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^ 


OEOLOOICAL  BOaETT, 
Febrouy  ith,  1880. 


.'^^«P' 


'   .  •  > 


LIBBABY  BEOULATIOHS. 

Tm  Coandl,  with  a  riew  to  the  oonrenienoe  of  the  Fellows  gene- 
nil  j,  and  to  the  better  care  of  Works  that  are  easily  injured,  have 
deemed  it  e3q>edient  to  make  the  following  regulations,  in  oonformitj 
with  Section  ZIZ.  Art  1  of  the  Bye-Laws. 

I.  The  Books  shall  onlj  be  deliyered  to  a  Fellow  of  the  Podety 

or  to  some  one  prodnoing  a  written  order  from  such  Fellow ; 

and  a  receipt-  shall  be  giren  bj  the  person  to  whom  the  book 

^     is  deliTerea  (expressing  the  name  of  the  Fellow  for  whom  it 

is  riH^iTed),  in  a  book  kept  for  that  purpose. 

5.  Anj  Fellow  failing  to  return  a  book  on  the  a|«plication  of  the 

Council,  or  returning  books  torn  or  defaced,  shall  be  consi- 
dered as  liable  for  their  Talue;  and  if  they  are  separate  Tolumes, 
f<v  the  ?alue  of  the  whole  work  rendered  imperfect. 
8.  All  books  allowed  to  circulate  may  be  retained  A  FORTNIGHT; 
after  the  expiration  of  that  time  eyery  book  shall  be  immedi- 
ately returned^  so  soon  as  the  Fellow  shall  receive  an  intima- 
tion from  the  Librarian  that  it  is  wanted ;  and  after  the  ex- 
Siration  of  ONB  MONTH  firom  the  date  of  its  having  been 
elivered  from  the  Library,  every  book  shall  be  returned. 
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tember for  a  fortni|{ht,  during  which  period  the  Library  shall 
be  closed  for  deamn^. 

6.  No  Fellow  shall  have  m  his  possession  at  one  time  more  than 

SIX  VOLUMES,  without  the  p«nnission  of  the  CounciL 

6.  Any  Member  foiling  to  comply  with  the  above  refmlations,  after 

receiving  notice  wm  the  Librarian,  shall  be  fined  half-a-crown 
for  every  week  that  a  volume  is  detained  beyond  the  time 
allowed;  and  the  privilege  of  having  books  from  the  Library 
shall  oease  until  the  fines  are  paid  and  the  books  are  retumeo. 

7.  All  ohwges  of  carrisffe  and  deuvery  of  books  &a  to  and  from 

Fellows  shUi  bf  defrayed  by  the  Fellow  borrowing  the  same. 

BXOEPTIOKS. 

I.  There  are  certain  Books  which  cannot  be  allowed  to  circulate. 
A  list  of  these  shall  be  prefixed  to  the  printed  Catalcypie  of  the 
Libnurr ;  Wnd  a  notice  of  such  additions  to  that  list  as  the 
Oonnou  ma]r  from  time  to  time  feel  it  necessary  to  make  shall 
be  fixed  up  in  the  Library. 

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out permission  in  writing  granted  by  the  Council,  or  by  the 
President  or  one  of  the  Mcretaries. 
IIL  No  book  or  illuitrati<m  in  loose  sheets  shall  be  allowed  to  dr- 
onlate. 

IT.  No  Periodieal  Publication,  and  no  Volume  or  Part  of  the 
IVansactions  of  any  Sodety.  shall  be  ^owed  to  dreulate 
until  after  the  expiration  ofiour  months  from  the  date  of  its 
having  been  received  at  the  Sodety. 

V.  All  new  works  shall  dreulate  amongst  the  Fellows  after  the 
expiration  of  a  fortnight  from  the  time  of  their  being  received, 
muess  the  Oounoil  (or.during  the  recess,  the  Prisddent  or  one 
of  the  Baoretaries)  shall  determine  otherwise. 

3  0  Book  lent  to  O*  SoeUty  i$  allowtd  to  oireulaU  wUhout  a  writitm 

otdotJroMk  ih§  PtofTittor* 


^^ 


I 


THE   JO:URNAL 


OF   THE 


BOMBAY   BRANCH 


OF  THE 


ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY. 


VOLUME    XXII. 


(Edited  by  the  Honorary  Secretary.) 


BOMBAY : 
SOCIETY'S  LIBRARY,  TOWN  HALL. 

LONDON : 
KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER  &  Co 

DRYDEN  HOUSE,  42,  GERARD  ST.,  S.  W. 


igo8. 


IKTEI'  AT 


TiSI 


-•VxA^ 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XXII. 


ART.  PAGE 

I. — Arabic  Poetry.     By  Prof,  S.  M.  Isfahani         .•.         i 

II. — On  the  Age  of  the  Sanskrit  Poet  Kaviraja.     By  Prof.  K.  B. 

X  atnaKy  d.a.    •••        •••        •••        •••        ■••        *••        ■••        ii 

III.— A  History  of  Bijapur  by  Raffiuddin  Shiraji.     By  V.  R. 

NatU)  B.A.)  I^Lt. D*     .••         .••         ■••  •••         >••         ly 

IV. — **  Shivaji*s  Swarajya."     By  Purushottam  Vishram  Mawji, 

ISSQ.  .••  •••  •••  •••  ■••  ••«  *••  •••  '20 

v.— Lt.-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis  (1796—1857)  and  his  MS.  Studies  on 
the  state  of  the  Maratha  People  and  their  History, 
recently  presented  to  the  Society  by  his  son.  By  R.  P. 
ivarKariay  isscj.  *••        *••         •••        •••        .••        .■•        a^ 

VI.— A  Brief  Survey  of  the   Upanishads.     By   M.  R.   Bodas, 

iVl./\. ,    X^L^,Di         .••  •••  •••  •••  •••  •»•  •««  07 

VII. — Nripatunga  and   the  Authorship  of  the  Kavirljamarga. 

(A  reply  to  Dr.  Fleet.)    By  Prof.  K.  B.  Pathak,  B.A.  ...        81 

VII  I. — An  Epigraphical  Note  on  Dharmapila,  the  second  Prince 
of  the  P^la  dynasty.  By  Prof.  Shridhar  Ramkrishna 
Bhandarkar,  M.A ,.       116 

IX. — A  comparison  of  the  Avestic  Doctrines  of  the  Fravashees 
with  the  Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas  and  other  later 
Doctrines.     By  R.  K.  Dadachanji,  B.A.,  LL.B.  ...       122 

X. — Ma^oudi  on  Volcanoes.     By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A.       135 

XI. — The  Date  of  the  Death  of  Nizami.     By  Jivanji  Jamshedji 

iVlOCllj  tj.A,         .••  ...  •••  ..•  ..•  ...  ,,,         14^ 

XII. — An  fiklihgji  stone  inscription  and  the  origin  and  history  of 

the  Lakulis^  Sect.     By  D.  R.  Bhandankar,  M.A.        ...       151 

XIII. — Maratha  Historical  Literature.     By  D.  B.  Parasnis,  Esq.       168 

XIV.— The    Death    of   Akbar :    A    Tercentenary    Study.     By 

R.  P.  Karkaria,  Esq.  lyg 

XV. — The  first  Englishman  in  India  and  his  Works,  especially 

his  Christian  Puran.     By  J.  A.  Saldanha,  B.A.,  LL.B.        209 


Vt  CONTENTS. 

Altr.  PAGE 

XVI.— ThoNnsik  (Jo|(haltembhi)  Hoard:of  Nahapana^s  Coins. 

By  Rev,  H.  R.  Scott,  M.A 223 

XVI L— The  Coins  of  Surat.  By  Rev.  Geo.  P.Taylor,  M.A.,D.D.      245 

XVin.^Hombtiy  a«   seen  by   Dr.  Edward   Ives  in  the   year 

1754  A.  IX     By  JivanjI  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A 273 

XIXi*— A  few  Notes  on  Broach  Anom  an  Antiquarian  point  of 

vlow.     By  JIvanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A....        ...        ...      298 

\\«  -Th«  rarlUAriyA  Dharuia  ^istra.     By  the  late  Mr.   Sham. 

rA\>  Vithi^U    (Oouiinunicated  by  the  President) •      324 


IV^vvdlnj^'*  Artvl  14  LUt  of  lV\>*ent<  to  the  Library,  from  March 

igv^  tv>  IVv^mber  igo;       -        >^       ...   i-xcii 


INDEX. 


Abhinava-Pampa,  8i,  84,   103. 
Ad,  an  Arabic  Poet,  3. 
Adipurana,  102. 
Adityaniga,  152. 
Ahichchhatra,  16. 
Ajjaj,  an  Arab  Poet,  7. 
Ajatasatru,  70. 
Akalankad^va,  10 1. 
Ak^avarsha,  113. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
as  given  by  Manucci  and 
Catrou,  196,  197. 

Akbar,  reference  to  the  death  of, 

in  Ferista*  190. 
Akbar,  death  of,  179 — 208. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
as  given  in  the  Rajaput  Chroni- 
cles translated  by  Tod,  199. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
by  Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  198. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
by  his  son  Emperor  Jehangir, 
182—186. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
in  Van  den  Broecke's  Mogol 
History,  194,  195. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
by  Asad,  in  his  '*  Wakiat  Asad 
Beg,"  187—189. 

Akbar,  account  of  the  death  of, 
in  the  **Tukhmila-i-Akbar- 
nama  "  by  Inayatulla,  189, 
190. 

Akbar's  death,  on  the  exact  date 
of,  200. 

Akbar's  tomb  at  Secundra,  de- 
scription of,  200 — 208. 


Akole  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,  37. 
Al-Bourkftn,  138,  140. 
AIhars»  an  Arab  Poet,  9. 
Amoghavarsha    I,    81,    82,    96, 
104,  105,  106. 

Amr-ibne-KuIsum,  an  Arab 
Poet,  8. 

A 

Amra,   152. 

Amra-ul-Kais,  an  Arab  Poet,  8. 
Amir  Khusro,  143. 
Angria,   Col.    T.    B.  Jervis's  ac- 
count of  the  Family  of,  64. 

Antare  bin  Shaddad,  an  Arab 
Poet,  8. 

Arabic  Language,  the  spread  of, 
and  formation  of  various  dia- 
lects derived  from  it,  2. 

Arabic  Literature,  three   periods 

of,  2,  3. 
Arabic  Poetry,  i,  2. 
Arabic  Poetry,  history  of,  3 — 10. 
Arabic  Poetry,  the  origin  of,  and 

the  first  writers  of,  3,  4. 

Arabic  writing,  on  the  origin  of, 

T. 

Aranyakas  of  the  Vedas,  67,  71. 

Arezura,  140. 

Arrajlin,  141. 

Aruni,  70. 

Arzur,  140. 

Asfar,  139. 

Ashvagr&ma.  152. 

Assheher,  139. 

Aswapati  Kaikeya,  69. 

At&bak  Kazal  Arslan,  144. 

Atisdyadhavala,  82,  ico,  loC. 


11 


INDEX. 


Avestic  Doctrines  of  the  Frava- 
shees,  comparison  with  the 
Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas 
and  other  later  Doctrines, 
122 — 134. 

Ayyub,  an  Arabic  Poet,  3, 
Bajirao  I,  65. 
Bajirao  II,  45. 
Baku,  138. 

Balaji  Janardhan  (Nana  Farna- 
vis),  65,  66. 

Balaji  Viswanath,  62,  64,  65. 

Banavasi,  a  town  in  North 
Canara,  14. 

Bappaka,  152. 
Barhout,  139. 

Bedar,  capture  by  Ismail  A 
dilshah,  27,  28. 

Behram  Gur,  305. 

Belgaum  Subha,  VVarghat,  38. 

Betgiri  Subha,  Warghat,     38. 

Bhandarkar  (D.  R.);  An  Eklingji 
Inscription  and  the  Origin  and 
History  of  the  Lakulisa  Sect. 
15^—167. 

Bhandarkar  (S.  R.)  ;  An  Epi- 
graphical  Note  on  Dharma- 
pala,    116 — 121. 

Bhartrihari,  86. 
Bhashyapradipa,  113. 
Bhatt&kalanka,  no,  114. 
Bhavabhuti,  120,  121. 

Bhimgad  Subha,  Konkan  Prant, 

37- 
Bhiwandi,  Subha,  Konkan,  36. 
Bhoja  I,  120,  121 

Bhonsle,  Col.  T.  B.  Jervis's  ac- 
count of  the  house  of  the, 
62,  63. 

Bhrigu,  152,  155. 

Bhrigu  Kaccha  (Broach),  152. 


Bijapur,  History  of,  by  Raffiud- 
din  Shiraji ;  a  short  account  of 
the  author,  Shiraji,  and  a  sum- 
marised translation  of  his  his- 
tory,   18 — 29. 

Bodas(M.  R.);  A  Brief  Survey 
of  the  Upanishads,  67 — 80. 

Bombay  as  seen  by  Dr.  E.  Ives, 
in  1754  A.D.  273 — 297  ;  A  short 
sketch  of  his  life  and  a  descrip- 
tion of  his  book  273,  274  ; 
Account  of  his  voyages,  275 — 
277  ;  Account  of  Bombay  and 
of  its  people,  277,  .'278  ;  The 
Parsees  of  Bombay  278 — 280  ; 
Observations  on  his  description 
of  the  Towers  of  Silence,  281 — 
290  ;  Forts  and  batteries  of 
Bombay,  290,  291  ;  Tank 
House,  291  ;  Interview  with 
a  Jogee  291,  292  ;  A  Govern- 
ment Hospital  in  Bombay, 
292,  293  ;  Tables  of  the 
daily  rainfall  in  Bombay  in 
1756,  293  ;  Bombay  Curios- 
ities ;  the  species  of  Bombay 
Snakes,  293  ;  Exchange  value 
of  the  English  money,  294  ; 
Lord  Clive  in  Bombay,  295  ; 
Preparation  for  attacking  the 
Fort  of  Gheria  (Vijayadurg), 
295—297. 

Broach,  a  few  notes  from  an  anti- 
quarian point  of  view,298^ 
323  ;  Sites  of  the  first  English 
and  Dutch  Factories,  298 — 300; 
The  Dutch  Cemetery,  301  ; 
Inscriptions  on  the  Dutch 
Tombs,  301,  302  ;  Errors  in 
Inscriptions  on  English 
Tombs, 302,  303  ;  Notes^on  the 
past  History  of  Broach,  from 
a  Parsee  point  of  view,  — 303 


INDEX. 


iil 


317  ;  Nabobs  of  Broach, 
Abdulla  Beg,  the  founder  of 
the  line  of  Nabobs,  300  ;  Hos- 
tilities between  the  Nabob 
and  the  English  at  Broach, 
311— 314;  Visit  of  the  Nabob 
of  Broach  to  Bombay  in  1772, 
314 — 316  ;  His  reception  at 
Bombay,  316 — 317, ;  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Kabir  Vad  (the 
Kabir  Banyan  Tree)  on  the 
bank  of  the  Nerbudda  near 
Broach,  317-^321  ;  Traditions 
relating  to  it,  the  Shrine  of 
Kabirjee,and  the  other  Tirthds 
or  Shrines  on  the  bank  of  the 
Nerbudda.  317 — 321  ;  Copies 
of  inscriptions  on  Ducth 
Tombs  at  Broach  and  their 
translation  322,  323. 

Campbell  Memorial  Medal. 
Scheme  for  the  Management 
of.     LXI— LXV. 

Caucasus^  138. 

Chakr&yudha,  116 — 121. 

Chhandombudhi,  114. 

Chandragupta,  118. 

Chaul,  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,36. 

Chilluka,  159,  161,  164. 

Chimnaji  Appa,  65. 

Christian  Puran,  written  by 
Thomas  Stephens,  in  the 
Marathi-Konkani  Language 
corresponding  to  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testaments,  211  ; 
Contents  of  the  Puran  and 
quotations  from  it,  214 — 221. 

Qive  (Lord),  Dr.  Ive's  reference 

to,  in  his  work    on    Bombay, 

205 — 207. 
Coins,  Nahapan's,  Hoard  found 

at  Nasik  (Joghaltembhi),  222 — 

244. 


Coins  of  Surat,  245—272. 
Dabhol  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,37. 

Dadachanji  (R,  K.)  —A  compari« 
son  of  the  Avestic  Doctrines 
of  the  Fravashees  with  the 
Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas 
and  other  later  Doctrines, 
122—134. 

Dajal,  136,  137. 

Damajee  Gaekwar,  63, 

Dandi,  81,  107. 

Demavend,  139. 

Devanandi,  102. 

Dhananjaya,  11,  12. 

Dharma  ^astra.  Para  ^ariya,  324 

-378- 

Dharmapala,  the  second  prince 
of  the  Pala  Dynasty,  Epigra- 
phical  note  on,  116— 121. 

Durgasimha,    11,  12,  88. 

Dutch  Cemetery  at  Broach,  ac- 
count of  the,  300 — 302  ;  Copies 
of  inscriptions  on  Dutch  tombs 
and  their  translation,  322,  323. 

Dutch  Factoi*y  at  Broach ;  identi- 
fication of  the  site,  with  a 
short  account  of  the  building 
and  of  an  inscription  on  one 
of  the  walls,  299,  300,  303. 

Dvaip^yana-Vyasa,  151,  154. 

Education  in  Western  India, 
Col.  T.  B.  Jervis's  observation 
on  the,  59 — 61. 

Ekalinga,  152,  164. 

Ekiingji  Stone  Inscription  and 
the  Origin  and  History  of  the 
Lakultsa  Sect,  151— 1 67. 

El-Borkftn,  142. 

Elburz,  139. 

Esk,    141,  142. 

Epigraphical  Note  on  Dharma- 
pala, the  second  prince  of  the 
Pala  Dynasty,  116— 121. 


IV 


indsx. 


Etn&,  138  —141. 

Eusaf  Adilshah  of  Bijapur,  early 
aiocount  of,  25 — 27 

Ferishta»  18. 

Ferozshah  bin  Ahmadkhan 
Bahamani,  character  and  end 
of,    23,  24. 

Forts,  included  in  Shivaji's  terri- 
tory, 40—42. 

Fravashees,   Comparison    of  the 
Avestic  Doctrines  of,  with  the 
Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas 
and    other     later     Doctrines 
122—134. 

Frohars  or  Fravashees,  doctrine 
of  Frawajrdeen  Yesht,  regard- 
ing, 125,  126. 

Gadag  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Gadhirupa,  305, 

Gaekwar,    Col.     T.    B.    Jervis's 

account  of  the  family  of  the,63. 
Gandharva,  305. 
Gango  Pandit,  22. 
GArgya,  153. 
Gdthds,  124. 
Gaudavaho,  84. 
Ghat  (Western),     Subhas  of  the, 

forming      part      of      Shivaji's 

Kingdom,  37—39. 
Gheria    Fort,    on    the    Konkan 

Coast,  295. 
Godrez,  a  Parthian  King,  304. 
Govind  Rao  Gaekwar,  63. 
Govind  III,  117 — 121. 
Gunabhadra,  85,  loi,  102,  113. 
GunAdhya's  Brihat  Katha,  12. 

Haft  Paikar,  143. 

Halyal  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Hammade  Raviyat,  Arab  Poet,  8. 

Hangal,  14,  16. 

Haradatta,  113. 

Harshadeva,  116,  117. 

Hedramaut,  139. 


Herambapila,  116. 
Himyar,  Arabic  Poet,  3. 
Hussen    Gango   Bahamani,    Ac- 
count of,  22,  23. 
Hussein  Ally  Khan,  31,  32. 

Imra-ul-Kais    bin    Hujr,    Arabic 
Poet,  8. 

Indra,  120. 

Indra  III,  ii6 — 118. 

Indrar&ja,  116,  117,  118,  120,  121. 

Indr&yudha,  119— 121. 

Isfahani  (Prof.  S.  M.),  Arabic 
Poetry,  i. 

Ismail  Adilshah,  27,  28. 

Ismail,  the  son  of  Abraham,    be- 
lieved to  be  the  first  inventor  of 
Arabic  Characters,  i. 

Ives  (Dr.  Edward) — Account  of 
his  book  of  Travels,  273,  274  ; 
Description  of  his  voyage  from 
Plymouth,  275,  277  ;  His  des- 
cription of  Bombay  and  its 
People,  277,  278. 

Izz-uddin  Masud,  149. 

Jabal-al-Barkan,  139. 

Jabl-al-nar,  142. 

Jagad^kamalla,  11,  12. 

Janaka,  69,  70. 

Janmejaya,  69. 

Jawali  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,  37. 

Jayantipura,  14,  15. 

Jervis  (Lt.-Col.  T.  B.  ),  1796-1857, 
and  his  Manuscript  Studies  on 
the  State  of  the  Maratha  People 
and  their  History,  43—66  ;  A 
Sketch  of  his  Life  and  his  Work 
in  Western  India,  44 — 50 ; 
Extracts  from  his  Manuscripts 
relating  to  the  Mahars,  56,  57  ; 
The  Condition  of  the  People, 
57— 59  ;  Education,  59—61  ; 
The  Bhonsle,  62—63;  The 
Gaekwar  63  ;  The  Angria,  64  ; 


INDBX. 


The    Peshwa,     64,   65 ;    Nana 

Furnavis,  65,  66. 
Jinas^na,  85,  96,  105. 
Jinendra  Vy&karana,  loi. 
Jowsham,  4. 
Junnar,  Subha,  Warghat,  39. 

Kabirvad      (the    Kabir    Banyan 
Tree)  on  the  bank  of  the   Ner- 
budda,  near  Broach,   Descrip- 
tion of  the,  317 — 321. 
Kaitabh-^rlLti,  84. 
Kaiyata,  113. 

Kalyan  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,  36. 
KimadSva,  a  Kadamba  King,  11, 

12,  13,  14,16. 
Kanoji  Angria,  64. 
Kannamayya,  Kanarese  Poet,  12. 
Karkaria(R.  P.).— Lt.-Col  T.  B. 
Jervis     (i  796-1857)     and      his 
Manuscript      studies      on    the 
state  of  the'Maratha  People  and 
their  History,  43 — 66. 
The  Death  of  Akbar.     A   Ter- 
centenary Study,  179 — 208. 
K&rohana,  153. 
K&rv&n,  153. 
Raurusha,  153. 
Kavirija,  the   Sanskrit  Poet,  on 

the  Age  of,  11 — 16. 
Kavirlijamftrga,    on  the  Author- 
ship of,  81 — 103. 
K^vy&darsli,  81,  107. 
Klvyftprakasha,  85,  86,  95. 
K^hryivaldkana,  84,  87. 
Klylvatara,  155. 
R^havana,  loi. 
K^sirlja,  89,  94,  95. 
Khatao  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 
Khnsru  and  Shirin,  143. 
Konkan,   Mr.  T.  B.   Jervis's  ac- 
count of  the,  52, 53  ;  His  obser- 
vations on  the  Condition  of  its 
People,  57—59- 


Konkan  Prant,  Subhas  in  the, 
forming  part  of  Shivaji's  King- 
dom, 36—37. 

Konkani  Language, Remarks  on, 
212,  213,  214. 

Kopal  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Koran  and  the  Arabic  Literature, 
10, 

Krakatoa,  137. 

Krishna,  84,  88,  155,  160. 

Krishna  II,  120. 

Krishnaraja  II,  85. 

Kshitipala,  116,  117,  118. 

Kudal  Subha,  Konkan  Prant,  37. 

Kumaid,  Arab  Poet,  7. 

Kunfuz-el-Kalabi,  4. 

Kurhad  Subha,  Warghat,*  38. 

Kusika,  152,  153. 

Krita  Krityamalla,  82. 

Labid,  Arab  Poet,  8. 
Laili  and  Majnun,  143. 
Lakshmi,  81,  84,  86,  87,  88,   100, 

"3- 
Lakuli,  155,  160,  161. 

Lakulisa,  158,  159,  160,  161,  164. 

Lakulisa-Pa^upata     Sect,     151, 

152*  i54« 
Lakulisa,   Temple  of,   152,  153, 

162. 

Lakulishvara,  164. 

Laxmeshwar  Subha,   Warghat, 

38- 

MS.<^badan,  141. 

Ma^oudi  on  Volcanoes,  135 — 142, 

Mftdhavabhatta,   Author    of  the 

Brahminical     Raghavapftnda- 

vtya,  16. 
M&dhav&ch^rya  ;    Life  and  work 

off  367-378. 
Madhavarao  Peshwa,  65. 
Madhavarao  (Sawai)  Peshwa, 65. 
Madhuk^svara,  14,  15. 
Mahapurana,  103. 


VI 


INDEX. 


Mahars  in  the  Deccan  and  the 
Konkan,  Col.  T.  B.  Jervis's 
account  of  the,  56 — 57. 

Mahavira-Vardhamana,  162. 

MahSshvara,  155. 

Mahtplla,  116. 

Mahmudi  Coins  of  Surat,  247 — 
249. 

Mahodaya  (Kanauj),  ii6,  118. 

Maillrling  at  H&ngal,  14. 

Maitreya,  153. 

Makhdum  Khajajahan,  24 — 25. 

Makhzan-ul-AsrAr,  143. 

Malkapur  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

MallishSna,  103. 

Mammata,  86,  95. 

Man  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Manoji  Angria,  64. 

Manucci's  Memoirs  of  the  Mogals 

of  India,  195 — 196. 
Maratha  Empire  as  established  by 

Shivaji,  30—31. 

Maratha  Historical  Ballads,  175, 
176. 

Maratha    Historical    Literature, 

168—178. 
Maratha  Historical,  Manuscripts 

in  the  Mackenzie  and  the  other 

Collections!  177. 
Maratha  History,  Collection  and 

Preservation   of    Marathi   and 

Persian  MSS  relating  to,  175. 
Maratha  History,  Documents  in 

the   Peshwa    Daftar   and    the 

other  Collections  in  the  Deccan 

bearing  on,  176,  177. 
Maratha  History,  Original  Works 

and    Translations   of   English 

Works  by  Indian  Writers  on, 

i74»  175. 
Maratha       Power,       Historical 
Works  by  European    Writers, 
•  and  Historical    Information  in 


Maratha  Bakhars  relating  to, 
169 — 174. 

Maratha  People  and  their  His- 
tory, Lt-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis's 
Studies  on  the  state  of  the,  43 — 
66. 

Mawal  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

MayC^ravarma,  16. 

Medal,  Campbell  Memorial. 
Sheme  for  the  Management 
of.     LXI-LXV. 

Menander,    305. 

M^kala,  152. 

Mihirkula,  98. 

Modi  ( J.  J.  )  ;  A  few  Notes  on 
Broach  from  an  Antiquarian 
point  of  view,  298,  323. 

Modi  (J.  J.) ;  Bombay  as  seen  by 
Dr.  Edward  Ives  in  the  year 
1754  A.  D.,  273,  297. 

Modi  (J.  J.) ;  Magoudi  on  Volca- 
noes, 135—142. 

Modi  (J.  J.)  ;  The  date  of  the 
death  of  Nizami,     143 — 150 

Mukkanna,    15. 

Munja,  king  of  Dhdri,  13. 

Murabhid  (Vishnu),   152. 

Muramer,  the  son  of  Murrah 
believed  to  be  the  first  to  Intro- 
duce the  Art  of  Writing  into 
Arabia,  i. 

Murari,  88. 

Musnad  or  Makeli  writing, 
known  to  the  tribe  of  Himyar, 
gradually  passed  on  to  Bagdad 
and  moulded  into  a  definite 
shape,  and  formed  the  present 
Arabic  characters,  i,  2. 

Nabeghe-e-Zub3rani,  Arab  Poet, 
8. 

N&gabhatta,  118,  119,  120,  121. 
N^adaha,  164. 
N&gahrada,  164. 


INDBX. 


Vll 


N^avarma,  114. 
N^gd&,  164. 
N^l^endra,  164. 
Nagojibhatta,  86. 

Nahapan's  Coins  ;  Hoard  found 
at  Nasik  (Joghaltembhi),  223 — 
244  ;  The  discovery  of  the 
hoard  ;  the  total  number  of 
coins  in  it ;  reference  to  the  find 
of  Kshatrapa  coins  at  Juna- 
gadh,  223 — 225  ;  Coins  in  the 
Junagad  find,  225  ;  The  Greek 
Inscription  on  the  obverse  of 
the  coins  ;  the  Inscription, 
originally  a  correct  translitera- 
tion of  the  Brahmi  Inscription 
on  the  reverse,  226 — 231  ;  The 
Kharostri  Inscription,  231 — 
234  ;  The  Brahmi  Inscription, 
234  ;  Remarks  on  the  Bust  of 
Nahapana,  235—238 ;  The 
Counter-struck  Inscription  of 
Satakarni  I.,  238 — 241  ;  The 
Symbols  on  the  Coins,  241 — 242. 

Nakulisa-P^supata  Sect,  151. 
Nana   Farnavis,    Col.  T.  B.  Jer- 
vis's  account  of,  65,  66. 

Nana  Saheb  Peshwa,  65. 
Nannisvara,  153. 
Narav&hana,  152. 
Narayanrao  Peshwa,  65. 
Nasik  (Joghaltembhi)    Hoard  of 
Nahapan's  coins,  223 — 244. 

Natu  (V.  R.);  A  History  of  Bija- 
pur  by  Raffiuddin  Shiraji,  18 — 
29. 

Naum&n,  141. 

Nawalghund    Subha,    Warghat, 

38. 

Nemichandra,  loi. 
Neminatha,  10 1. 
Nitinirantara,  82. 


Nizami,  on  the  date  of  the  death 
of,     143—150. 

Nizami,  the  date  of  the  birth  of, 
atid  his  five  Poems,  143. 

Nriptunga  and  the  Authorship  of 

Kavir&jamarga,    81 — 115. 
Nusratuddin  Abu  Bakr,  149. 

Pampa,     102,  104,  106. 
Pamparamayana,  11. 
Panhala  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 
Parabala,   119. 
Parashara,    154. 

Par^iariya  Dharma  ^astra  324 — 
378.  Dharma  324  ;  ^rutis  325  ; 
Smritis  326 — 340  ;  Puranas 
340—342  ;  Achara  343—351  ; 
Pardiara     Dharma     Samhita, 

351—357;  Caste  357—358;  Po- 
sition of  Woman  358 — 360  ; 
Penances  360 — 364  ;  Age  of 
Par^iara  364—366  ;  Madhavl- 
charya  367 — 378. 

Parasnis  (D.  B.);  Maratha  His- 
torical Literature,  168 — 178. 

Paribh^shendushekara,  S6. 

Pars,  142. 

Parsees  of  Bombay,  Sir  Streyn- 
sham  Master's  account  of, 
285 — 289. 

P^shupata  Sect,  162. 

Pashupati,   159. 

Pathak  (K.  B.);  On  the  Age  of 
the  Sanskrit  Poet  Kavirdja, 
10 — 16, 

Peelaji,  Gaekwar,  63. 
Peshwa      Family,     Col.     T.    B. 
Jervis's  account  of  the,  64,  65. 
Phultan  Mahal  Subha,  Warghat, 

38. 
Phonde   Subha,  Konkan    Prant, 

37- 
Fippalada,    69. 


] 


•  •  • 

Vlll 


INDBX 


Plato's  Doctrine  on   Ideas,    1 27, 

128. 
Poona  Subha,  Warghat,    37. 
Pravahana,    70. 
Pujyapada,  loi. 
Purshotam       Vishram      Mawji ; 

Shivaji's  Swarajya,  30—42. 

Raffiuddin  Ibrahim  bin  Nurud- 
din  Tawafic ;  a  short  ac- 
count of  the  life  of,  19 — 21. 

R^ghavaplLndviya,  n,    12. 
Raghoba  Dada,  65. 
Rajaram,  62. 
Rajapur  Subha,  Konkan   Prant, 

37- 
Rajpuri    Subha,  Konkan   Prant, 

36. 
Ram  Raja,  62. 
Ramnagar  Subha,  Konkan,  36. 

Ramraja,  king  of  Vijayanagar, 

account  of,  28,   29. 
Ranna,  87. 
St.     Thomas,     tne   Apostle,   the     1 

tomb  of,  in  India,  209. 
Saldanha(J.A.);ThefirstEngIish- 

nian    in    India  and    his  work 

especially  his  Christian  Puran, 

209 — 221. 
Samanta  bhadra,  loi. 
Sambaji  Angria,  64. 
Sambhaji,  62. 

Sampgaon  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 
Samud,  an  Arabic  Poet,  3. 
Sarasvati,  103. 
Sa^adhara,  11. 
Satara  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 
Sayajee  Rao  Gaekwar,  63. 

Scott  (Rev.  H.  R.);  The  Nasik 
(Joghaltembhi)  Hoard  of  Naha- 
pan*s  coins,  223 — 244. 

Shahu,  62,  64. 

Shahu,  enthroned  at  Satara*   31. 


Shamrao  Vithal.  The  Par;3lsa- 
riya  Dharma  Sastra,  324 — 378. 

Shankraji  Mulhar,  31. 

Sheikul  Akhtaq  Sheik  Sheikh 
Mahamad  Siraj,  22. 

Shiraji,  History  of  Bijapur  by, 
18 — 29. 

Shiva,  152,  153,  155. 

Shivaji,  62. 

Shivaji's  SwarajyA,  30 — 42. 

Shravan  Belgol  Inscription,  11. 

Shuka,  69, 

Sighelmus,  Bishop  of  Sherborne, 
his  visit  in  the  9th  Century 
A.  D.  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Tho- 
mas in  India,  209. 

Sikandar-Nameh,  143. 

Sikindar-Nameh,  an  old  MS  of, 
145,  148. 

Sinsdrchand,    an    Indian   King, 

304. 
Sirw&n,  141. 

Sdma,  a  Kadamba  King,  16. 

Stephens  (Thomas),  a  priest  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  the  first 
Englishman  coming  to  India, 
account  of  his  life,  the  works 
he  wrote  in  Marathi,  209 — 211 ; 

Surat,  coins  of,  245—272 ; 
Early  history  of  Surat,  245 — 
246;  The  period  of  local  Mughal 
Currency,  A.  H.,  985—1027, 
247 — 248  ;  The  period  of  Impe- 
rial Mughal  Currency  A.H., 
1030-12 1 5,  248 — 249  ;  Legends 
on  the  different  types  of  coins 
struck  at  the  Surat  Mint,  250— 
268  ;  The  period  of  the  East 
India  Company's  Currency;  A. 
H.,  1215—1251,268—270. 

Surat,  Tradition  about  the  found- 
ing of  the  city  of,  245. 
Suta,  69. 


To"*!*' '",  saenc"  "*  ^^^  *  *^ 

Trim-"'    'Ka»oW  *^ 
Tow"*'  "  ^^ 

^rxr«.---^.,.  '.its'-—' 


"^*i» 


vin 


INDBX 


Plato's  Doctrine   on   Ideas,    1 27, 

128. 
Poona  Subha,  Warghat,    37. 
Pravahana,    70. 
Pujyapada,  loi. 
Purshotam      Vishram      Mawji ; 

Shivaji's  Swarajya,  30 — 42. 

Raffiuddin  Ibrahim  bin  Nurud- 
din  Tawafic  ;  a  short  ac- 
count of  the  life  of,  19 — 21. 

R^ghavaplLndviya,  11,     12. 
Raghoba  Dada,  65. 
Rajaram,  62. 
Rajapur  Subha,  Konkan   Prant, 

37- 
Rajpuri    Subha,  Konkan   Prant, 

36. 

Ram  Raja,  62. 

Ramnagar  Subha,  Konkan,  36. 

Ramraja,  king  of  Vijayanagar, 

account  of,  28,    29. 
Ranna,  87. 

St.  Thomas,  tne  Apostle,  the 
tomb  of,  in  India,  209. 

Saldanha(J.  A. );  The  firstEnglish- 
nian  in  India  and  his  work 
especially  his  Christian  Puran, 
209 — 221. 

Samanta  bhadra,  loi. 

Sambaji  Angria,  64. 

Sambhaji,  62. 

Sampgaon  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Samud,  an  Arabic  Poet,  3. 

Sarasvati,  103. 

Sa^adhara,  11. 

Satara  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Sayajee  Rao  Gaekwar,  63. 

Scott  (Rev.  H.  R.);  The  Nasik 
(Joghaltembhi)  Hoard  of  Naha- 
pan's  coins,  223 — 244. 

Shahu,  62,  64. 

Shahu,  enthroned  at  Satara*   31. 


Shamrao  Vithal.  The  Par^sa- 
riya  Dharma  Sastra,  324—378. 

Shankraji  Mulhar,  31. 

Sheikul  Akhtaq  Sheik  Sheikh 
Mahamad  Siraj,  22. 

Shiraji,  History  of  Bijapur  by, 
18 — 29. 

Shiva,  152,  153.  155. 

Shivaji,  62, 

Shivaji's  Swarajyd,  30 — 42. 

Shravan  Belgol  Inscription,  11. 

Shuka,  69, 

Sighelmus,  Bishop  of  Sherborne, 
his  visit  in  the  9th  Century 
A.  D.  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Tho- 
mas in  India,  209. 

Sikandar-Nameh,  143. 

Sikmdar-Nameh,  an  old  MS   of, 

145,  148. 
Sins4rchand,    an    Indian   King, 

304- 
Sirw&n,  141. 

Soma,  a  Kadamba  King,  16, 
Stephens  (Thomas),  a  priest  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  the  first 
Englishman  coming  to  India, 
account  of  his  life,  the  works 
he  wrote  in  Marathi,  209 — 21 1  ; 
Surat,  coins  of,  245—272 ; 
Early  history  of  Surat,  245 — 
246;  The  period  of  local  Mughal 
Currency  a  A.  H.,  985 — 1027, 
247 — 248  ;  The  period  of  Impe- 
rial Mughal  Currency  A.H., 
1 030-1 2 15,  248 — 249  ;  Legends 
on  the  different  types  of  coins 
struck  at  the  Surat  Mint,  250 — 
268  ;  The  period  of  the  East 
India  Company's  Currency;  A. 
H.,  1 2 15 — 1251,268 — 270. 

Surat,  Tradition  about  the  found- 
ing of  the  city  of,  245. 
Suta,  69. 


INDEX 


IX 


Swarajya,  Maratha,  established 
by  Shivaji,  statement  of 
36—42. 

Tuilapa  II,  87. 

Tailapa,  a  Kadamba  King,  16. 

T^agund,   15. 

Tara  Bai,  62 

Tarak^svara,  14. 

Tarikh-i-Salim  Shahi,  182, 

Tarle  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Taylor  (Rev.  G.  P.),  The  Coins  of 
Surat,    245—272. 

Terammah,  Arabic  Poet,  7. 

Torafa,  Arabic  Poet,  8. 

Towers  of  Silence  in  Bombay, 
observations  on  Dr.  Ives's  de- 
scription of,  286—289. 

Treaty  between  Shahu  and  Hus- 
sein Ally  Khan,  giving  Swaraj- 
ya to  the  Marathas,  9th 
September  1718,  32,  33. 

Tril6chana,  15. 

Trinetra,  15. 

Trinetra,  a  Kadamba   King,  13, 

Tukoji  Angria,  64 

Tulaji  Angria,  64. 
Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri,  182. 
Ud^harana-Chandrika,  104. 
Uddalaka  Aruni,  69,  70. 

Uluka,  153. 

Upanishad,  meaning  of  the  Word, 

67 — 69. 
Upanishads,   a  brief  Survey  of, 

67—80. 
Upanishads,  a  table  giving  a  list, 
names  of  the  Vedas  to  which 
they    belong    and    the    works 
which  mention  75—80. 


Upanishads,  the  number  and  the 

age  of,  71—74- 
Upendra,  116,   118. 
Ushasti  Ch4kriyana,  69 

Vaidyanath,  104. 

V^kyapadiya,  86. 

Van  den  Broecke,  the  first  Presi- 
dent of  the  Dutch  Factory  at 
Surat,  192. 

Vasubhaga  Bhatta,   12. 

Vasuddva,   155. 

Vatsar^Lja,  120. 

Vayu  Purina,  the  date  of,    155— 

157- 
V^^nga  Muni,  152. 

Vesuvins,  137,  138,  141,  142. 

Vikrama,  306. 

Vinayakapala,   1x6. 

Vira  Baliaia  II.,    Hoysal  King, 

16. 
ViranarSLyana,  82,  83,  87,  98,  100, 

"3- 
Vishnu,  81,  83,  84,  85,  86,  87,  88, 

89,  98,   100,  103,  113,  154.  i55» 

160. 
Vishnupurana,  86. 
Volcanoes    of   the    World,    Ma 

coudi*s    description    of,    135— 

142. 

Wadi-Berhout,   141. 

Wai,  Subha,  Warghat,  38. 

Yajnyavalkya,  69,  70. 
Yasovarman,   120,121. 

Zabej,  137. 

Zuhair-bin     Abusulma,      Arabic 
Poet  8. 


■ 


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No.       XVII.  (1853)...  2    ! 
Vol.  v.— 
No.      XVIII.  C1853I...  2    1 
No.  XIX.  (1854)...  3    < 

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Vol.  VJ.— 

No.  XXI.  C>86a)...  3    , 

Vol.  VII.— (not  in  stock) 

No.       XXII.  3 

Vol.  VI H.— 
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Vol.  IX.— 

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Vol.  XL- 
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No.  XXX.  (1874)--  3 
Vol.  XI.— 

No.       XXXI.  ( 
No.     XXXII.  I 
Vol.  XII.— 

No.   XXXIII.  (1876)...  3 

No.    XXXIV.  (1876).,.  3 

No.    XXXIV  (A).  Extra 

Number  (Dr.  BUhler's 

Report    on     Sanskrit 

MSS.,  Kashmir),  1877.  3 

Vol.  XI 11.— 

No.       XXXV  (1877)...  4 
Vol.  XIV.— 

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N0.XXXVIII.C1880)-  3 


OF  THE  SOCIETY. 

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Volum6)(i905)  ■•■5    °    ° 


Art.  I — Arabic  Poetry. 

By  Professor  S.  M.  Isfahani. 

Read  before  the  Persian  Section  on  lyth  January  1905,  in  connection 
with  the  Centenary  Celebration  of  the  Society, 

'  In  the  absence  of  any  authentic  history  or  any  other  reliable  sources 
of  information,  it  is  not  possible  to  speak  with  certainty  as  to  when  the 
Arabic  language  was  first  put  into  writing.  European  scholars,  with 
all  their  latest  researches,  have  not  come  to  any  definite  conclusion  in 
this  matter.  Arab  historians  who  flourished  after  the  rise  of  Islam 
have  given  different  views  on  the  subject.  Most  of  them  believe  that 
Ismail,  the  son  of  Abraham,  first  invented  the  Arabian  characters  and 
wrote  the  language,  while  others  say  that  the  Arabs  knew  the  art  of 
ivriting  in  the  time  of  Job  the  Prophet,  whose  sermons,  which  were 
originally  in  Arabicfand  are  now  lost,  were  translated  into  Hebrew  by 
the  Prophet  Moses.  This  view  has  been  supported  by  many 
orientalists. 

A  tradition  ascribes  the  authorship  not  of  the  Arabic  characters 
alone  but  of  all  other  languages  to  the  father  of  mankind.  To  teach 
his  posterity  their  languages,  300  years  before  his  death  he  wrote 
down  the  characters  of  the  different  tongues,  which  his  children  were 
to  speak,  on  bricks  which  he  had  especially  made  for  the  purpose,  and 
deposited  them  in  a  safe  place.  During  the  deluge  the  one  on  which 
the  Arabic  characters  were  inscribed  was  lost  ;  but  after  the  building 
of  the  Kaba  by  Abraham,  his  son  Ismail  discovered  the  hidden 
treasure  through  a  dream,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Angel  Gabriel  he 
read  the  characters,  and  taught  them  to  his  community.  The  majority 
of  historians  considering  the  story  too  fabulous  give  a  more  recent 
origin  for  the  Arabic  characters.  Muramer,  the  son  of  Murrah,  who 
belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Tai  and  was  a  native  of  Anbar,  was  the  first  to 
introduce  the  art  into  Arabia,  himself  possibly  learning  it  from  the 
Phoenicians. 

The  tribe  of  Himyar  had  a  kind  of  script  in  which  the  letters  were 
written  separately,  called  the  Musnad  or  Makeli  writing.  It  was 
jealously  guarded  against  the  touch  of  the  vulgar,  and  the  teaching 
of  it  required  a  license  from  the  authorities.  It  gradually  travelled  to 
Hira,  a  town  on  the  borders  of  the   Persian   Empire,   where  it   was 


2  ARABIC    POETk%'. 

zealously  studied   under  the  patronage   of  the    Munzer    family,    the^ 
vassals  of  the   Persian    Kings.     A  short  time   before    Islam   it  i;^as- 
introduced  amongst  the  tribe  of  Koraish,  to  which  the  Prophet  Moha- 
med  belonged.     It  then  passed  through  the  hands  of  many  reformers 
and  travelled  through  many  cities  and  towns  till,  about  the  end  of  the 
3rd   century,    in  Bagdad,    the  city  of  the  Khalifs,  it  was  moulded  into- 
a  definite   shape,  which  it  retains  to   the  present  time.     In  the  4th 
century  it  was   reduced  to  a  regular  art,   comprising  several  kinds  of 
penmanship  on   which  a   large  number  of  books  are  written.      The 
history    of    these     reformers  and   the    famous    caligraphists  of    the 
third  and   fourth   centuries    belong  to  the   second   period   of  Arabic 
literature,  and  will  be  given  later  on.     However,  the   art   of  writing, 
before  Islam,  was  known   to  a  select  few  ;  and   therefore   we  see   the 
prophet  of  Arabia,  though  he  was  illiterate  and  was  never  **  schooled," 
advancing    his    claim    to  prophetic  rank   by   the     production    of  his 
Koran.      Thus   the  Arabic  language  spread    not    over    the    land    of 
its  birth  but  all  over  the  world,  and  gave   birth  to  a  literature  which 
has     been     the     wonder    of    the    civilized    world.      Arab    conquests 
carried  the  language  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  East  and  West  and 
made  it  the  permanent  tongue   of  the  places   conquered,   and   mixing 
with  the  local  tongues  it  branched  off  into  many   dialects.     With   the 
exception  possibly  of  Sanskrit,  no  other  language  in  the  world  seems 
to  have  become  the  parent  of  so  many  daughters.     Thus  it  was  not  by 
the  children  of  the  soil  of  Arabia  that  this  vast  literature  was  produced, 
but  authors  from  the  hearts  of  Africa  and  Europe,  Egypt  and  Abyssinia,^ 
Constantinople  and  Cordova,  Persia  and  even  India,   have  contributed 
their  quota   to   the   general   stock    and   helped   in  raising   this  huge 
monument  of  Arab  intellect.     It  may  be  remembered  that  the  contribu- 
':ion  of  Persia  to  this  fund  was  very  large   indeed.     A  reference  to   the 
writers  and  authors  of  the  first  five  centuries  of  Islam   will  show   that 
the  Persians  stood  as  the  first  masters  in  every  department  of  learning 
then  known.     1  am  inclined  to  say  that  if  we  were  to  compare  the  parts 
played  by  the  pure  Arabs  and  the  Persians  in  the  production  of  this^ 
literature,  and  to  strike  the  balance,  it  will  go  in  favour  of  the  latter, 
at  least  in  point  of  quality  and  originality.  Hence,  in  treating  of  Arabic 
literature  one  has  to  take  into  account  the  parts  played  by  other  nations  ; 
for  it  did  not  come  into  existence  by  the   fostering  care  of  the  pagan 
Arabs   and  the   votaries   of  Islam    alone,    but   Christians    and    Jews 
also  lent  a  helping  hand  to  its  expansion.     It  is,    therefore,    a  liter- 
ature    produced    not    by    the    Arabs,     but    by     the    Arabic-speaking 
people. 

Arabic  literature  has  been  divided  into  three  periods  :     (1)  the  pre- 
Islamic  period,  which  comprises  about  two  centuries  ;     (2)  the  period 


ARABIC    POETRY.  3 

after  the  rise  of  Islam  down  to  the  fall  of  Bagdad  in  A.  D.  1258  or 
A..H.  656  comprising  about  six  centuries  ;  (3)  from  the  fall  of  Bagdad 
down  to  the  present  time ;  which  three  periods,  properly  speaking, 
represent  its  birth,  growth  and  decline. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  literature  of  every  nation  commences  with 
poetry.  This  is  perfectly  true  of  the  Arabic  literature.  To  the  ancient 
Arabs  poetry  was  everything  :  it  was  the  record  of  their  war  and  peace, 
the  book  of  their  philosophy  and  learning,  —in  fact,  the  sum  total  of 
their  wisdom  and  intellect.  The  poet  was  not  only  revered  but 
worshipped.  His  word  was  law.  At  his  command  they  undertook 
war,  and  at  his  suggestion  made  peace. 

It  is»  impossible,  since  poetry  existed  before  writing,  to  trace  the 
origin  of  Arabic  poetry  or  to  point  out  the  person  who  first  composed  it. 
•*  The  long  caravan  marches  across  the  monotonous  deserts  when  the 
camel's  steady  swing  bends  the  rider*s  body  almost  double,  turning  the 
unaccustomed  traveller  sick  and  giddy,  soon  taught  the  Arab  to  sing 
rhymes.  He  even  noted  very  soon  that  as  he  hurried  the  pace  of  his 
recitation,  the  long  string  of  camels  would  raise  their  heads  and  step 
out  with  quickened  pace.  This  creature,  stupid  and  vindictive  though 
it  be,  is  sensitive  to  some  extent  to  music,  or,  at  all  events,  to  rhythm. 
Its  four  heavy  steps  gave  the  metre,  and  the  alternation  of  long  and 
short  syllables  in  the  spoken  language,  the  successive  pulsation 
of  the  said  metre. " 

I  have  quoted  the  above  passage  for  what  it  is  worth,  but  I  cannot 
believe  that  the  **  long  caravan  marches  "  taught  the  Arab  to  sing 
rhymes,  nor  that  the  camels'  **four  heavy  steps"  gave  the  metre.  In 
this  connection  we  may  just  turn  to  the  poetry  of  other  nations  in  the 
East  and  West.  Was  it  the  **  long  caravan  marches  "  that  taught  the 
Chinese  to  sing  rhymes,  or  **  the  four  heavy  steps  of  the  camel  "  that 
gave  the  Romans  and  the  Grecians  their  metre  ?  The  most  barbarous 
people  in  the  world,  be  they  the  Zulus  in  the  veldts  of  Africa  or  the 
Red  Indians  in  the  prairies  of  America,  in  their  rudest  state  of  life  have 
sung  rhymes  and  given  expression  to  their  emotions  and  feelings 
in  rhythmical  language,  not  through  the  instrumentality  of  any  outside 
influence  as  has  been  suggested  above,  but  through  the  inspiration  of 
nature  and  nature  alone. 

It  is  interesting  to  see  the  Arab  authors  vying  with  one  another  to 
fasten  the  fathership  of  Arabic  poetry  on  different  individuals.  Ad, 
Samud,  and  Himyar  have  by  turns  been  mentioned  as  the  first  poet, 
and  some  have  even  gone  further  and  ascribed  it  to  Ajyub  the  Prophet, 
who  lived  sixteen  centuries  before  Christ  and  who  is  given  the  pa/m  of 
superiority  or  at  least  priority  to  Homer,  the  best  poet  of  ancient  times. 


ARABIC   POETRV, 


It  is  Stated  that  he  composed  some  sermons  in  Arabic  verse,  now 
lost  which  were  rendered  into  Hebrew  by  the  Prophet  Moses.  \\e 
even  find  some  Arab  authors  quoting  fragments  of  poetry  supposed  to 
have  been  composed  by  both  the  male  and  female  members  of  the  tribe 
of  Amalek,  the  fifth  ancestor  of  Ayyub. 

It  may  naturally  be  asked,  how  is  it  that  poetry  precedes  prose  ?  The 
reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  Poetry  is  the  expression  of  strong  emotions 
and  passions  excited  in  the  heart,  clothed  in  everyday  language  ;  but 
nrose  is  an  art  which  requires  training  and  study.  The  poet  s 
Tanguaee  is  not  fettered  by  the  artificial  rules  which  the  prose  writer  is 

bound  to  f»"o^ :  '^^   '^^^  "'^">'  """'"  *■'"'  '  "'"'^  T 

is  not  blessed.     In  short,  poetry  is  the  language  of  the  heart,  and  there- 
fore natural,  while  prose  is  the  language  of  the  educated  man. 

Durinc  the  Days  of   Ignorance,   as   the    pre-Islamic  era  and    the 
orimitive  state  of  the  Arabs  is  called,  the  whole  .\rab  learning  amounted 
to  a  rude  knowledge  of  the  firmament  and  its  luminaries,  whose  move- 
ments they  had  been  witnessing  for  generations  past,  and  to  whose 
alencv  they  ascribed  all  their  happiness  and  misery,  and  an  empiric 
rcauaintance  with  medicine,  founded  either  upon  imperfect  observa- 
tions and  experiments,  or  learnt  from  the  Persians  and  Indians.     But 
on  the  other  hand  nature  had  compensated  them  by  endowing  them 
with  quickness  of  comprehension,    subtlety    of  thought,  and   a  high 
de-ree  of  eloquence.     Therefore  most  of  them  were  able  to  compose 
noetrv      It   is  said   that  every  Arab  is  a  poet    by  nature      We  give 
Cow  a   proverb   the   origin  of   which  is  traced  to  an    Arab  named 
Kunfuz-el-Kalabi,  whose  son  Jowshan  suddenly  developed  as  a  poet  to 
the    utter    surprise     of    his   father,     who    did    not    wish    h.s    son 
to  meddle  with  poetrv  and  therefore  prevented  him  from  giving    vent 
in  verse  to  the  emotions,  that  made  his  heart  restless.  But  the  storm  that 
raced  in  his  heart  was  too  strong  for  him  and   he  succumbed  to  it. 
The    father    becoming  aware  .it    the  last   moment   of  the    mischief 
that  he  had  done,  gave  him  permission  to  compose  his  verses  :  but  it 
was  too  late,  and  the  son  before  he  died  could   only  exclaim  "  Hal-ul- 
lariz-Dun-al-Kariz"— "Death  intervenes  between  me  and  poetry  now." 
Although  this  gift  of  nature  was  common  to  the  whole  Arab  nation 
hich  and  low  alike,   still  the  Nobility  were  adverse  to  it  and  looked 
askance  at  those  of  their  own  class  who  were  Jjossessed  of  it  and  desired 
to  utilise  it.    We  find  proof  of  this  in  the  case  of  Amra-ul-kais,  the  poet- 
king  as  he  is  called,  who  stands  at  the  head  of  the  ancient  Arab  poets. 
He  was  banished   by  his  father  for  indulging  in  the  composition  ef 

poetry.  , 

Simple  desert  life  with  few  wants  to  provide  for  and  fewer  civic  duti.  s 
to  attend  to,  gave  the  primitive  Arab  ample  time  to  improve  Ws  tongue. 


ARABIC    POETRY.  5 

and  bring  it  to  a  high  degree  of  perfection*  It  was  the  labours  of  these 
silent  workers  of  the  desert  that  in  later  times  bore  fruit  in  the  form  of 
huge  and  numberless  works  on  Lexicography  and  Philology  compiled 
by  Muhammadan  travellers  and  scholars  after  the  spread  of  Islam. 
Every  part  of  the  body  of  the  camel,  the  most  precious  property  of  the 
Arab,  was  minutely  observed,  studied  and  a  name  given  to  it ;  the 
creature  itself  bears  a  thousand  different  names,  and  its  various  gaits 
even  have  been  noted  and  named.  The  lion,  the  greatest  enemy  of  the 
dweller  in  the  desert,  has  received  five  hundred  names  and  titles  ;  wine, 
perhaps  the  only  luxury  the  Arab  could  enjoy  in  his  own  tent,  being 
provided  mostly  with  it  by  the  early  Christian  merchants,  was  called  by 
a  hundred  names.  Along  with  the  above  mentioned  development  of 
the  language,  poetical  composition,  which  afterwards  played  such  a 
prominent  part  in  the  Arabic  literature,  was  being  evolved.  The 
specimens  that  have  been  handed  down  to  us  of  those  compositions, 
though  very  meagre  and  fragmentary,  yet  are  sufficient  for  a  compari- 
son with  the  forms  that  poetry  took  in  later  times. 

The  earliest  remnants  of  Arabic  poetry  are  some  pieces  relating  to 
satire  ;  and  it  is  therefore  believed  that  poetry  with  the  Arabs  first  as- 
sumed that  form.    The  Arab,  so  jealous  of  his  honor,  would  fall  an  easy 
prey  to    excitement  at  a  word   of  ridicule.     Satire,    it   seems,    was 
a  secondary  kind  of  warfare,  to  which  the  Arabs  resorted    in  early 
times.     The  honour  of  the  whole  tribe  depended  upon  the  magic  word 
that  issued  from  the  mouth  of  the  poet.     The  adversary  whose  honour 
was  assailed  could  not  rest  till  he  had  retaliated,  and  so  the  Hej&  or 
satire  passed  from  lip  to   lip  and  spread  over  the  whole  desert.     But 
this  was  not  the  only  use  that  the   poet  made  of  the  inspiration  with 
which  he  was  supposed  to  have  been  gifted.     Often  did  he  record  in 
verse  the  events  of  his  times  ;   the  exploits   of  heroes  and   warriors, 
the   generosity  of  chiefs    and   lords   were   put   into   verse  and  sunj; 
by  the  members  of  his  tribe.     In  fact,  in   the  absence   of  any  other 
means,  this  was  the  only  way  in  which  they  could  preserve  the  memory 
of  those  events.     The  description  of  the  English  ballad   exactly  repre- 
sents the   state  of  the  primitive  Arabic  poetry.  *'  Most  of  these  ballads 
were  never  written  down,    never  printed,  but  were  carried  about  in  tho 
memories  of  the  Englishmen  for  hundreds  of  years.     But  though  the 
ballads  were   altered  to   suit  the  circumstances,    national   feeling   or 
personal  preference,  yet  they  have  kept  their   purity   except  in  a  few 
cases  when    passing  from  the  mouth  of  the  reciter  to  the  ear  of  the 
hearer.    These  ballads  were  recited,  chanted  or  sung  to  the  harp  by  the 
itinerant  minstrels,  strollers  from  the  hall  to  the  hamlet,  from  the  town 
to  the  cottage,  from  the  fair  to  the  market,  with  songs   old  or   new  or 
newly  revised.*'      This    is     a    true    picture   of    the    state   of    Arabic 


6  ARAEtC    FOETRY. 

poetry  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  It  was 
to  recite^  or*  chant  these  poems  that  in  those  times  poets  were 
invited  to  the  courts  of  Princes  and  great  Amirs.  These  poets  travelled 
to  distant  places  and  everywhere  were  received  with  great  honour. 
They  carried  the  fame  and  ill-fame  of  the  tribes  in  their  hands.  .A 
slight  indifference  or  discourtesy  shown  to  them  would  jeopardise  the  re- 
putation of  the  whole  tribe.  It  may  be  noted  here  that  the 
satires  composed  during  this  period  were  far  above  the  type  to  which 
they  were  reduced  in  later  times.  The  words  were  poignant,  sharp 
and  biting,  but  within  proper  limits.  But  the  successors  of  these 
satirists  passed  all  bounds  of  modesty  and  decency,  even  degenerating 
into  abuses  and  obscenities. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  we  notice  a  change  for 
th3  better  which  comes  gradually  over  the  Arabic  language.  Its 
vocabulary  is  enriched  and  the  meanings  of  words  became  fixed. 
The  poet  feels  conscious  of  his  power  and  duty.  The  kasideh  takes  its 
definite  form  ;  the  tone  of  the  language  appears  to  be  chaste  and  J^t 
times  philosophic.  The  verses  of  the  poet  are  interspersed  with  words 
of  sound  advice  to  the  community,  and  the  poet  tries  to  quench  the  fire 
which  his  predecessors  used  to  fan.  It  is  also  at  this  time  that 
we  find  poets  attached  to  the  courts  of  Princes  and  Nobles,  and,  being 
called  court  poets  in  contradistinction  to  the  desert  poets,  laying,  so  to 
speak,  the  foundation  of  the  future  post  of  Poet  Laureate. 

The  gift  of  poetic  inspiration  was  not  monopolised  by  the  males  only: 
the  fair  sex  had  also  a  full  share  in  it.     At  this  period  Arabia  produced 
some  poetesses  who  could  well  compete   with   the   best   of  the   poets. 
The    custom  of   mourning  and   lamentation   by   women   following   a 
funeral     procession    is     of    ancient     origin.     Like     Indian    women, 
Arab  women   continued   to   mourn  for  many  days,  and  at  times  other 
women  were  hired  to  mourn  with  them.     They  followed   the  bier  bare- 
footed and  bareheaded,  sometimes  even  with   shaven  heads,  moaning 
and  uttering  plaintive  words  with  a  cadence  which  gradually  resulted 
in  the  composition  of  elegies,  tor  the  production   of  which  the  fair  sex 
is  no  less  renowned  than  is  the  sterner  one  for  the  production  of  eulogy. 
An   Indian   writer   has   given    a  very    fine  picture  of  Arabic  poetry  of 
this  time,  which  I  quote  here,  though  with  some   reservation:  **  They 
(the  Arabs)  had   at  that  time  no  rules  of  grammar  or  versification  to 
guide  them  ;  and  yet  their  verses   were   scrupulously  accurate,    and 
hardly  ever   went  wrong.     They  had    neither  any  fixed    criterion  of 
rhetoric  nor  any  canons  of  criticism  ;  yet  their  idioms,   expressions, 
images,    similes  and  metaphors  were  as  accurate,  as  clear,  as  lucid, 
and  as  perspicuous  as  any  of  the  subsequent  established  schools  of  the 
post-Islamic  times.     One  of  the  distinctive  features   of  the   primitive 


ARABIC    POETRY.  7 

literature  of  ihe  Arabs  was  that  it  possessed  the  real  and  rare  beauty  of 
being  a  faithful  representation  of  nature,  inasmuch  as  their  images 
were  derived  directly  from  nature,  and  their  composition  was  merely 
a  real  expression  cf  their  real  feelings  and  a  true  reflexion  of  their 
mental  workings.  False  fame,  vain  glory,  flattery  and  empty  praise 
were  motives  not  known  to  those  early  Arabs  who  led  a  simple  innocent 
life,  in  the  lap  of  nature,  invested  with  all  its  concomitant  virtues — 
ibravery,  courage,  gallantry,  truthfulness,  innocent  and  sincere  love, 
fidelity,  generosity,  liberality,  charity,  hospitality,  and  a  hatred  of 
cruelty  and  oppression.  With  the  Arabs  of  those  times  poetry  was  a 
Ljift  of  nature,  commonly  bestowed  on  al!  alike,  whether  old  or  young, 
■man  or  woman,  rich  or  poor,  high  or  low,  noble  or  m 
peasant,  who  used  it  as  a  tangible  expression  of  the! 
ready  vehicle  of  what  they  thought  and  felt,  and  a.  lasting  record  of 
their  views,  made  more  impressive  and  more  perspicuous  by  illustrative 
similes,  apt  images,  and  suitable  metaphors,  such  as  were  readily 
supplied  by  natural  objects  and  views  of  daily  sight."  1  would 
certainly  use  my  vocabulary  of  praise  with  some  degree  of  parsi- 
mony, and  would  not  exhaust  it  so  lavishly  on  the  beauties  of  early 
Arabic  poetry  and  the  excellences  of  Arab  traits.  But  this  is  perfectly 
true,  that  the  language  of  the  early  poets  was  absolutely  pure  and  the 
similes  and  metaphors  used  by  ihem  were  directly  taken  from  nature. 
This  characteristic  was  mucit  more  noticeable  among  the  desert  than 
amongst  the  town  poets.  Ajjaj,  who  was  a  well-known  desert  poet, 
was  once  asked  his  opinion  about  the  difference  in  his  poetry  and  that 
of  Kumaid  and  Terammah,  who  were  accustomed  to  have  their  difficul- 
ties solved  by  him.  He  said,  as  he  derived  bis  similes  and  metaphors 
Arst  hand  from  his  own  observation  of  nature,  there  was  no  possibility  of 
his  missing  or  misplacing  them,  but  that  as  the  latter  two  lived  in  the 
town  and  wrote  about  things  which  they  did  not  see  but  of  which  they 
heard  only  fi^jm  others,  they  often  went  wrong.  Another  peculiarity  of 
primitive  Arab  poetry  is  the  I.  isplay  of  martial  valour,  and  the  warlike 
spirit  and  love  of  independence  which  prevail  throughout  the 
verses.  It  was  on  this  account  that  when,  in  the  second  century  of 
Islam,  the  portals  of  Greek  learning  were  opened  to  Arab  authors, 
no  poetical  work  of  the  Grecians  was  rendered  into  Arabic,  as  ihey 
found  Greek  poetry  wanting  in  that  heroic  and  martial  spirit  which 
the  Arab  values  above  all.  The  same  may  be  said  for  the  absence  of 
the  translation  of  historic  works. 

After  the  rise  of  Islam,  when  poetry  together  with  other  subjects  was 
treated  scientifically  and  reduced  to  an  art,  the  poets  were  divided  into 
four  divisions.  First,  Al-Jaheliyyun  or  those  who  lived  before  Islam  and 
died  pagan,  or  even  those  who  lived  down  to  that  time   bu      "    ' 


8  ARABIC   POETRY. 

Muslims.  Second,  AUMukhzaremun  or  those  pagan  poets  who  accept- 
ed Islani  and  died  Muslims.  Third,  AI-Muwalledun  or  those  who  were 
born  in  the  first  two  centuries  of  Islam.  Fourth,  AI-Muhaddesun,  or 
the  modern  poets.  The  first  three  are  considered  to  represent  the 
ancient  type  of  Arab  poet ;  for  their  composition  was  not  affected  bv' 
the  artificiality  of  the  schools  which  sprang  up  during  the  third  century 
of  Hejra.  Seven  collections,  each  consisting  of  seven  poems  belongings 
to  different  poets,  have  been  made,  and  named  after  some  peculiarity  ii> 
the  poems  common  to  the  seven  grouped  together.  First  is  the  famous- 
collection  known  as  the  Moallekator  the  seven  suspended  poems  grouped 
together  by  Hammade  Raviyah,  to  whom  the  preservation  of  a  great 
part  of  the  pre-Islamic  poetry  is  due,  and  who  himself  was  a  poet  with  a 
wonderful  and  prodigious  memory.  Once,  when  the  Khalif  Walid,  the 
Son  of  Yazid,  asked  him  the  reason  of  his  surname— Raviyah  (a  quoter) — 
he  boasted  that  he  could  recite,  besides  thousands  of  fragmentary  pieces,, 
one  hundred  long  Kasidehs,  belonging  to  the  pagan  times,  and  an  equal 
number  from  the  post-Islamic  times,  rhyming  on  every  letter  of  the  al- 
phabet. To  test  the  truth  of  this  statement,  Walid  ordered  him  to  recite- 
poems  in  his  presence,  and  when  he  was  tired,  he  appointed  one  of  his- 
trustworthy  servants  to  keep  watch  over  him  :  and  when  the  latter  also- 
was  tired,  they  had  already  counted  two  thousand. and  nine  hundred  Kasi- 
dehs recited  by  the  poet.  This  collection,  which  has  served  as  an  anvil 
for  the  genius  of  hundreds  of  Arabic  scholars,  contains  seven  master- 
pieces of  pre-Islamic  poetry  composed  by  seven  different  poets.  Their 
names  were  as  follows  :  Imra-ul-kais  bin  Hujr  of  the  tribe  of  Kinda,  the 
errant  poet-king  who  was  driven  from  home  by  his  father  for  the  sin  of 
composing  poetry  and  indulging  in  amorous  passions.  He  died  at  Ancyra 
through  wearing  a  poisoned  robe  of  honor,  given  to  him  by  the  Roman 
Emperor,  which  covered  his  body  with  ulcers  ;  whence  he  was  called  Zat- 
ul-Kuruh  or  the  man  of  ulcers  ;  Torafa,  whose  name  was  Amr-ebn-el-abd 
and  who  attended  the  court  of  the  king  of  Hyra  Amr-ebne  Hind, 
by  whom  he  was  sentenced  to  death  for  venturing  to  satirise  his 
brother  Kabus  or  the  king  himself;  Zuhair-bin  Abusulma,  whose 
father  Rabia,  uncle  Bashama,  two  sons  Kaab  and  Bujair,  and  two 
sisters,  Sulmah  and  KhansA,  were  celebrated  poets,  and  who  with 
Amra-ul-kais  and  Nabeghe-e-Zubyani  constitutes  the  triumvirate  of 
•  the  Arab  poets ;  Antare  bin  Shaddad  the  son  of  an  Abyssinian 
slave  who  is  also  counted  as  a  famous  hero  amongst  the  Arabs. 
He  took  part  in  the  war  known  as  the  Dahes  war  between  his 
tribe  Abs  and  Fazarah.  He  was  killed  while  fighting  against  the 
tribe  of  Tai ;  Amr-ibne-kulsum,  who  is  said  to  have  lived  for  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  and  often  satirized  Noman,  the  son  of  Munzar  ; 
Labid,  the  son  of  Rabia  who  belongs  to  the  second  division  of  poets  and 
who  was  known  for  his  piety.     He,  too,  lived  a  long  life  of  about  145 


ARABIC    POETRY.  g 

years  and  died  in  14  A.  H. ;  and  lastly  Alhars,  the  son  ot*  Hillaz,  of  whose 
life  nothing  is  known.  It  is  said  that  the  Arabs  hung  these  poems 
in  front  of  the  Kaaba  and  prostrated  themselves  before  them  and 
worshipped  them  for  nearly  150  years,  till  they  had  to  be  removed 
from  their  honored  place  in  favour  of  the  Holy  Book,  the  first  of  its 
kind,  the  inspired  word  of  God,  the  Koran.  The  sister  of  Amra-ul- 
Kats,  it  is  said,  was  at  Mekka  on  the  day  the  poems  were  taken  down, 
and  she  objected  to  the  removal  of  her  brother's  poem.  But  when 
she  saw  the  passage  of  the  Koran — Sura  II,  verse  44 — she  with 
her  own  hands  took  it  down  and  burnt  it. 

These  poems  have  for  hundreds  of  years  been  allowed  to  remain  in- 
undisturbed  possession  of  their  title  to  antiquity,  but  they  are  now 
assailed  by  some  scholars,  who  in  these  days  of  close  investigation 
and  criticism  throw  their  search  light  into  every  nook  and  corner 
and  point  out  defects  and  flaws  which  have  escaped  detection  by 
the  purblind  authors  of  bygone  ages.  Hammad*s  honesty  in  respect 
of  his  collection  has  been  doubted,  and  certain  arguments  have  been 
advanced  to  disprove  the  antiquity  of  the  Moallekat.  But  before  these 
arguments  can  be  accepted  as  sound,  the}'  must  pass  through  the 
same  ordeal  of  criticism  and  investigation  as  the  poems  themselves. 
There  is,  no  doubt,  much  force  in  the  arguments  advanced,  but  they 
are  not  sufficient  to  dispel  the  fascinating  belief  which  has  swayed 
the  hearts  of  scholars  for  the  last  thirteen  centuries.  Hammad's 
honesty  is  rightly  impeached;  for,  when  hard  pressed  by  the  Khalif, 
Al-Mehdy,  he  admitted  the  charge  that  had  been  brought  against 
him  by  Mufazzal,  of  interpolating  his  own  lines  amongst  those  of 
the  ancient  poets.  But  to  charge  him  with  wholesale  forgery  on 
insufficient  grounds  is  unjust  and  difficult  to  prove.  The  other 
six  collections  are  :— 

(i)  Al-Mujamharat. 

(2)  Al-Muntakayat. 

(3)  AI-Muzahhabat. 

(4)  Al-Marasee. 

(5)  Al-Mashubat. 

(6)  Al-Mulhamat. 

The  list  is  arranged  in  order  of  merit  and  marks  the  different  down- 
ward grades  of  Arabic  poetry  from  its  commencement  to  the  end  of  the 
second  century  of  the  Hejra. 

There  are  also  about  a  dozen  more  books  containing  the  poetry  of 
pre-Islamic  times  which,  together  with  those  mentioned  above,  make 
up  our  knowledge  of  the  poets  and  the  poetry  of  the  first  centuries  of 
Arabic  literature.     But  for  a  student   who  wishes   to    study  ancient 


lO  ARABIC   POETRY. 

Arab  poetry  in  all  its  aspects  and  phases,  and  minutely  observe  the 
features  of  Arab  life,  the  Hamasa  of  Abu  Tammam  would  furnish 
the  best  and  most  instructive  guide,  as  well  as  prove  a  most  capacious 
and  entertaining  storehouse  to  draw  upon,  and  would  be  found 
much  more  useful  and  interesting  than  Moallekhat. 

With  the  Koran  the  first  period  of  Arabic  literature  closes  and  the 
second  period  dawns.  What  would  have  been  the  course  of  Arabic 
literature  if  the  Koran  had  not  been  produced,  or  if  Mohammad  as  a 
Prophet  had  not  been  the  author  of  it,  is  a  matter  of  pure  speculation, 
and  I  think  cannot  be  entered  upon  here.  As  to  how  from  the  Koran 
radiated  the  study  of  the  different  kinds  of  sciences,  as  to  how  it  created 
in  certain  cases  the  very  existence  of  certain  branches  of  knowledge, 
and  as  to  how  it  accelerated  the  study  of  others, — in  short,  as  to  how  it 
became  the  very  source  of  all  that  knowledge  which  has  rendered 
Islam  and  its  followers  famous,  I  will  hereafter  make  an  attempt  to 
show. 


^t^^^ 


Art.  II.— Ow  the  Age  of  the  Sanskrit  Poet  Kavirdja. 
By  K.  B.  Pathak,  B.A.,  Professor  of  Sanskrit,  Deccan  College, 

POONA. 

(Read  before  the  Sanskrit  Section  on  \%th  January  1905  in  connection 
with  the  Centenary  Celebration  of  the  Society, ) 

Many  Sanskrit  scholars  have  written  on  the  age  of  Kavirdja,  but 
they  do  not  appear  to  be  successful  in  their  attempts  to  fix  his  date. 
Professor  MacdonelP  says  that  Kaviraja  perhaps  flourished  about 
A.D.  800,  while  Dr.  Bhandarkar  maintains^  that  Kavirdja  and  Dhanan- 
jayamust  have  lived  between  A.D.  996  and  1141,  and  that  Dhanafijaya 
borrowed  the  idea  of  a  Righavapindviya  from  the  Brahmanic  poem 
of  that  name  by  Kavirdja.  The  opinions  of  other  eminent  scholars 
need  not  be  considered  here  as  they  wrote  before  the  contents  of  old 
Kanarese  inscriptions  were  made  accessible  to  the  student  of  Sanskrit 
by  the  writings  of  Messrs.  Rice  and  Fleet. 

With  great  deference  to  all  scholars,  who  have  written  on  this  subject 
and  to  whom  we  owe  so  much,  I  beg  to  point  out  that  this  difference 
of  opinion  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  verses  in  which  the  poet  gives  an 
account  of  king  KAmad^va  do  not  appear  to  have  received  that 
amount  of  consideration,  to  which  they  are  entitled  at  the  hands  of 
scholars.  Kaviraja,  unlike  other  Indian  authors,  gives  ample  informa- 
tion, which  ought  to  enable  us  to  identify  his  royal  patron  and  to 
fix  the  date  of  the  poet  himself.  There  are  only  three  introductory 
verses  in  which  Kaviraja  supplies  historical  information.  The  first 
of  these  verses  is  very  easy,  but  the  other  two  present  exceptional 
difficulties.  An  edition  of  Kavir^ja's  work  with  a  commentary  has 
lately  appeared  in  the  KAvyam^l^.  The  commentator  calls  himself 
Sasadhara  or  Moon  and  his  commentary  is  entitled  Prakglsa  or  Light. 
But  unfortunately  for  Sanskrit  Scholars  this  Moon  throws  no  light  on 
the  difficult  verses. 

From  the  way  in  which  the  Jaina  R8,ghavap4ndaviya  is  mentioned 
in  the  Pampar^mglyana'  and  in  the  Sravan  Bejgoj  inscription*,  it  may 
be  easily  inferred  that  there  was  only  one  Rjlghavapindaviya  known 
to  Pampa's  contemporaries.  This  view  is  confirmed  by  the  Brahmin 
author  Durgasimha,  who  alludes  to  Dhanafijaya's  R^ghavap^ndaviya 
only.  Durgasimha  says  that  he  was  a  native  of  Kisuk^da  and  a 
minister  for  peace  and  war  under  theChalukya  Emperor  J  agaddka  mall  a 

\  History  of  Sanskrit  Literature,  p.  J31. 
Report  on  Sanskrit  Mhs.  for  1884-^87. 
HamparAmAyana.  p  b.  2nd  cd. 
Inscriptions  at  Sravana  Bclgola. 


12      ON  THE  AGE  OF  THE  SANSKRIT  POET  KAVIRAJA. 

This  king  can  be  Identified  with  Jagadekamalla  II,  who  reigned  between 
Saka  1061  and  1072,  as  Durgasimba  mentions  the  Kanarese  poet, 
Kannaniayya,  who  refers  to  Abhinava-Pampa  as  **adyatara**  or  contem- 
porary*. In  his  interesting  introduction  to  his  Kanarese  Panchatantra* 
Durgasimba  tells  us  that  he  proposes  to  give  to  the  world  a  Kanarese 
translation  of  the  Sanskrit  Panchatantra  of  VasubhAga  Bhatta,  wha 
extracted  five  stories  resembling  five  jewels  from  Gunftdhya's  Brihat- 
kathA,  which  was  in  PaisAchi,  translated  them  into  Sanskrit  and 
called  his  work  Panchatantra.  Durgasimba  mentions  Gun^^hya,  Vara- 
ruchi,  KAlidAsa,  B^na,  Mayura,  V^mana,  Udbhatabhima,  Bhava- 
bhuti,  Bh^ravi,  Bha|ii,  MAgha,  Rijasekhara,  KAmandaka  and  Oandi^ 
As  regards  Dhananjaya  Durgasimba  says  : — 
Anupama-kavi-vrajam  Jt — 

Yene  Raghava-p^ndaviyamam  peldu  Yas6 — ! 

Vanit-^dbisvaran  idam 

Dhananjayam  vAg-vadhu-priyai]i  Kevalane  I! 
**  Dhananjaya,  the  sole  favourite  of  the  goddess  of  speech,  became  the 
lord  of  fame  resembling   a  lady,  by  composing  the  RdghavapAndaviya 
to  the  humiliation  of  matchless  poets. " 

We  must  remember  that  Durgasimba  was  an  eminent  Brahman, 
who  held  the  high  post  of  minister  for  peace  and  war  in  the  days  of 
Chaiukya  supremacy.  He  was  intimately  acquainted  with  Brahmani- 
cal  literature.  All  the  Sanskrit  poets,  whom  he  praises,  were  Brah- 
mans  with  the  single  exception  of  Dhananjaya  on  whom  he  lavishes 
extravagant  praises  for  his  Ragbavap^ndaviya.  If  the  Brahman- 
ical  Rftghavap^ndaviya  had  been  in  existence  before  the  time  of 
Jagadekamalla  II,  Durgasimba  would  certainly  have  accepted  Kavi- 
r^jVs  estimate  of  his  own  genius  : — 

and  would  have  excluded  Dhananjaya  from  the  list  of  Sanskrit  authors, 
reserving  all  his  praises  for  Kavirlja's  R&ghavapandaviya.  These 
considerations  naturally  lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  Kavir&ja  did 
not  compose  his  work  till  after  Saka  1072,  the  year  in  which  the  reign 
of  Jagadekamalla  II  terminated.  We  shall  appeal  to  Kaviraja  himself 
on  this  point. 

We  are  told  that  king  KAmadeva  belonged  to   the  KAdamba  family. 

3?%  «hKH^'tiM^'dM*H^l|?::  I 

mT^:  mh<h\H^d^^^''  ll-I.   13. 
By  the  use  of  the  form  Kildamba,  Kaviraja  evidently  wishes  us  to  under- 
stand that  his  royal    patron   belonged  to  one  of  the  later   KAdamba 

'    KarnAtaka-SabdAmi?vi«'ana.  Intr.  p.  jj, 
Canare«<c  Panchatantra  published  in  the  KarnAtaka  KAvyamanjari,  pp.  6  and  7. 
Canarcsc  Panchatantra,  p.  I  j. 


ON  THE  AGE  OF  THE  SANSKRIT  POET  KAVIRAJA.       1 


O 


families.     This  is  confirmed   by  the  statement  that  Kdmadeva  lived 
after  Muftja,  king  of  Dhar^,  who  died'  about  A.D.  996. 

^KIMR  ?:^^^ft^  dH4.<mfrr:  ll_i.   18. 

We  know  that  there  were  two  families  of  the  later  KAdambas.  Here 
a  question  naturally  arises,  to  which  of  these  families  did  king 
K4madSva  belongs  ?  This  question  is  satisfactorily  answered  by  Kavi- 
r^ja  in  the  following  two  verses  which  are  difficult  to  understand  and 
as  to  the  real  purport  of  which,  the  commentator  *'  Moon  **  with  his 
**  light  **  seems  to  be  totally  in  the  dark. 

^c^l^i  ^^^;  W^  wS^-  ^^^HT  2Rrh^;  I 

^^^^^  *P5tRt  l»?TN^f  ^^^:  ^Wi^i  II— .  I  23. 

Translation. 

Victorious  IS  the  line  of  the  sun,  the  glory  of  which  was  increased 
by  the  birth  of  the  lord  of  the  Raghus.  The  line  of  the  moon,  which 
is  illuminated  by  the  fame  of  the  Pflndavas,  bears  resemblance  to  it. 
To  both  is  comparable  to-day  the  line  of  the  son  of  the  god  6iva  and 
the  earth,  of  which  K^madeva  who  gratifies  the  wishes  of  the  learned, 
is  an  ornament. 

The  commentator  Moon,  who  is  unable  to  explain  by  his  'Might'* 
the  expression  ^H<«^<u^^H<4^,  which  is  in  the  genitive  case, 
deliberately  changes  the  text  into  ^Hi^<>J<"ft^H?lf?.  But  a  careful 
study  of  the  verse  will  convince  Sanskrit  Scholars  that  the  genitive 
is  here  purposely  employed  by  Kavir^ja,  who  wishes  to  compare  the 
founder  of  the  KAdamba  line,  who  was  the  son  of  the  god  Siva  and  the 
earth,  to  the  Sun  and  the  Moon,  the  supposed  founders  of  the  Solar 
and  the  Lunar  dynasties.  Who  the  founder  of  the  KAdamba  line  was, 
we  learn  from  Kavir&ja  himself  who  says  : — 

3n%^  'i>^^^ikM<=i^HRiMr  ^tm  ^i51"imi-  i 

^  H*^'5^'tft3P3^'^«flW#3f^:    1 

Translation. 
That  king  was  Trinfitra  who  imported  from  Central  India   Brahmins 
well  versed  in  the  Vedas  and  drinkers  of  Soma  juice,  who  ascended  to  the 
assembly  of  Indra  in  human  form,  who  was  an  ornament  of  a   proud 

*  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Prewienc:  •  \'oU  I,  Part  II.  p.  2T4. 


14      ON  THE  AGE  OF  THE  SANSKRIT  POET  KAVIRAJA. 

lady  (his  wife),  the  conqueror  of  the  earth  and  a  bee  on  the  glorious 
feet  of  the  god  Siva  of  Jayantipura  and  who  obtained,  in  later  times  by 
austerities,  a  very  mountain  (t.e.,  supporter)  of  his  family  (in  king 
Kdmddva). 

The  commentator  **  Moon  "  has  failed  to  throw  any  light  on  this  verse. 
He  takes  the  expression  ^^t^fryptft  to  mean  that  his  (Trin^tra's) 
family  resembled  a  principal  mountain.  According  to  this  interpret- 
ation. King  Trinetra  obtained  his  own  family  by  means  of  austerities. 
This  is  absurd,  because  Trint^tra  was  the  supposed  founder  of  the 
K3.damba  line.  Before  his  time  his  family  must  have  been  of  course 
obscure.  To  be  born  in  an  obscure  family  is  no  reward  for  performance 
of  austerities.  Besides,  each  of  the  23  verses  from  Nos.  13  to  33  in  the 
first  canto  is  devoted  to  praising  Kamadeva.  If  one  of  these  verses, 
namely,  No.  25,  were  to  mention  Trinetra  without  reference  to  K^mad^va, 
it  would  be  out  of  place.  Therefore,  the  real  meaning  of  this  verse  is 
that  King  Trinetra  obtained  in  later  times,  as  a  reward  for  his  austeri- 
ties, a  kulagiri  or  supporter  of  his  family  in  Kilmad^va.  In  the 
K^vyam^U  edition  of  Kaviraja*s  work  we  often  read  ?F5>n:^*?rT 
<hKH^^I  which  is  a  mistake  for  g?^urmf^f14>KH<J^I.^ 

From   the  two  verses  which  I  have  explained   above,    we  learn  the 
following  facts.     King  Kamaddva  belonged  to  a  later  K^damba  family. 

The  founder  of  this  line  was  King  Trindtra,  who  was  the  son  of  the 
god  ^iva  and  the  earth,  who  imported  learned  Brahmins  from  Central 
India  and  who  was  a  worshipper  of  the  god  Siva  of  Jayantipura.  The 
town  of  Banav^si  in  North  Canara  District  is  famous  for  its  temple  of 
Madhukesvara.  In  ancient  times  Banavasi  was  called  Jayanti  or 
Jayantipura.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  Brahmins  of  BanavAsi 
at  the  present  day  speak  of  their  town  as  Jayanti-kshetra  during  the 
performance  of  religious  rites.  The  chief  god  known  even  at  the  present 
day  as  Madhukesvara  is  referred  to  as  snT^g^^^UT  in  a  stone-tablet 
inscription  in  front  of  the  god  Mail^rling  at  H^ngal  and  as  3p??fftTO%*^ 
in  another  inscription  in  the  temple  of  Tirakesvara  at  the  same  place. 
It  is  evident  from  these  expressions  that  ^q^yfl  or  Sfq^tg^  is  only  another 
name  of  Banavasi.  I  may  also  mention  that  in  the  temple  of  Madhukes- 
vara at  Banavasi  itself  there  is  a  stone  cot  which  bears  the  following 
inscription  on  it  in  comparatively  modern  Kanarese  characters. 

«ft^  f^  "V^  W^  5frmT^2RT%  fe^ 

1  Ep!   Carnatica?  Vol.  VIII,  Sorab  Inscrip.  Xo.  X79,  lines  17—20 


ON    THE   AGE   OF   THE    SANSKRIT    POET    KAVIRAJA.  1 5 

In  a  local  purana  called   ^^j«Tf1*<|g|rJ-^j  we  are  told— 

'Tglj^iHmi  g  ^  r[^  ^  U— Chap.  27. 
In  another  local  purana  we  read 

^H^rnft  %^  iritiTT.— Chap.  25. 

iT^^?^  fl5^  infer  5TT%  ^^5T?5R  u 

^R'^'^Tftm.— Chap.  26. 

We  have  thus  seen  that  Jayanti  is  another  name  of  the  town  of 
Banav^si.  The  last  three  passages  cited  above  also  tell  us  that  the 
god  Madhukdsvara  is  a  linga.  Kaviralja's  expression  5nprlf3^3?!'^*R 
is,  therefore,  equivalent  to  ^ppfftj^r^gl^^T.  D^'  Fleet's  statement*  **that 
the  family  god  of  the  K^dambas  of  Banav^si  was  Vishnu  under  the 

name  of  Madhuke^vara  *'  must  be  rejected  as  it  is  opposed  to  facts. 

Kavir^ja*s  account  of  the  K^damba  family  of  BanavAsi,  to  which  his 
patron  K^madSva  belonged,  agrees  with  the  account  of  the  family 
which  is  found  in  the  Kanarese  inscriptions.  The  founder  of  this  line 
TrinStra  is  called  Tril6chana  in  the  Sidd^pur  inscription*  and  is  spoken 
of  as  M ukkanna  in  an  inscription^  at  T^Iagund,  the  word  Mukkanna 
being  a  Kanarese  rendering  of  the  Sanskrit  f^^or  i^^fT^^f.  This  king 
Tril6chana  or  Mukkav^a  is  represented  in  the  inscriptions^  as  the  son 

*  The  temple  of  Madhuk£<ara  stands  on  the  river  VaradA. 
■  A  Vcdic  form  for  ^Iff^r^. 

=•  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Presidency.  Vol  I.,  p.  560.    Ind.  Ant,  Vol.  X.,  p.  250. 

■•  Ind.  Ant.,  Vol.  XI.,  p.  273. 

'  Epi.  Camatka.  Vol.  Vll..  p.  208.    Shikilrpur  Inscription.  No.  186,  line  $. 

*  Stre  notes  8  and  11  above.    Ind.  Ant.,  Vol.  X.,  p.  150.    Mysore  Inscriptions,  Intr.,  p.  39. 


l6  ON   THE    AGE   OF   THE    SANSKRIT   POET   KAVIRAJA. 

of  the  god  Siva  and  the  earth,  who  brought  learned  Brahmins  from 
Ahichchhatra  and  established  them  in  the  Kanarese  country.  The 
Havik  Brahmins  in  North  Canara  claim  to  be  the  descendants  of  the 
Brahmins  brought  from  Northern  India  by  a  Klldamba  King  Maydra- 
A'arma  who  is  sometimes  confounded  in  the  inscriptions  with  the  fabled 
Trin^tra. 

According  to  Dr.  Fleet/  King  Kamad^va  was  a  MahSmandalesvara 
and  ruled  over  the  provinces  of  Hingal,  BanavAsi  and  Puligere  or 
Lakshmesvara.  He  was  a  feudatory  of  the  Western  Ch^lukya  king 
Somesvara  IV,  and  began  to  rule  in  Saka  1104.  In  Saka  11 19,  the 
town  of  Hingal  was  besieged  by  the  Hoysal  King  Vira  Ballala  II.  He 
was  defeated  and  repulsed  for  the  time  by  KAmadeva*s  forces  under 
his  general  Sohoni,  who,  however,  was  killed  in  the  battle.  But  the 
Hoysal  king  seems  to  have  soon  afterwards  completely  subjugated  the 
Kadambas  and  annexed  their  territory.  In  Saka  11 26  KAmad^va  was 
still  fighting  against  the  Hoysal  forces  ;  but  what  became  of  him  after 
xhat  date,  is  not  known.  From  these  facts  we  can  easily  conclude  that 
Kavirftja  composed  his  RAghavap^rdaviya  between  Saka  1104  a"^ 
;iiJ9. 

A  Kadamba  copper- plate  inscription  has  been  lately  published  by 
Mr.  Rice  in  the  Epigraphia  Carnatica,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  214—217.  The 
grant  purports  to  be  issued  by  King  S6ma,  a  grandson  of  K^mad^va. 
This  KAmad^va  must  be  identical  with  the  K^mad^va,  mentioned 
above,  since  the  names*  of  his  son,  father  and  grandfather  are  the 
same.  One  of  the  grantees  in  this  inscription  is  named  Kaviraja  M&d- 
havabhatta.  This  is  the  real  name  of  the  author  of  the  Brahminical 
Ra,ghavaplndaviya,  Kavir8,ja  being  his  title  only. 

It  may,  however,  be  noticed  here  that  this  grant  is  not  dated  in  the 
Saka  era,  but  mentions  only  the  cyclic  year  Vilambi  and  Monday,  the 
new  moon-day  of  Ashadha,  on  which  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  occurred. 
Mr.  Rice  assigns  this  grant  toA.D.  11 18.  This  cannot  be  accepted, 
because,  according  to  Dr.  Fleet,  who  bases  his  opinion  on  stone- 
inscriptions  in  the  neighbourhood  of  HAngal  and  Banav4si,  the  Bana- 
v^si  province  was  governed  between  A.D.  1099  and  11 29  by  the 
Kadamba  king  Tailapa  II  and  not  by  king  S<^ma.  The  date  of  the 
grant  must,  therefore,  be  considerably  later  than  Saka  1104,  the  year  in 
which  K^madeva  began  to  rule. 

*  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Presidency.  Vol.  I.,  Part  II.,  p.  563. 

"  Idem,  p.  559.  Epiqr.  Carnatic*  VoL  HI.,  p.  27  (Tranelattons).  In  the  copper-plate  grant. 
KAmad^va's  g^randfather's  name  is  g^iven  as  V^ikrama-Taila.  The  Vikrama  is  a  title,  and 
4:orre!«ponds  to  the  expression  Udyat-pratApam  applied  to  him  in  the  Kargudari  Inscriptiont 
line  22i  Ind.  Ant.  Vol  X.,  p.  2Sa.  It  is  thus  clear  that  Kftmad^va's  grnndlather  s  name  is 
Tnila,  his  father's  name  is  Tailama  and  his  son's  name  is  Malla. 

'  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Presidency.  Vol.  I..  Part  II,  p.  562. 


Art.   III. — A  History  of  Bijapurby  Raffiuddin 

Shiraju 

By  V.  R.  Natu,  B.A.,   LL.B. 
(Read  before  the  History  Section  on  igth  fanuary  igoSy 
in  connection  with  the  Centenary  of  the  Society,) 

Our  present  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Bijapur  is 
mainly  derived  from  the  famous  work  of  Ferishta,  supplemented  by 
the  works  of  writers  like  Kaiikhan  and  others  who  chronicled  the 
movements  and  conquests  of  the  Moghul  armies  in  the  Deccan. 
Ferishta  was  really  attached  to  the  court  of  Ahmadnagar  though  he 
lived  at  Bijapur  for  a  few  years.  We  have  no  work  yet  published 
by  a  writer  at  the  court  of  Bijapur.  The  author  of  this  work,  of  which 
I  intend  to  give  a  summary,  was  a  Bijapur  nobleman  who  spent 
many  years  in  the  service  of  Bijapur  kings.  His  history  covers  the 
same  period  as  that  of  Ferishta,  who  was  his  contemporary.  Irr 
the  preparation  of  his  monumental  history  of  the  Marathas,  Grant 
Duff  secured  some  Persian  historical  accounts  of  Bijapur,  but  in 
the  list  given  by  him  in  a  footnote  in  Chapter  II  of  his  work,  we  do  net 
find  the  name  of  RaBiuddin  Shiraji.  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  collected  some 
MSS.  containing  the  histories  of  the  independent  Musalman  kingdoms 
of  the  Deccan,  but  unfortunately  those  MSS.  have  not  been  translated. 
We  do  not  even  possess  a  list  of  them.  In  a  paper  published  in 
Vol.  I  of  the  B.  Br.  R  A.  Society's  journal  by  Captain  Bird,  we  find  the 
name  of  a  work  called  *  Busate-Salatin,*  but  Shiraji*s  work  is  not 
mentioned.  As  far  as  I  am  aware  Shiraji's  work  has  never  been 
published  ;  and  it  is  only  noticed  in  a  Marathi  work  on  Bijapur  History 
by  Professor  Modak  of  Kolhapur.  The  importance  of  securing  for  pub- 
lication the  original  works  on  the  history  of  the  Deccan  Muhammadan 
kingdoms  cannot  be  exaggerated.  A  good  deal  of  attention  has  lately 
been  paid  by  Maratha  scholars  to  the  task  of  bringing  to  light  valuable 
materials  for  the  history  of  the  Marathas  ;  but  the  work  of  collecting 
old  chronicles  of  that  long  period  of  time  extending  over  nearly  four 
centuries  from  the  fall  of  Deogad  to  the  overthrow  of  Bijapur,  and 
Golkonda  by  Alamgir,  yet  remains  neglected.  In  this  respect  the 
latest  work  of  Gribble  is  also  disappointing  as  it  scarcely  adds  anything 
more  to  our  knowledge   than   what  is   found  in    Brigg's  edition   of 


1 8  A   HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR. 

*  Ferishta.*    The  publication  of  old  Persian  MSS.  on  this  subject  would 

be  of  much  use  in  adding  to  our  limited  fund  of  knowledge  of  this 

eventful  period,   and   also   would  help  us  in  gauging  the  account  of 

Ferishta  which  is  often   marred  by  exaggeration.     Raffiuddin  Shiraji's 

work,  though  not  as  extensive  nor  as  scholarly  as  that  of  *  Ferishta,' 

is,  however,  very  interesting,  as  the  author  writes  of  events  that  were 

enacted  before  his  eyes.     Besides,  being  himself  an  adventurer  from 

Persia,  he  is  very  fond  of  giving  short  biographical  sketches  of  similar 

other  adventurers  from  foreign  lands  who  came  to  India  during  this 

period.     His    work  is  full   of  such   sketches,  among   which   may  be 

onentioned    those  of  Hussen  Gango,   Khaja  Gawan,   Eusuf  Adilshah, 

Jengirkhan,  Shah  Tahir,    Mustafakhan  and  others  who    are  famous 

in  the  history  of  the  Musalman  kingdoms  of  the  Deccan. 

Following  the  plan  of  Elliot  and  Dowson,  I  do  not  intend  to  give  here 
a  full  translation  of  Shiraji's  work,  but  only  an  account  of  the  author 
as  gathered  from  the  work  itself,  its  contents,  and  a  few  extracts  taken 
from  it.  It  is  also  thought  desirable  to  state  how  I  came  by  the  MS., 
which,  as  the  sequel  will  show,  now  exists  only  in  a  Marathi 
translation. 

Fifteen  years  ago  I  formed  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Sayad  Soffi 
Bukhari  of  Lakshmeshvar,  who  is  now  serving  as  Chief  Constable  at 
Murgod  in  the  Belgaum  District.  This  gentleman  traces  his  descent 
from  a  noble  family  at  the  court  of  Bijapur  which  still  enjoys  a 
Jagif  originally  granted  to  -it  by  the  Kings  of  Bijapur.  Mr.  Soffi 
showed  me  a  Persian  MS.,  a  carefully  written  and  neatly  bound 
volume,  containing  the  History  of  the  Kings  of  Bijapur.  The  work 
appeared  to  be  a  rare  one,  and  so  far  as  my  inquiries  went  it  was 
neither  published  nor  translated.  The  work  was  written  by  **  Raffiud- 
din  Ibrahim  bin  Nuruddin  Tawafic  of  Shiraj,  "  who  was  in  the  service 
of  the  Bijapur  Kings  and  a  friend  of  Ankushkhan,  the  ancestor  of 
Mr.  Soffi. 

As  I  took  some  interest  in  collecting  materials  for  the  history 
of  Vijayanagar,  I  thought  that  this  work  would  be  of  much  use  :  but  as 
I  did  not  know  the  Persian  language  I  requested  my  elder  brother,  the 
late  Mr.  R.  R.  Natu,  B.A.,  to  translate  the  work  for  me  into  Marathi. 
He  had  learnt  Persian  and  he  undertook  the  translation  with  the 
assistance  of  Mr.  Sayyad  Mohmad  Munshi  of  Belgaum.  The 
translation  was  begun  in  1891  and  finished  in  1893.  The  translated 
MS.  has  lain  with  me  since  then,  though  it  was  my  intention  to  publish 
it  in  book  form.  The  original  Persian  MS.  was  returned  to  Mr.  Soffi, 
and  I  now  learn  with  regret  from  him  that  it  has  been  destroyed  by 
white  ants.  I  enquired  at  Hyderabad  and  Bijapur  whether  this  work 
could  be  obtained  there,  but  I  met  with  no  success.     Unfortunately  the 


A    HISTORY    OF   BIJAPUR.  1 9 

Persian  title  of  the  work  has  not  been  retained  in  the  Marathi  version 
made  by  my  brother  ;  but  Mr.  Soffi  says  that  it  was,  **  Taskerah-i- 
Ahivali-Salatin-i-Bijapur.  "  The  author,  however,  gives  much  informa- 
tion about  himself  in  the  work,  and  it  would  be  easy  to  identify 
it  if  some  Persian  scholar  succeeds  in  securing  the  MS.  The 
whole  work  is  very  interesting,  and  the  author  gives  a  detailed  and 
graphic  account  of  the  reigns  of  Sultan  AH  Adilshah  (1551  to  1580) 
and  Ibrahim  Adilshah  II  (1580  to  1626)  under  whom  he  served  as  a 
palace  chamberlain.  In  several  places  he  describes  scenes  of  which 
he  was  an  eye-witness.  The  work  closes  with  a  lengthy  history 
of  the  Emperor  Akbar  and  his  invasion  of  the  Deccan.  This  work  was 
written  in  H.  1017  (1608  A.  D.)  when  the  author  was  about  90  years 
old.  He  says  it  was  written  35  years  after  he  entered  the  service  of  the 
Bijapur  Kings,  which  was  50  days  after  the  capture  of  Bankapur  by  Ali 
Adilshah  on  i6th  of  Ramjan  982. 

An  Account  of  the  Author. 

Tliroughout  the  work  the  writer  refers  to  himself  sometimes  as  **  the 
author  of  this  work  "  in  the  third  person  and  more  often  in  the  first 
person.  At  the  beginning  of  Chapter  II  of  the  work  the  author  says, 
'*  The  writer  of  this  work,  Raffiuddin  Ibrahim  bin  Nuruddin  Tawafic, 
a  native  of  Shiraj,  had  gone  to  Sagar  in  968  to  make  some  purchases. 
Sagar  is  a  well-known  town  in  the  Deccan  ;  within  a  few  fursangs 
from  it  is  the  village  of  Gogi  containing  the  tombs  of  Usaf  Adilkhan 
and  his  descendants.  It  also  possesses  a  great  Langarkhan  (a  place 
where  free  food  is  distributed  to  the  poor)  maintained  on  the  revenue  of 
ten  villages  dedicated  for  the  purpose.  There  are  about  100  Hafizes 
who  recite  the  Koran  every  morning  and  evening.  Twice  a  day  food 
is  given  to  these  men  and  their  families.  They  also  get  some  cash 
allowance  every  month.  Amongst  them  there  was  one  Hafiz  Sham- 
suddin  Khijri  who  was  more  than  90  years  old.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  erudition,  had  seen  many  climes  and  countries,  and  in  his  old 
age  had  settled  down  in  this  Kingdom  (Bijapur).  He  maintained 
himself  with  what  little  he  got  there  and  was  always  near  the  tomb  of 
his  master.  He  was  a  friend  of  the  Mutwali  of  the  place.  This 
Mutwali  was  a  Sayad,  being  a  learned  and  pious  man  and  much  given 
to  devotion.  I  became  a  friend  of  his  and  often  sought  his  company. 
Before  the  company  which  gathered  round  this  Mutwali,  old  Sham- 
suddin, — a  much  travelled  man, — used  to  narrate  stories  either  heard 
or  seen  by  himself.  Sometimes  he  told  his  own  adventures  before 
the  company. " 

From  this  point  the  author  gives  the  history  of  Usaf-Adilshah  as  told 
apparently  by  Hafiz  Shamsuddin.     The  name   of  this  person   is     not 


20  A    HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR. 

further  introduced  and  the  history  proceeds  to  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
of  All  Adilshah,  where  the  author  again  introduces  himself.  He  says  : — 
**The  fort  of  Bankapur  was  taken  on  the  i6th  of  Ramjan  in  982; 
50  days  later  the  author  entered  the  service  of  the  Padshah.  That  very 
day  he  was  appointed  an  officer  of  the  palace  with  the  title  of 
Khan  Saler.  Within  a  few  days  he  was  made  King's  treasurer  and 
Havildar  of  the  Zenana.  This  history  is  written  35  years  afterwards." 
In  an  earlier  portion  of  this  chapter  the  auihor  says,  **  even  at  present 
in  1017,  the  son  of  Ramraja  is  ruling  at  Anagondi.**  This  also  shows 
that  this  history  was  written  in  1017.  While  giving  the  history  of 
King  Ibrahim  Kutubshah  of  Golkonda  the  author  states  that  he  had 
twice  seen  the  King,  once  as  a  merchant  and  on  another  occasion  as 
agent  (vakil)  of  AH  Adilshah.  He  also  says  that  during  the  ministry 
of  Afzulkhan,  he  held  the  same  offices  in  the  palace.  When  the  King 
Adilshah  was  murdered  the  author  was  present  outside  the  King's 
chamber  and  he  took  part  in  the  events  which  followed.  In  giving 
the  character  of  the  King  the  author  introduces  several  anecdotes 
from  his  personal  observation.!  During  the  reign  of  Ibrahim  Adilshah, 
open  fighting  was  going  on  for  several  years  between  rival  courtiers 
for  power,  and  when  Afzulkhan  was  murdered  in  988,  the  author  was 
also  imprisoned,  but  his  life  was  saved  through  the  intervention  of  the 
friends  of  Dasturkhan  who  was  a  co-prisoner  with  him.  In  A.D. 
1594  when  Ibrahim's  brother  Ismail  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt^ 
the  author  held  an  office  of  great  trust  under  the  King.  He  was 
guardian  of  the  King's  son  and  custodian  of  his  seal.  He  was  also 
in  charge  of  his  foreign  correspondence.  On  26  Rabilawar,  Friday 
1003,  the  auihor  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Bijapun 
In  1005,  he  was  deputed  to  Ahmadnagar  on  a  political  mission  to  bring 
about  a  settlement  between  Bahadur  Nizamshah  and  his  nobles. 
He  says  : — 

*•  At  this  time  the  author  was  in  charge  of  foreign  affairs,  Peshwai, 
and  guardianship  of  Prince  Fattekhan.  He  was  also  the  holder  of  the 
King's  seal  and  was  in  charge  ot  a  district  paying  a  revenue  of  i  lakh  of 
hons  for  the  maintenance  of  200  elephants,  700  camels  and  1,500  horses. 
All  letters,  petitions,  and  messengers  first  came  to  me  and  I  then  sent 
them  to  the  Padshah.  I  handed  over  the  charge  of  all  these  offices  to 
my  son  and  left  for  Ahmadnagar.  The  author  joined  Sohilkhan,  com- 
mander  of  the  Bijapur  forces  sent  to  Ahmadnagar,  and  entered  the  ter- 
ritories of  Nizamshah."  They  found  Nizamshah  surrounded  by  the 
armies  of  his  refractory  nobles  who  were  enemies  of  Chandbibi.  Their 
object  was  to  arrest  the  Sultan.  The  author  was  conducted  into  the 
fort  to  see  the  King  by  one  Sayad  Ali,  described  as  a  great  Historian. 
He  remained  at  Ahmadnagar  for  3  or  4  months,  and  tried  to  reconcile  the 


A  HISTORY  OF  BIJAPUR.  21 

<x)ntending  nobles  but  failed.  Rumours  reached  him  that  the  army  of 
Prince  Murad  was  advancing  against  Ah madn agar,  and  he  therefore 
wrote  to  his  master,  who  ordered  him  to  return  to  Bijapur.  Chandbibi 
was  sorry  to  part  with  him,  but  he  left  the  place  and  remained  outside 
for  2  or  3  days  where  he  was  joined  by  a  large  number  of  people  who 
wanted  to  avoid  the  coming  war.  **They  followed  me,"  says  the 
author,  **  for  protection  and  when  they  were  out  of  danger  they  went  to 
their  respective  villages."  The  author  then  reached  Bediapur.  On  his 
return  to  Bijapur  he  took  over  charge  of  his  former  office. 

In  the  course  of  his  narrative  of  Akbar,  of  whom  he  relates  several 
interesting  anecdotes,  the  author  gives  his  own  impressions  of  the  great 
Emperor  whom  he  had  seen  at  Agra.  He  writes  :  **  The  author  had 
gone  to  Agra  from  Gujrath  in  968  for  trade.  At  that  time  Sayadbeg 
Masumbeg  had  gone  there  as  the  agent  of  Shah  Tamasp  of  Persia. 
Akbar  had  lodged  him  in  tents  in  a  garden.  Many  nobles  including 
Amir  Vazir  had  also  pitched  their  tents  there.  Large  numbers  of 
people  went  to  see  the  place,  among  whom  was  the  author.  While 
I  was  standing  there  Akbar  came.  I  saw  him  reclining  on  a  young 
person.  I  was  at  a  distance.  The  face  of  the  Emperor  at  once  reveal- 
ed his  high  intelligence  and  imperial  fortune.  I  had  never  seen  such  a 
person  in  my  life.  When  the  Emperor  came  people  did  not  stand  up. 
I  asked  if  there  was  no  custom  in  that  court  of  giving  Tajim,  I  was 
informed  that  the  rules  about  Tajim  were  very  strict,  but  they  were  not 
observed  when  the  Emperor  visited  a  place  privately  without  intimation. 
I  again  saw  the  Emperor  in  the  treasury  room  on  the  upper  story  of  the 
palace.  The  Emperor  came  there  bare-headed.  He  had  only  a  loose 
garment  round  his  waist  and  was  fanning  himself  with  a  paper  fan. 
He  was  so  simple  in  his  habits." 

The  author  finishes  his  narrative  with  the  conquest  of  Ahmadnagar 
by  the  Moghals.  The  history  of  Ibrahim  Adilshah  is  interspersed  with 
personal  references  to  the  author.  In  one  or  two  places  in  his  narra- 
tive he  refers  to  year  10 18  as  the  "present  year"  indicating  that  he 
was  writing  the  book  for  2  years. 

From  the  foregoing  account  it  will  be  quite  clear  that  a  great  portion 
of  the  Bijapur  History  given  in  this  work  was  actually  enacted  before 
the  eyes  of  the  author  and  therefore  bears  the  impress  of  authenticity. 
Some  of  the  incidents  are  detailed  at  great  length  and  probably  are  not 
found  in  any  other  similar  work  of  the  time. 

Plan  and  Contents  of  the  Work. 

Chap.  I— The  history  of  the  Bahamini  Kings,  from  Sultan  Allaud- 
din  to  Sultan  Mohmad.  Chap.  II — The  history  of  Yusuf  Adilshah. 
Chap.   Ill — History  of  the  reign  of  Ismail  Adilkhan   Savai.  Chap.  IV — 


22  A   HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR, 

Reign  of  Ibrahim  Adilkhan.  Chap.  V — History  of  the  reign  of  AI» 
Adilshah  up  to  his  meeting  with  Ram  Raja  of  Vijayanagar.  Chap. 
VI — Historical :account  of  the  Muhammadan  Kings  of  Gujrath  up  to  the 
invasion  of  Akbar;  account  of  the  Kings  of  Ahmadnagar;  of  the  battle 
of  Talikot  and  the  conquest  of  Vijayanagar.  An  account  of  Subhan 
Kuli  Kutubsbah  and  his  successors.  Chap.  VII — Continuation  of  the 
history  of  AH  Adilshah *s  reign  up  to  his  murder.  Chap.  VIII — Detailed 
history  of  Ibrahim  Adilshah,  History  of  the  Moghals  from  Babar  to  the 
fall  of  Ahmadnagar. 

Each  of  these  chapters  consists  of  several  subsections  which  are  not 
given  here  for  want  of  space. 

Some  Extracts  from  the  Work. 

!•  —An  account  of  Sultan  Allauddin  Hussen  Gango  Bahamini. 

*'  Gentle  and  wise  reader,  there  are  different  accounts  current  regarding 
the  foundation  of  the  Bahamini  kingdom.  Some  say  that  Bahaman  ibu 
Isfadiar  bin  Gastabasta,  Emperor  of  Persia,  was  the  progenitor  of  this 
family.  He  sent  his  son  Isfandiar  to  Hindustan,  who  spread  there  the 
religion  of  Zoroaster  and  established  a  kingdom.  This  Hussen  was  a  man 
of  means  at  first,  but  adverse  fate  made  him  poor,  and  he  therefore  came 
to  this  country.  One  day  while  asleep  under  the  cool  shade  of  a  tree  by 
the  way  side,  a  cobra  was  warding  off  flies  from  Hussen's  face  with  a 
blade  of  grass  in  its  mouth.  This  was  observed  by  Gango  Pandit,  a 
Brahman,  who  was  passing  by  that  road.  The  Brahman  predicted  from 
this  that  one  day  Hussen  would  be  a  great  man  and  he  waited  there  till 
the  latter  awoke,  when  the  cobra  disappeared  in  a  hole.  The  Brahman 
told  Hussen  all  that  he  saw,  and  promised  that  he  would  serve  him  on 
condition  that  Hussen  should  affix  the  Brahman's  name  to  his  own  name 
when  Hussen  would  rise  to  a  great  fortune.  Hussen  consented  and  acted 
according  to  the  promise.  All  the  i8  Bahamani  Kings  used  the  same  title 
after  their  own  names. 

Hussen  was  devoted  to  a  saint  named  Sheikul  Akhtaq  Sheik  Sheik- 
mahamad  Siraj  (God  bless  his  memory).  Hussen  attended  upon  the  saint 
at  the  time  of  his  prayers.  Once  at  Kudachi,  near  Murtizabad,  now  called 
Miraj,  while  the  saint  was  going  to  wash  before  the  prayers,  he  handed 
over  his  turban  to  Hussen  who  placed  it  on  his  own  head.  The  Sheik 
remarked  that  Hussen  desired  a  crown  from  him.  On  another  occasion 
Hussen  was  complaining  of  his  poverty  to  the  saint,  who  said  that  every 
thing  happened  when  the  time  was  ripe  for  it.  That  country  had  no 
Musalmans  in  it,  and  the  saint  had  built  a  musjid  at  Kudachi.  The  local 
Musalmans  helped  him.  One  day  seeing  Hussen  lifting  up  a  basket  of 
earth  for  the  work,  he  remarked  that  Hussen  wanted  to  bear  the  burden  of 
the  world.  One  day  Hussen  kept  off  the  sun  from  the  face  of  the  saint 
while  the  latter  was  asleep.  On  awaking  the  saint  asked  him  if  he 
coveted  a  royal  umbrella.     One  day  Hussen's  mother  went  to  the  saint 


A   HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR.  23 

and  told  him  her  poor  circumstances.     The  saint  advised  her  to  take  to 
cultivation  in  a  neighbouring  village,  where,  while   ploughing  the   land, 
Hussen's   plough  hit  upon  an  underground  stone-built  cellar.     When  the 
Sheik  was  informed  of  this,  he  said,  "Thank  God   and  pray  Him,  because 
those  who.thank  Him  become  prosperous."     One  night  when  Hussen  was 
attending  upon  the  saint  he  addressed  him  as  *'  Sultan  "  and  asked  him  to 
raise  an  army,  carry  on  a  religious  crusade  in  the  country  of  the  non-believers 
and  spread  Islam.    Hussen  again  pleaded  poverty,  when  the  Sheik  took  him 
to  the  above  cellar  and  caused  the  hoarded  wealth  to  be  dug  up.    Hussen 
then   began   to   raise   an   army  in   which   work   he   was  much  assisted  by 
Gango  Pandit.     One  Friday  the  Sheik  asked  Hussen  to  collect  his  army 
which  the  saint  blessed,  and  hung  a  sword  round  the  waist  of  Hussen. 
Hussen  then  proceeded  against  Miraj,  which  was  ruled  by  a  Hindoo  queen, 
Dashavati.      The  fort  of  Miraj  was  taken  without  much  trouble  and  the 
queen  was  made  a  prisoner.    When  the  saint  was  informed  of  this  he  sent 
word  that  Miraj  should  be  called   *'  Mubark  Abad "  on   account  of  this 
auspicious    first    victory   gained   by   Hussen.      This  happened   in   H.   748 
(1347  A.D.).    Hussen  then  marched  in  the  direction  of  Gulburga.     He  found 
the  place  very  strongly  fortified  and  well  prepared  for  a   fight.     He  wrote 
to  the  Sheik,  who  advised  him  to  take  advantage  of  the  absence  of  Paran- 
rao,  the  Commander  of  the  Fort,  who  went  to  a  neighbouring  temple  each 
Wednesday.     Hussen  acted  upon  the  advice  and  entered   the  fort,   whose 
gates  were  opened   by   the  guards  who   thought   that  it   was  their  Com- 
mander who  was  coming.     When  Paranrao  learnt  this,  he   left  the  temple 
precipitately   and    a   battle   ensued.     The   Musalmans   showered   arrows, 
one  of  which  struck  the  Commander  dead,  his  people  fied  in  confusion,  and 
his  head    was    buried    near   the   gate.    This   place   is   still  pointed  out. 
Gulburga  was  thereafter  called   Hussanabad,   where   Hussen   established 
the  seat  of  his  Government  and  took  the  title  of  '*  Sultan  Allauddin    Baha- 
man  Shah."     He  appointed  Gango  Pandit  to  a  great  office.    It  was  settled 
that    all    the     Sultans     who    succeeded     him    should   style     themselves 
**Bahamani."      The     i8th     Sultan-Shah- Walli-AIla     also     called     himself 
•*  Bahamani."    The  battle  of  Gulburga   was   fought  in   H.  748,   in  which 
year   Hussen  proclaimed  himself  king.    He  died   in   H.   761  (1559  A.D.) 
after  a  prosperous  reign  of  13  years  10  months  and  27  days." 

11.— Character  and  end  of  Sultan  Ferozshah  bin  Ahmadkhan 

Bahamini. 

**  After  he  ascended  the  throne,  he  pleased  his  subjects  by  his  justice 
and  piety  and  by  his  munificent  gifts.  He  maintained  himself  by  copying 
the  Koran,  and  his  queen  by  selling  needlework.  He  was  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  art  of  administering  a  newly  conquered  country.  One 
of  the  memorials  of  his  administration  is  a  town  that  was  built  by  him  on 
the  Krishna.  He  caused  a  large  number  of  buildings  to  be  erected,  and 
built  a  stone  fort  which  was  a  farsang  square.  He  spent  several  years  in 
enjoyment  in  that  city.     Once  the  town  suffered  terribly  from  inundations, 

and  the  Sultan  had  to  spend  seven  days  on  the  upper  floor  of  his  palace. 


24  A   HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR. 

That  town  and  fort  still  remain,  but  not  in  a  prosperous  condition.  The 
town  is  called  Ferozabad.  The  king  was  very  charitable  to  the  Fakirs. 
He  spent  his  time  in  copying  the  Koran  and  distributing  its  copies  to  the 
people  His  handwriting  was  excellent.  He  used  to  wear  simple  dress  ; 
and  he  had  appointed  one  Baba  Kamal  his  religious  lutor,  and  built  for 
him  a  tomb  near  his  own.  Eight  thousand  infantry,  four  thousand  horse, 
and  five  hundred  elephants  were  always  ready  ne-ir  his  palace.  Once 
upon  a  time  the  king  decided  that  he  was  a  humble  man,  and  should 
not  keep  so  large  a  guard  about  himself.  He  therefore  reduced  the  whole 
numb»*r,  and,  banding  over  all  the  duties  of  administration  to  his  nephew 
Ahmad,  spent  his  time  in  devotion.  Ahmad  was  a  very  clever  administrator, 
and  won  over  to  his  side  all  the  nobles  and  the  army,  and  began  to  form 
plans  for  deposing  Ferozshah,  Ferozshah  was  informed  of  this,  but  replied 
that  fate  must  take  its  course,  as  in  any  case  the  nephew  was  to 
be  Sultan  after  him.  Once  some  army  of  the  Sultan  mutinied  against 
him,  and  he  therefore  ordered  70  men  of  it  to  be  executed.  Their 
lives  were  saved  by  Ahmad's  intervention  and  thej'  were  taken  into  service. 
These  people  had  conspired  to  take  the  life  of  Ferozshah.  Ahmad  joined 
the  conspiracy,  and  won  over  some  of  the  Abyssinian  servants  who  were  in 
service  in  Ferozshah 's  palace,  one  of  them  who  played  a  prominent  part, 
being  in  charge  of  the  Jamdarkhana.  One  day  the  conspirators  entered 
the  palace  of  Ferozshah  and  a  fight  ensued  with  the  guards.  Both 
parties  lost  a  number  of  men,  when  the  Abyssinian  in  charge  of  the 
Jamdarkhana  undertook  to  murder  Ferozshah  and  entered  the  Sultan's 
chamber  where  he  was  reading  the  Koran.  The  murder  was  committed  by 
the  wicked  man  and  the  followers  of  Ferozshah  ran  in  different  directions. 
Some  of  the  nobles  raised  the  eldest  son  of  Ferozshah  to  the  throne.  But 
Sultan  Ahmad  murdered  the  boy  and  proclaimed  himself  king  Ferozshah 
reigned  for  a  period  of  25  years,  7  months  and  12  days.  Eight  Bahamani  Kings 
ruled  at  Hasanabad  for  a  total  period  of  82  years,  5  months  and  18  days." 

III.— An  account  of  Makhdum  Khaja  Jahan's  entering  thb 

Service  of  the  Sultan. 

**  It  is  well  known  that  Makhdum  Khaja  Jahan  was  a  man  of  great  intellect, 
and  had  travelled  in  many  countries.  In  the  course  of  his  travels  he  went 
to  the  Port  of  Dabhol,  now  called  Mustafabad.  While  there  he  carefully 
observed  the  character  and  the  strange  customs  and  manners  of  the  people 
of  this  country.  Once  he  saw  a  great  nobleman  passing  along  the  road  in  a 
palanquin  and  looking  at  a  bulbul  that  was  perched  on  his  arm,  Khaja  con- 
cluded from  this  that  the  people  of  this  country  were  given  up  to  idle 
pleasures  and  were  not  intelligent ;  he  thought  he  could  easily  approach  and 
mix  with  them.  He  thought  that  he  could  make  great  fortune  in  trade 
with  them,  or  would  rise  to  a  high  office.  He  tried  to  get  an  introduction  to 
the  Sultan.  The  officers  of  the  port  had,  however,  strict  orders  from  the 
Sultan  that  all  merchants  or  adventurers  who  came  to  the  port  should  be 
dismissed  from  the  place  when  their  business  was  over,  and  they  should  not 
be  sent  on  to  the  Court.    Khaja  therefore  gave  many  presents  to  the  officers 


A   HISTORY   OF   BIJAPUR.  2$ 

in  chargfe  of  the  place  and  requested   an  introduction  to  the  Court.    The 
officers,  however,  refused  the  request  on  the  plea  of  the  King's  order.  Khaja 
said  that  he  had  travelled   much  and  seen   Misar,  Rumesham,  Turkestan, 
Khorasan  and  other  places  and   that  he   had  got  many  choice    articles 
which  deserved  to  be  seen  by  great   princes.     He  requested   the   officers 
to  write  to   the   Ministers  for    an  introduction   to   the   Court.      He  had 
already   sent  letters   with  presents   to   the   Ministers*    The   port  officers 
granted    his    request,    and    finally    the    courtiers    urged    the    Sultan    to 
permit    Khaja    to    visit    the    Court.      The  King  at    first   refused  saying 
that  these  foreigners  were  very  clever  men,  and  once  they  got  a  footing 
they  gradually  rose  to  power;  but  he  was  prevailed  upon  by  the  Ministers, 
and  Khaja   was   allowed  to  see   him.      When   Khaja   reached   Bedar  he 
first    met   the  several   nobles   and   made   them  suitable   presents.     When 
the  King  held  a  Durbar  to  receive  Khaja,  the  latter  took  with  him  as 
presents  some  beautiful  horses,  select  brocades,  some  Turkish  and  Abys- 
sinian  slaves,  jewellery  and  artistically   illumined   copies  of   the  Koran. 
When  he  entered  the  Durbar  hall,  he  and  his  slaves  carried   copies  of  the 
Koran  on  their  heads.    Seeing  this  the  King  at  once  rose  from  his  throne 
and  came  down   to  do  honor  to  the  **  Word  of  God,"  took  the  Koran  from 
Khaja's  head,  kissed  it,  and  placed  it  on  the  throne     The  Sultan  did   not 
understand- the  trick  played  by  Khaja  to  make  him  leave  his  throne  at  the 
first  meeting.     The  King  accepted  the  presents.    Khaja  was  an  eloquent 
m?n,  and  told  the  King  stories  of  different  Kings  and  Courts.     The  Sultan 
was  so  much  impressed  with   Khaja's  address,  manners  and  conversation 
that  he  enlisted  him  as  one  of  his  personal  attendants,  and  in  the  course  of 
time  he  was  entrusted  with  all  the  civil  administration  of  the  State.    The 
King  did  nothing  without  consulting  Khaja." 

IV.— The  early  Account  of  Eusaf  Apilshah  of  Bijapur, 

**  While  I  was  in  the  service  of  Hussenbeg  Aka  Kolun,    King  of  Bekar," 
continued  Hafiz  Shamsuddin,  **  information  was  recived  that  the  kingdom  of 
Jebanshah  was  full  of  anarchy  owing  to   the   revolt  of  the   nobles,   and 
that  the  country  was  devastated  and  the  people  were  in  great  distress. 
Thereupon  the  valiant  Padshah  Hussenbeg  moved  his    army  to   conquer 
Ajarbizan,   and   when    he    reached    Tebriz,    Jah^hsha    bin    Kara    Eusaf 
died   and    Hussenbeg    conquered    Ajarbizan,    Khorasan,    Kerman,    Pars, 
and   Arak,    and    appointed    governors    in    the    conquered    country,    one 
of   whom    was    Ahmadbeg,    Hussen's    sister's    son,    who    was    chari^ed 
with  the  administration  of  Saba   and   the   country   around   it.     He   ruled 
the  country  with  justice  and   made   his  subjects    contented.      After  his 
death,  his  son   Mohmadbeg    succeeded  him  as  Governor  of  the  province, 
which  he  ruled  ably,   like  his  father,  for  20  years.     By  this  time    Hussen- 
beg of  Bekar   had  died  ;    a  bloody  war  of  succession  ensued   between 
his  sons  Khalil  and  Yakub.     Khalil  was   killed  and  Yakub  ascended  the 
throne.     When  Yakub  died,  his  Ministers  enthroned   his   son   Bisantag, 
but  soon  afterwards  a  regular  civil  war  ensued  amongst  these  noblemen,  in 
the  course  of  which  Mohmadbeg  of  Sava  was  killed  and  his  family  and  chi|. 


26  A    HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR. 

dren    sought    shelter   in     different    places.     Eusafbeg    was    the    eldest 
son  of  this  Mohmadbeg,  Wali  ofSava.    Eusafwent  to  Ispahan,  while  still 
a  boy,   but  he    left    that    place    also    for    Shiraj    through    fear    of    his 
family  enemies.  'He  remained  at  Shiraj  for  five  years  and  gained  a  good 
education  there.    But  being  in  poor  circumstances  he  conceived  the  idea  of 
proceeding  to  foreign  lands  to  make  his  fortune.     With  this  object  he  went 
to  Lar,  and  while   sleeping  one  day  in  a  musjid  he   had  a  vision.    An   old 
man  in  plain  dress  came  to  him   and  gave  him  warm  cakes  and  told  him 
to  proceed  to  the  Deccan  where  food  for  Eusaf  was  made  ready.   When  he 
awoke   he  was  delighted  with   this   vision  and  went   to   port  Jerun   to 
embark  for   India.     He  was  a  stranger  there  ;  but  fortunately  met  Khaja 
Jaimal   Abadia   Samnani,  a  merchant  who  had  gone  to  that  port  to   make 
purchases  for  King  Mohmadshah  Bahamani.     Having  sold   the  goods  he 
had   brought  with   him,  he  was   loading    his   ships   with  new  purchases, 
including  horses  and  Abyssinian  and  Turkish  slaves.    Some  of  the  Turkish 
slaves   took  pity  on  Eusaf  and  requested  their  master  to  take  him  to  India. 
Eusaf  was  well   built,  strong  and  handsome.     The    merchant   saw   Eusaf, 
and     when     he     learned     his    history,    he    took    him    to    India.       When 
Khaja  reached   Bedar   and   presented   horses   and   slaves   to  the   Sultan, 
Eusaf  was    also    presented  to  the   King.      The   slaves   were    appointed 
to    serve,    some    in   the    royal   kitchen   and   some  in   the   Jamdarkhana. 
Eusaf  was   installed  head  of  slaves  in   the  kitchen.     He   remained  there 
for   many   days,  but,  being   dissatisfied  with   his   condition,   he  returned 
to  Lar,  and   resided   in  the  same  musjid  where   formerly  he  had  seen  the 
vision.     The  vision   appeared  a  second  time,  and  he  therefore  returned  to 
India  and  resumed  his  former  duties.     He  was  a  born  soldier  and  always 
practised  fencing,  archery,  wrestling  and  the  use  of  the  lance.  He  got  up  a 
gymnasium   and  trained   a  large  number  of  slaves  in  the  art  of  wrestling 
They  were  dressed  and  trained  in  the   fashion  of  Khorasan  athletes.     He 
obtained  a  large  following  among  the  people  of  the  city."    The  author  then 
proceeds   to   narrate   in   detail   Eusaf's   wrestling   match  with   a    famous 
wrestler  from  the  north  of  India,  whom   he  defeated.     •*  This  brought  him 
to  the  notice  of  the  King,  who  gave  him  large  presents,  and  made  him  his 
personal  attendant.     Soon   after,  being  impressed  by   his   character   and 
commanding  appearance,   the  Sultan  made   him   the   Kotwal   of  the   cit}'. 
Eusaf  worked   hard,  preserved   good  order  in  the   <  ity,  and   improved  its 
streets  and  the  general  appearance  of  its  bazaars.     He   became  more  and 
more  a  favourite  of  the  Sultan  and  got  round  him  a  large  proportion  of  the 
army.     The  nobles  became  very  jealous  and  wanted   to  get  rid  of  him   by 
sending  him  to  some  distant  place.    An  opportunity  soon  occurred.     News 
came  that  while  on  its  way  from   Masulipatam  and  Kampli,  a  large  caravan 
of  merchants,  who  had   valuable  goods  and  horses  with  them,  was  robbed 
near  Kovil  Kunda   in  the  province  of  Telangana,  and   that   some   of  the 
merchants  were  killed  and  many  wounded.    That  country  had  no  powerful 
central  government  and  was  rendered  inaccessible  by  mountains  and  thick 
jungle.     It  possessed  80  forts.    These   forts   were    in   possession   of  inde- 
pendent  Hindu  chiefs,  who  were  not  subject  to  any  one,   and  who  always 


A   HISTORY   OF  ByAPUR.  27 

carried  on  war  among'  themselves  and  practised  marauding'.  In  order 
to  check  these- predatory  chiefs,  the  Ministers  advised  the  Sultan  to  send 
Eusaf  on  that  difficult  mission.  The  Sultan  consented,  though  unwillingly^ 
and  Eusaf  went  out  of  the  city  and  encamped  there.  He  expected  help 
from  his  noble  friends  but  none  came.  He  therefore  raised  an  army  of 
four  or  five  thousand  soldiers  at  his  own  cost  and  marched  towards 
Telangana.  He  first  sent  some  of  his  soldiers  in  the  guise  of  merchants, 
and  when  they  were  being  robbed  by  the  Hindu  chiefs,  he  attacked  the 
latter,  defeated  them,  and  took  their  forts.  In  a  short  time  he  conquered 
a  great  portion  of  Telangana  and  increased  his  army.  He  sent  the  news 
of  his  fresh  victories  to  his  master,  who  became  very  proud  of  him.  Eusaf 
converted  many  people  and  built  musjids  in  every  village.  When  hif 
influence  and  power  greatly  increased,  the  Ministers  at  the  Court  became 
afraid  of  him.  Their  object  in  sending  him  away  from  the  Court  was  not 
secured,  and  they  be^an  to  form  plans  for  his  ruin.  They  induced  the 
Sultan  to  believe  that  the  growing  power  of  Eusaf  Beg  was  a  danger  to 
the  State,  and  that  he  should  be  recalled  to  the  Court.  With  this  object 
they  selected  Subhan  Kuli  and  sent  him  to  Eusaf  with  a  large  army. 
Another  person,  Moulana  Ismail  Munshi,  was  sent  ahead  with  presents 
and  a  letter  from  the  King  inviting  him  to  Court.  Eusaf  received  the 
letter,  but  sent  back  the  Munshi  with  his  own  trusted  servant  Hafiz 
Shamsuddin  Khijari — who  had  served  Eusaf  in  Persia — to  the  King  giving- 
excuses  for  not  returning  to  Court.  Eusaf  had  no  faith  in  the  Ministers. 
Finally  Subhan  Kuli  was  deputed  with  a  firman  of  the  King  and  a  large 
army  to  Kevil  Konda  where  Eusaf  was  encamped.  Subhan  Kuli  had 
instructions  to  induce  Eusaf  to  return  to  Bedar,  and  if  he  refused,  to  fight 
with  him." 

The  account  of  Eusaf's  winning  over  Subhan  Kuli  and  making  further 
conquests  in  Telangana  is  very  interesting,  but  want  of  space  forbids 
further  quotations. 

v.— The  Capture  of  Mohamadabad  or  Bedar  by  Ismail  Adilshah. 

'*  Kasim  Berid  was  a  brave  man,  a  wise  ruler,  and  a  skilled  soldier.  After 
the  death  of  Shaha  Walli  Ulla  he  raised  Shah  Kalimulla  to  the  throne  and 
administered  the  State  himself.  The  King  was  King  in  name  only.  Ismail 
Adilshah,  with  the  assistance  of  Nizamshah  Behari  and  Imadulmulk 
Durya,  invaded  the  kingdom  and  laid  siege  to  the  City  of  Bedar.  Kasim 
Berid  defended  the  town  for  seven  months,  having  sent  Ainulmulk  to 
harass  the  besiegers.  Ainulmulk  sought  peace,  but  Kasim  was  not 
to  be  won  over,  Ainulmulk  then  return  ;d  to  his  country,  when  Kasim 
Berid  thought  it  proper  to  go  out  of  the  city,  and  went  to  the  fort 
of  LMgirand  made  preparations  to  send  succour  for  the  relief  of  the  city. 
Nizamshah  and  Imadulmulk  both  withdrew  to  their  kingdoms,  and  the  work 
of  siege  devolved  upon  Ismail  Khan  alone.  He  pressed  the  operations  and 
reduced  the  garrison  to  great  privations.  At  this  time  one  Vankella,  a 
native  of  Sagar,  who  belonged  to  the  robber  class,  went  to  Ismail  and 
offered  his  services  to  bring  Kasim  Berid  bodily  to  Shaha'*s  camp.    Ismail 


28  A   HISTORY   OF  BIJAPUR. 

promised  a  high  reward  for  the  enterprise,  whereupon  Vankella,  assuming 
the  garb  of  a  fakir,  went  to  Udgir,  where  Kasim  was  preparing  to  send 
troops  to  Bedar.  When  Vankella  saw  Kasim  he  gave  him  a  lime  and 
4eft  the  place.  As  the  fakir  turned  away  Kasim  Berid  mounted  his 
horse  and  followed  him.  His  attendants  could  not  understand  Berid^s 
conduct,  and  some  of  them  followed  him.  Vankella  directed  his 
steps  towards  the  camp  of  Ismail,  where  Berid  also  followed  him. 
Ismail  being  informed  of  Kasim  Berid's  arrival  went  out  to  meet  him,  and 
brought  him  into  his  own  tent  and  made  him  occupy  his  own  seat.  While 
Kasim  was  thus  seated  his  followers,  who  were  outside,  were  put  to 
death,  and  not  even  a  page  was  left  to  give  him  water.  The  page 
who  carried  his  shoes  was  alone  left^  and  he  informed  Kasim  of  what 
had  happened,  when  he  recovered  from  his  apparent  intoxication.  Kasim 
became  a  close  prisoner,  and  Ismail  insisted  upon  the  surrender  of  Bedar 
as  the  price  of  his  life.  Kasim  Berid's  mother,  who  was  in  the  city, 
opened  its  gates  to  the  enrmy  who  entered  it  triumphantly.  Ismail 
Adilshah,  however,  treated  Kasim  Berid  with  kindness,  and  promised  to 
return  the  place  to  him  after  he  had  captured  the  forts  of  Raichore  and 
Mudgal  with  his  assistance." 

VI.— An  Account  of  Ramraja  and  the  Prosperity  of  his  Empire. 

*'  Ramraja  became  King  of  Vijayanagar  in  H.  942  (A.D   i533)«    He  used 
to  hold  his  Court  in  the  name  of  Krishnaraya's  son,  the  real  Emperor,  and 
peoi>le  used  to  make  their  obeisance  to  the  boy.     Ramraja  conducted  the 
administration  for  two  years  nominally  for  the  son  of  Krishnaraya,  during 
which  period  he  removed  all  the  old  nobles  and  sta^e  servants  and  appoint- 
ed his  own  relations  to  high  offices.     In  matters  of  all  civil  administration 
he  consulted  his  elder  brother  Trimalraya,  and  entrusted  the  army  to  his 
younger   brother   Venkatadri.     Ramraja   became  supreme  in   the  state. 
There  was   none  to  oppose  his  will ;   and  the  son  of  Krishnaraya  and  his 
relations  were    practically  confined   in   the   fort.     He  thus  ruled  in  great 
prosperity  for  33  years.      He    completed   the   work  of  the  canal  begun 
by  Krishnaraya.      The  kingdom  became  extraordinarily   prosperous  and 
happy.     Some  six  Musalman   nobles  entered  his  service,  and  were  given 
Jagirs   by   Ramraja,  who  treated   them  with  respect   and   consideration. 
He   kept  a   chair  in   the   Durbar   hall,  on   which  a   copy   of  the   Koran 
was   placed    to    which    these    Mahomedans    might    pay    their    respects. 
A  portion    of  the   city   was   specially   kept  apart  for  them,  where   they 
built  houses   and   bazars.    It   was  called  Turkiwada,  as   most  of  these 
people   were  Turks.     They  were  permitted  to  build  a  musjid,  to   repeat 
their  nama;\  and  follow  their  own  customs  and  practices,   including  the 
slftughter  of  animals.     Ramaraja's  brother  and   other  nobles  objected  to 
this   slaughter,    but   Ramraja   rebuked   them,   saying  that  the  Turks  bad 
come  to  serve,  but  not  to  give  up  their  religion.     Ramraja,  his  brother  and 
other  great  nobles  built  large  temples  and  other  edifices  in  emulation  of 
each  other.    The   city    was    supplied    with    plenty    of   water    from    the 


A    HISTORY   OF   BIJAPUR. 


29 


river.  There  were  70  large  canals  running,  through  the  city.  Every 
officer  had  extensive  gardens,  which  produced  plenty  of  fruits  of  all 
kinds.  Ramraja  was  a  just  ruler.  Until  all  the  Mahomedan  kings  com- 
bined and  killed  him,  this  prosperity  continued.  But  after  his  Fall  the 
country  was  reduced  to  a  desert.  Once  I,  — the  author  of  this  work, — 
went  to  that  place,  when  I  found  the  country  all  round  the  city 
devastated.  A  thick  jungle  had  grown  there  and  even  wild  animals  could 
be  seen  roaming  about.  It  was  difficult  to  find  one's  way  among  the 
ruins." 


Art.  IV, —  ^^  Shivajfs  Swarajya^^ 

By  Purshotam  Vishram  Mawji,  Esq. 

{Read  iSth  December  1903.) 

Maratha  History  has  been,  for  many  past  years,  receiving  consider- 
able attention,    and  has  given   rise  to  so  many  animated  controversies 
that  a  paper  connected  with  it  will  not,  I  hope,  be  found  uninterest- 
ing.    The  present   paper  is  intended    to     give  an  account  of     what 
is   known   as   Swarajya,    or    the    Marathas*  own    kingdom  ;    and    is 
based     on     an     original     document    which     bears   the    heading    of 
^'Jabita   Swarajya,"   i.e.^   a    statement   of  Swarajya,    which  literally 
signifies  **  one's  own  kingdom."     It  was  the  name  given]to  the  territory 
directly  governed  by  Shivaji,  as  distinguished  from  the  Mogulai,  which 
included  territory  governed  by  foreign  kings  outside  the  Swarajya,  but 
over  which  Shivaji  exercised  the  right  to  levy  the  diflFerent   kinds   of 
contributions   known   as   Chouth,    Surdeshmookhie,    Peshkushee   and 
the  like.     The  Swarajya  may  thus  be  said  to  be  the  Maratha  Empire 
Proper.  I  do  not  know  whether  any  records  of  Shivaji's  time  have  been 
discovered  in  which  the  Swarajya  territory  has  been  defined.    The  first 
Important  reference  to  it,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  was  made  during   the 
time  of  Shahu,  when  an  important  treaty  was  concluded  between  the 
Marathas  and  the    Moguls,    by  the  terms  of  which     the    Marathas 
acquired  complete  and  independent  sway  over  certain  specified  tracts 
of  territory,  besides  difi'erent  important  rights.     It  will  be  remembered 
that  Shambhaji,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Raighad  after  Shivaji, 
proved  himself  incapable  of  maintaining  the  grand  position  which  his 
illustrious  predecessor  had  attained  by  years  of  hard  struggle.    Instead 
of  following  the  principles  of  government  which  that  great  founder  of 
the  Maratha  Empire  had  laid  down,  and  which  were  the  outcome  of 
mature  wisdom  and  vast  experience,  that  unworthy  successor  to  the 
Maratha  throne  strongly  resented  the  efforts  of  his  father's  best  officers 
to    induce  him   to  adopt  any   proper   mode  of  government.     As  the 
Maratha  Empire  was  at  this  time  but  a  few  years  old,  with  its  bitterest 
enemy  still  alive  and  as  strong  as  at  any  previous  time,  its  existence 
was  seriously  imperilled  and  the  situation  still  demanded  vigilant  rule. 
While  such  was  the  state  of  the  Empire,  its  ruler  rather  than  assume 
the  reins  of  government  with  vigour  and   watchfulness,  yielding  to 


a 


SHIVAJI'S   SWARAJYA."  31 


the  seductive  influence  of  his  favourite  Kalusha  indulged  in  drinking 
and  debauchery.  The  civil  as  well  as  military  administration  became 
disordered,  the  hill  forts  were  neglected,  and  anarchy  prevailed 
everywhere.  Just  when  the  Maharashtra  was  in  this  deplorable 
state,  Aurangzeb  marched  into  the  Deccan  with  an  overwhelming  force, 
hoping  to  accomplish  his  long-cherished  dream  of  subjugating  that 
country.  The  condition  of  the  country  affbrded  him  favourable  oppor- 
tunities for  effecting  his  purpose  •  and  such  was  his  success,  that 
within  five  years  the  whole  country  from  the  Narmada  to  the  Tungbha- 
dra  came  into  his  hands  ;  and  it  seemed  that  the  great  empire  which 
had  cost  such  infinite  toil  to  its  founder  to  bring  together  was  on  the 
verge  of  extinction.  Raighad  was  captured  ;  Shambhaji  a  prisoner. 
At  this  crisis  a  band  of  patriots,  headed  by  Rajaram,  the  younger  son  of 
Shivaji,  saved  the  situation.  Acting  as  regent  for  Shahu,  he  became  the 
chief  authority,  representing  what  was  left  of  the  M aratha  power,  and 
with  the  aid  of  a  few  trained  and  efficient  officers,  such  as  Pralhad  Niraji, 
Raghunath  Pant  Hanumante,  Nilo  Moreshwar,  Ramchandra  Pant 
Amatya,  Pharsuram  Trimbak,  Shankraji  Mulhar  and  some  others,  he 
rescued  the  empire  from  the  ruin  which  threatened  it.  The  efforts 
of  these  patriots  were  so  far  successful,  and  the  respective  positions 
of  the  Marathas  and  the  Moguls  thereby  so  much  altered,  that,  at  the 
close  of  his  memorable  campaign  against  the  Marathas,  Aurangzeb 
found  himself  foiled  in  all  his  efforts,  and  his  previous  successes  wholly 
useless.  Among  the  Maratha  patriots,  who  at  this  critical  moment 
turned  the  tide  of  events  in  the  Deccan,  Shankraji  Mulhar  deserves 
special  attention,  because  of  his  connection  with  the  subject  of  this 
paper.  Grant  Duff  tells  us  that  Shankraji  Mulhar  was  originally  a 
karkoon  under  Shivaji  and  was  appointed  Sachiv  by  Rajaram  at 
Ginjee.  During  the  siege  of  the  fortress  he  retired  to  Benares.  But 
a  life  of  that  sort  did  not  suit  his  active  temperament,  and  he  managed 
to  get  himself  engaged  in  the  Mogul  service.  After  Aurangzeb*s  death, 
Shahu  was  released  under  a  promise,  that  in  case  he  should  succeed 
in  establishing  his  authority  and  would  continue  steadfast  in  allegiance 
to  the  Mogul  Emperor,  he  should  receive  certain  territories.  Soon 
after  his  release  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  possession  of  Satara, 
and  was  formally  enthroned  there  in  1708.  After  about  ten  years, 
during  which  the  Marathas'  cause  was  much  advanced,  circumstances 
arose  which  resulted  in  the  treaty  with  the  Moguls  to  which  I  have 
referred.  It  is  then  that  we  see  Shankraji  Mulhar  rendering  to  the 
Marathas  the  signal  service  which  secured  to  them  again  what  was 
once  their  own.  Ferokshere  was  Emperor  of  Delhi  at  that  time. 
Being  a  weak  monarch  and  extremely  jealous  of  the  famous  Syed 
Brothers,  he  appointed  Hussein  Ally  Khan,  the  younger  Syed,  to  the 


32  "  SHIVAJl's   SWARAJYA." 

Viceroyalty  of  the  Deccan,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  thereby 
weaken  the  power  of  the  brothers.  Dawoodkhan,  who  was  to  be  removed 
from  the  Deccan  to  make  room  for  Hoossein  Ally  Khan,  received 
secret  instructions  from  the  Emperor  to  oppose  the  new  Viceroy,  but 
this  treacherous  scheme  proved  unsuccessful,  and  Dawoodkhan  was 
defeated  by  Hussein  Ally  Khan.  The  Emperor  then  secretly  instigated 
the  servants  of  his  Government  and  the  Marathas  also  to  resist  and 
annoy  the  new  Viceroy  of  the  Deccan.  Hussein  Ally  Khan  distracted  by 
these  intrigues  thought  of  opening  up  negotiations  with  Shahu  through 
bhankraji  Mulhar,  who  was  in  his  employment  and  had  succeeded  in 
gaining  his  confidence.  He  suggested  to  Hussein  Ally  Khan  the  plan 
of  recognizing  Maratha  claims  and  thereby  securing  peace  in  the  coun- 
try. This  plan  was  approved  of  by  Mohumad  Khan,  the  governor  of 
Burhanpur.  Shankraji  Mulhar  was  then  sent  to  Satara  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  an  alliance  with  Shahu.  There  a  treaty  was  concluded  by 
which,  among  other  grants,  Swarajya  was  to  be  given  to  the  Marathas. 
Shankraji  Mulhar  furnished  a  statement  of  the  districts,  forts  and  other 
places  wliich  were  to  be  under  the  rule  of  the  Marathas.  This  important 
statement  is  the  document  which  I  place  before  you  this  evening.  I 
shall  omit  further  details  about  the  treaty  and  its  final  completion, 
except  mentioning  that,  though  Ferokshere  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty, 
after  his  death  Balaji  Vishwanath  when  at  Delhi  obtained  a  formal 
sanad,  embodying  the  terms  agreed  to  by  Hussein  Ally  Khan.  This 
brief  sketch  of  events  will  explain  the  circumstances  which  preceded  and 
to  some  extent  led  to  the  important  treaty  between  Shahu  and  Hussein 
Ally  Khan.  I  must  mention  that  the  restoration  of  the  Swarajya  was 
only  a  formal  act,  since  a  considerable  portion  of  the  territory  had  been 
already  in  the  occupation  of  the  Marathas.  On  referring  to  the  body 
of  the  statement  it  will  be  seen  that  no  less  than  89  out  of  145  forts 
were  held  by  the  Marathas  at  the  date  of  that  document.  Similarly, 
other  Subhas  were  also  under  the  occupation  of  the  Marathas.  The 
statement  itself  begins  with  a  list  of  thirteen  Subhas  (Collectorates) 
made  up  of  127  Talukas  in  the  Konkan  Prant,  and  of  16  Subhas 
made  up  of  101  Talukas  in  the  Warghat  Prant.  The  following  notes 
appear  at  the  foot  of  that  list : — 

"Agreed  as  above.  The  writs  of  permission  from  the  Nawab  wilT 
be  granted  after  Balaji  Pant's  interview  with  him,  and  will  be  exe- 
cuted. Afterwards  the  Firmans  (Imperial  orders)  will  be  sent  from  the 
Huzur  (  Delhi)  within  nine  months  from  the  date  of  this  document." 

Dated  24th  Sawal  Suhur  San  Saman  Ashar  Maya  Alaf.  (9th  September 
1718). 

*Mn  the  above  mentioned  list  of  Swarajya  there  are  some  Imperial 
ix)sts  which  are  separately  noted.     They  will  be  removed  accordingly* 


"SHIVAJI'S    SWARAJYA."  33 

You  may  take  the  other  posts  which  are  at  present  held  by  the  Shamal 
and  other  Palegars. " 

A  list  of  forts   follows  this  note.     The  names  of  the    145  forts   which 
were    at    one    time    included    in   Shivaji's    territory    are    given   with 
their  respective  positions  in  two  separate  divisions,  the  first  containing 
the  names  of  89  forts  which  were  already  in  the  possession  of  the  Mara- 
thas,  and  which  were  to  be  formally  restored  to  them,  while  the  second 
division   contains  the   names  of  the  56  forts  of  which   possession   was 
yet  to  be  taken  by  the  Marathas.     A  note  similar  to  the  above  is  made 
at  the  foot  of  this  list  also.     Twenty-four  Mogul   posts  are  then   men- 
tioned which    were  in  the  Swarajya,  and  which  were  by  the  agreement 
to  be  removed.     This  is  all  that  is  contained  in  the  docume*  t,  which  is 
partly  in  the  Persian  and  partly  in  the  Marathi  language  written  in  Modi 
character   and    written   by   Shankraji   Mulhar  himself.     It   bears   the 
Persian  seal  of  the  writer,  which  contains  the  following  inscription  : 
1 126,    Mahamad    Ferokshere    Fidwi  Padashaha    Gazi,    Shankrajirao 
Malhar.     The  date  of  the  document  is  24  Sawal  Suhur  San  Saman 
Ashar  Maya  Alaf,  which  corresponds  to  9th  September  171 8. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Konkan  Prant  comprised  the  district 
along  the  sea-coast  from  Gandevi  near  Surat  to  Akola  in  Kanara 
(excepting  Bombay,  Daman,  Goa,  and  Janjira)  and  was  bounded 
by  the  Arabian  Sea  on  the  West  and  the  Western  Ghats  on  the  East, 
while  the  Warghat  Prant  included  the  tract  of  the  country  from 
Junnur  in  Poona  District  to  Halyal  in  Kanara,  and  from  the 
Western  Ghats  to  Indapur. 

I  should   like  to  tell  you  the  circumstances   which   encouraged  me  to 
bring  the  present  paper  before  you.     The  document,  which  has  provided 
matter  for  it,  is  interesting  in  more  respects  than  one.     It  is  useful  not 
only  for   giving  a  detailed  list  of  the  Subhas   and   Talukas,    Maratha 
forts  and  Mogalai  posts  comprised  within  the   Swarajya,   but  also  as 
showing  the  territorial  division  of  the  Maratha  Empire  for  administrative 
purposes.     The  location  of  the  forts  also  deserves  special  study  as  dis- 
playing the  military  genius  of  Shivaji.     The  value  of  forts  as  excellent 
defence' works  was  very  much  appreciated  in  those  days,  and  these  forts 
were    the    great    bulwarks    of     Maharashtra.     Each   Subha   had    a 
requisite  number  of  fortresses  to  guard  it ;  and  a  careful  study  of  the  map 
will  show  how  well  arranged  the  whole  country  was  with  these  defence 
works,  which   made  it  almost  impossible  to  take  it.     It  may  be  noted 
that  other  circumstances    being   equal,    no  invader  of  Maharashtra 
was    successful    against     these     fortresses.     But      this     document 
has   another  and    perhaps    an    equally    important  interest  for    our 
Society.     Many   of  you   perhaps  may  not  be  aware  that  some  thirty- 
six  years  ago  the  subject  of  the  collection  and  publication  of  original 
3 


34  "SHIVAjrS   SWARAJYA.'* 

documents  relating  to  Maratha  History  was  under  discussion  at  a 
meeting  of  this  Society  held  on  the  14th  March  1867,  and  the  late  Mr. 
Justice  Newton,  the  then  President  of  the  Society,  made  the  following 
important  observations  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  : — 

**  We  had  indeed,"  the  President  remarked,  "in  Grant  DufPs  invalu- 
able history  a  work  which  in  some  respects  left  scarcely  anything  to  be 
desired,  but  while  we  could  not  hope  to  add  much  to  the  result  of  his 
patient  investigations  and  conscientious  discrimination,  and  had  little 
need  to  seek  for  confirmation  of  a  narrative  which  had  been  amply  test- 
ed during  a  long  series  of  years  through  the  practical  researches  and 
discussions  incident  to  the  administration  of  the  Maratha  territory,  and 
have  now  taken  the  place  of  settled  history,  it  was  still  felt  by  many  that 
the  preservation  of  the  interesting  materials  from  which  that  admirable 
work  had  been  produced  was  an  object  of  very  great  importance. 
In  no  department  of  knowledge,  perhaps,  were  we  dependent  so 
exclusively  on  a  single  authoritative  work,  and  it  might  be  feared  that 
the  recovery  of  the  many  records  and  the  tracing  again  of  the  varied 
sources  of  information  which  have  been  so  effectively  used,  is  every  day 
becoming  a  matter  of  more  difficulty." 

It  appears  at  that  meeting  there  had  been  some  discussion  on  the 
subject,  for  Mr.  James  Taylor  thus  referred  to  that  discussion  in  his 
**  Note  on  a  letter  from  Mr.  Grant  Duff"  which  forms  the  subject  of  Art 
XI,  page  120  of  Volume  X  of  the  Society's  Journal,  where  he  says  : 
* 'Remarks  were  made  by  one  or  two  members  of  deserved  influence 
to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Grant  Duff's  history  of  the  Marathas  hardly 
deserved  the  authority  conceded  to  it,  because  it  did  not  always  specify 
the  authorities  on  which  the  statements  it  contained  were  based." 

These  extracts  have  been  taken  at  some  length,  as  they  place  before 
you  the  necessity  which  the  Society  at  one  time  considered  to  exist  for 
collecting  and  publishing  original  records  in  connection  with  Maratha 
History. 

This  subject  was  repeatedly  discussed  at  the  meetings  of  the  Society, 
but  nothing  practical  appears  to  have  been  done  in  connection  with 
that  object.  Many  scholars  of  Indian  History  thought  that  there  were 
no  original  documents  of  Maratha  History  in  existence  which  would 
prove  of  any  great  value  ;  and  ittseems  that  it  was  this  belief  which 
hampered  any  serious  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Society  in  that  direc- 
tion. In  order  to  test  the  accuracy  of  the  information  given  by  Grant 
Duff  it  was  necessary  that  the  original  records  of  the  times  of 
which  he  spoke  should  be  examined.  Without  this  any  opinion 
pronounced  about  the  worth  of  that  history  could  carry  no  weight 
whatever.  The  question  as  to  what  had  become  of  Grant  Duffs 
manuscripts  naturally  occurred  to  every  student  of  Maratha  History. 


"SHIVAJi'S  SWARAJYA."  35 

Several  efforts  were  made  to  discover  where  these  manuscripts  were. 
Grant  Duff  himself  tells  us,  in  the  foot  notes  to  his  history,  that  he  had 
got  copies  made  of  some  of  these  papers  and  writings  and  had  deposit- 
ed them  with  the  "Literary  Society  of  Bombay.     This  Society  has  long 
ceased  to  exist,  and  our  Society  is  its  successor.     The  late  Mr.  Justice 
Telang  caused  search  to  be  made  in  this  library,   but  he  could  not  find 
the  manuscripts  nor  anything  in  the  records  of  either  Society  which 
afforded  any  clue  to  their  whereabouts.      The  fact  that  Grant  DufTs 
manuscripts  could  not  be  found,  gave  rise  to  a  curious  impression  to 
which  the  late  Rao  Bahadur  Nilkant  Janardan  Kirtane,  when  a  student 
at  the  Poona  College,  gave  expression  in  his  ''Criticism  on  Grant 
DufTs  History  of  the  Marathas  *'.     He  tells  us  that  the  manuscripts 
used  were  burned  with  Grant  DufTs  own  knowledge.     The  story  was 
so  improbable  that  Mr.  Kirtane  expressed  his  own  disbelief  in  it,  in  the 
introduction  to  the  **Life  of  Siwaji"  written  by  Malnar  Ramrao  Chitnis. 
The  document  which  I  produce  before  you  to-day  is  interesting  in  this 
connection.     It  was  referred  to  by  Grant  Duff  and  seen  by  him.    The 
production  of  this  original  document  and    several    others    which    1 
hope  to  lay  before  you  from  time  to  time  is  ample  contradiction  of 
this    improbable  story,  if  the  story  indeed  required  any  contradiction. 
But    though    this    story    was    disbelieved,   the    question  as  to    how 
Grant   Duff  had  disposed  of  the  materials  of   his  work   remained 
unsolved.      Efforts  were  made    to    ascertain    in     England    whether 
Grant    Duff  had   taken   the    papers  with  him   and   deposited  them 
there.     Sir  George  Birdwood,  Mr.   Martin  Wood,  and  other  eminent 
scholars  of  Indian  History  enquired  of  Sir  Mountstuart  Elphinstone^ 
the  son  of  the  Maratha  Historian,  whether  he  could  give  any  informa- 
tion regarding  these  papers.     His  reply  to  those  enquiries  was  :  "  I  do 
not  possess  any  papers  which  could  be  of  any  use.     I  fancy  my  father 
gave  away  everything  of  that  kind  which  he  had,  to  some  Institution  in 
Bombay.*'    This  reply  removed  the  hope  that  the  papers  might  be 
found  in  England,  and  the  search  thus  made  by  these  scholars  did  not 
result  in  any  substantial  discovery.     But  this  important  enquiry  was 
not  destined  to  end  here.     For  many  years  past  Maratha  history  has 
been  exciting  much  greater  interest  than  when  Grant  DufTs  work  was 
first  published  ;  and  better  literary  taste  and  critical  judgment  have 
been  formed  among  native  scholars.     The  search  for  Grant  DufTs 
materials,  though  its  result  was  so  far  for  a  long  time  disappointing, 
was  not  given  up.      It  was  taken  up  and  diligently  prosecuted  by  Mr. 
t>.   B.  Parasnis,  whose  honest  devotion   to  historical  work  and  his 
disinterested  love  for  it  have  won  him  the  success  which  he  so  well 
deserves.     It  is  through  him  that  I  have  been  able  to  secure  the 
present  statement  and  the  other  documents  of  which  I  have  just  spoken; 


36  **SHJVAJI*S    SWARAJYA.'' 

and  I  am  glad  to  say  we  may  hope  to  get,  in  the  near  future,  a  look  into 
some  of  these  much-sought  records.  It  ought  to  give  pleasure  to  any 
one  who  takes  interest  in  this  subject  to  be  able  to  place,  within 
the  reach  of  our  Society,  some  of  ihe  very  documents  for  the  recovery  of 
which  it  showed  at  one  time  such  great  concern,  and  it  is  my  proud 
privilege  to-day  to  inform  you  that  I  hope  to  deposit  with  our  Society, 
photographs  and  copies  of  the  original  papers  and  writings  from  which 
Grant  DuflF  constructed  his  work,  and  which  may  prove  of  use  to 
modern  students  of  Maratha  History. 

In  conclusion,  our  best  thanks  are  due  to  my  friend,  Mr.  Parasnis, 
for  the  valuable  assistance  he  has  rendered  to  the  Society  and  myself 
in  these  historical  studies. 


JABITA    SWARAJYA. 
(Statement  of  SwarajyaS) 

SUBHAS  IN   THE   KONKAN   PrANT. 

1.  Subha  Ramnagar  including  Ghandevi. 

2.  Subha  Jawhar  Prant. 

3.  Subha  Prant  Bhiwadi — 

12  Talukas — i  Sonavale,  2  Wasudari,  3  Barhekas  (Betildal), 
4  Murbad,  5  Korkada,  6  Sere    7  Alani,  8  Aghai,  9  Rabe, 

10  Kunde,  11  Khambale,  12  Durgad. 

4.  Subha  Kalyan— 

20  Talukas. — i  Kasaba  Kalyan,  2  Ambarnath,  3  Talonje, 
4  Wanje,  5  Wankbaal,  6  Borete,  7  Chonkas  Badalpur, 
8  Waredi    Mahammadpur,  9    Wakase,   10  Kothalkhalati, 

11  Kohali,  12  Wather,  13  Aturvalit,  14  Tungartan, 
i5Badrapur,  16  Pen,  17  Wasi,  18  Chivanekhal,  19  Haweli, 
20  Chhattesi. 

5.  Cheul  Subha— 

6  Talukas — i  Mamale  Chaul,  2  Nagothane,  3  Aser  Adharan, 

4  Antone,  5  Ashatami,  6  Pali. 

6.  Subha  Rajpuri— 

12   Talukas— I    Goregaon,      2    Govele,    3    Tale,    4  Ghof^le, 

5  Divi,  6  Sivardhan,  7  Mhasale,  8  Nijampoor,  9  Hirdadi, 
10  Nadagaon,  11  Murud,  12  Madaltapa. 


<< 


SHIVAJI'S   SWARAJYA."  37 


7.  Subha  Javali — 

18  Talukas  (Mahals  of  the  Konkati  Talghat)— i  Hiredadi, 
2  Shivathar,  3  Nate,  4  Mahad,  5  Tudal,  6  Winhere, 
7  Kondhavi,  8  Chidve,  9  Talavati,  10  (Mahals  of  the 
Warghat)  i  Ategaon,  2  Tambi,  3  Bamhanoli,  4  Helwak, 
5   Medhe,   6    Jorekhore,     7    Sonalsoisc,     8     Barampure, 

9  Kedambe. 

8.  Subha  Dabhol— 

II  Talukas — i  Chiplon,  2  Haveli,  3  Kelsi»  4  Weswi, 
5  Panchanadi,   6  Natu,  7  Khed,   8  Gohaghar,  9  Savarde, 

10  Welamb,    11  Jalgaon. 

9.  Subha  Rajapoor — 

18  Talukas — i    Kharapaton,    2   Mithagawhan,    3    Sawandal^ 

4  Rajapoor,  5  Lanje,  6  Deorukh,  7  Hatkhambed,  8  Harchiri, 

9  Phungudh,    10  Dhamnas,     11  Dewale,    12  Kelmajgaon, 

13  Salsi,  14  Pawas,  15  Setawadi,    16  Nevare,   17  Sanga- 
mesh  war,  18  Prabhawali. 

10.  Subha  Kudal — 

15  Talukas — i    Haweli,   2  Masure,    3   Wengurle,  4  Ajagaon, 

5  Satarde,   6  Talvade,   7  Mangaon,    8  Manohar,  9  Narur, 

10  Pat,      II  Salandi,      12  Warad,   13    Patgaon  Warghati, 

14  Berdawe,  15  Kalsuli. 

11.  Subha  Prant  Bhimgad— 

5  Talukas — i  Bande,  2  Pedane,  3  Maneri,  4  Sakhali,  5  Dicholi. 

12.  Subha  Prant  Phonde— 

5  Talukas — i     Antaruj,     2      Hemadbarse,    3     Ashtagrahare, 

4  Chandradad,  5  Bali. 

Subha  Prant  Akole— 

5  Talukas — i    Akole,     2    Siveshwar,   3    Kadwad,   4    Kadare, 

5  Adwat. 

SUBHAS     OF    THE    WaRGHAT. 

(Subhas  upper  the  Ghat), 

1.  Subha  Poona — 

6  Talukas — i  Haweli,  2  Nirthadi,  3  Karhe  Pathar,   4  Saswad, 

5  Sandas,  6  Patas. 

2.  Supe  Baramati. 
7.    Indapur. 


38  •*  SHIVAJi'S  SWARAJYA." 

4.     Subha  Prant  Mawal — 

13  Talukas — i  Karyat  Mawal,  2  Kanad  Khore,  3  Khedebare, 

4  Gunjan  Mawal,  5  Nane  Mawal,  6  Panmawal,  7  Paud- 
khore,  8  Muthekhore,  9  Mose  Khore,  10  Yelawand  Khore, 
II  Hirwadas  Mawal,   12  Rohid  Khore,  13  Shirwal. 

5^     Subha  Prant  Wai— 

4  Talukas— I  Haweli,  2  Nimb,  3  Wagholi,  4  Koregaon. 

6.  Subha  Prant  Satara — 

6  Talukas — i  Haweli  Satara,  2  Parli,  3  Targaon,  4  Umbraj, 

5  Kudal,  6  Wandan. 

7.  Subha  Prant  Kurhad — 

9  Talukas — i   Kurhad,  2  Wing,  3  Marul,  4  Barse,*5  Tarale, 

6  Kole,  7  Naneghol,  8  Marli,  9  Patau. 

8.  Subha  Prant  Khatao  excluding  Kasha  Khatao — 

II  Talukas — i  Khatao,  2  Malwadi,  3  Wangi,  4  Nimbsod, 
5  Mayani,  6  Lalgun,  7  Aundh,  8  Vita,  9  Khanapur, 
10  Kaladhon,   11  Bhalwani. 

9.  Subha  Prant  Man — 

4  Talukas— I  Dhaigam,  2  Velapur,  3  Mhaswad,  4  Atpadi. 

10.  Subha  Prant  Phaltan  Mahal. 

11.  Subha  Prant  Belgaum. 

12.  Subha  Sampgaon. 

13.  Subha  Gadag. 

14.  Subha  Laxmeshwar. 

15.  .Subha  Nawalghund. 

16.  .Subha  Kopal. 

17.  Subha  Halyal. 

18.  Subha  Betgiri. 

Subha  Malkapur  : — 

4  Talukas — i  Warun,  2  Malkapur  3  Kasegam,  4  Shirale. 

Subha  Prant  Panhala. — 

10  Talukas — i  Kalambe,  2  Kodoli,  3  Satwe,  4  Bhane, 
5  Borgaon,  6  Alte,  7  Kukdi,  8  Walwe,  9  Wadgam, 
10  Ashte. 

Subha  Tarle — 

5  Talukas— I  Tarle,  2  Asdoli,  3  Arle,   4  Khanapur,  5  Ghol. 

Subha  Prant  Ajera — 

51  Parganas— Ajra  (Talukas — i  Haweli,  2  Katgam,  3  Kar- 
noli,  4  Am  boll,  5  Mahagam,  6  Otur),  2  Kapsi,  3  Khana* 
pur  Masti,  4  Nuli,  5  Nesari. 


**SHIVAJI*S   SWARAJYA." 


39 


Subha  Prant  Junnar — 

24  Talukas — i  Haveli,  2  Chakan,  3  Wade,  4  Khed,  5  Ale, 
6  Pabal,  7  Belhe,  8  Narayangam,  9  Wawarda  Jambli, 
10  Nibhoj,  II  Mahalunge,  12  Ambegaon,  13  Awsari, 
14  Andar,  15  Kukudner,  16  Madha,  17  Ghode,  18  Gaji, 
Bhobre,  19  Minnher,  20  Earner,  21  Karde,  22  Ranjan- 
gam,  23  Wotur,  24  Kotur. 

Besides  the  following  Thanas  which  are  included  in  the 
Mahal  : — i  Khed,  2  Awsari,  3  Narayangam,  4  Pabul, 
5  Nighoj,  6  Andar,  7  Madha,  8  Ambegaon,  9  Ghode, 
10  Wade,  II  Minnher,  12  Otur,  13  Mahalunj^e. 

Prant  Kolhapore. — 

9  Talukas — i  Haveli  Kolhapore,   2  Kagal,  3  Raybag,  4  Ek- 
sambe,  5  Sandigoli,  6  Sadalage,  7  Neje,  8  Savi,  9  JugaL 
Total :— 

Prant  Konkan. 


1  Subha  Ramnagar 

2  Subha  Jawhar , 

3  SubhaBhiwadi,  Mahals 

4  Subha  Kalyan 

5  Subha  Chaul 

6  Subha  Rajpuri , 

7  Stibhajavli        < 

8  Subha  Dahbol 

9  Subha  Rajapur 

10  Subha  Kudal 

11  Subha  Bhimgad 

12  Subha  Phonde 

13  Subha  Akole      


Grand  Total— 
29  Subhas. 
Talukas. 
16  Warghat. 
13  Konkan. 

29 


Prant  War^ 

ghat. 

I  Poona    ... 

... 

6 

•  •  • 

2  Supe  Baramati 

... 

•  •  • 

•  •  • 

3  Subha  Indapur 

■•• 

•  •• 

12 

4  Mawal   ... 

... 

..  • 

13 

20 

5  Wai 

... 

.•• 

4 

6 

6  Satara    ... 

■.. 

... 

6 

\f 

7  Karhad  ... 

... 

•• . 

9 

12 

8  Khatao  ... 

•  •• 

.•• 

II 

18 

9  Man 

••• 

> .  • 

4 

II 

10  Phaltan ... 

... 

.  a. 

I 

18 

II  Malkapur 

.  •  • 

... 

14 

15 

12  Panhala 

... 

•  ■  . 

10 

13  Tarle 

... 

... 

5 

5 

14  Ajre 

... 

... 

6 

5 

15  Junnar 

... 

•  •  • 

13 

S 

16  Kolhaporer 

••. 

• 

9 

127 


101 


228  Mokra  Mahal. 
127  Konkan. 
10 1  Warghat. 
228 


Agreed   as   above  the  writs  of  permission   from  the  Nawab  will  be 
granted  after  Balaji   Pant's  interview  with  him,  and  will  be  executed. 


40  **  SHIVAJl'S   SWARAJYA." 

Afterwards  the  firmans  or  the  Imperial  orders  will  be  sent  from  the 
Hazur  (Delhi)  within  9  months  from  the  date  of  this  document. 
Dated  24th  Sawal  Suhur  San  Saman  Ashar  Maya  Alaf. 
In  the  above  mentioned  list  of  Swarajya  there  are  some  Imperial 
posts  which  are  separately  noted  down.  They  will  be  removed  accord- 
ingly. You  may  take  the  other  posts  which  are  held  at  present  by 
the  Shamal  and  other  Palegars. 


List  of  Forts. 

Out  of  145  forts  which  were  formerly  included  in  Shivaji's  territor>-  89 
are  at  present  in  the  possession  of  the  Marathas  which  are  as  follows  :— 

1  Subha  Satara — 

2  Forts — I  Satara,  2  Sajjangad. 

2  Subha  Karad — 

5  Forts— I    Wasantgad,     2  Sadashivgad,     3    Machhendragad, 

4  Gunawantgad,  5  Sundargad. 

3  Subha  Vai — 

7  Forts — I    Manmohangad,       2     Pandavgad,      3     Kamalgad, 

4  Wairatgad,  5  Chandan,  6  Wandan,  7  Kalyangad. 

4  Subha  Javli — 

6  Forts — I     Pratapgad,     2     Makarangad,    3     Mangalgad,     4 

Wyaghragad,  5  Mahimandangad,  6  Gahangad. 

5  Subha  Dabhol— 

4  Forts     I  Sarangagad,    2  Jayagad,  3  Sumergad,   4  Mahipat- 
gad. 

6  Prant  Khatao — 

4  Forts — I  Wardhangad,  2  Bhushangad,  3  Santoshgad,  4  Waru- 
gad. 

7  Subha  Man — Mahimangad. 

8  Subha  Rajapur  Prachitgad. 

9  Subha  Poona — 

3  Forts — I  Purundhar,  2  Wajragad,  3  Sinhagad. 

10  Subha  Mawal — 

8  Forts — I  Kajgad   (Ghala   Killa,    Padmawati,   Suwela,   Sanji- 

wani),     2     Prachandgad,      3    Wichitragad,      4     Lohagad, 

5  Kathingad,  6  Witandgad,  7  Ghangad,  8  Kuwarigad. 

11  Subha  Chaul — i  Killa  Sudhagad. 
13  Subha  Junnar — Fort  Narayangad. 

Tot.  43 


•*SIIIVAjfS   SWARAJYA.  4I 

14  Subha  Panhala — 

3  Forts— I   Panhala,  2  Pawangad,  3  Bila^ad. 

15  I  Kot  (Fort)  Kolhapore. 

16  Subha  Rajapur — 

4  Forts — I    Vishalgad,    2    Gagangad,    3     Ratnagiri,    4  Mahi- 

mantgad. 

17  Subha  Tarle— I   Fort  Bhudargad. 

18  Prant  Ajre — 

5  Forts — I  Samangad,  2  Kalanidhigad,  3  Pawitragad,  4  Walla- 

bhagad,  5  G  ndharwagad. 

19  Subh^  Nawalghund — 

3  Forts — I     Mahamatgad,    2      Bhujabalgad     alias  Ramdurg, 

3  Torgal. 

20  Subha  Kopal — i  Fort  Kopal,  2  Buhadar  Banda. 

21  Subha  Bilgoli — i  Fort  Mahipatgad. 

22  Prant  Miraj — i  Fort  Bhupalgad. 

23  Subha  Bhimgad.     2  Forts — i  Bhingad,  2  Pargad. 

24  Subha  Prant  Kudal — 

4  Forts — I  Prasidhagad,   2  Manohargad,  3  Sindhudurga,  4    Fort 

Kudal. 

25  Subha  Rajapur — 

3  Forts — I  Vijayadurg,  2  Dugera,  3  Jayagad. 

26  Subha  Dabhol' — 

6  Forts — I    Wasangad,     2   Phattegad,    3   Kanakdurg,    4  Goa, 

5  Palgad,  6  Suwarnadurg. 

27  Subha  Prant  Chaul — 

4  Forts — I  Khanderi,    2  Kulaba,  3  Sagargad,  4  Mrigagad. 

28  Subha  Kalyan — 

6  Forts — I  Manikgad,  2  Vikatgad,  3  Bahirawdurg  alias  Khapra, 

4  Shriwardhan,  5  Manranjan,  6  Kothala. 

Tot89 

These  89  forts  which  belonged  to  you  are  restored  to  you. 

The  following  56  forts  are  to  be  taken  into  possession  : — 
22  Forts  in  the  possession  of  the  Shamal — 

Subha  Chaul — 

1  Sarasgad  alias  Pali,  2  Rajkot  (Chaul),  3  Surg  ad. 

Subha  Dabhol — 
3  Forts — I  Anjanwel,  2  Rani*s  Fort,  3  Mandangad. 

Subha  Javli  — 

2  Forts — I  Raigad,  2  Lingana. 


42  **  SHIVAJi'S    SWARAJYA.*' 

Subha  Rajpuri — 
14  Fofts—Wirgad,  2  Sewakgad,   3  Rajkot,    4    Mangad, 
5  Vishramgad,  6   Padmadurg,    7   Matjjad,  8     Balraja, 
9Ekdara,  loSakra,  11  Hagra,  12  Nanowali,  i3Tamhani, 
14  Sariingagad. 
34  Forts  in  the  possession  of  the  Palegars. 
Prant  Akole. — 7  Forts. 
I  Kot  Akole,   2  Mahindragad.  3  Kadwad,  4  Madhurgad, 
5  Shiveshwar,  6  Kot  Kadara,  7  Kurmadarga. 

I  Kot  Supa. 

I  Ratnakar  Durga  alias  Bokda. 

(In  the  possession  of  Bednurkar.) 

1  Kot  Halsa. 

2  Phinrangan. 

Forts  - 1  Dronagiri,  2  Aseri. 
8  In  the  possession  of  Kudalkar  Sawant — 

I  Songad,  2  Vengurla,  3  Redi,  4  Hanmantgad,  5  Bhaskargad, 
6  Narayangad,  7  Band  ,  8  Dibhawali. 

II  in  the  possession  of  the  Kolis — 

I  Ganbhirgad,  2  Bhupatgad,  3  Pedur,  4  Khera,  5  Ulang, 
6  Balwant,  7  Waghera,  8  Kupera,  9  Songiri,  10  Kohaj, 
II  Kuiang. 

3  Phonde — 

I  Phonde,  2  Mardangad,  3  Kholgad. 

34 


Total  56 

You  may  take  as  presents  these  56  forts  which  are  given  to  you. 
The  written  permission  of  the  Nawab  for  these  145  forts  will  be  given 
after  the  interview  of  Balaji  Pant  with  the  Nawab.  The  firmans  will 
be  sent  afterwards  within  9  months. 


The  Mogul  posts  in  ths  Swarajya  to  be  removed. 
12.     I  Kalyan   Bhiwadi,  2  Poona,  3  Indapur,  4  Baramati,  5  Supa, 

6  Shirwal,  7  Wai,  8  Masur,  9  Sap,    10  Patas,  11  Samdoli, 

12  Wangi. 
12.     I  Karhad  (to  be  removed  within  6  months),  2  Islampur,  3  Kade- 

gam,    4    Khanapur,    5    Yelapur,    6    Mhaswad,   7   Budh, 

8   Malwadi,    9  Vitba,    10  Nim    Sodamayani,     11    Atpadi, 

12  Nataputa. 
These  24  posts  to  be  removed  and  given  into  your  possession. 
Dated  24th  Sawal  Suhur  San  Saman  Ashar  Maya  Alaf. 


Art.  V. — Lieut.'CoL  Thomas  Best  Jervis  (1796-1857)  and  his 
Manuscript  Studies  on  the  State  of  the  Maratha  People 
and  their  History  J  recently  presented  to  the  Society  by 
his  Son,    By  R.  P.  Karkaria^  Esq. 

(Read,  2jih  September  1905.) 

When  I  first  looked  into  these  MS.  volumes,  some  two  months  ago 
when  they  were  presented  to  our  Society  in  this  historical  year  of  its 
Centenary,  I  saw  that  they  possessed  a  ^reat  value  for  students  of  the 
subjects  they  treat  of ;  and  accordingly  I  willingly  adopted  the  suggestion 
of  our  learned  and  energetic  Honorary  Secretary,  the  Rev.R.  Scott,that 
I  should  write  for  the  Society  a  paper  on  them.  I  took  it  up  all  the 
more  readily  and  turned  aside  from  my  other  work  for  a  time,  as  I 
learned  with  regret  that  he  was  soon  to  leave  us  for  a  long  holiday  in 
his  native  country.  The  good  wishes  of  our  Society,  which  he  has 
served  so  ably  for  nearly  five  years,  will,  I  am  sure,  accompany  him 
thither ;  and  I  trust  that  on  his  return  he  will  continue  to  give  us  the 
benefit  of  his  literary  ability  and  rare  scholarship. 

These  MSS.  have  been  appropriately  presented  to  us  by  his  son,  who 
is  settled  in  Italy  as  the  Conservator  of  the  Royal  Industrial  Museum  at 
Turin,  and  is  the  author  of  a  valuable  work  on  the  Economic  Geology 
of  that  country,  as  their  author  was  a  former  member  of  our  Society 
and  the  brother  of  one,  who  was  our  Honorary  Secretary,  Capt.  Geof  ge 
Jervis,  from  1827  to  1830,  during  the  momentous  years  when  under  the 
guidance  and  advice  of  our  distinguished  member.  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
our  Society  changed  its  name  of  the  Literary  Society  of  Bombay 
given  in  1804  by  its  founder,  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  in  favour  of 
its  present  designation  and  consented  to  become  the  branch  of  a  much 
younger  Society,  the  illustrious  newly  founded  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of 
England.  Thomas  Best  Jervis  gave  the  best  years  of  his  life  to  this 
Presidency,  which  he  served  for  nearly  thirty  years  from  181  to  1841, 
in  various  capacities  as  an  Engineer  Officer  of  the  Hon'ble  East  India 
Company.  But  he  had  more  than  a  mere  official  connection  with  this 
country  and  its  peoples.  He  may  be  described  by  applying  to  him  that 
significant  phrase,  an  old  type  of  Anglo-Indian  officer,  who  did  not 
merely  sojourn  in  this  country,  but  took  a  real  and  hearty  interest  in  its 
peoples  and  tried  to  ameliorate  their  intellectual  and  moral  condition. 


44  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES    OF   THE    MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

Perhaps  the  phrase  may  imply  a  slight  to  the  present  race  ^f  officers 
among  whom,  too,  men  like  Jervis  are  not  rare.  But  it  must  be  said 
that  in  former  days  they  were  not  so  rare  as  now.  It  may  be  that 
official  work  has  grown  to  such  proportions  as  to  leave  little  or  no 
leisure  or  time  for  anything  else.  But  where  there  is  genuine  sympathy 
for  the  people  and  a  real  interest  in  their  pursuits  and  welfare,  even 
hard-worked  officers  nowadays  can,  and  some  do,  find  time  for  doing 
good  work  unofficially. 

