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NATURAL HISTORY 


J 0'0' 'R NVA'L 


OF THE 


ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 


VOI Ce LLy : 


PART I. (History, ANTIQUITIES, &C.) 


(Nos. I ro 1V.—1875: with twenty-six plates and six woodcuts.) 


EDITED BY 


) HE P HILOLOGICAL SECRETARY. 


Oe — 


«Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men ot science 
in different parts of Asza, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to 
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long 
intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” SIR WM. JonEs. 


OOOO 


oS 


CALCULTEA: 


PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 


1875. 


1 Rie dele 


4 


CONTENTS 


OF THE 


JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, ror 1875, 


Part I. 


No. I. 


A Copper Plate containing a grant of land by Lakshman Sen of Ben- 
gal, found near Torpon-dighi in the District of Dinajpur, 1874. 


—By E. Vesey Westmacort, C. 8., (with two plates) ..... : 
Krishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita—By Pranna’tH Panoit, 
in Aecdcaéecceegcoude cocetce SocudooQdcoCUMUnODaNS 
The Alti Hills in Cuttack.—By Jonny sine B. C. S, Maser ate 

of Cuttack, (with four plates)). 2... cce. wesc eee Hootbod ee 
Who were the “ Patan” or “ Pathan” Sultans of Dib ?—By Major 
G. H. Raverty, Bombay Army (retired), ..... coonbeCoUDUEE 


On the Khyeng People of the Sandoway Diecee Arakan.—By Ma- 
jor G. E, Fryrer, Deputy Commissioner, Sandoway, (with two 
PUSIES). Ses «6 Dar shovecdistetn Stcttus Sernaecenels een teres cater ortoners 

On a Coin of Kunanda from Karndl.—By Ra’senpraua’LA Mirra, 
ERD DURA WC OCLC Unie cise ¢ euel eves. er cleteletere leiaye oleh oveverohe iv orevans eievelate 


No. II. 


Pali Studies.—No, 1. Analysis and Text of the Subodhélaikara, or 
‘Easy Rhetoric,’ by Sangharakhita Theraa—By Magsor G. EH. 
Fryer, M.S. C., Deputy Commissioner, British Burmah, .... 

Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. 1. Coins of the Kings of 
Dihli and Jaunpir.—By J. G. Detmericx, Dihli, (with a plate) 

Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, or Pilgrimage of it 


—By Ra’ Na’Ra’yan, Bareli College, ..... Focboarecced 
Notes on Manipuri Grammar.—By G. H. Damant, B. he C. ‘Ss, 
Kachhar, @tosoeoeaeerzoeon eese@evoesoesesee08 @eeogooe @oeeeeoee @ e 


The Barah Bhiyas of Bengal. No. II.—By Dr. James Wise, .... 
Note on Mahasthan near Baguré (Bogra), Eastern Bengal.—By C., 
J. O'Doynett, C. §., toseseeoaeeaeeoeresesvseaeeveve veer eevee woe eee 


Page 


iv Contents. 


No. ITI. 


On Traces of Buddhism in Dinajpur and Baguré (Bogra).—By 
HE. Vesry Westmacort, B.C. S8., F. R. G. S., Member of the 
Bengal Asiatic and Royal Asiatic Societies, (with a plate) .... 

The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai, the bard of SSN A. D. 1650. 


—By Joun Brames, B. C.S.,.......60.. ib ols ape nee 
Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura, —By Fr. Ss. Cnn, MM AY 
B. C. §., (with three plates) ....... 560.5000 va, allele Mela pusecets : 


A Rough Comments Vocabulary of two more of the Dialects spoken 
in the “ Naga Hills’”.—Compiled by Captain Joun Butter, 


Rolimen| vere, Wee) Ishi, sooguonbonsoonducoos0200 707 ‘ 
On the S’ulvasttras.—By Dr. G. Turpavt, Anglo- Seneiev Professor, 
Ben) (Oollearsy, (Catia ikonne yollenweS))h 60 60585054000005750050- 


Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal (Muhamma- 
dan Period). No. I1I.—By H. Buocumayn, M. A., Calcutta 
Wincbingelo. (Grrmnn On OMNIS) Sols dsb0dedcdnndne sc006 ~ soos: - 


No. IV. 


Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas and their Language.—By Capt. 
Joun Burter, B.S. C., Political Agent, Naga Hills, Asam, 


(Gann Soyen, AES) Gaon odéos06o 75 o ond eo DGon 2G on tle c 
An Account of the Miwon Bhils.—By T. H. Heer ease 
Fenn evi, IA OEs bo, (QyMuN A By EN) 564505000500 2o0n7 53-457 
Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bandelemaat N. W. 
Provinces.—By Vincent A. Smith, B. A.,C.8., .........-6. 
Index to Journal, Pb) Dato sS/oyt aisle clei =i stela s leis isteleinieniy <tete 


eee OEE 


Page 


216 


227 


Bish OrF “PLATES 


IN 


JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, For 1875, 
Parr I. 


—~ 


a 


Pl. 1 & Pl. II (p. 3). Facsimile of a copper plate grant by Lakshman Sen, 
king of Bengal, found at Torpondighi, Dinajpur. 
~ Pl. IIT (p. 23). Sculptures on the gateway at Udayagiri, Orisa. 
»PI.1V (p. 2D). Mosque of Pir Sulaiman on the Alamgir Hill, Orisa. 
-Pl. V & Pl. VI (pp. 20, 21, 23), Ruins and sculptures from Naltigiri and 
Udayagiri, Orisa. 
Pl. VII (p. 45). Khyeng House, Sandoway District, Arakan. 
Pl. VIII (p. 42). Group of Khyengs, Sandoway, Arakan. 
Pl. IX (p. 126). Unpublished Muhammadan Coins (Dihli and Jaunpir). 
vPl. X (p. 187).- Pillar from near Potnitala, Dinajpur. 
Pl. XI (p. 288). Unpublished Coins of the Muhammadan kings of Bengal. 
Plates XII, XIII, XIV (pp. 214, 215). Bacchanalian Sculptures from 
Mathura and Kukargama, N. W. Provinces. 
‘Plates XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII (pp. 236, 237, 251, 253, 257, 260, 265). 
Constructions of Hindu altars, according to the S’ulvasttras. 
Plates XIX to XXV, (p. 328). Illustrations to Capt. Butler’s paper on 
the Angami Nagas, Asam. 
Pl. XXVI (p. 355). Bhil arms and ornaments. 


WOODCUTS. 


No.1. A coin of Kunanda, p. 89. 
Nos. 2 to 5. Geometrical figures from the S’ulvasfitras, pp. 244 to 247. 
No. 6. Silver Coin of Nara Narayan of Kuch Bihar, p. 306. 


ERRATA 
IN 
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, ror 1875. 


Parr I. 


Page 27, |. 83, put the [ before ‘ but such was.’ 
30, 1. 11, ef passim, for Tughluk read Tughluk. 
31, 1. 11, for Muhammad Siri read Muhammad-i-Sari, 
82,1. 4, from below, for Arab read the Arab. 
33, 1. 10, the semicolon belongs to the end of the preceding line. 
34, 1. 14, for history read history is. 
36,1. 1, for shortly read stoutly. 
37,1. 1, for ul-Mamalik read wa Mamalik. 
58,1. 3, from below, for ngto read nglo. 
68, 1. 19, put an H. before ‘ makhii’. 

276, 1. second note. Add—General A. Cunningham, C. S. I., identi- 
fies )'¢3 “gat with the Otanta Vihdra, mentioned in Vassilief’s 
‘Bouddisme’ (French Translation, p. 56). 

» 291, line 7 of the note, for son read sons, 


tr) 


JOURNAL 


OF THE 


BolAlTIC SOCIETY. 


Part 1-—-HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. 


ee 


No. 1.—1875. 


Oe 
eee eee ee 


A Copper Plate containing a grant of land by Lakshman Sen of Bengal, 

found near Torpon-dight in the District of Dindjpur, 1874.— 

By EH. Vestry Westmacort, C. S. 

(With two plates.) 

Among the works undertaken to employ the people in Dinajptr during 
the scarcity of 1873-4 was the deepening of a small tank to the north of 
the one called Torpon-dighi, or ‘the tank of offerings,’ six or seven miles 
S. 8S. E. of the ancient Muhammadan capital of Debkot, and the Hinda 
remains called the city of Ban Raja. Two miles to the eastward is a mauza’, 
called Baneshwarbati, and Doctor Buchanan, in his account of Dindjpur,* 
mentions the traditions connecting this neighbourhood with the mythical 
Ban Raja. 

From the mud at the bottom of this small tank was dug a copper 
plate, thirteen inches long by eleven and a half wide, engraved on both sides 
with a grant of land made to a Brahman by Lakshman Sen, a prince of the 
Hindté dynasty which Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji found on the throne 
of Bengal, when he carried the Muhammadan arms into that province, 
A. D. 1203. 

At the top of the plate is affixed a circular relief, nearly three inches 
across, in copper, representing a ten-armed god, very similar to that litho- 
graphed by Mr, James Prinsep as at the head of a plate containing a 
record of a grant made by Keshab Sen, son of Lakshman Sen, found in par- 
ganah Edilptr, zila’ Bagirganj.+ 

The character approaches more nearly to that of the Keshab Sen plate, 
so far as I can judge of the latter from Mr. Prinsep’s lithograph of a some- 
what imperfect impression, than to that of any other plate which I have 


'* Page 660, Vol. ii, Martin’s Eastern India. 
+ Page 40, Vol. vii, Journal, As. Soc. Bengal. 


2 E. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. [No. 1, 


had an opportunity of examining, but differences are perceptible, the later 
plate tending more to the modern Bengali. Both are of a type rather Bengali 
than Devanégari, and of a type which has advanced nearer to the Bengali than 
the Amgachhi plate of the Pals,* or the inscription in the pillar in the Di- 
najpur Rajbéri.f The < in both Sen plates is the Bengali one, while in the 
Amgachhi and Rajbari inscriptions itis the Devanagari. &, H, 4, ¥, ¥, A, 4, 
gq, and most of the letters are identical in both Sen plates, and more Benga- 
li than Devanagari; £, 4, @, W, are the same, and at first sight remote 
from either Bengali or Devanagari; 4, and ¥ are undistinguishable in both 
plates, being nearer the Devanagari form than the Bengali, which appears 
first in the Buddha Gaya inscription,{ engraved after the death of Lakshman 
Sen. The letters in which Lakshman Sen’s plate appear nearer Bengali than 
the Amgachhi plate of Vigraha Pal, are a, 4, ¥, W, <, and those in which 
Keshab Sen’s plate seem to show a further step in the same direction, are 
¥, 4, 7, 4, and the composite form of &. 

The only inscriptions relative tothe Sen kings quoted by Professor Lassen§ 
are the-Keshab Sen plate and the Buddha Gaya inscription above mentioned. 
In the former the Professor makes a mistake between the names of Madhab 
and Keshab Sen. The grant is made by Keshab Sen, son of Lakshman 
Sen, and, wherever the name of the grantor occurs, there are marks which 
Mr. Prinsep considered the signs of the erasure of another name. As the 
father’s name remains unaltered, the name for which that of Keshab Sen 
was substituted, must be that of a brother, and, from the list of Sen kings 
given in the Aini Akbari by Abul Fazl, Mr. Prinsep suggests that of 
Madhab Sen, which has the same prosodiacal value as Keshab, 

I have, however, met with a notice of another copper plate, containing 
a grant by Lakshman Sen, which does not appear to be generally known. 
A transcript is given at page 371, Part II, of a Bengali work, entitled 
“A discourse on the Bengali Language and Literature” by Ramgati N ya- 
ratna (Hooghly, Samvat 1930). The transcriber wrote, he says, not from 
the original plate, but from a copy in the Bengali character sent him by 
Babu Hari Das Datt, zamindar of Mojilpur, and he admits that Holo- 
dhor Churamoni, who tried to translate it, could not read every letter of 
it, but supplied the gaps conjecturally. Comparing his transcript with my 
plate, I find that the discrepancies are so slight, that I attribute them to mis- 
takes made either by the transcriber, or by one of the engravers of the ori- 
ginal plate, and I find that the grants are, with variations of little more 
than single letters, word for word the same down to the word bhuktyantah 

* As. Res., ix, 440. 

+ Ind. Ant., i, 126. 

} Page 657, Vol. vy, Journal, As. Soc. Bengal. 

§ Page 746, Vol. iii, Indische Alterthumskunde. 


eer ea 


UAT 
_ 


phed at me meral's Office Calcutt 


——— 


cS ROLLA 7 ; Pi 
wadsaleres Mess, CaReaee Sai Rea 
ACIAAMABIARES AES, Tor pee 
FSIS CALE AA Soe ees BU EAUCAES 
VOLE MMERAS Me TMAISISTA: EaIS| 
eee VNAUINS ASE mete a i 
u BCGRCEE niece. 
Enacaaiyaas eran aueaae sn 
Pues chat Conan due nseescgat te 
CHESS AG28 HATA SUNS @ at raat 
(SOTA MERE Gee 
IL AG Daal aaNas oN A Acne ee A) 
AMAA lag BEGET misuianis est 
AMANAAACM ALG SASTIIAN AM (es le Dae 
SUFAAALMAA AWA AM AAD MMARULE Is 2 tell 
TANMAC UYIZASMAAREGITERAAS HSasU. 
a ATA AIASAa MoMA 1 Tadd S AAS WAITS Ae 
ee AIFASME UAE ATMAG Maan aa 
AAPM AUS MAZISA A DAV AAUTAMAMAGA 
ENE eee AhAA AAAS 
Fe aun gte teeta 
é AAWAM MAMA 
FARMAN UG NAA ADSM GIA TE 2UAHAL ar 


RAIASLANAS MHRALMAIS AUC AAMAAGIAL 
SAMA AAEAY CAEN AER UAISAM ARE’ M61 
FUC AMIN AIA AlAs MIAHATNAMALAFUd (Medand 
AIPA 1A 1 BAAISS 2S FASNAM AAAI ASIA ATA 
ATA Meh CIS AAIMAM AT 6 Aled SAM EL1B INSH 
§5 451: IMMA SALAS HI 2MS AGM IGA gale 
SLADACMACAM UMA AA: MME ACCA AalG 
aCaCensd GAA a DAS IANS SS AAMLLE NM 
UAT ANAL AGASTACMA FELL AAA Ed GTA AM AE: 
UPMM Uh (4519 3 LAA IIS HA BAA AIE IRA 
AMAA S BASE MMAISSINANUAOL 
AA AAA BLAS DAM AAAS AAS ALL Ala 
wedAlSleds sSalaels (aa gMaanasmMds 
TAs RAM AGIANANS A MAINES BAZAN Ms Alaa 
PLULAAANA MIA AS ISTAACNALLSUAIAM AIA 
MAAAMAI TAMA GE MlYAMLMAIMA AAAS M4 a 
UM AAAM MAM SALAMA CCL Cs AG Aa eGhL 
An SHAIMAMALS SLID AESI AUS UALR AS 
MIENG AUS As(ENMGUKELAA dE (US Klar gl 
dalé (Menage (Sk MAAS AMAT aa 4 
AGeAS: 152 de AA Tans DA SUL AG Aus 
BAMAAM A AHAB MLO Mel A UMUAAMAMNATE 
ALAA As MAU: MAAR 1455 | ASEAN DCIS 
LAVA Ae ASASAS APH TRAL ISL 216 18 Ags, 
55 ALHAMEMINA IS BEATA ASS IZS1A CAA. 
Sd Te AAALA Beale a FAVS leUSHAALAL 


1875.] E. V. Westmacott—<A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. 3 


pati, after which different names of places and different boundaries are 
given. After Mentifying the land, the grant goes on, as mine does, with 
the words samdfabistah sajalasthalah sag, where the page containing the 
remainder of the grant is missing. 

Besides this, I hear that Mr. Beveridge has recently found a fourth 
copperplate of the Sen dynasty in the district of Baqirganj, but I regret 
not having seen it. 

The grant which Iam now discussing opens with an invocation to 
Narayana, with which should be compared the epithet paramabaishnava, 
afterwards applied to the King making the grant. 

The first stanza is an allusion to Siva, under the name of Sambhu, 
the various attributes of a fertilising cloud being compared with those of 
that deity, as depicted in the drawing of Ishwara, given on page 249, Vol. i, 
Asiatic Researches, namely, his matted hair, in which Basaki, the king 
of Serpents, is entwined, and from which Ganges flows, the crescent moon 
on his brow, the necklace of human skulls, and the humour of abstraction. 
I am bound to say that Babu Mobhesh Chandra Chakravarti, to whose 
assistance I am indebted for the translation, refuses to accept my reading 
of ‘necklace of white skulls” for swetasiromald, saying that the expres- 
sion must refer to a white garland on the head. 

The second stanza is in honour of the moon, from which, in the Chan- 
dra-vangsha, the Sens evidently claim descent. 

Tn the third, the poison of hostile kings is neutralised by the juice of 
some twining plant, to which the feet of the kings of the Chandra-vangsha 
are compared, a plant watered with the light of the gems on the coronets 
of prostrate kings. 

The fourth stanza compares the effect produced upon their enemies by 
the Sen kings, with the influence of the season called Hemanta, the months 
of Karttik and Agrahayan. Babu Mohesh Chandra Chakravarti thinks 
Hemanta the name of an ancestor of the Sens. Ifso, he is not mentioned 
in Keshab Sen’s plate. If he is a person, both he and Bijay Sen are spoken 
of as conquerors, but I can trace no reference by which to identify the 
dynasty supplanted, and to say whether it was or not that of the Pal kings 
of Gaur, one of whom, Vigraha Pal Deb, in the Amgachhi plate, speaks of 
his dominions or a province thereof as Paundra-Varddhana, the 
name used by both Lakshman Sen and his son Keshab. 

The first of the Sen kings mentioned by Abul-Fazlis Su Sen, whom 
he makes the immediate predecessor of Ballal Sen. I do not consider Abul- 
Fazl’s authority worth much as regards the pre-Muhammadan dynasties of 
Bengal, and unhesitatingly accept the testimony of the copper plates, as to 
the name of Bijay Sen. 

Negatively the plates support the theory that Ball4l Sen was not, as 


4 HE, VY. Westmacott—A Copperpiate grant by Lakshman Sen. [No. 1, 


the Bengal traditions say, the son of Adisur, or of the wife of Adisur, who 
brought Kanauj Brahmans into Bengal. It is true that Abul-Fazl places 
a dynasty of which Adisur was the first, and then all the Pal kings, be- 
tween Adisur and the Sens, but as I have already said, I care little for 
Abul-Fazl’s authority, and until I found that these plates failed to support 
it, I have been inclined to believe the Bengal tradition. The Chakravarti 
family, whose ancestor is said to have been one of the Brahmans invited by 
Adisur, date his migration into Bengal, from family records, m the end 
of the tenth century of the Christian era, which would bring Adisur after 
the Pals, and, in a paper on the Pal kings, I have already said that it 
appeared very probable that it should be upon the fall of the Pal Bud- 
dhist dynasty, that Adisur should restore Brahmans from the west, and 
that his successor, Ballél Sen, should continue the work by thoroughly 
revising the caste system, as he is, by a very general tradition, said to have 
done. I can only say that I get nothing to support this theory from the 
Sen plates. 

Passing on to Ballal Sen, the expressions used are again disappointing- 
ly vague. He too is spoken of as a conqueror, and one who walked in the 
way of the Veda, but there is no allusion to his traditional labours in the 
organisation of caste, which have rendered him famous. Lakshman Sen, 
his son, who makes the grant, is said to have lived at Bikrampur, which 
I do not hesitate to identify with the old Bikrampur near Dhaka. The Pan- 
dit employed by Mr. Prinsep has misunderstood the phrase giving the 
residence of Keshab Sen,* and I cannot from the lithograph read the name 
of the place. In the Monghyr grant the name is clear, Mfudgo-girt sama- 
bashita srimajjayaskandabarat ; in the Amgachhi grant the word before 
samabashita srimajayaskandabarat is illegible. In my plate, Bikrampur is 
quite clear; in the Keshab Sen plate I cannot read it, but the Pandit 
reads it Jambugrama parisar, which represents no known place. 

When the Muhammadans entered Bengal, A. D. 1203, they found the 
Sen King reigning at Nadia, but for some generations their descendants 
retained some power in the neighbourhood of Bikrampur and Sunargéon, 
and the indications of rebellious zamindars, against whom the Muhammadan 
rulers of Bengal from time to time led their forces into Eastern Bengal, 
probably refer to them. 

The King is called parameshwara paramabaishnaba parama bhattaraka. 
The second of these phrases shows him to have been a worshipper of Vish- 
nu, and in the Monghyr plate is replaced by parama saugata, Deb Pal 
being a Buddhist. In the Amgachhi plate the epithet corresponding to 
this is unfortunately illegible. The Keshab Sen plate has apparently para- 
masaur. 

* Page 50, Vol. vii, Journal, As, Soc. Bengal. 


1875.] E. V. Westmacott—A Oopperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. 5 


The title ‘Lord of the Gaura,’ or of Gaur, which the Pal Kings bore, 
does not occur in this plate, nor, I think, in the Amgachhi one, but in 
Keshab Sen’s, he, his father, and his grandfather, are each called Sankara 
gaureshwara. 

The term padanudhyata, ‘ meditating at the feet of’, is shown by its use 
in at least a dozen plates to indicate the succession of a son to his father. 

The list of princes and court officials who are ordered to respect the 
srant, correspond in some measure with other similar lists. Many of them 
oceur in the Monghyr plate, translated by Wilkins (As. Res., Vol. I) and 
annotated by Professor Lassen (Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. iii, page 
731), many in the Amgachhi plate, and many in the Basahi plate, respect- 
ing which Babu Rajendraléla Mitra has given his explanation at p. 327, 
Pt. I, Journ., As. Soe. Beng., 1878. I have not compared any other plates, 
but will note each officer’s title with M., A., or B., asit occurs in one or 
other of the three plates I have mentioned. 

Rdja (B.) must mean princes whom the Sen king considers subject to 
him. 

Réjanyaka, may mean only persons of royal descent, or Kshatriya. 

Régni, (B.) may be either reigning queens, or queens-consort. 

Ranaka, (M.) probably means queens’ relations. 

Réjaputra, (A., M.) kings’ sons. 

Rajamatya, (A., Amdtya M.) members of the king’s council. 

Purohita, (B.) domestic priest. 

Mahidharmmédhyaksha, chief-justice, mentioned by Mr. H. T. Cole- 
brooke, Essays, Vol. I, p. 495, ed. 1878. 

Mahasdndhibigrahika, (A.) a great officer for making treaties and de- 
elaring war. This officer, or a subordinate, is deputed at the end of the 
grant, to give effect to it. 

Mahdsenapati, (A., Senapati B.) The chief commander of the army. 

Mahamudradhikrita, great mint-master. ‘The title can scarcely mean 
‘anything else, though we know of no Bengal coinage previous to the Mu- 
hammadan conquest. 

Antaranga, servant of the interior, or perhaps confidential servant. 

Brihaduparika, (Uparika M., rajast (2) dnoparika, A.) This title in 
the Monghyr plate follows Rdajasthaniya, and in the Amgachhi one the two 
seem to be combined. Of what this officer was superintendent, it is impos- 
sible to say. Professor Lassen thought he was overseer of the officers of 
criminal law, whose titles follow in the Monghyyr plate. 

Mahikshapataliha, (mahékshapatalika A., akshapatalika B.). Babu 
Rajendralala translates this title ‘justiciary’; aksha patala meaning ‘ law- 


suit’ and ‘collection’, I think the officer may have been keeper of law- 
records, 


6 E. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. [No. 1, 


Mahapratihira, (A., M., pratihar B.) great doorkeeper, probably 
commander of the bodyguard, 

Mahabhogika, l think was probably an officer in charge of revenue, 
from a special right over the land called bhoga. ‘The letter I have read g, 
is not quite clear, and might be p or y. 

Mahapilupati. 'The word pilu has several meanings, but this officer 
was probably head of the Forest Department of the Revenue. 

Mahaganaska daussadhika, (mahadausadhasadhanika M.) Mr, Wilkins 
ealls him ‘ chief obviator of difficulties’. Professor Lassen thinks him the 
same as MMuahdsadhanabhaga in the Keshab Sen plate, and as Sddhara 
means ‘material,’ he considers this officer Minister of Public Works. 

Chauroddharamka (M., A.) thiefcatcher ; this was probably a milita- 
ry appointment, established to cope with the predatory bands which infest- 
ed the country even within the last sixty years. 

Gaulmika (M. and, I think, A.). The gaulma was a troop composed 
of nine elephants, nine chariots, twenty-seven horsemen, and forty-five foot- 
soldiers. 

Dandapashika, (M., A.) Wilkins translates ‘ keeper of the instruments 
of punishment’ ; it may, however, be derived from danda a staff, or mace. 

Dandandyaka, (A., Mahadandanayak M.) was probably subordinate to 
the last. 

