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V, 33 





The edition consists of sev 
en hundred and fifty sets 
all numbered 



The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 







Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 



CLEVELAND: Gbe SSuttows JBrotbets 




The Imperial Press, Cleveland 



Translators . 

Assistant Editor 
Bibliographical Adviser 





LXVI. Relation de ce qvi s est passe .... en 
la Novvelle France, es anne"es 1647. 
& 1648. [Chaps, ix., x. of Part I., 
and all of Part II., completing the 
document.] Hierosme Lalemant, Que 
bec, October 15, 1648; Paul Rague- 
neau, Des Hurons, April 16, 1648 . 17 
LXVII. Epistola ad R. P. Vincentium Caraffam, 
Prsepositum Generalem Societatis Je- 
su, Romse. Paulus Ragueneau; Sanctae 
Mariae apud Hurones, March i, 1649 2 5 J 
NOTES . . . . . .273 


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained 
in the present volume : 

LXVI. The Relation of 1647-48 is in two parts, 
the first, by Jerome Lalemant, the superior at Que 
bec, treats of the affairs of the order in Lower 
Canada; the second, by Ragueneau, is devoted to 
the Huron mission. In Vol. XXXII., we published 
the first eight chapters of Part I. ; in this volume, 
we complete Part I. and give all of Part II., thus 
concluding the document. 

In Chapter x., Lalemant describes the work of the 
past year in the Tadoussac mission, which has 
received an unexpected check through the deadly 
epidemics which now afflict the Northern tribes of 
Indians. As usual, they ascribe this scourge to the 
new religion, and many look upon the missionaries 
with fear and horror ; some, however, overcome this 
fear by an ardent faith and courage which console 
the Fathers. De Quen goes to seek some of his 
converts who dwell far inland ; some return with him 
to Tadoussac for instruction and confession. He 
finds that, during his absence, his disciples have 
indulged in liquor, and disorders have resulted; his 
rebukes cover them with shame, and they pronounce 
and execute their own sentence of punishment. 
" They climb upon inaccessible rocks, and, exposed 
to the view of all, both French and savages, they are 
severely flogged upon their shoulders." 


The last chapter of this Relation is, as usual, a 
collection of scattered incidents and memoranda. 
Many of these record traits of Indian character, often 
amusing ; others relate to the fauna of the country. 
The new governor, D Ailleboust, stringently 
prohibits the sale or excessive use of intoxicating 
drinks; and all who have abandoned or will not 
profess the faith are ordered to leave Sillery. He 
persuades the chiefs there to join him in both these 
commands, the first known instance, according to 
Lalemant, of any such exercise of authority on the 
part of Indian chiefs. Le Borgne, of the Island 
tribe, is one of those affected by this edict; he is 
informed that he must leave Sillery, or embrace the 
faith. He tries to defer an answer, but is told that 
if he lose his speech, he must find his legs." 

Part II., written by Ragueneau, begins by giving 
a brief sketch of this Huron country and the 
surrounding regions, emphasizing the hindrances not 
only to trade, but to all intercourse with the Hurons, 
arising from the control of Lake Ontario by the hos 
tile Iroquois. These enemies are laying waste the 
Huron frontiers, and thus are sorely afflicting the 
infant church ; but the faith of the Indian converts 
is strong and ardent, and, during the past year, 
nearly 1,300 persons have received baptism. New 
missions are being undertaken, not only among the 
Hurons, but among the Algonkins ; but laborers are 
few, and additional missionaries are greatly needed. 

Negotiations for a peace are on foot between the 
Hurons and one of the Iroquois tribes, and it is hoped 
that these will succeed; also that the Andastes, or 
Susquehanna tribes, will aid their Huron allies. But 


the missionaries, knowing the treacherous nature of 
the savages, trust to none of these things. 

The residence of Ste. Marie has thus far been safe 
from the enemy s attacks. The mission numbers 
forty-two Frenchmen, eighteen of whom are Jesuit 
Fathers, most of the others being donnes. All 
these laborers dwell in great peace, industry, and 
devoutness ; and the residence is a resort and refuge 
for the Christian natives throughout Huronia. Dur 
ing the past year, over 3,000 Indians have been shel 
tered there, receiving, on an average, three meals a 
day, not to speak of a larger number who come 
hither for a day at a time, and who also receive 

The mission stations now number ten, some of 
which extend as far as eighty or one hundred leagues 
from Ste. Marie. That of St. Jean Baptiste is given 
up, owing to the dispersion of the Arendaenronnon 
tribe among the others, that they may better defend 
themselves against the attacks of the Iroquois. 
Several of these hostile incursions, and some defeats 
of the Hurons therein, are described ; among these is 
an instance of extreme treachery on the part of the 
Iroquois. Another of these encounters results in the 
loss of a large part of the population of St. Ignace ; 
in consequence, this village is abandoned, and its 
remaining inhabitants remove for shelter to a loca 
tion nearer to Ste. Marie. Many of those slain or 
captured are Christians, a great loss to the little 
Huron Church. One of these was a young man, 
truly a pearl among our Christians ; he was so 
innocent that he " dared not look any girl in the 
face. Ragueneau relates many instances of the piety 
and faith of other Christians, captive or dying. One 


of them, in the height of his torments at the hands 
of the Iroquois, offers to baptize an infidel fellow- 
sufferer; but their captors at once separate them, 
and redouble the Christian s torments, failing, 
however, to draw from him any sign of pain. 

The Hurons have sometimes taken captives from 
their Iroquois foe, and these have been, as usual, 
burned to death ; but most of these have found 
their salvation at the hour of death," being baptized 
by the Jesuits while undergoing their torments, in 
most cases, only after a hard struggle with the infi 
del Hurons, who are unwilling that their wretched 
victims should obtain the consolation given by bap 
tism, since it nerves them to endure pain more cour 
ageously. Indeed, the Fathers often attain their end 
only through the aid given by the Christian Indians. 

Ragueneau proceeds to describe the negotiations 
for peace between the Hurons and Onondagas. This 
latter tribe, and the Cayugas, seem well-disposed 
thereto ; but the Senecas and Mohawks will not listen 
to talk of peace; and various intertribal jealousies 
render the undertaking a difficult one. Many coun 
cils are held, and embassies are sent back and forth ; 
one of the latter, from the Hurons to the Onondagas, 
is attacked by Mohawks, and several of the envoys 
are killed. An Onondaga chief, remaining mean 
while with the Hurons as a hostage, is so overcome 
with shame at this attack upon them by his allies, 
that he kills himself. 

The Hurons send envoys to the Andastes, allied 
tribes along the Susquehanna, to ask aid against 
their foes. The latter, upon this appeal, request the 
hostile Iroquois to lay down their arms and consent 
to a peace. One of the Hurons, while at Andastoe", 


visits the Swedish settlement on the Delaware, and 
reproaches some of the Swedes for " thinking only 
of the fur trade, and not of instructing their savage 
allies." A vessel from New Amsterdam arrives at 
this settlement, and brings some letters for the Huron 
Fathers, and news of Jogues s death at the hands of 
the Mohawks. 

Ragueneau now gives a brief summary of the 
present condition and prospects of the various mis 
sions among the Hurons ; he is greatly cheered by 
the spiritual development and the godly lives appar 
ent among his flock. That of La Conception (Ossos- 
sane) is the " most fruitful of all, as regards both the 
number of Christians, and their zeal." In the older 
missions, the chapels have become too small for 
accommodating those who desire to attend church 
services, and many wait outside the doors until a 
second mass can be said. The writer recounts the 
qualifications necessary in those who would labor for 
the conversion of the savages ; and advises that many 
of their usages, though offensive to Europeans, must 
be overlooked or endured. "It is easy to call irre- 
ligion what is merely stupidity, and to take for diabol 
ical working what is nothing more than human." 
He points out, with great sagacity, the better way 
of abolishing heathen customs " inducing the Sav 
ages themselves gradually to find out their absurdity, 
to laugh at them, and to abandon them, not through 
motives of conscience, as if they were crimes, but 
through their own judgment and knowledge, as 
follies." He adds: " I have no hesitation in saying 
that we have been too severe on this point, and 
that God strengthened the courage of our Christians 
beyond that of common virtue, when they deprived 


themselves not only of harmless amusements, respect 
ing which we raised scruples in their minds, but also 
of the greatest pleasures of life, which we found it 
difficult to allow them to enjoy, because there seemed 
to them something irreligious in these, which made 
us fear sin therein." 

The mission to the Algonkin tribes dwelling about 
Lake Huron is described at some length. Ragueneau 
enumerates these tribes, and incidentally gives an 
account of the other great lakes, making what is, 
apparently, the first written mention of Lake Supe 
rior by that name, and of the tribes that dwell upon 
their shores. These Algonkins are all nomadic, and 
a mission to them involves almost inconceivable hard 
ships and fatigues, since the Fathers must follow 

their congregations through forests and over lakes, 

often with insufficient food, and exposed to every 
inclemency of weather and seasons, to say nothing 
of the continual peril of their lives at the hands of 
some malcontent savage, or of the ever-dreaded 
Iroquois foe. 

Ragueneau recounts many instances of the piety, 
faith, and devotion of the native Christians. He pro 
ceeds, by way of contrast, to describe many of the 
superstitions entertained by their infidel tribesmen, 
especially in regard to dreams; also some of the 
practices of the medicine-men. Then follows a dis 
cussion of their theories regarding physical ailments, 
and of the methods by which these are cured. The 
charms which these savages use to bring good luck 
in their affairs are described ; also the so-called mag 
ical spells by which the medicine-men claim to cause 
death. Ragueneau finds it impossible to decide 
whether these men can accomplish such results by 


means of witchcraft ; but lie thinks that there is no 
rational foundation for the belief that there are any 
here who carry on that Hellish trade." He proceeds 
to summarize " what knowledge the pagan Hurons 
have of the Divinity ; and says that, although all 
their accounts of creation were only myths, they had 
some knowledge of " a first Principle, the author of 
all things, whom they invoked without knowing 
him." They have, however, no forms of worship; 
and their religious belief does not influence their 

The final chapter relates the murder by some 
Hurons of a Frenchman, a servant of the Jesuits ; and 
the reparation made by the tribe. The ceremonies 
connected therewith, and the proceedings of the 
tribal council, are related in detail. 

LXVII. This is a letter, written by Ragueneau, 
in the Huron country, March i, 1649, to the father 
general of the Jesuits, giving, in response to the 
latter s request, many details of the Huron mission. 
Affairs temporal are in a dangerous condition; for 
the constant attacks of the Iroquois have destroyed 
all the outlying Huron villages, and the mission is 
now forced to rely on its own strength for defense. 
So well has the mission been conducted, that it pro 
duces most of its own food. " We have larger sup 
plies from hunting and fishing, than formerly ; and 
we have not merely fish and eggs, but also pork and 
milk products, and even cattle, from which we hope 
for great addition to our store." They even " have 
enough provisions to live comfortably three years." 
The Fathers count 1,700 baptisms, for the past year, 
besides many baptized at St. Joseph, whose number 
is not known. Among these are some " whose 


remarkable holiness even the most holy Religious 
might without sin envy." An account is given of 
the extent of the mission work, and the manner in 
which it is conducted. It has every prospect of suc 
cess, were it not for the raids of the Iroquois. In one 
of these (occurring in July, 1648), they take by storm 
the mission village of St. Joseph, which they burn 
down; and Father Antoine Daniel is slain by the 
enemy, while encouraging his flock, the first martyr 
in that mission. His virtues and piety receive a 
warm eulogy, and mention is made of several 
instances in which his spirit has, since his death, 
appeared to the other Fathers. In conclusion, those 
engaged in this mission live in peace, industry, and 
the practice of holiness. 

R. G. T. 

MADISON, Wis., October, 1898. 

LXVI (concluded) 

RELATION OF 1647-48 


In Volume XXXII., we published the first eight chapters of 
Part I. Herewith are given the remainder of Part I. and all 
of Part II., concluding the document. 




I AY defia dit plufieurs fois que la Foy efloit pour 
1 ordinaire fuiuie des afflictions en toutes les 
contr^es de ce nouueau monde oil elle auoit 
entree. L an paffe" plufieurs Sauuages des nations du 
Nord, eflans defcendus a Tadouffac, remonterent en 
leurs pais auec des defirs, & auec des affedtions 
bien fortes, d embraffer noflre creance. A peine en 
auoient-ils connoiffance, que la maladie [131] les 
faifit, & les pourfuiuit iufques dans le fond de leurs 
grands bois.- oh elle en egorgea vn bon nombre.- ce 
fleau a donne" de la terreur aux autres fi bien que 
plufieurs n ot ofe" approcher ny du lieu, ny des per- 
fonnes, d ou ils pouuoiet tirer la vie, croias qu ils 
eftoient coupables de leur mort. Le Pere qui a foin 
de cette miffio, & qui la va cultiuer aux entrees du 
Printemps, fut faifi d e"tonnement, & de douleur, 
apprenant la mort fi foudaine de quelques Neophites, 
& de plufieurs Cathecumenes, & l 6pouuante de ceux 
qui n aians pas connoiffance des grands biens de 
reternite", craignoient les petits maux qu on fouffre 
dans les temps. II n a pas laiffe de recueillir du fruit 
d vne terre affez expofee aux injures des faifons, ie 
veux dire au melange des nations qui n apportet 
ordinairement que de la confufion dans les affaires de 
noftre Seigneur, mais venons au detail. 

Apres qu il eut plainement fatisfait a ceux qui 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 19 

[130] CHAPTER IX. 


I HAVE already stated several times that the Faith 
was usually followed by afflictions in all the 
countries of this new world into which it entered. 
Last year, many Savages of the Northern tribes, who 
had come down to Tadoussac, returned to their coun 
try with very ardent desires and wishes to embrace 
our belief. Hardly had they obtained a knowledge 
of it, when disease [131] seized upon them, and fol 
lowed them into the very depths of their great woods, 
where it destroyed a great number of them. This 
scourge inspired the others with terror, so that many 
would not approach either that spot or the persons 
from whom they could obtain life, because they con 
sidered them to blame for the death of those persons. 
The Father who has charge of that mission, and who 
goes to cultivate it at the beginning of the Spring, 
was overcome by astonishment and sorrow when he 
heard of so sudden a death of some Neophytes and 
of many Catechumens, and of the dread of those 
who, having no knowledge of the great blessings of 
eternity, feared the slight evils that are suffered in 
time. He did not fail to gather fruit from a soil 
somewhat exposed to the inclemency of the seasons ; 
I mean the mixture of nations that usually brings 
only confusion in matters pertaining to our Lord. 
But let us enter into details. 

After he had fully satisfied those who generally 


frequentent ordinairement cette petite Eglif e, il prefta 
1 oreille aux Sauuages e*tragers, qui ne laiffoient pas 
d aborder en ce port malgre les [132] 6pouuantes 
que la nature & le demon leur auoient donnez, ils 
racomptoient comme an depart de leur pais, on les 
regardoit comme des gens qui venoient chercher la 
maladie, mais nous efperons, difoient-ils, remporter 
vne bonne fante", nous fommes venus tout exprs 
pour nous confeffer, & pour receuoir celuy qui nous 
a fait fes enfans au Baptefme: c eft 1 vnique com 
merce & le feul trafic qui nous amene. Le Pere les 
ayans confolez & loiie hautement leur foy & leur 
courage, leur accorda auec plaifir les biens qu ils 
recherchoient auec ardeur, & qu ils receurent auec 
mille benedictions & mille adtions de graces. 

Non feulement les Chrefliens, mais encore quel- 
ques Catechumenes ont furmonte" les affres que leurs 
donnoiet les Payens. Nos Compatriotes & mefme 
nos parens, difoient ils, epouuantez par les maladies 
qui les accueilloient 1 an parle" au fortir de Tadouflac, 
nous vouloient arrefter, difans que c eftoit fait de 
noftre vie fi nous approchions de la maifon de Pri- 
eres: mais 1 efperance d eftre baptifez nous a fait 
quitter [133] noftre patrie & furmonter la crainte de 
nos parens pour receuoir cette faueur, c eft a ce coup 
qu elle nous fera accorded, puifque c eft 1 vnique 
fujet de noftre venue. Nous f^auons mon Pere, ce 
que tu nous as tant recommande , nous auons fait nos 
prieres tous les iours fans y manquer, nous auons 
refolu d obei r conftamment a Dieu. Tu nous as dit, 
ie vous baptiferay fi vous cheminez droit, demande 
a ceux qui nous ont veu marcher tout 1 hyuer, fi pas 
vn s eft e carte de la voye que tu luy as trace"e? tu dis 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 21 

frequent that little Church, he listened to the stranger 
Savages who did not fail to land at that port, not 
withstanding the [132] fears with which nature and 
the devil inspired them. They related how, on their 
departure from their own country, they were looked 
upon as people who came to seek disease. " But," 
they said, we hope to return in good health ; we 
have come expressly to confess, and to receive him 
who has made us his children in Baptism. That is 
the only commerce and the only trade that brings us 
here." The Father, after consoling them and highly 
praising their faith and courage, granted them with 
pleasure the gifts they so earnestly desired, and which 
they received with a thousand blessings and a thou 
sand thanks. 

Not only the Christians, but some Catechumens 
also, have overcome the dread inspired in them by 
the Pagans. " Our Countrymen and even our rela 
tives," they said, "who were frightened by the 
diseases that assailed them last year, on leaving 
Tadoussac, wished to stop us, saying that our lives 
were doomed if we approached the house of Prayer. 
But the hope of being baptized has induced us to 
leave [133] our country, and to overcome the fears of 
our relatives in regard to receiving that favor. Sure 
ly it will be granted us this time, for it is the sole 
object of our coming here. We know, my Father, 
what thou hast so strongly recommended ; we have 
said our prayers every day without fail; we have 
resolved to obey God constantly. Thou hast said to 
us: I will baptize you, if you walk in the straight 
path. Ask those who have seen us walk all winter 
if one of us has strayed from the path that thou hast 
traced out. Thou sayest that it is wrong to lie; 


que c eft vne chofe mauuaife de mentir, fus done mon 
Pere, tiens ta parole, accorde nous ce que tu nous as 
promis. Le Pere les ayant encore examinez & 
prouuez quelque temps, les baptiza & en fuitte les 
renuoya plains de ioye en leur pais. 

Entre ceux qu il baptifa des pai s plus eloignez, il 
s en trouua vn doue" d vne excellente volonte, mais 
d vne memoire li courte qu il ne pouuoit retenir les 
articles de noftre creance, ce pauure homme ne f9auoit 
a qui s en prendre, fi ie fcauois, difoit-il, comme il 
faut parler a Dieu, ie luy demanderois de 1 efprit, 
[134] vous autres qui fcauez les prieres qu il faut 
faire, que ne les dites vous pour moy, afin que ie fois 
baptife auec vous? Ie veux aimer Dieu & ie ne f9au- 
rois: car ie ne f9aurois retenir ce qu il luy faut dire, 
mon coeur luy veut parler, mais ma bouche demeure 
muette, pour ce qu elle ne fcait comme il faut dire, 
Ie crains 1 Enfer & encore plus les pechez qui nous 
y menent, & peut eftre que n ayant point d efprit ie 
ne les pouray Suiter. Le Pere Ie confola & luy fift 
entendre que Ie langage du coeur valoit bien celuy de 
la bouche. 

Vn autre venat d eftre Iau6 des eaues faeries du 
Baptefme, & montant en Canot pour s en retourner 
en fon pai s, s 6cria au Pere qui Ie conduifoit de la 
veue, mon Pere redouble tes prieres, tu m as donne" 
de la crainte auec Ie Baptefme, i ay peur que Ie 
demon ne me rauiffe les grands biens que ie remporte 
auec moy, ce malheureux m attaquera bien plus 
fortement quand il me verra feul, ie ne Ie crains pas 
aupr<s de toy, il a peur de la maifon de Prieres, mais 
lors que ie feray dans Ie fond des forefts parmy des 
gens attachez a leurs fuperftitions, [135] qui fe 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 ~ tf 23 

therefore, my Father, keep thy word ; grant us what 
thou hast promised." After the Father had exam 
ined them again and had tried them for some time, 
he baptized them and sent them away full of joy to 
their country. 

Among those from the more distant regions whom 
he baptized, there was one who was endowed with a 
great willingness but with so short a memory that he 
could not remember the articles of our creed. This 
poor man did not know whom to blame. " If," said 
he, " I knew how to speak to God, I would ask him 
for sense. [134] You who know the prayers that 
must be said, why do you not say them for me, so 
that I may be baptized with you ? I wish to love God, 
and I cannot, for I cannot remember what must be said 
to him. My heart wishes to speak to him ; but my 
mouth remains mute, because it knows not what to 
say. I fear Hell, and still more the sins that take us 
there ; but perhaps I may not be able to avoid them, 
because I have no sense." The Father consoled him, 
and made him understand that the language of the 
heart was quite equal to that of the tongue. 

Another who had just been washed in the sacred 
waters of Baptism, and who was embarking in a 
Canoe to return to his own country, called out to the 
Father, who followed him with his eyes: " Redouble 
thy prayers, my Father ; thou hast inspired me with 
dread in granting me Baptism. I fear that the devil 
may snatch from me the great blessings that I carry 
with me. That wretch will attack me more boldly 
when he will see me all alone. I am not frightened 
at him when near thee, he fears the house of 
Prayers; but when I shall be alone in the depths of 
the forest, among people who are attached to their 


mocqueront de moy quand ie feray mes prieres, c eft 
lors que le demon fe ioignant auec leurs gaufferies, me 
donnera bien de la peine, c eft lors que i auray bon 
befoin de tes prieres, ie tafcheray de tenir ferme, 
mais ayde moy mon Pere, tant que tu pouras aupre"s 
de Dieu. 

II s eft rencontr6 parmy ces etrangers vn fameux 
Sorcier ou vn Charlatan qui auoit tellement 6pou- 
uante" fes Compatriotes, que pas vn de ceux qui 
eftoient defcendus auec luy n ofoit approcher de la 
Chappelle. Le Pere en ayant eu le vent 1 engagea a 
y venir luy mefme & luy demanda en bonne compa- 
gnie les raifons qui rempefchoient de fe rendre aux 
veritez Chre"tiennes, il fe ietta fur fes fonges, i ay 
veu, dit-il, plufieurs fois c6t hyuer le Manitou qui 
determine des oyfeaux, des poiffons & des animaux, 
il m a promis que i en prendrois fi ie luy voulois 
obei r, & de fait tant que ie I ay confulte* dans nos 
tabernacles & que i ay chante" & battu mon ta- 
bour, mes attrappes aux Ours, aux Caftors, & -aux 
autres n ont point manqu6. II m a dit que les Sau- 
uages [136] mouroient de faim & de maladie, pource 
qu ils s amufoient a certaines paroles oh a certaines 
prieres qu on leur enfeignoit. Qu au refte il auoit 
veu le lieu ou alloient les ames baptife"es & non bap- 
tifees, que ce n eftoit point le Ciel ny les abyfmes, 
mais vn lieu vers le Soleil couchant ou elles fe 

On voit en France qu il efl bien aife de refuter ces 
badineries, mais quand des efprits font preoccupez 
depuis tant de fiecles, & qu ils naiffent auec ces 
fonges & qui les fuccent auec la mammelle, ils ne les 
quittent pas fi aifement: les principes qui nous font 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 25 

superstitions, [135] and who will laugh at me when 
I say my prayers, then the devil, uniting with their 
mockeries, will cause me much trouble ; then I shall 
have great need of thy prayers ; I will endeavor to 
remain steadfast; but, my Father, assist me with 
God as much as thou canst." 

Among these strangers was a famous Sorcerer or 
Charlatan, who had frightened his Countrymen to 
such an extent that not one of those who had come 
down with him dared to approach the Chapel. When 
the Father heard of it, he urged him to come there 
himself, and courteously asked him what reasons 
prevented him from yielding to Christian truths. 
He fell back upon his dreams. " I saw," he said, 
" on several occasions last winter, the Manitou who 
governs the birds, the fishes, and the animals. He 
promised me that I should take some, if I obeyed 
him ; and, in fact, so long as I consulted him in our 
tabernacles, and so long as I sang and beat my drum, 
my traps for Bears, for Beavers, and for other ani 
mals, never failed me. He told me that the Savages 
[136] died of hunger and disease because they amused 
themselves with certain words or certain prayers that 
were taught them ; that, moreover, he had seen the 
place where the souls of the baptized and of the 
unbaptized go, and that it is neither Heaven nor the 
pit, but a place toward the setting Sun, where they 
meet together. 

In France one finds it very easy to refute such 
trifles; but when people s minds have been preoccu 
pied for so many centuries, and they are born with 
such dreams, and suck them with their mothers milk, 
they do not abandon them so easily. The principles 
that are clear to us, and on which we base our 


comme Guldens, & fur lefquels nous fondons nos 
raifonnemens, leur paroiffent au commencement fort 
tenebreux, mais enfin comme ils ont du rapport 
auec la raifon, leurs efprits qui en fon[t] doiiez les 
re9oiuent petit a petit & les gouftent, fe mocquans 
par apres de leurs niaiferies, pour conclufion le Pere 
1 ay ant mene battant par vn difcours moins riche 
pour la langue Sauuage, mais plus fucculant que le 
fien, le fift taire, & fe feruant de menaces de la part 
de celuy qui commande au Manitou, il l 6pouuanta, 
[137] non pas tant qu il euft apprehenfion des feux 
de 1 autre vie qu il ne voyoit pas, que pour la crainte 
que le Pere communiquant auec Dieu ne le fift bien 
toft mourir, comme ils font ou defirent faire de ceux 
qui leur refiftent, par le commerce qu ils ont ou 
.croyent auoir auec le demon. Enfin ce pauure 
liomme vint trouuer le Pere en particulier & luy 
demande permiffion d entrer en la Chappelle pour y 
eftre inftruit auec les autres, ce qui luy fut accorde* a 
condition qu il condamneroit publiquement deuant les 
Sauuages, toutes les impoftures qu il auoit iamais 
auance"es, il accepta la condition, mais le Diable eft 
toufiours Diable, & fes fupofbs font toufiours fourbes/ 
il parla en effet, mais fi obfcurement, & fi ambigue- 
ment, que les auditeurs ne fgachans ce qu il vouloit 
dire, fe retirerent les vns apres les autres en forte 
qu il ne refta que le Pere auec luy, lequel apres de 
bons & forts auis, ne 1 eloigna pas de la Foy, mais il ne 
1 approclia pas fi toft du Baptefme, luy demandant 
deux annees d epreuues. 

II en eft des hommes, comme des [138] poiffons 
pris dans les filets de 1 Euangile, on en conferue 
quelqu vn & on rebute les autres.- Vne mere vint en 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 27 

arguments, seem to them at the outset very obscure; 
but finally, since these arguments are conformable 
to reason, their minds, which are endowed with it, 
receive them little by little, and they relish them, 
laughing afterward at their own foolishness. In 
conclusion, the Father silenced him, after pressing 
him hard, by a discourse that was less fluent, as 
regards the Savage tongue, but more substantial than 
his own. Moreover, by threatening him in the name 
of him who commands the Manitou, he frightened 
him, [137] not sufficiently to make him feel any 
apprehension of the fires of the other world, which 
he saw not ; but enough to make him fear that the 
Father might communicate with God and cause his 
death shortly, as they do, or try to do, with those 
who refuse them, through the relations that they 
have or think they have with the devil. Finally, 
the poor man came to the Father in private, and 
asked his permission to enter the Chapel, and to be 
instructed with the others. This was granted him, 
on condition that he should publicly condemn, in the 
presence of the Savages, all the impostures that he 
had ever supported. He accepted the proposition; 
but the Devil is ever the Devil, and his instruments 
are ever deceitful. He spoke, in truth, but so 
obscurely and ambiguously that, as his auditors could 
not make out what he wished to say, they withdrew, 
one after another, until there remained with him 
only the Father. The latter, after earnest and em 
phatic warnings, did not estrange him from the Faith ; 
but he did not so soon permit him to approach Bap 
tism, for he exacted from him a two years probation. 
It is the same with men as with [138] fishes; when 
caught in the nets of the Gospel, some are kept, 


ce temps-la racompter la mort de fa fille, qui en 
verity eft toute pleine de confolation. Cette enfant 
defia aagee fe voyant malade k la mort difoit & fa 
patmre mere, que ie mourois contente fi i auois vn 
Pere aupres de moy pour me cofefTer! ie n ay que 
ce"t vnique regret, mais ma mere e"coutez mes pechez, 
& quand vous ver6s Ie Pere vous luy direz tout ce 
que i ay fait, & ma confeffion fe fera par voftre bou- 
che, la-deiTus cette ieune ame dit tout ce qu elle auoit 
fur fon coeur fort innocent, & fa mere Ie racomptant 
par apres fondoit en larmes deuant Ie Pere. Ie con- 
folois, adioutoit-elle, mon pauure enfant, ma fille ne 
craignez point, celuy qui a tout fait eft bon, croyez 
fortement en luy, il vous fera mifericorde, allez mon 
enfant allez Ie voir, vous marchez deuant, ie vay 
apres vous, ie vous trouueray au Ciel, au pai s des 
croyans. Quoy que ces perfonnes foient 61oignees 
de nos Eglifes, elles font bien proches de leur Dieu, 
qui fupplee auec largeffe aux [139] deffauts de ces 
miniftres, quand cet eloignement fe trouue dans les 
ordres de fa prouidence. 

Le Pere voyant que la crainte retenoit vne partie 
de fes oiiailles en leur pai s, fe refolut de les aller 
chercher, il s embarqua auec des Sauuages dans vn 
Canot d e"corce, pour entrer en de grandes forefts par 
des chemins quafi inaccefibles, fur vn fieuue merueil- 
leufement rapide, eflant a michemin il rencontre vne 
efcoiiade qui luy dift que les autres auoient decampe 
depuis quelque temps, & qu il ne les pourroit pas 
attrapper, il s arrefle done auec ceux-cy prenant Ie 
couuert dans leurs cabanes. Apres auoir rendu vn 
grand tefmoignage de leur ioye dans cette heureufe 
rencontre, ils Ie prierent fur Ie foir de leur faire les 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 29 

while others are rejected. A mother came at that 
time to relate her daughter s death, which was truly 
full of consolation. When this child, who was 
already adolescent, saw herself sick unto death, she 
said to her poor mother: "How glad I would be to 
die, if I had a Father near me, to confess me! That 
is my only regret. But, my mother, listen to my 
sins ; and, when you will see the Father, you shall 
tell him all that I have done, and my confession will 
be made through your lips. Thereupon, that young 
soul repeated all that was in her very innocent heart ; 
and her mother afterward, with eyes bathed in tears, 
related it to the Father. " I consoled my poor 
child, she added, by saying : Fear not, my daugh 
ter ; he who has made all is good ; believe firmly in 
him, and he will have pity on you. Go, my child, 
and see him ; you go before, I follow after you ; I 
shall meet you in Heaven, in the home of the believ 
ers. Although these persons are very far from our 
Churches, they are very near to their God, who 
amply supplies the [139] deficiencies of his minis 
ters, when such remoteness is in the order of his 

When the Father found that fear detained a por 
tion of his flock in their own country, he resolved 
to go and seek them. He embarked with some 
Savages in a bark Canoe, to enter into great forests 
by almost inaccessible routes, on a wonderfully rapid 
river. When about half-way, he met a band who 
told him that the others had decamped some time 
before, and that he could not overtake them. He 
therefore remained with this band, lodging in their 
cabins. After manifesting great joy at having so 
fortunately met him, they begged him in the 


prieres, mais il leur repartit qu ils fiffent a leur ordi 
naire, & qu il feroit bien aife de les entendre, s eftans 
tons mis a genoux 1 vn d eux prononca les prieres 
fort diftindtement, & tons les autres le fuiuoient 
pofement, & auec vne deuotion non attendue de ces 
paimres barbares, les prieres acheuees ils reciterent 
en commun [140] trois dixaines de leur chappellet, 
chantans vn cantique fpirituel a la fin de chaque 
dixaine, ils en firent autant le matin du iour fuiuant, 
& voila, dirent ils, comme nous auons paffe tout 
1 liyuer, fmon que les Dimanches & les iours de 
feftes nous prolongeons de beaucoup nos prieres. 

Le Pere grandement confole s en retourne auec 
eux a Tadouffac pour leur adminiftrer les Sacremens 
de la Confeffion & de 1 Euchariftie, & pour les 
inftruire quelque temps, & puis les reuoyer en leur 
pai s; Das la comunicatio qu ils eurent auec le Pere, 
ils loiierent grandement le zele & la charite d vne 
femme Chretienne, comme la maladie les pourfuiuoit 
par tout, cette bonne femme alloit de cabane en 
cabane, exhortant tout le monde a tenir ferme en la 
foy, & a ietter toutes leurs efperances en Dieu, mes 
fceurs, difoit elle, aux femmes malades, ne vous afni- 
gez pas de vous voir dans cette langueur, ce mal 
n eft rien en comparaifon des feux de 1 Enfer que 
vous fouffririez fi vous n eftiez pas Chretiens, fou- 
uenez-vous de ce que noftre Pere nous a fi fouuent 
[141] dit a Tadouffac, que les fouff ranees eftoient 
bonnes, & qu elles feroient hautement recompenfees 
au Ciel, & qu il falloit payer le mal que nous auos 
fait par nos pechez. 

Si quelque enfant venoit a mourir elle fortifioit fes 
parens, & par fon exemple ayant perdu les fiens auec 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 31 

evening to repeat the prayers for them ; but he told 
them to say them as usual, and that he would be glad 
to hear them. They all knelt down, and one of them 
recited the prayers quite distinctly, while all the 
others followed him sedately and with a devotion 
that he had not expected from these poor barbarians. 
When the prayers were over, they recited together 
[140] three decades of the rosary, singing a spiritual 
song at the end of each decade. They did the 
same on the following morning ; and Thus," said 
they, " we passed the whole winter, except on Sun 
days and festivals, when we considerably prolonged 
our prayers." 

The Father was greatly comforted and went back 
with them to Tadoussac to administer to them the 
Sacraments of Confession and the Eucharist, and to 
instruct them for some time, sending them back then 
to their own country. During the conversations that 
they had with the Father, they highly praised the 
zeal and charity of a Christian woman. When dis 
ease followed them everywhere, that good woman 
went from cabin to cabin, exhorting every one to 
remain firm in the faith, and to place all their hopes 
in God. " My sisters," she said to the sick women, 
be not afflicted at seeing yourselves in so weak a 
state ; this disease is nothing in comparison with the 
flames of Hell, which you would suffer if you were 
not Christians. Remember what our Father has so 
often [141] told us at Tadoussac, that sufferings 
were good, and would be highly rewarded in Heav 
en ; and that we must pay for the evil that we have 
wrought by our sins. 

If any child died, she encouraged its parents both 
by her example for she had endured the loss of her 


vne grande refignation, & par fes difcours, d autant 
plus animez qu ils auoient fait impreffion fur fon 
efprit. Voftre enfant n eft pas mort, difoit-elle, il a 
chang< de pai s, il eft forti de la terre des mourans, 
pour entrer au pai s des viuans: s il n eut pas efl6 
baptife" vous auriez fubiet de deplorer fa mifere, mais 
vous luy faites tort de vous affliger de fon bon-heur, 
Dieu peut-eftre preuoyoit qu il euft eft< mefchant, 
s il euft fait vn plus long feiour fur la terre, & qu il 
feroit al!6 au pai s des demons.- il 1 a pris & la loge" 
en fa maifon pource qu il vous aime & qu il cherit 
voftre enfant, pourquoy vous en fachez-vous? ma 
conf olation dans le trepas de mes enfans qui viennent 
d expirer auffi bien que les voftres eft renfermee 
dans ces paroles que me dit mo coeur, tu verras tes 
enfans au Ciel reioiiis [142] toy, ils font en affu- 
rance. L efprit de Dieu eft eloquent dans la bouche 
des pauures auffi. bien que dans la bouche des riches, 
mais changeons de propos. 

Le Pere eftant de retour a Tadouffac, trouua que 
la boiffon auoit caufe du defordre parmy fes gens, il 
crie, il tance, il prie, il conjure, il fait voir 1 enor- 
mite d vn peche qui feroit autant enracine dans les 
bois des Sauuages qu il a iamais efte dans le fond 
de 1 Allemagne, s ils auoient de ces malheureufes 
potions ou boiffons qui renuerfent la tefte des hom 
ines, les coulpables couuerts de honte fe declarent 
eux-mefmes, ils s accufent, ils fe condamnent, ils 
portent fentence centre eux-mefmes, ils 1 executent, 
ils grimpent fur des rochers inacceffibles, & la eftas 
expofez a la veue de tous ceux qui eftoient en bas, 
& des Frangois mefme qui auoient mouille" 1 ancre 
deuant cette montagne, ils fe font donner de grands 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 33 

own with great resignation and by her discourses, 
which were all the more animated that they had pro 
duced an impression on her own mind. " Your child 
is not dead, she would say ; he has gone to an 
other country ; he has left the land of the dying to 
enter that of the living. Had he not been baptized, 
you would have had cause to deplore his unhappi- 
ness ; but you do him an injury by being afflicted at 
his happiness. Perhaps God foresaw that he would 
be wicked, had he made a longer stay on earth, and 
that he would have gone to the country of the 
demons. He has taken him and lodged him in his 
own house, because he loves you and cherishes your 
child. Why should you be sorry for it? My conso 
lation at the death of my children, who have just 
expired like yours, lies in these words that my heart 
says to me: Thou shalt see thy children in Heaven. 
Rejoice, [142] they are in safety. The spirit of God 
is eloquent in the mouths of the poor, as well as in 
the mouths of the rich. But let us change the 

When the Father returned to Tadoussac, he found 
that liquor had caused disorder among his people. 
He inveighed, he rebuked, he prayed, and entreated; 
and he showed the enormity of a sin that would 
become as deeply rooted among the forests of the 
Savages as it has ever been in the heart of Germany, 
if they had those wretched drinks or liquors that 
upset men s heads. The guilty were covered with 
shame, and themselves declared their sin; they 
accused and condemned themselves ; and they pro 
nounced their own sentence, which they carried out. 
They climbed up inaccessible rocks and there, exposed 
to the view of all who stood below and of the French 



coups d efcourgees fur les epaules qui plus qui moins 
felon la grief uete de leur crime, qui confiftoit en vn 
excez de vin ou d eau de vie dont les vns s eftoient 
plus les [143] autres moins eftourdis la tefte: C eft 
en ce poindt qu ils mettent 1 yurongnerie, car ceux-la 
mefmes qui ne perdent pas la raifon paffent pour 
yurongnes chez eux, fi la boiffon leur fait mal a la 


II eut efte bien fouhaitable que deux Apoftats 
euffent preuenu par vn femblable chaftiment le 
careau de foudre que Dieu a lance fur leurs teftes. 

Les Neophites de Tadouffac ont eu vne conf olation 
particuliere cette annee voyans plufieurs Sauuages 
dans leur Eglife chanter les loiianges de Dieu en 
diuerfes langues. Le Pere Martin Lionne qui entend 
fort bien la langue de MifKou, ou il a demeure" 
quelques ann6es, s efbant trouue en cette miffion auec 
le Pere Dequen, a inftruit ceux qui ont fait quelque 
fejour en ce port, & baptife les enfans qu il iugeoit 
eftre en quelque danger de leur vie. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 35 

themselves, who had anchored in front of the moun 
tain, they caused themselves to be given heavy blows 
with scourges upon their shoulders more or less 
severely, according to the grievousness of their sin. 
This consisted in the excessive use of wine or bran 
dy, with which they had [143] upset their heads, 
some more, some less. It is thus that they look upon 
drunkenness ; for even those who do not lose their 
reason pass for drunkards among them, if the liquor 
make their heads ache. 

It would have been very desirable that two Apos 
tates should by a similar punishment have forestalled 
the thunderbolt that God hurled at their heads. 

The Neophytes of Tadoussac had the special con 
solation this year of hearing many Savages singing 
God s praises in their Church in various tongues. 
Father Martin Lionne--who is well versed in the 
language of Miskou, where he has lived for several 
years was in this mission with Father Dequen; he 
taught those who remained some time at that port, 
and baptized the children whom he considered in 
danger of death. 


[144] CHAPITRE X. 


VN Sauuage ayant tu6 vn Loutre, le mit encor tout 
chaud a 1 entour du col d vn Fra^ois, & aufn- 
toft le Francois tomba en fyncope, comme s il 
eut efle" mort, le Sauuage prenant ce Loutre par les 
pieds de derriere, en donne quelques coups fur le 
ventre du Francois, qui reuint a foy quafi en vn 
moment: ie laiffe aux Medecins a iuger de la caufe, 
mais il eft certain que ce que ie viens de dire a efte" 

Ce Chapitre fera compofe de bigareures. II y a 
delia affez long-temps que deux Sauuages voulans 
paffer la grande Riuierefur la fin de 1 hyuer, & n aiat 
point de batteau de bois ny d e"corce, ils en firent vn 
de glace en ayant trouue vne affez grande fur les 
bords, ils la font flotter, & s eftans mis deffus, ils 
eftendent vne grade couuerture, dont ils faifirent les 
deux extremitez, d en [145] bas auec leurs pieds, 
eleuant le refte en 1 air auec leurs efp6es, afin de 
receuoir vn vent fauorable qui les fit paffer ce grand 
fleuue a la voile, fur vn pont ou fur vn batteau de 
glace. Ce jeu eft vn jeu de hazard, fi quelqu vn y 
gaigne, d autres y perdent. 

Voicy vne fimplicite" bien agreable a noftre Sei 
gneur, deux Sauuages fe trouuans en danger, dont 
1 vn eftoit Chreftien & 1 autre Catechumene, celuy-cy 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 37 

[144] CHAPTER X. 


A SAVAGE who had killed an Otter put it, while 
still warm, round the neck of a Frenchman, 
who at once fell in a swoon as if he were 
dead. The Savage then took the Otter by the hind 
legs and gave some blows with it on the stomach of 
the Frenchman, who recovered consciousness almost 
in a moment. I leave Physicians to decide the cause 
of this, but it is certain that what I have just said 
really occurred. 

This Chapter will be made up of odds and ends. 
Some time ago, two Savages wished to cross the 
great River, toward the end of winter. As they had 
no boat either of wood or of bark, they made one 
from an ice-floe. Having found on the bank a piece 
large enough for their purpose, they pushed it into 
the water, and embarked on it ; then they stretched 
a large blanket, the lower extremity of which they 
held [145] down with their feet, while they held up 
the other with their javelins, so as to receive a favor 
able wind that wafted them over the great river 
under sail, on a bridge or boat made of ice. This is 
a game of hazard at which, if some win, others lose. 

Here is an instance of a simplicity very agreeable 
to our Lord. Two Savages found themselves in 
danger; one was a Christian, and the other a Cate 
chumen. The latter, who feared more for his soul 


craignant plus pour fon ame que pour fon corps, 
dit a fon camarade, que feray-ie fi ie meurs, moy qui 
ne fuis pas Chreftien? ne pourrois-tu pas bien me 
baptifer? fi tu ne le fais, ie fuis perdu pour vn iamais? 
ie ne fgay pas bien, repart fon camarade, comme il 
faut faire, car i eftois bien malade quand on me bap- 
tifa, ie me fouuiens neantmoins qu on fit le figne de 
la Croix fur ma tefte, & qu on me dit que mes peches 
eftoient effaces, & que ie n irois point au feu, fi ie ne 
me faliffois derechef, he bien, dit le Catechumene, 
fais-moy la mefme chofe, car ie t affeure que ie croy 
tout ce qu on nous a enfeigne", i en fuis content, 
repond le Chreftien, & [146] la-deffus il fait mettre 
fon profelite a genoux, puis s addreffant a Dieu il luy 
dit, toy qui as tout fait, empefche cet homme d aller 
en Enfer, cela ne feroit pas bien qu il y allaft, efface 
tous fes pechez, & le deftourne du mauuais chemin : 
il fit en fuitte le figne de la Croix fur luy, & voila vn 
Baptefme a la Sauuage. Dieu peut donner k ces 
bonnes gens vn adte d vn vray amour, en confidera- 
tion de leur foy & de leur fimplicite , ce qui n ! em 
pefche pas qu on ne leur confere par apres le veri 
table Sacrement. On dira qu il feroit bien a propos, 
que quelques-vns d entre eux, fuffent bien inftruits 
fur la forme du Baptefme : cela eft ainfi, en effet, & 
nous n y manquons pas: mais on n ofe pas confier 
ces grands Myfkeres a toutes fortes de perfonnes, 
plufieurs s en feruiroient fans difcretion. 

Voicy vne r6ponfe prudente pour vn Sauuage, ceux 
de Tadouffac s eftans lies auec ceux de Kebec, 
vindrent faliier Mofieur noftre Gouuerneur, pour 
d6couurir quelles eftoient fes penfees, touchant les 
prifonniers Hiroquois, qui s eftoient venus ietter 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 39 

than for his body, said to his comrade: " What shall 
I do if I die, I, who am not a Christian? Canst 
thou not baptize me? If thou do not, I am lost 
forever. " I do not know exactly what should be 
done, replied his comrade ; for I was very ill when 
I was baptized. I recollect, however, that they made 
the sign of the Cross on my head, and told me that 
my sins were washed away, and that I should not go 
into the fire unless I soiled myself again. " " Well, 
said the Catechumen, " do the same to me; for I 
assure thee that I believe all that we have been 
taught." " I am glad of it," replied the Christian; 
and [146] thereupon he made his proselyte kneel 
down, and, addressing himself to God, he said: 
" Thou who hast made all, keep this man from going 
to Hell; it would not be right that he should go 
there. Wash away all his sins, and keep him away 
from the wrong path." Afterward, he made the 
sign of the Cross on him, and there was a Baptism 
in the Savage fashion. God may inspire in those poor 
people an act of true love in consideration of their 
faith and simplicity ; this will not prevent us from 
afterward administering the real Sacrament to them. 
It may be said that it would be very advisable that 
some of them should be taught the formula of 
Baptism. That is true, and, in fact, we do not fail 
to do so ; but we do not venture to confide those great 
Mysteries to all kinds of persons, many of whom 
might make use of them without discretion. 

Here is a prudent answer for a Savage. Those of 
Tadoussac united with those of Kebec, and came to 
salute Monsieur our Governor, to ascertain what 
were his opinions respecting the Hiroquois prisoners 
who had cast themselves into our hands. [147] They 


entre nos mains, [147] ils apprehendoient que nous 
ne fiffions la paix independamment d eux: ils alle- 
guoient mille raifons, pour monftrer la perfidie de 
ces peuples, & pour nous engager a continuer la 
guerre. Monfieur le Gouuerneur leur fit dire, qu il 
s eftonnoit, comme ils vouloient entrer dans la 
conoiffance de fes penf<es, eux qui fembloient cacher 
leurs deffeins, on voit, adioufta il, arriuer tous les 
iours nombre de Sauuages etrangers, qui de vous 
autres les a mandes fans m en rien communiquer ? 
qui les doit commander? vn Capitaine repondit fort 
addretement, ceux que vous voyez font des enfans 
fans peres, & fans parens, fans chefs, & fans conduite, 
leurs Capitaines qui leur feruoient de Peres eftans 
morts 1 an paff6, ces pauures orphelins fe font venus 
retirer vers leurs Alliez. Allons (ce font-ils dit les 
vns aux autres) allons voir nos Amis, on nous apprend 
qu ils ont la guerre, allons goufter de la chair de 
leurs ennemis : au refte ils font f ous voftre coduite ; 
ils auanceront ou reculeront felon vos ordres. Cette 
repartie fort prompte, fut prife pour vne deffaite 
pleine d efprit: car on [148] ffauoit bien que ces 
Strangers auoient eft6 mandez. 

Voicy vn autre petit trait facecieux, vn Fra^ois 
delireux d apprendre quelque chofe de la langue 
Algonquine, preffoit fort vn Sauuage de 1 inftruire.- 
celuy-cy le faifoit auec beaucoup d affedtion, mais 
comme ils ne s entendoient pas bien 1 vn 1 autre, & 
que le Frangois rompoit la tefte au Sauuage, luy 
difant fouuent Ka kinifttmfir, ie ne t entends pas, 
le Sauuage fe voulant deliurer de cette importunite, 
luy dit d vne voix forte, tu n as garde de m entendre 
tu as des oreilles Francoifes, & i ay vne lague 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 41 

feared that we might make peace independently of 
them; they alleged a thousand arguments to prove 
the treachery of that nation, and to induce us to con 
tinue the war. Monsieur the Governor caused them 
to be told that he was surprised that they should seek 
to know his opinions, they who seemed to conceal 
their own designs. " We see," he added, " a great 
number of stranger Savages arriving daily. Who 
among you has sent for them, without letting me 
know anything of it? Who is to command them? 
A Captain very adroitly replied : Those whom you 
see are children without fathers, without relatives, 
without chiefs, and without leaders. Their Cap 
tains, who served them as Fathers last year, are 
dead ; and the poor orphans have come to live with 
their Allies. Come (they said to one another), let 
us go and see our Friends ; we are told that they are 
at war; let us go and taste the flesh of their ene 
mies. Moreover, they are under your leadership; 
they will advance or fall back, according to your 
orders." This very prompt reply was considered a 
clever evasion ; for it was [148] well known that those 
strangers had been sent for. 