But  I  think  much  of  the  explanation  of  the  great  interest  taken  by 
former  officers  of  the  East  India  Company  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that 
they  had  a  family  interest  in  this  country  and  a  hereditary  connection 
with  it.  The  present  competitive  system  of  choosing  men  to  serve 
here  has  many  advantages,  but  this  decided  disadvantage  that  it  is 
not  in  the  power  of  a  father  to  prolong  or  even  perpetuate  his  connection 
with  this  country  by  putting  his  sons  and  grandsons  into  the  service. 
But  in  former  times  the  sons  and  nephews  were  selected  as  if  by  right  to 
succeed  their  fathers  and  uncles  in  the  various  services,  civil  and  mili- 
tary, of  this  country.  Hence,  the  ties  which  bound  them  to  this  land 
were  closer  and  stronger.  The  family  of  Jervis  was  an  instance  of  this. 
Benjamin  Jervis,  the  grandfather  of  Thomas  Best,  entered  the  Bombay 
Civil  Service  so  far  back  as  1747,  and  rose  to  be  the  Chief  of  Surat, 
when  that  city  was  of  far  greater  importance  than  it  now  is,  and  died 
there  in  1774.  His  son  John  Jervis,  the  father  of  Thomas,  joined  the  Civil 
Service  as  if  by  right,  and  served  in  Ceylon  as  Assistant  to  the  Resident 
there,  when  that  island  had  just  been  acquired  from  the  Dutch.  He 
died  there  at  the  early  age  of  27  in  1797,  leaving  three  sons  who  also 
all  served  in  Western  India.  The  eldest,  George,  retired  in  1830  and 
was  presented  with  an  address  and  a  piece  of  plate  worth  Rs.  3,000  by 
the  leading  Indians  when  he  retired,  to  mark  their  sense  of  gratitude 
for  his  services,  especially  to  Native  education  which  was  then  in  quite 
a  nascent  stage.  Thomas  Best  was  John's  second  son,  born,  only  a 
year  before  his  death,  at  Jaffnapatam  in  Ceylon  on  2nd  August  1796, 

Thomas  Jervis  came  of  distinguished  stock;  and  an  elder  branch 
of  the  family  gave  to  England  a  famous  admiral,  Sir  John  Jervis 
(i 735-1823),  who  won  the  great  victory  of  St.  Vincent's  over  the 
Spanish  Navy  in  1797  and  was  raised  to  the  peerage  under  that  title. 
A  cousin  of  Thomas,  another  Sir  John  Jervis  (1802-1856),  became  a 
distinguished  lawyer,  and  was  Attorney-General  under  Lord  John 
Russell  from  1846  to  1850,  and  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas. 
{Diet.  National  Biography^  Vol.  XXIX  p.  363).  His  mother  was 
of  Polish  extraction,  belonging  to  a  family  long  in  the  service  of 
the  Princes  of  Hanover  whom  they  accompanied  10  England  on 
their  accession  to  the   British  Throne.     She  was  connected  through 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE.  45 

her  mother  with  the  famous  German  man  of  letters,  Grimm  ;  and  some 
of  the  literary  qualities  of  that  great  German  were  seen  to  be  inherited 
by  his  kinsman.  Thus  cosmopolitanism  was  in  his  blood,  and  this  goes 
some  way  to  account  for  his  sympathy  with  the  Indians  especially 
Marathas,  which  came  naturally  to  him.  Thomas  chose  the 
military  service  like  his  brother  George,  and  passed  several 
years  at  Addiscombe  College  preparing  for  his  future  career. 
Among  these  MS.  volumes  is  one  containing  what  are  called  **  Addis- 
combe Studies  "  which  shows  how  thoroughly  and  diligently 
the  young  cadet  prepared  himself  at  that  Military  Academy  for  his 
future  work.  He  took  elaborate  notes  of  lectures  on  fortification  and 
raining,  and  translated  extracts  from  such  standard  French  works  as 
those  of  Lacroix.  Here  we  find  the  first  traces  of  his  taste  for  observation 
and  practical  geography  which  rendered  him  famous  in  after  years  as 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  officers  of  the  famous  Indian  Survey. 
To  this  volume  is  attached  a  short  but  valuable  memorandum  of 
instructions  for  boring  into  the  bed  of  hard  stone  found  in  sinking 
wells  for  water  on  the  Islands  of  Bombay  and  Salsette,  written  later 
for  Framji  Cowasji,  a  famous  Parsi  Agriculturist  of  Bombay,  who 
had  a  large  estate  in  Pawai,  Salsette. 

Jervis  arrived  in  Bombay  in  the  beginning  of  1814.  Things  were  in 
a  ferment  then  in  Western  India.  The  great  native  power  of  the 
Peshwas  was,  under  the  feeble  and  intriguing  rule  of  the  second  Baji 
Rao,  tottering  to  its  fall,  which  came  a  few  years  later  at  the  Battle  of 
Kirkee  in  1817.  Baji  Rao  surrendered  himself  to  General  Malcolm  soon 
after,  in  consideration  of  an  unprecedentedly  large  pension  of  eight 
lakhs  a  year — for  promising  which  Malcolm  was  afterwards  severely 
censured — and  a  life  of  ease  which  he  loved  more  than  duty  or  honour. 
He  passed  his  remaining  days  till  his  death  in  1851,  in  luxurious  exile 
atBithoor  near  Cawnpore,  leaving  an  adopted  son,  the  notorious  Nana 
Sahib,  who  did  such  incalculable  mischief  both  to  the  Indians  and  the 
English  in  1857.  His  extensive  territories  came  into  the  hands  of  the 
English,  and  the  great  power  of  the  Peshwas,  which  had  flourished  for 
just  a  century  from  17 18  to  18 17,  was  extinguished.  The  territories  con- 
quered from  the  Peishvva  were  annexed  to  the  Bombay  Presidency  which 
thus  received  a  very  important  accretion.  This  was  a  vast  field  for  all 
officers,  civil  and  military,  young  and  old,  in  which  many  distinguished 
themselves.  The  work  of  settlement  of  the  new  Deccan  and  Konkan 
provinces,  ably  begun  by  Elphinstone  as  their  first  Commissioner,  was 
carried  out  in  the  same  spirit  and  under  his  guidance  as  Governor,  by 
his  successors,  Chaplin  and  Robertson  with  the  assistance  of  a  larg^e 
body  of  younger  officers,  civil  and  military,  in  whom  new  zeal  had 
been  infused  by  the  arduous  work  before  them. 


46  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

Young  Jervis  was  appointed  to  take  his  part  in  this  work  in  October 
181 9  as  Executive  Engineer  of  the  Southern  Konkan.  The  forts  which 
stud  the  country  and  which  are  such  a  feature  of  it,  were  first  dis- 
mantled and  then  allowed  to  fall  to  ruin  as  the  best  way  to  render  them 
harmless.  Jervis  was  in  charge  of  these  forts  and  in  addition  to  his 
military  duties  he  was  required  to  superintend  the  new  civil  buildings 
that  were  required  for  the  purposes  of  administration.  He  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  the  hard  nature  of  the  work  to  be  done  in  this  capacity  : 
**  In  a  newly-conquered  country,  where  there  had  not  been  a  European 
establishment  or  station  before,  excepting  at  the  commercial  resi- 
dencies of  Bankot  and  Malwan,  all  things  had  to  be  done  anew.  There 
were  absolutely  no  workmen,  nor  materials,  such  as  were  expected  or 
required  in  many  instances  for  large  public  works  and  buildings  ;  all 
depended  mainly  on  the  temper,  industry,  energy  and  foresight  of  the 
Superintendent.  .  .  .  With  regard  to  those  people,  more  especially 
those  who  were  about  the  public  offices  in  the  capacity  of  writers  and 
accountants,  to  watch  over  these,  and  standing  alone  as  I  did,  to 
maintain  efficiency,  despatch  and  rectitude^  demanded  no  ordinary 
vigilance  ;  but  to  bring  about  all  these  objects  and  obtain  a  permanent 
and  public  proof  of  their  regard  was  a  higher  testimonial.  .  .  . 
The  sentiments  of  the  Hon'ble  Court  of  Directors  and  the  Hon'ble 
Mountstuart  Elphinstone  have  been  placed  on  record  in  the 
Parliamentary    papers  published  in  1832."    (Memoir  pp,  11— 12), 

In  1820  happened  an  event  which  gave  him  splendid  opportunities 
for  employing  his  knowledge  to  one  definite  purpose,  and  gaining  that 
experience  which  afterwards  raised  him  to  the  highest  post  in  the  line 
he  had  chosen — a  post  which  he  unfortunately  gave  up  before  entering 
on  its  duties  in  order  to  retire  finally  from  this  country.  He  was  ap- 
pointed in  that  year  to  make  the  Statistical  Survey  ol  the  Southern  Kon- 
kan. Three  years  later  in  January  1 82 1  the  greater  task  of  the  Trigono- 
metrical and  Topographical  Survey  of  the  same  vast  tract  of  country 
was  entrusted  to  him.  Henceforward  Survey  work  was  his  chief  occupa- 
tion and  even  hobby.  This  work  in  the  Southern  Mahratta  Country 
brought  him  into  the  closest  contact  with  the  people  for  whom  he  had 
a  natural  liking,  and  led  him  to  make  those  enquiries  into  their  condi- 
tion in  his  time  and  their  past  history  whose  results  are  preserved  in 
these  manuscript  volumes.  Of  his  happy  relations  with  the  people  under 
his  charge  and  of  their  confidence  in  him,  we  hear  in  a  letter  written  to 
him  by  his  Collector,  Mr.  J.  H.  Pelly,  at  the  beginning  of  his  period 
as  a  Survey  Officer  :  **  During  the  whole  of  the  time  you  have  been 
in  this  *zillah,'  during  which  period  many  thousands  must  have  been 
in  your  employment,  not  a  single  complaint  against  you  from  a  native 
has  ever  reached  my  ears,  nor  have  you  yourself  had  more  than  two  or 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE.  47 

three  complaints  to  prefer  against  them  ;  and  when  it  is  considered 
that,  instead  of  collecting  workmen,  as  has  too  frequently  been  the 
practice,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  attended  with  other  acts  of  grosser 
personal  violence,  your  labourers  or  bigaris,  not  only  willingly  uncom- 
pidsatively  travel  100  miles  for  the  privilege  of  being  employed  by  you 
(though  erven  the  bayonet  cannot  induce  them  to  serve  others  )^  but  no 
punishment  appears  more  effective  to  them  than  aismissal  from  your 
employment.  Now,  1  believe,  the  main  secret  of  your  management 
consists  both  in  a  humane  and  just  demeanour  to  these  poor  creatures, 
whom  to  your  lasting  honour  you  appear  to  regard  as  fully  entitled  to 
every  privilege  common  to  human  nature.  In  paying  them  a  just 
price  for  their  labour  instead  of  forcing  eight  men  to  work  for  a  Chin- 
churi  rupee,  you  allow  them  in  the  proportion  of  a  rupee  to  six  men, 
which  under  a  mild  and  equitable  treatment  it  is  demonstrated  they 
will  voluntarily  work  for^  although  nothing  but  armed  men  can  compel 
(hem  to  labour  on  lower  terms,  1  earnestly  hope  the  salutary  example 
you  have  thus  afforded  will  not  be  lost  on  some  older  and  more  ex- 
perienced heads,  but  lead  them  to  regard  the  natives  of  India  as  some- 
thing more  than  mere  machines,  formed  to  administer  to  our  pleasure 
and  convenience. "    {Memoir  p.  13.) 

It  must  be  remembered  that  Jervis  was  a  young  Lieutenant  of  barely 
twenty-five  years  when  he  was  addressed  in  these  flattering  terms 
by  his  senior  officer  in  December  1820.  What  is  said  here  about  the 
wages  of  the  Maratha  labourers  forms  the  subject  of  an  elaborate 
discussion  in  these  MSS.,  where  Jervis  shows  that  the  economic 
condition  of  the  people  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Ma- 
ratha rule  was  very  miserable.  The  chief  value  of  these  studies 
into  the  economic  condition  of  the  Maratha  people,  especially 
the  agricultural  part  of  them,  made  at  a  critical  period  of  their 
existence,  namely  when  they  passed  from  the  indigenous  rule  of 
the  Peshwas  to  British  rule,  lies  in  their  affording  us  accurate 
materials,  gathered  by  a  very  competent  and  sympathetic  enquirer,  for 
comparing  their  condition  then  with  their  condition  at  later  periods  and 
at  the  present  day.  Such  a  comparison  would  be  very  instructive  and 
edifying  in  these  days  when  British  rule  is  submitted  to  severe  and  not 
unfrequently  to  captious  criticism.  These  MS.  studies  of  Jervis  of  the 
condition  of  the  Konkan,  deserve  to  rank  by  the  side  of  the  more  famous 
but  hardly  more  valuable  studies  of  other  parts  of  the  Maratha  country 
embodied  in  the  reports  of  Mountstuart  Elphinstone  and  Chaplin  on  the 
Deccan  and  Malcolm's  report  on  Central  India.  Jervis  did  not  make 
his  results  as  interesting  as  Malcolm,  partly  because  he  lacked  the 
literary  ability  which  was  so  conspicuous  in  the  latter  and  also  in  Elphin- 
stone, and  partly  because  Government  did  not  encourage  him  as  it 


48      MANUSCRIPT  STUDIES  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE. 

did  them  to  publish  these  to  the  world.  Partly  also  he  did  not  care 
much,  as  his  heart  was  not  so  much  in  these  economic  and  historical 
researches  as  in  his  great  Trigonometric  and  Topographical  Survey. 
These  were  merely  ^ar^;^?**  with  him,  and  he  did  not  care  to  publish  them. 

Indeed  he  published  very  little  of  his  work  to  the  world  and 
was  content  with  submitting  official  reports  which  lie  forgotten 
among  the  records  of  Government.  A  portion  of  his  statistical 
memoir  of  the  Konkan,  that  relating  to  the  revenue  and  land  tenures, 
was  communicated  to  the  Bombay  Geographical  Society,  which  was 
then  in  a  flourishing  state  but  which  is  now  amalgamated  with  our 
Society,  and  appeared  in  its  Journal.  He  also  published  a  report  on  the 
weights  and  measures  of  the  Konkan  (1829)  which  was  expanded  in 
1836  into  a  somewhat  larger  work,  called  *' Meteorological  and  Monetary 
System  throughout  India,"  published  in  Bombay.  In  1835  he  published 
in  Calcutta  a  somewhat  remarkable  Essay  on  a  similar  subject  called 
**  Records  of  Ancient  Science  exemplified  and  authenticated  in  the  pri- 
mitive Universal  Standard  of  Weights  and  Measures."  This  Essay 
was  transmitted  to  Captain  Henry  Kater,  Vice-President  of  the  Royal 
Society,  who,  however,  died  before  it  reached  him.  In  this  Jervis 
very  ingeniously  suggests  his  universal  standard  as  **  regulated 
and  defined  by  the  mean  length  of  the  pendulum  ;  the  weight  of  water 
at  a  maximum  of  density  and  the  metre  or  forty-millionth  of  the  earth's 
polar  circumference."  The  thesis  of  this  Essay  is  that  all  weights  and 
measures  were  originally  derived  from  the  same  standard  which  he  con- 
sidered to  have  been  the  mean  length  of  the  pendulum  vibrating  seconds 
at  45"  latitude,  and  which  only  differs  by  a  very  small  fraction  from  the 
length  of  the  metre  (Memoir  p.  45.)  This  Essay  was  widely  distributed  by 
Government  to  its  officers  .for  their  opinion,  and  by  the  author  to  distin- 
guished men  of  science  in  England  and  elsewhere  for  their  remarks. 
The  various  suggestions  that  he  received  as  well  as  other  correspondence 
connected  with  it,  are  embodied  in  one  of  these  MS.  volumes  which 
contains  several  additions  and  corrections  for  a  new  edition  of  the  work 
which  he  seems  to  have  meditated  but  never  published. 

At  the  end  of  this  MS.  volume  is  a  document  which  should  be  of  great 
interest  on  the  personal  side  of  the  history  of  Science  in  Engand  in  the 
first  half  of  the  last  century.  It  is  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  Chair- 
man, Deputy  Chairman  and  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company, 
on  behalf  of  Major  Jervis,  by  the  Presidents,  Vice-Presidents  and 
Fellows  of  the  Royal  Society,  the  Royal  Geographical,  the  Geological 
and  other  leading  scientific  Societies,  in  which  they  endorse  his 
views  and  scientific  proposals  and  urge  that  the  Company  should 
promptly  publish  in  the  transactions  of  these  societies  or  elsewhere 
the  results  of  his  labours  on  the  Survey  of  India.     This  was  a  very 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE.  49 

influential   move  on  behalf  of  Jervis   and  had  its  due  weight  with 
the  Directors,  who  had  already  appointed  him  provisionally  Surveyor- 
General  in  succession  to  CoK  Everest  who  has  given  his  name  to  the 
highest  peak  of  the  Himalayas.    The  interest  of  the  memorial  to  us, 
however,  lies  in   the  fact  that  it  is  signed   by  all  the  leading  men  of 
Science  of  the  day  in  England,  and  h^re  we   have  collected  in  a  single 
page  the  autographs  of  some  forty  of  the  greatest  names  in  English 
Science.     The  list  is  headed  by  a  Royal  Duke,  the  Duke  of  Sussex,  an 
uncle  of  Queen  Victoria,  who  was  then  President  of  the  Royal  Society 
and  whose  signature  with  its  curious  strokes  and  flourishes  is  the  most 
remarkable  in  this  collection  of  autographs.    Then  follow  such  men  as 
Sir  David  Brewster,  President  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh,  Sir 
William     Hamilton— not    the    distinguished    Scotch     metaphysician, 
(178S-1866),   who,   of  course,   had   no   business  here  among  men   of 
science  and  who  cared  little  for  Jervis*s  peculiar  pursuits,   but  the 
famous   Irish   mathematician   and  astronomer,  (1805-1865),  who  was 
then  President  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy— and  Prof.  Whewell,  the 
President  of  the  Geological  Society.     There  is  another  William  Ha- 
milton, (1805-1867),  here,  a  geologist  and  geographer,  who  was  Presi- 
dent of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society.     There  are,  besides,  Michael 
Faraday  who  true  to  his  retiring  nature  comes  among  one  of  the  last 
to  sign.  Sir  Charles  Lyall,  the  geologist.  Sir  John  Lubbock,  the  father 
of  the  present  Lord  Avebury,  a  distinguished  astronomer,  Sir  Roderick 
Murchison,  the  great  geographer.  Sir  George  Airy,  the  Astronomer 
Royal,  Adam  Sedgwick  and   many  others.     Altogether  this  page  of 
autographs  is  curious  and  valuable  and  is  an  acquisition  to  be  pre- 
served as  a  literary  curiosity  in  our  Museum.     The  facsimiles  of  these 
autographs  were  very  skilfully  done  at  Jervis'  own  lithographic  press 
which  he  kept  for  some  time  at  great  cost  and  ultimately  loss  to  him 
at  his  house  in  London  on  his  retirement     From  this  press  he  issued 
several  maps,  which  are  beautiful  specimens  of  cartography,  including 
an  excellent  one  of  Bombay  based  on  the  survey  of  Dickinson  and  Tait 
in  1812-16,  which  he  published  in  1843.     This  rare  map  with  another 
of  Bokhara   is  not  in  our  collection  and  I  have  presented  it  to  our 
Society  to  be  kept  by  the  side  of  these  MS.  volumes.     The  late  Mr. 
James  Douglas  thus  characterises  this  map  of  Bombay.     **  Of  maps, 
the  best  of  the  Island  of  Bombay,  both  for  accuracy  and  execution,  was 
printed  in   London  in  1843,   and   represents  the  City  and   Island  in 
1812-16.    This  map  of  Thomas  Dickinson's  is  a  perfect    chef  cPoeuvre. 
Major  Jervis'  signature  is  at  the  foot.     This  is  a  perfect  gem  of  the 
engraver's  art  and  can  never  be  excelled."    {^Bombay  and    Western 
India,  Vol.   I.,  p.   145),     There  is  a  reproduction  of  it  on  a  smaller 
scale  in  Douglas'  book.     (Ibid  I.,  174). 
4 


50  MANUSCRIPT  STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

This  memorial  so  influentially  signed  on  behalf  of  Jervis  seems  to 
have  given  great  offence  to  Col.  Everest,  (1790- 1866),  the  Surveyor- 
General  in  India,  whom  Jervis  had  been  provisionally  appointed  to 
succeed,  because  no  mention  was  made  therein  of  his  valuable  services 
and  those  of  his  staff.  **This  proceeding,"  says  Sir  Clement  Mark- 
ham,  the  distinguished  President  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society 
just  retired,  in  his  Memoir  of  the  Indian  Surveys,  **  excited  great  in- 
dignation in  those  distinguished  officers  who  had  bor^e  the  heat  and 
burden  of  the  day,  and  gave  rise  to  a  series  of  letters  addressed  to  the 
Duke  of  Sussex,  as  President  of  the  Royal  Society,  from  Col.  Everest 
remonstrating  against  the  conduct  of  that  learned  body."  But  Sir 
Clement  is  mistaken  in  his  observation  that  **  these  letters  so  com- 
pletely gained  the  writer's  object  that  nothing  more  was  heard  of 
Major  Jervis  in  connection  with  the  Surveyor-Generalship"  {Indian 
Surveys^  1873,  p.  77.)  As  his  son  shows  in  the  Memoir  which  he  has 
recently  drawn  up  with  pious  care  of  his  father's  life  and  to  which  this 
paper  is  much  indebted,  the  real  reason  why  Jervis  did  not  wait  to  take 
up  his  high  appointment,  was  that  Col.  Everest  did  not  retire  as  it 
had  been  anticipated  by  the  East  India  Company  he  would,  but 
continued  for  several  years  after  in  the  office,  and  Jervis  for  purely 
private  reasons,  as  he  wanted  to  superintend  personally  the  education 
of  his  children  at  home,  retired  earlier  than  Everest  and  thus  did  not 
remain  in  India  long  enough  to  be  Surveyor-General.    (Memoir^  p.  50.) 

The  information  contained  in  these  MSS  about  the  condition  of  the 
Maratha  people  was  gained  at  first  hand  in  the  course  of  his  official 
duties.  As  he  says  himself,  **  I  had  great  and  sing^ular  opportunities 
of  traversing  the  country  in  every  possible  direction,  to  acquire  a  far 
more  intimate  and  exact  knowledge  of  the  topography,  physical 
character  and  resources  of  the  whole  country  than  any  other  indi- 
vidual." He  gives  us  some  notion  of  the  great  care  which  he  bestowed 
on  all  his  work  and  especially  this  work  of  statistics  and  history  in  an 
official  letter.  **  I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  you  that  I  have  de- 
spatched to  you  a  large  parcel  containing  in  all  about  1,496  papers  on 
statistical  and  revenue  subjects  and  a  bundle  of  English  papers.  I 
have  entrusted  these  papers  to  an  intelligent  Shastri,  a  native  highly 
learned  in  the  Hindu  laws,  customs,  etc.,  and  the  Sanskrit  language, 
who  is  in  my  private  service.  *A' is  5  general  specimen  of  the  popula- 
tion tables  which  will  enable  any  person  desirous  of  ascertaining  the 
correctness  of  the  same  to  do  so  with  little  trouble  or  inconvenience. 
These  documents  have  been  attested  as  coming  nearly  within  the 
truth,  as  far  as  judgment  could  be  passed  on  them,  by  the  most 
respectable  and  oldest  residents  of  the  villages  and  towns.  I  beg 
most  particularly  to  state  that  I  have  examined  them  with  the  greatest 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE.  5 1 

care  and  attention.  I  have  left  no  means  untried  to  ensure  their 
accuracy,  and  have  had  recourse  to  every  art  which  propriety  and 
ingenuity  could  sufi^gest,  to  render  them  worthy  of  confidence.,  The 
statistical  papers  are  on  all  subjects  connected  with  the  produce  cir- 
cumstances, history  and  extent  and  other  matters  relating  to  the 
southern  divisions  of  Malwan  and  Salshi.  Specimens  of  these  have 
now  been  translated  and  written  out,  to  show  their  nature  and  value. 
The  inquiries  which  I  have  instituted  were  made  after  a  most  careful 
and  particular  review  of  the  manners,  rights  and  institutions  of  the 
people.  A  slight  view  will  show  the  immense  trouble  and  attention 
which  must  have  been  bestowed  on  them,  and  I  beg  to  state  that  there 
are  many  facts  brought  to  light  in  them  which  will  be  well  worth  the 
consideration  of  the  public  authorities  in  this  country,  and  conduce 
greatly  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  a  people  once  sadly  oppressed. 
I  do  not  wish  to  produce  anything  hastily,  or  to  build  any  arguments 
on  incomplete  grounds.  The  daily  intercourse  which  I  have  with  the 
natives,  the  facilities  which  are  constantly  afforded  me  to  see  narrowly 
into  their  private  character,  customs  and  manners,  will  enable  me  to 
furnish  in  a  short  time  such  an  account  of  them  as  will  be  most 
satisfactory  to  the  Government  and  most  essentially  beneficial  to  the 
people  themselves. " 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  account  of  which  he  speaks  here  was 
never  published,  though  it  must  have  been  submitted  to  Government 
and  might  be  now  rotting  somewhere  among  its  records.  The  present 
MS.  studies  are  a  contribution  towards  such  a  complete  account  of  the 
state  of  the  Maratha  people  of  the  Konkan.  For  instance — the  MS. 
contains  a  valuable  section  on  the  education  of  the  people  from  which 
I  have  given  an  extract  bearing  on  the  interesting  subject  of  indigen- 
ous education.  But  he  seems  to  have  written  and  sent  to  Government 
a  larger  report  on  this  subject  which  was  not  printed,  but  which  would 
be  highly  interesting  at  the  present  day  if  it  were  forthcoming,  as  a 
means  of  comparing  the  moral  progress  achieved  to-day  with  the  moral 
state  of  the  Maratha  people  at  the  beginning  of  British  rule  nearly 
ninety  years  ago.  About  this  report  he  says  in  one  of  his  letters  : 
**  I  likewise  sent  up  to  the  Government  a  very  full  and  exact  report  of* 
the  state  of  education  in  the  Konkan  and  on  the  system  of  education 
followed  by  the  Mahomedans  and  Hindus,  with  a  very  complete  series 
of  tables,  twenty  in  all,  exhibiting  the  number,  character,  etc.,  of  the 
schools  of  the  several  districts  in  1820  and  1824,  contrasting  the  state 
of  education  after  the  lapse  of  five  years  that  the  country  had  been 
under  British  management  with  its  condition  when  it  first  came  into 
our  possession.  With  respect  to  the  practical  working  of  these  princi- 
ples, which  I  had  so  fully  discussed  in  my  report  on  education,  I  sub- 


52  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES    OF  THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

join  an  extract  from  the  official  minutes  of  Government  on  the  Southern 
Konkan  School  Society  founded  by  me  with  the  co-operation  of  the 
natives.  This  novel  principle  of  getting  the  natives,  a  conquered 
people,  completely  wedded  to  their  own  system  of  government  and 
superstitions,  to  go  hand-in-hand  with  the  British  nation  in  their 
philanthropic  schemes  for  the  further  amelioration  of  India,  will  pro- 
bably be  recognised  at  no  distant  period  as  the  surest  and  best  way  of 
governing  the  people  of  that  great  Empire,  and  more  especially  in 
which  demands  of  a  pecuniary  nature  are  to  be  made  on  them,  or  deep- 
rooted  prejudices  to  be  overcome.*'  And  he  gives  an  instance  of  how 
the  people  of  India  may  be  brought  to  co-operate  with  their  English 
rulers  in  improving  the  country  and  voluntarily  participating  in  the 
pecuniary  burdens  of  the  State.  **The  native,"  says  he,  **  at  my  sugges- 
tion and  by  my  exertion  and  advice,  came  forward  first  in  regard 
to  the  Colaba  Causeway  to  pay  down  20,000  rupees  towards  the 
expense,  and  further  to  secure  the  Government  against  all  possible 
charge  by  excess  of  estimate  beyond  the  amount  sanctioned  by  the 
Hon'ble  Court,  provided  an  experienced  engineer  officer  were  appoint- 
ed to  the  superintendence  of  that  work,  and  the  work  itself  were 
executed  by  contract "    {^Memoir^  pp.  19-20.) 

The  Konkan  when  Jervis  took  it  in  hand  for  the  purposes  of  obtain- 
ing knowledge  about  the  condition  of  the  people,  was  quite  an  unex- 
plored country  about  which  the  new  rulers  knew  almost  nothing  with 
the  exception  of  a  very  few  places  on  the  coast  like  Bankot.  He  thus 
describes  his  labours  there  :  **  I  had  to  travel  continually  from  one 
end  to  the  other  of  this  long  and  mountainous  strip  of  territory  at  all 
seasons  and  sometimes  with  great  haste.  I  therefore  very  soon 
found,  in  addition  to  other  impediments,  that  the  public  servants  of 
Government  knew  nothing  of  the  country  or  its  resources  ;  that  we 
were  at  first  absolutely  at  the  mercy  of  the  native  civil  revenue  and 
Magisterial  officers  subordinate  to  the  Collector  and  Magistrate  in 
everything.  Our  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  the  country  was  also 
limited  to  the  verbal  information  of  the  guides  and  farmers  and  the 
sketch  maps  by  the  late  General  Reynolds  and  Col.  Johnson.  All  the 
information  that  tlie  Collector's  and  Judge's  offices  could  afford  me 
was  always  at  my  command,  and  indeed  the  same  liberality  was  invari- 
ably extended  to  me  by  all  the  members  of  the  Civil  Service  to  whom  I 
had  ever  had  occasion  to  apply  ;  but  the  imperfection  of  our  knowledge 
on  all  these  matters  was  the  frequent  subject  of  regret  to  us,  and  first  set 
me  on  the  idea  of  communicating  my  thoughts  to  the  Hon.  Mountstuart 
Elphinstone  on  his  first  accession  to  the  Bombay  Government  in  1819. 
They  were  most  favourably  received.  Every  fresh  occasion  for  promp- 
titude in  travelling  and  despatch  in  the  completion  of  the  public  w*orks 


MANUSCRIPT  STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE.  53 

committed  to  me  led  me  to  dwell  more  especially  on  the  lamentable 
deficiency  of  our  geographical  knowledge,  and  I  was  persuaded  by  the 
late  Brigadier-General  Kennedy,  then  commanding  officer  of  the 
division,  to  address  him  an  official  letter  on  the  subject.  I  knew  no 
more  profitable  and  creditable  way  of  employing  my  time  in  these 
intervals  than  in  acquiring  a  correct  knowledge  of  the  geography  and 
resources  of  this  unexplored  territory. "    {Memoir^  pp.  13-15.) 

He  set  to  work  for  nearly  ten  years  and  produced  valuable  reports  on 
the  Konkan,  its  history,  peoples,  customs,  etc. ,  which  lie  mostly  in  MS. 
either  in  these  volumes  now  presented  to  us  or  in  the'archives  of  Govern- 
ment. It  is  a  matter  of  great  regret  that  he  was  not  encouraged  to  digest 
all  this  scattered  information  into  a  comprehensive  monograph  on  the 
Konkan,  like  Malcolm's  excellent  work  on  Central  India.  It  is  well 
known  that  this  work  of  Malcolm  grew  out  of  a  report  which  he  was 
asked  to  furnish  about  Malwa  {cj,  Kaye's  Malcolm^  Vol.  II,  p.  328). 
From  Elphinstone's  official  report  of  his  mission  to  Cabul  grew  his 
celebrated  work  on  Afghanistan  {cf,  Colebrooke's  Elphinstone^  Vol.  I, 
p.  200).  But  Jervis  was  at  that  time  not  nearly  so  famous  as  these  great 
Anglo-Indians;  so  nobody  suggested  the  possibility  of  his  expanding 
his  reports  on  the  Konkan.  Moreover,  it  was  not  a  country  as 
attractive  to  the  public  as  the  Deccan  or  Central  India,  not  the  home  of 
great  battle  fields  on  which  empires  are  won  and  lost,  though  it  has 
great  interest  for  us  as  the  home  of  the  Mawalis  and  Hetkaiis;  who 
crossed  the  Ghauts  and  fought  so  bravely  on  the  table-land  of  the 
Deccan,  the  fights  that  have  been  celebrated  in  numerous  songs  and 
powadas.  What  is  known  as  Jervis'  Konkan  in  Anglo-Indian  literature 
is  only  a  fragment  of  his  work  in  that  country,  namely  that  on  the  land 
tenures  ;  but  the  whole  of  his  work  on  the  Konkan  would  indeed  be  an 
acquisition,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  we  may  one  day  have 
it  by  bringing  together  and  publishing  in  convenient  form  his  studies 
here  and  the  Government  reports  in  MS.  Such  a  work  as  that  of  Jervis, 
but  not  so  comprehensive  nor  showing  an  equally  deep  knowledge  of  the 
language  and  habits  of  the  Marathas,  was  undertaken  fifty  years  later 
by  a  member  of  the  Bombay  Civil  Service,  Alexander  Kidd  Nairne,  a 
man  of  kindred  tastes  to  Jervis  in  this  that  he  became  on  his  retirement 
from  the  service  a  priest  and  worked  for  the  sake  of  humanity  among 
the  poor.     This  is  published  in  the  Bombay  Gazetteer, 

This  reminds  us  of  another  phase  of  Jervis'  character,  his  missionary 
zeal  and  the  intense  religious  spirit  that  infused  all  his  work.  He 
was  a  great  friend  of  the  first  batch  of  professed  missionaries  who  then 
worked  in  Bombay  and  Western  India  amid  such  difficulties,  particularly 
of  Dr.  John  Wilson,  (1804-1807),  a  name  honoured  and  endeared  in 
many  ways  on  this  side  of  India,  but  specially  honoured  in  these  halls 


54  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

as  that  of  the  presiding  genius  of  our  Society  for  full  forty  years,  and  of 
Dr.  James  Murray  Mitchell  (1814-1904)  who  has  just  closed  a  life 
of  varied  benevolence  and  usefulness,  prolonged  beyond  its  natural 
limit,  peacefully  in  his  own  country  among  his  kindred.  It  is  not 
generally  known  that  Jervis  designed  and  superintended  the  erection 
of  the  old  Free  Church  Institution  in  Klietwady  which  housed  for 
over  a  generation  the  Wilson  College  that  has  done  so  much  with 
that  other  Christian  Institution,  St.  Xavier's  College,  for  the  higher 
education  of  our  people  in  Western  India.  But  he  did  not  identify 
himself  with  any  section  of  the  Christian  Church,  but  sympathised 
and  worked  with  them  all  in  a  truly  Christian  spirit.  In  this  spirit 
he  joined  the  Evangelical  Alliance  when  it  was  first  instituted. 
WMting  on  the  subject  his  son  remarks  :  '*  He  early  joined  the  Evange- 
lical Alliance  on  its  institution  in  1846,  the  members  of  which  strove  to 
do  away  with  the  mutual  antagonism  too  common  between  the  various 
sections  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  and  so  baneful  to  the  spread  of  vital 
Christianity  in  the  face  of  dead  formalism,  and  by  which  he  merely 
manifested  the  course  he  had  always  previously  pursued  in  India  of 
having  a  brotherly  affection  for  all  those  who  followed  the  Saviour  as 
their  Head,  not  troubling  himself  with  dogmatic  or  administrative 
differences,  the  importance  given  to  which  is  generally  exaggerated 
most  unwisely."  {Memoir,  p.  60.)  But  though  he  was  well  known  to 
everybody  here,  Europeans  and  natives  alike,  as  an  open  upholder  of 
Christian  Missions  and  the  staunch  friend  of  the  missionaries,  yet  as 
his  son  well  says,  **  proselytizing  of  whatever  kind,  in  the  absence  of 
perfectly  personal  conviction,  he  repudiated  and  denounced  "  (p.  34). 
He  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Indians  as  he  proved  throughout  his 
career  by  his  efforts,  especially  in  behalf  of  Maratha  education^ 
helping  his  brother  to  translate  and  publish  several  works  in 
Marathi  for  the  benefit  of  that  people,  as  was  acknowledged 
by  them  in  several  ways  ;  and  the  name  of  Jervis  is  familiar  to 
them  as  that  of  one  of  their  earliest  friends  and  benefactors.  His 
opinion  of  the  Indian  peoples  and  their  character  is  valuable  as 
that  of  a  sympathetic  yet  discriminating  and  acute  observer.  **They 
are  perhaps  the  most  docile,  tractable  and  sharp-sighted  people 
in  the  world  ;  they  are  therefore  peculiarly  disposed  to  religion » 
open  to  any  superstitious  fraud,  but  slow  to  apprehend  a  deep  and 
consequential  truth.  They  are  quick  to  acquire  and  discuss  all  know- 
ledge, but  have  little  originality  or  depth  of  thought.  They  are  brave 
and  patient  in  the  face  of  evils  and  trials,  which  the  European  nations 
succumb  to  ;  but  timid  in  lesser  dangers  which  the  latter  smile  at.  They 
are  faithful  to  a  fault,  accessible  to  counsel,  order,  and  any  degree  of 
discipline,   by  proper  management  and  consideration,   but    may  be 


MANUSCRIPT    STUDIES    OF   THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE.  55 

roused  to  the  most  bitter  and  vindictive  feelings,  or  turned  aside  by 
example  and  negligence  and  perverseness  to  the  lowest  state  of  degra- 
dation and  wickedness.  This  great  and  very  intelligent  people  is  now 
under  the  sceptre  of  a  gracious  and  powerful  Queen,  who  loves  all  her 
subjects,  and  will  find  these  amongst  the  most  faithful  and  useful  on 
any  emergency,  in  the  exercise  of  her  sovereign  wisdom  ;  though  rash 
experiments  on  our  part  might  alienate  and  sever  that  union  for 
ever."    ('  India  in  relation  to  Great  Britain.'  Apud  Memoir,  p.  51.) 

The  other  volumes  of  these  MSS  contain  some  of  his  professional 
work  on  the  great  Trigonometrical  Survey  of  Western  India  on  which 
he  was  employed  so  long  and  with  which  his  name  is  so  closely  and 
honourably  identified.    The  calculation  of  triangles  and  other  technical 
details  may  be  useful  to  students  of  geodesy.     His  survey  work  here 
was  very  useful,  though  as  a  pioneer  he  was  not  free  from  inaccuracies, 
some  of  which  are  so  serious  as  to  render  them  in  the  opinion  of  a  com- 
petent authority,  Sir  Clements  Markham  (^Indian  Surveys,  p.  85),  now 
obsolete.     Another  competent  writer  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century 
in  Bombay  knowing  well  the  facts  says  :    **  In   this  Engineer  oflicer*s 
(Jervis)   manuscript  report  of  his  land   survey  in  the  Konkan,  an  in- 
correct latitude  is  assigned  to  many  places  ;  and  we  have  been   given 
to  understand   that  not  very  lately  an  error  was  discovered  in  the 
triangulation,  which  renders  it,  as  far  as  correct  distances  are  concern- 
ed, nearly  useless."    (Bombay  Quarterly  Review,  1856,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  133.) 
These  triangulattons  and  latitudes  are  now  in  our  possession  in  these 
MS.  volumes,  and  any  enthusiastic  student  of  this  subject  may  enter 
into  these  calculations  and  confirm  or  refute  these  remarks.     Whilst 
engaged  in  this  arduous  work  he  received  from  his  Indian,  especially 
Maratha,  assistants,  trained  by  him  to  do  the  work,  great  help  which 
was  generously  recognised  by  him  in  these  terms  after  his  retirement : 
*'  On  the  Trigonometrical  Survey  I   required  signals  to  be  placed  by 
sun-rise  on  different   far-distant  summits,    often  difficult    of  access, 
and  gave  my  orders  to  my  several  people.     On  the  appointed  day   I 
directed  my  theodolite  towards  the  required  spots  in  absolute  certainty 
that  the  flag  would  be  hoisted  at  the  appointed  time  and  place.     Such 
conscientious    fidelity   to    orders   puts   to  shame  too   many  nominal 
Christians  at  home.     Should  I  be  able  to  count  so  implicitly  on  loving 
unquestioning  obedience  on  their  part  ?    The  poor  heathen  gives  us  an 
eloquent  example  of  duty  accomplished."    {^Memoir,  p.  35.) 

I  think  I  have  made  it  clear  in  this  slight  sketch  of  Jervis*  career  and 
character  with  the  help  of  his  correspondence,  and  his  studies  in  these 
MS.  volumes,  that  he  was  inspired  by  lofty  ideals  of  doing  good  to  the 
country  and  the  people  in  whatever  he  did  oflicially  and  unofficially, 


S6  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

and  Ihat  by  his  pious  God-fearing  conduct  towards  all,  especially  the 
Indians,  he  realised  in  a  large  measure  these  ideals  in  active  life, 
spreading  sweetness  and  light  wherever  he  went.  Lives  like  his  ought 
to  serve  as  a  stimulus  and  an  inspiration  to  Englishmen  in  this  country, 
whose  peoples  have  profited  much  by  the  silent,  almost  forgotten,  exer- 
tions of  men  of  the  type  of  Thomas  Best  Jervis. 

Of  Maratha  history  proper  there  is  one  manuscript,  and  it  is  very 
important.  It  gives  an  historical  account  of  all  the  great  Maratha 
families  like  the  Bhonslds,  the  Peshwas,  the  Pratinidhis,  the  Gaek- 
wars  and  scores  of  others  who  have  played  a  part  in  the  eventful 
history  of  the  Marathas.  I  have  never  elsewhere  seen  so  much  useful 
information  gathered  together  about  these  families  as  is  done  here  by 
Jervis.  He  treats  of  nearly  one  hundred  families  and  also  gives  the 
genealogies  of  the  chief.  This  is  a  very  useful  work  of  reference  on 
the  somewhat  intricate  history  of  Maratha  Clans  and  well  deserves 
to  be  published  by  itself.  I  append  some  interesting  extracts,  which 
will  show  the  importance  of  these  MSS. 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MAHARS. 

A  very  important  tenure  in  villages  is  that  of  the  low-caste  people, 
called  M  ihars  by  the  Mahrattas  and  Dhers  by  the  Moosalmans.  They 
have  enam  lands  in  all  villages  divided  into  Hurkee  and  Arowlah  ;  the 
former  is  rent-free  and  generally  bears  but  a  small  proportion  to  the 
latter.  The  Arowlah  is  held  on  a  quit  rent.  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Joomar  and  at  Kothool,  Purgh.  Kothool,  Ahmednagar  Collectorate,  I 
met  with  a  new  species  of  Mahars'  enam,  called  Seesollah  ;  this  is  also 
rent-free,  and  held  in  addition  to  the  two  former.  These  enams  vary 
in  extent  in  different  villages.  In  only  one  instance  in  the  large  town 
of  Tembournee  has  it  came  to  my  knowledge,  that  the  Mahras  have  not 
enam  lands,  and  in  that  place  they  have  to  perform  all  the  customary 
duties  for  the  Government  and  the  town,  as  if  they  have  enam  lands. 
The  Mahars  conceive  that  they  have  the  right  to  mortgage  or  dispose  of 
the  lands  held  for  the  performance  of  specific  duties,  and  at  this  mo- 
ment the  whole  of  the  Mahars'  Arowlah  at  the  town  of  Mahe,  Tur- 
Muhekohreh,  Poona  Collectorate,  is  mortgaged  to  the  Patel.  They 
were  originally  mortgaged  to  the  Deshmook  for  a  sum  of  money,  who 
transferred  them  to  the  Patel.  Independently  of  their  Hurkee,  Arow- 
lah and  Seesollah,  the  Mahars  have  a  share  of  the  cultivated  produce, 
whether  garden  or  field  ;  this  is  called  their  Bullooteh.  Every  village 
in  its  original  constitution  is  said  to  have  had  12  craftsmen  and  pro- 
fessions, who  in  their  several  lines  perform  all  that  the  cultivators 
required  to  be  done  for  themselves  individually  and  the  village  gener- 
ally— the  smith,  carpenter  to  mend  their  implements  of  husbandry. 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE    MABATHA    PEOPLE.  57 

the  barber  to  shave  them,  the  washerman  to  wash  for  them,  the 
potmaker  to  make  pots,  &c.,  &c.  These  12  persons  were  paid  or  sup- 
ported by  an  assessment  in  kind.  They  were  divided  into  three  classes 
and  obtained  their  share  of  Bullooteh  agreeably  to  the  class  they  stood 
in.  In  the  first  class  were  the  carpenter,  shoemaker,  ironsniith  and 
Mahar.  In  the  second  class  the  washerman,  potmaker,  barber  and 
Mang,  and  in  the  third  the  waterman,  the  astrologer,  the  gurow  or 
cleaner  of  the  temple,  and  the  silversmith.  Since  the  Musalman  rule 
the  Moolana  or  Musalman  priest  has  been  added,  and  in  some  villages 
the  Kulkarnee  claims  to  share  in  the  3rd  class.  I  say  nothing  about 
Alooteh  as  part  of  the  village  community,  for  no  two  persons  agree 
with  respect  to  the  constituents  of  this  class,  and  it  is  scarcely  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  the  cultivator  could  ever  have  supported,  by  fees 
in  kind,  12  additional  persons  when  he  paid  50  percent,  to  Government 
And  I  am  told  the  Bullooteh  and  Hakdar  rights  stood  him  in  an 
average  of  25  percent,  leaving  him  only  25  per  cent,  for  his  own 
maintenance  and  agricultural  charges. 

The  Mahar  who  shares  in  the  first  class  in  consequence  of  his 
numerous  duties  shares  also  again  as  a  third  class  Bool  loo  tehdar. 
The  fee  in  kind  appears  to  be  a  percentage  on  the  produce,  but  it  is 
not  uniform  throughout  the  country,  and  very  rarely  indeed  could  I 
get  either  the  cultivator  or  Boollootehdar  to  state  specifically  what  the 
one  gave,  or  the  other  looked  upon  himself  entitled  to  receive  annually. 
It  depended  very  much,  I  was  told,  upon  the  crops  and  also  upon  the 
extent  of  services  performed  for  each  individual  cultivator. 


THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

The  land  tax  being  more  than  82  per  cent,  of  the  whole  revenue  of 
the  country,  in  speaking  of  the  condition  of  the  people  I  would  wish 
my  observations  to  be  considered  chiefly  applicable  to  the  class  paying 
this  proportion,  namely  the  agriculturists.  In  the  present  report 
I  have  shown  that  since  the  date  of  my  first  report  the  principal 
articles  of  agricultural  produce  have  fallen  in  value  from  25  to  66  per 
cent,  i.e.f  rice  66,  wheat  25,  joaree  52,  gram  32  and  bajree  36. 
Imports  have  certainly  also  fallen  in  price,  but  not  in  a  similar  ratio. 
Wages  remain  the  same.  The  trifling  manufactures  continue  to 
decline,  the  value  of  money  is  enhanced,  and  the  assessments  are  not 
yet  lightened.  If,  therefore,  my  first  report  gave  unfavourable  picture 
of  the  condition  of  the  people,  it  may  be  supposed,  under  the  operation 
of  the  above  causes,  that  I  am  still  deprived  of  the  gratification  of 
painting  it  in  more  agreeable  colors.  My  late  researches  have  extended 
over  5,900  square  miles,  a  superficial  extent  more  than  double  that  of 
the  first  report,  and  I  am  constrained  to  say,  that  the  marked  features 


58  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES    OF   THE    MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

of  poverty  and  debt,  formerly  spoken  of,  characterize  the  condition  of 
the  people  throughout  the  new  tracts,  and  that  I  see  no  reason  what- 
ever to  modify  the  opinion  I  formerly  expressed  with  regard  to  the 
causes  of  such  a  state  of  things.  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the 
poverty  complained  of  is  not  the  poverty  of  want :  every  cultivator 
throughout  the  country  has  a  superfluity  of  the  mere  requisites  for  the 
support  of  animal  life.  This  poverty  is  pecuniary  poverty,  and  it  bears 
heavily  upon  him  in  the  relation  in  which  he  stands  to  the  Government 
and  to  his  creditors.  He  cannot  convert  a  sufficiency  of  his  grain  into 
money  to  pay  his  taxes  to  the  former,  nor  fulfil  even  in  part  his 
engagements  to  the  latter.  His  taxes  were  increased  by  the  cupidity 
of  the  former  Government,  and  his  debts  contracted  by  his  improvidence 
or  forced  upon  him  by  his  increased  assessments,  but  this  was  at  a 
time  when  his  agricultural  produce  was  worth  from  loo  to  300  per  cent, 
more  than  its  present  worth.  Supposing  him  therefore  to  have  been 
taxed  formerly  to  the  extent  of  his  means,  in  equity  his  taxes  should 
have  been  lightened  in  the  ratio  of  the  fall  in  the  value  of  his  produce. 

I  stated  in  my  first  report  there  would  shortly  be  calls  upon  Govern- 
ment to  mitigate  the  assessment.  The  recent  large  remissions  to  the 
amount  of  20  per  cent,  of  the  revenue  of  the  Poona  and  Ahmednagar 
Collectorates  proved  the  immediate  pecuniary  inability  of  the  people, 
and  the  revenue  survey  as  far  as  it  has  gone  in  its  prospective  assess- 
ments has  justified  the  opinion  I  expressed,  by  lightening  the  burdens 
of  the  cultivators.  Nevertheless  the  distress,  the  people  complain  of,  is 
unquestionably  not  attributable  to  the  revenue  administration  of  the 
Company  as  originating  with  the  Company.  With  trifling  exceptions 
the  assessments  and  extra  cesses  are  the  same,  in  name,  number  and 
specific  amount  as  under  former  Governments. 

The  only  great  change  appears  to  be  in  Government  through  the 
medium  of  its  collectors  professing  to  settle  with  each  individual 
cultivator,  instead  leaving  it  to  the  authorities  to  do  so  as  heretofore, 
and  this  agreement  should  seem  advantageous  to  the  cultivator  insuring 
him  (could  he  read  or  write  or  keep  accounts)  from  the  exactions 
of  intermediate  agents.  The  benevolence  of  the  Government  has 
sufficiently  manifested  in  the  facility  with  which  remissions  have  been 
granted,  and  not  one  instance  throughout  the  country  has  come  to  my 
knowledge  of  the  assessment  being  realised  by  coercive  measures, 
involving  the  seizure  of  stock,  or  punishment,  further  than  temporary 
personal  restraint,  and  in  case  the  cultivators*  prosperity  could 
be  estimated  by  the  small  proportion  of  his  gross  produce  taken 
from  him  by  the  Bombay  Government,  it  should  be  comparatively 
marked^  as  I  have  shown  under  the  section  of  assessments,  tliat 
he    contributes    to    the    necessities    of    the    State  7   per    cent,    less 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE.  59 

than  persons  of  his  class  did  under  Mullicomber  and  23  per  cent, 
less  than  in  the  ceded  districts  under  Sir  Thos.  Munro,  the  propor- 
tions taken  being  respectively  under  the  three  Governments  a  tenth,  a 
sixth  and  a  third.  The  complaints  of  distress  therefore  seem  scarcely 
compatible  with  these  facts.  In  my  numerous  conversations  with  the 
cultivators  and  even  with  our  own  district  officers,  in  various  parts  of 
the  country,  I  have  urged  them  to  explain  unreservedly  the  causes  of 
the  sufferings  they  complain  of.  Increase  in  cultivation,  increase  in 
cultivators,  meagre  crops,  enhanced  assessments,  diminution  in  the 
size  of  farms  and  the  withdrawal  of  part  the  money  circulating  me- 
dium, have  been  so  repeatedly  advanced  in  reply  to  my  interrogatories 
as  reasons  for  the  present  pecuniary  inability  of  the  people,  that  I  was 
induced  to  look  with  attention  into  them,  although  involving  in  them- 
selves incompatibilities.  For  the  purpose  of  determining  the  truth  of 
the  first  four  positions,  I  established  a  comparison)  as  rigid  as  circum- 
stances would  admit  of,  between  the  state  of  certain  towns  and  villages 
under  the  Peshwa*s  Government  and  under  ours.  I  chose  places  far 
distant  from  each  other  that  I  might,  if  possible,  secure  to  my  deductions 
the  advantage  of  a  general  application.  I  will  admit  that  I  undertook 
the  labour  with  impressions  in  unison  with  those  of  the  cultivators  and 
I  was  somewhat  surprised,  therefore,  at  the  results  falling  infinitely 
short  of  my  anticipations. 


EDUCATION. 


My  continued  inquiries  into  the  state  of  education  in  the  country 
have  only  been  confirmatory,  to  the  very  letter  even,  of  the  observations 
I  made  in  my  first  report  on  this  important  subject ;  I  will  not  repeat, 
therefore,  what  is  already  on  record,  but  take  leave  to  refer  to  it. 

The  literary  ignorance  of  the  bulk  of  the  people  is  almost  incredible, 
and  could  scarcely  be  deemed  compatible  with  an  organized  or  even  in- 
cipient civilized  state   of  society.     In    many   neighbouring  villages  in 
which  there  is  only  one  Kulkurnee   or  accountant,   I   have  known  it 
to  be  the  case  that  not  a  single  inhabitant  has  been  able  to  read,  write 
or  calculate;  and  yet  this  ignorance  does  not  originate  in   any  physical 
causes.     Native  children  of  all  the  castes  are  distinguished    for  their 
aptitude,    sprightliness   and  intelligence,    and    some  conspicious  in- 
stances of  decided  ability  have  appeared  in  the  English  schools  for  the 
instruction  of  natives  in  Calcutta  and  Bombay,  in  their  poetic  powers, 
in  English  composition,  in  a  taste  for  drawing  and  in  mathematical  ac- 
quirements.   Amongst  my  native  acquaintances  there  is  a  Hindu  who 
repairs   astronomical,    mathematical  and  meteorological  instruments, 
and  who  has  an  eager  desire  to  master  the  rationale  of  all  philosophical 


6o  MANUSCRIPT  STUDlBS   OF  THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

experiments  which  he  witnesses.  A  common  ironsmith  in  Poona  has 
kept  himself  in  constant  poverty  by  vain  searches  after  the  philosopher's 
stone,  but  his  labours  have  made  him  acquainted  with  many  chemical 
facts.  The  facile  adaptation  of  this  man's  ingenuity  to  the  supply  of 
European  wants,  in  his  particular  line,  is  both  gratifying  and  useful. 
A  poor  outcaste  shoots  specimens  in  the  animal  and  feathered 
kingdoms  and  has  taught  himself  to  skin  and  stuff  them,  and  he  lately 
commenced  drawing  birds  in  outline  with  a  singular  correctness.  One 
man  repairs  watches,  and  a  Hindu,  in  Poona,  I  am  told,  constructed  an 
orrery.  The  general  ignorance,  therefore,  is  to .  be  referred  to  the 
absence  of  instructors  in  the  first  instance  and  in  the  next  to  the  poverty 
of  the  people  disabling  them  from  profiting  by  instruction  unless 
afforded  to  them  gratuitously.  Wherever  this  is  done,  the  schools  are 
well  attended  and  the  progress  of  the  scholars  is  commensurate  with 
the  ability  and  zeal  of  the  instructors.  Mr.  Elphinstone's  noble  attempt 
to  impart  instruction  by  means  of  Government  schools,  if  fully  developed, 
will  unquestionably  be  productive  ultimately  of  incalculable  benefit  to 
the  people  themselves  and  to  the  State,  particularly  in  case  the  better 
classes  of  the  natives  become  acquainted  with  our  knowledge,  our  arts 
and  sciences,  through  the  medium  of  our  own  language.  If  it  be  our 
object  to  break  down  the  barriers  wliich  separate  us  at  present  from  the 
natives,  to  undermine  their  superstition,  and  to  weaken  their  prejudices, 
and  give  them  a  taste  for  elevated  enjoyments,  it  will  be  most  effectually 
done  through  this  medium.  Translations  of  European  books  into  the 
native  languages  by  Europeans,  although  highly  useful,  must  have  the 
drawbacks  of  being  limited  in  number,  defective  in  execution  and 
destitute  of  the  attractive  grace  of  idiomatic  expression,  whereas  a 
native,  once  taught  the  English  language,  has  the  whole  field  of 
knowledge  laid  open  to  him.  We  have  before  our  eyes  the  effects  of 
Mahomedanism,  modifying  the  supposed  immutable  habits,  opinions, 
superstitions  and  usages  of  the  Hindus  The  language  of  the  con- 
querors is  almost  universally  understood,  and  most  commonly  spoken  by 
all  classes  in  India.  The  Mahrattas  worship  Mahomedan  saints,  keep 
their  festivals,  and  at  the  great  annual  celebration  of  the  martyrdom 
of  the  grandsons  of  Mahomed,  Hussain  and  Hassan,  numbers 
enrol  themselves  in  the  list  of  those  who  publicly  deplore  their  deaths. 

I  have  given  instances  of  tombs  being  raised  over  Mahrattas  in  the 
Mahomedan  style  of  architecture,  and  many  parts  of  the  present  report 
testify  to  the  adoption  by  a  Mahratta  or  Brahman  Government  of 
Mussalman  terms  in  politics,  administration  of  justice,  finance,  agricul- 
ture, architecture  and  even  in  domestic  economy.  If  such  then  have 
been  the  results  from  the  simple  juxtaposition  of  Hindus  and  Mussal- 
mans,  what  might  not  be  expected  from  a  systematic  attempt  to  imbue 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE.  6i 

the  minds  of  the  rising  generation  with  rational  and  useful  European 
knowledge  by  means  of  Government  schools.  Under  present  circum- 
stances, the  expense  of  such  a  measure  prevents  its  adoption  on  an 
extended  scale,  but  as  precipitancy  would  be  injurious  as  any  urgent 
manifestations  of  interest  on  the  part  of  Government  would  excite 
suspicions,  and  as  ultimate  success  is  dependent  on  the  slow  but 
gradual  and  almost  insensible  operation  of  knowledge  on  the  opinions 
and  habits  of  those  who  may  have  voluntarily  sought  and  gratuitously 
received  instruction  influencing  the  circle  in  which  they  move  by  their 
examples,  rather  than  in  prompt,  simultaneous  and  extended  measures 
for  general  instruction,  the  few  schools  existing  at  the  presidency  and 
an  occasional  one  or  two  in  cities  or  large  towns,  although  insufficient, 
will  yet  forward  the  great  object  in  view  to  a  limited  extent.  A  few 
natives  will  be  sent  out  with  a  sufficiency  of  education  to  impress  on 
their  minds  the  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  their  children  in  case 
they  surpassed  themselves  in  acquirements,  and  such  an  impression 
will  be  efficacious. 

I    attended  a  public  examination   of  the  scholars   of  Government 

schools  in  Poona  and  of  the  pupils  of  the   Engineer  Institution  and 

native   schools  in   Bombay.     I   looked  also  into  the  school  rooms  at 

Ahmednagar.     In  the  Engineer  Institution   and   native  schools  some. 

of  the  boys  (not  particularly  those  of  the  highest  or  wealthiest   classes) 

showed   an  efficient  knowledge    of  the   English  language,  and    the 

progress  of  others  in  mathematics  and    drawing    was    remarkable. 

The  two   Poona  schools  were  examined  before  the  Collector  and  some 

European  gentlemen  on  the  i6th  May    1827  by    Sadashiva    Bhau, 

the  head    native    instructor    in    the    present     schools    in    Bombay. 

There    were  about  150  pupils,   most  of  them  the  children  of  Brah- 

mans,   ten  or  a  dozen   of  the  first  class   boys  were  called  up,  none 

of  them  had  been  twelve  months  in  the  schools.     They  were  examined, 

in  the  first  instance,  in  reading  a  printed  translation  of  i^sop's  fables 

into  Marathi  in  the  Balbodh  character.     They  read  fluently  and  seemed 

to  understand  the  compendium  of  the  morale  which  is  given  of  each 

fable,  instead  of  its  full  translation.     They  subsequently  read  parts  of 

Maratha  histories  in  the  Modi  and  Balbodh  characters ;  they  wrote 

down  on  slates  sentences  dictated  to  them,  and  spelt  them.     They  wrote 

also  on  paper,  and  gave  very  favourable  specimens  of  distinct  and  bold 

hands.  Arithmetic  they  were  taught  on  the  European  plan,  and  one  or 

two  of  the  boys  had  got  as  far  as  the  extraction  of  the  cube  root.     The 

boys  all  evinced  considerable  quickness,  and  the  examinations  were 

creditable  to  themselves  and  to  their  teachers.     Prizes  of  turbans,  cloths 

and  books  were  distributed,   the   value  of  the  present  being  in  the 

ratio  of  the  talents  and  the  progress  evinced  by  the  boy. 


62  MANUSCRIPT    STUDIES    OF  THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

THE  BHONSLE. 

The  origin  of  the  rise  of  Shivaji  is  too  well  known  to  require  any  eluci- 
dation in  these  notes.  He  died  in  Raighur  in  the  month  of  April  A  D. 
1680  and  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son  Sunibhaji,  who  wiih  his  son 
Sewaji  was  both  taken  prisoner  in  the  year  1694  and  carried  to  the 
Court  of  Aurungzeb,  where  the  former  suffered  a  cruel  death,  and  the 
latter,  being  spared  on  account  of  his  youth,  grew  up  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  accomplished  Fululnissa  Begum,  Aurungzeb's  daughter.  At 
the  request  of  the  Princess,  it  is  said,  he  changed  the  name  of  Sewaji  to 
that  of  Sahooji,  which  he  ever  after  retained.  Raja  Ram,  the  younger 
son  of  Shivaji,  was  raised  to  the  throne  in  the  Fort  of  Rangnain  1695, 
and  died  in  June  1698,  leaving  two  sons,  Shambhuji  and  Sheewajee,  by 
his  two  wives  Rajeesbye  and  Tarabye.  The  latter  succeeded  his  father 
on  the  throne,  but  evincing  symptoms  of  insanity  some  years  after,  he 
was  deposed  and  confined  by  his  own  mother  in  the  year  1703,  who 
raised  his  half  brother,  Sumbhajee,  to  the  Musnud  of  Kolapoor,  which  he 
made  his  residence.  In  the  year  1707  Aurungzeb  died,  Shahajee  obtain- 
ing his  liberty  came  to  Sattara  to  claim  his  kingdom.  He  was  for 
some  time  opposed  by  his  aunt,  Tarabye,  a  clever  and  ambitious  woman, 
the  widow  of  his  uncle  Raja  Ram.  Shahoo  Raja  at  length  consented  to 
share  the  empire  with  his  cousin,  Sambhajee,  who  was  permitted  to 
retain  Kolapoor  and  all  the  country  south  of  the  Warna  and  Krishna, 
while  to  Sahooji  was  left  all  to  the  north  of  those  rivers.  Tarabye 
retired  to  Kolapoor  and  lived  to  an  extreme  old  age.  Both  she  and  her 
stepson,  Sambhajee,  dying  in  the  same  year  A.  D.  1760. 

Sliahoo  Raja,  of  indolent  and  luxurious  habits,  to  manage  his  Govern- 
ment made  it  over  to  his  minister  the  Peshwa,  Balaji  Viswanath,  to 
whom  succeeded  Bajirao  Ballal,  and  his  son  Balajee  denominated  Nana- 
saheb.  Shahoo  Raja  died  without  issue,  27th  December  1749,  when 
the  Peshwa  having  brought  forward  Ram  Raja,  the  son  of  Shiwajee 
and  nephew  of  the  reigning  Raja  of  Kolapoor,  caused  him  to  be  adopted 
as  the  son  Shahoojee.  From  that  day  the  subversion  of  the  power  of 
the  House  of  Satara  was  complete,  and  that  of  the  Peshwas  establish- 
ed. Ram  Raja  having  no  children,  many  years  after  adopted,  at  the 
instance  of  Nana  Fadnavis,  a  youth  of  the  family  of  the  Deshmukhs  of 
Wavel  in  1777,  and  dying  in  following  year,  1778,  the  Second  Shahoo- 
jee  succeeded  to  the  Musnud  of  Satara.  The  semblance  of  respect 
was  still  maintained  towards  him.  A  guard  of  honour  of  500  horse 
was  appointed  by  the  Peshwa  to  escort  and  to  watch  him,  and  his  ex- 
penses were  limited  as  well  as  the  range  of  his  excursions  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  his  capital.  All  reports  of  war  and  peace  and  the  result  of 
campaigns,  however,  were  regularly  submitted  for  his  information, 
and  while  the  creation  of  new  and  the  nomination  to  the  succession  of 


MANUSCRIPT    STUDIES    OF  THE    MARATHA   PEOPLE.  63 

hereditary  offices  and  estates  derived  confirmation  from  him  alone,  the 
Peshwa  nimself  was  not  deemed  exempt  from  accepting  this  token  of 
homage.  The  revolution  which  succeeded  on  the  death  of  Sawai 
Madhavrao  at  Poona  in  October  1795  afforded  the  Raja  an  opening 
to  emancipation,  of  which  he  did  not  fail  to  avail  himself,  and  seizing 
the  person  employed  to  control  him,  encouraged  his  full  brother,  Chutr- 
sing,  to  raise  troops  and  seek  for  foreign  aid.  The  effort,  however,  was 
too  feeble, — Shahoo  the  Second  became  henceforward  a  closed  prisoner 
in  the  Fort  of  Satara  and  died  4th  May  1808,  leaving  three  sons,  of 
whom  the  eldest,  Partapsing,  was  raised  to  the  throne  by  the  British 
Government  in  February  181 8,  and  still  reigns. 


THE  GAEKWAR. 

This  family  from  an  inconsiderable  origin  has  risen  to  become  one 
of  the  Princes  of  the  Mahratta  State. 

It  is  said  they  are  Patails  of  the  village  of  Dhowry,  Nimbgawn  in  the 
Poona  Prant.  Peelajee  the  First,  who  distinguished  himself,  was  an 
officer  with  15  retainers,  in  the  service  of  Kuddum  Bandy  Brothers, 
whose  flag  the  family  still  uses.  After  the  first  or  second  inroad  into 
Gujarat,  the  Raja  of  Satara,  not  conceiving  the  Kuddum  sing  calculated 
to  establish  themselves  permanently,  deputed  Peelajee  with  a  large 
army,  which  assembled  in  the  first  instance  at  Moholy  near  Satara, 
and  thence  marched  to  the  north.  The  success  of  Peelajee  was  complete. 
Peelajee  commanded  a  division  in  the  battle  of  Panipat,  and  died  shortly 
after  his  return,  at  the  village  of  Sowlee  near  Baroda,  of  a  fever.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  Damajee,  who  had  long  before  been  distinguished, 
but  some  hesitation  occurring  in  sending  the  Cloth  of  Investiture  from 
Satara,  Damajee  repaired  to  court  with  an  army  estimated  at  100,000 
men.  He  was  induced  by  the  solemn  oaths  interchanged  between  the 
Raja  and  himself  to  disband  his  army,  but  having  been  plundered  by  the 
Peshwa  at  the  instance  of  the  Raja,  on  his  return  he  swore  he  would 
ne^'er  pay  the  compliment  of  salaming  with  that  hand  which  had  been 
pledged  in  that  of  his  princes,  in  a  false  oath — since  which  period  the 
Gykawars  assume  the  peculiar  privilege  of  saluting  with  the  left  hand. 

Damajee  died  at  Bhavee  Pattan  in  Gujarat  in  the  reign  of  the  Great 
Madhavrao,  leaving  four  sons,  of  whom  Sayajee  Rao,  the  eldest,  was  an 
idiot.  The  part  which  Govind  Rao,  the  second  son,  took  in  favour  of 
the  exiled  Raghoba  Dada  prevented  his  acceding  to  the  Musnud  till 
after  the  death  of  both  his  young  brothers,  Fatty  Sing  and  Manajee, 
who  had  successively  reigned.  He  sat  on  the  Musnud  only  three  or 
four  years,  when  he  died,  leaving  three  legitimate  children,  who  have 
each  reigned  in  succession,  the  youngest,  Sayajee,  being  now  on  the 
gadhi. 


64  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

THE  ANGRIA. 

Kanoji,  the  son  of  Tukoji,  a  Maratha  chief  of  the  family  of  Angria, 
first  attained  eminence  while  in  the  service  of  the  Raja  of  Satara  by  the 
capture  of  the  fort  of  Raighur  from  the  Hubshee  chief  of  Kolaba 
in  the  year  1698  and  subsequently  distinguished  himself  in  the  war 
in  the  Koncan  carried  on  by  the  Marathas  against  that  portion  of  the 
Mohamedan  dominions,  on  which  occasion  he  acquired  the  title  of 
Surkhyle.  Taking  advantage  of  his  own  power,  and  the  dissensions 
which  broke  out  in  the  Satara  family  after  the  return  of  Shahu  Raja, 
he  not  only  refused  to  render  him  submission,  but  made  an  effort 
to  establish  an  independent  sovereignty  along  the  whole  Koncan 
Coast,  from  Goa  to  Surat,  including  the  hill-forts  on  the  low  range 
of  Ghats  with  the  country  below  them.  Till  at  length  having  been 
worsted  in  many  actions  by  the  superior  State  of  Satara,  peace  was 
concluded,  and  Kanoji  consented  to  acknowledge  the  sovereignty  of 
Shahu  Raja.  On  which  occasion  the  whole  of  the  seaports  from  Vizia- 
durg  as  far  as  Kolaba  remained  in  Angria's  possession,  and  reverted 
first  to  his  eldest  son  Tukoji  and  in  two  years  after  to  his  second  son 
Sambaji,  between  whom  and  his  son  Manoji  dissensions  arising,  the 
latter  fled  to  the  English  at  Bombay,  but  meeting  with  no  aid  in  that 
quarter  he  proceeded  to  Poona  and  became  reconciled  to  his  father 
through  the  Peshwa,  but  on  the  death  of  Sambaji  his  brother  Tulaji, 
disputing  the  right  of  his  nephew,  was  eventually  seized  by  the  Peshwa 
and  died  after  a  confinement  of  31  years  in  prison.  The  piratical 
practices  of  the  Angrias  on  all  nations  approaching  the  western  coast 
of  India  are  matter  of  history,  and  do  not  admit  of  illustration  in  this 
place. 

As  the  British  power  preponderated,  they  gradually  subsided,  and 
after  the  peace  of  Bassein  they  ceased  altogether,  while  the  once  power- 
ful Angria  encroached  on  by  the  Peshwas  from  time  to  time  dwindled 
into  insignificance  leaving  in  possession  of  the  family  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war  a  territory  yielding  two  lakhs  of  rupees  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Kolaba  and  Andhery,  of  which  about  half  has  been  alienated  for 
religious  purposes  or  for  the  reward  of  services  performed  by  courtiers 
at  Poona. 

THE  PESHWA. 

The  founder  of  this  family,  Balajee,  the  sonofWiswanath,  aChiplony 
Brahman,  was  the  hereditary  desmook  or  zemindar  of  Shreewardhan 
on  the  sea  coast  of  the  Southern  Koncan.  He  so  recommended  himself 
by  his  ability  and  energy  at  the  Court  of  Satara  that  he  was  nominated 
to  the  office  of  Peshwa  in  1717  and  was  succeeded  at  his  death  in  1720 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATJIA  PEOPLE.  65 

by  his  eldest  son,  Baji  Rao.  Under  this  chief  the  power  of  the  Pesh- 
waship  became  supreme  and  the  Raja  of  Satara  was  satisfied  to  con- 
tinue a  mere  pageant.  Baji  Rao  was  succeeded  in  the  year  1740,  at 
his  death,  by  Balwant  Row  entitled  Nanasaheb,  during  whose  rule, 
Sahojee,  the  Raja  of  Satara,  died  without  issue,  and  from  that  date  the 
Peshwa  was  acknowledged  as  chief  and  exercised  the  power  of 
Sovereign  of  the  Maratha  Empire. 

His  lieutenants  carried  their  conquests  over  the  whole  of  Hindoo- 
stan  and  Guzerat,  levied  heavy  tribute  from  the  Nizam,  and 
wrested  the  Empire  from  the  Mughul,  and  raised  contributions  in 
Bengal,  and  conquered  Cuttack.  Nanasahib  died  in  1761,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  second  son,  Madhaorao,  called  *'  The  Great."  He  died 
in  1772  at  the  age  of  28,  after  giving  great  promise  of  his  talents  and 
vigour.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother,  Narayan  Rao,  who 
was  murdered  in  1773  ^^  *^*s  palace  at  Poona  in  the  presence  of  his 
uncle,  Raghoba  Dada.  Narayan  Rao  was  succeeded  by  his  posthumus 
child,  S^way  Madhavrao,  during  whose  minority  the  State  was  ruled  by 
his  Minister,  Nana  Furnavis.  On  the  death  of  SawayMadhaoRao  in  1795 
without  children,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  relative,  Baji  Rao,  the  eldest 
son  of  Raghoba  Dada,  who,  expelled  from  his  dominions  after  a  desper- 
ate effort  to  recover  all  the  power  of  his  ancestors  which  he  had  for- 
feited by  his  imbecility,  abdicated  his  sovereignty  on  3rd  June  1818  in 
favour  of  the  British  Government  on  condition  of  receiving  annually 
Rs.  8,00,000.  His  brother,  Chimnajee  Appa,  receives  a  pension  of 
Rs.  2,00,000,  and  Amritrao,  the  adopted  son  of  Raghoba  Dada, 
Rs.  7,00,000  which  has  lately  descended  to  his  son. 


NANA  FURNAVIS. 


The  ancestor  of  this  great  Minister  was  Madhojee  Punt  Banoo,  a 
Chiplony  Brahman,  the  Mahajim  of  the  village  of  Velloss  in  the 
Taluka  of  Bankote.  He  first  left  his  native  village  and  came  to 
Satara  in  consequence  of  an  invitation  from  the  first  Peshawa  Balajee 
Vishwanath,  whose  brother  Tanoo  Vishwanath  had  found  protection 
in  his  house  after  his  defeat  by  the  Hubshees  near  Sreevurdhan.  The 
three  sons  of  Madhoji  Punt  obtained  service  at  Court  and  the  elder, 
Balajee,  was  raised  to  the  office  of  Furnavis  and  died  at  Delhi, 
whither  he  had  accompanied  the  Peshwa.  His  sons,  Janardan  Punt 
and  Baboo  Rao,  succeeded  to  his  ofTice,  the  former  died  before  the  latter, 
leaving  an  only  son,  Balajee,  who.  Hying  from  the  battle  of  Panipat, 
escaped  to  Poona,  and  in  conjunction  with  his  uncle.  Baboo  Rao,  and 
his  son,  Moroba,  filled  the  office  of  Furnavis. 

5 


66  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  enter  into  any  particular  history  of  Balajee 
Janardhan,  better  known  by  the  appellation  of  Nana  Furnavis.  He 
succeeded  to  the  supreme  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  whole  Maratha 
Empire  in  1774  and  exercised  his  power  with  a  sagacity  and  conduct 
rarely  met  with.  On  the  death  of  Saway  Madhao  Rao  in  1795  and 
the  subsequent  contention  for  the  throne  he  lost  much  of  his  power 
and  expended  the  whole  of  a  fortune  amounting,  it  is  said,  to  nearly 
five  millions  in  his  endeavour  to  regain  it.  He  died  of  a  fever  in  1800, 
leaving  a  widow  Jeoo  Bai,  who  enjoys  the  following  income  : —   • 

Rs. 

Pension  from  the  British  Government  12,000 

Deshmuky  of  Verval  (Ellora)  ...        .^.        ,.,        ...        500 

Enam  Village  of  Menowly  near  Waee      1,000 

Mahojunky  and  Koteky  of  the  native  village  of  the  family 
Vellass  in  the  Talooka  of  Bankote  <«. 200 


Income  Rs.   13,700 

Management  of  the  revenues  of  the  religious  establishment  of  the 
Bele  Bagh  at  Poona  producing  Rs.  5,000. 


Art.  VI— ^  Brief  Survey  of  the  Upanishads. 

By  M.  R.  Bodas,  m.a.,  ll.b. 

Read  before  the  Sanskrit  Section  on  i%th  January  1905  in 
connection  with  the  Centenary  of  the  Society, 

The  word  Upanishad  in  ancient  writings  has  various  shades  of  mean- 
ing, all  bearing  the  general  sense  of  secret  knowledge  or  esoteric 
lore.     It  sometimes   means    simply    secret  explanation,  as  in  ^f^^ 

Ht fft?3^  TT  ^'Tf^ ^nrfr  ^T^Tf^MflN^HtH  (Kena32),   or  amTttH^^T 
^TJTMt  FT^TTST^^^  (Chh.  Up.  I.  13,  4)  or  some  special   rule,   as  in 
^^^ fT^-ff'Tf^^^^RRQ  (Kaush  Up.  II.  2),  or  sometimes  the   highest 
knowledge  asinJr^nt^>^?3'Tft«(^(Taitt.  III.  10,6),  or  in  d&ifilMHN^i^i, 
(Shweta  V.  x6'3).     By  common    usage,  however,  the  word  Upanishad 
has  come  to  be  used  to  denote  a  particular  class  of  ancient  works  which 
are  the  repositories  of  such  esoteric  knowledge,  and   which  are  from 
time    immemorial    regarded    as    supplementary    to    the    Brahmanas 
and  i4fa«ya>&a^  of  the  four  Vedas.    The  works  known  as    Upanishads 
are  mostly  concluding  portions  of  the  Aranyakas^  which  are  themselves 
supplements  to  their  respective  Brahmanas.     There  are   some  excep- 
tions, no  doubt,  as  Isa^  which  forms  part  of  the  Vajasaneyi  Sanhita  or 
the  Kenopanishad,    which  according   to    Dr.    Burnel  forms  the   loth 
anuvak  of  the  fourth  chapter  of  Talavakdra  Brdhmana  recently  dis- 
covered by  him  at  Tanjore.*    Kaushitahi  was   at  one   time   supposed 
to  be  a  part  of  Kaushitah  Brdhmana,  but  now  it   has  been  discovered 
in  a  MS.    of  an  Arnnyaka  of  the   S^nkhiyanya  ^^khd  which  along 
with  the  Aitareyaranyaka   probably  once  formed  one  work.t    As  a 
rule,  however,  the  sequence  of  Vedic  books  is,  first,  the  Sanhita  contain- 
ing mostly  the  hymns  and  prayers  addressed  to  deities,  and  then,  tho 
Brahmanas  containing  detailed   descriptions  of  the   several  sacrifices 
and  other  Vedic  rites  as  well  as  stories,  whether  real  or  mythical,  illus- 
trative of  the  hymns  in  the  Sanhitas.    The  Aranyakas  are  continuations 
of  the  Brahmanas,  but  distinctive  in  character  in  so  far  as  they  treat  of 
more  esoteric  rites.     They  were  probably  intended  for  persons  who  have 
left  the  state  of  the  common   householder    and,  having  entered  the 
third  Ashrama  of  Vanaprastha,  have  gone  to  live  in  the  forests.     Even 
now  there  is  a  prohibition  against  reciting  these  Aranyakas  in  a  family 

*  Sacred  B.  fi.»  Vol.  I.,  p  xc. 

t  Weber's  History  of  Indian  Literature,  p.  50. 


68  A  BRIEF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISHADS. 

house,  and  orthodox  Pandits  often  resort  to  a  temple  whenever  they 
have  to  read  them.  The  Upanishads  are  those  portions  of  the 
^ra»yfl>&ax  which  treat  of  the  higher  doctrines  of  the  soul  as  distin- 
guished from  rites  and  ceremonies.  Upanishads  may  thus  be  said  to 
form  the  kernel  or  rather  the  coping  stone  of  the  Vedic  literature  which 
begins  with  the  simple  invocation  to  a  favourite  deity,  passes  through 
the  intermediate  stage  of  elaborate  rites,  and  ends  in  the  deepest  philo- 
sophy of  the  indissoluble  unity  of  the  individual  and  universal  soul. 

Most  European  scholars  derive  the  word  Upanishad  from  the  root 
sctdy  to  sit  down,  preceded  by  two  prepositions  upa  and  «f ,  meaning 
sitting  near  ;  and  the  Trikdnda  ^esha  Kosha  explains  it  as  ^JJJTT  ^B^. 
sitting  near  the  teacher.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  contents  of 
the  Upanishads  were  thought  to  be  so  esoteric  that  they  could  not  be 
taught  promiscuously  or  in  public,  but  the  pupil  had  to  approach 
very  near  the  teacher  to.hear  them.  Max  Miiller  thinks  it  expresses 
this  position  of  inferiority  which  a  pupil  occupiesC  when  listening  to  a 
iQds:\iQt  {^Ancient  Sansk,  Lit^  p.  318).  iankarAch&rya^  on  the  other 
hand,  in  his  commentary  on  Brihaddranyaka  derives  it  from  the  root 
sadt  with  upa  and  unmeaning  *to  destroy.'     **  ^  I1II|R^MHN^^^<4I'^I 

•^JImRmJ^^.I  "  Brahma  Vidyd  is  called  Upanishad  b^cams^  it  destroys 
completely  all  worldly  ties  and  their  causes  :  and  so  the  treatises, 
which  taught  that  knowledge,  also  came  to  be  called  by  the  same 
name,  and  Sdyana  in  another  place  *  derives  it  as  ^^qf^t^uoin^j  q:^  ^t 
'*  wherein  the  highest  good  is  embedded."  Max  Miiller  calls  these  ex- 
planations wilfully  perverse,  invented  by  half-educated  native  scholars 
to  account  for  the  most  prevalent  meaning  of  the  word  ;  but  he  does 
not  advance  any  strong  grounds  for  making  such  a  sweeping  charge. 
The  alternative  etymology  implying,  'sitting  down  near  the  teacher' 
is  equally,  if  not  more,  imaginary.  The  derivation  given  by  Indian 
scholars  has  at  least  the  merit  of  explaining  the  various  primary 
senses  in  which  the  word  is  found  used  in  the  Upanishads  themselves. 
Wherever  it  occurs  it  connotes  either  **  secret  knowledge"  or  **  rite  "  or 
**  the  highest  knowledge  of  Brahma.  "  Max  Miiller  himself  realized 
the  difficulty  of  deriving  this  meaning  from  ''sitting  down  near  the 
teacher".  The  fact  is,  it  is  one  of  those  yoga-rudha  words  to  which 
long  usage  has  attached  a  special  meaning  and  thereby  destroyed  all 
trace  of  its  origin.  The  very  diversity  of  derivations  shows  that  the 
true  etymology  is  now  probably  lost,  and  we  shall  have  to  be  satisfied 
with  conjectures  only.  If  I  may  be  permitted  to  make  a  similar  guess, 
the  true  explanation  of  the  word,  it  seems  to  me,  is  quite  different 
from  those  hitherto  given  either  by  European   or   Indian  scholars  . 

•  Tailhriya  Up.  II.  9. 


A   BRIEF   SURVEY   OF  THE   UPANISHADS,  6gf 

Upaniskadt  I  think,  did  originally  mean  "  sitting  down  near"  as  Max 
Miiller  says,  but  it  was  sitting  down  near  the  sacrificial  fire  and  not  near 
a  teacher.  To  make  this  clear  we  must  look  to  the  probable  origin 
of  the  treatises  or  rather  the  discussions  which  are  now  embodied  in 
the  treatises  known  as  Upanishads.  The  Shatapatha  Bmkmana,  the 
Brihadaranyaka  and  the  Chhandogya  furnish  ample  evidence  that  the 
various  conversations  reported  therein  took  place  in  the  midst  of  big 
sacrifices.  Thus  we  read  in  Chhandogya  how  Uiasti  Chdkrdyana 
went  to  a  king's  sacrifice  and  there  having  challenged  all  to  explain  the 
nature  of  the  various  deities  described  them  himself,  concluding  with 
a  praise  of  the  Udgitha^  which  forms  the  burden  of  the  whole  chapter. 
In  the  fifth  chapter  there  is  the  typical  story  of  five  learned  theologians 
headed  by  Udddlaka  Aruni  gdin^  to  king  Aswapati  Kaikeya  to  learn 
Vaiswavanara  self,  and  the  king  before  answering  them  proposes  to  hold 
a  sacrifice.  They  approach  him  with  sacrificial  fuel  in  their  hands, 
which  probably  implies  that  all  such  knowledge  could  in  those  times  be 
obtained  in  the  presence  of  the  sacrificial  fire.  The  king  thereupon 
instructs  them  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Universal  Soul  by  a  reference 
to  the  five  limbs  of  Vaiswanara  fire.  Similarly  the  Brihadaranyaka 
describes  the  victory  of  Yajnyavalkya  over  the  Kuru  Panchala  Brah- 
mans  at  the  great  sacrifice  performed  by  Janaica.  Katha  also  has  the 
story  of  NachiketaSf  who  on  seeing  his  father  giving  out  sacrificial 
offerings  asked  to  whom  he  would  give  his  son  ;  and  the  Prasna  tells 
us  how  when  five  inquirers  after  Btahma  approached  Pippalada  with  a 
sacrificial  fuel  stick  in  hand,  he  asks  them  to  perform  austerities  for  a 
year.  Almost  all  the  topics,  metaphors  and  illustrations  in  these  Upa- 
nishads are  connected  with  a  sacrifice,  and  in  many  places  their  con- 
text clearly  shows  that  a  sacrifice  was  then  being  actually  performed. 
The  Udgithawdya^  the  Samvargavidya,  the  five  Ahutis  or  oblations, 
all  these  are  described  as  if  the  actual  rite  was  then  proceeding. 
The  coincidences  are  too  numerous  to  be  accidental  and  can  only  be 
explained  on  the  supposition  that  the  various  discussions  which  now 
form  part  of  the  several  Upanishads  originally  took  place  during  the 
celebration  of  a  great  sacrifice.  A  sacrifice  lasts  several  days,  and 
when  the  days'  ceremonies  are  over,  the  Yajamdna,  the  Ritvigs  and 
visitors  must  have  spent  the  evenings  in  various  discourses  suggested 
by  the  morning  rites.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  do  find  entertainments 
and  even  music  provided  to  fill  up  the  intervals  between  two  parts  of 
the  sacrifice.  The  big  Satras  or  sacrificial  sessions  did  provide  for 
such  interludes  as  reading  Puranas,  philosophical  discourses,  literary 
contests,  and  we  do  find  Suka  reciting  the  Bhagwat  to  Janamejaya 
and  Suta  reciting  other  Puranas  to  Rishis  during  such  sessions.  Is  it 
inconceivable  that  the  awakening  intellect  of  the  ancient  Aryans  tired 
with  the  routine  performance  of  dry  rites  should  have,  while  resting  in 


6o  MANUSCRIPT  STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

experiments  which  he  witnesses.  A  common  ironsmith  in  Poona  has 
kept  himself  in  constant  poverty  by  vain  searches  after  the  philosopher's 
stone,  but  his  labours  have  made  him  acquainted  with  many  chemical 
facts.  The  facile  adaptation  of  this  man*s  ingenuity  to  the  supply  of 
European  wants,  in  his  particular  line,  is  both  gratifying  and  useful. 
A  poor  outcaste  shoots  specimens  in  the  animal  and  feathered 
kingdoms  and  has  taught  himself  to  skin  and  stuff  them,  and  he  lately 
commenced  drawing  birds  in  outline  with  a  singular  correctness.  One 
man  repairs  watches,  and  a  Hindu,  in  Poona,  I  am  told,  constructed  an 
orrery.  The  general  ignorance,  therefore,  is  to  be  referred  to  the 
absence  of  instructors  in  the  first  instance  and  in  the  next  to  the  poverty 
of  the  people  disabling  them  from  profiting  by  instruction  unless 
afforded  to  them  gratuitously.  Wherever  this  is  done,  the  schools  are 
well  attended  and  the  progress  of  the  scholars  is  commensurate  with 
the  ability  and  zeal  of  the  instructors.  Mr.  Elphinstone's  noble  attempt 
to  impart  instruction  by  means  of  Government  schools,  if  fully  developed, 
will  unquestionably  be  productive  ultimately  of  incalculable  benefit  to 
the  people  themselves  and  to  the  State,  particularly  in  case  the  better 
classes  of  the  natives  become  acquainted  with  our  knowledge,  our  arts 
and  sciences,  through  the  medium  of  our  own  language.  If  it  be  our 
object  to  break  down  the  barriers  which  separate  us  at  present  from  the 
natives,  to  undermine  their  superstition,  and  to  weaken  their  prejudices, 
and  give  them  a  taste  for  elevated  enjoyments,  it  will  be  most  effectually 
done  through  this  medium.  Translations  of  European  books  into  the 
native  languages  by  Europeans,  although  highly  useful,  must  have  the 
drawbacks  of  being  limited  in  number,  defective  in  execution  and 
destitute  of  the  attractive  grace  of  idiomatic  expression,  whereas  a 
native,  once  taught  the  English  language,  has  the  whole  field  of 
knowledge  laid  open  to  him.  We  have  before  our  eyes  the  effects  of 
Mahomedanism,  modifying  the  supposed  immutable  habits,  opinions, 
superstitions  and  usages  of  the  Hindus.  The  language  of  the  con- 
querors is  almost  universally  understood,  and  most  commonly  spoken  by 
all  classes  in  India.  The  Mahrattas  worship  Mahomedan  saints,  keep 
their  festivals,  and  at  the  great  annual  celebration  of  the  martyrdom 
of  the  grandsons  of  Mahomed,  Hussain  and  Hassan,  numbers 
enrol  themselves  in  the  list  of  those  who  publicly  deplore  their  deaths. 

I  have  given  instances  of  tombs  being  raised  over  Mahrattas  in  the 
Mahomedan  style  of  architecture,  and  many  parts  of  the  present  report 
testify  to  the  adoption  by  a  Mahratta  or  Brahman  Government  of 
Mussalman  terms  in  politics,  administration  of  justice,  finance,  agricul- 
ture, architecture  and  even  in  domestic  economy.  If  such  then  have 
been  the  results  from  the  simple  juxtaposition  of  Hindus  and  Mussal- 
mans,  what  might  not  be  expected  from  a  systematic  attempt  to  imbue 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE    MARATHA    PEOPLE.  6 1 

the  minds  of  the  rising  generation  with  rational  and  useful  European 
knowledge  by  means  of  Government  schools.  Under  present  circum- 
stances, the  expense  of  such  a  measure  prevents  its  adoption  on  an 
extended  scale,  but  as  precipitancy  would  be  injurious  as  any  urgent 
manifestations  of  interest  on  the  part  of  Government  would  excite 
suspicions,  and  as  ultimate  success  is  dependent  on  the  slow  but 
gradual  and  almost  insensible  operation  of  knowledge  on  the  opinions 
and  habits  of  those  who  may  have  voluntarily  sought  and  gfratuitously 
received  instruction  influencing  the  circle  in  which  they  move  by  their 
examples,  rather  than  in  prompt,  simultaneous  and  extended  measures 
for  general  instruction,  the  few  schools  existing  at  the  presidency  and 
an  occasional  one  or  two  in  cities  or  large  towns,  although  insufficient, 
will  yet  forward  the  great  object  in  view  to  a  limited  extent.  A  few 
natives  will  be  sent  out  with  a  sufficiency  of  education  to  impress  on 
their  minds  the  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  their  children  in  case 
they  surpassed  themselves  in  acquirements,  and  such  an  impression 
will  be  efficacious. 

I  attended  a  public  examination  of  the  scholars  of  Government 
schools  in  Poona  and  of  the  pupils  of  the  Engineer  Institution  and 
native  schools  in  Bombay.  I  looked  also  into  the  school  rooms  at 
Ahmednagar.  In  the  Engineer  Institution  and  native  schools  some, 
of  the  boys  (not  particularly  those  of  the  highest  or  wealthiest  classes) 
showed  an  efficient  knowledge  of  the  English  language,  and  the 
progress  of  others  in  mathematics  and  drawing  was  remarkable. 
The  two  Poona  schools  were  examined  before  the  Collector  and  some 
European  gentlemen  on  the  i6th  May  1827  by  Sadashiva  Bhau, 
the  head  native  instructor  in  the  present  schools  in  Bombay. 
There  were  about  150  pupils,  most  of  them  the  children  of  Brah- 
mans,  ten  or  a  dozen  of  the  first  class  boys  were  called  up,  none 
of  them  had  been  twelve  months  in  the  schools.  They  were  examined, 
in  the  first  instance,  in  reading  a  printed  translation  of  i^sop's  fables 
into  Marathi  in  the  Balbodh  character.  They  read  fluently  and  seemed 
to  understand  the  compendium  of  the  morale  which  is  given  of  each 
fable,  instead  of  its  full  translation.  They  subsequently  read  parts  of 
Maratha  histories  in  the  Modi  and  Balbodh  characters ;  they  wrote 
down  on  slates  sentences  dictated  to  them,  and  spelt  them.  They  wrote 
also  on  paper,  and  gave  very  favourable  specimens  of  distinct  and  bold 
hands.  Arithmetic  they  were  taught  on  the  European  plan,  and  one  or 
two  of  the  boys  had  got  as  far  as  the  extraction  of  the  cube  root.  The 
boys  all  evinced  considerable  quickness,  and  the  examinations  were 
creditable  to  themselves  and  to  their  teachers.  Prizes  of  turbans,  cloths 
and  books  were  distributed,  the  value  of  the  present  being  in  the 
ratio  of  the  talents  and  the  progress  evinced  by  the  boy. 


62  MANUSCRIPT    STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATHA    PEOPLE. 

THE  BHONSLE. 

The  origin  of  the  rise  of  Shivaji  is  too  well  known  to  require  any  eluci- 
dation in  these  notes.     He  died  in  Raighur  in  the  month  of  April  A   D. 
i68o  and  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son  Sumbhaji,  who  wiih  his  son 
Sewaji  was  both  taken  prisoner  in  the  year  1694  and  carried  to  the 
Court  of  Aurungzeb,  where  the  former  suffered  a  cruel  death,  and   the 
latter,  being  spared  on  account  of  his  youth,  grew  up  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  accomplished  Fululnissa  Begum,  Aurungzeb's  daughter.     At 
the  request  of  the  Princess,  it  is  said,  he  changed  the  name  of  Sewaji  to 
that  of  Sahooji,  which  he  ever  after  retained.     Raja  Ram,  the  younger 
son  of  Shivaji,  was  raised  to  the  throne  in  the  Fort  of  Rangna  in  1695, 
and  died  in  June  1698,  leaving  two  sons,  Shambhuji  and  Sheewajee,  by 
his  two  wives  Rajeesbye  and  Tarabye.     The  latter  succeeded  his  father 
on  the  throne,  but  evincing  symptoms  of  insanity  some  years   after,  he 
was  deposed  and  confined  by  his  own  mother  in  the  year   1703,  who 
raised  his  half  brother,  Sumbhajee,  to  the  Musnud  of  Kolapoor,  which  he 
made  his  residence.  In  the  year  1707  Aurungzeb  died,  Shahajee  obtain- 
ing his  liberty  came  to  Sattara   to  claim   his  kingdom.     He   was   for 
some  time  opposed  by  his  aunt,  Tarabye,  a  clever  and  ambitious  woman, 
the  widow  of  his  uncle  Raja  Ram.     Shahoo  Raja  at  length  consented  to 
share  the  empire  with  his  cousin,  Sambhajee,  who  was  permitted  to 
retain  Kolapoor  and  all  the  country  south  of  the  Warna  and  Krishna, 
while  to  Sahooji  was  left  all  to  the  north  of  those  rivers.      Tarabye 
retired  to  Kolapoor  and  lived  to  an  extreme  old  age.     Both  she  and  her 
stepson,  Sambhajee,  dying  in  the  same  year  A.  D.  1760. 

Shahoo  Raja,  of  indolent  and  luxurious  habits,  to  manage  his  Govern- 
ment made  it  over  to  his  minister  the  Peshwa,  Balaji  Viswanath,  to 
whom  succeeded  Bajirao  Ballal,  and  his  son  Balajee  denominated  Nana- 
saheb.  Shahoo  Raja  died  without  issue,  27th  December  1749,  when 
the  Peshwa  having  brought  forward  Ram  Raja,  the  son  of  Shtwajee 
and  nephew  of  the  reigning  Raja  of  Kolapoor,  caused  him  to  be  adopted 
as  the  son  Shahoojee.  From  that  day  the  subversion  of  the  power  of 
the  House  of  Satara  was  complete,  and  that  of  the  Peshwas  establish- 
ed. Ram  Raja  having  no  children,  many  years  after  adopted,  at  the 
instance  of  Nana  Fadnavis,  a  youth  of  the  family  of  the  Deshmukhs  of 
Wavel  in  1777,  and  dying  in  following  year,  1778,  the  Second  Shahoo- 
jee succeeded  to  the  Musnud  of  Satara.  The  semblance  of  respect 
was  still  maintained  towards  him.  A  guard  of  honour  of  500  horse 
was  appointed  by  the  Peshwa  to  escort  and  to  watch  him,  and  his  ex- 
penses were  limited  as  well  as  the  range  of  his  excursions  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  his  capital.  All  reports  of  war  and  peace  and  the  result  of 
campaigns,  however,  were  regularly  submitted  for  his  information, 
and  while  the  creation  of  new  and  the  nomination  to  the  succession  of 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF  THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE.  63 

hereditary  offices  and  estates  derived  confirmation  from  him  alone,  the 
Peshwa  tiimself  was  not  deemed  exempt  from  accepting  this  token  of 
homage.  The  revolution  which  succeeded  on  the  death  of  Sawai 
Madhavrao  at  Poona  in  October  1795  afforded  the  Raja  an  opening 
to  emancipation,  of  which  he  did  not  fail  to  avail  himself,  and  seizing 
the  person  employed  to  control  him,  encouraged  his  full  brother,  Chutr- 
sing,  to  raise  troops  and  seek  for  foreign  aid.  The  effort,  however,  was 
too  feeble, — Shahoo  the  Second  became  henceforward  a  closed  prisoner 
in  the  Fort  of  Satara  and  died  4th  May  1808,  leaving  three  sons,  of 
whom  the  eldest,  Partapsing,  was  raised  to  the  throne  by  the  British 
Government  in  February  181 8,  and  still  reigns. 


THE  GAEKWAR. 

This  family  from  an  inconsiderable  origin  has  risen  to  become  one 
of  the  Princes  of  the  Mahratta  State. 

Ii  is  said  they  are  Patails  of  the  village  of  Dhowry,  Nimbgawn  in  the 
Poona  Prant     Peelajee  the  First,  who  distinguished  himself,  was  an 
of!icer  with  15  retainers,  in  the  service  of  Kuddum  Bandy  Brothers, 
whose  flag  the  family  still  uses.     After  the  first  or  second  inroad  into 
Gujarat,  the  Raja  of  Satara,  not  conceiving  the  Kuddumsing  calculated 
to  establish  themselves  permanently,  deputed  Peelajee  with  a  large 
army,  which  assembled  in  the  first  instance  at  Moholy  near  Satara, 
and  thence  marched  to  the  north.    The  success  of  Peelajee  was  complete. 
Peelajee  commanded  a  division  in  the  battle  of  Panipat,  and  died  shortly 
after  his  return,  at  the  village  of  Sowlee  near  Baroda,  of  a  fever.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  Damajee,  who  had  long  before  been  distinguished, 
but  some  hesitation  occurring  in  sending  the  Cloth  of  Investiture  from 
Satara,  Damajee  repaired  to  court  with  an  army  estimated  at  100,000 
men.     He  was  induced  by  the  solemn  oaths  interchanged  between  the 
Raja  and  himself  to  disband  his  army,  but  having  been  plundered  by  the 
Peshwa  at  the  instance  of  the  Raja,  on  his  return  he  swore  he  would 
never  pay  the  compliment  of  salaming  with  that  hand  which  had  been 
pledged  in  that  of  his  princes,  in  a  false  oath— since  which  period  the 
Gykawars  assume  the  peculiar  privilege  of  saluting  with  the  left  hand. 

Damajee  died  at  Bhavee  Pattan  in  Gujarat  in  the  reign  of  the  Great 
Madhavrao,  leaving  four  sons,  of  whom  Sayajee  Rao,  the  eldest,  was  an 
idiot.  The  part  which  Govind  Rao,  the  second  son,  took  in  favour  of 
the  exiled  Raghoba  Dada  prevented  his  acceding  to  the  Musnud  till 
after  the  death  of  both  his  young  brothers,  Fatty  Sing  and  Manajee, 
who  had  successively  reigned.  He  sat  on  the  Musnud  only  three  or 
four  years,  when  he  died,  leaving  three  legitimate  children,  who  have 
each  reigned  in  succession,  the  youngest,  Sayajee,  being  now  on  the 
gad  hi. 


64  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

THE  ANGRIA. 

Kanoji,  the  son  of  Tukoji,  a  Maratha  chief  of  the  family  of  Angria, 
first  attained  eminence  while  in  the  service  of  the  Raja  of  Satara  by  the 
capture  of  the  fort  of  Raighur  from  the  Hubshee  chief  of  Kolaba 
in  the  year  1698  and  subsequently  distinguished  himself  in  the  war 
in  the  Koncan  carried  on  by  the  Marathas  against  that  portion  of  the 
Mohamedan  dominions,  on  which  occasion  he  acquired  the  title  of 
Surkhyle.  Taking  advantage  of  his  own  power,  and  the  dissensions 
which  broke  out  in  the  Satara  family  after  the  return  of  Shahu  Raja, 
he  not  only  refused  to  render  him  submission,  but  made  an  effort 
to  establish  an  independent  sovereignty  along  the  whole  Koncan 
Coast,  from  Goa  to  Surat,  including  the  hill-forts  on  the  low  range 
of  Ghats  with  the  country  below  them.  Till  at  length  having  been 
worsted  in  many  actions  by  the  superior  State  of  Satara,  peace  was 
concluded,  and  Kanoji  consented  to  acknowledge  the  sovereignty  of 
Shahu  Raja.  On  which  occasion  the  whole  of  the  seaports  from  Vizia- 
durg  as  far  as  Kolaba  remained  in  Angria*s  possession,  and  reverted 
first  to  his  eldest  son  Tukoji  and  in  two  years  after  to  his  second  son 
Sambaji,  between  whom  and  his  son  Manoji  dissensions  arising,  the 
latter  fled  to  the  English  at  Bombay,  but  meeting  with  no  aid  in  that 
quarter  he  proceeded  to  Poona  and  became  reconciled  to  his  father 
through  the  Peshwa,  but  on  the  death  of  Sambaji  his  brother  Tulaji, 
disputing  the  right  of  his  nephew,  was  eventually  seized  by  the  Peshwa 
and  died  after  a  confinement  of  31  years  in  prison.  The  piratical 
practices  of  the  Angrias  on  all  nations  approaching  the  western  coast 
of  India  are  matter  of  history,  and  do  not  admit  of  illustration  in  this 
place. 

As  the  British  power  preponderated,  they  gradually  subsided,  and 
after  the  peace  of  Bassein  they  ceased  altogether,  while  the  once  power- 
ful Angria  encroached  on  by  the  Peshwas  from  time  to  time  dwindled 
into  insignificance  leaving  in  possession  of  the  family  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war  a  territory  yielding  two  lakhs  of  rupees  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Kolaba  and  Andhery,  of  which  about  half  has  been  alienated  for 
religious  purposes  or  for  the  reward  of  services  performed  by  courtiers 
at  Poona. 


THE  PESHWA. 


The  founder  of  this  family,  Balajee,  the  son  ofWiswanath,  aChiplony 

Brahman,  was  the  hereditary  desmook  or  zemindar  of  Shreewardhan 

on  the  sea  coast  of  the  Southern  Koncan.     He  so  recommended  himself 

by  his  ability  and  energy  at  the  Court  of  Satara  that  he  was  nominated 

'to  the  office  of  Peshwa  in  1717  and  was  succeeded  at  his  death  in  1720 


MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THE   MARATilA  PEOPLE.  65 

by  his  eldest  son,  Baji  Rao.  Under  this  chief  the  power  of  the  Pesh- 
waship  became  supreme  and  the  Raja  of  Satara  was  satisfied  to  con- 
tinue a  mere  pageant.  Baji  Rao  was  succeeded  in  the  year  1740,  at 
his  death,  by  Balwant  Row  entitled  Nanasaheb,  during  whose  rule, 
Sahojee,  the  Raja  of  Satara,  died  without  issue,  and  from  that  date  the 
Peshwa  was  acknowledged  as  chief  and  exercised  the  power  of 
Sovereign  of  the  Maratha  Empire. 

His  lieutenants  carried  their  conquests  over  the  whole  of  Hindoo- 
stan  and  Guzerat,  levied  heavy  tribute  from  the  Nizam,  and 
wrested  the  Empire  from  the  Mughul,  and  raised  contributions  in 
Bengal,  and  conquered  Cuttack.  Nanasahib  died  in  1761,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  second  son,  Madhaorao,  called  **  The  Great."  He  died 
in  1772  at  the  age  of  28,  after  giving  great  promise  of  his  talents  and 
vigour.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother,  Narayan  Rao,  who 
was  murdered  in  1773  in  his  palace  at  Poona  in  the  presence  of  his 
uncle,  Raghoba  Dada.  Narayan  Rao  was  succeeded  by  his  posthumus 
child,  Saway  Madhavrao,  during  whose  minority  the  State  was  ruled  by 
his  Minister,  Nana  Furnavis.  On  the  death  of  Saway  MadhaoRao  in  1795 
without  children,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  relative,  Baji  Rao,  the  eldest 
son  of  Raghoba  Dada,  who,  expelled  from  his  dominions  after  a  desper- 
ate effort  to  recover  all  the  power  of  his  ancestors  which  he  had  for- 
feited by  his  imbecility,  abdicated  his  sovereignty  on  3rd  June  1818  in 
favour  of  the  British  Government  on  condition  of  receiving  annually 
Rs.  8,00,000.  His  brother,  Chimnajee  Appa,  receives  a  pension  of 
Rs.  2,00,000,  and  Amritrao,  the  adopted  son  of  Raghoba  Dada, 
Rs.  7,00,000  which  has  lately  descended  to  his  son. 


NANA  FURNAVIS. 


The  ancestor  of  this  great  Minister  was  Madhojee  Punt  Banoo,  a 
Chiplony  Brahman,  the  Mahajim  of  the  village  of  Velloss  in  the 
Taluka  of  Bankote.  He  first  left  his  native  village  and  came  to 
Satara  in  consequence  of  an  invitation  from  the  first  Peshawa  Balajee 
Vishwanath,  whose  brother  Tanoo  Vishwanath  had  found  protection 
in  his  house  after  his  defeat  by  the  Hubshees  near  Sreevurdhan.  The 
three  sons  of  Madhoji  Punt  obtained  service  at  Court  and  the  elder, 
Balajee,  was  raised  to  the  ofiBce  of  Furnavis  and  died  at  Delhi, 
whither  he  had  accompanied  the  Peshwa.  His  sons,  Janardan  Punt 
and  Baboo  Rao,  succeeded  to  his  ofHce,  the  former  died  before  the  latter, 
leaving  an  only  son,  Balajee,  who,  flying  from  the  battle  of  Panipat, 
escaped  to  Poona,  and  in  conjunction  with  his  uncle.  Baboo  Rao,  and 
his  son,  Moroba,  filled  the  office  of  Furnavis, 

5 


66  MANUSCRIPT   STUDIES   OF   THB   MARATHA   PEOPLE. 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  enter  into  any  particular  history  of  Balajee 
Janardhan,  better  known  by  the  appellation  of  Nana  Furnavis.  He 
succeeded  to  the  supreme  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  whole  Maratha 
Empire  in  1774  and  exercised  his  power  with  a  sagacity  and  conduct 
rarely  met  with.  On  the  death  of  Saway  Madhao  Rao  in  1795  and 
the  subsequent  contention  for  the  throne  he  lost  much  of  his  power 
and  expended  the  whole  of  a  fortune  amounting,  it  is  said,  to  nearly 
five  millions  in  his  endeavour  to  regain  it.  He  died  of  a  fever  in  1800, 
leaving  a  widow  Jeoo  Bai,  who  enjoys  the  following  income  : —    • 

Rs. 

Pension  from  the  British  Government  12,000 

Deshmuky  of  Verval  (Ellora)  .,        ..,        .,.        500 

Enam  Village  of  Menowly  near  Waee      1,000 

Mahojunky  and  Koteky  of  the  native  village  of  the  family 
Vellass  in  the  Ta^ooka  of  Bankote 200 


Income  Rs.  13,700 

Management  of  the  revenues  of  the  religious  establishment  of  the 
Bele  Bagh  at  Poona  producing  Rs.  5,000. 


Art.  VI — A  Brief  Smrs^ri'  of  tne  Upjnish^s. 

By  M.  R.  Boi^AS,  M_ii.,  ul.^ 

Read  hefon  the  Smmsirii  Sii^ti^m  ^m  ihti  Jmrnrnjo^   10^5  in 
C0mmecti0u  'SL'itk  dke  Cem^em^n  t^  ti£  Stcicf^^ 

The  word  Upmmi^md  in  andent  vritin^  has  \:arious  shades  c^  mean- 
ing,  all  bearing  the  general  sense  of  secret  knoviedge  or  esoceric 
lore.     It  sometimes  means    simply    secret  expianadoo,  as  in  3^:^^ 

^lfl?3^»f  ^'ift^WW  ^I^^T^'JHH'lf^  (Kenaja),   or  JIUK^  »flf%^ 
^^^  fllHI3MfiH<^  (Chh.  Up.  L  13,  4»  or  some  special   rule,   as  in 
?^'^<1VJtMflMH^l9KK  (Kansh  Up,  U.  2),  or  sometimes  the  highest 
knowledge  as  in  H<l W^^^l^^^HM^ CTaitL  IIL  10,6),  or  in  difil'^HHtMiw 
(Shweta  V.  16 '3).     By  common   usage,  however,  the  word  Vpamsk^ 
has  come  to  be  used  to  denote  a  particular  class  of  ancient  works  which 
are  the  repositories  of  such  esoteric  knowledge,  and   which  are  from 
time    immemorial    regarded    as    supplementary    to    the    Brakmatuts 
Sind  Aranyaiaf  of  the  four  Vedas,    The  works  known  as    I'/Himiskotis 
are  mostly  concluding  portions  of  the  A  ramraias,  which  are  themselves 
supplements  to  their  respective  Brahmanas.     There  are  some  excep- 
tions, no  doubt,  as  /xa,  which  forms  part  of  the  Vajasaneyi  Sanhita  or 
the  KenopauisAad,    which  according  to    Dr.    Burnel  forms  the   loth 
anuvak  of  the  fourth  chapter  of  Talavaidra  Brdhmana  recently  dis« 
covered  by  him  at  Tanjore.*    Kaushitaki  was  at  one   time  supposed 
to  be  a  part  of  KaushitaM  Brdhmana^  but  now  it  has  been  discovered 
in  a  MS.   of  an  Atnnyaka  of  the   ^^nkhSyanya  S&kh^  which  along 
with  the  Aitareyaranyaka   probably  once  formed  one  work.t    As  a 
rule,  however,  the  sequence  of  Vedic  books  is,  first,  the  Sanhita  contain* 
tng  mostly  the  hymns  and  prayers  addressed  to  deities,  and  then,  the 
Brahmanas  containing  detailed   descriptions  of  the   several  sacrifices 
and  other  Vedic  rites  as  well  as  stories,  whether  real  or  mythical,  illus- 
trative of  the  hymns  in  the  Sanhitas.    The  Aranyakas  are  continuations 
of  the  Brahmanas ^  but  distinctive  in  character  in  so  far  as  they  treat  of 
more  esoteric  rites.    They  were  probably  intended  for  persons  who  have 
left  the  state  of  the  common  householder    and,  having  entered   Iho 
third  Ashrama  of  Vanaprastha,  have  gone  to  live  in  the  forests.     Kvon 
now  there  is  a  prohibition  against  reciting  these  Aranyakas  in  a  family 

*  Sacred  B.  £.,  Vol.  T.,  p  xc. 

t  Weber's  History  of  Indian  Literature,  p.  50. 


68  A  BRIEF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISHADS. 

house,  and  orthodox  Pandits  often  resort  to  a  temple  whenever  they 
have  to  read  them.  The  Upantshads  are  those  portions  of  the 
Aranyakas  vj\\\c\iXxe3.toithQ  higher  doctrines  of  the  soul  as  distin- 
guished from  rites  and  ceremonies.  Upantshads  may  thus  be  said  to 
form  the  kernel  or  rather  the  coping  stone  of  the  Vedic  literature  which 
begins  with  the  simple  invocation  to  a  favourite  deity,  passes  through 
the  intermediate  stage  of  elaborate  rites,  and  ends  in  the  deepest  philo- 
sophy of  the  indissoluble  unity  of  the  individual  and  universal  soul. 

Most  European  scholars  derive  the  word  Upanishad  from  the  root 
sad^  to  sit  down,  preceded  by  two  prepositions  upa  and  «f,  meaning 
sitting  near  ;  and  the  Trikdnda  ^esha  Kosha  explains  it  as  ^Av\  ^?^, 
sitting  near  the  teacher.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  contents  of 
the  Upanishads  were  thought  to  be  so  esoteric  that  they  could  not  be 
taught  promiscuously  or  in  public,  but  the  pupil  had  to  approach 
very  near  the  teacher  to.hear  them.  Max  Miiller  thinks  it  expresses 
this  position  of  inferiority  which  a  pupil  occupiesC  when  listening  to  a 
\A?s\\Qt  {Ancient  Sansk,  Lit,  p.  318).  iankarAchdrya,  on  the  other 
hand,  in  his  commentary  on  Brihaddranyaka  derives  it  from  the  root 
sad,  with  upa  and  ff<  meaning  *to  destroy.'     **  ^  l|^^<]lMfHM^^<tl^l 

cjj^pfi^j-ai^.l  "  Brahma  Vidyd  is  called  Upanishad  hacaiUSQ  it  destroys 
completely  all  worldly  ties  and  their  causes  :  and  so  the  treatises, 
which  taught  that  knowledge,  also  came  to  be  called  by  the  same 
name,  and  Sdyana  in  another  place  *  derives  it  as  ^^^^'"'RFrt  ^  ^t 
''  wherein  the  highest  good  is  embedded."  Max  Miiller  calls  these  ex- 
planations wilfully  perverse,  invented  by  half-educated  native  scholars 
to  account  for  the  most  prevalent  meaning  of  the  word;  but  he  does 
not  advance  any  strong  grounds  for  making  such  a  sweeping  charge. 
The  alternative  etymology  implying,  'sitting  down  near  the  teacher' 
is  equally,  if  not  more,  imaginary.  The  derivation  given  by  Indian 
scholars  has  at  least  the  merit  of  explaining  the  various  primary 
senses  in  which  the  word  is  found  used  in  the  Upanishads  themselves. 
Wherever  it  occurs  it  connotes  either  **  secret  knowledge"  or  **  rite  "  or 
**  the  highest  knowledge  of  Brahma.  "  Max  Miiller  himself  realized 
the  difficulty  of  deriving  this  meaning  from  *' sitting  down  near  the 
teacher".  The  fact  is,  it  is  one  oi  XhosQ  yoga-rudha  words  to  which 
long  usage  has  attached  a  special  meaning  and  thereby  destroyed  all 
trace  of  its  origin.  The  very  diversity  of  derivations  shows  that  the 
true  etymology  is  now  probably  lost,  and  we  shall  have  to  be  satisfied 
with  conjectures  only.  If  I  may  be  permitted  to  make  a  similar  guess, 
the  true  explanation  of  the  word,  it  seems  to  me,  is  quite  different 
from  those  hitherto  given  either  by  European   or   Indian   scholars  . 

•  Taithriya  Up.  II.  9. 


A   BRIEF   SURVEY   OF  THE   UPANISHADS.  69 

Upanishady  I  think,  did  originally  mean  ''  sitting  down  near"  as  Max 
Miiller  says,  but  it  was  sitting  down  near  the  sacrificial  fire  and  not  near 
a  teacher.  To  make  this  clear  we  must  look  to  the  probable  origin 
of  the  treatises  or  rather  the  discussions  which  are  now  embodied  in 
the  treatises  known  as  Upanishads.  The  Shatapatha  Bmkmana,  the 
Brikadamnyaka  and  the  Chhandogya  furnish  ample  evidence  that  the 
various  conversations  reported  therein  took  place  in  the  midst  of  big 
sacrifices.  Thus  we  read  in  Chhandogya  how  Uiasti  Chdkrdyana 
went  to  a  king's  sacrifice  and  there  having  challenged  all  to  explain  the 
nature  of  the  various  deities  described  them  himself,  concluding  with 
a  praise  of  the  Udgitha^  which  forms  the  burden  of  the  whole  chapter. 
In  the  fiftli  chapter  there  is  the  typical  story  of  five  learned  theologians 
headed  by  Udddlaka  Aruni go\n^  to  king  Aswapati  Kaikeya  to  learn 
Vaiswavanara  self,  and  the  king  before  answering  them  proposes  to  hold 
a  sacrifice.  They  approach  him  with  sacrificial  fuel  in  their  hands, 
which  probably  implies  that  all  such  knowledge  could  in  those  times  be 
obtained  in  the  presence  of  the  sacrificial  fire.  The  king  thereupon 
instructs  them  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Universal  Soul  by  a  reference 
to  the  five  limbs  of  Vaiswanara  fire.  Similarly  the  Brihadaranyaka 
describes  the  victory  of  Yajnyavalkya  over  the  Kuru  Panchala  Brah- 
mans  at  the  great  sacrifice  performed  by  Janaica.  Katha  also  has  the 
story  of  Nachiketa^^  who  on  seeing  his  father  giving  out  sacrificial 
offerings  asked  to  whom  he  would  give  his  son  ;  and  the  Prasna  tells 
us  how  when  five  inquirers  after  Bfahma  approached  Pippalada  with  a 
sacrificial  fuel  stick  in  hand,  he  asks  them  to  perform  austerities  for  a 
year.  Almost  all  the  topics,  metaphors  and  illustrations  in  these  Upa- 
nishads are  connected  with  a  sacrifice,  and  in  many  places  their  con- 
text clearly  shows  that  a  sacrifice  was  then  being  actually  performed. 
The  Udgithavidyay  the  Samvargavidya,  the  five  Ahutis  or  oblations, 
all  these  are  described  as  if  the  actual  rite  was  then  proceeding. 
The  coincidences  are  too  numerous  to  be  accidental  and  can  only  be 
explained  on  the  supposition  that  the  various  discussions  which  now 
form  part  of  the  several  Upanishads  originally  took  place  during  the 
celebration  of  a  great  sacrifice.  A  sacrifice  lasts  several  days,  and 
when  the  days'  ceremonies  are  over,  the  Yajamdna,  the  Rttvigs  and 
visitors  must  have  spent  the  evenings  in  various  discourses  suggested 
by  the  morning  rites.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  do  find  entertainments 
and  even  music  provided  to  fill  up  the  intervals  between  two  parts  of 
the  sacrifice.  The  big  Sairas  or  sacrificial  sessions  did  provide  for 
such  interludes  as  reading  Puranas,  philosophical  discourses,  literary 
contests,  and  we  do  find  Suka  reciting  the  Bhagwat  to  Janamejaya 
and  Suta  reciting  other  Puranas  to  Rishis  during  such  sessions.  Is  it 
inconceivable  that  the  awakening  intellect  of  the  ancient  Aryans  tired 
with  the  routine  performance  of  dry  rites  should  have,  while  resting  in 


70  A  BRIEF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISHADS. 

the  midst  of  sacrifices,   risen  higher  and   tried   to  grapple   with   the 
deeper  problems  of  life  ?    A  big  sacrifice  with  its  paraphernalia,  the 
decorated  pandal,  the  continuous  chants  of  the  hymns,  the  band  of  busy 
priests,  and  the  crowd  of  spectators — a  miniature  picture,  in  fact,  of  the 
outer  world — is  just  the  occasion  when  solemn  thoughts  about  the  vanity 
of  our  aims  would   suggest  themselves  to  earnest  minds,  who  having 
gathered  together  as  if  in  a  Congress  would  exchange  ideas  and  benefit 
by  mutual  instruction.    A  master  mind   among   them  like    Uddalaka^ 
Aruni  or  Vajnyavalkya  would  invariably  come  forth  on  such  occasions 
to  guide  others  by  disclosing  the  deeper  truths  implied  in  the  sacrifi- 
cial rites  which  they  were  all  engaged  in  celebrating.     The  sacrificial 
fire  before  them,  Vaiswanara,  would  then  be  not  a  mere  fiame,  but  the 
symbol  of  Universal  Soul  resting  his   feet  on  earth   and  raising  his 
many    variegated    heads  to    the    sky.     The    Udgitha    would   not  be 
merely    a    string  of    words  mechanically  chanted,   but    the  impas- 
sioned   cry    of   prayer  given    out  by    Devas    and   A  suras    in    their 
efforts  to  obtain  the  mastery  of  the   world.     The   whole   sacrifice  is 
likened  to  a  man's  life   wherein  the   first  24  years  form   the  Pratas- 
savana  or  morning's  prayer,  the  next  forty-four  form  the  Mandhyandina 
or   noon    prayer,    and  the  next  forty-eight  years  form  the  third   or 
evening  prayer.  The  frequency  of  such  discourses  must  have  led  to  their 
being  collected  and  subsequently  included  in  the  respective  Aranyakas, 
As  the    Yajamana  also,    who  in   a  big  sacrifice   must  have   been   a 
Kshatriya  Prince,  took   part  or  rather  commenced  the  discussion   by 
propounding  questions,  we  find  learned  Kshatriyas  like  Janaka,  Ajata- 
satru,   and  Pravahana  figuring  prominently  in  these  treatises.     When 
in  course  of  time  these  collections  swelled  and   multiplied,  they  came 
to  be  regarded  as   a  class  of  literature  by  themselves  throwing  the 
bald  Samhitas  or  the  ritualistic  B rah manas  into  the  shade  and  gradually 
bringing  about  a  revolution  of  religious   ideas.     Once  accustomed   to 
such  questionings  on  deeper  problems,    people  could   not   be   satisfied 
with  mere  ritual.     Energetic  minds  casting  aside  the  dead   formula 
sought  to  reach   the  innermost  truths.     Kshatriyas  as   being  com- 
paratively more    practical   and    less  untrammelled  by  the  ritualistic 
conservatism  appear  to  have  been  foremost  in  this  movement   towards 
a  deeper  religion,  which  commenced  with  the  compilation   or  rather 
the  collection  of  the  Aranyakas  and   culminated   in  the   secessions  of 
Baudhas  and  Jainas.     The  development  of  thought,   as   Oldenburg 
truly  says,  which  was  progressing  in   this  period,   while  resting  ap- 
parently on   the   old  faith  in    the   gods,  had  really  undermined  that 
faith  and  created  a  new  ground  of  religious  thought,  namely,   the   be- 
lief in  the  undisturbed,  unchangeable  Universal  Unity.     On  this  very 
foundation,  centuries  after  the  Brahminical  thinkers  had  laid  it,  were 


A   BRIEF  SURVEY   OF  THE   UPANISHADS.  7 1 

built  that  doctrine  and  church  which  subsequently  came  to  be   known 
by  the  name  of  Buddha.^ 

The  name  Aranyaka^  which  probably  originated  in  the  same  manner, 
is  usually  derived  from  Aranya  (^TT"^  Ht  produced  in  forest),  and  the 
Vartika  qr?T  ^^TTT  -^N  R«K  TSFT  Sl'^df^fS  WTS^TT^on  Paninis's  sutra  3?^- 
"Hi'^a^Cl  V-2-129)  derives  the  adjective  BTK«i|4j  from  ^TT^as  applied  to  an 
3TV?jpT  or  chapter,  implying  probably  a  chapter  of  a  Brahmana.  But  the 
very  exception  to  the  usual  derivative  3TR<'^  shows  that  it  must  have 
been  an  after-thought,  suggested  by  the  author  of  the  Vartikas  to  explain 
an  unknown  word.  Besides,  even  so  it  is  only  an  adjective  and  does 
not  denote  an  independent  class  of  books.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the 
word  was  originally  derived  from  3?^,  the  wooden  sticks,  by  rubbing 
which  the  sacrificial  fire  is  produced,  which  may,  therefore,  be  called 
^^P^t  and  the  discourses  compiled  in  the  presence  of,  or  relating  to  the 
sacrificial  fire  may  have  come  to  be  called  3TH"*I*.  Of  course  this  is  a 
conjecture  only,  but  it  is  a  guess  which  if  confirmed  by  further  inquiry 
will  support  the  above  hypothesis. 

It  should  not,  of  course,  be  supposed  that  all  the  works  that  pass  under 
the  name  of  Upanishads  at^  of  equal  antiquity.  Only  a  few  of  them 
that  are  well-known  could  be  pre-Buddhistic,  while  a  large  number  are 
of  more  or  less  recent  origin.  Many  of  the  modern  compositions  are  of 
such  mixed  character  that  they  have  hardly  any  similarity,  except  in 
name,  with  the  genuine  ones.  A  chronology  of  these  writings  would  be 
very  instructive,  as  it  will  throw  much  light  on  the  gradual  development 
of  religious  ideas  in  India  ;  but  the  task  of  compiling  it  is  not  easy. 
Sufficient  data  are  not  yet  available  to  make  any  such  attempt,  and  the 
text  of  all  the  extant  works  will  have  to  be  carefully  examined  and 
corrected  before  any  reliable  conclusions  can  be  drawn  therefrom  .  It 
is  simply  intended  in  this  short  paper  to  give  a  bibliography  of  the 
Upanishads  that  have  hitherto  been  found,  or  the  names  of  which  have 
been  ascertained  from  other  source.  When  the  basis  has  thus  been  • 
prepared,  a  critical  study  of  the  works  together  with  their  comparison 
with  one  another  and  other  known  writings  will  have  to  follow  before 
their  intrinsic  worth  and  historical  importance  can  be  properly  appraised. 
One  fact,  however,  can  now  be  safely  asserted,  that  at  least  8  or  10 
of  the  most  famous  Upanishads  are  pre-Buddhistic,  while  many  of  the 
rest  must  have  come  into  existence  during  the  three  or  four  centuries  be- 
fore Christ  when  the  Brahminical  orthodoxy  had  to  contend  against  the 
onslaughts  of  Jain  and  Boudha  heretics.  A  large  number  again  are  so 
sectarian  or  devoted  to  particular  deities  or  ceremonies,  that  they  must 
have  been  composed  when  Hinduism  was  split  up  into  sects  and  each 

*  Oldenburg:'s  Buddha,  his  Life>  his  Doctrine,  his  Order|"  p.  t8. 


74  A   BRIEF  SURVEY   OF   THE    UPANISHADS. 

the  Sama  and  31  to  the  Atharva  Veda,     Other  authorities,  as  has  been 
shown  above,  assign  52  Upanishads  to  the  A  tharva    Veda,   while  the 
names  given  by  Muktika  differ  considerably  from  those  given  by  Drs. 
Bhandarkar  and  Rajendralal.  Similar  differences  also  exist  as  regards 
p2iTi\cu\2ir  upanishads  which  are  assigned  to  different  Vedas  by  different 
writers.    It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  such  differences  mostly  pre- 
vail either  between  the  Snma  Veda  and  white  Yajurveda,  which   them- 
selves appear  to  have  been  nearly  contemporaneous  works,or  as  regards 
the  Atharva  Veda  which  has  in  fact  been  made  the  repository  of  all  the 
later  writings.     Several  Upanishads  again   have  different   recensions^ 
the  most  glaring  instance  of  which   is  Narayana,   which  has  been  ac- 
tually printed  in  two  recensions, one  as  the  loth  prapdthaka  of  TaUtiriya 
A  ranyaka,  and  the  other  as   Parisishta,  and  which  even  in  the  time  of 
Say  ana  had  four  recensions,  prevailing  respectively  in  Dravida,  Andhm, 
Kamataka  and   other  provinces.     These   four  go  under  the  name  of 
Ydjnikiy  while  the  Parisishta^  which  is  a  different   thing  altogether,  is 
now  recited  by  Vaidik  Brahmins  as  the  Narayanopanishad  proper. 

Time  will  not  allow  me  to  digress  further  into  this  very  interesting' 
field  of  investigation.  A  closer  study  of  each  treatise  will,  un- 
doubtedly, disclose  many  peculiarities  showing  its  real  character  and 
merits. 

I  may  be  permitted  in  conclusion  to  remark  that  no  class  of  ancient 
Sanskrit  works  has  exercised  greater  influence  on  the  religious 
thought  and  life  of  the  Hindus  than  the  Upanishads.  They  have 
practically  thrown  the  Sanhitas  and  the  Brahmanas  into  the  back- 
ground. They  have  made  elaborate  sacrifices  and  rituals  obsolete. 
They  gave  birth  to  Buddhism  and  Jainism  and  many  other  move- 
ments and  yet  ultimately  supplanted  them  by  means  of  the  orthodox 
Vedanta  philosophy.  It  is  the  Upanishads  that  taught  the  austere 
doctrine  of  Para-Brahma  and  also  the  benign  faith  of  the  BhakH^ 
shastra.  Founders  of  all  orthodox  sects  in  later  times  resorted  to 
them  as  fountain  heads  of  religious  wisdom  ;  and  no  wonder  that  they 
have  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  Shrutiy  par  excellence,  Madhusudana 
Saraswati  classes  them  apart  from  the  other  divisions  of  Veda,  vis,, 
Sanhita,  Brahmana,  Aranyakas,  Upa-Veda  and  Vedanga,  Even  now 
the  upanishads  are  a  living  force  as  we  see  from  the  lives  of  Schaupen- 
haur  in  Europe  and  Ram  Mohan  Roy  in  India,  both  of  whom  derived 
their  religious  impulse  from  this  perennial  source.  It  behoves  us 
all  to  study  these  works  closely  and  respectfully. 


A   BRIEF   SURVEY  OF  THE   L7AX1SHJUH. 


75 


APPEXDHL 


NoU,^^  The  letters  in  the  third  coYumm  4eaot«  Ibe  ftonrLe   ^  ^.rij^   tL^ 
name,  ^.^.— 

A.-yuktikopmmisiutd.  B.-ESot's  iac  C^-Colefaroofce  •  btf.  D^A  IH  ftr-.n'*  Ut. 
E.-Weber'8  list.  F.— Ur.  Rajeodrala]**  Ebc  Gu—Dr.  Bkfcaaatfcjtf^  •  hat,  H  --Oppcr;  *  W. 
J.— Bulher's  Catalosrue  of  MSS.  ia  GiQarat. 

t  The  following  abbreTiatiocis  is  the  second  co'uct:  denc-t*  'i-c  IV^  *x^ 
which  the  Upanishad  is  assig'oed  : — 

"Kx^.—Rigvedam    B.  Yaj.— Black  Ymjrn*.    W.  Ya>— ITLr-e   YmjmrttdM.    Sa*r  — 5a»vt>r<^0. 


No. 

Name  of  Upanishad. 

Veda  to 

which  it 
belong^.'' 

Work*  Mh'i'A*  tx*fr^ 
lion  it,* 

1 

2 

ST. 

called  ftWI 
ft^alsof^<^ 

t 
1 

Rig- 
B.  Ya> 

Ath, 
W.  Yaj. 

•  •  •    •  «             J 

•••    •• 

1 

Ath. 

9  V  •  •  9 

'  B.  Yaj.    ' 
B.  Yaj. 

W.  Yaj. 
Sam. 

.A,  B. 

A,  B,  H. 
H. 

3 

^!S^I*<lMHM^ 

F,  H. 

4 

^^l^wflMMNcl, 

A.  B.  C.  D,  G,  H,J. 

5 
6 

7 

A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  G,  H,  ]. 

B,  H. 

'Probably  3rd 

\,G,HJ.^     Chap.      ^  of 
\,  B,  H. 

8 
9 

<«5ldlMftN<  or  ^W 

10 

II 

^-         1  Probably      the 
A,B,H.  J     same. 

B,  D,  F,  H. 

B,  C,  D,  F,  G,  H,  J. 

12 
13 

'4 

^^^Pl4  or  ^5<R4 

'5 

^^dWiWjMpN^l 

H. 

1                16 

• 

1 

^^MH^^ 

J. 
A    R    H 

ii<i 
12a 
130 

A,  B,  M 

76 


A    BRIEF  SURVEY  OP  THE   UPANISHADS. 


No. 


Name  of  Upanishad. 


M 

IS 
i6 

17 
18 

19 

20 

21 
22 
23 
24 

• 

25 
26 

27 
28 

29 

30 

:u 
3^ 


Veda  to 

which  it 

belongs  .t 


Works  which  men- 
tion it.* 


or  ^THF^ 


i[ftfr#?f^ 


im^m 


^^<^\hA\m 


f. 


^. 


^. 


Ath. 
Rig. 


Sam. 


A,  C,  D,  G,  H,  J. 
A,  B,  D,  H,  J. 

J. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  G,  J. 

B,  C,  G,  H,  J. 


W.  Yaj. 


I 


^J3^  or  ^55[^R3 


?^. 


Yaj. 


Rig. 


B.  Yaj. 


A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  H,  J. 
H.    Probably  same  as 


B.  Yaju. 


A,  B,  H. 


A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  H,  J. 


H. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  G.  H.  J. 

I  A. 

B,  C,  G,  J. 


A,  B,  H. 
H. 


A  BKIKF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISUADS. 


77 


No. 

Veda  to 

which  it 

belongs,  t 

Works  which  men. 
lion  it,* 

33 
34 

t 

B.  Yaj. 

A.  B.  C,  G.  H,  J. 

««I^HWRS^ 

A,  F.  H,  J. 

35  ,*^^ 

^^ 

36    il"«*  or  *l*^*l 

—   .%    rs                                      rs.   n. 

Sara. 
Ath. 

A,  B,  H. 

37 

»^MMia.  or  *»"WimHI 

A,  B. 

38 

%^ 

5>am. 

A,  B,  C.  D,  F,  H,  J. 

39 

^<W 

B.  Yaj. 

A,  B,  C,  F,  G.  H.  J. 

40 

A  Sl—ts. 

*I^IHMiq, 

B.  C,  E,  F,  H. 

41 

\_A    />             ^  fX 

Rig. 

A,  B.  C,  D,  F,  H,  J. 

ir. 

42 

B.  Yaj. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  G.  H,  J. 

43 

Ath. 

A,  B,  H,  J. 

[Perhaps  the  same  as 
last. 

44 

45 

I^^Mpm^ 

46 

'TW 

Ath. 

A,  B,C,  G,  H,J. 

47 

1* 

B.  Yaj. 

A,B,C,D,  F,  G,  H.J, 

48 

^ii"m^mPm<i^ 

H.     Perhaps  the  same 

as'mMt^, 
B. 

A,  B,  C,  E,  F,  H,  J. 

49 

^iW'3m^»<^ 

50 

^ilMi^\i<^5ft 

i  Ath. 

51 

52 

•■• *•• 

B,  C,  E,  F,  H,  J. 

53 

N^MWI^ 

J. 

54 

55 

•^^IMMM^  or  -^I 

A,  B,  C,  D,  G,  H,  J. 

56 

Sam. 

A,  B,  C.  D.  H.  J. 

78 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISHADS. 


No. 


57 

58 

59 

60 
61 
62 

63 

'65 
^6 

67 
68 
69 

70 

71 
72 

73 

74 

75 
76 

77 

78 
79 


Name  of  Upanishad. 


?T. 


«ft  sn^T^^  or  «r^^ 

^i«ii^  or  ^  SfHT^ 


f  f^yi^nfWt  or 

i  f%3U^I%^  or 


Veda  to 

which  it 

belongs,  t 


Works  which  men- 
tion it.* 


Sam. 
W.  Yaj. 
Sam. 


Yaj. 


B.  Yaj. 
Ath. 

Rig. 
Ath. 


) 


W.Yaj. 


A,  B,  C,  E,  F,  G,  H. 
A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  H.  J. 

A,  B. 

B.  D,  H. 
A,  B,  rl. 

J. 

A,  B|  ri* 

H. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  G,  H. 

A,  B,  E,  H,  J. 
H. 

A,  B,  H,  J. 


A,  B,  C,  E,  H.     The 
same. 

H. 

A,  B,  H.  Probably  the 
same. 


B.  Yaj. 
Ath. 


^o  js^qhi^^ 


Ath. 


A,  B,  H. 

A,  B,  H,  J. 

Same  as  3|(i||c4  ^^. 

A,  B,  H. 

H. 

H. 


A   BRIEF   SURVEY   OF  THE   UPANISHADS. 


79 


No. 


Name  of  Upanishad. 


8i 

82 

83 

«4 

85 

86 

87 
S8 

89 
-90 

91 

92 

95 
96 
97 

98 

99 
too 


^pjlhH-ll^ 


^r^WB 


J[f3f^ 


101  '  ^^w^  Rf+W 


Veda  to 

which  it 

belongs.t 


Works  which  men- 
tion it.* 


Sam. 


Rig. 
'  Ath. 


A.  B,  C.  D,  G,  H,  J. 


A,  B,  C,  G,  H,  J. 

B,  H. 

Perhaps  the  same  as  2 
'  ^fSCdlM-ft  or  nilMRr^cT 

H. 
B. 


B.  Yaj. 

;  W.  Yaj.  [a,  B,  C,  D,  G,  H.  J. 
A,  B,  E,  H,  J. 


Rig. 


••• ••• 


5-Ath. 


\V.  Yaj. 
Ath. 


A,  B,  n. 

B,  C,  G,  H,  J. 

iB,  C,  D,  G,  H,  J. 

Perhaps   the    same    a? 
the  above. 


A,  B,  F,  G,  J. 
A,  B,  C,  D. 


Ath. 


J. 

H.  Perhaps  same  as  ^. 

\  B,  H. 


So 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY  OF  THE  UPANISHADS. 


No. 

Name  of  Upanishad* 

Veda  to 

which  it 

belongs,  t 

Works  which  men- 
tion it.* 

A          T  T       r^          1         1    < 

io6 

W*<N«WMMMa, 

A,  H.  Probably  same  as 

. 

TT^m^TSRT    (see 
Ell.) 

107 
108 
109 

Ath. 

H.  The  same  as  aruTTrVf. 

A,  B,  H.   Perhaps  same 

as  the  last. 

B,  C,  G,  H,  J. 

no 

^^M^I<OMPiM^ 

J. 

III 

^j^SmPiN^ 

W,  Yaj. 

A,  B,  H. 

112 

M-^iH^  ^^^i  ^'^f{\m^ 

Yaju. 

A,  B. 

"3 

M-M^lldlMMMO. 

114 

il^K^HMMMM^ 

"5 

M"RlMpi*<^ 

116 

ii"h^i5;i^mPiMdL 

117 

5r« 

Ath. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  G,  H,  J. 

ii8 

i<l"llwtlw 

Yaju. 

A,  B,  C,  D,  H,  J. 

119 

W.  Yaj. 
Ath. 

H. 

120 

t^iM^M^ 

A,  B,  C,  D,  F,  H,  J. 

121 

4^>»<HHI^  or  '^^i^.Hl^ 

A,  B,  H,  J. 

122 

t*^l^l4il^0. 

Rig. 

A,  B,  H. 

123 

f^<?^mj^N^ 

J. 

124 
125 

TO 

1  • 

B.  Yaj. 
ft 

F. 

A,  B,  C,  H,  J. 

126 

• 

A,  B,  C,  D,  G,  H,  J. 

127 

*<tThHHnMPm^ 

128 

^T5[T 

Ath. 

129 

*it*<v>1WI<* 

A,  B,  H. 

130 

^^Hl     , 

>» 

A,  B,  H,  J. 

Index  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Literary  Society,  Bombay—      Rs,  a.  p. 

Vols.     I. — III.,  and  to  the  Journals  of  the  B.  B.  R.  A.  Society, 

Vols.     I. — XVII.,  with  a  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Society. 

By  Ganpatrao  K.  Tiwarekar,  librarian       ..<        400 

Catalogue  of  the  library  of  the  B.  B.  R.  A.   Society  up  to 

1873.  (Not  in  stock.)        ...        • 500 

Supplementary  Catalogues  from  1874  to  1904} 

.w^«  .   ^      .  -  ^,      .    V  r   •••        •••    each    040 

(With  Catalogues  of  Novels.)  J  ^ 

Catalogue  of  Novels  up  to  1872       •..       ,,       080 

Journal  of  the  Bombay  Geographical  Society, 

Proceedings,  Bombay  Geographical  Society,  1837        080 

-^ •  1838        100 

'^39        •••        ...080 

— —  1840        ...        •••100 


Transactions,  Vol.  VI.,     1841-1844 180 

VII.,     1844-1846 .200 

VIII.,     1847-1849  «••       •••        180 

IX.,     1849-1850 a    o    o 

X.,     1850-1852  ••• 200 

XI.,     1852-1853 ...200 

—  XII.,     1854-1856 200 

XIII.,     1856-1857 200 

—  XIV.,     1857-1858 200 

—  XV.,     1858-1860 200 

XVI.,     1860-1862 200 

XVII.,    1863-1864 200 


•••        •••        ••• 


200 


XVIII. ,    1865-1867  ... 
XIX.,    1868-1873 200 


Index  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Bombay  Geographical  Society, 
Vols.  I.  to  XVII.,  with  Catalogue  of  the  Library.     By  D.  J. 
Kennelly,  Honorary  Secretary 


... 


•••        •••        ••" 


72  A    BRIBP   SURVEY  OP  THE   UPANISHADS. 

votary  tried  to  support  his  cause  by  some  pseudo-ancient  book.  Isa^ 
Ken^  Katha,  Chhandogya  and  Brihadaranyaka  are  samples  of  the  first; 
J4b&la,  ^wet^shwatara,  Mundaka  and  the  Upanishads  of  the  Athar- 
vaveda  are  of  the  second  class  ;  while  treatises  like  Rama^  Sita,  Datt^- 
traya,  Krishna,  Gopichandana,  Rudr^ksha  and  many  others  obviously 
belong  to  the  third  class.  The  age  of  the  most  ancient  of  these, 
namely  Brihadaranyaka,  Chhandogya  and  (sa  had  for  some  time  been 
assumed  by  European  scholars  to  be  contemporaneous  with  Vajasaoeyi 
Sanhita  and  the  iatapatha  Brahmana^  that  is,  between  the  9th  and 
7th  centuries  before  Christian  era.  Mr.  V.  B.  Ketkar,  however,  in  a 
paper  read  before  this  Society^  relying  on  a  passage  in  the 
Satapatha  Brahmana  showing  that  the  vernal  equinox  was  then 
actually  in  the  Krittikas^  calculates  the  time  to  be  B.  C.  3068 
and  if  the  Upanishads  were  contemporaneous,  as  most  prob- 
ably they  were,  we  shall  have  to  push  their  origin  much  further 
back  than  the  time  hitherto  assumed.  The  Upanishads  abound  in 
historical  and  topographical  references,  which  are  after  more  careful 
study  likely  to  yield  good  results  ;  but  until  some  positive  data  are 
obtained,  random  speculations  would  only  mislead. 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  by  Western  scholars  in  the  past 
to  collect  a  bibliography,  as  it  were,  of  the  Upanishads.  The  earliest 
known  was  that  by  Anquetil  Du  Perron  who  was  followed  by  Colebrooke, 
Weber  and  Roer  in  Bibliotheca  Indica,  Vol.  VII,  No.  34.  Mr.  Walter 
Elliot  in  a  list  published  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal  (Vol.  XX,  p.  609)  combined  and  corrected  all  the  previous  lists, 
enlarging  the  number  of  6^<i»tr^<i</r  from  95  given  by  Roer  to  120 
by  additional  names  collected  from  Telegu  MSS.  Mr.  Elliot  also  pub- 
lished the  list  of  108  Upanishads  given  in  Muktikopanishad.  Roer  on 
comparing  Elliot's  list  with  the  previous  ones  found  that  the  total  num- 
ber thus  known  was  138  or,  with  portions  of  some  counted  as  different 
works,  i54.t  Dr.Rajendra  Lai  Mitra  in  his  Introduction  to  Gopatha-Brah- 
mana  (Bibliotheca  Indica)  gives  a  list  of  52  Upanishads  of  the  Atharva- 
Veda  fWhich  with  slight  variations  and  a  different  order  agrees  with  the  one 
prepared  by  Dr.  Bhandarkar  from  MSS.  found  in  Gujarat^  Biihlerin 
his  Catalogue  of  MSS.  in  Gujarat  gives  a  list  of  different  Upanishads 
containing  several  names  not  known  to  Elliot,  while  Oppert  in  his  lists 
of  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  Southern  India  adds  many  more  names  which  are 
not  found  elsewhere.  In  addition  to  all  these  I  was  fortunate  in  obtaining 
from  my  friend,  Mr.  Venkatachala  Shastri  of  Mysore,  MSS.  and  names 
of  some  Upanishads  not  found  in  any  of  the  above  lists.  Having  com- 
pared and  collected  these  materials,  I  have  prepared  an  alphabetical  list 

•  Journal.  B.  B.  R.  A.,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  39. 

t  Journal,  Royal  As.  Soc..  Beng.,  p.  619. 

X  Search  for  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  Bombay  Presidency  for  i883<84,  p.  24, 


A  BRIEF  SURVEY   OF   THE  UPANISHADS,  73 

of  220  Upanishads  which  is  appended  to  this  paper.  All  names  that 
could  be  ascertained  to  belong  to  the  same  work  have  been  grouped 
into  one,  ^ .^. ,  Afahd^NArdyayana  and  Brihan-Ndrdyana^  DaHana  and 
J&bdla-Darsana,  Brahmabindu  and  Amritabindu,  All  names  on  the 
other  hand  which  could  be  ascertained  to  apply  to  parts  of  a  larger 
work  have  been  omitted.  The  most  notable  instance  of  this  is  the 
Mdndukya,  which  is  sometimes  counted  as  one  and  sometimes  split  up 
into  four  by  counting  the  second,  third  and  fourth  chapters  of  Cauda- 
padas,  Afondukya-KarikaSi  as  different  Upanishads,  Another  instance 
would  be  Nrisinhatapini  which  along  with  Mahopanishad  may  be  taken 
as  one  or  counted  as  six  as  Dr.  Bhandarkar  has  done.  A  similar  doubt 
exists  as  regards  other  Tapanis.  There  are  seven  such  pairs  of  Tapanis, 
Purvaand  Uttara,  vis,,  Nrisinha.  Gopal,  Rama,  Narayana,  Tripura, 
Suryaand  Sundari, besides  single  works  such  as  Krishnatapini,Ganesha- 
tapini  and  Mahatripura  Sundari  and  Viratapini.  These  pairs  are  treated 
sometimes  as  one  and  sometimes  as  different  works.  A  considerable 
number  of  the  names  included  in  my  list  again  must  be  treated  as 
provisional  only  until  the  MSS.  have  been  actually  examined  and  found 
to  constitute  independent  works.  This  is  chiefly  the  case  with  the 
additional  names  taken  from  Buhler*s  and  Oppert's  lists.  If  deduction 
is  allowed  for  possible  correction  in  this  manner,  we  may  fairly  assume 
that  we  do  at  present  know  about  200  independent  Upanishads  com- 
posed at  different  times  and  possessing  greater  or  less  intrinsic  value. 

Coming  to  Indian  writers  we  find  various  enumerations  of  the 
Upanishads,  probably  representing  their  numbers  known  at  different 
times  ;  the  most  famous  of  these  enumerations  being  that  of  Dai- 
opanishad,  /ra,  Kena,  Katha,  Prasna,  Mundaka,  Mandukya,  Taittiriya, 
Aitereya,  Chhandogya  and  Brihadaranyka,  These  ten  along  with 
Swetaswatara  have  attained  special  repute  by  reason  of  the  great 
scholiast  Sankaracharya  having  selected  them  for  his  immortal 
commentaries.  They  are  also  probably  the  most  ancient.  Brahnt" 
opanishad  mentions  another  class  of  thirteen  Upanishads ,  viz,, 
Bnthma,  Kaivdlya,  Jdbala,  Swetaswatara,  Aruni,  Garbha  Narayana, 
Hansa,  Bindu,  Nada,  Shifas,  and  Shikha  which  all  belong  to  the 
Atharva  Veda  and  probably  represent  a  supplementary  class.  We  have 
collections  of  18  and  also  of  32  Upanishads,  which  latter  are  said  by  the 
Muktikopanishad  to  possess  an  educative  value  higher  than  the  pri- 
mary ten.  Lastly  we  have  the  108  Upanishads  enumerated  and  classi- 
fied in  the  Muktikopanishad  as  representing  a  list  of  those  to  be 
accepted  as  genuine.  These  108  Upanishads  are  apportioned  to 
the  four  or  rather  five  Vedas  in  the  following  manner,  vis,,  10  to  the 
Rigveda,    19  to  the  white  Yajurveda,  32  to  the  black  Yajurveda,  16  to 


/ 

/ 


V, 


CONTENTS  OF  NUMBER  LX. 


«<  .4  • 


*•  *      • 


.    1 


ART.  PAG8 

I. — Arabic  Poetry.  By  Professor  S.  M.  Ispahan!           •  i . 

II. — On  the  Age  of  the  Sanskrit  PoettKavjraj^- By*  Professor 

l^*   D«  It AxHAK^    D»Am            •••           •••            •••            •••            •••           •••  II 

III.^A  History  of  Bijapur.  By  Rafiud  DIN  Shiraji           17 

By  V.  R.  Natu,  B.A.,  LL.B. 

IV.—**  Shivajt's  Swarajya."  By  Purshotam  Yishram  Mawji,  Esq.  30 

v.— Lt.-Co1.  T.  B.  Jervis  (1796-1857)  and  his  MS.  Studies  on   the 

State  of  the  Maratha  People  and^  theif  :HistQry« .  recently  .. 

presented  to  the  Society  by  his  Son.  By  R.  P.  K arkaria,  Esg.  43 

VI.— A  Brief  Survey  of  the  Upanlshads.    By  M.  R.  Bodas,   M.A., 

JL^L^.  l5*          •••           •••           •••         •••          •••           ^fe           •••           •••  DT 


Proceedings  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  1904-05  :i 

List  of  Presents  to  the  Library,  1904-05  x^ 

List  of  Contributions  to  the  Centenary  Celebration  Fund     ...  xzz^ 


•  •* 


No.  LXI.] 


[  Vol.  XXII. 


THE  JOURNAL 


OF  THE 


BOMBAY    BRANCH 


OF  THE 


ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 


r. 


1906 


Edited  by  the  Honorary  Secretary. 


BOMBAY  2 
SOCIETY'S    LIBRARY,    TOWN    HALL. 


LONDON : 

Agents  for  Europe: 
KEGAN    PAUL,    TRENCH,    TRUBNER   &   Co., 

DRYDEN  HOUSE,  42,  GERRARD  ST.^  S.W. 


1906. 


■M 


THS  TIMBS  PRB8S,  BOMBAY— l845'o6 


/  . 

I-. 

\    ■ 


Art.  VII. 
Nripatuhga  and  the  authorship  of  the  Kavirdjamarga. 

(^  reply  to  Dr.  Fleet.) 

By  K.  B.  Pathak, 
Professor  of  Sanskrit,  Deccan  College,  Poona. 

(  commukicatbd.) 

Dr.  Fleet  has  lately  contributed  a  very  lengthy  article  entitleJ 
Kavisvara's  Kavirajamarga  to  the  Indian  Antiquary  for  October  and 
November  1904,  pp.  258-280.  This  is  a  review  of  my  edition  of 
Xripatunga's  Kavir&jamaU'ga  published  in  1898  as  a  volume  of  the  Bihluh- 
tkeca  camaiica.  This  work  is  full  of  interest  for  Sanskrit  scholars  as  I 
have  pointed  out  in  my  Introduction  that  it  contains  direct  translations 
or  adaptations  of  many  verses  in  Dandi*s  K&vyldarsa.  The  approxi- 
mate date  of  the  work  is  also  known.  The  first  two  verses  are  very 
interesting  and  important.  They  contain  an  invocation  addressed  by 
the  author  to  the  god  on  whose  breast  the  goddess  Lakshmi  reclines, 
whom  she  never  abandons,  and  round  whom  the  lustre  springing  from 
the  kaustubha-jewel  forms  a  curtain.  It  may  be  remarked  that  the 
first  verse  does  not  mention  the  name  of  the  god  ;  yet  a  Hindu 
scholar  can  easily  recognize,  from  the  description  given,  the  god 
Vishnu  who  wears  the  kaustubha-jewel  on  his  breast.  But  one  of 
the  words  used  in  the  first  verse  is  nripatunga  ;  and  this  was  a  title 
of  the  R&sh^rakOta  king  Amdghavarsha  I.  A  question  will  naturally 
arise  is  this  king  spoken  of  in  the  opening  verse  ?  This  question 
must  be  answered  in  the  negative  because  we  know  that  Am^ha- 
varsha  I.  did  not  possess  this  fabled  jew^el.  And  the  difficulty  is  easily 
got  over  by  taldng  the  expression  niipatuhga  in  its  primary  sense.' 
It  means  nripa-sr^htha,  f.^.,  the  best  of  kings  ;  and  in  this  sense 
it  is  employed  by  Abhinavapampa, '  when  he  says,  referring  to 
Janaka,  that  the  best  of  kings  mounted  the  lofty  steed.  A  similar 
expression  yati-tunga  in  the  sense  of  yati-sreshtha«  1.^.,  the  best  of 
ascetics,  occurs  in  the  R&jas^khara-vil&sa,  Chap.  I,  14.  It  must  be  also 
admitted  here  that  there  is  an  indirect  reference  to  the  secondary  sense 
of  the  expression  niipa-tunga  as  the  dtle   of  Amdghavarsha  I. ;  in 

^  In  Dr.  Kitld's    KanQa(;^-£nfirlisfa    Dictionary  the  word  is  explained  to  nusao  **  the  moKt 
pcmmneot  one  or  dnef  of  king's." 

*  Panpa-R^fli&ya^a   IV,   iso,    Mr.  Rice's  e£t>oa,  p.    94  ,  Sridan  uttunf^'tttrangamu- 
mssp  nrip»«4ungai|u 
6 


82     NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

Other  words,  the  expression  is  used  in  a  double  sense.  These  remarks 
apply  with  equal  force  to  some  expressions  in  the  second  verse,  since 
the  two  verses  form  one  sentence,  as  will  be  shown  further  on.  A 
correct  interpretation  of  these  verses  is  most  essential  as  they  con- 
clusively prove  that  Am6ghavarsha  I,  who  had  the  title  of  Nripatuhga, 
was  the  author  of  the  work. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  Dr.  Fleet's  review.  He  says,  **  The  real  nature 
of  the  first  and  second  verses  is  quite  unmistakable.  In  the  first  of 
them  the  author  of  the  work  prays  that  good  fortune  may  never 
desert  a  person,  Nripatuhga,  whom  the  expressions  employed  by  him 
mark  as  a  person  of  exalted  rank.  In  the  second,  he  asks  Atisaya- 
dhava|a, — whom,  in  this  stage  of  the  inquiry,  we  might,  or  might  not, 
be  inclined  to  identify  with  the  Nripatuhga  who  is  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  verse, — to  inspire  him  with  a  power,  in  dealing  with 
the  subject  lying  before  him,  v.-hich  he  himself,  unaided,  could  not 
hope  to  display.  And  there  is  not  the  slightest  shadow  of  a  basis 
in  fact  for  the  editor's  assertion,  or  suggestion,  that,  in  the  first  two 
verses  of  the  Kavirljamlrga,  Nripatuhga-Amdghavarsha  I.,  as  the 
(alleged)  author  of  the  work,  praised  a  god  mentioned,  after  himself, 
by  the  names  of  Nripatuhga,  Nitinirantara,  Kritakrityamalla,  Vira- 
niriyana,  (and  Atisayadhavala).  Those  two  verses  embody  requests 
made  by  the  author  of  the  work.  The  first  of  them  prays  for  the 
welfare  of  a  person,  mentioned  as  Nripatuhga  and  Nitinirantara, 
whom  he  has  marked  as  a  person  of  high  rank  and  has  most  distinctly 
indicated  as  his  patron.  In  the  second  of  them  he  has  asked  a  person, 
whom  he  has  mentioned  as  Ati^ayadhavaja,  Viran&r&yana,  and 
Kritakrityamalla,  to  inspire  him  with  ability  to  perform  the  task  lying 
before  him.  And,  even  apart  from  the  colophons,  the  first  of  these 
two  verses  is  sufiiicient  to  prove  that  the  author  of  the  work  was  not 
Nripatuhga.*" 

I  give  below  the  text  of  the  two  verses  as  transliterated  by  Dr. 
Fleet  together  with  his  translation^  and  propose  to  deal  in  order 
with  each  of  the  points  that  are  misunderstood. 

Sri  talt=uradol  kaustubha- 

j&ta-dyuti  balasi  k&ndapatad  =  ant-ire  sarii — I. 

pritiyin  =  &vanan  =  agalal 

Nitinirantaran  =  ud&ran=&  Nripatuhgarii  II  i. 

Kritakrityamallan = aprati- 

hata-vikraman  =  osedu  Viran&r^yaijan  =  a— I. 

pp  =  Atisayadhavalam  namag  =  ig  = 

atarkkitdpasthita-prat&p-6dayamam  II  i,  2, 

*  Ind.  Antiquary,  Oct.  1904,  pp.  2ii,  264, 
^  Idem,  p.  a6i» 


nripatuS:ga  and  the  authorship  of  the  kavirajamarga.    83 

Translation*  : — (Verse  i)  **  Let  Fortune, — clinging  to  (Mis)  breast, 
with  the  lustre,  bom  from  the  kaustubha-jewel,  lying  round  (her)  like 
a  screen  surrounding  a  tent, — not  abandon  with  (her)  affection  him 
(literally,  whom  ?) ;  (namely)  the  noble  Nitinirantara  (*  he  who  never 
ceases  to  display  statesmanship'),  that  (famous  or  7veii'known) 
Nripatuhga  !  " — (Verse  2)  **  Let  Atisayadhavaja, — who  is  Kiitakritya- 
malla  *  the  wrestler,  or  the  most  excellent,  of  those  who  have  done 
their  duty,*  and  who,  possessing  prowess  which  has  not  been  checked 
(^just  as  the  god  Vishnu-X&rayana  had  three  strides  which  were  not 
obstructed),  has  pleasingly  become  Viraniriyana, — give  to  us  a  develop- 
ment of  power  that  comes  quite  unexpectedly  !'* 

(i)  The  most  important  word  in  the  first  verse  is  kaustubha, 
which  Dr.  Fleet  has  entirely  ignored  in  his  explanatory  com- 
ments from  a  misapprehension  that  no  god  is  praised  in  the 
two  verses.  Dr.  Kittel  in  his  Kannada-English  Dictionary  sajs 
that  kaustubha  is  the  jewel  suspended  on  the  breast  of  Vishnu 
and  that  Kaustubhibharana  is  a  name  of  Vishnu.  We  find  a 
similar  statement  in  the  St.  Petersburgh  Dictionary  and  in  the 
dictionaries   of    Benfey    and    Monier    Williams.      Tirin^tha    in    his 

Vlchaspatya  mentions %R5^i^T>^  and  ^JHt^^SP'T  as  the  names  of  the 
^od  Vishnu  and  explains  ^t^gpr^^  as  iR^fg^Y  ^fir  ^IFT  and  says  it  is 
an  epithet  of  Vishnu.     Amarasimha  says  :— 


Amara-K6sha,  Canto  I,  28. 
In  the  Mahibhirata  we  read — 

^KHn1<acM^I  UdlcM[»j<<4lfe^  I 

g^iMt  ^T3cqw  3^:  Mi"i<w«n  ii  \\  ii 

Mah&bhirata  I,  18. 

3#  J«^^  1<^  W^^  5R1^:  I 
<ft^44^Pl^iax^<  ft^IT  'K'RT  ^^^  II  \^  II 
5^:  W^*  fi^  il^lft^llRl^l^:  I 

Mah&bh&rata  I,  13. 


84     NRIPATUK'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

Kalidisa  says  : — 

Raghu.  VI,  49- 


•••  •••  •••  ••• 


^^^K«^*<m'   'Bit  fiWT  ttdK^I  II 

Raghu.  X,  lo. 

53^  ^  ^i*M  H^^PRR  'npr  I 

Raghu.  XVII,  29. 

B^na,  K&dambari,*  p.  66. 
In  the  ancient  Pr&krita  poem  Gaudavaho''  the  22nd  verse  alludes  to 
the  rays  of  the  kaustubha-jewel   shining  on  the  breast  of  Krishna. 
M&gha  says  : — 

Sisup&la-vadha  XX,  37. 

In  old  Kannada  Literature  we  meet  with  frequent  allusions  to  the 
kaustubha-jewel  of  the  god  Vishnu.  The  first  Pampa,  a  distinguish* 
ed  author  of  the  R&sh^rakO^a  period,  compares^  Hastin^pura  to  the 
kaustubha  adorning  the  large  breast  of  Kaitabh-&r^ti,  i.e.,  Vishnu. 
Abhinava- Pampa'*  also  speaks  of  Hari's  kaustubha.  In  the  K&vy&va- 
Idkana,^  Verse  No.  911,  contains  a  conventional  description  of  Krishna, 
bearing  on  his  breast  the  kaustubha-jewel  and  the  goddess  Lakshmi ; 
and  Verse  No.  810  in  the  same  work  represents  Krishna  smiling  at 
the  feeling  of  jealousy  betrayed  by  Lakshmi  on  seeing  her  own  image 
reflected  in  the  kaustubha-jewel  and  mistaking  it  for  a  rival  wife.  We 
have  thus  seen  that  references  to  this  jewel  are  found  in  Sanskrit, 
Pr&krita  and  Kannada  Literatures.  And  it  is  also  worth  noting  that 
some  of  the  authorities  cited  are  distinguished  Jaina  writers.     The 

'■  Nir^ayas&gara  Press  edition. 

*  Bombay  Sanskrit  Series,  S.  P.  Pandit's  edition. 

^  Pampa*BhArata,  edited  by  Mr,  Rice,  p.  9,  prose  passage. 

*  Pampa-KAm^yapa,  edited  by  Mr.  Rice,  p.  21,  ch  I.  119. 

^  Edited  by  Mr.  R.  Narasimhachar,  M.A  ,  in  the  Bibliotheca  Carnatica  series. 


NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUIHORSHIP  OP  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     85 

jiewel  is  also  referred  to  in  Ancient  Inscriptions.     I  quote   the   follow- 
ing verse  from  the  Gupta  Inscriptions/  p.  83. 

^aiin=Sva  nabhd  vimalam    kaus[t]ubha    niai;iin=^va  ^ftrngi^d 

vakshah  I 
bhavana-var^^a      tath  =^daih       puram=akhilam =alamkritam  = 
ud&raih  II 
In  the  Index  to  the  Gupta  Inscriptions,  p.    321,   Dr.    Fleet   says: — 
"*'  Kaustubha,  a  jewel  worn  on  the  breast  by  Vishnu."     Bd^a  says' : — 

g^nfW  lift  ^^R«?>it  T^^m  4>^«it^i4R^iR«iiJidH,  i 

Here  the   great  jewel,   though  not  mentioned    by  name,   is   the 
famous  kaustubha.     The  commentator  explains  im\  [fft:]  R^S^iUn^ 
f^  yy:^^^[?fffH^A  ^^  H«KH    ^t^  ^vni%  ;  and  this  explanation 
is  confirmed  by  another  passage  cited  above  from  the  K&dambari. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  the  fact  that  in  the  time  of  Nripatunga  him- 
self, the  people  in  the  Canarese  country  knew  that  their  king  did  not 
possess  the  kaustubha  jewel  and  believed  that  it  was  worn  on  the 
breast  by  the  god  Vishiiu.     The  illustrious  Jaina  author  Guiiabhadra, 
who  was  preceptor  to  Krishoar&ja  II    while  the  latter  was  yuvar&ja, 
■and  who  wrote  the  concluding   five  chapters  of  the  Adipur&na,^  says, 
after  a  touching  reference  to  his  great  teacher  Jinas^na,  who  had  just 
fiassed  away  :— 

*i^*ii^f^  w^  ^>^  j1<j41t!*<;  II  ^K  II 

Adipur&i]ia,  Chapter  43. 
Translation. — Let  the  best  of  persons  cherish  in  his  heart  the 
great  jewel  in  the  form  of  religion,  sprung  from  the  ocean-like  Scrip- 
ture, regarding  it  superior  to  kaustubha,  which  Vishi?u  (Purushdttama) 
wears  on  his  breast,  and  which  is  the  great  jewel  sprung  from  the 
ocean. 

In  the  following  verse  from   the   K&vyaprak&sa^   we  are  advised  to 
meditate  on  the  two  feet  of  Him  who  wears  the  kaustubha  jewel. 

M^\^  ^  ^<ui3^l^  ^^^(T^:  I 

^<^Wtmi  ^  f5R:2fWi%p^  jnnri^  ii 

^  Corpus  Intcriptiooum  Indicarum,  Vol.  III.  by  Dr.  Fleet. 

*  KAdambart,  Introductory  versest  NirnayanAs^r  Press  edition  with  commentary. 

'  Jinae^nArhArya's  AdipurA^a,  composed  in  the  time  of  Kingf  Nripatuftgra-Amdghavarsha, 
Deocan  College  MS.  No.  505  of  1884.86. 

*  VimanichArya's  edition  of  KAvyapralcA^  X,  Sal.  p>  857* 


86     NRIPATUlv'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

Here  no  god  is  named.  But  Na,g6jibhatta,  the  celebrated  author 
of  the  Paribh^shendusekhara  in  his  commentary  on  this  verse,  re- 
marks' ft^ff:  qr^gJT  •n'^^K^^  that  we  are  to  meditate  on  the  two 
feet  of  the  god  Vishnu  who  alone  wears  the  kaustubha.  Finally 
Professor  Macdonell  tells^  us  that  the  post-Vedic  kaustubha  or 
breast-jewel  of  Vishnu  has  been  explained  as  the  sun  by  Kuhri.  The 
conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  all  this  evidence  is  that  Vishnu  is  invoked 
in  the  first  two  verses  of  the  KavirS-jamirga. 

(2)  The  next  important  word  in  the  first  verse  which  is  misunder- 
stood is  Sri  which  is  translated  in  the  above  extracts  **  fortune  "  **good 
fortune  *' and  **  welfare."  Dr.  Fleet  speaks  of  ''Fortune  clinging  tCK 
the  breast  of  king  Nripatunga.'*  This  is  not  an  Indian  idea  arid  is 
very  absurd.  The  word  Sri  bears  several  meanings;  which  of  these 
is  to  be  accepted  here  ?  Mammata  in  his  Kivyaprakisa^  says  that 
in  such  a  case  we  should  be  guided  by  the  principles  of  interpretation 
which  are  enumerated  by  Bhartrihari  in  his  Vikyapadiya,  thus  :— 

^|gTf4    or  constant  accompaniment   is   the  principle   that  determines 

the  meaning  to  be  assigned  to  the  word  Sri  here.  It  means  the 
goddess  Lakshmi,  who  constantly  accompanies  Vishnu,  reclines 
on  his  breast  and  never  abandons  him.  We  read  in  the  Vishnu- 
purlna.-* 

3T^rnt  ^fi^im  ^4T  «fl<dc^^iRr?ft  11  ?  ?s  11 
2ica  =^  ^Tpfr#r  ^w^^r^nj^:^!  fe^^  n  ?\f ^  11 
3T^  =^R^  Rw'TRm  ^TfTfipft  II  t^i  II 
T>nt^fi3^^  %  ^»d^i^TcJR^^T3<  II  ?>fH  II 

Book  I,  Chap.  IX. 

*  Prof.  Chanddrkar's  edition  of    KiLvyaprakAsa  of  Mammata,  UllAsa,  X,  p.  in. 
"  V^dic  Mythology,  p.  J9. 

^  VftmanAchArya's  edition  of  KAvyaprakAsa,  pp.  72.  73* 

*  H.  H.  Wilson's  translation    of   the  Vish^upurAva.  pp.  78,  80,  S9.  <J^ 


NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.      87 

Book  I,  Chap.  VIII. 
The  expression     lJ^g«^<g';^6R'^fTI9,  applied  to  Lakshini  means    **  re- 
clining on  the  breast  of  Vishnu."     This  notion  is   frequently   met  with 
in  Indian   Literature  and    Inscriptions.     We  read   in  the  Kidambari' 

Mlgha  says  : — 

^Tc^ng^  H<«h^  ^f^r  3^l%n:  ^'^•uwh^iRtj:  II 

Sisup&lavadha  XII  3. 

Here  fj|^  ft7T«r9J^  ^mi?^^  means  Vishnu  on  whose  breast  Lakshmi 
has  taken  up  her  abode  The  Kannada  poet  Ranna  who  enjoyed 
the  patronage  of  the  Ch&lukya  king  Tailapa  II,  makes  the  goddess 
Lakshmi  say""  **  I  am  sprung  from  the  ocean.  I  am  the  noble 
lady  who  reclines  on  the  breast  of  Vishnu."  King  Bhdja^  thus 
prays  for  the  immortality  of  his  work  : —  ^ 

2?ks:5Jl%  *l^*l<^«lft?t  ^^Ji<Jl^:  I 

In   the    KivyivaI6kana/  verse  No.    303  runs. 
&vom   kivom   16kama— 

n  Avonin  amararkkaj   amarar  enisidar  olavini— | 
d  &von  uras-thaladol  La — 
kshmi-vadhu  nelas  irppal  t  Mura-dvishan  itam  |{ 

Translation  ; — This  is  that  foe  of  Mura  [t.e,  Vishnu]  who  protects 
the  world,  through  whom  the  gods  called  themselves  immortals  and  on 
whose  breast  the  goddess  Lakshmi  has  lovingly  taken  up  her  abode. 

We  read  in  the  Gupta  Inscriptions^ 

Yivach=chandra-kal&  Harasya  Sirasi 
6rih  ^4rngin6  (n6)  vakshasi. 

In  the    Index   Dr.    Fleet  explains  Srih  as  **  the  goddess  Lakshmi." 

*■  K^dambari.  Nirgayasigar  Press  edition,  p.  I18. 
'  Gad^yuddha,  Kar^Ataka  KAvyamanjari  series  No.  l?>  p.  I4I. 
^  Sarasvatikan(h&bhara9ai  the  concluding^  verse. 
^  Mr  Narasimbachar's  edition. 
^  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Indicorum,  Vol.  III|   p.  204. 


88     NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMArGA. 

This  idea  is  also  contained  in  the  following  illustration  of  the  figure  of 
sense  called  vyija-stuti  given  by  Nripatuiiga  himself :  — 

jala-ri^i-prabhaveyan  a-vi- 

kala*Krishna-guo-&nurakteyam  mige   Lakshmi- 

lalaneyan  Intum  vaksha — 

sthaladoj  p^  1    ent  ud^ra-charitane  appai  |I 

Kavir&jam^rga,  Chapter  III,  Verse  i6i. 

Translation. — Say  how  thou  canst  be  of  noble  character,  though 
bearing  on  thy  breast  the  fair  Lakshmi  sprung  from  a  multitude  of 
dull  persons  (sprung  from  the  ocean)  and  fond  of  all  black  qualities 
(fond  of  all  the  qualities  of  Krishna.) 

In  this  verse  Vishnu,  who  bears  the  goddess  Lakshmi  on  his  breast, 
is  apparently  dispraised  but  really  praised.  From  all  these  passages 
it  is  evident  that  the  phrase  ^ri  tajt  uradoj  does  not  mean  Fortune 
clinging  to  the  breast  of  Am6ghavarsha.  It  should  be  translated 
**  Lakshmi  clinging  to  the  breast  of  Vishnu,"  as  is  seen  in  the  cele- 
brated temple  of  Viran&rglyana  at  Gadag  in  Dharwar  District  where 
Lakshmt  is  represented  as  clinging  to  Viran^rAyapa's  breast. 

(3.)  The  next  important  word  that  is  misunderstood  is  the  verb 
agalaj.  This  is  the  only  verb  in  the  first  verse  and  means  '*  she  does 
not  abandon  or  never  abandons*'  ;  and  **  Sri  agalal"  means  **  Laksmi 
never  abandons."  In  the  passage  from  the  Vishou-purina  cited 
above  we  are  told  that  Lakshmi  is  the  constant  companion  of  Vishnu 
and  that  she  never  abandons  him.  The  same  idea  is  expressed  by 
Mur^ri  who  savs  : — 

Anarghya-R4ghava\ 

The  Sanskrit  words  t^'ftt  iTfTfif  can  be  rendered  into.  Old  Kannada 
thus,  Sri  agalaj  or  Sri-vadhu  agalade  irpaj  (lit.  lives  without  abandon- 
ing). The  former  mode  of  expression  is  adopted  by  Nripatuiiga  in 
the  first  verse  of  the  Kavir&jamirga  which  is  the  subject  of  the  pre- 
sent discussion  ;  and  the  latter  mode  is  found  in  the  opening  verse  of 
the  Kannada  Panchatantra'   where  Durgasiipha  says  :— 

Srt-vadhu  r&gadiipd  agalad  ivana  vakshadol  irpa]  &vag(n)aip 
ddva-nik&yam  dlagipud  &vana  nibhi— sardjadol  vacha — 
Sri-varan     utsavam     berasu    pu^tidan     Itan     a^sha-daitya-vi- 
dr&vanan      ige      Durga-vibhug      Achyutan      achyuta-saukhya- 
kdtiyaip  II 

^  Published  in  the  KAvyamAlA  serie)«,  p.  ^16. 
*  Published  in  the  Kar9A(aka  IC4vyainafijari. 


NRIPATUN'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     89 

Translation  : — May  He,  Vishnu,  on  whose  breast  the  goddess 
Lakshmi  lovingly  remains  without  abandoning  (him),  whom  a  multi- 
tude of  gods,  serve,  from  the  lotus  in  whose  navel  the  husband  of  Saras- 
vati  [Brahmad^va]  has  taken  his  birth  wiih  joy,  and  who  dispels  all 
demons, — give  to  the  lord  Durga  untold  and  uninterrupted  blessings. 

Dr.  Fleet  translates  agalal  **  Let  her  not  abandon  '*  and  says  it  ex- 
presses a  prayer.  This  is  opposed  to  the  rules  of  Kannada  grammar. 
This  form  of  the  verb  is  called  pralish^dha-r(ipa  or  the  negative 
mood.  It  is  composed  of  the  root  agal,  to  abandon,  a,  the  particle  of 
negation,  and  al,  the  singular  feminine  verbal  suffix  of  the  third  per- 
sonal pronoun.  If.  does  not  express  the  sense  of  the  imperative  and 
therefore  cannot  denote  a  prayer.  K^sirija  says*  that  the  negative 
mood  is  used  in  all  the  three  tenses  and  that  md^am  expresses  the 
negation  of  what  is  denoted  by  the  affirmative  indicative  forms,  m^- 
didaip,  m&didapam  and  mfi-duvam.  So  the  form  mAdaip  means  he 
did  not,  he  does  not  and  he  will  not  do.  In  the  Karn&taka-Subdd.nu- 
s^ana  we  are  assured  that  the  negative  mood  never  expresses  the 
sense  of  the  imperative.     Bhat|fi,kalanka   says' ; — 

Sfltrain  524.  Asir-Adau  b^dam-bSdau  paratah.  Vrittih-Tihah 
paratah  b§dam,  b^da  ity  ^tau  sabdau  prayujy^t^  isir-idy-arth^  prati- 
sh^ha-vishay^  II 

Praydgah — Mldal  bSdam,  midal  b^da  ;  nddal  b^dam,  n6dal  b^da  II 
lsir-&d&v  iti  kim  I  mildam  m&dar  II 

In  this  passage  the  words  **  ftsir-^d^v  iti  kim,  midam,  midar  "  mean 
Why  is  the  expression  tstc-tdnu  inserted  in  the  SCitra  ?  because 
when  prayer,  &c.  (isir-idi)  the  meanings  of  the  imperative  mood  given 
in  SdtrsL  465  are  not  denoted,  then  we  have  such  forms  as  m&dam 
(he  does  not,  did  not  or  will  not,  do),  midar  (they  do  not,  did  not,  or 
will  not,  do). 

Dr.  Caldwell  has  made  very  interesting  remarks  on  the  negative 
mood  in  his  comparative  grammar  of  the  Dravidian  languages.  He 
says^:  **  In  general,  the  Dravidian  negative  verb  has  but  one  tense, 
which  is  an  aorist  or  is  indeterminate  in  point  of  time,  <r.^^.,  p6gen, 
Tamil  (p6vanu,  Telagu,  pdgenu,  Ca.\  I  go  not,  means  either  I  did  not, 
I  do  not,  or  I  will  not  go.  The  time  is  generally  determined  by  the 
context.  After  noticing  the  peculiarities  of  Ku,  Gond,  and  Tulu  he 
proceeds  **  in  the  other  dialects  (including  Kannada)  there  is  only  one 
mood  of  the  negative  in  ordinary  use,  viz.,  the  indicative.     Dr.  Cald- 

^  Dr.  Kittd'fi  1st.  edition  of  Sabdama^idarpa^at  Sutra  222,  pp.  260,  26t. 

'  Mr.  Rice'a  edition  of  Karpitaka-^bdAnu^sana,  p.  265. 

^  Dr.  Caldwell's  comparative  g^rammar  of  the  Dravidian  langfuagres)  2nd  Ed.,  p.  360. 


90      NRlPATUlsGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

well  has  given  the  following  comparative   paradigm  of  the   negative 
form  of  the  verb  gey,  to  do* : — 


o 
'Ji 

u 

u 


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c 

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^  Qtf 


^  H  ^  «/3 

-  Idem  p  447  ** 


XRiPATUSGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     91 

From  this  comparative  view  it  is  clear  that  like  geyyal  the  form 
agalal  means  either  she  does  not,  did  not  or  will  not  abandon.  It 
does  not  mean  **  Let  her  not  abandon."  It  is  also  equally  evident  that 
in  none  of  the  four  Dravidian  languages  compared  above  do  such 
forms  as  geyyal  and  agalal  convey  the  sense  of  the  imperative. 

Dr.  Kittel  has  discussed  the  negative  verb  in  a  most  exhaustive 
manner  in  his  grammar  of  the  Kannada  language.  He  says'  that 
the  conjugated  negative  of  the  verb  is  formed  by  suffixing  the 
personal  terminations  to  the  infinitive  ending  in  a,  and  is  used 
for  the  present,  past  and  future  tense,  according  to  circumstances. 
It  was  absolutely  necessary  both  for  Dr.  Caldwell  and  Dr. 
Kittel  to  notice  fully  all  the  possible  meanings  of  the  negative 
verb  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  correct  explanation  of  the  origin  of 
this  interesting  form  which  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence  in  the 
Aryan  languages.  Dr.  Kittel  holds  that  a,  the  particle  of  negation,  is 
the  same  as  the  infinitive  ending  in  a.  **That  infinitive  originally 
was  a  verbal  noun  and  only  in  course  of  time  came  to  get  its  specific 
meanings  (§188).  Thus,  ^..^.,n6daat  first  meant  *  seeing ',  *  a  see- 
ing,* and  thereupon  *  to  see,*  'about  to  see,*  *  yet  to  see.*  N6dem 
(ndda  and  em)  therefore  signifies,  '  a  yet  to  see — I,  /.£'.*  my  seeing 
(is  or  was)  yet  to  be  or  (will  be)  yet  to  be,  or  my  seeing  (is)  not  actual- 
ly existing,  (was)  not  so,  or  (will)  not  be  so,  whence  we  arrive  at  the 
meaning  *  I  do  not  see,*  '  I  did  not  see,*  *  (I  have  not  seen),'  '  I  shall 
notsee^'"  Dr.  Kittel  very  carefully  notices  all  the  meanings  which 
the  negative  form  nddaj  or  n6dalu  bears  in  the  ancient,  the  mediaeval 
and  the  modern  dialect  of  the  Kannada  language  and  tells  us  that  the 
negative  verb  is  seldom  used  in  the  modern  dialect  except  in  proverbs 
and  that  such  expressions  as  koduvad  ill  (I,  etc.,  do  not  give,  I,  etc., 
shall  not  give),  kodal  ilia  (I,  etc.,  did  not  give)  are  now  used  in  place 
of  the  conjugated  negatived  The  negative  verb  therefore  does  not 
express  the  sense  of  the  imperative. 

The  unanimous  opinion  on  this  point  of  the  four  distinguished  gram- 
marians, K^sirija,  Bhatt&kalanka,  Dr.  Caldwell  and  Dr.  Kittel  is 
supported  by  the  usage  of  ancient  Kannada  authors.  1  shall  quote 
four  illustrations.     Dandi  says  : — 

3^  w^'^  ^^^(\i^A^^  ^^q^  ii 

K^vy&darsa,  Chapter  II,  83,  84. 

^  Dr.  Kittel's  Grammar  of  the  Kanna4J[a  Lan^agre,  p.  157. 
Idem,  p.  l6t.  ^  Idem,  pp.  IS9.  332. 


92     NRIPATUK'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIrAjAMARGA. 

Nripatunga  renders  this  thus — 

kamal-ftkaradol  sankd — 

chaman  alalam  chakrav&kadol  m&daduni- 

•  •  • 

nna  mukh-^ndu-bimbam  induge  I 
saman  embudu  mige  viruddha-rOpakam  akkuip  II 

Kavir&jam&rga  III  19. 

Here  sf  iftc^qf^  is  translated   into  sank6chamam  m&dadu  ;  therefore 
the  negative  verb  does  not  mean  **  Let  it  not  cause,  &c.**    Da^^di  says 

K&vy&daria,   Chapter  II,  19. 

Nripatunga  translates  : — 

sarasijadol  ninna  mukham  I. 

taruni  sadrisam  samantu  pdladu  peratam  II 

nirutam  id  embudu  niyam-&n  I 

taritam  niyam-dpam&-vikalpita-bh&vaip  II 

Kavir&jam&rga,  Chap.  Ill,  64. 

Here  the  meaning  is  :  thy  face  does  not  resemble  any  other  thing. 
The  negative  verb  pdladu  does  not  mean  **  Let  it  not  resemble." 
Vrishabhan&tha  says  to  Bharatar&ja  *'your  having  seen  the  sun 
darkened  by  the  clouds  indicates  that  there  shall  be  no  rise  of  divine 
knowledge  in  the  fifth  age." 

^i<*i*fe^:  mi  ^  h^Amh  g>r  ii  v!><:  ii 

Jinas^na's  Adipur^na',    Chap.  40* 

Pampa  renders  this  thus  :— 
musurida  mugilgaliipd  ai?a — 

m  eseyade  nimd  arka-bimbamam  kandudarim — 

d  eseyadu  dushshama-k&lado — 

{  asadri^a-kaivalya-b6dha-dinakara-bimbaip  II 

Pampa*s  Adipur&iia%  Chap.  XV,  30. 

*  Jinas^na's     AdipurApa.  Deccan  C3Uege«  MS.  No.  S05  ^f  X884-86. 
'  Mysore  Government  Oriental  Library  tenet  No   *• 


NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KA  VI  RAJ  AM  ARC  A.     93 

Here  the  meaning  is  The  sun  of  divine  knowledge  shall  not  shine. 
The  negative  verb  eseyadu  does  not  mean  ' '  Let  it  not  shine. "  Ch&- 
mu^darftja  expresses  the  same  idea  thus  : — 

Mugilu  musurida  n^saraip     kaodudarim  k^vala-jfi&nigal  igaru 

••  ••  •• 

Ch&mundar&ja-pur&na%  Chap.   I. 

This  means  that  there  shall  be  no  more  persons  gifted  with  divine 
knowledge.  The  negative  verb  Igaru  does  not  mean  *  *  Let  them  not 
be."  Dr.  Fleet  has  been  led  into  his  mistake  by  not  recognizing  the 
difference  between  the  negative  mood  agalal  "  she  does  not  abandon  *' 
and  the  negative  imperative  '*agalad  irke "  **let  her,  &c.,  not 
abandon."  Nripatunga  uses  idad  irkke  (idade  and  irkke)  *Met  them 
notemploy"  in  verses,  Chapter  II,  21  and  25,  as  idar  or  idaru  ddes 
not  convey  this  sense. 