Bishayapati, (M.) rendered by Wilkins ‘governor of a city’. The 
word bishaya has so many meanings, that it is not easy to guess at the 
nature of the office indicated by this title. 

The Chatta Bhatta caste, to whom, among others, the grant is addressed, 
are twice mentioned, the second time being where the grant of land is said to 
be free from the entrance of Chatta Bhatta. I see that Chanda Bhanda is the 
reading of Mr. Prinsep’s pandit, and Professor Blochmann also,* accepts 
this as an improved reading. I can only say that the first part of the com- 
pound letter is most clearly 2, and the second I think a, but it may be the 
vowel. ‘The compound is certainly not =. Who the Chatta Bhatta were 
it is as yet impossible to say, but they formed probably the bulk of the ecul- 
tivating population of the country, and I think it probable that the reason 
why the name has disappeared is that the Chatta Bhatta were made Mu- 
hammadans ; for the Bengal Muhammadan, who cultivates in many districts 
more than half the land, is not the descendant of foreign conquerors, but 
betrays in many points a Hindu origin. Chatta and Bhatta I look upon 
as two distinct names, because I have seen the Bhatia, or Batta, written 
before the Chatta, instead of after. 

In the Monghyr plate Wyrews aR is enumerated among the things 
from which the grant is free, and Mr. Wilkins translates it ‘no passage for 

. * Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Pt, I, 18738, p. 226, Contributions to History and 
Geography of Bengal, 


1875.] E. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. 7 


troops’. The Amgachhi plate has the same expression, so has the Baman- 
ghati plate (p. 166, Pt. I, J. A. S. B., 1871). 

The Keshab Sen plate speaks to the Chatta Bhatta jatiyin, where it 
might perhaps be Chanda Bhanda, as the transcript is not clear ; Chatta 
Bhatta prabesh, as here, and a third time, where it is illegible in the tran- 
script. A plate from the Sioni District, Narbada territories, at p. 729, 
Vol. V., Journ. A. 8. B., has abhatta chehhatra prabesh, as read by Mr. 
Prinsep’s pandit. I cannot read the character of that grant, and so am 
unable to pronounce it the expression I am looking for, but it is probably 
the same. 

The expression Pawndra-Varddhana appears to me to have much his- 
torical significance. The Pawndra are, I believe, mentioned in Manu as a 
degraded race, that is to say, as I understand it, a race whose importance 
did not compel the Brahmans to give it a high rank in the caste system, as 
they did to the Kshatriya. Of the Varddhana I do not remember to have 
met with any mention as a tribe or caste, but it occurs as part of the name 
of each king of one of the dynasties of Kashmir, and I think I 
have met with it elsewhere as part of personal names. The compound 
Paundra-Varddhana is the Sanskrit form to which Mr. Stanislaus 
Julien has reduced the Chinese name by which the pilgrim Hiouen 
Thsang calls an Indian kingdom which he visited in the seventh century of 
the Christian era. The position of this kingdom has been settled by Mr. 
Jas. Fergusson, in a paper published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, November 1872. The pilgrim followed the course of the Ganges 
to some place near Rajmahal. The Ganges has shifted so much, that it is 
quite impossible to identify this place, but I am very much inclined to look 
for it near old Gaur. The appearance of the country leads me to suppose 
that at some time previous to the Muhammadan conquest, the main stream 
of the river, instead of turning southward where it now does, ran east along 
the present Kalindri as far as Maldah, and then turned south, along the 
Mahananda, running eastward of Gaur. 

The direction in which Hiouen Thsang was travelling was eastward, 
and after following the course of the river as far as it took that direction, 
he would naturally cross it and turn his back upon it as soon as it turned 
to the southward. The only difficulty is to ascertain the point where the 
river changed its direction. After crossing the river, the Chinaman went 
600 i, or from 100 to 120 miles, eastward, and found himself in the king- 
dom of Paundra-Varddhana. Mr. Fergusson quotes from a paper in the 
Oriental Quarterly Magazine, 1824, an account of Pundra Desa, abstracted 
from the Brahmananda section of the Bhavishyat Purana, from which it 
appears that the chief towns of the Mivritti division of Pundra Desa, com- 
prising Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Koch Bihar, were Verddhana Kuta, Kach- 


8 E. V. Westmacott--A Oopperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. {No. 1, 


hapa, and Sriranga or Vohariea. Paundra-Varddhana was probably the 
division of Pundra or Paundra Desa, of which Verddhana Kuta was the 
capital, Eighty miles to the east of the place where I think it probable 
Hiouen Thsang may have crossed, or 100 miles from Rajmahal, close to 
Gobindganj, is a place marked in the map djbdri, which is popularly 
known as Borddhon-kiti, and which is the residence of a zamindar of very 


old family, which 250 years ago possessed estates nearly, if not exactly, - 


coterminous with Akbar’s Sarkar of Ghoraghat. I have tried to identify 
the name of Paundra with that of Sarkar Panjara, adjoiming Sarkar Ghord- 
ghat on the north-west, but am not satisfied that I am right. 150 miles 
further eastward brought the pilgrim to the kingdom of Kamrip, which, 
as Mr. Fergusson points out, probably means the capital thereof, Gauhatti, 
which lies a good deal to the north of east, from Borddhon-kiti, but per- 
haps not too much so for Hiouen Thsang to speak of it as to the eastward. 
The kingdom of Paundra-Varddhana extended from the Kosi in Parniah 
to the Brahmaputra, and from the Ganges to the hills. 

T do not think Paundra-Varddhana is mentioned in the Monghyr plate, 
Deb Pal addresses the Gaura as his principal subjects, as other Pal kings 
eall themselves Gaureshwar, Gauradhipo. 

In the Amgachhi plate, Vigraha Pal has the expression Srz Pundra 
varddhanastha Kankodibasa bishaydntahpati, and I have not yet discovered 
any allusion to the Gaura. 

Keshab Sen (p. 45, Vol. vii, J. A.S. B) says Srt Paundra varddhana 
bhuktyantahpati, the same expression as Lakshman Sen’s, where I take bhuk- 
£2, as bishaya in the Amgachhi plate, to mean ‘ province’, as if Pawuadra- 
Varddhana were only a part of the dominions of the Sen kings. Keshab 
Sen has bange Bikrampur following the expression, as if Banga, or Hastern 
Bengal, in which Bikrampur was, were a part of Paundra-Varddhana. 

The word baredydn in the text may stand for barenydn ‘ chiefs,’ or for 
barendran, meaning the inhabitants of Barendra, a geographical expression 
which once applied to the tract I understand by Paundra-Varddhana, and 
which I believe now survives in the name ‘ Borind,’ by which the hilly tract 
in Maldah, Dindjpur, Rajshahi, and Bogra, is popularly known. 

The law requiring such an edict as this to be upon silk or copper is 
quoted by Mr. Colebrooke. See Misc. Ess., II., 298; Digest of Hindoo 
Law, Il. 278; As. Res., II. 50. 

The word dakshina is a technical word, to express the fee given to the 
priest on the occasion of certain ceremonies. This grant of land was made 
on the occasion of the king’s giving away gold, horses, and chariots. Perhaps 
he had consecrated a gift of a car and horses for the ratha jatra, a suggestion 
of mine, which the Pandit rejects. 

The gotra of Bharadvaja is the family descended from the Rishi, or 


a a 


1875.] E.V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. 9 


Sage, of that name; the pravara also indicates descent, here from three, 
Bharadvaja, Angirasa, and Varhaspatya; these three are the same as those 
assigned to a Brahman in a grant discussed by Mr. Colebrooke, page 305, 
Vol. ii, Misc. Essays, where he says that the distinction between gofra and 
pravara is not very clear. I may suggest that the gotra represents the 
direct line of the descent, while the pravara enumerates the families whose 
arms, as a herald would say, the person was entitled to quarter. 

The description of the nature of the grant is not quite clear. The 
word sankadashaparadh, which I have rendered ‘ fines for crime’; may be 
sahyadashaparadh ; the transcript of the Monghyr plate, which I do not 
think very trustworthy, has sadashaparddh ; at p. 3822, Part I, Journ., As. 
Soe. Beng., 1873, Babu Rajendralala Mitra reads saddashaparddh. In the 
Amegachhi plate, the engraver seems to have blundered into sadashapacha- 
rah. The expression has certainly some connection with the officer called 
in the Monghyr plate dashaparadhik, whom Mr. Wilkins calls ‘ investigator 
of crimes’. In the sanads to zamindars granted by the Stbadars of Ben- 
gal in Muhammadan times, and by our earlier Governors-General, the duties 
of the landowners respecting the prevention and detection of crime are set 
forth, and I think the expression I am discussing may have some reference 
to similar duties. 

Of the names of places mentioned, I recognise none in the neighbour- 
hood of the tank in which the copper plate was found. Nichdaha appears 
to mean ‘‘the Pool of the Nich”, the Nich being an impure tribe whom I 
remember to have found mentioned occasionally, but do not recollect where. 

The measurement of land by the quantity of seed corn it requires, is not 
unknown in Bengal to this day, especially in Silhat and Kachhar. 

The tables of measures of grain are given by Mr. Colebrooke at page 
533, Vol. I., Miscellaneous Essays, ed. 1873. The arha or arhaka differs in 
quantity in different parts of India, but the table taken from the Lhavi- 
shyapurana accords best with the denominations still known in Dinajpur, 
and is probably the one to which we should refer. ‘The unit is the mushée 
or handful. 


2 pala or mushti = 1 prasriti 

4 = 2 a Th ae 

16 = 8 = 4, = 1 prastha 

64. =e) hk Ge — Ai, — arhaka 


The drha, according to this calculation, Mr. Colebrooke makes 224 
tolas, or 2 sers 121 chataks, and corresponds nearly to the katha, a wooden 
measure holding of dhan two, and of chaul three, seers of 96 tolas, in Dinaj- 
pur. 

B 


10 KE. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. (No.1, 


The name arhiya is also used, nearly corresponding to the kdtha. A 
bigha takes six or seven kathas of seed, so the grant here recorded was, 
roughly speaking, about seven acres. 

The produce is said to be 125 purdn of cowries. It is not clear whe- 
ther this refers to the gross produce or to the rent. Mr. Colebrooke’s 
table gives 

20 kapardak = 1 kékini 


or cowree 
80) = 4 = 1 pan 
2S Oa CH) == IG = ll pani. 
The Dinajpur people say 
4 cowree = 1 ganda 
SO. — XD == ll pom 
320 — 30 = 4 = il aim 
30 e—P 2 Ov —— el Gee — rae 


Thus the kéhan of Dinajpur corresponds with the ancient puran, and 
as, when cowrees were last current, six or seven kahan went to the rupee, 
the annual produce of the land granted amounts to about twenty rupees, 
or, calculating roughly, a rupee a bigha. Average good arable land in 
Dindjpur pays a rent of a rupee or arupee and a quarter per bigha at 
the present time, so the language of the grant probably refers to gross pro- 
duce. 

The land granted is to be all good land, of which none is unculturable 
waste, none is sacred to a god, none is taken up with cattle paths, and none 
is used, as large spaces near villages are, for latrine ground. 

The slokas with which the grant concludes, occur repeatedly in other 
similar grants. 

The date, the year 7, appears to refer only to the reign of the King, as 
is the case with most grants engraved on copper plates that have come to 
my notice. 

The age of the grant may, however, be known by the character, and 
by the date of the subversion of the Sen dynasty, to be between 1100 and 
1200 A. D. 

The words following the date I take to be the name of the scribe or 
the engraver. Comparing this grant with that made in the next generation 
by KersuaB Sev, the only points requiring notice are the use by the latter 
of the title Gaureshwar, to which I have before alluded, and the attributing 
to KrsHap SEN sovereignty over the Asvapati, the Gajapati, whom I take to 
be the King of Orissa, and the Narapati. 

The Buddhagaya inscription, to which I have previously referred, is 
shown by the character in which it is engraved to be later than this, and is 
dated after the reign of Lakshman Sen, in the time of Asoka Chandra Deb. 


1875.] E. V. Westmacott—.A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. 11 


There is nothing to show what Lakshman Sen this may be, nor is there any 
connection known, I believe, between a King Asoka and the Sen dynasty 
of Bengal. The inscription contains an allusion to the triumph of the Lion 
over the Elephant, a device which occurs frequently in Hindu carving, and 
which appears to have some connection with the Pal dynasty of Bengal ; 
but the subject is still obscure, and I cannot find that the Buddbagaya in- 
scription throws any light on the history of Bengal. 
Transcript. 


Slo Aal Away 1 


fagaa atvafa: a funda fosiae 

aft adic fa ttirafetiare aarararer: | 

BTA AAN CAG ahead: TASC GAA 

wag: J varfaaratage WHT BIE Srge: l 

Sats. yates aac frat zvafecratadt (B.) 
Rae saarear(c.)xfaaaraais(D.) saa tage: | 
SUA AINA GALT TRIMS 

MAE.) BAITATT Cd ePTATAT AS | 
aqarsaaesarizfacizutacqaaraedagtara(r. Che: | 
AST aISACH ITs VATA A qaitas: RHZAUTIATAS WI 
arSrarctaaetetntzin rote tee 
geass aaa aA: TaATI | 

Saw: WZAA(G.) dara agra 

wife a aura aca Manas oT: ll 

adlatata ieausrasraeac- 

aw tH: sramarcfugrcas <a fem | 

aa: a7 (8.) sie lereqcad ca wastt 
qoaaaaataaaaqaa: o fast 

TAS ASM HATaaTISTy Ta TeAT: 

ag Pas FASS aT SATA: | 

aaadinyaa SIDICOeie Zany qaw'- 

ZUiU TIVBART a sahara wut fa: 0 
Pee ore 

Htae nae a ufzaaneawraege: 
i 

aaa TeaTS Ca AIsyatarsite I 

wag aaate aa saeraataslaa- 

Sia Sia aa A aia Tey yaraTAas | 
acrmatataterasta(a A.) faqan(1. )as(a.)fa Saats-(A.) 
wgda Fawas(s.)fa @ qerSa: gt AY.) aa A 


12 FE. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. (No. 1, 


8 Be Fl famATT aaa Ia (K.) Moa ASTI STAT ST a aaTaa- 
aeaqret TTA THAT GLASMUT ULAUSICH ASIII TSA areas ae a: 
suet, AROMA RACT SA ATA Umltrra Ua Usa yuitea weraar- 
wa weaisteaies weMarata aerqaituaa WiMCH BSS CH AeA 
fea Wesatert  WeTdifaa weritgata agawmareitaa sreisctea 
SRC EIR ICR EMCCIPGE RING CIC CAC LICE RCEECCICace 
Sqiy PHSCISTVTS Aa (A) STATS ATS Ma | GSMSSIAAT 
BAIS WaRy ATSHUTL ATS UTA are wTaaa arate aatenia = 
aqaa wat wer Massa weaeaifa Fea ae ae Lae waAT 
Saat IARI enc “Star zfaw frgsere rCaReaT aa | waa ataz 
Tray «St ST VAIL FAUST Sai Fa(L.) sq! near faraII SH aca - 
(M.)faa ea a TTT UIQaI CHATS: qarnaitea fsa! (AUR AHIAS: HST 
Hz FUT SNA A IAAT feafestantauaia aa facq: qawae: 
wana waara aia ae] VGC: ufcwa a4 + Ulsisqeneaawisia te 
aI afa areca: Samaeanae: “SUIT ara eae aa: aaa 
eectarg ama Uae WIAs VATA Witgist BilFCA SUA Fas 
aade R1Ge HAT SCUTA BTA SMS (N.) PASSAT TSS ACSA 


seta fatyaz Seats aaa BHATT wecHytem araieauaay Ty 
FRI A. )THESY CASA ACVAVSrat fama aig Basi (A. Nes fafaaaare 
aa Way BTA ay Waa ay GATT HT | wgatg: au(0. )TaTaTaA | 
arfafacty eqfaficgete ACHUANSTa WRT THT cara Wig lae | watar- 
aTa(P P.)aaTepa ae: gar) ‘ashiaqur SUI Cisita: Gacir|ry: | qa hel yal 
yawe Tq AS WAM UM a sfaweiia seq ata Jasra | War aT qy- 
aT faad qaafaar i seni Gteut at aT eta ag uci | a fasrar(@.) 
afaven fyete:(@.)sre Taqa(R.) fa aAae ease F aa ls al HAG 
sit fad U1 snwfaceared 3 Gal 4 a qau: gee tran fawien: | Sawer 
Hal ATAWSH aif fautena | <3 Sac wea Ziq Sa AIA ACATS: Il 
yo wiafed 2.0 Attaasrata i 


Notes on the Transcript. 
Insertion of §, suggested by Mohesh Chandra Chakravarti. 
al for ay or my, M. C. C. 
hata for hdtd, M. C. C. 
Insertion of §, M. C. C. 
ante for antre, M. C. C. 
Double the 7., M. C. C. 
For meya read meba, M. C. C. 
M. C. C. writes the anuswara and eh instead of the compound neh, 
Tpa for ttha, M. C. C. 
kshya for sha, M. C. C. 
basita for basrita, M. C. C. 
ey for gy, M.C.C, 


PRY eo ob 


1875.] E.V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen, 13 


M. @ for 4, M. C. C. 

N. M. C. C. reads hemascharatha for hemdsyadatha. 

O. sarbbat for sarbbai, M. C. C. 

P. Dharmmdnusdsanah slokah for dharmmanugasinah glokah. The engraver’s blun- 
der is obvious. 

Q. Insertion of 3, M. C. C. 

R. saha for sdha, M. C. C. 


Translation. 


Om! Salutation to Narayana! 

I. May the germ of your prosperity be developed by the cloud which is the clus- 
tered hair of Sampuo, by whom the sorrows and pains of the world are done away, the 
cloud whose lightning is the flash of the jewel of the serpent king, whose InpRA-Bow 
is the crescent moon, whose water is the river of heaven, and along which a row of 
herons fly, the necklace of white skulls, and whose collected air is constant meditation ! 

Ii. May you rejoice in the light of the moon, full of nectar, at whose appearance 
the sea is glad, partridges cease to fear, and the husband of Rati* boasts himself peerless, 
the moon, which, after long series of meditations, has been proved to be always full! 

Ili. The kings of the race of AusHopurnatTHy neutralize the sharp fever-poison of 
their enemies by the lustre of the nails of their feet, as with the juice of creepers, nur- 
tured (as plants with water) by the lustre of the diadems of numbers of kings, pro- 
strate in homage. 

TY. Of that race sprang Hemanta, in the fame of whose arms, resplendent on all 
sides from his infancy, the faces of the kings of his foes withered as the lotus blossom 
shrivels with frost, and in whose qualities the virtues of the house of Szn reached their 
_ highest development, as autumn matures{ the rice in the fields. 

VY. ‘Then Bray Sen, the victorious, whose mighty arms to this day clothe the four 
quarters of heaven with the light of the fame that attends them, became lord of the 
earth which the waves of four oceans girdle as with an undulating zone. 

VI. Next was Batiat Sen, an active foe to the influence of the Iron Age, walking 
in the path of the Vedas, an incarnation of war, who by means of his victorious heroism 
in a moment brought into his own hands the wealth of his enemies, undiminished. 

VII. Laxsuman Sen, the King, formed by contributions of parts of the Lords of 
the quarters of heayen, who longed for the love of the Nymphs of the quarters, by the 
power of his arms quelling the tone of war in his enemies, holding to the virtue of the 
Royal race, became a standard of courtesy.§ 

VIII. His enemies again and again freed themselves from the ties of the world, 
in the same way withdrew themselves from worldly matters, and in the shade looked 
on him as a god and in fear of him trembled at every berry that dropped and every 
blade of grass that rustled. 


* Kandarpa. 

+ The Moon. 

i The name of Hemanta suggests the season so called, the autumn months of Kartik 
and Agrahayan. 

§ The heaven is divided into ten quarters, each embodied in a nymph, and each 
having its Lord, of whom Indra is one. It is a popular fiction that kings are made 
up of parts of these Lords. 


14 E. V. Westmacott—A Copperplate grant by Lakshman Sen. (No. 1, 


[Prose.] Truly the good lord, good worshipper of Vishnu, good king, the pro- 
sperous Sri Laxsuman Sen Des, meditating at the feet of Srr Batia’t Sen Dex, from 
out of his victorious camp, resident at Brxrampur, to all who are present, Raja, 
Rajanyaka, Ragni, Ranaka, Rajaputra, Rajamatya, Purohita, Mahadharmmadhyak- 
sha, Mahasandhibigrahika, Mahasenapati, Mahamudradhikrita, Antaranga, Brihadu- 
parika, Mahakshapatalika, Mahapratihara, Mahabhogika, Mahapilupati, Mahaganas- 
kadaussadhika, Chauroddharanika, to those in charge of the ships, the elephants 
the horses, the cattle, the buffaloes, the goats, the sheep, and the rest; to the Gau/- 
mika, the Dandapdashika, the Dandandyaka, the Bishayapati, and the like, the fore- 
sters, and all who earn their livelihood at the feet of the King, all who carry out 
the published orders of governors, persons of the caste of Cuarra Buarra, the 
countrymen, the cultivators, Braumans, other than Braumans, [I am not sure 
that this is the meaning of Brahmanottardn] to all persons worthy of esteem, men 
of understanding, men who issue orders, to all chiefs who have tenures in Spt 
PavunpDRA-VARDDHANA, we proclaim that by us is given, by means of this copper 
decree, according to law, a piece of land, so long as the earth with the sun 
and moon endure, given up as a priest’s fee, on account of the ceremony of my giving 
away gold, horses, and chariots, for the increase of my reputation for good deeds, and 
that of my father and mother, with my mind fixed on the Lord Narayan, in the day of 
good deeds with the proper rite of pouring water, unto Sri IsHwar DEB SHARMMAN, 
my preceptor in the ceremony of the great gift of gold, horses, and chariots, in the fol- 
lowing of the Kauthuma treatise of the Sam Veda, he with the Prabara of Bharadyaja, 
Angirasa, and Bharhaspatya, of the Gotra of Bharadvaja, son of Laxsoman Duar Dep 
SHARMMAN, which was son of MarxKanpEyAa Dep SHaRMMAN, which was son of Hura- 
sHAN Dep SHARMMAN. I give, with all pasture and forest, with water and land, with salt- 
pans, with betel nut and cocoanut, with fines for crime, exempt from all annoyance, from 
the entrance of Chatta Bhatta, a small acceptable portion [kinchit pragrahya ; the 
reading is doubtful, and the meaning still more so] within recognised limits, a share in 
the land of the village Bruauisti, bounded on the east, by the eastern a7/ of the rent-free 
dian and given to the god Buppua BiwaAnri, which is sown with an dria of seed, on the 
south by the tank of Nicupawa, on the west by the well Nanpr Harrea, and on the 
north by Moxua’n Kuart, [The ravine of the Lotus] this land so bounded, apart 
from unculturable land, foul with use, endowments of gods, and cattle tracks, sown with 
a hundred and twenty-five awrha, and producing yearly a hundred and fifty purdn of 
kauris. 


By you all that is to be enjoyed. By all future kings to be respected, to keep up 
the reputation of virtue, and from fear of falling into hell if they take it away, to this 
effect are the following s/oka from the Dharma anusisan. 

Slok 1. Lands have been granted by many kings, including Sagar and others; to 
whomsoever belongs the land, his is the produce thereof. 


This slok occurs as No. 2. in the Monghyr copper plate, page 127, 
vol. i, Asiatic Researches, where, however, the latter half is either different 
or differently rendered. It is No.1in the Amedchhi plate, where the 
engraver has put yasya for the first tasya. It is No. 2, and No. 4, 
respectively in the two grants from Basahi, translated by Babu Rajendra- 
lala Mitra, pp. 328, 328, J. A. S. B., 1873, except that bhwkta, ‘ enjoyed’ 


is read for datta, ‘granted.’ It is No. 1, in each of the two Chaibasa 


1875. | Prannath Pandit—Arishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita. 15 


plates translated by Babu Pratapachandra Ghosh, pp. 167, 169, J. A. S. B., 
1871. 

Slok 2. Both he who receives and he who makes a grant of land, are equally vir- 
tnous in deeds, and go ever to paradise. 

Nos. 4 and 1, of the above grants, pp. 323, 328, J. A.S. B., 1873, except 
that bésinau is read for gaminaw. No. 2, of the Amgéchhi plate. 

Slok 3. He who taketh away land granted by himself or by others, rots with his 
parents, like a maggot, in filth. 

No. 3 of the Monghyr grant, No. 4 of the Amgachhi one. Nos. 3 
and 7 of the two Basahi plates. Nos. 4 and 3 of the two from Chaibasa. 
In some mapjatz, ‘sink’, is read for pachyati, ‘ rot’. 

Slok 4. Think that the wealth and the life of man are unstable as a drop of water 
on a leaf of the lotus; considering all this as an example, the noble deeds of others 
should not be lessened by a man. 