Here is another facetious anecdote. A French 
man, who wished to learn something of the Algon 
quin language, strongly urged a Savage to teach it 
to him. The latter did so with much eagerness; 
but, as they did not understand each other very 
well, and as the Frenchman wearied the Savage by 
frequently repeating, Ka kinisttoutousirou " I do 
not understand," the Savage, who wished to free 
himself from such annoyance, said to him in a loud 
voice: " Thou canst not understand me; thou hast 
French ears and I have a Savage tongue, how canst 


Satmage, le moyen que tu m entendef couppe tes 
oreilles, & prends celles de quelque Sauuage, & 
alors tu m entendras fort bien. 

le ne veux pas oublier vne gentille defaitte, acco- 
pagnee d vne rodemontade, faite par vn poltron, 
dans le combat entre les Hurons & les Hiroquois, vn 
Huron defia age, e"pouuante a la veue des feux, & 
au bruit des armes, s enfuit li auant dans les bois, 
qu il fut vn long-temps fans paroiftre: les vidtorieux 
ne 1 ayans point trouue" entre les [149] morts, & le 
voyant de retour, luy donnerent en riant quelque 
foubriquet, luy voulant eluder leur gaufferie, leur 
dit, mes neueux, vous n auez pas fubjet de vous rire, 
& de vous gauffer de moy, fi bien de voftre lafchete" : 
fi vous auiez autant de courage a pourfuiure 1 enne- 
my, comme en a eu voftre oncle, vous auriez plus de 
prifonniers que vous n auez pas. Fay couru fi loin, 
& fi fort, qu enfin ceux que ie pourfuiuois m ayans 
laffe", ie me fuis perdu, & fouruoye" dans les bois, 
c eft pourquoy i ay tant tarde" apres les autres. Les 
Sauuages fe payerent de cette raifon, non pas qu ils 
ne viffent bien, que c eftoit vne fauffe monnoye: 
mais ils ne fcauent quafi que c eft, de couurir de 
honte, & de confufion le vifage d vn pauure homme, 
iamais ils ne fe pourfuiuent l efpe"e dans les reins, 
pour fe confondre de parole, & pour fe mettre a non 

Ie placeray en ce lieu vne adtion, qui doit eftre mife 
entre les amitiez memorables de I antiquit6. Vn 
ieune Hiroquois age" de 19. avingt ans, s eftant fauue" 
dans la de"faite de ces gens dont nous [150] auons 
parle cy-deuant, mais en forte qu il eftoit entiere- 
ment hors de tout danger, voyant que fon frere aifne", 

1648-49] RELATION OF 2647-48 43 

them understand me? Cut off thine ears, and take 
those of some Savage ; and then thou wilt understand 
me very well." 

I must not forget the clever evasion, accompanied 
by bluster, of one who showed himself a coward in 
the battle between the Hurons and the Hiroquois. A 
Huron, already advanced in years, who was fright 
ened by the sight of the fires and the noise of the 
weapons, fled so far into the woods that it was a long 
time before he reappeared. When his victorious com 
rades, who had not found him among the [149] dead, 
saw him return, they laughingly gave him a nick 
name. He tried to elude their banter, and said to 
them : My nephews, you have no occasion to laugh 
and to jeer at me, as much as at your own cowardice. 
Had you displayed as much courage as your uncle 
showed in pursuing the enemy, you would have had 
more prisoners than you have. I ran so far and so 
fast that at last, when those whom I pursued had 
tired me out, I lost myself and strayed in the woods ; 
that is why I delayed so long after the others. The 
Savages were satisfied with this explanation, not 
because they did not perceive the falsehood, but 
because they know not what it is to cover the face 
of a poor man with shame and confusion. They 
never push one another to extremities, so as to be 
reduced to silence and to be nonplused. 

I shall here relate an instance that deserves to be 
classed among the memorable friendships of antiqui 
ty. A young Hiroquois, 19 or twenty years of age, 
had escaped from the defeat of those people whom 
we [150] mentioned above. But, when he was quite 
out of danger, he observed that his elder brother, 
whom he had given his word never to abandon, 


auquel il auoit donne parole qu il ne 1 abandonneroit 
iamais, ne paroiffoit point, il s en retourne froide- 
ment fur fes pas, & fe doutant bien que fon frere 
eftoit pris, il le vient chercher entre les mains de fes 
ennemis : II aborde les trois Riuieres, il paffe deuant 
plufieurs Frangois qui ne luy difent aucun mot, ne 
le diftinguans pas des Hurons : il mote fur vn petit 
tertre, fur lequel le fort eft bafty, & fe va froidement 
affeoir au pied d vne croix, planted & la porte du fort. 
Vn Huron 1 ayant apperceu ne fit pas comme les 
Frangois, il le reconnut, & s en faifit auffi-toft, le 
de"poiiillant & le garrottant, & le faifant monter auec 
fon frere fur vn e"chaffaut ou eftoient tous les captifs. 
Ce pauure gargon interroge pourquoy il fe venoit 
letter das les feux, dans les marmittes, & dans les 
eftomachs des Hurons fes ennemis, re"pondit qu il 
vouloit courir la mefme fortune que fon frere, & qu il 
auoit plus d amour pour luy, que de crainte des tour- 
mens, qu il n auroit peu fouffrir en [151] fon pai s, le 
reproche de 1 auoir lafchement abandonne. Cette 
amitie n eft pas commune. 

II faut remarquer, icy en paffant la piete" des 
Hurons Chreftiens. Quand ils aborderet les trois 
Riuieres, & qu ils vinrent k paffer deuant cette croix 
pof6e a 1 entree du fort, ils commanderent & leurs 
prisoniers de flechir auec eux le genoiiil deuant ce"t 
arbre facre", voulat qu ils reconuffent par ce"t abaiffe- 
met, la grandeur de celuy qui les a racheptez fur 
ce bois, & qu ils luy fiflent amande honorable, pour 
auoir abbatu celle qui eftoit planted proche de Riche 

Ce que les Poetes ont feint du rapt de Ganimedes, 
eft fonde" fur la hardieffe des Aigles, il n y a pas 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 45 

did not make his appearance; he coolly retraced 
his steps, and, suspecting that his brother was cap 
tured, he came to seek him in the hands of his ene 
mies. He landed at three Rivers and passed before 
several Frenchmen, who said not a word to him 
because they did not distinguish him from a Huron. 
He ascended a small mound, on which the fort is 
built, and coolly went and sat down at the foot of a 
cross erected at the gate of the fort. A Huron per 
ceived him, and, unlike the French, recognized him; 
he seized him at once, despoiled and bound him, 
and made him ascend with his brother a scaffold on 
which all the captives were placed. When the poor 
lad was asked why he came to throw himself into 
the fires, the kettles, and the stomachs of the Hu- 
rons, his enemies, he replied that he wished to share 
his brother s fortunes, and that he had more love for 
him than fear of the tortures ; and that he could not 
have endured, in [i 5 1] his own country, the reproaches 
that would have been cast at him for abandoning him 
like a coward. Such friendship is not common. 

The piety of the Christian Hurons must here be 
alluded to, in passing. When they landed at three 
Rivers and passed before the cross erected at the gate 
of the fort, they ordered their prisoners to bend the 
knee with them before that sacred rood; wishing to 
compel them to acknowledge, by that act of humilia 
tion, the greatness of him who redeemed them on 
that wood, and to make amends for having broken 
down the cross that was set up near Richelieu. 

What the Poets have invented respecting the rape 
of Ganymede is founded on the boldness of Eagles. 
Not long ago, one of those great birds swooped down 
on a little boy nine years old. It placed one of its 


long-temps, que 1 vn de ces grands oifeaux, vint fon- 
dre fur vn ieune gargon age de neuf ans, il pofa vne 
de fes pates fur fon efpaule, & de 1 autre il le prit 
auec fes ferres par 1 oreille oppofee, ce pauure enfant 
fe mit a crier, & fon petit frere age de trois ans, 
tenant vn bafton en main, tafchoit de f rapper 1 Aigle : 
mais il ne branfla point. Cela peut eflre I empefcha 
de porter fon bee fur les yeux & fur le vifage [152] 
de c6t enfant, & donna loifir a fon pere de venir 
au fecours; cet oifeau entendant vn bruit de voix 
humaines, parut vn petit eftonn6, mais il ne quitta 
pas fa prife.- il falut que le pere, qui eftoit accouru, 
luy caifaft la cuiffe, & comme de bonne fortune il 
tenoit en main vne faucille, a mefme temps que ce"t 
Aigle fe fentant bleffe fe voulut eleuer, a mefme 
temps on luy coupa la tefte. Les Sauuages difent 
qu aflez fouuent des Aigles fe font iette"s fur des 
homines, qu ils enleuent quelquefois des Caftors, & 
des Eturgeons plus pef ans que des moutons : cela ne 
me femble pas beaucoup probable; quelques-vns 
difent que ce font des Griffons, & qu on en a veu en 
ces contr6es, ie m en rapporte. 

le ne f9ay fi i ay autrefois remarque, qu vn Fran- 
gois ayant tire" vn coup d arquebufe fur vne grue, & 
luy ayant caffe* vne aile, ce"t oifeau courut droit a luy 
auec fes grandes iambes, portant fon bee come vne 
demie lance, vers fa face, mais auec vne telle impetu- 
oiite , qu il couint au chaileur de quitter le champ de 
bataille a fon ennemy, qu il vainquit [153] enfin par 
fineffe: car s eftant cach6 dans le bois, & recharge 
fon arquebufe, il 1 empefcha non feulement de voler, 
mais encore de courir. 

Dieu a donne de la colere a tous les animaux pour 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 47 

feet on his shoulder, and seized him by the opposite 
ear with the talons of the other. The poor child 
began to cry out, while his little brother three years 
old, who had a stick in his hand, tried to strike at 
the Eagle, but it did not let go. This perhaps 
prevented it from tearing the child s eyes and face 
with its beak [152] and gave the father time to come 
to his assistance. When the bird heard the noise of 
human voices, it appeared somewhat surprised, but 
did not loose its prey. The father, who ran up, had 
to break its thigh ; and as, by good fortune, he had 
a sickle in his hand, when the Eagle felt itself 
wounded and tried to fly away, he cut off its head 
at the same time. The Savages say that Eagles 
very often swoop down on men ; that they sometimes 
carry off Beavers, and Sturgeon heavier than sheep. 
This does not seem to me to be very probable. Some 
say that they are Griffins and that some have been 
seen in these countries. I merely relate what I have 

I do not remember whether I have already men 
tioned that a Frenchman fired an arquebus at a 
crane, and broke its wing, whereupon the bird ran 
straight at him on its long legs, thrusting its beak 
like a half-pike at his face, but with such impetu 
osity that the hunter had to leave the battle-field to 
his enemy. He finally overcame it [153] by strata 
gem ; for, after concealing himself in the woods, and 
reloading his arquebus, he put an end not only to its 
flying, but also to its running. 

God has given anger to all animals that they may 
repel what is hostile to them. Even tortoises revenge 
themselves on their enemies. There are several 
kinds here: some have a thick and strong shell, 


repouffer ce qui leur eft contraire : il n efl pas iufques 
aux tortues qui ne tirent vengeance de leurs ennemis : 
il y en a icy de plufieurs fortes, les vnes ont vne 
groffe & forte efcaille, les autres 1 ont plus mince & 
plus delicate: celles-cy, qui n ont pas tant d armes 
deffenliues, font plus hardies. Vn Frangois en ayant 
pris vne affez grande, qu il penfoit auoir ailommee, 
1 attacha auec vne corde par la queue la iettant der- 
riere fon dos, cet animal qui a la vie affez dure, reue- 
nant de I endormiffemet que les coups qu on auoit 
defchargez fur fa tefte, luy auoit cauf6, empoigne 
auec fa petite gueule fon ennemy par le dos, mais fi 
viuement, qu il luy fit crier les hauts cris; il lache la 
corde pour faire tomber la tortue, point de nouuelle, 
elle demeure pendue par fa gueulle ferrant de plus 
en plus, fans iamais demordre: enfin il luy fallut 
couper la tefte pour apaifer fa colere. 

[154] Terminons ce Chapitre par vne adtion, d au- 
tant plus remarquable qu elle eft toute nouuelle en 
ces contr6es, les vaiffeaux apportent tant de boiffons, 
& fi brufiantes, pour vendre a la de robe e aux Sau- 
uages, que le defordre eftoit entierement lamentable. 
Monfieur d Ailleboust noftre nouueau Gouuerneur, y 
voulant aporter remede, fit venir les Capitaines des 
Sauuages, & leur demanda leurs penf6es fur ce fubiet, 
c eft vn adte de prudence, de gouuerner les peuples, 
par ceux-la mef mes qui font de leur nation : ces bons 
Neophites repondirent, qu il y auoit long-temps qu ils 
fouhaittoient, que 1 yurongnerie qui paff e la mer dans 
nos vaiffeaux, n abordaft point leurs cabanes: mais 
qu ils ne pouuoient obtenir de leurs gens, qu ils decla- 
raffent ceux qui leur vendoiet ces boiffons & la four- 
dine. II faut done, repart Monfieur le Gouuerneur, 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4& 49 

others a thinner and more delicate one ; the latter, 
which are not so well provided with defensive armor, 
are bolder. A Frenchman caught one of consider 
able size, which he thought he had killed with a 
club ; he tied a string to its tail, and threw it over 
his shoulder. When the animal, which is rather 
tenacious of life, recovered from the stupor caused 
by the blows discharged on its head, it seized its foe 
by the back with its small jaws, and bit him so hard 
that he yelled with pain. He dropped the cord, to 
allow the tortoise to fall ; but it would not loosen its 
hold, and remained suspended by its teeth, biting 
harder and harder, without letting go; finally its 
head had to be cut off, in order to appease its anger. 
[154] Let us conclude this Chapter with an incident 
that is all the more remarkable that it is quite new 
in these countries. The ships brought out so much 
and such strong liquor, to sell secretly to the Savages, 
that the disorder to which it gave rise was exceed 
ingly deplorable. Monsieur d Ailleboust, our new 
Governor, wishing to remedy the evil, sent for the 
Captains of the Savages, and asked them what they 
thought on the subject. It is a prudent act to gov 
ern these peoples by the very persons who belong to 
their nation. The good Neophytes replied that they 
had long desired that the drunkenness that crosses 
the sea on board our ships should not land in their 
cabins, but that they could not induce their people 
to point out those who sold" them these liquors in 
secret. " They must, then," replied Monsieur the 
Governor, " submit to the laws that will be enacted 
against their excesses." They agreed to this, and 
the drum was beaten, at the close of high Mass, at 
the Residence of Saint Joseph. All the Savages 


qu ils fubiffent les loix, qu on portera centre leurs 
exc<s: s y eftant accorde", on fit battre le tambour 
au fortir de la grande Meffe, en la Refidence de 
Saint lofeph: tous les Sauuages preftent 1 oreille, 
les Fran9ois qui [155] eftoient la s affemblent, vn 
Truchement tenant en main 1 ordonnance laleutaux 
Francois, puis la prefenta a vn Capitaine Sauuage, 
luy interpretant ce qu elle vouloit dire, afin qu il la 
publiaft a fes gens, elle portoit vne deffence de 
la part de Monfieur le Gouuerneur, & de la part 
des Capitaines des Sauuages, de vendre ou d achep- 
ter de ces boiilons, & notamment d en prendre 
auec exec s, fur peine des punitions port6es dans 
1 ordonnance; & vn commandement a tous ceux qui 
auroient quitt6 ou qui ne voudroient point embraffer 
la Foy, de fortir de cette Refidence, ou Monfieur 
noftre Gouuerneur & les Capitaines des Sauuages ne 
vouloient fouffrir aucun Apoftat, les Sauuages depuis 
le commencement du monde, iufques a la venue des 
Frangois en leur pals, n ont iamais fceu que c efloit 
de deffendre fi folemnellement quelque chofe a leurs 
gens, fous aucune peine pour petite qu elle foit; ce 
font peuples libres, qui fe croyent tous auffi grands 
feigneurs les vns que les autres, & qui ne dependent 
de leurs chefs, qu autant qu il leur plaift. Cepen- 
dant [156] le Capitaine harangua fortement, & pour 
autant qu il connoifloit bien, que les Sauuages ne 
reconnoiftroient pas bien les deffences faites par vn 
Frangois, il repeta plufleurs fois ces paroles: ce n eft 
pas feulement le Capitaine des Francois qui vous 
parle, ce font tels & tels Capitaines, dont il prononga 
les noms, c eft moy auec eux qui vous affure que fi 
quelqu vn tombe dans les fautes deffendues, nous 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 51 

listened; the French [155] residents met with them. 
An Interpreter, who held the ordinance in his hand, 
read it to the French ; he then handed it to a Savage 
Captain, interpreting its meaning to him, so that he 
might publish it among his people. It contained a 
prohibition on the part of Monsieur the Governor, 
and of the Captains of the Savages, to sell or pur 
chase those liquors, and especially to drink of them 
to excess, on penalty of the punishments set forth in 
the ordinance ; also an order to all who had aban 
doned or who would not profess the Faith to leave 
that Residence, where neither Monsieur our Governor 
nor the Captains of the Savages would allow any 
Apostate to remain. From the beginning of the 
world to the coming of the French, the Savages have 
never known what it was so solemnly to forbid any 
thing to their people, under any penalty, however 
slight. They are free people, each of whom con 
siders himself of as much consequence as the others ; 
and they submit to their chiefs only in so far as it 
pleases them. Nevertheless, [156] the Captain deliv 
ered a powerful harangue ; and, inasmuch as he well 
knew that the Savages would not recognize the pro 
hibition enacted by a Frenchman, he repeated these 
words several times : " It is not only the Captain of 
the French who speaks to you but also such and such 
Captains," whose names he mentioned. " I also 
assure you with them that, if any one should be guilty 
of the prohibited offenses, we will give him up to the 
laws and the usages of the French." This is the 
most important public act of jurisdiction that has 
ever been performed among the Savages since I have 
been in this new World. It is good to bring them 
gradually under the control of those whom God has 


1 abandonnerons aux loix, & aux facons de faire des 
Fransois. Voila le plus bel adte public de iurif- 
didlion, qu on ait exerce parmy les Sauuages, depuis 
que ie fuis en ce nouueau Monde. II eft bon de les 
reduire petit & petit fous les ordres de ceux que Dieu 
a choifis pour commander ; car encor que la liberte 
foit la premiere de toutes les douceurs de la vie 
humaine, neantmoins comme elle peut degenerer en 
la liberte", ou pluftoft en la diflolution d Afnes 
Sauuages, il la faut regler, & la foumettre aux loix 
emanees de la loy eternelle. 

Pour le commandement qui eftoit fait aux Apoftats 
de fortir de la Refidence de faint lofeph, Paul Tef- 
ouehat, [157] nomm< vulgairement le Borgne de rifle, 
f e trouua vn petit eftonn6 : car comme il ne faifoit 
pas profemon du Chriftianifme, il voyoit bien que 
cela s adreffoit & a luy, & a quelques autres. Noel 
Negabamat, 1 vn de nos braues Capitaines Chreftiens, 
le voyant tout penfif, luy dit, il y a tant d ann6es 
que ie te preffe de te rendre a Dieu, & d embraffer 
fortement la priere, & tu n as iamais donn6 de parole 
affure e, parle maintenant : car ie te declare en bonne 
compagnie, que ie ne veux perfonne aupr6s de moy 
qui ne croye fortement en Dieu. Ie traite comme 
i ay autrefois defire" qu on me traitaft. Le Pere le 
leune m inftruifant, m eprouua vn affez long-temps, 
ie luy en f9auois bon gre", mais enfin, comme ie pris 
refolution d embraffer veritablement la Foy, ie luy 
dy, mon Pere, ie n ay point deux langues, mon coeur 
& ma bouche parlet vn mefme langage, ie t afleure 
que c eft tout de bon que ie croy en celuy qui a tout 
fait, ie ne f?ay pas le futur: mais fi iamais ie me 
demens de cette parole, chaffe-moy bien loin d icy. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 53 

chosen to command them ; for, although freedom is 
the greatest pleasure of human life, nevertheless, as 
it might degenerate into license, or rather into the 
liberty of Wild Asses, it must be regulated and 
subjected to the rules emanating from eternal law. 

As for the order commanding Apostates to leave 
the Residence of saint Joseph, Paul Tesouehat, 
[157] commonly called le Borgne of the Island, was 
somewhat astonished ; for as he did not profess Chris 
tianity, he saw very well that it applied to him and 
to some others. Noel Negabamat, one of our worthy 
Christian Captains, who found him quite pensive, 
said to him : " I have urged thee for so many years 
to yield to God and to embrace prayer firmly, and 
thou hast never given a positive answer. Speak, 
now; for I tell thee, in good fellowship, that I will 
have no one near me who does not firmly believe in 
God. I treat thee as I formerly desired to be myself 
treated. When Father le Jeune instructed me, he 
tried me for a considerable time. I was thankful to 
him for this; but finally, when I took the resolution 
truly to embrace the Faith, I said to him: My Fa 
ther, I have not two tongues ; my heart and my lips 
speak the same language. I assure thee that I really 
believe in him who has made all. I know not the 
future ; but, if ever I break my word, drive me far 
away from here. That is what I asked the Father, 
[158] and that is what we wish to give thee. Open 
thy mouth, and give free vent to what is hidden in 
thy heart." This poor man, who has so often thun 
dered forth in the gatherings of his People, replied 
that he could not speak until his warriors had 
returned from the war; but he was given to under 
stand that, if he lost his speech, he would have to 


Voila ce que ie demanday au Pere, [158] & c eft cela 
mefme qu on te vent dormer, otmre ta bouche, & 
laiffe fortir nettement ce qui eft cach< dans ton cceur, 
ce panure homme, qni a fi fonnent tonne dans les 
affembl6es de fes Gens, re"pondit, qu il n auoit point 
de parole que fes gens ne fuffent retournez de la 
guerre ; mais on luy fit bien entendre, que s il perdoit 
la parole, qu il deuoit trouuer fes pieds; on dit le 
mefme a vn autre qui auoit deux femmes, qui en quita 
vne bien-toft apres. Bref, ils ont donne" tous deux 
quelque efperance de leurs Conuerfion.- ie prie noftre 
Seigneur qu il leur ouure les yeux. La fuperbe, qui 
eft le plus grand vice de 1 efprit, & la luxure, qui eft 
le plus villain peche" de la chair, font deux obftacles 
a la Foy, & a la vraye penitence. 


1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 55 

find his legs. The same was said to another who 
had two wives, and who gave tip one shortly after 
ward. In a word, they have both given some hope 
of their Conversion. I pray our Lord to open their 
eyes. Pride which is the greatest vice of the mind, 
and lust, the vilest sin of the flesh, are two obstacles 
to the Faith and to true repentance. 



Relation de ce qvi s eft paffe 

dans le pays des Hvrons, 

Pays de la Nouuelle 

France, es annees 

1647. & 1648. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 57 

Relation of what occurred in 

the country of the Hurons, 

a Country of New 

France, in the years 

1647 and 1648. 


[3] Relation de ce qvi s eft paffe en la Miffion 

des Peres de la Compagnie de I ES vs aux 

Hurons pays de la Nouuelle France, 

es annees 1647. & 1648. 

Enuoyee av R. P. Ejlienne Charlet Prouincial de la Compagnie 

de IESVS, en la Prouince de France. Par le P. PAVL 

RAGVENEAV de la mefme Compagnie, Su- 

perieur de la Mifsion des Hurons. 

Si nos lettres ont le bon-heur d arriuer iuf- 
qu en France, & li ceux qui les portent [4] 
peuuent euiter le rencontre des Hiroquois, qui font 
des voleurs plus cruels que tous les Pirates de la mer, 
i efpere que V. R. aura de la confolation en lifant 
cette Relation : car elle y verra comment Dieu nous 
va protegeant au milieu des mal-heurs qui nous enui- 
ronnent de toutes parts, & comment cette Eglife 
naiflante dans cette barbarie, va croiffant & en nom- 
bre & en faintete", plus que iamais nous n euffions of 6 
1 efperer. Si Dieu fe plaift a verfer fur ces peuples 
les benedictions du Ciel, a mefure que les miferes 
nous pourront accueillir, nous le prions de tout noftre 
cceur qu il continue a nous affliger de la forte, puif- 
que ce nous doit eftre affez qu il en tire fa gloire, & 
le falut des ames, qui eft 1 vnique bien qui nous 
amene en ces pays. Nous demandons pour ce"t effet 
1 afliftance de fes SS. SS. & prieres, 

Mon Reuerend Pere, 

Des Hurons ce Voflre tres-humble & tres- 

i6.Auril\64&. obei ffant feruiteur en N. S. 


1 648 - 49 J R EL A TION OF 1647 - 4& 59 

[3] Relation of what occurred in the Mission of 

the Fathers of the Society of JESUS in 

the Huron country, in New France, 

in the years 1647 and 1648. 

Sent to Reverend Father Estienne Charlet, Provincial of the 
Society of J E s u s in the Province of France. By Father 
PAUL RAGUENEAU of the same Society, 
Superior of the Huron Mission. 

If our letters be fortunate enough to reach 
France, and if they who bear them [4] can 
avoid meeting the Hiroquois, who are robbers more 
cruel than all the Pirates of the sea, I trust that Your 
Reverence will find consolation in reading this Rela 
tion ; for you will see by it how God continues to 
protect us amid the misfortunes that surround us on all 
sides, and how this Church, springing up in this land 
of barbarism, is increasing in numbers and in godli 
ness, more than we had ever dared to hope. If it 
please God to shower the blessings of Heaven on 
these peoples in the same proportion as misfortunes 
assail us, we pray him with all our hearts that he 
will continue so to afflict us, inasmuch as it must suf 
fice us that he derive from it his glory and the salva 
tion of souls, the only treasure, the hope whereof 
brings us to these countries. To that end we request 
the assistance of your Holy Sacrifices and prayers. 

My Reverend Father, 

From the Hurons, this Your very humble and very 
i6th of April, 1648. obedient servant in Our Lord, 





QVOY que dans nos Relations precedentes nous 
ayons pu donner quelques lumieres touchant 
la iltuation d vne partie de ces pays: toute- 
fois i ay creu qu il feroit expedient d en propofer icy 
brieuement vne veue plus difbindte & plus generale, 
tant a caufe que le temps nous en a donne" des notions 
bien plus affeure es, qu a raifon que nous deuons 
parler dans les fuiuans Chapitres, de diuerfes chofes 
qui fuppofent ces connoiffances. 

Le pays des Hurons eft entre le quarante-quatre 
& le quarante-cinquie"me degre" de Latitude, & de 
Longitude, demie heure plus . 1 Occident que Quebec. 

Du cofte" de 1 Occident d Efte" vient aboutir vn Lac, 
dont le tour eft quafi de quatre cens lieues, que nous 
nommons la Mer douce ; qui a quelque flux & reflux, 
& qui dans fon extremite" plus e loigne e [6] de nous, 
a communication auec deux autres Lacs ; encore plus 
grands, dont nous parlerons dans le Chapitre dixie me. 
Cette Mer douce a quatite" d Ifles, & vne entr autres, 
qui a de tour pres de foixante lieues. 

Du coft6 de roiieft-furoueft, c eft a dire quafl a 
1* Occident, nous auons la nation du Petun, qui n eft 
e loigne e qu enuiron douze lieues. 

Du cofte" du Midy, tirant vn peu vers 1 Occident, 
nous regardons la Nation Neutre, dont les bourgs qui 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4$ 61 



A LTHOUGH in previous Relations we have been 
Jr\^ able to throw some light on the situation of a 
portion of these countries, nevertheless I have 
thought that it would be expedient to give here, 
briefly, a clearer and more general idea of them, 
both because time has enabled us to obtain surer 
information respecting them; and because, in the 
following Chapters, we have to speak of various 
things that presuppose such knowledge. 

The country of the Hurons lies between the forty- 
fourth and forty-fifth degrees of Latitude, and the 
Longitude is a half-hour more to the West than 

On the Western side, in Summer, they come to a 
Lake whose circuit is nearly four hundred leagues, 
which we call the fresh-water Sea. It has a certain 
rise and fall of tide, and, at the extremity farthest [6] 
from us, communicates with two other Lakes which 
are still larger and of which we shall speak in the 
tenth Chapter. This fresh-water Sea contains a num 
ber of Islands; one, among others, is nearly sixty 
leagues long. 

To the west-southwest, that is to say, almost at 
the West, lies the Tobacco nation, which is only 
about twelve leagues distant from us. 

To the South, and a little toward the West, we 


font fur la frontiere en dega, ne font eloignez des 
Hurons, qu enuiron trente lieues. Elle a quarante 
ou cinquante lieues d eft endue. 

Au delk de la Nation Neutre, tirant vn peu vers 
1 Orient, on va a la Nouuelle Suede, ou habitent les 
Andaftoeronons, alliez de nos Hurons, & qui parlent 
comme eux; eloignez de nous en ligne droite, cent 
cinquante lieues; nous en parlerons au Chapitre 

De la mefme Nation Neutre tirant prefque au 
Midy, on trouue vn grand Lac, quafi de deux cens 
lieues de tour, nomme Erie, qui fe forme de la def- 
charge [7] de la Mer douce, & qui va fe precipiter 
par vne cheute d eaux d vne effroyable hauteur, dans 
vn troifie me Lac, nomme Ontario, que nous appel- 
lons le Lac Saint Louys, dont nous parlerons cy-apres. 

Ce Lac, nomme Erie", eftoit autrefois habite en fes 
coftes qui font vers le Midy, par de certains peuples 
que nous nommons la Nation du Chat; qui ont efte* 
obligez de fe retirer bien auant dans les terres, pour 
s dloigner de leurs ennemis, qui font plus vers 1 Occi- 
dent. Ces gens de la Nation du Chat ont quantite" 
de bourgades arrefte"es, car ils cultiuent la terre & 
font de mefme langue que nos Hurons. 

Partant des Hurons, & marchant vers le Midy, 
ay ant fait trente ou quarante lieues de chemin, on 
rencontre le Lac S. Louys, qui a quatre-vingts, 
ou nonante lieues de longueur, & en fa mediocre 
largeur, quinze ou vingt lieues. Sa longueur eft 
quafi de 1 Orient a 1 Occident; fa largeur du Midy 
au Septentrion. 

C eft ce Lac Saint Louys, qui par fa def charge 
forme vn bras de la Riuiere Saint Laurent, fgauoir 

1 648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 63 

face the Neutral Nation whose villages on the near 
est frontier are only about thirty leagues distant from 
the Hurons. Its extent is forty or fifty leagues. 

Beyond the Neutral Nation, a little toward the 
East, we go to New Sweden where the Andastoeron- 
nons dwell, who are the allies of our Hurons, and 
who speak a similar language ; they are one hundred 
and fifty leagues distant from us, in a straight line. 
We shall speak of them in the eighth Chapter. 

Almost due South from the country of the same 
Neutral Nation, we find a great Lake nearly two 
hundred leagues in circumference, called Erie ; it is 
formed by the discharge [7] of the fresh-water Sea 
and throws itself over a waterfall of a dreadful height l 
into a third Lake, named Ontario, which we call 
Lake Saint Louys, and of which we shall speak 
farther on. 

This Lake, called Eri6, was formerly inhabited on 
its Southern shores by certain tribes whom we call 
the Nation of the Cat ; they have been compelled to 
retire far inland to escape their enemies, who are 
farther to the West. These people of the Cat Nation 
have a number of stationary villages, for they till the 
soil, and speak the same language as our Hurons. 2 

Leaving the Huron country, and proceeding toward 
the South, after a journey of thirty or forty leagues 
we come to Lake St. Louys which is eighty or 
ninety leagues in length, while its average width is 
fifteen or twenty leagues. Its length is from the East 
to the West; its width from the South to the North. 

The discharge of this Lake Saint Louys forms a 
branch of the River Saint Lawrence, namely, that 
which is South of the Island of Mont- Real, and runs 
past Quebec. 


celuy qui eft au Midy de 1 Ifle de Mont- Real, & qui 
va defcendre a Quebec. 

[8] Au dela de ce Lac Saint Louys, vn peu dans 
les terres, habitent les cinq Nations Hiroquoifes, 
ennemies de nos Hurons, qui dans leur fituation, font 
quail paralleles a la longueur de ce Lac. 

Les plus proches de la Nation Neutre, font les 
Sonnontoiieronnons, a feptante lieues des Hurons, 
fuiuant le Sud-Sudeft ; c eft a dire, entre le Midy & 
1 Orient, plus vers le Midy. Plus bas fuiuent les 
Ouionenronnons, quafi en droite ligne, a vingt-cinq 
lieues enuiron des Sonnontoiieronnons. Plus bas 
encore les Onnontaeronnons, a dix ou douze lieues 
des Ouionenronnons. Les Onneiochronnons, a fept 
ou huit lieues des Onnontaeronnos. Les Annieron- 
nons, font 61oigne"e des Onneiochronnons, vingt-cinq 
ou trente lieues ; ils deftournent tant f oit peu dans 
les terres, & font plus Orientaux aux Hurons. Ce 
font eux qui font les plus voifms de la Nouuelle 
Hollande, & qui font auffi les plus proches des Trois 

Ce feroit par ce Lac Saint Louys, que nous irions 
droit a Quebec, en peu de iours, & auec moins de 
peine, n y ayant que trois ou quatre faults, ou pluftoft 
courant[s] d eau plus rapide a paffer iufqu a [9] Mont- 
Real, qui n eft diftant de 1 emboucheure du Lac Saint 
Louys, qu enuiron foixante lieues: mais la crainte 
des ennemis, qui habitent le long de ce Lac, oblige 
nos Hurons & nous auec eux, de prendre vn grand 
deftour, pour aller gagner vn autre bras de la Riuiere 
Saint Laurent, fgauoir celuy qui eft au Nord de 
Mont- Real, que nous nommons la Riuiere des Prai 
ries. Ce qui allonge noftre voyage quali de la moiti6 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 ~ 4& 65 

[8] Beyond the Lake Saint Louys, a short distance 
inland, dwell the five Hiroquois Nations, the enemies 
of our Hurons, the situation of whose country is 
almost parallel to the length of that Lake. 

The nearest to the Neutral Nation are the Sonnon- 
toueronnons, seventy leagues from the Huron coun 
try, following the South-Southeast, that is to say, 
between the South and the East, but more toward 
the South. Below are the Ouionenronnons, almost 
in a straight line about twenty-five leagues from 
the Sonnontoueronnons. Still further down are the 
Onnontaeronnons, ten or twelve leagues from the 
Ouionenronnons; and the Onneiochronnons, seven or 
eight leagues from the Onnontaeronnons. The 
Annieronnons are distant from the Onneiochron 
nons twenty-five or thirty leagues ; they turn slightly 
in an inland direction and are farthest East from the 
Hurons. It is they who are nearest to New Holland 
and also to Three Rivers. 

By that Lake Saint Louys we could go straight to 
Quebec in a few days, and with less trouble, having 
only three or four falls or, rather, more rapid cur 
rents to pass all the way to [9] Mont-Real, which 
is distant only about sixty leagues from the outlet of 
Lake Saint Louys. But fear of the enemies who 
dwell along the shores of this Lake compels our 
Hurons, and us with them, to make a long detour to 
reach another branch of the River Saint Lawrence, 
namely, that which flows to the North of Mont- Real, 
and which we call the River des Prairies. This 
lengthens our journey by almost one-half, and, more 
over, compels us to pass more than sixty falls, where 
we have to land and carry all our baggage and canoes 
upon our shoulders. This would be avoided by 


du chemin; nous obligeant en outre & plus de 
foixante faults, ou il faut mettre pied & terre & 
porter fur fes efpaules tout le bagage & les canots, 
ce qu on e"uiteroit par le droit chemin, fans compter 
vne grande quantit6 de courans rapides, ou il faut 
traifner les canots marchant en 1 eau, auec grande 
incommodite & danger. 

Du cofte du Septentrion des Hurons, il y a diuer- 
fes Nations Algonquines, qui ne cultiuent point la 
terre, & qui ne viuent que de chaffe & de pefche, 
iufqu k la mer du Nord, laquelle nous iugeons eftre 
e loigne e de nous en droite ligne, plus de trois cens 
lieues. Mais nous n en auons autre connoiffance, 
comme auffi de ces Nations-Ik, Cnon par le rapport 
que nous [10] en font les Hurons & quelques Algon- 
quins plus proches, qui y vont en traite, pour les 
Peltries & Caftors, qui y font en abondance. 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 ~ 4$ 67 

taking the direct route, without counting a great 
number of rapid currents up which the canoes have to 
be dragged, while we walk in the water, with great 
inconvenience and danger. 

To the North of the Hurons, there are various 
Algonquin Tribes who do not till the soil, who live 
solely by hunting and fishing, and who roam as far 
as the Northern sea, which we consider to be distant 
over three hundred leagues in a straight line. But 
we have no other knowledge of it, or of those Tribes, 
except through the reports [10] given to us by the 
Hurons and some of the nearer Algonquins, who go- 
there to trade for Furs and Beavers, which are found 
there in abundance. 




IE puis dire que iamais ce pays n a efte plus auant 
dans 1 afflidtion, que nous 1 y voyons mainte- 
nant, & que iamais la Foy n y a paru auec plus 
d auantage. Les Hiroquois ennemis de ces peuples 
continuent auec eux vne guerre fanglante, qui va 
exterminant nos bourgades frontieres, & qui fait 
craindre aux autres vn femblable mal-heur: & Dieu 
en rnefme temps va peuplant d excellens Chreftiens 
ces pauures Nations defole"es, & fe plaift a y eftablir 
fon faint Nona au milieu de leurs ruines. 

Depuis noftre derniere Relation nous auons baptize" 
pres de treize cens perfonnes: mais ce qui nous 
confole le plus eft de voir la ferueur de ces bons 
Neophytes, & vn efprit de Foy en eux, qui n a rien de 
[i i] la barbaric, & qui nous fait benir les mifericordes 
de Dieu, qui fe vont refpandant de iour en iour li 
richemet iufqu aux derniers confins de ce nouueau 

L Efte" dernier fe paffa quafi entier dans les atten- 
tes & les alarmes d vne arme e ennemie des Hiroquois 
nos voifms, qui fut la caufe que les Hurons ne defcen- 
dirent point a Quebec, eftans demeurez pour defendre 
leur pays menace" ; & craignans auffi d autre part vne 
autre arme e des Hiroquois Annieronnons, qui les 
attendoient au paffage, s ils euflent defcendu la 
Riuiere. Ainfi nous ne receufmes 1 an paffe" aucun 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 



I MAY say that this country has never been in such 
deep affliction as we see it now, and that never 
has the Faith appeared to greater advantage. 
The Hiroquois, the enemies of these people, continue 
to wage a bloody war against them that destroys 
our frontier villages and causes the others to dread a 
similar misfortune. At the same time, God peoples 
these poor desolate Tribes with excellent Christians; 
and he is pleased to establish his holy Name in the 
midst of their ruins. 

Since our last Relation, we have baptized nearly 
thirteen hundred persons ; but what consoles us the 
most is to see the fervor of these good Neophytes, 
and a spirit of Faith in them that savors naught of 
[n] barbarism, and causes us to bless God s mercies 
which spread so abundantly, from day to day, to the 
outer confines of this new world. 

Almost the whole of last Summer was passed in 
expectations and alarms of a hostile army of the 
Hiroquois, our neighbors ; that was the reason why 
the Hurons did not go down to Quebec, but remained 
to defend their threatened country. They also feared 
another army of the Annieronnon Hiroquois, who 
lay in ambush for them on the way, had they gone 
down the River. Thus we received last year no 
assistance, and not even a letter, from Quebec or 
from France. Nevertheless, God has supported us; 


fecours, & non pas mefme aucune lettre de Quebec, 
ny de France. Mais nonobftant Dieu nous a foufte- 
nu, ayant efte" luy feul noftre Pere & noftre Pour- 
uoyeur, noftre defenfe, noftre ioye, noftre confola- 
tion, noftre tout; chofe aucune ne nous ayant 
manque", auffi peu qu aux Apoftres, lors que Noftre 
Seigneur les enuoya quali tous nuds & la conquefte 
des Ames. 

Nos Minions ont efte" a 1 ordinaire; & de plus nous 
en auons entrepris de nouuelles, non feulement 
parmy les Hurons, mais auffi parmy les Algonquins : 
Dieu [12] donnant a nos Peres du courage au deilus 
de leurs forces, vn homme faifant luy feul ce qui 
euft donn6 vn employ raifonnable a plufieurs. 

Mais apres tout, Mefeis multa, operarij vero pauci. 
le veux dire que quoy que nous foyons en vn pays 
abandonne", ou la Pauurete" eft noftre appennage, & 
ou nous ne viuons que des aumofnes, qui venant de 
quinze cens lieues, doiuent pafler & la mer, & la rage 
des Hiroquois auant que nous puiffions en joiiir; Ce 
n eft pas toutefois ce fecours temporel qui nous 
prefle, ny celuy que nous demandons auec plus d in- 
ftance : Ce font des Miffionnaires def quels nous auons 
grand befoin, ce font Ik les threfors que nous defirons 
de la France. I aduoiie que pour venir icy, apres 
auoir trauerf6 1 Ocean, il faut fentir de pres la fum6e 
des cabanes Hiroquoifes, & peut-eftre y eftre brufle" 
a petit feu : mais quoy qui nous puiffe arriuer, ie f?ay 
bien que le coeur de ceux que Dieu y aura appelle", y 
trouuera fon Paradis, & que leur charite" ne pourra 
pas s efteindre ny dans les eaux, ny dans les flammes. 

Nos Hurons font bien auant dans vn [13] pourpar 
ler de Paix, auec 1 Onnontaeronnon fc eft vne des 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 ~ 4$ 71 

he alone has been our Father and our Provider, our 
defense, our joy, our consolation, our all. Not a 
single thing has failed us, any more than to the 
Apostles, when Our Lord sent them out, almost 
entirely destitute, to the conquest of Souls. 

Our Missions have gone on as usual, and we have 
also undertaken new ones, not only among the 
Hurons, but also among the Algonquins. God [12] 
has given our Fathers courage beyond their strength, 
so that one man accomplished alone what would have 
given occupation to several. 

But after all, Messis multa, operarii vero pauci. I 
mean to say that, although we are in a forsaken coun 
try, where Poverty is our appanage, and where we 
live only on alms coming a distance of fifteen 
hundred leagues, that have to pass over the sea, and 
through the fury of the Hiroquois, before we can 
enjoy them, nevertheless it is not that temporal 
assistance that we require the most, or that we ask 
for most urgently. Missionaries are what we greatly 
need ; those are the treasures that we desire to obtain 
from France. I admit that on the way here, after 
crossing the Ocean, one must smell the smoke of the 
Hiroquois cabins quite close, and perhaps even be 
burned there at a slow fire ; but, whatever may hap 
pen to us, I know well that the hearts of those whom 
God shall call here will find their Paradise, and that 
their charity cannot be extinguished either in the 
waters or in the flames. 

Our Hurons have made considerable advance in 
[13] negotiations for Peace with the Onnontaeronnons 
(that is one of the five Hiroquois nations that hitherto 
has most harassed this country), and there is some 
hope that two others of the hostile Nations will enter 


cinq nations Hiroquoifes, qui cy-deuant a toufiours 
plus vexe" ce paysj & il y a quelque efperance que 
deux autres des Nations ennemies entreront dans le 
mef me traite" : les ambaflades font reciproques de part 
& d autre. Si cette affaire reiiffit, il ne leur refkera 
plus fur les bras que le Sonnontoueronnon, le plus 
proche ennemy que nous ayons, & les Hiroquois Anni- 
eronnons, plus voifins de Quebec, aufquels on feroit 
bonne guerre, nos armes n eftant plus diuerties 

De plus nos Hurons ont enuoye" vn ambaffade aux 
Andaftoeronnons, peuples de la Nouuelle Suede, 
leurs anciens alliez, pour les folliciter a leur moyen- 
ner vne Paix entiere, ou a reprendre la guerre qu ils 
auoient il n y a que fort peu d anne es, auec les Hiro 
quois Annieronnons. On en efpere vn grand f ecours, 
& vn grand foulagement pour ce pays. Mais apres 
tout, nos efperances font en Dieu ; car la perfidie de 
ces peuples ne permet pas que nous nous appuyos 
aucunement fur leurs paroles, & nous fait craindre 
vn auffi grand mal-heur au milieu de ces [14] traitez 
de paix, que dans le plus fort de la guerre. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 73 

into the same treaty, embassies are being sent on 
both sides. If this affair be successful, they will have 
to contend only with the Sonnontoueronnons, the 
nearest enemy that we have, and the Annieronnon 
Hiroquois, who are nearer to Quebec, against whom 
we could war with advantage, for our arms would 
not be diverted elsewhere. 

Moreover, our Hurons have sent an embassy to the 
Andastoeronnons, peoples of New Sweden, their 
former allies, to solicit them to enter into a full Peace 
with them, or to resume the war that they waged 
but a few years ago against the Annieronnon Hiro 
quois. Considerable assistance is expected from this, 
as well as a great relief for this country. But, after 
all, our hopes rest in God ; for the treachery of those 
peoples does not allow us to rely in any way upon 
their words, and makes us dread as great a misfortune 
during those [14] treaties of peace as in the midst of 




LA maifon de Sainte Marie ayat eft6 iufqu a main- 
tenant dans le cceur du pays, en a auffi efte" 
moins expofe"e aux incurflons des ennemis. Ce 
n efl pas que quelques auanturiers ne foient venus 
de fois a autre faire quelque mauuais coup, a la veue 
mefme de noftre habitation: mais n ofans pas en 
approcher qu en petit nombre & a la defrob6e, crainte 
qu eftans apperceus des bourgades frontieres on ne 
courut fur eux, nous auons vefcu affez en affeurance 
de ce cofte" la; & Dieu mercy pas vn de nous n y a 
encore efte furpris dans leurs embufches. 

Nous fommes quarante-deux Franois au milieu 
de toutes ces Nations infideles; dix-huit de noftre 
Compagnie, le refte de perfonnes choifies, dont la 
plufpart ont pris deffein de viure & de mourir auec 
nous; nous affiftans de leur trauail [15] & induftrie 
auec vn courage, vne fidelite" & vne faintet6, qui 
fans doute n a rien de la terre: auffi n eft-ce que de 
Dieu feul qu ils en attendent la recompenfe; s efti- 
mans trop heureux de refpandre & leurs fueurs, & 
s il eft befoin tout leur fang, pour contribuer ce qu ils 
pourront k la conuerfion des barbares. Ainli ie puis 
dire auec verite" que c eft vne maifon de Dieu & la 
porte du Ciel; & c eft le fentiment de tous ceux qui 
y viuent, & qui y trouuent vn Paradis en terre, ou 
la Paix y habite, la ioye du Saint Efprit, la charite", 
& le zele des ames. 

1648 - 49] RE LA TION OF 1647 -48 75 



r ~T*HE house of Sainte Marie lias been, until now, in 
the heart of the country, and has, therefore, 
been less exposed to the inroads of the enemy. 
It is true that, from time to time, some venturesome 
foes have come to strike an evil blow within sight of 
our settlement ; but they did not dare to approach, 
except in small numbers and in secret, lest they might 
be perceived from the frontier villages, and attacked. 
We have lived in sufficient security on that score, 
and, thank God, not one of us has yet been surprised 
in their ambushes. 

We are forty-two Frenchmen in the midst of all 
these infidel Nations, eighteen being of our Socie 
ty, while the remainder are chosen persons, most of 
whom have resolved to live and to die with us ; they 
assist us by their labor [15] and industry with a cour 
age, a faithfulness, and a holiness that assuredly are 
not of earth. Consequently, they look to God alone 
for their reward, deeming themselves only too happy 
to pour forth not only their sweat, but, if need be, all 
their blood to contribute as much as they can toward 
the conversion of the barbarians. Thus I may truly 
say that this is a house of God, and the gate of Heav 
en ; and that is the feeling of all who live in it, and 
who find there a Paradise on earth, wherein dwell 
Peace, the joy of the Holy Ghost, charity, and zeal 
for the salvation of souls. 


Cette maifon eft vn abord de tout le Pays, ou les 
Chreftiens y trouuent vn Hofpital durant leurs mala 
dies, vn refuge au plus fort des alarmes, & vn hofpice 
lors qu ils nous viennent vifiter. Nous y auons 
compte depuis vn an plus de trois mille perfonnes, 
aufquelles on a donn6 le gifte, & quelquefois en 
quinze iours les fix & les fept cens Chreftiens; & 
d ordinaire trois repas k chacun. Sans y comprendre 
vn plus grand nombre qui fans cefle y paffent tout le 
iour, aufquels on fait auffi la charite. En forte que 
dans vn Pays eftranger, nous y nourriffons ceux qui 
[16] deuroient nous y fournir eux-mefmes les neceffi- 
tez de la vie. 