4.  The  next  important  word  in  the  first  verse  which  is  misunder- 
stood is  ivanaip.  Dr.  Fleet  translates  ''  Let  fortune  not  abandon 
bim  (literally  whom)."  If  &vanam  literally  means  whom,  how  can  it  be 
rendered  by  the  demonstrative  pronoun  him  ?  Dr.  Fleet  has  failed  to 
understand  the  peculiar  use  of  the  interrogative  pronoun  in  the 
Kannada  language.  Dr.  Caldwell  mentions^  the  remarkable  fact 
that  "  the  Dravidian  languages  have  no  relative  pronoun,  a  partici- 
pial form  of  the  verb  being  used  instead."  **  In  the  absence  of  a  real 
relative  pronoun,  the  interrogative  is  used  as  a  relative  in  many  of  the 
Scythian    languages."      Referring  to   this    use  of  the  interrogative, 

'  Palm-leaf  MS.  of  the  Jatna  Mafha  at  Kolhipuri  dated  S'aka  1427.  Mr.  Narasimhachar  in 
1^  Introduction  to  KAvy&valdkana.  p.  7,  says."  Ch^mun^arftja  acquired  the  title  Chaladanka- 
^^  for  having:  killed  his  own  brother  N&g^avarma."  Ag^ainst  this  undeserved  charge  of 
Matricide  unknown  to  Jaina  chroniclers  and  Jaina  tradition  I  have  simply  to  refer  to  a 
^temporary  Sravap  Be]g^ol  Inscription  No.  1091  in  which  Chaladafika-Ganga-nripnti 
i^kpc^Ben  of  as  desiring  to  take  the  Ganga  Kingdom  ;  his  desire  was  frustrated  and  he  was 
^3ed  by  Cbimun^ardja.  The  verse  runs  thus  : — 

Here  ipf  refers  to  ChAmu^^arAja.    The  passage  in  the  ChAmur^cjiar^ia-pur&^a  runs  thus  :— 

^^oaa   tammanaxp    NAgavammanaip    konda    pagege   Chaladanka-GaAganurp     GaAgara 
^taaum  enisida   MadurAchayanuip  dAI    ittu    konda   chalamani   nerapidudariip   Samara- 
^^rasarimanum.     ChAmun^ardja   took   the  title  of  "  a   Parasurima  in  war "    owing  to 
^^ying  firmness  in  having  suddenly  attacked  and  killed  Madurichaya,  who  called  himselt 
^^'^lad.anka-Gangr^  and  Gangara  ba^ta,  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother  NAgavarmma. 

'  Dr.  Caldwell's    comparative  grammar  of  the  Dravidian   languages,  snd   Ed.,  pp.  337 


94   nripatl-S:ga  and  the  authorship  of  the  kavirajamarga. 

Kdsirija  says*  that  the  pronouns  S,vam,  &val  and  ivudu  are  paratan- 
tramgal  or  dependent,  as  their  sense  is  not  completed  unless  they  are 
followed  by  demonstrative  pronouns.  One  of  the  instances  cited  by 
Dr.  Kittel  runs  : — 

Dhanam  ullan  S,van  avane  indrani, 

which  he 'translates  thus  : — 

Who  is  a  rich  man,  he  indeed  is  a  prince. 

In  English  the  two  clauses  stand  thus  : — 
He  indeed  is  a  prince,  who  is  a  rich  man. 

Dr.  Kittel  remarks"  **  such  sentences  appear  to  have  originally  been 
forn\ed  in  imitation  of  Sanskrit  ones  with  the  relatives  if^  ^  TT^,  'T^  ^^d 
their  correlatives  rf^,  ffT^  and  fT^J,  The  truth  of  this  remark  is  beauti- 
fully illustrated  by  the  following  two  passages,  the  first  from  Jinasdna 
and  the  second  from  Pampa,  the  latter  being  a  translation  of  the 
former  : — 

Tr»  Tf  T»  ^« 

^^^^fitrn^  m  ^^  ^iitoqf^<*i  ^*  ii  r^'.r  ii 
^^ife^c«i{i  ^»t^i%f|qR^N$  II  R^^  II 

Jin.^^sdna,  Adipurina,  Chap.  XXX. 

Dev-&nganeyar  plduva — 

r  3,vana  jasamani  ku!-icha!-&va!iyoI  sau — 

ry-&vash|ambhadin  ildava — 

n  Ivam  shat-khanda-mandita-kshiti-talamam  II  76  II 

itam  Bharat-^s varan  in — 

t  i  teradim  negalda  tanna  kirtiyan  1  vi — 

khy&ta-Vrishabh-ftdriyoI  sura— 

gila-ya^am  nirisidam  nelam  nilv  inegam  II  77. 

Pampa,  Adipurina,  Chap.  XIII. 

The  construction  employed  by  JinasSna  is  :  (a)  z^  i^:  g\^]ftcT?.,  {b) 

^'  Wt(  ^TTftfT  W,  (c)  3T#r  4?lfriHMI^MI^<H^.    Here   the   two  subordinate 

clauses,    (a)  and  (^),  are   attributive  adjuncts  to  a^^  ( ^^: )  in  the 

principal   clause  {c) ;  and  the  pronouns  zf^  if:  and  ^T^   ^^^   used   as 

*  S'abdamapidarpa^a,  Dr.  Kittel's  ist  Etl.*  p.  174,  Sfitra  14^. 
^  Dr.  Kittel's  Grammar  of  the  Kanna(ja  langfuage,  pp.  3$!*  .15:. 


NRIPATUli'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     95 

correlatives  according  to  the  principle  ^ t| ^| ffl c^m I H^'?-^: .  Pampa  renders 
the  relative  pronouns  7^q  and  q:  by  the  interrogative  pronouns  &vana 
andivam  thus,  (a)  D^v-inganeyar  pAduvar  ivana  jasamani,(^)  &ldavan 
ivarn  kshititalamam,  {c)  itani  Bharatesvaran  1  vrishabh-ftdriyoj  tanna 
kirtiyaip  nirisidam.  It  is  therefore  evident  that  Pampa*s  verse  76 
contains  two  subordinate  clauses  which  are  attributive  adjuncts  to  itam 
Bharat^svaram  in  verse  77  which  contains  the  principal  clause  ;  and  the 
two  verses  form  one  complex  sentence.  This  construction  is  also 
employed  in  the  first  two  verses  of  the  Kavirljamlrga  which  form  one 
sentence*.  Sri  &vanan  agalal  ^^  7{  ^i\\f\  is  a  subordinate  clause, 
which  is  an  attributive  adjunct  to  Nripatuiiga  which  is  in  the  nomina- 
tive case,  being  the  subject  of  the  verb  ige  in  the  second  verse.  The 
principal  clause  is :  &  Nripatungam  namage  ige  pratipddayamam 
^  fT^fr  ^  ^^  ^TfTriK^^.  We  should  therefore  translate  ivanaip  by 
the  relative  pronoun  whom  ;  and  Dr.  Fleet's  rendering  *him  (literally, 
whom  ?)'  must  be  rejected. 

5.  The  next  word  that  is  misunderstood  is  i  in  &  Nripatungam 
which  Dr.  Fleet  translates  *  that  (famous  or  well-known)  Nripatuiiga. 
We  have  already  seen  that  ivanam  and  &  are  used  as  correlatives. 
In  such  a  construction  the  relative,  or,  what  is  its  equivalent  in  Kan- 
nada,  the  interrogative,  being  expressed,  the  demonstrative  does  not 
mean  famous  or  well-known.  Mamma|a,  the  author  of  the  K^vya-pra- 
Usa,   says'  : — 

and  cites  as  an  illustration  the  following  verse  : — 

CT  TiT  ^n#  ^^R5fmm  H^TFRRm^RT  *MlRi»|;  i 

Kilidisa,  Kum&rasambhava  V. 

Mallin&tha  in  his  commentary  on  this  verse  says  3^  %f^  ^\h^\^r^\^ 
^^^s^^  because  the  word  m  here  means  well-known,  therefore  the 
relative  m  is  not  expressed.  This  view  is  endorsed  by  K^sirija  who 
says3  fi,  denotes  what  is  previously  mentioned  and  what  is  well-known. 
Gaja-haya-rOdhiyol  Bhagadattanin  &  Nalanim  migil&dam.  In 
mounting  elephants  and  horses  he  was  superior  to  Bhagadatta  and 
that  (well-known  or  famous)  Nala.     In  this  example  &  is  used  by  itself. 

^  This   is    called  ^Hf.  Cf  verses  27  and  28  in  Chap.  VIII  in  Pampa's  Adipur&na.  p.  199, 
Mfiore  Or.  Lib.  Series  No.  I.    See  also  a  imporUnt  verses  in  the  Baroda  copperplate  inscrip- 
^>  which  were  misunderstood  by  Dr.  Fleet,  but  were  correctly  explained  by  Dr.  Bhandarkar, 
liui.  Ant.  XII,  pp.  ni,  229. 

•  Kivyaprakiua,  Chap.  VII.1  VimanAchArya's  Ed.,  p.  J7»« 

*  ^bdamnvidarpa^a.  Dr.  Kittels  1st  Edo  Sutra  169.  pp.  202,  203. 


96     NRIPATUXGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAV'RAJAMARGA. 

But  in  the  first  verse  of  the  Kavir&jam&rga  it  is  correlative  to  ivanam 
and  therefore  does  not  mean  famous  or  well-known. 

6.  The  next  point  that  is  misunderstood  is  the  position  of  the  noun 
Nripatunga.  Dr.  Fleet  believes  that  it  is  in  apposition  with  &vanam 
and  translates  *Let  Fortune  not  abandon  him,  (namely)  that  Nripatunga. 
This  is  impossible  because  ivanam  is  the  object  of  agalal  and  in  the 
accusative  case,  while  Nripatunga  is  in  the  nominative  case,  being  the 
subject  of  the  verb  ige,  as  has  been  fully  explained  above.  A  solemn 
disregard  for  the   principle'    i<Ti<^i>fci<mHtf5|«-v|;     is    very  frequent    in 

Dr.  Fleet's  translations.     The  following  three  passages  may  be  taken 
as  fair  specimens' : — 

Dr.  Fleet  translates  : — **  When  the  fresh  lustre  of  the  jewels  in  his 
diadem  was  made  of  a  reddish  colour  by  the  pollen  of  the  water-lilies 
which  were  (his)  feet,  appearing  between  the  streams  that  flowed  forth 
from  the  rays  of  the  high  nails  of  his  (feet),  the  glorious  King 
Am6ghavarsha, — whose  holy  feet  were  worthy  to  be  worshipped  by 
JinasSna,  (and  who  was)  the  (embodiment  of  the)  prosperity  of  the 
world, — thought  of  himself,  *  I  am  purified  to-day  ;  it  is  enough.'  '* 

{a)  That  Jinas^na  considered  the  feet  of  his  own  pupil  holy,  {b)  that 
the  illustrious  Ach3,rya  worshipped  the  feet  of  his  pupil  Amdghavarsha, 
and  ic)  that  the  pupil  Am6ghavarsha  was  jagan-mangalam  (the 
blessing  of  the  world)  are  not  Indian  notions  and  are  equalled  in  their 
absurdity  by  the  idea  of  the  lustre  of  the  kaustubha-jewel  going  round 
Fortune  clinging  to  the  breast  of  Amdghavarsha.  The  next  two 
examples  are  from  the  Gupta  Inscriptions^  :— 

*^i"i  ff^  >iihmPi(^  i^t  wsi^  ^  ^r^:  II  ^^  n 

Dr.  Fleet  translates  : — **  He  who,  in  this  age  which  is  the  ravisher, 
of  good  behaviour,  through  the  action  simply  of  (his  good)  intentions 
shone  gloriously,  not  associating  with  other  kings  who  adopted  a  re- 

^  KAvyapradip^i  p.  aa9»  KAvyamAU    series. 

^  Ind.  Ant.  Vol.  XII|  p.  217.    A  correct  translation  of  thi«  verse  is  given    by   Dr.  Bhan- 
darkar,  Early  History  of  the  Dekkan,  2nd  Ed.,  p.  6^\ 

^  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Indicarum,   Vol.  Ill,  pp«l46,  .'471 148. 


NfllPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAM ARGA.     97 

prehensible  course  of  conduct, — just  as  an  offering  of  flowers  (is 
beautiful  when  it  is  not  laid  down)  in  the  dust,— he  in  whom,  possessed 
of  a  wealth  of  virtue,  (and  so)  falling  but  little  short  of  Manu  and 
Bharata  and  Alarka  and  M&ndh&tii,  the  title  of  "universal  sovereign" 
shines  more  (than  in  any  other),  like  a  resplendent  jewel  (set)  in  good 
gold." 

Here  (a)  the  verb  ani^Tll^,  being  in  the  past  tense,  does  not  refer  to 
the  living  and  reigning  king  ;  {b)  the  correlatives  ^  and  ^  refer  to 
^Ts^: ;  (0  ^(S^  '  means  "applied  "  and  not  "  associating  with  other 
kings,"  (d)  sf  should  be  construed  with  afrVHI^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^S^,  ^°^ 
(^)  4>«M^IHI^f'<^r  means  "  by  dint  of  mere  imagination,"  and 
not  "  through  the  action  simply  of  (his  good)  intentions." 

The  construction  b  : — 

[That  king]  in  whom,  the  abode  of  virtue  [and]  but  little  inferior  to 
Manu,  Bharata,  Alarka  and  Mllndh&tri,  there  shines  forth  exceedingly 
like  a  resplendent  jewel  set  in  good  gold,  that  title  of  universal 
sovereign,  which,  [when]  applied,  in  this  age  the  ravisher  of  modesty, 
to  other  kings  of  reprehensible  conduct,  by  dint  of  mere  imagination, 
did  not  shine,  just  as  an  offering  of  flowers  [does  not  shine  when  laid 
down]  in  the  dust.     Another  verse  in  the  same  inscription  runs  : — 

Dr.  Fleet's  translation  : — "  He  by  whom  (his)  head  has  never  been 
brought  into  the  humility  of  obeisance  to  any  other  save  (the  god) 
Sth&9u  ; — he,  through  the  embraces  of  whose  arms  (Him&laya)  the 
mountain  of  snow  carries  no  longer  the  pride  of  the  title  of  being 
a  place  that  is  difficult  of  access  ; — he  to  whose  feet  respect  was  paid, 
with  complimentary  presents  of  the  flowers  from  the  lock  of  hair  on 

fi<KV{4<6|M|^M4[l^  ^d€      Anandiirmina  Ed.  Part  II.  p.  i|4> 

•CC   fiM    Wjr    ^    ft«lfWV    «fW5»f^    ^Of^RFT:    I  ?1^    *t^*IIHrt*l 
ICiV^akjeiWMhjKl  with  Gau^apAda's  KArikis,  p,M,  Anaadlinuna 


98    NRIPATUl^GA  AND  THB  AUTHORSHIP  OP  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

the  top  of  (his)  head,  by  even  that  (famous)  King  Mihirakula,  whose- 
forehead  was  pained  through  being  bent  low  down  by  the  strength  of 
(his)  arm  in  (the  act  of  compelling)  obeisance." 

Here  the  reading  ^TTRrTf  is  a  mistake  for  hiIM^T  and  the  expression 
**no  longer"  is  a  gratuitous  insertion.  The  purport  of  the  verse  is  mis- 
understood by  Dr.  Fleet.  The  relative  pronouns  in  the  first  two  lines 
^  and  q^  are  correlatives  to  ^  ftl?<Jrt^^)or ;  therefore  the  clauses 
containing  these  relatives  are  adjectival  adjuncts  to'cpf  i*fftijrt^^"i; 
the  principal  clause  is  IpT  ftftit^f^"'  ^^^  MKa^H  3Tft<T?.  The  rela- 
tive ^^  occurring  in  the  third  line  above  refers  to  Yal6dharman. 
The  real  purport  of  the  verse  is  **  He  to  whom  obeisance  was  made 
even  by  that  King  Mihirakula  who  did  not  bow  before  anybody  save 
the  god  ^iva  and  embraced  by  whose  arms  the  mountain  Himalaya 
bears  the  pride  of  the  title  **  inaccessible."  It  is  not  Ya^6dharman 
but  Mihirakula  who  is  spoken  of  as  a  worshipper  of  ^iva.  This  inter- 
-oretation  is  according  to  the  principle  mentioned  by  Dandi. 

«l>l4l4^dl<lP«  <l"lPlcc|r  RMi<ft  I 

Kivyftdar^a,  Chapter  I,  22. 

The  pronoun  %5T  in  rT^f  Hfti^rt^'l'^  and  in  "Jr^f  'sftq^fft^^'^  in  the  next 
verse  cannot  mean  **  famous  "for  one  and  the  same  reason.  We  are 
now  in  a  position  to  offer  the  following  literal  translation  of  the  first 
verse  of  the  Kavirijamirga. 

That  most  eminent  king  (Nripa-tuiiga)  whom  the  goddess  Lakshmi, 
clinging  to  his  breast,  never  abandons  through  affection,  the  lustre 
springing  from  the  Kaustubha-jewel  spreading  around  and  forming  a 
screen,  who  is  noble,  who  is  well-versed  in  politics  (Niti-nirantara). 

It  is  evident  that  ihe  first  verse  does  not  give  a  complete  sense,  as  it 
contains  only  the  subject  of  the  principal  clause  and  some  of  its  attri- 
butive enlargements,  while  the  predicate  occurs  in  the  second  verse. 
At  this  stage  of  the  inquiry,  it  is  not  possible  to  know  whether  the 
epithets  applied  to  the  god  Vishnu  refer,  in  their  secondary  sense  as 
titles,  to  one  or  more  persons.  Let  us  now  proceed  to  examine 
Dr.  Fleet*s  translation  ot  the  second  verse. 

7.  After  explaining  the  expression  apratihata-vikraman  he  adds 
the  parenthetical  clause  (just  as  the  god  Vishru-N§lr§lyana  had  three 
strides  which  were  not  obstructed).  This  must  be  rejected,  as  the 
god  Vira-NAriyana,  himself  the  owner  of  the  kau5tubha-jewel,  is 
praised  in  the  two  verses. 


NklPATUI^fGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMArGA.     99 

8.  **  Appa'*  does  not  mean**  who  has  become."  It  is  a  present 
relative  participle  of  igu,  *  becoming',  *  being*  and  should  be  translat- 
ed *  that  is',  *who  is'  according  to  Dr.  Kittel's  Grammar^  p.  243. 

9.  This  will  also  show  that  *  osedu'  cannot  be  construed  with 
*  appa',  as  Dr.  Fleet  has  done.     It  naturally  goes  with  ige. 

Cf. 

taruniyan  osed  ittaip. 

^abdamanidarpana',  sOtra  61. 
Osed  ittu  kfit-irtthanen  appem. 

Pampa^  Rimiyaoa,  VI,  iix 
ishtan  orvvan  adhid^vateg  end  osed  ittudam 

Inscription  of  ^aka  820,  No.  60,  Nagar^  Taluq 
osadu  koftor  =  1  dvija-mukhyar 

Ind.  Ant.  Vol.  XII,  p.  223. 

In  the  last  quotation  osadu  should  be  osedu  ;  and  Dr.  Fleet  trans- 
lates the  words  **  these  best  of  the  twice-born  ....  gave  with  plea- 
sure." Dr.  Kittel  in  his  grammar,  p.  419,  translates  **  osedu  koj^am  " 
into  **  he  was  delighted  (and)  gave." 

xo.  The  most  important  word  in  the  second  verse  is  prat&pa  which 
is  misunderstood  and  mistranslated.  According  to  Dr.  Ffeet,  prat&pa 
means  **  a  power,  in  dealing  with  the  subject  lying  before  him  (the 
author),  which  he  himself  unaided,  could  not  hope  to  display."  This 
absurd  explanation  of  the  well-known  Sanskrit  word  pratipa  is  repeat- 
ed at  page  264,  where  we  are  told  it  means  **  ability  to  perform 
the  task  lying  before  him."  By  this  periphrasis  Dn  Fleet  obviously 
means  poetical  talent  or  power,  though  he  does  not  say  so  in  plain 
language.  Of  course  Dr.  Fleet  is  unable  to  cite  any  authority.  His 
assertion  that  king  Nripatunga  is  invoked  to  grant  poetical  power  is 
too  absurd  to  deceive  anybody.  A  king  can  give  patronage  but  not 
poetical  powe^s< 

Sur^svara  says  : 

>2n?n^  ^T5TO  m\^  iMHftf^l^^d  I 

Part   III,  p.    1354,  Anand&sram  edition. 

Besides,  invocations  are  never  addressed  to  kings  in  Indian  poems  ; 
they  are  always  addressed  to  gods,  preceptors  or  other  holy  person- 
ages. 

*  Kittel's  1st  £<!.,  p.  74. 

'  Mr.  Rice's  Ed.,  p.  145. 

^  Epigrraphia  Carnatica,  Vol.  VIII,  Inscriptions  in  the  Shimogfa  District,  Patt  II,  p/  380I        ' 

7 


lOO    NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

The  fact  is,  Dr.  Fleetthas  been  obliged,  in  order  to  uphold  a  wrong 
interpretation  of  the  -second  verse,  to  mistranslate  the  well-known 
Sanskrit  word  which  is  explained  by  Amarasiipha  11^  20. — 

The  commentator'  says  ^Rt^  y^  ^n^-.  %^  ?n«Tf  3IT?T^,  Thus  s^m^ 
means  that  glory  which  arises  from  treasures  and  troops.  Only  a 
Idng  can  possess  this  quality.  T&r&nitha  in  his  Vftchaspatya  calls  it 
^rtl  ^"^JIMH.  ^r^'  ^  king's  glory  arising  from  money  and  armies. 
Bhavabhditi  calls  it  l^^nf^*/  a  quality  of  the  warrior  caste 

Uttara-R^macharita  V. 

The  word  prat&pa,  therefore,  means  military  prowess  and  occurs 
frequently  in  Sanskrit  and  Kannada  literatures  and  in  old  Sanskrit  and 
Kannada  inscriptions.  The  expression  in  our  text  is  prat&p-6dayaip, 
which  is  also  employed  in  describing  the  high  pitch  of  military  prowess 
displayed  by  King  Nara8i^lha^ 

We  have  thus  far  critically  examined  the  translation  of  the  6rst  two 
verses  of  the  Kavir&jam&rga  so  kindly  presented  by  Dr.  Fleet  to 
Safiskrit  scholars  and  have  fully  set  forth  the  reasons  for  rejecting  it 
altogether.  I  shall  now  give  a  correct  and  literal  translation  of  the 
two  verses. 

May  that  best  of  kings  (Nripatunga),  whom  the  goddess  Lakshmi 
clinging  to  his  breast  never  abandons  through  affection, — the  lustre 
springing  from  the  Kaustubha  jewel  spreading  around  and  serving  like 
a  screen, — who  is  well-versed  in  politics  (Nitinirantara,)  who  is 
noble,  who  is  a  wrestler  that  has  performed  his  duty  (Kritakrityamalla), 
whose  valour  is  uninterrupted,  who  is  exceedingly  pure  (Atilaya- 
dhavala),  who  is  Vtra-NArAyaoa,  give  to  us  a  high  pitch  of  military 
prowess  that  is  attained  unexpectedly. 

From  this  literal  and  correct  rendering  of  the  6rst  two  verses  of  the 
Kavir&jam&rga  it  is  clear  that  the  god  Vfra-N&r&yai[m  or  Vishou,  the 
owner  of  the  kaustubha  jewel,  on  whose  breast  the  goddess  Lakshmt 
reclines  and  whom  she  never  abandons,  is  praised  here.  The  god  is 
invoked  to  grant  prowess.  The  author  who  prays  for  prowess 
must  have  been  a  king.  And  from  the  epithets  Nripatunga, 
Ati^ayadhavaja,  &C. ,  applied  to  the  god,  we  are  forced  to  conclude 
that    the    royal  author  wishes  to  make  a  punning   reference  to  his 

^  Amarak6la  with  the  commentary  VAkyasudhJlf  Nirpaya  S.  Prest,  p^jis. 
'  Bpiyraphta  Citmatica ,  VoU   IV.,  InacriptionA  in  the  Mysore  District  Part  II,  Inscrip- 
tioo  No*  38,  line  tj. 


NRIPATUAGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OP  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     1 01 

own  titles.  This  method  of  indirectly  suggesting  one's  own  name 
or  title  is  adopted  by  Samantabhadra,  AkalankadSva,  NSmichandra 
POjyap&da  and  Gupabhadra.  Addressing  the  last  Tfrthankara 
Vardham&na,  Samantabhadra  says' : — 

H^4<TW^d'^4><!>  ?f^  ^  JT^  ^HRTOf  ^*^H.  n  ?  11 

^i^rf^tmftgT^:  ^*<!1m41mi^  ^  fe^  f^^  qi^  (%%:  ii  ^  ti 

AkalankadSva  addresses  Mah&vira  as  Akalanka 

Laghtyastraya^ 

NSmichandra  addresses  the  Ttrthankar  N6min&tha  as  N^michandra 
ftro>f  lo>f  wm^  9\T^\^^^U\M<M^^4k 

Gomata-s&ra3 
which  KSlavai^^a  renders  into  Sanskrit  thus — 

m<^^H^^^<A  ^ft^rw  Jiwr  ^ripnft 

In  N6michandra*s  TriI6kasira*  we  read — 

In  this  verse  also  the  author  N^michandra  calls  the  Tfrthankara 
N^min&tha  after  himself  and  thus  makes  an  indirect  reference  to 
his  own  name.  It  may  be  also  noted  here  that  PC^jyapftda,  the 
celebrated    author     of     the    Jain^ndra     Vy&karana,    whose    other 

'  SvayambhAstotra,  MS.  of  the  Jaina  Ma^ha  at  Kolhapur,  versen  2  aod  3  are  not  found 
in  some  MSS  ;  verse  t  occurs  also  in  the  A8h(a^tS« 

*  Pafan4eaf  MS.  of  the  Jaina  Ma(ha  at  Kolhapur*  p.  2%  (3). 
'  Terdal  MS.  of  the  Gomatasftraf  the  opening  verse. 

*  Deccan  College  MS.  No.  599  of  1875.96,  leaf  2  (&). 


102     NRIPATUK'GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

name  was   DSvanandi,    makes   the   latter  name  part  of  the  adjective 
qualifying  the  god  whom  he  invokes. 

^^^fi%^t^  ^^^^  ^^^  '  II  HH  II 
Gunabhadra  calls  Jina  guna-bhadra  after  himself. 

ITO  iMiiHl^f^M*  ^r^^gferog^  wii  ii  ^^vs  ii 

^Mc^cit^  R^^j^ui*T5[  ^11  ^K  ^  II 

Adipurina,  Chapter  44. 

Tlie  distinguished  RftshtrakOta  author  Pampa  who  finished  his 
Adipurina'  in  ^aka  863,  mentions,  as  his  titles,  Sukavi-jana-mftnas- 
ottamsahaipsa,  Gun&rnava)  Sams&ra-s&rddaya  and  Sarasvatimani-hira. 
He  then  transfers  these  titles  to  Adin&tha,  who  is  invoked  in  the 
beginning,  to  BharatSsvara,  D^v^ndra  and  other  divine  persons 
very  frequently  in  his  Adipur^lna.  The  two  concluding  verses  of  each 
chapter  and  the  opening  verses  of  the  second  and  all  the  succeeding 
chapters  contain  illustrations  of  this  remark.  The  ninth  chapter 
opens  thus: — 

Sri-pati  Puru-param  ^svara — 

n    ftpCirna-man6ratham     naman-nripa  makut-i- 

t6pam    trailoky-    inta — 

vyipita-mahimam  Sarasavti-mani-hftram  || 

Here  Adin&tha  is  described  as  the  lord  of  prosperity,  whose  desires 
are  fulfilled,  who  is  adorned  by  the  splendour  of  the  crowns  of  kings 
making  a  bow,  whose  glory  has  hlled  the  three  worlds,  and  who  is  a 
string  of  jewels  to  the  goddess  Sarasvati  (Sarasvati-manihJlram).  In 
the  concluding  verse  of  the  eighth  chapter  we  read : 

Sik^ta-simhftsan-isinam     pilisidam    mahi-valayamam   Samsftra- 
sftr-6dayam  || 

Adin&tha,  seated  on  the  throne  of  Ay6dhyS,,  the  promoter  of  the 
essence  of  life  [ue,  religion],  protected  the  circle  of  the  earth.  In 
these  passages  Pampa  has  transferred  his  own  titles  to  the  first 
TirthaAkara  Vrishabhanfttha.  Pampa*s  object  evidently  is  that  they 
should  be  understood  in  their  primary  sense  as  referring  to  the  god 

*  Ja!n£ndra-v>'4karana.    Deccan  CoUe^  MS.  No  $91  of  x'J75-76. 

*  Mysore  edition  referred  to  in  note    2,  p.  IS. 


NRIPATUI^IGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     IO3 

^nd  in  their  secondary  sense  as  giving  his  own  titles  as  the  author  of 
the  Adipur&na.  Abhinava-Pampa  has  only  followed  the  , example  of 
his  distinguished  predecessor  and  namesake  in  this  matter. 

As  I  have  already  remarked,  the  first  two  verses  of  the  Kavir&jam&rga 
contain  a  prayer  addressed  to  the  god  Vishnu  lo  grant  military  prow- 
ess. This  indicates  that  the  author  was  a  king.  And  the  intentional  use 
of  the  expressions  Nripatunga,  Atisaya-dhavaja,  &c.,  as  epithets  to  the 
god,  leads  us  to  infer  that  they  must  have  been  the  titles  of  this  royal 
author.  But  as  prowess  will  not  help  him  in  dealing  with  the  subject 
lying  before  him,  the  royal  author  proceeds  in  the  third  verse  to 
invoke  the  goddess  Sarasvatt  to  give  him  poetical  po^ver. 

dfivi  Sarasvati  hamsa-vi  | 

bh&vade  nele-golge  kC^rttu  man-m&nasadol  || 

Let  the  goddess  Sarasvati  take  up  her  abode  with  love  in  my  mind 
{minasa)  just  as  the  flamingo  takes  up  his  abode  in  the  lake  Md.nasa. 
In  the  fourth  verse  the  royal  author  calls  upon  former  great  poets  to 
aid  him  in  his  literary  work. 

To  borrow  the  language  of  Mammata  the  first  two  verses  have  two 
meanings,  the  ^pEq  (obvious)  and   the   sq^Rq-  (implied).     The  «q^qr^ 

(the  implied  meaning)  that  the  author  was  a  king,  and  that  atisaya- 
dhavala  was  one  of  his  titles  is  confirmed  by  the  following  passage: — 

Atisayadhava!-6rvvip-6dit-ftlankritil,  147,  which  means  **  the  figures 
of  speech  composed  by  King  Atiiayadhavala.'*  Dr.  Fleet  has  failed 
to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  word  udita.  It  does  -not  mean 
heffe  **  sprung  from."  It  is  the  past  passive  participle  of  ^  to  speak, 
and  is  often  used  in  the  sense  of  composed  (^<mh).  Mallishena  who 
finished  his  Mah&purd.na'  in  Saka  969,  says  :  - 

%5T  JTfT5?Tngf^  3^5T^qqT%^{r^RT  I 

^    MS.  of  die  Jaina  Mafha  at  Kolhapura. 


I04    NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

In  the  first  verse  cited  above  the  words  iTfTSn^f^  mean 
TfT3n4  ft^f^.  VaidyanAtha,  the  author  of  the  UdAharaT»a-chan- 
drik&, '  says  : — 

In  the  colophon  we  read  ^qJTT^  <P<dNl  ^«IH*IMlAI«<"lW?Hia<K«^- 
^^8[^P?t  ^^W  ^WWrs  ^:     The    RishtrakAja   author    Pampa    makes 

Bharata  praise  the  Jinas  thus  : 
Saifis^a-s&r-dday-6- 1 
dita-m&9ikya-Jina-stav-&va)i  jayaip  bhadraip  ^ubhaip  mangalaip  II 

Pampa's  Adipur&va  XVI,  lo 
May  the  verses  in  praise  of  tlie  M&!7ikya-Jinas  uttered  by  Bharata 
(composed  by  Pampa)  the  propagator  of  the  essence  of  life  (t.  e,^  re- 
ligion) confer  blessings.  It  is  obvious  from  the  context  that  the 
expression  Saipsiras&r-ddaya  is  used  in  a  double  sense  ;  and  **  udita  " 
means  '  uttered  '  and  '  composed.' 

The  next  passage  that  is  misunderstood  and  mistranslated  by  Dr. 
Fleet  is  the  opening  verse  of  the  third  chapter  which  runs  thus : 

^rt-vidit-&rth-&lahka- 

r-&vajiyaip  vividha-bh^da-vibhav-^spadamaip  I 
bh&visi  besasidan  akhija-dha- 

r&-vallabhan  int  Amdghavarsha-nripdndraqn  II 

Kavir^jam&rga  III,' 

Dr.  Fleet  translates  this  thus  :^ 

*'  Having  thought  over  the  well-known  series  of  embellishments  of 
sense,  which  is  a  receptacle  of  the  display  of  various  kinds  of  dis- 
tinctions, the  great  King  Am6ghavarsha,  the  favourite  of  the  whole 
world,  commanded  (the  treatment  of  it)  thus  (as  follows).*'  At 
page  268  Dr.  Fleet  explains  the  meaning  of  the  verse  more  fully  and 
says  ''the  great  King  Am6ghavarsha  thought  over  the  famous  and 
well-known  series  of  embellishments  of  sense,  and  commanded  (the 
treatment  of  it)  in  the  manner  which  the  author  then  followed." 

The  obvious  objections  against  this  translation  and  explanation 
are  that  the  original  text  contains  nothing  answering  to  the  words 
"(treatment  of  it)"  and  the  words  "  which  the  author  then  followed,'* 
that  the  transitive  verb  besasidaqn  having  for  its  object  arth&IaAk&r- 

^    KAvyaprmkfts'a,  VAmanichArya's  Ed.f  Intr.  p.  4a 


NRIPATUl^GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THfi  KAVlkJ^t^ARGA.     I05 

Ivaliyaip  (the  series  of  embellishments  of  sense)  cannot  mean  "com- 
manded*' and  that  it  is  absurd  to  suggest  that  Amdghavarsha  thought 
over  the  embellishments  while  he  commanded  ' '  the  treatment  of  it 
(them  ?)"  by  another  person,  because  thinking  over  the  subject  is 
the  most  essential  part  of  the  author's  work.  The  verb  besasidaip 
means  declared,  made  known,  communicated,  or  described.  This 
can  be  easily  proved  by  the  following  passages  from  two  eminent 
authors  of  the  R&sh(rakOta  period. 
Jinas^na  says  :^ 

3WFTO  Tfl^tt  ^  SHI  ^^^  I 

^i)M^^>^<I  ^m\  ^  #  ^  ^^  II  ?oo  II 

^roi^  ^  ^^1553^  MA-^HINpl:^:  II  *  o  ?  || 

•  •  •  •  • 

m  ^  ^mm  m  'WIT*  ^^A^m.  u 
fe*^-^<^<^  ^^^<4>^i^cq*ii'<^  II  K^\  II 

jmas^na's  Adipur&oa  XV. 
Pampa'   translates  the  last  verse  thus  : — 

Yaiasvati  tanna  ka!?da  kanasugalan  anukramaip  dappad 
aripuvuduip  anitumaip  Puru  param^ivaran  avadh&risi,  tat- 
svapna-phalangalan  int  endu  besasidaip. 

Translation. 
When  the  Queen  Yaiasvati  communicated  in  order  the  dreams  she 
had  seen,    Puru-paramSivara  listened  to   all  that  and  described  in 
the  following  manner  the  fruits  of  her  dreams. 
Jinas^na  makes  Bharata  say : — 

Mi41ftR*<*iSi^  ^^[  ^«iii5i»l^^i:  ii  ^v  ii 

«WI4K4JM^^  ^lft*<l'M<ii^  I 

'WI^  c1^^MtM^M^fifi<<^  ^  II  3K  II 

#  •  •  •  *  • 

^B^yft3Ti%qRf  5r  ^m  ?wnf^  ii  v?  ii 

Jinas^na's  Adipur&pa,  Chap.  41, 

Panpa  9    Aiispurft^a,  VHI,  pp.  198,  199. 


98    NRIPATUi;fGA  AND  THB  AUTHORSHIP  OP  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA^ 

the  top  of  (his)  head,  by  even  that  (famous)  King  Mihirakula,  whose 
forehead  was  pained  through  being  bent  low  down  by  the  strength  of 
(his)  arm  in  (the  act  of  compelling)  obeisance." 

Here  the  reading  snfi'rff  is  a  mistake  for  hiiM^T  and  the  expression 
*  *no  longer"  is  a  gratuitous  insertion.  The  purport  of  the  verse  is  mis- 
understood by  Dr.  Fleet.  The  relative  pronouns  in  the  first  two  lines 
^  and  ^^  are  correlatives  to  J^  {^(ii^A^^ ;  therefore  the  clauses 
containing  these  relatives  are  adjectival  adjuncts  to>pf  ftffTJpS^^; 
the  principal  clause  is  %5T  ft?gT%rtj^"l  ^^  MKa^H  3Tft<T?.  The  rela- 
tive ^^  occurring  in  the  third  line  above  refers  to  Yal6dharman. 
The  real  purport  of  the  verse  is  **  He  to  whom  obeisance  was  made 
even  by  that  King  Mihirakula  who  did  not  bow  before  anybody  save 
the  god  ^iva  and  embraced  by  whose  arms  the  mountain  Himalaya 
bears  the  pride  of  the  title  **  inaccessible."  It  is  not  Ya^6dharmai> 
but  Mihirakula  who  is  spoken  of  as  a  worshipper  of  Siva.  This  inter- 
•oretation  is  according  to  the  principle  mentioned  by  Dandi. 

K&vy&darsa,  Chapter  I,  22. 

The  pronoun  %5T  in^  Piftiirt^*}"!  and  in  "^  Ml^^il^'f'TT  in  the  next 
verse  cannot  mean  **  famous  "for  one  and  the  same  reason.  We  are 
now  in  a  position  to  offer  the  following  literal  translation  of  the  first 
verse  of  the  Kavir&jamirga. 

That  most  eminent  king  (Nripa-tunga)  whom  the  goddess  Lakshmi, 
clinging  to  his  breast,  never  abandons  through  affection,  the  lustre 
«'pringing  from  the  Kaustubha-jewel  spreading  around  and  forming  a 
screen,  who  is  noble,  who  is  well-versed  in  politics  (Niti-nirantara). 

It  is  evident  that  the  first  verse  does  not  .give  a  complete  sense,  as  it 
contains  only  the  subject  of  the  principal  clause  and  some  of  its  attri- 
butive enlargements,  while  the  predicate  occurs  in  the  second  verse. 
At  this  stage  of  the  inquiry,  it  is  not  possible  to  know  whether  the 
epithets  applied  to  the  god  Vish?u  refer,  in  their  secondar>'  sense  as 
titles,  to  one  or  more  persons.  Let  us  now  proceed  to  examine 
Dr.  Fleet's  translation  of  the  second  verse. 

7.  After  explaining  the  expression  apratihata-vikraman  he  adds 
the  parenthetical  clause  (just  as  the  god  Vishru-NSlr&yaija  had  three 
strides  which  were  not  obstructed).  This  must  be  rejected,  as  the 
god  Vira-NAriyana,  himself  the  owner  of  the  kaustubha-jewei,  is 
praised  in  the  two  verses. 


NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIrAjAMArGA.     99 

8.  '*Appa*'  does  not  mean**  who  has  become."  It  is  a  present 
relative  participle  of  4gu,  *  becoming*,  *  being'  and  should  be  translat- 
ed '  that  is',  'who  is'  according  to  Dr.  Kittcl's  Grammar^  p.  243. 

9.  This  will  also  show  that  '  osedu'  cannot  be  construed  with 
'  appa',  as  Dr.  Fleet  has  done.     It  naturally  goes  with  ige. 

Cf. 

tarui^iyan  osed  ittaip. 

Sabdama^idarpai^a^  sOtra  61. 
Osed  ittu  krit-irtthanen  appem. 

Pampa*  R&m&yana,  VI,  iii 

ishtan  orvvan  adhidSvateg  end  osed  ittudam 

Inscription  of  ^aka  820,  No.  60,  Nagar^  Taluq 
osadu  kottor  =  i  dvija-mukhyar 

Ind.  Ant.  Vol.  XII,  p.  223. 

In  the  last  quotation  osadu  should  be  osedu  ;  and  Dr.  Fleet  trans- 
lates the  words  **  these  best  of  the  twice-born  ....  gave  with  plea- 
sure." Dr.  Kittel  in  his  grammar,  p.  419,  translates  **  osedu  ko^tam  " 
into  **  he  was  delighted  (and)  gave." 

ID.  The  most  important  word  in  the  second  verse  is  pratipa  which 
is  misunderstood  and  mistranslated.  According  to  Dr.  Fleet,  prat&pa 
means  "a  power,  in  dealing  with  the  subject  lying  before  him  (the 
author),  which  he  himself  unaided,  could  not  hope  to  display."  This 
absurd  explanation  of  the  well-known  Sanskrit  word  pratipa  is  repeat- 
ed at  page  264,  where  we  are  told  it  means  "ability  to  perform 
the  task  lying  before  him."  By  this  periphrasis  Dn  Fleet  obviously 
means  poetical  talent  or  power,  though  he  does  not  say  so  in  plain 
language.  Of  course  Dr.  Fleet  is  unable  to  cite  any  authority.  His 
assertion  that  king  Nripatuiiga  is  invoked  to  grant  poetical  power  is 
too  absurd  to  deceive  anybody.  A  king  can  give  patronage  but  not 
poetical  powers^ 

Suresvara  says  : 

^^^  ^T5TO  2Tit%  ?J3iHft{^fg^  I 

Part   III,  p.    1354,  Anand&sram  edition. 

Besides,  invocations  are  never  addressed  to  kings  in  Indian  poems  ; 
they  are  always  addressed  to  gods,  preceptors  or  other  holy  person- 
ages. 

'  Kittel's  1st  Ed.,  p.  74. 

"Mr.  Rice's  Ed.f  p.  145. 

^  Epigrraphia  Carnatica,  Vol.  VIII,  Inscriptions  in  the  Shimosfa  District,  Part  II,  p.*  x8oI 


112     NRIPATUl^GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIKAJAMARGA. 

vati  who  is  as  distinguished  a  grammarian  as   Bhatf^kalanka  him- 
self, and  whose  work  is  read  at  the  present  day  in  all  parts  of  India. 

In  his  gloss  on   PA^ini's  sAtra  ft>|rq!Rw^^i<>8^a<4:MI*t  V,    2,    56    we 
read  f*^P«nft«T  ffit  ^T?^^  '  ^ '— f?^  ^  f^qjl^  ft^l^K*  5fr%, 


[fir  'ToPr  >^iwiH^  d<^dRf^^:  fT^nfi  «rerq^  ffit 


tattvab6dhinI. 

Translation. 
The  expression  la^i^MK^:  should  be  understood  in  the  sense  of 
the  numerals  beginning  with  twenty  as  enumerated  in  P&pini.V,  1,  59 
owing  to  proximity  and  not  in  the  sense  of  ordinary  numerals  begin- 
ning with  twenty  in  the  popular  sense  owing  to  the  latter  being 
remote.  This  is  the  opinion  of  Patanjali.  The  author  of  the  Kli^ik4- 
vritti'  on  the  other  hand  holds  that  ordinary  numerals  beginning  with 
twenty  are  intended  and  not  those  enumerated  in  Pacini  V,  i,  59  ; 
as  according  to  the  latter  interpretation,  such  a  form  as  q*(5^ldaH: 
could  not  be  formed  according  to  the  maxim'  that  when  a  specific  form 
of  a  noun  is  mentioned  in  Pacini,  a  termination  should  not  be  affixed 
to  a  word  ending  in  such  a  form.  On  this  supposition  the  exclusion 
of  numerals  beginning  with  sixty  which  are  preceded  by  numerals 
in  P&pini  V,  2,  58  becomes  perfectly  consistent.  Though,  according 
to  Pataftjali's  interpretation,  the  affixing  of  terminations  to  words 
ending  in  specific  forms  mentioned  in  PApini,  might  appear  to  be 
disallowed,  still  the  exclusion  of  sixty  preceded  by  numerals  in 
P^nini  V,  2,  58,  indicates  that  such  a  thing  is  allowed  in  this  part  of 
Pacini's  grammar.  According  to  this  view  the  ordinal  q^jmft^I^r?nr: 
can  be  correctly  formed,  while  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  author 
ofthe  KMikftvritti,  it  is  ungrammatical,  as  the  numeral  *  nineteen' 
precedes  *  twenty  *  in  popular  enumeration.  And  this  is  made  clear 
in  the  works  of  Kaiya^a  and  Haradatta.* 

^  MahibhAshya,  Dr.  Kielhorn's  Ed..  VoU  IIi  Part  II  t  p.  3*5* 
KftiikAvptti,  Benares  Ed*  pp.  5a»  5i»  P*^  II. 

•  Paribhftshftndui^khara.  Dr.  Kielhorn's  Ed.,  pp.  191  30. 

»  SiddhAnU-Kaumudi  with  Tattvabddhint,  Nir^yaaAgar  Pro»»  tnd  Edn.|  pp.  a«6  and  107. 


7 


NRIPATUI^GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.      II3 

This  subject  is  discussed  by  Kaiya^a  in  his  Bhashyapradipa'  and 
by  Haradatta  in  his  Padamafijari.'  The  expression  Kaiyata- 
Haradatta-granthay6h  means  in  the  works  composed  by  Kaiya^a  and 
Haradatta.  In  the  same  way  the  genitive  compound  Nripatunga- 
granthd  means  in  the  work  composed  by  Nripatunga,  namely, 
the  Kavir^jamlrga  which  deals  with  the  different  usages  of 
the  Southern  and  Northern  schools  of  poets  in  verses  II,  ioo-io8. 
This  is  the  most  interesting  external  evidence  in  support  of 
Nripatuhga's  authorship  of  this  oldest  Kannada  work,  of  which 
manuscripts  have  been  found.  The  internal  evidence  contained 
in  the  passages  that  have  been  examined  above,  is,  as  I  have 
proved  already,  equally  conclusive  on  this  point.  Nor  does  the 
identification  of  King  Nripatunga  present  the  slightest  difficulty. 
He  was  a  king,  a  paramount  sovereign  ;  his  titles  were  Amdgha- 
varsha  and  Atisayadhavala.  He  was  a  devout  worshipper  of  Jina  or 
Tirthaiikara.  King  Nripatunga,  therefore,  was  Jinas^nich^rya's 
pupil,  Amdghavarsha,  who  had  the  title  of  Nripatunga  as  we  learn 
from  the  opening  prasasti  of  MahAvir^chirya's  Ganitas^ra,^  and  must 
have  composed  the  KavirlLjamArga  between  ^aka  737  and  799.  The 
contrivance  by  which  Nripatunga  has  interwoven  his  own  titles  into  the 
first  two  verses  of  his  work  is  so  ingenious  as  to  render  impossible  any 
subsequent  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  text.  Still  Dr.  Fleet  has  ven- 
tured to  make  such  an  attempt,  but  with  the  result  that  his  so- 
called  translation  of  the  two  verses,  besides  containing  ten  mistakes, 
asserts  that  Nripatunga  possessed  the  kaustubha  jewel,  an  assertion 
contradicted  by  a  distinguished  contemporary  author,Gui:tabhadra,  who 
as  preceptor  to  Ak^lavarsha  while  the  latter  was  yuvardja,  had  fre- 
quent opportunities  of  coming  into  personal  contact  with  King  Nripa- 
tunga and  who  tells  us  that  in  his  time  there  prevailed  in  the  Cana- 
rese  country  the  belief  that  the  great  jewel,  kaustubha,  sprung  from 

^  MahAbh&ahya   with  BhAshyapradipat  Benares  Ed.}  p.  85  (  Sf.  \    ^,  \    STT*  \.  ) 
^  Padamanjari,    Benares  Ed.,  p.  Sogi  Part  II. 

Cf.  Anu-^bda-pray6gdd  dva  krita-mangraldyam  Silstrakriditi  S0tralqid-4chAri. 
nu\'artti  VftttikArA'pi  tayaiva  di^  svayam  api  sva-grranthAntd  maAgralam  Acharitam  sAcha- 
yati.  KamA(aka-SabdAnui4iana,  p.  290.  Here  "  sva-^rantha  »*  means  the  work  composed 
by  himself.  In  this  passagre  SiLstrakfit,  sAtrakfit  and  Vritttkftra  refer  to  one  and  the  same 
person.  In  the  same  way  verse  S2i  Chap.  II  of  the  Kavir^amArg^a  must  be  interpreted  in 
accordance  with  the  specific  information  contained  in  the  first  a  verses  of  the  first  chapter 
and  the  openingr  verse  of  the  third  chapter.  Cf. 

RAjataraAgipi  I,  14. 

-*  Kavir^amirsra,  Intro.,  p.  7.  In  this  prasasti  the  words  nripa*tufigr&  and  trndgha- 
varsha,  which  arc  employed  as  epithets  to  Jina,  contain  a  punning:  reference  to  the  titles 
of  the  reigning  sovereign. 

8 


102    NRIPATUlsiGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

name  was   D^vanandi,    makes   the   latter  name  part  of  the  adjective 
qualifying  the  god  whom  he  invokes. 

^^^if^^^t^  ^^^^  ^^^  '  M  HH  II 
Gunabhadra  calls  Jina  guna-bhadra  after  himself. 

Adipurina,  Chapter  44. 

The  distinguished  RJlshtrakO|a  author  Pampa  who  finished  his 
Adipuri-na'  in  ^aka  863,  mentions,  as  his  titles,  Sukavi-jana-minas- 
ottamsahaipsa,  Gun&rnava,  SanisAra-s&r6daya  and  Sarasvatimani-h&ra. 
He  then  transfers  these  titles  to  Adin&tha,  who  is  invoked  in  the 
beginning,  to  Bharat^svara,  D^v^ndra  and  other  divine  persons 
very  frequently  in  his  Adipurftna.  The  two  concluding  verses  of  each 
chapter  and  the  opening  verses  of  the  second  and  all  the  succeeding 
chapters  contain  illustrations  of  this  remark.  The  ninth  chapter 
opens  thus: — 

Sri-pati  Puru-param  esvara — 

n    &p0rna-man6ratham     naman-niipa  makut-&- 

t6pam    trailoky-    inta — 

vy&pita-mahimam  Sarasavti-mani-hirain  || 

Here  Adin&tha  is  described  as  the  lord  of  prosperity,  whose  desires 
are  fulfilled,  who  is  adorned  by  the  splendour  of  the  crowns  of  kings 
making  a  bow,  whose  glory  has  klled  the  three  worlds,  and  who  is  a 
string  of  jewels  to  the  goddess  Sarasvati  (Sarasvati-manihftram).  In 
the  concluding  verse  of  the  eighth  chapter  we  read: 

Sftk^ta-simhftsan-S,sinam     pilisidam    mahi-valayamam   Sams&ra- 
s&r-6dayam  || 

Adin&tha,  seated  on  the  throne  of  Ayodhyi,  the  promoter  of  the 
essence  of  life  [i.e.  religion],  protected  the  circle  of  the  earth.  In 
these  passages  Pampa  has  transferred  his  own  titles  to  the  first 
Tirthartkara  Vrishabhanfttha.  Pampa's  object  evidently  is  that  they 
should  be  understood  in  their  primary  sense  as  referring  to  the  god 

*  Ja!n£ndra-vy&karana.    Deccan  CoUegre  MS.  No  591  of  1B75-76. 

*  Mysore  edition  referred  to  in  note   2,  p.  I  a. 


Art,  VIII. 

An  Epigraphtcal  Note  on  Dhartnapala^  the  second  prince 

of  the  Pala  dynasty. 

By  Shridhar  Ramkrishna  Bhanoarkar,  m.a. 

(Communicated. ) 

There  has  been  going  on  for  some  time  a  controversy  as  to  the  date 
of  Dharmap^a,  the  second  prince  of  the  Pila  dynasty.  Cunningham 
in  his  Archaeological  Survey  Report,  Vol.  XV.,  page  151,  approximately 
fixed  his  accession  in  831  A.D.  But  the  date  is  inconsistent  with  the 
conclusion,  drawn  by  my  brother,  Devadatta  R.  Bhandarkar,  in  his 
remarks  on  the  Cambay  plates  of  Govinda  IV.,  that  '' Dharmap&la 
was  a  contemporary  of  the  RUshtrakAfa  prince  Indra  III.,  for  whom 
the  RAsh^rakAta  records  furnish  the  dates  915  and  917  A.D.' 

The  following  are  the  grounds  on  which  Devadatta  bases  his  con- 
clusion. The  Cambay  plates  speak  of  Indra  III.  having  devastated 
Mahodaya  (Kanauj).  The  date  of  Kshitip^la  or  Mahipllla  of  Kanauj 
is  917  A.D.  and  he  was  thus  a  contemporary  of  Indra  III.  According 
to  a  Khajur&ho  inscription,  ''a  king  named  Kshitip&la  was  placed  on 
his  throne  by  the  Chandella  prince  Harshadeva.*'  **  This  Harshadeva 
flourished  at  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century."  The  Kshitipila, 
therefore,  whom  he  reinstated,  must  have  been  this  Kshitip^a  and  the 
throne  that  of  Kanauj.  Devadatta  further  proceeds  to  identify  this 
KshitipAla,  Mahip^la,  Herambapila,  or  Vin&yakaplLla  with  Chakr&yu- 
dha  of  the  Bh^galpur  plate  and  Upendra  of  the  Nausari  plates  of 
Indra  III.,  in  which  Indra  III.  is  represented  as  having  conquered  an 
Upendra.  In  the  Bh^galpur  plate  it  is  stated  that  Dharmapila 
acquired  the  sovereignty  of  Mahodaya  by  conquering  Indrar^ja  and 
other  enemies,  and  bestowed  it  upon  Chakr^yudha.  In  the  Kh&limpur 
charter,  where  the  same  incident  is  referred  to,  Indrar^ja  is  not  men- 
tioned, nor  is  ChakrHyudha,  but  the  person  on  whom  the  sovereignty 
was  conferred  by  Dharmap^a  is  mentioned  as  a  prince  of  K&nyakubja. 
Therefore  ChakrHyudha  was  of  Kinyakubja  and  Indrar^ja  who  had 
to  be  defeated  must  have  wrested  the  sovereignty  from  him. 
The  question  now  is  whether  the  Indrarsija  of  unnamed  dynasty  of  the 
!  BhUgalpur  plate  is  identical  with,  or  different  from,  the  R&sh(rakO|a 
Indra  III.  of  the  Cambay  plates.    Devadatta  inclines  to  the  former  view, 

*  Ep.  Ind.,  VII,  pp.  a6-Ji. 


AN  EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE  ON   DHARMAPALA.  117 

because  the  account  pieced  together  from  the  Bhllgalpur  and-  Kh&Iim- 
pur  plates  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  account  as  pieced  together  from  the 
Cambay  plates  and  the  Khajur^ho  inscription,  referred  to,  on  the 
other  hand,  agree  in  the  two  particulars  that  an  Indrar&ja  ousted  a 
king  of  Kanauj  from  his  throne  and  that  the  latter  was  again  re- 
established. But  there  are  two  particulars  in  which  the  two  accounts 
differ.  The  name  of  the  king  of  Kanauj  according  to  the  latter 
account  was  KshitipSla  and  according  to  the  former  Chakrayudha,  and 
the  king  who  set  him  up  was  the  Chandella  prince  Harshadeva  and 
Dharmap&Ia  respectively.  Devadatta  explains  the  latter  by  saying 
that  in  all  likelihood  both  helped  to  set  the  king  up  again  and  credit 
was  claimed  on  behalf  of  each.  The  former  he  explains  by  identifying^ 
Chakr&yudha  with  Kshitip&la  and  thinks  the  identification  to  be  con- 
firmed by  the  fact  that  the  name  Chakrayudha  signifies  the  same  thing 
as  Upendra,  the  name  of  the  prince  subjugated,  according  to  the 
Nausari  plates,  by  Indra  III. 

This  explanation  and  this  identification,  however,  can  be  conceded 
only  if  the  identification  of  the  two  Indrar^jas  be  well-established. 
But  just  on  account  of  the  difference  as  regards  the  two  particulars  it 
would  be  equally  open  to  another  to  hold  that  the  two  Indrardjas  were 
different*  And  in  the  history  of  India  it  is  nothing  strange  if  different 
kings  at  different  times  ruling  over  the  same  province  are  defeated  and 
ousted  from  their  thrones  and  again  set  up.'  A  somewhat  unusual  coin- 
cidence in  the  case  of  Kanauj  may  be  that  on  two  of  the  occasions  on 
which  its  prince  was  deprived  of  his  throne  the  names  of  the  two 
victors  were  identical.  And  I  have  come  across  what  I  look  upon 
as  definite  evidence  that  Dharmap&Ia  was  not  a  contemporary  of  Indra 
III.,  but  of  Govinda  III.;  and  it  is  at  the  suggestion  of  Devadatta 
himself  that  I  here  publish  it  apart  from,  and  before,  the  paper  of 
which  it  should  naturally  form  a  part. 

For  a  considerable  time  I  have  had  in  my  hands  a  Rllshtrakuta 
copperplate  grant  of  Amoghavarsha  I.  The  charter  is  rather  a  big 
one,  having  an  introduction  of  fifty-two  stanzas.  Except  for  one 
drawback  it  would  have  been  published  long  ago.  It  is  very  incor- 
rectly engraved  and  it  alludes  vaguely  to  not  a  few  names  and  things 
of  which  very  little  or  nothing  was  known  when  it  came  into  my  hands, 
and  on  only  a  few  of  which  some  glimmering  of  light  has  been  thrown 
since.  This  fact  renders  it  very  difficult  to  make  out  to  one's  satisfac- 
tion the  sense  of  many  passages. 

^  Supposing,  as  Devadatta  doesi  that  the  Indrardja  defeated  by  Dharmap&la  did  not 
belong  to  the  same  line  as  Chakrdyudha  and  that  Chakr&yudha  had  been  displaced  by  him. 
The  point  will  be  considered  later  on. 


|06     NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

.    Pampa  translates  this  passage  thus  : — 

ad  alladeyum  indina  dinam  belagappa  j&vadoj  padin^ru  kana- 
sugalam  kaiiden  t  kanasugal  anishta-phala-sOchakanga| 
cmbudam  s&m&nyadin  upalakshisiden  avara  phalamuman 
enag  ariye  besasim  end  avadhijn&nadim  t&n  &  kanasugalan 
arivan  igi)rui|i  sabh&-janakkam  aripal  endu  besa-golvudum 
praln-&nukramadini  tri-ldka-guruv  int  endu  besasidaip. 

Pampa*s  Adipurina,  XV,  p.  398  ff. 

In  these  passages  I  have  made  Jinas^nich8,rya  translate  Pampa's 
words  int  endu  besasidam  into  f|d4H|^<l  and  f?4  ^^TR^  ^  ''described 
or  declared  in  the  following  manner."  Dr.  Fleet  refers  to  the  words 
**  pel  endu  besase  "  in  stitra*  3  of  the  Sabdamanidarpana,  which  he 
translates  *  on  ordering  me  to  relate.'  But  the  same  form  of  the 
word  besase  is  used  in  the  sense  of  *  declaring  *   by  Pampa. 

^  ^  ^5^K*llH<lrf)^  3»*^  ^=^:  I 

Jmasena,  Adipur&na,  Chap.  28. 
Pampa^  translates  this  thus  : — 

Bharata-kshetradol  1  yugadol  Tirthakararum  chakravartigalum 
appar  endu  sarvajfiar  besase  palavu  sQI  km  ellatp  kdid  aridevu. 

**  We  know  having  frequently  heard  omniscient  persons  de- 
clare that  there  shall  arise  Jinas  and  universal  emperors  in 
the  Bharata-ksh^tra  in  this  age." 

A  correct  translation  of  the  opening  verse  of  the  third  chapter  of  the 
Kavirijam&rga  is  as  follows  : — 

The  eminent  King  Am6ghavarsha,  the  lord  of  the  whole  world, 
thought  over  and  declared  in  the  following  manner  the  series  of 
excellent  and  w^ell-known  figures  of  sense  which  are  the  abode  of 
abundance  of  various  distinctions.  The  meaning  of  this  verse  is 
that  the  great  King  Amftghavarsha,  who  was  a  paramount  sovereign, 
composed  the  figures  of  sense.  This  is  in  perfect  accord  with  the 
meaning  of  the  other  passages  explained  above,  that  the  author 
was  a  king,  that  his  titles  were  Nfipatunga,  Atisayadhavala  and  that 
King  Atisayadhavala  composed  these  figures  of  speech. 

It  is  perfectly  clear  then  that  the  author  of  the  Kavir^jam&rga  is 
not  different  from  Nripatunga-Am6ghavarsha.  Nor  does  he  **  repre- 
sent himself  as  putting  forward  view^s  concurred   in  by  Nripatunga*'^ 

^  Here  the  sense  of  the  word  is  determined   by  the    preceding   expression  p£l  endu  :  see  the 
next  quotation. 

"  Pampa's    AdipurApa,   XII,  p.  33$* 
^  Ind.  Ant,  XXXIII.  p.  260. 


NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.     I07 

as  such  a  supposition   is  directly   contradicted   by   the  fifth   verse  of 
the  third  chapter  in  which  the  author   tells   us  that  he  is  guided    by 
"ancient  authorities  ;"  and  Nripatunga  certainly  was  not  an  **  ancient 
authority."    This  verse  runs  thus  :-- 
Vidit-&rtth&lank&r-&- 

spada-bhSdahgal  pur&na-s&str-dktaiigal  I 
tad-anumata-Iakshya-lakshana — 
nidarisanaiigajan   anukram-6ktiye  p^lvein 
Kavir&jam&rga,  Chap.  Ill,  5. 

Translation. 

The  distinctions  which  have  for  their  abode  the  well-known  figures 
of  sense  have  been  described  by  ancient  authorities  ;  I  will  relate 
in  order  these  figures,  their  definitions  and  illustrations  sanctioned 
by  them  (t.e,,  by  the  ancient  authorities). 

One  of  these  ancient  authorities'  is  Dandi  as  I  have  satisfactorily 
proved.  The  word  **  anumata  "  in  this  verse  indicates  Dandi's  author- 
ship of  the  definitions  and  illustrations  which  Nripatunga  has 
borrowed  from  the  K&vy&darsa.  The  colophon  of  the  third  chapter 
also  contains  unmistakable  evidence  of  Niipatunga*s  authorship  in 
the  expression^  Parama— Sarasvati-tirth^vat&ra-Niipatunga-d^va, 
which  means  King  Nripatunga  who  is  a  holy  incarnation  of  the 
great  Sarasvati  or  a  Bight  of  steps  leading  to  the  sacred  vvaters  of 
the  great  Sarasvati. 

This  view  is  further  confirmed  by  verse  Til,  230,  in  which  we  are  told 
that  **a  high^souled  person  who  has  obtained  the  ship  in  the  form  of 
the  specific  knowledge  contained  in  Niipatuhga-deva-m&rga,  can 
reach  the  great  further  shore  of  the  ocean  of  poetry  filled  with  the  high- 
est excellences. "  This  statement  is  intelligible  only  on  the  supposition 
that  Nripatunga  was  the  author  of  this  work  and  excludes  the  possi- 
bility of  any  other  person  being  the  author  of  it.  Here  the  specific 
knowledge  contained  in  Nripatunga-deva-m&rga  means,  of  course,  the 

*  In  verse  I,  47t  Nripatunga  says  *'  Having  considered  the  faults  mentioned  in  the  works 
of  the  multitude  of  ancient  poets  and  to  the  best  of  my  own  knowledge}  I  will  declare  some 
to  wise  men."  In  verse  II»  44,  he  says  :  '*  Having  studied  the  method  of  ancient  authorities. 
I  will  relate  this  much  in  Kanna^a*"  In  verse  II,  49.  he  says  :  *'  Having  considered  the  dis- 
tinction known  to  ancient  poets  I  will  declare  it  according  to  the  method  of  my  knowledge." 
These  verses  contradict  Dr.  Fleet's  assertion  that  the  work  does  not  contain  **  any  allusion  of 
any  kind  to  view's  of  predecessors." 


2 


Dr.  Fleet  has  ignored  this  expression  because  it  militates  against  his  erroneous 
assumption  that  Nripatunga  was  not  the  author  of  the  work.  Dr.  Fleet's  statement  that 
^  verse  IIIi  I25t  compares  some  person,  who  the  editor  says  is  Nripatunga,  to  a  flight  of 
steps  leading  to  the  sacred  waters  of  Sarasvati/'  is  inaccurate.  It  is  not  the  editor  but  the 
colophon  of  the  Jrd  chapter  that  speaks  of  Nfipatunga  as  Saras\'ati-ttrthilvat&ra. 


I08     NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OP  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

knowledge  contained  in  the  Kavir&jam&rga'  and  the  poetry 
alluded  to  is  the  Kannada  poetry  with  its  characteristic  prftsa  which  the 
work  professes  to  teach.  On  this  Dr.  Fleet  remarks,  **  We  need 
not  lay  any  stress  upon  the  fact  that  the  original  of  this  passage  does 
not  contain  anything  answering  to  the  **  Kavir&jam&rga"  and  "  Kan- 
nada," which  are  gratuitous  insertions  by  the  editor."  Of  course 
Dr.  Fleet  is  unable  to  suggest  any  other  possible  explanation  of  the 
passage.'  But  his  objection  to  **  gratuitous  insertions"  has  my  entire 
approval.  On  this  ground  we  have  already  rejected  such  translations 
as  **  commanded  the  treatment  of  it"  and  **  to  inspire  him  with  a 
power,  in  dealing  with  the  subject  lying  before  him,  which  he  himself 
unaided  could  not  hope  to  display."  On  this  very  ground  we  must 
reject  the  following  translation  of  verse  I,  149  : — 

...Kavi| 

prakaraqfi  ^rivijaya-prabh(!itaman  idaip  kai-ko!vud  i  milkeyiip  || 

"  The  multitude  of  poets  will  accept  this  product  of  Srtvijaya  in 
this  (new)  guise."  It  will  be  easily  noticed  (a)  that  the  original  does 
not  contain  any  word  for  (new),  (b)  the  word  malke  does  not  mean 

**  guise,"  (c)  and  the  phrase  i  mlilkeydl  which  means  "  in  this  manner** 

should  be  construed  with  the  verb  kal-kojvudu.     The  original  text 
literally  means  "  the  multitude  of  poets  should  accept  this  production 
of  ^rfvijaya  in  this  manner,"  from  this  it  is  clear  that  ^rtvijaya  is   one 
of  the  titles  of  the  author  himself. 
The  last  verse  of  Chapter  II  runs  ; — 

Bh&visi  iabda-tattva-sthitiyaip    kurit  ond  a^sh&-bh&- I 

sh^-vishay-dktiyaip  bagedu  nddi  pur&pa-kavi-prabhu-prayd-  || 
g-&vilasad-gun6dayaman  &yd-avariip  samed  ondu  k&vyadiip  I 

^rivijaya-prabhOta-mudamaip  tanag  agisidoip  kaviivaraip  || 

Dr.  Fleet  translates  : — Having  thought  over  the  established  con- 
dition of  the  conventional  settlement  of  the  essential  nature  of 
sounds,  (and)  having  given  attention  to  (that)  one  (thing)  expression 
which  is  the  object  of  all  language,  (and)  having  considered  and  seen 

^  The   work  is  so  called  because  it  contains  the  tiArga  or  the  method  indicated   (p^lda)  by 

Nfipatuftga.    Abhinavapampa's  use  of    the    word    p61du   (having  composed)   to  indicate 

S'rutakfrti's  authorship  of  the  Jaina  R4ghavap&94av!ya  is  exactly  similar  to  Durgrasi- 
ipha's  use  of  the  same  word  to  indicate  the  authorship  of  the  same  work  by  Dhanaftjaya. 
Dr.  Fleet's  sugrgestion  that  Abhinava-pampa  uses  the  word  in  the  sense  of  *"  having  recited 
(Ind.  Ant.,  XXXIII,  pi  779)  is  as  absurd  as  his  assertion  that  Nppatuftga  possessed  thekaus 
tubha  jewel.  Brahmin  lads  of  10  or  i  S  years  old  can  recite  backwards  and  forwards  greater 
poems  than  the  Jaina  RAghava-Pip^aviya  ;  and  yet  nobody  thinks  of  commemorating  them 
in  inscriptions  or  praising  them  in  literary  works." 

*  It  is  absurd  to  suggest  that  any  other  than  Kannatja-poetry  is  taught  in  a  Kannada 
work  professing  to  teach  Kannada  poetry. 


APALA,  1 2 1 

eated  Chakr&yudha, 

III.     It  would  thus 

ince,  the  family  had 

'ha   mentioned  in  the 

"^.  was  probably  a 

vanquished  by 

>■  one  referred  to 

'Jiarmapaladidnot 

V-  sovereignty  of   it 

[y    connected     with 

.'ill  the  names  may  be 

1  ilic  rightful   predeces- 

;irier     his    defeat     and 

.0  been  raised  to  the  throne 

!:iiHnt     So  that  some  time 

■n  of  BhavabhQti,  which  must 

oi     the  eighth     century,   one 

.vii^  ruling  in  783  A.D.     He  was 

,'.rhaps   by  somebody  else,    until 

.\  11    by    Bhojadeva  of   the  GQrjara 

i[i(h  century,  and  thereafter  Kanauj 

-.1 J  nasty. 


llO     NRIl^ATUhfGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMAKGA. 

nobly  born  one  "  employed  by  K^^ava  in  the  fourth  verse  of  the  conclud- 
ing prasasti  of  the  ^abdamanidarpana.  And  the  translation  *'which 
was  born  from  the  source  that  was  the  supreme  ^rivijaya  "  is  also 
incorrect,  because  Srivijaya-prabhOti  is  a  bahuvrihi  compound  which 
can  be  dissolved  ^rivijayit  prabhtitir  yasya  that  which  took  its  origin 
from  Srivijaya,  namely,  this  work  called  Kavir&jam&rga.  The  real 
meaning  of  the  last  verse  of  rhe  Kavir&jam&rga  is:  **  Let  the 
fame  of  one  whose  lineage  is   unblameable,    which    arises    from   the 

work  having  for  its  author  the  great  Srivijaya, endure  as 

fong  as  the  moon  and  the  stars  last.  **  This  is  in  accordance  with 
the  custom,  prevalent  among  Hindu  authors,  of  expressing  a  prayer 
in  the  concluding  verses  that  their  works  may  endure  as  long  as  the 
sun,  moon,  &c. ,  last.  We  need  only  refer  to  the  concluding  verses 
of  Gunabhadra's  Uttarapurana,  the  Sarasvati-kanth&bharana  of  Bh6ja 
and  the  ^abdamanidarpana  as  illustrations.  On  the  other  hand  no 
example  can  be  quoted  of  a  single  Indian  author  Who  has  expressed 
in  the  colophon  of  his  work  a  hope  that  the  fkme  or  the  works 
of  a  dead  author  may  endure  till  the  end  of  time.  For  these  reasons 
and  from  the  correct  translations  of  the  three  verses  given  above 
it  is  plain  that  Srivijaya  is  one  of  the  titles  of  the  author  of  the 
Kavirajam^rga,  and  cannot  refer  to  the  older  Srivijaya  mentioned 
by  the  author  in  his  introductory  verse  33,  Chap.  I.  The  conclusion 
which  Dr.  Fleet  has  attempted  to  deduce  from  the  misinterpre^^a- 
tions  of    the    last  three   verges    does  not  demand  serioUs  notice  here. 

The  most  interesting  external  evidence  in  support  of  Nripatuiiga's 
authorship  of  the  Kavir&jam&rga  is  found  in  Bhatt&kalanka's  Kar- 
n&taka  Sabdanu^&sana  in  which  our  attention  is  invited  to  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  skill  displayed  in  the  different  usages  of  the  Northern  and 
Southern  schools  in  Niipatunga-grantha  or  the  work  composed  by 
Nripatuiiga.  Owing  to  a  hopeless  misunderstanding  of  the  two 
opening  verses  of  the  Kavir&jamd,rga  Dr.  Fleet  is  led  to  believe  that 
BhattsLkalanka  uses  the  expression  Nripatunga-grantha  to  denote 
that  Nripatiinga  was  not  the  author  but  the  inspirer  of  the  work. 
This  attempt  to  pervert  the  natural  meaning  of  the  expression  will 
not  be  countenanced  by  Sanskiit  scholars  ;  for  Bhatt&kalanka  is  a  pro- 
found grammarian  and  writes  in  Sanskrit.  He  says  that  such  forms 
as  namage  and  nammol,  though  not  noticed  by  previous  grammarians, 
are  nevertheless  correct  and  quotes  in  support  of  his  view  three  invo- 
catory verses,  one  of  which  is  the  opening  verse  of  the  Pampa- 
r&m&yai}a.     He  says  : —  '     . 

Atra  kechit  kavya-mukham  asirupam  parartham  api  bhavatiti 
nanam  anaiigikurv^na  ninam  eva  pathanti  nimage  nimmol 
iti  !|   tad   anye     nilbhimanyante    nirvighna-parisamapti-kAmati 


NRIPATU>IGA  AND  THE  AUtHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVII^AjAMARGA.     1 1 1* 

priripsita-pratibandhaka-duritSpanddan^tham  Paramatma. 
gun^nukirtana-rOpam  maiigajam  ^charantas  svSrtham 
apah&ya  par&rtham  6va  prayatanta  ity  ayuktam  6va  I 
apr^ksh^vattva-prasarig&t  ||  anyatr&pi  tathll  prachOra-pra- 
ydga-darsan^ch  cha  |  atd  tr^smad-artha-vachak6  nan-sabda 
ev^bhimantavya  iti  ||  tath^pi  sa  kais  chid  Sv^ngikriyat6  { 
uttara-mHrg&nug^mibhih  kavisvarair  na  sarvaih  I  dakshtna- 
in&rg&nuylyibhis  tair  anaiigikSr^t  |  en-pakshapdtind  hi 
d^LksIiin^ty^h  ka\i-jan&  iti  ||  dakshin6ttara-mdrg^-bh^da* 
bhinna-pray6ga-ch&turi-prapanch6  Nripatunga-granth6  drash- 
tavya  iti  || 

Karnitaka-^abd^nus^sana,  Mn  Rice's  edition,  p.  i6i. 

TRANSLATIOy. 

Here  [in   the  three  invocatory  verses]  some   who  do   not  recognize 
such  forms  as  namage,  nammol  read   instead  nimage,  nimmol  on  the 
ground  that  the  opening  verse  of  a  poem  which  forms  an  invocation,* 
contributes  a'so  to  the  benefit  of  others.     This  view  is  not  accepted  by 
other  scholars,  since  it  is  quite    inconsistent  that   authors  who   desire 
that  their  literary  undertaking  should  be  finished  without  any  obstacle 
and  Who  address  invocation  by  way  of  celebrating   the  praises  of  the 
Highest  Being  in   order  to   drive  away   the  sin   which    might  inter-* 
fere  with  the  completion  of  their  literary  work,   should  strive  orily  for 
the  good  of  others,    laying  aside  their  primary  object,   since  such  a' 
course  would  argue  a  lack  of  prudence,  and  also   because  many  such 
forms  are  found  elsewhere  [in  passages  containing  no  invocations],  • 
However,  this   view  is   accepted   by  some,  namely,  by  lords  of  poet* 
belonging  to  the  Northern  school  and  not  by  all  ;  while  the  followers 
of  the  Southern  school  reject  it,  for  the  poets   of  the   Southern  schoot ' 
are  in  favour  of  such  forms  as  emage,    emmol.  A  detailed  descriptiori 
of  the   skill  displayed  in     the   different  usages  of  the   Southern  and 
Northern  schools  is  to  be  seen  in  Niipatuiiga's  work. 

HereNripatunga-grantha  means  the  workcompose^  by  Nripjatuhga 
namely,  the  Kavir^jam^rga  which  gives  illustrations  of  the  different 
usages  of  the  Southern  and  Northern  schools  in  verses  II,  100-108. 
With  the  expression  Nripatunga-grantha  we  may  compare  the  genitive 
compounds  %VJ{>iVi^    and    fT^rppf^    employed    by  J iiAn^ndra-Saras- 

^  Here  BhattAkalanka  says  that  the  opening:  verse  of  th^  Pamfto-Rdm&ya^a  contains  ' 
an  invocation.  Mr.  Ricct  in  his  Analysis  prefixed  to  his  2nd  edition  of  the  poemi  says:  *'(i) 
The  author  invokes  Muni-suvrata  (the  20th  Ttrthankara),  (a)  the  Siddhas.  (3)  the  AchAryas, 
&c."  On  the  other  band  Dr.  Fleet  says  :  The  author  of  the  Pampa-Rdmdyapd  has  not 
invoked  any  god  at  all  in  the  introductory  stanzas  of  his  work,  namely)  verses  i  to  X4  of 
the  first  Asvdsa  or  canto.  (!!!)  Ind.  Ant.  XXXIIIt  p.  262.  t  is  needless  to  say  that 
Dr.  Fleet's  statemeht  is  opposed  to  fact. 


112     NRIPATUKGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIKAJAMARGA. 

vatt  who  is  as  distinguished   a  grammarian  as   Bhatt^Walanka  him- 
self, and  whose  work  is  read  at  the  present  day  in  all  parts  of  India. 

In  his  gloss  on   PApini's  s(itra  R^|r^|ft^HM^^ai^l*i  V,    2,    56    we 

read  frlPTT^  ffit  ^(^mm  *  q% '— f?^  ^  f^^TTl^m  ft^Pqi^  ^JfP^, 

sf  Bt^mS^t  frTf^^fTl^f^  HMMd*l  fl%fm  3f  ft^pqr^  tft^^  !?^  TO^TO*^ 


tattvab6dhin!. 

Translation. 
The  expression  |q^[rqiA^t  should  be  understood  in  the  sense  of 
the  numerals  beginning  with  twenty  as  enumerated  in  P^oini.V,  i,  59 
owing  to  proximity  and  not  in  the  sense  of  ordinary  numerals  begin- 
ning with  twenty  in  the  popular  sense  owing  to  the  latter  being 
remote.  This  is  the  opinion  of  Patanjali.  The  author  of  the  Kkiikk" 
vritli*  on  the  other  hand  holds  that  ordinary  numerals  beginning  with 
twenty  are  intended  and  not  those  enumerated  in  PA^ini  V,  i,  59  ; 
as  according  to  the  latter  interpretation,  such  a  form  as  q*(^yi?i«^M: 
could  not  be  formed  according  to  the  maxim'  that  when  a  specific  form 
of  a  noun  is  mentioned  in  Pacini,  a  termination  should  not  be  affixed 
to  a  word  ending  in  such  a  form.  On  this  supposition  the  exclusion 
of  numerals  beginning  with  sixty  which  are  preceded  by  numerals 
in  PMni  V,  2,  58  becomes  perfectly  consistent.  Though,  according 
to  Patafljali's  interpretation,  the  affixing  of  terminations  to  words 
ending  in  specific  forms  mentioned  in  PApini,  might  appear  to  be 
disallowed,  still  the  exclusion  of  sixty  preceded  by  numerals  in 
P&nini  V,  2,  58,  indicates  that  such  a  thing  is  allowed  in  this  part  of 
Pacini's  grammar.  According  to  this  view  the  ordinal  q^il^fl^lfda^: 
can  be  correctly  formed,  while  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  author 
ofthe  K4lik4vritti,  it  is  ungrammatical,  as  the  numeral  *  nineteen' 
precedes  *  twenty '  in  popular  enumeration.  And  this  is  made  clear 
in  the  works  of  Kaiya^a  and  Haradatta.' 

^  MahftbhAshya.  Dr.  Kielhorn't  Ed..  Vol.  Hi  Part  II  9  p.  3*5* 
KAitkATptU,  Benares  Ed.,  pp.  5>*  5i»  P^^  ^I* 

•  Paribhftshftndui^khara.  Dr.  Kielhorn't  Ed.,  pp.  S91  3o* 

»  SWdhlnto-KiomudJ  with  Tattvabddhint,  Nir^ya«Agar  Pre**  tad  Edn.|  pp.  aS^  ana  t07- 


NRIPATUl^GA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA.      II3 

This  subject  is  discussed  by  Kaiyata  in  his  Bh&shyapradipa'  and 
by  Haradatta  in  his  Padamanjari."  The  expression  Kaiyata- 
Haradatta-granthaydh  means  in  the  works  composed  by  Kaiyata  and 
Haradatta.  In  the  same  way  the  genitive  compound  Nripatuiiga- 
granth^  means  in  the  work  composed  by  Nripatunga,  namely, 
the  Kavirlljam^ga  which  deals  with  the  different  usages  of 
the  Southern  and  Northern  schools  of  poets  in  verses  II,  ioo-io8. 
This  is  the  most  interesting  external  evidence  in  support  of 
Nripatuhga's  authorship  of  this  oldest  Kannada  work,  of  which 
manuscripts  have  been  found.  The  internal  evidence  contained 
in  the  passages  that  have  been  examined  above,  is,  as  I  have 
proved  already,  equally  conclusive  on  this  point.  Nor  does  the 
identification  of  King  Nripatunga  present  the  slightest  difficulty. 
He  was  a  king,  a  paramount  sovereign  ;  his  titles  were  Am6gha- 
varsha  and  Atisayadhavala.  He  was  a  devout  worshipper  of  Jina  or 
Ttrthaiikara.  King  Nripatunga,  therefore,  was  JinasSnllch4r}'a*s 
pupil,  Amdghavarsha,  who  had  the  title  of  Nripatunga  as  we  learn 
from  the  opening  prasasti  of  Mah&vir^ch&rya's  Ganitas^ra,^  and  must 
have  composed  the  Kavir^jam^rga  between  ^aka  737  and  799.  The 
contrivance  by  which  Nripatunga  has  interwoven  his  own  titles  into  the 
first  two  verses  of  his  work  is  so  ingenious  as  to  render  impossible  any 
subsequent  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  text.  Still  Dr.  Fleet  has  ven- 
tured to  make  such  an  attempt,  but  with  the  result  that  his  so- 
called  translation  of  the  two  verses,  besides  containing  ten  mistakes, 
asserts  that  Nripatunga  possessed  the  kaustubha  jewel,  an  assertion 
contradicted  by  a  distinguished  contemporary  author,Gunabhadra,  who 
as  preceptor  to  Ak^lavarsha  while  the  latter  was  yuvar^ja,  had  fre- 
quent opportunities  of  coming  into  personal  contact  with  King  Nripa- 
tunga and  who  tells  us  that  in  his  time  there  prevailed  in  the  Cana- 
rese  country  the  belief  that  the  great  jewel,  kaustubha,  sprung  from 

^  Mahibh&shya   with  Bh&shyapradipa)  Benares  Ed.f  p.  85  (  3^,  \^  q]",  "^    ^,  ^    ) 
^  Padamanjari,    Benares  Ed.,  p.  jogt  Part  II. 

Cf.  Anu.^bda-pray6g4d  fiva  knU-mangraldyam  S^strakriditi  SAtrakrid-&chArA- 
nuvartti  VpttikAr6'pi  tayaiva  di^  svayam  api  sva-grranthintd  mafigalam  Acharitam  sAcha- 
yati.  KamA(aka-SabdAnuJ&^na,  p.  290.  Here  "  sva-grrantha  *'  means  the  work  composed 
by  himsdf.  In  this  passag^e  SAttrakrit,  sAtrakrit  and  VrittikAra  refer  to  one  and  the  same 
person.  In  the  same  way  verse  5  Ji  Chap.  II  of  the  Kavir^amArga  must  be  interpreted  in 
accordance  with  the  specific  information  contained  in  the  first  a  verses  of  the  first  chapter 
and  the  openings  verse  of  the  third  chapter.  Cf. 

R&jataraAgi^i  I.  14. 

^  Kavirijaro&rflra,  Intro.,  p.  7.  In  this  prasasti  the  words  nripa-tufiga  and  tmdgha- 
var^ba,  which  are  employed  as  epithets  to  Jina,  contain  a  punning  reference  to  the  titles 
of  the  reigning  sovereign. 

8 


114     NRIPATUNGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  KAVIRAJAMARGA. 

the  ocean  was  worn  on  the  breast  by  the  god  Vishpu.  If  Dr.  Fleet 
learns  this  single  conception  of  Hindu  Mythology,  the  meaning  of  the 
negative  verb  and  the  peculiar  use  of  the  interrogative  pronoun  as 
explained  by  Dr.  Kittel  and  Dr.  Caldwell,  and  the  fact,  of  Lakshmi 
clinging  to  the  breast  of  Viran&rllyana  in  the  temple  at  Gadag,  he 
will  have  made  satisfactory  progress  in  his  study  of  the  two 
opening  verses  of  Nripatunga's  Kavir&jam^ga. 

A  careful  perusal  of  the  arguments  set  forth  above  cannot  fail 
to  convince  Sanskrit  scholars  that  Dr.  Fleet's  assertion  that  Mr. 
Rice  wrongly  attributed  the  composition  of  the  Kavir^jamirga  to 
Nripatunga  is  itself  wrong.  The  authorship  of  this  interesting- 
Kannada  work  was  ascribed  to  Nripatunga  in  ^aka  1526  by  no  less 
an  authority  than  the  celebrated  grammarian  Bhati&kalanka,  whose 
opinion  on  this  point  is  invaluable,  as  it  rests  upon  the  most  import- 
ant verses  in  the  work  itself  which  were  misunderstood  by  Dr. 
Fleet  but  which  have  now  been  satisfactorily  explained.  Dr.  Fleet's 
paper  contains  many  other  gratuitous  assertions.  But  an  examin- 
ation of  them  may  well  be  postponed  till  he  has  satisfied  Sanskrit 
scholars  that  there  is  no  invocation  of  any  kind  to  any  god  in  the 
opening  verses  of  Nripatunga's  Kavir^jam^rga  and  of  Abhinava- 
Pampa*s  R^m^yaija.  One  assertion,  however,  need  be  noticed  here. 
Dr.  Fleet  says  on  pp.  272,  273  (Ind.  Ant.,  Vol.  XXXIII)  that  2- 
verses  "stand  in  precisely  the  same  form"  in  the  Kavir^jamllrga 
(II,  32,  35)  and  the  Chhand6mbudhi  (53,  55)  and  admits  that  the 
former  work  is  older  than  the  latter  ;  and  yet  he  tells  us  that  this 
**does  not  prove  that  it  was  from  the  Kavir^jam^rga  that  the 
verses  were  taken  into  the  Chhanddmbudhi.''  This  conclusion  is 
most  absurd,  as  he  has  not  actually  discovered  these  verses  in 
an  older  author  from  whom  the  two  works  could  have  borrowed 
independently.  Then  Dr.  Fleet  finds  2  verses  with  different  read- 
ings given  in  the  two  works,  and  as  he  cannot  suggest 
**any  acceptable"  reason  why  Ndgavarma  should  vary  the  text, 
we  are  asked  to  believe  that  N^gavarma  actually  borrowed  these 
verses,  not  from  the  KavirAjam^rga  but  from  an  older  work  which 
Dr.  Fleet  has  yet  to  discover.  But  until  the  promised  discovery 
is  made  by  Dr.  Fleet  and  because  we  can  give  very  **  acceptable" 
reasons  for  the  variation  of  the  text  by  Ndgavarma,  the  world  may 
safely  believe  that  these  verses  were  taken  into  the  Chhanddmbudhi 
from  the  KavirajamSlrga.  It  was  absolutely  necessary  for  N^ga- 
varma  to  alter  the  readings  kritakrityamalla-Vallabha-matadiude 
and  Nripatungad^va-vidita-kramadiip,  as  otherwise  his  claims  to  the 
authorship  of  the  Chhanddmbudhi  would  have  been  disputed  by  some 
critic  who  cannot  understand  invocatory  verses  in  Indian  poems  and 


NRIPATUI^IGA  AND  THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THB  KAVIRAJAMARGA.    II5 

who,  if  the  readings  had  been  preserved,  would  have  been  disposed  to 
represent  NiipatungadSva  as  the  author  of  the  Cbhanddmbudhi.  As 
to  the  reading  ^tamakha-sadiiia,  &c.,  N^avarma  must  have 
borrowed  the  verse  containing  this  reading  from  a  manuscript  of  the 
Kavir^jam^rga  which  was  accessible  to  him  and  which  might  be  re- 
garded as  a  predecessor  of  the  present  manuscript  of  that  work  which, 
as  Dr.  Fleet  admits,  does  give  that  reading.  It  is  obvious,  therefore, 
that  those  four  verses  were  really  borrowed  from  Nripatunga-grantha 
(Nripatuiiga's  work)  by  N^gavarma  and  not  from  an  older  work 
which  exists  only  in  Dr.  Fleet's  imagination.  In  conclusion  I  may  be 
permitted  to  reply  to  the  charge  of  '*  a  most  indecorous  attempt  by 
the  editor  to  abuse  the  confidence  of  his  readers"  in  the  following 
words  of  Gunabhadra  : — 

R^'i^MRfWHIH-^wr  fJl^  ft«W:  II  ^V5  ii 

Adipur^na,  Chapter  43. 


Art.  VIII. 

An  Epigraphtcal  Note  on  Dharmapala^  the  second  prince 

of  the  Pala  dynasty. 

By  Shridhar  Ramkrishna  Bhandarkar,  m.a. 

(Communicated. ) 

There  has  been  going  on  for  some  time  a  controversy  as  to  the  date 
of  DharmapUla,  the  second  prince  of  the  Pila  dynasty.  Cunningham 
in  his  Archaeological  Survey  Report,  Vol.  XV.,  page  151,  approximately 
fixed  his  accession  in  831  A.D.  But  the  date  is  inconsistent  with  the 
conclusion,  drawn  by  my  brother,  Devadatta  R.  Bhandarkar,  in  his 
remarks  on  the  Cambay  plates  of  Govinda  IV.,  that  "  Dharmap&Ia 
was  a  contemporary  of  the  RUshjrakiija  prince  Indra  III.,  for  whom 
the  RAshtrakiita  records  furnish  the  dates  915  and  917  A.D.* 

The  following  are  the  grounds  on  which  Devadatta  bases  his  con- 
clusion. The  Cambay  plates  speak  of  Indra  III.  having  devastated 
Mahodaya  (Kanauj).  The  date  of  Kshitip^la  or  Mahip^la  of  Kanauj 
is  917  A.D.  and  he  was  thus  a  contemporary  of  Indra  III.  According 
to  a  Khajur&ho  inscription,  "a  king  named  Kshitip&la  was  placed  on 
his  throne  by  the  Chandella  prince  Harshadeva."  **  This  Harshadeva 
flourished  at  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century.*'  The  Kshitip^la, 
therefore,  whom  he  reinstated,  must  have  been  this  Kshitip^aand  the 
throne  that  of  Kanauj.  Devadatta  further  proceeds  to  identify  this 
KshitipAla,  Mahipllla,  Herambapila,  or  Vin&yakap^la  with  Chakr&yu- 
dha  of  the  Bh^galpur  plate  and  Upendra  of  the  Nausari  plates  of 
Indra  III.,  in  which  Indra  III.  is  represented  as  having  conquered  an 
Upendra.  In  the  Bhilgalpur  plate  it  is  stated  that  Dharmap&la 
acquired  the  sovereignty  of  Mahodaya  by  conquering  Indrar&ja  and 
other  enemies,  and  bestowed  it  upon  Chakrd.yudha.  In  the  KhMimpur 
charter,  where  the  same  incident  is  referred  to,  Indrar^ja  is  not  men- 
tioned, nor  is  Chakr^yudha,  but  the  person  on  whom  the  sovereignty 
was  conferred  by  Dharmap^a  is  mentioned  as  a  prince  of  K^nyakubja. 
Therefore  Chakr^yudha  was  of  K&nyakubja  and  IndrarlLja  who  had 
to  be  defeated  must  have  wrested  the  sovereignty  from  him. 
The  question  now  is  whether  the  Indrar^ja  of  unnamed  dynasty  of  the 
!  Bh^galpur  plate  is  identical  with,  or  different  from,  the  R&shtrakOta 
Indra  III.  of  the  Cambay  plates.    Devadatta  inclines  to  the  former  view, 

*  Ep.  Ind.,  VII,  pp.  26 -ij. 


AN  EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE  ON   DHARMAPALA.  II7 

because  the  account  pieced  together  from  the  Bh&galpur  and-  Kh&Hm- 
pur  plates  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  account  as  pieced  together  from  the  * 
Cambay  plates  and  the  Khajur^ho  inscription,  referred  to,  on  the 
other  hand,  agree  in  the  two  particulars  that  an  Indrar&ja  ousted  a 
king  of  Kanauj  from  his  throne  and  that  the  latter  was  again  re- 
established. But  there  are  two  particulars  in  which  the  two  accounts 
differ.  The  name  of  the  king  of  Kanauj  according  to  the  latter 
account  was  Kshitipfila  and  according  to  the  former  Chakrayudha,  and 
the  king  who  set  him  up  was  the  Chandella  prince  Harshadeva  and 
Dharmap&la  respectively.  Devadatta  explains  the  latter  by  saying 
that  in  all  likelihood  both  helped  to  set  the  king  up  again  and  credit 
was  claimed  on  behalf  of  each.  The  former  he  explains  by  identifying^ 
Chakr&yudha  with  Kshitip&la  and  thinks  the  identification  to  be  con- 
firmed by  the  fact  that  the  name  Chakrayudha  signifies  the  same  thing  , 
as  Upendra,  the  name  of  the  prince  subjugated,  according  to  the 
Nausari  plates,  by  Indra  III. 

This  explanation  and  this  identification,  however,  can  be  conceded 
only  if  the  identification  of  the  two  Indrar^jas  be  well-established. 
But  just  on  account  of  the  difference  as  regards  the  two  particulars  it 
would  be  equally  open  to  another  to  hold  that  the  two  Indrardjas  were 
different •  And  in  the  history  of  India  it  is  nothing  strange  if  different 
kings  at  different  times  ruling  over  the  same  province  are  defeated  and 
ousted  from  their  thrones  and  again  set  up.'  A  somewhat  unus\ial  coin- 
cidence in  the  case  of  Kanauj  may  be  that  on  two  of  the  occasions  on 
which  its  prince  was  deprived  of  his  throne  the  names  of  the  two 
victors  were  identical.  And  I  have  come  across  what  I  look  upon 
as  definite  evidence  that  Dharmap&la  was  not  a  contemporary  of  Indra 
III.,  but  of  Govinda  III.;  and  it  is  at  the  suggestion  of  Devadatta 
himself  that  I  here  publish  it  apart  from,  and  before,  the  paper  of 
which  it  should  naturally  form  a  part. 

For  a  considerable  time  I  have  had  in  my  hands  a  Rllshtrakuta 
copperplate  grant  of  Amoghavarsha  I.  The  charter  is  rather  a  big 
one,  having  an  introduction  of  fifty-two  stanzas.  Except  for  one 
drawback  it  would  have  been  published  long  ago.  It  is  very  incor- 
rectly engraved  and  it  alludes  vaguely  to  not  a  few  names  and  things 
of  which  very  little  or  nothing  was  known  when  it  came  into  my  hands, 
and  on  only  a  few  of  which  some  glimmering  of  light  has  been  thrown 
since.  This  fact  renders  it  very  difficult  to  make  out  to  one's  satisfac- 
tion the  sense  of  many  passages. 

^  Supposing,  as  Devadatta  doesi  that  the  Indrar^ja  defeated  by  Dharmap^a  did  not 
belong  to  the  same  Hne  as  Chakrikyudha  and  that  Chakr&yudha  had  been  displaced  by  iiim. 
The  point  will  be  considered  later  on. 


U8  AN   EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE   ON   DHARMAPALA. 

The  evidence  I  have  alluded  to  above  is  the  following  stanza  relating 
to  Nirupamatanaya  PrabhOtavarsha  Jagattui^ga,  i.  ^.,  Govinda  III.:— 

The  mention  together  here  of  Dharma  and  Chakr^yudha  in  a 
Dvandva  compound,  though  unfortunately  there  are  no  further  parti- 
culars given  of  them,  makes  it  plain,  I  think,  that  they  are  the  same  as 
the  Dharmap^a  and  Chakr&yudha  of  the  Bh&galpur  plate. 

There  is  a  Chakriyudha  in  the  Gwalior  inscription  of  Mihira  Bhoja 
noticed  in  Dr.  Kielhorn's  Epigraphic  Note  No.  17. '  He  is  referred  to 
therein  as  one  "  whose  low  state  was  manifested  by  his  dependence 
on  another  (or  others)*'  and  as  conquered  by  NAgabhata  ;  and  Dr. 
Kielhom  identifies  him  with  the  Chakr&yudha  of  the  Bh^galpur  plate. 
This  Nligabhata  also  seems  to  be  referred  to  in  the  following  verses, 
which  immediately  precede  the  verses  quoted  above  : — 

^  HI<N<l'«4'j^yH'iM4l^4h(#?)f  ?i^ 

^^l<iHMtl4  '^(^)R*^M«>l'4l<*^a  (^'Ip^  or  ^ifN^?)  ['] 

<ljfM'HM<l  ^^^^  ^Ili^^^lPl^  1^ 

The  Chandragupta  mentioned  here  may  be  the  one  whose  name 
occurs  in  No.  617  in  Dr.  Kielhorn's  List  of  Inscriptions  of  Northern 
India.  The  inscription  is  from  Sirpur  and  is  of  "  about  the  beginning 
of  the  ninth  century  A.  D." 

Dh&rmap&la  must  thus  have  been  a  contemporary  of  Govinda  III., 
whose  dates  are  Saka  716,  726,  730  (A.D.  794,  804,808),  and  flourished 
about  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century  A.D. 

Darmap&la  and  Chakr&yudha  being  thus  referred  to  a  period  earlier 
than  that  of  Indra  III.,  the  identification  with  Kshitip41a  of  the 
Upendra  whom  Indra  III.  defeated  and  of  the  fact  of  the  devastation 
of  Mahodaya  by  that  prince  with  the  defeat  or  dethronement  of 
Upendra,  which,  De\*adatta  thought,  was  probable,  must  now  be 
given  up. 

But  who  is  the  Indrarija  who  was  defeated  by  Dharmap^a  before 
ChakrAyudha  was  set  up  on  his  throne  ?    May  he  not  now  be  the 

«   OflMt 

KUSM.  I  Omil. 


AN  EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE   ON   DHARMAPALA.  1 19 

brother  of  Govinda  III.,  as  conjectured  by  Mr.  Batavyal'?  If  he  be, 
the  unusual  coincidence  I  have  mentioned  above  of  two  different 
victors  of  Kanauj  having  the  same  name,  Indrar^ja,  is  not  as  unusual 
as  it  would  otherwise  be,  since  they  both  belong  to  a  dynast}'  having 
three  Indras  in  the  direct  line  and  one  in  a  collateral  line.  Indra  may 
have  accompanied  Govinda  III.,  in  the  latter's  victorious  march,  which 
was  as  far  as  the  Himalayas,  and  might  have  been  left  by  him  in  pos- 
session of  the  kingdom  of  Kanauj.  And  may  not  N&gabha^a,  whose 
glory  is  represented  in  the  second  of  the  above  quotations  as  having 
been  wrested  from  him  by  Govinda  III.,  be  the  GOrjara  prince  on 
whom  Govinda's  brother  Indra  is  represented  as  having  inflicted  a 
defeat'?  If  Indra,  the  brother  of  Govinda  III.,  was  in  the  latter*s 
company  during  his  victorious  march,  there  is  nothing  unusual  if  the 
credit  of  the  victory  over  N^gabhata  should  be  claimed  for  him  also. 

It  may  then  be,  that  Dharmapila  and  Chakrdyudha  yielded  them- 
selves up  to  Govinda  III.,  that  Indra,  the  brother  of  the  last,  was  left 
in  charge  of  Kanauj  at  least,  that  defeating  Indra,  DharmapSla  set 
Chakr^yudha  on  the  throne,  and  that,  when  Dharmap&la  and  Chakr^- 
yudha  yielded  themselves  up,  Nftgabhata  too,  at  whose  hands  Chakr&- 
yudha  suffered  defeat,  either  before  or  after  this  event,  had  to  do  the 
same. 

Dr.  Kielhorn'  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  the  Indr^yudha,  who  is  referred 
to  at  the  end  of  the  Jaina  Harivam^apurina  as  reigning  in  the  north  in 
^aka  705  (A.D.  783),  and  that  he  was  of  the  same  family  as  Chakr&yu- 
dha  and  was  his  predecessor  on  the  throne  of  Kanauj.  But  his  identi- 
fication of  the  R^sh^rakiita  Parabala,  who  erected  the  Pathari  Pillar 
bearing  his  inscription,  with  the  R&shtrakO(a  Parabala,  who  was  the 
father-in-law  of  Dharmap^la,*  would  seem  to  militate  against  such  a 
supposition.  The  great  victorious  march  of  Govinda  III.  occurred  not 
later  than  A.D.  804.5  Chakr&yudha  must,  on  Dr.  Kielhorn*s  sup^posi- 
tion,  have  been  set  on  the  throne  by  Dharmap^la  before  this  event. 
And  further,  if  N&gabhata  defeated  Chakr^yudha  before  the  victorious 
march,  it  would  have  to  be  held  as  not  unlikely,  that  Chakrd.yudha  was 
set  on  his  throne  several  years  before  A.D.  804.  But  under  any 
circumstances,  as  the  coronation  of  Chakr^yudha  cannot  be  later  than 
804  A.D.,  Dharmapdla  who  set  him  up  must  then  have  been  of  an  age 
not  only  to  govern  but  also  to  conquer  and  set  others  on  the  throne, 
say  about  thirty.  His  father-in-law,  who  might  naturally  be  expected 
to  be  older,  must  at  that  time  have  been  about  forty  and  would  have  to 

^  Journ,  Benga  As.  Soc  LXIII,  p.  6a. 

*  Baroda  grsMt  of  Karica  of  the  Gujarat  Branch,  Ind.  Ant,  XII.  p.  166,  U  ^3-5, 

*  Epigraphic  Note,  No.  15. 
**  Epigraj^ic  Note,  No*  6, 

°  Dr.  Bhandarkar's  Early  Htntory  of  the  Dekkan  (and  edn.)t  P*  ^« 


I20  AN   EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE   ON   DHARMAPALA. 

be  considered  as  being  about  ninety-seven  at  the  date  of  the  Path^ri 
Pillar  inscription  of  A.D.  86i.  But  if  it  be  assumed  that  Dharmap&la 
set  up  ChakrILyudha  some  time  after  the  victorious  march  of  Govinda 
III.  on  defeating  the  last  one's  brother  Indra,  he  might  be  assumed  to 
have  been  younger  in  804  A.  D.  and  consequently  Parabala  less  than 
ninety-seven  in  A.D.  861. 

There  is  one  other  point  to  notice.  Dr.  Hoernle  has  drawn  the  con- 
clusion that  in  840  A.D.  the  GOrjara  empire  did  not  include  the  northern 
kingdom  of  Kanauj  and  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  happened  only 
under  Bhoja  I.*  Thus  there  is  still  left  unfilled  the  gap  among  the 
rulers  of  Kanauj,  **of  not  less  than  loc  years  between  this  king  (Bhoja^ 
and  Yasovarman,  patron  of  Bhavabhdti,"  noticed  by  Devadatta  in  his 
paper  on  the  GOrjaras."*  But  Chakr^yudha  has  been  made  out  by  him 
to  be  a  ruler  of  Kanauj.  So  there  is  now  one  at  least  to  fill  up  the 
gap  and  another  also,  if  the  Indr&yudhaofthejaina  Harivamsa  should 
have  likewise  been  a  ruler  of  Kanauj  as  Dr.  Kielhorn  maintains. 

That  ChakrAyudha,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  the  GQrjara  prince 
Nd^gabha^a,  was  a  ruler  of  Kanauj  is  an  additional  confirmation  of 
the  correctness  of  Dr.  Hoernle's  view. 

Moreover  one  reason  adduced  by  Devadatta,  in  the  paper  just  men- 
tioned, for  assuming  that  the  GOrjara  Vatsar^ja's  power  was  not 
restricted  to  Rajputana  alone,  but  extended  over  the  country  ruled 
by  Bhoja,  is  that  the  Gauda  country  was  so  far  away  from 
Rajputana  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  otherwise  Vatsarilja 
couki  subjugate  it  as  he  did.  But  the  difficulty  of  the  task  may  be 
regarded  as  not  quite  so  insuperable  or  the  inexplicability  may  be 
considered  to  have  been  removed  by  the  fact  to  which  attention  has 
been  drawn  by  Mr.  A.  M.  T.  Jackson  that  the  Gauda  country  was  no 
other  than  Thanesar.^ 

Finally,  in  addition  to  the  fact  noticed  by  Mr.  Jackson,  this  fact 
also,  that  Dharmapala  was  a  contemporary  of  Govinda  111.  (794 
.A.  D.),  completely  does  away  with  the  preceptorship  on  the  part  of 
Krishna: II  (877  A.  D. )  with  regard  to  Dharmapdla's  children,  which  Dr. 

Hoemie  refers  to,*  even  if  the  words  'TORt  RH^iltll^"HI^:  had  been 
capable  of  that  meaning. 

The  scraps  of  information  gathered  may  then  be  put  together  as 
follows  : — 

Chakr^yudha  was  raised  to  the  throne  of  Kanauj  by  Dharmapala 
after  conquering    IndrarAja  and   others  according    to  the  Bhagalpur 

*  J,  R»  A*  S,  tQiH,  pfk  *<*-T* 

•  J.  Ik  R«  A«  &«  t^>* 

'  J.  R.  A,  S,  idv>j,  riv  tajM 


AN   EPIGRAPHICAL   NOTE    ON   DHARMAPALA.  121 

grant.  Nftgabha^a  of  the  G^rjara  dynasty  defeated  ChakrHyudha, 
and  N^gabhata  himself  was  defeated  by  Govinda  III.  It  would  thus 
appear,  that  when  Nagabhata  was  the  GOrjara  prince,  the  family  had 
not  established  itself  at  Kanauj.  The  Indr&yudha  mentioned  in  the 
Harivamia  as  ruling  over  the  north  in  783  A.  D.  was  probably  a 
ruler  of  Kanauj  ;  and  he  may  have  been  one  of  those  vanquished  by 
Dharmap&la  about  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  and  the  one  referred  to 
by  the  name  of  Indrarija  in  the  Bh^galpur  plates.  Dharmap^la  did  not 
annex  the  country  to  his  territory  but  bestowed  the  sovereignty  of  it 
on  Chakr^yudha.  Chakr^yudha  was  probably  connected  with 
Indr&yudha,  as  the  ending  word  &yudha  of  both  the  names  may  be 
taken  to  indicate.  Indr^lyudha  may  have  been  the  rightful  predeces- 
sor of  ChakrHyudha  or  a  usurper  and,  after  his  defeat  and 
probable  death  also,  Chakr^yudha  may  have  been  raised  to  the  throne 
by  Dharmap^la  as  the  next  or  rightful  claimant.  So  that  some  time 
after  the  death  of  Yalovarman,  the  patron  of  BhavabhOti,  which  must 
have  taken  place  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  one 
Indr&yudha  got  possession  of  it  and  was  ruling  in  783  A.D.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Chakr^yudha  and  he  perhaps  by  somebody  else,  until 
this  petty  dynasty  was  overthrown  by  Bhojadeva  of  the  GOrjara 
dynasty  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  and  thereafter  Kanauj 
became  the  capital  of  the  latter  dynasty. 


Art.  IX. 

A  comparison  of  the  Avestic  Doctrines  of  the  Fravashees 

with  the  Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas  and 

other  later  Doctrines. 

Bv  R.  K.  Dadachanji,  B.A.,  LL.B. 
{^Read2']thjuly,  1905.) 

The  history  of  all  human  thought  establishes  the  correctness  of  the 
following  three  principles  :     First,  all  civilization  and  progress  are  the 
results  of  the  evolution  of  thought  from  its  simplest  to  its  most  com- 
plex forms,  step  by  step,  among  the  different  races   of  mankind  from 
the  dawn  of  human  history.     Secondly,  all  ideas  relating  to  objects 
and  forms   of  worship  were   in   reality  in   primitive  times  intended 
to   be  explanations    of   the  mysterious    phenomena    of   nature    and 
«vents  of  human  life  on  the  supposition  that  such  phenomena  were  the 
results  of  the  operations  of  spirits,  and  were,   so  to  speak,  the  effects 
of  what  may  be  called  **  spiritual  causes  **  as  distinguished  from  what 
we  understand  as  **  physical  causes."    These  ideas  represented,  as  it 
were,   the  sciences  of  primitive  times  and  led  to  the  birth  and  growth 
of  the  sciences  properly  so-called  of  modem  times.     Thirdly,  with 
the  advance  of  knowledge  and  culture,  '*  spiritual  causes  **  are  supplant- 
ed gradually  by  physical  causes,  as  explaining  natural  phenomena  and 
the  events  of  human  life.     The  first  of  these  three  principles  establishes 
what  may  be  called  the  principle  of  the  suggestiveness  of  ideas,  vis,, 
that  old   existing  ideas  have  the  power  of  suggesting  new  ideas  ;  that 
conversely,  new  ideas  never  arise  except  through  the  suggestion  of,  or 
as  being  derived  from,  old  existing  ideas,  and  bear,  therefore,  a  neces- 
sary connection  with  the  latter  and   ^*ould  nex'er  come  into  existence 
but  for  the  prior  existence  of  the  latter.     This  principle  is  akin  to,  but 
distinct  from,  the  principle  of  association  of  ideas.     The  j^econd  of  the 
said  three  principles  is  a  corollary  of  the  first  and  may  be  described  as 
representing  the  principle  of  the  unity  and  conttnuit>*  of  human  thought 
throughout  all  ag^s  in  the  history  of  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world. 
The  remaining  third   principle  sheu*s,   that  the  greater  the  advance 
made  by  the  human  mind  in  knowledge  and  culture,  ti>.,  in  the  actual 
production  of,  and  in  the  power  of  producing,  new  ideas  out  of  old 
ideas,  the  less  are  natural  phenomena  and  eN'^nts  of  human  life  ex- 
plained with  reference  to  '*  sf^ritual  causes/"  and  the  more  are  they  ex- 


THE   AVESTIC   DOCTRINES   OF   THE   FRAVASHEES.  1 23 

plained  with  reference  to  physical  causes.  These  principles,  therefore, 
suggest  tests  for  ascertaining  the  stage,  at  which  any  particular  idea 
must  have  been  developed,  and  its  relations  in  point  of  growth  to  other 
Ideas,  similar  in  substance  but  different  in  forms.  We  shall  see,  that 
the  Fravashees,  a  certain  class  of  spirits  representing  also  human 
beings,  dead,  living  and  to  be  born,  were  regarded  in  the  Avestic  times 
as  explaining  most  of  the  mysterious  phenomena  of  nature  and  human 
life.  But  when  we  come  to  the  times  of  Plato,  which  were  far  later 
than  those  in  which  the  Avestic  ideas  of  Frohars  or  Fravashees 
came  into  existence,  we  observe,  that  physical  causes  e.g,^  fire,  air, 
water,  are  accepted  as  explaining  the  phenomena  of  existence  in 
the  world  by  some  Greek  thinkers,  who  denied  that  such  pheno- 
mena were  due  to  the  working  of  spirits.  In  those  times,  we  observe 
that  Plato  makes  only  a  limited  use  of  the  idea  of  spirits.  While  in 
the  Avestic  times  the  Fravashees  were  regarded  as  explaining  all 
phenomena,  all  the  mysteries  of  nature  and  human  life  in  this  world, 
Plato  looked  upon  the  idea  of  fhe  existence  of  spirits  as  only  explain- 
ing metaphysical  questions  concerning  life  before  birth  and  life  after 
death.  In  later  times  than  those  of  Plato,  Christianity  taught  through 
Catholicism  the  activity  in  this  world,  for  thegood  of  devout  Christians, 
of  the  spirits  of  those  few  elect  dead  personages  only  who  were  cano- 
nized. Thus  though  Catholicism  denied  the  activity  of  the  spirits 
of  all  dead  Christians  who  had  met  with  Christian  burial,  and  for 
whose  spiritual  benefit  certain  religious  ceremonies  had  been  per- 
formed, it  admitted  the  beneficent  activity  of  the  spirits  of  those  few 
who  were  revered  as  saints.  But  this  limitation  of  the  idea  of  the 
activity  of  the  spirits  of  the  human  dead  was  abolished  centuries  later 
by  Protestantism,  which  refused  to  accept  the  idea  of  the  beneficent 
activity  of  the  spirits  of  those  whom  Catholicism  venerated  as  saints, 
though  it  retained  the  idea  of  the  existence  of  the  spirits  of  the  dead, 
and  their  future  salvation.  And  in  the  middle  of  the  19th  century, 
when  fcience  had  explained  through  physical  causes  and  laws  all 
phenomena  of  nature  and  human  existence,  physically  observable, 
rejecting  all  explanations  based  on  the  agency  of  spirits,  we  find 
that  Auguste  Comte  (who  founded  the  Religion  of  Humanity  in  the 
hope  of  its  supplanting  all  existing  "supernatural  religions,"  as  A. 
Balfour  has  called  them,  meaning  those  which  teach  the  existence  of 

spiritual  life  after  death)  utilized  for  the  purposes  of  his  new  religion 
an  idea  similar  to  the  idea  of  the  Frohars  or  Fravashees  of  the  dead, 
not  in  its  entirety,  but  with  its  connection  with  spirits  eliminated. 
And  coming  to  our  own  days,  we  obser\'e  that  with  all  orthodox 
Parsees  the  idea  of  Fravashees,  as  representing  the  dead,  are  living, 
moving   ideas  ;  but  that  these  ideas  are,  and  have  been,  restricted  to 


124  THE   AVESTIC   DOCTRINES   OF   THE   PRAVASHBES. 

the  beneficent  acivity  of  the  Fravashees  invoked  with  proper  ceremonies 
and  observances.  Thus  Parseeism  believes  in  the  beneficent  activity 
in  this  world  of  the  Fravashees  or  spirits,  representing  the  dead, 
including  the  Fravashees  representing  those  living  and  to  be  born, 
though  Catholicism,  which  arose  much  later  than  the  ideas  of  the 
Fravashees,  confines  such  activity  to  the  spirits  of  those  whom  it  has 
recognized  as  saints.  This  paper  will,  therefore,  after  setting  out  the 
Avestic  doctrines  as  to  the  Fravashees,  state  and  discuss  the  doctrines 
of  Plato  regarding  what  he  has  called  the  Ideas,  and  compare  and 
contrast  them  with  the  former.  It  will,  also,  refer  to  Comte*s  Religion 
of  Humanity,  as  far  as  it  bears  on  the  subject  herein  dealt  with. 
This  paper  will,  further^  demonstrate,  how  the  unity  and  continuity 
of  thought  are  preserved  by  great  religions,  after  their  establish- 
ment, by  the  adaptation  and  absorption  of  ideas,  which  in  their 
existing  forms  they  desired  to  displace,  but  which  they  could  not 
wholly  extinguish.  It  is,  generally,  supposed,  that  a  new  religion  has 
always  absolutely  broken  up  the  old  order  of  ideas  and  replaced  it  by 
an  entirely  new  one.  But  attentive  observation  shews,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  remove  completely  an  existing  intellectual  and  moral  out- 
fit from  the  human  mind,  and  equip  it  with  an  entirely  new  one. 

This  paper  will,  also,  attempt  to  settle  the  relation  of  the  teachings  of 
what  are  known  as  the  later  Avesta  writings  to  those  of  the  Gathas,  to 
solve  the  questions  firstly,  whether  the  former  are  simple  pre-Zoroastrian 
or  post-Zoroastrian  ideas,  or  are  really  Zoroastrian  adaptations  of  pre- 
Zoroastrtan  ideas  ;  secondly,  what  their  age  is  with  reference  to  the 
propagation  of  Zoroastrianism  and  the  early  Aryan  emigration  to  India. 

2.  The  **  Gathas"  are  universally  acknowledged  as  embodying  the 
teachings  of  the  great  Zoroaster.  With  reference  to  the  date  of  this 
grand  work,  the  dates  of  composition  of  different  parts  of  the  remaining 
extant  Zoroastrian  scriptures  have  first  to  be  fixed.  And  the  opinion 
prevails,  that  the  Yeshtas  are  writings,  which  belong  to  a  later  period 
th.an  that  of  the  Gathas  and  are,  therefore,  known  as  forming  a  part 
of  what  are  called  the  later  Avesta  writings.  As  Dr.  Haug  observes 
in  his  learned  **  Essays  on  the  Parsis", — '^The  name  Fravashee  is 
never  to  be  met  with  in  the  Gathas."  But  as  is  well  known  the 
**  nusks,"  which  formed  the  body  of  the  Zoroastrian  scriptures,  have 
been  lost,  and  as  it  can  never  be  assumed  that  the  Gathas  were  the 
only  original  work,  representing  the  teachings  of  the  great  Iranian 
prophet,  it  cannot  be  inferred  from  the  silence  of  the  Gathas  as  to  the 
Fravashees,  that  the  great  prophet  disbelieved  the  existence  of  the 
Fravashees,  or  preached  their  non-existence.  If  this  had  been  the 
case,  the  later  Avesta  would   not  have  assigned  one  whole   Yashta 


THE   AVESTIC   DOCTRINES    OF   THE   FRAVASHEES.  1 25 

specially  to  the  Fravashees,  vis.,  the  Frawardeen  Yesht,  and  would 
not  have  made  constant  references  to  them  in  its  other  parts,  nor  would 
the  recital  of  the  Frawardeen  Yesht  have  constituted,  as  it  has  con- 
stituted from  time  immemorial  till  the  present  day,  the  most  important 
part  of  the  Zoroastrian  ritual  of  the  dead.  And,  moreover,  it  is  im- 
possible to  assume  either  that  the  great  prophet  inculcated  no  ritual  in 
honour  of  the  dead  who  are  always  the  first  care  of  every  great  religion  ; 
and  that  if  he  did,  as  he  could  not  but  have  done,  there  was  any  other 
ritual  prescribed  than,  inter  alia,  the  recital  of  the  Frawardeen  Yesht. 
Assuming,  therefore,  that  no  significance  can  be  attached  to  the  fact 
of  the  Gathas  not  referring  to  the  Fravashecs,  we  shall  set  out  the 
main  doctrines  of  the  Fravardeen  Yashta  and  afterwards  discuss  them 
in  relation  to  the  Platonic  doctrines  as  to  the  Ideas  ;  because  nothing 
brings  out  the  salient  points  of  any  doctrines  so  much  as  their  com- 
parison and  contrast  with  other  similar  doctrines.  It  is  when  placed 
against  the  background  of  the  latter,  that  the  former  appear  in  all 
their  striking  colours,  disclosing  the  strong  and  weak  points  of  both. 

3.  The  doctrines  of  the  Frawardeen  Yesht  regarding  the  Fravashees 
are  as  follows  on  the  following  points  : — 

I.  What  the  Fravashees  or  Frohars  are  and  their  powers,  **The 
Frohars  or  Fravashees  are  invisible,  incapable  of  being  imagined,  are 
far-seeing,  strong,  powerful,  successful  in  war,  health-giving,  grant- 
ors of  gift  and  happiness.'' 

II.  The  place  of  abode  of  the  Fravashees  or  Frohars  : — **  The  Fra- 
vashees or  Frohars  move  about  at  their  will  in  the  upper  region  of 
air  (or  ether)." 

III.  What  beings  and  bodies  are  represented  by  the  Fravashees 
or  Frohars  : — '*  Ahuramazda,  the  yezds,  the  angels,  the  heavens, 
water,  earth,  trees  (vegetation),  goats  and  kine,  and  men,  living, 
dead,  and  to  be  born,  pious  creations,  and  even  the  Mathravani  have 
all  their  respective  Fravashees  or  Frohars.  But  the  Frohars  of  the 
pious  living  human  beings  are  more  powerful  than  those  of  departed 
ones." 

IV.  Explanations  of  phenomena  based  on  the  agency  of  the  Fra- 
vashees or  Frohars  : — 

**  (a)  The  sun,  moon,  planets,  and  innumerable  stars  were  sta- 
tionary at  first  for  a  long  time,  but  the  Frohars  opened  and  pointed 
out  the  true  paths  for  them  ....  Water  was  likewise  sta- 
tionary at  first  for  a  long  time,  but  the  Frohars  shewed  to  it  good 
ways  into  streams  ....  Trees  were  also  stationary,  inactive 
at  first,  did  not  develop  or  yield  fruits  ;  but  the  Frohars  gave  to  them 


126  THB   AVESTIC  DOCTRINES   OF   THE   FRAVASHEES. 

the  power  of  developing  and  3rielding  fruits,  according  to  ordained 
ways  and  at  ordained  times." 

**{b)  It  is  through  the  aid  of  the  Frohars  that  Ahura  Mazda 
sustains  the  earth  and  the  heavens,  preserves  the  unborn  in  the 
wombs  of  their  mothers.  If  there  had  been  no  Frohars,  no  creatures 
of  Ahura  Mazda,  rational  and  irrational,  would  have  been  in  exist- 
ence, but  Angremenyush,  and  the  '*  Deruj's,  and  the  (evil)  Meenoes 
(spirits)  would  have  overpowered  everything,  and  exercised  their 
sway  unchecked." 

V.  The  time,  mode  and  results  of  the  adoration  of  the  Frohars  : — 
•*  The  Frohars  descend  from  their  higher  region  to  the  earth  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Hamaespathan  ghambar  [a  certain  part  of  the  Parsi 
year],  and  move  about  the  streets  for  ten  nights,  desirous 
of  their  names  being  remembered,  their  praises  and  glory  being 
proclaimed,  their  worship  being  effected  with  pious  prayers,  and 
their  being  welcomed  with  hands  bearing  food  and  raiment 
[not,    it   is    to   be    noted,   being    fed    with    food,  or    clothed   with 

raiment] The  blessings,  which  the  Frohars  that 

have  had  their  aforementioned  desires  satisfied,  possess  the  power 
of  granting,  and  do  grant  on  invocation,  are  as  follows  : — (a)  "  In- 
crease of  cattle  and  human  beings,"  {b)  **  fleet  horses  and  strong 
vehicles,"  (O  **  power,  with  leadership  of  the  Anjuman  (public  body)," 
{d)  **  help  in  enterprises  and  in  distress,"  (e)  **  health  and  recovery 
from  illness,"  (/)  *  victory  in  battles." 

Inferentially  it  may  be  stated,  that  Angremenyush,  the  Derooj's,  and 
the  evil  Meenoes  are  not  represented  by  Frohars,  and  that  the  Frohars 
are  the  beings  forming  the  connecting  link  between  the  spiritual  and 
the  physical  world — between  mind  and  matter,  and  a«e  the  beings  who 
connect  Ahura-Mazda  with  his  good  creations. 

4.  Dr.  Haug  says  in  his  **  Essays  on  the  Parsees"  :  **  Every  being 
of  the  good  creation,  whether  living  or  deceased,  or  still  unborn,  has 
its  own  Fravashee  or  guardian,  who  has  existed  from  the  beginning. 
Hence  they  are  a  kind  of  prototype,  and  may  best  be  compared  to 
the  Ideas  of  Plato,  who  supposed  everything  really  existing  to  have  a 
double  existence,  first  in  idea,  secondly  in  reality.  Such  celestial  or 
invisible  prototypes  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  .  .  See  Heb., 
IX,  23.  Exod.  XXV,  9,  24."  We  shall  now  state  the  doctrines  of 
Plato  as  to  the  Ideas,  and  then  note  the  points  of  similarity  and  c^s- 
similarity  between  them  and  the  doctrines  of  th^  Avesta,  regarding 
the  Fravashees  or  Frohars. 

5.  The  doctrines  of  Plato  on  the  Ideas,  which  were  intended  by  him 
to  prove  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  are  put  by  him  into  the   mouth  of 


THE  AVESTIC  DOCTRINES  OF  THE  FRAVASHEES.       1 27 

Socrates  in  the  dialogue  entitled  Phsedo.  Socrates  expresses  them 
just  before  drinking  the  cup  of  hemlock,  and  bravely  submitting  to  the 
execution  of  the  sentence  of  death  passed  upon  him.  He  holds  his 
last  discourse  with  his  devoted  grief-stricken  disciples,  appropriately 
on  deatli  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  He  seeks  to  inspire  his 
disciples  with  courage  and  fortitude  to  bear  his  approaching  death,  by 
trying  to  prove  in  his  usual  way  that  death  to  a  true  pure-minded 
philosopher,  which  Socrates  had  undoubtedly  proved  himself  to  be, 
was  but  the  opening  of  the  door  of  the  prison  of  the  body  in  which 
his  immortal  soul  had  been  imprisoned,  and  afforded  a  passage  ta 
that  higher  and  sublimer  unchanging  life  in  the  glorious  upper  regions 
of  the  gods,  which  was  the  reward  of  the  true  pure-hearted  philoso- 
pher. The  excellence  of  the  analyses  of  the  Platonic  Dialogues  given 
by  Grote  in  his  great  work,  entitled  **  Plato  and  the  other  companions 
of  Socrates,"  is  testified  to  by  Jowett,  and  is  proved  by  a  study  of  the 
latter's  own  fascinating  translations  of  the  dialogues.  The  following 
doctrines,  therefore,  of  Plate  on  the  Ideas  are  stated  mostly  in  the 
words  of  Grote,  which,  besides  being  accurate,  can  hardly  be  im- 
proved upon  : — 

I.  What  the  Ideas  are,  and  what  functions  they  discharge,  [not 
being,  it  is  to  be  noted,  invested  with,  and  not  exercising,  any 
powers  themselves]:  **The  Ideas  are  invisible,  eternal  unchang- 
ing intelligible  essences,  or  realities,  are  substantial,  universal,  abso* 
lute  universal,  causative,  entities,  are  extra  phenomenal  transcen- 
dental causes.  Each  idea  imports  or  communicates  its  own  nature 
to  the  particulars,  which  bear  the  same  name  with  it  and  exist  in  this 
world  of  sense,' transient  phenomena,  uncertainty  and  mere  opinion, 
e.g,^  Self-Beautiful  and  Self-Good  are  the  eternal  Ideas,  and  if  any 
thing  else  be  beautiful  or  good,  it  can  only  be,  and  is  beautiful  or 
good,  because  it  inheres  or  partakes  in  or  has  in  it  the  presence  of, 
the  Self-Beautiful  or  Self-Good. 

II.  The  place  of  abode  of  the  Ideas :  In  the  invisible  upper 
regions  of  the  earth,  which  are  glowingly  described  in  detail  by  So- 
crates, as  if  under  inspiration,  at  the  end  of  his  discourse  and  where 
everything  is  fairer  than  here  and  where  the  gods  also  reside,  there 
dwell  the  Ideas. 

III.  Metaphysical  explanations,  not  based  on  the  assumed  agency 
of  the  Ideas,  but  upon  logical  inferences  drawn  or  deductions  made^ 
from  the  theory  of  their  existence  :  (1)  Immortality  of  the  soul, 
**  Tliat  which  being  in  the  body  gives  it  life  is  the  soul,  which  exists 
both  as  a  particular  thing  in  the  world  and  as  an  universal  Idea  in 
the  transcendental    world.     But  contrary  ideas  can   and  will   never 


128  THE   AVESTIC   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    FRAVASHEES. 

coexist  in  an3rthing,  but  will  exclude  one  another.  Therefore  the 
soul,  which  always  brings  with  it  life,  can  never  receive,  or  admit,  or 
co-exist  with,  death,  which  always  brings  with  it  the  contrary  of  life. 
The  soul  therefore  is  not  liable  to  death,  but  is  immortal."  (ii)  Life 
after  death  and  the  transmigration  of  souls  :  **  After  the  death  of 
each  individual,  his  soul  is  conducted  by  his  attendant  genius  to  whom 
he  belonged  in  life  to  the  proper  place,  and  there  receives  its  reward 
or  sentence  of  condemnation  to  suffering  greater  or  less,  according  to 
his  conduct  in  life,  to  be  carried  out  in  certain  ways.  The  reward  or 
condemnation  of  the  soul  is  determined  by  the  following  considera- 
tion : — {a)  If  the  soul  has  undergone  during  the  life  in  this  world  of 
the  body,  left  behind  by  it,  the  purifying  influence  of  philosophy, 
having  detached  itself  as  much  as  possible  from  all  connection  with 
the  body,  with  passions,  appetites,  and  impulses,  from  all  pleasures 
and  pursuits  connected  with  the  body,  in  order  to  pursue  true  wisdom 
and  knowledge,  then,  it  is  relieved  from  the  obligation  of  entering 
into  any  other  body,  and  is  allowed  to  live  by  itself  ever  afterwards, 
disembodied  in  the  pure  region  of  the  Ideas,  in  companionship  with 
the  gods,  (b)  If  the  soul  has  undergone  no  such  purification,  it  first 
takes  the  form  of  a  ghost,  and  becomes  visible  and  then  after  under- 
going some  purification  enters  fresh  bodies  of  different  species  of  men 
or  animals,  according  to  the  particular  temperament  it  carries  away 
with  it,  and  the  wrongs  committed  by  it  during  its  embodied  life,  ^.^., 
the  soul  of  a  despot,  a  violent  or  rapacious  man,  passes  into  the  body 
of  a  wolf  or  kite  ;  of  a  glutton  or  drunkard  into  that  of  an  ass  ; 
but  the  soul  of  a  man,  just  and  temperate  by  habit  and  disposi- 
tion, and  not  through  the  exercise  of  the  pure  intellect  passes  into 
the  body  of  a  gentle  and  social  animal,  such  as  the  ant,  bee,  wasp. 
Sec,  or  may  return  into  the  human  form  of  a  moderate  man. 
{iii)  Life  before  birth:  "The  soul  during  its  pre-existence, 
while  completely  apart  from  the  body,  acquires  through  intellectual 
contemplation  and  commerce  with  the  eternal  Ideas,  wisdom  or  know- 
ledge of  the  other  eternal  Ideas,  to  which  its  own  nature  is  cognate. 
But  such  wisdom  or  knowledge  is  lost  by  the  soul  on  birth,  owing  to 
its  conjunction  with  the  body,  and  during  its  existence  in  this  world  ; 
and  if  it  acquires  any  part  of  that  knowledge  afterwards  during  itj> 
life  in  the  world,  such  knowledge  is  mere  reminiscence,  a  renewal  of 
the  Ideas,  with  which  the  soul  was  already  familiar  during  its  anterior 
life,  while  separate  from  the  body."  (iv)  Conflict  between  the  soul  and 
the  senses  :  **  Out  of  the  body,  there  grow  passions,  appetites  and 
impulses,  feelings  of  pleasure  and  pain,  which  corrupt  the  souPs 
perception  of  truth,  and  misguide  it  in  its  search  for  wisdom  and 
knowledge,  which  can  only  be  acquired  though  pure  mental  contem- 


THE   AVESTIC    DOCTRINES    OF   THE    FKAVASHEES.  1 29 

plation  of  the  eternal  Ideas,  and  thu<:  the  perceptions  of  the  senses 
lead  to  no  truth,  but  only  to  confusion  and  deceit.  The  soul,  therefore, 
existing  in  an  embodied  state  must  sever  its  connection  with  the 
senses,  with  all  passions,  appetites,  and  impulses,  and  must  engage 
itself  in  true  intellectual  contemplation." 

6.  Before  instituting  any  comparison  between  the  Platonic  doctrines 
regarding  the  Ideas,  and  the  Avestic  doctrines  regarding  the 
Frohars,  it  will  be  interesting  to  note  the  ccmments  of  Jowett  on  the 
former.  That  great  scholar  remarks  :  **  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
dialogue  [Phajdo]  Socrates  replaces  the  veil  of  mythology  and  describes 
the  soul  and  her  attendant  genius  in  the  language  of  the   mysteries, 

or  a  disciple  of  Zoroaster When  we  consider  how 

much  the  doctrine  of  Ideas  was  also  one  of  words,  we  cannot  wonder, 
that  Plato  should  have  fallen  into  verbal  fallacies  ;  early  logic  is  always 
mistaking  the  truth  of  the  form  for  the  truth  of  the  matter  .... 
The  conception  of  an  abstract  soul  is  the  impersonation  of  the  ideas 
«  .  .  and  .  .  .  is  in  Plato  himself  but  half  expressed  .  .  . 
Plato  had  the  wonders  of  psychology  just  opening  to  him,  and 
he  had  not  the  explanations  of  them,  which  are  supplied  by  the 
analysis  of  language,  and  the  history  of  human  thought  .... 
Nor  is  it  difficult  to  see  that  his  crowning  argument  is  purely 
verbal,  and  is  but  the  expression  of  an  instinctive  confidence 
put  into  a  logical  form:— 'The  soul  is  immortal  because  it 
contains  the  principle  of  imperishablcness.'  Nor  does  he  seem 
to  be  at  all  aware,  that  nothing  is  added  to  human  knowledge 
by  his 'safe  and  simple  answer,*  that  'beauty  is  the  cause  of  the 
beautiful.'  "  It  is  clear,  that  Plato's  proofs  of  his  doctrines  rest  upon 
what  appear  to  us  like  verbal  juggleries.  But  this  paper  is  con- 
cerned with  his  doctrines,  and  not  with  their  proofs,  however  unsatis- 
factory they  may  appear  to  our  modern  minds.  However  it  is  to  be 
noted,  that  as  regards  these  proofs  themselves,  the  great  philosopher 
was  not  free  from  doubt  and  uncertainty*  He  puts  the  following  ob- 
servation into  the  mouth  of  one  of  the  characters,  who  takes  part  in 
the  discourse  :— "  1  dare  say,  that  you  Socrates  feel  as  I  do,  how  very 
hard,  or  almost  impossible  is  the  attainment  of  any  certainty  about 
questions  such  as  these  in  the  present  life."    And  the  same  character 

is  at  the  end  of  the  discourse  again  made  to  observe  as  follows  : 

"  1  can  see  no  reason  for  doubt  after  what  has  been  said.    But  I  shall 
feel  and  cannot  help  feeling  uncertain  in  my  own  mind,    when  I  think 
of  the  greatness  of  the  subject,  and  the  feebleness  of  man." 
9 


130  THE    AVESTIC    DOCTRINES    OF    THE   FRAVASIIEES. 

7.     The  following  points  strike  us,  when  comparing  Plato's  doctrines 
of  Ideas,  with  the  Avestic  doctrines  of  the  Fravashees  : — 

I.  As  Jowett  observes,  it  is  not  impossible,  that  Plato  borrowed  his 
idea  of  the  attendant  genius  of  each  individual  to  whom  he  belongs 
in  life  from  the  Avesta  either  directly,  or  indirectly  through  the  mys- 
teries, and  that  this  attendant  genius  corresponds  to  the  Fravashee  of 
the  living.  But  the  Avesta  recognizes  the  Fravashee  of  the  living,  as 
distinct  from  the  Fravashee  of  the  dead;  while  Plato  does  not.  Accord- 
ing to  him,  the  attendant  genius  of  each  individual  attends  on  him 
when  living,  as  well  as  after  his  death. 

II.  The  Platonic  Ideas  are  not  powers,  or  natural  agents,  produc- 
ing any  natural  phenomena,  except  so  far  as  they  are  essences  of 
animate  and  inanimate  objects,  and  their  qualities.  They  are  not 
active  spiritual  beings,  except  those  that  represent  souls.  They 
do  not  represent  the  gods,  and  do  not  require  adoration  through 
offerings,  but  claim  only  contemplation.  They  possess  no  power  for 
good,  nor  are  they  bene6cent  in  themselves.  It  is  through  their  pure 
intellectual  contemplation,  that  good  comes,  w>.,  release  from  future 
embodiment.  In  all  these  particulars  the  Ideas  differ  from  the  Fra- 
vashees. 

III.  The  Avestic  doctrines  of  the  Fravashees  do  not  inculcate  the 
transmigration  of  souls  ;  but  on  the  contrary  teach  that  every  indivi- 
dual has  three  separate  Fravashees  representing  him  at  three  distinct 
stages  of  his  existence,  2ns,,  before  birth,  after  drath  and  after  birth. 
The  Avesta  does  not  mention  any  process  of  purification  to  be  follow- 
ed in  this  world  by  the  Fravashee  of  any  departed  individual.  On 
the  contrary  the  Fravashees  of  the  dead  descend  in  their  spiritual 
disembodied  condition  on  certain  days  during  the  year  to  bless  the 
living,  and  not  to  re-enter  the  bodies  of  men  or  animals.  Their  be- 
neficent power  arises  from  the  fact  of  the  individuals  whom  some  of 
them  represent  being  pious  during  their  lives.  But  once  these  indivi- 
duals die«  they  resume  no  earthly  forms  again. 

IV.  The  Avestic  Fravashees  cannot  be  identified  with  the  Platonic 
souls,  or  what  are  ordinarily  known  as  souls  ;  living  individuals 
themselves  arc  represented  by  Fravashees  residing  apart  from  them 
and  by  themselves  in  a  disembodied,  spiritual  condition  ;  conse- 
quently these  Fravashees,  which  remain  outside  the  human  bodies  of 
living  individuals,  cannot  be  identical  with  what  are  called  the  souls  of 
the  living,  which  are  necessarily  within  and  are  in  possession  of  the 
bodies  of  the  living.  And  it  is  possible,  though  it  is  not  quite  clear, 
that  the  Fravashees  of  the  dead  may  not  be  their  souls,  which  ani- 
mated them  during  life.    This  view  finds  support  from  the   prevailing^ 


THE    AVESTIC   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    FRAVASHEES.  13I 

Parsi  belief  which  makes  a  diflference  between  the  soul  of  a  dead 
indmdual  and  his  Fravashee.  Tlie  inference,  therefore,  is  that  after 
the  birth  of  a  man,  a  Fravashee  comes  into  existence  ;  so  also  after  his 
death. 

8.  With  reference  to  the  biblical  allusions  to  ideas  of  prototypes 
mentioned  by  Dr.  Haug,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  such  allusions  are  to  be 
met  with  in  Sanskrit  literature  also.  Kulidas's  Sakuntala  or  the  Lost 
Ring  refers  to  such  an  idea  in  the  following  passage,  as  translated 
by  Sir  Monier  Williams,  describing  the  peerless  beauty  of  the  heroine:— 
**  Such  the  divine,  the  wondrous  prototype,  whence  her  fair  shape  was 
moulded  into  being.'' 

9.  The  ideas  about  Fravashees  as  taught  by  the  Avesta,  especially 
the  duty  of  propitiating  them  in  the  way  enjoined  by  the  Avesta  about 
the  very  time  fixed  by  the  holy  texts,  are  in  fnrce  and  acted  upon, 
even  now,  amongst  orthodox  Parsis.  The  days  sacred  to  the 
Fravashees  are  popularly  called  the  Muktad  days  and  are  18  in  num- 
ber, beginning  with  the  25th  day  of  the  last  month  of  the  Parsi 
calendar  year  and  ending  with  the  7th  day  of  the  following  new  year, 
including  the  5  intercalary  days,  called  the  Gatha-ghambhar  days, 
added  by  the  Parsi  calendar  at  the  termination  of  the  last  month  of 
every  year.  Strictly  considered,  the  Muktad  days  should  be  10  only, 
beginning  with  the  26th  day  of  the  last  month  of  the  year,  and  ending 
with  the  5th  intercalary  day,  the  first  day  of  the  new  year  marking  the 
close  of  the  holidays.  But  for  some  reason  or  another  the  Muktad 
days  became  nominally  extended  to  the  7th  day  of  the  first  month  of  the 
new  year,  though  even  in  popular  belief  and  imagination,  the  last  10 
days  of  the  old  year  have  been  held  far  more  sacred  than  the  first  6 
days  of  the  following  new  year.  The  last  5  intercalary  days  are  popu- 
larly regarded  as  days  for  repenting  of  the  sins  of  the  closing  year  and 
for  forming  pious  determinations  for  the  new  year  ;  while  the  first  6 
days  of  the  new  year  are  assigned  to  rejoicings,  which  are  never  adopted 
till  the  advent  of  the  new  year  or  the  last  day  of  the  old  depart- 
ing year.  During  the  Muktad  days  in  every  orthodox  Parsi  household, 
ceremonies  are  performed  and  prayers  are  recited  by  priests  day  and 
night  in  honor  of  the  Fravashees,  especially  the  Fravashees  of  the 
dead,  and  offerings  of  food,  &c.,  are  specially  prepared  for  them.  A 
room  in  the  house  is  specially  cleaned  and  prepared  for  the  occasion  for 
the  visit  of  the  Fravashees  and  is  adorned  daily  with  fresh  flowers  and 
rendered  fragrant  with  the  burning  of  incense.  In  this  room  some 
prayers  are  recited  while  offerings  are  offered,  in  honor  of  the 
Fravashees,  other  prayers  being  recited  elsewhere.  At  the  end  of  the 
holidays,  a  hearty  send-off  is  given  by  the  popular  imagination  to  the 


I-ja       THE  AVESTIC  DOCTRINES  OF    THE  FRAVASHEES, 


J 


visiting  Fravashees.  When  for  any  reason  a  Parsi  household  is  not 
in  a  position  to  perform  the  Muktad  days'  ceremonies  in  honor  of  the 
Fravashees,  the  task  is  entrusted  to  managers  of  **Agiaries,"  where 
they  are  performed  in  a  separate  room  for  as  many  households  as  may 
direct  their  performance  there. 

lo.  Dr.  Haug  says  :  **  Originally  the  Fravashees  represented  only 
the  departed  souls  of  ancestors,  comparable  to  the  *  Pitras'  of  the 
Brahmans,  and  the  *  Manes'  of  the  Romans."  If  he  meant,  as  he 
most  liUely  did  mean,  that  the  Fravashees  were  Zoroastrian  adapta- 
tions of  pre-Zoroastrian  ideas  of  the  v\orship  of  ancestors,  his  opinion 
is  well-founded.  But  Herbert  Spencer  viewed  the  doctrines  of  the 
Fravashees  as  proving  only  ancestor- worship.  We  shall,  therefore, 
state  his  views  and  discuss  them,  especially  as  by  so  doing,  we  shall 
be  able  to  bring  out  some  more  peculiarities  of  those  doctrines  and 
the  religious  usages  still  prevailing  amongst  the  Parsis  in  connection 
with  them.  Herbert  Spencer  says  :  *' Concerning  the  ancient  Aryans 
of  Persia,  we  have,  on  the  highest  authority,  statements  distinctly 
proving  a  dominant  ancestor- worship.  While  one  of  the  several  souls 
possessed  by  each  individual  (and  we  have  seen,  that  various  savages 
believe  in  two,  three,  and  even  four  souls,  shadow,  reflection,  health, 
heart),  the  Fravashee  is  the  predominant  and  the  propiti.ited  soul.  It  is 
supposed  to  need  food,  like  the  other-self  of  the  dead  savage.  Not 
ordinary  men  only,  but  dt- ities  up  to  the  Supreme  One,  have  each  his 
ghost,  implying  that  he  was  originally  a  man  ;  there  is  god  and 
•spirit  of  god,'  as  among  the  Hebrews.  We  see,  too,  that  these 
which  are  ancestral  ghosts  become  the  agents,  to  whom  the  powers  of 
surrounding  objects  are  ascribed— fetish  ghosts.  We  see.  that 
worship  of  them,  beginning  with  worship  of  those  of  the  family  and 
the  clan,  originates  in  lime  the  worship  of  more  conspicuous  tradi- 
tional persons,  as  heroes  and  gods  just  as  among  the  Figians  and 
others  at  this  day."  But  as  we  have  shewn,  the  Fravashee  is  not  a 
soul  **  possessed  by  each  individual "  embodied  in  him,  as  Spencer 
imagines  it  to  be,  and  does  not  even  reside  on  the  earth  in  an  embodied 
or  disembodied  form  and  is  not,  therefore,  a  ghost,  as  Spencer 
imagines  it  to  be,  and  does  not  need  food,  but  needs  only  reverence, 
as  evidenced  by  the  mere  offering  of  food,  not  intended  to  be  appro- 
priated by  it.  As,  therefore,  the  Fravashee  does  not  represent  a  soul,  or 
constitute  a  ghost,  its  adoration  in  no  wise  proves  ancestor-worship, 
much  less  dominant  ancestor-worship  ;  because  as  already  repeatedly 
observed  there  are  Fravashis  not  only  for  the  dead,  but  also 
for  the  living  and  those  to  be  born.  It  is  true,  that  at  the  recital  of  the 
Fravardeen  Yesht,  as  a  part  of  a  ceremony  in  memory  of  a  dead  indi- 
vidual,  it  is   still  customary  among  the   Parsis  to  invoke  by  their 


THE   AVESTIC   DOCTRINES   OF   THE   FRAVASHEES.  133 

respective  names  the  Fravashees  of  the  deceased^s  ancestors,  goin^  as 
far  at  times  as  the  ancestor,  who  had,  as  a  fugitive  from  Persia, 
landed  in  India,  and  founded  here  the  family  of  the  deceased.  And 
there  is  the  further  practice,  still  prevailing,  of  nominating  what  is 
called  the  adoptive  son  of  a  deceased  Parsi,  though  unmarried  or 
childless  at  the  time  of  death,  and  of  invoking  blessings  of  the  Frava- 
shees on  such  son.  The  original  object  of  this  practice  was  undoubt- 
edly to  provide  a  deceased  male  with  an  adoptive  son,  who  should  look 
after  the  welfare  of  the  ghost  or  the  spirit  of  the  deceased.  But  the 
above  Parsi  practices  would  not  prove  ancestor-worship,  even  if  we 
disregarded  the  facts  already  pointed  out ;  because  there  is  the  further 
practice  prevalent  from  times  immemorial,  almost  certainly  from  Zoro- 
astrian  times,  of  invoking  the  Fravashees  of  deceased  females,  and 
especially  of  those  females,  who  have  in  any  way  attained  to  pre-emi- 
nence, by  being  the  mothers  of  national  great  men,  or  otherwise. 
Thus  the  Fravashees  of  the  mother  and  the  daughters  of  the  great 
prophet,  and  the  wives  and  mothers  of  great  national  heroes  like  Zal 
and  Rustom  are  also  still  ordinarily  invoked.  This  conclusively 
proves,  that  the  Zoroastrian  invocation  of  the  Fravashees  of  the  dead 
is  by  no  means  of  the  nature  of  ancestor-worship.  It  resembles,  if  it 
did  not  actually  supply  a  model  for,  the  commemoration  ceremony  pre- 
scribed by  Auguste  Comte  for  his  Religion  of  Humanity. 

11.  We  now  see  most  clearly,  after  a  thorough  examination  of 
the  ideas  of  the  Fravashees,  that  they  are  as  intellectual  and  spiritual 
as  the  Platonic  abstract  essential  causative  ideas,  but  are  purer  than 
the  latter,  as  they  never  enter  the  bodies  of  men  or  animals  as  the 
latter  do,  but  represent  the  higher  order  of  beings,  and  are  invest- 
ed with  far  greater  powers  than  the  Ideas,  which  are  practically 
powerless. 

12.  Turning,  now,  to  Comte's  Religion  of  Humanity,  the  metaphy- 
sical theory  upon  which  he  bases  his  doctrine  of  the  non-spiritual 
worship  of  the  dead  is  evidently  inspired  by  Platonism,  and  is  partially 
an  adaptation  to  the  requirements  of  the  19th  century  thinker  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  Platonic  theory  ol  the  Ideas,  thus  being  an  illustration  of 
the  principles  of  the  suggestiveness  of  ideas  and  continuity  of  thought. 
Comte's  metaphysical  theory  is  as  follows  ; — "The  supreme  power  is 
the  continuous  result  of  all  the  forces  capable  of  voluntarily  taking 
part  in  the  amelioration  of  the  race,  even  witht^ut  excepting  our  worthy 
helpmates  amongst  the  animals.  Each  individual  member  cf  this 
great  whole  has  two  successive  existences,  the  one  objective,  and 
always  transitory,  in  which  he  serves  directly  the  great  being  by  using 
tne  entire  series  of  the  previous  labors  of  our  race,  the  other  subjective 


134  THE    AVESTIC   DOCTRINES    OF    THE   FRAVASHEES. 

and  perpetual,  in  which  the  service  is  indirectly  prolonged  by  the  results 
which   he  leaves  his  successors.     .     .     .     The  first  life  forms  nothing^ 
but  the  trial  of  a  man*s  worthiness  for  the  final  incorporation.     .     .     • 
Once  incorporated  with  the  supreme  being,  he  becomes  truly  insepa- 
rable from  it.     Thus  man  serves  Humanity  as  a  being  during  his  life, 
strictly  so  called,  and  as  an  organ  after  his  death,  which  finally  trans- 
forms his  life  into  a  subjective  life.     .     .     .     The  living  are,  therefore, 
always  and  even  more  and  more  governed  by  the  dead."    And  upon 
this  theory  the  great  thinker  bases  the  following  system  of  the  worship 
of  the  dead  : — **  As  the  static  festivals  represent  morality,  so  dynamic 
festivals  will  represent  history.     In  these  the  Worship  of  Humanity 
acquires  a  more  concrete  and  animated  form,  as  it  will  consist  princi- 
pally in  rendering  honor  to  the  noblest  types  of  each  phase  of  human 
development."     And  Comte  framed  a  complete  system  of  commemora- 
tion applicable  to  Western  Europe  under  the  title  of  **  Positivist  Calen- 
dar."    It  may  be  noted,  that  the  Parsis  do  possess  such  a  calendar 
and  that  every  addition  to  the  calendar   is  made  by  the  unanimous 
decision  of  the  community  in  a  general  meeting  assembled  on  the  third 
day,  Uthamna,  ceremony,  in  honor  of  the  death  of  a  distinguished  popu- 
lar Parsi,   on  the  proposition  of  the  Dastur  (High  Priest),  and  that 
thenceforth,  his  Fravashee  is  invoked  generally  amongst  the  commu- 
nity,  when  any  prayers  are  recited  in  honor  of  the  Fravashee  of  any 
deceased  Parsi.     It    is  interesting  to  note  the  grounds  upon   which 
Comte  justifies  his  commemoration  service  in  honor  of  the  dead,  those 
being  the   grounds,    upon    a   part  of  which  additions  are  made  to  the 
Parsi  calendar,   as    above    stated.     He    says :     **  While  striving    to 
surpass  our  ancestors,   we   shall  yet  render  due  honor  to  all   their 
services,  and  look  with  respect  on  their  systems  of  life.     By  comme- 
moration of  past  services,  we  shall  strengthen  the  desire  inherent  in 
all   of  us    to   prolong  our  existence.     .     .     The   praise  given  to   our 
ancestors  will  stimulate  a  noble  rivalry,  inspiring  us  with  the  desire 
to   become    incorporate  into   the    Mighty  Being,   whose  life  endures 
through  all  time,  and  who  is  formed  of  the  dead  far  more  than  the 
living." 

{To  be  concluded.) 


Art.  X, 

Ma<^oudi  on   Volcanoes, 

By  JivANji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 
{Read  26/A  April  1906.) 

While  studying  for  my  lecture  on  **  Mount  Vesuvius  and  my  visit  to 
that  mountain  in  1889  "  delivered  before  the  Dnydn  Pras^rak  Society 
on  Tuesday,  the  17th  instant,  I  looked  into  some  of  the  Eastern 
authors,  to  see  if  they  gave  any  description  of  volcanoes.  In  Firdousi 
we  find  no  regular  description  of  volcanoes. 

It  is  in  Ma^oudi  that  we  find  a  description  of  some  of  the  volcanoes 
of  the  world.  Modern  European  scientific  writers  on  the  subject  of 
volcanoes  have  given  references  to  the  writings  of  the  classical 
authors  who  have  alluded  to  the  subject  ;  but,  Jis  far  as  I  know,  they 
have  not  referred  to  Ma<^oudi.  The  object  of  this  short  paper  is  to 
collect  Macjoudi's  references  to  some  of  the  volcanoes  of  the  world, 
as  it  may  be  of  some  interest  and  importance  to  vulcanologi  its  to 
know  what  an  Arab  writer  of  the  loth  century  said  of  this  grand 
phenomenon  of  nature. 

Abou  *1  Hasan  AH,  surnamed  Ma^oudi  from  one  of  his  ancestors, 
flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  loth  century  after  Christ.  He  was 
born  in  Bagdad  and  travelled  through  Persia  and  India  and  went 
even  to  the  Malay  Peninsula  and  to  the  Chinese  seas.  He  travelled 
also  in  Egypt.  So,  what  he  says  of  the  volcanoes,  especially  of 
the  Asiatic  volcanoes,  seems  to  be  the  result  of  his  own  observations. 
The  book,  in  which  he  has  embodied  his  observations  and  the  result 
of  his    studies,   is   known  as    Maruj   ul  Zahab  va    Ma'din    ul  J6har 

(  w^^^p*  I  ^  d  Liuo  J   t--^  jJ  I  ^j  yfc  J   />.,  the  Meadows  of  Gold  and 

the  Mines  of  Jewels. 

Ma^oudi  has  written  in  Arabic  and  I  give  his  description  of  the 
volcanoes  from  the  translation  of  the  work  in  French  by  C.  Barbier 
de  Meynard  and  Pavet  de  Courteille. 

I.  The  first  reference  to  volcanoes  by  Ma^oudi  is  in  the  i6th  chapter 
which  treats  of  seas  and  their  peculiarities.^  He  gives  the  following 
description  of  a  mountain  in  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  islands 
situated  in  the  sea  of  China  :  — 

'*  From  these  mountains  emanates  a  continuous  fire,  of  which  the 
Hames,  which  are    red   during  the  day  and  blackish  at  night,   rise 

'  Vol.  I.,  p.  34«. 


136  MACOUDI    ON    VOLCANOES. 

SO  high  that  they  reach  the  clouds.  These  eruptions  are  accom- 
panied with  sounds  of  the  most  terrible  thunder.  Often  there 
emanates  from  it  a  strange  and  frightful  voice  announcing  the  death 
of  a  king  or  simply  of  a  chief  according  as  it  is  more  or  less 
resonant.  There  are  those  who  can  distinguish  this  perfectly,  being 
instructed  in  this  matter  by  a  long  experience  which  never  makes 
mistakes.  These  mountains  form  part  of  the  large  volcanoes  of  the 
earth.  Not  far  from  these  is  an  island,  in  which  one  hears  con- 
tinuously the  echo  of  the  sound  of  drums,  flutes,  lutes  and  of  every 
kind  of  instrument,  of  sweet  and  agreeable  voices,  and  also  of 
harmonious  steps  and  clapping  of  hands.  On  lending  an  attentive 
ear,  one  distinguishes  clearly  all  the  sounds  without  confounding 
them.     The  mariners  who   have  voyaged  on  these  sea-coasts  say  that 

it  is  there  that  the    Da'yM  *((J^'«>}j    ^•^•,  the  Antichrist,   has  fixed 
his  abode." 

Now,  which  are  the  volcanoes  that  Mac^oudi  here  refers  to  as  being 
situated  in  the  sea  of  China  ?  It  appears  that  they  form  the  volcanoes 
of  Java  and  Sumatra.  Of  the  great  volcanic  lines  described  by  Prof. 
Anstead  in  his  Physical  Geography,  **  the  most  active  is,'*  as  he  says, 
**  that  of  Java  and  Sumatra,  separating  the  China  Sea  from  the  Indian 
Ocean."  *  He  adds  further  on,  that  **  the  islands  near  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  commencing  with  the  Andaman  group  and  the  Nicobar 
Islands,  and  extending  through  Sumatra  into  Java,  are  all  volcanic, 
and  the  volcanic  force  attains  there  the  condition  of  ntense  energy. 
Along  the  whole  length  of  Java,  the  volcanic  mountains  are  so  close 
that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  various  groups.  This  is 
the  case  for  at  least  700  miles.  In  this  Island  the  volcanoes  range 
from  5,000  to  13,000  feet  in  height  above  the  sea."' 

So,  when  Maqoudi  speaks  of  the  mountains  in  plural  ((J^^)  and 
of  their  flames  as  **  a  continuous  fire,  rising  so  high  that  they 
reach  the  clouds,"  it  seems  clear  that  he  refers  to  this  volcanic  belt 
of  great  activity  in  Java.  He  refers  to  this  belt  of  volcanoes  once 
more,  as  we  shall  see  later  in  the  17th  chapter,^  where  he  speaks 
of  the  volcanic  belts  of  the  Caucasus  and  of  the  Mediterranean. 
There  he  remarks  that  **  of  all  the  volcanoes  of  the  world,  the 
most  remarkable  for  its  terrible  sounds,  for  its  whirlwinds  of  black 
smoke  and  for  its  frequent  eruptions  is  that  which  lies  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  Mah&r&ji."  This  is  a  reference  to  the  group  of 
volcanoes  at  Java  and  Sumatra  which  were  then  ruled  over  by  a 
Mah&r&jH. 

'  Physical  Geography  by  Prof.  David  T.  Ansted  (Fifth  Edition  1871),  p.  326. 

"  Ibid,  pp.  3'«-33' 

^  Ma<;oudi,  Vol.  II.,  p.  26. 


MA^OIIDI    ON    VOLCANOES.  137^ 

There  is  one  other  casual  reference  to  this  group  in  Ma^oudi  which 
shows  that  it  is  the  volcanoes  of  Java  to  which  he  refers.     In  the  sstb* 
chapter  of  his  book*  while  speaking  of  the  Franks  (i.e,,  the  Firangis  or 
the  Europeans)  he  refers  to  the  Island  of  Sicily  and  to  its  volcanoes, and* 
then  says  that  he  has  elsewhere  referred   to  the  volcano  of  ZsLbej  in 

the  China  Sea  ( ^^ij^  ^  f^ uf*  '^W^  ^  ^   /^ I     ^•^- »  ^^®   volcano  of 
the  city  of  Zfibcj  in  the  sea  of  Sin,  i.e.,  Chin  or  China).     Barbier  de 
Meynard  takes  this  Zabej  to  be  the  same  as  modern  Java. 

There  are  several  other  points  in  Ma<;oudi's  description  which 
require  observation. 

1.  Ma^oudi  speaks  of  the  eruption  of  these  mountains  as  '*  accom- 
panied with  sounds  of  the  most  terrible  thunder."  The  last  eruption 
of  one  of  these  mountains,  the  most  terrible  eruption  that  we  have  ever 
had  in  our  times,  was  that  of  Krakatoa  in  1883,  which  caused  the 
death  of  about  36,000  people.  The  sound  of  that  eruption  was  heard 
at  a  distance  of  about  3,000  miles. 

2.  Ma<;oudi  then  refers  to  **  a  strange  and  frightful  voice  announcing 
the  death  of  a  king  or  simply  of  a  chief,  according  as  it  is  more  or  less 
resonant."  Superstitious  effects  of  this  kind  on  minds  terrified  to 
the  extreme  are  not  rare  even  in  our  times,  whether  in  the  East  or 
in  the  West. 

3.  Ma^oudi  refers  to  **  the  sound  of  drums,  flutes,  lutes  and  of  every 
kind  of  instrument,  of  sweet  and  agreeable  voices  and  also  of  har- 
monious steps  and  clapping  of  hands."  Now,  all  this  is  due  to  what 
are  called  **  rhythmical  puffs  and  bursts"  which  occur  at  regular  in- 
tervals of  a  few  seconds,  and  which  are  observed  even  in  the  case  of  the 
eruptions  of  Vesuvius  as  referred  to  by  Dr.  Philipps  in  his  work  on 
Vesuvius.''  Dion  Cassius,  who  wrote  about  230  A.D.,  while  describing" 
the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  in  79  A.D.,  notes  the  tradition  that  he  was^ 
acquainted  with,  and  says  *'  a  blast,  as  if  of  trumpets,  was  heard."^ 

4.  The  last  observation  of  Ma^oudi,  in  his  description  of  this 
extreme-east  volcano   which   requires   observation  is  the  statement  of 

the  mariners  that  **it  is  there  that  the  Dajdl  ((J'^*^)  has  fixed 
his  abode."  Now,  who  is  this  DajM  ?  Dajal  generally  means  **  an 
imj)ostor,  a  liar."  Barbier  De  Meynard  translates  the  word  as  '*  Anti- 
christ." So,  if  we  assume  that  the  mariners  referred  to  a  particular 
class  of  fiajdl 5  or  liars,  vin,,  those  who  did  not  acknowledge  Christ  as 
Messiah,  it  follows  that  the  mariners  referred  to  were  Christian  sea- 
men, who  took  these  volcanoes  to  be  the  seat  of  Hell  itself  and  thus 
the    seat    of    those  who    did    not   believe  in   the   mission   of  Christ. 

*  Ma(;oudi  par  B.  de  Meynard,  &c..  Vol.  Ill)  p.  68. 

'  Vesuvius,  by  John  Phillips,  p.  145.  •'  /bid,  p.  ay. 


138  MA^OUDI    ON    VOLCANOES. 

This  allusion  then  indirectly  shows  that  in  the  10th  century  trade 
flourished  between  the  Christian  countries  of  £urope  and  the  sea-^oast 
towns  of  China. 

Now,  the  allusion  to  these  volcanoes  as  the  seat  of  Hell,  or  as  the 
seat  of  the  punishment  of  the  sinful,  is  natural.  The  first  impression 
upon  my  mind,  when  I  stood  at  the  edge  of  the  crater  of  the  Vesuvius  on 
28th  July  1889,  and  when  I  heard  the  terrible  and  frightful  sounds  from 
within,  with  the  occasional  showers  of  stone  that  rose  from  it,  was  that  of 
Hell.  I  have  noted  the  first  impression  in  my  note-book  there  and 
then,  thus  "  an?  !  aMiqlSri,  ii^rM**! !"  i.e.y  **  Oh  !  the  sounds  !They  are  of 
Hell. " 

It  is  possible,  that  many  a  religious  writer  has  conceived  a  part  of 
his  picture  of  Hell  from  what  he  himself  saw  and  heard  at  a  volcano 
or  from  what  he  heard  cf  it  from  others. 

Mount  Vesuvius,  the  recent  eruption  of  which  has  suggested  to  me 
the  subject  of  this  paper,  is  even  now  spoken  of  by  some  as  a  Hell. 
The  city  of  Naples,  the  natural  beauty  of  which  has  given  rise  to  the 
saying  ^ ^  Vedi Napoli e poi  mori,^^  «.<?.,  "See  Naples  and  then  die,"  is  said 
to  be  **  a  paradise  as  seen  from  hell,"  because  we  see  Najjles  at  its 
best  from  the  top  of  Vesuvius,  which  in  ilself  is,  as  it  were,  a  hell. 

That  part  of  Sicily  in  which  Mount  Etna  is  situated  is  called  Valle 
Demone,  because  popular  tradition  believed  that  the  inside  of  the 
volcano  was  a  region  of  demons. 

Ma^oudi  says  that  these  islands  were  ruled  over  by  a  Mah^r&ji. 
This  points  to  the  fact  of  the  spread  of  Hinduism  from  India  into  the 
•East,  and  of  the  influence  of  India. 

II.  The  second  important  reference  by  Ma^oudi  to  a  set  of  volcanoes 
is  in  his  17th  Chapter.'  Here,  he  at  first  refers  to  the  mountains  of 
the  Caucasus.  Then  he  refers  to  Baku  as  the  principal  place  of 
naphtha,  especially  of  black  naphtha,  which,  he  says,  is  only  found 
there.  He  then  proceeds  to  say  :  **  In  the  land  occupied  by  the 
sources  of  the  naphtha  there  is  a  volcano  or  a  source  of  fire, 
the  eruptions  of  which  never  cease  and  which  emits  at  all  times 
jets  of  flames  high  into  air.  In  front  of  this  portion  of 
the  coast  are  situated  several  islands.  One  of  them,  about  3  days' 
voyage  from  the  mainland,  contains  a  great  volcano.  At  certain 
times  of  the  year  its  sides  roar  and  emit  flames  which  rise  in 
the  air  to  the  height  of  steep  mountains  and  throw  in  the  sea 
a  vivid  light  which  is  seen  from  the  mainland,  from  a  distance 
of  about  100  farsangs.     This  volcano  can  be  compared  to  that  of  Jebel 

al-Bourkin  (j^  IT  yJ  I  JLkSk)  situated  in  Sicily  which  forms  a   part  of 

^  Macoudi  par  B.  dc  Meynard,  &c..     II.,  pp.  25—27. 


MACOUDI    ON   VOLCANOES.  1 39 

ithe  country  of  the  Franks  and  is  situated  near  Africa  in  the  west. 
Of  all  the  volcanoes  of  the  world,  the  most  remarkable  for  its  terrible 
sounds,  for  its  whirlwinds  of  black  smoke  and  for  its  frequent  eruptions 
is  that  which  lies  in  the  kingdom  of  the  MahArftjA.  It  is 
necessary  to  place  in  the  second  rank  the  volcano  of  the  valley  of 
Barhout  (  cy^^  y  )  which  rises  not  far  from  the  country  of  Asf^r  (^  \sum  |  ) 

and  of  Hadramautfi-j^^^a^)  in  the  territory  of  Assheher  (  -sA^I) 
between  Yemen  and  Oman.  One  hears  it  grumbling  like  thunder  at 
the  distance  of  several  miles.  It  ejects  embers  as  large  as  mountains 
and  pieces  of  black  rock,  which,  after  being  thrown  into  the  air  where 
they  are  seen  from  a  great  distance,  fall  back  immediately  into  the 
crater  or  round  about  it.  The  embers  which  the  volcano  throws  out 
are  only  the  stones  which  have  been  melted  into  lava  under  the  pungent 
action  of  heat." 

In  this  long  passage  he  refers  to  two  belts  of  volcanic  activity. 

1.  The  Caucasus  group.  While  referring  to  this  belt,  he  casually 
refers  (a)  to  the  Java  group  already  referred  to,  and  to  the  volcano  of 
Sicily,  which  he  calls  Jabal  al  Barkan. 

2.  The  Arabian  group,  which  is  spoken  of  as  the  volcanoes  of  the 
Valley  of  Barhout  near  Hadramaut  (Hazramaut),  a  province  in 
.Arabia  referred  to  in  the  Genesis  (Chap.  X,  26). 

Now,  of  the  first  group  in  this  passage,  z'^j.,  the  Caucasus  group. 
Professor  Ansted  says  :  **  Many  of  the  high  peaks  in  the  Taurus  chain 
and  Mount  Elburz  itself,  the  giant  of  the  Caucasus,  are  volcanic  in 
»their  origin  ;  but  they  certainly  cannot  fairly  be  ranked  as  among  exist- 
ing volcanoes,  active  in  the  modern  period."' 

Of  Mount  Demavendt  a  lofty  peak  of  the  Elbourz,  Dr.  Edward  HulF 
■says  :  **  Mount  Demavend,  in  Persia,  which  rises  to  an  elevation  of 
18,464  feet  near  the  southern  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  a  volcanic 
inountain  of  the  first  magnitude,  is  now  extinct  or  dormant."^ 

We  said  above,  that  it  is  from  the  volcanoes  that  many 
religious  writers  seem  to  have  got  their  conceptions  of  Hell.  It 
seems  that  later  Zoroastrian  writers  seem  to  have  taken  their  concep- 
tion of  Hell  from  a  volcano  of  this  Caucasus  group.  In  the 
Bundehesh*  we  read  **Albourz  kuf  Arzur  grivak  chekdti  pavan  babSl-i- 
duzakhu  munash  hamvAr  sha^da^n  dv&rashniya  temman  v&dunend," 

^  Ansted's  Physical  Geography,  p.  330. 

^  Volcanoes  Pant  aad  Present,  by  Edward  Hull,  (i8(;:),  p.  24. 

^  "  This  mountain  was  ascended  in  18J7  by  Mr.  Taylor  Thomson,    who  found  the  sum- 
mit covered  with  sulphur,  and  from  a  cone  fumes  at  a  high  temperature  issued  torth,  but  there 
was  no  eruption."    Journal,  Royal  Geographical  Society,    Vol-  VIII,   p.  109.     ^Volcanoes 
Past  and  Present,  by  E.  Hall,  p.  241  n.  i.) 

*  Ft'dr  S.  B.  E.,  Vol.  V.,  Chap.  XII  8.      I'uie  my  Bundehesh.  p.  38. 


\4AvvH.Ui    V?N    VOLCANOES. 

1*.     .k.  .ov^    Mjtnaut   vH"  ArzuT  of  the  Elbourz  Mountain  is  a 

....    '*.  .^.ivc  oi  tlcil  >*hcr«  the  demons  always  meet." 

\.   .       '»A   \^>cvit;c  >iww>s  U>at  Arzura  (Arezura),  one  of  the  Elbourz 

.     .^  ^  ^^  .i.vi^civU  la  btf  the  gate  of  Hell,  the  seat  of  the  demons,. 

^      ,u^*i.     It  .ii>p^cns>  then,  that  one  of  the  volcanic  mountains 

^   V  t.  V  *  ^^x  ^loap  ^ugi^csted  to  the  Zoroastrian  writer  his  concep- 

■t      >^    \v.  v^.uuwl,'    thcr*?   ts  a   ques&u^    .^t*'-U**»    •€^ij'S>-*»«   .-»») 

'»^   V      ;^  "      •'^v;  V  *. '. »  Which  is  the  first  place  on  this  earth  which 

'N      V      V  ^.  ^.iC'k*.^/  The  reply  is 

.1   >    av'  ^u^llnut  of  Arezura.    The  demons  and  the  devil  run  out 

\.'A,   »vMi  whai  wt^  know  of  volcanoes,  we  can  clearly  understand 

w    \   \u  ..    I   \jc^ura  isi  considered  to  be  the  worst  place  on  the  surface 

xi     u'.     c.ah.        i[\0   sutTocating    slink     and    smoke     render    it    so^ 

V.      i,    1. 10   allusion   to    its   being   the   seat   of  demons   and    of   the 

.v\ii    IS   t.ioar.      Wo    shall   see   later    on   that    Italian    tradition,  as 

'.'  .J    u  L^ion  Cussius»  has  pointed  out  Vesuvius   also  as  a  mountain 

.s   >i  svli.^h  ruhh  torth  giants  and  extraordinary  forms. 

V^  .11.  in  another  part  of  the  Vendidad*  the  demons  are  spoken  of 
..    iv     un-    out  oi   the  Arezur   with  shouts.     They  think  of  carrying 
,\\  o    ''vuoasLcr  to  that  place.     The  reference  to  the  shouts  indicates 
t  ..  viiv   niountuin  is  a  volcano. 

i  lu  ..  *.  vHiU  ^roup  in  the  above  passage  of  Macjoudi,  vts,,  the  Arabian 
.  -     .\  IS  ;lso  ictvrrvd  to  by  Prof.  Anstedas  a  volcanic  group.   He  says: 

'v  >  i,  i\w  U*.»l>  Land,  and  Arabia,  all  exhibit  volcanic  phenomena 
.  I    »  V\  » \  Jiu  a  nature,**^ 

HI  Uk  Uu»0  long  reference  to  volcanoes  by  Ma^oudi  is  in  the  35th 
\    ^   ,   s'      vnuiUJ    **  The   Franks  and   the   Galiciens."    The  passage 

I  »u   I  »aulv,  po>»^ossed  also  the  countries  of  Africa  and  Sicily.    We 

•  .\«     \\v  tt\   «|v  kvM)  of  these  islands  and  in   particular   of  the  island 

w  t  s  M    S  ^s'wa  vmkUm  the  name  of  Al  Borkan.  It  is  a  source  of  fire  from 

v\  ..N  V,  >  vu  vhh  vullrtmeU  figures  resembling  bodies  of  men,  but  without 

V    .      v\'<\U   suv»    hl^h   in   the   air  during  the  night  to  fall  back  after- 

\  *«4x.ys    U^v^St^Aphy.  p.  330. 

\  •>  t  .    ^  yH  \U'\«««r»l,  III,  pp.  67 — 69. 


MACOUDI    ON    VOLCANOES.  I4I 

wards  into  the  sea.  These  are  stones  with  which  they  lustre  and  polish 
the  paper  of  account  books.  They  are  light,  white  and  assume  the 
form  of  a  honey-comb  or  the  models  of  dinars  of  small  diameter.     This 

volcano  is  known  under  the  name  of  the  Volcano  of  Sicily 

We  have  spoken  also  of  all  the  volcanoes  of  the  earth  such  as  the  volcano 
of  Wadi-Berhout  in    Hadramaut   and  the   country  of  Al   Sheher;  the 

Volcano  of  Zabedj  of^(^lj)  ('•^•t  Java)  in  the  Chinese  Sea;  the 
Volcano  of  Esk  (Eskibun)  between  Pars  and  Ahwaz  in  the  dependen- 

cy  of  the  city  of  Arrajan  (^^^^A.J])  which  forms  a  part  of  Pars. 
The  6 res  of  this  last  volcano  are  seen  at  night  from  a  distance  of  about 
20  farsangs  and  they  are  well-known  in  all  the  Mu^alman  countries. 
The    word  atimah     (/X4J9I)  means   properly  a   source  of  fire   which 

burst  out  of  the  earth.  We  will  not  speak  in  this  volume  of  hot 
springs  of  sulphur  and  vitriol  nor  of  the  springs  of  hot  water  from 
which  burst  out  flames  arising  from  atimah  (volcano)  in  the 
country  of  Mil^abadan  (^|iXu«#L«  ;  in  the  dependency  of  Arrajan  and 

Sirwlln  and  known  under  the  name  of  Naum^n.     It  is  an  extraordinary 
volcano  which  water  cannot  extinguish  nor  fight  against   in  any  man- 
ner.     So  powerful  is  its  incandescence  and  such  vivacity  have  its  flames 
that  it  passes  for  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world." 

In  this  long  passage  Ma^oudi  refers  to  the  following  volcanoes: — 

1.  Etna  the  volcano  of  Sicily. 

2.  The  volcano  of  Wadi  Berhout  in  Hadramaut  and  the  country  of 

.^Ishahar,  i  e, ,  the  volcanoes  of  the  Arabian  group. 

3.  The  volcano  of  Java. 

4.  The  volcano  of  Esk  (Eskibun)  between  Pars  and  Ahwaz  in  the 

country  of  Pars. 

We  have  already  referred  to   the  second  and  the  third   in  the  list. 

The  first  volcanic  mountain  referred  to  here  is  the  well  known 
mountain  of  Etna  in  Sicily. 

The  following  statement  in  the  description  of  this  volcano  attracts 
one's  special  attention.     Mac^oudi  says  :  **  It  is  a  source  of  fire  from 

which  come  out  enflamed  bodies  (j^'^/^  f  l-^r^l )  resembling 
bodies  of  men  but  without  head  which  rise  high  in  the  air  during  the 
night  to  fall  back  afterwards  to  the  sea."  Ma^oudi  also  refers  to  this 
casually  in  Chapter  XII  *  where  he  says  that  this  volcano  throws  out 

•*  fires  accompanied  by  bodies"  (^f*^\^^x^j  ^^^ I  )•  Compare  with 
•this  the  following  version  of  the  Vesuvius  eruption  of  A.D.  79 
by  Dion  Cassius,  who  wrote  in   about   230  A.D.    He  says  :   "Many 

*   Vol.  I.  T>.  J59. 


142  MACOUDI    ON    VOLCANOES. 

huge  men,  surpassing  human  stature,  such  as  the  giants  are  de^ 
scribed  to  have  been,  appeared  wandering  in  the  air  and  upon  the  e-irth^ 
at  one  time  frequenting  the  mountain,  at  another  the  fields  and  cities- 

in  its  neighbourhood Some  thought  the  giants  were 

rising  again,  (for  many  phantoms  of  them  were  seen  in  the  smoke,  and 
a  blast  as  if  of  trumpets,  was  heard)."  ' 

Thus  it  appears  both  from  an  Arab  author  and  a  Roman  author  that 
people  thought  that  they  saw  figures  of  men  rising  from  the  vol- 
canoes high  into  the  air.  Don  Cassius  says  that  they  appeared  to 
hover  over  cities  and  fields.  Of  course,  this  was  due  to  all  the  fantas- 
tic shapes  which  the  vapours  emanating  from  the  craters  assumed. 
But  these  statements  suggest  the  idea  that  perhaps  it  is  from  the 
appearance  of  such  phantoms  or  fantastical  shapes  of  vapours,  added 
to  ihe  terrible  sound  from  within,  that  the  ancients  thought  that  the 
volcanoes  were  the  localities  of  Hells  where  the  bodies  of  ihe  sinful  were 
burnt  in  suffocating  flames  and  smoke. 

Other  Arab  writers  speak  of  Etna  as  Jabl-al-nar  (^Lill  J^),. 
i,e,,  **  the  mountain  of  fire."  Modern  Sicilians  call  it  *Mongibello,' a 
word  said  to  have  been  made  up  o(  mon  (^Italian  monte^  i.e.,  mountain) 
and gibello  {Arabic  jebal  (  jj^)  i.<'.»  ^  mountain).  Thus  this  word,, 
both  parts  of  which  mean  a  mountain,  is  made  up  partly  of  an  Italian 
and  partly  of  an  Arabic  word. 

1  do  not  understand  why    Ma^oudi  calls   the   island   of    Sicily  and 

the  volcano  El-BorkAn  (  e;'^  7^  I  )'  *^^  ^^^^  sight  we  may  think  that 
it  means  the  mountain  of  *bark,'  i.e,,  lightning  (jfj^)-  But  then  the 
word  is  spelt  with  kaf-i-ka/itnan  and  not  quarashat. 

The  next  volcano  referred  to  in  the  above  passage  is  that  of  Esk 
(Eskibun).  We  do  not  find  any  special  reference  to  this  volcano  ia 
any  of  our  books  on  physical  geography  or  vulcanology.  But  we 
know  that  there  is  a  band  of  mountains  in  Persia  which  may  be  called, 
both  for  its  volcanic  and  seismic  energy,  an  energetic  band.  This  is 
a  volcano  of  that  band  between  Pars  and  Ahwaz  at  Ask,  which  is  a 
place  near  Arrajdn. 

Lastly,  Ma9oudi  refers  to  the  hot  springs  of  sulphur,  vitriol  and  hot 
water  in  the  province  of  Arrajan  and  Sirwan.  Professor  Ansted  thus 
refers  to  this  region  of  seismic  activity.  "From  the  Gulf  of  Scan- 
deroon,  by  Aleppo  and  Mosul,  to  Lake  Van,  and  the  south  of  Ararat 
to  Shirvan  and  Baku,  on  the  Caspian,  there  is  another  wide  and  ener- 
getic band,  probably  joining  the  Caucasus,  and  connected  with  the 
occasionally  disturbed  districts  of  the  Oural.*' "" 

*  Ve»uviuS|  by  Du  John  Phillips,  (1869?}  pp.  }6-l7. 

*  Physical  Geography,  p.  J50. 


Art.  XI. 

The  Date  of  the  Death  of  Ntzamt. 

By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

{Read  idth  April  1906.) 

According  to  M.  Mohl,  Nizami  was  the  first  of  the  Persian  poets, 
who,  after  the  decadence  of  the  Epic  literature,  inaugurated  by  FirUousi,. 
(A.D.  941-1020),  brought  the  historical  romance  into  fashion.*  One 
of  his  Persian  biographers,  Doulat  Shah,  as  pointed  out  by  Ousley, 
says  of  him,  in  his  **  Memoirs  of  the  Poets,"  that  **  it  is  impossible  for 
either  tongue  or  pen  10  describe  his  sanctity,  his  excellence,  or  his 
science."  * 

Nizami  is  best  known  for  his  *  *  Five  Poems "  known  as  the 
Khamseh  (^oua^  ),  t,e.y  *  the  five '  and  also  as  the  PanJGanj,  7.^.,  *the 
five  treasuries.'    These  five  poems  are — 

1.  Makhzan-uM-Asrdr  (^lv*»'l  cJle^T*^)^  ^-^-i  ^^^  Treasury  of 

Secrets. 

2.  Khusru  and  Shirin. 

3.  Laili  and  Majnun. 

4.  Haft  Paikar  (  *^  O^  ),   '.^.,  the  Seven  Portraits. 

5.  The  Sikandar-Nameh,  ue,^  the  Book  of  Alexander. 

Of  these  five,  three,  the  second,  fourth  and  fifth  poems,  treat  of 
historical  romances,  in  which  kings  Khusru  (Chosroes  II)  and  Behram 
Gour  (Behram  V)  of  the  Sassanian  dynasty  and  Sikandar  (Alexander 
the  Great)  who  overthrew  the  Achemenian  dynasty  are  the  principal 
heroes. 

Just  as  Firdousi  had  a  host  of  imitators,  who   tried  to  imitate  his 
ShlLhn^Uneli  and  wrote  poems    like    Burzo-n&meh,    Framroz-n^meh, 
Kers4sp-n^meh,       B^nu-Goshasp-n&meh,       S&m-n^meh,      Jeh^ngier- 
n^meh,  and    Bahman-n^meh,  so,  Nizami  had  several   imitators  of  his 
Khamseh.     The    most    well-known    of   these    imitators    was    Amir' 
Khusro. 

*  "  Le  premier  qui  mit  k  la  mode  le  roman  historique  fut  Nizami  (n^  I'an  5x3  et  mort  I'an* 
S76  de  I'b^re)."    Le  Livrc  des  Rois«  small  edition.  Preface,  p.  LXXXII. 

*  Biosn'aphi*^!  Notices  of  Persian  poeU  by  Sir  Core  Ousley  (1846),  p.  4^* 


148  THE  DATE  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  NIZAMl. 

Now  Bacher,  whom  we  have  fotlowed  in  the  words  of  his  translator  > 
Robinson,  has,  as  shown  above,  determined  the  date  of  the  death  of 
Nizami,  not  on  the  authority  of  the  author  himself,  but  on  the  authonjty 
of  a  later  glossarist,  who  gives  the  age  of  the  author  when  he  completed 
the  Slkandar-n&meh.  Bacher  seems  to  believe  that  the  author  himsett 
has  not  given  the  date  of  the  composition  of  the  Sikandar-n&meh. 
He  says,  *'  It  remains  still  to  settle  with  regard  to  the  Alexander- Book 
(Sikandar-n&meh),  the  time  of  its  composit'on,  which  Nizami  does  not 
directly  give. "  * 

I  now  produce,  for  the  inspection  of  members,  an  old  manu- 
script,* about  300  years  old,  of  a  poem  of  Nizami  known  as  the 
Sikandar-n  Ameh  or  the  book  of  Alexander.  At  the  end  (last  page)  of 
thii  Sikandar-n^meh,  as  given  in  this  old  manuscript,  Nizami  himself 
gives  the  date  of  the  composition  of  this  poem.  As  far  as  I  know,  no 
author  who  has  treated  the  subject  of  the  date  of  Nizami*s  death  has 
referred  to  these  lines.  Nizami  says  : 


•» 


Translation — May  the  king  of  the  world  be  always  blessed  in  his 
assembly  like  an  young  cypress.  In  order  that  the  reader  may  not  be 
tired,  on  the  date  of  the  year  597,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  on  the 
4th  (day)  of  (the  month  of)  Moharam  ^  when  the  4th  hour  had 
passed. 

