutual Buspickma and jealouKiYH, a wort
of veiled civil war, and a popular inmmvoiioM a. Tho
upshot of the whole business was that Martina and
her son Heraclonas were baninhed, after ptiniHiimrius
of that barbarous kind which was becoming charac-
teristic of the Eastern Empire had been inflicted upon
them. The tongue of tho widowed EinprcwH wan o.nt
out and her son's nose was slit. These punishments
were inflicted by order of the Senate, by whom* voti*
the child Constans became Hole ruler of the Konwn
» More properly Constantine (IV), that 1>oin# IUB tiijo <m
coins and in contemporary docuniontB ; )>ut CoimfaiiH, lh<* n
given him by Theophanes (po^ibly a popular n!eknimui)f in that l»y
which he is generally known in history. Pauhw Cftlln him liotl*
Oonstantine and Constans.
2 The events connected with tills dtoputcxl Atic^oftHion an» vi'ry
obscurely indicated by tho moagro authoritioR for thn Itintury «if
the time.
Constans //, Constantine IV, Justinian II. 21
Empire. We shall meet with him again in a future BOOKVII.
chapter, and shall see his heavy hand laid on the
Pope of Borne and on the people of Italy.
Constans reigned from 642 to 668, and was sue- Constim-
ceecled by his son Constantine IV (or V), who in 685 (c«»n-
sfcjtllH
was followed by his son Justinian II. With thiH '632-65^.
strange, powerful, savage man, who, though named t^"Kv"'
Justinian, resembled much more closely Nero or Com- ^8 f8^
? ^ Just in i;t n
modus than the astute, diplomatic legislator whose 11.085
name he bore, the dynasty of Heraclius came to an
end (711). Something will have to be said in futures
chapters about all those three Emperors. It will bo
enough for our present purpose to repeat and emphasise
the fact that the seventh century, which in the history
of religion will ever be remembered as the century
of Mohammed, was, in Imperial history, the century of
the dynasty of Heraclius.
CHAPTER II.
THE FOUB GBEAT DTJCHIKS.
L The Duchy of Trient.
BOOK VII. Sources;—
_fL^l_ PADLUS following GiiEacmy and SECUNTIHTS.
My chief guide in this section is liarfalomweo Malfattt (author
of 'Imperatori e Papi'), who haw eontrilmtccl two admirable
papers on the subject to the 'Archivio Storico per Trieste,
ristria o il Trontino, 1883-3.' In tho first, *I confini dol
Principato di Tronto/ ho diHcuwHos the boundan'oa of the Ducliy
and afterwards of the Prinec-JBwhoprie of rrri«»nt. In the nocond,
'I castolli Trentini diHtrutti did Prandbi,' he oxamineB with
great care the Htatementw of Panlns aa to the Fmnkinh cam-
paigns in the Tridcntino territory. Such nn investigation an
this, undertaken by one who knows thoroughly the district an
well as the authorities, # M»H great confidence to a historian who
is able to follow such a guide*
are already confronted with that difficulty of
treating the history of Italy from one central point of
view, which reeuns in a far more embarrassing form hi
the history of the Italian Ilepuhlic» of the Middle
Ages.
The Lombard Monarchy, as the reader must have
already perceived, was a very loosely aggregated body;
the great Duchies were always tending to fly off from
Tendency of Diichies to become independent. 23
the central mass, and to revolve in orbits of their own. BOOK vn.
On ^
Two of them, Spoleto and Benevento, did in the end - LH-
succeed in establishing a virtual independence of the indopen-
Kingdom which had its seat at Pavia. There were °
two others, Trient and Friuli, which never quite
succeeded in accomplishing the same result, being
nearer to the heart of the monarchy, and not being
liable, as the southern duchies were, to have their com-
munication with the Lombard capital intercepted by
bodies of Imperial troops moving between Koine and
Jiavenna. But though these great northern dukes
did not achieve their independence, there, can be little
doubt that they desired it, and there is, to say the
leant, sufficient evidence of a separate political life in
their states to make it desirable to treat their histories
separately, though this course will involve UH in some
unavoidable repetition.
DUKES OF TRIDKNTUM.
J'HJIN
or IWN,
569~S95 l?),
miirrioil a daughter
ofUnrihald <Iuk<*
of tho
UAIMVALI),
* vlr bomiH n« ii<l
595 — *
ALAHW,
cir<ja 680-690,
which I generally npeak of \\\\<{w itH
modern name TRIKNT, has made a fjjreat mark in tbr^
history of the last throes centurion, o
to the choice that was made of thiw city «IH the s<*4ifc of
the Council that was summoned to define the faith,
and HO regulate the practice of the Churches still
24 The Four Great Duchies: Trient.
BOOKVII. obedient to the see of Rome after the storms of the
— l~i- Reformation.
In Roman times, and in the centuries with which
we are now dealing, its importance was derived from
the fact that it was one of the chief border towns of
Northern Italy, an outpost of Latin civilization far up
under the shadow of the Alps, and the capital of the
district watered by the upper Adige.
The modern province of Tyrol, as every traveller
among the Eastern Alps knows, is composed of two
main valleys, one running East and "West, the valley
of the Inn, and another running in the main North
and South, the valley of the impetuous Adige. With
the former, which constitutes Northern Tyrol, we have
here no concern, and we have not to deal with quite
the whole of the latter. The Adige descends from the
narrow watershed which separates it from the Inn,
and flows through the long trough of the Vintschgau
(called in old times Venosta) to Menih, situated at
the confluence of the stone-laden Passeyer, and proud
of its memories of the Tyrolese patriot ITofer. Hero
in the days of the Emperors was the Roman station
Castrum Magense (the modern Mais). Alxwt twenty
miles further down the valley, the Adige, which hem
flows over dark slabs of porphyry rock, is joined by
the Eisach, coming down from Brixen, and from tho
long Pusterthal. The next important stream that
joins it is the Noce, which falls in from the West,
after flowing round the base of the mighty mountain
mass of the Adamello, and through the interesting
valleys of Italian-speaking people known as the Val cli
{Sole and the Val di Non. A little lower down, the
Avisio, which has risen at the foot of the noble Dolo-
MAP or THE DUCHY OF TRIDEISfTUM
, f_ ^ English Mile*
O """" »/> " *™ "5ti
Description of Southern Tyrol. 25
mitic mountain, the Marmolata, after then flowing BOOK vii.
f Tr 2
through the Val di Cembra, joins the Adige from the — -
East. Soon afterwards we reach at last the battle-
mented walls of the city of Trient, the true centre, as
has been before said, of the Adige valley, being about
equally distant from Meran in the North, and from
Verona in the South, An unimportant stream, the
Fersina, is all that here brings its contribution to the
central river ; but the position of Tridentum is im-
portant for this reason, that only a few miles off, and
across a low watershed, we enter the broad valley
which is known as the Val Sugana, and through which
flows the stream of the Brenta, a stream that takes its
own independent course past Bassano and Padua to
the Adriatic, and there, more than any other single
river, has been 'the maker of Venice/
For the rest of its course the Adige flows through
the narrow Val Lagarina, shut in by high hills on
either side, and receiving no affluent of importance till
it emerges upon the great Lombard plain, and darts
under the embattled bridges of Verona, beyond which
city we must not now follow its fortunes.
On the West, however, side by side with the Adige,
during the last thirty miles of its course above Verona,
but studiously concealed from it by the high barrier of
Monte Baldo, stretches the long Lago di Garda, largest
if not loveliest of all the Italian lakes ; the sheet of
water whose sea-like billows and angry roar when
lashed by the tempest were sung by the great bard of
not far distant Mantua1. Into this lake at its northern
end pours the comparatively unimportant stream of
1 'Fluotibus ot fromitu adsurgons Bonaco marine,' Virgil, Goor-
gics, ii, 159, 1 60.
26 The Four Great Duchies: Trient.
BOOK vir. the Sarco, which draws its waters from the melted
°H'2' SI1ows of the southern sides of Monte Adamello, as the
Noce draws its waters from the North and West of the
same great mountain-chain.
Every one who has travelled in the Tyrol knows
that it is emphatically a land of mountain ridges and
intervening valleys. Lakes like those of Switzerland
are hardly to be met with there, But we find instead
a cluster of long sequestered valleys, each of which is
a little world in itself, and which, but for the artificial
necessities of the tourist, would have little communica-
tion one with another. In order, therefore, to describe
the territory of the Duchy of Trient under the Lom-
bards, we have only to enumerate the chief valleys of
which it was composed.
Limits of According to Malfatti (whose guidance I am here
of °Trieniy following), when the Lombanls iimt entered this
region (probably in the yoar 569), and established
themselves there under the rule of their duke Emu
(or Evin), they took possession of the central valley
of the Adige, about as far northward as the Mauxio of
Euna (represented by the modem town of Neumarkt),
and southward to a point not far from the present
Austro-Italian frontier, where the mountains are just
beginning to slope down to the Lombard plain *.
Of the lateral valleys, those watered by the Noce,
the Avisio and the Sarco were probably included iu
the Duchy ; and with the Sarco may have been also
included the whole of the long and narrow valley of
the Giudicarie, which touches that stream at itw lower
1 Malfatti is inclined to fix tho boundary at tho little
town of Belluno, which must not bo confounded with the larger
Belluno on the Piavo.
Boundaries of Duchy of Tridcntnm. 27
end. The short valley of the Fersina, of corn-He, wont I»IOK VH.
with Tridentum, and probablj also some portion, it is .
impossible to say how much, of the Val Hugana.
The boundary to the north is that which is most
difficult to determine. As has been said, Mulfutti
fixes it in the earliest period at Euna. At that time
we are to think of Bauzanum (Boteen), Oastrum
Magense (in the neighbourhood of Meran), and tlu>
valley of Venosta (Vintschgau), as all in the pos,s<\ssi<m
of the Bavarians, who were subject to the o\vr-lor<l-
ship of the kings of the Austrasian Franks. Hut a«
the tide of war ebbed and flowed, Iho Lombard
dominion sometimes reached perhaps JIH far north as
Meran in the valley of the Aclige, and JJrixoii in thr
valley of the Eisach ; and the Venostan region may
have seen the squadrons of the Lombards, though i(
hardly oan have owned them as its abiding lords.
The first dtike of Tridentum, as lion boon Huid, wan i>uk<-
Euin or JEmn (569-595?), who seems to have IMM-II a ## Y.
brave and capable man, and a BuecesHful ruler. It wan
he who began that system of alliance with tlm Bavarian
neighbours on the north which was aftenvanln carried
further by Anthari and Agilulf : for h«% too, married a
daughter of Duke Garibnld, and a winter of Th<»u<U>iut<la*
It was probably a short time after Duko Kuin'H Knu»ki.ii
/ 1 • 1 1 . i 1 \ i»V«M«»II
mamage (which we may date approximately ut 575), «II
that an army of the Franks, under a leader nuinrd I-II'
Chramnichis, entered the Tridentiite territory, ap"M;
parently in order to avengo the Loml)ar<l invanion of
Gaul by the three duken Amo, Za1>an, and Itodait,
which had been valiantly repelled hy Mumwolus l.
1 See voL v. p. 220. Mnlfatti (p. 302) Imngn down tlw dnt*» <»t'
tliis iixvasiou to 584, but I hardly think ho »howH HuilU'i<*nt
as The Four Great Duchies: Trient.
BOOK vn. The Franks captured the town of Anagnis ('above
— ^~ Trient, on the confines of Italy l '), which seems to be
reasonably identified with Nano in the Val di Non.
The inhabitants, who had surrendered the town, seem
to have been considered traitors to their Lombard lords,
and a Lombard count named Bagilo, who (under Euin,
doubtless) ruled the long Val Lagarina south of Trient,
coming upon Anagnis in the absence of the Franks, re-
took the town and plundered its citizens. Retribution
was not long in coming. In the Campus Kotalianus,
the meadow plain at the confluence of the Noco and
the Adige2, Chramnichis met Ragilo returning with
his booty, and slew him, with a great number of km
followers. The Frankish general then, we are told,
'laid waste Tridentum/ by which we are probably to
understand the territory round the town rather than
the town itself, as the capture of so important a place
would have been more clearly indicated by the kiKtoriau.
For Chramnichis also the avenger WUH nigh at hand,
Duke Euin met him 'and his allies/ possibly Home
Roman inhabitants of the Tridentme .who, like the
citizens of Anagnis, had embraced the cauwo of the
Catholic invader. The battlefield was Halum on the
Adige, a little north of the Campus UotalianuH. Thin
time fortune favoured the Lombards. (JhwmniehiH
and his allies were slain, the booty wjw recaptured,
and Euin recovered the whole Tridantmo territory a.
causo for such a departure from IUB authority (Pauluu, 1L L,
iii, 9).
1 l Anagnis Oastrum, quod supor Tridontum in eonflmo Italiao
positum est/
2 For this identification and that of all tho othor placut» about
to bo mentioned, I must wfor to Mulfatti'n papur * I Frntush! iu*l
TVcntino.*
y * Expulsisquo Francis Tridontinum torritoriuiu roc*<*i>il/
Reign of Duke Earn. 29
Not only did Euin resume possession of his duchy BOOK yn.
after the Frankish inroad, but he seems to liave ex- ™ '-«
tended its limits ; for when the Franks next invade an"*".1
the country, all the valley of the Adige as far as Meran,
and that of the Eisach nearly up to Brixen, appear to
be in the keeping of the Lombards- It is a probable
conjecture, but nothing more, that this extension of
the territory of the Lombards may have been con-
nected in some way with the domestic troubles of
their Bavarian neighbours, when Garibald their duke
was attacked, possibly deposed, by his Frankish over-
lords l.
In the year 587, Duke Euin commanded the army i^miimMi
sent by Authari into 'Istria/ Conflagration awl pillage
marked his steps, and after concluding a peace with
the Imperialists for one year, he returned to hin king
at Pavia, bearing vast spoils 2.
The next Frankish invasion of the Triclentine duchy
was in 590, the year of Authaii's death, whon, us wo
have already seen3, the Austrasian king ami tlu'
Boman Emperor joined forces for the destruction of
the unspeakable Lombards. We need not here rojwat
what the generals of the western armioH, AudovnM
and Olo5 accomplished, or failed to accomplish, ugainHt
Bellinzona and Milan. Chedin*, the third Frank wit
general, with thirteen 'dukes' under him, invaded tho
Lombard kingdom by way of the valley of tho
propter Prancorum adventum pwturJwitio (JnrilmMo
regi aclvenisset ' is all that we can learn as to tho punishment of
Garibald (Paulus, H. L. iii. 30).
2 Paulus, H, L. iii. 27.
3 See vol. v. p. 267.
4 Called Ghenus in tho Bymntino luttor to ChiUoIiorl,
Troya, iv. 1.121.
30 The Four Great Duchies : Trient.
BOOK VH. coining probably through the Engadine and down the
— _H_1~ Vintschgau to Meran *. Thirteen strong places were
taken by them : the sworn conditions upon which the
garrisons or the inhabitants surrendered these towns
were disregarded with characteristic Frankish faithless-
ness, and the citizens were all led away into captivity.
The names of these captured fortresses can for the
most part be identified, and enable us to trace the
southward progress of the invaders through the whole
Tridentine territory. Tesana and Serraiana (Tiseuo
and Sirmian) are placed on the right bank of the
Adige, some ten or twelve miles south of Merau. The
position of Maletum is uncertain, but it was probably
at Male, in the Val di Sole a. Appianum i>s the cantle
of Hoch Eppan on the mountains opposite Botzen,
Fagitana is probably Faedo on the hilly promontory
between the Adige and the AvLsio, overlooking the
former battlefield of the Rotalian plain. Oimbra muat
be placed somewhere in the lower part of the valley of
the Avisio, which is still known as the Val cli Oombra.
Vitianum is Ve^ano, a few miles west of Triont.
Bremtonicum is Brentcmico between the Adige and the
Logo di Garcia, nearly on a level with the head of the
latter, Volaenes is Volano, a little north of Koveroclo.
The site of Ennemane munt remain doubtful. If it IB
intended for Euna Mansio it is mentioned out of itn
natural order, as that station, whether rightly placed
at Neumarkt or not, was certainly not far south of
Botzen. The names of the other throe 'camps' cap-
tured are not given UB, but we arc told that two were
1 SeeMalfatti, uh! mi pro, p. 316.
2 I <lo not think Malfutti (p. 319) ahow» sufficiont CIIUHCI
this identification*
Prankish Invasion of the Trentino. 3*
in Alsuca (the Val Sugana), and one in [the territory BOOK vir.
of] Verona T. — — '--
But where during this inflowing of the Frankish
tide was the warlike duke of Tridentum ? We are not
expressly told, but, remembering that the letter of
the Exarch of Italy to Childebert 2 mentions not only
that Authari had shut himself up in Pavia, but that
( the other dukes and all his armies had enclosed them-
selves in their various castles V we may conjecture that
1 The passage of Paulus (H. L. iii. 31) from which these details
are taken is a specimen, and not a very successful one, of his
manner of dovetailing his authorities together. All the rest of
the campaign of the Three Dukes is given in the words of Gregory
of Tours (x. 3), the extract from whom ends with this sentence,
' Chedinus autem cum tredecim dueibus, laevam Italiae ingressus
quinque castella cepit, quibus etiam sacramenta exegit.' Notice
that Paulus does not even alter the ' laevam * of Gregory, who is
writing as one north of the Alps, to the ' dexteram ' which would
Tbe suitable in an Italian. Then comes the following passage,
evidently an extract from the history of Secundus, and not quite
agreeing with what has gone before, inasmuch as it enumerates
thirteen castles instead of five : l Porvenit etiam exercitus Franco-
rum usque Voronam et deposuerunt castra plurima per pacem
post sacramenta data, quae se eis crediclerant, nulluro. ab eis
dolum existimantes. Noinina autem castrorum quae diruorunt
in territorio Tridentino ista sxint : Tesana, Maletum, Sermiana,
Appianum, Fagitana, Oimbra, Vitianum, Bremtonicum, Volaenes,
Eimemase, et duo in Alsuca, et unuin in Verona. Haoc oinnia
eastra cum diruta essent a Francis, cives univorsi ab ois ducti sunt
captivi. Pro Forruge vero castro intercedentibus episcopis Iiige-
nuino de Savione ot Agnello de Triclento data est rodomptio per
capud [sic] unixtscuj usque viii solidus unus usque ad solidos sox-
eontos.' Paulus then with a few connecting words resumes tho
extract from Gregory.
8 Troya, iv. i. 121. See vol. v. p* 2^2.
3 ' Et hoc Imbuimus in tractu quia Autharit [,sv'r j so in Ticinis
incluHornt, aliiquo Ducos omnesque ejus exercituw por divorsa so
castolk roclusoraut.'
32 The Four Great Duchies: Trient.
BOOK vii. Euin, in ^obedience to the plan of defence devised for
— the whole kingdom, was holding Trient with a strong-
force, ready to resist a siege, but renouncing the
attempt to prevent the ravage of his territory.
siege of Over against the capital city of Trient on its western
side stood the high hill-fortress of Verruca, as to the
construction and repair of which, under Theocloric, we
have some interesting information in the letters of
Cassiodorus l. This castle probably it was which the
historian calls ' Ferruge cast rum*,9 and which under-
went a rigorous siege by the invading army. The
fortress would have been compelled to surrender, but
two bishops, Agnellus of Triclentum and Ingenumus of
Savio 2, interceded for the garrison, who were permitted
to ransom themselves at the rate of a solidus" a head.
The total ransom amounted to 600 soiicli 4*
Retreat It will be remembered that the campaign of the
Franks, allied powers in 590 ended in a treaty between the
Franks and the Lombards, which the Imperialists
viewed with deep disgust, but the conclusion of which
1 Variarum, iii. 48.
2 Savio is probably the samo ns Hublavio, a station inontionod
in the Antonine Itinerary, on tho highway betwoon Augimta
Vindelicorum (Augsburg) and Vorona : an<l it iw boliovod to corre-
spond with Sebon, in the valloy of tho Eisnch, a liltlo south of
Brixen. It is from this intervention of tho bfcthop of Bebou on
behalf of the Lombard garrison that Mulfatti infiww that tho
Lombard duchy, before the Prankwh invasion, incltidod tho valloy
of the lower Eisach, a probable but not a proved hypothesis,
3 Twelve shillings.
4 .£360. Tho words used by Paulus (aoo note on }>, 31) arc
peculiar. The last four word« swiu a roundabout way of Haying
that the garrison wero 600 in number, if that bo tho writorfs
meaning. Is it possible that ho moans that tho rauwmia
varied from one solidus for a common soldier to 600 aolidl for
a chieftain?
Peace in the Tridentine territory. 33
they were powerless to prevent. Probably the ransom BOOK VJLI.
of the garrison of Verruca was arranged for in these — -
negotiations. The Frankish historian mentions the 59°'
unwonted heat of the Italian summer as having exer-
cised an unfavourable influence on the health of the
invaders, and describes them as returning to their
homes, decimated by dysentery, worn by hunger, and
compelled to part with their raiment, and even with
their arms, in order to procure necessary food. We
can well understand that the Tridentine duchy was
not at this time a highly cultivated or wealthy dis-
trict, and that after three months of ravage not even
the licence of a brutal soldiery1 could extract any
more plunder from the exhausted peasantry.
This, however, was the last invasion — as far as we P<WH in
know — that the Tridentine territory hud to undergo ai"i
for more than a century. The peace concluded by
Agilulf with the Frankish kings must Lave been an
especial blessing to this district, 'which bad no other
foes to fear except those who might enter their country
from the north ; since high mountain ranges secured
them from invasion on the east and west, and on the
south was the friendly territory of Verona.
It was probably about five years after Lho Frankwh
• 1 • i \ i 11 • T i t -i i i <»iu<
invasion that Duke Jkuin died, and was succeeded by 59$.
Galdwald, perhaps not a member of Kuin's family*,
but who is spoken of us *a good man and a Catholic.'
With peace, and probably some measure of prosperity,
the relations between the Lombards and the Romano-
1 Suo Gr<»#, Tar. x. 3 lor the ravages committed J>y iho Fmnkiwh
troops in tlu»ir own territory,
8 Tho wordw of PauhiH, ' dulus cat oidom loco <hix
if ho hud no hereditary cluiin to wuecml Eui
V<>U VI. I)
34 The Four Great Duchies: Trient.
BOOK yn. Rhaetian population in the valley of the Adige were
H__ growing more friendly, and now both ruler and people
were no longer divided by the difference of creed.
The 'centrifugal' tendency, as it has been well
called, so often to be found in these Teutonic states,
and so especially characteristic of the Lombards, carried
both Gaidwald of Trient and his neighbour of Friuli
into opposition, estrangement, 'perhaps, rather than
open rebellion, against King Agilulf. How long this
estrangement may have lasted, or in what overt acts
it may have borne fruit, we cannot say. All thai we
know is that the joyful year 603, perhaps tho very
Eastertide which witnessed the baptism of Thouclo-
linda's son in the basilica of Mon^a, paw also tin*
reconciliation of Gaidwald and his brother duke with
Agilulf1.
From this point we hear very little more of tho
•*• *
separate history of the Adige valley. We know neither
the date of Gaidwald'a death, nor the immoA of any of
, . rtvi i • , * A i \ .
his successors save one. I hat one 18 a certain Alalns,
who about the year 6Bo fought with the Count (Gravio)
of the Bavarians, and won great Victorian over him,
obtaining possession of Botzen (which had evidently
therefore passed out of Lombard hands), and of many
other strong places. These successes so inflated his
pride that he rebelled agahmt the then reigning king
Cunincpert (688-700), with results which will have to
1 'Hoc anno GaidoalJim <lux doTridonto ot GiHulfun do Foro-
juli cum antoa a rogis Agilulfi Kociotato diRcordaront, ab oo in
pace rocopti sunt' (Paulun, II. L. iv. 27). If wo arc ix> tuk<* fli<>^
anno ' prociuoly, and as ndbrring to what goos J>ofort»T th<* doiith of
iho Emperor Maurice, tho reconciliation of tho two dukoH mtmt I>o
dat<jd in 602, But it 8e<?ms mthor to bo eonnoetod with what
followB - tho baptism of Adalwald, which took place in 603.
Duke Alahis. 35
be recorded when we come to that king's reign in, the BOOKVIL
OH 2
course of general Lombard history. ^—
For the earliest period of the Lombard monarchy
our information as to the duchy of Trient, doubtless
derived from its citizen, * the servant of Christ/ Secun-
dus \ is fairly full and satisfactory; but after his death
(612) this source dries up, and none other is opened to
us in its stead.
1 ' Sequent! quoque mense Martis defimetus o,st apud Tridontuna
Secundus servus Christ! de quo saepo jam diximus, qui usqun nd
sua tompora succinctum do Langobardonini g^stis coiuposuil his-
toviolam ' (Paulus, H. L. iv. 40).
DUKES OF FORUM JULH.
(Names of the dukes in capitals : kings of Italy in Italic capitals : conjectural
links in the genealogy in small capitals.)
ALS01N. A sister.
GISTJLF I, GRASUIF I,
still living in 575. reigning in 589.
Romilda
-GISULF II, GRASULF II.
+ circa6io?
TASO,
CACCO. Rad
duke o
vonl
wald, GRIMWALD, Appa, Oailu,
FBone- horn circa 590, Two other
turn, duke of Benoventum, daughtor«.
642-647. 647-662,
king of tho Lombards,
662-671,
AGO.
circa 662.
Thoodarada, Arnofrit,
married Uomwald I,
dtiko of Bonevontum.
WKCHTARI
(a native of Viconza, contemporary with Grinrwal<l, 663*67 0-
LANDARL
ROBWALI). Ado,
ANHPRIT
(his usurpation occurred between 688 and 700).
FEKBULF.
COKVULUhi.
PEMMO,
a nativo of Bolluno.
lititchait.
king of the king of
Lomlmrdw, th<^ Lomtwri
744-749- 749-757-
AN8ELM?
i»KTEU*
duke of Ceneda,
EATGAXII),
775-776.
Situation of Friuli. 37
II. Duchy of !Friuli. BOOK VJI.
OH. 2.
Source : — PAULUS.
My chief guide for this section is De Ruleis^ Monumenta
Ecclesiae Aquilejensis (Argentinae, 1740); but I have also
received much benefit from the conversation and writings of Cav. G.
Orion, a learned and patriotic citizen of Cividale. On the diffi-
cult question of Gisulf s genealogy I have been ranch helped by
two papers in the first volume of Oriwlluce?* Studi Storici. Then
ordinary theory identifying Alboin's nephew with the Gisulf
who was killed in the Avar invasion in the early part of tht»
seventh century is beset with chronological difficulties, for a full
statement of which I must refer to those papers. I accept Crivel-
hicci's theory of two Gisulfy, but venture to differ from him by
suggesting that Gisulf II may have been nephew, not grandson,
of Gisulf I.
From the Armenian convent, or from any island on Situation
the north of Venice, the traveller on a clear after- °
noon in spring sees the beautiful outline of a long
chain of mountains encircling the north-eastern hori-
zon. He enquires their names, and is told that they
are the mountains of Friuli. Possibly the lovely lines
of Byron's *0hilde Harold' recur to his memory: —
'The moon is up, and yot it is not night;
Sunset divides the sky with hor; a sea
Of gloiy streams along the Alpine height
Of blue Friulfs mountains'?
and tine very name Friuli bears to his ears a sound of
idyllic beauty and peace. Yet the name really speaks
of war and of prosaic trade; of the march of legions
and the passage of long caravans over dusty Alpine
roads to the busy and enterprising Aquileia. Friuli,
38 The Four Great Duchies: Frfuli.
BOOK vn. once Forum Julii 1, derived its name, perhaps its origin,
— H' from the greatest of the Caesars, who probably estab-
lished here a market for the exchange of the produc-
tions of Italy with those of the neighbouring Noiicum,
with which it communicated by means of the Pass
of the Predil. Reading as we do in Caesar's Com-
mentaries so much about his operations in Trans-
Alpine Gaul and in Britain, we are in danger of
forgetting the vast amount of quiet work of an organ-
ising kind which he achieved while tarrying in winter
quarters in his other two provinces, Cis-Alpine Gaul
(that is, Northern Italy), and Ulyricum, This north-
eastern corner of Italy is eloquent of the memory of
that work. The mountains which part it off from the
tributaries of the Danube are called the Julian Alps ; the
sequestered valley of the Gail is said to have been named
Vallis Julia 2, and two towns, Julium Carnicum, north
of Tolmezzo, and this Forum Julii 8? in the valley of the
Natisone, also tell of the presence of the great dictator,
Reason This place, Forum Julii, now known not UB Friuli
but as Qwidale* (as having been the chief Civittw of
the district), was chosen as the capital of the great
1 Called Forum Julium by the cosmographor of Ravenna, but
I prefer to adopt the (surely more correct) form of the name uw<l
by Paulus,
" So say Gilbert and Churchill (Dolomite Mountains, p. 179).
3 There is another and perhaps better known Forum Julii in
Provence, the namo of which has been transformed in Frtfjus.
4 According to Do Rubeis (p. 560), the first truce of the city's
new name, 'Civitas Austria, Ms to be found in a charter of tlu»
year 1097, In the sixteenth century there appears to have been an
unsuccessful attempt to revive the old name Forum Julii for tin*
city (p. 1 102). This name, however, was never lont for tine district
which, as the Marca or Gomitatus Worojulionsis, hud a separate
existence throughout the Middle Ages, owning the Patriarch of
Forum Jidii- Cividale. 39
frontier duchy. A.quileia had been the chief city ofBOoxvu.
the province, and the high roads which still converged
towards that Venice of the Empire, the Pontebba and d
PredU Passes, the Pass of the Pear Tree, the roa
which skirted the Istrian coast — all these gave its dis- <k'r<lu<'hy-
tinctive character to the region. But Aquileia, though,
as we have seen, it still retained its ecclesiastical
importance, was not the place chosen for the seat of
the Lombard duke. It was probably too near the sea
to be altogether safe from the galleys of Byzantium ;
it was perhaps already beginning to be tainted with
malaria ; it was possibly considered not the best place
for watching the passes over the mountains. Whatever
the cause, t'he place chosen by the Lombards was, as
has been said, Forum Julii, a town which held a re-
spectable position under the Empire }, but which at-
tained its highest pitch of prosperity and importance
under its Lombard rulers. Though now shorn of some
of its old glory, Cividale is still one of the most in- "r^
foresting and picturesque cities of the Venetian main-
land. It is situated on the north-eastern margin of
that great alluvial plain, and clings, an it were, to
the skirts of the mountains which are climbed by the
highway of the Predil Pass. The city is divided from
one of i.tn suburbs by a deep gorge, through which,
Aquileia HH its feudal superior. In r 4 1 8 it became subject to Venice
us tho result of a war between the Patriarch and the Kopublic.
1 Forum Julii was evidently considered under the Empire ono
of the throo wont important places in the district of Garni, which
nearly corresponded with the modern duchy of Friuli. I'lolomy
(iii. i. 29) <»uumoratoH Forum Julii (*o/w 'louXtoi?), Concordia anil
Aquiloiu as tho three chief inland eitios of tho Carni ; and CUHHIO-
doruH (Var. xii. 26), on behalf of the Gothic king, remits tho contri-
butionH of corn and wine which had boon ordorod from the cilk'.s
of Ooncordia, Aciuiluia and Forum Julii.
4o The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
BOOK viz. blue as a turquoise, flow the waters of the river
°H'2' Natisone on their way to the ruins of desolate Aquileia.
The gorge is spanned by a noble bridge (II ponte del
Diavolo), and its steep cliffs are crowned by the tower
of the church of St. Francesco, and — more interesting
to an archaeologist) — by the quaint little building called
II Tempietto. This was once a Roman temple, dedi-
cated, it is said, to Juno, but afterwards converted
into a Christian basilica. The low marble screen
which separates the choir from the nave, and the «ix
statues at the west end, stiff and Byzantine in the
faces, but with some remembrance of classical grace
in the fall of their draperies, give a decidedly archaic
character to the little edifice, and may perhaps date
from the days of the Lombards1.
The museum of Cividale is rich in objects of Interest ;
a Roman inscription of the end of the second century
making mention of Colonia Forojulwnsis ; a very
early codex of the Four Gospels, with autographs of
Theudelinda and other illustrious personages of* the
Middle Ages2; the Pax of St. Ursus, an ivory slab
about six inches by three, representing the Crucifixion
and set in a silver-gilt frame, which used to be handed
to strangers to kiss, in token of peace3; and many
other valuable relics of antiquity. But the relic which
1 The Tempietto lias been much altered and remodelled ; but it
seems to be admitted that no important change has been nuulo iu
it since the eleventh, or at latest the twelfth, century*
a There is an interesting article by 0, L, Bothmann, on the*
curious signatures scattered over this MS., in tho second volume
of the Neues Archiv (pp, 1 13-128).
3 On this ' Pax ' the sun and moon are represented (probably m
veiling their faces at the sight of the Crucifixion). Tho Bun IB
represented as a young woman, the Moon as a stern old wnn ;
a curious evidence of Teutonic influence on symbolic art.
The Tomb of Gisulf. 4i
is most important for our present purpose is the BOOK VIL
so-called Tomb of Gisulf. This is an enormous sar- "' 2'
cophagus, which, when opened, was found to contain
a skeleton, a gold breast-plate, the golden boss 0fdiGisolfo-'
a shield, a sword, a dagger, the end of a lance, and
a pair of silver spurs. There was also an Arian cross
of gold with eight effigies of Christ, and a gold ring
with a coin of Tiberius I attached to it, which perhaps
served as a seal. Undoubtedly this is the tomb of
some great barbarian chief ; but, moreover, there are
rudely carved upon the lid the letters CISLTLh, which
are thought by some to indicate that we have here
the tomb of Alboin'n nephow, Oisulf I, or his great-
nephew, Qiflulf II. Thin opinion IB, however, by no
means universally accepted, and it hag been even
asked by a German critic 'whether local patriotism
may not have BO far misled some enthusiaBtic anti-
quary as to induce him in clever fashion to forge the
name of the city's hero, Gisulf1/
Such then i« the present aspect of the little city
which now bears the proud name of Cividale, and
which once boro tho even greater name of Forum
Julii8. No doubt the chief reason for making this
3 Boo A. Crivolliwwi, 'Hindi Slorici,' i. 84, quoting Freudonborg.
9 Botlmmnn (roforring to VonanthiB FortunatuB in Vita 8,
Martini) contends thut tho capital of tho duchy, which ho culls
Oa«trum Julium, was at (imfc fix«d at Julium Carnuwn, now tho
little village of Jiuglio, among tho mountains to tho north of
Tolmoazo, and that it wn« afterwards romovod to Oividalo. I do
not think this thoory ought to J)o accoptod* It in most improbable
that tho Lombard duko would bo willing to fix his quartorw ,so
high up among tho mountains in tho niinioflt rogiou of all Kun>i><».
At Tolmoi«/,o, «oni<» oight iniI<4B )><jlow Xuglio, tht^ avorago rainfall
for tho year is 75 in^hoH, and in ono yoar amountod to 141 inehoH
(HOC Ball'H Ea«torn Alpn, p. 544). Oiwulf might as woll, nay
4a The Four Great Duchies : Friuli.
BOOK vn. a stronghold of Lombard dominion was to prevent
--°H'2' . that dominion from being in its turn overthrown by
a fresh horde of barbarians descending from the moun-
tains of Noricum. Alboin remembered but too well
that entrancing view of Italy which he had obtained
from the summit of * the royal mountain/ and desired
not that any Avar Khan or Sclovene chieftain should
undergo the same temptation, and stretch out his hand
for the same glittering prize.
ufcuif, It was then with this view that (as has been already
nfForum related *) Alboin selected his nephew and master of the
JnllL horse2, GISULF, a 'capable man/ probably of middle
age, and made him duke of Forum Julii, assigning to
him at his request some of the noblest and most war-
like faras, or clans, of the Lombards for his comrades
and his subjects. Horses also were needed, thut their
riders might Scour the Venetian plain and bring swift
tidings of the advance of a foe ; and accordingly (Jiwilf
better, have remained on tho north of the AlpH a« fix IIIH Boat at
Julium Caruicum. How would his illustrious faras havo rcliHhwl
the prospect of whivering away their livoa in thouo mountain
solitudeB ? and how would tho troops of higli-brod hor«<?H ho rcuml
in the narrow valley of tho CliiawHoV Moreover, by comparing
the Antonine Itinerary with the Geographer of Ravenna, w<» can
clearly distinguish Castrum Julium (Zuglio) from Mirum Jnlii
(Cividale), and Paulus throughout always Bpoakn of * CivitaH vd
potius castrum jForojulianuw' as tho capital of Giwtlf.
[I am informed by S. Orion that the identification of Xuglw
with Forum Julii was the device of the citizen** of Udino, botwtuw
which city and Cividale much local joaloiwy oxwtod. Tho Kotnnn
inscription mentioned above puts it beyond a doubt that Civulalf
was the colony of Forum Julii, and tho theory for which Boll wwnn
contended has now scarcely any supporturfl.]
1 See voL v, p. 160*
a Marpahis : derived by Mtvyer (p, 298) from mark =s horno, and
pawan = to bridle (connected with Anglo-Saxon boctan) : or, OH
before remarked = Hhe mare-bitter/
Boundaries of Duchy of Frinli. 43
received from his sovereign a large troop of brood BOOK yn.
mares of high courage and endurance ].
The boundaries of the duchy of Forum Julii cannot itomxia-
, , . rhsoftln'
be ascertained with even the same approximation to ijunitus
accuracy which may be reached in the case of the ru^.
duchy of Tridentum. Northwards it probably reached
to the Carnic, and eastwards to the Julian, Alps, in-
cluding, therefore, the two deep gorges from which
issue the Tagliamento and the Itionzo. Southwards
it drew as near to the coast-line an it dared, but was
limited by the hostile operations of the Byzantine
galleys. The desolate Aquileia, however, a« we huv«*
already seen, was entirely under Lombard, that iw,
under Forojuliaii domination, and Concordia WUH won
from the Empire about 615*, Opiterghuu (Odoroo)
was a stronghold of the Empire in thene partn till
about the year 642. The Lombard king (Itotlwri),
who then captured the city, beat down its fortifica-
tions, and a later king, Grimwald, about 667, having
personal reasons of his own for holding Opitergium in
abhorrence, razed it to the ground, and divided itn
inhabitants among the three duchies of Friuli, Treviso,
1 * Igitur ut diximus dum Alboin anhuum intondorot, <|u«xn in
his locis ducem constituere doborot, Oiwulfuin, ut forlur, »uuia
nepotem vinim per omnia idonoum, rjui oi(U»nx atrator oriit^ qtu'ii)
lingua propria marpahis appellant, Forojulianae civitnti <it tohto
(sic) illius region! praeficere statuit. Qui GiHulfun ixoix priim HU
regimen ejusdem civitatis et populi buncopltinmi (Mlixii, JUKI <•!
quas ipse eligere voluisset Langobardorum faratt (hoc ost ^<»Hi'ru-
tiones vol lineas) tribueret. Factumquo ost, ot anxtuonto nif)i jri'go
quas obtavorat (sic) Langobardorum praocipuuB j^ronapius til emu
HO habitarent accepit, Et itadomum ductorm Ixononun n4l«*pfuH
ost. Poposoit quoque a rogo gouoroHarunx o<{tiaruiu ^ri»goM, <>t in
IJLOC quoquo liberalitate j>rmcipis oxaudxtuw osl ' (IL L. ii. 9).
- See Diehl, Etudes, &e.? p. 50, n. 7, ami uuthoritiuH th«rt» ciiod.
44
The Four Great Duchies : Friuli.
BOOKVH. and Ceneda. The fact of this threefold division gives
°H- 2< us Some idea how far westward the duchy of Forojulii
extended. In this direction it was bounded neither
by the Alps nor by the unfriendly sea, but by other
Lombard territory, and especially by the duchy of
Ceneta (Ceneda) \ The frontier line between them is
drawn by some down the broad and stony valley of the
Tagliamento, by others at the smaller stream of
the Livenza2. On the latter hypothesis Gisulf and
his successors ruled a block of territory something
like fifty miles from west to east and forty miles
from north to south. Broadly speaking, while Aqui-
leia and the roads leading to it gave the distinctive
character to this duchy, the necessity of guarding
the passes against barbarous neighbours on the north
gave its dukes their chief employment- It was em-
phatically a border principality, and marJcgraf was the
title of its chief in a later century. The neighbours
in question were perhaps the Ikawwians at the north-
west corner of the duchy ; but far more emphatically
all round its north-eastern and eastern frontiers, the
Sclavonians, from whom are descended the Sclovenic
inhabitants of the modern duchy of Carniola. Behind
these men, in the recesses of Pannonia, roamed their
yet more barbarous lords, the Asiatic Awtrs, the fear of
whose terrible raids lay for centuries as a nightmare
upon Europe.
1 As there was the seat of a bishopric at Bolluno, wo may perhaps
conjecturally place the residence of a Lombard duke tit that city,
ruling the valley of the tipper Piavo, and powftibly part of the
valley of the Brenta (see Fabsfc, p. 438).
2 See De Eubeis, p. 223, He remarks, ' Fines anipliorow d<*-
cursu tomporum obtinuit Ducatue Forojulionsis.'
Gisulf and Grasulf. 45
For a reason which will shortly be stated, the in-BOOKVir.
formation vouchsafed to us by Paulus as to the earliest
history of the duchy of Friuli is less complete than rulers of
that which he gives us as to the neighbouring duchy
of Trient ; an inferiority which is all the more notice-
able since the Lombard historian saw in Friuli the
cradle of his own race. From the year 568 till about
610, we have only two or three meagre notices of the
history of Forum Julii in the pages of Paulus ; but
some hints let fall in the correspondence of the Exarch
of Eavenna with the Frankish king enable us partly
to supply the deficiency. Gfisulf, the nephew of Alboin, ctisuif L
was, as we are expressly informed, still living at the
time of the commencement of the interregnum (575) 1.
His reign, however, was apparently not a very long
one, for in the year 589 we find another person playing
a prominent part in the politics of north-eastern Italy,
by name Grasulf ; and this man, who was in all proba-
bility a brother of Gisulf I, was almost certainly duke
of Forum Julii. To "this Grasulf 9 who was evidently
an influential personage as he was addressed by the
title * Your Highness V a strange but important letter
was addressed in the name of the Frankish king
Childebert3 by a secretary or other official named
1 Paulus (II. L. ii. 32) mentions 'Gisulfus' as 'dux Foriunjuli.*
2 'VeBtraColsitudo.'
* I take both the dato of this letter, and its connection with
Childobort, on tho authority of Troya and Weise. Tho letter itself
(No. XLI1 in Troya, iv. i) is simply entitled * Gogo Grasulpho do
nomine rogiw,' but it seems to be admitted on all hands that this
king is Childobort. Gregory of Tours informs us that there was
a Gogo who was 'nutrieius* ('foslor-fathor') of the child- king
Childobort ; but he says that he died not long after tho sixth year
of that king's roign, about 582-83. If therefore* tho dato assigned
to this letter (589) be right, it cannot have boon written by that
46 The Four Great Duchies : Friuh.
BOOK vn. Gogo. In this letter the Fraiikish secretary acts as
CH'2' a sort of ' honest broker ' between the Emperor and
the Lombard chief. He says in brief, f Your Highness
ma(*e known ^° us ty 7our relation Biliulf a certain
589(?)/ proposition very desirable for all parties, which ought
to be put into shape at once, that we may break the
obstinacy of our foes. The most pious Emperor has
signified that he is going to send a special embassy,
and we may expect its arrival any day : but as time
presses we will lay before you two courses and leave it
to you to decide between them.
* L If you can give the Republic sufficient security l
for the fulfilment of your promises, we are prepared to
hand over to you the whole sum of money in hard
cash. Thus the injuries done to God will cease ; the
blood of our poor lloman relations will be avenged,
and a perpetual .peace will be established [between you
and the Empire] 2.
'II. But if you are not satisfied with the authority
of the document which conveys to you the Emperor's
Gogo. But in our great ignorance of tho transactions of these
times I do not see anything in tho contents of thiw lottor to forbid
the hypothesis that it was written about 583 or 584, und therefore
possibly by the 'nutricius* Gogo. In that ca«o CrivollnocPs sug-
gestion that Grasulf *s treason was catiRod by piqw* at tho oloetion
of Authari would receive striking confirmation.
This letter is full of enigmatical pJinnngoB, partly proceeding
from corruption of the text, and I do not protoml to givo anything
like a literal translation.
1 Or rather perhaps 'if you are satisfied with tho Bocurity offered
you by the Bepublic/ but Gogo'n language i« vory olwctira
2 'His itaque omnibus adimpletis iastituito placita (?) ot tonto-
mus pariter Dei injuriam ot sanguinom puroutibiw nontriw Komanis
(Christo praesule) vindicaro, ita ut in porpotuno pucin HCKJuritatoni,
vel de reliquis capitulis utrlus<j[uo partilnw opportuniH intoreur-
rentibus, in posterum tenuiuotur.'
Grasitlf tempted. 47
offer1, and therefore cannot yet come to terms, the BOOK vn
c * i j ^
most pious Emperor will send plenipotentiaries, and --
you also should send men to meet them somewhere in
our territory. Only we beg that there may he no
more delay than, such as is necessarily caused hy
a sea voyage in this winter season ; and that you
will send persons who have full power finally to settle
everything? with the repiv-sentatives of the Emperor.
* Do this promptly, and wo are prepared to join our
forces with yours for the, purpose of revenge [on the
common foe], and to show hy our actions that wo are
worthy to bo received hy tho most pious Emperor into
the number of bin sons/
Obscure as is tho wording of this letter, there can
l>o no doubt as to its general purport (irustiif,
evidently a man of high rank and great power, is
a traitor to tho national Lombard cause, and in pre-
paring to enter into soiuo sort of federate relation with
the Kmpiro, if ho can roeoivo a sufficiently largo sum
of money: NIK! for sotno reason with which wo are not
acquainted, the Kntnkish king, or rather his secretary,
is employed as the go-between to settle the price of
Giwrnlfs fidelity, and the terms of payment.
If the intending traitor was, as I believe him to
have been, a nephew of Alboin, and tho duke of the
great frontier-province of tho new kingdom, it is
evident that wo have hero a nogociation which might
have been of tho utmost importance to the destinies
of Italy. And tho suggestion* that ono motivo for
1 A conjectural trnnHlation of 'Hi In VOH vi#or PnutifUut (w'r)
non eorwiHlil ut jam <lo pwuHonli poHHitiB hun- omnin
2 Uadu )>y Crivolluwi, p. 68.
48 The Four Great Duchies: Frmli.
BOOK vii. Qrasulf's meditated treason may have been resentment
CH 2
— , at his own exclusion from the throne when, at the end
of the interregnum, he, Alboin's nephew, was passed
over, and the young Authari was invested with the
robes of the restored kingship, seems to me one which
has much to recommend it on the score of probability,
though we can produce no authority in its favour,
second However, the negociations for some reason or other
through, and Grasulf did not surrender the duchy
S)ch5Sl of Forum Julii to tlle EmPire- For in the year 590,
590, fae Exarch Bomanus, writing to King Childebert, and
describing the course of the war, naya, '.Returning
[from Mantua] to Ravenna, we decided to march into
the province of Istria1 against the enemy Grasulf.
When we arrived in this pi'ovinco Duko Gisulf, n>
mwjn'i/icuti, BOH of Grasulf, defining to aliow hinwolf in
his youthful manhood better than his father, came to
meet us that bo might Bubmit himself, his chiefs, and
his entire army with all devotion to the holy Republic2/
Here again, though we have no express identification
1 Some difficulty has "boon causod by tho UHO of tho words 'the*
province of Istria, ' boeauno it i« tliotight iliat tho territory of Forum
Julii would not bo included "within its limitH, tho IHOXMO having
boon of old tho boundary botwoou I&tria and Vi»nolia. But 1 think
that both tho axprogs word« of Pmilus (II. L. ii. 14) an<l tho unago
of Gregory I justify uw in Haying that Vwwtia and Iwlria wcro at
this tiino always treated aw ono provineo, which (oHjK^cially HIIKH*
tho groator part of Vonotia hud fallow into tho hund« of the Lom-
bard**) way oflou callod by tlio nnmo of Intria alono*
* 'liavonnam romcantoB in Histriam provinciani, contra hontcau
GraBoulfum dolibomvimuH ain)>ularo. (Attain provinciam v<uiit,»nit*,s,
Gisulfu» Vir Magixiiicus, Dux, jfiliun GniHoulfi, in juv<»uili aotato
nioliorom k> patro cupions domoxxBtraro, occurrit nobiH, ut cum
oxuni dovotione Banctao Koipublicao, HO cunx auis prioribun ot
infa»gro HUO oxurcitu, »icut fuit (V focit) nubdorot' (Troya, iv, i,
No. XLVI). Boo vol, v, p. 273*
Gisulf will be better than his father. 49
of the actors in the drama with the ducal family BOOK vir
of Friuli, everything agrees with the theory that they CH" 2'
are the persons concerned. Duke Grasulf, as we may
reasonably conjecture, was only half-hearted in his
treachery to the Lombard cause. When it came to
the point of actually surrendering fortresses, or giving
any other sufficient security for the fulfilment of his
compact with the Boman Kepublic, the negociation
broke down. His son Gisulf, who had perhaps suc-
ceeded his father Grasulf in the course of this campaign
of the Exarch's1, took an opposite line of policy to
his father, and professed that he would do that which
Grawulf had failed to do. He would show himself
more loyal to the Empire than his father, and would
bring over all the heads of the Lombard funis, who
were Korving under him, and all their men, to the holy
llepuhlic.
However, as far as we can discern the misty move- cn«uif (H;
monts of* these Sub-Alpine princes, Oiuulf did not in
the owl prove himself any more capable friend to the
Empire than Grasulf had done. If there had been any
wholesale Ktnromler of Forojulian ibrircBses to the
Exarch wo whould probably have heard of it from
Pauhw, AH it ia, all that the Lombard historian tolls
UB in that Ghttilf of Friuli, an well a# hiw brother-duke
Gaiclwaid of Trient, having previously ntood aloof from
the alliance of King Agilulf, was received by him in
1 Wo might in thia way uxjdain tho fact that KomumiB
'oontm h OH Loin OruHoulfum/ and yut that GiBiilf IB Bpokou of aw
*l)ux/ Or hin fuihor nuty havo l)ot»n old and infirm, and li<» may
havu )>n<'t» awHocintod with him AH 'Dux/ and put in command of
the main hody of tho army which ho horo pi*o]»o»utf to lt«a<i over to
tho ouumy.
VOI-. VL K
50 The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
Booicvn. peace after the birth of his son1, and that Gisulf con-
CH. 2
— L-l~curred with the king in promoting the election of
Abbot John as the schismatic Patriarch of Aquileia
after the death of Severus in 606 2.
invasion But terrible disaster from an unexpected quarter
Avars, was impending over the house of Gisulf and the duchy
of FriulL We have seen that hitherto, from the time
of the Lombards' departure from Pannonia, their
relations with the Avar lords of Hungary had been
of the most friendly character. There had been
treaties of alliance ; menacing cautions to the Fraukigh
kings that if they would have peace with the Avars
they must be at peace with the Lombards also ; joint
invasions of Istria ; help given by Agilulf to the Grout
Khan 3 by furnishing shipwrights to fit out his vessels
for a naval expedition against the Empire4. Now,
for some reason or other, possibly because the Loin-
bards were growing too civilized and too wealthy for
the taste of their barbarous neighbours, the relations
between the two peoples underwent a diHtistrouH
change. Somewhere about the year 610, the Khan
of the Avars mustered his squalid host, and with *au
innumerable multitude ' of followers appeared on the
frontier of Friuli6. Duke Gmulf set his army in
1 ' Hoc anno Gaidoaldus dux doTridonto ot Gisulfus do Forojuli
cum antea a regis Agilulfi sociotuto discordaront ab <*o in pu<z«i
recepti aunt' (Paulus, H. L» iv. 27),
2 'His diolnis dofuncto Sovoro pntriarcha ordinntur in loco ojus
Johannes abbas putriarclia in Aquiloiu votoro cum conHcnnu iH»gi,H
et Gisulfi duels' (Paulus, H. L. iv. 33). Soo vol. v* p. 481*
3 Or Chagan. 4 Paulus, II, L. iv, 24. 20.
5 'Circa haec tempera rex Avarum quom «ua lingua Cucuwim
appellant cum innumerabili multitudini venien» Vouotiurutn iin<*H
ingressus est' (Paulus, II. L, iv. 37). Sumo -vratora, in ordor to
lessen tho diificultios of the Gisulf gonealogy, bring tlw Avar
Avar Invasion. 51
array, and went boldly forth against the enemy, but BOOK yn,
all his Lombard faras were few in number in com- - 1—
parison with that multitudinous Tartar horde: they
were surrounded and cut to pieces; few fugitives
escaped from that terrible combat, and Gisulf himself
was 'not among the number. There was nothing left
for the remnant of the Lombards but to shut them-
selves up in their stronghold, and to wait for the help
which doubtless they implored from King Agilulf.
Seven strong fortresses, partly in the valley of the
Tagliamento and partly under the shadow of the
Julian Alps, are expremnly mentionorl as having been
thus occupied by the Lombards, besides the capital
and several smaller castles l.
But the kernel of the national defence was,
course, Forum Julu itself, where the ftnv survivors juiu.
of GiBulf fs host, with the women and the lad« who
had been too young for the battle, manned the walls,
whonco they looked forth with angry, but trembling
hearts on the Avar horclcn wandering wide over the
invnBion forward to 602, Tho dalo uwmlly nHsi#n«*d to it IB 61 1.
I do not think tho va#uo 'Circa ha<»<: t*miponi* of Paulas iimnu-
diatoly following tho hintory of tho roign of I'hocaH (602-610) will
unablo UB to go further than I liuvi1 dono in ih«' foxi. If tlio <loath
of H<»verti», lh« i'airiarch <»f A<juilom, occurriMl in 606, ih<» Avar
invasion muwt )><» phicnl nfti»r that <Iat<s Hinco (Hsiilf coiinuiTod in
tho noininatiott of hm Hu^ccsHor (HO<» Criv<<llti<'ci, |>j>, 79-80), Ho
tlu* inv«wion about, 6o,jf but I think thin i» too onrly,
Tho H«ivon fortr<«H8<»H ar<* <^nuonn, Artotiia, ().sopoan<l
ss tho modnrn Jhtrfrt/Hft) in tho valloy <^f th<» Ta
(Nhnitt) undor M(»uto Bonianiin, l!>Ii#<» (//>y^/-s about iivo
wouth of Oividalo), a foiironn 'whono jxmilion is altop«th<kr
^nablo/ nnd (WinonoH ((JorHUMtt), Hiill furihcr io tho nouth,
now situniiKl on tho railway Iwiwocn U<Iino and drn"/H I tak<» tho
idontiiication of niton from the* M. <i.!L, hut luivo not an much
confulcnet* in thoiu its in Mnlfntti's work on tho Trulrutiw
K 2
52 The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
BOOK VH. fair land, burning, robbing and murdering. Hardly
°H* 2' more than a generation had passed since the Lorn-
610 ^' bards had been even thus laying waste the dwellings
of the 'Romans/ and now they were themselves
suffering the same treatment at the hands of a yet
more savage foe. The family of the dead warrior
Gisulf, as they stood on the battlements of Forum
Julii, consisted of his widow Romilda and his four
* «
sons, of whom two, Taso and Cacco, were grown up,
while Radwald and Grimwald were still boys. There
were also four daughters, two of whom were named
Appa and Gaila, but the names of the other two have
perished.
Romiida's The Avar host of course besieged Forum Julii, and
cnme. ^^ ^ their energies to its capture. While the
Grand Khan was riding round the walls of the city,
seeking to espy the weakest point in its fortifications,
Romilda looked forth from the battlements, and seeing
him in his youthful beauty, felt her heart burn with
a shameful passion for the enemy of her people, awl
sent him a secret message, that if he would promise to
take her for his wife she would surrender to him the
city with all that it contained. The Khan, with guile
in his heart, accepted the treacherous proposal ; llo-
milda caused the gates to be opened ; and the Avars
were within the city. Every house was, of courae,
plundered, and the citizens were collected outside the
walls that they might be carried off into captivity.
The city itself was then given to the flames. As for
Romilda, whose lustful heart had been the cause of
all this misery, the Khan, in fulfilment of his plighted
oath, took her to his tent, and for one night treated
her as his wife ; but afterwards handed her over to the
Fate of the Lombard Captives. 53
indiscriminate embraces of his followers, and finally im- BOOK YIJ.
paled her on a stake in the middle of the plain, saying _°!l!*_
that this was the only husband of whom Romilda 6TO(?*
was worthy. The daughters of the traitress, who
did not inherit her vile nature, succeeded by strange
devices in preserving their maiden honour; and though
sold as slaves and forced to wander through strange
lands, eventually obtained husbands worthy of their
birth, one of them being married to the king of the
Alamanni, and another to the duke of the Bavarians \
As for the unhappy citizens of Forum Julii, their Fat* of th<>
captors at first somewhat soothed their fears by telling ™£
them that they were only going to load them back to
their own former home in Pannonia. But when in the
eastward journey they hacl arrived as far as the Sacred
Plain a, the Avars either changed their nihiclH, or re-
vealed the murderous purpose which they had always
cherished, and slaughtered in cold blood the Lombard
maleH who were of full age, dividing the women and
children among them a« their wlaves. The BOIIS of
(hike Giwilf, seeing the wicked work begun, sprang on
their boras**, at id were about to take flight. But it
was only Tafjo, Oacco, and Kadwald who were yet
practised horsemen, and tbo question arose what
should 1)0 done with the little Grimwald, who was
thought to 1)0 yet too young to keep his seat on
a galloping horse. It seemed a kinder deed to take
his life than to leave him to the squalid misery of
II. L. iv. 37, from whom all thin narrative IH taken,
UWHO two (liBtiaguitthetl marriages of Gisulf's daughters
with a Slwiiur."
a 'Cum putrium rovtirtontofl a<l campum quoin Sacrum nomwant
IKirvMiuwtmt.1' A}»par<jntly thb pla<i«» haw not JMJOU McaiiifiiHl with
any modern
54 The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
BOOK vii. captivity amongst the Avars ; and accordingly one of
H' ' his older brothers lifted his lance to slay him. But
the boy cried out with tears, ' Do not pierce me with
Escape of thy lance ; I, too, can sit on horseback/ Thereupon
the elder brother stooped down, and catching Grim-
wald by the arm, swung him up on to the bare back
of a horse, and told him to stick on if he could. The
lad caught hold of the bridle, and for some distance
followed his brothers in their flight. But soon the
Avars, who had discovered the escape of the princes,
were seen in pursuit. The three elder brothers, thanks
to the swiftness of their steeds, escaped, but the little
Grimwald fell into the hands of the foremost of the
band. The captor deemed it unworthy of him to
smite with the sword so young an enemy, and deter-
mined rather to keep him, and use him as a slave. Ho
therefore caught hold of his bridle, and moved slowly
back to the camp, delighting in the thought of his
noble prize : for the slender figure of the princely boy,
his gleaming eyes, and thick clustering locks of flaxen
hair were fair to behold, especially to one accustomed
to nought but the mean Kalmuck visages of the
swarthy Avars, But while the captor's heart wa«
swelling with pride, grief at his captivity burned in
the soul of Grimwald.
'And mighty thoughts stirred in that tiny breast1/
He quietly drew from its sheath the little sword which
he carried as the child of a Lombard chief, and
watching his opportunity dealt with all his might
a blow on the crown of the head of his Avar captor.
1 Paulas here quotes a line from Virgil —
'Ingentes animos angusto in peotore versans.*
The quotation is from Georgic iv, 83, where it is applied to tho
soldier-bees.
Grimwald's youthful heroism. 55
Wonderful to tell, the stripling's stroke was fatal. BOOK vn.
The Avar fell dead from his horse, and Grirnwald, — ^1—
turning the head of his steed rode fast after his 10 * j'
brothers, whom he overtook, and who hailed him with
shouts of delight both at his escape, and at his first
slaughter of a foe.
So runs the story of Grimwald's escape as told in
the pages of Paulus. It is Saga of course : and in
order to magnify the deeds of one who became in after
years the foremost man of the Lombard nation, it is
very possible that the bards have sqinewbat diminished
the age of the youthful warrior. But it is not worth
while to attempt the now hopeless task of disen-
tangling poetry from prose. A historian who is so
often compelled to lay before bin reader** mere names
of kingH and dukes without one touch of portraiture
to make them live in tho memory, may be excused for
wishing that many more such Sagas had boon preserved
by tho Lombard chronicler*
Happily at thin point Puuhif* interrupts the course story of
!• j.\ 1 1 • J * 1 J. • ' th° atlC''H
oi the gonornl history, m order to give us some in- tors of
formation UH to tho forfcunoH of bin own forefathers l ;
and thin little chapter of family history helps us to
unclerHtaml the immense and terrible importance of
tho Avar raid into Friuli, a raid which in many ways
reminda tm of the Danish invasions of Anglo-Saxon
England in tho ninth and tenth centuries ; like them
blighting a young and tender civilisation, and like
them probably destroying many of the records of the
pant*
1 'Exigit voro nuno loeua, postpoaitjl gimorali hiBtoria, pauca
otmm privatim <l<i m<&, qui haoc Bcnl>o, gonoalogia roioxoro, et
quia rm ita pontolat (ric) paulo superixis naiTtttionis ordinem r^
pltcaro/
56 The Four Great Duchies: Frinli.
BOOK m The first of his ancestors mentioned by Paulus is
- H'.V. Leupchis \ who came into Italy in the year 568 at the
same time with the great body of his countrymen 2.
After living many years in Italy he died, leaving
behind him five young sons, who having apparently
escaped death by reason of their tender age, were all
swept by the tempest of the invasion from Friuli into
Avar-land. Here they groaned under the yoke of
their captivity for some years; but when they had
reached man's estate, the youngest, named Lopichis,
by an inspiration from above, conceived the thought
of returning to Italy, and regaining his freedom,
Having resolved on flight he started, taking with him
only his quiver and his bow, and as much food as he
could carry. He was utterly ignorant of the road, but,
strange to say, a wolf was his guide through the
mountain solitudes. When he halted the wolf halted
too: when he lagged behind, the creature looked
around to see if he were following, and thus he at
length perceived that the wild beast was his divinely
appointed guide, But after some days' wandering
1 GENEALOGY OF PAULUS DIACONUS.
LEOTOHIS
(camo into Italy with Alboin).
II I I I
Four sons died LOPICHI&
in Avar-land. |
ARIOI
TheudoKmteWARNEFRIT.
PAtriUS, AKICHIS.
a The language of Paulus seems to loavo it doubtful whether
Leupchis was actually one of Alboin's soldiers, though ho enmo
from Pannonia at the same time as the rest of his countrymen,
Return of Lopichis. 57
amid the desolate mountains (probably in the district BOOK vn.
of the Karawanken Alps) his provisions came to an _ ^_L
end, and his death seemed nigh at hand. Faint with
hunger, he fitted an arrow to the string and aimed at
his heaven-sent guide, thinking that even its flesh
might save him from starvation. The wolf, however,
seeing what he meditated, vanished from his sight.
Then Lopichis, despairing of life, fell to the ground
and slept: but in his slumber he saw a man who
seemed to say to him, 'Arise! why sleepest thou?
Resume thy journey in the opposite direction to that
in which thy feet are now pointing, for there lies the
Italy of thy desire/ He arose at once, journeyed in
the direction indicated, and soon came among the
dwellings of men* It was a little Sclavonic village
that he entered ; and there ho fotind a kindly woman
who, perceiving that he wan a fugitive, received him
into her cottage, and hid him there, and perceiving
moreover that he was nearly dead with hunger, gave
him food gradually and in small quantities as he was
able to bear it. At length, when he had sufliciently
recovered his strength, she gave him provisions for the
journey, and pointed out to him the road to Italy,
which country he entered after certain days. Heat
once sought his old home, hut found no trace of the
ancestral dwelling left, only a vast tangle of thorns
and briers. Having cleared these away, he oamo upon
a large elm growing within the old enclosure of his
home, and in this tree he hung up his quiver1* Home
of his relatives and friends gave him presents which
enabled him to rebuild his house and to marry a wifu :
1 AH n Bign of taking possession (*?}.
58 The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
BOOK vii. but the property which had once been his father's he
°Hv2' could not recover, as the men who had occupied it
pleaded successfully the rights of long possession.
Lopichis was the father of Arichis, Arichis of Warne-
frit, and Warnefrit, by his wife Theudelinda (named
no doubt in honour of the great Lombard queen) had
two sons, one of whom was the historian, and the
other (named after his grandfather) was his brother
Arichis l.
Dukes We return to the history of the duchy of Friuli,
Cac°coand of which, after the death of Gisulf, and the withdrawal
of the Avars, Taso and Cacco, the two eldest sons of
Gisulf, became joint lords. They seem to have been
Extension valiant in fight, for they pushed the boundaries of
toryrn" their territory northward as far as Windisch-Matrei,
adding the whole long valley of the Gail to their
dominions, and compelling the Sclovene inhabitant**
of that region to pay tribute, which they continued
to do for more than a century2.
1 It seems probable that Paul us has omitted some links in tho
family genealogy. Throe generations are very few to covor the
period between the Avar invasion and Charles tho Groat, botwtwn
Leupohis, who came (presumably as a full-grown ninn) into Italy
in 568, and Paulus himself, who was born about 720* BonidoB,
it is strange that Leupchis, a grown man in 568, should loavo live
little children ('pueruli') at tho time of the Avar invasion hi 610,
Most likely, then, owing to the destruction of records during that
invasion, a generation has been omitted from tho higtorianV* own
pedigree, as well as from that of duke Gisulf. Evon after Lopichw*
return the number of generations (say three to xao yoars if
Lopichis was born in 600) is somewhat scanty, though not impos-
sibly so,
2 Till the time of duke Katchis (740), 'Hi suo tampon*,
Solavorum rogionem quae Zollia appellatur uwquo ad locum qui
Medaria diciturpossiderunt (sic). Undo usque ad tompora Eutchiw
ducis idem Sclavi pensionem Forojulanis ducibus porsolverunt *
Murder of Taso and Cacco. 59
But the two sons of Gisulf, who had escaped from BOOK vn.
the swords of the Avars, fell before the vile treachery 1—
of a Byzantine official. The Exarch l Gregory invited Of the ery
the young duke Taso to come and meet him at the
Venetian town Opitergium (Oderzo), which was still
subject to the Empire, promising to adopt him as
his ' films per arma/ the symbol of which new relation-
ship was the cutting off of the first downy beard of
the young warrior by his adoptive father. Fearing
no evil, Taso went accordingly to Opitergium with
Cacco, and a band of chosen youthful warriors. As
soon as they had entered the city, the treacherous
governor caused the gates to be shut, and sent a band
of armed men to attack the young Forojuiian chiefs.
Seeing that death was inevitable, they resolved to sell
their lives dearly, and having given one another a last
farewell, the two dukes and their comrades rushed
through the streets and squares of the city nlaying all
whom they met. The slaughter of Itoman citizens
was terrible, but in the end all the Lombards were left
dead upon the pavement of Opitergium. The Exarch
ordered the head of Taso to be brought to him, and
with traitorous fidelity cut off the beard of the young
chieftain, so fulfilling his promise 2,
Such is the story of the massacre of Opitergium
(Paulus, II* L. iv, 38). For tho identification of Zollia with the
Gail-thai I am indebted to Gilbert and Churchill (Dolomito Moun-
tains, p. 179 note)* It seems to me much moro probable than tho
identification with Oilli. For Medaria, Waitz suggests WindiHeh-
Matrei.
1 Paulus calls him 'Patricius Bomanorum,' but wo can hardly
be wrong in interpreting this to moan Exarch*
tt * Fredogarius' (so-called) tells a story (iv. 69) which seems to bo
derived from this, as to the murder of Taso, * duke of Tuscany/
60 The Four Great Duchies: Friuli.
BOOK vii. as related to us by the Lombard historian. It is
C/H, g v
possible that there is another side to the story, and
that some excesses of Taso's henchmen may have
provoked a tumult, in which he and his brother
perished : but as it is told to us the affair reminds
us of the meditated massacre of Marcianople a ; and
like that massacre it was bitterly avenged.
The two young dukes of Friuli being thus cut off
( * °* in their prime, their uncle Grasulf, brother of Gisulf,
succeeded to the vacant duchy 2. Radwald and Grim-
wald, sore at heart at being thus passed over, took
ship, and sailed for Benevento, where, as we- shall
by the Patrician Isaac. According to him CharoaM
king of the Lombards, offers Isaac that ho will remit ono of tho
throe hundredweights of gold which the Empire pays yearly to
tho Lombards if he will put Taso out of tho way. Isaac accord-
ingly invites Taso to Kavenna, offering to help him aguinnt
'Charoald,' whom Taso knows that he has displeased. Taso ro-
pairs to Ravenna with a troop of warriors, who, through foar of
the Emperor's displeasure, are prevailed upon to loavo thoir arms
outside the walls. They enter tho city, and the prepared «#sasHinH
at once rush upon and kill them* Thenceforward the yearly
hcMficia from the Empire to the Lombards are reduced from thm»
hundredweights of gold to two. Soon after ' Charoald ' dios. AH
Ariwald's reign lasted from 626 to 636, and m Isaac did not
become Exarch till 620, it seems to me absolutely impossible in
any way to reconcile this wild story with tho ovonts described by
Paulus, which must have happened many yearn oarlior, Eithor
' Frodegarius,* who is a most unsafe guide, ha» got hold of an
utterly inaccurate version of the death of Taao, son of Ginulf II,
or the coincidence of name is accidental, and tho story of ' Frtulo-
garius' relates to some completely different series of events to
which we have lost the clue,
1 See vol. i. p, 109 (p, 257, second edition)*
- I do not attempt to assign any date for these events. Do Bubois
puts the Avar invasion in 615, the accession of Grasulf (II) 616,
and his death 661. The last date is almost certainly too lato, but
we have only conjecture to guide us.
Duke Grasulf. 61
see, they had an old friend in the person of the BOOKVII
reigning duke. We, too, will follow their example, CH'2'
and leave Friuli for Benevento, for there is nothing
further recorded of the history of the former duchy
for half a century after the invasion of the Avars.
DUKES OF BENEVENTUM.
(Names of the dukes in capitals : king of Italy in Italic capitals.)
ZOTTO,
Gisulf (II),
duke of Foramjulii.
ARICHIS I,
591-641.
AIO,
641-642.
RADWALB,
642-647.
Ita =f= GRIMWALD I,
647-662
(king of the Lom-
bards, 662-671).
ROMWALB I, =r Theodarada,
662-687.
daughter of
Lupus, duko
of Forum-
julii.
Wigilindii = GRIMWALB II, GISULF I, =f= Winiporga.
daughter 687-680. 680-706.
ofPorctarit,
king of the
Lombards.
AricluB.
GREGORIUS Gumporga, =p
f& kinHmun of nioco of
king Liutprand Liutprand,
mux*riod Gisolporga), king of the
732-739. Lombards.
706-730 (?).
II, == Rftnigundn, AUDKLAIS,
Anna = OOTTSCHALK
(u robol duko},
739-742.
ARIOIIIS II,
758-786,
takes in 774 tho
title of Prince qf
Beneomtum.
GISULF II,
of 730 t V; 732
Oaiclwald,
duko of BrcHcia.
Bcauniporga.
LIUTPHAND,
x,75T-758
(deposed by
Situation and early history of Benevento. 63
HI. Duchy of Beneveato. BOOKYII.
Source :— PAULUS. CH* 2>
My chief guide in this section has been 'Cav. Almerico JHeo-
martmi, engineer and architect. Both his elaborate treatise
' I Monument! e le opere d' arte della CittA di Benevento (1889-
1894), and still more the personal explanations with which he
favoured me in the course of a recent visit to the city, have been
of the greatest possible service.
De Fita, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Beneventanarum (Rome,
1754 and 1769) : hernia, Istoria della Cittft di Benevento (1883) :
and Hindi, Das Herzogthum Bencvent (Leipzig, 1871), have
also all been found helpful, especially the last named work.
BENEVENTO stands in an amphitheatre of hills over- situation
looking the two rivers Galore and Sabato, which meet
near its western extremity, and flowing on together
for about thirty mileB, pour their waters into the
channel which bears the name of the Voltorno *, and
so pass out by Capua to the sea.
The city of Benoveritum, as we have already seen2, Early MS
laid claim to a high antiquity, professing to have been
founded by Dionicd, and to show the tusks of the
monstrous boar, which in the days of his grandfather
ravaged the territory of Calydori. Leaving these
mythical glories on one side, we remark only that
it was a city of the Saturates possibly at one time
inhabited by the Etruscans of Campania, and that
about the time of the Third Samnite War (B.C. 298-
290) it pamed under the dominion of Kome. In its
1 My roamon for using this expression is that It sooms to mo
that both from tho length of its cour»o, and tho volume of Its
walow, Caloro has moro right to the name of tho unitotl rivor than
Voltorno.
2 Vol iv, p. 85.
64 The Four Great Duchies: Benevento.
BOOK vn. neighbourhood (B.O. 275) Manius Curius won that
CH'2' decisive victory over Pyrrhus, which settled the ques-
tion whether the Roman or the Greek was to be
master in the Italian peninsula. Seven years after
this (B.C. 268) the Romans, true to their constant
policy of pinning down newly conquered territories
by the establishment of miniature Roman republics
among them, sent a colony to the city by the Galore ;
and on this occasion that city, which had previously
been called Maleventum, had that name of evil omen,
which it had accidentally received, changed into the
more auspicious Beneventum, by which it has thonce-
forth been known in history1. The chief importance
of Beneventum arose from its being situated on the
great Via Appia, which led from Rome through Gapua
to Tarentum and Brundisium. Many a schoolboy has
read the passage in the Iter JBrundusinwn in which
Horace describes the officious zeal of tho innkeeper at
Beneventum, who, while blowing up his fire to roast
a few lean thrushes for his illustrious guestn, narrowly
escaped burning down his own house 2, Some portion of
1 As was stated in vol. iv. p. 85, Procopius without limitation
ascribes the original name Maloventum to the fierce wind** to
which, from its elevated situation, it was exposed. And certainly
to me, when passing the night there, and hearing tho wind,
which seemed dashing with all its fury and with ntormy tears
against the windows of my inn, the derivation Boomed probable
enough. It seems, however, to be now pretty woll Bttttlod that
the original Oscan name Holies was Grecised into Maliocnton or
Makventum as Acragas was changed into Agrigontum, and that
ventus, wind, does not really enter into its composition.
2 'Tendimus hinc recta Beneventum ubi seduliw honpoB
Pene arsit macros dum turdos versat in igm ;
Nam vaga per veterem dilapso flamma eulmuin
Vulcano, summum properabat lambere tectum.*
(Sat, i. 5. 7^-73)*
Situation of Benevento. 65
the bridge by winch the Appian Way crossed the BOOK yir.
river Sabato is still standing, and is known by the — — •
somewhat mysterious name of II Ponte LeUbroso 1.
But a century after Horace's Brundisian journey via Tm-
the greatest of the Roman Emperors stamped his
name on Beneventum by a noble work of public utility,
and by a stately monument. The old road to Brundi-
Riuni, over which Horace travelled, had apparently
been a more mule-track where it crossed the Apen-
the road which was passable by wheeled
s making a bend to the south, and circling
round by Tarciitum. lu order to avoid thin deviation,
and to save a day in the through journey from Home
to the cunt, the Emporor made the nmv tfnd splendid
road across the inounlainn winch thenceforward bore
the nawo of Via Trajana.
1 Tim Loprou.s liridj<4>. At liw cantoni oml of tin's bridge* ar«>
Homo maHHivo niouoH, nvidontly of Komun workmanship. Muiiy
of thorn aro piorcod with 'luiH-hol<»H,'nnd it is wu#tf<wtt'd that from
tlusso dm opitlwt k«prouK may huvo IM^H doriviwl. In tliu eleventh
century a grwit part of tho )>rid#o was <l<iHtroy**<I )>y a certain
Kn-tor, who, ohtuiniiiK a flonmsnion from Princt* Landulf VI,
up ih<* ntroain, and <»wtod a mill in.stoad of thu bridge.
Tho uuthority for thin Htatcmout in Hirahot vi. ,5. 5 : A^ «*^
. . * wit
r/ 'Airir/rt X#yr^fV/ <i^;XiiTi»r p£XW. It in incidoniully coniirmod by
liiuM in tho ll«r Itruiulumnuin :
*Iuripii 4«x illo montoH Apulia uoton
mihi quon torrot Atabtihm, <tt qww
on*p«i*muH nlni non vicina Trivici
Villa n»<M*pi«H«»t , ......
<4(m(u<»r luu<' rapimur vi^iati ot millia ;7/(v/^§/
Th«» i«»i|»h«ti« moutiou <»f rArrfw whoww that tho part of tho journey
imiiutliait'ly pivmiiuK Imd bo«m |Mirfonuo«l on tho Jm<;kH of
or nmh'H,
VI. J1"
66 The Four Great Duchies: Benevento.
BOOKVII. To commemorate this great engineering work there
The Arch was erec*e<^ on ^e north side of the city in the year
of Trajan, u^ a triumphal arch dedicated to 'Nerva Trajanus
Optimus Augustus, Germanicus et Dacicus ' by the
Senate and people of Rome \ This nohle work, which
has hardly yet received from archaeologists the atten-
tion which it deserves 25 though it has suffered much
at the hands of sportive barbarians, still casts a light
upon the reign of the best of Roman Emperors, only
less bright than that thrown by the celebrated column
at Rome. It is like the same Emperors Arch at
Ancona, but not despoiled of its bas-reliefs ; like
the Arch of Constantine, but with its best works of
art restored to their rightful owner; like the Arch
of Titus save for the incidental interest which the
latter derives from the fact that it records the calamity
of the chosen people. Here, notwithstanding the
irritating amputations effected by the mwcliiovona
hands of boys of many generations, we can still dis-
cover the representation of the chief scenes iu the
life of Trajan, his adoption by Nerva, his triumphal
entry into Rome, his victory over the Dacian chief
Decehalua. Here we can see him achieving Rome of
his great peaceful triumphs, giving the * congiarium '
1 The inscription gives the date 'Tribunicia Potostaio XVIII.
Imporator VII, Cos VI.' The«o dates correspond with the y<*nr
mentioned above (A.D. 114), the year in which Trajan sot out on
his expedition to tho East Thin fact, and the ubsonco of 'Par*
thicus * from the Emperor's titles, prove, I think, that Cav.
Meomartini is right in refusing to find any reference in tho
sculptures on the Arch to the subjugation of Armenia, or otlwr
events of the Parthian War,
2 I must except the very painstaking work of Monaignor Koswi
(Naples, 1816), and the yet more elaborate and trustworthy work
of Cav. Meomartini, to which I have already roforrod,
Arch of Trajan. 67
to the citizens of Rome, founding an asylum for BOOK vn.
orphans, and hailed by the Senate's enthusiastic ac- ." -'
clamations as Optimus Princeps. And lastly, here we
see the I toman sculptor's conception of an Imperial
apotheosis : Trajan's sister Marciana welcomed into the
'assembly of the Immortals by Capitoliau Jupiter, while
Minerva and Ceres, Bacchus and Mercury, look on
approvingly.
It was not only the Via Appia and the Via Trajuna s
that entered the gates of Benoventum. A branch
of the other great southern i*oud, the Via Lutina, Vi''iit«.
led off to it from the neighbourhood of Teanum, and
another road skirting the northern Hide of Mons
TSformiH connected it with Atwrnia and the north-
oast end of Latium. The moro we Btudy the Koman
itinorarieH the more arc wo improved with the import-
unco of Bencvontum as a military, position for the
Lombards commanding the southern portion of Italy,
watching m from a hosiilo outpost the movements
of tho duko of Neapolis, blocking the gix^at highroad
Ixiiwwm Homo and Oonstantinople, and cutting oft*
tho RonuuiH on tho Adriatic from tho Romans on
the Tyrrhene Hoa. Yet though doubtless ntrategic
conHideratioim weighed heaviest in tho scale when
the Lombard chiefs were chocwing their nouthern
capital, the character of tho climate had also probably
something to do with their Holcclum. Children of tho
north, and denixonH of tlio for^Ht and the moorland,
tho Lombardw (or at any rate HOIW* of tho Lombards)
nbrunk at Hint from fixing their hom«H in tho Hultry
alluvia! plaina The cooler air of tho uplands, tho
near neighbourhood of the great Aponnine chain, even
tho boinierouH wind whicth bluHtcn^l routul tb<» walls
F 2
68 The Four Great Duchies; Benevcnto.
BOOK vir. of Beneventum were all additional recommendations
.^Ll in the eyes of the first generation of invaders who had
crossed the Alps with Alboin.
•TUoSam- The duchy of Benevento is often spoken of by
Paulus as the duchy of the Sanmites !. At first the
use of so archaic a term of geography strikes us as
a piece of mere pedantry, and only provokes a smile ;
but when we look a little more closely into the matter
our objection to it almost disappears. The attitude
of the old fcjamnito mountaineers to the lowlanders
of Campania, Greek, Etruscan, ( taean, or I toman, seems
reproduced in tbe attitude of the Lombards of Bene-
vento to the Imperialist duko of Neupolis, and the
citizens of Salernum and htestum. The psiss of the
Oaudine Forks, the scene of Romo's #reat<»st hwnilia-
tiou (whether it be placed at B, A gat a dei (joti or
at Arpaia), was within iilleen miles of Benevonto,
Though wars, proscriptions and the horrors of the
lii.mmil<ttIfnMl!ft may have well ni^h exterminated all
the ]>opulation in whose1, veins ran a drop of the old
Hamnito blood, tbe faithful memory of tbe mountaineer
may have retained some Inico of those great warn,
which once made each pass of tli« Apennines memor-
able ; and even tw tbe Vandals of (Jartbage avenged
the wrongs of their long vanished Punic ]w<lee<jKNorH,
BO posHibly some faint tradition of the ungenerous treat-
1 'Dofuncto ArichiH, , , At4>, (^JUH filiuH Hnninituin
eet' (II. L iv* 44)* 4A|>ut
, . , Qrimualil OJUH g^mmnun <Iux ^iTiu'tun <»H| ^i(iHfnmvi(qtu» ducn-
turn Samnitiuni mmm quiiujuo ol vi^inti^n, L, iv, 46), '.Post
quom [H(»iuuuhl| <>ju* liltUH UrinuinhhiK trilniK UIUUH Katmtiium
populoH rcjxit* (II. L* vi. 2), 'IHunrio ifrnjuo <«ihulf<> How»-
voiitnno <luc«*, Haniuituin popttlutu ltoituml<!» OJUM filiun*
mmcopit* (H. L. vi, 39).
Later history of Beneuento. 69
ment of that noble Samnite general C. Pontius of Telesia BOOK vn.
by his Boman conquerors may have reached the ears of - °H' 2' .
Arichis or Grimwald, and nerved them to more bitter
battle against the Roman dwellers in the plain below.
I have briefly touched on the history of Beneventum C4ianco at
before it became the seat of a Lombard duchy. The
chief architectural monuments of Lombard domination
belong to the reign of Arichis II, and are therefore
outside the limits of this volume. But having followed
the fortunes of the city so far, I may here record the
fact that the Lombard duchy of Beuevento lasted as
an independent state till the latter part of the eleventh
century, when the Norman conquest of Southern Italy,
contemporaneous with the Norman conquest of Eng-
land, extinguished its existence along with that of its
old Greek or Imperial foes. The city of Renevento
itself*, in the troubles connected with the Norman
invasion, became a part of the Papal territory (1053),
and so remained down to our own times, though
entirely surrounded by the dominions of the Neapolitan
kings, and seventy miles distant from the frontier of
the States of the Church. In the plain below the city
walls, on the banks of the river Oalore, was fought in
1266 that fatal battle in which Manfred, the last of
the I lohenstauflen princes, was defeated by Charles
of Anjou, the first, but by no means the last, of the
French lords of Southern Italy, From various causes
lionovento lost much of the importance which bad
belonged to it at the beginning of the Middle Ages.
During the Saracen invasions of the ninth and tenth
centuries the old Roman roads fell into decay, and the
great Via Appia and Via Trajana no longer brought
traders to its gates. When Naples ceased to be under
70 The Four Great Duchies : Benevento.
IJOOK vii. a Byzantine ruler, it naturally took the place of Bene-
. H' ' vento as capital of Southern Italy. Later on the
position of the city as a mere enclave of the Popes,
surrounded by the territory of sometimes unfriendly
princes, was doubtless unfavourable to its commercial
growth. Thus it has come to pass that Benevento now
possesses only a little over 20,000 inhabitants, and
has played no important part in the later history of
Italy. In fact the historian of the nineteenth century
will perhaps find his chief reason for remembering it
in the fact that in the short-lived Empire of Napoleon
it gave the title of Prince to that strange and shifty
intriguer, the Sisyphus of modern politics, Bishop or
Citizen Talleyrand, It now, however, of course, forms
part of the kingdom of Italy, and in capital of a
province. With good roads, and becoming again by
the construction of two or three converging railroads,
somewhat of a focus of communication for Southern
Italy, it is likely to be an important agricultural
centre, and may perhaps regain by trade some of the
importance which it lost by politics arid war,
But we have wandered thirteen centuries away from
our proper subject* We must return to the middle of
the sixth century. The still existing city walls, to
a large extent of Eoman workmanship, the eight gates
by which they are pierced, the arch immediately out-
side them, the remains of the baths and amphitheatre,
the ruins of a vast warehouse oxitBide the city, all
help us to imagine its appearance as it lay in desolate
grandeur for some twenty years or more after Totila
had thrown down its walls, and before the "unspeakable
Lombard " came marching along the Appian Way to
ravage and to rule*
Zotto the first Duke. 7i
It was probably about the year 571, three years BOOK vn.
alter Alboin's first entrance into Italy, that a Lombard
chief named Zotto entered the city — an easy prey by
reason of its ruined walls—and established himself
there as its duke \ From this centre, in the course - ,
' ^ Duko Zot-
his twenty years7 reign, lie extended his dominions far to> 573 ity-
ancl wide over Southern Italy. Naples, which was no
doubt the chief object of Ins desire, he never succeeded
in capturing, though he besieged it in 581-, But
Acjuinuin, more than sixty miles north-west of Bene-
vento (that little Volseian town which was one day to
hoconu* famous as tho birthplace; of a groat theologian
and philosopher), was laid wasio about the your 577 by
tho swords of barbarians1', \vlio wore probably the
soMious of /iotto. And towards the end of Zotto's
reign, about the year 590, the little town of Atina,
1 Thn duti* of tho foundation of tho duchy of iJcunvimto has
b<i<»n th<» subjoct of nnwh diHcuHsion, Imt, upon th<« \vholo, the
iiuti«M» in PauluB(lL L* in*,u), M^uiiauionx prinnis LaiigoJwrdorum
<lu\ itt H<kiM«v<mio noiniiK1 Zotto, <{ui in oa (.v/r1) priuciputus owt
INT rttrriculu viKintt nnnorum/ \vhi<kli givos 11^571 for tho bogiu-
uiiiK <»f Xutto'n roign (it <»nd«Ml in 591), HtMtnw to n^rwo sulllci<mtly
well with tho omtrHt* of tho Lombard iuvawion, Tho your n^9i for
whirh I)i Moo conttaidH, H<**nm d<*<ad*«lly too «'arly. t^*J<) F«»nlinun<l
Hmwii, Dan Ilor/oKthuia Konov(Uitt p. ;0*
" So wtynn fraginont, not porhapnof vory high authority, ijuotod
byTroyn (iv, i. 30), *Ko jttliciito ogo P**trtiH NotariuH H. KccJt*-
sia<' N<*apolitanao, <«tnonduvi HU)> dio Iduuni I)<^onibrituu Impora-
tor<< Doiuino nonlro Tiborio ConHtaiitino Agunto (afc/ainiOHopUnio
)»<ist <'<>nHiilutum (Jtm AK«»Hti (tf/V; anno t^rtio Indictiono ({uinta-
datoH an* wjuiviilcnt to I>«?c«»i«b<tr x j, f)**'-
(2no ( lovino; adhuc wipiTHtito, ita <*un<di inlml»itntoniH«ivittttJH
<*t barbaronun gbulim ot poHtih^ntiao iniuinnitnto vuHtatl
ut iHwt mortwm Hlhw noe quin «»piHC<>i«iH liorot, nuc qnibun
inv4»uiri
72 The Four Great Duchies : Benevento.
BOOK m somewhat north of Aquinum, and not far from Arpinum
..CH'2' (the birthplace of Marius and Cicero), was entered by
the ruthless Lombards, and its bishop, Felix, after an
episcopate of thirty years, c died as a martyr under the
hands of the Beneventan duke, the city and the great
church being also destroyed l ' at the same time.
Pestruc- It was apparently about the same time, or perhaps
monastery a year earlier (589), that the great convent, which the
saintly Benedict had reared sixty years before on Monte
Cassino, was stormed in the night by Zotto's savage
followers. They laid hands on every tiling valuable that
they could find in that abode of willing poverty, pro-
bably not much besides the vessels of divine service,
and perhaps some ornaments of the founder's tomb.
Not one of the monks, however, was taken, and thus
was fulfilled the prophecy of their father Benedict, who
long before, predicting the coining calamity, had said,
4 With difficulty have I obtained of the Lord that from
this place the persons alone should be granted me V
The fugitive monks escaped to Koine, carrying with
them the original manuscript of the Benedictine llule,
and some other writings ; the regulation weight for the
bread, and measure for the wine, and such scanty heel
furniture as they could save from the general ruin 3.
1 Qhronicon Atinonse in AnoedoUUgholliaua, quotod by Ilirnch
(p. 5).
2 ' Qui univerfia diripiontofl, noc unum ox monoohin tonore po-
tuerunt, tit prophetia voneralnlin Bonodieti patris quum longu
aoite praeviderat implerotur quii dixit, " Vix apud Doum opllmw
potui, ut ex hoc loco mihi animao codorontur." * Perhaps an
allusion to Gen. xiv. 21.
8 Paulus (ILL. iv. 17) assigns tho doBtruotlon of Monto Casino
with a vague ' circa haoe tompora1 to tho year 60 x. But it IB
generally agreed that this is a mistake, and that tho event occurred
Destruction of Convent of Monte Cassino. 73
It was under the fourth successor of St. Benedict that BOOKVIL
this ruin of the great convent took place1, and not- — — -
Withstanding all the softened conditions of life in Italy
during the generations that were to follow, it was 130
years before the Coenolium of Monte Cassino rose again
from its ruins.
In the year 591 Duke Zotto died, having pushed the
terror of his ravages, as we can see from the early ti"
letters of Pope Gregory, far into Apulia, Lucania and
Calabria2. In all this career of conquest he had been
apparently acting on his own responsibility, with very
little regard to the central power, such as it was, in
Northern Italy : and indeed, during half of bis reign
there 'had been no king over Israel/ only that loose
confederacy of dukes of which ho must have been
nearly, if not quite, the most powerful member. But
either Zotto left none of bis own family to succeed him,
or the obvious danger to the Lombard state, involved
in the independence of Benevento, stirred up the new
king, Agiluli* to a vigorous assertion of the right which
was undoubtedly his in theory, to nominate Zotto's
successor. Jlis choico fell on Arichis3, who was a kins-
man of GLsuIf, duke of Friuli, and who had, according
to 'PauluK, acted for some time as instructor of his
younger sons in all manly exercises *'.
at loast olovon yearn onrlior. (Soo Ilirnch, p. 4, and Jaeobi, Die
Quolltm don Lomlwrdongoschichte don Paulu« Diaconus, p. 26),
1 The RUGcoAftion, as given by Paulua, was Benedict, Constantino,
Shnpliciufl, Vitnlin, Bonitus (under whom the destruction took
placo).
tf Cunona in Apulia, Tauri in Calabria, Volia, Btixoutum and
Blaiula in Calabria wore all more or loss dosorlod by the ciliKoiiH
or tho cl«»r«y ((irog. Ep. i 44, T>3, 4^ ; ii. x6, 17, 43).
1 Called Arogin by Pope Gregory.
4 * Mortuo igitur Zottone Bonevontanorum duco Arigis in loco
74 The Four Great Duchies : Benevento.
BOOKVII. The reign of Arichis I lasted fifty years, from 591 to
H' ' * 641, and was an important period in the history of the
ipsius a rege Agilulfo missus successit, qui ortus in Forojulii
fuerat et Gisulfi Forojulaui ducis filios educarat eidemquo Gisulfo
consanguineus orat? (Paulus, H. L. iv. 18). This statement,
coupled with the already ontnnglod family history of GLsulf of
Friuli, has caused no littlo perplexity to the commentators.
Arichis, as we shall see, died in the year 541, at an advanced
age, and can hardly have been much more than thirty at his
accession to the duchy of Benevento. But how could Grimwald,
son of Gisulf, be oiio of his pupils before 591,- that G rim wald
who was still a little boy who had not learned to ride nt the timo
of the Avar invaHiou, which is generally dated about 610? AH
Lupi remarks, it wan not tho business of Lombard chiofs io tend
babes in tho miivjory, and not oven tho earliest date that can
possibly )>e asHigned to tho Avar invasion (way oven 603), would
allow Grimwald to be moro than a baby when Arichiw wan In tho
palace of Forojulii. It is clear, therefore, that wo must abandon
tho idea of Grimwuld at any rale having boon trained by Aridim.
Even as to his older b rot hers Ta,so and (Jam* tho matter is diUk-ult
enough, for tho ol<Io»t of thoso was young enough to bo adopted as
'filius per ariua' by tho Exarch aflor his father's death (say about
612). How can his birth, therefore, bo placed earlier than about
f,Hf;, six yearn boforo Arichis l>ocoiueK duko of H<movoni<>? Cri-
vellucci, whoso analysis of iho Forojulian podigreo is oth^rwiso
most ftatisfnctory, HOOWH to ino only to cut tho knot and not in
a satisfactory manner — by bringing tho Avar invasion forward to
603, So difficult in the problom that ono is inclined, with J)i Moo
and Ilirsch, to cut tho knot in another fashion by saying that
Paulas i« altogether wrong, ami tlmt Arichis had nothing to do
with tho education of tho sons of any duko of Fnuli. Only as wo
linvo seen rouHou to think that tlioro is a niihning link in the
Forojtilian pedigree, and tlmt Panlun hinwolf may havo nmdo
8onio coufiiHion betwoeu Oimilf 1 and Oimilf ,11, I would HUKK^t
that it may havo been tho children of an earlier generation whom
Arichta instructed. OiBiiIf I may havo had HONH, nono of whom
Bucceo<l<Kl him In tho <luchy, or (which in, I Hunpect, UHJ true
Bolufcion) it wa« really I)uk<» GranulfJ whonu Bonn Ari<:hiH tmitntd
up; that IK to nay, Ginulf II and (Inwulf II. On this hypothoHiw,
wlion ArichiB in middle life received tho two young prineoB
Kadwald and Grimwald at IUB court, it wan not law ol<l
Arichis I : second Duke. 75
new duchy. I have called it a reign advisedly, for BOOK va.
whatever may have been the theory of his relation to — '~
the Lombard king ruling at Pa via, it is clear that in duke of
practice Arichis acted as an independent sovereign, vonto,
We have seen him, in a previous chapter, making war S9T" ljr*
on his own account with Naples and Rome : nay more,
we have seen that King Agilulf himself could not
conclude a peace with the Empire till Arichis was
graciously pleased to come in and give his assent to
the treaty. It is suggested l that if Agilulf, on Zotto's
death, had taken proper measures for ensuring the
dependence of the duchy of Benevento on the central
monarchy, he might still have accomplished that result :
but whether this be so or no, it is clear that the long
and successful reign of a great warrior like Arichis,
a reign, too, which coincided with many weak and
short reigns of his nominal superiors at Pa via, estab-
lished tho virtual independence of the southern duchy-
There was apparently no royal domain reserved in all
that long reach of territory; there were no officers
aiding in the king's name, or appointed by him ; and
when at last the reign of Ariel i IB came to an end IUB
Huccessor wan chosen without even a pretence of
consulting the Lombard novereign.
It wan during thiw reign that the duchy of Bene- Ooognn»!i-
vento received that geographical extension which, in il'ii Vth«>
the main, it kept for centuries. Koughly speaking, it
included the old Italian provinces, of Samnium, Apulia,
Campania, Lucania, and Bruttii, except such parts of
the eojint — and they were considerable, and included all
l>ut tho HOUH of ouo of thorn, that ho wolcoiuod to
Bonovouto.
1 By llirach, p. 18.
76 The Four Great Duchies: Benevento.
BOOK vii. the best harbours — as were still held by the Empire.
— '-^— The capital and heart of the duchy were in the pro-
vince of Samnium, and ' the people of the Samnites '
is, as we have seen, the phrase generally used by Paulus
when he is speaking of the Lombards of Benevento.
It is certainly with a strange feeling of the return of
some great historic cycle that we find Home engaged
in a breathless struggle for her very existence with
Carthage in the fifth century after Christ, and with
'the Samnites' in the sixth.
The limits of the Sarnnite duchy cannot now be very
exactly defined, On the north- west the frontier muftt
have ran for some distance side by Hide with that of
the Ducatm Romae along the river Lirifl, and under
the Volfician hills. In the Sabine territory and L*ico-
nnm, the Fucine lake and tho river Pescara1 probably
formed the boundary with the other great Lombard
duchy of Central Italy, that of Spoleto. The aafltornmoHt
peninsula (sometimes called the heel of Italy), which
lien between the gulf of Taranto and tho Adriatic, and
which includes Taranto itself, Otranto arid Brindmi,
was still held by the Empire at the death of Ariclik
So did the extreme south, tho toe of Italy, forming
a large part of the ancient province of Bruttii. Gm-
«eii tiae (Cosenza) 2 seenm here, to have been elofle to
the borderline between tho Imperial and the Lombard
dominions Jtooaano wan ntill Imperial, anjl a line
(p, 9, quoting Ereh<«mpw*t in Momimonta Sanctorum,
ill p. 243) nays that Chioii )K»lou^^l at HUH iimo i<> tlu> <lu<«hy of
Bonovoiito, and wa« not dotadwd thorofroni iwxl join<«l to that
of Hpolulo till tho thno of ChurloH lli<» Uront 1 proHumu that tlu<
rivur Hungro would thou iutcoino tho Ixmrniiiry of tho two duchion,
8 T horo i« Homo douht about U<»H<tn74i. Hirwjli (p. 9* n. 5)
it Lombard ; Diohl 'p. 77}
Limits of the Duchy. 77
drawn across the peninsula from that city to AmantiaBOOKVii.
formed the frontier between ' Romania and Varbari — *
cum/ The patient monks of Cassiodorus therefore, in
their convent at Squillace, could study theology and
grammar, and transcribe the treatises of their founder,
undisturbed under the aegis of the Empire. Further
north all the lovely bay of Naples, with its fine
harbours and flourishing cities, owned the sway of the
Roman Augustus, It was not till towards the end of
the reign of Arichis (probably about 640) that the city
of Salerno passed, apparently by peaceful means, into
the keeping of the Lombards x.
The few facts which illustrate the internal history Delations
of the duchy, and especially those which throw any x>uk<* «»f
light on the condition of the conquered Roman inha-
bitantR, will come under our notice in later chapters. tho
It will be enough to say here that all the symptoms
would seem to dhow that the oppression was harder,
the robbery of cities and churches more ruthless, the
general relation of the two nations more unnatural,
in the duchy of Benevento (and probably in that of
Hpoleto also) than in the northern kingdom. No
Theudeliucla was at work here to help forward the
hlcftBod work of amalgamation between the races. It
is true that in the Hpring of 599 we find Pope Gregory
writing to Arichis, and asking for help in the felling1
of timber in the forests of Bruttii for the repairs of
the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul2. As before
1 Seo Ilirfldi, p. #* Th« «u minder of Salome mast Imvo taken
plauo aftor 62*5, for a lt»ttor IH luldroBStxl by Pope Honoring (who
rulitd from Oafl io 638) to Anatolian, Mnglstor Militum nt that
plam Th<» city WJIH not (l<*,stroyo<l, nixl kept its )>i#hop,
All lhi« look.s like n poumful
- Boo vol. v. p. 428.
78 The Four Great Duchies : Benevento.
BOOK vn. said, we must not conclude that because the Pope in this
letter addresses cAx*ogis' as his son, he had joined the
Catholic Church. It is true that Gregory would hardly
have used this mode of address to a notorious idolater,
perhaps hardly to a bitter Arian persecutor ; but these
Lombard conquerors were not as a rule sufficiently
interested in theology to be persecutors. They were
simply rough, sensual, boorish children of the forest,
men who, if there were any object to be gained, would
address the great bishop of Rome as 'Father/ and
would be glad to be addressed by him an 'Glorious
Son/ but would not surrender an ounce of church
plate, nor recall a single bishop from the exile into
which their suspicions had driven him, for all the loving
exhortations of the Holy Father.
Thus it caiuo to pass that all through the long
reign of Arichin, the Catholic** of his duchy were in
a lamentable state of spiritual destitution. The un-
usually large number of episcopal cities which were
once to be found in Southern Italy seem to have
remained widowed of their bishops, and the convents,
like Monte Cassino itself, lay, probably for the greater
part of the seventh century, in ruins. Even Bonevwito,
the capital of the duchy, hod perhaps no ramlont
bishop till shortly before St. Barbatus came to it (in
663) to restore the ruins of many generations The
life of thin saint (from which Home quotations will be
made in a note to a later chapter) draws a lamentable
picture of the foolish and degrading superstitions by
which the people of Benevento, though calling them-
selves baptized Christians, warn still held in bondage,
Salerno seems to be the only city in this region (except
those that remained in the possession of tho Empire)
Radiuald and Grimwald arrive at Benevento. 79
which can show an absolutely unbroken line of bishops BOOK TIL
dining all this troubled time ; and this exceptional — H-
prosperity is probably accounted for by the fact of its
peaceful surrender to the conquerors '.
Arichis had probably been reigning some twenty or Radwaia
five-and-twenty years when (as was told in the last
section) Ins young kinsmen, Radwald and Grimwald,
having left Friuli in disdain, landed from their little
bark a, and made their way to the court of Benevento.
They were received by Arichis with the utmost cor-
diality, and brought up as his own sons. He had
indeed one son of his own named Aio, but over him
there hung a mystery which clouded the last years of
the life of Arichis. When the great King Rothari took
his seat on the Lombard throne, Arichis ordered his son Aio, son
to repair to Pa via, probably with a message of dutiful atRnven-'
submission from one who, though in fact king of all
Southern Italy, yet owned the king of the Lombards as
his lord*1. On his way, the young prince tarried at
Ituvonna. Whether lie ever completed his journey to
3>avia we are not informed, but when he returned to
Benevento all men noted a strange alteration in his
behaviour. J)ark rumours wore spread abroad that by
1 In this paragraph I follow Hirseh, who sooms to have enquired
caroftilly into tho occlttHiafttieal history of the duchy. A certain
BarbaniH, bishop of that city, I'M addrcssod by Pope Gregory (Epp.
iv. 41 and xiil 13), but the tono of both loiters, and the commis-
HIOIIH <»nt runted to hii#, noom cloarly to indicate as Hirsch jjoints
out. that ho wan thun living in Sicily, an oxilo from his see. The
ehw'f H*'<»H which can bc> «hown to have been still existing in the
lind. half <»i' tho novonth century arc PaoHtuin? Buxontum, Blanda,
(,'aptia, Stponto, au<l jmrhupH Jj(»nina (Hirsch, p. 16. n. 2).
3 Wo ran only sp«»ak conj<*<^turally AH to tho degree of submission
io Itothari which AIO*H miwion tuny have o
8o The Four Great Duchies : Benevento.
BOOK VIL the malice of the Eomans some maddening potion had.
— H!— been brewed for him at Ravenna. Perhaps -we may
conjecture that the maddening potion was only that
Circean cup of enchantment which the dissolute cities
of the Romans have so often held out to the easily-
tempted sons of the Teutons ; but, whatever the cause,
Aio from that time forth was never again in full mental
health.
AiosxK- Seeing this fatal change, Arichis, when he felt his
father, last hour approaching, commended Radwald and. Griru-
wald to the Lombards as his own sonw, and advised
that one of them rather than Aio should he his suc-
cessor. The advice, however, was disregarded, and on
the death of Arichis, the brain-sick Aio became * leader
of the Samnitetf/ Neither chief nor people BOGXU to
have taken any heed of the right which the king of
the Lombards must have in theory possessed to name
the new duke of Benevento.
s<*i«v<». We arc told that Radwald and Grimwald, nob irmr-
v""i!.i"' muring at their exclusion from the throne, to -which
12 the will of* A rich IH had seemed to open the way, obeyed
Aio in all things as their elder brother and lord. His
reign, however, was not to bo of long duration* A year
and five months after his accession, a cloud of Sclavonic
invadorH denconded on Apulia. They came by way of
tho «ea, with a multitude of nhipR, and landed at
Sipontum ; a city which has now disappeared from the
face of the earth, but which ntood umler tho peninsular
mount of GargamiH, near to tho spot where, BIK cou~
turieH later, the lawt of the HohenHtauffeiiH built out
of its ruinw hi« capital of Manfredonia. Here tho
HclavoniaiiH pitched their camp, which thoy fortiHeci
with pitw dug all round it, and covered probably witli
Duke Aio slain by the Sclavonians. 81
brushwood. Thither came Aio with an army, but BOOK vn.
unaccompanied by his two friends. Riding rashly - ,
forward, he fell into one of the hidden pits, and was Aio.th <>f
killed, with many of hi« followers, by the on-rushing
Sclavonians. The news was brought to Badwald, who,
in order to avenge his patron's death, dealt wilily.
He had not forgotten the Sclavonic speech which he
had learned long ago in the mountains of Fritili, and,
approaching the camp of the invaders, he npoke to
them friendly words in their own tongue. Having
thus lulled their suspicions to Bleep, and made them
less eager for the battle, he fell upon them at unawares,
and wrought great slaughter in their ranks. Thus was
Aio's death avenged, and the remnant of the Sela-
voniaiiK returned in hanto to their own land. Itadwald,
who now became without dispute duke, of Itanevonto, 647. '
reigned for five years only, and at his death was KUC-
ceedod by his brother Grimwald. The only event which tiukoi
iw recorded of the latter's reign as mere duko of Bene-
vento in that * the Greeks' (OH the Romans of the, East
are now beginning to be called) came to plunder the
sanctuary of the Archangel Michael on Mount Gar-
ganuH ; a deed which recalls the ignoble mid upon
Apulia made by the ships of AnastuHiuH in the days
of Theodoric; the ( tetrogoth *. Grimwald, however, fell
upon the HucrilogioUH invader** with hin army, and
<leHtroye<l them witlx a great destruction,
At thin point we rejoin for a time the main ntream
of Lombard history : for Grimwald, who in certainly
itn gt'eaient name in the seventh century, became, as
we Hlia.II nee, in tlus latter yearn of hm life, king of all
the Lombards Thuw the Itistory of the lad who HO
1 Suo vol. HI p» 442*
VOU VI, (I
82 The Four Great Duchies: Bcnevcnto.
BOOK vn. marvellously escaped from his Avar captors
°H' 2' together the two duchies of Friuli and Benevento, and
the kingdom of Pavia. The eventful story of that lust
stage of the life of Grimwald must he reserved for
a future chapter.
Geographical importance of Spoleto. 83
IV. The Duchy of Spoleto. BOOKVII.
On. a
' — PA.ULUS.
Guide*: —
' I Duehi di Spoleto/ by Achilla ftoiiti, and articles by Prof.
Sordini of .Florence, a native of Spoleto.
THE geographical importance of the duchy of Spoleto ui
has been already brought before the reader's notic
We have ween that it represented that struggle fo
possession of the Flaminian Way which, sinf>e Rome
and Ravenna were the two groat foci of Imperial
dominion in Italy, must have been always going on
with more or less vigour for nearly two centuries.
It is true that tho groat Via Flaminia itself wont
from Nnmia to Movania -, and so panned about twenty
miles west of Kpoletimn ; but the road which branched
off from Narnia to tho east, and led through Inter-
amna, SjH>letiu»n and Pulginium nortbwanl, aiul HO on
through L'otra IVrtuwi to Ariminum :*f was also a great
highway^aixl wo havo seen reason in tho course of the
previouH history 4 to heli<»vc that it was looked upon,
at any rate HO long as tho tunnel of the Potra
Pertuna was open, as the great highway hotween
Homo and Ravenna.
Evidently tho object of tho Lombard dukes who
placed their capita! at Hpoloto was to keep their hands
on the throttle-valve of the Kmpiru, and they probably
1 VuL v. i'huptor viii.
8 Nnrui to DovikKiia. 1 <lo not think tko ItMom of < 1 ivKory, i.
81 and ill 64, innko it probuhlo that lit any rnto uj> to 59^
Miwanin hnd IXH^I captunul by tho
8 Aiitotiitu* Itinomry, pp* 125-126,
4 Boo voL iv* t*htti», x.
(i 2
84
DUKES OF SPOLETIUM
To the downfall of the Lombard kingdom.
I Names of the duke» in capitals : kings of Italy in Italic capital*.)
FARWALD I,
A Hon
unnamed.
JN
3HILAP
THEUDELAP,
601-653 «.
ATTO
WACHILAP
(associated with
his nephow
Farwald II
in the government
of tho duchy).
TKANSAMUKD I,
m.
a dnxightor of
QlilMWAW,
Icing of tho
Lombards,
FAKWALD II,
HILDERIC.
739-740.
TRANHAMITND II,
7«4«-739CV)
and 740-743,
ASPKANP,
nophovr of UWllAKH,
743-745.
LUPUH,
745 757-
UNULF ^).
ALBOIN,
GISULF,
760-763.
ARIULF,
59i(?;-6or.
THEODIOIUH,
Description of Spoleto. 85
always nourished the hope of being able to close all BOOK vn.
the three roads across the Apennines 1 which lay in their - (n'"'-
immediate neighbourhood, and so to conquer Rome.
Spoleto itself, a city rich in historical associations Position
of widely-parted centuries, and standing in the midst °* Sp6Mo'
of one of the loveliest landscapes of Italy, was well
worthy of the high place which it held in the early
Middle Ages, and deserves fur more careful study
than it has yet received either from the artist or the
historian. It stands upon a high hill, half encircled
by the little stream of the Tessino. Faintly seen on
the northern horizon are the long terraces of Assisi
and the high rock-citadel of Perugia, Hound it on
all side IB rise the beautiful hills of Umbria, with nil
that charm of outline and of colour which assuredly
helped to train the eyes of Haifaele and Perugino to
discern the "Beautiful. The traveller wind*) his way
under the city wall**, whose Cyclopean inoftonry tells
of races that fiwght and Imilt in the peninsula while
the hills of Rome wore still a sheep- walk. He climbs
tinder many an intersecting archway up the steep lanes
which lead him to the heart of the city. Bright-eyed
little children ami gaily-kerchiefed women come out to
look at the/oms'/vV/r ; a little tired, ho reaches the top,
and suddenly, between two picturesque street-lines, he
HCCS a hit of the beautiful amphitheatre of plain, a bit
of the deep purple of the mountains of Umbria.
Yet, as so often in Italy, the visitor to Spoleto finds
the historic interest even more powerful to attract him spuino
than the beauty of landscape with which Nature WOOH
his regards. Here, near the bottom of the city wall,
Ht am is an arch Jwarmg the name of the Port a Fuga,
1 By Porugm, Bovagna, and Fo
86 7720 Four Great Duchies: Spoleto.
BOOK vn. and commemorating the memorable repulse of Hannibal
11— on that day when, flushed with his victory by Lake
Trasymene, he marched up to its walls, expecting an
immediate surrender ; but, beaten back with heavy
loss, began to understand, from the resistance of that
one brave colony, how great a task he had taken in
hand when he set himself to war down Rome 1.
We mount higher to the crest of the hill, and find
ourselves under an arch erected probably twenty-one
years after the birth of Christ, bearing an inscription
on its front, which states that it is dedicated to Ger-
manicus and Drusus, the adopted and the real «ons
of Tiberius, The palace of the Municipality, which
stands on the highest ground of the city, i»s erected
over the remains of a ftpaclotiB Jioman houno which Is
believed, apparently on sufficient evidence, to have
belonged to the mother of Vespasian.
Tiuiciiu- We leave the city by one of its eastern imtewavK,
dolofU T „ , ' , , ., i vi *
KfHWM. and we find ourselveB under the splendid musa of
the citadel (fitly called by the townspeople La Kocca),
which, standing on its great promontory of cliif, towers
above us ou our left, Kound the base of the cliff
far below us circles the tiny torrent of the Tessino.
But another, an artificial river, call** away our atten-
1 'Hannibal rocto ilinoro por Umbrium \\w\\w ad Spolotum veuit.
In<lo quum porpopulato agro urhom opjnigunro adortiiH «H«ot mm
niagml cat«l« nuorum ropulnuH (lonjoclunH <tx unius coloaiuo hand
nimiH pro«p«jro tontatuo viribus quanta inolun Romanno urbis <>HSi*fc
in ttgrum Piceniun avuriit iW (Livy, xxil 10). It nhould bo
meutionod that thoro i« Homo <loul)t a« to tlio derivation of 1*01-^
Puga givon abovo, Han«i thinkft that its roal naino waw Porta
JPuria, and that tho gato, though undoubtedly lionian, is at any
rato in it« proBont form of a dato couBidombly lator than tho
Punic wars.
Aqueduct of Spoleto. 87
tion from the natural streamlet. For before us rise BOOKVII.
the ten lofty and narrow arches of a noble aqueduct, H'2'
which, at a height of nearly 300 feet, spans the valley
and bridges the stream, carrying the pure water from
the mountains into the heart of the city. It is called
the Ponte clelle Torri, aud it carries a roadway at
a little lower level than the channel of the aqueduct.
Both those two splendid structures speak to us of
the Teutonic invaders of Italy. The citadel is un-
doubtedly on the Kite of the fortress raised by Theo-
doric, though there may be none of the actual work
of the great Ostrogoth in the present building, which
was reared in the fourteenth century by Cardinal
AlbernoK. A very strong local tradition connects the
aqueduct with Theudelap, who, as we shall see, was
the Lombard duke of Spoleto during the greater part
of the seventh century. The pointed character of the
archea makes it ncarcoly possible that they, at least, are
of BO early a poriod, and probably much of the grand
structure which we now behold dates from the thir-
teenth century or even later ; but cautious and accurate
enquirer** are inclined to admit that there is some
value in the tnuHtion which I have mentioned, and
that at Iwwt in the groat ntono pierw which nupport
the brick arehoN, we may HOC the actual work of the
subjects of Duke Theudelap *.
This is not the place for anything like a complete
1 HUH. I think, ivpntHontH tho opinion of Prof, Sordini as com-
nwnimhul to mo verbally in 1^94. Ho doo« not think that tho
Lombunl duk**H grwttiy onlnrtfod tho circuit of Wpolofcium, but
holdft that, with tho oxwption of Homo dwrehm, and porhaps tho
aquwliwi, th«»y loft tho «iiy v<*ry much m tli<^y took it ovor at
th» timo <>f th
88 The Four Great Duchies: Spolcto.
BOOKVH. enumeration of the monuments of mediaeval an tic m it v
C'ii 2 *'
- — 1- at Spoleto ; and I must leave undescribed the Doric
objects of columns of some Pagan temple which now form part
of the church of the Crucified One, the joyously
grotesque bas-reliefs on the exterior of 8, Pietro, and
the gigantic stones — surely of pre-Roman workman-
ship — which form the base of the tower of 8. Gregorio.
But as illustrating what wus said above as to the
wealth of various memories that is stored up in Um>se
Italian cities, I may observe that the cathedral — not
in itself extremely interesting, having m fibred much
transformation at the hands of "HeriaisHance architects
•-- *is connected with the tragic story of Kra Filippo
Lippi. His half-faded frescoes telling the story of
the Virgin, line the choir of the church. HIM sepul-
chral monument, erected by Lorenzo dei Medici with
an inscription in Politian's finest Latinity, is to he
seen in a chapel on the north side of the choir. In
this city it was that the artist monk won the love*
of a nobly-born lady, Lucrexia Buti, and here it WOB —
,so men «aid — that her indignant relatives mixod foi*
him th<% fatal cup which ended hm stormy life.
If we descend to our own times we learn that HI
1860 the fortrem of Thoodoric and Alberno^ was
of the la«t ])omtioiiH that held out for the
when all Italy wan rallying round the ntandard of
Victor KmmaiuutL The garrison, chiefly cojuposed of
IriHhnion, bravely ntHiHtt^l the beniegorn, but WJIH at
Ia«t forced to capitulate by a cannonade from the
Hurrounding hoighta
At present Spoleto, which contain** about ixpoo
inhabitante, has Buffered some diminution of ite hnpori-
unco, owing to having lont its position as cajw
Isaac the Hermit. 89
of the province, and this has led to a decay of interest BOOK VIL
in its antiquities. But, as I before said, there are H*
probably few cities in Italy which would better reward
the spade of the excavator or the brush of the artist.
At the time when the wavage hordes of the Lorn- i^w tiw
bards swarmed through the gateways of Spoleto, the M"nm *
minds of the citizens were still filled with the memory
of a certain holy hermit named LSJUIC, who many years
before came from Syria, and suddenly appearing in
Spoleto, craved from the guardians of the great church
permission to remain there an long as he might desire,
in order to oflor up hm prayers. So #11 mil a request
was readily granted ; but when the holy man had
remained standing for three days and nights in the
attitude of prayer, one of the attendants, deeming him
an impostor, slapped him on the cheek, and ordered
him out of tin* church. At once a foul spirit seized the
too hasty custodian, and caused him to full prostrate
at the feel of the unknown hermit, crying out, * Isaac
in casting mo forth/ The holy man — whose name the
unclean spirit alone know — delivered his assailant from
the evil one, and at own* tho news of hm spiritual
victory spread through tho city. Men and women,
noble and ignoble, flocked into the church to behold
him, besought him to take tip IUH abode with them,
offered him houscm and land« for the erection of a
monastery. But lBaac»wlm feared peril to liin poverty
OH the miner fount peril to bin wealth, rofuHod all their
oifem> Haying continually, *Tho monk who neekn for
pOBB68Hion« in UUH world JH no monk/ and built hinwolf
a humbU* cell in a domrt place not far from the city.
Here he abode many yearn, performing many wonderful
worlcB, the recital of which may be rend in the I Ha-
90 The Four Great Duchies : Spoleto.
NOOK yir. logues of Gregory the Great x, from which the preceding
-- L-L_ narrative is taken. As we are told that he continued
almost to the very end of the Gothic domination, the
lame of his sanctity must still have been fresh when
Spoletium was severed from the Empire, and when
her churches were profaned by the tread of the 'un-
speakable Lombard/
]*mm<ia- Such then was the city which became the capital
liudiy.'11 of the Lombard domination in Central Italy. Its
dukes ruled over a territory bounded by the Adri-
atic on the east, and by the Tiber valley (or the
hills which enclosed it) on the west. On the south,
a line drawn across from Subiaco by the Fucine
Luke, and along the river Pescara, may roughly repi*e-
Konl the boundary between Spoleto and Benevento.
On the north tho little river Musone was perhaps
the boundary which neparated the Spoletine dukes
from hoBlilo Ancona, while the Imperial garrisons
along tho Flominian Way probably disputed with
varying KUCCOHH the possession of all the territory
northward of Tadino. ThuB, stated in terms of classi-
cal geography, the dukes of Spoleto ruled the southern
wedge <il§ Umbria, the greater part of Picenum, and
almost tho whole of the territory which upon the
mupH "w usually allotted to the Babiues.
imk- Far- Tlw first duke of Spoluto was Faruxdd) who, if it
57*' v,* l><- trtu^ that Zotto wits ruling in Beneveutum in 571,
591 r/)* hud prohahly estal)liHlied himself at least as early
in Inn nioro northern capital.
<'»i»t»m «r Tho chief exploit of Karwald's roign was the capture
Of (iitWHjH> which (xjcurred probably alnmt 579 or 580 a
1 lii. 14.
* Tla* iiidieationfi of timu in Paulas (H. L. iiL 13) "-ro tis usuul
Capture of Classis. 91
while the inefficient Longinus was still the Imperial BOOK VH.
governor of Italy. A great achievement truly this — H'
must have been, and one which, had the Lombards
possessed the same fertility of resource which was
shown by their Vandal kinsfolk, might have turned
Classis into a second Carthage, and given them the
empire of the Mediterranean. As it was, it seems
difficult to suppose that they ever seriously interrupted
the communications even of Kavenna, and Constanti-
nople ; for Exarchs came and went, and letters seem
to have been freely interchanged between the Emperor
and his representatives. It was therefore probably
only the town, not the whole even of the harbour
of Classis, of which the Lombards kept possession ; but
even so, it must have been a galling thing for the
"Humans' of Ravenna to feel that the invaders had
established themselves in that place, which with
< 'ticsaroa wan joined by one continuous line of houses
to their own city, that the domes and towers from
which in its pictured semblance on the walls of
H. Apollinaro, the procession of Virgin martyrs set
forth to adore the Holy Child * were now in the hands
of heretics and idolaters.
riassis seems to have, been held by the Lombards
/» -n retaken by
of Hpoleto for eight or nine years, and was finally '
reconquered for the Empire (perhaps in the year 588),
by that Humanized Teuton Droctulf, on whose tomb,
as we have seen, this military operation was recorded
as one of the proudest of Ins triumphs *.
VA^UCI, but ho eonmKitB tiio capture of CluHHW with the xmHRion. of
(irogoryiw tqHtrrisiariu* to Constantinople which we luwo Boon
io ditto about 57<> ' ^°° v<>1- *"• V- 336-
* Jn<lo otmni w«tinut dum ChwHoiu fmudo Fnrouldus, Vindicet
92 The Four Great Duchies: Spoleto.
BOOK viz. Against the older and more venerable capital by
- the Tiber, it is possible that Farwald also urged his
threaten- savage soldiery. When we hear that before the conse-
<l<1' cration of Pope Benedict I, there was an interval of
more than ten months and three days 1, during which
the Papal throne remained unoccupied; we may
reasonably conjecture that Lombard pressure, either
from the side of Tuscany, or from that of Spoleto, was
July 30 to the cause of this long delay. At the next vacancy,
579.' ' when, after an interval of nearly four months, Pelagius
II was chosen without the leave of the Emperor,
wo are expressly told that this was done because
Rome was being besieged by the Lombards, and they
were making great ravages iu Italy2. And this be-
sieger of Komo is more likely to have been Farwald
thuu any other of the Lombard dxikes.
Farwald died about the year 59 13, possibly of the
pontilonco which was then ravaging Italy. He was
succeeded by Arinlf, apparently not a relation; cer-
tainly not a HOU. Possibly in this case the theoretical
right of" the king to nominate all the dukes was
suecettHt'ully claimed by the new sovereign Agilulf.
Thanks to the letters of Pope Gregory, this duke of
lit clusHom claHBibuB arma parat' (See vol. v. p. 246.) A. Sansi
(p- »4) putH tho roeupturo of ClawMH about 5#4~5 : Woiso (p» 4*7)
in 588, Wo havo roally only conjecture for oithor dato.
1 *Et coHHtivit opiHoopatus mounts x dies iii' (sic) (Lib. Pont.)-
Tho interval WUH roally ton monthfi and twenty days.
tt * Hie onlinutur alm^uo jussiono Priucipis, eo quod Langobardi
otmidorciut civitat<«n Romanam ot multa vastatio ab illis in Italia
fiowit' (Libor Pontificalia : Vita Polagii II).
* Not before 590? because ho was for a time contemporary
with the papacy of Gregory I (Life of 8. Cetheus ap. BollandiBt,
13 Juno). Not long after 591, for in. July 592, Ariulf is duke of
Hpoleto (Grog. Ep. ii 29)*
Ariulf and the Pope. 93
Bpoleto is to us something more than a mere name. We BOOK vn.
saw him, in the summer of 592, addressing that boast- H*2'
ful letter to Gregory about the promised surrender of 592'
Suana which caused the Pope such strange searchings
of heart, whether lie should advise the Suanese citizens
to keep or to break their promise. Soon after, nego-
ciations for peace followed with Gregory himself; but
Ariulf still kept up his somewhat swaggering tone,
and insisted that the gratuities for his allies (or sub-
ordmuto8),Auelarit and Norclulf, should be handed over
to him before he would nay one word about peace.
While Ariulf appears to make war and peace with
sublime independence of his nominal over-lord at
Pavia, he? throughout co-operates loyally writh his
brother duke A rich is of Itonevento, and whenever
the latter attacks Naples he helps him to the
utmost of his power by a demonstration against
Koine, or against one of the outposts on the Flaminian
Way,
But Ariulf H campaign of 592, including, as it pro-
bably did, a virtual sie#o of Rome, ended in a partial
peace concluded by Uregory with the Lombard duke;
and this concession on Ariulf'K part seems to have been
duo to the feelings of veneration aroused in his heart
by a personal interview with the pontiff. And though
the peace itself was disavowed at Ravenna, and exposed
the Pope to bitter reproaches at Constantinople for his
'fatuity* in listening to the promises of such au one
as Ariulf, the good understanding thus established
between Pope and Duke seems never to have been
entirely destroyed ; and in a dangerous sickness the
Lombard chief asked for and obtained the prayers of
Gregory for his recovery.
94 The Four Great Duchies : Spoleto.
BOOKVEL In the final negoeiations, however, which at last
CH 2
- 1—1— resulted in the great peace of 599, the Pope com-
599' plained with some bitterness of the hindrances which
came from the side of Ariulf. To Gregory the duke
of Spoleto's stipulations that there should be no act of
violence committed against himself, and no movement
against the army of Arichis, seemed altogether unfair
and deceitful *, and the fact that a certain Warnilfrida,
by whose counsel Ariulf was ruled in all things, re-
fused to swear to the peace, confirmed his suspicions.
It is, of course, impossible for us to apportion the
precise share of praise and blame clue to each of the
parties to these obscure negotiations ; and, as I before
remarked 2, the change of Gregory's tone witli regard
to Ariulf between 592 and 599 is an important feature
in the case. But, on the other hand, it may fairly bo
urged on Ariulf s behalf, (i) that hiw previous dealings
with the Imperial court had taught him caution, nince
he had ween a treaty which had boon concluded hy
him witli Home torn up at Ravenna, and followed by
an aggressive movement on the part of the Exarch ;
and (2) that his stipulations on behalf of Ariehis
showed his steadfast truth to the duke of Benevento,
and his determination not to make himself safe hy the
sacrifice of that faithful ally.
Ariulf at The only other incident in the life of Ariulf that
num. has been recorded is that curious story which has been
already extracted from the pages of PauluB^ and
which seems like a barbaric version of the share taken
by the Great Twin Brethren in the battle of the
Lake Itegillus. It was when he wa« warring against
1 * Omnino iniquum ot doloftum * (Grog, Ep. ix. 98).
2 Vol. v, p. 418. 8 11. L. iv. 1 6 (soo vol. v. p. 365).
Long Reign of Theudclap. 95
Oamerinum that Ariulf saw a champion, unseen hy
others, fighting bravely by his side, and it was soon ~——.
after the battle that ho identified his ghostly defender aiSTSm
with St. Sabinus, whose* figure he saw depicted on theSabmns'
walls of his basilica. Pan his assigns no date to this
story, which is connected with his obituary notice of
Ariulf. Seeing how near Catnerinum is to Spoletium,
we should feel inclined to put the campaign against
the former city early in the victorious reign of Ariulf;
indeed, it is diiluwlt to understand why his predecessor
V I
should have penef rated as far north as Olassis, leaving
such a stronghold an Cunicrinum in his immediate
neighbourhood untakeiK
ArnilfH reign, though a memorable, was not a long
one. He died in Om, about ten yearn after his
accession; and on his death a contest arose between
tin*, two sous of his predecessor Karwald, which should
succeed to the vacant, dignity. The dispute was de-
cided by the sword we have again to note how lilt let
voice King Agilulf seems to have, had in regulating
the sueeession to these great duchies— and Thoudelap,
the victor in the fight, was crowned duke on tho Held
of battle1. We know neither the name, nor the fate,
of his unsuccessful rival
ThcnrMttj* wow for moro than half a century i>nki*
(601 65;) the ilunil crown of Spoleto, This long 1^601
reign, which during the greater part of its course
coincided with that of Arichis at Bew?vento (591-641),
had doubtless an important influence iu rendering
both of the southern duehtos inoro independent of
the northern kingdom. At Pavia during this half
Qtsi cunt victorinm (sir) coronutuH <»»l * (i'uuluH, II, Iu* iv. if>).
96 The Four Great Duchies : Spoleto.
BOOK vii. century four kings1 bore sway; two of whom2 were al>le
— L_L_ and successful rulers, but the other two 3 were an
infant and an usurper. It cannot be doubted that,
during this long period, that part of Lombard Italy
which lay south and east of the Flaniinian Way would
be growing less and less disposed to respond to *u»y
effectual control on the part of the kings who dwelt
north of the Apennines.
Of the events of the long reign of Theudelap wo an*
absolutely ignorant. It is generally supposed to haw
been peaceful; but this may be only Ijecauno record
fails us of the wars in which he may havo beon ongajji'd.
Some of the early mediaeval buildings of Spoicto an*
traditionally attributed to his reign ; but of thin also
there appears to be no clear proof; though (UH I
have already Raid) there is some reason to think that
popular tradition is not altogether wrong in UHHijfiiing
to Theudelap some share at least in the construction
of that noble aqueduct which in the great glory of
the city of Spoleto.
tmiwAtto, There has been, to use a geological term, a complete
denudation of all this part of the hiwtory of Lombard
Italy ; and if we know little of Theudolap himHolt', wu
know still less of his sticccHsor Atfo (65^-663), who in
to us a mere, name in the pages of Paulu** DiaconuH*.
The story of the later duken will be told chiefly in
connection with that of the Lomluml kings, 4i#ui»iHt
whom they were freqxiently found in rebellion.
1 Strictly speaking live, but KodwttM's acwoHBiou took j>In<*i»
a very short timo before ibo death of Thoudolap.
2 Agilulf and Eotliari » AdolwaW (in<l AriwnM
4 II. L. iv, go 5 v. 1 6,
NOTE A. ECCLESIASTICAL NOTICES OP TUB LOMBARDS NOTE A.
OF SPQLKTO.
WK Imvo some hinis as to the proceedings of the Lombards
in Central Italy, furnished io us by the church writers of
the period, \\hieh from their character we cannot accept as sober
history, and yet which supply us with too vivid a picture of the
tnucH to be altogether omitted.
I. Chief among these, are the marvellous stows told by Pope
Oregon' in his strange wonder-book the* I)ittltM/ttM. This book
was composed in /"Jty^. in the t»arly yours of his ]>oniificuk% l)eJbro
he had tinned Arinlf, <»r corresponded with Theudeliixla, or
hurled week <lcflanee at t-ho HinjH»ror Maurice. Po^ibly in the
later ycarw of his life, after peace with the invaders hud been
brought al out by his moms, He, might have Hpoken with rathor
lens }>itternej-s concerning them. The gcogiiiphical imlications
furnished by <!H' DialogticH1 all point, us we might havo expeete<l,
to the Lomhanis of the du<:hy of Spoleto an the nivagorw with
whom (itvgoryV friends wero chiefly l>rought in contact. In
one plaice'-' we luar (und it is an almost solitary instance of
religious pernrulion) of their putting four hundred captives
to death because they refused t.o worship a goat's head, round
which the Lombards theniHi'lveH circled in rapid daneo, sing-
ing an unholy hymn. Of course-, theno barbarians must have
be.cn mere idolaters who did not pretend to the name oven
of Arian riirii-f.inmf y< We may porhapR be allo\ve<l to conjecture
that they belonged rather to that witlHrh* ye.ntiuw, Bulgarians,
Sarmatians, (fepiciais who came with the Lombards into Tlaly :j,
than to the Lombards properly HO called.
At Hpoleto itself, the Arian bishop of the Lombards demanded
of the bishop of the city a church which he might dedicate
' * Vnlt'riit pro* iii»-iii * \l 4, iv. a I ;, ' |>rovlnc'ui <junu Muni [V Hora ] nominatur'
(iv, aj,, '4«x Nurrtim* |ir«*viiM«iii' (HI. 37), *i« MAn«»rum |in>viu«itt' (iv, 33;-
* X>ittl, iii sX. * rnuhw, II. L, ii. a6,
VOL. VL H
9s Note A.
XOTE A. to his error l. On the firm refusal of the Catholic prelate he
"~~ ~~ announced that he should come next day and forcibly enter the
church of St. Paul. The guardian of that church hastened
to it, closed and bolted the doom, extinguished all the lights
at eventide, hid himself in the recesses of the church, and
awaited the result. In the early morning twilight the Arian
bishop came with a multitude of men prepared to break open
the doors of the church. Suddenly, by an unseen hand, all
the bolts of the doors were loosed, the doors opened with si
crash, the extinguished lamps burst into flame, and the in-
truding bishop, seeking to pans the threshold of the church,
was struck with midden blindness and had to be led back by
a guide to his home. The miracle of light at the name inslant
given to the church, and taken away from the horeticnl bishop,
Htrnck all the Lombards in that region with* a wo, and there was
no further attempt to deprive the Catholics of their churches.
Some of Gregory's most characteristic stories are told a us
concerning a certain presbyter of the province of Nursiu, named
SnnetuluH, who had recently died and appeared to him in vision
at the hour of his departure. This Sanetulus passing by saw
sonic Lombards toiling in vain at, an olive-press, from which
no oil would run forth. He brought a skin and told them in
fill it for him. Tho barbarians, already chafed by their wasted
labour, answered him with angry and threatening word** ; but
the holy man called for water, which he blessed and cast into
the proHs, and now there gushed fWth nudh a stream of oil that tin*
labouring Lombards filled not their own vessels only, but his
bladder also. In a similar way he fed the workmen employed
in rebuilding the church of St. Lawrence destroyed by the*
Lombards, with a large and beautiful white loaf ttrinieulouHly
hidden in that which was supposed to bt* an empty oven*
All those miracles seem to have procured for him a certain
amount of favour from the barbarians, and when a deacon was
brought into the oily, whom HOIMJ Lombards had taken prisoner.
and wore about to put to death, they eonsenlexl to hand him
over to the custody of Sanctulus, but only on condition that
1 '<!um a<l Mpolotimam urbmn Lan^ohunlorum cjnHCojmft, Hciliwt AriuniiH,
<it, locnim illic ubi wlMimiu «ua ugorot nou hnborat, wwpil nh njus
piwojjo EwloHiam pcitoro, <juam HUO wrori doilieurot* (,l>i«l. iii» ^y «*
Dial. Hi. 37,
Gregory *s Dialogues on the Lombards ofSpoldo. 99
he should answer for his safe keeping with his own life. At M<>TK
midnight, ^hen the Lombards were all wrapt in slumber, the
saint aroused the deacon and commanded him to fly, saying that
he was in the hands of God and feared not the consequences for
himself. Next morning, when the Lombards came and found
their bird flown, they were of course vehemently enraged. e You
know/ said they, ' what was agreed upon between us/ * I know
it/ ho answered. * But you are a good man : we would not
willingly torture you. Choose by what death you will die/
cl am in God's hands: slay me in uny manner that lie shall
permit/ Then they consulted together and decided that his
head should be cut off by the stroke of a strong Lombard
swordsman. At the news that HO great a want and one whom
they so highly reverenced wan to be put to death, the Lombards
gathered from far and near to witness the famous sight l. The
saint awked leave, to pray, which was grunted him ; but as he
remained long time on the ground prostrate in prayer, the
executioner gave hint at kick and wiid, 4 Hise, kneel down, and
stretch out your neck/ Ho obeyed ; lie stretched out his neck ;
he saw the flashing sword drawn to Hlay hint, ami uttered only
prayer: * Saint .John2, receive my HW!/ The executioner swung
IUH sword high in air, but then* it remained, for his stiilened
arm wan unable to bring it, down again. Then all the Lombards
crowded round the holy man and begged him to arise, lie
arose. They begged him to release the exeeut ioncr's arrested
arm, but he replied, *I will in no \sise pray for him, unless
he will swear never to slay u Thrift iun man with that band/
The penitent executioner wore the oath, mid at the saint's
word of command brought down his arm, and plunged the nwonl
buck into it** sheath. The miracle struck a deep uwo into
the hearts of itll the barbarians, who crowded round the nmnt
and sought to buy hi* favour by presents of horscH uml cattle
which they had plundered from the eounlry-folk j but ho refused
all these and only claimed, and this MuwcHHfully, that all the
e,aptiveB whom they had taken xhouM he restored to freedom.
> itnqiii* qin«l HmiHulttN, <jui iutor *«<»« pro HiinHttafi* rcvtwntut
houuriM hnfuihuttii* w'llMiflim <<M'<r<, i»nmi'H <jui in Mufi'in l»n*»» inu'Uh
Mini Lul>K»l>Jir<li <'"tiV<iSlf<ruilt *init Hunt tuini'i? o'^M^/Vs lucti ml NJ.rrtu
mortin/ IVii y«'iirH Jft{t*r U*vgnry w«»ul*l jwrhupn luivi*
i-tl tliiw hWccpiliK n«m-jiion,
U 2
TOO Note A.
XOTK A. LesH fortunate, or less strong in faith, was a certain abbot
named Snranus, who, having* at the news of the approach of
the Lombards given away all the stores laid up in the monastery
and therefore having nothing to give when the barbarians cuinc
round him, clamouring for gold, was carried off by them to
a forest among the mountains. lie succeeded in escaping, and
dwelt for some time in a hollow tree, but one of the Lombard**
finding him, drew his s\\ord and slew him. When his body
foil to the ground the mountain and the forest were shaken
together as though the trembling earth confessed herself unable
to bear the weight of his holiness T.
A deacon in the land of the Marsi being beheaded by
a Lombard, the foul fiend at onoo entered into the murderer,
who fell prostrate at the feet of his victim a. Two monks in
the province of Valeria being taken by the r«#in# Lombard
were hung on the branches of a tree and died the. wnnti day.
At evening- the i\\o deati monks began to sing with clear
and Kweet voices, to the joy of their fellow-eaptivoH who yet
remained alive, but to the terror and confusion of the, barbarian*
who hud mrmlewl them ;*.
Such are the chief stories told by the great Pope f<meernin#
t.he evil deeds oft he Lombards of Central Italy.
11. Another source of information of a similar kind is opened
to us by the Life of St. Cethenn (or Peregrimw), bishop of
Amiternmn, a city now destroyed, which once Blood about fortv
mile« south-east of Spok'to, at the foot of the (Iran SOSHO
d' Italia.
The Life is given in the, Bollamlwt Acta Sanctorum (xiii June),
on the authority of two MtSS., one of which is considerably
fuller than the other- I have no means of judging of the
ago of the MSR. or the authority of the narrative of which
I will give a brief abstract., using as much an poHHible the words
of the biographer,
4 in the time of Pope (iregory, Emperor Phocus4,an<l Kiurwald
* In tnrrnm <!ml<»nt<*, nmnn omnin profcinun <*i
m? HI HO f«rn» »<»n |HIHH<* iMiridiiH muuitltatiH <»JUB <lic<«r<
' (Dial. iv. as),
* JUI<L iv. 33. * Ibid, jy. ar.
4 This IM of 1*011 mt an «*rror, Tho nwoSHion of Phocan w«« fcturty-four yenrn
uft<*r tho entry of iho Lf>ni)>arU» into Italy*
Life of St. Cetheus.
101
duke of Spoleto, i.lie Lombards entered Italy and overflowed NOTE- A.
the boundaries of the Romans, Samnites and Spoletines. Of "
this nation, two most- evil and ignoble men, sons of concubines,
named Alais and Urnbohw, came to the city of Amiternum, which
they ravaged and plundered in their usual barbaric fashion.
Unable to bear Iheir cruelty, Cetheus bishop of the city fled
to Homo and besought the protection of Pope Gregory, who
assured him that in no long time the Lombards would repent
and seek the Papal blessing. For this Cetheus prayed, and
before long his prayer was granted, the Lombards from Amiter-
num coming to implore the Pope's benediction, which he would
only grant them ou condition of their receiving1 back their
bishop *. All the priests and other clergy poured forth from the
gate of the oily <o meet him on his return and welcomed him
in the name of the Lord.
1 Now dissensions arose between the two Lombard dukes,
of whom Alais held the eastern and Umbolus the western gate.
Kwth nought io kill the other, and there was great sadness
among the Christians in that* city. Alais, plotting with his
friends the ruin of the city, Kent messengers to Vesilianus [the
Koimm'l count of Orta, praying him to make a midnight
alt nek on the <:ity of Amitonmrn, and utterly destroy it. Of
this design the blessed bishop OetheuB, abiding in his cell,
was utterly ignorant. Now there were in that city a God-
fearing eouple named Krodo and Borm, who went at eventide
into the ehureh and pr»y«l, and then having received the
binhopV Messing returned to their home. When bed-time came,
Fre<lo did not take oil1 lus clothe*, hut lay down as he was.
On hin wile asking him the reason ho answered, "I arn shaken
with tin imincnstt trembling and 1 greatly fear that to-night
thin city will prish." "(foil will forbid it," said she: but
he sui*!,*" Bring me my weapona of war and place them by
my head, and then we shall Bleep secmro." This he naid, being
warned by the Holy < I host, for ho knew naught of the counsel*
of Alain,
' At midnight a cry was beard, " Arise, arise, an enemy attacks
the eiiy I " Tin* iwmt Christian Frodo rone from his wife's side,
and donning his arms, ran through the streets crying, " Rise,
<»f AriuIfH ivdoncilmtiou with Gregory
io2 Note A.
A. most holy father Cetheus, rise and pray for us! The citv
pcrisheth, we shall IOHC all our goods and shall ere daybreak
be slain with the sword." Bishop Cethens arose, and rushed
into the street, calling aloud on Christ who delivered Daniel
from the lions and the Throe Children from the fiery furnace,
to pave the people of Amiternum from their foes. The prayer
was heard, the invaders were struck with panic and retired
having lost many of their number.
'Next day all the citizens came together to see by what
means the enemy could have entered the city. They found
ladders raised near tho church of St. Thomas, and discovered
that all this had been done by the counsel of Alais. He wan
brought bound into the midst of tho people1, who thundered
forth the words, " Death to the traitor ! " and began to consider
how best to torture him. But Cetheus besought them not to
lay hands on him but to east him into prison and call a meeting2
of all in thai, city, both small and groat , who should lay upon
him a penance lasting many days, that his spirit might be
saved in the day of tho Lord Jesus.
' Atr once uprose the impious Umbolun in wrath and fury,
and said, " Thou too, 0 (Hheun, want certainly privy to thin
trejieherouH scheme, for the ladder get againnt the church of
St. Thoimm wa« placed there by thy magic arts. Thou art*
unworthy to bo binhop any longer." The blessed Cothous swore
by the crucified Son of God, by the undivided Trinity, an<l
by tho holy (ionpelw, that ho wtw innocent of any such design ;
but UmbohiH, stopping bin earn, ordered him and Alain to bo
led bound into tho midnt of the city and there beheaded in
the Hight of all Iho people.
c()n tho road to execution Oothetw Hang Psalmw with such
a loud and triumphant voice that the awo-wtriekon guardsman ;J,
though lie gladly ntruck off the head of Aki«, refused to striko
ii Mow at the holy man, Full of fury, Urnbolus ordered Cetheun
to bo brought. Wore him and bogan to taunt him with hi*
bomln. Tho binhop declared that tho curne of Cain the fratricide*
should rent upon him 4, and thnt he ghould dwell for ever with
1 ThiK IK unroly n Lotub«r<lyJ//fj wt^i.
•* tbnwHtuii, ThtH WIIH to h« of Itoinanw nn wwlI nB Lombardn, uric! miglii
k« n ilifliirtful. vlow of tho oust* from thojWe-woto.
1 NjntHlutor. < For tho death of Alais (V).
Life of St. Cethens. 103
the Evil Ono. Turning then to his gnardtf ho said, *; Why. oh NOTK A.
sons of iniquity and servants of darkness, do ye keep me thus in
chains? Is it because ye recognise in me u servant of the true
God? In His name I will gladly bear not chains only, but
death itself: but you, Arians and infidels that yc are, shall
have your mansions \\ith Judas THOU riot in the un<[U<jn<*huhlo
Tartarus, and amon^ the wandering spirits shall be your portion :
yea, and cursed for ever shall ye be, because ye have scorned in\
preaching and have refused to listen to the corrections of Truth.
But to thee I'mbolus, most unutterable of men. none shall over
jLfivo the kiss of pence. He \\ho blcM-es (he»» shall be uocwvod,
for the cursor of Satan eurses theo.'
c Filled with ra#o, rmbolus ordered him to be bound and
led away to the river IV.-eara and thrown into it from 1m*
marble bridge, So was he thrown in, but by tho hlt-.vtitt";
of (iod ho came to shore safe and sound. Attain and iit^in wa«*
he thrown in at tho tyrant's oouimjind by the rauini? jM-ojii^,
but iilwaVK oumo snielv to the shon*. Th«»n the ino^t imj»i<iu^
rmbolus ortlorod thom to brin^ the holy man into IIN jM'oseiieo.
un<l to fasten under his fret a millstone weighing live hundrod-
weight, and <lrown him in tho deepest j«nrt -of the river. Then
after another jiwjer ho WIH thn»N\n into tin* >1ream, and at otter-
yielded up his breath, but his hotly \\n* oarri*-*! (down tin* ri\»*r
and across tho Adriatic) to tin* oily of Jitlonus jXam in ^aliimtiaj,
where a tlshorman found it with tho millstone Mill attached to it
and surrounded by a holy lij^ht. Now* of tho diseovory wn^
brought to tho bishop and clergy <»f Xara, \vlto at onee pereeivod
t.hut it wus th<' body of u holy man, aud buried it near the ^hoiv
in tho odour of sanctity. Often at ni^-ht wns a liu'ht like that
of u lamp seen to hover round the corpse's bead; and u blind
man received si^ht by visit! HI? the tomb. Hut JH none know
the ntartyr*H njunc, tho men of Xuw o«llo«l \\\\\\ only by thin
namo» I *e
With nil the marks of the handiwork of tho cotnontioual
nmrtyrolo^ist, there are some touoben in U»ts hiirnttivo which
indicate n real knowledge of tho oircuntHtanc*^ of t^he time, and
point, to a marly contemporary origin* The Lombards arc still
' tmspctiknhio * : tho ,^plit between the UNO Lombard dul*4^ and
tho intrigue of (»tu4 of the rival* svith the Imjterial genera 1
io4 Note A.
NOTE A. arc events of only too frequent occurrence in Lombard history :
and lastly the martyrdom as it is called, is not due to religious
intolerance on the part of the Lombards, but to merely political
causes. Bishop Cethens is drowned, not because he upholds
the creed of Nicnea, but hecansc he is suspected of complicity
in the betrayal of the city to the Greeks, and various cireum-
stancew suggest even to us the thought that the suspicion
was not altogether without foundation.
CHAPTER III.
SAINT o>U'M HAM'S.
BOOK vii.
<'H.
Our chief authority for flu* history of CV>lmnl«mutf isthe life of ----
that Huint by JONAH, a monk of Bohbio, who, though not himself
personally acquainted with Columbanus, wrote what he had
heard from tin* saint's friends and eompanions. The date of the
eomposition of this biography is probably between 640 and 650.
Jonas was evidently well trained in the ne.hool uttaehod to the
monastery, and know the clasnieal poels only loo well for the
comfort of his readers. Sometimes his sentences are a mere
eento of quotations from their works. Take for instance the
first: —
* (1oluml»anus igitur qui e<< Columlta ortim est in IIil>ernia
insulai quae e^t in <*\tremo Ooeano sita, et Hpiwtat Titanis
oeeasum, dum v<*rtitur (»rl>is et lux oeeiduas ponti descendit in
untltnm: unde denuo juM-ado eursu Hoc*ti« irradiat iotuin redivivo
lumine nmudunu'
Jonas is not i«'if««'tly informed unto (iaulinh affairs: for
instanee— he makes Sigil>ertf tlte hunhand of BruniehiWis, king
of Australia and Hurt/nutty* But upon the whole he seems to be
an honest narrator, though intent, like* all the authors of this
kind of literature, on magnifying the miraculous achievements
of hi« hero,
The letters of ColwnlmmiH are quoted from the text given
in MwitiMt'M/u (tcrutduittt' HMtirica.
\V« huve also the, lite of (Julhw by WALAKIUD STIIAUO (ninth
eentury ?), to whieh we are indel.U'd for some passages in the
later life of tint mint, who was th« sj>irittml superior of Gullus,
ro6 Saint Cohimbanus.
HOOK VII. He, too, writes in a somewhat florid but not absolutely barbarous
CH-8- style.
Guides : —
Les Moines de rOccident, by Count, Nontalemlwrt. Six
Months in the Apennines ; or a Pilgrimage in search of Vestiges
of the Irish Saints in Italy, by Margaret Stokw.
IN relating the history of the four great duchies, we
have travelled far down through the seventh century.
We must now retrace our steps to the very beginning
of that century, and follow the fortunes of the Lombard
kingdom established at Pavia, from the year 603 on-
wards. It will be remembered that this year witnessed
the greatest of King Agilulf B triumphs. Cremona,
Mantua, Brexillum, all surrendered to his generals ;
the whole valley of the Po became a Lombard pos-
session ; the Exarch Smarugdus was forced to conclude
peace on terms humiliating to the Empire* ; the kid-
napped daughter of Agilulf, with her husband <!ott-
schalk, was restored to her father ; and, most fortunate
event, as it seemed, of all, the new dynasty was con-
solidated by the birth of Thoudelinda'H son Adalwnld,
who was baptized according to the Catholic rite by
Kishop SecunduH of Trient.