II eft vray que ce n eft pas dans les delices ny 
Vabondance de la Prance. Le bled d Inde pile" dans 
vn mortier & bouilly dedans 1 eau, affaifonne"e de 
quelque poiflon enfum6, qui tient lieu de fel, eftant 
reduit en poudre, nous fert enfemble de boire & de 
manger, & nous apprend que la Nature fe contente 
de peu, nous fourniflant Dieu mercy vne fante" moins 
fujette aux maladies, qu elle ne feroit dans les 
richeffes & la variete des viures de 1 Europe. 

II n y a d ordinaire que deux ou trois de nos Peres 
refidens en cette maifon, tous les autres font diffipez 
dans les Millions, qui font maintenant dix en nombre : 
les vnes plus arreft6es dans les bourgs principaux du 
Pays; les autres plus errantes, vn feul Pere eftant 
contraint de prendre le foin de dix & de douze bour- 
gades; & quelques-vns allans plus loin, les quatre- 
vingts & les cent lieue s, afin que toutes ces Nations 
foient efclaire"es en mefme temps des lumieres de 
1 Euangile. 

Nous tafchons toutefois de nous raffembler tous, 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 77 

This house is a resort for the whole Country, where 
the Christians find a Hospital in their sicknesses, a 
refuge in the height of alarms, and a hospice when 
they come to visit us. During the past year, we have 
reckoned over three thousand persons to whom we 
have given shelter, sometimes, within a fortnight, 
six or seven hundred Christians ; and, as a rule, three 
meals to each one. This does not include a larger 
number who incessantly come hither to pass the 
whole day, and to whom we also give charity ; so that, 
in a strange Country, we feed those who [16] them 
selves should supply us with the necessaries of life. 

It is true that we have not the same delicacies nor 
the same abundance as in France. The Indian corn, 
pounded in a mortar, boiled, and seasoned with some 
smoked fish, which is used in lieu of salt, when 
reduced to powder, serves us as food and drink. 
It teaches us that Nature is content with little, and, 
thank God, it gives us health less liable to sickness 
than it would be amid the rich and varied viands of 

As a rule, only two or three of our Fathers reside 
in this house ; the others are scattered among the Mis 
sions, now ten in number. Some are more station 
ary in the principal villages of the Country; the 
others are more wandering, a single Father being 
compelled to take charge of ten or twelve villages ; 
and some extend still further, eighty or a hundred 
leagues, so that all these Nations may be illumined 
by the light of the Gospel at the same time. 

We endeavor, however, to gather all together two 
or three times a year, [17] in order to commune with 
ourselves, to think of God alone in the repose of 
Prayer, and afterward to confer together respecting 



deux ou trois fois 1 ann^e; [17] afin de rentrer en 
nous-mefmes, & vaquer a Dieu feul dans le repos de 
1 Oraifon ; & en fuite conferer des moyens & lumieres 
que 1 experience & le Saint Efprit va nous donnant 
de iour en iour, pour nous faciliter la conuerfion de 
tous ces peuples. Apres quoy il faut au pluftoft 
retourner an trauail, & quitter les douceurs de la foli- 
tude, pour aller chercher Dieu dans le falut des ames. 

1648 - 49J RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 79 

the means and the light that experience and the Holy 
Ghost continue to give us daily, to make the conver 
sion of those peoples easier for us. After that, we 
must return to our labors as soon as possible, and 
give up the delights of solitude to go and seek God 
in the salvation of souls. 





LES Arendaenronnons qui eftoient a nos frontieres 
vers le cofte" de 1 Orient, que nous appellions 
la Miffion de Saint lean Baptifte, ont receu 
tant d efchecs ces dernieres anne"es, qu ils ont efte" 
contrains de quitter leur Pays, trop expof6 a 1 enne- 
my, & fe retirer dans les autres Bourgs plus peuplez, 
qui font auffi. de meilleure defenfe. Nous y auons 
perdu bon nombre de Chreftiens, le Ciel s enri- 
chiffant toufiours dedas nos pertes. 

[18] Tout ce pays fut menace TEfle" dernier d vne 
arme e ennemie, qui en effet venoit f ondre fur nous : 
mais leur deffein ayant efte" rompu, pour les raifons 
dont nous parlerons cy-apres, la plufpart s eftans 
diffipez vne bande de trois cens Sonnontoiieronnons 
allerent fe ietter fur le bourg des Aondironnons, oft 
ils en tuerent quantite", & emmenerent tout ce qu ils 
purent de captifs. 

Ces Aondironnons font peuples de la Nation 
Neutre, les plus voilins de nos Hurons, qui n eftans 
point en guerre auec les Sonnontoiieronnons, les 
auoient receus comme amis dans leur bourg, & leur 
preparoient a manger dans toutes les cabanes, dans 
lefquelles les Sonnontoiieronnons s eftoient diuifez 
expres, pour y faire plus aife"ment leur coup; qui en 
effet leur reiiffit, ayans pluftoft ou m.affacr6 ou fail! 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 81 




THE Arendaenronnons, 3 who were on our fron 
tiers toward the East, that we called " the 
Mission of Saint John the Baptist, met with 
so many defeats in the past years that they were com 
pelled to leave their Country, which was too much 
exposed to the enemy, and to withdraw into other 
and more populous Villages, which are also more 
easily defended. We have lost a good many Chris 
tians thereby; Heaven ever enriches itself by our 

[18] The whole of this country was threatened last 
Summer by a hostile army, which indeed came to 
fall upon us, but their designs were thwarted for rea 
sons which we will mention hereafter; and after 
most of them had dispersed, a band of three hundred 
Sonnontoueronnons attacked the village of the Aon- 
dironnons, where they killed a great many, and took 
away all the captives they could. 

These Aondironnons are a tribe of the Neutral 
Nation who are nearest to our Hurons. Not being 
at war with the Sonnontoueronnons, they had 
received them in their villages as friends, and had 
prepared food for them in all their cabins, among 
which the Sonnontoueronnons purposely divided 
themselves, the more easily to strike their blow. 
Their stratagem was successful, for they massacred 


ceux qui euflent efte pour rendre du combat, qu on 
n euft pu s apperceuoir de leur mauuais deffein, ayans 
tons en mefme temps commenc6 ce maffacre. 

Ce qui pouffa le Sonnontoiieronnon k cette trahi- 
fon, fut le reffentiment qu ils auoient de la mort d vn 
de leurs [19] homines, qui retournant 1 Hyuer prece 
dent de la petite guerre, apres auoir fait quelque 
meurtre aux frontieres de la Nation du Petun, auoit 
efte" pourfuiuy viuement, & pris par les Hurons aux 
portes des Aondironnons, auant qu il fufl entr6 dans 
aucune cabane, ce qui auoit fait iuger qu il eftoit de 
bonne prife : mais nonobftant fa mort a efte" vengee 
de la forte. 

On croyoit qu en fuite de cette defloyaute fi indi- 
gne, toute la Nation Neutre prendroit la guerre 
centre les Hiroquois, & en effet de part & d autre ils 
fe font tenus fur leurs gardes, & dans la deffiance: 
mais toutefois rien ne branfle ce femble de ce cofte" 
la, & ils continuent dans leur neutralit6. D aucuns 
difent que ce ne peut eftre pour long-temps, & que 
le deffein de ceux de la Nation Neutre eft de rauoir 
painblement & a 1 aimable leurs captifs, puis prendre 
leur auantage pour venger a leur tour cette perte 
qu ils ont receue. 

Les derniers mal-heurs qui nous font arriuez, ont 
efte fur la fin de ce"t Hyuer. Quelques-vns du bourg 
de Saint Ignace, enuiron trois cens, tant hommes 
que [20] femmes, eftans cabanez pour la chaffe & deux 
iourne"es dans les bois, vers le pays ennemy; vne 
trouppe de Sonnontoiieronnons vint fe ietter fur vne 
des cabanes, vn peu trop efcartee des autres, lors 
qu elle eftoit moins de defenfe, la plufpart eftans 
dimpez ga & la, felon que leur chaffe auoit donne". 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 8 

or seized all who might have resisted, before the 
latter could perceive their evil design, because they 
all commenced the massacre at the same moment. 

What led the Sonnontoueronnons to this act of 
treachery was the resentment that they felt on account 
of the death of one of their [19] men. While return 
ing, during the previous Winter, from a warlike 
incursion, in which he had committed a murder on 
the frontier of the Tobacco Nation, he was hotly 
pursued and caught by the Hurons at the gates of 
the Aondironnons, before he had time to enter any 
cabin. For that reason it was considered a fair 
capture; but, nevertheless, his death was avenged 
as we have stated. 

It was thought that, after such base treachery, the 
entire Neutral Nation would go to war against the 
Hiroquois; and, in fact, both sides stood on their 
guard and distrusted each other. However there 
seems to be no stir in that direction, and they con 
tinue in their neutrality. Some say that it cannot 
be for a long time, and that the intention of the 
Neutral Nation is to get back their captives peace 
fully and amicably, and then to seize their oppor 
tunity to avenge, in their turn, their losses. 

The last misfortunes happened to us about the end 
of the Winter. Some persons of the village of Saint 
Ignace to the number of about three hundred, both 
men and [20] women, had encamped, for the purpose 
of hunting, at a distance of two days journey in the 
woods, in the direction of the enemy s country. A 
band of Sonnontoueronnons fell on one of the cabins, 
which was somewhat remote from the others, at a 
moment when it was least defended, because most 
of the party had scattered here and there while 


II y eut fept perfonnes tue*es fur la place, & vingt- 
quatre tant hommes que femmes emmenez captifs; 
1 ennemy s eftant retire promptetnent, crainte d eftre 

Cette cabane eftoit quafi toute de Chreftiens, qui 
s eftoient reiinis enfemble, pour y faire mieux leurs 
prieres matin & foir: & en effet ils y viuoient dans 
1 innocence, & refpandoient par tout vne bonne odeur 
du Chriftianifme. Le feu aura fans doute efte le 
partage de quelques-vns : ie prie Dieu que les autres, 
a qui peut-eftre les ennemis auront donne" la vie, leur 
donnent en efchange la Foy & la piete* qui vit dedans 
leur coeur. 

De ceux qui furent tuez fur la place, ie puis dire 
auec verite" qu il y auoit vne perle de nos Chreftiens. 
C eftoit vn ieune homme de vingt-quatre ans, nomine" 
Ignace Saonaretli, exemplaire a toute la [21] ieu- 
neffe, & irreprochable en fes mceurs, qui eftoit d vn 
excellent efprit, mais d vne foy & piete" auffi ferme 
que i en aye veu dans ce pays. II y auoit quelques 
mois qu il fe difpofoit a la mort, difant qu il en auoit 
de fortes penfe"es; & pour cela il venoit d ordinaire 
fur iour, dire fon Chapelet en 1 Eglife, outre la Meile 
du matin, & les Prieres du foir, qu il faifoit extraor- 
dinairemet longues. II eftoit heureux a la chaile ; 
ayant tue" vn cerf, auffi-toft [il mettoit] les deux 
gen[o]ux en terre, pour en remercier Dieu. 

Eftant dans le combat auec 1 ennemy, & voyant 
bien qu ils n eftoient pas de forces 6gales, & qu il 
pourroit eftre emmen6 captif , il dit a vn lien coufm 
qu il voyoit s enfuir; Mon coufin, va porter les nou- 
uelles a ma mere que ie f eray brufle" ; mais dis luy 
qu elle ne deplore point ma mort; ie n auray pour 

1 648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 85 

following their game. Seven persons were killed 
on the spot ; and twenty-four, both men and women, 
were carried off as captives. The enemy promptly 
retired, fearing pursuit. 

The inmates of that cabin were nearly all Chris 
tians, who had encamped together the better to say 
their prayers, night and morning; and, in truth, 
they lived there in innocence, and spread everywhere 
a fragrant odor of Christianity. Fire has doubtless 
been the lot of some of them. I pray God that the 
others, whose lives the enemies have perhaps spared, 
may give them in exchange the Faith and the piety 
that live in their hearts. 

Of those who were killed on the spot, I can truly 
say that one was a pearl among our Christians. He 
was a young man twenty-four years old, named 
Ignace Saonaretsi, a pattern to all the [21] young 
men, and of irreproachable morals; he had an excel 
lent mind, but his faith and piety were as steadfast 
as any I have seen in this country. He had been 
preparing himself for death for some months, saying 
that he thought earnestly upon that subject. For 
that reason, he came usually at dawn, to say his 
Rosary in the Church, besides being present at morn 
ing Mass, and at the evening Prayers ; those that he 
said were unusually long. He was fortunate in the 
chase ; when he had killed a stag, he would at once 
bend both knees to the ground, to thank God for it. 

While fighting the enemy, he saw that the forces 
were unequal and that he might be taken captive; 
so he said to his cousin, whom he saw escaping: 
" My cousin, go and inform my mother that I shall 
be burned but tell her not to mourn for my death ; 
then I shall have nothing in my mind but Paradise." 


lors autre chofe dans 1 efprit que le Paradis. II auoit 
proche de foy fon frere aifne* Catechumene, lequel on 
nous a dit qu il baptiza: & tons deux furent les pre 
miers qui demeurerent fur la place. Leur mere & 
toute fa famille a embraffe la Foy depuis cette mort, 
& nous voyons a 1 ceil que ce ieune [22] Chreftien les 
a laiffez heritiers de fa piete. 

Ce ieune homme eftoit fi innocent, qu eftant qu e- 
ftion de le marier, & fes parens luy parlans d vn 
party qui leur fembloit auantageux; le n ofe, leur 
dit-il, enuifager aucune fille, & ainfi ie ne la connois 
pas : i ay crainte d offenfer Dieu & de me voir engage" 
dans le mal, par vne oeillade, qui porteroit mon 
cceur, plus loin que n auroit efte" mon deffein & le 

Vn iour, deux de nos Peres eftans en voyage auec 
luy, dans des neiges hautes de quatre pieds, par vn 
froid & vn vent excemf ; Vn des Peres n en pouuant 
plus, le pria de le def charger, & voyant qu il trem- 
bloit de froid, eflant fort mal veftu, luy prefenta 
dequoy f e couurir : Ce ieune Chreftien luy ref pondit 
que volontiers il prendroit non feulement fa charge, 
mais auffi celle de 1 autre Pere; & en effet il fe char- 
gea de ces deux fardeaux tres-pefans, ne voulant pas 
fe couurir dauantage, difant qu il eufl efte" trop a fon 
aife eftant fi bien veftu, qu il auoit defia offert a 
Noflre Seigneur tout ce froid qu il alloit endurant, 
& les fatigues de ce chemin fafcheux, [23] pour fe 
difpofer a la Communion du lendemain, & qu il fe 
confoloit dans la penfe"e qu vn iour dedans le Ciel il 
beniroit Dieu d auoir paty fi peu de chofe pour fon 

Quelque temps auant fa mort, ayant efte" choifi pour 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 87 

Near him was his elder brother, a Catechumen, whom 
we are told he baptized; and they were the first 
two to fall. Their mother and all her family have 
embraced the Faith since their deaths; and we see 
clearly that that young [22] Christian has left them 
heirs to his piety. 

That young man was so innocent that, when his 
marriage was in question, and his parents mentioned 
to him a match that seemed to them to be a good 
one, he answered them: " I dare not look any girl 
in the face, and therefore I do not know her. I am 
afraid to offend God, and become involved in sin, by 
a glance that might perhaps carry my heart further 
than either you or I intended. 

One day, two of our Fathers were traveling with 
him through snow that was four feet deep, while the 
cold was excessive and the wind high. One of the 
Fathers, who was exhausted, asked him to relieve 
him of his load; and, seeing that he was shivering 
with cold, and very thinly clad, he gave him some 
thing wherewith to cover himself. The young Chris 
tian told him that he would willingly take not only 
his load, but that of the other Father also, and, 
indeed, he loaded himself with those two very heavy 
burdens. But he would not put on any other cover 
ing, saying that he would be too comfortable if he 
were so well clad ; that he had already offered to Our 
Lord all that cold, which he would continue to 
endure, as well as all the fatigues of that difficult 
journey, [23] in order to prepare himself for Commun 
ion on the morrow; and that he found comfort in 
the thought that, some day, in Heaven he would 
praise God that he had suffered such a trifle for love 
of him. 


porter la Croix, en vn enterrement public ; La cere- 
monie eftant ache-ne e vn de nos Peres luy demanda 
s il n auoit pas efte" honteux de fe voir fuiuy & regar- 
de" de tant d infideles? Nenny, dift-il, ie penfois que 
ce que ie faifois eftoit glorieux deuant Dieu, & que 
les vices & les debauches de tant de perfonnes qui 
eftoient autour de moy, eftoit ce que Dieu hai ffoit, & 
ce dont on deuoit auoir honte. 

Cette perte fut fuiuie d vne plus grande fort peu 
de iours apres. Plus de trois cens du mefme bourg 
de Saint Ignace, eftans retournez au mefme lieu, tat 
pour enterrer leurs morts, que pour enleuer quantite" 
de chair de vaches fauuages qu ils auoient tue; fur 
leur retour, s eftans diuifez, ga & la & fans ordre, 
ils furent furpris par vne centaine d Hiroquois 
Annieronnons, a quatre ou cinq lieues du bourg : & 
enuiron quarante de nos [24] gens y demeurerent ou 
furent pris captif s ; Ce qui depuis a oblige" ceux de ce 
bourg de Saint Ignace a s approcher de nous, & fe 
mettre plus a 1 abry qu ils n eftoient des incurfions 
de I ennemy. 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 48 89 

Some time before his death he was chosen to carry 
the Cross at a public funeral. When the ceremony 
was over, one of our Fathers asked him whether he 
had not felt ashamed at being followed and looked 
at by so many pagans. " Not at all," he said, " I 
thought that what I did was glorious before God, 
and that the vice and debauchery of so many persons 
who surrounded me were what God hated, and what 
one should be ashamed of." 

This loss was followed by a still greater one, a 
very few days afterward. Over three hundred per 
sons of that village of Saint Ignace returned to this 
same spot for the purpose of burying their dead, and of 
removing a quantity of the flesh of the wild cattle that 
they had killed. On their way home, they scattered 
here and there, without order, and were surprised by 
about a hundred Annieronnon Hiroquois, at a distance 
of four or five leagues from the village ; about forty 
of our [24] people were killed or taken captive. This 
has since compelled those who dwelt at Saint Ignace 
to come nearer to us, and to shelter themselves 
better against the incursions of the enemy. 




SVR la fin de 1 Efte" vne trouppe de quelques auan- 
turiers Hiroquois, conduite par vn Huron, de 
long-temps captif parmy eux, furprirent dans 
vne Ifle efcarte"e, vne cabane de Chreftiens qui eftoient 
a la pefche : ils en tuerent quatre ou cinq fur la place, 
& emmenerent fept captif s. Quelqu vn fauue" de la 
meflee courut en porter les nouuelles au bourg voifm. 
Le Millionaire qui y eftoit accouru en hafte vers le 
lieu du maffacre, fe doutant qu il y auroit quelque 
.ame a gagner pour le Ciel. Ayant fait deux lieue s 
de chemin, & ne pouuant paffer plus outre, amue* 
qu il eftoit fur les riuages [25] du grand Lac; il 
entend vne voix d infideles, qui 1 appellent pour 
s embarquer. Hafte toy, dirent-ils au Pere, peut- 
eftre que tu en trouueras quelqu vn en vie qui n eft 
pas encore baptize. En effet les Prouidences de 
Dieu font adorables pour f es eflus : Ceux qui auoient 
receu le faint Baptefme, & qui s eftoient venus con- 
feffer auant que de partir, fe trouuerent roides morts 
fur la place : vne f eule fille de dix-huit ans, bonne 
Catechumene, reftoit encore en vie dans vn corps 
tranfperce" de coups, nageante dans fon fang, & la 
peau de la tefte arrache e de fon crane, qui eft la def- 
poiiille ordinaire que les ennemis emportent. Le 
Pere n eut de temps que ce qui eftoit necefTaire 
pour la baptizer; comme fi cette ame dans vn corps 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 91 



TOWARD the end of Summer, a band of Hiro- 
quois adventurers, led by a Huron who had 
long been a captive among them, surprised, 
on a lonely Island, a cabin occupied by some Chris 
tians who were engaged in fishing. They killed 
four or five on the spot, and took seven captives. 
One who escaped from the melee ran to bear the 
news to a neighboring village. The Missionary who 
was there hastened to the scene of the massacre 
expecting that there would be some soul to be won 
to Heaven. After a journey of two leagues, he 
found that he could go no further, for he had reached 
the shores [25] of the great Lake. He heard the 
voices of some infidels, who called out to him to 
embark. " Hasten," they said to the Father; " per 
haps thou wilt find some one still alive, who has not 
yet been baptized." In truth, God s Providence 
over his elect is adorable. They who had received 
holy Baptism, and who had confessed before their 
departure, lay dead on the spot. Only a girl eight 
een years of age, a good Catechumen, was still alive, 
but in a body pierced by weapon-thrusts; she lay 
weltering in her blood, and her scalp had been torn 
from her head, for this is the spoil that the enemies 
usually carry away. The Father had barely time to 
baptize her, as if that soul in a half-dead body had 


demy-mort, n eut attendu que cette grace du Bap- 
tefme pour s emioler au Ciel. 

La Prouidence de Dieu ne fut pas moins aimable 
fur ceux qu on emmenoit captifs: car 1 ennemy fut 
pourfuiuy fi viuement, qu on luy couppa chemin, 
lors qu il auoit defia gagne huit ou dix lieues hors le 
pays. On recouura tous les captifs, fans que pas vn 
euft receu encore [26] aucun coup, ny que mefme on 
leur euft arrache les ongles, ce qui toutefois eft la 
premiere des carefles qu on fait aux prifonniers de 
guerre. Le chef des ennemis fut pris, & vn autre 
auec luy, le refte fe mit en fuite, n ayans pas le loifir 
de defcharger vn feul coup de hache, pour affommer 
les captifs qu ils menoient. Vne bonne Chreftienne, 
nome e Marthe Andionra, qu on emmenoit captiue 
auec fon mary, & deux de fes enfans, attribue cette 
deliurace au fecours de la Vierge, qu elle inuoquoit 
durant tout le chemin, difant fon chapelet, qu vn 
ennemy luy arracha, luy defendant de faire fes 
prieres. Mais il ne fcauoit pas que le cceur parloit 
bien plus haut que la langue ; il fut le premier pris, 
& elle fut la premiere deliure e. 

Vn Chreftien eftant tombe" entre les mains des 
ennemis, fut trait6 ii cruellement que la plufpart luy 
portoient companion : fon recours eftoit tout & Dieu, 
auquel il s efcrioit dans le plus fort de fes tourmens; 
Mon Dieu foyez beny de m auoir appel!6 la Foy; 
que mon corps foit brife" de coups, ces cruautez 
n iront pas plus loin que ma vie ; vous me ferez mife- 
ricorde, & ie croy fermement que mon [27] ame fera 
bien-tofl auec vous dans le Ciel. Puis s addreffant k 
vn infidele, qui eftoit dans les tourmens auec luy: 
Mon camarade, luy difoit-il, ie te porte plus de 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 93 

waited only for that grace of Baptism to soar away 
to Heaven. 

God s Providence was no less lovable as regards 
those who were taken away captive; for the enemy 
were so hotly pursued that they were cut off after 
they had already gone eight or ten leagues out of the 
country. All the captives were recovered, without a 
single one of them having received [26] a blow, or 
even having had his nails torn out, which is always 
the first of the caresses bestowed on prisoners of war. 
The chief of the enemies was captured, and another 
with him; the remainder fled, without having time 
to deal a single blow with a hatchet to kill the pris 
oners whom they were taking away. A good Chris 
tian woman, named Marthe Andionra who was being 
carried away as a captive, with her husband and two 
of her children, attributed this deliverance to the 
assistance of the Virgin, to whom she prayed all 
the way, saying her rosary, which one of the enemy 
snatched from her, forbidding her to say her prayers. 
But he knew not that the heart speaks much more 
loudly than the tongue; he was the first to be 
captured, and she the first to be delivered. 

A Christian who fell into the hands of the enemies 
was so cruelly treated that most of them had compas 
sion on him. His recourse was wholly to God, to 
whom he exclaimed, at the height of his tortures : 
" My God, praise be to you for having called me to 
the Faith ! Let my body be shattered by blows ; 
those cruelties will not extend beyond my life ; you 
will have pity on me, and I firmly believe that my 
[27] soul will soon be with you in Heaven." Then, 
addressing an infidel who was being tortured with 
him, he said to him: " My comrade, I have more 


companion qu a moy-mefme, car apres ces miferes ie 
crains pour toy vn mal-heur eternel, d vn feu moins 
pitoyable que ne font ceux qui nous tourmentent : C. 
tu veux que ie te baptize, & fi de tout ton coeur tu 
prie Dieu qu il ait piti6 de toy apres la mort, il te 
fera mifericorde. Les ennemis entendans ces dif- 
cours luy coupperent la main, Ie feparerent d auec 
f on compagnon, & redoublerent fes tourmens : mais 
ils ne purent tirer de luy autre parole, finon d vn 
courage vrayment Chreftien ; Vos tourmens cefferont, 
difoit-il, & finiront auec ma vie; apres cela ie ne fuis 
plus votre captif ; i adore vn Dieu qui vn iour me 
rendra cette main coupee, & ce corps tout brife" de 
vos cruautez. 

Vne ieune fille Chreftienne de quatorze a quinze 
ans, auoit efte emmen6e captiue a Sonnontouan: y 
eftant arriue e, elle entendit qu on parloit de la faire 
mourir: la peur luy donna du courage, & Dieu 
conduifit fon innocence pour la tirer de ce peril. Elle 
trouue moyen de s efchapper, [28] fe iette dans des 
broffailles a quatre ou cinq cens pas du bourg ; tout 
Ie monde eft [en] campagne & nuit & iour pour la 
chercher; on approche du lieu ou elle eft, & fouuent 
elle fut fur Ie point de fe defcouurir elle-mefme, fe 
croyant apperceue, lors que Dieu qui vouloit la fau- 
uer conduifoit autre part les pas de ceux qui venoient 
droit a elle, luy donnant affez de coeur pour demeu- 
rer ainfi cach6e trois iours entiers fans boire ny man 
ger. La troifieme nuit elle fort en tremblant du lieu 
de fon azyle, & prend fa route vers la Nation Neutre, 
ne fcachant bonnement ou elle alloit. Apres trois iour- 
nees de chemin, ayant paffe vne riuiere a guay, elle 
fait rencontre de quatre homines qui luy demandent 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 95 

compassion on thee than on myself, for after these 
misfortunes I fear an eternal misfortune for thee, 
and a fire less pitiful than those that torment us. If 
thou wish me to baptize thee, and if with all thy 
heart thou pray God to have pity on thee after thy 
death, he will have mercy on thee." When the 
enemies heard that discourse, they cut off his hand ; 
they separated him from his companion, and re 
doubled his tortures ; but they could not draw any 
other word from him except what manifested truly 
Christian courage: "Your torments will cease," he 
said, " and will end with my life; after that, I shall 
no longer be your captive. I adore a God who will 
one day restore my hand that you have cut off, and 
this body that is all shattered by your cruelties. 

A young Christian girl, aged fourteen or fifteen 
years, had been taken a captive to Sonnontouan; 
when she reached that place, she heard them speak 
of putting her to death. Fear inspired her with 
courage, and God guided her innocence to extricate 
her from that peril. She found means to escape, [28] 
and fled into the brushwood, four or five hundred 
paces from the village. All the people took the field 
to search for her, night and day. They passed quite 
close to the spot where she lay hidden, and she was 
frequently on the point of showing herself, thinking 
that she was discovered, when God, whose will it 
was to save her, led elsewhere the steps of those who 
were going straight toward her, and gave her suffi 
cient courage to remain hidden there for three whole 
days, without eating or drinking. On the third night, 
she came forth tremblingly from her refuge, and 
started in the direction of the Neutral Nation, with 
out knowing exactly whither she was going. After 


ou elle va ; Elle leur raconte fa fortune, & leur dit 
qu elle s efchappe de la mort: Deux de ces homines 
eftoient ennemis, qui parlent de la remener dans 
fa captiuite", c eft a dire a vne mort certaine: Les 
deux autres eftoient gens de la Nation Neutre, qui 
ayans pitie" de cette petite innocente, prirent fa caufe 
en main, difans qu eftant paiI6e au degh de cette 
riuiere, elle eftoit fur leurs terres, dans vn pays de 
paix, & non plus [29] dans le pouuoir des ennemis. 
Dieu fait auec combien de confiance elle fe recom- 
mandoit a luy. Enfin les deux hommes de la Nation 
Neutre 1 emporterent au deflus des deux ennemis. II 
y auoit plus de fix iours qu elle n auoit mange 1 , & 
toutefois elle ne fentoit ny faim, ny laffitude. Us 
luy donnerent dequoy rompre fon ieufne, affez pour 
atteindre les bourgs de la Nation Neutre, oil eftant 
en lieu d aileurance elle continua fon chemin, & 
arriua icy le iour de Pafques. Son pere bon Chre- 
ftien, nomme Antoine Otiatonnety, & fes autres 
parens la receurent des mains de Dieu, comme vn 
enfant refufcite". 

Nous ne defirons pas ny les fouffrances, ny les mal- 
heurs a nos Chreftiens; mais toutefois ie ne puis 
m empefcher de benir Dieu dans ceux qui leur 
arriuent; 1 experience m ayant fait reconnoiftre que 
iamais leur Foy n eft plus viue, ny leur coeur iamais 
plus a Dieu, qu au temps qu enuifageant les chofes 
d vn oeil trop humain, nous auons plus de crainte & 
plus de companion pour eux. Ie n en ay veu aucun 
de ceux qui font tombez entre les mains de I ennemy, 
& fe font fauuez [30] par apres, qui ne m ayent auoue" 
que dans le plus fort de leur mal ils n y euilent 
efprouu6 vn courage plus Chreftien, vne confolation 

1648 - 49] RE LA TION OF 1647 - 4& 97 

journeying for three days, and fording a river, she 
met four men, who asked her whither she was going. 
She told them of her misfortune, and said that she 
had escaped from death. Two of those men were 
foes, who talked of taking her back into captivity, 
that is, to certain death. The two others, who 
belonged to the Neutral Nation, pitied the poor inno 
cent child, and took her cause in hand, saying that, 
as she had crossed to that side of the river, she was 
in their country, in a land of peace, and no longer 
[29] in the power of the enemy. God knows with 
what confidence she commended herself to him. 
Finally, the two men of the Neutral Nation gained 
the point over the two enemies. For more than six 
days she had eaten nothing, and yet she felt neither 
hungry nor weary. They gave her something where 
with to break her fast, to enable her to reach the 
villages of the Neutral Nation, where she was safe ; 
she continued her journey, and arrived here on Easter 
Sunday. Her father, a good Christian named An- 
toine Otiatonnety, and her other relatives received 
her from the hands of God, as a child risen from the 

We desire neither sufferings nor misfortunes for 
our Christians ; but still I cannot refrain from prais 
ing God for those that happen to them, because 
experience has shown me that their Faith is never 
livelier, nor do their hearts belong more fully to God, 
than when, considering matters with too human 
vision, we have most fear and compassion for them. 
All those whom I have seen who have fallen into the 
hands of the enemy, and have afterward escaped, [30] 
have admitted that, at the height of their misfor 
tunes, they felt more Christian courage and sweeter 


plus donee, & vn recours & Dieu plus entier, qu ils 
n auoient reffenty toute leur vie paffe"e, & que mefme 
ils n en reffentoient apres leur deliurance. Ainfi 
nous ne fgauons que defirer a nos Chreftiens & a 
nous-mefmes, & quelques grandes pertes que puiffe 
receuoir cette Eglif e, nous en benirons Dieu ; voyans 
a 1 oeil qu il en tire fa gloire plus auantageufement 
que nous n euffions ofe 1 efperer par aucune autre 

Au milieu de TEfle", dans le plus fort de la terreur 
d vne armee ennemie, qu on difoit n eftre qu k demie 
lieue du bourg de S. lofeph, les femmes ne fon- 
geoient qu ala fuite, les hommes k fouftenir 1 aflaut, 
1 effroy & 1 efpouuante eftoit par tout. Au milieu 
de toutes ces alarmes, les Chreftiens, les Catechu- 
menes, & mefme plufieurs infideles accoururent & 
1 Eglife; les vns pour receuoir 1 abfolution, les 
autres pour prefler leur Baptefme; tous craignans 
plus 1 Enfer qu ils ne craignoient la mort. Le Pere 
ne f9auoit pas aufquels entendre, car voulant fatis- 
faire aux vns, [31] les autres le preffoient & luy cri- 
oient mifericorde. C eftoit vn combat de la Foy, qui 
viuant dans leur cceur, leur donnoit vn legitime droit 
& ce qu ils defiroient : ainfi le Pere fe vid heureufe- 
ment contraint de leur accorderleurs demandes. Plu- 
lieurs eftoient armez de pied en cap, & receurent 
ainfi le Baptefme. Apres tout il fe trouua que c eftoit 
vne fauffe alarme, mais la Foy & les faintes promeffes 
de ces perfonnes baptiz6es a la hafte, fe trouuerent 
toutefois veritables. Le Saint Efprit eft vn bon 
maiftre, & quand il appelle quelqu vn & foy, il fup- 
pl6e abondamment tout ce qui peut manquer & nos 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 ~ 4& W 

consolation, and had more complete recourse to God, 
than at any time in the whole of their past lives, or 
even after their deliverance. Thus we know not 
what to wish for our Christians and for ourselves ; 
and, however great may be the losses that this Church 
may suffer, we shall praise God therefor, because we 
clearly see that he derives his glory from these to 
greater advantage than we could have hoped for by 
any other means. 

In the middle of the Summer, at the height of 
the terror inspired by a hostile army, that was 
reported to be but half a league from the village of 
St. Joseph, the women thought only of flight and 
the men of resisting the attack; fear and dread 
reigned everywhere. Amid all those alarms, the 
Christians, the Catechumens, and even many infidels, 
hastened to the Church, some to receive absolution, 
others to hasten their Baptism ; all feared Hell more 
than death. The Father knew not whom to hear, 
for while he wished to satisfy some, [31] the others 
pressed him, and cried to him for pity. It was a 
combat of the Faith, which lived in their hearts, and 
gave them a legitimate right to what they desired. 
Thus the Father found himself, fortunately, com 
pelled to grant their requests. Many were armed 
from head to foot, 4 and received Baptism in that 
state. After all, it turned out to be a false alarm; 
but the Faith and the holy promises of those persons 
who were baptized in haste were, nevertheless, ear 
nest. The Holy Ghost is an excellent teacher ; and, 
when he calls any one to the faith, he abundantly 
supplies whatever may be deficient in our instruc 

I cannot omit here a sentiment of truly Christian 


Ie ne ptds pas obmettre icy vn fentiment de piete" 
vrayment Chreftienne, d vne mere pour fon enfant 
vnique. Cette femme s eftoit refugie"e dans le depar- 
tement de noftre habitation de S te Marie, qui eft 
deftine" aux fauuages Chreftiens: elle fe vid obligee 
de retourner a Saint lofeph an plus fort des alarmes ; 
elle emmena auec foy fon fils, aage feulement de 
quatre ans. Vn de nos Peres luy demanda pourquoy 
elle n auoit pas laifle" ce petit innocent en noftre mai- 
fon, en vn lieu [32] d aileurance. Helas! refpondit 
elle, i aime mieux le voir tuer dedans mon fein, & 
mourir auec moy, que de le laiffer furuiure apres ma 
mort: Mes parens qui font infideles corromproient 
bien-toft fon innocence, & perdroient fon ame en luy 
faifant perdre la Foy, & ie ferois la mere d vn damne*. 
Ie pref ere le falut de fon ame a la vie de fon corps ; 
ie demande pour nous deux le Ciel, & non pas vne 
longue vie. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 101 

piety displayed by a mother for her only child. This 
woman had taken refuge in that department of our 
settlement of Ste. Marie, that is set apart for the 
Christian savages. She was compelled to return to 
Saint Joseph at the very height of the alarm, and 
she took with her her son, who was only four years 
old. One of our Fathers asked her why she had not 
left that little innocent in our house, in a place [32] 
of safety. "Alas! she replied, "I would rather 
see him killed on my breast, and die with me, than 
let him survive my death. My relatives, who are 
infidels, would soon corrupt his innocence and ruin 
his soul by making him lose the Faith ; and I would 
be the mother of a damned one. I prefer the salva 
tion of his soul to the life of his body. I pray for 
Heaven for both of us, and not for a long life. 




LE bon-heur de la guerre n eft pas touliours d vn 
cofte" ; fi nos Hurons ont fait des pertes, ils ont 
auffi eu leurs vidtoires on le Ciel k plus gagne" 
qu eux : car la plufpart des Hiroqu[o]is qu ils ont pris 
& diuerfes fois, ayant efte" bruflez k 1 ordinaire, ont 
trouue le chemin du Ciel an milieu des flammes, & 
leur falut k 1 heure de la mort. Mais il faut auoiier 
que iamais nous ne faifons aucun de ces [33] Bap- 
tefmes, qu auec des combats & des refinances nom- 
pareilles, non pas tant de la part de ceux du Baptefme 
defquels il s agit, que du cofte" des Hurons infideles 
qui ont de la peine k permettre qu on procure vn bon- 
heur eternel a ceux qu ils n enuif agent que d vn ceil 
ennemy. Si la ferueur de nos Chreftiens ne nous 
aidoit en ces rencontres, nous ne ferions pas affez 
forts pour en venir k bout: mais leur zele & leur 
charite fe trouue plus puiffante h procurer ce bien & 
leurs ennemis, que la haine des infideles a fouhaitter 
leur mal. 

Vn excellent Chreftien, dont 1 aage efl remply de 
merites, & qui eftant d vn rare efprit a vne Foy tout 
fait eminente, voyant 1 oppofition opiniaftre des 
infideles a ne vouloir permettre qu on baptizaft quel- 
ques captifs. Et quoy mes freres, leur dit-il, fi vous 
ne croyez pas que noftre Foy foit veritable, pourquoy 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 103 




THE fortune of war is not always all on the same 
side. If our Hurons have suffered losses, they 
have also had their victories, in which Heaven 
has gained more than they; for most of the Hiro- 
quois whom they have captured at various times, 
and who have been burned as usual, have found the 
way to Heaven in the midst of the flames, and their 
salvation at the hour of death. But it must be 
admitted that we never obtain any of those [33] Bap 
tisms without unparalleled contests and resistance, 
not so much on the part of those whose Baptism is 
sought, as from the infidel Hurons, who hardly per 
mit us to procure eternal happiness for those whom 
they look upon solely with the eye of an enemy. 
Were we not assisted on such occasions by the fervor 
of our Christians, we would not be strong enough to 
attain our end ; but their zeal and their charity are 
more powerful in procuring that blessing for their 
enemies than is the hatred of the infidels in wishing 
them evil. 

An excellent Christian, whose years are full of 
merit, and who possesses a rare mind and very 
remarkable Faith, observed the stubborn opposition 
of the infidels to permitting us even to baptize some 
captives. "What! my brothers, " he said to them, 
" if you do not believe that our Faith is the true 


vous oppofez vous a I inftrudtion de ces captifs? 
Et fi c eft vn menfonge ce que nous prefchons du 
Paradis & de 1 Enfer, pourquoy nous refufez vous ce 
contentement de raconter ces fables, & de tromper vos 
ennemis? Que fi vous penfez [34] qu en effet la 
parole de Dieu que nous portons foil veritable, 
embraffez done la Foy vous-mefmes, & redoutez pour 
vous ces feux d Enfer que vous fouhaitez & ces 
pauures miferables. La-deffus il fe met a prefcher a 
toute 1 affemble e, qui luy prefte audiece; il parle du 
Paradis, de 1 Enfer, dela Refurredtion, & parcourt les 
principaux myfteres de noftre Foy. Enfin voyat 
tout fon monde gagn6; mes freres, leur dit-il, ie voy 
bien que la Foy eft dans le fond de vofbre coetir, que 
vous differez f eulement a en faire la prof effion : mais 
f9achez que vous irritez Dieu, vous oppofant au falut 
de ces ames, & que 1 Enfer fera voftre partage, fi vous 
voulez que vos haines foient immortelles: bruflez 
leurs corps a la bonne heure, qui eft voftre captif ; 
mais leurs ames font inuifibles, & non pas de voftre 
domaine; vous auriez tort de leur fouhaiter aucun 
mal. Apres cela il s addreffe aux captifs, leur 
demande s ils con9oiuent ces veritez, & s ils defirent 
le Baptefme. Leur cceur y eft tout difpofe", tout le 
monde eft dans le filence, & ces Baptefmes fe font 
d vn confentement fi public, qu on euft iug que 
1 aflemble e eftoit toute Chreftienne. 

[35] En vn autre occanon les infideles ayans 
preuenu les captifs, & leur ayans donn6 des impref- 
lions de nous & de la Foy, qui ne leur en laiffoient 
que de 1 horreur; vn Capitaine Chreftien en eut 
aduis, & nous pria de ne pas paroiftre en 1 affemble e 
qu il ne nous euft appelle". II prend auec foy quatre 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 105 

one, why do you oppose the instruction of those pris 
oners? And, if what we preach about Paradise and 
Hell be a lie, why do you refuse us the satisfaction 
of relating those fables, and of deceiving your ene 
mies? And if you think [34] that God s word, which 
we carry, be really true, then embrace the Faith your 
selves, and dread not for yourselves those Hell-fires 
that you desire for those poor wretches." There 
upon, he began to preach to the entire assembly, 
who listened to him. He spoke of Paradise, of Hell, 
and of the Resurrection, and outlined the principal 
mysteries of our Faith. Finally, seeing that all his 
hearers were won, he said to them : My brothers, 
I see very well that the Faith is in the depth of your 
hearts, that you merely put off professing it; but 
know that you irritate God by opposing the salvation 
of these souls, and that Hell will be your lot if you 
allow your hatred to be immortal. Burn their bodies, 
if you will, for they are your captives ; but their souls 
are invisible, and are not under your control. You 
would be wrong to wish them any harm." After 
that, he addressed himself to the prisoners and asked 
them whether they understood those truths, and 
whether they desired Baptism. Their hearts were 
fully prepared ; all remained silent, and Baptism was 
administered with such general acquiescence that 
one would have thought that the assembly was 
entirely Christian. 

[35] On another occasion, the infidels had preju 
diced the captives and had conveyed impressions to 
them respecting us and the Faith which inspired 
them only with horror. A Christian Captain heard 
of this, and begged us not to make our appearance 
at the assembly until he summoned us. He took 


ou cinq des Chreftiens plus feruens ; ils s approchent 
des prifonniers. Mes freres, leur dirent-ils, nous ne 
portons ny torches ny flambeaux pour vous venir 
brufler: fi vous ne mouriez que de nos mains, vos 
vies feroient en affeurance; noftre coeur n a point de 
cruautez ny pour vous, ny pour qui que ce foit au 
monde. Tous les autres qui vous enuironnent font 
,armez de f eux & de flammes & leurs mains font encore 
toutes couuertes de voftre fang: iugez maintenant 
ii leur coeur a de 1 amour pour vous, & fi les auer- 
fions qu il vous ont donn6 de la Foy, precedent d vn 
defir qu ils ayent de voftre bien, ou plutoft de la rage 
qui les anime contre vous. L efprit de ces captifs 
eftant appriuoife", ils fe mettent a les inftruire tout 
loifir, & les voyans bien difpofez, vn Chreftien nous 
vint appeller pour leur conferer le Baptefme. 

[36] La femme d vn de ces bons Chreftiens donna 
aduis a fon mary que les infideles eftoient animez 
contre luy, de ce qu il fe mefloit fi auant dedans ces 
Baptefmes, & luy confeilla de s en deporter vne autre- 
fois. Et quoy ma femme, luy dit-il, tu veux feruir 
de truchement au diable; eft-ce vn confeil d amy? 
Et faut-il que les me difances nous empefchent de 
gagner le Ciel, & d y mener mefme nos ennemis. Si 
on parle de me tuer pour quelque autre fujet, ie 
pourray bien craindre la mort; mais s il eft queftion 
& de fouffrir les calomnies, & de mourir pour 1 auan- 
cement de la Foy, ma vie ne m eft plus rien, & ie 
veux bien qu on ffache que iamais ie ne trembleray 
de ce coft6 la. 

Mais ce qui a plus eftonn6 les infideles, eft d auoir 
veu en ces rencontres des femmes plus fortes qu eux. 
Nous ne pouuions vn iour nous faire affez entendre 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 107 

with him four or five of the most fervent Christians ; 
they approached the prisoners, and said to them: 
" My brothers, we carry neither torches nor flam 
beaux to burn you. Were you to die only by our 
hands, your lives would be safe ; our hearts feel no 
cruelty toward you, or toward any one else in the 
world. All the others who surround you are armed 
with fire and flame, and their hands are still covered 
with your blood; judge now whether their hearts 
have any love for you, and whether the aversion with 
which they have inspired you against the Faith pro 
ceeds from any desire for your welfare, or from the 
fury that animates them against you." When the 
minds of the captives had been soothed, the Chris 
tians began to instruct them at leisure ; and, when 
they found them well prepared, a Christian called us 
to administer Baptism to them. 

[36] The wife of one of those good Christians 
warned her husband that the infidels were angry with 
him because he took so prominent a part in those 
Baptisms, and advised him to keep away another 
time. "What! my wife," he said, " thou wishest 
to serve as interpreter to the devil? Is that the 
advice of a friend? And must slander prevent us 
from winning Heaven and from taking our enemies 
there ? If they talked of killing me for any other 
reason, I might well fear death ; but if it be a ques 
tion both of enduring calumny, and of dying for the 
advancement of the Faith, my life is of no further 
value to me, and I wish it to be known that I shall 
never tremble on that account. 

But what most astonished the infidels on such occa 
sions was to find that the women were stronger than 
they. One day we thought that we had not made 


& vn captif Sonnontoueronnon (car quoy que le fond 
de leur langue foit le mefme qu icy aux Hurons, 
toutefois les dialedtes font fi differens, qu on iugeroit 
que ce foient des langues diuerfes.) II nous vint en 
penf6e d auoir recours a vne bonne Chreftienne, venue 
il y a neuf ou dix [37] ans d vn bourg de la Nation 
Neutre voifin des ennemis. Cette femme s approche 
du captif, & comme elle poffede parfaitement bien 
nos myfteres, il ne fut pas befoin de luy mettre en 
bouche ce qu elle diroit, elle fe met a 1 inftruire elle- 
mefme. Mon frere, luy dit-elle, ie porte companion 
a ton corps; mais toutefois fa mifere ne fera pas 
longue, quelques tourmens que luy preparent les 
Hurons : Tu fcais que nos ames font immortelles, & 
que ces flammes que tu voy, ne pourront pas confom- 
mer la tienne; elle furuiura a ces cruautez que tu 
crains: Mais il faut que tu fgaches qu il y a vn mal- 
heur eternel, qui nous attend apres la mort, fi nous 
n auons reconnu en ce monde, & adore" le Createur 
du ciel & de la terre. C eft a quoy ie te viens 

Les infideles ne fgauoient que dire a cette Chre- 
flienne, car les hommes Hurons auroient honte 
d entrer en difpute auec vne femme. Elle continue 
fon inftrudtion paifiblement, & ce pauure captif fut fi 
touche" de cette charite", qu il demanda a eftre baptize, 
& le lendemain fon ame fut, comme nous croyons, 
dans le Ciel. 

[38] Ie finy ce Chapitre par la mort d vne captiue 
Hiroquoife. C eftoit vne ieune femme d enuiron 
vingt-cinq ans, a qui les Hurons auoient donne" la vie: 
toutefois 1 ennuy de fa captiuite" & le defir de fa 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4$ 109 

ourselves sufficiently understood by a Sonnontoue- 
ronnon captive (for although the foundation of the 
language is the same as that of the Hurons, never 
theless the dialects are so different that they might 
be considered different languages). It occurred to us 
to have recourse to a good Christian woman, who 
came, nine or ten [37] years ago, from a village of 
the Neutral Nation that lies near the enemy s coun 
try. This woman approached the captive, and, as 
she has a thorough knowledge of our mysteries, it 
was not necessary to place in her mouth the words 
that she was to say; she began to instruct him 
herself. " My brother," she said to him, " I have 
compassion on thy body ; however, its sufferings will 
not last long, whatever tortures the Hurons may 
prepare for it. Thou knowest that our souls are 
immortal, and that those flames that thou seest can 
not consume thine ; it will survive the cruelties that 
thou fearest. But thou must know that there is an 
everlasting misery that awaits us after death, if in 
this world we have not acknowledged and adored 
the Creator of heaven and of earth. That is what I 
urge thee to do." 