These  couplets  then  clearly  point  out  that  Nizami  was  alive  in  the 
year  597  Hijri.  and  so  all  the  dates  previous  to  this,  generally  given  as 
the  date  of  his  death,  cannot  be  correct.  Then,  as  Nizami  according  to 
the  above  glossarist,  died  shortly  after  finishing  his  Sikandar-n&meh, 
the  date  of  his  death  comes  to  about  597  Hijri. 

Now,  when  we  speak  of  Nizami,  as  finishing  his  Sikandar-nAmeh  in 
5Q7,  we  must  understand  by  that, the  completion  of  the  second  recension 

'  /bi4i,  p.  Hi- 

*  The  manuscript  belongs  to  Mr.  Manockjec  Runtomjec  Unwalla  of  Bombay.  o(  whom 
I  have  often  itpokcn  in  this  room  as  a  fortunate  pos8esM>r  of  many  old  Oriental  nianuscriptH. 
Comparinff  this  old  manuscript  with  a  lithoicraphed  copy  of  NizamPs  Khamsah.  I  find  that 
about  t^o  couplets  are  lost  in  the  befnnning. 

'The  firs*  part  of  the  tnd  couplet  occurs  in  verses  ** quoted  in  the  Haft-Asmflm  but 
which  the  author  thinks  to  He  of  doubtful  authenticity  "  Dr.  C  Ricu's  catalogrue  of  ttic 
Persian  m:*nu»cript*  in  the  British  Museumi  Vol.  II,  p.  $68^. 

^  Moharam  is  the  ist  month  of  the  year. 


THE  DATE  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  NIZAMI.  1 45 

It  is  no  wonder,  that  the  date  of  the  death  of  such  a  person,  who  had 
ended  his  life  in  retirement,  and  around  whose  old  age  a  halo  of  a 
miraculous  sanctity  had  spread,  has  not  been  certain  and  is  variously 
stated.  Many  known  authors  differ  on  this  point  TTie  object  of  this 
short  paper  is  to  determine  the  date  of  his  death  on  the  authority  of 
an  old  manuscript  of  the  poet's  Sikandar-n^meh  cr  the  book  of  the 
life  of  Alexander.  This  manuscript  was  one  of  the  old  manuscripts 
that  I  exhibited  at  the  Exhibition  held  in  our  City  in  December  1904 
in  connection  with  the  Indian  National  Congress. 

Dr.  Wilhelm  Bacher,  in  his  history  of  Persian  literature  published  in 
1871,  says:  **The  statements  which  are  contained  in  Oriental 
sources  as  to  the  year  of  Nizami*s  death  diverge,  in  their  extreme 
limits,  more  than  twenty  years,  and  unhappily  European  authors 
have  inclined  to  that  side  which,  according  to  what  follows,  is  submit- 
ted as  the  incorrect  account.  Daulet  Shah,  in  his  biography,  which 
gives  only  very  scanty  and  quite  insufficient  notices  with  regard  to  our 
poet,  says,  that  Nizamidied  in  some  month  of  the  year  576  of  the  Hejra. 
This  date  has  been  adopted  by  Haji  Khalifa  also,  in  one  place  ;  whilst 
in  other  places  of  his  Dictionary  he  has  named  quite  different  dates, 
vis,^  twice  A.H.  596,  once  597,  and  finally  599.  Now  the  first  named 
date,  A  H.  576,  is  the  one  which  has  been  adopted  by  the  most  eminent 
writers.  So  Von  Hammer,  in  his  history  of  Persian  polite  literature, 
and  Von  Erdman,  who  yet  expressly  adds,  that  Haji  Khalfa  incorrect- 
ly says  that  Nizamidied  A.H.  597.  Flugel,  in  his  account  of  Persian 
literature,  names  likewise  the  year  576."  » 

M.  Mohl.  also,  as  quoted  above,  gives  576,  as  the  date  of  Nizami's 
death. 

Dr.  Bacher  himself  gives  the  date  as  599  Hijri.*  Dr.  Hermann 
Eth6  »  also  gives  the  date  as  599  Hijri  (1203  A.D.").  Ousley  *  gives 
the  year  as  597  Hijri  (1200  A.D.). 

Dr.  Charles  Rieu,  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  Persian  Manuscripts  in 
the  British  Museum,  (1881,  Vol.  II.,  p.  564^)  says  :  **  Most  conflicting 
statements  have  been  made  regarding  the  date  of  Nizami*s  death. 
Daulat  Shah  gives  A.H.  576,  the  Atashkadah  A.H.  586,  the  Jahdn4r& 
A.H.  597,  Haj.  Khal,  A.H.  596,  the  Subh-i-SAdik  A.H.  602,  and 
Takt  Kft.sh!  A.H.  606.'*  Dr.  Rieu  himself  determines  the  date  to  be 
A.H.598or599  {^Ibid.  p.  565a). 

'  **  Persian  Poetry  for  Enfrlish  Readers  **  by  Robinson  (188 j),  pp.  to9-iir« 
°  nid,  p.  lU. 

*  Article  on  Nixami  in  the  Bncyclopsedia  Brittanica«  9th  editioni  Vol.  i7t  p*  S«*  col.  S* 

*  Biographical  Notices  of  Persian  PoeU  (i84^>  p.  48. 
10 


136  MACOUDI    ON    VOLCANOES. 

SO  high  that  they  reach  the  clouds.  These  eruptions  are  accom- 
panied with  sounds  of  the  most  terrible  thunder.  Often  there 
emanates  from  it  a  strange  and  frightful  voice  announcing  the  death 
of  a  king  or  simply  of  a  chief  according  as  it  is  more  or  less 
resonant.  There  are  those  who  can  distinguish  this  perfectly,  being 
instructed  in  this  matter  by  a  long  experience  which  never  makes 
mistakes.  These  mountains  form  part  of  the  large  volcanoes  of  the 
earth.  Not  far  from  these  is  an  island,  in  which  one  hears  con- 
tinuously the  echo  of  the  sound  of  drums,  flutes,  lutes  and  of  every 
kind  of  instrument,  of  sweet  and  agreeable  voices,  and  also  of 
harmonious  steps  and  clapping  of  hands.  On  lending  an  attentive 
ear,  one  distinguishes  clearly  all  the  sounds  without  confounding 
them.     The  mariners  who  have  voyaged  on  these  sea-coasts  say  that 

it  is  there  that  the    Daj^I  '(4j'^«>})    '-^m  the  Antichrist,  has  fixed 
his  abode.'* 

Now,  which  are  the  volcanoes  that  Ma<joudi  here  refers  to  as  being 
situated  in  the  sea  of  China  ?  It  appears  that  they  form  the  volcanoes 
of  Java  and  Sumatra.  Of  the  great  volcanic  lines  described  by  Prof. 
Anstead  in  his  Physical  Geography,  **  the  most  active  is,'*  as  he  says, 
**  that  of  Java  and  Sumatra,  separating  the  China  Sea  from  the  Indian 
Ocean."  *  He  adds  further  on,  that  **  the  islands  near  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  commencing  with  the  Andaman  group  and  the  Nicobar 
Islands,  and  extending  through  Sumatra  into  Java,  are  all  volcanic, 
and  the  volcanic  force  attains  there  the  condition  of  ntense  energy. 
Along  the  whole  length  of  Java,  the  volcanic  mountains  are  so  close 
that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  various  groups.  This  is 
the  case  for  at  least  700  miles.  In  this  Island  the  volcanoes  range 
from  5,000  to  13,000  feet  in  height  above  the  sea.**' 

So,  when  Ma^oudi  speaks  of  the  mountains  in  plural  ((J^^)  and 
of  their  flames  as  **  a  continuous  fire,  rising  so  high  that  they 
reach  the  clouds,*'  it  seems  clear  that  he  refers  to  this  volcanic  belt 
of  great  activity  in  Java.  He  refers  to  this  belt  of  volcanoes  once 
more,  as  we  shall  see  later  in  the  17th  chapter,^  where  he  speaks 
of  the  volcanic  belts  of  the  Caucasus  and  of  the  Mediterranean. 
There  he  remarks  that  **  of  all  the  volcanoes  of  the  world,  the 
most  remarkable  for  its  terrible  sounds,  for  its  whirlwinds  of  black 
smoke  and  for  its  frequent  eruptions  is  that  which  ties  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  Mah&r&ji.*'  This  is  a  reference  to  the  group  of 
volcanoes  at  Java  and    Sumatra  which  were   then  ruled   over   by   a 

•  Physical  Geography  by  Prof.  David  T.  Ansted  (Fifth  Edition  1871),  p.  316, 

"  /bid,  pp.  S^a-Sa* 

•*  Ma<^)udi,  Vol.  II..  p.  26. 


MA^OUDI    ON    VOLCANOES.  137^ 

There  is  one  other  casual  reference  to  this  group  in  Ma^oudi  which 
shows  that  it  is  the  volcanoes  of  Java  to  which  he  refers.     In  the  3Sthp 
chapter  of  his  book'  while  speaking  of  the  Franks  {i.e.,  the  Firangis  or 
the  Europeans)  he  refers  to  the  Island  of  Sicily  and  to  its  volcanoes, and' 
then  says  that  he  has  elsewhere  referred   to  the   volcano   of  Z^bej  in' 

the  China  Sea  (^^r^  ] ys^ ^   ^  M I  ^  JU    ^^  |     i.e.,  the   volcano  of 

the  city  of  ZAbej  in  the  sea  of  Sin,  i.e.,  Chin  or  China).     Barbier  de 
Meynard  takes  this  Zabej  to  be  the  same  as  modern  Java. 

There  are  several  other  points  in  Ma<;oudi's  description  which 
require  observation. 

1.  Ma^oudi  speaks  of  the  eruption  of  these  mountains  as  "  accom- 
panied with  sounds  of  the  most  terrible  thunder."  The  last  eruption 
of  one  of  these  mountains,  the  most  terrible  eruption  that  we  have  ever 
had  in  our  times,  was  that  of  Krakatoa  in  1883,  which  caused  the 
death  of  about  36,000  people.  The  sound  of  that  eruption  was  heard 
at  a  distance  of  about  3,000  miles. 

2.  Ma^oudi  then  refers  to  **  a  strange  and  frightful  voice  announcing 
the  death  of  a  king  or  simply  of  a  chief,  according  as  it  is  more  or  less 
resonant."  Superstitious  effects  of  this  kind  on  minds  terrified  to 
the  extreme  are  not  rare  even  in  our  times,  whether  in  the  East  or 
in  the  West. 

3.  Mac^oudi  refers  to  **  the  sound  of  drums,  flutes,  lutes  and  of  every 
kind  of  instrument,  of  sweet  and  agreeable  voices  and  also  of  har- 
monious steps  and  clapping  of  hands."  Now,  all  this  is  due  to  what 
are  called  "rhythmical  puffs  and  bursts"  which  occur  at  regular  in- 
tervals of  a  few  seconds,  and  which  are  observed  even  in  the  case  of  the 
eruptions  of  Vesuvius  as  referred  to  by  Dr.  Philipps  in  his  work  on 
Vesuvius.^  Dion  Cassius,  w^ho  wrote  about  230  A.D.,  while  describing" 
the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  in  79  A.D.,  notes  the  tradition  that  he  was^ 
acquainted  with,  and  says  *'  a  blast,  as  if  of  trumpets,  was  heard.  "^ 

4.  The  last  observation  of  Ma^oudi,  in  his  description  of  this 
extreme-east  volcano   which   requires   observation  is  the  statement  of 

the  mariners  that  **  it  is  there  that  the  Daj^l  ((J'^*^)  has  lixed 
his  abode."  Now,  who  is  this  Daj4l  ?  DajAl  generally  means  *'  an 
impostor,  a  liar."  Barbier  De  Meynard  translates  the  word  as  **  Anti- 
christ." So,  if  we  assume  that  the  mariners  referred  to  a  particular 
class  of  fiajdh  or  Viars,  vie,  those  who  did  not  acknowledge  Christ  as 
Messiah,  it  follows  that  the  mariners  referred  to  were  Christian  sea- 
men, who  took  these  volcanoes  to  be  the  seat  of  Hell  itself  and  thus 
the    seat    of    those  who    did    not    believe  in   the   mission   of  Christ. 

^  Maqoudi  par  B.  de  Meynard,  &c..  Vol.  Ill)  p.  68. 

'^  Vesuvius,  by  John  Phillip?,  p.  145.  ••  /h'd,  p.  27. 


152  AN    ftKUNGjf   STONB   INSCRIPTION. 

of  2'^"  broad  by  i'^^"  high.  The  Hrst  line  of  the  inscription 
is  well-nigh  destroyed,  and  nearly  half  of  it  on  the  proper  left  side 
has  peeled  off. 

The  inscription  opens  with  obeisance  to  (the  god)  Lakult^.  The 
first  verse  is  irrevocably  lost,  and  the  second  appears  to  have  been 
devoted  to  the  praise  of  the  goddess  Sarasvatt.  The  next  two  verses 
contain  the  mention  and  description  of  a  city  of  the  name  of 
Nligahrada.  Verse  5  tells  us  that  in  this  city  there  flourished  a 
king  named  Sri-Bappaka,  the  moon  amongst  the  princes  of  the 
Guhila  dynasty.  The  verse  following  probably  mentioned  the  name 
of  the  king  AUafa,  father  of  Narav&hana  to  whose  reign  the  record 
refers  itself  and  whose  glory  is  described  in  verses  7  and  8.  The  next 
three  verses,  though  not  complete  and  entire,  are  sufliciently  pre- 
served to  supply  us  with  information  highly  important  for  the  history 
of  the  Lakuli^  sect.  In  the  country  of  Bhngukachch ha,  i,e.  Broach^ 
through  which  the  Narmad4,  daughter  of  M^kala,  flows,  the  sage 
Bhrigu,  being  cursed  by  Murabhid  (Vishou),  propitiated  the  god 
^iva,  who  in  the  presence  of  that  very  sage,  incarnated  himself  as 
characterised  with  a  club  (lakula)  in  his  hand.  As  ^iva  thus  descended 
to  earth  in  body,  the  place  where  this  occurred  was  called  KAya- 
vardha^a.  A  short  description  of  the  place  then  follows,  and  we  arc 
told  that  by  remaining  in  K^yAvardhapa  ^iva  did  not  at  all  remem- 
ber his  Kail^a.  What  the  purport  of  verse  12  is,  it  is  not  easy  to  say, 
but  the  verse  following  asserts  that  there  lived  ancient  sages,  such 
as  Ku^ika  and  others,  who  were  conversant  with  the  PAiupata  Ydj^, 
and  who  resorted  to  the  use  of  ashes,  barks,  and  matted  hair.  From 
verses  14  and  15  we  glean  that  certain  ascetics  whose  fame  had 
spread  from  the  Him^ayas  to  R&ma's  bridge  always  worshipped 
the  god  ^kalinga,*  and,  by  them,  as  verse  16  has  it,  was  caused  to 
be  made  this  temple  of  Lakuli^a  on  the  mountain  Aiv^jgr&ma.  From 
the  next  two  verses  we  learn  that  there  was  a  celebrated  dilectician 
called  ^rt-V6d&Aga  muni  who  silenced  the  disputants  of  the  Syftd- 
viJa  (Jaina),  Saugata  (Buddhist),  and  other  sects,  and  his  pupil  was 
the  poet  Amra,  son  of  Adityan&ga  who  composed  the  praJasti,  From 
ver^  19  we  obtain  as  the  date  of  the  inscription  1028  (of  the  era) 
of  the  king  Vikram&ditya,  which  is,  therefore,  equivalent  to  the  Eng- 
lish year  971.  The  next,  which  is  the  last,  verse  is  not  complete, 
but  expresses  a  wish  for  the  permanence  oi  either  the  temple  or  the 
praJasH.    Then  follow   the  names  of  KArdpakdk^  those  who  caused 

>  There  can  Im  nO  doubt  that  they  were  coonerted  with  the  temple  of  fikKAgjL  That 
the  priesto  of  this  temple  were  PA^paUs  may  h^  seen  from  an  inncripUoo  published  in 
f^r.  Beng.  Am.  S9C..  Vol   LV.  pt.  1.  p.  48.  in  which  HAr!urA£  is  called  ^r(-&kmiigif 


AN  fiKUNGj!  STONE  INSCRIPTION.  1 63 

ment  of  the  P^upata  vows  that  the  ascetic-disciples  of  Lakuli^ 
became  incarnate.  Our  inscription  also,  while  describing^  the  avatdra 
of  Lakuli^,  speaks  of  P^supata  ySj^a,  Again,  the  ascetics  who  built 
the  temple  of  Lakulisa,  as  our  inscription  has  it,  were  connected  with 
the  temple  of  £klingji,  and  one  of  the  high  priests  concerned  with  this 
temple  has  been  described  in  an  inscription  as  SH-^kalingu-ffar- 
drddhanO'PdJupat'dcAdfya.^  The  inscriptions  thus  show  that  in  North 
India  P^upatas  were  the  adherents  of  the  Lakuliia  system.  In  the 
south  also  the  doctrines  of  Lakulisa  must  have  been  followed  by  the 
P^supatas,  as  the  expression  Na{La)kul£sa-PdJupata'darJana  used 
by  S&yana  clearly  indicates  ;  but,  in  Southern  India,  in  addition  to  the 
P^supatas,  Kdldmukhas  seem  to  have  espoused  the  system  of  Lakulisa. 
It  is  not  necessary,  here  to  reiterate  the  instances  given  above  in  which 
certain  ascetics  who  are  called  K^lSmukhas  are  also  represented  as 
upholders  of  the  Ldkula'siddhdnta,  That  the  Kft.l§jnukhas  were  de- 
votees of  Lakuli^  is  also  implied  by  what  R&m&nuja  says  about 
them.  Just  at  the  place  where  he  specifies  the  four  sects,  R^m^nuja 
speaks  of  laguda-dh&rana  as  one  of  the  characteristic  practices  of  the 
Kidamukhas.  Laguda-dhdrana,  by  its  very  mention,  associates  itself 
in  our  mind  with  Lakuli,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  so  called  because 
he  held  a  lakuJa,  i,e,,  lakuta^  a  club,  in  his  hand,  and  it  is  but  natural 
that  his  followers  should  consider  it  as  a  badge  of  their  sect.  But  the 
other  two  sects,  especially  the  sect  known  as  ^aiva,  were  probably 
not  the  adherents   of  the    L&kula  system.     S^ya^a,   in  the    Sarva^ 

darsana-samgraha,  contrasts  the  ^aiva,  with  the  Na(La)kuli^a- 
P&supata  darsana.  This  is  an  unmistakable  indication,  in  my 
opinion,  of  the  followers  of  the  ^aiva  sect  not  being  the  supporters 
of  the  doctrines  of  Lakulila.  Again,  in  the  Karh^d  copper-plate 
'Charter  of  the  Rd.sh(rakOfa  king  Krishoa  III.,''  the  grantee  Gaga- 
na^iva  is  represented  as  having  mastered  sakala-Siva-siddhdnta,  This 
probably  shows  that  Gagana^iva  was  of  the  ^aiva  sect  and  the 
adherents  of  this  sect  had  a  siddhdnta  of  their  own  called  Sivasiddhdnta 
corresponding  to  the  Ldkula-siddhdnta  upheld  by  the  K§i^mukhas. 

In  South  India  the  followers  of  Lakulisa  appear  to  have  been  split 
up  into  two  classes,  (i)  old  and  (2)  new.  An  inscription  found  at 
Go^pakere  in  the  Tiptur  tdluk,  Mysore  and  dated  in  A.  D.  1285  speaks 
of  the  donors  as  supporters  of  the  new  La(L^)kuIa  samaya,^  This  cannot 
mean,  as  Mr.  Rice  has  correctly  pointed  out,^  that  the  L^ula  sys- 
tem was  then  new,  for,  as  we  have  seen,  the  incarnation  of  ^iva  as 
Laku|i  dates  as  far  back  as  the  first  century  A.  D.,  but  that  probably 

*  See  aote  2  above.  '  Ep,  Ind^  Vol  IV.,  p.  386* 
'  Ep.  Cam.  9  VoU  XII.,  p.  4$  (traoslatioo). 

*  Hid,,  Introduction^  p.  10. 


154  AN    ^KLlSGjf   STONE    INSCRIPTION. 

of  the  Lakulisa-P&iupata  sect ;  and  I  have  remarked  at  the  outset 
that  no  scholar  has  yet  been  able  to  adduce  any  information  from  the 
Sanskrit  literature  about  the  antiquity  and  history  of  the  sect.  There 
is,  however,  a  certain  passage  in  the  V&yu  and  Linga  PurAnas  which 
throws  a  flood  of  light  on  this  matter,  and  it  is  very  strange  that  no 
scholar  ever  noticed  it.  The  passage  is  composed  of  verses  217 — 225, 
Chapter  XXllI.  entitled  Mdhesvar-dvatdra-yd^a  of  the  V4yu,  and 
verses  124 — 133,  Chapter  XXIV.  of  the  Linga,  PurAna.  The  text  of  the 
published  editions  oftheV^yu  Purina'  is  somewhat  corrupt,  but  that 
>  of  the  Linga  Purina  is  remarkably  free  from  this  defect.  I,  there- 
fore, cite  the  verses  in  question  from  the  Linga  Pur&na,  which  are 
as  follows  : 

^  ^%5T  ^^  Wn:  S^TOtTT:  i 

^#[^1^^  wi#tr  ^R^(^  II  i\\  II 
^i*ftt*<^Hi«frT  ^^^^;  II  ?^vs  II 
^T^mi^  fen^sftq  xrf^  qt^mFRT  ii  K\c  w 

fes^Tf  ^¥\%.\  3^  c^2T[  mk  ^  R^^HI  I 

^fRT^^?:  (  *WI<1<1"I  Vayu  )  J^  ^i^^  ^  %  ^  I 

4<R^(d  ifir^^  ^M:ift^^^  n  ?^c  II 

ff^^  1^^  ft^:  #1?^  '^  ^  II  ?^?  II 

4)^iic*<ih1  44^ic44ih^  m^mr  ^<m<^ii:  i 
jn^  in^^  %n  f^JT^  8i>:^i^:  II  ??R  II 

^?[^  ^lf^«^Pd  5^KI#T#^I 

The  substance  of  the  verses  is  briefly  this  :  in  the  twenty-eighth  ydga 
when  Vishnu,  son  of  Parisara,  will  incarnate  himself  as  Dvaipiyana- 

*  I  am  aware  of  only  two  editions  of  the  VAyu  Purdpa.  one  published  in  the  Bibliothoca 
Indicai  and  the  other  in  the  Anandd.4rama  Sanskrit  Scries. 

*  Although  in  the  text  of  the  VAyu  PurApa  of  the  AnandAsrama  Series  the  reading  Nakmli 
is  adoptedi  the  footnote  .  shows  that  iMkiUi  is  the  reading  of  three  MSS. 


AN   itKLINGj!  STONE   INSCRIPTION.  1 55 

Vy^lsa,  Krishna  will  become  incarnate  as  V^sud^va.  At  that  time  I 
(ie.  Siva)  shall  as  brahmachdrt  enter  a  dead  body  thrown  in  a 
cemetery  without  anybody  to  guard  it,  by  means  o{  ydga  powers,  and 
shall  bear  the  name  Lakuli.  At  that  time,  Kaydrdhana  (according  to 
the  V§yu),  or  K^y^vat^ra  (according  to  the  Liiiga  Purina),  will  be- 
come famous  as  a  sacred  place  and  remain  so  till  the  earth  endures. 
•And  there  will  be  born  the  ascetic-pupils  Ku^ika,  Garga,  Mitra,  and 
Kaurushya,  and  these  P&supatas  will  repair  to  the  Rudra  Uka  from 
where  they  will  not  return. 

It  is  thus  evident  that  Lakuli,  according  to  the  FursLnas,  was  the 
twenty-eighth,  ue,  the  last,  incarnation  of  Mah^svara  (6iva).  It  is 
also  clear  that  this  account  completely  agrees  with  that  of  the  inscrip- 
tions excepting  in  one  minor  point.  This  point  of  difference  arises 
only  with  regard  to  the  cause  and  manner  in  which  ^iva  became 
incarnate  as  Lakuli.  But  here  not  only  do  the  Pur^nas  differ  from 
our  inscription  and  the  Cintra  prasasti,  but  the  latter  also  diifer  from 
each  other.  The  PurAnas  say  that  6iva  entered  the  dead  body  of  a 
brahmachdrt  lying  in  a  cemetery  without  anybody  to  protect  it  and 
thus  became  incarnate  as  Lakuli.  Our  inscription,  on  the  other  hand, 
informs  us  that  Bhrigu,  to  undo  the  effects  of  a  curse  pronounced  on 
him  by  Vishnu  (Murabhid)  under  which  he  was  smarting,  propitiated 
^iva  who  assumed  a  bodily  form  in  the  presence  of  that  sage.  But 
from  the  Cintra  prasasti,  we  simply  learn  that  ^iva  became  incarnate 
in  the  form  of  Lakulisa  in  order  to  favour  the  offspring  of  UlOka  who 
were  without  sons  in  consequence  of  his  curse.  The  three  accounts 
are  thus  different  from  one  another,  only  so  far  as  the  origin  of  the 
Lakulisa  incarnation  of  Siva  goes.  But  they  all  perfectly  agree  as 
regards  the  principal  points,  vis.  that  (i)  Lakuli  was  an  incarnation 
of  M ahSsvara,  that  (2)  this  incarnation  took  place  at  K^y^vardhana, 
and  that  (3)  there  were  four  ascetic-pupils  of  Lakuli,  whose  names 
mentioned  in  the  Pur^nas,  are  identical  with  those  given  in  the  Cintra 
pra^astu 

The  verses  quoted  above  are  from  the  Liiiga  Purina,  but  I  have 
stated  before  that  they  occur  also  in  the  Vayu  Purana  When  the 
.  same  verses  are  contained  in  two  or  more  Pur^nas,  they  are  supposed 
to  have  been  copied  from  the  earliest  of  these  or  from  an  old  original 
PurAna  whose  existence  is  attested  by  the  numerous  allusions  to  it 
in  the  ancient  Sanskrit  literature.  But,  taking  the  most  unfavouf- 
able  view  into  consideration  and  consequently  waiving  the  last  sup- 
position, we  shall  say  that  the  verses  occurring  in  both  the  Pur^nas 
were  borrowed  by  one  from  the  other.  There  is  a  consensus  of 
opinion  that  VaLyu  is  the  earliest  of  the  PurAnas.  The  V^lyu  is,  therefore, 
earlier  than  the  Liiiga  PurAna.     Now,  there  cannot  be  the   slightest 


156  AN   fiKLII^Gj!   STONE  INSCRIPTION. 

doubt  that  the  V^yu  Pur&9a  is  anterior  to  the  time  when  the  poet 
B&iria  flourished,  as  the  latter  refers  to  it  twice  in  his  works.  Thus 
in  the  Harshacharita  we  have  the  following  passage :  (^•Od^r^ 
^  W  ^m5«:  j4^^qN<h!  a^fgimnlH  I  Hlft^lfllrl-^l  ^W^l  HNW^  ,  •  •  •  • 
^W^^a^<ll'S«M-mli^  Nt|^  Jft?^  M<<HHHt^  STM  ^TO5  I  '    Here  then    we 

have  an  allusion  to  the  recitation  of  a  Purd.na,  which  is  PavamAna- 
prdkta^  i.e,  uttered  by  Pavam^na.  This  is  the  reading  of  the  Bombay 
and  Kd.shmfr  editions  ;  in  the  Jeypore  edition  we  have  pavana-ptdiia 
Instead  of  pavamdna-prdkta,^  Both  mean  the  same  thing,  as  Pavana 
and  Pavam^na  are  both  names  of  V^yu.  The  commentator  also 
takes  Pdifamdna-prSkta  in  the  sense  of  Vdyu-prdkta.  No  reasonable 
doubt  can  thus  be  entertained  as  to  the  VAyu  PurAna  being  referred 
to  in  the  passage  from  the  Harshacharita  quoted  above.  Again, 
while  describing  in  the  Kddambari  the  hermitage  to  which  the  parrot 
Vaisamp&yana,  thrown  down  from  the  nest  of  his  parent  bird,  was 
carried  by  a  sage,  B^na  uses  the  following  words  :  ^^  ^  TVPTRW 
^TSf^W-  5n^  ^ijfHHfQ^  •  •  •  *  I  3  Here  also  there  cannot  be  even  the 
shadow  of  a  doubt  as  to  the  V&yu  Purina  being  alluded  to  in  the  words 

Purdni  Vdyu'pralapUamy  according  to  one  of  the  two  senses  obviously 
intended.  The  Viyu  Purina  was,  therefore,  composed  before  the  first 
half  of  the  seventh  century  when  Bina  lived,  and  as  it  was  the  cus- 
tom in  his  time  to  recite  this  Purina,  as  appears  from  the  passage 
from  the  Harshacharita  cited  above,  the  Viyu  Purina  must  have 
been  compiled  at  least  two  centuries  prior  to  his  time.  Again,  in  the 
Viyu  Purioa  itself  occurs,  in  the  account  of  the  royal  dynasties  which 
enjoyed  the  sovereignty  of  the  earth,  the  following  verse  : 

In  this  verse  the  Guptas  are  spoken  of  as  the  princes  who^  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  prophetic  tone  of  the  Puricas,  will  hold  Prayiga, 
Sik^ta,  and  the  Magadha  country  along  the  Ganges.  This  is  doubt- 
less a  description  of  the  Guptas  before  they  became  paramount 
sovereigns.  From  the  Allihibid  and  £ran  inscriptions,  we  conclude 
that  the  dominions  of  Samudragupta  had  spread  as  far  as  the  United 
and  the  Central  Provinces  in  the  west  and  the  south  respectively. 
The  dehcription  in  the  Viyu  Purina  can  thus  hardly  refer  to  this  wide 
extent  of  hid  dominions.  We  must,  therefore,  suppose  that  the  Viyu 
Puriva  was  put  together  shortly  before  the  time  of  Samudragupta* 

*  Vide  the  NirpayasAg^ara  edition,  pp.  S5.4. 

*  KAdambari  by  Peteniun  ( Ho,  Sk,  Series)*  Intra  p.  s4i  footnote  %, 
^  /bid.  text  p*  41. 

*  Attand  Sk.  Settes,  Cap.  99$  vs.  J82-;. 

*  I'his   line  of  argument   was  first  pointed  out  by    Dr.  R.  G.   Bbandarkar  (see  abovis; 
Vol.XX.tpp.4o|4V. 


AN    fiKLIi;?Gji  STONE   INSCRIPTION.  l^J) 

A  reference  to  the  Viyu  Purina  is,  no  doubt,  also  to  be  found  in  Verse 
16,  chapter  191,  Vanaparvan,  Mah^bh4rata,  but  as  the  episode, 
wherein  the  reference  is  contained,  is  supposed  to  be  an  interpola- 
tion,' we  can  at  the  most  say  that  there  was  a  Pur&na  of  that  name 
not  before  the  beginning,  but  before  the  end,  of  the  Mahabh^rata. 
The  reference  is,  therefore,  of  no  use  to  us  in  fixing  the  dale  of  the 
V^yu  Purina,  and  the  commencement  of  the  fourth  century,  therefore, 
remains  the  earliest  period,  to  which  we  can  assign  the  compilation 
of  that  Purina.  Now,  to  revert  to  the  main  point,  if  the  V^yu  Purana 
was  put  together  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  the  incar- 
nation of  ^iva  as  Lakult,  to  become  a  general  belief  and  come  to  be 
spoken  about  in  this  Pur^ria,  must  be  placed  as  e^rly  as  the  6rst 
century  A.  D.  at  the  latest.  Here  then  we  find  that  the  Pur^nas 
not  only  confirm  in  every  important  respect  the  account  of  the  epi- 
graphic  records  regarding  Lakultsa,  but  also  lead  us  to  infer  that  the 
belief  in  the  Lakulisa  incarnation  is  of  great  antiquity. 

The  Vayu  and  Liiiga,  however,  are  not  the  only  Pur^nas  in 
which  the  incarnations  of  ^iva  are  mentioned.  Chapter  LI II.  of  the 
KQrma-pur^na  also  gives  the  avatdras  of  Mah&d^va,  their  names,  and 
those  of  their  pupils.  The  last  of  these  incarnations  has  been  there- 
in named  Na(La)kulisvara,  and  the  names  of  his  pupils  are  cited 
in  the  line  :  ffBi^J^  irf^  ft^  ^^  (v./.  ^^  q^T  )  ^  I  There  can 
hardly  be  a  doubt  that  this  verse  is  corrupt  and  requires  to  be  cor- 
rected into  ^ftl^  ipN  m:  ^t^^  ^^\  As  the  KOrma  Purina  is 
a  later  work  and  does  nothing  more  than  give  a  mere  list  of  the 
avatdras,  it  does  not  add  to  our  knowledge. 

The  information  we  so  long   had  about  Lakulisa  was  derived  from 
epigraphic  sources  only,   and    it   was  supposed   that  no  confirmation 
of  it  was    forthcoming  from  the     Sanskrit  literature ;    but  now    we 
see  that  the  account  of  the  inscriptions  is,  in  all  important  respects, 
corroborated  by  the  Pur^nas  and  that  for  Lakultsa  is  to  be  assigned  a 
much  earlier  date   than  we  had    obtained   from  inscriptions.     Nay, 
even  a  minor  point   connected  with  our  inscription  is  elucidated   by 
the  vayu  Purina.     The  inscription,  as  I  have  said  above,   speaks  of 
the  ancient  ascetics  Kusika  and  others  (the  pupils  of  Lakuli)  as    con- 
versant with  the     P^^upata  y^j^a,  and  the   inscription   to    my  mind 
leads   us^  to  surmise  that  there   was   such  a  thing  as  Pasupaia  ydj^a 
which  was  an  important  feature  of  ^aivism.     As   no  description  of  it 
is  given  in  the  inscription,  it  remains  only  a  surmise.     Bui  this   sur- 
mise becomes  an  indubitable  fact  when  we  find  that  the  V^yu  Purana 

»    TVir  Great  Epic  of  India  by  Hopkins,  p.  4S  ff.    My  attention  to  this  was  first  drawn 
by  Mr.  Hari  Narayan  Apte. 


158  AN    ftKLINGjt   STONE   INSCRIPTION. 

mentions  the  P^supata  ydga   by  this   very  name  and  devotes  no  less- 
than  three  chapters  to  the  elucidation  of  it. 

The  next  point  that  we  have  to  consider  is  the  signification  of  the 
name  Lakuli.  With  respect  to  it  our  inscription  tells  us  that  when 
^iva  made  himself  incarnate,  he  was  lakul-dpalakshita-kara^  ie»  with 
his  hand  characterised  by  a  lakula^  i.e.  apparently  lakuta^  a  club. 
And  here  Hindu  iconography  comes  to  our  help.  During  my  archaeo- 
logical tour  in  R^jput^n^  last  year,  I  discovered  many  old  temples, 
above  the  doorways  of  whose  shrines  or  halls  was  carved  a  singular 
figure  of  ^iva.  It  is  a  figure  with  two  hands  with  curly  hair,  long 
ear-lobes,  a  peculiar  dsana  or  sitting  posture,  and  in  one  instance, 
even  a  gem  on  his  breast,  thus  closely  resembling  a  Buddha  or  a  Jaina 
tirthamkara.  But  one  of  his  hands  invariably  holds  a  club,  and  the 
other  often  a  cocoa-nut.'  This  distinguishes  it  from  the  images  of 
Buddhas  and  ttrthamkaras.  Further,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  this  figure 
is  to  be  seen  in  temples,  about  whose  dedication  to  Siva  there  is  not 
the  slightest  doubt.  In  some  instances  it  occupies  the  dedicatory 
block  and  in  others  the  centre  of  the  frieze  above  the  lintel  Banked ,^ 
on  one  side,  by  BrahmH,  and,  on  the  other,  by  Vishnu.  And  it  is  a 
fundamental  principle  of  monumental  iconography  to  carve,  on  the 
dedicatory  block  or  or.  the  centre  of  the  frieze  above,  either  the 
divinity  to  whom  the  temple  is  dedicated  as  is  frequently  the  case,  or 
some  sectarial  emblem,  such  as  Lakshmi  in  Vaishnava  temples. 
No  doubt  can  possibly  be  entertained  as  to  the  figure  being  of  Siva 
under  the  Lakuli^a  form.  The  figure  above  the  door  of  the  sabhA' 
mandapa  of  the  temple  of  Nitha  where  our  inscription  was  found  is 
unfortunately  a  little  defaced,  but,  on  closely  inspecting  it,  I  found 
it  similar  to  those  I  have  described.  The  same  figure  is  found 
above  the  shrine  door  of  the  celebrated  temple  of  Sital^svara-Mah^- 
d6va  at  Jh^lr^patan.^  That  Lakulisa  was  known  and  worshipped  at 
this  place  is  clear  from  the  following  inscription  incised  on  the 
pedestal  of  an   image  of  Var^ha  in  a  chhatrt  not  far  from  the  temple  : 

-^f^r  ^gpcO^  ^^m^  I  ^T^  ^J^d  ^J^;  ^^- 

md^  ^[f]2:  I  ^  -  -  -  ?T^  (?)  ^  -  -  -  5f5iftrflq%  II 

Here  the  mason  who  sculptured  the  image  of  Var^ha  is  called  a 
servant  of  Is^lnajamu — ,  who  is  praised  for  his  piety  and  is  compared 
to  Lakulisa.     I    have   little  doubt   that  he  was  a  devotee  of  Lakulisa 

*  Prog.  Rep,  ArcheeoU  Surv.  Ind.  for  the  year  ending  30th  June  1905*  p.  48.  para.  17  ; 
p.  51,  para.  I5 ;  p  ^,  para.  44  :  p.  SS.  paras.  50  and  52  ;  pp.  5^-57.  paras.  58  and  60;  and 
*o  forth. 

^  Ibid ,  p.  jJ»  para.  90. 


AN   £KLlK'Gjf  STONE   INSCRIPTION.  159 

and  the  head  ptijdri  of  the  temple  of  Sital^svara-Mah^d^va,  the 
shrine  door  of  which,  as  just  mentioned,  has  a  figure  of  LakuU 
on  the  dedicatory  block.  The  temple  has  been  assijg^ned  to  the 
seventh  century  by  Fergusson,'  and  so  here  we  have  the 
earliest  instance  of  a  temple  dedicated  to  Lakulfsa,  the  twenty-eighth 
avatdra  of  Pasupati. 

In  North  India  outside  RsLjput^n^  I  know  of  only  one  instance  of 
a  temple  in  which  the  image  of  Lakulfsa  is  sculptured.  At  M&ndhilta 
a  sacred  place  in  the  Narmad^,  Lakulisa  figures  on  the  projecting 
block  on  the  lintel  of  the  shrine  doorframe  of  the  temple  of  Siduhe^vara 
on  the  top  of  the  hill.  But  I  am  aware  of  no  certain  instance  of  the 
image  of  Lakulisa  occurring  anywhere  in  the  South,  though  I  can 
point  to  two  or  three  instances  of  figures  which  are,  in  a!l  likelihood, 
of  Lakulisa.  In  the  work  entitled  **  Cave-Temples  of  India,"  Dr.  Bur- 
gess, while  describing  the  Dum^r  lena,  says  :  **  In  the  north  verandah 
is  ^iva  as  Mahfty6gi,  seated  on  a  lotus,  with  a  club  in  his  left  hand."' 
Of  the  same  figure  he  elsewhere  says  :  **  In  the  east  end  of  it  is  ^iva 
as  a  yogi  or  ascetic,  with  a  club  in  his  left  hand,  and  seated  on  a  lotus 
upheld  by  N^ga  figures,  with  two  females  worshipping  behind 
each — an  evident  copy  from  the  figures  of  Buddha. "3  This  descrip- 
tion makes  it  all  but  certain  that  the  image  is  of  Siva  as  Lakulisa. 
Again,  the  same  learned  antiquarian,  in  describing  certain  figures  in 
the  celebrated  KailAsa  temple  at  Elur^.  speaks  of  a  certain  image  as 
one  of  6iva  as  **  Mahayogi,  the  great  ascetic  "  and  as  closely  resembling 
a  Buddha.*  But  unfortunately  we  are  not  informed  whether  the 
image  had  a  club  in  one  of  its  hands,  so  that  we  cannot  say  with  any 
high  degree  of  probability  that  it  was  a  figure  of  Lakulisa.  Mr.  Rice, 
the  late  Director  of  Archaeological  Researches  in  Mysore,  has  informed 
me  that  at  BalaglLmi  there  was  a  curious  figure  with  two  hands,  one 
wielding  a  club.  As  BajagUmi  was  a  great  centre  of  Lakulisa  worship, 
as  we  shall  see  further  on,  it  is  not  unsafe  to  conclude  that  this  was  an 
image  of  Lakulisa.  But  though  no  certain  instances  of  Lakulisa 
sculptures  are  forthcoming,  there  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt  that 
the  worship  of  Lakulisa  was  vigorously  prevalent  in  the  South.  I 
have  already  referred  to  the  HemUvati  inscription  in  which  it  is  said 
that  Lakulisa  for  fear  that  his  name  and  doctrines  might  be  forgotten 
incarnated  himself  as  the  munindtha  Chilluka.  This  indicates  not 
only  that  Lakulisa  was  known  in  the  South,  bu(  also  that  Chilluka  was 
a  worshipper  of  Lakulisa  and  a  ^aiva  teacher  of  importance  belonging  to 
that  sect.    An  inscription  found  at  HalkOr  in  the  Arsikere  tdluky  Mysore, 

^  His*  Ind.  East,  Architect  p.  449* 

*  P.  448.  '  Arch,  Sttrv.  IVest  Ind,   Vol.  V'.,  P.  4?. 

•*  Cave -Tern pies  of  India,  p.  45^ 


l6o  AN   6KLIi;fGj!   STONE   INSCRIPTION. 

and  dated  in   A.D.  ii 77,  mentions  a  number   of  munis,  adherents  of 
the   K4j4makhas,    as  upholders   of   the   Ldkul^j^ma-^amaya.^     But 
the  worship  of   Lakulisa   appears  in    Mysore   to  have   been   strong- 
est  at    Balag&mi    which    is  called     in     inscriptions    Ballig&ve    and 
Balipura.      Here   was    the    temple    of     Dakshina-K^^r^^vara,    to 
which   was   attached  the  K6diya   matha.     At   the  head   of  this  was 
a     very  learned   and  distinguished  line  of  guriis,   a   branch  of  the 
Kaiamukhas,    forming    the     ^aktiparishe      of    the     Muvara-kd^^ya 
santati    of    the    Parvvatavali.       The   first    one     named    is   Ked^ra- 
^akti,    his  disciple  was   ^rikantha,  his  disciple  was  S6m^svara,   his 
disciple  was  Gautama,  his  disciple  was  V^ma^akti,   and   his  disciple 
was  J  ftlLna^akti.     Many  inscriptions  have  been  discovered  at  BalagSmi 
which  describe    the  erudition  and   austerities  of  many  of  these   high 
priests.     Thus  one  inscription  represents  Som^svara  as  having  caused 
i}ci^  L&kula'Siddhd,ntaX,o\Aoom.'^  In  another  inscription,  Somesvara  and 
his  predecessors  are  called  K^l&mukhas,  and  the  same  inscription,  it  is 
worthy    of   note,    begins   with   an    invocation    to   Lakulisa.'     About 
VAma^akti  two  inscriptions  say  that  in   grammar  he   was    P^nini,   in 
polity  ^ri-BhushanAcharya,  in  drama  and  the  science  of  music  Bhara- 
tamuni,  in   poetry  Subandhu,    and   in  siddhdnta   Lakuli^vara.^     The 
same  V^masakti  is  called  **  ornament  of  the  L&kujAgama  "  in  another 
inscription.5     It  will  thus   be  seen   that    all    these   high   priests   were 
worshippers  of  Lakulila  and  that  the  temple  of  south   Ked&rdsvara  of 
which  they  were  the  dchdryas,  was,    in   all   probability,   dedicated   to 
Lakulfsa.* 

We  thus  see  that,  according  to  the  Pur^nas,  Lakuli  was  the  last 
incarnation  of  6iva  and  synchronous  with  Krishna- V&sud^va.  This 
has  the  value  of  a  tradition,  though  the  contemporaneity  of  the  two 
m'ght  well  be  questioned  as  an  historical  fact ;  and  from  the  tradi- 
tion it  is  not  unreasonable  to  argue  that  just  as  Krishna-V^sudSva 
was  regarded  as  an  avatdra  of  Vishnu  and  was  the  reputed  originator 

*  Ep.  Cartu,  Vol.  V  ,  pt,  I ,  p.  ? J$  (translation). 
»  Ep,  Carn.i  Vol,  VII.,  pt  I.,  p.  64  (translation). 
»  /*«</.  pp.  6$  and  67. 

*  Ihid,  p.  ^  and  p.  63 ;  at  the   latter  place,  the  name  Naku|i&vara  instead  of  Lakufilvatfa 
is  g^ven* 

^  Ihid.  p.  95* 

^  It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  in  these  Bnlag^Ami  inscriptions,  the  terms  putra  and  Utikya 
are  used  synonymously.  Thus  while  two  inscriptions  (Shikarpur  Nos.  94  and  98)  repre- 
sent ^r!ka9(ha  and  Sdmdivara  as  iishvas  of  K£d4rasakti  and  ^rikaptha  respectively, 
there  is  at  least  one  inscription  Shikarpur  No.  99)  in  which  they  are  called  puiras  of  the 
latter.  Similarly,  in  ShikArpur  inscription  Na  9a  VAma^akti  is  spoken  of  as  the  disciple 
of  Gautamaddva.  whereas  in  No.  9^  he  is  mentioned  as  the  dear  son  of  this  last.  In  the  VAyu 
PurA^a  also,  the  putrAk  mentioned  of  each  avatdra  of  Siva  must  be  interpreted  to  meaa 
Hnky&k.  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact*  we  find  the  term  Hahya  employed  in  lieu  of  puirm  in  Che 
description  of  the  sixth  incarnation. 


AN   feKLINGj!  STONE   INSCRIPTION,  l6l 

of  certain  doctrines,  so  Lakulisa  was  regarded  as  an  incarnation  of 
6iva  and  was  also  the  author  of  certain  tenets.  The  Pur^nas,  I 
befieve,  clearly  imply  that  Lakuli  was  originally  a  htahmachdti.  The 
very  fact  that  he  is  sculptured  as  an  ascetic  like  Buddhas  or  Tirtham- 
karas  who  renounced  the  world  confirms  this  implication.  Further 
it  deserves  to  be  noticed  that  Lakuli  is  always  figured,  so  far  as  my 
knowledge  goes,  with  two  hands,  although  other  divinities  in  the 
same  temples  bear  at  least  four  hands.  Nay,  ^iva  himself  is  sculp- 
tured under  all  other  forms,  with  never  less  than  four  hands  both  in 
these  and  other  temples  near  the  bottom  of  the  sides  of  the  doorframe 
or  in  the  principal  niches  on  the  outside  walls  of  the  temples.  And, 
when  Lakult  is  carved  with  only  two  hands,  it  means  that  his  human 
origin  was  prominent  before  the  mind  of  his  followers  and  that  conse- 
quently he  was  an  historical  personality  like  Buddha  or  Mah^vira. 
Next,  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  he  was  the  originator  of 
certain  tenets.  While  setting  forth  the  Na(Ld)kuUsa'Pdsupata  darsana^ 
Sayaiia  at  least  once  uses  the  following  words  :  tad-uktam  bhag^avatd 
Na{La)kulisena.  The  H^mavati  inscription  says,  as  stated  before, 
that  Lakulisa  became  incarnate  in  the  form  of  Chilluka  in  order  that 
his  name  and  doctrines  might  not  be  forgotten.  This  also  shows 
that  there  were  certain  doctrines  of  which  Lakulisa  was  the  acknow- 
ledged teacher.  But  this  point  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt  by  the  fact 
that  Ldkula-siddhdnta  and  Ldkul-dgama  are  frequently  referred 
to  in  inscriptions  found  in  Mysore.  I  have  just  now  made  mention 
of  the  HalkOr  inscription  of  A.D.  1177  which  speaks  of  certain 
munis  as  upholders  of  Ldhul-dgama^samaya,  S6mesvara,  one  of 
the  pontiffs  of  the  temple  of  Dakshina-K^dslr^svara  is  repre- 
sented in  a  Bajag^mi  inscription,  as  we  have  just  seen,  as  having 
caused  Ldkula'siddhanta  to  bloom.  Many  such  inscriptions  might  be 
quoted  in  which  Ldkul'dgama  and  Ldkula-siddhdnta  Sive  mentioned.^ 
There  can,  therefore,  be  no  question  that  Lakuli  was  the  founder  of  a 
certain  system.  There  is  still  one  inscription  found  at  Balag^mi 
which  deserves  to  be  noted  in  this  connection.  Therein  has  been 
given  at  length  a  description  of  the  Kodiya  matha  attached  to  the 
temple  of  Dakshina-K^d^r^svara.  And  in  this  description  it  is  stated 
that  the  monastery  was  '*  a  place  for  commentaries  on  the  Ldkuta- 
siddkdnta^  fhe  Pdianjala,  and  other  Yoga-sdstras.''''  As  Ldku/a-sid' 
dhdnta  is  here  associated  with  Ydg-a^sdstras ^  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  it  was  connected  with  the  Y6ga  system.  Thus  we  see  that  not. 
only  was  Lakuli  the  promulgator  of  certain  doctrines,  but  also  that 
these  doctrines  had  a  close  affinity  with  Y6ga. 

*  Ep^  Cam,  Vol.   V.  Arsikere  Taluq  Nos.  46>  89  and  103 ;  Vol.  VII.  Shikarpar  Talu 
No.  107.  »  Ibid.  Vol.  V II.,  p.  73  ( translation).  _ 

II 


l62  AN   fiKLINGjt  STONB   INSCRIPTION. 

In  the  ^ftntiparvan  of  the  Mah&bhftrata,  five  systems  of  philosophy 
are  mentioned,  viz.  (i)  S&ihkhya,  (2)  Y6ga,  (3)  P&Achar4tra,  (4) 
V^das  («.  e,  Ara![iyaka8),  and  (5)  P&^upata.'  We  are  further  in- 
formed that  the  P^^upata  system  was  proclaimed  by  the  god  ^rikaptha- 
^iva,  husband  of  Um&  and  lord  of  the  BhOtas.  In  the  same  chapter, 
the  P^Acharitra  system  also  is  spoken  of  as  having  originated  from 
Bhagavat  or  N&rd.ya9a,  but  in  another  chapter  of  the  ^ntiparvan, 
V&sudSva,  the  name  of  the  probable  historical  founder  of  P&tlcharMra, 
is  given.  And  it  seems  tempting  to  assert  that  the  P&^upata  system  here 
attributed  to  Siva  had  also,  like  the  P&Achar4tra,  an  historical  founder, 
and  that  the  latter  was,  in  all  likelihood,  no  other  than  Lakuli^  We 
know  that  Mah&vira-Varddham&na  was  the  last  of  the  ttrthamkaras 
and  was  the  founder  of  Jainism,  and  so  Lakuli^a,  being  the  last 
incarnation  of  Siva,  may  have,  been  the  founder  of  the  P4iupata  system. 
But  no  certitude  on  this  point  can  be  reached,  and  perhaps  the  PA- 
^upata  religion  was  in  existence  at  the  time  of  Lakullsa,  who  may 
have  given  only  a  fresh  impetus  to  it,  especially  as  his  name  is  conspi- 
cuous by  its  absence  in  the  Mah^bh^rata. 

Now,  in  early  times  there  appears  to  have  been  only  one  sect  called 
P&supata  amongst  the  worshippers  of  Siva.  PA^upata,  as  we  have 
seen,  is  mentioned  in  the  Mahabh^rata,  and  the  name  of  no  other 
Saiva  sect  is  to  be  therein  met  with.  The  Pur&nas  also,  as  mentioned 
above,  refer  to  the  yS^a  practised  by  the  devotees  of  Siva  as  PAhi^ 
pata  ySga  and  call  the  disciples  of  Lakuli^  P&supatas.  The  Chinese 
traveller,  Yuan-chwang,  also  speaks  of  the  followers  of  Mah^ara 
either  as  cinder-sprinkled  or  Po-shu-po-to  (PAiupata).'  In  later 
times,  however,  we  hear  of  more  than  one  sect  Thus  R&m^nuja  in 
his  work  called  Sri-Bh^shya,  while  commenting  on  BfakmasiUru  II. 
2.36  distinguishes  the  worshippers  ofPa^upati  into  the  four  classes  : 
(1)  KAp^a,  (2)  KaiAmukha,  (3)  P&^upata,  and  (4)  Saiva.  In 
their  commentaries  on  Sankar^chftrya's  bhAshya  on  Brahma- 
sAtra  II.  2.  37,  Gdvind&nanda  and  V&chaspati  mention  the  four 
sects  to  be  (i)  Saiva,  (2)  PA^upata,  (3)  K&ru^ikasiddh&ntin,  and 
(4)  K^pAlika.  Anandagiri  also  gives  the  same  names,  but  for 
K^runikasiddhllntin,  he  has  KSrukasiddh&ntin.  Of  these  Pft^u- 
f>atas  seem  to  be  the  old  sect  of  that  name  and  are  con- 
sequently the  earliest.  The  members  of  that  sect,  so  far  as  our 
knowledge  goes,  were  the  followers  of  Lakuli^a  both  in  the  north  and 
the  south.     The  Qntra  praiasti  tells  us  that  it  was  tor  the  rigid  fulfil- 

1  Cap.    349f  ▼••  64  and  67  (Bombay  edition) ;  in  Cap.  to),  v.  9S  ^va  •peaks  of  faunvelf  aa 
having  promulgated  the  P^upata  vrata, 

*  Buddkitl  JUcoriU  of  ike  Ifesterm  l^ortd  by  BeaU  Vol.  II.,  p.  3S3    Me  re&reocei  under 
the  word  *Pliupata.' 


AN  fiKUfiiOjt  STONE   INSCRIPTION.  1 63 

ment  of  the  Plliupata  vows  that  the  ascetic-disciples  of  Lakuli^ 
became  incarnate.  Our  inscription  also,  while  describing  the  avatdra 
of  Lakuliia,  speaks  of  P^supata  y6j^a.  Again,  the  ascetics  who  built 
the  temple  of  Lakulisa,  as  our  inscription  has  it,  were  connected  with 
the  temple  of  ^klingji,  and  one  of  the  high  priests  concerned  with  this 
temple  has  been  described  in  an  inscription  as  Sii^^kalinga-Har- 
AfAdhana^pAsupaU&ch&rya.^  The  inscriptions  thus  show  that  in  North 
India  P^upatas  were  the  adherents  of  the  Lakuli^a  system.  In  the 
south  also  the  doctrines  of  Lakuli^a  must  have  been  followed  by  the 
Pd^upatas,  as  the  expression  Na(Ld)kulUa'Pd^upata'darJana  used 
by  S&yana  clearly  indicates  ;  but,  in  Southern  India,  in  addition  to  the 
P^supatas,  Kdldmukhas  seem  to  have  espoused  the  system  of  Lakuliia. 
It  is  not  necessary,  here  to  reiterate  the  instances  given  above  in  which 
certain  ascetics  who  are  called  K^I^mukhas  are  also  represented  as 
upholders  of  the  Ldkula^siddhdnta,  That  the  K&l^Lmukhas  were  de- 
votees of  Lakuli^  is  also  implied  by  what  R&m^nuja  says  about 
them.  Just  at  the  place  where  he  specifies  the  four  sects,  R^m&nuja 
speaks  of  laguda-dhdrana  as  one  of  the  characteristic  practices  of  the 
K^amukhas.  Lagu(ia-dhdrana^  by  its  very  mention,  associates  itself 
in  our  mind  with  Lakuli,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  so  called  because 
he  held  a  lakula,  i,e.f  lakuUi,  a  club,  in  his  hand,  and  it  is  but  natural 
that  his  followers  should  consider  it  as  a  badge  of  their  sect.  But  the 
other  two  sects,  especially  the  sect  known  as  ^aiva,  were  probably 
not  the  adherents   of  the    Ulkula  system.     S^yana,   in  the    Sarva- 

dariana'Samgraha^  contrasts  the  Saiva,  with  the  Na(La)kulisa- 
PH^upata  darsana.  This  is  an  unmistakable  indication,  in  my 
opinion,  of  the  followers  of  the  ^aiva  sect  not  being  the  supporters 
of  the  doctrines  of  Lakuliia.  Again,  in  the  Karh^d  copper-plate 
charter  of  the  RftshtrakOfa  king  Krishna  III.,'  the  grantee  Gaga- 
naiiva  is  represented  as  having  mastered  sakala'Siva-siddhdnta,  This 
probably  shows  that  Gagana^iva  was  of  the  ^aiva  sect  and  the 
adherents  of  this  sect  had  a  siddhdnta  of  their  own  called  Siva-siddhdnta 
iX)rresponding  to  the  Ldkula-siddhdnta  upheld  by  the  K^&mukhas. 

In  South  India  the  followers  of  Lakuli^a  appear  to  have  been  split 
up  into  two  classes,  (i)  old  and  (2)  new.  An  inscription  found  at 
Gotpakere  in  the  Tiptur  tdluky  Mysore  and  dated  in  A.  D.  1 285  speaks 
of  the  donors  as  supporters  of  the  new  La(L^)ku|a  samaya,^  This  cannot 
mean,  as  Mr.  Rice  has  correctly  pointed  out,^  that  the  L^ula  sys- 
tem was  then  new,  for,  as  we  have  seen,  the  incarnation  of  ^iva  as 
Lakuli  dates  as  far  back  as  the  first  century  A.  D.,  but  that  probably 

^  See  note  2  above.  »  Ep.  ImtU,  VoU  IV.,  p.  286. 

3  Ep.  Cam,f  VoU  XII.,  p.  45  (translation). 
^  Ibidt,  Introductionf  p.  xo. 


164  AN    £KLli;!Gjf  STONE   INSCRIPTION. 

some  change  had  been  made  introducing  new  features  into  it.  The 
H^mivati  inscription  mentions,  as  stated  over  and  over  again,  that 
Lakuli^a,  being  afraid  that  his  name  and  doctrines  might  be  lost  in 
oblivion,  was  born  on  earth  again  as  Chilluka.  This  shows,  as 
remarked  above,  that  Chilluka  was  a  ^aiva  teacher  of  very  great 
importance,  and  that  he,  in  all  likelihood,  recast  the  doctrines  of 
Lakulisa  into  a  new  system.  May  he,  therefore,  not  have  promulgated 
the  new  L&kula^samaya  just  referred  to  ? 

I  have  thus  brought  to  a  focus  all  the  rays  of  information  that  could 
be  gleaned  from  inscriptions  and  Sanskrit  literature  regarding  the 
antiquity,  origin,  and  dissemination  of  the  Lakulisa  sect.  As  the 
inscriptions  of  Mysore  which  throw  light  on  the  origin  and  history 
of  the  sect  were  not  published  six  years  ago,  any  theory  based 
on  the  materials  then  available  must  necessarily  be  imperfect.  It 
is,  therefore,  not  necessary  to  discuss  the  theory  of  Dr.  Fleet, 
who  considered  a  certain  ^aiva  teacher  named  Lakuja,  Lakulisa, 
or  Lakuliivara  who  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century 
as  the  originator  of  the  sect.  '  And  I  am  certainly  mistaken  if  the 
learned  doctor  has  not  already  given  it  up,  for  no  scholar  who  has  read 
the  contents  of  the  Hdm^vati  inscription  of  A.D.  941  above  referred 
to  can  regard  LakuUsvara  pandita  as  the  founder  of  the  sect.  And, 
now  that,  as  1  have  shown,  Lakulisa  is  to  be  placed  as  early  as  the  first 
century  A.D.,  no  antiquarian  will  lend  countenance  to  the  view  that 
the  ^aiva  teacher  Lakulisvara,  who  lived  in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh 
century,  was  the  originator  of  the  sect. 

It  has  been  stated  above  that  mention  is  made  of  a  place  named 
N^ahrada  in  verse  3  of  our  inscription  and  that  the  verse  after  the  next 
represents  the  king  Bappaka,  the  founder  of  the  Guhila  dynasty,  as 
having  reigned  in  this  city.  Again,  in  verse  15  the  god  Ekalihga  is 
referred  to,  and  we  are  told  that  the  ascetics  who  built  the  temple  of 
Lakulisa  were  the  worshippers  of  that  divinity.  N^ahrada  is  doubtless 
to  be  identified  with  NslgdA,  fourteen  miles  to  the  north  of  Udaipur, 
whose  ruins  stretch  to  the  extent  of  a  mile  and  a  half  at  the  foot 
of  the  hill  on  which  the  temple  of  fiklingji  is  situated.  The  pre- 
sent Sanskrit  name  of  the  place  is  no  doubt  N^gCndra,  but  in  a 
Jaina  temple  called  Padm^vati  amongst  the  ruins  of  N&gd&  I  found 
two  inscriptions,  in  one  of  which  the  place  is  called  N^gahrada  and  in 
the  other  N^gadaha."  No  reasonable  doubt  need,  therefore,  be  enter- 
tained regarding  the  identification.  N^gda  or  N&gahrada  thus 
appears  to  have  been  the  old  capital  of  the  Guhila  dynasty,  and  as  the 

*  Ind*  An^.t  VoU  XXX.,   pp.  i-a. 

"  Proff»  Rep*  Arcfueol,    Surv,    West.  Ind,  (or  the   year  ending  Jl&t   March   I906,  p,  65, 
No  2S43» 


AN   feKLI!;iGj!   STONE    INSCRIPTION, 


»65 


A 

temple  of  Ekalinga  mentioned  in  the  inscription  is  unquestionably  the 
celebrated  temple  of  fikliiigjt  close  beside  N^gdd  and  was  in  existence 
before  A. D.  971.  the  date  of  our  inscription,  it  shows  that  the  old 
traditions  about  Nftg^ndra  and  Bappa  R^waPs  infancy  given  by  Tod 
had  some  historical  foundation,  and  it  is  intelligible  how  the  R^n^s  of 
Udaipur  should  come  to  have  such  intimate  connection  with  the  temple 
as  that  of  high  priests  in  which  capacity  they  still  officiate. 


%■•     s^    %^ 


1 66  AN   ^KLmGj!   STQNE  INSCRIPTION. 

Text' 

I.    ^^^^^JJT^t^OT    ll5I«nT[5fiT] 

^u[?]fib  ?!m^  (?) '^  (0  ^  (0  ^  (0 

[l] ^  ^!Ht:  xrf^^Rl^ 

3-    .••^.•.^f^^2  II  [r]  HT...^!^., ....^ .•s»... 

^ 

4*  ^mg^  ffir  II  [R]  *t  5r(?)  -  ^  ^^i^ji%^  *ppT9m!^TORft(?)  ^- 

5.       -^  ii««M^ld:  II  [v]  gTft>r5ni^f^[^Tr]^H<  'iKM:  ^ft^^^q^Ri^iN^T: ^  [%]- 

6.  ^    (?)    'tPt:    [g]ftfe^   ^FU    ^  -  -  ^  -  ^-^   gf^RR#SR-^ 

TfnrC^Jsq^ftm  -  -  -  —  >«-  -  [11]  [^]  - 

7.  -  >^  -  ^RNilN'i*  ^  -  -  ^li|Si^lld^fe^DM*l*4"^^W:    I    ^Hft^RRTf^ 

^'T#q^TRlft^N^  H<^lfHHW^:  II  [^9]  q^  R  ->^ws^-s^^  Jt(?)^- 

8. ^l^ilfefei    -       ^    ^aW>:     I     3i5RTT%f%3^     ^f^4l*<^'(^ 

•^^Mv»li^4>f^l<l*<f^l44"^<!^lPl    II    [c]    ^ETH:    JPI    g^f^    ^ch^D^ 

9.   ft?TR  ^  -  ^ [1]  ^  ^:  ^CT-  -^  --  Wf^  ^Hi-^^  fiRadh 

'T^'TJT^^R:    II      L^]    ^^^K<^*Jt|HidHd<liTi^|l-Tl<^fiTl<l     «ift»r%^- 
«bw^*l*  v^^^ w N^  —  [1] 

10.  —  $mR5i4^  i%Jnt  totiN  g%:  xr^  ^*^M^/^d*<:  ^ipn^^ 

II V^RRnrf^  ^  ^T^    ^^roft:  II    [M]    ^fi'h^fe***- 

5r^i^^k>?R 

*  From  the  original  stone.  *  Read       'fj'HT.I^. 

•  Expressed  by  a  symbol.  »  Read     ^^g^^^lrt^^rtl^. 
-RcadO^cq^.                                               « Read     '^^. 


AN  £klikgj!  stone  inscription*  167 

12 [ii][?R] -- -  [^]gq^i'iM[^  2WT*jRf^3a?r- 

S^FIT:  II  [?R]^^ 

13 gt[^]|^TOg5^TRimfH:    ^-^    ^t^:    I    ?3NT3- 

^  [^] 

14.  ^fl^i^^I^i-aiM^Jl:  I    ^qi^FfJRfPi^n^  ^^^   wm:    11     [  ?H  ] 

WOT^D] ^  s/  _  w  - 

15.  ^<>»i«!wj^w*<i«i  a5<;^^d0^rfi^ftA*i  R*<«<^4^w  ^irf^ii  [  ?\]  ^- 

W<^Hti^i^tHKRRlP«<^td^dft«h^°t^l        ^Hkl^l<^4«5^fJl<^W^Mm^ 
^:  I    

16 ^m^:  ^Mif^af^:  ^lhAH(iH\  ^^mii  «r^u 

'^^[TOW 

17 .ft**iiRc^i;;»i^:  I  3i8R^iRl^a«Kl  ^  ^:^  ^11 

«5^  I  3lft  ?35y^ 

18 Wl^  5?%ftij;  II  [  Ro  ]  «n^P»<f<lf^  ^iKTRi     JFl- 

^  Read    °3(^\|t^. 

»  Read  Qfvi^^ltfflM.^ 

-  Read     °J:f3C°. 

-  Read  ^^PrtW^. 

'  Read    °?5S^. 


Art.  XIII. — Maratha  Historical  Literature. 

By  D.  B.  Parasnis,  Esq. 

{Read  before  the  History  Section  on  igth  January  igos  *n  connection 

with  the  Centenary  of  the  Society,) 

It  is  eminently  fitting  that  in  the  celebration  of  the  Centenary  of 
the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  a  place  should  be 
found  for  taking  stock  of  the  work  done  during  the  century,  so  as  to 
note  the  landmarks  in  the  progress  of  Maratha  Historical  Literature. 
Research  in  history  has  been,  from  the  outset,  one  of  the  chief  aims 
of  such  Societies.  When  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  England  was 
established,  the  great  Oriental  Scholar,  Mr.  H.  T.  Colebrooke,  in  his 
inaugural  address,  dwelt  at  great  length  upon  the  importance  of 
research  in  Asiatic  History,  and  observed  :  **  Tlie  inquiry  extends  over 
regions,  the  most  anciently  and  the  most  numerously  peopled  on  the 
globe.  The  range  of  research  is  as  wide,  as  those  regions  are  vast ; 
and  as  various,  as  the  people  who  inhabit  them  are  diversified.  It 
embraces  their  ancient  and  modern  history,  their  civil  polity,  their 
long-enduring  institutions,  their  manners,  and  their  customs  ;  their 
languages  and  their  literature ;  their  sciences,  speculative  and 
practical ;  in  short,  the  progress  of  knowledge  among  them  ;  the 
pitch  which  it  has  attained  ;  and  last,  but  most  important,  the  means  of 
its  extension.**  A  similar  scope  of  work  was  sketched  for  itself  by  our 
local  Society,  and  several  of  its  leading  members,  especially  in  the 
early  thirties,  put  forth  great  efforts  in  the  cause  of  elucidating 
ancient  history.  Their  environments  in  Western  India  impressed  them 
with  the  backwardness  and  obscurity  of  Maratha  Historical  Litera- 
ture, and  stimulated  their  exertions  in  bringing  to  light  such  materials 
as  were  available.  Many  of  the  great  lights  of  Maratha  History, 
such  as  Grant  Duff,  Malcolm,  Briggs,  and  Coats,  were  members  of 
this  Society,  and  their  labours  shed  no  little  reflected  glory  on  the 
early  history  of  this  institution.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Society's 
Library  was  the  repository  of  the  celebrated  Grant  Duff  collection  of 
Maratha  MSS,  which,  it  is  to  be  regretted,  are  not  now  forthcoming 
from  the  shelves  of  the  Library  ;  but  the  incident  serves  to  show  the 
interest  the  Society  took  in  the  work  of  historical  research.  This 
interest  has  been  kept  up  to  this  day.  Archaeology,  the  elder  sister 
of  history,  has  figured  somewhat  more  prominently  in   the  labours  of 


MARATHA   HISTORICAL   LITERATUR5,  /  169 

the  Society  ;  but  history — especially  Maratha  History — has  occupied  no 
little  attention.  The  transactions  of  th6  Society  are  replete  with  papers 
on  different  topics  of  Maratha  History,  and  they  will,  I  venture  to 
think,  be  of  invaluable  help  to  the  future  historijan. 

The  subject  I  have  prescribed  for  myself  is  a  review  of  the  progress 
of  Maratha  Historical  Literature  during  the  century  commencing 
with  the  foundation  of  this  Society.  As  you  are  all  aware,  this  Society 
was  first  founded  in  A.D.  1804  under  the  title  of  **  The  Literary 
Society  of  Bombay,"  which  was  afterwards  changed  into  **  The  Bombay 
Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society."  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that 
the  year  1804  marks  an  epoch  in  Maratha  History.  It  was  about 
this  year  that  the  Maratha  power  first  began  to  show  signs  of  weak- 
ness and  decline.  It  was  in  A.D.  1804.  that  the  victories  of  General 
Wellesley,  afterwards  Duke  of  Wellington,  caused  the  first  beginning  in 
the  break-up  of  the  Maratha  confederacy,  and  laid  the  foundation  of 
the  British  Empire  in  the  Deccan.  The  century  may  be  divided,  for  the 
purpose  of  noting  the  progress  of  Maratha  Historical  Literature,  into 
three  parts — 1804  to  1830,  1830  to  i860,  and  i860  to  1904.  It  may 
be  mentioned  here  that,  prior  to  1804,  there  had  been  no  little  literary 
activity  in  regard  to  historical  research.  Numerous  works  of  great 
value  were  written  by  travellers  such  as  Tavernier,  Berniert  Carr^, 
Dellon,  De  Graaf,  Fryer,  De  La  Haye,  Pere  D'Orleans  and  Manouchi. 
These  travellers  visited  India  between  1640  to  1690,  and  their  works 
supply  valuable  contemporary  records  of  the  rise  of  Maratha  power. 
The  translations  of  Eraser,  Dow,  Karr,  Jonathan  Scott,  and  others, 
from  Persian  historical  works,  also  shed  considerable  light  on  the 
same  period.  In  1782  the  first  systematic  effort  of  writing  a  connect- 
ed historical  narrative  was  made  by  Orme.  His  first  work  is  the 
**  History  of  Military  Transactions  of  the  British  Nation  in  Industan," 
and  the  second  is  **  The  Historical  Fragments  of  the  Mogul  Empire." 
Scot  Waring  in  his  **  History  of  the  Marathas  "  refers  to  Orme  in 
these  terms  :  **  Mr.  Orme,  our  first  Indian  Historian,  was  the  first  also 
to  manifest  any  interest  in  the  history  of  the  Marathas.  He  col- 
lected a  considerable  degree  of  information  which  he  published 
under  the  humble  title  of  Fragments,  and  though  his  work  be 
not  free  from  errors,  they  result  from  the  scantiness  of  his  materi- 
als, and  not  from  a  want  of  the  most  patient  inquiry.  He  con- 
centrated, in  a  small  compass,  a  most  valuable  mass  of  informa- 
tion ;  nor  is  it  to  be  omitted  that  he  has  pointed  out  almost  every  Euro- 
pean author  who  has  written  on  the  subject. "  Contemporary  with 
Orme,  Nana  Phadnavis,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  made  an  effort  in  the 
Poona  Durbar  in  1783,  to  have  a  chronicle   written  dealing  with  the 


170  MARATHA   HISTORICAL  UTBRATURB. 

whole  Maratha  period.  Dalfjrmple's  account  of  Marathas  in  the 
'*  Oriental  Repertory,"  Tones'  •*  Institutions  of  the  Marathas,"  Moore's 
'*  Narrative  of  the  Operations  of  Captsun  Little's  Detachment  and  of 
the  Maratha  Army  under  Parashram  Bhow  Patwardhan  against 
Uppoo  Sultan,"  as  well  as  stray  fragments  published  in  the  Asiatic 
Annual  Register  and  the  Asiatic  Researches,  are  some  of  the  notable 
contributions  made  in  this  behalf  during  the  early  period.  Tippoo 
Sultan's  letters  by  Kirkpatrick  and  other  works  relating  to  Mysore  war 
by  Beatson,  Dirom  and  others,  form  another  channel  of  information 
bearing  on  Maratha  History.  These  works  are  valuable  as  forming 
the  ground- work  of  the  still  more  active  and  brilliant  work  achieved  in 
the  period  which  marked  the  commencement  of  the  century. 

As  I  have  noted  above,  the  first  period  between  1804  and  1830  was 
marked  by  remarkable  activity  in  the  collection  and  publication  of 
historical  materials.  While  General  Wellesley's  victories  made  the 
year  1804  a  conspicuous  landmark  in  history,  his  brother,  the  Marquis 
of  Wellesley,  made  it  remarkable  from  the  point  of  view  of  historical 
literature  by  his  publication  of  **  The  History  of  Maratha  War.'* 
About  the  same  time  attempts  were  made  by  Col.  Mackenzie  to  collect 
the  materials  of  the  early  history  of  Maratha  Power  in  Southern 
India.  Col.  Mackenzie's  labours  in  the  field  of  historical  research 
are  made  memorable  by  his  magnificent  collection  of  vernacular 
manuscripts  in  Southern  India — a  collection  which  numbers  about 
8,000  works.  This  collection  was  later  on  purchased  by  the  Marquis 
of  Hastings  on  behalf  of  the  East  India  Company  for  ;£'io,ooo.  In 
1 8 10  appeared  Scot  Waring's  remarkable  work.  History  of  the  Mara- 
thas. This  work  is  based  on  several  Maratha  bakhars  or  chronicles 
as  well  as  Persian  kaifiyats  and  tawarikhs  and  the  writings  of 
English  authors.  He  mentions  as  his  authorities  4  bakhars  of 
Shewajee,  2  of  Shahu  Maharaj,  2  of  the  Battle  of  Panipat,  2  of 
Madhowrao,  2  of  Narayan  Rao  Peishwa,  and  i  containing  the 
accounts  of  the  Rajas  of  Berar,  and  the  Gaikwar,  Sindia  and 
Holkar  families.  The  author  bears  the  following  testimony  to  the 
value  of  the  Maratha  bakhars  :— "Their  historians  write  in  a  plain, 
simple,  and  unaffected  style,  content  to  relate  passing  events  in  appo- 
site terms  without  seeking  turgid  imagery  or  inflated  phraseology. 
Victory  and  defeat  are  briefly  related.  If  they  pass  over  the  latter  too 
hastily,  they  do  not  dwell  upon  the  former  with  unnecessary  minute- 
ness. They  do  not  endeavour  to  bias  or  mislead  the  judgment,  but 
are  certainly  greatly  deficient  in  chronology  and  in  historical  reflec- 
tions." Scot  Waring  treats  his  materials  with  great  discrimination 
and  imparUality,  and  his  work  stands  pre-eminent  as  the  first  attempt 


MARATHA   HISTORICAL  LITERATURE.  171 

to  deal  with  Maratha  History  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  fairness. 
Almost  contemporaneous  with  Scot  Waring's  work  were,  it  may  be 
noted,  several  Maratha  bakhars  containing  the  lives  of  the  Satara  Rajas 
by  Malhar  Ramarao  Chitnis,  the  hereditary  Chitnis  of  the  Maratha 
Kings  of  Satara.  Then  followed  Wilke's  History  of  Mysore, 
Malcolm's  Central  India,  Blacker*s  Maratha  War,  Jenkins'  Nagpore, 
Prinsep's  Transactions  of  Political  Events  in  India,  Tod's  Rajasthan 
and  other  works.  The  most  notable  book  of  this  period  is,  however, 
Grant  DuiTs  History  of  the  Marathas.  In  spite  of  later  researches 
Grant  Duff  is  still  the  paramount  authority  on  the  subject  of  Maratha 
History.  His  work  fully  deserves  all  the  eulogies  passed  upon  it 
by  successive  writers.  For  patient  research  and  judicious  statement 
it  stands  pre-eminent  among  works  on  Maratha  History.  Whatever 
additions  and  improvements  may  be  made  by  later  writers.  Grant 
Duff's  work  stands  on  its  own  pedestal,  and  can  hardly  be  surpassed. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  want  of  familiarity  with  the  Maratha 
language  and  such  other  causes  have  led  to  some  errors  and  defects 
which  later  investigation  may  be  able  to  correct,  and  such  correction 
has  been  in  part  supplied  by  the  work  of  Mr.  Justice  Ranade,  which 
I  shall  notice  later  on.  In  connection  with  Grant  Duff's  work,  it  may 
be  interesting  to  note,  that  Maharaja  Pratapsing,  the  Raja  of  Satara, 
evinced  an  enlightened  sense  of  the  value  of  history  by  giving  sub- 
stantial help  to  Grant  Duff  in  the  shape  of  original  historical  records 
and  papers  which,  Mr.  Grant  Duff  acknowledges,  were  not  confided 
even  to  the  Peishwas.  Maharaja  Pratapsing  took  such  keen  interest 
in  this  work  that  he  had  various  bakhars  and  narratives  specially 
written  for  Grant  Duff's  assistance,  and  after  the  publication 
of  the  History  of  the  Marathas  by  Grant  Duff,  he  got  it  translated 
into  Marathi.  This  translation  has  not  yet  found  its  way  into  print, 
but  I  have  obtained  a  copy  of  it  which  I  intend  to  present  to  this 
Society.  General  Briggs,  who  succeeded  Grant  Duff  as  Resident  at 
Satara,  in  a  letter  dated  20th  August  1827,  exhorted  the  Raja  to  make 
the  translation  mentioned  above.  He  writes  :  *•  I  trust  your  High- 
ness has  received  his  (Grant  Duff's)  History  of  the  Maratha  Empire, 
which  your  Highness  should  procure  to  be  translated  by  degrees  into 
the  Marathi  language,  after  which  it  might  be  struck  off  on  litho- 
graphy (chhapp)  at  Bombay,  which  would  obtain  as  great  a  name 
for  your  Highness  in  the  East  as  your  friend  Captain  Grant  Duff  has 
established  for  himself  in  Europe  by  compiling  his  excellent  history.  "^ 
For  his  enlightened  interest  in  literature  the  Raja  was  made  an 
Honorary  Member  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  England,  an  honour 
then  highly  prized  and  rarely  bestowed  on  Indians.  It  is  also  interest- 
ing to  note  here  that  another  Maratha  Prince  of  the  same  period,. 


172  MARATHA   HISTORICAL   LITERATURE. 

Raja  Sarfoji  of  Tanjore  in  Southern  India,  was  the  happy  recipient  of 
the  honourable  distinction  of  M.  R.A.S.  He,  too,  under  the  guidance  of 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Schwartze,  a  famous  Danish  missionary  worker  in 
Southern  India,  had  cultivated  literary  tastes  and  attained  consider- 
able eminence  as  a  lover  of  books.  The  large  collection  of  manuscripts 
made  by  him  at  Tanjore  is  a  standing  monument  of  his  culture  ;  this 
has  served  as  a  favourite  resort  to  learned  men,  like  Dr.  Burnell,  for 
carrying  on  their  researches.  With  reference  to  our  present  subject,  his 
most  notable  act  was  an  inscription,  in  the  Marathi  language,  of  the 
History  of  the  Tanjore  House  on  the  walls  of  the  famous  Brihadeshwar 
Temple  which  occupies  about  90  courts.  It  has  been  made  accessible 
to  scholars  by  the  labours  of  Mr.  Sambha  Murti  Rao  of  Tanjore. 

General  Briggs  was  another  worker  of  the  same  period,  quite  as 
remarkable  as  Grant  Duff.  He  translated,  from  the  Persian,  Ferishta*s 
**  Rise  of  the  Mahommedan  Power  "  and  **  Seirul  Mutakharin."  In 
the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  England,  he  published, 
in  1827,  **  An  Autobiographical  Memoir  of  Nana  Pharnavis,"  and 
**  Secret  Correspondence  of  the  Court  of  the  Peishwa  Madhoo  Rao; 
from  the  year  1761  to  1772."  He  collected  about  9,000  original  papers 
relating  to  the  life  of  Nana  Pharnavis,  and  having  translated  several  of 
them,  he  lodged  them  all  with  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  in  London. 
He  intended  to  write  a  regular  treatise  on  the  life  of  this  great  states- 
man, but  appeared  to  have  been  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the 
apparent  want  of  interest  shown  in  Indian  subjects  by  the  British 
public  of  those  days.  Referring  to  the  publication  of  this  work.  Grant 
Duff  wrote  to  Briggs  in  1854  :  **  Pray,  how  do  you  mean  to  publish 
and  how  do  you  mean  to  make  your  book  go  down  with  the  public  ? 
The  only  advice  I  can  offer  must  be  in  the  style  of  that  given  me  by 
the  late  John  Murray,  when  I  called  upon  him  about  my  history  of  the 
Marathas.  Can't  you  put  something  of  the  present  days  into  it? 
Try  to  connect  the  life  of  Nana  Pharnavis  with  Golden  Horn  at  Sophia 
and  the  Sultan,  mix  up  the  Peishwas*  Durbar  with  a  particular 
account  of  the  receptions  of  Messrs.  Pease  and  Sturge  by  the  Emperor 
of  All  the  Russias.  As  an  amusement  to  yourself,  and  a  pleasure  to 
those  old  friends  who  care  about  the  most  uninteresting  history  in  the 
world,  it  is  all  very  well  ;  but  I  would  not  venture  on  publishing 
unless  some  booksellers  would  take  the  whole  risk." 

Grant  Duff  himself  suffered  terribly  in  the  monetary  way  on  account 
of  the  publication  of  his  History  of  the  Marathas.  His  letter  to 
Goldsmid  which  has  been  published  in  the  Journal  of  this  Society, 
Vol.  XXVIII,  gives  expression  to  his  bitter  disappointment.  It  is 
important  here    to  observe   that  most  of  these  writers  on  Maratha 


MARATHA   HISTORICAL   LITERATURE.  173 

History  were  raUitary  men  in  the  service  of  the  East  India  Company, 
who  in  the  course  of  their  oflicial  duties  came  in  contact  with  men  and 
institutions  representing  the  last  days  of  the  Maratha  power,  and  who, 
being  struck  by  the  contrast  in  civilization  and  character,  were 
inspired  with  the  laudable  ambition  of  preserving  their  history.  They 
were  as  great  in  letters  as  in  arms.  They  were  conspicuous  for  their 
sympathies  with  the  princes  and  people  of  the  day.  They  were  also 
men  of  industry,  ability,  and  self-sacrifice,  by  virtue  of  which  they 
have  laid  us  all  under  great  obligations,  though  in  their  own  country 
they  were  ill-requited  for  their  labours, — a  circumstance  which  might 
perhaps  partially  account  for  the  apathy  shown  by  English  officers 
and  writers  towards  Maratha  History  in  later  periods. 

The  next  period  of  1830  to  i860  is  comparatively  barren  of  actual 
results.  The  most  noteworthy  productions  of  this  period  are  Elphin- 
stone's  History  of  India,  Forbes  Oriental  Memoirs  and  Ras  Mala, 
Clune's  Maratha  States,  MacDonald's  Life  of  Nana  Pharnavis, 
Thornton's  History  of  India,  Sleeman's  Rambles  and  Recollections, 
and  a  few  others.  Several  distinguished  missionary  workers,  such  as 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Wilson,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Murray  Mitchell  and  the  Rev.  Dr, 
Stevenson,  studied  Maratha  literature,  and  read  valuable  papers 
before  this  Society,  They  were  struck  by  the  richness  of  that  litera- 
ture and  exhorted  their  contemporaries  to  cultivate  it.  In  the  course 
of  their  observations  they  referred  to  Marathi  Historical  Memoirs  and 
advocated  their  publication, — a  recommendation  which  soon  bore  good 
fruit.  In  spite  of  these  contributions  this  period  does  not,  as  I  have 
already  remarked,  compare  favourably  in  point  of  actual  work  with 
its  predecessor,  but  it  is  remarkable  as  preparing  the  way  for  yet  more 
brilliant  results  in  the  period  succeeding  it.  It  was  then  that  with 
the  advocacy  of  Lord  Macaulay,  the  despatch  of  Sir  Charles  Wood, 
and  later  on  the  establishment  of  Universities  that  English  education 
began  to  be  diffused  among  the  Indian  people.  The  rich  treasures 
of  English  literature  then  became  accessible  to  Indian  readers. 
The  Press,  too,  became  an  active  instrument  in  the  dissemin- 
ation of  knowledge.  All  these  agencies  of  enlightenment  brought 
about  an  awakening  of  Indian  intellect,  and  raised  in  the  succeeding 
period  new  recruits  in  the  rank  of  workers  in  all  fields  of  literature. 

The  third  period,  commencing  from  1860  to  the  preser 
witnessed  the  spectacle  of  Indian  workers  labouring  in  the 
historical  literature  side  by  side  with  European  workers 
superior  facilities  as  regards  information  and  materials,  and  w 
training  in  the  modern  prindples  of  historical  criticism,  thf 


174  MARATHA   HISTORICAL  UTERATURE. 

workers  became  valuable  help-mates  in  the  field  of  historical  research, 
and  though  there  were  then  some  notable  English  writers  like  Wheeler, 
Taylor,  Kaye,  Malleson,  Hunter,  and  Keene,  the  most  noteworthy 
feature  of  this  period  was  the  work  done  by  Indian  scholars.  English 
works  of  note  were  translated  into  the  vernaculars,  chief  of  these  being 
Rao  Saheb  Mandlik's  Marathi  translation  of  Elphinstone's  History  of 
India,  Vinayak  Janardan  Kirtane's  Marathi  translation  of  Malcolm's 
Central  India  and  Rao  Bahadur  G.  H.  Deshmukh's  Marathi  transla- 
tion of  Tod*s  Rajasthan.  There  was  a  translation  of  Duff's  History  of  the 
Marathas  by  another  writer,  and  Rao  Bahadur  Nilkanth  Janardan 
Kirtane  published  his  *'  Criticism  of  Grant  DuflPs  History."  The  last 
book  pointed  out  the  defects  of  Grant  Duffs  work,  and  led  to  the  publi- 
cation of  some  original  bakhars  and  other  papers  relating  to  Maratha 
History.  Magazines  like  the  **  Vividhadnyan  Vistar  "  and  **  Dambha- 
harak  **  (i^f^v^KIHf^HK  and  ^fK4i)  opened  their  columns  to  the  publi- 
cation of  original  papers  as  well  as  to  critical  contributions  on  historical 
subjects.  A  magazine  called  "  Lokahitawadi "  (^l^ifjd^i^)  was  started 
by  the  lateR.B.Gopalrao  Hari  Deshmukh  for  the  publication  of  historical 
incidents  and  anecdotes.  Vishnu  Shastri  Chiplunkar's  Nibandh-Mala 
contained  some  stirring  critical  essays  on  the  subject  of  the  study  of 
history  in  general  and  of  Maratha  history  in  particular.  These 
writings  aroused  active  interest  in  historical  literature,  and  helped  in 
rescuing  many  old  historical  records  from  destruction.     A  magazine 

called  the  **  Kavyetihasa-Sangraha  "  (*l»^«If<-^ftnr)  by  Mr.  Sane  and 
the  late  Mr.  Janardan  Balaji  Modak  was  started  with  the  special  object 
of  publishing  bakhars  and  all  available  historical  papers.  A  considerable 
body  of  old  historical  material  W!is  brought  to  light  by  this  magazine. 
It  inspired  in  the  Maratha  public  a  taste  for  reading  original  historical 
papers,  which  gradually  led  to  the  writing  of  original  works  of  history 
and  biography.  There  has  thus  been  a  large  accession  to  Marathi  litera- 
ture—the lives  of  Nana  Pharnavis,  Mahadji  Sindia,  Malhar  Rao  Holkar, 
Shaliu  Maharaj,  Bapu  Gokhale,  Rani  of  Jhansi,  Bramhendra  Swami, 
Parsharam  Bhow  Patvardhan  Balaji  Vishwanath  and  so  forth.  The  fami- 
ly histories  of  the  houses  of  Sindia,  Holkar,  Dabhade,Vinchurkar,  Bhon- 
sles  and  the  lives  of  Prabhoo  soldiers  (^i^Hirti)  are  books  of  more 
or  less  value.  They  are,  moreover,  very  interesting  as  the  first  fruit  of 
the  leaven  spread  by  the  publication  of  old   records  and  documents. 

The  «?)i««J/rlci^-^W  continued  for  twelve  years,  and  it  was  succeeded  by 

other  magazines  such  as  ^FUJ^  ^"^  ffiffTOT^  m^,  *^mT,  ^?fihnf%^ 

"tW-^W,  HRff^.  These  latter  magazines  have  brought  to  light  a  rich 
treasure  of  historical  materials.  The  most  notable  acquisition  to 
Maratha  historical  literature  of  the  present  day  was  the  *'  Rise  of  the 


MARATHA   HISTORICAL  LITERATURE.  175 

Maratha  Power  "  by  the  late  Mr.  Justice  Ranade.  It  is  a  work  of 
uncommon  value.  It  throws  on  Maratha  history  quite  a  new  light. 
It  is  not  a  mere  narrative  of  events.  It  puts  life  and  soul  into  the  dry 
bones  of  history  and  makes  the  past  tell  its  own  tale  with  thrilling 
interest.  The  late  Mr.  Ranade  had  planned  his  work  and  intended  to 
publish  it  in  several  volumes.  The  work  we  have  got  is  only  the 
first  volume  of  the  series,  and  its  very  excellence  enhances  our  regret 
that  its  author  has  not  lived  to  finish  his  work. 

While  thus  the  native  public  evinced  so  much  active  interest  in 
their  past  history,  European  scholars  were  no  less  active  in  the 
same  cause.  Sir  Bartle  Frere  by  his  own  example  and  precept  gave 
an  impetus  to  the  study  of  Maratha  history  and  the  collection  of 
historical  materials.  He  himself  collected  a  large  number  of  Marathi 
and  Persian  manuscripts,  relating  chiefly  to  the  Kingdom  of  Bija- 
pore,  and  had  several  of  the  Persian  manuscripts  translated  into 
Marathi.  These  translations  are  preserved  in  three  large  vo- 
lumes at  the  India  Office  Library  in  London,  and  are  a  standing 
memorial  of  Sir  Bartle  Frere's  interest  in  the  cause  of  Indian  history. 
A  large  collection  of  manuscripts  was  unhappily  lost  in  his  voyage 
from  Calcutta  to  Bombay.  He  encouraged  some  of  the  native  Chiefs 
and  Jahagirdars  of  this  presidency  to  get  historical  accounts  of  their 
respective  houses  written.  He  made  a  grant  of  Rs.  4,000  per  year  to 
this  Society  which  it  was  at  one  time  proposed  to  apply  to  the 
furtherance  of  Maratha  history.  Mr.  Justice  Newton  and  Dr.  Wilson, 
both  Presidents  of  this  Society,  made  considerable  efforts  in  the 
collection  and  publication  of  authentic  ancient  documents,  elucidatory 
of  Maratha  history.  There  were  debates  and  discussions  in  the 
Society  in  1867,  under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Justice  Newton,  on  the 
possibility  and  importance  of  collecting  and  publishing  original 
manuscripts  which  may  be  in  the  possession  of  old  historical  houses 
in  the  Deccan.  Mr,  Justice  Newton  himself  made  a  tour  in  the 
Deccan,  visiting  several  Sirdars  and  Jahagirdars  and  exhorting  them 
to  preserve  their  ancient  documents  and  make  them  available  to 
scholars.  He  himself  was  able  to  collect  a  few  manuscripts  which 
he  presented  to  this  Society. 

Another  conspicuous  worker,  though  of  more  recent  date,  was  Mr. 
Acworth,'  who  struck  a  new  line  in  the  collection  of  historical 
materials.  In  collaboration  with  Mr.  Shaligram  he  collected  and 
published  a  large  number  of  powadas  or  historical  ballads  which  are 
sung  by  the  gondhalis  or  minstrels  of  Maharashtra.  It  is  worthy  of 
jioie  that  in  1843  the  Rev.  Dr.  Murray  Mitchell,  in  a  paper  on  Tukaram 


1^6  MARATHA   HISTORICAL   LITERATURE. 

read  before  this  Society,  had  expressed  surprise  that  martial 
songSj  chronicling  the  gallant  exploits  of  Maratha  warriors,  were  not 
published.  This  want  was  supplied  by  Mr.  Acworth*s  book.  Re- 
ferring to  these  ballads  Mr.  Acworth  writes  :  **  With  the  Marathas, 
as  with  every  warlike  race,  the  feelings  of  the  commons  have  taken 
shape  in  ballads,  which,  however  rude  and  inartificial  in  their  lan- 
guage, their  structure  and  rhythm,  are  genuine  embodiment  of  national 
enthusiasm,  and  are  dear,  and  deserve  to  be  dear,  to  those  who 
repeat  and  those  who  listen  to  them."  Mr.  Acworth*s  collection 
shows  the  necessity  of  further  work  in  the  same  direction. 

The  movement  for  publishing  old  papers  spread  to  the  Government 
and  they  published  many  valuable  historical  works  in  the  form  of 
selections  from  the  original  records.  The  Government  of  India 
published  the  collection  of  treaties,  engagements  and  sanads  prepared 
by  Mr.  Aitchison.  The  Government  of  Bombay  appointed  a  special 
officer,  Mr.  Forrest,  to  make  selections  from  their  own  records.  These 
selections  from  State  papers  are  a  valuable  addition  to  Maratha  his- 
torical literature.  Mr.  Douglas*  Book  on  Bombay  and  Western  India 
as  well  as  the  different  gazetteers  published  under  the  auspices  of 
Government  also  contain  much  valuable  historical  matter  and  deserve 
mention  in  this  connection. 

Among  the  books  published  in  this  period  by  European  scholars  I 
may  specially  note  Colebrooke's  Life  of  Mountstuart  Elphinstone, 
Kaye's  Life  of  Malcolm,  Evans  Bell's  Memoirs  of  General  Briggs, 
General  Wellesley*s  Despatches,  Mackey's  Central  India,  Hope's 
House  of  Sindia,  Gribbles*  History  of  the  Deccan,  and  many  others. 

Great  as  has  been  the  work  done  in  the  past,  the  future  is  full  of 
immense  potentialities.  The  Peishwa  Daftar,  the  Menavli  collec- 
tion in  Nana  Pharnavis's  Wada  and  the  daftars  of  numerous  ancient 
houses  of  the  Deccan  will  yield  a  rich  treasure,  if  skilful  hands 
attempt  the  work  of  examination,  of  sifting,  sortings  selecting  and 
of  seeing  it  through  the  press.  The  movement  to  tap  the  Peishwa 
Daftar  was  first  started  by  this  Society  as  early  as  1867.  Mr. 
Justice  Newton  and  Rao  Saheb  Mandlik  were  very  hopeful  of 
making  the  daftar  available  for  inspection,  but  Col.  Ethridge's  some- 
what pessimistic  view  put  an  extinguisher  on  the  movement.  The 
subject  was  again  taken  up  by  the  late  Mr.  Justice  Telang  and  the 
late  Mr.  Justice  Ranade  under  Lord  Re  ay's  administration.  Some 
others  also  made  efforts  in  the  san>e  direction.  Eventually  in  1895 
the  requisite  permission  was  granted  and  the   Peishwa  Daftar  was 


MARATHA   HISTORICAL  UTERATURE.  177 

thrown  open  to  the  work  of  selection  under  the  auspices  of  the 
D.  V.  Society  of  Poona.  Mr.  Telang  wrote  a  paper  on  Gleanings 
from  Maratha  Chronicles.  Mr.  Ranade  wrote  another  paper  on  the 
Peishwas'  Diaries.  These  show  what  rich  possibilities  there  are  in 
the  Daftar  of  unearthing  buried  treasures.  The  work  of  inspecting 
and  classifying  papers  is  proceeding  apace,  and  by  the  kindness  of 
Government  there  is  every  prospect  of  a  vast  number  of  papers 
becoming  available  to  the  student  of  Maratha  history.  Private 
workers  like  Messrs.  Khare  and  Rajwade  have  likewise  given  to  the 
public  a  considerable  body  of  historical  material.  They  have,  more- 
over, in  their  possession,  unpublished,  materials  which  will  occupy  their 
energies  for  many  more  years.  It  is  hoped  that  the  public  will  give 
every  encouragement  to  their  laudable  efforts,  and  that  they  will  not 
be  hampered  by  want  of  funds,  which  is  often  a  stumbling  block  in 
the  way  of  good  work  of  this  class. 

The  Mackenzie  collection   at  Madras  and   London,    the  collection 
of  General   Briggs  and   Sir  Charles   Malet  in  the  R.  A.   Society  of 
London,   the  Jenkins'  collection  at  the  India  Office,  and  the  Tanjore 
Palace  Library  contain  many   Maratha  manuscripts  lying  absolutely 
unused  at  the  places  where  they  are  now  kept.     They  are  likely  to 
prove  very  useful  if  they  could  be  kept  in  Bombay,  where  they   would 
be  within   the  reach  of  Maratha  scholars.     H.  E.  Lord   Curzon  has 
already  expressed  his  desire  to  obtain  from   England  some  historical 
manuscripts  and  documents  and  place  them  in  the  Victoria   Memorial 
Hall  at    Calcutta.     If    among    such     manuscripts    and   documents 
there    are    any    papers    in   Maratha    character,  they  might  more 
fitly  be  placed  in  Bombay  than  Calcutta.      H.    E.   Lord   Lamington 
has  suggested  the   happy  idea  of  establishing  a  museum  in  Bombay. 
That  museum  may  appropriately  possess  a  court  for  history,  where 
ancient  manuscripts  and  documents,  arms  and  accoutrements,  dresses 
and  pictures,  seals  and  coins,  and  other  objects  of  historical  interest 
might  be  collected.     It  will  serve  as  a  convenient  resort  to  students  of 
history  desiring  to   make  researches   in   that  line.    The   project  of  a 
museum  may,  however,  take  a  long  time  to  accomplish.     In  the  absence 
of  such  an  institution,  the  rooms  of  this  Society  may  well  serve  as  a 
resting  place  for  historical  objects.     On  the  heels   of  the  collection   of 
materials  must  follow  the  work  of  digesting  and  assimilating  them. 
A  race  of  scholars  must  rise,  trained  in  the  art  of  deciphering  manu- 
scripts, of  weighing  evidence  and  drawing  inferences  with  discrimina- 
tion.    The  ground  is  already  prepared  and  there  is  every  prospect  of 
capable  workers  rising  to  the  occasion.  Mr.  Karkaria,  Mr.  Purshotam 
Vishram  Mawjee,    Mr.  Rajwade,    Mr.  Natu,  Mr.  Khare  and  others 
12 


^       )L_ 


178  MARATHA   HISTORICAL   LITERATURE. 

may  be  trusted  to  use  their  opportunities  to  advantage.  Biographies 
of  eminent  personages,  monographs  on  subjects  like  the  Maratha  army, 
the  qavy,  the  revenue  system,  arms,  dresses,  and  a  variety  of  similar 
topics,  as  well  as  a  methodical  and  well-ordered  history  of  the  Maratha 
Empire,  have  yet  to  be  written.  Speaking  of  the  scope  of  history, 
Mr.  Colebrooke  observed  :  **  In  speaking  of  history,  I  do  not  refer 
merely  to  the  succession  of  political  struggles,  national  conflicts,  and 
warlike  achievements,  but  rather  to  less  conspicuous  yet  more  import- 
ant occurrences,  which  directly  concern  the  structure  of  society  ;  the 
civil  institutions  of  nations  ;  their  internal,  more  than  their  external, 
relations  ;  and  the  yet  less  prominent  but  more  momentous  events, 
which  affect  society  universally,  and  advance  it  in  the  scale  of  civilized 
life.  It  is  the  history  of  the  human  mind,  which  is  most  diligently  to 
be  investigated  ;  the  discoveries  of  the  wise  ;  the  inventions  of  the 
ingenious,  and  the  contrivances  of  the  skilful."  These  words  aptly 
describe  the  nature  of  the  work  that  lies  before  us.  Such  a  work  as 
this  wants  the  genius  of  a  Ranade  or  a  Telang.  Tlie  fragments  they 
have  left  only  serve  to  remind  us  of  the  immensity  of  our  loss.  But  we 
must  have  trust  in  the  future.  There  must  be  co-operation  between 
Indian  and  European  workers.  By  the  light  and  guidance  and  the 
example  of  European  workers,  Indian  aspirants  may  strive  to  perform 
their  task  and  fulfil  the  duty  they  owe  to  the  nation.  We  can  never 
forget  that  the  work  of  recasting  and  digesting  the  materials  done  so 
far  is  very  little  compared  to  what  yet  remains  to  be  done  ;  and  our 
efforts  must  be  commensurate  with  the  magnitude  of  the  task.  This 
Society  showed  itself  alive  in  the  sixties  to  its  responsibility  as  regards 
historical  research.  Let  me  now  appeal  to  it  to  take  up  the  work  once 
more,  of  fostering  research  and  guiding  the  footsteps  of  such  new 
workers  as  may  need  guidance  When  in  the  light  of  the  new 
materials  discovered,  history  is  rewritten,  it  may  be  hoped  that  many 
erroneous  notions  will  be  corrected  as  regards  the  Maratha  character, 
the  methods  of  their  warfare  as  well  as  their  civil  administration,  the 
deeds  of  their  heroes,  the  degree  of  their  refinement  and  their 
achievements  in  the  fields  of  literature  and  art.  In  the  words 
of  Johnson,  **  there  is  no  part  of  history  so  generally  useful  as  that 
which  relates  to  the  progress  of  the  human  mind— the  gradual 
improvement  of  reason,  the  successive  advances  of  science,  the 
vicissitudes  of  learning  and  ignorance,  which  are  the  light  and 
darkness  of  thinking  beings,  the  extinction  and  resuscitation  of  arts, 
and  the  revolution  of  the  intellectual  world."  When  Maratha  history 
is  written  in  the  light  of  these  principles,  it  will  fulfil  its  proper  function. 
It  will  give  them  a  correct  representation  of  the  past  and  show 
wholesome  lessons  for  the  guidance  of  the  future. 


Art.  XIV. — The  Death  of  Akbar:  A  Tercentenary  Study. 

By  R.  p.  Karkaria,  Esq. 
(^Read  2gtk  January  jgo6.) 

After  completing  a  reign  unexampled  in  the  annals  of  India  for 
prosperity  and  splendour,  Akbar  died  in  October  1605.  Consequently 
in  last  October  fell  the  Tercentenary  of  his  death,  a  solemn  historical 
occasion  worthy  of  due  celebration.  But  modern  India  was,  it  seems, 
indifferent  to  that  great  name  on  this  occasion,  and  the  date  was 
allowed  to  pass  by  without  even  a  thought  being  given  to  that  great 
Emperor.  In  these  days  when  there  is  so  much  talk  amongst  Indians 
of  a  united  India  and  of  national  movements,  it  is  very  significant 
that  Indians  themselves  should  have  made  no  movement  to  celebrate 
on  such  an  occasion  the  memory  of  the  illustrious  monarch  who  did  so 
much  in  his  time  to  unite  all  Indians  and  ruled  beneficently  over  all  his 
subjects, — Hindus,  Mahomedans,  Sikhs,  Parsis,  Buddhists -and  tried 
to  bring  them  together.  Shivaji,  it  would  seem,  appealed  to  some 
better  than  Akbar,  and  there  have  been  celebrations  in  his  honour,  not 
only  among  the  Mahrathas  but  also  among  the  Bengalis.  But  with 
all  due  deference  to  the  memory  of  Shivaji,  for  whom  1  have  the  great- 
est respect  which  I  have  shown  on  many  occasions,  I  would  say  that 
after  all  he  was  but  the  hero  of  only  a  section  of  the  Indians  ;  while 
Akbar  ought  to  appeal  to  all  Indians  alike,  as  he  worked  more  than 
other  rulers  for  the  union  of  all  the  peoples  under  his  sway. 

It  would  have  been  in  the  fitness  of  things  if  the  present  rulers  of 
Inuia,  who  have  succeeded  in  the  course  of  events  by  a  wise  Providence 
to  the  heritage  of  that  illustrious  mediaeval  ruler,  had  celebrated  the 
memory  of  their  most  illustrious  predecessor.  Surely  the  man  was 
here  who  would  have  plunged  with  his  whole  heart  into  the  work,  who 
has  given  unmistakeabie  proofs  that  he  possesses  the  historic  imagina- 
tion, to  whom  the  works  ot  Akbar  and  his  descendants,  the  magnifi- 
cent Mughals,  have  throughout  his  career  in  India  appealed  as  they 
had  appealed  to  no  other  English  ruler,  who  in  short  was  best  fitted  to 
do  justice  to  the  occasion.  But  somehow  or  other  Lord  Curzon  missed 
the  occasion  and  the  Tercentenary  of  Akbar  has  been  allowed  to  pass 
by  unremembered,  unsung,  even  unrecorded.  People  were  too  busy 
with  the  present  to  bestow  thought  on  the  past,  even  on  such  a  splen- 
did past  as  the  times  uf  Akbar.     But  that  present  was  indeed  worthy 


l8o  THE   DEATH   OF  AKBAR. 

to  eclipse  even  so  glorious  a  past.  All  India,  and  particularly  all 
Bombay,  was  busy  preparing  to  receive  the  Prince  of  Wales  who  is  to 
be  the  future  Akbar  of  this  land.  All  thoughts  and  hopes  were  centered 
on  this  heir  of  the  ages,  and  Akbar  may  find  some  consolation  that  he 
was  forgotten  in  favour  of  one  who  may  prove  greater  than  even  him- 
self, ruling  over  a  vaster,  happier,  and  more  powerful  empire.  Some- 
thing also  is  due  to  the  unsettled  state  in  which  Lord  Curzon  found 
himself  at  the  end  of  his  rule,  and  to  the  circumstances  which  rendered 
all  his  movements,  even  his  departure,  uncertain. 

But  if  the  State  was  too  much  preoccupied  with  other  matters 
which  rightly  dennanded  its  attention,  at  least  our  learned  Asiatic 
Societies,  within  whose  province  this  subject  specially  lies,  should  have, 
I  venture  to  think,  moved  in  the  matter.  I  had  looked  forward  to  our 
elder  sister  of  Bengal,  the  mother  of  Asiatic  Societies  in  the  world, 
taking  the  lead  in  this  Tercentenary  celebrations.  It  has  indeed  done 
as  much  as,  and  probably  much  more  than,  any  learned  body  to  pre- 
serve and  illustrate  Akbar*s  name  and  work  in  literature.  By  its 
scholarly  edition  in  the  original  Persian  of  the  Ahbar-Nama^  that  great 
monument  which  Abul  Fazl,  his  fidus  Achates^  has  raised  to  his  great 
patron's  name  and  fame,  more  lasting  than  those  marble  mausolea 
and  palaces  by  which  Akbar  expressly  desired  tocomemorate  his  reign 
to  posterity,  and  still  more  by  its  worthy  translations  of  that  great 
work  into  the  language  most  widely  spoken  on  this  earth,  it  may  be 
said  to  have  done  enough  to  celebrate  the  memory  of  that  great 
monarch.  The  labours,  still  unfinished,  of  that  ripe  scholar  Mr. 
Beveridge,  a  past  President  of  that  Society,  on  the  purely  historical 
part,  and  of  Colonel  Jarrett,  and  that  late  prince  of  Persian  scholars, 
the  erudite  Henri  Blochmann,  on  the  what  we  may,  for  want  of  a  better 
term,  call  the  constitutional  part  of  the  singular  work  of  Abul  Fazl, 
have  made  him  speak  and  write  English  much  better  than  he  writes 
Persian,*  and  rendered  his  work  an  English  classic  for  all  those  who 
care  for  his  great  theme,  and  for  many  more  who  do  not,  but  read  him 
for  diversion  and  even  amusement.  But  for  some  unexplained  reason 
this  Society,  having  its  head-quarters  in  the  capital  city  of  India, 
Calcutta,  has  missed  the  occasion.  Nor  has  our  Society  done  any- 
thing. At  one  time  I  had  hoped  that  we  might  hold  a  symposium  in 
honour  of  the  Tercentenary  of  Akbar,  where  our  members  could  make 
their  literary  offerings  in  the  shape  of  contributions,  illustrative  of  cer- 
tain aspects  of  his  life,  character,  and  times.  But  the  change  in  our 
Honorary  Secretaryship  last  October  and  still  more  the  Royal  visit, 

••  Abul  FazPs  style  seems,  at  least  to  Western  eyes,  to  be  quite  detestable,  bein^  full  of 
circumlocutionst  and  both  turgid  and  obscure.  He  is  often  prolix,  and  often  unduly  concise 
and  darkly  allusive,*'— Beveridgre,  preface  to  Akbar'Namaht  tr.    Vol.  I    190a. 


THE   DEATH  OF   AKBArI  i8i 

forbade  the  fulfilment  of  this  hope.  Still  it  is  not  too  late  ;  and  we 
might  hold  one  or  more  meetings  for  this  object,  and  even  devote 
a  special  number  of  our  Journal  to  papers  relating  to  Akbar. 

Meanwhile  I  offer  this  paper  as  a  slight  contribution  to  the  discus- 
sion of  a  subject  intimately  connected  with  Akbar,  namely,  his  death, 
on  which  sufficient  light  has  not  yet  been  thrown  and  which  remains  as 
yet  obscure  and  unelucidated.  This  would  appear  somewhat  strange 
to  anyone  who  remembers  that  of  Akbar's  reign  we  have  more  and 
fuller  historical  accounts,  and  those  too  by  contemporaries,  than  of 
any  other  reign  in  Indian  History.  There  is  the  great  work  of  Abul 
Fazl,  which,  with  its  lavish  details,  lays  bare  before  us  nearly  all 
aspects  of  the  court  and  camp  of  Akbar,  and  even  enlightens  us 
with  minute  accuracy  about  his  kitchen  and  stables.  There  are  the 
elaborate  histories  of  Nizam-ud-din  and  Abdul  Kader  Badaoni,  which 
are  so  important  for  the  different  standpoints  of  their  authors  to  that 
of  Abul  Fazl.  Then  there  is  the  curious  composite  history  of  the 
millennium,  the  Tarikh-UAlfi,  in  which  both  these  authors  collaborated 
with  others  to  produce  a  record  of  the  thousand  years  of  the  Hegira 
which  came  to  a  conclusion  in  Akbar's  reign.  But  all  these  famous 
contemporary  chronicles  were  written  before  the  close  of  Akbar*s  life 
and  reign,  and  therefore  do  not  record  the  very  close.  Their  authors 
predeceased  Akbar  by  several  years,  Abul  Fazl  was  murdered  in  i6o2. 
Badaoni  died  in  1596  and  Nizam>ud-din  a  year  or  two  earlier  still, 
circa  1594.  (Blochmann  in  Journal  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic  Society^ 
1869,  Pt.  I.,  p.  143).  In  these  famous  writers,  therefore,  there  is 
necessarily  no  account  of  his  death. 

Failing,  therefore,  the  guidance  of  such  authors,  especially  the 
conscientious  and  sober  Nizam-ud-din,  we  have  to  fall  back  upon 
other  contemporaries  of  inferior  worth  and  reliability  among  Akbar's 
countrymen  and  co-religionists.  But  we  find  in  these  a  different 
account  of  his  death  from  that  given  by  Europeans,  one  of  whom  at 
least  was  a  contemporary  and  in  India ;  and  it  is  hard  to  reconcile 
these  Persian  and  European  accounts  of  his  death. 

I  shall  bring  together  first  the  accounts  to  be  found  in  Persian 
works.  At  the  head  of  these  stands  the  elaborate  story  of  Akbar*s 
last  days  and  moments  which  his  son,  the  Emperor  Jehangir,  gives 
in  his  autobiographical  memoirs  which  go  under  various  names  and 
forms  such  as  **  Wakiaat-i-Jehangiri  ",  **  Tuzakh-i-Jehangiri "  and  the 
like.  The  Imperial  author  did  not  necessarily  write  these  memoirs 
with  his  own  hand  ;  and  it  "seems  very  probable  that  the  Emperor 
kept  two  or  more  memoir-writers  to  whom  he  gave  directions  as  to  the 
events  they  were  to  record  and  a  general  expression  of  his  opinion 


■■''«  »«w  o,  Aa^K. 


P^™.-,«  f"  ""..on!  rf™".  .«J.t      """"■".?  4m  *' 
•«»-l  of  h„         '""•  ».s  i„  „  "'  "mark  ,T     ""'■»  t««„.       "" 

""•"..vo  i^" "" » .1..  rr;'"  "••"■■.'oei'"'  "■'  Wo,/:;'""' 

'eesied,  and    « 


THE   DEATH   OF   AKBAR*  1 83 

idolent  dysentery  was  the  result.  Hakim  Muzafar,  another  of  the 
physicians,  now  pronounced  that  his  brother-physician  had  gross- 
ly erred  in  his  prescriptions,  particularly  in  allowing  melon  to 
his  patient  at  the  commencement  of  the  attack.  From  a  just 
repugnance  to  take  away  from  any  man  his  reputation,  and 
perhaps  from  a  disposition  to  forgive,  I  determined  that  Hakim 
Ally  should  not  be  trodden  under  foot,  at  a  mere  malicious  suggestion 
or  an  accusation  on  the  part  of  Muzafar  actuated  by  mere  jealousy. 

*'  *  If,*  thought  I,  *  God's  destiny  and  the  blunders  of  the  medical 
class  did  not  sometimes  concur,  we  should  never  die.*  This  much  on 
a  feeling  of  discretion  and  kindness,  I  confessed  to  Hakim  Ally  ;  but 
in  the  bottom  of  my  heart  all  confidence  in  his  skill  was  extinguished. 

"  During  the  last  ten  days  of  his  illness,  I  attended   my  father  as 
usual  for  two  or  three  quarters  of  time  in  the  latter  part  of  the  day  ; 
and  this  I  continued  to  do  until  Tuesday,  the  14th  of  the  latter  Jemady, 
when    he    became    so    greatly  reduced    that  I  remained    with    him 
from    the    time    at   which     his   medicine    was    administered   in    the 
morning  for  the    remaining    part  of  the    day.     While  he    was    yet 
in    a   state    to    discriminate,    he    advised    me     on    one    occasion    to 
keep    away    from    the    palace  ;    at  all    events    never    to  enter    un- 
attended  by  my  own  guards   and    retainers  :   and    it   now    occurred 
to  me  that  it  would  be  prudent  not  to  neglect  such  advice  ;  that  at  such 
a  crisis  it  behoved  me  in  my  intercourse  with  the  palace  to  employ  the 
most  guarded  circumspection.     One  day  I  entered  the  citadel  accord- 
ingly  attended   by  my  own  retinue.      The  very  next  day,    without 
consulting  their  sovereign,  they  dared  to  close  the  gates  of  the  citadel 
against  me,  and  actually  brought  forward  the  ordnance  on  the  towers. 
On  Thursday,  the    i6th,  perceiving  the  pretence  of  alarm  under  which 
these  men  were  screening  themselves,  I  discontinued  my  visit  to  the 
palace  altogether  ;  and  I  then  received  by  Mokurret  Khan  a  note  from 
Man  Singh  expressing  on  his  part  the  expectation  that  I  would  concur 
in  their  views.     How  deeply  my  feelings  were  agonised  at  the  thought 
of  being  excluded  from  the  sight  of  my  father  ;  during  the  period  in 
which  I  thus  abstained  from  entering  the  castle  of  Agra,  I  for  some 
time  withheld  myself  from  communicating  to  any  man,  resigning  myself 
entirely  to  the  will  of  God.     Having  with  the  advice  of  my  truest 
friends  discontinued  my  visits  to  the  castle,  I  sent  my  son,  Parviz,  with 
an  apology  to  my  father,  stating  that  I  was  prevented  from  attending 
that  day  by  a  severe  pain  in  my  head.     My  father,  lifting  up  his  hands 
in  prayer  for  my  health,  sent  Khwaja  Weissy  to  entreat  that  if  possible 
I  would  come  to  his  presence,  for  that  he  had  no  longer  any  hope  of 
life,  particularly  under  the  violent  paroxysms  of  his  complaint.     '  Alas  I' 


184  THE   DEATH   OF   AKBAR. 

said  he,  *  what  a  time  is  this  that  thou  hast  chosen  to  be  absent  from 
my  person,  when  thou  knowest  that,  on  my  demise,  the  succession  to 
the  crown  is  without  dispute  !'  " 

Jehangir  then  describes  the  intrigues  that  were  going  on  round  the 
death-bed  of  Akbar  for  bringing  about  the  succession  of  his  grandson, 
his  own  son,  Prince  Khosro,  to  the  exclusion  of  himself.  Raja  Man 
Singh,  the  brother-in-law  of  Jehangir  and  maternal  uncle  of  Khosro, 
and  Mirza  Azaz  Khoka,  were  the  principal  persons  in  these  intrigues. 
The  latter  asked  the  sick  monarch  his  wishes  about  Khosro.  To  this 
he  replied  :  **  The  decree  is  God's  decree  and  of  him  alone  is  the 
sovereignty.  For  my  part  with  one  mind  I  retain  a  thousand  hopes. 
Surely,  in  giving  a  loose  to  such  language  in  my  presence  you  have 
abandoned  me  to  the  jaws  ot  death.  Nevertheless  it  may  happen  that 
I  have  still  some  portion  left  in  this  life.  If  however  the  awful 
crisis  be  at  hand— if  the  hour  of  departure  be  arrived — can  I  have 
forgotten  the  military  promptitude,  political  sagacity  and  other  qualities 
indispensable  to  the  successful  exercise  of  sovereign  power,  which  at 
Allahabad  I  witnessed  in  Selim  Shah  ?  Neither  do  I  find  that  the  love 
and  affection  which  I  have  ever  borne  him  has  for  a  moment  been 
diminished.  What  if,  through  the  misguidings  of  the  Evil  One,  he 
should,  for  an  instant,  have  been  led  astray  from  his  filial  duty,  is  he 
not  my  eldest  born,  and  as  such  the  heir  to  my  throne  :  to  that  throne 
which  by  the  institutes  of  my  race  belongs  to  the  eldest  son  and  never 
descends  to  him  who  is  in  years  younger  ?  But  the  six  months,  wide 
territory  of  Bengal  I  bestow  upon  Khosro.  Having  received  these 
assurances  from  my  father's  lip,"  continnes  the  Royal  author,  **  the 
specious  hypocrites  repaired  in  numerous  groups  to  my  presence,  in 
such  throngs  indeed  that  people  had  scarcely  room  to  breathe.  The 
chief  intriguers  seemed  penitent  of  the  part  they  had  taken,  and 
acknowledging  their  folly  cordially  resolved  on  yielding  to  me,  without 
further  opposition,  every  proof  of  submission  and  allegiance.  .  .  My 
father  sent  me  one  of  his  dresses,  with  the  turban  taken  from  his  own 
brows,  and  a  message,  importing  that  if  I  were  reconciled  to  live  without 
beholding  the  countenance  of  my  father,  that  father,  when  I  was  absent,, 
enjoyed  neither  peace  nor  repose.  The  moment  I  received  the  message,. 
I  clothed  myself  in  the  dress  and  in  humble  duty  proceeded  into  the 
castle.  On  Tuesday,  the  8th  of  the  month,  my  father  drew  his  breath 
with  great  dif!iculty,  and  his  dissolution  being  evidently  at  hand  he 
desired  that  I  would  despatch  someone  to  summon  every  ameeer, 
without  exception,  to  his  presence  *  for  I  cannot  endure,'  said  he,  'that 
any  misunderstanding  should  subsist  between  you  and  those  who,  for  so 
many  years,  have  shared  in  my  toil  and  been  the  associates  of  my  glory. 


THE   DEATH   OF   AKBAR.  1 85 

Anxious  to  comply  with  his  desire,  I  directed  Khwaja  Weissy  to 
bring  the  whole  of  them  to  the  dying  monarch's  sick  chamber.  My 
father,  after  wistfully  regarding  them  all  around,  entreated  that  they 
would  bury  in  oblivion  all  the  errors  of  which  he  could  be  justly 
accused,  and  proceeded  to  address  them  in  the  following  terms, 
arranged  in  couplets  : — 

'  Remember  the  repose  and  safety  which  blessed  my  reign, 
The  splendour  and  order  which  adorned  my  court,  O  remember. 
Remember  the  crisis  of  my  repentance,  of  my  oft  revolving  beads. 
The  canopy  which  I  prepared  for  the  sanctuary  of  the  Kaabah 
Let  the  tear  of  affection  shed  rubies  over  my  dust, 
In  your  morning  orisons  turn  your  thoughts  to  my  soul  ; 
Let  your  evening  invocations  irraditate  the  gloom  of  night, 
Do  not  forget  the  anguish  of  the  tear-flowing  eye, 
When  the  chill  winds  shall  visit  your  courts  like  the  autumnal  blast. 
Think  on   that   cold  hand  which  has  so  often  scattered  gold  among 
you.* 

"  He  added  the  following  stanza  of  four  lines  : 
'  Did  thou  see  how  the  sky  shed  around  its  flower-like  fascinations  ? 
My  soul  is  on  the  wing  to  escape  this  rage  of  darkness. 
That  bosom,  which  the  world  was  too  narrow  to  contain, 
Has  scarcely  space  enough  to  inspire  but  half  a  breath.' 

*'  Here  I  perceived  that  it  might  indeed  be  this  mighty  monarch's 
latest  breath  and  that  the  moment  was  arrived  for  discharging  the 
last  mournful  duties  of  a  son.  In  tears  of  anguish  I  approached  his 
couch,  and  sobbing  aloud  I  placed  my  head  at  my  father's  feet. 
After  I  had  then  passed  in  solemn  sorrow  thrice  round  him,  the  dy- 
ing monarch,  as  a  sign  auspicious  to  my  fortune,  beckoned  to  me 
to  take  his  favourite  scimitar,  Futteh-ul-Mulk  (the  conquest  of 
empires),  and  in  his  presence  to  gird  it  round  my  waist.  Having  so 
done  and  again  prostrated  myself  at  his  feet,  I  renewed  my  pro- 
testations of  duty.  So  nearly  was  I  indeed  exhausted  in  these 
paroxysms  of  sorrow,  that  I  found  at  last  the  utmost  difficulty  in 
drawing  breath.  On  the  evening  of  Wednesday,  when  one  watch 
and  four  sections  of  the  night  were  expired,  my  father's  soul  took 
flight  to  the  realms  above.  He  had  however  previously  desired 
mc  to  send  for  Miran  Sadrjehan,  in  order  to  repeat  with  him 
the  Kalma  Shahdat  (the  Mahomedan  formula  of  faith :  there  is 
no  God  but  God,  etc.)  which  he  said  was  his  wish  to  the  last 
moment,  still  cherishing  the  hope  that  the  Almighty  disposer  of 
life  might  yet  bestow  some  prolongation.  On  his  arrival  I  placed 
Sadrjehan  on  both  knees  by  my  father's  side,  and  he  commenced 
reciting  the  creed  of  the  faithful.     At  this  crisis  my  father  desiring 


1 86  THE   DEATH    OF   AKBAR. 

me  to   draw    near  threw  his  arms  about  my  neck  and   addressed 
me  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  *  My  dear  boy  (baba)  take  this  my  last  farewell,  for  here  we  never 
meet  again.  Beware  that  thou  dost  not  withdraw  thy  protecting 
regards  from  the  secluded  in  my  harem — that  thou  continue  the  same 
allowance  for  subsistence  as  was  allotted  by  myself.  Although  my 
departure  must  cast  a  heavy  burden  upon  thy  mind,  let  not  the  words 
that  are  past  be  at  once  forgotten.  Many  a  vow  and  many  a  covenant 
have  been  exchanged  between  us — break  not  the  pledge  which  thou 
hast  given  me — forget  it  not.  Beware  !  Many  are  the  claims  which 
have  upon  the  soul.  Be  they  great  or  be  they  small,  do  not  forget 
them.  Call  to  thy  remembrance  my  deeds  of  martial  glory.  Forget 
not  the  exertions  of  that  bounty  which  distributed  so  many  a  jewel. 
My  servants  and  dependants,  when  I  am  gone,  do  not  thou  forget, 
nor  the  afflicted  in  the  hour  of  need.  Ponder  word  for  word  on  all 
that  I  have  said — do  thou  bear  all,  in  mind,  and  again  forget  me  not! ' 

**  After  expressing  himself  as  above  he  directed  Sadrjehan  once 
more  to  repeat  the  Kalma,  and  he  recited  the  solemn  text  himself 
with  a  voice  equally  loud  and  distinct.  He  then  desired  the  Sadr  to 
continue  repeating  by  his  pillow  the  Surah  Neish  and  another  chapter 
of  the  Koran,  together  with  the  Adilah  prayer,  in  order  that  he 
might  be  enabled  to  render  up  his  soul  with  as  little  struggle  as 
possible.  Accordingly  Sadrjehan  had  finished  the  Surah  Neish,  and 
had  the  last  words  of  the  prayer  on  his  lips,  when  with  no  other 
symptom  than  a  tear  drop  in  the  comer  of  his  eye,  my  noble  father 
resigned  his  soul  into  the  hands  of  his  Creator.  The  venerated 
remains  of  my  father  were  now  laid  on  those  boards  equally  allotted 
to  the  prince  and  the  pauper ;  whence  after  being  bathed  in  every 
description  of  perfume,  camphor,  musk,  and  roses,  a  shroud  for  his 
vestment,  a  coffin  for  his  chamber,  they  were  conveyed  to  their  last 
repose.  One  foot  of  the  bier  was  supported  on  my  own  shoulder,  the 
three  others  by  my  three  sons,  until  we  passed  the  gate  of  the  castle. 
Hence  my  sons  and  the  principal  officers  of  my  household,  alternately 
bearing  the  coffin  on  their  shoulders,  proceeded  all  the  way  to  Secundra 
where  all  that  was  mortal  of  the  renowned  Akbar  was  consigned  to 
the  care  of  heaven's  treasury.  Thus  it  was,  and  thus  it  will  be,  while 
this  lower  world  continues  to  exist." 

(Autobiographical  Memoirs  of  the  Emperor  Jehangir^  Tr.  D.  Price, 
4  to  I  pp.  70-78,  London,  Oriental  Translation.     Fund,  1829). 

There  is  another  contemporary  account  of  the  death  of  Akbar,  which 
is  also  pretty  minute  and  confirms  the  account  given  by  Jehangir. 
This  was  written  by  one  who  was  *  in  the  service  of  Abul    Fazl  and 


THE   DEATH   OF  AKBAR.  1 87 

later  an  official  of  Akbar's  Court,  a  sort  of  Lord  Almoner,  Asad  Beg, 
and  occurs  in  his  history  of  the  times,  "  Wakiat  Asad  Beg."  He  was 
dismissed  from  his  service  at  Court  by  Jehangir  on  his  accession,  but 
was  afterwards  favoured  by  him  and  honoured  with  the  title  of  Peshran 
Khan.  He  died  in  1861.  (Elliot  and  Dowson,  Historians  of  India, 
Vol.  VI,  p.  150.)  Asad  was  not  present  during  the  last  illness  of 
Akbar. 

"  As  I,  Asad,  wandering  in  the  wood  of  evil  destiny  had  started  for  the 
second  time  as  envoy  to  the  four  southern  provinces,  Bijapur, 
Golconda,  Bidar,  and  the  Carnatic,  I  was  not  present  when  that 
peerless  sovereign  departed  this  life.  When  the  question  of  my 
embassy  was  in  agitation,  the  Emperor  was  also  projecting  a  combat 
between  the  elephants  Chanchal  and  Giranbar.  His  Majesty  now  at 
rest  ordered  me  not  to  depart  till  I  had  seen  the  elephant  fight;  but 
Fate  had  ordained  otherwise  and  I  was  not  sorry  for  it,  for  as  I  shall 
relate.  His  Majesty  had  cause  for  severe  anger  at  that  elephant  fight 
which  came  off  after  my  departure.  A  few  days  after  I  had  left  Agra, 
His  Majesty  had  been  taken  somewhat  ill,  and  in  a  short  time  was 
very  much  broken  down.  While  he  was  in  this  condition  the  combat 
of  the  elephant  Chanchal  with  the  elephant  Giranbar,  belonging  to  the 
Royal  Prince,  came  off.  While  the  fight  was  going  on,  an  angry 
dispute  arose  between  the  servants  of  Prince  Selim  and  Sultan  Khusru 
and  both  overstepped  the  bounds  of  courtesy.  When  His  Majesty 
heard  of  it,  he  became  exceedingly  angry,  vexed,  and  enraged,  and 
this  so  much  increased  his  illness,  that  the  chief  physician,  one  of  the 
most  skilful  of  his  time  in  the  healing  art,  could  do  nothing  more. 
During  the  Emperor's  illness  the  weight  of  affairs  fell  upon  the 
Khan-i-Azam,  and  when  it  became  evident  that  the  life  of  that 
illustrious  sovereign  was  drawing  to  a  close,  he  consulted  with  Raja 
Man  Singh,  one  of  the  principle  nobles,  and  they  agreed  to  make 
Sultan  Khusru  Emperor. 

"They  were  both  versed  in  business  and  possessed  of  great  power, 
and  determined  to  seize  the  Prince  (Selim)  when  he  came,  according 
to  his  daily  custom,  to  pay  his  respects  at  Court,  thus  displaying  the 
nature  of  their  mind,  little  considering  that  the  sun  cannot  be  smeared 
with  mud,  nor  the  marks  of  the  pen  of  destiny  be  erased  by  the 
penknife  of  treachery.  He  whom  the  hand  of  the  power  of  Allah 
upholds,  though  he  be  helpless  in  himself,  is  safe  from  all  evil.  The 
next  day  that  chosen  one  of  Allah,  not  dreaming  of  the  treachery 
of  his  foes,  went,  as  was  his  wont,  to  pay  his  respects  at  Court,  and 
entered  a  boat  with  several  of  his  attendants.  They  had  reached  the 
foot  of  the  tower  and  were  about  to  disembark,  when   Mir  Zian-ul- 


l88  THE   DEATH    OF   AKBAR. 

Mulk  of  Kazwin  arrived  in  great  agitation  and  jumped  into  the  boat. 
He  brought  word  of  the  hopeless  state  of  the  Emperor,  and  of  the 
treachery  and  perfidy  of  those  evil  men.  The  boat  returned,  and 
His  Royal.  Highness  with  weeping  eyes  and  a  sore  heart,  re-entered 
his  private  palace,  so  that  through  the  endeavours  of  that  faithful 
friend  and  sincere  well-wisher  the  arrow  of  those  perfidious  enemies 
missed  its  mark.  When  the«raw  attempt  of  those  wretches  had 
thus  been  brought  to  light,  and  the  lofty-flying  Phoenix  had  escaped 
their  treacherous  snare,  and  the  curtain  which  concealed  their 
intentions  had  been  torn,  they  were  obliged  to  throw  off  all  dissi- 
mulation. 

**  At  this  time  the  breath  was  still  in  the  Emperor's  body,  and  all 
his  servants  and  oflicers  were  assembled  in  the  audience-room  in 
great  distress  and  agitation.  The  Khan-i-Azam  and  Raja  Man 
Singh  sat  down,  and  calling  all  the  nobles  together,  began  to  consult 
with  them  and  went  so  far  as  to  say,  '  The  character  of  the  mighty 
Prince  Sultan  Salim  is  well  known,  and  the  Emperor's  feelings 
towards  him  are  notorious,  for  he  by  no  means  wishes  him  to  be  his 
successor.  We  must  all  agree  to  place  Sultan  Khusru  upon  the 
throne. '  When  this  was  said,  Sayyad  Khan,  who  was  one  of  the 
great  nobles  and  connected  with  the  Royal  house,  and  descended 
from  an  ancient  and  illustrious  Mughal  family,  cried  out,  '  Of  what 
do  you  speak,  that  in  the  existence  of  a  Prince  like  Salim  Shah,  we 
should  place  his  son  upon  the  throne  !  This  is  contrary  to  the  laws 
and  customs  of  the  Chagatai  Tatars  and  shall  never  be.'  He  and 
Malik  Khan,  who  was  also  a  great  chief  and  well-skilled  in  business 
with  others  of  their  opinion,  rose  and  left  the  assembly." 

After  describing  how  these  machinations  were  foiled  and  the  ac- 
cession of  Prince  Salim  was  settled,  Asad  proceeds:  **As  soon  as 
the  Prince  was  relieved  from  all  anxiety  as  to  the  course  affairs  were 
taking,  he  went  with  the  great  nobles  and  Mir  Murtaza  Khan  at  their 
head,  without  fear,  to  the  fort,  and  approached  the  dying  Emperor. 
He  was  still  breathing,  as  if  he  had  only  waited  to  see  that  illustrious 
one.  As  soon  as  that  most  fortunate  Prince  entered,  he  bowed  himself 
at  the  feet  of  His  Majesty.  He  saw  that  he  was  in  his  last  agonies. 
The  Emperor  once  more  opend  his  eyes  and  signed  to  them  to  invest  him 
with  the  turban  and  robes  which  had  been  prepared  for  him,  and  ta 
gird  him  with  his  own  dagger.  The  attendants  prostrated  themselve:* 
and  did  homage;  at  the  same  moment  that  sovereign,  whose  sins  are 
forgiven,  bowed  himself  also,  and  closed  his  life.  A  loud  lamentation 
arose  on  all  sides,  and  groans  and  cries  ascended  from  the  world  and 
race  of  men,   and  the  voices  of  the  angelic  cherubims  were   heard 


.THE   DEATH    OF   AKBAR.  1 89 

saying,   '  God  created  him  and  to  God  he  has  returned.'    When  the 
Emperor  Akbar  died,  groans  arose  from  earth  to  heaven. 

"After  that  sad  occurrence  the  gracious  Emperor  Jehangir  had  all 
iiis  confidential  servants  and  faithful  friends  perform  the  obsequies  of 
the  deceased  sovereign,  with  all  the  ceremonies  due  to  his  rank. 
When  they  had  gone  through  the  funeral  rites  prescribed  by  religion 
jELnd  tradition,  and  had  arrange  J  the  royal  corpse  in  all  state,  the 
Emperor,  in  great  pomp  with  weeping  eyes  and  a  sad  heart,  took 
the  foot  of  the  bier  of  the  deceased  king  upon  his  shoulder,  and 
carried  it  as  far  as  the  door  of  the  public  reception  room  ;  from  thence 
the  great  nobles,  each  anxious  for  the  honour,  relieving  one  another 
in  quick  succession,  carried  His  Majesty  as  far  as  the  gate  of  the 
fort.  Thence  tlie  nobles  and  ministers,  and  courtiers,  and  imams 
jand  all  his  servants  and  troops,  followed  the  bier  with  heads  and  feet 
uncovered. " 

From  this  account  it  seems  that  Asad  Beg  must  have  seen  Jehangir's 
narrative  which  it  follows  closely.  Jehangir  circulated  his  memoirs 
^mong  his  friends  and  courtiers,  and  it  is  likely  that  Asad  Beg  also 
was  among  these.  He  was  at  first  in  disgrace  with  the  new  monarch, 
but  in  the  end  succeeded  in  pleasing  him  so  far  that  a  title  was  con- 
ferred on  him.  In  his  chronicle  he  shows  that  he  was  anxious  to 
please  Jehangir,  and  it  may  very  likely  have  been  one  of  the  means 
by  which  he  regained  favour.  We  might,  therefore,  safely  dismiss 
this  account  as  being  merely  an  echo  of  the  **  Wakiat-i-Jehangiri." 

There  is  a  third  and  a  short  account  of  Akbar's  death  in  the 
"Takhmila-i-Akbarnama."  This  work  is,  as  its  name  implies,  a 
<:ontinuation  of  the  great  work  of  Abul  Fazl,  who  had  recorded  the 
history  of  forty-six  years  of  Akbar's  reign  when  he  was  murdered. 
Inayutulla,  at  the  Emperor's  command,  wrote  the  account  of  the  last 
four  years,  and  this  is  usually  found  bound  up  with  manuscripts  of 
the  Akbarnama  of  Abu)  Fazl.  (Elliot  and  Dowson,  Vol.  VI.,  p.  103.) 
In  this  work  Inayatulla  says  :  **  On  Monday,  the  12th  Aban,  corre- 
sponding with  the  20th  Jumada  awwal  10 14  Hijra  (September  1605), 
an  illness  insinuated  itself  into  the  frame  of  the  Emperor  and  he 
became  indisposed.  Hakim  Ali,  who  was  the  most  skilful  of  physi- 
cians, was  summoned  to  attend.  After  considering  the  symptoms,  he 
refrained  for  eight  days  from  administering  medicine,  in  the  hope 
that  His  Majesty's  vigour  of  constitution  would  overcome  the  disease. 
On  the  ninth  day,  the  debility  and  symptoms  appeared  to  be  aggravat- 
ed, so  the  physician  resorted  to  the  remedies  of  his  art ;  but  they 
produced  no  good  effect  for  ten  days.  The  complaint  in  the  bowels 
increased^  and  the  limbs  lost  their  power.     It  then  became  evident 


IQO  THE  DEATH   OP  AKBAR. 

that  recovery  was  hopeless,  and  that  the  collar  of  the  world  was  in  the 
clutches  of  the  Fates.  On  the  9th  Azur,  when  the  age  of  His  Majesty 
had  reached  the  period  of  65  lunar  years,  he  hade  adieu  to  life  in  the 
capital  of  Agra,  and  took  his  departure  to  the  paradise  of  love.  On 
the  following  day  his  sacred  remains  were  home  by  men  of  all  ranks  in 
stately  and  becoming  pomp  to  the  grave  and  were  entered  in  the 
garden  of  Bihishtabad. "  {Takhmilai-Akbamama,  afud  Elliot  and 
Dowson,  Vol.  VI.,  p.  115.) 

The  great  and  famous  historical  work  of  Ferishta,  who  was  also  a 
contemporary  of  Akbar,  beyond  whose  reign  it  docs  not  go  very  far, 
as  it  stops  at  161 2,  touches  slightly  on  this  subject  and  says  that  the 
death  of  Akbar  was  due  to  his  grief  at  the  death  of  his  favourite  son, 
Prince  Daniel.  **On  the  ist  of  Zehuj  (8th  April)  Prince  Daniel 
died  in  the  city  of  Burhampore  owing  to  excess  of  drinking.  His 
death,  and  the  circumstances  connected  with  it,  so  much  affected  the 
King,  who  was  in  a  declining  state  of  healthy  that  he  every  day  became 
worse,  till  on  the  13th  of  Jemadi  Sani,  in  the  year  1014,  he  died  after 
a  reign  ot  51  years  and  some  months."  (fr.  Briggs,  Vol.  H.,  p.  280.) 

These  are  all  the  contemporary  Mahomedan  accounts  of  Akbar's 
death  that  are  to  be  found  now.  In  fact  they  reduce  themselves  to 
one  account,  namely,  chat  of  Jehangir.  Now  Jehangir  in  spite  of  his 
prolixity  of  detail  and  of  circumstance,  does  not  mention  exactly 
what  disease  it  was  precisely  that  attacked  Akbar.  He  says  that 
indigestion  was  the  complaint,  but  that  could  not  nave  lasted  so  long, 
and  besides  it  ought  to  have  been  amenable  to  the  skill  of  the  court 
physicians.  And  here  is  another  difficulty.  Hakim  Ali,  the  physi- 
cian, seems  to  have  grossly  blundered,  or  worse.  And  stranger  still, 
Jehangir  says  he  took  no  notice  of  it.  Here  is  a  royal  physician  who, 
when  his  imperial  master  is  seriously  ill,  refrains  for  full  eight  days 
from  giving  htm  any  medicine  I  And  the  Emperor's  son  takes  no 
notice  of  his  incompetence  or  criminal  folly.  And  the  reason  Jehangir 
gives  shows  that  he  carried  his  good  nature  to  excess.  *'  If  thought 
I,"  says  he,  ''God's  destiny  and  the  blunders  of  the  medical  clas;$  did 
not  sometimes  concur  we  should  never  die."  He  actually  said  so  to 
the  physician  and  pardoned  him  !  There  are  here  many  grounds  for 
suspicion.  Jehangir  evidently  was  very  complacent  to  the  man  who 
nearly  killed  his  father !  Mr.  Talboys  Wheeler  indeed  suggests  that 
Jehangir  actually  employed  Hakim  Ali,  the  court  physician,  to  poison 
Akbar,  and  says  that  he  was  capable  of  such  a  crime.  (History  of  India, 
Vol.  IV.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  188  n.).  This  is  too  much.  Jehangir  was  an 
indolent  voluptuary,  but  he  was  not  a  determined  murderer.  He 
needlessly  opposed  his  father,  but  it  was  not  in  him  to  go  to  the  length 


THE   DEATH    OF   AKBAR.  I9I 

of  murder.  Had  he  the  strength  of  character  and  determined  will 
of  his  grandson,  Aurangzib,  he  would  have  been  a  parricide  like  him. 
But  his  weak  good  nature  is  clearly  portrayed  in  all  his  actions,  and 
was  such  as  to  keep  him  from  so  foul  a  crime. 

Moreover,  there  was  no  motive  for  such  an  unnatural  crime  on  the 
part  of  the  pleasure-seeking  Prince.  During  his  father's  last  illness 
there  was  a  formidable  intrigue  going  on  for  passing  him  over  in  the 
line  of  succession  and  putting  his  son,  Khosro,  on  the  throne  after 
Akbar's  expected  death.  Akbar  was  old,  nearing  seventy,  and  in  un- 
certain health  after  the  death  of  Prince  Daniel,  Jehangir's  brother  and 
rival.  Jehangir,  if  he  would  have  his  way  to  the  throne  made  smooth 
and  clear,  would  have  removed  not  the  dying  monarch,  whose  end  was 
but  the  question  of  months,  but  his  own  son  whom  Akbar  was  known 
to  prefer  to  him  as  his  successor.  At  least  he  would  have  been  more 
likely  to  benefit  by  the  death  of  his  son  than  of  his  father.  But  such 
determined  villainy,  we  think,  lay  not  in  him.  What  he  says  about  his 
own  disposition  to  forgive  his  son  Khosro  seems  quite  true,  and  is  in 
conformity  with  his  general  character.  This  son's  conduct  at  a  later 
time  during  his  own  reign  reminds  him  of  his  conduct  during 
his  father^s  illness,  and  he  says:  "  He  refrained  through  folly  and 
a  false  sense  of  shame  from  recurring  to  the  only  remedy  by  which  he 
could  have  been  saved  from  ruin.  For,  as  I  stand  in  the  presence 
of  God,  had  the  unhappy  Khosro  at  this  moment  of  returning  shame 
and  remorse  presented  himself  before  me,  not  only  would  his  offence 
have  been  overlooked,  but  his  place  in  my  esteem  would  have  been 
higher  than  anything  he  had  previously  enjoyed.  Of  this  he  had 
already  experienced  the  strongest  proof,  when  after  his  implied  conduct 
during  the  illness  of  my  father,  which  I  must  have  suspected  to  have 
risen  trom  hostile  views  and  motives  of  the  most  dangerous  nature, 
yet  on  his  bare  expression  of  repentance  and  a  returning  sense  of  duty 
I  freely  banished  from  my  mind  every  unfavourable  impression.' 
{Wakiat,  p.  70.)  This  is  true;  he  forgave  the  intrigue  in  favour  of 
Khosro's  accession,  and  not  only  Khosro  but  the  other  intriguers 
also.  Such  a  man  could  not  have  been  an  accessory  to  his  own 
father's  murder. 

What  then  was  Akbar*s  illness,  the  course  of  which  his  son  describes 
minutely  without  alluding  to  the  cause  ?  The  Mahomedan  accounts 
we  have  seen  throw  no  light  on  it.  But  there  are  two  European 
accounts  which  clear  up  the  mystery.  Unfortunately  of  Akbar's  court 
and  times  we  have  no  contemporary  account  by  any  European 
travellers  who  have  left  a  f  j11  narrative  behind  them.  The  full  and 
interesting  European  accounts  of  the  Mughal  Court  begin  some  years 


192  THE   DEATH   OF   AKBAR. 

after  Akbar's  death,  with  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  narrative  of  his  Embassy 
to  Jehangir's  Court.  Had  we  possesed  a  narrative  like  Bernier's  and 
Tavernier's,  or  even  like  Mandelslo's  or  Thevenot's  for  Akbar's  reign, 
we  would  have  a  good  criterion  for  judging  the  Persian  historians  of 
that  reign,  as  we  possess  in  these  travellers'  accounts  a  criterion  for 
the  reigns  of  the  son,  grandson  and  great-grandson  of  Akbar,— 
Jehangir,  Shah  Jehan  and  Aurangzib.  The  Catholic  priests  who 
were  invited  by  Akbar  to  his  court  from  time  to  time  had  nearly  all  left 
before  his  death,  and  can  therefore  tell  us  nothing  about  it. 

But  there  is  an  European  account  of  Akbar's  death  which  was- 
written  only  a  few  years  after  and  published  in  1631,  and  which  may  be 
said  to  be  almost  a  contemporary  narrative.  It  was  written  by  Peter 
van  den  Broecke,  the  first  President  of  the  Dutch  Factory  at  Surat  who 
came  to  India  ten  years  after  Akbar's  death.  He  became  Director  of 
the  Dutch  trade  in  the  East  in  1620  and  was  an  important  personage 
(cf.  Foster,  Embassy  of  Roe ,  Vol.  II.,  p.  408).  He  very  likely  visited 
the  Mughal  court  to  obtain  privileges  for  his  nation  when  Sir  Thomas 
Roe  was  there.  (Anderson  **  English  in  Western  India,"  1854,  p. 
19.)  He  wrote,  with  the  other  Dutch  factors  at  Surat,  an  account  of 
Mughal  history  from  Humayun  down  to  1628.  For  the  later  years 
this  account  has  the  value  of  a  contemporary  authority,  as  the  authors 
were  at  the  time  in  India.  Probably  some  of  the  information  was 
supplied  by  the  Mughal's  Viceroy  at  Surat  and  other  high  officials  with 
whom  the  Dutch  came  into  contact.  This  chronicle  was  published 
by  the  famous  Dutch  author  Johannes  De  Laet  in  his  Latin  work  on 
India  called  *' De  Imperio  Magni  Mogolis  Sive  India  Vera ;  com- 
mentarius  e  varius  auctoribus  congestus  :"  published  at  Leyden  in  1631 
by  the  famous  printers,  the  Elzevirs.  This  dainty  volume  is  excess- 
ively rare  and  therefore  not  much  consulted  by  modern  writers  who 
have,  however,  much  to  glean  from  it.  Sir  Roper  Lethbridge  wrote 
several  years  ago  about  a  copy  which  he  had  used  in  these  terms  : 
**  The  fact  that  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  consulted  by  any  of  the 
modern  writers  on  Indian  subjects  is  to  be  explained  by  the  difficulty 
of  procuring  a  copy  of  the  book.  The  most  careful  enquiry  in  England 
and  India  has  failed  to  discover  a  second  copy,  either  in  the  market 
or  in  a  library,  and  consequently  I  am  justified  in  assuming  that  the 
copy  used  by  me  is  at  present  practically  unique. " 

I  was  long  hunting  for  this  work  of  De  Laet,  and  but  lately  suc- 
ceeded in  procuring  a  copy  of  this  very  scarce  book.  Probably  only  a 
very  few  copies  were  printed  by  the  Elzevirs,  and  this  accounts  for  the 
great  difficulty  in  procuring  one.  The  copy  in  my  possession  is  one 
of  the  two  copies  that  are  said  to  exist  in  ;India.     On   communication 


THE    DEATH    OF   AKBAR.  I93 

with  Sir  Roper  Lethbridge,  he  Jias  kindly  requested  me  to  collaborate 
with  him  in  publishing  a  translation  for  the  Hakluyt  Society.  This 
work  deserves  to  be  known  for  the  excellent  topographical  account 
that  it  contains  of  the  Moghal  Empire  when  it  was  at  its  zenith.  On 
account  ol  the  great  rarity  of  the  work,  and  also  on  account  of  the 
fact  that^it  is  in  Latin,  it  is  almost  unknown. 

The   fragment   of    Mughal    History    occupies   the   tenth   and   last 
section    of   the    book    and    forms  a  large  part  of    the .  whole.      De 
Laet   thus   speaks  of  its  authorship  :    "  nostratum  observationes,  et 
imprimis  insiene  illud   Historiae  Indicae   fragmentum  humaniter  nobis 
communicavit  insignis  vir  Petrus  van  den    Broecke,  qui  aliquot  annis 
Surattae    haesit   et    negotia    Societatis    Indicae    Orien talis    cum    fide 
adminstravit."     **  The  observations  of  my  countrymen  and  especially 
the  fragment  of  the  history  of  India,  have  been  communicated  to  us 
by  the  well-known  Peter  van  den   Broecke,  who  was  for  several  years 
a  resident  at   Surat,    and   conducted   the  affairs   of  our    East  India 
Company."    This  he  says  in  his   preface   to  the   very  kind   reader — 
praefatio   ad  humanissimum  lectorem.     The  fragment  was  originally 
written  in  Dutch  from  which  de  Laet  translated  it  into  Latin.     As  he 
says  in  the  separate  preface  to  this  section  :     '*  Fragmentum  nos  e  Bel- 
gico,    quod    h    genuino    illis    Regni  Chronico    expressum    credimus 
libere  vertisse  servata  ubique  Historiae  fide."     *' We  have  translated 
freely — though  everywhere  we  have  preserved  faithfulness  to  historical 
truth — from  the  Dutch  this  fragment  which  we  believe  is  based  on  a 
genuine   chronicle   of  that  kingdom."     From   this    we  think  it  very 
probable  ihat  Van  den  Broecke  had  access  to  the  original  chronicle  in 
Chagatai  and   Persian  which   was  kept  by  the  Great  Mughals  of  their 
doings.     Manucci,   the   court  physician  of  Aurangzib,  as  we  shall  see 
presently,  had  also   access   to  it  and   embodies  information  obtained 
.from  it  in  his  memoirs  in  Portuguese.    The  Persian  courtly  chroniclers, 
from   whom   chiefly    our  account  of  Akbar  times  and   those   of  his 
immediate     successors     are     derived,     suppressed     whatever     they 
liked,   especially    whatever  they    thought  was  not  flattering  to  the 
sovereign.     The  **  Akbar   Nama  "  of  Abul    Fazl  is  an  illustration  of 
this,  who  suppresses  unscrupulously  and   without  hesitation    every- 
thing that  does  not  tend  to  the  credit  of  his  patron,  and  consequently 
his  work  is  a  picture  in  which  there  is  all   light  and  no  shade,  and 
therefore  not  a  trustworthy  history.     His  work,  however  valuable  from 
other  ]ioints  of  view,  has  not  much  value  for  a  just  estimate  of  Akbar's 
reign   and    character.     His    object  was  to  present  to  posterity    the 
most  favourable  portrait  of  his  imperial  patron  to  whom  he  owed 

everything. 
I"* 


194  THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 

But  European  observers  had  and  could  have  no  motive  in  sup- 
pressing^ all  adverse  information.  Hence  we  find  them  copying 
from  the  genuine  chronicle  everything  they  found  important  without 
regard  to  its  bearing  on  :the  King's  character*  Hence  we  find  in 
van  den  Broecke  the  following  account  of  his  death,  which  is  very 
likely  taken  from  the  court  chronicle — e  genuino  illud  Regni  Chronico^ 
as  de  La6t  calls  it  : — 

"  Tandem  Rez  (Akbar)  Myrzae  Ghazse  Zianii  filio  qui  Sindae  et  Tattse 
imperaverat,  ob  arrogans  verbum  quod  ipse,  forte  exciderat,  iratus,  cum 
veneno  e  medio  tollere  decrevit :  et  in   eum   finem    medico   suo  man- 
davit,  ut   binas  ejusdem  formas  et   molis  pillulas   pararet  et  earum 
alteram  veneno  infceret  :  hane  Gaziae  dare  proposuerat,   medicam  ipse 
sumere  ;   sed  insigni   errore  res  in  contrarium  vertit,  nam  Rex  quum 
pillulas  manu  aliquamdiu  versasset,  Ghaziae  quidem  innoxiam  pillulam 
deJit,  venenatam    vero  ipsemet   sumsit  :     Seriusque  errore  animad- 
vcrso,   quum  iam  veneni  vis  venas  pervassiset,  antidota  frustra  adhi- 
biia  fucrunt  ;  itaque  Rex  salute  nondum   desperata,    Xa-Selim,   invi- 
senti  tulbantum  quidem  suum  imposuit,  cinxitque  ilium  gladio  patris 
sui  Humayonis,  sed  extra  palatium  operiri  iussit,  neque  ad  se  ingredi 
antequam  convaluisset.     Obiit  autem  Rex  duodecimo  post  die  anno 
Mahometano  1014  postquam  annos  60  felicissime  imperasset."     "  At 
length,   the  king  being  angry  with    Mirza   Ghazi,  the   son  of  Zianl 
(Jani)  who  had  been  Governor  of  Sind  and  Tatta,  on  account  of  some 
overbearing  words  he  had  accidentally  let  fall,  determined  to  get  him 
out  of  the  way  by   poison  :   and  he  ordered   his   physician    with  this 
object  to  have  ready  two  pills  of  the  same  shade  and  size,  into  one  of 
which  poison  should  be  put.     He  had  intended  to  give  this  to  Ghazi,  and 
to  take  the  harmless  pill  himself ;  but  by  an  extraordinary  error  things 
turned  out  quite  in  the  contrary  way,  for  the  King  mixed  up  the  two 
after  he  had  kept  them  for  a  time  in  his  hands,  gave  the  harmless  pill 
to  the  Ghazi,  and  himself  took   the  poisoned  one.     Afterwards   when 
ths    error  was  found   out  v/hen  already  the   poison   had    begun   to 
act  on  his   blood,   antidotes   were   administered   but  to   no  purpose. 
Tlie  King,  therefore,    before  all  hopes   of  his  recovery  were  given 
up,  put  his  own  tulbanc  (turban)  on  the  head  of  Sha  Selim  and 
girded  ham  with  tlie  sword  of  his  father  Humayun,  but  he  ordered 
him  to  be  shut  out  of  the  palace  and  not  to  come  near  him  till  he 
should  recover.     The   King,  however,  died  on  the  twelfth  day  after 
this  in  the   Alahomcdan  year  10 14  (A. H.),  having  ruled  most  pros- 
perously for  60  years." 

There  is  evidsnlly  a  misprint  here  in  de  Laut*s  excellently  printed 
volume  :  60  should  be  50.    Akbar's  reign  fell  short  by  a  few  montlis 


THE   DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 


195 


of  a  half  century  ;  though  according  to  the  Mahomedan  reckoning, 
which  is  lunar,  a  reign  for  nearly  52  years.  Akbar  himself  had  adopted 
the  solar  reckoning  with  the  ancient  Parsi  Calendar  in  his  reign.  ^ 

This  account  of  van  den  Broecke  as  given  by  de  Lagt  is  not  generally 
known,   and  it  is  certainly  startling.     It  upsets  the  common  notion 
that  Akbar  was  a  good  ruler  scorning  everything  base.     That  he  was 
such  for  the  greater  part  of  his  rule  no  one  who  knows  his  history  will 
question.     But  those  who  have  fully  studied  history  know,  what  is 
not  generally  known,  that  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  Akbar  degener- 
ated, and  during  his  last  years  he   was  hardly   the  good  and  great 
monarch  of  his  best  days.     But  this  is  a  subject  on  which  we  should 
not  like  to  dwell,  especially  on  the  occasion  of  his  Tercentenary.     His 
degeneration  is  very  pathetic  and  shows  that  however  great  as  he  was, 
he  did  not  escape  for  very  long  the  defects  of  his  age  and   environ- 
ment.    That  may  be  treated  on  another  occasion.     As  for  historical 
truth  it  is  very  necessary  that  we  should  know  Akbar  as  he  really  was 
at  all  times  and  periods,  in  his  zenith  as  well  as  nadir.     Let  it  suflice 
here  to  say  that  van  den  Broecke's  account  appears  to  me  to  be  prob- 
able, and  it  is  only  of  probabilities  that  v/e  can  speak  ;  certainty  is 
out  of  the  question.     The  Dutch  writer  was  mostly  copying   from    the 
coiut  chronicle,  and  he  had  no  reason  to  invent  the  story  if  he  did  not 
find  it  there.     He  had  nothing  to  do  with    the  politics  of  the  Mughal 
court  and  had  no  side  to  take,  either  Jchangir*s,  or   Khosro's;  or  any- 
body else*s.     Moreover,  he  did  not  write  for  the  Indian  or  indeed   any 
public  at  all.     His  historical  fragment  was  written  for  the   private   in- 
formadon  of  his  employers  at  home  in  Holland,  and  when  he  came   to 
know  that  de   Laet  was   writing   a   description  of  real    India   as  he 
called  it — **  Descriptio  Indian  Vcrae  "  he  called  his  work — he  communi- 
cated it  to  him  for  publication.     If  he  was  misled   in   his  account,  he 
was  misled  in  good  faith.     If  the  account  is  invented,  it  is  certainly  not 
by  him.     How  could  he  have  invented  such  a  circumstantial    story   as 
this?    He  must  have  feu nd   it  in    India.     Now  there  is   no   Persian 
source  from  which  he  could  have  taken  it,  except   the  court  chronicle 
which  he   professes  to  have  ussd,  for  no  Persian  history  that  is  known 
to  us  contains  such  an  account.     The  account  bears  primd  Jade  signs 
of  baxng  true. 

Thattha  Mughal  court  chronicle  is  the  source  of  Broecke's  informa- 
tion, receives  conarmation  from  the  fact  that  Manucci,  who  had  un- 
doubted access  t3  it,  has  the  same  story  to  account  for  the  death  of 
Akbar.  Manucci  was  for  fcrty-eight  years  at  the  Mughal  court  of 
Shah  Jehau  and  Aurangzib,  under  the  latter  of  whom  he  was  court 

•S^cny   artidc  in  the  Calcttiia  Reviuw,   January    1897:    "  Akbar   and    the  Parsis'* 
pp  ic3«— SCO. 


196  THE   DEATH   OF   AKBAR. 

physician.  He  wrote  his  memoirs  in  Portuguese,  and  on  these  manu- 
script memoirs  Catrou  has  based  his  history  of  the  Mughals  so  import- 
ant for  a  right  understanding  of  that  period  as  the  only  trustworthy 
European  account  For  the  reign  of  Akbar  it  is  particularly  valuable, 
as  Catrou  uses  also  the  accounts  written  by  the  Jesuit  priests  at 
Akbar's  court.  Manucci's  memoirs  are  hitherto  known  only  through 
Catrou's  work.  But  recently  Mr.  Irvine,  late  of  the  Indian  Civil 
Service,  has  discovered  the  greater  part  of  these  memoirs  in  the  original 
in  two  or  three  libraries  in  Venice  and  Paris  :  and  is  at  present,  I 
learn,  engaged  in  editing  them  in  four  volumes  for  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment (Buckland,  Diet,,  Indian  Biography,  ).  He  has  given  a  brief 
account  of  his  interesting  discovery  before  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  in 
1903. 

Catrou  thus  gives  Manucci's  account  :  **  One  day  when  the  Mughal 
was  hunting  in  the  environs  of  Agra,  he  lost  sight  of  his  attendants, 
and  being  much  fatigued  sat  himself  down  at  the  foot  of  a  tree  which 
afforded  a  welcome  shade.  Whilst  he  was  trying  to  compose  himself 
to  sleep,  he  saw  approaching  him  one  of  those  long  caterpillars,  of 
a  flame  colour,  which  are  to  be  found  only  in  the  Indies.  He  pierced 
it  through  with  an  arrow,  which  he  drew  from  his  quiver.  A  little  time 
afterwards,  an  antelope  made  its  appearance,  within  bow  shot  The 
Emperor  took  aim  at  it,  with  the  same  arrow  witli  which  he  had 
pierced  the  caterpillar.  Notwithstanding  the  antelope  received  the 
shaft  in  a  part  of  its  body,  which  was  not  susceptible  of  a  mortal 
wound,  the  animal  instantaneously  expired.  The  hunters  of  the 
prince,  who  opened  the  beast,  found  the  flesh  black  and  corrupted,  and 
all  the  dogs  who  ate  of  it  died  immediately.  The  Emperor  knew  from 
this  circumstance,  the  extreme  venom  of  the  poison  of  the  caterpillar. 
He  commanded  one  of  the  oflicers  of  his  suite  to  get  it  conveyed  to  his 
palace.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  that  the  Emperor  created  the  oflice 
of  poisoner,  an  oflice  till  then  unknown  to  the  Mughal  Government 
By  the  instrumentality  of  this  new  oflicer,  Akbar  quietly  disposed  of 
the  nobles  and  the  Rajas  whom  he  believed  to  be  concerned  in  the 
conspiracy  of  Mustapha.  Poisoned  pills  were  compounded  for  him, 
which  he  obliged  them  to  take  in  his  presence.  The  p>oison  was  slow 
in  its  operation,  but  no  remedies  could  obviate  its  mortal  eflects.  This 
peroicious  invention  proved  fatal  to  its  author.  Akbar  carried  always 
about  him  a  gold  box,  which  was  divided  into  three  compartments. 
In  one  was  his  betel,  in  another  the  cordial  pills,  which  he  used  after  a 
repasty  and  in  the  thtrd  were  the  poisoned  pills.  One  day  it  happened 
that  he  took  inadvertently  one  ot  the  poisoned  pills  and  became  him- 
self a  victim  to  its  fatal  power.     He  immediately  felt  liimself  struck 


THE    DEATH    OF   AKBAR.  1 97 

with  death.  He,  in  vain,  made  trial  of  all  the  remedies  prescribed  for 
him  by  the  Portuguese  physicians.  His  illness  was  a  lingering  one, 
and  he  died  in  the  year  1605."  (History  of  Mughal  Dynasty^  pp.  133-4, 
ed.  1826.) 

It  is  evident  that  Catrou,  who  wrote  his  history  in  1715,  did  not  copy 
from  de  Laet  this  account  ;  but  that  bofh  took  from  a  common  source, 
the  one  which  they  avow,  the  Mughal  court  chronicle.     Their  accounts 
of  Akbar's  death  supplement  each  other.     Catrou  knew  of  de   Last's 
work,  which  he  thus  mentions  in  connection  with  the  very  source   we 
are  discussing  :    '*  I   had   no  reason  to  doubt  the  existence   in   the 
archives  of  the  Mughal  Empire,  of  an   exact  chronicle,   in  which   the 
principal  events  were  narrated  at  length.     It  is  from   memoirs   drawn 
from  the  chronicle,  that  Jean   Laet   has  composed   his   notice  of  the 
Mughal  States.     He  speaks  of  it  in   the   following  terms  :  Nos  frag- 
mentum  e   Belgico  quod   genuino  illius   Regni   Chronico  expressum 
credimus  libere  vertimus.  I  had,  moreover,  the  most  convincing  evidence 
attainable  in  such  matters,  of  the  veracity  of  the   Mughal   chronicle, 
of  which   I   possessed   a  translation  in  the   Portuguese  tongue.     M. 
Manucci  assures  us  that  he  has  caused  it  to  be  translated    with   great 
care  from  the  original   lodged  in   the  palace   written  in  the   Persian 
language.      The  Venetian  does   not  appear  to  have   been  sparing  of 
expense  that  he  might  be  enabled  to  transmit  to   Europe  exact  docu- 
ments of  the  Empire  in  which  he  resided.     He  has   procured   portraits 
to  be  painted  at  a  great  charge,  by  the  artists   of  the  harem,   of  the 
Emperors  and    the  eminent  men  of  the   Mughal     Empire."     It    is 
interesting  to  note  that  these   paintings  have  been  discovered   in  the 
Library  of  St.  Mark,  at  Venice,  by  Mr.  Irvine. 

So  much,  therefore,  about  the  authenticity  of  the  accounts  of 
de  Laet  and  of  Manucci  as  given  by  Catrou.  No  reasonable  doubt  can 
be  thrown  on  it  and  on  the  fact  that  they  are  based  in  the  chronicle 
of  the  Mughals  themselves.  The  Persian  writers  have  suppressed  its 
narrative  of  Akbar's  death,  as  they  justly  thought  it  to  be  very 
damaging  to  the  memory  of  that  great  monarch.  But  historical  truth 
demands  that  we  should  know  it,  however  much  we  may  regret  the 
necessity  of  bringing  it  into  notice.  All  the  accounts  of  Akbar's  death, 
as  Sir  R.  Lethbridge  says,  have  been  derived  either  from  the  narra- 
tive of  Jehangir  himself,  or  from  other  sources  almost  equally 
interested  in  maintaining  the  good  reputation  of  the  Imperial  family. 
{Calcutta  Review^  Vol.  LVII,  p.  200.)  Nearly  all  modern  accounts, 
(Elphinstone's,  p.  531),  Mr.  Keene's  (History  of  Hindustan^  p.  59, 
1885),  Malleson's  (Akhary  pp.  41-4,  1890),  Count  de  Noer's  (Vcl.  II, 
p.  425),  follow  Jehangir's  or  Asad   Beg's  story  we  have   given  at   the 


198  THE   DEATH    OF   AKBAR. 

beginning.  Only  Mr.  Talboys  Wheeler  rejects  it  and  follows  Catrou.  But 

not  having  seen  de  Last's  account  he  makes  the  mistake  of  supposing 

that  Jehangir  caused  him  to  be  poisoned.     Count  de  Noer  says  in  a  note 

(Vol.  II,  p.  425)  that  Mr.  Wheeler  should  not  have  given  credence  to 

the  poison  story.     But  beyond  saying  that  it  is    **  palpably  correct," 

which  it  certainly  is  not,  he  advances  no   ground   for  disbelieving  it. 

He,  indeed,  says  **  it  deserves   no  refutation."    It  stands,  indeed,  in 

great  need  of  refutation  if  it  can  be  refuted.     But  de  Noer  was  a   very 

enthusiastic  admirer  of  Akbar,   and   he  naturally  refuses  to   believe 

anything  derogatory  to  the  consistently  high  character  which  he  has 

imagined  for  his  hero      Moreover,    the   second  volume   of  his   work 

was    published    posthumously  from    his    papers    by    his    Secretary, 

Dr.  Gustav  ven  Buchwald,  and  we  must  make  allowance  for  this,  while 

finding  fault   with   his   beautiful   panegyric  rather  than   history.     An 

instance  of  the  want  of  care  in  this  part  of  the  work   is  afforded   by 

the  fact  that  Mr.  Wheeler's  authority  for  his  statement  is  not  Tod,  as 

is  said  in  de  Noer's  work,  but  Catrou.     Mr.  Wheeler  refers  to  Catrou 

in  the  passage  referred  to  in  the  second  volume  of  de  Noer. 

A  third  European  account  of  Akbar's  death  is  that  by  the  celebrated 
English  traveller.  Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  who  came  to  India  and  was 
at  Agra  in  1628-29.  ^^  wrote  at  almost  the  same  time  as  van  den 
Broecke,  with  whose  account  his  very  closely  agrees. 

•*  Ecbar  taking  distaste,"  says  Herbert,  **  against  Mirza  Ghashaw(the 
Viceroy  of  Tutta's  son,  and  formerly  high  in  his  favour)  for  speaking 
one  word  which  Ecbar  ill  interpreted,  no  submission  will  serve  his  turn, 
no  less  than  his  life  must  pay  for  it.  To  which  end  the  King's  physician 
was  directed  to  prepare  two  pills  of  like  shape,  but  contrary  operation  ,* 
G bashaw  must  be  trusted  with  them,  and  bring  them  to  Ecbar  ;  who 
(imagining  by  a  private  mark  he  knew  the  right)  bids  Ghashaw  swal- 
low the  other.  Ghashaw  ignorant  of  the  deceit,  by  chance  light  upon 
the  best,  so  as  Ecbar  by  mistake  was  poysoned.  Too  soon  the  miser- 
able Mogol  perceives  his  errour,  and  too  late  repents  his  choler  ;  but 
(for  shame  concealing  the  cause)  after  fourteen  days'  torment  and 
successless  trial  to  expel  the  poyson  yields  up  the  ghost,  in  the  73rd 
year  of  his  age,  and  52  of  his  reign  ;  and  with  all  possible  solemnity  in 
Tzekander  (three  course  from  Agray)  in  a  monument  which  he  had 
prepared,  that  great  Monarch  was  buried."  (Hebert,  Travels  into 
Africa  and  Asia  the  Great,  p.  75,  ed.  1665.) 

The  Mughal  court  chronicle's  account  of  Akbar*s  death,  as  given  by 
de  LaSt,  Mannuci,  Catrou  and  Herbert  receives  confirmation  from  an- 
other and  an  independent  source.  In  the  chronicles  of  Rajputs  it  is 
stated  that  Akbar  died  of  poison.  Akbar  came  into  great  and  constant  con- 


THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR.  I99 

tact  with  the  Rajputs  with  whose  great  ruling  families  he  allied  himself 
by  marriage.     They  certainly  ought  to  know  the  truth  about  his  death. 
Tod  thus   relates  the  story  in  his  chronicles  of  the  Rajputs  of  Mewar  : 
'*  If  the  annalist  of  the  Boondi  State  can  be  relied  upon,  the  very  act 
which  caused   Akbar's    death    will  make  us  pause  ere  we  subscribe  to 
these  testimonies  of  the  worth  of  departed  greatness  ;  and  disregarding 
the  adage  of  only  speaking  good  of  the  dead,  compel  us  to  institutCi 
in  imitation  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  a    posthumous    inquest  on   the 
character  of  the  monarch  of  the  Mughals.     The  Boondi    records  are 
well  worthy  of  belief,  as  diaries  of  events  were  kept    by    her  princes, 
who    were   of  the    first    importance    in     this    and    the     succeeding 
reigns  ;  and  they  may  be  more  likely  to  throw  a  light   upon  points  of 
character   of  a   tendency  to  disgrace  the  Mughal  king  than    the  histo- 
rians of  his  court,  who  had  every  reason  to  withhold  such.     A  desire  to 
be  rid  of  the  great  Raja  Man  of  Amber,  to  whom  he  was  so   much   in- 
debted, made  the  Emperor  descend  to  act  the  part  of  the  assassin.     He 
prepared  a  majoont,  or  confection,  a   part   of  which  contained  poison  ; 
but  caught  in  his  own  snare,  he  presented  the  innoxious  portion  to  the 
Rajput  and  ate  that  drugged  with  death  himself.     We  have  a  sufficient 
clue  to  the   motives  which  influenced  Akbar  to  a  deed  so  unworthy  of 
him,  and  which  was  more  fully  developed  in  the  reign  of  his  successor  ; 
namely,  a  design  on  the  part  of  Raja  Man  to  alter  the  succession,  and 
that  Khosro,  his  nephew,  should  succeed  instead  of  Selim.  With  such  a 
motive,  the  aged  Emperor  might  have  admitted  with  less   scruple   the 
advice  which  prompted  an  act  he  dared  not  openly  undertake,  without 
exposing  the  throne  in  his  latter  days  to  the  dangers   of  civil   conten- 
tion,   as    Raja    Man    was    too    powerful    to    be   openly  assaulted." 
{Rajasthatiy  Vol.  I,  p.  351 — 2  ed.  1829.) 

This  account  agrees  in  the  main  point  with  the  other  accounts  ;  but 
differs  in  the  details  as  to  the  person  who  was  to  be  poisoned  and  why. 
These  were  not  matters  of  fact  but  of  opinion,  and  opinions  may  vary. 
But  whether  Akbar  intended  to  poison  Raja  Man  Singh,  his  Rajput 
wife's  brother,  or  any  other  noble,  it  is  pretty  clear  that  he  unwittingly 
poisoned  himself.  This,  let  it  be  repeated  once  again,  is  a  very  melan- 
choly conclusion  to  which  to  come  to,  and  I  wish  I  could  avoid  coming 
to  it.  But  I  think  it  cannot  be  helped.  It  is  melancholy  to  reflect  that 
Akbar  after  all  did  not  escape  the  dangers  of  his  high  and  irresponsible 
position  as  an  unconstitutional  autocrat. 

About  the  exact  date  of  Akbar's  death  there  is  not  much  doubt  All 
who  chronicle  it  have  given  dates  which, /n^r^^,  agree  except  Jehan- 
gir,  who  puts  it  ten  days  later  ;  but  he  is  evidently  mistaken,  and  his 
dates  throughout  are  somewhat  confused.     Inayutulla,   in  the  work 


20O  THE   DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 

above  quoted,    '*  Takmila-i-Akbar   Nama,'*  gives  the  date  as  12th  of 
Jemada-i-Akhir  or  the  latter  Jemada  of  1014  of  the  Hijra  era.    Ferishta  • 
has  the   13th  of  the   same   month.     This  difference  of  a  day  does  not* 
matter  much.     Muhamad  Amin  in  his  "  Anfan-1-Akbar  "  gives  the  12th  • 
(Elliot,  VI,  248)  and  agrees  with  these.     Abdul  Baki  says  that  Akbar 
died  on  23rd  Jemada-i-Auwal  or  the  first  Jemada.     Here  **  Auwal  "  is  • 
evidently  a   mistake  for  **  Akhir."    The  year  10 14  commenced  on  9th 
May   1605    (Sewell   and    Dikhshit,   Indian   Calendar,     p.  CXXXIV, 
Table  XVI),   from   which  the  12th  Jemada-i-Akhir  would  be  12th  and 
13th  October  1605,  as  the  Musalmanday  commenced  at  sunset. 

The  duration  of  Akbar's  reign  was  from  Rabi-ul- Akhir,  963,  to. 
Jemad-i-Akhir  1014,  that  is,  51  years  and  2  months.  These  are  lunar 
years,  which  are  equal  to  49  solar  years  and  7  months.  According  to 
English  reckoning  he  reigned  from  March  1556  to  October  1605.  (Cf. 
Table  of  Akbar's  regnal  years  in  Elliot  and  Dowson,  Vol.  V,  p.  246  ; 
Sewell  and  Dikhshit,  op.  cit.  p.  CXXXIII.)  Akbar,  therefore,  missed 
his  Jubilee  of  half  a  century  by  only  5  months.  But  he  might  have*, 
celebrated  his  Jubilee  according  to  the  original  Jewish  or  Biblical 
reckoning,  and  I  believe  French  reckoning  too — at  the  commencement 
of  his  fiftieth  year, /.^.,  when  he  had  completed  his  seven  weeks  of 
years,  7x7=49.     (Leviticus,  XXV.  8.) 

Akbar  is  buried  at  Secundra,  a  village  five  miles  from  Agra  the 
capita]  that  he  had  built  and  so  lavishly  decorated,  in  one  of  the  most 
splendid  buildings  in  which  such  a  soul  could  love  to  linger  amid  the 
stately  piles  that  he  had  erected.  This  mausoleum,  this  '*  sculptured 
sorrow  "  as  Ruskin  well  called  such  structures,  was  designed  and  partly  • 
built  by  Akbar  himself.  But  it  was  left  incomplete  at  his  death  and 
never  finished  according  to  his  design.  Beautiful  as  it  is,  it  strikes 
the  practised  eye  as  imperfect  and  incomplete.  And  we  may  fancy,  it 
is  better  so.  It  symbolises  in  a  striking  manner  the  incompleteness 
of  his  work  for  India.  He  was  a  man  of  vast  designs  and  noble 
visions.  Many  of  these  he  lived  to  see  realised.  But  many,  too, 
remained  mere  designs.  They  were  never  carried  out  by  him  in  his 
later  years,  and  in  his  successors'  times  his  noble  visions  were  chased 
away.  Well  has  the  great  poet  of  England  represented  this  monarch 
as  dreaming  and  having  a  presentiment  that  his  noble  work  was  in- 
complete and  would  be  rendered  still  more  so  by  his  sons  and 
successors  : 

**  I  dream'd 
That  stone  by  stone  I  rear'd  a  sacred  fane, 
A  temple,  neither  Pagod,  Mosque,  nor  Church, 
But  loftier,  simpler,  always  open  door'd 


THE   DEATH    OF    AKBAR.  20I 

To  every  breath  from  heaven,  and  Truth  and  Peace, 
And  Love  and  Justice  came  and  dwelt  therein  ; 
But  while  we  stood  rejoicing:,  I  and  thou, 
I  heard  a  mocking-  laugh,  '  the  new  Koran  ! ' 
And  on  the  sudden,  and  with  a  cry  *  Saleem  ' 
Thou,  thou,  I  sav7  thee  falling  before  me,  and  then 
Me  too  the  black-winged  Azrael  overcame. 
But  Death  had  ears  and  eyes  ;  I  watch'd  my  son, 
And  those  that  follow' d,  loosen  stone  from  stone. 
All  my  fair  work.** 

His  son  tampered  with  the  design  of  this  inausoleuin  as  he  tampered 
with  so  many  of  his  father's  designs.  In  another  way  the  last  resting 
place  of  this  great  monarch  is  symbolical  of  him  and  his  work.  Its  de- 
sign is  Hindu,  rather  Buddistic,  and  not  Mahomedan.  He  seems  to 
have  purposely  done  this  to  mark  his  predilection  for  by  far  the  larger 
proportion  of  his  subjects.  Everything  Hindu  had  a  great  attraction 
for  him  ;  he  allied  himself  with  Hindu  princely  families  by  marrying 
Rajput  wives  and  encouraged  his  nobles  to  do  likewise  ;  he  adopted 
many  of  the  Hindu  customs,  and  almost  totally  abstained  from  the 
flesh  of  the  cow  and  other  such  animals  ;  he  borrowed  also  much  from 
their  religion  in  his  new  **  Ileshi  Faith."  In  fact,  he  was  more  a 
Hindu  than  a  Mahomedan.  The  Hindus  believe  Akbar  to  have  been 
in  a  former  birth  a  Brahman  saint  ( Vide  Sir  M.  Monier  Williams' 
Brahmanism  and  Hinduism^  p.  318,  ed.  1891.)  It  was  therefore  in  the 
fitness  of  things  that  his  mortal  remains  should  rest  (on  this  earth) 
in  a  building  designed  after  the  old  Hindu  model,  more  like  one  of 
those  Buddist  viharas  than  any  Mahomedan  mausoleum.  Then  also 
in  death,  as  in  life,  he  showed  his  disregard  for  the  precepts  of  the 
faith  of  his  fathers,  and  ordered  his  body  to  be  buried  with  his  face 
turned  towards  the  rising  sun,  which  he  adored  in  life,  following  the 
Hindus  and  Parsis  in  this  respect,  and  turned  away  from  Mecca, — a 
position  contrary  to  that  of  all  Mahomedans. 

The  historian  of  Indian  architecture,  Fergusson,  has  well  described 
this  noble  building  in  a  way  to  give  us  an  idea  of  its  excellence  as  well 
as  defects  : — 


<< 


Perhaps  the  most  characteristic  of  Akbar's  buildings  is  the  tomb 
he  commenced  to  erect  for  himself  at  Secundra,  near  Agra,  which  is 
quite  unlike  any  other  tomb  built  in  India  either  before  or  since,  and 
of  a  design  borrowed,  as  I  believe,  from  a  Hindu  or,  more  correctly, 
Buddist  model.  It  stands  in  an  extensive  garden,  still  kept  up, 
approached  by  one  noble  gateway.  In  the  centre  of  this  garden,  on  a 
raised  platform,  stands  the  tomb  itself,  of  a  pyramidal  form.  The 
lower  storey  measures  320  ft.  each  way,  exclusive  of  the  angle  towers. 


202  THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR 

It  IS  30  ft.  in  height,  and  pierced  by  ten  great  arches  on  each  face, 
and  with  a  larger  entrance  adorned  with  a  mosaic  of  marble  in  the 
centre. 

"  On  this  terrace  stands  another  far  more  ornate,  measuring  186  ft. 
on  each  side,  and  14  ft.  9  in.  in  height.  A  third  and  a  fourth  of  a 
similar  design,  and  respectively  15  ft.  2  in.  and  14  ft.  6  in.  high,  stand 
on  this,  all  these  being  of  red  sandstone.  Within  and  above  the  last 
is  a  white  marble  enclosure  157  ft.  each  way,  or  externally  just  half 
the  length  of  the  lowest  terrace,  its  outer  wall  entirely  composed  of 
marble  trellis-work  of  the  most  beautiful  pattern.  Inside  it  is  sur- 
rounded by  a  colonnade  or  cloister  of  the  same  material,  in  the  centre 
of  which,  on  a  raised  platform,  is  the  tombstone  of  the  founder,  a 
splendid  piece  of  the  most  beautiful  arabesque  tracery.  This,  how- 
ever, is  not  the  true  burial-place  ;  but  the  mortal  remains  of  this  great 
king  repose  under  a  far  plainer  tombstone  in  a  vaulted  chamber  in  the 
basement  35  ft.  square,  exactly  under  the  simulated  tomb  that  adorns 
the  summit  of  the  mausoleum. 