Agilulf lived for twelve or thirteen years after this
. /.-it
year ot triumph, but, with one exception, that period
seems to have been marked by no political wonts of
great importance for the Lombard kingdom. The ex-
ception referred to — and it was a lamentable one- was
rimi6io. that terrible invasion of the once friendly Avars which
(as was told in the last chapter) blasted the reviving
prosperity of the border duchy of Kriuli.
to.Ni.wniH Relations witli the Empire consisted chiefly of a
of ih«» L J
scries ot renewals of the peace of 603. It had been
Agilulf and the Empire. 107
arranged that that peace should endure till the ist of BOOKVII
April, 605 '. In the summer of that year we must sup- --" '
pose the war to have been in some measure renewed, K
and the Lombards to have heeu successful, for two
cities on the east of Lake BoLsena, Orvieto and Bag-
norea2, were lost hy the Empiro. In Novemhcr of this
year (605) Kmaragdus was fain to conclude a year's
peace with Agilulf at a cost of 1 2,000 solidi ::, In 606
the peace was renewed for threo years more. It was,
perhaps, in 609, at the end of* this interval that Agilulf
sent a groat ollieer of the household1 to the Kmpwor
Phocas. He returned, areompanied hy the Imperial
ambassadors, who brought gifts from their master, and
renewed iho yearly peanr\ And so the, diplomatic
game went on, somewhat in the sanw fashion us he-
twotsn Spain and the United Provinces in the early
part oftlw seventeenth century. The Human Mmperor
could not recognise the Lomlwrds as lawful possessors
of any part of the noil of Italy, hut he was willing to
postpone from year to year the, effort to expel them;
and the Lombard king, sometimes hy the. inducement
<>f a large payment of money, was made willing to
allow the operation to he so postponed, Kinperor
succeeded Kinperor at Constantinople— the, revolution
which placed Hcradius on the Imperial throne hroke
, li, L. iv. k*K v UrJ>H Vftitft, Bullions R^gis.
nokariwu
H. L. iv. 35 „ HtuhliriunuH in p»nornlly tuki*ii nn
u proper nann\ hut is it not mon* prohuhly tho <ic'Hcrii>1i<>n oi' nn
itko that of Uotiti'H HUbuli, Urnwl
'|HiubliciuniiM| rpdi^ns aim lo^atin
ii, Agilulio rogi i<l«'iu h^gnti imponuliu niunt-ra
(I'uuhiH, II, L. iv, ;in^
ro8 Saint Columbamis.
JJOOK vn. out in the autumn of 610 — and Exarch succeeded
. — L_ Exarch at Ravenna, but the long-delayed war never
came during that generation.
Relations With his powerful neighbours on the west, the rela-
tions of Agilulf were also in the main peaceful. When.
in July, 604, the infant Adalwald was solemnly raised
upon the shield in the lloman hi])podrome at Milan.
and declared king over the Lombards, the ambassadors
of the Austrasian king, Theudebert II, were standing
by, and in their master's name they swore to a per-
petual peace between the Lombards and the Franks,
to be sealed by the marriage of the royal babe with
their master's daughter l.
A few yeans later wo hear of Agilulf as joining
Tiicwiorio a quadruple alliance against Theodoric \\ of Burgundy.
This young king, sensual and profligate like all th<»
Merovingian brood, had repudiated with insult the
daughter of tho Visigothic king, Wiitorich. Some said
that tho divorce was suggested by Theodorio's grand-
mother Brunicbildis, who in her eager clutch of regal
power -would rather that her descendant wallowed in
sinful lusts than that she herself should be confronted
in the palace by the influence of a lawful queen. But
however this may be — and Brunichildis, struggling
against the increasing power of the great nobles of
the Court, wan bitterly assailed by the calumnies of
her foes — the offence seented likely not to go un-
punished. A powerful combination was formed* Tho
1 * Igitur soquonti wiHtuto WOUBO Julio levatiw oHfc
rox wipor Limgobanlos npu<l Modiolunum in Oirco, in ]>nuiH<)ntii\
patris Btii A^ilulfi WJ^IH, udHtantibua logatiB ToudiiHtrti r<^is
l^ranconun ot doHpormnta c>8t <ud(srn rogio puoro (ilia rogiH Ttuuli-
p«rti ot firmata o»i pax jx^potua cum Francis' (Pauluw, II. L.
iv.
Prankish Affairs. 109
insulted Witterich obtained the alliance of the culprit's BOOK vn
/•< .- »>
brother, Theudebert of Australia, of his cousin Ohio '-' *
tochar of Neustria, and even, strange to say, of Agilulf
of Italy, who perhaps considered himself hound to
follow his ally Theudebert wheresoever he might lead
him. However, this formiduble combination led to no
results, and the meagre annals of the time do not even
inform us whether Burgundy was ever invaded by the
confederate kings, Kvidently Theodoric II, the re-
sources of whoso kingdom were directed by the wary
old politician Brunichildis, was the most powerful of
all the Frankiwh monurehs. The long-smouldering feud
between him and his brother broke out in 612 into
open hostilities. Theodorie was twice victorious, took
his brother prisoner, and put him, together with his
infant son, to death* What became of the; little princess,
the nflianced bride of Adalwald, wo are not informed,
Theodoric then turned against the only remaining
Frank mh king, (Jhlotoclmr of Neustria, whose nen-
trality in the previoun struggle ho had purchased by
a promised cession of territory, It seemed as if the
long rivalry hehveen the ollspring of Fredegundin and
that of Hrunichildis was about to end in the triumph
of the latter, and as if the grandson of Kigibert was to
reunite* under hm neeptro all the wide dominion*! of
(Jlovis and (ihlotochar 1. But just at this critical
moment Theodoric II died, leaving four infant, but
bastard, children behind him. In tho name of her
groat-grandson Sigihorl, eldewt of tho four, Brunichildis
umpired to rule over Burgundy and Ausirasia, and
hoped to conquer NuuKlria. But tho deadly enmity
of the AustniHiaa nobles to the old queen prevented
ihu* consummation. Two great nobles, Arnulf, bishop
no Saint Columbanus.
BOOK yii. of Metz, and Pippin1, went over to the party of Ohio-
— U_ tochar, and by their defection determined the result
of the campaign. The battle, which was to have been
fought at Chalons-snr-AIsne, was only a sham fight,
the armies of Australia and Burgundy turning their
backs without striking a blow. Brunichildis and her
great-grandchildren were captured. Two of the latter
were put to death ; one escaped, but vanished from
the eyes of men ; the life of the fourth was spared
jvnthof because he was the godson of the conqueror. Bruui-
chilclis herself, after being- -so it is said — tormented
for three days, and them paraded through the Prankish
camj> on a camel, was tied by her hair, her hands and
her feet to a vicious hom% and HO dragged and tram-
pled to d**ath. The long strifo between the two houses
was at an end, and while Kredegundm, unquestionably
597. tho most wicked of the two queens had died quietly
in her bed sixteen yearn before, the able, unscrupulous,
and beautiful Brunichildis lived on into old age only
to meet this shameful and terrible end
With the unfortunate Frankish queen and her de-
scendants is closely connected the name of one who
exercised a mighty influence on tho spiritual history
of'Theudelhula, and, through her, on the religious his-
tory of Italy— the Irish saint ( iolumbanus.
Kariy Oohimbanus or Oolumba (the second) was born in
(Mum- West Leinster probably in ^43", the same year which
*
1 Commonly l»ut orroauouHly called Pippin of London.
8 Wo dorivo thin dato from n poom addwwnod to his friorul
FidoliitH, in which Columbninw Hityn that h« haa now com]>lotc<l
ItiH dightotwth olytnjuud (i.<». hin Hovcnty-Hocoiul yoar) : 'Nunc n<l
olympiadiH lor sonon vonimutt nnnoH.* AH Oolumbantitt died in
615, wo cnnnot put tlio dat<» of bin hirlli Inter than 543 : Imt UK
tho poom nood not hav<» b(H»n wrillon in llio yc»ar of hiw death
Youth of Columbamts. m
saw the death of the greatest of monks, St. Benedict. BOOK vu.
He was well born, and was educated in those arts and "" 8'
sciences a knowledge of which still lingered in Ireland
while Gaul and Italy were almost submerged under
the flood of barbarian invasion. When the fair and
noble youth was growing up into his comely manhood1,
visions of beauti ful women began to haunt Ins imagina-
tion. Marriage was hopeless, for he had been in some
sort vowed by his mother to the service of the Church.
Renewed earnestness in his studies, devotion to gram-
mar, rhetoric, geometry, the reading of the Scriptures,
failed to banish the alluring dream. At length, by
the advice of a pious nun, though against- tin* earnest
entreaties of his mother, he resolved to leave his
paternal home in Leinster; and, after spending some
lime in the school (which wjus probably also a monas-
tery) taught, by St. Sinell on an island in Lough Knit's,
he entered the great monastery which had then been
recently founded by St.<!omgul! u(. Benchor or Hangor
in the county of Down. Here, too, he Wits doubtless
still engaged in intellectual labour, for this was one of
the most learned monasteries of the time. Ovid and
Virgil were studied within iis walls; music wan held
in high honour; Home, probably, of those beautiful
Irish MKS. which are among the most precious pos-
sessions of our great* libraries were illuminated by the,
monks of Hangor,
('ohnnim.miH, however, though no foe to liberal cul-
(thoUtfh lt<» HpHlitH of httUHolf HH * UIOl'lMM OJtprttHHUH MlTVIH'j, it IK
«{tiifi» poHHihlo thai hiw birth nhmild Im put Homnwhnl curlier than
ilmt <lato*
iiu format praoH<«Hiin corjwiriK wmdoi* <*i
ii2 Saint Cohtmbanns.
HOOK vi i. ture, was possessed by the missionary spirit, and, after
— spending many years at Bangor, he set forth with
forthTna *welve companions, bent on preaching the Gospel, but
mission- no£ knowing \vhither they should go1. They reached
the shores of Britain, where the Saxons and EnHes
o
were then dwelling in heathen darkness ; but it was not
reserved for them to anticipate the glory of Augustine
and Aidan. Alter a short stay in the island they
again sot wail with anxious hearts, and landed in Gaul.
After they had pursued their missionary career in this
country for somo time, the fame of St. (lolumbunu.s
reached tho earn of Sigibert, king of Austrasia-, the
husband of Bruniehildis. Tie sent for tho Irish saint-,
begged hint to remain in his kingdom, and at length
overcame his reluctance to do HO by the gift of a ruined
village named Anugratis:t, in a wild uml rocky region
of the Vosges.
r«»ium» II ore (.'olumhamiH established bin monastery, and
. ln*ro he dwelt, in JXKU?O (hiring Iho fttormy years that
followed the (loath of Sl^ibert, There wan nothing in
his possessions to tempt tho cupidity of the fierce
dukes and simoniacal bishops of tint Frank ish king-
1 Joniw HuyH, * VicoHimum orgo acini m annum agcim/ l>ui lias
<1(«»H not a#r<>o with his proviotis HtuiMin<*niy * i
niinonnn intittontin in inonuHtorio oinadin/ M^nialcinhnri nnyw,
'(Joluinlmn, nlors ft^i't <1« iroatu anH, nori <ltt Bnn^or/ nn<I if tluuv
!n» any ttuihority ior romlmtf * trk'OHinuuu ' insU;utl of * vicmhuuin/
thin w<*ultl givti u much more* Hittmfaclory chronology,
a JOJIUH, iw nlr^iuiy Hlainl, orroiunamly inakon Sigll»ort kin^ of
AuhtruHm and tturtjntttlfa but thiH <«rror <!««»H not H<H*IU to in<» to
bo n Hullicnout roanou for oxptuiging HtKiborrn niuuu from lh*>
narrative aitogiiilu^ AH that khi# WHH kilh^l in 575, wo cannot
rofor OolumbanuHf arrival in Uaul to u laior <lnto.
M Haiti to 1>4* now riiprtwonlod by thu haaulot of FauoojUfn<y iu
tho department of
The Three Convents. 113
doms. The diet of Columbamis and Lis monks was BOOK vir.
for some time the bark of trees, wild herbs, and little - 11-
crab apples *, }>ut, as we afterwards hear of the monks
ploughing and reaping, we may infer that, at any rate
from their second season onwards, they were not desti-
tute of bread. For the saint himself, even the austeri-
ties of the coenobitie life were not sufficient. Leaving
his monastery to govern itself lor a time, he retired
to a cavo in tho rocks, which w;is already the abode of
a bear* On hearing the, word of command from the
saint, 'Depart heneo, and never again travel along
these paths,' the wild beast meekly obeyed. The fame
of the preaching of tho saint, and, still more, tho fame
of his miracles and exorcisms, drew so largo a number
of postulants to Anagratin that Oolumbanus found it.
necessary to establish another monastery, larger and
more, famous, at. Luxovium (now Luxeuil), which witHimx**.
situated within the dominion of (iunlram of Burgundy,
and was eight miles south of Anagratis. This place,
though a ruin iiko tint other, won tho ruin of a larger
and IOHH HoquoHtorod HoltlomonL It still shows tho
roinainn of a Iloman aqueduct, and when (JolumbawiH
and his companions Hot tied within its walls, the hot
springs which had HUppHeci its baths wore still (lowing,
and tho nwrblo limbs of the once- worshipped gods of
the heathen gleamed through tho thickets which had
been growing thero probably nineo tho days of Atlila.
Eventually, oven Luxovium w*tn foun<l to l>o insullicient
to hold all the monk* who fluckcul to it» holy Hlu^lttT,
and a third monaHtery WJIH roarcMi on tho neighbouring A*I p«
site <>( A<1
Pomomw j»nrvulot*uin ^im<* 4»r<»njUH iiln
»Im» a|t]»vliiintf (.Jonust cap. viii).
YOU VI. l
H4 Saint Cohimbamis.
BOOK viz. But all this fame and popularity brought its in-
— —-- evitable Nemesis of jealousy and dislike. Columbanus
was revered by the common people, but with the high
- ecclesiastics of Gaul his relations were probably un-
friendly from the first. We can see that there was
not, and could not be, sympathy between the high-
wrought,rnyatical Irish saint, and the coarse and greedy
prelates of Merovingian Gaul. Tie was, intently, that
which they only pretended to he*. To him the king-
dom of God was the only joy, the awful judgment
of Christ the only terror. They were thinking tho
while of the aonsual delights to bo derived from tho
revenues of the bishoprics which they had obtained by
simony. If they trembled, it- wan at the thought of
the probable*, vengeance of the heirnof some blood-fond,
the next of kin of some Frankish warrior whom they
had lawlessly put to death. Intel loetnally, too, tho
gulf between tho Gaulish bishopw and Oolumhamts wan
almost as wide a« the moral divergence. He* retained
to the end of bin days that considerable tincture of
classical learning which he had imbibed under Kinell
and Comgnll. He and his IriHh companions were
steeped in Virgil and Horace, When they Hat down
to write even on religious subjects, quota! IOIIH from
the Aoneid flowed with only too great copionnneHH
from their pens; and the Latin prowo of (,<ohnnbantm
himself, though often Btilted and «omowhat obscure,
ifj almost alwayn Rtrictty grammatical. Comparing him
with one of tho mont learned of IUH Gaulmh contempo-
rarien, Gregory of Tours, whone countless granunaticai
blunders would he tenribly avenged on an Kngli«!i
schoolboy, we nee that tho Iri«h naint moved in an
altogether different intellectual plane from bin
Disputes with Gaulish Ecclesiastics. n5
episcopal neighbours, and we can easily believe that BOOK yn.
he did not conceal his contempt for their ignorance —
and barbarism.
Another cause of difference between Colmnbunus r>H>nt<*
and his Prankish neighbours, and one which could better,
decorously put forward by the latter as tint reason for
their dislike, was the divergence between him and
them as to (ho correct, time for keeping Kastnr. Tn
this matter "the Irish ecclesiastics, \vith true (Vltic
conservatism, adhered to the usage which had been
universal in (lie West for mow than two centuries,
while tho Prankish bishops, dutifully following the
sec of Home, reckoned their Kaster-day according to
the table whirh was pnbIis]H*d by Yidorius in f Jn» ye»ar
457, and whi<*h brought th<» Hoinati usugu into conifc.-
spond«*nco with llu^ tiMag<t of Aioxaiuh'ia Tln^ dillVr-
eneo, much and <'arn<*Htly itmiHicci upon in the* iHtwn
of Oolumbanus, turnrd chi^lly on two points; (i) The*
Irish chtm'hiiM'u instHti^l that in no caso could it be
right io edrbnd^ Kastrr b«*font tht* wrnal (Mjuinox,
which d^ictnuiitHl the first month of the tfcwish calen-
dar; (2) they inuintaiiied thai. niiK-n ih<^ Pussc^vor had
beon ordained t<» fall cm the night oft he lull moon, in
no case (*«»tiltj i< b«* right- to celebrate Kastcr on uny
day when the nuioit was more than limn* weektt ol<!,
In other words, they allowed the great festival to
range, only iHween the Kjth IUH! the 2uth day of the,
lunar month, while the LaiJn (thurtth, fi»r tho sake of
harmony with the Ah^xuiulHun, ullow<»d it to range
from tho 15*!* to the 22*nL In theory it would pro-
bably be a<lmitte<i that the IriMhmen were nearer lo
tlio primitive idea of a tlirmtian fcHtival bastid on tho
Jewish PasHover ; lait in practice to way nothing of
u6 Saint Colmnbanus.
BOOK vii. the unreasonableness of perpetuating discord on a point
L1L1- of such infinitely small importance — by harping as they
did continually on the words 'the i4th day/ they
gave their opponents the opportunity of fastening upon
them the name of Quarto-deciman, and thereby bring-
ing them under the anathema pronounced by theNicene
Council on an entirely different form of dissent l.
Letter On this subject, the celebration of Easter, which
(Sw^Sy. absorbed an absurdly large amount of his time and
thoughts, Columbanus addressed a letter to Pope
Gregory the Great 2. The dedication is too charac-
teristic not to be given in full : —
'To the holy lord and father in Christ, tho most
comely ornament of the lioinan Church, the most
august flower, so to speak, of all this languishing
Europe, the illustrious overseer3, to him who w skilled
to enquire into the theory of the Divine causality,
I Bar-Jonah (a mean dove) wend greeting in Christ.'
It will be seen that Ooluinbanu«, here, a« iti wvoral
other placet*, indulge** in a kind of bilingual pun on his
own name. The Hebrew equivalent of Columba, a dove,
IB Jonah. So here he makes ColumbanuK equivalent
to Bar-Jonah, which in his modesty he translates e vilin
1 The Quarto-ckcMianl condemned by tho Nieono Council kopt
the day of tho Passion on tho fourteenth of Nisan, on what<»v<»r
dny of tho week it might happen to fall. Columhnnus and hia
friends always commemorated tho Pas&ion on Friday, nnd thn
KoHurrection on Sunday* Tho difference between thorn and tln*ir
opponents was as to the beginning and end of tho poriod during
which, in order to ennure thitt result, Good Friday inttni1. bo
allowed to swing to and fro on either wide of the fourteenth of
a month corresponding to the Jowiuh Ninan.
* Dated in the Monunienta Uennaniae HiHtorim r>95-^o3. It
does not seem possible to fix tho date more accurately,
* * Speculator! ogrogio.'
Discussions about Easter,
Columba'; and elsewhere he recognises that it is
fate to be thrown overboard like his namesake Jonah,
for the peace and safety of the Church.
The letter itself argues with much boldness and
some skill against tho practice of celebrating Easter
at a time when tho moon docs not rise till after two
watches of tho night arc past, and when darkness is
thus triumphing over light. He warns the Pope not
to sat himself in opposition to tho great Jerome* by
condemning the Paschal calculations of Anatolius, whom
Jerome, had praised as a man of marvellous learning.
He usktt for ud vice on two points, (i) whether ho ought
to communicate with shnoniaoal and adulterous bishops,
and (2) what in to be. done with monks who, through
desire of greater holiness, leave the. monfiHteries in
which they have taken the vows, and rutint to desert
places, without the leuvo of their abbot. I In expresses
his dee}> regret at not being able, to visit Koine for the
Hiiko of seeing Gregory, and jinks to have some of the
Pope's commentary on Kxekiel sent to him, having
already perused with extreme, pleasure his hook, sweet er
than honey, on the. Hwjulu Pitx/omitx*
Jt would bo interesting to know what reply the
great Roman Pope made to the great Irish abbot, but
Gregory's letter to < -olumbanurt, if written, has not
come down to us* Home yearn later, about 603 or 604, L*n«r
a synod was held (probably at ( Jhalon«-Hur-Haone) utY/,m!i»ii
which tho question of tho HduHinatioal observance. of'J^jV
Easter in Luxovium and the Bister monasteries was
the chief Kubjwt of diKCUHHiotL To tho Gaulish bishops
'his holy fathern and brethren in (ttmst, Ooluwbn '
tho sinner' adclrenned u remarkable letter, He praised
1 lit* HHUH lH»r<» tho Mlmrtor f<^rin uf hm
us Saint Columbanus.
BOOK yii. them for at last assembling in council, even though it
----- was in order to judge him; and this praise recalls
Gregory's oft-repeated censure of the Gaulish bishops
for their neglect of synodal action. After exhorting
them to the practice of humility, he discusses at some
length the great Paschal question, and begs them not
to celebrate the Resurrection before the Passion by
allowing Easter to fall before the equinox, and not to
overpass the 2oth clay of the lunar month, ' lest they
should perform the sacrament of the New Testament
without the authority of the Old/ Then he turns to
more personal affairs, and utters a pathetic prayer for
peace. ' In the name of Him who said, " Depart from
Me : I never knew you," suffer me, while keeping your
peace and friendship, to be silent in these woods, and
to live near the bones of my seventeen departed
brethren. Suffer me still to live among yoti as I have
done for these past twelve years1, and to continue
praying for yoxi as 1 have ever done and ought to do.
Let Gaul, I pray you, contain both you and me, since
the kingdom of heaven will contain us if we are of
good desert, and fulfil the hope of our one calling in
Christ Jesus. Far be it from me to contend with you,
and to give our enemies, the Pagans and the Jews,
occasion to triumph in our dissensions. For if it be
in God's ordering that ye should expel me from this
desert place, whither I came from across the seas for
the love of my Lord Jesus Christ, I can only say with
1 It will be observed that ho speaks of having been among thorn
twelve years. He probably dates from the timo of Inn coming
into the kingdom of Burgundy, thus confirming tho suggestion
that Anagratie was in Auatrasia, and that when ho migrated to
Luxovium he crossed from one kingdom to another. The lottor
was probably written about thirty years after his arrival in G uul
The Animal World, 119
the prophet [Jonah], "If for my sake this tempest is
come upon you, take me and cast me into the sea, that _!!l .1
this turmoil may cease."9
Thus not only amid the increasing cares of his three
great monasteries, but amid increasing conflicts with
the hostile bishops of Gaul, passed the middle years of
the life of Columbanus. If men hated him, the brute
creation loved him. Many of the stories told of him
reveal that mysterious sympathy "with the lower ani-
mals which ho shared with an even greater religious
revivalist, St. Francis of Assisi. One of his disciples
lo ng after told his biographer that often when he had
been walking lonely in the desert, his lips moving in
prayer, he* had been seen to call birds or wild creatures
to him, who never disobeyed the call. Then would
the saint stroke or pat them, and the shy, wild thingB
rejoiced like u little dog in bis caresses. Thus, loo,
would hit call down the little squirrels from the tops
of HIM frees, and they would nestle close to his neck,
or play hide und seek in the folds of his great white
scapular1.
We have already heard how the bear at the sum-
mons of Oolumbunus quietly yielded tip to him its
dwelling in tlio e?uve. One day when lie was walking
through the forest, wit.h his Bible hung by a strap to
his shoulder, lie pondered the question whether it were
worse to fall into the bands of wild beasts or of evil
men* Suddeuly, as if to solve the problem, twelve
wolv«*H rushed forth, and mimmiided him on the right
hand and on the left. He remained immovable, but
1 * Kl fcruwutnin qumu vulgo homitwH fftiuirhwi vacant, nnq»o
<!<< nnttiw jirliorum fulmintbuM *«?«i)rHitam f (Jontin, cap* xvi), Tho
wont fur w|uirr*)l m wiunttt,
iso Saint Cohimbanus.
BOOK vn. cried aloud, 'Oh ! Lord, make haste to help me/ The
- , _1_ savage creatures came near, and gathered round him,
smelling at his garments ; but, finding him tmmovert,
left him unharmed, and disappeared in the forest,
When he came forth from the wood, he thought that
he heard the voices of Suevic robbers roaming through
the desolate region, but he saw not their forms, and
whether the sounds were real, or an illusion of the
Evil One to try his constancy, he never knew !.
One day, when he came into the monastery at
Luxovium to take some food, he laid aside the gloves
which had shielded his hands while working in the
field. A mischievous raven carried off the gloves from
the stone before the monastery doom on whidi the
saint had laid them. When the meal WJIH ended, and
the monks came forth, the gloves were nowhere to be
found. Questions at once arose who had done this
thing. Said the saint, 'The thief is none other than
that bird which Noah sent forth out of the ark, and
which wandered to and fro over the earth, nor ever
returned. And that bird shall not rear itn young
unless it speedily bring back that which it haw stolen,'
Suddenly the raven appeared in the midnt of the
crowd, bearing the gloves in itB beak, and, having laid
them down, stood there meekly awaiting the ehanliHO-
ment which it was conscious of having deserved. But
the saint ordered it to fly away unharmed*, Once
upon a time a bear hinted after the applet* which
formed the Bole fruit of the aaint and his companions.
But when Golumbamw directed IUH nervant, Mugnoald,
to divide the apples into two portioiw, aHnigning one
to the bear, and reserving the other for the UHC of the
1 Jonas, cap. vil 3 Joiuu*, cup. xiv,
Dispittes with the Palace, 121
saint, the beast, with wonderful docility, obeyed, and., BOOK vn.
contenting itself with its own portion, never dared to '—
touch the apples which were reserved for the man of
God, Another bear, howling round the dead body
of a fltag, obeyed his bidding, and left the hide un-
touched, that out of it might be made shoes for
the use of the brotherhood ; and the wolves, which
gathered at the scent of the savoury morsel, stood
afar off with their noses in the air, not daring to
approach the carcass on which tho mysterious spell
had been laid.
But tho time came when tho saint had to solve his Disputo
own riddle, by proof that men, and still more women, Throne
could ho harder and more, unpitying even thsin the
wolves. Tho young king of 3>urgundy, Thoodoric,
already, al the ago of fourteen, had a bastard son
born to him, and by the year 610 ho had several
children, none of them the IHHUO of his lawful wife.
These little OMOH their groat -grandmother, Bruni-
childis, brought one clay into the holy man'** presence,
when ho visited her at tho royal villa of Brocoriucum !.
Baid ('oluinbanuH, * What do you moan by bringing
these children hero?' *They are tho sons of a
king/ answered BrunichildiH, * fortify them with your
blessing/ * Never/ natd he, 'whall these children, tho
offspring of the brothel, inherit tho royal sceptre/
In a rage, the old queen ordered tho little onos to
depart. AH tho saint crossed the threnhold of the
pulaeo, a thwiderHtonu or an earthquake shook tho
fabric, striking terror into the «OU!H of all, but not
even HO \VUH the fierce heart of Brunichildis turned
from her purpoHfs of rovengo,
1 * Hotm'hf»r<»HHo, war Aulun,' nuyw Moutal<JinJ>urt.
laa Saint Columbamts.
vii. There wei*e negociations and conversations between,
the saint and the sovereign. Theodoric, who through-
miwnt out seems to have been less embittered against the
saint than his grandmother, said one day, in answer
to a torrent of angry rebuke for his profligacy, * Do
you hope to win from me the crown of martyrdom?
1 am not HO mad as to perpetrate such a crime.' But
llio austere, unsocial habits of the saint had made
him many enemies. There was a long unsettled debt
of* hatred from the bishops of Gaul for the schismatical
Easier and many other causes of offence ; and the
courtiers with one voice declared that they would not
tolerates tho continued presence among them of one
\viio did not deem thorn worthy of his companionship.
Thus, though tho harsh words concerning the royal
bastards may have been the torch which finally
kindled the flame, it in clear that there was much
HinoulderSng indignation against the saint in the hearts
of nobles and churchmen before ever these words
were npoken. By the common people, on the other
hand, (Jolumbanus seems to have been generally
heiovod,
nativity The renultant of all these conflicting forces was an
v'w, IMI" order from the Court that Columbauus should leave
his monastery of Lnxovhnn, and take up his residence
in a sort of tilwnt* outiU><liu at Vesontio (liesanpon).
Finding liiniHolf laxly guarded, he went up one Sunday
to the top of the mountain which overlooks the city
of Benum/on and tho winding Doubs. He remained
till noon, half expecting that hin keepers would come
to fetch him; but, as none appeared, he descended
tho mountain on tho other side, and took the road to
Luxovium. By this daring defiance of the royal
Expulsion from Burgundy. 123
orders he filled up the measure of his offences, and BOOK yn.
Brunichildis at once sent a cohort of soldiers to arrest
the holy man and expel him from the kingdom. They
found him in the church of the monastery, singing
psalms with the congregation of the brethren. It
seemed as if force would have to ho used in order to
tear him from his beloved Luxovmm, Imt at length,
7 O *
yielding to the earnest entreaties of his monks., and of
the soldiers, who prayed for forgiveness even whilo
laying hold of the saint's garmonls, he consented to go
with them quietly. The monks all wished to follow
him, hut only his Irish fellow-countrymen wen.4 allowed
to do so, while those of ( iaulish birth un<i (he strangers
from Britain wen* ordered 1o remain behind. He was
taken by way of Besaneon and Autun to NOVITK, and
thoro was put on shipboard and conveyed down the Na
Loin* to Nanles. Many miracles, especially the euro,
of thosr ailiioh'd with evil spirits, marked his progress.
At Auxrnv he said to a certain Hagamund, who ramo,
to act a is his escort, 4 1{(»inenil>er, oh ! Hagumund, that
this (1iloto(khart whom you now despise-, will within
thr<*<» years be your lord and mast or/ The prophecy
was the inoro remarkable because (lie king of Neustria
was at. thai time niuoii the weakest member of the
Frankish partnership, and <juite over-si wdowod by
his CUUKIMH of Austrasia and Iiurgun<!yf Thtiodonc,
cspc(tiallv\ was then at tbo. xouith of bin power; and
the routo travorst^l by <<olumhanu8 and his gtutrds
nhovvH Unit something Hkis UirtHj-cjuurtcTM of* that
which is now France must have owned bis dominion.
Wlioh, in Iheir voyage down the nt ream, they came
opposite the jshnno of (hit blessed Martin of Tours,
OotumbauUH oarnojstly btssou^ht his keepers to let him
124 Saint Columbamis.
BOOK vii. land and pay his devotions at the holy sepulchre. The*
— ^-1~ inexorable guards refused, and Columbanus stood upon
the deck, raising sad eyes to heaven in mute protest
against their cruelty. But suddenly the vessel stopped
in her course, as though she had let down her anchor,
and then began mysteriously to turn her head towards
the water-gate of Tours. Awed by thin portent, the
guards made no further resistance to his will ; and
Columbanus, landing, spent the night in vigils at the
tomb of St. Martin. It was a memorable scene, and
one worthy to be celebrated by an artist's or a poet's
genius; for there the greatest Gaulish saint of the
sixth century knelt by the torn!) of his greatest prede-
cessor of the fourth century, tho uphraidet* of Bruni-
childis communed witli the spirit of the vanquisher
of Maxinmw.
(Mum- When day dawned Colmnbanus was invited hv
toman at — . , . , /* m i • t* *
Leuparma, bishop of lours, to share his hospitality*
For the sake of his weary brethren ho accepted the
invitation, though it came from a Gaulish bishop, and
spent the day at the Episcopal palace. At tho even-
ing meal, when many guests were present, Louparms,
either through ignorance or want of tact, asked him
why he was returning to his nativo country. * Because
that dog, Theodoric, has forced mo away from my
brethren/ said the hot-tempered saint At the table
waB a guest named Chrodoald, a kinsman by marriage
of Thcudobert, but loyal to Theodoric1. Ho, with
demure face, said to tho man of God, * Mothinks it is
1 *Unu« e'convivifi, CUrmloalduH nomino, <jui itimtnni Thw
dohjrti rogiH in conjugium hnlwbai, rogi tawou Thoodorwo ful<«lm
orat.' Thin distinction Ixttwoon tho r<»lationK <if Thitutiohori
Thoodoric louks UB if they wore tlio BOIW of difToront
Journey to Nantes, 125
better to drink milk than wormwood/ thus gently BOOK vu.
hinting that such bitter words ill became saintly lips. „'"'
Colxunbanus said, c I suppose you are a liege man of
Theodoric?' *I am/ he answered, 'and will keep my
plighted faith so long as I live/ 'Then you will
doubtless be glad to take a message from me to your
master and friend. Go, toll him that within three
years he and all his race shall be utterly rooted up by
tho Lord of Hosts/ 'Oh! servant of God/ s,*ti<!
Chrodoald, * why dost thou utter such terrible \vords?'
* Because I cannot keep silence when the, Lord (x<xl
would have mo speak.' Like another Jeremiah <le~
nouncing woe on tho Impious Jchuiukim was (his
Irish saint, as he hurled bin fierce* predictions among
tho trembling courtiers of Thecxloric.
After all, tho dauntless Irishman was not earned IMIM
hack to his native land. When ho arrived at Nantes, Urk7«*
tho bishop and count of that city, in ol>edioneo to the r"ttl" '
king's orders, set him on board a merchant vessel
carrying cargo to * the Scots/ that is to tho inhabitants
of Ireland1. But though tho ship, impelled by tho
rowers and by favouring gulott, was carried out Home
way from the land, great rolling waves noon forced
her back to the shore. The Hhip-muHtor perceived
that his saintly cargo was the reason of bin dis-
appointment. He put Columbanus and hb friends
<tshore, and the ship proceeded on her voyage without
difficulty.
Columbanus, who seems to have been left at liberty AI th<*
to go whither he would, so long as lie did not return <fili« *"
to Burgundy, visited (Jhlotochar in bin Neusfrian
1 *Reperta ergo xxavi quao Scotorum coitunoreia voxoruL* (
cap. xxii).
1*6 Saint Colwnbamts.
BOOK vn. capital, gently chided him for his Merovingian hn-
- _.L.1_ moralities, and advised him to remain neutral in the
war which had now broken out between Theodoric
and Theudebert. Under the protection of an escort
given him by Chlotochar he reached the dominions
an<i Thou- of Theudebert ', who gave him a hearty welcome, and
<l<'J)tjft. • «j I 7 » T 7 " / 1 *
invited him to choose some place m the Australian
territory suitable for the erection of a monastery,
which might serve as a base of operations for the
missionary work planned by him among the pagans
on the border. Such a retreat, after two abortive
attempts by the lake of Zurich and at Arbon, he
found finally at Bregenz, by the Lake of Constance,
whither be travelled up the Rhino, doubtless with
much toil of oar to the rowers assigned him by the
king. The barbarous Alawanni who dwelt by the
banks of the Upper Rhino wero ntill worshippers of
Wodan, and filled a largo barrel, holding ton gallonu,
with the boor which they hrmvod and drunk in his
honour -. When the saint beard from the idolalom
1 In tho course of this journoy ho arrived at tho villa of Vul-
ttincum on tho banks of tho Marno, wh<»ro ho wan woleonwd by
itn lord, Autharuw, and his wifo Aigiu H<* gnv<* lii» blowing t<^
their chihlrcn Ado and Dwlo, who aftorwanlH r<mo high in tho
Borviw of tho kiixf^B Chlotochar and Du^ohc^rfc, hut rotim! fnnu
tho world, and founded monantorim in tl»<^ Jura according to th<^
rulo of Columhanm Noto h(»rn lh«» mum** of thia AuHtrnHiun
nohU«nau and hin wife, HO Binnlar to thoHo of two
Lombard kings, Atithuri and Ago (s= Agilulf }.
3 *K<»IMjrit <koH flocriftaium prophanum iil>ar0 vollo,
magnum quod vulgo CUJMM vomnt quod vinginti modia [«//'j
aiupliuH ruse minu» capiohnt, tsorvwiA plenum in mculio pomttun
aiunt illi BO l)<*o ftuoj Vndono nomin«s quwu Moreurium nfc n!ii
aiunt auhmmnt OHHO, Htaro v<»llo ' ( Jonan, cap, xxvi). Notko tlu*
word *^j>r/,f which explains our own
Settlement • in Switzerland.
127
what hateful work they were engaged in, he drew BOOK vn.
near and breathed upon the barrel, which suddenly °H' 3'
burst asunder with a loud crash, spilling all the liquor
on the ground.
In the 'temple' of Bregenz (a ruined Christian
oratory once dedicated to St. Aurelia) the stranger
found three brazen images fixed to the wall. These
images received the idolatrous worship of the people,
who said, * These arc our ancient gods, by whose help
and comfort we havo been preserved alive to this day.'
His friend and follower, Gullus, who was able to
preach not only in Latin, but in the 'barbaric tongue/
oxhortod the multitude, who bad assembled in the
temple to turn from these vain idols and worship the
Father and tho Won. Then, in the sight of all,
UolumbawiN neixed tho Images, hammered them into
fragments, and throw tho pieces into the lake. Some
of tho hyHtandore woro enraged at (bis insult to their
gofln, but* tho more part wore* converted by the preach-
ing of GalluH* ( Mumbamw nprinkled the temple with
holy water, and, moving through it in procession with
his monkn chanting a pnalm, dedicated it afresh to
Uo<l and St. Anrolio*
ThiM GalluK, whoso knowledge of (ho Ruovic tongue
proved HO helpful on thm occasion, win tho same St.
(Jail who, by tho moniwtory which be founded, has
given hin name to one of tho cantonn of Switzerland.
He wan an Irinhman of nohlo birth who came with
OoluwbanuH to tho country of the Franks, and accom-
panied him tn all IUH journoyH but tho hist. From bis
life \vo learn HOMO comparatively unimportant partieu-
lurK about tho life of tho naint and bin followorn in
Switxerkuu! which nccwl not !w rcK'atc^l here, Uut
i28 Saint Columbanus.
BOOKVII. it would be wrong to omit one narrative which, has
/•«-_ k> °
' - f-L~ in it a touch of poetry, and which shows how the
grandeurs of the Swiss landscape blended themselves
with those thoughts of the spirit world which were
ever uppermost in the souls of these denizens of the
convent. St. Gallus, who was the chief fisherman of
the party, and who in fact provided all their food
except the wild fowl and the fruits of the wilderness,
was once, in the silence of the night, casting his nets
into the waters of Lake Constance, when he heard
the Demon of the mountain calling from the cliffs
with a loud voice to the Demon of the lake. e Arise/
said ho, * for my help, and let us cast forth these
Htrangew from their haunts; for, coining from afar,
thoy have expelled me from my temple, have ground
my images to powclor-, and drawn away ail my people
after them/ Then the Demon of the lake answered,
' All that thou couiplainest of I know too well. There
is one of them who ever harases me here in the
water, and laya waste my realm* His nets I can
never break, nor himself can I deceive, because the
divine name which he invokes is ever on his lips ; and
by this continual watchfulness he frustrates all our
snares/ Hearing these words, the man of God fortified
himself with the sign of the cross, and said, ' In the
name of the Lord Jesus Christ I command you that
ye depart from this place, and do not presume to
injure any one here/ Then he returned and told the
abbot what he had heard The brethren were assem-
bled at once in the church, though it was the dead of
night, and their voices filled the air with psalmody.
But even before they began the holy Bong, there were
heard dread voices of the Demons floating aboxit from
Spirits of the Mountain and the Lake, 129
summit to summit of the mountains, cries and \vails BOOK vn.
as of those who departed in sadness from their home, — — -
and confused shrieks as of those who were pursued
by tine avenger1.
About this time visions of missionary service among Again at
J tht* Court
the Sclavonic tribes on the border of Tenetia began of Th<<u<i<-
iH'H".
to float before the mind of Columbanus, but an angel
appeared to him in a dream, and, holding forth a map
of the world, indicated to him Italy as the scene of his
future labours-. Not yet, however, he was told, was
the time come for this enterprise : meanwhile he \vns
to wait iu patience till the way should open for his
leaving Auntrusiu. It was by the bloody sword of
fratricidal war that the way io the saint's last harvest-
iield was laid open. It has boon told how the long
grndgo between the two grandsons of Hrunichildis
burst, at. last into a flame, and hostilities began.
(Johunbanus, with prophetic foresight of the result,
perhaps also with statesmanlike insight into the, com-
parative strength of tho two kingdoms, left his solitude,
sought tho Court of Theudebtsrt, and exhorted him to
1 Thin jw8H«K<i in tho lifo of 8L Gall rwullj* two wll-known
utt<'rnm'4'H <»f our own pools : -• Wordwworth'H
*Two Voiron nr*» tlwro, ono JH of tho HUH ; <m« of th<* mountain*; ' ;
and
And tho rcwmnding
A voi<;o r»f w<H*ping hwird nn<l loud Inniuni ;
From hnuntud npring, and dalo
Kdgixi with [K>pliir pnl<%
Tho jiurting gt»niu» i« with higliing ftout.'
* Tho jwmmigo in Joniwtwtp. xxvi) i« ot»Hcur<s Jml tho
lion of tho nmp in intorwiting: ^Angttkw Domini i»**r vimtm
nppimiit i«irv<«ju« muWtu vulnt puginal! w»l**nt ntylo tirbin do-
w;rilx?ro circiiUun, mtmdi coinpugozn luoiwtnivit,'
VOL, VI. K.
130 Saint Columbanus.
BOOK YII. decline the contest and at once enter the ranks of the
^H. 3.
• --- clergy. The king and all his courtiers raised a shout
ra* of indignant derision.* * Never was it heard that a
Merovingian, once raised to the throne, of his own
will became a priest/ c He who will not voluntarily
accept the Clerical honour/ said Columbanus, ' will
soon find himself a clergyman in his own despite ' ;
and therewith he departed to his hermitage. The
prophecy was soon fulfilled. The two armies met DTI
the field of Toul. Theudebert was defeated, fled,
gathered a fresh army, and was again defeated on the
613- field of Tolbiac *, where a terrible slaughter won made
in the ranks of both armies. Betrayed by his friends,
he was captured by his brother and carried into the
presence of their grandmother, who had never forgiven
him or his for her exile from Australia. Hho at once
shore his long Merovingian locks, and turned him
into a tonsured cleric ; and not many days after, who
or Theodoric ordered him to be put to death. Clowe
upon these events followed, as hu# boon already re-
lated, the sudden death of Theodoric II, the murder
of his children, and the reunion of the whole Krankish
monarchy under the sceptre of the lately despised
and flouted Chlotochar-
The bloody day of Tolbiac was HOWI in u dream by
«j<miiy Columbanus-, overtaken by sudden clumber an he win
tmnua in sitting reading in a hollow oak in his beloved wilder-
iiv won, negg^ rp}ie (iiscipie w]10 likened to bin ntory of the*
1 Zulpich, near Cologne.
a I venture horo on a slight deviation from my authority.
*E& horA orgo quft apud Tulhiacum aomtmHmim ont
*n/pra gucrcuy putrcfwtim truwHm vir lihrum I<»K°nH
I imagine him to have boon reading, not ov<»r, Jail in
decayed tree*
Enters Italy. 131
battle said, 'Oh, my father, pray for Theudebert, BOOK: vn.
that he may conquer his and our enemy, Theodoric.' '-^~-
6 Unwise and irreligious is thy advice/ said Coluna- 6l3'
banus. ' Not thus hath the Lord commanded us, who
told us to pray even for our enemies/ Afterwards, when
the tidings came of the great encounter, the disciple
learned that it had been fought at the very day and
hour when the saint beheld it in his vision.
The battle of Tolbiac broke the last thread that Coium-
connected Columbanus with the kingdom of the Italy, 613.
Franks, and accordingly, leaving Gaul and Germany
behind him, he pressed forward into Italy. One only
of his faithful band of followers did not accompany
him. Gall us, who had sickened with fever, and who
perhaps felt that his special gifts as a missionary to
the Suevi would be wasted when he had crossed the
Alps, remained behind on the shores of Lake Con-
stance, which he had learned to love. As St. Paul
with Mark when he departed from him and Barnabas
at Perga, so was Columbanus deeply grieved with
the slackness of spirit of his disciple, upon whom he
laid a solemn injunction never to presume to celebrate
mass during the lifetime of his master.
Columbanus was received with every mark of honour
and esteem by Agilulf and Theudelinda1. He remained
1 Wits this tho lh%st occasion on which Columbanus visited
Italy? Abbot L. dolla Torre started the theory that the saint
paid u provioas visit in 595 ; that he then founded the monastery
of Bobbio, and remained in Italy till 598. This theory was
accepted by Pagi and many other scholars, among the latest of
whom is Carlo Troya (Storia dltalia, iv. 2. 27^ Muratori, how-
over, novor adopted it, and there can be little doubt that he was
justified in his scepticism. Thoro is no hint in his biography by
Jonan of any «uch oarly interruption to the saint's Gaulish career,
K 2
132
Saint Columbanus.
BOOK vii. apparently for some months at Milan, arguing with the
°"* 3' Avian ecclesiastics who still haunted the Lombard
6l3' Court. ' By the cautery of the Scriptures/ as his bio-
grapher quaintly says, 'he dissected and destroyed
the deceits of the Arian infidelity, and he more-
over published against them a book of marvellous
science1/ But all men who knew Columbanus knew
that he would not be content to dwell long in palaces
or cities, but that he must be sighing for the solitude
(if the wilderness and the silence of the convent. It
wan doubtless from a knowledge of this desire that a
certain man named Joctinduf* came one day to King
Agilulf, and began to expatiate on the advantages for
a monastic life afforded by the little village of'Bolmim
(Bobbio), about twenty-fivo miles from Placentia. This
place, Hitualecl on the banks of the little river Trebia
(which witnessed the first of Hannibal's great victorious
over the Koinans), lies away from the great high-roads
of the Lombard plain, its citicw and its broad river, and
in a fertile valley «hut in by the peaks of the
nnd in fiu-t tho only widonco for the theory is certain documents
by Troya (iv. i, ocxlvi. and ccxlix.) under tho date 60 1. Those
documentB profess to bo (x) a tfwnt from Agilulf to Columlmnus
of tho basilica of Bobbio and tho territory for four mile** round it,
and (2) a totter from Columbanus to Gregory I, by which ilio
former places hta newly founded monastery under tho protection
of tho Popo. Tho datoft of thuHO documents, however, aro con-
foHWMlly quite wrong, HB they quot*> years of tho Infliction which
do not corruHpoml with Uto rognal yoars ako quoted by thorn ; and
it in now generally admitted that (as argued by Wait* in tho
Getting, doluhrto AnwJgon, 1856) Ul^° ^'ty Bobl>io doftiimonte
aro forg€»ri» With thiw admiHHion tho whole theory of an «irli<»r
vimt of Columbontw to Italy falls to tho ground, and it IB melons
to spend any more timo on ita n^futiitionu
1 'Contra quo» eUam libollum florontis aoiontiao edidil* (Jontia,
cap. 3txix).
Retires to Bobbie. 133
central A Pennine chain. It has its own little stream. BOOK vii.
CH 3
the Bobbio, confluent with the Trehia and abounding '
in fish. Everything marked it out as being, according 6l3'
to the description of Jocundus, a place well suited for
the cultivation of monastic excellence ; and thither
Columbanus joyfully retired. He found there a half-
ruined basilica of St. Peter, which he at once began
to restore with the help of his followers. The tall firs
of the Apennines wei%e felled, and their trunks were
transported over rough and devious ways down into
the fertile valley. The alacrity of the aged saint, who
personally helped in tho pious toil, became in the next
generation the subject of a miracle, ' There was a
beam whieh, if placed on level ground, thirty or forty
men would have drawn with difficulty. The man of
God, coming tip to it, placed the immense weight on
the shoulders of himself and two or three of his
friends; and where before, on account of the roughness
of the road, they hod, though unencumbered, walked
with dilKeuHy, thoy now, laden with the beam's weight,
moved rapidly forward. The parts seemed reversed,
and they who were bearing the burden walked with
triumphant ease, an if they were being borne along
by others/
Hnch were tho beginnings of the great monastic apodal
house of JBohblo, It has for UH a special interest (and taucoof
* . ,. Bobbio.
this is our justification for spending so long a time
over tho life of its founder), for there can be little
doubt thut the monastery of Bobbio, even more than
the liolimwH and popularity of Queen Thoudelinda, was
the means of accomplishing that conversion of the
Lombards to tho Catholic form of Chrmtiauily, which
at hint, though not in tho first or second generation,
T34 Saint Columbanus.
^II. ended the religious duality of Italy. True to his early
--— literary and philosophical instincts, Columbaims seems,
with all his austerities, ever to have preserved the
character of an educated Churchman. Learned as the
Order of Benedict became in after years, we shall pro-
bably not err in supposing that at this time it was
surpassed in learning by the Order of Columbanus.
The library of Bobhio was for many centuries one of
tho richest, probably the richest, in Italy, and many
of the most precious treasures now deposited in the
Ambrosian library at Milan have been taken thither
from the monastery of Columbaims *.
AIIUU It is noteworthy that among these treasures are to
bo. found some* considerable fragments of the Gothic
Bible* of Uliiias, and of bis Commentary on the Gospel
of John ". Apparently Oolumbanua, in bis controversies
1 Tlut monograph by G. L. KraflV Do FontihiiHlTlfilao Arianwmi
<oc Fragment IN BobiennibuHerutiH' (Bonn, 1 860), brings out very well
thin special (toiutt'xion of tho monastery of Bobbio with tho litera-
ture of tho Ariau controversy. IfoconcludoB: 'Thus tho convent
of Kobhio became a fitadol for tho clofonco of tho Catholic, faith,
ftn<l for tho' attack on Gorman ArianiRm, which tho Loiulmrclw
aloat» of all tho Gormanic nations woro at that time pi-oftwHinjoj
aiul Ainmgly upholding. Accordingly in thiw one abodo, jw in
uu atw»unl, alnumt all th<^ writingn relating to (human Arianinni
havo }K»OU prosorvttd for UH, I niontion hero izi panning tho Paris
Codox, which contains tho inomoir of Aux<*ntius on tlw Arian
tfA(*hing of IJlfiluB, tho origin of which O. Waltz nayn to bo un-
certain, but which I think must bo tracod back to thw nuino
«onv<*ut of Bo}>bio» whom) wont amplo troiwurow havo }><w»n din-
porH«?<l in all direct ioiw. Nor iw it to bo wondorod at that after
Arianmm wa» vanquinhed tho inonkn of Bobbio should havt^
lK»gun to turn thonn codicon to anothor account, writing Latin
tro»tis«B ovor thono whitth worn in tho Gothic or Lombard tonguo,
th<» knowledge of which thoy had oomplotoly lowi*
M *Skoiroms Aiv«ggoljon« thairh Johannon* (oclitod by
inaun, Munich, 1834)4
Classical Recreations. 135
with the Arians at Milan, did not neglect the whole- BOOK vu.
Cn 8
some practice of studying his opponents' arguments in ---
their own hooks, and to this wise liberality of thought
may have heen due some portion of his success. Nor r^u
i T* /»T 1.1 literature.
was tfie secular, J agan side 01 literature unrepresented
in tlio lihrary of Bobbio. The great palimpsest now
in the Vatican, in which Cardinal Mai discovered,
under St. Au^nstino's Commentary on the Psalms
(119-140), ('icu'ro's lost treatise, De Ilepublica, hears
yet this inscription on one of its pages, c Li her Sancti
(,<olumbani do Bobio !/
A <|uumt ^xiMnplilieation of tho saint's un<*xtin* TIM*
guish<Ml lovo for classical literature is furnished by the Hai
versos which, al the, a#o of Hcventy-two, anil probably
within a low months of hin dc^ath, ho addressed to
at wtrtain fru*nd of his named F(^dolius. They are
written in a metro which ho calls Sapphic, but which
a modem scholar would rather cjall Adonic, biting
entirely composed of those, short lines (dactyl and
with which the Sapphic verso lonninatow : —
*Tak«»t I bi*H<M'ch you,
Now from my Immls thin
i*li'i of
AIM! for your own part
UK
1 S*'o (fnnlinnl Mai'tt |»rvfa<?o to Giewo clo ItftpublicA,
(p. xxiiii. Ho Hiiy« that tluwo word*, writton appm^ntly in tho
i<«uih «M»«t«»yf arn to IK* found in nearly nil th<* «<Hli<wH which
<«w« bt»loitKr(l to th<» ItJrt'ary of Bobbio, Thoy <lo not tlu»n»fon»
iM'H\MHarity imply any pwr»onul connexion with ColumlMinim. Mai
atirilmt«fH Iho origiiml MB. of Cicoro to a dato not lail«»r than th<^
HiXth <*<ta{ury, po«Hi)>Iy as oarly UH tho swowl or third Tlu» HUJHT-
hnpownl i««xt of AugUMtJm* h<^ thinkn to )>« not lal«*r than tlm
tenth «iMiiury«
136 Saint Cohtmbanus.
BOOK VII. Verses of yours by
Gj^ _ Way of repayment.
For as the sun-baked
Fields when the winds change
Joy in the soft shower,
So has your page oft
Gladdened my spirit/
Columbarms then proceeds through about eighty
lines to warn his friend against avarice. The examples
of the curse of riches are all drawn from classical
mythology. The Golden Fleece, the Golden Apple,
the Golden Shower, Pygmalion, Polydorus, Amphiu-
raus, Achilles, are all pressed into the poet's service ;
and as the easy and, on the whole, creditable lines
How on, the idea is suggested to the reader's mind that
probably Fedolius was no more inclined to avarice
than his adviser, but that the common places about
avarice expressed themselves so easily in tho Adonic
metre that the saint had not the heart to deny himself
tho pleasant exercise. He ends at last thus ; —
*Bo it raiough, them,
Thu» to have Hpun my
GarrulotiB voraoa
For whoa you rtuul thorn,
Haply tho motro
May to you goom Htmngo,
Yot *ti« tho sumo which
Sho, tlio n«nowno<l Jmnl
Hnppho, tho Orcc^k, on<*(i
U«o<l for hor vorfM»»»
You, too (tho fancy
Ilnply muy Huiy,o you
TlntH (o <H«npoH<» vorw^
Noto my iiiHtntctiouH :
Alwnys & dactyl
Bkiudft in tht* iirnt place ;
Aftor it «oim»» nnxt
Verses to Fedolius. i37
Strictly a trochee, BOOK VII.
But 3*ou may always Cir- &
JKml with a ftpon<lco.
Now then, my lovod one,
Who wh«*n you choose arc
»S\wot«*r than no«tar,
Iif«v<j th«* more* pompous
Songs of the sag«'S,
And with a m<»<*k mind
Brar with my trifling.
So may the WorM-Kin^
Christ, ih<* alone Son
Of flu* Ktcnwl,
Crown you with Lifi^s joys,
H*» in his SJIV'H
H<'t^n<*th o'er all
Now «n<I for ever,
Such m i!u» vem* I havo fnvme<l, though tortunnl by cniel
Born <»f ihiH finJilo fmmo, born t(K> of tlu> Ha<hu*8H of old ag<».
Fur while tho yearw of my lift huvo liurriotl mo downward
and <»n\vunl,
Lo! 1 lmv«i {iiuwiHl oVn now thn eightieth Olympian tnil*
Htone.
AH thingH ar<» pjwHing uway : Thau ilios and the traitor roturnn
not,
Livtt : fttniwt*!!. In joy or in griof wtueinbor that Ago
These dallyingB with tho clasnic MUBO surprise XIH,
t unpleawuitly, in the lifo of HO groat a mint, wlio
wan the fotmder of a rulo inoro auntero than tluit of
>St iioiieclict Htill greater hccom«8 our surprise when
wo l«arn that, according to a tradition which, though
lato, KMins to ho not wholly unworthy of belief, ovon
nionantic auHtority was not nufficient for tho saint in
UKW* yews of his failing strength, and that ho must
needs rosumo tho life of a hermit To this day a cavo
is {tinted out in a mountain gorgo a few miles from
i3s Saint Cohimbantts.
BOOK vn. Bobbio, to which Columbanus is said to have retired
°H'8' for the last few months, perhaps years, of his life, only
returning to the monastery on Sundays and saints'
days to spend those seasons of gladness with his
brethren
inter- We hear more of Columbanus in the monastery and
with tho in the cave than in the palace, but there can be no
kiSg and doubt that his interviews with Agilulf and Theudolinda
quoon' were frequent and important. He helped the Bavarian
queen with all the energy of his Celtic nature in fight-
ing against Arianism, but he also (unfortunately for
his reputation with the ultra-orthodox) threw himself
with some vehemence into her party in the dismal
Th«c» controversy of the Three Chapters For Theuclolinda,
contra.1* it is evident, notwithstanding tho pioun exhortations
^ p0pas awl arclibiHliopg, «till remained unconvinced
of the damnation of tho three Hyriau ecclesiastics ;
and now, finding that the new light which had risen
upon Italy was in tho same quarter of the theological
heaven with herself, «ho determined to uso law inihi-
ence on behalf of the cause which nho hold dear. At
her request and Agilulf s, ColumbamiB addressed a
long letter to Pope Bonifaco IV2, tho third HUCcewHor
of Gregory the Cxreat in Sfc, Poter'ft chair,
The address of bin letter in peculiar. Oolumbanun
often alludes to tho garrulity which has liocsn for cen-
- turies tho characteristic of bis race, and as we seem to
1 Jonas aay« nothing nlwut thin cavcvrotrout, which is particularly
described in tho Mtnusula (lonth c«»ntury), So<» tho tltiHcriptiou
of tho cavo In Min« 8toko»' chanaing )>ot)k, Wix Montlw in tho
Apennines, p, 143.
a S«oc©B»ors of Gregory I :— BahinmntiB, 604-606 ; Bonifacio III,
607; Boniface IV, 608-6 ig, Tho lettor IH No. 5 in tho col-
lection of Bt Columbanus* Mtors in llu> M. 0. II. (p*
Letter to the Pope. 139
hear the words of this fulsome dedication, uttered in BOOK vir.
0*ii *?
the rich, soft Irish brogue, an epithet unknown to the - l-l—
dignity of history seems the only one which will de-
scribe the saintly communication : —
'To the most beautiful Head of all the Churches of
Europe, to the sweetest Pope, to the lofty Chief, to
the Shepherd of Shepherd**, to the most reverend
Sentinel, the humblest to the highest, the least to the
greatest, the rustic to the citizen, the mean speaker to
the very eloquent, the last to the first, the foreigner
to the native, tho beggar to the very powerful : Oh,
tho now and ntrange marvel! a rare bird, even a Dove,
daroH to write to his father BonifuciiiH/
However, when ColwnbunuK has fairly commenced
tho letter thus fttnuigoiy preluded, no one can accuse
him of indulging in ' blarney/ He Bpeakn to tho Pope,
with nobhs independence, recognising fully the im-
portance of hm position OH representative of St. Peter
and St. Paul, but tolling him plainly that he, the Pope,
has incurred suspicion of heresy, and exhorting him
not. to Hiumlxu', as his predecessor Vigilius did, who by
his lack of vigilance has brought all this confusion
upon the Church !.
It is not very clear what Columbanus desired tho
Pope to do, for tho letter, which IB inordinately long
and nhowH tracew of tho garrulity of age as well aw of
tho eloquence of the Irishman, is ningularly destitute
of practical miggeBtionn, and evinces tic grasp at all of
iho theological problem. It appears, however, that bo
the i*ope to Hummon a council, and that
1 'Vigila itaquo, quuoao papa, vigila ofc itorum <li<'<>:
«iuw fott<» non )K*UO vigilnvit Vigilhw, quom «iyut mrundnli Mi
<iiii vobiw oulpmu injiciunt/
140 Saint Columbanus.
OK vn. he does not recognise fa certain so-called fifth council
. in which Vigilius was said to have received those
ancient heretics, Eutyches, Nestorius, and Dioscorus * /
What we are concerned with, however, is the informa-
tion afforded us by this letter as to the sentiments of
the Lombard king and queen ; and this is so important
that it will be well to extract the sentences containing
it in full. ' If I am accused of presumption, and asked
as Moses was, "Who made thee a judge and a ruler
over us ? " I answer that it is not presumption to speak
when the edification of the Church requires it; and if
the person of the speaker l>e cavilled at, consider not
who I, the speaker, am, but what it is that I Bay. For
why should the Christian foreigner hold his peace
when his Ariau Hcif/hbour has long naid in a loud
voice that winch he wishes to nay, " For better are
the wounds of a frwwl than tho deceitful kiflKes of an
enemy"? . . . T, who have come, from tho oncl of the
world, am struck with terror at what I behold, and
turn in my perplexity to thee, who art the only hope
of princes through tho honour of the holy Apostle
Peter. But when tho frail bark of my intellect could
not, in tho language of the Scriptures, " launch out
into the deep/' but rather remained fixed in one place 2
(for the paper cannot hold all that my mind from
various causes desires to include in the narrow limitB
of a letter), I found myself in addition entreated by the
kiny to suggest in detail to your pious ears the whole
1 ' Dicunt onim Eutychom, No«torium, DIoscorum nntiquon lit
scimuB horoticos a. Vigilio in synodo nwio qwl in yuinta ro<sopto«
fuisse*' It cannot bo nocoftftary to point out how utterly wild in
thi» accusation against tho uafartunnto Vigiliuu-
a Have wo an allusion here to tho reported miracle which pro
vontod tho Baint's roturn to Ireland ?
Letter to the Pope. 141
story of his grief; for he mourns for the schism of his BOOK vn.
people, for his queen, for his son, perchance also for — !!l—
himself: since lie iv reported to have said that he, too,
troifld MIew if he could know the certainty of the
matter. . . . Pardon me, I pray, who may seem to you
an oUscuro prater, too free and rough with his tongue,
but who cannot write otherwise than he has done in
such a cause. I have proved my loyalty ', and the zeal
of my faith, when I have chosen to give opportunity
to my rebukers rather than to close my mouth, how-
ever unlearned it be, in such a cause. Them* rebivkers
are the men of whom Jeremiah has said-, "They bend
their tongues like their bow for lies." . * . Jiut u'hc/i,
a, "(ji'Htifa" king b?g$ a foreiytwr, when a LontlMrd
heyx a (full Meot to write,) whan the wave of an ancient
torrent thus flows backward to its source, who would
not feel his wonder overcome his fear of calumny ?
| at any mte will not tremble, nor fear the tongues
of men when I am engaged in the cause of God. , . ,
'Such, then, are my suggestions. They come, I
admit, from one who is torpid in action, from one who
Huyn rather than does ; from one who is called Jonah
in Hebrew, Peristera in Greek, Columba in Latin;
and though I am generally known only by the name
which 1 bear in your language, let me now use my old
Hebrew name, since I have almost suffered Jonah's
H! up wreck* But grant me the pardon which I have
often craved, since I have been forced to write by
necessity, not from self-conceit. For almost at my
iirnt entrance into this land I was met by the letters
of a certain person, who said that I must beware of
you, for you had fallen away into the error of NeHlorius.
meam/ * Joi% ix. 3.
142
Saint Colitmbamts.
BOOK vii. Whom T answered briefly aiul with astonishment ihat
CH* 3' I did not believe his allegation; but Irflt by any chance*
I should be opposing the truth, I afterwards varied
my reply, and sent it along with his letter to yon for
perusal *.
4 After this, another occasion for writing was laid
upon me by tlm cuMmnml **f Ayil»[t\ whose request
throw me into a strangely blended state of wonder and
anxiety, for what had occurred .seemed to me hardly
possible without a miracle. For these kings havo long
strengthened the Arian pestilence in this land by
trampling on the Catholic faith; but now they ask
that <>nr faith shall be strengthened. Haply Christ,
from whoso favour every good gift comes, bus looked
upon us with pitying eye. We eertainly are most
miserable, if (ho scandal is continue! j any longer by
our means. Therefore flic /»•///// W/x //»>/, and the queen
asks you, and all men Jisk you, that an speedily as
possible all may become one; thai there may bo peaee
in the country, peace among the. faithful ; finally, that
all may become* one flock, of which Christ shall be (he
shepherd. Oh, king of kings! do thou fnilmv Peter,
and lot, all the Church follow thee-'. What in sweeter
than peace after war? What more delightful than
the union of brethren long separated { How plosiHaitt
to waiting parents the return of the long-absent son !
Even so, to Uod this Father the peaee of His HOOK will
bo a joy for countless ages, and the gladness of1 our
mother the Church will bo a sempiternal triumph/
Tho letter ends with an entreaty for the prayers of
1 Coin ml tan UH m hero VH*y <>Wim<, and I nm not MUV ihut
I huvo cuught his moaning.
* * Itex wgmn, tu Potfiuu, lt» iota
Discussion as to Agilulfs Conversion. 143
the Pope on behalf of the writer, 'the vilest ofBOOKvxi.
? CH. 8.
sinners. _
Now I must ask the reader to set over against this Was Agi-
letter of Oolumbanus, written probably about 613 or verted31"
614, very shortly before Agilulfs death, the following
statement of Paulus, which occurs at an early point
in the history of his reign * : — ' By means of this queen
[Theudelinda,] the Church of God obtained much ad-
vantage. For the Lombards, when they were still
involved in the error of heathenism -, plundered all the
property oft ho Churches. But the king, being influ-
enced by iliis queen's healthful intercession, bofh held
thu C'ltlhoflrjin'th*, and bestowed many possessions on
the (Church of Christ, and restored the bishops, who
were in a depressed and abject condition, to the honour
of* their wonted dignity/
These, words certainly seem to imply that Agilulf
wan persuaded by his wife to embrace her form of faith.
We should indeed have expected Home other word
than 'held1 to describe the conversion of a heretic,
and throughout the paragraph the historian is think-
ing more of the outward and visible effects of the
king's conversion than of the internal process. Still,
the passage cannot, as it seems to me, be made to
assert anything less than the catholicity of Agilulf,
and if. does not describe a death-bed conversion, but
the whole character of his reign.
On tho other hand, the letters of Gregory for the
1 H. 1. iv. 6.
• 4('«ni fit (hue K<*iitilittttiB orroro tonorontur/ I do not HOC
how w<« <*an trannlnto * goniilitaiiH ' l>y any wcnkor word ihun
Kt riitboliciuu fuloxn tonuit/
144 Saint Columbanus.
BOOK vn. first fourteen years of that reign, and this letter of
— H' Columbanus within a couple of years of its close, bring
before us an entirely different mental state. The
Agilulf whom they disclose to us is tolerant, and more
than tolerant, of the religion of the queen who has
invited him to share her throne. He allows his son,
the heir to the Lombard crown, to be baptized with
Catholic rites. He is anxious that the Three Chapters
Schism should be ended, and that there should be reli-
gious peace in his land. If the orthodox would but
agree among themselves, and not worry him about the
damnation of Theodore, Ibas, and Theocloret, he is
almost ready himself to believe as they believe, but
meanwhile he is still ' vicinus Arius '; and in the Arian
faith, for anything that the contemporary correspon-
dence, tthowft us, he died as well an lived. Different
readers will perhaps come to different conclusions on
such conflicting evidence, but upon the whole I am
inclined to disbelieve the alleged conversion of Agilulf *.
RoiigiouH The whole discussion is to my mind another evidence
the Loin- of the loose, limp hold which the Lombards had on any
form of Christian faith. The Vandals, in the hitterncsB
of their Arianism, made the lives of their Catholic
subjects in Africa miserable to them* Visigotbic Alaric,
Arian though he was, would rather lose a campaign
than fight on Eanter Day ; and his Huccessoivs, when
1 This is the conclusion reached by Woitto (pp. 271-273), and
ho supports it by the description of a marblo bas-rolief in tho
church of St. John the Baptist at Monm, Hordutx Thoudolinda
and her two children woro roproBontod us standing in the fore-
ground, bringing consecration offerings to tho Baptii-tt; while
Agilulf-~as one not in full church communion with thorn — kuolt
behind them praying with folded hands. I do not think wo can
lay much stress on this difference of representation.
His death, 145
they at length embraced the orthodox form of faith, BOOK vn.
C*1T ^
became such ardent Catholics that they virtually 1-1-
handed over the government of the state to the coun-
cils of bishops. But the Lombards, though heterodox
or heathen enough to plunder and harry the Church,
had no interest in the theological battle, and whether
their greatest king \vaB Arian or orthodox was pro-
bably more than many of his cotmsellors knew, perhaps
more than ho could himself havo told thorn.
The last event recorded in the life of ('oluinbauus VMtof
was the vinit of KustafciuB, his dear friend, diseipk*, and t.» ivium-
successor in the Ahhotship of Luxoviunu JIo came on
an omboHHy from Chlotochar, now, after ihe death of
Theodorie, umjucfttionad lord of all the Krankisli king-
doms. Chlotochur knew well bow the naint had been
haniHHCul by their common foe, BrunicliildiK, and how
in th« days of hift own humiliation OohimhanuK hcul
predicted liiH coming triumph, (iladly, tlH*.n*fbi-«fc, \v(»ttl<l
the, king have had him return to LnxoviuiM, \\rni all
tbiugn miglit go on IIB aforetime in tin* .Burguiuliau
inoiuiHtery. But ColumbamiH probal>ly felt hiuiKolf too
old and weary to undertake a wooiul tnuiHplantutitm.
He kept KuHtaHiUH with him for Homo time, giving him
(liven* counseln IVH to tho govennuent of the monastery,
and then dinmisHed him with a grateful moHHUtfo to
(Jhlotoehar, oominciuling Luxovium to bin Hpecial pro*
toot ion.
After a year'w roHidenco at Bobbio ColumbamiH died, i>mth r»f
on the 2^r<l of NovemUsr, 615, having on hi.s tUsaib-
bed handed hin ntail*1 to a deacon, with onlew lo carry
it to (tuiluH OH a nign that he wius forgiven for his old
J A Knculuui ipniun qnom vulgo Cttmljotam (Vj vocaut * (Vita H.
* r»|
VOL.
146 Saint Cohiinbamts.
BOOK vii. offence, and was now at liberty to resume his minis-
H trations at the altar.
6l5' The rule of Coluinbanus, somewhat harsher than
Snbse-
quont in*- that of Benedict, both in respect of abstinence from
tury of Iiis . ••!/¥»
mie. food and of corporal chastisement for trivial offences,
spread far and wide over Gaul Luxovium (or Lttxeuil)
became the mother of many vast monasteries, the schools
of which wore especially renowned for the admirable
education which the sons of Frarikish nobles there
received from the disciples of (Jolumbanus. In Italy,
already preoccupied by the followers of Benedict, the
spread of the Oolumbunian rule was probably lens
universal, as Bobbio does not seem to have vied with
Luxeuil in the number of her daughter convents.
But in all, whether Gaulish or Italian, the rule of
Oolumbanus early gave way to that of Benedict, in
whoso monastic code there was perhaps less of the
, wild Celtic genius, more Roman common sense, less
attempt to wind men up to an unattainable ideal of
holiness, more consideration for human weakness than
in that of the Irish saint. Above all --and this wan
perhaps the chief reason for the speedy triumph of the
Benedictine rule — Gregory the Great had given the
full, final, and emphatic sanction of Papal authority
to the code of his master, Benedict ; while iti Colum-
bantiH, with all his holiness of life and undoubted
loyalty to the chair of St. Pelor, there had been a
touch of independence nnd originality, a slight evidence
of a disposition to net the Pope right (in reference both
to the keeping of Easter and the csotitroverny about
the Three Chapters), which perhaps prevented fcho
name of the Irish saint from being held in grateful
remembrance at the Lateran. Whatever the
Death of Agilulf. 147
in Burgundy at any rate, at the Council of Autun in BOOK yu.
670, the rule of Benedict was spoken of as that which -
all persons who had entered into religion were bound
to obey. Thus little more than fifty years after his
death the white scapular of Columbaims was disap-
pearing before the black robe of Benedict,
We have Been that Columbaims died in the year pvati* yf
615. In the name or possibly the following year1
Agilulf, king of the Lombards, died also, and Thcude-
linda was a second time left a- widow.
1 Tho dato assigned to this event by Wait/, in Ui«» edition of
Paulus in the M. U, II. und by many other enquirers is 6r6 ; but
W<'iH<», {>. 2<ut H4»oriiH to whovv jifood reason for dating ii in 615.
Even HO, it is ditth'iiH t(» g<d room for the ten years of Adalwald, and
(ho twelve of Arnvald l»c»fon»tliertrreHsii»n of Itotlmri. There
in any cas<» Ik» a #\'<>&l <ie»I of gue^s-work in Lombard chro
LOMBARD KINGS OF THE BAVARIAN LINE.
Garibald,
duke of tlio
Bavarians.
I
Gundwald,
duko of Aati.
THEUDELINDA,
m.
i. ATJTITARI, 584-590.
a. AGILtJW1, 590-615.
AKIPEKT I, Gundoporfc. ADATAVALD,
653-661.
CTAB1T=F
615-634 (V).
or Gundoborga,
i. ARIWALD,
634-636.
a. liOTHAKI,
636 653,
and
673 688,
JNOI
in,
OKIMWALD,
663-671.
(jaribaia.
COT JNO PTSllTbpHopmcaiiicla, Wigilinda, RACJINPERT,
688-700. j a Buxon m. 700.
pri H0088. Grimwald II,
duko of
J Bbnovontum,
"j cir. 705*.
AKTPKKT II, Guinport.
700-713. |
count of
T
wo
CHAPTER IV.
THEUDELINDA AND IIEE CHILDREN.
Authorities.
Son KM : —
Foil thin part of the history PAiauo, who has now lost the BOOK VJI.
guidance of Sactwiws, is very arid and unsatisfactory, lie °H'.4'..
frankly confoHWB that he knows nothing as to the reign of
Ariwald ; and ho is not much Letter informed as to Adalwald
and IlotharL Our chief source thus failing us, we have to
Lkko out our information from the LIBEK PONTTMCAUR (as
critically edited by Abl>£ Duchesne), and from the chronicles
of the no-called FKKDKGAKIUB. Some account has already boen
given of thin chronicler, apparently a Burgundian ecclesiastic,
who has in very uncouth fatthion, and in even worse Latin
than that of Uregory of Tours, sought to continue the work
of that historian1* In the firwfc three books of his chronicles
ho i« little more than a copyist, transcribing long pannages from
Jcromo, Hippolytim, Idatius, Isidore, and CJregory of Tours, In
the fourth book, however, which begins with the twenty-third
yror of King Ountram (583), he begins to write as a more
independent historian, though even here it is thought that
ho had Home «hort Burgundian annals before him. His history
ends in 642, and he himself apparently died before 663. There
is Uu'roforo reason to think that from about 631 onwards he
npettka strictly an a contemporary; and ill-informed and inac-
curate UH ho often showw himself, this fact, in the great dearth
1 Not omitting, however, to lx*gin from tho Creation of tho
World.
150 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK VII. of authorities for the seventh century, gives this part of his
__Ht .' ' work a high value, and justifies us in sometimes preferring1
his authority to that of Panlus Diaconus, where the two seem to
be in collision.
From a few quotations which I have given, the reader will
see how low the standard of Latinity had sunk even among- the
ecclesiastics of Burgundy, itself one of the least barbarous regions
of Gaul, by the middle of the seventh century.
THE story of the joint reign of Then del inda and
*
Adalwalcl, after the death of the strong and statesman-
like Agilulf, is obscure and melancholy. We might
conjecture that we should find in it a repetition of
the tragedy of Amalasuntha and her son ; but there is
no trace in our authorities of those domestic dissen-
sions which brought the dynasty of Thoodorie to ruin.
Kot*u>- We might also with more reason conjecture that the
<iiu>t<>hfH fervent zeal of Theudeliwla for tho Oatholic faith pro-
yoked a reaction among her Arian subjects ; and
, certainly tho fact that tho rival who succeeded in
hurling Adalwald from his throne was a zealous Arian l
would lend some probability to tho hypothesis, But,
though it is true that Paulus tells us that * tinder this
reign the churches were restored, and many gifts were
bestowed on sacred places,' there is no evidence of
anything like aggressive war being waged by the royal
rulers against tho Arian sect. On the contrary, we
may still read a most curious hitter in which Sisebut,
king of the Visigoths, exhorts the young king- to
greater zeal in 'cutting oil* tho putrid errors of the
heretics by the knife of experience/ inveighing with
1 This to stated by tho con temporary monk, Jonas, in hi« lifo of
Bortulf, socond abbot of Bobbio, I owo tho quotation to Abol
(Essay on Das Christenthum lei dm Lanyobankn, appaudod io
his translation of Paulus, p. 246)*
Causes of Adahvald's failure. 151
all the zeal of a recent convert against the Arian BOOK VJK
contagion, and lamenting that so renowned a nation - ~H'
as the Lombards, so wise, so elegant, and so dignified,
should sit down contented under the yoke of a dead
and buried heresy *. Of course it is possible that this
and similar exhortations may have lashed the young
ruler into a fury of persecution on behalf of the now
fashionable orthodoxy, and that this may have been
one of the things which cost him his crown ; but our
scanty historical evidence tells rather against than in
favour of that suggestion. The historian of the Lorn-,
bards distinctly attributes the fall of Adalwald to his
own insanity". A strange but contemporary story
connects that insanity in a mysterious way with the,
influence of the court of Ravenna; and this will there-
fore be, a fitting place to piece together the scanty
notices (hat wo possess of the Jiyxantine governors of
Imperial Italy during the lirst quarter of the seventh
eentury.
We have already seen how the ineffectual Longinus Sut'WH*inti
was superseded, probably in 585, and bis place given nwims
to the energetic but hot-headed Wmaragdus; how 56^*585!^'
Smaragdus, interfering too violently in the Istrian
schism, wa# recalled in 5tSy, and was succeeded by
UotnaniiH, the Kxanih whose apparent indiilerence KOI
to th<j fa(<*. of Home aroused the indignation of Pope/
Gregory; how, on the recall of IlomunuH, (/ullinicim
to the govonunenl, and urlniiniHtcmxl the
1 Tins «Ml«l «»fl*uHton of nowly-lwm Cntkolic «oal into )><* found in
Troyn, i. 57 « fi
1 <lum A<tal<»ftl<l
fst, «'t u
U. L, iv.
152 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK vii. affairs of Italy, generally in a friendly spirit to the
— ^— Pope, from 597 to 602, and then, on the downfall
cus, of the Emperor Maurice, was superseded in favour of
Smara°-- *' Smaragdus, who a second time sat as Exarch on the
(second tribunal of Ravenna. The second administration of
time), 602- Smaragdus lasted in all probability from 602 to 611.
Its chief political events, the dastardly abduction of
the daughter of the Lombard king with her family,
and the heavy price which the Empire had to pay for
that blundering crime, in the loss of its last foothold
in the valley of the Po, have already been related.
One proof of Smaragdus' servile loyalty to the usurper
Phocas (fitting master of such a man) has not been
Column of mentioned. All visitors to Rome know the lonely pillar
Phocas. .., ,0, • ,1 • .,1 -..I i . , X-,
with a (Jormtman capital, which stands in the Forum,
near the Arch of Severus, and which, when Byron
wrote his fourth canto of ' Childe Harold/ was still
t the nameless column with the buried base/
They know also how, in 1816, an English nobleman's
wife1 caused the base to be unburied, and recovered
the forgotten name. It was then found that the in-
scription on the base recorded the fact that Smarag-
dus, the Exarch of Italy, raised the column in honour
of an Emperor whose innumerable benefits to an
Italy, free and peaceful through his endeavours, were
set forth in pompous terms. The Emperor's name
had been obliterated by some zealous adherent of his
successful rival ; but there could be no doubt that the
name which was originally engraved there in the year
608 was Phocas.
Not to Smaragdus himself was left the humiliating
3 The Duchess of Devonshire.
Smaragdus* column to Phocas. 153
task of thus effacing the memorials of his former de-BOOKVii.
. T OH, 4.
votion to a base and cruel prince *. It was on the
5th of October, 610, that the brave young African
governor, Heruclius, was crowned as Emperor by the
Patriarch of Constantinople, and it was probably early
in the following year that Smaragdus was recalled
for the last time, and a new governor, Joannes 8, took Jumn^m
his place- The five years of this Exarch's rule were
1 Tho following is the text of tho inscription on the column of
Pliocas, as given by Canina, i. 191 : —
(opt)imo . domontis(fjimo) * (piissijuioquo
principi . domino . (n . foeao , inipcratoryi
porpoluo . a . D(o)o . coronato . triumphatori .
Bompor * Augusto .
Siuaragdas . ox . praupos . saeri . pulatii
ac . patriehiB . ot . oxurchus . Italiae
clovotus . ojus . cl<*inontiao
pro . innuinorabilibuB * plotatis . ojus
honoficiis * ot * pro . quioto
procurata . Ital . ac . eonHor(vat)a . libortato
lianc . «t(atuam majosta)tis . ojns
auriHplend(orc fulgon)tom . huic
fiublhni * colu(m)n(ao ad) poronnom
ipwitiB . gloriam . imposuit . ac , dodicavifc
Dio . prima . monsis . August! indict. . und
RC. piotatis . ojus . anno . quinto (?)
Tho chronology sooms to require 'quarto* instead of * quinto.*
It will bo soon that tho column was surmounted by a gildod sttituo
of Phoaia
3 ThiB governor (whoso name is given us by the Liber Ponti-
ficalin, and confirmed by Marini's Papiri Diplomatic!, 123) ia
generally called by modern writers Lcmigius Throw* I Bpoak
doubtfully of a negative proposition, but it seems to mo that there
is no other authority for this namo than tho sixteenth-conlury
writer Kubeus, in his History of Ravenna (p, 198). Kubous luu*
a provokijig habit of making assertions of this kind without
quoting the source of his information, and till I find some hotter
authority than his, I prefer to leave 'Lemigius Thrax' out of my
history. I see that Diehl (Etudes sur TAdministration Byzantine,
p, 173, n. 2) is of the same opinion, lie puts Lemigius in bruekuta.
154 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK VIL marked by no brilliant achievement. He renewed
— '— peace with Agilulf (probably from year to year1) ; li^
saw probably the Lombard fugitives from the terrible
Avar invasion of Istria sweep across the plain, but
we hear nothing of this, and are told only of the disas-
trous termination of his rule. An insurrection seems
to have taken place at Ravenna, and Joannes was
Eieuthe- killed in the tumult2. Eleutherhis was appointed to
riuSj 616- _ L ]
620. succeed him; but when he arrived he found all his
district in a flame, and the last remains of Imperial
government in Italy apparently on the vorgo of
rebellion ruin. For Joannes of Compsa3, either a tronoral in
or Joannes x n
Sm2T Imperial army, or possibly a wealthy Sanmito
landowner4 (if any such men ware still left in Italy),
seeing the apparent dissolution of all the bonds of
Imperial authority, took military possession of Napless,
and declared himself — Emperor, Exarch, Dnko, wo
know not what— but it was such an usurpation of
authority as justified the chronicler from whom we get
these facts in calling him 'tyrannusV 1 1 is
1 Paulus only mentions one renewal (II. L iv. 40^.
2 We get a hint of this fact from the Libor Pontifical in:
tempore veniens Eloutherius Patricius ot OuWculiiriiw Kavonnu
[sic] et occidit omnes qui in noco Joannia Exardu ot JudiciliuH j wV |
Keipublicae fuerant niixti' (Vite Dousdodit* p. 319, oil I)ud«wi<^.
This certainly looks like a popular insurrection, but <loo,s not
justify us in positively asserting tho fact. Tho w»din^ f JudfeilwH '
in the plural, howovor ungranimaticul tho coiwfcnjciion <if tint
sentence, certainly favotirs thai hypothomX
s Now Conza, about sixty mHos duo oawt of Napl«B. (H(u> vol v.
P- 47-)
4 This is Muratori's viow, confirmed by Woiso (p. 275).
5 See Liber Pontificalis : 'Hie (Elouthoriun) vonit lionm <*
susceptus est a sanotwsuuo D<»uwlodit Papa optimo : qiii
de Roma venit Neapolinx qui l»fcj tonobatur a Joan no Ouinp
intarta(?). Qui pugnando Eleutlioriufi palrioiuB iugroHmw
Rebellion of Joannes Compsinits. 155
rule, however, lasted not long, for 'after not many BOOK vu.
days* we are told the Patrician Eleutherius expelled °H' *' -
and slew him. On his march to the scene of conflict,
the new Exarch had passed through Home, and had
there been graciously received by the reigning pontiff
Deiifidedit, from whose life we derive this information.
After the Neapolitan revolt came a renewal of the
Lombard war. Agilulf was now dead, but Sundrar,' Exploit*
the Lombard general, who had been thoroughly trained Lombard
by Agilulf in all the arts of war, valiantly upheld thesundmr.
cause of his nation, and struck the Imperial armies
with blow upon blow. At last the Exarch found him-
self obliged to sue for peace, but only obtained it on
condition of punctually paying the yearly tribute of
five hundredweight of gold (about £22,500 sterling),
which (as we are now told) had been promised to
Agilulf to induce him to raise the siege of Rome1.
When peace was thus concluded with the Lombards, Rebellion
KlouthorhiH, who well knew the necessities of the
Kmporor Ileraclius, at that time hard pressed by the
Avarn on the North, as well as by the Persians on
the East, began to entertain treasonable thoughts of
Nfljvpolim ot intorfocit tyranmim. Rovorwis oatRavonnam ot data
rog& militibus pax facta oat in tota Italia' (loc. oik). 'Inttxrta/ which
occurs again in the next life, applied to Eleutheriim, sooms to
mean 'unurpor/
1 'Eraclius Eloutherium ad tuondam partom Italiao, quam
nondurn Langobardi occupavorant, rnittit . . . Eleutheriua advorsus
Langobardos saopo inito bello vinoitur por Sundrarium niaxinie
Langobardorum ducem, qui apud Agilulfum bollicis robua in-
BtructuB orat. Animum amiBorat Blouthorius ot cum saop<i wuo-
rum ruinani cornorot, pacorri cum Langobardis facit, oa tainon con-
ditions, ut quinine contonaria, quao dudum, cum nd obHidondanx
Romarn AgilulfuB rox voniBsot, por fringulosannoB dare Langobanlis
«tatuorant porsolvoront Eoinani' (Prosper! Contin. Havnionsiw).
156 Thendelinda and her Children.
BOOK yn. independent sovereignty. In the fourth year of his
rule (619) he assumed the diadem and proclaimed
himself Emperor. Though wielding the great powers
of Exarch, he was himself but an Eunuch of the
Imperial household1. That such a man should aspire
to be Emperor of the Romans seemed to bring back
the shameful days of Eutropius and ArcadiuH. Kleu-
therius set forth from Ravenna at the head of bin
troops for Rome, intending probably to got himself
crowned by the Pope 2, and to sit in what remained of
the palace of the Caesars on the Palatine. I Jut the
ignominy of such a rule was too great even for the
degenerate Byzantines who made up the 'Tinman*
army ia the seventh century. When the Kunueh-
Emperor had reached the village of Luoeoli on the
Flaminian Way (a few miles north of the place whore
his great prototype the Eunuch Naims won his victory
over Totila), the soldiers revolted, and slew the usurp-
ing Exarch, whose head they sent as a welcome pnwnt
to Constantinople.
thTL- ^e nex* ^xar°h of whom wo have any certain und
menian, satisfactory information is Isaac the Armenian, but M
644- he died in 644, and his epitaph records that he ruled
Italy for eighteen years, we have about five ywrw
unaccounted for, between 620, when we may conuidnr
that a new Exarch in BUcceHnion to KleutheriuH would
BUB* have arrived at Ravenna, and 626 (or rather, probably
625), when the rule of Armenian Inuac HOUIMH to have
begun. It is possible that thin gap ghould bo filled by
the name of a certain KuHehiiw, who com&B before UH
1 Doubtless this is the moaning of ' Elouthoriu* pairidun HI-
nuchus * in tlio Liber Pontillcalk
2 BonifacoV (619-625), successor to Douedodit
Mysterious story of the Fall of Adakvald. 157
as the representative of the Emperor in that dark, BOOK vn.
mysterious story to which I have already referred as 1-."
containing almost our only information as to the causes 24>
of the fall of the young king. Adalvrald. The story is story of
xi i r i j. ? j.i T> r th*fiflof
thus delivered to us by the anonymous Biirgunclian AOaiwaM
historian who is conventionally known as 'Fredegarius V *j?rvdo- *
'In that same fortieth year of Ohlotharius [Chlotoehar
II, king of the Franks, whose accession was in 5X4],
Adloald, king of the Lombards, son of king Ago
[Agilulf], after he had succeeded his father in the
kingdom, received with kindness an ambassador of the
Emperor Maurice2, named Eusebius, who came to him
in guile. Being anointed in the bath with oortmn
unguents whose nature 1 know not, ho, thenceforward
could do nothing else but follow the counsels of Kuwe-
biuH. Under hiH persuasion ho sot himself lo nlay
all the chief men and nobleB in the kingdom of the
Lombard*, intending, when they were put out of the
way, to hand over to the Empire himself and all the
Lombard nation. But after he had thas nlain with
the Hword twelve of their number for no fault assigned,
the rest of the nobles, seeing that their life was in
danger, chose (Jharoald [ = Ariwuld], duke of Turin,
who had to wife Gundeberga, sister of King Adloald,
and all the oldest and noblest of the Lombards con-
spiring in one design raised this man to the kingdom*
King Adloald, having received poison, perished/
Arid at this point we get a side-light on these
/. , t i • j i i * i u
mysterious events from the correspondence in the rapal u<
J to
1 IV* 40, fio.
1 Thin IH a dinmnl blunder. Maurico wus killcxl in tho y<*nr 602,
twenty-two yt^arB 1)oforo tlio timo of which Hit* chronicler IH lu»ro
158 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOKVIL chancery, Pope Honorius I, who succeeded Boniface V
°H'4' in November, 625, addressed a letter, apparently in the
625' early months of his pontificate \ to Isaac, the new Exarch
of Ravenna. In this letter 2 the Pope says that he has
learned with regret that some bishops in the regions
beyond the Po have embraced the cause of the usurper
so warmly that they have spoken most un-episcopal
words to Peter, son of Paul, declaring that they will
take on their consciences the guilt of his perjury if he
will agree with them not to follow Adulubald, but the
tyrant Ariopalt 3. ' The glorious Peter * (he is evidently
some layman high in office) * has scorned their words,
and persists in holding fast the faith which he swore
to Ago, father of the aforesaid Adulubald; but the
crime of the bishops, whose advice should have been
given on the other side to strengthen him in his ob-
servance of his oath, is none the less odious to the
Pope ; and as soon as, by the decree of Providence,
Adulubald has been restored to his kingdom, he desires
the Exarch to send the offending bishops into the
regions of Rome, that they may be dealt with accord-
ing to their sins V
Death of But the pious hopes of Honorius for the triumph of
. ^ righteous cause were not fulfilled. King Adalwalci
died of poison, and a modern historian5 unkindly m-
1 Jaffi and Ewald assign this lottor of Honorius I to December,
625.
8 Copied by Troya, iv. i. 591.
3 The reader will observe what trouble thoHo Lombard namm
gave to the scribes in the Papal chancery.
* 'Cum nutu supemae virtutin Adulubaldus in nuum ro#mirn
fuerit restitutus, proefatop Episoopos in KoinntuiH purten adjuvnnto
vosDoo deatinnro dignamini, quia hujusmodi wcolutf nulln patiemur
rationo inultum.'
f> Weiso, p. 284,
Death of Adalwald. 159
mnuates that the fatal draught was administered by BOOK \
order of Isaac, desirous to rid himself of a guest whose — —
f\f>f\ ( V
unwelcome presence at his court was certain to involve
him in disputes with the new Lombard king. Of this,
however, we have no hint in our authorities, and we
must 1)0 careful not to record our imaginations as facts,
Only so much can we safely Hay as to this mysterious
passage in Lombard history, that the young king fell
in some strange way under the power of a certain
Eusebius, who is called an ambassador, but who may
have l>een sent as an Exarch into Italy; that the
voluptuary character of 1 1onian civilization (not idle
here is the allusion to the hnth as Hie medium of
enchantment) proved too much for the brain of the
Teuton loci, who lent himself with fatuous readiness
1o all the sinister purpose** of his treacherous friend !.
It wan not a cane of Catholic against Arian, otherwise
the Transpadane bishops (though probably upholder**
of the Throe Chapters) could hardly have supported BO
vigorously the cause of the usurper. Hut it probably
wan a plan Mich as Thcodahad the Ostrogoth, ITuneric
the Vandal, Hermenigild the Visigoth, conceived, and
such as very likely other weak-brained barbarian kings
had often dallied with, of surrendering the national
independence, and bartering a thorny crown for the
fattened eoH« of a Bymntino noble. The plan, however,
failed, Adalwald lost his crown and Ufa The Kxarch
KuBebiuH (if Exarch he wore) was recalled to Constanti-
nople, ami succeeded by Armenian Isaac, and Ariwald,
son-in-law of Agilulf and Theudelinda, sat, apparently
1 A modem fttudont of mental dinouHo would porhupH H<U* in
the wtory of Adulwnld an inHtuneo of erimurt committed by
'guggcwtion,'
160 Theitdelinda and her Children.
BOOK VIL with the full consent of the people, on the Lombard
CH'4' throne. The chronology of all these events is some-
what uncertain ; but on the whole it seems probable
that the strife between Adalwald and his successor, if
it began in 624, lasted for about two years, and that it
was not till 626 that the death of the former left
Ariwald unquestioned ruler of the Lombard people.
silence of And Theudelinda, the mother of the dethroned and
murdered king, what was her part in the tragedy ? It
is impossible to say. No hint of interference by her for
thferevo- or against her unhappy son has reached our ears. If it
lution. ke tru^ ag < jYedegarius ' tells us, that the successful
claimant was husband of her daughter, it is easy to
conjecture the motives which may have kept her
neutral in the strife. But she did not long survive
Her death, her son. On the 22nd of February, 6281, the great*
queen passed away. She left her mark doubtless on
many other Italian cities, but preeminently on the
little town of Modicia (Monza), where she and her
husband loved to spend the summer for the sake of
the coolness which came to them from the melting
snows of Monte Bosa. Here she ' built the palace on
whose pictured walls were seen the Lombards in that
Anglo-Saxon garb which they brought from their
Pannonian home 2. Here, too, she reared a basilica in
honour of John the Baptist, which she adorned with
many precious ornaments of gold and silver, and en-
1 Possibly 627 ; but on the whole the inscription, which assigns
her death to the year 628, and which a certain Tristan Calchus
asserts that he saw in ancient letters on the wall of a church in
Monza (he says Moguntiacoe, but evidently means Modoetiensis),
seems to be the best information that we have on the subject. See
Troya, iv. 2. i, and Weise, p. 285.
2 See vol. v. p. 154.
Artwald and Gitndiperga. 161
riclied with many farms 1. The church has been more BOOK vn.
CH. 4
than once rebuilt, but there may perhaps still remain - — '-
in it some portions of the original seventh-century
edifice of Theudelinda, and in its sacristy are still to
be seen not only the Iron Crown of the Lombards
but the gold-handled comb of Theudelinda, and the
silver-gilt effigies of a hen and chickens which once
probably served a<$ a centrepiece for her banquet
table \
Of the ten years' :i reign of Ariwalcl after Ills rival's
death Pauhm honestly confesses that ho has nothing Lombards,
to relate4. We have again to draw on the inaccurate 2 " 3 '
but contemporary historian £ Frodegarius' for infor-
mation us to two events which made KOIW* ntir in
the court of Pavia during his roign, the clegrudatiou
of a queon, and the murder of ^ Lombard duke.
Gundiperga* (an Paul us calls the wife of Ariwald) F"'«}<W-
was a lovely and popular queen, xealouw for the faith,
i* • i /i . t r
ancl abounding in works or chanty to tho poor. But
,, i • T 1 1 1 1 1 A 1 1 u»
there wiiH a certain Loinl>ar<l nobleman named Aaaluli, of
cany.'
II. L, iv* 2r»
14 Mr, Lun<l, in hh book 'Comoiin<l iljn Italian Lnkc-lnnd/p. 91,
nayn, 4Thort) in a tradition that uft<»r lu*r patriotic lahoui-n rrh<*u-
dolimla nought roHt, and at lant ondiMl h««r days in tho old canllc
whkth <'ro\vnn the hill hoyond Vanania' (on Laku Ooino) ; I giv<»
tho tradition, to bo takcui for wjiat it in worth*
n Pauhm (II, L, iv. 42) give« Aiiwald tvvolvo yoartt, and tho
VII utlributod to him in ono MH. of tho Origo {§ 6) mv prolmbly a
corruption of XII. But as Rotharffc toign wan undoubtedly 1 w#un
not lat«»r than 636, those twolvo yt«im an1 probably reckoned from
624, tho dato of tho iirst olovation of Ariwnld*
4 *I)o CUJUH g(»stiH ad nowtrani notiliann illiquid inininn» pcr-
vonit' (II, L. iv, 41).
fl FriHloj^ariuH (iv. 51) calln her (xtuulobor^a. Wo notico iho
Lombard tcmduncy to Bharpon nwtltiN into
YOU VU M
Ariwald and Gundiperga. 161
riched with many farms 1. The church has been more BOOK vir.
than once rebuilt, but there may perhaps still remain - 1—
in it some portions of the original seventh-century
edifice of Theudelinda, and in its sacristy are still to
be seen not only the Iron Crown of the Lombards
but the gold-handled comb of Theudelinda, and the
silver-gilt effigies of a hen and chickens which once
probably served as a centrepiece for her banquet
table 2.
Of the ten years7 3 reign of Ariwald after his rival'
death Paulus honestly confesses that he has nothing Lombards,
to relate 4. We have again to draw on the inaccurate
but contemporary historian ' Fredegarius ' for infor-
mation -as to two events which made some stir in
the court of Pavia during his reign, the degradation
of a queen, and the murder of a. Lombard duke.
Gundiperga 5 (as Paulus calls the wife of Ariwald) *^jg£
was a lovely and popular queen, zealous for the faith, of Queen
and abounding in works of charity to the poor. But perga and
^ j. • T i: j -LI i AJ 1 ^Taso'duke
there was a certain Lombard nobleman named Aaaluli, of Tus-
cany/
1 Paulus, H. L. iv. 21.
2 Mr. Lund, in his book ' Como and the Italian Lake-land, 'p. 91,
says, * There is a tradition that after her patriotic labours Theu-
delinda sought rest, and at last ended her days in the old castle
which crowns the hill beyond Yarenna ' (on Lake Como) ; I give
the tradition, to be taken for wjiat it is worth.
3 Paulus (H. L. iv. 42) gives Ariwald twelve years, and the
VII attributed to him in one MS. of the Origo (§ 6) are probably a
corruption of XII. But as Kothari's leign was undoubtedly begun
not later than 636, these twelve years are probably reckoned from
624, the date of the first elevation of Ariwald.
4 'De cujus gestis ad nostram notitiam aliquid minime per-
venit' (H. L. iv. 41).
5 Fredegarius (iv. 51) calls her Gundeberga. We notice the
Lombard tendency to sharpen moUes into tenues.
VOL. VI. M
i6a Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK vii. who was frequently in the palace, being busied in the
°H'4' king's service ; and of this man the queen in the inno-
cence of her heart chanced one day to say that Adalulf
was a man of goodly stature. The favoured courtier
hearing these words, and misreading the queen's char-
acter, presumed to propose to her that she should be
unfaithful to her marriage vow, but she indignantly
scorned the proposal, and spat in the face of the
tempter. Hereupon, fearing that his life would be iu
danger, Adalulf determined to be beforehand with his
accuser, and charged the queen with having three day.s
previously granted a secret interview to Taso, the
ambitious duke of Tuscany, and having at that inter-
view promised to poison her present husband, and
raise Taso to the throne. Ariwald (or Charoald, UN
' Fredegarius ' calls him), believing thb foul calumny,
banished his queen from the court, and imprisoned her
in a fortress at Lomello.
More than two years Gundiperga languished in
confinement ; then deliverance reached her from a per-
haps unexpected quarter. Chlotochar II, king of the
Franks, sent ambassadors to Ariwald, to ask why Hixch
indignities were offered to the Lombard queen, who
was, as they said, a relation of the Franks a. In reply
1 'Parentem Francorum.' It is not very easy to BOO how thin
claim of Frankish kinship for Gundiperga was niado out. Trw,
her grandmother "Walderada had been the wife of two Fwnkinh
kings, Theudebald I and Chlotochar I, but she had apparently no
issue by either. The father of Theudelinda, as it is protty elwrly
proved, was Graribald, duke of the Bavarians. Possibly ho wan of
Prankish origin, or the above-named marriage of WaMomdn,
though fruitless of issue, may have been considered to onlitlo her
children, even by another husband, to claim kindred with Prankish
royalty. SeeWeise, pp. 104-112, where the subjoct is <
at considerable length.
The Slander against Gundiperga. 163
Ariwald repeated the lies of Adalulf as if they were BOOK vn
true. Then one of the Frankish ambassadors, Answald — ^—
by name, suggested on his own account, and not as
a part of his master's commission, that the judgment
of God should be ascertained by two armed men fight-
ing in the lists, and that the reputation of Gundiperga
should be cleared or clouded according to the issue.
The counsel pleased Ariwald and all the nobles of his
court. The cause of Gundiperga was now taken up by
her two cousins, Gundipert and Aripert (the sons of
her mother's brother Gundwald), and, perhaps hired
by them, an armed man named Pitto entered the lists
against Adalulf. The queen's champion was victorious ;
her traducer was slain, and she, in the third year of
her captivity, was restored to her royal dignity.
But though King Ariwald was convinced that he
had done his gentle queen injustice, his suspicion of Exarch
the treasonable designs of the Tuscan Duke Taso spire f<>r
remained, and was perhaps not without foundation. d*r of11"
In the year 631 * he sent ambassadors to the patrician aso'
Isaac, asking him to kill Duke Taso by any means that
were in his power. If the Exarch would confer this
favour upon him, the Lombard king would remit one
of the three hundred-weights of gold which the
Empire was now by treaty bound to pay to him. The
proposition stirred the avaricious soul of Isaac, who
at oxice began to cast about for means to accomplish
the suggested crime. He sent men to Taso, bearing
this message : c I know that you are out of favour
with King Ariwald, but come to me and I will help
1 The ninth year of tho Prankish king DagoLert I (counting
from his accession, not from his father's death). (Fred. iv.
67-9.)
M 2
164 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK vn. yon against him.' Too easily believing in the Exarch's
— '-^-- goodwill, Taso set out for Bavenna, and with fatal
imprudence left his armed followers outside the gate
of the city. As soon as he was well within the walls,
the assassins prepared for the purpose rushed upon
him and slew him. News of the murder was brought
to King Ariwald, who thereupon fulfilled his promise,
and graciously consented to remit one third of the
usual tribute ' to Isaac and the Empire V Soon after
these events2 King Ariwald died.
No doubt there are some improbabilities in th<*
story thus told by ' Fredegarius ' as to the murder of
Taso, and possibly Pabst is right iu rejecting it al-
together3. The name and the circumstances look
suspiciously like a repetition of the story told by
Paulus of the assassination of Taso of Friuli 4, and the
title 'Dux Tusciae' is almost certainly wrong, for,
at any rate a little later on, there was more than one
duke in 'TusciaV On the other hand, it is possible
that two men of the name of Taso (not an uncommon
name among the Lombards) may have been murdered
by a treacherous Roman governor, and it is also pos-
sible, if the two stories describe the same event, that
the contemporary though alien ' Fredegarius ? may have
heaa'd a more correct version than the native but
much later historian Paulus.
«uadi- On the death of Ariwald, if we may trust ' Frede-
pergaweds ^
Kcthttii ganus, the precedent set in the case of Theudelinda
1 t Partibus Isaciae et emperiae.'
8 Five years, if our chronology be correct.
8 Goschichte des Langobardischen Herzogthums, p. 430,
* See p. 59.
8 Dukes of Lucca and Clusium.
Rothari King and Husband of Gundiperga. 165
was repeated, and the widowed queen was asked to BOOK vn.
decide for the Lombard nation as to his successor. — — -
Her choice fell on Kothari1, duke of Brescia, whom ^m tolh "
she invited to put away his wife and to be joined with throne<
her in holy matrimony. Kothari swore by all the
saints to love and honour Gundiperga alone, and
thereupon by unanimous consent of the nobles was
raised to the throne. Both queen and nobles, however,
if < Fredegarius ' is to be believed, had soon reason to
repent of their choice. He drew tight the reins of
discipline (which had probably been relaxed under the
reign of the usurper Ariwald), and, 'in pursuit of
peace/ struck terror into the hearts of the Lombards,
and slew many of the nobles, whom he perceived to be
contumacious 2. Forgetful also of his solemn promises
to Gmidiperga, and perhaps partly influenced by dis-
like to her Catholic ways (he being himself an Arian),
he confined her in one little room in the palace of
Pavia, and forced her to live there in privacy, whilst
he himself held high revel with his concubines. She
however, ' as she was a Christian woman/ blessed God
even in this tribulation, and devoted herself continually
to fasting and prayer. The chronicler makes no men-
tion of the earlier divorced wife of Rothari, but one
would fain hope that the remembrance of that injured
woman's wrongs helped to reconcile Gundiperga to her
1 Called by 'Fredegarius' Chrothacharius and Chrotharius, nearly
tlio same name as that of the Frankish kings.
2 * Chrotharius cum regnare cepissit multus nubilium Lango
buixlorum, quos sibi sinserat contomacis interfecit. Chrotharius
fortiasomnm diseiplinam et timorem in omnem regnum Lango-
bardorum pacem sectans fecit' (Fredegarius, iv. 70). I leave
Frodegarius' grammar and spelling as I find them.
i66
Theudelinda and her Children.
DKViLown fate, and gave reality and truth to her words of
:H'4V, penitence. At length, after five years of seclusion, an
embassy from the Frankish king, Clovis It \ again
brought the wrongs of this 'relation of the Franks'
before the notice of the Lombard ruler. Again the
Frankish intercession prevailed, and Gundiperga, being
brought forth from her seclusion, wore once more her
regal ornaments, and sat in the high seat by the side
of her lord. All the farms and other possessions of
the royal fisc belonging to her, which had been appar-
ently impounded during her seclusion, wore restored to
her, and to the day of her death she lived in queenly
splendour and opulence. Aubedo, the Frankish am-
bassador who had so successfully pleaded her cause,
received in secret large rewards from the restored
queen2. This is the last that we hour of Queen
Gundiperga, who probably died somewhere about the
middle of the seventh century. As her mother bad
done at Monza, so she at Pavia reared a basilica in
honour of St. John the Baptist, which she adorned with
lavish wealth of gold and silver and precious vest-
ments. There, too, her corpse was interred.
The careers of these two women, mother and
daughter, Theudelinda and Gundiperga, present some
1 Son of Dagobert I, grandson of Chlotochar 1L
2 In the passage of ' FredegariiiH J (iv, 71 which #iv<»s UH this
information we are told that tho Frankish ambassador arrived nt
'Papia coinomento (cognomino) Ticino, oivitatnu Aotaliuo (Ita-
«liae'/ If I am not mistaken, * Frodognrhm * in tlw <*arli<wt author
who mentions Ticinum by its modern immo Pnpin (^ Paviav.
The editor of ' Fredegarius ' (Bruno Kninch) nmkcw tlio obviotin
suggestion that this story look« like* a m«»ro ropotiiton of that
previously told as to Guudiporga's dwgnico during tho roign of
her first husband. But, on. the other haud, it in poasiblo that
both events actually occurred.
Theitdelinda and Gundiperga compared. 167
points of resemblance and some of striking contrast. BOOK vn.
Each was twice married to a Lombard king ; each O**' 4'
was entrusted by the nation with the choice of
a successor to the throne ; one saw a son exiled and
slain, the other a brother ; each was the Catholic wife
of an Arian husband, but one apparently preserved to
her death the unswerving loyalty of the Lombard
people, while the other had twice to undergo imprison-
ment, and once at least the stabs of cruel calumny.
Their united lives extended from Alboin to Rothari,
from the first to the last Arian king of Italy, and
covered the \vholeperiod of an important ecclesiastical
revolution — the conversion of the Lombards to the
Catholic form of Christianity.
We have hitherto seen only the unfavourable side
of the character of Qundiperga's second husband. We
may now listen to the more favourable testimony of
PauhiH, who Kays1, 'The kingship of the Lombards
was assumed by llothari, by birth an Arodus. He a^ pour- r
was a man of strong character, and one who followed p^uius y
the path of justice, though he held not the right line
of the Christian faith, being stained by the infidelity
of the Arian heresy. For in truth the Arians, to His
their own great harm and loss, assert that the Son is
inferior to the Father, and the Holy Spirit inferior
to the Father and the Son ; but we Catholics confess
the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit to be
one true God in three persons, with equal power and
the flame glory. At this time in almost all the cities
of the realm there were two bishops, one a Catholic,
the other an Arian. In the city of Ticinum the place
1 II. L. iv. 42.
i68 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK TIL is still shown where the Arian bishop had his bap-
.'-!_ tistery, residing near the basilica of St. Eusebius,
while another bishop resided at the Catholic church.
However, the Arian bishop who was in that city,
Anastasius by name, being converted to the Catholic
Uisifgis- faith, afterwards ruled the Church of Christ. This
King liothari arranged in a series of writings the laws
of the Lombards, which they were retaining only in
memory and by practice, and ordered that the Edict
thus prepared should be called a Code1. But it was
now the seventy-seventh 2 year since the Lombards
had come into Italy, as the same king ha« testified in
the prologue to his edict/
uoiiwri'M 'Now King Rothari took all the cilien of the
< *m<|U«'hts w °
fu tin* HI* Romans which arc situated on the nca-coast from
vhii'n aim • . m
Vwtiu. Luna in luscanyup to the boundary of the Franks.
In the same way also he took and destroyed Opiter-
gium [Of/fm/j, a city placed between Troviso and
Kriuli ; and with the Romana of .Ravenna he wa^ed
war at the river of Aemilia, which is called Kcultenna
[A«Mf/v>]. Jn which war 8000 fell on the side of tho
Romans, tlus rest taking flight3/
It is evident that we are here listening to the ex-
ploits of one who, however harsh a ruler either of his
nobles or of his wife, did at least know how to rule
successfully. Jlis conque&ta from the Empire are
hardly less extensive than those of Agilulf. Genoa
and the coast of the Hiviera (' di Ponente' and *di
1 *IIir Kotlmri rox Lnn^obardoruni li^<»« quafl BolA inoinoria <*t
uwi
!t
tho Hovouty-Bixlh year, according to tho MHH, of ilu*
ii«<l the* true* chronology.
II. L. iv* 42-45.
Victories of Rothari. 169
Levante ') are wrested finally from the grasp of Con- BOOK vn.
stantinople. Oderzo is taken, and its walls are de- - --*-
molished. So must we understand the word used by
Paulus in this place *, since the utter destruction of
Opitergium 2 is placed by him about twenty-five years
later, and is attributed to another king of the Lom-
bards, Grimwald3. Finally, Rothari wins a great
victory over the forces of the Exarch on the banks
of the river which flows past Modena, and perhaps
at the very point where it intersects the great Emilian
highway.
These victories were probably won at the expense i
of Isaac of Armenia, whose eighteen years' tenure of <wrisna<-
the Exarchate (626-644) included one half of thenwnia.
reign of Rothari, Visitors to Ilavenua may «till see
the stately sarcophagus of this Byzantine governor
of fragments of Italy, which is placed iu a little alcove
behind the church of S* Vitale. Upon the tomb is
carved an inscription in twelve rather halting Greek
iambics, with a poor modern Latin translation. The
inscription may be rendered into English thus : —
'A noble gononil hero IB laid to iv«t,
Who kopt unhannod Komo and the Roman Wont.
For thrice wix your** ho Borvod his gentlo lords,
INAAC, ally of kingn, this ntono rucordn.
Tlio wide Arinouia glorica in his fanm,
For from Armonin hift high Imoago ouno*
Nobly ho died. The sharwr of liis lovt»,
The* chaftto SUSANNA, liko a widowod dovo
Will npond her roni of lifo in conncjlasn niglin.
Hho mouruH, but hi« long toil hath won its prizo,
(Hory aliko in East and Wofrtorn Land,
For oithor army ownod his Btrong command, '
1 *I)iruit.' 2 4 FundituH
1 II. L. v. 28,
170 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK vn. It is not difficult to read through the conventional
— L_ phrases of this vapid epitaph the unsuccessful char-
acter of Isaac's Exarchate. Had there been any gleam
of victory over the Lombard army, the inscription
would have been sure to record it. As it is, the
utmost that can be said of him is that he f kept Rome
and the West unharmed/ but if our reading of his
history be correct, he probably kept the beautiful
Riviera unravaged by surrendering it to the enemy.
Kwnthof Some of the events of Isaac's government of Italy,
Ihilttr*M Kx- , . , - , . * , ir • i i
to which IUB epitaph makes no allusion, are brought
before us by the meagre narratives of the Papal
biographer1.
It was in 638, six years before the death of IBOUC,
that his old correspondent, Pope HonorhiH, died. A
° "l| l ' Roman ecclesiastic, Severinuw, was chosen a>s his KUCCIW-
Kor, and the Exarch, who had at thin time the right of
approval of the Papal election, sent the Uh
iimmiftiw Maurice (by whose advice, we are told, he wrought
much evil), as bin representative to Home. Maurice,
8. taking counsel with some ili-drnponed persons, Ntirrocl
up 'the Roman army' (that is, probably, the civic
militia) by an inflammatory harangue concerning the
wealth of the Ptfpacy. Pointing to the episcopal
palace of the Lateran, he exclaimed, 'What marvel
that you are poor when hi that building in the hoarded
wealth of Jlonorius, to whom the Kmpcror, time after
time, sent your arrears of pay, which he, holy man
1 * labor PontifiettliH ' in VitLs Kcvoriui ot Thoodori.
2 Diohl (AdmimHtrution Hyxunliuc, if>5) dincuBHOB at H<>xno lon^th
tho fimctioiiH of iho ttharMimu^ but in obligcxl to loavo th«
problem xiu^olvod. JBvidonlly this Chartulariuw wu« a man in
high office.
Troubles in Rome. 171
that he was, heaped up in the treasure-chambers of BOOK vn.
yon stately palace/ At these words burning resent- ' '-
ment against the Church filled all hearts, and the 3 '
whole body of citizens, from the greybeard down to
the stripling, rushed with arms in their hands to the
Lateran palace. They were, however, unable to force
an entrance, so strongly was it guarded by the . ad-
herents of Severinus. For three days the armed band
besieged the Lateran, and at the end of that time
Maurice, having persuaded the ' Judges ' (that is, the
civil authorities of the City) to accompany him, claimed
and obtained admission to the palace. Then he sealed
up all the rich vestments which he found in the
( H mrch's wardrobe arid all the treasures of the Latoran
palace, * which Emperors, Patrician*) and Consuls had
left, for the redemption of their souls, to the Apostle
Peter, to be employed in almsgiving and the redemp-
tion of captives/ Having; done this, he wrote to the
Exarch Isaac that all was ready and he might now
come and help himself at his leisure to the splendid
spoil. Soon Isaac arrived, and immediately banished IH^'H
the leading clergy to various cities of Italy. Having of th«
thus disarmed ecclesiastical opposition, he proceeded
to take up his dwelling in the Lateran palace, where
he abode eight days, calmly appropriating its wealth
of centuries* To the indignant members of the Papal
household the spoliation nvust have neemed not lesn
cruel and oven more scandalous (as being wrought
in the name of a Itomau Emperor) than that celebrated
fortnight of plunder when Gaiaeric and IUB Vandals
Btripped the gilded tiles from the roof of the Capitol.
Part of the booty Maurice sent to HoracliuH, thus
making the Emperor an accomplice in liis deed The
172 Theudelinda and her Children.
BOOK vii. soldiers may have received their arrears of pay out of
- — the proceeds of the plunder, but assuredly no con-
temptible portion found its way to the Exarch's
palace at Eavenna, whence it may have been trans-
ported by the widowed dove Susanna, after her
husband's death, to their Armenian home.
Papal sue- Pope Severinus, after this act of spoliation, was
Severinus, installed by the Exarch in St. Peter's chair, but died
John iv, little more than two months after his elevation1.
Th°eodore, Another short pontificate 2 followed, and then Theodore
642-649. . guccee(je(j to tjie papacy_a Greek by birth, but as
stout as any Roman for the defence of the Roman
see against the Patriarchs of Constantinople. In his
pontificate Isaac and Maurice reappear upon the scene
2?Mau°n *n C*ian6ed characters. The OhartulariuH again visited
rice,643(?). Rome, again allied himself with the men who had
helped him in his raid upon the treasures of the
Church, and persuaded the soldiers in the City and the
surrounding villages to swoar fidelity to him and
renounce their allegiance to Isaac, whom he accused
of seeking to establish an independent throne. The
Exarch, however, whether loyal or not to the Emperor,
showed himself able to cope with his own rebellious
subordinate. He sent JDonus the JMuguter Mililnw
and his treasurer to Rome, doubtless with a consider-
able body of troops. At once all the ' Judges ' and
1 Tho long interval (ono yoar, w*von month«, and
days) botwoon tho death of HonoriuH and tho inHtallnlion of his
successor was perhaps duo to negotiations with CoiiHluntinopld
about tho Monothohfto conlrovomy, UH woll aw to tho troubles
deecribod abovo. It IB intonwtin^ to road in tho Lib<»r Ponti-
ficalis that Pope Sevoriiuw ronowod tho ino«aicH in tho apnt* of
St. Peter's.
* That of John IV (640-6412),
Maurice's Rebellion. i73
the Eoman militia, who had just sworn fealty tosooKVii.
Maurice, struck with fear, abandoned his cause and °H'4'
gave in their adhesion to his enemy. On this Maurice 643~4'
fled for refuge to the church of S. Maria Maggiore \
but being either forced or enticed from that sanctuary
was sent, with all his accomplices, heavily chained
with collars of iron 2, to Ravenna. By the Exarch's
orders, however, he was not suffered to enter the city,
but was beheaded at a place twelve miles distant3,
and his head, the sight of which gladdened the heart
of the Armenian, was exhibited in the circus of Ra-
venna. His followers, with the iron collars still
round their necks 4, were led away into strict confine-
ment while Isaac revolved in his mind the question
of their punishment. Exit before he had decided on
their fate, he himself died, 'smitten by the stroke of Death of
God/ and the liberated captives returned to their ;
several homes. Isaac was succeeded in the Exarchate !
by Theodore Calliopas, who was twice the occupant
the palace at Ravenna. In his second tenure of office *
Italy witnessed strange scenes — the banishment of
a Pope and the arrival of an Emperor; but the de-
scription of theae events must be reserved for a future
chapter.
1 ' Kugit a<l Boatam Maviam ad fra&sryrS I cannot explain this
mldition to tho nnmo of tho Church.
a 'Misunmt bqjam in collimrejus* (Lib. Pont.).
!l Oulkul Ficulao. * 'Imbojati.'
CHAPTER V.
THE LEGISLATION OF EOTJ1AKI.
Authorities,
BOOK VII. Source* ;—
ROTHARIS LEGES as given in Murofori, Keruni Halicuruw
Scriptores (Tom. L Para II), and Troya's Storiu ci'Itnlia (Vol.
IV. Parfcc II). There arc slight, differenws in the text between
these two editions, and the law* are not, si I ways numbered in the
same way. I have generally followed Troya'H numbering.
Carl J/fy?r'* iSprache und SpraclHlcnkmalcT d<»r
(Paderborn, 1877) fiiniwhes UH with a useful glosHiiry an<i
orthography of the strange Loinlmrd wordn to JH» inH with in
Code. ^1 have also found the Ilintoin* d<> la I/^islai ion <1<*H An<*i<*nx
Germains j>ar (Janihwl Artin /Jttrvttit Ot/fi/wi (Berlin, 184^)11 tftvat
help in elassifyin^ and compiling th« fjomhard lawn, rI1i<» author
was of Armenian extraction and born at Oonntantiuoplo. It in not
often that the East gives us a scholar who M> putiontlv in-
the history of Western .li
IN the last chapter we won*, concerned with the
external events of the reign of Kothari, who for wxtaen
7^" (636^652) wore the Lombard crown. Our in-
formation a* to those events it* certainly meagre and
unsatisfactory enough, but the main inteiwt of the
reign for UH Is derived from a feature of its internal
politics, the fact, namely, that Rothari was the fimt
great legislator of his people,
Rothari's Prologue. 175
The Lombards had now been for two generations BOOK VIL
encamped on the soil of Italy, yet during all that L-l-
time, as Paulus tells us, their laws had lived but in
the memory of unlettered judges, who remembered
only so much as frequent practice rendered familiar * ;
and this, in a country which had been subject to the
most scientific system of jurisprudence that the
world has ever seen, and had witnessed its gradual
development from the Laws of the Twelve Tables to
the Code, the Institutes, and the Digest of Justinian.
It was time that this reproach should be in some Publics-
measure removed from the Lombard nation, and ac- CotU*, NOV.
cordingly on November 22-, 643, King liothari pub-22' 43'
lished to the world his 'Code' in 388 chapters, written
by the hand of the notary Answald 3. The Prologue
of this monument of barbarian jurisprudence is worth
quoting : —
6 In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ begins the
Edict which with God's help the most excellent man
liothari, king of the Lombards, hath renewed, with
the nobles who are his judges4* In the name of
Almighty God, I, Itothari, most excellent man and
king ; and seventeenth king of the nation of the
Langobardi ; by the blessing of God in the eighth
year of my reign, and the thirty-eighth of my age, in
the second Indiction ; and in the seventy-sixth year
after the Langobardi marching under Alboin, at that
time their king, were brought by divine power into
1 * Legos quafc sola momoria ot usu rotiuebant.' II. L. iv. 22.
Hoo also tho extract from tlio Clironicus Gothunurn (vol. v.p. r-jH),
where tlio mysterious word cadarjida is lused, apparently of tho
unwritten * common law ' of tho Lombards.
2 Soo § oeclxxxviii. of tho 0<xlo. f* Or Arnwahl
4 'Konovavit cum prmmtoB judices SUOH.' ,
176 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL the province of Italy ; prosperously given forth in my
- — — pa] ace at Ticinum ^ : —
43' ' How great has been our care and anxiety for the
welfare of our subjects, the tenour of the following
Edict will declare : both on account of the constant
oppressions of the poor, and also on account of the
extravagant exactions from those who are known to
have larger property, but how they suffer violence wo
well know2. Therefore, considering the compassion
of Almighty God, we have thought it necessary to
correct the present law, [inviting] our chief men to
renew and amend it, adding that which is lacking,
and removing that which is superfluous. Awl wo haves
provided that it shall bo all embraced in one volume,
that each one may have permission to live quittliv,
according to law and justice, to labour against/ his
enemies on behalf of bis own opinion ;t, and to <ioft*ntl
himself and his borders.
6 Therefore, si nee these things are so, we luivejiu !#<*<!
it useful to preserve to future ages the memory of
the names of the kings our predecessors, from the
time when kings first began to bo named in tho Lom-
bard nation, as far as we have been able to learn thorn
from ancient men, and we have ordered the Notary
to affix them to this parchment/
1 Tho want of grammatical construction in the* original in imi-
tated in tho translation,
u 'Tarn proptor a#mduaH fatJgationoB pauporum qmim otinm
euporfluao oxnetionon ab his qui majorom virtutom habwo noH"
cuntur, quomodo vim pati cognovimuH/ Once for all — convct
gi'aiumar is not to )>o looked for in tho Loml>ar<i lawn,
rt Troptor opinionom contra inimicoa Inboratu* Have wo h«»ro
a hint of the nocowsity of mutual toloratkm botwuon Catholic and
Arian ?
Pedigree of Rothari. 177
Then follow the names of sixteen kings, with the BOOK vu.
On ^t
families from which they sprang l. In the seventeenth -1~
place he names himself, c I, who as aforesaid am in
God's name King Rothari,' and he recounts the un-
couth names of his progenitors belonging to the
family Harodos through twelve generations 2. He
then proceeds : —
1 These names (which I give according to the recension in
Meyer's Sprache der Langobarden) are nearly but not quite the
same as those given in the Origo, which where th<*y vary are
here inserted in brackets. They are —
i. AOILMUND, of the family I>gu- , 10. AUTJIAKI or AUDOIN, of tin-
ginlut* iGugingus). } family of (iiiisut* fv<<un.sus).
a. LAAMISIO (LAJAMICHO). j ^ ALB!OINj S)lll of AUDOhV, who,
3. LET1I (LRTJIUC). j an ufoniwaul, lu<l tin' army into
| Italy.
4. HILDEOCII (ALDIHOC).
Jia. CLEPH, c»f tlu> family lioU'<w.
BEOCH (GODKHOO;. I
I 13. AOTHAIU.
6. CLAJPFO.
14. AOJLUIiPII CACiQUO } : nThnrin-
ghin of tho family of Anawiis.
h-:
7. TATO. Winigis.
8. WACIIO.
9. WALTHARI (WALTARI), »on of
WACHO.
15. ADALWAL1).
1 6. HARIWALI) (AKOALy, of tlw
funiily of Ouupus.
2 Pedigree of Rothari of tho family of IIaro<lo,s : •
USTBORA
MAMMO
FUONOUONO
WEHILO
IIILTZO
ALAMAN
ADIIAMUND
KANTIUNUt
ROTHAHL
VOL. VI.
178 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. ' And this general order we give lest any fraud creep
°H'g' into tliis Edict through the carelessness of copyists,
But it is our intention that no such copies be received
or have any credit except such as are -written or
certified ! (?) on request by the hand of Arswald, the
notary who has written it by our orders/
The reader will not expect nor desire that in this
book, which is not a law-book but a history, I should
give a complete analysis of the 388 chaptorn, short as
they are, which make up the Code of Rothari. 1 will
only notice those provisions of the Code which illus-
trate the condition of Lombard society, will quote
some of the curious words which the barbarians from
beyond the Danube added to the vocabulary of
Latium, and above all will notice any provision - if
such is to be found in the Code — which illustrates in
the most remote manner the condition of the conquered
Ilomans under their Lombard lords. The importance
of calling attention to this point (which is connected
with one of the most difficult questions m the whole
history of the Middle Ages) will abundantly appear in
a later chapter. The reader must not look for any-
thing like orderly arrangement or scientific division
of the field of law. It woxild not bo the Lombard
Code if it possessed either of these qualities,
offices The Code begins with offences againnt the person
the icing of the king and the peace of the state. The conspirator
ptmco, against his life, the inviter of his enemies into the
kingdom, the harbonrer of brigands2, the exciter of
the soldiers to mutiny, the treacherous oflieer who
deserts his comrades on the field of battle, are all to
be punished with death,
3 Jtcconditum. * ticwnamc.
Offences against the King's Peace. 179
But on the other hand, the man who takes counsel BOOK vn.
with the king himself concerning the death of one of — - '
his subjects, or who actually slays a man by the royal
order, is to be held guiltless, and neither he nor his
heirs are to suffer any disquietude by reason of the
murder, because 'the king's heart is in the hand of
God, and it is not possible for a man to escape l whom
he has ordered to be slain/ If one man accuses another
of a capital offence, the accused may appeal to the
camphio 2, or wager of battle. If he fail his life may
be forfeited, but if his accuser fail he must pay the
guidrigild, or price of blood, of which half shall go to
the king, and half to the man whom he has slandered 3.
This word yuidrigild is explained shortly after, IfThef/Hi/-
two free men without the king's order have plotted ('? w
together as to the death of a third, and have carried B|W)"
their intention into effect, he who was the actual
murderer shall compound for the dead man according
to the price fixed, ' that is to say, his gttidrfgi/d '.'
If many persons of honourable birth have conspired
together to kill a man, they shall be punished in
angaryathungi. This barbarous word is explained as
meaning that they shall compound for the murder
according to the rank of the person slain 5. If they
1 * So edoniare ' = idoneum so facore, to purge himself from
guilt; 1. 2,
2 The German JKtmpf. s L 9.
* ' Tune ille <|ui homicida cat componat ipsum movtuum sicut
approtiatus fuerit, id est yuidrif/ild mmm' (1. n),
0 1. 14: 'Sivoro pluros fuorint, HI ingonui fuorint, qunlitor in
angargathuntfi jd ost sevundum quaUtatem pmouac ipmun lioini-
cidium coniponaut.' Moyor (Hprnclio dor Langobiirdcn, p. 278)
explains f/atiimffi as = vrorUi, dignity ; and angar = land. TJio
whole expression according to him doaiotos * the valuo of a |)or,s(>u
as depending on the amount of his })osHoasions in laud/
N 2
i8o The Legislation of Rothan.
BOOK vn. have carried off plunder from the dead man's body,
— ^— that is a plain case ofplodenrul !,or robbing the* dead,
and must be atoned for by a payment of So solirli
( = £48).
' If any of our barons/ says Kothari, ' wishes to come
to us2, let him come and go in Hufoty and unharmed.
Any one doing him aiiy injury on tin* road Khali
pay a composition according to the terms set forth
below in this Edict V We note thw early appearance
of the word 'barons' without venturing to define its
exact value.
offences Laws 26-28 provide for the security of travellers by
king's the highway, under the strange title, 4 I>e IVw/wnriit,
xxvi- ' id est horlritrmam.9 The (German won I (derived from
xxvhi, , »it t * i v
wee = way, and wmw = to block or hinder) explains
itself pretty easily an an olwd ruction ofihe high roml
Its Latin equivalent is the aspirated form of the word
which we use for the orhit of a planet. As to
those sturdy rogues who do violence to travellers on
the highway, the law is that * if any one shall pluw
himself in the way before a free woman or #irl, or do
her any injury, he shall pay 900 solidi (£540), half to
the king, and half to her to whom the injury shall
have been done, or to the person to whom the rkrht
/»
of protecting her (ni'inuUum) belongs,' This >/////////>////,
or claim to represent the rights of a female relative, in
a word which we shall meet with again later on,
clf any one shall place himself in the way before
1 Blutraul, blood-theft. Tho rw<lor\vill olworvp tlm Lomlmnl
form of thowo wordu, with its Ix-nuiilul ox<*m|iiliinitioii of <«rhu»rH
Law.
2 'Si quia ox baronikim ncmtriH n<l new vctiimi volu^rit f (I. j 7)*
8 The fine i* apparently fixod by tho noxt law it I 900 HO! Mi
1^640).
Offences on the King's Highway. 181
a free man, he shall pay him 20 solid! (£12), always BOOK VIL
supposing that he has not done him any bodily injury. LI
If he have, he shall pay for the wounds or blows which
he has inflicted according to the rate to be hereafter
mentioned, and shall also pay the 20 solidi for stopping
him on the highway V
'If any one shall place himself in the way before
another man's slave or handmaid, or Aldius, or freed-
man, he shall pay 20 solidi to his lord V
This word Aldius 9 which we shall meet with again T!H>AI-
in the laws of Rothari, might introduce us to a long haif-iv<M.
and difficult controversy, which I shall not enter upon
at this time. It is clear that the Aldius was in a state
of imperfect freedom. He is named between the slave
and the freedman, and his claim for damages from the
highway robber is not paid to himself, but handed over
to his lord. It is suggested that the vast mass of
formerly free * Romans/ or non-Lombard inhabitants
of Italy, were reduced by the conquest to this condi-
tion ofAldionate, a suggestion which for the present
shall neither be accepted nor rejected, but which I
will ask the reader to bear in mind when next the
word Aldius meets him in Rothari's Code.
Law 3 1 is headed De Walapauz : * If any man shall TiM^rfwr
unjustly do violence to a free man by way of walapam, JMI« -di^
he shall pay him 80 solidi (£48). Walapauz is the act «imcd for
of one who stealthily clothes himself in the garment** j
of another, or changes the appearance of his head or
face with the intention of thieving/ Apparently the
modern burglar, who with blackened face breaks into
a house by night, is guilty, though he knows it not, of
the crime of Walapwuz.
1 L 27. '-' 1. 28.
182 The Legislation of Rothari.
iux)K vii. And this leads us to a curious custom which pre-
vailed when a man was found, with however innocent
intentions, by night in another man's courtyard. ' If
a free man shall be found by night in the courtyard of
another, and shall not give his hands to be tied — if he
be killed, no claim for compensation shall he made by
his relations. And if he shall give his hands to be
tied, and shall be bound, lie shall pay for himself
80 solidi (£48): because it IH not according to reason
that a man should ente^r in the night-time silently or
stealthily into another man'*} courtyard ; but if he
have any useful purpose or need of hm own, lot him
cry out before he enters/
Similarly a slave found at night in tho courtyard of
a householder, and not giving his hands to bo tied, if
he be slain shall furnish no claim for compensation
to his lord: and if he give his hands, and is bound,
shall be set free on payment of 40 solid! (£24) *.
ScahdaluiH, that in, an act of violence committed
lum, * i
m a church, was to be atoned for by a special iine of
40 solidi (,£24), laid on the altar of the church. Within
the king's palace it was a capital offence, unless the
culprit could move the king's soul to mercy. S<'<nt</«!'i<ui
committed by a free man in the city where the king
was abiding, required a fine of 12 solidi (£7 4^), even
if no blow were struck ; of 24 solidi in addition to the
ordinary tariff for wounds if the brawler had stnick
a blow. In the case of a slave theme linen were
diminished one half. One half again all round wan
the abatement, if the city in which the brawl took
place were not one in which tho king wo« residing*.
We now come to the IUWH fixing the fines that were
1 1L 3*, 33- * 1L 35-40.
Tariff of Composition for Wounds. 183
to be paid for all sorts of bodily injuries, and these BOOK vu.
will be best exhibited in tabular form. We begin with
the cases in which the injured person is a free Ba°tionefor
™«^ i. bodily in-
man l : — juric^ tn tt
free per-
Blows struck in sudden quarrel causing a wound or son, xliii-
bruise . , 3 solidi apiece up to iiz solidi. Ixxv*
* If more blows are inflicted they are not to be
counted, but let the wounded man rest content with
himself/
Blow with the fist 3 solidi.
Blow with the palm of the hand . . 6 solidi 2.
Blows on the head, only > _ fi ^ fo , g>
breaking the skin j
Blows on the head, breaking bones : (per bone) ia solidi
(no count to be taken above 36 solidi).
* But the broken bones are to be counted on this
principle, that one bone shall be found large enough
to make an audible sound when thrown against
a shield at 12 fret distance on the road. The said
feet to be measured from the foot of a man of
moderate stature, not the hand/
The deprivation of an eye is to be atoned for by the
payment of half the fine due for actual homicide,
* according to the quality of the person injured/
The cutting of!* of the nose to be atoned for by half the
fine for homicide.
Cutting the lip 13 solidi.
If KO cut that one, two, or three teeth appear
ao Bolidi.
Knocking out the front teeth . 16 solidi per tooth.
Knocking out the grinders . 8 wolidi per tooth s.
1 It will not bo necessary to turn all those finoH into their
equivalents in English money. The solidus may be taken us
equivalent to twelve shillings.
* Why this diftbronce? Was it because a slap with the opou
palm was considered more insulting?
8 So in Muratori, und more probable than the i y in Troya'hi
text.
184 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL Cutting off an car — a quarter of the fine for liomicido.
Cn- 5y Wound on the face .... i6solidi.
Wound on the nose, causing a scar . , 16 solidi.
Similar wound on the ear . . . 16 solidi.
Fracture of the arm .... 16 «olidi \
Wounding without breaking the arm . 8 solidi.
Blow on the chest 2 ao nolidi.
Piercing* the rib ..... 8 solidi.
Cutting off a hand — half the line for homicide ; if
so stricken as to cause paralysis, but not cut ofl*;* —
a quarter of the full fine.
Cutting off a thumb — a sixth part of the fine for homi-
cide,
Cutting off the second finger . , 1 7 polidi.
Cutting olf tho third finger (which is the middle one)
6 KolidL
Cutting off the fourth finger ... 8 nolidi.
Cutting off tho fifth finger . . .16 Holidi.
Cutting off a foot — half tho fine for homicide.
Cutting off the great toe ... 6 «olidi.
Cutting off tho second toe . . * 6 nolidL
Cutting off* tho third too 3 nolidi.
Cutting off tho fourth toe . , . 3 nolxdu
Cutting off the fifth toe . . . . 2 Holidi,
At the end of thin curiously minute tariff of penalties
for Injuries to the person, wo have the following in-
teresting exposition of the motive of the kw :- •
Heighton- ' For all the wounds and blows above mentioned.
which may pans between free men 4, we have purpondy
Ho IH\VH airo given variously iu Muratori aiul Troya, }>nt
neithor ixixt givow tho proviaiou for fracture of tho urin, wlii<-h
nuist ceiiiiinly hnvo J>oou tlujro, nnd which wo may, I think,
venture to inwort from tho analogy of that part of tho (*odo which
deals with tha injurioH of nlavon.
* * Si quis nHuiti intra capstan plagavorit r (I* 59).
11 * Kt BI fiic Hidorata fuorit ot non j>er<»xcxjBHorit ' (L 60)*
4 k Qiuto inter hominoB li)>oroH evonorit* Thin HOCIUH to iiuj»ly
Tariff of Composition for Wounds, 185
ordained a larger composition than was in use among BOOK vu.
our ancestors, in order that fhefaida (feud), which is —
enmity, may be postponed after the receipt of the quoa
above-mentioned composition, and that more may not
be required, nor any thought of guile be harboured in tur*'
the heart ; but let the cause be finished between the
parti e«, and friendship remain. And should it happen
that within the space of a year he who was wounded
dies of the wounds themselves, then let the striker
pay in anyaryathunyi, that is [the full fine for homi-
cide] according to the quality of the person injured,
what he was worth1/
The increased wealth of the Lombards after the
settlements in Italy evidently had made them able to
pay a higher sum for the luxury of vengeance on
an enemy, and justified the sufferer in demanding an
ampler compensation for his wounds. At the same
time, the motive of the royal legislator in lightening
his penal code is clearly apparent. As the Lombard
nation was putting off a little of its old savagery in
the light of Roman civilisation, it was becoming more
and more necessary that feuds should cease, and that
the old right of private war and the notion of ven-
geance an the inalienable right of the kinsmen of a mur-
dered man should be restricted within, the narrowest
limits, and if possible should vanish out of the nation's
life. A provision follows for the ca.se of a man who
has unintentionally caused the death of an unborn
child. It is said that if the mother of the child is
free, and has herself encaped death, her price shall be
that (low and sufforor muftt both belong to tho class of irooiutux for
this tariff to ho applicable,
1 1 *<
i. ,4.
r86 The Legislation of Rothan.
BOOK VIL fixed as that of a free woman according to her rank in
~. "'."'.. life, and the half of that price shall be paid for her
dead child1. If she dies, her composition is paid
apparently without any compensation for the death of
her offspring. And as before, let the feud cease be-
cause the injury was done unwittingly2. This pro-
vision, that the composition shall be paid according to
the mother's rank in life, seems again to point to a
table of compositions graduated according to the suf-
ferer's place in the social hierarchy, which appendix
to the laws of Rothari we no longer possess.
injuries to The twenty-six laws which next follow3 deal with
houHdUoia injuries inflicted on another man's Afdi'tw, or htmM/wld
ii. slcMw 4. At first sight we might think that hero Aldius
and Svrwttt Mimsterialis were equivalent terms : but
remembering the way in which Aldhw was used in
a previous lawf) along with 'slave' and 'froedman/ wo
cannot doubt that we have here to deal with two
classes of men differing in their degree of dependence,
whose services, generally speaking, wwo of the same
value to their lord The one is the Aiding the client
or serf, generally perhaps a member of the vanquished
lloman population; the other in the household slave,
who may belong to any nationality whatever, who by
the fortune of war or the stress of pestilence or famine
1 'Hi ipma inulior libora ost ot ovoBorit, approtiotur ut liboru
Bocunduiu nol>ilitutonx suani «fc luodiotutoiu quod ipsa valuorit
infanw ipwo coniponatur7 (L 75)*
2 'GuBwmto fuida oo quod uoloudo hoc focit/
n 1L 77-102,
4 *Bi quiH Aldium aliouum atit sorvum miuiHluriiikuu plagnvorit
in caput ' (L 78).
* L 28.
Composition for Injuries to Aldii and Slaves, 187
has lost his liberty, and like our countrymen the boys BOOK vn.
from Deira who excited the compassion of Gregory, _ ^L-,
has been brought to Italy by the slave-dealer, and sold
to a Lombard master.
For a member of either of these two classes, the
composition for wounds and bruises (paid doubtless
to his master, not to himself) was generally about
a third of that which was payable for a similar injury
to a free man. In the case of the loss of an eye, a hand
or a foot, the fine was half of that for homicide, the
same proportion but not the same amounts as in the
case of the corresponding injury to a free man. And
for many of the more important injuries it is provided
that the culprit shall pay to the lord not only the
fixed composition, but an allowance for the loss of the
man's labour and the doctor's fees *.
The next section, containing twenty-three laws,
deals with injuries inflicted on a yet lower class — siavon,
6 servi rusticani,' the ' plantation hands ' of whom we cm"exxvi'
used to hear in the days of American slavery. Here
again the same general principle prevails : for serious
injuries, the loss of an eye or a hand, half the fine for
homicide : for others a composition which is generally
about a sixth or an eighth of that which is paid for
a free man, and in many cases compensation for loss of
labour and the doctor's charges.
Any blow ou hand or foot to either Aldius or slave
which results in paralysis of the stricken member is
to be atoned for as if it had been cut off2.
1 K#» *xSi quiB Aldio ivliono aut sorvo miuwtoriuK pollicom do
numu oxeuHHi'rit componufc Holidow viii oxcopto operas [sw| ot m<*r-
codos Hwlici ' (L 89),
tt L 126: * Bimili modo eompouatur tunqiiani HI ouni
i88 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL "All wounds and blows inflicted on the AhHus, the
- — — household slave or rustic slave, as also on the Aldia
and the servant-maid, are to be atoned for according
to the tenour of this decree. But if any doubt arise
either as to the survival or the speedy cure of the
injured person, let the lord receive at once half of the
composition for the wound : the remainder being kept
in suspense till the event be ascertained.
'Within a year's space, if the man recover, the
balance unpaid for the wounds themselves shall be
handed over to the lord; but if he die the lord shall
receive the whole composition for the dead man, allow-
ing for that which has already been paid for the
wounds.
'The man who has inflicted a wound is himself to
go and seek a physician. If he fail, then the wounded
man or his lord is to seek the physician, and the other
shall pay for loss of labour and doctor's fees as much
its shall be adjudged by learned men V
Muniorof Now at length, after all these minute details an to
' minor injuries inflicted on men of less than free cou-
<!r rumi ' dition, we come to the full composition to be paid in
the event of their actual murder ; —
He who kills another man's Ahlias must pay (doubtless
to the lord, though this is not expressly stated) 60 solidi,
Ho who kills another man's household slave * approved
and trained a ' ...... 50 solid i.
He who kills a household slave of secondary importance
(ap, Muratori), a bettor rouding it scorns to mo than that of Troy«,
* tanquam si oum oecidissot*
1 I. 127-128,
a 'Si quis servum xnini»toriulom probatum ut supra aut doctum
wddorit ' (1* 130), I know not to what tho ' ut aupra' rofars*
Composition for Injuries to Slaves. 189
to the foregoing, who bears nevertheless the name BOOK Vir,
of household slave * ..... 25 solidi. _^H: r>'_
He who kills a foreman swineherd who has two or
three or more men in training under him . 50 solidi.
For an inferior swineherd 25 solidi.
He who kills a farm servant^, a cowherd 3, a shepherd4,
goatherd or other herdsman, if a foreman . 20 solidi.
Ii' one of his uncler-men5 1 6 solidi.
lie who kills a rustic slave under the farm-labourer6
16 solidi.
Any one who by accident kills the infant child of
a slave or farm-labourer shall be assessed by the judge
according to the age of the child, and the money
which it was able to earn, and shall pay accordingly.
The provision as to accidents connected with the Accident*
in. tree-
Craft of the forester has an interesting bearing on the cutting,
current legal doctrine of 'common employment.' If employ-
two or more men are felling a tree which falls upon
a passer-by and kills or injures him, they shall pay the
composition for homicide or maiming in equal propor-
tions. If the like accident befall one of the workers,
they shall reckon one portion for the dead man, and
pay the rest in equal shares. Thus, if two men were
felling the tree and one were killed, the survivor
would pay half the composition for his comrade ; if
three, each survivor would pay a third, and so on.
6 And the feud shall cease inasmuch as the injury was
1 * Do nlio v<»ro ministorialo qui secundus ei invonitur, tainen
ut noinmi minwtorialom habont' {1. 131).
* ' Sorvum mawwirium."
8 SSijrvum buhuloum do sola.' I do not find any satisfactory
explanation of thaso words.
4 Tho muling ' pocornrio ' sooms to make bettor sense thnu
*pM'«ario' (I. 136).
fi * Pro tlin«ipulo autom qui BoqwuH <>st.'
vo riiHticano qui nub massario cst' <JL 134)-
190 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK yii. accidental/ In a later law (i 52) it is expressly enacted
that if a man hires workmen, one of whom is drowned
or struck by lightning, or crushed by a blown-down
tree, his composition shall not be claimed from the
hirer of his labour, provided the death was not directly
caused by the hirer or his men.
A curious little group of laws on poisoning next
<ixin. comes before us3. The free man or woman who mixed
a cup of poison for another,, but never found an oppor-
tunity to administer the fatal dose, was fined 20 solidi
(.£12). If the poison were administered, but without
a fatal result, the fine was half the composition for
homicide. If death ensued, of course the whole com-
position was paid.
So, too, if a slave presented tho poinoned cup, but
failed to kill his victim, tho master of the nlavc must
pay half tho composition which would have been due
in case of death ; and the whole composition if death
ensued. In either event, however, tho nlavo wan to
be handed over to be put to death, and the mawter
had a right to deduct hiw market value from tho
penalty which he paid for the nlavo'n crime.
Ro<»ru<i4«- But all thiw machinery of tho yuulriyihl, however
iiwMfo, carefully worked, would HoirietimoH fail to efface from
tho mind of the BufFcrcr the memory of hw wrongs.
Tho retaliatory blow would after all bo struck, and
tho terrible y/w/fc would begin once more. Tn order to
guard ugainnt this recrudoHCcmco of the blood-feud, it
was enacted that any one who, after he had received
the composition for a wlaughterod relative, and after
accustomed oaths of mutual amity had boon wwoni,
took vengeance with hit* own right hand and slew tho
1 11, 139-142.
Employers* Liability. 191
murderer, should, besides paying the ordinary compo- BOOK vn.
sition for the new homicide *, repay twice the compo- _ *1L"—
sition which he had received ; and similarly, if it were
only a wound or a bruise which had been inflicted
upon him, he should repay double the composition
paid him for that injury.
Again, we are brought by the next pair of laws face
to face with one of the most difficult questions of cxiiv.
modern legislation, that of * employers' liability/ If
we rightly interpret the words of the code 2, there was
a guild of master masons who took their name from
the town of Como, the headquarters of the building
trade of that day. According to Muratori 3, even down
to the middle of last century troops of masons from
the Italian lakes used to roam over the other provinces
of Italy, seeking employment as builders. Possibly
the fact previously noticed4) that the Lake of Como
was for so many years a stronghold of the dying
Imperial cause in Upper Italy, may have had some-
thing to do with this continued existence of an active
building trade in the hands of the Magixtri Comacini.
However this may be, it was enacted that if in the
course of their building operations the fall of material
caused a fatal accident either to one of the workmen,
or to a pasaer-by, the composition nlumld not be pay-
able by the owner of the house, but by the * Comacine
Master/ * For after by the contract r' he has received
1 Thin iw not vory clearly statod, but I think may bo inforrod
from th« toucmr of tho law (1. 143)*
8 * Si Mutffotor Comacinus cum colloganlo wuo eujuwjuo domum
ad iuwtnunindum vol fabricandum HiiBcoporil ' (1. 144).
In IHH nolo on thiB law.
4 Boo vol. v, p. 244.
• Tabula.'
192 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. good money for his hire, it is not unreasonable that lie
5
L "_ should bear the loss V
injuries Laws as to fire-raising follow. The man who has
intentionally and with evil mind2 kindled a fire in his
neighbour's house must repay the damage threefold ;
the value of the burnt property to be assessed by
6 neighbouring men of good faith/ An accidental fire
caused by a man carrying burning coals nine feet or
more away from his own health was to be compounded
for by a payment merely equivalent to the value of the
things destroyed 3.
iijurioH From fire the legislator paases to mills, probably
to water- -II- i i
, ci- water-mills. Any one breaking down another man K
mill was to pay 12 solidi [,£7 4^] to the injured miller.