No. 4: of the Monghyr grant; No. 6, of the Amgachhi; No. 5, in each 
of the Bamanghati, or Chaibasa. 

Sri Lakshman Sen, the Lord of men, hath deputed Nar4dyana Datta, 


the Sdndhi bigrahik, to give effect to this Ishwara Sason. 
In the year, 7, the third day of Bhadra. Sri Nimahaséni. 


Krishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita—By Pranna’tH Panpit, M.A, 

Professor Weber* in a passage approvingly quoted by Dr. Lorinser+ 
in the appendix to his edition of the Bhagavad Gita, says that the worship 
of Krishna as sole god is one of the latest phases of Indian religious systems, 
of which there is no trace in Varéha-Mihira, who mentions Krishna, but 
only im passing. I would, however, draw the attention of the learned Pro- 
fessor to a passage in the fifty-eighth chapter of the Brhat Samhita, which 
is perhaps the identical one which he had in view when he penned the words 
italicised above. The passage is this :— 


RBIS WaT Wqusi fays vs at faau: | 
Saagiteasa: area he area cee: BQ U 
wanggraa: Naraqcasa: TITAS: | 
FCATUSATY TAMMACGA AAT: | Fz 
aylzmgitwetaua: wofmMeaquanc: | 
AMAT F ATHRGSHGATIA WEA I Be | 
WEY aqusifaata xfs wat TeTITaA: | 
afew aa wea WAT Be 


* Tndische Studien II., 298, &c. 
+ Indian Antiquary, Vol. IL., p. 285. 


16 Prannath Pandit—Krishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita. . [No. 1, 


frase J WMH STATS WHAT: | 
vd faa: sfaat aman yfafarets: 1 ey i 
aqeat TaUUTehqunersry Ava: | 
frTTAAa WE STUIATICAT: 1 RE 

CHAR ATA SA GHATAMA AG | 
afediqaaaact qtisfaaty Srgeat i eo * 

31. Our Lord Vishnu may be represented with eight arms, with four, 
or with two arms, his breast being marked with the curl Srivatsa and adorn- 
ed with the Kaustubha gem. 

32. Darkish as the Aéasi flower, clad in a garment of yellow-silk, a 
serene face, wearing earrings and a topped crown, and having the neck, 
chest, shoulders, and arms thick. 

33. Holding in his right hands, a sword, a club and an arrow, while 
the fourth hand bestows blessings. In his left hands, a bow, a buckler, a 
discus and a conch. 

34. ImPfit be preferred to make Vishnw four-armed, then one hand be- 
stows blessings, and the other holds a club; this much for the right side ; 
in the left hands, the conch and the discus. 

35. Of the two-armed image the right hand blesses and the other 
holds a conch. In this manner is the idol of Vishnu to be framed by those 
who desire prosperity. 

36. Baladeva must be made having a plough in his hand, with eyes 
lively from drink, wearing a single earring ; his complexion as the conch- 
shell, the moon, or lotus-fibre. 

37. The goddess Lkanamea, should be made betwixt Baladeva and 
Krishna With the left hand resting on her hip, and with the other, holding 
a lotus.f 


Further on we have a direction about Samba, Pradyumna, and their 
" wives. 


WAY WIV IAMRT TaTy | 
—_~ S =~ cf ° 
yaa: fear 4 are Gearatawahca i go 


40. Sdmba holds a club in his hand; Pradywmna is handsome and holds 

a bow. Their wives too, are to be made holding in their hands buckler 
and sword. 

Now as far as modern researches give insight to the development of 

the religion of the Hindus, there never was a period when Samba and 


* Kern’s Brhat Samhita, Bibl. Indica, 317, 318. 


+ In translating these passages I have principally followed Kern’s version of this 
portion of the Brhat Samhita in J. R. A. S., New series, Vol. VI., pp. 326, 327. 


1875.] Prannath Pandit—Arishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita. AGF 


Pradyumna had any independent status in their Pantheon, their wives be- 
ing of course out of the question altogether. Baladeva too had more the 
position of a satellite to Avishna than that of an independent divinity. It 
would therefore be, to say the least, paradoxical if all these personages be 
raised to the rank of popular divinities, when Krishna himself is left out in 
the cold, and only thought worthy of an incidental mention. 

The question may be viewed from another point. Our author has been 
giving detailed directions as to the mode in which various divinities are to 
be modelled or sculptured. He first tells us that Vishnu may be represent- 
ed with eight, four, or two hands. He then gives us details about these 
allotropic modifications of that deity. We have then an account of Bala- 
rama, and after that we are told that the goddess Hhkdnamca is to be 
represented in a certain posture between Avishna.and Balarama. Now 
nowhere in the chapter, or even in the whole work, are we told as to how 
Krishna is tobe represented. I submit that we are bound not to inflict the 
odium of this omission on Varahamihira, if we can help it, 

The solution that I propose of these difficulties is this: I put it that 
Varamihira thinks that he has already described Krishna, when he has 
given us the description of the two-handed Vishnu. I see nothing which 
can be urged against this supposition, always leaving out of account the 
foregone conclusions of some writers that the Krishna-cultus must be post- 
Christian. 

But there is still another passage in the Brhat Samhita from which, I 
contend, the conclusion is legitimate, that Varahamihira recognised the 
identity of Krishna with Nardyana. Krishna had said in the Gita : 

aTate Saas TE 1* 
which may be freely translated thus : 

“T am time the potent destroyer’. 

Pursuant perhaps to this general idea, Varahamihira, in the one hun- 
dred and fifth chapter of his work, names the twelve months of the year 
after Narayana. 

BART ALIAT ITAA: BAA | 
fuayacaier PaPamal aHAgs Nl vy I 

FAC A TH VENALY TAATHY | 

ZTAST Cae HIST: Ha FATRTA Il VY I 

Haare BHT faal AC Ziawly fafeaq vase | 
ana satay cae ait aa A Pe STrasT WAH MAE It 

14, Wrigas’irsha and the rest are Keshava, Narayana, Madhava, Go- 
vinda, Vishnu, Madhistdana, Trivicrama, and Vamana. 

* Gita, XI, 32. Also quoted by Vijnana Bhikshu while commenting on the last 


of the Sankhya Sutras. 
+ Kern’s Brhat Samhita, pp. 508—504. 


18 Prannath Pandit—Avishna-cultus in the Brhat Samhita. [No. 1, 


15. Sridhara and then Hrishtkesha and Padmandbha and Damedara. 
These are the months told in their respective order, 

16. A man fasting on the twelfth day of each lunar fortnight, duly 
reciting the names of the months and worshipping Keshava, attains that 
place where there is no fear arising from birth. 

The whole tenor of the passage makes it plam that the twelve names 
predicated to the months of the year are so many synonyms for Narayana 
or Vishnu. Now some of the synonyms given here have no meaning unless 
they be applied to Krishna. If we succeed in establishing this proposition, 
the conclusion is irresistible that Varahamihira identified Krishna with 
Vishnu. The synonyms on which I would lay stress are, Keshava, Madhava, 
Govinda, and, last but not least, Damodara. 

Keéshava. The usual grammatical etymology of this word traces its 
origin to Késa (hair) and the possessive affix va, as may be seen from Bhat- 
togi’s commentary* to Panini, V. 2. 109, and Ujjaladatta’s commentary+ 
to Unnadi Sutras, V. 33. Ashtraswamé in his commentaryt on the Amera- 
Kosha following these authorities says:  YwWwei: AW VTQ Awa | 
aweisyatatal. In the Vishnu Purana (Book V., Chap. XVI.) however, 
another etymology is given accounting for the fact of Krishna’s getting the 
appellation of Késava, “ For this that thou hast slain the impious Kes‘n, 
thou shalt be known in the world by the name of Kes‘ava.”§ If preference 
is to be given to this etymology, Kes’ava would be meaningless unless Kyish- 
na be intended. : 

Médhava. Kshiraswamt gives two derivations. The one is aTat: 
WAI! BAT Wat ATHa: | ; the other is HuTcT qa att. The following passage 
from the Vishnu Purana (Book IV., Chap. XI.) throws light on the latter 
etymology. “The son of Vrisha was Madhu; he had a hundred sons, the 
chief of whom was Vrishni, and from him the family obtained the name of 
Vrishni. From the name of their father, Madhu, they were also called 
Madhavas; whilst from the denomination of their common ancestor Yadu, 
the whole were termed Yadavas.”’|| Ifwe are to follow this view of the 
subject, Iadhava can be predicated to Nardyana, only when he is identified 
with Krishna. 

Govinda. 'The word go in Sanskrit is a veritable Kaémadhénu. Medi- 
nikara gives a dozen meanings for it. The derivation of Govinda given by 
Kshiraswamt isas follows: atud taadita afar: ASS GUISE RIG le 

* Taranatha’s Siddhanta Kaumudi, Vol. I., p. 688. Second edition. 

+ Aufrecht’s Unnadi Sutras. 

~ Sanskrit MS. No. 664, in the Society’s Library, leaf 7, p. 1. 

§ Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, London, 1840, p. 540. The passage is also quoted by 
Bharata Mallika in his commentary on the Amera Kosha, Sanskrita MS., No. 188, in the 
Society’s Library, p. 19. 

|| Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, p. 418. 


1875.] J. Beames—The Alti Hills in Cuttack. 19 


Considering, however, the primary signification of go (bull or cow), the 
etymology propounded in Vishnu Purana (Book V., Chap. XII.) is more 
satisfactory. “ I have now come by desire of cattle, grateful for their pre- 
servation, in order to install you as Upendra; and, as the Indra of the 
cows, thou shalt be called Govinda.”* Even if we were to take the word 
only in the sense of a cow-herd,f it would be meaningless when applied to 
Vishnu independently of Krishna. 

Dimédara, Kshiraswami derives it thus: eta Yet Fe erarect: 
ara fe Waaerat setsva!. The story is to be found in the Vishnu 
Purana, Book V, Chap. V. “It is hence that Krishna is called Damodara, 
from the binding of the rope (dama) round his belly (udara).{ There is 
another§ etymology which ascribes this name to Krishna’s taking a large 
quantity of food. Whichever of these derivations be preferred, the term 
ean apply only to Krishna. 

From an attentive consideration of the facts and authorities here 
adduced, we cannot resist the conviction that in Varahamihira’s time 
Krishna had been identified with Vishnu. I hope an attentive perusal of 
the other works of tne same author will confirm this opinion. 


The Alti Hills in Cuttack—By Joun Brames, B. C. 8., Magistrate of 
Cuttack. 
(With four plates.) 


These hills are a perfect mine of archeology, and one which has not 
yet been thoroughly explored. An article on them appeared in Vol. 
XXXIX, of the Society’s Journal (for 1870, p. 158), by Babu Chandra 
Sekhar Banerjea, then Deputy Magistrate of the Jajpur Subdivision, but 
his article is not intended to be exhaustive. It gives a very accurate and 
interesting general account of the hills and their treasures, but the learned 
author expressly states that his article is not to be considered as more than 
an outline of the subject. My attention was drawn to these hills by the 
article in question, and I had been for some time anxious to visit them. 
This cold weather my official duties fortunately admitted of my taking my 
camp close to them, and I am thus enabled to supply a further instalment 
of information. 


¥ Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, p. 528 and note. 

+ Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, First Edition, Part IV, pp. 183, 206 note, 
= Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, p. 509. 

§ Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, Part IV, p. 175. 


20 J. Beames—The Alti Hills in Cuttack. [No. 1, 


Alti is unfortunately very inaccessible. The parganah of that name, in 
which the hills are situated, is surrounded and intersected by rivers. On 
the north-east flows the Kimiriy4, an offshoot of the Brahmani, on the south 
the Birupa, an arm of the Mahénadi. These two unite at the south-east 
angle of the parganah and form a third river the Kelua, and the whole 
tract is further cut in two by the Gangiti, a stream which issues from the 
Birup4 in the south-west and falls into the Kimiriya just above its junction 
with the Birupé. Thus a river has to be crossed in reaching the hills from 
any direction, and as there are very few boats on the Orissa rivers, and 
those that do exist are not suitable for crossing horses, it is a difficult busi- 
ness to reach them. ‘The hills or rather hill, for it is only one, lies between 
the Gangiti and the Birupa, about 30 miles north-east of the town of Cut- 
tack. To the south of the Birupa, and about 3 miles from the main mass 
of Alti, lies the Nalti group, consisting of one long hog-backed hill with a 
depression in the centre and a small knoll rather isolated on its southern 
side. The derivation of the name of this hill from “42J, ‘a curse’, and the 
legend connected with it, seem to be a pure invention of some marvel-loyving 
and ingenious Muhammadan. The name is not Nalti, which would be the 
Uriya inversion of La’nati, but Nalti with short a, and seems to correspond 
to Alti just as the two parganahs of Awartak and Anawartak a little fur- 
ther to the south, where the prefix an (Sanskrit wy) means “small,” so 
that Nalti, for Analti or Anvalti, would simply mean ‘‘little Alta”. if the 
Hindus of Orissa had wished to designate the hill as cursed, they would not 
have used a little known Arabic word like la’nat, but their own ordinary 
word s‘rép; nor is it likely that the very scanty and insignificant Musal- 
man population would have been able to have affixed a name derived from an 
obscure legend on the hill and Hindu village. The legend is of itself extra- 
vagantly absurd ; for it was not the prophet Muhammad, as the Babu says, 
who cursed the hill, but the great king Solomon. It is not the prophet 
who is represented in Muslim legend as flying through the air, but king 
Sulaiman-bin-Datd, whose magic ring gave him power over the Jims, and 
who was in the habit of flying through the air on his magic prayer carpet. 
The mosque on the Alti hill is called the ‘‘Takht i Sulaiman,” and the 
custodian thereof as he told me the legend, attributed the curse to Sulaiman. 

The antiquities noticed by the Babu on the Nalti hill are ruined tem- 
ples too much dilapidated to yield any interesting results, with the excep- 

_tion of the temple mentioned at the bottom of page 159. I made a sketch 
of this (plate V). ‘The five figures of Buddha stand in niches on the outer 
side of the walls of the cell, one of them is visible on the right hand of the 
sketch. They are executed in bold relief on large slabs of garnetic gueiss, 
but the inscriptions are not visible, being concealed by the walls. The 
temple itself is now dedicated to Basuli Thakurani, who is represented by a 


aired 


i re aabucmpe 0149 Jo don ayy uo wpwuywyns “yq fo anbsojy 


— 


YAP SAUMTII YT 7 


ADE . . | P| ad QLBT 10} [BSW gio0g ‘sy ‘peuano ‘ 


L 


, 


PL 


Say 


S. chawmbury 


J. 


Soc: Bengal, for 1875, Pt.I. 


Journal, As 


One of the five statues of Buddha (all alike), Nalti Girt, 
Protile of a colossal head of Buddpa, Udaya-lire, Cuttack. 


1875.] J. Beames—The Alti Hills in Cuttack. 21 


rudely shaped clay model of a human face, covered with red paint and drap- 
ed in coarse dhoties. The images of Buddha are all exactly alike and are 
fine pieces of sculpture. I give a sketch of one of them (plate VI). I had 
no time to explore the other recesses of this hill, but hope to do so on a 
future occasion. 

The mosque of Takht i Sulaiman stands on the southern face of the 
Alti hill, 2500 feet up. Its white walls form a conspicuous mark on the 
hill side which can be seen for many miles to the south. The ascent is 
from the east and consists of a steep road paved with rough stones, which 
still retain some semblance of steps. The mosque of which I made a sketch 
(plate LV) is a plain stone building standing on a small platform, and on 
its southern side on the edge of the precipice is the sacred tank, a small 
shallow hole about 10 feet by 8 and 3 deep, cut in the rock. It is now dry, 
but the legend is, that it was formerly a spring of water formed by Sulai- 
man’s striking the rock with his staff. The tank was full of water till 
Shuja’ uddin’s time, so said my informant, when a soldier of his army having 
outraged a female pilgrim to the shrine, the ‘lympha pudica’ dried up and 
has never flowed since. The soldier and his unchaste companion, or his 
victim, for it is not clear whether the lady consented or not to the act, were 
buried at the foot of the hill, and every passer-by throws a stone on the 
grave, which has thus become a huge mound or cairn by the road side. 

The following is the inscription on three slabs of chlorite, one over each 
door of the mosque— 


. ” Zz oe ° * 
exo yy thy G9 ST Ses x Cdl WE E=* 30) else ye 
wre st shy fle a9 Fie gd 5) ple (get U le 


‘When Shuja’-uddin Muhammad made this shrine, that from it might 
shine the light of religion, 

‘JT sought from my heart the year of its tarikh, that the building of it 
might be made evident. 

“Cease from the endeavour, and say,’’ quoth the inspiration, “ [It is] 
the envy of the highest Paradise.”’ ’ 

Date A. H. 1132, as given by the Babu. A. D. 1719-20. 

The hill on which this mosque stands is called by the Hindus Boro dihz, 
av wITz, or ‘ great site,’ and was according to local tradition the seat of the 
palace of some great king ; but who he was or when he lived, authorities are 
not agreed. The Birupa flows past the southern foot of the hill, and on its 
banks are two huge stones weighing several tons. My informant, an old 
Hindu of some respectability, mentioned that he had heard in his youth 


22 J. Beames—Zhe Alti Hills im Cuttack. [No. 1, 


that the boundary of the two zamindaris of Altiand ’Alamgir was at one 
time disputed, and the disputants were coming to blows about it, when these 
two stones rolled from the top of the hill and fixed themselves where they 
now lie. Both parties agreed to recognize the occurrence as a divine inter- 
position and accepted the spot as the boundary line between their two 
estates ; and the stones lie there to this day as the boundary mark ; ‘so it 
must be true’, said the old man. 

Passing on eastwards across a small valley we come to the Udaygiri, 
or Sunrise Hill, the first point in Orissa on which the sun’s rays light every 
morning, in spite of the fifty miles of lowland between it and the Bay of 
Bengal. It is a conical peak with three long spurs stretching respectively 
north, north-east, and south-east ; and clothed with dense vegetation, amongst 
which on the southern face are noticeable five or six immense Plumeria 
trees (gul-chinz) with their naked fleshy branches and overpoweringly fra- 
grant white blossoms. In gardens I have never seen this tree more than 
10 or 12 feet high, but below the mosque there is a group of them upwards 
of fifty feet in height, the flowers of which are dropped on to the pavement 
and offered by the mujdwir in front of the kiblah. 

In the bay formed between the south-eastern and north-eastern peaks of 
Udaygiri is a sloping plain of bare laterite rock, on the edge of which stands 
a statue of Buddha upwards of 8 feet high. I give a sketch of the profile of 
this figure (plate VI, upper left hand corner) to shew the way in which it 
stands out from the slab on which it is carved. The nose as usual is broken, 
and the lower part of the figure mutilated and overgrown with lichen. All 
round lie numerous stone samddhs, marking the graves of Buddhist priests of 
by-gone times. There are several hundreds of these so closely resembling in 
shape large lingas, that I at first mistook them for such, till I noticed the 
small sitting figure of Buddha on the top. Passing from this over the 
broad stony plain, a small temple or ‘‘ gumpa”’ is reached, and close to it is 
the celebrated well. ‘This is cut in the laterite rock and is well described 
by Babu Chandra Sekhar. The inscription is, however, as I make it out, 
not as he read it, but as follows: 


qan AISMAGU sl. 


What it means it is difficult to say, but it occurs twice over, each time 
in letters six or eight inches long, of the ordinary Kutila type, and after 
looking at it a long time I am fairly certain of every letter. Ifit bea 
name Brajalala, then it is singular that the second should have been 
omitted in both cases. This could hardly be an accident. 

The great glory of Udaygiri is the gateway of which I give a sketch 
(see plate III). Itis just beyond the well, and after I had the jungle cut, 
stood out well against the background of trees and. shrubs. 


i. 


SS 
Sy oe 
: 5 
; N 
ee RN iy ere 2 | 
- ES ip 
: i otmens R 
RY . | : 
as 
ws 
S 
Sire 
S 
> y 
7 N 
: x 
: Ss 
Q 
eS 
: > 
yl i 
a, sere peice | 
| N 
SN } 
: Ps 
Lome | 
=H 
cst 
x19) 
{= 
wo 
fq) 


Sac: 


ournal, As: 


ro 


JS. Sch aumburg, Lith: 


1875.] J. Beames—The Alti Hills in Cuttack. DE 


Té consists of two upright slabs of stone, supporting a third as lintel. 
The dimensions are as follows : 


ft. in 
Vere ta Ge OPENING 3 vs vecteg sdeapeventeecss tes bones 5 5 
PReeeh OM ONGO; ccs es cc ngs seleetccssenrcctesiye 92) Ore 
aMiifekese OR SLONGY |... ccsccestnes a) cactenseener cst 1 Lip Ow 


The two side jambs are divided into bands separated by grooves, ¢ of 
an inch wide and 2¢ inches deep. The panel or band nearest. the doorway 
is earved with a continuous wavy creeper up which human figures are climb- 
ing in grotesque attitudes, from the excessively nitambmmi outlines they are 
probably intended for females. The next band has a columnar type, and 
the capitals are those given by the Babu; but I append a more accurate 
drawing of them. ‘The pilaster of the column is adorned with intricate ara- 
besques and lion’s heads. The next band is divided into tablets, each of 
which contains a beautifully carved group of a male and female figure engaged 
in what J may venture to call flirtation of an active kind. The beauty 
of these carvings is very striking, though they are much worn and covered 
with lichen (plate III) ; some indeed were so defaced that I could not make 
them out. The size of each tablet is 8 inches by 5. Just inside the gate- 
way is the colossal Buddha, the size of which will be seen from the choki- 
dar standing by. It is half buried in the earth in a damp gloomy pit and 
is noseless, as an Orissa statue ought to be who has heard the rattle of 
Kalapahar’s kettle drum. (Plate V.) 

With the permission of Babu Ramgobind Jagdeb, the zamindar of the 
estate, I am now engaged in having this beautiful gateway carefully removed 
by skilled workmen to Cuttack, where it will be erected in the Public Garden 
and taken care of. I hope to be able to get it photographed. 

There are hundreds of statues and many temples on this hill, but owing 
to the limited time at my disposal and the denseness of the jungle, I was 
unable to carry my explorations further. I hope to do so on a future 
occasion. 


24 [No. 1, 


Who were the “ Patan” or “ Pathdén” Sultans of Dihli ?—By 
Major H. G. Raverty, Bombay Army (fetired). 


There is a very important period in the history of India requiring par- 
ticular attention, and some strong remarks, in order to correct an error, 
which, since I have been engaged upon the translation of the Tabakat-i- 
Nasiri, has thrust itself upon my attention with greater force than ever. 

It is an error which, for more than a century, has been handed down 
from one writer on Indian history to another, and re-echoed by others, their 
followers, upon all occasions. It has also misled many conscientious authors 
from their having placed reliance on the correctness of the translation of 
the commonest and most generally known history of India, in the Persian 
language, that is to be met with in India, and one which is tolerably well 
known to the generality of those educated Musalmans who are acquainted 
with that language, and, to the translation of which nearly every English 
writer on Indian history has resorted down to this present day: and the 
error I refer to is still being industriously taught in our schools and col- 
leges, both in England and in India. 

I refer to the history of India, entitled GuuisHan-1-Ipra’HI'Mr, by 
Muhammad Kasim Firishtah, and the translation I now more particularly 
glance at—I shall have to notice another, subsequently—is that by Dow, 
which I have noticed, and animadverted on, on a different subjeet, as well 
as on the present one, in my notes of the translation to the Tabakat-i- 
Nasiri. The error to which I have alluded is the styling of Kutb-ud- 
din of the Powerless Finger, the founder of —or rather the first of—and all 
the succeeding rulers of the kingdom of Dihli, down even to the restoration 
of the Mughul emperor Humaytn, by the name of the “ Patan,” “ Pa- 
mHA'N,’ or ‘‘ ArgHa‘N,” dynasty. 

This error, in the first instance, originated, I conceive, entirely from 
Dow, who, in 1768, published, what he styled, a translation of Firishtah’s 
History, ‘‘ the diction” of which he says, in his second edition, “in general, 
is rendered more connected, clear, elegant, and smooth.” That translator 
also professes to have ‘‘ clipped the wings of Firishtah’s turgid expressions, 
and rendered his metaphors into common language,” and further states that 
he “has given as few as possible of the faults of the author; but he has 
been cautious enough, not wittingly at least, to substitute any of his own 
in their place.” 