The infidels knew not what to say to that Chris 
tian, for the Huron men would be ashamed to enter 
into a dispute with a woman. She continued her 
instruction in peace; and the poor captive was so 
moved by her charity that he asked to be baptized, 
and on the following day his soul was, as we believe, 
in Heaven. 

[38] I shall conclude this Chapter with the death 
of a Hiroquois captive. She was a young woman 
about twenty-five years of age, whose life the Hurons 
had spared; nevertheless, the weariness of her 


patrie, 1 auoient pouffe" a s enfuir feule, a trauers les 
bois: mais 1 ayant pourfuiuie a la pifte, on la recou- 
ura apres quelques iourne"es, heureufement pour fon 
falut. Elle tomba bien-toft malade : vn de nos Peres 
va pour 1 inftruire, il la trouue toute difpofe e au 
Baptefme, & qui fcauoit tous nos myfteres. II y a 
long-temps que ie croy, luy dit-elle, & ce que i ay 
veu des Chreftiens des le commencement de ma cap- 
tiuite" eft entre dans le fond de mon coeur; i ay iuge 
leur Foy veritable, & les Commandemens de Dieu ft 
iuftes, que i ay creu que vrayment il eftoit luy feul 
le maiftre de nos vies. I auois demande" le Baptefme 
a Ouracha (c eft le nom Huron d vn autre de nos 
Peres) mais il m a refufde, croyant peut-eftre que ma 
Foy ne fuft que fur mes levres, & non pas dans mon 
coeur. I ay nonobftant vefcu du depuis en Chrefti- 
enne, & i efperois toujours que Dieu qui void dans 
le fond de nos ames, auroit pitie de moy. Ie te prie 
[39] donne moy le Baptefme, car c eft fans doute 
pour cela que Dieu n a pas voulu que i allafle mourir 
en mon pays tout infidele. Le Pere m efcriuit que 
iamais il n auoit baptize" aucun Sauuage auec plus de 
fatisfadtion. Elle vefcut encore vn mois, mais en vn 
lieu ou nos vilites ne peuuent pas eftre frequentes. 
A 1 heure de la mort, elle enuoye querir en 1 abfence 
du Pere vn bon Chreftien, qui nous fert de Dogique 
dans ce bourg la, & le prie de 1 affifter a bien mourir 
comme font les Chreftiens: mais ce bon Dogique 
trouua que le Saint Efprit y faif oit plus que luy ; car 
les fentimens de piet6 eftoiet li tendres dans le cceur 
de cette captiue mourante, fa Foy li viue, & fes efpe- 
rances fi douces pour le Ciel, qu il nous a dit n auoir 

1648-49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 111 

captivity, and the desire to be in her own country, 
had induced her to flee alone through the woods. 
But she was tracked, and after some days search she 
was recaptured, fortunately for her salvation. Soon 
afterward, she fell ill, and one of our Fathers went 
to instruct her ; he found that she was well disposed 
toward Baptism, and that she knew all our mysteries. 
" I have long believed," she said to him ; " and what 
I saw of the Christians at the very beginning of 
my captivity penetrated deep into my heart. I con 
sidered their Faith excellent, and the Command 
ments of God so just that I believed that, in truth, 
he alone was the master of our lives. I had asked 
Ouracha (that is the Huron name of another of our 
Fathers) " for Baptism; but he refused me, thinking 
perhaps that my Faith was only on my lips, and not 
in my heart. Notwithstanding this, I have lived 
ever since as a Christian ; and I always hoped that 
God, who sees into the depths of our souls, would 
have pity on me. I beg thee [39] to grant me Bap 
tism ; for doubtless that is the reason why God would 
not allow me to go and die in my own country, where 
all are infidels." The Father wrote me that he had 
never baptized any Savage with greater satisfaction. 
She lived a month longer, but at a place where we 
could not visit her frequently. At the hour of death 
she sent, in the absence of the Father, for a good 
Christian who serves as our Dogique in that village, 
and begged him to assist her to die like the Chris 
tians. But the good Dogique found that the Holy 
Ghost accomplished in her more than he could ; for 
so loving were the sentiments of piety in the heart 
of that dying captive, so lively was her Faith, and so 
sweet her hopes of Heaven, that he told us that he 


iamais rien veu de plus Chreftien. Elle rendit 1 ame 
auec ces dernieres paroles, lefus ayez pitie de moy, 
oiiy ie feray auiourd huy auec vous dans le Ciel. 
Elle auoit nom Magdelaine Arihoiiaon. 

A ce propos ie ne puis obmettre vn coup de la 
Prouidence de Dieu fur vne ame qui fans doute eftoit 
nee pour le Paradis. Vne ieune femme infidele 
legerement [40] malade, efcoutoit attentiuement les 
inftrudtions qui fe donnoient a quelques Neophytes 
de la mefme cabane, & monftroit y prendre plaifir: 
mais comme elle auoit efte aflez dans les debauches 
& n eftoit mariee, celuy de nos Peres qui auoit foin 
de cette Mimon la negligeoit, quoy qu elle demandaft 
fouuent a prier Dieu & a eftre receue au nombre des 
Catechumenes. Cependant le mal s augmenta, & la 
mit k 1 extremit^, le Pere ayant defifte vn ou deux 
mois d aller en cette cabane. II y entra vn iour par 
accident, fans penfer a cette pauure fille, qui ne fon- 
geoit qu a luy, & nuit & iour. De loin qu elle 1 euft 
apperceu, elle luy fit figne de la main qu il appro- 
chaft, ne pouuant plus fe faire entendre pour fa foi- 
bleffe. Mon frere, luy dit-elle, enfin tu ne differeras 
pas de m inftruire ; tu as fans doute creu que mon 
coeur n eftoit pas deftache des affedtions qu il a eu 
autresfois pour le peche, & tu m as negligee a caufe 
de cela: Non, c eftoit tout de bon que ie voulois 
viure en Chreftienne, & maintenant i y veux mourir . 
Hafte toy, ie te prie, & baptize moy des auiourd huy, 
car ie fuis morte, & ie priois Dieu qu il [41] t ame- 
naft icy, aye piti6 de moy. En effet le Pere la trouua 
li bien difpofee des inftrudtions que iamais il n auoit 
eu deffein de luy donner en inftruifant les autres, & 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 1 13 

had never witnessed anything more Christian. Her 
soul soared away with these last words : " Jesus, have 
pity on me! Yes, I shall be with you this day in 
Heaven!" Her name was Magdelaine Arihouaon. 
While on this subject, I cannot omit an effect of 
God s Providence on a soul that was doubtless born 
for Paradise. A young infidel woman who was 
slightly [40] ill, listened attentively to the instruc 
tions that were being given to some Neophytes 
in the same cabin, and showed that she took pleasure 
in them. But as she had been somewhat dissolute, 
and was not married, he among our Fathers who 
had charge of that Mission neglected her, though 
she often asked to pray to God, and to be admitted 
among the Catechumens. However, the illness 
increased, and brought her to the point of death. 
The Father, who had not visited the cabin for a 
month or two, entered it one day without thinking 
of the poor girl, who thought only of him, both 
night and day. When she perceived him at some 
distance, she made him a sign with her hand to draw 
near, for her weakness prevented her from making 
herself heard. " My brother," she said to him, " at 
last thou wilt not delay instructing me ; thou hast no 
doubt thought that my heart was not weaned from 
the affection for sin that it formerly had, and on that 
account thou hast neglected me. No, I really wished 
to live a Christian, and now I wish to die one. 
Hasten, I beg thee, to baptize me at once, to-day; 
for I am dead, and I prayed God to [41] bring thee 
here. Have pity on me ! In fact, the Father found 
her so well prepared by the instruction that he had 
never intended to give her, while instructing the 
others, and saw that her heart was so moved by 


vid fon cceur fi fortement preuenu des graces de Dieu, 
& fi auant dans les defirs du Paradis, qu il la bap- 
tiza fans delay. De ce moment elle n eut plus ny 
d oreilles, ny de langue que pour Dieu, auquel fans 
doute elle rendit fon ame, ayant expire peu apres. 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 115 

God s grace, and so full of desire for Paradise, that 
he baptized her without delay. From that moment 
she had neither ears nor tongue except for God, to 
whom, doubtless, she gave up her soul, for she 
expired shortly afterward. 





LES Onnontaeronnons, la plus belliqueuf e des cinq 
nations ennemies de nos Hurons, font bien 
auant dans vn traite" de paix auec eux. Voicy 
comme le tout eft arriue. 

Au commencement de 1 an 1647. vne bande d On- 
nontaeronnons ayant paru fur nos frontieres, fut 
pourfuiuie d vne troupe de guerriers Hurons, auf- 
quels la vidtoire demeura, le chef des ennemis [42] 
ayant efte" tu6 fur la place, quelques autres faifis 
captifs, & le refte ayant pris la fuite. 

Ces prifonniers de guerre furent brulez a 1 ordi 
naire, a la referue du plus confiderable de tous, qui 
eut la vie, nomme Annenraes ; le diray f eulement en 
pailant, qu vn de ceux qui eftoient deftinez pour le 
feu, ayant horreur des cruautez qui 1 attendoient, fe 
ietta la tefte la premiere dans vne grande chaudiere 
d eau toute boiiillante, afin d abreger fes tourmens 
auec fa vie. 

Sur le commencement du Printemps, Annenraes 
qui auoit eu le vie, fut aduerty fous main que quel 
ques particuliers mefcontens de ce qu il viuoit, le 
vouloient tuer: il communiqua a quelque lien amy 
les penfe"es qu il prit en fuite de cela de s efchapper, 
& s en retourner en fon pays. L affaire fut rappor- 
te"e a quelques Capitaines, les principaux chefs du 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 117 



THE Onnontaeronnons, the most warlike of the 
five nations that are hostile to our Hurons, 
have made considerable advance in a treaty 
of peace with them. You shall know how it all 

At the beginning of the year 1647, a band of 
Onnontaeronnons who appeared on our frontiers were 
pursued by a troop of Huron warriors, who were 
victorious; the chief of the enemies [42] was killed 
on the spot, others were taken prisoners, and the 
remainder put to flight. 

These prisoners of war were burned, as usual, with 
the exception of the most important of them all, 
named Annenraes, whose life was spared. I shall 
merely say, in passing, that one of those who was 
destined to the flames, seized with a horror of the 
cruelties that awaited him cast himself headlong into 
a great kettle of boiling water, to shorten his tortures 
with his life. 

At the beginning of the Spring, Annenraes, whose 
life had been spared, was privately informed that 
some individuals who were angry because he was 
allowed to live, wished to kill him. He commu 
nicated to a friend the idea that he conceived, in 
consequence of this, of escaping, and returning to 
his own country. When this was reported to some 


confeil, qui trouuerent a propos de 1 ayder dans fon 
deffein, efperans que c6t homme eftant de grande 
authorit6 a Onnontae", pcmrroit leur rendre quelque 
bon feruice. Us 1 equiperent, luy donnerent quel- 
ques prefens, & le firent partir de nuit incognito. 

[43] C6t homme ayant paff6 le Lac Saint Louys, 
qui nous diuife d auec les ennemis, fit rencontre de 
trois cens Onnontaeronnons, qui faifoient des canots 
pour trauerfer ce mefme Lac, a deffein de venir ven- 
ger fa mort ; & qui pour ce"t effet deuoient fe ioindre 
a d autres bandes de huit cens, tant Sonnontoiieron- 
nons que Ouionenronnons, qui eftoient aufli en 

A ce rencontre, qui f ut bien inopin pour les Onnon 
taeronnons; Annenraes qu on enuifageoit comme vn 
homme refufcite", fe comporta de telle forte que les 
trois cens Onnontaeronnons quitterent le deffein de 
leur guerre, & prirent des penfees de paix: en forte 
qu eftans de retour a Onnontae", & y ayans tenu con 
feil, ils enuoyerent vn ambaffade aux Hurons, auec 
des prefens, pour commencer les pourparlers de paix. 

Le chef de cet ambaffade fut vn nomm6 Soion6s, 
Huron de nation, mais fi naturalife" parmy les enne 
mis depuis plufieurs anne"es, qu il n y a aucun Hiro- 
quois qui ait fait plus de maff acres en ces pays, ny 
des coups plus mauuais que luy. Ce Soione"s amena 
auec foy trois autres Hurons, [44] captifs depuis peu 
a Onnontae", qui nous font demeurez. Ils arriuerent 
au Bourg de Saint Ignace, le neufie me luillet. 

A cette nouuelle le pays fe trouua puiffamment 
partage". Ceux des Hurons, que nous appellons la 
Nation des Ours, craignoient c6t ennemy, mefme auec 

^ prefens. Les Bourgs plus voifins efperoient que 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 -48 119 

Captains, the principal chiefs of the council, they 
deemed it advisable to aid him in his design, hop 
ing that this man, who had great authority at Onnon 
tae, might render them a good service. They 
equipped him, gave him some presents, and made 
him start at night, incognito. 

[43] When that man had passed Lake Saint Louys, 
which separates us from the enemies, he came upon 
three hundred Onnontaeronnons. They were mak 
ing canoes, for the purpose of crossing that Lake, 
intending to avenge his death; and, to that end, 
they were to join other bands amounting to eight 
hundred men, of both Sonnontoueronnons and Oui- 
onenronnons, who were also on the war-path. 

At this meeting, which was quite unexpected for 
the Onnontaeronnons, Annenraes, who was looked 
upon as a man risen from the dead, so bore himself 
that the three hundred Onnontaeronnons gave up 
their plans of war, and entertained thoughts of peace. 
The result was that, when they had returned to 
Onnontae and had held a council there, they sent an 
embassy to the Hurons, with presents, to commence 
negotiations for peace. 

The head of the embassy was one Soione"s, a Huron 
by birth, but who had become so naturalized among 
the enemies for many years that no Hiroquois had 
committed more massacres in these countries, nor 
had struck more evil blows than he. This Soione"s 
brought with him three other Hurons, [44] who had 
been captives for a short time at Onnontae", and 
who have remained with us. They arrived at the 
Village of Saint Ignace on the ninth of July. 

On receiving this news, the country was greatly 
divided. Those among the Hurons whom we call 


cette paix reumroit, & catife qu ils la fouhaitoient 
dauantage: mais les Arendaenronnons, plus qu au- 
cune autre Nation, a caufe qu on leur faif oit efperer 
qu on leur rendroit quantite de leurs gens, captifs a 

Apres bien des confeils, enfin on trouua bon pour 
voir plus clair en cette affaire, d enuoyer vn 
ambaffade reciproque a Onnontae". Vn Capitaine 
Chreftien, nomm6 lean Baptifte Atironta, en fut le 
chef, & quatre autres Hurons auec luy. Us partirent 
d icy le premier d Aouft, & porterent des prefens 
reciproques pour refpondre a ceux de 1 Onnontaeron- 
non. Nos Hurons fe feruent pour ces prefens de 
peltries, precieuf es dans le pays ennemy : les Onnon- 
taeronnons fe feruent de coliers de Porcelaine. 

[45] Apres vingt iournees de chemin, lean Baptifte 
Atironta arriua a Onnontae, 1 Ambaffadeur des enne- 
mis eftant retourne auec luy. On accueillit noftre 
ambaffade auec de grands tefmoignages de ioye, & 
ce ne furent que confeils 1 efpace d vn mois qu il fut 
la: apres lefquels 1 Onnontaeronnon conclut de ren- 
uoyer auec lean Baptifte Atironta, vn fecond ambaf 
fade ; dont le chef fut vn Capitaine Onnontaeronnon, 
nomine" Scandaouati, aage" de foixante ans, & auec 
luy deux autres Onnontaeronnons, auec lefquels ils 
renuoyerent quinze captifs Hurons; ayans retenu 
pour oftage, vn de ceux qui auoient accompagne* lean 

Ils arriuerent icy le vingt-troilie me d Octobre, & 
auoient mis en leur retour depuis Onnontae", trente 
iours: car quoy qu il n y ait qu enuiron dix iournees 
de diftance, toutefois ils font fouuent obligez de s ar- 
refter, foit a faire des canots pour paffer les Riuieres, 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 121 

the Nation of the Bear feared the enemy, even with 
his presents. The Villages nearest the enemy hoped 
that peace would be successfully established because 
they most desired it, but the Arendaenronnons, 
more than any other Nation, because they were led 
to hope that a number of their people, who were 
captives at Onnontae, would be given up to them. 

After many councils, it was finally deemed expedi 
ent, in order to see more clearly into the matter, to 
send an embassy to Onnonta6 in return. A Christian 
Captain, named Jean Baptiste Atironta, was the 
head of it, and four other Hurons went with him. 
They started from here on the first of August, and 
carried reciprocal presents in response to those of the 
Onnontaeronnons. For these presents the Hurons 
use furs, which are of great value in the enemies 
country; while the Onnontaeronnons use collars of 
Porcelain beads. 

[45] After a twenty days journey, Jean Baptiste 
Atironta arrived at Onnontae" ; the enemies Ambas 
sador returned with him. Our embassy was received 
with great manifestations of joy ; and for the space 
of a month, while he was in that place, there was 
nothing but holding of councils. After that, the 
Onnontaeronnons resolved to send back with Jean 
Baptiste Atironta a second embassy the head of 
which was an Onnontaeronnon Captain named Scan- 
daouati, aged sixty years; and with him were two 
other Onnontaeronnons. With these, they sent back 
fifteen Huron captives, keeping as a hostage one of 
those who had accompanied Jean Baptiste. 

They reached here on the twenty-third of October, 
after having taken thirty days on their return jour 
ney from Onnontae ; for, although it is distant only 


& le Lac Saint Louys ; f oit a caufe du manuals temps 
& des tempeftes; ou mefme a caufe de la chaffe, dont 
ils viuent faifans chemin. 

Outre les captifs que ramenoit lean [46] Baptifte, 
il eftoit charge" de fept grands coliers de Porcelaine, 
dont chacun eftoit de trois & quatre mille grains, (ce 
font les perles & comme les diamans du pays.) Ces 
coliers eftoient de nouueaux prefens de 1 Onnontae- 
ronnon, pour affermir la paix; auec parole que ce 
pays pouuoit encore efperer la deliurance de cent 
autres Hurons, qui reftent dans la captiuite". 

Ce qui, dit-on, a fait entrer 1 Onnontaeronnon dans 
ces penfe"es de paix, eft premierement la ioye qu il a 
eu, qu on euft donn6 la vie a Annenra6s. Seconde- 
ment, la crainte qu il a que 1 Hiroquois Annieron- 
non, qui deuient infolent en fes vidtoires, & qui fe 
rend infupportable mefme a fes alliez, le deuienne 
trop fort, & ne les tyrannife auec le temps, fi les 
Hurons defchargez d vne partie de leurs guerres, ne 
reiiniffent toutes leurs forces centre luy. En troi- 
&6me lieu, les Andaftoeronnons peuples alliez de nos 
Hurons, contribuent, dit-on, puiffamment a cette 
affaire; foit que 1 Onnontaeronnon craigne de les 
auoir pour ennemis, foit qu il cheriffe leur alliance. 
Nous en parlerons dans le Chapitre qui fuit. 

[47] Les Onnontaeronnons fe comportent, dit-on, 
comme en vne affaire arrefte"e. Les Ouionenronnons 
femblent eftre auffi dans le mefme deffein, & pour c6t 
effet, ont defia renuoye pour affeurer de leur penf6e, 
vn des Hurons qui eftoit captif parmy eux, auec deux 
coliers de Porcelaine, dont ils ont fait prefent & nos 
Hurons. L Onneiochronnon n eft pas auffi 61oign6 
de cette paix, k ce qu on dit. Le Sonnontoueronnon 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 123 

about ten days journey, nevertheless they are fre 
quently obliged to halt, either to make canoes for 
crossing the Rivers and Lake Saint Louys; or on 
account of bad weather and storms ; or even for the 
purpose of killing game, on which they subsist while 
on the road. 

In addition to the captives brought back by Jean 
[46] Baptiste, he was loaded with seven great Porce 
lain collars each of which consisted of three or four 
thousand beads (these are the pearls and, as it were, 
the diamonds of the country). These collars were 
new presents from the Onnontaeronnons to strength 
en the peace, with the message that the country 
might also hope for the deliverance of a hundred 
other Hurons, who remained in captivity. 

What is said to have induced the Onnontaeronnons 
to entertain these thoughts of peace is, in the first 
place, the joy they felt because the life of Annen- 
raes had been spared ; in the second place, their fear 
that the Annieronnon Hiroquois, who become inso 
lent in their victories, and who make themselves 
unbearable even to their allies, may become too much 
so and, in time, may tyrannize over them if the Hu 
rons, relieved from a portion of their wars, do not 
unite all their forces against them. In the third place, 
the Andastoeronnons, tribes allied to our Hurons, 
contribute in great measure, it is said, toward this mat 
ter, either because the Onnontaeronnons fear to have 
them as enemies, or because they desire their alliance. 
We shall speak of this in the following Chapter. 

[47] The Onnontaeronnons behave, it is said, as if 
the matter were settled. The Ouionenronnons seem 
to have the same intentions, and for that object have 
already, to give assurance of their purpose, sent back 


n y veut pas entendre. L Annieronnon en eft 
encore plus eloign6 ; qui, dit-on, eft jaloux de ce qu a 
fait rOnnontaeronnon, & veut touliours fe rendre 
redoutable. Et ce font ces deux dernieres Nations 
dont le Bourg de Saint Ignace a efte* mal traite* fur la 
fin de c6t Hyuer. 

Au commencement de lanuier de la prefente anne"e 
1648. nos Hurons iugerent a propos de deputer vn 
nouuel ambaffade a Onnontae, de fix hommes, qui 
partirent pour c6t effet, auec vn des trois Onnontae- 
ronnons qui eftoient venus icy, les deux autres nous 
eftans demeurez pour oftage, & nomement Scanda- 
ouati, le principal AmbafCadeur Onnontaeronnon. 
Mais du depuis nous auons appris [48] que nos Am- 
baffadeurs tomberent entre les mains des cent Hiro- 
quois Annieronnons, qui font venus iufques fur nos 
frontieres, & qu ainii ils ont efte tuez en chemin; 
a la referue de 1 Onnontaeronnon qui s en retournoit, 
& de deux de nos hommes qui s eftans efchappez ont 
pourfuiuy leur route vers Onnontae". 

Ce n eft pas tout. Au commencement du mois 
d Auril, Scandaouati AmbafCadeur Onnontaeronnon 
qui eftoit icy demeur6 pour oftage ay ant difparu, nos 
Hurons creurent qu il s eftoit efchappe: mais apres 
quelques iours on trouua fon Cadaure au milieu d vn 
bois, affez proche du Bourg ou il demeuroit. Ce 
pauure homme s eftoit fait mourir foy-mefme, s e- 
ftant donn6 vn coup de coufteau dans la gorge, apres 
s eftre fait comme vn lidt de quelques branchages de 
fapin, ou on le trouua eftendu. 

A ce fpedtacle on enuoye querir fon compagnon, 
afin qu il fut tefmoin comme le tout s efloit paiT6, & 
qu il vid que les Hurons n auoient pu tremper en ce 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 125 

one of the Hurons who were captive among them, 
with two collars of Porcelain beads, which they have 
presented to our Hurons. The Onneiochronnon 
nation also is reported to be not averse to peace. 
The Sonnontoueronnons will not hear of it. The 
Annieronnons are still more averse to it, because, it 
is stated, they are jealous of what the Onnontaeron- 
nons have done, and wish always to make themselves 
formidable. And it was the two last Nations by 
whom the Village of Saint Ignace was harassed at 
the end of last Winter. 

At the beginning of January of the present year, 
1648, our Hurons deemed it expedient to depute a 
new embassy to Onnontae", consisting of six men, 
who set out for that purpose with one of the three 
Onnontaeronnons who had come hither; the two 
others remained as hostages, and especially Scanda- 
ouati, the chief Onnontaeronnon Ambassador. But, 
since then, we have heard [48] that our Ambassadors 
fell into the hands of the hundred Annieronnon 
Hiroquois who came as far as our borders and that 
thus they were killed on the way, except the Onnon 
taeronnon who was returning, and two of our men, 
who escaped and continued on their way to Onnontae". 

That is not all. At the beginning of the month 
of April, Scandaouati, the Onnontaeronnon Ambas 
sador who had remained here as hostage, disap 
peared, and our Hurons thought that he had escaped ; 
but after some days his Corpse was found in the 
middle of a wood, not far from the Village where he 
resided. The poor man had killed himself by cutting 
his throat with a knife, after having prepared a sort 
of bed made of fir-branches, on which he was found 
stretched out. 


meurtre. En effet, leur dift-il, ie me doutois bien 
qu il feroit pour faire vn coup femblable: ce qui 
1 aura iette" dans ce defefpoir, [49] eft la honte qu il 
aura eu de voir que les Sonnontoueronnons & Annie- 
ronnons foient venus icy vous maffacrer iufques 
fur vos frontieres; car quoy qu ils foient vos enne- 
mis, ils font nos alliez, & ils deuoient nous porter ce 
refpedt, qu eftans venus icy en ambaffade, ils atten- 
diffent a faire quelque mauuais coup, apres noftre 
retour, lors que nos vies feroient en afleurance. II 
a creu que c eftoit vn me pris trop fenfible de fa per- 
fonne, & cette confufion 1 aura iette" dans ces penfe"es 
de defefpoir: & c eft fans doute ce qu il vouloit dire 
a noftre troilieme compagnon qui s en eft retourne" 
auec vos Ambaffadeurs, lors qu a fon depart il luy 
dift, qu il donnaft aduis a ceux de noftre Nation, 
que li durant les pourparlers de cette paix, & tandis 
qu il feroit icy, on faifoit quelque mauuais coup, la 
honte qu il en auroit le feroit mourir; adiouftant qu il 
n eftoit pas vn chien mort, pour eftre abandonne", & 
qu il meritoit bien que toute la terre euft les yeux 
arreftez fur luy, & fuft en alte, tandis que fa vie 
feroit en danger. Voila iufqu ou nos Sauuages fe 
piquent du point d honneur. Nous attendrons 1 iflue 
de toutes ces [50] affaires, & le temps nous y fera 
voir clair. 

1648 - 49 J RELA TION OF 1647 -48 127 

At this spectacle, his companion was sent for, that 
he might witness all that had occurred and see that 
the Hurons had had nothing to do with the murder. 
" In fact," he said to them, " I suspected that he 
would do such a deed ; what caused his despair [49] 
is the shame that he felt at seeing the Sonnontoueron- 
nons and the Annieronnons come and massacre your 
people on your very frontiers. For, although they 
are your enemies, they are our allies; and they 
ought to have shown us this much respect that, as 
we had come here on an embassy, they should have 
waited to strike an evil blow until after our return, 
when our lives would have been safe. He has con 
sidered it too great a contempt for his person, and 
that shame has caused him to sink into desperate 
thoughts. And, doubtless, that is what he meant 
to say to our third companion, who has gone back 
with your Ambassadors, when, on his departure, he 
told him to notify those of our Nation that if, 
during these negotiations for peace and while he was 
here, any evil blow were struck, the shame of it 
would cause his death. He added that he was not a 
dead dog, to be abandoned ; and that he well deserved 
that the eyes of the whole earth should be fixed on 
him, and that it should remain quiet while his life 
would be in danger. Such is the extent to which 
our Savages pique themselves upon a point of honor. 
We shall await the issue of all these [50] matters and 
time will enable us to see more clearly into them. 




ANDASTOE eft vn pays au dela de la Nation 
Neutre, eloigne" des Hurons en ligne droite 
pres de cent cinquante lieues ; au Sud-eft quart 
de Sud des Hurons, c eft a dire du cofte" du Midy, 
tirant vn peu vers 1 Orient: mais le chemin qu il 
faut faire pour y aller eft pres de deux cens lieues, 
a caufe des deftours. Ce font peuples de langue 
Huronne, & de tout temps alliez de nos Hurons. 
Us font tres-belliqueux, & comptet en vn feul bourg 
treize cens hommes portans armes. 

Au commencement de 1 an pafTe" 1647. deux hom 
mes de cette Nation vinrent icy, deputez de leurs 
Capitaines, pour dire a nos Hurons que s ils perdoient 
courage & fe fentoient trop foibles centre leurs 
ennemis, ils le fiffent fcauoir, & enuoyaffent [51] 
quelque Ambaflade a Andaftoe" pour ce"t effet. 

Les Hurons ne manquerent pas a cette occafion. 
Charles Ondaaiondiont excellent & ancien Chreftien, 
fut depute" chef de ce"t ambaffade, accompagne" de 
quatre autres Chreftiens, & de quatre infideles. Ils 
partirent d icy le treizieme d Auril, & n arriuerent a 
Andaftoe qu au commencement de luin. 

La harangue que fit Charles Ondaaiondiont a fon 
arriue e, ne fut pas longue. II leur dit qu il venoit 
du Pays des Ames, ou la guerre & la terreur des 
ennemis auoit tout defole, ou les campagnes n eftoient 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 129 



A NDASTOE is a country beyond the Neutral 
f\ Nation, distant from the Huron country about 
one hundred and fifty leagues in a straight 
line to the Southeast, a quarter South, from the 
Huron country, that is, Southward, a little toward 
the East ; but the distance that has to be traveled to 
reach there is nearly two hundred leagues, owing to 
detours in the route. Those people speak the Huron 
language, and have always been the allies of our 
Hurons. They are very warlike, and in a single 
village they count thirteen hundred men capable of 
bearing arms. 

At the beginning of last year, 1647, two men of 
that Nation came here, deputed by their Captains to 
tell our Hurons that, if they lost courage and felt 
too weak to contend against their enemies, they 
should inform them, and send [51] an Embassy to 
Andastoe" for that object. 

The Hurons did not miss this opportunity. Charles 
Ondaaiondiont, an excellent Christian of long stand 
ing, was deputed as the head of that embassy ; and 
he was accompanied by four other Christians, and 
by four infidels. They left here on the thirteenth of 
April, and reached Andastoe" only at the beginning 
of June. 

The harangue delivered by Charles Ondaaiondiont 
on his arrival was not long. He told them that they 


cotmertes que de fang, oil les cabanes n eftoient 
remplies que de cadaures, & qu il ne leur reftoit a 
eux-mefmes de vie, fmon autant qu ils en auoient eu 
befoin pour venir dire a leurs amis, qu ils euffent 
pitie" d vn pays qui tiroit a fa fin. Apres cela il fit 
paroiflre les raretez plus precieufes de ce pays, que 
nos Hurons auoient porte pour en faire prefent, & 
dirent que c eftoit la, la voix de leur patrie mourante. 

La refponfe des Capitaines Andaftoeronnons, fut 
premierement de deplorer [52] la calamite d vn pays 
qui auoit fouffert tant de pertes : puis adioufterent 
que les larmes n eftoient pas le remede a ces maux, 
ny d enuifager le paffe", mais qu il falloit arrefter au 
pluftoft le cours de ces mal-heurs. 

Apres quantite de confeils, ils deputerent des Am- 
baffadeurs vers les Ennemis de nos Hurons, pour les 
prier de mettre les armes bas, & fonger a vne bonne 
paix, qui n empefchaft point le commerce de tous ces 
pays les vns auec les autres. 

Ces deputez Andaftoeronnons vers les Hiroquois 
n efloient pas encore de retour a Andaftoe le quin- 
zi6me d Aouft; & toutefois Charles Ondaaiondiont 
eftoit preffe de repartir, pour apporter icy dans le 
pays auant 1 hyuer, la refolution des Andaftoeron 
nons fur cette affaire. C eft pourquoy ay ant Iaiff6 
vn de fes compagnons a Andaftoe" pour eftre tefmoin 
de tout ce qui s y pafferoit, il s en reuint auec le refte 
de fa fuite, & ne furent icy de retour que le cinquie me 
d Odtobre. 

Les Sonnontoueronnons qui de"s le Printemps 
auoient eu aduis de ce"t ambaffade de nos Hurons, les 
attendoient au paff age dans leur retour : mais Charles 
[53] s en eftant bien doute", e"uita leurs embufches 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 131 

came from the Land of Souls, where war and the 
terror of the enemies had desolated everything; 
where the country was covered only with blood; 
where the cabins were filled only with corpses; and 
that they themselves had only enough life remaining 
to come to ask their friends to have pity on a coun 
try that was drawing near its end. After that, he 
displayed the most valuable rarities of this land, 
which the Hurons had brought as presents for them ; 
and they said that in these was the voice of their 
expiring country. 

The reply of the Andastoeronnon Captains was, 
in the first place, to deplore [52] the calamities of a 
country that had suffered so great losses ; then they 
added that tears and regrets for the past were not 
the remedy for those evils, but that the course of 
those misfortunes must be arrested as soon as possible. 

After a number of councils, they deputed Ambas 
sadors to the Enemies of our Hurons, to beg them to- 
lay down their arms, and to think of a lasting 
peace, which would not hinder the trade of all these 
countries with one another. 

The Andastoeronnons who were deputed to the 
Hiroquois had not yet returned to Andastoe on the 
fifteenth of August; nevertheless, Charles Ondaaion- 
diont was anxious to depart, that he might bring to 
this country, before winter, information of the deci 
sion reached by the Andastoeronnons in the matter. 
He therefore left one of his companions at Andastoe", 
to be a witness of all that should occur, and returned 
with the remainder of his suite, arriving here only 
on the fifth of October. 

The Sonnontoueronnons who, early in the Spring, 
had received information of this embassy of our 


ayant pris par des chemins perdus, vn grand deftour 
par le milieu des bois, trauerfant des montagnes quafi. 
inaccembles, qui 1 obligerent a faire a fon retour en 
quarante iours, auec des fatigues inconceuables, le 
chemin qu en allant il auoit fait en dix iourn6es, 
depuis la Nation Neutre iufqu a Andafto6. 

Nous n entendons point encore de nouuelles de 
celuy des Hurons qui refta a Andaftoe", lors que 
Charles en repartit: mais nous fommes aileurez que 
les Ambafladeurs Andaftoeronnons arriuerent aux 
ennemis; car lean Baptifle Atironta, qui eftoit a 
Onnontae fur la fin de 1 Efte", pour le traite" de paix 
dont nous auons parle au Chapitre precedent, en eut 
des nouuelles certaines, & vid mefme les prefens 
venus d Andaftoe" pour c6t effet. Car tous ces 
peuples n ont point de voix, finon accompagne"e 
de prefens, qui feruent comme de contract & de 
tefmoignages publics, qui demeurent a la pofterite, 
& font foy de ce qui s eft paff6 en vne affaire. 

Le deffein de 1 Andaftoeronnon eft, dit-on de moy- 
enner la paix entre nos [54] Hurons, & 1 Onneiochron- 
non, 1 Onnontaeronnon, &l Ouionenronnon, & mefme 
s il fe peut auec le Sonnontoueronnon, & de renou- 
ueller la guerre qu il auoit il y a fort peu d anne"es 
auec 1 Annieronnon, s il refufe d entrer dans ce 
mefme traite" de paix. 

Charles Ondaaiondiont eftant a Andaftoe" alia voir 
les Europeans leurs alliez, qui font a trois iourne"es 
de la. Us le receurent auec bien des careffes. Charles 
ne man qua pas de leur dire qu il eftoit Chreftien, & 
les pria de le mener en leur Eglife pour y faire f es 
deuotions; car il croyoit que ce fut comme a nos 
habitations Francoifes. Us luy refpondirent qu ils 

1648-49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 133 

Hurons lay in wait for them on their return; but 
Charles [53] suspected this, and avoided their am 
bushes by making a wide circuit through the woods 
by devious paths, and by crossing almost inaccessible 
mountains; this compelled him on his return to 
perform in forty days, with inconceivable fatigue, a 
journey that had occupied him ten days, in going 
from the Neutral Nation to Andastoe. 

We have not yet had any news from the Huron 
who remained behind at Andastoe" when Charles left ; 
but we are certain that the Andastoeronnon Ambas 
sadors reached the enemies country ; for Jean Bap- 
tiste Atironta who was at Onnontae at the end of 
the Summer, in connection with the treaty of peace 
of which we spoke in the foregoing Chapter had 
positive news of it, and even saw the presents that 
were sent from Andastoe" for that purpose. For all 
these peoples have no voice, except it be accompanied 
by presents ; these serve as contracts, and as public 
proofs, which are handed down to posterity, and 
attest what has been done in any matter. 

The design of the Andastoeronnons is, it is said, 
to bring about peace between our [54] Hurons and 
the Onneiochronnons, the Onnontaeronnons, and the 
Ouionenronnons, and even, if possible, with the 
Sonnontoueronnons ; also to renew the war that they 
waged a few years ago with the Annieronnons, if 
these refuse to enter into the same treaty of peace. 

When Charles Ondaaiondiont was at Andastoe", he 
went to see the Europeans, their allies, who are at a 
distance of three days journey from that place. 
They received him with much kindness. Charles 
did not fail to tell them that he was a Christian, and 
requested them to take him to their Church, that he 


n auoient aucun lieu deftine" pour leurs prieres. Ce 
bon Chreflien ayant apperceu quelques legeretez peu 
honneftes de quelques ieunes gens, h 1 endroit de 
deux ou trois femmes Sauuages venues d Andaftoe", 
il prit occalion de leur parler auec zele du peu de foin 
qu ils auoient de leur falut, & de leur reprocher qu ils 
ne fongeoient qu au trafic des peltries, & non pas 
a inftruire les Sauuages auec lefquels ils ont leur 

Le Capitaine de cette habitation luy en [55] fit fes 
excufes, fe plaignant qu il n eftoit pas obey de fes 
gens pour ce qui concerne la purete" des moeurs ; & 
luy fit mille queflions touchant 1 eflat de cette Eglife, 
& de la faon que nous viuons icy parmy les Sau 
uages, des moyens que nous tenons pour les conuer- 
tir a la Foy ; eftant eftonn6 de voir vn Sauuage qui 
non feulement ne rougiffoit pas de prefcher haute- 
ment ce qu il fgauoit de nos myfteres, mais qui les 
poiledoit en maifbre, & en parloit auec des fentimens 
dignes d vn coeur vrayment Chreftien. Et le bon eft 
que fa vie a par tout efte" fans reproche, & qu en 
mille occafions de peche" il a fait paroiftre fa Foy par 
fes ceuures; ainfi que nous auons apris des autres 
Chreftiens qui ont fait le voyage auec luy, & mefme 
des infideles. 

En ce mefme temps arriua Ik vn nauire qui auoit 
pafle par la Nouuelle Hollande, qui font les alliez 
des Hiroquois Annieronnons, eloignez fept iourne"es 
d Andaftoe". Charles aprit par leur moyen la mort 
du Pere logues, tue" par les Hiroquois 1 Automne 
precedent. De plus, il fut charge" de deux lettres 
pour nous apporter, & d vn papier imprim6 qu ils 
defchirerent [56] d vn Liure. II a perdu par les 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -48 135 

might perform his devotions ; for he thought that it 
was like those in our French settlements. They 
replied that they had no place set apart for their 
prayers. The good Christian observed some acts of 
levity that were not very modest, on the part of some 
young men, toward two or three Savage women who 
had come from Andastoe"; he took occasion to speak, 
with zeal, of their indifference to their salvation and 
to reproach them because they thought only of the 
fur trade, and not of instructing the Savages with 
whom they are allied. 

The Captain of that settlement [55] apologized to 
him for it ; he complained that he was not obeyed by 
his people, as regards purity of morals ; and he asked 
him a thousand questions respecting the condition of 
this Church, the manner in which we live here 
among the Savages, and the means that we take to 
convert them to the Faith. He was astonished to see 
a Savage who not only was not ashamed to preach 
aloud what he knew of our mysteries, but who was 
master of them, and spoke of them with sentiments 
worthy of a truly Christian heart. And the best of it is 
that his life has everywhere been beyond reproach, 
and that, amid a thousand temptations to sin, he mani 
fested his Faith by his works, as we have learned 
from the other Christians who accompanied him on 
the journey, and even from the infidels. 

At the same time, a vessel arrived which had passed 
by New Holland, whose people are allies of the 
Annieronnon Hiroquois; they are distant seven days 
journey from Andastoe\ Charles learned from them 
of the death of Father Jogues, who had been killed 
by the Hiroquois in the previous Autumn. More 
over, he was given two letters to bring to us, and a 


chemins vne defdites lettres, nous n auons pu enten 
dre 1 autre, flnon qti elle eft date"e en Latin, ex Noud 
Suecid, de la Nouuelle Suede. L imprime nous 
femble eftre quelques prieres Hollandoifes. 

Nous iugeons que cette habitation d Europeans, 
alliez des Andaftoeronnons, font la plufpart Hollan- 
dois & Anglois; ou pluftoft vn ramas de diuerfes 
nations, qui pour quelques raifons particulieres 
s eftans mis fous la protection du Roy de Suede, ont 
appelle" ce pays la, la Nouuelle Suede. Nous auions 
luge" autrefois que ce fuft vne partie de la Virginie, 
leur Interprete dift a Charles qu il efloit Frangois 
de nation. 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 -48 137 

printed paper that they tore [56] out of a Book. He 
lost one of those letters on the way ; we have never 
been able to make out the other, except that it is 
dated, in Latin, ex Novd Suecid, " from New Sweden." 
The printed page seems to us to contain some 
prayers in the Dutch language. 

We think that the people of that European settle 
ment, who are allies of the Andastoeronnons, are 
mostly Dutch and English, or, rather, a collection of 
various nations who for some special reasons have 
placed themselves under the protection of the King 
of Sweden, and have called that country New Sweden. 
We had formerly thought that it was a part of 
Virginia. Their Interpreter told Charles that he 
was French by birth. 




1L y a quelque temps que demandant a vn de nos 
Chreftiens, d ou prouenoit & fon aduis le retarde- 
ment des progrez de la Foy icy dans les Hurons, 
qui quoy [57] qu ils furpaffent nos efperances, n e"ga- 
lent pas toutefois nos defirs. Voicy la refponfe qu il 
me fit. Lors que les Infideles nous reprochent que 
Dieu n a point pitie* de nous, puifque les maladies, la 
pauurete", les mal-heurs & la mort nous accueille 
auffi-toft que les Infideles; & qu & cela nous refpon- 
dons, Que nos efperances font dans le Ciel ; plufieurs 
n entendent pas ces termes, & conjoiuent auffi peu ce 
que nous leur difons, que fi nous leur parlions d vne 
langue inconue. Plufieurs autres, adioufta-t il, ont 
de bonnes penfe"es, de bons defirs, & mefme de bons 
commencemens: mais lors que les Infideles m6difent 
d eux, ils n ofent pourfuiure leur chemin, ils retour- 
nent dans le pech6, & n en fortent pas quand ils 
veulent. Enfin I impudicite renuerfe 1 efprit de 
plufieurs; car apres ce peche, ie ne fgay, difoit-il, 
comment fe fait qu on ne void plus dans la Foy, ce 
qu on y voyoit auparauant. 

Cette refponfe me fembla n auoir rien de Sauuage. 
Quoy qu il en foit, ie ne croy pas qu on doiue s efton- 
ner que tout ce pays ne foit pas encore Chreftien: 
mais pluftoft ie croy que nous auons fujet de [58] 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 139 




SOME time ago, I asked one of our Christians 
what, in his opinion, delayed the progress of 
the Faith here among the Hurons, who, 
although [57] they surpass our hopes, do not yet 
equal our desires. This is the answer that he gave 
me: " When the Infidels reproach us, saying that 
God has no pity on us because disease, poverty, mis 
fortune, and death assail us as readily as the Infidels ; 
and when we reply to that that our hopes are in 
Heaven, many do not comprehend those expressions, 
and they understand as little of what we tell them as 
if we spoke an unknown language. Many others, 
he added, " have good thoughts, good desires, and 
even make good beginnings ; but when the Infidels 
speak ill of them they dare not continue on their 
way, they relapse into sin, and do not get out of 
it when they try. Finally, lewdness upsets the 
minds of many; for, after committing that sin, I 
know not, he said, how it is that they no longer 
see in the Faith what they previously saw there." 

This answer seemed to me to have nothing Savage 
about it. In any case, I do not think that we should 
be astonished that the country is not yet entirely 
Christian ; but I think, rather, that we have reason 
to [58] praise God for the mercies that he has shown 


benir les mifericordes de Dieu fur ces peuples, de 
nous auoir donn vne Eglife, que ie puis affeurer 
eftre remplie de fon Efprit, & auoir vne Foy auffi 
forte, & vne innocence auffi fainte en la plufpart de 
ceux qui en font profeffion, que s ils eftoient nez au 
milieu d vn peuple tout fidele. 

La Miflion de la Conception eft la plus feconde de 
toutes, & pour le nombre des Chreftiens, & pour 
leur zele: leur Foy y paroift auec auantage, leur 
faintet6 eft refpedt6e mefme des Infideles, trois des 
principaux Capitaines, & plulieurs gens confiderables 
y viuent dans vn exemple qui prefche plus que nos 
paroles : en vn mot la Foy de cette Eglife iette dans 
tout le refte du pays, vne bonne odeur du Chriflia- 

La Miflion de Saint Michel fe fouftient puillarn- 
ment, & va croiffant de iour en iour, nonobftant les 
oppofitions des Infideles, qui iamais ne manqueront 
a vne Eglife naiffante. 

La Million de Saint lofeph eft encore plus peup!6e, 
comme auffi elle eft plus ancienne. 

La Miffion de Saint Ignace, plus nouuelle [59] que 
les precedentes, eft dans vne ferueur & dans vne 
innocence qui eflonne les Infideles, & que iamais 
nous n euffions penf6 voir en fi peu de temps dans 
les commencemens d vne Eglife. 

Dans ces quatre Miffions la Foy s eft augment6e au 
deflus de nos efperances, en forte que par tout nos 
Chappelles fe trouuent trop petites pour le nombre 
des Chreftiens, mefme hors les iours de Fefte : & en 
quelques endroits vn Millionaire eft contraint de dire 
deux Meffes le Dimanche, afin que tout le monde y 
puifle affifter: encore 1 Eglife ayant efte" pleine a 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4$ 141 

to these peoples, and for having given us a Church 
that I can assert to be filled with his Spirit, and to 
be possessed of a Faith as strong and an innocence as 
holy, in the majority of those who profess it, as if 
they were born in the midst of a people composed 
entirely of believers. 

The Mission of la Conception is the most fruitful 
of all, as regards both the number of Christians and 
their zeal. Their Faith shows to advantage; their 
godliness is respected even by the Infidels. Three 
of the chief Captains, and many persons of considera 
tion, give an example by their lives that preaches 
more eloquently than our words. In a word, the 
Faith in that Church spreads throughout the remain 
der of the country a fragrant odor of Christianity. 

The Mission of Saint Michel maintains itself vigor 
ously, and increases daily in spite of the opposition 
of the Infidels, which will never fail a nascent 

The Mission of Saint Joseph is still the most popu 
lous, as it is the oldest. 

The Mission of Saint Ignace, which is of more 
recent establishment [59] than the others, manifests 
a fervor and an innocence that astonish the Infidels, 
and which we would never have expected to see in so 
short a time at the beginning of a Church. 

In these four Missions, the Faith has increased 
beyond our hopes, so that our Chapels are everywhere 
too small for the number of Christians even outside 
of the Feast-days ; and in some places a Missionary 
is obliged to say two Masses on Sunday, so that all 
the people may be able to attend. Though at each 
Mass the Church is filled usque ad cornu altaris, there 
are still a great many who have to remain outside 


chaque Meffe vfque ad cornu altaris, il y en a grand 
nombre qui fe voyent obligez de demeurer dehors, 
quoy qu expofez durant 1 hyuer aux rigueurs des 
neiges & du froid. 

La Miffion de Sainte Marie a dotize ou treize bour- 
gades, qu vn feul Pere va continuellement vifiter auec 
des fatigues bien grandes. Et nous nous fommes 
veus heureufement obligez depuis huit mois, d eri- 
ger vne autre Miffion femblable, mais encore plus 
penible, quelques bourgades plus e loigne es de nous, 
nous la nommons la Miffion de Sainte Magdelaine. 

[60] Ceux que nous appellons la Nation du Petun, 
nous ayans preff6 qu on les allaft inftruire; nous y 
auons enuoye" deux de nos Peres, qui y font deux 
Miffions, dans deux Nations differentes, qui compo- 
fent tout ce pays la: 1 vne appel!6e la Nation des 
Loups, que nous auons nomine" la Miffion de Saint 
lean; nous nommons 1 autre la Miffion de Saint 
Mathias, qui eft auec ceux qui s appellent la Nation 
des Cerfs. 

II y a fans doute beaucoup a fouffrir dans toutes 
ces Miffions, pour la faim, pour rinfipidite" des viures, 
pour le froid, pour la fume e, pour la fatigue des che- 
mins, pour le peril continuel dans lequel il faut 
viure, d eftre affomme" des Hiroquois marchant dans 
la campagne, ou d eftre pris captif, & y endurer mille 
morts auant qu en mourir vne feule. 

Mais apres tout, tous ces maux enfemble font plus 
faciles a fupporter qu il n eft aife" de pratiquer le con- 
feil de 1 Apoftre, Omnibus omnia fieri propter Chriftu m t 
de fe faire tout a tous, pour gagner tout le monde 
a lefus-Chrift. II eft befoin d vne Patience a 
1 efpreuue, pour endurer mille mepris; d vn Courage 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 143 

although they are exposed in winter-time to the 
severity of the snow and the cold. 