For Home reason or other, judicial fainieas wan more
than usually doubtful in cases of thin kind, and accord-
ingly a judge who delayed his decision, or wrongfully
gave leave for the destruction of a mill, wan to pay
20 solidi [£12] to the king'n palace 4. On the othnr
hand, wrong might be done by building as well an by
destroying a mill. There were men who did illegally
what the 'free selectors' of Australia <lo in virtue of
1 The coucluHion of tho law which noxt fnllo\vB(i4#) KOOIU.H to
rtwmo tho principle hero laid clown. I IVar that there IB Borne
distinction between them which 1 have failed to upprohond.
i; * Awto animo/
:t ' Fcrquldu id ost Banilo,'-* anothor curiouH Lombard word,
4 ' DiHtrictuH ab ntolonazo/ being c<>inj>ollod to pay )>y tho
vtolesax. Who IH thin officer V Moyor trannlatoH * jud^o/ <lerivi»^
tho word from tttolimA tfizzan, and making it <Mjuival«nt to Mdm
who ,s/7,s( on lhc ntool (throne) of judgmont/ But tli(»rt> iw a varioun
reading wvldate, and it neemf) to iu<» prolmbln that th«< ri»iVrwi<to
here in to tho woll-known magiHirnto whom th<» Lomhards «ull«'d
by that name, and whoso dowignaliou Hurviven in th<'
of modern Gorman.
Laws of Inheritance, 193
the laws of the colony — who settled themselves down BOOK vii.
on another man's land and built a mill beside his — -
stream. In such a case, unless the intruder could
prove his right, the mill and all the labour that he
had expended upon it went to the rightful owner of
the soil \
We now come to the section of the Code which deals Laws of
with the laws of inheritance2. The feature which toanee,cim-
our ideas seems the most extraordinary, and which is,
I believe, peculiar to the Lombard laws, is the pro-
vision which is made for illegitimate alongside of legi-
timate children. If a Lombard left one legitimate
and any number of illegitimate sons, the former took
two-thirds of his property at his death, the latter
all together one-third.
If he left two sons born in wedlock, they inherited
each two-fifths, the collective bastards one-fifth. If
there were three of the former class, they took each
two-sevenths, and one-seventh was divided among the
bastards.
If there were four, the bastards took a ninth ; if five,
an eleventh ; if six, a thirteenth ; if seven, a fifteenth.
Beyond this point apparently the law-giver would not
go in providing for the division of the inheritance.
In all cases where there was legitimate male issue,
the daughters took nothing; but if a man left one
daughter born in wedlock, and a number of illegitimate
sons, the former took one-third of the inheritance, the
1 1. 1 5 r. These laws about mills may remind tho English
reader of tho keen litigation about water-power which is described
by Goorgo Eliot in *Tho Mill on the Floss/
8 11. if)3-i7* : curiously interrupted by a pansrithoniH ( 163-1 66)
chiefly dealing with crimes against a mail's near kiiulrud.
VOL, VI. O
194 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. latter one-third, and the remaining third went to the
'— other next of kin. If the daughters were two or more
in number they took a half, the bastards a third, and
the next of kin a sixth.
Where there was no next of kin to claim under
these provisions, the c king's court ' claimed the vacant
inheritance. As relationship did not count beyond the
seventh generation 1 we may believe that in that bar-
barous age, and with a roving population, the c king's
court ? was not seldom a successful claimant.
No man might declare his illegitimate sons legiti-
mate, or put them on an equality with the sons born
in wedlock, except with the consent of the latter given
after they had attained * the legitimate age/ This was
reached, however, at the early period of twelve years.
As with the Romans, so with the Lombards, a father
had not absolute power over the diwpOBal of his pro-
perty. Except in the case of certain grievouB crimon
against filial duty (if a won had purponely struck liin
father, or plotted his death, or committed adultery
with bin stepmother), no father might disinherit his
son, nor oven 'tiling9 away to another in Im lifetime
the property that should rightly devolve upon him8.
And the obligation waff a mutual one : except to IUH
own offspring, the eon might not 'thiny* away hin
property to prevent it from being inherited by his
Moaning father. The Latinised German word * thin<mre? which
oftkingw. m * ' .
cozmec- meete u« m this and many other Lombard laws, givog
tionwith . . ,. . , «. . , ,./? „
F«n«- us an interesting glimpse into the political life of
11 lg' primeval Germany, In an earlier chapter of this work3
3 L «[»•
a ' Nulli liccat sino cortfl culpil liliuin oxhaotxxlarc^ xwc <j[uo<l tti
por logom alii ihingari)* (L 168). " Vol. iii, j>, 260.
Thinx and Gairethinx. 195
a slight sketch was attempted of the Folks-Thing, or BOOK vn.
national assembly of the Germans. Referring to that — —
chapter for a fuller discussion of the subject, I may
add that not many miles from the place where I am
now writing1, there was discovered about ten years
ago an altar which bore the inscription DEO MARTI
THINGSO, and which, in the opinion of some of the best
German archaeologists, was dedicated to Mars, the god
of the assembly, in whose name the priests commanded
silence and punished the offenders who were brought
up for judgment 2. Thus from a bare hillside in North-
umberland has come in recent years a testimony to
the widespread institution of the Tiling among our
Teutonic forefathers. Before such an assembly it was
the custom of the Lombards that all transactions con-
nected with property (especially perhaps property in
land) should take place, and it was for this reason that
a too generous (or perhaps spiteful) father was for-
bidden thine/are his property to the detriment of his
natural heirs.
From this custom of making every donation of pro- Ganti-
perty in the presence of the Thing, the donation itself aiimtion.
came to be called Thinx* or Gairethinx. As ger in
the Old High-German language signifies a spear, and
as we know 4 that the Germans always came armed to
1 At the Roman camp of Boreovicus near Housesteacls in
Northumberland.
M This is the view of Prof. Scherer as communicated to Prof.
Htibner, and stated by him in Archaeologia Aeliaua, x. 1*57. Ho
quotes Tacitus, Germunia, c. vii. The altar was erected by tho
6 Tuihanti (?) Germani cives.'
8 ' Omne Thinx qxiae est donatio * (L 171).
4 From Tacitus, Germ. xi.
O 2
196 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. their assemblies, it is suggested1 that the
--- U — or spear-donation may have been an especially solemn
form of transfer of property2. One of the laws of
Rothari said, ' If any man wishes to thinff away his
property to another, let him make the gtiiretJritM itself
not secretly, but before free men, inasmuch as both he
who things and he who is the receiver are free men,
that no contention may arise in future \*
Now however solemnly a childless man might have
( tkinged ' away his property, when for any causo he
despaired of having issue of his own, if he afiorwards
begat legitimate sons, the previous thlnx was utterly
null and void, and the sons succeeded to the property
as if it had never taken place. And oven daughters
and illegitimate children ousted the claim of the
receiver of the thinx to all but a fraction of the in-
heritance4.
On the other hand, a chiI<IU*«sfl man who at the
solemn thiny should pronounce tho word IMhthuh*
thereby expressing that the donee was to enter upon
the property at his death, incurred ohli^atioiiH which,
if he continued childless, he could not lightly net aside,
He became in fact, what our lawyer** call * tenant for
life/ and not 6 without impeachment of wuBto/ for he
must thenceforward confine himself to the
1 By Muyor, Bpruclio dor Lnngobardon, p, 2X7,
2 And thus in n certain HOUHO corroHpondintf to tho 'ox juro
Quiritium' of Roniun law, qulm l>«in# tho <>hl Hubino won! for
B])<aar. But ihiw is, of courno, a ju<»n» coincidtnuso,
3 'Si quit* row sua« alii (hint/arc voluorit, non ttbHcouwv HH<! unto
liberos hoininoH ipwuni im'mlhhw fucmt, quaicnun <jiu thbitfuf <«l
qui ffiaci (th« wifcn<^H) fuorit, lilxiri wiut, ut nulla in j«)Ht<«ruin
oriatur intontio (? contnniio) ' (L 172). * J. 171.
ft Thin is not statod, but wo may infor it from tluj tunnw of tli<»
law.
Marriage Laws. 197
use of the property, and must in no wise fraudulently BOOK vn.
dissipate the same. If, however, necessity came upon — Lu _
him, and he found himself compelled to sell or mortgage
the property with the slaves upon it, he might appeal
to the receiver of his thinx : ( You behold under what
compulsion I am about to part with that property
which I gave to you at my death. If it seem good
to you, help me now and I will preserve this property
for your benefit/ If the donee of the thinx thus called
upon refused to help his benefactor, then any alienation
or encumbrance of the estate made by the latter
remained valid in spite of the donation 1.
We now come to the marriage laws of Rothari, an
JftWtf
interesting section of the Code 8. But before entering Jixxvin-
upon it we must notice one important law which CUVt
governs the whole relations of Lombard womanhood,
whether married or single : tf It shall not be lawful for Every
any free woman, living according to the law of the to bo uu-
Lombarcls under our sway, to live under the power of ummifttM
her own free will, or as it is called to be sdprnundia,
but she must always remain under the power of men, llomo mmu
if not a husband or relative under that of the king's
court, nor shall she have the power of giving or
alienating any property, moveable or immoveable, with-
out the consent of him in whose mundhmi she is
living V The principle here laid down was recognised
by most, if not all the German tribes whose laws have
come down to us, though none deals quite so minutely
with this question of the guardianship of women as
the Lombard Code. The wording of the law may
1 1. 173. LidinlaLI) is derived by Meyor from liduH, to die, and
or luip, a survivor (?).
2 11. 178-204. « 1. 204.
198 The Legislation of Rothari.
HOOK VIL at first sight inconsistent with that high honour in
1_L_ which the Germans from the time of Tacitus down-
ward are said to have held their women* But on
reflection we perceive that the institution of this
mundium or guardianship is chiefly intended for the
woman's protection, and is a necessary consequence
of the barbaric character of the rest of the Code. In
a state of society where the frridu, or blood-fond was
still a recognised principle, slowly and with difficulty
giving way to the scarcely less barbarous ytt!<fri</tl</ ;
under a system of laws which, as wo .shall seo, tolerated
the camjio, or wager of battle, an the test of* right-
arid wrong, what chance would a poor weak woman, if
self-championed (.v<7/>//ww/w), have had of mainlining
her rights ? It was evidently necessary that she should
have some male protector and representative, who if
ho had to assume responsibility for her acts, must have
the deciding voice in the disposition of her property :
and accordingly under the wunilin'm of some man the
Lombard woman lived from her cradle to her grave* ;
if not under the vinnrfittm of a father, under that of
a husband or a brother ; if all these failed her, then
under the wundiuHi of the king's court, At the same
time, though the institution of the MtmdiHui may
have been originally designed for the woman's pro-
tection, it was undoubtedly sometimes a coveted prize*.
The regulations in the Lombard 01ode as to the division
of the tnwulmiH, among the brothers, even the illegiti-
mate brothers ', of the daughters of the house show
that this view was taken of the guardian's position ;
and when the king's court came in and claimed the
1 L 161.
Marriage Laws: the Mundium. 199
mundium of a wealthy heiress, we can well believe BOOK vn.
that some of the abuses of the right of wardship and -' —
marriage which prevailed in feudal times may have
been in measure anticipated by the Lombard rulers.
This, however, is a mere conjecture, not supported so
far as I know by anything that is to be found in the
scanty documents that have come down to us.
I must direct the reader's attention to one clause in l Living
the sentence above quoted from the 2O4th law of to the law
Ptothari : * Any free woman living under our sway Lom-
according to the law of the Lombards'1.' This passage
clearly implies that King Bothari had subjects who
were not living according to the law of the Lombards.
This has a bearing on a very wide and important
controversy which will be referred to in a subsequent
chapter.
Meanwhile our business is with the Lombard law History
alone, and we may now trace by such indications as Lombard
that law affords us the history of the courtship and ImY mar-
marriage of a Lombard woman. We must not, how-
ever, expect that the Code will reveal to us the senti-
mental aspect of a Lombard marriage : on the contrary,
hjome of the provisions will remind us of the discussions
which take place in many a French farmhouse at the
present day concerning the precise amount of the dot
of the daughter of a thrifty proprwtaire,.
When a Lombard suitor asked for the hand of a
woman in marriage, if her guardian accepted him,
a ceremony of betrothal was solemnised, and a written
contract (f<jibidd) was drawn up between the parties.
The suitor covenanted to give a price which was called
1 * Nulli muliori liberae sub regni nostri ditionom Logls Lango*
bardorum vivonti."
200 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. the meta1 ; and some substantial guarantor2 joined in
— ^— the covenant with him 3. If all went well, and the
course of the matrimonial negotiations flowed smoothly,
the father or brother in whose mundium the bride
had hitherto been gave, probably on the eve of the
wedding, a certain dowry to the bride which was called
kerf ode rjio (father's money)4. To this was added on
the morning after the marriage a substantial present
from the newly-wedded husband to his wife, according
to the universal custom of the German tribes ; and
this present, which was called the wwryMMjpJffi by the
Alamanni, and the morc/euc/lfa. among our Anglo-Saxon
ancestors, was modified into moryineap among the
sharp-speaking Lombards 4.
But if the progress of the suit were not prosperous,
and if the solemn betrothal did not ripen into marriage,
the laws of Rothari had much to say about that con-
tingency, If for two years after the betrothal the
1 Connected with our English word mtwl) and with tho Gorman
miefhe. It is aomelimeft called met-Jiu, tho mood-monoy.
a Called JidU'JMStior, a term taken from the Roman law*
:t Who kept tho mcta ? Was it compensation to tho father (if
ho had tho mundiuni) for tho losa of his daughter*** services, or
did it form part of tho proviwion for tho married couple V The
law« do not soom clear on this point, but it HOomB to mo probable
that the father kept tho nwfa, during his life, and that after hin
death it came to tho daughter,
' This fio or y//m, tho Lombard word for money, in a word
with an interesting history. It is connected with the Gorman
rich, and tho Latin pecus (= cattle), and carries us back to a «tatu
of society when wealth consisted chiefly in flocks and herds. (Our
English word stock might be used m an ambiguous* equivalent)
In Gothic, faihu = wealth, and the word unod by Uliilas to trans-
late mammon ia faihurthruihw.
ft See vol. v, p, 207, for tho discussion about Queen GulHwintha's
morning-gift.
Marriage Laws: Meta and Morgincap. 201
suitor kept on delaying the fulfilment of his promise, BOOK vn
the father or brother, or he who had the mundiiim of — —
the affianced woman, might exact from the 'guarantor
the payment of the meta, and might then give the
damsel in marriage to another1. But perhaps the
reluctant suitor alleged as a reason for his refusal that
the woman had lost her chastity. In that case her
parents must get twelve neighbours or kinsfolk to
swear with them that the accusation was false a. If
they could do this the woman's reputation was con-
sidered to be cleared, and the suitor must either take
her to wife, or pay a double meta as a penalty for the
wrongful accusation.
If, however, for her sins3 it should happen that
a woman was sorely afflicted after her betrothal, if
she became a leper or a demoniac, or lost the sight of
both eyes, then the suitor might reclaim his meta, and
was not bound to take her in marriage. If, on the
other hand, the guardian of a woman, after solemnly
betrothing her to one man, connived at her marriage
to another, he had to pay twice the meta to the injured
suitor.
Once married, the woman passed under the mnndium
of her husband, and if she survived him remained under
the mundium of his representative. If she had a son
grown to adolescence it seems probable that he would
1)0 her guardian, but of course this would often not be
1 1. 178.
<2 * Lieoiit oam parontibuy purificaro cum duodocim Bacrnmonta-
HbuH mm*' (1, 179)*
Jl * Si pccttiitiB imminontibuB eoniigorit,' a viow of human cala-
mity which would have had iho hearty approval of Job's throo
202 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. the case, and she would then be under the
H' of some brother or kinsman of her late husband, who
might be indisposed to relinquish the profitable trust.
The royal legislator therefore clearly stated that the
widow had the right to betake herself1 to another
husband if he was a free man. In this case the second
husband was bound to repay to the heir of the first,
half of the vieta which had been paid on the first
espousals, and if the latter refused to accept thi>s, then
the wife might claim her whole Jaderjio and tnvw/in-
mj>2, and she returned under the mitMlium of" her
parents, who might give her in marriage to whom they
would.
We have several indications that thin enforced HWH,-
(limn, of the widow tinder her late husband's heir led
sometimes to strained and painful relationn. Any one
having the wuwlinM of a free wife or maiden who
falsely accused her of adultery, or called hor a \v5lch :t,
or conspired against her life, lost the MunrfiwH, unless
he were the father or the brother of* the injured
woman 4 ; and in this and several other canes the
wiMuUnm went, in default of relations, to the king's
court. Lastly, to end the story of the matrimonial
life of the Lombard woman, if a man slew his wife for
any cause which was not sufficient in law to justify
her death, the murderous husband had to pay 1 200
solidi (,£720), half to her parents or relations, and half
1 * Potostatom haboat ml alium maritum aml>ulun<li ' (I. i Ha).
2 But apparently in this CJIHO ho rotnincxl the wvMi» Thin looks
«« if tho nuifa might oanily bo a largo Bum, more than tw!<*<» th<*
»teo Qffadcrjio and mow/incap combined.
* ' Striga, quod osfc Mawca.'
4 11* 196-198, Do those laww apply to tho hubhoudV 1 think
not.
Marriage Laws. 203
to the king. If the murdered woman had left sons, BOOK vn.
these inherited the morginca/p and faderfio : if not, — — —
they went to her parents, or failing them, to the king's
court. But if the wife plotted against her husband's
life, she was at his mercy and he might do to her
whatsoever he would. If she slew him, she was herself
to be put to death, and her property, if she left no
children, went to the husband's heirs. Always, even
in presence of the ghastliest domestic tragedies, the
Lombard legislator keeps a cool head, and remembers
to say what shall be the destination of the faderfio
and the moryincap.
Interspersed with the marriage laws of which I have Law«
spoken are some which deal somewhat more with the sexual im-
moral side of the relation between the sexes. Thus moia * y*
the seduction 3 of a free woman was punished by a fine
of 20 solidi (£12), which was increased to 100 solidi
(,£6o) if the seducer refused to marry his victim. If
a man persuaded the betrothed bride of another to
marry him he had to pay 20 solidi to the parents as
penalty for seducing their daughter from her duty2,
and 20 more in order to end the feud (faida) caused
by his misconduct. Moreover he had to pay to the
injured affianced suitor twice his meta. These compa-
ratively light punishments fell on him who had by
gentle means won the forbidden, prize. Crimes of
violence were rightly punished much more severely.
Forcible compulsion of a woman to marry subjected
the offender to a fine of 900 solidi (£540), half of which
went to the parents of the damsel, and half to the
king's court. The injiired wife was at liberty to go
s 'Pro cwugrfyh* (1* 189).
204 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL forth from the offender's house with all her possessions.
- CH<g> and might place herself under the mundium of a father,
a brother, an uncle, or the king, as she might
choose.
In this connection we meet with a law which has
given rise to much discussion : —
' If any man shall commit fornication with a female
slave belonging to the nations, he shall pay to her lord
Romnna. .
It is only in this casual reference to an act of immo-
rality that we find in all the laws of Rothari the
slightest express reference (doubtless there aro many
implied references) to the great mass of the subject
population of Italy who called themselves, and wore
called by their conquerors,. by the once proud name. <>f
lioman. And this reference carries us but a little way*
The poor bond woman of Roman extraction is evidently
compared unfavourably with her fellow slavo of * (Jen-
tile/ that is of Teutonic or Sclavonic origin, tho kins-
woman it might be of the Anglian lacta whom Gregory
saw in the market-place. But, af'tw all, it in not her
wrong, but the injury done to her rna&tor, that IH in
the mind of the legislator. It is to him that tho tine
is paid, and all that we learn from thin pannage "w that
the stout, strong * gentile ' woman who bad come acroHK
the seas or from the countries beyond the Alj>« wan
a more valuable possession to her master than one of
the oppressed, emaciated, famine-wasted daughters of
Italy.
Acts of immorality committed chiefly against women
of servile condition are dealt with in lawn 205 2Kjv
1 ' Si quiB cum ancillft gontili fornicfttiw fuorit, componut <l<miin»*
ojus solidos xx. Et si cum Komantl xii fcolidoB* (1. 194).
Marriages of Free and Unfrec. 205
and we then come to the interesting subject of mar- BOOK VIT.
riages contracted between persons of unequal status, — — —
one free, the other unfree 1.
In these marriages the general rule seems to have Unequal
. . marriages,
been that which also prevailed in the Roman law, that <
the issue of the marriage shared the condition of the *
mother. Thus if an Aldius married a free woman, on
his death she and her sons might go forth from his
house free, but on condition of renouncing the margin-
cap which her late husband had giveii her, and giving
back to his lord the sum which he had once paid to
her parents for her vmndium. If a slave married
a freed woman * or an Aldia she lost tine qualified
freedom which she had possessed, during the marriage,
but might reclaim it on her husband's death, and go
forth free with her children. If an Aldius married an
Aldia or a freed woman the sons became Aldii on the
estate of their father's lord :t. If he married a female
slave, the children of the marriage were slaves of their
mother's master. But if he ventured to lift his eyes
to a free woman, and make her his wife, he ran the
risk of hearing sentence of death pronounced upon
him. The relations of the woman who thus demeaned
herself had the right to slay her, or to sell her for
a slave into foreign parts, and divide her substance
among themselves. If they failed to do this, the king's
officers might lead her away to the king's court, and
set her to work among the female slaves at the loom.
1 11. 2*6-221.
* Davoud Otfhlou rightly suggests tilerta as an emendation for
Ubmt in this law (1. 217).
tj ' Patrom wMiuantur et Bint aldii cujus et pater <wt 1 (I. 218);
an exception to the general rule.
206 The Legislation of Rothari.
BO£K yn- So jealous was the Lombard law of the honour and
CH. 5.
- - reputation of the free Lombard woman \
But, lastly, there was the possible alternative case,
that a free man might wish to marry one of his own
female slaves. For such a union the law had no such
terrors as those inflicted in the converse case of the
marriage of a free woman with a slave. But he might
only marry her on condition of first enfranchising her,
which he must do in a solemn manner by way of
gairethinx before the assembly of the people. The
enfranchised slave, who was now declared to bo wurdi-
lora2, might now become hor late master's lawfully-
wedded wife, and could bear him legitimate sous, with
full claim to succeed to his inheritance,
Miinumis- From this subject, by a natxiral transition, the legis-
lator passes to that of the manumission of slaves \
CC/XX1V""
ccxxvi. Of this manumission, as ho informs UB, there were
four kinds.
i. Abso- (i) The fullest and most complete was that which
lutooman- , , ,
dpution, was practised when a man wished to give his male or
sun- female slave absolute freedom to go where ho pleased,
and dispose of his property its he would To accomplish
*kis, he first handed over the slave by solemn yairrthinx
to another free owner ; that second owner to a third,
and the third to a fourth. This hist owner led the
slave to a place where four roads met, handed him in
the presence of witnesses an arrow *, the free man***
1 I «ay Lombard woman, IMWAUHO it HOVIUH to mo improbaMo
that this applioB to tho caBo of tho marriage* Iwtwwn a froo Itoiimn
woman and a slave.
3 'Worthy-born/ or porhajw Svorthy-bourur/ referring to tho
condition of hor offspring (I. 222).
s 11. 224-226 (225-229 in Muratori).
4 The words of Kothari's law (224) aro 'ducat man in quadru-
Manumission.
207
weapon, murmuring a certain form of words which had BOOK vn.
been handed down from dim antiquity, and then point- _ _
ing to the cross-roads, said, ' You have unfettered power
of walking whither you will/
A slave or Aldius thus enfranchised became folk-
free l (that is, a sharer in the freedom of the Lombard
people), and entirely out of his late master's mundium 2.
If he died without natural heirs, neither his patron nor
his patron's heirs succeeded to his property, but it went
to the king's court.
(2) The second form of manumission was that of the n. j»»-
slave who was remitted impans, that is, ' to the king's
wish/ This passage remains hopelessly dark to us, but
we are told that the slave thus liberated was e amund '
(perhaps, however, not folk-free ').
(3) The third form of manumission made its subject m.
6 folk-free,' but not * amund? He lived like a free Lorn-
bard in the family of his late master, and under his
mundium. He had received the * liberty of the four
ways,' and could go where he willed, and do what he
pleased, but his property, in default of natural heirs,
went to his late master.
(4) The fourth form of manumission, an incomplete iv.
and partial affair, not accompanied with ' the liberty of
bium (quadrivium) et thingat gaida ot gisilis.' Gaida is the old
Lombard word for a spear ; gteilis for witnesses. I have added
a little from Paulus Diaconus (H. L. i. 13), who is evidently
describing this method of enfranchisement in gaida et gisills:
' Igitur Lungobardi . . . plures a wervili jugo eroptos ad libortatis
statum povducunt. Utque rata eonim haberi possit ingenuitas,
sancitint more solito $er sagUtam, immurmurantos niliilominus ob
rei firmitatom quaedam patria verba.'
' Qui a so cxtraneum id eat amund facero voluorit.5
so8 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. the four ways/ left its subject only an Aiding that is,
~^— as we have seen, it left him in a semi-servile condition,
not * folk-free ' on the one hand, but on the other able
to contract a valid marriage with a free woman, and
probably not liable to the indignity of personal chas-
tisement \
The section on manumission ends with the following
law, which has an important bearing on the question
hereafter to be discussed, of the condition of the
subject Eomans under the Lombards : —
* All freedmen who shall have received their liberty
from Lombard Iprds ought to live under the laws of
their lords, and for their benefactors, according to the
concession which shall have been made to them by
their own lords V
This provision certainly looks as if for somo persons,
and at some times, the 'living according to the law of
the Lombards' was not a privilege to bo sighed for,
but a duty, to be if possible evaded. But more of this
hereafter,
vendors The law of vendors and purchasers comes next in
and pur- ,
order3, but there is not much here that need claim
our attention, except that we notice that the period
required to give a prescriptive title to property is very
short, only five years. So short a prescription perhaps
points to a semi -barbarous state of society still existing
among the Lombards, arid to frequent changes of
1 This last statement Is only conjectural.
* 'OxunoH liborti qui a domiuis fcuis LangobartliB libortntom
meruerint, logibus doininorum ot boiielncloribus Bum vivoro <I^
beant, seeundum qualiter a dominis suis propriiu ciw
fuel-it ' (1. 226).
3 11. 227-236.
Removal of Boundaries. 209
ownership by violence. If a man had been left as long BOOK vii.
as five years in undisturbed possession of land, or °H' 5*
slaves, or jewels, it might be presumed that he was
the rightful owner.
Also we observe that no slave, and even no Aldius,
could sell property of any kind without the consent of
his master or patron. An exception was necessarily
made in the case of a slave who had charge of a farm
(xervus wirMwa'rius), whose business it was to sell off
the young stock, and who did not require the formal
consent of Ins master for each transaction of this
kind1.
Six laws follow concerning the removal of boun- Eemoving
claries2, the usual punishment for which offence was marts,
a fine of 80 solicli (£48) in the case of a free man ; a fine ccxu^1^).
of half that amount or death in the case of a slave. It
is interesting to observe that a frequent method of
marking the boundaries was by notching' the forest
trees !{,
The nlavc who thus falsified the markings on the
forest trees was punished by amputation of his right
hand; and here, with that delightful discursiveness Coining
which characterises the Lombard code, we learn thatgery,°r"
tho name punishment was inflicted on any one who,ccx!iiL
without tho king's order, stamped gold or coined money,
1 Tho law HiiyB, ' Sorvus mawflavius licontiam habeat do peculio
feuo ' : but *puculium' scorns hoi*o lo bo usod iis equivalent to
•poeus,' *i»id ll°k ^° hour ila special juristic moaning of a slave's
own properly.
51 11 2,$7~-Mi (W#)«
" Tho,so romurlcH worn callod tlicdatura or snaida. The first is
apjmn«nily n won-Toutonic word, but 1 have not mot with any
probable derivation for it. Tho second, a Lombard word, is prob-
ably coim<*t*t<4l with whneidcn, to cut,
VOL. VL I*
210 The Legislation of RotharL
BOOK vii. and also on any one who forged a charter or other
1-1— document \
Burgiari- A measure of police, for the peace and good order of
into a city, the cities, follows. ' If any free man enters any city or
village 2 by the wall, or leaves it in the same manner,
without the cognisance of his magistrate 3, he shall pay
the king's court a fine of 20 solidi (£12). An Aldius or
slave committing the same offence is to pay a fine of
10 solidi. If he commits a robbery he shall pay the
fine for such robbery imposed by this edict in addition/
Piftno- Then follow some obscure and difficult laws 4, which
cvxi-v- I will not presume to interpret, as to the custom of
pignoratio, which ^ was a sort of distraint upon the
goods of a debtor executed by a creditor on his own
responsibility. He was not allowed to resort to this
process of self-compensation till after he had on three
successive days called upon the debtor to pay his
debt, and if he made any mistake in executing it {for
instance, if he took the slave of A as security for
the payment of the debt of B), he might have to
restore eight times the value of the pledge BO taken,
unless he could swear that he had done it inadver-
tently5. So too the man who had given a pledge
3 ' Si quis sino jussiono Regis aunun signavorit ant monotam
confinxerit manua ojus incidatur' (1, 242). 'Si quis chartum
Msam scripsorit, ant quodlibot niembraiium, nwnun ojus inci-
datur' (1. 243).
2 < Castrum/
3 ' Siuo notitia JudiciB sui * (1. 244). The terrain of this law look
as if it wore meant for the Roman rather than thu Lombard
population.
* 11. 243-257.
fi The Roman story of the arrest of Virginia by ordor of Appiun
Claudius the Decemvir porhapB illustrates the kind of abuse of
Theft.
211
(wadia) for the maintenance of an action and failed BOOK vn
to redeem it within six days was fined 1 2 solidi. -J^-.L'_ .
The section of the edict which deals with theft con-
tains eleven short and simple laws * ; the next section,
that which is concerned with the case of fugitive slaves,
is about twice as long, though it contributes only
thirteen laws to the collection2. Evidently under
the Lombard kings, as under the Presidents of the
United States who reigned before Abraham Lincoln,
the recapture of fugitive slaves was a mutter which
occupied a considerable part of the thoughts of the
local , magistrates.
AH for theft, if the article stolen wan of the value of TM*.
10 Nih'</ UCMI (5 nli ill ings), the thief, if a free man, had
to restore the value of the object ninefold, and to pay
a fine of 80 solidi (,£48). He might, it is true, escape
from this heavy fine by accepting the penalty of death.
For the slave the fine wan 40 Holidi, the rent of the
punishment was the same. The free woman (if * folk-
free') arrested in the act of theft was only called upon
to pay the ninefold value. No other fine was to be
exacted from her, but she was to go back to her
home arid muse on the injury which «he bad done to
her reputation by attempting HO indecent an action.
Any one finding gold or an article of raiment on the
highway, and raining it higher than his knee, if
he did not declare what he had diwcovered to the
magistrate was to restore ninefold,
We pans to the lawB which deal with the cawe of
tho law of tlobtor nnd creditor which mmlo HUH stringent
r 2
1 11. 258-268.
'-' 11. 269-281.
2i2 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. slaves escaping from their masters. If such a slave
' or a free man escaping from justice were caught, it
was the duty of the magistrate of the place where the
capture occurred to hand over two solidi as a reward
to the captor, and keep the slave that he might restore
him to his master, or the fugitive that he might restore
him to his pursuers. Did such a fugitive, having once
been caught, escape, his keeper must swear that he
had not intentionally released him, but had guarded
him to the utmost of his power. Otherwise (apparently)
he made himself responsible for the consequences of
his escape. If the fugitive, when challenged and sum-
moned to surrender, did not give his hands to be tied,
the pursuer slaying him was not to be held answerable
for his death l.
All men were bound to hinder the slave in his
flight, and to assist in detaining him. If a ferryman
rowed him across a stream he was put on his defence,
and unless he could swear a solemn oath that he was
ignorant of the fugitive slave's condition, he was
compelled to join in the quest, and if that were
unsuccessful, to pay to the owner a sum equal to the
slave's value, and a fine moreover of 20 solidi (£12) to
the king's court. If the slave took refuge in a
private house, the owner was justified in breaking
into it, the fury of the pursuing master being deemed
sufficient justification for the technical offence agaiimi
the rights of property2. If any one knowingly har-
1 Nor if he were slain by the fugitive was any demand to l>o
made [of the slave's nmto?J on account of that murdor (<ofc ni
illo qui fugacem hominom comprohondere voluorit ab ipwo oceittiw
fuerit non roquiratur') (1. 269).
2 'Non roputotur oulpa domino pro oo quod in curto alter! UB
Fugitive Slaves. 213
boured a fugitive slave, or supplied him with food, or BOOK vn.
showed him the way, or gave him a lift on his journey, 1-1~
the man who had thus helped the fugitive was bound
first of all to go forth and find him, and if he failed to
do that must pay the value of the slave, and of any
property which he might have carried off with him,
together with compensation for the work which had
been damaged by the slave's flight.
As a rule, any one in whose house a slave sought
shelter was bound to send a message to the master
announcing the fact. If he failed to do so, and kept
the slave more than nine nights1, he was responsible
for any injury that the slave might commit, or for the
lows to the owner caused by his death.
These rules applied to all elates. Even the officers
of the king's court, the Gaxtnldiw, or Actor Jteyis, the
dignitaries of the Church, a priest or a bishop might
not permanently shelter a fugitive slave, but having
been Hummonod three times were bound to surrender
him to his lord. Jf it happened, however (as seems
often to have been the cause), that the hoxiseholder
with whom the slave had taken refuge came forth and
made peace between the slave and his master, per-
Buading the latter to receive him back 'in favour and
peace,' and if afterwards the master, breaking his
promise, avenged himself on his slave for his flight,
lie nmst for such violation of bin plighted word pay to
an ordinary householder 20 solid! (.£12), or twice that
furorom in Bwvum Buum habons, rom suam ajpprohondoru visuw
<>Bt> (I 378).
1 'Hi <JIUH nmiwipium fugax in casti nuil noHcumto domino wiper
nov«»m nwtttH hubuorit * (!• 279)« Notico lh<> Teutonic cuatoiu of
reckoning by nighta instead of days ; our fortnight.
214 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. amount to one of the king's officers, or to a dignitary
CH'5 of the Church, if it was one of these whose intercession
had thus been rendered of no avail. In the last case,
that of broken faith with a bishop or priest, the forty
solidi were to be deposited * on the sacred altar where
the injury had been done V
The general tenour of these laws seems to show that
the sympathy of the whole community, not of the
semi-servile rustics only, but also of the rich and
powerful, was wont to be on the side of an escaping
slave, and that the royal legislator must raise his voice
loudly to secure a hearing for the rights of property
in human flesh as then recognised by the law.
offcncoH We come to a short section of the Code which deals
public with offences against the public peace. To enter
xxii- another man's house in wrath and passion 2 was such
an offence, and was called hoveros, a word which
perhaps signifies c house-storming V The penalty for
such an offence, if committed by a man, was 20 Holidi
(£12), but ea woman cannot commit the offence of
breach of the house-peace, which is hoveros : because it
seems to be absurd that a woman, whether free or
bond, should be able, like a man, to do violence with
arms V
1 A Aut sit culpabilw ipsi Ecclesiae solidos xl., ita ut per actorom
regis oxigantur, et in sacro altari ubi injuria facta ost ponnntur '
(I- 277 .
2 'JIaistm, id est irato aiiimo,' or as wo say, with haaty tompor
(I. 282).
3 Moyer derives hoocros from hof, a court, and an oxtinct root
riusan, to break, perhaps connected with rush. It is curious that
Moyer connects it with the German rohr, a reed.
4 ' Mulier curtis rupturam, <juod est hwww, facere non potost ;
quod absurdum esse videtur ut xnulier libera aut ancilla, quani
vir, .cum armis vim facere possit ' (L 283),
Breaches of the Peace, 2I5
The next two laws1 point to the danger to the State BOOK vn.
arising from the oppressed condition of the slaves or °H 5'
'If the slaves, by the advice of the country-folk < HOW
(wttiticani), shall enter a village with an armed band
to do mischief, any free man under the sway of ourdare*
kingdom who shall put himself at their head shall
run the risk of losing his life, and shall at all events
pay 900 solidi (,£540), half to the king, and half to
him to whom the injury was done. If the leader he
a slave, and not a free man, let him be put to death.
The slaves are to pay 40 solidi (,£24), to be divided as
aforesaid/
Th« second law deals with something like a resisted
eviction. Hero the ru$ticani> whom I take to be
equivalent to coloni, are the movers in the tumult, and
their punishment is lens heavy than that of slaves.
'If for any cause the country-folk shall collect
together to make a conspiracy and a sedition, and
shall threaten any one2, or forcibly cany off a slave or
a beafct which the lord may have wished to remove
from the house of his slave, then he who has put him-
self at the head of the rustics shall die, or redeem his
life according to his fixed price, and all who have run
into that sedition to do evil shall pay 12 solidi (£74^-)?
half to the king, and half to him who has suffered
from the act of violence/ Assaults committed by the
niHticH on the lord attempting to recover his property
arc to be compounded for according to the before-
mentioned tariff. If any of the rustics be killed, no
claim for coinpennatiou is to arise.
1 11 284, 285.
* * Ki cuicum<iuA «o antapOHuorml.'
2i6 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK yii. These two laws are of considerable importance for
"L * "L •
their bearing on the question hereafter to be discussed
as to the extent of the application of these laws of
Rothari; whether meant for Lombards alone, or for
Lombards and Eomans equally. It will be noticed that
the words of the first law are very general — c any free
man under the sway of our kingdom V These words
should certainly cover the case of a free but subject
Roman as well as of a Lombard. But then it is
enacted that he shall be put to death, or shall at least
pay a fine of 900 solidi. It may be argued that while
the free Roman was to be put to death without
question, the free Lombard was to have the chance of
redeeming himself by a fine 2. A somewhat nimilar
alternative is offered in the next law to the ringleader
of the rustics, perhaps in view of the same difference
of nationality.
Kurai life, The seventy-three laws :i which follow take us over
a wide field, and I regret that the space at my disposal
does not allow me to copy in detail the picture which
they give us of the economic and social condition of
the Lombards. More than we might have expected
from the inhabitants of a land so rich in cities as Italy,
these laws seem to bring before us a population of
country-dwellers, I had almost said of country-squires,
who still, like their ancestors in the first century, * shun
the continuous row of houses, and settle, scattered
over their various homes, as the fountain, the moor or
the grove may have caught the fancy of each V We
1 f Quicunquo liber homo sub Eegni nostri ditiono,*
3 ' Animae suae iucurrat periculum aut cerfce componat solidos
dcccc.' s 11. 286-358.
4 ' Nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est,
Rural Life. 2I1
see them fencing round their meadows with planks or BOOKVII.
quickset hedges \ and often trying to claim more than °H'5*
they can thus encompass2. One lawless neighbour
breaks down the fence entirely, and is fined 6 solidi :
or he pulls out one plank or one bough, and has to
pay 2 solidi ; or whole squares of lattice-work 3, and
pays 3 solidi. Another with unjust mind hacks to
pieces the woodwork of a plough (which our Lombard
kinsmen called plovum), or steals the bell from a
horse's neck, or the yoke or the harness-thongs from
the patient ox. The fine for the first of these mis-
deeds is 4 solidi ; for the other acts, and for most
of those offences against rural peace which are about
to be enumerated, the fine is 6 solidi.
The elaborate laws for the protection of vines show vines,
that the Lombards appreciated that slender and
delicate tree which is married so happily to the elm
everywhere in the rich plain of Lombardy, and by the
fame of whose joyous fruitage they themselves, accord-
ing to the Saga, had been tempted into Italy4. But
we read with astonishment that though the wayfarer
might help himself to three grapes without offence, for
any taken above that number he must pay the
regulation fine of 6 solidi5.
no pati (juidcni intor se junctas sedos. Colunt discreti ac diversi,
ut foiiH, ut campus, ut nemus placuit ' (Tacitus, Germania, xvi).
1 Tho plank fonco is called by a Latin name, ' sepes assiata ' :
tho tfcuoric word for hedge is the Teutonic eterzon (compare
Anglo-Hnxon codor and German zaun, each of which = hedge) :
tho quicknct hedge is ' sepes stantaria.'
- 'Tun turn vindicot cujus torra est quantum clausura potest
di'fowUWd. 358).
:J * PorlicuH trunsvorsarias ' (1. 292). 4 See p. 62.
* * Wi tyuis Hupor tros uvas de vinea aliena tuleiit componat
ai8 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. The announcement that the maker of a hedge by
°H' 5' which man or beast is injured or slain will be held
'responsible for the injury, or even for the homicide,
strangely reminds us of modern controversies about
barbed wire-fencing ; but he who digs a ditch round
his plot of land is liable to no claim for compensation
for man or beast injured by falling into it, ' because
he did it for the safety of his field, and not with
guile ' ; and the same exception applies to the digger
of a well, * because the well-water is a common gift for
the benefit of all V
We find a similar allusion to natural right in the
laws relating to the taking of honey. If a man steal
a bee-hive with the bees inside it he pays r 2 solidi ;
if he find a swarm of bees on a tree on which the
owner has set his mark, he pays 6 soiidi ; but if there
be no mark on the tree he may take the honey and
keep it 'by the law of nature/ Only this 'law of
nature' does not apply to the gahagia* or game-
coverts of the king ; and even in other forests, if tho
lord chances to come riding by, the finder of the honey
must give it up to him, but shall not be liable to any
further blame for taking it.
Young A similar rule applies to the finding of young falcons
on an unmarked tree. Here, too, the finder may keep
solidos vi: nam si usque tres tulorit, nulla sit oi culpa* (1. 301)*
* Uva * may mean not a single grape, but a cluwfcor ; but oven BO
the law seems very strict for Italy.
1 ' Quia putei aqua communis omnium eat utilitas ' (1. 306).
2 ' Si quis de arbore signato in silvfl, altorius apow tulorit com-
ponat sol. vi ; nam si signatum non fuorit, tune qui invenerit
jure naturae habeat sibi, oxcepto c/ahagio Regifl, et si contigerit
dominus cujus silva est superveniro, tollat sibi ipso (sic) mel «t
amplius culpa non requiratur ' (1. 3 1 9). Q-ahagium = German gctwge.
Equestrian matters.
219
them unless the lord of the forest comes upon the BOOK vn.
Hcene. But if on any pretence, from trees marked or CH'5'
unmarked, he takes young falcons from the nest in the
king's yahagium, he must pay a fine of 1 2 solidi.
The Lombards were apparently a nation of horse- Horse-
men, and many laws are devoted to questions connected mans lp*
with matters equestrian. To knock out a horse's eye,
or cut off its ear, or do it any other bodily injury, sub-
jected the offender to the penalty of restoring another
horse of equal value l to that which he had maimed.
To cut off the hairs of its tail2 was punished with
a fine of 6 solidi. To make any disfiguring marks upon
it, whereby the owner might be prevented from know-
ing his own, was so obviously the next step to theft
that it was punished accordingly by a fine of ninefold
the horse's value 3. To mount another man's horse and
ride it about in the neighbourhood was an offence
punishable with a fine of 2 solidi ; but to take it off
on a journey without the owner s leave was virtual
theft, and punished by the ninefold fine. But some-
times a man would find himself quite innocently in
possession of a horse that did not belong to him. It
had come straying into his courtyard, and was doing
damage there. What must an honest Lombard do in
#uch a case ? He must take the horse to the local
1 Fertptulo, ft word of rather frequent occurrence, meaning
* oquivalont.'
8 'Hi <juis caballi alioni caudom cappellaverit, id est setas
tan turn comp. soli. vi.f
s 'Furti pona wit eulpabilis, id est in ahtugiU sibi nonum
mMiit* (1. 34 1). Thin pa&sago proves that alituglld (eight-fold)
nnd «www redden* liavo tho same meaning. The offender has to
* tho ntolon animal and eight timos its value, that is, nonum
220 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK YII. magistrate or to the congregation assembling at the
— . church door *, four or five times, and must make pro-
clamation to all men by the voice of the crier : c I have
found a horse and I know not whose it is/ Having
done this, if no owner appeared, he might safely keep
it and ride it as his own ; but when the horse died he
must keep a note of the markings on its skin, that he
might have somewhat to show to the owner should
he at last make his appearance. If he complied with
these regulations he was free from all further responsi-
bility; if he failed in any of them he was liable to the
ninefold fine.
Perhaps a man who had lost his horse would entrust
the quest for it to a servant, telling him the marks by
which to know the missing animal, and the Boarcho.r
would in his ignorance lay hands upon the wrong horse
and ride it off to his master's stable. Thereupon the
real owner of the second horse appears upon the scene
and brings a charge of horse-stealing. Then let him in
whose keeping the horse is make solemn oath that the
mistake was involuntary, and if he have treated thu
horse well while it was in his stables he shall be subject
to no further action.
(j-ame- The laws respecting the pursuit of game are nu-
merous, but except for those previously quoted, which
imply that the king's own c/ahagium was strictly pre-
served, they do not seem to indicate that jealous
monopoly of the pleasures of the chase which was char-
acteristic of feudal times* If a stag or any other wild
creature has been shot by a man it becomes his, but
the right of property in it lasts for only twenty-four
3 * Ducat eum ad judicem qui in loco ordinatus ost, aut cevto
ante ecclesla (sic) in conventus (sic),9
Game Laws. 221
hours l. If a passer-by finds a wild beast wounded by BOOK vn.
a hunter or caught in his snares, it is his duty to carry -
the prize to the hunter, for which he shall be rewarded
by the right shoulder and seven ribs 2. If he conceals
the capture,, he shall pay the hunter a fine of 6 solidi 3.
If he be injured by a wild beast which has been caught
in a snare, he has a right to compensation from the
setter of the snare. But if of his own free will and
out of desire of gain he goes to such a wild beast,
either ensnared or surrounded by dogs, and tries to
make it his prey, then the consequences are on his
own head, and he has no redress against the first
huntsman 4.
If a beast being wounded by the hunter meets a man,
and slays him in its fury, the hunter will be held an-
swerable for homicide. But this holds good only so
long as the hunter is actually pursuing his quest with
his dogs and his artillery. When he has given it up,
and turned homewards, he ceases to be liable for the
consequences of the rage of the wounded animal 5*
1 1. 314. 2 1. 3". * L 3i3- 4 L 3«-
15 ' Nam si ipsam feram postposuerit et se ab ea tornaverit » . , ,
non roquiratur ab eo qui plagayit aut incitavit ' (L 309). Muratori
connects this passage with the curious story told by Theophanes,
that the Imperial army, fighting against the Avars in Thraco
(587), fled in panic because a soldier had cried out rff irarpfa <£«?//
to the owner of a baggage mule whose load had fallen off, To'pw,
-ropva, cfrpdrpt . Theophylact Simocatta, whose testimony on the point
is even more valuable, as he was a contemporary of Maurice and
Phoeas, and wrote therefore about two centuries beforeTheophanes,
Says, fanxtopty yXo)T'<77 eis rowrrtcro> TpairecrQat (xXXos aXXti) Trpocrerarre jSeropca
/*era pey'HTTM T»pa%ov $Qeyy&\*,*voi (Hist. 11. Ig). Mr. Bury (ii. 123,
n. i) considers these words 'the earliest extant specimen of tho
Roumanian or Wallachian language/ It is curious that such
common and widely-spread words as 'turn,* 'return,' and the
222
The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL This whole section with which we are now dealing
H' ig concerned mainly with laws relating to animals, but
after reading that he who strikes a cow in calf, and
causes her to miscarry, must pay one tremissis (the.
third part of a solidus), and he who does a similar
injury to a mare in foal shall pay one solidus, we aro
shocked to find1 that he who strikes another IWUI'H
female slave, thereby causing abortion, payw only
3 solidi, only half the fine for stealing a horse's halter,
or pulling the hairs out of its tail There is nothing
in the Code of this strange semi-barbarous people which
goes so far to justify St. Gregory's phrase * nofaudisHnni
Langobardi ' as this.
Lunacy, Incidentally to the discussion of injuries wrought l>y
animals (which must, as a rule, be compounded for l>y
their masters) we learn that 'if, as a punishment for
his sins, a man becomes rabid or demoniac, and cloen
damage to man or beast, compensation shall not ho
claimed from his heirs/ and conversely, if he himnelf
be killed while in that state of frenzy, his hems shall
not be entitled to claim gmdrigild on his behalf!
Herds of The various laws about swine and swineherds show
cccxiii- that the unclean creature which Virgil does not con-
descend to notice in the Georgics played an important
part in the husbandry of the Lombards. If a man
found a herd of swine rooting about in his meadow,
he might kill one, and not be asked to compensate the
owner 2. If not in a meadow, but still feeding on land
which was not their owner's, he might keep one as
a hostage, and claim compensation for the rest at the
like should have travelled into Western Europe from Thraco by
way of the Avars and the Lombards.
1 1- 339« s L 350.
Herds of Swine. 223
rate of 3 siliquae (amounting to the eighth of a soliclus) BOOK vn.
per pig1. The champion boar of one of these great - -.* -
herds of swine was a valuable animal, and went among
the Lombards by the name of sonorpair 2, and the theft
of this hero among swine was punished by a fine of
12 solicli. But it was ordained that unless the herd
consisted of at least 30 swine, its champion should
not be considered to have attained to the dignity of
a sonorpair. The swineherds (porcarii) were evidently
a quarrelsome class of men, themselves often the slaves
of serfs, and two lawsu are devoted to the* special
question of the quarrels with 'assault and battery'
which arose among them.
Lastly, to close this agricultural section of the Code, iwun
it is ordained that 'no one shall have liberty to deny WH//
to travellers the right of grazing their liorHos, except <u
it be in a meadow at haytime, or in a harve,st-fiold.
But after the hay or other crops have been gatheml
in, let the owner of land only vindicate the possession
of so much of it as he can surround by a fence. For
if he shall presume to remove the hor&ea of traveller**
from the stubbles4, or from the pantxiren where other
cattle are feeding, he shall pay the ninefold fine for
these horses because he has dared to remove them
from the open field which is fornaccar (land that hits
yielded its crop). We ask ourselves here what it wan
that the churlish Lombard landowner had to repay
in ahtuyild* It seems hardly credible that it can
2 From 6'?ww, u herd, and fair, a boar. * Dicitur
omnoB vom»B in grogo buttit ot vmeit* (L 351)*
!J 11. 352 and 353.
* * Do
224 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. have been the actual value of the horse to which he
— . had denied a meal. Was it the computed value of the
horse's grazing ?
Judicial From these pastoral and agricultural provisions we
So25x-ure' pass to the laws a which regulate the judicial procedure
cccixvi. Q£ ^e Lombards. A rude and primitive kind of pro-
Iiwtitu- ^ r *
of cedure it was. one from which the barbarous ' wager of
- ^ m ^
battle ' was not yet entirely eliminated, but in which
that appeal to brute force was being gradually super-
seded by a rough, but generally effective appeal to the
conscience of the accused person and his friends. For
we have now to deal with that system of combined
swearing to the truth of a fact, or the falsehood of an
accusation, which is generally called comply cvtwn9 and
out of which probably sprang the Anglo-Saxon jury.
But as the word ' compurgation ' is a term of later
introduction — unknown, I believe, to any of the bar-
baric codes — and as the functions of a modern jury
are altogether unlike, almost opposed to those of the
fellow-swearers of the Lombard law, we shall do well
to avoid the use of either term, and confine ourselves
to the word sacramentales, which is that always twed
in the Codes not only of the Lombards, but of the
Alamanni, the Frisians, and the Bavarians. The Lom-
bard name for these persons seems to have boon Aides,
a word obviously connected with the Gothic Aithn,
the German Eicl, and the English Oath, and meaning
swearers ; but the Lombard legislator writing in Latin
prefers to use the words sacramcntuni and sacra-
mentaliu, connected of course with the modern French
serment The principle involved in this judicial process,
so unlike our modern ideal of judicial investigation,
1 1L 359-366.
JTrial by Oath. 225
but so widely spread through all the Teutonic nations, BOOKVIL
was evidently this: — One free German warrior accuses !L^L-
another of a certain offence, say of having stolen his
horse, or murdered his slave. The accused man denies
the fact ; a multitude of his friends gather round him,
and echo his denial : it seems as if there would bo
a bloody quarrel between the two parties. In earlier
centuries the matter would have been thus settled by
the strong hand, but now in the age of the migration
of the peoples, a somewhat clearer vision of a possible
* Reign of Law' has dawned upon the Teutonic mind.
In order to prevent the interminable f<ti<fa (blood-
feud) from breaking out upon this trivial occasion, it is
ordained that a given number of the friends of each
disputant shall by solemn oath, either upon the Holy
Gospels or upon their weapons of war consecrated by
a Christian priest, assert their belief in the truth of
the statements made by him whoso cause they Favour.
It may be said, 'And how much further does that
process carry you ? Of course each group will swear
till sunset to the truth of its own side of tho question.*
Apparently it wan not HO; there was still much reverence
for truth in these rough, Rome-conquering Teutons.
They wore not like some modern party- politicians,
or like a jury of Celtic farmers. They recognised in
some degree the inviolable claims of truth, and thin
old pugan virtue of theirs was reinforced by the awful
sanctions of the Church and by tho drewl of endless
torment awaiting him who Bworo falsely on the Holy
Gospels or the consecrated arms. Some rough exami-
nation or discussion of tho facts of the allied olt'ence
probably took place among tho ,sww/mv//^A'x, un<i at
length it was generally found (this must have heen the
VOL. vi. ^
226 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. case, or the practice would have fallen into disuse) that
°H'5' on one or other side a * swearer ' yielded to the force
of evidence, and admitted either that the plaintiff had
failed to make good his attack, or the defendant his
defence. When this was done, when either one of the
litigants or any of his supporters said 'I no longer
dare to s^ear to the truth of our cause/ then the
sacramentum was said to be broken, and the beaten
party must pay his guidrigild if defendant, or if
plaintiff must renounce his claim1.
These appear to be the general principles which
governed the trial by sacramentum. It has been
already remarked how utterly it differed from the trial
by jury, which is in a sense its offspring. The modern
juror is chosen expressly as a disinterested and im-
partial person : the sacramentales were chosen Ixseauno
they were friends and relatives of one or other of the
litigants. The modern juror is exhorted to ditimiHB
from his mind all previous knowledge that he may
have acquired of the case, and to judge only ou the.
evidence before him. The sacramentaKs judged from
his previous knowledge, and almost from that alone.
Unanimity is required of a modern English jury, and
one obstinate juror who holds out against the remain-
ing eleven is an object of general dislike, and is laboured
with till he can be brought to a better mind. The one
sacramentalis who yielded to conviction, and declared
1 As the s6srd law of King Eothari says : ' Tune intolligitur
sacramentum esse ruptum quando in praesenti sacroimncta wm-
gelia (sic) aut arma sacrata, ipse qui pulsatur cum sacramentalilwH
suis conjunxerint et non ausus fuerit jurare ; et si ipse aut alieiuift
de sacramentalibus ipsius se subtraxerit, tune intellegatur sacra-
mentum ruptum esse.'
A Lombard Law-suit. 227
that he durst not swear to the truth of his principal's BOOK vu.
assertion, was in the Teutonic institution the hero of J:"~'-
the day, and it was his act of ' breaking the sacra-
mentum* which decided the right and wrong of the
dispute.
Having thus described the general principle of trial cvurs«M»f
r i . 7 . n • -I , n il Lombard
by sacramentum, let us briefly consider the manner in
which such a trial was conducted according to the
legislation of Rothari.
As soon as a matter of dispute arose between two
free Lombards, the plaintiff (who was called ilfe <jni
pulsat) called upon the defendant (ilt<> <{ui ptthafnr) to
furnish security for the satisfaction of his claim. The
defendant then gave some material pledge (/m<//Vf),
probably of no great value, and 'found bail/ as we
should say, or in other words prevailed on some cue of
his friends to act aB guarantor (^/tdiyiMw) that the
plaintiff's claim should be duly met l. Twelve ' nights' (ia
Teutonic phrase) were allowed him in which to appeal*
and rebut the claim by his oath, and if, by reason of
illness or for any other cause, he failed to do so, twelve
more nights were allowed, and so on as excuse wan
pleaded. But if, on one pretext or other, he evaded his
obligation for a whole year, judgment went against him
by default. And similarly, he who made the claim, if
1 Thoro wa« a close connection botwoon tho trutHa and tho
ftdtyUUHQr, which waw apparently thin. Tho wuliu wan deposited
as a material evidence of tho defendant'** liability to mwt tho
plaintifTH claim* Ho was, however, bound to givo moro sub-
stantial Hocurity )>y finding a Bolvont fi drjitttHor who would go bail
for him, and io whom, on hiH uppmrancut, tho wwlia wn.s hund<»<I
ovor to ktM»]> till tho tonuination of th<» HuiL H<»o * Laun<«#Hd uti<l
Wadia* by Dr. Anton Val do Liovro (Itmnbruuk, iH??), pp* 165-
1 88. (Unfortunately I only mot with thiw Intatim* whilo <JH'N<»
were panning tlirough the
« 2
228 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIT. lie delayed for a whole year to establish it by means of
°H* ' sacramentales, lost all right to speak of the claim there-
after, and presumably had to restore the uwrfin. For
the rule was, 'Let him who is prepared to give the
sacramentum have firm possession of the matter in
dispute.' If neither party thus made delay, and the
cause came on for trial, it was the duty of the plaintiff
(if the case were a grave one, affecting values of 20 solid!
or upwards1) to nominate six sacramentales from among;
the near kindred of the defendayit. In thus nominating,
however, he might not choose any man who wan known
to be at enmity with his kinsman — for instance, any
one who had struck him a blow, or conspired for his
death, or who had thinged away property to another
to which that kinsman had a claim. The defendant
associated himself with these six men, find then appa-
rently these seven chose five others, of whom it is only
enacted that they should be free men-* W» should
have expected to find that these last five wore, to be
all kinsmen of the plaintiff, to match the six kinsmen
of the defendant, but the law is not so written, The
group of twelve sacramentales thus collected then pro-
ceeded to swear as to the rights of the* case on tin*
Holy Gospels, and it would seem that they must have
gone on swearing until the strain upon the consciona;
became too great to be borne, and the M
1 But how if the cause of action wore not civil, but criminal V
The answer is, that under the system of tjmdrltflld wry wiuw
(with a few very rare exceptions) was capable of Jwintf tmnnlnf <»<!
into the language of a civil action.
2 'Ad evangelia sacra jurot cum xii unloit HUOH, id «st HWW-
mentales: ita ut sex illi nominontur ab illo qui pulnui, <-l
septimus sit ille qui pulsatur, et ^uhnjuo qudcs wlmrint
(1- 359).
A Lombard Law-suit.
229
was broken by the defendant or one of his kinsmen BOOK VIL
refusing to swear any longer. If this did not happen, Cir" 5'
we must suppose that judgment was given for the
defendant. Truly a strange way of arriving at truth
in litigation, and one which seems unduly to favour
the defendant, but in practice it cannot have been
a complete failure, or men would not have continued
to use it for centuries. If the cause were less impor-
tant, represented by a value between 12 and 20 solidi
(£7 46'. to £12), there were only six sacrament'iles,
three chosen by the plaintiff, and two by the defendant,
who himself became the sixth. And the whole number
swore, not on the Gospels, but on the consecrated, arms *.
If the matter in dispute were of less value than
12 solidi there were only three sacramental^, the
defendant, the nominee of the plaintiff, and a third
chosen by both. They swore simply ad arma, appa-
rently withotit any special religious rite. There are
various provisions with which I need not now weary
the reader, for the case of the death of a litigant or
a savramentalis before the cause was decided, but the
following law is worth quoting entire: *lf a man be
attacked (pulsatus) by another on account of any fault,
and denies it, let it be lawful for him to justify him-
self ($e idoniare) according to the law and the gravity
of the accusation (qualitatem causa?) . But if he shall
openly -proclaim that ho committed it, let him pay
compowition according to that which is set down in
this Edict ; for it shall uot be allowable for any man
after he has openly confessed, afterwards to deny by
the guilt which he lain ouce admitted.
1 * Ad arma wacrata.' Wo huvo, I think, no further information
as to tho ceremony horo alluded to.
230 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn. Because we have known many in our kingdom who
— a * ' have set up such wicked contentions. These things
have moved us to correct them by the present law
and hring them to a better state of mind/
Besides this system of trial by sacramentales, there
i>7tatfe>.° evidently still survived the older and yet more barba-
rous system of the camfio*, the warrior who offered
what our forefathers called ' wager of battle/ As to
this practice the laws unfortunately give us scarcely
any information. We are told, however, that certain
questions, such as the legitimacy of a son, the murder
of a wife by her husband, the right to the mundium of
a married woman, were to be decided* by free sacra-
mentales, ' because it appears to us unjust that so grave
a matter should be disposed of in battle by the resist-
ing power of one man's shield V On the other hand,
the man who has in anger called a free woman (in
another man's mundium) a harlot or a witch, if he
repeats the charge in cold blood and maintains its
truth, must prove it by a camfio. The woman accused
of plotting the death of her husband may prove her
innocence either by the sacramentum or by persuading
some camfio to fight in her behalf.
It was ordained 3 that no camfio in going forth t< >
the judicial combat should presume to carry upon his
person magical spells * or anything of that kind. ' Let
him bring only the stipulated arms, and if any suspicion
arise that he is privily wearing articles of magic, lot
1 Connected, as was before pointod out, with the morioni
German Kampf, and our champion.
* 'Quia injustum videtur esse ut tarn grnndis cauwa sub UNO
scuto per pugnam dimittatur' (11. 164-166).
8 By 1.368.
Wager of Battle. 231
enquiry be made by the judge ; and If any such be BOOK vn.
found upon him, let them be torn out and cast away. -- *~"
And after these enquiries let the camfio himself lay
his hand in the hand of his comrade 1 in the presence
of the judge, and declare in a satisfactory manner -
that he has nothing pertaining to enchantment on his
person* Then let him go to the encounter/
An important lawa defines the position of the vm/v-
gango, or foreigner who has come to settle in tho land
* under the shield of our royal power V It is declared
that men of this class ought to live according to the
laws of the Lombards, e unless they have obtained from
our Piety the right to live according to nonio other
law. If they have legitimate HOIUH, let them be their
heirs just like the sons of tho Lombards ; but if they
have no legitimate sons, they shall have no power to
thing away their property, or to alienate it by any
other form of conveyance without the king's command.'
The language of this law clearly shows that there were*
other laws besides those of the Lombard invaders
prevalent within the peninsula ; but hero, as in a pre-
vious enactment, * living according to the laws of the
Lombards' seems to be spoken of OH rather a duty
than a privilege, Probably tho explanation at any
rate of this law is, that the king's court wan deter-
mined to keep its grasp on the property of thone
wealthy wareyanyi in the event, perhaps a frequent
event, of their dying without legitimate male iwwe.
This tendency of the king's court to enforce and
1 ' ConliWtuH ' horo uppur<aitly=*l>nck<ir" ur 'H
8 ' Auto judicom HAtmiiufii'tkH <imai.* ' 1. 367,
4 Tho wnwytwyo of Lombard law fo iho /aVwoi of Athenian, lh*>
of Konian law.
232 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vn exaggerate all pecuniary claims against the private
— H>1' individual (a tendency which may be partly excused
J the fact that apparently there was no regular
x-er' S7stem of taxation in the Lombard state) is further
manifested by laws 369 to 373. In all cases in which
the king is interested as plaintiff, the composition
payable to him is to be double that payable to a sub-
ject, the only exceptions being that of forcible abduc-
tion and marriage of a woman, or murder, in both of
which the already heavy fine of 900 solidi is not to be
exceeded. If a slave of the king commit murder, the
king's court will pay the prescribed guidriyild, and
the slave will then be hung over the dead man's grave ;
but in all cases involving the fine of 900 solidi the
king's court is not to be called upon to pay the
fine, though the slave will incur the risk of capital
punishment.
Then, further, for the protection of the officers of
the court who are executing the orders of their lord, it
is enacted that if a sculdhaizo (which we may perhaps
translate 'justice of the peace') or other agent of the
king T is killed or assaulted in the performance of his
duty, the offender shall, over and above the ordinary
yuidrigild, pay a fine of 80 solidi (,£48) to the king'n
courtl But in order to guard against those abuses of
official position for the sake of private gain, which in
the days of the Itoman Republic made the government
of the provinces a byword, it was enacted that no (ja$~
taldius* receiving any gift by gairethinx from a private
person during his tenure of office should be allowed to
retain such gift except by a special 'precept of the
'Actor regis/ tt 1, 374.
8 Eovonue officer or Royal Intendant.
Witchcraft. 233
king's indulgence.' Without such express sanction any BOOK vn.
property acquired by him during his administration . —11'.-
went straight into the grasp of the king's court *.
The Lombards, as may be discerned from the char-
acter of their early sagas related to us by Paulus, u
were a somewhat superstitious people, haunted by the
fearful and shadowy forebodings of the German forest- Jliixxvi.
life, and especially afraid of the mysterious might of
women who were hi league with the powers of dark-
ness. Hence the words striyct 2 and rncwn, signifying
6 witch/ were terms of deadliest insult; and it was
ordained (as we have seen) that any man (except
a father or a brother) who had the MMnrfh'ui of a
woman, forfeited that profitable guardianship if he
called her by either of these opprobrious names fi,
Apparently some of the strange old superstitious about
blood-sucking vampires increased the horror of those
words, for, says the legislator, 'Let no one prasumo
to kill another man's Aldia or female slave on the
ground of her being a striya, which is commonly called
masca. It is a thing not to be conceived of by Chris-
tian minds as possible that a woman can eat a living
man from inside him. Therefore tho penalty for any
such offence shall be 60 solid! (.£36), in addition to the
ordinary ytudriyild ; half of the fine to go to tho owner,
and half to the king's court And if any judge shall
have ordered the man to do that wicked deed, ho
a fitw(/<i in niill tho regular Italian word for witch, and was
npplifid by tho common pooplo of Floronco to a ra;nnt Hhmtrious
visitor to thoir city, IKICHUSO no rain full during hor msi<U'n<**«
there.
;f L 198.
234 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK vii. shall pay the above-written penalty out of his own
— H' pocket V
A brawl- Some curious belated laws about the fines for various
forms of bodily injury form the conclusion of the Code.
j wjjj not describe them here, but will end with one
strange provision as to the death of a 'brawling
woman ' : —
* If a free woman rushes into a brawl 2 where men
are striving, and receives a wound or a blow, or is
slain, she shall be paid for according to her nobility a ;
and the composition shall be so paid as if it had been
the woman's brother against whom the offence had
been committed. No further blame [on account of her
being a woman] shall be attached to the offender, nor
shall the [regular] fine of 900 solidi be exacted, seeing
that she herself rushed into the quarrel, because it is
an indecent thing for a woman so to do V
4 com- It will be seen that here the expression IB used that
d- the slain woman is to be compounded for * according
*° her nobility; ' and in several of the laws of Rothari,
especially the later laws, we have a similar expression :
* let him be compounded for according to his computed
price ' (sicut appreciates fuerit). These words raise
one of the most difficult questions in connection with
Lombard jurisprudence. In most of these barbarian
codes, as is well known, we have a nicely graduated
table of social distinctions, with corresponding varieties
1 1. 376. * ' In scandalum cueurrerit ' (1. 378),
8 * Apprecietur secundum nobilitatom suam,'
4 By law 201 it is provided that if any ono asto animo (with
malice prepense) kills a free woman ho shall pay 1200 solidi. It
is suggested by Davoud Oghlou (ii. 20) that this is made up of 900
fine, and 300 guidrigiU. Troya (iv. 2. 357) Buspectw the error of
a copyist
What was 'Composition according to Nobility"? 235
in the iveregild * paid for each. Thus according to BOOK VTI.
the Alamannic Code, the life of a member of the most H>
noble class (priorissimus Alamannus) is appraised at
240 solidi ; of the middle class of nobility (media-
nus Alamamms) at 200 solidi ; of the minoflidis, or
simple free man, at 160 solidi. Among the Salian
Franks the murderer of an antrustion or grafion (men
belonging to the two highest classes of nobility) had
to pay 600 solidi ; of a sagibaron or legal assessor of
the court 600 or 300 solidi, according to his rank ;
and of a Itoman co'nviva rcyis (king's guest) 300 solidi.
Among the liipuariau Franks the werwjihl of a bishop
was 900 solicit ; of a priest 600 ; of a deacon 500 ; of
a sub-deacon 400 ; and so in several other instances.
Now those words, c according to her nobility/ and e as
he shall have been appraised/ clearly point to some
such gradations of gnidrigild among the Lombards
also, but it is not easy to find it in the Code. We
have, it is true, the distinction between the composi-
tions for a free man, an Aldiw, and a slave, but there
the differentiation apparently ends. What is the
reason of this strange silence? An Italian commen-
tator 2, whoHe main thesis is the utter subjugation, and
servitude of the Ilomans under the Lombard yoke,
maintains that the silence was intentional, and veiled
one of the state secrets (arcana imparity of the con-
tjuerora. Ho call** that secret the variable guidrigild,
and aHHorte that the composition to be paid for a slain
Lombard noble boing written down in no code, re-
mained hidden in the breast of the governor, and
might ho imposed by him according to his will, This
variable (fiiMriyild ho asserts to have been one of the
1 as guitlriyiltl. * Troyn, iv. 2, 377.
236 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK viz. main instruments used by the conquering tribe to
H' * keep their vanquished neighbours in a state of semi-
servitude. This theory may be true, but I confess
that I have not yet met with any adequate proof of
it. To me it seems more probable, either that the
tariff of composition for a slain or wounded noble bus
been omitted for some reason or other by the copyists
of Rothari's manuscript, or that it was never inserted
in the Code because it was so well known to all men
that its rehearsal seemed unnecessary.
We come now at last to the conclusion of the whole
matter ; to the ' Peroration of King Ilothari/ which,
like the Prologue, shall be translated in full ! : —
6 We now confirm this Edict, which by GodVs grace
we have composed after earnest study and long vigils.
By the Divine favour we have persevered in our tank,
enquiring into and calling to remembrance the ancient
laws of our fathers. Those which were not written wo
have nevertheless learned ; and we have added to
them those things which seemed to be expedient for
the common welfare of all, and of our own race [in
particular] ; acting herein with the advice arid by the
consent of the nobles, the judges, and all our luont
prosperous army2; and we now order them to bo
written down on this parchment, with this one reser-
vation, that all things which by the Divine clemency
have been ascertained by our own accurate enquiry,
or which old men have been able to remember con-
cerning the ancient laws of the Lombards, are to bo
J But translation must bo partly paraphrase, for tho construction
of the king's sentences is hopelessly bad,
2 'Pan consilio parique consensum (sic) cum prixnatitwH judi-
cibus, cunetoque folicissimo oxorcitu augente& conf*tituimu&'
Rothari's Peroration. 237
subioined to this Edict1. We add, moreover, hereto BOOK vir.
... OH. f*.
our confirmation by gairethinx, that this law may be - Ill--
firm and enduring, and that both in our own most
prosperous times and in all time to come it may be
kept inviolably by all our successors.
' Here ends the law which King Rothari with his
noble judges 2 has renewed/
There is, however, appended to the Edict a pro-
vision that all causes already decided shall be left
undisturbed, but that any which are still in progress
on that twenty-second clay of November, of the second
Indiction (643), shall be decided according to the
provisions of the Edict. Also that no copies of the
Edict are to be deemed authentic but those which
are written or attested by the hand of Answald the
notary.
Thus then did King Itothari, standing on a spear,
or holding a npear in his hand, in the assembly of the
chiefs <>f his nation in the palace at Puvia, solemnly
confirm by the ceremony of yairethinx the Code which
contained the laws and customs of his barbaric fore-
fathers, with such additioiiH as the statesmen of his
kingdom, after seventy-nix years of residence on the
soil of Italy, deemed it advisable to append thereto.
But he and they were dwelling in a land which had
witnessed the birth and development through nearly
a thouHaml years of the most comprehensive and the
1 PoHHibly tlio miming table of giMrigilfa for mon of
rank tlmn Iho aimplo froo mnn, which HUGUM noemsjuy for tin*
oxplanntiou of Iho wordH 'i*icut apprctiatus ftiM-H,' was purl of
tho lotfinlnUon, whi«h tu^onlhig to tlii» proviso wns to bo nftcr-
pp<*Ji<l(^<l to th<* E<Iict,
'Cum primulow judicoH HUOS.'
238 The Legislation of Rothari.
BOOK VIL most scientific system of jurisprudence that the world
has yet seen. The Roman Law, as codified by Jus-
tinian, was then in force at Ravenna and at Naples,
as it is now, with necessary modifications, in force at
New Orleans and at Batavia. Yet to this Code, one
of the most splendid achievements of the human
intellect, King Rothari and his peers do not refer in
one line of their Edict. Their only mention of the
great name of Rome, as has been already pointed out,
is in that passage where an injury done to a Roman
JT O v »/
female slave is assessed at a lower rate than a similar
injury to her Teutonic fellow-sufferer. And so the
Lombard invaders, like children, repeat the lessons
which they have learned from their forefathers of the
forest, and try to fit in their barbarous law terms into
the stately but terribly misused language of Latium.
Throughout, Roman ideas, Roman rights, the very
existence of a Roman population, are not so much
menaced or invaded, as calmly ignored. The Code of
Rothari, promulgated on the sacred soil of Italy, in
a land which had once witnessed the promulgation of
the Code, the Institutes, and the Digest of Justinian,
is like the black tent of the Bedouin pitched amid the
colonnades of some stately Syrian temple, whose ruined
glories touch no responsive chord in the soul of the
swart barbarian.
CHAPTER VI.
ORIMWALD AKB CONSTANT.
Authorities.
Bourns ;— BOOK VII.
PA UMW ; the LIBKR PONTIFICATES (otherwise called 'Anastaiuus *) ; — -• - -
ami, for the sufferings of Pope Martin, a contemporary document
called * Commemoratio eorum qnae saeviter et sine Dei respeetu
acta fcunt ... in sanetum et apostolicum novuni rovera Con-
feBBorom et Marty rcm Martinnni piii)am.J I take my quotations
from thiw document from BaroniiiB.
'Imperatori e Papi/ }jy Hart. Maffatti, an admirable sketch
of the mutual relations of the Emporortf and the Popetf.
* History of the Later Iloman Empire (London, 1889).
TUB central figure of Lombard histoiy in the seventh
century is (a# I have already said) King Grimwald.
It in true that his reign (662-671) was not a long one,
but it was filled with important events, and included
the most Keriouf* encounter with the power of the
Eantorn Empire that had been witnessed wince Album
entered Italy, Moreover, the eventH of bin early and
middle life attached a kind of romantic interoBt to his
240 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK VIL career which powerfully affected the imaginations of
~^— his countrymen. No name, we may safely say, except
those of Alboin and Authari, was dearer to the Lom-
bard minstrel than that of Grimwald, and if he has
therefore invested him with a robe of beautiful Saga,
every fold of which may not accurately correspond to
the truth of history, we can easily pardon the illusion
for the sake of at last finding a man who is something
Early more than a mere name in a pedigree. Telling the tale
, as it is told us by Paulus, I have already related * how
Grimwald, son of Gisulf, duke of Friuli, was carried
captive by one of the terrible Avar horsemen, — how,
though little more than a child, he slew his unsuspect-
ing captor and rejoined his flying brethren ; how, after
his two elder brothers had been basely assassinated
at Opitergium by a treacherous Exarch, Grimwald
and his brother Radwald, disdaining to be subject to
their uncle, who succeeded to the duchy of Friuli,
betook themselves to the court of the old friend of
their family, Arichis, duke of Benevento. It has
also been told2 how Aio, the hypochondriac son of
Arichis, after a short reign (641-642) was slain by
the Sclavonian invaders,- and how he was succeeded
by his kinsman and friend, Radwald (642-647), and
ceeo ^6 *n turn by Grimwald, who reigned for fifteen yearn
the duke- (647-662) as duke of Benevento. We have now to
Benevento, trace the course of events which made the fugitive
647' prince of Friuli and the guest-friend of Benevento
king in the palace at Pavia, and lord of all Lombard
Italy.
Rothari, the legislator of the Lombards, died in the
3 See pp. 53-55 and 58-(>i. * g0o pp. 79-81,
Reign of A rip erf L 241
year 653 !, and was succeeded by his son ROU\VALI>-, BOOK vu
whose short and inglorious reign (of five months and —
OH. rt.
seven days) was ended by the sword or the dagger Jun#«»fth.<
of a Lombard whose wife he had seduced 3. He was 652.
succeeded by ARJPERT, nephew of the great queen Ari|M*rt i,
Theudelinda, whose family, as has been before said, 66i7
was the stock from whence most of the Lombard
kings were drawn throughout the seventh century. < )f
the reign of Aripert, which lasted nearly niiw years
(653-661), all that we learn is that bo built, adoniwl.
and richly endowed a church in honour of th<> Saviour
outside tlie western gate of Pavia, wbioh \vas called
Marenca4. On bin dealb be was succwdrd by his
1 Paulim tolls UH (II. L. iv. 47) in connoction with the (loath of
Hothari a story of tbo plunder of his grave in ilttt luisiiicn of
St. John ih(3 Baptist, probably at Mon/a. Ht. John appeared to the
robber in tho vimonft of tho night, and Htornly nthukod him for
violating th<» gravo of one who, though not a tru«* J»<*li<^v<jr, had <*oni»
niond<«l hhnwlf to th<» wiiniH1 protection. Th<«n»uftor whonsoi«v««i*
th<» criminal sought to <4nt<»r St. John's Clmrch, ho WrtHhtrwk <»n"
th<v throat hy a blow as if from a v<«ry strong list, nnd rushed
Iwu'k <liscomliti»<I. Thin portent was related to Pnulim by an eye-
- Not to be confounded with Kadwald, brother of (Jrinnvnld,
\vlio.so namo is also s]>elt Iv<xl\vnl<l.
:> In connection with Itodwuld wt* have on two points to dis-
trust tlu» authority of our usually trustworthy guide Pnulus.
(i) Ho mnkoH him, iuntoud of his fating the husband of <Jttndi-
porga, about whom Ji<» tells tho story of her slandered honour,
and its vindication in siuglo combat by *propnuN s<«rvus ejtis
Carellus/ All this is evidently transposed from the reign of
Kothuri. (i») 11<» makes tho duration of Hodwnld's reign' Mive
yf«w and soven tlays.* It is generally agtve<l thai tuwitt here is
a mistak<« for uti'HsihHu.
* Thin gate, now unfortunately replaced by otht of modern dale
eallod the J'orlu <lt H(»rgornttof was jx^rhups nametl afti-r Iii4«
Marici, om< of the two Uuulihh tribes Uhe. other \\M\ the La< vi;
vob. vi. u
242 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK viz two sons, PERCTARIT l and GODEPERT, who reigned, the
CH'6' one at Milan and the other at Pavia 2. It was the first
- time that the Lombards had tried the Frankish plan
pert, 661- Qf ft r0y.a} partnership ; and that without the justifi-
cation which might be supposed to exist in the case
of the vast Frankish Empire, for the two royal cities
of the Lombards were only twelve miles asunder. The
experiment answered as ill with the sons of Aripert
as with any of the fratricidal posterity of Clovis.
civil war Jealousies and suspicions soon arose between the two
between t *•
thebro- brother kings, and the discord, fanned by artful
thei s.
councillors on both sides, broke out into an open
Grim- flame of war. Hereupon, Godepert sent Garipald,
tervention duke of Turin, to sue for the help of Grimwald, duke
byGari- of Benevento, promising him the hand of his sister
pa as a reward for his championship. But Garipald,
dealing deceitfully with his master, suggested to
Grimwald that he should himself strike a blow for the
Lombard crown, pointing out, with some truth, that
a strong, experienced and fore-seeing ruler like himself
would be better for the nation of the Lombards than
these weak youths who were wasting the strength of
the realm by their unnatural contest. The temptation
was listened to, and Grimwald, having nominated his
son Eomwald to the duchy of Benevento, set forth for
March of Pavia with a chosen band of warriors. Everywhere
on the road he gathered friends and helpers for his
now scarcely veiled designs on the supreme power.
Transamund, count of Capua, being sent through the
who, according to Pliny, H. N. iii. 17, were the founders of
Ticinum.
3 Evidently nearly allied to the Anglo-Saxon name Berhtrod,
and to the Frankish Berthar.
2 See genealogy on p. 148.
Grimwald slays Godepert. 243
regions of Spoleto and Tuscany, collected a band ofBooxyii.
zealous adherents in those two duchies, with whom
he met Grimwald on the Aemilian Way. So the host,
with ambiguous purpose, rolled on through the valley
of the Po ; and when Grimwald had reached Piacenza,
he sent the traitorous Garipald to announce his coming
to Godepert. * And where shall I receive him ? ' asked
the inexperienced and misdoubting king. ' You have
promised him the hand of your sister/ answered Gari-
pald, * and cannot do less than assign him quarters
in the palace. Notwithstanding, when the solemn
interview takes place between you, it might bo pru-
dent to put on a coat of mail under your royal robes,
for I fear that he haft designs on your life,/ With
similar words did the cunning deceiver poison the
mind of Grimwald : * Go to the interview well armed ;
bo vigilant ; 1 doubt the designs of Godepert. I hear
that he wears a coat of mail under his mantle/ Ac-
cordingly, Grimwald and bin followers entered the palace
of Pavia, and on the next day the duke of lionevento
wan ushered into the hall of audience. The two men
met apparently in friendly embrace, but oven in the
act of embracing, Grimwald felt the coat of mail under
the regal mantle of bin host. The dark HuggestionH of i><*nih »r
Garipald Boomed in that moment to be verified ; and,
slaying that he might not bo slain, he drew bin sword
and killed the hapless Godeport. All disguise* won (tri
then thrown off, and GiUMWAhn reigned OH king in
JPavia. The infant son of Godopert, nmned Haginpert, Otl!4 671'
was convoyed away to some Bafo hiding-phiee by the
trusty servants of the lute king, and Grimwald,
despising bin lender yearn, made no effort, to arrest
him*
244
Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. When Perctarit, reigning at Milan, heard the tidings
OH*6- of his brother's murder, fearing that he would be the
, ,662' next victim, he left the country with all speed and
sought refuge at the barbarous court of the Khan of
the Avars. His wife Rodelinda and his little son
Cunincpert fell into the hands of Grimwald, who sent
them for safe-keeping to Benevento. Except for the
one foul deed, the murder of Godepert, into which ho
was entrapped by the perfidious counsels of Garipald,
the hands of Grimwald were unstained by innocent
blood.
As for Garipald, the contriver of all thin wicked-
ness l, he did not long rejoice in the success of his
schemes. He had indeed deceived his employee all
round, for he had embezzled some part of the presents
which he had been ordered to cany to Beiievonto -,
The discovery of this fraud would probably before IOIIM-
have alienated from him the new kind's fuvour, but more
speedy vengeance overtook him. A certain dwarfish
retainer of Godepert, born at Turin, burned to avenge
the murder of his master. Knowing that 1 >u ko Garipald
was coming on Easter Day to pray in the basilica of
St. John3, he hid himself in the church, climbing up
above the baptistery, and holding on by his left, arm
to the column which supported the canopy1. When
1 In the minstrels' songs evidently finri|wl<l was nlwayw UHH!
as the vilkin of tho story. Ho is, in <ho words of PauIuH, 4 ioiitiH
nequitiae seminator/ 'fallendi artifox,' *bilium oporum pntrator"
(H. L.iv. 50-
'- This appears to be the meaning of tho words of I'auhiH, Mum
munera, quae deferre Bonevontum <lobu<»rat, nou intogra ii»»-
portasset.'
8 At Pavia ? I think so, but it is not dourly nlaiod by J
4 ' Super sacrum baptistorii font^m coUHcondcuH, luovu<|u
Grimwald King. 245
the duke entered the church the little Turinese drew BOOK vn.
his sword, but kept It concealed under his robes As
soon as Garipald came under the place of his hiding,
up flew the robe, out flashed the sword, wielded with all
the strength of which the dwarf was capable, and the
head of Garipald rolled on the pavement of St. John's
basilica. All the followers of the duke rushed upon
the dwarf, and pierced him with many wounds, But
the little champion died happy, for ho hud avenged
his master,
Grimwald, now, without a rival, king of all the<-nm*
Lombards, took for his second wife liic sister of the -.i>«'..»«!
slain Godepert, who had been betrothed to him before
he set out from Benevento. J!o waw probably twice
as old as hin new queen, but ho was a man who, if
there had not been that stain of kindred blood upon
his hands, might have won the Jove OVUM of a young
bride. Tall, with wellknit limbs, with bald head ami
Full flowing beard, he was, by the admission of all,
a man of absolutely dauntless courage, and ji# great
in counsel as in war1. Secure in the afioctioim of the
Northern Lombards, he Hent back the maw of bin
Beneveutan army to their homos, enriched by great
gifts, but retained a few of the, lew low at his court,
endowing them with large pcmHOHHiotiH.
But though Grimwnld wan not by nature cruel or KI»»M^MI-«
suBpicioufl, the thought of the exile* IVreturit could *MI«* ivn-
Mi'if .
HO ad coluiucllam (al columnullum) iugurii tfoiitiuciiH*,' Tutjtn'ii
H<»oinw to lx» u corrupt n«uling for /<*//<>/«// ; hywhtm, ncc
Dueango, IH n<4irly <«(tiivalout to ('thorium,
1 *Fuit atitozu corpora pmovaliduH, uuducMU. priuuiM, cnlvo
barbAr proininouii, non minus conmlio <fuam vJribus dor
(Paulus, IL L. v. 3,5).
246 Grimwald and Constans.
HOOK vii. not but sometimes threaten the solidity of his throne.
-. ' * ... He sent an embassy to the Khan of the Avars, offering
him a wiodius1 full of golden coins if he would sur-
render the fugitive into his hands. But the barbarian,
who had sworn by his idol to Perctarit that he would
never abandon him to his foes, replied, 'Without doubt
the gods would slay me if I sacrifice this man whom
I have sworn in their presence to protect LV
Another embassy came, not this time offering gold,
but warning the Khan that the peace which had
now long time subsisted between the Avars arid the
Lombards would not endure unless Perctarit departed
from his borders. Evidently the Avars were weaker5,
or the Lombards stronger, than in the day when
GrimwalcVs own home was ravaged, and himself all
but carried into captivity by these terrible barbarians
from the Danube. And now the Khan, while ntill
1 About a quarter of a bushol.
<J Wo got tho story of this embassy from the life of St. Wilfrid,
whoso cmwuios Hough t to draw King Porctarit into thoir schomon
against him when ho was travelling in Italy many years aftor tho
cwoniM -with which wo are now dealing. King Porclarit him«olf
tolls tho story, * Pui aliquando in dio juventutis meao oxul <lo
pa triil oxpulsus sub pagano quodam rege llmmorum dogoriH, <JUL
milt mocum foodus in doo suo idolo, ut nunquam mo iuimiew
prodidisBot vol dodissot. Et post spatium tompom vonornnt
ad rcgem paganum sormono inimicorum moorum nuncii, proinit-
tontoB sibi daro sub jurejwando Holidorum auroorum modiutu
plonuni, si mo illis ad intonujcionom dodisHot. QuibuB non con-
sontitaw dixit ^Sino dubio dii vitam wuccidant, «i hoc piaculuin
facio irritans pactuiu doorum moorum " ' (Liio of St. Wilfrid by
Eddius, quoted by Wfiitz in Ilia edition of the Uistoria Latigo-
bardorum).
a Probably this waa the case. The revolt of the Bulgarians
against the Avars must * have considerably weakened their power,
(8oe Bury, History of the Later Eoman Empire, ii. 333,)
Return of Perctarit. 247
faithful to the oath which he had sworn in the pre-BOOKVii.
sence of his idol, and refusing to surrender Perctarit — M .
to his foes, appealed to the generosity of his guest
to go whither he would, but not to involve him in
war with the Lombards. Thus adjured, Perctarit Perctarit'*
0 t return.
determined to return to Italy, and throw himself on
the clemency of the new king, for all men said that
Grimwald was merciful. Having arrived at Lodi,
he sent forward a faithful henchman named Unulf,
who announced to Grimwald Perctarit's approaching
arrival, and received an assurance that since lie thus
trusted to the king's honour, he should suffer no harm.
When admitted to the royal presence Perctarit sought
to throw himself at GrimwalcTs feet, but wan gently
restrained from that humiliation, and received the
kiss of peace. Said Perctarit, 'I am thy servant.
Knowing thee to be most Christian and kind, 1 deter-
mined, instead of continuing to dwell amongst Pagans,
to trust thy clemency, and come to throw myself at
thy foot/ The king renewed his promise, and sealed
it with his accustomed oath : ' By Him who gave me
life, since thou hast come into mine allegiance, no
harm shall happen to thee, and I will arrange that
thou shalt have the means of living in comfort/
He then invited the weary fugitive to rest in a
spacious dwelling, ordering that all Inn needs should
)>o sumptuously supplied from the public treasury*
Hut when Perctarit reached the guest-house provided
for him by the king, troops of the citizenH of Pavia
waited upon him to renew their old acquaintance.
Whispering tonguos reported these visits to (Jrim-
wald, assuring him that Porctarit was forming HO large
a party in the city that he would undoubtedly deprive
248 Grintivald and Constans.
BOOK yii. the reigning king of his crown and life together,
— 1. Again Grimwald listened to the fatal suggestion, 'Slay
or be slain/ and forgetful of his sworn promise, began
to plan the death of the innocent and unsuspecting
Perctarit. The deed was to be done on the morrow,
and meanwhile Perctarit was to be intoxicated that
ai1" ^e inM?h* ncyfc Perce*ve his danger and escape. A great
banquet was prepared in Perctarit's dwelling, and was
shared by many guests. Costly meats arid various
kinds of wine were brought from the king's table to
Perctarit, and he feasted right royally. But one of
his father's old servants bringing to the guest a
portion from the royal table, bowed so low in salu-
tation that his head went below the board, and then
whispered, 'The king has a purpose to slay you/
At once Perctarit gave a sign to the butler who
waited upon him to fill his silver goblet with water
only. Messenger after messenger brought generous
wines from the king, and Perctarit seemed to drink
them eagerly, while really imbibing only water. The
servants carried back to the king the tidings that
Perctarit was drinking heavily, to which Grimwald
coarsely replied, * Let that drunkard drink to-day:
to-morrow he will disgorge the wine mingled with
blood/ Meanwhile Perctarit found means to commu-
nicate with Unulf, and tell him of the impending
danger. Then Unulf sent a servant to his own house
with orders to bring his bedding from thence, and
spread his couch beside that of Perctarit. The guards
whom Grimwald had by this time stationed to watch
the dooi'H of Perctarit's abode saw the slave enter with
the bedding, and .then after the supper was ended
and all the other guests departed, they saw Unulf
Perctarit's Escape. 249
emerge, attended apparently by a young slave, whose BOOK vn.
head and neck were covered by the bed-clothes, the — —
counterpane and the bearskin, under the weight of
which he staggered. His brutal master urged him on
with blows and curses, and more than once the over-
loaded youth fell to the ground while trying to escape
from the blows. When they came to the place where
the king's sentries were 'posted, these naturally en-
quired what was the matter. ' My rascal of a slave/
said Unulf, ' spread my couch in the chamber of that
tipsy Perctarit, who has filled himself with wine,
and now lies like a corpse on the floor. But I have
followed his mad courses long enough. Ho long as
my lord the king lives, I shall henceforward stay in
my own house.' When the guards heard this they
were glad, and let Unulf and the slave (who of
course was Perctarit in disguise) pass without further
question. Meanwhile Perctarit's valet !, who was the P«»wstnrit'H
only other person that had been left in the house,
made fast the door, and all was settled for the night.
But Unulf let Perctarit down by a rope from a corner
of the city wail overlooking the river Ticinus, and he,
meeting with some of his friends, galloped away with
them on some hornes which they found grazing in the
meadows, and the same night reached the city of
Asti*, which had not yet Biihmitted to Grimwald, but
still held out for the loHt cause. Thence one rapid
journey to Turin ; and the fugitive disappeared over
the ridges of the Alps into the friendly country of
th*% Franks c ThuH/ nays Paulus, 'did Almighty (}<>d
tt Tho Humo whioh Alaric boHiogod miHWWHsfully in 401 ;
vol. i. j>» 284 (7*3> 2ml wlition).
25o Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn. by His merciful providence deliver an innocent man
°H 6> from death, and at the same time preserve from blood-
guiltiness a king who really desired to do what was
right/
The mor- Morning came ; the guards still paced up and down
escape, before the dwelling of Perctarit ; at last the mes-
sengers of the king came and knocked at the door.
The valet answered from within, ( Have pity on him,
and let him sleep a little longer, for lie is weary with
his journey and is wrapped in deep slumber/ The
messengers returned and told their tale to the king,
who at once attributed Perctarit's heavy sleep to the
potations of the preceding evening. ' But it in time to
rouse him now, and bring him to the palaco/ said the
king. The messengers returned, knocked louder at the
door, and were again entreated by the valet to let hiw
master sleep a little longer. 'The drunkard ban slept
long enough/ said they in a rage, kicked open the
door of the chamber, and rushed, to tho Ixtclaidc.
Finding no Perctarit there, and having hunted for him
all over the hoase, they anked the valet what had
become of his master. 'He hu« fled/ uaid the nervant,
who saw that further evasion wan impossible. In their
fury they seized him by the hair, and with many
blows they dragged him into the presence of the king,
clamouring loudly for his death a« an accomplice in
the flight of Perctarit. But the king ordered them to
loosen their hold of the prisoner, and commanded him to
tell the whole story of the escape. When the tale was
ended, Grimwald said to the bystanders, * What think
you ought to be done to the man who ban wrought
such a deed as this?' They all with one voice ex-
claimed that 'killing was not enough for him, but he
The servants of Perctarit. 251
ought to be put to death with many torments/ 'By BOOKVII.
Him who gave me life/ said Grimwald, 'the man is — "•'
worthy of great honour who feared not to expose
himself to death for the sake of his master. Let him
he taken into my service as a valet/ And with that
he promised him great gifts, exhorting him to render
to himself the same faithful service that he had ren-
dered to his late lord, Unulf', for whom the king then
enquired, had taken refuge in the church of St. Michael,
but, receiving the royal promise of his safety, came
fort h, entered the palace, and threw himself at the* feet
of the king. From him, too, Urimwald would fain
learn the whole story of tine escape, and whoa ho hoard
it ho greatly commended his prudence) and fidelity,
and issued an order that he should be left undisturbed
in the possession of all his property l* After some time
had elapsed, the king asked Unulf whether ho now
ever regretted not heing with Perctarit, to which he
answered with a solemn oath that lie would rather die
with Perctarit than live anywhere else, in uttermost
delights. The valet gave the same answer when risked
whether ho would rather he with the king in his palace
or with his late master in his wanderings. Their words
met with a kindly reception from Grimwald, who
praised their loyalty to their lord, and hade Unulf take
from his palace what ho would, slaves or horses or
household furniture, and hasten to the master of his
choice. The valet, too, received the name gracious
dismissal, and with the help of the king's safe-conduct,
1 Or porhnpH Ixmtowwl upon him tho property of Pwiarit.
* At ill<< «um <*i cmitita ox orclim* rotulinwrt, vox ojus fi<Ii»w oi j>ru-
(hmtinm conlmidunH, ommtH OJUH(?) fncultnloH <*t
potorat oidom dnwmtwr eoneoHMiV (II. L* v. 3).
252 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK yii. and loaded with his generous presents, they entered
-- L_L_ France, and were again with their beloved Perctarit !.
It may possibly have been the flight of Perctarit
invasion. . ___,.
into Irankish teiTitory that disturbed the peaceful
relations of the two kingdoms ; but, whatever was
the cause, an army of the Franks, the first that
had been seen in Italy in that century, crossed the
Maritime Alps, and threatened the throne of Grim-
wald. They were defeated by an easy stratagem, which
speaks ill for the discipline to which they had been
subjected. Grimwald having pitched his camp near
to theirs, feigned panic and flight, leaving his tents
with all their treasures, and especially with good store
of wine, open to the invaders. They canto, they plun-
dered, they drank, and at night, while they were
stretched in the heavy slumber of drunkenness, Grim-
wald and his warriors came upon them ami slew HO
great a multitude that few found their way back to
their own land. The slaughter — buttle it can hunlly
be called — took place at Frenchman's River, a village
not far from the walls of Asti. Thaw the * walls of
avenging Asta/ as Olaiidian called thorn, a second
time witnessed the repulse of an invader %
^u* a more ft)rmi(*aM(' &u khan the weak Mero-
vingian king or IIIB Mayor of the I'uhico wan to trouble
the repose of Lombard Italy. OoiwtaiiH II, the grand-
son of HoracliuB,and the heir of IUH grand father's fitful
1 ' Qui omnia mm Hwua<Ium homguHutom r«»Kw Huf!ii*iittiii*r iol-
lentoft, cum ojundom wgin juijiitoriN Knuii*oruiu in jmiriuni ad
Mwm dllwtuvn Poretnrit Hunt ]>r<»foctt 1 (II, L. v. 4),
* *Qui locim, u)>i hoc gontuin <*l jironlitiiiK Frttnmrum UKIJUM
hodie liivuH appollatur, ncv lon^o kintal n)> AnirnmH <uvH«(uln<»
inoonibiw* 'II. U v, a*. Th« fact that tho iwt(i<» WIIH fo«Kht war
Asti looks as if that place* w«w» ntill holding out for Pwtnrit.
Early years of Emperor Constans. 253
energy and of some of his grandfather's genius, con- BOOK yir
ceived the idea of becoming in fact as well as in name -- "— -
Emperor of Rome. It will be desirable here briefly to
retrace the earlier stages of his career, and at the same
time to take up some dropped stitches in the history
of the Popes and Exarchs during the years preceding
his invasion of Italy. Constans II (or, as he is more
correctly called, Constantino IV) was horn in the year
631, and in 642, when only a boy of eleven, found
himself by the death of his father J, the dethronement
of his undo 2, and the exile of his grandfather's widow,
tho ambilious and unscrupulous Martina, solo Emperor
of tlit* Romans. A military <i>rott.ntnti«iHitnto had pre-
pared tho way for his accession, but in the speech
which ho mode to the Senate of Constantinople after
tho downfall of bin rivals, ho expressed his desire that.
ho might have the Senators as his counsel Ions, and
judges of thai which should be for the welfare of his
subjects3. Thin probably means that during the early
years of his sovereignty the government was practically
in the hands of a council of regency composed of the
leading members of tho Senate. Const aim, however,
grow up into a strong, self-willed man, and we may
presume that while yet in early manhood he brushed
anide his senatorial counsellors, and * governed as well
an reigned/ Ho could not wholly arrent — probably
nofc tho strongest of his Imperial predecessors could
have arrested — the onrush of the children of Arabia,
who wrosted Armenia from the Empire, and made
a temporary conquest of Oyprus and Rhodes, Hut he
JIL 2
A.M.
254 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn. fought in person in the great naval engagement with
— — the Saracens off the coast of Lycia, in which, though
55' defeated and compelled to fly for his life, he seems to
have inflicted enough damage on the enemy to prevent
their fulfilling their intention of besieging Constanti-
656. nople. Shortly afterwards came that great schism
between the two rival claimants for the caliphate, Ali
and Moawjyah, which still rends the Moslem world
asunder, and which gave a welcome breathing-time to
the hard-pressed champions of the Empire.
Eccicsias- In ecclesiastical matters Constans II showed himself
tjoii of a hard-headed, unsympathetic, indifferent man of the
world, determined that his Empire should not be
harassed, if he could help it, by the speculative con-
troversy which his grandfather had unwisely raised
about the divine and human wills of Jesus Christ.
638. The JScthesis of his grandfather Heraclius had asserted
the Monothelete doctrine, or as it is now decided to be,
the Monothelete heresy, that there was but one will
in the heart of the Saviour, and this doctrine had been
eagerly upheld by successive Patriarchs of Constanti-
nople, and as eagerly denounced by successive Popes
of Home '. Popes and Patriarchs were excommunicating
each other — in one case, to give greater solemnity to
1 With the exception of Honorius I (625-638), the champion
of the weak-brained Lombard, King Adalwald (see p. 158), who in
his loiter to Sorgius the Patriarch of Constantinople (634) gave
what seems like a hesitating assent to Monotheleto doctrine, and
whoHO memory was anathematised accordingly at the Sixth
General Council (680-681), though to modern feeling any alleged
slip which he may have made on an abstruse point of technical
theology is more than compensated by this Pope's obvious dowire
to silence vain debate on a subject so inconceivable by man, und
so absolutely without relation to practical Christian lifo.
Constans and his ' Type, * 255
the transaction, the Pope descended to the crypt which BOOK vn,
contained the body of St. Peter, and dipped his pen in — ~ -
the consecrated chalice, that he might thus write the 4 '
damnation of his enemy in the blood of Christ1 — and
all the miserable wrangle of the Monophysite con-
troversy seemed about to be renewed with greater
bitterness than over, at a time when the very existence
of Christianity and of the Empire was threatened by
the swords of tho followers of Mohammed. Utterly
weary of tho whole dispute, and sympathising appa-
rently neither with his Monothelete grandfather nor
with his J)yothelete father, the young Kmperor (Jon-
stans (ho was them but seventeen yeans of age) ordered
tho removal of the 7iW//mVi from the doors of the great
church at Constantinople, and put forth the famous
document called tho Tune, in which be attempted
* * .
impossible tank of imposing silence on warring
logians. * Inspired by Almighty God/ Haid Constann,
*wo have determined to extinguish the, flame of this
controversy, and will not allow it any longer to prey
upon tho souls of men. The Sacred Seripturen, tho
works of tho Fat-hern, the decrees of the Five, (ieneml
Councils are enough for UH. Why should men seek
to define beyond these ? Therefore no one Hindi be
allowed to speak of one will and one operation, or oi'
two will** and two operations in the person of Christ,
1 Thin profane net waft porpotrntod by Pope Thoodoro (648) in
ivfoivwo to UK* oxcommuniention of I'yn'hun, twfco Pniriaivh ut'
Constantinople (Tluiophnruw, A.M. 61^1). Uml<-r this yi«tr Th<*o-
phuiu'M ^iv«»H a fluninuiry viow of tho whol<» Monoth«»l4'ti<? <(<*n-
trovorNy, from which, liowuvor, IH^ Htrunp«Iy omits all in<*a<ion
of UH» Typo of OouNtnnH. BaronitiH doubin tho story of tho pon
dippiul in HMnmuwtiil wino, which in not nu»ntion4*d by any oth<u*
writor than Thoo
256 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. Any one transgressing this command shall, if a bishop,
— 1. * . be deposed from his see ; if a clergyman, from his
6484 clerical office; if a monk, he shall be confined, and
banished from his monastery. If he holds any dignity
or office, civil or military, he shall be deprived of it.
If he is a nobleman, all his pix>perty shall be confis-
cated ; if not noble, he shall not only be beaten with
stripes, but further punished by perpetual banishment ;
that all men being restrained by the fear of God, and
dreading the condign punishments with which we thus
threaten them, may keep unmoved and untroubled
the peace of the holy Churches of God/
Vain hope, by decrees and banishments and chas-
tisements to silence the subtle ecclesiastical intellect
when once engaged in a war of words like that aroused
by the IScthesis! Bad as that Imperial document had
been accounted by the See of Rome, the impii&wmns
pope M«r- Tupus was soon discovered to be even worse. Pont?
tin I, 649- Jif *
653; Martin, who had just succeeded Theodore (the excom-
ijis con- municator of Pyrrhus), convened a council of 202 Italian
ilemxiii- t j n
lion of bishops, who met in the Lateran palace, anathematised
tli(t 7V/?w*
649- ' the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Constantinople, ' the
most impious Ecthesis, the wicked Type lately put
forth by the most serene Emperor Constant/ and all
receivers and defenders of the same,
Tho PJJI* The Pope had the Italian bishops and the general
ftwkii for -1 , .
allies sentiment of the West on his side, but otherwise ho
tiio Em- stood alone against the Emperor and all the great
Eastern Patriarchates. There are indications of Inn
turning to the Frankish kings Olovis II and Sigibert 11
for aid, for moral at least, if not for physical support1.
1 Aeta of St. Audoonus, Bishop of Rouen (quoted by Baronius,
& a. 049. 4).
Attempted Arrest of Pope Martin. 257
Did he also invoke the assistance of the Arian king BOOK vn
fSr f*
of the Lombards, Itothari, against the author of the — '— —
Type, and the close confederate of the heretical Patri-
arch of Constantinople? This was charged against
him, and in the difficxilt circumstances of his position
it could not he imputed to him as a crime ; but the
meagre annals of the period do not allow us to pro-
nounce on the justice of the accusation. However,
whether on i*eligiouw or on political grounds a high-
spirited young .sovereign such as Coustans If was not
disposed to tolerate the insubordination of the Pope,
who was still in theory only a subject of the most
Serene Kmperor. Ho sent his chamberlain ( )]yn»phiB
as Kxarch * to Italy with orders to protect and cherish urn**
all bishops who accepted tho Ty^ to sound the din-
position of the army, and if he found it favourable,
to bring Pope Martin a prisoner to Constantinople,
after which display of power it \va>s hoped that all
the other bishops of Italy would readily subscribe the
Imperial decree-. If* however, ho found tho army
' til (h
Our information on this point is v«»ry moatfiv, and chjVHy dorivml
From th« I/ilM»r iNintificaliHy hut this HIM-HIH t<> 1>« a( any rait* an
a|>proxijuation to tht» trutli : - A. i>.
Isiutc UMI Arnu'umn . <u6-044
Tluuxloro OnIHo]>iiH w . , . 644 646
Pluto ,,.,., 646-649
.,». 649-6 5 2
(n<Htort*d) . . 653-664
W<* kn<»w nothing about tho IU*Ht adinmiHtnition of Thoodoro,
and wo only hoar of Pluto in tho Emporor'n lottor tt> IUH nuccoHBor
*w u «tn«ig Monotholoto, \vho indncud PyrrluiH, ox-Puti'iarch of
li*! to roctmt hin rtKjnntution, nud roturu into the
lot'it fold (Martini Epintola ap* Baronuuu, 645. 17 and
651, 19).
* Wo only know tho tonour of tho inwlructionn gi von to Olympius
VOL. VI, B
258 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. hostile, he wavS to say as little as possible about the
H* ' , Type, and simply to strengthen his military hold on
Ravenna and Rome. Arriving in the City with these
somewhat ambiguous instructions, the new Exarch
found all the bishops and clergy of Rome enthusiastic
in their defence of the Pope and their condemnation
of the Monothelete doctrine. Probably also the army
shared the general enthusiasm, for the Exarch re-
nounced the perilous attempt to seize the Pope in the
midst of his flock. An after generation, however,
believed the improbable story that Olympius ordered
the assassination of the Pope in the very act of
celebrating Mass at the church of S. Maria Maggiorc ',
but that the soldier who was commissioned to do the
unholy deed was struck by a supernatural blindness
which prevented him from seeing Pope Marti u when
he was in the very act of handing the chalice to the
Exarch, and thus the murder was pro von tod.
Whatever the truth may be an to this alleged
ihoat- ' attempt on the Pope's life, there is no donbt that
proved* Olympiuft completely renounced the attempt to force
01101/4 the Imperial Tij^e on the Roman Church, A recon-
ciliation took place between Exarch and Pope, HO
complete as to give some colour to the charge that
Olympius aimed at making himself Emperor, and that
Martin countenanced him in his treason. But the
next step taken by the Exarch showed no disloyalty
to the Empire. Ho crossed over with hin army into
Sicily in order to combat the Saracens, whoso invasion**
through tho hostile Pupal Viographor, who certainly
them in paii, for ho makus tho Emporor UottBtmw call tho ad*
horouts of tho Tt/iw 'hujuB liaoro«i» profossoroa/
1 'Mariao ad Pracsqw.9
Theodore Calliopas succeeds Qlympius. 259
of that island (which were to be continued with more BOOK vn.
or less intermission for more than four centuries1) — ~~ —
had already begun. e For their sins/ however, as we
are told, the greater part of his army perished, appa-
rently by sickness, not by the sword ; and Olympius Donth of
himself died also, probably a victim to the same pesti-65a!lp
lence which had ravaged his camp.
The death of Olympius enabled Oonstuns to resume Theodore
his plans for the urmsfc <>f the Pope and the forcible tit now*'
promulgation of the Type. Theodore Calliopas, who
was sent a second time to Ravenna as Exarch, ap-
poared in Koine with an anny on Juno 15-, 653. The
position of aflUirs was not unlike that which bad been
seen more than a century before :5t when BoJiHarius
received orders for the deportation of Pope Wilverius.
Now, an fchon, the cccloHitiHticul motive for the cony
d'etttt and tho unHlumbering jealousy between the noes
of Homo and Constantinople were veiled by the im-
putation of political Crimea. Martin was accused of
having corresponded with the Saracens (doubtless the
Saracen invaders of Sicily4), an well as of being
irregularly elected, of changing the faith delivered to
the saints, au<l of showing insufficient reverence to
the Virgin Mary.
3 Down to tho Norman Cotufumt of Bieily, 1090.
a Wo #<'t thin dale, or rathor th«» <lalo of the* day following the
Exiuxth'B arrival, from tho Popo'H l(^tt<*r to u frioiul of IH'H wlio
wnH alno IUHIKM! Th(M>duro: *EK<> von> ipno gravit<»r iuiiruuiH orain
ul) (>ctot>rio muiroe UHIJUO ad prcdictum toinpu«, id ont uwiuo ad
dwhnuni Hoxtum Kalondiis Julian* (npud Buroaiuin, 650. 14),
OUwaTo that tho Popo still rockon« )>y Kuloudn.
8 In S3 7. Hoi* vol» iv. jn 252.
4 'Ego ulitjuundo ad fcJarraconort noo littimiH inim rn*c <{uoni
dictuit tounuu ' (Kp. Martini, u* a H). What can, tho Buggoutc»d
tomus Imvo Ixion ¥
B 2
260 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK viz. At first the Exarch temporised ; professed that he
-^— desired to come and adore his Holiness, but he was
wearied with his journey, and he was afraid that Pope
Martin had filled the Lateran with armed men ; an
insinuation to which the Pope replied by inviting the
Exarch's soldiers to make a visit of inspection, and
see if they could find a weapon or a stone therein.
The Pope, who with better reason feared violence,
and who had been for eight months in weak health,
had his bed placed before the altar in the Lateran
Church1. Thither2 came the soldiers of the Exarch
in full armour, with swords and lances, and bows with
the arrow on the string. ' They there did unutterable,
things/ says the horrified Pope; but though their
conduct was doubtless indecorous, its atrocity Rooms
somewhat diminished when we find that the only
recorded detail relates to the overthrow of the candles,
which fell all over the church like loaves in autumn,
and the crash of the stricken candelabra, which iillcwl
ThoPopo the church with a noise like thunder. Desiring to
<iora to tho prevent the effusion of Christian blood, the Pope camo
forth from his sanctuary, the people shouting as 1m
emerged from the church, ' Anathema to all who say
that Martin 1ms changed a jot or a tittle of the faith.
Anathema to all who do not remain iu 7w orthodox
faith even to the death/ So the Pope wended his
1 The Latoran Church is HomotimoH called by Popo Martin th«
Constantinian, fjomotimow the Church of tho Saviour. His com-
panion, who continues tho story of his captivity, calln it tho Church
of St. John. Apparently, therefore, wo aro horo at tiio prwuBO
period of tho change in the dedication of tho patriarchal basilica,
which, according to Grotforovius (i. 84), took place 'orwt nach dotu
soehatou Jahrhundort/
2 On Monday, tho xfth of June*
Pope Martin transported to Constantinople. 261
way through the City up to the palace of the Exarch, BOOK vii.
which apparently still stood where the palace of the H> 6*
Caesars had stood, on the Palatine HilL Multitudes 653'
of the clergy and laity, who declared that they would
live and die with the Pontiff, on the invitation of the
Exarch swarmed after him into the palace. They had
hoped if he were banished that they would be allowed
to share his exile, but soon after midnight on the
morning of Wednesday, the igth of June1, Pope Martin,
while all his adherents were kept under close ward in
the palace, was hurried on board a little ship which
was lying at Portus, his only companions being six
acolytes and one household servant.
On the ist of July, the ship, slowly sailing, arrived Pope Mar-
at Mlsenum, but neither at Misenum nor any of the noytoCon-
other cities of beautiful Campania (already called b
the equivalent of its modern name, Terra di Lavoro2),
nor at any of the inlands at which they touched was
the exile from the Lateran palace allowed to leave
the bark, which he felt to be indeed his prison. At
last they reached the island of Naxos, where be was
detained for more than a year, and there as a great
favour he was permitted to reside in an inn in the
city, and was twice or thrice indulged with the luxury
of a bath. Possibly the Imperial (Joxirt hoped that
if bin courage were not broken as that of Vigilius
had been by arrogance and insult, his sickly frame,
known to be enfeebled by gout, would sink beneath
1 'Eadom or#o nocto, quao illuce&cit in foria qiuirla, <juao orat
dec! mo tortio Kalowlan Julius, circa homm qmsi soxlam noctiw**
a 'Non nutom Mirtoni tautum, N<id in Torrft LaborLs, ot mm
tantum in T<wa Lahom quao milxlita <*wi inagna<» nrhi Koiaauo-
ruin * . * . parata^?; imjxxlioruut' (Ep, Martini, 15)*
262 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. the hardships which he endured. But the spirit and
°H' 6' the bodily frame of the heroic Pope alike disappointed
654' their expectations, and at length, on the iyth of
September (654), he was brought into the harbour
of Constantinople \ There for ten hours on his pallet-
bed on the deck of the vessel lay the venerable Pope,
racked with gout, wasted by constant diarrhoea, and
feeling the nausea consequent on his long voyage. His
adoring companions saw him thus 'made a spectacle
unto angels and to men'; but the populace of Con-
stantinople, men with wolfish faces and evil tongues,
crowded round him, crying out that he was not fit
to live. At sunset a squad of guards came, who placed
him in a litter, and carried him off to a prison called
Prandiaria. For ninety-three days ho languinluHl in
this dungeon, deprived of all the comforts which wcro
now necessaries to a high-bred Roman ecclesiastic* On
the i Qth of December (654) he was brought into the
presence of the Sucdlanw or Lord High Treasurer,
who had summoned a meeting of the Senate for IHH
trial. He was ordered to stand in the presence of bin
judges, and when the attendants pointed out that he
was unable to stand, the Savdhtrius thundered forth,
6 Then let two of you support him, one on each side,
for he shall not be allowed to sit/
His exam- The examination, which was conducted through the
medium of an interpreter, for the Pope wa« OH ignorant
of Greek an his persecutors were of Latin, turned entirely
on political matters. The absurd accusation of com-
plicity with the Saracens, which only derived colour
from the fact that the Pope had sent money to ho
1 'Near [the palaces of] Euphomia and Arcadia/ I cannot dis-
cover the situation of those palaces*
Trial of Pope Martin. 263
distributed as alms among the Sicilian poor1, seems BOOK vn.
now to have been tacitly abandoned, and the only - H' "—
charge which was vehemently pressed against him was 54'
one of complicity with the treasonable designs of
Olympius. Bough and illiterate soldiers from the
Exarch's army were brought to prove this charge ; and
the Pope asked in vain that they might be allowed to
give their evidence unsworn, that they might not
imperil their souls by perjury. The Pope began his
answer to the charge against him thus:— 'When the
T\n>c was prepared and scut to Home by the Emperor' —
but the Prefect Troilus at once stopped him — *l)o not
bring in any questions about the faith. We are
Romans and Christians and ( )rthodox. It is about the
rebellion that; we are examining you/ The .Pope's
constant answer was that ho had no power to resist
the Kxarch, who had the whole army of Italy at hia
(Usponal. * Wan it I who made him Exarch, or you at
Constantinople'!? 3>ul work your will upon me, and
do it speedily/ After thin ho Keemn to have tried to
give a long harangue, which wan faithfully interpreted
by an African nobleman named Innocent ; but the
&l(twll<u'hii* roughly interrupted, * Why do you in-
terpret'. what he IB Haying? We do not want to hear
it/ With that he VOHO up, and all they that were
with him, and going into the Kinporor'B chamber
announced that they were ready to pasB sentence upon
the Bishop of Home,
That Hentenco apjwara to have been a capital one, HwH<>n-
for the Pope was dragged through the ntreetn of the
city with a drawn aword carried before him ; hat if
1 I HUHpod ulnu thut ho hml b<Hin in negotiation with (ho Karncoa
Emir »w to tho mlumpUon of cnptivoH, hut thin is not Hinted.
264 Grimwald and Cons fans.
BOOK vu. such a sentence was pronounced it was commuted into
LL_ imprisonment and exile. He was forced to stand lor
4' some time in the Hippodrome, as a spectacle to the
people, the guards as before supporting him on either
side, and the young Emperor looking on through the
lattice-work of his banqueting-hall at the humiliation of
his great spiritual rival. Little could either persecutor
or victim foresee how cruelly, more than five centuries
later1, the indignities offered to the Roman Pope
would be avenged on the Eastern Emperor by the
sack of his own city of Constantinople.
The Sacellarius then came forth from the banquet-
ing-hall and said, 'See how the Lord has delivered thco
into our hands. What hadst thou to hope for that
thou shouldest strive against the Emperor ? Thou 1 »ast
abandoned the Lord, and He has abandoned thee/
He ordered one of the guards to cut the strap which
bound round his neck the satchel 2 in which the Pontiff
was accustomed to cany the sacred books, and then
he handed him over to the Prefect, saying, ' Take him,
my lord Prefect, and cut him limb from limb/
Loaded with irons, with torn robes, but surrounded
by a crowd not now shouting execrations, but mad-
dened and awestruck at what was being done, the
successor of St. Peter was dragged through the «tn*etH
of Constantinople to the prison of Diomede, in the
Praetorian Prefect's palace. As he climbed up the
steps of the prison, which were rough and steep, his
swollen feet left upon them the stain of blood. He
was then thrust into a cold and dreary cell, where the
1 At tho time of tho Fourth Crusado, 1204,
2 Tins is supposed to bo the moaning of the word used by tho
Pope's friend, 'psaehmon,'
Imprisonment of Pope Martin. 265
irons clanked upon his shivering limbs. One young BOOK yn.
ecclesiastic who had followed him, as Peter followed his
Lord1, was permitted to share his dungeon, but the °4'
keeper of the prison was also always present, bound to
the Pope by a chain, as was the custom in the case of
culprits under sentence of death. There were, however,
two kind~heartod women, mother and daughter, related
apparently to the keepers of the prison, who succeeded
in removing the chilled and exhausted Pontiff from
the dungeon cell and from the continual presence of
the* ^mler. They carried him to their own bedroom,
and laid him in a comfortable bed, whore however
ho lay speechless till the evening. When evening
can us Uregory, a eunuch and Grand Ohamberlain, sent
his major-domo with Homo scanty refreshment, who
whispered words of intended comfort, 'In all our
trilmlatioiiH we put oar trust in God. Thou shalt not
die.' The Pope, however, who was worn out ;md
longed for Hpeody martyrdom, only groaned. The,
heavy Iron chains however were taken off from him
and not again imposed.
One caiise which led to some alleviation of tho
Pope's physical suffer ings WOK the troubled conscience niv.h'n in-
of Paul, the .Patriarch of Constantinople, who hadbeon f«
fiercely anathematised by successive JPopes, but who,
being now upon his death-bed, could not endure the
thought of the indignities which the remorseless
Kmperor was heaping on their common enemy- When
Constans visited him the day after the trial, and told
him what had been done, Paulus turned his face to the
1 Throughout tho description of thoso HCJOHOS ihw* is an ovi<l<'ut
tttiompt to nook for annlogiow with tlu» troutiuont oi' (-Imst in tho
Pruotoriuitk*
266 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. wall, and said with a groan, cAh me ! this too will be
added to the number of my sins.' At his earnest
54" request, the capital sentence passed on the Pope was
remitted by Constans, and the rigour of his confine-
ment was somewhat lessened.
Pyrrhus, To the patriarch Paul (who died December 26, 654)
of Con- succeeded Pyrrhus, who, as we have seen, had once hiin-
self been a fugitive at Home, had there renounced the
Monothelete heresy, and had then returned, as the
orthodox said, 'like a dog to his vomit' whor* ho found
himself in the atmosphere of Monothelete Itavenna.
This temporary departure from the ruling creed was
however objected against him now, when ho sought to
recover the Patriarchal throne on which ho had once
before been seated. .He declared that he had nubscribed
to the Pope's UbMus (i) because ho WUH hiB gmwb, and
(2) under duresse. On these two somewhat inconsistent
pleas the imprisoned Pope was now examined l>y an
Assistant-Treasurer who hore the great name of
Further Demo«theno8. The Court minion, when he entered
the prison, Raid with an unworthy nneer, 'Our lord the
exce}]enfc Emperor ha« sent UB to thee, saying, Hoe in
what height of glory thou once want placed 9 and to
what a depth thou now hast fallen. For all this
thou Last only thyself to thank/ To which the Pope
only replied, 'Glory and thanksgiving in all things to
the only King, Immortal and Invisible.* Demosthenes
then proceeded to crosB-quewtion him about hin reception
of the fugitive Patriarch PyrrhuH. 'Whence did he
draw his BubBistence when he was in liome ? * * From
the Roman Patriarchate ' [the Lateran 1 *al ace} * W hat
was yoxir object in thus supplying him with provisions ? '
6 My good lord, you do not understand the ways of the
Pope Martin banished to Cherson. 267
Roman Church. For I tell you plainly, St. Peter does BOOK vn.
not repel anyone, however poor and miserable, who '
comes to claimhis hospitality, but gives them the whitest 55"
bread and divers kinds of wine* If then this is done
even to miserable outcasts, in what guise ought we to
have received one who came as the honoured bishop of
the groat see of Constantinople?' Then came the
<juestion as to duresse, the heavy wooden chains which
wore said to have boon fastened on the Patriarch's
limbs, and the many grievous tilings thai, had been
done to him. To which answered the Pontiff, * All this
is utterly untrue, and there are men in Constantinople
who were then in 1 1onic, and who know how false is
the accusation. There is Pluto, once Kxarek who
sent his messengers to Pyrrhus at Koine. Ask him, and
if fear does not prevent him from speaking the (ruth,
ho will toll you. But I am in your bawls. Tear me
if you will, limb from limb, as the Treasurer said to the
Prefect that ho ought to do unto me. Work your own
will upon mo ; but ,1 will not communicate with the
(Jhurch of ( lonstanlinople.'
After oitfhfcy-four days' confinement in the prison ofThopoi«»
,M. i Ti i- * * i> • i i • te»lMhw*
i,)iomede, the unfortunate rope was again j>ut on ship- t«*oiiw
bourd and delivered to the mercies of the stormy Mnroh 13,
6*<\
Kuxino. Wliat object the guards can have had in
keeping their unhappy prisoner HO long exposed to
the* miseries of sea-sickness we know not ; but it was
not till May 15, two mouths after his embarkation,
that ho was permitted to land at Cherson, a place
which was not the same as the modern city of
(Jherson, but was situated in tho Crimea, then called
the Tauric Chersonese. Jlcro he languished for four
months, and then died, worn out by disease* and
268 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. hardship. From two letters which he wrote to his
°H' 6' friftnflfl at Rome, we receive a most melancholy im-
6s5' pression of his state during these last four months of
his life. He complains bitterly of the lukewarmness
and forgetfulness of his Eoman friends, who wrote him
no letters, and sent him no alleviations of his distress.
Almost the only news which he did receive from Home
was the unwelcome intelligence that, yielding to Im-
perial pressure, the Eoman clergy had acquiesced in
Eugcniusihis deposition, and elected another Pope, Eugenius I,
fo,P6st- g' as his successor1. The inhabitants of the country to
6™e 2' which Martin was exiled were, according to h is accounts,
barbarians and heathens, and he suffered from want
not only of the comforts, but almost of the necessaries
of life. His only chance of buying com was in small
quantities from vessels which came thither laden with
salt from the southern shores of the Black Scaa, and
then he had to pay for it at the high price of one
solidus for a bushel \
Death of Pope Mart in died on September 17, 655. lie was
ttnfsoptT buried in that wild Crimean land, and miracles, of
I7'655' which there had been some mention during bis life,
were believed to be wrought at his tomb. On the
whole, he must be pronounced one of the noblest
figures in the long line of lloman Pontiffs. The
1 August TO (?), 654. Curiously onougli, Iho la,st Popo Martin,
ho who wns oloctod at the end of Iho groat HchiHm by tho Council
of Constance, wan also nuccoodod by an Eugomuw (IV;, X4,jt*
M 'Naviculno quao voniunt ox yartHwH Koinmrimt (ut hi qui hie
smit nuncupantur') ; nn ini,or<»Htinf? inHianco of tho onrly imt> of
Romania for the JBantorn Empire (Uommomoratio, <S:c., ap. Baron.
6ga. 5).
a Or 96 Bhillin^s a quartor ; a very high pricn, and not calling
for Baroniim* arbitrary alteration of the toxt, which would umko it
sixteen times as much (four solidi the pock).
Death of Pope Martin. 269
querulous tone of the letters of his exile contrasts BOOK vn,
f*tr ft
somewhat unfavourably with the utterances of that - LJ —
other victim of Imperial persecution, St. Chrysostom. 655'
And, as I have before suggested, it is possible that
there may have been some foundation for the political
charges on which ostensibly his condemnation was
based. Hut on the other hand there can be no doubt
that if he had been willing to strike his flag to the
MonolhololoH, or to accept that arbitrary 'End of
Controversy/ the Tt/jw of the worldly-minded Emperor
Const ans, ho might at onco have ended his \veary exile
and have returned to the comforts and the splendours
of Iho Lateran Palace. This he refused to do for
constnenee1 sake, and he is therefore entitled to rank as
one of the lew martyrs who have sat in the chair of
St. Peter.
I must remind tho reader, in returning to
eourwe of Lombard history, that all the ovent-H with uottui.
which we have* been recently dealing occurred before
the accession of (jriimvaid. HeraclhiB published his
AW/uwVf in 67,8, two years after the accession of Itotlmri.
The AV///mVr wan taken down, and the Type was
substituted for it by Oonstans II in 64$, four years
before the end of Hothari's reign. When Hothari died
(in 652), Martin had been for throe years Pope. Exarch
( Hympius died in that year, and his raccoHsor's capture
of the Pope occurred in the following year, the date of
Aripert's accession to the Lombard throne, Ariport
during his reign must have heard of the death of
Martin in exile at Gherson, of the death of his suc-
cessor "KugenhiB (June, 657), and of the elevation vifcaiian
of ///,s' successor Vitalian, whose long pontificate (657- 30,657-
672) covers the whole of the reigu of Grimwald, 670,' *7>
27o Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn. Under the rule of this Pope the Monothelete dispute
°H' 6' seems to have slumbered. Fairly amicable relations
existed between the patriarchates of Home and
Constantinople : Vitalian, though not .going as far as
Honorius in acceptance of Monothelete doctrine, was
apparently willing to leave the question undiscussed,
and as this was the very result most desired by Constans,
a politician but no theologian, there was peace and
the exchange of outward courtesies between Emperor
and Pontiff.
Constans Thus we come down to 662, the year of Grimwald's
face to- accession. Towards the close of this year 'Constans II
! eel formed the resolution to quit for ever his capital by
the Bosphorus, and to try his fortune as a re-estab-
lisher of the Empire in the Western lands. To his
contemporaries, accustomed to ^fchink of the Iloman
Augustus as immoveably settled in the East, the
resolution seemed like a madman's dream. Even the
virtues of this Emperor (for he had some virtues),
his rough energy, his broad view of the needs of the
Empire, his abhorrence of theological disputation, an
well as his undoubted vices, made him unpopular
with the enervated, wordy inhabitants of New Home \
Two years previously he had pxit to death his brother
TheodoHius, whom he had before forced into holy
orders, and now it was said that Thcodosius continually
appeared to him in the visions of the night, arrayed
hi the dress of a deacon, and offering him the sacra
mental cup, saying, * Brink, rny brother !' The Imperial
dreamer would take the cup, Bee that it was filled with
blood, and awake with a cry of anguish* This story,
1 Soo Bury, ii. 303-4, for an admirable ostimato of the character
of Oonhtans II*
Expedition of Constans. 271
however, comes from a very late and doubtful source1, BOOK yn.
and perhaps attests only the animosity of Church °H' °' .
historians against a Monotlielete heretic and the per-
secutor of Popes. The cruel tortures inflicted on the
Abbot MuxiimiB, the groat champion of orthodoxy, 662.
and two of* his disciples, who were Hogged, had their
tongues and right hands cut off, and were banished
to the inhospitable neighbourhood of Poti, doubtless
kindled the resentment of many of the Emperor's
subjects against him. But after all it wns perhaps
statesmanship quite us much as passion which deter-
mined Oohstans to <jiiit his native*, city and souk his
fortune* in the West His grandfather Jleraclius had
come from (Carthage to found his dynasty. He was
himself called Kmperor of Home, yet Koine and Italy
were daily slipping from liw grasp, the city to the
Pope, the country to the Lombards. Constans would
revive tho great projects of JiiHtinian, and bo in
fact at* well *IK in name Emperor of Home. We
need not therefore believe the late and legendary
story that when C/onntans was standing on the deck
of hifi cutter, ho turned round to look at the receding
towew and domes of ( Jonstantinople, and spat at tho
Imperial City, Bettor vouched for, however, is the
fact that ho was obliged to take his departure alone,
and that when he Bent from Sicily for his wife and
his three HOIIH, the citizens (perhaps represented by
tho Senate) refused to allow them to dopurb,
OonstanH wont fivnt to Athens, whore ho apparently HonnwH
sojourned for some time, and then, probably in the 063. ay>
early part of 663, crossed over into Italy, landing at »
Turentmn. Both by his landing-place and in various
1 Cntlrmaiu, u wouk of tho oluvoutli cozilury.
2?2 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. other ways his expedition reminds tis of that other
H'6' attempt which Greece made 944 years before *, under
66s' Pyrrhus king of Epirus, to conquer Italy. Like that
Aeacid prince, Constans sought to ascertain by super-
natural means the event of his enterprise. He asked,
not the priestess at Delphi, but a certain recluse who
was believed to have the spirit of prophecy. * Shall
I vanquish and hold down the nation of the Lom-
bards which now dwelleth in Italy? 9 The holy man's
answer, vouchsafed after a night of prayer, was less
ambiguous than the response of the oracle to Pyrrhus.
'The nation of the Lombards cannot be overcome,
forasmuch as a pious queen, coming from another land,
has built a basilica in their territory to the blossed
John the Baptist, who therefore pleads without ceasing
for that people. But the time will come when that
sanctuary shall be hold in contempt, and then the
nation itself shall perish/ The historian who records
this prediction considered that ho saw its fulfilment
when the fall of the Lombard monarchy followed
the simoniacal ordination of unworthy and adulterous
ecclesiastics in the great basilica of Monza*.
OouKtAxui Undismayed by this unfavourable answer — if he
outers tho • i • j 1 1 1 1 i /» , *
duchy of ever received it — the limperor pressed on from the
to?noy°n" region round Tarentum, where he still found subjects
loyal to the Empire, and invaded the duchy of Bone*
veiitoa, where Itomwald the son of King Grimwald
ruled. * The high nest of Acherontia/ an Horace called
it *, a frontier fortress on one of tho outlying buttresses
1 B.G. 281. * Pmilus, II* L. v. 6.
8 The boundary was probably Btill made by tho two rivers
Aufidus and Bradanus.
4 Ode ill 4. 14.
Siege of Benevento. 273
of Monte Vulture, resisted all his attacks, but Lueeria, BOOK vn.
1 a wealthy city of Apulia/ was captured, sacked and — " -
levelled with the ground. Certainly the Emperor of 66s*
Rome practised a strange method of delivering Italy.
He then marched to Benevento, which he surrounded
and tried hard to carry by storm. Young Komwald,
sore pressed, sent his tutor l Seswald to entreat his
father's aid. On receipt of this message King Grim-
wald at once set out with a large army to the help of
his son. Many of the Northern Lombards, however,
deserted on the march. The jealousy or suspicion
between Pavia and Benevento was too strong to be
overcome even by the presence of the Human Emperor
on the soil of Italy: and the men of the northern
provinces said to one another, with self-gratulations
on their own superior wisdom, 'The southern duke
has helped himself to all that wa« best worth having
in the palace at Pavia, and now he is going to Bene-
vento "to help his son/7 You will see that he will
never return/
Meanwhile the Imperial army was pronging the siege Sifgwof
of the city with all thowe engines of war the une ofvonto.
which the dexterous Greek understood HO much bettor
than the barbarian* By frequent nallies the* ^alhuifc
defenders inflicted grievous lo^nes on the enemy, but
the Htraitnass of the siege wan great, and day by
day they looked for tidings of the approach of the
1 This in perhaps tho bont tranwlation that can bo oflforod of
MttririHti, which givow us a bltmdod idea of fos tor- father, instructor,
and, in tho canu of a young princo, rogont or chiof eounHollor, It
IH u,sod in this H<»IINO occasionally by (jlrogory of Tours. H«<> Wait/,,
V<)rfaHHim^g<tsclm>h(<», H. 4.M- and -^^7: und coinparo what has
Iwurti uln^uly sjiid of tho relation of Arichin to tho young princow
of Frluli.
VOU VF, T
274 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK VIL Lombard king. At length they saw the messenger
— H* Seswald drawing near to the walls, but, alas ! as a
66s* prisoner led by the Imperial generals. For while he
was hovering near to the city seeking how he might
enter, he had been captured by the enemy's scouts,
who had brought him into the Emperor's presence.
From him Constans learned of the near advent of
Grimwald with a large army, and these tidings decided
him to end the siege by all means as speedily as possible.
Seswald was therefore allowed to approach the walls,
having promised that he would assure the garriwm
that Grimwald could not help them. If he failed in
this he was told that death awaited him. When the
captive tutor was close to the walls, he asked to wee
his pupil, and as soon as Romwald came to the IwiUlo-
ments he cried with a loud voice, ' Stand firm, lord
Eomwald : thy father is at Lund and will soon bring
thee help. He is already at the river Hanaro \ an< I
pitches his camp there to-night with a strong army.
Have pity, I pray thee, on my wife and children, for
I know that this perfidious race will not sulKer mo
to live.7 As soon as lie had finished his fspooch, the
Emperor bade that they should cut off hm head, and
hurl it into the city from a catapult: an ungenerous
revenge, and one in which a Teutonic warrior would
have hardly permitted himself to indulge. The well-
known features were kiftncd by the grateful Iipw of
Itomwald, and the head wan deported in a worthy
shrine.
Trucopro- After all, no battle was fought under tin4, wills
churned, ^ -ri /-s
oi JBenevento. Constant was now anxioiiH to depart,
and Romwald, whose troopw were probably already
1 I. o, about fifty milow from
Battle at Forino. 275
suffering severely from famine, made * a bridge of gold BOOK yn.
for a retreating foe/ handed over his sister Gisa to - 1^~~
him as a hostage, and made peace on some terms, ***'
the nature of which is not recorded \ Constans then
started for Naples, where he was secure of a friendly
reception, as that city belonged to the Empire ; but
on his way lie was attacked by Mitola, count of Capua,
at a place by the banks of the Galore (which a hundred
years after was still called Pugna), and was defeated
there with much slaughter. This skirmish (for it was
probably nothing more) apparently broke the truce
concluded under the walls of Benevento. One of the
Byxantino nobles, named SaburruH, asked tho Emperor
to entrust him with the command of 20,000 men with
whom ho made no doubt that he should vanquish the
young duke of Benevento. Jle set forth, and pitched I{HMI<« »*•
his camp at Forino, about twenty-five miles oast of
Naples, which city wa« now the Emperor's headquarters.
When Orimwald, who had by this time joined his son,
heard the tidings of the Imperial general's approach ho
thought to go forth also and fight with him, but with
something of the spirit of a young knight of later days,
Romwald bogged that he, with only a portion of his
father's army, might have the glory of" this day's en-
counter. Accordingly .liomwald and Saburrus " with
their small selected armies met. on tho field oi'lxittlc.
Krom four different sides sounded tho trumpets of
1 Tin* narrative of UMHO ovontH in Pnuhm !H rnlhor contustMl.
I Imvo tulopiml Wnitx/H HuwW'wtion, au,i nli^htly transposed
* Can (his SnhurniH )>o th<* naino |»omi»u as iho Haborius,
Porninu drsoont, who, UH wo loan* from Tli«»o|»hani»s IA,M.
rovoltod ajyfaiiiHt <<oiiHiunH1 an<I ^voutually lost Ills lifo ;<i Adria-
noplo by au iUTidfui on
276 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn. Saburrus, as the Imperial forces rushed to the fray.
°H' 6t But in the thick of the battle, a stalwart Lombard named
66s* Arnalong, who bore ' the king's wand T ' (probably a spear
from which fluttered the royal banner), struck one of the
little Greek soldiers through the body with his weapon,
which he held stoutly with both hands, and lifting
him from his saddle, held the spear high in air, with
his victim writhing upon it -, The sight of thin deed
so disheartened the Greeks that they turned to Iliglit,
and in that flight the army was cut to pieces. Uom-
wald returned to his father with the glory of victory,
and the boaster SaburniR brought back few of IUB
20,000 men to hi« master*
' Constant/ nays the Lombard historian, c seeing
that he could avail nothing against the Lombards,
turned all his threat** and all his harshwssw upon bin
own partisans, that IK, the 'Romans/ This may have
been the secret reflection of the trembling clor^y and
citizens when the stem Monotheleto Emperor camo
among them, }>ut the outward flignn of mutual amity
were observed on tho visit which (JoiiHtaitH now paid
to Rome. It was certainly a memorable event. Throe
hundred and seven years had elapsed since tho awo-
Btricken ConntantiuH gassed on the glories of yet
uuruined Koine": nearly two coiitui'icw KIIKW^ any
person calling hinmelf Einj)oror had «to<Ki UJM>U the
Palatine Hill: one hundred and thirty-seven yearn
do ix^io ox<«ivitu, noinino
tum, qxioiu vulgo HtntluM rc^gis dicizuuH, forro orut Holiiim* (Puulun,
H. L. v. ro).
2 'Quondam Grnotmlum (^><l(»tn conlulo utriwiiu* nmnihim furiiior
porcutionfi, do «ellA mi per <jumn o^uUihui HUHiulii, ouin<|ti4) ia ncru
super caput wium lovavit r (i^iulun, u. B.).
3 Hoc vol. iv. p, 1:20.
Constans visits Rome. 277
were yet to elapse ere a barbarian king was to beBOOKvn.
acclaimed with shouts of Carolnx Imperator in the L-l—
streets of Rome. Meanwhile here is this successor 663'
of Augustus, who bears by full right the title of
Emperor of the Romans, but who is Greek by lan-
guage, Greek by education, and who, it is to be feared,
does not hold the Catholic verity in his heart, since
by that arrogant Type of his he forbids ITS even to
make mention of the Two Wills in Christ. He has
accomplished but little against the terrible Saracens:
he has done nothing to deliver Italy from the unspeak-
able Lombards: we must receive him as our rightful
lord, but our hearts fail us when wo ask ourselves
what ho will do in Rome. Such were probably the
feelings of Pope Vitalian and his clergy as they went
forth along the Appian Way .six miles from the gates
of tho City to meet the Emperor Constant But his
first dovcmt behaviour probably somewhat allayed
their terrors. It was Wednesday, the sth of July
(663), when he entered the Klornui City, and lie at
once proceeded to worship at the great basilica of
St. Peter, leaving there a gift upon tho altar. On
Saturday he went to the church of & Maria Maggiore,
and there, too, ho offered bis gift. On Sunday the
church of St. Peter's was filled with the Greek Holciiers,
All the clergy wont forth with cine pomp of lighted
tapers to meet the master of that glittering boat who
was present at the celebration of Mass — doubtless
receiving the consecrated elements from St. Peter's
successor— and again offered bis gift upon the altar ;
this time a jHtUwvi fttiif with gold. On tho next
Saturday be visited in equal state the Latorun Church,
the homo of the great Western patriarchate ; he bathed
278 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. in the porphyry font \ which legend, then or at a
°H-6 <Jay3 declared to have been used for the baptism
6631 of Constantine the Great, and he dined in the spacious
banqueting-hall which was known as the Basilica of
Vigilius a. Lastly, on the second Sunday of his visit,
he again attended High Mass at St. Peter's, and took
a solemn farewell of Pope Vitalian on this the last day
of his sojourn in Rome 3.
Hisspoiia- Twelve days was the length of the Emperor's visit,
turn of the ^ jj-g time was not wholly occupied in hearing Mass
and offering gifts upon the altars of the churches.
Gold and silver had apparently long vanished from
all places but the sacristies of the churches, but there
was still much copper on the buildings and in the
statues of the City. Between his visits to the basilicas
the Emperor usefully employed bis leisure in Btripping
the City of all these copper adornments, even proceed-
ing so far as to strip off the copper tilnH which covered
the dome of Agrippa'fl Pantheon, now the church
of St. Mary of the Martyrs. These Hpoils, and much
else, probably some works of art, posRibly some of the
treasxxres of the libraries4, were put on shipboard and
* I have no express authority for thin detail Tho words of the
Papal biographer arc simply 'Iterum Suhhato <lio vt»wt fmpowtor
nd LatoranaB et hint M.' But considering the importance* which
already bogan to }>o attached to the legond of Conntantino*B Imptmm
at the Lateran, I think we may fairly annumo that thin was the
meaning of hiH NueeoHHor'B ablutioim.
2 Near the apartment of Pope Gregory the Great (Joannes
DiacomiB, ii. 2f)? quoted by Duehonno).
3 We got Iho history of the Emporor OonwianH* visits io Iho
ehurchoa from the Liber Pontificalia in Vita Vitalian i.
4 This IB the conjecture of (h'ogorovhiH (ii. if>f>)» but noitli<tr
Constans II nor his Hubjocta fleom to me to have been likoly to
care much for literary plunder,
Spoliation of Rome. 279
consigned to Constantinople, at which city however, BOOK vn.
as we shall shortly discover, they never arrived. It —
was certainly an unworthy mode of celebrating the 66s"
Roman Emperor's visit to the City which gave him
his title ; and the abstraction of the roof of the Pan-
theon must have reminded Romans who knew anything
of the history of their City of the similar procedure
of Gaiseric and his Vandals upon the gilt roof of the
temple of Jupiter Gapitolimis 3. But the necessities
of the Empire were great : some of its richest provinces
were hi the hands of the Saracens ; and the robberies
of Constant wore probably not for himself but for the
Ktato, Had there been any blood spilled or any
sacred vessels abstracted daring the Imperial visit
to Rome, we should assuredly have heard of such
atrocities. Upon the whole, wo may presume that
when, on the I7th of July, Constant finally turned
bin back on the Imperial City, Pontiff and people alike
congratulated fchomsolvcR that they bad not suffered
greater evils at the hands of their stern sovereign.
From Rome ho went to Naples, and from Naples by
land to Rojrgio. Ho must have remained some weeks
in Southern Italy, for it was in September* (if not
later) that ho crossed over from Reggio into Hicily3,
He remained in that island for five yeans, making 663-668.
1 K<JO vol. H. p. 2^4.
'2 * Por imlietiouom Hoptimam.*
B If tho chronology of Thoophaims bo correct, thuro hud boon
nn invasion of Sicily by tho SamconM in tho namo year in which
Constans crossed ovor into tho iHlund. Jlo wnyn, "In thin year
(063) u ^n»ni purl of Hicily was oarritMl onptivo, and thoy [the
caj>tivoH| w<»r<* I>y iht*ir own <li»Hiro planted as Hottlors inDaniawiUH'
(/cm <p*iirt)))tnw tV ^<i/i(toK^> ^Air}(rft auro>tr), A inyHlorioilH oiliry, but
which zauHl point to an invasion of Sicily by tho Saracons.
o
Sicilians.
280 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn, Syracuse his headquarters. The object of this long
- - ^~ sojourn in Sicily evidently was that he might UKH
it as his base of operations against the Saracens, who
were overrunning the provinces of Northern Africa.
He did indeed temporarily recover Carthago, but this
success was counterbalanced by a severe defeat winch
Financial his troops sustained at Tripoli. In Sicily as elsewhere,
oppression . i i • ' i /» • n
xfthe he snowed himself grasping arid impecunious. The
cultivators of Sicily and Sardinia, of Calubria uu<i of*
the province of Africa, long remembered the oppressive
procedure1 of the tax-gatherers of Con,stan«. Wo in-
exorable were their demands that, to satisfy them,
husbands were sold into slavery it way from their
wives, and children from their parents, and, under ibis
intolerable tyranny, life seemed not worth the living,
Now too, if we may believe the papal biographer, who
writes in great bitterness of spirit against the Mono-
thelete Emperor, Constans exceeded e,von his Roman
exploits by his sacrilegious spoliation of the churches.
All over the two islands, and the two provinces which
have been named, sacred vessels and other precious
ornaments dedicated to the worship of the sanctuary
were carried off ' by the command of the Emperor and
by the avarice of the Greeks*/
1 The Liber Pontifiealis gives us the name* of throo
diagrapha, capita, nwHcationcs. None of them iwniw occur in i h
terrible listof tax-gatherer*' demand* given UH by Jcwmu* Lydun (Do
Magistrates, ft. 70), Capita aro, of COHI-NO, tho 'hondu' of inxu-
tion with which we have already mmlo ncquaintaneo in tho WIWH
of Sidonius (vol. ii. p. 4i9? 414 second edition). NauUcatiimn arr«
perhaps some forced service on shipboard, like tho work of th<*
English press-gangs. I cannot explain diagmpfa
2 'Nam etvasa sactata vel cimilia (M^\W) sanctarumDoi <»(?«!«.-
fflaium imperiali jussu et Omoeonim avaricia subbte eunt ' (I'auhw
H. L. v. ii : copying the Libor Pontlficulfa).
Death of Consfans. 281
At length the hard and oppressive reign came to an BOOK yn.
end., but that end seems to have come rather from the — -
sudden rage of an insulted menial, than from any deep-
laid popular conspiracy1. One day2, when Constant
entered the bath which was called Daphne, at Syracuse,
the valet who attended him, a certain Andreas, son of
Troilus, while the Emperor was scrubbing himself with
Gallic soap, lifted high the box in which the soap was
kept, smote his master on the head with it, and ran
away. As the doors of the bath-house remained long
unopened, the- attendants who stood without at length
burst them open, and found their master lying dead upon
the floor. If 1here had been, (is seems probable, no
conspiracy, it was nevertheless easy to foresee* that the
existence of a conspiracy against BO harsh and unpopular
a monarch would bo easily suspected. It was probably
1 It is two that Theophanes, from whom alone wo got tho
account of tho man lor of Oonstans, usos the word «'&<Ao0«w;tf)7
concerning it, but J think id will bo evident from the rest, of tho
ntory that there, was no * malice aforethought' in tho caw*. A con-
spirator intending to kill the Emperor would surely have provided
himself with some more effectual weapon than a soap-box. In
fact, Andreas would seem to have been as much surprised as any
one at the fatal effect of his blow. It is interesting to see that
soap still, in tho seventh century, boro the name of ({(iHicHw.
Pliny, writing in the first century, in speaking of the rem<Hlies
for swellings in tho face, says < JL N. xxviii. 1 2), ' Prodcst ol w^o ;
(iatfannH /tor itimdWH rutilandis ca]>Xllis <»x HOVO [suctj ot ciiuiro:
opiimtis fagino (cinent) <^t aiprino (HOVO); duobus modis, npissxw
a<? li<(uidus: uten^H^ apu<l Uornmnos ninjoro in UBU viris, quam
fo<»niirns,* It certainly HOCZUH that, an far as th<i use of soap
was concerned, the Mediterranean peoples rocoivod <nvilisation
from tho regions north of tho Alps rather than imparted it
io them.
M On the iftth July of tho rsth Imlic-tion, says the Lil>or Ponti-
ficuUs; but Duchestie agn^^s that wo must corn ml tho iiguron 12
to 1 1, thus making the year 668.
282 Grimwald aud Constans.
JBOOKVIL in order to guard themselves against the certain
vengeance of the Heraclian house that the courtier's
668- determined to raise a new Emperor to the throno.
Their choice fell on a certain Armenian named
Mizizius 19 who much against his will accepted the
Mizizius. dangerous diadem. He had calculated the chances of
success more truly than those who forced the honour
upon him. From all parts of Italy, from I stria and
Campania, from Africa (the old home of the I Ioraclians),
even from the island of Sardinia, soldiers Hocked to
Syracuse to suppress this ridiculous rebellion. When
the young Constantino, the son of (Jonstuiw, arrived in
Sicily with a great fleet, he found the work already
done, and the rival Emperor Mfosizius slain \ Tho
pretender's head was taken to Constantinople, and
with it many of the civil servants of the Knipire who
had taken part in the rebellion, and who, according
to the cruel fashion of Byzantium, were mutilated
before they were placed on board the, ships which were
to convey them to the place of execution,
The Sara- Events such as theso naturally weakened the resist-
C6ns flu
Syracuse, mg power of the Empire. We hear without surprise
that the Saracens suddenly appeared with a
1 'Mocotius' in Patiltu*.
2 Thero is A slight divorgonco Jwiwoon Thooplmnos and IWiw
as to the agents iu the HupprcsMion of tho revolt of Mixi/,ins.
I follow in tho main tho vorniou of Paulas. Jlis wiiienw, 4 Mul-
tique cx.juditibus tfwi <lotriai<atti CoiiHinutinopoiim jMTdticli mint/
is, I think, important us nn Indication thnUhn wlwllion of Mixiyjtm
was an abortive attempt of tho civil wrvnntH of th<* Kiuphni to Hvo
themselves and tho proviiKiials from Uw yoko of iho nulitnry
governors and tho Holdiont uud<»r thonu Thin view of Iho nmttor
explains tho alacrity of tho Imperial HolUiom iu JtiJy in HU|»pr<ss8ing
tho revolt.