**  At  first  sight  it  might  appear  that  the  design  of  this  curious  and 
exceptional  tomb  was  either  a  caprice  of  the  monarch  who  built  it,  or 
an  importation  from  abroad.  My  impression,  on  the  contrary,  is  that 
it  is  a  direct  imitation  of  some  such  building  as  the  old  Buddist  viharas 
which  may  have  existed,  applied  to  other  purposes  in  Akbar's  time. 
Turning  to  the  representations  of  the  great  rath  at  Mahavellipore,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  number  and  proportion  of  the  storeys  is  the  same. 
The  pavilions  that  adorn  the  upper  storeys  of  Akbar's  tomb  appear 
distinct  reminiscences  of  the  cells  that  stand  on  the  edge  of  each  of  the 
rock-cut  example.  If  the  tomb  had  been  crowned  by  a  domical  cham- 
ber over  the  tombstone,  the  likeness  would  have  been  so  great  that 
no  one  could  mistake  it,  and  my  conviction  is,  that  such  a  chamber 
was  part  of  the  original  design.  No  such  royal  tomb  remains  open 
exposed  to  the  air  in  any  Indian  mausoleum  ;  and  the  raised  plat- 
form in  the  centre  of  the  upper  cloister,  38  ft.  square,  looks  so  like 
its  foundation  that  I  cannot  help  believing  it  was  intended  for  that 
purpose.  As  the  monument  now  stands,  the  pyramid  has  a  truncated 
and  unmeaning  aspect.  The  total  height  of  the  building  now  is  a  little 
more  than  100  ft.  to  the  top  of  the  angle  pavilions  ;  and  a  central 
dome  30  or  40  ft.  higher,  which  is  the  proportion  that  the  base  gives, 
seems  just  what  is  wanted  to  make  this  tomb  as  beautiful  in  outline 
and  in  proportion  as  it  is  in  detail.  Had  it  been  so  completed,  it  cer- 
tainly would  have  ranked  next  the  Taj  among   Indian  mausolea.)*' 

(Fergusson.  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture,  pp.  583 — ^51  ed.  1816.) 


THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR.  20^ 

To  support  his  theory  that  this  noble  structure  is  unfinished  and  that 
it  lacks  the  central  dome,  which  must  have  been  a  feature  of  the 
original  design,  Fergusson  quotes  from. the  English  traveller  Finch, 
whose  journal,  as  given  by  Purchas  in  his  famous  collection,  he  says 
he  saw  after  he  had  formed  his  theory.  Finch  resided  for  several  years 
in  Agra  at  the  beginning  of  Jehangir*s  reign  and  saw  the  mausoleum 
while  it  was  building,  about  1609.  "At  my  last  sight  thereof  there 
was  only  overhead  a  rich  tent  with  a  semiane  over  the  tomb.  But  it 
is  to  be  inarched  over  with  the  most  curious  white  and  speckled  marble 
and  to  be  seeled  all  within  with  pure  sheet  gold  richly  inwrought." 
(Purchas,  his  Pilgrims,  Vol.  I,  p.  400,  ed.  1626.)  There  is  another 
account  contemporary  with  the  above,  and  written  also  by  an  English 
traveller  who  saw  this  mausoleum  in  course  of  erection,  which  Fergus- 
son  might  have  quoted,  as  it  is  also  given  in  Purchas*  collection. 

Fergusson  might  have  quoted  the  testimony  of  another  traveller  who 
was  in  India  at  the  end  of  Jehangir*s  and  the  beginning  of  Shah 
Jehan's  reign,  1627—28,  Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  who,  too,  says  that  the 
mausoleum  was  not  completed  even  more  than  twenty  years  after 
Akbar's  death.  '*  At  Secundra,  three  course  (or  five  miles)  from  Agra, 
as  we  go  to  Labor,  is  the  mausoleum  or  burial  place  of  the  Great 
Moguls,  the  foundation  of  which  was  begun  by  Ecbar,  the  super- 
structure continued  by  Jangheer,  his  son,  and  is  yet  scarce  finished, 
albeit  they  have  already  consumed  14  millions  of  roopees  in  that 
Wonder  of  India."— Travels  into  Africa  and  Asia  the  Great,  p.  67,  ed. 
1665). 

Herbert  continues  his  account  ax  follows  : — "  It  well  merits  a  little  more  in  that  descr  ption. 
It  is  called  Scander,  }>.,  Alexander,  a  place  where  the  greatest  of  Grecian  Kings  made  his 
He  plus  when  he  made  his  utmost  progress  or  march  into  India ;  ivhich  place  Ecbar,  the  most 
magnifique  Prince  of  Tamerlane's  race,  selected  as  the  noblest  place  of  burial.  'Tis  a 
mausoleum  of  four  large  squares,  each  side  has  about  three  hundred  paces ;  the  material  is 
free-stone  well  polished  ;  at  each  angle  is  raised  a  small  tower  of  party-coloured  or  chequered 
marble:  ten  foot  higher  than  that  is  another  tower,  on  every  side  beautified  with  three 
towers ;  the  third  gallery  has  two  on  each  side  ;  the  fourth}  one  ;  the  fifth,  half;  and  a  small 
square  gallery  or  tarrass  about  mounting  in  the  whole  to  a  royal  Pyree,  resembling  not  a 
little  that  famous  ScHizonium  Se^yeri  Imfer  in  ancient  Rome  which  you  have  represented  in 
sculpture  by  Laurus,  or  (but  in  far  less  proportion)  that  famous  tower  which  Semiramis  built 
in  Babylon)  and  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Jupiter  Belus,  her  husband's  great  Ancestor. 
In  this  at  the  very  top  within  is  the  mummy  of  Ecbar,  bedded  in  a  coffin  of  gold.  The  whole 
structure  is  built  in  the  midst  of  a  spacious  garden,  which  is  surrounded  with  a  wall  of  red* 
coloured  stone,  and  in  that  is  a  rail  mounted  by  six  stairs,  which  discovers  a  little  garden, 
but  exquisitely  beautiful  and  delightful ;  so  that  ot  this  noble  fabric  I  may  say, 

^^des  es*,  qualis  ioto  Sol  aureus  OrbeiVix  videt  — 

Such  a  monument) 
The  Sun  through  all  the  world  sees  none  more  gent/* 

(Herbert)  Travels,  p.  67,  ed.  1665.)  The  name  Secundra  is  derived  not,  as  here  fancifully 
suggested)  from  Secunder  or  Alexander  the  Great)  but  from  Secunder  Lodi,  the  great  Afghan 
ruler  of  India  from  1489 — 1517. 


204  THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 

Captain  William  Hawkins  also  saw  the  tomb  of  Akbar  before  com- 
pletion, while  he  was  at  Agra  in  1611.  His  journey  thither  and  resi- 
dence at  the  court  of  Jehangir  may  be  looked  upon,  says  Sir  Clement 
Markham,  as  the  opening  scene  in  the  history  of  the  English  in  India. 
(Hawkins'  Voyages,  p.  xlv,  Hakluyt  Soc.  Edition).  Hawkins,  it  may 
be  added,  was  induced  by  Jehangir  to  marry  the  daughter  of  Mabarik 
Khan,  an  Armenian  who  went  to  England  and  died  on  his  voyage 
home  at  the  Cape  in  16 13.  His  description,  given  by  Purchas  in  1626 
in  his  **  Pilgrims,"  is  as  follows: — **  After  I  had  written  this,  there 
came  into  my  memory  another  Feast»  solemnized  at  his  Father's 
Funerall,  which  is  kept  at  his  Sepulchre,  where  likewise  himselfe  with 
all  his  posterity,  meane  to  be  buried.  Upon  this  day  there  is  great 
store  of  victualls  dressed,  and  much  money  given  to  the  poore.  This 
Sepulchre  may  be  counted  one  of  the  rarest  Monuments  of  the  world. 
It  hath  beene  this  fourteene  yeares  a  building,  and  it  is  thought  it 
will  not  be  finished  these  seven  yeares  more,  in  ending  gates  and  walls, 
and  other  needfull  things  for  the  beautifying  and  setting  of  it  forth. 
The  least  that  worke  there  daily,  are  three  thousand  people  ;  but  thus 
much  I  will  say,  that  one  of  our  workmen  will  dispatch  more  than 
three  of  them.  The  Sepulchre  is  some  J  of  a  mile  about,  made  square  ; 
it  hath  seven  heights  built,  every  height  narrower  than  the  other,  till 
you  come  to  the  top  where  his  Herse  is.  At  the  outermost  gate  before 
you  come  to  the  Sepulchre,  there  is  a  most  stately  Palace  building : 
the  compasse  of  the  wall  to  this  gate  of  the  Sepulchre  and 

garding,  being  within,  may  be  at  least  three  miles.  This  Sepulchre 
is  some  foure  miles  distant  from  the  citee  of  Agra."  {Apiid 
Hawkins'  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Society's  ed.,  1878,  p.  442.) 

In  this  extract  from  William  Hawkins  s^iven  by  Purch.is  there  is  also  just  a  reference  to 
Akbar's  death  without  any  details.  "ThisSelim  Padasha  being  in  rebellion,  his  father  dis- 
possessed him,  and  proclaimed  haireapparenbhis  eldest  Sonne  Cossero  (Khosru),  being  eldest 
Sonne  to  Sehinshai  for  his  owne  Sonnes,  younger  Brothers  to  Selim,  we^^e  all  dead  in  Decan 
and  Guzerat ;  yet  shortly  after  his  Father  dyed,  who  in  his  death-bed  had  mercy  on  Selim* 
possessing  him  againe*"  (^Ibid,  p.  418.)  Another  European  traveller  who  was  in  India  within 
three  years  after  Akbar's  death,  in  lbo8,  at  the  same  time  as  William  Hawkins,  to  whom  he 
refers,  Pyrard  de  Leval,  also  slightly  alludes  to  the  death  in  the  following  passage  in  his  book 
of  travels :  "  When  this  prince  Achebar  died  all  India  was  in  disquietude  and  alarm,  for  the 
war  that  was  feared  would  ensue  in  those  parts  ;  for  that  king  was  greatly  dreaded  and  feared 
of  all  the  other  Indian  kings.  And  it  can  be  said  with  assurance  that  he  is  lord  of  the  fairest 
and  best  countries  and  of  the  most  valiant  people  in  the  world  as  the  Tartars  are«  Many  of 
his  people,  too,  are  exceedingly  rich  and  cultivated.  None  speak  of  the  Turk  in  all  the 
Indies,  but  only  of  the  great  Achebar ;  and  when  his  subject-kings  themselves  speak  of  him, 
they  bow  their  heads  in  token  of  respect."  (Voyage  of  Pyrard  de  Leval,  Vol.  II.,  pt.  I., 
pp.  tst-h  Hakluyt  Soc,  ed.) 

Shortly  after  William  Hawkins  and  Finch  had  written  their  accounts^ 
Edward  Terry,  who  came  as  a  chaplain  in  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  train  to 


THE    DEATH    OF    AKBAR.  205 

the  Moghul  Court,  thus  described  the  tomb.     Though  published  in 
1655,  his  account  was  written  somewhat  earlier  : 

**  Amongst  many  very  fair  piles  there  dedicated  to  the  remembrance 
of  their  dead,  the  most  famous  one  is  at  Secundra,  a  village  three 
miles  from  Agra  ;  it  was  begun  by  Achabar-sha,  the  late  Mogul's 
father  (who  there  lies  buried),  and  finished  by  his  son,  who  since  was 
,  laid  up  beside  him.  The  materials  of  that  most  stately  sepulchre  are 
marble  of  divers  colours,  the  stones  so  closely  cemented  together  that 
it  appears  to  be  but  one  continued  stone,  built  high  like  a  pyramid, 
with  many  curiosities  about  it,  and  a  fair  mosque  by  it ;  the  garden 
wherein  it  stands  is  very  large  (as  before)  and  compassed  about  with  a 
wall  of  marble.  This  most  sumptuous  pile  of  all  the  structures  that 
vast  monarchy  affords,  is  most  admired  by  strangers.  Tom  Coryct 
had  a  most  exact  view  thereof,  and  so  have  many  Englishmen  ;  other 
Englishmen  had  ;  all  which  have  spoken  very  great  things  of  it.'* 
(^A  Voyage  to  the  East  Indies t  p.  291-2,  ed.  1777.) 

The  following  passage  in  Jehangir's  Autobiographical  Memoirs 
alludes  to  the  fact  that  the  builders  had  altered  the  original  design. 
Writing  about  the  events  of  the  third  year  of  his  reign  (1608)  he 
says  :  **  When  I  had  obtained  the  good  fortune  of  visiting  the  tomb, 
and  had  examined  the  building  which  was  erected  over  it,  I  did  not 
5nd  it  to  my  liking.  My  intention  was  that  it  should  be  so  exquisite 
that  the  travellers  of  the  world  could  not  say  they  had  seen  one  like  it 
in  any  part  of  the  inhabited  earth.  While  the  work  was  in  progress, 
in  consequence  of  the  rebellious  conduct  of  the  unfortunate  Khosru, 
I  was  obliged  to  march  towards  Lahore.  The  builders  had  built  it 
according  to  their  own  taste,  and  had  altered  the  original  design 
at  their  discretion.  The  whole  money  had  been  thus  expended, 
and  the  work  had  occupied  three  or  four  years.  I  ordered  that 
clever  architects,  acting  in  concert  with  some  intelligent  persons, 
should  pull  down  the  objectionable  parts  which  I  pointed  out. 
By  degrees  a  very  large  and  magnificent  building  was  raised,  with  a 
nice  garden  round  it,  entered  by  a  lofty  gate,  consisting  of  minarets 
made  of  white  stone.  The  total  expense  of  this  large  building  was 
reported  to  amount  to  50,000  tomans  of  Irak  and  forty-five  lacs 
cf  khanis  of  Turan. "  (  Wakiyat-i-Jehangirif  apud  Elliot  and  Douson, 
VoL  VI.,  pp.  319-20.) 

Later  in  these  Memoirs  he  again  mentions  the  comb  in  the  following 
words  : — '*  I  considered  it  a  sacred  duty  to  visit  the  tomb  of  my  father 
at  Secundra,  ov^r  which  the  buildings  I  had  long  since  ordered  had 
been  now  completed,  and,  in  truth,  it  exhibited  to  the  view  in  all  its 
parts  an  object  of  infinite  gratification  and  delight.     In  the  first  place,  it 


2o6  THE   DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 

was  surrounded  by  an  enclosure  or  colonnade,  which  afforded  stand- 
ing for  8,000  elephants  and  a  proportion  of  horses,  the  whole  being 
built  on  arches,  and  divided  into  chambers.  The  principal  gate  by 
which  you  enter  is  thirty  cubits  wide,  by  as  many  in  height,  with  a 
tower  erected  on  four  lofty  arches,  terminating  in  a  circular  dome  ;  the 
whole  one  hundred  and  twenty  cubits  high,  divided  into  six  storeys, 
and  decorated  and  inlaid  with  gold  and  lapis  lazuli  from  roof  to  base- 
ment. This  superb  portico,  as  it  may  be  called,  has  also  on  each  of 
its  four  sides  (angles,  properly)  a  minaret  of  hewn  stone  three  storeys 
or  stages  in  height.  From  the  entrance  to  the  building  in  which  re- 
poses all  that  is  earthly  of  my  royal  father,  is  a  distance  of  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  parsany,  the  approach  being  under  a  colonnade  floored 
with  red  stone  finely  polished,  five  cubits  wide.  On  each  side  of  the 
colonnade  in  a  garden  planted  with  cypresses,  are  wild  pine,  plane  and 
supary  trees  (the  betel-nut  tree  or  arek)  in  great  number  ;  and  in  the 
gardens  on  each  side,  and  at  the  distance  of  a  bow  shot  from  each 
other,  are  reservoirs  of  water,  from  each  of  which  issues  a  fountain  or 
jet  d*eau,  rising  to  the  height  of  ten  cubits,  so  that  from  the  grand 
entrance  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  shrine  we  pass  between 
twenty  of  these  fountains.  Above  the  tomb  itself  is  erected  a  pavilion 
of  seven  storeys,  gradually  lessening  to  the  top,  and  the  seventh 
terminating  in  a  dome  or  cupola,  which,  together  with  the  other 
buildings  connected  with  it  in  ever}'  part  oi  the  enclosure,  is  all  of 
poiisheu  marbte  throughout ;  and  all  completed,  from  6rst  to  last,  at 
the  expense  of  180  lakhs  of  rupees.  In  addition  to  this  I  nave  provided 
tliat  a  supply  of  two  hundred  measures  or  services  of  food  and  two 
hundred  of  confectionery  should  be  daily  distributed  to  the  poor  from  the 
sacred  edifice,  and  that  no  strangers  should  ever  be  required  to  dress 
their  own  meals,  though  their  number  should  amount  to  a  thousand 
horse.  When  I  entered  on  this  occasion  the  fa'  1  ic  which  enclosed 
my  father's  remains,  such  were  my  impressions  th  t  I  could  have 
;=.  iVmed  the  departed  monarch  was  still  alive,  and  seated  on  his  throne, 
and  that  I  was  come  to  ofiTer  my  usual  salutation  of  homage  and  filial 
duty.  I  prostrated  myself,  however,  at  the  foot  of  the  tomb,  and 
bathed  it  with  the  tears  of  regret  and  sincerity.  On  leaving  the 
venerated  spot,  and  in  propitiation  of  the  pure  spirit  which  reposed  there, 
I  distributed  the  sum  of  50,000  rupees  among  tlie  resident  poor." 
{Wakiyat*%'Jchangir%^  pp.  119-20,) 

The  final  passage  militates  against  Mr.  Wheeler's  theory  that 
Jchangir  had  his  father  poisoned  by  Uie  ph3'sician  Haktn  All.  For  if 
he  had  really  been  instrumental  in  bringing  about  his  fath3r'5  dcatli, 
he  would  assuredly  not  have  written  tlius.  Elsewhere,  too,  he  writ3s 
with  profound  reverence  for  his  deceased  father.    At  the  commence- 


THE    DEATH    OF   AKBAR.  207 

ment  of  the  account  of  the  third  year  of  his  reign  he  says  :  **  As 
the  magnificent  sepulchre  of  my  father  was  on  the  road,  I  thoug^ht 
that  if  I  now  went  to  see  it,  ignorant  people  would  consider  that  I 
went  to  visit  it  only  because  it  was  on  my  road.  I,  therefore,  deter- 
mined that  I  should  proceed  direct  to  the  city  (Agra),  and  then  as  my 
father,  in  accordance  with  his  vow  respecting  my  birth,  had  gone  on 
foot  from  Agra  to  Ajmir,  in  the  same  manner  I  would  also  walk  from 
the  city  to  his  splendid  sepulchre,  a  distance  of  two  and-a-half  kos. 
Would  that  I  could  have  gone  this  distance  upon  my  head  !  .  .  . 
On  Thursday,  the  17th,  I  went  on  foot  to  see  the  resplendent  sepulchre 
of  my  father.  If  I  could  I  would  travel  this  distance  upon  my 
eyelashes  or  my  head.  My  father,  when  he  made  a  vow  respect- 
ing my  birth,  had  gone  on  foot  from  Fathpur  to  Ajmir  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  the  great  Khwaja  Murim  Din  Chisti,  a 
space  of  120  JeoSf  and  it  would,  therefore,  be  nothing  very  great  if 
I  were  to  go  this  short  distance  upon  my  head  or  eyes"  (apud  Elliot 
and  Douson,  Vol.  VI.,  pp.316 — 319).  Jehangir,  if  he  were  really  a 
parricide,  must  have  been  dowered  with  incredible  hypocrisy  to  write 
in  this  Pecksniflian  vein.  Many  faults  and  even  crimes  must,  doubt- 
less, be  laid  to  his  charge  ;  but  we  cannot  add  this  the  most  repulsive 
of  offences  to  the  catalogue. 

Bishop  Heber's  description  of  this  mausoleum,  based  upon  a  visit 
which  he  paid  to  it  during  his  tour  in  **  Upper  India  "  as  he  calls  it, 
in  1826,  is  often  quoted,  and  is  given  here  in  a  note.  But,  in  truth, 
to  describe  this  as  well  as  other  monuments  of  the  magnificent 
Moghuls  at  Delhi  and  Agra,  Fathcpur,  Sikhri  and  Secundra,  worthily, 
would  tax  the  genius  of  a  master  of  language  as  well  as  of  archi- 
tecture, of  a  prose  poet  like  Ruskin.  I  often  wonder,  indeed,  that  that 
great  man  never  came  to  India  considering  that  his  earliest  inspira- 
tion was  drawn  from  this  country  and  the  ancient  monuments  which 
are  in  our  close  vicinity,  as  witnessed  by  his  youtiiful  poem  on  the  Ele- 
phanta  Caves.  Had  he  come  here,  he  would  have  found  in  these 
Moghul  buildings  materials  for  a  work  on,  say,  the  **  Stones  of 
Agra,"  in  every  way  as  interesting  and  abounding  in  word-pictures 
as  his  **  Stones  of  Venice." 

Hcber  writes  under  date  January  £i,  183$:  **  This  morning  we  arrived  at  Secundra}  a  ruinous 
rillage  without  a  bazaar,  but  remarkatic  for  the  magnificent  tomb  of  Akbar,  the  most 
Rplcndid  building  in  its  way  which  1  had  yet  seen  in  India.  It  stacd;?  in  a  square  area  of  about 
forty  English  acres,  enclosed  by  an  embattled  wall,  with  octagonal  tov^ers  at  the  angles  sur- 
mounted by  open  pavilions  and  tour  very  noble  gatewajs  of  red  granite,  the  principal  of 
which  is  inlaid  with  white  marble,  and  has  four  high  marble  minarctj.  The  space  within  is 
planted  with  trees  and  divided  into  green  allcyM,  leading  to  the  central  building,  which  is  a 
•Oft  of  solid  pyramid  surrounded  externally  with  cloisters,  gallerie««,  and  denies,  diminishing 
gradually  on  ascending  it,  till  it  ends  in  a  square  platform  •f  while  marble,  sturroundttd  h\ 


2o8  THE   DEATH    OF    AKBAR. 

most  elaborate  lattice-work  of  the  same  material,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a  small  altar  tomb, 
also  ot  white  marble,  carved  with  a  delicacy  and  beauty  which  do  full  justice  to  the  material 
aiid  to  the  (graceful  forms  of  Arabic  characters  which  form  its  chief  ornament.  At  the 
bottom  of  the  building,  in  a  small  but  very  lofty  vault,  is  the  real  tomb  of  this  great  monarch, 
plain  and  unadorned,  but  also  of  white  marble.  There  are  many  other  ruins  in  the  vicinity, 
some  of  them  apparently  handsome,  but  Akbar's  tomb  leaves  a  stranger  little  time  or  indina- 
tion  to  look  at  anything  else.  Government  have  granted  money  for  the  repair  of  the  tomb, 
and  an  officer  of  engineers  is  employed  on  it.  A  serjeant  of  artillery  is  kept  in  the  place, 
who  lives  in  one  of  the  gateways  ;  his  business  is  to  superintend  a  plantation  of  sissoo  trees 
made  by  Dr.  Wallich." — Heber,  Narrativei  Vol.  I.,  pp.  585-6,  4th  ed.,  i8a8. 

Elphinstone  has  noted  that  this  splendid  pile  served  as  quarters  for 
an  European  regiment  of  dragoons  for  a  year  or  two  after  the  first 
conquest  of  that  territory  by  the  British  (History  of  India,  p.  531,  &c.) 
in  1803.  It  lay  neglected  for  a  long  time,  the  only  attention  it  received 
being  the  white-washing  of  its  marble  walls  !  (Howell,  Agra  and  the 
Taj,  1904,  p.  96.)  But  Lord  Curzon's  recent  orders  are  applicable  to 
this  in  common  with  other  Moghul  buildings,  and  sincerely  do  we 
hope  that  better  care  will  be  taken  in  future  of  this  the  last  rest- 
ing place  of  the  Greatest  Moghul. 


"I  ; 


Art.   XV.     The  first  Englishman   tn   India  and  his 
WorkSy  especially  his  Christian  Puran. 

By  J.  A.  Saldanha,  B.A.,  LL.B* 
ReiMd  ist  October  igo6. 

The  earliest  record  we  have  of  an  Englishman  having  visited 
India  is  contained  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (a),  and  the  next  in 
William  of  Malmeshury's  Latin  Works  De  Gestis  Refrum  Anglo- 
rum  (3)  and  De  Gestis  Pontificum  Anglorum  (3),  according  to  which 
it  appears  that  Sighelmus,  Bishop  of  Sherborne,  being  sent  by  King 
Alfred  in  883  A.  D.  with  presents  to  the  Pope,  proceeded  thence  to  the 
East  Indies  to  visit  with  alms  the  tomb  of  St.  Thomas,  the  Apostle. 
Although  after  reading  the  recent  erudite  work  (c)  of  Bishop  Medlycott 
on  the  question  of  location  of  the  tomb  of  St.  Thomas,  one  could  see 
litde  ground  for  doubting  the  ancient  tradition  locating  it  at  Meliapur 
near  Madras,  we  cannot,  in  the  face  of  some  strong  arguments 
adduced  to  prove  the  contrary  by  a  few  distinguished  writers  (d),  go 
so  far  as  to  maintain  as  a  fact  beyond  doubt  that  the  tomb  of  St. 
Thomas  was  as  early  as  883  A.D.  known  in  Europe  to  be  located 
within  what  is  known  at  present  as  India,  and  that  therefore  Sighel- 
mus,  King  Alfred's  messenger,  ever  visited  India. 

The  first  Englishman  then  that  we  can  with  certainty  assert  to  have 
come  to  India  was  Thomas  Stephens,  a  priest  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 
He  was  discovered  in  Goa  in  1583  by  the  first  batch  of  English  com- 
mercial adventurers  that  travelled  to  India — John  Newbery,  Ralph 
Fitch,  William  Bets  and  James  Story,  who  were  thrown  into  prison 
by  the  Portuguese  in  that  year  and  were  released  after  a  few  days, 
a  favour  which  Newbery  and  Fitch  in  the  accounts  {e)  of  their  adven- 
tures attribute  in  grateful  terms  to  the  intervention  of  two  good 

(o)    TTie  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  according  to  several  Original  Auikorities,  edited  with 
a  translation  by  Benjamin  Thorpe.    (See  Vol.  II.,  p.  56). 
(6)   Hakluyt's  Collection  of  Early  Voyages^  &»c„  (i8Xo),  Vol.  II.,  p.  ?8. 
(0  Itulia  and  the  Afo&tle  Thomas  by  A.  E.  Medlycott. 
(<0  The  Syrian  Church  in  India  by  George  Milne  Rae  (iHpa). 

(r)  Hakluyt's    Collection  of  Early  Voyages^  &»c.  (iSxo),  Vol.  II.,  pp.  176,  380.  ^i,  384. 
M 


aiO  THE   FIRST   ENOUSHMAN   IN   INDIA. 

fathers,  Thomas  Stephens,  whom  they  describe  to  be  an  Englishman 
and  a  Jesuit  bom  in  Wiltshire,  and  a  Fleming  priest  called  Mark. 

Of  the  several  letters  written  by  Stephens  from  Goa  only  two  are 
preserved  and  give  us  some  glimpse  into  his  life  after  he  had  left 
Europe  :  one  written  to  his  father  on  loth  November  1579  after  his 
arrival  in  Goa,  the  original  of  which  is  preserved  in  the  National 
Library  at  Brussels  and  is  printed  in  the  Hakluyt's  Collection  of  the 
Early  Voyages ,  &'c,f  (/)  and  the  second  one  dated  at  Goa  24th  Octo- 
ber 1583  addressed  to  his  brother  in  Paris,  a  translation  of  which  is 
printed  in  the  Afangalore  Maj^azine  (jg).  The  letters  which  Stephens 
wrote  to  his  father,  apparently  then  a  leading  merchant  in  London,  are 
s^d  to  have  roused  considerable  enthusiasm  (A)  in  England  about  the 
prospects  of  trade  with  the  East  Indies,  and  thus  was  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  those  ambitious  projects  of  trade  with  India  which  bore  their 
fruit  in  the  formation  of  the  East  India  Company.  Stephens  may 
therefore  be  said  to  be  not  only  the  first  Englishman  that  came  to 
India,  but  the  pioneer  of  the  British  Indian  Empire;  though  it  must 
be  noted  that  the  'links  of  connection  between  England  and  India 
forged  by  this  first  Englishman  that  set  his  foot  in  this  country 
were  not  commercial,  or  material,  but  were  of  a  spiritual  and  literary 
nature. 

The  life  story  (t)  of  Thomas  Stephens  is  briefly  told  :  so  little  is 
known  of  it,  a  privilege  which  he  shares  with  his  great  contemporary 
Shakespeare.  Bom  in  Wiltshire  about  the  year  1549  and  educated 
at  New  College,  Oxford,  he  narrowly  escaped  being  sent  to  a 
life-long  prison  or  put  to  death,  as  were  many  of  his  companions 
during  the  religious  persecution  of  the  Catholics.  He  soon  found 
his  way  to  Rome,  where  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.  His  zeal  for 
the  conversion  of  India  was  rewarded  by  his  selection  as  a  missionary 
to  proceed  to  Goa.  He  left  Lisbon  in  April  1579  and  arrired  at  Goa  in 
October  of  the  same  year.  He  laboured  for  40  long  years  in  the  penin- 
sula of  Salsette  and  consolidated  Christianity  among  its  new  converts 
from  the  Brahman  and  other  castes.  He  made  himself  quite  at  home 
amidst  the  charming  cocoanut  gloves  and  among  the  intelligent  and 
zealous  converts,  obtained  a  complete  mastery  over  their  classical  langu- 

(/)  md.  p.  sgt. 

({)    Mmmgmiotng  Mmgmaime,  VoL  I.,  p.  225. 

(A)   R'fmrt  9m  ffa-  OU  Records  of  ike  fndim  Office,  by  Sir  George  Birdwood  (1S91X 
p.  19^.    See  also  Bmythprnim  Brmmmiem  (9th  editi.Mi).  VoL  XII*  p.  '98. 

(0    Hakluyt's   CWZcvTim  of   ^oymga,    ^Fc^  <  Sto).  Vol.    lU    p.  380    (margiiuU  noteX 
Dodds*  CAnrdb  Bisitfry,  VoL  II..  p.  133.    Sir  Mooer  VorrfwWilKain's  article  **  Pacts  ol 
la^an  Progrreas'*  in  Cmittimpnrmwy  Reviem  (VoL        \  Mrnn^^twr  it^BWiK,  VoL  1..  pp.  70. 
i<6k  191  and  ta4- 


THE  FIRST  ENGLISHMAN   IN   INDIA.  211 

i  1  i 

age  Sanskrit  and  their  vernaculars,  and  composed  several  works  in  the 
vernaculars  and  in  Portuguese  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indian  Christians 
and  missionaries.  He  died  at  a  ripe  old  age  at  Rachol  in  Goa 
honoured  by  all  as  a  saint,  a  poet  and  a  great  pandit.  No  monument 
marks  his  grave.  The  careful  researches  and  enquiries  made  by  my- 
self and  my  friends  have  not  succeeded  in  tracing  even  the  place  of  his 
burial.  But  the  enduring  monuments  of  his  literary  genius  he  has 
left  are  destined  to  make  his  name  famous  over  the  British  Empire. 

Of  his  compositions  there  remain  to  us  only  his  Christian  Doctrine^ 
a  catechism  in  Konkani  (or  Bramana-Canarin  as  he  calls  it)  \  Arte  tie 
Lingua  Canatin  (/)  (Grammar  of  the  Konkani  Language)  in  Portu- 
guese, the  first  grammar  of  the  kind  of  any  vernacular  in  India  ; 
and  the  Puran. 

The  last  one  is  a  remarkable  poem  in  what  may  be  called  the  old 
Marathi-Konkani  poetical  language  and  in  Ovi  metre.  It  consists  of 
ir,ot8  sloUas  or  strophes  divided  into  two  parts,  the  ist  part 
called  the  Paillea  Puranna^  coi  responding  to  the  Old  Testament  of  the 
Bible,  and  the  2nd  part,  Dussrea  Puranna^  corresponding  to  the  New 
Testament,  and  contains  a  narration,  written  in  lofty  style  and  charm- 
ing language,  of  all  the  various  and  complex  events  as  detailed  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  or  handed  down  by  tradition,  that  led  to  the  birth  of 
the  Christian  religion  ;  in  other  words,  an  account  of  the  Paradise^ 
Lost  and  Regained  based  on  a  historical  sequence  of  events  from  the 
time  of  the  creation  of  Heaven  and  Earth  to  the  closing  scenes  of  the 
Gospel  narratives,  focussing  round  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Jesus, 
the  hero  of  the  poem,  with  a  lucid  and  exhaustive  exposition  of  His 
sublime  doctrines.  In  brief,  it  may  be  described  as  an  impressive, 
vivid,  and  attractive  metrical  narrative  of  the  birth  of  Christianity. 

The  language  of  the  book  takes  after  that  of  his  great  predeces- 
sors Dnyaneshwar  and  Namdeo,  with  a  fair  sprinkling  of  the  local 
Konkani  or  the  Bramana-Kanarin  language  :  hence  I  have  spoken  of 
thi.«  language  as  partaking  of  the  old  Marathi-Konkani  poetry,  a  view 
which  is  supported  by  the  acknowledgments  of  the  poet  himself  of  his 
indebtedness  to  both. 

The  poet  sings  (k) — 

Parama  xastra  zagui  praghattaueya 
Bnhuta  zanSL  phnlla  sidhy  houaueya 
Bhassa  bandoni  Maratthiya 
Catha  niropily 

(j)  Republbhed  in  Nova  Goa  in  1857  as  "  Grammatica  da  Lingua  Concani*" 
(Jb'i  Part  I,  Canto  I«  Stanzas  x2o— 'I23. 


212  THE  FIRST   ENGLISHMAN   IN   INDIA. 

2^issy  horalla  inazi  ratnuquilla 
Qui  ratnS.  mazi  hira  nil  la 
Taissy  bhassS.  mazi  choqhalla 
Bhassa  Maratthy 

Zoissy  pusp^  mazi  puspa  mogary 
Qui  parimalla  mazi  casturi 
Taissy  bhassa  mazi  saziry 
Maratthiya 

Poqhi^  madhS  maioru 
Vruqhi^  madM  calpataru 
Bhassa  modhS  manu  thoru 
Maratthiyessi 

In  his  Introduction  (/)  to  the  poem,  Stephens  writes  : — 

"  H6  soma  Maratthiye  bhassena  lihil&  ahe.  Hea  dessincheS  bhassi 
bhitura  hy  bhassa  Paramesuarachea  vastu  niropunssi  yogue  aissy 
dissali  mhan-naunu  panna  sudha  Maratthy  madhtma  locassi  nacalle 
deqhunu,  hea  purannacha  phallu  bahutS.  zananssi  suphallu  hounssi, 
cae  quels,  maguileS.  cauesuaranchi  bahutequS  auaghaddS  utarS  sand- 
dunu  sampuchey^  cauesuaranchiye  ritu  pramannS  anniyequS  sompi 
Bramhannanche  bhassechi  utarS  tthai  tthai  mtssorita  carunu  cauitua 
sompS  quels  ;  ya  pary  Paramesuarache  crupestSua  udandda  locachS 
arata  purna  hoila,  anny  ze  cauanna  yecade  vell&  puruileU  cauituancha 
srungaru  va  barauy  bhassa  adeap!  atthauatati  te  hS  cauitua  vachunu 
santossu  manity  anny  pbaue  to  phailu  bhoguity :  cS  maguile^ 
cauituanchea  sthani  anniyeca  .cauitua  dent5  tey§  hounu  phallasta 
suphalla.' 


i> 


The  Brahmana  Bhassa  is  evidently  the  Brahmana  Kanarin,  of 
which  he  wrote  his  grammar.  It  is  what  is  called  Konkani  now-a- 
days.  By  the  designation  Konkani  is  not  meant,  as  Dr.  Wilson  (m) 
writes,  **  the  very  slight  dialectic  difference  which  exists  between  the 
Marathi  of  the  British  Dekkhan  and  the  corresponding  country- 
running  between  the  slopes  of  the  Ghauts  and  the  Indian  Ocedn, 
forming  the  British  Konkan,  but  the  language  of  the  country  com- 
mencing with  the  Groa  territory  and  extending  considerably  to  the 
south  of  Karwar  and  even  Honawar.     It  is  manifestly  in  the  main 

(/)  Printed  in  Mangdlort  Maganne^  Vol.  III.*  p.  277. 

(m)  See  his  Chapter  on  '*  Tribes  and  Lancruafires  "  in  the  General  Report  on  tkeAdmim's* 
hmHon  of  the  Bombay  Pretidtncy,  1872-73. 


THE  FIRST  BNGLISHMAN   IN   INDIA. 


213 


formed  on  the  basis  of  Sanskrit"  Konkani  discloses  peculiarities 
that  are  very  striking,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  compara- 
tive table  (i») : — 


1 

Konkani. 

Sanskrit. 

Marathi. 

GUJBRATI. 

avun 

aham 

mi 

huti 

asan 

asen  (Prak) 

aston 

chufi 

maka 

mahyam 

mala 

mane 

udak 

udaka 

pani 

pani 

khsLih 

kva 

khute 

khyafk 

(h) anga 

iha 

yetheh 

hyaft 

d6v6r 

dhor 

tev 

darav 

apai 

avha 

bulav 

bolav 

luvii 

lu 

kap 

lafi 

v6mp 

vapd 

per 

vav 

lagiii 

samipa 

zaval 

najik 

bhitor 

abhyantar 

ant 

andarnu 

chedo 

batu 

p6r 

chokro 

We  also  notice  a  very  curious  permutation  of  vowels  under  certain 
combinations  which  are  peculiar  to  Konkani ;  we  find,  for  instance  (p), 
that  (i)  words  beginning  with  kd  in  Konkani  change  into  ka  (d 
pronounced  as  in  the  English  word  but)  in  Marathi ;  (ii)the  syllable  vo 
in  Konkani  changes  into  o  or  ho  in  Marathi,  and  (iii)  nouns  ending  in  o 
in  Konkani  end  in  d  in  Marathi.  There  are  of  course  exceptions. 
The  following  are  a  few  interesting  examples  : — 


Konkani. 

Marathi. 

Konkani. 

Marathi. 

kdntalo. 

kantala 

vdnto 

vantd 

(disgust) 

(share) 

kdpur 

kapur 

dago 

dag^ 

(camphor) 

(deceit) 

kdmp 

kamp 

ddryo 

daryd 

(tremor) 

(sea) 

vojen 

ozen 

godo 

godd 

(burden) 

(horse) 

v6nk 

6nk 

ukod 

ukal 

(vomit) 

(boil) 

v6]6k 

616k 

lailduoi 

lilau.^ 

(recognition) 

(auction) 

v6i 

hoi 

lip 

lap 

(yes) 

(hide) 

vont 

h6nt 

fol 

fal 

(lip) 

(fruit) 

(m)  See  my  brochure  on  Konkani  or  Goan  Caate9,    p. 
ifi)  Ibid^  p.  a6. 


3«. 


214  '^^^   FIRST  ENGLISHMAN    IN    INDIA. 

Iriiese  striking  features  Konkani  borrows  from  Sanskrit  or  Prakrit 
or  from  sources  other  than  any  known  variety  of  Marathi.  The  only 
inference  that  can  be  drawn  from  these  fncts  is  that  Konkani  is  not 
a  dialect  derived  from  what  is  commonly  known  as  Marathi,  but  that 
both  Konkani  and  Marathi  are  sister  languages  that  have  grown  out 
side  by  side  from  the  same  stem. 

What  is  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  the  point  raised  as  to  the 
exact  dialect  in  which  the  Puran  is  written,  is  that  the  striking  pecu- 
liarities of  the  Konkani  at  present  spoken  are  noted  by  Thomas 
Stephens  in  his  Grammar  of  the  Konkani  or  Brahmane-Kanarin  as 
he  calls  it,  while  these  peculiarities  are  missing  in  the  language  of 
the  Puran  and  make  place  for  the  Marathi  peculiarities.  At  the 
same  time  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  in  the  language  of  the 
book  a  fair  sprinkling  of  the  popular  Konkani  used  in  Goa,  a  fact 
which  the  author  himself  admits. 

The  author  also  borrows  largely,  like  Dnyaneshwar,  from  the  inex- 
haustible sources  of  Sanskrit,  which  lends  itself  readily  to  give  cor- 
rect shape  and  form  to  all  possible  and  subtle  ideas  and  shades  of 
ideas  'of  the  profound  Christian  theology  and  mysticism  and  the  lofty 
Christian  ethics.  The  language  simple,  majestic  and  homely  and 
frequently  embellished  with  Indian  imagery  and  metaphor,  always 
throbbing  with  life  and  energy  and  refreshing,  is  calculated  to 
appeal  to  the  Indian  mind  and  heart  with  a  force  which  few  Marathi 
poems  can.  Each  sloka  consists  of  four  lines,  the  first  three  of 
which  usually  of  four  feet  rhyme  with  one  another,  and  the  last  one 
from  two  to  three  feet  does  not  rhyme  with  the  other  three  lines. 
This  metre  with  the  rhythm  and  euphony  of  the  supremely  happy  com- 
bination of  sounds  employed  by  the  poet  has  a  magical  effect  upon 
the  ear,  which  combined  uith  the  charms  of  language,  clothing  in 
an  Indian  garb  the  lofty  Christian  spiritualism  and  ethics,  makes  the 
verses  a  continuous  feast  of  which  one  never  tires. 

Thomas  Stephens  employed  Roman  characters  for  writing  his 
Indian  poem,  fixing  their  pronunciation  according  to  the  Continental 
way  of  pronouncing  Latin,  except  using  the  italic  "  a"  for  the  sound 
'^  as  in  "  but",  the  single  d,  t,  1  and  n  for  the  dentals,  and  double  dd, 
tt,  11,  and  nn  for  their  linguals,  and  the  accented  vowels  for 
their  nasals.  The  Roman  system  of  transliterating  the  vernacular 
sounds  instead  of  the  Devanagari  had  to  be  used  probably  because 
the  cultivation  of  the  o!d  Hindu  literature  was  discouraged  by  the 
Portuguese  polity  and  thus  the  use  of  the  Devanagari  had  been  given 
up  in  Goa  at  the  time  of  Stephen&     Bearing,  however,  in  mind  the 


THE   FIRST  ENGUSHMAN   IN   INDIA*  21$ 

^mple  method  adopted  by  Stephens  in  his  system  of  transliteration, 
the  reading  of  the  verses  becomes  after  a  slight  exertion  an  easy 
matter. 

The  Puran  was  first  printed  (J)  at  Rachol  in  1616  after  receiving 
the  imprimatur  of  the  Inquisition,  the  Archbishop  of  Goa  and  the 
Provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  a  second  time  in  1649,  and  the 
third  time  in  1654.  Yet  no  printed  copy  has  been  traced  anywhere, 
and  the  only  ones  available  are  a  few  carefully  written  manuscript 
copies. 

The  poem  begins  with  an  address  to  the  Almighty  God  in  which  the 
theology  of  the  Nicene  Creed  about  the  God -head  and  the  Trinity  is 
explained  with  the  precision  and  fullness  of  a  theologian  and  wealth 
of  language  which  only  Sanskrit  or  Sanskritized  Marathi  could 
lend  {q\    We  shall  quote  here  the  first  few  strophes  : — 

Vo  namo  visuabharita 
Deua  Bapa  sarua  samaratha 
Paramesu/zra  sateuanta. 

Suarga  prathuuichea  rachannara 

Tu  ridhy  sidhicha  dataru 
Crupanidhy  corunnacaru 
Tu  sarua  suqhacha  sagharu 
Adi  antu  natodde 

Tu  poramanandu  sarua  suarf#pu 
\^suaueapacu  gneana  dipu 
Tu  sarua  gunn!  nirlepu 

Nirmallu  niruicaru  suamiya 

Tu  adrusttu  tu  auectu 
Sama  dayallu  sarua  praptu 
Sarua  gnoanu  sarua  nitiuantu 
Yecuchi  Deuo  tu 

Tu  saqheata  Paramesuaru 
Anadassidhu  aparamparu 
Adi  anadi  auinassu  amani 
TuzS  stauona  triloqui 

Suargu  srustti  tuu^  hella  matrS 
Quela  chandru  suryu  naqhetrS 
Tuzeni  yeque  sabdd  pauitrS 
Quely  sarua  rachana 

(^)  BWioikeca  Luniana.  Eus»to  Hisiorico  da  Lmgua  Concani  by  J.  H.  Da  Cunha  RivMra 
iq}  Pmrt  /,  CmtUo  I,  Sianaas  I'I4, 


21 6  TiTB  FIRST  ENGLISHMAN   IN   INDIA. 

Tu  anny  tuza  yecuchi  sutu 
'  Anny  Spiritu  Sanctu 
Tegai  zanna  yecuchi  sateuantu 
Deuo  zannaua 

Teya  tuzeya  dayalla  cumara 
Crupanidhy  amruta  saghara 
Suarga  srusttichea  suastocara 
Namana  mazS 

Namo  visuachiye  dipty 
Hamo  vaincunttha  sabheche  canty 
Deua  Bapacha  daqhinna  hasti 
Sihassanna  tuz5 

Zari  tu  am^  moni  righaua  carissy 
Tari  ogneana  pattalla  pheddissy 
Amruta  sariqhy  ghoddiua  dauissy 
Premabharita  caroni 

Tu  yecuchi  sutu  Paramesuaracha 
Tu  sabdu  ga  Bapacha 
Bapa  Spirita  sauh  saruacha 
Rachannaru  tu 

Namo  Spirita  pamtra  pauana 
Trindadichea  tissarea  zanna 
Tu  apuleya  seuacachea  mana 
Pracasau  cari 

Tu  ziuana  zharich^  panni 
Tu  agni  moho  anny 
ZiuichS  prema  antacarann! 
Addaleya  sarathy 

Tu  sapta.diuedanacha  dataru 
Tu  Deuachy  angustty  sacharu 
Duqhiyancha  buzauannaru 
Anathanathu 

The  underl3ring  idea  of  the  poem  is  the  same  as  that  of  Milton's 
Paradise  Lost  combined  with  the  Paradise  Regained ;  but  unlike 
Milton,  who  takes  up  only  the  episodes  of  the  first  man's  fall  and 
Christ's  victory  over  Satan's  temptations  in  the  Paradise  Lost  and 
Regained,  Stephens  weaves  together  all  the  principal  characters 
and  episodes  of  the  Old  with  those  of  the  New  Testament  as  conttdned 
in  thejBible  or  handed  down  by  history  round  the  hero  of  the  poem, 
Jesus  Christ,  in  one  harmonious  whole.  All  principal  and  complex 
events  of  the  Old  Testament  as  narrated  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  or 


THE   FIRST   ENGLISHMAN   IN   INDIA.  217 

handed  down  by  tradition,  in  connection  with  the  creation  of  the 
angels, — the  rebellion  of  their  prince  Satan  and  his  party,   their  ex- 
pulsion from    Heaven,  the  creation   of  the  first  man  and   woman, 
their  fall,  the  career  of  mankind   until  the  Deluge,   the  survival  of 
Noe  and  his  family,  the  election  of  Abraham  and  his  progeny,   the 
Israelites,  to  preserve  the  primitive  revelation  and  worship  of  the  one 
Almighty  Creator  and  Preserver  of  the  Universe  and  their  successful 
struggle  for  centuries  to  justify  their  election  amidst  the  deluge  of  pan- 
theism, polytheism  and  idolatry  which  was  spread  among  the  nations 
around  them — are  all  carefully  linked   together  with  the  events  of 
the  New  Testament,   the  birth   of  the   blessed  Virgin    Mary  and  St. 
John   Baptist,  the  Incarnation  of  the   Second   Person  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  the  birth,  life,  the  sacred  ministry,  death  and  resurrection  of 
Jesus,  into  one  grand  sublime  action  under  one  single  idea—  namely, 
the  redemption  of  mankind  from  the  thraldom  of  Satan  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  by  the  atonement  offered   by  the; 
"  Word  made  Flesh."    Milton  utilizes  the   episode   of  the  victory  of 
Christ  over  Satan's  wiles  as  the  event  which  led  to  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven.     Stephens  takes  up  the   crowning 
event  of  Jesus'    earthly   life    and   His    passion  and   death   followed 
by  His  resurrection  as  marking  His   final  and   most  decisive  victory. 
For  then  Satan  gathered  all  the  forces  at  his  disposal — the   hatred   of 
the  Jewish  nation,  the  infidelity  of  King  Herod,  the  craven  coward- 
liness of  the  Roman  Governor  and  the  weakness  of  the  Apostles— to 
crush  our  Lord.     In    this   final    campaign  Satan  apparently  wins. 
But  it  was  this  very  passion  and  death  of  Jesus,  **  the  precious  blood 
of  Christ  as  of  a  Lamb  unspotted  and   undefiled  "  shed   for  man 
crowned  by  this  glorious  resurrection,  that  saves  mankind  from  the 
thraldom  of  Satan  and  wins  them  back  the  supernatural  privileges 
lost  by  the  disobedience  of  the  first  man. 

The  highest  efforts  of  the  poet's  genius  are  concentrated  in  his 
most  touching  description  of  the  passion  and  death  of  Jesus  Christ  and 
in  bringing  home  to  his  readers  the  sublime  lessons  of  self-sacrifice, 
love  and  forgiveness  taught  us  by  Christ  at  and  after  His  Last  Supper 
and  on  the  Cross  (r) ;  and  when  after  the  death  of  Jesus  His  body  is 
lowered  from  the  Cross,  His  blessed  mother — ^her  heart  pierced  with  a 
sword  as  prophesied  before — gives  vent  to  her  grief  in  a  lamentation 
which  is  most  heart-rending  and  must  touch  the  hardest  heart  :—- 

Cotta  catta  mazea  cumara 

Mea  tuza  sarupa  didhala  nara 
Tehi  maza  auasara 

Paratila  corupu. 

(r)  Part  lit  Cantos  45— 51. 


2l8  THE  FIRST   BNGUSHMAN   IN   INDIA* 

Mea  zivtfntu  didhala  teassi 
Yen  mnitiu  vopila  mazassL 

Mea  didhala  teya  bhuzaueyassi. 
Niuaranu  vigne. 

Panna  tehi  maza  quela  ghatu 
Maze  vari  rochila  acantu. 

Tuza  maruni  caddila  samastu. 
Anandu  maza. 


(< 


We  shall  forbear  quoting  more  of  this  lamentation  and  leave  it  to 
be  read  in  order  to  realize  how  the  depth  of  the  grief  of  the  wounded 
heart  of  the  mother  proves  the  unfathomable  love  which  led  her  belov- 
ed Son  (s)  to  sacrifice  Himself  for  His  flock." 

This  is  the  plot  of  the  birth  of  Christianity  laid  out  in  the  Puran 
with  a  dramatic  fullness,  vividness  and  artistic  skill  which  no  poet  or 
historian  has  ever  succeeded  in  doing.  The  characters  are  delineated 
in  all  the  realities  of  flesh  and  blood  and  soul.  The  sublimity  of 
Christ's  divinity  and  the  reality  of  His  humanity,  His  joys  and  sorrows, 
His  likes  and  dislikes,  His  gentleness  and  tenderness  of  heart,  His  self- 
sacrificing  love  for  man.  His  purity  of  life  and  the  universality  of  His 
personality  are  brought  out  with  a  power  and  force  which  no  painter^ 
sculptor  or  poet  has  ever  surpassed.  The  narrative  of  events  and  des- 
cription of  characters  are  insterspersed  at  appropriate  occasions  with 
clear  and  well-reasoned  disquisitions  on  Christian  mysteries,  truths  and 
ethics.  Further,  the  poet's  simple  and  natural  description  of  nature  and 
surroundings  provide  a  background  to  the  characters  and  events  which 
help  to  make   the  drama  charmingly  attractive  and  forcibly  real. 

In  illustration  of  my  remarks  let  me  quote  the  stanzas  (t)  about  the 
Supper  at  Bethany  rendered  into  English  verse,  in  which  the  charac- 
ter of  Mary  Magdalen  is  so  forcibly  brought  out : — 

(From  Father  Stephens^  Purunna,  Part /I,  Canto  2,  Stansas  79 — loS.) 

1.  Wherefore  to  Simon's  house  I'll  fleet 
And  lay  my  head  at  Jesus'  feet  : 
But^  will  the  guests  met  there  at  meat 

Deride  me  in  their  scorn  ? 

2.  Yet  I,  alas  1  all  shame  put  by. 

Not  fearing,  and  in  Heaven's  own  eye. 
And  in  the  sight  of  Saints  on  high, 

Sinned  greatly  night  and  mom. 

(«)  VuU  my  essay  printed  as  appendix  II  to  my  Goam  or  Komkmni  OuiesJ* 
it )    Part  II,  Canto  19.  Stansas  79—108,  translated  by  Mr.  loseph  SaManha.  who  is 
:  the  fNiran,  and  published  in  the  Jtf««v«iprvJtf«f«smr,VoL  11^  p.  191. 


THE  FIRST  BNGUSHMAN   IN   INDIA.  ^Mq 

3.     Why  should,  then,  shame's  false  blush  be  mine« 
When  'tis  but  men  will  see  me  pine 
For  nns,  so  I  obtain  a  sign, 

That  Jesus  hath  forgiv'n  ? 

4*    Alack  I  a  very  flood,  as  'twere, 
Of  evil  done  ne'er  brought  despair 
To  me  :  why,  then,  will  I  not  bear 

Shame's  drizzle,  to  be  shriv'n  ? 

5.  Jesus  have  I  contemplated  ; 

To  this  resolve  my  heart  is  wed  : 
If  He  to  spurn  my  prayer  be  led, 

In  death  I'll  still  my  grief. 

6.  With  mind  bent  firm  on  this  intent. 
At  Jesus'  feet  will  I  repent ; 

Tho'  loathed,  I'll  cling  till  He  relent 
And  grant  my  soul  relief. 

7.  Ill  urge  His  own  disciples  do 

The  pleading,  ay,  and  Simon,  too, — 
The  Pharisee — till  what  I  woo 
Is  won  for  sinful  me. 

S.     Then  come  what  may  ;  my  heart  is  sore 
l^th  longing,  Jesus  to  implore  ; 
If  once  He  pardon,  never  more 

Shall  sin  my  pleasure  be. 

9.  Thus  thinking,  and  in  tears  that  rained 
Their  flood  on  face  and  bosom  stained. 
Rose  Mary,  as  she  slowly  gained 

Fresh  courage  in  her  plight. 

10.  Then,  furnished  with  an  offering  meet 
Of  ointment  precious  deemed  and  sweet, 
She,  with  a  heart  that  eager  beat. 

To  Simon's  house  went  right. 

11.  As  flies  a  stricken  deer  to  find 
What  salve  she  can  to  heal  or  bind, 
E'en  so,  to  rid  her  pained  mind 

Of  sin's  shaft,  Mary  hied. 

12.  The  mansion  gained,  in  entered  she  ; 
Then  fixed  her  gaze  on  Jesus  ;  He 
Beheld  her  while  the  company 

His  glance  intently  eyed. 


aaiC^  THB  FIRST  BNGUSHIIAN  {V  INDIA. 

13.  But  9T%  griefs  Storm  scarce  seemed  to  rise, 
There  burst  a  tear  flood  from  her  eyes, 
While  at  his  feet  in  revVent  wise 

She  fell  with  streaming  hair. 

14.  Then,  moving  backward  fropi  the  place, 
She  locked  them  in  a  fast  embrace. 
The  waters  from  her  eyes  apace 

Washing  those  feet  so  fair. 

15.  Next  with  her  hair  she  wiped  them  dry, 
Then  kissed  them  ere  she  did  apply 
The  spikenard  to  them  tenderly, 

As  best  became  a  maid. 

i6.    The  hall  and  mansion  soon  were  filled 
With  fragrance  of  that  balm  distilled 
From  rarest  herb  ;  the  sweetness  thrilled 
The  sense  nor  seemed  to  fade. 

17.  But  Simon  seeing  all,  began 

To  argue  with  himself :  '*  This  man 
No  prophet  is  ;  else  He  could  scan 

This  woman's  sinful  heart ; 

18.  ''And,  tiierefore,  would  He  bid  her  quit 
His  feet,  and  in  an  instant  flit 

From  off"  His  presence  bearing  it — 

The  balm— nor  play  this  part" 

19.  Thus  wrongly  thought  the  Pharisee, 
Unweeting  all  her  misery — 

"  Sinner  she  was,  and  sinner  she 

Must  be,  and  nothing  more.*' 

ao.    Of  her  repentance  still  no  sign 

Was  clear  to  him  :  how  she  did  pine 
Within  her  heart,  and  thus  incline 
To  good  undreamt  before. 

31.     But  He,  the  all- wise  Son,  begot 

Of  God,  through  whom  is  wisdom  sought. 
Knew,  in  His  heart,  the  secret  thought 
That  sprung  in  Simon's  mind. 

And  calling  to  the  Pharisee, 

He  saith,  "  Til  tell  a  thing  to  thee. 

Which  hearken,  thou,  attentively. 

And  judge  as  thou  mayst  find. 


THE   FIRST   ENGLISHMAN   IN    INDIA.  221 

23.  **  Two  men  unto  a  lord  became 
Debtors  :  from  one  the  lord  could  claim 
Fifty  and  'gainst  the  other  name 

Five  hundred  pence  as  due. 

24.  "  But  neither  could  his  sum  afford  : 
So  for  remission  both  implored. 

And  straight,  to  mercy  moved,  the  lord 
Gave  what  they  came  to  sue. 

25.  "  Now  speak  thou,  Simon,  tell  me,  pray, 
Of  those  whose  debt  was  scored  away, 
Which  one  would  grateful  love  more  sway 

To  him  such  love  did  show." 

26.  Quoth  Simon,  "  Sire,  meseems  it  fair. 
He  whom  the  lord  was  kind  to  spare 
For  larger  dues,  a  larger  share 

Of  love  and  thanks  should  owe.'* 

27.  Then  Jesus  :  "  Ay,  thou  speakest  true." 
And  glancing  from  the  maiden  who 
Stood  there  to  Simon,  **  Note  thou,  do, 

This  woman's  deeds  so  fair  : 

28.  **  As  guest  I  c?me  with  thee  to  eat ; 
Thou  gav'st  no  water  for  my  feet. 

Yet  she  with  tears  hath  washed  complete. 
And  wiped  them  with  her  hair  ; 

29.  "  No  oil  thou  broughtest  for  my  head. 
But  she  with  costly  balm  that  spread 
All  round  its  odour,  hath,  instead. 

Anointed,  here,  my  feet. 

30.  **  Therefore  I  say  this  unto  thee, 
That  she  hath  shown  such  love  to  Me, 
Her  many  sins  to  her  must  be 

Forgiv'n  in  measure  meet." 

The  whole  poem  if  rendered  in  English  verse  will  by  itself  be  an 
unique  treasure  in  English  literature.  To  every  one  acquainted 
with  Marathi  or  Konkani  the  Puran  is  certain  to  be  a  work  of 
profound  interest ;  to  Britishers  all  the  world  over,  the  noblest  poem 
written  by  an  Englishman  in  an  Asiatic  language  will  appeal  with 
special  force ;  while  to  Christians  in  India  the  publication  of  what 
may  be  called  the  national  Christian  Puran  will  be  a  fruitful  source 
of  edification  and  piety,  {v) 

(«)  Thomas  Stephois'  Puran  in  already  printed  in  the  Jesuit  Preu  (Cadialbail  Press), 
Manflalore,  South  Kanara,  and  will  be  brought  out  shortly  with  suitable  introduction 
and  glossary. 


( 


Art.  XVI.—The  Nasik  {Joghaltembht)  Hoard  of 

Nahapana^s  Coins. 

By  Rev.  H.  R.  Scott,  M.A. 

iCammunicatedm ) 

The  announcement  in  the  Times  of  India  of  the  31st  May  last  of 
the  discovery  in  the  Nasik  District  of  an  immense  hoard  of  Naha- 
pana's  coins  came  as  a  very  welcome  piece  of  news  to  all  who  are 
interested  in  the  ancient  coinage  of  India.  The  hoard  was  at  first 
reported  to  contain  about  10,000  coins,  and  the  great  significance  of 
this  fact  will  appear  when  it  is  remembered  that  there  were  proba- 
bly not  a  dozen  specimens  of  Nahapana's  coins  known  to  numisma- 
tists before  this  hoard  came  to  light,  and  those  few  known  specimens 
were  in  one  very  important  respect  all  very  imperfect. 

I  cannot  better  introduce  what  I  have  to  say  about  the  coins  than 
by  quoting  a  part  of  the  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  hoard  written 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
and  published  in  the  Times  of  India  of  May  31st. 

"  The  village  of  Jogaltembhi  lies  close  to  the  junction  of  the 
rivers  Godavary  and  Darna,  which  uniting  into  a  single  stream  of 
narrow  compass  in  the  fair  season  form  the  boundary  between  the 
Niphad  and  Sinnar  talukas;  and  just  outside  the  village  site  stands 
a  small  hill,  more  aptly  described  perhaps  as  a  grassy  barrow, 
around  which  the  children  of  the  village  are  wont  to  play.  Here 
indeed  they  were  engaged  some  few  weeks  ago  in  playing  an 
indigenous  game,  known  as  Godhe-Kathi,  which  consists  in 
an  attempt  to  transfix  one's  adversary's  stick,  as  it  lies  on  the 
ground,  with  one's  own  weapon,  each  stick  being  sharpened  to  a 
fine  point.  At  the  moment  when  the  coins  were  first  discovered, 
one  boy's  stick  lay  just  at  the  foot  of  the  grassy  hillock,  and  his 
playmate  hurled  his  weapon  at  it  with  all  the  force  of  his  small 
arm.  The  stick  missed  its  goal,  but  impinging  squarely  on  the 
soil  uprooted  a  small  handful  of  earth  and  grass,  and  disclosed 
something  which  glittered  in  the  morning  sun.  Money  !  For- 
gotten are  the  sticks,  forgotten  the  game,  when  the  great  fact 
dawned  upon  their  childish  minds.  Mother  Earth  is  a  hard  task 
mistress  to  the  Deccan  ryot ;  but  she  has  her  moments  of  com- 
passion, and  surely  this  was  one. 

"  The  report  of  her  bounty  spread   through   the  village  ;  the 
elders  came  to  the  spot,  and  decided  to  dig  deeper  ...... 

Further  excavation  disclosed  an  earthen  pot,  firmly  embedded  in 

17 


224  I'HB  nASIK  OoGHALTBMBHI)  HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA'S   COINS. 

the  hill  side,  and  filled  to  overflowing  with  silver  coins,  much  of 
which  the  villagers  proceeded  in  the  true  commercial  spirit  to  melt 
down.  But  the  story  of  the  find  spread  further  than  the  limits  of 
Jogaltembhi,  and  within  a  short  time  the  balance  of  the  treasure, 
about  10,000  coins,  found  a  resting,  place  in  the  local  treasury 
under  the  Treasure  Trove  Act 

"The  fact  that  several  of  the  coins  are  bored  near  the  edges  and 
that  their  resting  place  is  near  the  confluence  of  two  rivers,  seems 
to  justify  the  supposition  that  they  once  formed  part  of  the  treasure 
buried  beneath  a  Hindu  temple.  The  temple  has  vanished,  nor 
does  local  legend  preserve  the  smallest  memory  of  it,  but  its 
treasure,  veiled  for  nearly  1,800  years,  has  at  last  become  articulate 
and  bears  its  message  across  the  gulf  of  dead  centuries  to  those 
who  rule  the  Deccan  to-day,  and  who  are  themselves  foreigners 
like  Nahapana  the  K^aharata.** 

The  total  number  of  coins  sent  to  me  amounted  to  about  13,250  and 
as  it  is  said  that  a  good  many  were  melted  down  by  the  villagers  who 
discovered  the  hoard,  it  is  quite  possible  that  there  may  have  been 
14,000  or  even  15,000  altogether. 

The  coins  are  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  hardly  more 
than  a  dozen  of  them  being  illegible  through  a  deposit  of  verdigris. 
Considering  the  fact  that  the  hoard  must  have  lain  very  near  the 
surface  of  the  ground  for  almost  1,800  years,  the  bright  fresh  appear- 
ance of  the  coins  is  very  remarkable. 

Of  the  coins  that  came  into  my  hands  about  9,270  are  coins  of 
Nahapana  the  K^aharata,  counter-marked  by  his  conqueror  Gotami- 
putra  ^ri  Satakaroi.  The  remainder,  nearly  4,000  coins,  are  coins 
of  Nahapana  which  have  not  been  so  counter-stamped.  Over  2,000 
of  the  coins  are  roughly  perforated,  about  two-thirds  of  the  perforated 
coins  being  Satakarni's.  The  perforation  was  probably  mtde  in  order 
to  attach  the  coins  to  a  belt  or  to  the  clothes  of  the  owner,  or  perhaps 
to  make  coin  necklaces.  These  coins  would  not  be  likely  to  go  into 
circulation  again,  and  their  presence  in  the  hoard  lends  support  to  the 
theory  that  we  have  here  probably  the  treasure  of  a  temple,  the  pierced 
coins  having  been  torn  off  the  belts  and  offered  on  the  occasion  of  the 
dedication  of  the  temple. 

Seven  or  eight  years  ago  the  writer  of  this  paper  had  the  honour  of 
bringing  to  the  notice  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society  an  extremely  interesting  find  of  about  1,200  (twelve  hundred) 


THB  NASIK  (jOGHALTBBtBHl)   HOARD  OP  NAHAPANA*S  COINS.  225 

K^trapa  coins  which  were  discovered  in  the  floor  of  a  cave  near  the 
Uparkot  of  Junagadh.  Up  to  that  time  no  such  extensive  find  of  coins 
of  that  series  had  been  made,  and  it  was  a  delightful  task  to  go 
through  the  hoard  and  to  discover  how  rich  it  was  in  excellent  speci- 
mens of  the  coins  of  no  less  than  thirteen  of  the  K^atrapa  rulers, 
many  of  them  clearly  dated,  the  dates  being  in  several  instances  new 
to  us.  But  there  was  one  disappointment  in  connection  with  the 
Uparkot  hoard.  Although  it  contained  specimens  of  so  many  difi^erent 
kings,  there  was  not  a  single  coin  there  belonging  to  any  king  earlier 
than  Rudrasena  I,  the  eighth  of  the  line,  whose  reign  extended  from 
200  to  220  A.  D.  This  was  all  the  more  disappointing  from  the  fact 
that  so  few  specimens  were  known  of  the  coins  of  the  K^atrapas 
and  Mahaksatrapas  who  preceded  Rudrasena.  The  succession  as 
generally  received  runs  thus  : — 

(i)  Nahapana  the  K^aharata,  120  A.D. 

(2)  Ca^tana,  son  of  Ghsamotika. 

(3)  Jayadaman,  son  of  Ca^tana. 

(4)  Rudradaman,  son  of  Jayadaman. 

(5)  Damajada,  son  of  Rudradaman. 

(6)  Rudrasiqnha,       ,,  ,, 

(7)  Jivadaman,  son  of  Damajada. 

(8)  Rudrasena,  son  of  Rudrasiipha,  etc. 

Whilst  a  fair  number  of  coins  of  the  last  five  have  been  discovered, 
very  few  were  known  of  any  of  the  first  three,  until  the  finding 
of  the  present  hoard.  From  coins  and  inscriptions  it  has  been 
inferred  that  Nahapana  was  the  first  of  the  line  of  Ksatrapa  and 
Mahak^trapa  rulers,  but  no  positive  evidence  has  yet  appeared  to 
connect  him  with  Ca^tana.  All  we  know  is  that  he  ruled  over 
territory  which  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  Ksatrapa  kingdom, 
that  he  was  a  foreigner  who  won  a  kingdom  for  himself  at  the  expense 
of  the    Andhras,    that    '*  he    is  styled  Ksatrapa   in    an    inscription 

dated  42  (s.^.,   A.D.    120), and  appears  as  Mahak^a- 

trapa  Svami  in  an  inscription  of  his  minister  Ayama,  dated  in  the 
year  46."  On  the  other  side  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  his  conqueror 
the  king  Satakarni  declares  in  the  Nasik  Cave  inscription  that  he  had 
"  rooted  out  the  dynasty  of  Khakharata,"  and  now  we  have  the 
pictorial  evidence  of  these  coins  to  show  how  Satakarni  did  his  best 
to  obliterate  the  features  of  Nahapana  from  his  coins.  And  we  learn 
from  these  coins  that  while  Nahapana's  coins  bore  the  symbols  of  the 
thunderbolt  and  arrow,  the  king  Satakarni  used  as  his  symbols  tht 
well  known  "  Ujjain  mark  "  and  the  chaitya.  And  it  is  to  be  remem* 
bered  that  the  chaitya  is  the  symbol  of  the  K§atrapas 


226  THE  NASIK  (|0GHALTBMBHI)  HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA'S  COINS. 

These  facts  should  lead  us  to  suspend  our  judgment  until  further 
light  is  obtained,  and  such  a  discovery  as  that  of  the  present  immense 
hoard  encourages  us  to  hope  that  there  are  yet  great  discoveries  to  be 
made  in  this  field.  Whether  we  suppose  that  this  hoard  was  the  trea- 
sure of  a  temple  buried  at  the  time  of  dedication,  or  a  private  hoard 
put  away  in  some  time  of  panic  and  distress,  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  similar  treasure  must  be  waiting  in  many  other  places  to 
be  unearthed. 

l^th  regard  to  the  coins  contained  in  this  hoard  I  shall  arrange  my 
observations  under  the  following  six  heads  : — 

(i)  The  Greek  inscription  on  the  obverse. 

(2)  The  Kharo^^hi  inscription  on  the  reverse. 

(3)  The  Brahmi  inscription  on  the  reverse. 

(4)  The  head  of  the  king  as  represented  on  the  coins. 

(5)  The  counter-struck  inscription  of  Satakarni. 

(6)  The  symbols  used  by  the  two  kings. 

I. — The  Greek  Inscrietion  on  the  Obverse. 

It  is  interesting  to  remember  that  the  signification  of  the  Greek 
letters  found  on  these  coins  has  furnished  a  problem  with  which  In- 
dian numismatists  have  wrestled  for  more  than  half  a  century.  The 
first  coin  of  Nahapana's  to  be  discovered  in  our  time  was  obtained 
more  than  50  years  ago  from  Kathiawar  by  Mr.  Justice  Newton,  and 
its  Greek  inscription  is  thus  described  by  him  : — **  Sufficient  remains 
to  show  that  the  letters  were  purely  Greek,  although  in  consequence 
of  original  indistinctness,  wear  or  corrosion,  not  more  than  a  single 
character  here  and  there  can  be  made  out,  and  these  hardly  justify  ine 
in  hazarding  a  conjecture  as  to  the  filling  in. " '         .... 

In  July,  1890,  the  J.R.A.S.  contained  an  article  on  the  Western 
Ksatrapas  by  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji,  containing  his  latest  views 
•'  after  a  careful  and  continuous  study,  extending  over  26  years,  of  the 
K^atrapa  coins  and  inscriptions."  In  that  article  all  that  the  learned 
pandit  could  say  with  regard  to  the  Greek  inscription  on  these  coins 
was  that  *'  the  Greek  letters  on  the  obverse  can  never  be  read  with 
certainty." 

In  a  note  to  the  Pandit's  essay  Professor  Rapson  dissents  from  the 
Pa^^lt's  opinion  that  there  are  traces  to  be  found  of  the  name  Liaka 
Kasula,  and  gives  his  own  opinion  that  **the  arrangement  of  the 
Greek  letters   seems   to  be  quite  fantastic"    .     .     .     He  says  "the 

letters  A  fi^Q  0  seen  on  some  specimens  cannot  represent  the  name 
Liaka  unless  we  suppose  these  legends  to  consist  partly  of  Greek 


THB  NASIK  (jOOHALTBMBHl)  HOARD  OP  NAHAPANA'S  COINS.  237 

andpardyof  Roman  characters."  Now  it  is  a  very  curious  fact, 
which  we  owe  to  the  discovery  of  the  present  hoard  that  while  Profes- 
sor Rapson  was  perfectly  right  in  maintaining  that  the  name  Liaka  is 
not  represented  on  the  coins,  the  reason  which  he  advances  in  support 
of  that  opinion  is  incorrect,  for  as  a  matter  of  fact  we  find  on  these 
coins  beyond  all  possibility  of  doubt  that  very  mixture  of  the   Greek 

and  Roman  characters  which  he  thought  impossible 

In  the  same  paper  Professor  Rapson  says  that  ''  Roman  denarii 
rather  than  Greek  hemidrachms  seem  to  have  served  as  the  models 
from  which  the  K§atrapa  coinage  was  copied,"  a  remark  which  may 
go  some  length  towards  explaining  the  use  of  the  Roman  characters 
alongside  the  Greek. 

In  his  later  paper  on  '*  The  coinage  ot  the  Mahak^atrapas  and 
K^atrapas  of  Sura^^ra  and  Malava  (Western  K^atrapas)  published 
in  the  J.  R.  A.  S.  April,  1899,  Professor  Rapson  has  a  very  full  dis- 
cussion of  the  Greek  inscriptions  found  on  these  coins.  He  there 
points  out  that  the  letters  are  clearest  during  the  period  when  the 
workmanship  was  at  its  best,  i.e,,  approximately  from  the  reign  of 
Damajada^ri,  son  of  Rudradaman,  to  that  of  Vijayasena,  son  of 
Damasena,  and  that  in  consequence,  the  coins  of  that  period  received 
most  attention.  He  comes  to  the  conclusion,  however,  that  '*  at  this 
time  (roughly  about  90  to  170  of  the  Ksatrapa  era,  ue.^  A.D.  168  to 
248)  this  Greek  inscription  had  lost  all  meaning,  and  continued  to  be 
reproduced  mechanically  and  unintelligently  as  a  sort  of  ornamental 
border."  He  adds  that  "  the  best  hope  of  recovering  the  lost  meaning 
lay  evidently  in  a  study  of  the  earliest  coins  of  the  class,  those  of 
Nahapana  and  Ca^^ana,  which  belonged  to  a  period  when  these 
Greek  inscriptions  possibly  still  had  some  significance, but  unfortunate- 
ly all  the  known  specimens  of  Nahapana  and  Ca^^ana  were  lamen- 
tably deficient  and  fragmentary  in  this  respect." 

Professor  Rapson  goes  on  to  tell  how  the  discovery  of  a  coin  of 
Ca$tana  at  last  supplied  the  long  missing  clue.  Its  Greek  inscrip- 
tion was  indeed  very  incomplete,   but  what  was  left  contained  the 

word ''^•f^CXI^HC^  ^"^  it  was  concluded  that  the  Greek  letters 
must  be  *' either  translations  or  transliterations  of  the  Indian  inscrip- 
tions on  the  reverse."  As  there  were  no  traces  found  of  the  word 
ft^lLlfV&Cl^  there  seemed  good  reason  to  conclude  that  they  were 
transliterations,  and  this  conclusion  was  confirmed  by  the  discovery 
of  a  coin  of  Nahapana  on  which  it  seemed  possible  to  make  out  the 
word  I^^^Nl  U3  ,  One  further  step  was  taken,  with  some  hesita- 
tion, for  the  evidence  was  by  no  means  clear.    There  were,  however, 


228  THB  NASIK  (JOGHALTBMBHI)    HOARD  OF  NAHAPAnA*S   COINS. 

very  probable  indications  that  the  third  word  of  the  Greek  inscription 
must  be  a  transliteration  of  the  word  Nahapanasa.     The  word  appeared 

tobeAl^p^^..^..N^CC  . 

This  then  was  all  that  could  be  deduced  trom  the  data  available. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  read  the  second  word  of  the  inscription,  but 
the  conclusion  reached  was  that  **  after  all  allowance  for  blundering 
has  been  made,  the  letters  X  NTN^^CC  can  scarcely  be  intended 
for  a  transliteration  of  Ksaharatasa  or  Chaharatasa.'*  Professor 
Rapson  was  inclineJ  to  think  that   the  word  might   be  intended   for 

X^Tf\Tt^CC  *  k§atrapasa. 

This  was  the  state  of  the  problem  when  the  present  hoard  of 
Nahapana's  coins  came  to  light.  At  one  stroke  the  whole  difficulty 
was  removed,  and  the  puzzle  of  fifty  years  solved. 

In  this  hoard  we  have  many  hundreds  of  good  specimens  of  the 
original  Greek  inscription,  from  which  it  can  be  readily  seen  that  the 
transliteration  was   wonderfully  accurate,  and  that   not   only  is  the 

first  word  P^NNICO  and  the  third  word  «VKH  PvW  ^wN  ^wC  ^ 
but  the  second  word,  which  had  not  been  made  out  before,  is  what 
might  have  been  expected,  X  ^  H  (\  P  ^T  PvC  The  full  Greek  in- 
scription on  the  best  specimens  isP  P^  N  N  lU)  X  KH  ^  P  ^TN  C 

But  this  hoard  not  only  supplies  us  with  hundreds  of  specimens  of 
the  correct  Greek  transliteration,  but,  what  is  of  scarcely  less  interest, 
it  furnishes  thousands  of  examples  of  the  gradual  corruption  of  the 
inscription,  till  apparently  in  Nahapana*s  own  time  and  on  his  own 
coins  the  inscription  has  changed  so  much  as  to  be  almost  unintelligi- 
ble. Little  wonder  therefore  that  the  efforts  of  numismatists  to  make 
sense  of  the  inscriptions  on  the  coins  of  the  later  reigns  proved  so 
entirely  fruitless. 

A  table  of  actual  readings  from  various  specimens  arranged  in 
order  of  faithfulness  to  the  original  Greek  transliteration  will  make 
the  matter  clear  : 


THB   NASIK  (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA'S  COINS.  229 

..      AwT^CNlKHTlANC  • 

PA  nv\\u3  1&  A V\  R  ^  K  — 

P^v^v^vui  EAv\  B  .... 

-  -  -..  cox^B  ^^^ccc^v•  ^  pm  a.— - 


330       THB  nAsik  (jogualtbmbhi)  hoakd  of  nauapAna's  coins. 

An  examination  of  these  various  readings  of  the  Greek  l^end  yields 
the  following  results : — 

(i)  The  Greek  inscription  was  originally  a  correct  transliteration  of 
the  Brahmi  inscription  on  the  reverse.* 

(2)  In  the  best  examples  the  inscription  runs  thus  : 

A^.^.— There  is  no  instance  of  A  being  found  after  the  C  in  the 
two  genitive  forms  as  one  might  naturally  expect. 

(3)  The  use  of  the  Roman  letter  N  twice  in  the  inscription  is  re- 
markable, and  as  far  as  I  know,  these  coins  supply  the  only  instance 
of  such  a  combination  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  characters. 

(4)  The  other  letters  of  the  inscription  in  the  best  examples  are 
correctly  shaped  Greek  (uncial)  letters,  generally  very  well  formed, 

the  letter    -y  being  represented  by  I. 


(5)  Changes  gradually  take  place  in  the  inscription  which  can  only 
be  accounted  for  on  the  supposition  that  the  later  dies  were  prepared 
by  persons  ignorant  of  the  Greek  alphabet.  In  those  degenerate  in- 
stances the  letter  N  is  almost  invariably  written  as  ^  ;  the  letter  I 

has   various  shapes  :X»^3^^^^     ^#    ^^      t  ^^    letter  i 

seems  to  have    been   early  changed  to  B  j  and   perhaps  the  most 

curious  change  of  all  is  the  change  of  TX  into  P.    This   seems  to 

indicate  a  knowledge  of  the  Roman  alphabet,  and  ignorance  of  the 
Greek,  but  on  the  other  hand  there  is  the  fact  that  the  Roman  R  is 
never  found  in  the  place  of  the  Greek  P  in  the  first  word  of  the  in- 
scription. 


*  On  other  grounds  it  has  been  conjectured  that  Ca^tana  and  NahapStna 
were  contemporaries.  The  evidence  of  the  Greek  inscription  on  the  coins 
points  to  the  same  conclusion.  Although  we  have  not  yet  discovered  a 
coin  of  Ca^tana^s  with  the  Greek  inscription  perfect,  enough  is  known 
to  show  that  it  was  probably  an  accurate  transliteration,  in  which  case 
it  is  reasonable  to  infer  that  it  was  contemporaneous  with  Nahapina's 
early  coins,  before  the  degeneration  had  set  in.  On  no  coin  later  than 
Ca^tana's  can  any  sense  be  made  of  the  Greek  inscription* 


THB  NASIK  (JOGHALTBMBHI)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA'S  COINS.  23I 

A  Tery  large  proportion  of  the  coins  in  the  hoard  have  the  inscrip- 
tion in  the  following  form  : — 

A  very  curious  thing  about  these  latter  coins  is  that  though  the 
Greek  is  so  corrupt  the  Kharof^hi  inscription  on  these  specimens  is 
perfect,  whereas  the  coins  which  have  the  purest  form  of  the  Greek 
transliteration  have  as  a  rule  the  worst  executed  Kharo^thi  inscrip- 
tions. 

II. — The  Kharosthi  Inscription. 

Next  in  interest  to  the  Greek  inscription  on  these  coins  are  the 
inscriptions  on  the  reverse  in  the  two  oldest  known  alphabets  of 
India,  the  Kharosthi  and  the  Brahmi.  Let  us  consider  the  Kharo^t^i 
first. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  explain  that  the  Kharosthi 
alphabet  is  written  from  right  to  left ;  that  it  is  believed  to  have 
reached  India  via  Afghanistan  some  three  or  four  centuries  before  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era  ;  that  it  is  clearly  derived  from  the 
Aramaic  alphabet,  having  been  taken  over  by  the  Persian  kings  along 
with  the  office  establishments  of  their  predecessors,  and  then  carried 
by  them  to  the  confines  of  their  world  empire,  till  the  character  which 
was  used  by  the  Samaritans  in  their  letter  to  Artaxerxes  as  described 
in  the  book  of  Ezra  (4  ;  7)  came  to  be  used  in  the  cutcherries  of  India  ; 
that  there  are  rock  inscriptions  in  this  character  in  various  parts  of 
India  and  in  Eastern  Afghanistan  and  Central  Asia,  and  also  on  the 
coins  of  the  Greek  and  Scythic  invaders  of  India  ;  and  lastly,  that 
the  recent  explorations  in  Central  Asia  have  brought  to  light  many 
records  written  in  this  character  on  strips  and  wedges  of  wood. 

The  Kharosthi  inscription  on  these  coins  runs  thus  : — 

>H*1l   I'Vl'ZY^^-  Rana  Chaharatasa  Nahapanasa,  i.e., 

of  (belonging  to)  the  king  Nahapana  the  Chaharata. 

Apart  from  certain  variations  in  the  shapes  of  the  letters,  which  I 
shall  discuss  presently,  it  may  be  said  that  almost  all  the  coins,  the 
latest  as  well  as  the  earliest,  contain  this  inscription  in  the  above 
form.  There  are  however  some  of  the  coins  in  which  the  Kharosthi 
inscription  is  found  in  a  degenerate  form,  somewhat  analogous  to  the 
degeneration  which  we  have  noticed  in  the  Greek  inscription,  so  that 


.»  - 


H*^  nAsik  (joghaltembhi)  hoard  of  nahapaka's  coins. 


ihc  vvnclusion  is  forced  on  us  that  the  Kharosthi  characters  were 
luH  H!«  well  known  as  the  Brahmi  to  those  who  made  those  dies. 
AuJ  I  have  already  referred  to  the  curious  and  decidedly  puzzling 
fttct  that  the  worst  specimens  of  the  Kharosthi  are  found  on  the 
CiAn9  that  have  the  most  perfect  Greek,  and  vice  versa. 

When  comparing  the  letters  found  on  these  coins  with  the  Table 
of  the  Kharosthi  alphabet  given  in  Biihler's  Indische  Palaeographie, 
I  was  at  once  struck  by  the  superior  finish,  if  I  may  so  express  it,  of 
the  letters  on  the  coins.  There  is  a  shakiness  and  irregularity  in  the 
letters  of  the  Table  which  we  do  not  find  here.  This  may  be  due  to 
the  fact  that  Biihler  got  most  of  his  types  from  rock  inscriptions  or 
much  worn  coins.  On  the  rock  inscriptions  the  letters  would  be  large 
and  uneven  to  begin  with,  and  would  be  worn  and  rendered  more  or 
less  indistinct  by  long  exposure  to  the  weather  Whether  this  con- 
jecture be  well  founded  or  not.  the  letters  on  these  coins  are  certainly 
neater  looking  than  the  same  letters  in  the  Table,    and    beautifully 

clear  specimens  are  abundant.  Take  for  instance  the  letters  "7  and 
Y  which  always  appear  on   the  coins  with  sharp  angles  and  simple 

firm  lines,  and  observe  the  contrast  in  the  Table. 

Biihler  gives    two  forms   (right-handed    and   left-handed)   of  the 
letter    Ha  in  his  Table,    VS  and    i4,  and  we  find  many  examples 

of  both  on  the  coins.  But  in  the  case  of  several  other  letters,  of 
which  Bjhler  gives  only  single  forms,  right-handed  or  left-handed 
as  the  case  may  be,  we  find  two  forms  on  the  coins.  Thus  Buhler 
gives   only  one  form,  right-handed,     of  the  letter  pa  whereas  we 

find  two  forms  \f^   ,      fj  )  on  the  coins  of  this  hoard.    The  latter 

form  is  '  ound  for  the  most  part  on  coins  which  have  the  purest 
Greek  inscription,  and  is  also  generally  associated  with  the  Icft- 
ha  nded  form  of  tia. 

The  Kharosthi  legend  is  frequently  abbreviated     on   the  coins  for 
want  of  space  in  the  circle,  and  I  have  noted  the  following  :— 

Rano  Chaharatasa  Nahapana. 
Rano  Chaharatasa  Nahapa. 
Rano  Chaharatasa  Naha. 
Rano  Chaharatasa  Na. 
Rano  Chaharatasa. 


THB  NASIK  (JOGHALTBMBHi)   HOARD  OP  NAHAPAna'S  COINS.  233 


These  abbreviations  are  found  only  on  coins  that  preserve  the 
most  correct  form  of  the  Greek  legend.  The  Brahmi  inscription, 
as  far  as  I  have  seen,  is  never  abbreviated. 

I  give  below  a  table  showing  the  varieties  in  the  shape  of  the  Kha- 
ro$|hi  letters  which  are  found  on  the  coins,  along  with  the  same 
letters  as  figured  in  Biihler's  Table  :— - 


Kharosihi 

letters  from 

Biihler's 

Tables. 


chas 
has 


u 


na 


Y 

X 

-     '7^ 


P*  — 


t 


The  same  letters  as  found  on  the  coins  of  this 

hoard. 


Y.  V.Y.  y,  1*  .t    ^  ,v,v,t/ 

t,  '^-,  \,i  a  n..  'a. ,     s  ,  s  , 

y  ,    ^       b  ,    (no  instance  of  left-handed  ta) 

7  ,    ^  .    \       I        f'   .  r    ,  ^"^  instance  of  left-handed  ta) 


(1)  A  somewhat  worn  specimen  has  :—  i^f/^lfp^T^YKl   — 

apparently  a  serious  attempt  to  represent  the  vowel  signs. 

(u)  Another,  with  King's  bust  very  small,  and  otherwise  peculiar,  has 
•  f  II  7  >"\  O  YH*)    *"  ^**°   Chaharatasa  Nahana. 

(mO  do  a  ainfU  •pactman  I  find  a  letter  or  symbol  of  some  'sort 
following  Ibt  Kkarostlii  tagcod,  $,€.,  between  it  and  the  Brlhmi,  thus : 
i(  >  f  r^  2  ^  ..->  This  tiga  nay  simply  mark  off  the  Briluiu  Jrom 
the  Kharostbi 


The  results  of  my  examination  of  the  Kharo§(hi  inscription  may  be 
summarised  as  follows  : — 

(1)  The  letters  are  in  very  many  cases  beautifully  formed,  and  give  the 
impression  of  being  better  executed  than  the  letters  of  Biihler's  Table. 


234  THB  NASIK  0<H»HALTBMBHl)  HOARD  OP  KAHAPANA'S  COINS 

(2)  The  coins  supply  a  number  of  varieties  in  the  shapes  of  the 
letters  which  are  not  found  in  Biihler's  Table. 

(3)  There  are  also  various  attempts  to  express  the  vowels  which 
appear  to  be  new  ;  at  least  I  do  not  tind  them  in  Buhler. 

(4)  The  coins  with  the  most  correct  form  of  the  Greek  inscription 
have  frequently  the  Kharo^^hi  legend  imperfectly  and  very  badly 
executed,  whilst  the  best  form  of  the  Kharo$(hi  is  found  along  with 
a  very  degenerate  form  of  the  Greek. 

III. — The  Brahmi  Inscription. 

With  reference  to  the  Brahmi  character  it  may  suffice  to  say  that  it 
is  the  oldest  known  Indian  alphabet,  and  the  parent  of  not  only  the 
modern  Sanscrit  character,  but  of  most  of  the  alphabets  now  in  use 
in  India.  It  is  the  character  used  by  Asoka  in  the  famous  rock« 
inscriptions  which  he  caused  to  be  engraved  over  the  length  and 
breadth  of  India  more  than  250  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ :  it  is 
the  character  used  in  the  inscriptions  found  on  the  caves  of  Nasik 
some  centuries  later,  and  it  is  the  same  character  which  is  found  on 
the  K^atrapa  coins  during  the  three  centuries  that  that  dynasty  lasted. 

Biihler's  Tables  give  specimens  of  Brahmi  ranging  from  350  B.C.  to 
350  A.  D.  The  characters  on  our  coins  belong  to  near  the  middle  of 
that  period. 

The  Brahmi  inscription  runs  from  left  to  right,  and  is  as  follows  : — 
\^\^Xf^l^  -^^  ^  ^V     ^    Rajno    K§aharatasa    Naha- 
panasa,  i,e. ,  of  (belonging  to)  the  king  Nahapana  the  K^aharSta. 

The  coins,  though  not  all  equally  well  executed,  furnish  no  notable 
variety  in  the  shapes  of  the  Brahmi  letters,  nor  do  we  ever  find  the 
Brahmi  inscription  in  either  an  incorrect  or  an  abbreviated  form,  from 
which  we  may  conclude  that  the  characters  were  well  known  to  the 
many  various  workmen  who  prepared  the  dies,  and  made  such 
numerous  variations  in  both  the  Greek  transliteration  and  the  Kha- 
ro^thi  inscription. 

The  letters  on  these  coins  are  distinctly  of  an  earlier  and  purer 
form  than  those  found  on  the  K^atrap  -coins  of  two  hundred 
years  later,  and  it  is  interesting  to  compare  a  good  spectmeo  of 
Nahapana's  inscription  with  one  of  Viradaman. 


THS  NASIK  OoGHALTBMBHI)  HOARD  OP  NAHAPANA'S  COINS.  235 

IV. — ^Thb  Bust  of  NahapAna. 

I  have  new  reached  what  I  cannot  help  regarding  as  the  most 
perplexing  and  difficult  part  of  my  task,  the  representation  of  the 
king's  head  on  the  coins. 

When  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji  wrote  his    final  paper  on  the 
K$atrapa  coins  he  had  only  four  specimens  of  Nahapana's  coins  in 
his  collection — now  in  the   British  Museum, — and  I  do  not  think  he 
had  ever  seen   any  other  specimens   than   those  four.     From  these 
coins  he  was  able,  as  we  have  seen,  to  read  the   Kharo$(hi  and 
Brahmi  inscriptions,  but  quite  unable  to  do  more   than   make  a  mis- 
taken guess  as  to  the  Greek  inscription.     With  regard  to  the  bust  of 
the  king  he  wrote,  "  The  face  on  the  obverse  of  all  my  coins   was  so 
well  executed  as   to  fairly  indicate  the  age  of  the  king  at  the  time  of 
striking.     The  face  on  one  coin  seemed  to  be   that  of   a  man  about 
thirty  years  old.     Another  specimen    .     .     .     has  a  somewhat  older 
head,  perhaps  about  45.     A  third  coin    .     .     .     has  a  wrinkled   face, 
with  a  long  wrinkled  neck,  indicating  an  age  of  about  60  ;  while  the 
last  specimen    .     .     .     bears  a  still  older  type  of  face   with   wrinkled 
cheeks  and  toothless  mouthi  and  represents  the  king  at  about  the  age 
of  seventy."    Ever  since  I  first  read  the  Pandit's  paper  I  have   been 
filled  with  admiration  at  the  marvellous  skill   possessed  by  the  mint 
masters  of  those  early  days, — a  skill  which,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  is 
never  emulated  in  any  country,  civilised  or  otherwise,  in  oor  time, — and 
with  wonder  at  the  remarkable  fact  that  while  only  four  coins  of  Naha- 
p3jia  were  preserved  over  the  lapse  of  nearly   1800  years,  those  four 
should   be  found  to  be  so  well  distributed  over  the  whole  length  of  his 
long   reign.    It   will   be  readily  understood  how  eager  an  interest   I 
took   in  comparing  the  busts  of  the   king  given  on  the  13,000  coins 
of  this  hoard. 

The  first  impression  that  one  receives  from  the  coins  is  that  the  head 
of  the  king  is  very  well  executed,  the  face  is  possessed  of  distinction 
and  character  and  has  no  appearance  of  being  conventional.  The 
workmanship  is  far  from  being  equally  good  on  all  the  coins,  but  this 
matter  of  character  and  type  is  evident  in  all  the  coins.  They  give 
one  the  impression  of  being  good  likenesses.  They  also  undoubtedly 
represent  the  king  as  of  various  ages,  some  of  the  faces  being  young 
enough  to  be  twenty  years  of  age,  and  others  old  enough  looking  to 
be  that  of  a  man  of  seventy. 

Was  the  Pandit  then  right  in  his  theory?     In  other  words,  do   the 
coinsreally  represent  the  king  at  all   ages  from  twenty  or  thirty 
seventy,  and  was  the  likeness  varied  from  year  to  year  ? 


236  THE  NASIK  (JOGHALTBMBHI)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA*S  COINS. 

With  this  question  in  my  mind  I  have  made  a  careful  study  of  the  coins, 
and  have  turned  them  all  over  again  and  agdin,  but  whilst  I  feel  the 
utmost  reluctance  in  disagreeing  with  so  high  an  authoiity,  and  whilst 
I  admit  that  there  is  much  10  be  said  in  support  of  his  view,  yet  on  the 
whole  I  do  not  think  that  it  is  possible  to  establish  the  Pandit's  con- 
clusion. I  should  say  that  a  certain  proportion  of  the  coins,  perhaps 
one-third,  might  be  regarded  as  witnesses  in  favour  of  the  Pap^it's 
theory.  If  these  coins  were  set  apart,  and  if  we  had  no  other  speci- 
mens of  Nahapana's  coins,  we  should  have  no  hesitation  in  believing 
that  the  king  was  really  represented  on  the  coins  in  all  the  various 
stages  of  his  long  life*  But  against  this  theory  we  must  set  the 
evidence  of  two-thirds  of  the  coins  of  the  hoard,  on  which  we  have 
indeed  faces  varying  greatly  in  age,  and  not  in  age  only,  but  in  every 
feature.  This  is  the  surprise  and  the  mystery  of  the  hoard.  If  we 
grant  that  the  die  casters  of  those  days  were  sufficiently  skilled  in 
their  work  to  produce  portraits  of  the  king  at  various  ages,  and  I  am 
quite  prepared  to  grant  that,  then  I  think  we  are  forced  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  it  is  not  one  face  that  is  represented  on  these  coins  but  many. 
I  hope  that  the  coins  shown  on  the  Plates  will  make  this  clear. 

We  are  thus  face  to  face  with  a  very  curious  problem.  The  in- 
scriptions are  all  the  inscriptions  of  Nahapana,  whose  are  the  faces? 
If  they  were  really  intended  to  represent  one  person,  then  we  must 
not  only  accept  the  Pandit's  theory  as  to  the  different  ages,  but  we 
must  conclude  that  the  striking  differences  shown  on  the  coins  are 
due  to  the  great  variety  of  artists  employed,  and  to  their  very  varied 
powers  of  portraiture.  If  on  the  other  hand  we  feel  constrained 
to  conclude  that  all  these  various  types, — short-necked  and  long- 
necked,  straight-nosed  and  hook-nosed,  low  forehead  and  high  fore- 
head, stern  visaged  and  peasant  faced,  lean  face  and  fat  face, — 
cannot  possibly  represent  the  same  person,  then  whom  do  they 
represent  ?  Before  giving  my  own  opinion  on  this  matter  I  wish  to 
draw  attention  to  some  points  which  I  have  noticed  in  examining 
the  coins.  In  the  Brst  place  I  have  noticed  that  only  a  comparatively 
small  proportion  of  the  coins  of  this  hoard  have  the  Greek  letters 
in  their  most  correct  form  and  the  transliteration  in  its  incorrupt 
reading.  One  would  naturally  expect  to  find  on  these  coins  a  youth- 
ful representation  of  the  king.  But  this  is  not  the  case.  I  might 
almost  say  that  the  very  opposite  is  the  case,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact 
there  are  a  very  few  coins  with  perfect  Greek  which  show  a  youth' 
ful  face.  The  great  majority,  however,  of  the  coins  with  the  best 
Greek  have  a  very  old  type  of  face.  Again,  it  seems  to  me  that  even 
among  the  coins  with  the  Greek  legend  pure  there  are  sufficiently  dis- 


THE  NASIK  (jOQHALTBMBHI)  HOAI^D  OF  NAHAPANA'S   COINS.  237 

tinct  types  of  face  to  render  it  extremely  doubtful  that  they  could  stand 
for  one  and  the  same  person.  Further,  a  very  large  number  of  coins 
in  the  hoard  which  have  the  Greek  legend  in  a  corrupt  form,  have 
quite  a  youthful  representation  of  the  king.  And  lastly,  it  seems  to 
me  that  the  differences  are  so  pronounced  that  we  are  forced  to  seek 
some  other  explanation  than  that  of  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji,  and 
to  consider  the  possibility  at  least  of  there  being  here  the  faces  of 
different  persons. 

But  for  one  signiGcant  fact,  I  should  have  been  inclined  to  suggest 
that  we  may  have  here  the  coins  not  of  a  single  king,  but  of  a  series  of 
kings,  sons  and  grandsons  perhaps  of  Nahapana,  who  retained  on 
their  coins  the  name  of  their  great  ancestor  as  a  title  ot  honour,  and 
for  some  strange  reason  caused  their  features  t<>  be  portrayed  on  tneir 
coins,  whilst  refusing  to  record  their  personal  names.  I  should  also 
have  been  inclined  to  believe  that  the  coins  in  this  hoard  might  well 
cover  a  period  of  a  century  or  two.  But  right  in  the  way  of  any  such 
tlieory  lies  the  stubborn  fact  that  almost  if  not  quite  all  of  the  various 
types  of  Nahapana's  coins  are  found  among  the  coins  which  were  coun- 
ter stamped  by  Nahapana*s  conqueror,  Satakarni.  One  of  the  types  1 
have  not  been  able  to  trace,  a  youthful  face  with  the  Greek  legend  in 
correct  form,  and  another  type  of  youthful  face  with  a  very  corrupt 
form  of  the  legend  in  very  small  letters  is  extremely  rare.  But  I  have 
not  been  able  to  make  an  exhaustive  search  for  these  types,  and  the 
fact  is  unquestionable  that  among  the  coins  stamped  by  Satakari^i  are 
specimens  of  practically  all  the  various  types  found  among  the  coins 
that  are  not  counter  stamped. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  possible  solution  of  the  problem  may  be  found 
in  the  expression  used  by  Satakarrii  in  his  Nasik  cave  inscription, 
where  he  claims  to  have  ''  rooted  out  the  dynasty  of  the  Khakharata." 
This  may  be  taken  to  mean  either  a  line  of  K^aharatas  or  a  number 
of  members  of  the  K^aharata  family,  ruling  over  various  parts  of 
the  country  at  the  same  time.  If  we  suppose  that  such  was  the  case, 
then  it  may  be  possible  that  various  members  of  the  family  caused 
their  own  likenesses  to  be  engraved  on  the  coins,  whilst  keeping  the 
inscription  of  Nahapana  unchanged  as  he  was  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty.  The  explanation  is,  I  admit,  a  somewhat  far  fetched  one, 
but  I  give  it  for  what  it  is  worth,  and  it  may  be  aUowed  to  stand  till 
some  further  evidence  is  available. 

Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject  I  want  to  point  out  that  the 
shape  of  the  hat  worn  by  the  king,  and  the  style  in  which  the  hair  is 
represented  are  both  characteristic,  and  appear  the  same  on  all  the 


238  THB  NASIK  (JOGHALTBMBHI)   HOARD  OP  NAHAPANA'S  COINS. 

different  types  of  coins.     This  is  the  more  important  as  the  busts  of 

the  K^atrapas  all  differ  from  Nahapaaa*8  in  these  particulars. 

• 
Nahapana*s  head  dress  is  a  kind  of  square  flat  cap,  without  a  brim, 

intersected  by  a  number  of  upright  strokes  giving  the  appearance  of  a 

crown  in  some  ca^es,  and  having  a  sort  of  little  knot  projecting  behind. 

The   K^atrapa's   head  dress  on  the  other  hand  is  round  and  smooth  as 

if  it  were  of  metal,  always  shows  a  distinct  brim,  has  no  lines  or  marks 

of  any  kind,  or  any  knot  behind. 

The  style  in  which  the  hair  is  dressed  is  equally  characteristic. 
Nahapana*s  hair  is  gathered  up  in  a  kind  of  bobwig  style  close  under 
the  hat,  and  extending  only  to  the  ear  ;  whilst  all  the  K^trapas  wore 
the  hair  long,  extending  down  far  behind  the  ear,  and  showing 
voluminous  curls  on  the  neck. 

Another  point  on  which  all  Nahapana's  coins  agree  is  in  showing 
the  king  without  a  moustache,  whereas  the  Ksatrapa  kings 
invariably  have  moustaches. 

v.— The  Counter-struck  Inscription  of  Satakarni  I. 

As  I  have  stated  in  the  early  part  of  my  paper  more  than  two-thirds 
of  the  coins  of  this  hoard  have  been  counter-struck  by  Nahapana's 
conqueror,  the  king  Gotamiputra  ^ri  Satakarni. 

In  very  many  cases  the  counterstamp  is  such  as  to  completely 
obliterate  the  inscriptions  and  symbols  of  Nahapana.  In  other  cases 
not  much  damage  has  been  done  and  there  is  no  difficulty  in  reading 
the  original  legends.  My  Brst  idea  was  that  the  die  used  for  the  pur- 
pose of  counter  stamping  the  coins  was  brought  to  a  white  heat  and 
then  used  until  too  cool  to  make  an  impression.  The  first  coins 
stamped  would  therefore  have  their  original  inscriptions  completely 
effaced,  and  the  later  ones  would  be  scarcely  affected.  It  has,  however, 
been  explained  to  me  by  my  friend  H.  Cousens,  Esq.,  of  the 
Archaeological  Survey  that  such  a  thing  as  using  a  hot  die  is  unknown, 
and  that  the  true  explanation  of  the  varying  effect  of  the  blow 
given  to  the  counterstamped  coin  lies  in  the  workman  and  not  in  the 
tool.  A  strong  sledge  hammer  blow  would  efface  the  original  stamp, 
but  as  the  workman  grew  tired  and  struck  less  vigorously  the  effect 
would   be  less. 

In  Bhandarkar's  History  of  the  Deccan  (p,  167)  there  is  a 
reference  to  a  counterstamped  coin.  *'One  of  the  Kolhapur  coins 
figured  by  Pandit  Bhagwanlal  Indraji  bears  the  names  of  both  Gotami- 
putra and  Madhariputra,   showing  that  the  piece  originally  bearing 


THE  NASIK   (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD   OF  NAHAPANA'S  COIN'S.  239 

the  name  of  one  of  them  was  restamped  with  the  name  of  the  other. 
Mr.  Thomas  thinks  it  was  originally  Madhariputra's  coin.  I  think  it 
was  Gotamiputra*s  ;  for  if  we  see  the  other  figured  coins  we  shall  find 
that  they  are  so  stamped  as  to  leave  some  space  between  the  rim 
and  the  legend.  This  in  the  present  case  is  utilized,  and  the  name 
of  Madhariputra  stamped  close  to  the  rim,  which  shows  that  the  thing 
was  done  later.  Madhariputra  Sakasena,  therefore,  must  have  been 
a  successor  of  Gotamiputra  Yajna  6ri  Satakarni." 

It  is  noteworthy  that  there  is  not  a  single  coin  in  the  whole  collection 
which  was  iiot    originally  Nahapana^s.       This  raises  the    question 
whether  Satakarni  I.  ever  issued  coins  of  his  own,  and  the  testimony   of 
the  coins  of  this  hoard  points  to  the  conclusion  that  he  probably  did 
not. 

As  far  as  I  know  the  coins  of  this  hoard  are  the  first  of  Satakarni's 
coins  to  be  brought  to  light,  and  so  they  are  of  very  special  interest. 

Much  has  been  learnt  about  this  king  Satakarni  I.  from  the  cave 
inscriptions  at  Nasik.  The  most  important  of  the  many  inscriptions 
found  in  the  caves  is  that  of  Queen  Gautami  BalasVi,  in  which  the 
merits  of  her  son,  the  illustrious  Satakaroi  Gautamiputra,  are  very 
fully  described.  If  this  account  is  to  be  relied  on  he  must  have  been 
a  very  mighty  king  indeed.  He  is  called  ''  King  of  kings  ",  and  the 
list  is  given  of  the  countries  over  which  he  ruled,  showing  that  his 
kingdom  stretched  from  Malwa  in  the  north  to  Malabar  in  the  south, 
and  apparently  embraced  all  Rajputana,  Gujarat,  Kathiawar,  and  the 
Deccan.  He  '*  humbled  the  conceit  and  vanity  of  the  K^atriyas  ;" 
"destroyed  the  ^akas,  Yavanas  and  Palhavas,** f.^.,  the  Scythians, 
Greeks  and  Persians, — all  northern  invaders  ;  —  **  fostered  the  Brah- 
mans  ;"  "established  the  glory  of  the  Satavahana  family  ;"  "stopped 
the  admixture  of  the  four  castes  ;"  was  a  great  warrior,  ever  victorious, 
a  descendant  of  illustrious  kings  ;  and,  what  is  of  chief  interest  to  us 
just  now,  *'  rooted  out  the  dynasty  of  the  Khakharata."  The  name  of 
Nahapana  does  not  occur  in  the  inscription,  but  there  seems  no  doubt 
that  the  description  of  Satakarni  as  the  conqueror  of  Nahapana  is 
correct. 

It  is  curious  and  interesting  to  find  that  the  famous  Mahak^atrapa 
Rudradaman  in  his  inscription  at  Girnar  claims  to  be  just  such  an- 
other king  as  Satakarni  is  here  described,  and  to  have  ruled  over 
practically  the  same  immense  district.  Rudradaman  also  claims  to 
have  twice  conquered  Satakarni,  the  lord  of  the  Deccan,  and  to  have 
refrained  from  '.destroying    him  only  on  account  of  his  being  a  near 

18 


242  THE  NASIK  (jOGHALTBMBHl)   HOARD   OF   NAHAPANA*S   COINS. 

and  arrow,  their  symbols  being  the  chaitya  with  sun  and  moon,  and 
on  their  copper  coinage  an  elephant  or  an  Indian  bull. 

That  all  the  symbols  used  had  a  religious  signification  is,  I  think, 
very  probable,  but  there  was  so  much  eclecticism  at  that  period  of 
Indian  history  that  it  is  impossible  to  draw  hard  and  fast  lines.  I 
would  merely  suggest  that  the  thunderbolt  and  arrow  may  be  emblems 
of  Vishnu,  the  wielder  of  lightning  and  thunder,  and  therefore,  these 
symbols  may  be  connected  with  Hinduism  proper,  whilst  the  chaitya 
and  the  **  Ujjain  symbol  "  may  be  connected  with  Buddhism. 

(b)  Satakarni's  symbols  are,  as  we  have  seen,  the  chaitya  and  the 
**  Ujjain  mark."  They  were  not  new  to  Indian  coinage  as  they  are 
both  found  on  some  of  the  very  earliest  of  the  Indian  coins,  e.g-.^  the 
chaitya  on  the  Taxila  coins  of  about  200  B.C. ,  and  the  **  Ujjain  mark" 
on  coins  of  a  similar  early  date. 

The  Ksatrapa  king  Ca§jana  was  probably  a  contemporary  of 
Nahapuna,  and  he  used  the  chaitya  with  sun  and  moon,  as  his  symbol 
and  that  became  the  recognised  symbol  of  the  whole  Ksatrapa  line 
during  the  three  or  four  centuries  that  they  continued  :to  rule.  None 
of  the  Ksatrapas,  however,  appeafs  to  have  ever  used  the  "Ujjain 
symbol."  Both  the  chaitya  and  the  **  Ujjain  mark  "  are  found,  not 
on  different  sides  of  the  coin,  but  close  together,  on  the  reverse  of  a 
coin  of  Satakaroi  II.  We  should  probably  not  be  wrong  in  regarding 
these  two  as  combining  to  form  the  Andhra  symbol.  Then  we  find 
that  the  Ksatrapas  used  the  chaitya  without  the  **  Ujjain  mark,"  and 
it  is  interesting  to  remember  that  the  Mahakfatrapa  Rudradaman 
claimed  kinship  with  Satakarpi,  and  gave  that  as  a  reason  for  sparing 
him.  The  common  use  of  the  chaitya  as  a  symbol  may  well  be  con- 
nected with  that  fact  of  relationship,  a  sort  of  heraldic  quartering  of 
their  royal  coats  of  arms. 

I  have  only  in  conclusion  to  refer  my  readers  to  the  excellent  series  of 
plates  which  have  been  very  kindly  prepared  by  Henry  Cousens,  Esq. , 
from  which  the  many  points  of  interest  to  which  I  have  drawn  atten- 
tion in  my  paper  will  be  easily  understood,  and  in  the  case  of  the  diverse 
representations  of  the  personal  appearance  of  king  Nahapana,  will  be 
better  realised  than  from  any  verbal  description. 


THE  NASIK  (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPA>JA's   COINS.  243 


Nahapana's    Coins. 

Obverse  :  Head  of  king   facing  to  right :  inscription  in  Greek  and 
Roman  characters:  FA^f^fltO.  XA/t^fiATAC 
>rA^Air^/V^C    .     No  date. 

Reverse :  Thunderbolt  and  arrow  :  Rajno  Ksaharatasa  Naha- 
panasa  in  Brahmi  characters  ;  Ratio  Chaharatasa  Nahapanasa  in 
Kharoshthi  characters. 

-^.     Weight  29  to  32  grains. 


Satakarni's    Coins. 


Obverse :  Raho  Gotamiputasa  Siri  Satakanisa  in  Brahmi  characters  : 
chaitya  :  no  date. 

Reverse. — Ujjain  symbol. 
Counterstruck  on  Nahapana's  coins. 


I  T 


244         THE  NASIK  (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPANA'S  COINS 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  PLATES. 

Plate  /.—First     Row  :     Coins    showing    Greek    transliteration    in 
its  correct  form. 

Second  Row  :  Coins  showing  Brahmi  inscription. 

Third  Row  :  Coins  showing  Kharo^^hi  inscription. 

Fourth  Row :    Coins  showing    Greek    transliteration    in 

degenerate  forms. 
Fifty   Row  :    Coins     showing     Kharo^thi     inscription    in 

degenerate  forms. 

Sixty   Row  :  Coins   of  Satakarni  I,    with  his    inscription 
complete. 

Plate  IL — Greek  legend  in  pure  form,  varieties  of  bust 

Plate  III, — Greek  legend  in  degenerate  form,  varieties  of  bust. 

Plate  IV. — Specimens  of  counterstruck  coins. 


vjcV 


242  THE  NASIK  (jOGHALTBMBHl)   HOARD   OF   NAHAPANA'S   COINS. 

and  arrow,  their  symbols  being  the  chatty  a  with  sun  and  moon,  and 
on  their  copper  coinage  an  elephant  or  an  Indian  bull. 

That  all  the  symbols  used  had  a  religious  signification  is,  I  think, 
very  probable,  but  there  was  so  much  eclecticism  at  that  period  of 
Indian  history  that  it  is  impossible  to  draw  hard  and  fast  lines.  I 
would  merely  suggest  that  the  thunderbolt  and  arrow  may  be  emblems 
of  Vishnu,  the  wielder  of  lightning  and  thunder,  and  therefore,  these 
symbols  may  be  connected  with  Hinduism  proper,  whilst  the  chaitya 
and  the  ''  Ujjain  symbol  *'  may  be  connected  with  Buddhism. 

(b)  Satakarni's  symbols  are,  as  we  have  seen,  the  chaitya  and  the 
**  Ujjain  mark."    They  were  not  new  to  Indian  coinage  as  they  are 
both  found  on  some  of  the  very  earliest  of  the  Indian  coins,  tf.^.,  the 
chaitya  on  theTaxila  coins  of  about  200  B.C.,  and  the  **  Ujjain  mark" 
on  coins  of  a  similar  early  date. 

The  K§atrapa  king  Ca§|ana  was  probably  a  contemporary  of 
Nahapana,  and  he  used  the  chaitya  with  sun  and  moon,  as  his  symbol 
and  that  became  the  recognised  symbol  of  the  whole  K^atrapa  line 
during  the  three  or  four  centuries  that  they  continued  :to  rule.  None 
of  the  Ksatrapas,  however,  appeafs  to  have  ever  used  the  "Ujjain 
symbol."  Both  the  chaitya  and  the  **  Ujjain  mark  "  are  found,  not 
on  different  sides  of  the  coin,  but  close  together,  on  the  reverse  of  a 
coin  of  Satakarni  II.  We  should  probably  not  be  wrong  in  regarding 
these  two  as  combining  to  form  the  Andhra  symbol.  Then  we  find 
that  the  Ksatrapas  used  the  chaitya  without  the  **  Ujjain  mark,"  and 
it  is  interesting  to  remember  that  the  Mahak^atrapa  Rudradaman 
claimed  kinship  with  Satakarni,  and  gave  that  as  a  reason  for  sparing 
him.  The  common  use  of  the  chaitya  as  a  symbol  may  well  be  con- 
nected with  that  fact  of  relationship,  a  sort  of  heraldic  quartering  of 
their  royal  coats  of  arms. 

I  have  only  in  conclusion  to  refer  my  readers  to  the  excellent  series  of 
plates  which  have  been  very  kindly  prepared  by  Henry  Cousens,  Esq., 
from  which  the  many  points  of  interest  to  which  I  have  drawn  atten- 
tion in  my  paper  will  be  easily  understood,  and  in  the  case  of  the  diverse 
representations  of  the  personal  appearance  of  king  Nahapana,  will  be 
better  realised  than  from  any  verbal  description. 


THE  NASIK  (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD  OF  NAHAPA.VA's   COINS.  243 


Nahapana's    Coins. 

Obverse  :  Head  of  king   facing  to  right :  inscription  in  Greek  and 
Roman  characters:  FA^f^fltO.  XA/t^fiAf^C 

ATAH^ir^lVAC    .      No  date. 

/Reverse :  Thunderbolt  and  arrow  :  Rajno  Ksakaratasa  Naha- 
panasa  in  Brahmi  characters  ;  Rano  Chaharatasa  Nahapanasa  in 
Kharoshthi  characters. 

^,    Weight  29  to  32  grains. 


Satakarni's    Coins. 


Obverse:  Ratio  Gotamiputasa  Siri Satakanisa  in  Brahmi  characters  : 
chatty  a  :  no  date. 
Reverse. — Ujjain  symbol. 
Counterstruck  on  Nahapana's  coins. 


.   .    ' 


244         '^HB  NASIK  (jOGHALTEMBHl)   HOARD   OF  NAHAPANA*S  COINS 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  PLATES. 

Plate  /.—First     Row  :     Coins    showing    Greek    transliteration    in 
its  correct  form. 

Second  Row  :  Coins  showing  Brahmi  inscription. 

Third  Row  :  Coins  showing  Kharo^^hi  inscription. 

Fourth  Row :    Coins  showing    Greek    transliteration    in 

degenerate  forms. 
Fifty   Row  :    Coins     showing     Kharosthi     inscription    in 

degenerate  forms. 

Sixty  Row  :  Coins  of  Satakarni  I,   with  his    inscription 
complete. 

Plate  II, — Greek  legend  in  pure  form,  varieties  of  bust. 

Plate  III, — Greek  legend  in  degenerate  form,  varieties  of  bust. 

Plate  IV, — Specimens  of  counterstruck  coins. 


VII.— 77ie  Coins  0/  Surat. 
.  P.  Taylor,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Ahmadabad. 
(Communicaleii) 

has  gathered  round  the  story  of  the  founding 
Tradition  links  its  prosperity  as  a  modern  dty 
a  rich  Hindu  trader,  who  settled  on  its  present 
h  century.  One  of  the  city-wards  is  still  called 
I  a  large  reservoir,  long  since  waterless,  is 
:  Talav.  For  a  while  the  town,  or  perhaps  we 
jburb,  so  quickly  rising  under  his  fostering 
'  the  "  new  place  ";  but  ere  long  certain  astro- 
ivened  by  Gopi,  suggested  it  might  well  be 
lur,  '  the  City  of  the  Sun.'  Forthwith  petition 
MuzafTar  Karim,  as  overlord  of  the  district, 
night  be  given  for  the  adoption  of  this  name, 
staunchly  orthodox  adherent  of  the  Muslim 
ave  been  quite  to  his  liking  that  a  new  town 
Id  thus  be  accorded  a  purely  Hindu  name  ;  yet 
isposition  inclined  him  to  accede,  as  far  as 
3  request.  So,  changing  just  the  final  letter  of 
screed  that  the  city  should  be  called  Surat 
abic  ijjmj,  a  term  surely  free  from  all 
:a1  with  ihe  word  Employed  to  designate  each 
.sQ6r'5n." 

nt  of  Surat,  Narmadaiankar  gives  the  date  of 
y  as  A.D.  1530.  But  in  this  detail  he  has  evi- 
e  :  for  six  years  before  1520  the  Portuguese 
ia  visited  "  a  c!ly  called  Surat  at  the  mouth  of 
early  it  was  "  a.  city  of  very  great  trade  in  all 
"  Barbosa  further  relates  that  "Many  ships  of 
r  partJ  sail  thither  continually,  and  discharge 
ause  this  is  a  very  important  seaport,  and  there 
tities  of  merchandise.  Moors,  Gentiles,  and 
in  this  city.  Its  custom-house,  which 
y  large  revenue  for  the  King  of  G^ 


246  THE  COINS  OF  SCRAT. 

until  now  Malaguioy,  a  Gentile,  commands  it,  and  governs  it,  as   lord 
of  it."' 

This  so  circumstantial  reference  to  the  prosperity  of  the  city  in  the 
year  1514  renders  inevitable  the  conclusion  that  Surat  dates  back 
considerably  before  the  days  of  the  merchant-prince  Gopi.  We  may 
with  probability  infer  that  on  the  site  of  an  ancient  Hindu  town  called 
Suryapur  the  present  city  was  built,  and  that  simultaneously  with  a 
phenomenal  development  of  its  trade  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
sixteenth  century  the  city's  name  was  changed  from  Suryapur  to 
Surat.  ^ 

Owing  both  to  its  wealth  and  to  its  importance  as  a  naval  station, 
Surat  early  became  an  object  of  desire  to  the  Portuguese,  who  on  three 
several  occasions  assaulted  and  sacked  the  city — once  in  1512,  again 
in  1530,  and  yet  again  in  1531.  Of  the  1530  expedition  Danvers 
concisely  records  that  **  Antonio  da  Silveira  proceeded  up  the  Tapti 
river,  and  burnt  the  city  of  Surat  and  the  ships  in  the  arsenal  there, 
killing  everything  that  had  life  within  it,  and  taking  away  every- 
thing of  value."'  The  fort  that  had  been  built  after  the  first  invasion 
proving  insufficient,  the  Sultan  Mahmud  (III)  bin  Latif  gave  orders 
for  the  erection  of  the  much  stronger  castle  that  still  dominates  the 
river. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1572  (A.  H.  980)  the  Emperor  Akbar, 
gladly  responding  to  an  invitation  from  the  disaffected  noble  fi'^timad 
^an,  swooped  down  with  his  army  upon  the  province  of  Gujarat,  and 
in  six  short  months  had  annexed  it  to  his  dominions.  The  recalci- 
trant Mirzas,  who  had  found  an  asylum  with  Changiz  Khan  of  Broach, 
and  whose  presence  in  Gujarat  had  supplied  Akbar  a  specious  pretext 
for  invasion,  early  in  1573  gained  possession  of  Surat,  and  entrenched 
themselves  within  the  Castle.  Akbar,  however,  followed  close  on  the 
rebels,  and  after  a  seven-weeks'  siege  took  the  city  (24  Shawwal  980  ; 
27  Feb.  1573).  Henceforward  Surat,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the 
province,  became  an  integral  part  of  the  Mughal  Empire,  and  for 
the  next  two  centuries  shared  in  its  vicissitudes. 

*  Stanley*s  Edition  of  Barbosa's  •*  Description  of  the  Coasts  of  East  Africa  and  Mala- 
bar," printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Sodcty,  x866,  pa^es  67,  68. 

"  NotwithsUndingr  the  contrary  opinion  maintained  by  EHiot  and  Dowson,  it  is  well 
definitely  to  dissociate  the  name  of  the  dty  Surat  (  Guj.  ^^<1  )  from  that  of  the  pro- 
vince Sorath(Guj.  ^Ri  ).  This  latter  name  is  the  Prakritizcd  form  of  the  Sanskrit 
Saura^ra  (  W^I^  ),  which  originally  denoted  the  whole  of  the  KathIawa<J  Peninsula. 
It  is,  however,  in  its  present  application,  limited  to  the  front,  or  district,  in  that  Peninsula 
which  borders  the  sea  on  the  South  and  Soutb*West.  With  an  area  of  Saao  square  miles, 
it  includes  the  Native  States  of  Junagarh,  Jafarabad,  Porbandar.  Bantva,  and  Jetpur. 

=»  F.  C.  Danvers  :    "  The  Portuguese  in  India,"  Vol.  I,  pag^  ?99. 


THE  COINS  OF  SURAT.  ,  ,  247 


I.  The  period  of  Local  Mughal  Currency :  A,  H.  985—1027  ; 
A.  D.  1577 — 1618.  It  was  within  the  first  decade  subsequentto  its  subju- 
gation by  Akbar  that  Surat  for  the  first  time  issued  coins  from  a  mint 
of  its  own.  Prior  to  this  period  its  currency  had  consisted  of  the  gold 
and  silver  and  copper  coins  struck  by  the  Gujarat  Sultans  for  the  most 
part  at  their  capital  city  of  Ahmadabad.  This  Ahmadabad  mint, 
which  in  the  early  months  of  H.  980  had  been  producing  coins  for 
the  ill-fated  Sultan  Muzaffar  III,  was  ere  the  close  of  that  year  im- 
pressed  into  service  for  the  issue  of  imperial  rupees,  bearing  the  more 
illustrious  name  of  Jalal-al-din  Akbar  Padshah.  But  Surat  in  the 
year  of  its  conquest  possessed   no  mint  that  could  be  requisitioned  for  { 

imperial  coinage.     So  far  as  we  can  learn,   it  was  in  the  year  H.  985  * 

(A.  D.  1577-78)  that  Surat  made  its  first  contribution  to  the  currency, 
and  the  coins  then  issued  were  of  a  type  distinctly  inferior  both  in  ! 

workmanship  and  in  weight  to  the  rupees  struck  at  Ahmadabad  and 
other  of  the  Imperial  Mints.  Here,  for  instance,  is  Mandelslo's  ac- 
count of  the  coins  that  were  current  at  his  time  (A.  D.  1638)  in  the 
province  of  Gujarat  : — 

**  They  have  also  two  sorts  of  money,  to  wit,  the  Mamoudies 
**  and  the  Ropias.  The  Mamoudis  are  made  at  Surat,  of  silver 
**  of  a  very  base  alley,  and  are  worth  about  twelve  pence  sterling, 
**  and  they  go  only  at  Surat,  Brodra,  Broitchia,  Cambaya,  and 
"  those  parts.  Over  all  the  Kingdom  besides,  as  at  Amadabath 
**  and  elsewhere,  they  have  Ropias  Chagam,  which  are  very  good 
•'  silver,  and  worth  half  a  Crown  French  money.  "^ 

These  **  Surat  Mahmudis,"  we  may  confidently  affirm,  are  identical 
with  the  silver  coins  which  Stanley  Lane-Poole  has  designated  in 
the  British  Museum  Catalogue  **  Coins  of  Gujarat  Fabric.'*  They 
are  known  only  in  silver,  and  are  of  two  denominations  corresponding 
in  weight  to  the  half  and  the  quarter  rupee.  They  are  round  coins, 
the  larger  ones  having  a  diameter  of  six-tenths  of  an  inch  and  the 
smaller  of  half  an  inch.  The  dates  on  the  specimens  known  to  me 
range  from  H.  985'  to  H.  1027.  Then  comes  a  blank  for  nearly  two 
centuries,  after  which  precisely  the  same  type  of  coin  reappears, 
but  now  with  the  dates  H.  I2i5dnd  i2i7(A.  D.  1800  and  1802). 

The  legend,   which  on  all  these  Mahmudis  is  the  same,  reads  as 
follows  : — {see  Fig.  i). 

'-J.  Albert  de  Mandelslo :    "  Voyages  and  Travels:'*    rendered   into   English  by  John 
17a vies,   Edition  of  i66t,  p.  85. 

*  I  had  here  and  in  the  preceding  paragraph    originally  written    H.  989,    but  my  friend, 
]Kr.  Framji  J.Thanawala,  after  reading  this  article,  sent  him  in   MS.  form,   most  kindly 
resented  me  two  beautiful  Mahmudis— one  dated  H.  985  and  the  other  H.  988* 


i^^  TBE  ocas  or 

fjirztne. In  a  square  area  bocnded  bf  doolde  fines  vrhh  dots 


%Jii'^ 


y^  f^' 


Margins  HlegibJe. 
Rricne, — in  siniilararea  : 


>Iargins  ille^ble. 

T:.e  ^giires  denoting  the  Hiiri  3nears  arc  entered  near  the  rigbt-hand 
la»  er  c:?rncr  of  the  square  area  of  the  OftrvrBf — over  tbe^flt  of  Ql^ 
In  the  coin  dated  H.  985  the  figures  are  upright,  but  00  all  specknens 
known  to  me  of  a  later  date  they  appear  as  though  King  on  their  faces, 
having  suffered  rotation  from  the  upright  position  through  one  quad- 
rant to  the  left.  It  is  worthy  of  special  note  that,  though  Akbar  died 
in  H.  1 01 4,  his  name  is  retained  unchanged  on  the  coins  struck 
subsequent  to  that  date,  whether  in  Jahangir's  reign  or  even  two 
hundred  years  later. ^ 

II.  The  Period  of  Imperial  Mughal  Currency  :  A.  H.  1030 — 1215  ; 
A*D.  1620 — 1800. 

In  order  to  meet  the  demand  for  a  purely  local  currency,  the  Sural 
Mint  continued  to  issue  its  comparatively  insignificant  Mahmudi 
silverlings  for  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  say,  H.  985 — 1027,  with 
a  slight  added  margin  for  either  limit.  But  at  the  close  of  that  period 
this  Mint  seems  to  have  been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  an  Imperial 
Mint,  and  its  thenceforward  increased  actirity  was  evidenced  by  the 
production,  and  in  considerable  numbers,  of  all  the  different  standard 
coins  of  the  realm,  the  gold  muhr,  the  silver  rupee,  and  the  copper 
fulus.  The  following  table  shows  for  each  of  the  Mughal  Emperors 
(or  Qaimants  to  the  throne)  the  metab  in  which  coins  from  the  Surat 
Mint  are  known  to  us  to-day.  It  will  be  seen  that,  with  the  exception 
of  five  claimants  (Dawar  Bakfash,Shuja\  Kam  Bakhsh,  Niku-siyar  and 

^  In  tlic  account  here  f^rcn  of  the  SOrat  Mahmudis,  now  more  oomoMmly  called  the  coins 
of  GujaW&t  Fabric  1  hare  aTailed  my«clf  of  the  condusioos  established  m  two  artkks 
puMtshcd  \r%  the  Nuinistnatic  Sapplemeat  II  from  the  Journal.  Anatic  Society  of  Bcoffal. 
VoL  LXXIII,  Part  I.  No.  s,  1904,  and  the  Numismatic  Supplement  W  from  the  Journal  an^ 
Proceeding:*,  Astatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New  Series).  VoL  I,  No.  10, 190$. 


'•►•»*      ^.   * 


-rTliA'JB«*iB:«i***»r   ^m^^^ 


d  4*    \'  tvi 


:jia 


.•    .      i  V     ^• 


a«- 


SXV 


248  THE  COINS  OF  SURAT. 

Obverse.^lti  a  square  area  bounded   by  double  lines  with  dots 
between  : 


^jliyf) 


Margins  illegible. 
Reverse, — In  similar  area  : 


Margins  illegible. 

The  figures  denoting  the  Hijri  years  are  entered  near  the  right-hand 
lower  corner  of  the  square  area  of  the  Obverse— o\Qt  the  jim  of  J  Ja 
In  the  coin  dated  H.  985  the  figures  are  upright,  but  on  all  specimens 
known  to  me  of  a  later  date  they  appear  as  though  lying  on  their  faces, 
having  suffered  rotation  from  the  upright  position  through  one  quad- 
rant to  the  left.  It  is  worthy  of  special  note  that,  though  Akbar  died 
in  H.  1014,  his  name  is  retained  unchanged  on  the  coins  struck 
subsequent  to  that  date,  whether  in  Jahangir's  reign  or  even  two 
hundred  years  later.* 

II.  The  Period  of  Imperial  Mughal  Currency  :  A.  H.  1030— 1215 ; 
A.D.  1620 — 1800. 

In  order  to  meet  the  demand  for  a  purely  local  currency,  the  Surat 
Mint  continued  to  issue  its  comparatively  insignificant  Mahmudi 
silverlings  for  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  say,  H.  985 — 1027,  with 
a  slight  added  margin  for  either  limit.  But  at  the  close  of  that  period 
this  Mint  seems  to  have  been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  an  Imperial 
Mint,  and  its  thenceforward  increased  activity  was  evidenced  by  the 
production,  and  in  considerable  numbers,  of  all  the  different  standard 
coins  of  the  realm,  the  gold  muhr,  the  silver  rupee,  and  the  copper 
fulus.  The  following  table  shows  for  each  of  the  Mughal  Emperors 
(or  Claimants  to  the  throne)  the  metals  in  which  coins  from  the  Surat 
Mint  are  known  to  us  to-day.  It  will  be  seen  that,  with  the  exception 
of  five  claimants  (Dawar  Bakh§h,Shuja*,  Kam  Bakhsh,  Niku-siyar  and 

'^  In  the  account  here  g^iven  of  the  Surat  Mahmudis,  now  more  commonly  called  the  coin» 
of  Gujarat  Fabric,  I  have  availed  myself  of  the  conclusions  established  in  two  articles 
published  in  the  Numismatic  Supplement  II  from  the  Journal.  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal. 
Vol.  LXXIII,  Part  I.  No.  1,  Z904,  and  the  Numismatic  Supplement  VI  from  the  Journal  an^ 
Proceedings,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New  Series),  Vol.  I,  No.  10,  ipc^. 


THE  COINS   OF  SURAT. 


249 


Ibrahim)  every  ruler  from  Jahangir  to  Shah  *Alam  II  is  represented 
by  at  least  his  silver  pieces : — 


SOrat  Mint. 

1                              SOrat  Mint. 

Emperor  or  Claimant. 

Metal 

• 

• 

0 
2: 

Emperor  or  Claimant. 

MeUl 

• 

« 

0 
2: 

G. 

S. 

1  a 

G. 

S. 

c. 

I 

Jahangir 

Jahangir  and  Nur 
Jahan 

••• 
G 

S 
S 

c 

... 

11  Farrukh-siyar    ..» 

12  Rafral  darajat  ••• 

S 

s 

c 
c 

2 

Dawar  Bakh^  ... 

••» 

••• 

•  •• 

13 

Shah  Jahan  II.  ... 

G 

S 

k*. 

3 

Shah  Jahan  I.    ... 

G 

s 

c 

14 

Niku-siyar 

.•• 

... 

... 

4 

Shuja' 

... 

•  a. 

•  •• 

15 

Ibrahim 

••• 

... 

••• 

5 

Murad  Bakhsh  ... 

•*• 

s 

c 

16 

Muhammad        ... 

G 

s 

c 

6 

Aurangzeb 

G 

s 

c 

17 

Ahmad  Shah 

*•• 

s 

.•• 

7 

A'zam  Shah 

.•• 

s 

... 

18 

'Alamgir  II. 

••• 

S 

... 

8 

Kam  Bakhsh     ... 

... 

... 

•*• 

19 

Shah  Jahan  III.... 

*•• 

S 

... 

9 

Shah  *Alam  I.    ... 

G 

s 

c 

20 

Shah  'Alam  II.  ... 

G 

S 

••• 

10 

Jahandar 

G 

s 

1 

c 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  latest  known  Surat  Mahmudi  is  dated 
H.  1027.  The  earliest  known  Surat  rupee — a  rupee  in  the  possession 
of  my  friend  Mr.  Framji  Jamaspji  Thanawala — is  of  the  first  month  of 
the  Hijriyear  1030^,  and  from  that  date  right  on  till  H.  1215,  or  even  a 
few  years  later,  the  Surat  mint  was  more  or  less  active.  As  the  year 
H.  1 215,  however,  witnessed  both  the  resumption  of  the  coinage  of 
silver  Mahmudis  and  also  the  production  of  Surat  muhrs  and  rupees 
by  the  Bombay  mint  of  the  East  India  Company,  the  issue  of  exclu- 
^vely  Imperial  Mughal  coins  may  be  assigned  to  the  185  (lunar) 
years  from  A.  H.  1030  till  A.  H.  12 15.  Accordingly  we  now  proceed  to 
register  in  their  chronological  order  the  legends  on  the  different  types 
of  coins  struck  at  the  Surat  mint  during  this  period. 

^     Entry  is  made  in  the  Lahor  Mus.  Catal.  (p.  70,  No.  IJ7)  of  an  Akbar!  rupee  struck  at 
SGrat     (  ^^)yO  )  in  the  month  Jfin.    ((O^w)    of  the  Ilah!  year  38.    This  strange 

rupee,  however,  did  not,  we  may  confidently  affirm,  issue  from  the  SGratf  C:»  1  mm  j  Mint. 


250  THE  COINS  OF  SORAT. 

JAHANGlR  :  A.  H.  1014— 1037  ;  A.  D.  1605— 1627. 

A.     From  A.  H.  1030 — x  (regnal  year)  till  A.  H.  1033 — 18. 
Rupee  (see  Fig.  2)  and  half-rupee. 

obv.  ^'^I;y 

On  two  rupees  of  this  type  in  the  Lahor  Museum  (Catalogue  Nos. 
143  and  179)  the  tail  of  the_y^  in  the  word      J  |  is  retracted  across  the 

•9 

face  of  the  coin,  and  in  one  the  word   ^Xau   is  wanting.    Thus  on  these 
rupees  the  Reverse  legends  read  as  follow  : — 

We/V^^       and       ^li:;^!^'^ 

B.     From  A.  H.  1033-19  till  A.  H.  1037-22. 

One  muhr  (Br.  Mus.  Catal.  No.  513),  several  rupees  {see  Fig.  3),  and 
a  few  half-rupees  of  this  period  are  known,  bearing  on  the  Obverse  the 
name  of  Jahangir  and  on  the  Reverse  that  of  his  Queen-consort  Nur 
Jahan. 


THE  COINS  OF  sORAT.  2-1 

Thus  the  legend,  covering  both  the  Obverse  and  the  Reverse,  runs 

By  order  of  Shah  Jahangir  money  gained  a  hundred  beauties 
Through  the  name  of  Nur  Jahan  Padshah  Begam. 

SHAH  JAHAN  J.  :  A.  H.  1037-1069  ;  A.  D.  1628-1659. 

A.     A.  H.  1037-1 
Rupee. 

I.     Obv»  -'t.^l/     or  the  variant  (j^^  Fig.  4)    c>^L^»(j> 

Rev.  4/IJ'UIJ' 

2.     (See  Fig.  5)  Ohv,  4^  jli 


^U  ^^I^^U 


252  THE  COINS  OP  SORAT. 

Rev.  Ji/IJ'l^lJ' 


B.     From  Hijri  1037 — j^^)  till  /fyVf  1042-x. 
Rupee  {jsee  Fig.  6)  and  half-rupee. 

Both  on  Obverse  and  on  Reverse  the  legend  is  bounded  by  two  con 
centric  linear  circles  between  which  comes  a  circle  of  dots. 


^^^^^ 


Rev.  JblJ'UIJf 


It  was  in  this  year  1037  that  the  term  Hijri    ^^^Jb\     was  for 

the  first  time  entered  on  the  coins  of  Surat. 

From  some  specimens  of  rupees  of  this  period  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Bombay  Asiatic  Society  it  would  seem  that  the  entry  of  the  regnal  year 
was  occasionally  omitted  altogether. 

C.     From  A.  H.  x— Ilahl  4  (i)  till  A.  H.  x— Ilahi  5  (12).  1 

Only  two  coins  of  this  type  have  been  published,   and   botli  are 
muhrs  :  one  is  in  the  British  Museum  and  the  other  at  Labor. 
Ohv,     Same  as  B. 

^  The  bracketed  figure  indicates  the  month  :  thus  Ilah!  4  (t)  means  the  first  month— 
Farwardtn — of  the  Ilah!  year  4  ;  and  similarly  Ilahi  5  (is)  the  twelfth  month — Isfand&nnuz 
•of  the  Ilah!  year  5. 


THE  COINS  OF  sOrAT.  253 


Rev.  Mi\Mi 


JUA 


D.     From  A.  H.  x— 6  till  A.  H.  1046—9. 
Rupee  (see  Fig.  7). 

Ohv,     In  square  area  with  knotted  corners. 

Margin  :  uppei :  ^  jj  |uj  t^ 
:  right:  ,^„^L©  *U»^ 
:  lower  :        ^^  ^^f 

:     left :      cy^^^  «->  ^ 
Rev,     In  square  area  with  knotted  corners. 


Margin  :  lower  :       t^     c*  I  cJ  "^""^ 
ileft:      ^  l^j^^l  Jac^ 

•  upper:  c^l^  rjj^ 

:  right :  ^     U^ 

It  will  be  observed  that  on  the  rupees  of  this  type  both  the  Hijri  and 
the  regnal  year  are  entered  on  the  Reverse,  the  former  in  the  left 
margin  and  the  latter  in  the  left  lower  corner  of  the  area.  The  two 
dates  are  thus  brought  fairly  close  together. 

A  gold  coin  of  the  year  H.  1047,  "^w  in  the  Bombay  Asiatic 
Society's  cabinet,  bears  the  regnal  year  both  on  the  Reverse  as  in  type 
O  and  also  on  the  Obverse  as  in  type  E.  This  interesting  muhr  thus 
serves  as  a  link  connecting  both  those  types. 


254  THE  COINS   OF  SCRAT. 

E.  From  A.  H.  1048—12  till  A.  H.  1051— 14. 
Rupee. 

„         \  Same  as  m  D, 
Rev.    ) 

but  the  regnal  year  is  now  removed  from  the  Reverse  area,  and  is 
entered  instead   in   the  right-hand   margin  of  the  Obverse.     Thus 

^{^   J 
{See  Fig.  8)  or,  more  commonly,  w-^'u^,*^ 

F.  From  A.  H.  1052—16  till  A.  H.  1067—30  (but  note  G  below). 

Rupee. 

Ohv.    ^  ^  .     T-. 

„         vSame  as  m  D, 

but  the  regnal  year  is  now  entered  not  on  the  Reverse,  but  in  the  right- 
hand  lower  corner  of  the  Obverse  area  {see  Fig.  9).  The  Shah  Jahani 
Surat  rupees  most  in  evidence  are  of  this  type.  One  specimen  in 
my  possession  is  square  {see  Fig.  10),  measuring  7  inch,  and  weighing 
178  grains.  1  Its  Hijri  year  is  indistinct,  but  seems  to  be  either  1055 
or  1059,  and  its  regnal  year  is  wanting. 

G.  A.  H.  1057— 20  and  A.  H.  1057—21. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  11)  and  half-rupee. 

Obv,     In  area  enclosed  by  a  wavy  diamond  border. 

n 

Margin  :  left  upper  : 
:  right  upper : 
:  right  lower : 

:  left  lower  :  i:yj^*u  uj  -^ 

^The  late  Pandtt  Bh.igvanlal  Indraji,  in  his  article  on  "  Antiquarian  Remains  at  Sopari 
and  Padana,"  contributed  to  the  Journal  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Amattc 
Society,  Vol.  XV,  No.  XL,  tells  of  his  obtaining  at  Sopara  about  ten  coins  of  white  metal, 
all  of  them  square,  and  all  bearing  the  legend  of  S^&h  Jah&n.  He  adds  (p.  279),  "  I  bdieve 
these  coins  were  perhaps  struck  at  SdpSra  to  replace  the  Portuguese  white  metal  coins, 
which  were  current  in  this  part  of  the  country,  I  may  mention  thatt  except  heret  I  haTe 
never  found  a  white  metal  Moghal  coin.*'  Now  Sopara  is  otherwise  unknown  as  a  mint  town, 
and  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  at  this  long  since  decayed  emporium  of  trade  a  mint 
should  have  been  opened  hf  the  Mughals  solely  for  the  production  of  white  metal  coins. 
Through  the  generosity  of  my  kind  friend  Mr.  FrS.nxii  J&maspji  Th&niwaUl  four  of  these 
tutenag  coin^  are  now  in  my  possession,  and  though  on  none  of  them  can  the  place  of 
mintage  be  decipheredi  still  the  coins  themselves  resemble  so  closely  the  square  rupee 
mentioned  as  type  F  that  I  incline  to  assign  both  to  one  and  the  same  mint.  But  the  rupee 
distinctly  bears  the  name  of  its  mint-town  Surat,  and  hence  we  may  with  probability  infer 
that  it  was  from  Surat  these  rare  tufenag  coins  issued. 


THE  COINS  OP  SORAT*  355 


Rev,    In  similar  area  : 


Margin  :  right  lower  :       y^ i_<f  I  O  *^ 
:  left  lower  :      ^   |  ♦^V  A^  s 
:  left  upper  :  i:)^^  r)) ^' 

:  right  upper  :  Jj^  J^j 

H.    A.  H.  1067—31  and  A.  H.  1068—31. 
Rupee  (see  Fig.  12). 
O^.     In  circular  area  : 

The  marginal  legend,  starting  from  the  left  upper  portion,  reads 
consecutively : — 

Rev.     In  similar  area  : 


The  marginal   legend,  starting  from  the  left  upper  portion,  reads 
consecutively. 

In  one  of  my  specimens  the  year  |  «.*f  V  is  by  a  freak  written  |  •»(' V 

In  the  rupee  of  the  year  A.  H.  1068 — 31  the  marginal  legend  on  the 
Reverse  begins  not  at  the  left  upper  but  at  the  right  lower  portion. 
J.     A.  H.  1068 — 31. 

The    Indian    (Calcutta)    Museum    Catalogue    registers    a   rupee 
(No.  13149  On  page  35)  as  follows  : — 
Obv.     In  square. 

f\    (31st  year)  under  ^{J;, 

Margins  as  in  Obverse  of  D. 
Rev,    Kalima  in  a  circle  ;  margins  as  usual  ;  and  date  |  ♦^  A 

19 


248  THE  COINS  OF  SURAT. 

Obverse.-^ln  a  square  area  bounded   by  double  lines  with  dots 
between  : 


^j\iy/) 


Margins  illegible. 
Reverse, — In  similar  area  : 


Margins  illegible. 

The  figures  denoting  the  Hijri  years  are  entered  near  the  right-hand 
lower  corner  of  the  square  area  of  the  Obverse- ov^r  the  jim  of  J  JU^ 
In  the  coin  dated  H.  985  the  figures  are  upright,  but  on  all  specimens 
known  to  me  of  a  later  date  they  appear  as  though  lying  on  their  faces, 
having  suffered  rotation  from  the  upright  position  through  one  quad- 
rant to  the  left.  It  is  worthy  of  special  note  that,  though  Akbar  died 
in  H.  1014,  his  name  is  retained  unchanged  on  the  coins  struck 
subsequent  to  that  date,  whether  in  Jahangir's  reign  or  even  two 
hundred  years  later.  ^ 

II.     The  Period  of  Imperial  Mughal  Currency  :  A.  H.  1030—1215  ; 
A.D.  1620 — 1800. 

In  order  to  meet  the  demand  for  a  purely  local  currency,  the  Sural 
Mint  continued  to  issue  its  comparatively  insignificant  Mahmudi 
silverlings  for  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  say,  H.  985 — 1027,  with 
a  slight  added  margin  for  either  limit.  But  at  the  close  of  that  period 
this  Mint  seems  to  have  been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  an  Imperial 
Mint,  and  its  thenceforward  increased  activity  was  evidenced  by  the 
production,  and  in  considerable  numbers,  of  all  the  different  standard 
coins  of  the  realm,  the  gold  muhr,  the  silver  rupee,  and  the  copper 
fulus.  The  following  table  shows  for  each  of  the  Mu^al  Emperors 
(or  Claimants  to  the  throne)  the  metals  in  which  coins  from  the  Surat 
Mint  are  known  to  us  to-day.  It  will  be  seen  that,  with  the  exception 
of  five  claimants  (Dawar  Bakhsh,ShujaS  Kam  Bakhsh,  Niku-siyar  and 

^  In  the  account  here  given  of  the  SOrat  Mahmudis,  now  more  commonly  called  the  coins 
of  Gujarat  Fabric,  1  have  availed  myself  of  the  conclusions  established  in  two  articles 
published  in  the  Numismatic  Supplement  II  from  the  Journal.  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengral, 
Vol.  LXXIII,  Part  I,  No.  s,  1904.  and  the  Numismatic  Supplement  VI  from  the  Journal  and 
Proceeding*}.  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New  Series),  Vol.  I.  No.  10,  ISK>S* 


THE  COINS  OF  SORAT. 


249 


Ibrahim)  every  ruler  from  Jahangir  to  Shah  'Alam  II  is  represented 
by  at  least  his  silver  pieces : — 


SOrat  Mint. 

1                               SOrat  Mint. 

Emperor  or  Claimant. 

MetaL 

MeUl 

• 

• 

c 

as 

G. 

s. 

c. 

• 

0 
2: 

Emperor  or  Claimant. 

G. 

S. 

C. 

I 

Jahangir 

Jahangir  and  Nur 
Jahan 

•  •• 

G 

S 
S 

c 

... 

11  Farrukh-siyar    ... 

12  Rafral  darajat  ••• 

... 
... 

S 
S 

c 
c 

2 

Dawar  Bakh^  ... 

••» 

••• 

•  •• 

13 

Shah  Jahan  II.  ... 

G 

S 

%•• 

3 

Shah  Jahan  I.    ... 

G 

S 

c 

14 

Niku-siyar 

.*• 

... 

... 

4 

Shuja' 

... 

•  •• 

.•• 

15 

Ibrahim 

••• 

... 

•  •• 

5 

Murad  Bakhsh  ... 

».• 

s 

c 

16 

Muhammad 

G 

S 

c 

6 

Aurangzeb 

G 

s 

c 

17 

Ahmad  Shah 

.•• 

S 

.*• 

7 

A'zam  Shah 

••• 

s 

... 

18 

'Alamgir  II. 

••• 

S 

... 

8 

Kam  Bakhsh     ... 

... 

... 

«•• 

19 

Shah  Jahan  III.... 

... 

S 

... 

9 

Shah  'Alam  I.    ... 

G 

s 

c 

20 

Shah  'Alam  II.  ... 

G 

S 

••• 

10 

Jahandar 

G 

s 

• 

c 

^ 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  latest  known  Surat  Mahmudi  is  dated 
H.  1027.  The  earliest  known  Surat  rupee — a  rupee  in  the  possession 
of  my  friend  Mr.  Framji  Jamaspji  Thanawala — is  of  the  first  month  of 
the  Hijriyear  1030^,  and  from  that  date  right  on  till  H.  1215,  or  even  a 
few  years  later,  the  Surat  mint  was  more  or  less  active.  As  the  year 
H.  1 215,  however,  witnessed  both  the  resumption  of  the  coinage  of 
silver  Mahmudis  and  also  the  production  of  Surat  muhrs  and  rupees 
by  the  Bombay  mint  of  the  East  India  Company,  the  issue  of  exclu- 
sively Imperial  Mu^al  coins  may  be  assigned  to  the  185  (lunar) 
years  from  A.  H.  1030  till  A.  H.  12 15.  Accordingly  we  now  proceed  to 
register  in  their  chronological  order  the  legends  on  the  different  types 
of  coins  struck  at  the  Surat  mint  during  this  period. 

^    Entry  is  made  in  the  LShor  Mus.  Catal.  (p.  70,  No.  IJ7)  of  an  Akbari  rupee  struck  at 
SQrat     (  \::^\yO  )  in  the  month  Jan.    (;oU^)    of  the  Ilahl  year  38.    This  strangre 

rupee,  however,  did  not,  we  may  confidently  affirm,  issue  from  the  Surat f  Cly  1^^  j  Mint. 


250  THE  COINS  OF  SORAT. 

JAHANGlR  :  A.  H.  1014— 1037  *•  A.  D.  1605— 1627. 
A.     From  A.  H.  1030— x  (regnal  year)  till  A.  H.  1033 — 18. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  2)  and  half-rupee. 

Rev.  ^\  ^s^)i/  ^^ 

IV  ,ju 

On  two  rupees  of  this  type  in  the  Lahor  Museum  (Catalogue  Nos. 
143  and  179)  the  tail  of  the  ^^  in  the  word       A  ]  is  retracted  across  the 

face  of  the  coin,  and  in  one  the  word   ^Xm*   >s  wanting.    Thus  on  these 
rupees  the  Reverse  legends  read  as  follow  : — 

We/V^^       and       ^le^^l^^ 
A*- 

B.     From  A.  H.  1033-19  till  A.  H.  1037-22. 

One  muhr  (Br.  Mus.  Catal.  No.  513),  several  rupees  (see  Fig.  3),  and 
a  few  half-rupees  of  this  period  are  known,  bearing  on  the  Obverse  the 
name  of  Jahangir  and  on  the  Reverse  that  of  his  Queen-consort  Nur 
Jahan. 

Obv.  ^[^^ 


THE  COINS  OF  sOraT.  2-i 

Jiev>  KLi 

y 

Thus  the  legend,  covering  both  the  Obverse  and  the  Reverse,  runs 

By  order  of  Shah  Jahangir  money  gained  a  hundred  beauties 
Through  the  name  of  Nur  Jahan  Padshah  Begam. 

SHAH  JAHAN  I.  :  A.  H.  1037-1069  ;  A.  D.  1628-1659. 

A.     A.  H.  1 037- 1 
Rupee. 

I.     Obv,  -'^^t/     or  the  variant  (^^^  Fig.  4)    \jl^»L> 

Rev.  Mm  Mi 


i.rv 

2.     {See  Fig.  5)  0*r.  <i- J^^ 


f.V        4      1*^ 


252  THE  COINS  OP  SORAT. 


B.     From  Hijri  1037 — j^^)  till  /TyVf  1042-x. 
Rupee  (see  Fig.  6)  and  half-rupee. 

Both  on  Obverse  and  on  Reverse  the  legend  is  bounded  by  two  con 
centric  linear  circles  between  which  comes  a  circle  of  dots. 

Ohv.  ^jl^KLijO 


i^'^ivi*^ 


Rev.  JUUUIJ' 


It  was  in  this  year  1037  that  the  term  Hijri    (\^y^\     was  for 

the  first  time  entered  on  the  coins  of  Surat. 

From  some  specimens  of  rupees  of  this  period  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Bombay  Asiatic  Society  it  would  seem  that  the  entry  of  the  regnal  year 
was  occasionally  omitted  altogether. 

C.     From  A.  H.  x — Ilahi  4  (i)  till  A,  H.  x — Ilahi  5  (i2).i 

Only  two  coins  of  this  type  have  been  published,   and  both  are 
muhrs  :  one  is  in  the  British  Museum  and  the  other  at  Labor. 
Ohv^     Same  as  B. 

^  The  bracketed  figure  indicates  the  month :  thus  Ilahi  4(1)  means  the  first  month— 
Farwardin — of  the  llahT  year  4  ;  and  similarly  Ilah!  5  (is)  the  twelfth  month— Isfandarmuz 
—of  the  Ilahi  year  5. 


THE  COINS  OF  sOrAT.  253 


Rev.  MhA\i 


JUiA 


D.     From  A.  H.  x— 6  till  A.  H.  1046—9. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  7). 

Ohv,     In  square  area  with  knotted  corners. 

Margin  :  upper  :  ^  jj  |uj  l^ 
:  right:  ,^„cwL©  *U»^ 
:  lower:        ^1^1:^1^ 

:     left :       cy^^^  v-j  -^ 
Rev,     In  square  area  with  knotted  corners. 


Margin  :  lower  :  A  ^^J  (J  '^ 
:  left :  ^  |  .|e<1  J  J*_, 
:  upper  .  ^^Uic  i.jjb 


:  right 


It  will  be  observed  that  on  the  rupees  of  this  type  both  the  Hijri  and 
the  regnal  year  are  entered  on  the  Reverse,  the  former  in  the  left 
margin  and  the  latter  in  the  left  lower  corner  of  the  area.  The  two 
dates  are  thus  brought  fairly  close  together. 

A  gold  coin  of  the  year  H.  1047,  now  in  the  Bombay  Asiatic 
Society's  cabinet,  bears  the  regnal  year  both  on  the  Reverse  as  in  type 
D  and  also  on  the  Obverse  as  in  type  E.  This  interesting  muhr  thus 
serves  as  a  link  connecting  both  those  types. 


' 


254  THE  COINS   OF  SCRAT. 


E.     From  A.  H.  1048—12  till  A.  H.  1051— 14. 
Rupee. 
Obv. 
Rev, 

but  the  regnal  year  is  now  removed  from  the  Reverse  area,  and  is 
entered  instead   in   the  right-hand    margin  of  the  Obverse.     Thus 


[Same  as  in  D, 


{See  Fig.  8)  or,  more  commonly,  w-^'u^,*^ 

F.  From  A.  H.  1052 — 16  till  A.  H.  1067 — 30  (but  note  G  below). 
Rupee. 

Obv,    •\  ^  .     -^ 

„         j-Same  as  m  U, 

but  the  regnal  year  is  now  entered  not  on  the  Reverse,  but  in  the  right- 
hand  lower  corner  of  the  Obverse  area  {see  Fig.  9).  The  Shah  Jahani 
Surat  rupees  most  in  evidence  are  of  this  type.  One  specimen  in 
my  possession  is  square  {see  Fig.  10),  measuring  7  inch,  and  weighing 
178  grains.  1  Its  Hijri  year  is  indistinct,  but  seems  to  be  either  1055 
or  1059,  and  its  regnal  year  is  wanting. 

G.  A.  H.  1057—20  and  A.  H.  1057—21. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  11)  and  half-rupee. 

Obv,     In  area  enclosed  by  a  wavy  diamond  border. 

n 

Margin  :  left  upper  : 
:  right  upper : 

:  right  lower:  ^^  U^f 

:  left  lower  :  cu  j^*u  «->  -^ 

^The  late  Pandit  Bhasr^anUl  Indraji.  in  his  article  on  "  Antiquarian  Remains  at  Soparil 
and  Padana,"  contributed  to  the  Journal  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  AwUitic 
Society,  Vol.  XV,  No.  XL,  tells  of  his  obtainingr  at  Sopira  about  ten  coins  of  white  metal, 
all  of  them  square,  and  all  bearing:  the  legrend  of  ^&h  Jah&n.  He  adds  (p.  279),  "  I  believe 
these  coins  were  perhaps  struck  at  Sdpar&  to  replace  the  Portugruese  white  metal  coins, 
which  were  current  in  this  part  of  the  country.  I  may  mention  thatt  except  beret  I  have 
never  found  a  white  metal  Moghal  coin.**  Now  Sopara  is  otherwise  unknown  as  a  mint  town, 
and  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  at  this  long:  since  decayed  emporium  of  trade  a  mint 
should  have  been  opened  by  the  Mug:hals  solely  for  the  production  of  white  metal  coins. 
Throug:h  the  g:enerosity  of  my  kind  friend  Mr.  Fr4n\jl  Jamaspji  Th&n&w&Ul  four  of  these 
tutenag:  coin^  are  now  in  my  possession,  and  though  on  none  of  them  can  the  place  oi 
mintag:e  be  deciphered,  still  the  coins  themselves  resemble  so  closely  the  square  rupee 
mentioned  as  type  F  that  I  incline  to  assig:n  both  to  one  and  the  same  mint.  But  the  rupee 
distinctly  bears  the  name  of  its  mint-town  Surat.  and  hence  we  may  with  probability  infer 
that  it  was  from  Surat  these  rare  tufenag  coins  issued. 


THE  COINS  OF  SORAT*  255 


Rev,     In  similar  area  : 


Margin  :  right  lower  :       t^  i<^  I  O  *^ 
:  left  lower  :      ^  |  ♦^V  A^  \ 
:  left  upper  :  ^^  US^  p;  j  Ij. 

:  right  upper  :  Jj^  Jp^ 

H.    A.  H.  1067—31  and  A.  H.  1068—31.  ' 

Rupee  (see  Fig.  12). 
Ohv.     In  circular  area  : 

The  marginal  legend,  starting  from  the  left  upper  portion,  reads 
consecutively : — 

Rev.     In  similar  area  : 


The  marginal   legend,  starting  from  the  left  upper  portion,  reads 
consecutively. 

In  one  of  my  specimens  the  year  |  «.^  V  is  by  a  freak  written  |  ♦f  V 

In  the  rupee  of  the  year  A.  H.  1068 — 31  the  marginal  legend  on  the 
Reverse  begins  not  at  the  left  upper  but  at  the  right  lower  portion. 
J.     A.  H.  1068 — 31. 

The    Indian    (Calcutta)    Museum    Catalogue    registers    a    rupee 
(No.  1 3149  On  page  35)  as  follows  : — 
Obv.     In  square. 

f\    (31st year)  under  ^H, 

Margins  as  in  Obverse  of  D. 
Rev,    Kalima  in  a  circle  ;  margins  as  usual  ;  and  date  |  ♦^  A 

19 


I 

I 

I 


256  THE  COINS  OF  SOrAT. 

K.     A.  H.  1069 — 32* 

2^!     }SafneasinD, 

but  with  the  regnal  year  entered  not  on  the  Reverse,  but  over  the  word 
yUt  in  the  lower  line  of  the  square  area  on  the    Obverse.    The 

legend  in  this  area  thus  reads  : — 

*  • 


My  cabinet  contains  two  CiT^^r  coins  of  Shah  Jahan  from  the  Surat 
Mint.  These  are  dated  A.  H.  x— 29  and  A.  H.  1077  (?  1067) — 30. 
Their  legends  are  alike,  and  read  as  follows  : — 

Obv. 


Rev, 


MURAD  BAKHSH  :  A.  H.  1068 ;  A.  D.  1657-58. 
A.     A.  H.  1068.     Rupee  (see  Fig.  13)  and  half-rupee. 


Muhammad  Murad,  the  victorious  King,  the  Second  Alexander, 
Took  the  heritage  from  (Shah)  Jahan,  the  "  Lord  of  the  Conjunction." 


l*1A 


THE  COINS  OF  SOrAT, 


257 


B.     A.  H.  1068.     Rupee  {see  Fig.  14)  and  half-rupee. 
Obv.     In  square  area  with  knotted  corners. 

Margin  :  right :  oU^t  \y  | 

:  lower  :       .  jj  1^^  >•    "  Wedded  to  the  Faith. " 
:  left  :       xs»)y»,  s^ ^ 
rupper:   j^  |  ^  ^lb 
Rev.     In  similar  area  : 


Margin  :  right  :    y^^  |  J  J^ 
:  lower:  J^Jj^^ 

:  upper  :  ^    ^^ 

A  Fulus  of  Murad  Bakhsh  is  described,  and  figured,  in  the  Numis- 
matic  Supplement  I  of  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal 
(Vol.   LXXIII,  Part  I,  No.  i,  1904).     Its  legends  are  very  simple  :— 


Rev.  _ 


AURANGZEB  :  A.  H.  1069— 1118;  A.D.   1659—1707. 
A.     A.  H.  1070 —  j^^l         Rupee  (5^^  Fig.  15)  and  half-rupee. 


2s8  THB  COINS  OF  SCRAT. 

Rev, 


This  interesting  rupee  supplies  us  the  only  ' '  honorific  epithet" 
assigned  on  the  Mu^al  Coins  to  the  city  of  Surat,  which  is  here 
styled  "Bandar  mubarak,"  the  blessed  Port.  The  origin  of  this  title  is 
doubtless  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Surat  was  the  chief  port  of 
embarkation  for  Indian  Muslims  on  pilgrimage  to  Makka.  For  this 
same  reason  the  city  is  also  sometimes  designated  (though  not  on 
coins)  the  Bab  al  Hajj,  or  Gate  of  Pilgrimage.  Terry  in  his  **  Voyage 
to  East  India  "  refers ^  in  the  following  terms  to  the  pilgrim-traffic 
from  Surat  in  the  second  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  : — 

**  The   ship,  or  junk,  for  so  it  is  called,  that  usually  goes  from 
**  Surat  to  Moha,  is  of  an  exceeding  great  burden,  some  of  them, 
"  I  believe,  fourteen  or  fifteen  hundred  tons,  or  more,   but  these 
'*  huge  vessels  are  very  ill  built,  like  an  over-grown  lighter,   broad 
"and  short,  but  made  exceeding  big,  on  purpose  to  waft  passengers 
"  forward  and  backward  ;   which  are   Mahometans,   who  go  on 
"purpose  to   visit  Mahomet*s  sepulchre  at   Medina,  near  Mecca, 
"  but  many  miles  beyond    Moha.    The  passengers,  and   others, 
"  in  that  most  capacious  vessel  that  went  and  returned  that  year  I 
"left  India,  (as  we  were  credibly  told)  amounted  to  the   number 
"  of  seventeen  hundred.     Those    Mahometans  that  have  visited 
**  Mahomet's  sepulchre  are  after  called  Hoggees',    or  holy  men." 
Another,  but   distinctly  less   probable,  explanation  of  the  origin  of 
the  epithet  Bandar  mubarak  is  given   in  the    Bombay  Gazetteer  from 
a  local    history   written   by  Bakhshi  Mia  walad  Shah  Ahmad.     It  is 
there  recorded  that,  when  orders  were  issued  (cir.  A.  D.   1540)  by  the 
Sultan  Matimud  (III)  bin  Latif  for  the  erection  of  the  Castle  at  Surat, 
the  Turk  §afi  A^a,  to  whom  the  work  had  been  entrusted,  submit- 
ted three  plans.     "  The  King  chose  the  one  that  placed  the  Castle  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  and  under  this  plan  wrote  the  word   mubarak^ 
or   'the    prosperous.'      Henoe  the    city    up    to  this     day  is  called 
Surat  bandar  mubarak,*^* 

*  Edward  Terry  :    »'  A  Voyagre   to  East  India"  :  reprinted   (  in  1777  )  from  the  edition 
of  l^Stpaffes  130.  131- 

la^  H&ji  (for  HAjjI).  '  one  who  has  performed  the  pilgrrimagre  to  Mecca.' 


^  Bombay  Gazetteer,  Vol.  II  (Surat  and  Broach),  pag:e7t,  note  i. 


TUE  COINS  OF  SORAT.  259 


B.     A.  H.  1071 — 3  a«<i  A*  H,  1078 — lotill  1080—12. 
Rup^e  {see  Fig.  16)  and  half-rupee, 

Obv,  7^  (^^ 


Rev. 


C.  From  A.  H.    1075 — x  till  A.   H.    1089 — 22  (but  sec  B). 

Muhr  (B.  M.  Catal.  No.  707),  rupee  (see  Fig.  17)  and  half-rupee. 

Obv.     Same  as  in  B. 

• 

Of  rupees  dated  1079 — 11  and  1080 — 12  the  Reverse  in  some  speci- 
mens follows  type  B,  and  in  others  type  C. 

D.  A.  H.  1089 — 22.     Rupee  (see  Fig.  j8)  and  half-rupee. 

Obv.  y^l^ 


Jfev,    Same  as  in  C. 


36o  THE  corns  OF  sCrat. 

E.    From  A.  H.  1090— 22  tin  A.  H.  II  i8 — 51. 
Muhr  (probably  of    this  type  in  Indian    Museum   A.  H.  x— 29 ; 
A.  H.  X — 30  ;  A.  H.  x— 42) ;  rupee  (see  Fig.  19)  and  half>rupee. 


This  b  quite  the  most  common  of  all  the  types  of  coins  struck  at 
Surat  in  the  reign  of  Aurangzeb. 

The  Brit  Mus.  rupees,  Nos.  796,    796a,  dated  A.  H.  1 105 — ^37,  have 
the  Reverse  '* counterstruck  with  galloping  horseman.'* 

The  arrangement  here  shown  of  the  words  of  the  Reverse  legend 
is  worthy  of  special  note,  since  adopted  on  all  the  gold  and  silver 
coins  struck  at  Surat  in  or  after  the  reign  of  Jahandar  (A.  H.  11 24). 


Of  the  Cc/^r  coins  of  Aurangzeb  from  the  Surat  mint  two  distinct 
tjrpes  are  known. 

A.     From  A.  H.  x— 4  till  A.  H.  x — 1 1, 


.THB  COINS  OF  SORAT.  '261 

B.     From  A.  H.  1080—13  till  A.  H.  1119— x  {see  Fig.  20). 


'^ 


Rev.  (♦Al 

The  exaggerated  elongation  of  the  upper  stroke  of  the  letters  alif, 
kaf,  and  lam  on  the  Obverse  is  also  found  on  Aurangzeb's  copper  coins 
struck  at  Lahor  and  Akbarabad.  See  Labor  Museum  Catalogue,  page 
195,  Nos.  18  and  20. 

Fulus  of  this  curious  type  are  not  infrequently  to  be  found  in  the 
A^adabad  bazar,  but  a  specimen  in  good  condition  is  rare  indeed. 


A'ZAM  SHAH  :  A.  H.  11 18— 19  ;  A.  D.  1707. 
A.     A.  H.  1119— «w|   Rupee  (f^^  Fig.  21). 


Obv.  }j^/^*i[f^^^ 


f  L  fU/  ^J-^ 


Rev,  yu,  I  i>*»_^*flfc 


This  is  an  exceedingly  rare  coin. 


SHAH  *ALAM  I  :  a.  H.  1119— 1124;  A.D.  1707— 1712. 
A.     From  A.  H.  x—  j^)   till  A.  H.  1123— 6. 


262  THE  COINS  OF  SORAT. 

Muhr  (Ind.  Mus.   Catal.,   p.  50,  No.  10909),  rupee  {see  Fig.  22) 
and  half-rupee. 

Obv. 


Rev, 


JAHANDAR  :  A.  H.  1124  ;  A.D.  1712— 13. 
A.     A.  H.  1 124 — jk^  I 

Rupee  {see  Fig.  23)  and  half-rupee. 

t;' — t^ 


Rev,    Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb* 


B.    A.  H.  1 124 — ^^\ 

Rupee  {see  Fig.  24). 
Ohv,    Same  as  in  A,  but  with  ^  substituted  for  j  J  in  the 

lowest  line,  which  thus  reads  : — 
Rev.    Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


THB  COINS  OF  SCRAT.  263 

C.     A.  H.  1124 — d^^) 

Muhr  (B.  M.  Catal.,  No.  879)  and  rupee  (^see  Fig.  25). 


xl * 


A 
MH 


^«v.     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


A  Copper  coin  of  Jahandar  struck  at  Surat,  and  now  in  my  posses- 
sion, reads  as  follows  : — 
Ac.     Date  wanting. 

Obv. 


Rev,  

)r' 

The  Reverse  legend  seems  from  the  above  fragment  to  have  been 
identical  with  that  of  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


FARRU^-SIYAR  :  A.  H.  1124— 1131  ;  A.D.  1713— 1719. 
A.     From  A.  H.  x— 2  till  A.  H.  [ii]3i— 8. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  26)  and  half-rupee. 

Ohv. 


Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

Mr.  Fr&fflji  Jamaspji  Th&nawala  possesses  an  undated  Copper  coin 
struck  at  Surat  in  the  reign  of  Farrukh-siyar.     From  drawings  that 


264  THB   COINS  OP  SORAT. 

he  has  been  so  kind  as  to  send  me  it  is  evident  that  this  Fulus  bears 
portions  of  the  following  legends  :«- 

Obv.  ^  ^y 

Rev,    Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

Compare  also  the  copper  coin  of  Farrukh-siyar,  No.  36,  in  King  and 
Vost*s  "Some  Novelties  in  Moghal  Coins"  (Num. Chron.,  Vol,  XVI, 
Third  Series). 

RAFI'AL  DARAJAT:  A.  H.  1131  ;  A.D.  1719. 
A.     A.  H.  1 13 1 — j,a^  I  Rupee  {see  Fig.  27). 

Obv,  ^)<^\^)  I  in 


y;^  AifLilTj^ 


Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


A  C(0//^r  coin  in  my  collection  bears  only  the  following  fragment- 
ary inscription  : — 


Rev. 


SHAH  JAHAN  II :  A.  H.  1131  ;  A.  D.  1719. 

A.     A.  H.  1 131— d^  I  Muhr  and  Rupee  (see  Fig.  28)  and  half-rupee 

Obv,  ^l^  xL4 

iiri  ;l^A 

Rev.     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


THE  COINS  OF  SGrAT,  265 

MUHAMMAD  SHAH  :  A.  H.  1131— 1161  ;  A.  D.  1719— 1748. 
A.     A.  H.  1 131 — j^|-and — 1132  Jah.| 

Muhr  (B.  M,  Catal,  No.  953)  and  Rupee  (see  Fig*  29). 


^  Lo  J  )( uu  •>  Li 


Rev.    Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

The  few  coins  known  of  this  type  were  till  recently  attributed  to 
Niku-siyar,  that  unfortunate  prince — a  grandson  of  Aurangzeb — who, 
having  suffered  imprisonment  for  forty  years,  was  suddenly  raised  to 
the  Imperial  throne,  and  after  but  105  days  of  regal  splendour  was 
again  consigned  to  the  dungeon  in  the  fort  at  Agra.  However  we 
can  now  with  confidence  affirm  that  no  coins  issued  in  Niku-siyar's 
name  from  the  Surat  mint.  In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society 
of  Bengal  for  April,  1899  (pages  i^s,  56),  Mr.  Irvine  supplied  the  trans- 
lation of  an  interesting  passage  from  the  Mir'at-i- Ahmad i,  in  which  it 
is  distinctly  recorded  that,  on  receipt  at  Surat  of  the  tidings  of  Muham- 
mad Shah's  elevation  to  the  throne,  an  official  assembly  was  convened, 
at  which  the  accession  was  proclaimed  by  beat  of  drum,  and  the  royal 
prayer  (khutba)  was  recited.  Forthwith  coins  were  struck  at  Surat, 
bearing,  according  to  the  express  statement  of  the  Mir*at-i-Ahmadi, 
the  very  legend  that  distinguishes  the  type  now  under  discussion. 

Muhammad  Shah  began  to  reign  only  some  six  weeks  before  the 
close  of  the  year  1131  Hijri,  and  coins  of  this  rare  **  Padshah  Zaman  " 
type  are  known  dated  that  year  and  the  following.  Before  the  close, 
however,  of  the  first  year  of  Muhammad  Shah's  reign  the  new-fangled 
legend,  which  had  nowhere  indeed  won  acceptance  save  at  the  Surat 
mint,  was  abandoned,  and  thereupon  Surat,  falling  into  line  with  the 
other  imperial  mints,  began  to  issue  coins  bearing  that  * '  Padiahah 
GhazT'  inscription  which  remained  till  the  close  of  Mu^iammad's  reign, 
some  thirty  years  later,  the  norm  for  the  imperial  currency.     Thus  the 


266  THE  COINS   OF  SCRAT. 

coins — muhrs  and  rupees — struck  at  Surat  during  Muhammad  Shah*s 
first  regnal  year  fall  into  three  classes  : — 

(a)  Those  dated   1131    H.,   and   bearing   the    '' Pad^ah  Zaman'* 
legend ; 

(b)  those  dated  11 32  H.,  and  bearing  the  same  rare  legend  ; 

(c)  those  dated  J132  H.,  and  bearing  the  normal  *'  Pad^ah   Ghazi'' 
legend. 

B.     From  A.  H.  1131— tVai^j— till  A.  H.  1155—25. 

Muhr  (Br.  Mus.  Catal.,  No.  967a)  and  rupee  (see  Fig.  30)  . 

« 

jit  TiUdij 

J^ev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


Two  types  are  known  of  Muhammad  Shah's  Copper  coins  of  Surat. 
Ac.       Obv,  ^  Li 


y       * 


Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 
Be.       Ohv.  jli  xLi  d4jr^ 

•• L^-T* 

Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


AHMAD  SHAH  :  A.  H.  1161-1167  ;  A.  D.  1748-1754. 
A.     A.  H.  X— j»a^  I  and  A.  H.  x — 2. 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  31). 


Rev^  Same  as  the  £  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


THE  COINS   OP  SORAT.  267 

*ALAMGIR  II.  :  A.  H.  1167— 1173;  A.  D.  1754— -1759. 
A.     From  A.  H.  11  x  x— 2  till  A.  H.  x — 5. 

Double  rupee  ^  (see  Fig.  32)  and  rupee. 
Olrv.  /Jlcll... 

Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 


SHAH  JAHAN  III.  :  A.  H.  1 173— 1 174  ;  A.  D.  1759— 1760. 
A.     A.  H.  117X— j^l  ;    [ii]75— tVa^l  ;"78— da^l  ;  nSx-j^t 
Rupee  {see  Fig.  33)  and  half-rupee. 
Obv.  I  IV... 

Rev,     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

As  Shah  Jahan  was  deposed  on  the  29th  of  Safar,  A.  H.  1174",  it  is 
difficult  to  account  satisfactorily  for  the  dates  [ii]75,  1178,  and  118  x, 
all  coupled  with  the  regnal  year  t5.^_  |  .  That  other  claimants  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Shah  Jahan  arose  in  these  years  to  contest  the  crown 
with  Shah  'Alam  is  not,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  recorded  in  any  his- 
tory of  India.  May  we  venture  to  assume  that  the  workmen  at  the 
Surat  mint  had  grown  careless,  and  that  these  years  find  a  place  on 
the  coins  through  mistake  ? 

^  For  a  description  and  illustration  of  this  Double  Rupee  tee  Mr.  Nelson  Wrig'ht's  articles 
in  Numismatic  Supplement  V,  Journal  and  Proceedings,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New 
Series),  Vol.  I.,  No.  lo,  1905. 

='    5^^  Dowsonand  EUiot's:  "History  of  India,"  Vol.  VIII.,  p.  378. 


268  THB  COINS  OF  SORAT. 

SHAH  'ALAM  n.  :  A.H.  1173— 1221  ;  A.D.  1759 -1806. 

A.  H.  X— 4  ;    A.  H.  x — 5  ;   A.  H.  x— 6  ;  also  from  A.  H.  1197 — 24 
till  A.H.  X— 49. 

Double  rupee  ^,  rupee  (jsee  Fig.  34),  half-rupee,  and  2-anna  piece. 
Obv.  IHV 


^ 


^^v.     Same  as  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

In  A.  H*  1 215  (A.  D.  1800),  if  not  indeed  earlier,  the  East  India 
Company's  mint  at  Bombay  struck  "  Surat  "  muhrs  and  rupees  :  but 
the  evidence  from  coins  still  occasionally  to  be  obtained  io  the  bazars 
precludes  the  inference  that  in  that  year  the  Mughal  coinage  ceased 
to  issue  from  the  Surat  mint.  It  would  seem  to  have  lingered  on  for 
a  few  more  years,  though,  doubtless,  the  output  was  small.  My 
cabinet  contains  a  rupee  of  the  regnal  year  46  of  make  quite  different 
from  the  familiar  "46  san  rupee  '*  issued  by  the  H.  E.  I.  Company; 
also  another  rupee  of  distinctly  native  workmanship  yet  bearing  as  its 
date  so  late  a  regnal  year  as  49,  the  very  last  year  of  Shah  *Alam's 
reign. 

III.  The  period  of  the  East  India  Company's  Currency  :  A.  H. 
121C— 1251  ;  A.D.  1800 — 1835". 

The  year  H.  121 5  witnessed  a  revival  of  the  old  Surat  Mahmudi 
coinage,  bearing  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Akbar,  deceased  nearly 
two  centuries,  a  revival  that  continued  seemingly  for  just  two  ye^rs. 
What  circumstances  led  up  to  the  issue  of  so  old  a  type  of  coin,  and, 
further,  what  occasioned  its  6nal  withdrawal,  are  questions  that  still 
await   a  satisfactory   answer.     Can   these  coins  have  been  struck  by 

^  On  this  double  rupee,  dated  A.  H  x— 4}in  the  possession  of  Mr.  R.  F.  Malabar- 
wala  of  Bombay,  see  the  article  by  Mr.  Nelson  Wright  in  the  Numismatic  Supplement  \*. 
Compare  also  Note  13. 

'  In  the  Indian  Museum  Catalogue,  page  99/,  all  the  Surat  coins  of  the  East  India 
Company  are  entered  as  dated  either  H.  1135  or  H.  tzio.  If  these  readings  be  correct,  the 
figures  are  probably  in  both  dises  due  to  faulty  workmanship  in  the  engraving  of  the  dies, 

thus    I  l'**^   for     \f\C^znA    |  H  ^  also  for  |  I'  |  A. 


THB  COINS  OF  SCRAT.  269 

way  of  protest  against  the  imperious  action  of  the  H.  E.  I.  Company 
in  issuing  its  **  Surat "  rupees  in  that  same  year  H.  1215  ?  And 
was  the  so  early  disappearance  of  these  Mahmudis  in  H.  12 17  an 
indirect  consequence  of  that  year's  treaty  at  Bassein,  whereby  sole 
and  undisputed  control  over  the  district  became  vested  in  the  English  ? 
These  problems  we  must,  I  fancy,  be  content  to  leave  for  the  present 
unsolved. 

If  the  East  India  Company  struck  any  **  Surat  '*  coins,  whether  in 
that  city  or  in  Bombay,  prior  to  H.  1215,  they  are  undistinguishable 
from  the  Mughal  coins.  The  Company's  muhrs  and  rupees,  which, 
according  to  Prinsep,  the  Bombay  Mint  ^  recommenced  issuing  in 
A.D.  1800  (A.H.  1214-15),  were  all  struck  in  the  name  of  the 
Emperor  Shah' Alam,  and  on  all  were  inscribed  the  same  Obv.  and 
Rev.  legends  as  had  for  forty  years  obtained  on  his  coins. 
Thus  :  Obv,  J[c  »Li 

;U^  /^ 

Rev, — Same  as  in  the  E  type  of  Aurangzeb. 

As  to  their  fabric,  however,  the  Company's  coins  struck  at  Surat 
readily  fall  into  two  classes  —those  of  native  fabric  or  hand-made, 
and  those  of  English  fabric  or  machine-made. 

A.  The  H.  E.  I.  Company's  "Surat"  Coins  of  Native  Fabric 
were  issued  in  both  gold  and  silver.  Of  these  four  sub-classes  may 
be  distinguished  : — 

(a)    On  the  Obverse  over  the  Li  of  x  Li  ^  Li  comes  an  oval  label, 

bearing  the  figures  of  the   Christian   year   1802.     Also   on 
the  Reverse  the  -  of  ^ytS^  is  superscribed  by  a  crowned 

head.     See  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  page  281,  No.  81. 
(l>)    On  the  Obverse  for  the   uppermost  of  the  dots  over  Li  of 
X  Li  J  Li   a  small  crown    is  substituted.     On   the   Reverse 
the  regnal  year  is   46.     See  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  page  281, 
No.  82. 

*  One  coin -a  quarter-rupee— is  enlered  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  (p.  280, 
No.  80)  as  having  been  struck  at  the  mint  "  Mumbai-Surat."  This  is,  however,  a  curious 
error,  for  the  coin  really  issued  from  the  mint  at  Mahisur  (Myst»re).  See  Numismatic 
Supplement  V.  Journal  and  Proceedings,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New  Series),  Vol.  1. 
Na  4.  iQOf. 


270 


(f)    The  coins  of  this  sub-dass  are  identical  with  those  of 


y 


save  that  the  dtstinctire  crown  is  absent.  These  coins  are 
thus  in  appearance  Tirtually  the  same  as  the  JVin^Ac/ coins 
struck  in  the  regnal  year  46.  See  Brit.  Mas.  CataL, 
page  282,  No.  87. 


(</)    The  Obverse  and  the  Reverse  are  the  same  as  in 


^' 


but  the  stiver  coins  of  this  sub-dass   bear  the  6gures  1825 
incused  on  a  raised  label  on   the    Reverse  over  the  ^  of 

(^^Ub.  (-^^^  P«g-  35)-     ^^  Brit    Mus,    CataL,  page  282, 

No.  85. 

B.    The  H.  E.  I.  Company's  Surat  cmns,  in   gold  and  silver,  of 
English  Fabric.  Of  these  are  the  following  three  sub-classes : — 

(a)  Edge  milled  with   straight  milling  =,  and  both  on  Obverse 
and  on  Reverse  linear  circle  round  rim  (see  Fig.  36). 

{p)  Plain   edge,    and    both  on  Obverse  and  on  Reverse  serrated 
rim  (see  Fig.  37). 

{c)  Plain  edge,   and   both   on   Obverse  and    on  Reverse  raised 
plain  rim  {see  Fig.  38). 

All  the  *'  Surat  *'  coins  of  English  Fabric  bear,  as  their  date,  above 
the  top  line  of  the  Obverse  the  Hijri  year  \f\C^      and  (with,  perhaps, 

the  sole  exception  of  the  1802  muhrs)  all  the  Company's  "  Surat '^ 
coins,  whether  of  Native  or  of  English  Fabric,  have,  as  a  fised  date, 
the  regnal  year  46. 

The  machine-made  coins  of  the  H.  E.  I.  Company  continued  in 
circulation  till  A.  D.  1835  (A.  H.  1250-51),  and,  finally,  that  year  wit- 
nessed the  introduction  of  the  uniform  Imperial  Coinage  which  still 
constitutes  the  standard  currency  for  all  British  India. 

AhmadAbAd, 

12th  May,  1906, 

The  chief  interest  of  this  article  certainly  attaches  to  the  three 
Plates  that  illustrate  it.  These  have  been  prepared  from  beautiful 
photographs  of  the  original  coins  taken  by  my  kind  friend,  Mr.  Henry 
Cousens,     M.R.A.S.,    the     accomplished     Superintendent     of    the 


THB  COINS  OF  SORAT. 