The Mission of Sainte Marie contains twelve or 
thirteen villages, which a single Father visits con 
tinually, with great fatigue. And we have happily 
found ourselves compelled, during the past eight 
months, to erect another similar, but still more 
fatiguing, Mission, in some villages farther away 
from us, which we call the Mission of Sainte Mag- 

[60] Those whom we call the Tobacco Nation urged 
us to go and instruct them ; we sent two of our Fa 
thers, who carry on two Missions there, in two differ 
ent Nations which occupy the whole of that country, 
one called the Nation of the Wolves, which we have 
named the Mission of Saint John ; we name the other 
the Mission of Saint Mathias, which is among those 
who are called the Nation of the Deer. 

There is, doubtless, much to endure among all 
those Missions as regards hunger, the insipidity of 
the food, the cold, the smoke, the fatiguing roads, 
and the constant danger, in which one must live, of 
being killed by the Hiroquois during their incur 
sions, or of being taken captive, and enduring a 
thousand deaths before dying once. 

But, after all, it is easier to bear all these ills than 
to carry out the advice of the Apostle : Omnibus omnia 
fieri propter Christum, " to become all things to all 
men, in order to win all to Jesus Christ." It is nec 
essary to have a tried Patience, to endure a thousand 
contumelies; an undaunted Courage, which will 
undertake [61] everything; a Humility that contents 
itself with doing nothing, after having done all ; a 
Forbearance that quietly awaits the moment chosen 


inuincible qui entreprenne [61] tout; d vne Humility 
qui fe contente de ne rien faire ayant tout fait; d vne 
Longanimit6 qui attende auec paix les momens de la 
Prouidence Diuine; enfin d vne entiere Conformite" 
a fes tres-faintes volontez, qui foit prefte a voir ren- 
uerfer en vn iour, tous les trauaux de dix & vingt 
anne"es. C eft fur ces fondemens qu il faut baftir ces 
Eglifes naiffantes, & qu il faut eflablir la conuerfion 
de ces pays: & c efl ce que Dieu demande de noftre 

Pour ce qui concerne les Sauuages, nous allons 
croiffans de iour en iour dans les lumieres, qui nous 
facilitent leur inftrudtion, & qui leur rendent plus 
doux le joug de la Foy. 

Si i auois vn confeil a donner a ceux qui commen- 
cent la conuerfion des Sauuages, ie leur dirois volon- 
tiers vn mot d aduis que 1 experience leur fera ie 
croy reconnoiftre eftre plus important qu il ne pour- 
roit fembler d abord: fjauoir qu il faut eflre fort 
referue" a condamner mille chofes qui font dans leurs 
couftumes, & qui heurtent puiflamment des efprits 
eleuez & nourris en vn autre monde. II eft aife" 
qu on accufe d irreligion ce [62] qui n eft que fottife, 
& qu on prenne pour operation diabolique ce qui n a 
rien au deffus de 1 humain: & en fuite on fe croit 
oblige de defendre comme vne impiete", plufieurs 
chofes qui font dans 1 innocence ; ou qui au plus font 
des couftumes impertinentes, mais non pas crimi- 
nelles; qu on deftruiroit plus doucement, & ie puis 
dire auec plus d efficace, obtenant petit h petit que 
les Sauuages defabufez s en mocquaffent eux-mefmes, 
& les quittaffent, non pas par confcience, comme des 
crimes, mais par iugement & par fcience, comme vne 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 145 

by Divine Providence ; finally, an entire Conformity 
to his most holy will, which is prepared to see over 
turned, in one day, all the labors of ten or of twenty 
years. It is upon such foundations that these grow 
ing Churches must be built, and the conversion of 
these countries must be established; and it is this 
which God asks from us. 

As to what concerns the Savages, we daily acquire 
enlightenment which enables us to instruct them 
more easily, and which renders the yoke of the Faith 
easier to them. 

Had I to give counsel to those who commence to 
labor for the conversion of the Savages, I would 
willingly say a word of advice to them, which expe 
rience will, I think, make them acknowledge to be 
more important than it seems at first sight, namely : 
that one must be very careful before condemning a 
thousand things among their customs, which greatly 
offend minds brought up and nourished in another 
world. It is easy to call irreligion [62] what is 
merely stupidity, and to take for diabolical working 
something that is nothing more than human; and 
then, one thinks he is obliged to forbid as impious 
certain things that are done in all innocence, or, at 
most, are silly, but not criminal customs. These 
could be abolished more gently, and I may say more 
efficaciously, by inducing the Savages themselves 
gradually to find out their absurdity, to laugh at 
them, and to abandon them, not through motives 
of conscience, as if they were crimes, but through 
their own judgment and knowledge, as follies. It is 
difficult to see everything in one day, and time is the 
most faithful instructor that one can consult. 

I have no hesitation in saying that we have been 


folie. II eft difficile de tout voir en vn iour, & le 
temps eft le maiftre le plus fidele qu on puiile 

le ne crains point de dire que nous auos efte" vn 
peu trop feueres en ce point, & que Dieu a fortifie le 
courage de nos Chreftiens, au deffus d vne vertu com 
mune, pour fe priuer non feulement des recreations 
innocentes, dont nous leur faifions du fcrupule ; mais 
auffi des plus grandes douceurs de la vie, que nous 
auions peine de leur permettre; h caufe qu il leur 
fembloit qu il y auoit quelque efpece d irreligion, qui 
nous y faifoit [63] craindre du peche". Ou pour mieux 
dire, il eftoit peut-eftre a propos dans les commence- 
mens de nous tenir das la rigueur, ainfi que firent 
les Apoftres touchant 1 vfage des idolothytes & des 
animaux eftouffez dans leur fang. 

Quoy qu il en foit, nous voyons cette feuerite" 
n eftre plus neceffaire, & qu en plufieurs chofes nous 
pouuons eftre moins rigoureux que par le paff6. Ce 
qui fans doute ouurira le chemin du Ciel a vn grand 
nombre de perfonnes, qui n ont pas ces graces abon- 
dantes pour vne vertu fi extraordinaire, quoy qu ils 
en ayent d affez puiffantes pour viure en bons 
Chreftiens. Le Royaume du Ciel a des couronnes 
d vn prix bien different, & 1 Eglife ne peut pas 
eftre egalement fainte en tous fes membres. 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4$ 147 

too severe on this point, and that God strengthened 
the courage of our Christians beyond that of com 
mon virtue, when they deprived themselves not only 
of harmless amusements, respecting which we raised 
scruples in their minds, but also of the greatest 
pleasures of life, which we found it difficult to allow 
them to enjoy, because there seemed to them some 
thing irreligious in these, which made us [63] fear 
sin therein. Or, rather, it would perhaps have been 
better at the beginning to be severe, as the Apostles 
were, regarding the use of idolothyta [things offered 
to idols], and of animals smothered in their own 

In any case, we find that such severity is no longer 
necessary, and that in many things we can be less 
rigorous than in the past. This will doubtless open 
the road to Heaven to a great many persons who have 
not those abundant graces for displaying such extraor 
dinary virtue, though they have enough to enable 
them to live as good Christians. The Kingdom of 
Heaven has crowns of very different value, and the 
Church cannot be equally holy in all its members. 




LE grand Lac des Hurons, que nous appellons la 
Mer douce, de quatre cens lieues de circuit, 
dont vne extremite" [64] vient battre noftre 
maifon de Sainte Marie, s eftend de 1 Orient k 
1 Occident, & ainli fa largeur eft du Septentrion au 
Midy, quoy qu il foit d vne figure fort irreguliere. 

Les coftes Orientale & Septentrionale de ce Lac, 
font habite es de diuerfes Nations Algonquines, 
Outaouakamigou[e]k, Sakahiganiriouik, Aouafanik, 
Atchougue, Amikouek, Achirigouans, Nikikouek, 
Michifaguek, Paouitagoung, auec toutes lefquelles 
nous auons grande connoiffance. 

Ces derniers font ceux que nous appellons la Nation 
du Sault, eloignez de nous vn peu plus de cent lieues : 
par le moyen defquels il faudroit auoir le paffage, fi 
on vouloit aller plus outre, & communiquer auec 
quatite d autres Nations Algonquines plus eloign6es, 
qui habitent vn autre lac, plus grand que la mer 
douce, dans laquelle il fe defcharge par vne tres- 
grande riuiere fort rapide, qui auant que mefler fes 
eaux dans noftre mer douce, fait vne cheute ou vn 
fault, qui donne le nom a ces peuples, qui y viennent 
habiter au temps que la pefche y donne. Ce Lac 
fuperieur s eftend au Nord-oiieft, [65] c eft k dire 
entre 1 Occident & le Septentrion. 

Vne Peninfule ou deftroit de terre affez petit, 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 149 



THE great Lake of the Hurons, which we call 
"the fresh- water Sea," four hundred leagues 
in circumference, one end of which [64] beats 
against our house of Sainte Marie, extends from East 
to West, and thus its width is from North to South 
although it is very irregular in form. 

The Eastern and Northern shores of this Lake are 
inhabited by various Algonquin Tribes, Outaoua- 
kamigouek, Sakahiganiriouik, Aouasanik, Atchougue, 
Amikouek, Achirigouans, Nikikouek, Michisaguek, 
Paouitagoung, with all of which we have a consid 
erable acquaintance. 

The last-named are those whom we call the Nation 
of the Sault, who are distant from us a little over one 
hundred leagues, by means of whom we would have 
to obtain a passage, if we wished to go further and 
communicate with numerous other Algonquin Tribes, 
still further away, who dwell on the shores of another 
lake larger than the fresh-water sea, into which it 
discharges by a very large and very rapid river ; the 
latter, before mingling its waters with those of our 
fresh-water sea, rolls over a fall that gives its name 
to these peoples, who come there during the fishing 
season. This superior Lake 5 extends toward the 
Northwest, [65] that is, between the West and 
the North. 

A Peninsula, or a rather narrow strip of land, 


fepare ce Lac fuperieur d vn autre troifie me Lac, que 
nous appellons le Lac des Puants, qui fe defcharge 
auffi dans noftre mer douce, par vne emboucheure 
qui eft de 1 autre coft6 de la Peninfule, enuiron dix 
lieues plus vers 1 Occident que le Sault. Ce troi- 
I6nie Lac s eftend entre 1 Oiieft & le Sur-oiieft, 
c eft a dire entre le Midy & 1 Occident, plus vers 
1 Occident, & eft quafi egal en grandeur a noftre 
mer douce: & eft habite" d autres peuples d vne lan- 
gue inconnue, c eft a dire qui n eft ny Algonquine, 
ny Hurone. Ces peuples font appellez les Puants, 
non pas a raifon d aucune mauuaife odeur qui leur 
foit parti culiere, mais a caufe qu ils fe difent eftre 
venus des coftes d vne mer fort e loigne e, vers le 
Septentrion, dont 1 eau eftant fa!6e, ils fe nomment 
les peuples de 1 eau puante. 

Mais reuenons a noftre mer douce, du cofte" du 
Midy de cette mer douce, ou Lac des Hurons, habi- 
tent les Nations fuiuantes, Algonquines, Ouachaske- 
fouek, Nigouaouichirinik, Outaouafinagou[e]k, [66] 
Kichkagoneiak, Ontaanak, qui font toutes allie"es de 
nos Hurons, & auec lefquelles nous auons aflez de 
commerce; mais non pas auec les fuiuantes, qui 
habitent les coftes de ce mefme Lac plus e loigne es 
vers 1 Occident: Sjauoir les Ouchaouanag, qui font 
partie de la Nation du feu, les Ondatouatandy & 
Ouinipegong, qui font partie de la Nation des Puants. 

Si nous auions & du monde & des forces, il y a de 
1 employ pour conuertir ces peuples plus que nous ne 
pourrons auoir de vie : mais les ouuriers nous man- 
quans, nous n auons pu en entreprendre qu vne par- 
tie; c eft & dire quatre ou cinq Nations de ce Lac: 
en chacune defquelles nous auons defia quelques 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 151 

separates that superior Lake from a third Lake, which 
we call the Lake of the Puants, which also flows into 
our fresh- water sea by a mouth on the other side of 
the Peninsula, about ten leagues farther West than 
the Sault. This third Lake extends between the West 
and Southwest, that is to say, between the South 
and the West, but more toward the West, and is 
almost equal in size to our fresh-water sea. On its 
shores dwell other nations whose language is un 
known, that is, it is neither Algonquin nor Huron. 
These peoples are called Puants, not because of any 
bad odor that is peculiar to them ; but, because they 
say that they come from the shores of a far distant 
sea toward the North, the water of which is salt, 
they are called " the people of the stinking water." 

But let us return to our fresh-water sea. On the 
South shore of this fresh-water sea, or Lake of the 
Hurons, dwell the following Algonquin Tribes: 
Ouachaskesouek, Nigouaouichirinik, Outaouasina- 
gouek, [66] Kichkagoneiak, 6 and Ontaanak, who are 
all allies of our Hurons. With these we have consid 
erable intercourse, but not with the following, who 
dwell on the shores of the same Lake farther toward 
the West, namely: the Ouchaouanag, who form part 
of the Nation of fire; the Ondatouatandy and the 
Ouinipegong, who are part of the Nation of the 

Had we but enough people and enough means, we 
would find more employment in converting those 
peoples than would suffice for our lifetime. But, as 
there is a dearth of laborers, we have been able to 
undertake only a portion of the task, that is to say, 
four or five Nations on this Lake, in each of whom 
there are already some Christians who, with God s 


Chreftiens, qui feront Dieu aydant la femence d vne 
plus grande conuerfion. Mais les fatigues ne font 
pas conceuables, ny les difficultez qu il yak conf eruer 
le peu de fruit qu on y peut recueillir, eftant fouuent 
les fix, fept & huit mois, & quelquefois vn an entier, 
fans pouuoir rencontrer f es brebis vrayment dimpees ; 
car toutes ces Nations font errantes, & n ont point 
de demeure arrefte"e, finon en de certaines faifons [67] 
de 1 ann^e, ou la pefche qui s y trouue abondante, les 
oblige de feiourner. 

Auffi n ont-ils point d autre Eglife, que les bois & 
forets; ny d autre Autel que les rochers, oil ce Lac 
vient brif er ces riots : ou toutef ois les Peres qui vont 
pour les inftruire, ne manquent pas de lieu commode 
pour y dire la fainte Meffe, & conferer les Sacre- 
mens a ces pauures Sauuages, auec autant de faintete" 
que fi c eftoit dans le Temple le plus fuperbe de 
1 Europe. Le Ciel vaut bien les voutes d vne Eglife, 
& ce n eft pas depuis vn iour que la terre eft le 
marchepied de celuy qui eft fon createur. 

Les Nipiffiriniens, qui habitent les coftes d vn autre 
petit Lac, qui a de circuit enuiron quatre-vingts 
lieues, fur le chemin que nous faifons pour defcendre 
a Quebec, a feptante ou quatre-vingts lieues des 
Hurons ; ont receu vne inftrudtion plus pleine & plus 
continue que les autres: comme auftl ce font eux par 
ou nous commengafmes il y a defla quelques anne"es, 
cette Mifiion des Nations Algonquines, que nous 
nommons la Miflion du Saint Efprit. 

C6t] Hyuer dernier quantite" de ces Nations [68] 
Algonquines font venues hyuerner icy dans les Hu 
rons. Deux de nos Peres qui ont foin des Miffions de 
la langue Algonquine, ont continue" leur inftrudtion, 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 48 153 

aid, will be the seed of a still greater conversion. 
But it is impossible to conceive the fatigues or the 
difficulty of preserving the little fruit that can be 
gathered there; because we are often six, seven, or 
eight months, and sometimes a whole year, without 
being able to meet these truly scattered flocks. For 
all these Tribes are nomads, and have no fixed resi 
dence, except at certain seasons [67] of the year, 
when fish are plentiful, and this compels them to 
remain on the spot. 

Therefore, they have no other Church than the 
woods and forests ; no other Altar than the rocks on 
which break the waves of this Lake. However, the 
Fathers who go there to instruct them never fail to 
find a suitable place for saying holy Mass, and for 
administering the Sacraments to those poor Savages, 
with as much sacredness as in the proudest Temple 
of Europe. The Sky is as good as the vaults of a 
Church ; and not for one day only has the earth been 
the footstool of him who has created it. 

The Nipissiriniens who inhabit the shores of 
another small Lake, about eighty leagues in circum 
ference, on the route that we follow in going down to 
Quebec, seventy or eighty leagues from the Huron 
country have received fuller and more continuous 
teaching than the others. It is also among them 
that we began, some years ago, this Mission of the 
Algonquin Tribes, which we call the Mission of 
the Holy Ghost." 

Last Winter, many of those [68] Algonquin Tribes 
came to winter here among the Hurons. Two of 
our Fathers, who have charge of the Missions in the 
Algonquin language, continued their instruction 
until Spring, when they dispersed. At the same 


iufqu au Printemps, qui les a diffipe , & nos Peres 
en mefme temps font partis pour les fuiure, 
faifans deux Millions differentes ; 1 vne pour les Na 
tions Algonquines qui habitent la cofte Orientale de 
noftre mer douce, & pour les Nipiffiriniens ; 1 autre 
pour les Nations de la mefme langue Algonquine, 
qui demeurent le long de la cofte Septentrionale du 
mefme Lac. La premiere de ces deux Millions eft 
celle que nous nommons du Saint Efprit; la feconde, 
que nous commen5ons cette annee a pris le nom de 
la Million de Saint Pierre. 

Celt vrayment s abandonner entre les mains de la 
Prouidence de Dieu que de viure parmy ces Barba- 
res, car quoy que quelques-vns ayet de 1 amour pour 
vous; vn feul eft capable de vous mailacrer, quand il 
luy plaira, fans craindre aucune punition de qui que 
ce foit en ce monde. 

L Eft6 paffe", vn Algonquin, Sorcier de fon meftier, 
au moins de ceux qui font profeffion d inuoquer le 
Manitou, c eft [69] \ dire le Diable, fe voyant 
conuaincu par le Pere, fe ietta en fureur fur luy, le 
terraffa, le traifna par les pieds dans le foyer & dans 
les cendres, & fi quelques Sauuages ne fuffent accou- 
rus au fecours, il alloit acheuer fon meurtre. Voila 
ce qu on peut craindre mefme de fes amis. 

Les alarmes des ennemis donnent auffi fujet de 
crainte, obligeant quelquefois tout le monde & fe dif- 
perfer dans les bois. Vne pauure femme y entra fi 
auant 1 Efte dernier, auec trois de fes enfans, qu ils 
s y efgarerent: ils furent quinze iours fans manger 
que des fueilles d arbres, & eftoient a rextremite", lors 
que par hazard on les trouua qui attendoient la mort 
au pied d vn arbre. Dieu les y auoit conferue*. 

1 648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 4$ 155 

time, our Fathers set out to follow them, carrying 
on two different Missions, one for the Algonquin 
Tribes dwelling on the Eastern shore of our fresh 
water sea, and for the Nipissiriniens ; the other for 
the Tribes of the same Algonquin language who 
dwell along the Northern shore of the same Lake. 
The former of these Missions is that which we call 
the Mission of the Holy Ghost ; the second, which 
we commence this year, has taken the name of " the 
Mission of Saint Peter." 

To live among those Barbarians is truly to abandon 
oneself into the hands of God s Providence; for, 
although some have an affection for you, a single 
person is capable of murdering you when he pleases, 
without dread of being punished by any one in the 

Last Summer, an Algonquin, a Sorcerer by trade, 
or, at least, one of those who make profession of 
invoking the Manitou, that [69] is, the Devil, who 
found himself worsted in an argument by the Father, 
fell on him in a fury, threw him down, and dragged 
him by the feet through the coals and ashes ; and, 
had not some Savages hastened to his assistance, this 
man would have ended by murdering him. That is 
what one has to fear, even from friends. 

Alarms of the enemies also cause fear, and some 
times compel all the people to scatter in the woods. 
A poor woman penetrated so far into them last Sum 
mer, with three of her children, that they lost them 
selves ; they were fifteen days without food, except 
the leaves of trees, and were reduced to the last 
extremity, when by accident they were found at the 
foot of a tree, awaiting death. God had preserved 
them there. 


Vne pauure vieille Chreftienne de feptante ans, 
ayant efte prife des Hiroquois, s efchappa de leurs 
mains, lors qu elle eftoit defia condamnee a eftre 
bruflee : mais fuyant vne mort, elle penfa mourir de 
faim, auant que d arriuer en vn lieu d affeurance. 
Ayant trouue" le Pere, Ma fille eft morte, luy dit-elle, 
laquelle tu auois baptizee il y a vn an : a peine puis- 
ie me fouftenir; prends courage, [70] fais moy prier 
Dieu, car c efl luy qui m a deliure"e. Cette bonne 
femme n eft que ferueur. 

Ces bonnes gens font fouuent fans Pafteur, comme 
ils ont vne vie errante : mais Dieu qui eft le grand 
Pafteur des ames, ne manque pas a leur neceffite, & 
leur donne vn fecours d autant plus fenfible, qu ils 
paroilfent eftre plus dedans 1 abandon. 

Vne femme demandant il y a quelque temps a eftre 
Chreftienne, difoit qu hyuernant il y a vn an, a cent 
cinquante lieue s d icy, vne ieune Chreftienne eftant 
grieuement malade, & proche de la mort, luy auoit 
demand^ & a plufieurs autres femmes infideles, qui 
eftoient la prefentes, qu elles priaffent Dieu pour elle. 
Nous le fifme, adioufta cette femme, & nous fufmes 
eftonn6es qu incontinent elle guerit; & ie connu 
deflors que vrayment Dieu eftoit le maiftre de nos 

Vn Chreftien d vne autre Nation Algonquine, 
racontoit de foy-mefme, qu eftant a I extremit6 d vne 
maladie il auoit refufe" conftamment les remedes 
fuperftitieux, dont les Infideles 1 auoient [71] preffe* 
de fe feruir, eftant d ailleurs abandonn6 de tout 
fecours. Mais qu au foir priant Dieu dans le fort de 
fon mal, Noftre Seigneur luy auoit dit dans le coeur, 
Tu n en mourras pas; & qu en effet le lendemain il 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 157 

A poor old Christian woman seventy years of age, 
who was captured by the Hiroquois, escaped from 
their hands when she was already condemned to be 
burned. But, while fleeing from one death, she 
nearly died of hunger before reaching a place of 
safety. On meeting the Father she said to him: 
" My daughter, whom thou didst baptize a year ago, 
is dead. I can hardly support myself. Take cour 
age ; [70] make me pray to God, for it is he who has 
delivered me." This good woman is all fervor. 

These good people are often without a Pastor, as 
they lead a nomad life ; but God, who is the great 
Pastor of souls, does not fail them in their need, and 
gives them succor that is all the more manifest the 
more forsaken they seem to be. 

Some time ago, a woman who asked to be made a 
Christian, said that, while wintering a year before, 
at a place a hundred and fifty leagues from here, a 
young Christian woman who was grievously ill and 
about to die, asked her and several other pagan women 
who were present to pray to God for her. " We did 
so," added the woman, "and we were surprised to 
see her recover at once ; I knew then that God was 
truly the master of our lives. 

A Christian of another Algonquin Tribe related of 
his own accord that, when reduced to extremity by 
illness, he had persistently refused the superstitious 
remedies which the Infidels [71] urged him to use, 
when he was deprived of every other succor. But at 
night, while he prayed to God in the height of his 
illness, Our Lord said to him in his heart: " Thou 
shalt not die ; and, in fact, on the next day he was 
completely cured. This pious man has a special 
devotion for his good Angel. 


s eftoit trouue" entierement guery. Ce bon homme a 
vne deuotion particuliere a fon bon Ange. 

Vn bon Chreftien Nipiffirinien, nomm6 Eftienne 
Mangouch, difoit il y a quelque temps k vn de nos 
Peres, qu ayans couftume parmy eux lors qu vn 
enfant eft mort, de letter fon berceau ; on auoit garde* 
celuy d vne petite fille qui luy mourut il y a cinq 
ans, apres auoir receu le faint Baptefme : & que les 
Sauuages s en femoient tour k tour pour leurs enfans, 
ayans experiment^ que ceux qu on y mettoit ne mou- 
roient point, & fe portoient bien. Nous ne fcauons 
s il y a du miracle; mais ce dont nous fommes affeu- 
rez eft que ce bon Chreftien eft d vne vie irreprocha- 
ble, & d vne Foy ine"branlable & & 1 efpreuue, aufli 
bien que fa femme, qui font les deux premiers 
Chreftiens de cette Eglife Algonquine. 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 159 

A worthy Nipissirinien Christian, named Estienne 
Mangouch, some time ago told one of our Fathers 
that they have a custom among them, when a child 
dies, of throwing away its cradle ; but that they had 
kept that of a little daughter of his who had died 
five years ago, after having received holy Baptism; 
and that the Savages used it in turn for their chil 
dren because they found that those who were put in 
it did not die, and were in good health. We know 
not whether there is anything miraculous in this; 
but what we are positive of is, that this good Chris 
tian leads an irreproachable life, and that his Faith 
is unshakable and equal to any test, as is also that of 
his wife; they are the first two Christians of this 
Algonquin Church. 




VN bon Chreftien qui fraifchement venoit de 
perdre quafi tous fes parens & tout fon bien, 
ayant trouue" celuy de nos Peres qui autrefois 
1 auoit inftruit & baptize: C eft maintenant, luy dit- 
il, que ie congois le prix du don que tu m as procure" 
me donnant le Baptefme: la Foy eft 1 vnique bien 
qui me refte, & 1 efperance du Paradis qui me con- 
fole. Si tu m auois donne dix beaux coliers de 
Porcelaine, & vingt robes de caftor toutes neufues, 
elles feroient vfees, & tout feroit pery auec le refte 
de mon bien. Mais la Foy que tu m as donnee en 
m inftruifant, va s embeliffant tous les iours, & les 
biens qu elle me promet ne periront iamais, mefme 
a la mort. 

Dans ce mefme efprit de Foy vne femme Chre- 
ftienne eftant follicitee par vn Infidele a fe tirer de 
la pauurete ou elle eftoit, par des voyes que fa con- 
f cience & fon honneur ne pouuoient luy permettre ; 
[73] refpondit qu elle n auoit befoin de chofe du 
monde. L lnfidele s en eftonnant, fjachant affez 
d ailleurs fa pauurete, fut encore plus eftonne de la 
Foy de cette Chreftienne, lors que s expliquant dauan- 
tage elle adioufta que fes biens eftoient dans le Ciel, 
que Dieu luy gardoit en depoft, qu elle en eftoit 
tres-affeuree, & en auoit 1 efperance plus ferme, que 
n ont ceux qui ont feme du bled, lors que la faifon 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 161 



A GOOD Christian, who had recently lost nearly 
all his relatives and all his property, went to 
seek that one of our Fathers who had formerly 
instructed and baptized him. " Now," he said to 
him, " I appreciate the value of the gift that thou 
didst procure for me by giving me Baptism. Faith 
is the only possession left me, with the hope of Para 
dise, which consoles me. Hadst thou given me ten 
fine collars of Porcelain beads, and twenty robes of 
beaver skins quite new, they would all be worn out 
and all would have been destroyed with the remain 
der of my property. But the Faith that thou hast 
given me in instructing me becomes more beautiful 
day by day ; and the gifts that it promises me will 
never perish, even at death." 

In the same spirit of Faith a Christian woman, who 
was solicited by an Infidel to extricate herself from 
the state of poverty in which she lived, by means to 
which her conscience and her honor could not permit 
her to consent, [73] replied that she needed nothing 
in the world. The Infidel who was astonished, 
because he well knew her poverty, was still more 
astonished at the Faith of that Christian woman 
when she explained her meaning still more clearly, 
and added that her goods were in Heaven, where 
God kept them on deposit; that she was perfectly 
sure of them and had a firmer hope of enjoying them 


de 1 Efte eftant belle, ils en attendent la recolte. 

Vne femme infidele faifant vn iour quelques rap 
ports a vne fienne amie Chreftienne, de quelques 
me difances qu elle auoit entendu centre elle, luy 
demanda fi ces calomnies ne la touchoient point: 
Nenny, refpondit-elle, parce que ie fuis Chreftienne, 
& que la Foy m apprend d eftre bien aife en telles 
occafions, & que Dieu qui void mon innocence m en 
recompenfera dans le Ciel. L Infidele infifta que ces 
chofes eftoient infupportables, & qu elle ne pourroit 
pas en endurer la milliefme partie: Fay efte de 
mefme humeur que vous, repartit la Chreftienne, 
mais le Baptefme m a tout change le coeur, & m a 
donne d autres [74] penfees; Ie ne fonge qu au 
Paradis, & ne crains plus rien que 1 Enfer & le peche. 

Plufieurs Chreftiens ont vne pratique bien aimable, 
lors qu ils fe trouuent en quelque differend auec leur 
femme, & qu ils voyent que les chofes vont dans 1 ai- 
greur. Prions Dieu, difent-ils, le diable n efl pas 
loin d icy. Ils fe mettent a prier fur 1 heure mefme 
fort innocemment de part & d autre, & ils trouuent 
au bout de la priere la fin de leur procez. 

Dans la defaite des Chreftiens du bourg de Saint 
Ignace, dont i ay parle dans le Chapitre quatrieme; 
ceux qui furent emmenez captifs, fe voyans liez, & 
ayans receu commandement de marcher, firent tous 
enfemble leurs prieres. Bien auant dans la nuit, la 
difficulte des chemins a trauers les neiges, & la 
rigueur du froid ayant oblige les ennemis qui les 
menoiet a f aire alte, & allumer du feu ; le plus ieune 
de ces bons Chreftiens, mais le plus considerable, a 
caufe qu il eftoit Capitaine, nomme Nicolas Annen- 
harifonk, s addreffant a vne femme qu on emmenoit 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 163 

than they who have sown corn and expect a crop 
from it, because the Summer season is fine. 

An infidel woman, one day, repeated to a Christian 
friend of hers some calumnies against her that she 
had heard, and asked her whether such calumnies did 
not affect her. " Not at all," she replied, " because 
I am a Christian and the Faith teaches me to be glad 
on such occasions, and that God, who sees my inno 
cence, will reward me for it in Heaven." The Infi 
del woman urged that such things were unbearable, 
and that she could not endure the thousandth part of 
them. " I was of the same mind as you," the Chris 
tian replied ; but Baptism has completely changed 
my heart, and has inspired me with other [74] 
thoughts. I think only of Paradise, and fear nothing 
but Hell and sin." 

Several Christians have a very delightful custom. 
When they have any dispute with their wives, and 
find that the affair is becoming acrimonious, they 
say : Let us pray to God ; the devil is not far from 
here." They at once begin to pray, very innocently 
on both sides; and with the end of the prayer they 
find the end of their dispute. 

In the defeat of the Christians of the village of 
Saint Ignace, which I mentioned in the fourth Chap 
ter, when those who were taken captive were bound 
and ordered to march away, they said their prayers 
all together. Late at night, when the difficulties of 
the journey through the snow, and the severity of 
the cold, compelled the enemies who conducted them 
to halt and to kindle a fire, the youngest of these 
good Christians who was at the same time the most 
notable among them, because he was a Captain, 
named Nicolas Annenharisonk spoke to a woman 


auffi captiue; Te fotiuiens tu ma foeur que nous 
fommes Chreftiens? luy difl-il, [75] tout haut. Te 
fouuiens tu de Dieu? de fois a autre, luy dift-elle. 
C eft a ce coup qu il faut eftre Chreftien, adioufta- 
t il : gardens bien de nous oublier de nos ef perances 
pour le Ciel, en vn temps ou il n y a plus rien a efpe- 
rer en ce monde. Dieu fera auec nous dans le plus 
fort de nos mal-heurs : pour moy, dift-il, ie ne veux 
plus auoir d autre penfee qu en luy, & ne cefferay 
de le prier, mefme apres qu on m aura creue les 
yeux, & en mourant au milieu des feux & des flammes. 
C a commencons mes freres, & difons nos prieres. 
II commenca, & tous le fuiuirent auec autant de paix 
& plus de ferueur, qu ils n auoient iamais fait. Les 
ennemis regardoient cette nouueaute auec eftonne- 
ment ; mais ie ne doute point que les Anges ne la 
viflent auec des yeux d amour. 

Cette femme Chreftienne a qui ce ieune Capitaine 
captif auoit addreffe fa parole, fut deliure"e le lende- 
main matin de fa captiuite. D autant que celuy qui 
1 auoit prife eftoit Onnontaeronnon, qui eftant icy 
en oftage a caufe de la paix qui fe traite auec les 
Onnontaeronnons, & s eftant trouue auec nos Hurons 
a cette [76] chaffe, y fut pris tout des premiers par 
les Sonnontoueronnons, qui 1 ayans reconnu ne luy 
firent aucun mal, & mefme 1 obligerent de les fuiure, 
& prendre part a leur vidtoire : & ainfi en ce rencontre 
cet Onnontaeronnon auoit fait fa prife. Tellement 
neantmoins qu il defira s en retourner le lendemain; 
difant aux Sonnontoueronnons qu ils le tuaffent s ils 
vouloient; mais qu il ne pouuoit fe refoudre a les 
fuiure, & qu il auroit honte de reparoiftre en fon 
pays, les affaires qui 1 auoient amene aux Hurons 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 165 

who was also a captive, and said aloud to her : Dost 
thou remember, my sister, that we are Christians? 
[75] Dost thou remember God? "Sometimes," 
she said. " This is the moment when we must be 
Christians, he added ; "let us be careful not to 
forget our hopes in Heaven, at a time when there is 
nothing more to hope for in this world. God will be 
with us in the midst of our misfortunes. As for me, 
he said, " I wish to think of nothing but him, and I 
will not cease to pray to him even after my eyes have 
been put out, and while I am dying in the midst of 
fire and flames. Now, my brothers, let us commence 
to say our prayers." He began, and all followed 
him with greater peace and fervor than they had ever 
felt. The enemies gazed upon so novel a proceeding 
with astonishment, but I have no doubt that the 
Angels looked upon it with loving eyes. 

The Christian woman to whom the captive young 
Captain had spoken was delivered from captivity on 
the following day. For he who had captured her was 
an Onnontaeronnon, who had been here as a hostage 
on account of the peace that is being negotiated with 
the Onnontaeronnons ; and, as he was among our 
Hurons on that [76] hunting expedition, he was one 
of the first taken by the Sonnontoueronnons. They 
recognized him, and did him no harm; they even 
compelled him to follow them, and to take part in 
their victory, and thus it happened that, on this occa 
sion, that Onnontaeronnon had effected her capture. 
However, he desired to return on the following day, 
and told the Sonnontoueronnons that they might kill 
him if they liked, but that he could not make up his 
mind to follow them. He said that he would be 
ashamed to reappear in his own country, because the 


pour la paix, ne permettant pas qu il fit autre chofe 
que de mourir auec eux, pluftoft que de paroiftre 
s eftre comporte en ennemy. Ainfi les Sonnontoue- 
ronnons luy permirent de s en retourner, & de rame- 
ner cette bonne Chreftienne, qui eftoit fa captiue, 
laquelle nous a confole par le recit des entretiens de 
ces pauures gens dans leur affliction. 

Le Pere de ce ieune Capitaine captif , dont ie viens 
de parler, nous a eftonne dans fa conftance, au milieu 
des mal-heurs qui 1 ont accueilly : car ay ant perdu en 
ce rencontre ce fils, qui eftoit f on vnique ; & cinq de 
fes neueux, & vne niece, [77] c eft h dire tout le fup- 
port de fa vieilleffe, il n en a iamais lafche" aucun 
mot, ny de plainte ny d amertume; mais pluftoft en 
a beny Dieu; & fe trouuant quelquefois faifi des 
larmes, qui le furprennent, il en demande incontinent 
pardon a Dieu, & fe confole dans la grace qu il a fait 
a fon fils de mourir Chreftien. C eft luy dans la 
cabane duquel eftoit noftre Chapelle de Saint Ignace, 
& chez lequel demeuroit le Millionaire de ce bourg. 
II fe nomine Ignace Onakonchiaronk. 

Ie ne veux pas icy obmettre vne chofe qui merite 
que Dieu en foit beny. Au point qu il falut demolir 
1 Eglife de Saint Ignace, & que tout le bourg comen- 
$oit a fe diffiper, apres les pertes qui leur eftoiet fur- 
uenues coup fur coup, & les alarmes qui les mena- 
oient d vn dernier mal-heur; Ce bon homme ay ant 
remarque" quelque trifteffe fur le vifage du Pere qui 
a foin de cette Million, il s en alia deuant 1 Autel, ou 
apres auoir demeure" en prieres vn temps notable, il 
s approcha du Pere, & luy tint ce difcours, auquel 
ie ferois confcience d adioufter aucun mot. Aronhia- 
tiri, luy dift-il, (c eft le nom que les Hurons donnent 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 167 

business in connection with the peace, which had 
brought him among- the Hurons, would not permit 
him to do anything else but die with them, rather 
than appear to have behaved as an enemy. The 
Sonnontoueronnons therefore allowed him to return, 
and to take with him that good Christian woman who 
was his captive. She consoled us by relating the 
conversations of those poor people in their affliction. 

The Father of that young Captain, the prisoner 
whom I have just mentioned, astonished us by his 
constancy amid the misfortunes that have fallen on 
him. For, although in that engagement he lost this, 
his only son, five of his nephews, and a niece, [77] 
that is to say, all the support of his old age, he 
never allowed a word of complaint or bitterness to 
escape him. On the contrary, he praised God for it ; 
and, when he sometimes found himself overcome by 
tears, he at once asked God to pardon him, and con 
soled himself with the thought that he had obtained 
for his son the grace of dying a Christian. It was 
his cabin that served for our Chapel at Saint Ignace, 
and for the residence of the Missionary for that 
village. His name is Ignace Onakonchiaronk. 

I must not omit to mention here a thing for which 
God must be praised. When it became necessary to 
demolish the Church of Saint Ignace, and the whole 
village commenced to disperse, 7 owing to the losses 
that had fallen upon them, one after another, and the 
alarms that threatened them with a final misfor 
tune, the good man observed some traces of sorrow 
on the face of the Father who has charge of that Mis 
sion ; he went before the Altar, where he remained a 
considerable time in prayer. He then approached 
the Father, and addressed to him the following 


au Pere) i ay 1 efprit [78] tout abbatu, non pas de mon 
affliction, mais de la tienne. Tu t oublie ce femble 
de la parole de Dieu que tu nous prefche tous les 
iours. le me figure que la trifteffe qui paroifl fur 
ton vifage, vient de nos afflictions, de ce que cette 
Eglife qui eftoit fi floriflante va fe diffiper: on va 
abbatre cette Chapelle : plufieurs de nos freres Chre- 
ftiens font ou morts, ou captifs: ceux qui reftent 
vont fe difperfer de tous coftez, en danger de perdre 
la Foy. N eft-ce pas la ce qui te trouble? Helas! 
mon frere, adioufta-il, eft-ce a nous a vouloir fonder 
les deffeins de Dieu, & pouuons-nous bien les com- 
prendre? Qui fommes-nous? vn rien. II fgait bien 
ce qu il faut, & void plus clair que nous. Sais-tu ce 
qu il fera? Ces Chreftiens qui fe vont diffiper porte- 
ront leur Foy auec eux, & leur exemple fera d autres 
Chreftiens ou il n y en a point encore. Penfons 
feulement que nous ne fommes rien, que nous ne 
voyons goute, & que luy feul noftre bien. C eft 
affez ie t affeure, pour me confoler en mon aduerfite", 
me voyant miferable de tout point, de penfer que 
Dieu aduife a tout, qu il nous ayme & f9ait bien ce 
qu il nous faut. II pourfuiuit [79] dans c6t air vn 
demy quart d heure, & le Pere admirant vne Foy fi 
entiere dans le cceur de ce bon Sauuage, & cet efprit 
vraymet Chreftien, en benit Dieu; & n ayant point 
d autre penfe"e, finon que Noftre Seigneur luy auoit 
mis ces paroles en la bouche pour fa confolation, il ne 
put fe tenir les larmes aux yeux de I embrafler, & luy 
dire qu en effet il le confoloit folidement, que ce qu il 
difoit eftoit veritable, & qu il parloit en la facon que 
les Chreftiens fe doiuent confoler dans leurs affli 
ctions. Ie n obmettray pas icy vne circonflance affez 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 169 

discourse, to which I would not, in conscience, add 
a single word: " Aronhiatiri," he said to him, (that is 
the name that the Hurons give to the Father,) " my 
mind is [78] quite cast down, not for my affliction, 
but for thine. It seems that thou art forgetting the 
word of God which thou preachest to us every day. 
I imagine that the sorrow that appears upon thy face 
is caused by our afflictions, because this Church, that 
was so flourishing, is about to be dispersed. This 
Chapel is about to be taken down ; many of our Chris 
tian brothers are dead or captive ; those who remain 
are about to scatter in every direction, and to run the 
risk of losing the Faith. Is it not that which troubles 
thee? Alas, my brother," he added, " is it for us to 
seek to fathom God s designs, and can we really 
understand them? What are we? Nothing. He 
knows well what should be done, and sees more 
clearly than we do. Knowest thou what he will do? 
Those Christians who are about to disperse will carry 
their Faith with them, and their example will make 
other Christians where there are none as yet. Let us 
only remember that we are nothing, that we cannot 
see anything ; and that he alone knows what is good 
for us. It is sufficient, I assure thee, to comfort me 
in my adversity, when I see how miserable I am in 
every respect, to think that God provides for every 
thing, that he loves us, and knows very well what 
we need." He continued [79] in that strain for eight 
or ten minutes. The Father admired such complete 
Faith in the heart of that good Savage and such a 
truly Christian spirit; and he praised God for the 
same, having no other thought but that Our Lord had 
placed those words in his mouth for his consolation. 
He could not restrain his tears as he embraced him, 


confiderable, qui eft que le Pere ay ant voulu inter- 
rompre ce bon Satmage au commencement de fon 
difcours; ce bon homme luy dit, Aronhiatiri laiffe 
moy parler iufqu au bout, & puis tu parleras, car ie 
croy que Dieu m a infpire" ce que i ay maintenant a 
te dire. 

Vne femme Chreftienne voyant vne petite fille 
qu elle auoit au berceau bien proche de la mort, 1 ap- 
porta a 1 Eglife pour en faire vne offrande a Dieu. 
Comme elle fe croyoit feule & fans autre tefmoin 
que Dieu, fa deuotion la porta a parler d vne voix 
plus haute. Mon Dieu, [80] luy difoit-elle, difpofez 
de la vie de c6t enfant, & de la mienne, ie vous I ay 
offerte de*s le moment de fa naiffance, ie vous off re 
les douleurs que i ay receu pour la mettre au monde, 
la douleur que i ay de la voir en ce"t eftat, & tous les 
regrets que i auray la voyant morte. Pardonnez moy 
li ie ne puis reprimer ma douleur & mes larmes; 
vous voyez bien dedans mon coeur que ie fuis contente 
qu elle meure, puifque vous le voulez. Cette bonne 
femme fut vne demie heure entiere a faire fon 
offrande, & fe retira ne fgachant pas que le Pere qui 
a foin de cette Miffion, auoit entendu fa priere. 
L enfant mourut la mefme nuit. 

Le lendemain la pauure mere defol6e ne manqua 
pas de grand matin a venir s accufer de ces larmes, 
qui ne luy eftoient pas volontaires. Et comme quel- 
qu vn la vouloit confoler, de ce qu elle auoit encore 
deux enfans au monde: Helas! difl-elle, ce n eft pas 
ce qui me confole, mais c eft que ma fille eft au Ciel, 
& ne peut plus offenfer Dieu. Quoy que ie ne puiffe 
m empefcher de pleurer, Dieu void bien que mon 
coeur eft en repos pour celle qui eft morte, & qu il 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 171 

and told him that, in truth, he comforted him great 
ly ; that what he said was true, and that he spoke in 
the manner wherein Christians should console them 
selves amid their afflictions. I must not omit here to 
mention a circumstance of some importance. When 
the Father tried to interrupt that good Savage at the 
beginning of his discourse, the good man said to 
him : Aronhiatiri, let me say all I have to say, and 
then thou shalt speak; for I believe that God has 
inspired me with what I am about to tell thee." 

A Christian woman, seeing that her little girl, still 
in her cradle, was very near to death, carried her to 
the Church, to offer her up to God. Thinking her 
self alone, without any witness but God, her devotion 
induced her to speak in a louder tone. " My God," 
[80] she said, " dispose of this child s life, and of 
mine. I offered her to you at the very moment of 
her birth ; I offer to you the sufferings that I endured 
in bringing her into the world ; the sorrow that I feel 
at seeing her in this condition ; and all the regrets 
that I shall experience when I see her dead. Pardon 
me if I cannot restrain my sorrow and my tears. 
You see clearly in my heart that I am content that 
she should die, since it is your will." The good 
woman was a full half-hour in making her offering, 
and withdrew, not knowing that the Father who has 
charge of that Mission had heard her prayer. The 
child died the same night. 

On the following day, the poor disconsolate mother 
did not fail to come very early in the morning, to 
accuse herself of having shed those tears, which were 
quite involuntary on her part. And when some one 
tried to comfort her with the thought that she still 
had two children living, Alas, she said, that is 


n a que des craintes [81] pour les deux qui viuent, 
car ils font en danger de fe damner & moy auffi. 

Cette bonne femme depuis cinq ans qu elle eft 
Chreftienne, a toufiours vefcu dans 1 innocence & la 
ferueur, & quoy qu elle foit vne des plus grandes 
mefnageres du pays, iamais elle n a manqu6 vn feul 
iour a faire fes deuotios, qui font bien longues, 
demeurant quelquefois les deux & les trois heures en 
oraifon, auffi. immobile, non pas mefme d vn feul 
efgarement de veue, que fi elle eftoit fans fentiment. 
Son mary luy difant vn iour qu elle eftoit trop long- 
temps en fes prieres, & qu elle en reuenoit toute 
tranfie de froid: iamais, luy repliqua-t elle, tu ne 
m as reproche que ma charge fuft trop pefante, & 
mon fardeau trop lourd, lors que ie reuiens des bois, 
& apporte de quoy nous chauffer: & toutefois i en 
reuiens plus tranfie de froid, que de la priere. Pour- 
quoy ne ferois-ie pas pour le Ciel, ce que ie fais pour 
cette vie? Enfin cette bonne femme a tant fait par 
fes prieres, qu elle a gagne" fon mary a la Foy, qui en 
eftoit bien eloigne". 

Ie me fouuiens a ce propos de ce qu vne autre 
femme Chreftienne difoit il y a [82] quelque temps 
fort {implement a vn de nos Peres. Lors que ie reue- 
nois d vn tel bourg, difoit-elle, il m eft venu en 
penf6e de dire mon chapelet, faifant chemin : mais le 
froid & rincommodite que ie fentois d vn vent pedant 
que i auois au vifage, a fait que i ay obey a ma chair, 
lors qu elle m a fuggere que i attendiffe a dire mon 
chapelet apres eftre arriu6e. Eftant entr6e dans la 
cabane, i ay veu vn beau feu allum6 ; & ma chair a dit 
a mon ame, chauffe toy auparauant, & apres tu iras 
a 1 Eglife dire ton chapelet plus doucement. Incon- 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 173 

not what consoles me, but the knowledge that my 
daughter is in Heaven, and can no longer offend God. 
Though I cannot refrain from weeping, God sees 
very well that my heart is at peace, as regards her 
who is dead; and it fears only [81] for the two who 
live, for they are in danger of damnation, and so 
am I." 

During the past five years that this good woman 
has been a Christian, she has always lived in inno 
cence and fervor; and, although she is one of the 
busiest housewives in the country, she has never 
failed a single day in her devotions, which are very 
long, for she sometimes remains two or three hours 
in prayer as motionless without her eyes even wan 
dering once as if she were without feeling. Her 
husband told her one day that she remained too long 
at her prayers, and that she came back chilled 
through by the cold. Thou hast never reproached 
me," she said, " because my load was too heavy, or 
my burden too great, when I came back from the 
woods bringing fuel; and nevertheless I come back 
more benumbed with cold than when I return from 
prayer. Why should I not do for Heaven what I do 
for this life? " In fine, this good woman has done so 
much by her prayers that she has won over to the 
Faith her husband, who was quite averse to it. 