Notwithstanding these assertions, it was translated in such a manner 
as to make Gibbon suspect “that, through some odd fatality, the style of 
Firishtah had been improved by that of Ossian.” Instead of clipping the 
wings of Firishtah, as Dow asserts, he is far more diffuse, and uses far more 


oe 


1875.] H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 25 


turgid expressions ; and, as the late Sir H. Elliot says in his BroGrapHt- 
cau Iypex, “his own remarks are so interwoven as to convey an entirely 
different meaning from that which Firishtah intended,” and, “some of the 
commonest sentences are misunderstood, and the florid diction was occasion=- 
ally used to gloss and embellish an imperfect comprehension of the original.” 
This is, by no means, an overdrawn picture of the translation, but a very 
mild one, as I shall now proceed to show, particularly respecting those 
passages which have caused Turkish slaves, Khaljis, Jats, low caste Hindts, 
and Sayyids, to be turned into Patans or Afghans. 

Dow commences his Preface with a blunder. He says (p. ix)—‘ Fi- 
rishtah with great propriety begins the history of the Patan empire in 
Hindustan from the commencement of the kingdom of Ghizni.” Firishtah 
says not one word throughout his history of the “ Patan empire,” much 
less the “ Patan empire of Ghizni.” Then again he says: “ The Afgans 
or Patans had been subjects to the imperial family of the Samania”’; and 
he further asserts, that they, “ Samania”, had revolted from the Caliphat 
[khilafat probably], which, likewise, is not correct. See the Tabakat-i- 
Nasiri’s account of the Samani dynasty, or the account given by any other 
Asiatic writer, for the absolute contrary is the fact: they were most loyal 
to the Khalifahs, and acknowledged their suzerainty upon all occasions, 
and, indeed, received the investiture of their dominions from the Court of 
the Khalifahs of Baghdad. Dow winds up his paragraph by saying that 
“they [the ‘Afgans’] rebelled under Abistagi.’’? Such a statement is 
neither to be found in Firishtah, nor in the work of any other historian, 
Firishtah’s translator appears to have been as ignorant of the names of the 
personages therein mentioned as of the mode of spelling ‘ Afghan’; for who 
would imagine that Abzstagi is meant for Alb-Tigin, or would be so read by 
any one who could read the original for himself P 

At page x of his Preface he says, “The kings of the Ghiznian Pa- 
tans were obliged to relinquish their dominions in the north, and to trans- 
fer the seat of their empire to Lahore,’ not because of the Ghutris, but 
because of the ‘‘ Charizmian [ Khwérazmi] rulers, and afterwards to Dilhi.’’ 
Firishtah does not make any such assertion, nor will any other writer be 
found who states that any Ghaznawi ruler, much less a “Ghiznian Patan,’ 
transferred his seat of empire to Dihli. 

Then he says [pp. x and xi]—‘The uncommon strength of the 
Patan empire in Hindustan at this period may be easily accounted for. It 
was the policy of the adopted Turkish slaves [which he nevertheless turns 
into “ Afgans” or “ Patans’’] of the family of Ghor to keep standing armies 
of Mountain Afghans, under their respective chiefs, who were invariably 
created Omrahs of the empire.” This the translator may have heard from 
ignorant Hindistanis with whom he came in contact, or he must have 

D 


26 H. G, Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultins of Dik’? (No.1, 


judged from the state of India at the period in which he wrote, when Najib- 
ud-daulah and other Patan chieftains kept bodies of their clansmen in pay. 
T challenge any one to name any single Afghan chief of any tribe of “‘ moun- 
tain Afghans,’ who was one of the “Omrah’’ during the sway of the whole 
Turkish Slave Dynasty. 

Dow takes his introduction partly from Firishtah’s introduction, al- 
though in the advertisement to the second of his translation he says, “ Fe- 
rishtah’s account of the ancient Indians, and the invasions of the Muhamma- 
dans, before the commencement of the Ghiznian Empire, is omitted, and an 
introduction substituted in its place, more satisfactory, succinct, and agree- 
able,’ but a vast deal of the original is left out for obvious reasons ; and a 
comparison of the two proves that the translation is full of mistakes, both 
in meaning and in the names of persons and places. 

Under the reign of the Hindti king named Kid and Kidar Raj, whom 
Dow styles “ Keda-raja,’”’ he has—“ The mountaineers of Cabul and Canda- 
har, who are called Afgans or Patans, advanced against Keda-raja, and re- 
covered all the provinces of which he had possessed himself on the Indus. 
We know no more of the transactions of Keda-raja.” 

Here is what Firishtah states [page 22 of the lithographed text, which 
I have chosen for facility of comparison by others]. “ After some time the 
Khokhars and Janjthiahs [the lithographed text here, however, has wlyS5 
and &¢>, which is evidently an error for wly@5545 and Sr. dye>], tribes once 
very powerful, located in the hill tract of Makhialah [the Salt Range] in 
the Sind-Sagar Doabah, who were amongst the [most] respectable zamin- 
dars of the Panjab, combined with the dwellers in the plains [nomads] and 
the mountains [hill tribes], between Kabul and Kandahar [the name 
of this place 2s not mentioned by any author up to the time of, and 
including, the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and the place appears not 
to have been then known, at least by that name, until a considerable 
time subsequently], and came against Kfd-Raj, and he, becoming help- 
less, left that tract of country in their possession. From that time, 
that people dispersed [the confederacy was broken], and the chief in each 
mountain tract appropriated it. Apparently (to Firishtah, but it is not 
entirely correct) that people are the Afghans which now are [wSt 4 wLles} 
ore], There is not a word more said about them. A proof of what the 
historian quoted by Firishtah says of the Afghans and other tribes of peo- 
ple in connection with them, which Dow and others make one race of, is 
contained in this sentence in the original text, p. 29, but it is entirely 
left out in Dow’s version. Speaking of the Rajah of Lahor sending forees 
to coerce the Afghans, he says: “On this occasion, the Khalj, and men of 
Ghur and Kabul assisted them (the Afghans).” Now, if these Khalj and 
Ghtris were Afghans, as Dow would make out, why does Firishtah, like 


pet 


1875. ] H. G. Raverty —Who were the Pathdn Sultans of Dihli ? 27 


many others his predecessors, however, name them separately ? The rea- 
son is obvious, and he does so correctly. 

After the utterance of some erroneous ideas as to why the Afghan 
eountry of Akbar’s time was called Afghanistan, centuries before it was so 
eailed, Firishtah says: ‘‘ The reason why the Hindus call them [the 
Afghans] Patans is not known, but it occurs to the mind that during the 
time of the Musalman Sultans [that is, those rulers who were styled Sultans, 
prior to Babar’s time], when they [the Afghans] first came into Hind, 
they having taken up their abode in the city of Patnah, the Hindus styled 
them Patans.” Here he shows his ignorance of the previous history of the 
Afghans. 

Alluding to the Rajah of Lahor coming to an accommodation with 
them [p. 30], and giving up to them sundry towns or villages in the 
Lamghanat, Firishtah says: “ the tribe of Khalj, who dwelt in that desert 
tract [!;=, in distinction from hill tracts, the more level tracts or plains | 
as hangers-on upon the Afghans, he made co-partners [in possession of the 
lands | with them, on the stipulation that they, the Afghans, should defend 
the frontier [of Hind, or his dominions], and not permit Musalman troops 
to enter Hindastan. The Afghans in the hills near Peshawar constructed 
a stronghold which they named Khaibar, and, having possessed themselves 
of the territory of Roh, during the sway of the Samani Maliks, they did 
not permit them [the Samanis| to disturb the territory of Lahor, and hence, 
from first to last, their invasions and ravages were directed towards Sind 
and Bhatiah.” Firishtah then proceeds to describe Roh, as Afghan writers 
had previously done, including Khan Jahan Lfidi himself, a contemporary 
of Firishtah, and the author of a History of the Afghans, from which work, 
in all probability, Firishtah took his description. Khan Jahan, who was of 
the Ladi tribe of Afghans, will not be found to have made Turks [inclu- 
ding Khaljis] and Gharis of them, and it may be presumed that he knew 
something at least about his own ancestor and people, as well as the 
author of the Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, which I-shall have to refer to. 

Firishtah then refers to Sabuk-Tigin, “who was the sipah-sélar of 
the forces of Alb-Tigin,” but such was not the case [as shown in the 
Tabakat-i-Nasiri, page 71], both of which chiefs Dow styles Subuctagi and 
Alistagi respectively. Firishtah appears to have been totally unacquainted 
with the names of Alb-Tigin’s son, Is-hak, and of Balka-Tigin, and of 
Pirey, who held authority over Ghaznin and its dependencies before Sabuk- 
Tigin. “Sabuk-Tigin,” he says, “‘ was powerless in opposing [coercing ?] 
the Afghans; and afterwards he entered into a good understanding with 
them; but Mahmdd, his son, subdued and humbled them, put their chiefs 
to death, and compelled Afghans to enter his service.” 

This last statement of Firishtah’s, respecting Mahmud’s taking Af- 


28 H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli? [No., 1, 


ghans into his service, may be correct, but it is doubtful, as may be judged 
from the expeditions against them undertaken by his gallant son Mas’id, 
an account of which I have given from Baihaki’s Tarikh in my version of 
the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, in note 7, para. 7, page 321, which see. 

Firishtah, in his History, gives a detailed account of Sabuk-Tigin’s 
descent, which he took from the Tabakat-i-Nasiri verbatim, but this Dow 
leaves out entirely. 

At page 50 of his translation, Dow has the following with reference to 
Mahmid :—“ In the following year, Mamood led his army towards Ghor. 
The native prince of that country, Mahommed of the Soor tribe of Afgans, 
a principality inthe mountains famous for giving birth to the Ghorian 
dynasty.” Briggs, in his version of Firishtah, follows Dow closely and, in 
some cases, verbatim, as I have also shown elsewhere; and, in this place, 
he perpetrates the same blunder; and these two translators are, no doubt, 
wholly responsible for thus leading their readers astray and causing them 
to blunder likewise, and to disseminate the incorrect statement that the 
Afghans are Ghuris, who are Taziks or Tajiks, and claimed Arab origin. 
Briggs’s version of the passage given above is thus [Vol. 1, p. 49|—*‘ In 
the following year Mahmood led an army into Ghoor. The native prince 
of that country, Mahomed of the Afghan tribe of Soor (the same race which 
gave birth to the dynasty that eventually succeeded in subverting the fami- 
ly of Subooktugeen),”’ ete. 

This statement on the part of Dow and Briggs is evidently the origin 
of the incorrect assertions of those who have had, and still have, recourse to 
their versions for materials for Indian history so called; indeed, as a writer 
in the Bengal Asiatic Journal, a few years since, wrote—‘‘ Hitherto for the 
pre-Mughul Muhammadan History of India we have been dependent on 
Firishtah. * * * * Elphinstone’s History, for instance, is entirely based on 
that authority.” The writer, however, should have said, dependent on the 
translators of Firishtah; for even where Firishtah is right, they have made 
him wrong. Elphinstone certainly quotes Dow and Briggs constantly. 

What says Firishtah though? He says [p. 46]—“In the year 401 
H., the Sultan [Mahmad], having led an army into Ghar, the ruler (e's) 
of that country, Muhammad, son of Suri [see translation of Tabakat-i- 
Nasiri, page 321, and note 7-7], with 10,000 men in array, confronted the 
Sultan’s ranks.’”’ There is not one word about the “ Afghan tribe of Soor” 
nor the “Soor tribe of Afgans” ; and it is from this particular passage 
in these two translations of Firishtah that the error arose of making 
‘‘ Patans” of all the rules of Dihli down to Sultan Buhlal of the Lidi 
tribe, who is the first Patan or Afghan that sat on the throne of Dihli. 

A few lines under the above quotation, Firishtah refers to the TArikh- 
i-Yamini, and quotes the author of the Tabakat-i-Nagiri with reference to 


1875.] H.G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 29 


the conversion of the Ghuris to Islam, and says “but the author of the 
Tabakat-i-Nasiri and Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah the Marw-ar-Rudi [see 
my translation, page 301], who composed a history,” etc. ; but Dow leaves 
this out entirely, and Briggs, such seems the infatuation for viewing all 
things in a “ Patan” light, translates the last part of the sentence [p. 50] 
“ Fukhr-ood-Deen Mubarik Lody who wrote a history,” etc. Instead of 
Marw-ar-Rudi (Ccos5J! 95°), he read Ludi (Coa), the name of Sultan Buh- 
lil’s tribe, which, no doubt, he thought must be correct. People referring 
to these translations, and finding this statement reiterated, time after time, 
that the Ghaznawis and Ghuris were “ Afgans or Patans’’, concluded that 
Firishtah must have so stated, and that he must be right, and so they 
wrote their accounts of “ Patan Sultans,” “ Patan buildings,’ and “ Patan 
coins,’ but they do not seem to have considered that, even if the Ghuris 
were Patans, it did not follow that their Turkish slaves, and other Turks, 
and Tatars, should also be Patans. I do not doubt that many Persian 
scholars will be surprised to hear that there is nothing of the kind whatever 
in Firishtah, any more than there is in any other Asiatic writer, but such 
is the fact, and Firishtah’s text on examination will prove it. 

Farther on [p. 182], Dow states: “The genealogy of the kings of 
Ghor, according to the most authentic historians, could be traced up, by 
the names, for three and twenty, and downwards nine generations, from Ali 
to Mamood, the son of Subuctagi,” &c. There is nothing of the kind in 
Firishtah. He renders the names of their ancestors as Minhaj-i-Siraj, and 
some others give them, name by name, down to Zuhak the Tazi, but Dow 
not understanding what followed, concealed the “nine generations” down 
to Mahmad of Ghizni, to whom the Ghutris were no more related than they 
were to Dow himself. It was from this passage, I have no doubt, the 
author of “a Student’s Manual of Indian History” was led into the error 
of calling Mahmid of Ghaznin ‘‘the great ancestor” of Sultan Mu ’izz-ud- 
din. 

I now pass from the Ghuris and their Turkish slaves, and their slaves, 
to the Tughluk dynasty, who are also included among the “ Patans” and 
“ Pathans” by English writers who follow Dow and Briggs. 

At p. 295, vol. 1, Dow says: “ We have no true account of the pedi- 
gree of Tuglick. It is generally believed that his father, whose name was 
Tuglick, had been in his youth brought up as an imperial slave by Balin, 
His mother was one of the tribe of Jits. But indeed the pedigrees of the 
kings of the Patan empire make such a wretched figure in history,” ete. 
Compare Briggs also here. 

Firishtah says [page 230|—‘‘ The chroniclers of Hindustan, both the 
ancients and the moderns, being negligent, not one of them has recorded 
with the pen of certainty aught respecting the origin and lineage of the 


"30. HL. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultins of Dihlé? [No. 1, 


Tughluk-Shahi dynasty. The writer of these pages, Muhammad Kasim 
Firishtah, when, at the commencement of the reign of Nar-ud-din Muham- 
mad Jahangir Badshah, he [Firishtah] on the part of the Sultan of the age, 
Ibr4him ’A‘dil Shah, reached the city of Lahor, he made inquiry of some 
persons of that place, who had a predilection for reading the histories of the 
sovereigns of Hindustan, and who were acquainted with the events [of the 
reions| of the Sultans of Hind, respecting the origin and lineage of the 
Tughlak-Shahi sovereigns. They replied, [saying]—We, likewise, have 
not seen [anything] distinctly mentioned [on the subject] in any book 
[Ibn Batétah’s account notwithstanding]; but, in this country [province ?] 
it is currently stated that Malik Tughluk, the father of the Badshah Ghiyas- 
ud-din Tughluk Shah, was attached to the train of Turk slaves of Sultan 
Ghiyaés-ud-din Balban, and that he formed a connection with the Jat race, 
who are the aborigines [(.%9!—native, homebred, one who has never been 
abroad] of this country, and espoused a daughter of one of them, and of her 
the Badshah Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluk Shah was born. It is stated in the 
Muthakdt (appendices, additions—the name of a work probably] that the 
name Tughluk originallywas Kutlugh, which word is Turkish ; and the people 
of Hind, from usage, inverted it, and have turned Kutlugh into Tughluk, 
and some few have turned Kutlugh into Kutla.” ‘This is all Firishtah says 
of this so-called ‘‘ Patan” dynasty. 

I shall content myself with one more reference to Dow’s translation. 
It is under the reign of the Afghan ruler whom he styles ‘‘ Shere’’, p. 159, 
vol. 2, and in the paragraph alluded to, that he contradicts his own former 
statements. He says: ‘‘The original name of Shere was Ferid. His 
father was Hussein, of the Soor tribe of the Afghans of Roh.” He then 
attempts to describe Roh, but blunders even in that :—‘‘ The original seat 
of the Afghans was Roh, which, in their language, signifies a mountainous 
country. It extended, they say, in length, from Sewad and Bijore, to the 
town of Sui in the dominions of Buckurast.” The original is—‘ to the town 
of Siwi, which is a dependency of Bakar.’ Dow turned the proper name 
“ Bakar” and the verb “ ast”, is, intoa proper name. He then continues, “ and 
in breadth, from Hussein to Kabul.” The original is ‘‘ from Hasan Abdal 
to Kabul.” ‘The Afghan writers, from the earliest down to Hafiz Rah- 
mat Khan, thus describe the extent and boundaries of Roh ; in fact, other 
writers take their descriptions from Afghan accounts, but let it be particu- 
larly noticed that Ghur is not contained within the boundaries given. Dow 
then further states: “This tract, in its fertile vallies, contained many 
separate tribes. Among the number of these was that of Soor, who derive 
themselves from the princes of Ghor, whose family held the empire after 
the extinction of the race of Ghizni. One of the sons of the Ghorian 
family, whose name was Mahommed Soor, having left his native country, 


1875.] H.G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? Ba 


placed himself among the Afghans of Roh, and was the father of the tribe 
of Soor, who was esteemed the noblest among them.” 

Firishtah’s account is vastly different. He says: “The name of Sher 
Shah was Farid, and his father’s name Hasan, who is (sie) of the people 
of the Afghans of Roh. When Sultan Buhlal Ludi attained dominion, 
the father of Hasan, the Str, who was named Ibrahim, having evinced a 
desire of obtaining service, came to Dihli.” He then describes Roh, ag 
mentioned above, and adds: “The Afghans there are of several tribes, 
among which is the clan of Sar. They account themselves of the posterity 
of the Sultans of Ghur, and say that one of their sons [a son of one of that 
family] who was called Muhammad Stri [not Muhammad Str, but son of 
Suri], in former days, having been made an exile from his native country,— 
[If the Afghans were Ghuris, or the Ghuris Afghans, as it is pretended, and 
dwelt in Ghur, how could this person be an exile from his country among 
his own people, in his own country ?]|—came among the Afghans of Roh, 
and, as the correctness of his descent was verified to [the satisfaction of] 
one of the Afghan chiefs, notwithstanding it is not the custom of Afghans 
to give their daughters to strangers, that person [chief or head-man] gave 
his daughter to Muhammad-i-Sari, and made him his son-in-law ; and, from 
him offspring having sprung, they became known as the Sar Afghans [Ué. 
Afehanan-i- Sir], and may be the greater of the tribes of the Afghans.” 

This is all Firishtah says on the subject, but he has himself misunder- 
stood or confused the Afghan tradition about this son of a Ghiri chief, 
with the other tradition about the Ghiris, related by several authors, which 
I have referred to in note 7, page 321 of my translation of the Tabakdt- 
i-Nasiri, which see; and is himself quite wrong in his account of the 
Afghan tribe of Sur. 

The earliest authority known on the descent of the Afghans, written by 
Afghans themselves, is a work, said to have been composed by Shaikh 
Mali, a distinguished person among the Yusuf-zi tribe, between 816 H. 
and 828 H. [ Buhlal Ludi only came to the throne of Dihli in 850 H.], and 
another composed by, or more probably at the command of, Khan Kaji, 
the celebrated Yasuf-zi chief of the 100,000 spears ‘‘some time after 900 
H., nearly half a century before Sher Shah’s obtaining sovereignty, and 
which two works, written in Pushto, are the basis of the Tarikh-i-Hafiz 
Rahmat Khani and the Khulagat-ul-Ansab of Hafiz Rahmat himself,. both 
of which I have translated ; and in those works there is no mention of the 
Ghiri connection. The other works are: The Tazkirat-ul-Abrar of Akhund 
Darwezah, a Tajik like the Ghuris, not an Afghan; the Tawarikh-i-Ibra- 
him Shahi; the Térikh-i-Nisbat-i-Afaghinah of Shaikh ’Abd-ur-Razzak 
Mati-zi, styled also Bala Pir, son of the great Shaikh Kasim, whose fine 
mausoleum may still be seen near the walls of Chanar-garh, as that of Ka- 


32 H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihi? [No. 1, 


sim Sulaimani; the Tarikh-i-Sher-Shahi of Shaikh ’Abbas Sarw4ni; the 
Mir-at-ul-Afaghinah of Khan Jahan Lidi ; the Makhzan Afghani of Shaikh 
Ni’mat-ullah ; and the Ansab-i-Afaghinah of Farid-ud-din Ahmad. The 
last also is silent on the Ghuri connection. 

The tradition (but not contained in Ferishtah, who quotes a totally differ- 
ent one, given farther on) on which the whole of the sovereigns of Dihli, from 
the Turkish slave Kutb ud-din of the Powerless Finger—and including his 
master Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam, since it is 
because he is considered a “ Patan or Afghan,” that his Turkish slaves are 
made “ Patans or Afghans’’ of likewise—down to ’Ald4-ud-din, grandson of 
Khizr Khan, the last of the Sayyid dynasty, are all made Patans of, is as 
follows :— 

“Tn the khilafat of ’Abd-ul-Malik, son of Marwan [65 H. to 86 H.], 
Hajjaj, son of Yusuf us-Sakafi, was appointed to the leadership of 
an Arab army assembled for the conquest of Khurasin and Ghari- 
stan, i. e. Ghtr; but some of the works previously quoted differ some- 
what, and say that Muhammad Harin was nominated to the command 
of this army, and also Muhammad Kasim, sister’s son of Hajjaj, son 
of Yusuf, who was the commander of the forces of Sulaiman, son of 
*Abd-ul-Malik, son of Marwan, in the year 86 H. Sultan Bahram, 
ruler of Ghar, who was descended from Zuhak, the Taji or Tazi, and 
contemporary with the Khalifah Ali, had proceeded to Kufah, and present- 
ed himself before him, and had received from him in writing a grant of the 
government of Ghar. [See Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 812, 315, for another ver- 
sion of this.} This Sultan Bahrém had two sons. The elder was Sultan 
Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Husain, from whom is descended, in the third 
generation, Muhammad-i-Stri. This seems to point to Muhammad, son of 
Sari, mentioned in Tab. Nas. p. 319, who was the great great grandfather 
of the Sultan Muw’izz-ud-din Ghuri, son of Sam, the sovereignty over Ghar 
being in the elder branch of the family, who overthrew Rai Pithora and 
slew him, and who introduced Muhammadanism into Hindistan, and is 
sometimes called in Hind by the name of Shihab-ud-din. [Compare Tab, 
Nas., pp. 802 to 313, and it will be seen whether this agrees with what the 
annalist of the Ghuri Sultans, and their contemporary Maulana Fakhr= 
ud-dia Mubarak Shah says.] The younger son of Sultan Bahram was 
named Jamal-ud-din Hasan, who had a son, Mui’zz-ud-din Mahmid, who 
again had a son, Shah Husain by name.” 

Which one of the elder branch was ruler of Ghur on the occasion of 
Arab invasion, is not said, whether son or grandson of Sultan Bahram; but 
afterwards it is mentioned that Kamal-ud-din Mahmud, son of the eldest 
son of Bahram—Jalal-ud-din—was sent as a hostage to the capital of the 
Khalifah Walid. 


a 


1875. H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli ? 33 


After stating Muhammad-i-Sari to be the great great grandfather of 
Sultan Muwizz-ud-din of Indian renown, they again proceed to state that, 
“on the authority of the Tarikh-i-Khurasan [some say, ‘Tarikh-i-Khurasa- 
nil, the Sultans of Ghur are descended from Zuhak, the Tazi, in this wise. 
Sultan Bahram, son of Jalal-ud-din, son of Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din, son of 
Sultan Bahram, ete., ete.” Here the former account seems reversed, and 
the first Bahram mentioned would seem to be intended for the so-called 
father of the Sultans of Ghur. The writers of this tradition were probably 
una = are also, that the early rulers of Ghur were styled Malik, never Sultan 
and that the very jirst who is styled Suwltdn among the Muhammadan; 
sovereigns is Mahmud of Ghazni who was a Turk. 

‘Shah Muw’izz-ud-din, father of Shah Husain [Shah likewise is neither 
a title, nor a name occurring among the Ghirian family], after the subjuga- 
tion of his country, retired to Makkah, but his son Shah Husain, separat- 
ing from his father during these troubles, also left his native country and 
became an exile. He succeeded in reaching the tents of an Afghan family, 
which happened to be encamped in the part he first reached, the tribe or 
chief of which was Shaikh Batani, or Bah-Tani, or Tabrin, as he is also 
styled.” 