271 


Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  Western  Circle,  who,  as  on  previous 
occasions,  so  now  again,  has  thus  placed  the  readers  of  this  Journal 
under  a  debt  of  obligation* 


G.  P.  T. 


PLATE  I. 


Emperor. 

Ybar. 

Metal. 

Weight 

in 
Grains. 

Typical  of  Hijri 

No. 

Hijri. 

Regnal. 

Period.    ^    . 

• 

I 

Akbar 

••• 

994 

•  •  • 

Silver. 

86 

Cir.  985—1027  and 
1215 — 1217  H. 

2 

Jahangfr 

••• 

1031 

17 

s 

17s 

1030— 1033  H. 

3 

JahangTr    a  n 

d 

Nur  Jahan 

••• 

1033 

'9 

S 

176 

1033— 1037  H. 

4 

Shah  Jahan  I. 

••■ 

1037 

I 

S 

175 

1037  H. 

5 

••• 

1037 

I 

S 

175 

1037  H. 

6 

• 

••• 

1037 

I 

S 

174 

loyf  Hijri  (written). 

7 

••• 

1046 

9 

S 

171 

1043— 1046  H. 

<»8 

••• 

•  •• 

12 

S 

176 

1048 — 1051  H. 

^9 

••• 

•  •  • 

29 

S 

174 

1052— 1067  H. 

10 

••• 

? 

9 

• 

S 

177 

?— square. 

II 

•  •  • 

1057 

21 

S 

176 

1057  H. 

PLATE   IL 


No. 


Emperor. 


Year. 


Hijri. 


RegnaL 


Weight 
Metal.  in 

'Grains. 


12 

Shah  Jahan  L     ... 

1067 

31 

13 

Murad  Bakhi^  ... 

1068 

I 

14 

,, 

1068 

I 

*i5 

Aurangzeb 

1070 

1 

16 

9  9                                     ••  • 

1071 

3 

ti7 

9  •                                     ••• 

... 

8 

;i8 

•  •                                      •  •  • 

1089 

••• 

19 

9  9                                             •  •  « 

1 104 

36 

20 

9  9                                          *** 

1089 

22 

21 

A'^am  Shah 

1119 

I 

22 

Shah  'Alam  L    ... 

1122 

4 

Silver. 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 

S 
Copper. 

S 

S 


176 
176 
176 

174 
176 

176 

175 
212 

170 
177 


Typical  of  Hijri 
Period. 


067-1068  H. 
068  H. 
068  H. 
070  H. 

071—1078  H. 
075--1089  H. 
089  H. 

090—1118  H. 
089—1119  H. 
118—1119  H. 
119— 1 123  H. 


*  On  this  rupee  Surat  hears  the  epithet  Bandar  mubdra 
t  Reverse  only  is  shown  on  the  Plate. 
X  Obverse  only  is  shown  on  the  Plate. 
20 


272 


THE  COINS  OF  SORAT. 


PLATE   III. 


No. 


Metal. 


Weight 

in 
Grains. 


Typical  of  Hyri 
Period. 


♦23 

♦24 

♦25 
«26 
**27 
*2S 
♦29 
♦30 

+32 

**33 

*34 

35 

36 

♦37 
t38 


Jahandar 


ft 


>> 


Farrukh-siyar 
RafT  'al  darajat  ... 
Shah  Jahan  II     ... 
Muhammad  Shah. 


i» 


A^mad  Shah 
'Alamgir  II 
Shah  Jahan  III 
Shah  *Alam  II 
Shah  *Alam  II 


•■• 


») 


1 1 24 

••• 

Silver. 

176 

1 1 24 

••• 

S 

176 

1 1 24 

..  ■ 

S 

177 

II28 

••• 

S 

^77 

I13I 

.•• 

S 

177 

I13I 

••• 

S 

177 

II3I 

m^» 

S 

177 

"33 

*•• 

S 

177 

• .. 

•  •• 

S 

174 

I 

.•  • 

5 

S 

357 

' 

117  X 

.•• 

S 

176 

1 197 

•  • . 

S 

165 

J 

1825A.D. 

*•• 

S 

180 

] 

1215  H. 

••• 

S 

177 

. 

1215  H. 

••• 

S 

179 

••• 

46 

s 

1 
( 

83 

J 

24  H. 
24  H. 
24  H. 

25—1131  H, 
31  H. 
31  H. 

31-1132  H. 
[31— 115s  H. 
[61 — 1 162  H. 
71  H. 

7  X— iiSz  H. 
.77—1221  H. 

Struck  by  the 
H.  E.  I*  Com- 
pany. 


*  Obverse  only  is  shown  on  the  Plate. 

t  This  is  a  Double  Rupee. 

X  The  Reverse  only  of  this  Half  Rupee  is  shown  on  the  Plate. 


f^ 


> 


i 


V 


X 


N. 


Art.    XVI I L — Bombay ^  as  seen  by  Dr.  Edward  Ives  in  the 

year  775^  A .  D. 

By  Jivanji  Jamshedji   Modi,    B.A. 

{Read  12th  October  1906.) 

Dr.  Edward  Ives  was  a  Surgeon  in  His  Majesty's  Navy  and  served 
in  the  Mediterranean  from  1744  to  1746.  Then  he  served  for  some 
years  in  England.  From  1753  to  1757  he  was  Surgeon  of  the  "  Kent," 
bearing  the  flag  of  Vice-Admiral  Charles  Watson,  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  the  East  Indies.  On  the  Admiral's  death  in  1757,  ^^  retired 
from  service  in  India  and  returned  home  via  Persian  Gulf.  He 
reached  England  in  1759.  He  continued  on  half  pay  till  1777.  He 
was  then  superannuated  in  1777.  He  died  in  1786.  Itwasini773 
that  hfe  published  his  book  of  Travels.*  The  title  of  the  book  is  rather 
a  very  long  one.     It  runs  thus  : 

•*  A 
Voyage  from 
England  to  India 
In  the  year  MDCCLIV. 
And  an 
Historical  Narative 
of 
The  Operations  of  the  Squadron  and  Army  in  India,  under  the  Com- 
mand of  Vice-Admiral  Watson  and  Colonel  Clive,  in  the  years  1755, 
1756,  1757  ;  including  a  Correspondence  between  the  Admiral  and  the 
Nabob  Serajah  Dowlah. 

Interspersed  with 
Some  interesting  passages  relating  to  the  mannotd,  customs,  &c.,  of 

several  nations  in  Indostan 

Also,  a 

Journey  from  Persia  to  England 

By  an  unusual  route 

With 

An  Appendix 

Containing  an  account    of    the   diseases    prevalent   in    Admiral 

Watson's  squadron  ;  a  description  of  most  of  the  trees,  shrubs,  and 

f   Vide  Dictionary  of  National  Biofifraphy,  edited  by  Sidney  Lee,  Vol.  XXIX  (1892),  p.  79, 


274  BOMBAY  AS  SEEN   IN   THE  YEAR    I754  A.D. 

plants  of  India,  with  their  real,  or  supposed,  medicinal  virtues  :  Also 
a  copy  of  a  letter  written  by  a  late  ingenious  physician,  on  the  disorders 
incidental  to  Europeans  at  Gombroon  in  the  Gulf  of  Persia, 

Illustrated  with  a  Chart,  Maps  and  other  Copper-plates 

By  Edward  Ives,  Esq., 

Formerly  Surgeon  of  Admiral  Watson's  ship  and 

of  His  Majesty's  Hospital  in  the  East  Indies. 

London. 
Printed  for  Edward  and  Charles   Dilly. 

MDCCLXXIII." 

I  find  this  book  mentioned  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  books  of  the 
library  of  our  Society  printed  in  1875,  as  **  Ives  (Edward). — ^Voyage 
from  England  to  India,  also  a  Journey  from  Persia  to  England, 
4to.  Lond.,  I773-"  It  is  marked  as  AA-a-17.  But  its  name  bears  an 
asterisk  in  the  printed  catalogue,  which  means  that  in  1775  the  book 
was  either  "damaged  or  missing."  I  find  on  inquiry  from  our 
librarian  that  it  is  missing. 

The  late  Dr.  Gerson  DaGunha  has  given  us  an  excellent  paper 
entitled  "The  Origin  of  Bombay."  It  is  published  in  1900  as  an 
extra  number  of  the  Journal  of  our  Society.  Therein,  Dr.  I  ves^s  book  is 
not  referred  to.  The  Bombay  Gazetteer^  refers  to  this  book  especially 
in  its  account  of  the  AngriAs.'  Therein,  Dr,  Ives's  account  of  the 
taking  of  Gheria  by  Admiral  Watson  is  interpolated  in  the  larger 
account  *  from  Robert  Orme.  *  I  am  not  sure  if  the  writer  of  the 
Gazetteer  has  quoted  directly  from  Dr.  Ives's  book,  as  I  find  some 
discrepancies  in  the  references  given."  Again  Dr.  Ives's  book  is 
referred  to  in  the  Bombay  Quarterly  Review  of  1857.®  But,  I  find 
that,  as  far  as  I  know.  Dr.  Ives's  short  account  of  Bombay  is  not 
referred  to  at  any  length  by  any  writer,  at  feast  on  this  side  of  the 
country.  So,  the  object  of  this  paper  is  to  give  a  short  account  of 
Bombay  as  seen  by  Dr.  Ives  in  1754. 

*  Vol.  If  Part  II.,  pp.  88,  93, 94*  Vol.  X,  pp.  381,  |82.  Vol  XIII,  p.  499* 
»  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  pp.  87—96. 

*  A  History  of  the  Military  Trannactions  of  the  British  Nation  in  Indostan  from  the  year 
i74Si  Vol.  I,  (Fourth  Edition  of  1799),  pp.  407— 4i7« 

*  For  the  life  of  this  author,  vidg  "  Hintorical  Fragments  of  the  Mogul  Empiref  of  the 
Marattoes,  and  of  the  English  concerns  in  Indostan,  from  the  year  1659,"  by  Robert  Ormc 
(i8o5,)pp.  V— LXVII. 

^  For  example  (a)  the  Gazetteer,  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  p.  93,  n.a.  There,  the  p.  8s  referred  to  in 
the  note  does  not  refer  to  the  matter  spcAen  of.  (3)  The  page  referred  to  as  p.  8 1  of  Ive;* 
on  p.  94  of  the  Gazetteer  roust  be  p.  8s. 

*  The  Bombay  Quarterly  Reviewi  Vol.  V,  January  and  April,  1857,  p.  162.    Article  entitled 
"  An  Age  of  Progress  in  Bombay.' 


BOMBAY  AS   SEEN   IN  THE  YEAR   1 754  A.D.  275 

From  his  title  page,  we  learn  that,  though  the  year  of  our  author's 
principal  visit  of  Bombay  was  1754,  the  book  was  published  in  1773, 
*>.,  about  19  years  afterwards.  It  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Charles 
Watson,  Bart.,  the  son  of  the  Admiral  in  whose  fleet  Dr.  Ives  had 
served  and  visited  India.  The  dedication  is  interesting,  as  it  aims 
thereby  to  set  before  a  son,  for  his  improvement,  the  example  of  a 
worthy  father.  It  says  :  **  If  what  I  have  written  of  your  excellent 
Father  ....  shall  contribute  to  your  improvement,  and  set 
you  forward  in  the  paths  of  virtue,  I  then  shall  be  beyond  measure 
happy." 

CXir  author  thus  describes  the  occasion  of  his  voyage. 

"  Immediately  after  the  peace  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  or  as  soon  as  our 
sea  and  land  forces  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Boscawen  had 
left  the  Indies  and  were  on  their  return  to  England,  Mons.  Dupleix, 
Governor  of  Pondicherry,  began  by  his  intrigues  to  sow  the  seeds  of 
dissention  among  the  country  princes;  and  when  he  had  so  far  succeeded 
as  to  set  them  at  variance  with  one  another,  he  sent  a  body  of  Euro- 
pean troops  into  the  field,  as  auxiliaries  to  those  Nabobs  who  espoused 
the  French  interest,  and  who,  by  dint  of  this  supply,  gained  several 
successive  advantages  over  the  other  princes  who  were  friends  to  our 
East  India  Company.  Mustapha-Jing,  a  powerful  prince,  and  Chunda- 
Saeb,  an  enterprising  general,  were  those  with  whom  he  was  princi- 
pally connected,  and  whom  he  made  use  of  as  instruments  for  bringing 
out  his  ambitious  designs — Designs  no  less  extensive,  than  of  acquir- 
ing for  his  nation  an  absolute  ascendancy  over  the  whole  Carnatic  and 
Deccan,  and  for  himself,  immortal  honour  and  immense  riches. 
The  English  presidency  were  possessed  of  such  convincing  proofs 
of  his  insatiable  avarice,  and  thirst  for  power,  that  they  prudently 
and  resolutely  determined  to  exert  their  utmost  abilities  in  putting 
a  stop  to  his  violent,  and  hitherto  rapid  proceedings  ;  for  that 
purpose,  they,  und^r  the  character  of  allies,  joined  their  forces  with 
the  armies  of  a  prince  called  Nazir-Jing,  and  of  the  Nabob  of 
Arcot  named  Mahomed -Aly,  against  whom  their  enemies  were  now 
taking  the  field*." 

Admiral  Watson's  flag  ship  **  Kent,  "  of  which  our  author 
was  the  medical  ofHcer,  left  Spithead  for  Plymouth,  the  rendez- 
vous of  the  fleet,  on  22nd  February  1754.  They  left  Portsmouth 
on  9th  March  and  sailed  for  Cork  in  Ireland,  to  take  on  board 
from  there,  the  king's  troops  under  command  of  Col.  Adlercron, 
While  sailing  to  that  port  they  were  overtaken  by  a  storm  and  so 

*  "  Ives's  Voyage,*'  pp.  1—2. 


276  BOMBAY  AS  SEEN   IN  THE  YEAR    1 754  A.D. 

had  to  anchor  at  Kingsale    on   12th    March.     From  there  he   wrote 

to  Col.  Adlercron   to  march  to  that  town   with  his  troops.     On  the 

19th  the  raging  storm   disabled   two  ships  of  his   small  fleet  f of  6 

ships,  the  whole  strength  of  which  was  altogether  226  Runs.     The 

Admiral    sailed   from   Kingsale  on   the  24th   March  with   only  four 

ships  and  taking  as  many  troops  as  he  could  accommodate.     The  two 

disabled   ships  were   ordered    to   proceed    to    Plymouth   with    some 

more    troops   who  were    to  proceed  to   India   in  some  other    ships 

that  the  Admiralty  may   prepare    to    replace       the  disabled  ships. 

On   6th   April,    they  anchored   at   Fonchial   road   off  the   island    of 

Madeira,  *'  a  place,"  according  to  our  author,  **  famous  for  supplying 

not  only   Europe,   but  all   our   settlements  in   both   the   Indies,  with 

a  most  excellent  wine."      We  know  that  the  town  has  not  as  yet  lost 

the  fame,  and  the  **  Madeira  wine  "  is  still  well-known.     The  price  of 

the  wine,  at  thafr  time,  says   our  author,  was  from  £  20  to  22  for  a 

pipe(».^.,  a  cask  containing  two  hogsheads  or  126  gallons). 

The  following  opinion  of  our  author,  regarding  the  zeal  of  the 
Portuguese  to  observe  their  holidays,  is  worth  noting,  to  enable 
those  who  are  interested  in  these  people  to  judge  if  matters  have 
changed.     Our  author  says  : — 

**  Whilst  we  continued  at  Madeira,  we  met  with  many  disagreeable 
delays  in  supplying  our  squadron  with  wine  and  other  refreshments, 
on  account  of  the  Passion-week,  and  the  carnival  that  followed  it, 
at  which  season  all  business  there  is  at  a  stand  and  strangers  are 
sure  to  be  entertained  with  much  gaudy,  superstitious  mummery. 
The  custom  indeed  of  celebrating  this  festival  with  a  great  deal  of 
religious  pageantry,  is  observed  in  all  Popish  countries,  but  probably 
nowhere  carried  to  so  j^reat  an  height  as  among  the  Portuguese,  who 
are  the  mo  it  bigotted  to  the  fopperies  of  their  religion  of  any  nation 
under  the  Sun."^ 

The  fleet  left  Madeira  on  19th  April  at  10  a.m.,  saw  the  island  of 
Palma,  one  of  the  Canaries,  on  the  23rd,  **  got  into  the  trade  winds"  on 
the  25th,  **were  in  sight  of  the  Bonavista,  oneofthcCapedeVerd 
Islands,"  on  the  26th  or  27th.  In  the  middle  of  May,  the  '*  ship  being 
too  much  crowded  with  stores  and  men  and  consequently  very  hot 
between  decks,  the  crew  became  so  sickly  "  that  in  6  days  they  buried 
7  men  and  160  were  on  the  sick  list  suff'ering  from  **  putrid  fevers." 
This  fever  was  the  result  of  eating  the  stock-fish,  a  part  of  their 
tinned  provision  getting  putrid. 


1  •• 


Ive»'s  Voyage,"  p.  4. 


BOMBAY  AS  SEEN   IN  THE  YEAR    1754  A.D.  277 

In  their  voyage  they  shot  off  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  an  *'alba- 
trose,"  a  sea  fowl  **  which  measured  lyyi  feet  from  wing  to  wing." 
A  shark  also  was  caught  **  which  had  the  horns,  skin,  and  many 
bones  of  a  bullock  in  the  belly.  After  it  was  dead  and  dried,  a  very 
large  man  passed  through  its  jaws."* 

They  arrived  at  Madagascar  on  17th  July.  Madagascar  was  then 
governed  by  4  or  5  kings  who  were  frequently  at  war  with  each 
other.  The  beef  of  Madagascar  was  then  well  known.  The  bullocks 
of  the  Island  weighed  from  600  to  700  pounds.  The  chiefs  of  the 
King's  court  **  prided  themselves  in  being  called  by  English  names. 
And  the  King's  own  family  likewise,  in  imitation  of  the  court  of 
England,  is  not  without  a  Prince  of  Wales,  a  Duke  of  Cumberland,  a 
Prince  Augustus,  and  Princesses,  distinguished  by  English  names. 
All  the  great  men  abovementioned,  came  on  board  naked,  except  a 
covering  over  their  hips,  and  another  over  their  shoulders." 

The  fleet  touched  the  shore  of  India  at  the  Fort  of  St.  David  near 
Madras  on  the  loth  of  September  1754. 

Dr.  Ives  left  Fort  St.  David  on  nth  October  and  his  ship, 
Salisbury,'  anchored  in  what  he  called  **  Bombay  Road"  on  the 
13th  of  November  1754.  He  gives  the  following  description  of 
Bombay' :  — 

**  Bombay  is  a  small  island,  but  for  its  size,  perhaps  the  most 
flourishing  of  any  this  day  in  the  universe.  Though  the  soil  is  so  bar- 
ren as  not  to  produce  anyone  thing  worth  mentioning,  yet  the  conveni- 
ence of  its  situation  will  always  more  than  make  up  for  that  defect 
It  may  justly  be  styled  *  th^  grand  storehouse  of  all  the  Arabian 
and  Persian  commerce.'  When  this  island  was  first  surrendered 
to  us  by  the  Portuguese,  we  hardly  thought  it  worth  notice  ;  but, 
in  a  very  few  years  afterwards,  we  experimentally  found  the  value 
of  it,  and  it  is  now  become  our  chief  settlement  of  the  Malabar 
Coast. " 

•  Speaking  of  the  natives  of  this  island,  he  says  that,  though  shorter, 
they  are  stronger  than  the  people  of  the  Coromandel  Coast.  He  got 
this  idea  of  their   strength  from   the   number   of  men  that  carried 

^  "  lves'«  Voyage,* 'p.  5. 

'  It  was  in  this  ship  that  the  late  Mr.  Nowrojee  Rustomji  Seth,   the  first  Parsee  to 
visit  England)  had  sailed  from  here  in  1723.    (  Parsee  PrakAsh,  Vol.1. ,  p.  24  ). 

*  Ives's  Voyage,  p.  31.  His  description  of  Bombay,  is  referred  to  in  the  **  Bombay 
Quarterly  Review,'*  Vol,  V,  January  and  April  1857 ,  pp.  x6t-i6?,  in  the  article  entitled  **  An 
Age  of    Progress  in  Bombayi  1740-1762." 


278  BOMBAY  AS  SEEN  IN  THE  YEAR  1754  A.D. 

the  palanquin,  which  was  one  of  the  principal  kinds  of  conveyances 
here  up  to  about  50  or  60  years  ago.  He  says  ^ur  coolies  carried  a 
palanquin  here,  while  six  were  required  at  Madras.  "  The  people  of 
this  island  were/'  he  says,  **  made  up  of  every  nation  in  Asia." 

I  will  quote  here  at  full  length  what  he  says  of  my  own  co-religio- 
nists,  the  Parsees.     He  says  :^ 

"We met  witb  several  Persees,  who,  like  their  forefathers,  the 
ancient  Persians,  are  followers  of  Zoroaster,  who  is  said  to  have 
modelled  and  reduced  into  order  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Magi, 
the  fundamental  maxim  of  which  was  the  worshipping  only  one 
God  under  the  symbol  of  light  They  adore  the  sun,  and  particularly 
the  rising  sun,  with  the  profoundest  reverence  and  veneration  ;  and 
by  a  natural  consequence  of  the  worship  they  pay  the  sun,  they 
likewise  pay  a  particular  veneration  to  fire* 

**  I  met  with  a  very  remarkable  instance  of  this  while  I  was  at 
Bombay ;  one  day  passing  'through  the  street,  I  heard  a  very  un- 
common noise,  and  seeing  at  the  same  time  a  large  fire  in  one  of 
the  houses,  curiosity  led  me  a  little  closer  to  it  :  in  the  middle  of 
the  house  was  set  a  large  brass  pan  with  a  fire  in  it :  before  this 
fire,  or  rather  on  each  side  of  it,  two  men  were  kneeling  at  their 
devotions,  which  they  hurried  over  with  great  rapidity.  I  looked  on 
for  a  considerable  time  with  great  attention,  and  afterwards  learned 
from  a  servant  of  the  admirals,  who  was  of  this  cast,  that  one  of  them 
was  a  priesti  then  on  a  visit  to  another  priest  in  a  fit  of  sickness. 
This  servant  likewise  told  me,  that  the  Persees  have  such  a  venera- 
tion for  fire,  that  they  never  put  it  out,  or  so  much  as  breathe  upon  it ; 
and  I  took  particular  notice,  that  while  these  priests  were  at  prayers 
over  the  pan  of  coals,  they  had  a  kind  of  little  white  bib  over  their 
mouth,  as  I  imagined,  to  prevent  their  breathing  on  their  favourite 
element.  The  prayers  appeared  to  me>  to  be  only  a  repetition  of  the 
same  set  of  words,  from  the  similarity  of  their  sounds.  The  visiting 
priest  used  many  gestures  with  his  hands  over  the  fire,  and  afterwards 
stroked  down  the  face  of  the  sick  priest,  which  I  looked  upon  as  the 
final  benediction,  for  presently  afterward  the  ceremony  ended.  This 
instance  strongly  corroborates  Prideaux's  observation  *  concerning 
their  usage  at  public  worship.  'The  priests  themselves  'never 
approach  this  fire  in  their  temples  but  with  a  cloth  over  their  mouths, 
that  they  might  not  breathe  thereon  :  and  this  they  did  not  only  when 

^  The  reference  is  to  Dr.  Humphrey  Prideaux's  "  The  Old  and  New  Testaments  con> 
oected  in  the  History'  of  the  Jews  and  neighbourinflr  nations.**  Part  I.  Bk.  IV  (17th  Edition 
of  itiS)i  Vol.  I,  p.  169' 


BOMBAY  AS  SEEN   IN    THE   YEAR  1754   A.D.  279 

they  tended  the  fire  to  lay  on  more  wood,  or  do  any  other  service 
about  it,  but  also  when  they  approached  to  read  the  daily  offices  of 
their  liturgy  before  it  So  that  they  mumUed  over  their  prayers,  rather 
than  spoke  them,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Romish  priests  do  their 
masses,  without  letting  the  people  present  articulately  hear  one 
word  of  what  they  said.'  *'  * 

I  will  make  a  few  observations  on  some  of  the  statements  of 
Dr.  Ives  in  the  above  passage. 

The  prayer  referred  to  above  as  being  recited  by  the  visiting  priest 
over  the  sick  priest  seems  to  be  the  Ardibehesht  Yasht  (Yasht  3). 
There  are  two  points  in  our  author's  statements  which  point  to  that 
identification. 

1.  The  first  is  that  the  visiting  priest  used  many  gestures  with   his 

hands  over  the  fire  and  afterwards  stroked  down  the  face  of 
the  sick  priest. 

2.  The  second  is  that  the  prayer  seemed  to  him  "to  be  only  a 

repetition  of  the  same  set  of  words  from  the  similarity  of  their 
sounds." 

Ardibehesht  is  the  third  of  the  seven  AmeshHspends  or  archangels 
of  the  Parsees.  His  Avesta  name  is  Asha  Vahishta,  i.c^  the  best  purity. 
In  the  word  'Asha '  or  purity,  both  physical  and  mental  purities  are 
included.  So,  this  archangel  is  believed  to  preside  over  the  best  purity. 
Health  both  physical  and  mental  or  spiritual,  gives  purity.  So,  Asha 
Vahishta  prssides  over  health  also.  He  is  therefore  invoked  in  case  of 
illness.     The  HQspftram  nask^  as  described  in  the  Dtnkard,  says  : 

**  Where  it  is  the  healing  of  the  sick,  the  spiritual  debt  is  unto  the 
archangel  Asha  Vahisht,  and  that  which  is  worldly  unto  the  physi- 
cian's anteroom  (drugs)."  ^  What  is  meant  is  this:  When  a  man  recovers 
from  illness,  we  are  indebted  to  two  sources  for  his  recovery — one,  the 
Divine  power,  as  represented  by  the  Amesh&spend,  Asha  Vahishta, and 
the  other,  the  human  power  as  representedby  the  medical  man  who  treats 
the  sick  man.  As  Prof.  Darmesteter  points  out,  this  reminds  us  of  the 
words  of  the  eminent  French  physician  Ambroise  Par^,who  is  known  in 
France  as  the  Father  of  Surgery.  He  used  to  say:  **  Je  panse  et 
Dieu  gu^rit,"  «>.,  **I  dress  (the  wounds)  and  God  cures."  He  meant  to 
say  that  the  medical  men  only  dress  the  wounds,  to  cure  a  patient,  but 

*  I ves's  Voyages,  pp.  31-^2. 

•  S.  B.  B.  XXXVII,  p.  iiS,    Uinkard,   Bk.  VIII,  Chap.  XXXVII,  14.     Vide  Le  Zend 
Ave»ta,  par  Darmesteter,  Vol.  II,  p.  lis. 


28o  BOMBAY  AS  SBBN   IN  THB  YEAR    1 754    A.D. 

it  is  God  who  really  cures  him.  In  the  Ardibehesht  Yasht  itself,  of 
all  the  remedies  for  a  sick  man's  illness,  the  best  is  considered  to  be 
that  of  the  Holy  Word,  i.e,,  that  which  strengthens  and  influences 
his  mind.  This  being  the  case,  the  recital  of  the  Ardibehesht  Yasht, 
before  sick  persons,  was  often  resorted  to  even  up  to  the  last  century, 
and  it  is  not  unknown  even  now. 

**  The  stroking  down  the  face  '*  of  the  sick  patient  while  reciting  the 
Ardibehesht  Yasht  consists  nov/-a-days  in  making  a  few  passes  over 
the  body  with  a  handkerchief,  or  with  the  hand,  and  then  clapping  the 
fingers  of  the  hand.  This  process  is  now  known  as  **  Ardibehesht 
Yasht  ni  pichi." 

Fire,  as  the  refulgent  symbol  of  the  Glory  of  God  and  the  visible 
form  of  heat  that  pervades  and  purifies  the  whole  earth  is  a  symbol 
of  purity.  So,  Asha  Vahishta  or  Ardibehesht  presides  over  fire  also. 
Hence  it  is  that,  as  Dr.  Ives  describes,  the  fire  was  placed  before  the 
sick  patient  while  the  Yasht  was  recited.  But  one  can  recite  that 
Yasht  even  without  the  fire. 

Now  Dr.  Ives  says  that  the  prayer  seemed  to  him  **to  be  the 
repetition  of  the  same  set  of  words  from  the  similarity  of  their  sounds." 
That  statement  also  proves  the  fact  that  the  prayer  recited  by  the  priest 
and  heard  by  him  was  the  Ardibehesht  Yasht,  because  of  all  the  Avesta 
writings,  the  Ardibehesht  Yasht  is  one  where  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
repetition  with  a  slight  change  of  words. 

The  **  little  white  bib  "  which,  according  to  Dr.  Ives,  was  put  on  by 
the  priest  while  reciting  the  prayer  before  fire  was  the  padan  or 
paitiddna,  put  on,  even  now,  by  Parsee  priests. 

Dr.  Ives  thinks  that  what  he  saw,  vis.^  the  priests  reciting  their 
prayers  with  a  piece  of  cloth  over  their  mouths,  corroborated  Prideaux^s 
observation  that  the  Parsee  priests  mumbled  over  their  prayers  like 
Romish  priests.  That  is  not  always  the  case.  The  present 
prayer  book  of  the  Parsees  contains  writings  both  in  the  ancient 
Avesta  language  and  the  later  Pazend.  So,  whenever  they  have 
to  recite  the  Pazend  portion  in  the  midst  of  the  Avesta  scriptures, 
they  do  so  with  a  suppressed  tone,  which  is  technically  known 
among  them  as  reciting  in  ^^7  and  which  Firdousi  refers  to,  as  reciting 
in  samsame  ^  yej 

Then  Dr.  Ives  thus  refers  to  the  Parsee  custom  of  the  disposal  of 
their  dead  and  of  their  places  of  disposal  now  known  as  the  Towers- 
of-Silence. 


BOMBAY  AS   SEEN   IN  THE  YEAR    1 754  A.D.  281 


K 


As  the  Gentoos  burn  their  dead,  one  would  think  that  the  Parsees, 
who  are  so  fond  of  worshipping  their  deity  under  the  representation 
of  fire,  should  be  desirous  of  having  their  dead  bodies  committed  to 
that  element,  wherein  they  suppose  their  creator  principally  to  reside. 
But  contt'ary  to  this,  and  to  the  custom  of  all  other  nations  in  the 
world,  the>  neither  burn  nor  bury  their  dead,  but  cast  them  out  in 
the  open  air,  to  be  exposed  to  the  several  elements,  where  they  are 
soon  devoured  by  eagles,  vultures,  and  other  birds  of  prey.  The 
principle  they  go  upon  is,  that  a  living  man  being  compounded  of  all 
the  elements,  it  is  but  reasonable,  after  he  is  dead,  that  every  particular 
element  should  receive  its  own  again.  On  the  top  of  Malabar-hill,  in 
this  island  of  Bombay,  are  two  round  buildings,  on  purpose  for 
receiving  the  dead  bodies  of  the  Persees,  which  are  placed  and  remain 
there  till  the  bones  are  clean  picked  by  the  birds.  A  guard  constantly 
stands  within  a  small  distance  of  the  place,  who  is  very  much  dis- 
pleased if  you  oflfer  to  approach  the  buildings  ;  and  for  this  reason, 
lest  by  your  going  too  near,  you  disturb  the  vultures  in  their  preying 
upon  the  dead  bodies.  One  afternoon,  however,  I  resolved  to  satisfy 
my  curiosity  so  far  as  to  peep  into  one  of  these  edifices.  I  perceived 
several  dead  bodies,  but  there  was  little  flesh  left  upon  the  bones  ; 
and  that  little  was  so  parched  up  by  the  excessive  heat  of  the  sun,  that 
it  did  not  emit  those  stinking  effluvia  which  there  was  reason  to 
expect.  It  was  owing  probably  to  the  same  cause,  that  the  bones 
were  rendered  quite  black.''  ^ 

The  pictures    of  the  towers  that  he  gives  seems  to  be  imaginary, 
because  the  two  towers  that  he  refers  to,  still  exist,  and  coie  can  see  at 
once,  that  his  sketches  differ.     First  of  all,  he  has  shown  them  to  be  of 
the  same  size,   which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  they  are  not.     Again  the 
outward  appearances  also  differ. 

We  note  that  our  author  does  not  speak  of  the  places  serving  as 
receptacles  of  the  bodies,  as  towers,  but  only  as  **  round  buildings." 

The  word  Towers  has  latterly  come  into  use.  There  was  some  dis- 
cussion, about  a  year  ago',  as  to  who  first  brought  the  words 
*'  Tower-of-Silence  "  into  use.  Sir  George  Bird  wood  said  that  it 
was  the  late  Mr.  Robert  Zavier  Murphy  who  first  used  the  term.  I 
supported  his  statement,  and  said  that  it  was  in  1832,  that  the  term 
was  first  used  in  a  card  printed  in  the  Bombay  Gazette  by  the  late 
Mr.  Framji  Cowasji  when  he  built  the  **  Tower-of-Silence  "  which  is 

*  Ives'  Voyage,  pp.  32  and  ^j. 

*  Vide  Sir  Geot^e  Birdwood's  letter  to  the  London  Times  of  8th  August  1905,  Vide  that 
letter  quoted  in  the  Times  of  India  of  7gth  August  1905.  T/V/^  my  letter  to  the  7Tim« 
0/  Itidia  of  3rd  October  190S. 


282  BOMBAY  AS  SEEN   IN  THE   YEAR    1 754  A.D. 

known  by  his  name.  The  late  Mr.  Murphy,  who  was  latterly  the 
Editor  of  the  Bombay  Gasfette,  had,  at  the  time  of  the  publication  of 
that  card  in  the  Bombay  Gazette  of  28th  March  1832,  some  connec- 
tion with  the  paper.  So,  it  appears  that,  when  Mr  Framjee  Cowasji 
asked  the  Bombay  Gazette  to  print  his  card  or  general  invitation  to 
Europeans  and  other  non-Zorastrians  to  come  and  see  the  round 
building  he  had  built  for  the  disposal  of  the  dead  of  his  community, 
Mr.  Murphy,  who  must  have  been  connected  with  the  Gazette  in 
some  capacity  before  he  became  its  editor,  coined  this  new  phrase 
**  To  wer-of-Silence  "  for  the  first  time. 

Sir  George  Birdwood  in  his  letter  to  the  London  Times  above 
referred  to,  calls  the  phrase  •*  Tower-of-Silence  "  **  a  fine  figure  of 
speech.''  I  will  take  this  opportunity  to  say,  what  must  have  suggest- 
ed this  fine  figure  of  speech  to  Mr.  Murphy.  He  was  an  Oriental 
Scholar  and  was  at  one  time  Oriental  Translator  to  Government  As 
such,  he  was  versed  in  Oriental  literature  and  among  that,  in  Persian 
and  Hindustani  literature.  Now  in  Persian  the  word  for  ''  Silence"  or 
for  **  the  Silent"  is  khdmush  ^^U^.  This  word  khdmusk  is  also 
figuratively  used  for  the  **  dead."  Dr.  Steingass  gives  both  these  mean- 
ings for  this  word  khdmush.i  Then,  as  to  the  word  *  Tower  *,  it  is 
natural  that  the  structure  being  round,  the  word  Tower  at  once  struck 
Mr.  Murphy  as  an  appropriate  word. 

So  it  seems  that  the  Persian  word  khdmush ^  meaning  *  Silence*  or 
*  Silent  *  as  well  as  *  dead  *,  suggested  to  Mr.  Murphy  the  phrase 
**Tower-of-Silence." 

ft 

A  few  Hindustani  quotations,  wherein  the  word  khdmush  is  used 
for  the  dead,  have  been  kindly  supplied  to  me  by  my  friend  Munshi 
Khan  Saheb  Farrudin.  I  am  indebted  to  him  for  this  suggestion 
as  to  the  possible  way  which  may  have  suggested  to  Mr.  Murphy  this 
figure  of  speech. 

J(*-     ^     ^1^  ^  ^^i^     \y^     J\^     Jiff. 

Translation — (The  complaint  of  a  departed  soul)— 

''  The  solitary  enjoyment  has  become  impossible  owing  to  the 
infinite  number  of  the  dead.  Oh  God!  where  am  I  to  go  leaving  the 
City  of  Silence,  /.^.,  the  cemetery.'' 

Vide  his  Persian  •Eng^lUh  Dictionar>',  p.  443,  the  word  Khamuth    \y^  y^  ^-^^ 


BOMBAY  AS  SEEN  IN  THE  YEAR    1 754  A.D.  283 

Translation — (A  living  man  draws  a  picture  of  the  unstability  of  the 
worldly  greatness.) 

"  I  happened  to  go  once  in  the  City  of  Silence  (i.e.,  to  the  cemetery), 
where  a  wonderful  sight  of  the  state  of  the  kings  of  the  world,  came 
to  my  vision.  On  one  side  was  lying  the  knee  of  Alexander  and 
on  the  other  the  skull  of  Jam  (shed)." 


"We  were  so  much  affected  that  we  remained  motionless  (literally 
smitten  with  apoplexy)  on  seeing  her  (beloved's)  mirror-like  face. 
We  felt  like  entering  alive  the  City  of  Silence. " 

J^  yt  u ' — ^^  jt — ^  ^  "^  ^  1^  ^  ^ — ^ 


*'-The  spot  which  had  lofty  palaces  and  beautiful  sights  is  now  full  of 
graves. 

The  cities  which  were  once  populous  have  now  become  cities  of 
silence,  f.^.,  grave-yards." 

I  have  come  across  an  old  document  in  the  records  of  the  Parsee 
Panchayet,  which  shows  that  the  Portugese  used  the  word  'well' 
for  the  Tower.  In  a  document  dated  ist  May  1796  we  find  the 
following  words  :     *'  Poi^o  d6s  Parcois  aon  do  passrad  sens  defuntos", 


284  BOMBAY  AS  SEBN  IN  THB  YEAR    I754  A.D. 

i,e,f  the  Parsees' well,  through  which  their  dead  bodies  pass^  The 
document  is  a  deed  of  sale  of  a  hill,  named  Ragi,  by  one  Krishnoba  to 
Mr.  Dady  Nusserwanjee,  Some  Portuguese  documents  of  the  years 
1710  to  1739  speak  of  the  Towers  as  cemeteries  or  sepulchres.  ( VieU 
the  Zartoshti  of  month  Farvardin  1276  Yazdezardi,  Vol.  IV.,  No,  i.) 

There  is  one  statement  in  the  above  description  of  Dr.  Ives  which 
appears  to  me  to  be  useful  in  determining  the  date  of  the  construction 
of  one  of  the  old  Parsi  Towers-of-Silence  in  Bombay.  He  speaks  of 
having  seen  '*  two  round  buildings  "  or  towers.  Unfortunately,  these 
two  towers,  the  two  oldest  of  the  five  public  towers  standing  in  the 
Parsee  ground,  known  as  Doongarwadi  among  the  Parsees,  have  no 
tablets  to  give  the  dates  of  their  construction.  But,  fortunately,  it  is 
three  old  European  travellers  that  have  come  to  our  help,  in  determin- 
ing, at  least  approximately,  the  dates  of  these  two  old  towers. 

The  first  or  the  oldest  of  the  two  towers  referred  to  by  Dr.  Ives  is 
that  known  as  Modi's  tower.  As  said  above,  there  is  no  tablet 
over  it.  Again  there  are  no  family  records  to  determine  the  date  of 
its  foundation.  But,  as  pointed  out  by  Khan  Bahadur  Bomanji  Byramji 
Patel^,  Dr.  John  Fryer'*  refers  to  this  oldest  tower  in  his  book  of 
travels  entitled  "  A  New  Account  of  East-India  and  Persia,  in  Eight 
Letters,  being  nine  years  travels,  begun  1672  and  finished  1681." 
Therein  be  says  :  "  On  the  other  side  of  the  great  Inlet,  to  the 
Sea,  is  a  great  point  abutting  against  Old  Woman's  Island  '  and  is 
called  Malabar-hill,  a  rocky  woody  mountain,  yet  sends  forth  long 
grass.     A-top  of  all  is  a  Parsy  Tomb  lately  reared.*" 

Fryer's  book  was  published  in  1698.  He  left  England  for 
India  on  9th  December  1672.  *  He  arrived  in  Bombay  on  9th  Decem- 
ber 1673.  *  His  letter,  wherein  he  refers  to  the  tower  (Modi's  Tower), 
is  dated  Surat,  15th  January  1675  (o^^l  system  1674),'  So,  it  is  clear, 
that  the  first  Parsi  Tower-of-Silence  was  built  some  time  before  the 
year  1675  when  he  wrote  the  letter  containing  the  above  passage. 
He  says  it  was  "lately  reared."  The  words  "lately  reared"  are 
rather  indefinite.  It  may  be  two  or  three  years  before  the  year  when 
he  wrote  the  above. 

»  Parsi  Prakask,   I,  p.  17. 

^  Dr.  Fryer  left  England  on  9th  December  1672.  He  landed  in  Bombay  00  9di  Decem- 
ber 1673.  His  letter  from  Surat  wherein  he  refers  to  the  first  tower  is  dated  i$th 
January  1675. 

^  Colaba  was  then  knotvn  by  this  name.  *■  Vr,  Fryer's  Travds,  p.  67. 

*  Vide  his  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia  in  eight  letters  from  1673*1^1,  p.  i. 
"  /bid,  p.  59.  '  nid,  p.  89; 


BOMBAY   AS  SEEN   IN  THE  YEAR   1754  A.D.      •  285 

Now,  there  is  another  traveller  whose  book  helps  us  in  determining 
the  value  or  the  meaning  of  Dr.  Fryer's  words  **  lately  reared."  This 
traveller  was  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Streynsham  Master  who  was  in 
India  from  1656  to  1682.  In  an  interval  during  the  period  he  had 
gone  once  to  England. ' 

As  he  has  not  been  referred  to  in  the  Gazetteer  and  in  the  Parsi 
Prakash,  his  notes  having  come  to  light  lately,  I  will  here  make 
use  of  his  reference  and  try  to  determine  the  date  of  the  first  tower. 

It  is  in  a  letter  dated  **  Bombay,  January  18,  1671,  (j.^.,  New 
System,  1672)  that  he  refers  to  the  tower.  The  letter  is  headed  **  a 
letter  from  Suratt  in  India  giving  an  acco"  :  of  y  *:  Manners  of  y*  : 
English  factories,  &3a.,  their  way  of  Civill  Converse  and  Pious  Comport- 
ment and  Behaviour  in  these  Partes.*  It  is  an  unusually  long 
document  to  be  called  a  letter.  Therein,  while  giving  a  short  descrip- 
tion of  Bombay,  and  speaking  of  its  different  "  nations  or  sects  of 
people  "  he  thus  speaks  of  the  Parsees  : 

^  The  following  particulars  about  this  traveller  are  collected  from  Col.  Henry  Yule's 
Account  of  his  life.  Vide  the  Diary  of  William  Hedges,  Esq.}  by  Col.  Henry  Yule,  printed  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1888,  Vol.  H.  p.  CCXXIII. 

Sir  Streynsham  Master  was  b(«rn  on  sSth  October  1640*  He  left  London  on  4  th  April  1656 
to  go  to  India  with  his  uncle  and  god-father  George  Oxenden.  They  arrived  at  Surat  in 
Novemb^  l6$6.  Mr.  Oxenden  returned  to  Europe  but  Master  remained  at  Surat  in  charge 
of  George  Oxenden's  brother  Cristopher  Oxenden  who  was  "  then  second  in  council  of  the 
Company's  factory  at  Surat.'*  Mr.  Master  then  went  out  as  Cape-Merchant  and  super- 
cargo on  a  vessel  bound  for  Persian  Gulf.  He  returned  to  Surat  in  December  1659.  He 
was  taken  into  the  Company's  service  in  January  1659-60.  Till  i686f  he  was  employed  at 
Surat  and  Ahmedabad.  During  the  interval,  ue^  in  x662,  his  uncle  had  returned  to  Surat  as 
Sir  Gcoi^e  Oxenden  and  as  President  of  Surat.    In  x668  he  was  one  of  the  Council  at  Surat. 

In  the  month  of  September  of  that  year  **  he  was  associated  with  Mr.  Goodyer  (Governor- 
designate,)  Captain  Young*  and  Mr.  Cotes,  to  go  to  Bombay  and  receive  over  chaise  of  the 
Island  from  the  King's  officers."  *  When  Surat  was  attacked  by  the  Mahrattas  in  1664  he 
took  part  in  the  defence  of  the  factor>' and  Company's  property.  When  the  Mahrattas  pil- 
laged Surat  for  the  second  time  under  Sivaji  in  October  1670,  the  Council  was  temporarily 
located  at  Swally  (known  among  the  people  there  as  Soomari  ^^Ki).  Soj  Mr  Master  was 
asked  to  come  down  from  that  place  to  Surat  to  hold  the  factory  against  die  invaders.  This 
he  did  "with  much  gallantry  and  tact."  The  Court  of  Directors  in  London  voted  him  on  20th 
July  1671  •<  a  gold  medal  in  recognition  of  his  services.  It  was  presented  to  him  in  1672  when 
fut  went  home.  Gerald  Aungier  was  the  Governor  at  the  time  of  Sivaji's  above  invasion. 
He  was  at  Swally.  Master  returned  to  England  in  June  1672  and  married  in  1674.  In 
September  X675  he  was  Dominated  ihe  Governor  of  Fort  St.  George.  He  arrived  at  Fort  St 
George  on  7th  July  1676.  He  then  went  to  Bengal  on  inspection  duty  and  took  cbargfl  of 
his  appointment  as  Governor  of  Madras  in  1677,  when  Sir  William  Langhorne  went  home. 
He  fell  in  the  disfavour  of  the  Court  of  Directors  ;  he  was  recalled  by  a  letter,  dated  5th 
January  16S0-81.  He  gave  over  charge  of  his  office  to  Mr.  W.  Gyfford  on  Jrd  July  i68f  and 
then  went  to  England. 

«  The  Diary  of  William  Hedges,  Esq.,  by  Col.  Henry  Yule,  Vol.  II,  Printed  for  the 
Hakluyt  Society  in  1888.  p.  CCXXV.  =  Ibid,  p.  CCCV. 


286  ,  BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THE   YEAR    1754  A.D. 

''  The  Parseesare  the  antient  inhabitants  of  Persia,  from  whence 
those  that  now  inhabit  hereabouts  fled,  at  such  time  as  the  Maho- 
metan Religion  was  by  Violence  planted  in  that  Country,  which  was 
about  900  years  since.  Then  severall  of  those  Parsees  resolving 
to  so  suffer  and  undergoe  any  hardship  rather  than  submitt  to 
Mahomett  and  his  followers  imbarged  themselves  and  their  familys 
in  a  few  slight  built  vessels  of  that  Country  and  Committed  them- 
selves to  the  Mercy  of  the  Wind  and  the  Seas,  not  knowing  whether 
they  would  [fare]  (a  most  desperate  undertaking),  and  at  length  it 
pleased  God  they  were  cast  upon  the  Coast  of  India  between  Surratt 
and  Daman  about  12  or  13  miles  from  Surratt,  near  the  same  place 
where  the  first  English  Ship  that  arrived  in  India  was  allsoe  cast 
away,  where  escapeing  to  the  Shoare  with  life,  the  Indians  not  used 
to  such  guests,  yet  being  as  obliging  People  to  strangers  as  any 
nation  under  heaven  (as  the  English  found  them  when  the  Sun,  the 
first  Ship  we  had  in  these  parts  was  cast  away  at  or  near  the  same 
place)  tooke  yet  this  advantage  upon  them  (if  it  may  be  soe  tearmed) 
that  they  should  live  and  inhabit  with  them  if  they  would  swear  to 
them  that  they  would  not  kill  Cows  or  any  of  that  Sort  of  Cattell,  and 
observe  their  Ceremonies  of  Marryage,  that  is  to  Marry  their  chil- 
dren young  at  6  or  7  years  old  or  thereabouts,  to  which  the  Poore 
Parsees  soone  agreed,  and  there  seated  themselves,  the  Towne  being 
called  Nausarree,  or  by  the  English  Nunsaree,  where  since  they 
have  spread  themselves  about  these  parts  of  the  Country,  about  30 
or  40  miles  about  Surratt,  but  there  are  very  few  farther  in  the  Coun- 
try, yet  some,  for  they  say  a  Parsee  was  raised  to  great  honour  in 
the  Court  by  Jangier  this  Mogull's  grandfather.  At  the  said  place  of 
Nausaree  thear  chief  priests  reside,  where  tis  said  they  have 
their  Holy  fire  which  they  brought  [withj  them  from  their  owne  Coun- 
try, and  is  never  to  goe  out.  They  keepe  it  soe  constantly  supplyed  ; 
they  had  a  Church  in  Surratt  ;  but  the  Tumultuous  Rabble  of  the 
Zelott  Moors  destroyed  and  tooke  it  from  them  when  they  were  furious 
on  the  Hindooes.  They  have  severall  buryall  Places  hereabouts, 
which  are  built  of  Stone  in  the  wide  fields,  wherein  they  lay  the  dead 
Bodys  exposed  to  the  open  air  soe  that  the  Ravenous  fogies  may  and 
doe  feed  upon  them. 

"  These  People  are  of  a  different  Shape  and  Complection  from  all 
other  People  that  ever  I  sawe  in  the  World  ;  they  are  of  all  Profes- 
sions, except  Seamen,  for  they  have  hitherto  held  it  unlawfull  for  them 
to  goe  to  Sea,  because  they  must  then  Pollute  the  Element  of  Water 
which  they  esteem  holy,  as  they  doe  fire.  But  of  late  some  few  of 
them  had  adventured  to  transgress  that  ceremony.  They  have  a 
great  Reverence  for  fire,  and  many  of  them  will  not  put  it  out,  but  let 


BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THB  YEAR  1754  JLD,  387 

it  extinguish  for  want  of  matter  ;  they  worship  and  acknowledge  one 
God  Allmighty  and  noe  Images  or  Representations.  But  only  the 
Sun  they  doe  adore,  and  they  give  this  reason  for  it ;  that  God  AU- 
mighty  told  them  by  their  first  Prophet  that  they  should  worship  only 
one  thing  beside  Himselfe  and  that  thing  should  be  that  which  was  most 
like  unto  Him.  Now  they  say  there  is  noe  one  thing  in  the  world  soe 
much  like  unto  God 'as  the  Sun,  for  it  hath  its  light  and  heat  in 
itselfe,  which  it  disperseth  and  infuseth  into  all  parts  and  Creatures  . 
in  the  World,  soe  that  it  gives  them  life  and  light ;  therefore  they 
say  they  worship  it. 

"  President  Aungier,  one  of  the  most  ingenious  men  of  our  Nation 
that  ever  was  in  these  parts,  hath  been  somewhat  Curious  in  his  En- 
quiry into  the  Religion  of  these  People,  and  according  to  the  account 
they  have  of  the  history  of  the  World,  he  is  of  opinion  they  had  it  from 
the  Hebrews,  it  differing  not  much  from  Moses.  They  say  according 
to  these  prophesys  the  World  will  not  last  many  hundreds  of  years 
longer,  but  that  their  Kingdom  and  Country  will  be  restored  to  them, 
and  all  Nations  shall  be  of  their  Religion  ere  the  World  be  ended." 

Then,  while  speaking  of  the  island  of  Bombay^  Master  says  of 
the  Parsees  of  this  city  : — 

"  Here  is  allsoe  some  Parsees,  but  they  are  lately  come  since  the 
English  had  the  Island,  and  are  most  of  them  weavers,  and  have  not 
yet  any  place  to  doe  their  devotion  in  or  to  bury  their  dead*"  ^ 

This  last  statement  of  Sir  Streynsham  Master,  made  on  i8th  January 
1672,  shows,  that  on  that  day,  the  Parsees  had  no  Tower-of-Silence. 
So,  the  statement  of  Dr.  Fryer  on  the  one  hand,  and  that  of  Sir  S. 
Master  on  the  other,  gives  two  dates  between  which  the  first  Parsee 
Tower-of-Silence  was  built  in  Bombay.  They  decide  that  it  was  built 
at  some  time  during  the  three  years  between  the  i8th  of  January  1672, 
the  date  given  by  Master,  and  15th  of  January  1675,  ^^^  ^^te  given  by 
Fryer.  This  period  of  three  years  can  still  be  reduced  to  a  narrower 
period,  because  though  Fryer  wrote  his  letter  from  Surat  on  15th 
January  1675,  he  narrates  therein  what  he  saw  at  Bombay  during 
the  preceding  year.  At  the  end  of  the  monsoons  of  1674  ^^  ^^  ^^ 
Bombay  for  Surat.*  His  observations  about  Bombay  itself  must  have 
been  for  the  months  of  January  or  February  1674,  because  we  learn 
from  his  book  that  before  the  end  of  the  hot  season  he  had  left  Bom* 
bay  for  Bassein.  Before  this,  he  had  been  visiting  some  of  the  coast 
towns  near  Bombay.     So,  his  account  of  Bombay  refers  to  the  early 

>  The  Diaiy  of  WilUam  Hed^^es,  Esq.,  by  Col.  Heniy  Yule,  Vol.  II»  printed  for  the  Hak- 
luyt  Society  in  1S88,  p.  CCCXVI. 
•  Fryer's  Travels,  p.  8J. 

21 


j88  BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THB  YBAR    1 754  A.D. 

part  of  the  year  1674.  So,  we  can  safely  say,  that  the  tower  referred 
to  by  Fryer  as  "lately  raised/'  was  built  some  time  after  i8th  Janu- 
ary 1672  and  before  January  or  February  1674.  It  was  built  in  the 
latter  end  of  1672  or  at  some  time  in  1673. 

Now,  just  as  the  writings  of  the  abovementioned  two  travellers  have 
helped  us  in  determining  approximately  the  date  of  the  construction 
of  the  first  tower,  the  book  of  Dr.  Ives  helps  us  in  determining  the 
date  of  the  second  old  tower— which  is  now  known  as  the  Manockji 
Seth's  Tower. 

The  Parsee  population  at  the  time  of  our  author's  visit  must  be  much 
below  10,000.  Sir  James  Campbell's  Gazetteer  has  given  "the  chief 
available  details  of  the  strength  of  the  Parsees  at  different  times  since 
the  beginning  of  the  (19th)  century."  But  the  Journal  of  our  own 
Society  seems  to  have  escaped  his  notice.  In  the  very  first  volume  of 
the  Journal  of  our  Society,  then  known  as  the  Literary  Society,  we 
have  a  note  latterly  attached  to  the  "  Preliminary  Discourse  "  delivered 
by  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  the  founder  of  the  Society.  In  that  note 
we  find  the  following  figures  of  Parsee  population  in  181 1 : — 


Men  from  20  to  80  years  of  age    

...     3,644 

Women         ,,         ,,         ,,           ••• 

—    3»333 

Boys  from  20  down  to  infant  children 

...     1 ,799 

Girls               ,,          ,,               ,)                  ... 

...     1,266 

Total 

...  10,042 

This  was  in  181 1.  So  in  the  middle  of  the  i8th  century  it  may  be 
about  S,ooo.  Whatever  it  may  be,  it  was  thought  some  time  before 
1748,  that  there  was  a  demand  for  a  second  and  a  larger  tower.  The 
fact  is  inferred  from  the  Will  of  the  first  Mr.  Manockji  Nowroji  Seth, 
who  died  in  1748,  and  from  whose  father's  name  our  Nowroji  Hill 
derives  its  name.  This  Manockji  Seth  was  the  grandson  of  Rustom 
Manock,  from  whose  name  Rustompora  in  Surat  derives  its  name,  and 
who  was  the  broker  of  the  English  Factory  at  Surat  in  the  middle  of  the 
17th  century,  and  had  gone  in  1660  to  the  G>urt  of  the  Mog^l  Em- 
peror at  Delhi  to  bring  about  a  settlement  of  some  points  of  dispute 
that  had  arisen  between  the  abob  of  Surat  and  the  English  Factory 
at  Surat.  His  father  Nowroji  Seth  was  the  *first  Parsee  to  go  to 
England  in  1724.  He  went  there  to  lay  his  grievances  personally 
before  the  Court  of  Directors  in  the  matter  of  some  money  dispute 
that  had  arisen  between  him  and  the  English  Factors  at  Surat. 


BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THB  YBAR  1 754  A.D.  289 

Now,  it  appears  from  the  last  A^ll '  of  the  above  Manockji  Seth  that, 
some  time  before  1748,  the  date  of  the  death  of  the  Testator,  the 
Parsee  community  had  raised  a  fund  to  build  a  second  and  a  larger 
tower.  Mr.  Manockji  Seth's  subscription  was  Rs.  j,ooo,  but  it  was 
not  collected,  perhaps,  because  the  money  subscribed  by  the  community 
was  not  found  sufficient.  So,  he  mentions  the  subscription  in  his  Will 
and  directs  that  instead  of  Rs.  2,000,  a  sum  of  Rs.  2,500  may  be  given 
to  the  fund.  The  whole  amount  of  the  subscriptions  not  being  found 
sufficient,  the  heirs  of  the  late  Mr.  Manockji  offered  to  make  up  all 
the  deficiency,  and  the  tower  was  built  and  named  after  the  principa 
donor,  as  Manockji  Seth's  Tower. 

Now  the  question  is  :  When  was  that  tower  built  ?  This  tower  also 
bears  no  date.  Mr.  Manockji  had  built  a  tower  in  his  lifetime,  a  year 
before  his  death  {i.e.,  in  1747),  at  Naosari.  That  tower  bears  a  date 
in  Persian.'  But  the  tower  built  in  Bombay  several  ryears  later  does 
not  bear  any  date. 

Mr.  Ruttonji  Framji  VsLchha,  in  his  Afumbai-no-Bdhdr,  %,e,,  "the 
Spring  or  the  Rise  of  Bombay"  published  in  1874,  says  that  the  tower 
of  Manockji  Seth  was  built  in  1128,  Yazdazardi,  i.e.,  in  1759  A.D. 
Khan  Bahadur  Bomanji  Byramji  Patel  gives  the  date  as  1756.^  He 
says  that  he  was  given  that  date  by  the  late  Mr.  Heerjeebhoy  Hormusji 
Sethna,  a  member  of  Seth  Kh&nd&n  family.  There  seems  to  be  no 
documentary  evidence  about  it.*  I  wrote  to  three  members  of  the  Seth 
Kh&nd&n  family,  to  inquire,  if  they  -had  any  documents  or  written 
notes  in  the  family,  to  show  that  the  tower  was  built  in  1756.  They 
have  replied  that  they  have  none. 

Now  the  work  of  -our  author,  Dr.  Ives,  shows  us,  that  the  second 
tower,  namely,  the  Manockji  Seth's  Tower  was  built  some  years  before 
1756,  the  date  given  by  Khan  Bahadur  Patel,  Dr.  Ives  says  that  in  1754 
he  saw  two  towers.  So,  it  appears,  that  the  Manockji  Seth's  Tower 
was  built  not  in  1756  but  some  time  before  1754.  Manockji  Seth  having 
died  in  1748  and  provided  for  that  tower  in  1748,  it  must  have  been 
built  at  some  time  between  1748  and  1754.  This  period  of  interval  can 
still  be  reduced,  because  the  Bombay  Parsees  wrote  a  letter  in 
February  1750  to  the  Naosari  An  uman  asking  them'to  send  two  priests 
to  perform  the  ceremony  of  laying  the  foundation.  The  letter  was 
signed,  among  others,  by  the  two  wives  of  Manockjee    Seth.'    So. 

^  This  Willy  and  what  we  may  now  call  its  codioilst   have  been  published  in  the  ^^ 
Ml^tilH  ii'^^  «l'<U«iefl  dm  i*i   S)^c|ie,   f>..  the  Genealogy  and  a  short  Account  «»f 
the  Seth  family,  published  in  1900  by  Mr.  Jalbhoy  Ardeshir  Seth  (pp.  77*S4).    It  is  also  partly 
published  in  the  Parsee  Prakash.  -  Parsee  Prakash.  I,  p.  36. 

3  ^'0{4^{  OUi^U,  p.  445.  «  Parsee  Prakash,  I.  p.  41.  ^  ^'d, ,  p.  |l. 


290  BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THE  YBAR  1 754  A.D. 

the  tower  must  have  been  built  sometime   between  1750  and  1754, 
probably  not  long  after  the  above  letter,  ue,^  in  or  about  1751. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  consider  a  few  other  points  about  Bombay 
referred  to  by  our  author. 

It  appears  that  a  term  "  toddy-headed  "  was  used  at  that  time  for 
the  weak-headed  from  the  fact  that  toddy  intoxicated  men.  We  do 
not  find  the  term  used  now. 

The  rind  of  the  cocoanut  fruit  was  at  that  time  used  for  a  kind  of 
cloth  for  the  poorer  class  of  people.  I  think  that  that  has  altogether 
gone  out  of  use  now. 

The  Abkari  tax  for  tapping  each  cocoanut  tree  was  then  20  shillings. 

The  meaning  of  the  word  Bombay  is  often  discussed.  Our  author 
understands  its  name  to  convey  "an  idea  of  a  safe  retreat  in  foul 
weather"  (Bon  or  good  bay).  Bombay  is  said  to  have  had  "a  very 
good  dock  "  at  the  time  for  small  ships.  It  was  **  the  most  convenient 
place  among  all  our  settlements  in  the  East  Indies  for  careening  and 
heaving  down  large  ships*'  (p.  33), 

Among  the  little  forts  and  batteries  of  this  little  island,  Dr.  Ives 
names,  "Dungaree.  Massegon,  Mahee,  Mendham*s  Point  and  Sion- 
hill. "  Of  these  Dungaree  and  Sion-hill  are  familiar  names  to  us  even 
now.  Massegon  is  our  modern  Mazagon.  Dr.  Jerson  daCunha ' 
suggests  four  meanings  of  the  name. 

1  'T^  IT^'CmachchgAv),  i.e.,  fishing  village. 

2  ^^  ^Va^  (mahishg^v),  i.tf.,  a  buffalo  village. 

3  IHRt^  (m&zag&v),  i.e.,  central  village. 

Of  these  three,  bethinks  the  first  to  be  "most  acceptable.'*  The 
form  Massegon  given  by  our  author  seems  to  support  this  meaning. 

Mahee  seems  to  be  Mahim  where  we  have  still  an  old  fort.  Mend- 
ham's  Point  is  a  name  unknown  to  us  now.  Colaba,  which  was  formerly 
considered  to  be  an  island  separate  from  Bombay,  was  then  known  as 
the  Old  Woman's  Island.  Before  it  was  connected  with  Bombay 
itself  in  1838,  the  southern  extremity  of  Bombay,  where  the  Scddiers' 
Home  stands  at  present,  was  known  as  Mendham's  Point.  It  is  said 
that  the  first  English  cemetery  was  there  and  the  first  person  buried 
there  was  one  Mendham.    Hence  the  Point  was  named  after  him.* 

^  The  Oriirin  of  Bombay,  p.  59.    The   Extra  Number  of  the  Journal  of  the  B.  B.  R. 
Asiatic  Society}  190a 

*  Dr.  Jenoa  da  Cunba's  Origin  of  Bombay,  p.  339. 


BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THB  YBAR   I754   A.D.  29I 

All  these  forts  were  defended  by  guns  at  the  time  of  our  author's 
visit    The  principal  fort  had  more  than  loo  guns. 

The  renovation  of  the  Cathedral  has  been  much  discussed  lately. 
Of  this  cathedral  our  author  says  :  "The  Church  also  is  not  less  sub- 
stantial than  the  fort ;  it  is  a  very  handsome,  large  edifice,  and  in  com- 
parison of  those  which  are  to  be  met  with  in  the  other  settlements,  it 
looks  like  one  of  our  cathedrals."  It  was  built  by  voluntary  subscrip- 
tions. Rev.  Mr.  Cobbe,  father  of  Mr.  Richard  Cobbe,  Admiral  Watson's 
chaplain,  was  the  chief  promoter  of  the  work  of  building  the  church. 
Rev.  Cobbe  was  at  one  time  a  chaplain  of  the  Bombay  factory. 

Tank-house  was  the  family  residence  of  the  Admiral.  Our  author 
does  not  say  where  it  was,  but  I  think  it  is  the  house  at  Gowalia  Tank, 
now  known  as  Tanka-ville.  It  was  so  called  from  the  large  tank 
near  it.  The  Admiral  was  allowed  five  pagodas  ^  a  day  for  "a  part  of 
the  expenses  of  his  table."  The  Company  allowed  him  and  his  principal 
attendants  the  use  of  palanquins.  The  horses  being  of  little  value 
and  being  also  very  scarce,  they  generally  used  oxen.  These  oxen 
travelled  fast  at  the  rate  of  7  or  8  miles  an  hour.  The  Admiral 
had  a  chaise  and  a  pair  of  oxen  allowed  him  by  the  Company.  It  was 
in  this  chaise  that  the  Admiral  went  "  for  an  afternoon's  airing  "  to 
Malabar  Hill,  Old  Woman's  Island  (Colaba)  and  to  Marmulla.  By 
Marmulla,  our  author  perhaps  means  Breach  Candy. 

The  Hindu  burning  ground  was  at  that  time  "  near  the  water's 
edge  under  Malabar  hill .  " 

The  following  account  of  our  author's  interview  with  a  /og-ee  is 
interesting  : — 

**  During  my  stay  at  this  place,  I  hired  by  the  month,  a  chaise 
drawn  by  a  pair  of  bullocks.  In  the  several  excursions  I  made  in  this 
carriage,  I  had  frequently  passed  by  one  of  those  religious  persons, 
or  anchorets,  who  in  India  are  called  foogees  ;  and  who,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  vow  made  by  their  parents,  and  during  their  mother's  preg- 
nancy with  them,  are  devoted  to  the  service  of  heaven.  One  even- 
ing, I  and  a  companion  had  an  inclination  to  pay  a  short  visit  to  this 
Joogee,  who  always  sat  in  one  posture  on  the  ground  in  a  shady 
cocoanut  plantation,  with  his  body  covered  over  with  ashes,  and  his 
long  black  hair  clotted,  and  in  the  greatest  disorder.  As  we  ap- 
proached him,  we  made  our  salutation,  which  he  respectfully  returned  ; 
and  then.  With  the  assistance  of  our  Indian  driver,  who  could  speak 
English,  we  began  a  conversation  with  him,  that  principally  turned 
on  the  wonderful  efficacy  of  his  prayers,  and  which  he  pretended  had 

According  to  W«batef |  ite  value  varied  at  different  places^    It  was  about  7«.  ^d 


igz  BOMBAY   AS  SEEN  IN   THE  YEAR   1 754  A.D. 

given  health  to  the  sick,  strength  to  the  lame,  sight  to  the  blind,  and 
fecundity  to  women  who  for  their  whole  lives  had  been  deemed  bar- 
ren. When  we  were  about  to  take  our  leave  of  him,  I  offered  him 
a  present  of  two  rupees,  which  he  bade  me  to  throw  on  the  ground, 
and  then  directed  his  servant,  who  was  standing  by,  to  take  them  up, 
which  he  did  with  a  pair  of  iron-pincers,  throwing  the  rupees  at  the 
same  time  into  a  pot  of  vinegar.  After  they  had  lain  there  a  little 
while,  the  same  servant  took  them  out,  wiped  them  carefully,  and  at 
last  delivered  them  to  his  master,  who  soon  afterwards,  by  way  of 
return,  presented  us  with  a  few  cakes  of  his  insipid  pastry.  I  then 
requested  of  him,  that  in  his  next  prayers  he  would  petition  for  an 
increase  of  my  happiness,  to  which  with  great  complacency  in  his 
countenance,  he  replied  :  '  I  hardly  know  what  to  ask  for  you ;  I 
'  have  seen  you  often  and  you  have  always  appeared  to  me  to  enjoy 
'  perfect  health  ;  you  ride  in  your  chaise  at  your  ease  ;  are  often  ac- 
'  companied  with  a  very  pretty  lady  ;  you  are  ever  well  clothed,   and 

*  are  likewise  fat  ;  so  that  you  seem  to  me  to  be  in  possession  of  every 

*  thing  that  can  be  any  way  necessary  to  happiness.  I  believe  there- 
'  fore,  when  I  pray  for  you,  it  must  be  in  this  strain,  that  God  would 

*  give  you  grace  to  deserve,  and  to  be  thankful  for  those  many 
'  blessings  which  he  has  already  bestowed  upon  you.*  I  told  him 
that  I  was  thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  mode  of  his  intended  suppli- 
cation for  me  ;  and  with  a  mutual  exchange  of  smiles  and  compliments 
we  parted."* 

It  is  only  last  month,  that  our  Governor  Lord  Lamington  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  building,  which  was  understood  to  be  the  first  building 
in  a  scheme  of  thoroughly  re-building  the  whole  of  the  Sir  Jamsetjee 
Hospital.  The  foundation  of  this  hospital  was  laid  in  ^843  and  it  was 
opened  in  1845.  But  it  seems  that  a  Government  Hospital  existed 
in  Bombay  as  early  as  1773.  ^^  ^^^  intended  only  "  for  the  sick  and 
hurt  of  the  squadron  of  His  Majesty.**  Our  author  says  of  this 
hospital : — 

"  Our  hospital  at  Bombay  was  without  the  town-wall ;  and  in  order 
to  make  my  attendance  on  it  the  more  convenient,  Mr.  D^ldguarde 
(a  factor  in  the  Company's  service)  was  so  obliging  as  to  give  me  the  use 
of  a  very  commodious  house,  which  lay  near  the  hospital,  and  belonged 
to  him  as  superintendent  of  the  powder- works.** 

From  the  reference  to  the  powder-works,  and  from  the  statement 
that  the  hospital  was  out  of  the  Fort,  we  are  led  to  think  that 
it  was  somewhere  at  Mazagon,  where  a  place  is  still  known  as  Daru- 
khdneh.     It  appears  that  the  hospital  was  attended  to  by  any  medical 

>  From   Ives's  Voyages,    p.  35.  *  Ibid,  p.  St. 


BOMBAY  AS  SEEN  IN  THE  YEAR   1 754  A.D.  293 

officer  that  happened  to  be  in  Bombay.  During  his  first  visit,  our 
author  was  in  Bombay  only  for  about  one  month  from  13th  Novem- 
ber to  15th  December  1754.^. 

"While  on  the  subject  of  the  hospital  I  would  draw  the  attention  of 
medical  men  to  the  drugs  used  at  the  time.  Our  author  '  gives  a  list 
of  the  drugs  as  given  to  him  by  a  Portuguese  Physician  of  Bombay 
named  Diego. 

The  next  interesting  thing  in  our  author's  book  are  the  tables  of 
the  daily  rainfall  of  Bombay  for  the  monsoon  of  the  year  1756.  He 
gives  the  daily  rainfall  as  measured  by  his  friend  Dr.  Thomas  who 
supplied  it  to  him  afterwards.  The  total  rainfall  of  that  year  from 
May  to  October  was  no  inches  and  3  tenths.  He  also  describes 
the  rain-gauge  then  used. 

Among  the  Bombay  curiosities  of  the  time  our  author  mentions 
the  following*  :  — 

1.  A  terapin  (a  large  beetle)  kept  at  the  Governor's  ^   house ;  its 

age  was  said  to  be  "  upward  of  200  years." 

2.  Large    frogs,  some  measuring    about  32  inches  from  the 

extremities  of  the  fore  and  hind  feet  when  extended  and 
weighing  about  4  or     lbs. 

3.  Beautiful    shells    on   the    sea    shore  much    estimated  by 

the  ladies  of   that    time  and  known    as  Ven  tie  traps   or 
Wendletraps.  One  of  such  shells  was  sold  for  several  pounds. 
He  names  the  following  species  of  Bombay  snakes  known  at  the 
time  : — 

1.  The  Covra  (Cobra)  Capella,  from  4  to  8  or  9  feet  long. 

2.  The  Covra  Manilla,  of  the  size  of  a  man's  little  finger  and 

about  a  foot  long. 

3.  The   Palmira,  about  4  feet  long,  "  not  much  larger  than  a 

swan's  quill." 

4.  The  Green  Snake. 

5.  The  Sand  Snake. 

6.  The  Covra  d6  Aurellia,  which  is  like  an  earth-worm  about  6 

inches  long.     It  **  kills  by  getting  into  the  ear  and  causing 
madness."  This  seems  to  be  what  is   now  known  here 
as  the  IrlH^^l  (a  centepede). 

7.  The  Manilla  Bombo. 

»  Ibid,  p.  36.  •  Ibid,  p.  44-  '  IW<>»  P-  ♦*• 

*  Richard  Bourchier  was  Governor  of  Bombay  from  17th  November  17 so  to  itth  February 


^4  BOMBAY  AS  SBBN  IN  THB  YBAR  1754  A.D. 

During  his  short  stay  of  one  month,  our  author  saw  two  fleets  of 
country  vessels  in  the  harbour.  "  One  of  them  belonged  to  the  Nanna 
or  Prince  of  the  Maharattas,  the  other  to  Monajee  Angria,  the  brother 
of  Angria  the  pirate."  These  vessels  carried  two  guns  in  their  bow. 
The  music  of  these  fleets  "  was  a  plain  brass  tube,  shaped  like  a 
trumpet  at  both  ends  and  about  10  feet  in  length,  and  a  kind  of  drum 
called  a  tomtom.     Each  fleet  consisted  of  about  30  sails. "^ 

The  following  table  gives  the  exchange  as  then  prevalent : — 
''  A  36-shilling  piece  exchanges  for  16}  rupees. 
A  guinea  „  „  9        „ 

An  English  crown  „  2  rupees  and  6  double  pke. 

A  Spanish  dollar  „  2      ,,        ,,3       ,,        ,1   " 

Eighty  pice  made  a  rupee. 

The  description  of  the  Elephanta  Caves  given  by  our  author  on  the 
authority  of  his  friend  Dr.  Thomas  will  interest  archaeologists  to 
enable  them  to  know  what  parts  have  been  latterly  further  destroyed. 
He  gives  a  plan  of  the  caves. 

This  finishes  our  author's  account  of  Bombay  during  his  first  vbit 
.    (13th  November  to  15th  December  1754).     He  then  went  with  his 
Admiral  to  Madras  and  the  adjoining  towns  and  returned  to  Bombay 
ngain  on  nth  November  1755. 

On  his  second  visit  to  Bombay,  we  find  that  the  fleet,  to  which  our 
author  was  attached,  was  engaged  in  a  naval  fight  'with  the  Angria. 
The  family  of  Angria  were  more  or  less  pirates  on  our  Western 
shores.    The  Angria  at  this  time  (1755)  was  Tulaji. ' 

*  Ives*  Voyage  p.  41. 

'  For  an  account  of  the  Ansfrias  and  of  this  naval  battle,    vide  the  Bombay  GaaeUeer, 
Vol.  I.,  Part  II,  pp.  86-96.    Vide  also  History  of  the  MiliUry  Transactions  of  the  British 
Nation  in  Indostan  from  the  year  1745,  (by  Orme),  PP*  407-17. 

'  The  following  tree  shows  his  descent : — 


IK" 

Tu 


kajee. 


Kanhoji  (who  had  distinguished   him- 
self in  Shivaji's  fleet,  and  who  "in  the 
unsettled  da^s  of  Shivaji's  success- 
ors, Sambhaji   and  ShAhu,"  became 
independent  in  171^,    Died  in  172$). 


Sakhoji  Sambhaji  Manaji.         Yesigi.  Tulaii 

(dtedeariy).        (Died  about  174$).    He  was  (halMmsthef    of 

succeeded  bv  his  half-  Sambb^ji) 

brother  TuUgi. 


BOMBAY  AS  SBEN  IN  THB  YEAR   1754  ^.D.  295 

Lieut. -Col.  Robert  Clive,  afterwards  Lord  Qive,  was  at  that  time 
in  Bombay.  He  had  already,  by  this  time,  made  his  name  as  a  good 
soldier.  He  "had  lately  landed  on  the  island  with  three  com- 
panies of  the  King's  Artillery  from  England.  He  was  sent  out  with  a 
design  of  acting  in  conjunction  with  the  Maharattas  against  the 
French  in  the  Carnatic  and  Deccan  ;  but  finding  that  a  truce  had  been 
agreed  upon  with  that  nation,  and  perhaps  partly  excited  by 
Mr.  James's  late  success,  it  was  judged  proper  by  Admiral  Watson, 
Mr.  Bourchier  Governor  of  Bombay,  Colonel  Clive,  &c.,  that  the  sea  and 
land  forces  united  with  the  Maharattas  should  attempt  the  destroying 
Angria's  piratical  state,  which  was  becoming  exceedingly  formidable, 
troublesome,  and  dangerous,  not  only  to  the  Maharattas,  who  were  his 
neighbours,  but  also  to  our  East  India  Company,  and  the  whole 
Malabar  Coast."  ^ 

Gheria  was  the  stronghold  of  Angria  at  that  time,  and  so,  it  was  this 
fort  that  was  intended  to  be  taken  after  a  naval  fight.  It  was  situated 
in  the  Province  of  Beejapur  and  was  "  called  Gheria  by  Mussulmans, 
but  Viziadroog  by  Hindoos."  * 

In  our  author's  description  of  the  preliminary  arrangements  before 
the  naval  battle,  we  find  an  interesting  account  about  the  question  of 
the  division  of  booty,  or  prize-money  as  they  called  it,  acquired  in 
war,  a  question,  which,  it  seems,  they  settled  beforehand  to  avoid 
disputes  later  on. 

Our  author  says — 

**  All  things  being  at  last  in  readiness  for  putting  to  sea,  a  council 
was  heldj  at  Mr.  Watson's  particular  desire,  between  the  sea  and 
land  officers,  both  of  His  Majesty's  forces,  and  those  of  the  East  India 
Company,  with  a  view  of  obviating  any  difficulties  that  might  arise 
in  regard  to  the  proper  distribution  of  prize-money,  should  the  intend- 
ed expedition  be  crowned  with  success.  It  was  settled  at  this  council, 
that  Admiral  Watson,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  King's  Squadron, 
should  have  two-thirds  of  one-eighth  of  the  whole  ;  and  Rear-admiral 
Pocock,  one-third  of  one-eighth.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Clive  and  Major 
Chambers  were  to  share  equally  with  the  captains  of  the  King's  ships. 
The  captains  of  the  Company's  ships,  and  armed  vessels,  and  cap- 
tains of  the  army,  were  to  have  an  equal  share  with  the  lieutenants 
of  the  men-of-war.  The  subaltern  officers  of  the  army,  and  Lieute- 
nants of  the  company's  armed  ships  and  vessels,  were  to  have  the 
same  distribution  as  the  warrant-officers  of  the  navy,  &c. 

^  Ives*  Travels,  p.  79. 

"  The  Bombay  Quarterly  Review,    Vol,  III,  p.  56. 


296  BOMBAY  AS  SEEN  IN  THE  YEAR  1754  A.D. 

"  These  articles,  however,  had  scarcely  been  agreed  upon  in  council, 
before  Colonel  Give,  who  Commanded-in-Chief  on  shore,  paid  a  visit 
to  Mr.  Watson,  and  acquainted  him,  that  the  Army  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  terms  on  which  he,   as  their  Commander-in-Chief,  was  to 
share  ;  and  that  to  make  those  gentlemen  easy,  who  were  to  serve 
under  him,  he   found   himself   under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of 
remonstrating  and   requiring  that,  as  Commander  of  the  Army  he 
might  be  entitled  to  a  more  honorable  division.     The  argument  the 
Gentlemen  of  the  Army  went  upon,  was,  that  Mr.  Clive,  by  virtue  of 
the  Commission  he  bore  in  common  of  Lieutenant-Colonel,  could  claim 
but  an  equal  share  with  a  Captain  in  the  Navy  ;    yet  on  this  occasion, 
being  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,   he  ought  certainly  to  be 
particularly  distinguished,  and  be  admitted,  at  least,  to  share   with 
Mr.    Pocock,  the  Second  Sea-Officer,  who  was  a  Rear- Admiral.     Mr. 
Watson  replied,  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  make  any  alterations 
in  the  articles  agreed  upon  in  council ;  neither  indeed  would  his  doing 
it  be  at  all  consistent  either  with  custom  or  the  different  ranks  which 
Admiral  Pocock  and  Colonel  Clive  bore  in  the  respective  services.     He 
told  the  Colonel,  however,  that  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  the  Army,  which 
in  the  present  situation  of  affairs,  he  deemed  to  be  a  point  of  the  utmost 
consequence,  he  would  give  security  under  his  own  hand,  to  make  good 
the  deficiency,  out  of  any   monies  he  himself  might  be  entitled  to,  so 
as  to  make  the  share  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  that 
of  Mr.  Pocock  exactly  alike.  The  Colonel,  sensibly  struck  with  Mr.  Wat- 
son's disinterestedness,  answered,  that  provided  his  officers  were  satisfi- 
ed with  the  proposal,  he  for  his  own  part  should  come  into  it  with  great 
cheerfulness.     He  accordingly  took  the  first  opportunity  of  making 
those  gentlemen  acquainted  with  the  AdmiraKs  declaration,  who  were 
so  much  pleased  therewith     that  from   that  moment  all  discontent 
ceased,  and  the  expedition  went  on  with  the  greatest  unanimity.'*  ^ 

Our  author  adds  a  footnote  about  the  result  of  the  above  stipulation, 
showing  a  great  self-denial  on  the  part  of  Clive. 

Dr.  George  Smith,  in  his  Memoirs  of  the  life  of  Lord  Clive,  in  the 
Encyclopaedia  Brittanica, '  calls  this  "no  little  self-denial  "  on  the  part 
of  Clive.  It  seems  really  to  be  so,  and  draws  our  admiration,  especially 
when  we  know  that,  according  to  his  biographers,  the  pecuniary 
affairs  of  Clive  were  not  satisfactory  at  that  time.  As  Lord  Macaulay 
points  out  in  his  Essay  of  Lord  Clive, »  based  on  *•  Sir  John  Malcolm*s 
Life  of  Lord  Robert  Clive,"  Clive  had  spent  away,  while  in  England, 

^  Ives'  Voyagesf  PP*  Sx  «nd  81. 

■Vol.  VI,  p.  9. 

*  Macaulay,  Critical  and  Historical  Essays,  Part  II. 


BOMBAY  AS  SEEN  IN  THE  YEAR  1 754  A.D.  297 

the  whole  of  his  moderate  fortune  that  he  had  carried  from  the  Madras 
side.  He  had  extricated  '*  his  father  from  pecuniary  difficulties  "  and 
"redeemed  the  family  estate.  The  remainder  he  appears  to  have 
dissipated  in  the  course  of  about  two  years.  He  lived  splendidly, 
dressed  gaily  even  for  those  times,  kept  a  carriage  and  saddle  horses, 
and,  not  content  with  these  ways  of  getting  rid  of  his  money,  resorted  to 
the  most  speedy  and  effectual  of  all  modes  of  evacuation,  a  contested 
election  followed  by  a  petition."* 

Looking  to  this  condition  of  Clive's  pecuniary  state  of  affairs,  it 
was  really  "no  little  self-denial"  on  his  part  to  have  refused 
politely  a  sum  of  ;£J'  i,ooo  offered  by  Admiral  Watson. 

Dr.  Ives  gives  two  fine  sketches — one  of  the  views  of  the  Gheria  fort 
itself  and  the  other  of  a  view  of  the  river  from  it  His  account  of  the 
interview  of  Admiral  Watson  with  the  weeping  family  of  Angria  is 
really  very  touching.  The  interview  brought  about  tears  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Admiral.  When  the  mother  of  the  Angria  bemoaned  the  flight 
of  her  son  and  said,  "  that  the  people  had  no  king,  she  no  son, 
her  daughters  no  husband,  the  children  no  father,"  the  Admiral 
consoled  her  by  saying  "  that  from  henceforward  they  must  look  upon 
him  as  their  father  and  friend."  On  hearing  this,  a  boy,  of  about  six 
years,  sobbing  said,  "then  you  shall  be  my  father."  This  reminds 
us  of  what  we  often  hear  of  old  topeewallas  being  considered  the  real 
mAbdps  of  the  people. 

At  the  close  of  the  battle  the  fleet  returned  to  Bombay  on  the  17th 
March  and  then  left  il  on  the  27th  of  April  1756.  Our  author  then 
went  with  the  Admiral  to  Calcutta,  where  the  affairs  of  the  Black  Hole 
had  attracted  all  available  military  and  naval  force.  On  his  return 
homeward  via  Persian  Gulf  in  1758,  on  the  death  of  Admiral  Watson, 
his  ship  touched  Bombay  on  24th  January  1758.  He  finally  em- 
barked from  here  on  8th  February.  1758. 

^  Lord  Macaulay's  Essay  on  Clive.    "  Critical  and  Historical  Essays  contributed  to  the 
EDINBURGH  REVIEW"  in  3  Volumes (184I),  Vol.  III.,p.il8. 


Art,  XIX — A  few  Notes  on  Broach  from  an 
Anitguarian  point  of  view. 

By 

JiVANji  Jamshbdji  Modi,  b.a. 

• 

{Read  March  i^th,  1907.) 

In  December  last,  Khan  Bahadur  Adurjee  Muncherjee  Dalai  con- 
veyed to  me  an  invitation  from  himself  and  his  colleagues,  the 
Trustees  of  the  Parsee  Punchayet  of  Broach,  to  pay  a  visit  to  their  city 
for  the  purpose  of  delivering  there  one  or  two  lectures  and  a  reading 
from  the  Shah-ndmeh  of  Firdousi.  In  response  to  this  kind  invitation,  I 
paid  a  short  visit  to  Broach  from  31st  December  to  3rd  January. 
While  there,  I  made  some  inquiries  on  a  subject  suggested  to  me  by  our 
learned  Secretary,  Mr.  Edwardes,  some  time  ago,  and  on  two  or  three 
other  subjects  suggested  by  the  visit  to  the  city.  The  object  of  this 
paper  is  to  present  few  notes  on  those  subjects. 

The  following  are  the  principal  three  heads  under  which  I  beg  to 
submit  my  notes  :— 

I. — The  sites  of  the  Dutch  and  English  Factories. 

II.— The  past  history  of  Broach  from  a  Parsi  point  of  view  and 
the  part  said  to  have  been  played  in  that  history  by  the 
Kabisah  {i,e,,  the  intercalary  month)  question  of  the  Parsis. 

III.— The  Kabir  Vad  and  the  tiraths  or  shrines  on  the  Nerbudda 
near  Broach. 

I. 

The  first  subject  on  which  I  beg  to  present  a  few  notes  is  that  of  the 
sites  of  the  first  English  and  Dutch  factories.  Our  Secretary  had 
written  to  me,  in  June  1905,  to  make  some  inquiries  from  friends  at 
Broach,  about  the  site  of  the  first  English  factory.  On  28th  June  1905, 1 
had  written  to  my  friend,  Mr.  Ruttonjee  Muncherjee  Dalai,  requesting 
him  to  make  such  inquiries.  On  21st  August  1905,  he  wrote  to  me  in 
reply  giving  the  results  of  his  inquiries.  During  my  short  visit  I  took 
up  the  question  myself  and  made  some  inquiries  personally. 


NOTBS  ON  BROACH.  299 

The  Broach  GazetUet  says  :  ".'In  the  year  1613,  Broach  was  visited 
by  Aldworth  and  Withingtoh,  English  merchants,  and  in  the  next  year 
(1614),  on  Withington's  return  from  Sind,  a  house  in  Broach  was  hired 
for  a  factory.  In  161 6  Sir  Thomas  Roe  obtained  from  the  Emperor 
JehlLngier  permission  for  the  English  to  establish  a  trading-house  at 
Broach  on  very  favourable  terms.  They  were  to  be  allowed  to  live  near 
the  Governor,  and  the  decree  commanded  no  man  to  molest  them  by 

sea  or  land  or  take  any  customs  of  them^ The  Dutch 

were  not  long  of  following  the  example  of  the  English.  In  1617  they 
also  settled  at  Broach  and  established  a  factory.'  But  the  Broach 
factory  doos  not  seem  to  have  risen  to  much  consequence.  In  the 
eighteenth  century  there  was  but  one  junior*  merchant  and  one  book- 
keeper, with  a  few  native  servants  under  them.*"  (Bombay  Gazetteer, 
VoL  II,  p.  468). 

It  appears  from  this  account  that  the  English  (A.D.  16 14  preceded 
the  Dutch  (1617)  in  founding  their  factory  by  about  3  years. 

The  site  of  the  Dutch  factory  at  Broach  is  well-known.  There  is 
no  doubt  about  it.  The  large  house'*  in  which  it  was  situated,  is 
still  known  as  the  q€l'«*(l  iul  {Valanddni  Kotht),  i.e.,  the  factory  of  the 
Hollanders.     In  spite  of  the  various  changes  which  it  seems  to  have 

^  Robert  Orme  grives  the  following:  version  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe  in  the  matter  of  these 
concessions  :— 

**  The  two  and  twentieth  (of  July  i6i6)  I  received  letters  from  Brampore.  in  answer  ot 
those  to  Mahobet  Chan,  who  at  first  (request)  grranted  my  desire^  making  his  firman  to 
Baroodi  most  effectual  to  receive  our  nation,  and  to  g^ive  them  a  house  near  the  Governor  ; 
strictly  commanding  no  man  to  molest  them  by  sea  or  land,  or  to  take  any  cusiome  of  them, 
or  any  way  trouble  them  under  colour  thereof.  ....  The  firman  I  caused  to  be  sent 
to  Surat  (in  order  to  be  forwarded  by  the  agency  there  to  Broach) :  so  that  Borooch  is 
provided  for  a  good  retreat  from  the  Prince's  injuries*  and  the  custom  given,  wherd>y  fifteen 
hundred  pounds  per  annum  will  be  saved  besides  all  manner  of  searches  and  extortion."— 
(Historical  Fragments  of  the  Mogrul  Empire  of  the  Morattoes,  and  of  the  English  concerns 
in  Indostan  firom  the  year  i6s9t  by  Robert  Orme  (1805),  pp.  ^71-72). 

*  Mr.  Bendien.  the  Bombay  Consul  for  Holland,  has,  after  the  above  paper  was  read, 
kindly  sent  me  copies  of  his  articles  on  the  Dutch  in  Broach.  He  gives  Pieter  Gillesen  as 
the  name  of  this  first  factor.  iVide  his  articles  on  the  Dutch  factories  in  the  Neerlandia 
of  January  and  February  1907.     Vide  the  February  issue  p.  26  for  this  reference). 

»  Jan  Willem  Six  "  Secundo  "  in  the  inscription  in  his  tomb.     Vide  infra,  p.  J23. 

*  '*  The  factory  at  Baroche  was  established  in  the  year  161 7*  and  is  still  continued,  yet 
with  very  little  circumstance,  for  there  is  but  one  junior  merchant,  and  one  book-keeper, 
who  reside  there  as  factors,  and  who  have  a  few  native  servants  under  them.**-(«*Voyages 
to  the  Bast  Indies  by  the  Ute  John  Splinter  SUvorinus,"  translated  from  the  Dutch  by 
Wikaocke.  VoU  III  (1798).  pp.  108-091) 

'  According  to  Mr.  Bendien  the  factory  bears  on  the  gate  *'  as  an  inscription**  the 
initials  of  the  Company.    (The  Dutch  East  India  Company,    V  with  an   'o'  and  *e' 
in  the  legs  of  V.) 


300 


NOTBS  ON   BROACH. 


gone  through,  for  being  adopted  for  small  residential  quarters,  it 
still  bears  an  inscription  on  the  inside  of  a  wall.  I  give  below  the 
form  of  the  sun-dial  with  the  inscription  on  it  as  copied  by  me  from 
a  distance  on  31st  December  1906.  The  dial  with  an  inscription  is 
within  the  court-yard  of  the  factory  on  the  top  of  the  inside  part  of 
a  wall  abutting  on  a  public  road.  The  inscription  on  bears  the 
Christian  year  1700  and  the  name  of  F.  J.  Groenevelt  (F.  J.  Groenevelt 
Anno  1700).  Above  this  inscription  appear  fhe  initials  of  the  Dutch 
Company. 


The  site  of  the  first  English  factory  is  not  known.  But  oral  tradi- 
tion, as  heard  there,  says  that  the  very  house  which  was  the  seat  of  the 
Dutch  factory  was  later  on  the  place  of  the  English  factory.  So,  it 
appears  that  the  English  factory  was,  latterly,  when  the  Dutch  left  it, 
transferred  to  this  house.  It  is  not  known  where  it  was  when  it  was 
first  founded. 

The  Dutch  must  have  remained  at  least  about  175  years  at  Broach. 
This  appears  from  some  of  the  dates  on  the  tombs  in  their  cemetery. 
This  cemetery  is  situated  about  a  littie  on  the  west  of  the  village  of 
Vijalpore,  at  a  short  distance  from  where  the  Parsi  Towers-of- 
Silence  stand.  The  Cruseiteet  says  of  the  Dutch  tombs  that  "  these 
monuments  bear  dates  ranging  from  1654  to  1770.'' '  It  would  have 
been  well  had  the  Broach  Gazetteer ^  which  appeared  in  1877,  published 
the  inscriptions  on  the  tombs  which  are  falling  in  ruins. 


>  Broach  GatttUer,  pc  SS9* 


NOTBS  ON  BROACH.  3OI 

The  Dutch  cemetery  is  an  interesting  place  to  see,  because  the  con- 
struction of  the  tombs  in  it  seems  to  be  different  from  what  we  see  in 
the  case  of  tombs  in  modern  English  cemeteries  in  India.  ^  I  give  the 
photographs  of  two  of  them  at  the  end  of  this  paper.  I  am  indebted  for 
these  to  Khan  Bahadur  Adurjee  Muncherjee  Dalai  of  Broach.  On 
entering  from  the  west  we  find  a  tomb  with  a  platform  containing 
four  seats.  Then  there  is  a  block  containing  three  tombs.  This  block 
seems  to  have  had  a  tablet  which  is  removed.  There  is  another  block 
containing  six  tombs,  one  tomb  has  the  form  of  a  Mahomedan  dome 
over  it.  One  can  count  the  ruins  of  about  20  tombs  besides  a  few 
masonry  mounds.  In  close  proximity  we  find  a  small  ruin  like  that 
of  a  basin  of  water. 

I  beg  to  suggest  that  careful  photographs  of  all  the  tombs  and 
especially  of  the  inscriptions  may  be  soon  taken.  I  have  taken  copies 
of  the  inscriptions. ' 

I  wrote  about  a  fortnight  ago  to  Mr.  Couzens,  the  head  of  the 
Archaeological  Department,  to  ascertain,  if  the  inscriptions  are  pub- 
lished by  his  Department  in  any  report.  I  have  not  heard  from  him 
yet.  This  week  I  took  my  copy  of  the  inscription  to  the  Dutch 
Consulate  here  to  get  it  translated.  Mr.  J.  G.  Bendien,  the  Con- 
sul, having  gone  to  Holland,  I  saw  Mr.  Y.  Von  Rykoum,  the 
head  of  the  Holland-Bombay  Trading  Company.  He  could  not 
give  me  a  correct  translation,  because  being  in  a  foreign  language 
and  being  very  old,  I  have  not  been  able,  in  a  hasty  visit,  to  copy 
the  inscriptions  well.  I  had  requested  a  gentleman  there  to 
kindly  get  a  good  photo  taken  of  them,  but  he  has  not  done  so  yet. 
However  I  learnt  from  Mr.  Rykoum  that  the  Dutch  Consul,  Mr.  Ben- 
dien, had  once  visited  the  Dutch  cemetery,  and  has  taken  a  photo  of 
the  inscriptions  which  he  has  published  in  a  Dutch  paper  in  Holland. 
I  have  written  to  Mr.  Bendien  to  send  us  a  copy  with  its  translation. 
When  received  it  will  be  worth  publishing  in  our  journal.' 

^  Mr.  BeUass8»  while  describing  the  old  tombs  in  the  cemeteries  of  Surat,  assigns  the 
following  reasons  for  the  grandeur  of  these  old  tombs :  **  The  Agents  of  these  several 
nations  vied  with  each  other  to  live  in  the  greatest  splendour  ••  ..  ..  Men  who  lived 
in  sudi  grandeur  may  naturally  be  supposed  to  have  emulated  each  other  in  creating 
ostentatious  tombs  to  commenorate  their  dead  ;  and  thus  we  find  the  sepuchral  ruins  in 
the  cemteries  ot  Surat,  even  at  the  present  day,  bearing  witness  to  the  large  sums  that 
must  have  been  expended  for  these  purposes."  (Journal  B.  B.  R.  A.  S.,  VoU  VI,  pp. 
146-47.)  As  Mr.  Bellasis  says,  an  idea  of  the  grandeur  of  the  Dutch  tombs  at  Surat  may 
be  formed '<by  the  fact  of  a  bill  being  extant,  charging  Rs.  6700  to  the  Dutch 
Company  for  mere  repairs  "  (Ibid,  p.  X9). 

Vide  Appendix  to  this  paper.    As  I  liave  latterly  received  cop  es  of  the   Inscriptions 
more  carefully  taken  by  Mr.  Bendien,  the  Dutch  Consul,  I  give  them  in  the  appendix. 
Mine  being  those  by  one  not  knowing  the  language  are  naturally  faulty. 
^   Viden.%. 


302  NOTES  ON  BROACH. 

While  on  the  subject  of  the  inscriptions  on  the  Dutch  tombs,  I  b^ 
to  draw  the  attention  of  a  future  reviser  or  editor  of  a  second  editioo 
of  the  Gasetteer  of  the  Broach  district  to  several  errors  in  the  copies 
of  the  inscriptions  of  two  other  tombs  as  given  in  the  Gazetteer. 

The  Gasetteer  gives  the  inscriptions  on  two  tombs  near  the  village 
of  Vijalpore.  I  give  my  copy  of  the  inscription  of  the  tomb  of  one 
which  I  saw,  vis.^  that  of  Capt  W.  Semple  : — 

Beneath  this  stone 

are  deposited  the  remains  of 

Captain  William  Semple,  ^ 

of  His  '  Majesty's  86th  Regiment, 

who  was  killed  by 

cannon  shot 

at  the  siege  of  Broach 

on  the  25th  of  August  1803. 

Universally  and  most  sincerely 

regretted  by  all  his 

brother  Officers. 

To  us  who  are  nearer  the  time,  the  mistakes  may  appear  trivial, 
but  after  several  centuries  they,  especially  the  mistake  of  "Her 
Majesty"  for  "His  Majesty,"  may  cause  serious  doubts  about  the 
date.  A  future  student  of  historical  data  may,  in  the  absence  of  other 
materials  to  put  him  on  the  right  track,  long  linger  in  doubts  about 
the  date.  If  he  takes  the  word  "  Her  Majesty  "  to  be  correct,  he  may 
tlunk,  that  perhaps  the  year  1803,  given  later  on,  may  be  a  mistake  for 
1893  or  for  some  other  year.  If  he  takes  the  date  as  correct,  he  may 
linger  in  doubts  about  the  period  of  Her  Majesty's  reign. 

I  found  similar  carelessness  on  the  part  of  either  the  copyist  or  die 
printers,  in  the  matter  of  the  inscription  on  the  slab  in  the  compound 
of  the  Civil  Hospital  within  the  fort  on  the  grave  of  Brigadier  David 
Wedderburn,  who  was  killed  while  storming  the  city.  He  is  the  officer 
who  is  often  referred  to  with  curses  and  maledictions  by  Abas  Alii  in 

^  The  name  is  not  Sempie  as  given  by  the  GaMHieer, 

*  The  GatgtUer  wvnm  *'  Her  Majesty  ">  which  is  notf  and  cannot  boi  oorrect,  as  the 
year  b  Stos  when  the  late  Queen  had  not  come  to  the  throne. 

*  The  GoMtttggr  omits  this  word> 


NOTES   ON  BROACH.  3!! 

military  display  might  induce  the  Nawib  to  propose  some  settlement 
of  the  claims  made  against  him,  the  Chief  of  Surat  was  directed  to 
transport  this  force  by  sea  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Broach.  These 
instructions  the  factors  at  Surat  did  not  carry  out " 

We  see  from  this  account  that  the  casus  belli  was  a  claim  of  money 
upon  the  Nawib  by  the  English. 

Now  the  native  account  of  the  fight  of  the  English  with  the  Nawdb, 
referred  to  above,  throws  some  further  light  upon  this  matter,  and  says 
that  a  Parsee  of  Surat  was  partly  at  the  bottom  of  this  question.  This 
native  account  is  very  interesting  from  a  Parsee  point  of  view,  be- 
cause, as  said  above,  it  suggests  that  the  question  oi  kabiseh,  or  of  the 
calculation  of  an  intercalary  month,  which  had  produced  a  schism 
among  the  Parsees  of  India  in  the  i8th  century  and  which  has  pro- 
duced among  them  two  sects — the  Kadmis  and  the  Shehanshahis— had 
some  connection  with  the  above  dispute  between  the  English  and  the 
Nawdb  of  Broach. 

The  native  account,  which  I  beg  to  present,  is  that  of  a  Mahomedan 
writer  named  Sayed  Abbas  Ali.  He  has  written  a  short  history  of 
this  dispute  and  the  subrequent  battle  between  the  English  and  the 
Nawib  of  Broach  under  the  title  of  ''Kisseh-i-Nawdb  Majuzkhan 
Bahadur  of  Broach.**^  It  was  written  in  Urdu.  It  has  not  been  pub- 
lished and  I  have  not  been  fortunate  in  seeing  it  in  the  original  Urdu. 
But  a  Gujerati  translation  of  it  was  published  in  1869  by  Mobed  Byramji 
Fardoonji  Vakili  of  Broach  under  the  title  of  ^\^^\  ^^W,  %\^i^^^^ 
<Hl^lJ^  ^1  fl^ru.  Two  hundred  copies  of  it  were  published  then. 
The  translation  being  out  of  print,  in  1894,  ^^'  Sorabji  Framjee 
Byramjee  Vakil,  a  grandson  of  the  original  translator,  has  published 
a  second  edition.  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  Khan  Bahadur  Adarji 
Mancherjee  Dalai  for  a  copy  of  it.  I  think  that  the  Gazetteer  refers 
to  the  above  Kisseh  in  its  account  of '  *  the.  local  details  of  the  capture" 
of  Broach  when  it  says  that  it  gives  it  on  the  authority  of  "  A  life  of 
M^ad  KhSln,"  by  one  of  his  courtiers.  The  name  of  the  NawAb,  as 
given  by  the  Kisseh^  is  Maozuzkhan  while  the  English  writer  gives  it 
as  Mazad  Khan.  The  difference  in  not  very  important  when  we  know 
that  the  last  letter  d^l  in  the  Urdu  name,  if  written  or  read 
with  an  additional  dot  (nukteh),  can  be  read  '  z '  instead  of  '  d  *. 

^  I  ^ve  this  title  as  g^iveo  by  the  translator  of  the  Kisseh,    According  to  Mr.  Sorabshaw 
Dadabhoy  Fardoonji,  Munsiff  of  Broach « the  auothor  called  hi^  work  '*Kisseh-i-Ganigeeneef'* 
i^^  **The  Story  of  Sorrow,"  probably  because  it  described  the  downfall  of  the  Nawab's 
.  tepm^    It  was  written  in  X 19J  Hijree  «>.  178S  A.  D. 

*  Mr.  Sorsibshaw  Dadabhoy  Fardoonjee  Munsiff  in  his  letter  dated  sth  January  1907 
writes  to  me  that  he  knew  this  translator.  He  was  a  priest 'and  was  practising  in  the 
Broach  District  Court  in  his  full  dress  of  Jama  Pichodu 


II 3  NOTBS  ON  BROACH. 

Now  the  Kisuh  gives  the  following  account  of  the  commencement  of 
the  dispute  which,  as  said  above,  is  interesting  from  a  Parsee  point  of 
view  :— 

The  Nawib  of  Surat  was  Sayad  Hakijuldin  Khan.  An  Englishman, 
named  Mr.  Sam  Gabrier^,  was  the  head  of  the  English  factory  on 
behalf  of  the  Company.  Among  the  Parsees  atcSurat,  there  arose  a 
great  dispute  about  the  calculation  of  time,*  the  difference  of  a  month 
in  calculation  having  arisen  as  the  result  of  some  letters  received  from 
Persia.  There  arose  two  parties.  At  the  head  of  one,  the  Rasmi,  who 
adhered  to  the  old  previous  calculation  was  Minocher*.  At  the  head 
of  the  other  sect,  the  Kadmis,  was  Dhunjee^.  The  dispute  had  coo- 
tinued  for  some  time^  During  that  dispute  Dhunjee,  the  leader  of 
the  Kadmi  sect  of  Surat,  writes  to  the  Nawdb  of  Broach  to  inquire 
into  the  matter  of  the  question  under  discussion.  He  also  wrote  to 
his  own  Mulla*.  The  Nawkb,  therefore,  sent  for  the  two  dkhuns 
£,€.,  preceptors  of  the  Parsees,  one  Dastur  Kamdin ^  by  name  and 
another  Pidash^**,  He  asked  them  to  tell  correct  facts  as  described 
in  religious  books.  Dastur  Kamdin  after  a  long  consideration  said 
that  what  Muncher,  the  leader  of  the  Rasmis,  said  was  correct  and 

^  This  Mr.  Gabier  is  Mr.  Gambier  of  our  historical  writers. 

*  It  was  in  I720,that  one  Jamasp,  known  as  Jamasp  Velayati,came  firom  Persia  to  India 
and  pointed  out  the  difference  of  one  month  between  the  calculation  of  the  Zoroastrians  of 
Persia  and  that  of  the  Zoroastrians  of  India.  In  x7i6,  a  laymani  named  Jamshed,  firom 
Persia,  revived  the  question,  in  174$  the  Parsees  of  Surat  bad  a  r^^lar  schism  for  the 
first  time.  In  1768,  Dhanjishaw  Maqjishaw  sent  Mobad  KAas  Rustsm  JalAl  of  Broadi  to 
Persih  to  study  the  question  thwe. 

*  Mr.  Muncherjee  Kharshe4j  Seth  (1714-1784).  He  was  the  broker  of  the  Dutch  Factory 
at  Surat.  He  had  great  influence  with  the  Nawdb  of  Surat.  He  had  twice  been  to  Delhi 
to  the  Mogrul  Court  for  business  purposes.  Anquetil  Du  Perron  (Le  Zend  Avestl  Ip 
Partie  I,  p.  cccxv)  speaks  of  him  as  the  courtier  (broker)  of  the  Dutch  and  as  the  chief  ot 
the  Parsees  of  Surat  (le  premier  des  Parses  de  Surat). 

*  Dhai^eeshaw  Manjishaw  (171^-1788).  He  was  a  ^eat  merchant  of  Surat  and  w« 
the  broker  of  the  Bnglish  factory.    Vide  foot-note  No.  4  above. 

*  In  1768,  the  dispute  had  taken  a  serious  turn  in  Broach  its^,  and  Dastur  KAmdinjee 
of  Broach,  the  leadinir  priest  of  the  Shahanshahis  or  the  Rasmis,  was  sent  to  jaiL  The 
new  paity  there  was  headed  by  Kaus  Rustam  Jalal  who  was  the  father  of  Mulla  Peross 
and  who  was  sent  to  Persia  in  the  same  year  by  Dhunjeeshaw  Maojidiaw.  The  Nawab 
of  Broach  referred  the  matter  to  the  Panchayets  of  Naosari  and  Surat.  After  some  dis- 
cussion lastinir  ^o^  several  months,  the  Pundiayet  of  Surat  wrote  to  Broach  to  cootinae 
In  the  Rasmi  belief  (yitU   **  Panee  Prakasb,"  I,  p.«863). 

*  i,  #.,  the  hirh  priest  who  led  his  sect.    Thb  was  Kaus  RusUm  Jalal. 

*  Dastur  Kamdi^|ee    FarduigM  (t7il-l78t)  who   baloa^red  to  the  Shahanshahi  ssol. 
He  was  the  father  of  Aspandiarjee  who  published  in  i8>6    «  k<^M    dl^^    MA9il>5ll% 
M^*'     •  Aooordinc  to  the  «*  Parsee  Prakash  **  (Vol.  It  p.  6«)  be  was  a    welMnown 

Kadmi  priest  of  Broach.  Hom^H  who  is  koMored  by  the  Paracee  of  Brxmsh  as  a 
martyr  was  hanged  for  kiUing  Behanbai,  Hm  siatar  of  Pidahik.  She  was  a  staunch  Kmdad, 
A  manuscript  book  on  ths  Kabiseh  coatioversy.  in  my  possession,  gires  PAdshAh*^ 
psraonal  asms  as  Rustoo^i.  He  was  the  ffraat  gnat  grandfather  of  Mr.  Burjorje^  the 
pressat  Kadmi  hsad^prisst  of  the  Masaffoo  firs^onpls  of  Mr.  Fnmfi  PateL 


NOTES  ON  BROACH.  313 

what  Dhaajee,  the  leader  of  the  Kadmis,  said  was  wrong.  The 
Nawib  wrote  accordingly  to  Dhunjee.  So  Dhunjee  was  enraged 
against  the  Nawib  of  Broach  for  not  having  gained  the  opinion  of  the 
priests  and  for  not  having  decided  in  the  favour  of  his  sect  He  had 
a  g^dge  against  the  Nawab  and  he  was  on  a  look  out  to  wreak  his 
vengeance. 

Now  it  so  happened,  that  some  time  after  this  event,  the  Nawdb 
stopped  at  the  Customs  Office  at  Broach  some  of  the  goods  of  mer- 
chandise belonging  to  Dhunjee,  saying  that  custom  duty  was  due 
on  them.  Dhunjee  claimed  exemption,  but  the  Nawib  refused  it 
and  confiscated  the  goods.  Dhunjee  had  to  pay  the  custom  dues. 
Dhunjee  then  went  before  Mr.  Gambler,  the  head  of  the  English  factory 
at  Surat,  with  whom  he  had  great  influence,  and  said  that  the  Custom 
House  of  Broach  was  from  the  first  under  the  control  of  the  Port  of 
Surat,  that  its  income  was  about  Rs.  1,00,000  per  year,  and  that  the 
Nawdb  has  not  been  paying  it  to  the  Surat  factory  for  the  last  40  years. 
Dhunjee  succeeded  in  influencing  Mr.  Gambler,  who  wrote  to  the 
Nawib  of  Broach  claiming  a  sum  of  40  lakhs  as  due  from  him  to  the 
Government  of  Surat  which  had  the  right  of  enjoying  the  customs 
duties  at  Broach.  The  Nawdb  indignantly  repudiated  the  claim. 
Thereupon  Mr.  Gambler  declared  war.  Thus,  it  appears,  that  accord- 
ing to  the  native  author,  a  religious  dispute  amongst  the  Parsees  of 
the  time  had  some  connection  with  the  fight  between  the  Nawib  of 
Broach  and  the  English. 

We  will  now  examine  the  Urdu  Kisseh  a  little  further,  as  it  presents 
a  few  new  facts  from  the  Naw4b*s  point  of  view  and  throws  some 
side  light  on  the  question  of  the  fight  between  the  British  and  the 
Nawib. 

Speaking  of  the  fight,  the  Urdu  Kisseh  says  that  the  Nawib  of 
Broach  had  asked  assistance  from  Fatesingrao  of  Baroda,  the  Nawib 
of  Cambay,  the  Ruler  of  Dholka  and  the  Raja  of  Rajpipla.  Fatesing  of 
Baroda  is  said  to  have  had  some  sinister  motives  in  sending  his  army 
for  assistance.  He  was  himself  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  seize 
Broach. 

The  English  expedition  to  Broach  was  accompanied  by  700  men  be- 
kmging  to  the  Nawib  of  Surat  under  the  command  of  the  Bakhshi  or 
paymaster.^  About  this  Bakhshi  the  Kisseh  says  that  he  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  Nawdb  of  Broach  and  had  sent  a  secret  message  to 
him  about  the  advance  of  the  British. 

As  the  English  account  says,  the  expedition  ended  in  a  failure. 
"The  management    of  the   expedition  had   been  in    many  points 

^  VitU  the  Broach  0«s«tteer,  II,  p.  470. 


,3o6  NOTES  OK  BROACH. 

Kanouj  referred  to  by  Wilford.  Priasep  affords  us  very  valuable  help 
on  this  point  In  his  essay  on  Saur^stra  coins  he  says  that  the  t3rpe 
of  the  series  of  Indian  coins  known  as  Gadhia-ka  paisa  is  an  "  example 
of  imitation  of  a  Grecian  original,"  ^  and  that  "  a  comparison  (of  these 
ooins)  with  the  coins  of  the  Arsakian  and  Sassanian  dynasties  of 
Persia,  which  are  confessedly  of  Greek  origin,*'  satisfactorily  proves 
that  Prinsep  says  on  the  subject  of  these  coins  :  **  The  popular  name 
for  these  rude  coins — of  silver  and  copper — is,  according  to  Burnes,  in 
Gujar&t,   *  Gadhia-k&  pais^,'    '  Ass  money/  or  rather,  '  the  money  of 

Gadhia,'  a  name  of  Vikramiditya The  Hindus  insist 

that  this  Vikrama  was  not  a  paramount  sovereign  of  India,  but  only 
a  powerful  king  of  the  western  provinces,  his  capital  being  Camb&t  or 
Cambay  :  and  it  is  certain  that  the  princes  of  these  parts  were  tribu- 
tary to  Persia  from  a  very  early  period.  The  veteran  antiquarian, 
Wilford,  would  have  been  delighted,  could  he  have  witnessed  a  con- 
firmation of  his  theories  afforded  by  the  coins  before  us,  borne  out  by 
the  local  tradition  of  a  people  now  unable  even  to  guess  at  the  nature 
of  the  curious  and  barbarous  marks  on  them.  None  but  a  professed 
studier  of  coins  could  possibly  have  discovered  on  them  the  profile  of  a 
face  after  the  Persian  model,  on  one  side,  and  the  actual  Sassanian 
fire-altar  on  the  other  ;  yet  such  is  indubitably  the  case,  as  an  attentive 
consideration  of  the  accumulation  of  lines  and  dots  (on  the  figures  of 
the  coins)  will  prove.  Should  this  fire-altar  be  admitted  as  proof  of  an 
Indo-Sassanian  dynasty  in  Saur^Lshtra,  we  may  find  the  date  of  its 
establishment  in  the  epoch  of  Yesdijird,  the  son  of  Behr£Lm-Gor  ; 
supported  by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  Agni-purina,  that 
Vikrama,  the  son  of  Gadh^-rupa,  should  ascend  the  throne  of  M^ayft 
(Ujjain)  753  years  after  the  expiation  of  ChAnakya  or  A.D.  441."  (*) 

A  painting  in  the  Ajanta  caves  refers  to  a  Persian  embassy  to  India. 
This  also  seems  to  refer  to  Behr&mgour,  who,  according  to  Firdousi, 
came  in  disguise  as  his  own  ambassador. 

We  have  so  far  seen,  that  the  ancient  Persians  had  some  connection 
with  the  country  round  Broach,  and  that  old  tradition,  as  found  in  the 
Agni-purHna,  and  old  coins  prove  that  connection. 

Now  we  will  speak  of  the  connection  of  Broach  with  the  early 
Parsee  settlers  in  India. 

{a)  Div  in  Kathi&war  was  the  first  port  where  a  band  of  refugees 
from  Persia  had  landed  in  761  A.D.  and  Sanj^n  the  first  place  where 
they  made  their  permanent  settlement  in  785  A.D.  and  built  their  first 
fire-temple  in   790    A.D,     They  continued  there  for  full  300  years. 

'^  Essays   oa    Indian    Antiquities,  by  James  Prinsep,    edited    by  E.  Thomas  (i85f>' 
Vol.  I,  p.  335.  •  /bid,  p.  34I-4S- 


Then   they   began    to  disperse  in  the  different  cities  of  Gujarat  of 

which  Broach  was  one. 
The  Kisseh-i-Sanjan,  thus  refers  to  this  exodus  from  Sanjan  (*); 
^jflij^j  J'iXm  /■■>»*  iW*-  Wjj   — \J*'iij  J'li^ii^axiu fjlu, ^^Lij,^,ij 
•iAiJi  ,_fla-  A-*/    "r-^^-    jr?  —  '*^    )j^  J->    "'^   sJJSl J 

Translation. — In  this  way,  passed  away  300  years,  more  or  less, 
(i.f,,  about  300  years),  as  several  persons,  moreor  less,  went  away  from 
that  place.  They  were  dispersed  in  the  country  of  India  and  they  got 
hold  of  (i.tf.  took  abode  in)  attractive  places  in  all  directions.  Many 
went  to  B&nk&nir.     Some  went  in  the  direction  of  Broach. 

(ft)  This  was  in  1D90.  Two  hundred  years  after  this  event,  i.e.,  in 
1370  A.D.  they  divided  Gujarat  into  five  ^anfA^ib,  i.e.,  ecclesiastical 
divisions  for  the  performance  of  sacerdotal  functions.  This  was  to 
avoid  differences  and  quarrels  among^the  priesthood  about  the  spheres 
of  their  work.  The  Kisseh-i-Zartbushti&n-i-Hindustin  thus  speaks 
of  this  event.' 

jU      ^1     ;Ail      lyiejL,y    ^    _  jlj^      .)j;j^T      IJ     )^      ^})J 

I.JJ  y^i  ^i^-uio'  ^"  j^ji  j  —  rj**  (**j"  ti'-J^  "j'-^y'y 
u^  J  '^l^/ysjjr^i:)''^^  —  tijl-J  j4*  <J-I  f;'rt-  |»**^'> 

JjU    J     -^     Jj/     ^jLJ^Jj  —  UIj    .>--    A^    i^^ 

>  C&lr  my  "  A  fev  Evnta  ia  the  Early  HUtory  of  Ute  Paneci,"  p.  14. 


3q8 


NOTES  ON  BROAOB. 


TransUiHon.^**  One  day  all  the  wise  men  of  Sanjan  assemUed  and 
entered  into  a  contract  sincerely.  (They  said  :)  "  We  will  divide  all 
these  places  where  there  are  laymen  of  good  thoughts."  They  divided 
all  these  places  into  five  parts.  First  is  Sanjan,  whose  limit  was  in 
that  direction.  O  men  of  good  nature  !  its  limit  is  from  the  rtver 
PAr  to  that  of  Dantur.  All  the  laymen,  when  they  are  within  the  limits 
of  Sanjan,  may  be  willingly  under  the  orders  of  the  Mobads  (thereof). 
Know  the  other  division  to  be  NadslLri.  It  was  given  to  the  Mobads 
with  all  heart  and  life  {i^,  with  a  sincere  heart).  All  (the  country) 
from  the  river  PIU*  to  the  river  Bari&v,  .was  under  the  power  of  the 
Nadsari&ns  (»>.  the  Naosari  Mobads).  Nobody  else  would  have  any 
control  therein.    All  would  have  security  in  their  own  jurisdiction. 

0  good-natured  man  !  Know  the  third  division  to  be  Godareh  from 
Bari&v  to  Aklesar.  All  the  God&rians  will  officiate  at  that  place,  and 
all  the  Mobads  may  be  friendly  with  their  heart  and  soul.  O  man  ot 
good  knowledge  !  Know  the  fourth  division  to  be  Broach,  whose  limit 
and  measurement,  I  will  now  tell  you.  Know  that  (division)  to  be 
from  Aklesar  to  Khamb&yet.  Know  all  that  to  be  the  limit  of  the 
people  of  Broach.    O  good  man  !    Know  the  fifth  division.    O  leader  ! 

1  will  tell  that  to  you,  so  that  you  may  know  it.  Wise  men  have  named 
it  Khamb&yet.  In  this  way  they  have  divided  the  towns  and  places. 
The  wisemen  of  Sanjftn  have  done  this  work  (of  division),  so  that 
there  may  be  no  quarrel  and  dispute." 

(c)  A  good  number  of  Parsees  must  have  settled  in  Broach  before  this 
date  (1290  A.D.)  of  the  division  of  panthaks  or  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tions. On  the  authority  of  a  manuscript  book  of  a  Hindu  gentleman  at 
Baroda,  Khan  Bahadur  Bomanji  Byramji  Patel,  says  that  a  brick 
Tower  of  Silence  was  built  at  Broach  in  samvat  1365,  ».^.,  1309  A.D. 
A  brick  tower  even  earlier  than  this  is  said  to  have  been  built  there. 
I  saw  the  ruins  of  a  brick  Tower  of  Silence  on  the  ist  of  January 
1907.  Though  the  outside  of  it  shows  very  little  difference  from  the 
modern  towers,  the  inside  seems  to  differ  a  good  deal.  For  example 
we  do  not  find  in  it  different  rows  for  males,  females  and  children  as 
are  found  in  the  modern  towers. 

(<0  We  learn  from  the  Persian  Rev&yets,  that  Broach  continued  to  be 
a  Parsee  centre  for  several  centuries.  In  the  letters  received  from  the 
Zoroastrians  of  Persia  by  the  Parsees  of  India,  in  reply  to  their 
questions  on  various  religious  subjects,  we  find  Broach  specially  named, 
as  one  of  the  Parsee  towns.  The  following  Revayets  mention  the 
name  of  Broach. 

I.  The  Revayet  of  847  Yaadxardi  (1478  A.D.)  brought  from 
Persia  by  Narimftn  Hoshang. 


NOTES  ON  BROACH.  3O9 

The  Revayet  of  850  Yazdazardi  (1481)  brought  by  Narim&n 
Hoshang. 

a.  The  Revayet  of  151 1  A-D.  brought  by  an  unnamed  messenger. 

3*  The  Revayet  of  1533  brought  by  K&us  K&mdin. 

4.  The  Revayet  of  i6a6  brought  by  Bahman  Aspandy&r. 

5.  The  Revayet  of  1627  brought  by  Bahman  Poonjieh. 

Not  only  did  Broach  Parsees  take  a  part  in  these  enquiries  on 
religious  subjects,  but,  at  times,  they  sent  messengers  to  Persia  for  the 
purpose  from  their  own  town.  For  example  Narim^n  Hoshang,  the 
messenger  who  went  to  Persia  in  1478  and  1481  was  a  Parsee  of 
Broach.  Again  Kllus  Mahyar,  who  went  to  Persia  in  1597  A.D.,  and 
Kaus  Rustam  Jelal,  who  went  in  1768,  belonged  to  Broach. 

(B)  Now  I  will  give  here  a  short  outline  of  the  events  that  had 
brought  about  the  rule  of  the  Nawabs,  in  the  reigns  of  the  last  two  of 
whom,  the  Kabiseh  controversy  of  the  Parsees  seems  to  have  raged 
a  good  deal,  and  is  said  to  have  had  an  influence  on  the  state  of  affairs 
then  prevailing. 

In  1660  Aurangzeb  got  the  city  walls  destroyed,  because  the  city  had 
long  withstood  his  siege  during  the  time  of  his  war  with  his  brothers. 
In  167^  the  Mahrattas  under  Sivajee  attacked  the  town  and  levied 
contributions.  Finding  the  city  without  a  wall  for  protection  they 
returned  in  1686  under  Sivajee's  son  Sambhajee  and  plundered  it 
So,  Aurangzeb  ordered  the  city  walls  to  be  built  again. ' 

In  1696  Avory,  an  English  pirate,  had  plundered  several  Mahomedan 
pilgrim  ships.  So,  the  English  factory  at  Broach  was  closed  like  that  at 
Surat  and  the  British  factors  put  into  chains.  In  170a  matters  seem 
to  have  improved  and  the  factory  was  again  working.  Before  the 
middle  of  the  i8th  century  the  English  and  the  Dutch  both  had  with- 
drawn their  factories.  The  Dutch  returned  sometime  before  1772.  In 
177a  the  English  conquered  Broach.  It  remained  in  their  possession 
for  about  10  years.  In  1782  it  was  given  to  the  Peishwa  and  in  1803  it 
was  taken  back  by  the  British  and  is  in  their  possession  since  that 
time. 

^  The  Broach  Gametteer,  II,  p.  468. 

Hamilton  sayt  **  In  Aurangzeb's  wars  with  his  brothers,  about  the  year  i660|  this 
town  held  out  a  preat  while  agrainst  his  array.  That  season  proving  a  dry  one 
Aureagiab's  fcrfks  suffered  much  for  want  of  fresh  water  and  provisions,  but  at  last  be 
took,  it,  and  put  all  to  the  sword  that  had  borne  arms  af^ainst  him,  and  raz'd  part  of  the 
wallsf  and  pronounced  a  curse  on  them  that  should  repair  them  again.  But  the  Savajee's 
incurdons  made  him  order  the  rebuilding  then  himself,  and  he  christened  it  Suckahani 
or  the  dry  dty.  (A  new  account  of  the  Bast  ladies  by  CapC  Alaiamkrr  Hamilton,  1744, 
Veil..    ^141.) 


310  NOTES  ON  BROACH. 

Before  1722,  Nizam-ul-Mulk  was  the' Viceroy  of  Gujerat  under  Ihe 
Moguls.  During  his  viceroyalty,  he  had  made  Broach  a  part  of  his 
private  estate.  In  1722,  he  assumed  independence  in  Deccan.  In  1736 
Abhasing  was  the  Viceroy  of  Gujerat.  At  this  time,  Abdulla  Beg, 
held  Broach  from  the  Nizam-ul-Mulk  under  the  title  of  Nek  Alam 
Kh^n.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  line  of  Nabobs  who  ruled  for  36 
years.  He  died  in  1738  and  was  succeeded  by  his  second  son  Mirz^ 
Beg  who  ruled  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  in  1752  under  the  title  of 
Nek  Alam  Kh&n  II.  Mirza  Beg  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  who 
died  within  3  months.  On  the  death  of  this  brother,t  he  succession  was 
in  dispute  for  two  years.  At  last  Syed  Idrus  of  Surat,  who 
had  great  religious  influence,  espoused  the  cause  of  Mirza  Ahmed 
Beg,  a  grandson  of  Abdulla  Beg,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne. 
This  Mirza  Ahmed  died  in  1768  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mazed 
Khan  the  last  of  the  Nawabs.  The  following  table  shows  the  geneo* 
logy  of  these  Nawabs  : — 

Genealogical  table  of  the  Nawdbs  of  Broach, 

Abdulla  Beg  (or  Nek  Alam  Khftn  I.)  1736-38 


I  I  I 

First  son  (name      (Second  son)  Mirza  Third  son  who  succeeded 

not  known).  Beg  (or  Nek  Alum        his  brother   Mirza  Beg  and 

I  Khan  II)  1738-52.         ruled  for  3  months.     No  suc- 

Mirza  Ahmed  Beg,  cessor  for  two  years,  1752-54. 

1754.68. 

M&zad   Khan, 

1768-72. 

(the  last  Nawdb, 

overthrown  by 

the  British.) 

Now  it  was  between  this  M^Lzad  Khan  and  the  British  that  a  dispute 
arose.  The  Gazetteer  (Vol.  II,  p.  469)  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  dispute,  prepared  from  the  correspondence  recorded  in  some  of 
the  volumes  of  the  Secretariat  Records  : — 

**  The  political  connection  of  the  English  Company  with  Broach 
dates  from  their  capture  of  Surat  in  1759.  There  were  certain  claims 
of  the  NawAb  of  Surat  upon  the  customs  revenue  of  the  Port  of  Broach. 
These,  together  with  a  sum  due  to  the  English  on  account  of  an  exces- 
sive levy  of  duties  on  cloth,  amounting  altogether  to  ;6^i5,ooo 
(Rs.  1,50,000),  the  Nawdb  of  Broach  was  called  upon  to  pay.  In  the 
early  months  of  1771  a  body  of  the  Company's  troop  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Surat  was  engaged  against  the  Kolis.     In  the  hope  that  a 


NOTES   OK  BROACH.  ^tt 

military  display  might  induce  the  Nawib  to  propose  some  settlement 
of  the  claims  made  against  him,  the  Chief  of  Surat  was  directed  to 
transport  this  force  by  sea  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Broach.  These 
instructions  the  factors  at  Surat  did  not  carry  out " 

We  see  from  this  account  that  the  casus  belli  was  a  claim  of  money 
upon  the  Nawib  by  the  English. 

Now  the  native  account  of  the  fight  of  the  English  with  the  Nawdb, 
referred  to  above,  throws  some  further  light  upon  this  matter,  and  says 
that  a  Parsee  of  Surat  was  partly  at  the  bottom  of  this  question.  This 
native  account  is  very  interesting  from  a  Parsee  point  of  view,  be- 
cause, as  said  above,  it  suggests  that  the  question  oi  kabiseh,  or  of  the 
calculation  of  an  intercalary  month,  which  had  produced  a  schism 
among  the  Parsees  of  India  in  the  i8th  century  and  which  has  pro- 
duced among  them  two  sects — the  Kadmis  and  the  Shehanshahis— had 
some  connection  with  the  above  dispute  between  the  English  and  the 
Nawdb  of  Broach. 

The  native  account,  which  I  beg  to  present,  is  that  of  a  Mahomedan 
writer  named  Sayed  Abbas  Ali.  He  has  written  a  short  history  of 
this  dispute  and  the  subrequent  battle  between  the  English  and  the 
Nawdb  of  Broach  under  the  title  of  "  Kisseh-i-Nawdb  Majuzkhan 
Bahadur  of  Broach.  ^'^  It  was  written  in  Urdu.  It  has  not  been  pub- 
lished and  I  have  not  been  fortunate  in  seeing  it  in  the  original  Urdu. 
But  a  Gujerati  translation  of  it  was  published  in  1869  by  Mobed  Byramji 
Fardoonji  Vakili  of  Broach  under  the  title  of  ^\^^\  •imoi  >il3ll«ji«'^M 
<Hl^lJ^  ^1  &^X\i.  Two  hundred  copies  of  it  were  published  then. 
The  translation  being  out  of  print,  in  1894,  ^^*  Sorabji  Framjee 
Byramjee  Vakil,  a  grandson  of  the  original  translator,  has  published 
a  second  edition.  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  Khan  Bahadur  Adarji 
Mancherjee  Dalai  for  a  copy  of  it  I  think  that  the  Gazetteer  refers 
to  the  above  Kisseh  in  its  account  of  "  the.  local  details  of  the  capture** 
of  Broach  when  it  says  that  it  gives  it  on  the  authority  of  "  A  life  of 
M^ad  Kh^n,"  by  one  of  his  courtiers.  The  name  of  the  Nawdb,  as 
given  by  the  Kisseh ^  is  Maozuzkhan  while  the  English  writer  gives  it 
as  Mazad  Khan.  The  difference  in  not  very  important  when  we  know 
that  the  last  letter  d^l  in  the  Urdu  name,  if  written  or  read 
with  an  additional  dot  (nukteh),  can  be  read  '  z  *  instead  of  '  d  *. 

^  I  give  this  title  as  ^ven  by  the  translator  of  the  Kisseh,    According  to  Mr.  Sorabshaw 
Dadabhoy  Fardoonji,  Munsiff  of  Broach«  the  auothor  called  hi^  work  '*Kisseh^-Gamgeeneef** 
i^.t  **The  Story  of  Sorrow/*  probably  because  it  described  the  downfall  of  the  Nawab's 
,  tepmc    It  was  written  in  I  X9i  HUree  *>.  X785  A.  D. 

*  Mr.  Sorsibshaw  Dadabhoy  Fardoonjee  Munsiff  in  his  letter  dated  sth  January  1907 
writes  to  me  that  he  knew  this  translator.  He  was  a  priest 'and  was  practising  in  the 
Broadi  District  Court  in  his  full  dress  of  Jama  Pichodi. 


||3  NOTBS  ON  BROACH. 

Now  the  Kitsch  gives  the  following  account  of  the  commencement  of 
the  dispute  which,  as  said  above,  is  interesting  from  a  Parsee  point  of 
view  :— 

The  Nawib  of  Surat  was  Sayad  Hakijuldin  Khan.  An  Englishman, 
named  Mr.  Sam  Gabrier^,  was  the  head  of  the  English  factory  on 
behalf  of  the  Company.  Among  the  Parsees  atCSurat,  there  arose  a 
great  dispute  about  the  calculation  of  time,*  the  difference  of  a  month 
in  calculation  having  arisen  as  the  result  of  some  letters  received  from 
Persia.  There  arose  two  parties.  At  the  head  of  one,  the  Rasmi,  who 
adhered  to  the  old  previous  calculation  was  Minocher*.  At  the  head 
of  the  other  sect,  the  Kadmis,  was  Dhunjee^.  The  dispute  had  con- 
tinued for  some  time''.  During  that  dispute  Dhunjee,  the  leader  of 
the  Kadmi  sect  of  Surat,  writes  to  the  Nawdb  of  Broach  to  inquire 
into  the  matter  of  the  question  under  discussion.  He  also  wrote  to 
his  own  Mulla*.  The  Nawkb,  therefore,  sent  for  the  two  dihums 
i.g.,  preceptors  of  the  Parsees,  one  Dastur  Kamdin^  by  name  and 
another  Pidash^**,  He  asked  them  to  tell  correct  facts  as  described 
in  religious  books.  Dastur  Kamdin  after  a  long  consideration  said 
that  what  Muncher,  the  leader  of  the  Rasmis,  said  was  correct  and 

^  This  Mr.  Gabier  is  Mr.  Gambier  of  our  historical  writers. 

*  It  was  in  I720,that  one  Jamasp,  known  as  Jamasp  Velayati,came  firom  Persia  to  India 
and  pointed  out  the  difference  of  one  month  between  the  calculation  of  the  ZofXMstriant  of 
Persia  and  that  of  the  Zoroastrtans  of  India.  In  I7J6,  a  laymam  named  Jamshed,  firom 
Persia,  revived  the  question,  in  174$  the  Parsees  of  Surat  had  a  regular  schism  for  ths 
first  time.  In  1768.  Dhanjishaw  Manjishaw  sent  Mobad  KAas  Rustsm  JalAl  o{  Broach  to 
Persik  to  study  the  question  there. 

*  Mr.  Muncherjee  Kharshe4j  Seth  (1714-1784).  He  was  the  broker  of  the  Dutch  Factory 
at  Surat.  He  had  great  influence  with  the  Nawib  of  Surat.  He  had  twice  been  to  Delhi 
to  the  Mogul  Court  for  business  purposes.  Anquetil  Du  Perron  (Le  Zend  Avestl  I^ 
Partie  I,  p.  cccxv)  speaks  of  him  as  the  courtier  (broker)  of  the  Dutch  and  as  the  chief  of 
the  Parsees  of  Surat  (le  premier  des  Parses  de  Surat). 

*  Dhai^eeshaw  Manjishaw  (iYi>i788).  He  was  a  great  merchant  of  Sarat  and  v^ 
the  broker  of  the  English  factory.    Vide  foot-note  No.  4  above. 

*  In  1768,  the  dispute  had  taken  a  serious  turn  in  Broach  itself  and  Dastur  KAmdtnjce 
of  Broach,  the  leading  priest  of  the  Shahanshahis  or  the  Rasmis.  was  sent  to  jail.  Tha 
new  patty  there  was  headed  by  Kaus  Rustam  Jalal  who  was  the  father  of  Mulla  Peroaa 
and  who  was  sent  to  Persia  in  the  same  year  by  Dhunjeeshaw  Manji^aw.  The  Nawab 
of  Broach  referred  the  matter  to  the  Panchayets  of  Naosart  and  Surat.  After  some  dis- 
cussion lasting  for  several  months,  the  Pundiayet  of  Surat  wrote  to  Broach  to  cootinoe 
in  the  Rasmi  belief  ivith   **  Panes  Prakasb,"  I,  p.«863). 

*  i,  0„  the  high  priest  who  led  his  sect.    Thb  was  Kaus  Rustam  Jalal. 

*  Dastur  KamdiigM  Fardunjee  (t7il-l78s)  who  baloaged  to  the  Shahanihahi  aaol. 
He  was  the  father  of  Aspandiarjee  who  published  in  x8>6    **  ki^M    dl^^    MA9il>5ll^l 

M^'*     '  According  to  the  '*  Parsee  Prakash  "  (Vol.  I»  p.  6«)  he  was  a    wcU-kaosra 

Kadml  priest  of  Broach.  HooU^  who  is  koooured  by  the  Parsees  of  Broach  as  a 
martyr  was  hanged  for  killing  Behanbai,  Hm  eiflter  of  PAdshih.  She  was  a  staunch  Kadmi. 
A  manuscript  book  on  Um  Kabiseh  controversy,  in  my  possession,  gires  PAdshAh*^ 
personal  name  as  Rustonui.  He  was  the  great  great  grandfather  of  Mr.  Buijorjee,  the 
present  Kadmi  head-priest  of  the  Masagoo  fira4einple  of  Mr.  Fnmfi  PateL 


NOTES  ON  BROACH.  ^13 

what  Dhanjee,  the  leader  of  the  Kadmis,  said  was  wrong.  The 
Nawib  wrote  accordingly  to  Dhunjee.  So  Dhunjee  was  enraged 
against  the  Nawib  of  Broach  for  not  having  gained  the  opinion  of  the 
priests  and  for  not  having  decided  in  the  favour  of  his  sect.  He  had 
a  grudge  against  the  Nawab  and  he  was  on  a  look  out  to  wreak  his 
vengeance. 

Now  it  so  happened,  that  some  time  after  this  event,  the  Nawdb 
stopped  at  the  Customs  Office  at  Broach  some  of  the  goods  of  mer- 
chandise belonging  to  Dhunjee,  saying  that  custom  duty  was  due 
on  them.  Dhunjee  claimed  exemption,  but  the  Nawib  refused  it 
and  confiscated  the  goods.  Dhunjee  had  to  pay  the  custom  dues. 
Dhunjee  then  went  before  Mr.  Gambler,  the  head  of  the  English  factory 
at  Surat,  with  whom  he  had  great  influence,  and  said  that  the  Custom 
House  of  Broach  was  from  the  first  under  the  control  of  the  Port  of 
Surat,  that  its  income  was  about  Rs.  i, 00,000  per  year,  and  that  the 
Nawdb  has  not  been  paying  it  to  the  Surat  factory  for  the  last  40  years. 
Dhunjee  succeeded  in  influencing  Mr.  Gambler,  who  wrote  to  the 
Nawdb  of  Broach  claiming  a  sum  of  40  lakhs  as  due  from  him  to  the 
Government  of  Surat  which  had  the  right  of  enjoying  the  customs 
duties  at  Broach.  The  Nawdb  indignantly  repudiated  the  claim. 
Thereupon  Mr.  Gambler  declared  war.  Thus,  it  appears,  that  accord- 
ing to  the  native  author,  a  religious  dispute  amongst  the  Parsees  of 
the  time  had  some  connection  with  the  fight  between  the  Nawdb  of 
Broach  and  the  English. 

We  will  now  examine  the  Urdu  Kisseh  a  little  further,  as  it  presents 
a  few  new  facts  from  the  Nawdb *s  point  of  view  and  throws  some 
side  light  on  the  question  of  the  fight  between  the  British  and  the 
Nawdb. 

Speaking  of  the  fight,  the  Urdu  Kisseh  says  that  the  Nawdb  of 
Broach  had  asked  assistance  from  Fatesingrao  of  Baroda,  the  Nawdb 
of  Cam  bay,  the  Ruler  of  Dholka  and  the  Raja  of  Rajpipla.  Fatesing  of 
Baroda  is  said  to  have  had  some  sinister  motives  in  sending  his  army 
for  assistance.  He  was  himself  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  seize 
Broach. 

The  English  expedition  to  Broach  was  accompanied  liy  700  men  be- 
longing to  the  Nawdb  of  Surat  under  the  command  of  the  Bakhshi  or 
paymaster.^  About  this  Bakhshi  the  AY^j^A  says  that  he  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  Nawdb  of  Broach  and  had  sent  a  secret  message  to 
him  about  the  advance  of  the  British. 

As  the  English  account  says,  the  expedition  ended  in  a  failure. 
"The  management    of  the    expedition  had   been  in    many  points 

^  Vide  the  Broach  Gazetteer,  II,  p.  470. 


514  NOTES  ON  BROACH. 

contrary  to  the  instructions  of  the  Bombay  Government,  and  had- 
ended  in  so  complete  a  failure  ;  the  conduct  of  the  officers  concern- 
ed was  made  the  subject  of  a  committee  of  inquiry.  The  result  of  the 
inquiry  was  that  Mr.  Draper,  the  Chief  of  the  factory  at  Surat,  was 
removed  and  the  other  members  subjected  to  severe  reprimand  and 
censure.  ^  The  native  account  gives  a  few  details  of  the  fight  which, 
it  says,  lasted  for  17  days. 

The  Kisseh  says  that  Gambier  sent  a  message  with  one  Hirjee  ^ 
seeking  for  peace.    The  Nawdb  sent  a  message  saying  that   "  if  you 
want  peace  I  will  not  want  war,  but  if  you  will  want  war  I  wilLnot 
delay  to  fight." 


L-&JJ  |»;|cJj  ^^y^  lJLU.  ^  j 


Mr.  Gambier  returned  to  Surat  and  then  sent  a  fresh  demand  of 
about  Rs.  4  lacs  of  Rupees.  He  asked  Laloo,  the  Dewan  of 
the  Nawab  of  Broach,  whom  he  had  taken  with  him  to  Surat,  Dhunjee 
the  Parsee  broker  of  the  English  factory  and  Muncher,  the  Parsee 
broker  of  the  Dutch  factory,  to  meet  Kalooba,  the  Dewan  of 
Fatesingrao  of  Baroda  and  suggest  some  means  for  recovering  some 
money  from  the  Nawab  of  Broach.  The  result  of  their  consultation 
was  not  known. 

The  Gazetteer  says,  "on  the  30th  July,  1771,  the  Bombay  Govern- 
ment received  a  letter  from  the  NawAb  of  Broach  offering  to  visit  Bom- 
bay with  the  view  of  settling  in  person  the  claims  brought  against  him. 
M^zad  Khan*s  proposal  was  accepted,  vessels  were  sent  to   Broach, 

\  Vide  The  Broach  Gazetter,  II,  p.  470. 

'  We  learn  from  the  **  Parsee  Prakash"  (I.  p.  191)  that  this  Hirjee  was  a  well-known 
Parsee  of  Surat.  His  full  name  was  Hirjee  Jivanjee  Parekh  and  he  was  known  as  Hir 
Parekh.  He  was  the  kBrbhAri^  i.e.,  the  household  manag-er  of  Kaim-ul-Dawlla,  the  Nawab 
of  Surat    He  had  such  a  grreat  influence  with  the  Nawdb  that  the  people  of  Surat  generally 

said  that  ^1^^  §m  ^(  ^\h  m  (Him£  kyi  so  pir  ne  kya)  i.e.,  whatever  was  done 
by  Hir  was  taken  (by  the  Nawab)  to  have  been  done  by  the  Pir,  tV.,  the  spiritual  gruide.  He 
seems  to  have  died  long  before  i8»5  A,  D.,  because  his  son  Jamse4ji  who  was  a  grreat 
merchant,  is  reported  to  have  died  in  l8ss  A.  D.,  at  the  ripe  old  age  of  7S*  (''Parsee 
Prakasht"  p.  z9i).  His  family  was  long  known  in  Surat  after  his  death.  The  following 
table  gives  the  names  of  his  sons  and  grandsons  :— 

Hir  Parekh  (Hirjee  Jivanjee  Perdth). 
Jamshedji  (d.  182s)  Hormusji  Dadabhoy 


Nowrojee  Dorabjee  Ardesir. 


NOTES  ON    BROACH*  3I5 

•  and,  setting  out  at  the  close  of  the  stormy  season,  the  Naw&b  reached 
Bombay  on  the  4th  November  1771.  While  in  Bombay  MSUad 
Khan  was  treated  with  every  consideration.''* 

Ab^  All's  Urdu  account  says  that  it  was  the  Government  of  Bom- 
bay that  first  invited  him  to  go  to  Bombay.  He  refused  at  first, 
but  being  requested  again,  offered  to  go,  not  by  land,  but  by  sea  and 
in  full  state.  So  ships  were  sent  for  him  to  Broach,  in  charge  of 
Morley.     One  Parsee   Nowrojee*    accompanied  him. 

Abas  All's  account  of  the  Nawab*s  visit  to  Bombay  is  very  interest- 
ing, especially  now,  when  the  particulars  of  the  visit  of  the  Amir  of 
Afghanistan  are  just  fresh  in  our  mind.  The  Nawllb  of  Broach  was 
then  considered  to  be  a  personage  of  great  position.  The  words  »H^ofl 
•t«ll<H  0{\^'i  (Ambhi  Nawab  Bharooch  ke)  i.e.,  '*  I  also  am  the  Nawab 
of  Broach,"  form  a  proverb  in  the  Gujarati  language.  When  a 
person  claims  some  honor  or  precedence  and   puts  on  airs  of  being  a 

1  Gazetteer.  II,    p.  470. 

a  We  learn  trom  the  Parsee  "  Prakash/'  (I.,  pp.  97  and  98)  that  this  Parsee  Nowrojec 
was  Nowrojee  Nanahhoy  Khambatta  who  died  in  1804  A.  D.  at  the  ripe  old  age  of  go.  He 
was  a  forefather  of  Mr.  Kharshedji  Din^haw  Khambatta  of  Bombay.  At  first,  he  was  an 
inhabitant  of  Bombay.  From  theret  he  had  gone  to  Surat  for  trade.  He  was  known  among 
the  Parsecs  ag  ^l^fl'Hl  H^l^ltJ  Morley  nft  Nowrojee),  ••^•»  Morley's  Nowrojee.  This 
Morley  is  Mr.  James  Morley,  the  Resident  of  Broach,  referred  to  by  the  Gazetteer  (The 
Gazetteer  of  Broach,  Vol.  II.,  p.  471).  and  referred  to  by  the  kisseh. 

Khan  Bahadur  Bomanjee  Byramjee  Patel  thus  refers  in  his  "  Parsee  Prakash,**   c  Vo  I. 
I.,  p.  17)1  to  the  fact  of  this  Nowrojee  going  to  Broach  with  Morley. 

H\\\  ^l«i  CH^»4Hi  HcilOi  >il«a«irXHH  Ml^  •r^H^  «»|^*  h\4  S^l^'  q^«  h\^\^  ^\f»K 
^V^\  ^f\\.    ^  MV^  Sl^iiJi  qidl'li  i^'oi  ^^Ift  c^iw  \mh  ^^  lil*,  c|«ll  fill  ^waSi^i 

H<i?io^  •ii>i  55iica>Hwi  ^m.   tf.  ^.i^oa  >i[«I'i'«r  mm?  «^»4  €i1hi  m»1  <^»«*A 

Khan  Bahadur  B.  B.  Patel  gives  no  authority  for  his  above  statement,  but  on  enquiring 
from  him,  he  says  that  he  has  given  this  statement  as  he  had  heard  it  at  Broach. 

Now  we  find  from  the  kisteh  that  the  fact  of  Nowrojee  going  to  Broach  with  Morley  is 
correct,  but  the  date  of  their  arrival  is  not  correct.  In  the  first  place,  the  Nawilb  Maujuz- 
khan  was  dead  long  before  1802  when  Morley  and  Nowrojee  are  reported  to  have  gone 
to  Broach  to  demand  the  land-dues  said  to  have  been  due  from  him.  The  error  in 
the  date  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  fact  of  mistaking  the  first  conquest  of  Broach 
by  the  British  in  1772  A.  D.,  for  the  second  conquest  in  iSoj.  After  the  first  conquest 
and  after  keeping  it  for  about  11  years,  Broach  was  ceded  to  the  Peshwa  in  178^  in 
accordance  with  a  treaty  known  as  the  Treaty  of  SSlbai  (the  Broach  Gazetteer,  II, 
p.  474).  For  19  years  it  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Mahrattas  and  then  it  was 
reconquered  in  180J.  So,  the  fact  referred  to  by  Khan  Bahadur  B.  B.  Patel  occurred  in 
177s  after  the  first  conquest  and  not  in  l8oj  after  the  second  conquest.  The  Gazetteer 
Vol.  II.,  p.  473  says,  '*On  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Broach,  Mr.  James  Morley  was 
appointed  resident,  with  Messrs.  James  Cheape  and  William  Mahon,  joint  factors, 
for  the  management  of  the  concern  and  for  collecting  the  revenues  of  the  town.*' 
So  the  event  referred  to  in  the     *^  Parsee  PrakdLsh"  must  be  that  of  177s. 


3l6  ^OTBS  ON  BROACH. 

great  man  this  proverb  is  applied  to  liim.  Now  it  seems  that  the 
Naw&b  of  Broach  was  feted  and  received  with  honour  in  177a  in  the 
same  way'as  the  Amir  has  been  now.  I  cull  the  following  account 
from  Abbas  Ali*s  version : — 

When  Mr.  Morley  reached  Broach,  the  Nawab  was  still  in  mourning 
for  the  death  of  his  ustdd  or  spiritual  guide.  Two  days  were  wanting 
to  complete  the  40  days'  period  of  mourning.  So  Mr.  Morley  saw  the 
Nawab  two  days  after  his  arrival.  Then  the  Nawab  consulted  his 
courtiers  about  his  proposed  visit.  Some  advised  him  to  go  and  others 
disuaded  him.  Butat  length  he  resolved  to  go.  He  sent  his  pdi^ah,  i.e,, 
infantry  troops  to  Bombay  by  way  of  land.  He  took  with  him  in  the 
ships  a  retinue  of  1,000  persons  of  whom  about  100  were  his  courtiers, 
the  author  of  the  ICisseh  being  one  of  them.  The  Nawab. had  8  sons  and 
6  daughters.  All  these  began  to  weep  at  the  departure  of  the  Nawab, 
who  left  Broach  with  a  salute  from  the  English  ships.  The  ships 
anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  for  one  night  and  then  at  Surat  for 
another  night.  Then  from  Surat  it  took  them  two  days  and  a  half  to 
come  to  Bombay  They  stopned  on  the  coast  of  Mahim  and  from  there 
Mr.  Morley  sent  a  letter  with  the  Parsee  Nowrojee  to  the  General 
(i^.f  the  Governor)  of  Bombay  informing  them  of  their  arrival.  A  kaveli 
i,e.f  a  palatial  building  near  the  furfd,  t,e.,  the  Custom  House,  belong- 
ing to  a  Mahomedan  Mulla,  was  furnished  with  carpets,  chandeliers, 
lamps,  pictures,  etc.,  and  it  served  as  a  residence  for  the  Nawd.b.  About 
TO  to  1 1  battalions  lined  the  road  in  honour  of  the  Nawd,b.  Mem- 
bers of  the  Council  headed  by  Mr.  Wedderbum  formed  a  deputation  to 
receive  the  Nawd,b.  The  ships  which  had  anchored  at  Mahim  came  to 
Bombay,  salutes  were  fired  from  all  the  ships  in  the  harbour  at  the  time 
when  the  Nawab  got  down  from  his  FatehmUri  (a  kind  of  big  boat) 
into  a  boat.  On  coming  to  the  shore,  the  Nawab  was  received  with  a 
salute  from  the  guns  in  the  fort.  Among  those  that  had  met  to 
welcome  the  NawHb,  were  English  madams  who  were  like  the  houris 
of  paradise.  These  ladies  were  all  moon-faced.  They  looked  like  the 
garden  of  chaman,  i.e.^  joy,  their  cheeks  were  rosy  and  their  statures 
were  so  straight  that  even  straight  cypresses  ^ould  look  down  with 
shame.  Their  eyes  were  like  those  of  the  deer  and  their  ringlets  put 
the  lookers-on  to  shame.  The  Naw&b  was  pleased  to  see  them,  and, 
they,  in  their  turn,  were  pleased  to  see  him  and  began  to  talk  about 
him  amongst  themselves.  They  began  to  make  kookoo  {ue.,  to  talk  in 
a  whispering  tone)  among  themselves  just  as  five  or  seven  mena  birds 
when  they  meet  together.  After  their  first  surprise  on  looking  at  him 
they  collected  themselves  and  salaamed  him. 

The   Naw4b  then    got  into    a  golden    palanquin.     The    chobdars 
announced  his  arrival  and  departure.     He  was  escorted  by  his  own 


fiOTBS    ON  BROACH.  317 

body-guards.  When  the  Naw&b  came  to  where  the  artillery  was 
stationed  he  was  saluted  by  the  guns.  The  Nawab  then  reached 
the  house  of  the  General. 

The  General  welcomed  the  Naw^b  and  introduced  him  to  his 
wife  and  daughter.  Two  persons  acted  as  interpreters,  one  of  whom 
wasaParsee.  Mr.  Hornby,  the  Governor  (of  whom  the  author  of 
the  Kisseh  speaks  as  the  General)  expressed  his  delight  at  the 
Naw^b  accepting  his  invitation.  Tea  was  soon  served  and  after  a 
short  time  the  Naw^b  departed  for  his  residence. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  paid  a  return  visit. 

Governor  Hornby  and  the  Nawab  both  had  issued  strict  orders  to 
their  soldiers  and  sepoys  that  they  should  avoid  disputes  and  quarrels 
with  one  another.  In  spite  of  this  caution,  once  an  European  had  a 
quarrel  with  a  man  of  the  Nawab.  The  latter  dislocated  the  hand 
of  his  opponent.  The  Nawab  therefore  ordered  that  a  hand 
of  his  servant  may  be  cut  off  in  punishment.  This  coming  to  the 
ears  of  the  Governor,  he  interceded  and  pardoned  the  man. 

The  Nawd,b  was  once  invited  by  the  Governor  to  a  private  interview. 
The  Governor,  his  wife  and  daughter  met  him  in  their  garden  and 
had  their  tea  there.  At  the  time  of  the  evening  prayer  {nemds)^ 
one  of  the  servants*  of  the  Nawdb,  while  spreading  the  shawl  to  serve 
as  a  carpet  broke  a  valuable  chandelier  of  Mr.  Hornby's  house  worth 
about  Rs.  3,000. 

The  Nawab  stayed  in  Bombay  for  about  two  months  and  was 
entertained  by  Mr.  Wedderburn  and  other  members  of  the  Council. 

As  to  the  political  question,  to  settle  which  the  Naw&b  was  called 
to  Bombay,  it  was  arranged  that  the  Nawib  should  pay  a  sum  of 
Rs.  4  lacs  by  six-monthly  instalments  within  2  years.  The  NawHb 
then  left  Bombay  with  all  honors.  Mr.  Morley  accompanied  him 
as  the  British  Resident  at  Broach.  The  Nawib,  not  paying  the  first 
instalment  within  the  time  fixed,: Mr.  Morley  left  his  court  Another 
expedition,  headed  by  General  Wedderburn,  and  aided  by  Mr.  Watson, 
went  to  Broach.  In  the  fight  that  ensued,  General  Wedderburn 
was  killed,  but  in  the  end,  Broach  fell  in  the  hands  of  the  English 
on  i8th  November  1772. 

III. 

The  next  subject  of  my  notes  is  a  visit  to  the  well-known  Kabir- 
vad  (i.e.  the  Kabir  banyan  tree)  growing  on  an  island  formed  by  the 
sacred   Nerbudda.    About  130  years  ago,  Forbes  said  that  the  tree 


3l8  NOTBS    ON  BROACH. 

with  its  350  large  and  over  3,000  small  steins  occupied  a  space  of  about 
2,000  ft  in  circumference  and  sheltered  about  7,000  men  under  it^. 
Bishop  Heber  considered  it  to  be  *  *  one  of  the  most  noble  groves  of  the 
world."  A  writer  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Literary  Society 
of  Bombay  said  that  the  tree  struck  him  "with  an  awe  similar  to 
what  is  inspired  by  a  fine  Gothic  cathedral."  Some  of  these  later 
writers  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  different  trunks  of  the  tree  are  being 
washed  away  by  the  floods  of  the  river,  i  saw  it  on  the  morning 
of  2nd  January  1907,  and  I  may  say,  that  in  no  sight-seeing  in 
my  travels  was  I  so  much  disappointed  as  in  the  case  of  the  Kabir  vad. 
From  a  spectacular  point  of  view,  the  tree,  as  it  now  stands,  is  not 
worth  a  visit  after  a  long  drive.  The  idea  that  I  formed  of  the  tree  on 
seeing  it,  fell  too  short  of  the  ideal  that  I  had  formed  of  its  greatness 
from  what  I  had  read  of  it.  We  happen  to  see  more  lovely  groves 
of  banyan  trees  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  Again,  the  state,  in  which 
the  ground  on  which  it  stands  and  spreads,  is  kept,  adds  to  our  dis- 
appointment. If  it  be  cleared  of  the  short  brushwood  growth  and 
kept  clean,  the  disappointment  would  not  be  so  great,  and  the  ideal 
not  so  ruthlessly  spoilt.  As  it  is,  there  are  not  even  a  few  yards  which 
would  attract  you  to  rest  and  shelter  there  for  a  few  hours  after  a 
dusty  journey  of  about  2  to  3  hours. 

Tradition  says  that  Kabir,  the  great  poet,  philosopher,  and  moralist, 
happened  to  be  at  this  place.  The  tree  grew  out  of  the  twigs  of  a 
banyan  tree  with  which  he  cleaned  his  teeth  and  which  he  threw  there. 
The  Kabirpanth  is  said  to  have  a  large  number  of  followers,  and  one 
would  naturally  expect  to  see  a  large  number  of  them  at  this  place 
connected  traditionally  with  his  name.  But  that  is  not  the  case.  Very 
few  people  of  his  sect  are  seen  here.  Even  the  temple  there,  known 
as  the  shrine  of  Kabir,  is  served  by  priests  of  sects  other  than  the 
Kabir  faith. 

It  was  the  sacredness  of  the  Nerbudda  that  had  drawn  Kabir  to 
its  banks,  and  it  is  this  sacredness  that  gives  further  sanctity  and 
importance  to  this  Kabirvad  and  its  shrine. 

We  hear  the  following  verse  about  the  Nerbudda  and  three  other 
sacred  rivers  of  India  : — 

•j^Hl  ^{<. 

^  Gazetteer,  p.  }$$, 


NOTBS  ON  BROACH*  ^^^ 

i.e.  The  Gang^  (Ganges)  gives  sanctity  by  its  water, 
The  Jamna  by  its  baths, 
The  Nerbudda  by  its  sight, 
The  Tapti  by  meditation  (on  its  banks). 

The  shrine  of  Kabirjee  near  the  Kabirzrafl?is:one  of  the  sevenil 
tiraths  or  shrines  on  the  banks  of  the  Nerbudda.  The  following  is  the 
list  of  such  HnUhs  as  dictated  to  me  by  the  priest  of  a  Luxmi  Narayen 
temple  at  Sukal-tirath  : — 

1.  Survaneshwar  ^<ll'5«<i^.     It  has  an  imagetof  Mahadev.   It  is 

about  15  miles  from  Chandod. 

2.  Kunbeshwar  i*5^<«i^.    It  has  an  image  of  Hanumtn.    It  is  on  the 

other  side  of  Kani&ri. 

3.  Kumesomnftth    i^  ^l>i«iit(  at  Kaniari. 

4.  Shekh  Sohiji  Mah^raj  Tm  Sl^le?  >il4i^i«r  near  Chandod. 

5.  Sukhdev  ^>H  i^U 

6.  Vyis  oni«. 

7.  Gangnath  ai'ai  •IW  near  Chandod. 

8.  Hansoyft  MattA  ^i?llni  ^i<tl  near  Ambawi. 

9.  Bhandareshwar  Mahadeo  Oi*ii?<ci^  ^^it^)!  near  Scnore. 

10.  Gunpati  »lHHc|l  at  Senore. 

11.  Karticksvami  hi^h  k^X^  near  Sisodrft. 

12.  Kubereshwar  i5l?f  «l^  near  Kotal. 

13.  Kabirji  Irotlw.  It  has  an  image  of  Kabir  and  it  is  under  the 

shelter  of  the  Kabir  vad. 

14.  Vadrasu  qiil^  near  Mangleshwar. 

15.  Sukal-tirath. 

Ofallthe^fVo^^  or  the  shrines  on  the  bank  of  the  Nerbudda  near 
Broach,   that  of  Sukal-tirath  is  the  best  known.    In  the  Vlyu  PuHlna 
it  is  spoken  of  as  the  best  of  all  the  Tiraths   in    the    northern    banks 
of  the    Nerbudda  T^  ^ft^Ns^PT^)'.     It  is   about    10   miles    from 


iR^R 


^RT  ^^  ^  gs  ^  gi^feC  II    ?    II 

(as  quoted  in  the  t^sfvft  ^  of  the  temple) 
<*.«.,  M4rkand  Rishi  says :  O  Rs^'a  Yudhishtira.      Hear  the  account  that  I  give  you  of  the 
Tirmth  of  Shikaltirath  which  is  situated  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Nerbudda  and  is  the  best 
of  an  tiraths  (*^  Revi  is  a  name  of  the  Nerbudda). 
^3 


320  NOTES  ON    BROACH. 

Broach.  The  place  itself  has  three  tiraths  or  shrtnes,  of  which 
the  holiest  is  that  of  Hunkareshwar  f|<tl(l${e|^.  The  image  in 
this  shrine  carries  in  its  four  arms  the  four  emblems  of  Vishnu. 
In  its  two  right  arms  it  carries  the  padma,  f.^.y  the  lotus  and  gada, 
t,e,,  the  sceptre  or  mace.  In  its  two  left  arms  it  carries  the  chakra, 
i,e.f  the  wheel  or  the  cHsc,  and  the  sankh,  i.e.,  the  shell. 

Tradition  tells  the  following  story  about  its  discovery  as  a  tiratk  : — 

ChUnakya,  the  King  of  Ujjain,  was  attacked  with  leprosy.  It  was 
thought  to  be  the  result  of  his  sin.^  So  he  thought  of  purifjdng 
himself  of  that  sin,  hoping  that  such  a  purification  would  cure 
him  of  his  leprosy.  In  order  to  find  out  the  most  holy  place,  the 
pilgrimage  of  which  could  free  him  of  his  sin  and  cure  him  of  his 
disease* he  asked  the  crows, who  had  in  those  early  times  white  feathers 
and  not  black  feathers,  to  go  to  the  death-god  Yama  and  to  tell  him 
that  king  Chftnakya  was  dead.  On  hearing  this  news,  Yama 
gave  instructions  as  to  where  his  soul  was  to  be  led  by  his  (Yama's) 
attendants  for  purification.  The  crows  heard  the  instructions  and 
returning  to  Chd,nal^a  said  that  the  place  of  purification  was  somewhere 
on  the  Nerbudda,  that  he  must  sail  down  the  Nerbudda  in  a  boat  with 
black  sails,  and  that  the  place  where  the  sails  turned  from  black  to 
white,  might  be  taken  as  the  place  of  purification.  The  king  did  accord- 
ingly, and  while  sailing  down  the  Nerbudda,  when  he  came  down  to  the 
village  of  Sukaltirath,  the  sails  immediately  turned  white.  The  king  got 
out  on  the  shore  and  bathed  at  that  place  in  the  sand  and  in  the  water  of 
the  Nerbudda  and  was  purified  of  his  sin  and  cured  of  his  leprosy.  When 
the  death -king  Yama  knew  of  the  trick  played  upon  him  by  the  crews 
at  the  instance  of  Chd.nakya,  he  punished  the  crows  by  cursing  them 
and  by  changing  to  black  their  feathers,  which  were  up  to  then  white. 
It  is  for  this  reason  that  we  have  the  black  colour  of  the  crows.' 

This  story  of  Yama,  sin,  leprosy^  and  the  crows  reminds  us 
of  the  belief  of  the  ancient  Persians  about  leprosy.  Herodotus 
says  of  the  Persians  (Bk  I.  138) : — 


'*  Whosoever  of  the  citizens  has  the  leprosy  or  scrofula,  is  not  per- 
mitted to  stay  within  a  town,  nor  to  have  communication  with  other 
Persians  ;  and  they  say  that  from  having  committed  some  offence 
against  the  sun  a  man  is  afflicted  with  these  diseases.  Every  stranger 
that  is  seized  with  these  distempers,  many  of  them  even  drive  out 
of  the  country  ;  and  they  do  the  same  to  white  pigeons,  making 
the  same  charges  against  them." 

^  According  to  Homdotus  (L  ij8),  the  aoctent  Petvians  also  considered  leprosy  to  be  the 
result  of  sia. 

'  Vide  the  Broaeh  Gazetteer,    p.  S6S. 


NOTES  ON   BROACH.  32 1 

•We  see  from  .this  passage  of  Herodotus  that  the  anden*  Pttrakans 
also  connected  leprosy  with  sin.  The  white  doves  of  this  passage 
remind  us  of  the  white  crows  referred  to  in  the  aboTe  description 
of  Sukaltirath.  Again,  the  Yama  in  the  above  story  of  Sukaltirath 
is  the  Yima  of  the  Avesta,  the  Jam  of  the  Palhavi  books  and  the 
Jamshed  (Yima  Khshaeta)  of  the  later  writings.  It  is  in  the 
second  chapter  of  the  Vandidad,  which  treats  of  a  vara  or  stricture  of 
« Yima,  that  we  find  a  reference  to  leprosy* 

The  Persians  were  so  much  afraid  of  the  lepers,  that  we  learn  from 
the  Qasstcs,  that  Magebazus,  a  Persian  satrap  who  was  sentenced  to 
be  banished,   took  advantage  of  this  fear    prevailing    among    his 
countrymen  and  made  his  escape,  pretending  to  be  a  leper. 

We  went  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Nerbudda  where  the  Kabir- 
vad  stands  on  an  island,  from  Mangleshwar  (>l'^S^^).  Here,  at 
Mangleshwar,  I  met  a  Rajput,  whose  story  showed  us  that  there  are 
•many  persons  in  India,  persons  of  poor  means,  who  travel  thousands  of 
miles  along  the  whol^countryof  India,from  the  Himalayas  in  the  North 
to  Rameshwar  in  the  South,  out  of  devotioa  to  visit  sacred  places  tiraths 
and  to  purify  themselves.  Mansing  Rajput,  of  whom  I  speak,  had 
travelled  up  to  Badrinath,  the  well-known  place  of  pilgrimage  in  the 
Himalayas.  He  had  brought  with  him  the  sacred  water  of  the 
Gangootri.  He  had  kept  the  water  in  a  sealed  bottle  and  proposed  to 
go  one  day  to  Rameshwar  with  that  water.  The  sacred  water  of  the 
Gangootri  near  Badrinath,  when  thrown  by  a  pious  devotee  over  the 
image  of  Mahadeo  at  Rameshwar,  raises  a  little  the  size  of  the  image, 
and  that  is  a  sure  sign  of  the  acceptance  of  the  prayers  of  the  devotee. 
Hundreds  and  thousands  are  said  to  travel  the  whole  distance  on 
foot.  Again,  there  are  many  more  hundreds  and  thousands  who  travel 
by  train.  They,  at  times,  carry  the  sacred  water  with  them  in  their 
hottles.  But  that  is  not  the  most  acceptable  way  of  devotion.  The 
water  is  not  be  taken  in  the  train  by  which  people  of  all  faiths  and 
of  all  kinds  of  impurities  travel.  So,  they  say  there  are  professional 
carriers  who  travel  to  and  fro  from  Badrinath.  They  receive  sealed 
bottles  of  the  •  sacred  water  from  different  pilgrims  with  labels  of 
their  names  rattached  to  them,  and,  travelling  on  foot,  carry  the 
bottles  to  the  destinations  of  the  different  travellers.  They  charge 
B,  certain  rate  perlbottle  for  their  work. 

APPENDIX. 

In  the  body  of  my  paper  I  have  referred  to  the  visit  of  Mr*  J.  E. 
Rendien,  the  Ehitch  Consul  in  Bombay  to  the  Dutch  toutbs  at  Broach 
In  reply  my  toletter  referred  to  above,  Mr.  Bendieo  has  kindly  sent  me 


322  NOTES  ON  BROACH. 

copies  of  the  issues  of  the  Dutch  journal  **  Neerlandia"  of  the  months 
of  January  and  February  igoy,  wherein  he  has  published  an  account 
of  his  visit  to  the  towns  of  Surat,  Broach  and  Ahmedabad,  each  of  which 
had  a  Dutch  factory  in  the  17th  and  i8th  centuries.  In  his  letter  to 
me,  dated  4th  April  1907,  Mr.  Bendien  says  about  the  tombstones  : 
*' The  majority  of  the  tombstones  bear  no  inscriptions:  particularly  of 
the  larger  monuments,  nothing  can  be  deciphered,  as  the  inscriptions, 
if  they  still  do  exist,  partly  are  buried  under  cement  or  whitewashed.'^ 

When  I  had  read  my  paper,  I  had  submitted  copies  of  the  inscriptions 
as  I  had  copied  them  in  a  hasty  visit ;  but,  as  I  find,  that  Mr.  Bendien 
has  given  them  in  the  above  Dutch  journal,  I  give  his  copies  below. 
Mr.  Bendien  has  kindly  translated  them  for  me,  and  I  give  his  transla- 
tion also.     I  thank  him  for  the  help  he  has  given  me. 

INSCRIPTION  I. 

Hier  rust  Johannis  Groenevelt, 

Die  desen  naam,  voor  Hem  bestelt 

Niet  lange  Droegh,  vermits  D'Doodt 

Hem  in  ons  aller  Moeder  schoot 

Diedt  draagen :  En  Syn  leven  al 

Was  maar  2  uyren  in  't  Getal 

Obyt  en  wiert  geboren  in  Brootsch 
Den  10  Sept :  1666. 

7>nitj/a/»oii.— Here  lies  Johannis  Groenevelt  who  did  not  bear  very 
long  this  name  which  was  ordered  for  him,  as  Death  carried  him  to 
the  lap  of  Mother  Earth,  and  his  life  was  only  hours  2  in  number. 
Died  and  was  born  in  Broach  on  the  loth  September  i666» 

Mr.  Bendien  thinks  that  perhaps  this  was  the  first  child  of  Mr.  Groe» 
nevelt  who  first  founded  a  regular  factory  at  Broach  and  was 
its  first  director.  We  find  his  name  on  the  sun-dial  with  the  date 
1700  A.D. 

INSCRIPTION  II. 

"  Hire  rust  Anna  Marrianne  Van  Brondhout  (?   )  22  Maenden  en 
10  Daagen.    Objrt  23  Augusty  1654.*' 

Translatton, — Here  rests  Anna  Marrianne  Van  Brondhout  22  months^ 
10  days.    Died  23rd  August  165^^ 


Tomba  In  the  Dutch  Cemetery,  Broach. 

Vnl.    XXII. 

By  J.  ""Mod™  '  To  la. 


NOTES  ON  BROACH.  3^3 

INSCRIPTION  III. 

*'  Hier  onder  rust  Antoni  Christiaan,  oud  23  Maanden  en  12  Daagen. 
Obit  den  20  May,  Anno  1702." 

Translation, — Here  rests  Antoni  Christian,  old  23  months  and  12 
days.     Died  20th  May,  year  1702. 

Mr.  Bendien  observes  in  the  above  journal,  that  "It  is  not 
surprising  that  only  the  inscriptions  on  the  children's  tombs  are  pre- 
served. They  were  the  largest  in  number  in  the  cemeteries  of 
Europeans  in  India. 

INSCRIPTION   IV. 

"  Hie  (  ?  Hier)  Jacet  Jan  Willem  Six.  In  Zijn  leven  Secundo  Alhier. 
Obyt  den  32  (sic)  Maart,  Anno  i744«" 

Translation, — Here  lies  Jan  Willem  Six.  In  his  lifetime  he  was 
Second^  here.     Died  the  32  (?)  March,  year  1744. 

There  is  another  inscription  on  an  obelisk,  on  which  Mr.  Bendien 
can  only  read  the  name  "  Martinus.*' 

Secundo  means  second  merchant,  i.et  a  junior  merchant    Stavorinus  seems    to  refer 
to  merchants  of  this  class  as  junior  merchants.    {Vide  above,  p  999.) 


Art.  XX. — The  Pardsariya  Dharma  SSrira. 

BY  THE  LATE  MR.  SHAMRAO  VTTHAL. 

(  Communicated  by  the  iHiesident.) 

(Jdsmd  w6tk  September  1907.) 

INTRODUCTION. 

Before  entering  upon  my  task  of  renewing  the  Parft^ara  Samhit4 
it  would  not,  I  think,  be  out  of  place  to  make  a  few  observations 
on  the  Hindu  Dhanna-kS&stra  generally. 

DHARMA. 

The  word  Dharma  is  derived  from  the  root  ^  to*  hold  or  support 
and  is  defined  to  mean  that  which  has  the  characteristic  of  enjoining 
or  onlatning  some  doty  or  act  which  leads  to  prosperity  in  this 
world  and  to  supreme  felicity  in  the  life  to  come.  Tlie  term  5!^tra 
is  derived  from  the  root  5fts(  ^TT^)  to  command  or  teach  and  in  its 
primary  sense  signifies  a  command,  a  rule  religiAiis  or  civiL  In  its 
extended  sense  it  includes  any  religious,  scientific,  phSosopdiic  or 
legal  treatise  or  any  sacred  book  or  composition  of  divine  or  standard 
authority. 

Dharma  as  defined  above  consists  of  two  branches,  one  dealing 
with  what  is  called  the  Prcpuritti-M&rga — the  path  of  active  or  worldly 
life,  the  other  with  what  is  called  the  Nivritti-MArga — the  path  to 
the  soul's  final  liberation  from  existence  and  exemption  from  re-birth 
by  withdrawing  or  separating  oneself  from  the  world.  ^ 

The  Dharma-5&stra  with  which  we  are  concerned  here  deals 
ehiefly  with  the  PravriUuMdrga  and  lays  down  rules  for  the  conduct 
of  man  both  religious  and  secular. 

THE  SOURCES  OR  PROOFS  OF  DHARMA  AND  THEIR 

RELATIVE  AUTHORITY. 

According  to  orthodox  opinion  of  the  present  day  the  sources  or 
proofs  of  Dharma  are  fourfold,  m«,,  (i)  the  Veda  or  ^ruti,  (2)  the 
Smriti  otherwise  called  Dharma-^^stra,  (3)  the  Pur&nas,  and  (4) 
Achftra — Usage. 

Manu,  XII.I  tSf  89. 


parAsariya  dharma  ^Astsa.  325 

THE  6RUTIS. 
The  Aryan  Scriptures  known  as  the  Veda  (the  true  or  divine 
knowledge)  consist  of  four  principal  divisions,  namely,  the  Rig-Veda, 
Yajur-Veda,  Sdma-Veda  and  Atharva-Veda  with  six  supplementBry 
compositions  called  the  six  Vedangas  (Members  of  the  Vedic  body  of 
scriptures)  added  to  them.     These  #ix  VedAngas  are  :— 

1  ^ksha  (Pronunciation). 

2  Kalpa-Sutras  (Ritual). 

3  Vy^karanam  (Grammar). 

4  N'irukta  (Word  explanation  or  etymology). 

5  Chandas  (Metre). 

6  Jyotisha  (Astronomy). 

The  four  Vedas  and  the  six  VediUigas  together  are  called  the  ParA 
Vidyd  or  supreme  knowledge. 

Recently  a  controversy  has  arisen  as  to  what  constitutes  tbe  Veda 
strictly  so  called,  the  late  Dayanacda  Saraswati,  the  founder  of  the 
Arya  Samaja,  being  the  originator  of  this  controversy.  Each  of  the 
four  Vedas  is  composed  of  two  parts,  the  first  consists  of  tihe  Mantras 
(hymns)  and  the  second  the  Br^manas.  According  to  Dayananda 
Saraswati,  the  first  part  constitutes  the  real  Veda — ^^ruti  or  revela- 
tion, and  the  Br^manas  -are  simply  a  commentary  produced  by  the 
Rishis  on  the  Mantras.  He  maintained  that  the  word  BrILhmana  is 
synonymous  with  Itihasa,  Purana,  Kalpa,  Gatha  and  N^aiansi  ; 
that  no  Rishi  except  Katyayana  has  recognised  the  BrMimanas  as 
revelation  pure  and  simple  ;  that  the  Mantras  alone  form  the  true 
Veda  directly  revealed  by  livra  ;  that  they  are  the  foundation  of  all 
knowledge  ;  and  that  the  Br&hmanas  and  other  Angas  -(Members)  of 
tiie  Veda  are  authorities,  only  because  they  are  derived  from  and  agree 
with  the  Vedas.  We  may  here  passingly  remark  that  according  to 
Bhatta  Yagneswara  ^mk  the  Rig- Veda  is  the  Veda  par  excellence,  ^ 

The  Ary^s  recognise  the  ^rud  as  described  above  as  the  root  and 
foundation  of  all  knowledge.  Manu  declares  the  whole  Veda  to  be 
the  source  of  Dharma  and  that  its  authority  on  questions  of  Dharma 
is  transcendent  and  absolute. 

Where  there  is  a  conflict  between  two  .^tis  "  both  are  held  to  be 
law  ;  for  both  are  pronounced  by  the  wise  (to  be)  valid  law."^ 

^  OTT  ^ftft^  ifm'm  MmMx^^  ^^^^^  ^  \  ^'^  'w^  ^55; 

*  Manu  II,  6. 14. 


326  PArAsARIYA   DHARMA  iASTRA. 

THE  SMRITIS. 

The  word  Smriti  is  derived  from  the  root  fm  to  reqiember  and  it 
designates  what  was  only  remembered  and  handed  down  by  human 
authors  such  as  Manu,  Ydjiiavalkya  and  other  great  sages.  The 
following  description  of  the  Smritis  given  by  Mr.  Colebrooke  may  be 
accepted  as  substantially  correct : — 

"  The  laws  of  Hindoos,  civil  and  religious,  are  by  them  believed  to 
be  alike  founded  on  revelation,  a  portion  of  which  has  been  pre- 
served in  the  very  words  revealed  and  constitutes  the  Vedas  esteemed 
by  them  as  sacred  writ  Another  portion  has  been  preserved  by 
inspired  writers  who  had  revelation  present  to  their  memory,  and 
who  have  recorded  holy  precepts  for  which  a  divine  sanction  is  to  be 
presumed.  This  is  teriped  Smriti,  recollection,  (remembered  law),  in 
contradiction  to  ^ruti,  tradition  (revealed  law). 

"The  Vedas  concern  chiefly  religion  and  contain  few  passages 
directly  applicable  to  jurisprudence.  The  law  civil  and  criminal,  is 
to  be  found  in  the  Smriti,  otherwise  termed  Dharma-x&stra  including 
duty,  or  means  of  moral  merit.  So  much  of  this  as  relates  to  ob- 
servances may  be  classed  together  with  ancient  and  modern  rituals 
(bearing  the  designation  of  Kalpa  or  Paddhati)  as  a  separate 
branch  ;  and  forensic  law  is  more  particularly  understood  when  the 
Dharma-Z^stra  is  treated  of. 

"  That  law  is  to  be  sought  primarily  in  the  institutes  or  collections 
(Samhitas)  attributed  to  holy  sages  ;  the  true  authors,  whoever  these 
were,  having  affixed  to  their  compositions  the  names  of  sacred  per- 
sonages, such  as  Mand,  Y&jnyavalkya,  Vishnu,  ParlUara,  Gautama, 
&c." 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SMRITIS. 

Bhatta  Kum&rila  in  his  Tantra-Virtika  says  : — 

The  origin  of  the  Smritis  cannot  be  traced  on  account  of  the  ^akhas 
lying  scattered  here  and  there,  on  account  of  human  carelessness  or 
error  and  on  account  of  the  variety  of  topics  with  which  they  (the 
Smritis)  deal. 

M^dhavach^rya  in  his  Jaiminiya  NyAyamAlA-VistAra  gives  a  more 
reasonable  explanation.  He  says  that  the  Smritis  are  digests  in 
which  the  Vedic  ordinances  which  lie  scattered  in  the  several  Vedas 
are  epitomised  or  collected  in  one  place. 


A_. ,        ^..   . '* 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA   SASTRA.  327 

The  late  Mr.  Prossonno  Coomar  Tagore  in  the  Preface  to  his 
Translation  of  the  Viv^da-Chint^Unani  ascribes,  on  the  authority  of 
Raja  Ramamohan  Roy,  the  origin  of  the  Smritis  to  a  revolution 
which  led  the  people  of  India  to  withdraw  the  legislative  power 
from  the  hands  of  the  executive  authorities  and  entrust  it  ex- 
clusively to  the  holy  sages.  This  theory  appears  to  rest  on  the 
rules  which  are  contained  in  the  Manu  and  other  Smritis  for 
the  constitution  of  what  are  called  Parishads  or  councils  to  deter- 
mine points  of  law.*  But  one  grave  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
our  accepting  this  opinion  is  the  radically  inconsistent  orthodox 
belief  given  expression  to  over  and  over  again  in  Sanskrit  writings 
that  all  law  emanates  from  God  and  that  the  Smritis,  the  so  called 
Codes  of  Manu  and  other  sages,  derive  their  sanction  only  because 
they  (the  authors  of  the  Smritis)  **  had  revelation  present  to  their 
memory."  If  that  is  so,  it  is  evident  that  there  could  be  no  legislative 
power  in  the  executive  to  be  withdrawn  and  entrusted  to  the  sages. 

Another  view  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Smritis  which  has  found  favour 
with  some  later  oriental  scholars  is,  that  after  Buddhism  had 
declined,  or  commenced  to  decline,  the  metrical  Smritis  including 
the  Code  of  Manu  came  into  existence  during,  what  Dr.  Bhandarkar 
calls,  the  Kushan-Gupta  period,  extending  over  250  years  from 
about  the  middle  of  the  third  to  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  after 
Christ,  as  a  part  of  the  process  adopted  by  the  Brahmanas  to  give 
a  new  and  more  popular  shape  to  the  literature  of  their  creed  with 
the  object  of  widening  their  influence  and  rendering  it  permanent.* 

1  do  not  think  that  this  explanation  can  be  accepted  as  an  adequate 
solution  of  the  question. 

It  seems  to  me  to  rest  on  too  narrow  a  basis.  It  first  of  all  supposes 
that  before  Buddha  appeared  as  a  teacher  nothing  occupied  India  but 
animal  sacrifices,  Vedic  ritual  and  the  propitiation  of  the  Brahmans  at 
the  cost  of  the  other  classes  of  the  community.  It  next  assumes  that 
Brahmanism,  which  had  suffered  for  several  centuries  from  neglect 
and  contempt,  was  able  not  only  to  recover  lost  ground  but  also  to 
conjure  up  new  gods  and  re-establish  its  supremacy  by  producing  such 
a  vast  amount  of  literature  as  that  represented  by  the  metrical  Smritis, 

1  ManU)XII.  108— xx5. 
Y4jnavalkya,  Introduction,    9. 
Vishnu  lU}  so. 
Baudhayana,  I,  8. 
Gautama,  XXVIII.  49. 
Par^ara,  VIII,  a-a9, 
MahAbhArata.  VII,    Ch  36,  V.  to 

=  A  Peep  into  the  Early  History  of  India.  The  Journal  of  the  B.  B.  of  the  R.  A.  Society 
Vol.  XX,  No.  LVI,  p.  356. 