Spoleto and Bencvcnto. 283
fleet in tho Sicilian waters, entered Syracuse, made BOOK vn.
great slaughter among the people (a remnant of ---- -— ' -
•whom fled to fortified camps and the tops of the
mountains), and then returned to Alexandria, bear-
ing with them immense, booty, including* the brazen
ornaments, and all tho other precious things which
Oonstans Augustus had carried oft* from Homo.
As for King (irimwald's daughter Gisa, whom
Kmperor had borne oil' from Beneve.nto as a hostage, wuM's
she too was taken by him to Sicily, and died there. <asu.
Tint way in which Paulus mentions her fate inclines us
to suppose that id was in some way connect ed with
the troubles of the Saracen invasion,
The remaining events of the reign of (jrimwald may
be briefly told, and all relate to three out of the four
great duchies, whoso history in an earlier chapter was
brought down lo this point. The duchy of Trient i«
not noticed here.
In SeoLF/ro, on the death of Duke Atto (663), Tn
(<rimwald conferred the duchy on his old ally iiniwnf
TruuMnHHHtl, count of Oapua, to whom he was largely ' |M< " ""
indebted for his success in winning the Lombard crown.
Transamund, who married a (laughter of (Jrimwald,
appears to have governed tho Umbrian duchy for about
forty years, and his descendants, to the third generation,
flat on his throne,
At BKNKVKNTO, young Romwald HOOIUS to havcm
-vii 11 n i
csver m cordial love atul loyalty to
father, and we may conjecture that the kingdom an
the duchy were more closely confederate together
during the reign of Grimwald than at any other period
of their joint existence. The chief event of the young
duke's reign seems to have been tho arrival of it colony
284 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK VIL of Bulgarians in Italy under their duke Alzeco, who,
L_ < with all the army of his duchy/ came to King Grim-
wald, and promised faithful service on condition of
being allowed to reside in his land. Him Grimwald
passed on to his son, desiring the latter to provide
suitable habitations for him and his people. They were
heartily welcomed by the young duke, who assigned
to them for their residence a spacious region to the
north of his capital, which had lain desert until that
time, and which included the cities of Bovianum, Sepi-
num, and Aesernia. The fact that this broad reach
of territory (situated, it is true, among the highlands
of Samnium) should have remained desert till these
Bulgarians from the Danube country came to occupy
it, tells its own sad story of the desolation of Italy,
The Bulgarian Abseco coming thus into the territory of
Duke Komwalcl, in a relation which in a later century
would have been described as that of vassalage, had to
forego the title of duke which he had hitherto homo,
and be content with that of yasi<dd, a title which, as
we shall hereafter see, expressed more of personal
dependence on the sovereign than the title of duke.
Even down to the days of Paulus, that is, for a full
century after the .settlement, though the deHcemluuts
of thene settlers had learned the Latin tongue, the
rude Bulgarian speech was still heard in these cities
and villages round the skirts of Monte Matose \
] ftoo Bury'B History of the Lator Roman Empire, iL 333, for
Homo intorowting romarkn on thin Bulgarian migration. Tlio words
of Paulus ui'o romarknUo : Tor haoc tomporaVulgarum dux Alfcoeo
nomine, incortum qiwm ob eausaiu, a su& gonto digrosBus, Italiam
pacific© introions, cum omni nui ducatus oxoreitu ad rogom Grim-
wald vouity oi BO sorviturum at<iuo in ojus patri& haWtalurum pro-
miitons, Quom illo ad Romualdunx filium Benovontum dirigons,
Duchy of Friitli. 285
Meanwhile in the duchy of FBITJLI, the old home of BOOK yn.
Grimwald, disastrous events were occurring. Grasulf,
Grimwald's uncle, after apparently a long reign, had m
been succeeded by Ago, of whom Paulas has only to tell
us that a certain house called Donius Ac/onis was still
visible at Forum Julii \
Duke Ago was followed by Limits, an ambition**
and untrustworthy man. Instigated possibly by the <•!!
patriarch of Aquileia, he led a band of horsrmen
by a highway cast up in old time across the sands
to G ratio, ])hmdered that island city, and carried
off the treasures of its church. Whether he deposited
any oftlieso treasures in the mother and rival church
of Aquileia we arc not informed. After this came,
the invasion of Italy by Constant;, KomwuM's cry for
lit ol cum wio populo locu, ad Iwbitandum concodero «I< -beret prae-
eopii Qtios KomualduB gratauter oxcipions, eisdi'in ,sy/////o,s// nd
hubilanduni lorn yww KWJUC tttl Utnd trm/tHs dwrln mutf* rnutrihniti
Bcilicoi 8<^pinuin, Bovmnuiu <»t Iscrniam (.s/V*) ct alias ciun suis
torritoriis civital<vs iiMHttiqw Ahimnntt, wiituln ((ii/Hittttix w*nthnt
<k (liwc (/(tfttttldiim rorifttri /wy/r/v1/)//. <^ni uscjiu^ hoihV in his ut
dixiiuus locin habit autiss, <iuajnquain <»{. Lutim'* loijuanfur, lin^uao
taiuou propria<k usuin minim** amiMTtmt/ 11 WMMUH pn>I>ul>I<* Unit
thin HottJomont of Ui<» Bulgarians was partly a turasuro of JHV-
caution iigainst attack from Koino or Naples. All Hi*' lluvr <u\vns
mujHwl arc on lli<» buck- way lea<lin^ from the \fia Lalina across
tho mountain** to
1 Our datoB lie,ro
(that is apparently about tin* timn of iho accession of
642), * morluo aput Forojtilii <h'asulio<luH», Korojulcns^in ducal urn
r<^(»mlum HUHCO}»I* (Paulus, II. L. iv. 50). SSh{mMem ut
riu« j>raoniisemmim? (jlrasulfo Korojulanorum duco d<'func{<%
successor oi in ducato A^o <latus, do CIIJUH nomine usque hodie
doxniiH quiwjduiu inlm P<»rojuli constitula domus A^»niM appelJalur.
Quo Agone mortuo, ForojuJanonun <luctor Lupus ottieiiur' ( Ibid.
v. 17). As a inoro raadtun guess, I would put ihe wei'ssion of
Ago about 645, and that of Lupus a)x>ut 660, Do Kuhtiis, following
puls tho formor in 66 1, and tho latter in 663,
286 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. help to his father, Grimwald's rapid march to succour
H' him. Before setting out the king committed his
palace and all its treasures to Lupus of Friuli, perhaps
and re- an old companion of his boyhood. But Lupus shared
against the general opinion of the northern Italians, that the
Beneventan interloper, having once set his face to-
wards the south, -would never return to Pavia* He
carried himself insolently in his delegated office ; and
perhaps — though this is not expressly told us — aimed
at winning the kingdom for himself. When he learned
that Grimwald was returning, Lupiis, conscious of his
misdeeds, retreated to his duchy of Friuli, and there
openly raised the standard of rebellion.
On receipt of these evil tidings, Grimwald, unwilling
A™,™ into to stir up a civil war between Lombards and Lom-
bards, resorted to the strange and desperate expedient
of inviting the Avars, the savages who, fifty years
before, had slain his father and ravaged his home, to
come and attack the rebel duke. The Chagan came
with a great army, and was met by Lupus apparently
on tho old battle-ground of Theodosius by the Cold
River below the pass of the Pear-tree *.
Dmiu of For three days Lupus kept the savage horde at bay,
at fimt with brilliant success, winning decided victories,
and carrying great spoil out of their camp. But each
day tho number of his killed and wounded soldiers
rose higher and higher, and still the apparently undi-
minifthed Avar horde rolled on towards him. On the
fourth day Lupus was slain, and the remnant of his
army scarcely succeeded in waving themselves by flight.
1 'In loco qui Ploviuw tlioitiu*.' JMhmunu understands thin to
iiKMin l FluviuH l«Yi#iduH hi vnllo Wipbach provincial Krain.' fc>oe
vol. i. j>. 160 (p. 570 in Hocond edition).
Retreat of the Avars. 287
The surviving Lombards shut themselves up in the BOOK yu.
fortified cities, while the Avars as aforetime roamed "
over the duchy, carrying fire and sword through the
wasted land. To GrimwalcVs ambassadors who came
with a gentle suggestion that it was now time to cease
from ravage, they replied that they had won Forum
Julii by their arms, and did not mean to quit it. Here-
upon Grimwald saw himself compelled to assemble an
army for the expulsion of the Avars from Italian soil.
But according to the $ayn,9 he effected his purpose
not by force but by guile. The. ('hagan's ambassadors
came and feasted at bis board ere nil bis army wn,s
yet collected, but lio dressed ii]> the same squadrons
in different atliro on each succeeding day, and made
thorn defile before the eyes of* the ambassadors, loading
thorn to suppose that each day fresh reinforcements
were coming to bis standard, ' With all these multi-
tudes/ said be, * shall I burst upon the Avars find
t/hoir (Jhngan, unless they speedily vanish from (be
territory of Forum flu Hi/ The message carried back
by the deluded ambassadors struck such terror into
the heart of the (Jhagan thai he, made all baste to
return to bis own laud.
The daughter of Lupus, Tiuwdorada, was jLfivon in Th«»«i
marriage to Romwald of Bonovento, and in her now
homo, as wo learn from th<; life, of* St. Barbaius,
played a part like that of Thoudelinda in winning Iiomwnl<l
over the still half heathen, and wholly irreligious,
Lombards of Jionovento to the Christian faith,
His son Arnefrit1 sought to win his father's duchy, KH^tami
but fled at, the approach of Urhnwald, and took refuse A^Llvit,
1 This nniim romin<lH UH of ilmfc of (ho futh<*r <>i%
WnrnoirwI.
288 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. with the Sclovenes of Carinthia \ Afterwards seeking
_ H* _'_ by the help of these barbarians to recover possession
of his duchy, he was slain by a sudden onset of the
men of Friuli at a place called Nemae (now Nimis),
about fifteen miles north-west of Cividale.
Weehtari, As the new duke of Friuli, Grimwald appointed
0 Wechtari, a native of Yicenza, a man who had evi-
dently already reached middle life, and who was, we
are told, <a kind man, gently ruling the people2/
Though Arnefrit was dead, his Sclavonic allies still
troubled the duchy, and hearing that Duke Wechtari,
of whom they stood in great awe, had gone to Pavia
— doubtless in order to concert measures of defence
with King Grimwald — they came with a strong body
of men, and pitched their camp at a place called
Broxae, not far from the capital 3. It happened pro-
videntially that Wechtari had on the previous evening
1 SSod motuons Grimnaldi rogis vires, fugiit ad Sclavorum
gentom in Carnuntum quod corrupto vocitant Carantaniun '( Paulus,
II. L. v. 22), Of course Paul us is wrong in dragging in Carmmtnm
(tho modern ProsburgN, which woxild bo in tho midst of tho Avar
territory. The * Carantanum,' which he blames, is tho right namo
for tho country now called Carinthia. Ankorshofon (Uoschtchto
don Iloi'zogthumes Kiirnten, ii. 31, 32) fixes the settlement of the
8({lov(.'ii(ks as an advanced guard of the Avars in Carinthia about
f>96. ' Their nt^gh]K)urs in tho plains of Pannonia and on the soa-
coast called their new home, aurroundod as it was and traversed
by mountains, (tomtan, the mountain land, from which, in COUTBQ
of tim<», and l>y foreign chroniclers was formed tho Latin 'Caran-
tanuni' and the Gorman 'Kftrnten.' Whether this derivation bo
approved or not, in any case Paulus' reference to Carmmtum is
quite beside the mark.
54 * Vir bonignus ot populum Hiiaviior rogens.'
SJ Do ItuboiH Bays (p, 3or>), 'It is a place in the district of
S. Giovanni-in*Antro at the fourth milestone from Cividale. Tho
gate on that side of tho city is still called Broxana.'
Affairs of Frmlt. 289
returned from Pavia, and hearing of this insolent BOOK yii.
advance of the Sclovenes, he went forth with twenty ...JULJ! _
of his followers to attack them. Seeing so small
a troop issue from the city, the Sclovenes said with
jeers, 'Lo, here come the patriarch and his clergy/
But when they came to the bridge over the Natiso,
on the other side of whose deep gorge the invaders
had pitched their camp, Wechtari took off his helmet
and showed his bald head and his well-known coun-
tenance to the foe. A despairing cry of < Wechtari \
Wechtari ! ' ran through their ranks, and they till
began to think of flight rather than of battle. Then
Wechtari, perceiving their panic, charged upon them
with his Kcanty hand, and inflicted such slaughter,
that out of 5000 SclovcnoHy few returned to tell the
tale in Oariuthia. Bo runs the Saya of Wechtari.
Throughout the long life of Grimwald he neemH
yt|.jj
never to have forgotten the treachery practiced by the n'wiw*
Patrician Gregory against his brothers Taso and (Jaoco. " *r
The Avars, as we have Been, ho could forgive, he
could oven welcome as allies, hut the lUmmns never J.
Especially did his anger burn against the eity of
Opitergiinn, in which the foul murder was committed,
Not satisfied with the partial demolition of that city
which had been accomplished some twenty or thirty
years before by order of Kotharia, he now utterly
destroyed it, and parcelled out the citi/xws who were
left in it among the throe Neighbouring cities of Korum
J \ilii, Geneta, and Tarvisium (Cividalo, (Jonoda, and
OrumxuMo contra Itomuww non muliorru odium,
l>r<)4so <iuotl OJUH quondam #ormauo,s TIIKOUOIU ot Ciw<H)tn'iu iu mia
lido (l<»ctjpiHHfxit ' (PnulxiB, II, L. v* sH)# * Btu; p. i6H.
VOL, VI. U
2Qo Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vii. Treviso). To this day the low estate of the little
' town, scarcely more than a village, of Oderxo, testifies
to the vengeance of the Lombard king.
Sack of Equally hard was the fate of the city on the
Forlim- . . . „
Emilian Way, twenty miles south of Ravenna, which
still, in a slightly altered form \ preserves its classical
name of Forum Populi. Many times had its inha-
bitants harassed his messengers going and coming in
time of peace * between Pavia and Bonevento. Watch-
ing his opportunity, he burst, in the dayw of Lout,
through the unguarded ]><*issagos of the Apennines,
came upon the city on Easter Sunday itsolf, when the
children were being baptised, and slew the citizens
with wide and indiscriminate slaughter, not sparing
even the deacons who wore olliduting in tho bap-
tistery, and whoso blood was mingled with the water
of ablution, Then ho boat down the ehiof buildings
of the city, and left therein but a very few of its
former inhabitants'*. Certainly the Lombard, even
1 Forliaipopoli.
2 I think wo must infar thia, as Forum Populi ww for within
the Imperial frontier, and in timo of war that Hoction of tho
Emilinu Way would bo eloHod to tho Lombards,
tt t Quadratfottimorum tomporo per Alpoai Bardonm Tunciam
IngrosBtiB, nosci<»ntil>uH oinnino Ivoinnnin, in ipso ftacrntiasiino HU!)-
)>at<> Pasdiali Hup<«' <»nnd<»in civitatoni oft hora quA, }>aptiKinum
liobat (wVi), inopiaato iaruifc, tanknuqtio ocxiwonnn Htra#<»ia ftscit,
tit otium diacioiu^s ipstw qui inlnntulos 1>aptixa)Mint, in ip.so nacro
fonl«> p<}rhnoroi Hicquo oan<lom urb<kiu <l<gu(iit, ut UBI^UO hodio
pauciBHiiui in oa coa&iuan<mnt JiubilaloruH ' (raulun, JL L. v* 27).
I cannot oxplaiu ' por Alpoin Bardonis.' WaiU'w rtifon»kce to Bardi
noar Parnia dotsH not HOWU to help tin, a» that throws tho Heono of
action far too nuidi to tho wost. Jt is probably Homo pasB through
tho AponninoH yot to )H^ Hl<»ntifi<»(1. And wo noc-m to want
* <> Tuflciil ognwHUB ' rather than * Tuwtiaai iiigro«»uH/ Thoro nuint,
it seoinw to mo, bo soxaothiag wrong with tho text.
Death of Grimwald. 29 1
after a century's sojourn in Italy, fell far below the BOOK vu.
Visigoth in capacity for civilisation. Alaric at Pol- — il-i —
lentia well-nigh ruined his cause by his unwilling-
ness to fight on Easter-Day, the same clay which
Griinwald chose for a treacherous revenge and a cruel
massacre.
At length the strong, hard, self-reliant man came DIAIUM*
to a characteristic end. He had been bled, probably 071.
for some trifling ailment, by the royal surgeons, and
was resting in his palace on the ninth day after tin*
operation. A dove flew past ; he longed to reach it
with his arrow; he took the bow mid shot, but in
doing so opened again the imperfectly dosed vein,
and died of the ensuing hemorrhage. The suggestion
that his doctors had mingled poison in their drugs
seems unnecessary to explain the death of so self-
willed and impetuoxzs a convalescent. He, was buried
in the basilica of Ht. Ambrose which ho himself {evi-
dently an orthodox Catholic by profession) bad reared
in the royal city of Ticinum.
It should be mentioned that in July 668, in th
sixth year of his reign, (h'hmvald made u short uddi-
tion to the code of Rothari. Ifc will not be nee-essary
here to examine tins additional code minutely. It
may be sufficient to say thai it shows a ^eneral
disposition to uphold the prescription of thirty yearn,
whether against a ftlave claiming pardon, or against
a free man resisting the attempt to reduce, him to
slavery; that wager of battle is discouraged, and trial
by Sftcrameutum an much OH possible substituted lor it;
and that there are some stringent provisions ngainsl
the ollence, then evidently increasing, of bigamy. The,
law of (irhnwuld also imports from the. Unman law
u 2
292 Grimwald and Constans.
BOOK vn. the principle of representation of a father by his
~ — children in the event of his having died before the
ancestor whose property is being divided. From the
stress laid on this principle by Grimwald we must
suppose that it had been imperfectly recognised by
the tribunals of E-othari.
NOTE B. THE STOUY OF ST. BAKBATUS.
THE life of St. Barbatus, the most eminent apostle of Catholic NOTE B.
Christianity in Southern Italy, has an important bearing on the
history of the duchy of Benevento in the seventh century, and
especially on the invasion of Constans; hut hagiology has a char-
actor of its own, and refuses to be wrought in harmoniously with
secular hintory, oven in that picturesque and saga-like form which
that history assumes in the pages of Paulus. I have decided
therefore to relegate to a note the condensed narrative of the
saint's life and works.
Thin narrative is derived from two documents published in
the groat Bollandist collection of the Acta Sanctorum under the
date j 9th of February. One of those lives, we are told, is ex-
tracted from an ancient codex written in Lombard characters
belonging to the Benedictine monastery of St. John at Capua.
The other, an expanded and paraphrastic copy of the first, comes
from the archives of the church at Benevento. Waitz, who has
edited the life of the saint in Scriptores Eerum Langobardi-
cnrum (M, (if. II.), mentions eleven MSB., most of which he has
consulted, and three of which are ' litteris Beneventanis exarati.'
He considers that even the earlier form of the hintory cannot
have been written before the ninth century, and follows Bethmann
lit rejecting as valueless the later and paraphrastic form which
ho attributes to the tenth or eleventh century. From some
nlight indications (chiefly the description of the invading Emperor
an * Constantinus qui et Constans appellatur '), I should be dis-
posed to believe that there is a foundation of contemporary
tradition for the earlier document. The following is a greatly
condensed translation of the Life : —
* Barbatus (who was born in the year 603) became famous when
Grimwald held the reins of the Lombard kingdom, and his son
llomwald ruled the Samnites.
294 B.
NOTEB. 'The Lombards, though baptized, worshipped the image of
a viper; and moreover, they devoutly paid homage in most
absurd fashion to a certain "sacrilegious" tree not far from the
walla of their city. From the branches of this tree was hung
a piece of leather; and all those who were to hike part in the
ceremony, turning their backs to the tree, rode a\\ay from it at
a gallop, urging on their horses with bloody spurs. Then sud-
denly turning round, they hurled their Lmces at the leather,
which quivered under their strokes ; and each one cut out a little
piece thereof, and ate it in a superstitious manner for the good
of his soul1. And as they paid their vows at this plan*, they
gave it the name /W//y//, which [says Ihe scribe] it still bears.
* All these superstitious practices greatly distressed the soul of
Barbate, who told the people that it was vain for them thus to
try to serve two masters. Hut they, in their blind and beast-
like madness, refused to abandon this equestrian form of worship,
saying that it was an excellent custom, and hail been handed
down to them by their ancestors, whom they mentioned by
name, and declared to have been the bravest warriors upon
earth.
* However, by his miracles, Barbatus began to soften the hearts
of the rude peoples who even by drinking the water in which
ho had washed his hands after celebration of the Mast*, found
themselves healed of their diseases.
'Then " Constantino, who is also called Oonstann," desiring
to restore the kingdom of Italy to hi» obedience, collected an
innumerable multitude of ships, arrived at Tarentum, and ravaged
nearly all the cities of Apulia. Jfe took the very wealthy city
of Lueeria after severe lighting, and by the labour of his robber-
bands levelled it to the earth. Then he went on to Beneventum,
where Horn wa Id abodes having a few very brave Lombards with
him, and the holy father Barbatus remained there with them*
Terrible was the attack of Constans, who harassed the defenders
with evor-frosh bands of assailants. This lasted long, but
Komwald, magnanimous and untcrrilied, made a bravo resistance,
Thu Hocoud Kuribo iituplHUm Iho simplci tMrinin (l<*athori of tlu» Hrnt into
curtl, and itimwiinitiM rw//, aiul makoH th« trito rufluciioit, 'Nam quid
iuH crwloiidum <jHt quam ox niorluiH nnimulibuH now carnum wtl
coriuru luwijM'Fo ad CHUM comoHtiouiH tit pravo (irrori wulyccti
Story of St. Barbatus. 295
now fighting* from the walls, now making- a sudden sally and NOTE B.
hasty return into the city, for he was not strong enough to fight
in the open plain. Still, though he had slain many of the
assailants, his own ranks were thinned, and the inhabitants
began to \\eep and wail, thinking thnt they would soon be
destroyed by the robber-bands of Constant. As for Itomwakl,
he, growing weury of lighting, gave a counsel of despair to his
soldiers1 : — '* It is better for us to die in battle than lo fall alive
into the hands of the Greeks, and so parish ignoininumsly.
Let us open the gates of the city, and give them the hardest
battle that wo can." Perceiving this discussion, SI. Uarbat.us
said, "Never let so many bravo young wen be given over io
destruction, lest they perish everlastingly. (iood won* tho bold-
ness of your hearts, if your minds were not, so empty, and your
souls so weak." Said ItounvaM, " What dosf, Hum moan by
emptiness of mind, and weakness of wml ? J/rithce, toll us,"
Thereupon Barbatus, promising them the palm of victory, if
they would follow bin counsels, preached u long sermon against
idolatry, and exhorted his hearers to the. steady and serious
worship of Christ.".
* Hereupon Romwald said, "Only lot us be delivered from our
loon, and we will <lo all that thou hiddest us, will make thee
bishop of Uus plae,o, and in all tho eities under our rule will
enrich thoo with farms ami 'colonies,' "
* Bairbat.UH answered, "• Know for certain that Christ, lo whom
ye havo now turned in penitence, will set. you free, antl tho
assaults of Caesar and his people shall not penetrate the street**
of Boneventum, but with changed purpose they shall return to
their own borders. Ami that thou mayosir know that I am
telling tho,e tho very truth, which shall shortly come <o JJUMH,
lot us e.ome togt^tlu'r un<ler \\\v wall* There will I nhow tho<j
tho Virgin Mary, tho mont pious Mother ol" Uod, who bun ollorod
ti}> hor health-giving prayorn to (»od for you, and now, having
been heard, comes to your deliverance,*"
'Aftor public prayors and noleiun KianioH, an<l after («a4n<»st
privatio prayer oilered up by Harbat\m in tho Church of the Virgin,
the poople, with Homwahl at then* head, assembled at the gate
I tnko s»»u»o h<iut<«ii*'«H h<*rtj IVotn tin* luh'r M.S.
M<i fur tlui lutiT MS,
296 * Note B.
NOTE B. which is still called Summa. Then Barbatus desired them all to
bow down to the dust, for God loveth a contrite heart, and went,
in conversation with Romwald, close tinder the wall. Then
suddenly appeared the Mother of God, at sight of whom the
Prince fell to the earth and lay like one dead, till the holy man
lifted him from the ground and spoke words of comfort to him
who had been permitted to see so great a mystery l.
6 On the following day the besieger, who had refused to be
turned from his hostile purpose by an immense weight of silver
and gold and a countless quantity of pearls and precious stones,
now, receiving only the sister of Jlomwald, turned his back on
Bencventum and entered the city of Neapolis. The blessed
Barbatus at once took a hatchet, and going forth to Votum, with
his own hands hewed down that unutterable tree in which for
so long the Lombards had wrought their deadly sacrilege : lie
tore up its roots and piled earth over it, so that no one thereafter
should be able to say where it had stood.
'And now was Barbatus solemnly chosen binhop of Bono-
ventum. Of all tho farms and "coloniao" wherewith Prince
and people offered to endow him, he would receive nothing, but
he consented to have tho house of the Archangel Michael on
Mount Garganrw, and all the district that had been under the
rule of the bishop of Sipontum transferred to the See of the
Mother of God over which he presided2,
6 Still Romwald and his henchmen, though in public they
appeared to worship God in accordance with tho teaching1 of
Barbatus, in the secret recesses of the palace adored the image
of the Viper to their souls' destruction ; wherefore tho man of
God, with prayers and tears, besought that they might be turned
from the error of their way.
1 It i« interesting to obsorvo how tho story grows in minutonoss us timo
got'H on. lu tho earlier MS. tho words aro simply —
* paritorquG mibountos xnurum vina Dei gonitrico in facJom dw.idit PrineopH,
nimioquo pavoro portorritun et paono oxanimis solo constornatus jacobat.'
In tho later MS. this bocomoa —
e BarbaluH . . . cum Hnmnalt nubiit civitatis xnurum, et ooco apparnit Hubilo
eandidao nubiH fusio prnouipuo plona splondoro qtiao confixa per gyrum
turris obumbrabat cneumon, quod omiuobat supor ipnam portam prnofatam,
ot in modio n«bi», doloctabilis visio porfuKo lumiuo rutilabat VirginiH puor-
porao vultu et coolorum Koginao poronniw.'
a Sipontum had probably lain doaolato since its ravage by tho Sclavoniantf
in 642.
Story of St. Barbatits. 297
4 Meanwhile Romwald's wife, Theiiflerada, Lad forsaken the NOTE B.
way of error, and was* worshipping Christ according- to the holy
canons. Often when Romwald went forth to hunt, Barbatus
would come to visit her, and discourse with her concerning her
husband's wickedness. In one of these interviews she, heaving
a deep sigh, said, " Oh ! that thou wouldest pray for him to
Almighty God. I know that it is only by thino intercession
that he can be brought to walk in the path of virtue."
* liurbatiw. — "If thou hast, aw I believe, true faith in the
Lord, hand over 1o me the Viper's imago, that thy husband may
l)o saved."
6 T/H'iiftwat/a* — " If I should do this, I know of a surety that
I should die."
' Jiarbat'H*. — ""Remember tho rewards of eternal lift*. Such
death would not be death, but a great gain* For the faith of
Christ thou slmlt bo withdrawn from this unstable world, and
shult attain unto that world where Christ reignoth with His
saints, where shall bo neither frost nor parching heat, nor poverty
nor sadness, nor weariness nor envy, but all shall bo joy and
glory without end."
'Moved by sueh promises she speedily brought him the imago
of the Viper. Having received it, tho bishop at OINJO melted it
in tho lire, and by tho help of many goldsmiths made of it during
the prince's absence a paten un<l cluilico of great sixe and beauty,
for tho offering up of tho body and blood of Jesus Christ.
'"When ull was prepared, on the nacred day of tho Hesurreetion,
llomwuld, returning from hunting, was about to enter Hene-
ventum, but Barbatus met him, and persuaded him first to <iomo
and assist in celebration of tho Muss in the church of tho Mother
of God. This ho did, receiving tho communion in the golden
vessels nwdo, though ho know it not, from tho imago of tho
Viper. When all was done, tho man of God approached the
prince, and rebuked him sharply for tempting God by kooping
tho Viper's imago in his palace. Hhould the terrible <l«y of tho
Divina vengeance* eotws in vaiu would ho lloo to that idol for
protection. Hearing thoso words, Romwald humbly confessed
his sin, and promised to give up tho imago into tho bishop's
hands, "Thai thou necdest not do,** said tho saint, "simw it
has already boen changed into tho vessels from whioh thou hast
received the body and blood of tho Lord. Thus what tho Devil
298 Note B.
NOTE B. had prepared for thy destruction is now the instrument through
which God works thy salvation."
c RomwM. — " Prithee tell me, dearest father, by whose orders
the idol was brought to thee. '
* Barbalw. — "I confess that I, speaking in much sorrow to
thy wile concerning thy spiritual death, asked her for tho image,
and received it at her hands."
f Thereat one of the bystanders burst in, saying, " If my wife
had done such a thing as that, I would without a moment's
delay cut off her head." But Barbatns turned to him and said,
"Since thou longest to help the Devil, thou shalt be the Devil's
slave.3' Thereupon the man was at once seized by tho Devil
and begun to bo grievously tormented by him. And that this
might be a token and a warning to the Lombard nation in after
times, the saint predicted that Cor so many generations [the
biographer is not corf aim of the exact number] there should
always be one of his descendants possessed by the Devil, a pro-
phecy which, down to the (Into of the composition of the
biography, had boon exactly fuliillcd.
* Struck with terror, all the other Bcnoventans abandoned
their supeivstitiouB practices, and were fully instructed by tho
man of (Joel in tho Catholic faith, which they still keep by (iod's
favour.
'Barbatus spent eighteen years and cloven months in his
bishopric, and died on tho eleventh day before the Kalends of
March (igth of February), 683, in the eightieth your of hit* age/
Thin curious narrative, however little worthy of credence as
a statement of facts, in a valuable piece of evidence as to the
spiritual condition of tho Lombards of South Italy in the soventh
century. Wo may safely infer from it that conversion to Chris-
tianity was a much more gradual process in the south than in
the north of Italy. Lupus of Friuli is neither saint nor hero
in the pages of Paulus, but Ids daughter T houderatla is like
another Clotilda or Theudolinda to tho barbarous, half-heathen
rulers of Uonevcnto.
In another Life, contained in the ' Ada Sanctorum/ that of
St. Sabinus (ix Kebnmrii), wo have a slight notice of Thouderada
as a widow. After tho (loath ol" her husband she ruled 'the
tctt' iu the name of her yoxmy Bon [Urimwald II], and
Story of St. Barbatus. 299
during her regency a certain Spaniard named Gregory came to NOTE B.
Spoleto in order to lind the tomb of St. Sabiuus, who hud died
more than a century hefore (in J66). Not finding the sepulchre
there, he persuaded the Princess Theuderada to go and seek for
it nil Canusium. She found the tomb, and on opening it per-
ceived that pleasant odour which often pervaded the sepulchres
of the saints. She also found in it a considerable weight, of gold,
which the biographer thinks had been stored there in anticipa-
tion of that invasion of ihe barbarians which Si., Sabinus had
foretold. Unmindful of the commission which Gregory had
given her to build a church over the. saint's tomb, she carried
off tho gold and returned in haste to Bencvcnto. Hut when who
arrived ait Trajan's Bridge over the Auiidus, by ihe judgment of
(iod her horse slipped and fell. She was raised from the ground
by her utteiulanis, but. recognised in the umdont the vengeance
of the saint for her forget fulness. She hastened back to the
holy man's sepulehre, built a church with all speed, reared over
his body a beautiful marble altar, and made dutliee and paten
out of tho gold found in the tomb. To the end of his life
Gregory the Spaniard ministered in the clunvh of St. SabhuiH,
300
FAMILY OF AR1PEET.
ARIPERT I,
653-661.
Roi>mNPA=FPER<JTARIT,
a daughter,
OODEPERT,
661-662 and
in.
66i-66s.
673-688.
GllIMWALJ).
CAIttBALU
671.
I
1
Biu«KLn«>A,=FCUNT NOPKRT,
WlWLTNDA,
RAOTNPERT,
a Saxon 688 700,
111.
700.
Prin COSH.
(JRTMWAM) II.
<hik<» of
Bonovonto.
LIUTPERT,
•
ARIPERT II, GUM-
700,
7OI-712, I»KRT,
T
Count of
Origins.
1 WO
H011H.
CHAPTER VII.
TUK HAVATUAN LINE RESTORED.
Our only source for this part of the history is PAULUS
DIACONUS. 1 have not met with any guide.
PEBCTABIT (672-688).
•
KiN<i GRIMWALD died, leaving a grown-up son BOOK vn
clt his successor iu the duchy of Benevento,
and (i child Garibald, the nominal king of the Lorn- ivr
bards under Iho regency of his mother, the daughter 72*
of King Aripert. It was not to be expected, however,
that the banished Perctarit would taiuely acquiesce
in his exclusion from the throne by his sister's infant
won : and in fact, if the story told by Paulus be true,
ho appeared upon the scene even sooner than men
had looked for him. One of the latest acts of Grim-
wald's reign had been to conclude a treaty of alliance
with the king of the Franks1, and a chief article of
that treaty had been the exclusion of Perctarit from
1 * Pagobfrt/ Huyn Pmilus (H. L. v, 32), but as tho death of
(jlrimwald took ]»hu?o hi 671, aud tho accoBsioii, or more strictly
tho wturn, of Dagohort- II was in 674, it is generally agreed that
PauhiB inimt }>o in <*rror, und that either Chlotochar III or Chil-
diiric II numi )w tho king witli whom Grhnwnld nomizwilly made
tho treaty. In any cawo it would not bo tho Merovingian roi
fahifant, but Ehroin, tho stalwart Mayor of tho Paluco, who would
bo tho negotiator,
302 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vii. the Frankish realms. The hunted exile had accorcl-
- — _ ingly taken ship for 'the kingdom of the Saxons'
672* (that is to say, probably the coasts of Kent), but had
only proceeded a short distance on his voyage when
a voice was heard from the Prankish shore, enquiring
whether Perctarit was on board. Receiving an affir-
mative answer, the voice proceeded, 'Tell him to
return into his own land, since it is now the third
day since Grimwalcl perished from the sunlight/
Hearing this, Perctarit at once returned to the shore,
but found no one there who coxild toll him any-
thing concerning the death of Grimwald, wherefore
he concluded, that the voice had boon that of no
mortal man, but of a Divine moKKengor. Keturning
in all haste to his own land, bo found the Alpine
passes filled with a brilliant throng of courtiers sur-
rounded by a great multitude of Lombards, all expect-
ing his arrival He marched straight to I'avia, and
in the third month after the death of Grimwald wow
hailed as king by all the Lombards The child
Garibalcl was driven forth, and wo bear no more of
the further fortunes of him or IHB mother. Rodelinda,
the wife of Perctarit, and Cunincpert hi« son, were
at once sent for from Benavento. Romwald soomtt to
have given them up without hesitation, and to have
peaceably acquiesced in the reign of the restored
Perctarit, whose daughter eventually married bis
eldest son.
For about seventeen years did 'the beloved PKIWI-
Porctarit, , . .. ._ . . ,„ ,
673 6sa TAEIT rule the Lombard, state ; a man of comely
stature, full habit of body, gentle temper, kind and
affable to all, and with a remarkable power (attested
in the history of his wanderings) of attaching to
Character of Perctarit. 303
himself the affections of those beneath him in station. BOOK vn.
He was a devout Catholic, and one of the first acts '— —
of his reign was to build and richly endow a convent
for nuns called the ' New Monastery l of St. Agatha/
in that part of Pavia which adjoins the walls whence
he had made his memorable escape. Queen Rodelinda
also built a basilica in honour of the Virgin outside
the walls of Pavia, which she adorned 'with many
wonderful works of art/ of all which unfortunately
not a trace now remains2.
The only exception that we can find to the generally
mild character of Perctarit's rule is his treatment of
the Jewish people. Like the Visigoths, the Lombards
would seem to have written their adhesion to their
new faith in the blood and tears of the Hebrew. "We
learn from the rude poem on the Synod of Pavia
that PoL'ctarit caused the Jews to be baptized, and
ordered all who refused to believe to be slain with
the sword :t*
* Paulus, contrary to our usage, calls this convent for female
roclusos 4 monaatorium.'
tt Paulnn hero tolls us of a curious Lombard custom. Queen
Kodolinda's church was called * A<1 Portions ' (Tho Polos), because it
was built near a Lombard cemetery whore had stood a grout number
of poles erected according to Lombard fashion in honour of
relations who had diod in war, or by any othor mischance away
from homo, and who thoroforo could not bo buriod in tho sepulchre
of thoir fathers. On the top of tho pole was placed the wooden
imago of a dove, looking towards that quarter of tho horizon
where the beloved dead wan reposing, (II. L. v. 34.)
B SSubolis item Berthnri (sic) iu solium
Regal auffoctuH, hnitatus protinus
Exompla patris, a<l iidom cenvertore
JiulaooR fecit baptiscandon, credero
Qui renniKirunt, gladium p<«temere.'
((Jannen do Bynodo Ticinonsi ; soo vol. v. p. 4^')
3°4
The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vii In the eighth year of his reign Perctavit associated
himself his son Cunincpert, with whom he
reigned jointly for more than eight years
The oniy break in the generally peaceful and pros-
perous reign of Perctarit was caused }>y the seditious
movements of Alahis, Duke of Trient, who for some years
was a great troubler of the Lombard coinmomvoalth.
This Alahis had met in battle and signally defeated the
count or grama of the Bavarians, who ruled IJotxen
Rebellion and the neighbouring towns I Elated by HUH victory
d^keofiS; lie rebelled against the gentle Perctarifc, shut, himself
Trieni up in Tridentum, and defied his noveroign. Tho king
marched into the valley of the Acligo and commenced
a formal siege, but in a sudden sally Alabis broken up
his camp, and compelled him to wok wifoty in flight.
No victory after this seeinn to have restored the
honour of the king's arms, but by the inlcsrviwlioii
of the young Cunincpert the robe! <luko was induced
to come in and seek to be reconciled to IHH lord.
Not forgiveness only, but a great increase of the
power of Alahis was eventually tho result, of tins
reconciliation. More than once hud Perelurit decided
to put him to death, but he relented, and at the
earnest request of Cunincpert (who plodded himself
for the future fidelity of bin friend), the great mid
wealthy city of Brescia, full of noble Lombard families,
was added to the duchy of Alahis. Even in comply-
ing with this often-urged request, Perctarit told his
1 'Ten years/ says Paulua, but tlifa JH uvidoutly nn orror.
* 'Hie dum dux esset iri Trodonliun civiiuUs cum (uunito Baio-
axiorum quern illi gravionem dicuni, qui littiuuinutu «t wJi^ta
casteUa regebat, conflixit ourn^uo imrificft wuiieravil' (I'uuluH,
k
King Cunincpert. 305
son that he was compassing his own ruin in thus BOOK vn.
strengthening a man who would assuredly one day_fU_
seek to upset his throne1.
The kings of the Bavarian line appear to have been Doath and
great builders. About this time Perctarit built, * with
wonderful workmanship/ a great gate to the city of
Pavia, which was called Palatiensis, because it ad-
joined the royal palace. And when, soon after, his
time came to die, he was laid near the church of
the Saviour which his father Aripert had builded in
Pavia.
CU3STINCPERT (688-700),
who had already, as we have seen, ruled for some Reign of
years jointly with his father, was now sole king, i^rf)"'"
and his reign lasted till the end of the century. A 7°°'
strangely compounded character, this large -limbed
muscular man, of amorous temperament, and apt to
tarry too long over the wine-cup, was also apparently
a devout Catholic, a friend of the rulers of the Church,
an ' elegant* man, and famous for his good deeds-.
He had married a Saxon princess named Hermelinda,
probably a relative of the king of Kent, in whose
dominions he had been on the point of taking refuged
1 4 Noc dosti lit patrom optinoro, qum otiam oi ducatum Broxino
(•.outribnorct, I'oclamanto ganpiuH palro quod in suam hoc Outline-
port porniuicm faccrot, quihoisfci wio ml rognandum vires* praoborot'
(Paulas, II. L. v. 36*. Quo iw runiindod of James tho Firat'w warn-
ing to Jtfaby Charles that * he would one day have his bolly-fuJl of
Parliaments. '
u 'Fnit autom vir ologans ot omni bonitato conspicuus andux-
quo Collator ' (Paulas, H. L. vi. 17).
3 Ecgborht, king of Kont from 664 to 673, had a sistor Eonnfu-
gild, who married tho kixig of Moreia. In tho family of law undo
VOL. vr. x
3o6 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK m Eermelinda, who had seen in the bath a young maiden
_°* 7- of the noblest Roman ancestry, named Theodote, in-
jUW* °f cautiously praised in her husband's presence her comely
Theodote. wu-w^^j r 1-1 v
figure and luxuriant growth of flaxen hair, descending
almost to her feet1. Ounincpert listened with well-
dissembled eagerness, invited his wife to join him in a
hunting expedition to the 'City' forest in the neigh-
bourhood of Pavia, returned by night to the, capital, and
gratified his unhallowed passion. I F< >w 1< »ng I ho int rigue
lasted or by what means it was brought to a close
we are not told, but when it was end**!, ho sent her to
a convent at Pavia, which long after bore her name-.
It was apparently soon after Ounlnopert/H accession
that that 'son of wickedness :i, Alahm, forgetful of the
great benefits which he had received from the king,
forgetful of his old intercession on his Iwhalf, and of*
uncle Eormenred, all the danghtorH* nam**-s )u»tf»n with * Kornu*n'
(Eormenbeorh, -burh, an<l -gyth), as nil ih<* HCIUH' nnnj<*s Iw^nn \vilh
' JEthel.' From one of theBO familim ini^hi w<'Il nprtn^ K<>rui<«n-
lind or Hermelincla. (Lappon^org'n IIiHiury of Ifatflaml, tmiw-
lated by Thorpe, i. 285.) It is noticoahlo thai Pnuhm ji#niu UHOH
a compound word like Anglo-Saxon--4 At v«ro (!utiinq>i*ri ivx
Hermeliada ex SuftonuwrAnylowm </Mim'> <Juxif ux<»n«m * (II. L.
v. 37).
1 *Quae cum in balneo T}i<M)<lot<»iu, (MUiHatn ox n
Eomanorum genere ortam, olopfnnti corjKtni «*t fluvm p
capillis pene usque ad podoB dt^comUun vi<li«Hi»tf (1'mihtH, IL L
v. 37). The fact that any Koman Ainccwtry wua n*ckontKi tt> In*
noUlissmum among the Lombards i« importaut, rJ$h<* prdfuniou
of golden hair in a woman so dotteomlocl IH unlike our convontioiml
ideas of Koman race-characteriatics,
* ' In monasterium quod do illiuw mmunt* Inim Ticininn np|M'l-
latum est misit' Bianchi (quoted Iby Wait/, in loco) myn thai tlu*
convent of St. Mary Tlieodoto w now commonly calhxl
Posterla.'
8 * Filius iniquitatis Alahis noinino ' (Paulus, IL L. v, 36).
Usurpation of Alahis. 307
the faith which he had sworn to observe towards him, BOOK vii.
fir 7
began to plot his overthrow. Two brothers, powerful '— •
citizens of Brescia, Aldo and Grauso, and many other
Lombards, entered into the plot, for which, doubtless,
there was some political pretext, perhaps Cunincpert's
inefficiency as a ruler, perhaps his drunken revelries,
perhaps his too great devotion to the interests of the
Church. Whatever the cause, Alahis entered Pavia
during Cunincpert's temporary absence from his capital,
and took possession of his palace and his throne.
When tidings of the revolt were brought to Cuninc-
pert, he fled without striking a blow to that ' home
of lost causes/ the island on Lake Como, and there
fortified himself against his foe.
Great was the distress among all the friends and HIH in-
adherents of the fugitive king, but pre-eminently Conduct
among the bishops and priests of the realm, when
they learned that Alahis, who was a notorious enemy
of the clergy, was enthroned in the palace at Pavia.
Still, desiring to be on good terms with the new ruler,
Damian, the bishop of the city, sent a messenger, the
deacon Thomas, a man of high repute for learning
and holiness, to give him the episcopal blessing. The
deacon was kept waiting for some time outside the
gates of the palace ; he received a coarse and insulting
message from its occupant ; and when at last admitted
to his presence, he was subjected to a storm of in-
vective which showed the deep hatred of the clerical
order that burned in the heart of Alahis, That hatred
was mutual, and the bishops and priests of the realm,
dreading the cruelty of the new ruler, longed for the
return of the banished Cunincpert.
At length the overthrow of the tyrant came from
X 2
so8 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK VIL an unexpected quarter. Alahis was one day counting
out his money on a table, while a little boy, son of
Brescian adherent Aldo, was playing about in the
agafnst° room- A- golden tremisses1 fell from the table and
Alain*. wag pic]jed up by the boy, who brought it to Alahis.
The surly-tempered tyrant, little thinking that the
child would understand him, growled out, ' Many of
these has thy father had from me, which he shall
pay me back again soon, if God will.' Jleturning
home that evening, the boy told his father all that
had happened, and the strange speech of the king,
by which Aldo was greatly alarmed. He sought his
brother Grange, and took counsel with him and their
partisans how they might anticipate the blow, and
deprive Alahis of the kingdom before he hart com-
pleted his design. Accordingly they went oarly to
the palace, and thus addressed Alahis : ' Why do you
think it necessary always to remain cooped up iu the
city? All the inhabitants arc loyal to you, and that
drunkard Cunincpert is vSo besotted that all his in-
fluence is gone. Go out hunting with your young
courtiers, and we will stay here with the rent of your
faithful servants, and defend this city for you. Nay
more, we promise you that we will soon bring hack
to you the head of your enemy Ctmmcpcrt/ Yielding
to their persuasions, Alahis wont forth to the vast
forest already mentioned called the 'City forest/ and
there passed his time in hunting and $port of various
kinds2. Meanwhile Aldo and Grauw> journeyed in
haste to the Lake of Como, took ship there, and
1 T ho third pnrt of a Mlulntt aumw, worth about lour Hhillin^H.
2 ' Ad Urbom, vaatis«iiuam wylvain, profoctun ost ibiquo HO JOCIB
ot vtHialionibuB oxorcoro coopit' (I'aulitH, H* L. v. 39).
Cunincpert restored. 309
sought Cunincpert on his island. Falling at his feet, BOOK vn.
they confessed and deplored their past transgressions _ .' ' ..
against him, related the menacing words of Alahis,
and explained the insidious counsel which they had
given him. After weeping together and exchanging Return
solemn oaths, they fixed a day on which Cunincpert port,
was to present himself at the gates of Pavia, which
they promised should be opened to receive him.
All went prosperously with the loyal traitors. On
the appointed day Cunincpert appeared under the
walls of Pavia, All the citizens, but pre-eminently
the "bishop and his clergy, wont eagerly forth to meet
him. Tlioy embraced him with tears: ho kissed UK
many of thorn its he could1 : old un<l young with
indescribable joy sanj^ their loud hosannas over the
overthrow of the tyrant, and tho return of the be-
loved CJunincporfc. Word was at thu same lime sent
by Aldo and (irauso to Alahls thai they had faithfully
performed their promise, and even something more,
for they had brought back to Pavia not only the head
of Ounincpcrt, but also his whole body, and he was
at that moment seated in the palace,
Gnashing his teeth with ra^e, and foaming out
curses against Aldo and (Jrauso, Alahis (led from the
neighbourhood of Pavia, and made his way by Piacotixa king!i«ni"
into the Eastern half of the* Lombard kingdom,
territorial division which wo now for the iirst tim
meet with under a name memorable for Italy in
after centuries, and in another connexion — the fateful
name of AUSTRIA, 2. It is probable that them* was
omnt'H prout poluit osouluiiiH out* (Paulus, II, L. v. ,19).
a The boundary Jx»tw«nn tho Kuntoru un<l W<wl<»ru province*},
Austria and N<niBtria, HUIUUH to huvo )>ouzx tho rivw Adda, Tim
3io The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vn. in this part of the kingdom an abiding feeling of
_^_ discontent with the rule of the devout drunkard
Cunincpert, and a general willingness to accept this
stern and strenuous duke of Trient as ruler in his
stead. Some cities, indeed, opposed his party. Vicenza
sent out an army against him, but when that army
was defeated, she was willing to become his ally,
Treviso was visited by him, and by gentle or ungentle
means was won over to his side. Friuli collected an
army which was to have marched to the help of
Cunincpert, but Alahis went to meet them as far n«
the bridge over the Livenza, at forty-eight Roman
miles distance from Friuli, Lurking there in a forest !
hard by, he met each detachment as it was coming
up separately, and compelled it to swear fidelity to
himself, taking good care that no straggler returned
to warn the oncoming troops of the ambush into which
they were falling. Thus by the energetic action of
Alahis the whole region of * Austria ' was ranged undor
his banners against the lawful ruler.
increasing It may be noticed in passing that the language
anceof of Paulus in describing these events seems to whow
the cities. ,, , . . ,
tnat the cities were already acquiring some of that
power of independent action which is such a marked
characteristic of political life in Italy in the Middle
Ages. The turbulent personality of Duke Aluhw is
indeed sufficiently prominent, but he is the only dukt».
is, as I have said above, the first mention of Austria in tho pngon
of Paulus. He nowhere mentions Noustria, hut both term* aiv
used freely in the laws of Liutprand from 713 onward*
* 'In sylvam quae Oapulanus dicitur latons.' Tho mono of
this strange encounter must have been somewhere noarCoiiftmlia,
All traces of a forest in that region have, I imagine, long airo
disappeared.
Battle of the Adda. 3n
mentioned in the whole chapter. It is ' the cities ' BOOK vn.
CH 7
of Austria that, partly by flattery, partly by force, — —
Alahis wins over to his side. The citizens of Vicenza
go forth to battle against him, but become his allies.
It is the * Forojulani/ not the duke of Forum Julii *,
that send their soldiers as they suppose to assist King
Cunincpert, but really to swell the army of his rival 2.
Thus then were the two great divisions of the Battle of
i -11 • the Adda.
Lombard kingdom drawn up in battle array against
one another on the banks of the Adda, the frontier
stream3. Nobly desirous to save the effusion of so
much Lombard blood, Cunincpert sent a message to
his rival, offering to settle the dispute between them
by ningle combat. But for such an encounter Alahis
had little inclination, and when one of his followers,
a TuHcon by birth, exhorted him as a brave warrior
to accept the challenge, Alahifl answered, * Though
Cunincpert is a stupid man, and a drunkard, he is
wonderfully bravo and strong. I remember how in
hiB father'n time, when he and I were boys in the
palace together, there were Borne rams there of un-
umial 8*««o, and ho would take one of them, and lift
him up by the wool on hiB back, which I could never
do.' At this the Tuscan said, * If thou darest not meet
1 Probably Rodwald, but not ovon his name iw montionod hero.
a * Por Placontiam n<l AuHtriam mint singulawiue cwitates partim
blunditiiH, partim viribiw xibi MMIQS adftcivit* Nam Vincontiam
v<ttn<^iH, contra «um qius citw cgrcwl, bollum paravorunt, sed mox
vicii, rjutt wwil qffMl *unt. Indo oxion» TaiTisium pervasit, puri
mo<Io otiain <»i n»li<|i«iH civitatea, Cuiuquo contra oum Cunincport
<»x<tmtuin <w»lliKoret «t Vorojultwi in ojus atixilium juxta fidolitntem
Hiuun vtJl«+nt ppcrficiHci,1 &«. (Pnulufl, IL L. v. 39).
:t *In c'uxupo cui Coronato nomon owt cawtra posuoro' (Paulus,
IL L v, 39). Lupi (L 359) provofl that this is Cornato on, tho
Adda, about ti»n miles south-wo»t of Bergamo.
312 The Bavarian Line Restored.
4
BOOK vii. Cunincpert in single combat, thoti stialt not have
— — — me to help thee in thy enterprise/ And thereat he
went over at once to the camp of Cunincpert, and
told him all these things.
Soif- So the armies met in the plain of Coronate, and
of Deacon when they were now about to join .battle, Seno,
a deacon of the basilica of St. John the Baptist (which
Queen Gundiperga had built at Pa via), fearing lest
Cunincpert, whom he greatly loved, should fall in the
battle, came up and begged to be allowed to don the
king's armour, and go forth and fight Alahis. 'All
our life/ said Seno, c hangs on your safety. If you
perish in the war, that tyrant Alahis will torture us to
death. Let it then be as I say, and let me wear your
armour. If I fall, your cause will not have suffered ;
if I conquer, all the more glory to you, whoso very
servant has overcome Alahis/ Long time Cunincpert
refused to comply with this request, but at length
his soft heart was touched by the prayers and tears
of all his followers, and ho consented to Land over
his coat of mail, his helmet, his greaves, and all his
other equipments to the deacon, who being of the same
build and stature, looked exactly like the king when
arrayed in his armour.
Thus then the battle was joined, and hotly con-
tested on both sides. Where Alahis saw the supposed
king, thither he pressed with eager haste, thinking
to end the war with one blow. And so it was that ha
killed Seno, whereupon he ordered the head to be
struck off, that it might bo carried on a pole amid the
loud shouts of ' God be thanked ' from all the army '.
1 'Cumque caput ojus amp atari pniocopxBwot, ut levaio oo in
conic "Doo gratias" addaniaront*
Alahis defeated and slain. 313
But when the helmet was removed for this purpose, BOOK VIL
lo ! the tonsured head showed that they had killed no — - '
king, but only an ecclesiastic. Cried Alahis in fury,
* Alas ! we have done nothing in all this great battle,
but only slain a cleric/ And with that he swore
a horrible oath, that if God would grant him the
victory he would fill a well with the amputated
members of the clerics of Lombardy.
At first the adherents of Cunincpert were dismayed,
thinking that their lord had fallen, but their hearts ttn<i vie-
wore cheered, and they were wire of victory, when the
king, with open visor1, rode round their ranks assuring 1>c'rt"
them of his nufety. Again the two hunts drew together
for the battle, and again Cunincpert renewed hi« offer
to settle the quarrel by single combat and apure the
liven of the people. I Jut Alahis again refused to
hearken to the advice of hi» followers and accept
the challenge ; thin time alleging that ho saw among
the ntandards of his rival the image of the Archangel
Michael, in whose sanctuary ho had sworn fidelity
to Cunincpert Then Raid one of his men, "In thy
fright thou seest things that arc not. Too late, 1 ween,
for theo is this kind of meditation on saints' images
and broken fealty/ The trumpets sounded again for
the charge : neither Hide gave way to the other :
a terrible daughter won made of Lombard warrioiu
But at length Alahis fell, and by the help of God
victory remained with Cunincpert, Groat was the
slaughter among the Hoeing troops of Alahis, and
those whom the sword spared the river Adda swept
away. The men of Friuli took no share in the battle,
1 ThiB i» not fittid by Paula**, but I infor it from the fuct ihut
tko 'cawsiB* of the deacon concealed hiw toatums.
314 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vii. since their unwilling oath to Alahis prevented them
- ^— from fighting for Cunincpert, and they were determined
not to fight against him. As soon therefore as the
battle was joined, they marched off to their own
homes.
The head and legs of Alahis were cut off, leaving
only his trunk, a ghastly trophy : but the body of the
brave deacon Seno was buried by the king's order before
the gates of his own basilica of St, John. Cunincpert,
now indeed a king, returned to Pavia amid the
shouts and songs of triumph of his exultant followers.
In after-time he reared a monastery l in honour of
St. George the Martyr on the battlefield of Coronate
in memory of his victory2.
story of There is a sequel to this history of the rebellion
of AJalus as told by Paulus, but the reader will j
for himself what claim it has to be accepted aw history,
On a certain day after the rebellion wan crashed,
King Cunincpert was sitting in his palace at Pa via,
taking counsel with his Hwj>aJm (toaster of the horse)
how he might make away with Aldo and GrauBO,
aforetime confederates with Alahis. Suddenly a large
fly alighted near them, at which the king struck with
a knife, but only succeeded in chopping off the insect's
1 PauhiH, II. L. vi. 17.
a The city of Modcna had boon half nunod during tho infwr-
voetion of Aluliis, but was rained again from tho ground and
restored by tho king to all its formor comolinons. Mo nays tho
author of tho Cannon do Synodo Ticinonsi :~~
'ElietiiH (afc) gonto a Deo ut rogorot
Langibardormn robollon conposcuit
Bollo proHtravit Aloxo (#w
S^midiruta ntmcupata Motina
TJrbo pristitxo docoro rostituit/
Legend of A Ida and Grauso, 315
foot. At the same time Aldo and Grauso. ignorant BOOK vir.
CH. 7.
of any design against them, were coming towards
the palace ; and when they had reached the neighbour-
ing basilica of St. liomanus the Martyr, they were
suddenly met by a lame man with a wooden leg, who
told them that Cunincpert would slay them if they
entered his presence. On hearing this they were
seized with fear, and took refuge at the altar of the
church. When the king heard that they were thus
seeking sanctuary, ho at first charged his MurfHthix
with having betrayed his confidence, but ho naturally
answered Unit, having never gone out of the king's
presence, nor spoken to any one, he/ could not have
divulged his design. Then ho sent to Aldo awl
GrauHo to ask why they were in sanctuary. They
told hint what they had heard, and how a one-legged
messenger had brought them the warning, on which
the king perceived that the fly bad been in truth
a malignant spirit, who had betrayed his secret coun-
sels. On receiving his kingly word pledged for
their safety, the- two refugees came forth from the
basilica, and were over after reckoned among his
iwwl devoted servants. The clemency and loyalty
of the e beloved * <!uninepert need not perhaps be
seriously impugned lor the Hake of a childish legend
like this.
It was probably in the, early yearn of Ounincpert's
.» » -tit j it iu
reign that a terrible poBtilonee broke out among the
people, and for three months, from July to September,
ravaged the greater part of Italy. Each of the two
capitals, Homo and Puvia, suffered terribly from its
devastation. In Homo, two wero often laid in one
grave, the son with bin father, tbo brother with bin
3i6 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vn. sister. At Pavia the ravages of the pestilence were
— — so fearful, that the panic-stricken citizens went forth
and lived on the tops of the mountains, doubtless in
order to avoid the malarious air of the Po valley.
In the streets and squares of the city, grass began to
grow : and the terrified remnant that dwelt there had
their misery enhanced by ghostly fears. To their
excited vision appeared two angels, one of light and
one of darkness, walking through their streets. The
evil angel carried a hunting-net in his hand : and ever
and anon, with the consent of the good angel, he would
stop before one of the houses, and strike it with the
handle of his net. According to the number of the
times that he struck it, was the number of the inmates
of that house carried forth next morning to burial.
At length it was revealed to one of the citizens that
the plague would only be stayed by erecting an altar
to the martyr Ht. Sebastian in the basilica of St. Peter
ad Vincula. The relics of the martyr wore Bent for
from Home, the altar was erected, and the pestilence
ceased.
<wturo Notwithstanding the interruptions of war and pesti-
wnirtof lence, the court life of Pavia durinif the reiim of
Ounhic- n . , ** -MI
iM'rt. Uunmcpert seems to have boon, in comparison with
that of most of his predecessors, a life of refinement
and culture. At that court there flourished a certain
renowned grammarian, or as we should say, a classical
scholar, named Felix, whose memory has been pre-
served, owing to the fact that his nephew Flavian was
the preceptor of the Lombard historian 1t To him,
besides many other gifts, the king gave a walking-
1 Hoc vol. v- p. 71.
Culture in Cimincpert* s Court. 317
stick adorned with silver and gold, which was no LOOK vn
doubt preserved as an heirloom in his family *. — "' '' ~
It is noteworthy, as showing the increasing civilian- Comai^,
tion of the Lombards under this king, that he is the
first of his race whose effigy appears on a national
coinage. His gold coins, obviously imitated from
those of Byzantium, bear on the obverse the effigy
of 'Domimis Noste-r Ounincpert,' and on the reverse
a quaint representation of the Archangel Michael, that
favourite patron saint of the Lombards, whose image
the panic-stricken Alahis saw among tlio royal stan-
dards at the. groat hattln by the, Arldu.
It was in tho second year of tins reijfii of Cuninrtport, visit <,r
and doubtless before. the outbreak of llw rebellion, that t,in* \\w"1
ho received tho visit of a king from our own land, 689.
who not of constraint, but of his own frot* will, had
laid aside, his crown* This was Oeadwailu, king of tint
West Saxons, a, young man in iho very prime, of life,
who had, only four years before, won from a rival
family the throne of his ancestors. In his short roijjjn
he had shown #reat activity after tho fas] i ion of his
1 <'rtvali<»rn Hrion thinks that it is pntliahh* ilmt this FVlix is
<:oinm«*nu>nif<Mi hy an hwription ui thtt jUfr<»Uo of S. <iiovimni
u, a f««w im!<«M from <'ivMaI<4. As h<» truly remarks, UHTO
is nothing in I twins' account to proves that Felix ahvay.s livi«l afc
Pavia, though lui wais tin<lonhte<IIy a /WWM/M //nf^r at tho kind's
eourt, Th«* inwrijktion runs as follows:
MACKO iNDKiNvs in<; TVMV
LATVH KUO l.'KMX AD I-'VN
DAMKNTA Hr<mVM 1-XJt'LAK
roniH uArnsTAi: AO KVAN«BLIH^
IIX'UKU) OHSI'XJHO OMS AWMNhKN
TI-IS KT I>KH<JHKI>I-:!*Tr.H VT I'lto MH
IS FA<'JN<>JUnVS I»M WcKC'AXtK DIUNf-J
srS The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vn. anarchic time, had annexed Sussex, ravaged Kent,
^— conquered and massacred the inhabitants of the Isle
of Wight, and given to two young princes l of that
island the crown of martyrdom. But in the attack
on Kent, his brother Mul, a pattern of the Saxon
virtues, generosity, courtesy, and savage courage, had
been burned in a plundered house by the enraged
men of Kent. Either the loss of this brother, or the
satiety born of success, determined Ceadwalla to lay
aside the crown, to go on pilgrimage, if possible to
die. He was received with marvellous honour by
King Cunincpert, whose wife was in a certain sense
his countrywoman. He passed on to Home, and was
baptized on Easter Day by Pope Sergiun, changing
his rough name Ceadwalla for the apostolic Peter.
Either the climate of Koine, the exaltation of Lift
spirit, or the austerities which were practiHod by the
penitent, proved fatal. He died on the 2Oth of April,
689, ten days after his baptism, and an epitaph in
respectable elegiacs, composed by order of the Pope,
1 Tho brothers of Arwald, king of tho inland. Tho amount of
the martyrdom in Baoda (iv. 16) is an extraordinary Ham pin of tho
religious ideas of tho ago, Tho two lads nro found hiding, and
brought to tho victorious king, who orders thorn to bo .slain.
Cyniboret (tho name name as that of tho Lombard king), abbot of
Swallowford, comes to tho king, who iy boing eiuvd of wounds
rocoivod in battle with tho men of Wight ; and bogs of him that if
tho boys must bo killed they may bo first 'hubuod with tho sacra-
ments of tho ChriBtian faith.' Tho king gives Inn consent, and
tho abbot instructs thorn in tho word of truth, waflhow thorn in tho
Saviour's fountain, and makes thorn certain of an entrance into
His eternal kingdom, Tho executioner soon appoara, and the two
boys gladly submit to temporal death, not doubting that tiny
thereby pass to tho eternal life of the soul. Th<» day of tho
martyrdom of the 'Pratres Eegis Arwaldi Martyr* *B' wan long
celebrated on tho 2ist of August (Thorpe on Lappenberg, i. 260),
Ceadivallas Pilgrimage. 319
preserved to after-generations the memory of his high BOOK vn.
birth, his warlike deeds, the zeal which had brought - ' —
him from the uttermost ends of the earth to visit the
City of Romulus, and the devotion to the Papal See
which had caused him to visit the tomb and assume
the name of Peter *.
Near the end of his reign Cunincpert summoned synod of
that synod at Pavia which brought about the recon-
ciliation between the Patriarch of Aquileia and the
Koman Pontiff, and closed the dreary controversy on
the Threw ( Chapters, as has been already told in tracing
the history of tin*, Istrian schism-.
Ounineperl was generally on thu most friendly terms A trial •>*'
with his bishops and clergy, but once, it happened thai
John, bishop of Bergamo, a man of eminent holiness,
said something at a banquet which offended him, and
the king, condescending to an ignoble revenge, ordered
his attendants to bring for the bishop's use a high-
spirited find ill-broken steed, which with a loud and
angry snort generally dismounted those who clam I to
cross his back. To the wonder of all beholders how-
ever, as soon as f.ho bishop had mounted him, tho
horso became perfectly tractable, and with a gently
ambling pace bore him to his homo. The king was
so astonished at the miracle that ho gave the horn*
to the bishop for his own, and ever after held him in
highest honour.
The lattt year of the seventh century saw the end i>««th<,f
i* ji •*/*/<• j »t i i vi- ('t»uiu<*-
of the reign of uumnoperU lie must have died in |wrt, 700.
middle/ life, and possibly bis death may have been
npiiitph is gtv<*n by lituxiu (II. JB. v, 7) uti<i copied by
(II. Lu vL if>).
* Hoo vol v. y, 483,
320 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK VIL hastened by those deep potations which seem to have
___ U _ been characteristic of his race1. But whatever were his
faults, he had his father's power of winning the hearts
of his servants. He was ' the prince most beloved by
all V and it was amid the genuine tears of the Lom-
bards that he was laid to rest by his father's side, near
his grandfather's church of * Our Lord and Saviour.'
IiIUTPEUT (700),
short the son of Curiincpert, succeeded his father, but being
onty a boy, he was under the guardianship of
n- Anspraiid, a wise and noble statesman, the father
a 7e* more illustrious son, who was one day to shed
7°°' a sunset glory over the last age of the Lombard
monarchy. At this time Anspraiid had little oppor-
tunity of showing his capacity for rule, for after eight
months luaghipert, duke of Turin, the son of Goclepert,
whom Grhmvald slew forty yeans before, a man of the
same generation and about the same age as the lately
deceased king, rose in rebellion against his kinsman ;
and marching eastwards with a strong army, met
Ansprand and his ally, Kotharit, duke of Bergamo,
on the plains of Novara — a name of evil omen for
Italy — defeated them and won the crown, which how-
over ho was not destined long to wear.
BAGIHPERT (700).
II (701-712).
The now king died very shortly after Ins acces-
lgmpor " sion, in the same year which witnessed the death of
1 Of Poreluril it in wild, * BiJwt obrioNus Hlo' (Paulus, IL L. v,
2) ; of (Juniucpurt, 'QiuuuviH ebriomw Hit oi niupWi cordis' (Il»i<l.
v. 40).
2 'Cuxictis amabillimuR princops1 (Puulus. vi, 17).
Accession of Aripert IL 321
Cunincpert. The boy-king Liutpert and his guardian BOOK vn.
Ansprand had yet a party, Rotharit and three other — — —
dukes1 being still confederate together. Aripert II, Accession
son of Haginpert, marched against them, defeated AriportnJ
them in the plains near Pavia, and took the boy-king 701"
prisoner. His guardian Ansprand fled, it need hardly
be said to the Insula Comacina, where he fortified
himself against the expected attack of the usurper.
Rotharit meanwhile returned to Bsrgamo, and clis- ft»hoiiion
carding all pretence of championing the rights ofrit.
Liutpert, styled himself king of the Lombards. Ari-
pert marched against him with a largo army, took the
town of Lodi, which guarded the passage of the Adda,
and then besieged Bergamo. The * battering rams
and other machines/ which now formed part of the
warlike apparatus of the Lombards, enabled him with-
out difficulty to make bimself master of the, placet
Rotharit the pretender8 was taken prisoner : hi* hostel
and his chin were shaved, and ho wan sent into banish-
ment into Aripert's own city, Turin, where not long
after he was slain. The child JLiutperl was also lakon i>«>ath of
prisoner, and killed by drowning in a bath 4. '" IJ°
The boy-king being thus disposed of, the faithful Flight of
guardian Ansprand remained to bo doult with. An
army, doubtless accompanied by something in tho
nature of a flotilla, was sent to the Insula Oomacina. family.
1 Ato, Tatzo, and Farao, Thorn can !><» no <1oti)>t Hint
nro dukos, though w<» nn» not tol<l ovor wlmt <*I(«*H (hoy rulwl.
'2 'Borpunuiu obsodit onniqutt cum nrictilnis <»1 <1iv<kits
mnchinls nino ali<(ua <lifl!cjulfailo oxpugiiiujs1 (Pauluw, II, L. vi. 20) ;
an important pn«Ha^<k for Iho hislory of (ho art of war*
•n * Kotharit pftoudo-rogoni 1 (II>i<L )
4 ' Liutportum voro, quom cop<«mt pnri mo<lo in Im1n<jo vilfi
privavit* (I) ml.)
VOL, VJ. Y
322 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK yn. Learning its approach, and knowing himself power-
C—' „ less to resist it, Ansprand fled up the Splligen Pass
by way of Chiavenna and Coire to Theudebert, duke
of the Bavarians, who, for the sake doubtless of his
loyalty to the Bavarian line1, gave him for nine
years shelter in his court. The island on lake Como
was at once occupied by Aripert's troops, and the
town erected on it destroyed a. Unable to reach the
brave and faithful Ansprand, Aripert, now established
in his kingdom, wreaked cruel vengeance on his family.
His wife Theodarada, who had with womanish vanity
boasted that she would one day be queen, had her
nose and ears cut oft';*. The like hideous mutilation
was practised on his daughter Aurona, herself appar-
ently already a wife and a mother 4. Sigiprand, the
eldest son, was blinded, and all the near relations
of the fugitive were in one way or other tormented.
Only Liutpraudy the young son of Ansprand, escaped
the cruel hands of the tyrant, who despised his youth,
and after keeping him for some time in imprisonment,
allowed him to depart for the Bavarian land, where he
was received with inexpressible joy by his father.
<>f Of the twelve years' reign of Aripert Tl we have but
little information, except as to the civil wars caused
Pilgrim- by his usurpation of the crown. The inhabitants of
Anglo- Italy saw with surprise the increasing number of
° Anglo-Maxon pilgrims, noble and base-born, men and
1 Of courso Ariport UH well n« Liutport bolongod to this line*
a 'Exorcitiw voro Ariporti iusulmu * . * iuvudonB, OJUB oppklum
diruit' (Paulas, ILL. vi. 21).
rt * Quuo etim H<» voluntato iomintwi rogiuani futuranx OBSO jacturot,
nafso at<j[uo nuribiw abscinis diicoro suuo faciei doturpata (sic) est '
(Ibid. 22).
4 B(JO PauluH, II. L» vi. 50,
Anglo-Saxon Pilgrims. 323
women, laymen and clergy, who, c moved by the instinct BOOK. vu.
of a divine love/ and also deeming that they thus
secured a safer and easier passage to Paradise, braved
the hardships of a long and toilsome journey, and
came on pilgrimage to Home. It was thus, during -09.
the reign of Aripert, that Ooinred, king of the Mer-
cians, grandson of that fierce old heathen Penda, came
with the young and comely Offa, prince of the East
Saxons, to Rome, and there, according to Paulus,
speedily obtained that death which they desired1.
Thus also, sixteen years later, Lie, king of Wessex, 7<*s
lawgiver and warrior, after u long and generally pros-
perous reign of thirty -seven years, forcibly admonished
by his wife as to the vanity of all earthly grandeur,
followed the example of his kinsman ( -eadwalla, and,
resigning his crown to his brother-in-law, turned his
pilgrim steps towards 'Homo, where he died, a humbly
clad but riot tonsured monk a.
King Aripert, however, did not greatly encourage JWJKU
the visits of strangers to bus laud. When the aml>aR-m<wti<*
Radoiw of foreign nations came to his court, he would AH^H 11.
don his cheapest garments of cloth or of leather, and
would set before them no costly wines, nor any other
dainties, in order that the ntrangers might bo im-
pressed by the poverty of Italy. One might nay that
he remembered the manner of the invitation which,
according to the S<«j<t, Narnew had given to bin people,
lia otinm diobuft duo ro#<»H Kaxonum ad
Romam vonioutus, sub voloritato tit optalmnt dofimcli Hunt *
(II, L, vi, 28 : HOC nltfo vl 37). PuuluH udaptn and Hli^litly
modiiiow th« BtaioinontH of Ba<«la, Hint. E«<il, v* 7 uud 19,
tt LnpiKiul)t»rg, i. 267, quoting Buodn, IL It v. 7 ; and William
of Mnlm(»Hbury} i. 2*
Y 2
324 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOJ?KyiL an(i was determined that no second invitation of the
CH. 7.
same kind should travel northward across the Alps.
Like the Caliph of the next century, Haroun al Raschid,
Aripert would roam about by night, disguised, through
the streets of the cities of his kingdom, that he might
learn what sort of opinion his subjects had of him,
and what manner of justice his judges administered.
For he was, says Paulus, * a pious man, given to alms,
and a lover of justice, in whose days there was great
abundance of the fruits of the earth, but the times
were barbarous V
Uiwdovo- Certainly the times were barbarous, if Aripert II
tlontotho » . . „ . m • !• , /»
church, was a lair representative of them. There IB a taint of
Bymntine cruelty in his Windings and mutilations
of the kindred of his foes, of more than Byzantine,
of Tartar savagery in the wide sweep of his ruthlews
sword, lit*, was devout, doubtless, a great friend of
the Church, as wore almost all of these khwmen of
Theuclelinda. Wo arc told that he restored to the
Apostolic Wee a large territory in the province of the
Cottian Alps, which had once belonged to the Papal
Patrimony, and that the epintle announcing this great
concession was written in letters of gold 2. Admirable
1 ' Fuit qitorjuo vir pins, olyniosyniH doditus acjustitiao amator ;
in oujus tomporibus torruo ubortas nimia, wid iwiyoru fuure harlx^
rira* (PmiJiw, IT, Ij. vi, 3,^).
tt Thoit* has J)«<»n HOHH» discussion an to wholhor PnulitK (II. L.
vl. «H) means to imply Unit tlw v/7/o/r ymrhiM of tlu^ Alpo«
Cottino fornu1*! part of th<» I^ipal Patrimony (BOO GHniir, Hand-
gang (lurch <ii<> Pairiinonifii, j». 352). But tlu» corroctod t-(*xt
of PauhiH ahowB thai, though his words aro not woll choson,
ho did not moan to way iliin, but only that ihoro waw a certain
part of the Pupal Patrimony siluutod iu ilxo abovo-naiuod
provincoB,
Return of Ansprand : Death of Aripert. 325
as are, for the most part, the judgments of character BOOKVII.
expressed by the Lombard deacon, it is difficult not to -U~
tbdnk that in this case a gift had blinded the eyes
of the wise, and that Aripert's atrocious cruelties to
the family of Ansprand are condoned for the sake
of the generous gifts which he, like Henry of Lan-
caster, bestowed on the Church which sanctioned his
usurpation.
At length the long-delayed day of vengeance dawned Return <>f
for Ansprand, His friend Tlieudebert, duke of Bavaria, 71^'
gave him an army, with which lie invaded Italy and
joined battle with An pert. There was great slaughter
on both sides, but when night fell, ' it is certain/ says
the patriotic Paulas, * that the Bavarians had turned
their backs, and the army of Aripert returned victorious
to its camp/ However, the Lombard victory does
not seem to have boon so clear to Aripcrt, who left
the camp, and sought shelter within tho walls of Pavia.
This timidity gave courage to his enemies, and utterly
disgusted his own soldiers. Perceiving that he had
lost the affections of the army, he accepted Hie advice
which some of his triends procured, that he should
make his escape into Franco* Having taken away
out of the palace vaults as much gold an ho thought
he could cany, he not forth on his journey. It wus
necessary for him to swim across the river Ticino, not
a broad nor very rapid stream: but the weight
the gold (which he hud perhaps enclosed in a belt
worn about his person) dragged him down, and he
perished in the waters. Next day his body was
found, and buried closo to the Church of the Saviour,
doubtless near the bodies of his fat I tor and grandfather,
His brother Gumpert lied to France, and died then*,
326 The Bavarian Line Restored.
BOOK vii. leaving three sons, one of whom, Raginpert, was, in
°H'7' the time of Paulus, governor x of the important city of
Orleans. But no more princes of the Bavarian line
reigned in Italy, where, with one slight interruption,
they had borne sway for a century.
1 Possibly Count.
CHAPTER VIII.
STORY OF THE DUCHIES, CONTINUED.
FOLLOWING the course of the chief highway of BOOK vn.
Lombard history, we have now emerged from the ' '.
seventh century and have arrived at the threshold
of the reign of the greatest, and nearly the last, of
the Lombard kings. But before tracing the career of
Liutprand, we must turn back to consider the changes
which forty years had wrought in the rulers of the
subordinate Lombard states, and also in the relations
of the Empire and the Papacy.
I. Duchy of Trient. TUIHNI-.
Of one turbulent duke of Triont, namely Duke Alalns, i>uk«
we have already hoard, and have marked his attempts,
his almost successful attempts, to overthrow the sove-
reigns who ruled at Pavia by tho combined exertions of
all the cities of the Lombard Austria. Apparently the*,
forces of the Tridentino duchy were exhausted by this
effort, for we hear nothing concerning the successors
of Alahis in the remaining pages of Pairing DiacomiH.
II. Duchy of !*rmli« K«n:u
The story of the duchy of Friuli, perhaps on account
of the historian's own connection with that region,
is much more fully told.
328 Story of the Duchies, continued : Friuli.
BOOK vn. The brave Wechtari from Vicenza was succeeded
CH 8
- LJL_ in the duchy by Landari, and he by Rodwald.
These to us are names and nothing more, but Rod-
wald during his absence from Cividale was ousted
Duke from his duchy by a certain Ansfrit, an inhabitant
(probably a count or gastald) of Reunia1, on the
banks of the Tagliamento. Rodwald fled into Istria,
and thence by way of Ravenna (evidently at this
time there were friendly relations between king and
exarch) he made his way to the court of Cuninc-
pert. Ansfrit's invasion of the duchy of Friuli had
taken place without the king's sanction, and now,
not content with the duchy, he aspired to the crown,
and marched westward as far as Verona. There, how-
ever, he was defeated, taken prisoner, and sent to the
king. According to the barbarous Byzantine fashion
of the times, his eyes wore blinded and he was Bent
into exile. For some reason or other, probably on
account of his proved incapacity, Hodwald wan not
restored, but the government of the duchy waH vested
Ado, in his brother Ado, who, however, ruled only with the
title of Caretaker (Loci Servator). After he had
governed for nineteen months be died, and was sue-
ceeded by ffewlulf, who came from Liguria in the
West, a stirring chief, but somewhat feather-headed
and unstable tt, in whose occupation of the duchy
a notable event occurred 3.
The Sfilovonic neighbours of Friuli wore much given
1 Now Kagogna, about thirty xmlon wunl of Cividalo,
8 'Homo lubricuH ot olatun/
31 Paul us (II. L. vi« 3 and 24)#ivuB UH no dato for thowo transactions,
Wo can only say that the unurpation of Annfrit occurred during
tho roigu of Cuninepert (688*700)* After that all iw vague,
Ferdulfs wars with the Sclovenes. 329
to cattle-lifting excursions across the border, by which BOOK vn.
the Lombards of the plain suffered severely. Appar- '
ently Duke Ferdulf thought that one regular
would be more tolerable than these incessant predatory Sclovelles'
inroads : or else it was, as Paulus asserts, simply from
a vainglorious desire to pose as conqueror of the
Sclovenes that he actually invited these barbarians to
cross over into his duchy, and bribed certain of their
leaders to support the expedition in the councils of
the nation1. Never was a more insane scheme de-
vised, and the danger of it was increased by Fer-
dulfs want of prudence and soli-control. A certain Qnurr<*i
sculrtaJds z or high-bailiff of the king, named Argait,
a man of noble birth and groat courage arid capacity,
had purnued the Kclovono depredators after one of
their incursions, and had failed to capture thorn. 'No
wonder/ Huid the hot-tempered duke, 'that you who
are called Argait can do no brave deed, but have
let thoHC robbers escape you ' (An/it being the Lombard
word for a coward) a. Thereat the wufthtMx, in a
tremendous rage at this most unjust accusation, replied,
'If it plfcawo (Jod, Duke Ferdulf, thou and 1 shall not
depart this life before it has been seen which of us
1 'Qui <lmn vidoriao laudom <lo Srlavis hab<»ro cupiit, magna
«ibi ot Forojulmiw dotrimcnta invoxil. IH pru<»iuiu quibusduw
HcLtvjH (l^tlit, tit (txorcituiu Sclavonuu in <*mloiii (*•//•) provixu'iuni
sm\ a<ih(>rlniion<> iinmiitor<*nt<l ^PuuluH^ JiL JU vi. 24).
a (*nllod Heuhlhtilso in the IUWH of Hothari (H«O p. 232)*
8 Tliiw wo ix«i<l in th<» laws of Kolhuri (;^i) that if any oiu»
called anolhor Aryu, ami af forwards pl<»a<lH that ho only said it in
IUIHHIOU, ho muni ih'Ht Hwoar that h«> does n<»t n^ally know liini to
ho An/a, and thon for his inHultinjj; wonlH must pay a lino of
12 solid! (X'7 4&). If ho nlidks to it that tho other man is
the inuttor must bo nottlod by ninglo coiubut,
330 Story of the Duchies, continued : Friuli.
JOOKVIL two is the greater Arga.' Soon after this interchange
fi-rr Q
- .J—l_ of vulgar abuse T came the tidings that the mighty
army of the Sclovenes, whose invasion Ferdulf had
so foolishly courted, was even now at hand. They
came, probably pouring down through the Predil Pass,
under the steep cliffs of the Mangert, and round the
buttresses of the inaccessible Terglou, Ferdulf saw
them encamped at the top of a mountain, steep and
difficult of access, and began to lead his Lombards
round its base, that he might turn the position, which
he could not scale. But then outspake Argait : * Re-
member, Duke Ferdulf, that you called me an idle and
useless thing, in the speech of our countrymen an
Argot a. Now may the wrath of God light upon that
one of us who shall be last up that mountain, and
striking at the Scluves/ With that he turned his
horse's head, and charged up the steep mountain,
Stung by his taunts, and determined not to be out-
done, Ferdulf followed him all the way up the craggy
and pathless places. The army, thinking it ahame
not to follow its leader, pressed on after them. Thus
was the victory given over to the Selovenes, who had
only to roll down stones and tree-trunks !t on the
ascending Lombards, and needed neither arms nor
valour to rid thorn of their foes, nearly all of
1 *IIaoe cum sibi iuvicem vulgnria vorba locuti
(Paulim, II. L. vi. 24). Yet rultjaria irrha probably moans rather
wordw Mpokon in tho non-Roman, barbaric tongue, than, preci»oly
what wo undorBtuiul by 'vulgar.'
8 * Memento, <lux Fenlulf, <juod mo osso inortom et inntilem
dixeriw et wtyari who arya vocavorin/
fl 'Et magia lapidibuw ac securibuB <j[uam arniis contra oos pug-
nantos/ I take it that 'Boeurow' wero uaod in felling troos to bo
usod as above*
Victory of the Sclovenes. 331
whom were knocked from their horses and perished BOOK vn.
,. OK. 8.
miserably. --
There fell Ferdulf himself, and Argait, and all the
nobles of Friuli ; such a mass of brave men as
might with forethought and a common purpose have
done great things for their country ; all sacrificed to
foolish pique and an idle quarrel !.
There was indeed one noble Lombard who escaped,
almost by a miracle. This was Munichis, whose two
sons, Peter and Ursns, long after were dukes of Friuli
and Cenecla respectively. He was thrown from his
horse, and one of the Wclovenes came upon him und
tied his hands ; but he, though thus manacled, con-
trived to wrest the Hclovene's lance from his right
hand, to pierce him with the same, and then, all bound
as he was, to scramble down the steep side of the
mountain and got away in safety.
In the room of the slain Ferdulf, a certain Go
obtained the ducal dignity. Not long, however, did
he rule the city of Forum Julii, for, having fallen
in some way under the displeasure of the king (appa-
rently Ariperfc II), be was, according to that monarch's
usual custom, deprived of bis eyes, and spent the rest
of his life in ignominious Delusion. This and several
other indications of the same kind clearly show that
these northern dukes had not attained nearly the same
semi-independent position which bad been achieved by
their brethren of Hpoieto and Benovento.
1 ' Tunliquo ihi viri ForlcH p<»r eonU»i»tioni« innlum <»t Jmj»ro-
vulontiuin (Mx'lluti suut, quanli i>oHH<>ut prr unum coneordium ot
walulmj conHiliuiu multa niilliji Hlonu»r« u<»nuilortna * (PuuhiH,
II. L. vi\ 24), Truo for many other ptiHwagoH iu Loiuhnnl hiaitwy
332 Story of the Duchies, continued : Friuli.
BOOK vn. To him succeeded Pemmo, and here we seein to
- — — reach firmer ground, for this is the father of two
Pemmo. well-known kings of the Lombards, and we may yet
read in a church of Cividale a contemporary inscrip-
tion bearing his name. The father of Pemmo was
a citizen of Belluno named Billo, who having been
engaged in an unsuccessful conspiracy, probably against
the duke of his native place, came as an exile to
Forum Julii, and spent the remainder of his days as
a peaceful inhabitant of that city,
Pemmo himself, who is highly praised by Poulua
as a wise and ingenious man, and one who was useful
to his fatherland1, must have risen early to a high
position by his ability, for ancestral influence must
have been altogether wanting. He probably became
duke of Fiiuli somewhere about 705 2, a few years
before the death of Aripert II, and held the oflice
for about six and twenty years. The history of IUH
fall will have to be told iu connection with tlio reign
of Liutprand, but meanwhile we may hear the story
of his family life, as quaintly told by Paulas*.
1 'Qui fuit homo ingunioAUB ot utiliw palrim** (FauliiH, II. L. vi.
26). Of course 'in#tuioHUft' in not quite accurately translated by
'ingenious.* If, tlio word 'tulontud' w<»ro *>vor admissible ono
would like to UHO it an u translation of *ing<»nio8as,'
- Do ItuhoiH (p. 319) iixos his accession at thia tiino, I know
not ou what authority.
3 Podigreo of 1*1*1111110 : —
Duko of IMttli,
,
ttli,
RATCHIS, IUTOIIAIT. AISTi; LF,
744 749- 749^757*
Duke Pemmo and his meek ivife. 333
'This Pemmo had a wife named Batperga, who, as BOOKVI
she was of a common and countrified appearance l, —
repeatedly begged her husband to put her away and domestic
marry another wife whose face should be more worthy
of so great a duke.
* But he, being a wise man, said that her manners,
her humility, and her shame-faced modesty pleased
him more than personal beauty. This wife bore to
Pemmo three sons, namely, Ratchis, Hatchait, and
Aistulf, all vigorous men, whose careers made glorious
their mother's lowliness.
* Moreover, Ihike Pemmo, gathering round him the
sons of all those nobles who had fallen in the above
described war [with the Sclovenes], brought them
up on an exact footing of equality with his own
children2/
I have said that a ninijlo existing monument pro- King
,T « 1. V r> • j.i -x Pummo'H
serve** the memory of Duke Pemmo in the city over
which he bore sway. Leaving the central portion of
(Jividale behind him, and crossing the beautiful gorge
of the Natisone by the Ponte del Diavolo, the traveller
comes to a little suburb, of no great interest in itself,
and containing a modernised church, the external
appearance of which will also probably fail to interest
him, the little church of St. Martin. The altar of
thin church in adorned with a bas-relief in a barbarous
style of ecclesiastical art. A rudoly carved efligy of
Christ between two winged saints (possibly the Virgin
and John the Baptist") in surrounded by four angels,
whoso largo hands, twisted bodies, and curiously folded
I 'Quoo cum oflNot faclo nmlimua* (Pnnhm, H. K vi, 26),
« Ibid
II To tho laitor of whom iho ehtirch wa« originally dotlicatod*
334 Stoty of the Duchies, continued: Friuli.
BOOK vii. wings show a steep descent of the sculptor's art from
- — the days of Phidias. Bound the four slabs which
make up the altar runs an inscription 19 not easy to
decipher, which records in barharous Latin the fact
that the illustrious and sublime Pemmo had restored
the ruined church of St. John, and enriched it with
many gifts, having amongst other things presented
it with a cross of fine gold ; and that his son Ratchin
had adorned the altar with beautifully coloured
marbles. Here then, in this little, scarce noticed
church, we have a genuine relic of the last days of
the Lombard monarchy.
III. Duchy of Benovonto.
Our information as to the history of this duchy
during the period in question is chiefly of a genealogical
kind, and muy best bo exhibited in the form of a
pedigree.
ROMWALD I, =F
won of UrimwuM*
66a 671 with
liiK father ;
671-687 ulonc.
diuitfhtor of
LllpUH Of
Friuli.
GKIMWAU) II, OTHULF I,
687-689, 689-706,
married Wigiliiulu, marrfrd Winiporgn.
duujuhtor of I
KinglNwutarlt. HOMWALI) II,
706- 730 (V).
1 Tho inscription i« tluiH #ivou by r!Voyu (Cod. Dip. Lung.
No. DXXXIX), but I am noi coriain of HH a««uwi«y : —
(1) <l(i JUftXIMA DONA 5TT1 AD CLAKIT HVJtKIMI CONCKHRA,
PKMMON! VWTQVK DUtVTO
(2) foKMAHKNTVlt VT TKM1»LA NAM KI INTKIt KKLI^VAH
(3) HolliriVM »KAT1 JOIIANNIH OHNAJUT rKNDOLA JKX AVKO
I'VJLClimo ALT
(4) AUK JUTAIUT MAHMOHIB (X>LOHK KAT , CHIH IIIDKBOHIUT*
(It iw Huggowtotl that this la«t barbarous word IB tho naiuo of th<»
fam of Pommo»)
Descendants of Grhnzvald. 335
We hear again of the piety of Theuderada, the BOOK VIL
heroine of the legend of St. Barbatus, and we are - -~*L-
told that she built a basilica in honour of St. Peter
outside the walls of Benevento, and founded there
a convent, in which dwelt many of the 'maids of God.7
Her son, Grimwald II, married, it will be observed, j>uko
a daughter of King Perctarit and sister of Cuninc- j£imwild
pert. Apparently, therefore, the strife between the
royal and the ducal line, which was begun by the
usurpation of Grimwald, might now be considered
as ended.
After Grimwald's short reign ho was succeeded by j>ukr*
a brother, Gimlf I9 whose name recalled the ancestral <IW" *
connection of his family with Friuli, and their descent
from the first Giwulf, the 'Hwrixthis of Alboiu,
Gisulfs son, JtwMvtthl II, reigned at tho same time
as King Liutprand, and his story, with that of his nmmvul(l
family, will have to be told in connection with that
king, whoso sister he married.
Though we hear but little of the course of affairs
during these years in the SSawniie duchy/ it in ovi-
dent that Lombard power was increasing and the i,<>mNul
power of the Emperors diminishing in Southern Italy.
Komwald I collected a great army with which he
marched against Tarentum ami Brundisium, and took
those cities. 'The whole of the wide region round
them was made subject to hLs sway1/ This probably
means that the whole of the Terra di Otranto, tho
vulnerable heel of Italy, pawed under Lombard rule.
Certainly the ill-judged expedition of (Jonwtans was
1 ' Parjujuo modo BrumliHium <*i onuioxn illnm <juu<» hi r.ircniiu
oyt IttiiHHiinuui rogioiuuu HUUO dicJoni Hul^jtjgavii1 (Pnulun, II, L.
336 Story of the Duchies, continued : Benevento.
.BOOK vn. well avenged by the young Lombard chief whom he
— — - thought to crush.
Komwald's son, Gisulf, pushed the border of his
duchy up to the river Liris, wresting from the Dncatus
Romae the towns of Sora, Arpinum1, and Arx. It
is interesting to observe that in our own clay the
frontier line between the States of the Church (repre-
senting the Ducatus Romae) and the kingdom of
Naples (representing the duchy of Benevento) was so
drawn as just to exclude from the former Sora, Arpino,
and Rocca d'Arce,
of Cam" ** ^<as ^ur*n£ ^ie pontificate of John VI (701-705),
alK* PORfl*kly at ^ie 8ame **me ^ia<fc thawa conquests
were made, that Gisulf invaded Campania with a largo
force, burning and plundering; and arriving at the
great granary of Puteoli2, pitched his camp there,
no man resisting him. By this timo ho had taken
an enormous number of captives, but the Pope Howling
some priofltfl to him 'with apostolic gifts/ ransomed
the captives out of bin hands, and persuaded Gisulf
himself to return without further ravages to his own
land.
SPOLKTO. IV, Duchy of Spoleto.
Here, too, we have little more than the materials
for a pedigree, as the remarkable denudation of his-
torical materials which was previously noticed" still
continues.
1 Pnuliw call* it Ilirpmum (II. L. vi. 27),
4 Tlio romnrkft of Boloch in liin 'Oftinimnum,* j>. 137, nmko nio
think that 'locum qui dicitur Horroa' must as Putooli,
3 Boo p* 96.
Dukes of Spoleto. 337
It will be remembered that Grimwald of Benevento, BOOK vn.
in his audacious and successful attempt on the Lorn- - °H> 8'
bard crown (66 1), was powerfully aided by Transamund, ^und?"
Count of Capua, whom he ordered to march by way ^"w's
of Spoleto and Tuscany to collect adherents to his^'J^'"
cause, and that soon after his acquisition of sovereign J"^1'
power, he rewarded this faithful ally by bestowing on ^3 (?)•
him the duchy of Spoleto, and the hand of one of his
daughters.
TJIANSAAI UN I) 1, WAC IHLAI-US.
Count
663 f¥' 703 f? i.
Married i\ <laujutht<T
of King UrimwulcL
FAHWALI) II,
703 ?i-734.
TKANSAMUNI) II,
7»4 739,
and 740 742.
TranHamunrl appears to have reigned for forty years
(663-703) \ lie was succeeded by his Ron Ffwwald II, i>uk«*
evidently named after the famous Duke Farwald of 11.
an earlier day, tho {builder of the duchy, and the
conqueror of (Jlaswiw. NotwiUiHtanding the long reign
of Transamuucl, hm HOII appears to have l>een young
at IHH accession, and IKIB uncle Wacliilttpm was asso-
ciated with him in the dukedom 2.
1 Thoso nro tlio <lut«H nHHignod l>y Bothmtmn (Nou<»« Archiv, iii,
238 nud 243), aud uccopiod l>y Waite. A donation of Farwald II
in tho Kogonto <U Furfu (ii, 22) is aBsignod by tho editors
to 705.
tt i iKitur dofnucto Triuisaimindi duco Spoliiunorum FaruulduH,
ojtis liliuB, in loco putrin owt md>rogatus. Doniquo WnchilupUB
gornmnuH fuit Trauaanxundi ot cum fratro puritor oundoin roxit
VOL, VI. K
33$ vSYorv of the Duchies^ continual : Sfwhin.
iK)<>Kvn. The story of Furwald IT, and bin turbulent nun
* • Tntnwntwnrf If, will be related whan we come to deal
with the roipi of* Liutpnind.
* fl'attlus, TF. L. vi. t>o% Ono is in<'lin<'«I f»> Iliink i«ilh»T
thai 'I'liti^'JiiiiuiMii i- a mi .ink*' for KaroiiMi, <»r tluit ^** -'h»tuM
n-a*! for 't'nihv' 'frafri-. filio* uhc \i«-\v a«lo]»f«i iu fin* lr\t(.
CHAPTER IX.
TUB PAPACY AND THE EMPIRE, 663-717.
Authorities.
Tho LIBKK PONTI WALKS l>«'comon hero » first-rate authority. BOOK VII,
Il» is curiouM to compare the copious liv^s of Scrgius and _ ILL
Constantino with the excosHively meagre notice of Gregory I
u century earlier. Duchesno, in his introduction to the L. P.,
p. ecxxxiii, wliilo nut expressing a decided opinion, seems to
consider the liven nfter 625 an the work of nearly, if not quite,
contemporary authors.
THKOPUANKR (758-818), and NIOKMIOIWS (758-828). The
<*haiwter und literacy quality of both historians will l>e discussed
in a future chapter.
(fit iifa» : —
K. Matfutii : - -« Inipemtori c Pai»i * (Pisa, 1816).
//• Jfawmttu: — * Die Politik der J'ujwiie von Gregor I bis auf
ir VTI ' (Klborfeld, 1868).
FROM the clay when Constaiis entered Tiome on his visitor
J ~^ ConBtnns
mifiHion of clovout spoliation, the fortunes of the Papacy to Kom^
were HO cloBoly linked, at least for a couple of genera- lowest
tionn, with those of the Empire, that we may without Ko
inconvenience) consider them together. That visit o
tho Kin|Mn'or may he considered to have heeu the
lowent point of the* humiliation hoth of the Bishop and
tho Oily of Rome. Vigilius and Martin had heeu
7. 2
340
The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VII.
OH. 9.
LOMBARD
KINGS.
EMPERORS.
POPES.
Grimwald,
662-671.
Perctarit,
672-688.
Constantine Pogonatus .
668-685
Vitalian .
AdoodatuH
Bonus .
657-673
672-676
676-678
Cunincpert,
688-700.
Agatho .
Loo II .
678 681
682-683
Benedict II .
684-685
Justinian II .
685-695
JolinV .
685 686
Oonon .
686-687
Loontius
695-698
Sorgius .
687-701
Aripert II,
700-712.
Tiberius III .
Justinian II (restored) .
698-705
705-711
John VI .
John VII
701 705
705-707
Sisinnius .
708
Ansprand,
712.
Liutpraixd,
712-744.
Philippicus
Anastasius II .
Theodosius III
7x1-713
713-715
715-717
Constantino .
Gregory II
708-715
7i5 -73*
Leo III (the laaurian") .
717-740
Gregory III .
731-741
Degradation of Rome. 341
indeed dragged away from their episcopal palace and BOOK vn.
their loyal flock, and had suffered indignities and — H'
hardships in the city by the Bosphorus; but it was
surely a lower depth of degradation to stand by, as
Vitalian must needs do in trembling submission, with
a smile of feigned welcome on his lips, while Constans
the heretic, the author of the Type against which the
Lateran Synod had indignantly protested, alternated
his visits to the basilicas with his spoliation of .the
monuments of Home. It may well have been at such
a time as this that some Itoman noble poured forth
his feelings of indignation iu a short poem which was
found by the industrious Muratori in the library of the
Dean and Chapter of Modena, and which may bo thus
translated l : —
'Komo! thou wuat ivarud by nobln hands and bravo,
But downward now thou fall'-st, of nlws ih<» slave,
No king within Ihc'o hath for long borno sway ;
Thy name, thy glory arc tho (h'ottiaiiH* j>r«*y*
None of thy noblon iu thy courts ivmahiH,
Thy froo-boru offspring till tho Argivo plains.
Drawn from tho world'n owls is thy vulgar crowd,
To Horvanln* norvanis now thy hoad i.s bowo<l.
*' Th«» Now Koino*' such By^antiun^H nani*^ to-day,
Whilt* thou, th<* old Homo, wooisfc thy walls dwray.
Woll Hitid tho Hc«»r, pondoring his mystic l<i!v*t
Jlowtfs lord shall fail, ,s7w nlmll be 'Itww w>
But for tho Groat Aponthw* guardian might,
Thou long ago had«t wink iu ondloHH night.*
1 Thin Epigram, us it is called, fa givon )>y Muratori (Ant. Mod.
Aovi, iu 147) and by Troya (Cod, Dip, Long. No, :,), and is an
follows ; •-
'Nobililms fucran quondam con«trueta patronH
Hubditn nuno H<*rvin. II<m niido, Koma, ruis!
tui tanto do tomporo K<tg<>H ;
ob ad OraocoH nomon houoH<ju<* luum.
342 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vii However, from this time forward there was a steady
CH 9
^ — L-L_ progress on the part of the people of old Borne towards
towards independence of their Byzantine rulers, and in this
from°t}u> successful struggle for freedom the Popes were the
m° more or less avowed and conscious protagonists. The
day was passing away in which it was possible for
the Eastern Caesar to send a policeman to arrest the
Pope and drag him off to a Byzantine prison. We
shall see one Exarch after another attempt this in-
vidious duty in obedience to his master's mandate, and
one after another will fall back disheartened before
the manifestations of the popular will, which in the
end will take the shape of an armed and organised
National Guard.
In to nobilium Eectorum nemo remansit
Ingenuiquo tui rura Pelasga colunt,
Vulgus ab extremis distraetum partibus orbis,
Servorum servi mmc tibi sunt domini.
Constantinopolis fiorens nova Roma vocatur :
Moonibus ot muris, Roma vetusta, cadis.
Hoc cantans prisco praedixit carmine rates,
Roma till sublto motibus Hit Amor.
Non si te Petri meritum Paulique foverefc
Temporo jam longo Roma misella fores?
Mancipibus subjecta jacens jacularis iniquis,
Inclyta quae fueras nobilitate nitens/ &c.
There aro somo more lines, which Muratori was unable to decipher.
Tho SSorvorum servi' in line 8 is understood by Muratori and
Troya to apply to the Greeks, and if so it is only a repetition of
1. 2. I am inclined to think with Gregorovius that there is at
loust an allusion to tho title ' Servus Servorum Dei ' assumed by
tho Pope. Tho twelfth lino is what is called 'recurrens,' and
IH tho sumo whichever ond it is read from. This is, of course,
xmtranslatoablo, but I have just hinted at the word-play by placing
at tho ond of the line a word which is an anagram of Rome. The
last two linofi are a mere repetition of the preceding, and I there-
fore omit them in the translation.
Obscure Popes. 343
This result is the more remarkable, as the Popes BOOK VIL
CH 9
who presided over the Church during the period in - Ll~
question were for the most part undistinguished men,
generally advanced in years — this must have been the
cause of their very short average tenure of the see —
and with so little that was striking in their characters
that even the Papal chronicler can find scarcely any-
thing to say of them except that they 'loved the
clergy and people/ or 'gave a large donation1 to the
ecclesiastics and to the poor/ In order not to burden
the text with a multitude of names which no memory
will wisely retain, I refer the reader for the Popes of
the seventh century to a list at the end of this
chapter8, and will mention here only those who took
a leading part in the development of doctrine and the
struggle with the Emperors.
A Sicilian ecclesiastic named Agatho, who occupied POW*
the chair of St.Peter for two years and a half (678-68 1), 678-681.
had the glory of winning a great ecclesiastical victory,
and of Bottling the Monotheletic controversy on the
terms for which Martin and all the Popes since Hono-
had strenuously contended*
The yonutr Emperor (Jonstautine IV, whom we lawt
_..,., , T tine Togo-
met with in Sicily avenging law lathers murder -\ uncUatus,
•, -t T* j. /i i i\ i» Emperor,
who received tho surname rogonatus (boarded) irom ees 685.
the populace of Constantinople, astonished to see their
young lord returning to hi« home with the bushy board
of manhood, was occupied in the early years of his
reign by maltwn too weighty to allow of his spending
hit* time in theological controversy. For five years, as 673-677.
ban been already Haid4, tho great Saracen Armada
w Noto 0, p. 387* :s Boo p. 282.
4 See p. 15,
344 The Papacy and the Empire.
UOOK vri. hovered round the coasts of the Sea of Marmora, and
_^Lll_the turbans of the followers of the Prophet were
descried on the Bithynian shore by the defenders of
Constantinople. Delivered from that pressing danger,
the Emperor had leisure to consider the unhappy con-
dition of the Church, distracted by that verbal dis-
putation concerning the will of the Saviour for which
his grandfather had unhappily given the signal. Con-
Ktiintine Pogonatus appears to have taken personally
no decided line in this controversy, but to have been
honestly anxious that the Church should decide it for
herself. Four successive Patriarchs of Constantinople,
generally supported by the Patriarchs of Antioch and
Alexandria, had upheld Monothelete doctrine, and
struggled for the phrase 'one theandric energy/ But
the ecclesiastics of Constantinople probably saw that
the mind of the Emperor was wavering, and that the
whole West was united under the generalship of the
Pope in a solid phalanx against them. It was under-
stood that (George, the new Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, was willing to recede from the Monotholeto
position, and the Emperor accordingly issued an in-
vitation to the Pope to send deputies to take part in
a Conference for the restoration of peace to the Church.
Pope Agatho had already (27th March, 680) presided
over a synod of Western bishops in which Monotho-
letism was unhesitatingly condemned, the voice of the
young Church of the Anglo-Saxons being one of the
loudest in defence of the two wills of Christ .Me now
gladly despatched three legates of his own, and three
bishops as representatives of that synod, to take part
in the proceedings of the Conference, which gradually
assumed a more august character, and became, not
Sixth General Council. 345
a mere Conference, but the Sixth Ecumenical Council, BOOKVII.
the third of its kind held at Constantinople1. — f'. '
At this Council, which was held in a domed chamber sixth
of the Imperial palace, and which was therefore some- Council
times called JM Tritllo, 289 bishops are said to have Oonstanti-
Ix-eii present, and the sittings of the Council lasted aso-es'r.
from yth November, 680, to i6th September, 68 r. On
the loft of the Emperor sat the bishops of the West,
and on his right the Patriarchs of Constantinople and
Antioeh and the bishops of the East. It was soon
scon which way the decision of the Council would tend.
Popo Agatho's legates complained of the novel teaching
of the Moiiothe.lete Patriarchs of the East. Macarius,
Patriarch of Antioeh, the Abdiel of Monotheletism,
upon whom foil the burden of the defence of the lately
dominant doctrines, undertook to prove that the dogma
of 'one theandric energy7 was in harmony with the
dmsioMH of the Fourth ami Fifth Councils, and with
the teaching of Popes Leo and Vigilius. The genuine-
newK of some of his quotations was denied, the aptness
of others \VJIK dinputotl George, Patriarch of Constari-
linople, formally announced his adhesion to the cause
advocated by the Roman Pontiff. An enthusiastic
prient named PolychroniuN, who undertook to prove
the,? truth of Monothclcto doctrine by raising a dead
man to life, whispcrod in the ear of the corpse in vain.
At length all wan ready for the definition of the faith
an to (ho Two Willw of Christ; the ratification of the
<l*iciv<!M of Pop Agatho and the Western Synod ; the
di'poKiUon of MacariuH, Patriarch of Antioeh, from his
high oll'ujo, a,n<l tlio formal anathema ou the dead
1 Si-i« I)uch<-sn<ss Nofa'H j and 4 on the Vita Agutlioui« in tho
LilM*r PonUfiwilw (p. 355).
346 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vii. and buried upholders or condoaers of Monotlielelic
Cir. 0. , r
-- heresy.
68r' Among these condemned ones were included four
^- n r\ • 1 I* A 1
Patriarchs ot Constantinople1, one Patriarch or Alex-
andria-, Theodore, bishop of Pharan, and — most
memorable fact of all — a man too wise and tolerant.
for his age, Ilonorius, Pope of Home.
At this crisis of the Church's deliberations, the
Liber Pontificalia tells us that * so great a mass of black
spiders' webs fell into the midst of the people that
all men marvelled, because at the same hour the filth
of heresy had been expelled from the Church.' To the
minds of men of the present day the incident would
seem not- so much an emblem of the extirpation of
heresy, a« of the nature of the dusty subtleties which
soveiith-centnry ecclesiastics, both orthodox and hetoro-
dox, wore occupied in weaving out of their own narrow
intellects and presumptuous souls.
i>«iuthof Though Pope Agatho probably heard enough con-
cerning the opening deliberations of the Sixth Council
to be assured of the final triumph of his cause, he died
many months before the actual decision, and the news
of the triumph itself must have reached Home during
the long interval3 which elapsed between bin death
and the consecration of his successor. The relations
between Rome and Constantinople continued friendly
during the rest of the lifetime of Pogonatun ; and Pope
Benedict 11 (684-685) received, so it w said4, a hitter
from the Kinperor dispensing for the future with the
necessity of that Imperial confirmation for which the
elected pontiff had hitherto been forced to wait before
H, Pyrrhus, Tutor, Puul, » Cywn.
Moro thun nineteen months. * Liber
Mosaic of Constantine Pogonaius. 347
his consecration ccrald be solemnized. If such a letter,
however, were actually sent, the concession seems to
have been silently revoked in the following reign.
Of CV.iustantine Pogonatus, who died in 685, we
may -still behold the contemporary portrait in mosaic
on the walls of the solitary church of S. Apollinare
in Chum. There he stands, with his two young
brethren Homclius and Tiberius beside him, and hands
to UeparatuH, the venerable Archbishop of Itavenna, a
document marked PHFVILWUVM. This document was
probably meant to confer on the prelates of Ravenna,
not entire independence of thelloman See, but the same
kind of independence and patriarchal jurisdiction which
was enjoyed by the bishops of Milan and Aquileia1.
It WSIH' originally given by Oonstans near the close of
hiH reign, and was possibly afterward confirmed by
VogonaluH and his colleagues'-.
The, figures of the two stripling colleagues of the
'
S<'<- I>u<-h<'KiK''H noto, Libor Pontiik'ulifl, i- 349-
'• Fnuii <!>o middlo of ih« wwnUi wmtuiy onwarda ilu-ro sooms
to luivc )«"-n HU intH-iuittont, rtrifo on HUH point U-twcoii tlw
a«.W.iHln.i« «f KHV.*IUI ftnil th« I'OIK-H. 1ft IUH Uf« «f Arch-
iMMho, MmmiH (<..^--»7«), Agm.llus mym 'Thin iKmiiilf hud many
H wilh lh«» ltomi»i jnaitilt, nuu.y c-<.ntoHis, many
,
inaiiy alt.-mith.nH. Htwa*! tin«* U« vmit<,l Const.uvtmopic, tint
f«H, his Church f»'">» ««»y«*« of tin, K(»num«. And
mtt ,
II warn <i«,no, nit.l lh« Wmrch of Havana was withdrawn | from
nl v»k«.|, s<> Umt no future pastor of that Church noodthonco-
forwnnl K" «<> «<»»" t» ««'k «<>»H('<'rat«'11> llor libould ll,° b°
f<(l,v«r<l ,u,il,.r UH. rul« of Utu Konmu pontiff; but whou
r -,iv, M.|*«* , th, XIUIKKOT at ComtuntmopW
,(,viHi,,ns, an ««, «HU,r «f AguolluH in tho M. OH. 1>« p
,ul an. pmhubly tok«a froiu tho Privilogium ot Cons aus
"*yr^,^
u <int<^ **«i«ivah*ul to 666,
348 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vn. Emperor, Heraclius and Tiberius, suggest some melan-
choly thoughts as to their fate, thoughts only too
much in keeping with the mournful expression so
tilers™" common in these venerable mosaics. Shortly after
the accession of Pogonatus, in the year 669, they were
declared Augusti, in obedience to the clamours of the
soldiers of the Eastern Theme, who flocked to Scu-
tari shouting, ' We believe in the Trinity. We will
have three Emperors1.' A great noble was sent to
apj>eaHe the mutineers, and to profess compliance with
their demands. Through him Oonstantine invited the
leaders in the movement to a friendly conference
with the Senate at Constantinople, and when he had
tliOHG loaders in his power he transported them to
Syeao (the modern Pera) and hung them there. The
two unfortunate and perhaps unwilling claimants for
the Imperial dignity had their noses slit by their
jealous brother, and were immured within the palace
walls for the remainder of their lives. Suclx was the
manner of man by whose nod deep questions concern-
ing the nature of the Godhead were then decided.
Pogonatus himself had two sons, Justinian and
tine. ITeraelius ; and it was a mark of his friendly feeling
towards the Pope that in the last year of his reign he
sent some locks of their hair as a present to Home,
and this valuable offering, accompanied by an Imperial
letter, was received with all fitting reverence by the
Pope, the clergy, and the ' army ' of Eome 2.
1 Thoophanos, AnnoMundi 6161,
9 ' Hie [Benedietus II] una cum clero et exercitu suscepit mal-
lonos capillorum domini Justinian! et Heraolii filiorum demon-
tissimi principle, simul et jussionem por quam significat eosdom
capillos direxisse ' (Lib. Pont, in vita Benedict! II). i Mallo '= the
Greek fuSXio^ is a late Latin word for a curl or lock of liair.
Justinian the Second. 349
Of the younger of these two princes, Heraclius^ BOOKVH.
we hear nothing : perhaps he, too, like his uncles, '
passed his life confined within the precincts of that n,
palace which has witnessed so many tragedies. But
Justinian II, who succeeded his father in 685 and705"7"'
in whom the dynasty of Heraclius expired, was a man
who left a bloody and ineffaceable imprint on the
pages of Byzantine history. He was in all things
almost the exact opposite of the great legislator whose
name he bore. Justinian I was timid, cautious, and
calculating. The second of that name was person-
ally brave, but rash, and a blunderer. The first had
apparently no temptation to be cruel, and carried
his clemency almost to excess. The second was, at
any rate in later life, and after opposition had em-
bittered him, as savage and as brutal as an Ashantee
king or a bullying schoolboy, a tiger such as Nero
without Nero's artistic refinement. Lastly, Justinian I
was exceptionally fortunate or extraordinarily wise in
his selection of generals and counsellors. His name-
sake seems to have suffered, not only for his own
sins, but for the grievous faults and errors committed
by the ministers to whom he gave his confidence 2.
In the year of the young Emperor's accession Pope Death of
Benedict II died, and after the short pontificate of n.
John V there was a contest as to the choice of his 685*686.
successor, the clergy desiring to elect the
presbyter ' Peter, and the army favouring the claims
1 His name is not mentioned by Theophanes. On the whole
it seems most probable that lie died before his father.
a This is Prof. Bury's opinion (ii. 320). He thinks (ii. 330)
that Justinian II in some things consciously imitated his name-
sake, but failed all the more conspicuously in consequence of that
imitation.
350 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOKVIT. of a certain Theodore, who came next to him on the
CH. 9.
^— roll of presbyters1. This statement, that the army
took such a prominent part in the Papal election,
strikes us as something new in Roman politics, and
taken in conjunction with the events which will
shortly be related, perhaps points to the formation
of a local force for the defence of the City, something
like what in after-ages would be called a body of
militia.
Election In this case the clergy had to meet outside the
gates of the great Lateran church 2, as the army kept
guard at the doors and would not suffer them to
enter. The military leaders themselves were assem-
bled in the quaint circular church of St. Stephen*
Messengers passed backwards and forwards between
the parties, but neither would give way to the other,
and the election seemed to be in a state of hopeless
deadlock. At length the chief of the clergy met, not
in the Lateran church, but in the Lateran palace •'*,
and unanimously elected an old and venerable Sicilian
priest named Conon to the vacant office. When the
old man with his white hairs and angelic aspect was
brought forth to the people, the civil magnates of
the City *, many of whom probably knew the calm
and unworldly life which the simple-hearted old man
had led, gladly acclaimed him as Pope. So, too, did
the leaders of the army, in whose eyes the fact that
1 'In eujus oloeiione dura ad episcopatum quaererotur, won
minima contentio facta est, eo quod clorus in Potrum arehiopi-
scopum intozidobat, oxorcitus autoiuin sequontum ejusTheodorum
presbytorum ' (Lib. Pout in Vitft Oononis).
2 Basilicae CoaBtantinianae. 5 In episcopio Lateranensi,
4 * E ve&tigio autom omnes judicos un& cum primatibus exercitus
. . . simul acckmaverunt.'
Disputed Papal Elections. 351
( loiion was himself a soldier's son * may possibly have BOOKVII.
boon Home recommendation of his merits. It took — '—
Home tune before the rank and file of the army would
abandon the cause of their candidate Peter, but at
length they too came in, and submissively greeted
the now Pope, whose unanimous election was, accord-
ing to the custom of that time, announced by a special
mission from all the three orders2 to the court of
the Exarch Theodore3.
The election of Conon had been a politic expedient Death of
for allayin^ domestic strife, but he was so old and Sept. «,
687
in such weak health that he could scarcely officiate
at the, necessary ordination of priests, and after only
eleven months' pontificate he died.
Again there were rival candidates and a contested Another
. «
election, before the long and memorable pontincate
of SorjjfiuK could be begun. The Archdeacon Paschal
had already, (luring Conou's lifetime, been intriguing
with the- new Kxareli John Platyn in order to obtain
by bribery the succession to the Papal Chair, He had
a Inrge party favouring his claims, but Theodore, now
Areh<*j»reshyter, had also still his zealous supporters
among the people. The army does not appear to
1 Tin* LilnT PontiftcaliH wiyH that Conon was 'oriundus patre
Thra<'<.Nio.' Ihifluwio truly obRervos thnt this does not moan
that b> wan horn in Thraco, but flon of an officer in the
'Thranwimi troop* which i» mentioned l>y Thoopliaaos (Anno
Mtntdi fact).
" ('Irr^y, army, .
11 *Vi4l««n8 imtuni oxorftiluH miammitatom clori popxiliquo in
«Ii*w.(u 4«jtm H!i))s<;nb(»ntuuu, pcmt aliquod (afo) dioB et ipsi flexi
Httitt i'i iMmw'Uwrunl in pnm>na praedicti sanctissimi viri, atque
in «jim <lH<ivfo dovoia monto HuJwcrii^runt ot misses paritor imfi
<*uni vliwl* ot <*x poptilo ud cjxec>ll<*uliH»imum Thoodorum ox-
m ut JUOH i>st, dircx^ruul* (Lib. L*uut L c.).
352 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK viz. have conspicuously favoured one candidate more than
- °H'9* another. The Lateran palace itself was divided iiito
two hostile fortresses, the outer portion being gar-
risoned by the adherents of Paschal ', the inner by
those of Theodore. Neither party would yield to the
other : clergy, soldiers, and a great multitude of the
people flocked to the Lateran palace, and debated
with loud and anxious voices what should be done,
At length the expedient of a third candidate was
again proposed, and obtained the concurrence of the
Election vast majority. The person proposed was Sergius, a
lUS'man of Syrian descent, whose father Tiberius had
apparently emigrated from his native Antioch in con-
sequence of the Saracen conquest, and had settled at
Palermo in Sicily. The young Sergius, who carne to
Rome about the year 672, was a clever and indus-
trious musician, and sang his way up through the
lower orders of the Church, till in 683 he was ordained
presbyter of the titulus (parish church) of St. Susanna,
where he distinguished himself by the diligence with
which he celebrated mass at the graves of the various
martyrs. He was now presented to the multitude,
and greeted with hearty acclamations. His followers
being much the stronger party, battered down the
gates of the Lateran palace, and the two candidates
stood in the presence of their successful rival. The
Arch-presbyter Theodore at once submitted, and gave
the kiss of peace to the new Pope ; but Paschal stood
1 Taschalis yero exteriorem partem ab oratorio sancti Silvostri
et basilicam domus Juliae quae super campunx respieit occupavit '
(Lib. Pout,, Vita Sergii). All these interesting vostigos of the
early Popedom seem to have been swept away in the rulhloos
reconstruction of the Lateran by Sixtus V.
Intrigues of Paschal with the Exarch. 353
aloof, in sullen hardness, till at length constrained and BOOKVIL
OH «i
confused, he entered the hall of audience, and with ^—
his will, or against his will, saluted his new lord '.
Paschal, however, though outwardly submissive, in intrigues
his heart rebelled against the Syrian Pope, and con- defeated
tinuing his intrigues with Ravenna, sent to the Exarch, Paschal
promising him 100 Ibs. of gold (£4000) if he would Exarch .e
seat him in the Papal chair. On this John Platyn
came to Rome, accompanied by the officers of his
court, but not apparently at the head of an army.
He came so suddenly and BO quietly, that the Roman
soldiery could not fjo forth to meet him with flags
and eagles according to the usual custom when the
TCrnperor'n representative visited Rome2. Finding on
his arrival that all orders of men concurred in the
election of Horgius, he abandoned the cause of his
client Paschal, but iuaiatod that the promised, 100 Ibs. of
gold nhould be paid him by the micccHsfuJ candidate.
Sergius naturally answered that he had never pro-
mised any auch aum, nor could he at the moment
pay it : but he brought forth the nacred chalices and
crowns which had hung for centuries before the tomb
of St. Peter, and ottered to dope wit them aa wecurity
for the ultimate payment of the required Hum 8. The
1 ' Umm o duobuB olaetb, id ost T hoodoruH nrdiiproHbytor, ilico
quiovitac HO liumiliavit: <»t mgrosnuB dwiomhmtum BanctiHBimum
oloctum nnlutavit ac oaculntuH ont PiUKihaliB voro ullo inodo prao
corclin duritiA fiinolmt, donee coaetus ot confumm, volons nolonn,
Htunn (lotninmu ofc oloctum ingroHHUtt nalutavit* (Lib. Pout,, 1. o.).
tt 8Qui HIC ululiW vonit ufc nuc Bigna nuo bnnda cum niilitiA
Ronuini «x«»r«itu» oecurrifltfont oi juxta coiiHuotucliuuin iu corn-
potonti loco ui»i n propinquo Komanau) civitutb* (Lib* 1*0111, 1. o.),
Tlxo tuoainin^ <»f Iho Itwt clnuwo IH not <iuit(» c.hiar to mc».
8 'JKt ut ad «onipu»ctiouom anhnon vi«h»ntium counnovorot,
VOL. VL A a
352 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VIL have conspicuously favoured one candidate more than
CH'9' another. The Lateran palace itself was divided into
two hostile fortresses, the outer portion being gar-
risoned by the adherents of Paschal !, the inner by
those of Theodore. Neither party would yield to the
other: clergy, soldiers, and a great multitude of tiic
people flocked to the Lateran palace, and debated
with loud and anxious voices what should bo done.
At length the expedient of a third candidate was
again proposed, and obtained the concurrence of the
Election vast majority. The person proposed was Sergiun, a
'man of Syrian descent, whose father Tiberiuw bad
apparently emigrated from his native Antioch in con-
sequence of the Saracen conquest, and had settled at
Palermo in Sicily. The young Sergius, who came to
Rome about the year 672, was a clever and iiulus-
trious musician, and sang his way up through the
lower orders of the Church, till in 683 he was ordained
presbyter of the titulus (parish church) of St. HuHuuna,
where he distinguished himself by the diligence with
which he celebrated mass at the graves of the various
martyrs. He was now presented to the multitude,
and greeted with hearty acclamations. Min follower**
being much the stronger party, battered down tho
gates of the Lateran palace, and the two candidates
stood in the presence of their successful rival. Tho
Arch-presbyter Theodore at once submitted, and gave
the kiss of peace to the new Pope : but Paschal stood
1 'Pasbhalis vero extoriorom parlom nl> oratorio Huneli Silver!
et basilicam domus Juliao quao supor ennipiun ronpicil owupuvil'
(Lib. Pont., Vita Sergii). All thoso inluroHling VOH%OB of tho
early Popedom seom to have boon Hw<»j>t nwuy iu thu
reconstruction of the Latorau by Bixtus V.
354 The Papacy and the Empire
JJOOKVII. beholders were shocked at the duresse thus laid upon
--- the Church, but the stern Byzantine persisted in his
demand : the 100 Ibs. of gold were somehow gathered
together, the Imperial sanction to the election was
given by the Exarch, and Sergius became Pope.
As for his rival Paschal, he after some time was
accused of practising strange rites of divination, was
found guilty1, deposed from his office of archdeacon,
and thrust into a monastery, where, after five years
of enforced seclusion, he died, still impenitent.
Poutm. The new Pope, who held his office for fourteen yeum
t»ato of A i i i i /»
(687-701 ), was a younger man, and probably of stronger
fibre, than some of his recent predecessors ; and well
it was for the Roman See that a strong man filled the
chair of St. Peter, for another conflict with the self-
willed Caesars of Byzantium was now to take place.
Iu the year 601 Justinian IT convened another
...
Council, not this timo for the definition of doctrine,
but for the reformation of discipline. The reason for
BO much zeal on the Emperor's part for the purification
of the Church morals is not very apparent : but it
has been suggested 2 that it was part of the yoxmger
Jufltinian's audacious attempt to rival the fame of his
great namesake. On the part of the Eastern bi«hopB
cautaroH ot coromiB qui (fik) ante sacrum altaro ol
B. Potri Apofttoli ox antique pondobant doponi locii ol pignori
tradi* (Lib. Pont, in. Vita Borgii).
1 * PnuKlictut* Paschalib . , , ab officio arcliidiacouatus pro aliquas
(«/>}) iiKjnutntionoB ot luculos quoa colobat, vol noiioB quan cum
alih roHjxuitorilnis trnclabat . . . privatun <wt/ iMttdwn = a }>i<n',
and wtyrtrfor apparently = aruspex, ]>ufc Uioy aro both pulling
wor<lH, and Ducliosixe, tlio oditor of the Lib. Pont, givo,s thorn
up an hopokiHB,
8 By Prof. Bury, iL 330.
Quinisextan Council 355
who formed the overwhelming majority of the Council, BOOKVII
there was perhaps a desire to retrieve in some measure ^-
the undoubted victory which the West had gained
in the condemnation of Monotheletism, by showing
that the East, unaided, could do something to reform
the discipline of the Church1. The assembly, which
was meant as a sort of supplement to the two pre-
ceding Councils, received the grotesque name of the
Qaiiiinoxtan (fifth -sixth) Council, but is more often
known as the Council of the Domed Hall (in Trullo),
a name which was derived from its place of meeting,
but which applied to its immediate predecessor as
much as to itself.
The canons of this Council, 102 in number, touched,
as haft been naid, on no point of doctrine, but were
entirely concerned with matters of Church discipline,
Mich OH tlio punishment of ecclesiastics who played at
dice, took part in the dances of the theatre, kept houses
of ill-fame, lent money on usury, or without sufficient
caiuse wore absent from church on three consecutive
Sunday H. They showed, however (as might perhaps
have* boon expected from the almost exclusively
Oriental character- of the Council), a disregard of
Western usage, and of the claims of the See of Home,
which almost amounted to intentional discourtesy.
By inferences if not directly, they pronounced against
the Papal decision with reference to the second bap-
tism of thoHo who had boon baptised by heretics in
the Triune Name. They expressly condemned the
strict Konum usage as to married presbyters, and they
J Thin idol i» Hu««ost<*l by Malfatti (Imporatori o Papi, p. 238),
but I do not know that any contemporary authority can be pro-
duced in proof of it.
A a 2
356 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOKvn. denounced the custom of fasting on Saturday in Lent,
. JLl_ which had long prevailed in the Roman Church \
And in a very emphatic manner the thirty-sixth canon
renewed the decrees of the Second and Fourth Councils,
declaring * that the patriarchal throne of Constantinople
should enjoy the same privileges as that of Old Rome,
should in all ecclesiastical matters be entitled to the
same pre-eminence, and should count as second after it/
The third place was assigned to Alexandria, the fourth
to Antioch, and the fifth to Jerusalem. The decrees
of this Council received the signature of the Emperor,
and of the great Patriarchs of the East, but the
blank which was left after the Emperor's name for
the signature of the Roman pontiff was never filled
up2, nor has the Council in Trullo ever been unre-
servedly accepted by the Latin Church, In fact, the
leaning shown by it towards toleration of a married
clergy is at this day one of the points in. which the
'Orthodox' (Greek) differs from the ' Catholic' (Latin)
Church.
Tho FOI*O When the six volumes containing the decrees of the
Quimsextan Council reached Rome3, the Pope not
only refused to sign them, but forbade their publica-
tion in the churches. Thereupon Justinian in high
1 Assemanni (Bibliotlieca Juris Orientalis, L 121) says that tho
Synod in Trullo made many other objectionable additions to
Church law. These seem to have been chiefly the prohibition
of eating things strangled and blood, and of tho representation
of Chrint undor the figure of a lamb.
a There seems to be some doubt of the correctness of tho
assertion in the Libor Pontificaliw that the Pope's Legates wore
prenont at the Council, and signed owing to a misunderstanding
of the purport of tho decrees,
15 'Mifcsis in lucello quod scevrocaniali vocitatur* (Lib, Pont,
in Vita Bergii) : strange and dark words.
Attempted Arrest of Pope Sergius. 357
wrath sent a messenger1 with orders to punish the BOOK vn.
Pope's councillors for disobedience to the Imperial — °H'9>
edict. The holy man John, bishop of Portus 2, and
Boniface, a Oonsilia,rius of the Apostolic See, both of
whom had probably made themselves conspicuous by
their opposition to the Council, were carried off to
Constantinople, where we lose sight of them.
It remained only to punish the chief offender, and Attempted
to drag Sergius, as Martin had been dragged away,
to builetings and hardships in prisons by the Bos-
phoruH. With this intent Justinian sent a huge life-
guardsman 3 named Zacliarias to Home. But as he
passed through Ravenna, and there, no doubt, dis-
closed the purport of his mission, the inhabitants
of that city (already perhaps inflamed with wrath
against their tyrannical and high-handed sovereign)
angrily discussed the meditated outrage on the head
of tlio I toman Clmrch. The 'army of Ravenna' —
evidently now a local force, and not a band of By-
mutine mercenaries — caught the flame, and determined
to march to Rome, The soldiers of the Pentapolis4
and the, surrounding districts took part eagerly in the
holy war: there was but one purpose in all hearts —
' We will not auftbr the .Pontiff of the Apostolic See
to bo carried to Constantinople/ Thus, when the
life-guardsman Zacharias, accompanied probably by a
slender retinue, reached Home, it was not to inspire
* * Jonnnow D(H> amalalom Portuonsom opiscopum.'
fl *Immanom protoHpalharium.' Possibly 'immanom' means
fi«K«» rathor thuii 1%, Jmt Iho roat of tho Btory does not represent
Zacharius JIH n vory Inuwlunt por«on,
4 Ancoua ami four neighbouring cities.
358 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vii. fear, but to feel it. The throng of soldiers surged
— !!llL_ round the City walls. He ordered the gates to be
closed, and trembling, sought the Pontiff's bedcham-
ber, beseeching him with tears to shield him from
harm. The closing of the City gates only increased
the fury of the soldiery. They battered down the
gate of St. Peter, and rushed turaultuously to the
Lateran, demanding to see Pope Sergius, who, it was
rumoured, had been earned off like Martin by night,
and hurried on board the Byzantine vessel. The
upper and lower gates of the Pope's palace were
closed \ and the mob shouted that they, should be
levelled with the ground unless they were promptly
opened. Nearly mad with terror, the unhappy life-
guardsman hid his huge bulk under the Pope's bed,
but Sergius soothed his fears, declaring that no harm
should happen to him. Then the Pope went forth,
and taking his seat in a balcony outside the Lateran,
he presented himself to the people. They received
him with shouts of applause : he addressed them with
wise and fitting words, and calmed their tumultuous
rage. But though calm, they were still resolute ; and
they persisted in keeping guard at the Lateran till
the hated Zacharias, with every mark of ignominy and
insult, had been expelled from the City. So the affair
ended. Justinian IT, as we shall soon see, was in no
position to avenge his outraged authority. The Im-
perial majesty had received its heaviest blow, and the
successor of St. Peter had made his longest stride
towards independent sovereignty.
The only other notable event in the long pontificate
* 'Dumque fores Piitriarchii ton inferiores quam superioros
essent clausao * (Lib. Pont, in Vita Sergii).
Unpopularity of Justinian IL 359
of Sergius was a Council which towards its close, and BOOKJII.
doubtless by his authority, was held at Aquileia to.
terminate the controversy of the Three Chapters.
This Council (of which we have very little further'^
x J Chapters
information) was thus the counterpart, in Eastern contro-
versy
Italy, of that which has been already described as dosed.
held at Pavia by order of King Cunincpert \
Meanwhile, the Emperor was wearying out theunpopu-
patience of his subjects by his exactions and his pfJustm-
cruelties. Possibly (as has been already hinted) in.1811
the first part of his reign, the blame of his unpopu-
larity should be assigned, not so much to himself as
to his ministers. Of these there were two named
Stephen and Theodotus, especially odious to the
people. Stephen was a Persian eunuch, who was
appointed Imperial Treasurer, and distinguished him-
self by IHH Heal in raising money for that extravagant
palace building, which was the passion of the two
Juslii liana, its it has been the passion of so many later
lords of Constantinople. Either because she thwarted
bin financial schemes, or for some other reason, the
Emperor'n own mother, Anastasia, incurred the eunuch's
dinpleanuro, and he had the audacity to order her to be
publicly choHtwed like a refractory schoolboy 2. Theo-
dotus W&B a monk, who had previously led the life of
a recluse in Thrace, but was now made a logothete,
1 Hoo vol. v. p, 4^3'
tt *A;tfK /ecu tls TJ}V wrfpa 'lovtrTWMvov r^v T<JXftoj> «$Mry*«, ^aa-nyat avrfj
*V trxtywri, w^TTfp rofa yeaifas vi ypn^artaral tmBfpevof (Nicephorus,
Do Rob. pont Maur. OoHtiH, 44). Thooplianos (A.M. 6186) also
montiouK this punislimont of the Empress Dowager, and shows
that it wua not only apparent, as the words *V <r^/*«« might
loud us to Huppono, but a genuine whipping with leather thongs—
360 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vn. apparently chief of the logothetes1, and gave full
scope to his imagination, no longer in devising the
self-tortures of a rigid anchorite, but in planning the
torture of others. Men were hung up by their wrists
to high-stretched ropes, and then straw was kindled
under their feet; and other punishments, which are
not particularly specified, but which we are told were
intolerable, were inflicted on some of the most illus-
trious subjects of the Emperor.
^* leng^ after ten years of this misgovernment,
the day of vengeance dawned. A certain nobleman
from tjie highlands of Isauria, named Leontius, who
had long and successfully commanded the armies of
the East, had been for some cause or other detained
in prison for three years by the Emperor. Then,
changing his mind, the capricious tyrant decided to
make him governor of Greece2, but ordered him to
depart for his new province on the morrow of his
liberation from prison. That same night he was visited
by two monks, Paul and Gregory, who had, it would
seem, formerly prophesied to him that he should one
day wear the diadem. ' Vain were all your prognosti-
cations to me of future greatness/ said the melancholy
man, 'for now I go forth from the city, and soon my
life will have a bitter end/ 'Not so/ replied the
monks ; c even now, if you have courage for the enter-
prise, you shall win the supreme power/ He listened
to their counsels, hastily armed some of his servants,
and went to the palace. The plea being put forward
of urgent business with the Emperor, the prefect of
1 r&v di7/*o<nW Xoytorr^ tv r& fyp&fa \oyoOfTTjv KaXovcn
(Niceph. p. 42).
2 orparTjyfo rijs *JEXX<£&>$ (Niceph. p. 43),
Fall of Justinian II. 36i
the palace opened the door, and at once found himself BOOK vn.
bound hand and foot. Leontius and his men swarmed ^1~
through the palace, opening the prison doors to all the
numerous victims of Imperial tyranny who were there
confined, and some of whom had been in these dark
dungeons for six, or even eight years. Having fur-
nished those willing allies with arms, they then scat-
tered themselves through the various quarters of the
city, calling on all Christians to repair to the church
of St. Sophia. Soon a tumultuous crowd was gathered
in tho baptistery of the church, aucl there Callinicus
tho Patriarch, constrained by tho two monks and the
other pariisuuH of LeontiuB, preached a sermon to the
people on the wordn, 'This ia the day that the Lord
hath jnad«» : lot u« rejoice and be glad in it/ The long-
repressed hatred of the people to Justinian now burst
forth in all its fury: every tongue had a curse for
tho fallen Kmperor, and when day dawned an excited
crowd itHHemblecl in tho Hippodrome, calling with
hoarse voices for his death, LcontiuH, however, mind-
ful of past passages of friendship between himself and
tho Kimperor's father, now spared tho son, and after
mutilating MM in the cruel fashion of Byzantium, by
slitting bin nose an<l cutting out his tongue l, sent him
away to banishment at Ohemm-', the scene of Pope
Martin's exile* Tho two chief instruments of his
tyranny, Stephen and Theodotus, were seized by the
1 Tin* Hul»M't{u«»nt ntorioH of conversation)?* in which Justinian
took part |M*rhnpH allow that thi« operation was not vory thoroughly
IwrfoniuM], In <'onBH[Uonc!i* of tho other mutilation, ho is known
in luKtory by tho name of KhinotmotuH, *tho NoBo-nlittod'
y AH bofom ronmi'kHl, thin Chorson, which in a city on tho south-
wont count of ih<» Crimw, must not }w confoundod with tho modern
city cif Chuftou on tho mainland, at tho mouth of tho Dniopor.
362 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vii. mob without the new Emperor's orders, dragged by the
— *L^— feet to the Forum of the Bull, and there burned alive.
Roignof The reign of Leontius was a short one (695-698),
695^698?' and he does not seem to have displayed as Emperor
any of that ability or courage which he had shown as
Expedi- general of the Eastern army. The eyes of all loyal
ricoye^ of citizens of 'the Roman Republic' were at this time
age' turned towards the province of Africa, where the city
of Carthage, recovered by the valour of Belisarius from
the Vandal, had just been captured by the sons of
Islam. A great naval armament was fitted out under
the command of the patrician John. It sailed west-
ward, it accomplished the deliverance of the city from
the Saracen yoke, and for one winter John ruled in the
city of Cyprian as Roman governor. The Saracen com-
mander, however, was not disposed to acquiesce in his
defeat. He returned with a larger army, expelled the
Imperial garrison, and recovered Carthage for Islam
and for desolation. The great armament returned, as
that of Basiliscus had done more than two centuries
before ', shamefaced and sore at heart to Constanti-
nople. At Crete, the troops broke out into open
mutiny against both their general and the Emperor,
John was apparently deposed from the command ;
a naval officer named Apsimar was proclaimed Em-
peror: the fleet sailed to Constantinople, which was
at that time being wasted by a grievous pestilence :
after a short siege, the sentinels on the walls of Bla~
chernae, the northern quarter of the city, were bribed
to open the gates to the besiegers : Leontius was de-
throned, and Apsimar, who took the name of Tiberius,
reigned in his stead
1 See voL ii. p. 458 (p. 449, 2nd Ed.),
Visit of Theophylad to Rome. 363
During the seven years' reign (698-705) of this in- BOOKVII.
effective and colourless usurper1 the Papal chair — °H'9'
with whose occupants we are now primarily concerned SbSSua
— again became vacant. The comparatively long and 698-705.
successful pontificate of Sergius came to an end, and Pontifi-
1 e ' Cilto Of
a Greek, who took the title of John VI, was raised to i<^ VI>
,, 701-705-
the papacy.
In liin short pontificate the Exarch Theophylact Visit of
eamo by wny of Sicily to Home2. By this time the-rheophy-
mere appearance of the Exarch in the City by the
Tiber Htwnm to have boon felt almost as a declaration
of war. The Holdiors (again evidently a kind of local
militia) from all parts of Italy mustered in Home
with tumultuous clamour, determined, we are told, 'to
tribulato Uw Exarch11/ The Pope, however, inter-
posed in tho intercHtH of peace and good order. He
1 Thin IH OH* aspect, which Tiberias III woarw to me, but
Prof. Bury, who rain *read between the linos1 of tho Byzantine
chronicler* far better fltnu I can, says, 'Tho roi^u of Tiborius III
WUH I»y n*> IIICUIIH diHcrHHtiiblo UH far an foreign politics were
cofi<wrni<<lt and th<* Kilcnco of liiHtoriann l<»u<l« UB to conclude that
his HiibJH'tH w<*ni not opprmsod by ht«ivy ]>ur(lonH* (ii. 3^7).
IIu al^t* roniarks uud it LH an important caution -that 'amid the
details which hinforianH n^ord of th<» olovatioim and falls of tho
KinptTors of iiiin period, who appear and vanish HO rapidly in
HCN'ncs of treason n»<l violence, w<» ar<j apt to loao Bight of tho
Hlea<UaHt *wd wjccosHftil rewistancMi which tho Empire never failed
to ofler to th<» Haraeonn. * . , Had it not boon for tho able BOVO-
reigtiH and goneralnof N<«w Homo, tho Saracens might havo almost,
if 1 way UHit the word, iHlaiuiwnl Europo* (Ibid. pp. 355"<'))-
M * HujttH tojnporibuH venit Thoophylactun cubicularius patriciuB
et exarclum Italiuo <!«» parteB (.sw) Wiciliao in urbo Koma' (Lib.
Pout, in VJtA «JoannLs VI).
:> ' (JujUH mlvontuiu <j(^iu^conto« militia totius Italiao tumul*
u convonit ajmd hanc Koinanam civitutou vollony pmofutum
tribularo* (Ibid,).
364 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VH. closed the gates of the City, and sending a deputation
— H' of priests to the improvised camp * in which the muti-
neers were assembled, with wise and soothing words
quelled the sedition. There were, however, certain
informers whose denunciations of the citizens of Rome
had furnished the Exarch with a pretext for unjust
confiscations, and these men apparently had to suffer
the vengeance of the people before order could be
restored.
Expau- It was during the pontificate of this Pope that the
oimif ii previously described 2 expedition of Gisulf I of Bene-
wnto. vento into Campania took place, and it was John VI
who, out of the treasures of the Papal See, redeemed
the captives of the Samnite duke.
poHtm- Another short pontificate of another John followed.
<*ato of
The new Pope, John VII, was, like his predecessor, of
Greek extraction. His father, bearing the illustrious
name of Plato, had held the high office of Cura Palatii,
an office which in Constantinople itself was often held
by the son-in-law of the Emperor. Plato had in that
capacity presided over the restoration of the old Im-
perial palace at Borne, which was now the ordinary
residence of the Exarch's lieutenant I The future
Pope was, so late as 687, administrator (rector) of the
Papal patrimony along the Appian Way. His portrait
in mosaic, which was formerly in the Oratory of the
Virgin at St, Peter's, is still visible in the crypts of
the Vatican,
1 ' Apud fosBatum in quo in unum convenerant ' (Lib. Pont, in
Vita, Joannis VI).
2 Soo p. 336.
8 See the epitaph of Pla1 o, quoted from De Kossi by Duchesne
(Lib. Pontificalia, voL i. p. 386), This epitaph, in the church of
St Anastasius, was still visible in the fifteenth century*
Adventures of Justinian IL 365
The election of Pope John VII nearly coincided in BOOK vn.
time with the return of the fierce tyrant Justinian II °H' 9'_.
to his capital and his throne after ten years of exile.
Of his wandeiings during these ten years ^e have
a short and graphic account in the pages of Nicephorus
and Theophanes. Cherson rejected him, fearing to be
embroiled for his sake with the reigning Emperor.
lie roamed from thence into that region in the south
of lliiHKia which — it is interesting to observe — was
still called the country of the Coths \ Here he threw
hiiHHolf on the hospitality of the Chagau of the
Kho^ars, a fierce tribe with HunnLsh affinities, who had
come from beyond the Caucasus, and were settled
round the shores of the Sea of Assof. The Chagan
#ave him bin Hinter iu marriage, and she was probably
baptised on that occasion, and received the name of
Theodora2, With this barbarian bride the banished
Emperor seems to have*, lived in some degree of happi-
neHH at Phanagoria by the straits of Yenikale, just
opposite Kertcb in the (Jrimea. But Tiberius, who
could not 'let well alone,' sent messengers to the
Khiusar chief oH'er it ig him great giftn if ho would send
him the* howl of Justinian ; ntill greater if he would
Htirrender bint alive.* The barbarian listened to the
temptation, and under pretence of providing for his
hrot,her-in-law\s safety, surrounded him with a guard,
who, when they received a signal from their master —
that iw probably when the promised gift** were Bafely
deposited m the CluiganVt palace — wore to fall upon
rjf
, 46),
Anotht*r InHtniuni of JitHtinmu tluj KecondTB hnitation of las
xtaiuoHaku (Uury, it, 35^)*
366 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VIL the exile and kill him* A woman's love, however, foiled
. J^ ™ the treacherous scheme. Theodora learned from one
of her brother's servants what was being plotted, and
warned, her husband, who, summoning the Chagan's
lieutenant into his presence, overpowered his resistance,
fastened a cord round his neck, and strangled him
with his own hands. In the same way he disposed of
' the Prefect of the Cimmerian Uosphorus/ apparently
an oflicer of the Empire through whom the negotia-
tions with the Chagan had been carried on : and then,
after sending his faithful wife back to her brother's
court, he escaped to the Straits of Yenikale, where lie
found a fishing smack, in which he Bailed round the
Crimea. At Oherson he had many enemies, but he
had also powerful friends, arid in order to summon
these he lay to at a safe distance from the city. As
BOOH as they wore on board, he again set Bail, passed
the lighthouse of Cherson, and readied a place called
the Gates of the .Dead, between the mouths of the
rivers Dnieper and Dniester. Here, or soon after they
had passed it, a terrible Btorm arose, and all on board
the little craft despaired of their deliverance. Said
one of the ex -Emperor's servants to his master, * See,
my lord, we are all at the point of death : make a bar-
gain with God for your safety. Promise that if he
will give you back your Empire you will not take the
life of any of your foes/ Thereupon Justinian answered
in fury, ' If I consent to spare any one of those men,
may God this moment cause the deep to swallow me/
Contrary to all expectation they escaped from the
storm unhurt, and before long made the mouth of the
Danube, They sailed up the stream, and Justinian
despatched one of his followers to the rude court of
Restoration of Justinian II. 367
Terbel, king of Bulgaria, Rich gifts and the hand of BOOK vn.
the Emperor's daughter in marriage l were the promised °H'9* ..
rewards if Terbel should succeed in replacing him on
his throne. The Bulgarian eagerly accepted the offer :
oaths were solemnly sworn between the high con-
tracting parties, and after spending a winter in Bul-
garia, Justinian with his barbarian ally inarched next
spring against Constantinople.
Again the attack was directed against Blachernae, Triumph
the northern end of the land wall of Constantinople, i
and evidently the weakest part of the fortifications.
For tliroo days the Bulgarian army lay outside the
walls, Juntiniau vainly offering to the citizens con-
ditions of peace, and receiving only words of insult in
return. Then, accompanied by only a few of his
follower^ he? entered the city, as Belisarius had entered
Naples, by an aqueduct, and almost without fighting
made himself master of that part of it in which was
situated UK* palace of Blachernao, where he took up
his abode. The complete conquest of the city probably
occupied Home weeks2: but it was at last effected.
Tiberius III, HOW once again known by his old name
of Apsimar, loft the city, and sought to ilee along the
couat of tho Kuxino to Apollonia, but was brought back
in chains to Constantinople. His brother and generalis-
simo ITerocliu&j who had fought bravely in the wars
against the Saracens, and all hiw chief officers and
1 This proimNo, in connection with the very recent marriage of
JuHtiiunu to Tht'ortoroy in nomowhat perplexing. 1 would suggest
thai Justinian, who watt by thi« timo thirty-five years of age,
hart probably married boforo his expulsion from Constaixtmoplo,
and that IUH iirnt wife had died before 703. On thi« theory he
may onwly hnvo hart n daughter of marriageable age at this time.
a Boo Bury, ii. 360, n. 2, commenting on Thoophanew.
368 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vii. body-guards, were hung from high gallows erected on
' the walls. For Apsimar himself yet deeper degrada-
7°5' tion was in store. His old rival Leontius, whom he
had dethroned seven years before, was brought forth
from the monastery to which he had consigned him,
and the two fallen Emperors, bound in chains, were
paraded through the fourteen regions of the city,
a mark for all the scoffs and taunts of a populace ever
ready to triumph over the fallen. Then it was an-
nounced that great chariot races would be exhibited
in the Hippodrome. The people flocked thither, and
saw the restored Emperor sitting on his lofty throne.
His two rivals, still loaded with chains, had been
thrown down before his chair, and each one of his
purple sandals rested on the neck of a man who had
dared to call himself Augustus while he yet lived.
The slavish mob, who deserved to be ruled over by
even such a tyrant as Justinian II, saw au opening for
pious flattery of the successful cause, and shouted out,
in the words of the gist Psalm, 'Thou hast trodden
on the Asp and the Basilisk : the Lion and the Dragon
hast thou trodden under foot V The Asp was meant
to drive home the sense of his humiliation to the
heart of Apsimar : the Lion was an insult for the
fallen Leontius* After some hours of this humiliation
they were taken to the place of public execution, and
there beheaded.
Justin- The vengeance which filled the KOU! of Justinian
onto6 wkile *ie waH tossing in hiw nki (F off the coast of Bcythia
enemies, had now full play. The patriarch Callmieus, who had
1 Psalm xoi. 13, In our version tho wordn aro, "Thou shalt
tread upon tho lion and adder, tho young lion and tho dragon
shalt tliou trample under thy foot'
Justinian's Message to Pope John VII. 369
preached the sermon on his downfall, was blinded and BOOKVIL
• CH 9
sent in banishment to Rome — a wholesome warning to _ '..
Pope and citizens of the fate which might befall those 7°5'
who resisted the might of the "World-Emperor — and
in his place a monk named Cyrus, who had predicted
the restoration of Justinian, was made Patriarch of
Constantinople. Citizens and soldiers past counting
perished in the reign of terror l which followed. Some
were sewn up in sacks and thrown into the sea.
Others were, with treacherous hospitality, invited to
some great repast, and as they rose up to depart were
sentenced either to the gallows, or to execution by
the sword*. The Empevor'8 fury raged most wildly
of all against the citizens of (Jhorson, who had dared
to cant him forth from their midst, and had, as he
ooMHidorcd, troaohenmHly intrigued against him with
TiborhiK III. But the Btory of this revenge belongs
to the latent years of the Imperial fiend. Our im-
rnodiato buninms in to describe bis dealings with the
Pope of Homo and the citizens of Itavenna.