Before relating more of this tradition, I must mention that all the 
Afghans, without any exception whatever, claim descent from ’Abd-ur-Ra- 
shid-i-Kais al-Laik, who was contemporary with Muhammad the Prophet of 
Islam, who, they affirm, supported the Prophet’s cause, and aided him 
with his arms, and was styled by Muhammad ‘ Patan,’ signifying the keel 
of a vessel; and all his descendants are, on this account, called Patans, so 
the Afghan annalists say ; and he is said to have died in the 40th year of H., 
aged 87 years. Shaikh Batani or Tabrin was his son—one of three, wz., 
Sari, Ghari, and Tabrin, who are also respectively styled Sarraban, Ghar- 
ghasht, and Batani or Tabrin. Such being the fact, as related by all Af- 
chan writers, the tribe could not have been considerable ; in fact, at the 
time in question, it consisted of three families. 

«This noble-born youth”’, as Shah Husain is styled, ‘‘ having reached 
the tents of Shaikh Batani’s tribe (family), was hospitably received and 
entertained. He appeared exceedingly devout, and by degrees Batani, a 
man of piety and austerity, hence styled Shaikh, took a great liking for 
him, treated him as a son, made him acquainted with all his affairs, and 
withheld nothing from him. Batani’s sons, Isma’il, Ishban (or Ishpun, 
as he is also called), and Kajin, treated him as a brother; and, as in the hills 
there is no concealment of females and no prohibition against seeing and 
meeting them in their family circle, a secret attachment grew up-on the 
part of Shah Husain towards Mata, Batani’s daughter; and, at last, mat- 
ters proceeded to such extremities, that Mati was found to be pregnant by 

E 


34 H. G. Raverty--Who were the Pathin Sultins of Dih? (No. I, 


him. Her mother advised Batani that Matti should be given to Shah 
Husain in marriage before this became known. He demurred, as he did 
not consider the fugitive youth a suitable match for his daughter. The 
youth affirmed that his ancestors had been princes of Ghtir, and asked him 
to send some one into that country and verify the truth of his statement. 
It was done, and Batani gave his consent; and, shortly after, Bibi Mata 
brought forth a son, which, being the fruit of an illicit amour was named 
Ghal-zoe, ghal in the Afghan language signifying ‘a thief’, and zoe, ‘a son’, 
therefore signifying ‘the thief-son’, the illicit son. From this son is said 
to be descended the great tribe of Ghalzi (27, applied to the tribe is plural 
of zoe), numbering, at this period, in all its divisions and subdivisions, near 
upon half a million of souls, and one of the two most numerous tribes of all 
the Afghan race. 

Another history in my possession, which I have not mentioned above 
among the others, and the author of which was a member of the royal tribe— 
the Sado-zis, the tribe to which the late Shah Shuja’-ul-Mulk belonged. 
He besides quoting his own Afghan authorities, mentions the Tawarikh-i- 
Salatin-i-Ludiah wa Sariah-i-Afaghinah, and the Risdlah-i-Akhbér-1-Khad- 
kah, and gives a detailed account of the early history of the Afghans. The 
author styles Matu’s father Tabrin only, never by the name of Batani, and 
merely mentions that one of Taubrin’s daughters had a son before the nuptial 
knot was tied, and adds ‘‘ and tt is said that there was an illicit connexion 
between her and Mast’ Ali Ghuri,’” whoever he may have been, but he does 
not, in consequence, turn the Ghutris into ‘‘ Afghans or Patans”. The 
Ghalzis, on the other hand, deny altogether the truth of this tradition. 

Before mentioning anything more respecting Shah Husain, the ‘‘ noble- 
born” Ghvri youth, and the sons he is said to have been the father of, on 
the authority of this tradition, I must by the following short table show, 
from the tradition itself, what relationship existed between the said Shah 
Husain, by virtue of whose traditional connection with Batani’s, or Tabria’s 
daughter, Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-din Sam, 
the conqueror of Rai Pithora, and the Ghtri Sultans, before and after 
him, are all turned into Afghans likewise, and not only they, but their 
Turkish slaves, and their slaves, and slave’s slaves likewise, 


1875.] 


H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultdns of Dihli ? 35 


Sultan Bahram. 
[contemporary of the Khalifah ’Ali,] descendant of Zuhak, the Tazi or Taji. 


patience anon 
1. Eldest son, Jalal-ud-din Muham- 
mad Husain. 


2. Kaméal-ud-din Mahmid, who was 
sent as hostage to Walid. 


a 
1. Youngest son, Jamal-ud-din Hasan, 


2. Shah Mwizz-ud-din Mahmid, who 
retired to Makkah. 
3. Shah Husain [contemporary with 


Hajjaj, appointed to administer the go- 
vernment of Khurasan, 78 H.], who had 
Bibi Mati to wife. 

pee Ss 
1, Ghalzi. 2, Ibrahim, surnamed Ladi, 


3. Son, nameless, [but as his son is 
called Muhammad-i-Sari, it is presumed 
therefore by me, to be Sari], great great- 
grandfather of the last mentioned under. properly Lo-e-day, “he is eldest’, he 

4. Son, nameless. being the eldest legitimate son; and 3, Sia- 

5. Son, nameless. ni. 

6. Son, nameless. 


7. Mw izz-ud-din Muhammad, son of 
Baha-ud-din Sam, Sultén of Ghaznin, 
assassinated 602 H. 


Now what relationship existed between Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muham- 
mad, son of Baha-ud-din Sim, conqueror of Rai Pithor4, and establisher 
of the Muhammadan power in Hindtstaén, whose descent is traced to Zuhak, 
the Tazi, (7. e., Arab: by Persian-speaking people Taji, whence comes 
the name Tazik and Tajik, by which name the greater number of the 
non-Afghan people of those tracts are still known. See Tab. Nas., page 
301) and the descendants of Bibi Matu’s sons, whose father, by this tradi- 
tion, Shah Husain was? Is there the slightest shadow of a reason why, 
even if this tradition were true, the rulers of Ghar, whether Maliks or Sul- 
tans, should be styled, as at page 50, Vol. 1, of Dow’s version of Firishtah, 
“ Muhammad of the Sir tribe of Afghans, and in Brigg’s version, page 50, 
Vol. 1, “ Muhammad of the Afghan tribe of Sir” P and is there the most 
remote shadow of a reason why Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din’s Turkish slave 
should be styled “the founder” of the Afghan or “ Patan” dynasty of 
Dihli, and all those Turkish slaves, and descendants of Turkish slaves, the 
Khalj Turks, and the Sayyids who trace their descent to. Husain, grandson 
of Muhammad the Prophet, and are acknowledged by all Muhammadans to 
be his descendants—twenty rulers in all—should be styled the “ Patan” or 
“ Pathan” kings of Dihli? 

From the error of calling the Ghuri Sultans “ Patans or Afghans” 
emanates another error equally great; but, in this instance, it is the 
turning of Afghans into Turks! Wherever the Khalj tribe are refer- 
red to throughout Firishtah’s work, Dow styles them ‘ Chilligies’, which is 
the name of no people, tribe, or race on the face of the earth, and in this he 
is followed by Maurice and some others ; but Briggs styles them by nearly 
their correct name, at least, for they are called Khalji as well.as Khalj ; but 


56 H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli? [No. 1, 


other writers have at once jumped at the conclusion and some even shortly 
maintain that they are Ghalzis. For example, Mr. J.C. Marshman, who 
has written a History of india, “ at the request of the University of Cal- 
cutta”’ and who says, ‘‘ so far as historical truth can be discovered,” he is 
‘‘ prepared to vouch for the accuracy of the facts detailed in it,” calls them 
GHILJIES :—(page 53, Vol. 1) “the Afghan mountaineers of Ghuzni and 
Ghore, denominated the Ghiljies’. There is certainly a great similarity 
between the mode of writing the name of the Afghan tribe of Ghalzi cox 
and the Turkish tribe of Khalj J4, Khalji g='* ; 

What Firishtah does say respecting the descent of the Afghans, but 
which is very different from their tradition previously given, is this: 
“When Khalid, the son of ’Abdullah, was removed from the government 
of Kabul, (other authors of much greater authority than Firishtah relate dif- 
ferently, however) finding it difficult and dangerous to return into “[rak-i- 
"Arab through fear of the newly appointed governor, under the guidance of 
the chiefs of Kabul, he proceeded into the Sulaiman mountains, which lie be- 
tween Multan and Peshawar and between many other places, accompa- 
nied by his family and a party of Arab followers, and therein took up his 
residence. He gave one of his daughters in marriage to one of the chief 
men among the Afghans there, who had become Musalmans. From this 
daughter of the Arab, Khalid sprung offspring who multiphed and acquired 
great repute. One of these was Ladi, and another Sur; and the Afghans 
come from that party of “Arabs above mentioned. In a work, entitled 
Matla’-ul-Anwar, composed by one among the trustworthy, which Firishtah 
perused at Burhanpdr in Khandesh, it was written that the Afghans are 
Kibtiah (Copts)”’, &c., &c., and there occur other statements foreign 
to this subject. 

The same writer also makes a statement with respect to the Ludi tribe, 
Vol. 1, p. 69 which is equally as incorrect as the preceding, and would 
cause some astonishment, as well as ridicule, among the people referred to. 
He says:—Belcli was an Afghan of the tribe of Lodi, now known as 
the Lohani, which is engaged chiefly in the conveyance of merchandise 
between Hindustan and Persia.” Nothing of the sort. Sur, son of 
Ismail, who was the progenitor of the tribe of that name, had two 
brothers, each the progenitors of separate tribes, one of whom was named 
Nah, and he is the progenitor of the tribe of Nuhani, which name 
has been corrupted into Lahani. These are the people who act as the great 
carriers of merchandise in Central Asia. 

Elphinstone in his History correctly states that the Khaljis were a 
Turkish tribe, long connected with the Afghans, as Firishtah himself 
mentions, and does not confound them with the Afghanistan of Ghazni, of 
whom he gives a good account in his ‘‘ Caubul.” 


1875.] H. G. Raverty— Who were the Pathin Suitdns of Dihli ? a7 


The ‘ Masalik ul-Mamalik’ states that ‘‘ the Khalj are a tribe of 
Turks, which in former days—this work was written long before the time 
of Mahmiad of Ghazni—settled in Garmsir, between Sijistan and the region 
of Hind. They are in appearance and dress like Turks, and observe the 
eustoms of that race, and all speak the Turki language.” The same work 
also states in two or three places, that there is a town called Khalj in that 
part; and in the account of Jj, also Chaj, of Mawar-an-Nahr says that it 
is a populous and flourishing city, the people of which are Ghuzz and Khalj, 
all Musalmans of the sect of Ghazi. 

The Ghalzis, so called after the illicit son of the tradition of Bibi 
Mata and Shah Husain, have no tribe, subdivision, or family among them 
Styled either ‘‘ Lodi” or ‘‘Sur’”; but two other sons were born to Bibi 
Mati, one of whom was named Ibrahim, who is surnamed Lo-e-daey, signi- 


es ome Z 
fying in the Afghan language 


(he) is great or elder”, respecting which 
name a tradition is attached which need not be related here. It has been 
corrupted or rather shortened, into Lodi and Ludi, and Ibrahim is the 
progenitor of the Ludi tribe. From him sprung two sons, one of whom, 
named Siani, had two sons, Pranki and Isma’il. Pranki is the ancestor, 
eight generations back, of Buhlal, of the Shaht Khel, a clan of the Ladi 
tribe, who, according to the authors I have been quoting, and as all educat- 
ed Afzhans themselves will affirm, was the first of the race of ’Abd-ur-Ra- 
shid Patan that attained sovereign power. He is the founder of the 
Ludiah dynasty, but the thirtieth ruler of Dihli, counting from Kutb-ud- 
din, the Turkish slave of the Tajik Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad, 
son of Baha-ud-din Sam Ghiri. 

From Isma’il, brother of Pranki and son of Siani, son of Ladi, sprung 
two sons, one of whom was named Sar, who had four sons, from one of 
whom, Yunas by name, in the ninth generation, descended Farid, after- 
wards Sher Shah, who dethroned the second Mughul emperor Humayun, 
and was the first of the Sur division of the Ladi tribe who attained sover- 
eignty; and Ahmad Khan, son of Saidu, afterwards Sultan Sikandar, his 
kinsman, was the last of the Afghan or Patan dynasty. The name Sar 
appears to have struck those who were in search of a mare’s-nest, and they 
at once jumped at the conclusion, that, as Suri was the name of one of the 
Tajik chiefs of Ghur, and Ghur lay near the tract then occupied by the 
Afghans, the Ghuris must be Afghans or Paténs and the Afghans Ghiris, 
and so this error has been handed down from one writer to another 
up to this present day. Although Firishtah falls into error in supposing 
Suri and Sur to be the same name and to refer to the same person, he never 
turns Ghuris and Turks into Afghans or Patdns. 

One example more and J have done. At page 197, Vol. 2, Dow, 
under the reign of Ibrahim Sar, says: ‘‘In the mean time, Muhammad 


38 H. G. Raverty—Who were the Pathan Sultans of Dihli?  {No. 1, 


(sic) of the Afghan family of Ghor, governor of Bengal, rebelled against 
Muhammad’’. Here again we have his own ideas inserted, for Firishtah 
knew better than to utter such an absurdity. That author expresses 
himself in these words under the reign of Muhammad Shah, nicknamed 
Andhli, ‘the intellectually blind’. “ At this period, Muhammad Khan 
Sur, ruler of Bangalah, having raised the standard of hostility,’ &e. 
Dow turns the kings of Gujarat and the Bahri rulers of Ahmadnagar 
into Patans likewise. Under the reign of Salim Shah, he says, (Vol. 
2, p. 191) when mentioning his death: ‘‘ In the same year, Mahmud, 
the Patan king of Guzerat, [He was the descendant of a Tak Rajpit 
from near Thanesar] and the Nizam of the Deccan, who was of the 
same nation, died.” Compare Briggs here also. Firishtah’s words are 
these: “In this very same year, Mahmud Shah Gujarati, and Burhan 
Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahri, likewise died.” This Burhan-ul-Mulk was the 
son of Ahmad Nizam Shah, the founder of the Bahri dynasty and of 
the city of Ahmadnagar, who was the son of a Brdhman of Bijanagar 
who being taken captive in his childhood, was made a Musalman of, and 
brought up as one of the slaves of Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahmani.” 

The renowned Afghan chief and poet Khushhal Khan, of the Khatak 
tribe, mentions the two Afghan dynasties in one of his poems. See my 
‘Poetry of the Afghans’, page 197,— 

“The whole of the deeds of the Patans are better than those of the 
Mughuls ; 

But they have no unity among them, and a great pity it is. 

The fame of Buhlul and of Sher Shah, too, resoundeth in my ears— 

Afghan emperors of India who swayed the sceptre effectually and well. 

For six or seven generations did they govern so wisely, 

That all their people were filled with admiration of them.” 


OOS eeaeOeaeSeeeeea> ares rere 


1875.] 39 


On the Khyeng People of the Sandoway District, Arakan,—By Mason 
G. E. Fryer, Deputy Commissioner, Sandoway. 
(With two plates.) 
Parr I. 
Physical and Social Characteristics. 
Introductory. 
The great western mountain range of Burma is peopled by tribes under 
a great variety of names, of whom the Khyeng race is perhaps the most 
extensively diffused. The geographical limits of the people are comprised 
within the 18th and 21st degrees of North latitude. The character of the 
region inhabited by the Northern Khyengs is described as rugged and inac- 
cessible, and their life a hard one; but the Khyengs here dwell on the 
fertile banks of streams, and can procure the necessaries of life without 
difficulty ; moreover, though still retaining their individuality, they are gra- 
dually adopting the more civilized manners and the mode of agriculture of 
the Arakanese. 
The subjoined statement gives the Khyeng population in the districts 
of Arakan (Hill Tracts excepted) as it stood at the census of 1872, together 
with the number of villages and houses :-— 


MAtLEs. FEMALES. S - eg 

} o n =) | 
Cie on (<b) wa 5 ral fa 
5 3 = S a qi 2 |S = oe 
Names 5 2 8 a E ‘Sian hea ees : 
of Districts. = = = as S' “4 4 aE a 
a | 2 a Be | Sa s |e| 8 sss 
Se | Be : Sere Sl limestiec oa eae Seed ee lel SS 
HO | go = HOS |g a a q g jerles 
Sel gh 7 = a |) (Si RS 3 = =) 3 Sa}or~ 

oO = i >) =) a a A A iy |e 
1 2 3 4A 5 6 4 8 9 10 | 11 
Akyab, ....| 1,100 943, 2,043 970 904| 1,874] 3,917) 40 950) 24) 4-1 
Ramree,....| 2,791| 2,481) 5,272) 3,014| 2,038) 5,052/10,324| 92] 2,260) 12) 4-1 
Sandoway,..| 1,396} 1,106) 2,502) 1,317 896 2,213) 4,715) 96 996} 10) 4-7 
Total, .. 5,287 4,530) 9,817) 5,301) 3,838) 9,139) 18,956) 228) 4,206) 14) 4-5 


Physical Characteristics. 


Table A. exhibits the age, weight, height, and measurement in length 
and circumference of the limbs of twenty-five male and twenty-five female 
Khyengs of average size, The weights are expressed in pounds avoirdupois ; 
the measurements in English inches and tenths, Four pounds, ‘the weight 


40 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng People of Sandoway, Arakan. 


[No. 1, 


of her clothing and ornaments, have been deducted from each woman’s 


weight. 


Tape A. 


Showing the Age, Weight, Height, and Measurements of the Limbs of twenty-five Male and twenty-five Female 


Khyengs of average size, 


‘e wunoo ze = e 
0} G XY fF suuunyoo jo 
uns ey} Jo woys0dorg 
=) 1D 1D 
“TTR i | ao ne 
FeO, pai a 
Z 3 a Bo 
. D ~ 
B | enh | | 4 = 
A x O10 
ica] j i~ I~ I~ 
. re ~ ’, 
2 ULLW | | fer) wa) 
fe oS Ss « 
3 “ysou) | 3 =z 
“x09 er) S 
pa 99N a S 
fe SI 2 ees 
ob “apos Ge) Ge ee 
H | ep | 0} ony = 
oO oO 
Fe i 
Z 0. | 6 dy a qt 
: = = 5 
Pe en a ts 
c g oF AOdTH ia 
. wo te) 
A | < ANOS) S a ais 
4 | 0J lapmmoyg q qi 
cS © 2 
“endeos Jo WApvorg ar) ar) 
eo) A So 
‘vndeos Jo yysSuery | | © © 
iS N 2 
“WUNUI94S JO YpCuIT a) 19 
© S a 
‘90S 0} UIMALOVS UOT, co 
IS8,Or AL ge S 
“TUNIOVS re) x S 
qq S 
0} «vIqeyIaA [vo nN nN 
-TAI00 YJUOAOS WOT 
“BIG O}TOA Sh z zs 
[eotAr980 Y}UOA 
-0§ 0} UAMOIO Oly 
S o8 x = 
“VU. 1D 
paced sf | | 3 5 
8 x = 
“FUCTO MA. | = 
a Ta} > 
-o8y co N 


INNES 4 co000 no000000 70 
IHGA Ss lafersieinwe svereie ese.s 


1875.]  G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway District. 41 


In Table B. are given measurements of the head of the same persons 
in English inches and tenths taken by calipers. 


TaBLe B, 


Head Measurements of the same Persons in English Inches and Tenths 
taken by Calipers. 


| 2 1 | ' 
|}0 © =) 
MEASUREMENT IN INCHES BY CALIPERS.|S 2 9 
As {8 
Z les a |88 ho 
Se 2 | |e 
= A : Sih Dal ae) & dd q 
ms) os al 2 ta g 5 
. 2 o +5 fe) i ie Sie 
i>) 2 “4 +3 i es | ba 
Lom ie) (o} co ee) aS Ss re 
on > S S) pi A = g e) 
q S = wo RwAlo ea tl Oo: (3) 
IS) RE fc) og a ns 5 fe) C6 
SS Wah Th Asi ose We een) as a 3 
"= |sé 2, ae B din “4 og 
ss (RS! al Bo! 5 0/0 6 leo cle ot 
umes to q Si ps le, |B + 8 SS 1, Sa 
re he ol & |e | ae Sela Ss licsices sees 
S ies Si es =| S15 all 2 |e Sie © elhe ei 
So |Rre) (S1)) Oe ° S jz BLS Sia Vs Sie © ad 
SE ral) ce lens ise EES Silla leer te ere 
¢ ) as ‘ S Bn = — | 
Seo) SB | a eee) So ees ec 
RQ iA CO;}S8}/S3 1A |O | 4 IN Ie ae 
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 AO} at 
MIS LGS er eee geelnecaccdc cal) om) CAaNesail seer) Gxs)) Gril) Beales Hei bye) 74) -73 
Hemales) j..secce csese. -s| 20>) 6-9) 4:1] 4:6) 5:6) 5:2) 5:0) 3:6) 5:2 ‘76| -82 


Column 1 expresses in degrees the angle indicating the relation of the 
ear to the eyebrow. ‘This angle is formed by a line parallel to the base of 
the brain with another line from the earhole to the superorbital ridge. 

Column 2 shows the long diameter of the head, the measurement being 
taken from immediately above the top of the nose to the small bony projec- 
tion at the back part of the head. 

Column 5 indicates the height of head measured from the earhole to 
about the centre of crown. 

Column 6 gives the breadth from immediately above the external open- 
ing of the ear. 

Column 7, the breadth from centre of parietal bones. 

Column 8, the breadth immediately above the temples. 

Column 9, the interzygomatic or facial breadth. 

In the male the greatest breadth of head is the parietal. The female 
head is broadest just over the ear. As might be expected, there is no great 
breadth of forehead over the temples in either sex. 

E 


42 G. EH. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, 


Considering how strongly brachy-cephalic* the Burman head is, the 
dolichocephalism of the Khyeng head form, as shown here, is curious, In 
proportion to its length, the female head is both broader and higher than 
the head of the male. 

The prevailing complexion of the people corresponds with No. 28, and 
the colour of the eyes with No. 1, of Broca’s tableau, The colour of the hair 
is black, but among the women patches of reddish brown hair occur some- 
times, generally at the crown of the head. 


Individual and Family Life. 


Customs.—Under this head are included the usages observed at births, 
marriages, and deaths. 

As regards the first, child-bearing is always assisted and by women. 
Deaths from child-birth are very rare. Labour is easy and seldom protract- 
ed, the woman generally goes to her work the following day. The infant is 
washed in clear rice water. 

Boy’s names are monosyllabic, but the girls have the particle pa or me 
prefixed to theirs. ‘The names are given either from a fanciful resemblance 
to some object, or with reference to circumstances occurring at the time of 
birth ; thus, if at the time of birth there occurred a great flood, a boy would 
be named Hilém, and a girl Pahlém, signifying “great.” A child is weaned 
between the ages of eighteen months or two years. Puberty takes place 
between the ages of twelve and fifteen, at which period the disfiguring ope- 
ration of tattooing the girl’s face is usually performed. 

As regards marriage. When a young man wishes to court a girl, he 
visits her by appointment at night in her parents’ dwelling, taking with 
him some trifling present; if subsequently approved by the parents, he 
lives in the house. After some months, and indeed if poor, after the birth 
of one or two children, the ceremony of taking the girl to his house takes 
place amid much feasting and dancing. On reaching her new home, the 
priest performs the ceremony of introducing her to the protection of her 
husband’s household god by winding a thread seven times round the girl’s 
right arm, and invoking numberless blessings upon her. 

When a person falls sick, one or two priests are sent for and consulted ; 
sometimes they merely state their opinion as to what spirit has seized the 
sufferer and a propitiatory offering suitable to such spirit is made; at other 
times they inquire what the sufferer dreamed_of the night previous ; if an 
elemental god or other high object of adoration, such as a Burmese pagoda, 


* The terms brachy-cephalic and dolicho-cephalic are employed in this sense, viz., 
where the breadth is to the length in the proportion of 80, or more, to 1:00, the head is 
placed in the brachy-cephalic category, where it is below that proportion, or less than 
‘80 to 1:00, in the dolicho-cephalic. 


C ydvibogoyd 2 Aon) 
eye Apnopuns ‘shuaryy Jo anos 


SULT PANGQUUNIIYD S "f°? 


A 


‘GLOl ‘Tig ‘Tesueg :oog ‘sy ‘TBuInop 


iad 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 43 


has been the subject of the dream, a buffalo or hog would be sacrificed ; 
but if, as is commonly the case, the invalid had dreamt of an ordinary 
occurrence, such as crossing the creek in a boat, the sacrifice of a dog would 
be ordered, in which case a raft composed of stems*of the plantain tree 
would be constructed, and a dog killed and placed thereon with a small 
quantity of rice-beer. The raft is then pushed into the stream, every one 
present pelting it with stones; care is taken, however, that the dog is 
subsequently brought back to form materials for a repast. 