3a8  PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA. 

the  Bh^hyas,  Pur^lnas  and  other  branches  of  learning  including 
poetry,  within  two  hundred  and  fifty  years.  Lastly,  it  ignores  the 
important  element  of  civil  law  ixith  which  the  Codes  of  Manu,  Yajda- 
valkya,  N&rada,  Brihaspati  and  others  deal,  and  by  implication,  if  not 
directly,  suggests  that  Indian  civilisation  began  with  Buddhism. 

I  take  this  opportunity  to  give  expression  to  a  view  which  the  perusal 
of  the  contributions  of  oriental  scholars  and  their  Indian  followers  to 
the  early  history  of  India  has  forced  upon  my  mind,  namely,  that  the 
lines  on  which  the  investigations  of  these  savants  have  proceeded  are 
not  calculated  to  guide  the  critical  spirit  of  the  day  correctly  and 
judicially.  The  method  of  dividing  the  subject  into  what  are  desig- 
nated the  Vedic  period,  the  Buddhistic  period,  the  Brahamanic  period, 
the  Hindu  period  and  any  number  of  other  periods — a  method  which 
was  originally  introduced  on  grounds  of  convenience — has  engendered 
a  spirit  of  theorising  and  partisanship  which  is  prejudicial  to  the 
discovery  of  truth  pure  and  simple.  It  has  led  to  the  vicious  habit  of 
treating  each  of  these  subjects  as  distinct  from  the  other.  It  makes  the 
student  or  investigator  forget  that  there  is  a  principle  of  continuity 
running  through  the  life  of  a  nation  and  that  a  nation's  development 
for  good  or  for  worse  proceeds  according  to  certain  fixed  and  general 
laws. 

I  should  hold  that  the  Indian  Vaidiks,  Buddhists  and  the  Brahmanas 
together  form  essentially  one  people,  the  periods  going  by  their  names 
representing  only  different  phases  of  thought,  and  that  a  history  of 
their  civilisation,  which  ignores  this  fact  and  isolates  any  one  from  the 
other  periods  as  if  it  were  entirely  independent  of  what  preceded  and 
followed  it,  proceeds,  in  my  opinion,  on  erroneous  lines.  Again  a 
work  which  deals  with  a  particular  period  should,  I  think,  be  strictly 
confined  to  the  collection  of  materials  relating  to  the  condition  of 
society  during  that  period.  It  should  not  go  further  and  generalise 
on  those  partial  data. 

The  changes  through  which  Aryan  thought  in  India  has  passed 
from  the  earliest  Vedic  period  to  the  present  day  are  due  to  the  operation 
of  natural  causes  and  not  to  causes  personal  to  this  class  or  that  class. 
It  is  not  historically  true  to  say  that  the  Rishis  and  their  descendants 
invented  the  Vedic  sacrifices,  the  Vedic  ritual  and  the  system  of  caste 
with  motives  of  individual  aggrandisement.  It  is  equally  wrong  to  say 
that  Buddhism  was  the  result  of  caste  oppression.  As  truly  observed 
by  Professor  Oldenberg,  for  hundreds  of  years  before  Buddha's  time, 
movements  were  in  progress  in  Indian  thought  which  prepared  the 
way  for  Buddhism.  Buddha  was  not  a  social  reformer.  He  did 
not  abolish  caste  and  place  Indian  society  on  a  democratic  basis  as  is 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA   ^ASTRA.  329 

generally  supposed.  He  let  the  state  and  society  remain  what  they 
were.  To  quote  again  Professor  Oldenberg,  the  conception  of  Bud- 
dha as  the  victorious  champion  of  the  lower  classes  against  a 
haughty  aristocracy  of  birth  and  brain  is  historically  untrue. 

It  is  stated  by  some  writers,  who  have  taught  themselves  to  regard 
Brahmanism  as  the  source  of  all  the  evil  we  see  in  India,  that  the 
Brahmans  were  deadly  opposed  to  Buddhism  and  that  it  was  owing 
t9  their  persecution  that  Buddhism  left  India  to  seek  shelter  in  more 
tolerant  lands.  We  quote  another  deep  student  of  the  Buddhistic 
literature  to  show  how  unfounded  this  assertion  is.  Mr.  Rhys  Davids 
in  his  American  Lectures  on  Buddhism  says:  "It  is  very  interesting,  as 
evidence  of  the  wonderful  toleration  which  prevailed  at  that  time  through 
the  valley  of  the  Ganges,  that  a  teacher,  whose  whole  system  was  so 
diametrically  opposed  to  the  dominant  creed  and  logically  so  certain  to 
undermine  the  influence  of  the  Brahmins,  the  parsons  of  that  day,  should 
nevertheless  have  been  allowed  to-carry  on  his  propaganda  so  ceaselessly 
and  so  peacefully  through  a  considerable  period  of  time.  It  is  even  more 
than  that.  Wherever  he  went,  it  was  precisely  the  Brahmins  themselves 
who  often  took  the  most  earnest  interest  in  his  speculations,  though  his 
rejection  of  the  soul  theory  and  of  all  that  it  involved  was  really  incom- 
patible with  the  whole  theology  of  the  Vedas  and  therefore  with  the 
supremacy  of  the  Brahmins.  Many  of  his  chief  disciples,  many  of  the 
most  distinguished  members  of  his  order,  were  Brahmins.  *  *  On  the 
whole  he  was  regarded  by  the  Hindus  of  that  time  as  a  Hindu.  We  hear 
of  no  persecution  during  his  life,  and  of  no  persecution  of  his  followers 
till  many  centuries  afterwards.  And  it  is  a  striking  result  of  the  per- 
manent effect  which  this  spirit  of  toleration  had,  that  we  find  the  great 
Buddhist  Emperor  Asoka,  in  his  famous  edicts  inculcating  reverence 
to  the  Brahmins  and  to  the  teachers  of  rival  sects  as  much  as  to  the 
leaders  of  his  own  persuasion.  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

But  this  is  only  one  proof  out  of  many  of  the  fact  we  should  never 
forget  that  Gautama  was  born  and  brought  up  and  lived  and 
died  a  Hindu.  His  teaching,  far-reaching  and  original  as  it  was,  and 
really  subversive  of  the  religion  of  the  day,  was  Indian  throughout. 
Without  the  intellectual  work  of  his  predecessors  his  own  work,  how- 
ever original,  would  have  been  impossible.  ♦  ♦  ♦  Buddhism  is  essen- 
tially an  Indian  system."^ 

In  fact  the  decline  of  Buddhism  in  India  was  due  to  its  own  inherent 
weaknesses  and  it  was  complete  before  the  time  of  Bhatta  Rumania 
and  ^ankar&chirya  who  are  said  to  have  flourished  at  the  end  of  the 

4  There  was  absolutely  nothing;  new  in  Buddha*s  teachtnir*  His  doctrines  were 
identiail  with  the  corretpondinc  Brahminical  doctrines.  Only  the  fashion  in  which  Buddha 
pnolsMued  and  dtnenunated  his  priadples  was  something  altogether  novel  and  unwonted. 
Weber*8  History  of  Indian  Literature;    Third  Edition,  pp,  agg-aoo. 


330  PARASARIYA   DHARMA   ^ASTRA. 

7th  century  and  about  the  latter  part  of  the  eighth  century  after  Christ 
respectively. 

To  return  to  my  subject  from  this  rather  long  digression,  I  think 
that  the  same  causes  which  in  former  times  led  and  which  at  the  present 
day  lead  to  the  codification  of  laws  among  advanced  nations  were  the 
origin  of  our  Codes  of^Manu,  Y&jnavalkya  and  other  law-givers,  namely, 
the  growth  and  expansion  of  society  and  the  necessity  for  consolida- 
tion. Originally  there  were  no  priests  among  the  Indian  Aryas.  The 
patriarch  or  head  of  the  family  presided  at  and  performed  the  ceremonies 
prescribed  by  the  Veda  ;  but  in  course  of  time  three  causes  brought 
about  a  change  in  their  mode  of  life  and  led  to  the  creation  of  a 
special  class  to  attend  to  the  singing  of  hymns  and  officiate  at  the  per- 
formance of  the  ritual  connected  therewith,  namely,  ist,  the  constant 
struggles  with  the  aborigines  to  establish  Aryan  supremacy  ;  2ndly, 
when  this  had  been  accomplished,  internal  dissensions  or  civil  wars 
sprang  up  among  the  Aryan  tribes,  the  chief  or  king  of  one  tribe 
contending  with  that  of  another  for  superiority  ;  and  3rdly,  the  elabora- 
tion of  the  sacrificial  literature  and  the  establishment  by  the  Kurus, 
the  P&nch^as,  the  Videhas,  Kosalas  and  K^sis,  of  powerful  kingdoms 
in  the  country  between  the  Jamuna  and  the  Ganges  and  the  regions 
to  the  east  of  the  Ganges,  the  effect  of  which  is  summed  up  by  Mr.  R. 
C.  Dutt  in  his  Ancient  India  as  follows  : — **  Manners  changed,  society 
became  more  refined  and  polished^  learning  and  art  made  consider- 
able progress.  Kings  invited  wise  men  in  their  polished  courts,  held 
learned  controversies  with  their  priests,  formed  elaborate  sacrifices 
according  to  the  dictates  of  religion,  led  respectable  and  trained 
armies  to  the  field,  appointed  duly  qualified  men  to  collect  taxes 
and  to  administer  justice  and  performed  all  the  duties  of  civilised 
administrators.  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  The  priests  multiplied  relgious  rites 
and  observances,  preserved  the  traditional  learning  of  the  land  and 
instructed  and  helped  the  people  in  their  religious  duties.*' 

As  a  consequence  of  this  social  and  political  development,  conden- 
sation of  the  large  mass  of  scattered  Vedic  literature  became  necessary 
to  avoid  overburdening  the  memory  and  certain  Rishis  composed 
manuals  giving  a  collective  and  concise  summary  of  the  law  systema- 
tically arranged  under  the  heads  of  ^rauta  (sacrificial),  Grihya 
(domestic)  and  Smirta  or  Dharma  (legal).  These  manuals,  which 
are  called  the  Sutras*  and  which  form  the  third  stage  in  the  sacred 
literature  of  the  Hindus,  led  to  the  formation  of  what  are  called  Sutra 
Charanas  or  Vedic  Schools.  These  schools,  in  their  turn,  produced 
the  different  Smritis  called  after  the  names  of  their  founders. 

^  Sutra,  literally  a  thread,    means   a  short  rule  or   preceptf   an  aphorism   (in  roorab. 
religrion  and  science). 


parAsariya  dharma  i^STRA.  331 

From  very  early  times  India  has  been  a  trading  country.  Besides  a 
large  home  trade,  it  had  an  extensive  commerce  with  foreign  countries 
both  by  land  and  by  sea.  With  the  rise  of  the  Buddhistic  spirit 
India's  intercourse  with  foreign  nations  became  wider,  and  this  circum- 
stance naturally  was  followed  by  a  rise  in  its  trade.  Hence  a  necessity 
must  have  arisen  for  the  codification  of  the  rules  regulating  mercantile 
«sages  and  con  tactual  relations  between  parties  to  commercial  transac- 
tions. It  is,  I  think,  in  this  way,  and  in  this  way  alone,  that  those 
portions  of  the  Code  of  Manu  which  relate  to  civil  jurisprudence  can  be 
explained. 

If  we  find  in  it  a  large  element  of  sacerdotalism  asserting  the  supre- 
macy of  the  Brahmana,  we  also  find  side  by  side  with  it  a  degree  of 
self-denial  imposed  upon  him  which  is  scarcely  equalled  by  any  other 
system  of  priesthood  in  the  world,  ancient  or  modern. 

There  are  other  reasons  also  why  I  cannot  accept  Dr.  Bh&ndarkar's 
view  as  regards  the  date  at  least  of  Manu.  I  think  it  a  farfetched  idea 
to  say  that  the  restrictions  put  by  Manu  upon  the  use  of  meat  as  food 
was  due  to  the  desire  to  effect  a  compromise  between  Brahmanism  and 
Buddhism.^  To  me  it  seems  more  reasonable  to  ascribe  those  restric- 
tions to  a  feeling  that  had  been  slowly  growing  against  the  free  use  of 
flesh  as  an  article  of  food,  particularly  among  the  higher  classes,  and 
that  this  feeling  worked  itself  out  fully  when  the  Buddhistic  school  of 
thought  became  predominant.  I  am  inclined  to  hold  that  even  the 
limited  liberty  which  Manu's  Code  allows  in  favour  of  the  use  of 
animal  food  is  strong  evidence  against  the  theory  that  the  Code  was 
framed  at  a  later  period  than  Buddhism. 

There  is  a  passage  in  the  Manu  Smriti  (X.  43,  44)  which  says  that 
certain  tribes  of  Kshatriyas,  such  as  the  Pundrak^s,  the  Dravid&s,  the 
Yavan&s,  the  &kkSiS  and  the  Pahlavd,s  had  gradually  sunk  to  the  level 
of  ^udr&s  by  reason  of  their  omission,  in  disregard  of  the  Brahmanas, 
to  observe  the  Vedic  rites.  This  passage,  it  is  argued  by  Dr.  Bhan- 
darkar,  falsely  invests  the  tribes  it  refers  to  with  a  Kshatriya  origin 
with  a  view  to  increase  Brahmanic  influence,  and  that  therefore  it 
proves  the  Manu  Smriti  to  belong  to  a  period  when  the  foreign  do- 
mination of  the  Yavan&s,  &c.,  had  come  to  an  end,  and  the  Brahmanas 
had  won  their  victory  completely.  Dr.  Bhandarkar  has  tried  to 
support  his  view  by  passages  quoted  from  a  certain  chapter  of  the 
Anuiisanika  Parva  of  the  Mah&bh&rata  in  which  the  Brahmanas 
are  portrayed  as  mightier  than  gods  and  the  self-same  tribes  as  are 

^  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  doctrine  of   3i|2^|    (non-injury)  is  a   Vedic  doctrine,    and 

it  is  a  question  how  for  Buddha  was  strict  in  the  use  of  meat  as  food.  It  is  said  that 
he  died  of  dysentery  brougrht  on  by  eatini^  pork  Vide  Hopkin  on  Relig^ions  of  India 
Cl9f6),  p.  no. 


232  parAsariya  dharma  ^stra. 

referred  to  in  Manu  are  said  to  have  become  ^udrfts  for  the  self-same 
reason  as  that  given  in  Manu.  Coupling  the  two  together  the  learned 
Doctor  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  particular  chapter  in  the 
Anuiisanika  Parva  and  the  Manu  Smriti  were  written  about  the 
same  time  and  with  the  same  motive,  namely,  to  secure  the  patronage 
of  the  non-Aryan  rulers  for  Brahmanism  by  flattering  them  with  a 
fictitious  nobility  of  origin. 

With  great  deference  to  the  learned  Doctor,  I  say,  I  cannot  agree 
with  him.  I  do  not  think  he  has  succeeded  in  establishing  his 
proposition.     My  reasons  are  briefly  these  :— 

First :— The  learned  Doctor  admits  that  about  the  time  when, 
according  to  him,  the  Manu  Smriti  was  written,  Brahmanism  had 
fully  won  its  victory. 

Secondly  :— The  non-Aryan  tribes,  YavanAs,  ^AkAs,  Pahlav4s,  &c, 
had  esUblished  their  war-like  character  and  capacity  to  rule,  some 
of  them  before  and  others  very  early  after  the  Christian  era.  There- 
fore they  most  have  established  themselves  in  popular  estimattoa  as 
kingly  races  before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  A.  C. 

Thirdly  : — ^The  non-Aryan  conquerors  fought  for  the  overlordshtp  of 
the  country  and  not  for  the  distinction  of  being  known  as  the  descend- 
ants of  the  Kshatriyas  *'  who  had  sprung  from  the  arms  of  Him  the 
most  resplendent  One." 

Fourthly  :—  The  passage  in  question  far  from  being  calculated  to 
humour  the  pride  of  the  non- Aryan  rulers  carries  a  sting  in  it.  What 
is  given  by  its  first  part  is  taken  away  by  the  second.  It  elevates  and 
lowers  them  in  the  same  breath.  Moreover,  how  far  a  fictitious  label 
of  ancient  noble  origin  can  reconcile  one  to  degradation  in  the  present 
and  make  him  a  patron  and  friend  of  his  degraders  is  a  question. 

Fifthly  '• — The  passages  from  the  Anulisanika  Parva  of  the  Mahi- 
bh^ata  such  as  those  which  declare  that  "one  whom  they  (the 
Brahroanas)  praise  prospers,  one  whom  they  reproach,  becooes 
miserable  "  &c.,  &c. ,  have  no  evidentiary  value.  They  are  simplj 
Arthavida— laudatory  expressions.  We  can  point  out  similar  passages 
in  other  parts  of  the  Mahabh^rata.  They  cannot  acquire  a  special 
value  by  reason  of  their  being  found  in  company  with  passages 
describing  Yavan^s,  ^AkAs,  Pahlavas,  Dravid^s  as  Kshatriyas. 
The  whole  fabric  of  Aryan  society  in  India  rightly  or  wrongly  is 
founded  upon  the  superiorty  of  the  Brahmanas  as  counsellors  and 
upon  the  supremacy  of  the  Kshatriyas  as  rulers. 

Sixthly  : — In  the  ^Anti-Parva,  which  immediately  precedes  the 
Anulasanika  Parva,  it  is  stated  that  the  Andhrak&s,  Guhlis,  Pofind^ 


parAsariya  dharma  sAstra.  J33 

^bar^s,  ChuchukHs  and  Madrak^s  in  the  south  and  the  Yavanis, 
Kdmboj&s,  G^ndhlLr&s,  Kirat&s  and  the  Barbaras  in  the  north  are 
degraded  out-caste  tribes,  unfit  to  rule,  i  Is  this  passage  also  an 
interpolation  dengnedly  made  after  the  overthrow  of  Buddhism  and 
the  re-estabHshment  of  Brahmanical  supremacy  ?  Again  in  another 
part  of  the  same  Parva,  Bhish ma,  while  instructing  Yudhishthira  on 
the  duties  of  a  Kshatriya  is  stated  to  have  quoted  a  discourse  between 
the  Kshatriya  king  Mandhlttri  and  Indra.'  In  this  discourse 
M&ndh^tri  asks  the  question  '*  What  duties  should  be  performed  by 
the  Yavan&s,  the  Kidlt^s,  the  Gftndh&rds,  the  Chinas,  the  SabaHls,  the 
Barbaras,  the  S&kis,  the  Tush&ras,  the  Kankas,  the  Pahlav&s.  the 
Andhras,  the  Madrakas,  the  Pundras,  the  Pulindas,  the  Ramathas,  the 
K&mbojas,  the  several  castes  that  have  sprung  up  from  Brahmanasand 
Kshatriyas,  the  Vailyas  and  the  l^udras  that  reside  in  the  domi- 
nions of  (Arya)  kings?  What  are  those  duties  again  to  the  observance 
of  which  kings  like  overselves  should  force  those  tribes  that  subsist 
by  robbery  ? 

Indra  answers  : — All  th^  robber  tribes  should  serve  their  mothers  and 
fathers,  their  preceptors  and  other  seniors  and  recluses  living  in  the 
woods.  All  the  robber  tribes  should  also  serve  their  kings.  The 
duties  and  rites  inculcated  in  the  Vedas  should  also  be  followed  by 
them.  They  should  perform  sacrifices  in  honour  of  the  Pitris,  dig 
wells  (and  dedicate  them  to  universal  service),  give  water  to  thirsty 
travellers,  give  away  beds  and  make  other  seasonable  presents  unto 
Brahmanas.  Abstention  from  injury,  truth,  suppression  of  wrath, 
supporting  Brahmanas  and  kinsmen  by  giving  them  their  dues,  main- 
tenance of  wives  and  children,  purity,  peacefulness,  making  presents 
to  Brahmanas  at  sacrifices  of  every  kind,  are  duties  that  should  be 
practised  by  every  person  of  this  class  who  desires  his  own  prosperity. 
Such  a  person  should  also  perform  all  kinds  of  P&ka-Yajnas  with  costly 
presents  of  food  and  wealth.  These  and  similar  duties,  O  sinless  one, 
were  laid  down  in  olden  days  for  persons  of  this  class.  All  these  acts 
which  have  been  laid  down  for  all  others  should  be  done  by  persons  of 
also  the  robber  class,  O  king! 

Mandhatri  says : — In  the  world  of  men,  such  wicked  men  may  be 
seen  living  in  disguise  among  all  the  four  orders  and  in  all  the  four 
modes  of  life. 

Indra  answers  : — Upon  the  disappearance  of  kingly  duties  and  of 
the  science  of  chastisement,  all  creatures  became  exceedingly  afflicted, 
O  sinless  one,  in  consequences  of  the  tyranny  of  kings." 


Moksha  Dharma,  Ch.  20.  *    Raja  Dharma,  Ch.  65. 


334  parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra. 

What  do  these  passages  show  ?  They  appear  to  me  to  record  a  fact 
of  great  importance  not  only  historically  but  also  sociologically  and 
ethnologically.  They  may,  I  think,  be  taken  as  proving  beyond  all 
doubt  that  the  Vedic  Aryan  society  had  long  before  the  Christian  era 
lost  its  pristine  purity  by  the  admission  into  its  pale,  openly  or  secretly, 
forcibly  or  peacefully,  of  people  of  foreign  and  non-Aryan  war-like 
races  and  that  there  was  no  special  or  new  end  to  be  gained  by  the 
author  of  the  Code  of  Manu  describing  them  as  belonging  to  the 
Kshatriya  caste.* 

Seventhly  : — We  have  evidence  of  a  definite  character  to  place  the 
Institutes  of  Manu  much  earlier  than  the  period  imagined  for  it  by  Dr. 
Bhandarkar.  Patanjali,  who  flourished  in  the  second  century  B.  C, 
in  the  Vyakaranamah&bh&shya  VI,  I,  84,  adduces  Manu  II,  120,  with- 
out any  variant.  Dr.  Biihler  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Manu  Smriti 
has  summed  up  the  whole  of  the  evidence  including  the  passages 
relied  upon  by  Dr.  Bhandarkar  and  has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
remotest  limit  assignable  to  the  Manu  Smriti  is  the  third  century 
B.  C.  and  the  lowest  limit  cannot  be  later  than  the  second  century 
A.  D.  To  me  this  date  seems  to  be  more  acceptable  than  that  fixed 
by  Dr.  Bhandarkar. 

Eighthly : — Assuming  that  the  passage  in  Manu  does  indicate  the 
special  motive  assigned  to  it  by  Dr.  Bhandarkar,  that  circumstance 
alone  cannot  make  the  whole  of  the  Smriti  a  production  of  the 
Ku^an-Gupta  period.  It  is  believed  by  Dr.  Buhler  and  other  Sans- 
krit scholars  that  the  Manu  Smriti  contains  interpolations.  If  this  is 
true,  the  passage  in  question  may  be  one  of  such  interpolations. 
Ninthly  and  lastly  : — The  Manu  Smriti  is  remarkably  free  from  that 
sectarian  spirit  which  taints  a  large  number  of  other  extant  Smritis. 

I  have  in  dealing  with  Dr.  Bhandarkar's  view  as  to  the  date  of  the 
Smritis  confined  my  observations  to  the  Code  of  Manu  as  it  occupies 
the  first  and  foremost  place  in  the  list  of  works  of  that  class. 

MANDLIK  ON  THE  SMRITIS. 

The  late  Rao  Saheb  V.  N.  Mandlik  has,  in  his  work  on  Hindu  Law 
recorded  a  large  amount  of  information  on  the  subject  of  the  Smritis 
and  his  conclusions  may  be  shortly  stated  as  follows  : — 

(i)  There  are  no  guides  to  the  Smritis  like  the  AnukramaniJkas  nor 
Sarvanukramas  of  the  Rigveda,  and  with  the  materials  at   present 

'  The  foUowinir  text  quoted  by  Madhavacharya  from  the  Vana-Panra  alto  points  to  a 
confusioa  ck  the  castes  in  the  Kali  age. 

wm^:  «?ftRT  h^:  ^^:  «J<¥1<H,  i  ^g?^^  5dft»^  ^:m^ 


parAsariya  dharma  SAstra.  335 

available  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  their  extent  or  antiquity  either 
positive  or  relative. 

(2)  The  number  of  Smritis  is  very  great.  Many  have  been  lost. 
Some  exist  as  fragments  ;  others  are  only  known  from  quotations  in 
other  Smritis  or  Digests  of  more  modern  writers.  Their  number 
is  qifTerently  stated  by  different  ancient  writers.  Yajnavalkya  and 
the  Agni- Purina  name  twenty,  Viramitrodaya  names  fifty-seven, 
Paithinasi  thirty-six,  the  Garuda  Pur&na  eighteen,  the  Mahabharata 
about  twenty-five ;  Hem&dri  in  bis  Ddna-Khanda  quotes  texts  of 
fifty-five  Rishis  and  in  his  Vratakhanda  twenty-eight. 

Mftdhav^charya  in  his  commentary  on  Par&sara,  after  alluding  to 
Manu,  cites  a  passage  from  Paithinasi  which  gives  names  of  thirty- 
six  Smritis  and  says  there  are  many* more  among  whom  he  names 
Vatsa  and  ten  others.  The  twelve  Mayukhas  contain  extracts  from 
ninety-seven  different  Smritis.  In  the  Nirnaya  Sindhu,  Kamal^kara 
refers  to  131  Smrits  and  Ananta  Deva  in  the  Samskftra-kaustubha 
quotes  104.  Besides  these  other  Smriti  passages  are  given  but  their 
authors  are  not  named.  ^ 

(3)  There  are  several  works  under  the  name  of  the  same  reputed 
author  with  titles  but  slightly  changed,  ^.^.,  Manu,  Vriddha-Manu, 
Brihan-Manu.  The  words  Brihat  and  Vriddha  are  used  synonymously. 
On  the  question  whether  works  appearing  under  one  name  with 
Vriddha  or  Brihat  sometimes  prefixed  to  it  are  works  of  different 
authors  or  have  any  common  basis,  Mr.  Mandilk  differing  from  Sula- 
pani  and  Mitrami^ra  is  of  opinion  that  such  works  are  productions  of 
different  individuals  and  that  their  being  named  after  the  same  author 
is  due  to  the  one  being  an  expansion  or  an  epitome  of  the  other.  As 
regards  their  date  he  says  there  are  no  data  for  deciding  whether  the 
epitomes  or  the  larger  works  are  of  a  later  date  than  those  whose 
expansions  or  epitomes  they  appear  to  be  ;  but  he  states  that  in 
several  instances  the  larger  works  appear  to  be  the  subsequent  pro- 
ductions. 

(4)  As  regards  the  composition  (contents?)  of  the  Smritis  nothing 
can  be  yet  definitely  pronounced.  Some  take  Smritis  as  ^rutis  pre- 
served by  tradition.     Others  consider  them  as  supplements  to  Sutras. 

^  Their  (of  the  Smritis)  number  is  i^reat ;  the  sages  reputed  to  be  the  authors  beingr 
numerous — according  to  one  list  eighteen  ;  according  to  another  twice  as  many ;  according 
to  a  third  many  more — and  several  works  being  ascribed  to  the  same  author,  his  greater  or 
less  institutes  (Vrihat  or  Laghu)  or  a  later  work  of  the  author  when  old  (Vridba).  (Cole- 
brooke  quoted  by  P,  C.  Tagore  in  Imb  Preface  to  the  VivAda-Chintamani).  See  also 
West  and  BUhler  on  Hindu  Law.  Third  Edition,  pp.  s6 — 27.  where  after  giving  a  list  of 
88  Smritis  the  authors  state:  "  Even  this  list  most  likely  does  not  comprise  all  the  ancient 
works  on  Dharma  and  a  more  protracted  search  for  Mss.,  and  a  more  accurate  investiga* 
tlon  of  the  modern  compilations,  will,  no  doubt,  enlarge  it  considerably. 


336  parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra. 

Others  again  hold  them  to  be  dissertations  or  compilations  of  approved 
usages  and  customs  promulgated  at  different  times  by  or  under  the 
sanction  of  eminent  sages  or  their  followers.  Some  are  evidently 
sectarian  works;  some  are  compilations  from  other  writers  ;  while 
others,  as  they  now  stand,  are  confined  to  particular  subjects  or 
branches  of  particular  subjects. 

(5)  The  Smritis  are  works  explanatory  of  Dharma  as  received  by 
tradition  ;  and  where  the  tradition  has  been  lost  or  has  become 
obsolete,  the  Smriti  becomes  useless. 

(6)  The  rule,  that  in  cases  where  there  is  a  conflict  between  the 
Sruti  and  Smriti  the  former  is  to  be  obeyed,  is  not  always  followed  in 
practice.  In  like  manner,  the  rule,  that  in  a  conflict  between  the 
Smritis  and  the  PurAnas  the  latter  should  give  way,  has  lost  its  force 
and  practically  the  Smritis  have  hardly  much  scope  left 

(7)  The  present  Ach&ra  (practice)  is  more  influenced  by  the  Pur&nas 
than  by  the  Smritis. 

With  reference  to  the  above  account,  it  may  be  remarked  that  the 
Rao  Saheb's  view  that  the  rule  as  regards  the  relative  priority 
between  the  Srutis  and  Smritis  is  not  always  followed  in  practice 
and  that  the  Smritis  have  been  practically  superseded  by  the 
Pur&nas  cannot  be  received  in  its  entirety.  It  is  no  doubt  a  fact 
that  for  a  long  time  past — for  over  a  thousand  years  according  to 
Mr.  R.  Dutt  (Ancient  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  133) — the  PurAnas  have  ex- 
ercised a  large  influence  on  the  religious  life  of  the  Hindus.  But  it 
cannot  be  said  for  this  reason  that  the  authority  of  the  Smritis  has 
disappeared  altogether.  The  Grihya  ceremonies  are  still  performed 
according  to  the  Sutras  and  Smritis.  The  courts  of  law  stiJl  consult 
Manu,  YAjftavalkya,  N&rada,  Brihaspati  and  other  well-known  law- 
givers. On  questions  of  Achara  no  conscious  departure  is  allowed 
from  their  precepts  ;  and,  whatever  authority  the  PurAnas  enjoy  is 
based  upon  the  theory  that  they  follow  the  Sruti  and  Smriti  in  what 
they  lay  down.  It  may  be  further  stated  that  the  critical  spirit  which 
contact  with  western  thought  has  given  rise  to  must  in  the  long  run 
succeed  in  displacing  the  Pur^nas  from  the  high  place  which  they 
have  filled  in  the  sacred  literature  of  the  Hindus  as  authorities  on 
question  of  Dharma. 

THE  AUTHORITATIVENESS  OF  THE  SMRITIS 
AND  THEIR  INTERPRETATION. 

We  have  stated  above  that,  according  to  the  theory  of  the  Indian 
Aryas,  the  Vedas  are  eternal  and  that  they  are  the  foundation  and  root 
of  all  knowledge.  But,  in  the  progress  of  intellect,  a  time  came  when 
new  schools  of  thought  sprang  up  and  boldly  questioned  the  claims 


parAsariya  dharma  §  Astra.  337 

of  the  Vedas  to  divine  revelation.  They  argued  with  great  force  that 
the  Vedas  were  not  eternal,  that  they  were  full  of  contradictions  and 
unintelligible  dicta  and  that  the  system  of  ritual  and  sacrifices  built 
upon  them  was  opposed  to  principles  of  right  reasoning. 

This  revolution  in  thought,  which  seriously  threatened  the  safety  of 
the  conservative  Vedic  school,  led  to  the  formation  of  the  method  of 
exegetics  known  as  the  Mim&msa  of  Jaimini,  which  is  one  of  the 
fourteen  sources  of  knowledge  referred  to  by  Y^jnavalkya.  ^    Vijn&nesh- 
wara  explains   Mim'^msa  to  mean  the  investigation  of  Vedic  texts. 
This  system  was  founded  by  Jaimini  and  it  lays  down  rules  in  the  form 
of  Sutras  or  aphorisms  for  the  interpretation  of  the  texts  of  the  Vedas 
and  Smritis.     It  recognises  only  one  method  of  proof— namely   ^abda 
Prffim&na  (  ^l»<HMI^  ),  word-proof,  t.^.,  the  proof  derived  from  revela- 
tion or  Vedic  precepts,  and  does  not  admit  the  validity  of  the  methods 
of   proof   by    perception,    inference    and    analogy,    on  questions  of 
Dharma. 

After  establishing  as  a  fundamental  proposition  that  the  Vedas  are 
eternal  and  not  of  human  origin,  it  makes  a  classification  of  sentences 
or  texts  into  principal  and  subordinate.     A  principal  text  (  (9l94|<H4i(^ ) 
is  mandatory  in  its  nature  and  prescribes  or  prohibits  any  particular 
act    or    conduct.     Mandatory    texts    are    of   four  kinds ;   ist,    texts 
(  31^^Af^*,  or    ^^MfriPiRr:   )  which  contain  absolute  and  unconditional 
commands  which  are  independent  of  any  other  cause  ;  2ndly,  texts  of 
the  character  of  restrictive    injunctions  (  RH*ifli^:  )  which    merely 
regulate  the  time,  place  and  manner  of  performing  an  act  towards 
which  a  person  may  be  inclined  instinctively  or  of  his  own  accord  ; 
3rdly,  texts  of  the  nature  of  exclusive   specification  (  wR^'^l^f^:  ). 
These  last  are,  as  one  writer  has  described  them,  injunctions  in  form, 
but  prohibitions  in  purport.     As  an  example  of  this  kind  of  texts,  we 
may  mention  the  precept  "  Man  shall  eat  the  flesh  of  the  five  clawed 
animals. "    This  cannot  be  an  apiirvavidhi^  because  men  may  eat  the 
flesh  of  such  animals  of  their  own  accord  without  any  injunction  to 
that  effect.     Nor  is  it  a  Niyatna-  Vidkt,  as  no  time  or  place  or  manner 
is  prescribed.     The  conclusion,   therefore,  is  that  man  shall   not  eat 

the  flesh    of  any  other    clawed  animal  than  the  five  specified     ones. 

Fourthly,  texts  which  repeat  an  injunction  previously  declared  (^TJ^:). 
The  class  of  subordinate  texts  are  called  Artha-v^da,  Stuti-v&da,  or 

Guna-v&da  (  ar^^-,   ^3t^^:,     JPI^J  ).     They  have  not  the  force  of 

law.     They  are  to  be  taken  as  explanatory  statements  confirming  or 

strengthening    the    signification     of    the    principal   propositions    or 

mandatory  texts. 

^  Y^jnavalkya«  I,  3. 


338  parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra. 

The  authority  of  the  Smritis  stands  next  to  that  of  the:^rutis.  The 
theoiy  is  that  every  rule  prescribed  by  a  Smriti  is  drawn  from  a  Vedic 
precept  and  that,  therefore,  a  Smriti  text  which  conflicts  with  a  ^niti 
text  must  be  absolutely  rejected  as  no  authority  whatever. 

This  theory  is  carried  to  such  a  length  that  the  existence  of  a  Vedic 
text  in  support  of  a  Smriti  text  must  be  presumed  even  when  one 
cannot  be  actually  produced.  According  to  this  theory  of  their  origin, 
all  the  Smritis  are  of  equal  antiquity  and  of  equal  authority.  There 
ought  to  be  no  conflict  between  them.  The  fact,  however,  is  that  they 
differ  on  many  points;  and  the  following  principles,  some  of  which 
we  find  laid  down  in  the  Smritis  themselves,  are  to  be  observed  in 
determining  which  of  the  two  conflicting  Smritis  should  be  preferred. 
Y&jnavalkya  declares  that,  where  there  is  a  conflict  between  two 
Smritis  that  which  is  reasonable  according  to  Vyavahdra  shall  be 
preferred.  Mit&kshara  explains  the  word  Vyavah&ra  to  mean 
(|^«i|(|fK:  ),  the  usage  observed  by  the  elders  or  the  wise  from  time 
immemorial. 

The  commentators,  however,  follow  a  different  method  which  is 
called  the  method  of  Ekav&kiyat^  or  Vishaya-Vyavasthi— the  prind- 
ple  of  unanimity  or  the  adjustment  of  contradictory  passages.  This 
method  requires  that  in  interpreting  the  Smritis  you  should  bring  them 
all  into  harmony  as  far  as  possible  and  prevent  a  conflict  arising 
between  them.  It  is  assumed,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Mayne,  that  the 
Smritis  constitute  a  single  body  of  law,  one  part  of  which  supplements 
the  other,  and  every  part  of  which,  if  properly  understood,  is  capable 
of  being  reconciled  with  the  other. 

The  commentators,  accordingly,  try  to  maintain  this  position  by 
assuming  that  texts,  seemingly  in  conflict  with  each  other,  really 
provide  for  different  cases  or  different  sets  of  circumstances  or  for 
different  ^es.  By  way  of  illustration,  we  shall  take  the  case  of  the 
right  of  females  to  take  property  by  succession.  Baudh^yana  denies, 
such  right  to  women  on  the  ground  of  a  Vedic  text ;  while  Yijna- 
valkya  and  others  recognise  the  right  of  the  widow,  the  daughter, 
the  mother  and  grandmother  to  inherit.  The  commentators  explain 
this  conflict  by  supposing  t^iat  the  Vedic  text  quoted  by  Baudh&yana 
•refers  to  women  other  than  those  expressly  mentioned  in  the  YAjna- 
valkya  and  other  Smritis.  To  take  another  instance,  NArada  says  : — 
If,  among  several  brothers,  one  childless  should  die,  the  others  shall 
divide  his  property,  making  a  provision  for  his  women  till  they  die,  in 
case  they  remain  faithful  to  the  bed  of  their  husband.  While,  Y&jna- 
valkya  declares  that  the  faithful  widow,  the  daughter,  the  daughter*:* 
son,  the  parents,  the  brothers,  the  brothers*  sons,   the   Gotrajas,  the 


parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra.  339 

Bandhus,  the  fellow  student,  each,  in  default  of  the  other,  shall  inherit 
the  property  of  a  man  dying  sonless.  The  Mit4kshara  explains  this 
conflict  by  holding  that  the  test  of  Nd,rada  refers  to  the  succession  to 
an  undivided  or  reunited  co-parcener,  and  that  the  text  of  Y&jna- 
valkya  refers  to  succession  to  a  separated  brother.  Again,  Manu 
favours  unequal  division  between  brothers  by  allotting  a  double  share 
to  the  eldest,  while  Y&jnavalkya  enjoins  that  the  division  shall  be 
equal.  This  conflict  is  explained  by  Vijn&nesvara  by  stating  that 
Manu's  text  relates  to  a  different  age.  To  give  a  fourth  instance, 
Manu  prohibits  gambling  and  betting,  while  N&rada  and  Brihaspati 
allow  it.  Mitramtira  in  the  Vlramittrodaya  explains  this  conflict  by 
stating  that  Manu^s  prohibition  relates  to  cases  where  false  dice  are 
used  or  the  permission  of  the  king  has  not  been  obtained. 

The  Mim^msa,  in  the  section  on  the  authority  of  the  Smritis,  lays 
down  two  special  rules  which  are  worth  mentioning.  One  of  these  is  to 
the  effect  that,  where  there  are  two  contradictory  Smriti  texts,  one  of 
which  has  direct  support  from  a  l^ruti  text  and  the  other  lacks  such 
support,  the  former  should  be  followed  and  the  latter  rejected,  the  rule, 
that  from  a  Smriti  text  the  existence  of  a  ^ruti  text  shall  be  inferred, 
being  explained  away  by  the  argument  that  a  ^ruti  text  which  is 
actually  known  to  us  has  priority  over  what  may  have  been  known  to 
another,  but  of  which  we  are  not  cognisant.  ^ 

The  other  rule  is  that,  as  the  Veda  cannot  err,  a  Smriti  text,  which 
can  be  traced  to  an  objectionable  motive  consistently  with  actual 
experience,  has  no  binding  force,  although  there  is  no  contradictory 
Vedic  text  actually  forthcoming.  This  proposition  is  thus  illustrated. 
In  the  Jyotishstoma  sacrifice  it  is  ordained  that  when  the  sacrificial 
animal  is  brought  to  the  altar  an  oblation  called  the  '  Vaisatjana  hatna  ' 
should  be  performed  and  the  animal  let  loose.  On  that  occasion  the 
sacrificer,  his  wife,  sons  and  brothers  are  covered  with  new  clothes,  to 
the  end  of  which  the  handle  of  the  sacrificial  ladle  is  tied  and  the  obla- 
tion performed.  There  is  a  Smriti  text  which  says  that  these  clothes 
of  the  Vaisarjaniya  homa  are  taken  by  the  officiating  priest.  Now, 
this  text  is  not  binding,  although  there  is  no  actual  ^ruti  text  against 
it,  because  it  is  possible  to  infer  an  origin  for  it  in  a  selfish  motive  on 
the  part  of  the  officiating  priest,  as  we  know  by  actual  observation  that 
priests  employed  in  consideration  of  receiving  a  fee  are  avaricious.* 

With  all  the  ingenuity  which  our  authors  and  commentators  have 
exercised  in  establishing  a  harmonious  relation  between  the  different 
^rutis  and  Smritis,  we  can  only  exclaim  in  the  words  of  Yudhiithira  : — 

d*FsMfcl8:  ^^Iftftr^  ^*I^4h  JRTSWm  I 

^  Fnrva  Mimanuai  Ch.  I,  Part  III,  j.  '  Purva  Mimamaai  Ch.  I, Part  III|  4. 


340  parAsariya  oharma  ^Astra. 

Logic  has  not  basis,  the  scriptures 'are  divided  ;  there  is  not  one  seer 
whose  opinion  is  authoritative.  The  truth  about  right  is  hidden  in  a 
cave  ;  the  only  path  is  that  pursued  by  the  Majority.  (MahAbh^rata 
Vana  Parva,  chapter  313,  v.  107.) 

purAnas. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  consider  the  subject  of  Pur&nas  as  proof  on 
questions  of  Dharnia. 

The  word  Purina  signifies  belonging  to  ancient  or  olden  times  as 
opposed  to  Nutana  or  new,  and  the  characteristic  of  a  true  Purftna,  as 
determined  by  authority,  is  that  it  deals  with  five  topics ;  vis,^  the 
creation  of  the  universe,  its  destruction  and  renovation,  the  genealogy 
of  gods  and  patriarchs,  the  reigns  of  the  Manus  and  the  history  of  the 
solar  and  lunar  races. 

The  existing  works  which  bear  the  name  PurAna  are  of  two  classes 
— the  Mukhya  or  the  principal  and  the  Upa  or  secondary.  All  the 
authorities  agree  in  fixing  the  number  of  both  at  eighteen.  There 
are  other  Purinas  besides  ;  but  they  are  not  of  importance  to  us  here. 
A  list  of  all  these  PurAnas,  the  authorship  of  which  is  ascribed  to  the 
sage  Vy^sa,  is  given  in  the  late  Rao  Saheb  V.  N.  Mandlik's  Intro- 
duction to  his  work  on  the  VyavahAra  Mayukha  and  Y&jnavalkya 
Smriti. 

The  Rao  Saheb  says  that  their  extent  and  time  of  composition  are 
uncertain.  He,  however,  gives  them  an  antiquity  and  position  which 
is  neither  supported  by  the  authorities  he  relies  upon  nor  by  the  results 
of  the  investigation  of  Sanskrit  scholars.  The  Rao  Saheb  identifies 
the  eighteen  Pur&nas  with  those  referred  to  in  the  6ruti  and  Smriti 
writings.  He  says  that  they  are  distinctly  alluded  to  in  the  Vedas 
and  Sutras  and  that,  from  the  order  in  which  they  are  directed  to  be 
recited,  they  appear  to  rank  after  histories,  like  the  Mah&bh&rata, 
and  before  the  Kalpa  Sutras.  Against  this  view  attention  has  first 
to  be  drawn  to  the  conviction  entertained  by  the  late  Day&nand 
Saraswati  whose  knowledge  of  the  Sanskrit  sacred  literature  was 
of  a  very  high  order.  He  maintained  that  the  Purllnas  which  are 
referred  to  in  the  Vedic  writings:  and  which  are  entitled  to  recognition 
as  proof  on  questions  of  duty,  are  the  same  as  the  Br^hmanas,  and 
not  the  works  in  Anustubha  ^loka  which  now  pass  under  that  name. 
He  argued,  I  think  rightly,  that  the  words  Itih&sa,  Pur&na,  Kalpa, 
G&th&  and  N^ra^amsi,  as  used  in  the  old  Vedic  writings,  are 
synonymous  and  that  nothing  more  was  meant  by  them  than  the 
Br&hmanas  either  in  their  entirety  or  in  parts.  This  view  is  fully 
supported  by  the  definition  of  Pur&nas  given  by  M&dhav^chftrya  in 
his  commentary  on  Taittiriya  Aranyaka.     Manu  does  not  recognise 


parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra.  341 

the  eighteen  Pur&nas  as  a  source  of  law.  Y&jnavalkya,  having 
included  them  in  the  fourteen  sources  of  knowledge  enumerated  by 
him,  declares  that  the  ^ruti,  Smriti,  the  approved  customs,  what  is 
agreeable  to  one's  conscience  and  a  perfectly  lawful  and  well  consid- 
ered desire  are  the  roots  of  law.  The  latter  text  is  almost  identical  with 
the  text  of  Manu  declaring  the  sources  of  law.  Hence,  on  a  consi- 
deration of  the  two  texts  of  Y4jnavalkya,  it  would  appear  that  the  sage 
intended  to  declare  the  eighteen  Pur^nas  as  a  source  of  knowledge 
only  and  not  of  law.  ^  Further,  Jaimini  makes  no  mention  whatever 
of  the  eighteen  PurlLnas  in  his  system  of  MimlLmsa. 

We  have  next  the  authority  of  Professors  Buhler'  and  Weber  which 
almost  entirely  agrees  with  the  view  propounded  by  Day&nanda 
Saras wati.  Professor  Buhler,  in  his  Introduction  to  Apastamb&'s 
Dharma-Sutras  in  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  Series,  fully  sub- 
scribes to  what  he  calls  the  opinion  held  by  the  most  illustrious 
Sanskritists  that,  in  general,  the  existing  Pur&nas  are  not  identical 
with  the  works  designated  by  that  title  in  Vedic  works.  Professor 
Weber  makes  the  point  clearer.  He  says  (History  of  Indian  Literature, 
Third  Edition,  190): — "Side  by  side  with  the  Itih&sas  we  find  the 
Pur&na  mentioned  in  the  Brahmana  as  the  designation  of  those 
cosmogonic  inquiries  which  occur  there  so  frequently  and  which 
relate  to  the*  agra  '  or  beginning  of  things.  When  in  course  of  time 
distinct  works  bearing  this  name  arose,  the  signification  of  the  term 
was  extended  ;  and  these  works  came  to  comprehend  also  the  history 
of  the  created  world  and  of  the  families  of  its  gods  and  heroes  as  well 
as  the  doctrine  of  its  various  dissolutions  and  renovations  in  accord- 
ance with  the  theory  of  the  mundane  periods  (yug&s).  As  a  rule, 
five  such  topics  are  given  as  forming  their  subject,  whence  the  epithet 
Pancha-lakshana  which  is  cited  in  Amara's  lexicon  as  a  synonym  of 
Pur^a. 

These  works  have  perished  and  those  that  have  come  down  to 
us  in  their  stead  under  the  name  of  Purflnas  are  the  productions 
of  a  later  time,  and  belong  all  of  them  to  the  last  thousand  years  or  so. 
They  are  written  in  the  interests  of  and  for  the  purpose  of  recommend- 
ing the  6ivlr  and  Vishnu  sects  ;  and  not  one  of  them  corresponds 
exactly,  a  few  correspond  slightly,  and  others  do  not  correspond  at  all, 

*■  Yajnavalkya.  I.  3.  ?• 

Professor  Wilson  obs«rven  that  the  Purftnas  are  not  authorities   in  law.    They  may  be 
received  in  explanation  or  illustration,  but  not  in  proof.  H.  H.  Wilson's  Works,  Vol.  V.,  p.  4^ 
«  BUbler's  Manu,  Introduction,   Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  55* 


342  parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra. 

with  the  description  of  the  ancient  PurHnas  preserved  to  us  in  the 
Scholiasts  of  Amara  and  also  here  and  there  in  the  works  them- 
selves.*' 

This  statement  of  Professor  Weber  is  followed  by  a  quotation  from 
Lassen  as  follows  : — "  For  the  old  narratives,  which  are  in  part 
abridged,  in  part  omitted  altogether,  have  been  substituted  theological 
and  philosophical  doctrines,  ritual  and  ascetic  precepts  and  especially 
legends  recommending  a  particular    divinity  or  certain  shrines." 

According  to  the  author  of  "Ancient  India"  the  Purftnas  which 
exist  now  were  composed  in  the  Purlrnik  Period,  which  he  dates  from 
500  A.  D.  to  1194  A.  D.  (Ancient  India,  Vol.  I,  32  ;  Vol.  Ill,  35)  and 
they  have  been  since  altered  and  considerably  enlarged  during  ipany 
centuries  after  the  Mahomedan  conquest  of  India. 

The  most  conclusive  argument  on  the  point,  in  my  opinion,  is  fur- 
nished by  the  Manu  Smriti.  This  work,  which  mentions  the  Purinas 
among  the  sacred  writings  which  an  Aryan  house-holder  should  recite 
in  the  presence  of  his  guests  at  a  sacrifice  in  honour  of  the  manes,  it 
perfectly  free  from  all  sectarian  influence  and  nowhere  teaches  the 
performance  of  other  rites  than  those  prescribed  in  the  Vedic  writings, 
and  nowhere  inculcates  the  exclusive  worship  of  any  of  the  deities  of 
the  Purdnik  sects. 

Further,  Mr.  Mandlik  himself  admits  that  the  Pur&nas  mentioned 
in  the  ^rutis  and  Smritis  rank  before  the  Kalpa  Sutras.  If  that  is  so, 
it  is  clear  that  these  Pur&nas  cannot  be  the  same  as  the  eighteen 
works  which  pass  under  the  name  Purlina. 

There  is  another  most  important  fact  to  be  noticed  in  this  connection 
and  it  is  this : — The  popular  theory  regarding  the  origin  of  the 
eighteen  Pur&nas  is  that  they  were  composed  by  the  sage  Vy&sa 
chiefly  for  the  instruction  of  ^udras  and  women  in  the  Kali  age  to 
whom  the  study  of  the  Vedas  was  forbidden.  The  conclusion,  there- 
fore, is  irresistible  that  the  eighteen  Purinas  are  not  identical  with 
the  PurAnas  mentioned  by  Manu,  Y&jnavalkya  and  other  Rishis. 

The  posteriority  of  the  Purllnas,  as  they  now  stand,  to  the  Smritis  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  first  and  third  books  of  the  Yijnavalkya 
Smriti  haye  been  incorporated  in  the  Garuda-Pur&na  and  the  second 
book  in  the  Agni-Purana.^  The  author  of  the  Bhavishya-Pur^a  has 
largely  drawn  on  the  first  three  chapters  of  the  Maou-Smriti.  • 

Assuming  that  they  have  a  place  as  proof  on  questions  of  duty,  that 
place  it  admittedly  below  that  of  the  Smritis.  In  other  words,  when 
there  is  a  conflict  between  Smriti  and  Purftna  the  former  prevails. 

I,  JoUy't  Tairorc  Law  L«ctur«s  on  Ptrtition  and  A<ioption  Cii^i)  i** 

".  Btthlar't  Manu,  Introduction,  CX  .  Sacred  Booira  of  tiM  Bast,  Vol.  XXV 


parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra.  343 

AchAra  or  usage. 

The  word  Achira  is  derived  from  the  root  char  to  walk,  to  conduct 
oneself,  and  is  used  in  the  general  sense  of  acting.^  Achira, 
Charana,  Charitra  and  Sila  are  convertible  terms.  ^ 

As  regards  the  authority  of  Ach&ra,  we  often  hear  it  urged  by  those 
who  are  disposed  to  maintain  existing  institutions  which  have  no 
sanction  in  the  ^ruti  and  Smriti  that  custom  overrides  the  written  law 

and  they  quote  as  an  authority  the  familiar  maxim  ''  ^llfflslfd^t^l^^  " 
— usage  is  stronger  than  the  S&stra.  I  have  not  found  this  maxim  used 
by  the  authors  of  the  Smritis,Manu,  Y4jnavalkya  and  other  known  law- 
givers in  considering  the  efficacy  of  conduct.  The  maxim,  I  think, 
expresses  in  different  words  the  rule  of  grammar  which  says  that 
^ft^frnTTircfw,  popular  usage  overpowers  etymological  meaning,  and 
has  nothing  to  do  with  custom  as  an  authority  for  a  rule  of  conduct 
not  sanctioned  by  the  ^^stra. 

Jaimini  in  his  Mimdmsa  Sutras  denies  to  local  customs  any 
authority  as  a  source  of  law  independently  of  the  Sruti  and  Smriti. 
He  rejects  the  idea  of  reasonableness  and  adjustment  and  the  only  test 
which  he  prescribes  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  a  particular  act  or  conduct 
is  whether  it  is  justified  by  a  scriptural  statement.  On  this  point  the 
following  observations  of  Sir  Henry  Maine  may  be  appropriately 
quoted. 

**  The  theory  upon  which  these  schools  of  learned  men  (j.^., 
Brahmanas)  worked,  from  the  ancient,  Apastamba  and  Gautama  to 
tiie  late  Manu  and  the  still  later  N^rada,  is  perhaps  still  held  by  some 
persons  of  earnest  religious  convictions,  but  in  time  now  buried  it 
affected  every  walk  of  thought.  The  fundamental  assumption  is« 
that  a  sacred  or  inspired  literature  being  once  believed  to  exist,  all 
knowledge  is  contained  in  it.  The  Hindu  way  of  putting  it  was,  and 
is,  not  simply  that  the  Scripture  is  true,  but  that  everything  which  is 
true  is  contained  in  the  Scripture.  From  very  early  times,  the  Hindu 
doctors  appear  to  have  been  conscious  of  difficulties  in  the  interpreta- 
tion or  application  of  their  theory.  Sometimes  books  of  authority 
contradicted  one  another.  Sometimes  they  failed  to  supply  a 
basis  for  received  doctrines  or  for  immemorial  religious  practice. 
One  of  the  earliest  of  expedients  was  to  suppose  the  loss  of  passages 
in  the  most  ancient  portion  of  the  Scriptures.  '  If  you  ask,'  says 
Apastamba,  'why  the  decision  of  the  Aryas  presupposes  the  existence 
of  a  Vedic  passage,  then  I  answer,  all  precepts  were  originally 
taught  in  the  Brahmanas,   but  these  texts  have  been  lost.     Their 

*  The  word  AcbAra  •  somettmes  used  in   the  narrow  sense  of  observance  of  the  rites  and 
ceremonies  prescribed  by  sacred  texts. 
■  SankarAcbftryas  BhAshya  on  the  Ved&nta  Sutras,  CH.  III.P.I.,  Sutras  9,  lo.  Ii. 


344  parAsariya  dharma  ^astra. 

former  existence  may,  however,  be  inferred  from  usage.  It  is  not, 
however,  permissible  to  infer  the  former  existence  of  a  Vedic  passage 
where  pleasure  is  obtained  by  following  the  custom  ;  he  who  follows 
such  usage  becomes  fit  for  Hell.'  "  ^ 

To  pass  on  to  a  more  detailed  examination  of  the  authorities  on  the 
subject : — 

Ach&ra  is  de6ned  in  the  Institutes  of  Manu  (Ch.  II,  i8)  as  follows  :— > 
''The  custom  handed  down  in  regular  succession  (since  ti.ne  im- 
memorial) among  the  (four  chief)  castes  (Varna)  and  the  mixed 
(races)  of  that  country,  (Brahmh&varta  and  Brahmar^i  Desa)  is  called 
the  conduct  of  virtuous  men.** ' 

This  text  should  be  read  with  the  tenth  verse  of  the  same  chapter 
which  declares : — 

**  But  by  ^ruti  (revelation)  is  meant  the  Veda  and  by  Smriti  (tradi- 
tion) the  Institutes  of  the  sacred  law  ;  those  two  must  not  be  called 
into  question  in  any  matter,  since  from  those  two  the  sacred  law 
shone  forth." 

The  latter  of  the  two  texts  quoted  above  clearly  indicates  that  a 
custom  which  is  opposed  to  ^ruti  and  Smriti  cannot  be  valid.  The 
same  inference  arises  from  Manu,  Chapter  I,  verses  107,  108,  109  and 
110.' 

KuUuka  also  puts  the  same  construction  upon  the  last  mentioned 
text  and  says  that  custom  which  is  opposed  to  Smriti  should  be  re- 
jected. 

In  the  Chapter  (VIII)  on  civil  and  criminal  law,  custom  is  again 
referred  to  by  the  author  of  Manu's  Code  in  verses  41,  42  and  46,  but 
not  as  a  positive  and  recognised  source  of  Dharma,  but  only  as  an 
element  to  be  considered  by  the  king  in  declaring  the  law.  The  com- 
mentators also  interpret  the  words  ''the  laws  of  castes  of  districts, 
of  guilds  and  of  families  "  to  mean  law  not  opposed  to  the  Veda. 

When  we  turn  to  Y&jnavalkya*  the  same  conclusion  is  arrived  at, 
namely,  that  custom,  to  be  valid,  should  not  be  antagonistic  to  6niti 

^  Early  Law  and  Customs,  Ch.  I.  pp.  16-17. 

^  f^  f^^  iM  o  II  ^o  ero  ^. 

=»  MedhAtithi  divides  Smriti  (tradition)  into  written  land  unwritten.  What  is  written  ^oes 
by  the  aame  Smriti  and  what  is  not  written  by  the  name  AchAra.  Both  are  the  remem- 
brances of  the  revealed  law  and,  therefore,  authoritative. 

iprt:  II  tnj  I  «rft  Qivfil^  sr  «ni^.  ch.  i„  343. 


A  ^    . .  _.    .  .  '  A 


PARASARIYA    DHARMA  SASTRA.  345 

and   Smriti.     Likewise,   Gautama,  Vasistha    and  Apastamba  teach 
the  same  doctrine. 

**  The  laws  of  countries,  castes  and  families  which  are  not  opposed 
to  the  (sacred)  records  have  also  authority.     (Gautama  XI,  20.) 

"  Whether  in  matters  connected  with  this  or  the  next  world,  in  both 
cases,  the  Dharmas  inculcated  by  the  ^astras  are  to  be  observed  ; 
where  there  is  an  omission  in  the  ^astras,  their  approved  custom  is 
the  authority.  Manu  has  declared  that  the  (peculiar)  laws  of  countries, 
castes,  and  families  (may  be  followed)  in  the  absence  of  (rules  of)  the 
revealed  texts.     Vasistha,  Ch.  I. 

**  The  authority  for  acts  productive  of  merit  which  form  part  of  the 
customs  of  daily  life  is  the  agreement  of  those  who  know  the  law, 
(and  the  authorities  for  the  latter  are)  the  Vedas  alone.  Apastamba, 
Ch.  I,  P.  I.  K.  I. 

**  As  Smriti  is  not  to  be  accepted  v^hen  it  is  opposed  to  the  Vedas, 
so  custom  is  not  to  be  respected,  when  it  is  at  variance  with  a  Smriti." 
A  Smriti  quoted  in  the  Prayogap&rij&t. 

**  Those   that  wish  to  know  what  Dharmas  are,  for  them  the  Vedas 
are  the  highest  authority,  the  Smriti  the  second  and  what  is  accepted 
by  society^  (or   the   world)   the  third."     (Mahlrbharata,    Anus^sana- 
Parva). 

**  Where  there  are  no  direct  sanctions  or  prohibitions  laid  down  in 
the  Veda  or  Smriti,  the  Dharmas  are  to  be  ascertained  from  an  ob- 
servation of  the  custom  of  the  country  and  of  the  family.'*  (Skanda- 
Pur^na.) 

The  gist  of  the  foregoing  texts  may  be  shortly  stated  thus  in  the 
words  of  Medh&tithi.  Ach^ra  as  used  in  Manu  and  the  other 
Smritis  means  the  practices  followed  as  a  duty  by  Vistas— virtuous 
men  conversant  with  the  Vedas — in  cases  where  there  are  no  ^ruti  or 
Smriti  texts  to  the  contrary. 

^    The  text  Is  t't^FTf  ^  which  is  another  word  for  ^T^T^R- 

The  Roman  law  defined  custom  thus :— "When  certain  persons  have  by  common  con- 
sent purposely  followed  a  certain  rule,  and  hare,  whether  by  acts  or  forbearance8(r(»M«e/>M/# 
affirmativa<,  negativa"),  recog^nised  such  rule  -as  binding  upon  them,  there  arises  from  this 
common  will  so  evidenced  a  law  which  obliges  every  individual  who  can  be  reckoned  as 
one  of  these  persons,  provided  the  custom  be  not  unreasonable  and  prorided  also  it  relates 
to  those  matters  to  which  the  written  law  docs  not  apply  {^consuetude  conHt'iutivd). 
Customs  which  are  opposed  to  written  law  icorrecton'ee  derogaioriae)  are  held  by  Roman 
Jurists  to  be  invalid,  unless  they  have  been  specially  confirmed  by  the  supreme  power  of  the 
State  or  hare  existed  immemorially  ;  and.  it  is  immaterial  whether  they  consist  in  a  mere 
non-observance  of  the  written  law  (desuetude')t  or  in  the  observance  of  new  principles 
opposed  to  such  law  {consitetudines  abrogatorue);  and  it  is  also  immaterial  whether  the 
customs  have  or.  have  not  been  ^confirmed  by  judicial  decision  (Lindley  on  Jurisprudence). 


34^  PARASARIYA    DHARMA   ^ASTRA. 

On  the  other  hand,  A^vallryana,  Baudhiyana,  N^ada,  Brihaspati 
and  K&ty&yana  would  seem  to  place  custom  higher  than  Sastra. 

A^vallryana  in  his  Grihya-Sutras  when  describing  the  marriage 
ritual  says  :^ — 

**  Now  various  indeed  are  the  customs  of  the  (different)  countries 
and  the  customs  of  the  (different)  villages  :  those  one  should  observe 
at  the  wedding. " 

**  What,  however,  is  commonly  accepted   that  we   shall  state." 

This  passage,  I  do  not  think,  can  be  taken  as  recognising  usage 
contray  to  the  ^astras  as  a  source  of  Dharma.  It  has  reference  to  a 
particular  ceremony  and  permits  the  observance  of  practices  of  an 
indifferent  character  prevailing  in  different  localities.  Medhlrtitbi 
in  his  commentary  on  Manu's  Chapter  II,  verse  6,  gives  instances  of 
such  practices  one  of  which  is  the  tying  of  a  yellow  ribbon  round  the 
wrist  as  a  sign  of  auspiciousness  at  marriages. 

As  regards  Baudh&yana^  it  is  enough  to  note  that  in  considering 
the  validity  of  customs  he  begins  by  stating  that  there  is  a  dispute 
regarding  certain  five  practices  in  the  south  and  in  the  north,  and 
concludes  by  admitting  that  his  own  view  that  they  may  be  observed 
by  the  people  of  the  country  where  they  prevail  is  contrary  to  the 
law  laid  down  by  Gautama.' 

The  texts  of  Nllrada,  Brihaspati  and  K&ty^yana  on  the  subject  of 
custom  have  been  considered  by  MIrdhavAchdrya;  in  the  opening 
section  of  his  work  on  Vyavahdra  where  he  discusses  the  character- 
istics of  a  law-suit  as  defined  by  those  sages.  The  texts  that  are 
relevant  here  are  those  which  devide  law-suits  into  four  classes  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  the  procedure  followed  in  determining  the 
question  at  issue.  This  procedure  is  dscribed  as  having  four  feet. 
Thus  Nirada  says  : — 

Professor  Jolly  translates  this  thus  : 

Virtue,  a  judicial  proceeding,  documentary  evidence,  and  an  edict 
from  the  king  are  the  four  feet  of  a  law-suit  Each  following  one  is 
superior  to  the  one  previously  named.  The  word  ^Rt^  is  rendered 
by  the  translator  into  **  documentary  evidence  on  the  authority  of 
Asahiya,  the  commentator  on  N&rada.  But  he  points  out  that  other 
commentators  explain  the  term  Charitra  in   conformity  with   the  text 

^  Adhjraya  I»  Kandika  VII,  Sutras  i  and  t. 

«  Baudhayana.  Prasna  I,  Adhyaya  I,  Kaadika  II,  TexU  1-6. 

*  Gautima  XI.  So. 


PARAsARIYA   DHARBfA  ^ASTRA.  3^7 

of  Brihaspati,  namely  **  Whatever  Is  practised  by  a  man,  proper  or 
improper,    in     accordance    with     local   usage    is    termed    Charltra 
Custom.^" 

Brihaspati  describes  the  four  parts  of  a  law-suit  thus  : — 

%^  Mi^^cfl^^  ^5^  f^'JRr:  ^^:  n 

Translation  :— The  plaint  is  called  the  first  part ;  answer  is  the 
second  part  ;  the  trial  is  the  third  part  ;  and  the  judgment  is  the 
fourth  part. 

Brihaspati  describes  the  fourth  part,  namely  the  judgmnet  as  four- 
fold according  to  the  means  by  which  it  is  arrived  at. 

Translation  : — ^The  judgment  in  a  doubtful  matter  is  declared  to  be 
of  four  sorts,  according  as  it  is  based,  on  moral  law,  or  on  the  issue  of 
the  case  or  on  custom  or  on  an  edict  from  the  king'  (Brihaspati  Ch. 
II,  i8.) 

f^^  ^  5  ^rSTF^T  =^f^  ^^  cRTT  II 

Translation  ; — **When  a  sentence  is  passed  exclusively  according  to 
the  letter  of  the  law,  it  should  be  considered  as  (a  decision  based  on) 
the  issue  of  the  case.     Moral  law  is  overruled  by  it. 

**  When  a  decision  is  passed  in  accordance  with  localicustom,  logic, 
or  the  opinion  of  the  traders  (living  in  that  town)  the  issue  of  the  case 
is  overruled  by  it. 

'*  Where  the  king,  disregarding  established  usage,  passes  sentence 
(according  to  his  own  inclination),  it  is  (called)  an  edict  from  the  king 
and  local  custom  is  overruled  by  it.^'' 

The  texts  quoted  from  K^ty^yana  are : — 

<m^<t  g  %^  «R^rtt  ^  «Hq:  I  r%^  miu|^i<i^  ^  ^8k  i%^:  ii 
^i^M^  ^  «rw  qi^i^  m  I  ^«nHN<"i  f^  ^5f  cr^f^  ii 

^  S.  B.  E.  Vol.  XXXIII.  Ms. 

*  Sacred  Books  of  the  East.  Vol.  XXXIII.  7. 

3  Brihaspati.  Ch  II,  15,26  a?.  S.  B.  E.  Vol.  XXXIII.  pp.  s86, 187. 


348  PARASARIYA   DHARMA   i^lSTRA. 

Freely  translated  these  texts  mean  that,  when  a  judgment  is 
passed  on  the  the  admission  of  the  defendant  who,  in  obedience  to  the 
moral  law,  confesses  his  guilt  or  pays  the  plaintiff  what  is  due  to  him, 
that  judgment  is  judgment  passed  according  to  the  moral  law  ; 
when  in  the  presence  of  both  parties  the  Dharma  ^^tra  is  propoun- 
ded by  competent  and  learned  judges  and  judgment  is  pronounced 
in  accordance  therewith,  that  is  termed  a  judgment  on  the  issue  in 
the  case  ;  whatever  is  practised  by  one  as  obligatory  by  custom, 
whether  the  same  is  sanctioned  by  the  sacred  law  or  not,  that  is  caj- 
led  Charitra,  and  a  judgment  given  in  accordance  therewith  is  termed 
a  judgment  based  on  custom  ;  lastly  that  is  called  a  judgment  by  an 
edict  of  the  king  which  is  passed  in  conformity  with  what  the  king 
declares  to  be  lawful  setting  aside  both  the  Ny^ya  ^&stra  and  usage. 

M&dhlrvachrya  next  quotes  the  text  of  Brihaspati  declaring  that  a 
judgment  passed  according  to  the  letter  of  the  law  overrules  the  moral 
law  ;  that  a  judgment  based  on  usage  overrules  the  written  law  and 
that  a  judgment  by  the  edict  of  the  king  overrules  local  custom . 

NIkrada  and  Brihaspati  further  declare  : — 

**  When  it  is  impossible  to  act  up  to  the  precepts  of  the  sacred  law, 
it  becomes  necessary  to  adopt  a  method  founded  on  reasoning,  because 
evidence  (  *h<^ck:  )  in  a  law-suit  has  priority  over  the  law" 
{i.e,  Dharma^). 

''  Holy  law  has  a  subtile  nature,  and  is  occult  and  difficult  to  under- 
stand. Therefore  |(the  king)  must  try  causes  according  to  the  visible 
path."     (NIrrada,  Ch.  I,  40,  41.) 

**  The  judgment  in  a  doubtful  matter  is  declared  to  be  of  four 
sorts,  according  as  it  is  based  on  moral  law,  or  on  the  issue  of  the 
case  or  on  custom  or  on  an  edict  from  the  king."' 

'*  The  time-honoured  Institutions  of  each  country,  caste  and  family 
should  be  preserved  intact ;  otherwise  the  people  would  rise  in  rebel- 
lion ;  the  subjects  would  become  disaffected  towards  their  rulers  and 
the   army  and  treasure  would  be  destroyed.     (Brihaspati,    Ch.  II, 

18,  28.)» 

The  above  texts  possess  a  peculiar  interest  to  the  jurist  as  showing 
the  stages  through  which  juridical  thought  in  its  growth  passed 
among  the  ancient  law-givers  of  India  in  spite  of  the  theory  of  the 
divine  origin  of  law.     They  not  only  give   a  high   place  to  approved 

^  II 

2  ^3^  <^^iSi^\  =^ft%^ iMi^^r  I  '^rg^srar^sWr^:  ^i%^5J i^ftJi^:  it 


parAsariya  dharma  ^Astra.  349 

usages  introduced  in  supercession  of  Smriti  texts  but  also  clothe  the 
king  with  power  to  modify  both  written  law  and  usage  where  he 
should  consider  it  right  to  do 'so.  As  instances  of  local  usage  contrary 
to  the  texts  of  the  sacred  law, Brihaspati*.  refers  to  certain  practices 
prevailing  in  the  South,  in  the  central  country,  in  the  East,  in  the 
North  and  in  Khasa  and  concludes  by  saying  "thus  has  legal 
procedure    with  its    manifold  ramifications  been  represented  by  the 

sages.*' 

MlrdhavlU;har3»a  also  refers  to  two  customs  among  others,  the  first 
of  which  permits  a  man  in  the  Karnlrtak  to  marry  a  daughter  of  his 
maternal  uncle  or  of  his  paternal  aunt  and  the  second  which  permits 
the  marriage  of  a  girl  after  the  age  of  purbety  in  the  country  of  Kerala. 
He  furtther  states  that  these  local  customs  are  found  embodied 
in  document  and  other  royal  decrees  published  in  the  countries 
concerned. 

Thus  stands  the  state  of  original  authorities  as  to  the  force  of  usage. 
However  great  the  veneration  attached  to  the  names  of  Manu, 
Y&jfiavalkya,  Gautama  and  other  earlier  law-givers  the  broader  views 
of  Nirada,  Brihaspati  and  K^ty&yana  as  to  the  sources  of  law  could 
not  but  impress  their  successors.  It  can  be  safely  presumed  that  the 
boldness  exhibited  by  Vijfi&nesvara,  Jimt^tav&hana,  V^chaspati-Mi^ra, 
Mitra-Mi^ra  and  MIdhav&ch&rya  in  not  strictly  adhering  to  the  theory 
of  the  divine  origin  of  law  was  due  to  the  influence  which  the  Institutes 
of  Ndrada,  Brihaspati  and  K&ty&yana  must  have  exercised  on  the  minds 
of  those  whose  function  it  was  in  later  times  to  propound  the  law  and 
administer  justice. 

The  skill  with  which  Vijfi&nesvara  found  his  way  through  the  meshes 
of  the  divine  origin  theory  and  familiarised  the  Hindu  mind  with  the 
distinction  between  religious  and  secular  law  is  worthy  of  all  praise. 
In  his  commentary  on  the  texts  of  Y&jnavalkya  relating  to  the 
impartibility  of  a  man's  self-acquired  property  Vijn&neshwara  says  in 
the  clearest  terms  that,  the  rules  laid  down  by  YILjnavalkya  on  the 
subject  of  Vyavah&ra  are  based  upon  popular  customs. '  It  was  he  who 
among  the  earlier  commentators  had  the  freedom  of  thought  and 
boldness  of  spirit  to  advocate,  in  matters  of  civil  rights,  adherence  to 
the  principle  ''  practise  not  that  which  though  legal  is  disapproved  by 
public  opinion".  * 

»  Brihaspati.    Ch.  II.  v.  i),  jo,  3,  ij3.    S.  B.  E.  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  aS;. 

The  Panchayat  Courts  which  preceded  the  British  Courts  of  Justice  guided  themselves 
almost  entirely  by  customary  law. 

3    '^     Yajnavalkya^Ch.  I,  V.  ise. 


550  PARASARIYA   DHARMA   ^ASTSA. 

It  is  a  matter  for  regret  that  the  later  commentators  perhaps  with 
one  or  two  exceptions  were  not  men  of  the  same  robustness  of  thought 
as  VijniUieshwara  and  Jimutav&hana  and  the  principle  of  progressive 
interpretation  of  the  laws  introduced  by  the  latter  was  not  carried 
further.  Dev^nanda  Bhatta,  the  writer  of  the  Smriti-Chandrikl,  and 
M&dhav&chftrya,  the  commentator  on  the  Par&iara  Smrid,  who 
respectively  belong  to  the  13th  and  14th  centuries  after  Christ  may  be 
mentioned  among  the  most  celebrated  authors  that  succeeded 
Vijndne^vara  and  Jimutav4hana.  I  suppose  that  both  of  them,  and 
particularly  the  .great  MlidhavlUrh^a,  are  responsible  to  a  large 
extent  for  the  illiberal  spirit  which  at  present  prevails  in  Hindu  society 
and  impedes  its  advance. 

The  Smriti-ChandrildL  has,  according  to  Dr.  Jolly,  a  whole  chapter 
on  De^a-Dharma,  in  which  the  aathor  is  stated  to  have  maintained 
that  those  usages  only  shall  be  recognised  which  are  not  opposed  to 
the  teaching  of  the  Vedas  and  other  authoritative  books.' 

As  regards  M&dhav^chlUya,  he  is  a  puzzle.  He  is  in  places  so 
inconsistent  that  it  is  difficult  to  follow  him.  In  his  Jaiminiya- 
Ny&yam&l^-VistAra  he  does  not  concede  to  Ach^ra  any  authority  apart 
from  the  ^ruti  and  Smrici.  He  there  observes: —  It  cannot  be  argued 
that  as  both  the  Smritis  and  Ach&ra  are  derived  from  the  Veda,  they 
are  therefore  of  equal  authority.  From  the  practice  of  virtuous  men  a 
Smriti  only  may  be  inferred  and  not  a  ^ruti.  Therefore  the  authority 
of  AchlLra  is  remote  by  two  degrees  from  that  of  the  Vedas.'  In  the 
VyavahAra-Kanda,  however,  he  adopts  the  view  of  N&rada,  Brihaspati 
and  K&ty^yana  and  approves  of  usages  clearly  derogatory  of  the 
Smritis. 

In  his  introduction  to  the  commentary  on  Par&iara  Smriti  ho  calls 
himself  the  patron"  of  the  Purllnik  system  and  gives  the  Purftnas  a 
prominence  which  they  previously  did  not  enjoy  and  supports  by  his 
high  authority  the  texts  of  the  Pur&nas  which  say  that  **  the  wise**  have 
abolished  certain  practices  as  unsuitable  to  the  Kali  age.  These 
prohibited  practices  include  sea-voyage,  the  remarriage  of  widows  and 
many  other  useful  customs  sanctioned  by  Manu,  Par&iara  and  other 
law-givers. 

One  would  have  expected  from  a  commentator  of  the  position  and 
learning  of  MftdhavAcharya  some  explanation  as  to  who  the  wise  that 

*  Eh-.  Jolly's  Ta^re  Law  Lectures  on  Partition  and  Adoption  (iRf?),  p.  35. 

•  The  original  it   ^f^JcT  JHOf  FftrTT  ^f^cN?:    which  literaUy  means  the  pmn^ter  of  the 
collection  or  compilation  of  all  the  Pur^as. 


PARASARIYA  9HMmiA  SASTIU.  351 

abDlisked  these  practices  were,  and  why  and  wfaeo  they  abclisfeed  then. 
But  he  is  totally  silent  on  these  points.  What  is  meet  Strang  is  that 
he  has  recognised  Pur&nik  texts  as  authorities  siiperior  te  the  precepts 
of  the  SmritisI 

Before  closing  this  part  of  our  subject,  I  may,  I  think,  draw  a 
comparison  between  the  lines  on  which  the  development  of  }aw  pfx>ceed- 
ed  in  Greece  and  in  Ary&varta.  In  his  Ancient  Law  Sir  Henry  Maine 
makes  mention  of  what  in  Greece  were  called  Then»stes,  the  sentences 
or  orders  of  Zeus  as  having  preceded  the  conception  of  law.  These 
Themistes,  we  may  take,  filled  the  same  place  among  the  Greeks  as  the 
Srutis  did  among  the  Indian  Ary&s.  The  transition  from  the  Themistes 
in  Greece  was,  first,  to  various  established  customs  which  the 
Themistes  were  believed  to  sanctify  and  then  to  written  codes  ;  while 
among  the  Indian  Aryds  the  Smritis  or  the  codes  followed  the  ^rutis 
and  Ach^a  or  custom  followed  the  Smritis,  both  the  Smritis  and 
Ach^a  being  regarded  as  based  on  the  sacred  authority  of  the  ^rutis.  ^ 
Overtopping  all  these  three  sources  of  law,  Snitis,  Smritis  and 
customs,  came  the  edict  of  the  king  of  the  law  prescribed  by  the  supreme 
power  in  the  State.  Thus  although  there  is  a  close  analogy  between 
the  ideas  as  to  the  origin  of  law  in  the  West  and  East  their  pro- 
gpressive  development  in  India  was  checked  by  various  causes  an 
enquiry  into  which  must  be  reserved  for  another  more  appropriate 
occasion. 

THE  PARA^ARA  DHARMA  samhitA. 

Starting  with  a  definition  of  Dharma  I  have  so  far  considered  its 
sources  or  proofs,  their  nature,  origin  and  relative  authoritativeness 
on  questions  of  duty. 

Now  I  pass  on  to  the  main  theme  of  my  discourse— *  the  Institutes  of 
the  great  Rishi — Par^ara.  His  authority  as  a  lawgiver  of  the  Aryas 
is  unquestionable.  He  fills  a  prominent  place  in  the  rank  of  the  well- 
known  sages  of  ancient  times.  He  is  described  in  the  Rigveda  as  the 
son  of  Va^i^ha  and  Sakti.  He  is  the  seer  of  hymns  65-73,  Book  I  of 
tiie  same  Veda.  His  name  occurs  in  the  Gariap&tha  of  Plnini.  He 
is  one  of  the  twenty  Rishis  named  in  the  Y&jAavalkya  Smriti  at 
S^tra-Prayojakas  or  law-givers.  He  figures  prominently  in  the 
Mah&bh&rata,  Vishnu  Pur&na  and  other  sacred  books  of  the  Indian 
Ary&s.    He  is  one  of  the  fifty-three  Rishis  who  formed  part  of  the 

^  The  view  now  generally  received  is  that  the  Smritit  are  a  reeofd  of  uaaces  which 
prevailed  in  different  localities  at  different  periods.  The  late  Sir  Henry  Maine  in  his  Early 
Law  aa4  Custom  says :  **  Indian  law  may^  in  fact,  he  affirmed  to  consist  of  a  very  grreat 
vnmhm  of  IoobI  bodies  of  usagei^and  of  one  set  of  cuttoms  reduced  to  writinffi  pretending' 
to  a*di«iaer  autlMMity  than  the  rest,  exercising  consequently  a  great  inflttenoe  over  them 
andtending,  if  not  checked,  to  absorb  them. 


3S2  pARASARIYA  DHARMA  SASTRA. 

august  assembly  in  which  the  great  Bhishma  instructed  Yudhishthira 
in  the  science  of  Government  (Mah&bh&rata,  Shftnti  Parva,  Ch.  47).  It 
is  under  the  circumstances  needless  to  enlarge  upon  the  authority  of 
Par&^ra  as  a  law-^iver*^ 

The  Par&^ra  Samhita  almost  exclusively  deals  with  two  heads  of 
Dharma,  namely,  Ackdra  (rules  of  conduct)  and  Pr&yaschitta  (pen- 
ances). On  civil  law  (Vyavah&ra)  it  lays  down  only  the  following 
general  rules  for  the  guidance  of  kings  : — 

''  A  king  of  the  Kshatriya  caste  should  arm  himself  and  have  his 
army  ;  should  protect  his  people  ;  should  overcome  the  forces  of  a 
hostile  king  and  rule  the  State  in  the  way  prescribed  by  law. 
(Ch.  I,  V,  61.) 

"  Where  such  members  of  the  regenerate  caste,  as  are  irreligious 
and  illiterate,  subsist  on  alms  begged  from  house  to  house  : — ^That 
village  should  be  punished  by  the  king  ;  for  the  village  is  a  feeder  of 
thieves  alone."    (Ch.  I,  v.  61.) 

"  A  garland  maker  gathers  flowers  only  without  cutting  (the  plants) 
in  the  garden  by  their  roots.  (So  also  the  king  should  raise  taxes.) 
He  should  not  oppress  his  subjects  in  the  manner  in  which  a  charcoal 
maker  uproots  the  trees.'"    (Ch.  I,  v.  63.) 

"  The  penance  (for  a  sin)  should  be  prescribed  (by  a  Parishad) 
with  the  approval  of  the  king  ;  it  should  never  be  prescribed  in- 
dependently of  the  king  ;  but  where  the  penance  is  trifling,  it  may  be 
carried  out  (without  such  approval).     (VIII,  28.) 

"  If  the  king  intends  to  lay  down  the  law,  disregarding  what  the 
Brahmanas  say, — the  sin  is  multiplied  a  hundredfold,  and,  so  in- 
creased, affects  the  king."    (VIII,  29.) 

The  importance  of  the  Par&^ara  Smriti  rests  on  the  ground  that  it 
declares  the  law  for  the  Kali  age.     This  special  authority  of  Par^ara 

^  There  are  two  astronomical  treatises  by  Parl^ra  extant.  **  Par&sara  is  reputed  to  be 
the  oldest  Indian  Astronomer.  •  •  •  The  name  of  ParAiara  as  well  as  that  of  Garga 
belongs  only  to  the  latest  stage  of  Vedic  literature,  to  the  Aranyakas  and  the  Sutras  ;  in  the 
earlier  works  neiJier  of  the  two  names  is  mentioned.  The  family  of  the  Pariiaras  is  rep<*eseat- 
ed  with  particular  A^uency  in  the  later  members  ot  the  Vansas  of  the  Satapatha  Brab- 
mana :  a  Garga  and  a  Parftiara  are  also  named  in  the  Anukramani  as  Rishis  of  several 
hjrmns  of  the  Rik.  and  another  Parftiara  appears  in  Panini  as  author  of  the  Bhik^bu  Sutra. 
s,e,$  a  compendium  for  religious  mendicants.  The  Parftforino-bhikshavah  are  mentioned  in 
the  MahabhAshya  also,  and  besides  a  Kalpa  by  ParAiara.  Weber's  Histoiy  of  Indian 
Literature  (Third  Edition),  pages  t}t  and  14;. 

*  The  edition  published  by  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  in  the  Bibliotbca  Indica  Scries 
contains  the  following  additional  ven|e  :  **  Royalty  dc^pends  not  on  hereditary  right :  nor 
can  it  be  transmitted  by  written  deeds.  It  should  be  enjoyed  after  acquisition  by  meana  of 
the  word;  the  earth  is  enjoyed  by  heroes.'* 


PARASARIYA  DHARMA  SASTRA.  353 

is,  mentioned  in  verse  25,   Chapter  I  of  the  Smrlti  itself.     It  runs  as 
follows  :— 

For  the  Krita  age  are  suited  the  laws  of  Manu ;  for  the  Tret4,  those 
of  Gautama  (are)  prescribed  ;  for  the  Dv&para,  those  by  ^&nkha« 
Likhita ;  for  the  Kali,  those  by  Par&^ra  are  prescribed. 

The  theory  on  which  the  doctrine  that  each  Yuga  has  its  peculiar 
laws  is  explained  as  follows.  The  world  passes  through  four  Yugas 
or  cycles  called  Krita,  Tret&,  Dy&para  and  Kali.  It  has  already 
passed  through  the  first  three  and  it  is  now  passing  through  the 
fourth.  In  the  first  Yuga,  which  is  otherwise  called  the  age  of  truth 
or  Brirhmanas,  Dharma  reigned  supreme  "in  all  its  four  parts '* 
without  any  dimunition;  men  performed  their  duties  faithfully  accord- 
ing to  the  Vedas  and  truth  and  righteousness  throve  in  their  full 
perfection.  As  each  succeeding  Yuga  set  in,  Dharma  diminished  by 
one-fourth  with  a  proportionate  decay  in  truth  and  virtue  until  at  last 
in  the  present  Kali- Yuga  there  is  only  a  fourth  part  oi  Dharma  left  and 
men  have  become  devoid  of  that  strength  of  character  which  is 
required  for  the  faithful  performance  of  their  religious,  moral  and 
wordly  duties  according  to  the  ancient  ^^stras.  In  the  Krita  Yuga 
the  laws  of  Manu  prevailed  ;  but  the  gradual  diminution  in  the 
observance  of  Dharma  having  rendered  a  diminution  in  the  rigour  of 
the  laws  necessary,  Gautama  legislated  for  the  Treti  Yuga,  ^^nkha 
and  Likhita  for  the  Dv&para  and  Par^iara  for  the  Kali.  Accordingly, 
the  laws  of  Gautama  are  supposed  to  be  mild  compared  with  those  of 
Manu,  the  laws  of  S&nkha  and  Likhita  milder  and  those  of  Par^sara 
the  mildest. 

This  topsyturvy  policy  of  legislation  may  provoke  a  smile.  But  we 
should  remember  that  our  ancient  legislators  chiefly  dealt  with 
religion  and  ritual,  a  department  in  which  freedom  of  thought  is 
always  looked  upon  by  the  orthodox  as  a  sign  of  moral  decline  and 
lawlessness  ;  and  I  think  that  in  their  anxiety  to  protect  the  San&tana 
Dharma  our  sages  must  have  adopted  an  elastic  policy  of  adjustment 
that  could  be  followed  without  much  social  friction. 

The  commentators  on  the  Codes  of  Manu,  YAjn^valkya  and  Gau- 
tama not  only  do  not  draw  any  such  distinction  as  that  indicated  by 
the  theory  noticed  above,  but  further  when  we  read  Manu  we  find  that 
he  has  taken  into  consideration  the  state  of  society  in  all  the  four 
Yugas  in  enacting  his  laws  (Manu  I,  8i-86). 

Professor  Max  Miiller  has  characterised  the  theory  as  a  fabricated 
tradition.  This  seems  to  me  too  strong  language  to  apply  to  a  belief 
universally  entertained.     Assuming  that  the   belief  has  not  a  we'l 


3 j4  PAf^ASARIYA  DHARMA    SASTRA. 

deBned  basis  in  practice,  it  has  still  a  merit  of  its  own  which  should 
not  make  us  very  particular  about  its  origin  ;  for  on  a  comparison  of 
the  Par^ra  Smriti  with  those  of  Manu,  Gautama,  Sd.nkha,  Likhita 
and  others  we  do  find  in  Par^iara's  legislation  ideas  of  a  decidedly 
progressive  character  from  a  social  point  of  view.  I  propose  to  briefly 
notice  below  what,  in  my  opinion,  may  be  considered  important 
changes  made  by  Para^ra  in  the  older  law. 

First :— Parlliara  has  largely  pruned  the  Grihya  and  Smirta  ritU|4 
of  a  large  number  of  its  ceremonial  and  sacramental  rites.  This  he 
has  done  in  what  seems  to  me  to  be  a  commendable  manner.  H^ 
has  silently  passed  over  what  are  called  the  A^rama^  Dharmas,  i.e.f 
the  complicated,  cumbrous  and  elaborate  system  of  ritual  and  sacra- 
ments which  fettered  social  life,  insisting  only  upon  what  is  essential 
for  the  preservation  of  the  pure  Vedic  faith.  In  laying  down  the  duties 
peculiar  to  the  twice  born,  he  makes  no  mention  of  the  long  series  of 
samskdras  or  sacraments  prescribed  by  his  predecessors,  although  in 
another  connection,  which  will  be  noticed  hereafter,  he  refers  to  them 
passingly  as  desirable  for  the  fullest  development  of  a  Br&hmana's 
inherent  virtue  (VIII,  19).  The  six  duties  he  prescribes  to  th^ 
Brdhmanas  proceed  upon  a  line  different  from  that  adopted  by  the 
previous  law-givers.     He  lays  them  down  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  A  Brahmana  who  is  given  to  observe  the  six*  duties  of  his  caste 
who  worships  the  deities  and  hospitably  receives  the  guests,  whos^ 
meals  consist  of  what  remains  after  ( daily )  offerings  made  (  on  thf 
fire  ),  has  never  to  suffier  from  misery  or  want.  Ablution  and  prayer, 
inaudible  recitation  (of  sacred  words),  burnt-offerings,  the  worship  of 
gods,  hospitality  to  guest  unexpectedly  come,  and  offerings  made  in 
the  name  of  the  Viivadevas,  these  are  six  duties  to  be  performed 
everyday."    I,  38,  39. 

The  duty  denoted  by  the  word  prayer  points  to  the  G&yatri  hymn 
which  is  regarded  as  the  essence  of  the  Vedas  and  the  initiation  into 

^  MAdhavAchArya  to  his  commentary  has  added  at  the  end  of  chapter  iV  a  dcscrqpticm  t£ 
the  SamskAras  (sacraments)  under  the  heading  of  Airama  Dharmas  stating  that  althou^ 
following  the  method  of  the  other  Smriti^,  it  was  proper  that  Parftsara  should  have 
declared  the  Airama  Dkarmaa  afterhaving  declared  the  Varna  Dharmas^  yet  he  neglected 
them*  as  no  question  had  been  asked  by  VyAsa  regarding  them.  I  think  the  omissaoo 
may  have  been  due  to  one  of  these  two  causes,  nam^,  inty  that  ParAiara  considered  the 
enforcement  of  the  SamakAra  rites  and  of  the  Brahmacharya,  VAnaprasta  aad  SsAyisa 
Aaramas  according  to  the  old  ritual  as  undesirable,  and,  tndly,  that  they  had  already  to 
a  great  extent  gone  out  of  practice  and  ParAaara  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to 
revive  them 

*  According  to  MAdhAvicharya  the  words  **  six  duties**  here  mean  thoae  six  dutiea 
which  Manu  and  other  older  law-givers  assign  to  BrAhmanas,  via,,  teachia|[  and  slwlyim 
the  Veda ;  sacrificing  for  their  own  benefit  and  for  others ;  giving  and  accepting  of  ahns.  I 
do  not  think  this  inlsrpretation  correct  PaiAsara  haa  not  left  the  point  in  doubt  Vm 
eaiipief^tca  the  six  i^>^  in  the  smmfdialdy  Mlpi|«i|g  Ifxt 


PARAdARlYA  bHAftMA    SASTltA.  3}$ 

which  is  a  solutely  necessary  to  invest  a  nlan  with  the  dlafacter  of  k 
Dwija.  * 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  above  enumeration  does  not  include 
teaching  the  Veda,  officiating  at  sacrifices  performed  for  others  and 
accepting  alms.  On  the  exclusion  of  mendicancy  from  the  duties  of  a 
'6r&hmana  Par^ara  is  very  strict  and  emphatic  ;  for  he  declares,  ist, 
that  "  where  such  members  of  the  regenerate  caste  as  are  irreligious 
and  illiterate  subsist  on  alms  begged  from  house  to  house,  that  village 
•hould  be  punished  by  the  king  ;  for  the  village  is  a  feeder  of  thieves 
mlone'*(I,  66);  and,  secoadly,  "with  the  paddy  from  a  field  cultivated 
by  himself  or  acquired  by  his  own  self-exertions  he  (the  Br&hmana) 
-should  ofiFer  the  five  daily  sacrifices  and  others."  (II,  6.). 

With  regard  to  the  study  of  the  Vedas  and  the  student *s  duties 
Farftsara's  rules  are  more  indulgent  than  those  prescribed  by  Manu  and 
odier  law-givers.  Manu  says,  for  example,  that  **  the  vow  of  studyi 
ing  the  three  Vedas  under  a  teacher  must  be  kept  for  thirty-six  yearsi 
or  for  half  that  time  or  for  a  quarter,  or  until  the  student  has  perfectly 
learnt  them.  He  further,  as  a  mitigation  of  the  severity  of  the  above 
mie,  declares  :-^"A  student  who  has  studied  in  due  order  the  three 
Vedas  or  two  ot  even  one  only  without  breaking  the  rules  of  student;r 
ship  shall  enter  the  order  of  house-holders'*.  Par&^ara  does  not  make  a 
studentship  of  this  sort  obligatory  on  the  Ar3ran  youth*  For  the 
ordinary  Br&hmana  a  knowledge  of  the  G&yatri,  the  Sandhya  prayers 
and  the  great  five*  daily  Yajnyas  is  all  that  he  considers  necessary. 

,  In  prescribing  however. the  qualifications  of  Br&hmanas  who  should  be 
appointed  members  of  a  Parishad  Parasara  is  very  strict.  He  declares 
that  they  should  be  men  possessed  of  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
Vedas  and  ^IrStras  (VI.  35.     VIII,  2,  7,  11,  12,  13,  14.) 

In  the  case  of  an  ordinary  Br&hmana,  on  the  other  hand,  he  is  very 
lenient  on  this  point  of  the  study  of  the  Vedic  science.     After  declaring 

^  Chapter  VIII.  },  S4* 

TeachinflT  (and  studyingr)  is  the  8acri6ce  offered  to  Brfthmana,  the  (offering^  of  water  and 
food  called  )  Tarpana,  the  ftacrifice  to  the  manea,  the  li^omt  oblation  the  sacrifice  offered  to 
iiie  rods*  the  BaK  oftleringr  that  offered  to  the  Bhutas,  and  the  hospitable  reception  of 
^uestA  the  offering-  to  men.    Manu  III,  70. 

«rr:  II  ife^  5gtrt|r:  1  ?wt  f^^^iy:  1  t^t  ^^:  I  ^«^^  iw*tir:  I 

Cb.  I,  Text  t3<. 


mcS  PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA. 

in  general  words  that  those  who  do  not  cherish  the  house-hold  fire, 
who  are  devoid  of  the  daily  conjunctional  adorations  and  who  do  not 
study  the  Veda  should  be  regarded  as  6udras,  the  great  Rishi  proceeds 
to  provide  : — 

"  Therefore  for  fear  of  being  turned  into  a  Sudra  every  endeavour 
should  be  made  particularly  by  a  Br&hmana  to  study  at  least  a  portion 
of  the  Veda  (every  day)  in  case  he  is  unable  to  study  the  whole.** 
(XII.  31.  32.). 

The  next  great  reform  introduced  by  Par&iara  is  closely  connected 
with  the  above  in  logical  sequence.  We  may,  I  think,  call  him  the 
apostle  of  Industrialism  among  Brahmanas.  He  seems  to  have  taken 
to  heart  the  moral  and  economical  loss  to  society  arising  from  a  state 
of  things  which  made  the  Br&hmanas  and  Kshatriyas  an  unproductive 
charge  upon  the  common  wealth,  and  encouraged  a  waste  of  resources 
in  the  observance  of  costly  ceremonies  and  sacriBces  not  forming 
an  essential  part  of  the  national  Vedic  faith.  He  accordingly  attached 
greater  importance  to  industrialism  than  to  knowledge  connected 
with  ritualistic  and  sacrificial  observances.  In  the  matter  of  industrial 
pursuits,  he  largely  departed  from  the  line  marked  out  by  Manu 
and  other  Ribhis  and  placed  all  the  four  castes  on  a  footing  of 
equality.  In  Chapter  II,  where  he  treats  of  their  Sddhdta  na 
Dharma^  or  duties  common  to  them  all,  he  lays  down  :— 

(a)  *•  A  Br&hmana  who  regularly  performs  thu  six  ceremonies  may 
also  betake  himself  to  agriculture.'' 

{b)  "A  Kshatriya  likewiso  may  practise  tillage  honouring  the 
gods  and  the  Br^mana  caste.  A  Vaishya  or  Sudra  should  always 
take  to  agriculture,  practise  arts  and  follow  trade"  (II,  1,  12.)^ 

Midbav&ch^rya  interprets  the  first  of  the  above  verses  as  giving  the 
Br&hmanas  liberty  only  to  have  the  work  of  cultivation  done  by 
empoying  men  of  the  lower  caste  and  not  to  personally  engage  in 
ploughing.  This  interpretation,  however,  is  contrary  to  the  intention 
of  the  verse  as  shown  by  the  context.  M&dhavftchftrya's  interpretation 
is  based  upon  the  casual  form  of  the  verb  4i|<qfT  in  the  text.     But  in 

some  copies  the  verb  used  is  ^m^X^  ^  have  in  my  possession  a  copy 

Madhavacharya*8  commentary  on  this  text  runs  as  follows :— 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA*  ^^% 

of  an  edidon  of  the  Par&sara  Smriti  with  a  short  commentary  pub- 
lished  at  Lucknow  in  the  Sam  vat  year  1943-44.    The  verb  used  therein 

^^  «*lH<a^,  and  the  commentator,  whose  name  is  given,  at  the  end 
as  Dharanidhar,  says  that  the  prohibition  against  a  Br&hmana's 
personally  engaging  in  cultivation  of  land  applies  to  the  preceding 
Yugas.^  It  is  noteworthy  that  Pard.sara  praises  the  gift  of  land  to 
Br^manas  as  highly  meritorious  (XII,  49). 

CASTE. 

The  third  improvement  which  Pariiara  directed  his  attention  to 
was  to  raise  the  status  of  the  Sudra.  It  has  already  been  pointed  out 
that,  as  far  as  agriculture  and  trade  were  concerned,  Par&sara  placed 
an  the  four  castes  on  a  footing  of  equality.  As  regards  social  inter- 
course and  intermarriages,  although  his  legislation  is  not  equally 
liberal,  still  he  has  shown  a  strong  inclination  towards  bettering  the 
lot  of  the  Sudras.  In  matters  of  food,  interdining  between  the  three 
higher  castes  was  never  prohibited,  and  Parftsara  also  allows  it. 
XI,  12. 

Manu  prohibited  the  Brd.hmanas  from  eating  cooked  food  given  by 
a  Sudra.  The  only  exception  he  made  was  in  the  case  of  the  BrlLh- 
mana's  labourer  in  tillage,  a  friend  of  his  family,  his  cow-herd,  his 
slave,  and  his  barber.  Food  given  by  these  the  Br&hmana  was  per- 
mitted to  eat     (Manu  IV,  223,  253). 

Pariiara  has  followed  the  same  rule  but  with  a  slight  relaxation 
of  the  restriction  against  the  use  of  cooked  food  given  by  a  ^udra.. 
He  declares  that  "  when  a  ^udra  gives  a  feast,  a  Br^mana  may  eat 
any  food  cooked  in  some  oily  substance,  provided  he  goes  to  the  bank 
of  a  river  to  eat  it.  This  is  certainly  an  improvement ,  The  condi- 
tion as  to  place  is  obviously  immaterial. 

Mr.  Baden-Povvell  in  his  book  on  the  Indian  Village  Community  obaenret  that  both' 
the  BrAhmana  and  Kshatriya  castes  from  the  first  had  the  least  possible  connection  with 
agriculture  except  as  oyer  lords  of  the  soil  and  receivers  of  shares  in  the  produce.  As  the 
result  of  his  investigation  he  further  sUtes :  *'  It  may  be  safely  asserted  that  all  the  upper 
^ftr^^  of  Aryan  origin  had  little  feeling  for  agriculture  and  that  India  does  not  owe  to 
them  either  the  introduction  of  settled  cultivation  or  (directly)  any  particular  policy  or 
principle  of  land«ownership."    This  conclusion  is  far  from  correct. 

*>  Manu— By  practising  handicrafts,  by  pecuniary  transactions,  by  begetting  children  on 
Sudra  females  only,  by  (trading  in)  cows,  horses  and  carriages,  by  (the  pursuit  of)  agricul- 
ture and  by  taking  service  under  a  king  families  sink  low.  Ill,  64.  But  a  BrAhmana  or  a 
Kshatriya  Uving  by  a  Vaisya's  mode  of  subsistence  shall  carefully  avoid  (the  pursuit  oQ 
agriculture  which  causes  injury  to  many  beings  and  depends  on  others.  Some  dec  are  that 
agriculture  is  something  excellent,  but  that  means  of  subsistence  is  blamed  by  the  virtuous  ; 
for  the  w<Hxlen  implement  with  iron  point  iojures  the  earth  and  the  beings  living  in  the  earth. 

X,  8J,  84. 

Gautama— Agriculture  and  trade  are  also  lawful  for  a  BrAhmana,  prpvided  he  does  not 
do  the  work  himselt    Likewise,  lending  money  at  interest.   X,  (,    6. 


S|9  PAXMMOUVA  t^WOiMK  SASttftA. 

Afi  /ifuUcalMc:  a  desire  on  Par&sara's  part  to  raise  the  position  of 
tha  Madras  aad  drawing  the  social  relations  between  them  and  tlie 
liigher^castes  closer^  attention  may  be  drawn  to  the  following  rules  :<— 

''If  a  Siidra  be  addicted  to  flesh— meat,  spirituous  drinks  and 
constantly  engaged  in  low  occupations,  he,  like  the  member  of  a  Sva- 
baka  caste^  .^hould  be  ishunned  by  a  Brd.hmana  from  afar. 

"A  Br&hmana  should  never  shun  such  ^udras  as  are  employed  in 
the  service  of  regenerate  men,  abstinent  of  spirit  and  flesh-meat  and 
duly  employed  in  their  own  occupation."  XI,  14,  15. 
'^^  The  prohibition  against  a  Sudra  pursuing  degrading  occupations, 
su6h  as  selling  Wine  and  flesh-meat  and  using  such  things  as  drink 
and  food,  can  have  no  other  object  than  that  of  enforcing  purity  of 
conduct  on  thdir  part  as  a  means  of  raising  them  in  the  social  scale. 

THE  POSITION  OF  WOMAN. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  Par&lara  made  any  material  change  in  the 
old  law  respecting  ttie  position'  of  woman.  Two  questions  have  for 
some  years  past  occupied  the  minds  of  Hindu  social  reformers  con- 
'(^rhing  women  i  ist,  the  hmrriAgeable  age  of  girls  ;  andly,  the  re- 
marriage of  widows/.'  On  the  first,  Par&^ra*s  legtslation  is  as  strict 
as  that  of  his  predecessors.  He  fixes  the  age  of  12  years  for  a  girl  ais 
the  farthest  limit  for  marriage,  arid  enforces  this  limit  strictly.  (VII, 
41,  5,  6,  7.)  Manu,  after  declaring  that  *'  Reprehensible  is  the  father 
who  gives  riot  his  daughter  in  marriage  at  the  proper  time,"  says  **  that 
a  man  aged  thirty  y^ttxk  shall  marry  a  maiden  of  twelve,  who  please 
kirn,  or  a  man  of  twenty-four  a  girl  of  eight  years  of  age  ;  if  tbe 
performance -of  hrs  duties  would  otherwise  be  impeded,  he  must  maity 
sooner."  Thb  words  '•  proper  time  "  in  the  former  text  are  intiferprcft- 
ed  by  Kulluka  to  mean  "  before  the  girl  attains  the  age  of '^ubetty** 
^ccordfng  to  Gautama  (XVI J  I,  21),  and  as  regards  the  latter  text 
the  same  commentator  says  that  the  verse  is  not  intended  to  lay  down 
a  hard  and  fast  rule,  but  merely  to  give  instances  of  suitable  ages, 
^owever  that  may  be,  there  are  other  texts  in  Manu  which  show  that 
he  did.  not  consider  that  the  marriage  of  a  girl  performed  after  the 
age  of  puberty  would  be  invldid  (Manu  IX,  S9,  90,  91).  From  this 
point  of  view  ParAsara*s  rules  would  seem  to  be  unduly  harsh. 

In  the  Sutta-Nipatai  t|ierf  is  a  discourse  between  a  BrAhmana  called  Kastbharadr^ 

apd  Gautama,  from  whidi  it. appears  that  Brlhmanas  practised  agriculture  before  the  ttiae 

;ofO|Mitama.    Gautama  golngrto  Kaaibharadri^  is  addressed  thus  :—*%  O,  Samana, 

.  both  plou^  and  sow,  aod  havings  ploughed  and  sown,  I  eat ;   thou  also,  O,  Samana. 

.pbouldst  plouffk  and  sow« .  and  bl^vingr  plou^rhed  and  sown  thou  shouldst  eat."    S.  B.  B. 

Vot  X.  Sutta— Nipata,  p.  it.     Professor  Hopkins  of  the  Yale  University  in  his  wi^rk  oa 

'India  0\4  and  New  '*  has  flriven  a  brief,  but  very  instructive,  sketch  of  the  Aryan  literatufe 

'on  the  subject  of  agriculture  in  the  chapter  on  Land  Tenure  in  India.    He  has  shown  bow 

mbtaken  Mr.  Baden-Powell  was  in  bis  view  referrM  to  above. 


PARASARIVA   DtiAftlitA  ^A^HtA.  J59 

On  the  second  question  Paryara  has  shown  a  greater  sense  of  jus- 
tice. He  declares  "  When  a  woman's  husband  is  missing  or  is  dead, 
or  has  renounced  the  world,  or  is  impotent  or  has  been  degraded  by 
sin — on  any  of  these  five  calamities  befalling  a  woman,,  law  has 
ordained  another  husband  for  her.''  This  text  has  enabled  the  Hindu 
social  reformers  of  the  present  day  to  wage  a  war  against  the  tyrannous 
custom  of  debarring  widows  among  the  higher  castes  from  marrying 
again.  How  the  custom  of  the  Hindu  widows  in  the  Dvija  communi- 
ties remaining  unmarried  came  into  existence  it  is'notdiffibult  to  under- 
stand. What  is  most  extraordinary  is  that,  i^i  the  face  of  the  aboVe 
#u]e  declared  by  Pard^ara  in  the  clearest  words  possible,  tests  are  found 
in  the  Purlinas  and  such  other  modem  religious  books  declaring  that 
k  second  marriage  is  not  permitted  to  even  virgin  tfFidows.  Our  surprise 
becomes  greater  when  we  remember  that,  the  law  declared  by  Par&^ara 
Was  not  new.  N&rada  had  declared  it  before  htm  in  exactly  the  same 
words  on  the  highest  authority,  namely,  Manu,  the  fir6t  aiid  greatest 
)aw-giver  of  tlie  Aryfls.  * 

]  In  this  connection  the  provisions  contained  in  verses  20,  21  and  22, 
Chapter  IV,  are  of  some  importance.  They  strengthen  by  inference 
the  legal  status  of  sons  begotten  on  a  widow  by  marris^e.  These 
provisions  mention  expressly  the  Kunda,  Golaka,  Aur^sa,  Kshetraja, 
^nd  Kritrima  sons.  With  what  particular  intention  they  are  men- 
tioned iti  is  difficult  to,  understand.  The  subject  of  sons  is  generally 
fonsidered  by  other  law-givers  in  the  Chapters  on  inheritance  and 
iSraddha. 

1  Neither  of  these  topics  is  dealt  with  by  ParA^ara  in  the  Chapter 
where  the  verses  under  notice  occur.  They,  however,  form  part  of  a 
group  of  texts  which  deal  with  the  duties  of  married  woman  towards 
her  husband  ;  and  from  this  an  inference  may  arise  that  Par&^ra  in- 
tended to  point  out  that  adultery  in  a  married  woman  or  widov/  leads 
to  the  introduction  into  the  bosom  of  her  husband's  family  children 
born  of  a  stranger.      Another  view  that  suggests  itself  is  that  Par|l- 

j  ^  As  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  remarrtagre  of  widows*  it  is  proper  that  I  should  refer 
to  the  conttnentary  of  AsahAya  on  the  following^  text  of  N&rada.  **  When  it  is  impossible  to 
abt  up  to  the  precepts  of  sacred^  law*  it  becomes  necessary  to  adopt  a  method  foun<!ed  <>k 
reasoning  because  custom  decides  everythini^  and  overrules  the  sacred  law."  C^Arada,  Cfa*  I, 
49.)  Dr.  Jolly  saysi  "  According  to  AsahAya  this  verse  inculcates  the  superiority  of  custom 
to  written  law.  Thus  both  the  practice  of  raising  off-spring  to  a  deceased  or  disabled  brother* 
aftd  tfte  ^marriage  of  v^idows  are  specially  sstnctton^  in  the  sacred  law  bobks.  Yet  these  two 
cuttditit  are  opposed  to  established  practice  Therefore  subtle  ratidfcination  is  ttquinA, 
4iahjya  Quotes  a  verse,  to  the  effect  ihat  the  immemorial  usages  of  every  province  wbicjli 
hftve  been  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation  can  never  be  overruled  by  a  ruleot 
thesacreiUw.''    (S.  B.' S.  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  ij.y  *'      *      '  '  '^ 

'With  reference  to  this  view  of  AsahAya,  it  is  enougn  to  jkate  that  it  cannof  have'  any  force 
in  the  face  of  the  text  of  ParA^ara  which  expressly  declares  tM  law  for  th«  Kail  Mge,  ^-  ' 


I 


360  PARASARIYA  DHARICA  SASTRA. 

^ra  intended  to  give  the  Kunda,  Golaka,  Kshetraja,  Datta,  Kritrima 
and  others  the  same  legal  status  in  the  Kali  age  as  in  the  preceding 
Yugas.  This  latter  view  seems  to  us  to  be  the  more  correct  view  to 
take  of  Parisara's  intention.  M^dhav&ch&rya  in  his  commentary 
says  that  the  mention  of  the  six  kinds  of  sons  should  be  taken  in  a 
general  sense  so  as  to  include  the  twelve  kinds  of  sons  spoken  of  by 
Manu,  Y^jnavalkya,  Nftrada,  Gautama  and  other  Rishis.  None 
of  these  sons  except  the  Aurasa  and  adopted  are  now  recognised. 

As  Par^ara  is  the  law-giver  for  the  present    Kali  age,  the  denial 
to  the  sons  other  than  the  aumsa  and  dattaka    their  former  status 
would  seem  to  be   illegal.     But  M&dhavich&rya  in  his  Vyavahftra 
K&nda,  after  fully  describing  the  substitute  sons  and  the  way  in  which 
they  take  the  heritage  according  to  Manu,  Y&jnavalkya,  Hftrita  and 
other  Rishis,  says  : — "  The  texts  which  go  to  prove  that  the  other 
substitute  sons  besides  the  datta  share  in   the  inheritance,   refer  to 
some  other  age  of  the  world  ;  because  it  is  prohibited  in  another 
Smriti^  to  receive  them  as  sons  in  the  Kali  age  : — ^The  receiving  of 
others  than  the  datta  and  aurasa  as  sons,  the  begetting  of  offspring 
by  a  brother-in-law  and  retiring  to  the  forest,  all  these  practices,  the 
wise  have  said,  should  be  avoided  in  the  Kali  age.*'    The  prohibitory 
texts  quoted  by   Midhav&chirya  are  to    be  found  in  the  Institutes  of 
Brihaspati  and  Aditya  Pur&na.     In  treating  them  as  authority  he 
forgets   that  Par&^ra's  legislation    was  specially    intended   for  the 
Kali  age  and   that  it  could  not  be    superseded  by  even  other  Smritis 
and  much    less    by  Pur&nic    texts.     His    treatment  of   this  point 
cannot  be  accepted   as  satisfactory,   because  in  another  part  of  the 
same  work  he  makes  express  provision  for  the  shares  to  be  allotted 
to  sons  of  a  man  of  a  superior  caste  by  a  wife  of  an  inferior  caste  in 
disregard  of  the  prohibition  contained  in  the  Aditya  Pur&na    against 
such  intermarriages. 

PENANCES. 
The  penances  prescribed  by  Parftiara  for  sins  are  doubtless  of  a  leni* 
ent  character  compared  with  those  which  the  older  law-givers  pre* 
scribed,  for  instance,  the  penance  for  killing  a  cow  prescribed  by  Manu 
requires  the  killer  to  perform  certain  acts  of  a  painful  nature  for  a 
period  extending  over  three  months.  During  the  first  month  h© 
shall  drink  a  decoction  of  barley-grains,  shave  all  his  hair  and  cover* 
ing  himself  with  the  hide  (  of  the  slain  cow  )  he  must  live  in  a  cow 
house.  During  the  two  following  months  he  shall  eat  a  snudl 
quantity  of  food  without  any  factitious  salt  at  every  fourth— meal 
time  and  shall  bathe  in  the  urine  of  cows,  keeping  the  organs  under 
control.     During  the   day  he  shall    follow  the  cows  and  standing 

»  BrOuMpati  XXIV,  V..  I*.i4 


PARASARIYA  DHARMA  SASTRA.  361 

upright  inhale  the  dust  raised  hy  their  hoofs  ;  at  night  after  serving 
and  worshipping  them  he  shall  remain  in  the  posture  called  Vir&sana. 
He  must  stand  when  they  stand,  follow  them  when  they  walk  and 
seat  himself  when  they  lie  down.  When  a  cow  is  sick  oris  threat-^ 
ened  by  danger  from  thieves,  tigers  and  the  like,  or  falls  or  sticks. 
in  a  morass,  he  must  relieve  her  by  all  possible  means.  In  heat,  in, 
rain,  in  cold  or  when  the  wind  blows  violently,  he  must  not  seek  to 
shelter  himself  without  first  sheltering  the  cows  according  to  his 
ability.  He  should  not  say  a  word  if  a  cow  eats  anything  in  his  own 
or  another's  house  or  field  or  on  the  threshing  floor,  or  if  a  calf 
drinks  milk.  After  he  has  fully  performed  this  penance  he  must  give 
to  the  (Brahmahnas)  learned  in  the  Veda  ten  cows  and  a  bull,  or  if  he 
does  not  possess  so  much  property  he  must  offer  to  them  all  he  has.^ 

While  such  is  the  severity  of  the  penance  prescribed  by  Manu, 
Par&^ara's  rule  requires  simply  the  performance  of  what  is  called 
Prijftpatya  which  is  divided  into  four  grades  of  varying  severity 
according  to  the  degree  of  the  gravity  of  the  offence. 

The  observance  of  the  whole  penance  extends  over  only  four  days. 
For  the  first  day  the  sinner  should  take  only  a  single  meal  ;  for  the 
next  day  he  should  eat  at  night ;  for  the  third  day  he  should  eat  what 
unasked  is  given  to  him,  and  on  the  fourth  day  he  should  live  on  air. 
Such  is  the  nature  of  the  Pr&j&patya  of  the  first  grade. 

The  next  three  grades  are  of  the  same  nature  with  this  difference, 
that  one  day  is  added  in  each  to  the  respective  parts  of  the  obsepi 
vanc3.  Thus  in  the  second  grade  the  sinner  should  for  two  days  have 
only  single  meal  a  day  and  so  on.  When  the  penance  is  finished, 
Bralimanas  should  be  given  a  feast  and  a  dakshina  and  they  should, 
inaudibly  recite  the  purificatory  sacred  hymns. 

The  purification  prescribed  by  Manu  for  the  slayer  of  a  Brahman 
requires  that  the  sinner  shall  make  a  hut  in  the  forest  and  dwell  in  it 
during  twelve  years  subsisting  on  alms  and  making  the  skull  of  a 
dead  man  his  flag.  There  are  also  other  alternatives  prescribed  of  a 
more  or  less  severity.  Lastly  Manu  declares:  "  This  expiation  has 
been  prescribed  for  unintentionally  killing  a  Br4hmana;  but  for 
intentionally  slaying  a  Br&hmana  no  atonement  is  ordained.'* 

On  the  other  hand  the  penance  prescribed  by  Par&jara  for  killing 
a  Brihmana  intentionally  or  unintentionally  is  a  visit  to  the  bridge  on 
the  sea  near  Cape  Comorin,  and  bathing  in  that  sea.  PadUara 
prescribes  the  mode  in  which  the  sinner  should  perform  his  journey. 

He  must  live  by  begging  from  the  four  castes,  must  not  use  an 
umbrella  nor  wear  shoes.    He  is  to  proclaim  himself  thus  : — '*  I  am 

^  Manu  XI  109-117  Manu  XI,  73-87,  90 

ParftMira  VIII,  J6.42. 


^±  PAftASAftlVA  0ltARlftA  ^AdtRA. 

a  sitlit^  1 1  haVe  committed  a  heinbus  sin  ;  I  have  killed  a  Bf&hmana. 
I  am  standing  flt  the  door  of  the  house,  with  the  expectation  tf 
getting  some  alms.  He  should  likewise  dwell  in  the  midst  ofcoWs 
within  villages  Or  cities,  or  in  places  of  hermitage  oi"  of  pilgrimage  ; 
or  near  the  Sources  of  rivers."  The  above  penance  is  prescribed 
expressly  for  a  resident  in  the  north  of  the  Vindhyd  motmtain.  As 
Regards  sinners  residing  in  the  south  the  Smriti  is  silent.  An  inference 
may  be  drawn  that  they  should  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Ganges. 

r 

On  the  question  of  voyages  by  t^ea  Par^^ara  is  silent.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  he  did  not  intend  to  prohibit  them  seeing  that  he  allows  a 
BrAhmana  to  follow  the  occupation  of  a  Vaiiya  which  includes  the 
carrying  of  merchandise  by  sea.  There  is  no  express  prohibition  in 
Manu  against  sea  voyages.  On  the  other  hand  we  find  him  making 
the  following  rules  regarding  freight. 

**  Whatever  rate  men  fix  who  are  expert  in  sea  voyages  and  able  to 
calculate  the  profit  according  to  the  place,  the  time  and  the  objects 
(  carried  ),  that  has  legal  force  in  such  cases  with  respect  to  the  pay- 
ment to  fee  riiade." 

"for  a  long  passage  the  boat  hire  must  be  proportioned  to  the 
places '  and  times  ;  know  that  this  rule  refers  to  passages  along  the 
batiks  of  rivers  ;  at  sea  there  is  no  settled  frieght."  (Manu  )C,  157,406.) 

That  Br^hmanas  also  travelled  by  sea  in  the  time  of  Manu  appears 
from  the  fact  thkt  trade  was  permitted  even  by  Manu  to  a  Brahmana 
who  was  not  able  to  gain  his  livelihood  by  the  occupations  declared 
la^wful  to  him '  and  from  the  list  given  in  the  Code  mentioning  the 
sorts  of  Bi'^hmanas  who  'were,  from  the  ritualistic  point  of  view, 
unfit  to  take  a  place  in  the  same  line  with  the  strict  Vaidiks  invited  on 
the  occasion  of  the  ^radha  ceremonies.  This  list  excludes  BrMimanas 
^ho  travel  by  sea.  There  are  texts  in  the  Smritis  of  BoudhAyana  and 
Marichi  which  do  not  permit  a  Brdhmana  to  travel  by  sea.  But 
when  these  texts  and  the  texts  in  Manu  are  read  together,  as  Ihey 
^ould  be,  the  conclusion  is  that  the  prohibition  applies  only  to  Vaidik 
^iest  and  those  Br^hmanas  who  keep  the  Agnihotra.  As  regards 
the  PUrlLilas  the  prohibition  against  a  Brdhmana  travelling  by  sea 
appears  in  the  list  of  acts  forbidden  by  them  in  the  Kali  Yuga,  thereby 
implying  the  existence  of  sea  faring  Br&hmanas  in  the  previous 
yugas.  We  need  not  dwell  here  on  the  value  of  such  a  prohibition  B.fi 
f  rule  of  law.  I  have  already  shown  that  the  Pur&nas  are  no  proof 
on  law. 

In  the  matter  of  drink  ajid  food  ParMara  is  strict.  In  prohihiting 
the  use_.of  spirituous  liquors  he  has  re-enacted  the  rule  of  Manu 
almost  verbatim.  As  regards  the  use  of  animal  food  he  goes  much 
beyond  Manu  and  Gautama  and  prohibits  the  use  of  it  completely* 


PARAS4R1Y4  DHARMA  SASTRA.  363. 

Such  is  a  general  description  of  the  character  of  the  laws  of  ParHiara. 
Upon  the  whole  there  is  n6  doubt  that  he  has  shown  hjfni^^f  to  b« 
moTQ  practical  than  the  law-givers  who  preceded  him  as  al^o  thos^ 
who  came  after  him.  Without  openly  dissenting  from  the  older 
Smritis  he  has  followed  the  principle  laid  down  by  Manu  that  each 
age  has  its  own  peculiar  duties  and  laws. 

One  more  point  requires  notice  as  having  an  intimate  bearing  on 
the  authority  of  Par&lara. 

Certain  duties  and  actions  which  ParHrara  has  sanctioned 
expressly  or  by  implication  are  forbidden  in  the  Kali  a^e  by 
other  Smritis  and  Pur&nas.  This  conflict  is  explained  by  Mlldhavft« 
chftrya  on  the  principle  of  impracticability  and  practicability.  He 
presumes  that  the  general  prohibitions  in  other  Smritis  in 
regard  to  certain  duties  and  actions  are  founded  on  considerations 
of  impracticability.  Parlrara's  rules  to  the  contrary  should  be  taken 
as  exceptions  governing  cases  where  conditions  of  imprac-^ 
ticabtlity  do  not  exist.  He  further  observes  that  Parlrara  has  special 
priority  over  other  law-givers  in  the  K^li  age  and  the  prohibitory 
injunctions  found  in  other  Smritis  have  no  force  in  cases  in  which 
PaHliara's  ordinances  must  be  accepted  as  absolute,  e,g,^  agriculture 
and  such  other  matters.  It  should  however  be  generally  remarked* 
that  Mftdhav&ch^rya's  commentary  does  not  fully  enter  into  the  spirit 
of  Par&sara*s  laws.  It  assumes  that  on  points  which  are  not  noticed 
by  Pardiara,  the  old  law  remains  unaffected,  an  assumption  which  is  not 
justified  by  the  statement  of  the  objects  and  reasons  stated  in  the 
preamble  to  the  Samhitft. 

Before  concluding  our  remarks  we  would  refer  to  text  37,  Chapter 
II,  in  which  ParAxara  declares  : — 

.  *'  A  blameless  life  that  fosters  righteousness  is  what  is  proper  for 
all*  the  four  castes.  Righteousness  turns  its  back  to  those  whose 
bpdiea  are  defiled  by  a  blameable  life." 

I  take  these  words  to  signify  what  Buddha  meant  when  he  declared, 
*'  Not  by  birth  is  one  a  Br^man,  nor  is  one  by  birth  no  Brahman  ; 
1^  work  (Kirmanft)  one  is  a  Br&hman  by  work  one  is  no  Brahman" 
(Mah&^vagga  Vasettha  Sutta,  57). 

There  is  another  work  bearing  the  name  of  Par&iara.  It  is  called 
the  Brihat-Par^sariya  Dharma  Sastram  or  the  Great  Dharmalastra 
of  Parftsarai  and  appears  to  be  a  later  expansion  of  Pas^sara  Sam- 
hhA  got  up  for  sectarian  purposes.  It  does  not  seem  to  have  rbeen 
regarded  as  an  authoritative  work  bacautesboth  Midhav&chirya  and 


364  PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA. 

a  later  commentator  by  name  Nanda  Pandita  chose  Par^Liara  Sam« 
hita  to  write  a  commentary  upon.  I  may  mention  here  as  throwing 
some  light  upon  the  character  of  works  like  the  Brihat-ParAsariya 
Dharma-Sastram  the  fact  discovered  by  the  late  Dr.  Burnell  that 
there  is  another  work  called  the  Uttara-bh^ga  of  the  Parisara  Smriti 
which  inculcates  the  worship  of  Rama  in  twelve  chapters. 

THE  AGE  OF  PARA^ARA. 

We  have  now  to  fix  the  date  of  the  Par&iara  Smriti.  This  is 
not  an  easy  question.  Professor  Oldenberg  has  well  said  "  People  in 
India  have  never  had  any  organ  for  the  when  of  things."  It  is  not 
possible  to  determine  the  exact  period  when  the  Par&iara  Smriti  was 
composed.  The  form^  in  which  we  find  the  work  indicates  an  author 
other  than  the  Rishi  whose  name  it  bears.  This  suggestion  receives 
some  support  from  the  view  taken  by  the  late  Rao  Saheb  V.  N.  Mand- 
Hk  in  his  work  on  Hindu  Law  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Y&jnavalkya 

Smriti.     He  says  in  a  footnote  to  texts  4  and  5,   Chapter  I,  thereof : 

"  The  word  in  the  original  is  [  sr^TnRJT-  J  PrayojakAh    which  some 

lexicographers  would    render  by    law-givers But    PrayojakA 

signifies  the  causer  or  propounder,   the  person  who  causes    another 
agent  to  act.     <>        o        ♦    And  it  seems  that  it  would  be  better  to 
consider  Manu  and  the  rest  rather  as  the  causers  than  as   the  actual 
writers  of  the  Smritis   which   bear   their    names.     For,  to   begin 
with  the   list  :    Manu  himself  is   the    Prayojakd  or  the    causer,   and 
Bhrigu,  the  author  of  the  Smriti  which  bears   Manu's  name.     Each 
chapter  of  Manu  ends  thus  i-^rpf^  >I%I[TT*  ^H^t^FFlt  ^ftcfFff  aTJ^T^nq: 
which   means   "(Here  ends)  a  certain  Adhyaya   ( chapter )^of  the 
Samhita  (text)    composed     by    Bhrigu  in     the     Dharmasastra    of 
Manu."    In  the  case  of  the  Pardsara  Smriti  also,    Suvrata  is  the 
author,    and    Par&iara    is  evidently  the    sage    at    whose   command 
the    work    was    composed    thus  c-^f^-J^;    ^r^    wIT^  ftPrt^Rll^  I 
TOmt^^rt-^IT*    ?m^    PfTMl    The    meaning    is :— The    sage  Suv- 
rata composed  the  Dharmasdstra  in  3,300  verses  as  propounded  by 
ParAiara.    *'  In   the  case  of    Yajnavalkya  Smriti   also.  Yftjnavalkya 
cannot  be  the  author    of  the  Smriti ;    for,  the  writer  begins  U  by 
invoking  Yijnavalkya  (see  Sloka  ist),  and  in    the  above  enume- 
ration  again,  the  fourth  law-giver  is  stated  to  be  Yajnavalkya.    The 
author  of  the  Mit^kshara  again  in  his  comments  puts  him  at  the  top 
of  Sanaka  and  other  Yogis  of  the  Krita  age.     He  therefore  places  him 
far  into  a  remote  antiquity.     It  seems  therefore  that  the  Smriti  is  the 
collection  ofthe  precepts  of  Yajnavalkya  by  a  follower  of/ his  school 

^  Vide  Cb.  I,  v».  10,  34  ;    Ch;.  VI,  v.  i. 


PARASARIYA  DHARICA  SASTRA.  365 

This  conclusion  is  also  suggested  by  Mitramiira  in  his  work  entitled 
Vtramitrodaya.  Vijn^nesvara  in  his  commentary  on  the  first  verse 
says :— qrir^?^  f^:  ^jftctH^rm^  *<l«^t4HH"ft«i  >l%?nw  IRFft^  ^^jqi- 
mB  ^m  HiHl-^  ^:  l  which  means  "some  disciple  of  Ydjnavalkya  com- 
posed (the  present  treatise)  by  condensing  the  jurisprudence  propound- 
ed (to  him)  by  Y&jnavalkya  in  the  form  of  question  and  answer." 

Against  the  Rao  Saheb*s  view  we  have  to  notice  two  facts  ;  ist,  that 
the  name  Suvrata  appears  in  the  colophon  of  the  Brihat-Parilariya 
Dharmaiistra,  and  not  in  the  Par&iara  Samhit&;  secondly,  Mftdhav&- 
ch&rya  the  commentator  of  our  Par&^ara  Samhitd,,  far  from  supporting 
the  view  of  Mr.  Mandlik  gives  a  directly  contrary  opinion.  He,  in 
his  commentary  on  verse  19,  Chapter  I,  pointedly  raises  the  question 
as  to  who  is  the  author  of  the  Sloka  and  explains  that  ParlUara  him- 
self is  the  author  of  it,  and  by  way  of  proof  relies  upon  what  he  calls 
the  universal  acceptance  of  Slokas  in  the  Mahibh&rata  and  other 
works  giving  an  account  of  Vy&sa  as  the  composition  of  Vyftsa 
himself.  Assuming,  however,  that  Mr.  Mandlik's  view  is  more 
reasonable,  our  difficulty  is  not  lessened,  for  who  Suvrata  was,  where 
and  when  he  lived,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Brihat  PaxtisLriya,  Dliar- 
mai^tra  to  show. 

The  Hindus  claim  on  the  one  hand  a  great  antiquity  for  their  sacred 
literature,  an  antiquity  sometimes  measured  by  millions  of  years  ; 
while  on  the  other,  modern  scholarship  proceeding  on  Western  scien- 
tific lines  uses  a  freedom  of  speculation  which  assigns  a  period  to  the 
most  ancient  of 'the  Vedic  scriptures  not  earlier  than  perhaps  three 
thousand  years.  In  fixing  the  date  of  the  several  well  known  Smritis 
such  as  Manu,  Western  scholars  apply  generally  the  following  tests.  ^ 

(i)  Preponderance  or  the  entire  absence  of  one  or  other  of  the  three 
constituent  elements  which  make  up  the  substance  of  Indian  law. 

(2)  The  style  of  the  language  used. 

(3)  Whether  the  work  mentions  Greek  Astrology  and  Greek 
coinage. 

(4)  Whether  the  Smriti  contains  any  very  archaic  doctrines. 

(5)  Whether  it  contains  indications  of  a  sectarian  origin. 

The  first  three  tests  cannot  help  us,  because  the  Par&sara  Samhiti 
does  not  claim  the  same  remote  antiquity  as  Manu,  Gautama,  &c. 

^  Weber's  History  of  Indian  Literature,  Third  Edition,  pagre  tSo. 


3^  PARA^ARiVA  DKARBfA^  $A«T«A. 

The  SfPiiti  i^elf  declares  that  its  ordinances  are  for  the  Kali  age  and 
many  of  its  texts  appear  to  have  been  borrowed  from  Manu  and  other 
old  works  word  for  word.  None  of  the  other  Smritis  except  one 
bearing  the  name  of  Vriddha  Gautama,  a  sectarian  treatise,  refers  to 
the  Par&sara  Smriti. 

Applying  the  last  two  tests  I  am  inclined  to  hold  that  the  Parftsara 
Smriti  should  be  assigned  to  a  period  earlier  than  the  Pur&nik  age,  the 
beginning  of  which  is  placed  subsequent  to  the  fifth  century  of  the 
Christian  era.  We  find  that  the  ParHsara  Smriti  recognises  the 
twelve  kinds  of  sons  including  the  Kshetraja  and  this  recognition  is 
virtually  tantamount  to  sanctioning  the  archaic  doctrine  of  Niyoga^ 
Similarly  we  do  not  find  in  it  any  indications  of  a  sectarian  origin. 

Medhitithi,  the  commentator  of  Manu  who  is  supposed  to  belong 
to  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  quotes  the  Parisara  Smriti.^  This 
circumstance  may  be  taken  as  a  proof  of  its  comparatively  early 
age.  I  think  it  probable  that  the  work  was  written  at  a  time  when 
the  Indian  mind  was  passing  through  a  struggle  between  what  may 
be  called  the  Vedic  orthodoxy  and  the  Buddhistic  dissent.  The 
whole  scheme  of  the  work  seems  to  me  to  be  an  attempt  made  under 
Buddhistic  influences  to  restore  the  Vedic  creed  purged  of  its  extra- 
vagances and  demoralising  practices. 

Now  arises  the  question  how  are  we  to  i^concile  the  belief  that 
ParMara  was  the  last  of  the  law-givers  with  the  fact  that  his  name  is 
mentioned  in  the  Smriti  of  Ydjnyavalkya  and  other  more  ancieot 
works  as  one  of  the  Aryan  law-givers.  This  question  can  be  an- 
swered only  by  supposing  that  an  earlier  work  of  the  real  Parisara 
existed  and  that  on  its  lines  the  present  one  was  composed  in  a 
later  age  by  •  one  of  his  descendants  or  followers.  The  family  of 
Par&sara  figures  with  a  certain  degree  of  prominence  in  Buddhistic 
literature.  Mr,  Rhys  Davids  in  his  Buddhist  India  says  that  in  the 
Majjhima  (  3.  298  )  the  opinions  of  a  certain  Parisariya,  a  Brdhmsna 
teacher,  are  discussed  by  the  Buddha,  and  that  a  school  of  Parisa- 
raiyas  is  mentioned  by  Panini  and  referred  to  in  an  inscription  men- 
tioned Cby  Cunningham.  ^  Mr.  R.  C  Dutt  in  bis  Gviliaatioa  of 
India  (  Ch.  V.,  p.  63  )  refers  to  a  work  called  ParAsara  Tantra  which 
professes  to  contain  Par&sara's  teachings  and  which  belongs  to  the 
Buddhist  age. 

^  Dr.  Bubler**  Code  of  Manu  (  8.  B.  B.  MricsX  Introductioii,  p.  t2t. 
•  Buddhist  India  by  Rhys  OkniMi,  Gk  UL»  p^  144 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA    SASTRA.  367 

mAdhavAchArya. 

M^dhav^chlU'ya  was  descended  from  a  family  of  Telugu  Sm&rtba 
Br&hmans,  who  belonged  to  the  BhILradv&ja  Gotra  and  who  were 
followers  of  the  Baudh&yana  Sutra  of  the  Taittiriya  ^4khA  of  the 
Yajurveda.  He  was  born  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century  A.  C.  The  name  of  his  father  was  M&yana  and  of  his  mother 
^rimati.  He  had  two  younger  brothers  named  respectively  Sdyana 
and  Bhogan&tha.  He  acquired  his  learning  and  wisdom  from  three 
teachers,  namely  Sarvajnya  Vishnu^  Vidy^tirtha  and  Bhdratitirtha 
otherwise  known  as  ^ankardnanda.  He  was  the  chief  minister  of 
Bukka  Raya  I  ^  and  Harihara  Raya  II  who  ruled  at  Vijayanagara 
from  about  1343^  to  1399  or  1401  A.  C.  He  was  a  patron  of  learned 
men.  He  wrote  many  works  himself  and  encouraged  authorship  in 
others.  About  the  close  of  his  long  '  life  he  became  a  Sany^si  and 
was  raised  to  the  exalted  position  of  the  head  of  the  Math  at  Sringiri, 
one  of  the  four  *  institutions  established  by  the  great  ^ankarach&rya 
to  look  after  the  religious,  moral  and  spiritual  interests  of  the  Indian 
Aryans.    This  is  all   that  can  be  accepted  as  fully  trustworthy    in 

^  The  gfeoeologry  of  the  first  Vgayanag^ara  Dynasty  as  given  in  the  Epigraphia  Indica 
Ciii,  p.  J6  ):— 

Sangama 

! 

I  i  i  I  I 

Harihara  I  Kampa  Bukka  I  Marappa  Muddappa 

or  Hariyappa  |  | 

Sangama         Harihara  II 

I ' i 

Bukka  II  Deva  Raya  I 

I. 
Vira  Vijaya 


I 
Deva  Raya  II  Pratap  Deva  Raya 


»  I 

Mallikarjuna  Virupaksha  I. 


R^jasekhara        Virupaksha  II. 
A  Forgotten  Empire  (Vijayanagara) by  R.  Sewell,  M.CJS.  (Retired),  p.  24. 

*  lb.  pp.  27)  St.    A  History  of  the  Deccan  by  J.  D.  B.  Gribble,  Vol.  I,  p.  64. 

*  MAdhavAchArya  is  said  to  have  died  at  the  ripe  age  of  ninety.    [  The  Principles  of 
Hindu  Law  by  N.  R*    Narsimmiah  and  P.  Sama  Rao  (  19C0 )  Introduction,  p.  40,  ] 

*  BadrinAth   in  the  North  ;  Sringiri  in  the  South  ;  DvArkd  in  the  West  and  Jagannath  in 
the  East. 

j6 


368  PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA. 

the  accounts  which  history  and  tradition  have  handed  down  concern- 
ing the  life  of  M&dhav^h^rya.  ^ 

There  are  several  stories  of  a  more  or  less  legendary  character 
current  regarding  the  rise  of  the  knigdom  of  Vijayanagara.*  They 
all  ascribe  the  selection  of  the  site  and  the  construction  of  the  citv  to 
the  inspiration  of  a  hermit  called  Vidy&rannya  who,  it  is  said,  was  no 
other  than  the  celebrated  M&dhav&ch&rya,  the  prime  minister  of  Bukka 
Raya  I. 

Colonel    Mark   Wilks  has  described  the  origin  of  Vijaya  la^ara 
thus  : — 

"Two  illustrious  fugitives,  Bukka  and  Akka  Hurryhur,  Officers  of  the 
Treasury  of  the  dethroned  king  at  Warankul,  warned  by  oae  of  those 
sacred  visions  which  precedes,  or  is  feigned  to  precede,  the  establish- 
ment of  every  Hindu  empire,  formed  the  project  of  a  new  government, 
to   be  fixed  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Toomboddra,  a  southern  branch 

^  In  the    Introduction    to  hU   commentary   on   the  ParAsara  Smritt.  BfAdharj^hlrya 
describes  himself  as  follows  :— 

rqwfirm  fk^^xm  ft^qr  ^p^^rf^:  ^^:  11  ^i^Mi^<R>dr  ^w.-gr- 
ftRH  f%?[^rag^c9>55T  I  ^4-iiiHmRHil^«fifcit4fii*i  ^^kit  m^n^  11 

^R^  ^iRsft  ^m  g<ifSrjfrm:ftcn  1  ^i^uiI^I^hwih  *<H)^Q[^it^<i  ii 

*  The  site  of   the  ancient  capital  of  the  Vijayana^ara  kings  is  at  present  known  as 
Hampi  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tungabhadra  river,  $6  miles  north-west  of  Bellari  in   the 
Presidency  of  Madras.    The  vast  ruins  of  fortifications,  palaces,  tenples,  tank«  and  bridgt** 
cover  nine  square  miles  including  Anegundi,  the  later  seat  of  the  dynasty. 


PARASARIYA    DHARMA  SASTRA.  369 

of  the  Kistna,  under  the  spiritual  and  temporal  guidence  of  the  sage 
Videyarannea.  This  capital,  named  Videyanaggur^  in  compliment  to 
their  minister  and  preceptor,  was  commenced  in  1336,  and  finished  in 
1343.     Akka  Hurryhur  reigned  until  1350  and  Bukka  until  1378  ^." 

A  variant  of  this  story  given  in  a  chronicle  written  by  a  Portuguese 
merchant  or  traveller  who  visited  Vijayanagar  between  the  years 
A.  D.  1535  and  1537  is  as  follows : — 

"The  King  going  one  day  a-hunting  as  was  often  his  wont,  to  a 
mountain  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  of  Nugumdym*,  where  now 
is  the  dty  of    Bisnaga' — which  at  that  time  was   a  desert  place    in 
which  much  hunting  took  place,  and  which  the  king  had    reserved  for 
his  own  amusement, — being     in   it   with  his  dogs  and  appurtenances 
of  the  chase,  a  hare  rose  up  before  him,  which,  instead  of  fleeing 
from  the  dogs,  ran  towards  them  and  bit  them  all,  so  that  none  of 
them  dared  go  near  it  for  the  harm  that  it  did  them.     And  seeing 
this,  the  King  astonished  at  so  feeble  a  thing  biting  dogs  which  had 
already  caught  for  him  a  tiger  and  a  lion,  judged  it  to  be  not  really  a 
hare  but  (more  likely)  some  prodigy  ;  and  he  at  once  turned  back  to 
the  city  of  Nagumdym.      And  arriving  at  the  river,  he  met  a  hermit, 
who  was  walking  along  the  bank,  a  man  holy  among  them,  to  whom 
he  told  what  had  happened  concerning  the  hare.      And  the  hermit, 
wondering  at  it,  said  to  the  King    that,  he  should  turn  back  with  him 
and  shew  him  the  place,  where  so  marvellous  a  thing  had  happened  ; 
and  being  there,  the  hermit  said  that  the  King  ought  in  that  place  to 
erect  houses  in  which  he  could  dwell,  and  build  a  city,  for  the  prodigy 
meant    that  this  would  be  the  strongest  city  in  the  world  and  that 
it  would  never  be  captured  by    his  enemies,  and  would  be  the  chief 
city  in  the  kingdom.      And  so  the  King  did  and  on   that  very  day 
began  work  on  his    houses  and   he  enclosed  the  city  round  about ; 
and  that  done  he  left  Nagundym  and  soon  filled  the  new  city  with 
people.     And  he  gave  it  the  name  Vidyajuna^  for  so  the  hermit  called 
himself  who  had  hidden  him  construct  it ;  but  in  course  of  time  this 
oajne  has  become  corrupted  and  it  is  now  called  Bisnaga.      And 
after  that  hermit  was  dead  the  king  raised  a  very  grand  temple  in 
honour  of  him  and  gave  much  revenue  to  it.t" 

As  far  as  the  connection  of  a  hermit  with  the  origin  of  the  city  of 
Vijayanagar  is  concerned,  the  above  tradition  is  very  probably  found- 
ed on  fact ;   but  the  statement  that  that  hermit  was  M&dhava-Vidya- 

^  Wilks*  History  of  Mysore,  Vol  I.  p.  8. 
'  Anegrundt. 

*  V^ayanag^ar. 

*  A  Forgotten  Empire  (Vijayanagara)  by  R.  Scwell,  Madras  Civil  Service  iRetired)^ 


370  PARASARIYA    DHARMA  S ASTRA. 

rannya  cannot  be  correct.  Madhav^cb&rya  acquired  the  title  ot 
Vidy&rannya^  after  he  retired  from  worldly  affairs  and  became  a 
Sanyasi,  This  event  took  place  after  the  year  1391  A.C.,  as  will 
be  shown  hereafter,  while  Vijayanagar  was  built  fifty-five  years 
earlier,  s.^.,  in  1336  when  M&dhav&ch4rya  was  probably  still  occupied 
with  his  researches  into  the  ancient  Aryan  philosophical  systems.  It 
appears  to  me  that  the  hermit,  from  whose  inspiration  the  city  and 
the  empire  of  Vijayanagar  sprang  up,  was  Vidyitirtha  Muni  who  is 
invoked  in  the  works  written  by  M&dhav&ch&rya  during  the  period 
when  he  was  minister,  as  the  incarnation  of  Maheshwara  and  as  the 
saint  who  favoured  and  inspired  the  great  Bukka  Raya  and  made  his 
throne  firm  and  his  wisdom  effulgent. ' 

This  Vidydtirtha  was  then,  or  subsequently  became,  the  head  of 
the  Matha  at  ^ringiri.  His  name  appears  in  the  list^  of  Swamis  of 
that  monastery  immediately  above  that  of  M^dhav^ch&rya  described 
under  his  later  name  Vidyllranya. 

Vidy&tirtha  and  Vidy^ranya  were  related  as  master  and  disciple. 
Both  were  friends  and  counsellors  of  Harrihara  and  Bukka  and  their 
names  were  almost  indistinguishable.  It  is,  therefore,  quite  conceiv- 
able that  the  memory  of  Vidy^tirtha,  with  the  lapse  of  time,  was 
lost  in  the  towering  personality  of  Mddhava-Vidvdranya,  and  the 
latter  came  to  be  associated  with  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom 
of  Vijayanagar  from  its  beginning. 

According  to  tradition  the  bond  which  united  M&dhav&ch^rya  with 
Bukka  R&yd.  was  hereditary.  Popular  belief  attributes  the  elevation 
of  the  family  from  which  the  first  dynasty  of  the  kings  of  Vijayanagar 
were    descended    to  the  exertions    and    guidance  of  the    father  of 

^  Vtdyarannya  literally  means   "  the  forest   of  learning^." 

<nil  I  d^l^'l^l9*i[3^l^^l'^  ^^^''UH^IMf^:  II  ft^JIcfl'S^PiW^lc^^AcHI- 

JIT^^c^gim^  I  ^•l||^W^j^<^(i>^dM4  ^l4^^^1d^  II  Jaiminiya  Nyft- 
yam&li-Vist^a. 

Introduction  to  the  Commentaries  on  the  Vedas. 

'  This  list  is  to  be  found  in  a  sketch  of  the  life  of  Vidyftranya  Swamt  written  by  Pandit 
Pitambarji  and  embodied  in  the  ntroduction  to  his  edition  of  the  Panchadasi  with  a  transla* 
tion  into  Hindustani  published  by  Mr.  Sharif  Sale-Mahammad  of  Bombay, 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA   SASTRA.  371 

Mddhav&ch&rya.  1  How  far  this  belief  is  founded  in  fact  it  is  not 
possible  to  determine.  There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt  that  a  close 
and  real  friendship  existed  between  the  two  families.  S&yan&char3ra 
also  filled  at  one  time  the  position  of  minister  at  Vijayanagar.* 

It  appears  that  the  brothers  Harryhara  I  and  Bukka  I  were  Officers 
of  the  Treasury  of  the  King  of  Telingana  whose  capital  was  at 
Varangal  which  was  destroyed  by  the  Mahomedans  in  the  year 
1323  A.C.  On  the  destruction  of  Varangal  the  two  brothers  joined 
by  the  father  of  MMhavdch&rya  proceeded  to  Anagundi  and  took 
service  under  the  petty  Raja  of  that  place  where  circumstances  favour- 
ing them,  they  rose  in  a  few  years  to  the  position  of  the  ruling 
chiefs.'  This  was  an  anxious  and  trying  period  to  the  people  of 
Southern  India.  The  condition  of  affairs  is  thus  depicted  by  Mr. 
Sewell  in  his  '*  List  of  Antiquities,  Madras.  "  "  E>elhi  had  been 
captured  by  the  Ghazni  Ghorians  in  1193  and  a  dynasty  established 
there  which  lasted  till  A.  D.  1288.  The  Khiljis  succeeded  (i  288-1 320) 
and  Alauddin  Khilji  despatched  the  first  Mahomedan  expedition  into 
the  Dakhan  in  A.  D.  1306.  Four  years  later  the  Musalman  armies 
under  Malik  Kifur  swept  like  a  torrent  over  the  peninsula." 

'*  Devagiri*  and  OrangaP  were  both  reduced  to  subjection,  the 
capital  of  the  Hoysala  Balld.las  was  taken  and  sacked,  and  the 
kingdoms    both    of  the    Cholas  and    Pandiayas    were    overthrown. 

^  Dr.  Buroeirs  Introduction  to  the  Translation  of  the  Chapter  on  D&ya-Vibh^a  of 
M&dhavAchArya's  VyavahAra-K^nda  of  the  ParA^ara  M&dhaviyam. 

■  A  Forgrotten  Empire  ( Vijayanag^ara)  by  R.  Sewell,  M.  C.  S.  (Retired),  p.  28. 

On  the  death  of  Harihara  I.  the  succession  to  the  throne  became  the  subject  of  a  dispute 
between  Bukka  I  and  his  cousin  Sang^ama,  and  for  sometime  the  latter  grot  the  upper  hand 
and  ruled  the  state  with  SAyana  as  his  minister.    lb. 

When  M4dhavicbdrya  became  minister  on  the  accession  of  Bukka  R4ya,  SAyana  was 
relegrated  to  a  subordinate  position  in  the  State.  Sayana  a^ain  became  the  chief  minister 
on  the  retirement  of  MAdhava  about  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Harihara  II.  This  appears 
from  the  colophons  of  certain  portions  of  the  Veda-bhashyatn,  The  colophon  of  the  Aita- 
reydranyaka  Bhashyam  runs  thus : — 

WI'S'  w^  &c.  &c. 

The  Colophon  of  the  BhAshyam  on  the  Taitiriya  BrAhman  runs  thus : — 

g<>N<^[^mNi4  ^R^  qpsr*^  ^^cnJsrar^  &c.  &c. 

'  A  Forgrotten  Empire  (Vijayanagar)  by  R.  Sewell,  MX^S.  (Retired),  Ch.  II.,  p.  33. 
*•  Deragriri,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Yadava  DynAsty  of  the  Dekhan. 
*  Orangal  or  Waran^ral,   an  ancient  town  86  miles  north-east  of  HaidarAbAd.    It  was 
the  capital  of  the  Hindu  King^dom  of  Telingana  founded  by  the  Nari^>ati  Andhras. 


372  PARASARIVA    DHARMA   SASTSA. 

Anarchy  followed  over  the  whole  South — Musalman  Governors,  repre- 
ientatives  of  the  old  royal  families,  and  local  chiefs  being  apparently 
engaged  for  years  in  violent  internecine  struggles  for  supremacy. 
The  Ball^as  disappeared  from  the  scene  and  the  kingdoms  of  E>evagiri 
and  Orangal  were  subverted.  A  slight  check,  was  given  to  the  spread 
of  the  Mahommedan  arms  when  a  confederation  of  Hindu  chiefs,  led 
by  the  gallant  young  Ganapati  Raja,  withstood  and  defeated  a  large 
Mahomedan  army ;  and  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  altered  by  the 
revolt  of  the  Dakhani  M ussalmans  against  their  sovereign  in  A.  D. 
1347  which  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the  B&hamani  Kingdom 
of  the  Dakkan.  But  the  whole  of  Southern  India  was  convulsed  by 
this  sudden  aggression  of  the  Mahommedans  and  all  the  old  kingdoms 
fell  to  pieces." 

These  troubled  times  required  a  political  leader  of  the  greatest 
ability  and  integrity.  Such  a  leader  the  people  of  Southern  India 
found  in  M&dhav&ch&rya  who  had  attained  to  the  highest  eminence 
among  his  contemporaries  both  as  a  scholar  and  as  a  holy  man. 
Whether  he  was  married  or  not  there  is  no  evidence  to  show.  The 
study  of  the  ancient  literature  of  his  Aryan  forefathers  had  kindled  in 
his  heart  an  intense  patriotism  which,  it  appears,  led  him  to  prefer  the 
life  of  a  celibate  and  take  the  noble  resolution  to  dedicate  himself 
wholly  to  the  service  of  his  country  and  of  its  gods  and  religion. 
When,  therefore,  the  people  appealed  to  him  for  light  and  leading  in 
their  struggle  for  independence,  he  readily  came  forward  and  by  a 
bloodless  revolution  brought  about  the  unification  of  the  whole  of 
Southern  India  with  the  fighting  Kings  of  Vijayanagar  at  its  head.^ 
The  task  was  a  difficult  one,  but  the  ascendancy  which  his  life  of  self- 
abnegation  had  given  M&dhava  over  the  minds  of  the  people  was  so 
great,  and  the  confidence  which  they  felt  in  his  judgment  and  integrity 
so  implicit,  that  all  the  old  states  large  and  small  in  the  south  sub- 
mitted voluntarily  to  a  sort  of  federal  union  under  the  central  govern- 
ment of  Vijayanagar.  Justice  (;nf?r:)  and  national  prosperity  ( ^^fN^:) 
were  the  comer  stone  of  this  union.  This  circumstance,  by  giving 
to  it  a  certain  degree  of  coherence  and  stability,  enabled  it  to 
successfully  check  the  wave  of  foreign  invasion  for  two  centuries  and 
a  half. 

MAdhavftchArya,  as  chief  minister,  ruled  the  destinies  of  the  people 
of  Southern  India  for  nearly  half  a  century.  Although  he  upheld  the 
old  doctrine  of  the  divine  origin  of  kings,  he  recognised  the  principle 
that  their  authority  should  be  principally  limited  to  the  maintenance 
of  peace  and  punishment  of  crime  only.     In  general  administration 

*  A  History  of  the  Deccan  by  J.  D.  B.  Gribble*  Vol.  I,  p.  <a. 

A  Porrotten  Empire  (Vijayanagar).  by  R.  Sewdl)  M.  C,  S..  Retired,  pp.  8,  J74.  399, 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA   SASTRA.  373 

he  left  matters  civil  and  social  to  be  determined  according  to  usage 
and  the  sense  of  the  community  concerned.  As  an  illustration  of  the 
way  in  which  legislation  on  social  matters  was  effected  in  the  country 
subject  to  the? authority  of  the  Kings  of  Vijayanagara  may  be  noted  in 
the  following  case  recorded  by  Mr.  S.  S.  Rft-ghavyangar,  Dewan  Baha- 
dur, C.I.E.,   in   his  work  on  the  Progress  of  the  Madras  Presidency. 

•'There    is  an    inscription    at  Virinjipuram,  North   A rcot  district, 
dated  during  the     reign  of     Veerapratapa   Devaraja    Maharaja  of 
Vijayanagar,  A.  D.    1419,  which    shows    that  the   practice  of  paying 
money  to  parents  of  girls  to  induce  them  to  give    them    in  marriage 
was   widely  prevalent  in  former  times.     The  inscription    states    *  in 
the   reign    of  the  illustrious  Veerpratapa   Devaraja    Maharaja,   the 
great  men  of  all  branches  of  sacred  studies  of  the    kingdom   drew  up 
in  the  presence  of  Gop'naih  of   Arkapushkarini,  a  document  contain- 
ing an    agreement  regarding  the  sacred  law.     According  to  this  if 
the     Brahmans    of  this    kingdom   of   Padaividu,  viz.,  Kannadigas, 
Tamiras,  Telungas,  Halas,  &c.,  of  all   Gotras,   Sutras    and    ^Skhas, 
conclude  a  marriage,    they    shall    from  this    day    forward    do  it    by 
Kan}  ftdftnam  (gift  of  girls  ).     Those  who  do  not  adopt  Kanyidinam, 
f.tf.,  both  those  who    give  away  a   girl  after  having     received   gold, 
and  those  who  conclude  marriage  after  having  given  gold,    shall    be 
liable  to  punishment  by  the  King  and  shall  be  excluded  from  the  com- 
munity of  the  Brahmanas.  "  '* 

The  literary  activity  of  which  Midhav^chirya  became  the  centre  as 
the  prime  minister  of  Bukka-R&ya  was  exceptionally  great  and 
widespread.  It  covered  almost  all  branches  of  Sanskrit  literature. 
The  exact  number  of  works  which  are  attributed  to  M&dhavft,ch&rya- 
directly  and  indirectly  is  not  known.  But  it  is  supposed  to  be  very  large. 
In  Aufrecht's  Catalogus  Catalogorum  a  list  of  about  109  works  is  given. 
Some  oriental  scholars  are  disposed  to  question  the  honesty  of  MAd- 
hav^chftrya  as  a  patron  of  letters.  They  suppose  that  he  was  guilty 
of  passing  works  written  by  others  as  his  own  productions.  But  this 
charge  is  for  the  most  part  groundless.  It  chiefly  relates  to  the  author- 
ship of  the  commentaries  on  the  Vedas,  and  is  based  upon  the  cir- 
cumstance that  they,  although  really  written  by  S&yan^ch&rya,  are 
popularly  known  as  Vidyft,ranya-Bh4shyam.  For  this,  it  should  be 
noted,  MAdhavlU;h&rya  cannot  be  held  reponsible.  I  find  that  the  fact 
that  the  commentaries  were  written  by  SiyanAchzlrya  is  acknowledged 
in  the  colophons  of  many  of  the  copies  now  in  use.  The  true  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  commentaries  is  that  Bukka-Raya  wished 
MAdhavStch&rya  to  write  them,   and  MftdhavAch&rya  with  the  king's 

^  Memorandum  on  the  Progrress  of  the  Madras  Presidency  during*  the  last  forty  years 
of  British  Administration  (  1891%  p.  45* 


374  PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA. 

permission  entrusted  the  task  to  SayanAch^rya.  This  appears  trom 
the  introduction  to  the  Bhilshyam  itself.  ^ 

The  cjlophons    almost  invariably      contain   the  worJs  ^Tfn^^ 

filft^  'rMt^  %^n^5R>T^  which  means  "  written  by  SayanAchirya 
for  the  M&dhava  series  of  commentaries  on  the  Vedas  **  and 
which  is  analogous  to  "  The  Ordinances  of  Manu  by  A.  C  Burnell 
for  Trubner's  Oriental  Series**  or  **  the  Law  of  Manu  trans- 
lated by  G.  Buhler  for  Max  MuIIer*s  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  " 
Most  of  the  works  attributed  to  M&dhavd.ch&  rya  belong  to  the 
period  during  which  he  Glled  the  office  of  minister  of  Bukka-Raya  I 
and  Harihar  Raya 'II.  This  is  indicated  by  the  mention,  in  the 
prefaces,  of  Bukka-Raya  and  his  patron  saint  Vidyatirtha.  In  works 
composed  before  and  after  that  period  their  names  do  not  appear. 
The  Sarvadarshana  Sangraha  belongs  to  the  former  period  and 
mentions  the  name  only  of  Sarvajnya  Vishnu  from  whom  Mddha- 
vAchirya  received  his  early  education  ;  while  certain  works  on  Vedan* 
tism — Panchadasi  being  the  most  popular  among  them— were  written 
after  MAdhav^ch&rya  retired  from  political  life  and  became  a  Sanyasi. 
His  life  of  ^&nkar^chirya  also  seem  to  belong  to  the  last  period. 
These  works  mention  neither  Sarvajnya  Vishnu  nor  Bukka-Raya. 
They  mention  only  Vidyatirtha  and  Bh&ratitirtha,  the  spiritual 
masters  of  M^dhavd.ch^ya. 

Madhllv&chdrya  was  a  staunch  follower  of  ^ankard.ch&rya,  **thc 
greatest  of  all  great  Asiatic  sages,  whose  learning  and  scholarship 
all  scholars  Eastern  and  Western  honour,  who  bears  a  name  revered 
by  every  learned  Hindu  all  over  the  land  where  he  preached  and  taught 
from  his  monastery  at  Badrinath  in  the  north  to  that  of  fringed  in  the 
south,  from  Dwarka,  the  city  of  Krishna,  in  the  west  to  Jagannath, 
once  the  Buddhist  place  of  worship,  now  the  common  ground  of 
assembly  for  all  Hindus  on  the  coast  of  Orissain  the  East." 

'  ^Tc^zT^T  (  f^  ^fm^  ^^  ^m^  )  ^q^^pwitf^: 

^IIC^N^MT^  ^41  4H  S|4>|^|^II  Introduction  to  the  Veda-Bbashyam. 

The  colophon  of  the  commentary  on  the  Yajurveda-Brahmanam  runs  thus: — 


PARASARIYA  DHARMA  SASTRA.  375 

After  a  deep  study  of  all  the  ancient  systems  of  philosophy  as  shown 
by  his  earliest  known  work,  the  Sarvadarsana  Sangrha,'  M&dhavd- 
ch&rya,  in  the  full  maturity  of  his  intellect  and  experience,  declared 
his  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  Advaitism  as  containing  the  best  possible 
solution  oftthe  "  problem  of  the  universe,  and  the  enigmas  of  the 
world. "^  It  would  be  oiit  of  place  to  enter  here  upon  a  discussion  of 
the  Ved&nta  philosophy.  Such  a  discussion  is  not  within  my  present 
limits.  I  will  only  remark  here  that  the  life  of  M^dhav&chArya 
furnishes  an  answer  to  those  who  argue  that  the  teachings  of  Ved^nta 
are  destructive  of  humility  and  benevolence,  that  they  paralyse  energy 
and  enterprise  and  deaden  all  feelings  of  responsibility  and  independ- 
ence. 

Of  the  merits  of  M&dhav^ch^rya's  works  I  am  not  a  competent 
judge.  But  those  who  are  qualiBed  to  pronounce  an  opinion  on  the 
point  speak  highly  of  them.  One  Pandit  says  of  them  that  they  are 
written  in  a  style  which,  while  it  is  simple  and  charming,  is  remarkable 
for  its  solemnity,  boldness  and  depth.  In  his  ^ankaravijaya  Madhava 
calls  himself  Nava  Kalidasa  (».tf.  a  new  Kalidas).  How  far  this  claim 
for  equality  with  the  world-celebrated  author  of  6akuntala  is  justifi- 
able I  cannot  say.  There  is,  however,  no  doubt  that,  speaking  gener- 
ally, the  work  fulfils  the  conditions  of  high  class  poetry.  The  Pan- 
chadasi,  considering  the  abstruse  character  of  the  matter  which  it 
treats  of,  shows  a  boldness  of  thought,  mastery  of  expression  and 
power  of  illustration  seldom  equalled  by  writers  on  metaphysics. 

As  re>^ards  the  commentaries  on  the  Pardsara  Smriti,  I  am  inclined 
to  agree  with  Dr.  Aufrecht's  description  of  them,  namely,  that  they 
are  more  diffusive  than  illustrative  of  the  text. 

Really  speaking,  the  ParA^ara  Madhaviyam  is  a  Digest  of  the 
Smritis  under  the  name  of  a  Commentary  on  the  Par^^ara  Smriti. 
The  commentator,  instead  of  elucidating  in  his  own  language  the 
meaningof  the  text,  has  in  many  places  mystified  it  by  a  cloud  of 
quotations  from  other  Smritis  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with  the 
declared  object  of  Par&sara's  legislation,  namely,  to  curtail  ritualistic 
and  penitential  ceremonies.  Judging  according  to  the  experience  of 
the  present  day,  no  small  mischief  has  arisen  to  Hindu  society  from 
the  prominence  given  by  him  to  the  Puranik  doctrine  of  **  prohibitions 
for  the  Kali  age,"  which,  while  condemning  many  objectionable  prac- 
tices, declared  against  certain  useful  institutions  such  as  the  freedom 
of  travelling  by  sea. 

*  A  concise  account  of  fifteen  Philosophical  systems  with  the  exception  of  the  VcdAnta. 

*  M^ti^TicMiKdi  ^m  swm  sw^?^  ^  ^r^^r  ^<mi<  sR^m^r 

lA^  U  Punchadasi,  Ch.  II,  V,  io8. 


37^  PARASARIYA    DHARMA  S ASTRA. 

As  regards  McLdhav^charya's  original  production  on  Jurisprudence 
(the  Vyavah&r-Kanda)  I  propose  to  deal  with  it  elsewhere.  Here  I 
will  only  passingly  remark  that  on  methods  of  administering  justice 
he  generally  follows  the  old  law-givers  such  as  Manu,  Kftty&yana, 
N4rada  and  Brihaspati,  while  on  the  law  of  inheritance  he  follows  the 
Mit&kshara  and   Smriti  Chandrika. 

The  exact  date  at  which  M&dhav&ch&rya's  tenure  of  ministership 
came  to  an  end  cannot  be  ascertained.  Judging  from  epigraphical 
evidence  it  must  have  terminated  after  the  year  1391^  A.  C.  or  about 
the  close  of  the  reign  of  Harihara  II  who  reigned  till  1402. 

M&dhav^ch^rya  on  becoming  a  Sanyasi  was,  as  already  stated, 
raised  to  the  position  of  the  head  of  the  Matha  at  ^ringeri.  His 
place  on  the  list  of  che  Swamis  of  that  Institution  is  a  subject  of  much 
speculation.  Some  say  he  wag  the  thirty-third  successor  of  ^ankar4- 
ch^rya,  some  say  he  was  the  twenty-sixth,  while  others  say  he  was 
the  tenth  or  the  eleventh. 

Whether  any  one  of  these  positions  can  be  admitted  as  correct,  and 
if  so  which,  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  without  fixing  the  date  of 
^ankar^ch^rya.  As  regards  ^ankar&ch^rya's  date  there  are  two 
views,  one  represented  by  the  late  Mr.  K.  T.  Telang  who  assigns  the 
Acharya  to  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  ^  and 
the  other  by  the  late  Bhatta  Yajneshwara  Sastri  and  the  majority  of 
European  Sanskrit  scholars  who  place  him  in  the  year  788  A.C. 
With  neither  of  these  does  any  of  the  above  positions  agree. 

^  This  is  the  date  of  a  grant  by  Madhavacharya  conferring  25  estates  in  the  Tillage  of 
of  Kochren  in  Goa  upon  24  learned  Brahmans  named  therein.  The  inscription  states  that 
the  village  was  thenceforward  named  Madhavpura  ;  that  Madhava  conquered  Goa  from  the 
Turushkas  and  re-established  there  the  worship  of  the  ancient  gods.  (Journal  of  the  Bom- 
bay  Branch  of  the  R.  A.  Society.     Vol.  4,  p,  115.") 

°  A  Paper  on  the  date  of  Sankaracbarya  by  K.  T.  Telang  published  as  an  appendix 
to  his  edition  of  Mudrdr4kshasa. 

Dr.  Deussen  accepts  what  he  calls  the  Hindu  tradition,  which  places  the  birth  of  the 
author  of  ShAriraka  Bhisya  in  788  A.D.  The  learned  Doctor  says  that  according  to 
the  statement  of  the  late  Yajnesvara  Shastri.  with  whom  he  discussed  the  passagen  which 
the  Shastri  adduces  in  the  Aryavidyasudhakara,  p*  2l6i  the  Sampradaya  referred  to  in  his 
work  is  that  of  Srinsferi,  where  also  documentary  evidence  for  its  correctness  is  said  to 
exist.  Hence  Dr.  Deussen  hesitates  to  accep  Mr.  Telang  s  conclusions.  •  Buhler's  Code 
of  Manu  (S.  B.  E.,  Vol.  XXV),  •  Introduction,  p.  xi2.  Some  time  ago  I  came  across  a  book 
on  "  Shri  Shankaracharya*'^  published  by  G.  A.  Natesan  &  Co.,  Madras.  The  author, 
Mr.  Krishnasami  Aiyar,  discusses  the  question  of  the  age  of  Shankara  at  p.  16-18,  ch. 
II.  He  accepts  provisionally  788  A.C.  as  the  date  of  Shankara's  birth,  and  holds  that 
Mr-  Telang's  conclusion  requires  additional  and  more  direct  evidence. 

Mr.  Aiyar  refers  to  a  list  of  Shankara's  successors.    He  says  that  the  Sringeri  Mutt 

has    that   list,  and    rejects    it    as  imperfect  for  the  reason,  among  others,   that  it  assigns 

to  Suresvaracharya,  the  immediate  successor  of  the  Guru,  a  period   offoo  years   or  more. 

Mr.  Aiyar  does  not  give  us  the  date  with  which  the  list  ends  nOr  does  he  state  the  number 

of  Swamis  mentioned  therein. 


PARASARIYA   DHARMA  SASTRA.  377 

On  his  entrance  into  the  life  of  a  Sanyasi,  M^dhav4ch&rya  did  not 
rest  from  his  literary  labours.  He  is  said  to  have  written  several 
works  on  the  Advait  Philosophy  including  Panchadasi  which  has  been 
already  referred  to,  and  which  is  the  most  popular  treatise  on  Vedant 
throughout  India  at  the  present  day. 

I  have  referred  above,  in  a  footnote,  to  a  list  given  in  an  account  of  the  life  of  Vidya- 
rannya  appended  to  an  edition  of  the  Panchadasi,  edited  by  Pandit  Pitambarji  and  published 
at  Bombay  by  Mr.  Sharif  Salemahammad  in  the  year  1876.  According  to  this  list,  whichi 
the  Pandit  says,  is  based  upon  the  Sringeri  Gurupaddhati  and  which  was  copied  from  an 
origfinal  on  the  records  of  the  Sringeri  Matha.  Shankaracharya  presided  for  thirty«two 
years  ending  with  the  year  X07  of  the  Vikrama  era  corresponding  with  51  A.C.  This  indicates 
the  nineteenth  year  of  the  Christian  era  to  be  the  date  of  Shankara's  birth,  a  conclusion 
which,  I  Deed  hardly  say)  is  inadmissible  according  to  the  now  generally  accepted  chronolo- 
gical  adjustment  of  the  leading  events  in  Indian  history  previous  to  the  Mahommadan 
period.  Still  this  list  of  Pandit  Pitambarji,  when  compared  with  Mr.  Aiyar's  list  and  Bhatta 
Yajnesvara  Shastri's  Sampradaya,  has  certain  points  in  its  favour  which  are  worth  noting. 
The  list,  which  begins  with  the  year  75  (x9  A.  C.)  of  the  Vikrama  era  and  ends  with  the 
Shalivahana  Shak  year  1782  (it6o  A.C.)*  gives  fifty-six  names,  including  Shankaracharya, 
and  shows  how  many  years  each  of  the  Swamis  presided  and  till  what  year. 

Among  the  objections  to  the  accuracy  of  this  list  I  may  mention  two  which  are  most 
difficult  to  explain.  The  first  is  that  the  length  of  Shankaracharya's  tenure  of  office  shown 
therein*  namely,  J«  years,  covers  the  whole  period  for  which)  according  to  popular  belief, 
Shankaracharya  lived. 

The  second  objection  arises  from  the  place  assigned  in  the  list  to  Madhava-Vidyarannya. 
The  name  of  Vidyarannya  appears  twice  ;  the  first  at  number  twenty-six  and  the  second  at 
number  thirty-three.  The  former  is  shown  to  have  presided  for  forty  years  ending  with  the 
Shak  year  928  and  the  latter  for  forty-two  years  ending  with  Shak  1 169  (1247  A.C).  Pandit 
Pitambarji  identifies  the  second  Vidyarannya  with  MAdhavachArya  a  conclusion  which) 
although  it  is  corroborated  by  the  circumstance  that  the  two  immediately  preceding  names 
in  the  list  correspond  with  those  of  his  Gurus  Vidyatirtha  and  Bharatitirtha,  is  contradicted 
by  the  evidence  derived  from  inscriptions  and  other  sources  connected  with  the  Vijayanagara 
empire.  This  last  mentioned  evidence  proves  that  M4dhavAch4rya  belonged  to  the  four- 
teenth century  of  the  Christian  era  and  not  to  the  thirteenth. 

With  these  and  other  flaws  in  it,  Pandit  Pitambar's  list,  however,  seems  too  circumstan- 
tial to  be  rejected  as  worthless  without  further  inquiry. 

Mr.  Aiyar's  list  makes  Suresvaracharya  the  immediate  successor  of  ShankarAchArya. 
Pandit  Pitambarji's  list  docs  not  mention  Suresvaracharya  at  all.  According  to  it  the 
immediate  successor  of  ShankarAcliArya  was  Prithvidharacharya  who  is  shown  to  have 
ruled  for  sixty-five  years  ending  with  Shlivahana  Shaka  year  thirty-seven. 

MAdhavAchArya's  Shankaradigvijaya  upon  which  Mr.  Aiyar's  book  is  based  does  not 
name  Suresvaracharya  as  the  immediate  successor  of  Shankaracharya  at  Shringeri. 

Mr.  Aiyar  gives  another  reason  for  his  provisional  date.  It  is  this  :  "  MAdhavftchdrya's 
book  locates  the  Buddhists  mainly  in  Kashmir  or  more  generally  in  the  Himalayan  regions; 
and  Magadha  dees  not  seem  to  have  figured  in  Shankara's  days  as  the  stronghold  of 
Buddhism  or  even  as  a  province  where  the' Buddhists  were  numerous  though  in  the 
minority." 

With  reference  to  this  it  may  be  remarked  that  M4dhavAchArya*s  account  of  Shankara's 
life  and  achievements  has  no  chronological  value,  and  that  there  is  no  sufficient  ground 
for  the  statement  that,  according  to  MAdhavAchArya,  the  Buddhists  were  confined  to 
Kashmir  and  the  snowy  regions  in  Shankara's  life-time.  Mr.  Aiyar's  statement  is  pro- 
bably based  upon  the  last  chapter  of  MAdhava*s  Shankaradigvijaya,  where  an  account  of 


378  PARASARIYA   DHARMA   SASTRA. 

I  regret  that  the  materials  at  my  disposal  do  not  enable  me  to  give 
a  fuller  account  of  the  life  of  MlUlhav&ch^a.  He  was  a  great 
man  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.  As  a  devoted  student  of  Aryan 
literature  and  sciences,  as  an  author,  as  a  patron  of  learning,  as  a 
statesman  who,  with  a  rare  self-sacrifice,  laboured  to  create  a  spirit 
of  nationality  among  his  country-men,  and,  lastly,  as  a  sage  who  was 
not  blinded  by  worldly  power  and  success  to  those  high  spiritual 
truths  which  are  the  peculiar  inheritance  of  the  Indian  Aryans. 
MlUlh&v^ch&rya  perhaps  had  no  equal  in  India  during  the  time  he 
lived  in,  and  it  is  a  question  whether  the  history  of  India  during  the 
last  six  hundred  years  discloses  another  personality  of  equal  greatness. 
The  life  of  such  a  man  deserves  to  be  studied  and  cherished  as  a 
model  by  every  partriotic  Aryan  of  India. 

Sbankar^hArya'K  visit  to  Kashmir.  Badri  and  Kedar  is  given.  This  account,  however^ 
is  interesting,  not  as  helping  us  to  fix  the  date  of  Shankara's  birth,  but  as  throwing  some 
light  on  the  opinion  which  the  northerners  entertained  regarding  the  culture  of  the 
southerners  in  the  good  old  times.    It  is  as  follows:— 

While  Shankara  was    sojourning  on  the   banks   of  the   Ganges  a   common    report 
reached  his  ears  to  the  effect  that  at  Kashmir  there  fiourished  a  Temple  of  Sarasvati 
with  a  seat  in  It  called  the  Sarvajhya'-^eetham — a  seat  for  those  who  were  possessed  of 
infinite  learning ;  that  a  person  who  wished  to  obtain  the  highest  honours  in  knowledge  was 
required  to  ascend  it  after  passing  an  examination  before  a  college  of  learned  men  ;  that 
the  Temple  had  four  entrances  for  candidates  from    the   east,    west,  north    and  south, 
respectively ;   that  candidates  from  the  east,   westi  and  north  had  appeared  and  won  the 
honour  of  ascending  the  seat  of  knowledge;  but  that  no  person  had  yet  come  from  the 
south    and  the  southern   entrance  had  remained   closed  ;  thatf  on   hearing    this   report, 
Shankara  started  for  Kashmir  with  the  determination  of  refuting  th  preevailing  belief  that 
there  were   no   learned  men  in   the  south  ;  that  when  he  presented  himself  before  the 
southern  door  he  was  opposed  by  an  assembly  of  men  skilled  in  the  systems  of  KanAdaf 
Gautama.  Kapila,  Buddha,  Jina  and  Jaimini  and  other  Sastras,  but  that  on  his  answering 
the  questions  put  by  them,  he  was  received  with  respect  and  allowed  to  open  the  southern 
door  and  ascend  the  seat  of  infinite  knowledge. 

I  need    hardly  say  that  the  above  account  does  not  warrant  the  supposition  that,  in 
Shankara's  time,  the  Buddhists  were  confined  to  the  Himalaya  nregions. 

There  is  a  third  view  regarding  ShankarAchAryA*s  date.  Professor  K.  B.  Pathak  in  a 
Paper  on  Bhartrihari  and  Kumarila  has  stated  his  conclusion  that  Shankarlch&rya  lived 
between  750  and  838  A.D.  (The  Journal  of  the  B.  B.  R.  A.  S.,  Vol.  XVIIIf  p  aij). 


Proceedings  of  the   Bombay  Branchy  Royal 

Asiatic  Society ^ 
1904.05. 


The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  17th 
March,  1904. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.   E.  M.  H.  Fulton,  C.S.I.,  I.C.S.,   President,  in  the 
-chair. 

The  Hon.  Secretary  read  the  following  report  of  the  Society  for  1903. 


The  Annual  Report  for  1903. 

MEMBERS. 

Resident, — During  the  year  under  review  51  New  Members  were 
■elected  and  3  Non-Resident  Members  came  to  Bombay  and  were  added 
to  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  On  the  other  hand,  31  resigned, 
1 1  retired  from  India,  4  died,  and  9  having  left  Bombay,  were  trans- 
ferred to  the  Non-Resident  list.  One  was  removed  from  the  roll  for 
non-payment  of  subscription.  The  total  number  at  the  end  of  the  year 
was  265,  including  16  Life-Members.  Of  these,  33  were  absent  from 
India  for  the  whole  year  or  portions  of  the  year.  The  number  at  the 
close  of  the  preceding  year  was  267. 

Non-Resident, — 15  Members  joined  under  this  class  and  9  were 
transferred  from  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  9  Members  resigned, 
2  retired,  i  died,  3  were  added  to  the  Resident  list,  and  the  name  of  i 
Member  was  struck  off  the  roll  for  non-payment  of  subscription.  The 
total  number  at  the  end  of  the  year  was  78  against  70  in  the  year 
preceding.  Of  the  15  new  Members,  9  have  become  subscribers  to  the 
Library  under  Article  XVI  of  the  Rules,  by  payment  of  an  additional 
subscription. 

OBITUARY. 

The   Members,  Resident  and  Non-Resident,   whose  loss  by  death 
during  the  year  the  Society  has  to  record  with  regret,  were— 

Mr.  C.  W.  L.  Jackson. 
Mr.  T.  H.  Moore. 
Major  H.  R.  F.  Anderson. 
Mr.  Jametram  Nanabhai. 
Khan  Bahadur  Kharsetji  Rastamji  Thanawala. 
6 


ii  ABSTRACT   OF  THE    SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS 

THE  ORIGINAL  COMMUNICATIONS. 

The  papers  read  before  meetings  of  the  Society  and  contributed  for 
publication  in  its  Journal,  during  the  year  were — 

Oriental  Congress  at  Hanoi.     By  Principal  M.  Macmillan,  B.A. 
Matheran  Folk  Songs.     By  Principal  M.  Macmillan,  B.A. 

Anquetil   Du  Perron's  Notes  on  King  Akbar  and   Dastur  Meherji 
Rana.     By  Mr.  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

References  to  China  in  the  Ancient   Books  of  the    Parsees.     By  Mr. 
Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

The   Cyropaedia  of  Xenophon.    By   Mr.  R.   K.  Dadachanji,    B.A., 
LL.B. 

Discovery  of  Ancient  Bramhi  Script  in  Kashmir.     By  the  Rev.  J.  E. 
Abbott,  D.D. 

Shivaji's  Swarajya.     By  Mr.  Purshotamdas  Vishram  Maoji. 
Omanese  Proverbs.     By  Lt.-Col.  A.  S.  G.  Jayakar,  I.  M.  S.  (Retired). 
A  Sildr  Grant  of  S'aka,  1049.     By  Prof.  K.  B.  Pathak,  B.A. 

There  was,  besides,   a  lecture  in  French  on  Indian  Chartography,. 
delivered  by  Count  F.  L.  Pull6. 

LIBRARY. 

Issues  of  Books. 

The  total  issue  during  the  year  amounted  to  36,051  volumes,  compris- 
ing 23,519  volumes  of  new  books,  including  periodicals,  and  12,5.^2  of 
the  old;  a  daily  average, excluding  Sundays  and  holidays,  of  121  volumes. 
The  issue  in  the  previous  year  was  37,104  volumes. 

The  issues  of  each  month  are  noted  in  the  subjoined  table  : — 


January 
February 
March  ••• 
April     ...        ••• 
May 


June     •••  •••        •••        ,«« 

J  uiy      #..  •••        .••        ••• 

August  

September  ...        ..«        ••• 


Old. 

New, 

*  1,008 

2,198 

980 

2,123 

960 

2,028 

.  1,032 

1,910 

861 

1,863 

915 

1,708 

•  i>243 

i»905 

.  1,058 

2,071 

•  1.074 

2,282 

ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  iil 

Old,  New, 

October  .        ...     1,151  1,848 

November        i|Ji93  i»942 

December       i|057  ^»^3 

The   volumes  of  issues  of  old  and  new  books  arranged   according  to 
subjects  are  shown  in  the  subjoined  table  : — 

Subjects,  Volumes, 

x^iction            •••        •••        •••         •••         •••        •••        •••  12,413 

Biography      ...        ...        ...         ...         ...        ...         ...  i)340 

Miscellaneous,  Collected  Works,  Essays,  &c I1259 

Voyages,  Travels,  Geography,  Topography     942 

History  and  Chronology      897 

Oriental  Literature  ..          656 

Reviews,  Magazines,  Transactions  of  Learned    Soci- 
eties, &c.  (in  bound  volumes) 601 

Politics  and  Political  Economy 372 

Religion  and  Theology      357 

Poetry  and  Drama  ...        ...        ...        ...         ...        ...  340 

Naval  and  Military 273 

Art,  Architecture,  Engineering,  &c 264 

Philosophy      ••         .«.        .«•        •••        ...         .  .        •••  252 

Philology,  Literary  History,  &c.           248 

Government  Publications  and  Public  Records             ..  1S4 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Mineralogy 183 

Archaeology,  Antiquities,  Numismatics,  &c 168 

Foreign  Literature             166 

Natural  Philosophy,  Mathematics,  Astronomy          ...  140 

Classics  and  Translations 12^ 

J.^a^v     ...        ...        ...         ■••         ...        •••        .••        •••  100 

Grammatical  Works           95 

Medicine,  Surgery,  &c 84 

Botany,  Agriculture,  Horticulture          66 

Logic,  Rhetoric       •••        •••        ...          ..                    ...  15 

Periodicals  in  loose  numbers        14* 39^ 

ADDITIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

The  total  number  of  volumes  added  to  the  Library  during  the  year 
>vas  1,180.     Of  these,  807  were  purchased  and  373  presented. 