After the returned exile had been for a little more Justin-
v lan s mes"
than a year in the possession of his recovered dignity, *mgo to
mindful still of lu» coveted glory as an ecclesiastical John vn.
legislator, he sent two bishops of metropolitan rank,
bearing the same Tome which had been before addressed
to Pope HergiuB, but bearing also a * sacred' letter
(the letters of Kmpororc* wens always thus styled), in
which Justinian exhorted the Pope to convene a synod,
1 T borrow ihiH apt oxpwwiou from Bury, ii. ,}6r,
h<*oph, A.M.
VOL* VI. u ^
370 The Papacy and the Empire.
uooKViLto which he should communicate the Acts of the
. IV— Quinisextan Council, confirming all the canons that
7°7t seemed to him worthy of approbation, and deleting
those which he deemed inexpedient1.
^ie ^ni^ P°pe, John VII, probably an elderly man,
wlio hud learned habits of obedience as a civil servant
before he was an ecclesiastic, and who had no doubt
looked upon the sightless eyeballs of the Patriarch of
Constantinople, blinded by this terrible autocrat, shrank
from the responsibility of convening a synod, shrank
from suggesting what canons in the Imperial Tomo
were deserving of censure, and in fact, through ' weak-
ness of the flesh/ returned the Tome by the hands of
the metropolitans to the Emperor, saying that he bad
no fault to find with any part of it *. Soon after ibis
unworthy concession, Pope John VII died, and was
succeeded by a Syrian named Sisinnius, who was, we
Of _ rvi'ii • ii r\ 1
are told, so afflicted by gout— an especially rapul
malady — that he was obliged to employ the hands of
others to convey food to his mouth. His short ponti-
ficate — of only twenty days — is noteworthy only for
the fact that he set the lime-kilns at work to make
mortar for the repair of the walls of Koine. An evil
precedent truly. How many of that silont population
of statues which once made beautiful the terraces of
Koine have perished in these same papal limo-kilns !
1 * Et quacquo oi vina osnont, atahilirot, quaoquo mlvorna, ron-
nuondo caHwirot' This is tho necoimt of iho inaitor tfivon 1>y tlu<
Papal 1»iogi'a]>hor. It in "possible thnt tho s<klf-\vi]l<'<] Einporor
waw not rc'ally so complaisant.
u With wordw of unnccuBtoinod COUHUVO tho Papnl bio^rapluu*
sayw, * B(J(1 liic, humand fntyiliMe thnidus, lion iioqua^uaia cuion-
dauH por HiipiiifatoH mc^ropoHtuH diroxit ad principoni* INwl qiuu*
uon diu in hac vita duruvil.'
Pontificate of Constantine. 37r
The short pontificate of Sisinnius was followed byBOOKVii.
the long one of Oonstantine (708-715), the last Roman
pontiff, apparently, who visited Constantinople. I:
his pontificate the ecclesiastical feud with the Arch-!
bishop of Ttavenna, which had slumbered for thirty 7I5*
years, broke out afresh. Archbishop Theodore (677-Qwaiwi
v, , - i i • 1 -, with Arch-
691), whose quarrels with Ins clergy about money bishop of
matters are quaintly described by Agnellus, had ap-
parently reconciled himself with Home in order to
protect himself against the hatred of Itavenna; and
his successor Archbishop Dainian (692-708) had ac-
cepted the*, poaw thus mudo, and had consented to
journey to Rome, for his consecration. Bo, too, did
his successor, Archbishop Felix (708-724), but when
the consecration was accomplished, the old rupture
between the sees was recommenced on the question of
the bonds (wtutimrs) for future obedience which the
Tope exacted from the ArchhiHhop. The profession of
faith according to the deciws of the six councils, and
the promise to abide by the canon law, were perhaps
given in the, accusiomod form by the now Archbishop,
but tho third document required of him, which was
a promise io do nothing contrary to the unity of the
Church and the safety of the Empire, he claimed to
oxpresH hi hi« own luntfiwjfo, and not in that ])mscribed
by the Pop<% and he wan ap|M».nintly supported in this
resistance by the «ivil rulers of Itavonno. Buch as it
wits, th(*. bond ww <loposit*»d in Ht, Peter's tomb, and
not iiMtny <lap afterwanln, nays the Pupal biographer,
it was i<»uiid all bluc:l<ou(«l and Hcorclnul as if by lire1.
1 *Hi<< «»rilhiuvit Fi'liwrn ttr«liM'jrtHcw»puni Kiwnnatwn :
W4Ctin<luiti IIIIOITIII ! prionitu Huonwii wJiliw iu wrinio noluit fa
«'<1 IMT iiot««ntliuii jiHliniui o?qmHuil at uiiiluii. OUJUB
372 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK yn. For this resistance to the authority of the Roman See,
~— the Papal biographer considered that the Archbishop
and his flock were worthily punished by the calami-
ties which now came upon them through the furious
vengeance of Justinian.
Juatiniim'K What was the reason for the frenzied Emperor's
fury t x
against wrath against Ravenna does not seem to be anywhere
Uu \vniw. .,„ ,
directly stated. We might conjecture that he re-
mombered with anger the opposition which the citizens
had offered some ten years before to his arrest of Pope
Sergius, but in that case Pope Constantine would
surely* have shared in the punishment. It seems more
likely that there is some truth in the obscure hints
given us by Agnellus that certain citizens of Ravenna
had taken part in that mutilation of the sacred person
of the Emperor which accompanied his deposition *.
Probably also the city had too openly manifested its
joy at Justinian's downfall, and had too cordially
accepted the new order of things established by
Leontius, and afterwards by Apsimar. Whatever the
cause, the rage of the restored Emperor turned hotly
against the devoted city. ' At night/ says Agnellus
(who perhaps exaggerates the importance of his own
native place), c amid the many meditations of his heart
his thoughts turned constantly to Ravenna, and he
cautio a poritifice in sacratissima confessione beati Petri apostoli
powiin, post nou multos dies tetra et quasi igni combusta reporta
asi* (Lib. Pont., Vita Constantini). See Duchesne's note on this
obscure and difficult passage. I have ventured slightly to deviate
from IXIH explanation.
1 ' Igitur in istius temporibus Constantini \lege Justiniani]
imp«ratoris a suis inilitibus cum aligiiibus civibus Ravennae nares
oi anros abscissae fuerunt' (Agnelli, Lib. Pont. Eccl. Kav«,
in Vita S. Pelicis).
Justinian IPs vengeance on Ravenna.
373
said to himself perpetually, " Alas ! what shall I do, and BOOK vn.
how shall I begin with my vengeance on Ravenna ? " ' - °H' 9>
The actual execution of his scheme of revenge, 709*
however, seems not to have been difficult. He sum-
moned the general-in-chief 19 a Patrician named Theo-
dore, and ordered him to collect a fleet and sail first
to Sicily (possibly in order to repel some assault of
the Saracens), and afterwards to Ravenna, there to
execute certain orders; as to which he was to preserve
impenetrable silence. When his duty in Sicily was
done, the general sailed up the Adriatic, and when
ho beheld Kaverma afar off, burst forth, if we may
holiovo our monkish chronicler, into a pathetic oration,
in which, with Yirgilian phrase, he lamented the future
fate of that proud city : ' the alone unhappy and alone
cruel Ilavenna, which then lifted her head to the
clouds, but should soon be levelled with the ground.'
Having arrived at the city, and been greeted with
the jxmip due to the Emperor's representative, he
pitched hiH tents, adorned with bright curtains, in
a lino of a furlong's length by the banks of the Po2.
Thither came all the chief men of the city, invited, as
they fmppoHcd, to a banquet in the open air, for which
the «eatw and couchew were spread on the green grass.
But OH they wore introduced, two and two, with
Holoum court twy into the general's tent, at the moment
of entrance they were gagged, and their hands bound
behind their backs, and they were hurried off to the
1 'Monstrnticum,' in Agnollus' barbarous phraseology, is sup-
]><m<*l to ivproHimt povwrparriyfa We got the name and the
putridun rank of Theodore from tho Liber Pontificalia,
* 'Eridaui rlyiim milwvil,' Probably Agnellus means the
Rouco, imloBH tho Po \\m groatly changed its course.
374 The Papacy and the Empire.
ft >OK yn. general's ship. When the nobles of the city and the
„!.' _ Archbishop Felix had all been thus disposed of, the
7°°' soldiers entered Ilavenna, and amid the loud lamen-
tations, but apparently not the armed resistance, of
the citizens, set some of the houses on fire1.
When the captives from Ilavenna were landed at
Constantinople they were brought into the presence of
Justinian, who was seated on a golden throne studded
with emeralds, and wore on his head a turban inter-
woven with gold and pearls by the cunning hands
of bis Khobar Empress. All tho senators of Ilavenna
\\vru slain, and Justinian bad decided to put the
archbishop also to death. But in the visions of tho
uifjfhl he saw a youth of glorious appearance standing
by Felix, and heard him say, 'Lot thy sword spare
this one man/ Jle gave the required promise in his
(liviuii, and kopt it waking by remitting the penalty
of death on the archbishop ; but according to the cruel
Byzantine custom ho ordered him to be blinded A
silver dish was brought and heated to incandescence
5n the furnace. Vinegar was then poured upon it:
I li<* archbishop WJIH compelled to ga#e at it long and
closely, and the sight of both eyes was destroyed.
The reflection of the "Papal biographer on these
events in as follows; — c By the judgment of God, and
the sentence of Peter, prince of the Apostles, those
men who had been disobedient to tho apostolic see
poriHhod by a bitter death, and the archbishop, de-
prived of sight, receiving punishment worthy of his
deeds, was transmitted to the region of Pontus/
Of tho events which followed at Ravenna it is
1 I think thin must ho tho moaning of Agnollua, when ho
in hw rhetorical way, * supposuorunt civibus iguom,'
Tumults at Ravenna,
375
impossible to extract any rational account from the BOOK vn.
turgid nonsense of Agnellus. We can just discern that -°H'<J.'-
Jotmnes Kizocopus, apparently the newly- appointed Tu^BJlt
Exarch, after visiting Naples arid Rome, reached Ra- Bavenna>
venna, and there for his wicked deeds, by the just
judgment- of God, perished by a most shameful death.
This is generally supposed, but perhaps on insufficient
evidpiirv, to have happened in a popular insurrection.
On his (loath apparently the citizens of Ravenna
elect I'd a certain Geoi'go (son of a learned notary
nami'd .Johaniees, who had boon carried captive to Con-
HtaniinopI*' sit id slain there) to be captain over them.
Ho harangued them in stirring speeches (full of Virgil),
and all the cities round Kavonna, Barsina, Cervia,
Korlintpopoli, Korli, phujrd (,l«*inKislvoH under his orders,
^arrison<'<! ih<» <^api<alt and d<^ied the troops of the
Kwprror. houbtl(kss (h<t insurrection was quelled, but
li«»\v aiid wh^ft, and wh^thor after a long interval of
<»i\ il war or no, \\\\\ clmtnwW, who gives u>s a multitude
of nsrlrss <i<*lails about the equestrian perfonnances
an<l HpiritiMJ harangues of (he rebel captain, quite fails
to inform us. We learn, however (and here the better
authority of the Papal biographer coincides with that
of A^nellus), (hut after the death of Justinian the
poor blinded Arehblshup Felix returned from exile,
resumed possession of hin see, gave all the required
nssunmres to (he Pope, and died (725) at peace with
llii* S*M» of KowtS
Mi«an\\hiSe Pope (lotmtantine wan visiting ^>imfcan"^t^l
tjnoj^lr, by the Kmperor'n command, in ve.ry dillorent htanti-
piist* IVnm that in which his predecessor Martin had
visited it half a eenlury before, He set sail from the
harbour of Home on the 5th of October, 710, accom-
376 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VIL panied by two bishops and a long train of ecclesiastics,
' among whom the future Pope Gregory II is the most
7I0' interesting figure1. When he arrived at Naples, he
found the Exarch Joannes Rizocopus, come, if our
former conjecture be correct, to take possession of his
new government. Their paths crossed : Joannes went
northwards to Home, where he put to death four
ministers of the Papal court2, — a mysterious act of
severity which, unexplained, seems to contrast strangely
with the diplomatic courtesies then being interchanged
between Rome and Constantinople, — and then he pro-
ceeded on his way to Havenna, where, as has been
already said, a shameful death awaited him.
As for the Pope, he proceeded on his way to Sicily,
whore Theodore, patrician and general, the executor
of Justinian's vengeance on Ravenna, met him with
doop reverence, and was healed by him of a sickness
which had detained him in the island. The Papal
galieyn then coasted round the southern cape of Italy,
touching at Reggio, Gotrone, Gallipoli (where Bishop
3Sficota« died), and at last arrived at Otranto, where
they wintered. Here they were met by the regionarius
Theophaniufl, who, we are told, bx*ought a document
1 It may bo worth whilo to givo names nnd offices of those
iwn, *is illustrating the composition of the Papal Court at this
timo :~~ SSocuti aunt tmm Nicotas opiscopus do Silvft Candid^
Goorgiim opwcopuH Poiiuonsis, Michaolius, Paulus, Qeorgius pros-
bytori, Onywlwi (Uaconus, Georgius socundieorius, Johannes do-
fouHonun primus, Oosmas flacollarius, Sisinnius noiuonolator,
BorgiuH scriniarius, Dorotheus subdiaconus et Julianus subdia-
COIWB, ot de roliquis gradibus occlesiae dorici pauci' (Lib. Pou t.
in Vib& Oonstantini).
3 *Qui vonions Eonianx jugulayit Saiulum diaconum et vico-
dominum, Potrum archarium, Sorgium abbatem presbytorunx, ot
Sergiunx ordinatorem ' (Lib. Pont, in Vita Constantini).
Pope Constantines Voyage. 377
under the Imperial seal, ordering all Imperial governors BOOK 73
of cities to receive the Pope with as much reverence H* '
as they would show to the Empez^or's own person. 7ro'
Crossing over at length into Greek waters, and
arriving at the Island of Ceos, the Pope was there
met with the prescribed reverence by Theophilus,
patrician and admiral. From thence he proceeded to
Constantino] >le. The Emperor himself was not there,
having perhaps purposely withdrawn to Nicaea, but
his little KOU and child -colleague Tiberius, offspring
of the Khazar bride !, caino out to the seventh mile-
stone, uscortocl by Cyrus tho Patriarch of Constan-
tinople, tho Senates and a long train of noblos and
clergy, to moot tho pontill' of* Old Homo. All the
city made holiday, und sbouts of gratuhition ront the
air when the Pope, clad in full pontificals micli as he
wore in tho groat. proemioiiK at Jtomo, entered the
city mounted on oiw of the imperial palfreys, with
gilded Middle und gihled reinn, which the servants of
Justinian hud brought, to meet him.
1 AH to ihiH Hit In prince, who c'ould not bo mow than six
ynirn old at tho timnofthn Papal <*ntry, \VOIHH« tol<l l>yTlu'(>phmios
(A.M. 6i(;«S) that .histlniun, on his rt'sioraiiiou <o th<» Ihrono, nont
a wholo i!*M*i of hhijiH <o Mv\\ his wifo from Uio fihorcs of tho Hoa
of Aj/iof. A M(»nn nnw«s IUOH! of t!m H!UJ»H fouiKlowd, wild iheir
crows |M*ri,shi'<K ThiTi'ttpou ih<» C'lmj^nn <jf th«» Khujairn wrote to
him, ' Fool ! in wn«I HO nmny niiipH and wanto HO nmny livas ovt*r
Iho ii*cuvory of your wif*». l>iti you tmiin to #u to wur with mo V
If not, two or (hr<u« H!II|»S vvoul<l Imvo Hufliml for your ]>urjK>.so.
BchoM, n mm IH born to y<Mt h«*ri», Hond tnwty jncsHongors who
inity loud him fo you/ With ihnt tho Kinpciror wnt Thoojdiylact
tho cluttnl»orluin Otjumn'UlIy the former Kxnrch}, who )*ron^ht to
(JonMantinoplo Th^otinm und hor infant non Tih<»riuK, Boili w«kr<»
crowned, and both vv^ro aKHi>ciat«Kl with .hwtimun iu UKI
dignity*
378 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOKVH. The Emperor, on hearing of the Pope's arrival, was,
— !L-L. we are told, filled with joy, and sent a 'sacred' letter
Meetln of ^° exPress his thanks, and to ask Constantine to meet
Pope and him at Nicomedia in Bithynia. to which city he him-
Emporor. J J
self journeyed from Nicaea. When they met, the
Papal biographer assures us that 'the most Christian
Augustus, with his crown on his head, prostrated
himself and kissed the feet of the pontiff. Then the
two rushed into one another's arms, and there was
great joy among the people, when all of them beheld
the good prince setting such an example of humility/
From all the other information which we possess as
to the character of Justinian IT, grave doubts arise
whether that 'good prince7 really humbled himself
so far as to kiss the feet of hiw guoHfc : but wo win
well believe that he received the Communion at
the pontiff's hands, and besought his prayers thu(» lie
might obtain much needed pardon for bis sins. Some
sort of discussion took place, for the deacon Gregory,
the future Pope, 'when interrogated by the Kmperor
Justinian concerning certain chuptern, gave an excel-
lent answer, and aolved every question V Wo are
told also that Justinian * renewed all the privileges
of the Church/ which suggests that Komething' had
taken place which might seem to infringe them. On
the whole we arc compelled to believe that then? is
here a dishonest suppression of facts on the part of
the biographer, that the canons of the Quinisoxlan
Synod were again laid by the Emperor before? the*
Pope, and were (possibly with some modifications, for
1 'A Jufltiuiano prineipo inquimtiw <lo quihuBtlnm cn
optimum mspouwonom [(\wlii ut| uuaiuqtwuaquo Holvil
tionom1 (Lib. Pout, in Vita Oregon! II)*
Pope Constantine's meeting with the Emperor. 379
which deacon Gregory successfully contended) accepted BOOK vii.
-\ t • CH. 9.
by him.
On his departure from Nicomedia, the Pope was 7I1*
enfeebled by frequent attacks of sickness, but he wasretum.
at length enabled to accomplish his return journey,
and landing at Gaeta, arrived on the 24th of October,
711, at Home, where, after his year's absence, he was
received with loud shouts of joy by the people.
Probably even if the Pope did yield in the matter
of the Quinisextan Council, that concession was worth
making for the sake of the increase of dignity which
such a journey and such a reception in the Eastern
capital brought to his office. After all deductions
have boon made for the exaggerations of the Papal
biographer, there can be no doubt that the reception
was a splendid one, and that the remembrance of the
contumely heaped on Pope Martin might well be
ollacod by the sight of the reverence paid to Pope
Constantino.
Scarcely hud the Pope completed his return voyage, Raaifaii
when the Emperor who had received him with such timan IL
signal honour won .slain. The chroniclers give us a very
detailed, but also a singularly obscure history of the
events which led to his downfall, but one thing is clear
through all the confusion, that in his really insane
fury of revenge against the inhabitants of Cherson,
Justinian overreached himself, and almost compelled his
most loyal servants to conspire against his throne1.
1 Thin in not the pluco for examining minutely the perplexed
nttwitivo of JuHtinmn'H expeditions against Cherson, but it seems
to UK- that by awfully collating tlio two narratives (evidently
drawn from ono common sou POO) of Theophanes and Nicephorus,
a ttuimwhut clearer view of tho whole transaction might be
38o The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK VIL Three expeditions were successively sent against
CH*9' Cherson, with orders to accomplish the utter elestruc-
,, 7I0' tion of the city. The first was fairly successful : the
Revenge *
on Cher- leading citizens were sent to Justinian for him to \vreak
Son* r* '
his vengeance upon them ; some of the nobles were tied
to stakes and roasted before a slow fire ; others were
tied into a barge filled with heavy stones, and BO
sunk in the sea. But Justinian was not satisfied;
he accused his generals of slackness in executing his
orders, superseded them, and sent out others, who in
their turn — partly owing to the energy with which
despair had filled the Chersonites, partly owing to the
interference of the Chagan of the Khazars, who came
to defend the threatened city against a Roman Em-
peror more barbarous than himself — gave up their
obtained. For instance, the present text of Thooplwnos informs
us that "Tudun the governor of Cliorson, and roprosoninlivo of
the Chagan of the Khazars, and Zoilus, who by birth wns iirnt
citizen of the place, and forty other illustrious inhabitants, \vcro
fastened to wooden stakes and roasted before the firo.' Aflor thin
we learn with some surprise that Justinian having chtuigod IUH
plans, sent Tudun and Zoilus back to the Chagan -with his cxi'UHuB.
But the mystery is explained when we turn to Nicephorus, who
says, ' Dunus [Tudun] the governor of Chorson, and Zoilun, who
was called the first citizen, and forty others of the most illustrious
inhabitants, with their wives and children, were sent to
and seven others of the leading men in Chorson woro
to wooden stakes and roasted before the firo.* Evidently i«ithor
Theophanes or his transcribers have loft out the ixiiddlo of Iho
sentence, and so made nonsense of the passage. I3oth
and Theophanes have probably got hold of vary
accounts of these expeditions. It is quite clear that the uVwtruo
tion of the citizens in the first expedition cannot Lavo Iwon HO
complete as is represented ; nor do I, for my part, boliovo that
75,000 of Justinian's sailors perished in tho groat storm, oiul
that the Emperor, mad as he probably was, rejoiced in their
destruction.
Downfall of Justinian IL 381
bloody commission in despair, and then for mere self- BOOK vn.
protection joined the party of revolt. H'
This party of revolt clustered round a certain Bar- 7I1'
r J Revolt of
danes, an Armenian, to whom a Monothelete monk Bardanes.
had long before prophesied that he would one day be
Emperor of Eome. At each successive revolution,
when Leontius and when Apsimar were raised to the
throne, Bardanes had sought his monkish friend, who
said each time, * Be patient ; the day is not come yet ;
but when it does come, be sure that you restore Mono-
theletism, and undo the work of the Sixth Council/
Bardanes talked imprudently of these prophesyings to
his comrades, and rumours of them reached the ears of
Apsimar, who banished him to the island of Cepha-
lonia. Justinian, to whom Apsimar's enemy probably
seemed a friend, permitted Bardanes to return from
banishment ; and now, for some reason which is not
clear to us, permitted him to accompany the first
expedition to Cherson. Helias, whom Justinian ap-
pointed governor of Cherson, when he found that he
had incurred his master's displeasure, proclaimed Bar-
danes Emperor under the less barbarous name of
Philippicus, and the cause of this rival claimant to
the throne was eagerly embraced by the despairing
citizens of Cherson, and by one after another of the
generals whom Justinian sent against them, and who
feared to return to their master with his vengeance
inflated. When Justinian heard of the elevation of
Philippicus, his fury became more terrible- than ever.
Every one of the children of Helias was massacred in
its mother's arms, and she herself was handed over
to the dishonouring embraces of an Indian cook of the
Emperor, a man of hideous ugliness.
382 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vn. The upshot of the whole matter was that the rem-
' nants of all three expeditions returned to Constanti-
7IT' nople bent on dethroning Justinian, and placing the
diadem on the head of Bardanes-Philippicus. Justinian
again sought the help of Terbel, king of the Bulgarians
(with whom he had had many quarrels since ho was
restored to the throne by his aid), but obtained from
him only three thousand men. He fixed hi»s camp
at Damatrys *, and himself proceeded to Sinopo, lite
nearest point to the Crimea on the coast of Asia Minor,
Here he perhaps expected the hostile fleet to land,
but he saw instead the sails of the mighty annamont
which he had himself fitted out, bearing oft* wewtwurd
to Constantinople to accomplish his doom. He*, re-
turned, 'roaring like a lion/ on the road to the capital,
but his enemy had arrived there before him. Philip-
picus reigned in Constantinople : every avenue to tin*
city was carefully guarded by his troops. Back Hod
Justinian to his camp at Damatrys, but there too hin
enemies were beforehand with him. The man whom
he had so cruelly wronged, Helias, the life-guardKman
and governor of Cherson, had marched with a strong
body of troops to Damatrys, and opened negotiations
with the soldiers of Justinian. On receiving solemn
assurances of their personal safety, they abandoned
their cruel master's cause and consented to shout for
?u?tinian ^^PP^118 Augustus. Helias, filled with rage at tho
ii, ;«• remembrance of his wrongs, hunted down the fullou
Emperor, made bare his throat, and with one blow
from the short sword which hung by his side severed
his head from his body. The ghastly trophy was
1 I cannot find any other mention of this place. IB it mount
for Demetrium in Bithynia ?
Downfall of Justinian II. 383
carried by a guardsman named Ttomanus to Philip- BOOK VIL
/» i "i « ^IL '•'•
pious, who lor wan led it by the same messenger to
T> 7I2<
Home.
And how was the messenger there received ? The
Pa]>al biographer says, 'After three months1 the melan-
choly tidings resounded through theOity that Justinian,
the most (!liristian and orthodox Emperor, was mur-
dered, and the heretic Philippicus had reached the
summit of Imperial power.1 Into what strange world
of Maniohean confusion havo we strayed, a world in
wliich good and evil have 110 meaning in themselves,
hut stand merely as the, watchwords of two parties of
equally halaneed power; a world in which it is possihle
fora monster like Justinian IthinotmetUH to he mourned
as *a most Christian Emperor1?
To finish Hie story of .Justinian's downfall, thoMwniwot
J )UH tiiJnnt
]>ath(ttic end of his littlo son Tiberius must also hewm.
recordtwL The* little, child, still only six years old,
had I wen taken for refuge to the, church of the Virgin
in the quarter of Blachornao. There ho sat, with one
hand holding a pillar of the holy tahle, and with the
other clasping Home fragments of the true cross, which
his great ancestor had recovered from the Persians.
Other sacred relics were hung round the child's neck,
and Anastasia his grandmother sat near him. Maurus,
the leader of the third expedition against Ghorson,
and now a partisan of PhilippiciiH, strode tip to the
altar* Tho aged Empress throw herself at his feet, and
implored him not to lay hands on the child, who at any
rate was unsoiled hy his fathers crimes. But while
Maurus was thus detained by Anastasia, his comrade and
1 i. o. tlnvo months afU'i* ihu 24th of Oelobwr, 711, the <kto of
tho Polo's return.
384 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vn. fellow-patrician, Joannes Struthus1, forcibly wrenched
°H<9' away the little Tiberius from the altar steps, took the
7"' fragments of the cross from his hand and laid them
upon the altar, hung the other relics round his own
neck, and then, carrying the child out to the porch of
another church, stripped him of his clothes, laid him
on the threshold, and ' cut his throat/ says the chroni-
cler, 'as if he had been a sheep.' With the death of
that innocent child at the church-porch ended the
dynasty of the great Heraclius. They had borno rule
610-711, in the Roman world, with two slight interruptions, for
one year more than a century.
six years The fall of the Heraclian dynasty was followed by
a period of unsettlement and revolution which laBtcd
for six years. Philippicus (or Bardanes), who reigned
from the autumn of 71 1 to the spring of 713 ; AnoKta-
sius, the chief secretary, who reigned from that dato
till the autumn of 71 5 ; Theodosius, whose reign ended
in March, 717, are little more than shadow-Emperoro,
with whose troubled careers the historian of Italy
need not concern himself. Only it is to be noted that
under Philippicus there was a temporary recrudescence
of that which had seemed safely dead and buried, tho
^onotheiete theory of the nature of Christ. True to
the promise which he is represented as having givon
to the monk who had prophesied his accession to tho
throne, Philippicus convened a council of Monotheloto
bishops and abbots, who declared the decision of tho
Sixth Council to be null and void. Tho ' sacred ' letter
which he at the same time addressed to the Popo
showed too plainly his heretical opinions. Tho "Roman
mob, who seem by this time to have acquired considor-
1 John tho Sparrow,
Revival of Monotheletism. 385
able skill in theological controversy, at once took the BOOK vir.
alarm, and tinder the Pope's guidance assumed an atti- -
tude of something more than passive opposition. An
f image ' (perhnps something like a mediaeval reredos),
containing a representation of the six Ecumenical
Councils, was set up in Ht. Peter's by way of reply
to the defiance hurled at tho Sixth of those Councils
by Philippicus '. On the other hand, no picture of tho
heretical Emperor was allowed to be, erected in any of
the churches ; his name was omitted from tho Mass ;
his decrees were treated as waste paper, and golden
M>li(fi bearing his oili^y obtained no currency,
length there was actual civil war in the ntreets of
Home. A certain nobleman named Peter camo from
Kavonna, armed with a commission to OHKume the
office of Duke of Home, deposing Christopher, who
then held it, AH Peter's Commission ran in the name
of the hated PhilippicuH, the people rallied to the side
of his rival 'Blows wore, struck, and more than thirty
men were killed in the Via Sacra, within sight of the
official residence on the Palatine ; but tho Pope sent
some priests bearing the jjjospelH and the cross down
into the fray, and these sueceoded in allaying tho
tumult, by persuading * the Christian party1 to retire.
Things, however, looked gloomy for orthodoxy and the
defenders of tho Hixth Council, when, about tho middle
of 713, tidings came by way of Sicily that Philippieus
h«ul bean deposed. Ho was seized by conspirators
1 * HujuH({noroi <*aiUH*\ ssolo fuloi amwwuH OIUIUH <*<><»{ UM Romwwo
urluH iina^in^ni <JU<M! /.s/V1) Uiwci Hoiarou vocanl, HOX <•(
HiincioH ot univt^nsuI<*H synod* w, in mtlwift bonti JMri
(Lib. Tout, iu ViU OuiwlaiiUni). 'Doiarm9 bufllc-s iho hitor-
vr,
386 The Papacy and the Empire.
BOOK vir, while taking his siesta in the palace, and like most
"' deposed sovereigns of Constantinople, deprived of
7I3' sight, and the orthodox Anastasius reigned in his
stead.
This was the last flicker of the Monotheletic con-
troversy, which had disquieted the Empire for just
638 713- three-quarters of a century.
NOTE C. LIST OF POPES PROM THE DEATH OF GIIEGOHY I (604) BOOK vn.
TO THIS OKDINATION 01? GlUEGORY II (715). °H' 9'
The dates aro taken from Duehesne's Table Chronologique,
p. celxii. of the Liber Pontificalis.
Nuiuu of IN»X»«.
Nationality.
K-itc of
Ordination.
Length of
Pontificate.
Dato of Death.
!
a
SAMNIAMTH . • .
Tuscan . .
Sfpi. 13,604
g 1 |
1 5 9
Fob. 22, 606
358
BONIKACHTH IH .
Komjin . .
I'Vb. 19,607
8 22
Nov. 12, 607
256
It IV
Marxian .
An^. iJ5, 608
6 8 13
May 8, 615
164
»i
i». nriti
( )ct.. ro, 6 1 5
30 20
Nov. 8 618
ItoNIKAi'irH V . .
Xcajtolit.an .
I>t»<*. i!3, 610
V *3\J
5 10 o
Oct. 25,625
410
2
iloNOHH'H . * *
r'umiMtiiiaiu .
<>(5t. 27,625
12 11 17
Oct. 12, 638
959
KKV MUNCH • . -
Umnan . .
May 28, 640
2 4
Aug. 2,640
144
.ToHANHKH IV . ,
r>iilmntian .
IXus. 34,640
I 9 18
Oct. 12, 642
43
TiiKc.wmi.». . .
driM'k, HOII of
Nov. 24, 642
6 5 18
May 14, 649
(?)
UAIfflftKH .
rusalcnx
TUKf'UU « .
July (?), 649
(?)
Degraded,
(?)
Juno 1 7, 633
Kt*ur.NUTK . . .
rtntimn , .
An«. 10, 654
2 9 24
.Tuno 2, 657
58
VlTA MAN I'M . , .
('Hmjianhni .
July 30, 657
14 6 o
Jan. 27, 672
75
AlHWATOH . . .
Unman . .
A)»ril TI, 670
435
June 17, 676
138
DONWH . . . .
"Unman . .
Nov. 2,676
x 5 TO
April 11,678
67
A *»r
Sioiliini
«Tnni* 27 678
2 6 Id
Jan. TO, 68 1
c;8>t
LKO It . . . .
S&i-ilinu . .
Aug. 17,682
** w 4 If.
TO 17
July 3, 683
o°4
358
7iKNKm<rnw H *
Knnuut * .
,7 1111026, 684
TO 12
May 8, 685
76
JoiUNNJ-W V . .
Syrian . . .
•Ttily 23, 685
109
Aug. s, 686
80
('(WON . , . .
Tlnwinn .
Oct. 2 1, 686
II 0
Sept. 2£, 687
85
Kramtw . . * .
Syrian. , .
!><*«. 15, 687
F3 8 23
Sopt. 8, 701
52
.TOHANNKH VI , .
<lr»'<^k . . .
Oct. 30, 701
3 2 12
Jan. 11,705
49
JO!1ANN1!H VII . .
(ir»'i'k . * .
March i , 705
2 7 17
Oct. 1 8, 707
89
SlHINNIIW . . .
Syrian. . .
•Ta«. 15, 708
20
Fob. 4, 708
50
OoNHTAN'nHrH . .
Syrian . . .
Mar. 25, 708
7 o 15
April 9 715
40
UuiamuiUH ir. ,
K<»man . .
May 19, 715
15 8 24
Fob. ii, 731
35
The manner of <*ul<»uln1inff the c Length of Pontificate* is
octttttfionally Honu'wlwt olwwro, and the dates do not always fit
exactly ; but the #»nwal roHultw are evident enough. Many of
0 C 2
388 Note C.
TOOK vii. the pontificates are extremely short, and thus it comes to pass
-J^rl!!L. that in an interval of \ 04 years from the death of Gregory I to
the death of Sisinnius wo havo 23 popes, or about 4\ years to
each pope. And this is without counting the intervals Between
the death of one pope and the election of another, which %vero
sometimes longer than the pontificate itself. In fact the duration
of the intervals shown in the above table amounts to 4172 days,
or more than j i yours and 8 months in the century. When
the interval wan under 50 days we must probably conclude that
tho Imperial confirmation for which the election was usually
delayed wan ^iven by tho Exarch at Havonnu.
CHAPTER TL
THE LAWS OF LIUTPBAND.
Authorities.
Liutyrantli m given *n *)UO durd volume of Troya's BOOK vil.
'Codico Diplomatieo Lon#o1>ardo*' Unfortunately the number- Clr' 10>
of the laws varies H%htly in the different editions. I have
followed Troya's numbering.
Davoud Otfhlou'n excellent 'Ilistoire do la Legislation des
Ancionn (iorrnainH' (vol. ii.), and Carl Meyer's 'Spracho nnd
Sprachdenknitilor d<»r Lan^>1>imlon' (1877).
FROM the wtory of the subordinate duchies, and the
disputes of 1^X58 and Emperors, we return to the main
stream of Lombard history*
Tho wine and loyal Ansprand survived his return Death of
from exile and his elevation to the throne only three June?^ '
months. When he was upon his deathbed, the people 7ia'
of the Lombardn raised his son LIUTPKANP to the
throne aH his partner while life still remained to him,
bin successor when death supervened ; and the tidings
of thin event, which apparently was the result rather
of popular enthusiasm than of any deep-laid political Elevation
Hclioine, brought great joy to the heart of the dying proud.
king !. For wo must always remember that Liutprand,
1 ' Aimpnuul Lnn#obardomm rognum potitua, trow Boluniuiodo
r(»gunvii, vir por oianiu ('grogins et cujus Btipioiiiiae nvri
39o The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vu. though the greatest and most powerful of Lombard
L sovereigns, and though no other king so nearly suc-
ceeded in welding the state into one homogeneous
monarchy, had only the slenderest of hereditary claims
to occupy the palace of Pavia. To talk of usurpation
would be altogether out of place, since the element of
popular election common to most of the Teutonic
royalties was still strong in the Lombard kingship ;
but for more than a century all the wearers of the Iron
Crown, with one exception1, had been connected by
blood or by marriage with the family of the revered,
almost sainted Queen Thoudelhula, and to the glory of
this descent the son of the Milanese noble Ansprand
could lay no claim.
A|»prjir- Of the year of Lhitprancl's birth we have no
unround * . /, .. T . . T , »1!
precise information, but as m 701 he was stnl a very
young man, contemptuously allowed to live by the
jealous tyrant Aripert II, when he mutilated or put
to death all the rest of Atmpnuwi'B family, wo can
hardly suppose him to have been more than twenty-
eight years old when, eleven years afterwards, he
mounted the throne, lie was a man of great parHonal
strength and courage, and in \m reign of thirty-one
years he hud the opportunity of displaying on a wide,
one might almost say on a European theatre, the large
gifts of statesmanship with which nature had endowed
him. In these early centuries, after the disruption of
aoquandi fftuit. Cornoutos Lungobardi hujim iatorifcum, Lint*
praudum OJUH lilium in rogali constituunt nolio ; quod Aunpnmd
dum adhuc vivorot audicuH, valdo laotatim o«t' (I^iuhm, JL L,
vL 38)-
1 Kodwultl, wh<;so conuootion with Tlu»udolin<lu*B family i« at
least doubtful*
Character of Liutprand. 39i
tlie Roman Empire, no other ruler save Theodoric the BOOK vn.
Ostrogoth came so near to founding a real kingdom of °H' IU',
Italy : but like Theodoric, his work perished because
he had no sou to succeed him.
At the very outset of his reign he narrowly escaped
death by domestic treason. For some reason or other,
his cousin Rothari1 conspired against his life, and
invited him to a feast, at which he was to have been
slain by armed men concealed in the banqueting-hall.
Bring warned of the plot, Liutpraud summoned his
cousin to the palace. He came, wearing a coat of mail
under his mantle, which the king's hand discovered in
tho ael of exchanging salutations. The tragedy of
(xt'imwald and (iodipert wjus again performed, with
slightly different circumstances. When Rothari saw
thai ho was discovered, ho drew his sword and rushed
at thr king. Liutprand drew his too, but before either
could strike, one of thr. king's lifeguards, named Subo,
altaeknd Rothari from behind. Ho turned round and
wounded his assailant in the forehead, but the inter-
ruption probably saved the king's life. The other
bystanders fell at oneo upon Rothari, and slew him.
His four sons, whose, disappearance from the capital
caused them to bo suspected of complicity in their
father's designs, when discovered were put to death.
AH an illustration of tbo personal courage of the^
new king, Paulus t-c^llH us another story, winch prob-
ably belongs to a later period of his reign. Being told
that two squires had plotted \m death, he ordered
their at tendance upon him, and rode with them and
with no other oscsort into the densest part of the
1 Thin imiiKi HUK#CH{H tlw poHHtbilHy tlmt Liutprand hiuwolf
may Imvo !»«•«»» H{»t*unx iVotu th<» raw of Kinjr Kothuri.
39a The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK YII. forest l. Then drawing his sword and pointing it
H* towards them, he upbraided them with their murderous
designs, and called upon them, if they were men, to
come on and slay him then and there. Stricken by
' the divinity which doth hedge a king/ the caitiffs fell
at his feet and implored his pardon, which was granted,
to them as to many others who at different times con-
spired against him, for great was this king's clemency.
The reign of Liutprand naturally divides itself into
two parts. The first fourteen years of that reign
(712-726) are almost bare of events. Doubtless ho
was> during all that time, consolidating the forces of
his kingdom ; and the numerous lawn which, during
this period, were passed at the yearly assemblies of his
armed fellow-countrymen, show his anxious care for
the good government of his people. Tn 726, with the
outbreak of the great Iconoclastic controversy, the
scene changes, and an almost bewildering HncceHsion
of wars, alliances, conquest**, restorations of territory,
interviews with Popes, and negotiations with Exarchs,
fills up the remaining seventeen years of bin reign,
[Reserving for the next chapter the intricate, but
momentous history of those eventful years, I propose
now to summarise those additions to the Statute
Book which attest Liutprand's activity as a legislator,
and which were made in groat measure, though not
entirely, before the Iconoclastic controversy net Italy
in a flame.
On the ist of March 2, for fifteen out of the Ihirty-
> . ^
of the one years of his reign, Liutprand, 'the Christian and
Lombards, *
1 Probably the 'City* forost iix the neighbourhood of Pavm, of
which wo have already hoard. Boo pp. 306 und 308,
a Sometimes on the preceding day.
Prologue to the Laws. 393
Catholic' King, by the advice and with the consent BOOK vn
of the ' Judges ' of his realm and of the rest of his — - _ L
faithful Lombards, put forth his little volume of laws
' for the settlement of any points of controversy which
had arisen between his subjects, and which seemed to
be insufficiently provided for by his most robust and
most eminent predecessor Rothari/ or by the 'most
glorious ' Grimwald *.
At the very outset of his reign the young king Divine
claims high authority for his utterances as a legislator.
' He has conceived the idea of framing these laws, not
by his own foresight, but by the will and inspiration
of God: because the king's heart is in the hand of
God, us is witnessed by the wisdom of Solomon, who
said, u As the rush of water, so is the heart of the king
in God's hand: if He shall keep it back, everything
will IK*' dried up, but if lie in. His mercy gives it free
course, everything is watered, arid filled with health*
fulness." Ko too the Apostle James in his Epistle says,
" Every good gift and every perfect gift is from above,
and cometh down from the Father of lights/77
1 Tho following Kcnloin'o, profixod to tho laws of 713, maybe
takou as pivtty nearly tho <*<>nnuou form lor the introduction
to tho Statutes of nil tin* Hiiccocding yourw : —'Ob hoc ogo in Dui
nominu Liutpmud oxcollt-nUHHimuH (Jhrintianus ot Catholicus
Langohardorum rox, anno duo prologonto rogni moi primo, pridio'
[ 11101*0 oll(»n *<lu»f) ''Kulitmlnnini Mnrtiaruin indictiono uiidociiml
unit <»uiu omnilwH judicibuH tain d<« AuHiria<t ot Noufctriuo partibiw,
<*t <lo TuH<-in<» iinihuH, vol cum roliquis fidclibuni iuei»
rdin (kt <*und<> populo a<lmfttonto, haoc nobiy couununo
juxia jjustaj ob Doi tinioro atquo aiuoro nc Bancta
conpunionmt <*t placurrunt/ TJio yoarw in which Liutprand's
IIIWH \v<*n» publish**! wore* 713, 717, 720, 721, 722, 723, 724,
72f,f 7«6, 7^7 !**•> r^h 73 *> 733, 734, mid 735- A* tho total
xiumbor of *<*apitulti9 wan 155, this givoB an avoraig<» of alwut ton
ln\VH to t'arh y<»ai§ of publication.
394 The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vn. This highly theological statement of the king's
' functions is no doubt due to the ecclesiastic employed
by him to express his thoughts in that which was
supposed to be the Latin language, and it is probably
to the same official that we owe the following strong
statement of the supremacy of the Roman Church,
which is contained in the law against marriage with
a first cousin's widow.
After enacting that any man offending against this
Papal 10 law shall forfeit all his property, and his children Khali
power. j^ treated as illegitimate, the royal legislator adds,
'This ordinance have we made because, as God in our
witness, the Pope of the City of Rome, who it> the head
of the Churches of God and of the prieMs in the whole
world, has exhorted us by his epistles in no wise to
allow such man-iago to take place */ But notwith-
standing those expressions, nnd though the prologues
to the lawn lay a strong emphasis on the now (Catholic
character of the Lombard nation, it cannot l>o Haiti
that they exhibit any trace of that obsequious servility
towards the Church which is characteristic of the lawn
of the Vlsigothic kings a little before thin dale, nor is
there any vestige in them of that furious persecution
of the Jews which wan the enpocial disgrace of Spanish
Christianity, and which paved the way for the Moorish
conquest of Spain.
It must l)o noticed m passing that the Latin in
which King Liutprand's statutes are clothed is bar-
barous, often to the verge of incomprehensibility,
1 1. xxxiiL Tho firnt Hcntowo of thin law !H, 'IIo<j uutom <loum
juvantom praevidimuH ut umodo nullun homo pruHinnal rnlicta tl<»
coriBobrino aut biwlrlno HUO ducuro/ DOOH thin forbid
even with a second eouwnVj widow ?
Lhttprand's Laws compared 'with Rothari's. 395
more barbarous than that of Gregory of Tours, more BOOK vii.
barbarous even (and this is worth noticing) than the °H> 1Q*
laws of Rothari. Evidently during the seventy or
eighty years that had elapsed since that king's acces-
sion, the light shed by the torch of learning had been
growing dimmer and dimmer, and the Church had
been losing even the feeble hold winch she once had
upon the wisdom and the culture of buried Paganism.
Taking a general survey of the laws of Liutprand
and comparing them with those of Tlothari, we see at SwlTeom-
owe that the Lombards have entered upon a new
phase of social life. The laws of the later legislator
breathe far less than those of his predecessor the
atmosphere of the forest and the moorland. The laws
about falcons, and stags, and swarms of bees, have
disappeared from the statute hook, or at least require
no fresh additions to bo made to them, but instead
thereof we have elaborate provisions for the enforce-
ment of contracts and the foreclosure of mortgages.
One great and striking change nuule by King Tenuity
Liutpmnd shows the increasing valuo set upon i
human life, as the Lombards wore putting off their
barbarous customs and welt ling down into a well-
ordered commonwealth. Thin wan the virtual abolition
of tin*, tjuhlritjilttt and the substitution of absolute
confiscation of the offender's property, in canes of
murder. It will Ixj remembered that, under the
earlier legislation, the shedder of blood, according to
a common custom among the Teutonic nations, had
to pay to the representatives of the murdered man
a compensation, which varied according to bis rank of
lifts and which (though our information on the subject
SH not HO precise as wo could desire) was probably
396 The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vn. small, when the victim was a man of low social
__ L! _ L position. Now, however, the king ordained that in all
cases where one free man killed another, not in self-
defence, but of malice aforethought, he should lose his
whole property. The heirs of the murdered man took
only his old guidrigild, and the balance left over went
to ' the King's Court/ the residuary legatee of all fines
and compositions. If, on the other hand, the mur-
derer's property was insufficient to pay even the old
guidrigild, he was handed over to the heirs of the
murdered man, apparently not to be put to death by
them, but worked as a slave 1.
Of course, even this punishment falls far short of
those which our modern civilisation assigns to the
crime of murder. Still we can see that, especially in
the case of the rich and powerful, the effect of the new
punishment would be far more deterrent than the old
Probably under the code of Kothari a Lombard noble
might have killed a dozen free men of inferior position
without seriously impairing Inn fortune, whereas now,
after the first such deed of violence, he found himself
stripped of everything. And tliuB the change in-
troduced by Liutprand tended towardw the equality of
all men before the law, and was in the best aoiine of
worc* (leniocratl*c- At the name time, while the
as a tariff guidriyHd lost some of itn Kuniificanoo on one hand, it
of punuh- . ' i .,,,,. ^ „ V ,
gamed it on the other. It it WOK ICKH important an
a protection against violence, it became more important
as a penalty for crime* In the cane of a UUII'B guardian
who consented to her marriage a ; of men who aided
and abetted in an insurrection ;{ ; of forgery of a docu-
ment4; of the preparation of a legal hmtrument by
1 L xvi. a 1. xxx, « 1, xxxvi. 4 L hiii.
Changed meaning of ' Guidrigtld.* 397
a scribe ignorant of the law * ; of breaking troth-plight, BOOK vn.
and giving to one man the affianced bride of another 2, CH> 10^
the offender was bound to 'pay his own guidrigildj
which went in some cases to the King's Court, in
others to the person injured by his offence. So, too,
the officer of the crown who molested men in the
enjoyment of their just right 3, the master of a fugitive
slave who presumed to drag him away from the altar
of a church 4, the man who committed an indecent
assault upon a woman or who stole her clothes while
she was bathing5, the man who dared to marry the
wife of another still living husband0, each had to pay
the full ynidnyild which, under the old law, would
have boon payable by his murderer. There seems to
be a certain sense of justice, rough perhaps, but still
justice, in this provision of the Lombard legislator, who
ways in effect to the wealthy and noble members of the
community, ' We will protect your persons by inflicting
a heavier Hue on him who assaults or molests you than
on the assailant of a person of lesser rank ; but on the
other hand, if you transgress our laws, the penalty which
you must pay shall be in the same proportion heavier/
In the laws of Rnlhari we had to regret the absence Liutprand
of any clear indication of the amount of
payable for the violent death of a member of each
the various classes of the community. King Liut-
prand #ivos us this missing detail, and as he does
not profess to abrogate the law of his predecessor, he
perhaps only re-states the previously existing custom.
The law7 is so important that it will be well to quote
it eutiro: —
: 1, xci. - 1. t'xix;. :! L exxxix. a. 4 1. cxliii.
r< II. rxxi, fxxxv. c 1. uxxii. 7 1. Ixii.
398 The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vii. « We remember that we have already ordained that he
who [of malice prepense] kills a free man shall lose the
whole of his property; and that he who kills in self-
defence shall pay according to the rank of the person
slain 1. We now wish to ordain how that rank is to
be estimated.
c The custom is, that if the slain man is a person of
the lowest rank, who is proved to be a member of the
[Lombard] army2, the manslayer shall pay 150 solidi :
for an officer 3, 300 solidi. As concerning our followers 4?
let him who is lowest in that rank be paid for, when
slain, at the rate of 200 solidi, simply because he is our
servant ; and those of higher position, according to the
dignity of their office, in an ascending scale up to 300
solidi5/
From this law we can at last form some idea of the
estimation in which the lives of the different members
of the Lombard community were held. We can
hardly be wrong, however, in supposing that the
* army man ' of King Liutprand's edict is necessarily
a member of the conquering nation : and thus we get
1 ' Secundum qualitatem personae/
8 'Minima persona qui exereitalis homo esso invoniatur.'
8 * Qui prior est/
4 'De gasindiis nostris.' The word 'gasindius' has probably
a mingled meaning, derived from the original idea of kinship with
the king, blended with the usage of the ami tutus (see vol. iii.
p. 256), and afterwards associated with the thought of scrvm in
the Idng's palace.
5 As it was a common principle in the Teutonic codes that
murder with premeditation should be charged for at double the
rate of manslaughter in self-defence, Davoud Oghlou suggests that
we may probably obtain the full guidrigiU for murder ' a$to aniino,'
as executed in the days of Kothari, by doubling the fcuniB men-
tioned in this law of Liutprand.
Law of the Lombards : Law of the Romans. 399
no nearer to the solution of the old question, ' What BOOKVII.
ynitlrif/iM, if any, was paid by the murderer or the CH' 10' .
unintentional slayer of a free Iloman?'
But t IK nigh on this point the laws of Liutprand fail Non-Lorn-
to give us the desired information, they do not s
entirely ignore the existence of a non-Lombard popula-
tion HH was the case with fcho.se of Kothari. In thelaw*'
first. plaee, it is noteworthy that nearly all the laws
which relate to inheritance l«»gin with the words e Si
i/nix tjtnnjolttiwhwj evidently implying that there were
other persons than Lombards in the country to whom
these laws did not up ply, and we naturally conjecture
that these persons are the old Roman population, still
working, its far its their own internal affairs are con-
cerned, by the luww of ThoodoHiUH and Justinian.
This conjecture becomes almost certainty when weLuwoftho
read in Liutpnuul's law D<>, Rvrilns *, ' We have ordained inw <*f th«'
thai they who write deeds2, whether according to
the law of the Lombards (since that is most open,
and known by nearly all men), or according to the
law <»f the Romans, shall not prepare them other-
wise than according to the* contents of those laws
themselves. For let them not write contrary to the
Jaw of the Lombards or thai of the Romans. If they
do not know the* provisions of those laws, let them
uwk others who do, and if thoy cannot fully learn the
IUWN, let thorn not write the cluods. Let any one who
presumes to act otherwise, pay bin own guidrigild,
unless them in some oxpniHH understanding [of an
opposite* kind] arrived at by the parties V
» I x«'l * 'ClmrtulftB.*
n Thin in lh<* U<xt of tin* first Honlunco of HUH important law :—
hoc proBpcximuH, ui <j[ui chartttlaw acrilmat, «ivo ad
4oo The Laws of Ltutprand.
BOOKVIJ. It is quite in accordance with the indications thus
°H> 10' furnished us, that we find it provided l that if any
Roman married a Lombard woman, and acquired the
>muncnum over her? she thereby lost the status of
a Lombard woman. The sons born of such a union
were Romans like their father, and had to * live by his
law'; and in case of her marrying a second husband
without the consent of the heirs of the -first husband,
they had no right to claim damages (anayri^h), nor to
start a feud (faida) with the presuming consort *.
We thus see that, under the Lombard kings, a begin-
ning at any rate was made of the system of * personal
law/ a system which attained its full development
under the Carolingian kings, under whom the various
members of the same community, Franks, Lombards,
Romans, each had the right of living under their own
ancestral code of laws.
Lombard jurisprudence, though still crude, and in
civilian- some respects barbarous, had evidently some germs of
tioniutho T . . -ttr • M
progress and improvement. We can perceive on the
part of Liutprand an anxious desire to govern his
subjects justly, and to carry their reason along with
him in his various decisions. We sec with satisfaction
logom Langobardorum, quoniam aportiHftiina ot pono omnibus
nota owt, HIVO ad Romanorum, non ulitor faoiaut nisi quomodo in
ipsis Ic^ibuH coiitinotur/
1 By L cxxviL
2 'Bi qttis liomanuu homo inulior^in Langolninlniu tulorit, (»fc
mnucliinn ux Oil focorit, ot pont <»JUH d<^(iHHtiui ad aliuru luuritum
am)Milav<»rit sine voluutat<»ni howwloH prioriH murifci, fitltida <»t ««o-
gvtyh non iHMjuiratur, <[uin poHi(j[utun Konuuio inarito copulavorit
ot ox oil mundiiun locii, liornnna (»ffocU cwt. Filii qui <lo talo
matrimonio naseuntur nocunduin loguin j»airiH Komani iiuni, <^i
legom patris vivuut : idiu) falda ofc anagrfyh mnumo coniponoro
dot>cizit qxii powtoa cam In lit, went uue do alu\ KoinanA/
Evidences of Progress. 4oi
that he is prepared to accept for himself the same BOOK vn.
measure which he metes out to others. Thus, having -5^L
ordained that a lad under the age of eighteen cannot,
except under certain special circumstances1, make
a valid alienation of his property to another man, he
passes a special law2 enacting that not even to the
king shall such a donation be valid,
As the power of the king had increased, that of Exaction
his representatives had increased also, and with their
power, the temptations to corruption, the vices of
civilisation beginning to take the place of the vices of
barbarism. There arc many laws against oppression
and exaction by the king's stewards (actores) ; and theT
penalties on the judge who merely delays the adwiins-
tration of justice are exceedingly «evore8. Two classes
of judges am bore enumerated, the ^wWa/m, and above
him the jurftw. If a #enld<t>hi# delayed for four days
to administer justice when called upon to do so, be
bad to pay 6 solidi to the plaintiff, and 6 to the
jtulw abovo him. If the cause was too high for the
M'u/</t(.Jn\ and waft brought beforo the j H<lvjr.9 bo bad
six days1 gra.cc given him, and at the end of that time,
if ho had nob pronounced jnd^mont, ho bad to pay
15 solidi to the pbuntilK Or, if it was a case which
1 On«» of Mono oxtioptnd CUSCH wus whoro tho Iu«r»s futlior liud
left dohis, tho intomst of whi<*h was <*ntin# up thu oHtuio (*ut <»i
major <luinnit«inH profiler JwMomii Nnlidortun mm awrowonl ' ; 1. xv
ail. xix ». Anolhcr WUH \vh<»ni tho lad wa« in <kn^cr of aoiunlly
dyin^ from hun^or in a thuo of #mi<'ral fainino (*<1<^ infuutilHiM
\\\\\ inim u«'infoin Htuit , , . <*t a fnmo moriuniur . . , <liuu
tt*ni}Mis fninis fiH*ril- liconoiuni ImlH^ini. corum in WHO j»t'iiici]»is suit
jti<ii(M» suo <lo i<*rra utit rto nJbus wtiis Vfixlcro ^ujilitor vivoro
ooHsit/ *V<\ ; K <'xlix)»
v 1, \*'ix. !i 11. xxi xsv,
Vol., VI. l> <l
402 The Laws of Liittprand.
BOOK vii. ought to be transferred to the King's Court, and the
'judex delayed doing so for twelve days, he had to pay
12 solidi to the plaintiff, and 20 to the king. Even
the vast fortune of Lord Chancellor Eldon would
scarcely have been sufficient to meet the continual
levy of fines like these.
of The old barbarous wager of battle fawffnM per cam-
fonts') still existed, but was viewed with suspicion
and dislike by Liutprand. He does not scruple to
imagine and pixxvide for a case in which a man accused
of theft has been vanquished in single combat, but
stricter enquiry afterwards made by the king's repre-
sentative (pMicux) has established his innocence1.
He declares that wicked persons would sometimes
challenge a man to tho combat in order to annoy and
worry him, and therefore prescribes the form of oath
which the challenger might bo forced to take, and
which was to the effect that ho had reuHonable
grounds of suspicion, and did not give the challenge
in malice, in order to weary him by the battle2. And
in a very curious law ° about accusations of poisoning
he expresses himself even more strongly, saying in
substance, 'We have now ordained that tho punish-
ment for the murder of a free man shall be Iho loss of
the whole of the murderer's property : but certain men,
perhaps through hardness of heart, have accused the
relations of a man who has died in bis bed of having
poisoned him, and have therefore, according to tho old
1 L Ivi. In this case tlio composition for thoft paid by tho firnt
accuBod had to bo repaid to him, and elaimod from tho man who
was eventually proved to bo tho offender.
a *Et dicat juratus, (j[uia non awto ammo oum por puguam
fatigare quaerat ' (1. Ixxi).
8 1. crviii.
Wager of Battle discredited. 403
custom, challenged them to single combat. It seems BOOK vn
to us a serious matter that the loss of a man's whole — - —
property should be caused by the weakness of a single
shield : and we therefore ordain that in case any
accusation of this kind should be brought in future,
the accuser shall swear on the gospels that he does
not bring it in malice, but has good grounds for his
suspicion* Then he may proceed to battle according
to the old custom, but if the accused person or his
hired champion is defeated, let him pay, not his whole
fortune, but a composition, as under the whole law,
according to the rank of the murdered man : — For we
arc uncertain about the judgment of God, and we have
hoard of many persons unjustly losing their cause by
wager of battle. But on account of the custom of our
nation of the Tx>mbards wo cannot change the law
iinwrittor
In coimoxion with those alluBionfi by Liutprand
tho decaying jurisprudence of his ancestors, it will
well to notice one passage in which he quotes the
ancient customs of his nation. Law Ixxvii enacts,
*Tf two brothers, or u father and son, have divided
their estate by solemn thin;?.*, and one of them shall
die without sons or daughters, let the King's Court
1 'Quia mcorti HUIUUB do judieio Doi, «t multos audiviixms per
pngnnm HUM jiwliciam cftunam Htiam pordoro, Bod proptor consuo-
tudiiK^u g<^itiH noHtnut Lnngoliwdonnn, l(^om Ipsam mutaro non
IMiHHumuH.' Hir W. Hc«>U niight huvo road this soutonco when
ho wrol<* i;ho wolMcitown IIUOH : —
*Hay, yu who i>n^nch Iloavon nhall decide
Wlu«n hi tho lint tho chaiupioiiB rido,
» Appnr(»atly thin nitwt 1>« tho moaning of 'B! duo fratros aut
HI puter ot filiuH thinyuti i
404
The Laws of Liutprcmd.
about
women
BOOK vn. succeed to him. We have ordained this because,
CH- 10* though it be not precisely so set down in the edict
[of Bothari], nevertheless all our judges and faithful
subjects have declared that so the ancient cadarjida
has ever been, down to our own time V The passage is
interesting, because we have here a glimpse of that
unwritten common law of the Lombards, known by
this strange and somewhat mysterious name cadarfida,
by which, according to the Chronicon (joilutnwn*, legal
disputes were generally decided until Rothari arose,
the first codifier of Lombard law.
Laws Space fails me to enumerate all the interesting
particulars as to the social and domestic life of tho
Lombards, which may be gleaned from the laws of
Liutprand. In particular, the numerous edicts relating
to women would be well worthy of ^special study,
showing as they do a decided upward tendency in the
estimation in which they were held •'*.
1 'Ideo autom sic scripsinnis quia <»t Hi a<lfietmn in odictum
propriao non fuit, tamon omiuw judicoH ot fi<loliR nosiri me (lix<i-
runt quod cadarfida antiqua usquo mine we fuLssot/ Tho MHS.
waver between 'cadarfida,' 'cnwnrlidn,' 'qwidoriin,' and othor
forms of tho word.
2 See vol. v. p. 148.
3 Thus the very first of Liutpmnd'H laws gives to tho daughters
of a man dying without legitimate* innlo IHSIU?, tlu^ wholo of Uioii*
father's iiihoritanctj ; modifying wo far the* law of Eolhnri, which,
in such a case, gavo a third of tho property to buHtnrd HOIW (if
any), and a sixth to tho noaront niulo cullatomla.
In law cxx, wliich eminiorntoH Iho injurioH which coiiAtitutod
'mala tractatio' from tho wnHtlwald (or koopor of tho mnntlinm)
towards tho woman undoi* hiw prottuition, and which woro
punished by the loss of tho mundiwn, it is intoroHtiug to
note that sho is called hin jOvo, tho Hnnio word of cotirno us
the German frau ; but also tho nutno an tho namo of tho wife
of Odin, who gave tho Lombards tho victory by hor dovkas
Manumission of Slaves. 405
Another proof of increasing softness of manners is BOOK vu.
afforded by the laws about slaves. Of course, the — - — 1
tmfree condition of the slave and the Aldius still Slav(is*
continues, but a new and effectual form of manu- Mammus-
mission is introduced, according to which the owner kSg un<i
gives the slave into the hands of the king. The slave 1>rmst"
by the intervention of the priest is then 'led round
the sacred altar/ and after that dismissed free. This
solemn act of manumission, in which king and priest
were associated on behalf of freedom, was to have as
great efficacy as if the slave had been declared ' iblk-
freo' by a regular thtMyutioH,'1. The slave who, after
ho had In this or any other way received his * full
freedom/ continued to serve his old master (out of
gratitude or for wages), was wanted that ho would do
well to make frequent opportunities for showing forth
Lift freedom to the judge and to his neighbours, lest
in tune to come the fact of his emancipation should be
called in question a. And if the owner of married
slaves wronged the husband by committing adultery
with the wife, he thereby emancipated both, as fully
UK if he had by solemn thinx given them their freedom.
But in order that there might be no doubt of their
emancipation, they were desired to come to the palace,
prove their case, and receive their freedom at the hand
of the king3.
Though, as I have said, we have far fewer laws Ho
relating to the forest and the farm-stead than in the
code of liotlmri, it IB evident that howM were a valued
, and their ownership, a8 irx all civil food
(w*o vol. v» p. 92), Tho wiio oi' Iho Teutonic Jupilor iviw thus
Ttw Woman,
3 L ix, " 1. Iv. * i. <«xl,
406 The Laws of Liittprand.
BOOK vir, communities, was a frequent cause of litigation. * If
_ f! _ L a man wishes to buy a horse, he ought to do it in the
presence of two or three men, and not secretly. Then,
if afterwards any one should claim that horse, he
will have these witnesses to appeal to, and shall not
be liable to a charge of horse-stealing. But if the
claimant of the horse does not believe such witnesses,
let the defendant confirm his case by putting them
on their oath, unless they be that kind of men whom
the king or the judex would believe even without an
oath. But if he cannot produce any witnesses in
whose presence the transaction took place, and can
but repeat simply " I bought it," or if he says that he
louc/ht it from some Frank, or nobody 'knows whom, he
will have to pay the fine for horse-stealing V
Religion. We £nd in the code of Liutprand one or two
interesting indications of the religious condition of the
Hooth- Lombards. Especially we have some almost savage
legislation against soothsayers (arioli), whether male
or female. Any one who himself consults such persons,
or sends his slave to receive their answers, is to pay
half of his own guidrigild to the king. The same
heavy fine shall be paid by any jud&x or sciddahis or
inferior functionary in whose district these soothsayers
shall be lurking, if for three months he fail to discover
and punish them. And if, when they have been
detected and denounced, such functionary, either for
a bribe, or out of pity, or for any other reason, lets
them go, he shall pay not the half, but the whole of
his fjuidriyild to the king. As a further incentive to
1 ' Nifci siiupliciter compnravit, ot dbcorit quod Franco aut
<lo qualom hominom eompanwaot, eomponnt ipsum caballum pro
fui'tum' (L Ixxix),
Soothsayers and Idolaters. 407
dilicrence, the judex is ordered to sell the convicted BOOK vrr.
^ ' «/ ^ Qjr> J(|
soothsayer out of the province as a slave, and allowed
to put the proceeds of the sale into his own
pocket.
In the course of this legislation we are informed idolater*,
that (as at Benevento in the time of St. Barbatus)
there were still some country folk who worshipped
a tree or a fountain, calling it their sacramentnm ;
and the punishment for these superstitious rites was
the same as that for consulting soothsayers, the
payment of half a man's yuidriyild ' to the sacred
palace !.'
It is time to draw this slight and imperfect sketch
of Liutprand'fl legislation to a close, but the reader
may bo interested by three or four of the most charac-
teristic laws, which noem to show us the groat king
witting in council with his judges, and hearing and
resolving the harder cases which wore brought before
him.
Law cxxxviii. Incitement to muwJvr Inj <i, daw. — in«iiin« »
c We have been truly informed that a certain man, by
,' /» , i i «1 • 1 , u >
the instigation of the devil, said to another man s
slave, c Come and kill thy lord, and I have it in my
power to grant tbee whatsoever favour tboxi shalt
desire.' Persuaded by him, the lad entered into the
evil design, and the tempter was wicked enough to
way in the very presence of the victim, 'Strike thy
lord/ For his sins the slave struck the blow, and
the other said, * Strike him again. If thou dost not,
I will strike thee/ Then the lad turned round and
1 ' Simili jmodo ot <{tii arborom <(tinm rustuu Hacrnniontum wnim
vowuil nt<jti<» u<l fonlaiwm u<loruv<uit . * . iu(jdioiuf<'iu protii nui
coniponat Su sucro palatio' (L Ixxxiv).
408 The Laws of Li\
BOOK vir. struck another blow, whereupon the master died.
_*!L_:L In the requisition for blood, it was argued [on be-
half of the tempter] that he ought to pay only
the composition for conspiring against life [consilium
mortis, the fine for which was 20 solidi], but we and
our judges were not at all satisfied with this argu-
ment, reflecting that conspiracy is a hidden thing,
which sometimes attains its end, and sometimes misses
it. But this murder was instigated in the actual
presence of the victim, and we do not call it 'con-
Bilixim 7 when a man points to another, present before
him, and says in so many words, 'Strike that man/
Therefore the instigator of the crime shall be punished,
not for consilium mortis, but for murder itself; and,
according to our recent edict, shall forfeit the whole of
his property, of which half shall go to the heirs of the
murdered man, and half to the King's Court/
Law cxxxv. Insult to a woman. — 'It has been
reported to us that a certain perverse man, while
a woman was bathing in a river, took away all the
clothes which she had for the covering of her body;
wherefore, as she could not remain in the river for
over, she was obliged to walk home naked. Therefore
wo decide that the hateful man who has been guilty of
thin presumptuous deed, shall pay his whole ynidriyild
to her whom he has offended. We do so for this
reason, that if her father, or brother, or husband or
other near male relative had found that man, there
would undoubtedly have been a breach of the peace
(scandaluM), arid the stronger of the two would
probably have killed the other. Now it is better for
the wrongdoer to live and pay his own yuidriyild,
than to die, and cause a faida to those who come
Special Cases. 409
after him, or to kill and lose the whole of his BOOK vn.
, - , On. 10.
property *. _
Law cxiii. Testamentary power. — ' If any Lombard 2 Power to n
•un-ix i • i ••/> Mhor to
should wish to make any special provision for a son j«*f<* a
11 11- -ii , / i faithful
who has served linn well, lie may have power to do so son.
to the following extent. If he has two sons, he may
favour the one who has shown him godly obedience by
an extra third of the property; if he has three sons,
by a fourth ; if four, by a fifth, and so on. And if they
have all served him equally well, lot them partake
equally of their father's substance. But if perchance
the father have married a second or a third wile, and
have issue both by the earlier and later marriages, he
shall not have the power of thus preferring any one
of the children of the later marriage during their
mother's lifetime, lost any should nay that it is done
at hw instigation. But after her death be shall have
power to prefer as aforesaid. For we think it is
according to God's will (and to right reason), that if,
evon between slaves, he who serves his master well is
more rewarded than ho who serves him badly, the
father should have a similar power of distinguishing
between his sons, and rewarding them according to
their deserts.7
Law exli. Women i wiled to bmwliiu/ by their i$rawiin«
tf. — ' We have been informed that some faith-
less and crafty men, who do not dare themselves to
enter a neighbouring house or village and raise a dis-
turbance there, for fear of the heavy composition to
J I have wlightly oxpaudod tho luwt B&ntoucos, but the
lalor's moaning i« suiliciontly clear.
a The Roman would probably bo governed in hia tostanxoulnry
w by the law ' do inoifieio8o Teatamonto,*
410 The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vii. which they are liable for such an offence, have called
together all the women over whom they had power,
both free and bond, and have sent them against
a weaker body of men. Then these women, attacking
the men of such town or village, have inflicted blows
upon them, and made greater disturbance, and done
more mischief than even men would have done in their
place. But when enquiry was made into the tumult,
the men who were on the defensive, and could not help
themselves, were called to account for their unwilling
violence.
* Therefore we decree that should the women dare to
act in this manner in future: (i) Those who have
defended themselves against them shall not be answer-
able for blows or wounds, or death itself*, either to the
husbands or the mundwaMx of the women \
' (2) Let the magistrate (jmbliwix) in whose district
the tumult has happened, catch those women, and
shave their heads, and distribute them among the
villages round about, that henceforward women may
learn not to do such presumptuous deeds.
* (3) Should the women in such a brawl inflict blows
or injuries on any one, their husbands must pay for
them according to the tenour of [King Kothari's] edict.
* Our reason for making this ordinance both as to the
chastisement of the women and as to the payment
of their compositions iw, that wo cannot liken such
a [craftily planned] assemblage of women to a faction
fight, or sedition of peasants, since in those outbursts
men act, not women V
1 Repealing so fur law 379 of Kin# Eothuri as to composition
payable for a woman killod in a brawl.
2 ' Hoc ttuteni idoo prospoximus tain do disciplinam (juani ot
Special Cases. 4n
I will end this chapter with two little incidents of BOOKVII.
village life drawn from the laws of Liutprand, — - — 1
Law cxxxvi. Death l>y misadventure at a well. — Accidental
c It has been told us that a certain man had a well in w3i. *
his courtyard; and above it (according to custom)
a fork and a balance-weight } for drawing water. Now
while one man was standing under the balance-weight,
another, who came to draw water, incautiously let the
balance-weight go, and it came upon him who was
standing there, and caused his death. When enquiry
into the death took place, and a demand for the
composition was made, it was held by us and our
judges that the man who wan killed, as he was not
a more animal, but had sense and reason, ought to
have considered beforehand where he would take up
his station, and what was the weight which lie saw
over his head 2, Therefore two-thirds must bo deducted
from his composition, and the third part of the sum at
which he is valued, according to the tenour of the edict,
shall be paid by him who drew the water carelessly, to
the sons or nearest relations of the dead man : and
so let the cause be finished without guile and without
faidit, since the deed was done unwittingly. Let there
be no charge brought against the owner of tho well,
for if mich a charge be admitted, no one hereafter will
do compoHicionom quia HOB non potuimufl muliorum colloctionmu
ad /wmr/M adwimilaro noquo ud soditionom runticanonun quia
mta cniwA, vm faciurit nain non muliotm* Hariscild IB said by
Moyur to bo 'HoorHchild aln Jfaichon kriogorisehon Aufgobotn/
1 'Furcnm ot tolmum u<l hauriondam a<j,uam.'
2 * Itn nobiB c»t uostris jtulici))UB rectum ]>aruit o»s<4, lit ipno
homo (|tii ibi domortuus ont, quia non fait animal, nod Honmuu
rai'iouubiloiu Itabuit, pronpic^ro de)>uit in qualo locum HI* ponorc
ad wtttndum, aut (|unlo pondurn super HO vidobai
412 The Laws of Liutprand.
BOOK vii. allow others to draw water from his well; in which
case, since all cannot be the owners of a well, many
poor persons will die, and wayfarers also will suffer
great hardship/
Death of a Law cxxxvii. Death of a child from a horse's
child from J J
« horse's fac/e. — ' It has also been reported to us that a certain
man lent his mare to another man to draw his waggon,
but the mare had an unbroken colt which followed its
mother along the road. While they were thus journey-
ing, it chanced that some infants were standing in
a cex-tain village, and the colt struck one of them with
his hoof, and killed it. Now when the parents brought
the matter before us, and claimed compensation for
the infant's death, we decided, after deliberation with
our judges, that two-thirds of the child's (j\d<Hn<jUd 1
should be paid by the owner of the colt, and the
remaining third by the borrower of the mare. True
it is that, in a previous edict 2, it was ordained that if
a horse injures any one with his hoof, the owner shall
pay the damage. But inasmuch as the horse was out
on loan, and the borrower was a reasonable being, and
might, if ho had not been negligent, have called out to
the infants to take care of themselves, — therefore, as
we have said, for his negligence he shall pay the third
part of the child's price.'
With this sensible decision we take leave of Liut-
prand the legislator and the judge, and turn to consider
the events of the age in which he had to play hta part
as a warrior and a statesman.
1 Troeii qnulitor ipso valuorit*
u Uothari, 325 uud 326.
NOTE D, PRICES UNDER THE LOMBARD RULE.
OF course In order to estimate aright the deterrent effect of KOTE D,
the money penalties which crowd the Lombard statute-book, we
ought to know what was the purchasing power of the tolidus
anreux (twelve shillings) at this time. Our information on this
point is necessarily vague. The fact that the average value of
a slave (as denoted by his gwiilrigild) varied from 50 solidi down
to 1 6, gives us some light on the question. In the year 7253
we find the honourable woman Ermendruda selling for iz golden
solidi * the boy Saoretanus, or whatever other name he may be
known by in. his own country Gaul ' (Troya, iv, 3. 406). The
documents copied in T roya's e Codico I)iplomatico Langobardo/
vol. iv, give xis several transactions relating to the sale of land,
but information as to the extent of the land thus sold is generally
wanting, and where it is given I do not venture to estimate
the quantity of the Lombard land measures.
(p. 54.) A new olivoyard near* Farfa is sold for 8 solidi.
Twelve OUvae Tatliae, (?) are sold for. . I % solidi.
(p. 253*) A $a!a and half of a meadow, and a
mill at Pistoia, are sold for . . . 100 solidi.
(p. 286.) Half of a hoiiBO in Pisa 9 solidi.
(p. 295.) A gardon at Lucca Jo solidi.
(p. 425.) A portion of au * awale 9 at Trevigi . 5 solidi.
(p. 520.) Land in Pimm territory 15 «olidi.
(p- 523-) » » (Soxtariorum quindociin) 75^ solidi.
(l>. 534-) » n ejHolidL
(p. 613) Eleven 0/ivaa Jhf/iuts near Farfa . . 6 nolidi.
(p, 61 8.) A dwelling in the 'caatollum' of
Uflrum near Luna 20 solidi.
(p. 542.) Land in tho valley of the Sorehio . , 25 solidi.
(p. 649.) Lund in Val crArno (tro« waffilii) . . 8 nolidi.
(p. ^5^>«) Vineyard in tho valley of the Serchio
(sold by Justus, u goldsmith, to
Abbess Ursa) 6 solidi .
(p. 672.) HouStt and vineyard in ToHcanella (sold
by Ilodbcrt, mag infer cowae'inti* or
master mason) 30 Holidi.
(p. 68/J.) Share of vineyard in Tuscany ... 2 solidi.
4i4 Note D.
NOTE D. (p, 695.) Little piece of land (' aliquantula ter-
rula mea'), a little less than one
'modUocwsf also in Tuscany, sold
by Ennelinda, a nun 13 solidi.
It will be observed that all these sales (which extend in time
from the year 704 to 740) relate to property in Tuscany, and
therefore they may probably be taken as representing the top-
prices of Italian land.
For movable property, which evidently commanded what is,
according to our ideas, an enormous price relatively to the price
of land, we have an exceedingly interesting document quoted by
Troya (p. 658). In it the Abbess Ursa informs her nephew what
is the property which he is entitled to under his mother's
marriage settlement: —
* I, Ursa, make a memorandum (memoraturium) to you my
nephew, as to your mother's morffanicap. In the first place,
A bed 10 solidi,
Three female slaves, Magnifredula, and Magni-
trudu, and Musiula 300 solidi.
A tunic jo solidi.
A mantle (mantu) . 10 solidi.
A nuari (?) 300 solidi.
A horse with trappings (cabalius status) . . 100 solidi.
A house at Valentio in Voturiaua (and perhaps
another houne and the moiety of one, but
this part of the memorandum is obscure) . 100 solidi/
(£ Solidus triconta,' twice repeated in the document, must
apparently be taken as = trecenti, not triginta). Evidently
personal property at this time was far more valuable, relatively,
than real property* But even so, our study of the document in
Troya leaves us with the impression that fines ranging, as did
these of the Lombard code, from 300 to 900 solidi, would fall
with crushing weight on all but the very wealthiest classes of
the comnumity.
As further illustrating the same subject, it may bo mentioned
that in tho law passed to prevent the giving of extravagant
marriage portions, the jndex is forbidden to give his wife a meta
of more than 400 solidi, and the ordinary noble is not allowed to
give more than 300, while (apparently) all other classes of the
community are limited to 200,
CHAPTER XI.
ICONOCLASM.
Authorities.
Sources : —
Our chief authorities here arc TIIKOPHANKR and NrcEPir onus, BOOK vn.
who were both horn in the year 758. The former died about Cl£< u>
817, and the latter in 8a8. They are thus all hut contemporary
authorities for the period now under review, and us far as the
outline of persons and events at Constantinople in concerned,
they may be safely trusted. The colour which they give to
them must be regarded with much more suspicion, for both were
ecclesiastics passionately committed to one wide of the icono-
clastic controversy, the opposite side to that taken by Leo III
and Constantino V. Thcophanes especially can scarcely speak
of cither Emporor without prefixing an ( impious ' to hin name.
The livcH of these two men give us a vivid picture of the
religious history of the times-
T heophanos, a nobleman of Constantinople, a relation of the
Emperor and an oflicer in tho Imperial guard, lived a monastic
life notwithstanding a nominal marriage, and like Gregory the
Great turned his ancestral estates into convents, of one of
which ho became abbot. At the Second Council of Nicaoa
(Seventh General Council, 787), whither he proceeded on an ass
and clothed in a garment of hair, he vehemently defended the
worship of images. Under Leo the Armenian (813-830), as he
refused to conform to the dominant iconoclasm, he suffered im-
prisonment and exile, and eventually died in the island of Samo-
thrace, whither he had been banished. His sufferings in the cause
of imago- worship procured him the title of Confessor.
Nicephorua, who is also sometimes called Confessor, but more
commonly, from his office, Patriarch, was also of noblo birth,
416 Iconoclasm.
BOOK VII. and held the high position of Notarins under Constantine VI
H' •*• V and his mother Irene, He too was present and defended
the cause of the image-worshippers at the Second Council at
Nicaea. After spending some years in a convent he became in
806 Patriarch of Constantinople, bat on account of his opposition
to iconoclasm was deposed by Leo the Armenian in 815. The
discussions between Patriarch and Emperor which preceded this
deposition are narrated at some length by the biographer of the
former, Ignatius. Nicephorus was allowed to re-enter the
monastery of St. Theodore, on an island in the Sea of Marmora,
where he had dwelt previous to his elevation to the Patriarchate,
and died there after more than thirteen years of seclusion, on the
and of June, 8 a 8.
His * Apologeticus pro Sacris Imagimlms* and other con-
troversial works on the question of iconoclasm are very volu-
minous J, but arc considered to present tho best-argued, case of
any of the writers on that side of the controversy. For historical
purposes the short but careful work called ' A Concise History
from the Reign of the Emperor Maurice a' in hi« most important
production. It extends from the death of Maurice (602) to the
marriage of Leo IV and Irene (768).
For a discussion of tho sources (evidently to a lar#e extent
identical) from which Theophanca and Nicephorus drew the
materials for their histories, and of tho relation of these two
writers to ono another, HOC Bury, ii. 381 and 3/53, It should be
noticed that TheophancH, though valuable and to a certain
extent trustworthy for the events happening in tho Eastern
Empire, is extremely ill-informed an to transaction** in Western
Euiopo. lie places the flight of Pope Stephen into Franco in
the year 735, twenty-five yearn before that Pope's elevation,
lie known nothing of Pope Gregory III, and makes Knohorias
the immediate Biweesnor of Gregory JI, whose elevation 1o the
Papacy he dates in 725 instead of 715. Straiigowt of all his
errors, he makes Constantine, tho ono Pope about whom he might
have been expected to be well-informed by reason of his triumphal
entry into Constantinople, succeed to the pontificate in 762,
1 With tho Latin transition appended they occupy 340 clonoly
printed pagen of Migno'w Pntrologia*
T« rrjs
Authorities. 4*7
fifty-four years after the true date. After these blunders we are BOOK VII.
hardly surprised to find that Theophanes attributes Charles _5H' n'
Martol's great victory over the Saracens to his son Pippin the
Short. Evidently for Western affairs Theophanes is no safo
guide, and this is the more unfortunate because he has been ex-
tensively copied by later Greek historians, especially Cedrenus 1.
Another source of some importance is the VITA S. STEPUANI
JUNIOKIS, composed by his namesake the deacon Stephen in the
year 808, forty-two years after the martyrdom of Stephen the
Monk under the reign of Constantino Copronymvw. Like most
of the ecclesiastical biographies of the time it is intolerably
diffuse, passionate and one-sided, but it is possible to extract
from it a few grains of valuable historical information.
Gibbon (chapter xlix) ; Mihu<wy * History of Latin Christianity'
(Book iv. chap, vii : an, admirable review of an important con-
troversy) ; tturjt/t ' History of the Later Itoman Kmpire' (Book vi :
it should bo observed that I generally accept hiw recount/ruction
of the chronology of the period) ; Sckhmer, ' GoKchichte dor
Bilder«ttirrncnden Kainer/ and Finlay, ' History of the Byzantine
Empire * (Book I). The two last-named authoro were the first
to call attention to the groat political merits of the much
maligned Tsuuriun Emperors*
On, the purely ccclcsiatftic.il aspects of TconoclaHm useful light
is thrown by IhfM* e OonciliongOHchiclito,* vol. iii : but his
ttceoptawici of the so-called letters of Grogory 11 to the Emperor
Leo III detracts, according to my view of the case, from the
of his conclusionH.
IK tracing the history of tho Lomhard kingB and
that of the contemporary Popon and Kinperor« wc^
have now ovcrfitopjjod the threshold of tho eighth
1 It Hhou!<l bo iuontionod that Theophnnon givcw u# for tho
ikv<*niM rulntod by hhu both ^tho yoar <»f th<* world' (placing tho
Creulion at 550° ».«'•) *"id th<» your from the Hirih of Christ. AH
liowwr his A.D. dillorw from thai now in g<'in>ml u«<» I>y a period
of H(»V<»U or < tight yt»ui'H, it IK nioro «t>nv«»ni<»nt ia r<kf<uf(ni«<jH lo him
to (juoto tho Annm AlundL
VOL. VI. K (*
418 Iconoclasm.
BOOK vn. century. I do not propose to give an outline of the
— - — 1- European history of this century as I did of its
predecessor : in fact, only half of it will be traversed
before the end of this volume is reached : but some-
thing may be said here as to the four greatest events
by which it was distinguished. These are the Moham-
medan conquest of Spain, the assumption of the title
of King of the Franks by an Austrasian Mayor of the
Palace, the conversion of the Germans beyond the
Rhine, and the Iconoclastic Controversy. On exam-
ination we discover that almost all of these events had
a close connection with one another, and that they
unconsciously conspired towards one great result, the
exaltation of the power of the Roman pontiff. St, Boni-
face, Charles Martel, Muza, and Leo the Isaurian, each
in his different sphere co-operated towards the crea-
tion of that new, mediaeval Europe at the head of
which was the Pope of Rome, a very different person
politically from his predecessors, all of whom, whether
great or small, had been the submissive subjects of
the Eastern Caesar.
Saracen (i) In 711, a year before Ansprand returned from
ofHpin, his long exile in Bavaria and wrested the kingdom
7U* from Aripert, Tarik with his host of Arabs and Moors
crossed the Straits which have eve& since borne his
name1, defeated Roderic king of the Visigoths in the-
battle of Xeres del a Frontera, and began that conquest
of Spain which was completed by his superior the
Arabian Emir of Cairwan, Muza. We cannot help
feeling some surprise at the small apparent effect
1 Gibraltar = Jobol Tarik, the mountain of Tarik. See p, g of
this volume, where this event has already boon slightly alluded to.
The Saracens in Eitrope. 419
produced on the rest of Europe by the loss of so im-BOOKvn.
portant a member of the great Christian commonwealth. — '. — L
Paulus Diaconus devotes but one short dry sentence z
to the conquest of Spain, and the Liber Pontificalis
mentions it not at all. One would say that the heresy
of the Emperor Philippicus and his disfigurement of
the picture of the Sixth Council at Constantinople
affected the minds of the people of Rome more pro-
foundly than the conquest by Asiatics of one of the
finest regions of Western Europe. And yet that slow
and difficult re-conquest of Spain by the refugees in
the mountains of the Asturias, which, as we know,
did eventually take place, can hardly have been fore-
seen by these writers, since it was more than throe
centuries before half of the peninsula was recovered,
and nearly eight centuries before c the last sigh of the
Mooz's' bewailed their expulsion from their lovely
Granada.
In the first fervour of their conquering xeal
Saracens crossed the Pyrenees and made the Gothic IS
provinces of Septhnania their own* Many students of
history hardly realise the fact that for something like
half a century parts of Languedoc and Provence wore
actually subject to the Moorinh yoke, that Narbonne,
Aries, and Avignon all hoard the Muezzin's cry, and
called at the hour of prayer on Allah the Merciful and
the Mighty.
It did not however need fifty years to retiMBiire
affrighted Europe by the conviction that Gaul would
at any rate not fall as easy a prey as Spain to the
turbaned hordes of the believers in the Prophet.
Already in 721 the valiant lihulo of A cjuitaino defeated
1 II. L. vi. 46.
K C 2
420
Iconoclasm.
BOOK vir. them in a bloody Kittle under the walls of Toulouse,
^_H> 1L . and eleven years later, after he himself had been
£? Iqm- vanquished, the remnant of his troops shared in the
tninft| glorious victory which the stout Austrasians from
beyond the Rhine achievod undor the leadership of
i>y diaries Charles Mattel on the plains of Poietiers, not far from
732.*' the spot where, two hundred and twenty-five years
before, the battle of the Campus Vogladensis gave to
the Frank instead of tho Visigoth the dominion over
Southern Gaul
oiiuribs (2) This battle of PoicttieiH was, as every one knows,
ami tho one of ' the decisive battles of the world/ JIH important
as Marathon or Salamis for the decision of the question
w]10^ier Asia or Europe was to bo i\\u chosen home of
empire in tho centuries that were* to follow. And for
the victory thus won by (Jhristondom over Islam,
Europe was mainly indebted (and well did who know
her obligation) to tho bright and vigorous personality
of Charles, surnained tho Hammer. When his father
7M- Pippin 'of HeristaP* died, the Prankish kingdom
seemed to bo falling asunder in ruin, a ruin oven more
hopeless, as springing from internal dissensions, than
tho collapse of Visigotlnc Spain, Aqniiume, Thuringia,
Bavaria, all the great Nubordinaie duchies were falling
oil* from the central monarchy ; NeiiHtria and Auwtiusia
were becoming two hont.ilo kingdoms ; and, to complete
the confusion, tho agod Pippin, passing by his won
Charles who was in tho vigour of youthful manhood,
had bequeathed tho Mayoralty ofihe Palace, as if it
had been an estate, to his litilo grandson Theudvvald, a
child of six years old, under the regency of his mother
1 8w> p. {.
The Battle of Poictiers. 421
Plectrude, by whose evil counsel this unwise disposition BOOK vn.
had been made. A Merovingian king 1, incapable as all _ L* ___
these later Merovingians were of doing a single stroke
of business on his own account, a baby Prime Minister,
with a greedy and unscrupulous woman as regent over
him, — these were certainly poor materials out of which
to form a strong and well-compacted state. But the
young Charles, whom his step-mother had only dared
to imprison, not to slay, first escaped from his cou-
fiuenient, then defeated the rival, Neustriau, Mayor of
the Palace-, got hold of a Merovingian child'"1, and in
his name ruled, like his father, as Mayor of the Palace
over the three kingdoms, Anstrasia, Neuslria, and
Burgundy. lie subdued the savage Frisians, set up
in Bavaria a duke who was willing to be his humble
dependent, chastised Kudo of Aquitaine (who was
aiming at independence and had well-nigh acquired
it), and then having chastised, assisted him as we
have seen, and protected his territory against the over-
flowing flood of Moorish invasion. Consolidator of
France and saviour of Europe, Oharles Martel wan the
real founder of the Arnulfing or Oarolingiun dynasty.
.But warned by the fate of bin great-uncle Griinwald4,
he did not himself stretch forth a hand to grasp the
regal sceptre. As long as his puppet lived, ho loft him
the name and the trappings of royalty. When that
puppet died, he did not indeed think it worth while to
replace him by a successor, yet he did not change his
own title. For the last four years of his life (737-741)
there was literally 'no king in the land'; a Mayor of
the royal Palace, but no king inside it.
1 II, 2 At Vincy, 7 « 7*
Thcodoric IV (720-737)- 4 fciw j>, 3*
422 Iconoclasm.
BOOK vn. The reign, for such we may truly call it, of Charles
H' Martel was nearly contemporaneous with that of Liut-
prand, with whom he had much intercourse, all of
715-741. a friendly kind. The chain of events which enabled
712-^4°^ ' his son Pippin to assume the name as well as the reality
75 T- of kingly power, and which brought him over the Alps
to interfere in the affairs of Italy, will have to be related
in a future volume. We only note them here as truly
central events in that eighth century upon which we
have now entered,
Conver- (3) Politically the eighth century is one of the least
Germany interesting in English history. The great days of
liHh mfs- the Northumbrian kingdom are over, and the day of
"Wessex has not yet dawned. But from a literary or
religious point of view the century is more attractive.
During the first third of its course Baeda, decidedly the
most learned man of his time, perhaps we might say
the most learned man of all the early mediaeval period,
was compiling his text-books, his commentaries, and
his Ecclesiastical History of the English nation. And
at the same time the English, who so lately had been
receiving missionaries from Rome and from lona, were
sending out missionaries of their own, able, energetic and
courageous men, to convert the still remaining idolaters
of Germany. Chief among these missionaries were the
Wiiiu Northumbrian Willibrord, who for forty years laboured
amiBoni- for the conversion of the Frisians, and the Devonshire-
man Winfrith, who received from the Pope the name
of Boniface, and who from 718 to 753 wrought at the
organisation of the half-formed Churches of Bavaria
and Thuringia, preached to the heathen Hessians,
hewing down an. aged oak to which they paid idolatrous
Conversion of Germany. 423
reverence, directed from his Archiepiscopal see at BOOKVII.
Maintz the religious life of all central Germany, and J^lA1"
finally in his old age received the martyr's crown from
the hands of the still unconverted Frisians. This
great work of the Christianisation of Germany is alien
to our present subject, and must not here be further
enlarged upon, but it may be noticed how closely it
was connected with the other leading events of the
eighth century. It is not improbable that the zeal of
those English missionaries was partly quickened by the
tidings of the rapid advances of Mohammedanism l.
It i& certain that the work of prosolytism was aided
by the arms of Pippin and Oharles Martel. As their
frontier advanced across the Rhine, Christianity went
forward ; where it fell back for a time, heathenism
triumphed, and the missionaries became the martyrs*
The close connection of the German mission with the
exaltation of the Arnulfmg house is symbolised by
the fact that Boniface either actually took part in the
coronation of Pippin, or at least used his powerful
influence with the Pope to bring about that resTilt.
And lantly, it Is obvious how greatly the addition of
the wide regions between the lUiine and the Kibe
to the area of Western Christendom must have
1 Thin Is tho opinion of Kanlco, whoso gaze ovor tho wide field
of world-history in HO truo and piordug. * Wo ought not to con-
flidor tho ClmHtianiHution of Germany only from tho point of
viow of religions boliof and touching. However important tho«o
may bo, it was of world-historical importance that Homo counter-
acting influence Hhould bo propnrod againwt Maminni, which
was pronging ever doopor and deeper into the continent of Europe.
Boniface knew right w<41 what had happened iu Spain : tho work
of corivornion which ho wan carrying on wan tho chief <sau»o why
tho Httwo ovoulw did not repeat thomnolvoB iu Gaul and Germany '
(Kanko, * WoltgcHchioUto/ v. x. 286-7).
424 Iconoclasni.
BOOK "vii. strengthened the authority of the Pope. The Byzantine
' Emperor in his dwindling realm, hemmed in by
Saracens and Bulgarians, might issue what decrees he
would to his servile Greek diocesans. Here in Western
Europe, in England and in Germany, were mighty
nations, young and full of conscious strength and
promise of the future, who had received their Chris-
tianity from the hands of devoted adherents of the
Pope, and would recognise no authority but his.
•s thought brings us to the last great event
Oontro- of the eighth century, the outbreak of the Iconoclastic
Controversy. This will need a somewhat more detailed
notice than the others.
Accession To the shadow-Emperors whose reigns filled six
of Loo 111 L n
Uhoisau- anarchic years after the death of Justinian IT HUC-
'll'717' ceeded, in March, 717, Leo III, commonly called Loo
the Isaurian. Here was at last a man at the helm of
the State, and one who, though hi« name Is scarcely
ever mentioned without a curse by the monkish chroni-
clers of the time, came at the fortunate — I would rather
say at the Providential — moment to save Eastern
Europe from the Saracen yoke, and to preserve for
Christianity in any shape, whether enlightened or
superstitious, some influence on the future deHtinies of
Europe1. Leo (whose original name is said to have
1 There is a certain correspondence between tho careers of
Loo III and Charlos Martol. Both came to supreme power aftor
a time of anarchy and bewilderment in their respective countries ;
both doult crushing blows at the Saracens and saved Europe
from their onward advance ; and both were censured by ecclesi-
astical writers, Loo for his iconoclasm, Charles for the high-handed
way in which he appropriated Church property in order to reward
his veterans. (See the passages in Waltz's VorfassxingBgoschichte,
iii 1 6, 2nd ed.)
Leo the Isaitrian. 425
been Conon) was born in Asia Minor, either at Ger-BooKvn.
maniciain Commagene *, or, as is more probable, in those — - — 1
Isamiau highlands which in the fifth century sent
adventurers to Constantinople to disturb and trouble
the Empire 8, but now sent a race of heroes to deliver
it. The year of his birth is not apparently mentioned,
but \ve may conjecture it to have been somewhere
about 670. In his youth he and his parents were
removed from their Asiatic home to Mesembria iu
Thrace, and here, when Justinian was marching with
his Bulgarian allies to recover his throne, Leo met him 705.
with a present of 500 sheep. The grateful Emperor
rewarded him by a place in his life-guards, and an-
nounced that ho regarded him as 'one of his true
friowlH V Before long, however, jealousy and suspicion
entered his soul, and he sent his 'true friend' on
a desperate mission to the Alans in the Caucasus,
a mission which occupied several years, and from which
only by the exercise of extraordinary ingenuity as well
as courage did he at last return alive4. When he
returned to the abodes of civilised men he found Jus-
tinian deposed and A nastasius reigning, who appointed
him general of the Anatolian theme. In this district,
which comprehended the central portion of Asia Minor,
Leo for some years, by guile rather than force, kept at
bay the Saracen general Moslemah, brother of the
1 About roo iniloH north-cunt of Axitioeli.
2 800 vol. iii. pp. 39-40.
v (Theophanos, A. u, 6209).
4 Prof. Bury (iL 375-378) oxtraets from Thooplmmw tho nirioiiH
description of L<«/« advontuww in Alania. Tho work ol* tho
chronicler would have boon more interesting if ho Imd explained
with what motive anything was dono by any of tho acton* iu
tho wtory.
,426 Iconoclasm.
BOOK VIL Caliph, who was threatening the city of Amorium.
— - — - It was known that the Saracens were preparing for
71 ' a grand assault on Constantinople, and it was generally
felt that the so-called Theodosius III, a government
clerk who had been forced against his will to assume
the purple, was quite unable to cope with the emer-
gency. In the autumn of 716 Leo proclaimed himself
a candidate for the diadem and the avenger of his
patron Anastasius, who had been deposed by the
mutinous authors of the elevation of Theodosius.
After defeating the Emperor's son at Nicomedia, and
apparently spending the winter inJBithynia, he moved
on to Constantinople, where the Patriarch and the
Senate welcomed him as Emperor. There was no
further conflict : Theodosius recognised his uufitness
for the diadem, and having with his son assumed the
clerical garment, retired into safe obscurity,
ThoSiira- The change of rulers had come only iust in time to
cons bo- ° J **
Biogo Con- save the state. -By the ist of September, 717, the
nopio. fleets and armies of the Saracen Caliph, constituting
an armament apparently more formidable than that
which Moawiyah had sent against the city forty years
before, appeared in the Sea of Marmora. It is not
necessary to give here the details of this memorable
siege, in which, as in Napoleon's Russian campaign, fire
arid frost combined to defeat the forces of the invader.
The besieged sent their ships laden with ' Greek fire '
into the fleet of the affrighted Saracens, burning many
of their vessels and striking panic into the crews which
escaped. The wind blow cold from Thrace ; frost and
snow covered the ground for a hundred days, and
the camels and cattle of the besieging army perished
by thousands. Famine followed as the natural conse-
Saracen siege of Constantinople. 427
quence ; the Saracens fed on disgusting preparations BOOKYII.
of human flesh, and pestilence of course followed — L
famine. Upon the top of all their other calamities ?T8'
came an onslaught of the Bulgarians, who in this
extremity of danger were willing to help their old
foe, the Caesar of Constantinople. At length on the
1 5th of August, 718, the remnants of the once mighty
armament melted away; the cavalry from theBithynian
plain, and the ships from the waters of the Bosphorus.
Constantinople was saved, and the Paradise promised
to the first army of the faithful that should take the
city of Caesar was not yet won.
It was no marvel that such a great deliveranceoiwitqim-
flhould be attributed to supernatural causes,
especially, by the monkish historians, to the prayers
of the Mother of God. But it is certain that the
fltatoflmanlike foresight, the mingled astuteness and
courage of the great Isaurian Emperor, had also much
to do with the triumph of Christendom. As soon as
the Saracen invader was repelled, he began that re-
organisation of the Empire to which adequate justice
wa« not rendered till our own day, and one of the chief
monuments of which is the IScloya, a kind of handbook
of Imperial law for the use of the people, which has
lately attracted the careful and admiring study of
European jurists1.
1 I tako the word ' handbook ' from Prof. Bury. * Loo mot the
imperative nood of his Hubjects by preparing a handbook in Greek
for popular use, containing a short compendium of the most
important laws on the chief relations of life. 3t wan entitled an
J&V%«, and was not published until the last year of Loo's reign
(740), but doubtless several years wore spent in its preparation,
which involved long preliminary studies1 ('Later lioiunn Empire,*
ii.
428 Iconodasm.
BQOKVIL Thus early in his reign Leo was called upon to face
' the rebellion of a Western province, the result doubt-
of the miserable anarchy into which the State had
been plunged by his predecessors. The Duke of Sicily,
who was an officer of high rank in the Imperial guard
named Sergius, hearing of the siege of Constantinople
by the Saracens, decided to create an Emperor of his
own, and invested with the purple a certain Sicilian,
sprung from Constantinople, named Basil, to whom he
gave the Imperial name of Tiberius. For a short time
the new Emperor played at promoting officers and ap-
pointing judges under the advice, of his patron Sergius ;
and then Paulus, the cartularius of the Emperor Leo,
arrived, apparently with a single ship and with a letter
from his master, in the harbour of Syracuse. The mere
news of his arrival was sufficient. The conscience-
stricken Sergius escaped to the Lombards of Benevento.
The Sicilian army was collected to hear the ' sacred '
letter read, and when they received the tidings of the
destruction of the mighty armaments of the Saracens
they burst into loud applause and gladly surrendered
Basil and his new-made courtiers into the hands of
Paulus. The usurper and his general-in-chief were at
once beheaded. Of his adherents, some were flogged,
others were shaved as priests, others had their noses
slit, others were fined and sent into banishment, and
thus order reigned once more in Sicily !.
The first eight years of the reign of Leo seem to
have passed, with the exception of this trifling rebellion
in Sicily, in internal peace and tranquillity, though not
undisturbed by wars with the Saracens, notwithstand-
ing the repulse of their great Armada.
1 Theophanes, A.M. 6210.
Rebellion in Sicily. 429
Thus far he had done nothing to tarnish his fair BOOK vn.
fame to which he was entitled from ecclesiastical his- '
o-
chum.
™ • • 11 •k"
torians as a zealous defender of the Christian world zeni of
Leo.
against the warriors of Islam ; nay, he had even given
proof of his orthodoxy after the fashion of the age by
vain attempts to compelJews and heretics to enter the
fold of the Church. The Jews outwardly conformed,
but in secret washed off the water of baptism as an un-
holy thing. TheMontanist heretics, in whom still lived
the uncompromising spirit of their great predecessor
Tertullian, solemnly assembled on an appointed day
in their churches, and gave themselves over to the
flames, rather than abandon the faith of their fathers.
At lust in the ninth year of his reign Leo began Bj
«' ° " llizig
that warfare against images by which, even more than i«o»
n ° ^ . . . . chu
by his gallant defence of Constantinople, his name m
made memorable in history. Strangely enough this
attempted revolution in ecclesiastical polity seems to
have been connected with, perhaps derived from, a
Hiinilar attempt on the part of a Saracen ruler. Yezid story «r
1 * \ i i Ycy,i<l II
JI, the Ommiade Caliph of Damascus (720-724), had
received, according to Theoplianes, an assurance from
a Jewish magician of Tiberias that bin reign should bo
prolonged for thirty years if he would only compel bin
Christian subjects to obliterate the pictures in their
churches, Ilin brother and predecessor, Caliph Omar IT,
had already enforced on the Christians one precept of
the Koran "by forbidding them the use of wine1, and
now Yexid would enforce another of the Prophet's
commands by taking away from them temptations to
idolatry. His attempt failed, and as bis promised
thirty years ended in an early death after a reij?n of
A.M. 6210,
43o Iconoclasm.
BOOK VIL only four years, his son Welid II put the lying sooth-
°H' 11' sayer to death \. The story is probably more or less
fabulous, but contains this kernel of truth — that it was
the contact with Mohammedanism which opened the
eyes of Leo and the men who stood round his throne,
ecclesiastics as well as laymen, to the degrading and
idolatrous superstitions that had crept into the Church
and were overlaying the life of a religion which, at its
proclamation the purest and most spiritual, was fast
becoming one of the most superstitious and material-
istic that the world had ever seen. Shrinking at first
from any representation whatever of visible objects,
then allowing herself the use of beautiful and pathetic
emblems (such as the Good Shepherd), in the fourth
century the Christian Church sought to instruct the
converts whom her victory under Constantine was
bringing to her in myriads, by representations on the
walls of the churches of the chief event of Scripture
history. From this the transition to specially rever-
enced pictures of Christ, the Virgin and the Saints,
was natural and easy. The crowning absurdity and
blasphemy, the representation of the Almighty Maker
of the Universe as a bearded old man, floating in the
sky, was not yet perpetrated, nor was to be dared till
the human race had taken several steps downward
into the darkness of the Middle Ages ; but enough
had been already done to show whither the Church
was tending, and to give point to the sarcasm of the
1 This story was told by the monk John at tho Council of
Nicaea, 787. (See Hefele, iii. 374.) If thero is any truth in it at
all, we should probably for ' son ' substitute ' successor.' Yezid II
was succeeded in the caliphate by his brother Hischani, who ruled
from 724 to 743. (Ranke's ' Woltgeschichte/ v. 2. 61-62.) After
him came Welid II,
Progress of Image-worship. 431
followers of the Prophet when they hurled the epithet BOOKVII.
'idolaters' at th
Egypt and Syria1.
'idolaters' at the craven and servile populations of — ~ — ~
1 This is not the place for describing in detail the growth of
Image- worship in the Christian Church. The chief stages of the
process, as enumerated by Schaff, Beudamoro (in the Dictionary
of Christian Antiquities), Farror, and others, are as follows : —
(1) Tho Antc-Nicene Church had a decided aversion to Sculp-
ture and Painting, and was disposed to construe literally the
command, 'Thou shalt not make unto thoo tho likeness of any-
thing in hcavon above, or in tho earth bonoath * (demons Alex-
andrinuH, Tortullian, &c.).
(2) But in tho tombs and in tho Catacombs there was u ten-
dency to represent Christian emblems, such us tho Cross, the
Shophord, tho Lamb, tho Earn, tho Finhonnau, tho Pish (all
emblems of Christ), tho Dove, tho Ship, tho Palm-brunch, tho
Lyre, the Ceck, the Hurt, tho Phoenix (emblemw of tho life of
the Christina believer)*
(3) Thus it may }>o said that Christian art was born in tho
tombs and passed thonco into tho churches. Some typical Old
Testament scones, like the Sacrifice of Isaac, were painted in the
Catacombs, perhaps ns early as tho third century. It is note-
worthy (hat even as lute as tho sixth century the scones depicted
in the church of 8. Vitalo at Ravenna are almost all taken from
the Old Testament
(4) There is no trace of a likeness of Christ before the time of
Constantino, oxcopt among tho Gnostic Curpocratians and tho
alleged statue of Christ in tho chapel of Severus Alexander.
(5) Early in tho fourth century there waw an attempt to transfer
the pictures of Scripture scenes from private houses and tombs
into tho churches. Tho canon of the Council of Eliberis about
306, t Plucuit picturas in ocelosiis osse non dobero, Ne quod colitur
et adoratur in pariotibus depingatur/is sunJy directed against this
practice (notwithstanding Hefele's counter-argument;, i, 170).
(6) In 326 JKusebius replies with some hoat to the request of
Constantly sister of Constantino, that ho will send hor a likeness
of Christ: 'What, and what kind of likeness of Christ iu there?
Such images are forbidden by the second commandment/
(7) By the middle of the fourth century not merely the painting
of pictures but the reverence for them seems pretty well established,
432 Iconoclasm.
BOOKVII. It was in the year 725, according to Theophanes,
that ' the irreligious Emperor first began to stir the
question of the destruction of the holy and venerable
Leo? 7*5by images/ In the Mowing year, about harvest-time,
Eruption a volcano burst forth in the Archipelago close to the
SrcWpeia- island of Thera. A heavy cloud of vapour hung over
g°'726' the Aegean, and pumice-stones were hurled over all
the neighbouring coasts of Asia Minor and Macedon.
In this portent Leo saw the rebuke of Heaven for his
slackness in dealing with the sin of idolatry, and the
decree which had been before talked of was now
Decree formally issued. There can be little doubt that this
image* decree was for the actual destruction of the idolatrous
worship. emblemgi The statement which is generally made,
that the Emperor's first decree only ordered that the
pictures should be raised higher on the walls of the
at any rate among the later, Athanasian, Christians. Basil (who
died 379) says, 'I receive besides tho Son of God and holy
Mary, also the holy Apostles, and Prophets, and Murtyra. Their
likenesses I revere and kiss with homage, for they arc handed
down from the holy Apostles, and are not forbidden, but arc on
the contrary painted in all our churches.*
(8) A century later a great impulse to tho worship of pieturon was
given by the legends which began to bo circulated about miraculous
pictures of Christ («fedv« axet/;07rolV°1)? especially those said to 1m vo
belonged to Abgarus king of Edessa and St Veronica.
(9) The further downward stops of tho process no<»<l not bo
traced. In a letter addressed by tho Em poror Michael II (alwut
820) to Louis the Pious (or Debonair), it is said that Homo porsoiw
dressed the images of the saints in linon, and made thorn stand
sponsors for their children. Monks receiving the tonsure oausocl
their hair to fall into the lap of tho image. Priests scratched oft*
a little of the paint from tho imago and mixed it with tho
Eucharist, which they then handed forth to tho knooliiitf \voi-
shippers, or else placed the Eucharist itsolf in tho image's hamls,
out of which the communicants received it. (I borrow this quota-
tion from Dahmen's Pontifiktit Grogors II, p, f><;.)
Leo as Iconoclast, 433
churches to remove the temptation to kiss and idola- BOOK vn.
trously adore them, is in itself improbable (for most of — L
the pictures at this time were mosaics, which could
not be so easily removed), and rests apparently on
very doubtful authority1. On the contrary, Leo seems
to have set about his self-imposed task with an almost
brutal disregard of the feelings of his subjects. Un-
doubtedly there are times in the history of the world
when the holiest and most necessary work that can be
performed is that of the Iconoclast, The slow deposit
of ages of superstition encrusts so thickly the souls of
men that the letters originally traced thereon by the
Divine Finger are not at all or but dimly legible.
In such a case he who with wi»se and gentle hand a]>-
plies the mordant acid and clears away the gathered
fallacies of agCB may do as useful a work, even as
religious a work, an he who brings a fresh revelation
from the Most High. Exit even in doing it he mn»t
remember and allow for the love and reverence which
for generations have clustered round certain forms or
words against which it may bo his duty to wage war ;
and he will, if he is wise, gently loosen the grasp of
faith, rather than with ruthless band break both the
worshipped image and the heart of the worshipper*
Such, unfortunately, was not the policy of the UnrHhiK»H*
Inaurian Emperor, inheriting as lie did the evil tru- uo
of four cemturioB of Imperial legislators, whose ''miltT01M*
1 That of tho Latin vorBion of tlio Lifo of Htophon, martyr imdor
(JoiiHtantino (jojmmyxmia Tho Greek verwon of the Lifo con-
tains no wuch ntatomout, Ilcfolo, wliono ooneluHiou lioro BOWUH
to mo Houml, though I cunaot ugroo with all tho ur^uiuonts by
which ho HiipporU it, nnyn, *<li<»Ho IntoiniH^ho Uobwsot/Aiug liat
gar w<mig AnloriUit* (OottcilioiigoHcluchlo, iii. 378).
VOL. VI. F f
434 Iconoclasm.
BOOK. VIL fixed principle it had been that whithersoever the
— _ L Emperor went in the regions of religious speculation
or practice, thither all his subjects were bound to
follow him. The destruction or obliteration of the
sacred images and pictures was promptly begun, and
all opposition was stamped out with relentless severity.
One tragic event which occurred at Constantinople was
probably the counterpart of many others of which no
record has been preserved. Over the great gateway
great pic- of the Imperial palace (which from the brazen tiles
Christ that formed its roof had received the name of Chalco *)
gate o/tho had been placed a great effigy of Our Saviour, which,
pai*oe. perhaps from the refulgent mosaics of which it was
composed, had received the same name of Chalce a.
The command went forth that this picture, probably
one of the best known and most revered in all Con-
stantinople, was to be destroyed ; and hatchet in
hand an Imperial life-guardsman mounted a ladder and
1 Seo Paspate, T<i Bi/faM-iwx 'Awrjcropn, p. 239,
2 Our two chief authorities are here slightly at variance.
Theophanes calls it dK&va rrjv em rrjs pcyd\r)s XaX/cjjs TruXifc : the author
of the Life of Stephanus, who "was of somewhat later date, and
probably less acquainted with the locality, calls it CIKOVO. . . . i
virepSev rG>v jSaonXiKoJy nvX&v «V alcnrep &ia rbv ^apaKrrjpa f) fiyia
\eytrat : the meaning of which seems to be that tho picture itsolf
was called XaX/cJ}. The description of Theophanes seoms to suggest
the idea, in itself probable, of a mosaic picture ; while the
martyrologist talks of burning, as if it were a wooden imago.
Theophanes puts the event in 726, the martyrologint at least
three years later, for he makes Anastasius Patriarch instead of
Germanus at the time when it occurred. The alleged lottor of
Pope Gregory II (in the genuineness of which I do not beliovo)
says that the image was called Antiphonetes ; and this has boon
translated by some, ' Guarantor/ and connected with a legend like
that told at Ravenna of the picture called Brachiwn Fort Is, (Boo
voL i pp 489-493, ed. i ; p. 902, ed. 2.)
Tumult and revolution. 435
began the work of destruction. Some women who BOOK vn.
had clustered below called out to him to cease his — : — '-
unholy work. In vain : the hatchet fell again and
again on the loved and worshipped countenance.
Thereat the women (likened by later ecclesiastical
writers to the devout women who carried spices to
the tomb of the Saviour) shook the ladder and brought
the life-guardsman to the ground He still breathed
notwithstanding his fall, but ' those holy women * (as
the martyrologlst calls them), with such rude weapons
as they may have had at their disposal, stabbed him
to death. Something like a popular insurrection
followed, which was suppressed with a strong hand,
and was followed by the deaths, banishments, and
mutilations of the women and their sympathisers.
The news of this attempted religious revolution A tt<*mi>i-
deeply stirred the minds of the subjects of the Empire, tim/in
Li Greece and the inland** of the Archipelago there
was an immediate outburst of insurrectionary fury *.
A great fleet was prepared, a certain Conmas was
named Emperor, and on the i8th of April, 727, the
rebels arrived before Constantinople. But the 'liquid
fire' which had destroyed the Saracen Avmuda proved
equally fatal to the Image- worshippers Cosmas and
one of his generals-in-chief were behewled ; the other
escaped execution by leaping, clad in full armour, into
the sea: the cause of Iconoclanm was for the time
triumphant. In the year 729 Loo called what Western r
nations would have described its a Parliament, but what 739! °
the loquacious Greeks quaintly named a Ktth'nJiuni.* in
1 Prof* Bury (ii. 437) thinks that opprosnivo taxation
partly tho eauno of thin revolt, and thai; it was not Hol<»ly eliu» to
rosontmont ugainwt tho Iconoclastic docnvs.
F f 2
436 Iconoclasm.
BOOK vn. order to confirm and regulate the suppression of image-
— I — L worship* At this assembly, Geimanus the Patriarch
of Constantinople, with whom Leo had been for five
years vainly pleading for assistance in his religious
war, formally laid down his office. c I am Jonah/ said
the aged Patriarch ; * cast me into the sea. But know,
oh Emperor ! that without a General Council thou canst
i)oposi- not make any innovations in the faith/ Germanus was
deposed and allowed to spend the remainder of his
^e wag ajrea(jy ninety years o£ age) in peace. His
private chaplain x Anastasius, whom the old man had
long felt to be treading on his heels, but who seems to
have been sincere in his professions of Iconoclasm, was
made Patriarch in the room of Germanus, and for
fifteen years governed the Church of Constantinople,
Lull m the During the remaining ten years of the reigu of
vo?sy°in -Leo III we do not hear much as to the details of
t c taai. ^e Iconoclastic Controversy. The Emperor's atten-
tion was probably occupied by the repeated Saracen
iuvasions^of Asia Minor, but there is no reason to
suppose that he abandoned the Iconoclastic position,
though martyrdoms and mutilations of the Image-
worshippers are little spoken o£ Apparently the
latter party had for the time accepted their defeat,
and those who were most zealous on behalf of the for-
bidden worship emigrated in vast numbers to Southern
Italy and Sicily, It is for us now to consider what
effect the religious war thus kindled by the Iflauriau
Emperor had on the fortunes of Italy,
1 So wo may porlia^ translate
CHAPTER XII.
KTNG LTTTTPRANIX
Authorities,
Source*; —
PAITUJS PIACONUS (not at his bent in this part of his work, BH>KVII.
which, perhaps la-cked liis finishing loaches).
The JjiBBR PoNTmoALiH, Lives of Gregory IT, Gregory III,
and Znchai'iaR,
(a) Of tho life of Gregory TI there are (as Puchesue has
pointed out) two recensions, one slightly Inter than tho other,
but both strictly contemporary. It is interesting to ob-icrve
that one of th<»nj wa« nsod by our countryman Ttacda in his
Ohroniclo, wliich was finished in tho year 724, woven years
before the (loath of "Pope Cin^ory IT. Evidently therefore thi«
biogmphy, at least (and probably many others besides), wan
begun during the lifetime of its nubjectt : it i« full of valuable
material** for history.
(6) The life of Gregory III, on the other hand, in almost
worthlcm It han long lintB of chiuxth furnilnro prenonied by
the Pope to thebawilieaH of Borne ; but of the important political
events which occurred between 731 and 741, and in some of
which the Pope was chief actor, there, IB hardly a trace.
(t») The life of JSuchariart again IIHOH to <ih<^ lov<}l of im})ori.ant
hintory, and thrown some informing light backwards on the
pontificate of his predecessor. Jt was evidently written by nn
ecclesiastic in the Papal Court, who was an eye-witness of some
of the scenes which he describes.
Pope Gregory IL 439
THEOPHA.NES is the chief source from which the Greek his- BQOKVii.
torians have drawn their imperfect notices of the history of Italy __:";„ 2:
during this period.
The Chronicles of JOANNES DIACONUS and ANDREA DANBOLO
are described in Note F. I need hardly remark that this
Joannes Diaconus is quite different from the biographer of
Gregory the Great.
Guides : —
Martens^ Politische Geschichte des Langobardenreichs unter
Konig Liutprand (Heidelberg, 1880).
JDa&men, Das Pontifikat Greg-ors (Dusseldorf, 1888).
Articles by Monticolo and Pinion mentioned in Note F.
THE Iconoclastic decrees of the Emperor Leo probably
reached Italy in the course of the year 726. Let us
glance at the life and character of the man upon whom,
as head of the Latin Church, the responsibility rested
of accepting or rejecting them.
Gregory II, who succeeded to the chair of Bt, Peter May r9
on the death of Pope Constautiue, was, like Inn great ^ 1Ho
namesake, of Roman origin, and was the sou of a man jj<ln*»°ry
who bore the true Roman name of Marcellun. He had
been brought up from a child in the Papal palace, was
made siihdeacon, treasurer and librarian, under the
pontificate of Sergius, and had attained the position of 687 701.
deacon when, as we have already seen !, he accompanied
Pope Constantine to Constantinople, and bore the i\».
brunt of the discussion with Justinian the Noseless, as
to the canons of the Quinisextan Council. His pure cii
life, great knowledge of Scripture, ready eloquence,
and firmness in defending the rights of the Church, all
marked him out as a suitable successor to the Pope in
whose train he had visited the New Rome. Ho
continued the work of restoration of the walls of Ilomo,
1 See p, 378.
440 King Liutprand.
BOOK YII. and set the destructive lime-kilns at work in order to
Cir. 12.
aid m the process.
visit of It was probably in the year after the consecration of
rian Duke Gregory that a Bavarian duke, ' the first of his race '
Home. said the people of Rome, came to kneel at the shrine
of St. Peter. This was the venerable Duke Theodo
(probably a collateral descendant of Theudelinda), who
had already divided his wide-spreading dominions
among his four sons, and two of whose grand-daughters
about this time married the two chief rulers of the
West, Liutprand and Charles MarteL Duke Theodo's
visit was probably connected with a dark domestic
tragedy which had ended in the mutilation and death
of a Frankish bishop l who had visited Bavaria, and it
undoubtedly led to a closer dependence of the young
and rough Church of the Bavarians on the See of Rome.
This was yet more firmly knit when in the year 7 1 8
our countryman Boniface, as has been already said,
offered himself to the Pope as the willing instrument
of the spiritual conquest of Germany a.
Relations With Liutprand and the Lombards the relations of
ii wHh°iy Gregory II seem in the early years of his pontificate
to have been upon the whole friendly. We have seen
how the Lombard king in the prologues to his yearly
edicts delighted to dwell on the fact that Jais nation
was 'Catholic 'and 'beloved of God': and we have
heard the remarkable words in which he announced
to his subjects that he drew tighter the restrictions
on the marriage of distant relations, being moved
1 Si Emmeran, who was accused of having seduced Ota, the
daughter of Theodo, and was punished by her brother Lantport
2 For all these transactions, soo Qnitzmaxm, Aeltosto GoBclrichte
der Baiern, 219-266,
Rebuilding of monastery at Monte Cassino. 441
thereto by the letters of the Pope of the City ofEOOKvrr.
Rome, ' who is the head of all the churches and — *-^~
priests of God throughout the world.' It is entirely
in accordance with the relation, thus signified between
the two powers that we find Liutprand at an early
period of his reign renewing and confirming the
mysterious donation of King Aripert II, of c the patri-
mony in the Cottian Alps.'
It was a sign of the increased gentleness of the Rebuild-
. . ing of
times and of the more friendly feeling between the B«»«oai*!-
(Jhurch and the Lombards that, after 130 years ofuaH<^ry
desolation, the hill of St. Benedict was once more '<jaM«ino.
trodden by his spiritual children. About the year 7 1 9,
Petronax, a citizen of Brescia, came on pilgrimage to
Rome, and by the advice of Pope Gregory journeyed
onward to Monte Cassino. He found a few simple-
hearted men already gathered there, he formed thorn
into a regular community, and was elected by them as
their abbot x. The fame of the new community spread
far and wide : many, both nobles and men of meaner
birth, flocked to the remembered spot, and by their
help the monastery rose once more from its ruins,
perhaps ampler and statelier than before. Yearn after-
wards, Tinder the pontificate of Zacharias, Petronax 74* 75».
again visited "Rome, and received from the Pope several
MSH. of the Scriptures and other appliances of the
monastic life, among them the precious copy of the
great ' Rule ' which Father Benedict had written with
his own hand two centuries before. These treasures,
as we have seen, had been earned by the panic-stricken
1 *lbi cum aliquibus simplicibu-H viris jam nnto
Iwbitaro coopit, Qui oimdorn vonorabilom virum Pofcronacom aibi
Honiorom stiiiuonmt ' (Paulus, II. L. vi. 40).
442 King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. monks to Rome when Duke Zotto's ravages were i HI-
GH. 12. j. ,i ,
pending over them \
Lombard But the Lombards, though now dutiful son« of the
ofCumae. Church, had by no means ceased from their quarrel
with the Empire. About the year 717 Komwald II,
duke of Benevento, took by stratagem, as we are told,
and in a time of professed peace, that stronghold of
Cumae of which we last heard as taken by Narses from
the Goths in 5531 'All in Rome/ says the Papal
biographer, ' were saddened by the news/ and the Pope
sent letters of strong protest to the Lombard duke,
advising him, if he would escape Divine vengeance, to
restore the fortress which he had taken by guile. Me
offered the Lombards large rewards if they would
comply with his advice, but they 'with turgid inindn'
refused to listen to either promises or threats. There-
upon the Pope turned to the Imperial Duke of Naj>le«,
stimulated his flagging zeal by the promise of the
same large rewards, and by daily letters gave him the
guidance which he seems to have needed a* Thin duke,
whose name was John, with Theodinmw, a steward of
the Papal patrimony and sub-deacon, for hin second in
command, entered the fortress by night. The Lom-
bards were evidently taken by surprise, and there WIIH
little or no fighting. Three hundred Lombards with
1 p. 72. It is noticeable that tho story of the weoml founda-
tion of Monte Cassino is not given us by tho Lilxir Pontificalia,
but only by Paulus, who no doubt received it from his brother
monks.
2 See vol. v. p. 27.
^ 8 This is apparently the meaning of the biographer : * In moni-
tione ducis Neapolitani et populi vacans ducatum em qualitur
agerent quotidie scribendo praestabat.' t Vacans ducatum f nuwt
mean rather * the needed generalship * than * the vacant duchy,'
Lombard conquests of Imperial Towns. 443
their gctstald were slain : more than five hundred were BOOK vii.
taken as prisoners to Naples. The reward which the **'
Pope had. promised, and which was no less than 70 Ihs.
of gold (,£2800), was paid to the victorious duke. Such
events as this make us feel that we are on the threshold
of the age in which Central Italy will own not the
Emperor but the Pope for its lord, but we have not
yet crossed it \
It was probably not long after this that Farwald II, Capture »r
duke of Spoleto, repeated the achievement of his great Furwaid
namesake and predecessor 2 by moving an army north- ° ' p° * °'
ward and capturing Classis, the sea-port of Ravenna.
But again, as before, the conquest which we might
have expected almost to end Byzantine rule in Italy,
produces results of no importance. Liutpraud, whose
aim at this time seems to be to keep his own house in
order and to live at peace with the Empire, commands
Farwald to restore his conquest to the Romans, and
the command is obeyed. "Whether these transactions
have anything to do with the next event in the by MllT
internal history of Spoleto we cannot tell, but we are
informed that * Transarnund, son of Farwald, rose up
against his father, and making him into a clergyman
usurped his place/ This revolution, which happened
probably in 724 3, gave Liutprand, instead of an
1 Homo uuthors consider that tho real moaning of this* story us
given in tho Liber Pontific*ilis is that the duke of Benevonto sur-
rendered Cumao to tho Pope in return for tho ransom mentioned
above. I do not so read the author's meaning. It seoniw to nio
that Cumao was won back by force of arms, and that the Popo
paid tho money as a reward to tho captors*
a See vol. v, p. 197.
R For thin dute soo Bethmann and Holder-Kggor'n * Lango*
bardiacho liogostcn' (Neues Archiv, ill 251), Pabst's ' GoBchiehto
444 King Liutprand.
POOK vii. obedient vassal, a restless and turbulent neighbour,
Cir. 12. ...
_ who was to be a very thorn in his side for nearly the
whole remainder of his days.
Narni oc- It was perhaps the new duke of Spoleto who about
the r,om- this time obtained possession of the town of Narni,
which place, important for its lofty bridge over the
Nar, we have already learned to recognise as an
important post on the Flaminian Way, and a frontier
city between Romans and Lombards 1. The conjecture
that it was Transamund of Spoleto who made this
conquest is confirmed by the fact that we are expressly
told in the next sentence of the Life of Gregory IT that
of it was King Liutprand a who put the host of the
kavcnna T11. . _.,.-_
ami «<m- Lombards m motion and besieged Kavenna for many
days. He does not appear however to have taken
the city itself, but he repeated the operation of the
capture of Classis, from whence he carried off many
captives and countless wealth 3.
We are now approaching the time when the Isau-
rian Emperor's edicts against Image-worship may be
dos Ljingobardischon Heraogthums ' (Forschungen, p. 469), and
Sansi's ' I Duchi di Spoleto' (p. 45 .
1 See vol. iv. p. 292 ; vol. v. pp. 353, 358*
2 Seeming to imply that it was not he who had conquered
Narni.
8 *Eo temporo eastruru est Narniae a Langobardis porvasum.
Rex vero Langobardorum Liutprandus generali motiono Ravenna
progrosfcms est atque illam obsedit per dies et castrum porvadens
ClaBsis, captos abstulit plures et opes tulit innumeras * (Lib. Pont.
i 403, od. Duchesne). It seems to me quite impossible to fix
accurately the date of this event, but it was probably not later
than 725. Nor can we say from the biographer's account whether
Liutprand retained possession of Classis or not. Paulus sayw,
* Liutprandus Ravennam obsedit Classem invasit atque destruxit '
(ft L. vi. 49)-
Troubles between the Emperor and the Italians. 445
supposed to have reached Italy *. To those edicts alone BOOK vn.
has been generally attributed the storni of revolution
which undoubtedly burst over Italy in the years
po and
between 727 and 730. But though a cause doubtless
of that revolution, the Iconoclastic decrees were not
the sole cause. Already, ere those decrees arrived, the
relations between Byzantium, Home, and Ravenna were
becoming strained. The reader will have observed
that for the last half century the popular party both
in Ravenna and Rome had manifested an increasing
contempt for the weakness of the Exarchs, hatred of
their tyranny, and disposition to rally round the
Roman pontiff as the standard-bearer nut only of the
Catholic Church against heresy, but also of Italy against
1 In order that the reader may fully understand tlio course* of
the argument in the following pages, it will bo well to quote*
a few sentences from Gibbon which concisely oxpmss the viow
of Pope Gregory's conduct which was generally accepted in the
eighteenth century, and which I, in common with many modern
students, think requires to bo greatly modified, if not <mtiroly
abandoned. 'Without depending on prayors or miracles, Gre-
gory II boldly armed against the public enemy, und his pas-
toral letters admonished the Italians of their- danger and their
duty. At this signal, Ravenna, Venice, and the cities of the
Exarchate and Pentapolis udhorod to tho cause of religion ; thoir
military force by sea and land consisted, for the most part, of tho
natives ; and the spirit of patriotism and aoal was transfused into
tho mercenary strangers, Tho Italians swore to live and die in the
defence of tho Pope and tho holy images ; tho Roman pooplo was
devoted to their Father, and oven the Lombards worn ambitious
to share the merit and advantage of this holy war* Tho most
treasonable act, but tho most obvious rovongo, was the destruction
of the statues of Loo himself; tho most effectual and pleasing
mo&suro of rebellion was tho withholding tho tribute of Italy,
and depriving him of n power which ho had recently abusod by
the imposition of u now capitation* (Vol» vi. pp. 148-149, ed.
Smith).
446 King Liutprand.
BOOK vit. ' the Greeks/ Now, at some time in the third decade
— ^- of the eighth century, there is reason to believe that
financial exactions came to add bitterness to the strife.
Financial The Emperor had been doubtless put to great ex-
exat'tions ,
of Leo in. pense by the military operations necessary to repel
the great Saracen invasion, and he might think, not
unreasonably, that Italy, and pre-eminently the Roman
Church, the largest landowner in Italy, ought to bear
its share of the cost. At any rate he seems to have
ordered his Exarch * to lay some fresh tax upon the
provinces of Italy, and in some way or other to lay
hold of the wealth of her churches 2. It would seem
that some similar demand had been made in the East,
and had been quietly complied with by the subservient
Patriarch of Constantinople. The Pope however was
determined to submit to no such infraction of the
privileges of the Church. He probably ordered the
restores patrimonii throughout Italy and Sicily to
oppose a passive resistance to the demands of the
Imperial collectors, and this opposition stimulated
the other inhabitants of Imperial Italy to a similar
refusal ;i.
Th«» t This defiance of the Emperor's edict naturally pro-
voked resentment at Constantinople and Ravenna. Tine
1 Probably Hcholawticus.
*' * PuuluH voro Exarchus imperatorum jussiono pontificom cona-
batur iutorficQi'o, <;o quod censum in provinciu poncre pravpcdiebat,
M M is ojribm ccclfiMus denudarl, stout in cctcris actum cst lows, atquo
alium in ojiw ordinaro loco ' (Lib. Pont., loc. cii). It is imporbmt
to observe that all this comes boforo the account of the Icono-
clastic controvorBy*
ft I am here following very closely the reasoning of Dahmon
(Pontifikat Qregors II, pp. 70-73), who seems to mo to havo caught
the true meaning of our best authority, the Liber Pontificalia, very
accurately.
Attempts on the Pope's life. 447
Exarch probably received orders to depose Gregory, BOOK vn.
as Martin had been deposed, and carry him captive to — * — ~
~ , T . , , on the lift*
Constantinople. It is not necessary to charge the of the
Emperor (as the Papal biographer has done) with P<"
ordering the death of the resisting pontiff. Such
a command would have been inconsistent with the
character of Leo, who showed himself patient under
the long resistance of the Patriarch German us to the
Iconoclastic decrees, and it is generally disbelieved by
those modern writers who ai*e least favourable to the
Isaurian Emperors. It is very likely however that
the satellites of the Byzantine government, perceiving
the opposition between Emperor and Pope, concluded,
as did the murderers of Becket, that the surest way to
win their sovereign's favour was c to rid him of one
turbulent priest/; and thus it is that the pages of the
biography at this point teem with attacks on the life
of Gregory, all of which proved unsuccessful.
A certain Duke Basil, the wtrtnlarius Jordanes, and Basil's
a subdeacon John sumamed Law-ion (that is to say, two P ° '
Imperial officers and one ecclesiastic, who wan probably
in the service of the Latoran) laid a plot for the murder
of the Pope. Mariims, an officer of the life-guards, who
had been sent from Constantinople to administer the
J}iic«li4M H<mue, gave a tacit sanction to their design,
for the execution of which however they failod to find
a fitting opportunity. Marinus, stricken by paralysis ',
had to relinquish the government of Home and retire
from the scene; but when Paulus the Patrician came
out as full-blown Exarch to Italy tlio conspirators
obtained, or thought they obtained, bis consent also to
1 So DutthoHno uiulonylandw 'tya D<ii judido <liB8oluluH <',<>n-
truetuH 4»»t.'
448 King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. their wicked schemes. The people of Rome however
CH 12
— '-^— got wind of the design, and in a tumultuary outbreak 1
slew the two inferior conspirators, Jordan es and Lurion.
Basil was taken prisoner, compelled to change the guy
attire of a duke for the coarse robes of a monk, and
ended his days in a convent.
ThoLom- Again a guardsman was sent hy the Exarch, this
bards of .
Spoieto time only with orders to depose the pontiff: and as he*
defend the J * J . .
Pope from apparently failed to execute his commission, Paulus
arch. raised such an army as he could in Ravenna ami th<»
neighbouring towns, and sent it under the command of
the count of Ravenna a to enforce the previoun orclur.
But the Romans and — ominous conjunction — the Lom-
bards also, flocked from all quarters to the defence
of the pontiff. The soldiers of the duke, of Spoieto
blocked the bridge over the Anio by which the
Exarch's troops, marching on the left bank of the
Tiber along the Salarian Way, hoped to outer 'Home.
All round the confines of the Diicat'Uti HOHUW iim
Lombard troops were clustering, and the count was
forced to return to Ravenna with his miwuou unful-
filled*.
Thus then the political atmosphere of central Italy
was full of electricity before the decrees againnt Jmug*e~
1 ' Qui motl emcti Jordanonx iutorfoeenmt ot Joluuuutm Luri-
onem.'
2 ' Denuo Paulas patriciusad porficiendum tulo ncohm qii<>H no<lu-
cere potuit ex Eavemia mm suo comite atquo ox cantm nliqtuw
misit.' I think we must translate cum mo comite an above.
:{ The words of the Papal biographor aro not ttbw>lutoly ^lonr,
but they aro important: SSod metis Komanis at<ino undiquo
Langobardis pro dofensiono pontilicis, In Salario ponto Hpoliiini,
atque hinc inde duces Langobardorum circtandantoH
finos, hoc praepodierunt.'
Gregory's reception of the Iconoclastic Edict. 449
worship came to evoke the lightning flash of revolution. BOOK vn.
It will be well here to quote the exact words of the Liber — — — -
Pontificalis, which is our only trustworthy authority 727'
for the actual reception of the decrees in Italy : —
' By orders subsequently transmitted * the Emperor Reception
had decreed that no image of any saint, martyr or ic
angel should be retained in the churches ; for he
asserted that all these things were accursed* If the
Pope would acquiesce in this change he should be
taken into the Emperor's good graces, but if he pre-
vented this also from being done he should be deposed
from his see *. Therefore that pious man, despising the
sovereign's profane command, now armed himself against
the Emperor as against a foe, renouncing his heresy
and writing to Christians everywhere to be on their
guard, because a new impiety had arisen. Therefore
all the inhabitants of the Fentapolis and the armies of
Venetia8 resisted the Emperors, declaring that they
would never be art or part in the murder of the Pope,
but would rather strive manfully for his defence, so that
they visited with their anathema the Exarch Paulus
aa well as him who had given him his orders, and all
who wero like-minded with him. Scorning to yield
obedience to his orders, they elected dukes 4 for them-
selves in every part of Italy, arid thus they all
1 *Jufl«Iombu8 jpostmodum nufmift.* The Bontonoo immediately
prodding doseribo» tho fniBtration of tho Count'** enterprise by
tin* joint dibits of ttomanH and Lombard*.
tf 'Elm adquioHcwot poutifox, grntiam imporatoriw Imborot ; HI
/•/ hoc fiori prnopodirol, a HMO #mdu dowdorot' Nofcico tho ct 7w,
which ovidontly rofw-n fo tho Popo'H i>roviouH rowHtnnco to tho
incinl tni'UHtiroH of tho Emporor.
'OtnnoH Pontnpolt'UHOH at^uo Vonolinnim <»xor«ita* (»v/fl).
Or tfHioniln ; SSibi ownos ubiquo iu Iklht ducos <J
VL <i
450 King Liutprand.
BOOK VIL provided for their own safety and that of the pontiff.
— I — L. And when [the full extent of] the Emperor's wickecl-
1&1' ness was known, all Italy joined in the design to elect
for themselves an Emperor and lead him to Constan-
tinople. But the Pope restrained them from this
scheme, hoping for the conversion of the sovereign.7
Attitude From this narrative, which has all the internal
toward* marks of truthfulness, it will be seen that Gregory II,
b while utterly repudiating the Iconoclastic decrees and
'arming himself7 (perhaps rather with spiritual than
carnal weapons) e against the Emperor as against
a foe/ threw all his influence into the scale against
violent revolution and disruption of the Empire. In
fact, we may almost say that the Pope after the
publication of the decrees was more loyal to the
Emperor, and less disposed to push matters to ex-
tremity, than he had been before that change in hi«
ecclesiastical policy. The reason for thin, as wo may
infer from the events which immediately followed, was
that he saw but too plainly that revolt from the
Empire at this crisis would mean the universal do-
minion of the Lombards in Italy.
Account Having given this, which appears to be the true
matter history of Gregory's attitude during the eventful yearn
Tiwo- from 725 to 73 1, we must now examine the account
given by Theophanes, which, copied almost verbatim
by subsequent Greek historians, has unfortunately HUC-
ceeded in passing current as history. Anno Mundi
6217 [»A. D. 725]. ' First year of Gregory, bishop
of Borne/ [Gregory's accession really took place ten
years earlier.] * In this year the impious Emperor Leo
began to stir the question of the destruction of the
holy and venerable images ; and learning this, Gregory
Theophanes* account of Gregory's attitude. 451
the Pope of Rome stopped the payment of taxes in BOOK vn.
Italy and Borne, writing to Leo a doctrinal letter l to . n!
the effect that the Emperor ought not to meddle in
questions of faith, nor seek to innovate on the ancient
doctrines of the Church which had been settled by the
holy fathers/
(A. M. 622 1 ; = A. r>. 729.) After describing the stead-
fast opposition of Germazms, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, to ' the wild beast Leo (fitly so named) arid his
underlings/ Theophanes continues, 'In the elder Rome
also Gregory, that all-holy and apostolic man arid
worthy successor of Peter, chief of the Apostles, was
refulgent in word and deed ; who caused both "Rome
and Italy and all the Western regions to revolt from
their civil and ecclesiastical obedience to Leo and the
Empire under hiw rule V
He then relates the deposition of Germnnus and the
elevation to the Patriarchate of Anastafrius falsely so
called3 : ' But Gregory the holy president of Rome, as
I before said, disowned Anastanius by his circular
letters4, refuting Loo by his opiatlcff as a workor of
impiety, arid withdrew Home with the whole of Italy
from his
The reader has now before him the passage?* in the Oouiiict ol
1 ° tciHtimony
history of TheopluineH on the Htrontftli of which Ore-
TT • 11 • f
gory IT m generally censured or praised (according to
the point of view taken by the narrator) for having j»huu«H.
stimulated the revolt of Italy and stopped the pay-
3 &s tiTTicrrrjtrt 'V&fajv rt K(ii *Ir«X/«v K&\ Ttavra ra 'KfrW^m rrjv re
teal tKK\t]<nu(rrtKrjs {waKmjt AtWrosr Mil rrjv VTT* avrtw
hiH uunto AnaHtuHhrn wpoko oftlu»
452 King Liutprand.
BOOK VIL merit of the Imperial taxes. They are quite irrecon-
— - — - cilable with the story of the Liber Pontificals, and
every historian must choose between them. For my
part, I have no hesitation in accepting the authority
of the Papal biographer, and throwing overboard the
Byzantine monk. The former was strictly contempo-
rary, the latter was born seventeen years after Gregory
was in his grave. Theophanes wrote his history at
the beginning of the ninth century, when the separa-
tion of the Eastern and Western Empires through the
agency of the Popes was an accomplished fact, and
he not unnaturally attributed to Gregory the same Into
of policy which he knew to have been pursued by his
successors Hadrian and Leo. He was moreover, as
we have seen, outrageously ill-informed as to other
Western affairs of the eighth century, It is oa«y to
understand how the refusal of taxes, which wa« really
an earlier .and independent act in the drama, became
mixed in his mind with the dispute about imagas, and
how he was thus led to describe that as a counter-blow
to the Iconoclastic decrees, which was really decided
upon ere the question of Image-worship was mooted.
afegoVn The°Phanes is probably right in saying that the
notLuowIIPoPe sent letters to the Emperor warning him against
interference in sacred things. Unfortunately thene
letters have perished, for the coarse and insolent pro-
ductions which have for the last three centuries pawed
current under that name are now believed by many
scholars to be forgeries of a later date. Much confiwion
is cleared away from the history, and the memory of a
brave but loyal Pope is relieved from an unnecessary
stain, by the rejection of these apocryphal letters l,
1 See Note E at the end of tins chapter.
«tont
Tumults and Civil War in Italy. 453
Anarchy and the disruption of all civil and religious BOOK yn.
ties seemed to impend over Italy when the Emperor *
and the Pope stood thus in open opposition to
another. There was a certain Exhilaratus, duke o
Campania, whose son Hadrian had some years before * j
incurred the anathema of a Roman synod for having
presumed to marry the deaconess Epiphania. Father
and son now sought to revenge this old grudge on the
Pontiff. They raised the banner of * obedience to the
Emperor and death to the Pope of Rome/ and appa-
rently drew away a considerable number of the Cam-
panians after them. But c the Romans ' (probably the
civic guard which had been so conspicuous in some
recent events) went forth and dispersed the Oam-
panians, killing both Exhilaratus and his son. Another
Imperial duke named Peter was arrested, accused of
writing letters to the Emperor against the Pope, and,
according to the cruel fashion which Italy borrowed
from Byzantium, was deprived of night.
At Ravenna itself something like civil war seems to civil
have raged. There was both an Imperial and a Papal
party in that city, but apparently the latter prevailed.
The Exarch Paulus was killed (probably in 727-), and
it seems probable that for Homo time llavonua pre-
served a kind of tumultuary iwlopoiulonco, disavowing
the rule of the Emperor, and proclaiming its fidelity
to the Pope and the party of the Image- worshippers a.
1 In 721 : 800 Hofolo's GonciliongoBehicMo, iii. 362.
* In tlio Vita Grogorii the <lt*alh of PnuliiH comes boioro tho
olovonth Indicium.
9 T <lo not think wo ciui sny moro about HUH Bupposod mlorval
of indopoudoufio than that it is prohubla Wo hnvo no dour
fitutomont to tliut offcct in any of our <;onl<»mporary uuihoriticH,
but Agnollus gxvos UB aftorhisfttHliioii along, obweuro and uudatcul
454 King Liutprand.
BOOK ra Meanwhile out of all this confusion and anarchy the
°H- 12' statesmanlike Liutprand was drawing no small ad vat i-
tage. In the north-east he pushed his conquests into
the val% of t]ie Panaro> took Bologna and several
small towns in its neighbourhood, invaded, and perhaps
conquered the whole of the Pentapolis and the terri-
tory of Osimo1. It would seem from the expression
used by the Papal biographer that with none of thane
towns was any great display of force needed, hut that
all, more or less willingly, gave themselves up to the
Lombard king, whose rule probably offered a better
chance of peace and something like prosperity than
that either of the Exarch or the Exarch's iocs.
story about battles between the citizens of Rnvomm ami tho ({nicks
in the 'field of Coriander ' outside the town. IVrriblo blows vnw
struck on both sides: the Archbishop and las priosts in sackcloth
and ashes prostrated themselves on the ground, imploring ih<*
mercy of the Almighty. Suddenly a groat bull uppcinrod boiwfcu
the two armies, and pawing the ground, throw clouds of dust
against the Greeks, and a great voice, coming no ono kut»w from
whence, resounded, * Well done, nion of Kavonna ! Fight bravely ;
the victory will be yours this day.' The mon of Ravonnn pr<»ss<»<J
on : the Greeks tried to fiee to their cutters, but worn all slain,
and fell by thousands into the river Badarono, For six yours
from that time no one would oat fish caught in tho rivor. All
this, as Holder-Egger truly remarks, if it have any truth in it nt
all, must relate to the Iconoclastic disturbances.
1 < Langobardis vero Emiliae castra, Forronianus, MontoIwIH,
Verabulunx cum suis oppidibus (sic) Buxo ot Pur&icutu, P<mtu-
polim (sic) quoque Auximana civitas so tradidorunt* Munttori
(Annali d'ltalia, iv. 254) makes Ferronianus=tho district Pn^nnno
west of the Panaro ; Montebellum = Montovoglio a littlo w<»st of
Bologna ; Persieeta ~ 8. Giovanni in Perwici'to a littl<* to the
north-west of the same city. Verabulum and Buxo ho givon up an
hopeless. The passage shows that Osimo was at this tiim* con-
sidered distinct from the Pentapolis. Tho capture of Bologna is
given on the authority of Paulus (H, L. vL 49)*
Liutprand's Conquests. 455
At the same time Liutprand also took (by guile, as BOOK VIL
we are told) the town of Sutrium, only thirty miles —
north of Borne, but this, after holding it for forty days, CaptUKJ
on the earnest request of the Pope he ' gave back to
the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul/ without however
restoring the booty which had rewarded the capture l.
On the death of Paulus, the Eunuch Eutychius was
Exiirch.
appointed Exarch. He was apparently the last man
who held that office, and though there is a provoking
silence on the part of all our authorities as to his
character, we may perhaps infer that he was a some-
what stronger and more capable man than many of his
predecessors. But that is very faint praise -.
The new Exarch landed at Naples — perhaps onHiH<u>-
account of the disturbed state of Ravenna — and from unataHt
that city began to spread his net for the feet of the
Pontiff. If the biographer may be trusted (which
is doubtful), he went a private messenger to .Rome
instructing his partisans to murder both the Pope and
the chief nobles of the City \ The citizens got hold of
the messenger and hin letters, and ' when they per-
ceived the cruel madness ? of the Exarch they would
fain have put the messenger to death, but the Pontiff
hindered thorn. However, all the citizens, great and
small, assembled in some sort of rude and unconscious
1 Wo havo at last a data for thin ovont, *tho olovwilh Indie-
11011/3=726-737.
* Tho labor Pontificalia dcfteriboHlum UH 'Kulychium putrimim
<Mimuthum, qui dudum oxurehtiH i'uural/ I suppose thin ought to
moan that KutychuiH had IKM»U Exarch proviouwly, and that this
was his H4tcou<l ionui'o of oilico. But IK it not poHHililn that tho
bio^niphor nhnply moans 'who for a lon« tinu* hold tin* oflieo of
Exarch1?
w * Ut pontifox occuloretur cum optiniatilniH Kouuu"/
45$ King Liutprand.
imitation of the old comitia (held probably in one of
the great Koman basilicas), wherein they solemnly
anathematised Eutychius and bound themselves by a
-- the great Koman basilicas), wherein they solemnly
eiithusi-
half of the great oath to live or die with the Pontiff, 'the zealot
,
°p°' of the Christian faith and defender of the Churches/
The Exarch sent messengers to both king and dukes
of the Lombards, promising them great gifts if they
would desist from helping Gregory II, but for a time
all his blandishments were unavailing ; Lombards and
Romans vying with one another in declaring their
earnest desire to suffer, if need were, a glorious death
for the defence of the Pope and the true faith. Mean-
while the Pope, while giving himself up to fastings
and daily litanies, bestowed alms on the poor with
lavish hand, and in all his discourses to the people,
delivered in gentle tones, thanked them for their
fidelity to his person, and exhorted them to continue
in the faith, but also warned them ' not to cease from
their love and loyalty towards the Koman Empire !.
Thus did he soften the hearts of all mid mitigate their
continued sorrow/
Euiyehhw Bub though the Exarch was at first unsuccessful
and Liut- T . i i •
i>nm<i both with the king and the dukes of the Lombard*,
combine. . , ,
there came a time (probably m the year 730) when
Liutprand began to listen to his words and when
a strange sympathy of opposite** drew the Lombard
King and the Greek Exarch into actual alliance with
one another. If we attentively study Liutpraml's
career we shall, I think, see that the one dominant
feature in his policy was his determination to nmke
himself really as well as theoretically supreme over all
1 * Sod no dowLstoixmt nb amoro vol fid<> Koimuu imperil um-
mondbat/
730-
League between Liutprand and the Exarch. 457
Lombard men. In his view, to extend his territories BOOK vn.
at the expense of the dying Empire was good, and
he neglected no suitable opportunity of doing so. To
pose as the friend and champion of the Pope was
perhaps even better, and he would sometimes abandon
hardly-won conquests in order to earn this character-
But to gather together in one hand all the resources
of the Lombard nationality, to teach the half-inde-
pendent dukes of Benevento and Spoleto their places,
to make Trient and Friuli obey the word of a king
going forth from Pa via, this was best of all : this was
the object which was dearest to his heart Thus what
Ecgberht did eighty years later for England, Liut-
prand strove to do, not altogether unsuccessfully, for
Italy.
Prom this point of view the rally of Lombard en-
thusiasm round the threatened Pope was not altogether
acceptable to Liutprand. It was a movement in which
the central government at Pavia had had little share*
Tuscia and Spoleto, pre-eminently Spoleto, had dis-
tinguished themselves by their enthusiasm at the
Salarian Bridge in repelling the invading Greeks. We
are not informed of the attitude of Benevento, but we
can aee that the whole tendency of the movement was
to substitute an independent Central Italy, with Rome
as its spiritual capital, for the confessedly subordinate
duchies of Clusium, Lucca, Spoleto, and the like.