When death occurs in a family, the corpse is laid out in the house, a 
pig or other animal is killed, and great and prolonged feasting goes on. The 
day after the event, a dead fowl is tied to one of the big toes of the deceased, 
and an attendant priest thus apostrophizes the corpse—“ Oh spirit! thou 
hast a long and wearisome journey before thee, so a hog has been killed 
upon whose spirit thou mayest ride, and the spirit of this dead fowl will so 
terrify the worm guarding the portals of paradise, that thou wilt find an 
easy entrance.” The corpse, followed by the relatives and friends of the 
deceased, is carried to the outskirts of the village and burnt. All wait un- 
til the burning is over; water is sprinkled on the ashes and bones of the 
skull, hands, and feet; about nine or ten in number, having been selected, 
are carried back to the village in a vessel and deposited in the shed erected 
for the feasting. After seven days have elapsed, more feasting takes place, 
and the bones are then finally conveyed for burial to some distant moun- 
tain, which is the ideal place of interment of the ashes of their ancestors. 
In cases of violent death, as for example by drowning, or from the attack 
of a wild beast, the corpse and all the relatives of the deceased are tabooed 
by the community until a buffalo or hog has been handed over to the 
headman for sacrifice and feasting; even then the body may not be taken 
into a house, nor is a dead fowl attached to the corpse. 

On all occasions of marriages, deaths, and domestic entertainment, the 
company is divided into what are termed inside and outside feasters, in 
other words into hosts and guests; for example, at the entertainment after 
cremation the bones in a vessel are placed at one end of the shed surround- 
ed by pieces of pork and other greasy-looking dainties; next are seated two 
priests, in front of whom is placed a pot of rice-beer, which has a cover 
perforated with three holes, one in the centre to admit of a slender piece 
of bamboo being placed upright, and one on each side to receive a reed 
passing into the beer. When a feast is held in a house, the reed towards 
the sleeping chamber is the inside reed through which the host and his 
relatives imbibe the beverage ; out-of-doors the inside is that on which the 
host and his people are sitting. After sucking, each person replenishes the 
vessel with water in proportion to the quantity of beer supposed to have 
been taken out, 


44 G. Ei. Vryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. ([No.1, 


Pork is regarded the choicest food, and when the husband brings his 
wife into her new home, he provides that food for her and her family, while 
he and his relations eat fowls. At funeral repasts the relatives of the 
deceased eat pork, and the guests have fowl provided for them. These 
points of etiquette are scrupulously observed, and breaches of them subject 
the offender to fine. 

Laws.—The average number of houses in a Khyeng village is fourteen, 
and in each of these little communities there is a head called Zayi or Nan- 
dayt. ‘The office passes from father to any son he considers best qualified 
for it ; in default of such a successor, the office may be held by the father’s 
brothers ; but it never passes out of the family ; when extinct, the village 
has to join another community. The Mandayi presides at all festivals, 
settles disputes, and acts as a priest in conjunction with the elders of the 
village. ‘There is another person, however, who ranks higher than the 
individual just named, he is the Dek mo tayi, 7. e. land-proprietor’s tayl. 
Tradition says these men formerly received grants of land from the kings of 
Arakan, and were invested with supreme authority over all offenders within 
the limits of their respective grants ; they received a share in the produce 
of the soil, and enjoyed the taxes levied upon all tabooed persons. Though 
no longer enjoying these rights and privileges, they are held in much 
respect. Marriage is a contract dissoluble at the will of either party : no 
dowry is given. On the death of the parents, two-thirds of the property 
pass to the eldest son, the remainder is divided among the other sons ; 
women are deemed incapable of holding or transmitting property. Adop- 
tion is considered proper, even if there be children by marriage. If a hus- 
band take an adulterer in the act, he claims a gong and buffalo from him ; 
he may also chastise his wife, but she is not divorced. Nor will a Khyeng 
divorce his wife if she is barren; those that can afford it, sometimes under 
such circumstances, take a second wife. When a dispute has been settled, 
the reconciliation is effected in the following manner :—the parties and 
their witnesses assemble before the elders, and a cup of water is placed 
before them into which a spear, dagger, or celt, has been dipped, the dis- 
putants each take a sip of the water and agree to pay a fine if they continue 
the quarrel. Trial by water ordeal is practised ; the person who keeps his 
head longest under water is adjudged innocent. The principal parties may 
either perform the ordeal themselves or hire persons to do so. 

Religious Rites and Ceremonies.—The religion of the Khyengs confines 
itself almost exclusively to the propitiation of spirits by offerings and sacri- 
fices. Their prayers consist of lengthy invocations of protection for them- 
selves and property, and propitiatory prayers to ward off sickness or other 
calamity. The elders of the communities act as priests, and direct and 
conduct all festivals and acts of worship. On these occasions, hogs, buffa- 


(ydoibhojoyd » wo41g) 
anya. nmopung ‘asnoyy buakyy 


TA. Vt : ‘@/8L T'4d ‘TaBueg :00g isy Teuanoe 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. A5 


loes, dogs, and fowls, are sacrificed, and immense quantities of rice-beer 
consumed. The three principal festivals are Nando, Plawng-hio, and Konde. 

The Wando takes place in March or April, in front of the Mandayi’s 
house who conducts it. Every one in the village contributes towards it, A 
hog, dog, two fowls, and three large pots of rice-beer are offered, and invo- 
eations for a favourable season and other blessings are mumbled by the 
priests to the spirits of the village. 

The Plaung-hio is a festival in honor of Jupiter Pluvius, and should 
by rights be held annually just before the rains set in, but owing it is said 
to the expense attending it, it is only celebrated about once in every eight 
or ten years. At this feast buffaloes are sacrificed, oblong stones two or 
three feet long and five or six inches in diameter, procured from the creeks, 
are set up vertically at the lower end of the village, in number equal to the 
buffaloes to be sacrificed. The animals are killed and their blood is poured 
over the stone. Any sufferer from sickness who can afford it, may offer a 
sacrifice to this spirit, provided he has first obtained permission from the 
Dek mo tayi. ‘The use of the upright stone is curious, and seems to point 
to some connection with Phallus worship. Captain Latter already re- 
marked (Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1846), that the Khyoung-thas 
of the Koladyne river make offerings at stones which “are rough represen- 
tations of the Lingwm and the Yoni.” 

The Konde is celebrated every year for three years, and after a lapse of 
three years is again celebrated annually for three years. Its object is to 
propitiate the Konde spirit and his brother and sister, in order to avert 
sickness and other calamity ; at this feast pigs are slaughtered. At the 
lower end of the village three miniature huts of bamboo are constructed side 
by side, and a small stone placed in each, together with portions of pork 
and some rice-beer, prayers are offered, and the proceedings terminate with 
much feasting. 

The above are the principal festivals or sacrifices, but there are many 
minor spirits to whom worship is paid as circumstances require, 

Habitations and Domestic Life.—Vhe houses of the Khyengs are con- 
structed of wooden posts which vary from 9 to 16 in number ; the walls 
and floor are made of bamboo matting, and the roof is composed of grass or 
leaves. The length of a house varies from 12 to 16 cubits, and it is about 8 
to 12 cubits broad ; there are two apartments, the sleeping and the cooking, 
with an open verandah in front of the latter ; the flooring is raised some 
4 or 5 feet from the ground, and the swine and poultry are enclosed beneath 
it. (Vide Plate VII.) On festive occasions the Khyengs eat hogs, dogs, 
and fowls, and use abundance of a fermented liquor made from rice, which 
they call Fu. All animals are eaten by them except the tiger, bear, and otter. 
Their clothes are woven and made at home, and the manufactures, though coarse 


46  G.E, Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No. 1, 


are durable and good, Indigo grown by themselves is the chief dye made use 
of. The male dress is a strip of blue cloth folded round the hips and passed 
between the legs with an end hanging down before and behind, and by way 
of head covering a strip of cloth is wound round the head. The women 
wear a loose blouse reaching to the knee, very open at the bosom and back 
of the neck, and furnished with slits at the sides for the arms ; beneath they 
wear a short close petticoat. Work in the fields and hill-clearing, together 
with basket-making, occupy the time of the men. The boys look after the 
domestic animals. The women are employed in spinning, weaving, and 
cooking; they also assist the men in the fields. The loom is an effective 
but very primitive arrangement, The ends of the beam farthest from the 
weaver, around which the warp is wound, are fastened to two pegs driven 
in the ground; the weaver seated on the ground has the near beam, round 
which the warp passes, resting on her lap, the ends of which, together with 
those of another beam which presses the upper warp threads on the lower, 
are fastened to the sides of a broad strip of hide against which she leans ; 
transverse pieces of bamboo, turned by the hand, cause the warp-threads to 
rise and fall as required, and as the threads are opened the shuttle is thrown 
across ; on the reversal of the warp another opening is made, which is simi- 
larly crossed by the shuttle. 

The Khyengs call themselves Hiou or Shou, and state that the Shin- 
doos, Khumis, and Lungkhes, are members of the same race as themselves. 
They have a tradition that they came down many years ago from the sour- 
ces of the Kyendweng river, but they possess no written record of their 
descent; they are fond, however, of singing rude ballads, which portray the 
delights of their ancient country, a specimen of which is here given— 
ania la chan don a kho a, ee ée 
htoan z& na baleng a hptian a, ee €6e 
apok a poichi a oat mlii a, ee Ee 
htoan z& na baleng a hptian a, e e Ee 
ané ye olo ve dimo e, eee 
si sho e lo po e hnaung e, ee ée 
son sho e atoane ey e,ee Ee 
Kanau o suam ei o htui yo, ee e. 


e 


OMI PAB OM 


Translation. 
To the upper (country of the) Kyendweng (river), 
To the level (plains of the) baleng and dry htoan (grasses), 
To the brick (walled) city of our forefathers, 
To the level (plains of the) baleng and dry htoan (grasses), 
Which are so charming (di. not a little charming), 
Let us hie, come along! 


OAR Ot Bs 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. AT 


7. Let us haste with every speed, 
8. Oh my fairy-like young brother ! 


PARLE 


Grammatical Notes on the Language. 

As the Khyeng or Hiow language does not possess a series of letters by 
which to express elementary sounds, the Roman alphabet will be used for 
that purpose, and so far as it is applicable to this language the admirable 


system of orthography adopted by Professor James Summers in his Hand- 
book of the Chinese Language will be followed. 


The system of orthography adopted. 
1. VOWELS, SIMPLE AND COMBINED. 


Form Value of each. Short value. 

@ w@ast in police. bit. 

e éasa@ in fame; & in féihig (Germ.); é in méme 

(Fr.) bét. 

a@ aasa in father. bat, 

@ @asa@ in organ. but. 

o 6aso in no. not 

6 as 6 in Lowe (Germ.); or ew in seur (Fr.) 

“%™ uwasu in rule. bull. 

“@ was wu in lune (Fr.); win Miihe (Germ.) ew in peutétre (¥r.) 
ge wéas ie in pied (Fr.); yea (Eng.) yé in yesterday. 

ia taas ia in lia, plia (¥r.) ; ga (Germ.) ya in Yankee. 

zo was io in million (Fr.). ya in yacht. 

iw was ewin hew, yew. ju in jguchhe (Germ.) 
et as et in sein (Germ,); ze in pie (Eng.), or ev in height. 

a as ai in aisle. 

au as owin cow. 

ou as ov In votce. 

ut as wi in rum. 

2. THE CONSONANTS, SINGLE AND COMBINED. 

b as in English. 

ch as chin hatch. 

d as in English; d pronounced by bending the tongue as far back 

as possible. 

g as g in good; never g as in gin. 
h as h in heart; before 7 and w& a strong aspirate, nearly sh. 
k as & in king. ; 


48  G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, 


Yas 7 in dine; Jas |r in wheelrim. 
mas m im mine. 

nas 2 in nine; ng as in anger. 

p as p in pine. 

yasr in wi. 

Seases in see. 

shas sh in shine. 

3g BS in tiny. 


was w im way. 
y as ¥ in YOU. 
z as & in English. 

Adopting Mr. Beames’ system of classification, the Khyeng language 
belongs to the Lohitic or Burmese class of the Turanian family. Its strue- 
ture is monosyllabic, consisting of roots or stem words which undergo no 
change except for the purposes of euphony. As the afformatives are for 
the most part words which have lost the power of separate existence, the 
language is in the agglutinated stage. It is very simple in construction 
and expression, but elaborate in its tones. 

One or two of the most marked ones are here indicated : 

The acute accent over a letter or syllable indicates a rising tone of the 
voice as when raised at the end of a question. 

The grave accent over a letter or syllable indicates a falling tone of the 
voice. : 

The horizontal stroke above letters indicate an emphatic stress to be 
laid on the pronunciation of the syllable over which it appears. 

Final consonants are often mute, they are formed in the mouth but not 
always pronounced unless a vowel follows. In this sketch final consonants 
in italics should not be sounded. 

On Novns. 

Khyeng words of this class may be divided into :— 

1. Nouns Primitive, 2. e. such as are monosyllables bearing their pri- 
mitive signification. 

2. Nouns Derivative, i. e. such as are formed by the addition of some 
formative syllable. 

3. Nouns Composite, 2. e. such as are formed by the union of two dif- 
ferent roots. 

Primitive Nouns or those which are monosyllabic, are such as the fol- 
lowing :— 


a a fowl. pom a forest. 
blim a hill. htén a tree. 
dek the earth. tui water. 


kiau a mountain. ui a dog. 


1875. G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 49 


There are, however, few stem-words which are strictly monosyllabic. 
Most of them take adjuncts either as prefixes or suffixes, or both, which Mr. 
Hodgson has termed *‘ differential servile particles’, and no doubt, as he justly 
remarks, “ the basis of these languages is a small number of monosyllabic 
“roots bearing necessarily many senses ; hence to distinguish between those 
“ several senses is the chief function of the servile adjuncts of the roots.’’* 
Many of these serviles are inseparable, as for example ‘ka’ and ‘kh’ in kahni 
the sun, and khlo the moon ; others again are scissile in composition, as for 
example the prefix ma and suffix ht of makuht, the hand, in ‘kie ku nv, 
amy thumb. 

Derivative nouns are such as are derived from verbal roots, whether 
living or obsolete, and which acquire the form of substantives by the addition 
of a formative prefix such as a or ma; @. 9, 


aak a fragment from alk to break. 
amlak a loving from mlak zo love (obsolete). 
mahau a speaking from hau #o speak. 


Composite nouns are such as are compounded of two roots, the first of 
which may be said to stand in the genitive case. The members of the com- 
pound may either be two nouns, or two verbs, or a verb and noun combined ; 
€. Gos 


on duam lit. remaining place, a@ seat. 
ik duam hit. sleeping place, a bed. 
kho mik lit. foot’s eye, the ankle, 
nago han lit. dragon’s yawning, a rainbow, 
mahau kho lit. speaking aperture the mouth. 


Diminutives are formed by affixing ‘so’, signifying litle, to words, as 
khlaung so, a lad. 


The distinctions of number and gender are made in a similar way by 
affixes. 


Or NuMBER. 


There are three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. The noun or 
pronoun by itself indicates the singular. The dual is expressed by. the par- 
ticle ‘ hoi’, signifying @ pair or couple. The plural is expressed by the fol- 
lowing particles all signifying many, hio, loi, tak, ni. Thus, when the sub- 
ject of conversation is understood, a Khyeng would say ‘ nahoisit uw’, the two 
are going, or without using the pronoun ‘sit u hoi’; but a Burman, having 
no dual, would under similar circumstances commit the solecism the two 
are gong all. 


* Hodgson’s ‘Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians’ in Jour. As. Soc. Beng., 1853, 
note to page 36. 


G 


50 G.E. Fryer—On ths Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan.  {[No.1, 


Or GENDER. 

Gender is marked by affixes indicating sex; thus, pahto male, and 
nahto female, are affixed to khlaung man, to express the gender. 

The general female affix is ‘ nti’, signifying fecundity, as 4 nii a hen. 

The male affix for birds, and also occasionally for fish, is ‘ hlui’, as 
a hlui a cock. 

The male affix for quadrupeds and reptiles seems to be ‘htsa’, as kie 
htsa @ tiger ; hpo htsa a snake (male). 

The male affix for the dog kind is ‘ han’, as ui han @ dog (male). 

The following are forms derived from the Burmese, e. g. wok-hpa a hog ; 
now hti a buffalo (male) ; mui bo an elephant (male). 


Or Case. 


Those relations of words to each other which in inflected languages are 
termed Cases, are exhibited by the following particles affixed to the noun or 
pronoun— 


ku or gu of, the genitive particle. 
a to or for, the dative particle. 
acu from, the ablative particle. 


The genitive particle is more frequently understood than expressed ; the 
Case is then indicated by the juxtaposition of the two substantives, the for- 
mer being understood to be in the genitive case. 


On PRONOUNS. 

Personal Pronouns. The personal pronouns have two forms, (@) a se- 
parate, full; and (4) a contracted form.* In their contracted state they 
blend themselves alike with nouns and verbs. 

The nominative case of each personal pronoun in its full and contract- 
ed forms is here given in the three numbers : 


SINGULAR. Dvat. PLURAL. 
Con- Con- Con- 
Bult tracted. Hall tracted. aa tracted. 
EF ! 
Ist Iie I ka kie hni We two ma kie me We ma 
2ndnaun Thou na naun hni Ye two ma naunme Ye ma 
3rd jayat ) He by ayat hni) They two Ans ayatti - 
or >» She or : or They : 
ya or I¢.|/ nama | ya nhi They two| / na hoi | yati na hio 


* “Rosen states that the Circassian pronouns have two forms, a complete and 
separable one, and an incomplete and inseparable one.” Hodgson on the Mongolian 
Affinities of the Caucasians, (Journ., Beng. As, Soc., 1853.) 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 51 


When the sense is complete without it, the full form of the personal 
pronouns is often omitted. 

The contracted form of the second and third persons is more frequently 
understood than expressed, as—pédn a dn t héi (they) two dwell in a forest. 

The contracted form of the third personal is often used as a nominative 
affix thus, anii nd apo na naso yok hmu Agu kat u hdi, the parents wept on 
seeing their child’s corpse. 

Demonstrative pronouns are the following :— 


SINGULAR. DUAL. - PLURAL, 
| 
ni This ni hoi These two. ni hio These 
to : to ) to 
That hoi Those two, hio Those 
toni toni toni 


Ni this, and to or toni that, with the dative affix, become ‘ nia’ here, and ‘ to a’ 
there; with the ablative particle Agu, hence and thence. ‘The more distant 
there is expressed by ‘ sowa’ or ‘ sobra’. 

Relative Pronouns. Of these there are none in the language. The idea 
of relation is periphrastically expressed by a verbal root with the genitive 
particle affixed coupled with the object; thus the man who runs would be 
‘son gu khlaung’, the running man. 

Interrogative Pronouns. These are ‘ ani’ who, ‘ani kw whose, ‘ baung’ 
and ‘ pi’, which, what. 

On ADJECTIVES. 

Adjectives are usually placed after the nouns they qualify. They do 
not alter their terminations to express either number, case, or gender ; indeed, 
many words have a substantive, adjective, or verbal, signification according 


to their position in the sentence. 

The Comparative degree is formed by the word ‘san’, great, placed 
before the adjective, thus—ahpoi good, san ahpoi better, 

The word ‘lon’ more is used synonymously with the English word than ; 
thus, toni lon a ni hboi moi u, this is better than that. 

The Superlative degree is expressed by the word ‘ hék’ very, much ; thus, 
alhém hék kuam pibio moi u ? how old ts the eldest ? 


Or NUMERALS. 
The following is the cardinal series of numbers adopted by the 


Khyengs :— 


52 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sindoway, Arakan. (No.1, 


1 hot 20 goi 
2 hni 21 goi ne pumhot 
3 htum 380 htum gip 
4 wli 3Ll htum gip pumhot 
5 hngo 40 mili gip 
6 sop 41 mili gip pumhot 
7 she 100 pia hot 
8 shap 101 pia lon ne pumhot 
9” go 121 pia goi ne pumhot 
10 ha or hnga 1000 pia hnga. 
il ha ne pumhot 1001 pia hnga lon ne pumhot 


12 ha ne puhni 
The numerals 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, are borrowed from the Burmese ; ‘ gor’ 
twenty is evidently a corruption of the Chittagong ‘kur’; goi ne pumhot 
is twenty with one; htum gip, thirty; mli gip forty, up to ninety, signify 
three claps, four claps of the hand, the word ‘ gip’ being a corruption of the 
Burmese word ‘ akhyet’, a stroke or blow; pia lon ne pumhot is one hundred 
more with one. 


The same peculiarity in the use of numerals which characterizes the 
I 
Burmese and other Turanian tongues, exists in a modified form in Khyeng. 
t=) z By, to) 
When applied to mankind, the exponent particle ‘pum’ @ body or thing is 
P ) I I I Y J 
usually prefixed, as ‘khlaung pun htum’ three men ; andin reckoning of a 
eroup of individuals or things, the computation proceeds thus ‘ pumhot, 
‘pun hni’, ‘ pun htum’, ‘pum mli’ &e. When the numerals are applied to 
individuals of the brute creation, they are preceded by ‘ zum’ for guadrupeds, 
and ‘ hték’ for jish, each signifying @ brute animal; and ‘yum’ a creeper 
for reptiles. But these particles are rarely used.* 


On VERBS. 


Most verbs in Khyeng are formed from the abstract root by the addi- 
tion of certain prefixes and affixes. 

In the Indicative mood the verb is in its simplest state, unconnected 
with any other to modify its operation. 

There are three tenses, the Present, Past, and Future; the afiixes to 
denote these are for the Present ‘wu’ ; the Past ‘ niu’, or more commonly with 
the auxiliary ‘bri’, as ‘bri niw ; the Future ‘ ei’, which perhaps may be a 
contraction of the root ‘ wor to wish. 

The affirmative verb usually takes as a prefix the contracted form of 
the pronoun. 


* Professor Summers styles them ‘exponent particles’, which appears a more ap- 
propriate term than ‘numeral generic affix.’ 


1875.] G. HE. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 53 


The letter 2 frequently precedes verbal roots whose initial letters are 
k, 9, t, d, ch, z; and the letter m those roots which commence with p or b. 

Roots ending in ‘ auk’ sometimes for the sake of euphony change the 
*auk’ into ‘o’, as—‘kie ka klauk w ZL am falling ; ‘ayat klo w’ he is falling. 

The following will serve as a model for the variations a Khyeng verb 
undergoes. 


‘Pek’, to give. 
Indicative Mood. 
Present TENSE. 


Singular. 
1. kie kapek u I give. 
2. naun napek u Thou givest. 
3. ayaé napek u He gives. ; 
Dual. 
1. kie hni mapek u We two give. 


2. naun hni mapek u : 
a Ye two give. 
nahoi napek u 

3. ayat hni mapek u ; : 

Vege - They two give. 
nahoi napek u 
Plural. 
kie me mapek u We give. 
naun me mapek u 


nahio napek u 


i 


bo 


t Meroave: 


3. ayati mapek u 
yati hio napek u 


They give. 


Pasar TEense. 


Singular. 
1. kie kape& niu I gave. 
2. naun napek niu Thou gavest. 
3. aya napek niu He gave. 


In the same manner through the dual and plural numbers, 


Furure TENSE. 


Singular. 
1. kie kapek ei I shall give, 
2. naun napek ei Thou shalt give. 
3. ayat napek ei He shall give. 


And so on through the dual and plural numbers. 

The participial form is denoted by the genitive and dative particles 
being affixed to the root, as—‘son gu khlaung’ the running man ; ‘tohmu 
agu kat u hoi’ having seen that both wept. 


54 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan.  [No. ], 


As in most other uninflected languages, the Imperative mood is confin. 
ed to the second person. It is indicated by the particle ‘e’ affixed to the 
root, thus ‘ pek e’ give thou; ‘sit e’ go thou. 

The Infinitive mood, as in Burmese, is generally expressed by the 
future tense, thus—‘ kie ayat a sit ei ka hau niu’ J told him to go. 

There are certain roots which are constantly used as auwiliaries. ‘They 
assist in forming the various parts of the verb with which they are conjoin- 
ed. Nearly all of them are roots which have lost the power of a separate 
existence. 


The most common of these auxiliaries are— 
Hirst. Those which perfect the notion of the primitive — 
(a) bri (to finish) 
tua zei bri niu, the work is now finished. 
(2) mak (to complete) 
ul naé mak niu, the dog ate it up. 
Secondly. ‘Those which denote power, obligation, &c. 
(a) kho (to be able, can) 
kie kasi¢ kho u J can go. 
(0) hpa (lawful, right) 
sit hpa u (you) should go (lt., it is proper to go) 
(ec) la (to get, obtain) 
boyo pihio mbek lei mé how much shall (1) give (you) Sir ? 
Thirdly. 'Those which denote desire, effort, risk, &c. 
(a) woi (to wish) 
kie kasi¢ woi u I want to go. 
(6) sok (to try) 
pliso kie ka ik soku I will try and sleep a little. 
(ce) dat (to dare) 
naun nasi¢ dat u mo will you dare to go ? 
(d) bo (to return) 
hoét 4 lo bo e come again to-morrow. 