While on this subject, I remember what another 
Christian woman said, [82] some time ago, very 
innocently to one of our Fathers. " While I was 
returning from a certain village," she said, " it 
occurred to me to say my rosary on the way ; but the 
cold, and the discomfort caused me by a piercing 
wind that blew in my face, led me to give way to the 
promptings of the flesh, when it suggested that I 


tinent, adiouftoit cette bonne Chreftienne, i ay connu 
la rufe du diable, & qu il vouloit que ie perdiffe vne 
partie de mon merite: & i ay refpondu a ma chair; 
C eft trop de t auoir obey vne fois, il faut que tu 
obei ffe &. ton tour : allons prier, & nous nous chauffe- 
rons par apres. Ayant dit deux ou trois dixaines, 
ma chair a recommence" de me f olliciter, & m a dit que 
c eftoit affez, ou qu au moins ie me haftaffe dauantage, 
le froid eftant trop exceffif: mais mon ame luy a 
refpondu, Ma chair, il faut que Dieu foit feruy le 
premier, quand tu feras tantoft deuant le feu, tu ne 
te hafteras pas [83] d en fortir, haftons nous auffi peu 
maintenant. Voila la fpiritualite" d vne pauure femme 
Sauuage, qui dans vn langage barbare, n en explique 
pas moins nettement le jeu de la nature, & les 
vidtoires de la grace. 

Ce qui maintient dauantage ces bonnes gens dans 
1 efprit de la Foy, & ce qui va le plus augmentant en 
eux les fentimens de piete", eft vne pratique dans 
laquelle nous tafchons de les mettre, d offrir fouuent 
& Dieu leurs addons, & s entretenir dans la deuotion 
par la voye des oraif ons iaculatoires. Cette pratique 
eft fi. commune k la plufpart, que mefme deuant les 
Infideles, au milieu d vn chemin, dans la fuite de leur 
trauail, dans le plus fort d vne douleur, ou d vne 
crainte, ils prieront Dieu tout haut, & fe feront 
reffouuenir les vns les autres de faire ces offrandes. 
II n y a pas iufqu aux enfans qui ne fuiuent en cela 
la piet6 de leurs parens. 

Ie pris plailir il y a quelque temps de voir vne 
petite fille Chreftiene, qui eftant fortie hors de la 
cabane pour joiier auec fes petites compagnes, pieds 
nuds & fur les neiges ; y eftant demeuree trop long- 

1648-49] RELATION OF if>tf -48 175 

should defer saying my beads until after I had 
arrived. When I entered the cabin, I found a bright 
fire burning and my flesh said to my soul : Warm 
thyself first, and afterward thou shalt go and say thy 
beads in the Church, more comfortably. Immedi 
ately," added this good Christian, " I detected the 
ruse of the devil, who wished me to lose a portion 
of the merit that I might gain ; and I replied to my 
flesh: It is too much to have obeyed thee once; 
thou must obey in thy turn ; let us go and pray and 
we will warm ourselves afterward. After saying 
two or three decades, my flesh again began to urge 
me and told me that it was enough, or, at least, that 
I should hurry, because the cold was so great. But 
my soul replied : My flesh, God must be served first ; 
when thou wilt presently be before the fire, thou wilt 
not be in a hurry [83] to go out. Let us not be in a 
greater hurry now. Such is the spirituality of a 
poor Savage woman, who explains none the less 
clearly, in a barbarous tongue, the working of nature 
and the victories of grace. 

What maintains these good people still more in the 
spirit of Faith, and what still farther increases senti 
ments of piety in them, is a practice that we endeavor 
to make them acquire, of frequently offering their 
actions to God, and of persevering in a spirit of devo 
tion by means of ejaculatory prayers. This practice 
is so common with most of them that even in the 
presence of Infidels in the middle of a road, in the 
course of their work, in the height of suffering or of 
fear they pray to God aloud, and remind one an 
other to make those offerings. Even the little chil 
dren imitate the piety of their parents in this respect. 

I found pleasure, some time ago, in observing a 


temps, fe trouua fi faifie du froid, qu elle [84] fe mit 
a pleurer ; & retournant les larmes aux yeux dans la 
cabane, ne iettoit point d autres mots de plainte, 
finon ceux-cy : Mon Dieu ayez pitie* de moy, ie vous 
offre le froid que ie fens a mes pieds, & qui me fait 
pleurer: ce qu elle alloit repetant tout le long du 

Cette pauure petite innocente mourut a quelque 
temps de la, dans des fentimens de piete qui me 
firent admirer les bontez de Dieu fur vn aage li 
tendre. Elle voulut durant tout le temps de fa 
maladie eftre portee tous les iours a la Meffe, ne 
pouuant plus fe fouftenir : & il falut luy obeir iufqu au 
iour mefme de fa mort. Elle y difoit fi denotement 
fes prieres que tous les affiflans en eftoient touchez 
de deuotion. Dans le plus fort mefme de fa mala 
die, elle ne man qua iamais a dire fon Benedicite, a la 
moindre chofe qu on luy faifoit prendre, quand bien 
ce n eufl efle" qu vne goutte d eau Sa mere toute 
affligee la voyant tirer aux abois, fe mit a pleurer, 
luy difant, Ma fille, tu nous vas done quitter? a quoy 
ce"t enfant refpodit, oiiy ma mere, mais c efl pour 
aller au Ciel y eftre bien-heureuf e : priez bien Dieu, 
& vous y viendrez apres moy. Elle fut long-temps 
[85] a 1 agonie, ayant perdu ce fembloit, 1 vfage de 
tous les fens ; lors que fa mere luy voyant remuer les 
levres, s en approcha, & entendit que d vne voix 
mourante elle difoit en rendant 1 ame, lefous taitenr, 
lefus ayez pitie" de moy. Elle fe nommoit Marguerite 
Atiohenret, aagee de dix ans. 

Ie voyois auffi cet Hyuer vn petit enfant de quatre 
ans, fils d vne fort bonne Chreftienne, qui ayant efte" 
battu de fa mere, ne difoit autre chofe en pleurant, 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 177 

little Christian girl who had come out of her cabin to 
play with her little companions, barefoot in the 
snow. She remained somewhat too long, and was so 
benumbed with cold that she [84] began to cry, and 
returned to the cabin with tears in her eyes, uttering 
no other words of complaint than these : My God, 
have pity on me ; I offer you the cold that I feel in 
my feet, and that causes me to weep." She repeated 
this the whole way. 

This poor little innocent died shortly afterward, 
with sentiments of piety that made me admire the 
goodness of God toward so tender an age. Through 
out her illness, she wished to be carried every day 
to Mass, as she could not stand ; and she had to be 
obeyed up to the very day of her death. She said 
her prayers so devoutly that all who saw her were 
moved by her devotion. In the worst of her sick 
ness, she never failed to say her Benedicite, for the 
slightest thing which she was made to take, even 
were it only a drop of water. Her mother, who was 
greatly afflicted at seeing her at the last extremity, 
began to weep, and said to her: " My daughter, art 
thou, then, about to leave us?" To this the child 
replied : Yes, my mother, but to go to Heaven and 
to be blessed there. Pray well to God, and you will 
come after me." Her [85] death-agony was long. 
After she had, to all appearances, lost consciousness, 
her mother saw her lips move and, approaching her, 
she heard her say in a dying voice, while giving up 
her soul: Jesous taitenr, " Jesus, have pity on me." 
Her name was Marguerite Atiohenret and she was 
ten years of age. 

I also saw, this Winter, a little child four years 
old, the son of a very good Christian woman, who, 


finon, Mon Dieu, ie vous offre les coups que i ay 
receu de ma mere, ayez pitie" de moy. La pauure 
mere fe mit a pleurer auec fon enfant, & & prier Dieu 
auec luy. 

Vn bon vieillard nomme Ren6 Tfondihouanne, 
remply de merites, dont la vie eft conftamment dans 
la faintete", & qui par tout ou il fe trouue prefche & 
d exemple & de parole, & auance puiffamment noftre 
Chriftianifme ; eftant interrog6 d vn de nos Peres 
combien de fois par iour il fongeoit a Dieu en vn 
voyage dont il eftoit fraifchement de retour. Vne 
feule fois, refpondit-il fort {Implement, mais qui 
duroit depuis le matin iufqu au foir. Le Pere luy 
demanda li c6t entretien [86] auec Dieu eftoit mentale- 
ment. Nenny, dit-il, ie me trouue mieux de luy 
parler, & en fuis moins diftrait. Quelque peu de 
iours apres le mefme Pere apprit la fagon d entretien 
que ce bon vieillard auoit auec Dieu, en vn voyage 
qu il fit auec luy. Car entrant en chemin, ce bon 
Sauuage fe mit a dire les prieres qu il f^auoit, puis 
ayant gagn6 le deuant, il <leua fa voix petit a petit. 
Le Pere fut curieux de prefter 1 oreille, le fuiuant 
d affez pres, & fut tout eftonne d entendre les doux 
colloques qu il faifoit. Tantoft il remercioit Dieu 
de 1 auoir appelle k la Foy; tantoft il le beniffoit 
d auoir cree les forets, & la terre, & le ciel, tantoft il 
deploroit la mifere des Infideles. Puis tout d vn 
coup il remercioit Dieu d auoir appel!6 en ces pays 
les Predicateurs de 1 Euangile. Oiiy, mon Dieu, 
difoit-il, vous les y auez attire auec des cordes plus 
fortes que le fer; puifque ny les mefaifes, ny les 
calomnies, ny les fouffrances, ny mille dangers de la 
mort ne peuuet faire qu ils fe deftachent d auec nous, 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - rf 179 

after having been beaten by his mother, said nothing 
else amid his tears but: " My God, I offer you the 
blows that I have received from my mother ; have 
pity on me." The poor mother began to weep with 
her child, and to pray to God with him. 

A good old man, called Rene" Tsondihouanne, 
whose life abounds in meritorious actions, and is ever 
spent in godliness, and who, wheresoever he goes, 
preaches both by example and precept, and greatly 
furthers our Christianity, was asked by one of our 
Fathers how many times a day he thought of God 
during a journey from which he had recently returned. 
" Only once," he replied very simply; " but it was 
from morning to night." The Father asked him 
whether that conversation [86] with God took place 
mentally. " Not at all," he said; " I find it better 
to speak to him, and thus I am less easily distracted. 
A few days afterward, the same Father found out 
what kind of conversation that good old man had 
with God, during a journey that he made with him; 
for, when they set out, the good Savage began to 
say the prayers that he knew; then, having gone on 
ahead, he gradually raised his voice. The Father, 
who was curious to hear him, followed him quite close 
ly, and was much astonished to hear the delightful 
colloquies that he uttered. At times, he thanked God 
for having called him to the Faith ; again, he praised 
him for having created the forests, the earth, and the 
sky ; at other times, he deplored the wretchedness of 
the Infidels. Then, suddenly, he thanked God for 
having brought the Preachers of the Gospel into these 
countries. "Yes, my God," he said, "you have 
drawn them here with ropes stronger than iron, 
since neither discomfort, nor calumnies, nor sufferings, 


& retournent en leur pays, ou ils viuroient & leurs 
aifes. De fois a autre ce bon vieillard parloit plus 
bas, & le Pere ne pouuoit en recueillir [87] que des 
mots 9a & la: puis tout d vn coup comme enflamm6 
d vne nouuelle ardeur, il s efcrioit. O mon Dieu 
que vous efles grand, puifque la terre eft grande, & 
que vous nourriffez tous les hommes ! O mon Dieu 
que vous eftes bon, puifque vous auez pitie des 
pecheurs, ayez pitie" de moy. Ouurez les yeux aux 
Infideles qui font aueugles, & qui voyans ces arbres, 
ces forets, ce Soleil & cette lumiere, ne voyent pas 
que c eft vous qui auez tout cree* ; & alloit continuant 
dans ce"t air deux & trois heures entieres. 

Eftant venu en vn lieu dangereux, il changea tout 
d vn coup de ton, & tout d vn autre accent il s ad- 
drefla a Dieu. C eft vous mon Dieu, luy difoit-il, 
qui conduifez icy mes pas, & qui voyez la crainte de 
mon coeur. Non, non, ie ne veux pas craindre la 
mort, & ie vous abandonne ma vie, fi vous voulez 
que ie tombe dans les de 1 ennemy. Ofr. 
fuyrois-ie pour Suiter la mort? & ou irois-ie pour 
eftre plus en affeurance, qu eftant conduit de voftre 
main? Si ie meurs auiourd huy, i efpere qu auiour- 
d huy ie vous verray la haut au Ciel. [88] En vn 
mot ce bon vieillard ne fut que feu durant tout ce 
chemin, & le Pere qui le fuiuoit de compagnie, m a 
affeure que fes paroles eftoient comme vn brafier 
ardant qui 1 enflammoient luy-mefme. 

Vn autre ancien Chreftien, qui nous fert auffi de 
Dogique, rendant compte de fa confcience, difoit que 
fouuent il eftoit les iourn6es entieres ne fongeant 
rien qu a Dieu, & ne pouuant quafi prendre d autres 
penf6es. Mais quelquefois, adiouftoit-il, il m arriue 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 181 

nor a thousand dangers of death, can make them 
leave us and return to their own country, where they 
could live in comfort." Sometimes, the good old 
man spoke in a lower tone, and the Father could catch 
[87] only words here and there. Then all at once, as 
if inflamed with fresh ardor, he would exclaim: 
" Oh, my God, how great you are, since the earth is 
vast, and you feed all mankind ! Oh, my God, how 
good you are ; since you have pity on sinners, have 
pity on me ! Open the eyes of the Infidels, who are 
blind, and who, although they see those trees, those 
forests, that Sun, and that light, see not that it is you 
who have created everything." And he went on in 
that strain for two or three whole hours. 

On reaching a dangerous spot, he suddenly altered 
his tone, and in quite a different accent he addressed 
himself to God: " It is you, my God," he said, " who 
guide my steps here, and who see the dread within 
my heart. No, no, I will not fear death ; and I aban 
don my life to you, if it be your will that I should 
fall into the enemy s ambushes. Whither should I 
flee to avoid death? And where can I be in greater 
safety than under the guidance of your hand? If I 
die to-day, I hope that to-day I shall see you above, in 
Heaven." [88] In a word, that good old man was all 
ardor throughout the journey ; and the Father who 
accompanied him assured me that his words were like 
glowing coals, which inflamed even himself. 

Another Christian of long standing, who also serves 
us as a Dogique, said, while rendering an account of 
his conscience, that frequently for whole days he 
thought of nothing but God, and could hardly think 
of anything else. " But sometimes," he added, " it 
happens to me as to a traveler who walks at night by 


le mefme qu a vn voyageur, qui va de nuit par des 
chemins inconnus, & qui fe void incontinent perdu 
dans 1 efpoiffeur d vne foreft, faifant rencontre a 
chaque pas d vn arbre qui luy heurte la tefle, ou des 
ronces qui 1 efcorchent de tous coftez. Alors, difoit- 
il, ie fuis contraint de m arrefter, comme ce voyageur 
au pied d vn arbre, attendant que le iour foit venu; 
& tout ce que ie puis faire, eft de dire de fois a autres 
a Noftre Seigneur que ie fuis fans efprit, & que ie 
fuis perdu s il n a piti6 de moy en mes e*garemens. 
Par fois, adiouftoit-il, i ay enuie de crier bien fort en 
priant Dieu, pour eftouffer les diftradtions que le 
diable me va fufcitant; de mefme que [89] ie ferois 
fi i eftois aupres de quelques babillards, & que 
nonobftant le bruit & 1 infolence de leurs difcours, ie 
voulufle me faire entendre. Les demons ont beau 
aire, difoit-il, ie fuis refolu de n abandonner la priere 
qu auec la vie; de mefme qu eftant entre les mains 
des Hiroquois, i allois toufiours chantant, quelques 
tourmens qu ils me fiffent endurer, & i auois la penfee 
de ne point quitter mon chant de guerre, que lors 
que la mort m auroit ofte" les forces & la parole. 

Ayant veu vn bon Chreftien retourne" d vn fort long 
voyage de fix mois, encore plus feruent qu il n eftoit 
party d auec nous, ie voulu m enquefter plus particu- 
lierement de la fa9on dont il s eftoit conferue" dans 
vne innocence qui m eftonnoit. I ay toufiours marche" 
fur mes gardes, me refpondit-il ; le matin ie penf ois 
que peut-eftre auant le midy ie ferois pris des enne- 
mis, qui font a craindre durant tout le chemin, & 
ainfi ie me dif pof ois a la mort : a midy ie penf ois que 
peut-eftre ie n arriuerois pas iufqu a la nuit, & ainfi 
ie m entretenois auec Dieu: le foir ie craignois que 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 183 

unknown roads, and suddenly finds himself lost in the 
thickest of the forest, where at every step he comes 
across a tree that strikes him on the head, or bram 
bles that tear him on all sides. Then, he said, I 
am compelled to stop, like that traveler, at the foot 
of a tree, and to wait till daylight comes; and all 
that I can do is to say from time to time to Our Lord 
that I have no sense, and that I am lost unless he have 
pity on me in my wanderings. Sometimes," he 
added, I feel inclined to cry out very loudly, while 
praying to God, to stifle the distractions with which 
the devil tries to disturb me, just as [89] I would 
do if I were near some chatterers, and wished to 
make myself heard in spite of the noise and insolence 
of their talk. The demons may do their best," he 
said; " I am resolved to abandon prayer only with 
life, just as when in the hands of the Hiroquois I 
always went on singing, whatever tortures they made 
me endure ; and I determined to give up my war-song 
only when death should have robbed me of strength 
and of speech." 

I observed that a good Christian returned from a 
very long journey of six months duration, still more 
fervent than when he had left us; and I wished to 
inquire more minutely how he had managed to con 
tinue in a state of innocence that astonished me. " I 
was always on my guard, he replied ; in the morn 
ing, I thought that perhaps before noon I might be 
captured by the enemies, who are to be dreaded all 
along the way; and thus I prepared myself for death. 
At noon, I thought that perhaps I might not live even 
till nightfall, and thus I communed with God. In 
the evening, I feared that we might be surprised 
during the night, [90] while we slept. When we 


la nuit on ne nous furprit [90] en dormant. Eftant 
arriue en vn lieu d affeurance, ie craignois les dangers 
du re tour. Si i euffe eu proche de moy vn Confeffeur, 
la facilite du pardon euft fait peut-eftre que i euffe 
efte moins fur mes gardes. On me prefenta & mon 
arriuee vne f emme, ie ne voulus pas y entendre : le 
lendemain on m en amena vne mieux faite, qui 
trouua auffi f on refus : ils me prierent de faire moy- 
mef me le choix de celle qui m aggreeroit dauantage ; 
Ie leur dy que ce n eftoit pas cela qui m arreftoit, 
mais la crainte d vn Dieu & la Foy d vn Paradis & 
d vn Enfer ; & 1& deffus ie leur parlay de nos myfteres, 
qu ils admirerent, fe plaignans que les Europeans 
auec lefquels ils ont commerce, ne les venoient pas 
inftruire : & du depuis ils me laifferent en repos de 
ce coft6 la. 

Tous les leudis ce bon Sauuage commen9oit a fe 
difpofer & la Communion fpirituelle ; les Samedis il 
fe confeffoit & Noftre Seigneur, comme s il euft eu 
vn Preftre auec foy: le Dimanche matin il affiftoit 
fpirituellement a la Meffe, & communioit mentale- 
ment, & difoit que cela 1 auoit le plus fortine"; 
tafchant la femaine fuiuante de garder tous les bons 
[91] propos & les promeffes qu il auoit fait & Noftre 

Au retour de ce long voyage, ayant apris que les 
Hurons n eftoient point defcendus k Quebec, & qu en 
fuite nous n auions receu aucun fecours de ce cofte 
la; il partagea ce qu il auoit rapporte de fon voyage, 
enuiron quatorze mille grains de Porcelaine, qui font 
icy de grands threfors, & vint nous en prefenter 
autant qu il s en retenoit. Me difant que s il eftoit 
plus riche, il nous foulageroit plus puiffamment dans 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 185 

reached a place of safety, I feared the dangers of the 
return journey. If I had had a Confessor near me I 
would perhaps have been less upon my guard, owing 
to the facility of obtaining pardon. On my arrival, 
they presented me with a woman, but I would have 
nothing to do with her ; on the following day, they 
brought me another, better formed, but she also was 
refused ; they begged me to choose for myself the one 
that pleased me best. I told them that that was not 
what restrained me, but fear of a God, and the Belief 
in a Paradise and a Hell ; and thereupon I spoke to 
them of our mysteries, which they admired. They 
complained that the Europeans with whom they trade 
did not come to instruct them ; and, after that, they 
left me at peace in that respect." 

Every Thursday, this good Savage commenced to 
prepare himself for spiritual Communion; on the 
Saturday, he confessed to Our Lord, as if he had had 
a Priest with him; on the Sunday morning, he 
assisted at Mass in spirit, and received communion 
mentally. He stated that this had most strengthened 
him, and that, during the following week, he endeav 
ored to keep all his good [91] resolutions, and the 
promises that he had made to Our Lord. 

On his return from that long journey, when he 
learned that the Hurons had not gone down to Que 
bec, and that consequently we had received no assist 
ance from that quarter, he divided up what he had 
brought back from his journey, about fourteen thou 
sand Porcelain beads, that are a valuable treasure 
here, and came to present us with as many as he 
kept for himself. He said to me that, if he were 
richer, he would relieve us still more in our neces 
sities ; for he could not sufficiently acknowledge the 


nos neceffitez, puis qu il ne potmoit affez reconnoiftre 
les obligations qu il nous auoit de luy auoir donne" la 
connoiffance de la Foy, & de 1 auoir rendu Chreftien. 
II fe nomme Charles Ondaaiondiont. 

Depuis fept ans qu il eft Chreftien, il n a manque 
qu vne feule fois & entendre la Meffe, lors qu il a efte 
icy dans le pays, encore n y auoit-il pas de fa faute, 
& toutesf ois il en eut vn bien grand fcrupule ; difant 
qu eftant ordinairement tout 1 Efte ou dans les 
guerres, ou en voyage, il ne fe fouftient que fur les 
prouifions & des merites & de vertu, qu il doit tafcher 
de faire tout le long de 1 Hyuer qu il en a la [92] 
commodity. Mais brifons ce Chapitre, car les fenti- 
tnens de ces bons Chreftiens n ont point de fin, & ce 
fera fans doute dans le Ciel, ou nous benirons Dieu 
des graces qu il leur fait, & oil nous verrons qu il 
n a pas moins efte" leur Createur, leur Redempteur, 
ieur Pere, & tout Amour pour eux, que pour les 
peuples de 1 Europe. Domini eft terra & plenitudo 
eius, orbis terrarum & vniuerfi gui habitant in eo. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 187 

obligations that he was under to us for having made 
him acquainted with the Faith, and for having made 
him a Christian. His name is Charles Ondaaiondiont. 
During the seven years that he has been a Chris 
tian, he has only once failed to hear Mass when he 
was here in the country ; even then, it was not his 
fault, and he had great scruples about it. He said 
that, as he is generally throughout the Summer either 
at war or on a journey, he supports himself solely on 
the provisions of merit and virtue that he tries to 
amass during the whole Winter, while he has the [92] 
opportunity. But let us conclude this Chapter, for 
there is no end to the sentiments of these good Chris 
tians ; and, beyond a doubt, in Heaven we shall praise 
God for the graces that he has given them, and we 
shall see that he has been no less their Creator, their 
Redeemer, their Father, and all Love for them, as 
well as for the nations of Europe. Domini est terra et 
plenitudo ejus, orbis terrarum et universi qui habitant 
in eo. 






OVTRE les deiirs que nous auons commune ment, 
qui nous font libres, ou au moins volontaires, 
qui prouiennent d vne connoiflance prece- 
dente de quelque bonte qu on ait conceu eftre dans 
la chofe defiree ; les Hurons croyent que nos ames 
ont d autres defirs, comme [93] naturels & cachez; 
lefquels ils difent prouenir du fond de Tame, non 
pas par voye de connoiffance, mais par vn certain 
tranfport aueugle de 1 ame k de certains objets: lef 
quels tranfports on appelleroit en termes de Philo- 
fophie, Defideria innata, pour les diftinguer des 
premiers defirs, qu on appelle Defideria Elicita. 

Or ils croyent que noftre ame donne h connoiftre 
ces defirs naturels, par les fonges, comme par fa 
parole: en forte que ces defirs eflant effedtuez, elle 
eft contente : mais au contraire fi on ne luy accorde 
ce qu elle defire, elle s indigne; non feulement ne 
procurant pas & fon corps le bien & le bon-heur qu elle 
vouloit luy procurer, mais f ouuent mefme fe reuoltant 
centre luy, luy caufant diuerfes maladies, & la mort 


Or de f9auoir d ofr vient ce pouuoir & 1 ame, tant 
pour le bien que pour le mal, c eft dont les Hurons 
ne s enqueftent pas; car n eflans ny PhyHciens, ny 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4& 189 





IN addition to the desires that we generally have 
that are free, or, at least, voluntary in us, 
which arise from a previous knowledge of some 
goodness that we imagine to exist in the thing desired, 
the Hurons believe that our souls have other desires, 
which are, as it were, [93] inborn and concealed. 
These, they say, come from the depths of the soul 
not through any knowledge, but by means of a cer 
tain blind transporting of the soul to certain objects ; 
these transports might in the language of Philosophy 
be called Desideria innata, to distinguish them from 
the former, which are called Desideria Elicita. 

Now they believe that our soul makes these natural 
desires known by means of dreams, which are its 
language. Accordingly, when these desires are 
accomplished, it is satisfied; but, on the contrary, if 
it be not granted what it desires, it becomes angry, 
and not only does not give its body the good and the 
happiness that it wished to procure for it, but often 
it also revolts against the body, causing various 
diseases, and even death. 

Now the Hurons do not seek to ascertain whence 
this power, both for good and for evil, comes to the 
soul ; for, as they are neither Physicists nor Philoso 
phers, they do not inquire very deeply into those 


Philofophes, ils n examinent pas ces chofes dans leur 
fond, & s arreftent aux premieres notions qu ils en 
ont, fans en rechercher les caufes plus cachees, & 
fans voir s il [94] n y a point quelque contradiction 
dans leur raifonnement. Ainli lors que dans le fom- 
meil nous fongeons a quelque chofe d e"loigne, ils 
croyent que 1 ame fort de fon corps, & va fe rendre 
prefente aux chofes qui luy font reprefente"es durant 
tout ce temps-la: fans examiner plus auant 1 im- 
pombilit6 qu il y auroit dans ces egaremens & ces 
longs voyages de nos ames, deflachees de leurs corps 
durant le temps de leur fommeil: finon qu ils difent 
que Tame fenfitiue n eft pas celle qui fort, mais 
feulement la raifonnable, qui n eft pas dependente 
du corps dans fes operations. 

En fuite de ces opinions erronees, la plufpart des 
Hurons font fort attentifs a remarquer leurs fonges, 
& a fournir a leur ame ce qu elle leur a reprefente 
durant le temps de leur fommeil. Si par exemple 
ils ont veu vne efpee en fonge, ils taf client de 1 auoir: 
s ils ont fonge qu ils faifoient vn feftin, ils en font 
vn a leur refueil, s ils ont de quoy ; & ainfi des autres 
chofes. Et ils appellent cela Ondinnonk, vn defir 
fecret de 1 ame, declare par le fonge. 

Toutesfois de mefme que quoy que [95] nous ne 
declarions pas toufiours nos penf ees & nos inclinations 
par la parole ; ceux-la ne lairroient pas d en auoir la 
connoiffance, qui verroient par vne veue furnaturelle 
le profond de nos cceurs. Ainfi les Hurons croyent 
qu il y a de certaines perfonnes plus efclairees que le 
commun, qui portent pour ainfi dire, leur veue 
iufques dans le fond de 1 ame, & voyent ces defirs 
naturels & cachez qu elle a, quoy que 1 ame n en ait 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647 -48 191 

matters, and they stop at the very first ideas that 
they have of them, without seeking for more hidden 
causes, and without looking to see whether there [94] 
be not some contradiction in their reasoning. Thus 
when, during sleep, we dream of something that is 
far away, they think that the soul issues forth from 
the body and proceeds to the place where those objects 
are that are pictured to it during all that time. They 
do not look further into the impossibility of such wan 
derings and long journeys being undertaken by our 
souls, detached from our bodies while they are asleep ; 
they say, however, that it is not the sensitive soul that 
issues forth but only the rational one, which is not 
dependent upon the body in its workings. 

In consequence of these erroneous ideas, most of 
the Hurons are very careful to note their dreams, and 
to provide the soul with what it has pictured to them 
during their sleep. If, for instance, they have seen 
a javelin in a dream, they try to get it ; if they have 
dreamed that they gave a feast, they will give one 
on awakening, if they have the wherewithal ; and so 
on with other things. And they call this Ondinnonk, 
a secret desire of the soul manifested by a dream. 

Nevertheless, just as, although [95] we did not 
always declare our thoughts and our inclinations by 
means of speech, those who by means of supernatural 
vision could see into the depths of our hearts would 
not fail to have a knowledge of them, in the same 
manner, the Hurons believe that there are certain 
persons, more enlightened than the common, whose 
sight penetrates, as it were, into the depths of the 
soul. These see the natural and hidden desires that 
it has, though the soul has declared nothing by 
dreams, or though he who may have had the dreams 


rien declare par les fonges, ou que celuy qui auroit 
eu ces fonges, s en fuft entierement oublie. Et c eft 
en cette fagon que leurs Medecins, ou pluftoft leurs 
longleurs qu ils appellent Saokata, s acquierent du 
credit & font valoir leur art, difans qu vn enfant au 
berceau, qui n a ny iugement ny connoiffance, aura 
vn Ondinnonk, c eft a dire vn defir naturel & cache* 
de telle chofe: qu vn malade aura de femblables 
delirs, de diuerfes chofes, defquels il n aura iamais 
eu aucune connoiffance, ny rien qui en approche. 
Car comme nous dirons cy-apres, les Hurons croyent 
qu vn des puiffans remedes pour recouurer au pluftoft 
la fante, eft de fournir a Tame du malade, ces fortes 
de defirs naturels. 

[96] Mais d ou vient cette veue fi perante a ces 
gens plus efclairez que le commun? Us difent que 
c eft vn oky, c eft a dire vn puiffant genie, qui eftant 
entre dans leur corps, ou leur ayant apparu foit en 
fonge, foit apres leur refueil, leur fait voir ces mer- 
ueilles. Les vns difent que ce genie leur apparoift 
fous la forme d vn Aigle: les autres difent le voir 
comme vn Corbeau, & mille autres formes fembla 
bles, felon que chacun aura diuerfes fantaifies. Car 
ie ne croy pas qu il y ait en tout cela aucune vraye 
apparition, ny aucune operation vrayment diabolique 
en toutes les fottifes, dont tout ce pays eft remply. 

Or les faxjons font differentes dont ces Medecins & 
trompeurs difent voir ces defirs cachez de 1 ame du 
malade. Les vns regardans dans vn baffm plein 
d eau, y voyent, difent-ils, comme on feroit dans vn 
miroir, paffer diuerfes chofes; vn beau colier de 
Porcelaine, vne robe de peaux d efcurieux noirs, qui 
font icy eftimees les plus precieufes, vne peau d afne 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 4$ 193 

has completely forgotten them. It is thus that their 
Medicine-men, or, rather, their Jugglers, whom 
they call Saokata, acquire credit, and make the most 
of their art by saying that a child in the cradle, who 
has neither discernment nor knowledge, will have an 
Ondinnonk, that is to say, a natural and hidden 
desire for such or such a thing; and that a sick 
person will have similar desires for various things of 
which he has never had any knowledge, or anything 
approaching it. For, as we shall explain further on, 
the Hurons believe that one of the most efficacious 
remedies for rapidly restoring health is to grant the 
soul of the sick person these natural desires. 

[96] But whence do those persons, more enlight 
ened than the common, obtain such piercing sight? 
They say that it is an oky, that is, a powerful 
genie, who enters their bodies, or who appears to 
them in their dreams or immediately on their awaken 
ing, and who shows them these wonders. Some say 
that the genie appears to them in the form of an 
Eagle; others say they see him in that of a Raven 
and in a thousand other shapes, each according to his 
fancy. For I do not believe that in all this there 
is any real apparition ; nor is there any truly diabol 
ical working in all these follies, with which the whole 
country is filled. 

Now the ways in which those Medicine-men and 
impostors claim to see the hidden desires in the soul 
of the sick person are different. Some look into a 
basin full of water, and say that they see various 
things pass over it, as over the surface of a mirror, 
a fine collar of Porcelain ; a robe of black squirrel 
skins, which are here considered the most valuable ; 
the skin of a wild ass, richly painted in the fashion of 


fatmage richement peinte, felon la fagon du pays, & 
chofes femblables, qui difent-ils, font les defirs de 
1 ame du malade. D aucuns [97] femblent entrer en 
furie, comme faifoient autrefois les Sybilles, & 
s eftans animez en chantant d vne voix eftonnante, 
ils difent voir ces chofes, comme deuant leurs yeux. 
Les autres fe tiennent cachez en vne efpece de taber 
nacle, & dedans ces tenebres, font mine de voir tout 
autour d eux les images des chofes, dont ils difent 
que 1 ame du malade a ces defirs, qui fouuent luy 
feront inconnus a luy-mefme. 

Mais pour reuenir aux fonges ordinaires, non 
f eulement la plufpart des Hurons tafchent de f ournir 
a leur ame, ces defirs pretendus des chofes qui leur 
font reprefentees en fonge, c eft a dire qu ils tafchent 
de les auoir: mais de plus ils ont couftume de faire 
feflin, lors qu ils ont eu quelque fonge fauorable. Par 
exemple fi quelqu vn a fonge qu il prenoit en guerre 
vn ennemy, & luy fendoit la tefte auec vne hache 
d armes; il fera vn feftin dans lequel il publiera aux 
inuitez fon fonge, & demandera qu on luy faffe 
prefent d vne hache d armes ; & quelqu vn des inuitez 
ne manquera iamais de luy en offrir vne ; car en ces 
occafions ils prennent a honneur de paroiftre liberaux 
& magnifiques. 

[98] Ces feflins fe font, difent-ils, afin d obliger 
leur ame a tenir fa parole, croyans qu elle eft bien 
aife qu on tefmoigne cette fatisf action du fonge 
fauorable qu on a eu, & qu en fuite elle fe met pluftoft 
en deuoir de I effedtuer: & fi on y manquoit, ils 
penfent que cela feroit capable d en empefcher 1 effet, 
comme fi 1 ame indignee retiroit fa parole. 

Non feulement ils font ces feftins, mais ont 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 195 

the country; and similar objects, which they say are 
the desires of the sick person s soul. Some [97] seem 
to fall into a frenzy, as the Sibyls formerly did ; and, 
after exciting themselves by singing in an astounding 
voice, they say that they see those things as if they 
were before their eyes. The others keep themselves 
concealed in a kind of tabernacle, and in the midst 
of the darkness pretend that they see around them 
the images of the objects for which they say that 
the sick person s soul has desires, which are fre 
quently unknown to him. 

But to return to ordinary dreams, not only do most 
of the Hurons try to gratify their souls pretended 
desires for the things that are pictured to them in 
their dreams ; but they also have a habit of giving a 
feast when they have had a propitious dream. For 
instance, if any one has dreamed that he captured 
an enemy in combat, and split his head with a war- 
hatchet, he will give a feast, at which he will tell 
his guests of his dream, and will ask that he be given 
a present of a war-hatchet. And it never fails that 
some one among the guests will offer him one ; for on 
such occasions they make it a point of honor to 
appear liberal and munificent. 

[98] They say that these feasts are given to compel 
the soul to keep its word, because they believe that 
it is pleased at seeing this expression of satisfaction 
for the propitious dream, and that, consequently, it 
will set to work sooner to accomplish it. And, if 
they failed to do so, they think that that might be 
sufficient to prevent such a result, as if the indignant 
soul withdrew its word. 

Not only do they give these feasts, but they are in 
the habit of mentioning these propitious dreams in 


couftume dans leurs chanfons de faire mention de 
ces fonges fauorables, comme pour en hafter 1 effet, 
& afin que leurs camarades les en congratulent par 
auance, & les en eftiment dauantage: ainfi qu en 
France on congratuleroit a vn Capitaine allant a la 
guerre, fi on croyoit qu il allaft a vne victoire affeuree. 
Mais apres tout, leurs fonges ne font rien que 
menfonges, & s il s en trouue quelqu vn de veritable, 
ce n eft que par hazard: en forte qu ay ant examine" 
le tout fort foigneufement, ie ne voy pas qu il y ait 
rien de particulier en leurs fonges; ie veux dire que 
ie ne croy pas que le diable leur parle, ou ait aucun 
commerce auec eux par cette voye: quoy que quel- 
ques trompeurs, pour fe donner du credit, [99] difent 
des merueilles de leurs fonges, & fe faffent prophetes 
apres que les chofes font arriuees, publiant fauflement 
qu ils en auoient eu la connoiflance auant 1 euene- 
ment. Plulieurs eftimez des plus clair-voyans, 
m auoient affeure qu ils deuoient venir iufqu a vne 
vieilleffe tres-heureufe ; & ie les ay veu mourir de"s 
la mefme annee : mais le mal eft qu apres leur mort 
ils ne pouuoient parler pour accufer leurs fonges de 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 197 

their songs in order to hasten their effect, and so that 
their comrades may congratulate them beforehand, 
and have a greater esteem for them. Thus, in 
France, a Captain who was going to war would be 
congratulated if it were believed that he was sure of 
the victory. 

Still, after all, their dreams are nothing but illu 
sions, and, if some turn out true, it is only by chance. 
Accordingly, after having carefully looked into the 
whole matter, I do not see that there is anything 
peculiar about their dreams. I mean to say that I do 
not think that the devil speaks to them, or has any 
intercourse with them in that way, although some 
impostors, to give themselves a reputation, [99] say 
wonderful things of their dreams and pass them 
selves off as prophets, after events have occurred, by 
falsely proclaiming that they had a knowledge of 
them before they happened. Some who were consid 
ered the most clairvoyant had assured me that they 
were to attain a very happy old age, and I have seen 
them die that very year. But the trouble is that after 
their deaths they could not speak, to accuse their 
dreams of falseness. 




LES Hurons reconnoiffent trois fortes de maladies. 
Les vnes naturelles, lefquelles fe gueriffent par 
remedes naturels. Les autres, croyent-ils, cau- 
fe"es par Tame du malade, qui defire quelque chofe; 
lefquelles fe gueriilent fourniffant a 1 ame fon defir. 
Enfin les autres font maladies cauf6es par fortilege, 
que quelque f orcier aura donne" a celuy qui eft malade ; 
lefquelles maladies fe [100] gueriffent faifant fortir 
du corps du malade, le fort qui eft la caufe de fon 

Ce fort fera vn noeud de cheueux, vn morceau 
d ongle d home ou de quelque animal, vn morceau de 
cuir ou de bois, vne fueille d arbre, quelques grains 
de fable, & autres chofes femblables. 

La fa9on de faire fortir ces forts, eft quelquefois 
par vomitoires, quelquefois fucant la partie dolente, 
& en tirant ce qu on dit eftre le fort. En quoy cer 
tains longleurs font fi fubtils en leur meftier, qu auec 
la pointe d vn coufteau, ils tireront ce femble, ou 
pluftoft feront paroiftre ce qu il leur plaift; vn mor 
ceau de fer ou de caillou, qu ils diront auoir tire" du 
cceur, ou du fond des os d vn malade, fans toutefois 
auoir fait aucune incifion. 

Or quoy que ie ne croye pas qu il y ait parmy eux 
autres maladies que naturelles, toutefois ils font 
C. portez a fe perfuader le contraire, qu ils croyent que 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 199 



THE Hurons recognize three kinds of diseases. 
Some are natural, and they cure these with 
natural remedies. Others, they believe, are 
caused by the soul of the sick person, which desires 
something ; these they cure by obtaining for the soul 
what it desires. Finally, the others are diseases 
caused by a spell that some sorcerer has cast upon the 
sick person; these diseases [100] are cured by with 
drawing from the patient s body the spell that causes 
his sickness. 

This spell may be a knot of hair ; a piece of a 
man s nail, or of an animal s claw ; a piece of leather, 
or of bone ; a leaf of a tree, some grains of sand, or 
other similar things. 

The charms are expelled sometimes by means of 
emetics, sometimes by sucking the diseased part, and 
extracting from it what is claimed to be the spell. 
In this, some Jugglers are so expert in their art that 
with the point of a knife they seem to extract or 
rather they cause to appear whatever pleases them a 
piece of iron, or a pebble, which they say that they 
have drawn from the heart, or from inside the 
patient s bones, without, however, making any inci 

Now, although I do not think that they have any 
diseases except those that are natural, still they are 
so apt to convince themselves of the contrary that 


la plufpart de leurs maladies font ou de defirs, ou de 
fortilege. En telle fa9on que s ils ne gueriffent au 
pluftoft d vne maladie, qu ils ne pourront nier auoir 
efte naturelle en fa caufe, par exemple d vn [101] 
coup d efp6e, d vne morfure de quelque ours; ils 
difent incontinent ou que quelque forcier s eft mis de 
la partie & que quelque fort en empefche la guerifon, 
ou que 1 ame elle mefme a quelque defir qui 1 in- 
quiete, & qui tue le malade, (car c eft ainfi qu ils 
parlent.j C eft pourquoy il arriue fouuent qu ils 
efprouuent 1 vn apres 1 autre tous les remedes qu ils 
fgauent contre toutes ces fortes de maladies. 

Or cela vient de ce qu ils fe perfuadent que les 
remedes naturels doiuent auoir leur effet comme 
infaillible, & deuroient rendre la fante" fi le mal eftoit 
purement naturel, de mefme que le feu chaffe infail- 
liblement le froid: ainfi le mal continuant ils con- 
cluent qu il doit y en auoir quelque autre caufe non 
naturelle; dont ayans efprouue" le remede, & n en 
ayans point veu 1 effet qu ils defiroient, ils iugent 
n auoir pas encore affez bien reconnu la caufe prin- 
cipale du mal, & 1 attribuent k quelque autre principe. 
En quoy il n y a iamais de fin ; car ces defirs de 1 ame 
eftans imaginaires, peuuent eftre infinis; comme 
auffi les fortileges qui pourroient empefcher vne 
parfaite guerifon. lufques-lk mefme qu apres que 
leurs longleurs [102] fe feront vantez d auoir tir6 du 
corps du malade dix & vingt forts, s ils ne voyent le 
mal ceffe, ils en attribuent la caufe & quelque autre 
fort plus cache" & inexpugnable h leur art. Et non- 
obftant cela ces longleurs & ces remedes impertinens 
ne laiffent pas d auoir tout leur credit dans 1 efprit 
de nos Hurons, autant qu en France pourroient 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 201 

they believe that most of their diseases arise either 
from desires or from witchcraft. Accordingly, if 
they be not soon cured of a disease which, as 
they cannot deny has had a natural cause, such, for 
instance, as a [101] thrust from a javelin, or the bite 
of a bear, they at once say either that some sorcerer 
has a hand in it, and that some spell delays the cure; 
or else that the soul itself has some desire that 
troubles it, and is killing the patient (for it is thus 
that they speak). Therefore, it frequently happens 
that they try, one after the other, all the remedies 
that they know of, for all those kinds of diseases. 

Now this is due to the fact that they are convinced 
that natural remedies should infallibly produce their 
effect, and restore health, if the disease were a pure 
ly natural one, just as fire inevitably dispels cold. 
Consequently, when the sickness continues, they 
conclude that it must be due to some cause that is not 
natural ; when they have tried the remedy for the 
disease, and have not obtained the result that they 
desired, they think that they have not sufficiently 
ascertained the chief cause of the sickness, and they 
attribute it to some other origin. There is no end 
to this ; for, as these desires of the soul are imagi 
nary, they may be infinite in number, as may also be 
the spells that might prevent a complete cure. They 
carry this notion so far that, after their Jugglers [102] 
have boasted that they have driven ten or twenty 
spells from the sick person s body, if they see that 
the disease continues, they attribute its cause to some 
other spell, which is still more concealed and cannot 
be removed by their art. And, in spite of that, those 
Jugglers and their silly remedies still retain all their 
reputation in the minds of the Hurons, as much as 


auoir les plus habiles Medecins, & les remedes les 
plus exquis, quoy que fouuent ils ne rendent pas la 

Ce qui leur donne ce credit eft que comme fouuent 
ils ont recours & ces remedes impertinens, & qu ils 
s en feruent aux moindres maux dont ils fe fentent 
attaquez, d vn mal de tefte, d eftomac, de colique, & 
d vne fievre fort legere qui pafferoit d elle-mefme en 
vn iour, fe trouuans ou gueris ou quelque peu foulagez 
de leur mal; ou mefme de leur imagination, apres 
tels remedes, ils leur attribuent ce bon effet; ne 
iugeans pas que poft hoc, non propter hoc fanati funt, 
ce qui eft ordinaire aux ignorans, vt fumant non 
.caufam pro causd. 

loint que non feulement les malades, mais quafi 
tout le monde trouuant fon [103] conte en 1 vfage de 
la plufpart de tels remedes, chacun eft puiffamment 
porte & croire qu en effet ils ont leur efficace pour 
rendre la fante, Nam qui amant ipji fobi fomnia fingunt . 

Voicy 1 ordre qu on y tient. Quelqu vn eftant 
tombe malade, fes parens font venir le Medecin, 
i eufle mieux dit le longleur, qui doit porter iuge- 
ment de la maladie. S il dit que la maladie eft 
naturelle, on fe feruira de breuuages, de vomitoires, 
ou de certaines eaux dont ils feront iniec5tion fur la 
partie dolente : quelquef ois de fcarifications, ou bien 
de cataplafmes. En quoy leur fcience eft bien courte, 
le tout fe reduifant & quelques racines puluerifees, & 
quelques fimples cueillis en leur faifon. 

Mais d ordinaire ces Medecins vont plus auant, & 
diront que c eft vne maladie de defir, afin qu on les em 
ploye a deuiner quels font ces delirs de Tame, qui la 
troublent. Et quelquefois fans beaucoup de ceremo- 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 203 

the most skillful Physicians and the most excellent 
remedies do in France ; although in many instances 
they do not restore health. 

What gives them this reputation is that, as they 
frequently have recourse to these senseless remedies, 
and use them for the slightest ailments that attack 
them, such as a headache, a pain in the stomach, a 
colic, or a slight fever, which would pass away by 
itself in a day, when they find themselves cured or 
slightly relieved of their illness, or even in their 
imagination, they attribute that good result to the 
Jugglers, not thinking that post hoc, non propter hoc, 
sanati sunt, a common thing with ignorant people, 
ut sumant non causam pro causd. 

Add to this that not only the sick, but all the 
others, find it to their [103] benefit to use most of 
those remedies ; and each one is strongly inclined to 
believe that they really are efficacious in restoring 
health. Nam qui amant ipsi sibi somnia fingunt. 

Let us notice the order of proceedings in these 
cases. When a person falls ill, his relatives call in 
the Medicine-man, or, rather, I should say the 
Juggler, who is to decide as to the nature of the 
disease. If he say that the sickness is natural, they 
make use of potions, of emetics, or of certain waters 
which they apply to the diseased part, and sometimes 
of scarifications, or of poultices. In this, their 
knowledge is very slight; for it is limited to some 
powdered roots, and some simples gathered in 
season. 8 

But, as a rule, these Medicine-men go further, and 
assert that it is a disease caused by desires, so that 
they may be employed in ascertaining what are those 
desires of the soul that trouble it. And sometimes, 


nie ils indiqueront au malade quatre ou cinq chofes, 
qu ils luy difent que fon ame delire; c eft a dire 
qu il faut qu il tafche a les trouuer, s il veut recouurer 
la fante". En quoy ces longleurs [104] font pleins de 
rufe & de malice; car s ils croyent que quelqu vn ne 
foil pas pour en refchapper, ils diront que fon ame a 
vn delir de quelque chofe, qu ils iugent affez que 
iamais il ne pourra recouurer: car ainli c6t homme 
mourant, on attribue fa mort a ce delir qui n aura pu 
eftre effedtu^. 

Mais lors qu ils voyent que le malade efb de confi- 
deration, ils ne manqueront pas d ordinaire a joiier 
de leur refte, & faire vne ordonnance de medecine 
qui doit mettre tout le public en action. Ils diront 
que 1 ame du malade aura quinze ou feize delirs, dont 
les vns f eront de chof es tres-riches & precieuf es ; les 
autres de quelques danfes les plus recreatiues qui 
foient dans le pays, de feftins, de balets, & de toutes 
fortes de paffe-temps. 

L ordonnance eftant faite les Capitaines du bourg 
tiennent confeil, comme en vne affaire importante 
pour le public, & deliberent s ils s employ eront pour 
le malade: & lors qu il y a quantit6 de malades qui 
font perfonnes confiderables, on ne peut croire auec 
combien d ambition & de brigues, leurs parens & 
amis s employ ent a qui aura la preference, le [105] 
public ne pouuant pas rendre ces honneurs a tout le 

La conclufion des Capitaines eftant prife en faueur 
de quelqu vn, ils enuoyent des deputez vers le malade 
pour fgauoir de fa bouche quels font fes defirs. Le 
malade fgait bien faire fon perfonnage en ces rencon 
tres, car quoy que bien fouuent ce foient maladies. 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 205 

without much ceremony, they will mention to the 
patient four or five things which they tell him his 
soul desires, that is to say that he must try to find 
them, if he would recover his health. In this, the 
Jugglers [104] are full of trickery and wickedness ; 
for, if they see that a patient is not likely to recover, 
they will say that his soul has a desire for something 
that they think he can never procure ; consequently, 
when the man dies, his death is attributed to that 
desire which could not be gratified. 