Presents  of  books  were  as  usual  received  from  tlie  Bombay  Govern- 
ment, the  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  the  Government  of  India,  and 
the  other  local  Governments,  and  a  few  from  individual  authors  and 
donors. 


•  •• 


Volumes 

Volumes 

purchased. 

presented. 

19 

I 

M 

2 

7 

••  • 

8 

2 

30 

•  •  • 

II 

II 

I 

3 

16 

148 

70 

••• 

iv  ABSTRACT   OF  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

The  number  of  volumes  of  each  class  of  books  acquired  by  purchase 
and  presentation  is  shown  in  the  following  table  : — 

Subject, 

Religion  and  Theology 

Philosophy   * 

Classics  and  Translations... 

Philology,  Literary  History  and  Biblio- 
graphy      ...         ...         ...         ••• 

History  and  Chronology     

Politics,  Political  Economy,  Trade  and 
Commerce  .••        ••.         •••        ••» 

i^a^v     •••         *••         •••         •••        ••• 

Government   Publications   and    Public 
iv6Corcis     ■•••        ...        •••        ■•• 

Biography     

Archaeology,  Antiquities,  Numismatics, 
Heraldry 

Voyages,    Travels,      Geography    and 
Topography  

Poetry  and  Drama 

r*iction  •••         •••         •••         •••         ••. 

Miscellaneous,  Collected   Works,    Es- 
says, &c*     •••         •'•        •••        .«•        ••• 

Foreign  Literature 

Natural  Philosophy,  Mathematics,  As- 
tronomy    ...         .••        •••        •••         ••• 

Art,  Music,  Engineering,  Architecture... 

Naval  and  Military 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Mineralogy ... 
Botany,  Agriculture  and  Horticulture  ... 
Medicine,  Surgery  and  Physiology  .*• 
Annuals,  Serials,  Encyclopaedias,  Trans- 
actions of  Learned  Societies,  &c. 
Dictionaries  and  Grammatical  Works  ... 
Oriental  Literature  ...        

COIN  CABINET. 

The  number  of  coins  added  to  the  Society's  Cabinet  during  the  year 
was  56.  Of  these,  4  were  gold,  50  silver,  and  2  copper.  Of  the  total, 
55  were  received  under  the  Treasure  Trove  Act,  14  from  the  Bombay 
Government  and  42  from  the  Government,  United  Provinces  of  Agra 
and  Oudh,  and  i  was  presented  by  the  Collector  of  Broach. 


••• 


26 

4 

12 

I 

286 

•* . 

42 

4 

2 

••• 

8 

I 

37 

I 

22 

... 

9 

I 

3 

I 

ro 

... 

149 

150 

5 

I 

12 

41 

ABSTRACT   OF  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  V 

They  are  of  the  following  description  : — 

I  Gold  Coin  of  the  Egyptian  King  Ezzaher  Jaqmaq,  A.D.  1439. 
I  Gold  Coin  of  the  Egyptian  King  El  Ashraf  Abun  Naso  Yenal. 
(These  coins  were  unearthed  while  digging  a  foundation  for 
a  new  building  in  the  Crater,  Aden.) 

I  Silver,  of  Shah  Jah^n,  Mogul  Emperor. 

I  Silver,  of  Aurangzib,  do. 

I  Silver,  of  Jahand^r,  do. 

I  Silver,  of  Farruk-Siyar,        do. 

I  Silver,  of  Muhammad,  do. 

I  Silver,  of  Rafi-al-darajkt.    do. 

I  Silver,  of  Shah  Alam  I.,       do. 
(Found  in  the  Kalol  Taluka,  Panch  Mahals    District) 

I  Gold  Coin,  Padmatanka  (Southern  India). 

I  Copper,  of  Ahmad  Shah  II.  Bahamani. 

I  Copper,  of  Ahmad  Shah  I.  of  Gujarat. 
(Found  buried  in  a  field  on  the  bank  of  the  Tirol i  Nalla  near  the 
village  of  Rehud,  in  Chandar  Taluka,  Nasik  District.) 

I  Gold  Coin  of  Mamluk  Sultan  (13th  Century  A.D.) 

(Found  in  the  bed  of  a  pond  in  the  village  of  Bhojwa,  Viramgam 
Taluka,  Ahmedabad  District.) 

Presented  by  the  Bombay  Government, 
40  Silver  Coins  of  Shah  Alam,  of  different  mints,  found  in  the  Kheri, 
Fategarh,  Jaunpur,  Benares,  Lucknow,  and  Fyzabad  Districts  of  the 
United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh. 

2  Silver  Coins  of  Shah  Jahan. 

Presented  by  the  Government,  United  Provinces. 

I  Silver  Coin  of  Aurangzib  Alamgir  ;  found  while  making  an  excava- 
tion in  the  Town  of  Ankleshwar,  Broach  District. 

Presented  by  the  Collector  of  Broach, 

NEWSPAPERS  AND  PERIODICALS. 

The  papers,  periodicals,  and  journals  and  transactions  of  Learned 
Societies  subscribed  for  and  presented  to  the  Society  during  1903,  were 
as  under  : — 

Literary  Monthlies ..         ..  15 

iuusLraieci       ...         ...        •••         *•»  ...                    •*.         ••.  \q 

Scientific  and  Philosophical  Journals,  Transactions  of  Learn- 
ed Societies,  &c.    *>••        ...        ...  ...         ...         ...        .••  35 

ivevie^vs          ...         ...         •..         ...  ...        •••        ..•        ...  10 


Vi  ABSTRACT   OF   THE  SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

English  Newspapers  i6 

English  Registers,  Almanacs,  Directories        15 

Foreign  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals       11 

Indian  Newspapers  and  Government  Gazettes. 20 

Indian  Journals,  Reviews,  &c •        .••  30 

JOURNAL. 

Number  59,  being  the  third  and  concluding  number  of  Vol.  XXI.,  is 
all  but  ready  and  will  shortly  be  published.  With  it  will  be  issued 
Index,  Title  Page  and  Contents  of  the  Volume. 

The  following  papers  are  published  in  the  new  number,  together 
with  an  abstract  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Society  for  1903,  and  a  list 
of  books,  pamphlets,  &c.,  presented  to  it  during  the  year  : — 

Omanese  Proverbs.     By  Lt.-Col.  A.  S.  G.  Jayakar,  I. M.S.  (Retired). 
Oriental  Congress  at  Hanoi.  By  Principal  M.  Macmillan,  B.A. 
A  Silar  Grant  of  Saka  1049.     By  Prof.  K.  B.  Pathak,  B.A. 
Matheran  Folk  Songs.     By  Principal  M.  Macmillan,  B.A. 

References  to  China  in  the  Ancient  Books  of  the  Parsees.  By 
Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

Notes  of  Anquetil  du  Perron  (1755-6)  on  King  Akbar  and  Dastur 
Meherji  Rana.     By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

The  Cyropaedia  of  Xenophon.     By  R.  K.   Dadachanji,  B.A.,    LL.  B. 
Discovery  of  Ancient  Brahmi  Script  in  Kashmir.     By  the  Rev.  J.  E. 
Abbott,  D.  D. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  Governments,  Learned  Societies,  and  other 
Institutions,  to  which  the  Journal  of  the  Society  is  presented  : — 

Bombay  Government.  Literary      and     Philosophical    So- 
Government  of  India.  ciety,  Manchester. 
Government  of  Bengal.  Imperial       Academy   of    Science, 
Government  of  Madras.  St.  Petersburg. 
Punjab  Government.  Smithsonian     Institution,    Wash- 
Government,     United     Provinces,  ington. 

Agra  and  Oudh.  Royal    Society   of  Northern   Anti- 
Chief  Commissioner,  Central  Pro-  quaries,  Copenhagen. 

vinces.  Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh. 

Chief  Commissioner,  Coorg.  Deutsche     Morgenlnadischen   Ge* 

Resident,  Hyderabad.  sellschaft,  Leipzig. 

Government  of  Burma.  Literary  and  Philosophical  Societ}-, 

Geological  Survey  of  India.  Liverpool. 

G.  T.  Survey  of  India,  British  Museum.  London. 

Marine  Survey  of  India.  Royal  Society,  London. 


ABSTRACT   OF  THE    SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 


Vll 


Bengal  Asiatic  Society. 
Agricultural  Society  of  India. 
Literary  Society  of  Madras. 
Provincial  Museum,  Lucknow. 
Bombay  University. 
Madras  University. 
Punjab  University. 
Mahabodhi  Society,  Calcutta. 
Government  Museum,  Madras. 
Indian   Journal   of  Education, 

Madras. 
R.  A.  Society,  Ceylon  Branch. 
R.    A.     Society,     N  o  r  t  h-China 

Branch. 
The  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan. 
Batavian    Society    of    Arts    and 

Sciences. 

Strasburg  Library. 

Geographical  Society,  Vienna. 

London   Institution   of  Civil    En- 
gineers. 

Royal  Geographical  Society,  Lon- 
don. 

Statistical  Society,    London. 
Royal  Astronomical  Society. 
Victoria  Institution,  London. 
Royal  Institution,  Great  Britain. 
American  Geographical  Society. 
American  Oriental  Society. 
Hamilton  Association,  America. 
Editor,  Journal     of  Comparative 

Neurology,    Granville,    Ohio, 

U.S.A. 

American    Museum     of    Natural 
History. 

Society  Asiatique,  Paris. 
Geological  Societyi  London. 
Royal  Academy  of  Sciences,    Am- 
sterdam. 


Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Great  Bri- 
tain and  Ireland. 

Academia  Real  das  Sciencias  de 
Lis boa. 

Societede  Geographic  Commer- 
cial de  Bordeaux. 

Society  de  G^ographie  de  Lyons. 

Hungarian  Academy  of  Sciences, 
Buda  Pest. 

Sociedad  Geografica  de  Madrid. 
Royal  Dublin  Society. 
Society  Geographie  de  Paris. 
Connecticut  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences. 

United  States  Survey. 
Kaiserliche  Akademie  der  Wissen- 
chaften,  Vienna. 

United  Service  Institution. 
Minnesota   Academy    of  Natural 
Science 

India  Office  Library. 
London  Bible  Society. 
Vienna  Orientalische  Museum. 
Boston  Society  of  Natural  History. 
Musee  Guimet,  Lyons. 
American  Philological  Association, 
Cambridge. 

Royal     University,    Upsala   (Swe- 
den). 

Franklin  Institute,  Philadelphia. 
University  of  Kansas,  U.S.A. 

Director,  Missouri  Botanical 
Garden. 

L*Ecole  Fran9aise  de  Extreme 
Orient. 

Royal  Institute  of  Philology  and 
Ethnology  of  Netherlands  India. 

Imperial   Library,    Calcutta. 


Finance, 
A  statement    of    accounts,    detailing   the    items    of  receipts    and 
expenditure  for  1903,  accompanies  the  report. 


Viii  ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

It  will  bs  seen  from  it  that  the  total  amount  of  subscriptions  from 
Members  during  the  year  was  Rs.  11,363-12-0.  The  subscriptions 
in  the  preceding  year  amounted  to  Rs.  10,880-6-8. 

The  balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Society  at  the  end  of  the  year  was 
Rs.  786-10-8  and  the  arrears  due  on  that  date  were  Rs.  75. 

The  invested  funds  of  the  Society  amount  to  Rs.  14,800. 
THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 

The  centenary  of  the  founding  of  the  Society  occurs  in  November 
1904.  With  a  view  to  determine  in  what  manner  the  event 
should  be  celebrated,  the  Committee  of  Management  appointed  a 
Sub-Committee  to  consider  the  subject  and  prepare  a  scheme  to  be 
reported  to  the  Committee. 

The  principal  suggestions  made  by  them  were  : — 

That  the  centenary  be  celebrated  by  a  meeting  of  the  Society  at 
which  papers  will  be  read  ;  by  an  evening  conversazione  ;  and,  in  the 
event  of  the  attendance  of  learned  visitors,  by  an  excursion  to  neigh- 
bouring places  of  historic  interest. 

That  a  memorial  volume  be  published,  as  an  extra  number  of  the 
Journal,  containing  a  summary  of  the  results  achieved  since  the 
foundation  of  the  Society,  in  the  study  of  Oriental  literature,  in  history 
and  archaeology,  including  numismatics,  and  that  original  papers  if  it 
should  seem  desirable  be  also  prepared  and  read. 

It  is  also  proposed  to  publish  a  Centenary  Catalogue  should  sufficient 
funds  be  available. 

The  date  proposed  for  the  celebration  is  the  middle  of  January,  1905. 

COUNT  F.  L.  PULLIi, 

Count  Pulld,  a  well  known  Italian  Savant,  visited  Bombay  about  the 
beginning  of  the  year. 

He  kindly  complied  with  a  request  to  address  the  Society  and  gave  a 
learned  discourse  in  French  on  Indian  Chartography,  a  subject  to  which 
he  has  devoted  years  of  close  study.  The  discourse  was  illustrated  by 
a  large  display  of  maps  arranged  in  chronological  order.  The  maps 
very  clearly  showed  the  gradual  progress  made  by  the  world  in  the 
knowledge  of  Indian  geography  from  the  earliest  records  extant  of 
Indian,  Greek,  Roman,  Byzantine,  Persian  and  Arabic  origin  to  the 
time  of  the  discovery  by  Vasco  da  Gama  of  the  Cape  route  to  India. 

The  President  in  the  course  of  a  brief  speech,  paid  a  tribute  to 
Mr.  A.  M.  T.  Jackson,  I.  C.  S.,  a  retiring  member  of  the  Committee,, 
whose  services  to  the  Society  have  been  valuable.  He  referred  briefly 
to  the  history  of  the  Society  and  the  distinguished  men  under  whose 
auspices   it  was   originally   founded,   and    expressed   a  hope   that  in 


ABSTRACT   OF   THE    SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  IX 

connection  with  the  celebration  of  its  centenary  next  cold  weather  a 
fresh  and  enlarged  interest  would  be  aroused  in  the  Society  and  in 
the  various  departments  of  literary  and  scientific  work  by  which  it 
endeavoured  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  the  community. 

Mr.  Macmillan  in  proposing  the  adoption  of  the  report,  remarked 
that  they  had  a  fairly  successful  year.  The  number  of  Members  had 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  and  their  finances  were  in  a  satis- 
factory condition.  They  had  the  good  fortune  to  secure  as  their 
President  Mr.  Fulton,  from  the  exertion  of  whose  influence  they 
hoped  that  an  extension  of  premises  might  be  obtained  from  Govern- 
ment. Several  interesting  addresses  had  been  delivered  in  the  course 
of  the  year,  including  the  lecture  on  **  Indian  Chartography  "  by  Count 
Pull^,  perhaps  the  most  learned  chartographist  in  the  world,  which 
was  recorded  in  a  special  paragraph  in  the  report.  Worthy  of  special 
notice  also  was  the  account  of  Shivaji*s  Swarajya  given  by  Mr.  Pur- 
shotamdas  Visram  Maoji,  an  enthusiastic  investigator  of  old  Maratha 
Records.  The  coming  year  promised  to  be  full  of  interest,  for,  as 
mentioned  in  the  report,  the  centenary  of  the  Society  was  to  be  cele- 
brated in  the  end  of  the  year.  It  was  to  be  hoped  that  the  celebration 
would  be  worthy  of  an  institution  which  had  been  the  centre  of  the 
intellectual  life  of  Bombay  since  the  days  of  Mountstuart  Elphinstone 
and  Mackintosh.  For  this  purpose  an  appeal  for  subscription  would 
have  to  be  made  to  the  Members  of  the  Society,  which  would  no  doubt 
meet  with  a  liberal  response.  The  adequate  celebration  of  the 
centenary  might  also  do  much  to  popularise  the  Society  and  induce 
increasing  numbers  of  the  citizens  of  Bombay  to  become  Members. 

The  proposition  being  seconded  by  Mr.  James  MacDonald  and 
supported  by  the  Rev,  Dr.  Abbott,  was  carried  unanimously. 

On  the  motion  of  Mr.  Camrudin  Amirudin,  seconded  by  Mr.  Fur- 
doonji  Jamsetjee,  the  following  Committee  and  Auditors  were  appoint- 
ed for  1904: — 

COMMITTEE  OF  MANAGEMENT. 

1904. 

President, 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton,  c.s.i.,  i.c.s. 

Vice-Presidents, 

James  MacDonald,  Esq. 

K.  R.  Cama,  Esq. 

M.  Macmillan,  Esq.,  b.a. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.  Chandavarkar,  b.a.,  ll.b. 


ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S    PROCEEDINGS. 

Members. 

Camrudin  Amirudin,  Esq.,  b.a. 

F.  R.  Vicajee,  Esq.,  b.a.,  ll.b. 

Sir  Bhalchandra  K.  Bhatavadekar,  Kt. 

Jivanjee  Janisetji  Modi,  Esq.,  b.a. 

Rao  Bahadur  K.  G.  Desai,  l.c.e. 

Dastoor  Darab  P.  Sanjana,  b.a. 

A.  L.  Covernton,  Esq.,  m.a. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  D.  R.  Chichgar. 

J.  E.  Aspinwall,   Esq. 

Rev.  Dr.  D.  Mackichan,  m.a.,  ll.d. 

The  Hon*ble  Mr.  Justice  H.  Batty,  m.a.,  i.c.s. 

Rev.  J.  E.  Abbott,  d.d. 

Honorary  Secretary, 
Rev.  R.  Scott,  M.A. 

Honorary  Auditors, 
H.  R.  H.  Wilkinson,  Esq. 
Rao  Bahadur  Ghanasham  Nilkanth  Nadkarni,  b.a.,  ll.b. 


A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Monday,  the  28th 
November,   1904. 

Principal  M.  Macmillan,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  chair. 

The  proposals  received  from  Members  about  periodicals  and  news- 
papers were  considered  and  the  existing  list  was  examined,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  the  following  be  subscribed  for  from  the  beginning 
of  1905  : — 

Photography. 

Connoisseur. 

American  Review  of  Reviews. 

Independent  Review. 

Scribner's  Magazine. 

British  Medical  Journal. 

Englishman  (Calcutta). 

And  that  those  named  below  be  discontinued  : — 
Process  Photogram. 
Badminton  Magazine. 
Daily  News. 
Indian  Statesman  (Calcutta ). 


The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Friday,  the  7th 
April,  1905. 

The  Hon*ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton,  C.  S.  I.,  I.C.S.,  President,  in 
the  chair. 

The  Honorary  Secretary  read  the  following  report  of  the  Society 
for  1904:  — 


ABSTRACT  OP   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  xi 

The  Annual  Report  for  1904. 


MEMBERS. 

Resident.  — ^i^  New  Members  were  elected  during  1904  and  2  Non- 
Resident  Members  came  to  Bombay,  whose  names  were  added  to  the 
list  of  Resident  Members.  24  have  withdrawn,  4  have  retired,  3  have 
died  and  the  name  of  i  was  removed  from  the  roll  for  non-payment  of 
subscription.  This  leaves  284  on  the  roll  at  the  end  of  the  year.  The 
number  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  year  was  265. 

Non- Resident,  —  20  Members  joined  under  this  class.  3  have  resigned 
the  membership,  2  died,  i  has  retired  and  2  having  come  to  Bombay 
were  transferred  to  the  Resident  list.  The  total  number  at  the  end  of 
the  year  was  90  against  78  at  the  end  of  1903.  Out  of  the  20  new 
Members,  16  have  become  subscribers  to  the  Library  under  Art.  XVI 
of  the  Rules  by  payment  of  an  additional  subscription. 

OBITUARY. 

The  Society  have  to  announce  with  regret  the  loss  by  death  of  the 
following  Members,  Resident  and  Non-Resident,  during  the  year  : — 

J.  R.  Greaves,  Esq. 
J.  N.  Tata,  Esq. 
Fakirchand  Premchand,  Esq. 
Kumar  Shri  Baldeoji  of  Dharumpore. 
Captain  G.  Warneford. 

LIBRARY. 

The  total  issue  during  the  twelve  months,  excluding  the  use  made  of 
Reference  and  other  works  at  the  Library,  was  38,636  volumes  against 
36,051  in  the  year  preceding.  The  total  comprised  24,131  volumes  of 
new  books  and  periodicals  and  14,505  of  the  old,  giving  a  daily  average 
of  113. 

The  subjoined  tables  show  in  detail  the  issues  by  months  and  the 
subjects  of  the  books  issued  : — 

Monthly  Issues. 

O 

January       ... 

February 

iVA  a  re  n           ...  ...          .*-          ■•• 

/vprii             .••  •■•         ...         ••• 

iviay              "•«  •••         ...         ... 

I  une              •..  ...         .••         •>• 

I  uiy              .*•  ...         ...         .'• 

August        ...         ••• 

September ...  •••        %•■>        ••. 

October       ...  ...         ...        ••• 

November  ...         

i_/ecemDer  •••  ...        .«•        ••• 


I  Books. 

New  Books, 

1,028 

2,298 

1,308 

2,069 

1,270 

1,890 

1,288 

2,023 

1,116 

2,426 

1,077 

2,095 

1,085 

2,274 

1,213 

2,076 

1,423 

1,719 

1. 194 

1,991 

1,139 

1,869 

1,364 

1.463 

xii  abstract  op  the  society's  proceedings. 

Classes  of  Books  Issued. 

Subject  Volumes. 

r iction    •••         •••         •••         •••         •••         •••         ■•■         •••  i2|OyO 

Biography        ...         ...         •••         ...         ...  if47S 

Miscellaneous,  Collected  Works,  Essays,  &c i»393 

Voyages,  Travels,  Geography,  Topography       i,o88 

History  and  Chronology       ...         i)04$ 

Reviews,     Magazines,     Transactions    of    Learned 

Societies,  &c.  (in  bound  volumes)          968 

Oriental  Literature 843 

Politics,  and  Political  Economy      561 

Poetry  and  Drama      •         ,••  500 

Art,  Architecture,  Engineering,  &c.           332 

Religion  and  Theology         ...  331 

Philology,  Literary  History,  &c 225 

Naval  and  Military 212 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Mineralogy,  &c 207 

Classics  and  Translations 201 

Foreign  Literature      ...  199 

Archaeology,  Antiquities,  Numismatics,  &c.          181 

Philosophy         ■..        •••        ...         •••         ...         ...         ...  177 

Natural  Philosophy,  Astronomy,  Mathematics,  &c.        ...  122 

Grammatical  Works,  Encyclopaedias,  Dictionaries,  &c.  119 

Government  Publications  and  Public  Records     ...         ...  100 

Medicine,  Surgery,  &c. • 98 

x^aw        ••(         •••        •.«         ...        ...        •..         •••         •••  o^ 

Botany,  Agriculture,  Horticulture  ...         - 59 

Logic,  Rhetoric           ...         • 29 

Periodicals  in  loose  numbers           ...  15,282 

ADDITIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

The  accessions  to  the  Library  during  the  year  numbered  1,250 
volumes.     909  of  these  were  acquired  by  purchase  and  34i:by  gift. 

Books  were  presented  chiefly  by  the  Bombay  Government,  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  India,  the  Government  of  India  and  the  other 
local  Governments  and  a  few  by  individual  authors  and  donors. 

The  volumes  of  each  class  of  books  purchased  and  presented  arc 
shown  in  the  subjoined  table  : — 

S:ibject, 

Religion  and  Theology 

Philosophy      ...         

Classics  and  Translations 


Volumes 

Volumes 

purchased. 

presented. 

n 

..• 

4 

••• 

4 

>.• 

^STRACT   OF  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  Xlii 

Subject  Volumes  Volumes 

purchased,  presented, 

./iterary   History   and   Biblio- 

•  ••  •••  •••  •••  ■••  Q  I 

c  Chronology         32  4 

,    Political    Economy,   Trade   and 
nmerce    ...         •••         •••         •••         ...         13  2 

v\  •••  •■•  •••  *••  •••  ••■  2  ^ 

iovernment  Publications  and  Public 
Records       ...        .••        •.•         ...        ...         12  143 

Biography       70 

Archaeology,     Antiquities,    Numismatics, 

Heraldry      ...         42  7 

Voyages,  Travels,  Geography  and  Topo- 
graphy        ...        ...        ...         ... 

Poetry  and  Drama 

A^ iCLion  ...         ...         ••«         ...         ...         ... 

Miscellaneous,   Collected  Works,  Essays, 

ObC.  ««•  ...  ...  •*  •  ...  .»• 

Foreign  Literature 

Natural  Philosophy,  Mathematics,  Astro- 
nomy  t»»        ••■        .••        ...        ...        «•• 

Art,  Music,  Engineering,  Architecture   ... 

Naval  and  Military 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Mineralogy  ... 
Botany,  Agriculture  and  Horticulture 
Medicine,  Surgery  and  Physiology 
Annuals,  Serials,  Transactions  of  Learned 

OOCld-16d,  OibCt  ...  •*•  ■••  ... 

Dictionaries  and  Grammatical  Works     ... 
Oriental  Literature  ... 

NEWSPAPERS  AND  PERIODICALS. 

The  newspapers,  periodicals,  and  journals  and  transactions  of 
Learned  Societies,  subscribed  for  and  presented  to  the  Society 
during  1904,  were — 

Literary  Monthlies      15 

Illustrated         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  18 

Scientific  and   Philosophical  Journals,   Transactions  of 

Learned  Societies,  &c 35 

fxcvie^rS  ...         ...         *•*         ...         .J.         ...         ...  10 

English  Newspapers 16 

English  Registers,  Almanacs,  Directories,  &c 13 


46 

10 

18 

*• » 

310 

... 

35 

4 

3 

3 

6 

.•t 

52 

2 

18 

•  •  • 

5 

. .. 

5 

5 

2 

I 

187 

123 

7 

I 

14 

30 

Xiv  ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S    PROCEEDINGS. 

Foreign  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals        lo 

American  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals       ii 

Indian  Newspapers  and  Government  Gazettes 20 

Indian  Journals,  Reviews,  &c.        ..  27 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Society,  held  in  November,  under  Article  XX  of 
the  Rules,  for  the  revision  of  the  newspapers,  periodicals,  &c.,  pur- 
chased by  the  Society,  it  was  resolved  to  subscribe  to — 

Photography. 

Connoisseur. 

American  Review  of  Reviews. 

Independent  Review. 

British  Medical  Journal. 

Scribner's  Magazine. 

Englishman  (Calcutta), 
and  to  discontinue — 

Process  Photogram. 

Badminton  Magazine. 

Daily  News. 

Indian  Statesman  (  Calcutta  ) 
from  the  beginning  of  1905. 

COIN     CABINET. 

The  Society's  Coin  Cabinet  received  an  accession  of  27  coins  during 
the  year  under  review.  They  were  received  from  different  Governments 
under  the  Treasure  Trove  Act. 

From  the  Bombay  Government 15 

the  Bengal  Government      10 

the  Government,  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh...     2 

Of  the  total  27,  18  were  Silver  and  9  Copper. 
A  detailed  descriptive  list  is  subjoined. 

Presented  by  the  Bombay  Government. 

Copper  Coins  of  the  following  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi  : — 

I     Jalal-ud-din  Firuz  Shah. 

6    Firuz  Shah. 

I     With   the  conjoined   names  of  Firuz  Shah  and  his 

son  Fateh  Khan. 
I     Muhammad  bin  Taghlak. 

These  coins  were  discovered  while  digging  in  the  bed  of  the  Shendi 
River,  near  the  village  of  Vina,  in  the  Nariad  Taluka,  Kaira  District. 
They  were  spread  about  in  the  sandy  bed. 


ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  Xvr 

Silver  Coins  of  the  Moghul  Emperors — 

I  Aurangzib. 

I  Farruk  Siyar. 

I  Muhammad  Shah. 

I  Ahmad  Shah. 

I  Alamgir  II. 

I  Shah  Alam. 

Found  hidden  in  a  wall  in  the  village  of  Narayangao,  Taluka  Junnar^ 
Poona  District. 

Presented  by  the   Bengal  Government. 

Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi.     (Suri  Dynasty.) 
5.     Shir  Shah. 
4.     Islam  Shah. 
I.     Muhammad  Shah. 

From  the  Malda  District,  found  in  a  village  called  Belbar  near  the- 
ancient  Gaur. 

Presented  by  the  Government^   United  Provinces  of  A^ra  and  Oudh, 
I.     Silver  Coin  of  the  Moghul  Emperor  Jehangir,  found  in  the 
town  of  Faridpur,  Bareilly. 

I.     Silver  Coin  of  the  East  India   Company  bearing  the  name 
of  Shah  Alam,  found  in  the  Gonda  District. 

The  Society  also  received  during  the  year  a  number  of  Indian  Pale- 
olithic and  Neolithic  stone  implements,  discovered  in  the  Madras 
Presidency  and  the  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh,  which  were 
presented  by  Mr.  H.  W.  Seton-Karr. 

FINANCE. 

A  statement  showing  in  detail  the  items  of  income  and  expenditure 
during  the  year  is  annexed  to  the  report. 

The  actual  totftl  receipts  by  subscriptions  from  Members  during  1904 
amount  to  Rs.  11,692-15-0.  The  subscriptions  in  the  year  before 
amounted  to  Rs.  11,363-12-0.  There  was  besides  a  sum  of  Rs.  620  on 
account  of  life  subscription  from  one  Resident  and  one  Non-Resident 
Member,  which  has  been  duly  invested  in  Government  securities  in 
accordance  with  Article  XV  of  the  Rules.  There  was  also  a  collection 
of  Rs.  1,815  from  the  special  subscription  started  to  defray  the  expenses 
in  connection  with  the  centenary  of  the  Society. 

The  balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Society  at  the  end  of  the  year  was 
Rs.  3,387-2-10,  including  the  amount  collected  on  account  of  the  Cente- 
nar}'  Fund. 


XVi  ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

Of  this  sum  Rs.  1,124-6-9  have  since  been  remitted  to  Messrs. 
Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Trubner  &  Co.  in  payment  of  their  bills  up  to  the 
end  of  December,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  will  be  required 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  printing  of  the  Memorial  Number  of  the 
Journal. 

The  arrears  of  subscription  for  1904  were  Rs.  100. 

The  invested  funds  of  the  Society  amount  to  Rs.  15,400. 

IMPROVEMENT  OF   ROOMS. 

On  May  16  a  letter  was  received  from  Government  granting  the  use 

of  the  Durbar  Room  for  book-cases.     This  will  lessen  the  pressure  due 

to  insufficient  space.     Various   minor  improvements  have  been  made 

for  the  convenience  of  readers,  including  an   additional   reading  room 

on  the  west  side,  a  better  arrangement  of  Reference  books  and  better 

lighting. 

CENTENARY. 

The  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the  founding  of  the  Society  occurred 
on  the  26th  November.  The  event  was  duly  celebrated  in  the  third 
week  of  January  1905  from  the  17th  to  the  20th  inclusive.  Twenty-two 
papers  were  read  ;  and  a  conversazione  was  held,  presided  over  by  His 
Excellency  Lord  Lamington,  Patron  of  the  Society.  A  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  proceedings  is  given  in  the  Centenary  Memorial  Volume, 
which  is  in  the  press  and  will  shortly  be  published. 


Mr.  Sharp,  in  proposing  the  adoption  of  the  report,  said  it  reminded 
them  that  the  centenary  had  been  celebrated,  and  he  thought  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Scott  was  entitled  to  their  best  thanks,  not  only  for  the  work  he 
had  done  in  connection  with  the  Library,  but  also  for  having  made 
the  centenary  gathering  such  a  success. 

Mr.  S.  T,  Bhandare  seconded  the  proposition,  which  was  carried 
unanimously. 

On  the  motion  of  Mr.  James  Macdonald,  seconded  by  Mr.  J.  P. 
Watson,  the  following  Committee  was  elected  for  the  ensuing  year  : — 

COMMITTEE  OF  MANAGEMENT. 

1905. 
President. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.   M.  H.  Fulton,  c.s.i.,  i.c.s. 

Vice-Presidents. 

James  MacDonald,  Esq. 

K.  R.  Cama,  Esq. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.  Chandavarkar,  b.a.,  ll.b. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  H.  Batty,  m.a.,  i.c.s. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY^S  PROCEEDINGS.  xvil 

Members, 

Canirudin  Amirudin,  Esq.,  b.a. 

F.  R.  Viccaji,  Esq.,  b.a.,  ll.b. 

Sir  Bhalchandra  K.  Bhatavadekar,  Kt. 

Jivanji  Jamsetji  Modi,  Esq.,  b.a. 

Dastur  Darab  P.  Sanjana,  Esq.,  b.a. 

A.  L.  Covernton,  Esq.,  m.a. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  D.  R.  Chichgar. 

Rev.  D.  Mackichan,  m.a.,  ll.d. 

J.  E.  Aspinwall,  Esq. 

Rev.  Dr.  J.  E.  Abbott,  d.d. 

Rao  Biihadur  G.  N.  Nadkarni,  b.a.,  ll.b. 

L.  C.  H.  Young,  Esq.,  b.a. 

W.  H.Sharp,  Esq.,  m.a. 

S.  R.  Bhandarkar,  Esq.,  m.a. 

Honorary  Secretary, 

Rev.  R.  Scott,  M.A, 

Honorary  Auditors. 

H.  R.H.  Wilkinson,  Esq. 
S.  T.  Bhandare,  Esq. 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Fulton  said  when  he  came  to  Bombay  that  morning 
he  had  not  expected  to  be  at  the  meeting  or  to  have  been  called  on  to 
make  a  speech  ;  though  it  was  a  great  pleasure  to  him  to  have  been 
able  to  attend  and  to  meet  the  members.  He  thought  the  report 
showed  good  progress,  for  whether  they  looked  at  the  number  of 
resident  and  non-resident  members,  to  the  issue  of  the  books  or  to  any 
other  part  of  the  report  they  found  that  some  advance  had  been  made  ; 
which  was  very  satisfactory  at  a  time  when  they  were  entering  on 
another  century.  When  they  looked  round  the  room  and  saw  the 
collection  of  books  which  had  been  made  during  the  last  one  hundred 
years  they  might  fairly  ask  themselves  to  what  extent  the  Society 
would  have  grown  in  the  year  2005.  They  would  then  require  new 
rooms,  but  he  hoped  they  would  net  have  to  wait  quite  so  long  as  a 
century  before  some  of  them  saw  a  new  building  begun.  He  regretted 
that  his  absence  in  England  had  prevented  him  giving  that  assistance 
at  the  Centenary  meetings  which  one  of  the  speakers  had  attributed  to 
him,  and  thought  that  the  success  of  that  celebration  was  greatly  due 
to  their  Honorary  Secretary. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Scott,  having  pohited  out  how  the  President  had  given 
valuable  assistance  by  coming  down  from  Poona  to  attend  the  prelimi- 
nary meetings,  said  the  Centenary  would  have  been  even  a  greater 
success  had  Mr.  Fulton  b^en  able  to  be  present. 

6a 


Xviii  ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

A  vote  of  thanks  to  the  President  concluded  the  meeting. 


A  MeeTiNG  of  the  Society    was    held    on    Thursday,    tlie    27th    of 
July   1905. 

K.  R.  Cam  A,  Esq. ,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

Mr.  R.  K.  Dadachanji  read  a  paper  on  the  Evolution  of  Primitive 
Religion  as  illustrated  by  the  Avestic  Doctrines  of  the  Fravashees,  &c. 

On  the  proposition  of  Mr.  J.  J.  Mody,  seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T. 
Bhandare,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  Mr.  Dadachanji  for  the 
paper  he  had  read. 

A  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Wednesday,  the  27111  Sep- 
tember 1905. 

Mr.  James  MacDonald,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Mr.  R.  P.  Karkaria  then  read  a  paper  on  "  Lt.-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis 
(1796-1857)  and  his  Manuscript  Studies  on  the  State  of  the  Mara tha 
People  and  their  history,  recently  presented  to  the  Society  by  his  son." 

Mr.  R.  K.  Dadachanji  moved  and  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhandare  seconded  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Karkaria  for  the  highly  interesting  and  valuable 
paper  he  had  read. 

Mr.  K.  R.  Cama  in  supporting  the  motion  stated  that  he  remembered 
seeing  Mr.  Jervis  when  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Bombay  Education 
in  this  city. 

The  Ciiairnian  after  some  remarks  put  the  motion  to  the  vote  and 
it  was  carried  by  acclamation. 


A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  under  Art.  XX  of  the  Rules  was 
held  on  Thursday,  the  30th  November  1905. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.  M.  Fulton,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  following   proposals  about   papers  and  periodicals  were  placed 
before  the  meeting. 

By  the  Honorary  Secretary — 
That— 

**  American  Review  of  Reviews," 

'*  Independent  Review," 

'*  British  Medical  Journal," 

"Journal  of  Education/'  be  discontinued. 

Carried. 


ABSTRACT   OP   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 


XIX 


Hy  the  Hon*ble  Mr.  C.  H.  Armstrong — 
That— 

'*Capitar'be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta. 

By  Mr.  R.  S.  Rustomjee  : — 
That— 

(i)  **  Daily  News,*'  London,  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta. 

(2)  *'  Hindustan  Review"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  the  Hon*ble  Mr.  H.  S.  Dikshit. 

(3)  **  Oriental  Review"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


(4)  "Calcutta  Review"  be  discontinued. 

Proposition  withdrawn. 
By  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta — 
That— 

(i)  **  Statesman  "  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Bhalchandra  Krishna. 


Carried. 


That— 

(2)  **  India  "  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  the  Hon*ble  Mr.  H.  S.  Dikshit. 


Carried. 


That— 

(3)  "  Indu  Prakash"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Bhalchandra  Krishna. 

Carried. 

It  was  resolved  to  discontinue  the    "  Englishman  *'  on  account  of 
expense. 

By  Prof.  S.  R.  Bhandarkar— 
That— 

(i    **  International  Journal  of  Ethics," 

(2)  **  Nachrichten  der  Koinglichen  Gesellschaft  der   Wissen- 
chaften  zur  Gottingen"  be  taken. 

Mr.  Bhandarkar  not  being  present,  the  proposition  as  regards  (i)  was 
moved  by  the  Hon'ble  Mr  Justice  N.  G.  Chandawarkar  and  seconded 
by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta  and  carried. 

7 


5X  ASj^iwr  Cf 


■\V,-cc  s-.V.ii 


■:C.  3^>La^   rr.-cos<J  ir.J    Sir 


Books  J  &^c.y  Presenled  to  the  Society  j 

1904-05- 

Titlet  of  Books.  Donors, 

Accounts  of  Trade,   by  Rail  and  River  in  India,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 
Acts  passed  by  the  Governor-General  of  India,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 
Administration  Report,  Baluchistan  Agency,  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Report,  Bengal,  1902-03-04. 

Bengal  Government. 

Report,  Berar,  1902-03. 

Commissioner,  Central  Provinces. 

Report,  Bombay  Improvement  Trust,  1904-05. 

Chairman,  Improvement  Trust. 

Report,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Report,  Burma,  1902-03-04. 

Burma  Government. 

Report,  Central  India  Agency  for  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Report,  Madras,  1902-03-04. 

Madras  Government. 

• Report,  N.-W.  Frontier  Province,  1902-03-04-05. 

Chief  Commissioner,  N.-W.  F.  Provinces. 

Report,  Persian  Gulf,  Political  Residency  and  Musk  at 

Political  Agency,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Report,  Punjab,  1902-03-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

Report,  Rajputana  States  aAd  Ajmer-Merwara,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

'  Report,  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh,  1902-03-04. 

United  Provinces  Government. 

Agricultural  Ledger,  1903-04. 

Government  ©f  India. 


Xxit  PRESENTS   TO   THE   LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors, 

Agricultural  Statistics  of  India,  1897-9810  1901-02-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 
. —  Statistics,  India,  1898-99  to  1902-03. 

Government  of  India. 
AjMER  Code,  3rd  Edition. 

Government  of  India. 

Album  of  Philippine  Types. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History. 

A  Manual  of  Musalman  Numismatics  by  O.  Codrington. 

The  Author. 
American  Museum  Journal,  Vols,  i,  2  &  3. 

American  Museum. 

Ancient  Iranians  (Gujarati). 

Parsee  Panchayat. 

Angel  of  Misfortune.     By  Nagesh  W.  Pai. 

The  Author. 

Annales  du  Mus^e  Guimet,  1903-04. 

The  Mus^e  Guimet. 

Annals,  Royal  Botanic  Garden,  Calcutta,  Vol.  X.,  Part  II. 

Bengal  Government. 

Arda  Viraf  Nameh. 

Parsee  Panchayat. 

Area  and  Yield  of  certain  Crops  in  India,  1891-92-03-04-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Asiatic  Papers.    J.  J.  Modi. 

The  Author. 

ARCHi^EOGiCAL    Survey    of    India,     New    Imperial   Series,    Vol.    XXIX 
(Southern  India,  Vol.  X).     South  Indian  Inscriptions,  Vol.  Ill, 

Madras  Government. 

Attempt  to  Analyse  the  Mahabharat     R.  R.  Bhagvat. 

The  Author. 

Avesta,  Pahlavi  and  Ancient  Persian  Studies. 

Parsee  Panchayat 

B.  B.  &  C.  I.  Railway  Time  Table. 

The  Railway  Co. 

Bengal  Code,  3rd  Ed.,  Vols.  I— III. 

Government  of  India. 

Bombay  Port  Trust,  Papers  on  Indian  Granites. 

Bombay  Port  Trust. 

. ^Port  Trust,  Review  of  Operations,  1873-1905. 

Chairman,  Port  Trust. 


PRESENTS   TO   THE   LIBRARY.  xxiii 

Titles  of  Books.  ^^„^^^ 

Bombay  Quarterly  Civil  List,  1904. 

Bombay  Government. 
BouDHAYANA  Grihya  Sutra. 

Mysore  Government. 
Br  HAD  Devata,  2  Vols. 

Harvard  University. 
Bulletin  de  L'EcoIe  Francjaise  D'Extr^me  Orient,  1904. 

Ecole,  Fran^aise. 
•  of  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  1903-04. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

t)epartment  of  Land  Records  and  Agriculture,   Bombay,  1903, 
Nos.  22,  25. 

Bombay  Government. 

■  International    de    L'Academie    des    Sciences    De    Cracovie 

1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Vol.  IV,  V,  VII— 

IX;XIII-XVI,  1892. 

American  Museum. 

of  Medicine,  Lloyd  Library. 

Lloyd  Library. 
Cartoons  from  Hindi  Punch,  1904. 

Proprietor  of  the  Hindi  Punch. 
Catalogue,  Imperial  Library,  Calcutta,  2  Vols. 

Council  Imperial  Library. 

Library  of  Congress,  U.  S.  A.,  1904. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

•  of  Greek  Coins,  British  Museum. 

Trustees,  British  Museum. 
of   Greek  Coins    in    the    Hunterian    Collection,     Glasgow. 

Vol.  in. 

Trustees,  Hunterian  Coin  Catalogue  Fund. 

• of  Latin  MSS.,  Berlin  Library.     The  Library. 

'  of  Persian  Manuscripts  in  the  India  Office  Library,  Vol.  I. 

Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Bombay. 

of  Sanskrit  Manuscripts,  India  Office  Library,  Part  VIL 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

of  Sanskrit  MSS., Government  OrientalMSS.Library,  Madras. 

Madras  Government. 

of  two  collections  of  Sanskrit  MSS.  preserved  in  the  India 

Office  Library. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India 


Xxiv  PRESENTS   TO   THE    LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors, 

Census  of  India,  1901,  Vol.  XX  and  XXa,  Cochin. 

,  Bombay  Government. 

Census  of  India,  1901,  Vols.  XXVI,  XXVIA  and  XXVIB.,  Travancore. 

Bombay  Government. 
Central  Provinces  Code,  3rd  Edition,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 
Cuneiform  Inscription  of  Western  Asia,  Vol.  III. 

British  Museum. 
Descriptive  Catalogue  of  Sanskrit   MSS.,   Calcutta  Sanskrit  College, 
Nos.  19,  20  and  21. 

Bengal  Government. 
Digambara  Jaina  Iconography,  by  Dr.  J.  Burgess. 

The  Author. 
Dispensary  Report,  Punjab,  1903. 

Punjab  Government. 
District  Gazetteer,  Bengal  Presidency,  Statistics,  1901-02.  15  Parts. 

Government  of  India. 

Gazetteers,  United  Provinces,  Agra  and  Oudh,  Vols.  3,  4,  5,  34, 

37,  38,  39.  40,  4^  45»  4^,  47  and  48. 

Government  of  India. 
Early  Voyages  to  Spitsbergen  in  the  Seventeenth  Century.  (Hak.  Soc.). 

Bombay  Government. 
East  India.     Accounts  and  Estimates,  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India  (Afghanistan")  Treaty,  dated  21st  March  1905. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India,  Home  Accounts. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India.     Income  and  Expenditure,  1893-94  to  1903-04. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India.  Indian  Financial  Statement  for  1904^)5  and  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
— —  India.  Progress  and  Condition,  1903-04. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India,  Reconstitution  of  Bengal  and  Assam. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

India,  Appeals,  Revised  Rules. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India  (Forest  Service)  Correspondence. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
—  InJia  Army  Administration. 

Secretarv  of  State  for  India. 


PRESENTS    TO   THE   LIBRARY.  XXV 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors. 

Elements  de  Sanskrit  Classique.  V.  Henry. 

Ecole  Fran^aise  D'Extreme  Orient. 
Epigraphia  Carnatica,  Vi»l.  VI 11.,  Part  II.,  Text  and  Translation. 

Mysore  Government. 

Carnatica,  Vol.  XII. 

Mysore  Government. 

Indica,  Vol.  VII,  1902-03. 

Government  of  India. 
Etudes  Grammaire  Pehlvi. 

Librairie  Orientale  et  Am^ricaine. 
Etude  sur  Tccongraphie.     Bouddhique  de  Tlnde. 

^cole  des  Hautes  Etudes. 
Factory  Report  of  the  Presidency  of  Bombay,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
Fifteenth  Annual  Report,  Missouri  Botanical  Garden. 

St.  Louis  Board  of  Trustees. 

Finance  and  Revenue  Accounts  of  the  Government  of  India,  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 
False  Claims  corrected.     By  Dr.  G.  W.  Brown. 

The  Author. 
Fresh  Water  Fishes  of  Mexico. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

•Further  Papers,  regarding  the  Administration  of  the  Army  in  India. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Papers,  Tibet  No.  HI. 

Secretary  of  State  for  Indi ., 
Gadadhara  Paddhati,  Vol.  I   (Bibliotheca  Indica). 

Asiatic  Society  of  Benga  . 
Gandhara  Sculptures.     By  Dr.  Burgess. 

The  Author. 
General  Report,  Census  of  India,  1901. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India 

Geographical  account  of  countries  round  the  Bay  of  Bengal,    1669  to 

1679.  (Hak.  Soc). 

Bombay  Government. 
Glossary  of  the  Multan  Language. 

Punjab  Government 
HiSTOiRE  du  Bouddhisme  dans  Tlnde.     Par  Kern.    Tome  II. 

Mus^e  Guimet 
History  of  Epidemics  in  Britain,  Vol.  II.     By  Creighton. 

Cambridge  Universiti*. 


XXVI  PRESENTS   TO  THE   LIBRARY. 

Tilles  of  Books.  Donors. 

Improvement  of  Indian  Cotton. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Income-Tax  Statistics,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
India  (Aden);  Papers  relating  to  Aden  Harbour,  &c. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
India.     Past  and  Present.     By  J.  Murdock. 

The  Author. 
Indian  Art  at  Delhi,  1903. 

Bombay  Government. 
■ Law  Reports.     Allahabad  Series,  1903-04. 

Government,  U.P. 
• Law  Reports.     Bombay  Series,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
Law  Reports.     Calcutta  Series,  1903-04. 

Bengal  Government. 

Law  Report.     Madras  Series,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Meteorological  Memoirs,  Vols.  XVI  and  XVII. 

Government  of  India. 

Universities  Commission.     Letters  to  the  **  Times  of  India  "by 

C.  H.  Setalwad. 

The  Author. 

Weather  Review,  Annual  Summary,  1903. 

Government  of  India. 
Inscriptions  on  Copper-plates  and  Stones,  Nellore  District,  Madras. 

Madras  Government. 

Irrigation  in  India. 

Government  of  India. 
Jehangir  Nameh  by  Herati. 

Mr.  M.  Kanga. 
Journal,  American  Oriental  Society,  Vols.  24,  25  and  26. 

The  Society. 

Bombay  Anthropological  Society,  Vols.  1-6. 

The  Society. 

Royal    Asiatic    Society    of   Great   Britain  and   Ireland,    1888 

(January)  Part  I  ;  1891  (January)  Part  I  ;  1896  (January) 
Part  I  ;  1898  (July)  Part  III ;  1901  (April)  Part  II  ;  1902  (July) 
Part  III. 

Mr.  F.  Goldsmid. 

Siam  Society.     Vol.  I,  Parts,   i  &  2. 

The  Society. 


PRESENTS    TO  THE   LIBRARY.  XXvii 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors. 

Journal  Statistical  Society,  Vol.  56,  1903. 

The  Society. 

Straits  Branch  R.  A.  Society,  No.  44,  1905. 

The  Society. 
Victoria  Institute,  VoL  XXXVI,  1904. 

The  Institute. 
Judicial  and  AdministraUve  Statistics,  Britbh  India,  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 
Kansas.     By  Mrs.  Robinson. 

Mrs.  Sara  T.  W.  Robinson. 

Conflict.    By  C.  Robinson. 

Mrs.  Sara  T.  W.  Robinson. 

KHORDEH-Avesta  Searched— I  Mihr-Yast     By  Prof.  R.  R.  Bhagvat. 

The  Author. 

La  Visite  d'un  Parsi  a  la  Ville  de  Constantinople.    By  J.  J.  Modi. 

The  Author. 
Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Vols.  II — VI. 

Government  of  India. 

and  Oriental  Essays,  Series  VII.     By  R.  N.  Cust 

The  Author. 
List  of  Sanskrit,  Jaina  and  Hindi  MSS.,  Sanskrit  College,  Benares. 

Government,  U.P. 
Madras  District  Gazetteers,  Bellary  and  Anantpur. 

Government  of  India. 
Mahabharat,  Abridged.     C.  V.  Vaidya. 

The  Author. 

Mahabodhi,  Vols.  X  and  XI. 

The  Mahabodhi  Society. 

MSS.  in  7  Vols,  being  Memoirs  of  the  work  of  Lt.-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis, 
Bombay  Engineers,  East  India  Company,  1826,  containing  interest- 
ing information  bearing  on  the  Administration,  History,  Surveys,  and 
land  tenures  of  Western  India,  in  the  early  years  of  the  last  century. 

Mr.  W.  P.  Jervis. 
Markandeya  Purana. 

Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal. 
Materia  Medica  of  India.  By  Dr.  R.  N.  Khori. 

The  Author. 

Memoirs,  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Vol.  I.,  Part  VIII. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

Geological  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  XXXVI,  Part  I. 

Government  of  India. 


Xviii  ABSTRACT   OF  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

A  vote  of  thanks  to  the  President  concluded  the  meeting. 


A  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Thursday,  tlie  27th  of 
July   1905. 

K.  R.  Cama,  Esq.,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

Mr.  R.  K.  Dadachanji  read  a  paper  on  the  Evolution  of  Primitive 
Religion  as  illustrated  by  the  Avestic  Doctrines  of  the  Fravashees,  &c. 

On  the  proposition  of  Mr.  J.  J.  Mody,  seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T. 
Bhandare,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  Mr.  Dadachanji  for  the 
paper  he  had  read. 

A  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Wednesday,  the  27th  Sep- 
tember 1905. 

Mr.  James  Mac  Donald,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Mr.  R.  P.  Karkaria  then  read  a  paper  on  **  Lt.-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis 
(1796-1857)  and  his  Manuscript  Studies  on  the  State  of  the  Maratha 
People  and  their  history,  recently  presented  to  the  Society  by  his  son." 

Mr.  R.  K.  Dadachanji  moved  and  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhandare  seconded  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Karkaria  for  the  highly  interesting  and  valuable 
paper  he  had  read. 

Mr.  K.  R.  Cama  in  supporting  the  motion  stated  that  he  remembered 
seeing  Mr.  Jervis  when  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Bombay  Education 
in  this  city. 

The  Ciiairman  after  some  remarks  put  the  motion  to  the  vote  and 
it  was  carried  by  acclamation. 


A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  under  Art.  XX  of  the  Rules  was 
held  on  Thursday,  the  30th  November  1905. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.  M.  Fulton,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  following   proposals  about   papers  and  periodicals  were  placed 
before  the  meeting. 

By  the  Honorary  Secretary — 
That— 

**  American  Review  of  Reviews," 
**  Independent  Review," 


**  British  Medical  Journal," 

"Journal  of  Education,"  be  discontinued. 


Carried. 


ABSTRACT   OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 


XIX 


Hy  the  Hon'ble  Mr.  C.  H.  Armstrong — 
That— 

**  Capital"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta. 

By  Mr.  R.  S.  Rustomjee  : — 
That— 

(i)  **  Daily  News,"  London,  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta. 

(2)  "  Hindustan  Review  "  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  the  Hon'ble  Mr.  H.  S.  Dikshit. 

(3)  '*  Oriental  Review"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Perozshah  M,  Mehta. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


Carried. 


(4)  **  Calcutta  Review"  be  discontinued. 

Proposition  withdrawn. 
By  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta — 
That— 

(i)  **  Statesman  "  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Bhalchandra  Krishna. 


Carried. 


That— 

(2)  "  India  "  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  the  Hon'ble  Mr.  H.  S.  Dikshit. 


Carried. 


That— 

(3)  *'  Indu  Prakash"  be  taken. 

Seconded  by  Sir  Bhalchandra  Krishna. 

Carried. 

It  was  resolved  to  discontinue  the   **  Englishman  "  on  account  of 
expense. 

By  Prof.  S.  R.  Bhandarkar— 
That— 

(i    **  International  Journal  of  Ethics," 

(2)  **  Nachrichten  der  Koinglichen  Gesellschaft  der   Wissen- 
chaften  zur  Gottingen"  be  taken. 

Mr.  Bhandarkar  not  being  present, the  proposition  as  regards  (i)  was 
moved  by  the  Hon'ble  Mr  Justice  N.  G.  Chandawarkar  and  seconded 
by  Sir  Perozshah  M.  Mehta  and  carried. 

7 


XXX  PRESENTS   TO   THE   LIbRARY. 

Titles  of  Books,  •  Donors. 

Proceedings,  Royal  Geogi-aphical  Society,  Australasia,  Vol.  VII,  1903-04. 

The  Society. 
Progress  of  Education  in  India,  1897-98  to  1901-02. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Rajputana  District  Gazetteers,  Vol.  I,  A  and  B. 

Government  of  India. 
Ramayan  Abridged.     C.  V.  Vaidya. 

The  Author. 
Records,  Botanical  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  II,  No.  d. 

Government  of  India. 

Botanical  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  Ill,  Nos.  i  and  2. 

'Government  of  India. 

•  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  XXXI,  1904. 

Supdt,  Geo.  Survey  of  India. 

Reminiscences  of  Geo.   R.  J.   Walker   with   Rescue  of  Kansas    from 

Slavery.     By  Dr.  G.  W.  Brown. 

The  Author. 

Report.  American  Ethnology,  1888  to  1899- 1900-01. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

•  American  Historical  Association,  1903. 

The  Association. 

-  -  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  1904. 

The  Museum. 

— and    Correspondence    relating    to    Royal    Indian   Engineering 

College. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

—  Report,  Archaeological  Survey  of  Western  India,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  GovernmenL 

Archaeological  Survey,  Punjab,  1904. 

Punjab  Government. 
Archajological  Survey,  Bengal  Circle,  1904-05. 

Bengal  Government. 

-  Archaeological  Survey,  Punjab  and  United  Province,  1903—05. 

2  vols. 

Government  U.  S.  P. 

—  Archaeological  Work,  Burma,  1904-05. 

Burma  Government 

—  Australasian  Association  for  the  advancement  of  Science,  1904. 

The  Association. 

--  Board  of  Scientific  Advice  for  India,  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 


PRESENTS   TO   THE    LIBRARY.  XXXI 

Titles  of  Books.  .Donors, 

Report.  Bombay  Chamber  of  Commerce,   1903  and  1904. 

Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Bombay  Jail  Department,  1904. 

Bombay  Government. 

Bombay  Millowners'  Association,  1903-04. 

The  Association. 

Bombay  Port  Trust,  1903-04-05. 

Chairman,  Port  Trust. 

. ■■ —   Bombay  Veterinary  College,   i9«>3-04-05. 

Bombay  Government, 
i^^—    Census  of  India,  1901  (India).     Part  I. 

Government  of  India. 

•  Chenab,  Jhelum  and  Chunian  Colonies,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 


— -  Chemical  Analyser  to  Government  of  Bombay,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
Civil  Hospitals,  &c.,  under  Bombay  Government,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Civil  Justice  in  the  Punjab,   1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

Civil  Veterinary  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Department  of  Agriculture,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04.  j 

Bombay  Government.  j 

Dispensaries,  Jail,   Hospitals  and   Vaccination,    Central   India  j 

Agency,  1902  and  1903. 

Government  of  India. 

Director  General  of  Archaeology,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Education,  Punjab,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

•  Excise  Department  (Abkari  and  Opium)  Bombay   Presidency — 

Sind  and  Aden,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government.  I 

Experimental  Farms,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

., External  Land  Trade,  Sind  and  Baluchistan,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government. 


XXX  1  PRESENTS   TO   THE    LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors, 

Report,  External  Land  Trade  Punjab,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 
Forest  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
Forest  Administration,  Madras,  1902-03-04. 

Madras  Government. 
•  Forest  Administration,  Punjab,  1902-03-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

Government  Museum  and  Connemara  Public  Library,  Madras, 

1903-04-05. 

Madras  Government. 

Imperial  Institute,  Indian  Section,  1904-05 

Secretary  of  State  for  India.. 

Income  Tax,  Punjab,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 


—  Incumbered  Estates,  Sind,  1902-03. 

Bombay  Government. 

—  -  Indian,  Irrigation  Commission,  1901 — 03,  Parts  I — IV. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

—  Indian  Police  Commission. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Inspector  of  Mines  in  India,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

—  Irrigation  Works  in  the  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

—  Land  Records  and  Agriculture,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government 

—  Land  Records  and  Agriculture,  Punjab,   1903-04-05. 

Punjab  Government. 

—  Land  Revenue  Administration,  Punjab,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government, 

—  Library  of  Congress,  U.S.,  1904. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 
— •  Lucknow  Provincial  Museum,  1904-05. 

Government,  U.  P. 

—  Lunatic  Asylums  under  the  Government  of  Bombay,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government 

—  Lunatic  Asylum,  Punjab,  1903. 

Punjab  Government. 
— •  Maritime  Trade,  Sind,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government 


PRESENTS    TO   THE    LIBRARY.  XXXlll 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors, 

Report  Meteorological  Department,  Government  of  India,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

.  Missouri  Botanical  Garden,  1905. 

Missouri  Botanical  Garden. 

•  Municipal  Commissioner,  Bombay,  1903-04. 

Municipal  Commissioner. 

on  the  Excavation  at  Pataliputra  ^Patna.) 

Bengal  Government. 

on  the  search  for  Hindi  MSS.,  U.  P.,  for  1901. 

Government,  U.  P. 

on  the  working  of  Municipalities  in  the  Punjab,  1902-03-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

on  the  working  of  the  Punjab  Alienation   of  Land   Act,    13  for 

1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

Opium  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 
Police  Town  and  Island  of  Bombay,  1903, 

Bombay  Government. 

.. on  Public  Instruction,  Punjab,  1902-03. 

Punjab  Government. 
.. Rail-Borne  Trade  of  the  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government 
— Railways  in  India,  1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 
,  Reformatory  School,  Yeravda,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 
' Registration  Department,  Bombay,  Presidency,  1902-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Registration  Department,  Punjab,  1903-04. 

Punjab  Government. 

Researches  on  Malaria.     Dr.  R.  Ross. 

Upsala  University. 

Salt  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

Salt  Department,  Sind,  1903-04. 

,    Bombay  Government* 

. Sanitary  Administration,  P\injab^  1904. 

Punjab  Government. 

Sanitary  Commissioner,  Bombay  Government,  1903-04. 

Bombay  Government. 


—  Settlement  operation,  Punjab,  1903-04. 


—  Smithsonian  Institute,  1902-03. 


—  Stamp  Department,  Bombay,  1903-04. 
Stamp  Department,  Punjab,  1904-05. 


XXxiv  PRESENTS   TO   THE   LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors, 

Report  on  Sanitary  measures  in  India  in  1901-02. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Sanitation,     Dispensaries,  Jails   and    Vaccination,    Rajputana, 

1903-04. 

Government  of  India. 

-  Sanskrit  MSS.,  Southern  India,  No.  III. 

Madras  Government. 

-  Sea-Borne  Trade  and  Customs  Administration,  Bombay  Presi- 
dency, 1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

Punjab  Government. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

Bombay  Government 

Punjab  Government. 

^  Survey  of  India,  1902-03-04. 

Government  of  India. 

Talukdari  Settlement  Officer,  Bombay  Presidency,   1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Governm2nt. 
Thugi  and  Dacoity  Department,  1903. 

Government  of  India. 

Vaccination,  Bombay  Presidency,  1902-03-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

.  Vaccination,  Punjab,  1903. 

Punjab  Government. 

Resolution  on   Reports  of  Local   Boards,   Bombay   Presidency,   1902- 

03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

on  Reports  on  Municipal  Taxation  and  Expenditure,  Bombay 

Presidency,  1902-03-04. 

Bombay  Government. 

Return  of  the  Wrecks  and  Casualties  in  Indian  Waters,  1904. 

Government  of  India. 
Review  of  Trade  of  India,  1903-04-05, 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
RivAZu-S-sulatin. 

Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal. 


PRESENTS   TO   THE   LIBRARY.  XXXV 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors. 

Sanskrit    MSS.,    194  (Tapikar    Puranic  Collection),   chiefly  of  works 
of  Vedic  and  Sacrificial  Literature. 

Siirimant  M.  V.  Kibe. 
Satrunjaya  Mahatmyam    and  Pilgrimage  to  Porsvanath  in  1820.     By 

J.  Burgess. 

Tlie  Author. 
Season  and  Crop  Report,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

Settlement  Report  of  the  Multan  District,  1901. 

Punjab  Government. 

SiiAH  Nameh  (Gujarati). 

Parsee  Panchayat. 

Smithsonian  Contribution  to  Knowledge,  Vol.  XXXI II. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

. Miscellaneous  Collection,  4  Parts,  1903-04. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 

Spirit  of  the  Gathas. 

Parsee  Panchayet. 

Statement,  Moral  and  Material  Progress  of  India,  1902-03. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Trade  and  Navigation,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

Trade  and  Navigation,   Sind,  1903-04-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

.Statistical  Abstract,  British  India,  1893-94-95  to  1902-03-04. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Statistics  of  Mineral  Production  in  India,  1894-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Summarised  Report  of  the  Plague  Research  Laboratory  for  1902-1904. 

Bombay  Government. 

SWF.DiN. 

University,  Upsala. 
Tables,  Trade  of  British  India,  1898-99  to  1902-03  and  1899-00  to  1903-04. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Technical  Art  Series,  1903,  Plates  1-25. 

Government  of  India. 
The  Sketch  of  the  Flora  of  British  India.     By  Sir  J.  Hooker. 

Government  of  India. 

Tide  Tables  for  India,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 


• 


XXXVl  PRESENTS  TO   THE   LIBRARY. 

Titles  oj  Books,  Donors. 

Transactions    and     Proceedings,   American    Philological    Association, 

Vol.  34,  1903-04. 

The  Association. 
TwiiNTY-FOURTH  Annual   Report  of  the    Director  of  U.    S.    Geological 

Society,  1902-03. 

The  Society. 
Two  Coins  of  Mesopotamia  and  Persia.     By  J.  G.  Covernton. 

The  Author. 
U.  S.   Geological  Survey   Monographs,    Vols.    44    and    45  ;    Mineral 

Resources,  1903  ;  Report,  1903-04. 

Smithsonian  Institute. 
University  Calendar,  Bombay,  1904-05-06. 

The  University. 
Calendar,  Madras,  1904-05-06. 

Madras  University. 
Calendar,  Punjab,  1904-05-06. 

Punjab  University. 
Unrepealed  General  Acts  of  the  Governor  General  of  India   in  Council, 

Vol.  VII,  1899-1903. 

Government  of  India. 
Views  of  the  Government  of  India  on  the  question  of  Preferential  Tariffs. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Voyages  of  Quiros,  2  Vols.  (Hak.  Soc.) 

Bombay  Government. 
Young  Man  in  the  Battle  of  Life.     By  J.  Murdoch. 

The  Author. 


B.  B.  R.  A.  Society. 

A  list  of  Contributions  to  the  Centenary  Celebration  Fund, 

Rs. 

H.  E.  The  Right  Hon'ble  Lord  Lamhigton 50 

The  Hop.*ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton      ...        ..•        25 

Rev.  Dr.  J.  E.  Abbott      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  25 

E.  F.  Allum,  Esq.             ...        .••        «••        .••        •••         ...  10 

J.  E.  Aspinwall,  Esq.       ...         --         ...         ...         ...         ...  25 

Balkrishna  V.  Wasudev,  Esq ...         ,..  25 

Dosabhoy  N.  Banaji,  Esq.          .••         ...         ...  25 

Limji  N.  Banaji,  Esq.      ...         ...         ...         ...         ..,         ...  25 

Salebboy  K.  Barodawala,  Esq. 30 

Sir  Bhalchandra  K.  Bhatvvadeker       ..*        25 

Rao  Bahadur  Balwantrao  Bhuskute    ...        ,„         25 

K.  R.  Cama,  Esq.             ...         ..  •         ...          ..         ...         ...  35 

Messrs.  Merwanji  and  Hormasjee  Cama       40 

Camrudin  Amirudin,  Esq.          25 

Cassambhoy  J.  Peerbhoy,  Esq.             ... 200 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Darasha  R.  Chichgar        25 

Miss  M.  E.  Chubb            •         25 

J.  G.  Covernton,  Esq.      ..»        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  25 

Currinibhoy  Ibrahim,  Esq 100 

R.  K.  Dadachanjee  Esq. ...  50 

Rao  Bahadur  K.  G.  Desai         ...  25 

Framroze  E.  Dinshaw,  Esq.      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  25 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  H.  S.  Dixit ...  25 

K.  D.  Dubash,  Esq.         ,  25 

Furdoonjee  Jamsetjee,  Esq.       ...         ...         ...         ...        ,„  25 

Shrimant     Narayenrao    Govindrao    Ghorepade,    Chief    ot 

Ichalkaranji            •••        ...         ...         ...         ...        ...  25 

Prof.  .S.  M.  Isfahani         ...         ...         ...         •••        ...         ...  25 

A.  M.  T.  Jackson,  Esq.   ...         ...         ...         ...         r«.         ...  25 

Sir  Jamsetjee  J ijibhoy,  Bart ..         ••»        ...  50 

L.t.'L/Ol.  A.  o.  JayaKar      •••         ...         ...         ...         •••         ...  ^o 

R.  B.  Jijibhoy,  Esq.         ...         25 

The  Hon'ble  Sir  Lawrence  H.  Jenkins          •••  25 


XXXVIII  A    LIST    OF  CONTRIBUTIONS. 


Rs. 


S.  Judah,  Esq.       ...        •••        ...        •••         ,,,         ,,,        ,,,  25 

M.  P.  Khareghat,  Esq 25 

Shrimant  M.  V.  Kibe       25 

Lt.-Col.  K.  R.  Kirtiker ...  25 

M.  H.  Kothari,  Esq ... 2^ 

ix.  ix.  i^fCie)  ii«sq.    •.•         «•»         ...         ••.         ...         ,.,         ,,,  2x 

A.  L.  Mackenzie,  Esq.      ...        ...        ...        ...        ...         ...  25 

M.  Macmillan,  Esq.  ,         ,,,  25 

P.  B.  Madon,  Esq.  ...        ...  25 

1.  Majiina)  Esq.    •••         ...         «••         •••         •..         •..         ,,,  2c 

G*  D.  Marston,  Esq.        ...        ...         ...        ...        ...        ...  25 

Dhanjisha  P.  Mistri,  Esq.  25 

J.  1^*  ivioui}  £«sq.     «.•         ...         ...         ...         •••         ...         ...  2^ 

J.  J.  iVloui|  iisq.     ...         •••         ...         •••         ...         .••         .«.  25 

N.  A.  Moos,  Esq.  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  25 

W.  T.  Morison,  Esq ..  25 

Prof.  A.  R.  Normand       ...         .••         ...         ...         ...         .«•  2 


D 


Mrs.  E.  Pechey  Phipson  ...          50 

Dr.  F.  F.  L.  Penno          ...         ...         ...        ...        ...        ...  2^ 

Bai  Awabai  Framji  Petit. 25 

Bomanji  Dinshaw  Petit,  Esq •«        ,         ...  50 

Jehangir  B.  Petit,  Esq.    ..          •        25 

K.  S.  Powwala,  Esq.        ...        , 25 

R.  S.  Powwala,  Esq.       ...        ...        .••        ...        ...        ...  25 

B.  H.  J.  Rastamji,  Esq.  •••         ...         ...         .••         ••.         .».  25 

Rastamjee  Jamsetjee  Jejibhoy,  Esq 15 

ix.ev.  ix.  1^0011        •#•        .«•        •••        *•.        *.•        .«•        .••  2^ 

B.  N.  Servai,  Esq....         •••         •••         ..»         .••         ...         ...  25 

K.  B.  Sethna,  Esq.           •••         #••         •>•        .••         ...         ...  25 

N.  P.  Sethna,  Esq.           ...         ••.        ...         ...         •••         ...  25 

Lj,  J.  lata,  usq.    .••        .«•        •••        ...         ...         ...         ...  2^ 

Is.,  J.  X ata,  £«sq.     ...         .••        •••         ••*        .••         .«.         .••  2Z 

Rev.  Dr.  G.  P.  Taylor      •        ...  25 

Trikamdas  Lalji,  Esq.      •••         ...         ••         •••         -..         ...  25 

Framroze  A.  Vakil,  Esq •         ...  50 

Veerchand  Deepchand,  Esq.      ••• 50 

Vijbhukandas  Ataram,  E^q.      •• •        25 

X.  M.  Wadia,  Esq.          •.•         •••        •••         •••         ...         ...  25 

P.  A.  Wadia,  Esq.            •••         •••         •«•        •••         .*.         ...  25 

Scrab  P.  N.  Wadia,  Esq.           ••• 10 

N.  G.  Wclinkar,  Esq.      tat        •••        •••        ••■        •••         •••  15 


Proceedings  of  the  Bombay  Branch  Royal 

Asiatic  Society y 
1906. 

A  Mbbting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Monday,  the  29th  January 
1906. 

Mr.  K.  R.  Cama,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  chair. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

A  paper  was  then  read  by  Mr.  R.  P.  Karkaria  on  the  "  Death  of 
Akbar,"  a  Tercentenary  study. 

After  a  few  remarks  on  the  paper,  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Karkaria 
was  proposed  by  Prof.  O.  V.  Miiller  and  seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T. 
Bhandare,  which  was  unanimously  carried. 

A  Meeting:  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Tuesday,  the  13th  February 
1906. 

In  the  absence  of  the  President  and  Vice-Presidents,  the  Honorary 
Secretary  was  voted  to  the  chair,  proposed  by  Mr.  R.  P.  Karkaria  and 
seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhandare. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Mr.  C.  V.  Vaidya  then  read  a  paper  on  the  Races  of  Early  India, 
with  special  reference  to  the  origin  of  the  Marathas. 

On  the  proposition  of  Mr.  J.  J.  Modi,  seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhan- 
dare, a  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  Mr,  Vaidya  for  the  interesting 
paper  he  had  read. 


The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held   on  Monday,  the  26th 
March  1906. 
Mr.  James  MacDonald,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  chair. 
The  Honorary  Secretary  read  the  Annual  Report  for  1905. 


The  Annual  Report  for  1905. 


MEMBERS. 


Resident, — During  the  year  under  review  57  new  Members  were 
elected  and  3  Non-Resident  Members  having  come  to  Bombay  were 
added  to  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  On  the  other  hand,  16  with- 
drew, 5  died,  and  5  having  left  Bombay  were  transferred  to  the  Non- 
Resident  List  This  leaves  318  on  the  roll  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
The  number  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  year  was  284.  Out  of  the 
total  number  57  were  absent  from  India  for  the  whole  year  or  for 
portions  of  the  year. 


xl 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY  S  PROCEEDINGS. 


Non-Resident. — lo  Members  joined  under  this  class  during  the  year 
and  5  were  transferred  from  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  4  Mem- 
bers resigned,  i  died  and  3  were  added  to  the  Resident  List  The 
total  number  at  the  end  of  the  year  was  97  against  90  at  the  close  of 
1904.  Out  of  the  10  new  Members,  5  acquired  the  privilege  of  taking 
out  books  from  the  Library  under  Art.  XVI  of  the  Rules,  by  payment 
of  an  additional  subscription. 

OBITUARY. 

The  Sodety  has  to  record  with  regret  the  death  of  the  following 
Members  :— 

RBSIDENT. 

Mr.  Shamrao  Vithal. 
Dr.  C.  H.  Cayley. 
Mr.  G.  D.  Marston. 
,,    Hardevram  NanabhaL 
Miss  Aitkin. 

NON-RESIDENT. 

Mrs.  Mitchell. 
LIBRARY. 

The  total  issue  for  the  year  excluding  the  use  made  of  Reference 
and  other  works  at  the  Library,  was  42,926  volumes,  comprising 
27,184  volumes  of  new  books  including  Periodicals,  etc.,  and  15,742  of 
the  old,  a  daily  average,  excluding  Sundays  and  Holidays,  of  140 
volumes.  The  issue  in  the  previous  year  amounted  to  38,635 
volumes. 

The  issues  of  each  month  are  noted  in  the  subjoined  table — 

Old  Books.  New  Books, 
January ...  ...        ...         ...        ..,     1,150        1,802 

February 

March     , 

April 

May 

June 

July 

August    ... 

September 

October  ... 

November 

December 


••• 


m— 


•  •• 


•  •' 


•  •• 


,242 

2,205 

»475 

2,495 

»445 

2,195 

,238 

2,754 

,166 

2,679 

,426 

2,705 

»34i 

2,349 

>377 

2,269 

.377 

2,032 

,140 

2,114 

.365 

i,5«5 

Total  15,742      27,184 


ABSTRACT  OF  THB   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  xli 

The  issues  of  old  and  new  books  arranged  according  to  subjects 
are  shown. In  the  following  table  : — 

Subjects.  Volumes. 

l*iction      •••        ..•        •••        ,,,        ,,,        ,„        ,,,        ,,,  16,724 

Biography          ...        ..•        Ij988 

Miscellaneous,  Collected  Works  and  Essays        1,447 

History  and  Chronology        1,475 

Voyages,  Travels,  Geography,  Topography        »^        ...  1,366 
Reviews,  Magazines,  Transactions  of  Learned  Societies 

(in  bound  Volumes)      ...         - 86i 

Oriental  Literature      ...         761 

Poetry  and  Drama       529' 

Naval  and  Military      439 

Art,  Architecture  and  Engineering...        364 

Philology,  Literary  History^  &c 307 

Religion  and  Theology         ...        ...        ...        ...        ••.  279 

Foreign  Literature      •..        •••        •••        •••        ...        ..•  209 

Philosophy         ...        ...        ...        •••        ...        ...        ...  224 

Politics,  Political  Economy,  &c • 265 

Government  Publications  and  Public  Records     231 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Mineralogy      ... 181 

Qassics  and  Translations      147 

Archaeology,  Antiquities,  Numismatics,  &c 149 

Natural  Philosophy,  Astronomy,  Mathematics 143 

Grammatical  Works,  Encyclopaedias,  &c 95 

uoiciny       •••          ...         ...          ...  •••          ...          •••          ••%  o2 

*^aw          ...         .••         •••         •••  •••         •«.         •••         •••  oi 

'^eoicine  •••        •••        ...        •••  •••        ••«        ••.        ...  03 

Periodicals  in  loose  numbers  •  141496 

ADDITIONS   TO    THE    LIBRARY. 

The  additions  to  the  Library  during  the  year  numbered  1,201 
volumes.  Of  these  798  were  purchased  and  405  were  presented  to 
the  Society. 

For  the  gifts  of  books,  the  Society  is  indebted  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  India,  the  Government  of  India,  the  Bombay  Government 
*nd  other  local  Governments,  the  Trustees  of  the  Parsi  Panchayat 
Funds  and  Properties  and  to  individual  authors  and  donors. 

Among  the  works  presented  to  the  Society  special  mention  must  be 
niade  of  an  important  collection  of  Manuscript  Memoirs  of  the  work 
®f  Lt-Col.  T.  B.  Jervis,  Bombay  Engineers  (East  India  Co.'s 
^®^ce,  1812-1842)  which  the  Society  has  received  from  his  son 
**r,  W.  P.  Jervis.  The  MSS.  are  valuable,  containing  as  they  do 
15 


Xlii  ABSTRACT   OP  THE  SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS: 

interesting  information  bearing  on  the  administration,  history  aAd  Uie 
social  condition,  &c.,  of  Western  India,  in  the  early  years  of  the  fast 
century.  The  MSS,  are  bound  in  7  volumes  and  are  in  an  excellent 
state  of  preservation.  Another  valuable  donation  is  a  small  collection 
of  Sanskrit  MSS.  chiefly  of  VediC;  sacrificial  ^nd  other  literature^ 
which  have  been  presented  by  Mr«  M.  V.  Kibe  of  Indore, 

The  volumes  purchased  and  presented  are  shown  in  the  subjoined 
table,  according  to  classes  : — 

Volumes.       Volumes 
^^  '  purchased,     presented. 

Religion  and  Theology     15 

Philosophy   *••        •••        •••        •..         •••  14                   ••• 

Classics  and  Translations           7                     i 

Philology,  Literary  History  and   Biblio- 
graphy      ...        •••        ...        •••        •••  7                   17 

History  and  Chronology 51                   ..^. 

Politics,  Political  Economy,  Trade  and 

Commerce##*        •••        •••        ••••••  9                  ... 

jL^a^v    •..        •••        •••        •••         •••        •••  A                     ^  • 

Government    Publications    and     Public 

Records    •••        •••        ...         >•        ^m  6                 105 

Biography     -^^        ...         ...        •••        .»•  64                      i 

Archaeology,   Antiquities,  Numismatics, 

Heraldry   ...        ...        ..•        .••        •••  5                    n 

Voyages,      Travels,     Geography,    and 

Topography         ..•         .••  39                   29 

Poetry  and  Drama. 13                   ^ 

Fiction           ...        .••        .••        •••        ...  377                    .^ 

Miscellaneous,    Collected     works,     Es- 

says,  c£C    •••        ...        ...        .••        .••  31  I 

Foreign  Literature i 

Natural   Philosophy,    Mathematics,   As- 
tronomy    ...        •••        .••        ...        •••  I 
Art,  Music,  Engineering,  Architecture...  23 

Naval  and  Military ^  27 

Natural  History,  Geology,  Chemistry ...  10                   ^ 

Botany,  Agriculture         ...  3                     2 

Medicine,  Surgery  and  Physiology       ...  n                      2 
Annuals,      Serials,       Transactions      of 

Learned  Societies,  &c.  ...        ...        .••  148                  87 

Dictionaries  and  Grammatical  works  ...  5                   ...^ 

Oriental  Literature ....        ...  37                   35  .   . 


••. 


... 


ABSTRACT  OF  TUB  SIOCIBTY'S   PROCBBDINGS,  xUil 

NEWSPAPERS    AND    PERIODICALS. 

The  Newspapers,  Periodicals  and  Journals  of  Learned  Societies 
subscribed  for  and  presented  to  the  Society  during  the  year  are  as 
follows  :— 

Literary  Monthlies..*  t«,        •••        •••        ...  i^ 

xiiustraceQ    •••        ••*        •••        •••        •••        •••        •••        •••  lo 

Scientific  and  Philosophical  Journals,  Transactions  of  Learn- 
ed ^ocietieS|  ObC.  •••        •••        •••        •••        •••        •••        •••  35 

jtceviews        •••        •••        •••        •••        •••        ■••        •••        •••  10 

English  Newspapers         ..        ... 16 

English  Registers,  Almanacs,  Directories,  &c 13 

Foreign  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals 10 

American  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals  11 

Indian  Newspapers  and  Gbvernment  Gazettes         ...        ...  26 

Indian  Journals,  Reviews,  &c 27 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Society  in  November  called  under  Article  XX 
•of  the  Rules,  for  the  revision  of  the  Newspapers,  Periodicals.  &c., 
taken  by  the  Society,  it  was  resolved  to  discontinue  the  following 
firom  the  beginning  of  1906  :— 

American  Review  of  Reviews. 
Independent  Review. 
British  Medical  Journal* 
Journal  of  Education. 
Englishman. 

and  to  subscribe  from  the  same  date  to  : — 

Capital. 

Daily  News  (London.) 

Hindustan  Review. 

Oriental  Review. 

Statesman. 

India. 

Indu  Prakash. 

International  Journal  of  Ethics.  * 

Indian  Riview. 

COIN    CABINET. 

The  accessions  to  the  Society's  Coin  Cabinet  during  the  year 
numbered  163  coins.  Of  these  two  were  presented  by  the  Dewas 
State  through  Captain  Luard  and  th^  rest  were  acquired  from  different 
Governments  under  the  Treasure  Troye  Act.  Of  the  total  number  of 
coins  added  to  the  Cabinet  11  ^ere  Gof^,  1^8  Silver  and  34  Copper. 

A  detailed  list  is  subjoiqed*  ',   '   ■ 


Xliv  ABSTRACT  OP  THB  SOCIETY'S  PROCBBDINGS« 

PresenUd  by  the  Bombay  Government^ 
3    Gold  Coins  of  Pratap  Deva  Raya,  Vijayanagar  Dynasty, 

Southern  India. 
I     Round  Gold  Mohur  of  Akbar. 
I     Square  Gold  Mohur  of  Akbar. 
I     Gold  Coin  of  Sulayman  bin  Selim,  Ottoman  Sultan* 
I     Gold  of  Selim  II  bin  Sulayman,  Ottoman  Sultan. 
I     Gold  of  Murad  bin  Selim  II,  Ottoman  Sultan. 
I     Gold  of  Muhammad  bin  Murad  III,  Ottoman  Sultan. 
I     Small  Silver  coin  of  Akbar. 

I  Do.         of  Selim  Shah  (afterwards  Jahangir). 

I     Silver  of  Jahangir. 
All  the  coins  were  found  while  repairing  the  tomb  of  Kutbe-Alam  in 
Watwa,  a  village  in  the  Daskroi  Taluka,  Ahmedabad. 

I    Silver  coin  of  Ahmad  Shah    Bahadur  found  at  Varsala, 
Taluka  Vada,  Thana. 

Presented  by  the  Bengal  Government^ 
5    Silver  coins  of  the  East    India  Company  in  the  name  of 
Shah  Alam.     Found  in  the  Dinajpur  District 

5  Silver  coins  of  Hassan  Shah  of  Bengal. 

3  Silver  coins  of  Muhammad  Shah  of  Delhi*     Found  in  the 

Mursidabad  District. 
I     Silver  coin  of  Islam  Shah  found  in  the  Bhagalpur  District. 
I     Silver  coin  of  Sikandar  bin  Ilyas  ;   found  in  the  Nadea 

District. 
I     Silver  coin  bearing  names  of  Siva  Singh  Shah  and  Begum 

Pramatheswari   Shah.       Found  near  Gargaon  in   the 

Sibsagar  District 

6  Silver  coins  of  the   French  East  India  Company  in    the 

names  of  Ahmad  Shah  and  Shah  Alam  ;  found  in  the 
Rangpur  District* 
1 1     Silver  coins  of  Alamgir  II. 

4  Mahommad  Shah. 
I    Shahajahan  II. 

I    Shah  Alam  I. 

4    Ahmad  Shah  ;  found  in  the  Manbhum  District. 

Presented  by  the  Assam  Govemment. 
II     Silver  coins  of  Assam  Kings — I 
Gaurinath  Singh. 
Rajeshwar  Singh. 
Pramatha  Singh. 

Lakshmi  Singh.  i 

Found  in  the  Sibsagar- District 


ABSTRACT  OP   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  xlv 

Presented  by  the  Government,  U.  P. 

2    Silver  coips  of  Shah  Alam  II,  found  in  a  well  in  Mauza 
Rodan,  Tahsil  Ferozabad,  Agra  District. 

I     Silver  of  Mahommad  Shah,  found  at  Tera  Jakat,  Tahsil 
Chibraman,  Farrukabad  District. 

,  6    Silver  coins  of  the  East  India  Company  in  the  name  of 

Shah  Alam,  found  in  the  Bahraich  District. 

'■     5    Silver  coins  of  Shah  Alam,  found  in  Kabirpur,  Unao.  . 

I     Copper  Indo-Scythian   coin,    found  in   Bhttaura  District^ 
Fyzabad. 

I  a    Copper  coins  of  Akbar,  found  in  the  Barabanki  District. 
Presented  by  the  Governments  N.'W.  Frontier  Provinces, 

I     Gold  coin  of  Kedara  King  of  the  Kushans,    found  in  the 
Peshawar  District. 

I     Gold    coin,    later    Indo-Sc3rthian,    found    in  the     Hazara 
District. 

Presented  by  the  Madras  Government, 

21  Copper  coins  of  the  English  East  India  Company  (Bombcky 
Type,  Bale  mark  and  Scales  of  Justice),  found  in  the 
Madras  Presidency. 

Presented  by  the  Government,  Central  Provinces. 
i8    Silver  coins  of  Aurangzeb.     Found  in  the  Bhandara  District. 
5    Silver  Indo-Sassanian  coins,  found  in  the  Jabalpur  District. 
i6    Silver  coins  of  Aurangzeb,  found  in  the  Saugor  District. 

Presented  by  the  Punjab  Government, 
I     Silver  coin  of  Jahangir,  found  in  the  Sialkot  District. 

I    Silver  of  Shah  Suja  Durani 

and 
3    Silver  of  Muhammad  Shah   Durani,  found  in  the  Jhang 
District. 

1  Silver  of  Shah  Alam  II,  found  in  the  Gaigaon  District. 

Presented  by  the  Dewas  State, 

2  Silver  coins  of  Muhammad  Shah  of  Malw^ 

News  has  reached  the  Hon.  Secretary  of  a  large  find  of  silver  coins 
'of  Nahapana,  the  ist  Western  Kshatrapa  (A*  D.  119)  in  the  Sinnar 
Taluka  of  Nasik  District.  These  will  be  forwarded  to  the  Society  diy 
Goremment  in  due  course. 


J I     ,  . 


xlvi  ABSTRACT  OP  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

The  Honorary  Secretary  has  obtained  the  following  objects  of 
^a^qvjarian  interest,  for  the  Museum  from  the  Thana  District : — 

Two  Stones  bearing  an  inscription  relating  to  land-grants  by 

Kings  of  the  Silahara  Dynasty,  from  Salsette. 
Three  Hindu  figures  of  black  stone  of  about  the  9th  Century 
A.  D.  from  Parjapur,  Salsette. 
'  Steps  have  also  been  taken  to  recover  from  Junnar  in  the  Poona 
District  an  inscribed  slab,  recording  an  eclipse  of  the  Sun  in  the  year 
A.  D.  1033,  and  enquiries  are  being  set  on  foot  with  a  view  to  the 
f  pcovery  of  other  objects  of  archaeological  interest  which  are  known  to 
be  lying  neglected  in  various  parts  of  the  Presidency. 

JOURNAL. 
Two  numbers  of  the  Journal  were  issued  during  the  year. 
The  first  was  a  special  number,  the  Centenary  Memorial  Volume^ 
containing  a  record  of  proceedings  of  the  Centenary  celebration,  a 
paper  on  the  history  of  the  Society,  other  papers,  reviewing  the 
pfY>gress  of  Oriental  Literature,  Archaeology  and  Natural  History 
during  the  century  and  papers  read  at  meetings  held  in  connection 
with  the  Centenary. 

The  second  was  a  regular  issue  ;  number  60,  the  first  number  of 
VoK  XXII  of  the  Journal.  In  this  number  are  published  some  of  the 
l>^ers,  read  in  connection  with  the  Centenary,  which  were  not 
included  in  the  Centenary  Memorial  Volume,  and  two  papers,  one  on 
the  "  Jervis  MSS.**  read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Society  during  the  year^ 
and  the  other  on  "  Shivaji*s  Swarajya"  read  before  the  Society  in  1903. 

s  IRANIAN  BOOKS  PURCHASE  FUND. 

^         "''With  a  view  to  commemorate  the  Centenary  of  the  Society,  Mr.   K. 

R.  Cama,  Mr.  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi  and  Khan  Bahadur  Bomanjt 

Byramji  Patel  raised  a  subscription  among  members  of  the  Parsi 

community  for  the  purchase  of  important  works  on  Iranian  Literature, 

history ;  and  philology,  to  be  added  to  the  Oriental  Section  of  the 

Society's  Library.    The  total  amount  collected,   Rs.  855,   has  been 

handed  over  to  the  Society  with  a  list  of  books  recommended  for  pur- 

cl^e.    '^he  books  which  have  been  ordered  and  will  be  received  in 

due  course  will  prove  of  special  interest  to  students  of  Iranian  Litera* 

ture  in  Bombay. 

FINANCE. 

A  statement  of  accounts  detailing  receipts  and  disbursements  for 

1905  is  appended. 
•    The  total  amount  of  subscription  from  members  dunng  the  year 

iwas  Rs.  i2,726<|>3-4.  .  The  subscriptions  in  the  year  preceding  amoimted 
Ntb  Rs«  11,69^15-0. 


ABSTRACT  OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCBBDINGS.  StlVll 

.  A  sum  of  Rs.  6do,  on  account  of  life-subscription,  was  also  received 
from  one  Resident  and  one  Non-Resident  member,  which  sum  has 
been  duly  invested  in  Government  securities  as  required  by  the 
Rules.  A  sum  of  Rs.  .754,  representing  the  special  subscription 
started  in  1904  for  defraying  expenses  in  connection  with  the 
Centenary  celebration  of  the  Society  and  including  proceeds  of  the 
Centenary  tickets  was  also  placed  to  the  Society's  credit. 

The  balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Society  at  the  end  of  the  year  was 
Rs.  2,648-13-2. 

The  Invested  Funds  of  the  Society  amount  to  Rs.  16,000. 

GENERAL. 

The  lighting  of  the  Reading  Room  and  of  the  side  rooms, 
which  was  far  from  satisfactory,  has  been  improved.  Three  new 
lamps  of  large  size  have  been  fixed  over  the  principal  Residing  tables 
in  the  Library  Room  and  the  old  lamps  have  been  rearranged  with 
the  result  that  the  rooms  are  now  better  lighted.  It  is  hoped  to  make 
further  improvements  in  this  direction,  as  time  goes  on  and  funds 
permit. 

For  the  convenience  of  Members  who  have  to  refer  to  the  Catalogues 
of  the  Library  a  new  sloping  desk  has  been  purchased,  to  accommo- 
date all  the  volumes  of  the  MSS.  Catalogues.  A  book  case  with  glass 
doors  and  a  lock  and  key  has  also  been  made,  in  which  it  is  intended 
to  keep  a  number  of  valuable  and  rare  books,  together  with  the  first 
editions  of  the  works  of  several  standard  authors  in  the  possession  of 
the  Society.  This  arrangement  is  considered  necessary  for  the 
better  preservation  and  the  safe  guarding  of  such  books. 

A  small  glass  case  for  telegrams  has  been  posted  in  the  Read- 
ing Room  in  place  of  the  former  unsightly  board,  and  table 
cloths  have  been  provided  for  two  of  the  tables  on  which  cosdy 
illustrated  books  are  exposed  to  view. 

The  two  very  important  and  valuable  MSS.  in  the  Library,  "  Dante's 
Divina  Commedia "  and  a  decorated  and  illuminated  copy  of  the 
Koran  were  found  to  be  in  a  dilapidated  condition  ;  and  the  4  portraits 
of  Presidents  of  the  Bombay  Geographical  Society,  hung  in  the 
Meeting  Room  of  the  Society,  were  out  of  repair  and  required 
attention. 

The  Dante  MSS.  has  been  reboupdin  calf  gilt  with  an  ornamental 
border  on  both  sides,  and  the  Koran  has  been  repaired  in  the  original 
binding  and  rebacked.  The  four  portraits  have  been  sent  to  the 
Principal  of  the  School  of  Art  to  be  thoroughly  repaired  and  restored. 


shrill  ABSTRACT  OP  THB  SOCIETY'S  PROCEEDINGS. 

Rao  Bahadur  G.   N.   Nadkami  proposed  and  Mr.  C.  L.  Youof^ 
3econded  that  the  report  for  1905  be  adopted. 

'The  proposition  wad  carried  unanimously. 

.    On  the  motion  of  Col,  Bannerman,  seconded  by  Mr.  R.  P.  Karkaria, 
the  following  Committee^  was  electa  for  1906. 

COMMITTEE  OF  MANAGEMENT. 

1906.  . 

Pfvsident 


.'  '• 


The  fIon*ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton,  as.i.,  i.c.s. 

Vice^PresidentSm 

Janies  MacDonald,  Esq. 

Kharsetji  R.  Cama,  Esq. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.  Chandawarkar,  b.a.,  ll.b. 

The  Hon*ble  Mr.  Justice  H.  Batty,  M.A.,   i.cs. 

Members, 

Camrudin  Amirudin,  Esq.  b.a. 

F.  R.  Viccaji,  Esq.,  b.a.,  lub. 

Sir  Bhalchandra  K.  Bhatavadekar,  Kt. 

Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  Esq.,  b.a. 

Dastur  Dorab  P.  Sanjana,  Esq.,  b.a. 

A.  L.  Covernton,  Esq.,  m.a. 

The  Hon*ble  Mr.  Darasha  R.  Chichgar. 

J.  E.  Aspinwall,  Esq. 

Rev.  Dr.  D.  Mackichan,   d.d.,  ll.d. 

Rev.  Dr.  J.  E.  Abbott,  d.d. 

Rao  Bahadur  G.  N.  Nadkarni,  B.A.,  ll.b. 

L.  C.  H.  Young,  Esq.,  b.a« 

S.  R.  Bhandarkar,  Esq.,  M.A. 

W.  H.  Sharp,  Esq.,  m.a. 

Honorary  Secretary, 

S.  M.  Edwardes,  Esq.,  i.cs. 

Honorary  Auditors. 

H.  R.  H.  Wilkison,  Esq. 

S.  T.  Bhandare,  Esq..  '*         ^  : 


ABSTRACT  OP  THE  SOCIBTY's   PROCEEDINGS.  xHx 

The  Honorary  Secretary  then  proposed'  the  following  addition  to 
Article  XXXIX  of  the  Rules  as  arranged  by  the  Committee  of  Manage- 
ment. 

**  Nor  such  other  works  as  the  Committee  may  from  time  to  time 
decide  to  he  Valuable  and  to  require  special  care  and  safeguarding.'* 
Rao  BahlEidur  G.  N.  Nadkarni  seconded  the  proposal. 
The  rule,  as  altered,  was  then  unanimously  adopted. 


A  meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  26th  April  1906. 
Mr.  K.  R.  Cama,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 
The  Minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 
Mr.  J.  J.  Modi  then  read  the  following  papers: — 

(i)    The  Arab  Writer  Macoudi  on  "  Volcanoes/* 
(2)    The  date  of  the  death  of  NizamL 

On  the  proposition  of  Mr.  R.  K.  Dadachanji,  seconded  by  the.Honpr 
rary  Secretary,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  Mr.  Modi  for  the  in- 
teresting papers  he  had  read. 


A  meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Monday,  the  ist  October  1906. 

On  the  proposition  of  the  Honorary  Secretary,  seconded  by 
Mr.  Tribhuvandas  Mangaldas,  Mr.  G.  N.  Nadkarni  was  voted  to  the 
Chair. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 
Mr.  J.  A.  Saldanha  then  read  a  paper  "  The  First  Englishman  in 
India  and  his  work,  especially  his  Christian  Puran.  ** 

The  Chairman,  with  a  few  remarks,   moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Mr.  Saldanha  for  the  interesting  paper  he  had  read. 

The  motion  was  seconded  by  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhandare  and  carried  by 
acclamation. 


A  meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on 'Friday,  the  12th  October  1906. 

Mr.  K.  R.  Cama,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Mr.  J.  J.  Modi  then  read  a  paper  "  Bombay  as  seen  by  Dr.  Ives 
in  1754." 

The  Chairman  with  a  few  remarks  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Mr.  J.  J.  Modi,  for  the  interesting  paper  he  had  read,  which  was 
carried  by  acclamation. 

Mr.  Modi  was  pleased  to  present  to  the  Society  his  copy  of 
**Dr.  Ives*  Voyages,'*  the  subject  of  his  paper.  The  Chairman 
acknowledged  the  gift  with  the  best  thanks  of  the  Society. 


I 


ABSTRACT  OF  THB   SOCIBTY*S   PROCBBDINGS. 


A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  under  Article  XX  of  the  Rules  was 
held  on  Wednesday ,  tiie  21st  November  1906* 

Mr.  James  MacDonald,  one  of  the  Vice-PresidentS|  in  the  Chair. 

The  meeting  perused  the  existing  list  of  papers  and  periodicals  taken 
by  the  Society  and  resolved  that  the  following  out  of  tiiem  be  disconti- 
nued from  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  :— 

Photography. 

International  Journal  of  Ethics. 

India. 

Lancet. 

Hindustan  Review. 

Indian  Review. 

The  following  proposals  for  additions  to  the  list  received  from  two 
members  were  also  considered  : — 

From 

Mr.  J.  E.  Aspinwall, 
That  the  /<  Ladies'  Realm  "  and  the  "  Ladies*  Field  '* 
be  taken. 

Carried, 

From 

Mr.  Trikamdas  Lalji, 
That  the  "Indian  Trade   Journal'*  be  taken. 

Not  carried. 

On  the  proposition  of  Mr.  J.  J.  Modi,  seconded  by  Mr.  J.  E.  Aspin- 
wall it  was  resolved  that  a  memo  showing  the  demand  among  members 
for  the  papers  and  periodicals  taken  by  the  Society  be  circulated  io 
future  together  with  the  ordinary  list  of  papers  and  periodicals  accom- 
panying the  notice  of  meeting. 


Books i  &C.J  presented  to  the  Society ^ 

1906. 

TitU  of  Boohs,  Donors, 

Account  of  Trade,  carried  by  Rail  and  River  in  India,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Acts,  Governor-General  of  India,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 

Administration  Report,  Baluchistan  Agency,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India 

Report,  Ajmer-Merwara,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Report,  Bengal,  1904-05. 

Government  of  BengaL 

— ^— Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government. 
■  Report,  Burma,  1904-05. 

Government  of  Burma. 

-  Report,  Madras,  1904-05. 

Madras  Government 

.         — i Report,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government. 

■■ ^  Report,  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh,  1904-05. 

Government,  United  Provinces. 

AcsiCULTURAL  Changes  required  by  the  times.  By  R.  H.  Elliot. 

The  Author. 

— — -  Statistics,  India,  1900-01  to  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Annalbs  Musee  Guimet.  Livre  Sacres  de  Cambodge. 

: ^ Le  Nepal,  Vol.  II.     Musee  Guimet. 

Archjbological  Survey  of  Western  India,  Vol  VIII,  Muhammadan 

Architecture  of  Ahmedabad,  Part  II. 

Government  of  India. 

Area  and  Yield  of  Certain  Principal  Crops  in  India,  1891-92— 1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 

^  .   ■  .       >    ■>■ 

Assam  District  Gazetteers. 

Government  of  India. 

•BsN^AL  Code,  3rd.  Edition,  Vol.  III. 

Government  of  India. 


Hi  Presents  to  the  Library. 

Tiile  of  Books.  Donors. 

BiBLiOTHBCA  Chcmica,  Catalogue  of  the  Collection  of  James  Young 

of  Kelly. 

Trustees  of  the  late  Dr.  James  Young. 

Bombay  University  Calendar,  1906-07. 

The  Univer^ty. 

■-  Gazetteer.     Supplementary  Volumes,  with  Index. 

Bombay  Government 

Books  of  Reference,  in  the  Reading, Room,  British  Museum. 

The  Trustees  of  the  Museum. 

Bulletin,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  No.  23,- 

The  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Cartoons  from  Hindi  Punch,  1905. 

Editor,  Hindi  Punch. 

Catalogue,  India  Office  Library.    Vols.  Ill,  Part  IV.. 

Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Bombay. 

of  Arabic  and   Persian    MSS.,    in    the    Library   of  the 

Calcutta  Madrasah. 

Government  of  Bengal. 

Death  of  Shivaji.     By  R.  P.  Karkaria. 

The  Author. 
Description  Geologique  de  L*Ile  d*  Ambon. 

Government,  Netherlands  India* 
Descriptive  Catalogue,   Sanskrit  MSS.,   Calcutta  Sanskrit  College 

Library. 

Bengal  Government 

\ Catalogue,    Sanskrit  MSS.,  in  the  Government  Oriental 

MSS.  Library,  Madras. 

Madras  Government 
District  Gazetteers,  Bengal,  Statistics. 

Government  of  India. 

Gazetteers,    United   Provinces.     Vols.     Ill,    XLII,    XLIII 

and  XLIV. 

Government  of  India. 
East  India,  Accounts  and  Estimates,  1906-07. 
— —  India,  (Army  Administration)  Further  Papers,  1906. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

India,  Financial  Statement,  1906-07. 

; India,  Home  Accounts,  1904-06. 

Secretary  -  if  State  for-  India. 
.— —  India»  Income  and  Expenditure,  1894-95  to  1904-05. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India 


Presents  to  the  Library,  liiir 

1itU*ot- Books.  Donors. 

•East  India,  Mineral  Concessions,  1889  to  1904.: 

India,  Progress  and  Condition^  i904-O5, 

Secretary  of  State  for  India«* 
Epigraphia,  Camatica.    Vols.  IX  &  X«« 

Mysore  Government. 
Ethnographic  Notes,  Southern  India. 

Madras  Government. 

Facsimiles  from  Early  Printed  Books,  British  Museum. 

Trustees  of  the  British  Museum. 

Factory  Report,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 

Finance  and  Revenue  Accounts,  Government  of  India,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

Gazetteers  (Statistical  Appendix)  Tinnevelly,  South  Canara,  Kumool, 
Chingleput,  Madura,  North  Arcot,  Trichinopoly,  Nilgiri, 
Coimbatore,  South  Arcot  and  Cuddapah  Districts. 

Madras  Government. 

Genealogy  of  the  Infantry  Regiments,  Bombay  Army,  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 

Imperial  Library,  Calcutta,  Catalogue. 

Government  of  India. 

Indian  Law  Reports,  Allahabad  Series,  1905. 

Government,  U.  P. 

— —  Law  Reports,  Bombay  Series,  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 

Madras  Government. 

Government  of  Bengal. 

Government  of  India. 

Government  of  India. 


Law  Reports,  Madras  Series,  1905. 
Law  Reports,  Calcutta  Series,  1905. 
Records  Series,  Bengal,  1756-1757. 
Weather,  Review,  1904. 


Journal  of  John  Jourdain  (  Hak,  Soc) 

Bombay  Government. 

JuDiQAL  and  Administrative  Statistics,  British  India,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

L'Art  Greco-Boudhique  du  Gandhara,  Vol.  I. 

Ecole  Francaise  d'  Extreme-Orient. 


Hi  Presents  to  the  Library. 

TitU  of  Books.  Donors. 

BiBLiOTHECA  Chemica,  Catalogue  of  the  ColIecUon  of  James   \^ 

of  K«lly.  ' 

Trustees  of  the  late  Dr.  James  ^ 

Bombay  University  Calendar,  1906-07. 

The  Un      : 

— -  Gazetteer.     Supplementary  Volumes,  with  Index. 

Bombay  Gov. 

Books  of  Reference,  in  the  Reading, Room,  British  Museum. 

The  Trustees  of  the 

Bulletin,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  N9.  33»' 

The  Smithsoman  I 

Cartoons  from  Hindi  Punch,  1905.  ,  "    _ 

Editor,  Hi    J^  «i- 

Catalogue,  India  Office  Library.    Vols.  III.  Part  IV. 

Director  of  Public  Instructs 
of  Arabic  and   Persian    MSS.,   in    the   Lih 

Calcutta  Madrasah. 

Governmt 

Death  of  Shivaji.     By  R.  P.  Karkaria. 

Description  Geolog^que  de  L'lle  d'  Ambon. 

Government,  Net 

Descriptive  Catalogue,   Sanskrit  MSS.,   Calcutta  S 

Library. 

Ben 

Catalogue,   Sanskrit  MSS.,  in  the  Go^ 

MSS.  Library,  Madras. 

Mad 

District  Gazetteers,  Bengal,  Statistics. 

Gazetteers,    United   Provinces.     Vols. 

and  XLIV. 

G 
East  India,  Accounts  and  Estimates,  1906-07. 
r— -  India,  (Army  Administration)  Further  Papei 

Secreta 


-  India,  Financial  Statement,  1906-07. 

-  India,  Home  Accounts,  1904-06. 

Secreta 

-  India^  Income  and  Expenditure,  1894-95  to 

Secreta 


Donort. 

apur. 

aluka,  Sholapur. 

la,  Sholapuf. 

I  bay  Government, 

imir  and    lacoba- 

:hef  Talukas, 

Karachi. 

)hri  Talukas, 

Sukkur. 

HTderabad. 

bay  Governmeat. 

sruary,  1906. 

ibay  Government. 

mbay.  Vol  XLIII, 

ibay  Government. 

The  Society. 

ernment  of  India. 

3- 

srnment  of  India. 

ieological  Survey . 

The  Association. 

rnment  of  Burma, 
ier  Provinces  and 

njab  Government. 

■P6-  .   . 

njab  Government 

'ernment  of  India. 


ernment  of  India. 


liv  Presents  to.thb  Iabraky^ 

Title  of  Books,  -  DOnorr^ 

Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  VII.   Indo- Aryan  Family  Southern 

group,  spedpfiens  of  ^e  Marathi  Languages,, 

Government  of  India. 
Letters  received  by  the  East  ladia  Company,  Vol.  2-6* 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Little  Olay  Cart  Mricchakatika.  Translated  into  English. 

Harvard  University. 

Lord  Curzon.    R.  P.  Karkaria. 

• 

The  Author. 
Madras  University  Calendar,  1906-07. 

The  University, 
Memoirs  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  India,  Chemical  Series, 
Vol.  I.,  No.  I.  Botanical  Series,  Vol,  I,  Nos.  i — 4. 

Government  of  India, 

Department  of  Agriculture  in  India,  Bombay  Locusts. 

Government  of  India, 

Geological  Survey  of  India,  Paloeontologia  Indica,    Series 

XV,  Vol.  V, 

Director,  Geological  Survey. 

Indian  Meteorological  Dept.,  Vol  XX,  Part  1. 

Government  of  India. 
Note  on  Stamp  Statements,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 
Notes  on  Dispensaries  and  Charitable  Institutions,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government 
— —  on  Registration  Returns,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government 
on  Vaccination,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 
Notices  of  Sanskrit  MSS;,  Bengal,  Extra  Number. 

Government  of  India. 
Pahlavi  Dinkard,  Book  VII. 

Trustees  of  the  Parsee  Panchayat  Fund. 
Papers  relating  to  Original   Survey,  Ganeshgaon,   Malsiras  Taluka, 

Sholapur.  , 

Bombay  Government 

— -^- revision  Surjrey  Settlement^  Chandgad,  Belg;aum. 

Bombay  Government. 

revised  Surve,y  Settlement,  Karmala,  Sholapur.  . 

Bombay  Government. 


Presents  to  the  Library.  Iv 

Tiile  of  Books.  Donors, 

Papers  relating  to  revbion  Survey  Settlement,  Sho.apur. 

Taluka,  Sholapur. 
^— ^-^         ■  revised  Survey  Settlement,  Madha,  Sholapur. 

Bombay  Government. 

■  Revision  Survey  Settlement  Kashmir  and    lacoba- 

bad  T»i]ukas,     Upper  Sind  Frontier. 

■ Sujwal  Mirpur,  M^njhand  and  other  Talukas, 

Karachi. 

Naushahro,  Abro,  Ghotki  and  Rohri  Talukas, 

Sukkur. 

■  'TandoBago  and  Badin  Talukas,  Hyderabad. 

Bombay  Government. 
Proceedings,  Agricultural  Conference,  Bombay,  February,  1906.^ 

Bombay  Government. 

Legislative  Council,  Government  of  Bombay.  Vol  XLIII, 

1905. 

Bombay  Government. 
— — — —  Royal  Society,  Canada,  Vol  XI,  1905. 

The  Society. 
Pantjab  District  Gazetteers,  Statistical  Tables. 

Grovernment  of  India. 
Records,  Botanical  Survey  of  India,     Vol.  IV,  No.  3. 

Government  pf  India. 
■  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  India,  1905-06. 

Director,  Geological  Survey. 
Report,  American  Historical  Association,  1904. 

The  Association. 

— '• Archaeological  Survey,  Burma,  1905-06. 

Government  of  Burma. 
— ^— —  Archaeological  Survey  Work,  N.-W.  Frontier  Provinces  and 
Baluchistan,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government. 
——- Archaelogical  Survey,  Northern  Circle,  1905-96, 

Punjab  Government 
— —  Archaeological  Survey  of  India*  1903-04, 

Government  of  India. 

■  Archaeological  Survey,  U.P.  and  Punjab,  .1904-05.-  *   -- 

Government,  UJ*, 

■  Board  of  Scientific  Advice,  India,  I904-05«  -       - 

»i  Government  of  India. 


lyi  Presents  to  the  Library. 

Title  of  Books.  Donors. 

Report,  Bombay  Chamber  of  Commerce,  1905. 

Bombay  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

-  Bombay  Improvement  Trust,  1905-06. 

Chairman,  Improvement  Trust 

Bombay  Jail  Department,  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 

Bombay  Millowners'  Association,  1905. 

The  Association. 
■  Bombay  Port  Trust,  1905-06. 

Chairman,  Bombay  Port  Trust 

Chemical  Analyser  to  Government,  Bombay,  1905. 

Bombay  Government 
^— — —  Chenab,  Jhang,  Chunian  and  Jhelum  Colonies,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government 

— Chief  Inspector  of  Mines  in  India,  1905. 

Chief  Inspector  of  Mines. 
Civil  Hospitals  and   Dispensaries,   Government  of  Bombay, 

Bombay  Government 
— -  Civil  Justice,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 
I    ■  Civil  Veterinary  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 
— —  Criminal  Justice,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government 
— — —  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 

-  Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 
-^— ^—  Excise  Administration,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 

External  Land  Trade,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 

External  Land  Trade,  Sind  and  British  Baluchistan,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 
— ^^—  Forest  Administration,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government 

Forest  Department,  Madras,  1904-05. 

,  .  Madras  Government 

Government  Central  Museum,  Madras,  1905-06. 

Madras  Government 


Presents  to  the  Library.  Ivii 

Title  of  Books.  Donors. 

Report,  Income  Tax  Administration,  Punjab,  1902-05-06. 

Punjab  Government. 
Income  Tax  Operation,  Bombay  Presidency.    Three  years 
ending  31st  March  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 

Incumbered  Estates,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

— •  Internal  Trade,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government 

Irrigation  Revenue,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 

Irrigation  Revenue,  Sind,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government. 

Land  Records,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Governknent 

Land  Records  and  Agriculture,  Punjab. 

Punjab  Government 

Land  Revenue  Administration,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government. 

Lucknow  Provincial  Museum,  1905*06. 

Government,  U.  P. 

—  Lunatic  Asylums,  Punjab,  1903-1905. 

Punjab  Government. 

. Lunatic  Asylums,  Bombay  Presidency,  1903-05. 

Bombay  Government 

Maritime  Trade,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 

Meteorological  Department,  Government  of  India,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India* 

Municipal  Commissioner,  Bombay,  1904-05. 

Municipal  Commi»0ioner,  Bombay. 

Municipalities,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government 

on  the  working  of  Co-operative  Societiet,  Punjab,   1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 

OfMim  Department,  Bombay  Pre»idency,  1904-05, 

Bombay  Governm#nt 

00  Publk  lostmctkm^  Punjab,  tso^i^ 

Punjab  Cc>¥§mtn0nU 

00  Search  (or  Sanskrit  H§§,  1905^. 

Afiatic  Sochiy,  BMf ct 

16 


IviH  Presents  to  the  Librarv. 

THtle  of  Books.  Donors. 

Report,  Plague  Research  Laboratory,  Bombay,  1904-05. 

Lt-Q^.  W.  B.  Bannerman. 

— Police  Administration,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government. 

. :—  Police  of  Bombay,  1905. 

Bombay  Government 

. P.  W.  Dept.,  Bombay  Presidency,  Irrigation  Works,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 

Rail-borne  Trade,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  iCovemment 

. Railways  in  India,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 

. Reformatory  School,  Yaravda,  1905. 

Bombay  Government 

'  Salt  Department,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 

Sanitary  Administration,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government 

i— Sanitary  Measures  in  India,  1904. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

— —  Sanitary  Commissioner,  Government  of  Bombay,  1905. 

Bombay  Government 

.«.-.—  Sanitation,  Dispensaries,  &c.,  Rajputana,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 

. Sea-borne  Trade  and  Customs  Administration,  Bombay  Pre^ 

sidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 

Settlement  Operations,  Punjab,  1904-05. 

Punjab  Government 

Smithsonian  Institution,  1904. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 

.  Stamp  Department,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 

Talukdari  Settlement  Officer,  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government 

— -  Trade  and  Navigation  Returns,  Aden,  1904-05-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

— —  Trade  and  Navigation,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 


Presents  to  the  Library.  Kx 

Title  of  Books.  Donors, 

Report,  Vaccination,  Punjab,  1905. 

Punjab  Government. 

Working  of  the  Punjab  Alienation  Land,  Act  XIII  of  1900, 

1904^)5. 

Punjab  Government 
Resolution,  reviewing  Reports  of  Local  Boards,  Bombay  Presidency, 
1904-05. 

Bombay  Government, 
reviewing  Reports  on  Municipal  Taxation  and  Expendi- 
ture ;  Bombay  Presidency,  1904-05. 

Bombay  Government. 
Return  of  Wrecks  and  Casualties  in  Indian  Waters,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 
Souvenir  of  two  progresses  by  T.  R.  H.  the  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Wales  through  Bombay  City  on  the  9th  and  loth  November  1905. 

S.  M.  Edwardes,  Esq. 
SiuuTA-Sutra  of  Drahyayana,  Ed.  J.  N.  Reuter. 

The  Editor. 

Statement  of  Trade  and  Navigation,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Statistical  Abstract,  British  India,  1895-96  to  1904-05. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Statistics,  Registration  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905. 

Bombay  Government. 
Subject    Index   of    Modern    Works,    British    Museum,    1881-1900. 
Vols.  I.-III. 

Trustees  of  the  Museum. 

Tables  relating  to  Trade  of  Bridsh  India,  1900-01  to  1904-05. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Technical  Art  Series,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 

Telegraph  Map  of  India,  1905. 

Superintendent,  G.  T.  Survey  of  India. 
Theosophy  and  Christianity.     By  Rev.  E.  R.  Hull. 

The  Author. 
Tide  Tables,  Indian  Ports,  1906. 

Government  of  India. 

Tobabataksch  Deutsches  Worterbuch. 

Government,  Netherlands  India. 


' 


■*  PSESEMIS  TO  THE   LiRKAKT. 

Tme  cf  Books. 

Voyage  from  Engfand  to  India.     By  E.  Ives. 
• to  Sural.    By  F.  Onogtoo. 

n, .     ^^         .,  Jnranp  Jamsbed^  Mocfi,  Esq 

UHmmr's  AtiiaTa^Veda  Samhita,  Translated.  ^     «*-»  ™H 

Uniwrsity. 


Zasathushtsa  and  the  Greeks.     L.  H.  Mills. 

Trustees  of  the  Parsee    Panchayat    Fund, 
and  Zarathusbtrianisai  in  the  Avesta.  By  R.E,  Dastoor. 

The  Author.  I 


^n 


If  It 


^5S^ 


Proceedings  of  the  Bombay  Branch  Royal 

Asiatic  Society ^ 

1907. 

^  A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Wednesday,  the  1 3th 
February  1 907,  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  subscribers  to  the  Campbell 
Memorial  Medal  Fund  and  to  appoint  Trustees  to  hold  the  Fund. 

Mr.  James  MacDonald,  one  of  the  Vice  Presidents,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Read  a  letter  from  Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven,  I.C.S.,  written  on  behalf  of 
himself  and  other  subscribers  offering  to  hand  over  to  the  Bombay 
Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Port  Trust  Bonds  of  the  nominal 
Talue  of  Rs.  3,000,  being  the  investment  of  a  Fund  subscribed  by  mem- 
bers of  the  Indian  Civil  Service  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  gold 
medal  to  be  known  as  *'The  Campbell  Memorial  Medal''  upon  the 
terms  of  the  scheme,  a  copy  of  which  is  laid  upon  the  table. 

On  the  proposition  of  the  Honorary  Secretary,  seconded  by  the  Honor- 
able Mr.  Justice  Chandavarkar,  it  was  resolved  that : — The  offer  be 
accepted  and  that  the  Fund  be  known  as  '*The  Campbell  Memorial 
Medal  Fund  "  and  be  hied  by  the  Society  upon  the  terms  and  for 
the  purposes  of  the  scheme  submitted  ;  the  said  scheme  being  as 
follows : — 

Scheme  for  the  proper  management  of  the  Fund  handed  over  to  the 
Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  for  the  founding- of  a  Oold 
Medal  to  he  known  as  **  The  Campbell  Memorial  MedaV 

I.  The  Fund  at  present  consisting  of  Bombay  Port  Trust  Four  per 
cent  Bonds  of  the  nominal  value  of  Rs.  3,000  shall  be  known  as  *'  The 
Campbell  Memorial  Medal  Fund  "  and  shall  be  handed  over  to  the 
Hon*ble  Mr.  Justice  Chandavarkar,  Mr.  A.  M.  T.  Jackson,  I.C.S.,  and 
Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven,  I.C.S.,  as  the  first  Trustees  thereof,  who  shall 
execute  a  declaration  of  Trust  in  respect  of  the  same  declaring  that  they 
hold  the  said  Fund  and  the  investments  for  the  time  being  represent- 
ing the  same  in  trust  for  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society  (hereinafter  refered  to  as  the  Society)  for  the  purposes  of 
this  Scheme. 


Ixii  ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

2.  The  number  of  Trustees  of  the  Fund  shall  never  be  less  than 
three  and  the  power  of  appointing  new  Trustees  either  in  substitution 
for  any  existing  Trustee  or  to  fill  a  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  or 
retirement  of  any  Trustee  shall  vest  in  the  Society. 

3.  The  Fund  may  be  maintained  in  its  present  state  of  investment 
or  at  the  discretion  of  the  Society  may  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  of  sale 
re-invested  in  any  securities  for  the  time  being  authorized  by  law  for 
the  investment  of  trust  moneys  with  power  for  the  Society  from  time 
to  time  to  vary  or  transpose  such  investments  into  or  for  others  of  a 
like  nature. 

4.  The  income  accrued  from  the  investments  for  the  time  being 
representing  the  fund  shall,  from  time  to  time,  on  demand  be  handed 
over  by  the  Trustees  to  the  Committee  of  the  Society  or  to  some  person 
authorized  by  the  said  Committee  to  receive  the  same,  and  any  income 
not  required  for  the  purposes  of  this  Scheme  and  any  accretions  to  the 
Fund  from  whatsoever  source  arising  shall,  from  time  to  time,  as  the 
Society  shall  think  fit,  be  invested  in  securities  of  the  nature  herein- 
before specified  and  be  vested  in  the  Trustees  for  the  time  being  of 
the  fund  as  part  of  the  capital  thereof. 

5.  The  Capital  of  the  fund  shall  not  under  any  circumstances  be 
drawn  upon  nor  shall  the  income  thereof  be  anticipated. 

6.  The  Society  shall  apply  the  income  of  the  fund  or  so  much 
thereof  as  shall  from  time  to  time  be  required  for  the  purpose  in 
providing  a  gold  medal  to  be  known  as  the  "Campbell  Memorial 
Medal"  and  to  be  awarded  in  recognition  of  distinguished  services  in 
Oriental  Research  upon  the  terms  hereinafter  mentioned. 

7.  The  services  referred  to  in  the  last  preceding  clause  shall  consist 
in  the  publication  since  the  year  1903  of  a  treatise  pamphlet  or  book 
in  English  on  the  subject  of  Oriental  History  Folklore  or  Ethnology 
calculated  to  further  the  objects  of  the  Society,  namely  the  investiga- 
tion and  encouragement  of  Oriental  Arts,  Sciences  and  Literature. 

8.  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  this  clause  and  of  clause  14  here- 
under the  first  award  of  the  medal  shall  be  made  in  the  year  one 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  seven,  and  subsequent  awards  shall  be 
made  at  intervals  of  not  less  than  three  years  unless  the  Committee  J 
of  the  Society  under  the  power  contained  in  clause  16  hereof  shall 
decide  to  make  more  frequent  awards,  but  so  nevertheless  that  no 
award  shall  be  made  in  the  year  qne  tliousand  nine  hundred  and 
seven  or  any  subsequent  year  unless  a  fitting  recipient  be  forthcoming 


ABSTRACT    OF   THE    SOCIETY  S   PROCBBDINGS.  1x111 

9.  The  selection  of  a  recipient  shall,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
Committee  of  the  Society,  be  made  by  a  Committee  (hereinafter  called 
the  Selection  Committee),  the  members  of  which  shall  be  noniinated 
by  the  President  of  the  Society  in  each  year  in  which  the  medal  is 
proposed  to  be  awarded  and  such  nomination  shall  be  communicated 
in  writing  to  the  Committee  of  the  Society  previously  to  and  shall  be 
considered  by  them  at  their  first  meeting  held  after  the  first  day  of 
February  in  any  year  in  which  the  medal  is  proposed  to  be  awarded 
and  such  nomination  shall  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Committee 
of  the  Society. 

10.  In  the  event  of  the  Committee  of  the  Society  not  approving  of 
the  nomination  of  any  member  or  members  of  the  Selection  Commit- 
tee, the  President  of  the  Society  shall  nominate  another  member  or 
other  members  as  the  case  may  be  until  three  members  shall  be  so 
approved  and  in  the  event  of  any  irreconcilable  difference  between 
the  President  and  the  Committee  of  the  Society  a  committee  shall  be 
formed  of  three  members,  one  of  whom  shall  be  chosen  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Society,  one  by  the  Senior  Vice-President  of  the  Society 
and  one  by  the  Committee  of  the  Society. 

11.  In  the  event  of  the  Selection  Committee  not  being  unanimous 
a  majority  of  the  members  thereof  shall  bind  the  minority. 

12.  The  Selection  Committee  shall  have  the  right  in  order  to  assist 
them  in  forming  their  judgment  of  consulting  all  or  any  of  the  Pro- 
fessors of  Oriental  subjects  at  the  Universities  of  Calcutta,  Bombay, 
Madras  and  Allahabad  or  any  other  scholars  whom  they  may  think  fit 
to  consult 

13.  The  Selection  Committee  may  with  the  consent  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Society  award  a  sum  of  money  not  exceeding  Rupees 
one  hundred  to  the  recipient  of  the  medal  in  addition  thereto  when 
it  appears  to  them  that  the  recipient  of  the  medal  would  accept  a 
pecuniary  honorarium  in  addition  thereto. 

14.  In  the  event  of  the  Committee  of  the  Society  not  approving  of 
any  selection  made  by  the  Selection  Committee  the  medal  in  that  year 
shall  not  be  awarded. 

15.  If  in  any  year  the  medal  shall  not  be  awarded  owing  to  a 
fitting  recipient  not  being  forthcoming  as  provided  in  clauses  8  and  14 
hereof,  the  income  of  the  fund  which  has  accumulated  since  the  date 
when  the  medal  was  last  awarded  and  which  would  otherwise  have 
been  expended  in  providing  the  medal  for  such  year  shall  be  invested 
by  the  Society  in  any  of  the  securities  hereinbefore  authorised  and 
shall  be  treated  as  part  of  the  capital  of  the  fund. 


Ixiv  ABSTRACT  OF   THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

1 6.  The  Committee  of  the  Society  may  at  any  time  hereafter,  not- 
withstanding anything  in  clause  8  hereof  if  the  income  of  the  said 
fund  shall,  owing  to  accumulations  arising  under  clause  15  hereof  01 
from  any  other  cause,  be  sufficient  to  enable  them  to  do  so,  decide  that 
the  medal  shall  be  awarded. at  a  less  interval  or  less  intervals  than 
three  years. 

17.  The  Committee  of  the  Society  may  from  time  to  time  make  and 
alter  rules  and  regulations  for  the  management  of  the  medal,  provided 
that  no  rules  or  regulations  so  made  by  them  shall  be  contrary  to  the 
objects  of  the  Society  as  defined  in  clause  7  hereof  or  to  these  presents. 

18.  With  the  exception  of  the  appointment  from  time  to  time  as 
occasion  may  arise  of  new  Trustees  of  the  fund  which  appointments 
shall  be  made  by  the  Society,  all  acts  and  things  by  this  scheme  pro- 
vided to  be  done  by  the  Society  shall  be  deemed  to  be  duly  done  and 
performed  if  the  same  shall  be  done  and  performed  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Society  for  the  time  being  and  the  Trustees  of  the  fund 
shall  be  discharged  by  the  receipt  of  the  said  Committee  or  of  any 
persons  authorised  by  them  in  respect  of  any  payments  from  time  to 
time  made  by  them  out  of  the  income  of  the  fund. 

19.  The  Trustees  of  the  fund  may  from  time  to  time  reimburse 
themselves  or  pay  and  discharge  out  of  the  income  of  the  fund  all 
expenses  incurred  in  or  about  the  execution  of  the  Trusts  declared  by 
the  said  Declaration  of  Trust. 

On  the  proposition  of  the  Honorary  Secretary,  seconded  by  Mr.  James 
MacDonald,  it  was  resolved  that : — The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G. 
Chandavarkar,  Mr.  A.  M.  T.  Jackson,  I.C.S.,and  Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven, 
I.C.S.,  be  appointed  Trustees  of  the  Fund  and  that  they  do  execute 
a  Declaration  of  Trust  in  the  form  laid  upon  the  table,  declaring  that 
they  hold  the  said  fund  in  trust  for  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society  for  the  purposes  of  the  said  scheme.  The  said  declara- 
tion of  trust  should  be  as  follows: — 

TO  ALL  TO  WHOM  THESE  PRESENTS  SHALL  COME  WE 
the  Hon'ble  Narayan  Ganesh  Chandavarkar  one  of  His  Majesty's 
Judges  of  the  High  Court  of  Judicature  at  Bombay  Arthur  Mason 
Tippetts  Jackson  of  His  Majesty's  Indian  Civil  Service  and  Regi- 
nald Edward  Enthoven  also  of  His  Majesty's  Indian  Civil  Service 
send  GREETING  WHEREAS  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society  (hereinafter  referred  to  as  the  Society)  is  a  Society 
incorporated  with  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  and  has  for  it  objects  the  investigation  and  encouragement 
of  Oriental  Arts,  Sciences  and  Literature  AND  WHEREAS  an  oflfer 


ABSTRACT     OF    THE    SOCIETY'S    PROCEEDINGS.  IXT 

was  recently  made  to  hand  over  to  the  Society  certain  Securities  being 
thft-investment  of  a  fund  subscribed  by  Members  of  His  Majesty's  Indian 
Civil  Service  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  gold  medal  to  be  known  as 
'*  The  Campbell  Memorial  Medal*'  upon  the  terms  of  a  scheme  which 
was  at  the  same  time  submitted  to  the  Society  AND  WHEREAS  at 
a  Meeting  of  the  Society  held  in  Bombay  on  the  13th  day  of  February 
1907  it  was  resolved  that  the  offer  above  referred  to  should  be  accepted 
and  that  the  fund  should  be  known  as  '*The  Campbell  Memorial  Medal 
Fund  "    and  be  held  upon   the  terms   and  for  the  purposes  of  the 
said  scheme  which  scheme   should   be   entered   at  length   upon  the 
minutes  of  the   meeting  and  it  was  further  resolved  that  we  these 
Declarants  should  be  the  Trustees   of  the  fund  and  should  execute 
these   presents   for  declaring  that  we  hold  the  said   fund  in  trust  for 
the  Society  for  the  purposes  of  the  said  scheme  AND  WHEREAS 
a  copy  of  the   scheme  submitted  to  the  Society  as  aforesaid  is   sub- 
joined  to  these  Presents   by  way    of    schedule    AND    WHEBEAS 
the    fund    consisting    at  the    present    time  of   Bombay    Port  Trust 
Four  Per  Cent,  bonds  of  the  nominal  value  of  Rs.  3,000  has  before  the 
date  of  these  presents  been  duly  handed  over  to  and  transferred  into 
the  names  of  us  these  Declarants  NOW  THEREFORE  KNOW  YE 
and    these    presents   witness    and    we   the  said    Narayan    Ganesh 
Chandavarkar,  Arthur  Mason  Tippetts  Jackson  and  Reginald  Edward 
Enthoven    do   hereby  declare    that    we  these    Declarants    and    the 
survivors  and  survivor  of  us  and  the  heirs  executors  or  administrators 
of  such  survivor  and  so  far  as  we  lawfully  can  and  may  bind  them 
the  Trustees  for  the  time  being  of  the  said  Fund  appointed  from  time 
to  time  hereafter  by  the  Society  whether  in  substitution  for  us  or  any 
of  us  or  in  the  place  of  any  one  or  more  of  us  dying  or  retiring  from 
the  Trust  by  these  presents  declared  shall  and  will  at  all  times  here- 
afber  hold  and  possess  the  Fund  so-called  or  known  as    *  *  The  Camp- 
bell  Memorial  Medal  Fund  "  and  all  investments  for  the  time  being 
representing  the  same  and  any  accretions  thereto  and  the  income 
from  time  to  time  to  arise  from  the  capital  of  such  fund  including  all 
accreations  thereto  (if  any),     in   Trust  for  the  Society  for  the  pur- 
poses of  the  said  Scheme  a  copy  whereof  is  subjoined  hereto  To  the 
Intent  that  so  far  as  the  terms  of  the  said  scheme  apply  to  aii||^jaSect 
the  Trustees  of  the  said  fund  we  these  Declarants  shall  conduct  .and 
manage  the  same  in  accordance  with  the  terms  and  provisions  of  the 
said  scheme  In  Witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  and 
seals  this  9th  day  of  April  1907. 


A  meeting  of  the  Society  was  helJ  on  Friday,  the  15th  March,  1907. 
Mr.  K.  R.  Cama,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  Chair, 

27 


I^i  ABSTRACT  OP  THE  SOCIETY'S  PROCBBDINGS. 

The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 

Mr.  J.  J.  Mody  then  read  a  paper.  **  a  few  Notes  on  Broach,"  from 
an  antiquarian  point  of  view. 

On  the  motion  of  Mr.  S.  T.  Bhandare,  seconded  by  the  Hon'ble 
Mr.  Logan,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  Mr.  Modi  for  the  interest- 
ing paper  he  had  read. 

The  annual  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Friday,  the  22nd 
March  1907. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Honorary  Secretary  read  the  following  Report  of  the  Society 
for  1906. 

The  Annual  Report  for  1906. 

MEMBERS. 
Resident. — ^57  New  Members  were  elected  during  the  year  and  5 
Non-Resident  Members  having  come  to  Bombay,  were  added  to  the 
list  of  Resident  Members.  27,  withdrew  ;  4  died^  21  retired,  and  3 
having  left  Bombay,  were  placed  on  the  list  of  Non-Resident  Mem- 
bers ;  and  2  were  removed  from  the  roll  for  non-payment  of  subscrip- 
tion. The  total  number  of  Members  at  the  close  was  thus  323 
against  318  in  the  preceding  year. 

Non-Resident.  — 17  Members  joined  under  this  class  and  3  were 
transferred  from  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  10  resigned,  i  retired, 
I  died,  4  were  removed  from  the  list  for  non-payment  of  subscription, 
and  5  were  added  to  the  list  of  Resident  Members.  This  leaves  96  on 
the  roll  at  the  end  of  the  year.     The  number  at  the  end  of  1905  was  97. 

Among  the  Members  shown  as  retired  are  included  several  gentle* 
men^  who  have  been  absent  from  India  for  a  number  of  years  and 
from  whom  no  formal  notice  of  res i>>  nation  has  been  received. 

OBITUARY. 

The  Society  record  with  regret  the  death  of  the  following  Members 
(luri«jj^  the  year  : — 

Resident. 
Harischandra  Krishna  Joshi,  Esq. 
The  Hon*ble  Mr.  Justice  Badrudin  Tyabji. 
A.  Mackenzie,  Esq. 
S.  Joyce,  Esq. 

Non-Resident. 
H.  Pogson,  Esq. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE   SOCIETY'S  PROCEEDINGS.  Ixvit 

THE  PRESIDENT. 

The  110111)16  Mr.  Jusdce  Chandavarkar  has  been  asked,  aad  has 
kindly  consented,  to  accept  the  office  of  President  of  the  Society  for 
the  current  year  in  place  of  the  Hon'ble  Mr.  E.  M.  H.  Fulton  who  is 
retiring  from  India. 

ORIGINAL  COMMUNICATIONS. 
The  following  papers  were  contributed  to  the  Society  during  the 
year : — 

Nripatunga  and  the  Authorship  of  Kaviraja  Marga. 

By  K.  B.  Pathak,  B.A. 

An  Epigraphical  Note  on  Dharmpala,  the  Second  Prince  of  the  Pala 

Dynasty. 

By  S.  R.  Bhandarkar,  M.A. 
Macoudi  on  Volcanoes/ 

By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

The  Date  of  the  Death  of  Nizami. 

By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

An  Eklingji  Stone  Inscription   and  the  Origin  and  History  of  the 

Lakulisa  Sect. 

By  £).  R.  Bhandarkar,  M.A. 

The  Death  of  Akbar. 

.  By  R.  P.  Karkaria,  B.A. 

The   First    Englishman   in   India  and   his  Works,   especially    his 
Christian  Puran. 

By  J.  A.  Saldanha,  B.A.,  LL.B. 

Bombay  as  seen  by  Dr.  Ives  in  1754. 

By  Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  B.A. 

LIBRARY. 

The  total  issue  during  the  year  amounted  to  45 » 106  volumes, 
comprising  30,455  Volumes  of  new  books  including  periodicals,  and 
14,651  of  the  old.  The  daily  average,  excluding  Sundays  and  holidays, 
was  149  volumes.     The  issue  in  the  preceding  year  was  42,926. 

The  issues  of  each  month  are  noted  in  the  subjoined  table. 


Monthly  Issues. 

Old  Books. 

A^ew  Books. 

January 

••• 

...                        .  a 

... 

1,446 

2.31I 

"^  '  February 

..• 

•••                     .•« 

>                     ... 

1,416 

1.593 

'  March 

... 

*••                     ••! 

»                     ••« 

1,629 

2, 104 

V    April 

.•• 

••■                     «•< 

» 

1.467 

2,827 

.  '  May^ 

•  ••                     ..« 

t                    ••• 

1,079 

2,499 

V    June 

•  •  • 

...                     ... 

.•• 

1,277 

2,454 

IzTiii 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 


July 

August 

September 

October 

November 

December 


••• 


••• 


Old  Books. 

New  Boohs. 

i»257 

2,735 

I.I55 

2.731 

1,107 

2,780 

I,030 

2.904 

910 

2,888 

888 

2,629 

Total     14.651  30.455 

The  volumes  of  issues  of  old  and  new  books,  arranged  according  to 

subjects,  are  shown  in  the  following  table  : — 
> 
Subject  Volumes, 


••• 


••• 


••• 


»•• 


Fiction  

Biography        

History  

Voyages,  Travels,  &c.         •••        ••• 

Miscellaneous,  Collected  Works  and  Essays 

Oriental  Literature 

Reviews,  Magazines,  Transactions  of  Learned  Societies 

(in  bound  volumes)    ... 
Naval  and  Military 
Poetry  and  Drama 
Art,  Architecture,  Engineering 

Philology,  Literary  History 

Politics,  Political  Economy,  &c 

Religion  and  Theology  •• 

Natural  History,  Geology,  &c. 

Philosophy         

Archaeology,  Antiquities,  &c. 

Foreign  Literature      

Government  Publications,  Public  Records 
v/iassics    •••        •••        •••        •••         •••        a 

Medicine  •••        •••        ...        «•« 

Natural  Philosophy,  Astronomy,  &c» 

JwaL^i^  •••  •••  •••  •••  ••• 

Botany,  Agriculture,  &c 

Grammatical  Works  and  Dictionaries 
Logic,  Works  relating  to  Education 
Pwiodicals  in  loose  numbers 


••• 


••• 


••• 


••• 


••• 


••• 


•  •• 

17.718 

•  •  • 

2,226 

•  •• 

1,590 

•  ■• 

i»504 

•  •  • 

^253 

•  •  • 

ies 

839 

►  ••• 

579 

•  •• 

508 

••• 

445 

••• 

420 

•  •• 

396 

•  •• 

348 

••• 

296 

•  •• 

263 

«• 

236 

•  •• 

231 

•  •• 

226 

•  •  • 

159 

•  •• 

151 

••• 

151 

■  •• 

119 

••• 

97 

■•• 

92 

•  •• 

79 

••• 

»3 

••• 

'4,777 

ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S  PROCBBDtNGS. 


Iziz 


ADDITIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

The  accessions  to  the  Library  during  the  year  nuiMber  1,502 
▼okimes.  Of  these,  980  volumes  were  acquired  by  purchase  and  32s 
were  received  as  presents. 

Presents  of  books  were  as  usual  received  chiefly  from  the  Bombay 
Government,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  the  Government  of 
India,  and  other  local  Governments ;  and  also  from  the  Trustees  of 
the  Parsee  Panchayat  Funds  and  individual  authors  and  donors. 

The  number  of  volumes  acquired  by  purchase  and  presentation  is 
shown  in  the  following  table  : — 


Subject. 


••• 


Religion  and  Theology  

Philosophy       ...  

Classics  and  Translations       

Philology  and  Literary  History  

History  and  Chronology  

Politics,     Political     Economy,    Trade    and 

Commerce         .*•        *••        ••«        ...        ••< 

l^aw  •■•        •••        •••        •••        •••        ••• 

Government  Publications  and  Public  Records 
Biography  •••        ...        •••        •••        ••• 

Archaeology,      Antiquities,      Numismatics, 

Heraldrv  •••        *••        •••        ...        ... 

Voyages,  Travels,  Geography,  Topography 

Poetry  and  Drama ■••  »• 

taction  ■••        ••«        ...        ...        ••• 

Miscellaneous,        Collected  Works, 

Essays,  &c.  ...        •••        •••        ... 

Foreign  Literature        

Natural        Philosophy,        Mathematics, 

Astronomy       •••        ...        ...        ••• 

Art,   Music,   Engineering,   Architecture 

Naval  and  Military         

Natural    History,     Geology,     Chemistry  ••• 

Botany,  Agriculture      

Medicine,    Surgery    and    Physiology 
Annuals,  Serials,    Transactions  of  Learned 

Societies  •••        •••        •••        •••        ••• 

Dictionaries  and    Grammatical  Works     ... 
Oriental  Literature       


Volumes 
purchased* 
16 


••• 


••• 


6 

IS 
17 
52 

16 
I 

•. 
88 


Volumes 
presented. 


8 
10 


4 
6 

>a4 


«5 

3 

61 

95 

30 

... 

326 

... 

28 

3 

10 

.•• 

2 

... 

43 

2 

28 

I 

13 

2 

7 

6 

6 

I 

112 

36 

3 

•«. 

8S 

21 

ixX  ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S  PROCEEDINGS. 

NEWSPAPERS  AND  PERIODICALS. 

The  pap^s,  periodicals,  journals  and  transactions  of  Learned  Socie- 
ties subscribed  for  and  presented  to  the  Society  during  1906  were  :— 

Literary  Monthlies.*.        •••        ...        •••        ...        •••        ...     13 
Illustrated    .••        •••        •••        •••        ..,        •••        •«•         ,.     ly 

Scientific   and    Philosophical    Journals,    Transactions    of 

Learned  Societies,  &c •••        ...        ...        ...    33 

i^ev  le  w  s        ...         *••         ...         •..         ...         •••         •••         «..     10 

English  Newspapers         17 

English  Registers,  Almanacs,  Directories,  &c.         13 

Foreign  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals 9 

American  Literary  and  Scientific  Periodicals  xi 

Indian  Newspapers  and  Government  Gazettes         23 

Indian  JournalSf  Reviews,  &c 29 

A  Meeting  of  the  Society  as  required  by  Article  XX  of  the  Rules, 

was  held  in  November,  for  the  revision  of  the  list  of  Newspapers, 

Magazines,  &c.,  taken  by  the  Society. 

At  this  Meeting  it  was  resolved  to  discontinue — 

**  Photography, '•   **  International  Journal  of  Ethics,"    *•  India," 

"  Lancet, "  *'  Hindustan  Review"  and  "  Indian  Review  " 
and  to  subscribe  to-» 

"  Ladies'  Realm  •'  and  *'  Ladies  Field." 

from  the  beginning  of  1907. 

COIN  CABINET. 
The  number  of  coins  added  to  the  Society's  Cabinet  during  the  year 
was  89.  Of  these,  7  were  gold,  66  silver  and  16  copper.  Of  the 
total  89*  2  were  presented  by  the  Political  Agent,  Dir  Swat  and  Chitral, 
and  10  by  the  Political  Agents  Tonk.  The  rest  were  acquired  from 
dififerent  Governments  under  the  Treasure  Trove  Act 
The  Coins  are  of  the  following  description  : — 

Presented  by  the  Chvemment,  United  Pfwinces, 

Mediaeval  India. 

Coins  of  the  Gupta  type.     Silver,     3. 

Found,  Fyzabad  District. 

Moghul  Emperors. 

Jahangir  with  name  of  Nurjahan.     Silver,     i. 

Found,  Mirzapur  District. 

Aurangzeb.     Silver,    4. 

Found,  Jalaun  District. 
Modern  India. 

Coins    of    Native  States  bearing   names  of  later  Mogbnl 

Emperors.     Silver,     2. 

Found,  Jalaun  District. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THB  SOCIBTY's   PROCBBDINGS.  Isd 

Presented  by  the  Punjab  Government. 

Mediaeval  India. 

Brahmin  Kings  of  Kabul  and  Punjab. 
Samant  Deva.        Silver,     2. 
Spalapati  Deva.  ,,        2. 

Found,  Shahapur  District. 

Moghul  Emperors. 

Farukh  Siyar.     Silver,     i. 

Found,  Sialkot  District 

Presented  by  the  Political  Agent ^ 

Dir^  Swat  and  ChitraL 

Durrani  Kings. 

Aiyub  Shah  Durrani.    Silver,     2. 

Found,  Upper  Swat,  Malakand. 

Presented  by  the  Political  Agent,  Tonk, 

Mediaeval  India, 

Indo-Sassanian.    Copper,     10 
Found,  Tonk  State. 

Presented  by  the  Bombay  Government, 
Moghul  Emperors. 

Aurangzib.     Silver,     i. 

Shah  Alam  Bahadur.     Silver,     i. 

Farruk  Siyar.     Silver,     i. 

Muhammad  Shah.     Silver,     i. 

Found,  Larkhana  District,  Sind. 
Shah-Jahan.  Silver,     i. 
Azam  Shah.  Silver,     i. 
Kam  Baksh.  Silver,     i. 
Shah  Alam  I.  Silver,     i. 
Farruk- Siyar.  Silver,     1, 
Muhammad  Shah.  Silver,     i. 

Found,  Ahmednagar  District. 
Aurangzib.  Gold,     i. 
Shah  Alam  I.  Gold,     i. 
Muhammad  Shah.  Gold,     i. 
Alamgir  II,  Gold,     i. 
Shah  Alam  II.  Gold,     i. 

Found,  Poona  District. 
Ottoman  Sultans. 
Murad  III.     Gold,     i. 

Found,  Ratnagiri  District. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCI£Ty*S  PROCBBDINGS. 


South  India. 

Gold  Pagoda  Struck  by  Hindu 
Princes  of  Bijapur,  before  the 
Mohammadan  Rule,  7th  or  8th 
Century  A.  D.  Gold,     i. 

Found,  Ratnagiri  District. 
Mediaeval  India. 

Gadhaiya  Coin.  Silver,     I. 

Found,  Ratnagiri  District. 
Modern  India. 

Native  States.  Nizam  of  Hyderabad.  Silver,     1. 
Found,  Ahmednagar  District. 

Presented  by  the  Bengal  Government, 

Sultans  of  Bengal. 

Shihabuddin  Bagdah,  Silver,     I. 
Found,  Mursidabad  District. 
Moghul  Emperors. 

Muhammad  Shah.  Silver,     2 
Ahmad  Shah.  Do.        y 

Alamgir  II.  Do.        4 

Fouad,  Murshidabad  District. 

Presented  by  the  Government^  C.  P. 

Mediaeval  India. 

Gadhaiya  Coins.  Silver,     3. 

Found,  Narsinghpur  District. 

Pathan  Sultans  of  Delhi. 

Ghiasuddin  Tughlaq  Shah.  Silver,     I. 

Found,  Bilaspur  District. 
Modern  India. 

Native  States  (Indore).  Coins  bearing  name  of 

Shah  Alam.    Silver,    6. 

Found,  Bital  District. 

Moghul  Emperors. 

Shah  Alam.  Silver,    2. 

Found,  Bital  District. 

Ahmadshah.  Silver,     3. 

Found,  Chhindwara  District. 

Ahmadshah.  Silver,     3, 

Found,  Bital  District. 

Ahmadshah.  Silver,     L 

Found,  Wardha  District. 

Shah  Alam  II.  Silver,     I. 

Found,  Hoshangabad  District. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIRTY^S   PROCEBDINGS.  Izziil 

Kings  of  Malwa. 

Nasir  Shah  Khilji.  Silver,     I. 

Found,  Hoshangabad  EKitrict. 
Mahmud  II.  Silver,     2« 

Found  Balaghat  District. 
Mahmud  IL  Copper,     i. 

Found,  Balaghat  District. 
Kings  of  Malwa.     Copper,     5. 

Found,  Nagpur  District. 

By  order  of  Government  the  names  of  the  Numismatic  Collection 
attached  to  the  Public  Library  at  Shillong  and  of  the  Archaeological 
Museum  at  Poona,  were  added  to  the  list  of  Institutions  to  which 
coins  are  presented  under  the  Indian  Treasure  Trove  Act. 

It  was  mentioned  in  the  last  yearns  report  that  a  large  hoard  of 
Silver  Coins  of  Nahapan  the  first  of  the  Western  Kshatraps(A.  D.  119) 
had  been  discovered  in  the  Sinnar  Taluka  of  the  Nasik  District.  The 
hoard  has  since  been  received  from  the  Collector  of  Nasik.  It  numbers 
about  14,000  Coins. 

The  discovery  of  the  hoard  aroused  the  curiosity  of  Numismatists 
and  Antiquarians  both  in  England  and  India,  and  several  letters  were 
received  urging  that  the  whole  hoard  should  be  most  carefully  scruti- 
nised by  an  expert  before  distribution.  A  most  careful  classification  is 
necessary  in  view  of  the  great  age  of  the  coins  and  their  connection 
with  one  of  the  oldest  dynasties  of  foreigners  in  Western  India. 
The  Coins  have  accordingly  been  sent  for  decipherment  to  the 
Rev.  H.  R.  Scott  of  Surat,  who  contributed  a  valuable  paper  to  the 
Society's  journal  some  years  ago,  on  the  Kshatrap  coins  found 
in  Kahdawar.  Mr.  Scott  has  very  kindly  undertaken  the  task  of 
going  through  the  hoard  and  writing  a  paper  on  it  for  the  Society. 

Besides  coins,   the   Society  obtained  during  the    year    the   fol- 
lowing objects  of  antiquarian  interest : — 

Three  Stones  bearing  a  Persian  inscription  from  the  Ankai 
Fort  between  Manmad  and  Yeola,  Nasik  District. 

Two  Silahara  land  grants  surmounted  by  the  sun  and  moon 
and  a  dome  from  Maroie,  Salsette. 

One  headless  figure  of  a  Lion  from  Maroie,  Salsette. 

Two  broken  stone  images  of  Vithoba  and  Rakhmai.  A  mu- 
tilated stone  image  of  Gunpati.  A  stone  slab  bearing 
carved  feet  possibly  those  of  a  god  or  guru  from  Matunga, 
Bombay. 


IXXIV  ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S  PROCEEDINGS. 

A  portion  of  a  stone  image  of  considerable  age. 

A  mutilated  stone  Egure  of  a  lion. 

A  block  of  stone  containing  several  mutilated  figures. 

A  carved  stone  lintel  of  a  doorway. 

An  ornamental  Gopura  from  a  temple. 

A  head  from  a  stone  frieze. 

A  block  bearing  a  mutilated  female  figure  and  portions  of 
carving. 

Two  richly  carved  Gopuras, 

A  plain  rectangular  carved  slab. 

The  head  of  an  image  (probably  Shiva)  with  a  high  cap, 
elaborately  carved. 

A  small  slab  bearing  the  figure  of  a  Jain  Tirthankara  (?) 
with  a  canopy  overhead  supported  by  two  pillars. 

A  block  bearing  two  mutilated  female  figures  standing. 

A  slab  bearing  the  standing  figure  of  a  Hindu  god  (Shiva?) 
slightly  mutilated,  surmounted  by  a  canopy  resting  on  two 
pillars. 

A  small  slab  bearing  two  headless  figures. 
A  brick  bearing  two  human  figures  defaced. 

A  brick  bearing  a  human  figure  with  another  resting  on  its* 
loins,  defaced. 

A  large  block  consisting  of  elaborately  carved  Gopuras. 
An  ornamental  Gopura. 

A  slightly  broken  image  of  a  Kichaka  (Vira  Kantha)  generally 
placed  on  the  top  of  pillars  and  in  the  centre  of  old  Hindu 
arches. 

A  slab  bearing  an  inscription  in  ancient  Devnagari  characters. 

A  Silahara  land  grant  with  the  Ass  Curse  at  the  foot« 

A  defaced  female  image,  probably  of  Parvati. 

Two   stones    bearing  a  Persian  inscription,  dated  A.  H.    looa. 

From  Thaaa. 

CATALOGUE  OF    OBJECTS    OF  ANTIQUARIAN   INTEREST, 

Etc..  in  THE   MUSEUM. 

All  the  curios,  historical  objects,  and  archaeological  remains 
pi'eserved  in  the  Society's  Museum  have  been  numbered,  and  a 
Catalogue  of  them  has  been  prepared  and  printed. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE   SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS.  IXXV 

IRANIAN  BOOKS  PURCHASE  FUND. 
The  books  which  were  ordered  from  England  last  year  have  been 
received.    Being  in  paper  covers   they  have  all  been   rebound  and 
placed  on  separate  shelves  by  themselves  in   the  Oriental   Literature 
Room. 

CAMPBELL  MEMORIAL  MEDAL. 

With  a  view  to  recognise  the  distinguished  services  of  the  late 
Sir  James  Campbell  in  Oriental  Research,  some  of  his  friends  raised 
a  memorial  fund  in  his  name.  The  sum  collected  for  the  fund 
amounts  to  Rs.  3,000,  which  have  been  invested  in  Bombay  Port 
Trust  4%  bonds. 

Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven,  I.C.S.,  on  behalf  of  the  subscribers  to 
the  memorial,  intimated  a  desire  to  hand  over  the  sum  collected 
to  the  Society  for  founding  a  medal  to  be  awarded  for  contribu- 
tions on  the  subject  of  oriental  history,  folk-lore,  ethnology,  &c., 
calculated  to  further  the  objects  of  the  Society. 

A  trust  deed  was  drafted  and  submitted  to  the  Committee  of  Man- 
agement for  approval.  The  Committee  considered  the  draft  at  a 
meedng  held  on  loth  July  and  signified  their  formal  approval  subject 
to  a  few  minor  alterations. 

The  Trust  deed  as  finally  prepared  by  Messrs.  Little  &  Co.,  Solici- 
tors, was  placed  before  a  general  meeting  of  the  Society  held  on  13th 
February  1907.  It  was  unanimously  adopted  at  the  Meeting  and 
three  Trustees  were  appointed  to  be  in  charge  of  the  fund. 

RE-ARRANGEMENT  AND  A  NEW  CATALOGUE 
OF  WORKS  OF  FICTION. 

In  deference  to  the  openly  expressed  desire  of  many  members,  the 
entire  stock  of  Novels  in  the  Library  has  been  re-arranged  by  authors 
in  alphabetical  order.  Various  works  of  individual  authors  which 
were  formerly  scattered  over  several  shelves  have  been  all  brought 
together  in  one  place. 

Further,  in  accordance  with  a  former  resolution  of  the  Committee 
of  Management,  some  400  Novels  which  were  rarely  required  by 
members  have  been  removed  from  the  Novel  presses  after  a  careful 
scrutiny  of  the  whole  collection. 

This  work  has  rendered  necessary  the  preparation  of  a  new  Cata- 
logue of  Novels.  The  new  Catalogue  which  has  been  prepared 
is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  first  consisting  of  an  index  of  authors 
in  alphlibetical  order  and  the  second  of  an  index  of  the  titles  of 
Novels,  including  entries  of  anonymous  works. 


IxXVi  ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S  PROCBBDINGS, 

The  Catalogue  is  now  in  the  press  and  will  shortly  be  ready. 
When  it  is  printed  it  will  be  sold  to  members  at  such  price  as  may 
hereafter  be  settled. 

REPAINTING  AND  VARNISHING  THE  SOCIETY'S  ROOMS. 
After  a  certain  amount  of  delay  the  entire  portion  of  the  Town  Hall 
in  the  occupation  of  the  Society  has  been  revarnished  and  repainted 
by  the  Public  Works  Department.  This  work  was  very  necessary  ; 
for  so  far  as  can  be  gathered,  no  renewal  had  taken  place  for  about 
ten  years.  The  best  thanks  of  the  Society  are  due  to  Government 
for  the  thorough  and  satisfactory  manner  in  which  the  work  has  been 
carried  out. 

JOURNAL. 

Number  6i  forming  Part  II  of  Vol.  XXII  of  the  Journal  was 
publisiied  during  the  year.  It  contains  all  the  papers  received  during 
the  year,  and  two  papers,  **  Comparison  of  the  Avestic  doctrine  of  the 
Fravashees  with  the  Platonic  Doctrines  of  the  Ideas  and  other  later 
doctrines"  and  *' Marathi  Historical  Literature,*'  read  at  meetings 
in  1904  and  1905,  together  with  an  abstract  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Society  and  a  list  of  books,  pamphlets,  &c.,  presented  to  it  from 
January  to  December  1906.  One  paper,  **  Bombay  as  seen  by  Dr. 
Ives  in  1754,"  read  at  a  meeting  in  October,  has  been  held  over  and 
will  appear  in  the  next  number  of  the  Journal. 

FINANCE. 

A  statement  showing  in  detail  the  items  of  income  and  expenditure 
for  1906  is  appended. 

The  actual  total  receipts  by  subscription  from  Members  during  the 
year  under  report  amount  to  Rs.  13,712-4-0.  The  subscriptions  in 
1905  amounted  to  Rs.  12,726-3-4.  There  were,  besides  Rs,  880 
received  on  account  of  Life  subscriptions  from  one  Resident  Member 
and  one  Non-Resident  Life  Member  who  became  a  Resident  Life 
Member  during  the  year.  This  sum  has  been  duly  invested  in 
Government  securities  in  accordance  with  article  XVI  of  the  Rules. 

The  balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Society  at  the  end  of  the  year  was 
Rs.  2,386-4-2. 

The  invested  fiinds  of  the  Society  amount  to  Rs.  16,900. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.  Chandavarkar  proposed  that  the 
Report  be  adopted.     Mr.  James  MacDonald  seconded  the  proposal. 

After  a  few  remarks  by  the  President,  the  Report  was  unanimously 
adopted. 

The  Honorary  Secretary  proposed  that  the  following  gentlemen 
should  constitute  the  Committee  of  Management  for  1907. 


COMMITTEE  OF  MAXAGEMEKT  FOR  -w^. 


The  Hooocafale  Mt,  Jsstioe  X.  a 

James  MacDooald,  Esq. 

K.  R.  Cama,  Esq. 

The  Honorable  Bfr.  Jusboe  IL  Batty,  I.C.& 

Jivanji  Jamshedji  Modi,  Esq. 


F.  R.  Vica^  Esq. 

Sir  Bhalchandra  Krishna,  Kt. 

Dastur  Darab  P.  Sanjana 

Darasha  R.  Chich^ar,  Esq« 

J.  R.  Aspinwall,  Esq. 

Rao  Bahadur  G.  N.  NadkamL 

L.  C.  H.  Youi^,  Esq. 

Pro£  S.  R.  Bhandarkar. 

Prot  E.  H.  McDoog^all. 

T.  A.  Savage,  Esq. 

V.  P.  Vaidya,  Esq. 

FazufUioy  C.  Ebrahini^  Esq. 

ffatt.  Secretary. 
S.M.  Edwardes,  Esq.,  lcs. 

Hon.  Audilors. 
H.R.H«  Wilkinson,  Esq. 

Sadanand  T.  Bhandare,  Esq. 
Mr.  H.  R.  H.  Wilkinson  seconded  the  proposition. 

Sir  Bhalchandra  suggested  that  the  names  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Scott 
and  Mr.  Wilkinson  be  substituted  for  those  of  the  Rev.  Drs.  Macki- 
chan  and  Abbott,  as  the  former  was  about  to  leave  for  Europe  and  the 
latter  had  already  lefL 

The  suggestion  being  accepted,  the  proposition  was  unanimously 
carried. 

Mr.  Justice  Chandavarkar  then  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
retiring  President,  which  was  seconded  by  Mr.  MacDonald  and 
unanimously  endorsed. 


A  meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Thursday,  the  26th  September. 
The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.  Chandavarkar,  President,  in  the  Chair. 
The  minutes  of  the  last  meeting  were  read  and  confirmed. 
A  paper  on  the  Paras'ariya  Dharma  S'astra  by  the  late  Mr.  Shamrao 
Vithal,  communicated  by  the  President,  was  then  read. 

The  Honorary  Secretary  and  the   President  made  remarks  on  the 
fMiper. 


IxXVtii  ABSTRACT  OF  THE  SOCIETY'S   PROCEEDINGS. 

A  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  on  Saturday,  the  23rd 
November  1907. 

The  Hon'ble  Mr.  Justice  N.  G.   Chandavarkar,   President,  in   the 
Chair. 

The  following  proposals  about  periodicals  were  laid  before  the 
meeting  : — 

By  Lt.-Col.  W.  H.  Quicke,  I. M.S. 

That  '*  Pictorial  Comedy"   be  taken. 

By  Mr.  S.  S.  Setlur— 

That  **  Hindustan  Review," 
**  Indian  Review," 
**  Modern  Review," 
'*  Madras  Review,"  be  taken. 

By  Prof.  E.  H.  McDougall— 

That  "Indian  Educational  Journal  "  (Monthly), 
**  New  Asiatic  Review  "  (Monthly),  be  taken. 

The  proposals  for  new  additions  were  considered,  and  the  existing 
list  was  examined,  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  following  be  subscribed 
for  from  the  beginning  of  1908  : — 

**  Modern  Review." 

'*  Madras  Review." 

'*  The  New  Asiatic  Monthly  Review." 

"  Indian  Education  Journal." 

**  Indian  Social  Reformer." 

and  that  those  named  below  be  discontinued  from  the  same  date  : — 

**  Engineering." 

**  London,  Edinburgh  and  Dublin  Philosophical  Magazine. 

**  Political  Science,  Quarterly." 

*•  O.  M.  Fur  den  Orient." 

The  President  referred  to  the  approaching  departure  from  Bombay 
of  Mr.  A.  M.  T.  Jackson,  and  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  him  for  hb 
services  as  Honorary  Secretary  of  the  Society. 

The  proposition  being  seconJed  by  Mr.  Tribhovandas  Mangaldas 
was  carried  unanimously. 


List  of  Presents  to  the  Library. 

1907. 

Titles  of  Boohs.  Donors. 

Accounts,  Trade  by  Rail  and  River,  India,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India 
Acts,  Government  of  India  1906.  n 

Government  of  India. 
ADBflNiSTRATioN  Report,  Ajmer-Merwara,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 
Report,  Baluchistan  Agency,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 
Report,  Bengal,  1905-06. 

Bengal  Government. 
*— — — Report,  Burma,  1905-06. 

Burma  Government. 

Report,  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam,  1905-06. 

Government,  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam. 

Report,     Irrigation    Works,     Bombay  Presidency, 

1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 
— ^— — ■^— •  Report,  Madras,  1905-06. 

Madras  Government. 
Report,  North- West  Frontier,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 
Report,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 

Report,  Railways  in  India,  1906. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

-.^— Report,  U.-P.,  1905-06. 

(Jlovernment,  U.-P. 
Annual  Report  of  the  Working  of  the  Punjab  Alienation  of  Land  Act, 

ioo6. 

Punjab  Government. 
Agricultural  Journal  of  India,  Vol.  I,  1906. 

Government  of  India. 

Journal  of  India,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  I.         , 

Government  of  India. 
'  Ledger,  1905-06. 

government  of  India. 


IXXX  PRESENTS  TO  THE   LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

Agricultural  Statistics  of  India,  22nd  Issue,  1 901-02-^-1 905-06. 

Government  of  India. 
Aiwisrutrima  Ratu. 

Parsee  Panchayat. 
Ancient  Khotan,  By  M.  A.  Stein. 

Government  of  India. 
Annals,  Royal  Botanic  Garden,  Calcutta,  Vol.  IX,  Part  II. 

Government  of  India. 
Anthropometric  Data  from  Bombay. 

Government  of  India* 
^— —  Data  from  Burma. 

Government  of  India. 
Area  and  Yield  of  certain  Principal  Crops  in  India,  1907. 

Government  of  India. 
Argument  A  Priori,  Gillespie. 

Trustees  of  Mrs.  Gillespie. 
Assam  District  Gazetteer,  Vol.  X,  Khesi  and  Jaintia  Hills. 

Government  of  India. 
Bengal  Code,  3rd  Edition,  Vol.  V. 

Government  of  India. 
Bibliotheca  Buddhica,  Vol.  VI. 

St.  Petersburg  Academy. 

Bombay  University  Calendar,  1907-08. 

University  of  Bombay. 

-Gazetteer,  Supplementary  Volume  VIII  B.,  Kathia^bar. 

Government  of  India. 

Quarterly  Civil  List —  1907. 

Bombay  Government. 
Bulletin,  Department  of  Land  Records  and  Agriculture,  Bombay, 

No.  28.     Date  Palm. 

Bombay  Government 

PAcademie  Imperiale  des  Sciences  de  St.  Petersburg,  V.  Ser. 

Tome  XVII,  No.  5,  XVIII— XXI. 

St.  Petersburg  Academy. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Vol.  XXII.,  1906. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 
—  -  de  TEcolc  Francaise  D 'Extreme  Orient,  Vol.  V. 

The  Society. 

of  the  Lloyd  Library  ;  No.  9,  1907. 

The  Lloyd  Library. 
Bureau  of  American    Ethnology  Bulletin,  No.  30,  Part  I. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 


PRBSBNTS  TO  THB   LIBRARY.  IXXXI 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

Cartoons  from  Hindi  Punchy  1906. 

The  Proprietor,  Hindi  Punch. 

Catalogub  of  Coins,  Indian  Museum,  Calcutta. 

Government  of  India. 

'-  of  Greek  Coins,  British  Museum,  (Phrygia). 

British  Museum. 

of  MSS.,  British  Museum,  Marathi,  Gujerathi,  Bengali,&c. 

British  Museum. 

of  Sanskrit  MSS.,  Government  Oriental  MSS.    Library, 

Madras,  Vol.  IV. 

Government  of  Madras. 
Cattlb  of  Bombay  Presidency. 

Bombay  Government. 
CuMATOLOGiCAL  Atlas  of  India* 

Government  of  India. 

Digest  of  Indian  Law  Cases,  1904.    C.  £  Grey. 

Government  of  India. 
'  of  Indian  Law  Cases  (Wigley). 

Government  of  India. 
District  Gazetteer,  Baluchistan  ;  Quetta,  Pishin  District,  Vols.  A  &  B. 

Government  of  India. 

.  Gazetteer,  Bengal  ;  Balasore,  Darjeeling,  Darbhanga,  Cuttack, 

Shahabad,  Gaya,   Muzaffarpur,    Patna,  Palaman,  Cham- 

paran. 

Government  of  India. 

'  Crazetteer,  Central  Provinces  ;  Narsingpur,  Damboli,  Wardha 

and  Sangan  Districts  and  Statistical  Tables,  Sambalpur, 

Seoni,  Betul. 

Government  of  India. 

Gazetteer,  Madras  ;  Tanjore  District,   Vol.  I.  ;    South  Arcot 

District,   Vol.  I.  ;  Vizagapatam,  Madura  and   Statistical 
Appendices,  Salem,  Nellore  and  Ganjam. 

Government  of  India. 

— — Gazetteer,  N.-W.   Frontier  Provinces,    Vol.    I.  B.,  Hazara 

District 

Government  of  India« 
■  Gazetteer,   Punjab  ;  Hoshiarpur  District,  Jhelum  Gazetteer 

Supplement,  Statistical  Tables,   Lahore  District,   Chenab 
Colony. 

Government  of  India. 
— —  Gazetteer,  U.  P.,  Vol.  Xa.,  Fatehpur. 

Government  of  India. 
Bast  and  West  Indian  Mirror. 

Bombay  Government. 
28 


Ixxxit  t»ftESftNTS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

East  India  Accounts  and  Estimates,  1907-08. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

(Advisory  and  Legislative  Councils,  &c.) 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Estimates,  Revenue  and  Expenditure,  1906-07. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

(Officers),     (Exchange    Compensation),     Resolutions  of 

Government  of  India. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

Financial  Statement;  1907-08. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Home  Account,  1905-06-07. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Income  and  Expenditure,  1895-96  to  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

(Plague)    Correspondence    regarding    measures   for  the 

Prevention  of  Plague. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

-— Progress  and  Condition,  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Punjab  Land  Colonisation  Bill. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
Tables  relating  to  Trade  of  British  India,  1901-02 — 1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

EiNLEiTENUE  Gedanken    Zur  dastellung  der  Morphologie  der  Turk 

Sprachen  vcn  Radloff. 

St.  Petersburg  Academy. 

Finance  and  Revenue  Accounts  of  the  Government  of  India,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 
First  Report  of  Fruit  Experiments  at  Pusa. 

Government  of  India. 
Gaunches  of  Teneriffe,  Second  Series,  (Hak.  Soc.)  Vol.  21. 

Bombay  Goyemment. 
Gazetteer,  Bombay  Presidency,  Vols.  2  B  to  24  B  and  index. 

Government  of  India. 
General  Statutory  Rules  and  Orders,  Vols.  I — III. 

Government  of  India. 
GowRiSHANKAR  Udayashaukar  Oza,  a  Biography  (in  Gujerathi). 

Vasheshankar  Gowrishankar,  Esq. 
G.  T.  Survey  of  India,  Account  of  Operations,  Vol.  XVIII. 

Government  of  India. 

Harischandra  Krishna  Joshi,  a  Biography     (Marathi). 

The  Author. 


PRESENTS  TO  THE   UBRARY.  IxXXill 

Titles  of  Books,  Donors, 

History  of  Services,   Gazetted  Officers,   Bombay— Corrected  up  to 

ist  July  1907. 

Bombay  Government. 

of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Persian  Empire,  Vol.  I  (Gujerathi). 

Parsee  Panchayat  and  D.  J    Tata,  Esq. 

Income  Tax  Returns,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  Indian  Empire,  Vols,  i,  3,  4. 

Government  of  India. 
Index  to  the  Reports  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Bombay,  1836-1905. 

The  Chamber. 
Indian  Insect  Pests.     H.  M.  Lefroy. 

Government  of  India. 

Bombay  Government. 

U.  P.  Government. 

Madras  Government. 

Bengal  Government. 

Record  Series,  Old  Fort  William. 

Government  of  IndiH. 

—  Weather  Review.    Annual  Summary,  1905 

Government  of  India. 
Inscripcoes  Indianas.    J.  H.  DeMoara. 

The  Author. 

Journal,  American  Oriental  Society,  Vols.  15, 16,  r;,  22,  23,  27  (second 

halOi  38  (first  halO. 

The  Society. 

,  Bengal  Asiatic  Society,  1906,  Part  11. 

The  Society. 

—  North  China  Branch  of  the    Royal   Asiatic  Society.,   Vol. 

38,  1907- 

The  Society. 

• — •  R.  A.  Society,  1907. 

The  Society. 

— ^— —  Straits  Branch,  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Nos.  46  &  47  (1906). 

The  Societ>\ 


Law  Reports,  Bombay,  1906. 

— Allahabad,  1906. 

—^ Madras,  1906. 

— Calcutta,  1906. 


—  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Victoria  Institute.     Vol.  39. 

The  Institute. 
Judicial  and  Administrative  Statistics,  i905-o6. 

Ciovernment  of  India. 


IxXZhr  PRESENTS  TO  THE   LIBRARY. 

TUUs  of  Boohs.  Donors, 

Key  to  interpret  the  Veda. 

R.  R.  Bhagvat 
Khorda  Avesta  Arthah  (Sanskrit). 

Parsee  Panchayat 
L*Architecturb  Hindoue,  en  Extreme  Orient 

L'Ecole  Franc^e  d*  Extreme  Orient. 

Life  and  Miracle  of  Takla  Haymanot. 

Lady  Meux. 

Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  VoL  IV,  Munda  and  Dravidian  Languages. 

Government  of  India. 

Survey  of  India,   Vol.   IX,    Indo-Aryan  Family,    Central 

Group,  Part  III.  (Bhil  Languages). 

Government  of  India. 

List  of  Sanskrit  and  Hindi  MSS.     Sanskrit  College,  Benares. 

U.  P.  Government. 
McKean,  Historical  Notes. 

The  Author. 

Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  Vol.  V,  -  Nos.  2  and  3,  An- 
thropology. 

Madras  Government. 

Marriage  under  Ancient  Hindu  Law.     By  G.  M.  TripathL 

R.  V.  Mehta,  Esq. 
Memoirs  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History  : — 

Vol.  IV,  Part  V. 

VoL  V,  Part  III. 

Vol.  VIIL 

Vol.  X. 

Vol.  XI,  Part  I. 

Vol.  XIV,  Part  I. 

The  Museum. 

of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  I,   1905-06. 

The  Society. 

Geological  Survey  of  India,   Palaeontologia  Indica,  Series 

XV,  Vol.  V,  No.  2. 

Director,  Geological  Survey  of  India. 

of  the   Indian   Meteorological     Department,    Vol.   XVII 1, 

Part  L 

Government  of  Incfia. 

Royal  Astronomical  Society.    Appendix  to  Vol.  LVII. 

The  Society. 

Method  in  the  Study  of  Indian  Antiquities.      By  A.    M.  T.  Jackson, 

M.  A.,  I«C.S. 

The  Author. 

Monograph  on  Carpet-making,  Punjab,  1905 — 07. 

Punjab  Government 


PRBSBNTS  TO  THE  LIBRARY.  IXXXV 

TiiUs  of  Boohs.  Donors, 

NOTB  on  Dispensaries  and  Charitable  Institutions,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government, 
—  on  Registration  Returns,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government. 

on  the  Stamp  Statements,  Punjab,  1906-07. 

Punjab  Government. 

on  Vaccination,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government 

on  Vaccination,  Punjab,  1906-07. 

Punjab  Government. 
Notices  of  Sanskrit  MSS.,  Series  2,  Vol.  3. 

Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal. 
Origin  of  the  Bantu. 

Government,  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 
Papers,  Second  Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Bijapur  Taluka,  Bijapur. 

Bombay  Government 

—  Second  Revision    Survey  Settlement,    Kopargaon    Taluka. 

Ahmadnagar  District. 

Bombay  Government. 
Second  Revision  Survey  Settlement,   Sangamner  Taluka. 

Ahmadnagar  District. 

Bombay  Government. 

Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Hala  and  Labdaria  Talukas. 

Hyderabad  District 

Bombay  Government. 

Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Hyderabad  District 

Bombay  Government 
'  Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Jacobabad  Taluka,  Upper  Sind 
Frontier. 

Bombay  Government. 
■  Revision  Survey  Settlement  of  certain  Talukas  of  the  Karachi 
and  Upper  Sind  Frontier  District. 

Bombay  Government. 

Revision  Survey  Settlement,   Ratoder  Taluka,    Larkhana 

District,  Sind. 

Bombay  Government. 

^—   Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Sukkar  Taluka,  Sind. 

Bombay  Government. 

Revision  Survey  Settlement,  Vingorla,  Ratnagiri  District. 

.  .  Bombay  Government. 


llZZVi  PRBSBNTS  TO  THE  LIBRARV. 


7W«  oj  Books.  Domoft. 

Papers,  Revision    Survey  Settlement,  Talukas  of  Thur  and  Parkei, 

Hyilerabad  and  Upper  Sind  Frontier  Districts. 

Bombay  Governmenl. 

Technical  Education,  India,  1886 — 1904. 

Government  of  India. 
Parsi  Dharmasthalo. 

Parse«  Pancliayat. 
PoucB  Report,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905. 

Bombay  GovemmenL 
Private  Diary  of  Ananda  Ranga  Pillat,  2  Vols. 

Madras  Government 
Proceedings,  Council  of  the  Governor  of  Bombay  for  making  Laws 
and  Regulations,  1906. 

Bombay  Govemtneni. 

— — Imperial  Legislative  Council,  Vols.  44and  45  I1905-06), 

Government  of  India 

Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh,  Vols.  34  and  25  (2  parts). 

The  Society. 

Royal  Society,  London,  Series  A,  Vols.  76,  77,  78.  Series 

B,  Vols.  76,  77,  78. 

The  Society. 
PuBUCAHON  of   the   International  Commission  .for  Scientific  Aero- 
nautics (in  German),  January  1905— May  1906. 

Director- General  of  Observation  in  India. 
Punjab  University  Calendar,  1906.07. 

The  Univeraty. 
Records,  Botanical  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  3. 

Government  of  India. 
Report,  Administration  of  Ciril  Justice,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government. 

Administration  of  Criminal  Justice,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Govern  men  L 
—  Agricultural  Department,  Punjab,  1906-07. 


PRBSBHTS  TO  THB  UBKARV,  Ixzsvii 

TiOti  of  Bookt.  DMors. 

Rbport,  ArcbEeoIogical  Survey,  Burma,  1906-07. 

Burma  Government. 

—  Archaological  Survey,  Eastern  Circle,  1905-06  and  190&-07. 

Bengal  Government. 

— Archieological  Survey,  India  Frontier  Circle,  1906-07, 

Governmonl,  N.  W.  Frontier  Province. 

Archceological  Survey,  Northern  Circle,  1905-06  and  1906-07. 

Government,  U.-P. 

-^  Archseological  Survey.  Southern  Circle,  1906-07. 

Madras  Government. 

Archaeological  Survey  of  India,   Western  Circle,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Board  of  Regents,  Smithsonian  Institution,  1905-06. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 
"- ' —  Board  of  Scientific  Advice  for  India,  1905-06. 

Government  of  India. 

Bombay  Chamber  of  Commerce,  1906. 

Bombay  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

Bombay  Improvement  Trust,  1906-07. 

The  Trustees. 
■■  ■■—  —  Bombay  Jail  Department,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 
"  Bombay  Millowaers'  Association,  1906. 

The  Association. 
'-    -—  Bombay  Port  Trust,  1906-07. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Trust 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  1902-03. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 
-—  Chemical  Analyser  to  Government,  Bombay,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 

Chemical  Examiner,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government. 

—  Chenab,  Jhang,  Chunian  and  Jhelum  Colonies,  1905-06. 

The  Punjab  Government. 
—Chief  Collector  of  Customs,  Sind,  On  Maritime  Trade  of  Sind, 

Bombay  Government. 
^. 

Government  of  India. 
iaries,  under  the  Government  of 


Bombay  Government. 


Izxxviii  PRBSBNTS  TO  THE  UBRARY. 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors, 

Report,  Civil  Veterinary  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 
— ^— —  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Department  of  Agriculture,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 

-  —  Director-General  of  Archaeology,  1905-06.  Part  I. 

Government  of  India. 

Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Director  of  Public  Instruction. 

Dispensaries,    Jails,   Hospitals,   Vaccination,   &c..   Central 

India  Agency,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India. 
■  Encumbered  Estates,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 

Epigraphy,  Southern  Circle,  1906-07. 

Madras  Government. 

Excise     Administration,      Bombay      Presidency,     1905-06, 

1906-07. 

Bombay  Government. 

Excise  Administration,  Punjab,  1906-07. 

Punjab  Government. 
— ^  External  Land  Trade,  Punjab,  1906-07. 

Punjab  Government. 
'■    —  External  Land  Trade,  Sind  and  British  Baluchistan,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government. 

Factory,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 
— —  Forest  Circles,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Forest  Department,  Madras,  1905-06. 

Madras  Government. 

-  ■  Income  Tax  Administration,  Punjab,  1906-07. 

Punjab  Government 
■  Indian  Excise  Committee,  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State. 

'  Internal  Trade,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 

»   '         Land  Records,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government 


PRESENTS  TO  THE  LIBRARY.  J^C 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

-Report,  Land  Revenue  Administration,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 
Lucknow  Provincial  Museum,  1906-07. 

The  Museum. 
I^unatic  Asylum,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906. 

Bombay  Government 

Madras  Government  Museum  and  the  Connemara   Library, 

1906-07. 

Madras  Government. 
Meteorological  Department,  Government  of  India,  1906-07. 

Government  of  India. 
■  Missouri  Botanical  Garden,  1906. 

Missouri  Botanical  Garden. 
■'  Municipal  Commissioner,  Bombay,  1905-06. 

Municipal  Commissioner,  Bombay. 
Municipalities,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 
on  Search  for  Hindi  MSS.,  U.  P.,  1902-04. 

Government,  U.  P.  and  Oudh. 
—  Opium  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government. 
Police,  Town  and  Island  of  Bombay,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 
Police  Administration,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government. 
Public  Instruction,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 
'  Rail  and  River-borne  Trade,  Sind,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 
Rail-borne  Trade,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 
■  Railways  in  India,  1906. 

Government  of  India. 
■■      Reformatory  School  at  Yeravda,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 
Salt  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906-07, 

Bombay  Government 
— —  Salt  Department,  Sind,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government 


XC  PRESENTS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

•  Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

Report,  Sanitary  Administration,  Punjab,  1906. 

Punjab  Government. 
— ^—  Sanitary  Commissioner,  Bombay,  1906. 

Bombay  Government. 
^— — —  Sanitation,    Dispensaries  and  Jails,  1905,   and  Vaccination 
1905-06,  Rajputana. 

Government  of  India  (i) 
■ —  Sanitary  Measures  in  India,  1905-06. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India. 
^—  Sea-borne    Trade    and    Customs    Administration,  Bombay 
Presidency,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government. 


— — —  Season  and  Crops,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 

—  of  Second  Tour  in  Search  for  Sanskrit  MSS.   in   Rajputana 

and  C.  India  by  S.  R.  Bhandarkar. 

Bombay  Government. 

• Settlement  Operations,  Punjab,  1905-06. 

Punjab  Government. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  U.S.  Natural  History  Museum,  1906. 

The  Smithsonian  Institute. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  1905. 

Smithsonian  Institution. 

Stamp  Department,  Bombay  Presidency,  1506-07. 

Bombay  Government. 
■  ■         —  Survey  of  India,  1904-05. 

Surveyor-General  of  India. 
Talukdari  Settlement  Officer,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 

Textile  Factories  Labour  Committee,  1906. 

Government  of  India. 
—  Trade  and  Navigation,  Aden,  1906-07. 

Bombay  Government. 
Resolution  reviewing  Reports  of  the  Local  Boards,   Bombay  Presi- 
dency, 1905-06. 

Bombay  Government 
Resolution  reviewing  Municipal  Taxation  and  Expenditure,  Bombay 

Presidency,  1905-06. 

Bombay  Government. 
Return  of  Wrecks  and  Casualties  in  Indian  Waters,  1905. 

Government  of  India. 


PRESENTS  TO  THE  UBRARY.  3LCI 

Titles  of  Books.  Donors. 

Review,   Forest  Administration,  British  India,  1904-05. 

Government  of  India* 

■  Trade  of  India,  1905-06,  1906-07. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India* 

^Sanskrit  Studies  in  India.     S.R.  Bhandarkar. 

The  Author* 

Sculpture  and  Inscription  of  Darius  the  Great. 

Trustees  of  the  British  Museum* 

Season  and  Crop  Report,  Bombay  Presidency,  1905-06. 

'  Bombay  Government* 

Shahnamana  Dastllno  (Gujerathi). 

Parsee  Panchayat* 

Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collection,  Vol.    Ill,  Part  3  ;  Vol.   IV, 
I'art  I,  1907. 

Smithsonian  Institution* 

Sport  and  Pastimes  of  the  English  People  by  Strutt. 

F.  A.  Reddie,  Esq. 

Statistical  Abstract  relating  to  British  India,   1896-97  to   i905«o6* 

Secretary  of  State  for  India* 

■  Atlas  of  the  Bombay  Presidency,  2nd  Edition. 

Bombay  Government* 
Statistics,  Punjab  Lunatic  Asylum,  1906. 

Punjab  Government* 

«— ^  Registration  Dept.,  Bombay  Presidency,  1906, 

Bombay  Government* 

Storia  DoMogor.  Manuci,  2  Vols. 

Government  of  India* 

Studies  in  the  Medicine  of  Ancient  India,  Part  I. 

Delegates,  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford* 
Subject  Index,  British  Museum  Library,  1 901-1905. 

British  Museum* 
Tide  Tables  of  Indian  Ports,  1907, 

Government  of  India* 
Transactions  and  Proceedings,  American  Philological  Association, 

1905. 

The  Association. 

Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  Vol.  34. 

The  Society* 

Connecticut  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  VoL  12^ 

1904-07. 

The  Academy*