There are two auxiliary roots whose application is not fully understood. 
They are ‘ey’ and ‘nauk’ Gn composition the latter is frequently changed 
into ‘no’). One of their functions would seem to be to give a verbal signi- 
fication to words borrowed from the Burmese or other language. ‘Their use 
will be best illustrated by examples. 

sit nauk u he goes courting. 

kie kamlak nauk u J love. 

to nahto zo koi no u that little girl is pretty. 

sit ei nashang ey u (yow) ought to go (lit. to go is proper.) 
non é a kasit ey u (L) go to buffalo eating ( feast). 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan, 55 


Here ‘ koi’ and ‘shang’ are evidently corruptions of the Burmese words ‘ kyo’ 
and ‘ htén’, 

The root ‘ey’ affixed to the root ‘sun’ (to bear, suffer) helps to form the 
passive voice, thus ‘ kie tuk ka sun ey w Lam killed; ‘ kie deng kasun ey w’ 
I am beaten, but it is rarely used. 

There appear to be only three substantive verbs, namely, ‘ mo’ fo be, 
exist ; ‘shi’ to be true; and ‘ ti’ fo be, thus : 

kie nam zam kamoi u, J am the village elder. 
shi ba, 7¢ 7s, yes. 
pikha ti u, what is it ? 

The Interrogative particle is ‘ mo’, added at the end of a sentence, as,— 
‘Naun a shami moi ti m6’ have you children? If there is any other word 
in the sentence implying interrogation, it is frequently omitted, as ‘naun 
ani t’ who are you ? 

The swppositional particles ‘a’, ‘na’, or ‘ dina’, implying 7f, are affixed 
to the verbal root, which drops the prefixed contracted pronoun, as, ‘ kie zei 
kho na kazei ei’ I will do it if I can. 

The negative verb does not take the prefixed contracted pronouns. To 
express simple negation, (1) the letters n, m, or mb, may be prefixed either 
to the verbal root, to the particles of tense, or to both; (2) the hard 
initial consonant of a root, such as k, t, p, ands, is changed into its corre- 
sponding soft consonant g, d, b, and z; (8) the root often requries the sub- 
stantive verb as an auxiliary. 


shi ba 7¢ is. nshi nu 7% is not. 

sit hpa u (yow) may go. zit hpa mbu (you) may not go. 
kie kapek u I give. kie mbek shi nu L am not giving. 
kang u m6 is he well ? ngang nu (he) is not well. 

kie ka klauk u I am falling. kie nglo nu I am not falling. 

ya kdi no u mo ts she pretty ? goi no nu (she) is not pretty. 


Prohibition may be expressed either by the particle ‘an’ or *n’ imme- 
diately after the root, as ‘sit e’ go (thow), ‘lo e’ come (thow), ‘zit in e’ go 
(thow) not, ‘lo ne’ come (thow) not; or by the particle ‘ti’ immediately 
after the root and its auxiliaries as—‘zit la shi di’ (yow) must not go; ‘hot 
a lo ei ti’ come not to-morrow. 


ADVERBS appear to be used indiscriminately in composition. 
The language being poor in conjunctions, participles are largely made 
use of to supply the deficiency. 


Post-positive particles are used in the same manner as the prepositions 
of Western tongues. 


56 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, 


The construction of the language is simple and inartificial. In a sen- 
tence the nominative usually comes first, the object next, the verb last. 
The language is remarkable for its three numbers and its system of prefixed 
pronouns. It is probable that both these peculiarities exist in the Khumi and 
Kyo, and possibly may be discovered in the other hill tongues of Northern 
Arakan. In his sketch of the Khumis and Kyos,* Capt. Latter speaks of 
the exponent particles (termed by him numeral generic affizes) as being 
entirely wanting, though he suspected a better acquaintance with those 
dialects would reveal them. Colloquially a Khyeng rarely uses them, and 
as he possesses a dual number, one is at first led to imagine that his lan- 
guage does not possess them; possibly a latent dual together with a like 
infrequent use of those particles by the Khumis- and Kyos may have led 
Capt. Latter to imagine they were wanting in those languages. Again, he 
says the Khumis form their future by “ the addition of the affix ‘nak’, which, 
when the roots end with a mute consonant often has the euphonic vocal ‘ ga’ 
intervening: ‘ Kai tchek g& nak’ Igo or will go.” As regards the Kyos, he 
says,— Kais the nominative affix, chiefly used with the noun in construction 
with a verb in the present tense. In which case the verb dispenses with its 
own affix of time.’’ The vocal ‘ ¢&’ in the one case and the nominative affix 
‘ka’ in the other, seem to indicate the existence of a similar system of pre- 
fixed contracted pronouns in those tongues. 

A fable well known to Burmese scholars rendered into Khyeng and a 
series of short sentences are appended in the hope that they will afford an 
insight into the grammatical structure of the language. 


Fable of the two wild dogs and the tiger. 


Tn the olden time, two wild dogs lived ina forest, and after a while had 
three young ones, a male and two females. Subsequently they quarrelled, and 
on dividing (their property) each took one of the females. The male which 
remained, the mother claimed saying, ‘‘ He is my share, I have borne him 
about with me, with great suffering, therefore I ought to have him.” ‘The 
father said, ‘‘ I being the husband and lord over my wife, ought to have 
him.” Thus disputing they went to the abode of a tiger (to have their 
ease decided), On arriving there, the tiger said, “So you are come to me, are 
you!” and having given one of the young ones to the father, and one to 
the mother, he cut the remaining male down the middle, and gave half to 
each of them. The parents looking on the dead body of their young one, 
lamented bitterly and said, “ My lord tiger, you have indeed made a divi- 
sion, but not thus cruelly, alas, ought you to have done it!” Then they 
threw down the dead body of their young one before the tiger, and went — 
their way. 


* Journ., As. Soc. Beng., 1846, 


1875. ] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 57 


In Khyeng. 

Yokha, pom ui zun hni pon a on tt hoi, kla 4gu pom ui han zun hot 
pom ui nii zun hni atauk ey u; nawo nahau ey nii 4gt, pom ui nii zun hni 
pumhot zun hot hpé ey t hoi. Pom uihan zun hot kiuan &gt, anti na-kie 
holai ka khon u kie don ka buan ey ei ashang ey u; apo na-kie kapay& ka- 
boi bo kie dén kabuan ey ei ashing ey u. Nawo nahau nii acu akié tayi 
on duan a sit u hoi, hpo agu, akié tayi na-kie on duan a nahpo 4! to aso 
zun hni, anti a pumhdot—apo a pumhot—pek bri gu, pom ui han so zun 
hot kiuan 4gt amliing akhon uahpeu. Anii na apo na naso yok hmu agu 
kat 0 hoi, akié tayio! nikha nasei ei nshang ey nu; naso yok akié hmon 
gon a tong u bo t hdi. 


SENTENCES. 
English. Khyengq. 
Come here. nialoe. 
Sit down. nakho on e. 
Are you well? makang ba mo? 
IT am well. kakang ba. 
What is the matter ? pikha ti a? 
There is nothing the matter. pikha ba ndi nu. 
What do you want ? naun baung alii ey mo ? 
I want nothing. kie baung ba lii ey nu. 
Why have you come ? kha ti nalo a? 
The master called. aboi mawul u. 
Are you hungry? bii andu ey mo P 
Will you eat cooked rice P bii na é ei mo? 
Are you thirsty ? tui nahei (or naha) ey mo ? 
Will you drink rice-beer ? naun yi naok ei md? 
I will try a little. pleso (pron. pliso) kaok sok ei. 
Who are you? naun ani uP 
I am the village elder. kie nam zim moi u. 
Of what race is he? ya baung miu i ? 
He is a Khyeng. ahiou (or ahiu) miu u. 
How does he live ? (what work) baung baung zei t ? 
He plants tobacco and chillies, and makhii naling u, homak naling u, 
sows cotton and sesamum. hpoi nahpo u, ashi nahpo u, 
Do you understand ? naun nayauk sik ba mo ? 
T do not understand. kie yu si nu. 
When will he come ? baung khoa lo e1 m6? 
He will come now. tua lo ei. 
Where are you going ? baan a sif yu? 
I am going to court that girl. to hon nti kie ka si¢ nauk ei, 


H 


58 
English. 
How many houses are in your vil- 
lage ? 


There are twelve houses. 

Are all the women’s faees tattooed 
in your village P 

They are all tattooed. 

What does Pamblaung say ? 

‘I am beautiful’, she says. 


Is she beautiful ? 

She is not beautiful. 

How old are youP 

I am thirty. 

How old is your wife P 

She is twenty-five. 

How many children have you? 

I have four, one boy and three girls. 


How old is the eldest ? 

The eldest is seven. 

Is the youngest at the breast P 

Yes, it is. 

Has it cut all its teeth ? 

Not yet cut. 

Iam going. Go not. 

I cannot come. 

I dare not go. 

You must not go. 

You ought not to go. 

Go before he comes. 

If you find it, bring it. 

If you wish to go, go. 

If you pull the cat’s tail, she will 
scratch you, 

If you go there, you will be struck. 

I will do it, if I can. 

Tam falling. He is falling. 

1 am not falling. He is not falling. 

Tam loving. He is loving. 


Zam \he is) not loving. 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 


[No. 1, 


Ithyeng. 


nan 4 iam pihid moi 0? 

hnga iam nhi moi u, 

naun nan 4 hnato zeil zel amhaung 
mashuan u m6? 

zel zei mashuanu, 

Pamblaung baung nahau ey mo. 

Pamblaung na, kie ka koi nauk u 

nauk u. 

ya koi no u mdéP 

201 no nu. 

naun kuam pi hio moi U mé? 

htum gip moi niu. 

paya kuam pi hio moi t m6? 

kapaya go kuam hngo. 

naun 4 shami moit m6 ? 

pum mri mdi u, pato pu’hot, hnato 
pun htum, 

ahlém hek& kuam pihid mdi i mé ? 

ahlém hé% kuam she. 

amlek hé/& sui of mdi u mé? 

a, moi u. 

aho po ma& u md P 

bo mak hon nu. 

kie ka sifyu. Zit an é. 

kie nlo kho di nu. 

kie zi¢ da¢ shi nu. 

zit la shi di. 

zit hpa mbi. 

nlo khlaung a sid e. 

naun khon dina lo bo e. 

sit woi da sit (d, euphonic). 

min zam hémé hnik dina mamplei 
Be het 
éy éi. 

naun sdbra sit ana adeng nasuney ei. 

kie zei kho na, ka zei ei. 

kie ka klauku. aya klo u. 

kie ngto nu. aya ngto u. 

kie kamlak nauk u. Ya namlak 
nauk u. 

kie (aya) nmla& no nu. 


1875.] 


English. 
I love him. 
He loves me. 


I am pointing (with the finger). 


He is pointing. 

What is he pointing at ? 
Ts the work finished ? 

It is not finished. 

Do you think it will rain ? 
T do not think it will rain. 
Is the village far? 

Té is near. 

Who is coughing ? 


He is coughing (7. e., has a cough). 


What did you beat him with ? 
I struck him with a stick. 


Those men went with their bows to 


shoot wild pig. 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 


Khyeng. 
kie aya kamlak nauk u. 
kie namlak nauk u. 
kie kachi u. 
aya namanchi u. 
aya bating nachi u. 
nazel. pri u mo ? 
bri hon nu. 
yo oo ei nachian u m6 ? 
yo noo shinu kachian u. 
to nam hid u mé ? 
aseng’ u. 
anku ani 0? 
yanku shi u. 
naun aya baung ung deng u? 
htén bo nung kadeng u. 


59 


to khlaung hio ali ung pom wok hot 


el sié u hid. 


PART III. 


A Vocabulary in Khyeng and English. 
The vocables in this section of the Vocabulary may perhaps be grouped 


under the following heads :— 


(a.) The generic or cognate, such as are common to the majority of 
the hill tongues, as for instance; ‘kahni’ the sun; ‘khlo’ the moon ; ‘kl’ 


air; ‘ul a dog. 


(6.) The specific or, perhaps more correctly, the dialectic, such as are 
peculiar to the Khyeng tongue: as forexample; ‘bliim’ a hill; ‘ dek’ the 


earth ; ‘kiaw a mountain. 


(c.) The foreign or such as are borrowed from other tongues, as for 
example‘ mlu’ a town, from the Arakanese ‘ mro’; ‘anik’ black, from the 
Burmese ‘ anek’; ‘ sonai’ lime, from the Hindastani ‘ china’. 

The origin of these latter is indicated by the capital letters A, B, or H, 


being prefixed to them. 


dative particle. 


A. 


a, post pos., at, among, for, in, to; 2, swppositional affix, if; 3, 


agu, post pos., from, in, ablative particle. 


a, n., a fowl; — hlui, a cock; — hlui khong u, the cock crows ; 


— nii, a hen. 


60 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No a 


w 


ep P 


aak, v., to break ; — so, a bit, fragment. 

abo, ”., a mushroom. 

abok, adj., white. 

adon, 2., a mat; — hio, v., to roll up a mat, 

aha, 2., a yam. 

aham, 2., an otter. 

ahang, 2., a musquito, 

ahau, 2., speech ; — pe, to abuse ; — yauh, to tell, relate. 
ahaung, 7., liquid, juice. 

ahboi, ahpoi, ad7., good, handsome. 

ahé, 2., an axe. 

ahé, 2., firewood. 

ahéng, adj., green, alive. 

ahlém, adj., great, large, big. 

ahling, 2., a thorn. 

ahlo, adj., far. 

ahlok, 2., heat; — soat, v., to perspire. 

abling, adj., high, lofty, tall. 

ahmaung, adj., painted, ornamented ; — shuam, v., to tattoo. 
ahmu, ”., a kite (bird). 

ahmuaf, 2., the gall bladder ; with ‘ mé’, to blow the fire. 
ahmo, 2., hair of the body, down ; 2, a feather. 

ahni or ahné, 7., a wild dog. 

ahnii, 7., the last, the space behind a thing, 

ahom, 7., a creck. 

ahong, adj., empty, deserted. 

aho, adj., dry. 

ahta, adj., new. 

ahté, 2., the fruit of a tree or plant. 

ahti, 2., blood ; 
ahto, adj., acid, sour. 

ahto, adj., angry. 

ahto, 7., an arrow. 

ahtiii, adj., young, small. 

ahtuk, adj., deep as water. 

akho, adj., bitter ; ”., an aperture, hole. 

akié, n., a tiger. 

aki, 2., a horn, as ‘ non ki’ buffalo’s horn ; also, an angle, corner. 
aklam, 7., advice, counsel ; 2, enclosure, fence. 

aklong, #., a line. 

ako, or ago, adv. and post pos., under, beneath, 

akoi, ., an ear or spike of grain. 


klong, 7., a vein. 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 61 


B. aki, z., help, assistance ; 2, a spider, 

A. alak, x., liquor, spirit, arrack. 

B. alei, z., a field. 

B. ali, 2., a crossbow ; — wo, z., a quiver ; — nkli, v., to bend the 
bow in order to string it ; — hp, v., to draw up the string 
in order to let off the arrow. 

B. alom, ”., a road. 


alon a, adv., moreover. 
ald, 2., a forest clearing ; ad7., like, similar. 
B. aliin, ”., a stone ; exponent particle for round-like objects. 
am, ”., a pot, utensil. 
A. amaung, ., a dream. 
ambu ey, v., to borrow. 
B. amé, z., the sky, clouds. 
amlak, obsolete n.; — nauk, v., to love, to like. 
amlek, adj., small, young. 
amliing, 2. the mind; 2, the middle; — ta, v., to like, to be 
pleased with; — klaus, v., to resolve; — hto, v., to be 
angry. 
amuam, adj., broken, fractured, lame. 
an, the negative and prohibitive particle. 
ana, if, the suppositional affix. 
anau, 2., a younger brother, offspring. 
—— bé, u., a younger sister (pron. anabé.) 
andi, ”., a scorpion. 
andu ey, v., to be hungry. 
anduam, 7., a resting, a place. 
ani, 7nterrogative pron., who. 
B. anik, adj., black. 
anku, 7., a cough. 
anteat, adj., tight. 
anto, v., to awake. 
B.  aoi, adj., yellow. 
apio, 7., a fly. 
apeam, adj., old. 
apoung, 2.,a wall; B. — v., to clasp, cling to. 
B. apok, ., a grandfather. 
apri, ”., a bit, fragment. 
asa, 2., @ Worm. 
aseng, adj., near. 
ashe, m., a star. 
B. ashang ey, v., to be proper, right. 


6 


od 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [No. 1, 


B. 


asham, 7., sound, noise. 

asheam, adj., red; —so, #., an infant, (a northern expression). 

ashaung, adj., light. 

ashau, adj., long. 

asho, 2., flesh, meat. 

asi, ”., an elder sister. 

asiam, ”., a knife; — lop or nho, x., the blade of a knife ; — ho, 
m., the edge of a knife. 

aso, adj., wet. 

aso, n., a child infant; a diminutive particle. 

as0i, adj., short. 

asoung, 7., rice; — shé, cleaned pounded rice; — dé, uncleaned 
rice, 

ata, 2., an elder brother. 

aul, adj., stinking, rotten. 

aung 0, 7., a crow. 

awa, 2., light, dawn of day ; 2, a casting net. 

awoap, 7., a species of leech. 

ayam, 7., night. 

ayat, ya, pron., full form of third personal pronoun he, she, it; plur., 

ayau, adj., wide. [ayati, yati, they. 

ayauk, 2., a bag. 

ayl, adj., heavy. 

ayel, adj., weary. 

ayong, adj., cold. 

ayok, 2., a corpse. 


B. 


ba, n., a kind of reed; 2, a euphonic affix. 

— leng, n., a kind of grass. 

— oap, 2., lemon or other fragrant grass. 

ba, v., to put into the mouth (as food, &e.). 

baan, adv., where. 

baung, wterrog. pron., which, what. 

kho-a, adv., at what time, when. 

bé, adj., other, another. 

mbing, v., to shut, close as an aperture or door. 

bliim, 2., a hill, hillock ; b6, a hill mushroom. 

bo, a qualifying affix, sometimes makes a neuter verb active. 
bo, v., to return. 
mbon, v., to be thin. 

bri or pri, v., to be finished, completed. 


1875.] 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 63 


bii, z., cooked food, boiled rice; — am, a pot in which rice is 
cooked ; — am teap, the rice pot cover; — andu ey, v., to 
be hungry. 

buaf, buap, v., to cook. 

buam, v., to get, obtain. 

bik bo, v., to push. 


C. 


chandon, z., the Khyen dwen River. 

che pui, 7., an associate, friend. 

chetong kuht, z., the left hand. 

chi or che, 2., the waist cloth worn by Khyeng males. 
sauk, v., to put on the waist cloth. 


chi, v., to point out, or at, 
chian, v., to think, suppose, be of opinion. 
chin ye, #., marriage, 


D. 

dat, v., to dare, auxiliary affix (not used singly). 

dek, ., the earth, ground; — moan, v., to be possessed of the 
spirit of the earth ; — heam hot, v., to make a propitiatory 
offering to the earth spirit. 

nde, v., to be disgusted. 

de, 2., a thatched roof, 

di, 2., a kind of grass for thatching 

dei shop, ”.,a door; — mbing, v., to shut (as a door) ; — hii, v., 
to open (as a door), 

din, ewphonie affix, as ‘khoan din lo e’, come down. 

dina, swppositional affix, if, should. 

do, an extended line. Exponent particle for long things, 

ndo, v., to sting as a bee, or bite as a snake. 

doam, adj., idle, lazy, stupid. 

dong, v., to jump. 

don, adj., only. 

duaé, v., to shampoo. 

nduam, v., to rest, cease from motion. 

du, v., to die. 


E. 
é, v., to eat. 
e, affix of imperative mood, 
ei, affia of future tense and of infinitive mood. 
ek, 7., dung, ordure ; 2, v., to ease oneself. 
ey, auxiliary affix. 


64 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan.  [No. 1, 


G. 


gan, v., to be strong, powerful, violent. 

ngan, v., to kick as an animal, as ‘no nama ngan wu’ the buffalo 
kicks. 

gang nu, v., to be not well, sick. 

elék, 2., a flash of lightning; — klo, v., to flash as lightning ; 
— ho, 7., a celt, ancient stone implement. 

ngon nu, v., to be busy, not at leisure, as ‘ kie ngon nu’ I have no 

go, num. adj., nine, [leisure. 

goi, num. adj., twenty. 

gu, 2., a thing, a unit; genitive particle. 


H. 
ha, 2., gold; — oi yum, a gold necklace ; — ku siap, a gold finger 
ring; — takli, a gold armlet. 


ha, also ngha, num. adj., ten. 

han, v., to yawn; 2, to be rough, bad asa road; 3, mase. affix for 

hap, v., to be sharp as a knife, clever as a man. [ dogs. 

hbi, v. to catch, hold, as ‘hbi dina lo e’ bring tt. 

hbo, euphonic affix. 

heam, 7., silver; — ha, silver and gold, wealth; — hot, »., to go 
with a propitiatory offering. 

hek, 2., a louse, 

hék, v., to lift or take out; 2, superlative affix, very, much. 

hi, v., to ask, to question. 

hio (or sho), ., a coverlet, blanket ; — wo, v., to put on a cover- 
ing; — ankleat, v., to fold up a covering. 

hio (or sho), v., to roll up (as a mat or tobacco) ; 2,to be many ; 
3, a plural affix. 

hiuap, or shuap, v., to loosen, untie. 

hle, v., to buy. 

hleat, v., to joke, jest. 

hlém, v., to be great, large. 

hlo, 7., a shield. 

hloang, v., to expel, drive out. 

hlok, v., to be hot. 

hling, v., to be high, lofty. 

hli, v., to rub, wipe. 

hluam, v., to shake. 

hmiam, v., to be ripe ; to be cooked. 

hmu, v., to see. 

hne nii, 7., a widow; — bo, m., a widower. 


1875.] 


te 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 65 


hnato, 2., a woman. 

hnauf, v., to bark (as a dog); 2, to wear (as a garment) ; 3, to 
put on (as a ring). 

hnatf, v., to hammer (as a nail or peg). 

hnaung, euphonie particle, please. 

hnga, also ha, num, adj., ten. 


ne pumhot, eleven. 
hngo, num. adj., five; 2, to be full, satisfied with food. 
hngé, v., to growl as an animal. 


hngo, 2., a fish ; liap, scales ; pwop, gills; hling, 
dorsal fin; pok hling, ventral fin ; homé, tail; 
sa, dried fish; zi nel, salted fish ; mengo, 


broiled fish. 
hni, num. adj., two. 
hni, 2., a Khyeng woman’s under-petticoat. 
hnio, v., to forget; — hté, m., a melon. 
hnoan, v., to smell. 
hno, ov nho lop, z., a leaf. 
hno, v., to be blunt, as a knife. 
hnik, v., to pull, drag, draw out. 
ho, v., to fan ; 2, to wipe. 
ho, v., to dry, set out to dry. 
hoan, v., to be young, budding, (obsolete). 
ni, 2.,a virgin, maiden. 


hoap, v., to pull with violence. 

hoat ey, v., to hinder. 

hoi, 2., a mango. 

hdi, v., to be a pair or couple, dual affix. 

hok, v., to bark as a deer. 

hokka, v., the buttock. 

holai khon or khoam, v., to meet with suffering, to suffer. 

homak, n., chillies. 

hémé, z., a tail; a beard of grain. 

hon a, post pos., above, overhead ; con. yet, still. 

hot, v., to go, (obsolete) ; asan auxiliary ut often gives strength to 
an active root. 

hot, num. adj., one; hot a, to-morrow. 

hpa, v., to be lawful, right, an auxiliary verb not used singly. 

hpé, v., to allot, divide. 

hpean, v., to wear out or away. 

hpiaa, 2., the gown worn by the Khyeng women ; 
put on the same, 


hio, v., to 


66 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No. 1, 


hpo, v., to arrive. 

hpo, v., to sow broad cast. 
hpo, #., a snake, serpent. 
hpoha, z., a husband. 


hpo i, 2., cotton; — yong, the cotton plant; — hté, the cot- 
ton pod; — nzi, cotton seed; — pé, dressed cotton; 
—hdeun, a bundle of cotton thread; — hdeum shuan, to 


dye cotton thread. 
hpuan, ad7., level. 
hték, 2., a brute animal ; exponent particle for fish. 
hti or nhti, 2., iron. 
htin or htén, 7., a tree; — haung, 2. sap. 
hto, 2., av arrow ; v., to change. 
htum, nwm. adj., three. 
hau, v., to speak, talk. 


iam, #., a house, dwelling ; — sho, the verandah; — kadiiz, the 
inner or sleeping apartment ; — go, the first or cooking-room. 
ik, v., to sleep; — duam, 7., a bed. 


ka, contracted form of first personal pronoun. 

kadi, 2., the mantis religiosa. 

kaduik, 2., an inside part, a room. 

kahni, 7., the sun, the sky, a day; — kli, v., to set, as the sun; 
— sauk, v., to shine, as the sun. 

nkap, v., to hawk, clear the throat. 

kat, v., to weep, cry. 


khlo, 2., the moon, lunar month ; — hté, to wax; B. — luam, 
to wane ; — yi, the halo round the moon; — wa, to shine 
as the moon, 7. moon shine; — soat, to rise; — plé, full 
moon. 

khlaung, #.,a man, mankind ; — hag, a shrewd, sharp fellow ; —so, 
a child, a youth; — hli, a braggart, boaster, liar; — gan, 
a strong powerful man, athlete; — gon, a lean man; 
— oo, a dumb man ; — zam, an elder. 


khlaung a, gual. affix (with ‘n’ prefixed to verbal root), before, as 
‘nlo khlaung a’ before coming. 

kho, aux. verb, to be able, can ; 2., an aperture. 

khoa, 2., time. 

kho-a, 7., country, region. 

dhoa, n., dawn, light, 


1875.] 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 67 


khoam, also khon, v., to meet with find. 

khoan, v., to descend, 

khoi, z., a honey-bee ; — uap, a ground bee; — hleng, a tree bee 
(living in the hole of tree) ; — hlém, a large kind of bee ; — sha, 
the nest including comb and honey; — ho, a small kind 
of bee; — haung, honey ; — kap, yellow wax; — hne, wax 
of a blackish colour. 

khoi, v., to ascend. 

khon, v., to sever, divide ; 2, to find. 

khon or khun, 7., the domestic or household spirit. 

swang ey, v., to introduce the bride to her husband’s 


household spirit. 
khong, v., to crow, as a cock. 
khuam, v., to fasten, to tie with a string. 
kiau, 2., a mountain. 
kie, pron., I; kie hni, we (dual); kie me, we (plural). 
kié, v., to fear. 
klang, v., to intend. 
klaus, v., to fall (from a height). 
nkleat,v., to fold up or be folded up. 
kli, z., air, wind; — gan, a storm, hurricane. 
klo, or kloso, 2., the spirit attached to a person from birth. 
klong, v., to feed, tend as creatures, 
kl6k soat, »., to perspire. 
kl, adj., young, budding. 
klii, v., to fall (from an erect posture) ; to slip, sink, set, as the sun. 
kluam, v., to enter, go into or under, to dive. 
kluaé, v., to grind. 
nkluk, v., to fell, as timber. 
ko, v., to have fever. 
ko, or — mang, v., to groan, moan. 
ko ey, v., to coax, flatter. 
koi, v., to ascend, 
— nauk, v., to be becoming, beautiful, 
nkoi, v., to split, crack, be broken. 
kon, v., to have leisure. 
kot, v., to go out shooting, to shoot. 