But, when they see that the patient is a person of 
note, they usually do not fail to play their last stake, 
and to give a medical prescription that will arouse 
the entire public to activity. They will say that the 
sick person s soul has fifteen or sixteen desires, 
some of which will be for very expensive and valu 
able objects ; others for the most diverting dances in 
the country, for feasts, for ballets, and for all sorts 
of pastimes. 

When the prescription is given, the Captains of the 
village hold a council, as in a matter of public impor 
tance, and deliberate whether they will exert them 
selves for the patient. And, if there be a number 
of sick who are persons of note, it is impossible to 
conceive the ambition and intrigue displayed by their 
relatives and friends to obtain the preference for 
them, because the [105] public cannot pay those 
honors to all. 

When the Captains have decided in favor of one of 
these, they send a deputation to the sick man to learn 
from his lips what his desires are. The patient knows 
very well how to play his part on those occasions, 
for, though very often the illnesses are very slight, 
or are, in truth, but illnesses of ambition, of vanity, 


fort legeres, ou pluftoft a vray dire des maladies 
d ambition, de vanite", ou d auarice; toutefois il 
refpondra d vne voix mourante qu il n en pent plus, 
que des defirs qui ne luy font pas volontaires le font 
mourir, & que ces defirs font de telle & telle chofe. 

Le rapport en eftant fait aux Capitaines, ils fe met- 
tent en peine de fournir au malade 1 accompliffement 
de fes defirs, faifans pour ce"t effet vne aff emb!6e publi- 
que, ou ils exhortent tout le monde a y contribuer ; & 
les particuliers prenans a gloire de paroiftre magni- 
fiques en ces rencontres : car tout cela f e fait a f on 
de trompe, vn chacun a 1 enuy 1 vn de 1 autre taf chant 
de 1 emporter fur fon compagnon. Si que fouuent en 
moins d vne heure, on aura fourny au malade plus de 
vingt chofes precieufes qu il aura defir6es; [106] qui 
luy demeureront ayant recouure" la fant6, ou s il 
mouroit, & fes parens. En forte qu vn homme deuient 
riche en vn iour, & accommod6 de tout ce dont il a 
bef oin : car outre les chofes qui eftoient de 1 ordon- 
nance du Medecin, le malade ne manque iamais d en 
adioufter quantit6 d autres; qui, dit-il, luy ont efte" 
reprefent6es en fonge, & dont par confequent depend 
la conferuation de fa vie. 

Apres cela on proclame les danfes, qui doiuent fe 
faire dans la cabane & a la veue du malade, trois & 
quatre iours de fuite, defquelles on dit auffi que 
depend fa fante". Ces danfes approchent pour la 
plufpart des branles de la France : les autres font en 
forme de balets, auec des poftures & des proportions 
qui n ont rien de fauuage, & qui font dans les regies 
de 1 art : le tout a la cadence & a la mef ure du chant 
de quelques-vns, qui font les maiftres du meftier. 

C eft le deuoir des Capitaines de tenir la main a ce 

1648- 49 J RELATION OF 1647-48 207 

or of avarice, nevertheless lie will reply in a dying 
voice that he is exhausted; that his involuntary 
desires are causing his death, and that they are for 
such and such a thing. 

This is repeated to the Captains, and they set about 
procuring for the sick man the fulfillment of his 
desires; to that end they hold a public meeting, at 
which they exhort all to contribute. And private 
individuals take a pride in showing themselves 
munificent on such occasions, for all this is done by 
sound of trumpet, each one striving to outvie his com 
panion ; so that, frequently, in less than an hour the 
patient will be provided with more than twenty valu 
able things which he has desired; [106] and they 
remain to him when he recovers his health, or go to 
his relatives if he happen to die. Thus a man 
becomes wealthy in a day, and is provided with all 
that he needs ; for, besides the things that are pre 
scribed by the Medicine-man, the patient never fails 
to add many others, which, he says, have been shown 
to him in dreams, and whereon, consequently, the 
preservation of his life depends. 

Afterward, the dances are announced that are to be 
performed in the cabin, and under the eyes of the 
patient, during three or four consecutive days, and on 
which, it is also said, his health depends. Most of 
those dances resemble the branles that are danced in 
France; the others are in the form of ballets, with 
poses and harmonies that have nothing savage in 
them, and are according to the rules of art; all these 
are performed in cadence and in rhythm with the 
chanting of certain persons, who are masters of that 

It is the duty of the Captains to see that all is done 


que le tout fe faffe auec ordre, & dans la magnificence. 
Us vont dans les cabanes y exhorter les hommes & les 
femmes, mais nommement 1 eflite [107] de la ieunefle : 
vn chacun taf chant d y paroiftre veftu a 1 auantage, 
& de s y faire valoir, de voir & d y eftre veil. 

En fuite les parens du malade font des feftins tres- 
magnifiques, ou vn grand monde eft inuit6 ; dont les 
meilleurs morceaux font le partage des plus confi- 
derables, & de ceux qui ont le plus paru durant ces 
iours de magnificence publique. 

lamais le malade ne manque apres cela de dire qu il 
eft guery, quoy que quelquefois il meure vn iour 
apres cette celebrite. Mais comme d ordinaire ces 
maladies ne font rien que feintifes, ou de petits maux 
paffagers, on fe trouue en effet guery, & c eft ce qui 
donne ce grand credit a ces remedes. 

C eft 1 occupation de nos Sauuages tout le long de 
1 Hyuer, & la plufpart de leurs chailes, de leurs 
pefches, de leur trafic & de leurs richefles s employ ent 
en ces recreations publiques : & ainfi en danf ant on 
guerit les malades. 

Or dans ces chofes, quoy qu il y ait non feulement 
de 1 erreur, mais auffi du defordre, & mefme fouuent 
du peche", lequel fans doute ne peut eftre permis aux 
[108] Chreftiens; toutefois le mal eft bien moindre 
que nous ne le iugions d abord, & bien moins eftendu 
qu il ne nous paroiffoit. 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 48 209 

in an orderly manner, and with much display. They 
go into the cabins to exhort thereto the men and 
women, but especially the 61ite [107] of the young 
people ; each one tries to make his appearance there 
dressed in his best, to keep up his importance, and 
to see and be seen. 

Afterward, the relatives of the sick person give 
very splendid feasts, to which large crowds are 
invited ; the choicest morsels fall to the lot of the 
most notable persons, and of those who have made 
the best show during those days of public magnifi 

After that, the patient never fails to say that he is 
cured, although he sometimes dies a day after the 
solemnity. But, as these illnesses are usually mere 
shams or slight passing ailments, the sick man is 
often really cured ; and that is what gives those reme 
dies so great a reputation. 

Such is the occupation of our Savages throughout 
the Winter ; and most of the products of their hunt 
ing, their fishing, and their trading, and their wealth, 
are expended in these public recreations ; and, more 
over, in dancing the sick are cured. 

Now in these matters, though there be not only 
error, but also disorder, and frequently even sin, 
which no doubt cannot be permitted to the [108] 
Christians, nevertheless, the evil is much less than 
we at first thought, and much less general than it 
appeared to us to be. 




LA plufpart des chofes qui femblent auoir ie ne 
fay quoy de monftrueux a nos Hurons, ou 
qui leur font extraordinaires, paffent facile- 
ment dans leurs efprits pour des Oky, c efl a dire 
comme des chofes qui ont vne vertu come furnatu- 
relle, dont en fuite ils eftiment a bon-heur d en auoir 
fait rencontre, & les gardent precieufement, autant 
que font quelques impies en Europe, des forts ou 
charadteres dont ils fe feruent pour attirer apres eux 
le bon-heur. 

Si par exemple nos Hurons eftans a la chaffe ont 
de la peine a tuer vn ours, ou vn cerf, & qu en Tou- 
urant ils trouuent dans fa tefte ou dans fes entrailles 
quelque chofe d extraordinaire, vne pierre, [109] vn 
ferpent; ils diront que c eft la vn Oky, & que c eft 
ce qui donnoit cette vigueur a cet animal, & qui 
1 empefchoit de mourir. Et ils prendront comme vn 
charadtere, ce ferpent ou bien cette pierre, & croiront 
que cela leur portera bon-heur. 

Si dans vn arbre, ou mefme en foiiiffant la terre, ils 
font rencontre de quelque pierre d vne figure extraor 
dinaire, qui par exemple ait la fa9on d vn plat, d vne 
cuilliere, ou d vn petit pot de terre, ils prendront 
ce rencontre a bon-heur, difans que de certains De 
mons qui font leur demeure dans les bois, y oublient 
quelquefois ces chofes, & que c efl vn bon-heur 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 -4& 211 



MOST things that seem at all unnatural or ex 
traordinary to our Hurons are easily accepted 
in their minds as Oky, that is, things that 
have a supernatural virtue ; and, consequently, they 
think it lucky to find these, and they keep them as 
preciously as some impious men in Europe keep 
charms or amulets which they use to bring them good 

If, for instance, our Hurons while hunting have 
some difficulty in killing a bear or a stag, and on 
opening it they find in its head or in its entrails some 
thing unusual, such as a stone [109] or a snake, they 
will say that this is an Oky, and that it was what 
gave the animal such strength, and prevented it from 
dying ; and they will take that stone or snake for a 
charm, and believe that it will bring them good 

If in a tree, or while digging in the earth, they 
find a stone of peculiar shape, which, for instance, 
is made like a dish, a spoon, or a small earthen 
vessel, they will consider their discovery fortunate; 
for they say that certain Demons, who dwell in the 
woods, sometimes forget those articles there, and that 
it is a lucky thing for the person who finds them. 
They call such things Aaskouandy. 

They say that those Aaskouandy, or charms, some- 


a quiconque en a fait le rencontre. Et appellent ces 
chofes Aaskouandy. 

Us difent que ces Aaskouandy, ou ces forts, chan- 
gent quelquefois de forme & de figure, & qu vn 
homme ayant ferre ou cette pierre, ou ce ferpent 
trouue" dans les entrailles dVn cerf, fera eftone" le 
lendemain de trouuer en fa place vne feve ou vn grain 
de bled ; d autresf ois le bee d vn corbeau, ou les ongles 
d vn aigle. Comme fi c6t Aaskouandy ou Demon 
familier, fe transformoit, & prenoit plaifir de [no] 
tromper ainli les hommes par ces metamorphofes. 
Mais ce font fables qui fe croyent, a caufe qu elles fe 
difent fouuent, chacun difant 1 auoir oiiy dire de 
quelque autre, & pas vn ne difant 1 auoir veu ; finon 
quelques trompeurs pour fe donner credit, & faire 
qu on eftime leur Aaskouandy, & qu on leur achepte 
bien cher. 

Us croyent que ces Aaskouandy portent bon-heur 
a la chaff e, a la pefche, dans le trafic, dans le jeu, & 
difent que quelques-vns ont vne vertu generale pour 
toutes ces chofes ; mais que les autres ont vne vertu 
limitee pour vne chof e, & non pas pour vne autre ; & 
que pour f^auoir leur vertu, c efl a dire en quoy ils 
portent le bon-heur, il faut en eftre inflruit en fonge. 

Or c eft vne pratique affez commune, que ceux qui 
ont ces Aaskouandy, leur font feftin de fois a autre, 
comme fi faifant feftin en 1 honneur de ce Demon 
familier, il leur eftoit plus fauorable. D autres fois 
ils 1 inuoquerot dans leurs chanfons, & prieront leurs 
amis de fe mettre aufli de la partie, & les ayder h faire 
ces prieres. 

II y a vne certaine efpece de charadtere, [in] 
qu ils appellent Onniont, qu ils croyent auoir vne 
vertu plus grade. Ils difent que ce"t Onniot eft vne 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 213 

times change their shape and appearance, and that a 
man who has put away the stone or the snake found 
in the entrails of a deer will be astonished, next day, 
to find in its place a bean, or a grain of corn, or 
sometimes the beak of a raven, or the talons of an 
eagle, as if that Aaskouandy, or familiar Demon, 
transformed himself, and took pleasure in [no] thus 
deceiving men by those metamorphoses. But these 
myths are believed because they are frequently 
related, each one saying that he heard it from 
another, and not one that he has seen it himself, 
except some impostors who say it to acquire credit, 
to make their Aaskouandy more highly thought of , 
and to be able to sell it very dear. 

They believe that these Aaskouandy will make 
them lucky in the chase, in fishing, in trade, or at 
play; and they say that some have a general virtue 
for all those things, but that the virtue of the others 
is limited to a certain thing, and does not extend to 
another; and that, to know what their virtue is, 
namely, in what they bring good fortune, one must 
be told of it in a dream. 

Now it is a quite common practice for those who 
have these Aaskouandy to give them a feast from 
time to time, as if, by giving a feast in honor of 
that familiar Demon, they make him more propitious 
to them. At other times, they will invoke him in 
their songs, and will beg their friends also to join 
them, and to help them in those prayers. 

There is a certain kind of charm [in] which they 
call Onniont, and which they believe to have still 
greater virtue. They say that this Onniont is a 
sort of serpent, of almost the shape of the armored 
Fish, 9 and that this serpent pierces everything that 


efpece de f erpet, quail de la figure du PoifTon arme" ; 
& que ce ferpent va pergant tout ce qu il rencontre 
en chemin, les arbres, les ours, & les rochers mefme; 
fans que iamais il fe deftourne, ou que rien les puiffe 
arrefter: & k caufe de cette efficacit6 fi rare, ils 
1 appellent Oky par excellence, c efl a dire vn vray 
Demon, & croyent que ceux qui peuuent le tuer, ou 
en auoir quelque morceau, attirent apres eux le 

Nos Hurons difent ne connoiflre point ce Serpent 
fi prodigieux: mais tout ce qu ils en fcauent n eft que 
par le rapport des Algonquins, qui leur vendent bien 
chair \_sc. cher], mefme vn petit morceau, qu on a de 
la peine a connoiflre li c efl ou du bois, ou du cuir, 
ou quelque morceau de chair ou de poiflon. 

Au refle li on me demande fi en effet ces Aaskou- 
andy portent bon-heur; ie diray que ie n en fgais 
rien : mais ce que ie puis affeurer, eft que ie n ay 
point veu que ceux qui font eftat d auoir ces cha- 
radteres, ayent meilleur marche" que les autres lors 
qu ils vont au trafic; & s ils rapportent [112] dauan- 
tage c efl qu ils y ont plus porte", & fouuent mefme 
ils en reuiennent plus gueux. Dans les pefches ie 
ne voy point que leurs retz y foient plus chargez de 
poiffon. A la chaffe, les plus robufles, ceux qui 
courent le mieux & qui font les moins pareffeux, font 
ceux qui d ordinaire en retournent les plus chargez : 
& fouuent dans le jeu, ceux qui y perdent dauantage, 
font ceux qui font eftat d auoir quelque fort pour y 
attirer le bon-heur. Et c efl vn prouerbe parmy 
les Hurons mefme, que 1 induflrie, la force & la 
vigilance font le plus puiffant Aaskouandy qu vn 
homme puiffe auoir. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 215 

it meets on its way, trees, bears, and even rocks, 
without ever deviating from its course, or being 
stopped by anything. And, on account of this so 
rare efficacy, they call it the Oky, par excellence, 
that is, a true Demon ; and they believe that those 
who can kill it, or obtain a piece of it, bring good 
fortune on themselves. 

Our Hurons say that they themselves know noth 
ing of that wonderful Serpent, but that all their 
knowledge of it is derived from the reports of the 
Algonquins, who sell to them, at a high price, even 
a piece so small that it is difficult to make out whether 
it is wood, leather, or a morsel of flesh or of fish. 

However, if I be asked whether in fact these 
Aaskouandy bring good fortune, I will say that I 
know nothing about it ; but I can assert that I have 
never observed that they who profess to own those 
charms are more successful than the others, when 
they go to trade; and, if they bring back [112] more, 
it is because they have taken more with them, and 
often they return poorer than when they started. In 
the fisheries I do not find that their nets are better 
filled with fish. In hunting, the most robust, those 
who run most swiftly, and who are the least indo 
lent, are those who generally come back with the 
heaviest loads. Often, at play, those who lose the 
most are those who profess to own some charm that 
brings good fortune. And there is a proverb among 
the Hurons themselves that skill, strength, and 
vigilance are the most powerful Aaskouandy that a 
man can have. 






LES Hurons eftiment qu il y a vne efpece de fer- 
pent monftrueux, qu ils nomment Angont, qui 
porte auec foy les maladies, la mort, & quafi 
tons les mal-heurs [ii3]du monde. Us difent que 
ce monftre habite dans des lieux foufterrains, dans 
des cauernes, deffous quelque rocher, dans les bois & 
montagnes, mais d ordinaire dans les Lacs & Riuieres. 

C eft, difent-ils, de la chair & de ce ferpent effroy- 
able, dont les Sorciers fe feruent pour faire mourir 
ceux fur lefquels ils veulent letter leur fort, frottant 
de cette chair enuenime"e quoy que ce foit, vne fueille 
de bled, vn floccon de cheueux, vn morceau de cuir ou 
de bois, vn ongle de quelque animal, ou autres chofes 
f emblables : en forte que ces chofes ainfl f rotte es de 
cet onguant, recoiuent vne vertu maligne, qui les 
fait penetrer iufqu au plus profond des entrailles 
d vn homme, dans fes parties les plus vitales, & 
iufques dans la moelle des os ; y portant auec foy la 
maladie & la douleur, qui confomme & fait mourir 
ceux qui en font atteins, fi par quelque vertu con- 
traire on ne trouue moyen de retirer ces chofes, 
auf quelles le fort eft attache" ; ainfi que nous auons 
dit cy-deffus. 

Or de fcauoir s il y a vrayement des Sorciers en 

1648-49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 217 





THE Hurons believe that there is a kind of mon 
strous serpent which they call Angont, which 
brings with it disease, death, and almost every 
misfortune [113] in the world. They say that that 
monster lives in subterranean places, in caverns, 
under a rock, in the woods, or in the mountains, but 
generally in the Lakes and Rivers. 

They say that the Sorcerers use the flesh of that 
frightful serpent to cause the deaths of those upon 
whom they cast their spells. With that poisonous 
flesh they rub some object, a blade of corn, a tuft 
of hair, a piece of leather or of wood, the claw of an 
animal, or some similar thing. The objects thus 
rubbed with that ointment derive from it a malig 
nant efficacy, that causes them to penetrate into a 
man s entrails, into his most vital parts, and into the 
very marrow of his bones, carrying with them disease 
and suffering, which consume and cause to perish 
those who are attacked by them, unless, through 
some contrary virtue, means are found to draw out 
those objects to which the spell is attached, as we 
have already stated. 

Now, whether there really are Sorcerers in this 
country, I mean, men who cause death by witch- 


ce pays, ie vetix dire des homines qui faffent mourir 
par fortileges, c eft [i 14] ce que ie ne puis pas decider : 
feulement ie puis dire qu ayant examine tout ce qui 
s en dit, ie n ay point encore veu aucun fondement 
affez raifonnable de croire qu en effet il y en ait icy 
qui fe meflent de ce meflier d Enfer. Car premiere- 
ment nous voyons que les maladies qu ils difent eftre 
par fortilege, font maladies tres-naturelles & ordi- 
naires. Secondement, nous voyons que ceux qui 
font eftat de tirer ces forts, hors Ie corps des malades, 
ou ne font rien que des trompeurs, qui feront paroifbre 
vne chofe prodigieufe qu ils diront auoir arrach du 
profond des parties plus vitales d vn homme, quoy 
que iamais elle n y ait entre : ou fi vrayement ils font 
fortir par vomitoires vn floccon de cheueux, vn mor- 
ceau de fueille ou de bois, ou quelque autre chofe 
femblable, qui accompagnera les chofes dont la nature 
fe fera defchargee, c eft fans raifon qu ils s imaginent 
qu il y ait vn fort attache" a ce morceau de bois, ou a 
ce floccon de cheueux. Enfin ceux qui ont Ie renom 
d eftre Sorciers parmy eux, & qui mefme font maffa- 
crez fous ce foupgon, n ont rien qui les en rende 
criminels, fmon ou la phantaifie [115] d vn malade, 
qui dira auoir fonge que c eft vn tel qui Ie fait mourir 
par vn fort : ou la malice de quelque ennemy, qui en 
fera courir Ie bruit: ou 1 imagination trop foup9on- 
neufe de quelqu vn, qui pour 1 auoir veu dans les 
bois, ou dans quelque campagne hors du chemin, 
dira qu il y faifoit des fortileges; car c eft la deffus 
qu on leur fait leur procez, ou pluftoft que fans 
aucune forme de procez on affomme ces pauures 
gens, come Sorciers, fans que pas vn ofe prendre leur 
caufe en main, ou venger leur mort. Or fans doute 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 219 

craft, is [114] what I cannot decide. I can merely 
say that, after having carefully examined all that is 
said about it, I have not yet found any sufficiently 
rational foundation for the belief that there are any 
here who carry on that Hellish trade. For, in the 
first place, we see that the diseases which they at 
tribute to witchcraft are very natural and ordinary 
diseases. In the second place, we see that those 
who claim to extract those spells from the bodies of 
the sick, either are mere impostors, who will show 
some wonderful thing that they pretend to have taken 
from the most vital parts of a man, though it has 
never entered there ; or, if they really, by means of 
emetics, produce the ejection of a tuft of hair, a piece 
of leaf or of wood, or any other similar object accom 
panying the matter of which nature has relieved 
itself, they imagine without any reason that some 
spell is connected with that piece of wood or tuft of 
hair. Finally, those who have the reputation among 
them of being Sorcerers, and who are even put to 
death on that suspicion, have nothing about them to 
make them deserve it, except either the fancy [115] 
of a sick man, who will say that he has dreamed that 
such a one is causing his death by a spell ; or the 
malice of an enemy, who will spread a rumor of that 
sort ; or the too suspicious imagination of some one 
who, because he has seen him in the woods or in some 
out-of-the-way part of the country, will say that he was 
preparing spells there. For such are the things that 
are alleged against them at their trial; or, rather, 
those miserable men are killed as Sorcerers, without 
any form of trial ; and no one will dare to undertake 
their defense, or to avenge their deaths. Now, 
beyond a doubt, such reasons are too slight to justify 


ce font des fondemens trop legers de iuger qu en 
effet ces pauures miferables foient vrayement des 
Sorciers, que nos Hurons appellent Oky ontatechiata, 
c eft a dire qui tuent par fortileges, dont il n y a 
aucun qui en faffe profeffion. 

Mais ils appellent Arendioouanne, certains lon- 
gleurs qui font des Deuins & Magiciens. Les vns 
font profeffion de procurer tantoft la pluye, & tantoft 
le beau temps, felon qu il eft neceffaire pour les 
biens de la terre. D autres fe meflent de faire des 
Prophetes, predifent les chofes futures, fi par exem- 
ple on aura vn heureux fuccez a la guerre ; voyant 
les [116] chofes eloignees, li par exemple les ennemis 
font en campagne; defcouurant les chofes cach6es, 
qui par exemple fera 1 autheur de quelque vol. 

Ces trompeurs difent auoir ce pouuoir & cette veue 
fi trafpergante par la faueur du Demon qui leur eft 
familier, & ils font creus a leur parole, ou au moins 
pourueu que de cent propheties, ils rencontrent vne 
fois, cela fuffit a leur donner vn grand credit. Ten 
ay veu qui affeuroient auoir fait des prodiges, auoir 
change vne baguete en vn ferpent, auoir refufcite" 
vn animal qui eftoit mort; a force de le dire quel- 
ques-vns les croyoient, & difoient mefme 1 auoir veu. 
On s eft vante" en noftre prefence de faire ces coups, 
penfant que nous deuffions prendre les paroles pour 
des effets : mais nous auons deffie" ces gens-la, & pour 
les piquer dauantage au jeu, & les engager a vne 
confufion publique, eftant tres-affeure" qu ils n en 
viendroient iamais a bout, nous leur auons promis de 
grandes recompenfes, s ils f aif oient ces miracles: Ils 
ont tafche" de s en retirer fans confufion; mais leur 
retraite honteufe a efte" vn adueu folemnel que tout 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 221 

the belief that those wretches are truly Sorcerers; 
our Hurons call them Oky ontatechiata, that is, 
"those who kill by spells," which none of them 
profess to do. 

But they call Arendioouanne certain Jugglers who 
are Soothsayers and Magicians. Some profess to 
cause either rain or fine weather, according as one or 
the other is needed for the good of the soil. Others 
thrust themselves forward as Prophets, and predict 
future events, for instance, whether success will be 
had in war; or they see [116] what is passing at a 
distance, whether the enemy has taken the field, for 
example ; or again they discover hidden things, as, 
for instance, the perpetrator of a theft. 

These impostors assert that they possess that power 
and that piercing sight through the favor of a Demon, 
who is their familiar; and their word is believed, 
or, at least, provided one out of a hundred of their 
prophecies be true, that suffices to gain them great 
renown. I have seen some who claimed to have 
worked wonders, to have changed a rod into a ser 
pent, or to have brought a dead animal back to life. 
By dint of their saying it, some believed them, and 
even said that they had seen it. They have boasted 
in our presence that they could do such things, for 
they doubtless expected that we would take words 
for deeds ; but we defied these gentry, and, to goad 
them to greater activity, in order to cover them 
publicly with confusion, for we were quite sure that 
they would never succeed, we promised them great 
rewards, if they performed those miracles. They 
have endeavored to withdraw without confusion ; but 
their shameful retreat was a solemn admission that 
their game was nothing but deception, [117] and that 


leur jeu n eftoit que fourbe, [117] & qu ils ne paroif- 
foient veritables, qu a ceux qui reoiuent les men- 
fonges fans les examiner. 

Faurois diuerfes chofes a adioufter touchant les 
fuperftitions de ce pays, dont fans doute la connoif- 
fance eft pleine de curiofitez affez remarquables ; 
mais le defir de la brieuet6 m en fait retrancher la 
plufpart, qui feroient trop longues a deduire. Ce 
pourra eftre pour quelque autre annee. 

1648 - 49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 48 223 

they were considered truthful only by those who 
accept such falsehoods without looking into them. 

I could add various matters respecting the super 
stitions of the country, the knowledge of which is 
doubtless full of remarkably curious things ; but the 
desire to be brief compels me to omit most of them, 
which it would take too long to relate. It can await 
another year. 




AVRAY dire tons les peuples de ces centimes 
n ont retenu de leurs anceftres aucune con- 
noiffance d vn Dieu, & auant que nous y 
euffions mis le pied, ce n eftoient que des fables tout 
ce qui s y difoit de la creation de ce monde. Toutes- 
fois, quoy qu ils fuflent barbares, il reftoit en leur 
coeur vn fecret fentiment de la Diuinit6, & d vn pre 
mier Principe autheur de toutes chofes, qu ils inuo- 
quoient [118] fans le connoiftre. Dans les forefts & 
dans leurs chailes, fur 1 eau & dans le danger d vn 
naufrage, ils le nomment Aireskouy Soutanditenr, & 
1 appellent a leur fecours. Dans leurs guerres & au 
milieu de leurs combats, ils luy donnent le nom de 
Ondoutaet6, & croyent que c eft luy feul qui va parta- 
geant les vidtoires. Tres-fouuent ils s addreffent au 
Ciel, en luy faifant homage, & prennent le Soleil a 
tefmoin de leur courage, de leur mifere, & de leur 
innocence. Mais fur tout dans les traitez de paix & 
d alliance auec les Nations eftrangeres, ils inuoquent 
le Soleil & le Ciel come arbitre de leur fmcerite", qui 
void le plus profond des cceurs, & qui eft pour vanger 
la perfidie de ceux qui trahiffent leur foy, & ne 
tiennent pas leur parole. Tant il eft vray ce que 
dit Tertulien des Nations les plus infideles, que la 
nature au milieu des perils leur fait pouffer vne voix 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 225 




TO speak truly, all the nations of these countries 
have received from their ancestors no knowl 
edge of a God ; and, before we set foot here, 
all that was related about the creation of the world 
consisted of nothing but myths. Nevertheless, 
though they were barbarians, there remained in their 
hearts a secret idea of the Divinity and of a first Prin 
ciple, the author of all things, whom they invoked 
[118] without knowing him. In the forests and dur 
ing the chase, on the waters, and when in danger of 
shipwreck, they name him Aireskouy Soutanditenr, and 
call him to their aid. 10 In war, and in the midst of 
their battles, they give him the name of Ondoutaett 
and believe that he alone awards the victory. Very 
frequently, they address themselves to the Sky, 
paying it homage ; and they call upon the Sun to be 
witness of their courage, of their misery, or of their 
innocence. But, above all, in the treaties of peace 
and alliance with foreign Nations they invoke, as 
witnesses of their sincerity, the Sun and the Sky, 
which see into the depths of their hearts, and will 
wreak vengeance on the treachery of those who betray 
their trust and do not keep their word. So true is 
what Tertullian said of the most infidel Nations, 
that nature in the midst of perils makes them speak 
with a Christian voice, Exclamant vocem naturaliter 


Chreftienne, Exclamant vocem naturaliter Chriftianam, 
ayans recours k vn Dieu qu ils inuoquent, quafi. fans 
le connoiftre. Ignoto Deo. 

Les Ondataouaouat de la langue Algonquine, ont 
couftume d inuoquer quafi toufiours dans leurs feftins, 
celuy qui a [119] cre6 le Ciel, en hiy demandant la 
fante & vne long-lie vie, vn heureux fuccez dans leurs 
guerres, dans letirs chaffes, dans leurs pefches, & en 
tout leur trafic, & luy offrent pour ce"t effet les vian- 
des qui fe mangent au feftin. Us iettent auffi & 
mefme fin du petun dans le feu, 1 offrant nomme ment 
au Genie qui a cree le Ciel, qu ils croyent eftre diffe 
rent de celuy qui a cree" la terre ; & ils adioufbent 
qu il y a vn Genie particulier qui fait 1 hyuer, & qui 
habite vers le Nort; d ou il enuoye les neiges & les 
froidures. Vn autre qui domine dans les eaux, qui 
va caufant & les tempeftes & les naufrages. Ils 
difent que les vents font produits par fept autres 
Genies qui habitent dans 1 air, au deffous du Ciel, & 
foufflent les fept vents qui regnent en ces contrees. 

Mais apres tout, lors mefme que ces peuples bar- 
bares inuoquent en cette fa9on le Createur du monde, 
ils auoiient ne f9auoir qui il eft; ils n ont ny crainte 
aucune de fa iuftice, ny de 1 amour pour fa Bont6 ; & 
tout ce qu ils 1 inuoquent eft fans aucun refpedt & 
fans culte de Religion ; mais feulement vne couftume 
fans ame & fans vigueur, qu ils ont, difent-ils, [120] 
receue de leurs anceftres, fans qu elle laiffe en leur 
efprit aucune impremon, qui les difpofe & receuoir 
plus faintement les myfteres de noftre fainte Foy. 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 227 

Christianam, and have recourse to a God whom they 
invoke almost without knowing him, Ignoto Deo. 

The Ondataouaouat, who are of the Algonquin 
race, are in the habit of invoking almost always in 
their feasts him who has [119] created the Sky, ask 
ing him for health and a long life ; for success in 
their wars, in the chase, in fishing, and in all their 
trading; and with that object they offer him the 
meats that are eaten at the feast. To the same end 
they also throw tobacco in the fire, offering it by 
name to the Genie who has created the Sky, 11 whom 
they believe to be different from the one who has 
created the earth. And they add that there is a 
special Genie who has made winter, and that he 
dwells in the North, whence he sends forth snow and 
cold ; and that there is another who has dominion 
over the waters, and who causes storms and ship 
wrecks. They say that the winds are produced by 
seven other Genii who dwell in the air beneath the 
Sky, and who blow the seven winds that prevail in 
these countries. 

But, after all, even when those barbarous peoples 
invoke the Creator of the world in this fashion, they 
admit that they know not who he is; they have 
neither fear of his justice, nor love for his Goodness. 
Moreover, all their invocations are unaccompanied by 
respect, or by Religious worship ; they are merely a 
custom without soul and without vigor, which they 
say they have [120] received from their ancestors, 
without its having left on their minds any impres 
sion that disposes them to accept the mysteries of 
our holy Faith in a more godly manner. 




DEPUIS que nous auons mis la derniere main 
a noftre Relation, Noftre Seigneur nous a iette 
dans des accidens fi diuers, & nous a fecourus 
dans nos angoiffes par des voyes fi pleines d amour 
que nous auions dequoy dreffer vne nouuelle Rela 
tion. Mais laiffant a vne autre faifon ce qui ne fe 
peut dire en peu de mots, ie ne parleray que d vn 
meurtre arriue" en la perfonne de 1 vn de nos dome- 
ftiques nomine" lacques Doiiart. Ce ieune homme 
aage" de vingt-deux ans, s eftat vn petit efcarte" de la 
maifon fur le foir du vingt-huitie me d Auril, fut 
aflomme d vn coup de hache tres malheureux pour 
les meurtriers. Si Dieu ne leur fait mifericorde; 
[12 1] mais tres-fauorable pour celuy qui la receu dans 
vne vie fi innocente, & dans des circonftances fi 
remarquables qu elles donnent plus d enuie que de 
crainte & de douleur, le temps & le loifir ne nous 
permettent pas d en parler cette anne"e. La fuiuante 
fera voir que cet Agneau paroifloit deftine pour vn 
tel facrifice. Reprenons nos brifees. 

Nous ne peufmes douter que ce meurtre n euft 
efle commis par quelques Hurons, nous en auons en 
depuis des connoiffances tres-certaines, on nous a 
dit de bonne part que fix Capitaines de trois bourgs 
differens, en eftoient les autheurs & qu ils auoient 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 229 





SINCE we have given the finishing touches to our 
Relation, Our Lord has caused such various 
accidents to happen to us, and has succored us 
in our anguish by such loving ways, that we had 
enough materials for a new Relation. But I shall 
leave for another season what cannot be said in a few 
words, and I shall speak only of a murder committed 
on the person of one of our servants, named Jacques 
Douart. That young man, who was twenty- two years 
of age, wandered a short distance from the house on 
the evening of the twenty-eighth of April, and was 
killed by a blow from a hatchet, which will be a very 
unfortunate one for the murderers, if God has not 
mercy on them, [121] but very fortunate for him who 
received it in the midst of a life so innocent, and 
under circumstances so remarkable, that they occa 
sion envy rather than fear and sorrow. Time and 
want of leisure do not permit of our speaking of them 
this year. The following will show that that Lamb 
seemed destined for such a sacrifice. Let us resume 
our course. 

We could not doubt that the murder had been com 
mitted by some Hurons, and we have since obtained 
positive information of it. We have learned on 
good authority that six Captains, belonging to three 


employe pour commettre le crime deux freres qui le 
iour mefme eftoient partis de cinq lieues loing & 
deflein de tuer le premier Franois qu ils pourroient 
feulement rencontrer. 

Nous fommes tres-affeurez que ces Capitaines qui 
ne font pas des moins conliderables du pai s, fe font 
touliours declarez ennemis de la Foy, & dans la fuite 
de cette affaire ils ont fait paroiftre leur rage & leur 
venin contre nous & centre nos Chreftiens, & quelque 
pretexte qu ils puiffent alleguer touchant ce meurtre, 
[122] nos Capitaines Chreftiens nous ont informez 
qu ils en vouloient a lefus-Chrift dans les perfonnes 
de ceux qui le reconnoiffent & qui 1 adorent. 

Le lendemain de ce t attentat, nos Chreftiens des 
bourgades prochaines en ayant appris la nouuelle, 
vindrent fondre de toutes parts en noflre maifon de 
fainte Marie. Ce meurtre, difoient-ils, nous apprend 
qu il y a vne confpiration contre vous, nous voicy 
prefts de mourir pour la deffence de nos Peres, & 
pour fouftenir le party de la Foy contre tous ceux qui 
le voudront attaquer. 

Tout le pays fut en e"meute, & les plus conlidera 
bles des nations qui le compof ent furent conuoquez en 
vne affemb!6e generale fur cette affaire. Ceux qui 
fous main auoient efte" les autheurs de ce meurtre, y 
parurent ce qu ils eftoient ennemis de la Foy: difans 
qu il falloit nous fermer les portes de leurs bourgs, 
& nous chaffer de ce pays: & d aucuns mefme adiou- 
ftoiet qu il falloit en bannir les Chreftiens, & empef- 
cher que le nombre n allaft augmentant. Mais le 
zele de ces bons Chreftiens fe fit paroiftre auec 6clat 
en ce rencontre ; Les vns difoient que volontiers [123] 
ils quitteroient, & leurs parens & leur patrie; Les 

1648-49] RELA TION OF 1647-48 231 

different villages, were the instigators of it ; and that 
they employed to commit the crime two brothers, 
who started that very day from a distance of five 
leagues, with the design of killing the first Frenchman 
whom they might meet alone. 

We are quite sure that those Captains, who are not 
among the least notable of the country, have always 
declared themselves hostile to the Faith ; and after 
that affair they manifested their fury and venom 
against us, and against our Christians. Whatever 
pretext they may allege in connection with that mur 
der, [122] our Christian Captains have informed us 
that they wished to attack Jesus Christ, in the persons 
of those who acknowledge and adore him. 

On the day following the outrage, when our Chris 
tians of the neighboring villages heard the news, 
they flocked from all points to our house of sainte 
Marie. " This murder," they said, " teaches us that 
there is a conspiracy against you. Here we are, 
prepared to die in the defense of our Fathers, and to 
uphold the Faith against all who may wish to assail 

The whole country was in commotion, and the most 
notable persons among the nations who dwell in it 
were summoned to attend a general meeting on the 
matter. Those who had secretly been the instigators 
of the murder showed themselves in their true colors 
as enemies of the Faith, saying that the doors of their 
villages should be closed to us, and that we should be 
driven from the country. Some even added that all 
the Christians should be banished from it, and their 
number be prevented from increasing. But the zeal 
of those good Christians shone out with great bright 
ness on that occasion. Some said that they would 


autres difoient que leur vie ne leur eftoit plus rien, 
depuis qu ils f^auoiet le bon-heur de la Foy: le 
crains, difoient les autres, d efbre tue des Hiroquois, 
fi la mort me furprenoit ayant commis quelque peche", 
ne m en efkant pas confeffe"; mais ie ne crains point 
d eftre maffacre pour la Foy, & de doner ma vie pour 
Dieu qui me la rendra immortelle. Plulieurs par- 
loient d vn autre ton, & d vne liberte" vrayement 
Chreftienne, blafmoient ceux qui auoient tremp6 
dans ce meurtre, fans toutesfois nommer aucun de 
ceux qu on connoiffoit affez en eflre les autheurs: 
Ce font ces gens-la, difoient-ils, qui veulent la ruine 
de ce pays, ce font eux qui fans doute recoiuent quel 
que penfion f ecrete de nos ennemis pour nous trahir ; 
la Foy ne leur d6plaift, qu a caufe qu elle blafme les 
crimes dont ils font tous couuerts ; qu ils paroiffent 
& on le verra. 

Deux & trois iours fe pafferent dans ces combats 
de part & d autre, qui ne feruoiet qu S. viuifier la foy 
de nos Chreftiens, & faire paroiftre d auantage 
1 amour qu ils ont pour nous, & pour le feruice de 
Dieu. Enfin leur party fe trouua le plus fort, y [124] 
ayant pluiieurs Capitaines & gens confiderables, qui 
entraifnerent apres eux, mefme les infideles pour la 
plufpart: en forte qu il fut conclud publiquement 
qu on nous fatisferoit au nom de tout le pays, pour 
ce meurtre arriue". 

Ce feroit tenter I impomble, & mefme empirer les 
affaires, pluftoft que d y apporter remede, qui vou- 
droit proceder auec les Sauuages felon la iuflice de 
France, qui condamne a la mort celuy qui eft con- 
uaincu du meurtre. Chaque pays a fes couftumes, 
conformes aux diuers naturels de chaque nation. Or 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 233 

willingly [123] abandon their relatives and their coun 
try. Others said that they held their lives cheaply, 
since they knew the happiness of Faith. " I would 
fear being killed by the Hiroquois," said others, 
were death to surprise me after I had committed a 
sin and had not confessed it. But I am not afraid of 
being killed for the Faith, and of giving my life for 
God, who will make it immortal." Many spoke in a 
different tone, and, with truly Christian freedom, they 
blamed those who had had a part in the murder, with 
out however naming any of those who were well 
enough known to be its instigators. " Those are the 
people," they said, " who desire the ruin of this coun 
try ; doubtless they receive some secret reward from 
our enemies for betraying us. The Faith displeases 
them, solely because it censures the crimes with 
which they are covered. Let them show themselves, 
and we shall see." 

Two or three days passed in these contests on both 
sides, which served but to intensify the faith of our 
Christians, and to display still more clearly the affec 
tion that they have for us and for God s service. 
Finally, their party prevailed, [124] for it comprised 
many Captains and persons of note, who carried even 
the majority of the infidels with them ; so that it was 
publicly decided that reparation should be made to us 
in the name of the whole country for the murder that 
had been committed. 

It would be attempting the impossible, and even 
make matters still worse, instead of improving them, 
to try and proceed with Savages according to the 
method in which justice is administered in France, 
where he who is convicted of murder is put to death. 
Every country has its customs, which are in accord- 


veu le genie des Sauuages, leur iuflice eft fans doute 
tres-efficace pour empefcher le mal, quoy qu en 
France elle parut vne iniuftice: Car c eft le public 
qui fatisfait pour les fautes des particuliers, foil que 
le criminel foit reconnu, foit qu il demeure cach6. 
En vn mot c eft le crime qui eft puny. 

Fay creu que ce feroit vne curiofite" affez raifonna- 
ble de vouloir fgauoir en cecy leurs couftumes, & les 
formalitez de leur droit. Voicy done ce qui fe paffa. 

Les Capitaines ayans pris leur ref olution ; nous fuf - 
tnes appellez a leur affemblee generale. Vn ancien 
porta la parole pour [125] tous, & s adreffant a moy, 
comme au chef des Fra^ois, nous fit vne harangue 
qui ne reffent point fon Sauuage, & qui nous apprend 
-que 1 eloquence eft vn don de la nature plus que de 
1 art. le n y adioufte rien. 

Mon frere, me dit le Capitaine, voicy toutes les 
nations affemble es, (il les nomma les vnes apres les 
autres;) nous ne fommes plus qu vne poignee 
de gens: c eft toy feul qui fouftiens ce pays, & le 
porte en tes mains. Vn foudre du Ciel eft tombe" au 
milieu de noftre terre, qui 1 a entreouuerte ; fi tu 
ceifois de nous fouftenir, nous tomberions dans c6t 
abifme. Aye pitie" de nous. Nous venons icy pour 
pleurer noftre perte, autant que la tienne, pluftoft 
que pour parler. Ce pays n eft plus qu vne fquelete 
defeich<e, fans chair, fans veines, fans nerfs, & fans 
arteres ; comme des os qui ne tiennent plus les vns 
aux autres qu auec vn filet delicat: Le coup qui a 
porte" fur la tefte de ton nepueu que nous pleurons, 
a couppe ce lien. C eft vn demon d Enfer qui a mis 
la hache dans la main de celuy qui a fait ce meurtre. 
Eft-ce toy, Soleil qui nous efclaire, qui 1 as conduit a 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 235 

ance with the diverse nature of each nation. Now, 
in view of the character of the Savages, their justice 
is no doubt very efficacious for repressing evil, though 
in France it would be looked upon as injustice ; for 
it is the public who make reparation for the offenses 
of individuals, whether the criminal be known or 
remain hidden. In a word, it is the crime that is 

I have thought that it would be only natural curi 
osity to seek to know what their customs and the 
formalities of their law are in this respect. Here, 
therefore, is what occurred. 

When the Captains had come to their decision, we 
were summoned to their general meeting. An elder 
spoke on behalf of [125] all, and, addressing himself 
to me as the chief of the French, he delivered a 
harangue to us that savors not at all of Savagery, and 
teaches us that eloquence is more a gift of nature 
than of art. I add nothing to it. 

" My brother," the Captain said to me, " here are 
all the nations assembled." (He named them one 
after the other.) " We are now but a handful of 
people; thou alone supportest this country, and 
bearest it in thy hand. A bolt from the Heavens 
has fallen in the midst of our land, and has rent it 
open; shouldst thou cease to sustain us, we would 
fall into the abyss. Have pity on us. We come here 
to weep for our loss, as much as for thine, rather than 
to discourse. This country is now but a dried skele 
ton without flesh, without veins, without sinews, 
and without arteries, like bones that hold together 
only by a very delicate thread. The blow that has 
fallen on the head of thy nephew, for whom we 
weep, has cut that bond. A demon from Hell put 


ce mal-heur? pourquoy n as-tu pas [126] obfcurcy t a 
lumiere, afin que luy-mefme euft horreur de fon 
crime. Eflois tu fon complice? Nenny; car il 
marchoit dans les tenebres, & n a pas veu oil il por- 
toit fon coups. II penfoit, ce miferable meurtrier, 
vifer fur la tefte d vn ieune Franyois, & il a frapp6 
fa patrie d vn mefme coup, & d vne playe mortelle. 
La terre s eft entreouuerte pour receuoir le fang de 
1 innocent, & a fait vn abifme qui nous doit en- 
gloutir, puifque nous fommes les coupables. Nos 
ennemis, les Hiroquois fe refjoiiyront de cette mort, 
& en feront les folemnitez d vn triomphe, voyans que 
nos armes nous deflruifent nous-mefmes, & font vn 
coup en leur faueur, apres lequel ils f9auent bien que 
ce pays ne peut furuiure. II continua bien long-temps 
dans c6t air, puis s adreffant derechef & moy. 

Mon frere, adioufta-il, aye pitie de ce pays; toy 
feul luy peus rendre la vie. C eft h toy a raffembler 
tous ces os dimpez. C eft & toy k refermer cette 
ouuerture de 1 abifme qui nous veut engloutir. Aye 
piti6 de ton pays, ie le dis tien, car tu en es le 
maiftre, & nous venons icy comme des criminels, 
pour receuoir noflre arreft de condemnation, fi tu 
veux agir fans mifericorde [127] auec nous. Aye 
piti6 de ceux qui fe condamnent eux mefmes, & 
viennent te demander pardon. C eft toy qui as 
affermy ce pays par ta demeure, & fi tu te retirois 
d auec nous, nous ferions comme vne paille arrachee 
de la terre, qui ne fert que de joiiet aux vents. Ce 
pays eft vne Ifle ; la voila deuenue flottante, pour au 
premier orage eftre abifme e dans la tempefte. Affer- 
miffez cette Ifle flottante. La pofterit6 t en loiiera, 
fans que iamais la memoire s en perde. Aux premiers 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4^ 237 

the hatchet in the hand of him who committed that 
murder. Is it thou, O Sun which illuminest us, that 
ledst him to do that evil deed? Why didst thou not 
[126] hide thy light, so that he himself might have 
a horror of his crime? Wert thou his accom 
plice? Not at all, for he walked in the darkness, 
and did not see where his blow struck. He, the 
wretched murderer, thought that he was aiming at 
the head of a young Frenchman ; and with the same 
blow he struck his country, and inflicted on it a 
mortal wound. The earth opened to receive the 
blood of the innocent, and has left an abyss that is 
to swallow us up, since we are the guilty ones. Our 
enemies, the Hiroquois, will rejoice at that death, 
and will hold a solemn triumph over it, when they 
see that our weapons destroy ourselves, and strike a 
blow in their favor, from which they know that this 
country cannot recover." He continued for a long 
time in this strain; then, addressing himself once 
more to me, he added : 

" My brother, have pity on this country. Thou 
alone canst restore life to it; it is for thee to col 
lect all those scattered bones, for thee to close up the 
mouth of the abyss that seeks to swallow us. Have 
pity on thy country. I say thine, for thou art the 
master of it, and we come here like criminals to 
receive our warrant of condemnation, if thou desire 
to act without mercy [127] toward us. Have 
pity on those who condemn themselves, and who 
come to ask pardon of thee. It is thou who hast 
strengthened this country by residing in it. If thou 
shouldst withdraw from our midst, we would be like 
a straw pulled out from the earth that serves but as 
a sport for the winds. This country is an Island ; it 


bruits de cette mort, nous auons tout quitte", & n a- 
uons apporte* que des larmes, tous prefts de receuoir 
tes ordres, & d obeir & ta demande. Parle done 
maintenant, & demande la fatisfadtion que tu veux, 
car nos vies & nos biens font h toy : & lors que nous 
defpoiiillerons nos enfans pour t apporter la fatis 
fadtion que tu defireras, nous leur dirons que ce n eft 
pas a toy qu il faut s en prendre ; mais k celuy qui 
nous a rendu criminels, ayant fait vn fi mauuais coup ; 
Ce fera contre luy que feront nos indignations, & 
nous n aurons a iamais que de I amour pour toy. II 
nous auoit caufe" la mort, & toy nous rendras la vie, 
pourueu que tu veiiille parler, & nous propofer tes 

[128] Apres auoir refpondu h cette harangue, nous 
leur donnafmes en main vne botte de petits baftons 
liez enfemble, vn peu plus longs & plus gros que des 
alumetes; c eftoit le nombre des prefens que nous 
defirions pour la fatisfadtion de ce meurtre. Nos 
Chreftiens nous auoient inform^ de toutes leurs cou- 
ftumes, & nous auoient exhort6 puiffamment de tenir 
bon, fi nous ne voulions tout gafter les affaires de 
Dieu, & les noftres ; qu ils enuifageoient comme leur 
propre affaire, & le plus grand des interefts qu ils 
euffent en ce monde. 