As for Spoleto, there can be little doubt that Transa- ^^
muwl, the undutiful son who had turned his father dukes iof
... -i bpoloto
into a priest, was already showing his sovereign that
ho would have a hard tight to keep him in the old
theoretical state of subservience and subjection. At
Benevonto also the forces of disorder were at work,
458 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. and, as we shall see a little later, a usurper was pro-
CH- 12' bably ruling the duchy of the Samnites \
73°* In order then to accomplish his main purpose, the
consolidation of Lombard Italy, Liutpvand formed a
league with the Exarch Eutychius, and the two rulers
agreed to join their forces, with the common object of
subjecting the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento to the
king, and of enabling the Exarch to work his will
on the Pope and the City of Kome. In accordance
with this plan, Liutprand, who was of course far
the stronger member of the confederacy, marched to
Spoleto, received from both the dukes hostages and
oaths of fidelity, and then moving northward to Rome
encamped with all his army in the Plain of Nero, he-
The Pope's tween the Vatican and Monte Mario. The combination
S^iSlof the Imperial deputy and the Lombard king, the
priind* might of Eight, and the right of Might, soomocl to
bode instant destruction to the "Roman PontHV; but he
repeated, not in vain, the experiment which his grout
predecessor Leo, three centurion before, had tried on
Attila. He went forth from the City, attended doubt-
less by a long train of ecclesiastics ; he addressed one
of his soothing and sweet-toned addresses to the Loin-
bard, and soon had the joy of Boeing him fall prostrate
at his feet and vow that no harm should bofall him
through his means. In token of his penitence and
submission Liutprand took off his mantle, his doublet-,
his belt, his gilded sword and spear, his golden crown
and silver cross, and laid them all down in the crypt
before the altar of St. Peter. Solemn prayers were
1 If, that is to say, tlxo death of Komwald II hn<l almuly
occurred, of which wo cannot bo certain (BOO p, 470).
2 ' Armilausiam/
Interview with the Pope. 459
said; Liutprand besought the Pope to receive his BOOK yii.
ally the Exarch into favour, and thus a reconciliation, — '- — L
at least an apparent reconciliation, was effected, and 73°*
the ominous alliance between King and Exarch was
practically dissolved, never to be again renewed 1.
While the Exarch, now as it would seem an honoured Peta&ius
' -11 anti*Ein-
guest of the Pope, was tarrying at Rome, a wild and peror.
hopeless attempt to bring the opposition to Leo III to
a head, by setting up a rival Emperor, was made and
easily defeated. The pretender, whose real name was
Petasius, assumed the name of Tiberius. This was, as
we have seen, the appellation by which not only the
Emperor Apsimar, but also Basil the pretender to the
Empire who arose in Sicily, had elected to be called 2.
We must suppose that some remembrance of the
popular virtues of Tiberius II had obliterated the odium
attaching to the name of Tiberius 1 8. However, only
1 Pabst (p. 477) considers that this campaign of Liutprand,
in alliance with the Exarch, against Rome was tho fortunate
moment in which tho Lombards might have taken tho Eternal
Cily and established tho unity of Italy. But Liutprand waus filled
with feelings of tho deepest reverence towards tho Catholic Church,
whoso Iload condescended to pload with him on tho Plains of
Koro, and 'HO through mistaken piety tho decisive moment "was
lost/
* Soo pp. 362, 428. Tho revolt of Basil-Tiberius is described to
us by Tlioophanos, A. M. 6210. The question suggests itwelf, 'Is
it possible that these two revolts of a so-called Tiberius against
Leo are really one ? ' If it were so we should give the preference
to the account of tho matter given by the Liber Pontificals, as
the contemporary authority mid tho one best informed on Western
affairs. But on tho whole Theophanes seems to know too many
details for us altogether to reject his information. It seems safer
to continue to treat tho revolts afl distinct events, one occurring
in 718, and tho other in 730 or 731.
M Was there also something in the idea of a lucky name?
460 King Liutprand.
v a ^ew *owns i*1 Tuscany l swore allegiance to the
• -- L usurper, and the Exarch, though troubled at the
tidings of the insurrection, yet being comforted by the
assurances of the Pope's fidelity, and receiving from
him not only a deputation of bishops, but also the
more effectual help of a troop of soldiers, went forth to
meet the pretender, defeated him, and cut off his head,
which he sent as a token of victory to Constantinople.
* But not even so/ says the Papal biographei*, ' did the
Emperor receive the Romans back into full favour/
On February 11, 731, the aged Pope Gregory II
73*- died. He was a man with much of the true Roman
feeling which had animated his great namesake and
predecessor, but with more sweetness of temper, and
he had played his part in a difficult and dangerous
time with dignity and prudence, upholding the rights
of the Church and the claims of the Holy See as he
understood them, but raising his powerful voice against
the disruption of the Empire, By a hard fate his
name has been in the minds of posterity connected
with some of the coarsest and most violent letters that
were ever believed to have issued from the Papal
Chancery, letters more worthy of Boniface VIII than
of the ' sweet reasonableness ' of Gregory II.
The new Pope, whose election was completed on
Tiberius-Apsimar had supplanted Loontius ; and so Tiberius-Bani!
ami Tiborius-Potiisius might hope to supplant Loo.
1 'Castrum Manturianense,7 which was the prolondor'H hoad-
quarters and the scone of his defeat, is identified by Murnfcori
(Annali, iv. 261) with Barberano, about fifteen inilew oawt of Civita
Veceliia. Blora, now Bieda, is also mentioned an having sworn
allegiance to the pretender. Luna, which is the last mentioned
of the insurgent towns, can hardly be the well-known Luna
at the northern end of Etruria,
Death of Pope Gregory II. 461
March 18, 731, and who took the title of Gregory III,
» .
was of Syrian origin, descended doubtless from one of -
. Gregory
the multitude of emigrants who had been driven in, Pope,
westwards and Homewards by the tide of Moham-
medan invasion. He has not been so fortunate in
his biographer as his predecessor, for the imbecile
ecclesiastic who has composed the notice of his life
which appears in the Liber Pontificalis is more con-
cerned with counting the crowns and the basins, the
crosses and the candlesticks, which Gregory III pre-
sented to the several churches in Rome, than with
chronicling the momentous events which occurred
during the ten years of his Pontificate. It is clear
however that the third Gregory pursued in the main
the same policy as his predecessor, sternly refusing
to yield a point to the Emperor on the question of
Image-worship, but also refusing to be drawn into any
movement for the dismemberment of the Empire. In
his relations with Liutprand he was less fortunate.
He intrigued, as it seems to me unfairly, with the
turbulent dukes of Spoleto and Benevento : and he'
was the first Pope in this century to utter that cry for
help from the other side of the Alps which was to prove
so fatal to Italy.
Gregory III was evidently determined to try what Papal
ecclesiastical warnings and threats would effect in
changing the purpose of Leo. He wrote a letter
'charged with all the vigour of the Apostolic See/
and sent it to the Emperor by the hands of a presbyter
named George. But George, 'moved by the fear
natural to man/ did not dare to present the lottor,
and returned to Rome with his mission unaccomplished.
The Pope determined to clogrado his craven moasongor
462 King Liittprand,
BOOK vn. from the priestly office, but on the intercession of the
— L bishops of the surrounding district assembled in
73T" council, he decided to give him one more chance to
prove his obedience. This time George attempted in
good faith to accomplish his mission, but was forcibly
detained in Sicily by the officers of the Emperor, and
sentenced to banishment for a year.
Council On November i, 731, the Pope convened a Council,
bishop^ at which the Archbishops of Grado and Eavenna and
73T* ninety-three other Italian bishops were present, besides
presbyters, deacons, "consuls/ and members of the
commonalty 1. By this Council it was decreed, * that if
hereafter any one despising those who hold fast the
ancient usage of the Apostolic Church should stand
forth as a destroyer, profaner, and blasphemer against
the veneration of the sacred images, to wit of Christ
and his Immaculate Mother, of the blessed Apostles and
the Saints, he should be excluded from the body and
blood of Jesus Christ,, and from all tho unity and
fabric of the Church/
With this decree of the Council was sent to tho
Emperor a defensor named Constantino, who, like his
predecessor, was forcibly detained and sentenced to a
year's exile. The messengers from varioun parts of
Italy who were sent to pray for the restoration of the
sacred images were all similarly detained for a space
of eight months by Sergius, Prefect 2 of Sicily, At
last the dcfemor Peter reached 'the royal city' of
Constantinople and presented his letters of warning
and rebuke to Leo, to his son Constantino (now tho
1 *Nobilil>us otiam consulibus ot reliquia ChriwiiunLs }>lobi-
bua.'
2 i Patricio et Stratigo.'
Leo's attempt to punish Gregory III. 463
partner of his throne), and to the Iconoclastic Patriarch BOOK yn.
Anastasius. QH' 12'
Here the Papal biographer breaks off, and we have
to turn to another source to learn what answer the
Emperor made to the remonstrances which had been
addressed to him with so much persistence.
Theophanes (who knows nothing of the accession of
the third Gregory) gives us the following information
under date of 732 * : —
' But the Emperor raged against the Pope and the Leo's
revolt of Rome and Italy, and having equipped a great punish-6
fleet, he sent it against them under the command of S
Manes, general of the Cibyrrhaeots 2. But the vain 73a*
man was put to shame, his fleet being shipwrecked in
the Adriatic sea. Then the fighter against God being
yet more enraged, and persisting in his Arabian
[Mohammedan] design, laid a poll-tax on the third
part of the people of Calabria and Sicily 3. He also Sequestra-
ordered that the so-called patrimonia of the holy and Papal
eminent Apostles [Peter and Paul] reverenced in the monies.
elder Home, which had from of old brought in a
revenue to the churches of three and a half talents of
gold 4, should be confiscated to the State. He ordered
moreover that all the male children who were born
1 Anno Mundi 6224: according to Thoophanos' reckoning,
A, 1>. 724.
* * It in ovidont,' says Bury (ii. 343), ' that the little maritime
town of Cibyra hotwoun Sido and PtolomaiB [on the coast of
rampliylia| had alroady given hor imino to the naval troops of
Ihowi regions. . , and porhups this distinction was duo to some
owrgotic cntt'rpriHo against it Saracon floot.'
* t/xi/mv? KUJHtKiKavs r<£ r/)trq» /x«'/j« KtiXu#/j/«$ Kal "%iK€\ias rov
MOrjKtv.
4 About I'l&Koo, taking the ratio of gold to silver at 18 : i.
464 King Liutprand,
BOOK vii. should be inspected and registered, as Pharaoh afore-
time did with the children of the Hebrews, a measure
which not even his teachers the Arabians had taken
with the Eastern Christians who were their subjects/
A few facts stand out clearly from this somewhat
confused narrative. The maritime expedition which
was frustrated by the storm in the Adriatic was no
doubt intended to enforce the Iconoclastic decrees
throughout Imperial Italy, perhaps to arrest the Pope.
Apparently after the failure of this attempt it was
never renewed. Financial grievances (probably the
financial exigencies of the Imperial treasury) are again,
as in our previous extracts from the same author,
confusedly mixed up with religious innovations. But
we may fairly infer that the sequestration of the
Papal patrimonies, which would take effect chiefly in
Sicily and Calabria, was meant as a punishment for
the Pope's contumacy in respect of the decrees against
image-worship : and if maintained, as it seems to have
been, it must have seriously diminished the Papal
splendour. The poll-tax l, and its necessary conse-
quence the census of births, which is so absurdly
compared to the infanticidal decree of Pharaoh, was
doubtless a mere attempt — whether wise or unwise we
cannot judge — to balance the Imperial budget. The
fact that it was confined to Sicily and Calabria seems
to show that all the territory in Northern and Central
Italy which had lately belonged to the Empire was
1 The poll-tax (<t>6poi K€<pa\tKot) levied on the third part of the*
population is rather difficult to understand. According to
Zachariae (quoted by Hartmann, p. 9 1 ) there was a certain quota
(siwvplum) which had to be paid by the inhabitants in groups of
three ; a very strange and clumsy arrangement.
The Emperor's Revenge. 465
still seething with disaffection. Possibly even Ravenna BOOK YII.
itself was yet unsubdued, and in the possession of the — - — L_
, 732-
insurgents.
At the same time, by an important ecclesiastical Separa-
revolution, all the wide territories east of the Adriatic, niyricum
which as part of the old Prefecture of Illyricum l had Latin Pa-
hitherto obeyed the spiritual jurisdiction of Rome, were
now rent away from the Latin Patriarchate : truly a
tremendous loss, and one for which at the time it
needed all the new conquests in England and Germany
to make compensation a.
With the facts thus gleaned from the pages of Theo-
phaiies our information as to the transactions between
Emperor and Pope for the ten years of Gregory's
pontificate comes to an end. Let us now turn to
consider Liutprand'a dealings with his subject dukes
during the name period.
First we find our attention drawn to the region of Affairs of
the Julian Alps, where for some six and twenty years
Pommo, the nkilful and ingeniotw, the tolerant husband
of the ungainly Ratperga, the founder of one of the
earliest Hchooln of chivalry3, had been ruling the duchy
of Friuli. It wow somewhere about the point which
we have now reached in the reign of Liutprand4 that
this wary old ruler came into collision with that king's
vol. i, p. 226 (p. 619 in 2nd edition).
Moo Bury, ii, 446, and Bnxmann, i. 211, The proof of the
abovo luwortion i« furnmhod by lotion* iix Mansi'w Concilia, xiii. 808,
nnd xv. 167. 1 owo thouo roioroncow to ProfoBBor Bury.
,
4 Mumlori rolatos iho full of lAsnuno und<kr tho year 737, but
admits thai 'fomi apparti(uu> ad ulcuno dogli anni precodonti.'
Wo can only conjuduro th<^ <lai(», an<l from iin position in tho
of PauluH 1 Bhould coxijocturo about 731,
. VL H U
466 King Liutprand.
BOOK VIL power, and lost both duchy and liberty. The cause of
the trouble was ecclesiastical, and came, as almost all
ecclesiastical troubles in that reign did come, directly
or indirectly, from the controversy about the Three
Chapters.
j.
Patri- The synods which were held under Ounincpert at
of Grado Pavia and Aquileia had reunited the Church of North
leia. Italy in the matter of doctrine, but the vested rights
of the two Patriarchates which had been created in
the course of the schism, remained, and were fixed
in the established order of the Church, when, at the
request of King Liutprand, Gregory IT sent the jHtlliuin
of a metropolitan to Seremis, Patriarch of Aquileia1.
Grado, which was within range of the fleets of Byzan-
tium, had hitherto been the sole patriarchate in Venetia
and Istria recognised by Rome. Now Aquileia, not
ten miles distant from Grado (from whose desolate
shore the campanile of the cathedral is plainly viable),
Aquileia, which in all things was swayed by the nod
of the Lombard king, was a recognised and orthodox
Patriarchate also. A singular arrangement truly, and
one which was made barely tolerable by the provision
that, while maritime Venetia, including the islands in
the lagunes, now fast rising into prosperity and im-
portance, was to obey the Patriarch of Grado, con-
tinental Venetia, including Friuli and the bishoprics
and convents endowed by its Lombard dukes, waa to
be subject to the rule of the Patriarch of Aquileia.
Dissensions of course arose, or rather never ceased,
between the two so nearly neighbouring spiritual
1 This fact, mentioned by Dandolo (vii, 2. 1 3), seems to be vouched
for by the letter of Gregory II to Serenus, December i, 7*3, quoted
in the Chronicle of Joannes Diaconus (p, 96, ed. Monticolo).
Ecclesiastical quarrels: Grado and Aqiiileia. 467
rulers. They are attested by two letters of Pope BOOK vn.
Gregory II, one to Serenus of Aquileia, whom he — ! — L
calls bishop of Forum Julii, warning him not to pre-
sume on his new pallium and on the favour of his
king in order to pass beyond the bounds of the
Lombard nation and trespass on the territory of his
brother of Grado ; the other to Donatus of Grado,
telling him of the warning which has been sent to
Serenus.
It will be noticed that in the superscription of the TH* p«tri-
letter to Serenus lie is spokon of as bishop of Forum Aquiioia
Julii. This can hardly have been his contemporary hit* atoxic*
title, but it describes that which was to be his position \\»\<* '
in later times. As the Lombard duke was his patron,
power naturally gravitated towards him, and Aquileia,
always sombre in its wide-reaching ruins, and now ex-
posed to attack from tho navies of hostile Byzantium *,
ceased to be a pleasant i*esi<lence for tho Patriarch who
took his title from its cathedral. At first Iw camoonly
as far as Cormones, a little c<i#triim* half way on the
road to Friuli. To the capital itself ho could not yet
penetrate, for, strangely enough, then* was already one
somewhat intrusive bishop there. From Jnlhnn Oarni-
cum (Zuglio), high up in the defiles of tho Predil pass,
Bishop Fidentius had descended to (Jividalo in search
1 ' Suporioros patriarchao, quiu iu Aquiloin proptor Komnnorum
incurfcioriom habitaro minimrt poUwint .sodom non hi Forojuli so<l in
GornionoH halx^aut* (PauluH? II. L. vi. 51), It Hoomn to iu<^ pro-
bublo that tho howUlo lUovoxnontH cotin<>cto{l with tho Iconoc.lastic
controvorny arc horo r(»f^rr<»<l to. IK it poHKiblo that tho PatriarchH
of Aquiloia <itiitt<Hl it for moro conifortaWo <nmrk»rH I««'auw» (luy
Mi thc^ir (»<i(?l<»Hi«wtical ponitiou aBSurwl }>y tlic> rocoipl ot't
from tho Popo V
tt Villago, probably gtiardcd by a fort WISH,
U U 2
468 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. of sunshine and princely favour, and receiving a wel-
— — — conie from some earlier duke had established himself
there as its bishop. To him had succeeded Amator : but
now Callistus, the new Patriarch of Aquileia, who was
of noble birth and yearned after congenial society,
taking it ill that these Alpine bishops should live in
the capital and converse with Duke Pemmo and the
young scions of the Lombard nobility, while he had
to spend his life in the companionship of the boors of
Oormones, took a bold step, forcibly expelled Bishop
Amator, and went to live in his episcopal palaice at
Oividale. But Pemmo and the Lombard nobles had
not invited Amator to their banquets to see their guest-
friend thus flouted with impunity. Having arrested
Callistus, they led him away to the castle of Potium 1
overhanging the sea, into which they at first proposal
to cast him headlong* ' God, however/ says Puulus,
6 prevented them from carrying out this design, but
Pemmo thrust him into the dungeon and made hint
feed on the bread of tribulation/
Pemmo The tidings of this high-handed proceeding greatly
i>y Lint- exasperated Liutprarid, in whose political schemes the
new orthodox Patriarch of Forum Julii was probably
KatchtH, an important factor. He at once issued orders for the
deposition of Pemmo and the elevation of IUB son
Batchis in his stead. No great display of force seoms
to have been needed for this change ; probably tlioru
was already a large party in the duchy who dis-
approved of the arrest of Callistus. Pemmo and bis
friends meditated an escape into the land of the
Sclovenes on the other side of the mountains, but
1 Or Pentium, or Nocium. No one suggests any identification
ef tho place.
Affairs of Friuli : deposition of Pemmo. 469
Ratchis persuaded them to come in and throw them- BOOK vii.
selves on the mercy of the king. At Pavia1 King — - — '—
Liutprand sat upon the judgment-seat, and ordered
all who had been concerned in the arrest of Callistus
to be brought before him. The fallen Duke Pemmo
and two of his sons, Ratchait and Aistulf, came first.
Their life was yielded as a favour to the loyal Ratchis,
but they were bidden — perhaps in contemptuous tones
— to stand behind the royal chair. Then with a loud
voice the king read out the list of all the adherents of
Pemmo, and ordered that they should be taken into
custody. The ignominy of the whole proceeding
heated the mind of Aistulf to such rage that he half
drew his sword out of the sheath, and was about to
strike the king, but lititchis stayed his arm, and the
treasonable design perhaps escaped the notice of
Liutprand. All Pemmo's followers were then ar-
rested and condemned to long captivity in chains,
except one brave man named Herfemar, who drew his
sword, defended himself bravely against the kings
officers, and escaped to the basilica of St. Michael,
which ho did not leave till he had received the king's
(faithfully kept) promise of pardon 2.
Ratchis juHtilied the choice made of him for his
father's successor by an irruption into Carniola, in
which he wrought much havoc among the Sclovenic
enemien of his people, delivering himself from great
personal peril by a well-aimed blow with his club at
the chief of his assailants.
Of the after-fate of Pemmo and whether he lingered
long in imprisonment we hear unfortunately nothing.
* Apparently : it is not quite clearly atatod by PauluB,
8 PuuhiH, H. L. vi. 51.
47° King Liutprand.
He was certainly not restored to his duchy. From the
whole course of the narrative we can at once perceive
that a much stronger hand than that of the Percturits
and the Cunincperts is at the helm of the state,
and that Liutprand is fast converting the nominal
subjection of the great dukes into a very veal and
practical one.
Of the yet more important affairs of the great
southern duchy of Benevento we have unfortunately
but slender information. We have seen that before
the death of Gregory II (731) Liutprand formed an
alliance with the Exarch, in order that lie might
repress the rebellious tendencies of the duke.s of
Benevento and Spoleto. The duko of Benevent.o
against whom this alliance was pointed i.s generally
supposed to have been Komwald II, who had married
GumPeiSa> niece of Liutprand. That theory cannot
ii. be disproved, but as Eomwald seemw to have reigned
in peace with his great kinsman for many yearn, and as
his death possibly occurred in 730', I am diBponed to
conjecture that it was the troubles arising out of that,
event which necessitated the interference of Lmtpmnd.
Paulus tells us that 'on the death of Homwald there
remained his son Gisulf, who was still but a little boy.
Against him certain persons rising up sought to de«tmy
him, but the people of the Beneventans, who were
always remarkable for their fidelity to their letwlom
slew them and preserved the life of their [young]
1 +**&**> the juggestion of Holdor-Eggor (Neuo« Archiv,
m. a&). If Komwald's death occurred a year later it i« Htil
possible that the hostile party whose dosig^ *g!«t you «
Gregory duke of Benevento. 471
duke.' This is all that the Lombard historian tells BOOK VIL
us, but from an early catalogue of Beneventan dukes — "»""-
preserved at Monte Cassino1 we learn that there ^of"
was actually another duke, presumably an usurper, AutU'uiH-
named Audelais, who ruled in Benevento for two
years after the death of Romwald II. It is clear
therefore that Liutprand's work at Benevento was
a difficult one, probably not accomplished without
bloodshed. Having doubtless fought and conquered 732-
Audelais, he installed in the Samnite duchy his own
nephew Gregory (who had been before duke of
Clusium2), and carried off his little kinsman Gisulf
to be educated at Pavia. Here in course of time he
gave him a noble maiden named Scaunipergu to wife,
and trained him for the great ofttce which he was
one day to hold.
(Jrw/ory is a man of whom one would gladly hear Gwgory,
duke of
something more, for it would seem that he must have Bono-
been a strong and capable ruler, who in such a difficult 733-739.
position kept the Beneventan duchy so long quiet and
apparently loyal : but all that we know is that after
ruling for seven years he died, apparently a natural
death, and that Gottsckalk was raised to the dukedom,
evidently as an act of rebellion against the over-lordship a i
of Pavia, Of Gottschulk also we hear very little01
except that his wife was named Anna, and from the
emphatic way in which this lady is mentioned one
conjectures that it was feminine ambition which urged
1 Tho Catalogue Kegum Laugobardoruui ot Dueum Bonoventa-
noruiu (Seriptoros Korum Laugobardicanim in M. CL II. p, 494).
IHrsch (p. 36) callod attention to this important ontry.
* Sue copy of an inscription at Ohiusi by Duko Grogory hi
Troya, No, cccelxxxv. Troya dispute* tho identity of thiw Gregory
with tho duko of Bonovonto, but I think without justification.
472
King Lmtprand.
742-
BOOB: vn. Gottschalk to grasp the dangerous coronet. Three
°H* 12:__ years he reigned, and then at last Liutprand, having
739-743. t |n or(jer the affairs of Spoleto and other matters
which needed mending, drew near to Beiievento. At
the mere rumour of his approach Gottschalk began
to prepare for flight to Greece \ A ship was engaged,
probably at Brindisi or Taranto, and laden with his
treasures and his wife, but ere the trembling duke
himself could start upon his hasty journey along the
great Via Trajana, the Beneventans who were loyal
to young Gisulf and the house of Romwald rushed
into his palace and slew him. The lady Anna with
her treasures arrived safely at Constantinople.
King Liutpraud arriving at Benevento seems to have
un(j gjj opposition vanished, and to have settled all
things according to his will. He installed his great-
nephew Gisulf as duke in Ins rightful place8, and
returned victorious to Pavia. The reign of Gisulf II
lasted for ten years, and overpassed the life of Liut-
prand and the limits of this volume,
In order to give a connected view of the changes
mide- which occurred at Benevento, it has been necessary to
col^gw travel almost to the end of the reign of Liutprand.
prandLm"We must now return to the year 735, three years
after he had suppressed the usurpation of Audelais of
Benevento. It was apparently in May of this year 3
that a strange event happened, and one which as it
would seem somewhat overcast by its consequences
1 ' Atque in Greoiam fugoro molitus o«t ' (PnuliiB, IL L, vi. 57).
Observe that Constantinople is now in * Grocia.*
2 * Gisulfum suuni nepotom itorum in loco ywyrio ducoiu con-
st! tuuni*
3 So Holder-Eggor in Noues Archiv, iii, 236,
Liutprand* s sickness. 473
the last nine years of the great king's reign. He was BOOK vn.
seized with a dangerous sickness, and seemed to be — '—
drawing near to death. Without waiting for that event, 735'
however, the precipitate Lombards, perhaps dreading
the perils of a disputed succession, raised his nephew
Hildeprand to the throne. The ceremony took place
in that Church of the Virgin which the grateful Perc-
tarit erected outside the walls in the place called
Ad Perticas l. When the sceptre was placed in the
hand of the new king men saw with a shudder that a
cuckoo came and perched upon it. To our minds the
incident would suggest some harsh thoughts of the
nephew who was thus coming cuckoo-like to make use
of his uncle's nest ; but the wise men of the Lombards
seem to have drawn from it an augury that * his reign
would be a useless one/ When Liutprand heard what
was done he was much displeased, and indeed the in-
cident was only too like that of the Visigothic king 2
who in similar circumstances was made an involuntary
monk, and so lost his throne. However, after what was
perhaps a tedious convalescence Liutprand bowed to
the inevitable and accepted Hildeprand as the partner
of his throne. He must have been a man with some
reputation for courage and capacity, or he would not
have been chosen by the Lombards at such a crisis ;
but nothing that is recorded of him seems to justify
that reputation. Both as partner of his uncle and
as sole king of the Lombards, the word which best
describes him seems to be that chosen by the historian,
inutilis.
Of the years between 735 and 739 we can give no
1 Sec p. 303. 2 Warnba (680).
474 King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. accurate account. They may have been occupied by
'. — ~ operations against Ravenna. There are some slight
indications that Transamund of Spoleto was making
one of his usual rebellions !. It was perhaps during
this time that the strong position of Gallese on the
Flaminian Way, which had somehow fallen into the
hands of the Lombards and had been a perpetual bone
of contention between Rome and Spoleto, was redeemed
by the Pope for a large sum of money paid to Transa-
mund 2, a transaction which may have laid the founda-
tion of the alliance between that prince and Gregory,
and at the same time may easily have roused the
displeasure of Liutprand. But the most important
event in these years was probably Liutprand's expe-
dition for the deliverance of Provence from the Saracens.
His brother-in-law Charles Martel, with whom he seems
to have been throughout his life on terms of cordial
Liut- friendship, had sent him his youiu? son Pippin that he
prand's .
adoption might, according to Teutonic custom, cut off Home of
' his youthful locks arid adopt him as fdiits per arma •'*.
The ceremony was duly accomplished, and the young
Arnulfing having received many gifts from his adoptive
father returned to his own land. He was one day to
recross the Alps, not as son of the Mayor of the
Palace, but as king of the Franks, and to overthrow
the kingdom of the Lombards. B\it now came a cry
for help from the real to the adoptive father of the
1 The allusions of Paulus to the rebellion of Tranftamuud and
the rule of Hilderic at Spoleto (H. L. vi. 55) seom to require moro
time than is usually allowed for those events.
2 Liber Pontificalia, Vita Grogorii III.
8 As Pippin was born in 714, wo may put this eoromony almost
anywhere between 730 and 740. Perhaps on account of
prand's sickness in 735, 736 is as probable a date as any.
Campaign against the Saracens in GauL 475
young warrior. The Saracens from their stronghold BOOK vn.
in Narbonne had pressed up the valley of the Rhone. — ! — *.
Avignon had been surrendered to them ; Aries had 737-
fallen ; it seemed as if they would make Provence their
own and would ravage all Aquitaine. At the earnest
entreaty of Charles Martel, who sent ambassadors with chari<>&
costly presents to his brother-in-law, Liutprand led again&t
the whole army of the Lombards over the mountains, oens.ai""
and at the tidings of his approach the Saracens left
their work of devastation and fled terrified to their
stronghold.
In 739 the storm which had long been brewing in Rebellion
Central Italy burst forth. Transamund of Spoleto muna of
went into open rebellion against his sovereign. Gott-
schalk, as we have seen, in this year usurped the ducal
throne of Benevento, and Pope Gregory III having
formed a league with the two i^ebel dukes defied the
power of Liutprand. The king at this time dealt only
with Spoleto. He marched thither with his army;
Transamund fled at his approach, taking refuge in
Rome. In June, 739, Liutprand was signing charters
in the palace of Spoleto *, and appointed one of his ad- Huaonc
lierents named Hilderic duke in the room of Transa- "
mund. He then marched on Rome, and as Gregory Hoa<*
refused to give up his mutinous ally he took four capture of
frontier towns (Ameria, Horta, Polimartium, and intiio1 MW
Blera -) away from the Ducatus JKomae and joined itomif °
them to the territory of the Lombards, whose border
was now indeed brought perilously near to Rome.
1 A charter so Bignod, dated Juno 16, confirming to tho
motmwtory of Parfa all grants from tho dukos of Hpololo, iw still
extant in llw Kegfatrum yarfense (see iNouos Arcluv, iii» 258),
2 Amelia, Orto? Bomaroo, and Bieda.
476 ' King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. Having accomplished these changes Liutprand re-
— ' — 1- turned to Pavia.
Pope The policy, perhaps we ought to say the intrigues,
of Gregory III had so far been a failure. By his
alliance with the rebellious dukes he had only made
for *eip. t^e mog|_ p0werfui man jn Italy his enemy, and had
lost four frontier cities to the Lombards. Help from
distant and unfriendly Byzantium, help from the Exarch
who was himself trembling for the safety of Ravenna,
if not actually an exile from its walls, were equally
unattainable. In these circumstances Gregory III
entered again upon the policy which Pelagius II had
pursued a century and a half before, and called on the
Frank for aid. Writing to t his most excellent won,
the sub-regains lord Charles/ he confided to him his
intolerable woes from the persecution and oppression
of .the Lombards. The revenues appropriated to the
maintenance of the lights on St. Peter's tomb had been
intercepted, and the offerings of Charles hinwolf and
his ancestors had been carried off1. The Church of
St. Peter was naked and desolate ; if the Fmnkish
' under-Hng ' cared for the favour of the Prince of the
Apostles and the hope of eternal life, he would hasten
to her aid.
As this letter was ineffectual, another was despatched
in more urgent terms 2. ' Tears/ said Gregory, * were
his portion night and day when he saw the Church of
God deserted by the sons who ought to have avenged
1 As it is not suggested that the Lombards had entered Rome,
this must allude to some property in the neighbourhood of Rome
which had been ravaged by them.
2 The editor of the Codex Carolimts in M. GK H. dates this
• second letter 740.
Gregory III appeals to Charles MarteL 477
her. The little that was left of the papal patrimony BOOK vu.
in the regions of Kavenna, and whose revenues ought °H' Vl .
to have gone to the support of the poor* and the 74°*
kindling of the lights at the Apostolic tomb, was
being wasted with fire and sword by Liutprand and
Hildepvarid the Lombard kings, who had already sent
several armies to do similar damage to the district
round Rome, destroying St. Peter's farm-houses and
carrying off the remnant of his cattle. Doubtless the
Prince of the Apostles could if he pleased defend his
own, but he would try the hearts of those who called
themselves his friends and ought to be his champions.
Do not believe/ urges the Pope, ' the false suggestions
of those two kings against the dukes of Spoleto and
Benevento, as if they had committed any fault. All
these stories are lies. Their only crime is that last
year they refused to make an inroad upon us from
their duchies and carry off the goods of the Holy
Apostles, Raying that they had made a covenant with
us which they would keep. It is for this cause that
the sword rages against them, and that those most
noble dukes are degraded, and the two kings are
making their own wicked followers dukes in their
room. Send we pray you some faithful messenger,
inaccessible to bribes, who shall see with his own eyes
our persecution, the humiliation of the Church of God,
the desolation of His property, and the tears of the
foreigners [who are dwelling in Koine1]. Before God
and by the coining judgment we exhort you, most
Christian son, to come to St. Peter's help, and with all
Hpccd to boat back those kings and order them to
1 So apparently wo inuwt understand * ot poregrmorum laori-
'.
74°
478 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. return to their own homes. I send you the keys of
' the chapel * of the blessed Peter, and exhort you by
them and by the living and true God not to prefer
the friendship of the kings of the Lombards to that of
the Prince of the Apostles, but to come speedily to
our aid, that your faith and good report may be spread
abroad throughout all the nations, and that we may
be able to say with the prophet, " The Lord hear thee
in the day of trouble, the name of the God of Jacob
defend thee." '
The Passionate appeals of the Pope failed of their
interfere, effect. Charles Martel, as we have seen, was not him-
self morbidly scrupulous in the respect which he paid
to the property of the Church. He probably did not
believe, as posterity has not believed, that the sole
fault of the two dukes was their refusal to invade the
Eoman territory. He rather saw in them two rebel-
lious servants who were trying to sanctify their own
turbulent courses by a pretence of defending the pro-
perty of St. Peter. He himself was Lratpraml'B kins-
man, his son had lately received a hospitable welcome
at his court, his own cry for help against the Saracens
had been generously responded to by the Lombard
king. Decidedly he would not interfere against him,
nor leave the plains of Provence a prey to the Saracens
of Narbonne in order to win back for the angry Pope
the towns which he had lost by his own rash meddling
in the game of politics.
This beinS so> Transamund determined to try what
he could effect by his own P0™*, aided by the militia
°f the Ducatus Romae\ He and his allies divided
1 'Confessionis.'
Transimundus voro dux, habito consilio cum Romania collecto-
2 '
Affairs of Spoleto : Transamund triumphant. 479
themselves into two bands, one of which invaded the BOOK VIL
southern part of the duchy, marching by the old Via — — —
Valeria, through the country of the Marsi and Peligni, 74°
passing the northern border of the Fucine lake, and
receiving the submission, but not the willing sub-
mission, of the chief towns in this part of the duchy7.
The other troop, which was probably led by Transa-
mund himself, marched along the Salarian Way, received
the submission of Reate, and made all the old territory
of the Sabines subject to the rebel duke. By December 2
Transamund was again in his old palace of Spoleto,
had slain his rival Hilderic, and resumed all his former
audacity of rebellion against his king.
The open alliance of the Pope and the rebel dukes, Tram*-
the easy reconquest of Spoleto, the always disloyal bn*ak« hi*
attitude of Gottachalk at Benevento caused Liutprand t ™
and his Lombard counsellors great anxiety. As the
Papal biographer say«, 'There was great disturbance
of spirits between the Romans and the Lombards, be-
cause the Beneventans and Spoletans held with the.
Romans/ The unnatural alliance however was of short
duration. Solemnly as Transamund had promised that
If he recovered his duchy he would restore the four
lost cities to the Ducatus Romae, when he was once
quo gonoralitor oxorcitu tlucutus Romani, in#ro»si aunt par <lua.s
partoB in linos clucatus Spolitini' (Lib. Pont, Vita Zacbariao),
p. 426.
1 'Qui continue), timoro duetuR prao multitudino axoreituH
Koinani, <»o<l<«u TransimunJo so wilHlidorunt Mnrsicani | = Mam|
et Furconini [Furcona noar A(itiila| atquo Valvon.sos [Valva near
(Jorfinium] Ron Pinnonsow [Pinna, now Ponno, about 15 iniloB
wont of Porteara'j (Ibid).
* Domnbor of 739 or of 740 ? Tho toxt of the Li))or Ponti*
ficalifij IB (lofociivo, but Duchosno nhows good reason for Uiinking
it WHH tho lafctor.
48o King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. securely seated in the palace of Spoleto he broke all
~ _ L. his promises, and the towns which had been lost for
741' his sake by the Romans continued Lombard still. On
this the Pope withdrew the aid, whatever it was worth,
which he had afforded to Transamund, and left Liut-
prand to deal with the two rebel dukes alone.
March of For some reason, however, possibly on account of the
to the" events hereafter to be related in connection with the
capture and reconquest of Kavenna, something like,
two years elapsed after Transamund's expedition before
Liutprand set forth to recover Spoleto. During this
r
iu.e interval Gregory III died (December 10, 741), and
was succeeded after an unusually short interval by
Zaoharias Zacharias, a Pope of Greek origin, whom* memorable
Popo, 741- A
75s- pontificate lasted ten years. Liutprand inarched
through the Pentapolis, and on the road between Kano
and Fossombrone1 in the valley of the Metaurus Kore
Battle <>f peril overtook him. The two brave brothers of* FYiuli,
Eatchis and Aistulf, both now loyally serving* the
Lombard king, commanded the van of the army, and
when they reached a certain forest Ujtween those
two towns they found the Flaminian Way blocked, and
a strong force of Spoletans arid Romans poster! to
dispute the passage a» Great loss was indicted on the
advancing army, but the prowess of Ratcbis, bis brother,
and a few of their bravest henchmen, on whom all
the weight of battle fell, redeemed the desperate day,
A certain Spoletari champion named Berto called on
Katchis by name, and rushed upon him with lance in
3 Fanum and Forum Sompronii.
2 Probably Komaus from the Pontapolis, but pOHwibly nlno
detached members of the army which had replaced TiuziHumund
in Spoloto.
Transaimmd deposed. 481
rest, but Ratchis unhorsed him with his spear. The BOOK vir,
followers of Ratchis would have slain him outright, but — 1 — L
he, pitiful by nature, said ' Let him live/ and so the
humbled champion crawled away on hands and knees
to the shelter of the forest. On Aistulf, as he stood
upon the bridge over the Metaurus, two strong
Hpoletans came rushing from behind, but he suddenly
with the butt end of his spear swept one of them from
the bridge, then turned swiftly to the other, slew him,
and sent him after his comrade1.
Meanwhile the new Popo Zaeharias had contrived L ut-
• I 1 T 1 1 1 • 111 Pr'
to have an interview with tho Lorn ban I king, and had b
, , . . 1 , ,» T r with the
received his promise to surrender the four towns. U pon pop,,.
this tho I toman army followed Liutprand's standards,
and Transamund (according to the Pupal biographer),
seeing this conjunction of forces against him, recognised
the hopelessness of the game, and surrendered himself
and his city to Liutprand, who set up his nephew
Affiprancl as duke in his place. Like Gregory of Aftfpnma
r> x A • loll! 11 i> £i - »ml«duk«
Btmevento, Agiprand2 had been duke ot Clusmm ofHpoMo
before ho was thus promoted to the rule of a great TnwiHB-
semi-independent duchy. As for Transamund, his tur- lllun< '
bulent career cmdcd in tho cloister, lie was made
a cleric, that is probably monk as well as priost, and
exchanging tho adventurous and luxurious life of a Lom-
bard duke for the seclusion of a convent had abundant
leisure to meditate on his conduct towards his father,
upon whom eighteen years before lie had forced the
same life of undesired religiousness *. From Spoleto
1 Paulas, IL L. vi. 56.
8 ()thoi*wi»o called Awpruwl, and HO <«it<»rod in ih<^ list on p. 84,
» Quoting nn Italian proverb, Ac.hillo Suiwi (p. r>0 M^yH that
Tran0axuund thus rec<>ivod MaUw for %H,'
VOL. VI* I l
482 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. Liutprand proceeded to Benevento, and, as we have seen,
expelled the rebellious occupant from that duchy also.
'
Alleged -^n(^ ^ere we must interrupt our survey of the
SiSvSt c^anges "which occurred in Central and Southern Italy,
re-'canfure *n or^er *° n°tice an event of the greatest importance,
venetKns to w^^c^ unfortunately we are unable to assign a pre-
cise date. I allude to the conquest of Ravenna l>y
the Lombards and its recovery by the Venetian sub-
jects of the Empire. Thrice during the two centuries
of Lombard domination had the neighbouring port of*
Classis been captured by the armies of Spoleto or of
Pa via ; but Ravenna herself, the city of the swam IKS
and the pine-forest, had retained that proud attribute
of impregnability which had made her ever sinco the
days of Honorius the key-city of Northern Italy. Now
she lost that great pre-eminence, but how wo know not*
When one thinks how even Procopius or ZowiinuB, to
say nothing of Thucydides or Xenophon, would havo
painted for us that fateful siege, it in difficult not to
murmur at the litter silence of the Grecian Muse of*
History at this crisiK. Even a legend of the capture
from the pen of the foolish AgnelhiB might have shod
forth a few rays upon the darkness, but Agnollun
seems never to have heard of this disaster to hw
native city. All that we have certainly to roly on in,
contained in the following sentences from Paulun1, which
come immediately after his account of LiutprandV* ex-
pedition against the Saracens of Provence : —
'Many wars, in truth, did the same King Liutprand
wage against the Romans, in which he ever stood forth
victorious, except that once in his absence his army
was cut to pieces at Ariminum, and at another time
1 H. L. vi. 54.
Ravenna taken and retaken. 483
when the king was abiding at Pilleus l in the Penta- BOOK vn.
polls, a great multitude of those who were bringing - ' — L.
him gifts and offerings and presents- from various
Churches were either slain or made captive by the
onrush of the Romans. Again, token Hildeprand the
kin</M nejjJww and Pcrcdco duke of Vtceuza were
holding Ravenna, l>y a sudden onset of the Venetians
Ilifdeprand was made prisoner, and Pewdeo fell
fighting 'bravely^ In the following time also, the
Romans, us usual swollen with pride, came together
from all quarters under the command of Agatho duke
of Perugia, hoping to take Bologna, whom Walcari,
Porodoo and Rolcari were abiding in camp. But these
mon rushing upon thorn, made a terrible slaughter of
their troops, and compelled the others to take flight/
Paulns then goes on to describe the revolt of Transa-
mund, winch happened cin these days/
This paragraph of Paulus IK datoloss, unchrono-
logical, and confused boyond even hi« usual manner.
It will bo soon that he makes IVredeo como to life
again, and work havoc among the Romans after ho
haw fallon lighting bravely with them. But with all
its blemishes the paragrapb is a most important, ad-
dition to our knowledge. It shows us that "Ravenna
was actually cnpturod by the Lombards in the rnign of
Liutprand, for if it had not boon captured it could not
have boon 'hold by his nephow and PoredeoV And
li on Iho Munich! a.
9 Exnnin vt»l
!f * KursuH cunn
Vfoonliniw dux optinon'nU inni^niibun .suhiio V<»n<^iciH7 IliluV-
praiulim nl> OIH <-apluH owfc, INwwloo virililcr pu^nunw oc«ul>uit*
4 Tho nr^iunontH of Mnrtcn.s (uHually a mont h<0pful
UHH captitro hi his Kxcurw, 'Wunlo Kavounii Hehon vou
L i 2
484 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. further we learn that the city thus lost to the Empire
CH. 12
— • — — was really and truly recovered for it l>y the Venetians.
As Paulus wrote in the latter part of the eighth
century, when the Venetians were still but a feeble
folk, clustering together at the mouths of the Adige
and the Piave, we may receive his testimony as to
this brilliant exploit on their part without any of
that -suspicion which must attach to the vaunts of
the chroniclers of a later day, the patriotic sons of
the glorious Queen of the Adriatic.
Veueiiu In speaking of the Venetians as performing this
feat, we must remember that though the race might
last on unchanged into the Middle Ages, their home
did not so continue. 'The network of islands border-
ing the Grand -Canal, on which now riwe the Doge's
Palace, the Church of S. Maria della Salute, and all
the other buildings which make up the Venice of to-
day, may have been 'but a cluster of desolate mud-
banks when Liutprand reigned in Pavia. The chief
seats of the Venetian people at the time with which
we are dealing were to be found at Heraclea, Equilium,
and Methamaucufl. The first of these cities, which
according to some authors was named after the
Emperor Heraclius, was probably situated five miles
from the sea, between the mouths of the Liveuxa and
the Piave, but even its site is doubtful, for the waters
of the marsh now flow over it *.
Equilium, which was for centuries the rival of
Heraclea, and was partly peopled by fugitives from
Opitergium when Grimwald executed vengeance on
Ktfnig Liutprand oingonommen ? ' soom to mo quite to
the limits of permissible historical scepticism.
1 So says Filiosi, Momorie do* Yeneti, vi. 2. 72-80,
Venetia in the Eighth Century. 485
that city, was about seven miles south of HeracleaBooKVii.
and not far from Torcello. It too is now covered by — ' --- -
the waters, partly the fresh water of the river Sile,
partly the salt water of the Adriatic. All the long-
lasting hatreds of these two neighbour towns sleep at
last beneath the silent lagune.
As for Methamaucus, which was in the eighth M^UUI-
century a considerable city, it is now represented "Sunni--
only by the few houses erected on the long island of0'"'
Malumocco. The Venice of the Middle Ages built on
tho various islets which boro the name of Itivus-Altus
(Rial to) was not founded till nearly seventy years. after
tho death of Liutprund.
Son iwvhero about tho yuar 700' the inhabitants of First «iuk«'
Uio various islands which formed Venetia Maritima 700.
Koum to have tightened tho bonds of the loose con-
federacy which had hitherto hound them, and for the
fc tribunes' who had hitherto ruled, each one his own
town or island, substituted a 'duke/ whoso sway
ox tended over the whole region of the lugunes, and
who was the first of the long line of tho Doges of
Venice. We say that the Venetians did this, and read-
ing the events of 700 by the light of eleven centuries
of later history we involuntarily think of tho Venetian
people as the prime movers in this peaceful revolution,
and wo invest the first duke, I*anlft}oAti<{/<'Htiis*9'wlt\\
1 Variotw tklas from 697 to 713 mv aKsitfiiod for tho institution
of tho dogcKhip. The Ion nor <luti», Ix'ing that tfivon by Dnmlolo,
i.H ^t'lii'mlly n(i<'(^piod; Init in tho ultor uncertainty of nil thono
4'urly Vend inn (int(»,s, 1 think iho hiHtorienl wtu<l<nit may l>o vory
\v<^li Hnti.sfhMl with an approximation, thus, * First Dogu 700;
lotui<lntion of i>\io ciiy of tlio Kiallo Hio/
v DouMo nainoK havo Ix'^un to bo UKO<! at thw tinio j \vitn<ksn
tho ExarcliH, Thecxloro Callio]mH and Jonnncn Ki/-oc<>i>u««
486 King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. the bonnet and mantle of his well-known successors,
L~H- the Dandolos and Foscaris of the Middle Ages, Yet
we may be sure that the ruler of the Ducatus Vcnetiae
was at this time a much more insignificant person
than his successors of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries; and we might perhaps admit into our
minds a doubt whether he was anything else than
an official selected for his post by the Emperor or
the Exarch, and whether popular election had any-
thing whatever to do with his appointment in those
early days.
However this may be, the new office seems at first
to have successfully accomplished the purpose for
Paulino, which it was created. Paulitio of Heraclea, the first
duke, reigned for twenty years in peace. His follow-
M«r<M>iius, townsman and successor, Marcellus (who seems to have*
•hlk"!' held under him the important office of Manter of tho
Soldiery), had also a peaceful reign of about nine
Ursus, years \ But Uimis, also a citizen of Heraclea, who
<iuk<>. according to the accepted chronology ruled tho Ve-
netian state from 726 to 737, met with a violent
death, the cause of which we can only conjecture,
but which may possibly have been connected with
the bitter disputes that seem to have been constantly
occurring between the two neighbour cities of Horucleu
and Equilium a. It is clear, however, that there WIIH
something like a revolution in Venetia Maritima.
' The Venetians/ says the chronicler, * who, moved
by bitter envy, had slain Ursus, for the space of five
wise we might perhaps conjecture that the oarly record** men-
tioned two dukes, Paulitio and Anafeatus, whoso names in thrir
perplexity the chroniclers have amalgamated into one.
3 According to Joannes Diaconus, eighteen years,
2 This is the conjecture of Filiasi, vii. 1 26.
Early Venetian History. • 487
years determined to remain subject only to Masters of BOOK vn.
the Soldiery V The revolt evidently was against the 1-^-
authority of one man raised for life above the level %$%}£
of his fellow-citizens ; and the revolution had for its for fiv"
' yoai s.
object the substitution of yearly magistrates, whom,
now at any rate, after the partial disruption of the
bonds which united Italy to the Empire, we may
speak of as elected by the people. For five years
(73 7-~74 r according to Dandolo) the Masters of the
Soldiery performed their brief functions : their names
being Leo, Felix surnamed Cornicula, Deusdedit (sou of
the murdered Ursus), Jubianus (or Jovianus) surnamed
Hypatus (the Consul), and Joannes Fabriacus. At
the end of the year's Mastership of the last named, bis 742 v .
eyas were torn out, and ( the Venetians, abominating the
of I i co of Master of the Soldiery, again as before created
for themselves a duke in the island of Malamocco,
namely Deusdedit, the sou of the aforesaid UrsuR
HypatiiB, and bis reign lasted for thirteen years.'
It has been necessary to give this glance at the
obscure and intricate subject of primitive Venetian
history in order to introduce the only other early
authority besides Paulus who mentions the capture
and recovery of Ravenna. This is Joannes Diaconuw
(formerly called Sagorninus), who wrote near the
end of the tenth century, that is to say 250 yearn
after the events of which we are now speaking, but
whose testimony is for many reasons worthy of con-
sideration. After describing the election of the fourth
MaHtor of the Soldiery, Jovianus HypatuH, he says : —
1 ' Undo poHtmodum Venotici ilium acri livoro Intorimontos,
o aimorum mjmtio nm^iwirm militum iitutuunaodo
voluorunt r (Joaumw DittcoiiUH, ed, Mouticolo, p. 95),
488 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. 'In his days the Exarch, the foremost man of
" 1_ Ravenna l, came to Venetia and earnestly entreated
the Venetians to- give him their help to enable him to
guard and defend his own city, which Hildoprand,
nephew of King Liutprand, and Peredoo, duke of
Vicenza, had captured 2. The Venetians, favouring
his petition, hastened with a naval armament to the
aforesaid city of Ravenna ; whereupon one of thorn
[the Lombard invaders], namely Hildoprand, was
taken alive by them, but the other, named Pemleo,
fell fighting bravely, and the city was thus handed
over in good order3 to the aforesaid Exarch, its chief
governor1; on account of which thing Gregory also,
the Apostolicus4 of the City of Rome, doniring with
all his heart the succour of the said city, bad written
with his own hand a letter to Antoninus, Patriarch of
Grado, telling him that ho ought with loving enlroaty
to induce the Venetians to go to the dofemeo of (lu*
•same city : —
"Gregory to bis most beloved brother AntonimiH : —
.
" Hince, as a punishment for our HUM, the city of
1 'EavonnaeprimaH.'
2 * Nimiumquo VonoticoB powtnlans quatonus propriaw urb<'in,
qitnm lldobranduBj nopos Liubrandi rogin, ot Pnnulouw VuwntitiuH
dux, onptam liabuomnt, tiujri atquo d(»fcnd<»r<< oorunt nttxiliiH ]><>•
ininsftt ' (Crou. Vono/iano AntidiiHsuun, j>. <;f,). Wo nhould huv<»
oxpoctod ' recuporaro ' rather than 'iuuri at<^« dofi^ndon^1 AH
Kaveima was already lost. I givo in iho toxt th<» forum <»f th<»
ixnmos as wo have them in PauhiH Diucomm, )>tit tlui nmd<»r will
observe tliat already by the tirno of JoannoH DincoiiiiH tho Lombard
p'sj Ixavo boon softonod again into b'n.
3 'Decentei'ost resiituta.'
4 The Popo. In William of Tudola'tt Song of tho Albigennian
Crusade, written in tho early part of tho Uiirtuouth contury, lli<«
Pope is always called '1'Apostolib,'
The Recovery of Ravenna? 489
Ravenna, which was the head of all things \ lias been BOOKVIL
taken by the unspeakable nation of the Lombards, and — 1—1
i T -i TI i • Antoni-
our son the excellent Lord Exarch tames, as we havenu,s,patri-
heard, in Venetia 2, your brotherly Holiness ought to
cleave unto him, and in our stead strive alongside of
him, in order that the said city of Ravenna may be
restored to its former status in the holy Republic :J,
and to the Imperial service of our lords and sons the
great Emperors Leo and Constantino, that with zealous
love to our holy faith we may by the Lord's help be
enabled firmly to persevere in the fttdtiM of the Re-
public and in the Imperial service.
" May God keep you in safety, most beloved
brother."'
So far Joannes Piacoims. whose narrative, as T have
V<TH1OU of
already said, is really the only information that wethoHum<>
i ,» i i> i «vi»ntH.
have, except, the lew meagre sentences m raulus, as
i,o an immensely important event, the capture of
Uavenna by the Lombards and its recovery by the
Venetians. It is true that we have in the history of
Andrea Dandolo a repetition of the name story, with
slightly different circumstances. Tn that version the
event takes place Home tew years earlier, and the
chief actors are not Gregory HI and the Master of
the Soldiery, Joviunus, but Gregory II and the Duke,
Ursus, But Dandolo published his Chronicon in 1346,
and though it is a noble work, invaluable for the his-
tory of Venice in her most glorious days, it must remain
a matter of doubt whether for this earliest period he
1 * Rnvonantium oiviliiH, qui (,svV) eaput oral omnium.'
* *Ai>u<l VtmctiaH/
n * lit ml priHlinum wtutum Hancto nripuWican rovo-
cdur/
490 King Liutprand.
any other trustworthy materials before him than
---- those which three centuries and a half earlier were
at the disposal of Joannes Diaconus. Referring the
reader to a Note at the end of this chapter1 for a fuller
discussion of this question, I will briefly summarise the
results at which we have arrived witli reference to
the sieges of Ravenna by the Lombards in the eighth
century.
summary Somewhere about the year 725, or perhaps earlier,
as t<> Farwajd II, duke of Spoleto, took the port of Olassis,
but at the command of Liutprand restored it to the
Empire.
A little later Liutprand again took Olassis and be-
sieged Ravenna, but apparently failed to take it.
Towards the end of the fourth decade of the century,
probably after 737, Liutprand' s nephew and colleague,
Hildoprand, with the assistance of Peredoo the bravo
duke of Vicenaa, besieged Ravenna, and this time suc-
ceeded in taking it. The Exarch (who was probably
Kutychius, but this is not expressly mentioned) took
refuge in the Venetian islands, and sought the holp
of the dwellers by the lagunes to recover the lost
city. Pope Gregory III added his exhortations, which
be addressed to the Patriarch of Grade, the spiritual
bead of the; Venetian state, A naval expedition was
fitted out : Hildeprand was taken prisoner, his com-
rade Perecleo slain, and the city restored to the Holy
Roman Republic. This recapture took place, if we
may depend on the somewhat doubtful Venetian
chronology, in the year 740.
We now return to the main stream of Lombard
1 Koto F. Correspondence of Pope Gregory III with tho
Venetians,
Meeting of Pope and King at Terni. 491
history as disclosed to us by the Life of Pope Zacharias BOOK vir.
in the Liber Pontificalis, * — l^—^ -
In the year 742 Liutprand was at the zenith of his Meeting <>f
power, unquestioned lord of Spoleto and Benevent
and on friendly terms with the Pope. He lingered S
however, or seemed to linger, over the fulfilment of
his promise to restore the four frontier towns which
he had taken, three years before, from the DiicctiuH
Roinae. Zacharias therefore determined to try the
expedient of a personal interview, and set forth, at-
tended by a large train of ecclesiastics, for the city of
Interamna (Terni), where the king wa»s then residing '.
It was necessary for the party to pass through Orte,
one of the four cities for whose restoration he was
clamouring, and there they were met by a Lombard
courtier named Grimwald, whom Liutprand had cour-
teously sent to act as the Pope's escort. Under
Urimwald'f* guidance they reached the city of Narni,
with its high Augustan bridge2; and here they were
met by a brilliant train of nobles and soldiers, who
accompanied them along the eight miles of road up
the valley of the Nar to where Terni stands in the
fertile plain and listens to the roar of her water-falls,
It was on a Friday that they thus in solemn procession
entered the city whore Liutprand held bin court, and
were met by the king himself and the rest of his
courtiers at the church of the martyred biflhop Valen-
tinus. Mutual salutations passed, prayers were ottered,
the two potentates came forth from the church together,
1 Tho diary of the journey, which Boomed to tho oxcitod irniighui-
UOUB of tho occlcsiitBticB HU net of horoic solf-BncrHioo nud coumgo,
in pruHorvctd to us by tho Papal Biographer, who WUH hinmclf
evidently one of the Popo'fl train of followers.
a Hoc vol. iv, p* 292 for a littlo further description of tho road*
492 King Liutprand.
BOOK vn. and then the King walked in lowly reverence ] beside
PH 12 the Pope for half a mile, till they reached the place
742' outside the city where the tents were pitched for both
host and guest. And there they abode for the rest of
the day.
On Saturday there was again a solemn interview.
Zacharias delivered a long address to the Lombard
king, exhorting him to abstain from the shedding of
blood and to follow those things which make for peace.
Touched, as the ecclesiastics believed, by the eloquence
of their chief, Liutprand granted all and even more
than all that was asked for. The four cities and their
inhabitants, were given back, but not, if wo may
believe the biographer, to Leo and Constantino the
Emperors, but to the holy man, Zacharian, himself.
Large slices of the Papal pati'imony which bad boon lost-
in the earlier and troublous times wore now restored.
One such slice, in the Sabine territory, had boon with-
held from the Papacy for near thirty years, Tbe
others were at Narni and Osimo, at Ancona and Ibe
neighbouring Humana, and the valley which was called
Treaty of Magna, in the territory of Sutrium. All theno pos-
sessions were solemnly made over by Liutprawl to
'Peter prince of the Apostles/ and a peace for twenty
years was concluded with the DtimtuN RMMW. There*,
were many captives whom Liutprand had taken from
divers provinces of the Komans and who wero now
detained in the fortresses of Tuncany or the region
beyond the Po. Letters were sent by the king order-
ing that all these should be set free. Among theH<»
1 *A1) oadom occlcsiA, ogmssus in ojua ol»soquium dimldium few
iniliftrium porrexit' What the outward iimrkH of 'obwcKiuium *
were wo arc not informed.
Meeting at Term. 493
liberated captives were certain magnates of Ravenna, BOOK VIL
Leo, Sergius, Victor, and Agnellus. AJ1 apparently boi*e -- ~
the title of Consul, and Sergius was possibly the same 74J<
who was afterwards Archbishop of Ravenna.
This last statement certainly seems to confirm the
theory that the capture of Ravenna by the Lombards
had taken place not many years before the treaty of
Terni. Is it not probable that the illustrious prisoner
on the other side who had been captured at the re-
conquest of the city, Hildeprand the king's nephew
and colleague, was restored at the same time, and that
the possession by the enemy of so important a hostage
had something to do with the wonderfully yielding
temper of Liutprand? Such is the very reasonable
suggestion made by an eminent Italian scholar1, but
it should not be regarded as anything more than
a conjecture.
On Sunday there was a great ecclesiastical function
in the church of Ht. Valentinus. At the request of
the King, the Pope ordained a bishop for a town in the
Lombard territory 2. The King with all his dukes and
yastalds* witnessed the rite of consecration, and were
HO much moved by the sweetness of the Pope's sermon
and the earnestness of his prayers that most of them
were melted into team. Then wlien maws was ended
the Pope invited the King to dinner. The meats were
1 Pinion, in his article 'Veno/Jani c Langolwrdi a Bavcmnu/
Archivio Vonoto, 1889.
2 ' In locum Oownonsifl antostitifl qui trunaiornt alium ordinavit
<»piscopuw/ AM COSOHKU 8t>oms too far off, Duchonno BU.spocts
a corruption of tho toxt, and suggests as a poasiblo vtwuliug
8 Tho ju<»aning of this titlu will bo explained in tho lawi chapter
of this volumo.
494 King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. so good, the mirth of the company so genuine and
-J^UlL unforced, that, as the King said, he did not remember
742" that he had ever eaten so much and so pleasantly.
The four On Monday the two great personages took leave of
stored! one another, and the King chose out four of his nobles
to accompany the Pope on his return journey and hand
over to him the keys of the surrendered towns. They
were his nephew Agiprand duke of Clusium ', a < fast aid
in immediate attendance on his person, named Tacipert,
Banning, gastald of Toscanella, a frontier town of the
Lombards, and Grimwald, who had been the first to
meet the Pope by the bridge of Narni. All was done
as had been arranged. Amelia, Orte, Bonmm>, with
their citizens, were handed over to the Pope's juris-
diction. In order to avoid the long and circuitous
route by Sutri, the combined party struck across tho
Lombard territory by way of Vitorbo (here tho presence
of the gastald of Toscanella was important for their
protection), and so they reached tho little* town of
Bieda thirty miles from Rome, which Grimwuld and
Banning formally transferred to the keeping of #a~
chariafl.
The Popovs The Pope returned to Rome as a conqueror, and the
triumphal .
ontry into people at his suggestion marched from the Pantheon2
to St. Peter's singing the Litany* This expression of
gratitude to Almighty God took the place of the old
triumphal march of Consul or Tmperator along the
Sacred Way and up the Olivus dapitolinus.
What was In what capacity wore these cities mvon to the
tho c}mv- \ '7 H .
rope? Was lie recognised as their sovereign, or as
1 PorhapB not yot inHtollod n« <lukc» of Spo)ot<>.
* Called ut this time tho Clumth of Buncta Maria a<l Mttrtyri*H,
luiving bcK»n given )>y tho Ernporor Phocus to Bouifiuai IV,
Restitution of the Four Towns. 495
their proprietor ? Were they still as absolutely part BOOK vu.
of the Empire as tliey were before Alboin entered °H* 12'
Italy, although belonging to the Patrimony of St. Peter ? - 742
or were they the germ of that new Papal kingdom lion
which certainly was on the point of coining
existence ? It is easy to suggest these questions, hard
to answer them, especially for such a troublous time as
that of the Iconoclastic controversy, when <lc jura and
defticto were everywhere coming into collision. One
can only say that the words of the Papal biographer,
if ho may be depended upon, seem to imply sovereignty
as well as ownership.
The event H just related seem to have filled the page
of Lombard history for 742. In the following year operatio
Liutprand resumed his preparations* for I he conquest Uavpuim
of Havenna and the region round it. Terribly indeed 743-
had this little fragment of the Roman Empire in the
north of Italy now shrunk and dwindled. (Jesena,
only twenty-five miles south of Havenna, had brcjome
by the loss of tho Pentapolw a frontier cil.y, and even
(Jiwntt now fell into the bunds of tho Lombards.
KutychiuH the Exarch, John tho, Archbishop, and all
ilx* people of Ravenna, with tho refuses from tho
IVniapoIiH and from the province of Aemilia, went
leltwK i<> the Pope imploring IIIK assistance. There-
upon XistcliariM by the hand** of Benedict bishop of
Momentum and Ambrowe chief of tho notaries, wont
gifts and letters to Liutprand9 entreating him to
abandon IHB preparationn for the Biege uu<I to restore
Comma to the men of Ravenna* Tho embassy liow-
evc^r returned, having accomplished nothing, and there-
upon ZuchariaB determined once more to try tho eilect
of a pernonal interview.
496 King Liutprand.
BOOK VIL Handing over the government of Rome to Stephen,
— "'. duke and patrician1, he set forth along the great
„ ?43" Flaminian Way to visit the theatre of war. At the
Zaoharxas J
journeys church of St. Christopher, in a place called Aquila, the
venna. Exarch met him 2. All the inhabitants of Ravenna,
men and women, old and young, poured forth to greet
the revered pontiff, crying out with tears, * Welcome
to our Shepherd who has left his own sheep and has
come to rescue us who were ready to perish/
Journey Zacliavias sent his messengers (again the chief
notary Ambrose, who was accompanied by the presbyter
Stephen) to announce his approach to the king. When
they crossed the Lombard frontier at Tmola they learned
that some forcible resistance would be attempted to
the Pontiffs journey. He received a letter from them
to this effect, conveyed by a trusty messenger under
cover of the night, but undismayed he determined to
press on after his messengers, whom, as he rightly con-
jectured, Liutprand would refuse to receive. On the
28th of June he came to the place near Piueenm where
the Via Aemilia crosses the Po. Here the nobles as
before met him arid conducted him to Pavia. Outside
1 ' Rolicta Romana urho jam dicto Stophano patrieio <»t duci ad
gubornaadum.' DuchoHno rightly remarks that thiB Hcmfcmw
acorns to show that tho })UJT Jlomac \va« now in a position of
subordination to tho Pope.
a<l ba.silic-nm )>oati ChriHtofon, poHilam in loco (jui
vocatur n<l Aquila, <{uiu(iua^<^iiuo foro lailliario u Kav<»nnatittiu
urbo.' Duch<3suo way« that the wito of this mooting has not y<»t
boon identified, )>tit that it nhould bo lookod for n<»at* Kimiui.
Rimini howovor, according to tho Antouino Itinoraryf was only
thirty-four miloH from Kavonnu ; but ovon it WHB in th<M:on<|Uor*'<l
Ponta]>oli,s. And can tho frontior of tho Exurchnto havo r<w-h<ul
so far *IH fifty in How from Ravenna? I am incUiunl to
that wo should road 4 quindoehno " for l quiu<iuagoaimo.*
Meeting at Pavia. 497
the walls was a church of St. Peter named the Golden- BOOK vrr.
ceilinged (ad coelum aureum), and here Zacharias - '
celebrated Mass at 3 P.M. before he entered the city.
The following day, the 2Qth of June, was that on interview
which the Church had long celebrated the martyrdom ™
of St. Peter and St. Paul, and Zacharias had no doubt
had this in view when lie so timed his journey that
his interview with the King should take place on that
day. Again a Mass was celebrated with great magni-
ficence in St. Peter's basilica in the pressure of the
King* Then mutual salutations were exchanged.; and
they entered the city together. Next clay there
was a formal invitation to the Pope brought by the
chief nobles of the kingdom, and then a solemn meeting
in the royal palace. The Pope earnestly entreated the
King to desist from his further enterprises against the
city of Jiavenna and to restore the conquests already
made. For «ome time Liutprand showed himself ob~KingLiu<-
but at length he consented to restore the n«ta««
country districts round Kavenna of which ho had
inade himself master, and along with them two-thirds IK HU-
of the territory of Cesena. The, remaining third, and vmmi'
perhaps the city of (Jesena itself, were to remain in
Liutprand'H hands as a pledge till the ist of June in
the following year, by which time it was hoped that an
embassy which he had despatched to Constantinople
would have returned with a favourable answer,
What the object of thin embassy may have been we
nut only conjecture, as neither Paulun nor any other
authority given us any information concerning it. Leo i>»'«(Uo«'
the Isauriau had died three yearn before, and there .hum u/,
hud boon a struggle for the diadem between his son
(JoiiHtantino V and his son-in-law ArtuvnH<lu«. This
VOL. VL K k
49s King Liutprand.
BOOK vii. however had terminated in the preceding year in the
ClL 12' utter overthrow of Artavasdus, and Gonstantine was
now securely seated on the throne. To him therefore
the embassy must have been addressed, and the mere
fact of sending such an embassy seems to show that
the policy of Liutprand was not so persistently hostile
to the Iconoclastic Emperors as lias been sometimes
represented.
On the Pope's departure, Liutprand accompanied
him as far as the Po, and sent with him certain dukes
and other nobles, some of whom wore charged io
superintend the surrender of the territories of (iesena
and Ravenna, 'Thus/ says the biographer, " by Ihe
help of God the people of .Ravenna and tho Peniapoliw
were delivered from the calamities and oppressions
which had befallen them, and they wore satisfied with
corn and wine/
Death of The interview with the Pope ut Pavia was one of
the last public acts of the great Lombard king. In
744.uury' January, 744, after a reign of thirty-one years and
seven months, Liutprand died, and \VOB buried by the
side of his father in the church of St. Adrian. He
was elderly1, probably more than sixty yearw old
not stricken in years. Had his wise and
like reign been prolonged for ton yoars mow, Italy
had perhaps been spared somo diatiHtorw.
Liut-f We read with regret the song of triumph whieh the
givat Papal biographer raises over the death of ' tho intriguer
tothouu- and persecutor Liutprand/ His own recital H!»OWH
how utterly inapplicable are these words to tho non of
Ansprand. He had in fact aimed compliance with
1 ' Jam aetate maturus hujus vitae curnutn oxplovlt' (II, JL
vi. 58).
Death of Liutprand. 499
the Papal admonitions to the very verge of weakness BOOK vn.
and disloyalty to his people. There was evidently in .-J-l-"-
him a vein of genuine piety and sympathy with men
of holy life, illustrated by the fact that when the
Saracens invaded Sardinia and profaned the resting-
place of St. Augustine, Liutprand sent messengers whoTmu^
• i i i i -i i» i • portation
at a groat price redeemed the body of the saint anduftiw
transported it to Pavia, where it still reposes '. st. AU#I,S-
Tn some res]>ects the statesmanship of Liutprand (^,,,j.u<^r
seems to me to have boon too highly praised. J do'^^
not find in the meagre and disjointed annals of his
reign which I have with great difficulty tried to weave
into a continuous narratives the evidence of any such
carefully thought-out plan with reftTence to the Icono-
clastic controversy as is often attributed to him. To
say that ho presented himself as the champion of the
I mage- worshippers, and in some sort, of the inde-
pendence of Italy, as ngainst the tyranny of the Icono-
d just-it? Kmpnrors, seems to me to be making an assertion
which we cannot prove. The one aim, as 1 have before
Haul, which he seems to have consistently and success-
fully pursued was the consolidation of the Lombard
monarchy and the reduction of the groat dukes into
a condition of real subjection to his crown. He availed
himself (and what Lombard king would not have done
so?) of any opportunity which offered, itself for cutting
yet, short er the reduced and fragmentary territories
which still called themselves parts of 'the 'Roman
Republic,' But both from policy and from bis own
devout temperament he was disinclined to do any-
thing which might cause a rupturo with the Hoc of
Rome, and the Popes perceiving this, often induced
II. L. vi. 48.
K \t *>
500 King Liutprand.
BOOK VIL him to abandon hardly-earned conquests by appealing
!L-"L_ to * his devotion to St. Peter/
I cannot better close this chapter than by quoting
the character of Liutprand given us by the loving yet
faithful hand of Paulus Diaconus in the concluding
words of that history which has been our chief guide
through two dark and troubled centuries : —
' He was a man of great wisdom, prudent in counsel
pnmd as and a lover of peace, mighty in war, clement towards
?*«StaB0 offenders, chaste, modest, one who prayed through
the night-watches1, generous in his almsgiving, igno-
rant it is true of literature, but a man who might be
compared to the philosophers, a fosterer of his people,
an augmenter of their laws.
'In the beginning of his reign he took many places
from the Bavarians, ever trusting to his prayew rather
than to his arms, and with the most jealoun cam
maintaining peaceful relations with the Franks and
the Avars/
1 * Orator
"NOTE E. ON THE ALIXCJTSD LKTTEKS ov POPE GREGOKY II NOTK JK.
TO LKO III.
THKIIK is no doubt that, as Theophanes tells us, Gregory II
wrote to Leo III a hitter on the question of image- worship, in
which he remonstrated against the Emporor's pretension to
change "by his solo authority the ancient usages received from
the i'athors of the Church l. It is probable enough that, as is
also hinted by Theo plumes 2, more than one of such letters was
written by tho pontiff. But thore irf very grave reason to doubt
whothcr these letters, or any of them, are now in existence.
In the first place, it is admitted by all that the1 Latin originals
of these letters are not forthcoming.
Smmdly, it IB admitted that in the Acts of the Council of
Nieaea (for the restoration of imago-worship), the letters now
alleged to have been written by Gregory to the Kmpcsror do not
appear, though they wero certainly read at thsit Council1*, nnd
though the Pope's letter t-o the Patriarch Germumis, which was
also read at, that assembly, <!OCH form part of the Acts of the
Council.
Thirdly, the letters now produced were first published by
Cardinal Haronius at tho end of the sixteenth century, from
the notes of a .Fenuit named Fronton le Due. They wero then
appended to the Acts of the Council of Nieaoa4, in which they
now always appear : but it is (juite admitted that they have no
documentary elaim to that position**
ir&vvas "P&pi)i
2 irartws
alas rtt 6^ rwv &y'wv irurifwv dujfjuiriaOivra (TlwojriiniK'H, A.M. 6317),
My£ai rov A^vra fa* Imirrobwv (Id. A.M. 6231).
> Thin IK fully «<lmitt<'<l )>y Iloftdu (tJ«ni«ilu»n«4»M'lucli<«s 111.393). AH h<>
»uuiiMmcHS <*f the letiei-H h<^ tutomiutw for tho oiuitwi<»u )>y HUJI-
l»oHitif< tlmt l*io hn<l <l«'htr<»y<Ml 1Iu> I«'U<a'H which wro wnt to him, nud HO Iho
(!ouit<*i! had no <»«»jiy icmly tit hiuul. (,Jiut if HO, ht»w could tli«»y havo )wcn
l* an ht-, Ktut<m, ]>. 467, at UK* fourth M-HHIOII V)
* Tht» Mtwtcmmit of (lihhon (chap. xlix. 11. 33% ' Tim two MpintUw of < ir«w»ry J I
huvo hi»ou prohitrvtul in tho Autw of tho >J icwim Council,' Is tht-rcioiv i
or at <wy
502 Note E.
NOTE E. Fourthly, Fronton le Due (as to whose good faith there is no
question) copied, in 1590, the Greek text of the letters from
a MS. which had belonged to the Cardinal of Lorraine, and
which was in the library of St. Remi at Rheims. He made
a Latin translation, and sent both texts, Greek and Latin, to
Cardinal Baronius, who inserted them in his Annales Eccle-
siastici.
Fifthly, since then, five other MSS. of the same letters
have been discovered, all in Greek. The oldest, which is in the
Vatican Library, is considered to date from the tenth or eleventh
century. All the others, including that copied by Fronton le
Due, are of a comparatively late date, ranging from the four-
teenth to the sixteenth century. For details as to their
character and present domiciles I refer the reader to a very
elaborate article by M. Louis Guerard in 'Melanges d'Areheo-
logio ot d'Histoirc,' 1890, pp. 44-60.
The external evidence then on behalf of the letters is fair,
but not fh'rit-ruto. It is evident that they wore in existence
some two or three centuries after the date of their alleged com-
position, but it in singular tluit there should be no Latin originals,
and perhaps not altogether satisfactory that there should be no
trace of them in the Papal Chancery.
We may therefore, without any constraint either way from
documentary testimony, turn to consider the internal evidence
afforded by the contents of the Epistles.
I. The greater part of tho letters is of course taken up with
an argument as to the theological aspect of the question, the
distinction between reverence and worship, the difference be-
tween the idolatry of the (JentileH and proper reverence to the
representations of the saints, the carving of the cherubim, the
skill of Bozulccl and Alioliub, and so forth. With all ibis we
have here uo concern^ but we must notice in passing the extra-
ordinary blunder by which the writer makes Ux/Jah instead of
his descendant Hozekiah the destroyer of the Brazen Serpent.
That this is not a more slip of tho pen is shown by the fact t-hafc
lie rightly refers to tho same Uzssiah as a king who usurped tho
prerogatives of the priesthood, lie also represents David as
having brought the Brazen Serpent into the TV//;^//1, which was
not built in his time.
Alleged Letters of Gregory II to Leo III. 503
II. The most striking characteristic of the letters and that NOTE
which has always seemed to require explanation on the part of
adherents of the Papacy is the extraordinary insolence of their
tone. A few sentences may he cited as illustrations of this,
but it would require some pages to quote all the rude and coarse
invective of the writer : —
* It is necessary to write 1o you in a clo\vnish and unlearned
way, because you are yourself unlearned and clownish. We
beseech you by Ciod to lay aside the arrogance and pride with
which you are overflowing, and with great humility listen to
what I say/
c Write to all whom you have caused to stumble and remove
tho ofllmce, although you in yonr exceeding stupidity think that
this is a mat.tor of no consequence..9
'Turn away from those evil thoughts, I pray you, and free
voiu* soul from tho scandal and execration with which you are
loaded by the whole world, so that you are a hiughing-stoek
evon io little boyn. (Jo to tho elementary schools and nay, " I am
an ovcrturnor and perHOOutor of images," and at once thoy will
throw their slaton at your head, so thut you will learn from the
foolish the lesson which the wine could not teach you/
1 You talk about calling a general Council, which we do not
think noooHwniy. But imagine that wo have listened to your
mivioo, and that the bishops from nil parts of tho world are
gathered together; whore is i«h<» wist* and pious and Christian
Umporor who should nit in tho middlo to reward those who
Hpoak aright and to mlonoo thows who talk nonsonso? Whore
in IH», whon you yourself oh Kmpwror aro Ht.agg<kring about and
iniitating tlw» barbarians? . . . Shut, up and hold your longuo,
and tlu»n thf»r<» will Iw no iu»i»«l of a Council*
* \V« oniiviit you l^y the* Ij«»rd turn away from nuoh juvonilo
and (dtildinh tloods.*
Lot any ono oonipnro thin ooarso and Hcurrilouw tirade with
tho Konionoo* full of roproHHotl indignation, but also full of
iTOuniffi'Ou* nwpc(rt,ftiln«»HH9 in which tho lirnt Gregory mado his
rt'inoiiHtmnc-o to tho Kmporor Muuricc. No: usmirodly it was
not in 1hw HJmin thut in tho oarly part of tlu» (kighth nmtury
tho, Jlwhop of Homo (4ill u mibjoot though a poworful one) ad-
droHKod hiHHOvoroign/ tho most pious und KiTono Mmporor/
III, Wo foiw to <liHicultioH wised by statements of fact
504 Note E.
NOTE E. contained in the letters. At the outset Gregory is supposed to say
" to the Emperor that he received and treasured the letters written
by him in the first ten years of his reign, namely, those of the
fourteenth Indiction, of the fifteenth, of the fir**!, and so on to
the ninth Indiction. The fourteenth Iiuliction extended from
September I, 715, to August 31, 716. Loo's formal accession
and entry into Constantinople did not take pluee till March 25,
717, and though it is true that for some months before* that time
he had been in arms as a candidate for the Umpire, if, is most
improbable that from his camp in the heart of Asia Minor he
could find leisure to write letters on theological i natter* to the
Roman pontiff, who moreover was then recognising his rival.
IV, After the supposed Gregory has fold the story of the
destruction of the great picture of the Saviour at f1onH<nniinopI<>
(which he calls Antiphonctea), he says, 'Then \ou. eager in your
pursuit of evil, sent your guards and killed I know not how
many women, in the presence of honourable men from Homo,
from Franco, from the, Vandals, from Mauritania, from Oothland,
and, to speak in general terms, from all the \\Vsfern interior.
"When these went to thoir own Ismds and describe* i your juvenile
and childish deeds, then men trampled <lo\\n umr laurelled
efligioH and hacked at your face, and the Lombards and {.he
Sarmutians and the rest of the people who dwell in the North
having levied their forces, infested the wrefeheil Deeapolis
with their incursions, and occupied the, metropolis Ravenna
itself, and ejecting your magistrates appointed nu^intratcH of
their own,'
* Vandals/ c men of Muuritwua * (jifter the Sanu'cn rmuiuwi},
' (Jotliland,* f SnrnmtianH,'— is it eoneeivnhle that n Knmnn Pope
would talk of these vnnishe<I nationuIitieH in iluH wav in
the year 7^57? Some Eastern eeel(»siahti<^ <>r <in»ek rhetorician
writing* from th« longitude of C'onslanfinoph', k!i(»\vin^ little of
4 the Western interior/ and thinking only of the vietoriVs of
BelinariuH and Nurses, might easily tise these rootii-h-filling
natxicH, hut snroly not lV>po (Ircgory II. As for the oeeupa-
tion of Kavennu hy t»he Loml>ards before /s^ though that <«v<»nt
is not impossible, the attempt to lind a plaee for it without dis-
turbing the natural order of evcntB has hitherto made thu reign
of Liutprand the despair of chron<*Iogers,
V. 'But if you insolently threaten it*/ suys flu* supposed
Alleged Letters of Gregory II to Leo II L 505
Gregory, 'it is not necessary for us to descend into the contest NOTE K.
with you: at twenty-four stadia (three miles) distance the
Roman pontiff will withdraw into the region of Campania.
Then come on, chase the wind.9
Contracted as the JUtrt'al/M Hmaae undoubtedly was, its frontier
on the Oani}anian side must have been nearly one hundred
miles distant from Home. It would have been more to tho
purpose if the Pope had said that he would seek the country
of the Salaries, us the Lombard frontier in the direction of
Tivoli was only about twenty miles distant. But nothing cnn
justify the wild assertion about the twenty-four stadia.
I haves by no means exhausted all the improbabilities and in-
congruities \\hieh these letters contain: but what has been said
will perhaps suflicc to show that, there is a very strong* cant*
against their genuineness. Since the question was mooted and
attention was (tailed to the weakness of the documentary evidence
in their favour, almost all scholars who have carefully examined
into the question (with the one important exception of ITefclc)
have pronounced against then). This is the verdict of Mon-
ticolo and (ineranl, and above all of Abbt! Duchcsne, whose
judgment, after his close and conscientious study of the Liber
Poutificalis, is in itself almost decisive. Ho says, ' Je considSre
clow* les priHenducrt lettivs <Io Uregoire II comine uyaut £te
fabriqueeH ?\ Constantinople, par quelque, defenseur dc« images,
pour HUj>pleer ft la perte cle» veril-iibles.'
At leant we may say that no historian of this period need
henceforth trouble himself to find a place in his scheme for any
event which only rents on the authority of the so-called letters
of Uregory to Leo.
KOTK K, (1<>m;sroNi>KN<!!'j or Porn (JUKCSORY III WITH TIIK
AH TO THK KI-XJOVKHY OF RAVKNXA.
WK muni now ««iHi(l<»i* the wnnewlint diilerwit
by tin? correspondence of the third Gregory with the
Venetians.
Tin* letters in question are :~-
i. A letter from a Pope nutnctl Uregory to Antoninus, Patri-
5o6 Note F.
NOTE F. ai'ch of Qrado, exhorting him to stir up the Venetians to tvhe
recovery of Ravenna from the Lombards. This letter has been
translated in full at p. 489. It is vouched for by the ancient
chronicle of Venice, which is by general consent referred to
Joannes Diaconus, chaplain of the Po^e Orscolo II (991-1008).
». A letter written in almost precisely the name terms, sid-
dressed also by a Pope named Gregory to Ursus, duke of Venice.
This letter is vouched for by Andrea Dundolo, who was him-
self Doge of Venice from 1343 to 1354. It is quotcul in the
third chapter of the seventh book of his C/tronicon, and is by him
attributed to Gregory II.
We will first Lake the letter to the Patriarch AnloniniiH. In if,
genuine,? Apparently there is no trace of its existence, in the
Papal Chancery, but thin is not such a strong argument ns mi^ht
be supposed against its authenticity, an tho collection of Pupal
letters for the eighth century in obviously very defective !.
The writer who vouches for the letter would bo an excellent,
authority were ho not «epa rated by fc/jo yearn from tho time of
its alleged composition. Jomuies Diuctonus, who flourished af,
the end of tho tenth century, was, iw lm« been wuM, chaplain
and perhaps kinsman of the #reat I)o#« Orneolo II (tbe firnt
J)o#e of Venice ami Dalmatia), who employed him in Mwernl
negotiations of importance with th« Kniperor Otho III, and
these negotiations, it in important to observe, made it
for him to pay at least three visits to Ravenna, while* tho
ject-matter of one of thorn (the eneroachnwntx of the Binhop <>{
Belluno on UK* territory of Venice) probably nrnwututcd mu<*h
and dilio'ottt «u»areh amon# tbo archive, mieh as they wc»r<^ of
the Venetian state. Altogether, if tiny nuch latter of th<s P(>|ic*
to the Patriarch of (jrado were in existence in the year iooot
Joannes Uiaeonus WJIH a very likely person to get hold of it.
Tho style and contents of the letter «re all in itn fnvnur. Ifc
is short aind buwineHs-liko, It IUIH tlu» preamble «n<l eonchmion
which, an wo know from the Liber DiurntiH, wc-w
such a CUHO (dilR»ririff herein from the lml<l opening and
of the alleged letter** of (Jre^ory II to Leo III): untl the
faet that it iw oddrecwed to the Patriarch, not to the civil ruler of
Venice, whether Duke or Muster of tho Soldiery, in in itw favour,
1 Of COWHO thiH rwmirk njqilhm Hjunlly to tho iMtw* <tlNf*UNHi*iI in ( JIM
preceding Note.
Correspondence of Gregory III with Venetians. 507
as corresponding1 so muck more with the political Ideas of the NOTE F.
eighth century than with those of the tenth, in the cities of the
lagunes. The fact that the Pope still calls the Lombards * gens
nee dicenda/ and seeks to win back Ravenna * imperial i servicio
dominorum filiorumque noatrorum Leonis et Constantini/ will
not perplex any one who has watched the course of the Papal
policy as set forth in the preceding chapters, and is a strong
argument in favour of the genuineness of the letter* After the
Iconoclastic Controversy had been embittered by tho ferocity of
Constantino Copronymus, and after the Popes had definitely
severed their connexion with Constantinople, such a document
would hardly have boon invented.
Now, as to the loiter addressed to Duke Ursus which we find
in the piiges of Dandolo.
Ileiv loo the personal character of the producer of the docu-
inent. is eminently good, and his opportunities for obtaining
information sire first-rate. The only objection, and it is a serious
one, arisen from his distance in time from the events related.
Andrea Dnndolo, a descendant of tho glorious Enrico Dundolo,
of the Fourth Crusade, was one of the * wisest, virtuousest, dis-
ereetest., best ' of the Doges of Venice. Of course all the archives
of the state were at his disposal, and he evidently used them
conscientiously and industriously in the composition of his great
Cfinwimu. Only, while even Joannes Diaeonus lived 250 years
after the death of Popo (Iregory IJ, Dandolo's dogeahip was more
than rtco years after that event.
Further, it is now pretty generally admitted, even by the up-
holders of Dandolo's letter, that he i« wrong in attributing it to
Gregory II, and that Gregory III must have been tho author,
(This on account of the difficulty of introducing a capture of
IlavcnnH before 731, the date of Gregory the Second's death.)
\Ve cannot shut our eyes to the fact that there is a real eon-
Jlict behvcen Joannes Diacomw and Dundolo »H to tho dalo of
tho events in question. If Joannes is right, they took place
muter the fourth M«gi*t**r Ali/Huw, or (accord ing to the received
chronology) in 740. If Dandolo is right, the Pope's letter (or
one of the Pope's letters) was addressed to Duke Ursus, and the
recapture of Ravenna took place (luring his tenure of office (726-
737), Both cannot bo right, and wo must choose between thorn.
so8 Note F.
NOTE F. Professor Montieolo, the advocate of Dandolo, urges with much
force the necessity of placing the piege and recovery of Ravenna
before 735, because that was the year in which Hildeprand was
associated with his uncle as king, whereas Paulas (H. L. vi. 54)
in his account of the capture calls Hildeprand only c the king's
nephew/ not his colleague. The objection is certainly of some
weight, but considering the loose way in which Paulas has written
this paragraph of his history, making for instance Peredeo to
' fall fighting bravely ' in one sentence, and in the noxt to resist
an attack of the Romans on Bologna, I do not think wo need
consider it fatal.
On the other hand, Pinton, the advocate of Joannon Piaeonus,
points out that his version of the matter explains the otherwise
mysterious title of Hypatas (Oonstil) borne by the Master of the
Soldiery, Jovianus, a title which we may suppose to havo boon
bestowed upon him either by the Exarch or the Emperor, grate-
ful for his assistance in the recovery of Ravenna. Thin also is
deserving of consideration.
On tho whole, though the scales arc very evenly poised, I am
disposed to prefer the earlier authority, Joannes Diiutomw, to
tho later one, Dandolo, and therefore to plaice tho \Vnetian reeon-
quest of liavemm about the year 740. But I feel thai a very
small matter, the discovery of u single date in a deed or an
unnoticed allusion in a historian, might make it necessary to
reconsider this decision, and to assign an earlier date to tin*
re-capture.
A full and exhaustive discussion of the question will be found
iu the two following articles: —
.By Professor Pinion, 'Veneziani e Langobardi a Ilaveww,*
in the Archivio Venoto for 1889 (368-384), »ml by Professor
Monlicolo, ' Lo Spedissiemi di Liutprando ncIP Knareato e la Let-
tera di Grogorio III al Doge Orso/ in the Arehivio cicala II,
Soeietil Komami di Storm Patria for 1892 (321 -365).
CHAPTER XIII.
POLlTrOAL STATE OF IMPERIAL ITALY.
Authorities.
Our sources of information as to the subject of this chapter BOOK V£I,
are, as will l>c soon in the course of it, very meagre and unsatin- C|I> I3*
factory. No history of Italy during the centuries with which
we have to deal, from the point of view of a loyal subject of the
Empire, nor anything pretending* to that title, was ever written.
Paulus Diaconus IB of course engrossed with Lombard affairs,
and hardly notices 'the Greeks' except to mention their wars
with his country mon. The compilation of Papal biographies
which #oos by th« name of ANASTASIVS BiBLiOTHECAiurs, and
which in now generally called the LIB KB PONTIKICAUS, is on the
whole our bent source for the greater portion of the period ; and
this sources scanty for the sixth and seventh, becomes fairly full
for the eighth century, and almost copious toward* its close*
The PrtifjMutfw fidNtitimi quoted in the early part of this
chapter in No. clxiv of the Novels of JUSTINIAN". I quote from
lYubner's edition (IVipsie, iH8i).
The alnmdani. niai.(»rial of all kindn furnishod \is by tho EPISTLES
OF (iHKtsoHY THK (SitKAT makoB UB only Htgrct that that valuable
source is closed HO early, and thai nothing like it. lakflH its place
afterwards. Uuti for tho special purpose of this chapter one of
the most important sources is furnished by tho folio volume
entitled *I PAPUU DiPLOMATicr,' oditcd by Ablate (3. MAIUNI
(Uomo, 1^05). This nioninru»nt of patient industry has been
already referral to in the third volume of this work (p. 165),
where I commented on the deed of gift from Odovacar to
Pierius, which is cmo of tho oarlitwt papers contained m it. It
consists of about 146 docurnonttJ written on Egyptian papyrus
(those on parchment are expressly excluded), of various
5*°
Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK VII. from the fifth, to the eleventh centuries. The collection suffers
°H> 18> somewhat, as it seems to me, from the want of chronological
arrangement, the first hundred pages being- occupied by com-
paratively late and uninteresting Papal bulls (ninth to eleventh
centuries), hut the documents which follow (Nos. 74-146) aro
generally of an earlier date (fifth to seventh centuries), and almost
all of them are full of interest for our present, purpose. Here
we see the names ^nd offices of somo of the chief eitizcn.s of
Ravenna. Here we read the attestations of le#ul doetanents
written in Latin words but in Greek characters by Byxantine
merchants or officials, who were either too proud or too imper-
fectly educated to frame their fingers to write au^ht but the
letters of Hellas.
Here is a specimen of one of these Graeco- Latin uUesiations1.
Others which are written in the usual character enable UH \viih
confidence to decipher this one: —
Ia>annhs Covpos nayovfarpo ovei/a KuperouX* <l<i>;fa£cr4ntv<]
etn tnre30) <a>nd(, cr<r BaAnmam /con
cran/cra e/c/c Pa/Sennarf a crora Cicnftepa \\<j> <l<wnar/uKt Kdi»fic
(n-ynovfj, <ran/cre KpovKes </)t/ccr €(1 KO/JU/A no^tv c
rhcrrhs crovcr/cptT^h ed de Konrrcpfiaiullv a)juiu/^ov <r<rrtv ird
KOpiropaXirep Trptfiovhr <raKpa^nra «r an/c <!&) nurture /A
a o-ara Cto-t^epa iraA.a/x Bo /3^8 dta/coilon €r JUK^dwjUinon r/md*-
This attestation, transliterated into Latin letters, reudu n*
follows : —
Joannes Syrus negociator huic eariiulo donations porf.ioniH
in integro fundi s(upra) s(cripti Balouiani cum onmibun ad He
generaliter peiiinentibus sicut superius lo^itur fuciui* in nunefn
ecc(lesia) Ravennate a s(upra) s(cripi-a) Sisiveru hfonwk) l(fiuina)
donatrice quae me presento siguum SancUio Onudn i'eeU (»t
corani nobis ei relecta est, testis subwcripsi ot do tfonwrvuntliu
omnibus s(upra) s(crip)tis ad Evangelia corporal it,er])rebtdt wusm-
menta et hanc donationcm a s(upra) H((u«ip)ta KWveni palum Bo
v(irum) v(enerabilem) diaconon ct Viccdowenou traililwn, vidi
144.
Authorities; Marines Papiri Diplomatic^ 511
The instrument iveords 1he donation by a woman (probably BOOK VII.
ofCiothie descent ) named Sisivera of the whole of her share of the Ca- 13"_
farm Halnnianus to the n»ureh of Hnvenna. A deacon (probably
a (Jofh), bearing the extraordinary name of J?o (this name is
eonlinued by the other attestations), is bailiff (Viecdoimmw) of
111** Chmvluund in his presence, and in the presence of the #iver,
John, a Syrian merchant, U'ives his attestation io the document.
The reader will observe how the <*ur>ive nun (n instead of 2;)
jii'eesHit sites for <lisfinelirnrs sake a different form of t-fa (h in-
Hie««l of »;\ and that ih<* Latin t is sometimes represented by f
in the middle of a \vrd and Muuetimes hy d at the end.
In this eolleeiion »!H> \\e liave the record of transactions
entered into in the <*]i»MH£ days of the Oothk* domination (;"j4J)
l»y elerufy * o!' ihr <n»thit* law/ that is doubtless A rums, wlio
fir>t iiKH'tiyaife, mid (hen ^ell to* Inane the, soap-merehani.,' ]»art
fd'thrir |'Vo|»i'rt\ at {las^H. This and similar docuuients <»f the
time of the «,»;ivsit (iofhie war help tts to understand how the
ordinary tninNietions of life, buying and st-llin^, mort^a^in^ of
property and maKim* <»f vvills^ were still #ointf on amid thtj
ireineitdott't >hoek of smiiieM and the stni^'le for lif« of a great
and proud nation. A relleetion of a similar kind is su^ested
l»v the dale of MariutV own book, i^</,> The actual j)iiblieation
took pluei*, it \* tnte, durintc n slight lull in the Napoleoni<*
triiipt'*4, \vht'i» iV»j»e I*IIH \'H (to whom the book is dedicated)
bud en rued a nhort brent hinj^4inie for bin Churdi and Cit.y by
JUH eorottniion ol' I lie Kiuperor at Paris. Hut the com]>osition
iX the b(»)lt with in MIOIV troublous times. It must have been in
the terrible \ nit H <*!' LtHli and Mar<»no;o, during th** stormy life
of the Tiberine Hepublie, and alwavH nmid fear of fresh popular
outbreak* and new and more disastrous ehan^-es, tlmt the in-
deflt! liable 1'r* leet of the Arehives <d* the Holy vSee, in tho
HirhiHioti of the Valient) Librnry, rpiietly held <ui his way, cleci-
the faint fimraet<-rs on tattered papyri, and storing up
the forgotten facts of the nxth and Heventh eenturios for the
benefit, of the neholurs of a more peaceful a^e.
The very interesting eolleetion of MONUMKNTI RAVKNNATI by
KAMI //i ilnilf* diii'lly uith the ninth and following eenturios,
mid ItiiM, 1 think* only one document bel<»n^in^lo our period —
tho Heater of lioittitiimH to the C'hurrh <»f Ravenna from the
o tin* tenth rt'UturieH, which Ht4in<lH ul the liead of tho
5i2 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK Vlfc collection. The very foil Index to this so-called c Codice Bavaro '
13' at the end of the first volume is an important assistance to the
student.
Of the Guides on whose skill I shall have chiefly to rely in
this obscure and difficult period I will here mention but three,
though earlier scholars (especially Muratori and Lttjpi) have given
me valuable help.
The great F. 0. von Savigny in his { History of Roman Law in
the Middle Ages' (1815-1831) urges his well-known proposition
that there was no break in the traditions of Roman Law and
Roman Municipal Institutions, Lut that they lived on with an
uninterrupted existence from the last days of the old Empire
to the glorious revival of free popular life in the great Italian
Republics,
Against this view not only Troya, whom I have already often
quoted, lifted up his voice, but Carl Hegef, the non of the great*
philosopher, entered a respectful but earnest protest in hi« * I Tin-
lory of the Municipal Constitution (Stwlleverfattinig) of Italy *
(1847). The argument is conducted on both .sides with great
learning and great fairness, and it is impossible to follow ifc
closely without heightened feelings of admiration for both the
disputants. As they treat of the subject with far greater detail
than I can hope to do, and arc copious and exact in their cita-
tions of the original documents, I shall generally refer 1o them,
rather than to the documents themselves, for the proof of my
statements Lastly, C/tark* DIM (MaJtro do Conferences i\ la
Faculte des Let/feres dc Nancy) published at Paris iu 1 888 his
4 iStudes Kur V Administration Byzantine dans TJilxarehat <le
Ilavonno/ ** work which I havo found extremely helpful in my
researches into the political history of ibis obscure period.
I have only one complaint to make of the author. Having
given us HO useful ubook, he should surely ha vo judged it worthy
of an Index.
that we have reached the end of tho dominion
as to tho
condition Of the Eastern Oaesans over all but a few detached
of the
Roman fragments of Italy, and that we arc also close upon
tionintho the end of the dominion of the Lombard kings in the
seventh,
ana eighth same country, it will be well for u« to gather up Huch
centuries, ° *
Origin of Italian Republics. 513
fragments of information as the scanty records of the BOOK vn.
time supply to us concerning the political institutions 1 — L.
and social condition of the peninsula dxiring the two
centuries of their blended arid conflicting rule.
The records, as I have said, are scanty, and the Bering of
indications which they furnish are faint and difficult tio« on m
to decipher; but they have been scanned with eager
scrutiny by great jurists and eminent historians, be-
cause in them lies, in part at least, the answer to one
of the most interesting questions which were ever
presented for solution to a political philosopher. That
question is as to the origin and parentage of the great
Italian Republics of the Middle Apos.
When wo think of the rich and varied life displayed
by the commonwealths of Italy from the twelfth io
the fifteenth century, of the foreign conquests of one,
the world-wide commerce of another, the noble archi-
tecture of a third, the weMfcli of artistic and poetic
genius which seemed to be the common heritage* of
thorn all, and when we remember that in the earlier
period of their history these great gifts of the intellect
were allied to not less noble qualities of the soul,
fortitude, self-devotion, faith, we are ready to say,
perhaps with truth, that never has the human race
worked out the problem of self-government in nobler
forms than in, these glorious republics, greater than
the, Athens of Pericles by reason of their spiritual
capacities, greater than the Rome of the Hcipios by
reason of their artistic culture. We 'know, indeed,
how soon that splendid dawn was overcast, how rapidly
and how fatally the Italy of the Gwtfnu.ni degenerated
into the I tidy of the Tyrants. Still the enquiry must
ever bo one of deepest interest to every student not
vou vi, L 1
514 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vu. merely of Italian, but of European history — ' Whence
°H* 18' did the cities of Italy derive those thoughts of freedom
which made them for a time the torch-bearers of human
progress in the midst of the anarchy arid darkness of
feudalism ? '
TWO One school of learned and able enquirers says that
the BO-' this torch was kindled from Rome, not the Home of*
(Savigny), the Emperors, but the far-away, yet uuforgotten, "Rome
anti-Bo- of the Republic. Another school, equally learned and
cTioyaand equally able, denies that there was any possibility of
ege '* continuous historic development from Rome to Florence
and Siena, and maintains that the republican institu-
tions of Italy in the twelfth century were either
absolutely self-originated or were the result of contact,
with Teutonic freedom. I cannot promise the reader
that we shall be able to come to any definite solution
of this great controversy, much of which of course lies
centuries beyond our horizon ; but he will at leant
understand how great the controversy is, and how it
lends importance to questions at first sight paltry
and pedantic, as to the names and functions of the
governing authorities of Italy during these centuricH
of transition.
Division Though profoundly unfortunate for the country
into the itself both then and in many after-ages, the division
and the of Italy into two sections, one of which still formed
part of the Roman Empire, while the other, under the
sway °f Bombard kings or dukes, was generally hostile
*° ^ie ^mP*re? and always independent of it, aids the
scientific discussion of the problem before us. The
actual course of events enables us to eliminate in great
measure the barbarian factor from the former section,
and to trace the history of Roman institutions by them-
Geographical limits of Imperial Italy. 515
selves, where no Teutonic element enters into the BOOK yn>
equation. In this chapter, therefore, we will deal with ----- --"
the questions of government, law, and social relations
as affecting Imperial Italy alone.
Let us briefly recapitulate the facts as to the geo- Gcogniph-
graphical boundaries of the Imperial territoiy, which it of im-
will be remembered was almost exclusively a sea-coast it«iy,
dominion. Starting from the north-east, we find the
Istrian peninsula undoubtedly Imperial. But when
we reach the head of the Adriatic Gulf, the ancient
capital of Aquileia with its Patriarch is under Lom-
bard rule, while the little island city of Grado, in
which the rival Patriarch has sot up bin throne, still
clingK to the Empire. From the mouth of the Taglia-
mento to that of the Adigo a long strip of the eoaut
IB for some time retained by the Einperorw, and prob-
ably bears the name of Dnvatiw V<wu'.tiav. But in the
earliest yoars of the seventh centxiry Patavium and
MOUH Hilicis (Padua and Monaelioe) were won for the
Lombards by King Agiiulf : soon afterwards Ooncordiu
foil into their power, and when in 640 Opitergium and
Altinum wore taken by King Ilothari, the Eastern
Caesar can have had few subjects loft in tins part of
the country, except the indomitable islanders, who
between sea and sky were founding upon the lagunes
thai cluster of settlements which was known by the
name of Venotia Maritima.
The mouths of the Po, tho city of "Ravenna, and a
great stretch of the Via Aomilia, with * hinterland'
reaching up to the skirts of the Apennines, formed
the large, and important district known as tho /£*;-
archatus Jfawnwie. Further inland, Mantua, Cremona,
, aud a few cities on the southern hank of the
Lla
516 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vu. Po remained for a generation subject to the Empire,
— LJ — L_ but were detached from it in the earliest years of the
seventh century by King Agilulf, rightly incensed by
the Exarch's kidnapping of his daughter. We travel
down the shore of the Adriatic and come to the Duchy
of the Pentapolis, consisting of the five flourishing
maritime cities of Ariminum, Pisaurum, Fanum, Sene-
- gallia, and Ancona. Another inland Pentapolis, called
Annonaria or Provincia Castellomm, included the
cities of Aesis, Forum Sempronii, Urbinum, Callis, and
Eugubium (Jesi, Fossombrone, Urbino, Cagli, and
Gubbio) J. These two provinces together sometimes
went by the conjoint name of Decapolia A long
stretch of coast, ill-supplied with harbours and there-
fore not belonging to the Empire, marked the spacious
territory abandoned to the Lombards, and ruled by
the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento. Then rounding
the promontory of Mount Garganus, we come to the
town of Sipontum, which was Imperial till near the
middle of the seventh century-, and then to the ' heel '
of Italy, from the river Aufidus to the Bradamig, com-
prising the seaport towns of Barium, Brundusium,
Hydruntum, and Tareritum (Bari, Brindisi, Otranto,
and Taranto). All of this region was Imperial land
till Romwald of Benevento (between 665 and 675) rent
the greater part of it from the Empire, leaving to the
Caesar little besides the city of Otranto, which, though
1 This is DioU's statement of the case (p. 6r), correctly dudueoci,
I til ink, from the words of the anonymous geographer of Ravenna.
2 I think the words of Paulus (H, L. iv. 44), who «uyw that
tho Slavonians when attacking Aio duko of Bonovento in 642
pitched their camp * non longe a civitate Seponto/ mako it proJ>*
able that the city waw then Lombard.
Geographical limits of Imperial Italy. 517
once for a moment * captured by the Lombards, re- BOOK YI
mained permanently Imperial, and was at a later period "'
the base of important operations by the Greeks for the
reconquest of Southern Italy. As the ' heel/ so also
the * toe ' of Italy, from the river Crathis to the Straits
of Messina, remained during the whole of our period in
the possession of the Empire. So, too, did the important
island of Sicily, full of Papal ' patrimonies/ and forming
a stronghold of Imperial power. Though harassed more
than once by the invasions of the Saracens, it was not
till the ninth century that they seriously sot about
the subjugation of the island: and in fact for half
a century after the fall of Ravenna, the * Patrician of
Sicily' \vii8 the highest representative of the Emperor
in the western lands, the duke of Naples himself being
Hubject to hiH orders *.
Proceeding northwards along the shore of the Tyr-
rhene Sea, we find in the ancient province of Lucania
only Acropolis, and perhaps its near neighbour Paestum,
loft to the Empire, Entering Campania, we discover
that the duke of Najrfex ruled over a small though
wealthy territory, reaching from Salernuin at one end
to a point due west of Capua (iUolf a Lombard city)
on the other. But the duchy rojtchcwi very little way
inland, and we might probably nay with safety that
from every part of the region which ho ruled the duko
of Naples could behold the crater of Vesuvius.
Of much wider extent was the Dwwtwi Homw,
which ivaehed from Uocta on the south-east to Civita
1 In 758.
'l, SUi<U<»v<»rlftHHun#, I 22ft, quoting Iltulrinu'H lottor to
tho Uwil (Oodcx OtroIinuH, Na 73) and
do Adah Imp* c. 27.
518 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. Vecchia on the north-west, including practically the
_!!L-.L whole of the ancient province of Latium, a corner of the
Sabine territory, and the southern end of Etruria. The
changes of fortune that befell the Tuscan and Umbrian
cities, by which Rome and Ravenna song] it to keep up
their communications with one another along the Fla-
minian Way, the cities of Todi, Perugia and Tadino,
have been sufficiently described in earlier chapters.
Lastly, the beautiful Riviera (* di Ponente ? as well
as edi Levante'), from the river Magra to Mentone,
remained a province of the Empire until about 640,
when King Rothari the legislator took Genoa and all
her sister cities1, rased their walls (like Gaiseric the
Vandal), and turned the region into the Lombard <luehy
of Liguria.
Of the islands of Sardinia and Corsica little is known
during this period save that their fortunes wore not
closely interwoven with those of Italy. AM they luul
once been subject to the Vandal kingN of Carthage, so
now, though restored to the Empire, they were ntill
ruled by the Exarch of Africa, The invasions of those
islands by the Lombards, of which we hoard in tho
letters of Pope Gregory the Great, do not seem to
have resulted in any abiding settlement. When tho
663-668. Emperor Constant was ruling or misruling Sicily, Sar-
dinia was one of the districts which felt tho heavy
hand of his tax-gatherers12, and soldiers coming from
Sardinia as well as from Africa and Imperial Italy
deprived hiy successor, the usurper Mixiissius, of his
throne and life3. In the eighth century Sardinia a»s
well aw Corsica suffered grievously from the incursions
1 Paulas, H. L. iv, 45,
• Ibid. v. ii. 8 Jbi<l. v. 12.
Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction. 519
of the Saracens, though, it does not appear that these BOOK vn.
invaders succeeded in formally detaching those islands — '.
from the Empire.
From these outlying dependencies we return to the Pragma k>
, . ~ - . - T n . . Sanction of
contemplation of Imperial Italy, that we may enquire juBii
into the nature of the political organisation by which 554'
the Emperors dwelling in distant Constantinople main-
tained their hold upon the maritime regions of the
peninsula. To begin at the very beginning of our
present period, let us listen to the words in which the
Emperor Justinian reasserts his dominion over the
recovered land. In August, 554, the your after the
(loath of Tolas, the year of the final defeat of the Alar
mannic brethren, Jxisfcinian issued a solemn Praymiifii'
MftMtion l for the government of Italy. This decree,
singularly enough, purports to be issued in reply to
the petition of Pope Vigilins ' the venerable bishop
of the elder Home/ though that much-harassed pontiff
had certainly left Constantinople, and most probably
had died before its promulgation. The Emperor first
solenmly confirms all dispositions which have been
made by Athalaric, or his royal mother Amalasunlha,
or even Thecxlahacl, as well as all his own acts, and
those of his spouse Theodora of pions memory 2. Every-
1 This JH tho naino givou 1<> tho instrument l>y which iho
Kinpowr ('luu'Ios VJ, in 17^4, sought to c&tnbliwh tho HUCCOHHIOII
to his dotainions in tho lino of his daughter Maria Thoroniu Tho
Maulliwm inxuiu^s* alno rontod on tho Pragmatic Sanction wauod
tit Uour^'H in i.^H by Ohnrl<»H VH, king of Franco.
' Tho acts of Thoodoric, who had bo<»n <loa<l for twenty- night
yoars, aro not iu«liidt«l in tho confirnmtum, pro)>ahly lx»cauHo tho
luj)H<* of iinio naidorod wucJi confirmation unnoconnary. A Hpixsial
<»x<toptioa is mado aw to tho gift by Thoodalmd to * tho magniiieont
520 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. thing, on the other hand, done by 'the most wicked
~ — L tyrant Totila ' is to be considered absolutely null and
void, ' for we will not allow these law-abiding days of
ours to take any account of what was done by him in
the time of his tyranny/
Fiscal Many laws follow (which seem to be well and
wisely framed) as to the length of prescription requi-
site to establish a claim after 'the years of warlike
confusion which followed the accession of the tyrants.'
There is also an evident attempt made to lighten the
burden of taxation, and so to guard against any future
oppressions by men like Alexander the Hoissons, which
might goad the provincials to madness. Especially it
is ordained that the tribute due from each province
shall be exacted by the governors of that province
only, and that the great Imperial ministers at head-
quarters shall not assist in the process. Home pro-
cautions are taken for lightening tho burden of
eoemtio. Each province is only to bo called upon to
furnish tribute in kind out of that sort of product*
which naturally grows there, and nuch tribute when
rendered is to be taken at the current market price of
the day. Moreover, the landowners of Calabria and
Apulia, who have already commuted their wmtio into
a money payment (mperintlictitins titulux), are not to
be called on to pay that titulttx and provide eoemtio
as well. And any senator or large tax-payer ! is to
have free leave and licence to vwit the court at Oon-
Maximus' of tlio property of a certain Marcian. Half of this
donation Justinian romuinbort* that lie haw bowlowod on 'tho most
glorious Liborius,' to whom it is confirmed. Tho magnificent
Maximus may enjoy tho remainder in peace.
1 'Collator.' Dooa this word moan any one who paid 'luwtralis
collatio ' ?
Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction. 521
stantiuople in order to lay his grievances before the BOOK vn.
Emperor, as well as to return to Italy and tarry there - - — —
as long as he will for the improvement of his estate,
since it is difficult for absent owners to keep their
property in good condition, or to bestow upon it the
cultivation which it requires1.
The two most important sections of the decree,
however, in reference to our present subject are the
xxiiir(l and the xiith.
(1) The xxiiin* runs as follows : 'We order that all <'mi
i . -» . 7> <':ius<*,H nut
law-suits between two Romans, or m winch one 1 Ionian to b<« tri«»«i
person is concerned, shall be tried by clrif judges, since ury *
good order does not permit that military judges shall JU< g< s"
mix themselves up in such matters or causes/
A 'Roman person' is evidently a native of Italy
in contradistinction to the horde of foreigners who
served in the armies of the Empire. The intention of
the legislator is that wheresoever the rights of such
a Roman person are concerned, whether as plaintiff or
defendant, his ca,uso shall be heard before a civil
judge, probably the JUWMN of the province, and not
•before the harsh and unsympathetic officer of the
army, who, however, is recognised as the right person
to try matters in dispute between one ' military
person' and another.
(2) Soct. xii relates to the mode of appointing1
• .. * /• • ~\/i
these civil governors or^'ww&s' pronfiu'iarwni : More- \\\
over we order that lit and proper persons, able to./m/,vj.!,
administer the local government, be chosen as
governors (jiKlicw} of the provinces by the bishops
<rn.d chief persons of each province from the wtJutbi-
tttntx of the province itself.' This appointment is
* § xxvii
522 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. to be made without any payment for votes T ; and
the letters patent of the office (codicilli) are to be
handed to the new governor by the minister whose
business it is (per competentem judicein) [free of
charge]. On these conditions, however, that if they
(the judices provinciarum) shall be fount! to have
inflicted any injury on the tax-payers, or to have
exacted anything in excess of the stipulated tribute,
or in the coemption to have used too large measures,
or unjust weights for the solidi, or in any other way
to have unrighteously damnified the cultivators, they
shall make good the injury out of their own property.'
We see here an earnest endeavour to remedy the
abuses of provincial administration. The governor of
the province is to be a resident therein. Thiw makes
it less likely that he will incur the odium of oppressive
acts, committed in a district of which he w a native,
and where he will spend the remainder of his <lay«.
He is to be appointed without mffr<nji'inn.9 the
technical term for the payments, often of enonnoun
amount, which had been hitherto made to the members
of the Imperial household and the great functionaries,
of Constantinople, in order to secure their infhicnce on
behalf of the aspirant to office. Of course, where thin
mffmgium had been paid, the new governor'** first
care was to recoup himself by wringing it out of the
miserable provincials2. But further, the governor IB
1 ' Sine suffragio litis.' The Editor BuggoHt* 'militin * for * Utia/
but this also would be a, difficult reading, llogol pronounces
* litis ' an undoubted corruption, possibly for 'qjuB.'
2 No doubt those payments for suffntyhm woro tho pronuio bn.sis
for that story of the Hale of the province** by auction, which
Claudian tells with so much vigour in law pooiu, In JK!ufroj)iitm
(i. 196-206). Sec vol. i. p, 683 (and edition;.
Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction. 523
to be elected by the principal inhabitants of the BOOK VIL
province, instead of being merely nominated by the °H' 13'-
autocratic Emperor. We have here an important
recognition of the principle of popular election, a
great stride towards what we should call constitu-
tional government. And a part, apparently a leading
part in this election, is given to the bishop of the
province. Here we have both a proof of the increased
power of the higher ecclesiastics (since even the devout
Theodosius would never have dreamed of admitting
his bishops to a direct share in the government of the
Empire), and we have also a pathetic confession of the
Kmperor's own inability to cope with the corruption
and venality of his civil servants. He seems to have
perceived that in the great quaking bog of servility
and dishonesty by which he felt himself to be sur-
rounded, his only sure standing-ground was to be
found in tho spiritual Estate, the order of men
who wielded a power not of this world, and who, if
true to their sacred mission, had nothing to fear
and little to hope from the corrupt minions of the
court !.
The experiment of popular election of the provincial
governors answered so well in Italy, that it was
extended by Justinian's successor in 569 to the
Eastern portion of the Empire 2. But as we shall
soon see, it was but short-lived in either the East or
the West.
Before we part from Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction Woights
•*• , _ _ . _ aim inoa-
wo must notice one more section, the xix™, which surra,
deals with the subject of Weights and Measures : ' In
1 Thin point m woll brought out by Hogol, I 142.
* Nov. 149, c. i (<juotod by Ilegol, L 146)-
524 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. order/ says the legislator, c that no occasion for fraud
— ' — - or injury to the provinces [of Italy] may arise, we
decree that produce be furnished and money received
according to those weights and measures which our
Piety hath by these presents entrusted to the keeping
of the most blessed Pope and the most ample Senate V
Another indication this, of the purely secular business
which, by reason of the general respect for his
character and confidence in his uprightness, was being
pushed off upon the Head of the Church by the Head
of the State ; and at the same time an interesting
evidence that after all its sufferings at the hands of
Totila and Teias, the Senate of Home still lived on, if
it were only to act as custodian of the standard yard
and the standard pound.
The edict, which is addressed to the Illustrious
Grand Chamberlain Nurses, and to the Magnificent
Antiochus, Prefect of Italy, ends thus: ' All 'things
therefore which our Eternity hath ordained by this
divine Pragmatic Sanction, let your Greatness by all
means curry into effect and cause to be observed,
a penalty of rolbs. of gold [,£400] impending over all
violators of these our commands/ On the whole, the
Pragmatic Sanction, notwithstanding its tone of ill-
tempered railing at the defeated heroes of the Gothic
nation, was a wise and statesmanlike metisure ; and
I, who have in an earlier volume been compelled to
say many hard things concerning the character and
1 § xix, Do MottHitriH ot 1'ondoribus: *Ut nu torn nulla fraudm
vol laeBiouiH provmewruiii nnnwitur OCCJIKIO, juboamiH in illin men*
suris vol pomloribiiB ftpoeion vol pocunins <Iari vol miMcipi,
boatissimo Papae vol ampliBsimo Benutui notttra Piotaw in
ti contradidit.'
Failure of the Pragmatic Sanction. 525
administration of Justinian, gladly recognise that here, BOOK vn.
in the evening of his days, he makes a generous effort —1.1
to lighten the burdens of his Italian subjects, and to
admit them to a share in his power. But 'in the
clash of arms laws are silent/ Even as Pitt's well-
meant scheme for Parliamentary "Reform foundered in
the stormy waters of the great French Revolutionary
War, so the perils with which the Empire was soon
surrounded, from Lombards in the West, from Avars,
Persians, Saracens in the East, destroyed the faint
hopes of freedom in the Roman Empire of the sixth
and seventh centuries. It is at all times difficult for
even the most enlightened despot to unclothe himself
of the power with which in the course of generations
the holders of his office have come to be invested, and
in the face of menacing foreign foes that which was
before difficult becomes impossible. We who have lived
through the middle of the nineteenth century know
what theme ominous words 'The city is proclaimed in
a state of siege7 betoken, how when they are Tittered
popular liberties are suppressed and all classes lie
prostrate under the heel of a military despotism. We
remember how even in the greatest democratic republic
that the world has ever seen, 'the War-Power* en-
abled President Lincoln practically to assume the
position of an autocrat, wise and patriotic doubtless,
but still an autocrat* And so, in the Empire, the
tremendous dangers to which it was exposed, from the
time of Justin II to the time of the Iconoclastic
Emperors, led to the concentration of all power, civil
and military, in the hands of one class of men who
were virtually- the military lieutenants of the Emperor*.
In the East, this tendency found its fullest expression
526 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. in the change of the provinces into themes, which was
begun by Heraclius T and completed by Leo III. The
of ti?e0n word theme meant a regiment of soldiers, and thence-
forward the military district or theme became the chief
administrative unit of the Empire.
In Italy there was perhaps no such sudden and
definite change, but all writers are agreed that there
was a change, the result of which was to annul the
division between civil and military functions which had
been created by Diocletian and Constantine a, and to
make the commandant of the garrison in each city
which remained faithful to the Empire the one great
centre of power, judicial and administrative, as well as
military, for that city and for the district of which it
was the capital.
rower, This change however, as I have said, was probably
civil as •
well A* a gradual one, and with the poverty of the materials
oonccm-' before us we cannot precisely say when it began or
the hands when it ended 3. To make the further discussion of
military the subject clearer, it will be well to subjoin a table
0 lcWi of the military and civil officers, as far as they can be
ascertained, before this change had taken place which
1 Or perhaps even before his time ; led up to in fact by the
changes in administration introduced by Justinian himself* This
is the opinion of Prof. Bury, ii. 339-351.
3 See vol. i. p. 213 (607 in 2nd edition),
3 Diehl (pp. 7-9) successfully combats the theory advanced by
Flavio Biondo (1393-1462), and silently accepted without any
adequate proof by many later writers, that Longinus, first Exarch,
removed at one blow all the civil side of the administration of
Italy, and made the military officers supreme. Though Hogel
does not formally combat this theory, the whole tenour of his
remarks (i. 176-7) shows that he did not accept it. The letters
of Gregory the Great disprove it, showing as they do that there
were still Praefecti and Praesides in his day.
Military and Civil Offices. 527
led to the practical absorption of the latter by theBooitvn.
» J OH. 13.
former.
MILITARY. I CIVIL.
EXARCII
^Patrichts
mfcT Militum
or Dux.
Trihunus or
Con ion.
Italiue . . . Pniefoctus Urbi
(or Prnepnsitus Italiao).
Vieariuu Itulhio . . . Virarius Urbis.
Pracsos Provincial.*.
The hierarchy of civil offices, it will be seen, was still
cast in the mould which was made at the beginning
of the fourth century l. So long as they retained any
official vitality at all wo must suppose the holders of
them to have been concerned with the try ing of causes
in which private citizens of Italian birth (as opposed
to military men and foreign followers of the camp)
were concerned; with the collection of revenue; with
commissariat business ; and perhaps with the main-
tenance of roads and aqueducts2. But already, in the
time of Gregory the Great, the position of these civil
rulers was declining in power and lustre, so that we
find the benevolent Pope compassionately relieving the
necessities of an ex-governor Ji of Sanmium by a yearly
pension of four solidi (,£2 8,s\), and a gift of twenty
dn'i'niati of wine. The slenderness of our information
does riot enable us to say definitely when this civil
1 Hi»o vol. i. p* 227 (ist edition) ; p. 620 (2nd edition).
* See Hogol, i. 176.
* SSiBhnuum qui judox Hnimiii i'uifc* (Qrog. Ep. ii. 32), It is,
of eoui'flo, to bo noted thiil Snnmium had iallon entirely into tho
huudB of tho Loin))nrd duke of Bonevonto, and tliin would account
iu sonic measure for tho change in the fortunes of Siwi
528 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn, hierarchy finally vanished from the scene, but, to use
— ' — — the simile of a 'dissolving view/ we may conjecture
that all through the seventh century their names were
growing fainter and fainter, and those of the military
rulers were growing stronger and stronger on the screen
of Italian politics \
1 For a more minute discussion of the functions of the Prae-
fertus and Vicarii I may refer the reader to Diehl, book ii.
chap. vii. pp. 157-167. His chief conclusions are these : —
I. The Praefectus per Italiam probably lost all his legislative
and most of his administrative functions. He had still con-
siderable judicial authority, but was pre-eminently a financial
officer.
II. The survival of this part of his functions is analogous to
what happened in the East, where, when the new thomaiic
government was organised, a financial officer called tho protono-
tarhts was placed beside the strategos. The former, though much
lower in rank, was yet in a certain sense independent of tho
latter.
III. The title of the Praefcctus per Italiam was JSminmtMmiis,
and he resided at Ravenna, or, more properly speaking, at Claris,
IV. In the East the Praefectus Practorio is mentioned for tho
last time in a constitution of Heraclius, 629 ; and he was un-
doubtedly suppressed when the themes were organised.
V. In the papyri of Marini the title of Praefectus lingers on
till 68 1. But whatever may have been the date of his final dis-
appearance, from the middle of the seventh century his essential
attributes had passed into the hands of the Exarcli of Ravenna.
VI. Under the Prefect, there were two Vicarii (bearing tho title
of JHctf/niJicus) : one at Rome (the Vicarius Urftis), who governed
the ton provinces of the South ; the other at Genoa (after his
expulsion from Milan), who professed to govern tho seven
provinces of the North. They, too, seem to have been chiefly
concerned with finance.
VII. From the end of the sixth century the Vic-anus Jtomae
was nothing more than an urban functionary who was «ul>
ordinate to the Praefcctus Urbis, and who doubtless ended by
being confounded with him.
The Vicarius Italtac, if he lingered in obscurity at Genoa during
the first years of the seventh century, assuredly disappeared at
The Exarch. 529
I turn then from these shadowy survivals of a great BOOK yir,
organisation to direct the reader's attention to the
other half of the table of dignities, the military rulers
who were more and more assuming all the functions of arif^'
government to themselves, as the delegated servants
of the Emperor.
High over all, and practically supreme over Imperial Tin*
Italy1, was 'the Most Excellent EXARCH.' We shall
probably get a good idea of his position by com-
paring him to the Governor-General of India, only
that we must add to the civil functions of that high
officer the military functions involved in the absolute
personal command of the army. Ho seems to have
uniformly borne the title of Putriwits added to that
of Exarchus, and he not ^infrequently held high rank
in the Imperial household, as Otibiwdariw (Grand
Chamberlain) or Cnrtulwiux (Keeper of the Records).
He was supremo judge in Italy; he made peace and
war on his* own responsibility, apparently without the
necessity of consulting the Emperor ; he nominated all
the military officers bolowliim, the dukes and tribunes
and the like; perhaps also the civil governors, the
prefects and the vicars, though of this there does not
appear to be any direct proof. After the middle of
the seventh century ho was, what the Prefect had
tho moment whon tho Lombard oonquost dowlroyod tho j>rovin<*o
<>i* Ligurin (640).
There is an article by MoimnHcn on tho subject of tho Yitwrinfl
Jtomae and Virarlus Jtalifua in tho NOUCH Arohiv, vol. xiv ; but it
rolatos chiefly to Ontrogothic timos, and 1 <lo not un<lcrst4tn(l luni
us-* vombiiting Diohl'H conclusions with ro#aml to Loniban! tinu^s,
1 But not Sio-ily, which from tho timo of Justiniuu onwanlw
sooms to huvo }x»oti un<l<»r its ovva l*nwlnr or J^wJMiw
d<nit of tho Exarch of Italy. Sou Diolil, pp. 169-1 70.
VOL. VI. M m
530 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. been till then, the supreme head of the financial de-
CH> 13> partment of the state. This ruler, ' whose exalted
power gave effect to the will of the Pious Emperor V
was approached with servile prostrations 2 by the sub-
jects of his delegated reign. At Ravenna he dwelt
doubtless in the palace of the great Theodoric. When
he visited Borne, clergy, magistrates, soldiers, all the
civic militia of Home poured forth to meet him with
their crosses and their standards, and led him with
jubilations up to the Palatine Hill, where still in faded
magnificence rose the cluster of buildings which has
given its name to every other palace in the world.
His pro- Not the least important, assuredly, of the preroga-
tives of the Exarch, was the right transferred to him
by his Imperial master of confirming the election of
the pol)e by the dergy aud peopie of ^(>me ^ But
notwithstanding this prerogative, and although in
1 'Praecelsa potestas per cujus dispositionen voluntas piotatis
imporatorum impletur ' (Marini, 87 ; quoted by Diohl).
a * [ Johamiioius scriba) prostratus ante podes Exarchi surroxit,'
&c. (Agnellus, 120),
3 This right was transferred by the Emperor to the Exarch in
685, or possibly even as early as 642 (Diohl, p* 180). Two of the
most interesting letters in tho Lilcr fi'mrms (tho book of common
forms for use in tho Papal Chancery) are those addressed to an
Exarch on tho occasion of a vacancy in tho Papal Boo. In tho
first tho most Excellent and Transcendent Exarch LS informed
of the deep sorrow into which the people of Borne are plunged
by tho death of their Pope. In the second he is told that thoir
mourning is turned into joy by the election of a most holy man
as his successor ; and tho Exarch is intreated speedily to confirm
this election, because there are many things both in the city
and tho rural districts which neod his immediate attention, and
especially because the ferocity of the enemies who surround Itomo
will yield to nothing but the rebukes and entreaties of the Pope
and himself (Liber Diurnus, lix-lx).
The Exarch. 53r
a certain sense the Bishop of Home, as the Emperor's BOOK vii,
subject, might be held to be under the rule of the C"' 13'
Imperial vicegerent, there can be little doubt that, at
least from the time of Gregory the Great, the Pope, if
he wore a man of at all commanding personality, was,
and was felt to be, a greater man in Italy than the
Exarch. The Exarch was a foreigner, the minion of
a court, sometimes holding office for no very long
period, re-called and re-appointed at the Emperor's
pleasure. The Pope was an Italian, often a Roman
citizen, HI >oaking the noble old language of statesman-
ship and war : he alone could awe turbulent Lombard
kings and dukes into reverent submission ; round him
gathered with increasing fervour, as the seventh and
eighth centurion rolled on their course, not only the
religious reverence, but the national Hpirit, the patriotic
pride of the Roman people.
I shall briefly discuss the difficult subject of the
origin of the KxarchV* title, arul then review the history
of the men who bore it.
The Crock word tSxavchu**1 seems to have come into origin
use in the days of Justinian, if not before, to denote Ex
a military oflicor of a very high rank2, and it may
perhaps bo looked upon as corresponding to our word
* marshal.' It IB apparently in this sense only that
the term in applied by Theophancs to Narses, whom
8 lit Jimtiitiuni Novolhi, i't}o (Conni cu in TJngonlhaTs odition),
we havo llu* oftcu-rocurrintf oxprosHion, r&v ifdpxwv ««1 r&v <rrpu*
rtwr&i'. This would indium UK to .say that «£«/w>£= (nimply) * officer* ;
hut W<» httVO U!H<> hi lht> H*un<» Novol, rwv «fa/^a>i/ ««1 ri
AC<U ^«Xtyaro/;wi/ Ktu r&v JKatrrttv ray paras
in ovidontly n vory hi^h oflic<»r, [>tirhapH
dux t*r tuuglst<*r luilituiu. (I owo thm quotatiou to Dichl, p.
M m 2
532 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. he calls * Exarch of the Romans V For the persistent
— : — L. non-user of the term Exarch in connection with N arses
by all contemporary writers seems clearly to show
that he was not in his lifetime called the Exarch of
Italy2.
nor LOU- Neither, as far as we can discover, did Longinus,
who ruled Imperial Italy from 567 to 585 (?), and
whose feebleness seems to have had much to do with
facilitating the conquest of the Lombards, ever bear
the title of Exarch* In fact, he is expressly called
Prefect of Ravenna s by Pauhis, for which we may
doubtless substitute Prefect of Italy as his true title,
He was therefore, strictly speaking, only a great civil
functionary, with no military command, and this may
have been one reason for his failure to cope with the
dire necessities of his position.
His successor Smaraydus twice held supreme power
at Ravenna, his first tenure of office being probably
from 585 to 589. And here we do at last get a con-
temporary use of the title Exarch. In a letter of
Pope Pelagius II to his apocrmarius Gregory at Con-
stantinople, bearing date October 4, 584**, wo have
a sentence saying that 'the Exarch writes he can givo
us no help, for he is hardly able even to guard his own
TOU feou/9t/eouXflty>iov KU\ cfup^ov 'Popatap (A.M. 6044),
2 As Theophanos i« only a ninth-century writer, hi« to«lan<my
on such a point as this is not very valuable, ovon if ho did moan
to call NarsoH ( the Ejramh.9
s 'Statimquo Booomunda Longino prurfccto Raronnao mau-
davit * (PauluH, II. L. ii. 29).
4 Troya proposoH to rofor this letter to Indiction IIII iiiHtond
of III, and thus to make it 585 rather than 584. One is reluctant
to accept a correction of the toxt too easily, but there sooins much
•to be said for his view.
List of Exarchs. 533
district V Here then we have the great military BOOK VJLL
governors, who bore the title of Exai-ch for 1 70 years, —
fairly installed in the palace of liavenna. It may be
a question indeed whether Sinaragdus was the first
who bore that title. M. Diehl suggests that Baduarius,
the son-in-law of the Emperor Justin II, who came in
575 with a great army to Italy, and was defeated by
the Lombards, may have been the iirst of the Exarchs,
but we have no contemporary evidence of the fact,
and the theory is at best but a plausible hypothesis \
Srnaragdus, us the reader may remember, after his Ust of
high-handed proceedings towards the Lstvian schis-
matics:{, became insane, and was recalled b»y his Im-
perial master, who appointed Homunus Exarch in his
stead *.
llom<i<nu$, who ruled probably from 589 to 597, was
a perpetxial thorn in the side of Pope Gregory; unable,
according to that Pope's representations, to defend
him from the Lombards, and unwilling to make with
1 ' El ExareliUB ncribit nullum nobiw POBHO romodium facm» ;
quippo <jui noc ad illan partow cuBlodiondun so towtatur pofcse Biiffi-
coro" (ap. Troya, iv* i. 63). In tho lottor from PdUigius II to
Elian (eoo vol. v. p. 462) wo huvo an ulluHion to thw ponco attainud
by the labour und puinn * filii noHtri <»xcoll<uitiK8uni Snuiragdi Ex-
archi ot Oartnlarii mm imlutii/ Troya asBigus this lottur to thtf
<»nd of 584, or th« boginnin^ of 585.
'J It in intoro.sting to ol>Ht*rvo that at about tho name tiino, and
probably an a r<wult of tlw nauiin i<»nd<»nci«K, th<» <*lmjf rulor <;f Africa
r<w<*iv<jd tho iltlo of Kxuivh, In th« y<»ar 591, Or<»gory uddreHH<»s
a lot lor to UoimttdiuH, 'Patrician and Kxarcli of Africa '(Kp. I
^>* (59) )* Ko«> vol. v. p. 414-
41 Ho<^ vol. v. p. iyf)*
4 On ih<j ntn*ugth of an inscription roeordod by dc^ Itonsi (InHc.v.
Olirint. ii. 454-455)7 l>i«»lil would inturpolufco an Exarch namod
J«lmiiUH(otlu»nvi»H» unluntrd of; l)ctw<»on Miuanigdiw and Komuaas >
(j». 208, n. 7),
534 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vu. the invaders a fair and honourable peace. Probably
L- the fact was that now for the first time, with such
a Pontiff as Gregory sitting in St. Peter's chair, the
Exarch began to feel how completely he was over-
shadowed by the Bishop of Rome, and showed too
manifestly to all men his ill-temper and his discontent
at the anomalous situation in which he found himself
placed.
On the death of liomanus (596 or 597) CalUnicm
(or, as Paulus calls him, Gallicinus) was appointed to
the vacant post, which he held till about the year 602.
Though he was more acceptable to the Pope than his
predecessor, his dastardly abduction of the daughter
of Agilulf, the signal punishment which the injured
father inflicted on him, and the damage thereby done
to the Imperial cause in Italy, marked his tenure of
the high office of the Exarchate with dishonour.
Smaraydus (602-611), a second time Exarch of
Italy, seems to have risen with the rise of the usurper
Phocas, and fallen with his fall. It was evidently
an especial delight to him to grovel before that bane
and truculent usurper ; since besides the well-known
statue and column in the Roman forum, he erected
another statue to Phocas at Carthage l.
Joannes (611-616), after an uneventful rule of
five or six years, perished, apparently in a pojwlur
tumult.
ISleutJwrius, an eunuch (616-620), punished the
murderers of his predecessor, suppressed the rebellion
1 C. L L, viii. 10529, quoted by Diohl (p. 171), who rightly
argues against the theory of the African'^ subjection to tho Italian
Exarch, derived from this pioco of fussy servility on tho )>art of
Smaragdus.
List of Exarchs. 535
of Joannes Compsimzs at Naples, visited Rome, him- BOOK VIL
self tried to grasp the Imperial diadem, and was slain ---- -'—
by his own mutinous soldiers at Luceoli.
Into one of these periods we possibly ought to
interpolate the Exarchate of Gregory, 'patricius Ho-
manorum/ who, as we learn from Paulus T, foully
murdered the two sons of Gisulf, duke of Friuli, after
luring them into the city of Opitergium by a promise
to adopt the elder of them, Taso, as his c son in arms/
We have also to speak with great uncertainty of
the tenure of office of EuMlrius, who may not have
been an Exarch at all, but an ambassador of the
Emperor, but who in Home strange way fascinated
the young Lombard king Adalwald to his ruin. After
thin interval of uncertainty we come to Isaac*, ' the
groat ornament of Armenia/ arid the husband of 'that
chaste turtle-dove Susanna/ His rule, which lasted
probably from 625 to 644, was chiefly marked by the
loss of the Kiviera to tho Lombards under Hothari.
Of the Exarchs who immediately followed Isaac, as
before remarked 2, we know extremely little* 77/w/o;v
CdllioiMx may havo ruled for the first time from 644
to 646.
Plato (646-649), a Monotholete, induced tho Patri-
arch Pyrrhus to break with the Pope and return to
Monotheletism.
OlymjMnN (649-652), Grand Chamberlain, was em-
ployed by the Kmperor Oonwtans II in his first abortive
attempt to arrest Pope Martin, desisted therefrom,
was reconciled to the Pope, led his army to fight
against the* Saracens in Sicily, and died there, probably
of camp fever.
1 II. L, iv. 38. * Sou p, 257, n. i.
536 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. Theodore Calliopas, sent a second time as Exarch to
— -— Ravenna (653-664), signalised his rule by the forcible
arrest of Pope Martin.
Gregory, whose tenure of office perhaps extended
from 664 to 677*, is apparently only known by the
occurrence of his name in the 'Privilegium' of Constans
II, given in 666 to Maurus, archbishop of Ravenna,
confirming his independence of the See of Home. In
this Privilegium ' Gfregorius Exarchus nosier9 is men-
tioned as suggesting the issue of such a document, and
is ordered to assist in giving effect to its provisions.
Another Theodore (probably different from Theodore
Calliopas) dwelt in the palace at Ravenna from about
677 to 687* The monastery which he built near his
palace, his receipt of the news of the election of Pope
Conon, the three golden cups which he presented to the
church of Ravenna, and the part which he took in the
quarrel between his namesake Archbishop Theodore
a-nd his clergy, are all recorded in the pages of Agnellu«,
Joannes, surnamed Platyn (687-702), contemporary
with Pope Sergius (687-701), being appealed to in
connection with the disputed Papal election of 687,
appeared suddenly in Borne with his soldiers. He
acquiesced in the election of Sergiua, but iuwiflted on
taking toll of the Church to the amount of 100 lb«. of
gold (£4000).
Theophylact (702-709), contemporary with Pope John
VI (701-705), returning from Sicily to Home, wan
1 Tlio dates of the Exarchs from this point onwards are oven
more doubtful than those which have gone before. As n rale
wo only know them by a single entry for each ono in the Libor
Pontificalia; and all that we are really entitled to say is that
each one was contemporary with the Pope in <v^JLOy° biography
his name occurs*
List of Exarchs. 537
assailed by the mutinous * soldiers of Italy/ and hardly BOOK vn.
escaped through the Pope's intervention. I am not ' — 1—
sure that we ought not to recognise in Tlieodore, ' the
patrician' and ' primicerius ' of the army of Sicily, an
Exarch of Ravenna. To him was entrusted the com-
mand of the expedition of vengeance directed by
Justinian II against the city of Kavenna in 709.
Joannes, surnamed Rizowyms, about 710 met Pope
Gonstantine at Naples, on his way to Constantinople ;
himself proceeded to Home, put four eminent ecclesias-
tics to death, and, returning to Ravenna, died there
shortly after 'by a most disgraceful death, the just
judgment of God on his wicked deeds/
Sti/iohtxti<M#(ji$~726)9 Grand Chamberlain and Ex-
arch, transmitted to Pope Constantino, probably in
713, the letters of the shadow-Emperor Anastasius, in
which he assured the Pope of his perfect orthodoxy.
Pttulutt (726-727) was sent by Leo III to enforce
the iconoclastic edicts in Italy, and to arrest Pope
Gregory II. lie was prevented by the joint efforts of
Romarjs ami LombardH from executing the second part
of thin order, and was killed in an iiiKurrection by the
citizens of Ravenna,
.Kiitychim (727-752), tho hint Kxarch of whom we
have any mention1, IUIH figured both an a confederate,
with Liutpraud, and an bin antagonist, in the preceding
history, He may have been still ruling when Ravenna
fell before the assault of Aintulf, but of thin wo have
no certain knowledge.
This brief summary of the deeds of the Exarchs isunuMmi
, . , , i . /i /» i j M tthanwtnr
derived, we must remember, chiefly from Jiostuo sources. <>r tin*
An Kxnrch who livad on gcxxl tei^nis with his eoclc-
1 IIo may jKMudbly huvo boeu JBxarch onco bofom Soo p. 453, n. x*
53a Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vu. siastical neighbours left no mark in history, while one
°H'13' who quarrelled with Pope or Archbishop was sure to
have his name mentioned unfavourably by the Papal
biographer or by Agnellus of Ravenna. Still, even on
the one-sided evidence before us we may fairly pro-
nounce the Exarchs to have been a poor and con-
temptible race of men. They evidently felt themselves
to be strangers and foreigners in the land : and taking
no interest in the welfare of Italy, their chief thought
probably was how to accumulate sufficient treasure
against the day of their return to Constantinople.
Feebly oppressive, they were neither loved nor greatly
feared by their subjects or their soldiers. Three of
them were killed in insurrections or mutinies, and
a fourth only just escaped the same fate through
the intervention of the Pope. One tried to grasp
the Imperial sceptre, but failed, and perished in the
attempt. There is no trace of any great work under-
taken by them, or of any wise and statesmanlike scheme
for lessening the unhappiuess of Italy. Even for their
own proper business as soldiers they showed no special
aptitude. City after city was lost by them to the
Lombards, and not regained ; and the story of their
incompetent rule is at last ended by the capture of the
hitherto impregnable city of liavenna.
The most important person on the staff of the
Exarch was his Comiliarim, who was addressed by
the title of 'Most Eloquent/ or < Magnificent.' This
minister was still probably in theory what he wan in
the days when this office was held by the historian
Procopius, whom I have ventured to call < Judge-
Advocate7 to Belisarius1. A general like Belisarius,
1 See vol* iii. p. 638,
Consih-
arius.
Consiliarius : Magister Militiim : Dux. 539
who as general had according to Roman usage the BOOK vn.
power of trying causes (even though not of a purely - ' -
military kind) in which soldiers were concerned, re-
quired a trained lawyer as his assessor, and such an
assessor Belisarius found in the young legist, educated
at Berytus, who, fortunately for posterity, was not
a mere lawyer, but had also a true historical genius,
and wrote for us the story of the wars of his chief.
But as tho Exarch, though still in theory a military
officer, gradually drew to himself more and more of
the functions of si civil governor, of course i lie power
and tho responsibility of his legal assessor were pro-
portionately increased, and it does not surprise us to
find tho Oo'HMlift'rl.Hst (perhaps in the absence of his
lord) himself sitting on the judgment-seat, and giving
decisions on his own account1,
Next however to the Kxavch in the great official MwMrf
hierarchy stood tho 3/m//#/n UlititinH, or 7)//ms. These />«.»-.
titles had, by a complete deviation from the usage of
tho times of Constantino, become practically inter-
e.hang-eable. At that time" the, Magistor Militmn was
11 very important minister of State- —notwithstanding
tho division between Masters of the Horse and Mustors
of the Foot, {.here wore only eight 'Masters* altogether
throughout the whole width of the Empire— and the
1 Ho in Mnriui (Pup. Dip. No. exxiii): 'Ex dwroto quondam
JohunmH qui fuit |eonNilwriuH| #IorioH*u* momoriao Johumritt
I'ufricii <»l JBxiwhi Itatlitw: n*r nmi r,f jtwjtttlirw |?praojudi«io|.
l*w*'i*irii riri rfM/tti'Htiwihni (JonMtiarii Jtomni riri elotfHcntiMtMi
JKlrutltprii Uhttrtulnrli Krtwhi llttliw.' Tho duto of thm document
IH jirolmMy about 617, It is of courHo a inoro coinci<l<'U««», though
tin intomHtintf **n<s i'i*il thin Conmlmriim in U!HO iuun««l Proeopius.
Hoo vol. i, i>p» 209-218 (604-613, 2nd edition).
540 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. Dux was a comparatively obscure military officer,
L merely Spectabilis, and standing below the Comes
on the official ladder.
Now, in accordance with the general tendency of
affairs under the Eastern Empire, the title of Mayittter
Militum has become cheapened1, so that there are
very likely a dozen of them in Italy alone, but the
title of Dux has been raised in dignity, so that he in
now distinctly above the Conies. Referring to that
which has been said in a previous chapter 2 as to the
reasons which may have induced the barbarian nations
to place the Heretoga above the Graf, we may now
perhaps not too rashly venture the suggestion that
the usage of the barbarians caused a change in the
usage of the Empire, and that the dukes of Campania
and Sardinia shone in the inflected glories of the dukes
of Benevento and Spoleto3.
1 Thus, as Diehl remarks (p. 141), 'In 592 wo find four N ay isM
Militum at once in the Roman district '— - Aldio at Xtomo, Volox,
Mauritius, and Yitalian in the immediate neighbourhood of Homo
(Greg. Ep. ii. 29. 3 and 30).
2 See vol. v. p. 183,
8 As to the practical convertibility of the titles Magister MilituM
and Dux, see Hegel, i. 180, and Diehl, 141-142. Hogol snyn,
' We look on the M. . M. as the special commanders of the army,
whoso generalissimo was the Exarch, whereas the Duces appear
as military lieutenant-governors, who are somotimoB named after
the province over which they preside, sometimes after the city
in which they dwell"; and Diehl says, *At the head of the
provincial administration was placed a military governor who
generally bore the title of Dux, sometimes also that of Mat/,
Militum. Certainly, in strictness there is a considerable difference
between those two titles. The M. M, is essentially a military
chief : he htis army-rank, but not an administrative function. . . ,
The Dux, on the other hand, is at the same time military chief
and civil administrator. In the second place, while there is only
Cartidarius. 54*
In the same way as the Exarch was supreme BOOK vii.
throughout Imperial Italy, so the Dux was, or became, - — —
during the period which we are now considering,
supreme in the province which was under his rule,
commanding the troops, nominating all the civil
functionaries, fixing the taxation of the province,
and constituting in himself the highest court of
judicial appeal both in civil and criminal causes,
subject always doubtless to an appeal from his decision
to that of the Exarch.
In close proximity to the Dux we find an officer ofcartH-
high rank called the Cartulariits. In a letter of Pope
Stephen III *, written in 756, the Cartidarius is men-
tioned between the Dux< and the Corner Gregory the
Great desires a correspondent to bring the necessities
of Rome before the * Magnificent Man, lord MaurentiuB
the Cartulu'riux*' And in the year 638 we find
u ttinglo Dux to each province, it is not raro to find muny
Milihm in tho same di»trict, commanding difforont dotachmontH
•stationed thcroin, and doubtlcHB placed undor tho orders of tho
provincial 7>//,r.
SSUI1, iu tho Hiuno way as tho Dn,r, leaving liis dudxy, somo-
timns census io bo a governor in order to diwchnrgo simply tho
ollico of n wont Till (<^. pj' ilw» J*u.r of Poru^ia commandB tlio Bywin-
tino troojw al tho attack on Bologna, II. L. vi. 54), HO iuvt^rnoly,
Uin M. M.j though <HS«ntially u military ollicw, may add to lii.s
coiiiinuiKl n<lininiHtmtiv<^ fundioim.
* In HUH CUHO )H^ gout^rjJly add« to his rank of M. M. tho
adininiHtrativo titl<^ of /Mr, 1>ut in pnictico it in not uncommon
to HW tho two torm.M tiH<?d IndiilVrontly one for tho othor. Thus
Gregory th<» Urotit (E[>, i. 4^) calls Th<»od<>ris govonioi" of Sar-
dinia in f>9*> by ttinm /M./' and Mttt/. MUiium: tho RUIUO tiling
at Napl^H, whoro tlu^ M. AT. MntirttnlhiH POHHOHHOH all th<^ atlributoH
of n iJiw ((jlrog, Kj>. ix. 3^-69) ; tho naino Uiing also ni Havouna,
\vh<T<k tho naiao jx»r,son iw tn<tnlion<ul onct» with Lh<^ titlo of l)u,r^
an<l a littlo lutor with that of MwjMvr MHitMH.*
(JarolixxuHy 9* u Kp. L 3.
542 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK. VIL Maurice the Cartularius, apparently the chief Im-
' — i— perial officer in Rome. He incites the Roman soldiers
to rebellion by pointing to the stored-up treasures of
the Lateran, out of which their wages might well be
paid : he enters the Lateran palace along with the
civil rulers \ seals up all the treasures of the sacristy,
and sends word to the Exarch Isaac, inviting him to
come and divide the spoil. Later on (circa 642) he
foments a rebellion against Isaac himself, which is
suppressed by Bonus, Magister Militum ; he flies to
S. Maria ad Praesepe for shelter, is dragged thence,
and sent to Ravenna for execution 2.
In all these transactions the Dux Romae is never
mentioned. I am disposed to conjecture that what
the Consiliarius was to the Exarch, the Carliilarim
was to the Dux ; his assessor, and chief legal adviser,
who in his absence acted as his representative, and
who may perhaps during some casual vacancy of the
office have pushed himself into a position of supremacy,
and maintained it by the arts of the military dema-
gogue, till it became necessary for the Exarch to
remove him by force 3.
Before we part from the Dux and his staff, we imiftt
take particular notice of two dukes, who from the
scene of their administrative labours possesH an especial
1 'Judicibus.' 8 800 pp. 170-173.