Les Capitaines partagerent incontinent entr eux, 
tous ces baftons, & ce que chaque Nation fourniffant 
vne partie des prefens neceffaires, la fatisfadtion nous 
fuft faite felon la couftume du pays. Mais il fallut 
qu vn chacun retournaft en fon bourg, pour y affem- 
bler tout fon monde, & 1 exhorter & fournir ce nombre 
de prefens. Pas vn n y eft contraint ; mais ceux qui 
font de bonne volonte apportent publiquement ce 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 239 

has now become a floating one, to be overwhelmed 
by the first outburst of the storm. Make the floating 
Island firm and stationary. Posterity will praise thee 
for it, and the memory of it will never fade. At the 
first news of that death, we abandoned everything, 
and brought only tears with us, being quite prepared 
to receive thy orders and to comply with thy demand. 
Therefore, speak now, and ask whatever satisfaction 
thou wishest, for our lives and our property belong 
to thee. And, when we strip our children to bring 
thee the satisfaction that thou desirest, we shall tell 
them that it is not thee whom they must blame, but 
him who has made us criminals by striking so evil a 
blow. Against him shall our indignation be turned, 
and for thee we shall never have aught but love. He 
had caused our deaths, and thou wilt restore us to 
life, provided thou wilt speak and tell us thy 

[128] After replying to that harangue, we placed 
in their hands a bundle of small sticks, a little larger 
and thicker than matches, tied together; these 
indicated the number of presents that we desired as 
satisfaction for the murder. Our Christians had 
informed us of all their customs, and had strongly 
urged us to be firm if we did not wish completely 
to spoil matters pertaining to God and those that 
concerned ourselves, which they considered as 
their own affair, and the greatest interest they had in 
the world. 

The Captains at once divided the sticks among 
themselves, so that, as each Nation provided a por 
tion of the presents demanded, reparation was made 
to us according to the custom of the country. But 
it was necessary for each one to return to his own 


qu ils veulent y contribuer, & ce femble a 1 enuy 
1 vn de 1 autre, felon qu ils font plus ou moins 
riches, & que le delir de la gloire, & de paroiftre [129] 
affedtionnez au bien public, les incite en femblables 

Le iour affigne pour cette ceremonie eftant venu, 
on y accourt de toutes parts. L aff enable" e fe tenoit 
hors de nofkre maifon. 

Le foir quatre Capitaines furent deputez par le 
confeil general, pour me venir parler, deux Chre- 
ftiens, & deux infideles. Us fe prefenterent k la 
porte. On ne parle & ne fait rien icy que par pre- 
f ens : & ce font les f ormalitez de droit, fans lefquelles 
vne affaire ne peut eftre en bon train. 

Le premier prefent de ces Capitaines fut afin d ob- 
tenir qu on leur ouurit la porte. Vn fecond prefent, 
afin qu on leur permit l entre*e. Autant de portes 
qu ils auoient & paffer, auant que d arriuer au lieu 
oil ie les attendois, nous euflions pu exiger autant de 

Lors qu ils y furent entrez, ils commencerent a me 
parler par vn prefent qu ils appellent I effuyment des 
larmes. Nous efluyons tes larmes par ce prefent, 
me dirent-ils ; afin que tu n aye plus la veue trouble" e, 
la iettant fur ce pays, qui a commis le meurtre. Sui- 
uit le prefent, [130] qu ils appellent vn breuage. 
C eft pour te remettre la voix, dirent-ils, que tu auois 
perdue, & qu elle forte auec douceur. Vn troifie me 
prefent, pour calmer 1 efprit agite*. Vn quatrie"me, 
pour appaifer les 6motions d vn coeur iuftement 
irrite. Ces prefens font la plufpart de porcelaine, 
de vignots, & autres chofes, qui paffent icy pour 
les richeffes du pays, & qui en France feroient de 
grandes pauuretez. 

1648-49] R EL A TION OF 1647 - 48 241 

village, to gather all his people together, and to 
exhort them to provide that number of presents. No 
one is compelled to do so ; but those who are willing 
bring publicly what they wish to contribute, and 
they seem to vie with one another in proportion as 
their wealth, and the desire for glory or for appear 
ing [129] solicitous for the public weal, animate 
them on such occasions. 

When the day designated for the ceremony had 
arrived, crowds flocked to it from all parts. The 
meeting was held outside our house. 

In the evening, four Captains were deputed by 
the general council to come and speak to me ; two 
were Christians, and two infidels. They presented 
themselves at the door. Here not a word is said, 
nor a thing done, except by presents; these are for 
malities that must be strictly observed, and without 
which no business can be considered as properly 

The first present of those Captains was given in 
order that the door might be opened to them; a 
second present that they might be permitted to enter. 
We could have exacted as many presents as there 
were doors to be passed before reaching the place 
where I awaited them. 

When they had entered, they commenced to speak 
to me by means of a present which they call " the 
wiping away of tears." " We wipe away thy tears 
by this gift," they said to me, " so that thy sight 
may be no longer dim when thou castest thine eyes 
on this country which has committed the murder." 
Then came the present [130] that they call " a bever 
age." " This," they said, "is to restore thy voice 
which thou hast lost, so that it may speak kindly." 


Suiuirent neuf autres prefens, comme pour eriger 
vn fepulchre au defundt, car chaque prefent a fon 
nom. Quatre prefens pour les quatre colomnes qui 
doiuent fouftenir ce fepulchre. Quatre autres pre 
fens, pour les quatre pieces trauerf antes, fur lef quelles 
doit repofer le lidt du defundt. Vn neufuie"me pre 
fent, pour luy feruir de cheuet. 

Apres cela, huit Capitaines, des huit nations qui 
compofent le pays des Hurons, apportent chacun 
vn prefent, pour les huit os qui font les plus remar- 
quables en la ftrudlure du corps humain ; des pieds, 
des cuiffes, & des bras. 

Leur couftume m obligea icy de parler, & de faire 
vn prefent d enuiron trois [131] milles grains de 
porcelaine, leur difant que c eftoit pour redreffer leur 
terre, & qu elle peuft les receuoir plus doucement, 
lors qu ils tomberoient renuerfez par la violence des 
reproches que ie deuois leur faire, d auoir commis vn 
meurtre fi indigne. 

Le lendemain matin ils difpoferent dans vne place 
publique ; comme vne efpece de theatre, ou ils fuf- 
pendirent cinquante prefens, qui font le principal de 
la fatisf action, & qui auffi en emporte le nom. Ce 
qui precede & ce qui fuit, n eftant que 1 acceffoire. 

Pour vn Huron tue* par vn Huron, on fe contente 
d ordinaire de trente prefens; Pour vne femme on 
en demande quarante, & caufe, difent-ils, que les 
femmes n eftans pas tant pour fe deffendre, & d ail- 
leurs eftans celles qui peuplent le pays, leur vie doit 
eftre plus precieufe au public, & leur foibleffe doit 
trouuer vn plus puiffant fouftien dans la iuftice. 
Pour vn eliranger on en demande encore dauantage, 
a caufe, difent-ils, que fans cela les meurtres feroient 

1648 -49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 48 243 

A third present was to calm the agitated mind ; a 
fourth, to soothe the feelings of a justly irritated 
heart. Most of these gifts consist of porcelain beads, 
of shells, and of other things that here constitute 
the riches of the country, but which in France would 
be considered very poor. 

Then followed nine other presents, to erect a 
sepulchre for the deceased, for each gift has its 
name : four presents, for the four columns that are 
to support the sepulchre ; four others, for the cross- 
pieces on which the bed of the deceased is to rest ; 
and a ninth present, to serve him as a bolster. 

After that, eight Captains, from the eight nations 
that constitute the Huron country, brought each a 
present for the eight principal bones in the frame of 
the human body, the feet, the thighs, the arms. 

Here their custom compelled me to speak, and to 
give a present of about three [131] thousand porce 
lain beads, telling them that this was to make their 
land level, so that it might receive them more gently 
when they should be overthrown by the violence of 
the reproaches that I was to address to them for 
having committed so foul a murder. 

On the following day, they erected a kind of stage 
in a public place ; on this they suspended fifty pres 
ents, which are the principal part of the reparation 
and which bear that name. What precedes and what 
follows are only accessories. 

For a Huron killed by a Huron, they are gener 
ally content with thirty presents; for a woman, forty 
are demanded, because, they say, women cannot 
so easily defend themselves; and, moreover, as it is 
they who people the country, their lives should be 
more valuable to the public, and their weakness 


trop frequens, le commerce en feroit empefche", & 
les guerres fe prendroient trop aif6ment entre [132] 
des nations differentes. 

Ceux k qui on fait la fatisfadtion examinent foi- 
gneufement tons ces prefens, & rebuttent ceux qui 
ne leur aggreent pas ; il faut en remettre d autres en 
leur place qui puiifent contenter. 

Ce n eft pas tout. Le corps auquel on a erige vn 
f epulchre, ne doit pas y repof er tout nud ; il f aut le 
reueftir de pied en cap: c eft a dire qu il faut faire 
autant de prefens, qu il faut de pieces pour le mettre 
dans 1 eftat auquel il doit eftre, felon fa condition. 
Pour ce"t effet ils firent trois prefens, qui ne portent 
que le nom des chofes qu ils reprefentent, d vne che- 
mife, d vn pourpoint, d vn haut de chauffe, des has 
de chauffes, des fouliers, d vn chapeau, d vne arque- 
bufe, de la poudre & du plomb. 

II falut en fuite de cela, retirer de la playe, la 
hache qui auoit fait le coup: c eft a dire qu ils firent 
vn prefent qui portoit ce nom. Autant de coups 
qu auroit receu le mort, il faudroit autant de prefens, 
pour refermer toutes ces playes. 

Suiuirent trois autres prefens. Le premier, pour 
refermer la terre qui s eftoit entr ouuerte de 1 horreur 
de ce crime. [133] Vn fecond, pour la fouler des 
pieds, & alors la couftume eft que toute la ieuneffe, 
& mefme les plus anciens fe mettent danfer, pour 
tefmoigner leur ioye, de ce que la terre n eft plus 
ouuerte pour les abifmer dans fon fein. Le troifieme 
prefent, eft pour ietter au deffus vne pierre, afin 
que ce"t abifme foit ferine" plus inuiolablement, & ne 
puiffe plus fe rentr ouurir. 

Apres cela, ils firent fept autres prefens. Le 

1648-49] RELATION OF 1647-48 245 

should find a powerful protection in justice. For a 
stranger, still more are exacted; because they say 
that otherwise murders would be too frequent, trade 
would be prevented, and wars would too easily arise 
between [132] different nations. 

Those to whom reparation is made carefully 
examine all those presents and reject such as do not 
please them; these have to be replaced by others 
which satisfy them. 

That is not all. The body for which a sepulchre 
is erected must not lie naked therein; it must be 
clothed from head to foot, that is to say, as many 
presents must be given as there are articles of cloth 
ing required to dress it, according to its condition. 
To that end they gave three presents that bear only 
the names of the things that they represent, a shirt, 
a doublet, trunk-hose, shoes, and a hat; and an 
arquebus, powder, and lead. 

After that, it was necessary to draw out from the 
wound the hatchet with which the blow had been 
struck, that is, they gave a present bearing that 
name. As many presents are needed as there have 
been blows received by the deceased, to close all the 

Then came three other presents, the first, to close 
the earth, which had gaped in horror at the crime; 
[133] a second, to trample it down; and, thereupon, 
it is customary for all the young men, and even for 
the oldest, to commence dancing, to manifest their 
joy that the earth no longer yawns to swallow them 
in its womb. The third present is for the purpose 
of throwing a stone upon it, so that the abyss may 
be more inviolably closed, and may not reopen. 

After that, they gave seven other presents, the 


premier, pour rendre la voix a tons nos Millionaires; 
Le fecond, pour exhorter nos domeftiques a ne tourner 
pas leurs armes centre le meurtrier, mais pluftoft 
contre les Hiroquois, ennemis du pays. Le troi- 
fieme, pour appaifer Monfieur le Gouuerneur, lors 
qu il aura appris ce meurtre. Le quatrieme, pour 
rallumer le feu, que nous auons touliours pour 
chauffer les paffans. Le cinquieme, pour r ouurir 
la porte de 1 hofpice de nos Chreftiens. Le fixie"me, 
pour remettre a 1 eau le batteau, dans lequel ils 
paffent la riuiere, lors qu ils viennent nous vifiter. 
Le feptie"me, pour remettre 1 auiron en main, a vn 
ieune enfant qui a le foin de ce paffage. Nous 
euffions pu exiger deux autres [134] prefens fembla- 
bles, pour rebaftir noflre maifon, pour remettre fur 
pied noftre Eglife, pour redreffer quatre grandes 
Croix qui font aux quatre coins de noftre enclos. 
Mais nous nous contentafmes de cela. 

Enfin ils terminerent le tout par trois prefens que 
firent les trois principaux Capitaines du pays, pour 
nous raffermir 1 efprit, & nous prier d auoir touliours 
de 1 amour pour ces peuples. Tous ces prefens qu ils 
nous firent, monterent enuiron a vne centaine. 

Nous leur en fifmes auffi de reciproques ; a toutes 
les huit nations en particulier, pour raffermir noftre 
alliance auec eux. A tout le pays en commun, pour 
les exhorter a fe tenir vnis enfemble, & auec les 
Frangois, pour fouftenir plus fortement leurs enne 
mis. Vn autre prefent confiderable, pour nous 
plain dre des m6difances qu on faifoit courir contre 
la Foy, & les Chreftiens: comme fi tous les mal- 
heurs qui arriuent dans ce pays, des guerres, des 
famines, des maladies, eftoient vn effet de la Foy 

1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 164.7 - 48 247 

first, to restore the voice of all our Missionaries ; the 
second, to exhort our servants not to turn their arms 
against the murderer, but rather against the Hiro- 
quois, the enemies of the country; the third, to 
appease Monsieur the Governor when he should hear 
of the murder; the fourth, to rekindle the fire that 
we always kept up to warm passers-by; the fifth, to 
reopen the door of our hospice to our Christians ; the 
sixth, to replace in the water the boat in which they 
cross the river when they come to visit us; the 
seventh, to replace the paddle in the hands of a young 
boy, who has charge of that ferry. We could have 
exacted two other [134] similar presents to rebuild 
our house, to erect again our Church, and to set up 
again four large Crosses, which stand at the four 
corners of our enclosure. But we contented our 
selves with those. 

Finally, they concluded the whole with three pres 
ents given by the three principal Captains of the 
country, to calm our minds, and to beg us to love 
those people always. All the presents that they gave 
us amounted to about one hundred. 

We also gave some, in return, to all the eight 
nations individually, to strengthen our alliance with 
them ; to the whole country in common, to exhort 
them to remain united together, that they might, 
with the French, better resist their enemies. An 
other present of some value was given to complain 
of the calumnies that were circulated against the 
Faith, and against the Christians, as if all the misfor 
tunes that happen in these countries such as war, 
famine, and disease were brought here by the Faith 
that we come to teach them. We also gave them 
some presents to console them [135] for the loss they 


que nous venons leur annoncer. Nous leur fifmes 
aufli quelques prefens, pour les confoler [135] de 
quelques pertes, qu ils auoient receues depuis peu, 
de quelques perfonnes tue"es par 1 ennemy. Enfin 
nous terminafmes par vn prefent qui les affeuroit 
que Monfieur le Gouuerneur, & tous les Franois de 
Quebec, de Montreal, & destrois Riuieres, n auroient 
que de 1 amour pour eux, & oubliroient ce meurtre, 
puis qu ils y auoient fatisfait. 

Dieu nous affifta puiffamment en toute cette affaire, 
qui nous fucceda au deflus de nos efperances, & dans 
laquelle nous remarquafmes vne prouidence de Dieu 
fi aymable fur nous, & fur noftre Eglife, vne prote 
ction fi paternelle, vne conduite fi puiffante, que nous 
voyons bien qu il eft vray ce que dit 1 Efcriture, Di- 
cite iujlo quoniam bene. Le tout fe termina I vnzi6me 
de May. 


1648 - 49] RELA TION OF 1647 - 4$ 249 

had recently suffered through the killing of some 
persons by the enemy. Finally, we ended with a 
present which assured them that Monsieur the Gov 
ernor and all the French of Quebec, of Montreal, and 
of three Rivers, would have nothing but love for 
them, and would forget the murder, since they had 
made reparation for it. 

God assisted us greatly in this matter, which, as 
far as we were concerned, succeeded beyond our 
hopes; and in it we observed God s most loving 
providence for us, and, for our Church, such a 
fatherly protection and such powerful guidance that 
we see very well how true is the saying of the Scrip 
tures : Dicite justo quoniam bene. The whole matter 
was concluded on the eleventh of May. 



Epistola P. Pauli Ragueneau ad R. P. Vincentium 

Caraffam, Praspositum Generalem So- 

cietatis Jesu, Romae 

Sanctae Mariae apud Hurones 
Calendis Martii anni 1649 

SOURCE : We follow Rochemonteix s Jdsuites et la Nou- 
velle-France, t. ii., pp. 458-463, with a few emendations 
from Father Felix Martin s apograph of the original, in St. 
Mary s College, Montreal. 


Epistola P. Pauli Ragueneau ad R. P. Vincentium 

Caraffam, Praapositum Generalem So- 

cietatis Jesu, Romas. 

Pax Christ! . 

Accepi literas admodum Reverendae Pater- 
nitatis Vestrse datas 20 Januarii 1647. Si quas ad 
nos rescripserit superiore anno 1648, nondum eas 
accepimus. Significat Paternitas Vestra gratos sibi 
esse nuntios de statu missionis hujus nostrse Huro- 
nensis ; imo (quae est ejus erga nos Paterna charitas) 
ad minima etiam descendit, seque jubet de omnibus 
fieri certiorem. 

Patres hie sumus octodecim, coadjutores quatuor, 
Domestici perpetui viginti tres, famuli septem non 
perpetui (quibus solis stipendia solvuntur), quatuor 
pueri, octo milites : nimirum ita nos premit bellicus 
furor hostium barbarorum, ut nisi momento perire 
res nostras nobiscum velimus, fidemque adeo omnem 
extingui, in his regionibus jam satis late diffusam, 
omnino nobis necesse fuerit prsesidium quaerere eorum 
hominum, qui simul et operis domesticis, et rei rus- 
ticae excolendae, et prassidiis extruendis, et rei mili- 
tari vacent. Cum enim hactenus superioribus annis, 
sedes nostra, quam Domum S tae Mariae vocamus, mul- 
tis hinc inde in omnem partem, Huronum nobis 
amicorum oppidis cincta esset, plus illis, quam nobis 


Letter of Father Paul Ragueneau to the Very 

Reverend Father Vincent Caraffa, General 

of the Society of Jesus, at Rome. 

Pax Christi. 

I have received, very Reverend Paternity, 
your letter dated January 20, 1647. If you wrote to 
us last year, 1648, we have not yet received that 
letter. Your Paternity evinces pleasure in the news 
of the state of our Huron mission. Indeed (such is 
your Paternal love toward us), you even stoop to 
details, and bid us inform you of everything. 

There are here eighteen Fathers, four coadjutors, 
twenty-three Donne s, seven servants (to whom alone 
wages are paid), four boys, and eight soldiers. 
Truly, we are so threatened by the hostile rage of our 
savage enemies that, unless we wish our enterprise 
and ourselves to perish in an hour, and, indeed, 
that the faith, now widely spread in these lands, 
should be utterly destroyed, it was quite necessary 
for us to seek the protection of these men, who 
devote themselves to both domestic duties and 
farm work, and also to building fortifications, and 
to military service. For since, until late years, 
our abode, which we call the Residence of Ste. 
Marie, was surrounded on every side by the numer 
ous villages of our friends, the Hurons, we feared 
more for them than for ourselves from hostile attack : 
so during that time, however small our number, we 


ipsis timebamus ab incursione hostili : sic adeo ut exi- 
guo quantum vis numero, satis tuti tamen et securi 
viveremus. At longe mutata est facies rerum nos- 
trarum, totiusque hujus regionis: tot enim cladibus 
fracti sunt Hurones nostri, ut expugnatis quae in 
fronte erant prsesidiis, ferroque atque igne vastatis, 
plerique mutare sedes coacti sint, retroque cedere: 
hinc quippe factum est, ut jam alieno nudi praesidio 
simus; jamque in fronte positi nostris nos viribus, 
nostris nos animis tueri, nostro nos numero debea- 

Hanc nostram Sanctae Marias, arcem dixerim an 
domum, tutantur qui nobiscum sunt Galli, dum Patres 
nostri longe lateque excurrunt per oppida Huronum 
disjecti, perque Algonquinas nationes procul a nobis 
positas; missioni quisque suae invigilans, solique 
ministerio verbi intentus, omni cura rerum tempora- 
lium in eos deposita, qui domi subsistunt: et qui- 
dem res domesticae tarn felicem curstim tenent, ut 
quamvis numerus noster excreverit, atque optemus 
maxime novum ad nos auxilium mitti, et externorum 
hominum et patrum praecipue nostrorum ; nullo pacto 
tamen necesse sit impensas crescere; imo in dies 
minuuntur magis, minoraque in annos singulos peti- 
mus ad nos mitti rerum temporalium subsidia: ita 
plane ut nos ipsos sustentare maxima ex parte possi- 
mus ex iis rebus, quae hie nascuntur. Neque vero 
ullus nostrum est qui hac in parte magnum levamen 
non sentiat earum aerumnarum, quae prioribus annis, 
et omnino graves erant, et insuperabiles videbantur. 
Habemus enim piscatus et venationis majora quam 
ante subsidia; nee piscium modo adipem atque ova 


lived in safety, without anxiety. But now, far differ 
ent is the aspect of our affairs and of this whole 
region ; for so crushed are our Hurons by disasters, 
that, their outposts being taken and laid waste with 
fire and sword, most of them have been forced to 
change their abodes, and retreat elsewhere ; hence it 
has come to pass that at last we are devoid of the 
protection of others, and now we, stationed at the 
front, must defend ourselves with our own strength, 
our own courage, and our own numbers. 

This our dwelling or shall I say our fort? of 
Sainte Marie, the French who are with us defend, while 
our Fathers sally forth, far and wide, scattered among 
the villages of the Hurons, and through the Algon 
quin tribes far distant from us, each one watching 
over his own mission, and intent only upon the min 
istry of the word, leaving all temporal cares to those 
who remain at home. In truth, domestic matters 
keep so fortunate a course that, although our num 
ber has increased, and we greatly desire new help 
to be sent us, both of laymen and, especially, of 
our own fathers, still in no wise is it necessary to 
increase expenses. On the contrary, they are les 
sened daily, and each year we ask for less temporal 
aid to be sent us, so much so that we can, for the 
most part, support ourselves upon that which is here 
produced. Verily, there is not one of our brethren 
who does not feel in this respect great relief from 
those distresses which were in former years very 
burdensome, and seemed insurmountable. For we 
have larger supplies from fishing and hunting than 
formerly; and we have not merely fish and eggs, 
but also pork, and milk products, and even cattle, 
from which we hope for great addition to our store. 


pullorum, sed suinas carnes et lacticinia, atque adeo 
boves, tmde speramus rei nostrae familiar! magnum 
incrementum. Haec minute scribo, quia voluit ad 
se rescribi Paternitas vestra. 

Res vero Christiana progressum hie capit expecta- 
tione nostra multis partibus majorem: numeramus 
enim hoc postremo anno baptizatos, fere septingen- 
tos supra mille : omissis pluribus, quos a Patre Anto 
nio Daniel infra dicemus fuisse baptizatos, quorum 
numerus constare nobis certo non potuit. Neque 
vero ii sunt Christian!, quantum vis barbari, quos 
pronum esset suspicari, rudes rerum coelestium, 
neque satis idoneos mysteriis nostris. Plerique sane 
res divinas sapiunt, atque intime penetrant; nee 
desunt nonnulli, quorum virtuti, pietati, et eximiae 
sanctitati, invidere sancte possint etiam Religiosi 
sanctissimi. Sic plane ut qui hsec viderit oculatus 
testis, mirari satis non possit digitum Dei sibique 
adeo gratuletur, tarn felicem provinciam, tarn divi- 
tem donis coelestibus, labori suo obtigisse. 

Undecim missiones excolimus, octo linguae Huro- 
nensis, tres Algonquinae : totidem Patribus veteranis 
divisus labor. Linguas addiscendae quatuor vacant, 
superiore anno ad nos missi : quos quidem praecipuis 
missionariis comites adjunximus. Sic adeo ut tres 
solum Patres domi consistant; alter verum spiritua- 
lium Praefectus, alter Procurator et minister, tertius 
demum Christianorum curae undique adventantium 
praspositus. Christianorum enim paupertati de pau- 
pertate nostra subvenimus, eorumque morbos cura- 
mus, non animi modo, sed etiam corporis: magno 
sane profectu Rei Christianae. Numeravimus hoc 


I write of these particulars, because your Paternity 
so desired. 

Christianity has certainly made progress here, in 
many ways, beyond our expectation. We baptized, 
the past year, about one thousand seven hundred, 
not counting many whom we shall mention below as 
baptized by Father Antoine Daniel, the number of 
whom could not be accurately given. Nor are these, 
albeit barbarians, such Christians as one might be 
inclined to suppose, ignorant of things divine and 
not sufficiently qualified for our mysteries. Many 
indeed understand religion, and that profoundly ; and 
there are some whose virtue, piety, and remarkable 
holiness even the most holy Religious might without 
sin envy. One who is an eye-witness of these things 
cannot sufficiently admire the finger of God, and 
congratulate himself that so fortunate a field of labor, 
so rich in divine blessing, had fallen to his lot. 

We maintain eleven missions, eight in the Huron 
language, and three Algonquin. The work is 
divided between an equal number of Fathers who 
have had experience. Four, sent to us last year, 
devote their time to learning the language ; and 
these we have assigned as helpers to the chief 
missionaries. Thus only three Fathers remain at 
home, one as spiritual Director, another as Procu 
rator and minister, the third to look after the needs 
of the Christians, who come to us from every quar 
ter. For out of our own poverty we minister to the 
poverty of the Christians, and heal their diseases 
both of soul and body, surely to the great advance 
ment of Christianity. Last year, nearly six thousand 
partook of our hospitality. How strange it is, that 
in terra aliend, in loco horror is et vastce solitudinis, we 


postremo anno hospitio receptos nostro fere ad sex 
millia : ut mirum sit, in terra aliena, in loco horroris et 
vastae solitudinis, educi nobis videri mel de petra, 
oleumque de saxo durissimo : unde non nobis solum, 
hominibus exteris, sed ipsis etiam incolis fuerit pro- 
visum. Hsec eo dico, ut intelligat Paternitas vestra 
Divinae erga nos munificentiae largitatem. Cum enim 
hoc anno fames oppresserit circumspecta undique 
oppida, atque nunc etiam vehementius affligat, nulla 
nos tamen hinc mali labes attigit, imo annonas habe- 
mtis satis, unde tres annos vivere possimus com 

Res una posse nobis videtur nascentis hujus Eccle- 
sise felicem statum evertere, et Christianas rei cursum 
morari : belli nimirum metus, atque hostium furor. 
Crescit enim in annos singulos, neque satis apparet 
unde auxilium nobis ullum adesse possit, nisi a Deo 
solo. Postrema quae Huronibus nostris illata est 
clades, omnium fuit gravissima. Julio haec obtigit 
mense superioris anni 1648. Cum enim Huron um 
plerique ad Gallos nostros Quebecum versus, profec- 
tionem parassent, mercaturae causa; alios alius labor 
ab oppidis suis extraxisset, multique expeditionem 
bellicam alio suscepissent ; improvisus hostis adfuit, 
atque oppida duo expugnavit, invasit, incendit ; solita 
ubique crudelitate abductae in captivitatem matres 
cum pueris, neque ulli aetati parcitum. 

Horum oppidorum alteri, a Sancto Josepho nomen 
fuit : quae erat una ex missionibus nostris praecipuis, 
ubi extructae aedes sacras, ubi christianis ritibus gens 
instituta, ubi fides jam altas radices egerat. Praeerat 
huic Ecclesiae Pater Antonius Daniel, vir magni 


should seem to draw mel de petra, oleumque de saxo 
durissimo, thence to supply the needs, not merely 
of us who are strangers, but also of the natives them 
selves. I say these things that your Paternity may 
know the abundance of God s goodness toward us. 
For, while during this year famine has been heavy 
upon the villages on all sides of us, and now 
weighs upon them even more heavily, no blight of 
evil has fallen upon us; nay, we have enough pro 
visions upon which to live comfortably during three 

But one thing the fear of war and the rage of 
foes seems able to overthrow the happy state of 
this infant Church, and stay the advance of Chris 
tianity ; for it grows yearly, and it is clear that no 
help can come to us save from God alone. The latest 
disaster that befell our Hurons in July of last year, 
1 648 --was the severest of all. Many of them had 
made ready to visit our French people in the direc 
tion of Quebec, to trade ; other tasks had drawn some 
away from their villages; while many had under 
taken a hostile expedition in another direction; 
when suddenly the enemy came upon them, stormed 
two villages, rushed into them, and set them on fire. 
With their wonted cruelty they dragged into captiv 
ity mothers with their children, and showed no mercy 
to any age. 

Of these villages, one was called Saint Joseph ; this 
was one of our principal missions, where a church 
had been built, where the people had been instructed 
in Christian rites, and where the faith had taken 
deep root. In charge of this Church was Father 
Antoine Daniel, a man of great courage and endur 
ance, whose gentle kindness was conspicuous among 


animi, magnae patientise, magnarum omnino virtu- 
turn; sed eximise ante omnia mansuetudinis. Sa 
crum de more vix dum absolverat post orientem 
solem, neque adhuc ab aede sacra discesserant satis 
frequentes qui convenerant Christiani, quum audito 
hostili clamore, ad arma est subito trepidatum. Ad 
pugnam alii sese praecipiunt, ad fugam alii magis 
praecipites : ubique terror, ubique luctus. Antonius 
qua parte infestum imminere magis hostem sensit, 
illuc advolat ; suosque hortatur f ortiter, nee christi- 
anis modo christianum robur, sed fidem plerisque 
inspirat infidelium ; tanto animi ardore turn auditus 
loqui de mortis contemptu, deque gaudiis Paradisi, 
ut jam beatitate sua frui videretur. Et vero baptis- 
mum petiere multi; tanto numero ut cum singulis 
par esse satis non posset, uti coactus fuerit intincto 
in aquam sudario suo, et circum se effusam plebem, 
per aspersionem baptizare. Neque interea tamen 
hostilis remittebat furor : tormentario pulvere omnia 
late circum perstrepebant : multi circa eum pro- 
strati, quos simul vitalis unda baptismi, simul laetha- 
lis ictus exciperet: fugam ut suos cepisse videt, ipse 
in lucra animarum intentus, aliense salutis non imme- 
rnor, oblitus suae, ad aegrotos, ad senes, ad infantes 
baptizandos, casas penetrat, percurrit, zeloque suo 
implet. Tandem in aedem sacram se recipit, quo 
christianorum plerosque spes seternae gloriae, quo 
infernorum ignium metus, catechumenorum multos 
perpulerat: nunquam vehementius oratum, nusquam 
visa fidei verae, ac veras paenitentiae argumenta cer- 
tiora. Istos baptismo recreat, illos peccatorum 
vinculis exsolvit, omnes divinas charitatis ardore 


his great virtues. He had hardly finished the usual 
mass after sunrise, and the Christians, who had 
assembled in considerable numbers, had not yet left 
the sacred house, when, at the war-cry of the enemy, 
in haste and alarm they seized their weapons. Some 
rush into the fight, others flee headlong ; everywhere 
is terror, everywhere lamentation. Antoine hastened 
wherever he saw the danger most threatening, and 
bravely encouraged his people, inspiring not only 
the Christians with Christian strength, but many 
unbelievers with faith. He was heard to speak of 
contempt for death, and of the joys of Paradise, with 
such ardor of soul that he seemed already to enjoy 
its bliss. Indeed, many sought baptism ; and so great 
was the number that he could not attend to each one 
separately, but was forced to dip his handkerchief in 
the water and baptize by sprinkling the multitude 
who thronged around him. Meantime, there was no 
cessation in the ferocious attack of the enemy, and 
everywhere resounded the noise of muskets. Many 
fell around him who received at the same instant the 
life-giving water of baptism, and the stroke of death. 
When he saw that his people had fled, he himself, 
intent upon the gain of souls, mindful of the safety 
of others, but forgetful of his own, hurried into 
the cabins to baptize the sick, the aged, and children, 
and filled them with his own zeal. At last, he 
betook himself to the church, whither the hope of 
eternal glory had brought many Christians, and the 
fear of hell-fire many catechumens. Never were 
there more earnest prayers, never stronger proofs of 
true faith and real penitence. To these he gives 
new life by baptism, those he releases from the 
bonds of sin ; he sets all on fire with divine love. 


inflammat. Haec turn illius fere vox tmica: fratres, 
hodie erimus in Paradise ; hoc credite, hoc sperate, 
tit vos Deus aeternum amet. 

Jam hostis vallum conscenderat, totoque oppido 
subjectis ignibus ardebant casae; monentur victores 
esse divitem praedam et facilem, si templum versus 
properent: illic senum ac mulierum copiosum gre- 
gem, illic puerorum agmina. Accurrunt, ut solent, 
vocibus inconditis. Adventantem sensere hostem 
christiani. Capere eos fugam jubet Antonius, qua 
parte liber adhuc est exitus: ipse ut hostem moretur, 
et fugienti gregi consulat bonus pastor, obvium se 
praebet armato militi, ejusque impetum frangit; vir 
unicus contra hostem; sed nimirum divino plenus 
robore, fortis ut Leo dum moritur, qui tota vita sua 
mitissimus fuerat ut columba. Vere ut aptare illi 
possim illud Jeremiae, dereliquit ut Leo umbraculum 
suum, quia facta est terra eorum in desolationem, a 
facie irae columbae, a facie irae furoris domini. Tan 
dem laethali ictu prostratus emissae in eum catapultae, 
densisque confossus sagittis, felicem animam, quam 
pro ovibus suis posuerat bonus Pastor, Deo reddidit, 
Jesum inclamans. Saevitum barbare in ejus exangue 
corpus, vix ullus hostium ut fuerit, qui mortuo 
novum vulnus non adderet [adjiceret Martin s 
apog.~\; donee incensa demum aede sacra, medias in 
nammas injectum nudum cadaver ita est concrema- 
tum, ut ne os quidem ullum restaret: nee sane pote- 
rat nobiliore rogo comburi. 

Dum sic hostes moratur, etiam post mortem fugi 
enti gregi suo salutaris : multi in tutum se recepere : 
alios victor miles est assecutus, matres praecipue, 


Almost his only words were : Brothers, to-day we 
shall be in Paradise: believe this, hope this, that 
God may forever love you." 

Already the foe had scaled the rampart, and 
throughout the village the torch had been applied, 
and the cabins were burning. The victors are 
informed that there is rich plunder, easy to get, if 
they will hasten to the church ; that there numbers 
of old people, and women, and a band of children, 
are gathered. Thither they hurry with discordant 
shouts, after their manner. The Christians see the 
enemy approaching. Antoine bids them flee wher 
ever escape is yet possible. That he may delay the 
enemy, and, like a good shepherd, aid the escape of 
his flock, he blocks the way of the armed men and 
breaks their onset ; a single man against the foe, but 
verily filled with divine strength, he, who during 
all his life had been as the gentlest dove, was brave 
as a Lion while he met death. Truly, I might apply 
to him that saying of Jeremias : He hath forsaken 
his covert as the Lion, for the land is laid waste 
because of the wrath of the dove, and because of the 
fierce anger of the Lord." At last he fell, mortally 
wounded by a musket-shot; and, pierced with 
arrows, he yielded to God the blessed life which he 
laid down for his flock, as a good Shepherd, calling 
upon the name of Jesus. Savagely enraged against 
his lifeless body, hardly one of the enemy was there 
who did not add a new wound to his corpse : until at 
length, the church having been set on fire, his naked 
body cast into the midst of the flames was so com 
pletely consumed that not even a bone was left : 
indeed, he could not have found a more glorious 
funeral pyre. 


quas pendentium ab ubere infantium onus retarda- 
bat; aut quarum latebras proderet puerilis aetas, 
sapienter adhuc timere nescia. 

Jam quartum decimum annum posuerat in hac 
Missione Huronensi Antonius, ubique frugifer, vere- 
que natus in salutem istarum gentium : sed nimirum 
maturus coelo, primus omnium e societatis nostrae 
hominibus nobis ereptus est: inopina quidem morte, 
sed ea tamen non improvisa : sic enim semper vixe- 
rat, ut semper paratus esset mori : quamquam et visa 
sit Divina Bonitas erga ipsum fuisse singularis : nam 
octiduum integrum Exercitiorum spiritualium socie 
tatis absolverat calendis ipsis Julii, in hac domo 
Sanctae Marias: ipsoque postridie, sine ulla nova 
[mora Martin s apog.~] ac ne unius quidem diei 
requie in missionem suam convolarat: Deo nimirum 
sane vehementius ardebat, quam ullo unquam igne 
crematum ejus corpus exarserit. 

Patria Deppensis erat, honestis, piisque Parenti- 
bus: ingressus fuerat societatem anno 1621, turn 
viginti et unum annos natus, ad Professionem qua- 
tuor votorum fuerat admissus anno 1640; finem deni- 
que vivendi fecit quarto Julii 1648. Vir sane egre- 
gius, vereque dignus films societatis; humilis, 
obediens, conjunctus Deo, invictae semper patientiae, 
infractique in rebus arduis animi : sic adeo ut nobis 
virtutum omnium exemplum illustre; christianis 
barbaris, fidei ac pietatis sensum eximium : omnibus, 
desiderium sui grave reliquerit, ipsis etiam infideli- 
bus: daturus demum, et quidem speramus, toti huic 
regioni, Patronum in ccelis potentissimum. 

Et vero uni e nostris (homini sanctitatis praecipuae, 


In thus delaying the enemy, he was serviceable 
to his escaping flock even after his death. Many 
reached places of safety ; others the victors overtook, 
especially mothers, at every step delayed by the 
babes at their breasts, or by those whose childish 
years as yet unaccustomed to prudent fear be 
trayed their hiding-places. 

Antoine had just finished his fourteenth year at 
this Huron Mission, everywhere a useful man, and 
assuredly raised up for the salvation of those tribes ; 
but certainly ripe for heaven, and the first man of 
our society to be taken from us. True, his death 
was sudden, but did not find him unprepared; for 
he had always so lived that he was ever ready for 
death. Yet the Divine Goodness toward him seems 
to have been remarkable ; for he had finished, only 
the first day of July, eight days of continuous spirit 
ual Exercises of the Society in this house of Sainte 
Marie ; and on the very next day, without any delay, 
or even one day s rest, he hastened to his own 
mission. Verily, he burned with a zeal for God more 
intense than any flame that consumed his body. 

He was a native of Dieppe, born of worthy and 
pious Parents. He had entered the society in 1621, 
at the age of twenty-one years ; he was admitted to 
the Profession of the four vows in 1640; and at last 
ended his life July fourth, 1648. He was indeed a 
remarkable man, and a truly worthy son of the 
society, humble, obedient, united with God, of 
never-failing patience, and indomitable courage in 
adversity. Thus he left to us a shining example of all 
the virtues; to the savage Christians, an impression 
of exalted faith and piety ; to all, even the unbelievers, 
heavy grief at his death. Now, at last, he will be 


et probatissimae humilitatis; is fnit P. Josephus 
Maria Chaumonot) semel atque iterum post mortem 
adesse visus est. At primum qtmm nostris Patribus 
in concilium coactis, atque agentibus, ut solent, de 
re Christiana promovenda; videbatur interesse pater 
Antonius; qui nos consilio robore, qui nos omnes 
divino, quo plenus erat spiritu, recrearet. Patribus 
conspiciendum obtulit augustiore vultu, et eo sane 
qui nihil humanum spiraret, verum et ex ore conjici 
poterat, plus minus [minusve Martin s apogJ] tri- 
ginta. Rogatus Pater, quomodo [ecquid Martin s 
apog.~\ permittat Divina Bonitas servi sui corpus tarn 
indigne post mortem haberi tanquam inhonesto vul- 
nere fasdatum, sic flammis consumi, nobis ut hujus 
nihil restaret, ac ne cinis quidem exiguus? Magnus, 
inquit, est Dominus et Laudabilis nimis. Respexit 
in haec opprobria servi sui, atque ut ea Divino modo 
compensaret, dedit mihi multas animas purgatorii, 
quas triumphum in ccelis meum comitarentur. 

Pinem ut scribendi faciam, neque epistolae modum 
excedam, addam P tati Vestrse quod primum omnium 
debuerat scribi; eum nimirum esse statum hujus 
domus, totiusque adeo missionis ; vix ut putem quid- 
quam addi posse ad pietatem, obedientiam, humilita- 
tem, patientiam charitatem nostrorum; atque adeo 
ad exactam regularum observantiam. Omnium vere 
est cor unum, anima una, unusque spiritus societa- 
tis. Imo, quod magis mirum videri debeat, e tot 
domesticis hominibus, tarn diversae conditionis, tam- 
que diversi ingenii ; servis, pueris, domesticis, militi- 
bus ; nullus omnino est qui serio saluti animae suae 
non vacet: plane ut hinc exulet vitium, hie virtus 


granted, we certainly hope, as a most powerful 
Advocate in heaven for all this country. 

In fact, by one of our number (a man of eminent piety 
and of well-attested humility, Father Joseph Marie 
Chaumonot) he was seen once and again after death. 
But when first our Fathers were gathered in council, 
and planning, as is their wont, for the promotion of 
Christianity, father Antoine was seen to appear in 
their midst, to revive us all with his strong counsel, 
and with the divine spirit which filled him. He 
seemed to be about thirty, as far as could be judged 
by his face, which presented to the Fathers a noble 
aspect, quite unlike anything human. The Father 
was asked how Divine Goodness could suffer the 
body of his servant to be so shamefully treated after 
death, disfigured, as if by disgraceful wounds, 
and to be so consumed by fire that nothing, not even 
a handful of ashes, was left to us. Great is the 
Lord," replied he, "and most worthy of Praise. 
He beheld this reproach of his servant ; and, to com 
pensate for this in Divine fashion, he granted me 
many souls from purgatory, to accompany my 
triumph in heaven." 

To make an end of writing, without exceeding the 
limit of a letter, I will add what should have been 
written first of all to Your Paternity that such is 
the condition of this house, and indeed of the whole 
mission, that I think hardly anything could be added 
to the piety, obedience, humility, patience, and 
charity of our brethren, and to their scrupulous 
observance of the rules. We are all of one heart, one 
soul, one spirit of the society. Nay, what must seem 
more wonderful, out of all the men attached to the 
house, of condition and nature so varied, servants, 


imperet, haec sanctitatis domus esse videatur. Quod 
nostrum sane est gaudium, pax in bello nostra, 
nostraque summa securitas : quidquid enim de nobis 
disponat divina Providentia, sive in vitam, sive in 
mortem, haec erit consolatio nostra, quod Domini 
sumus, atque ut sperare licet, asternum erimus. Hoc 
ita ut fiat, petimus Benedictionem Paternitatis vestrae, 
et nobis et missioni nostrae: ego praecipue omnium 
indignissimus, sed tamen 
Rev dse admodum P tatis V 86 . 

Humillimus et obsequentissimus filius 

Ex Domo Sanctae Mariae 
apud Hurones in nova Francia 
Calendis Martii anni 1649. 

Admodum Reverendo in Christo Patri nostro 

Vincentio Caraffse Praeposito Generali 

Societatis Jesu Romam. 


boys, donnas, soldiers, there is not one who does 
not seriously attend to his soul s salvation; so that 
clearly vice is banished hence, here virtue rules, 
and this is seen to be the home of holiness. This 
surely is our rejoicing, our peace in war, and our 
great security ; for, whatever may be the dispensation 
of divine Providence, in life or in death this will be 
our consolation, that we are the Lord s and ever 
shall be, as we are permitted to hope. That so it 
may be, we implore your Paternity s Benediction 
upon us and our mission; and I chiefly, though 
un worthiest of all,- 

Your most Reverend Paternity s 

Most humble and obedient son, 

From the Residence of Sainte Marie, 
among the Hurons, new France, 
March i, 1649. 

To our Most Reverend Father in Christ, 

Vincent Caraffa, General of the 

Society of Jesus, Rome. 



For bibliographical particulars of this document, 
see Vol. XXXII. 


This is a Latin letter of Ragueneau to the Father 
General, in Rome. Father Felix Martin, when in 
Rome in 1858, copied the document in the domestic 
archives of the Society ; his translation thereof, into 
French, is given in Carayon s Premiere Mission, pp. 
233-244. The Latin text, from another copy of the 
original, is given in Rochemonteix s Jtsuites et la 
Nouve He- France, t. ii., pp. 458-463, and this, in the 
main, we follow in the present publication ; we have, 
however, in a few sentences, corrected apparent 
misreadings in Rochemonteix, by Martin s apograph, 
which is in the archives of St. Mary s College, Mont 


(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages 

of English text.} 

1 (p. 63). Several historians have stated that this is the first 
recorded mention of the cataract of Niagara, under that name. It 
appears, without a name, on Champlain s map of 1632 (vol. xxi. of 
this series, note 12), and he there briefly describes it. Lalemant, in 
his Relation of 1641, mentions the river, but not the falls, under the 
name Onguiaahra (vol. xxi., p. 191). The first illustration of the 
cataract was, according to Winsor, that given by Hennepin, in his 
Louisiane (ed. 1697). 

2 (p. 63). Regarding the Cat Nation, or Eries, see vol. xxi., 
note ii. 

3 (p. 81). Concerning the Arendaenronnon clan, see vol. viii., 
note 24. 

4 (p. 99). This defensive armor is described in vol. xiii., note 18. 

5 (p. 149). Lake Superior is here mentioned for the first time in 
the Relations, and apparently first receives here that appellation. 
Champlain s map of 1632 attempts to locate a lake of which he had 
had reports, N. W. from the " Mer douce," " a lake at which there 
is a Copper mine." This was evidently Lake Superior, though 
vaguely and incorrectly located. 

6 (p. 151). Kichkagoneiak: the Kiskakons. These people, 
though often mentioned in the Relations as a nation, were not a 
separate tribe, but only constituted the "Short-tailed Bear" clan 
of the Ottawas. The name Kichkagon is derived, not from any 
root suggestive of the bear as their totem, but from the Algonkin 
word Kiska, "to cut. " alluding to the abbreviated tail of the 
bear ; hence the French soubriquet Queues coupe es, Cut tails, 
sometimes given to this clan. J. G. HENDERSON. 

Late in the iyth century, these Kiskakon Ottawas were at Sault 
Ste. Marie and Mackinac; in 1745, they had extended as far south 
ward as Detroit. The Relation of 1669 (chap, vi.) mentions the 
labors among them of Menard and Allouez. 

7 (p. 167). Antiquarians differ as to the site of St. Ignace. The 


views of Hunter and Martin are given in vol. xvii., note 5. Hunt 
er s map (vol. x., p. 318) locates the first mission of this name in 
Medonte township, to the east of Sturgeon River ; the second (of 
1649), in Ta Y. about half-way from Maxwell village east to Hogg 
River. Father Jones, whose map of Huronia will appear in vol. 
xxxiv., places the first at a site about two miles east of the eastern 
end of Orr s Lake, on the east side of Sturgeon River; the second, 
on the west side of the same stream, just south of the northern 
boundary of Medonte. 

8 (p. 203). In regard to medical practices among the Indians, 
see U. S.Bur. Ethnol. Rep., 1885-86, pp. 151-159, 197-201, 241-242; 
1887-88, pp. 451-470; 1892-93, part i., pp. 139-150. Cf. Chickering s 
Hist, of Plants, pp. 803-810, 926, etc.; also Rush s Medicine 
amottg the Indians (Phila., [1774]). 

9 (p. 213). Concerning this "armored fish," see vol. i., note 68. 

10 (p. 225). Aireskouy (Areskoui): see vol. v., note 41. 

11 (p. 227). Tobacco offerings are described in vol. x., note 15. 

.--. >