8 Coni}>. Diohl, pp, 151, 155, for a nomowhat different viow of
the functions of tlio GartulaHua, who, after nil, remains nomo-
what of a puxzlo to him. Ho thinks that the J)M, like tho
Exarch, had a Consiliuriwi, who was thorofovo a difforoiit porson
from tho CartiUarius (on his staff), but wayn candidly, *I)aus
Tltalio Byzantine aucxm toxto no inoutiouno foriu<»llom«nt tin
comlliarimoM assessor h eoto dti (hw.' This wilonco «ooms to m<*
an argument of some weight in favour of the view in tho text.
Dukes of Rome and Naples. 543
interest for us. The Dux Romae is not mentioned BOOK vn.
by that name in the letters of Gregory, but it is °H 13<
probable that in the course of the seventh century
the Afrtyixtrr Militum at Rome was addressed by that
title. For an express mention of a Duke of Rome we
must wait till the beginning of the eighth century
(711-713), when a large part of the Roman populace
refused to receive Peter as duke because he was the
nominee of the heretical emperor Philippicus, and
with arms in their hands vindicated the claim of his
predecessor Christopher. Evidently by that time the
Diwntnx lio'HMW bad become a well-known office in
the state. A Her the evenis of 726, and the xiprising
of the Roman population against the decrees of the
Iconoclastic Emperor, the Duke of Rome, though still
keeping his high office, seems to have more or less
broken oil* his connection with Ravenna, and become
for the remainder of the century the humble servant
of the 1*01)0 l.
Ko loo the DuJLv- of Na^l^ though ruling over/^r
a very limited territory, became at an early period/"'2'"40*'
owing to the remote and detached position of his
duchy, comparatively independent of the Exarch at
'Ravenna. This tendency is perhaps indicated by the
insurrection ofJoannes (Jompsinus (about 618), though
we have no distinct authority for calling him duke,
and though his rebellion W*IB soon suppressed. But
in the eighl.h century, though the dukes of Naples did
not lumk olV from tin*! Eastern Empire, and in fact
fought against I he Roman insurgents on behalf of the
there w«ts an evident tendency on their
1 H<'o Ilotfcl, L 226-229, both for tint /M,r Itunuw nnd
JVw/w/mv.
544 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vn. part to become hereditary nobles instead of mere
CK 13 • .
_ L _1_ nominees of the Emperor, holding office at his pleasure.
The Duke of Naples at this time seems to be generally
called Consul, as well as Mcigister Militum. About
768 he joins the office of bishop to that of duke, and
in the following century (but this is beyond our
horizon), the descendants of this duke-bishop almost
succeed in making both dignities, the spiritual and
the temporal, hereditary in their family.
It should be noticed that from the early part of
DuohioH the eighth century onwards, probably because of the
"^ 1 up* weakened hold of the central government upon them,
there was a tendency in the duchies to split up into
smaller districts, eaclx of whose rulers assumed the
coveted title of Dux. The Papal biographer1, as
\ve have seen, describes the result of the iconoclastic
decree to have been that ' all men throughout Italy,
spnrning the Emperor's orders, chose dukes for them-
selves, and thus provided for the Pope's safety and
their own/ As a result, we find the number of dukes
greatly increiised. Perugia, Ferrara, Fermo, Osimo,
Ancona, has en,ch its duke, and probably fuller his-
tories of the time would give us many more. How
strongly this splitting-up of the duchies, coinciding
with their liberation from Imperial control, would
tend towards making* the dignity of duke hereditary
in certain families, and preparing the way for a feudal
nobility in the Italy of the Romans, as well as in the
Italy of the Lombards, will be at once perceived by
a student of history.
Triiuni. Of the Tribuui, the military officers with civil
powers, who came next below the Du<m in the Imperial
1 In Vita Grogorii II.
hierarchy, we are not able to say much. The reader BOOK vn.
will not need to be reminded how completely in — ! — L_
the Imperial age the word 'Tribune' had lost that
signification of a defender of popular rights which
once belonged to it, and how it was ordinarily applied
to a military officer 1 ranking above the centurion, and
corresponding pretty closely with our ' Colonel.' No
doubt, then, the Tribunes who commanded the detach-
ments of troops in the various towns of the province
of which the Dux was governor, were essentially and in
theory military officers ; but \ve have abundant proof
in the letters of Gregory I - that already, by the end of
the sixth century, they joined to their military functions
all tho ordinary civil duties of the governor of a town.
The Tribunes, to whom Gregory writes (and who,
though styled 'mttyni/wi and vltmmmi, are neverthe-
less addreased by him in a tone of patronising con-
descension which he does not employ to IJnwx and
AfHy-isfri Milttinti), arc desired to redress financial
grievances, to restore runaway slaves, to assist a niece
to recover her uncle's inheritance, and so forth ; all of
thoin a/lairs entirely foreign to a military officer's
dulios. Thus we >see hero in a very striking manner
how 'the toga' was giving way to 'arms/ tlio oillcer
stepping into tho place of the civil servant in all tho
1 Tho fact that wo hnvo undor tho Empiro Trllwni rcnm nift'H*
fiuw, whoHo burthmss it was to take cliurgo of tho HtntuoB and
olhor workn of art in public places iu Mumo, Trihuni mlHjrfuluvH,
who had tho suporintondoneo of tho public ganms, and HO on,
prtwntH our speaking of tho Tribuno an an oxttlunivoly miliUiry
offlcor at ihm poriod Ktillf ovon thoso Tribunes w<»r«» j>ro()ably
in th(»ory part of tho military hoimohold of tho EiMi^ror ]>y whom
thoy w<»r<» appoint* ul.
« Suo (h*<^ Kp. ix. 46, 99 ; xi. 24*
YOU VK N H
546 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. cities of Italy. Perhaps we may even say that the
°H' 13' substitution took place earlier in the lower ranks of
the services than in the higher ; that by the time
of Gregory the Tribunus had generally ousted the
Judex, though the DVM had not yet entirely replaced
the Praeses.
wasaw&u- The same officer who bore the title of T-nlunus was
vaienUo also sometimes addressed as Comes, and we are tempted
comes? ^ g^ tkat these two titles were interchangeable, like
those ofMagister Militwn and Dux ; but it is difficult
to speak with any certainty on this subject. ' It is
certain ' (I borrow here some sentences from the latest
French expositor) 'that from the beginning of the
eighth century the exact hierarchy of titles begins to
get into strange confusion; the ambition to wear a more
sonorous name, the desire to amass a larger fortune by
ike prestige of an important post in the administration
lead the chiefs of the Italian aristocracy to beg for
dignities and titles from Byzantium, or to assume
them on their own authority. Governors of towns
call themselves Dxikes, great proprietors intrigue for
the functions of the Tribune, which become a hereditary
title of nobility in their families ; and administrative
dignities go on multiplying, without any longer neces-
sarily corresponding to real offices in the State V
Early ids- The result of this examination into the political
fcory of , . i «
Venice, organisation of Imperial Italy from the sixth to the
eighth century throws an important light on the dark
and difficult subject of the early history of Venice.
As has been already hinted, we have exceedingly
slight authentic and contemporary materials and a
too copious supply of imaginative fourteenth-century
1 DioM, p* 117.
Application to History of Venice. 547
romance for the reconstruction of that history. But, BOOK vu.
to repeat what was said in the preceding chapter, the — - — —
uniform tradition of all the native historians, coinciding
as it does with the contemporary letters of Cassiodorus,
seems to prove that for two hundred years, from the
close of the fifth century to the close of the seventh,
the inhabitants of the islands in the Venetian lagunes
were under the sway of rulers called Tribuni (Cassio-
dorus calls them Trilnni Maritimi), one for each of
the twelve islands. About the year 697 they came
together and chose one supreme ruler for the whole
territory, who was called Dux : these Duccs nil eel the
islands for about forty years, each one holding his
office for life. Then annual magistrates, called Muyivtri
Militia^ were appointed in their stead. This experi-
ment, however, was found not to answer, and in 742
a Dnx wan again appointed, thus reinstating a line of
elective life-magistrates, who for 1054 years ruled the 743-1796-
cities of the lagunes, and for nearly 1000 yeans the one 810-1796.
central queenly city of the IMallo, and whom history
knows as the Doye$ of Vcnwe. Ro much onr inquiries
into the contemporary history of Imperial Italy enable
us easily to understand. The Trilwni, each one ruling
in his own Httlo island-town, are the Imperial oiticers
whom we should expect to find there. If the islanders
wore from any cause detached from the rule of the Du<r<
llwtritM ct VcMfiw towards the close of tho sovonth
century, during tho troublous roign of Justinian IT, it
wifl natural that the inhabitants should elect a J9w:i of
their own, hereby illustrating both the tendency to-
wards a splitting-up of the great duchies into littlo
ones, and the tendency towards popular election which
became manifest when events weakened the hold of
N n 2
548 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. the Empire on the loyalty of the Italians. And what
H'13' we have learned as to the almost equivalent value of
the titles Dux and Magister Militum enables us readily
to understand why, during the temporary obscuration
of the life-ruling Dux, an annual Magister Militiae
should be substituted in his place. The point on which
we are not entitled to speak is as to the extent to
which popular election may have entered into all these
official appointments, especially into the appointment
of the Tribuni who ruled in the several islands for two
centuries. By analogy with the rest of Imperial Italy,
we should expect these Tribunes to be nominated by
a Duke or an Exarch, and so ultimately to receive their
authority from Constantinople. It is possible that the
peculiar circumstances which led to the foundation of
the cities of the lagunes and their strangely strong
geographical position may have rendered them more
independent of the officers of the Empire than the
other cities which still owned its sway. But, on the
other hand, all our information about thorn comas to
us coloured by the fancies of men who lived long after
Venice had thrown off the yoke of the Empire ; nay,
some generations after she herself had borne a share in
the sack of Constantinople. Historians like Dandolo
and ftabellico, with these thoughts in their minds, were
sure to minimise the degree of their ancestors' depen-
dence on the Empire, and to exaggerate the amount of
independence possessed by their forefathers. Perhaps,
too, even their knowledge of Roman history, imperfect
as it may have been, led them to think of a Tribune as
a sturdy champion of popular rights, like Tiberius or
Caius Gracchus, rather than as the sleek, obsequious
servant of an absolute master, who was really denoted
Survival of the Curiae. 549
by the term Tribunus in the sixth century after BOOK vn.
Christ. CH'13'-
We have now gone through all the higher members Question
of the political organisation of Imperial Italy during vivai of
the Lombard dominion, and have certainly so far seen
no germs of freedom which could account for the
phenomena afterwards presented by the great Italian
Eepublics. This is fully admitted by Savigny himself,
who holds that all the higher ranks of the civil magis-
tracy of the Empire disappeared under the waves of
change, but thinks the minor municipal magistracies
survived, partly by reason of their very obscurity1.
The question which thus presents itself for solution is
whether the local senates or Curiae of the cities of
Italy did or did not survive through those centuries
of darkness, to the dawn of republican freedom in the
twelfth century,
To prevent needless repetition I refer my readers to Degrade
an earlier section of this history 2 for a sketch of the
rise and fall of the municipal system of the Empire.
The reader, if he turns back to that section, will see
how the once flourishing and prosperous town-councils
of Italy and the provinces became transformed into
life-long prisons, in which the unhappy members of
a once powerful middle-class were penned like sheep,
awaiting the ' loud-clashing shears ' of the Imperial
tax-gatherer. At the time of Justinian the condition
of these ' Senators ' (as they were called with cruel
courtesy) was still unaltered. In a law passed in the
year 536*, the Emperor laments in his stately language
1 Vol. i. p. 289.
2 Vol. ii. pp. 596-619 (576-596, and edition).
3 Nov. 38 (Const, xli, ed. Linganthal),
OH. 13.
550 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. that the Senates which were established in every city
«_ 10 B
of the Empire, in imitation of the Senate in the capital,
are falling into decay, that there is no longer the same
eagerness which there was in old time to perform public
services l to one's native city, but that men are wilfully
denuding themselves of their property, and making
fictitious presents of it during their lifetime, in order
to evade the statutory obligation to leave at least one-
fourth of that property to members of the SSenate/
The Imperial legislator accordingly raises the proportion
which must be thus left, to three-fourths. If a man
leave legitimate children, they become perforce 'sena-
tors,' and take the whole property with the burden.
If he leave only illegitimate offspring, they are to be
enrolled in the 'Senate' if they receive a bequost of
this three-fourth fraction, otherwise it all goe»s straight
to the Curia. If he leave only daughters, they must
either marry husbands who are ' senators, ' or relinquish
all claim to anything but one-fourth of their father's
estate 2. All these provisions show that we are still
face to face with that condition of affairs in connection
with the Curia— nominal dignity, but real slavery _
which we met with a century and a half before in
the legislation of Theodosius and his sons. We flee
from the letters of Pope Gregory that the same state
of things continued half a century after the legislation
of Justinian, for he forbids the ordination not only of
bigamists, of men who have married widows, of men
ignorant of letters, but also of those 'under liability
to the Ouria,' lest, after having received the sacred
2 The word ftwXcvr^, which I have trans iatod < senator,' i* of
course equivalent to 'curialis.*
Sumival of the C^t,r^ae. 551
anointing, they should be compelled to return toBooKvn
public business1. Ht
In the East, however, it is clear that, for some reason
or other, not even as convenient taxing-machines could
the Curiae be kept permanently in existence. It was
perhaps the institution of a new order of tax-gatherers
called VindiMB, and the assignment to them of the
functions formerly discharged, much against their will,
by the Decurions, which brought about this change.
Certain it is that about the year 890, the Emperor
Leo VI, in an edict which I have already quoted2,
abolished the last vestiges of the Curiae, which he
(loser i bod as imposing intolerable burdens, conferring
imaginary rights, and 'wandering in a vain and object-
less manner round the soil of legality/
Thin having been the course of affairs in the Eastern Did they
Empire, wo should certainly expect to find that the appear in
Cnruw had not a longer life in the West. With war
and barbaric invasion raging round them, with the ten-
dency which wo have observed in Imperial institutions
to imilato those of the Germanic peoples, especially the
tendency of offices to become hereditary and thus to
prepare the way for a feudal nobility, we certainly
should not expect these Curiae, the pale spectres of
long-dead republic**, to maintain themselves in being
for six centuries. The negative conclusion on this
subject to which a priori probability leads us is that
at which tho majority of scholars have arrived as the
result of a posteriori reasoning. But one great name,
that of Carl Fricdrich von Savigny, is inscribed on the
1 * Viil««utlum otiam no Blue littoris aut ne obnoxius curiae com-
jwllnttir po»t Httcrum ordimwn ad actionem publicam rodiro ' (Ep.
iv. 20). a Vol. it p. 6x8 (ist ed.)» 596 (™A ed-)-
552 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK VIL other side of the question, and iu deference to that
CH* 13.
— - — L- opinion (from which no historical student differs with-
out reluctance) we must look a little more closely
at the constitution of the Curiae > such as they un-
doubtedly still subsisted on the soil of Italy at the
end of the sixth century.
The De- In the old and flourishing days of the Italian munici-
curionatu 1. . . ,
originally panties, as we have seen, the Decunons had been an
" aristocracy, ruling their native city, and proudly hold-
ing themselves aloof from the Pteleii around them. It
The Mium had been an honour eagerly sought after to have one's
name inscribed in the Album Curiae \ Here were to
be found first of all the names of the Patroni, or, as we
should call them, honorary members ; either home-born
sons of the Curia, who had passed through all the
grades of office up to the highest ; or eminent Italians
outside the Curia, on whom it had bestowed, as we
should say, e the freedom of the city.' Here, too, were
those who were serving, or had served, the office of
Duumviri*t the office which imitated in each provincial
town the position of the Roman Consulate, and which
shared some of its reflected splendour. Here were
other lower functionaries, who, as at Rome, bore the
titles of Aedile and Quaestor ; and here also was an
officer called the Quinquennulis, appointed only once
in five years, and whose dignity, corresponding to that
of the Roman Censor, seems at one time to have over-
shadowed even that of the Duumviri themselves*
1 The best example of such an Album Curiae is that of Canu-
sium, published by Orelli, No. 3721, and commented upon by
Savigny, i. 93.
2 Sometimes Quatuomri. The full title was IP" or IVvir
juri dicundo.
The Curator. 553
In the sixth century, the names, and hardly more BOOK vn.
than the names, of these municipal magnates still — - — ~
survived. The Duumviri appear to be alluded to
under the more general term Magistratus. The con-
tinued existence of the Quinquennales depends on the
rendering of a doubtful contraction in the papyrus
documents of Marini 1. By a series of changes which
even the patient labour of German scholars has hardly
succeeded in fully developing, the power, such as it
was, of the Italian Curia seems to have been concen-
trated iu two officers, unknown in the third century,
the dnrntor and the Defcnsor.
i. The Curator* seems to have exercised those curator.
administrative and financial powers which we in Eng-
land associate with the title of Mayor — perhaps adding
thereto that of Chairman of the Finance Committee
of the Corporation, The Curator of a large city like
"Ravenna was still an important person in the year
600, Gregory the Great addresses him as gloria
•mtfw, consul IH him about important affairs of state
Huch JIM peace with the Lombard king, asks him. to
obtain for certain soldiers their arrears of pay, recom-
mends to his good cilices the wife of the Prefect of
'Rome, who is visiting llaveima3. If we may identify
1 Ql (in Mttrini, 74, *4> ii5-"6)> wllich Marini interprets
fythujui'HHnlw. But Diolil auggoBls that perhaps the characters
nhould IM» mid Vl=vir InudabiliB (p. 98, n* 8).
* 1 follow MaiMjiwrdt (KflmiHche Slwitsvorfassung, i. 487) in
(liwwiitinK from HuvitfnyV* and Hcgul'H identification of the Quin-
f/Mrwwi/w nud tlio OttMtor. Tho very name of the former seems
to im» to 1)0 ngauwt that idrniiiiditiou. How could ordinary
whumiHtmtivo functioiiH, tho control of the finances, &c., cease
for lb« tour y«»jim during which there was no
KI». ix* <;H • x. 6 ; ix. 0.
55* Political State of Imperial Italy.
vn. him, us seems j*r<>bubit\ with tin* Mujnr Piytufi whom
!Hl .'„ we meet with fit Naples, ho hail chary** of the gates of
that <*ity, und vehemently resented the pretensions of
u middles* »n ie ami arrogant bishop to interfere with
him in hi^ work of guarding the city, and to raise up
a party antagonistic to his government *.
These last letters of Pope Gregory probably indicate
to us one reason for the disappearance of the Curntor
from all our later historical documents. The bishop
was rapidly becoming the most important person in all
that related to the peaceful administration of the city.
Between him and the military governor, the Tribunus,
there was left hut little room for the popularly-elected
CW"ft*r or J/'.yW PifyulL and so in the course of the
seventh and eighth centuries he vanishes from the
scene *.
+f'H*t. 2. Similar, probably, was the fate of the Dcfonsor,
who at the beginning of our period stood at the head
of all the local functionaries, taking precedence both of
Cw mfwiind Dnxmciri His office, however, was chiefly
a judicial one, and we may therefore, recurring to our
English analogy, call him the Recorder, »s the Curator
is the Mayor of the town. The Defo/tam* Cii'ihttis, that
officer whom the Empire had called into existence in
order to protect the humbler classes against the rapacity
of its own instruments, had gradually grown into an
important magistrate, with a court and official retinue
of his own c. He himself had become too often arrogant
1 Greg. Ep. ix. 69, 104,
* This is DiehFs vit?w (pp. 1 10-1 1 iV
* For the earlier history of the Dvfensw* see vol. i. pp. 625-62$
(znd edition). Some of the later developments also are there
alluded to,
The Defensor. 555
and oppressive, a wolf instead of a sheep-dog to the BOOK vn.
flock. Then, again, he too, though not one of the down- '
trodden Curiales, had declined in power and reputa- 535*
tion, so that, as Justinian himself says T in his 1 5th
Novel, c The office of Defensor is so trampled upon in
parts of our dominions, that it is considered a disgrace
rather than an honour to possess it. For it is now sought
after by obscure persons in need of food and clothing,
and given to them as a matter of charity rather than
of proved fitness. Then the governors remove them at
their pleasure for the most trifling fault, or for no fault
at all, and put other persons in their room whom they
call " place-keepers 2," and this they do many times
a year ; so that the men of their staff and the rulers
and inhabitants of the city hold the Defensor in utter
contempt. Moreover, their judicial acts might as well
never take place at all. For if the governors of the
provinces order them to do anything in their official
capacity, they generally do not presume to keep any
record of their acts, looking upon themselves as the
humble servants of the governor, whose nod they obey.
Or, if they do make a record, in the first place they
sell it [to one of the litigants], or secondly, as they
have no place for storing their archives, the record is
practically lost, and those who may desire to refer
to it at a later day have to hunt it up from their
heirs, or other successors, and generally find it worth-
less when they have obtained it/
In order to remedy all these abuses, Justinian Justinian's
ordained that the office of Defensor should be a biennial the SSSiT
one, that he should be chosen by the bishop, clergy, and
1 Const, xxxv, Lingenthal.
loci servatores.
556 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK VIL respectable citizens from among the more influential
I— inhabitants of the city ; that each one in his turn
should be obliged to accept this public charge1, and that
none, even of ' Illustrious ' rank, should be allowed to
decline it. If any one after this enactment presumed
to refuse to undertake the office, he was to be fined
five pounds of gold (£200), and was still to be com-
pelled to act as Defensor. The Defensores were not
to be removed from office, nor to have ' place-keepers '
appointed in their stead, by the ordinary provincial
governors. If there were any complaint against their
administration, the Praetorian Prefect alone was em-
powered to remove them. There were assigned to
each Defensor from the staff of provincial servants, one
reporter (Exceptor} to take minutes of his decisions,
and two Officiales to carry them into effect.
To remedy the inconvenience which had arisen from
the loss of documents in the Defensor* s office, Justinian
further ordered that a public building should be set
apart in each city, in which he should store his records,
under the care of an officer appointed for that purpose.
It was hoped that thus the archives might be kept un-
injured, and might be accessible to all men.
The Be- Under this law, the Defensor received, perhaps for
comes a the first time, the power of deciding civil cases up
JU se* to the above-mentioned limit of 300 solidi \ He had
also summary criminal jurisdiction in all cases of slight
importance, and the power of detaining graver offenders
in prison, and sending them to the Praetor for trial.
1 Justinian uses here the word X«rou/3y/c, and says, t We have
learned that the men of old times held this to be part of the duty
of a citizen.'
2 £180, probably quite equivalent to £300 in our day.
Decline in the Defensor's Office. 557
In short, his functions greatly resembled those of an BOOK vn.
English magistrate, with some of those which belong — ' — '—
to a County Court Judge added thereto. Wills also,
and voluntary donations, were registered in his court,
and the provincial governor was not to seek to deprive
him of this ' voluntary jurisdiction/
The Novel in question was evidently a serious and
well-considered attempt to make this popularly chosen
judge, who was to be elected from among the local
magnates, a great and important part of the machinery
of government. As far as it went, it was an attempt
to decentralise administration, and to invite the
wealthier provincials to take their share in the life of
the
Thus attempt however, like those previously noticed continued
in the same direction, probably failed under the pressure of the
of the times. We cannot speak with any certainty on office.
tlie subject, owing to the paucity of our materials, but
the letters of Pope Gregory lead us to infer that in
his day the oitioe of Dcfcnsor Cwitatls was not one of
any political importance1. He too, there is reason to
think, found himself squeezed out between the Bishop
and the Trtlwniu*. The Church and the Army so
occupied the ground that there was no room for the
delicate plant of local self-government to flourish be-
twoon them.
IF this is the general conclusion to which our his- Evidence
- i t i i i i <lerivi'tl
toncal material B, mender as they are, seem to lead from the
1 Wo huvo abundant roforoncos to the flqfeiwrcs Ecdcsiac, a
munorouH and powerful body, but <iuito dwtinct from tho Dcfen-
tH (.'iritttiiit. Tho only clear rofonmco to tho latter appears to
in Urotf, Ep. x. 2tt : fc3ubinianu8 vir clurissimus . . . praodictae
<l<»fon8om oflieium toimii'
558 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. us, what, it may well be asked, is the evidence by
— - — ~ which Savigny could possibly be led to imagine a con-
<i<>cu- n tinuous life of municipal institutions, lasting on till
the twelfth century ? The answer is contained in the
very interesting documents edited by Marini, which
do certainly show that there was more tenacity of life
in the old Curial organisation than we should have
supposed from the evidence mentioned above. We
have here a nearly continuous chain of documents,
reaching from the days of Odovacar (circa 480) down
to 625, all showing the Curia as still existing as
a Court of registry for legal instruments. We have
here the records of sales, donations, the appointment
of a guardian, wills, the discharge of claims under
a will1, and so on. The documents have almost all
come from the archives of the Church at Ravenna, and
relate chiefly to that city an<£ its neighbour! uxxl, but
there is no reason to doubt that every other city in
Italy could show many others like them, had they
been preserved with equal care. In these documents
in Marines collection, we meet with nearly all the
names of magistrates that have been described above.
The Defensor, the Quinquennalis, the Mayixtratm
(who is no doubt equivalent to Duumvir], all figure in
these papyri as witnesses to the various transactions
recorded ; and it is often expressly said that the
1 Tliis ' Instrumentum Plonariae Socmitatis * (Ixxx, in Manni's
collection) was for a long time supposed to bo the will of Julius
Caesar 1 It is the discharge given by Gratian, the sub-doacon,
guardian of the young Stophanus, to the widow Qormana, for
the portion of goods loft to Stophanus by his father Collectns.
Ducango's Glossary of Mediaeval Latin has boon enriched by about
thirty words, the names of articles in domestic use, drawn from
this document alone.
The Curiae as Courts of Registration, 559
persons concerned in them have asked that they may BOOK YIL
be inscribed on the proceedings of the Curia1-, The -- H>
Curator, however, does not appear, an absence which
is by some attributed to his being veiled under the
title QuiMjui'nwdw, while another suggestion is that
as an administrative officer he had no concern in these
quasi-judicial proceedings of the Curia s.
It is then on the strength of these most interesting
documents that Havigny grounds his theory of the sur-
vival of the {JnriuK through the darkest part of the
Middle Ages. It is true that the documents do not
bring us down below 625, but it is perhaps fair to
arguo that thin is an accident due to some special
circumstances in the hi story of tho Church of Ravenna,
and that a more careful storage of the archives would
have shown us acme of a later data
But oven KO, and without insisting too much on
tho groat gap which intervenes botweeu the seventh
century and the twelfth, may wo not fairly ask, what
do these documents prove as to tho political state of
Italy ? We have in them traces of certain courts still
lingering on as mere eourlB of registration. These
subscribing and attesting witnesses do not, for any-
thing that the documents show us, possess any power
iit the city. Then* functions arc only what we call
1 *U<sstis mmucipulitmH nllogandi tribuorunt lieoiitiam 9 (cxxii,
cxxiii). * Quotl Inetum <*Bt actw imloltir* (Ixxiv),
>J Thin IK Dinhl'H viow. * L<» curuiotir qui dopuin lo commence-
ment <lu <iuutrioino Hi<'<'U> ost <U»vc*uu un lua^istrai municipal olu,
a h««rit6 dium la cit«'« *it-H uttrihuiionH udniinistnilivoH ot finitncifjrow
<j4tH iluumvtFH <*i <1<«H 4'nliloB : il no ttntmut dono pariicipor nxix nctos
tl*» juridtction v<>lontiur<» n'»m»rv^H an jjiagistrui <*fc ii la curio, ot,
on t»llH, H nt^ lij^unt point daiw IOH pupyrun do Mnrini* (p. 9^).
I ciiunot «ay that llict oxplanutiou in nlto^othor Hjitinfiifttory, Binco
tM»H app<*ar iu th<«o doemuouta.
560 Political State of Imperial Italy.
BOOK vii. notarial functions, and it is but in accordance with
- - — — what we might have expected that we find the word
Curialis used in the ninth century (as Savigny him-
self admits) as a title equivalent to that of Except or,
or registrar of the Court 3.
To me the nearest analogy to these Curiae of the
seventh century, which Savigny regards with such
romantic interest, and in which he sees the germs of
the glorious Italian Cowwnuni of the thirteenth century,
is the c courts baron' and 'courts leet/ which still
preserve a lingering existence in our own country. In
the absence of a complete system of registration, these
little Courts of ours have their value. The steward of
the manor (generally a local attorney) and a few copy-
holders on the estate are aware of their existence, and
can tell an intelligent enquirer when they will be hold
But they are absolutely without influence on tho
political condition of the districts in which they moot,
and the majority of the inhabitants would never notice
their disappearance if they dropped absolutely out of
existence. If we can imagine these faint survivals
becoming once more great and powerful militias, or
rather becoming greater and more powerful than they
ever were in the noonday of the feudal Ryntem, if we
can imagine them making and unmaking
and determining the destiny of England, then, as it
seems to me, we may also imagine the Uwwrnnne, of
Florence or of Siena descending from the Cti,rl<w of
the Imperial age.
1 Savigny, i. 365 ; Diohl, 107 ; Ilogol, i, 303.
NOTE G, OK THE CONTINUED EXISTENCE OB THE SENATE OF NOTE a.
ROME DURING THE SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CENTUIUES.
THE question discussed in the previous chapter as to the
duration of the local Curiae suggests one of equal difficulty
with reference to the venerable mother of all Curiae, the Senate
of Home.
The harsh treatment which this body suffered at the hands
of Totila has been recorded in the fourth volume1. Where
Totila only upbraided and imprisoned, his more ruthless suc-
cessor Teias put to death 2 ; but this was not a universal
massacre, and many Senators were at thin time safely harboured
in Sicily. Doubtless therefore a considerable number returned
to Koine after the fall of tho Gothic domination ; and that
they once more assembled as a titivate is proved by the before-
menlionod chuiHC in the Pragmatic Sanction, which entrusts to
the Senate, in conjunction with tho Pope, the superintendence of
the weights and measures for the Italian provinces :J. It does
not seem, however, to have boon part of the policy of the
Byxa.ni.ino Emperors to treat the Senate with the same deference
which Theodoric generally showed towards that body. Tho
letters of Pope Gregory do not iillude to any important
political action taken by them, not even when we might
naturally have looked for it, as for instance in connection with
tho peace concluded with Agilulf. From an expression usi d by
Gregory in his homily on Kxckiol about the * failing of the
Kenalo 'V some have inferred that tho Sonato aci.ua lly camo to
an end at this time, u conclusion which seems confirmed by I ho
words of Agnellua of Kavomia, assigning the decay of f.ho
Senate to tho period of the Lombard conquest*. Both these
statements, however, may bo accounted for by tho iono of
1 !>!>• 5^4> 57°- * 8<M> vol. iv, p. 734. * 8<>o p. 523.
4 * (juia <>uim tSwuitnft <l<'OHt populuw mtoriit' (ii. 6).
A * I>in<lo pnulntim KomunuH <l<ii'<u;it Hiumtim, oi post Hoinnuoruni
cmwi iriuinpho nublnta onfc' (§ 95, p. 338, od, M, <*. H.),
VOL, VI. O 0
Note G.
NOTE G. oratorical exaggeration natural to the pulpit. A more serious
symptom is the entire silence of the Papal biographer as to any
senatorial action during the seventh and the first half of tho
eighth centuries. As the Senate had, at an earlier time, taken
a leading part in the election of the Popes, this absolute silence
on the part of the Papal biographer is the more remarkable,
and makes one almost ready to accept Hegel's conclusion ', that
tho Senate did really cease to exist in the lifetime of Gregory
the Groat, or soon after his death.
But after all this is only that most dangerous mode of
reasoning, the argwnenhim e sileniw* And the silence in broken
in an extraordinary manner^ in the eighth century by certain
letters from the Popes to the Frankish kings. In 757, Pope
Paul I writes to Pippin in order to assure him of the devotion of
the Roman people to his cause. The letter2 is entitled ' Pippino
Regi Francorum et Patricio Eomanorum omnu Senattt* at/quo
universa Populi generalitas.' Another letter of the same Pope
uses the expression, 'eunctus procerum Senatns atque diversi
populi congrogatio V In 776 Pope Hadrian I, in writing to the
Emperor Charles, says that he *cum Episcopis, Sucerdofibup,
clero atque Senatu et universo populo/ prays God to give tho
victory to the Frankish king4. The Papal biographer also
mentions that this same Pope, in his dedication of a chapel
to St. Peter, was accompanied in triumphal procession 'cum
onncto Clero suo Seuatnqtte Rowano V The next Pope, Leo 1 1 f
(795-8i6), on his return to Home, is met l>y 'tarn Procoms
elerieorum cum omnibus clericis, quamqne Optimatos tit AV/M//M
etmetaque Militia et^niversus popiilus RomamiH0/
These quotations certainly give UH the impression tha(. tin*
Senate was still a visibly existing body down to the (»n<l of
tho ninth century. Tho view, however, taken l>y swno
jnontfitorM7, from whom T am loth to diHHent, is, that
in here a more form of speech, due to tho revival of tn
of Old Rome at tho time of tho erection of th<» Knincto-
1 I. 275. I)u»hl, wlio lM»n» follow* H«'W<^> HayH t<M> jxmiUvoly as it. H»-M)»H f»»
nus — ' un fnii <l<*iu<mrn coHniu, ilopuin lu /in <lu Hixif*i
<^ In H<;nuC romum uvnii. ^<'nip](¥'(<ii
13, ;t Ibid. ^4. * U»M. £<)•
1. 506 «•<!. I>u«lu»HU<'). fl ll»l<l/i», «
II wl, I sJ76-ii&iyiii}<l I>U'hl, 1^7,
Continued Existence of the Senate. 563
Roman Empire, memories which were doubtless fostered by NOTE
the great letters S. P. Q. B. on so many Roman monuments.
According to this view Senatus is merely another way of saying
c the Roman nobility/
It may be so, but I confess that I do not like, after having
relied so strongly on the argument from silence drawn from the
scanty records of the century and a half from 600 to 750, when
at length we come to a period of much more copious informa-
tion, and then meet pretty frequently with the word Senattw,
to turn round and say, c True, the word is there, but it has
changed its meaning.' I should rather be inclined to suggest,
that though the Roman Senate had undoubtedly fallen from
its high estate, and was no longer even such as it had been in
the days of Theoclorie, it may have lingered on as tho Roman
Citria, a sort of glorified vestry, attending to so much local and
urban business as the Dm Romae and the ever- widening activity
of the Pope were willing to leave it.
Even so, however, it cannot have continued long. When we
come to the tenth century, to the rule of Theodora and Marozia,
their lovers and their POUS, and find these miserable women
wearing tho title of SenatriX) and their male adherents dis-
gracing the onco mighty name of Senator, we see that the
Senate ns a body must have ceased to exist, and only dim
recollections of vanished senatorial dignity can have lingered
in tho minds of the degenerate citizens of Rome.
Partly in this connection I may notice a suggestion of Hegel
(i 294-299), which has, I think, a very important beuring on
the question of tho continued existence of tho Citrw. Tie
point* out that in tho documents and chronicles of tho eleventh
and twelfth centuries wo find the word Curia used obviously
with tho meaning of Court. ThnB wo have Curia Papat, Curia
liega?i»t and so on : cwiali* is equivalent to courtly, and curialita*
to courtliness or courtesy. This usage in France and Germany can
bo traced as far back an tho ninth century. Tt curiously, and at
first rather porplexingly, intertwines itself with tho use of Cnrti*
for tho same thing. This latter word, probably connected with
the Latin co/iors, came to moan (n« our word <?<w/, derived from
it, moann) either tho park-liko entrance surrounding a mansion,
or tho residence and retinue of a king or groat nobleman.
002
564 Note G.
NOTE a Now, how did these two words, Curia and Curtis, come to be
so singularly interchanged ? Hegel suggests that Curia, the
place of meeting of the old local senate, became literally the
court-home, the place where the governing bodies of later cen-
turies (not then composed of the poor, down-trodden, and now
vanished curiales, but of really influential citizens, optitnates,
$eniores} and so forth) held their sittings. In this very build-
ing, the ruler, as he became more of a feudal lord, 'held his
court.1 And thus, the scent still clinging to the casket, though
its original contents had disappeared. Curia as a building re-
gained the meaning which it had possessed long centuries
before, of the home of the rulers of the city.
CHAPTER XIV.
POLITICAL STATE OF LOMBARD ITALY.
Authorities.
n ,41. T T
PAULUS DIACONUS and the LOMBAAD LAWS. <JH.
Guides : —
The authors who have treated of t.ho subject of the following
chapter — one of the most diilieult in the history of the Middle
Ages— arc numerous and important. I will not attempt to
enumerate even all whom I have myself consulted, hut will
mention the four from whom I have derived most assistance.
i. Skwiguy, in the iirst volume of his e Genehichte des llomischen
llechts im Mittelalter,' argues with unsurpassed force and weight
of learning on behalf of his favourite theory that not only
lloman Law, but to some extent Roman institutions and Koimm
franchises, survived the storm of the barbarian conquest of Italy,
The Lombard laws, in his view, concerned the Lombards alone,
and he believes that the llomans in Ilaly lived their own life,
molested doubtless, but not deprived of all rights of citizenship
by their conquerors.
3. Against this view Troya9 in 'almost every page of his
* Codice diplomatieo-Longobardo/ argues with nearly equal learn-
ing, with great coyia wftorttw, and, it must be confessed, with
much wearisome repetition. He will have none of Savigny's
theory of Personal Law in Lombard times ; and at each successive
566 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK VIL enactment he stops to ask the question, ' How could this apply
OH- u* to the Lombaa-d only and not to the Roman also ? Must not
this law be territorial?'
3. Hegel, in his c Geschiehte der Stiidteverfassung von Italien/
adopts in the main the same views as Troya, but defends them
in a calmer tone, and with a wider survey of the whole field of
controversy. He is to my mind the most helpful writer we have
had on the question of the origin of the Italian Republics.
4. But on the whole, for a concise, clear, and temperate state-
ment of the question of the condition of the Romans under the
Lombards, there is nothing better than what Hegel calls the
two precious essays of Marquis Gino Cappoui, * Sulla dominazione
dei Longobardi in Italia/ They are in the shape of letters
addressed to his friend Prof. Pietro Capei, and were published in
the Archivio Storico Italiano (App. 7), but have been reprinted
separately. They occupy only fifty-four pages, but contain an
admirable summary of the whole question now before us.
Capponi is mainly on the side of Troya and opposed to
Savigny, but he suggests several lines of thought which will
not be found in either of those authors. I could wish that
a translation of these valuable essays were in the hands of tko
English reader,
WE now turn to consider the political and social
state of the much larger portion of Italy which waa
under the rule of the Lombard conquerors. Our
enquiry into this part of the subject may be shorter
than that which occupied us in the last chapter.
Documentary evidence (except that furnished by the
laws, which we have already examined) is scanty and
obscure. The best evidence is that which is furnished
by the actual history of the Lombard State as ex-
hibited in the course of these two volumes, and from
that evidence each individual reader can form his own
conclusion.
Thus in the first place, as to him who stood at the
The King. 567
head of the State, the king of the Lombards in his BOOK vn.
palace-hall at Pavia, we can feel instinctively what
perhaps cannot be expressed scientifically, how the two
elements of election and hereditary descent concurred,
when the throne was vacant, towards the determina-
tion of its next occupant. The element of popular
election, present in all these Teutonic monarchies, was
there, but there was also a strong preference for the
representatives of certain special lines of descent,
especially during all the seventh century for the repre-
sentatives of the sainted Theudelinda. Thus the succes-
sion to the throne, though much less strictly hereditary
than that which obtained amongst the Franks, was
much more so than that of the Visigoths. In Spain
before the Moorish conquest and after the fall of the
monarchy of Toulouse there was hardly a single royal
family that succeeded in maintaining itself for more than
two generations, whereas Aripert II, who got possession
of the throne in 700, was descended in the fourth
degree from the brother of Theudelinda.
The king of the Lombards, if he were a man of any Kingly
force of character, was able to make his will felt verypcmtr*
effectively, at any rate through all the north of Italy.
He moved the national army whither he would : his
favour could make or mar the fortunes of a subject :
and the fabric of his wealth, the foundation of which
was laid in the day when at the close of the inter-
regnum the thirty-six dukes surrendered each one-half
of his domains to the newly-elected Authari, was
doubtless raised higher and higher by the confiscation
of the property of rebellious nobles, and especially by
the multitude of fines which, as wo have seen in
commenting on the laws of liothari and Liutprand,
568 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vii. were payable to 'the King's Court' or 'the King's
OH. 14. -I-* , . ,
Palace V
1 The king's rights ' (I borrow here the language of
a great German jurist 2) c as limited by popular freedom
were the following. The laws were devised by him
in consultation with the great men and nobles of
the land, then accepted by the collected army which
formed the assembly of the people, and given forth in
his name. He was the supreme judge, but, like other
national judges, he was assisted by jurors 3 in finding
the verdict. From him went forth the summons to
the host, but without doubt war, before being declared,
was first talked over with the great men and approved
in the assembly of the people, which was generally
held on the ist of March. The public domain, that
is all the land that was not divided among private
persons, was his, and was administered by officers
specially named by him, the gastalds. It was he who
safe-guarded the peace of the community : therefore
the highest criminal jurisdiction was in his hands, and
was partly exercised by him directly, partly handed
over to his own officers or to the heads of the people.
The former mode was generally adopted when the
disturbers of the peace were great and powerful
persons. All crimes against the commonwealth, such
as treason, disturbance of the national assembly, and
the like, were punished by the king, either with death
or with the maximum fine (900 solidi), and an equally
J Fines for breach of the peace and maladministration of justice
are said to be payable to the king's palace ; for certain acts of
immorality, to the king's court. Pabst (p. 444) thinks there is
an important distinction here, but I do not clearly understand
what it is.
* Hegel, i. 448-46°- 8 Scliflffonu
The King. 569
heavy penalty avenged any breach of the peace which BOOK VIL
occurred in the king's palace. Even of the fines — ! — 1—
which were inflicted for injuries on private persons, one
half [as a general rule] went to the king to atone for
the breach of the public peace, while the other half went
as solace and compensation to the injured party. More-
over the king exercised the highest police-jurisdiction,
and took the necessary precautions for the safety of
persons and property throughout the land. Without his
permission, no free man accompanied by his clan (fara)
might change his residence even within the kingdom
[still less leave the country]: no one might exercise
the craft of a goldsmith or coin money. Under his
especial protection were all churches and convents
with their appurtenances, as well as foreigners settling
in the realm (warganyi). He also represented the
woman as against her guardian (mundwald), the re-
tainer as against his lord, and afforded a last refuge to
men otherwise unarmed and unprotected. Out of these
rights as universal patron or supreme guardian there
avofto lor him various claims of inheritance which he
exorcised on behalf of the community when private
hems failed/
So far Hegel. But great as were the powers of the Koyai
° powur not
i i •
Lombard king when wielded by a strong and vigorous
arm, it must not be forgotten that, as Hegel and other church.
enquirers have pointed out, one influence which in
other States did much to consolidate and strengthen
royal power was wanting here. The Church, which
undoubtedly did so much to establish the Frankish
and the Saxon monarchies, seems to have been always
cold towards that of the Lombards, nor could all
the lavish gifts of kings and dukes to basilica and
570 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vn. monastery do more than win a kind of grudging assent
— - — — to the proposition that the nefandus Langolardus was
somewhat less intolerable than aforetime.
The iron Before we leave the subject of the Lombard kings,
of the something must be said as to the chief emblem of
Lombards* their dignity,, the far-famed Iron Crown1. In the
Church of St. John the Baptist at Monza is still to
be seen that little golden circlet (* 1 5 centimetres in
diameter, 5-3 centimetres high') which was guarded
there among the most precious treasures of the Church
for more than twelve centuries. It is made in six
separate pieces, and it has in it twenty-two jewels of
various kinds (chiefly pearls and emeralds), twenty-six
golden roses, and twenty-four finely wrought enamels.
But that which has given the crown its name and its
special historic interest is not its precious gems, but
the thin circlet of iron (only 3 oz. in weight and a ceutri-
metre high) which runs round the inside of the diadem.
This iron rim is now said to be composed of a nail which
was used in the crucifixion of Christ, arid was brought
from Jerusalem by Helena, mother of Gonstautine.
With this precious ring of iron the crown of Gonstautine
may have been adorned : it may have travelled from
Constantinople to Rome : it may have been Bent by
Pope Gregory the Great to Thevulelinda, though it is
not probable that he would dare to give to a Lombard
queen the emblems of Imperial sovereignty. But for
all these conjectures, whether probable or improbable,
1 Thoro is a helpful article on the Lombard crowns in Smith's
Dictionary of Christian AntiquilioH. Tho pinion ropmsonting thorn
at p. 460 of the first volume of Hunitori'B Korum Italiearum
Scriptores are especially valuable now that ono of tho crowns has
perished* See also Prof. Freeman's Historical and Architectural
Sketches, pp. 266-270,
The Iron Crown. 57*
there does not exist any shadow of proof : and, in fact, BOOK vn.
^ . CH. 14.
the theory of the connection of the Iron Crown with
the sacred nail cannot be certainly traced back for
more than three or four centuries, and is generally con-
sidered to have received its death-blow at the hands
of Muratori. To one who, like the present writer,
views with the utmost suspicion all the supposed dis-
coveries at Jerusalem of the enthusiastic and credulous
Helena, the question of one fiction less or more in
connection with the sacred nails is not extremely
interesting, and does not seem worth the tons of
printed paper which have already been devoted to it.
But the story of the Crown for its own sake, and as a
great historic emblem, is undoubtedly interesting.
Till the twelfth century it appears to have been
always called the Corona Aurea ; after that, the name
of Corona Ferrea gradually became more usual ; and in
the fourteenth century the Emperors Henry VII and
Lewis the Bavarian being for some reason unable to
obtain the precious so-called Iron Crown itself, are
said to have been crowned with one made entirely of
iron l. This baser rival however soon vanishes from the
scene, and the true Iroii-Grolden Crown re-appears, and
is used for the coronation of Charles IV, the author
of the Golden Bull, and Charles V, the world-wide
Emperor. Strangest of all the scenes in the history of
the venerable ornament was that when, in the hands of
a French Master of the Ceremonies, accompanied by the
Arch-priest and twelve citizens of Monza (dressed by
their own especial desire in uniform), and escorted by
fifty-six cavalry soldiers, it was transferred on, the i8th
of May, 1805, to the Cathedral of Milan, where eight
1 Marimonti, Storia <li Monzii, no and 1x4.
572 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK VIL days after, the son of a Corsican attorney placed it on
H' his imperial brow, uttering the well-known words,
' Dio me 1'ha data, guai a chi la toccherii, V
But though the Iron Crown still survives at Monza,
a scarcely less interesting relic of Lombard domination
has disappeared almost in our own days. Side by side
with the Iron Crown were to be seen at Monza in the
time of Muratori two other crowns, one of Agilulf and
one of Theudelinda. The former, in some respects the
most interesting of the three, was adorned with figures
of Our Saviour, two Angels, and the Twelve Apostles,
each standing in an alcove of laurel boughs. It had
65 carbuncles and emeralds and 158 pearls, and round
the bottom of it ran an inscription recording that
f Agilulf the glorious man, by Divine grace king of the
whole of Italy, offered this crown to St. John the
Baptist in the church of Monza 2.? Unfortunately this
most interesting historical relic must now be spoken
of in the past tense. Having been carried off by
Napoleon to Paris, it was kept there among the
treasures of the Biblioth&que Nationale, but in January,
1804, it was stolen by one of the custodians named
Charlier, and carried off by him to Amsterdam, the
gold melted, and the jewels sold. The thief was
captured and died in prison, but the crown of the
noble Agilulf was irrecoverably lost 3.
1 ' God has given it to me. Woe betide him who shall touch it.'
The ceremony of transportation is minutely described by Mari-
monti, pp. 119-121.
2 'AGILVLF . GRAT . DI . VIB . GLOR . KBX . TOTIVS . ITAL .
OFPEBET . SCO . IOHANNI . BABTISTE . IN , ECOLA . MODIOIA/
8 I take some of these particulars from Theodore do Murr's
Dissertatio de Corona Eegni Italiae, vulgo Ferrea dicta * (Munich,
1 8 1 o). He says that Charlier (whom he rightly calls ' furcifor ' —
The D^tke. 573
As for the Iron Crown itself, after figuring in the BOOK vn.
coronation of two Austrian Emperors at Milan, it was — : — —
after the battle of Solferino carried eastward to
Venice, the last stronghold of Austrian power in
Italy, and only after the war of 1866 was it brought
back to its old home in Monza, where it may be
hoped that it will now rest, to be used hereafter
only for the coronation of the sovereigns of an united
Italy.
Passing now from the Royal to the Ducal office, The
we observe first a curious fact. The history of the Duke.'
interregnum and the high position attained by the
rulers of Spoleto and Benevento, together with many
other indications of the same kind, clearly show that
the Duke was a most important person in the Lombard
State, no foreign importation, but a home-growth of
the Teutonic genius, and yet we are entirely un-
acquainted with his true national name. Dux is of
course Latin, taken over as we have seen from the
Imperial hierarchy of office. Neither Paulus nor the
laws of Eothari nor those of Liutprand give us the
slightest indication how the office of Gisulf or Farwald
was spoken of by himself and by his countiymen
when no ecclesiastic was at hand to translate their
language into the barbarous' Latin of a legal document.
We may conjecture that the Lombard name was some
compound of Ari9 the equivalent of army x, and thus
that it may have resembled the Anglo-Saxon Ileretoga
(Army-leader), but this can be only a conjecture, and
gallows-bird) died in prison of indigestion caused by outing too
much moat-pie and drinking too much brandy.
1 Pound in Ariport, Arichis, Ariwald, &c.
574 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK VIL raises the further question, c Had the Lombards any
°H'14' . word like Ealdorman to express the civil as distinct
from the military duties of this great functionary, to
describe the duke when sitting on the judgment-seat
rather than when leading his warriors to battle x? '
The power and the possibilities of power residing
in the office of the Lombard duke have been perhaps
sufficiently indicated in the course of the preceding
history. "We have seen how an office which was at
first delegated only for life, became in some cases
virtually hereditary; how the perpetual rebellions of
the Lombard dukes against their sovereign divided
and enfeebled the State ; how these rebellions were
suppressed, and the dukes of Northern Italy were
brought into comparative subjection and subordination
before the end of the seventh century ; but how far
harder even the great Liutprand found it to deal with
the semi-independent dukes of Spoleto and Benevento.
As to these latter princes and their relation to the
central authority, our information is extremely vague.
We can see that there was no close cohesion, but we
are perhaps hardly entitled to assert that there was
during the greater part of Lombard history absolute
alienation and hostility between them. Matrimonial
alliances between the families of king and duke are
not uncommon: the sons of the duke are friendly
visitors at Pavia : when occasion arises they can work
together against Emperor or Exarch. Thus, though
it is undeniable that the tie which bound the dukes
of Spoleto and Benevento to the Northern kingdom
was a somewhat loose one, and though commentators
are right in calling attention to the pointed omission of
1 Soe Kemble, The Saxons in England, ii 126,
The Gastald. 575
the names of these dukes in the prologues to the laws BOOK VIL
even of the great Liutprand 1) it is not quite certain
that we are right in deducing from this latter circum-
stance that they were really disaffected to the Lombard
king. With the Flaminian Way still more or less
blocked by Imperial troops, it might be unsafe for a
great personage like the duke of Spoleto or Benevento
to travel to Pavia without an escort, which would
have been in fact an army. And it is noteworthy in
this connection, that at none of the later diets held by
Liutprand (not even when Benevento at any rate was
loyal, being under the rule of the king's nephew,
Gregory) have we any express mention of the presence
at these assemblies of nobles from either of the
southern duchies.
In connection with the ducal office generally, (pass- The
* . , . /» , i i * • i gantald.
ing on from the question of the larger semi-inde-
pendent duchies), it will be well to notice an institu-
tion, peculiar, or nearly so2, to the Lombard State,
that of the gastaJdat. The gctsttdd, whose name was
1 For instance, tho prologues to tho laws of March i, 717,
'Similitcr mode cum omnibus judicibus nostrw de partibus
Austria^ Noustrio noenon ot do Tuscio iinibus sou ct coteris nos-
tris Langobardis ' ; Mnrch r, 720, 'Una cum inlustribus viris
opthnatibus mois Neustrio, Austrio ot do Tuscio partibus, vel
univorsiH nobilibus Langobardis-' On ibis Pabst remarks, 'We
know that the dukes of Bonevonto and Spoleto did not appear at
tho ft rot diets. Liutprand ignores their absence, and acts just as
if thorn* regions belon^<3d not at all to his kingdom/ But surely
tho words about * the other noble Lombards ' aro meant to apply
to them ?
8 Ducango quotes a passage from Thoophanes (A.M. 6169) re-
forrhig to i\u\ K&mMoi of th<» Clxagan of tho Avars : also from
OnlcirieiiH Vitalis speaking rhetorically of tho ' Satellites ot Gas-
titWi* of the Norman kings of England. But is it not probably
in tho latter case a 'loan- word ' from the Lombards?
576 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vii. probably derived from the Gothic word gastaldan, to
— * — — acquire or possess, seems to have been a royal officer
whose special business it was to collect the fines due
to the king, and to administer the royal domain,
distributed as it was through the various districts of
Italy. It is a not improbable conjecture of Hegel, that
when, at the restoration of the kingship, the dukes sur-
rendered half of their territories in order to constitute
such royal domain, this was a division of land, not of the
revenues accruing from land, and that this may have
been the occasion on which gastalds were appointed
in order to safe-guard the king's rights in the surren-
dered districts ; to collect his rents and taxes ; to judge
the causes which arose within their gastaldat ; and to
lead forth to war the free Lombards who dwelt therein.
Whether he lived in the same city as the duke we
cannot say : probably in most cases he would fix his
abode in a town of secondary importance. But it is
essential to observe that the gastalds thus holding
the king's commission were, and were meant to be, a
check upon the power of the dukes, who though in
theory themselves also the nominated servants of the
Crown, were fast becoming hereditary rulers. Thus
the two principles, what may be called by an ana-
chronism the feudal principle and that of the cen-
tralised monarchy, being represented respectively by
the duke and the gastald, were set over against one
another, and exercised upon one another a reciprocal
control. As was said in the laws of Rothari, 'If a
duke shall unjustly harass one of his men-at-arms, let
the gastald relieve him until he find out the truth,
and bring him to justice, either in the presence of the
king, or at least before his duke/ c If any gastald
The Gastald. 577
shall unreasonably harass his man-at-arms, let the BOOK vn.
duke relieve him until he shall find out the truth of -
his case V
It is to be noted, as a sign of the semi-independent
position of the two great Southern dukes, that no
royal gastalds appear to have existed in their do-
minions, but they appointed gastalds of their own,
who seem to have been of somewhat inferior position
to their namesakes in the rest of Italy, holding a
delegated authority from the duke, each one in the
little actns or township which formed the administrative
unit in the duchy of Benevento, perhaps also in that
of Spoleto, Meanwhile the duke himself lived almost
in royal splendour at Benevento or Spoleto. His
court was the centre of all power and all brilliancy.
He had his chancellor (tvfvp&ukwiiAs), his high con-
stable (maipaJiiti), his grand chamberlain and muster
of the robes (ttubiwdwim and ww/«w*mv), and his
grand treasurer (utohsaz). And, significant fact, iu
his charters and donations he always mentioned the
year of his own reign, and forgot to mention that of
his sovereign who was reigning at Pavia.
For Lombard Italy as a whole we find the number
of (jftottdhJx apparently increasing, and that of the
(hiWR diminishing, as the seventh century woars on.
In vwitatw such as those of Parma and Piacenm,
which had boon betrayed by their duke** to the Empire,
it was natural that Agilulf* when he recovered them,
1 1. 23: 'Siduxoxorcitalom aumn molowtavorit injuwto pwtuWnm
cum solatict, quoiwqw) vorilutom nuam invouiafc, ot hi pracsontiaiu
rc#is ant oorto apud duwm BUUIH ad jiiHliiiniu p<»r< Incut.'
1. 24: SSI quis giustuldiuB ox<>»rcital<*iu Hiuun iuol<^tuv<Tii corxtni
nilmnom, <lux ouni Holaci<»t7 <j[uouH(pu» vuritulcni muuu h
VOL. VL I' p
578 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vn. should appoint not an aspiring duke but a subservient
-J?l L gastald to administer the affairs of the city, and that
he should speak of these places as * cities of our royal
house1'. Eothari too when he won from the Greeks
the fair cities on the coast of the Iliviera, probably
put them under the rule of his gastuldx. And in
some of those cases in which the rebellion of a
turbulent duke was with difficulty suppressed (OH for
instance in the case of Treviso), it seems probable tluto
the king, while confiscating the private property of t lie
duke, added his territory to the royal domain, and
divided it up into gastaldats.
Besides the yastidd, there were other oilicers of the
royal domain called by the general name of nchnvs
regis, the gradation of whose rank and variouH duties
it is not easy to discover*. It is interesting however
to observe the important, even judicial functions of the
The ««d- sdLtdvius or forester8. The svuJfluhirt, or wul<lhar+o\
of whom frequent mention is made in the lawn, seems
to have been not unlike one of our justices of Ihe
peace, His title (c the enforcer of obligations ;'')
to show that it rested with him to enforce obei
to the decisions of the court above ; and the words by
1 'Domus nostrae civitates' (Troya, Cod. Dip. I*on#. it. r>34)*
2 Such are the scario, omscarto and saujfimlutt who aro men-
tioned in the laws and charters. See Pakst, p. 496.
8 Laws of Liutprand, 44, 8g. The mlturhw is one* of tint
magistrates charged (under heavy ponaltion for JVMUHHXWHH) with
the pursuit of fugitive slaves and the discovery and puaiHhment
of witches.
4 The name of the sculdaliis still survive,*) in the
ScMWiciss.
6 So Meyer: * WCrtlich derjonige, donx OB <
(sculd) zu befehlen
The Sculdahis. 579
which Paulus Diaconus translates it (rector loci ') show BOOK vn.
us that practically the sculdahis was the chief man in H'
the little town or village in which he dwelt.
The particular sculdahis of whom Paulus speaks in
this passage was that Argait whose unfortunate name,
coupled with his want of success in capturing the
Sclovene robbers from over the mountains, exposed
him to the clumsy banter of Duke Ferdulf of Fiiuli,
and led to the loss of hundreds of Lombard lives
through Argait's fool -hardy attempt to wipe off the
stain upon his honour a. But notwithstanding this
error, Paulus tells us that lie was ca noble man,
powerful in courage and strength'; in fact, just like
a stalwart, hot-tempered English squire, more terrible
with that strong sword-arm of his, than successful in
matching his wit« against the shifty, nimble, petty
thieves ;l from over the border.
The organisation of the Lombard State was un- Condition
doubtedly crude and somewhat barlwirous, though inq
the very quamtnens of its barbarism there is a certain
charm when we compare it with the pompous and >m "*""*•
effete hierarchy of Byzantine officialism. But the
question which, aw T have already often hinted, attracts
while it continually eluclen us is, ' What was the con-
dition of the earlier population of Italy, of the men
who though of various stocks all called themselves
Roman, under these their Lombard conquerors ? ' Thin
question, an I have said, must attract us. After we
have followed the history of the Imperial race from
1 SSulwocutus <>&t lion roetor loci illius, quom sculdaMs linguft
propriA, <1i<;unt, vir nolnlm nnirnoquo ot virilma potona; so<l tumon
<»(^<loin latrunculoH u<Iso<j[tii non potuit7 (II* L. vi. 24).
2 800 p. 329. n 'lutrunculi.'
1* p 2
580 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vn. the hut of Faustulus to the glories of the Palatine
H'14' and the Capitol, after gazing in many widely sundered
lands on the handiwork of the Roman legionary and
thus learning afresh in manhood the marvel of the
schoolboy s commonplaces concerning ' the lords of the
world, the nation of the toga,' how can we turn away
from them in the day of their calamity, or fail to
enquire how the sons of Italy, when their turn came
to be enslaved, bore themselves in their bondage ?
But the question, though it must be asked, cannot
be satisfactorily answered. The pit of ruin into which
Rome fell was so deep that scarcely a voice reaches
us from its dark recesses. The Greek in similar cir-
cumstances would surely have told us something of
his reverses. He would have written histories or sung
elegies, or in some way or other coined his sorrows into
gold. The Roman, always naturally unexpressive,
endured, was silent, and died. The actual evidence as
to the condition of the Latin population under their
Lombard lords is scanty, and can soon be summarised
for the reader. The conjectures with which we cannot
help filling up the blank interstices of that evidence
are endless, and a volume would be needed to discu&s
them thoroughly.
To begin with, there is the important statement by
Paulus of the results of the Lombard conquest to
which reference has already been made !. c In thoso
Lombard*, days [under the rule of the thirty dukes, just aftw
the death of Alboin] many of the noble Romans were
slain through avarice. But the rest being divided
among their " guests " on condition of paying the third
3 See vol. v. p. 188.
The Lombard Land-settlement. 581
part of their produce to the Lombards, are made BOOK VIL
I -U 4. • i > Cn- 14<
tributaries \
The general purport of this passage is clear enough.
The largest land-owners among the Romans, the
nobles who owned any lattfnmlid which might still
exist in Italy, were, as a rule, killed by the greedy
Lombards, who probably portioned out their lands
among them. The rest of the Iloman inhabitants (for
so surely we must understand the passage, not c the
i*est of the nobles') found themselves assigned am
i hosts' to the new-comers who were their 'guests/ and
bound to pay over to them one-third of the produce of
their lands. The result of this revolution was of course
in a certain sense to take away their freedom and
make them tributaries (that is, not ' tenants* but more
nearly 'serfs') to the invading Lombards. We have
here therefore again nearly the same process which we
have already watched in the Italy of Odovacar and
Theodoric. The word Itotyw (host or guest) is a
technical one in this connexion, and expresses \vith
unintended irony the relation in which the poor dis-
possessed Roman stood to his most unwelcome guest*.
Only we have to notice this difference, that whoivas
in Odovacar's and Theodoric's land-settlements and in
that of the Burgund'uuis and Visigoths a third or other
fraction of the land itself was taken by the invader,
1 * JIwdiobuH inulti nobilium Rowanorum ob anpZditntom int<*r-
ftteti Hunt Roliqtu vuro por hoHpitow divini, ul tta'tiuin ]«irt<iui
Mwrum fruguiu LungoljurdiB pornolvoront, irilniinrii offli<'iuntur '
(PmiluH, II, L* ii. 32).
- AH Suvigny Hiiyn (i. 400), ' hotyM'tt vriw iln^ Hjxxunl word uw<l
to i'Xj)i'<'Hs ih<» Hilutioii (aig^nditntil }>y tin* Jaiid-Hcitlcincnl'; mid
(i. a<;H), * Not only wan tho Koniun call<»d iho Bur^undinn\s //as/^w,
but also ?v
582 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK VIL here it was a third of the produce of the land to which
— - — '- he helped himself. This is an important difference,
and at once raises the question, ' Was it a third of the
gross produce of the soil, or was the " host " allowed to
take subsistence for himself and those who helped him
in the cultivation first, and then to pay a third of the
net produce to his " guest " ? ' If the latter, the tribute
was, as such things went, fair and moderate : if the
former, it is considered that it was equivalent to
taking two-thirds of the net produce, and that it
probably left but a narrow margin for the cultivator
and his family. We have no means of deciding the
question, but it seems on the whole most likely that
the harsher view is the true one, and that the Lom-
bard took his third of everything grown on the land
before the Roman was allowed any wages for his
labour *.
The Lom- However this may be, the following consequences
°° seem necessarily to flow from the fact that the Lom-
tho land, bards took from the previous inhabitants of Italy, not
third of a quota of land, but a quota of produce. In the first
<hic<?o?" place> they were themselves thus exempted from the
th«um<L aecegg-£y 0£ agricultural labour. They could live like
gentlemen on the tribute paid by their down-trodden
' hosts,' could perhaps drift into the cities, or go hunting
in the forests: in short, they missed that sobering,
steadying influence which is given to the cultivator
of the soil by his long annual struggle with Nature.
1 Savigny took originally the view most favourable to the
Lombards, but abandoned it in his second edition. Loo, Ilogol,
and Troya all contend for the 'third of gross produce.' Ilogol
especially urges (i. 357) that to adopt Savigny's original view IB
to make the ' nefandissimi Langobardi' the mildest and most
generous of all the Teutonic conquerors,
The Lombard Land-settlement. 583
Secondly, the softening and harmonising influence BOOK vn.
which is sometimes exercised by neighbourhood and a — \ — 1_
common pursuit was necessarily here wanting. Cassio-
dorus l says that Liberius, to whom was assigned
the duty of marking out the Thirds in the Ostro-
gothic land settlement, so fulfilled his mission as
actually to draw the men of the two nations closer
together, 'For whereas men are wont to come into
collision on account of their being neighbours, with
these men the common holding of their farms proved
in practice a reason for concord V Doubtless this
statement is coloured by the official optimism which
is characteristic of its author, but in the Lombard land
settlement such a result was impossible. The Lom-
bard Jiospes was a landlord, often probably an absentee
landlord, and was hated accordingly.
For, thirdly, the necessary result of taking not land
but a portion of his yearly produce from the Roman
cultivator, was to make of him, as Paulus says, a
'tributaries/ and thus to deprive him, more or less,
of his freedom. When the Ostrogothic or Kugian
'guest' had with the high hand taken the allotted
portion away from his liornan neighbour, it was
nothing to him what that neighbour did with the rest.
He might starve or grow fat on his diminished
holding ; lie might drift away to Home or Constanti-
nople ; he might enter the service of the Church, or
join the army of diggers who by Theodoric's orders
wore draining the marshes of Terr^cina, — it was all
one to the barbarian 'guest' who had been quartered
upon him. But the Lombard who had received not
land but the arms of the subject-race for his portion,
1 Vuriarum, IL 16. * Soo vol. iii. p. 303.
584 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vii. would undoubtedly insist that his ' host ' should
— * — 1. remain upon the land and make it bring forth as
plenteous crops as he could, and the whole force of
the new rough barbarian kingdom would back Ins
claim. Thus the Roman, lately perhaps a free cul-
tivator, became not a tenant but a tributarini*, and
practically a ' serf bound to the soil V
Obscure We next come to a mysterious and difficult sentence
Pauius of Pauius, which has been more discussed than any-
thing else written by its author, and has given rise to
almost as much controversy as the celebrated fientonceH
of Tacitus as to the land-system of the Germans
After describing the period of the interregnum and how
it was ended by the elevation of Autharito the throne,
his assumption of the title Flavius, and the sui'roixlor
by the dukes of half their property 'to royal usas in
order that there might be a fund out of which tlio king
himself, his adherents, and those who were bound to
his service by their various offices might be wupporhwl/
Pauius says, ' Populi tamen adgrtwati JUT /jtnu/olmr-
dos hospites partiuntur V He then goes on to describe
the happy estate of the kingdom of the Lombards under
Authari, the absence of robbery and crime, tho omsation
of unjust exactions (angaria), and the fearless security
with which everyone went about his lawful busings.'
In the earlier pages of this history ;J I have sug-
gested as a translation of the above sentence, '(In
this division] the subject populations who had I won
1 Hegel (i. 402) strongly nrgiios that wo must not ihink of tin*
Komans under the Lombards as mero coloni, but as a Kommvlmt
higher class, like the Prankish «ft». Still I think Corf's bound to
the soil' fitly describes their condition.
' H.L.iii.i6. » Vul.v.i>. 2 p.
The Lombard Land-settlement. 585
assigned to their several Lombard guests were [also] BOOK vn.
included ? : that is to say, that along with the lands — - — I—
the tributary Roman populations settled upon them
were handed over to the king. This seems to be the
sense required by the general drift of the passage, but
it must be confessed that it is difficult to get it out of
the sentence as it stands1. What seems an easier
translation is offered by Marquis Capponi * : c The
tributary populations (popvll adf/twwti) however are
divided ' (that is remain divided) ' among their Lombard
guests.7 This translation gives a good meaning to the
word taincn (however), but it is difficult to get ' remain
divided' out of part'iimtur, and it Is also iu itself im-
probable. For what would be the object of handing
over to the king broad lands denuded of the tribu-
tary llomans who cultivated them, and what would
the surrendering dukes do with the gz%eat populations
thus thrown on their hands and deprived of the land
from which they derived their sustenance ?
On the whole, without going minutely here into the
various and sometimes desperate devices which have
been resorted to in order to obtain a satisfactory
moaning from the passage, the safest counso seems to
bo to acquiesce in the decision of (Japponi, that, what-
ever may be its construction, it is too obscure to make
it nafe to resoit to it for any fresh information as to
the condition of the vanquished Romans. The subject
•with which Paulus is mainly dealing is the financial
arrangements made between tho dukes and their new
1 For why whonl<l wo hnvo 'inmon* aft or 'j>oj>uli/ ,-mrl why
should wo not liavo 'otmm,1 «n<l why not *intor ro#om <*1 ducus*
'l of 'intor Lnn#ohjir<los liOHpitof* * ?
2 *fc>w Longobttixli Zu Italia,* p. 18.
lished
.ans.
586 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vii. sovereign. These it is probably hopeless now to under-
^! L. stand, but it seems clear that the system by which the
Roman landowner was made tributary to a Lombard
hospes still remained in force, whoever that hospw
may have been \
Light Having gathered such scanty information as we
could from the pages of Paulus, let us now turn to
consider what light is .thrown by the Lombard laws
on the condition of the vanquished Romans. The laws
°f Bothari, as we have seen, are eloquently silent as
to the very name of Roman. Except for the one con-
temptuous allusion to the case of a Roman female
slave (ancilla Romana) whose seduction was to be
atoned for by a fine scarcely moz*e than half that
which was payable for the seduction of a Teutonic
slave (ancilla gentilis), we might have supposed that
Rothari and his counsellors lived on a planet to which
the fame of Rome had never reached. We find how-
ever in these very laws a large number of enactments
as to the rights and wrongs of the Aldius, a man who,
1 Savigny's explanation (i. 401) is nearly the same as Cttpponi'H :
'The king was endowed by the nobles. The Romans wwo in
the meantime divided among the individual Lombards as ihoir
ho&pites, and the old relation between them romainod imcluing««U*
Hegel's (i. 353) is somewhat similar: 'The king ropimsod nets
of lawless violence, but there was no change in tho general con-
dition of the conquered Komans. They remained divided among-
their liospitesS
Troya (Storia d'ltalia, i. 5. ccccx) contends that tho trno reading
is 'patiuntur,' and translates, 'The dukes gave half of thnr
property to the king : nevertheless the populations oppressed by
the Lombard guests suffered for it ; the dukes made up for thoir
patriotic surrender to the king by screwing a larger tribute out
of the oppressed Romans.' This does not go very well with tho
sentence that follows about the Golden Age.
The Roman population became Aldii. 587
as we discovered, occupied a position midway between BOOK vn.
the < folk-free ' Lombard of the king's army and the — —
mere slave. Everything seemed to show that we were
here dealing with a man not greatly or essentially
different from the Roman colonus, who cultivated the
ground for a master and who could not change his con-
dition or his home, but who on the other hand could
not have his rent (if we call it so) raised arbitrarily
upon him, nor be sold like the mere slave into distant
bondage. In alluding, as I then did1, to the suggestion
that among the Aldii of the Lombard law-book we had
to look for the vast mass of the so-called 'Roman'
inhabitants of Italy who occupied it before the Lom-
bard conquest, I proposed that we should for the time
neither accept this theory nor yet reject it, but keep
it before our minds and see how far it explained the
phenomena which came before us.
Now, at the close of this enquiry, I ask the reader Tim
if he does not consider that the probability of thi
theory amounts almost to certainty ? It is true we
have not — would that we had — any distinct statement
by Paulus or any other contemporary authority, * The
Romans were made Aldii'; but we are told that they
were made trilutarii, and finding in the Lombard
law-book continual allusions to a class of men — mani-
festly a large class — who are evidently tribnfarf/i, we
say with some confidence : * Surely the staple of this
class is the vanquished Roman population/ I may
say that this theory is not the special discovery of
any one student, thoxigh perhaps Troya has done more
to establish its correctness than any other writer*
It has by this time almost passed into one of the
1 p. 181.
588 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vn. commonplaces of Lombard history ; but it has seemed
--- L desirable to review the reasons by which it is supported
and to show that they are likely to stand the test of
further investigation.
If it be once admitted that the great mass of the
Roman population are represented by the Aldii of
the Lombard Codes, most of the desired information
is ours. Almost all the events that could happen to
them can be expressed (if we may speak mathemati-
cally) in terms of the (juidriyild, which yuidriyild how-
ever, we must always remember, was payable not to the
Aldius himself but to his master. If a Roman culti-
vator was fatally injured by some truculent Lombard
swashbuckler, it is not upon his injury or on his
family's claims to compensation that Itothari meditates,
but he argues that if his master is not indemnified
for the loss of so profitable a drudge, there will bo
a faida between him and the homicide, and ho there-
fore fixes the tariff of yuidriyUd to bo paid by tho
homicide to the master.
Thus then, speaking generally, we may nay if any
one would know how the countrymen of Virgil and
Cicero were faring during tine latter part of the sixth
and the seventh centuries and what sort of liven they
lived, let him study the Lombard Codes and seo what
they say as to the position of the Aldinn and Altlitt
in Lombard Italy. But there are two classes of
persons to whom we cannot feel sure that this infor-
mation applies.
tfoHHibio The first are the handicraftsmen and dwellers in
towns. Is there anything in the above-quoted words
iHuuH. Of paujus about 'paying the third part of their crops'
(fruf/um) to the hospites which entitles us to say
Were there any Romans not Aldii? 589
that a worker in metal living within the walls ofBOOKVii.
a town was made subject to this tribute ? It is — - — -
generally conjectured by historical enquirers that this
artisan class shared the degradation and the liability
to tribute of their rural fellow-countrymen ; but we
cannot be said to have any proof of this proposition,
nor is it so easy to understand how the quartering
of the Lombard guest upon the Roman could be
accomplished in the town as in the country.
And, secondly, the wealthy and leisured class apart a. Wealthy
from the mere land-owners, if there were any such
class left in Italy, — how did they fare under the new
system ? I say, ' if there were any such left/ because
the influences which had been at work in Italy to
drain it of those whom we should call its gentlemen
had been mighty and had been working for centuries.
The impoverishment of the Curiales, the invasions
of Alaric, of Attila, of Gaiseric, Odovacar and his
Heruliaus, Theodoric and his Ostrogoths, pre-eminently
the bloody revenges which marked the latter stages
of the Ostrogothic war, the emigration to Constanti-
nople, the tendency of all men of good birth and
edxication to flock to the seat of officialism, whether
at llavenna or at Constantinople, in search of a career,
the attraction** of the Church for some, of the Convent
for others, — all these causes had doubtless worked a
terrible depletion of the rural aristocracy of Italy,
even before the unspeakable Lombard came to hasten
the process.
Still there may have been Roman gentlemen, asiiowdi<z
*, -r* • i "
there may nave boen Tioman artisans, who were no
man'** Aldii, and therefore stood outside the pale of crime!
expre&s Lombard law, and if there were such I think
590 Political State of Lombard Italy.
>K VIL we can only conjecture what amount of protection
*• 14' they received for life and property. My own conjec-
*ure would be that in the first generation after the
conquest they received none at all The sentence of
Paulus, ' In these days many of the noble Itomans
were slain through avarice/ expresses, I suspect, the
state of things not only under the lawless dukes, but
even under Authari arid Agilulf, at any rate in the
earlier years of the reign of the latter monarch. Even
under Kothari, if the son of a murdered Koman came
to the King's Court and claimed compensation for Inn
father's death, we can imagine the king's reply, * When
Lombard has killed Lombard, we have ordered that
a certain guidrigild be paid, ul c<>m>tf<d<1<i,, to prevent
a blood-feud. But how can any blood-foud ox 1st
between the Lombard and the soft weaponless Roman ?
No more than between a Lombard man and a woman.
I cannot decree the payment of any </ui<lri(/tf<f, but
you can if you like try your fortune us a mntffa in
the dread wager of battle.' And thereat, inextin-
guishable laughter would resound through the hull
at the thought of the delicate Roman mounting- home*
and couching spear against the stalwart Lombard
exercitcdis.
Such would seem to have been the law, or rather
the absence of law, in the earlier (l»yn of tho Lombard
state. But we saw in the lawn of Liutpmnd that
a stronger feeling against crimes of violence had then
been growing up in the community. Tho conviction
that murder was not merely a wrong to the relation*
of the murdered man, but a disgrace to tho State,
a breach, as our ancestors would nay, of *tlm KIIIJ^H
peace/ had evidently entered into tho mind of tho
What protection had the free Roman ? 591
legislator. It was under the influence of this con- BOOK VIL
viction that he ordained that the murderer of * any *-—
free man' should atone for his crime by the loss
of the whole of his property, part of which was to
go to the murdered man's heirs and the rest to
the King's Court1. Here at first we think we have
got the desired answer to our question as to the
protection afforded by the law to the unattached
Roman, who is no man's Aldius. As a free man he
surely shares in the advantages of this law, ami any
one who kills him asto animo (of malice prepense) will
forfeit his whole property for his crime. But unfor-
tunately, as has been already pointed out J, a law
which was passed four years later for the express 73*.
purpose of explaining this law seoum to limit those
hopeful words, 'any free man/ It in true that the
legislator here deals only with manslaughter in self-
defence and does not expressly repeal any part of the
law against premeditated murder. But when we find
that the lowest guidric/ild known to the legislator is
for 'the humblest person fwho shall !w found to IH>,
a mmnber of our army V we feel that thene words are
probably to be taken as limiting the application of the
earlier law also, and we fear that wo may not infer
that the truculent Lombard who of malice aforethought
killed a free man of Iloman origin wan punished lor
the crime by the forfeiture of all his estates Thun
then, in the silence of the Lombard legislator, we are
left to mere conjecture as to the condition of the
Iloman. population. Individually I am diwposed to
conjecture that the increasing civilisation of their
1 Soo p. 396. tt p. tWH.
s 'Minima persona <jui oxorcitalis homo OHSO iuvcmulim*
592
Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK VIL conquerors had, at any rate by the time of Liutprand,
..Og-14-.. perhaps long before, wrought great improvement^ in
their condition, and that the murder or mutilation
of a free Italian of non-Lombard descent was noticed
and punished in some way by the Lombard magistrate,
but how, to what extent, under the provision of what
law, I do not think we have any evidence to show.
survival But while in criminal matters the man of Roman
tan^g origin was thus at the mercy of the law, or rather the
quisled" lawlessness, of his conquerors, in civil affairs we way
o™ tater- reasonably suppose that he retained his own law, aw
nai affairs. far ag ^ j^ ]^nowie(jge an<j understanding enough
to use it. Why, for instance, should the Lombard
official trouble himself with the disposition of the
Roman artisan's scanty savings among his descendants?
Why should he care to impose upon him the Lombard
principle of the exclusion of daughters in favour of
sons, or the provision made by the laws of Rothari for
illegitimate offspring ? All these were surely matters
far below the range of the Lombard duke or scuf-
dahis ; and so the men of Roman origin in their
purchases and sales to one another, in making their
wills, in dividing the property of an intestate, would
go on, very likely clumsily and ignorantly enough,
following, as far as they knew them, the provisions of
the Digest and the Code. Thus we have at once
a natural explanation of those passages already noticed
in the laws of Liutprand where he uses emphatically
the words 'Si quis Langobardus' in treating of the
laws of inheritance ; of his refusal of the Lombard
rights offaida and anagnph to the Lombard woman
who has come under a Roman's mundium ; and above
all, of the important law ' de scribis/ in which con-
Germs of Personal Law. 593
veyancers are ordered, under very severe penalties for BOOK vn,
disobedience, to prepare their deeds either according — ! — '—
to the law of the Lombards or according to the law
of the llomans, and not to presume to alter either of
these to suit their own convenience.
Thus we find that in the Lombard State, as in most Personal
of the other States founded by the barbarians on the Lombard
ruins of the Empire, we have the germs of what is
known as the system of Personal Law, as opposed to
that of Territorial Law which is now universal in
Christian Europe *. Under this system, not only had
the Barbarian one code of laws and the Eoman
another, but after the barbarian peoples had begun to
got mixed with one another by wars and invasions,
each separate barbarian nation kept its own laws, and
thus, tut Bishop Agobard said in the ninth century
when writing to Louis the Pious, 'you may see five
inon flitting or walking together, each of whom has his
own law *.' Wo shall find this system in full operation
undor Charlew the Great, and though undoubtedly it
was loss completely developed in Italy than in some
of the*, other countries of Western Europe, owing to
the attempt made by the Lombards to assimilate
all other laws and customs to their own, Personal
Law ift there in the Laws of Liutprand, and it would
probably have asserted itself more strongly had the
life of tlio State beori a longer one.
1 I nay Ohmlian Europe, because the ' Capitulations ' by which
the dtiwiiH of the loading European States arc protected from
dominions uttwd by Turkish judges in accordance with tho Koran
furnish an excellent modern HluHlrnlion of the principle of Personal
Law.
* A#»l«mli Kp. ad Lud. P. apud Bouquet, vi. 3f,6 (quoted by
VOL. VI.
594 Political State of Lombard Italy.
BOOK vii. Here then for the present we leave the story of the
— Lombard settlers in Italy. They have succeeded in
making good their position in the peninsula, notwith-
standing all the efforts of Pope and Exarch, of Caesar
and of Meroving to expel them. They have been steadily
extending their frontier, and it seems clear that their
final expulsion of ' the Greeks ' (as the Imperial forces
are beginning to be called) is only a question of lime,
and not of any long time either. They have renounced
their Arian Creed, have become great church-lmildei'H
and convent-founders, and, as far as religious revolts
go, there seems no cause why they should not live on
terms of cordial friendship with the See of Home,
Lastly, they have been for more than thhty yeans
under the sway of a hero-king— wise, courageous,
merciful— who has done more than any of his prede-
cessors towards welding their somewhat disorderly
and discordant elements into one coherent and har-
monious whole, ' United Italy' appears full in view,
and it seems as if by the arms of the rude Lombard
this great victory will be won for humanity.
Why and how this fair promise failed, and how
Europe organised herself at the expense of aliopcUslv
divided^Italy, it will be my business to >sel forth in the
concluding volume.
INDEX.
A.
Apulian fortroiw,
tho attacks of Kmperor Conntans II,
vi. 272,
Actor /ft1///*, Howard of Mng'H court,
vi. 213,401, 578.
A<I KontuiiaH, Monuntory at, founded
by ColumhamiH, vi. 113.
Ad NovaM in Jn-mla Capritana, utory
of itn Hinhop John, v, 475*
Adalulf, a Lombard nobleman, falsely
aucmift'M Qiittm GundipiTga, vi. 162 j
fllaiu by h*T champion, vi, 16*3,
Adalwald, *ou of Agilulf and Thmido-
linda, born at) Monm 602, v. 430;
baptiwd by Hccundun of Triimt,* v.
430 ; I*op<» Gregory wndH him rtiliiN,
v. 447, 448; IK (jxpoctwl to read tho
of tho Kifth Coun<!il, v.
.
proclaimed king and affianced to
daughter of Thmidelmrt II, vi. 108,
wt> nlNn v. 448 7* ; lofcUir from SIHO-
but to him H^aiuHt AriaiMHiiu vi. 150;
Htory of liiH full HH told by * Krcdt^a-
riuM/ yl. 157; (liwniKHioii of ovcntH
uttr.ndin^1 hiH depoKition, vi. 157-160.
Addua (Adda}, nvtv, boundary of I^OHI-
bnrd provhicoH of Atmtna and Nou-
Hfcria, v!, 3x0**; battlw of, botweon
<<unim*port and Alahin, vi. 311-314.
ife of AHchiK TI, Duke of
of Paulug I)iaoonu»,
v. 72-73.
Ado, Hon of Antharius, receives Oolnm-
biinuH* bl««wnp:f vi. i art n.
A<1<>, brother of Hodwald, Ion wrrutftr
lii tho Duchy of FriuH, vi. 328.
Atriiuft^ Hawim, (iovwnoir t>f l^innonia,
rtH'ciivoii omlmiwy froiu the Lango-
bar<ii, v. 88.
At-niUijUia, aunt of Gregory, a nun, v.
aH8,
Acwrnia, town of KaxnnSum, aRHignod to
JtulgarJan RDltlora by Komwald, vi.
H, a Byzantine lawyer 536-
578 (?) ; hia Hibtory described, v. 3-6 ;
liin epigram on the battle of Capua,
v. 45 '// ; quoted, v. 56 n.
Agfttlio, Pi^jK) ri78-68i, vi. 343 ; hold*
a wynod (680) for condemnation of
Moitoiholotifnn, vi. 344; sends hia
li'^ate to the Sixth General Council,
vi. 345 ; dies, vi, 346.
Agatho, Duke of Perugia, his ineffectual
attempt on Bologna, vi. 483.
Agaunum (St. Maurice) visited by the
invading Lombards 574, v. 219.
Agolmund, won of Aio, of family of
Gungingi, first king of the Lango-
bardi, v. 94-96 ; slain by the Bulga-
ria nn, v, 96.
Agilulf, King of the Lombards 590-
6 1 5, chosen for her huabund by Thea»»
(IiJindit, v. 281-2835 his parentage,
v. 2S4; appoints Arichis Duke of
Jteneventum, vi. 73, 75 ; sends two
misHions to the Franka, proposing
I>oaco, v. 344-346; eubducH three
robel dukos, v. 346-347; recapture
Perugia 5^93, v. 369; threatens Koine,
v« 37° 5 yieldH to Gregory's intcTces- '
Hion and d<*partfi, v. 371 ; willing to
make a general peace, v. 381 ; lie-
gotiationn for peace with Exarch
CalliiucuH, v. 415-4:8 ; letter of Pope
Gregory I to, 598, v. 419; alliance
with the Avars, v. 422 ; peace with
tho Kranka, v, 423 ; again nuivpresses
robolliou of three dukee, v, 423-424 ;
hi« dauglitcjr carried off by Callinicus,
v. 428 ; war with the Empire,
pcaco with tho Avars 601, v. 429 ;
allows IIIH won to bo baptized as a
Catholic, v. 430; triumphant cam-
paign of 603, v. 432 j his daughter
is restored and dies, v. 433 ; make**
poaeu with Hmantgdus 603, v. 433 ;
renowH thin peaco at intervals 005-
615, vi. 107 ; joins alliance against
Theodorio II, vi. 108 ; welcomes
Qq 2
59<5
Index.
Columbanus, vi. 132; requests Colum-
banue to write to Pope Boniface IV,
vi. 138 ; discussion as to his conver-
sion from Arianism, vi. 140-144;
dies 615 p), vi. 147; crown of, for-
merly at Monza, vi. 572.
Agiprand or Asprand, nephew of Liut-
prand, Duke of Clusium, made Duke
of Spoletium, vi. 481 ; accompanies
Pope Zacharias on his return journey,
vi. 494.
Agnellus, Bishop of Trient, intercedes
for Verruca with Prankish generals,
v. 270; vi, 32 ; sent to negotiate for
return of captives taken by the Franks,
v. 345- .
Agnellus, Consul of Eavenna, taken
prisoner and liberated by Liutprand,
vi. 493.
Agnellus (ninth century), author of
* Liber Pontificalia Ecclesiae Raven-
natis/v. 150; quoted, v. 169 #, 170
«; vi.347«, 372-375, 453-4545 his
silence as to capture of Eavenna
under Liutprand, vi. 482.
Ago, Duke of Friuli 645 (?)-6*6o (?), vi.
285.
Aiga, wife of Autharius, vi. 1 26 n.
Aio (Agio), joint leader of first emigra-
tion of Langobardi, v. 91, 94,
Aio, son of Arichis, Duke of Benevento,
his embassy to Kothari, vi. 79 ; strange
adventures at Eavenna, vi, 80 ; suc-
ceeds his father 641, vi. 80 ; killed
by the Slavonian invaders, vi. 81.
Aistulf, son of Pemmo, Duke of Friuli,
vi. 333; is arrested by Liutprand
and is on the point of murdering him,
vi. 469 ; fights bravely at battle of
Metaurus, vi. 480-481.
Alahis, Duke of Trient, circa 6So, vi,
34 ; defeats the Count of the Bava-
rians and captures Botjzen. (?J, vi, 304;
rebels against Perctarit, vi. 304 ;
friendship with Cunincpert, vi. 304 ;
made Duke of Brescia, vi. 304 ; re-
bellion against Cunincpert, vi. 34,
307-314; slain at the battle of the
Adda, vi. 313
Alais, Lombard lord of Amifcernum, vi.
101 ; his quarrel with UmbohiB, vi.
loi-ioa; his execution, vi. 102.
Alamanni, barbarous customs of, v. 15-
1 6 ; vi. 126 ; sacrilegious outrages of,
v. 33 ; mode of arming themselves,
v. 40 ; invasion of, feared in 600, v.
427 ; on the Upper Rhine, visited by
Columbanus, vi. 126.
Albernoz, Cardinal, builder of fortress
atSpoleto, vi. 87.
Alboin,Son ofAudoin and Rodelinda,
eleventh king of the Langobardi
5°5(2)-572, marries Frankish princess
Chlotsuinda, v. 139; slays Thoris-
mund, the Gepid prince, in Hingl**
combat, v. 135; hiHviKitto the (>ff»i<!
Court, v. 1 35-137 ; snccuedH his futhor,
v. 137; marries ItoHamund, \. i,V)5
his first sight of Itaty front tho Kill's
Mountain, v. i£(j; hia meeting with
the Bishop of Troviso, v. I5<>; appoint-*
hip nephew Gwu If i)uko of Friuli, v.
1 60 ; overruns Lignria and tiil\«'«
Milan 569, v. 161 ; takes I'avw 572,
v. 163; murdered by HoHnmuwl ami
follow-conspiratortt, v. 168-171 ; bin
tomb at Verona, v. 171 ; <lat« <»f hin
death, v. l6S n ; poH.sihlt- alliiHiuim to
in ' Triivt^llor'H S«*njr,' v. 17^.
Alboin or Alboni, J>uki» <»f Milan f ?), v.
i86/i.
Albswinda, clau^htor of Allvoin I>y !n«
firat wife, taken by her Htqj-moUtrr
to Itavenna, v. 172; sonfc to <Nw-
stau tinople, v, 1/3,
Album Curia P, vi. 552.
Alcuin, on the lotterw of I*<»pe (in^ory
*> v. 337.
Alditw, half-frooman, vi. l8x> l86~JKo,
205, 207, 208, 586-588.
Aldoof !»roH('ia,wifcli(xraiifK»li!Kl)n»Uirrf
joins Alalim in c.onHpirnry u^uiiuii
C1umncpi5rt,vi.f)o7 ; \,}u\ hrotlxTH tin n
AluhiH and riwtnrn i'ttnifir
purb^to the throiu*, vi. ^oS ; Ht«»ry «f
Oniiincport'K nu'tlitatinl v«m^<»umv mi
thorn, vi. 315.
Aldoinw (' « AldiuH), ft myntwiouH wnr*l
in tho Oiiffo, v. 94 w, i'^ij.
AlichiH, Ouk<» of 1tn*H(tiay v, iK/i,
AH^orn, brother of Tdivn, <*ditiiiiatt(iN in
the <l(jf(ij)«o of ( luujjus v. X S ; hin Hiir<
render of Ctnnius v. 27 ; («uvcrn>»r i*f
Otiwma, v. 29; l.ravory at Imttht of
Capua, v. 45.
Altino, «t|>tur«»«I by tl»o Kxari'h fivwi
tho
captured by tho hoinl«tr«U 640, \*
272 M.
Alzeco, loader of Bulgarian im»M'/r;»»tx,
IMU\<* yruhdtl b,y UontwaM, vi, jS^.
Amalafrid, Thunn^lan prin<*t\ Kivat*
nephew of Theodoras, wrvw J UHiuitnn
and commaiidH Iinporial triM»jm H.-ut,
toaHHiHtIjang(tbardi,v. 131 ; htHMiMtrr
tnnrneB Audoin, v, 131,
Amalong, a J^onihard warrior, at IttiUU*
of Forizio, vi. 3 76,
Airiantin, city of, romniwd Xiutwrin! at
Lombard fompn-nt, vi, 77,
Amator, MMn>i> <>f «/«Hum <'ariu<'w»(,
livw at (Jivwlalc»,but i» <txt)tfl!<*»! l»y
CallibtuH, vi, 408. J
AmatuH, 3>4itrifjiiMi of
featod by tho
570, v,
Index.
597
Amazons, collision of, with the Lango-
bardi, v, 95.
Ambri, chief of the Vandals, v. 91.
Ambrose, chief of the notaries, messen-
ger from Pope Zacharias to Liut-
prand, vi. 495, 496.
Ameria (Ameha), wrested by Liut-
prand from Duraius Itomau, vi. 475 ;
Transamund fails to restore, vi. 480 ;
restored by Liutprand, vi. 494.
Ametegis, valley of (including Aosta),
cede<i by Lombards to Franks, v.
224 n.
Aniintf, a Franlush chieftain (?), de-
feated and slain by Narnes, v. 55.
Amitcrnum, city of Samnhini, St. Co-
thuus LJiabop of, vi. 100.
Anio, Lombard duke, invades Gaul in
concert \vith Zaban and llodan 575,
v. 220; his disastrous retreat, v. 223.
Anagnia (Nan<>), in Lombard duchy of
Trient, captured by Chramnichis, vi.
28.
Anagratis (JFtMcoijm'yfit ^inong the
VosgoH mountains, St. Columbanus
founds monastery at, vi* 112.
Anasta«ia,ttwthorof Kmpt-ror JuHtinian
IF, flogged by order of tho Treasurer
Stephen, vi. 359 ; tri*« in vain to wive
hergraudHon Tiberius, vi. 383.
Anastasius F, Emperor of Homo 491-
518, wars of the Horuli during LIB
reign, v. 106"; receives the fugitive
Horuli into tlio Empire 512, v.
xi 2.
Anastasiufl IT, Shadow-Kinporor 713-
715, vi. 384.
AnaBtasiu8,OhaplamofCk»rmanuB,inade
Patriarch of Constantinople on do-
position of Gorman UB 729, vi. 436,
451 j lottos from Pope Gregory HI
to, vi. 4<>3.
Anatolius, M(uji*tvr Militwn at Salerno
bctwt'on 625 and 638, vi. 77 w.
Andelot, treaty of (587), v. 208 n.
Andreas, envoy front Childebert to
Kxarch 500, v. 372.
Andreas, Mtotmtitnut at JUvcnna,
letter of i'opc (Urogory 1 to, v. 41 r.
Andreas, son of TroiUm, valet of Oon-
stans, kills IUB master with a Hoap-
box, vi. 281.
Andrew, Prtmbytet of Ostia, joxna in
t!onnecnition of I*t»la«iti8, v, 53,
AngolH, gtMwl and evil, noon in Pavia
during yoHtiloiwe of 590 (?), vi. 316.
Atigli, our forofatherrt, khunuea of the
Uiitfolmrdi, v. 83, 152, 154- . _
Anglian boys seen by Cirogory m the
Korum, v. 39 u
Anglo-SaxoiiB, iirnt occurronco of tho
nauH>, v, 154, $w also vi, 306 n;
their droBH, v. 154; pilgrims flock to
Borne, vi. 317, 323 ; Church gives its
voice against Monotheletism, vi. 344.
Ango, Frankish weapon, description of,
v. 31 w.
Anna, wife of Gottschalk, Duke of
Benevento, escapes to Constantinople,
vi. 472.
Ansfrit, usurping Duke of Friuli, vi.
328 ; defeated, blinded, and banished,
vi. 328.
Ansprand, guardian of Liutpert 700,
vi. 320 ; defeated by Aripert II ; flees
to Insula Comacina, vi. 321 ; flees
to the Bavarians, vi. 322; cruelties
practised on his family, vi. 322 ; re-
turns and dethrones Aripert, vi. 325 ;
dies, vi. 389.
Annul, relation of King Authari, slain
at Verona, v. 284 n.
Auswald, notary : his signature n(jces-
aary to nil authentic copies of Uothari'ti
Oocle, vi. 175, 237.
AntdHignani, picked troopw, at battle
of Capua, v. 42, 43.
Anthaib ^), occupied by the Lango-
bardi, v. 94.
Antlwmius, Kulwieacon, administrator
of Campania, letters of Popo Uregoi*y
I to, v. 352, 404* 40<5.
AntiochuH, Praetorian Prefect, scamps
tho commissariat of Imperial army,
v, a(5, 30; Prngmatic Sanction ad-
drc>HWjii to, v. 50 ; vi. 524.
AntiphonotiiK, Image of the Saviour, BO-
calkMl,de,stroyed by Leo JJ F, vi. 434, n.
Antoninus, dcfensor, his too grasping
admin ifltratiou of estatos of the Church
in Sicily, v. 310 ; debts of his estate
to tho dhurch, v. 314.
AntoninuK, Patriarch of (Jrado, letter
of Popo Urugory to, vi. 488.
Autoniiw, tlefi'Mor of Church of Grade,
carried oil* by Smaragdus to Uavonna,
v. 4^)8.
Aordu«, brother of Todasiu«, King of
tho Uoruli, v. 115; fllain in battle
with the Kmpiroand the Langobardi,
v. 129.
.4wte( Augusta}, wrested l>y tho Franks
from the Lombards, circa 575, v, 223,
22471. . .
AphthartodocetiHiu,horosy of, Justinian
accused of, v. 58 n.
ApocrJHiftriuH»KtisponBaiiH, title of the
Popo'u representative at the Imperial
Court, v. 393.
Aw>»tc>ViGUH«- Popo, vi. 488.
Appianum (Iftwk /^m), opposite
Jiotsson, taken by KraiikiHh Count
Chedin, vi. 30.
Apaimar, we TiboriaH III.
cnriltt (?). l»ttce o moe
and Exarch 743, vi. 496.
593
Aqmleia, Patriarch of, v. 457? wben
first received title of Patriarch, v. 45 7
n : Patriarch of, removes first to Cor-
mones and then to Cividale, vi. 467-
Aquileia, pasped over for Chidale by
Lombard dukes, vi. 39 ; under Lom-
bard domination, vi. 43.
Aquinum, laid waste by Lombards 577,
Arga/t, 'a miUahis, his quarrel with
Ferdnlf of Friuli, vi. 329 ; lulled in
battle with the Sclovenes, vi. 331,
579-
Anchis I (or Arogis), Duke of Bene-
vento 591-641, vi. 73-80 ; co-operates
with Duke of Spoleto and threatens
Naples, v. 359, 362 ; makes difficulties
about peace negotiations 599, v. 416 ;
alleged conversion to Catholicism, v.
428 ; Pope Gregory asks him to send
timber from Bruttii 599, v. 428 n ;
vi. 77 ; before he became Duke, tutor
to the sons of Gisulf of Friuli (?), vi.
Arichis II, Duke of Benevento, patron
of Paulus Diaconus, v. 72-73.
Arichis, brother of Paulus Diaconus,
captivity of, and misfortunes of Ms
family, v. 74.
Ariminum (Bimini), Liutprnnd's de-
feat at, vi. 482.
Aripert I, nephew of Theudelinda, takes
up the cause of his cousin Gnndiperga,
vi. 163 ; King of the Lombards 653-
66 r, vi. 241 ; builds church of the
Saviour at Pa via, vi. 241 .
Aripert II, son of Baginpert, King of the
Lombards 701 - 71 2, succeeds his father
701, vi. 321 ; defeats Ansprand near
Pavia, vi. 321 ; besieges Bergamo
and takes Botharit prisoner, vi. 32 1 j
destroys town in Insula Comacina,
vi. 322 ; his cruelties to family of
Ansprand, vi. 322 ; cuiious foreign
policy, vi. 323 ; devotion to the
Church, vi. 324; dethroned by Ans-
prand 712, vi. 325; perishes in the
river Ticino, vi. 325.
Ariulf, Duke of Spoleto, v. 349 ; vi. 92-
95 ; letter to Pope Gregory I as to
surrender of Suana, v. 357; vi. 93;
makes a separate peace with Pope
Gregory I, v 360-363 ; vi. 93 ; inter,
view with Pope Gregory 1, as de-
scribed by Paulus Diaconus (*), v. 364 ;
story of his vision of St. Severinua,
v. 365; yi- 95J makes difficulties
about peace-negotiations 599, v. 416-
418; vi. 94.
Ariwald (Charoald), husband of Gundi-
perga, story of his procuring the
murder of Taso, Duke of Tuscany
Index.
vi. 59-60 n; an Arinii, vi. 150 j Hu
plants Adnlwald, vi. 157-160; Ki
of the Lombards 626*630, vi. 16 1 ;
imprisons his quean, (»un<lip<;rt,'a, \i.
162; conspires with Kxareli fpwuwfor
murder of Tiwn, vi. 163 ; di««s vi. 164.
Avmilausia ~ doublet, vi, 458.
Arminius, chief of the ChiTUHei, v.
86.
Arnefrit, son of LIIJIUH, J)uk«» of Kritili,
takes refuge with the »S«:l<>vMn-H of
Carintliia, vi. 288; doiuatud ami
slain at Ncmat», vi. 288,
Arnulf, Bihhop of Mt'tz, ntxjoHfor of
Charles the Great, dtwrfH liruni-
childifl for Chlotoclutr 613, vi. io<>
Arnulfingw in AiiHtraHiat vi. 3, 421.
Arpinuiii, won from tb«j ItHPtitun 7iV///i'/^
by GiBulf of Benevcnto, vi. $&.
Artabancs, the Armenian, Imperial
general in Italy, v, 20 ; <icftmts Lvu-
thar at Fanum, v. 34; at battle of
Capua, v. 42,
ArtavaadiiK, son-iti-Uw <»f IV<» 1 1 F,
struggles for the Kni|rfru willi <'oii-
fltautmii Y, vi, 497,
Arx (Jtftcctt tCAw} won fnua tin* /^/»
eatwi Komnti l»y (tiHulf of lSont»v<Miio,
vi. 336.
Asinius QuadrattiH (third wiitury A. i».\
lost author quolcd )>y A^aUtinH,
v. 1 6 11.
Assemanm <m<»tod, vi. 356 //.
Assi, chief of the ViuululH, v, 91,
Assippitti (? llHijK.^iHj, war of, with
Langobardi, v, 92-94,
AsLa (Atii') holdn out for IVri'tnrit.
«gainst (jfriniwald, vi. 449; liattlo nf,,
between Jb'rankH and bowbanK u.
252.
Athanagild, Kinjjf of tho ViMi^otlin,
fathwof J JrunichililiM and < JalHwiuLha,
v. 203, 205 ; IriH (hjath, v. 250.
Athanagil<l, the youn#«Tt «<«» «»f II *T*
memgild an<l Jn^niutiiiH, v. 25^;
efforts of hiH undo f Jhil*li'!»«Tt for hm
liberation, v. 259-264.
AthauawiuH, I'n^bytvr, ftpjH'nltH! from
Patriarch of Conntantinoplo to Itoiuo,
y- 394-
Atina, laid wnHto by Loj»har<l« *<io, vi.
7i.
Atto, Duke of Spoleto 653-6^3, vi, </>,
'
,
for pleading the oauHeofQwom UiiwH-
perga, vi. 166.
Auciaritjjoiubard g<mt>ral undor Arlulf,
v. 360.
Audelain, urturp!n« J)uk« of Ktmnvitnto
73o-732» vi. 471; deponed lw Uut-
piund, vi. 47 j.
AudoetniH, St., JJinhop «f Rotiuii, actu of,
quoted, vi, 256 n.
Index.
599
Audoin, tenth king of the Langobardi
5*0-565 (1), guardian of Waltari, v.
120; king, v. 122-137; his ancestry,
v. 122 n ; marries a Thnringian prin-
COPB, sister of Ainalafrid, v. 131 ; his
death, v. 137.
Audovald, Krankinh general, invades
Ituly with seven dukes, v. 267 • de-
feats the Lombards at Lake Lugano,
v. 268 ; returns to Gaul, v. 269.
Augustine, St., body of, removed from
Sardinia to Pavia, vi. 499.
Augustine, Abbot of St. Andrews, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, sent by Pope
Gregory T to convert England, v.
326; Pope Gregory replies to his
questions, v. 327.
Aunachaiius, I»ishop of Auxerre, Pope
Pelagius IE writ OH to, coinplaining of
the Lombards 5X1, v. 239.
Aurona, daughter of Ansprand, cruelly
mutilated by Aripert II, vi. 322.
Austrasia, kingdom of, first appearance
of the name, v. 203.
Austria, name of Eastern half of Lom-
bard kingdom, vi, 309, 393 w.
Authari (Autharith, Aptauliarius), Ron
of Cleph, passed over at hi» father'*
death, v. 18^; chosen king 584, v.
332 ; takos tho titlo KlaviuH, v. 232-
234 ; tranquil prosperity of his reign
an paintud by Paulas, v. 233 ; hit* char-
acter, v. 235; march through Jtaly
to Uegg'm, v. 235 ; betrothed to (UUo-
doHJnda of Australia, v. 236; MH
wooing of Thoudolittda, v. 236 238 ;
IIIH ntarriagu $Ky, v. 339 ; recaptures
Brixollum, v, 244 ; makes a trueo for
threo years with Kzarch Swaragdus,
v. 244; oHplun-B Insulii C'oiuacina, v.
346 ; defuatH ( 'hildebert'n army,v. 26 J ;
IIIH marriage <UIUHUH a Bimponsiou of
ImHtilitieH, v, 263; shutH himstklf up
in Pavia 590, v. 271 ; Hcnds ambas-
Hadorw t<» Krankish kint,'B 590, v. 275 ;
dieH at i'avia, Sopt, 5, 590, v. 275,
aHi ; Htory of, in oonnoction with St.
Petor'H key, v. 408.
AuthariuK, l<Vankisli nobleman visited
by ('olumhamiH, vi. I z() ft,
AutononuiB, wanotuary of hi Bithynia,
Mauri«'<j taken rofug<J at, v. 440.
Auxtmtiu?', MS. of, at Hobbio, vi, 13471.
Avar«, an Asiatic p<i<»j)lt», ontor Ktirope
in the sixth ce.ntury, v. 137 ; Alhoin
mak<m alliance with against the
(iepMao, v. 138 ; Jh-ootulf fights with,
v. ,147, a,|8 ; raiils on tho Kiupiro 597,
^c.t v, 432; alluwmw with Agilulf:
\\ar with thi« Krankx, v. 422; renewed
alliance ami help from Agilulf/v. 429 ;
(-liugan of, puts 1 3,000 unrauKoinetl
«t)l(l oi'H of Mauricu to death, v. 435 ;
ravage Thrace 610, vi. 8 ; temporary
truce, vi. 9; besiege Constantinople
in alliance with the Persians 626,
vi. 10 ; invasion of Friuli 610 (?), vi.
50-55; Perctarit seeks an asylum
with, vi. 246; invade Friuli, defeat
and slay Duke Lupus 664 (?), vi. 286 ;
caused to retreat by a stratagem of
Grimwald, vi. 287; Lintprand always
maintained peaceful relations with,
vi. 500.
B.
Badrinus river — Padoreno (?), scene of
Droctult's victory over the Lom-
bards, v. 246.
Bnduarius, son-in-law of Emperor Jus-
tin II, stiarige encounter with Justin,
v. 194; defeated by the Lombards
57 5 » v» 195 J was he the first Exarch 2
vi. 533-
Bardanca, see Philippicus.
Baeda, author of Ecck-siastical History
of the English, quoted, v. 184 n;
vi. 318, 323 n, 422 ; biographical
notices of Pope Gregory T, v. 280.
llugnorud (Balnous Kegi«), wrested
by the Lombard** from tho Empire,
vi, 107.
Baian, Uhagan of the Avars, his alliance
with Alboin, v. 138.
Bainaib (?), occupied by tho Lango-
bardi, v. 94*
Barbaricini, Sardinian idolaters, Pope
Gregory I labours for conversion of,
v. 322.
Barburus, Bishop of Bunovtmto, an exile
in Sicily, vi. 7971.
Barbatus, St., Missionary and Bishop of
Benevonto 663-682, vi. 78; life of,
vi. 293-298.
JBarlwrttuo *= Castrum ManturianenHO,
accepts tho pretender Potasiua, vi.
460 n.
3lardengau, on western shore of tho
Elbe (in Hanover), probably tho first
home of the Langobardi in Germany,
v. 100.
Bardi -* Langobardi, v, 247.
Burdowyk, capital of Bardengau, v,
100.
Bawil, a Sicilian of Byzantine descent,
created Kmperor under name of Ti-
berius by puke Sergius, vi. 428;
beheaded, vi. 428.
Basil, Duke, conspires for the murder of
Pope Gregory II, vi. 447 : Bent into
a con von t, vi, 448.
BasiliuH, Vir Clariaaiinntt, makes mis-
chief between Pope Gregory I and
Agilulf, v. 417-41$.
Bavaria, sre Garibald, TuwHilo, Theodo,
Thoudebert, Thoudolinda.
6oo
Index.
Bavarians, liutprand took many places
from, vi. 500.
Belisarius, death of, 565, v. 56.
JB«?ZZw;rowa(Bilitio),besieged by Franks
590, v. 268.
Belluno, seat of a bishop, possibly of a
Lombard duke, vi. 44.
Belocb, author of « Campanien, quoted,
v. 37 M 2, 38 n i.
Benedict I, Pope 575-579* v- 54 »•
election of, v. 193 ; recalls Gregory
from his mission to Britain, v. 291 ;
appoints him Seventh Deacon, v.
292 ; dies, v. 195, 292.
Benedict II, Pope 684-685, vi. 346-
349; said to have received letter
dispensing with Imperial confirma-
tion of Papal Election, vi. 346 ;
receives from Constantine IV locks
of his sons' hair, vi. 348 ; death of,
vi. 349.
Benedict, Bishop of Nomentum, messen-
ger from Pope Zacharias to Liut-
prand, vi. 495.
Benedictines, see Monte Cassino.
Beneventum (jBeneventd), early history
of, vi. 63-69 ; derivation of the name,
vi. 65; sketch of history of, after
Lombard times, vi. 69-70 ; Lom-
bard dukes of 571-662, vi. 71-82
(and see Arichis 1) ; Roman remains
at, vi. 70; geographical extent of
duchy, vi. 76-77 ; religious condition
of duchy, vi. 78 ; siege of by Con-
stans, vi. 273-275; history of the
duchy of, continued, vi. 293-299,
334-336, 442, 470-472 J Euke Ser-
gins escapes to, vi. 428.
Bergamo (Bergomum), description of,
v. 233 ; probably city of Cleph and
Authari, v. 182, 233^; Gaidulf,
duke of, rebels against Agiluif, v.
347 ; Botharit, Duke of, rebels against
Aripert II, vi. 321 ; besieged and
taken by Aripcrt II, vi. 321.
Bessin, Bom Guillaume, sub-editor of
Pope Gregory I's letters for Bene-
dictine Edition, v. 333.
Bethmann, author of articles on Paulus
Diaconus in the Archiv (vol. x), and
Neues Archiv (vol. ii), v. 70, 80 j
quoted, v. 279 ; vi. 40 n.
Sex (Baeci), scene of defeat of Lom-
bards 574, v. 219.
Biliulf, a relation of Duke Grasulf,
otherwise unknown, vi. 46.
Billo, citizen of Belluno, father of
Pemmo, Duke of Friuli, vi. 332.
Birrus — a waterproof covering, y
154 «•
Bishops, associated in election QtJudices
by Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction
vi. 521. '
Bisons, near tho Predil l'anfl, men-
tioned by J'auliM, v. 15^ n.
Blachernae, palace of, at t'onHbantinoploi
vi. 367 ; Olnirch of the Virgin at, Ti-
berius taken refuge in, vi. ^S^,
Blanda,m Calabria, debited <»\vintf to
ravages of Lombards 591, vi. 75 «.
Blera (Meda}, acceptH* thtj pr<-tfiid<T
PetasinH, vi. 460 ;/ ; \v rented !>y I/i'it-
prand from Duaitnx Jt<nHw} \\» 475?
Transamnnd fails to r<*Htorof vi. 4^0;
restored by Liutprand, vi. 494.
BlueB, faction of, at ('oNHt.anlhmphs
favoured by Kmpcror Maurice, v.
434 ; ory ' Maurice i« ii(>t yt-t <U-H»l/
v. 440.
Bluhmo, Dr. Fried. (' J>i,. ( jtmH Lwi^«-
bardorum und iliro (Icrkunft *),cHU*
cinod by Waitz, v. 69 ». ; an to varly
settlements of Langobardi, v. 141-
142.
Boblio, dofloripticin of, vi. 13,* ; <*ohaa-
baniiB foun<lH JUMnwHttiry'ftl, vi, 1,^4 -
133; lifcorary troaHuro» c»f, vi. 134*
135; .
BodigiHil, Gallu-Ildinaii uoblo, *<m i»f
MnmmoliniiH of SUIMHOUS, v, 364 ;
sont a0 aui)>aHsiulor to tlonst.anliimplo.
v. 264 j killed in tho tumuli, at. < '»r-
thu^e, v. 265.
,
for, uniler Jxmiliard u(idot vi. I St; .
Boja- au iron <(ollai\ vi, 17^,
Jtofaf/Htt (liounnia), taken hy tlio f*ojti-
bardn, v. 164; again fcukt'u l*y Uut*
prand, vi. 454.
Bona, wife of Kredo, uitiswu of AmittT-
num, vi. 101.
Boniface, Ht. (Winfrith), Ku
Hionary to (formally, vi,
Bonifaco JV, I'opti 608-^1
Columbanim to, vi. 138-1
givoH tho J*antluHm to, vi. 494 n.
Bonifaco V, Popo 619 6^5, vi. X56w.
BomiH, BiHhop of OnUa/ join« m con-
socratiou of J'bla^iuH, v.' 53.
Kotsvn (Han«a«uiu), border town U»-
twccu JJavaria«8 and LomhardH, vi.
27; won forthoL<mibur<l»by Aliilu'M.
, town of Haumhnu, «
to Bulgarian MotUutH l>y Ifoutwaitt,
vi. 384.
Bowor, History of tho JNijwH, quotwl, v,
5* w«
Brawling women, incited to diworcW J»y
their luisbandB, vi. 40y-.(,io.
Itreytinff (J$r(jgontio),( JolumlmnuH Hotth'H
at, vi. 126-127.
Bromtonicum (ftreHtuttim), bntwt«m
Adigo and (lavdft, taken by FrunkiMh
Oount Ohedin, vi. 30,
Brenti^?), yiudual, King of, v. 56 n.
Index.
601
, taken by Narses 563 (?), v, 55;
added to Duchy of Alahis, vi. 304;
Al<lo and G-rauso, citizens of, join
conspiracy against Cunincpert, vi.
.W-
Brixellum (Rrenc< llo)t on the Po, cap-
tured by Droctulf, v. 243, 248 ; re-
covered by Authari, v. 244; set on
fire by Imperialist soldiers 603, v.
432.
Brocoriactim (Timircfiercsse, near Au-
tun ', villa of Theodoric II at, vi,
121.
Brundininm (liritidisf), Imperial 569,
vi. 76; Lombard cir. 665, vi. 516.
.Brunie.hildis, daughter of Athanagild,
King of tho VinigotliH, and wife of
Wigibert, King of AuHtrawia, v. 203 ;
her second marriage with Meroveeh,
V* 210-212 ; her efforts on behalf of
her grandson Athanagild, v. 260 ;
roduutuH Lombard captives frofti bond-
ago, v, 3*15 ; too ilatte.ring lettors of
Gregory to, v. 452 a; ami sod of
Kiigge.Hting repudiation of Vinigothio
priueeHH by Thoodorio II, vi. 108 ;
quarrel with ('olumbanuH, vi, 121 ;
attpircrt to rule over Burgundy and
Australia 613, vi. 109 ; cruelly put to
death by Chlotochar, H 613, vi. ixo»
Druttii, provim'o of, not taken by tho
Lombards, v. 1 66.
IJulgjirianH, war of, with the Lango-
bardi, v. 95- 97 ; iir«t appearance of,
in Ktiropo 479, v, 99; in Aibnin's
army, wt'ttlod in Italy, v. 156; nottlo-
ineut of, in tlcHurt ro
vont<»,vi. 284; Terbel,
JuHtiuian II, vi. 367.
Hultfulao crab-applett, vi. 113.
ilurgmulitih ^?), occupied by the Lango-
banli, v* 94.
Bury, Trof., author of 4 Later Uoinan
Knipiro,' quoted, v. 59?*; vi, 346 ?*,
270?*, 284 n, 363 w, 365 n, 367 w,
417,425^42771.
luiHa, I rciiMwry « olcrk, brmg« money
from Kinpiiror to Jtomo, v, 380.
Buti, Ltwroxirt, uiiHtr&Kv of 1<Y» Pilippo
Lippi, vi. «K.
]ivitilin, cliiof of the Alain amii, with hin
brother Louthar undortakcH the in-
vnmouof Italy 553, v, 15; BCparatoB
from bin brother and marchen Houth*
\vard, v. 36 ; defeated and nlain in
battlo of Uapna, v. 44.
lUixontum ixi Calabria, diwrtod owinj<
to ravft^ca of Lombard** 591, vi.
73 w.
C.
Caoco, Bon <»f DnkoliiHulf H, of Friuli,
evcttpoK froux the AvarH, vi, 53 j JJuke
of Friuli, with his "brother treacher-
ously slain by Roman governor
Gregory, vi. 59.
Caesarius, St., oratory of, in the Lateran
Palace, statues of Phocas and Leontia
erected at, v. 442.
Calabria,poll-tax imposed on, by Leo I II,
vi. 463.
Calendar, lloman, notation by Kalends,
Nones, and Ides, going out in time
of Pope Gregory I, v. 342 ; Pope
Martin fitill reckons by Kalends
6.53. v. 357 n\ vi. 259.
CalipliH, early, vi. 12.
Oallinicufl, Exarch of Ravenna 597 (?)-
602, called Gallicinus by Paulus, v.
410 ; vi. 534 ; on friendly terms
with Gregory 1, v. 411, 474 ; conduct
in the Three Chapters Controversy,
v. 474-477 ; peace negotiations with
Agilulf 59^-599, v. 413-418 ; carries
off AgilulfH daughter and her hus-
band GOT, v. 428 ; recalled 602, v. 431.
CallinicuH, Patriareh of ConBtantinoplo,
prcacheH Hcnnon on downfall of Justi-
nian II, vi. 361 ; blinded and Kent to
Home, vi. 369.
CalliHttiH, Patriarch of Aquileia, exj>els
Amator from Cividale and settles
there, vi. 468 ; in arrested and im-
prinoned by Veumio, vi. 468.
Calore, rivor of Bene.vento, vi. 63 ;
battle at, between Mitola and Con-
BtjuiH, vi. 275.
Camerinum, battle at, fought by Ariulf,
v. 365.
Campwa (Conza), held by 7,000 Goths
554, v. 47 ; Bui-render of, 555, v. 48 ;
probably name OH CompHa, native
plaoo of J ofiimes CompKinuH, vi. 154.
CampuH RotalianuB, in nouthern Tyrol,
battle in, between Chranmichin and
Ra«51o, vi. 28.
Can<lidianu«, orthodox Patriarch of
Grado, v. 474?*, 481-482.
Candidas, Roman general, a$aiat« Vindex
to rout the Langobardi, v. 88.
CanuHium ((JutwMi), irt Apulia, deserted
owing to Lombard ravages 591, vi.
73 » ; tomb of Mt. Sabinus at, vi, 299.
(Jttptta « * headn * of taxation exacted
in Sicily, vi. 280 n.
Capponi, Marqtiiw (!Jino, author of
e.wnayH, ' Sulla dominazione del
LongobarcU in Italia/ vi. 566, §85.
Caprea, inland of, w« Insula Capritana.
Capua, topography of, v. 36-37 ; battle
of 5S4> v, 39-45-
Capulami«, forost of, near Concordia (1),
Alahis in amhiuh at, vi. 310.
Carantamun w Carinthia, Arnefrit takes
refuge in, vi. 288 u.
Carthage, tumult at, 589, in whioli two
6O2
Index.
Prankish ambassadors are slain, v.
264 ; column erected at by Smaragdus
in honour of Phocas, vi. 534 ; Hera-
clius starts from, for overthrow of
Phocas, vi. 6 ; conquest of, by Sara-
cens, vi. 13 • temporarily recovered by
Constans, vi. 280; expedition from
Constantinople for recovery of, vi
3<5a.
Cartulttriits or Cliartulariua, assessor of
the Dux^), vi. 541-542 ; Jordanes,
tries to murder Gregory II, vi. 447 ;
Maurice, adviser of Exarch Isaac, vi.
170; Maurentius at Bavenna, Gregory
asks his help for Borne, vi. 541;
Paulus, at, Constantinople, vi. 428.
CaRilinum, site of, now Capua, v. 37,
38.
Castorius, Secretary of Pope Gregory I,
lampooned at Ravenna, v. 404.
Cawtufl, Mrtgister Militum in, 591, v.
356 j provides for defence of Rome
593» v- 37* J distributes donative to
soldiers, v. 380 ; Gregory's generous
defence of, v. 386.
Ceadwalla, King of the West Saxons,
visits Home 689, and dies there, vi.
^ 317-319.
Cedrtmus, monk and historian (eleventh
century), referred to, vi. 271 n.
Celsufl, Patrician of Burgundy, died
570, v. 216.
Ceneta (Owto), Leuthar dies at, 554,
35 ; part of territory of Opifer-
D , assigned to, 667, vi. j^,
Cesena, taken by the Lombards, vi. 495 ;
restored by Lintprand, vi. 497-498.
Cetheus, St. (or Peregrinus), Bishop of
Amiternum, btory of his life and
martyrdom, vi. 100-104; life of,
quoted, vi. 92,
Clialce*, gateway at Constantinople, vi,
434 ; image so named destroyed by
• order of Leo III, vi. 434.
Ohalcedon, Maurice and his sons slain
at, 602, v. 440 ; Persian army en-
camped at, vi. 8-10.
Chalcedon, Council of, 451, struck at
in the Three Chapters Controversy,
*• 455-45^.
Charanyes, the Armenian, Imperial
officer, begins the battle of Capua
554, v. 39.
Charibert, King of Paris, dies 567, v.
199 ; father of Bertha, Queen of Kent,
v. 199 n.
Charles Mortal, Mayor of the Pal-ice,
his early career and defeat of the
Saracens at Poictierw, vi. 421 ; rules
for four years without a king,vi. 431 ;
his friendly relations with Liutprand,
vi. 422 ; parallel between his career
and that of Leo III, vi 4247*;
Gregory Ill's two letters to, appeal-
ing for help against the Lombards,
vi. 476-478.
Charles the Great, King of the Franks,
intercourse with Paulus Diaconus, v.
74~77 J fulsome flattery of, in Codex
Gothanus, v. 149 ; collection of Pope
Gregory I's letters, probably presented
to him by Pope Hadrian I, v. 335.
Charles of Anjou, victory over Manfred
at Benevento, vi. 69.
Charlier, a villain who stole the crown
of Agilulf, 1804, vi. 572.
Charoald, sec Ariwald.
Chedin or Chenus, IVankiwh general,
invades Italy (with thirteen dukes
under him), v. 268 ; vi. 129 ; captures
fortresses in territory of Trient,v. 269 ;
vi. 30-32 ; returns home, v. 271, 272 ;
v5- 33-
Chelles (Yilla Calensis), country house
of Chilperic, and scene of his murder,
v. 213.
Cherson, city of the Crimea, Pope Martin
banished to and dies at, vi. 267-268 ;
Emperor Justinian It banished to,
vi. 3fa ; expels Justinian II, vi. 365 ;
Justinian II's vengeance on, vi. 379-
381.
CheruscijtheLangobardi ally tbcinnelvcs
with (first century), v. 86.
Chieti, belonged originally to Duchy of
Benevento, annexed to Spoleto by
Charles the Great, vi. 76 ».
Childebert I, King of Anstranfa 575-
596, made king on death of bin father
Biyibert, v. 209 ; receives a large Hnb-
sidy from Emperor Maurice, v, 228 ;
invades Italy 584, v. 228 ; marches
against Garibald, Duke of the Bava-
rians, v. 238 ; his relations with
Neuatria, Burgundy, and the Empire,
v. 249 ; second invasion of Italy 587,
v. 259 ; third invasion of Italy 588,
- -*- - fourth invasion of Italy 590,
; embassy to, from Autlmri
275; death of 596, v. 345,
Chilperic I, King of JSTcustria 561-584,
his character, v. 204 ; marries (jfalH-
wintha, v. 205 ; kills her and marries
Fredegundiw, v. 206 ; on the point
of being deposed, v. 208 j punishes
Merovech for marriage with Bruni-
childis, v, 211 ; death of his children,
v. 212; jealousy of the Church, v.
213; his ambassadors receive gold
medals from Tiberius, v. 228 ; aBHas-
sinated5S4, v 214.
Chlodofiinda, daughter of Sigibort and
Brunichildis, betrothed to Author j,
and then to Recared, v. 236.
Chlofcochar I,King of Ncustrian Franks,
v. 261 ;
v. 267;
590, v.
Index.
603
succeeds to kingdom of Austrasia 555,
v. 46 ; marriage to Walderada, v.
285 n ; Ins death, v. 190.
Chlotouhar IT, son of Chilperic, King of
Ncustria, attacked by Theodorio of
Burgundy, vi. 109 ; defeats forces of
Brunichilditt at Chalons 613, vi. no,
130 ; Colmnbanus prophesies bin ex-
altation, vi. 123; visited by Colum-
banuR, vi. 125; invitca Columbanus
to return to Gaul, vi. 145 ; interferes
on behalf of his kinswoman Gundi-
Serga, vi. 162,
otsuinda, daughter of Chlotochar,
King of the Franks, first wife of
Alboin, v. 139.
OhoHroeR, Kiiig of PorHJa, his wars with
the Kin) are, vi. S-io; his death, vi. 10.
(Jhramniehis, Vrankinh duke, his inva-
sion of Duchy of Tricnt, v. 227 ; vi.
37-28.
Christopher, JJujr Rmnw 712, Peter IB
ordered by PUilippitiUB to nuperwedo
him, vi. 385.
Chrodoald, kiimman of ThondebeH IT,
loynl to Tlieodoric 1 1 : conversation
with CohunbanuH, vi. 124.
Cibyra, town of I'amphylia, gives itH
namo to diviHion of the Imperial fleet,
vi» 463 n,
Cicero, Treatise of, * Do ttepublieA,'
MS. of, ciiino from Bobbin, vi. 135.
Cimbra, in I'nl <li CVwAw, taken by
Kraiikwh Count Chedin, vi. 30.
Cipolla, Prof., on, date of Lombard in-
vasion of Italy, v. 158 n.
Cities of Italy, increasing importance
of in Seventh Century, vi. 310.
Ciridttlr, *<r Kriuli.
Claflb, Hon of Gndooc, Hixth king of the
Jjangobardi, v. 97.
(1laHHiH, port of Itavonna, cnptnred by
tho Ltnubanl <luko Karwald, cir. 579,
v. 197; vi, 91 ; recaptured by J)roc-
tulf, eir. 588, v, 246, 248 ; vi. 91 j
taken by Farwald U, but rewtored,
vi. 443; again takou by Liutprand,
vi, 444.
OhuuliuH, Al»bot, wilt by 1*op« Gregory
J to redeem captive citiBouH of Kano,
v, 363 />3.
(!leph, King of the Lombard* 57«-574»
v. 182 ; hi« afi«asttination, v. 182.
Cli rgy, hutr«l of Alahh to, vi. 307.
(Hovw II, King of tho Krankn, interferes
on behalf of hifl khiHWouian (iutidi-
porga, vi. 166 ; Popo Martin lookfi to
for help a^ainnt (JonntanH, vi. 256.
Codex <5othunuH (circa 810), do^cribed,
v. 09 ; extrnct from, v. 146-150 ;
quoted, v, 384 n,
Coi'Han Hill, in Home, Gregory^ palace
on, v, 287, 290.
Coemtio, burden of, lightened by Prag-
matic Sanction, vi. 520.
Coinred, King of Mercia, visits Borne,
and dies there 709, vi. 323.
Coin*, Lombard, first struck by Ouninc-
pert, vi. 317 ; and see plate facing
p. xix, vol. v.
Collator » senator or large tax-payer (*),
vi. 520.
Coluinbanua, St., Life of, vi. 105, 110-
147; year of birth, vi. lion; founds
monasteries at Anagratis, Luxovium,
and Ad Fontanas, vi, 112, 113; dis-
putes with the Gauli&h bishops about
Easter, vi. 115-119 ; letter to Pope
Gregory I about Easter, vi. 117;
power over animate, vi. 119-121 ;
quarrel with Brunichildis and Theo-
doric IT, vi. 121-122; crosses the
Alps into Italy 612, vi. 131 ; story
of an earber visit improbable, vi.
131 «; founds monastery at Bobbio,
vi. 132-134; \vriten 'Sapphics/ vi.
135-137; writes to Boniface IV
about the Three Chapters, vi. 136---
143 ; aH to Arianism of Agilulf, vi,
140-141 ; dies, November 23, 615, vi.
145 ; rulu of, compared with that of
Benedict, vi. 1 46.
Comac.ini Mayutri, a guild of masons
from Como, vi. 191, 413.
Comes in Imperial Italy, nearly equiva-
lent to TribiimtN, vi. 546.
Coingall, St., monantery of, at Bangor
in county Down, vi. in.
Como, see Inwila Coiuacina.
Concordia captured by Lombards.vi .515.
Conon, Pope 686-687, vi. 350-351.
Conon, Haid to have been original name
of Emperor Leo ITJ, vi. 425.
Connentiao (fJo»ens<t), on frontier be-
tweeu Lombard and Imperial Italy,
vi. 76 >* ; nee also vi. 493 n.
Cw/Mi»7iffn'«*,a88esH«pofKxarch, vi. 538.
ConwtaiiH 11 (or ConstantineIV),other-
wwe called Heraclius, 642-068, vi.
20-21; accession of, vi. 256; puts
forth the Type, vi. 253 ; his perse-
cution of Popo Martin, vi. 257-268 ;
his murder of his brother Theodosiun,
vi. 271 ; quits Constantinople for
Italy 663, vi. 371 ; consults a hermit
an to HUCCOW of hiw invasion, vi. 272 ;
Ilia siego of Benevento, vi. 273-275 ;
hi» viBit to Kome and spoliation of the
Churches, vi. 276-279, 339-341 5 viHiiH
Sicily 663-668, vi. 279; financial
oppresnion of the Sicilians, vi. 280;
killed by his vaktin the bath, vi. 281.
ConHtMHitiiui, wife of Emperor Maurice,
her friendship with Gregory, v. 295 ;
aska Gregory for the head of St. Paul,
v. 377 ; Gregory writes to her about
6o4
Index.
the Ecumenical Bishop controversy,
v. 398; put to death by order of
Phocas, v. 441.
Constantino III, son of Herachus, snort
reign of, 641, vi. ao.
Constantine IV (Pogonatus) , son ot Oon-
stans, visits Syracuse after his father's
death, vi. 282; Emperor 668-685,
vi. 21 ; reason of his surname, vi. 343 ;
avenges his father's murder, vi. 282 ;
calls the Sixth General Council, and
condemns Monotheletism, vi. 344-
346 ; mosaic portrait of, at Ravenna,
vi. 347 ; mutilates and imprisons his
brothers, vi. 348; dies, vi. 347.
Constantine V (Copronymus), Emperor,
succeeds Leo III after struggle with
Artavasdus, vi. 497; embassy of
Liutprand to, vi. 498.
Constantine, Pope 708-715, vi. 371;
his quarrel with Archbishop Felix of
Ravenna, vi. 371 ; his visit to Con-
stantinople 710, vi. 375-377; his
meeting with Ju«tinian II, vi. 377-
378 ; his return to Rome 711, vi. 379.
Constantine, defetisor, sent by Pope to
Emperor Leo III, detained and
banished, vi. 462.
Constantinople, besieged by Avars and
Persians 626, vi. 10; be&ieged by
Saracens 673-677, vi. 15; 7J7~7l8>
vi. 427 ; visit of Pope Constantine to,
vi. 375-377 ; disturbances at in con-
nection with Iconoclastic decree, vi.
434-
Constantius, Bishop of Milan, letters of
Pope Gregory I to, v. 36972, 373,
427 n; entreated to take the side of
the Istrian schismatics, v. 478 ; with-
holds an injudicious letter of Pope
Gregory I to Theudelinda, v. 479.
Constantius, Tribune, sent by Pope
Gregory I to take charge of defence
of Naples 592, v. 359.
Convenae (Commingeu], city in the
Pyrenean country, Mummolus and
Gundovald take refuge in, v, 225,
Copiosus, physician, brother of Justus,
v. 297.
Corippus, panegyrist of Justin II, v. 58.
Cormones, village of Friuli, Patriarch
of Aquileia takes up temporary abode
at, vi. 467.
Corn, price of in the Crimea (96 shil-
lings a quarter), vi. 268.
Coronate (Cornate), on the Adda, scene
of battle between Cunincpert and
Alahis, vi. 311 ; monastery of St.
George at, reared by Cunincpert in
memory of his victory, vi. 314.
Corsica, not taken by Lombards, vi. 518.
Corvolus, Duke of fciuli, deposed and
blinded, vi. 331.
Cosmas, proclaimed Emperor 1>y the
Image worshippers 727, vi. 435 J be-
headed, vi. 435.
Cothro, Chamberlain of C!hiMebt*ri»
ambassador to OnHtautmoplo, v*
26371.
Cottian Alps, Papal patrimony in» re-
stored by Aripert IJ to tho I *o|»', vi.
324; renewal of gift by Liutpraml,
vi. 441.
Count (Coincs, Graf, («arufm)> hinlory
of the title, and of itn relation to that
of Duke, v. 185 ; ««* ///*" COHMJB.
Cremona, not taken by Iho Lombard*
in 568-569, v. 165; wpluml by
Agilulf 603, v. 430.
Crivellucci, Profifcwor Anuwlijo, K<Ht*»r
of 'Stuclii Storied,' v. 34! ; a« to <lat«
of Lombard invasion, v. i5«/t; n« to
date of Alboin's nmnl«r, v. 169/1;
duration of Authari's reign, v. 235 >* j
as to genealogy of dukuN of J'Yiuli, vi,
37 ; as to the Tomba <li Ulaolfo, vi,
41 ; as to meditated trcoHun of I)uk4»
Grasuif, vi. 47?* ; quoted, vi. 5$ u*
Crotona, taken by the Lombard* iu 596,
v- 4°7-
Cuniae, topography of, v. 17 I,S ; K?«';J<'
°f 553> v- io-2O ; Himviulwp of* v.
27-28; takon by Uoiuwald II <>f
Benevento, cir. 717, vi. 4.} 2; retaken
by Duke of NapUw, vi. 4,1 j.
Canimund, King of the (it-pi* Ian, faUtcr
of RoKainund, dofiwte<l nml »lai«t Ity
Alboin, v. 139; hiH nkull nuulo into
a drinking-cup, v. 71, i,vj» 169.
Cunincpurt, HOU otTcnitarit, nc
keeping to Ik'nevontoon dct
of hiH father, y 1.244; rwturtMlo I
vi.3O2; asflociated i u thu k in^ lot n with
his father, 680, vi. 304 ; Htuwiuttln hin
father and reigns alout*, f>SH 700, vj«
305-320 ; liiH friomlHhip with Alfthix,
vi. 304; marriage and anioutK, vi,
305-306; dethroned by AlahiH, vi*
306; recovers hiu kingdom, vl. 309; <l«-
feats AlahiH at tho butUo of tho AdcU,
vi. 311-314; Htory of IUH iiH»iitatiHi
reven^o on A Wo an<l <<raui*or vi,
315; euUuru at Itin <«nirt, vi, 316;
coinage of, vi. 317; Humim»n» MyitiKJ
of Piivia, v. 48.? ; VL 319 j hi« tthnr-
acter, vi. 319-330; hie* pfrnoim!
strength, vi. 311,
Cupa-beer-barroi in Alntnamiio. vi.
.
Curator, poBition of in tho ditrlti, vl
553-554 J Angular di«ipj»oarttnc« «f
ia the liavenna doouuionta* vL 559*
Curia and Court ((Jurtm)»eon«<tfition of
the two wordu, vi. 563.
Cuiiae, degradation of und«r th<» Km-
pire, vi. 549-551 j aboli«Uwi in th»
Index.
605
East by Leo VI, 890, vi. 551 ; question
as to their prolonged existence in the
West, vi. 552-560; become courts
for registration, vi. 558-560; could
they be the ancestors 'of the Italian
Ooimnuni ? vi. 560.
CuriuliK, Pope Gregory forbids the or-
dination of, vi. 550 ; title becomes
equivalent to * registrar,' vi. 560.
Cynocephali, fabulous dog-headed men
in Laugobardic host, v. 93.
Cyprian, Papal representative in Sicily,
letter of Gregory 3 to, v. 410.
CyriacuH, Patriarch of Constantinople
596-606, correspondence with Gre-
gory I about title of Ecumenical
Bishop, v. 402.
CyniH, 1'atriarch of Constantinople, vi.
369 ; previously predicted return of
Justinian IJ, vi. 369; goes forth to
meet Popo ConHtantine, vi. 377.
P.
Dacia, province1 of, Houth of the Danube,
formed part of kingdom of Theotloric,
v. 126; handrd over to Ileruli, v.
112 »; appropriated by Gepidao, v.
133-
Dado, «on of AutharhiB, receives Co-
lumbanuH' blessing, vi, 126 ».
Dagobert II, King of tlio JHVanks, vi.
301 n.
Dahitioit, M)aH Pontifikat Grcgora,7 vi.
439, 446 ?/.
Dahn, Felix, author of life of Patilus Jpia-
conuH in < Langobardisohe Studien,'
v. 72 ?i, Ho ; Inn account ^of the
migrations of the Jloruli in his * Ur-
gcschichte,' v. 103 ; his * UrgoHchichte
dor (lerminuHoheii mi<l JfcomaiiiHchen
Volker,' v. iSi ; on Paulus JMaconns'
life of Gregory I, v. 380.
Dawatrys (Demetriwn in Bithyma?),
,1 uHtiniau I i wlain at, vi. 382.
J)amSanf Archbishop of Ravenna 692-
708^ goes to Home for hi« consecra-
tion, vi, 371.
Itamiaii, Bishop of Pavia, «eok« to pro-
pitiate AlohiH, vi. 307.
Xtamlolo, Audrtia, Dogo of Venice,
author of ' ( ihroniwm ' of Venice (pub-
lialiod 1346;, quoti'd, v. 482 «; as
to rooonqiu'Ht of Havenna by the
Vttm'tianH, vu 489 ; liiw account 0011-
traHt«d with that of JoaunoH Dia-
cotiUH, vi, 507,
lno of a 1>ath at
killed at, vi. 281.
- P«wtttiM»li8 Maritima -I-
iH Amionaria, vi. 516.
Mrifafi*, viciiwitudtw of Ma
, vi. 554 557*
Defemor Ecclesiae « steward of Church
property, v. 309 n ; vi. 557 n, 462.
Demosthenes, assistant - treasurer at
Constantinople, takes part in exam-
ination of Pope Martin, vi. 266.
Deusdedit, Pope, receives the Exarch
Eleutherius in Rome, vi. 155.
Deusdedit, son of Duke Uraus, third
Master of the Soldiery in Venetia, vi.
487 ; elected Duke of Venetia : reigns
for thirteen years 742-755, vi. 487.
Diacoposis = trouble, v. 241 n.
Diagntpha, an Imperial tax, vi. 280.
Diehl, Charles, author of ' fitudes sur
V Administration Byzantine dansl'Ex-
archat de Ravenue,* v. 288 n, 368 n,
381 w, 475 w; vi. 153 n, 512, 526,
5*s »'» 533 », 534'?> 539 w» 54° w>
542 u, 553 n, 554 », 559 n, 560 n.
Dio CaHKius, liiHtoriun (third century),
probable source of a notice as to the
Langobardi, v. 88 n.
Diomed, mythical founder of Beneven-
tum, vi. 63.
Diomede, PriRon of, in Piaotorian Pre-
fect's palace at Confltantinople,vi. 264.
Divine right of kings in laws of Liut-
prand, vi. 393,
Domitian, Metropolitan of Armenia,
his friendship with Gregory, v. 295.
Donatiat Hchinni in Africa extinguiahed
by Gregory I, v. 320.
Donatus, of Cagliari, complains to Pope
Gregory I of Biwhop Jauuarius ior
ploughing up hi* fields, v. 323 n,
DonatuH, l^triarch of (»rudo, letter of
Gregory It to, vi. 467.
DonolluH, Paymaster of Imperial forces
(erwjator), letter of Pope Gregory I
to, v. 425.
Donuw, MayiHier M Hi turn* font by
Exarch Isaac to suppress rebellion of
Maurice, vi. 172, 542.
Draughts, the King of the Heruii
. played at, on tho battle-field, v. 109.
Dro^tulf, a 8uavo, <loserts from Lom-
bards to the Emperor, v. 242 ; takes
VitaliH for liifl patron waint, v. 243 ;
seizes Brixollum, v. 243; recovers
ClasBis,v. 246 ; hiscpitaph,v. 247-248.
DucboHne, Abl)^5, editor of Liber Pirn-
ttftcalis, v. 54 ?t, 60 u ; vi. 505.
Duke (Dux, Korasog, H(n-otoga), his-
tory <yf tho title and of its relation
to that of Count, v. 183-185 ; thirty-
Bix Lombard dukcn during tlio Inter-
regtunn, v. 186-188 ; Lombard dukes
lord* of cities, v. 187 ; oppressors of
the UowiaiiH, v. 188 ; tlio Italians, re-
volting from the Kmpiro, elect dukes
for themselves 727, vi. 449; first
duke of Veuetia, vi. 485 ; Lombard,
name and power of, vi. 573-575 J of
6o6
Index.
Benevento and Spolefco, relation of to
central monarchy, vi 574, 5?7 ? *l]le
becomes equivalent to that of Nagister
Mitttum,vi. 53 1 ; tendency to multiply
number of dukes, vi. 544 ; Ducatm
fiomae, boundaries of, v. 350 ; Dux
Eomae, evidence of subordination to
the Pope, vi. 496 ; first mention of,
vi. 543 ; Dux Neapoleos, changes in
his position, vi. 517, 543^5445 -*>«»
Venetiae (precursor of the Doge), vi.
547.
Duumviri juri dicmdo, vi. 552-553.
E.
Easter, dispute between Columbanus
and the Latin Church respecting,
vi. 115.
Ebroin, Mayor of the Palace in Au-
strasia, Neustria, and Burgundy, vi.
3, 301 w.
Ecclesius, Bishop, receives present of
warm clothing from Pope Gregory
I, v. 449.
Eclogu of Leo III, vi. 427.
Ecthesis, declaration of Emperor Kera-
clius in reference to Mono thole fee
doctrine, vi. 17-18, 255-256.
Ecumenical Bishop, title of. claimed by
John of Constantinople, v. 391 ;
previous history of the title, v. 39* n ;
title strongly opposed by Gregory I,
v. 390-401 ; practically adopted by
both the later Popes and Patriarchs
of Constantinople, v. 402.
JStloniare oridoniare^io justify, vi. 179
n, 229.
Eleutherius, Eunuch, Exarch of Italy
616-620, vi. 534; \isits Rome, vi.
1 55 5 suppresses rebellion of Joannes
Compsinus, vi. 155; defeated by
Lombard General Sundrar, and sues
for peace, vi. 155; proclaims hiuiflelf
Emperor 619, vi. 156; slain by his
mutinous soldiers, vi. 156.
Elias, Patriarch of Aquileia 571-586,
convenes Council of Grado. v. AKQ ;
death of, v. 467. 45y'
Eliberie, Council of, on Image worship,
306, vi. 431 n. *'
Embrun (Ebrodunum), in the valley of
the Durance, scene of defeat of Lom-
bards by Muminolus, v. 217.
Emigration of Image worshippers from
foe Eastern provinces to Italy and
Sicily, vi. 436. J
Emmeran, St., accused of seducing
Bavarian Princess Ota, vi. 440 n.
Employers' Liability, Lombard law as
to, vi. 191.
England, Pope Gregory I's 2eal for
conversion of, v. 326.
England in the Seventh Century, vi.
2.
Epiphania, deaconenn, married hy
Hadrian, vi 453.
Epiphanius, notary, rea<lw prooeudingH
at Council of Grado, v. 461.
Equilinm, city of Vcnotia Maritima,
jealouny between, and Ifurftulen, vi.
4*4-485-
Eudo of Aquilaiue defeat* tho Sarnewnt*
at Toulouse, vi. 420; IUH ru
with Charles Martol, vi. 43 1 .
Eugenius I, Pope 654-657,
Pope Martin, vi. 268.
Euin, Duko of Triont 569 595 (?), v.
186; vi. 27-33; ruj)c*lH the* invasion
of OlmirnniebiH, v. 227 ; vi. j; aS ;
marries daughter of (xarihaM, Duko
of the Bavarians, v. 337; vi. ^7;
invades Istria, v. 2^4 ; vi, 29 ; wut
on an etnbansy of peiicti to tho
Prankish Court, v. 345 ; tfoath of,
vi. 33-
Euna Manaio (Kt mem owe?), perhaps M
NcumarM in Mouth Tyrol, mtftnern
limit/ of early J^omlmrd cmiquevtii,
vi. 26; takou by 1'nuikiHh C'ouut
Chodin, vi. 30.
Eufiobiiifi, poHaibly Examlj lM'twr«in
EloutheriuH mid INUJU', vi. 157,
535 ; ucouHod of ojiKtiu^ at Njn'11 OV«T
Adalwald, vi. 157-159,
EusubiuH, notary, AtuhjtHKiulor t(»<N»n-
stantino])k», v. 259,
EuHtaaiuH, Abbot, \>f Luxovium, vi«iU
ColumbiiniiM, vi. 145.
Euthaua&id amoiijjf tho Hcruli, v. 105,
Eutropius, hibtory of, pr<»H<-nt«*d 'by
PauluH Biftconns to A<lcIjMT«ji, v. 7^.
Eutychius, 3*ati'Iar«h of tWHtuitUiiohli*,
diHcuHHion with (iiv^ory, v. ao-j *
death of, April 592, v, 294.
EutychiuH, Kunticli antt Kxntvh yaH*
752 (?), ^i. 537> thu liut Kxarch of
Kavemia, vi. 455; wa- li«i t\vi<-«
Jxaroh? vu 455 //; {\^m »tKain«t
i'ope Gregory II: csoinl»iiiatj4»n with
Liutpraml, vi. 456-45 S ; rua«»uill«i
to the Vopo; viwitH Uimiit 730, vi,
459 1 taken refuge in Vonoiia: w»twd
by VanetianH to Ravenna, vi. 488 4X0 ;
implores a8tfi«fca»co of ^acharuu*, vi.
„ 495-
Ewifcius, Gallo-ltomau uol»Iot mm of
iJynwniuB of Arlon, will a« am-
bassador to CJonutantitJoplt', v. 364 •
Ins servant holpa hii«Molf in tho
?nrkief"l)lat°° at °"«WW v. 365;
killed m tho tumult which follow^
v. 205. '
Ewald, Paul, author of xnonogmplt
bttaw of Pope Gregory 1, V
Note on this monorali (Koto #), v
Index.
607
333-343 J quoted, v. 356 n, 357 n,
359 w, 424.
Exarch, title of, not borne by Narses or
Longinns, v. 49 n ; apparently first
borne by Hinarngdns, v. 242 ; suc-
cession of, 585 644, vi, 151-156;
succession of, 644-664, vi. 257 n\
succession of, =85-752 (complete lint),
vi. 5 3 2-5 38 ; origin of title, vi, 53 1-53 2;
nature of his office, #i. 530; rivalry
with the Pope, vi. 531 ; general
character of their rule, vi. 538.
Exurch of Africa, vi. 533.
Exeerptum Haiitfalleiwe, as to date of
Alboin'a death, v. 168 n.
ExhilaratuH, J)uko of Campania, rai«e«
troops against Gregory Jf, vi, 453.
F.
Fagitana (Fitcdo ?) , in South Tyrol, token
by Frankinh Count, Ohedin, vi. 30.
Fantimi, 'JMonumonli Itavutiuali,' \i.
511.
Fanum Kortunac (M/wo), dlttanicr of the
AhuiHinmr invadorn at, v. 34~,15 ;
citizoiiH of, carried captive by Lom-
bard*, v, 362-363, 365.
Farfa, mcmnBtf'ryof, grant of Liutprund
to, vi. 475 #-
Farwald J, Duko of Hpoloto 571 591,
v. 90 92; takiut <'la8KJH, v, 197; vi.
91 j perhapH threatened It omit, vi.
92 ; alluded to in life of St. CothiMia,
vi. 100.
Farwald H, l>uk« of Hpoleto 703-724,
vi. 337 ; taki'H and n«Bt»rei ( JlahMiH,
vi. 443; dcpotiod by hin HOU Tranwi-
mund, vi, 443.
Vavcnlia (Mtt'itxu), Imperial ^oueralrt
retreat t;«>, v. 24,
Jtfeld, t)i« fplahiH of WoHtorn Kungary),
occupied by tho l;angol>ardi, v. 97,
TO2.
Fulix 1VC?)T P«»po, colbtUfral nnci-Htor
of VopuOn'^ory f, v. 2X7,
Felix, A rdibinhop of Uavouna 708-724,
quarrel* wilh !N>pt) t'otiHtantijK! about
hin rant fa, vi, 371 ; blmditd by JUH-
tinian and ImniMhcnl to roiitux, vi.
374; return* to Itavmma ami diuHiit
twaco with tlui l*«»jx», vi. 375.
Felix, BiHliop of Attna, killed by tho
Loiubardx, vi. 7^,
FoliX) IJiMhop of Tarvifiium, obtaiim
from Alboin tt charter prefer v in %
tho righU of IIIH church, v, 159-
160.
UMix, fceaeh<-r of grammar at court of
(;imincp<irt, v* 71 ; vi, 316; «pitaph
of near Cividalo<4?j» vi, 317.
Felix Cormcuht, wttcoiul Master ef tho
Hehliory ixi Venetia, vit 487,
Ferdnlf* a Ligurian, Duke of Friuli, vi.
328 ; hia wars with the Sclovenes, vi.
329-331 ; quarrel \\ith Axgaxt, vi.
329 ; death, vi. 331.
Fidentius, Bishop of Julium Carnicum,
moves to Cividale, vi. 467.
FidoliuB> friend of Oolumbauus, poem
addressed to, vi. 11011, 135-137*
Fiiumcial exaetion« of Emperor Gon-
Ktans, vi. 280; of Emperor Leo HE,
vi. 446.
Finlay, * History of the Byxantino Km-
pire,' hin CHtimate of tho I«tturuiu
Emperors, vi. 417.
Firm! DUB, 3»ishop of Trieste, Istrum
SoliiHmatu:, in reconciled to theKuman
Seo 60 2, v. 479.
Flaminian Way, partially l»look«'d by the
Lombards*, v. 165; lonjy Htru^le for
l)t»twoen Louibardft and Empire, v.
.s-tfHuy; vi- 83:
Flavian, tbiu:hur of Paulas I)i:wjonuH, v.
7«;
Kla\i«> Jiiondo (1393-14^2;, author f*f
theory UK to KUpfiwHsiuu <»f <»ivil
oiliciTM by Lon^inuH, vi, 52^.
FlaviuH, title of, taken by Authari,
King of tho Lombards v. 233 334.
Vlax, tfrocn fioldH of in the land of the
y v. no.
«»f, })ctween Itomwald and Oon-
Htans, vl. 275*
Forn»ia(», Cliuroh <tf Mlnturnao pinned
uud<*r liiKliop of (5<ji), v. 35.2.
KortunatUH, Patriarch of (<rudo, iiutM
with tin; Cliurttl^H trcaxtint to Friull
nnd IK iniuli; I'atriareh of A<[itih!iH, v.
4X3-483.
Kortiiu <!oriuilii ( hnnta), taken by the
Loiulwrdn, v. 164,
Forum Jiilii ((/<iW«/Of *w Kriuli.
Forum Populi (Mirliin'/Mtp<rfi)9 wick of
by (JJnmwuld, vi. Jt(>o.
Fraiusia, early nno of thu word in (»ro-
tfory'w IctterH, v* 386.
Fnuicio, Imperial MttylHlw JMitifitvi,
Loltb IiiHuIa Oomaciita for the Km-
pire 568-588, v* 246; fimiod to fttir-
rendurtoAutitavijdepartHtoKavonnii,
v. 346.
FranklMh attain* 511 581, v. 7 if. ; arum,
v. ^I n , 40; kin^H, Kuuoalo^ioH of, v,
48, i ?K ; kintfH providentiivlly tirdaittud
helpern of city of Rome, v. 240.
FrankH entreated by tho (Jothn to inter*
vcno on their behalf, v. 14 ; HH alli«Ht
v» a87<; notoriouH for bad faith, v.
aatfu; pciwio with the Lojubardw, v.
423; invade Jtuly and urn deiVutod
by (irimwald, vi, 253 ; Liutprand
ulwayn maintained peaceful ivlutioim
with, vi. 500,
6o8
Index.
'Fredegarius,' chronicler of seventh
century, incorrectly so called, v. 63 ;
as to Parses' invitation to the Lango-
bardi, v. 63 ; his work characterised,
vi. 149 ; quoted, v. 224 », 237 n, 285 n ;
vi. 59-60 **, 157, 161-166.
ITredegundis, concubine and queen of
Chilperic I, v. 206 ; her character, v.
207; accused of her husband's murder,
v. 214; death of, 597, vi. no.
IVedo, a pious citizen of Anaiternum,
vi. loi.
= woman in Lombard laws, vi.
404 n.
Freya, wife of Odin, by a stratagem
secures victory to the Langobardi
over the Vandals, v. 92.
Frigidus (' Kovius '), scene of battle
between Lupus and the Avars, vi.
286.
Fr'wli (Forum Julii) = Cividak, took
the place of Aquileia as capital of
Venetia, v. 437 n ; Gisulf, first duke
of, v. 160 ; history of duchy of, 568-
650, vi. 37-60; description of Oivi-
dale, vi. 38-41 ; geographical limits
of the duchy, vi. 43-44 ; beaieged by
Avars 410(2), vi. 51-53; troops of,
forced to follow the rebel Alahis,
vi. 310; Church of St. Martin at,
TO. 333 ; bishops of Julium Carni-
curn come to dwell at, vi. 467 ;
Patriarch of Aquileia settles at, vi.
468.
Fronton le Due, discoverer of alleged
letters of Gregory II to Leo 111,
vi. 501.
G.
Gaidulf, Duke of Bergamo, twice rebels
against Agilulf and is pardoned, v.
347? again rebels and is put to
death, v. 423-424.
Gaidwald, Duke of Trient, succeeds
Eti* 595 W> vi. 33 ; reconciled to
Agilulf 602, v. 431; vi. 34,49.
Grailen, henchman of Merovech, helps
him to commit suicide, v, 212.
Gallesinm (Gallese), on Flaminian Way,
sold by Transamund to Gregory III,
vi. 474. * J '
Gallicinus^Callinicus, q.v%
#«Z&wm=soapt Pliny ^s explanation of
the name, vi. 281 n.
Gallus (Saint Gall), Irish monk, friend
of Columbanus, vi. 127; hears the
Spirit of the Mountain crying to the
Spirit of the Lake, vi. 128 ; does
not follow Columbanus into Italy, vi.
131; forgiven by Columbanus, vi,
145 5 Life of, by Walafrid Strabo,
vi. 105. '
Gambara, a wise woman, mother of
leaders of first emigration of L;in#o-
bardi, v. 91 ; her prayer to Froya,
wife of Odin, v. 92.
G&rda (Benacus), Lal«3 of, scene of
reception of Thou<lelin<l:i, v. 2;»ij ;
first occurrence of modern nauio {?),
v. 339 w.
Garganus, Mount, sanctuary of Aivli-
angel Michael <m, plun<l(jn}<l liy
ByzantinoB, vi. 81 ; Raii(jt,uary iraiiH-
ferred to Bishop of Itoueveutum, vi.
296.
Garibald, son of Oviiuwald, nominal
king of the fx«nbardH 671, vi. 301.
Garibald, Dukt* of the }>avariiuiM, his
marriage to Wal<l«rada, v. 2^5 //, ;
father of Theu<U»lin<ltt, v. 236 ;* re-
ceives niiBHion from Atithari iLMkiu^
for her hand, v. 2375 dtithroiuni '(h
v. 239.
Garipald, Duko of Ttirin, Hti^tmt^ to
G rim w aid that ho nhuultl wrrnt tttt*
crowji from (Jo»lo|wrl,, vi« a.^2 ; nluia
by ono <^f OtMiopert'H rotaiimrH, vi,
244-245.
G-nstald, <le«cription of hiH oflin*, vi.
575 57^; Hul^arian oliii-f AIxi'<Ni
made, by Kojnwald, vi. 2X4; Lunt-
bard, alain at Cumiu*, vi. 443; w
also vi. 493, 494,
GatoH of th« ]><)»<!, btitwcon Uw
of Dnieper ami Ihjit'Hti'r, vi. y
*
,
^ v. 319; IHK
followed by (Jn^ory I, v. 31
*
Lombard kingn, v. nS» uo; vi. i-jSf
I77i 3°°» 43^ » Oopfol kintfH, v. I Jo ;
3)ukoH of Jkmt.'vonto, vi. Oj, ^j^ •
DnkcH of Vriuli, vi. 36, 3^2 ; J/uUcK
of Hpolcto, vi. 84, 337.
Gwibvro, Mont, J»HHH of, cluKcrllMul, v.
220; route takttn I>y Litnihurd in-
vadcrH, v. 217, 219.
GemmdiuH, Kxnrch of Africa, wartunl
by I'OJKJ Orogory I to (>ub SanUnia
in a state of defence, v. 414; vi,
Genoa, not tukon by the LoialmrdK, v.
Georgo, Patriarch of (Jcmiitoiitlniiiili-,
abandons MonotMutiHiii. vi. 1.14 -
^ 545-
George, preHbyter, too thiiid «trw*'«««r
from Gregory 111 to Li«o III. vi,
462.
Gepidae, fcucl botwetm iliom ami th<i
Langobardi, v, 12^; eutbaKHv to.hm
tinian and exWmHnary lii
v. 125-139; war* with th«
bardi, v. 139-139; introdaee HcUv
suans and HUUB Into th«
Index.
609
131 ; overthrown by the Langobardi,
v. 139.
Gennanus, Patriarch of Constantinople,
deposed for his resistance to Icono-
clasm 729, vi. 436, 451.
Gennanus Postumus, great nephew of
Justinian I, drawn into revolution
against Maurice, v. 435, 439-440;
put to death by order of Phocas, v.
441.
GermanuH (brother of Gregory?), Pre-
fect of Home, v. 298 <H.
Gfrorer ('Gcschichte Venedigs'), v.
454,482?*.
Gibbon, quoted as to effect of Icono-
clastic decrucH on Italy, vi. 445 ;
statuiucint aw to Gregory IPs lettorn
corrected, vi. 501.
GiHtt, aifltor of Komwald, delivered over
as a hoHtugo to (JoiiHtann, vi. 275 ;
carried to Sicily and ditm there, vi. 28*3.
Giselport, Pnko of Vurotia (eighth
century^, broke open Alboiu'H tomb,
v. 171.
GiHulf F, nephew of Albuin, and hit*
MnHtor of the Home; firnl l>uko of
JMuli, y. 160, iS6; vi. 42 45; tomb
of, at Cividale (?), vi. 41.
GiHulf JI> Jhtko of Friuli (? nephew of
above), fton of Gnuwlt Kubmitn to the
Kxarch 590, v. 373; vi. 48-49 ; re-
concilod to Agilulf fioa, v. 431 ; vj.
49; joint! Agilulf hi olection of John
an J'atriarch of Aquilcia, vi.5o; killod
in attempting to muHb iiivanlou of
Avarn, vi. 51.
(liatilf T, Intkoof lU'iiovcnto 689-706,
vi. 335 ; oxtuudn IUH bonlor towurdn
Lathnn, vi. 336 ; ravage* Campania,
GiHtilfil, Uuko ofP.encvento 74-1-751 ;
educated at Pavia, vi. 471 ; murrioH
Hcftuuip*srga, vi. 471 j inwtallod a»
duke by Lwiprutid, vi. 472.
OIorioHim, Jiinhop of OHtia, nuggented
rcprtiM'Utattvu of IN»pt^ < Gregory J in
peace aegotittttoiiH with the Lom-
, v. 418.
«*rt, mm of Arip«»rt, King of tho
jAWtburdH jointly with j^rctarit 6Y>i -
vi. 24^; KuminouH UriiuwaM to hiti
aid and IN niuiu by liiin, vi. 24.}.
Joilincjlmiwrn (( iottnchalk), a blind limn,
recwvvr of J*op« UrugoryVj churity,
v, 316.
iogo, im official at tho Frank i»h court,
K<>-bKw<*<m for Dttko (Jra,H«lf and tho
Imperial court, vi, 45-47 j wr. notn
on yl 45,
wifu of Athanagild anil
250; ptirftjcutoi* hor
'* 353*
VOL. VU
GoTanda, third settlement of Lango-
bardi, v. 94.
Gordiana, aunt of Gregory, a nun \vho
afterwards married, v. 288.
Gordianus, father of Pope Gregory I,
v. 287 ; his portrait at monastery of
St. Andrew, v. 331.
' Gothic country '-south of Kussia, vi.
3^5.
Gottschalk (Gudiscalcus), Duke of Par-
ma, with his wife, daughter of Agilulf,
carried off by soldiers of Callinicus
<5oi, v. 428 ; restored 603, v. 433.
Gottechalk, rebel duke of Benevento,
vi. 471; bhtin )»y adlierents of Gi-
ftulf iJ, vi. 472.
Grado, inland of, Patriarch ot Aquileia
takes refuge at, from the Lombards,
v. 458; Council assembled at, 579,
v. 459 ; naiiH's of noes represented
at, v. 459; proclaimed * the new
Aquiluia,' v. 459; Hclnmnatic Patri-
urclm of, v. 4X1-483; invaded and
plundered by Jjupiw of 3<Yiuli, vi.
285 ; Arouhinhop of, prurfvntat Coun-
cil in Koim», vi. 462; (livimou of
territory bctwocn PutriarcliH of (jttulo
and A<juilcia, vi. 466; 3*atriar«h of,
oxhortud by tho i>opc to usniHt iu
r<-covcry of Ravenna, vi. 488.
Onwmlf 1 1?), J>uko of Friuli, father of
(Jliaulf, v. 273 ; ii^otiatiown with tho
Kmpire and meditated l>ofcrayal of
tho Lombard ouuw, vi. 45-49.
(inwulf H, J)uko of J«Muli, vi. 60.
GrmiHo, brother of Aldo of BroHcia, m;
AMo,
1 Greeks * - Itomaim of Kavtcrn Kni]>iro,
plundur aniMJluary ou Mount Gar-
ganuH, vi. 81.
(iri'gorovius (author of ' (f cnchichte dt-r
Ntatlt Rom '), (juotod, v. 300 ?i, 302 nt
367/4; vi. 260 u, 278 //.
(irogory tho (treat 540-604, uucoHtry,
birth and early yearn, v. 287 288 ;
DialogticH quoted, vi. 71 nt 97-100;
compoHition of JJialoguow, v. 262;
KpiHtii-H, v. 307 308 j arrangc'tuorit
ot hirt Kjiintlt-H l^y Kwuld, v. 333 343 ;
Prefect of tho city, v. 289, 478 n\
monk of »St. AndruwXv. 290; HtartH
on miMHum to tho Anglos nwd Haxona,
v. ^91 ; rcwillod by Popo Jfttmodict
and appointed 'Seventh i)ttiuion/ v.
293 ; ApoeriHiaritm at < !<m«tttiit5nople,
v^293-»90 ; oliargod by J VlagiuH to
bring Uio mihorictt of Italy under tho
Kmptiror'a notice, v. 34(5 ; writoH tho
'Magaa Moralia,* v, 5*94; rt'lationn
with tho Imperial Court, v. 295 ;
Al»bot of Ht. Awdrow'H, v. 296;
writow Icttcrn to tho Iwtrian Schi«»
, v. 4^5"4<>7 j oht^cui l*op«, v.
li r
6io
Index.
against him, vi. 455 J 1»« "jt«rvifw
with Liutprand on tin* A woman
208- flight from the city, v. 3?2 J
iWiUiVA*af '. oJ~if" .' , , <9<>t\—
of the Latin ?afcn^cna%VI^T
328 • zeal for conversion of England,
v 126-328 ; reform of the liturgy
and Church music, v. 328 ; corre-
spondence with Istrian Schismatics,
v 4-70-478 ; government of hw house-
hold, v. 329; his Boman Patr!otlsmi
v wo : his portrait at monastery of
Si Andrew, v. 33U his efforts for
defence of territory round Home, v.
3CO-35Q ; attacked by colic, v. 300 ;
niakes, apparently, a separate peace
with Ajiulf, v. 360-364; preaches
homilies on Ezekiel, v. 375 1 in-
duces Agilulf to depart from Borne,
v 371 ; his bold remonstrance with
Emperor Maurice on the subject of
his anti-monastic edict, v. 374-37? :
as to miracles wrought by the bodies
of the Apostles, v. 378 ; contest with
Maximus, bishop of Salona 593-599*
v. 379; accused of the murder of
Malchus, v. 379; letters on behalf
of peace, v. 381 ; receives a sharp
rebuke from Emperor Maurice and
replies to it, v. 382-388 ; controversy
with John the Paster about the title
of Ecumenical Bishop, v. 390-401 ;
letter of Oolumbanus to, about
Easter, vi. 117; sends the « Regula
Pastoralis* to Columbanus, vi. 117 ;
takes a strong line about the lam-
poons on his secretary at Ravenna,
v. 405 ; his allegorising interpretation
of Scripture, v. 409; Epistolary
activity 598-599, v. 424; his sick-
ness, v. 427 ; adulation of Phocas
and Leontia, v. 442-447; letter to
Theudelinda, v. 447 ; increase of his
malady, v. 4/18-449; sends warm
clothing to Bishop Ecclesius, v. 449 ;
dies March n, 604, v. 449; legends
about his inspiration, v. 451; his
character, v. 452.
Gregory II, early life of, vi. 439; as
deacon accompanies Pope Constantine
to Constantinople, vi. 376 ; his ready
answers to Justinian II, vi. 378;
resists financial exactions of Leo III,
vi. 446; attempts of the Exarch on
his life, vi. 447 ; defended by Romans
and Lombards, vi. 448 ; his attitude
towards insurgents against Icono-
clastic decrees, vi. 450 ; Theophanes*
account of the same transactions, vi.
- 451-452; Exarch Eutychius' designs
from bin
as to gonninen
to Leo III, vi 501-505-
Gregory III, Pop* 73*~74«»
March 18, 731, **• 4°* ; rt'im
with Leo J11 about ICOIIOCIJIHIII, vi.
461-462 ; liolclH a Council ol Itiilmn
bishops in defence of Imaiji'-woroliip,
Nov. I, 731, vi. 4<$*; L<i°'M ttlH»rtiv«
attempt at puniHlinwut of, vi. 403 ;
Panal |iatriiu(»iii«s HtMjw*^t
463; Illyricum wither AWII
jurisdiction, vi. 463? rrtUrn
from TranHamund, vi. 474 I
with Dukes of l»tni"vvnli» and
Spoloto, vi. 475 ; wftw** to yw up
Transairnnul to Liutpnut<lf vi, 475 ;
IOBB of four cith'H, vi. 475 ; aujH-nlH to
OhurleB Martol for h«lp, vi. 470 -
478; aasists Trauxnmuii<l to n*o»viT
Spolcto, vi. 479 ; <inp«l J»y Trtt«»-
mund about tho four citirrt, \i, 4^0;
letter of, to Pfttrinroh of (vrntlo, vi.
488, 505-50S; tlU'H J)l«W)lI»l«T 10,
74 1 , vi* 480.
Gregory, Imperial governor (? Kxar<*h)y
vi. 535 ; treach«rouKly iiturtlura Tft««
and Oacco, vi. 59.
Gregory, Kxarch 664 077, niMitiom*tl in
Frivilegium of ConBtwm II , vi. 53
Gregory, »^UIW *'*' l^^tprano!,
of Cluwiuiu, vi. 471 ; l>uk«t <»f
ventum 732 -739, vl, 47*.
Gregory, PreftHjt of dty «f itoiw, pro-
vidcB for defence of Hoiuo 593, v. 571 ;
incurs the Emporor*B dtHplMUiuri', v.
386".
Gregory, Ennnoli and <»rawl <lliftii»ln*r«
lain at Oorwtautinoplo, n-lii'Vw^ th<*
hardships of l*op« Martini ianprixou-
ment, vi, 365.
Gregory, a Bpaniurd, diHc-ov«}t(H tint tomb
of St. SabmuH, vi. 399.
Gregory of Tonra, author of * Hfhtur'tA
Prancorum/ v. 179-jHo j hUvnt IIK t,i*
Narses' invitation to the LAntfoburdi,
v. 64; story &H to hoardoit wt-ulth of
Narses, v. 66; an to m;i<rutiou iif
Saxons from Italy, v. iHo, 193 ; hi*
style compared with that of I'mibi*,
v. 193 w ; hiu account of #oltl jui-tlaln
of TiberiuB, v. asS; an tojtaymout of
tribute by Lombard*) to FrmikH, v.
229 n j as to Pope Urogory'n cK'vaiion
and sermon to the people, v. 298 u; UK
to Gregory's con»t,»cration, v. ,^oa ; nn to
ravages by FranUtoh Bol<lit'p« in thuJr
own coimtryt vi. 33 »; HH to Uogo
*nutrioiu»' of Childobort, vi. 45 n.
I)uk«»
Index.
611
Grimwald, Duke of .Beneveuto, and
King of the Lombards, son of Gisulf II,
Duke of IViuli, vi. 53 ; escapes from
the Avars, vi. 53-55 ; leaves Triuli
for Benevento, vi. 60, 79 ; Duke of
Benevento 647-662, vi. 81 ; defeats
'Greeks ' raiding sanctuary at Mount
Garganus, vi. Si ; slays Godepert and
dethrones Perctarit, vi. 242-343 ;
King of the Lombards 662-671, vi.
243 ; marries the sister of Godepert,
vi. 245 ; his persona! appearance, vi.
245 ; his dealings with the exiled
and returning Perctarit, vi. 246-250 ;
his forgiveness of the servant who
had assisted Porctarit to escape, vi.
250-252 ; goes to help his son Rom-
wald against Conntans, vi. 274; lets
him win the day at Foriuo alone, vi.
275; dealings with Lupus of Friuli
and tho Avarw, vi. 286-287; his
vengeance on Opitorgium, vi, 289 ;
HH sack of Fornzn Populi on Eawter
Sunday, vi* 290; diew 671, vi. 291 ;
his laws, vi. 291.
Grimwald II, Duke of Benevento 687-
689, rulew xnidor rogtmcy of hia
mother Thoudorada, vi, 298, 335.
Grimwald, Mayor of the Palace in
AuHtraeia, tries to grasp the king-
dom of tho Pranks, vi. 3.
Grimwald, Lombard courtier, sent by
Liutprund to escort Pope #acharias,
yi. 491, 494.
Grion, Oav. <*., anther of papers on
Civiclale, vi. 37, 42, 317.
Grippo, Hword- bearer of Childobort,
AmbaHHador to Constantinople), v.
259 ; in the tumult at Carthago 589,
v. 266 j at Constantinople, v. 267 ;
returns to Mete, v. 264.
Gristtr, on tho Patrimony of St. Peter,
v. 306 », 31074, 3iK~$iy w; v5, 33431 ;
on Oxrugory's reform of tho Liturgy,
v. 328 n.
Grucber, K. A., Nuto on Lombard
coinage, v. p. xix.
Gudeoc (Godihoc), fifth king of the
Lantfobardi, v. 97.
GuoVard, Loute, article on allowed let-
ters of Gregory II to Loo 1IJ, vi.
502.
Guitlriyiltl, blocxl-monoy, vi. 179, 190,
Ip8, 322, 22<S u, 232, 235 -236 ;
changed character of, vi. 395 398 ;
what wau the tjnitl/'iyild for a- mur-
dered Koman froeiumi, vi. 590-592.
(lulfnrin, Mttyhter MltUvtn, thuukcd
by Popo (Gregory T for hiB conduct
towards tho Istriaii ScliinmatloB, v.
474*
Oruiuperbi son of Ka^inport, jfleow to
Franco 712, und iliw* thoru, vi. 325.
Gundiperga (or Gundeberga), daughter
of Tiieudelinda, wife of Ariwnld, vi.
157; accused of intrigue with Taso,
vi. 162 ; imprisoned at Lomello, vi
162 ; liberated on intercession of
Chlutochar II, vi. 163; on death of
Ariwald marries Kothari and raises
him to the throne, vi. 165 ; im-
prisoned at Pnvia, vi. 165 ; liberated,
vi. 166; dies and is burieil at Pavia,
vi. iC6 ; built church of St. John the
Baptist at Pavia, vi. 312.
Gundipert, ncpliow of Tiieudelinda,
takes up thu cause of his cousin
Gundiperga, vi. 163.
Gundovald, pretender to Prankish
throne, v. 224 ; his death, v. 225.
Gundwalcl, brother of Theudeliiuk, v.
285 ; vi. 163.
Gun^ingi (Gu^in^T), first royal race of
tl»o Ijiui^oburdi, v. 94.
Guntrum (Ountchrnum;, King of Bur-
gundy 561-593, v. 300-202 ; Htraiigc
diKtiovury of buried treasure, v, 201 ;
arbitration between Sigtbort and
Chilporic, v. 207; hw wars with
Sigibwt 568, v. 235; roceivetf ani-
ImHsadorH from Authari 590, v, 275 ;
<lto« 593, v. 345, 423.
IL
Ifadrmn, mauKol(ium of (Caatlc of St.
Angclo), v. 301.
Hadrian I, Pope 77<*-795, makoH a col-
lection of Pope (injury l*a letters
(' tho lladrianic Itugi«tcr '), v. 334 ;
IUH Hucrctary compoHen an epitaph on
Poj>e Grogory J, v. ^450 M,
Hadrian, HOU of KxhihirutiiH, Duko of
Ciunpania, oxcommunicatud for mar-
rying a duaooiH'HB, vi* 453,
Hannibal, rupulHod from Spolctium, vi.
86.
Harodos (Arodufl), family from which
King Itotlmrt Hprang, vi. 177.
Ilatimanu, M,, Kclitov of Gro#or!i
JCpiHtolau in ' Moinniit'iitJiCjIortnaiuiio
IHtitorittft,' quotwl, v. 369, 370 n.
I{eb(loiuoi), l/ahica of, ouiHide the g&to
of <^>u«tantiuoplc, occupied by Phocaa
602, v. 440.
c ( 'OiiciliengoKcIiiuhto,9 vi. 417,
433"» 501 »»•
'l, Carl, HioHchichte <lw StatUo-
vorfuHwmi^ vcm Jtali(m,' vi. 512, 514,
540 «, 543 n, 560 7/, 566, 568.
H, governor of OherHon, proclaimH
danoH Mmporor, vi* 381 ; Jimti-
n'K vf)iitfi'iuu!o on hirt family,
vi. 3X1 ; Blayn JuHthuan J I, vi, 381,
UitlmuchUs, annour-bcarur of Alboln,
r 2
Index.
hetos in the assassination of Alboin,
*71; ^8 with Rosamund to
aN. 173; poisoned by Bosa-
e Exarch of Africa, vi. 6 ; . over-
throws Pnocas and reigns in Ins
stead, vi. 6-7; his Persian campaigns,
yi 8-1 1 ; petition of Primogemus,
Patriarch of Grade, to, v. 483 ; mar-
ries his niece Maitina, vi. 19 ; takes
up with Monotheletism, vi. 17 J pub-
lishes the Eetteto 638, vi. 17-18;
receives some of the spoil ot tne
Lateran 639, vi. 171 ; dies, vi. 19 ;
began organisation of Empire into
Themes, vi. 526.
Heraclius, brother and colleague ot
Constantine IY, yi. 347 ; mutilated
and imprisoned, vi. 348. m
Heraclius, son of Constantine IV, vi.
348-349.
Heraclius, brother and generalissimo of
Tiberius III, defeated and slain by
Justinian II, vi. 367.
Heraclonas, son of Heraclius and Mar-
tina, accession and deposition of, 641-
642, vi. 20.
Hertemar, follower of Peromo, fights
for his freedom, vi. 469.
Hermelinda, a Saxon princess (? of
Kent), wife of Cunincpert, vi. 305.
Hermenigild, son of Leovigild, King of
the Visigoths, marries Ingunthis,
v. 252 ; associated with his father
in the kingdom, lives at Seville, v.
253; receives Catholic baptism, v.
254; civil war with his father, v,
255 ; put to death, v. 255 : 'tyran-
nus ' not * martyr ' to his contempo-
raries, v. 255-256.
Hermunduri, neighbours of the Lango-
bardi, v. ST.
Hertha (Mother Earth), worship of by
tribes north of the Langobardi, v.
83-
Heruli (Heroli), in Imperial army in
Italy, v. 20 ; at battle of Capua, v.
40-44 ; war with the Langobardi, v.
97, 106-112; geographical position
of, v. 103-104 ; their abominable
customs as described by Procopius,
v. 105, 113; received by Anastasius
into the Empire after their over-
throw by the Langobardi 512, v.
112 ; migrate to Thule, v. 113.
Hildeoc (Aldihoc), fourth king of the
Langobardi, v. 97.
Hildeprand, nephew of Liutprand, asso-
ciated in the kingdom with his uncle,
vi. 473 ; mentioned ia letter of
Gregory TIT, vi. 477 J
by the Venetians vi. 483, 488, 4<)° j
was he restored by treaty of IVnu ?
HikierSf'made Puko of Spolt-to in
room of TraiiHamtmd 759^ V1- 475 J
slain by TraziHomumi 740 (* , vi.
Hippodrome of Constant Inojile, r«»i«»
Martin exposed at, vi. 204. m
Hfppotwrotfti, mounted archer* in Im-
perial aimy, at battle of Capim, v.
Hirhch, 'Ferdinand, author of ' Pan
Herzogthum IloncvenV vi. 6;»; UH t<*
date of foundation of duchy, vi. 71 ;
as to date of destruction of Mmitr*
Oassino, vi. 73 w; *w to Ii«»itH uf
duchy of r»enc'\ujuto, vi. 76 « ; UH
to conquest of Salerno, vi. 77 n ; as
to religion* condition of tltifhy, \\*
HiBtoria Miacolla, written l>y Vaulnn
Diaconu» for Adolpur^A, v. 7,v
HonoriuK J, ?t>iHi 6^5 (ijK, Hant-tioim
Monothulcto twwsli»«K, vi. 17, J54 ".•
letter of to AiutttiliuK at Salfi'iM*. vi.
777*; letter of to Imuu; tin* Kaaivli
on behalf of AdulwaW, vi. 156 ; n»ii-
doiunetl by Sixth Council, vi. ,H'»,
Horace, allusion l>y, to Hi'iicvtuittiiti In
Iter BruxuluHinmn, vi. 6.j.
Horse-breeding, on I'apftl pniiimtmy ttt
the Sicily, v. 317.
Horse's kick, death of a <MM by, vi.
412,
Horsea, lavvw of Inut]>rawl relating to»
vi. 406.
Horta (Orte), recovered 1»y HoinuiniH
from the LoinbanlH 5<jjt v. 566 j
wroHted by Li«tj>miul fr«>»n Ihtttitu*
Itoniae, vi. 475 ; TntiiHiunuu*! failn to
r<'Btoro, vi. 480; rorttnioil by Liut-
prand, vi. 494.
Ifoxpcs, xneamng of in connection witii
land Rottlcinont of barburiami, \l.
58^5?3«
Hospitality of the Itoumu C'hurt*!^ vi,
267.
I.
Ibor (Ybor), joint leadw of ttrnl iriui-
gratiun of tho Langobar<U, v, yi.
Iconoclastic controverHy, vi» 4^4 4t/> j
in Italy, vi. 445-465.
Ildichis (HildednH, Iltii^«H), ^riittilNiiii
of Tato, claimant for kiughhi|i over
the Hcruli, v. 117-134; Inn wtiit^
cleringH in Italy and t>lHuwhor4^ v,
122 ?t ; his advonturuH at thit (.'uurt
of ^ Justinian, v. 133; aimiWHinate.a by
King of tho Gepulac, v. i 34,
Index.
613
Illegitimate sons, Lombard laws as to,
vi. 193-194.
Illyiicum, severed from the Latin Patri-
archate, vi. 465.
Image-worship, growth of in Christian
Church, vi. 450-432.
Ine, King of Weasox, abdicates, visits
Home 725, and dies iu a convent, vi.
323.
IngenuinuR, Bishop of Sehon, intercedes
for Verruca with Prankish generals,
v. 270; vi. 32.
IngunthiH, daughter of Brunichildie,
married to Hermeuigild, v. 252 ; per-
secuted by her grandmother, v. 253 ;
left a widow, v. 255 ; dies, v. 256.
In«ula Capritana, off the coast of Ve-
netia, ecclesiastical affairs of 599, v.
r 475-477-
Intmla Oomacina (?Amacina% descrip-
tion of, v. 244-24(5 ; Francio, Impe-
rial general, obliged to nnrrcnder to
Author!, v. 246 ; Gaidulf unauccefls-
fully defoiultt agaiiint Agilulf, v. 347 ;
Cunmepcrt takes rufugo in, vi. 307 ;
AiiHprand takes refuge hi, vi. 321 ;
Aripert 31 capture* and destroys
town on, vi. 322.
In«ula Kumorphiana, fomalo fugitives
from the Lombard yoke not allowed
to Bottle on, v. 353.
Inundations in Italy 589, v. 261 .
Iron Crown of tho Lombards, vi.
57°~57,V
Isaac tho Armenian, Kxarch 625-644,
vi* 156,535; Pope Honoriiw writes
to, Holiiutiiig hia intervention on be-
half of Adalwald, vi. 158; entices
Dula: TOHO to Kavonna, and slayn
him there (?), vi. 59 /*, 164; one-
third of hw tribute to LowbardH re-
mitted, vi. 164; HareophagiiB and
epitaph of at Ravenna, vi. 169; bin
Bpolmtion of the Ijatoran, vi. 171;
reprtwneB rebellion of Maurice, vi.
173; <U«H,v!. 173,
Isaac, the hermit of Spoleto, vi. 89.
Isidore, HiHhop of Seville, chronicler of
Hovetith century, v, 63 ; OH to Nurses'
invitation to tho Langobardi, v. 63.
jHraelituB* iuvaBion of Canaan compared
to Lombard inviiaion, of Italy, v.
1 66.
Ihtria, ravaged by the Lombardw awl
thdr allieM 602, v. 430 } i)enuliar
txwition of Jn connection with the
Thrcte Chaptwrn 0(rtitr<>vorHy, v. 457.
Intriun SeVwnaticH, petition of» to Km-
peror Maurice, v. 471 ; Heiuwn bo-
g^igraphical, y. 481.
Italian Kt'pubties, origin of, vl 513,
560.
Jttalicun, King of the Chfruuci, do*
throned, takes refuge with the Lango-
bardi, v. 87.
J.
Jacobi, Dr. R. (Quellen cler Lango-
bai dengeschichte des Paulus Dia-
conus), v. 68, 79.
Januarius, Bishop of Cagliari,his eccen-
tricities and injustice, v.322 ; warning
of Pope Gregory I to, v. 414.
Jews, persecution of, by Perctarifc, vi.
303 ; by Leo III, vi. 429.
Joanna, wife of Cyriacus, convert from
Judaism, v. 316.
Joannes (Lemigius Thrax?), Exarch
611-616, vi. 153, 534; discussion as
to his name, vi. 153 n ; killed in
tumult at Ravenna (?), vi. 154.
Joannes Platyn, Exarch 687-702, vi.
351. 53<5; interference witli election
of Pope Sergius, vi. 35I"-354-
Joannes Kizocopus, Kxarch,, vi. 537;
meets Pope Const an tine at Rome, vi.
376; perhopH killed in a tumult at
Ravenna, vi. 375.
JoanneH, Tribune, Pope Gregory's au-
thority for story of flood at v erona,
v. 262 n,
Joannes Ktruthus (John the Sparrow),
butchera the little Tiberius, son of
Justinian II, vi. 384.
Joannes CompniiuiH, rebels against Im-
perial government, vi. 154; put to
death by Kleutherins, vi. 155.
Joannes FabrmotiH, fifth and last Master
of the Soldiery in Venotia, vi. 487 ;
blinded, vi. 487.
Joannes, monk, forsakes the Tstrian
SchiftmaticH and IH reconciled to Pope
Gregory I 596, v. 474.
Joannes AntiochenuH, historian, quoted,
vi. 7 ».
Joannes BiclaronMH, chronicler, sixth
century, quoted, v. 195, 255 n.
Joannes DioconuH, ninth century, Life
of Popo Gregory I, v. 280; quoted,
v. 319, 330 % 332> 335 J *«« *tory of
the downfall of Maurice, v. 436-440.
JoannoK Uiaoonut) (SagorninuHj, his-
torian of Venice, chaplain of Doge
Orxoolo H 991-1008, vi. 506; sketch
of his career, vi. 506 ; hi« account of
reconquest of Ravenna by the Yene-
tiana, vi. 488, 506-508.
JocunduB, Jiinhop, Ambaspador from
Ohildebort to Constantinople, v. 263 n.
Jowmdus, courtier of Agilulf, recout*
inendH (lolumbanuH to settle at Bob-
bio, vi. 1 32.
John, Kt., the Baptist, patron saint of
the Lombards, vi. 272.
John III, Pope 561-574, v. 54 «5
614
Index.
mysterious interview with JSTarses, v.
65 ; his death, v. 193. .
John IV, Pope 640-642, yi. ^af op-
poses Monothelete doctrine of Hera-
clius, vi. 1 8. .
John V, Pope 685-686, vi. 349-
John VI, Pope 701-705, vi. 363. $
John VII, Pope 705-707, vL 364 ; h»
portrait in mosaic, vi. 304; nalt
accepts the Quinisextan Council, vi.
John the Faster, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople 582-595, v. 377 ; assumes the
title of Ecumenical Bishop, v. 390;
consequent dispute with Gregory I,
v. 391-401 ; dies, Sept. 2, 595, v. 401.
John, Istrian Schismatic, Patriarch of
Aquileia 606, v, 481 ; vi 50 ; letter
of to King Agilulf, v. 482.
John IV, Archbishop of Milan 1485-
1488, makes collection of letters of
Gregory I ('the Milanese codifica-
tion*), v. 334.
John III, Archbishop of Ravenna, Pope
Gregory I*s letter to, about Romanus,
v. 360; forces the captive Istrian
bishops to communicate with him, v.
468.
John VI, Archbishop of Ravenna, begs
help from Zacharias against the Lom-
bards, vi. 495.
John, nephew of Vitalian, general in
war against the Alamannic brethren,
v. 20; commands Imperial troops
sent to assistance of Langobardi, v.
129.
John, Patrician, commands expedition
for recovery of Carthage, vi. 362.
John, Patrician and Quaestor at Con-
stantinople, Gregory I writes to, v.
351-
John, Duke of Naples, retakes Cumae
from the Lombards, vi. 442.
John, Bishop of Ad Novas, wavers be-
tween orthodoxy and schism in the
Three Chapters Controversy, v. 475-
477-
John, Bishop of Bergamo, his wonderful
horsemanship, vi. 319.
John, Bishop of Parenzo, carried off to
Ravenna by Exarch Smaragdus, v.
468.
John, Bishop of Perugia, joins in con-
secration of Pelagius, v. 53.
John, Bishop of Portus, carried off to
Constantinople by order of Justinian
II, vi. 357.
Joan, Presbyter, appealed from Patri-
arch of Constantinople to Rome v
394. ' '
Jonas, monk of Bobbio, biographer of
St. Columbanus vi. 105; his life of
Berfculf quoted, vi. 150.
Jordanea, historian of tho Ootlw, coin-
pared with PauhiH, historian of th«-
Langobardi, v. 98 ; on the J )aneH nml
Heruli, v. 114; <>" buttlu hctwuon
Langobardi an<l Avarn, v. 132 ».
Jordanes, GariufariN*r <'*»iwpiivti t<»
murder Gregory II, vi. 447 ; xlain,
vi. 448.
Jovianus, or Julian OH, Hurwinn-d lly-
patns (Consul), Kourth ManUtr of tho
Soldiery in Vcnetia, vi. 4^7 ; WMVITH
Ravenna from the Lomluutta, vi, .fSS ;
explanation of his titlo ITyuattiH, vi.
508.
Julian, Emperor, his <'<lirl AjjjiiiiHt
soldiers becoming inoukK, v. 375,
Julian, St., Island of', in La.kt> of Ortn,
jMhmilffJDuktt of, relu-ln ngiunut A#i-
lulf, v. 346.
Julian Basilica, n<m.r Uio Latcraii I'&lmx),
Roman clergy aiul Synait' uxHt-mUo
in, v. 443.
JulianuH, Exarch (?) nlxmt ,178, vi,
533 **•
Julius Cao«ar, founder of Kurwu *fulii
and Julium Onrnicuiii, vi. ;^M ; HUp-
posed will of, vi. 558 ».
Julium Caruicuiu (J?»y/i^}y wtt tin*
same an Forum Julii, vi. 38, 41 ;; ;
bishops of, deutiitiul tt> CividnU^ vl*
467.
Justin II, Emporor 5^5, ac«N«^i<»n of,
v. 58 ; sends corn to Itmn**, v. 194;
strange conduct to JtiuttiiiHuH, v. iy4 ;
his niaclneaB, v. i<f>\ hi* tlti&th, v.
197.
Justin, Ex.Praotor of HSoily (?), \\^
Gregory complaint* of liin intlinfiic<5
with Exarch OalliniouH, v, 477*
Justinian, Emperor, hi« tith'H <Ioriv»^l
from conquest, v. 13 n ; vi, 519 ^M;
his Pragmatic Sanction, 554 ; y, 50 ;
vi. 508; death of, Nov. 14, 565," v.
57 ; accused of herwy, v» 58 n ; em-
bassy of Gepidae and LHiitfolianU t«v
v. 125-129 ; Bonds Mpt<> tlm f*ngo-
bardi, v. 129, 131 ; Mrt l^i»latiim t*
to office of JDefentttr, vi. 555-557.
Justinian II rUhinotmetiw), I'ini
685-695 and 705-7**, vi. 1*7;
of, vi. 349-384 ; cunvtniM tlta
sextan Council, vi. 355 ? hJM
attempt to arrest I*«JK» H^r^iuK, vi,
358 ; deposed by IxNmtiiiH anil muti-
lated, vi. 361 ; his tMlvwitunw ihirini(
his esdle, vi. 365 367 j njArrIt»a to n
Khazar princoaK, vi. 365 j Inn return
to Conntantmople and jruHitmUim ti»
the throne, vi. 367.3685 lii«
spondence with J»op« Jolin VH
tho QniniHoxtan (Jownoil, vf. 370 j J
venffeauce on Uiivenna, v!. vrwrA •
sends a neot to fetch htmiu Jib wifu
Index.
615
and son, vi. 37711; his meeting with
Pope Constantino, vi. 378 ; his at-
tempted revenge on Cherson, vi. 380 ;
his downfall and death 711, vi. 382 ;
how he was mourned in Rome, vi.
383 ; his relations with Leo, after-
wards Leo III, vi. 425.
Justus, monk and doctor, Ms sin and
punishment, v. 297.
K.
Kalends, see Calendar, Roman.
KUan (Chagan) of the AvarH, his brutal
treatment of Ronrilda, vi. 52.
Khazat'S, tribe settled near Sea of Azof,
JuHtinian II takes refuge with, vi.
365 ; Chagan of, tempted to sur-
render Justinian II to Tiberius IJ I,
vi. 365 ; hi» sensible message to JUH-
tiniau II, vi. 377 ; defends Cherson
against Justinian II, vi. 380.
Kingship, Teutonic, illuHtrated by the
history of the Heruli, v. 116.
Kiugwhip among the Lombards, vi. 566-
570.
Kratft, G, L., Monograph of, on M8S.
of Ulfilas at Bobbio, vi. 134 w.
Lamiiwio (Laiamicho), second king of
tho Langobardi, strange story of his
birth and childhood, v. 95 ; his con-
test with the Amazon, v. 95 ; defeats
tho Bulgarian^ v. 96.
Land settlement of tho Lombards in
Italy, v. 188-189, 232; vi. 580-
5«f>.
Lawlnri, Puke of Friuli, vi. 338.
Langobarden-mauer, name given by tho
HWIHS of North- Kaateru cantons to
any old wall, v. 145.
Langobardi, Langibardi, Longobardi,
Ixmtlmrdu, alleged invitation of into
Italy by Namm, v. 61-65; early
notices of by Greek and Koman
writcra, v, 80, 90; origin of their
name, v. 83, 92; Low-German, or
IHgh-thTman(?),v.i52-X53; join the
Gheruwii agaiimt tho Marcouuimu", v*
86; on tho Danulnj, war with the
KmpJro (tteaoud century, A, J>.), v* 88 ;
gap of 300 yearn in their liiutory, v.
80, 89 ; bagas concerning early history
of, v. 90 -97 ; war with the VmulalH, v.
91-92 ; war with the Awipitti, v, 93 j
•war with the Ama^onn, v. 95 ; war
with tho BulgftrfanH, v. 95-97; on-
tnuice into Kugilancl, v. 97 ; entrance
into the Keltl, v. 97 ; war with the
lluruti, v. 97, io^-H3 j migrato into
Pannonia and Noricum, v. 124 ; feuds
with the Gepidae, v. 123 ; embassy to
Justinian, v. 125-129; claim to be
orthodox Christians, v. 127; wars
with the Gepidae, v. 129-130 ; alliance
with the Avars, v. 138; dress of, v.
154; kinship with the Anglo- Saxons,
v. 82, 152, 154; political condition
oft v. 155 ; religion of, v. 158 ; vi.
294-298 ; date of change of name of
Langobardi into Lombards, v. 174-
1 75 ; folly of their invasions of Gaul,
v. 198 ; invasions of Gaul, v. 215-
223; territory in Piedmont wrested
from them by the Franks, v. 223-224 ;
alleged payment of tribute to Chilcle-
bert, King of the Franks, v. 229;
nefawU (' unspeakable '), nefamliB-
sitni, v. 234, 240 ; peace with the Em-
pire 599, v, 421 ; war of 602-603
greatly enlarges their boundaries, v.
435-436 ; cruelties in Duchy of Spo-
leto, vi. 97-100 ; conversion of to
Christianity greatly aided by monas-
tery at Bobbio, vi. 133; want of
earnestness in their Arianism,vi. 144;
list of their kingg as far as Rothari,
vi. 177 ; Lex Langobardorum, vi. 199,
208, 399, 503 ; Lombard lawn, vi.
174-338, 291-392, 389-412; as to
poHition of Roman population under
the Lombards, vi. 586-592.
Latarau Church, change in its dedica-
tion about 653, vi. 260.
L»u, G. «J . T., author of biography of
Pope Gregory I, v. 281 ; on Gregory's
reform of the liturgy, v. 328 n.
Laumellum (Lo niello], scene of meeting
of Thoudolinda and Agilulf, v. 283.
LtttirontiuH, Bishop of Milan 573-592 ;
Gregory wituoKseB hia profession of
adherence to Fifth Council, v. 288 n;
478 w.
LaureutiuB, Presbyter, repre»ents Pope
Pelagian II at Council of Grado, v.
461.
Lavina « lauwiae, v. 259 -260-
Leawder, Biahop of Heville, uucle ofPrince
Hermenigild, v. 254 ; friend of Pope
Grogory "I, v. 323-334> leHcr of
Gregory to, wanted by Alcuin, v.
337*
Leo III (the laauriau), Emperor 717-
740, early history of, vi, 425 ; acoes-
mon, vi. 426; repulB the Saracens
from Constantinople 718, vi. 4*7 ; liitt
first decree n^iuuttt Image-worahip
736, vi 433 ; hit* (juarrelt* with Pope
Gregory II abofit financial inattern,
vi. 446 448 ; about IcotioclaHiu* vi.
449-452; refuses to receive messen-
gers from (Gregory III, vi. 461-462 ;
attempted puuuhxuent of Gregory III,
6i6
Index.
vi. 463 ; sequestration of Papal patri-
monies, and poll-tax, vi. 463 ; sepa-
rates Illyricujn from the Latin Patri-
archate, vi. 465 ; dies June 18, 740,
vi. 497; his division of the Empire
into Themes, vi. 526.
Leo, Ex-Consul in Sicily (?), Emperor
Maurice trusts him more than Gre-
gory, v. 383.
Leo, first Master of the Soldiery in
Venetia, vi. 487.
Leo, Consul of Bavenna, taken captive
and liberated by Liutprand, vi. 493.
Leontia, wife of Phocas, coronation of,
v. 440 ; her statue sent to Rome, v.
442 ; fulsome letter of Gregory I to,
v. 446.
Leontius, dethrones Justinian II, and
reigns as Emperor 695-698, vi. 360-
362 ; deposed by Apsimar, vi. 362 ;
trampled upon and slain by Justinian
II, vi. 368.
Leontius (clarissimiw) entrusted by
Pope Gregory I with defence of Nepe,
v- 354-
Leontius, Ex-Consul, letter of Pope
• Gregory I to, v. 445 n.
Leovigild, King of the Visigoths 572-
586, v. 250 ; marries Goisvintha, v.
250 ; troubles with his son Hermeni-
gild, v. 254-255 ; death of, v. 257.
Lethu (Lethuc), third king of the
Langobardi, v. 97.
£eudegisclus, general of Gun tram, King
of Burgundy, v. 225 ; puts Gundovald
and his adherents to death, v. 22*-
226.
Leufrid, Prankish duke, sent to Exarch
as ambassador 590, v. 273 n.
Leupanus, Bishop of Tours, entertains
Columbanus, vi. 122.
Leupchis, ancestor of Paulus Diacorms,
v. 70 ; enters Italy, vi. 56.
Leuthar, chief of the Alamatmi, with
nis brother Butilin, undertakes the
invasion of Italy 553, v. 15; sepa.
rating from his brother, marches
northward 554, v. 345 dies of the
lague, v. 35.
er Diarnus, book of common forms
Llberatus, quoted, v. 52.
Libertinus, Praetor of Sicily (?), sum.
Lippi, Fra Filippo, tomb of ;it Spok'to,
vi. 88.
Lithingi, dynasty of, v. 1 20,
Liutpert, son of CunincpiTt, a child,
succeeds his father under i^wrdian-
ship of Anaprnnd 700, vi. 320; de-
throned and put to death, vi. 3*0-
321.
Liutprand, son of Aiwpraiul, Kinjj ««f
the LombardH 712-744, pt'di#ri't* of,
vi. 438; permitted l>y Ari{H*rt II to
live, vi. 323; elevation to ifx* lhr«*nc,
vi. 389; appenraticu ami cliurtiftcr,
vi. 390; dealingfl with <*onspii'iitorKt
vi. 391 j his lawn ona<'t<!<! in yvarly
assemblies of tho Lomhanin* vi. j^j
414; strong wurrln nlnnit the HU-
preuiacy of tlio POJM», vi, ,v>J ; hin
law *de Scrihiff/ vi. 399; n*ncwn
donation of Patrimony in <futtiau
Alps to Pope, vi. 441 j ordiTM Kur*
walcl II to report) (Jlrt«MiH, \i,
besiegeu Kavcniut and tuk«.^
vi. 444; takes Jtolo^nn, tin* imnpo-
lis, Osimo, vi. 454; ukrn Stitrituu,
but restoroH it to tho !*oj><% vi. 45,% ;
combines with the Kxitxvh /t^niM^t
DukcH of Jficmwoiito and Sjnilctt*, vi,
45^-458; hin iiitorvitiw with I*»»|m
Gregoiy IT, vi. 4$K ; ohUtn •, tint
pulliuM for Pntrwrfli of Af(uilfift,
VI. 466; dupOHUH J'(!»»»»>, Oltkl* «if
Priuii, vi, 468 ; iwtHtatnl rt-vi'iix*"
of AiHtulf upon, vi. 469 ; d«^n«H<-H
Audolaifl, J)«ko of Hi»m>v^ito» itnd
instals his nq>how Urt^ory 7^af \i,
47 >» depones C^ottHcthalk and nmtuU
Ginnlf II 742, vi, 473 • hiH wcjkni-hH :
Hildeprand aiwoolftti'd HM hm <*oU
league, vi. 473* hiH oxp«diUon for
deliverance of lVovw«»o from tho
Saracens vi. 474"475 J wfc»ltf * i*im.i«
the l<Vank HW I,iH «»on |n WttW|N vj,
474? quell* rebellion of TrjMixamwid
of Bpoleto 739, VK 475; tfikim four
citio.s in the Duontwi Itum&e, vi, 4?^ ;
ngaiu nuurahoR Boutliwartl to pimiih
^^^^ IV* vl 480; battle of
the MetaimiH 742, vi. 480 ? !»j» }mf.
gain with l»,,|,e Zaofmriiui, vi. 481 s
deposes TranBamimd of Hpolot«», vi,
481; Paulua J)iaoonu» an to his miu«
oeatful warn with th« tknmn«t vi,
#a;€hw meeting with flmrtmrhm at
lerni, yi. 49i;494f wjtom, th« four
towns to fachariaH, vl.^j r».»«w«
,
set at work by Pope
495 J Jus i&boroew wt /^JiarlHH at
ta^rfiS^5 r,°Hfc,TH hiH *««i«
m neighbourhood of Kavowm, vJ
embasny to 0<m«tantinu V, k
Index.
Longinus, Patrician, Prefect of Italy,
«ent to govern Italy on recall of
Narnes 567, v. 61 ; welcomes Rosa-
mund after the murder of Alboin,
and ankfl her to marry him, v. 172 ;
HuperMcdftd 585, v. 242 ; not called
Exarch, vi. 532.
Lopichia, ancestor of Paulus Diaconus,
Ktory of hia return from captivity, vi.
T 56-58-
Lnccn, Hie^o of, by Narses, v. 21-27.
Luceoli (CW/f/?i0), recovered by Ro-
manna from tlio Lombards, v. 366 ;
Kleutherhw killed by his Holdier* at,
Vi. 156.
Lncctria, city of Apulia, taken and de-
ft troyod by Emperor ConBtaua. vi.
*73-
Luna accepts the pretender Petaaius,
vi. 460 /<,
Lund, T. W. M., author of < Como and
tho Italian Lake-land,' v. 24674; vi.
161 ti.
Lupi, Canon Mario, of Itargnmo, author
of 'dodcx I )IploiuatiouH divitatiH et
KcolcHiaoIJcrgowiatiH/v. 230; quoted,
v, aj4», 34711,
LupuH, J)uko of Frinli <56o (?) -664 (?),
vi. 385-386 ; invadcH (i ratio, vi. 285 ;
}M»riHht!H in invasion of Avara, vi, 286" ;
WH daughter Thcodarada warriea
Jtomwalu of Jtonevouto, vi. 287.
Lurioit, John mirmvmed, nubdcocon,
trieH to aHHawwiato (Jrogory JJ, vi.
447 ; itt put to death by the people
of Homo, vi. 448,
JLiixovium (/j&tt'tfi'O, snonaHtery at,
founded by Columbanus, vi. 113.
M.
Maearius, Patriai'ch of Antiooh, dofondB
MonothclotiHiu at Sixth Council, vi.
3H5-
Rfntjititt'r Mililnnt, tho titlo gradually
HHHiinilatcti to that of J)tts, vi. 539-
540, wr, aUo vi. 542 j hi V«motia, vi.
547. <SVv aim* MnHtor t)f th«i H<»ldi«ry.
Mn^iHtri ( 'omucini, nri' (joinuuini.
Mai» (furdiuul, <m MWH. at iiobbio, vi.
Major Itymti ( . CHW/W ?),
- 554*
a i)ahuntian binhop, I'opo
(irt'gory I acuimud of hi« nuirder, v*
379-
Maltitunx (Af«/«1),in the Val di Hole,
taken l>y Fraiikinh Count Chotlin, vi.
3°'
Mnlfatti Jiftrtolonnnoo, l Tapern on tho
J>u<*hy <if Triewt,* vi, 34 32 ;
turi e Tttpi/ vi, 339, 35$ «.
617
zsQi lock of hair (sent by Emperor
to Pope), vi. 348 n.
Manes, general of the Cibyrrhaeots,
admiral of the fleet despatched against
Gregory III, vi. 463.
Manfred, defeated and slain at Bene-
vento I2<5^, vi. 69.
Mantua, probably taken by the Lom-
bards in the lifetime of Alboin, v. 165 ;
taken by Exarch 590, v. 272 ; recap-
tured by Lombards 603, v. 272 nt
432.
Marano, council of, 589 '?), v, 468.
Marcellinus ComcB, chronicler,sixth cen-
tury, v. 64 n.
MarcelluB, second duke of Venetia, vi.
486.
Marcellua, St., shrine of, at Chalon-sur-
Saone, v. 202.
Maroianus, orthodox Patriarch of Grado,
v. 481, 482 n.
Mareionite heretic, Maunco so called
by mob of Constantinople, v. 440.
Mnrimoiiti, * Storia di Monssa,' vi. 571.
Marini, author of * Papiri Diplomatic!,'
hi» book do«cribed, vi. 509-513 ;
quoted, vi. 153 nt 5587*.
Mariniauua, J^inhop of Jtavonna, v.
405 »•
Marinns, life^nardsman, provinional
Duke of Home, connives at plot for
murder of (Jlrogory II, vi. 447 ; in
Htrickon by paralyaJH and retires, vi.
Mari UK A vc-nticcmwa, chronic! er, q noted,
v. 50, 56 «, 64, 64 n, 1 68 wt 215 n.
Maroboduus, King of tho Marcomanni,
tho Lan^obardi revolt from, v. 86.
Marquartlt, ' Kotniache Ktaatttverfas-
HUII^,' an to function** of (^ninfiucn-
nali^ vi. 553.
Marriage lawa <»f the LombardH,vi. 197-
203, 205-206.
Marn ThingfinH, altar dedicated to, in
Northumberland, vi. 195.
Mar tons, ' I'olit'iHche (Jre»chiu)itc clefl
Langobardt'iiroiclm uater KiinJgLiut-
prand,' vi. 439, 483 n.
Martin, St., ColumbauxiftviHitB his shrine
at TourH, vi. 1 23,
Martin T, Popo 649-653, convenes
council at tho Lutoran tor tho con-
demnation of tho Type of (tan&tam,
vi. 356 ; failure of OlympiW attempt
to arrust him, vi. 258 ; acouaed of
horony and cort'CHpotidenco with tho
HnraconH, vi. 259 ; arrcwtod by Kxarcli
Theodore 653, vi. 260; carried to
OoUHtantinophf, vi. 261-262; his
examination and impriummutnt, vi.
362-367; baniHhod to ('JuTHon 655,
vi. 267; dio8 there, Bupt. 17, 655,
vi. 3<58,
6i8
Index.
Martina, niece and wife of Emperor
Heraclius, v. 19-20.
Masane,wife of Cieph, King of the Lom-
bards, probably guardian of Authari,
v. 182, 333.
Master of the Soldiery, Marcellus in
Venetia, vi. 486 ; replaces duke in
Venetia for five years, vi. 487. See
also Magister MilUim.
Maurentius, Cattularius, Gregory aska
his help for Home, vi. 541.
Maurice, Emperor 582-602, character of,
v. 227 ; sSbds 50,000 solidi to Child e-
t>ert as a subsidy for the invasion of
Italy, v. 228 ; receives embassies
from. Childebert, v. 259-267 ; offers
strange satinfaction for the murder of
the Frankwh ambassadors at Carthage,
v. 268 ; unfriendly feeling between him
aud Gregory when Apocrisiarius, v.
395; conn' rmatiou of Gregory's election
as Pope, v. 298, 302 ; reply to the Is-
trian Schismatics, v. 472 ; indignation
of, at news of Gregory's peace with
Ariulf,v. 366 ; prohibits civil servants
and military officers from turning
monks, v. 373 ; receives bold remon-
strances from Gregory, v. 374-376;
sends money for distribution in Rome,
v. 380 ; writes a shurp letter of rebuke
to Gregory, v. 382 ; tries to make
peace between Gregory and J"ohn the
Faster, v. 396 ; his deposition in favour
ofPhocas,and death 602, v. 435-441.
Maurice, Cartularius, adviser of Ex-
arch Isaac, vi. 1 70 ; raises a tumult
in Rouae against the Pope, and de-
spoils the Lateran, vi. 171 ; rebels
against Isaac 643 (?), vi. 172; sup-
pressed and beheaded, vi. 1 73 ; see
also vi. 542.
Maurice, Magister Militum, acting
under orders of Pope Gregory I 591,
v. 353, 355, 357-
Mauringa, second settlement of the
Lftngobardi, v. 92, 94; probably on
right bank of the Elbe (in Holtitein),
v, lop,
Mauris io, Lombard duke, deserted to
the Empire, v. 368 ; put to death by
Agilulf, v. 369.
Maurus, Archbishop of Ravenna 642 -
671, his struggle for independence
with the Roman see, vi. 34774, 536.
Maurus, Patrician, partisan of Philip-
picas, assists in murder of little
Tiberius, vi. 383.
MaximuH, Bishop of Salona, accused of
simony, his long contest with Pope
Gregory I, 593-599; v. 379-
Maxnnus, Abbot, champion of orthodoxy,
tortured by Constana II, vi. 271.
Mayors of the Palace, beginning of
their power in reign of Childebert, v.
210; increasing power of, in seventh
century, vi. 2-4,
Medals, golden, with effigy of Tiberius,
sent to Neustrian nobles b^ the Em-
peror, v. 228.
Mediolanum, see Milan,
Mellitus, sent by Pope Gregory I to rein-
force Augustine in England, v. 327.
Menander the Protector (historian, sixth
century), v. 179; as to alliance^ be-
tween Avars and Langobai'di, v.
138 n; as to embassies from Borne to
Constantinople, v. 197.
^ Meomartini, C.'iv. Almerico, \\riter on
the antiquities of Benevento, vi. 63,
66 n.
Merovech, son of Chilporic, King of
Neuntria, marries his aunt Bruni-
childis 575, v. 211; hits death 575,
V. 212.
Messina, Monastery of St. Theodore at,
v. 312.
Metaurus, battle of (B.C. 207), referred
to, v. 34 ; scene of Leutlwr'n defeat
554, v. 35 J battle of, botwcen Liut-
praud aud SpolctanR, vi. 480.
Methaunaucus (Mahnnocco), city of
Venetia, vi. 485, 487.
Mevania (Jtevaffna), town on the Fla-
minian Way, probably not captured
"by the Lombards up to 593, vi. 83 n.
Meyer, Carl, author of 'Sprache und
Sprachdenkinaler der Langobarden,1
vi. I74» 389*
Michael, St., legend of his appearanco
on Hadrian's Mausoleum, v. 301 ;
Alahiti sees his effigy among standards
of Cunincpert, vi. 313; efngy of, on
Lombard coins, vi, 3 1 7.
Milan (Mediolanum), rebuilt by Narses,
v. 50 ; taken by Albun, Wept* 3, 569,
v. 161; Audovald, the Frank, encamps
near, v. 268 ; Agilulf proclaimed king
at, v. 283.
Militia, traces of a local, at Kavenna,
vi. 357 » in I*^y» vi. 282, 363 ; at
Koine, vi. 453, 478.
Milman, Dean, 'History of Latm
Christianity,' vi. 417.
Mimiulf, a Catholic Lombard, lifts the
miraculous key of St. Peter, v. 408,
Mimulf, Duke of St. Julian'* Mand,
rebels against Agilulf, is captured
and slain, v. 316.
Minturnae, Church of, desolate 591,
v. 352.
Mitola, Count of Capua, defeats Con-
efariH on the Calore, vi. 275.
Mizizius (Mecetiutt or M cretins), an
Armenian, proclaimed Emperor on
death of ConHtans, vi, 282 ; slain by
volunteer soldiers, vi. 283,
Index.
619
Moawiyah, Caliph, fixes his capital at
Damascus, vi. 14 ; .sends \\ great fleet
to besiege Constantinople 672, vi. 15.
Moflena (Mutina), recovered from the
Lombards by Romanus 590, v. 272 ;
half gained by rebellion of Alahis,
rebuilt by Cunincpert, vi. 314 ; poem
found in library of, vi. 3^1.
Mohammedani«m, upiwo of, vi. 11-14;
divisions in, vi. 14-15.
Mommsen on Vicariw Jlomae and Vi-
carius Italiae, vi. 529 n.
Monks, vagabond, in Sicily, to be re-
pressed, v. 312.
Monod, Gabriel, as to life of Gregory of
Tours, v. 180-181.
Monothelete Controversy, vi. 16-18,
*54-37o, 343-346, 381, 3*4-386.
Moiw KegiH, by Predil Paw, gave Alboin
bis firot glimpse of Italy, v. 159.
Monwlid' (JMons Silica), not taken by
the Lombards at thoir entry into
Italy, v. 165 ; captured by Agilulf
602, v. 430.
Montaleml.ert, Count, author of ' LCH
Moines de rOccidont,' vi. 106.
Montaiiittts burn themselves in their
churches rather than a inform under
coinpulaion of Leo III, vi 439,
Monte Cauftino, Monastery of, King
Kntchiu enters, v. 72 ; Paulufl J>m-
conus enters, v. 78 • demolished by
Lombard* of Jtonovento 589, vi. 72 ;
restored by Petronax, vi. 441.
Mouticolo, Prof., an to loiters of Gre-
gory II to Loo III, vi, 505 ; as to
letters of Gregory III to VuuetiattM,
vi. 505-508.
Monza (Modicia or Modoetia), palace
at, built by Theudelinda, v. 430 j vi.
lf>o; birth of Adalwald at, v. 430;
rtlics of Theudeliwlit at, vi. 161 ;
simony in church of, vi. 272 ; »ee also
vi. 570-573.
Morgatte-gybtt, Morgincap, from Ohii-
jwric to Galswintha, v, 205, 207, 208;
*n Lombard law, vi. 200-202.
MoHlemah, Sanioon generul, brother of
tho Caliph, foiled by Loo III, vi.
435>
Muamxoluft (Euniu»), Patrician of Bur-
gundy, weans by which he obtained
office, v, 216; (Meat* tho Lombard*
on th«ir third invasion of (foul 571,
v. 217 j (IcfcAtH tho migrating Haxoun,
57*-573(?)» v. 190-192 ; dofoutfi tho
Iioiiibanlri on thoir fifth mva«i<»n
timltir tho three dula*B 575, v, ^19-
223; Inn nftor niruor, v. *jji4-2<iO;
hin <lt;tith, v* 226.
MunichiH, a Lombard of PHuli, hm
Mnratori ('Annali d'ltalia'), quoted, v.
368, vi. 341 «; on the Iron Crown,
vi. 570.
Mnrder, punishment for, increased by
Liutprand to confiscation of entire
property, vi. 395; ntrange cane of
incitement to, by a slave, vi. 407.
Murr, Theodore de, on tho Iron Crown,
vi. 572.
Mustiae Calmes, j>lace near Embrun,
scene of defeat of Lombards, v. 217.
N.
Naplw, not taken by the Lombards, v.
1(56 ; unsuccessfully besieged by Zutto,
vi.7i ; threatened by Arichis I, Duke
of Bonevento, v. 359, 362 ; party
spirit in, v. 424 ; Duke of, recover*
Ctixnao, vi. 443. See also Diu Nea-
poluos.
Napoleon, coronation of with Iron
(Irmvn, vi. 572.
Nariua (AV*r/n), frontier city between
JCoiaaim and Lombard*, v. 353 ; Pope
Grt'tfory^I'H letter to Biwhop of, v*
353 ; Ariulf quartered at (?), v. 354
(see note) ; captured by Trausamund
II (?), vi. 444; Pope ZacharinH met
by escort at, v5. 491.
Kursen, Patrician (called Exnrch by
Xheophanos), vi. 531-532 j his cam-
paigiiK a^aiiiht Leuthar and }iutilin,
v, i -48 ; his gtivonimont of Italy
555-5<>7» v. 49^ 67; present at Pe-
bgiuH I's dotiiul of having causwl
the douth of Vi^ilius, v. 53 ; recallotl
from Italy, v, 60 ; alleged invitation
of the IjaugoljftrUi into Italy, v. 61-
65 ; hin later history, v, 65 ; legend
as to hi a wealth, v, 66; Pela^iun I
ur#uH him to put down Rchiniu of
Paulinnit of Acjuilcia, v. 458 ; Prag-
matic Sanction &d<lre#»ed to, vi.
524.
NfvrfloH, general under Kmperor Mau-
rice, his friendHhip with Gregory I,
v. 295.
Nautioutumofl, forced nervice t>u Khip-
boanl (?), exacted iu Sicily by Con-
HtaiiH, vi, 280 n.
NaxoH, 1 Miami of, Pope Martin confined
at, for a ytfar, vL aCi,
Nemao (NM*)t 15 miles NW. of
(/tvi<lalo, Ht;ono of defeat of Arnc-
frit, vi. 3K&
Nepiv frontier town between KoiuauH
and I^onibardtf of Ktruria, v. 354;
lott«r of PiJpo (Iro^ory 1 to citi^ciiH
of, v. 354.
Ntnititria, w<j«tcrn half of Lombard
kingdom, \l. 310 n, 393 «; lirnt *n>-
of the ntvme, v* 214 n.
620
Index.
Nicephorus, Patriarch and historian,
vi. 339, 415-417 , collated with Theo-
phanes, vi. 380 n,
Nicetas, cousin of Heraclius, marches
from Carthage to the East for over-
throw of Phocas, vi. 6.
Nicetas, Bishop of Silva Candida, starts
with Pope Constantine for Constanti-
nople, but dies at Gallipoli, vi. 3/6.
Kicomedia, meeting of Justinian II
and Pope Constantine at, 711, vi.
37$.
Niebuhr, on Agathias, v. 5.
Non-Lombard population, allusions to
in laws of Liutprand, vi. 399.
Nordulf, Patrician, sent into Italy by
Maurice 590, v. 273 ; probably «*
JSTorduulfus referred to by Gregory
in letter to Maurice, v. 383 n.
Nordulf, Lombard general under Ariulf,
v. 360.
Novara, Ansprand defeated at, by Ra-
ginpert 700, vi. 320.
Nutriciua** foster-father or tutor, vi.
273 «.
0.
Obii (perhaps = Aviones), join the
Langobardi in invasion of Pannonia
(circa 165), v. 88.
Ochon, a king of the Heruli, murdered
by them, v. 113.
Octave, notes of, named from first
syllables of a hymn to John the
Baptist by Paulus Diaconus, v. 79.
Odin, through the stratagem of his wife
Freya, gives victory to Langobardi
over Vandals, v. 91-92.
Odovacar, his defeat of the Ruffians
alluded to, v. 97.
dies there 709, vi. 323.
Oghlou, Davoud, author of < Etf stoire de
la Legislation des Anciens Germains,*
Olfigand,' Prankish duke sent to Ex-
arch as ambassador 500, v. 27* n
Olo, Frankish general invade? Italy
590, v. 368; killed while besieging
Bellinzona, v. 258. *
Olympius, Exarch of Italy ($49-652,
™r257?? 535J Prevented from ar^
353°? ^Pe^artin» vi. 258; recon-
i of Damascus, forbids
, >ii& wine, vi, 429.
S^ft:***™1**™**™
Origo Gentis Lftngoharil»>nnn
668-669% described, v. rtS-fw;; f
v. 90 n, 91 «, 92 «, 94 w, 96 it,
283 n, 2^4 M, 285 n.
Orvieto (UrUs VctwO, wrvHf* il l»y
Lombardfl from the Knipin- hi
vi. 107.
Osiino (Auximuni), ttikunlty f J
vi. 454.
Osso, Imperial ^oneral in Italy, x*.
Ostrogothio kingK, <u;l« of
finned, and c»f main*
Justinian, vi. 519 -520.
Ostrogoths, Innt rcitnuiut of, car
captive t<> (IonKtnntiii<»|»li« 555, v.
Otranto (Hydruntuiu)r nMinii'iunl
perijil at Loiubnnl coiitjiii'Hty \ i*
517.
tlu-
605,
hy
Pabst, his liwh of th<k I
v,i87w; quotHil, v. 3475 vi. 44 »,
1 64, 459 «, 568.
Padtut (^Pataviuiu), not fnkrh l»y I, tin
LorubnnlH in firnt in\ft4iuttf v." j/i^ j
captured )»y A^ilulf 601 , v . 4 ;«j.
Pallinanii, '(Jcsdiitfhto 4J<T Volkrr*
^/ «H to Heruli, v, 104 ,
PamphroniiiH, I'atritMtin, nm!«»H(uii|nr
from tho KomauH to th«* Kmiirrnr. v»
196, 197,
P«,ncratiu»,Ht.,<!hnrch of, on Uw ,?»»»
oulan, v. 53.
Papal Election, inifrrujiliit hy I,tuiiluiri I
ravageH, v. 193; tIin]Mtti a, vi, ^
354? JKxaroVH couHriimtiMit of* ti,
53^.
Papal Suprornftoy, ^mjihuii*' r»-tti»^iH.
tion of, l»y biutpmnrl, vi. ,104,
Pamia, Imperial gt>m»rtilH ixttiii-);**, v, * \\
Biegoof, abantioia'd, v, 34 ; rt«cou'«v»l
from the JwonibartU \>y Kxitrch |{,j.
inamiH 590, v. 273.
Paschal, Arclaleacon, <!amtiauttt for
Papacy, vi. 85 '-.W. J»ra<'tim»N ril*'«
of divination and i« «|OT«WI|. vik
-D 354>
Pastor, a blind ofll^r, riwivw of PutHt
Gregory's oharity.vL^i 6.
Patayium (JTWu/i) taken mtil l*urni by
Agilulf, v, 429; vl 515. J
ratrfch* XroaiHfiw, tillif of, v, ji6«.
Patnmony of Ht I'totor, v. 3oK- joy ; lit
Mmvotite, WM^ ,i p n;; VWHI
by Anpert II, y. 334; ««,nfinii»ti«,i,
. h»
teicily , rwottWMMi of, con«tH^U«l hy
at6 A J> V1\f 3 ? ftt NimU *ml < W«4
uumnaand Vni!l» *
y
i »i
Gregory to md h«r hi*
Index.
621
v« 377 1 miracles wrought by his
corpse, v. 578.
Paul, Monothelete Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, vi. 17; intercedes for
Pope Martin, vi. 266 ; condemned by
Sixth Council, vi, 346.
PaulinuH, Patriarch of Aquilcia 558-
570, robdH againnt the Pope in' the
matter of the Three Chapters, v. 458 ;
flees from Aijuileia to Cirado, v, 458.
Paulitio AnnfestiiH, citiasun of Ikmuil-a,
flint duke of Vunctia, vi. 485-486.
PauluH, father of Emperor JMaurieu, v,
259.
Panhw, Patrician and Exarch, vi. 537 ;
Kanctioiw plot against lift' of <«regory
II, vi. 448; prevented by ilomaiiH
and Lombards from attacking the
Pope, vi. 448; anathematised by in-
Hiirgcnt IlaliaiiH, vi. 449 ; killed (7 37;
apparently in SiiHurrtftion at Ha-
v<mna, vi. 453.
PauluH (of uncertain identity, makes
a collection of Home of the* IctUrri of
Pope Gregory I, v. ;,4O 7,41.
PanltH, t'ttitttlitfian of Kmpcror Leo
HI, HU|tprc«wM rebellion of IStutil-
TiberhiH, vi. 4*8.
PaultiM, Schohwtiuu*, letter of Pope
Gregory 1 to, v. 351.
Pauhw JtfncouuK (PanI Warnefnd or
Pauhw Levita), circa 725 795, the
hiHtorian of the Lombards, )UH life,
chnractcr und writing**, v. 70 So;
pedigree of, v. 71 ; tells thc< Satfii of
tho Lan^;obftr<Ht v. 90 97; <»n tho vul-
lierulillity of Italy from the tiorih-
wwt, vi. 161 M; quoted* v. 61, y6i nf
2X4 71, 3X5 /<, 405 1 ,t HMMIM ; hiri
Htyli1 (toinparcd with that of (tn^ory
of Tourn, v.193 H ; life of Popf Gregory
1, V. 379; Hptritueu of hin way of
tuiiulnniit^ Itm authoriticn, vi. 31 ;; ;
dopcndoiujr of on Scmindun of Trient,
\i. 35, 149; HngA of (iriuiwuld, vi.
55 ; sU*ry of IUH aunmtorH, vi. 55-58 ;
renmrkH on their K*'"wd«»gyt vi, 58 ti ;
ait to <!at« of (hfKtructioa of Monte
('juwino, vL 74/ij ixnornnuu tif Uu»
reignof Ariwnlt), vi. 149; hixopmioiiH
cm ArlamUm, vl. 167 ; ina<i«ur»ei<'H in
hm a<u:uunt of HoiUalt^ vi* 241 //;
<llwirepattoy between him and Tlwo-
phancH an to revolt of MimitiH, vi,
uKj/j; mtctjunt of Jtul^ariau HuLtli-
nieut Su t«rrit<iry <if H«'iievonto, vi.
1*84 ^85 ; iiiuttako an to ( 'anut
«(*armiutiun, vi, »88 H j an to
,.
UH to coiiqucnt and reuojuquuht of
ICaViitiuii, vt. 483; cloning H<?nteutteH
UK to clmratftiT of I/ttttpratnl, vi, 500 ;
jut to Lombard laud tfettleateut and
condition of Uoman» under the Lom-
bards, vi, 580-585.
Paria (Ticinum), siege and capture of,
by Allwin, 569-572, v. 262-163;
chohcn as the Lombjird capital, v.
164 ; earlieatuifcof the naTael'ttpia^;,
vi. i66>i ; gate of Mareuca aty vi.
241 ; gate called 1'aIatietiMH, built
by Perctarit, vi. 305 ; Church of St.
Adrian at, vi. 498; Monastery of
St. Agatha at, vi. 303 ; Church of
St. AmbroHe at, vi. 291 ; Church of
John tho Uaptirit af., \i. ^,12; f?on-
\erit of St. Mary Throdote at, \i.
306; Church of Virgin -Mary, out-
Hiile wallH of, vi. 303, 473 ; Chim-h of
St. Michael at, vi. 313, 469 ; Church
of St. Komanuft at, vi. 315; Church
of the Sa\iour at, vi. 241, 305, 325 ;
fori'rit of * the ( 'ity,' in nH^hbouriiood
of, vi. ;to6, 3<>rt,
Paviiij Synitd of, v. 4X3; ^i. 303. 319.
IN-laniiM I, Pop*- 555 561 ; .hihtinian'M
ritndiilatri'orlhi' Papacy, v. 51 ; i-arly
carei-r of, v. 5^; UCCUMM! of cauhiu;r
<l4-ath of \'igiliu«, v. 52 ; in IAWM*
<»f Nur«<'Hatti'«tH hwinnoctfiice, v. 53 ;
urgvH NarwM to «uppn»MH ritlxtlHim of
] 'a til i HUH of A<|ttUem, v, 458.
P<4agiu« 1 1, Pojm 579 5«jot HOII of Viiti-
gild, v, 195 ;/j (*tion«ai RH Pop**, v. <
\\, 93 ; write* to lii,4li»»p AuuiMtlui
complaining of tin? LowbardH, v.
api>ointH <»ntgory hw Apo«ri«iavi«H, v.
vyi ; iiiHtruutH <<r<-gory to bring tho
mifttirit'H of July und«ir tho notico of
Kutporor Mauriiu*, v* 240; hi* attempt
to (ihango the Hilv<»r canopy over St.
IVU-r'n tomb, v. .178 ; objYuU to tin*
title Krmncniral htMliop, v. 393; con«
Hcnts that Urntlo Hhall be called 4 tho
n<'W Aquilfia/ v, 461 ; cjorreHpondenn'
with KlittH, Patriarch of Aijuilcin, a*t
to the Throe <lhaptei'M (J«>ntroverHy»
v. 46^-467; di«*H of {H^Lilfncf, v. ^71,
29»S; wr tthu vi. 5^ and f^w.
Penuno, Uuko of Kriuli 705 731 ^0» vi.
,T^a .134; hin plain wife and noblo
HOIIH, vi. 333; IUH whool of cliiviilry,
v>« .Vi.i! hin rtluir Hlab, vi. 333-334;
armtU nnd imprmonn Patriarch "<'al-
linttiK, vi. 468; in depowetl by Lint-
prainl, vi. 469.
PenUpoiiN ( Rimini, Penan), Fano,
Sitiigaglia and AmsoMtt), vi. 5 16 ; not
taken by tho IjonthardH, v. 165 ; tukru
by Mutprand 7«»7»yi. 454; Liutprand
abiding at Pillmm in, vi. 48 {,
Pcouhm, Count of Auxcrn% Hwindlud by
hw HUU MununoluH, v. 216.
Pttrc.tarit, wm of Ari]it«rb, King i>f th(*
LoinluirdM, j(/iatly with ( «odopurt66i"-
66 j, vi* 444 ;
622
vi. w fleea to the
GrimwJd's usurpation of the
dom, vi. 244; returns to *ty>J£
TA» - reconciled, doomed to death,
elapesTthe Franks, vi. 247-250;
»d by a vision returns to My
on the death of Grimwald, «n. 302 ,
Jus second reign 6?*-688 , yi. 3°£
.05 ; his dealings with Alahis Duke
of Went, vi. 304; *** and burial
Peredeo, Chiimberlain of Alboin,v. 169;
compelled to assist in his master s
murder, v. 170 ; legend as to his death
at Constantinople, v. 173. ,
Peredeo, Duke of Vicenza, defeats the
Romans at Bologna, vi. 483; slain in
Yenefcian recapture of Bavenna, vi.
483, 488-
Peregrinus, see Cetheus.
Persia, war of Heraclius with, vi. 9-11 ;
conquest of, by Saracens, vi. I3;
Personal Law, vi. 400 ; germs of, in the
Lombard state, vi. 592; developed
under Charles the Great and his suc-
cessors, vi. 593.
Perticas, Ad (The Poles), Lombard
cemetery at, near Pa via, vi. 303 n;
curious custom connected with, vi.
303 n,
Perusia (Perugia), not taken by the
Lombards in 572, v. 165 ; captures
and recaptures of, v. 367-368 ; * that
Perugia might be held, Rome was
left unguarded,* v. 386; Gregory
•writes to the bishop of, about the
shivering Ecclesius, v. 449 ; Agatho,
Duke of, tries to take Bologna from
the Lombards, vi. 483.
Pestilence, in Italy 566 (?), v. 167;
in 599, v. 426 ; about 690, vi. 316.
Petasius, pretender to the Empire un-
der the name of Tiberius 730, vi.
459 ; defeated and slain, vi. 460.
Peter, St., basilica of, at Rome, v. 53 ;
key from the body of, sent by Pope
Gregory I to Recared, v. 325 ; also to
John t&e Patrician, v. 351 ; also to
Theoctista and Theodore, v. 408; dies
natalis^Jime 29(2), v.^6 n ; mira-
cles wrought by his dead body, v. 378,
408.
Peter, Monothelete Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, condemned by Sixth
Council, vi. 346 n.
Peter the Patrician (sixth century),
paragraph in his history relating to
the Langobardi, v. 88 ; copyist from
Dio.Cassiim, v. 88 n.
Peter appointed Dm Romae by Philip-
picus, vi. 385. *
Peter, sonofMu
vi. 331.
Index.
Peter, Duke (of the Empire), amim»»i
of calumniating tho l*op« Aiulhlimfoii,
Peter, Biahop of A It) mint, I«tri»n
Schismatic, reeou<-iltj<l to th*j IN'jMJ
Peter,' Arch-preHliyter, Paj-ni cMi<li*
date 686, vi. 349-
Peter, deacon, interlocutor of C»ri»jjfi»ry I
in tho * 3 )ijilu#u«'H,' v. 45 1 » *. hi* niory
about tho ftocrwl <lov« tli/it whi«|«»ri'«i
in the civr of Wn^'ory 1, v. 451*
Peter, Hubtleacon, H«5«tor of th«
Patrimony in Sicily, v. 3 1 o ; ( » r
letters to him, v, 310-318 ;
v. 318.
Peter, Kranumiritm at court of < I
tho Great, v. 75.
Petra Pertvwi (Pttiam <li Fttrfa', taki-ri
by the Tx)jnbanls, v. 164.
Petrrmax of JJmieia, wwti»f«* itioiiivi^'ry
of Monto Ciuwino, vi, 4^1.
Phamigoritt, bv ntmitH of Y rniknU% .1 <w*
tinian H taiin rwfugo ill, vi* 365.
PhUemuth, livrulinn ehfvf, fixlitif «»i» ih*»
side of the Kni)tiro Mid thf {rftn^u*
bardi uj^ainHt tin; Ofptdrt*', v, j J«;,
PhilipplcuH, wm-iu- Uw of Kt«j*«»r»»r
Maurico, interview with hi* f*i!mr*
in-law, v. 43«S,
Phllippicufl (iSanltixiuM^ Ktn|M*Mr 711
713, early hi»tt*ry of, vi. 381 ; «!»•*
thr<»noa JuKtiniAik IIg vi. JHi-^Nj;
a MonothcloUv vi. 3X4 ; r*?v«U
ag-aiiiyt hi« authority iu H<»m«% vi,
385 ; <lep<>Htx!t v!, 385-386.
Phocas, Emperor 6oa-6io, A rviiturion
acclnimod an Kxar^h iry matiri'MiH
soldiew, v. 435; MwUiuittl Kn»»
peror, v. 440 ; ptiU Munrioo Ami *U
hi« family to <luutht v. ^40*^41 ; hi**
character, v. 441 ; hi* tetter* t*» th*«
Senate and people* of Honn% v. ^44 ;
receivefi c<mgr&tulAti<»n« of J Vp«? Gre-
gory J, v, 442-447 ; <j(»nfinim j»ri.
macy of Ht?o of I^mie, v, 402 ; fivw-
thrown aud alain t»y H«ir^lhMt vi,
7; <3i«ta«y to, from A#UtiU»trf. 107;
column raiwod in hiff honour ttt U<ntM>
fomichis, Duke of Friuli,
*
Bomfaco IV, vi. 494 M;
raised to him at Carfch
dns, vi. 534.
Plmlcaria, Kin* of tho HwulJ,
hia defeat and tlt»ath» v. 3,
Pilleus (/VJWMI/^O ia th«
vi. 483.
PimoniuH, Itinhop of Anrnlfi^
rover; rabukod by Urvgiuy
404.
Pinton, l**of., - Vonarfuni
* Pippin of
v. It
Jf v,
Index.
623
deserts Brunichildis and joins Chlo-
tochar 613, vi. no.
Pippin the Middle (' Pippin of Heri-
stal'), leaves the Mayoralty of the
Palace to his infant son, vi. 420.
Pippin 'the Short/ son of Charles
Martel, adopted by Liutprand as
fil'ius per arma, vi. 474.
Pippin, son of Charles the Great, his wars
\vith Avars, Lombards of Benevento,
and Moors of Corsica, celebrated by
Codex Gothanus, v. 149-150.
Pifiannrai (Pewro), Artabanes and
^Uldac quartered at, v. 54.
Pitto, armed champion of Queen Gun-
diperga, slavs her traducer Adalulf,
•vi. 163.
Placontia (Pwcentft), not taken by the
Lombards in 569, v. 165 ; captured
by Exarch in 590, v. 273; Pope
Zacharias arrives at, 743, vi. 496,
Plato, Exarch of Italy about 646-649,
vi. 257 w, 267 ; converted Pyrrhus
from Monotheletism, vi. 535.
Pluto, Cura Palatii at Home, father of
Pope John VII, vi. 364.
Pleetmdo, widow of Pippin, imprisons
Charles Martel, vi. 421.
Pliny, quoted as to Gallic soap, vi.
281 w.
Poictiers, Charles Martel's defeat of the
Saracens at, 732, vi. 430,
Polimartiuin (fhmarzo\ recovered by
KoirianiiB from the Lombards 592,
v. 366; wrested by lautprand from
2)i(Catus Jiomae, vi. 475 ; Transa-
inund fail* to restore, vi. 480; re-
stored by LintpraiMl, vi. 494.
Poll-tax ordered by Leo HI, vi. 465.
I'olyclironhiH tries to work a mirnclo on
huhalf of Mouothcleto doctrines, vi.
S45*
Pope, care of weights and measures
assigned to him jointly with tho
Senate by Justinian, vi. 524; his
election confirmed by tli<j Kniperor,
afterwards by tho Kxarch, vi. 530.
Popes, succession of, vi. 138 n, 340, 387,
Poaidonia (Pue*tnm) not tnkon by tho
Lombards, v. 166; vi. 517.
PratficHt* per Italww, PrcMfcctud
JPrattorw, decay and disappearance
of tht'ir office, vi. 528 71*
Prtwfectw (fi'lis, vi. 528 ».
Pra«toxtfttUH, Hirthop of Kouon, marries
Morovech and Urunichildis 575, v»
211.
3'mtfniatic Sanction, <lecrc<M)f J UHtinian
554» v- 5°,J vi. 519-526; documeut
bwir'n^ thin nfttuo grunt o< I by Alboiu
to Bishop of TroviHo, v. i(5o.
Pruiidiurin, prison of, at Co
vi. z(>z.
Prefect of the City, office of, filled by
Gregory, v. 289.
Prices in Italy under the Lombard rule,
yi. 413-414.
Primigciiius, orthodox Patriarch of
Grado, vainly seeks restoration of
stolen treasures of his church, v.
483.
Probinus, Patriarch of Aquileia 570-
571, v. 459.
Probus, Al>bot, representative of Gre-
gory I at tho Lombard Court, v. 413,
416, 420.
Procopius of Cae^area, historian (sixth
century), his horror of the Heruli,
v. 165, 113; his account of the wars
of the Langobardi with the Hortili,
v. 103-112 ; his description of Thule,
v. 114; as to territorial redistribu-
tion of 547, v. 123 ; lost or imwritton
treatise on theological squabble of
Christians, v. 132 n; as to deriva-
tion of Beneyentum, vi. 64 n ; his
office as Comllmrius, vi. 538.
Procopius, ConHiliurius of EloutheriuH,
vi. 539 n.
Pronulfus, Count, at Court of Authari,
v. 262 ?i.
Pro8periContmuatioHavnienHl«fquotedf
v. 64, 1 68 n, 1 86 », 218 », 219 »,
235 w, 28411, 371 ; vi. 155 n.
Proverbs, Kornan, quoted by Pope Gre-
gory I, y. 376^.
rovidcntius,
Provid
reconciled to the Pope 595, v* 474*
*ackmon~ satchel, vi. 264.
Ptolemy, geographer, circa 100-161, aa
to early geographical position of
Langobardi, v. 81 w.
PuMieus, representative of tho king (?),
vi. 402, 410.
Tugna, battle at, between Mitola and
Constans, vi. 275.
Putcoli ( - Ilorroa t), (Httulf of Buno-
vento encamps at, vi. 336.
Pyrrlms, Moxtothelote i'atriarch of
Constantinople, vi. 17, 257 «; ex-
communictttod by l>opw Tlieodoro, vi,
255 ; succeeds Paul as J'afcriarch Ctluj
Rocoitd timu*), vi. 266 ; condemned by
Hixth Council, vi. 346.
Q.
Quirn*8oxtai) (Vmncil (in Trullo\ vi.
t vi. 55^-553.
Quit/iuaim on JJaviiriun htHtory, v. 10,
K.
, (Inunborlain of Chi hid mrt, am-
UonHtatitinopht, v, 259.
624
Index.
Radwald, son of Gisulf II of Eriuli,
escapes from the Avars, vi. 53 ; leaves
ITriuli for Benevento, vi. 60, 79 ; de-
feats Sclavonics at Sipontum, vi. 81;
Duke of Benevento 642-6*47, vi. 81.
Ragamund, Frankish nobleman, escort
of Columba/nus, vi. 123.
Rngilo, defeated by Chramnichis at
Campus Rotalianus, vj. 28.
Raginpert, King of the Lombards, son
of Godepert, concealed after his
father's death, yi. 343; dethrones
Liutpert 700, vi. 320; dies in the
same year, vi. 320.
Raginpert, son of Gumpert, grandson of
Raginpert, King of the Lombards,
governor of Orleans, vi. 326.
Raguaris, the Hun, holds fortress of
Cainpsa against Narses 554, v. 47 ;
his treachery and its punishment, v,
47-48.
Handing, Frankiah duke, sent as am-
bassador to Exarch 590, v. 273 n.
Rauke, Leopold v., on conversion of
Germanic nation*, vi. 423.
Banning, ga*tahl of Toscanella, part of
escort of Pope Zacharias, vi. 404.
Ratchait, sou of Pemino, Duke of Friuli,
vi« 333 ; arreati'd, oil his father's
deposition, vi. 469.
BatchiB (King of tho Lombards 744-
749"), PauluH Diaconun at his court,
v. 71 » retireH to a monaHtcry, v. 72 ;
son of JL'cimno, Puke of Friuli, vi.
333 » made dnke in hi« father's stead ;
vi. 468 ; prevents Aiatulf from mur-
dering Liutymml, vi. 469 ; hi* attack
on the &clov(jnefl of Caraiola, vi. 469 ;
presunt at battle of Metaurus, vi.
480-48 1.
Ratporga, wifo of Pemino, her ugliness
and meekness, vi. 333.
Ravenna, not takun by the Lombards,
v. 165 : mosaic of Constantino Pogo-
natus and his brother at, vi. 347 ;
Justinian II's vengeance upon, vi.
372-3745 tumults at, vi. 375; be-
sieged, but apparently not taken, by
Liutprand, circa 725. vi. 444 ; tumults
and civil war in consequence of Icono-
clastic decrees, vi. 453 ; discussion as
to its con<iuo3t l>y the Lombards
under Liutprand and recovery by the
Venetians, vi. 482-483, 488-490 ;
Liutprand resumes operations against,
vi. 495 ; inhabitants of, go forth to
meet Zacharias, vi. 496 ; mercantile
transactions at, vi. 511, 558.
'Ravenna, Annals of (Excerptum
Sangallense), v. 64.
Ravenna, Geographer of, v. loo n.
Rawed (Richaredus, Kecoared), Visi-
gothiic King of Spain, takes the title
Plavius, v. 234; betrothed to Olilo-
dosinda of Australia, v. 236 ; puts
his brother's murderer to death, v.
257 ; renounces Arianism, v. 257 ;
publication of 'Athanasian Creed'
attributed to, v. 258,- betrothed to
Begunthis : marries Baddo, v. 258 ;
correspondence of Pope Gregory I
with, v. 324-326 ; negotiations \\ii\\
the Emperor, v. 325.
.Sector** steward of Church property, v,
309 n. t
2£egiona,ritL8y relieving officer in Rome,
v. 287.
Begunthis, daughter of Chilperic of
Neuatria, betrothed to Becared of
Spain, v. 258.
Bents of peasants on the Papal Patri-
mony, how paid, v. 313-314.
Boparatus, Archbishop of Ravenna, re-
ceives Primlegmm from Constautiuc
IV, vi. 347.
Rouna (Itayo.
Ansfiit, usurping
Duke of iMuli, comes from, vi. 328.
Rhegiuin (Reggio, on the Po), rocovored
from the Lombards by ICxurch lio-
manus 590, v. 273.
Riviera, cities of, taken by Bothari, vi.
i(58, 518,
Rivus Alt us (Rial to), modern city of
Venice not founded till tSio, vi. 485.
Rodan, Lombard duko, invades (laul
in concert with £abaii and Anio
575> v. 219 ; bewieges Gronoblc, v,
221 ; is wounded and retreats toHuwa,
V. 221-222.
Rodeliuda, first wife of Audoin, mother
of Alboin, v. 131 w, 134.
Bodelinda, wifo of Perctarit, after her
husband's dethronement sent to
Benevento, vi. 244 ; builda Church of
the Virgin at Pavia, vi, 303.
Rodulf, King of tho Horuli, war with
Tato, King of the Laiigobardi, v. 97 ;
Procopius* account of this war, v.
106-107; Paulus* account, v. 108-
n I ; draught-playing on the battle*
field j v. 109.
Bodwald, son of Rothari, King of the
Lombards 652, vi. 241 ; assasHmatod,
vi. 341.
Bodwald, Duke of Friuli, ousted by
Ansfrit, yi. 328.
Mogtt, soldiers' extra pay, v. 361 «.
Roman Law, alluded to in Liutprand'a
law * de Scribis,' vi. 399.
'Roman person,' meaning of, in Prag-
matic Sanction, vi. 521.
Roman population of Italy, condition of,
under the Lombards, vi. 579-503.
Romany ancilla, * seduction of; sole
allusion to Romans in laws of Bo-
than, vi. 204.
Index.
Romania* Eastern Empire 655, vi. 268.
Bomanus, Erareh 589-597 (?), v. 263,
468, vi. 533 ; fails to co-operate with
Frankish generals in attack on the
Lombards 590, v. 269 ; negotiations
with Dukes Grasulf and Gisulf, vi.
48; his story of the failure, v. 271-
274; alleged indifference to defence
of Latium and Campania, v. 359;
impertinence to Pope Gregory I, v.
361 ; marches to Rome : recovers
towns taken by the Lombards 592,
v. 366 ; referred to in letter of Gre-
gory, v. 369 », 403 ; dies 596 or 597,
v. 409,
Icomanus, guardsman, carries head of
Justinian II to Uome, vi. 382.
Rome, seven ecclesiastical regions of,
v. 299-301; chief churches of, v.
299-301 ; inundations at 589, v. 260 ;
security of, in the midst of the Lom-
bard ravages, v. 412 ; a holy place of
pilgrimage, v.413 ; Emperor OonHtanw
U visits, vi. 277-279 ; HjKiliation of,
by Constant, vi. 278; Panthoon con-
verted into church of »S. Maria ad
Martyres, vi. 494; Pantheon roof,
tileu carried off by (Joastans, vi. 278 ;
tumult at, on attempted arrest of
Popo HiTgiiw, vi. 358; tumult on
visit of JHIxarch Thoophylact, vi. 364 ;
visits of Anglo-Saxon kingH to, vi. 31 7,
323 j poom on degradation of, vi. 34 1 j
lamentation in, ovt«r death of Jus-
tinian II, vi. 383 ; civil war in, on
accession of I'hilippicuH, v!. 385.
Uomjlda, wife of Uisulf II, betrays
Fnuli to tho Avars, vi. 52 ; her pun-
ishment, vi. 153,
llomwald I, win of Oimwaltl, Duko of
Itctiovoiito 662, vi. 242 j hard preflHtid
by OoiiHtans 6Y>3, vi. 273; Bends Hus-
wald to axle IIIH father for aid, vi.
274 ; nutki'H a truce with Coutttaun,
vi. 275 ; defeats Haburrua at Korino,
vi. 275 ; HoUlen liulgarianH in law terri-
tory, vi. 284 ; do&ccndantfl, vi. 334 ;
flubducH Tarentmn and Brundiftiuni,
vj» 335*
Komwald H, I)uko of Bcnovcnto 706-
730, vi. 335 ; taken stronghold of
(JmiiHe, circa 717, vl. 443; death of,
73° U)> vi. 470.
Kowwwmd, <laught<jr of (Junimnml,
King of tho (iepidau, nocond wife of
Alboin, v. 139; aHHiwHinatoK Alboin,
v. 168-171; flitm to Ravenna, v.
172 ; death of, v. 172.
noHuianuin (ttoMwntt), reiuainud Im-
perial at Lombard con<iutMt, vi.
76.
Hotcitri, LoiubAnl geuonil, (luft;n<lM !**»*
l«*gna, vi. 48^,
VOL. VU H !
Eothari, King of tho Lombards 636-
652, Duke of Brescia, raised to tho
throne by Gundiperga, who marriwa
him, vi. 165; pedigree of, vi. 167,
177; an Arian, vi. 167; imprisons
Gundiperga and holds high revel in
his palace, vi. 165; liberates Gimdi-
pergn, vi. 166; his conquests in the
Kiviera and Venetia, vi. 168 ; relation
of the Origo to his Code, v. 68 ; em-
bassy of Aio, »on of Aricliis, to, vi.
79; his lawH, vi. 174-238; Tope
Martin accused of asking 1m help
against CouHtaus, vi. 257 ; denth
652, vi. 241 ; story as to plunder
of his grave, vi. 241.
Rothari, counin of Liutprand, conH}>ircfl
against him and i.s slain, vi. 391.
Kotharit, 1 >uke of I$eigftmot fights for
Lintpert against Ari^>ert II, vi. 320 ;
defeated, imprisoned, and 8l»in, vi.
321.
KubciH, I)o (Ifuninnenfa JScrft'&ifti'.
Ayuiltywitii* (» quotwl, v. 457, 459 w,
461 nt 469 nt vi. 37, 38, 44 n.
RubouB (Hintory of JUvcunn), quoted,
v. 367 w, vi. 153 «.
Hugilutid, entered by the Langobanli,
v. 97.
HuinetriHln, <langht<»r of Tuto, Kh»g of
tho fjangobardi, hi»r erti«l ntv^u^s <*»
tho Jtornitim prince, v. 109, 118.
KiiHtidmia, a gr^at lady of OunHtauti-
nople, invitwl to Uomo by Urt«gory 1,
v. 412 ; fellow-Huiferur fr<.nigout with
Gregory, v. 448 «, 449 w.
S,
SabinianiiH, Popo ^04*606, nipn?8enta*
tivo of (irogory I at ( *otuf(nuthutplo
595, v. 394 ; iiiado JNjjw on (iregory'n
<L(«vth, v. 450; cavilH at Uregory'H
UlKirality, v. 450,451 ; utrnngc wt<»ry
about IUK death, v. 450.
HabfmiK, St. (died 566), iniraeulouH in-
terjiowtion of, on behalf of Ariulf, v.
365 ; tomb of, tliflooverod by a Hpani-
anl, < Gregory, vi. 299.
HabumiH (I^SaboriuHj, noble of C<w-
«fcantzno]>lo, dcfuaU'<l by Komwald tvt
Forino, vi. 375.
uH Lord 1 1 igh TruaHtiwr, pro-
at trial of Popo Martin, vi.
(noarly
inKtitutiou of muong l^ouibanlH, vi,
224-^30,
tfttcrttwrnftnn id«»l» or f<:tij*h, vi, 407.
tttkw part in batttoof Kra«k« ngninnt
v. ^17; pttt to dttath by
626
Index.
Sagornhms, see Joannes Diaconus.
Sainte-Marthe, Dom Denis de, Editor
of Pope Gregory Ts letters, v. 333.
Salopian Bridge, guarded by Lombards
of Spoleto against the Exarch, vi.
448.
Salerno, won from the Empire by the
Lombards (circa, 640), vi. 77.
Salinga, Herulian princess, wife of
Waccho, King of the Langobardi, v.
118,120.
Salonius, bishop of Embrun, takes part
in battle of Franks against Lombards
571, v, 217; twice deprived of his
see and reinstated, v. 218.
Saltarws— forester, vi. 578.
Salum, on the Adige, scene of defeat
of Ohramnichis by Duke Euin, vi.
28.
Samnite Duchy* Duchy of Benovento,
explanation of the term, vi. 68, 76.
Samnium, ex-governor of, relieved by
Pope Gregory I, vi. 527 n.
Sanctulus, presbyter of province of
Nursia, stories told by Gregory I of
his miracles and martyrdom, vi. 98-
99.
Sangro river, Grrimwald arrives at, on
his way to raise the siege of Bene-
vento, vi. 374.
Sansi Aehille, author of < I Duchi di
Spoleto,' vi. 83, 92 n.
Sant' Angelo, castle of, legend con-
cerning, v. 302.
' Sapphics,' written by St. Columbanus,
vi. 135-137.
Saracens, their conquests in seventh
century, vi. 11-13; chief dates of
invasions of Italy and Sicily, vi.
1 1-12 n ; battles of Constans II with,
vi. 253-254 ; schism in the Caliphate,
vi. 254 ; in Sicily opposed by Olym-
pius, vi. 258 ; again in Sicily, vi.
27971; lose Carthage to Constans,
vi. 280; sack Syracuse after death of
Constans, vi. 283 ; invade Gaul and
hold Septimania for half a century,
vi. 419 ; defeated by Eudo of Aqui-
taine and by Charles Martel, vi.42o;
unsuccessful siege of Constantinople
717-718, vi. 427; Liutprand's expe-
dition against, in Provence, vi. 475 ;
invade Sardinia, vi. 499.
Sardinia, Popo Gregory I'a letters to the
clergy of, v. 322 ; under Exarch of
Africa, v. 414 ; in danger from the
Lombards 598, v. 414 ; soldiers come
from, to Sicily, to put down URurpa-
tion of Mizi/JuH, vi. 283 ; invaded by
Saracens, vi* 499. Sec also vi. 518.
Savigny, F. C. von (' GeHchichte des
llomiHchen Ilechts im Mittulnlter'),
vi. 512, 565 j as to continuance of
Curiae, vi. 514, 557-560; as to con-
dition of Romans under Lombards,
vi. 581-582.
Savios=Sublavio«$e&£n, in valley of
Eisach, a Lombard town (?), vi.
3271; its bishop, Ingenuinus, inter-
cedes for Yerruca, vi. 3271.
Saxons, in army of Alboin, v. 156;
their emigration from Italy, v. 189 ;
their invasions of Prance, v. 190-192,
their brass medals passed off aa gold,
v. 192%; their defeat by the Swa-
bians who had occupied their land, v.
192-193.
Scandalum •» outrage in church or
palace, how punished by Lombard
laws, vi. 182 ; outrage on a woman,
vi. 408.
Scandinavia (or Scadanan), description
of by Paulus and the Origo, v, 90 ;
migration of Langobardi from, v. 99.
Scauniperga, wife of Gisulf II of Btme-
vento, vi. 471.
Schlosser (' Geschiohte der BilderstUr-
monden Kaiser'), vi. 417 ; his esti-
mate of the Isaurian Emperora, vi.
417.
Schmidt, Dr. Ludwig (' Zur Geschiohto
der Langobardcn '), v. 81 n, 88 n ; as
to early settlements of Langobardi, v.
142-143-
Scholastics, Exarch, vi, 537 j ordered
to lay fresh taxes on Italy (?), vi. 446.
Schubert, von, estimate of AgathiiiH,
v. 5 ; history of tho Alainanni, v. 10 w.
Sclavoniana, followed Allioin into Italy ,
v. 156; victories of Imperial troops
over, v. 476.
Sclavonians (Sclovenes), neighbours of
Duchy of Friuli, vi. 44, 57; invado
Apulia 642, defeat Aio, vi, 8o-8t;
are defeated by Eadwald, vi. Hi ;
Columbnnus thinks of visiting, vi.
129; wars with Lombards of tfriuli,
vi. 288-289, 329-331.
Scoringa, first settlement of the Lango-
bardi after migration from Scandi-
navia, v, 92; probably*- Bardengau,
on the left bank of the Elbe, v. 100.
Scritobini, nation in the north of
Sweden, described by Paul us, v. 91 n.
Sculcaen* sentinels, v. 359.
SculdahiKj magistrate, office of, vi.
578-579-
Scultenna (Panaro), battle of, between
Rothari and the Romans of Ravenna,
vi. 168.
Sebastian, Bishop of Sirmium (1 Besi-
num), Gregory writes to, complain-
ing of tho Exarch, v. 403.
SecunduB, Ecclosia«tic of Trient (died
612), hiw lost book 'Do Langobar-
dorum GeBtis,' v. 69-70 ; his Bilenco
Index.
627
as to Childcbert's invasion of 588,
v. 261 n ; baptizes the young prince
Adalwalcl 603, v. 430 ; his influence
on Theudelinda in connection with
the Three Chapters Controversy, v.
457> 480 ; allusion to in Gregory's
letter to Theudelinda, v. 480 ; Paulus
Diaconus as to date of his death, v.
480 ?/ ; quotation from, by Paulus
Diaconus, vi. 31 ».
Semnones, neighbours and allies of the
Langobardi, v. 81, 87.
Senate of Constantinople, shares in the
government of Constans II, vi. 253.
Senate of Homo, care of weights and
measures assigned to it by J ustinian,
vi. 524; note on continued existence
of into the ninth century, vi. 561-
5<>3*
Senior UrM# (Carthaginis) « Profoctus
Urbin (?), v. 265 n.
SennodiiiH, *0ptiinute* of Aiwtrasia,
ambasnador to Constantinople, v.
259.
Sono, Deacon of Church of St. John,
expoHos himself to death for Cnziino-
pert at battle of tho Adda, vi* 312 ;
buried before the gates of St, J ohn,
vL 314,
Sepiimm, town of Samnium, assigned
to Bulgarian settlors by Kornwald, vi.
284.
Boptimania, conquest of, by tho Sara-
cens, vi. 419.
Seromis, Patriarch of Aqniloia (or
Forum Jnlii), receives yrt Ilium from
Gregory IJ, vi. 466; warned to re-
spect tho rights of G ratio, vi. 467.
Sergius, Pope 687-701, vi. 352 363;
early history of, vi. 352 ; ^looted
Pope, vi. 352 ; forced to pay 100 11 >s.
of gold to the Kxuroh, vi. 353 ; refuses
to accept tho decrees of tho Quini-
sextnn Council, vi, 356; Justinian
ll's futilo attempt to arrest him, vi.
357; couvunefl synod of Aquileia
about Three Chapters Controversy,
vi. 359; baptises Saxon King Cead-r
walltt, vi. 319; letter of King Oiminc-
pert to, an to Council of Pnvia, v.
4«3.
Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople,
abets HenicliuHinhiH Monotholutlttm,
vi. 17 ; lullw of Pope Honoriun to,
vi. 254 n ; condemned by Sixth Coun-
cil, vi, 346.
Sorgius, I hike of Sicily, wakoH an un-
flu<JCUH-ful revolt ngaiuflt Loo )!£» vi.
428 ; c*R«ap«H to Huiiovouto, vi, 438.
ftorgiuH, l*r<»I<«it <»f Sicily, (lotah w IIIOH-
sengtw from <iw>gory III to Leo HI,
vi. 46*2.
Constil (?5f aftcTwards Arch-
bishop of Ravenna), taken pri«oner
and liberated by Liutprand, vi. 493.
Sermiana (Sinnian), in South Tyrol,
taken by Prankish Count Chedia, vi.
3°-
Servus Servorum Dei, Papal title, vi.
342.
Servus Dei, deacon, Rector of the Papal
Patrimony in Sicily, v. 310 n.
Seswald, tutor of Komwald, Hent to ask
Grimwald'fl help agaiunt CoiiHtatiB,
vi. 273; killed under the walls of
Bonevento, vi, '2/4.
Seven Sleepers, story of, told by Paulufi,
v, 91 n.
Scverinus, Popo 640, vi. 170; xvnuwB
Mosaics in ap«io of St. PoterV, vi.
172; opposes Monotheleto doctrine
of Heraclius, vi. 18,
BeveruR, l^ttrijirch of Aquiloia
earned off to Kavonnii by S
v, 467 ; o<nniutniioatuK witli
Bishop of Havonnn, v. 468; r
into schiMii, v. 470; «t Council of
Marano, v. 469-470 ; dt'ulH hur«hly
with KirininuH of TrioHtu, v. 4/7 ;
death of, 606, v. 481.
SoveruH, Bishop of Anemia, f*), K(»hitf-
matic, alluded to in corrt'Kpondcnco
of Popo Grogory I, v. 362.
SeveruH, Bishop *>f 'JVionto, <»arrio«l nif
to Itavenna by ^xarcli Samriigdii*,
v. 468.
SevcruB, aKHOHsor of RnmanuH, l^ttor of
Pope Gregory T to, 595, v, 3^«
Sibyl, cavo of, at Cunrne, v. 28, 19.
Sicily, nix Dexiodiotiuo convents in, «n*
(lowed by (»rc«^ory, v. 289 ; a<lini»JH-
tratiori of Papal Patrimony in, v.
310 31^ ; division of PaLriinouy into
SyraoHnanvm and I^tHorniifunttM, \\
3io»; Ohnrch pluto from viirioiiw
platJOH of Italy cuirriud into, for wfcfo
custody, v. 373 ; Saracen invohionftof,
vi. 259, 279 », 5 1 7 ; visit of Hm|>t»ror
Constans 1 1 to, vi. 279-281 ; oj)|»r«'KH««l
by financial cxttclionB of Ct>nHtHnH,vi.
280; KcrtfjuH, J)uko of, ntvoltH from
I-Kio HI, vi. 428 ; WortfiuH, l»wf«ct of,
detaiaH Papal m<wwutfurH,vi. 46 ^; jn^ll-
tux imp«Ht»l upon, vi, 463 ; not nudor
tin* Kxarch of Italy, vi, 5 1 7, #3<> ?/,
Siegfriod, Ki»^ of Jtanmitrk, <'lmrl(j»
tho (»rent propouus to HOIK I J^uhiH to
tliim, v, 77.
Sigibert 1, Kintf of AustraHia 5^1-575,
v. 203 ;T his marriage with Hruni*
childiu, v. 203; bis warn with (Jini-
tram of liurgimdy, v. 215 ; wclo
C<»lumbariUH to AiiHtranin, vi.
defeats CJhilporic, v. 208;
at tho moment of being
king of Nwistria, v. »o8-jo
H fl 2
628
Index.
Sigibert IT, King of the Franks, Pope
Martin turns to, for aid against Con-
stans, vi. 256,
Sigibert, infant son of Theodoric II,
Brunichildis tries to rule in his name
613, vi. 109; put to death by Ohio-
tochar II, vi. no.
Silentmm, convened by Leo IIT, 729,
for suppression of Image-worship, vi.
435-436*
Silverius, Pope, appoints Pelagius his
Apocnsiarius at Constantinople, v.
52-
Silvia, mother of Pope Gregory I, her
portrait at monastery of St. Andrew,
v. 33*-
Sindual, King of the Heruli, at battle
of Csipua, v. 44, 45 ; revolt of 565,
v. 55 ; execution of, v. 56 ; his election
as king, v. 56 ?/.
Smell, St., monastery of, at Lough Erne,
y\. m.
Sipontum, city of Apulia, near Manfre-
donia, Sclavonic invaders land at 642,
vi. 80 ; sanctuary of Mount Garganus
transferred from rule of bishop of,
to Benevento,vi. 2</6". See also vi.5io*.
Siruiiuin, wrested by the GepUlae from
the Empire (circa 547), v. 123.
Siroes, Ron of Chosroes, King of Persia,
conspires against his father, vi. 10.
Sisbort, alleged murderer of Heriucni-
gild, v. 255 ; put to death by Kecared,
v. 257.
Sisebut, King of the Visigoths, writes
to Adalwnld exhorting him to greater
vigour in repression of Arianism, vi.
150.
Sisiimius, Pope 708, afflicted with gout,
repnirs the walls of Home, vi. 370.
Sisinnius, Master of the Soldiery, at
Sufla as representative of the Umperoi*,
v. 222 ; stratagem for getting rid of
the Lombards, v. 222.
SisiimiuH, ex-governor of Samnium, re-
lieved l>y Pope Gregory I, vi. 527 «.
Sixth General Council (of Coriatanti-
nople; Xn Trullo*) condemns "Mono-
theletism,vi. 345 346; fall of spider*'
webs at, vi, 346 ; annulled by ( Jomicil
under 1'hilippiciiH, vi. 384 ; protest by
lloman people on behalf of, vi. 385.
Slaves, runaway, not to bo encouraged
by Church's stewardu, v, 311 ; Lom-
bard lawn AH to injuries to, vi. 186-
189; ntaiiimuHKion of by Lombard
law, vi. 20&-2OH, 405 ; fugitive, re-
covery of, vi. 212-214; Horvilo war,
vi, 215.
Smaragdufl, Kxarch 585-589 and 602-
6n, vl 532, 534; arrives in Italy, v.
242 ; mentioned in letter of J'opu
ljclagiu» II, v. 242 nt 462 ; inter-
feres in the dispute about the Three
Chapters, v. 263, 467 ; is attacked by
a demon and recalled to Constanti-
nople, v. 263, 468 ; a second time
Exarch 602, v. 431 ; makes peace
with Agilulf 603, v. 43 ^ ; Pope Gre-
gory begs him to protect FirmimiB
of Trieste, v. 478 ; renews peace with
Agilulf 605, vi. 107 ; erects a column
to Phocas in the Eoman Forum, vi.
152 ; erects a similar column at Car-
thage, vi. 534; recalled 611 (?), vi.
153-
Soap, see Q-allicum.
Soothsayers (ctrioli), Liutprand's laws
relating to, vi. 406.
Sophia, Empress, wife of Justin IT,
character of, v. 59 ; story of her send-
ing the distaff to Narses, v. 6 1 ;
rebukes Tiberius II for his too lavish
chnrity, v. 6(5.
Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem,
opposes Motiothelete teaching, vi. 17.
Sora, won from the Dueatux llumue by
Gisulf of "Benevento, vi. 336.
Sordini, Prof., author of * Articles on
Spoleto,' vi. 83, 87.
Spain in tho seventh century, vi. 4 ;
conquest of by the Saracens, vi. 418.
Spoletium (Rpoleto), central city on tho
Via tflamimn, v. 349 ; Farwald, Puko
of, v. 197; Ariulf, J)uko of, v. 349;
history of tbo Duchy, vi. 83-96 ; lint
of dukes, vi. 84 ; description of tho
city, vi. 85 -89 ; extent of tho J>uohy,
vi. 90 ; religiouH struggles at, vi. 97-
98 ; further hintory of the Duchy, vi.
337-33^, 443-44*7 457-4<5*> 475-
4X2.
HtablicianuK, a proper name or doHcrip*
tion of an ofliocr of Lombard king's
household (?), vi. 107; neut on an
embassy to 1'hocoM, vi. 107.
Stophanus of Dyrrhuohiutn, sent by
NarnoH to cbi<lo tbo cowardice of tbo
generals at Faveiitiu, v, 25-27.
Stepbnui, S., Vita Juuioris, vi. 417,
433 **•
Stephen, Ditaa Tttnww, ^iM^uiriiifi loaves
Itoiiio in his charge, vi. 496.
Stephen, a J'eiwnn ICumioh, Treanuror,
unpopular mininkT of JuHtiniati II,
vi. 359; huruud by tho mob ofOon-
stantiuoplo, vi. 362.
St<ipben, Vir iiwyntjiflw, employed as
almoner by Qrvi&iry I for redemption
of captives, v, 406,
Stephen, Prohbyter, xnDWKtug'CT from
1'opw ^nobarian to Liutpraud, vi. 496.
Ktophou, nuthor of * Vita H, Skpbani
•) unioriH/ vl. 417.
Stokes, Margaret, author of * Six Months
in tho AponniuoH/ vi. 106, 138 //.
Index.
629
Stoltzenberg Luttmeraen, von, as to date
of defeat of Langobardi by Yindex, v.
88 »; as to early settlement of Lango-
bardi, v. 144-146 ; as to their settle-
ment in the Agra Decuxaates, v. 145.
Strabo, geographer, circa A. D. 20, as to
early geographical position of Lango-
bardi, v. 8 1 n.
Suana ( flora w«), town of Etruria, birth-
place of Hildebrand, correspondence
of Pope Gregory I as to its surrender
to Ariulf, v. 356-359.
Suartuas, claimant for the kingship
among the Heruli, v. 1 15.
Suavi (Swabians),conqnered by Waccho,
v. 119; in homes dcKortod by Saxons,
v. 156 »; fight with the Saxons
returning to their homes, v. 192-
193.
Suevi, in Gallicia and Lusitania, fight
with Leovigild, v. 250; overthrown
by him, v. 255.
Sujfl'afjinm, payment for appointment
to office forbidden by Pragmatic
Sanction of Juwtinian, vi. 522.
Sundmr, Lombard general, defeats the
Exarch Kleuthcrnw, vi. 155.
SuramiH, Abbot, killed by the Lombards,
vi. 100.
SUM (Secpisio), on Italian side of (!ol do
Gonfcvra, visited by Lombard anuieH,
v. 220, 222; annexed by the Franks,
v. 223.
Bttwuma, wife of the Exarch Iwuv, vi.
„ 169, 17-2.
SuHaima, St., tUnlm of at Rome, vi. 352.
iSutrhuu (tittiri), frontier town between
Jtomatm and Lombards of Ktruria, v.
354; recovered by llomanim from
tho Lombards, v. 366 ; taken by
Liutprand, but handed back to the
Pope 727, vi. 455*
6V//ec, custom equivalent to, among tho
Hcruli, v. 105.
Syracuse, death of Constans at, vi, 281 ;
Miirissius proclaimed Kinpcror at, vi.
281 ; Backed by Saracen*, vi. 283.
T.
Taciport, a Lombard gwialfl, formw part
of oncort of JViiie JKachariaH, vi. 494.
Tacitus, historian circa (11-117; us to
eiirly geographical position of Lango-
bardi, v. 8 1 »; as to worship of
Hi-rtha, v. 83 ; quoted, v. 84 », 85 n,
«<>H, 87 w, 184??, iHf>.
Talleyrand, Prince of Itanevento, vi* 70.
Tarentum ( Ttirantt!) , voimdn wl I m j )C»rial
at J^>m})ar<l con<|nc>Ht, vi, 7<>jjviHitod
by Kmporor (/on«tJin» 3It yi. 272;
d by Komwald J, !I)uko of
o, vi. 335,
Tarvisium (Treviso\ Bishop of, gra-
ciously received by Alboin, v. 159.
See also Treviso.
Taso, son of Duke Gisnlf II of Friuli,
escapes from the Avars, vi. 53 ; Duke
of Friuli with his brother, vi. 58;
treacherously slain by Gregory, vi. 59.
Taso, Duke of Tuscany, accused of in-
trigue with Gundiperga, vi. 162 ; put
to death by Exarch Isaac at sugges-
tion of Ariwald (?), vi. 163 ; story of
his murder by Isaac by ' Fredegarius/
vi. 59-60%.
TasHilo, ma<le Duke of Bavaria instead
of Garibald, v. 239.
Tato, BOH of Claifo, seventh king of the
Langobardi, v. 97 ; war with Bodulf,
King of the Heruli, v. 97, io6-m ;
dethroned and slain by his nephew
Waccho, v. 117.
Tauri in Apulia, deserted owing to
ravages of Lombardu 591, vi. 73 w.
Tauromonium fTaormfnu), pos-sespioriH
of Cliuroh of, invaded by bailiffs of
Koman (lliurch, v. 316.
Torbel, King of Bulgaria, aRfeists Justi-
nian JI to recover the throne, vi. 367 ;
lends him 3,000 men against J Sardines,
vi, 382.
Term (Iiitera»ma\ meeting of Pope
%uchariarf and Liutprand at, 7-42»
v?» 401-4.
Torra LaboriK, name for duinpiwiia in
tho Huvcnth (M'tttury, vi. 261.
Terracina, in clangor from the Lombards
598, v. 412.
Ti'wuia (Tww>), in South Tyrol, taken
by Fraukinh Count Chedin, vi. 30*
TofltamtJiitary power among tho Lom-
bards, vi. 409,
Thanulla, aunt of Gregory, Mvofe, v,
2fi«.
Tkacfatunt •» cutting notchoH on a tree
to mark a boundary, vi. 209,
ThumoH, diviHion of Empire into, vi. 526.
ThooctiHta, Bi«tcr of Emperor Maurice,
her frioiulHliip with (Gregory, v. 295 ;
IcttorH of ( Injury to her, v. 303, 407-
409.
TIie<»<Iarft<la, wife of Anfturaiul, cruelly
mutilated by Aripert JJ, vi. 322.
ThoodimuH, milxloacon, Htcward of Pn.pal
patrimony, ai<l» in recovery of C'umac
from Lombard, vi. 442.
Thuodo, J )uk« of Ilavaria, viriitft Home,
hitt two grmwl-daughtorK nwmod to
JJutprand and Clharles Martol, vi.
440.
r11»u(Klora, MHttT of tho Chafjan of th<?
KlmisarH,wif« of Justhnau 11, yi. 365 ;
fwvcH h<?r JiuHbftnd'« lif<», vi, 366 ;
brotighfc to <'<mHt»intinopl<^ and awo-
th<» Enij>ire,vu 377 n \ makes
630
Index.
a gorgeous turban for her husband,
vi. 374-
Theodore, Pope 642-649,^. 172 ; excom-
municates Pyrrhus with pen dipped
in sacramental wine, vi. 255, 256.
Theodore Calliopas, twice Exarch of
Italy, 644-646 and 653-664, vi. 173,
257 ^; 535-536 ; arrives in Koine 653,
vi. 239.
Theodore, Exarch 677-687, vi. 536.
Theodore, Patrician, sent by Justinian
II to execute vengeance on Ravenna
709, vi. 373-379; meets Pope Con-
staiitine in Sicily and is healed by
him, vi. 376 ; see also vi. 537.
Theodore, Archbishop of Ravenna 677-
691, quarrels with hit* clergy, recon-
ciles himself with the Pope, vi. 371.
Theodore, Monothelete Bishop of Pha-
ran, condemned at Sixth Council, vi.
346.
Theodore, Papal candidate 686, vi. 350,
35i~352.
Theodore, Curator of "Ravenna, letter of
Pope Gregory I to, v. 415.
Theodoro,physician to Emperor Maurice,
hin friendship with Gregory, v. 295 ;
letter of Gregory to, v. 407.
Theodore, correspondent of Pope Martin,
vi. 2 59 «.
Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, fortress built
by, at Spoleto, vi. 87.
Thcodoric I, king of the Eastern Franks
511-534, v. 7-9.
Theodoric II, King of Burgundy, son of
Childobert, nuccoedH hia father 596,
v« 345; 423 5 quadruple alliance
againafc him 607, vi. 108; Oolum-
banus refuses to blcus his children,
vi, T 21 ; baniflht'B ColumbaiiiiH,vi. 122;
defeats and kills Liu brother Theudo-
burb II 612, vi. 109, 130; dies, vi,
109.
TAeodvaiuci, irregular troo^ at Homo,
namod after TheodoHius, son of
Emperor Maurice, v. 361 n.
Theodosius III, a shadow-Emperor 7x5-
7Z7> v*- 3&4J deponed by Loo III, vi.
426.
TheodosiuB, son of Eiuperor Mnurice, v,
359 ? godson of (Jri-gory, v. 393 n,
295 ; Thtioflmac.i named after him,
v. 36 1 » ; ttflfloeiutod with IUH father in
the Empire, v. 382 »; offered bin
father's crown, v. 439 ; sent to *w»k
liolp of tho Persian king, v, 4^0 ;
put to death by order of l*hoeon, v.
441.
TheodoHitw, «<m of Emperor CnnHtim-
tine J( JJ, j»«t to dwith by order of luu
brother ConHtnnH JI, vh 270.
ThoodoBiufl, debtor to the Church^
4)Btato in Sicily, v. 314,
Theodote, a noble Roman maiden
seduced by Ounincpert, vi. 306.
Theodotus, an unpopular logothete of
Justinian II, vi.^59; burned by the
mob of Constantinople, vi. 362.
Theophanes, monk and chronicler, vi.
415-417; his story of the downfall
of Maurice, v. 440-441 ; quoted,
vi. 27971, 28171, 28271, 35971; com-
pared with Nlcephorus, vi. 380 n ; his
inaccuracy as to Western eveuta, vi.
416; chronology of, vi. 417 n; his
account of Pope Gregory IfB con-
duct iu the Iconoclastic controversy,
vi. 451-452 ; bis account of Loo Ill's
dealings with Pope Gregory III, vi.
463-404 ; calls Narses ' Exarch of the
Komans,' vi. 532.
Theophilus,Patrician and Admiral,meetH
Pope Oonstantine at Coos, vi. 377.
Theophylact, Exarch and Chamberlain,
vi, 536; visits Kome between 701
and 705, vi. 363 ; tumult on that
occasion, vi., 364 ; sent by JTuntiniftn
II to fetch home his wife, vi. 377.
Tlieophylact, obncure notice by, as to
Alboiu and Rosamund, v. 1397*;
quoted, v. 359 n, 4 jo n.
Theudobttl<l,Kingof the EuBteni Franks
54^-555; marriage to Wahlerada,
v. 285 n ; Gothic embassy to hiH Court,
v. 14 ; IIXH death, v. 46.
Theudebtild, King of the VVarni,
in Imperial army, v. 30.
Thoudobcrt J, King of the
Franks 534 5.48, IUH cuniiuKilinn with
Italian nii'uirH, v. 10-1 1 ; IUH jealousy
of JuBtiniun, v. 12 ; IUH death, v, 13 ;
Aming ono ofhin followcrn (?), v. 55.
Tlu'U<lebert If, Kin^ of AuHtriwia, HUO-
ceedw his father ( Jhildebert 596, v. 346,
423; h)B baby daughter aitiancoil to
Adalwaltl 604, vi. ioH ; vinited by
ColumbunuH, vi. 126; OolumbanuH ex-
horts him to retiro into a inonoHtory,
vi. 1 29 j defeated and put to death by
TheoUoric II 613, vi. 109, 130.
Thuudobert, I >uko <>f tho 1 iavariann, gives
wheltor to th« fugitive Anspnmd, vx,
$aa; lends him an army with which
he defeatn Ariport II, vi. 324.
TlwiultsUj), J)«kt* of Spoleto, 601-653,
vi. 95 -96 ; »on of Karwald, vi. 95 ;
content for the crown, vi. 95 ; aque-
of the JtavanaTiH,li«r»ncehtry, v. 385 j
betrothed to ChiMtriwrt of AuHtmnia,
v. 236; WO<K«! by AutliaH, v. 337-
238 ; flight into Italy urul marriugcj
to Auth*ri, v. 339; nmrrioM Agilulf
atid bo«t»)wu on him tho crown, v. 38 1 j
intiueuco of her fervent Catholicism
Index.
631
on the Lombards, v. 286 ; helps on-
ward peace negotiations, v. 418 ;
letters of Pope Gregory I to, v. 420,
447, 479, 480; her autograph in
Codex of the Gospels at Cividale, vi.
40 ; her ahare in foundation by Colum-
banus of Monastery at Bol>bio,vi. 132 ;
persuades Columbanus to write to
the Pope about the Three Chapters,
vi. 138 ; did she convert Agilulf to
Catholicism? vi. 143; sides with de-
fenders of the Throe Chapters, vi. 138 ;
silence of historians as to later yt'ars
of her life, vi. 160 ; died 628, vi. 160 ;
relics of at Mouza, vi. 161 ; question
of her Frankish parentage, vi. 162 •//.
Thuedelinda, mother of Paulus Diuco-
nus, vi. 58.
Theudorada (or Theodarada), daughter
of Lupus, Duke of JbViuli, \vito of
Itomwald 1, Duke of Benevcmto, vi.
287 ; story of, and St. Harbatuw, vi.
297-298 ; and St. Kubimw, vi. 298-
299 ; ruleHtho Duchy during her son's
minority, vi. 298 j her pious benefac-
tions, vi. 335.
ThotidwaUl, infant son of Pippin 'of
Heristal,' vi. 420.
Thierry, Ameddo, author of ' K&sitH dus
Temps MoVovfogiouH,' v. xHi.
Thomas, Deacon, Hunt on a mowwgu to
Alahis, and insulted by him, vi, 307.
Thorinind (TuriHiudun), King of the
Gepidue, v. 122-137.
Thorisnumd, son of Thorisind, King of
the Gepidae, v. 135.
Thracosian troop, vi. 381 n.
Three Chapters Controversy, v. 51, 54,
263, 397. 3<>i, 454-4&4J vi. i3«-H3»
144.
Thulo,descriptionof,byProcopiu8,v.ii4.
Tiberius II, Emperor 578-582, asso-
ciated with Justin 11 574, v. 196;
Role Emperor 578, v, 197 ; rewarded
for his charity to the poor by dis-
covery of the hoards of NarseH, v. 66 ;
sends his gold medals to Nuustrian
nobles, v, 228 ; takes part in. theo-
logical discussion between KutychiuH
and Gregory, v. 292 ; death of, v. 227,
291.
Tiberius III (Apshnar), dethrones Leon-
tius, vi. 362 ; his roigu 698 705, vi.
363 ; banishes BardaueH to Cepha-
Umia, vi, 381; dethroned by JiiHti-
nian II, degraded and put to death,
vi. 3<>7-3<>«.
Tiberius, namo aHHumod by pretender
Basil, vi. 428 ; by pretender PutaniuH,
vi. 459.
Tiberius, brother and colleague of Con-
stantino IV, vL 347 ; mutilated and
imprisoned, vi. 348.
Tiberius, son and colleague of Justinian
II, brought from the Crimea to Con-
stantinople, vi. 377w; goes forth to
meet Pope Constantine, vi. 377 ;
butchered by Joannes Struthus, vi.
384-
Tiberius, emigrant from Antioch to
Palermo, father of Pope Sergius, vi.
353-
Ticino river, Aripcrt II drowned in,
vi. 325-
Ticinuin (or Ticinus), see Pavia.
Tituli, notices of claim, not to be affixed
by Church's adininiHtratots, v, 318.
TUtdus nit 'jtariiH lict it i'tts » commuted
Cwnitio, vi. 520.
ToiluKuiH, aent ior from Thulo l>y the
lieruli to be their king, v. I J 5.
Torre, Abbot della, his theory of a visit
of Columbanus to Italy 595, vi. 131 n.
Trajan, Kmpuror 98-117, his road and
arch at Jleiieventum, vi. 65-67 ; hit*
bridge over the Aui'ulu«, vi. 299,
TntiiHfutiuiid I, Duke of Spolcto, as
Count of Capua, abets <tet-ugiH of
Orimwald on the thronu, vi. 242 ;
mado Dukt) of Spoleto 663, vi. 283,
337; niarrieH daughter of (Jrhuwalti,
vi. 283; dkH 703 /O* vi. 337.
Traiwamund II, Duke of Spoloto, <le-
poHos his father Minvald II 724, vi.
443 ; gives trouble to Liutpnind, vi.
457; HullH Gallon to (Gregory IJT,
vi. 474; rebels, in expelled from law
Duchy, taken rcfngu in Jtome,vi. 475 ;
I'dcovurH hiu Duchy, vi. .$79 ; breaks
his promiKo to restore the four towiw
to tho Pope, vi. 480; in finally do-
poHod and nent into a convent, vi.
481.
Traveller's Son# (Wiilsith), ixotices of
tho Lombards in, v. 175-177.
Tree- worship, amonpj Lombards of JJckne-
vunto, vi. 29^4 290.
TreviHo, Ulfari, Duko of, rebel» against
Agilulf, v. 347 ; part of territory of
Opitorgium assigned to, (5(37, vi, 43.
Trial by oath among Lombartln, vi. 224-
230.
TribmvjH in Imperial Italy, vi. 545 ;
Tribwmft l>ocomoH n«nrly ecjuivulcnt
to Cunien, vi, 546 ; tribunes iu Vene-
tian iHUndH, vi. 547,
Tridentum ('/V/tfwij, Lomliard duehy
of, vi. -26-35, 304 3i4>337.
TriHtan CalchuB, authority for inscrip-
tion at Monza a« to death of Theude-
liudu, vi. 1 60 n.
Troya, Curio, author of * ('txlioo l)iplo-
xuatxoo Longobardo/ v» 230 ; vi. 565 ;
quoted, v, 223 U) 240^, 241 #, 203 'it,
353 ws vi- W-W H, 34l MI S1^ 5*4»
632
Index.
Tuder (Todi), recovered "by Roman us
from the Lombards 592, v. 366,
Tudun, Governor of Cherson and repi e-
sentative of Chagan of the Khazars,
arrested by order of Justinian II, vi.
380/1.
Tulbiacum (Tolliae), battle of, between
Theodoric II and Theudebert II, vi.
130.
Turin (Augusta Taurinorum), Ragin-
pert and his son Aripert II, dukes of,
vi. 320-321.
Type, document meant to silence Mono-
thelete controversy, put forth by Con-
stans 648, vi. 255.
Tyrol, Southern, geography of, vi, 24-
26.
U.
TJldac the Hun, Imperial general,
defeats Leuthar at Fanutn 554,
^ 34-
Ulfari, Duke of Trevisp, rebels against
Agilulf : is taken prisoner by him, v,
347-
TJlfilaa, MSS. of, at Bobbio, vi. 134 n.
Ulpiana, city of Moesia, Imperial troops
quell sedition at, 554^?), v. 131-
132.
Umbolus, Lombard I )uko of Anriternnm,
vi. 101 ; hia quarrel with Alais, vi.
102-103; orders St. CetheuH to bo
killed, vi. 103.
Unult, lionchnian of Perctarit, Bent as
mewaengcT to Grimwald, vi. 247 ; con-
trives Pcrctarit's oacape, vi. 248-
250 ; forgiven by Grim wold for this
find lejoms Perctarit in Gaul, vi.
251.
Ursufl, won of Munichis, Duke of Frioli,
vi. 331.
Tirana, third duke of Vonetia 726-737,
vi. 486 ; met with a violent tlcuth,
vi. 486.
UsipetoN, perhaps the same as the ARSI-
pitti of Pauhifl, v. 92 n.
UKtrigotthus (OstrogothuM), son of Ble-
mund, claimant of the Gepid throne,
v. 123; aHiaaBHiiiatod by order of
Audoiu, v. 134.
V.
Val do Lievro, author of * Launegiltl und
Waditt/ vi. 227 ti.
Vnlenw (Viileutui), vinifcud by Lombard
invaders, v. 221.
Valtsntinus, martyr and biHho]), C'hurch
of, at Tor ui, vi, 491, 493.
Valerian, Imperial ^oncral in Italy
553) v, 20; at battlo of (lupun 554,
Vallomar, king of the Marcomanni,
ambassador fromLangobardi to Aelius
Bassus (circa 165), v. 88.
Vandals, war of, with Langobartfi, v.
91-92.
Vandum (wand) - spear, vi. 276.
Velia, in Calabria, deserted owing to
ravages of Lombards, vi. 73 n.
Velleius Paterculus, Mstoiiau, circa A.D.
20, on the ferocity of the Langobardi,
v.85.
Velox, Magister Milifum, stationed afc
Perugia (?), letter of Pope Gregory I
to, v. 353 ; succeeded by Oastus, v.
356 n.
Venantius Fortunatus, Poet, epitaph
on, composed by Paulus Diaconus, v.
78 ; his description of Galswintha's
joumey into Gaul, v. 205 n.
Venetia, effect of the Iconoclastic
decrees upon, vi. 449 ; in the eighth
century, vi. 484 ; first duke, vi. 485 ;
Masters of the Soldiery, vi. 487;
share of Venetians in reconquest of
liavenna, vi. 483, 487-490.
Vergilius, Bishop of Aries, ^ Popo
Gregory I's correspon donee with, v.
323-
Verona, taken by Narses, 563 (?), v.
55 ; Alboin fixes IH'H residence at, v.
104 »; tomb of Alboin at, v. 171;
marriage of Authari and Thuudeliiulft
celebrated at, v. 239 j floodn at, HUV-
rounding S. j^enoiut, v. 2*62.
Verruca (-Femige CaHtrum), fortress
oppoHite Triont, savc<l from tlw
JVunkH 1>y inlurceBHioii of two bisliopn,
v. 270; vi. 32.
VcuiliamiB, (Imperial) Count of Orta,
asked to join the Lombard Alain
againnt UmboluB, vi. 101,
VoBontio (UeMWfori), St. ColumbanuB
ordered to reside ftt, vi. 122,
Veupaflian's mother, IIOUKO of, Hhown at
Mpoluto, vi. 8(>.
Via Appia, at Benevontum, vi. 67.
Via Flaminitt, see J^lauiinian Way.
Via Latina, branch of, to JJenuventuui,
vi. 67.
Via Tnijana, from Benoventum to
Brundisimn, v. 65,
Virariu* (frb1n (or limit* tr), Vic&rim
llaliafy <lccay and diHappoaraucu of,
their oitioc, vi. 528 w.
Viconza, forcticl to join in rebellion of
Alnhiw aputiHt (hiuincport, vi. 3x0;
Porodeo, l)uko of, vi. 483.
Victor TunminoiiHitt, chronicler, sixth
contrary, v, 64 w.
Vi<stort (JoiiHul of I{av<»mm, takon
prisoner and liberated l)y Liutprund,
vi. 493'
VigiliuB, I^IMJ, roatowttion of, v, 51-52?
Index.
633
PelagiuH accused of contriving death
of, v. 52.
Vigilius, Banilica of, in the Lateran
Palace, vi, 278.
Vindemius, bishop of Cissa, carried off
to Kavenna by Exarch Snmragdua,
v. 468.
Vindex, Praefectus Praetorio, routs the
Langobardi (circa 165), v. 88.
Tindices, Imperial tax-gatherers (sixth
century), vi. 557.
Viper, image of, worshipped by Lom-
bards of Benevento, vi. 296; de-
stroyed by St. Barbatus, vi. 297.
Virgin Mary, Pope Martin aeouHod of
not reverencing sufficiently, vi. 260.
Vitalian, Pope 657-672, vi. 269; fe
willing to loave tho Monothelete
controverwy alone, vi. 270; goes
forth to meet Coustans on his vwit to
Rome, vi. 277.
Vitalian, Mmjitter MilUuni, acting
under orderfi of Pope Gregory I, v,
353, 355, 357- „ f .. 6
Vitality Haiut and Martyr, father of
Utjrvasius and ProtaHhw, ohoMou by
Droctulf as hfe patron-Haint, v. 243,
248.
Vitianmn (Vexsano), near Trient, taken
by Frankiwh Count Oliedin, vi. 30.
Vittoren, a HunniHh race, according to
Agathias. Who are they ? v. 47 n.
Volaenea (Vohtno), north of Koveredo
in Tyrol, taken by Frankiah Count
(Jhrdin, vi. 30.
Volcanic eruption in Archipelago 726,
Voiiiin, scene of idolatrous \vorfdup of
Lombard*! of Buuevciito, vi. 294.
Vulciacuui, on tht^ Mnrno, villa of,
viHitod by Columbamw, vi. 126 «.
Vulgaria verba, vi, 330 n.
Vulturina (position unknown), captured
by Agilulf, 603, v. 432.
VulturnuB, river, IJutiliu encainpfl by,
v. 36,
W.
Wacoho (Waclw), Wakes, Wakia), eighth
king of the Langobardi, v. 117-120;
ancestor of Theudeliiida, v. 263.
Wachilapufl, brother of Tranaaniund I,
regent of Spoleto, vi. 337.
'Wager of battle* decided by Cawfw,
vi. 230, 402.
Waitz, Georg, editor of PauluH Dia-
coniiH in *Mouumenta (j[cr»ianiau
Hmfcorica,' v. uS ?/, 6971, So, 166 n,
168 w, 2«3 n ; vi. 147 «; criticiHiu of
Troy a, v. 231 ; vi. 132.
Wahar, King <>{' tho Warni, general m
1 nipmul anuy, v. 30,
Walafrid Strabo, biographer
vi. 105.
Walcari, Lombard general, defends
Bologna, vi. 483.
Walderada, daughter of Waceho, wife
of Garibald of Bavaria, her inni-na^,
v. 285.
Wallari, Duke of Bergamo, v. 1 86.
Waltari, son of Waceho, ninth king of
the Langobardi, v. 117, 120.
Warnecaut, Duke of Pavia (?), rebels
against Agilulf, is defeated and slam,
v. 424.
Warni, geographical position of, v. 30 «,
114.
Warnilfrida, a counsellor of Duke Ari-
ulf, v. 417 ; vi. 94.
Weohtari, native of Vicenza, Duko of
Friuli 664 (*), vi. 288 ; &uyn <>t hw
prowess againat the SeloveuoH, vi.
289.
Weights and Measures, put under pro-
tection of Pope and Unman Sonatit
by «I uBliiiiian'» Pragmatic Sanction,
by
vi.
Weine, J)r. Julius author of
und <lio Langobarden-herrschor vou
5<58 bifl 63«/ quoted, v, 151, i<56 K,
i(5H »/, 169 w, 215 ?*, 237 u, 236 ?/,
237 //, 240??, 241 ?/, 344 H, 357 "»
367 u, 369 ?<, 372 «> 392 ?'» 4*4*
470?*; vi. i44>/t 147 «t 15^-
Weli, death by mlwad venture at a, \*i.
411.
Wewfftltl, paid to Brntiiclnldis by < -hil-
poric, v. 207 ; correHpondH to
bard ffitidritjiUl, vi. 235.
Westrum, A, (* I>iu Iiongobanlo
ihre llorztigo'), as to traces of
bardic Hottloniout in Bftrduiitfuu, v.
Widin, OoUiio count, dtsfcatod by Nar-
BC»H and sent to ConsLantiiiopUs v.
Wigiiindft, daughter of Peroturit, mar-
ried Grimwaid TI, Duko of iSono-
vento, vi. 334"335- ^ ^
Wilfrid, St., Life of, quoted for Inxtory
of Porctarit in exile, vi, 246 7i.
Willibrord, Knglinh miHftionary to tin;
FriHiann, vi. 422.
Wfa&Mt-M«trri) add(ul totorntory «.f
d«ke» of Kriuli, vi. 58.
Wiufrith, w<J Boniface.
Winiperga, wifo of tJiwulf I, l>»ko of
I$exiovento, vi. 334.
WInnili, earlieat nauui of tho Latigo-
bardi, v. 90, 99.
Wiuthrio, Duke of Chanipa^n*-, H(*t*<nt(l
in couunaud to A.udoviil<l in ttrjtiy of
invauion of Italy, v. 208 n,
Witchcraft, Lombard lawn againht, vu
634
Index.
Witigis, King of the Ostrogoths, his
embassy to Waceho, king of the
Langobardi, v. 119.
Witterich, King of the Visigoths, his
daughter repudiated by Theudebert
II, vi. J 08.
Wolfegruber, 0,, author of 'Biography
of Pope Gregory I/ quoted, v. 281,
328 », 391 *>•
y.
Yezid EC, Caliph of Damascus, tries to
suppress Image-worship, vi. 429.
Yule-feast in Scandinavia, Procopius'
description of, v. 115.
Z.
Zaban or Zafan, Duke of Pavia, holds
the highest rank among the Lombard
dukes, v. 1 86; invades Gaul by the
Great St. Bernard 574, ¥.218-219;
invades Gaul in company with Amo
and Bodan, v. 219 ; marches to Va-
lence, v. 221; retreats to Susa and
flies from thence at false tidings of
approach of Mummolus, v. 222-223.
Zacharias, Pope 74T~752> succeeds
Gregory III, vi. 480 ; comes to terms
with Liutprand, and abandonsTranaa-
rnund, vi. 481 ; his interview with
Liutprand at Terni 742, vi. 491-494 ;
his journey to Bavenna and Pavia
743, vi. 496-49?-
Zacbarias, a big life-guardsman, sent
to arrest Pope Sergius, vi. 357 ; hides
under the Pope's bed, vi. 358.
Zandalas, chief of household of Narses
at battle of Capua, v. 42.
Zangrulf,Duke of Verona, rebels against
Agilulf, is defeated and nlain, v. 424.
Zara (Jaterna), city of Dalmatia, body
of St. Cetheus carried to, vi. 103.
Zeuss ('die Deutschen und die Nachbar-
st&mme'), quoted, v. 30 w, 84 ; as to
early settlements of Langobardi, v.
141.
Zoilus, first citizen of Cherson, arrested
and sent to Constantinople, vi. 380 n.
Zotto, Duke of Beneventum 571-591,
vi. 71 ; besieges Naples in 581, vi.
71 j death of, vi. 73.
GLOSSARY OF LOMBARD WORDS
ahtugild = eightfold restoration of object
stolen ( + thing itself = ninefold = no-
11 um welfare), vi. 219^, 22371.
?: jurors, vi. 224,
Aldiua =* half free man ; see
AldiuR.
anmnd -- liberated from Mundium of a
master, vi. 207.
anngriph — damages for loss of the Mun-
ctwm, vi. 400.
angargathrmgi = value of life of landed
proprietor, vi. 179, 185
argait ~ a good-for-nothing man, vi.
329 «.
barban = uncle, v. 1 1 7.
eadarfido<= customary law, vi. 403-404.
camfio — wager of battle, or champion,
vi. 179, 198, 230, 402.
otor/on =3 hedge.
faderfio= portion given by a father to
hia daughter, vi. 200, 202.
faida^feud, vi. 185,191, 198, 203, 225,
400.
fara—clan, v. 161.
forquida or forquido ~ ( tit for tat,' vi.
^92, 219 n.
fio ~ money (Gothic faiJut), vi. 200%.
fornaccar - cropped land, vi. 223.
fule-freo —sharer in freedom of the Lom-
bards, vi. 207.
gahagimns= hedge, vi. 218, 220.
gaida «* spear, vi. 207 TZ.
gairethinx = flolemu donation, vi. 195,
206, 232.
gasindiu»=: kinsman (*), vi. 398.
Gastald*= royal intendanfc, vi. 213, 230.
gisilis » witness, vi. 207 n,
guidrigild= compensation for murder,
see Index.
haistan - hasty temper, vi. 214?*.
hariscild- faction fight, vi. 411 «.
lioveroB ^houso: B,tormjngj
impans == form of manumission ' to the
king7s wibh,} vi. 207.
lama «* pond, v. 95.
lidinlaib^ donation to take effect after
death of donor, vi. 196.
Marpahis » Master of the Horse, v. 1 60 ;
vi. 42, 43, 314.
masca = witch, vi. 233.
meta = money paid by suitor to relationb
of intended wife, vi. 200, 202, 203,
414.
morgincap or morganicap — present by
husband to wife on the day after the
wedding, vi, 201, 202, 203, 414.
mundium « right of guardianship of a
woman, vi. 180, 197-205, 230; of
a slave or freedman, vi. 207.
mundwald= owner of mundium Coccur*
in laws of Liutprand, not in those of
Rothari), vi. 404 n.
ploderaub— robbery from the dead, vi.
180.
plovum= plough, vi. 217.
scamarae « brigands, vi. 178.
sculdhaizo or sculdahis « magistrate
Cconnected with German wkulthei*n)t
vi. 232, 329, 401, 578, 579.
selpmundia«=a woman who is under no
man's guardianship, vi. 197-198.
snai da «• tree-marking, vi, 209.
flonorpair^a champion boar, vi. 223.
Stolesaz = grand treasurer, vi. 192 n, 577.
striga« witch, vi. 233.
thingare=s=to alienate by public cere-
mony, vi, 194-197, 228.
thinx— solemn donation, vi. 195-196.
tornare— to divert, vi. 221 # (? if a
Lombard word).
wadia~bail for appearance to a Huit,
vi. 210-211, 227-228.
walapauz « burglary, vi. 181.
waregan{|o=reHident foreigner, vi. 231,
aa violence on the highway,
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