L. 


la, v., to get obtain ; 2, (aux. verb) must. 
lak, v., to scratch or paw the earth, as a fowl or dog. 


68 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan, (No.1, 


lat pang kuth, right hand. 
lei, v., to be brave, bold. 
ling, v., to set, plant out. 
lo, v., to come. 

loan, v., to dance. 


M. 


ma, the contracted form of the first personal pronoun in the dual 
and plural numbers. 

mahat kho, 7., the mouth. 

mahling, ”., the back ; — yo, the backbone, spine. 

mahlék kho, 2., the throat. 

maho, 2., a tooth. 

mahno, 7., the ear. 

mak, v., to complete, finish. 

makan, 07 — zam, 2., the breast. 

makho, 7., the foot, lez; — muam, adj., lame ; — poam, the sole 
of the foot; — nu, the big toe; — lu, the knee; — mif, the 
ankle ; — on, v., to sit down. 

makht, 2., tobacco; — héng, 2., green tobacco; — sa, ., dried 
tobacco; — hio, a cigar: v., to roll tobacco; — ok, v., to 
smoke ; — lop, tobacco leaf; — kan, the midrib ; — yong, 
the tobacco plant. 

makiam, 2., the waist. 


makuht, n., the arm or hand; — nti, the thumb; — mium, the 
first finger; — dandalan, the middle finger ; — mingo, the 
third or ring finger ; — so, the little finger ; — siap, a finger- 
ring; — ndiam, the finger nail; — be, 2., a finger breadth ; 
— méng, v., to snap the fingers; — po, 7., the palm of the 
hand; — klun, 7., the back of the hand; — piam, a knuckle 
or the wrist ; — hnuam, the fist. 


malé bong, 7., the tongue. 

malu, 2., the head. 

maliing, or mlung, 2., the mind, soul, heart. 
mamlei, ., the navel; — y0i, ”., the navel string. 
mando, 2., a sting. 

mankuam, 7., the calf of the leg. 

mankho, m., the chin; — hmo, the beard. 

mape, ”., the thigh. : 
mapium dui, #., urine ; 


iam, the bladder. 


1875,] 


mm 


by od be 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandcway, Arakan. 69 


mashom, 2., hair of the head. 

maung, v., to dream. 

mawuam, #., the skin. 

mel nal, 2., indigo. 

mén, 2., fire. 

nshudm, a piece of fire stick or brand, 
— nku, to smoke, 

—- nshi, to set fire to. 

noo, to burn. 

non, to warm oneself by the fire. 
mpwa, to light or make a fire. 


ndo, to blaze up; #., a flame or blaze. 

méng, v., to make a noise, bellow, roar, low, or mew. 
mix, 2., the eye. 
— kbe, adj., blind. 
—— ku, w., the eyebrow. 
kuam, z., the eyelid ; 
—— kbok, z., the white of the eye. 
knik, ”., the pupil. 
— kh, or — khaung, »., a tear. 
kche pek, v., to wink, 
mim, ov mimzam, %., a cat, 
malo, 2., vegetable poison into which arrows are dipped. 
mri, nwm. adj., four. 


— mhuat, to blow a fire. 


hmo, the eyelashes. 


ml6-i, 2., a boat. 

mili, 7., a city. 

mo, #., a lord, master, owner, proprietor. 

mo, wmterrogative particle ; 2, euphonic particle, 

moan, v., to seize, catch, hold ; — buan, v., to have hold of; to 
obtain. 

moi, v., to be, exist. 

mong, 7., the lip. 

muan, v., to be broken, fractured. 

mui, 7., an elephant; — ho, an elephant’s tusk. 


N. 


n, the negative particle. 

na, the suppositional particle, if, should. 

na, contracted form of second and third personal pronouns in the 
three numbers. 

nam, #., a village ; — zam, a village elder. 


70 


G. EH, Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. [WNo. 1, 


nauk, aux. verb, not used singly. 
naun, pron., thou ; naun-hni, ye (dual) ; naun me, ye (plural). 
ne, 2., a day from sunrise to sunset; 2, conjunctive particle, with, 
and. 
nei, v., to knead, or press into (as salt into fish), 
ney, v., to twist, wring out (as clothes), 
nguap, v., to watch, guard. 
ni, demon. pron., this; — khoa, adv., now, this time, 
— kha, adv., thus; — kha shi na, adv., therefore. 
— lon a, adv., also ; post pos., besides. 
nié, v., to attend to, listen, obey. 
non, 2., a buffalo. 
é, to offer to the buffalo spirit, (dit. to eat buffalo). 
nu, v., to be abundant. 


O. 


0, v., to be dumb. 

0, adj., pleasant, charming ; vocative particle. 

oam, 2., vegetables, pottage; — am, 7., the cooking vessel, and 
— am teap, ., its cover. 

oap, v., to be fragrant, sweet smelling. 

on, v., to remain, rest; — duam, resting-place, seat. 

op, v., to cut as with a knife. 

oyuam, 7., a necklace ; — mon, the beads of a necklace ; — ydi, 
the thread on which the beads are strung. 


P. 
pakri, 7., a green and gold beetle, a species of Buprestis. 
hbo, v. to speak. 


pau, ”.,a word, speech ; 
paung, v., to cling, adhere to. 


paya, ”., a wife; — san, the wife first taken ; — di, the second 
wife. 
payo, ., a bird ; — bii, a bird’s nest ; — hmo, a bird’s feather. 


payti, 2., a rat or mouse. 

pei, v., to fly as a bird or as sparks of fire ; 2, to steer as a boat. 

pi, «nterrog. pron., what ; — hio, how much or many (pronounced 
by the southern Khyengs as ‘ pshaw’). 

— kik, how much or many (be hnit ko, Burm.) 

pling, v., to repair, put in order. 

pio, or piak, v., to cleanse, wash. 

pium, v., to be straight. 

plo, adj., shallow as water. 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. a 


po, v., to follow, accompany, as an auxiliary sometimes makes active 
a neuter verb ; also an euphonic affix. 
pom, z., a forest. 
poi chi, ~., a kind of deer (?). 
B. pok, v., to cut as teeth, to come out. 
pum, 2., a body, unit, thing, exponent particle for mankind and 
things generally. 


S. 


B. sa, v., to be dried, as fish or grass. 
sam, v., to be great in years, old. 
sang, v., to be hard. 
sauk, v., to shine as the sun ; 2, to put on (as a man’s garment), 
saum or shom, 7., the hair of the head. 


saung, 2., paddy ; — hop, the husk or hull of paddy; — hémé, 
the beard of the grain ; — woap, to reap by merely cutting 


off the ear as is done by the hill people; —- yang, to reap 
as is done in the plains. 
seizei, adj., all. 
ship, num. adj., eight. 
shamo, ”., a priest, soothsayer. 
shami, 7., a little thing, a child. 
B. shang ey, v., to be proper, fit. 
she, 2., a leaf; 2, num. adj., seven; 3, adj., bad. 
she, imperative of the above, as ‘ on hnaung she’ let it remain. 
shé, 2., a horse. 
sheat, v., to count. 
shi, v., to be, to be true; as an auxiliary it implies the quality, 
habit, or practice of any being or thing ; —ba, ib is, yes; 
nshi nu, it is not, no. 
sho, 7., a cow. 
sho, v., to be thick; ., flesh, meat. 
shom, v., to take off (as a cooking pot off the fire). 
shuap, v., to untie. 
shuang ey, v., to own. 
shui, v., to search, look for, 
shuma, v., to geld, castrate. 
slap, ”., a finger ring. 
sigm, 7., a knife. 
sit, v., to go; — ey, v,, to go; — nauk, to go courting. 
50, v., to bite. 


bY 


Wh w 


. 


72 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Avrakan. (No.1, 


soat, v., to issue, go out; 2, to look, look at, behold; 3, to cut as 
with a knife. 

nsoi, v., to kick (as a man), 

sok, v., to make trial of (an auxiliary, not used singly). 

so or su, v., to dig. 

son, v., to run, flee, escape; 2, to taste; 3, an auciliary signifying 
completion. 

sonai, ”., sand, lime, 

son bidn, #., a young unmarried man. 

suam, #., a kind of fairy. 

sul, 2., the breast ; milk ; — mong, the nipple. 

swang ey, to cause to enter, introduce. 


T. 


tai, 2., a hut. 

tamuap, 7., ashes. 

tanhup, #., to-day. 

tau, adj., large, fine, big, superior. 

tauam, 7., a gourd; — yum, 7., the same; — té, ., a species 
of gourd. 

tauk ey, to be born (applied chiefly to animals). 

te, to commission, order. 

nteang, to be raw, uncooked. 

teap, ., a lid, cover. 

nteat, to be tight, close fitting. 

ti, to be, as ‘ kha ti u’ what is it P 

ti or di, neg. particle, as ‘hbau ei di’ be silent. 

to, dem. pron., that (pronounced sometimes ‘ t0’) ; v., to whet. 

nto, to be awake. 

nt6 hbo, to awaken. 

toi or doi, ”., an egg. 

tolei, 2., medicine. 

toni, dem. pron., that ; — khoa, then, at that time. 

tong, to discard, reject; tong hot, to throw. 

tou tauk, to weave ; — klaung, 2., the beam farthest from the 
weaver round which the warp is rolled; — sim, z., the near 
beam in weaver’s lap round which the warp passes ; — che- 
hnam, 2., the strip of hide against which the weaver leans, its 
ends are fastened to ends of near beam ; — sak, 7., a shuttle. 

tui, adj., sweet. ; v., to be sweet. 

tiik, to kill, destroy. 

ntuk, to commission, order. 


1875.] G. EB. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 78 


tu-a, adj., now. 

toam, v., to follow, pursue, accompany ; — buan, »v., to catch, as 
‘toan ei kabuan niu’ I have caught him. 

tuat u, v., to hide, conceal. 

tui, 2., water; — li, »., a lake, pond; — htt, deep water; 
— plo, shallow water ; —hlok, v., to bathe ; #., hot spring ; 
— miauk, drinking cup ; — dziti, water-pot ; — sauk, bamboo 
for holding water ; — kluam, v., to dive ; — hai or hei ey, v., 
to be thirsty ; — kium, w., a well; — nhiif, v., to draw water. 


U. 
uat nauk, v., to think. 
uat, or uap, n., a brick. 
ui, #., a dog; — han, »., a male dog ; — han bo, z., an old male 
dog, a term of abuse ; — yo, n.,amad dog ; — nu, z., a bitch. 
ung, post. pos., with, by means of. 


W. 
wa, v., to be light, as ‘ khlo wa’ moon-light. 
Wo, ”., a basket. 
wo, v., to quarrel. 2, to throw, fling ; — hau, v., to wrangle. 
woap, v., to reap ; see ‘saung’. 
woi, aux. verb, to wish, desire. 
wok, v., a pig, hog; — ni, 2. a sow. 
wok, v., to crawl, creep. 
wu 1, or ‘ woi,’ v., to call. 


bi td 


VE 
ya, pron., third person, he, she, it ; — hoi, the same, dual, they two ; 
yati, they ; — hio, they. 
yam, 2., night. 
B. yam yam, adv., quickly. 
yand a, yesterday. 
yang, v., to reap. 
yau, v., to be broad. 
yauk, v., to hear; —— sik, v. to understand, comprehend. 
yu sin, neq. verb, ‘kie yu si nu’, I do not understand. 
ye, v., to sell. 
yei v., to be fatigued from exertion. 
yei shan, v., to invoke a spirit. 
B. yo, 7., rain; — 0, v., to rain; — tui, 7., rain-water. 
yoan, v., to float. 
B. yokha, adv., in former times, formerly (she thau kha Bwm.). . 
K 


& 


74 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. (No.1, 


yo, 2.,a bamboo ; 2, abone ; — yong, ”., the same ; — hnedr, 7., a 
bamboo for holding water (a northern word) ; — ntang, 1., a 
species of white bamboo ; — nzing, 7., a species of bamboo ; 
— hna, ., the same. 

yo, ”., a funeral. 

yoi, 2., a string or cord. 

yong, m., a monkey. 

yong ey, v., to be cold. 

yum, ”., a creeper; exponent particle for reptiles. 

yu, 7., rice beer, 

Z. 

zei, ¥., to work ; za, in northern Khyeng,. 

nzian, v., to be clear as water. 

nzo, v., to ache. 

n’zoat ey, v., to chew. 

zum, 2,, a brute animal, exponent particle for quadrupeds. 

nzum, v., to mark ; recollect, remember. 

nziin, v., to be stitt, cramped ; — auk, v., the same. 


A Vocabulary in English and Khyeng. 


Opposite some of the words in this section appear vocables with a capi- 
tal N prefixed to them. They are taken “from a man belonging to the 
Northern tribes”, and form part of the vocabularies of languages spoken by 
tribes in Arakan, furnished to Mr. Hodgson by Capt. (now Sir) A. Phayre, 
and published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1853. 

Subjoined is the system of orthography adopted for them. 


a as a in America. 
a as a in father. 

1 as 1 in in. 

i as 1 in police. 

u as u in push. 

U as 00 in food. 

e as e in yet. 

é as e in there. 

ai as al in alr. 

el as 1 in mind. 

ou as ou in - ounce. 
au as au in audience, 
0 as 0 in note. 


th as th in thin. 


1875.] 
A. 


abandon, v., tong u. 

abhor, andey u. 

abide, on u. 

able to be, kho u. 

abode, 2., on duam. 

above, post pos., hon a. 

absent to be, moi nu. 

abundance, 7., anti. 

abuse, v., mong shé ahau pek w 

ache, v., anzo or manzo wu. 

acid to be, v., ahto u. 

adorn, v.,hom bon u. (kie ka hom 
bon u.) 

advice, 2., aklam. 

aforetime, adv., yokha. 

afraid to be, v., akié u. 

agreeable to be, v., 0 us 

alm, v., anzun u. 

air, 2., kli. N. kli. 

alive, adj., ahéng. 

all, adj., séizéi; kho-kho. 

allot, hpé u. 

also, adv., ni lon a. 

ankle, z., khe mik. 

animal, 7., zum; hté&; yum. 

another, adj., bé. 

ant, ., mring, mling. 
za-mi. 

arm, ”., makuhé, 

arrive, hpo u. 

arrow, 7., ahto. 

ascend, kdi u. 

ashes, ”., tamuap. 

ask, v., hi u. 

assistance, 2., akii. 

at, among, post. pos., a.. 

awake, v., anto u. 

axe, n., ahé, 


[ ka. 
N. ada-ma- 


N. lhing- 


N. thwa. 


B. 


bachelor, 7., son bian. 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Avraham 75 


back, 2., mahling. 

bad, adj., shé, hboi nu.. N. po-ya.. 

bag, 2., ayauk, 

bamboo, 2., yo. 

basket, 7., wo. 

bathe, w., tui hlok u. 

be, v., moi u; shi u; ti u. 

bear, v., sun eyu. 

beard, ”., mankho hmo.,. 

beat, v., adeng u. 

beautiful to. be, k6i nauk u. 
beautiful, ya k6i no u.. 

become, vide be. 

bed, 7., 7& duam. 

bee, 2., khoi. 

beetle, 7.,(the green and gold). pakri. 

before, prep., khlaung a; following 
negative verbal root, thus ‘ nlo 
khlaung a’, before coming. 

beg, v:, hi us 

behold, v., soat u. 

bellow, v., méng u. 

below, post. pos., ak or ago:(Burm.). 
N. dékan. 

besides, wzde also. 

better, adj., san ahbot. 

big, adj., ahlém. 

bind, v., khuam u, 

bird, ., payo. N. hau 

bit, 7., aak so. 

bite, v., so u. 

bitter, adj., akho. N. khau. 

black, adj., anik (Burm.). WN. kén. 

bladder, 7., mapium dui iam. 

blade (of a knife) #., asiam lop. 

blaze, v., méndo u, 

blind, adj., mikbé. 

blood, ~., ahti. N. ka-thi. 

boat, 2., mlo i. N. loung. 

body, ”., pum, mapum, 

bone, 2., yo. N. kayok. 

borrow, v., ambu ey u. 


She is 


76 G.E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 


bow (crossbow), ali. 

brace, 7., ahoi. 

brag, v., hli ov hle u. 

brave, adj., lei. 

break, v., ankdi u. 

breast, 2., sui (woman’s), makan. 

brick, 7., oat. 

bring, v., hbi dina lo u. 

broad, adj., ayau. 

broil, v., mé ngo u (mén kago u, I 
broil). 

brother, ata (elder); anau (younger), 

buffalo, 7., nén. N. nau. 

burn, v., mén 00 u. 

(as a corpse) ankluu. Kanklu 
mak nui, J have burnt him. 

busy, v.,ngon nu; kie-ngon nu, £ 
have no leisure. 

buy, v., hle. 

by, by means of, post pos., ung. 


C. 


ealf (of leg), manduam. 

call, »., woi or wui u. 

can, v., kho u. 

cast, v., Wo U. 

cat, 2., min, mimzam. N. min. 

catch, v.. moan u. Modan ei kabuan 
niu, L have caught (him). 

chest (of the body), makan, makan- 
zam. 

chew, v., nzoat ey u. 

child, 7., so, shami. 


chin, #., mankho, 

cigar, 2., makhii hio. 

city, 7., ml. 

clear, adj., anzian (as water). 

cling to, paung u. 

cloud, n., amé. 

cock, 7., ahlui. 

eold to be, ayong u, yongey u. N. 
ka-young. 


[No. 1, 


N. -lo. 
back, v., lo-bo. 


come, v., lo-u. 


down, v., khoan dina lo. 
——= up, v., khoi dina lo. 


out, v., soat. 

companion, che pui, ov shami pul. 

comprehend, see understand. 

conceal, v., tuat u. 

cook, v., buat u. 

cord, ”., y6l. 

corner, angle, 7., aki. 

corpse, 2., ayok. 

cotton, 2., hpo 1. 

cough, v., ankuu; thus, yanku shi 
u, he is coughing. 

count, v., sheaé u. 

country, 2., khoa. 

couple, ”., ahoi. 

coverlet, m., hio (sho, nearly). 

cow, 2., sho. N. sharh. 

creek, 7., ahom. 

creep, v., WOK u. 

crossbow, #., ali. Ali kankli ei, £ 
will bend the bow (Gn order to 
string it). 

crow, 7., aug O. 

ery, v., kat u. 

cut, ¥., soaé u, 


N. ang-au. 


dance, v., loan u. 

dare, v., daz, only used an auxiliary. 

dawn, ”., awa. 

deep, adj., ahtuk. 

descend, v., kho an u. 

desire, v., WOi U. 

die, v., duu. 

dig, ¥., SO o7 SU U. 

dive, v., kluam u. 

divide, v., khon u (sever); hpé u 
(allot). 

dog, #., ui; uihan, a dog; ui ni, a 


bitch. N. ui. 


1875.] 


down, #., (soft hair or feathers) hmo. 
drag, v., nhik u. 

draw, v., the same. 

dream, v., maung u. 

drink, v., ok u. N, t-é. 

dry, adj., as flesh or fruit, sa. 

dung, 2., ek. 

dwell, v., on u. 

dye, v., shuan u. 


E. 
N. kaenhau. 


earth, 2., dek. WN. det. 
ease oneself, v., ek u. 


ear, 7., manho. 


eat, v., 6. N. é. 
ego, n.,a toi. N. to-i. 


elephant, 7., mui. N. mwi. 
enter, v., wang U. 

escape, ¥., Soan u. 

exchange, v., hto u. 

eye, z., mik&. N. mi-t-i. 
eyebrow, #., mik ku. 

eyelid, 7., mik kuam. 
eyelashes, 7,, mik kuam hmo. 
eight, shap. N. sat. 


F. 

fall, v., klu u. 

fan, v., ho u. 

far, adv. and adj., hlo, N. tst-a al- 
hau a me, /é. is it far there ? 

father, n., apo; bo. N. pau. 

fear, v., kié u; kie ngié nu, L am not 
afraid. 

feather, ”., hmo. 

female, 2., nhato (woman) ; nti, female 
particle, 

fever, 2., ko. 

field, ”., alei. 

find, v., khoam u. 

finish v., bri, pri-mak (auwiliaries). 

fire, v., men. N. mi, — 


G. B. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 77 


first, adj., ayaing. 

fish, 2., hngd. N. ngau, 

five, 2., hngo. N. nghau, 

fit, adj., hpa (not used singly). 

flame, 7., méndo. 

flesh, ., sho. 

fling, v., wo; tong hot u. 

flower, ”., (lit. orchid) popa. N. pa- 
pa. 

fly, v., pelu.. A fly, 2., apio. 

follow, v., toan u. 

food, m., bii. 

foot, 2., makho. 

forest, 2., pom. 

forty, mli gip. N. lhi gip. 

forsake, v., tong u. 

fowl, v., a. 


N. ka-ko. 


from, post. pos., agu. N. 1a. 
fruit, 2., ahté. 
funeral, ”., yo. 
four, num. adj.,mli. N. thi, 


G. 
get, v., buanu; la (awe. verb) must. 
give, v., peku. N. pe-ge. 
go, v., sit; hot (obsolete). N. tsit. 
go down, v., (descend) khoan u. 
gold, 7., ha. 
good, adj., ahpoi, ahboi. N. be. 
gourd, 2., tauam ; tauam yum. 
grandfather, 2., apok. 


great, adj., ahlém. N. len. 
green, adj., ahéng. N. nau. 
erind, v., kluad u. 
eroan, v., ko u. 
erowl, v., hngd u. 

H. 


hair, 2., shom. N. lu-sam., 
hair (down), #., hmo. 

N. kuth. 
handsome, adj., ahpoi. 


hand, ”., makuhé. 


78 3 G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 


hard, adj., asang. 
hawk, clear the throat, v., ankap u. 
head, 7., malu. N, li. 
he, pron., ayat, yat. N. uni (comp. 
this). 
hear, v., yauku. N. kaeyauk. 
heart, 2., mliing or maliing. 
heavy, adj., ayi. 
help, v., akii u. 
hen, 2., & ni. 
hence, adv., ni égu. 
here, adv., nia. N. ni-am. 
high, adj., ahliing. 
hill, 2., bliim. 
hinder, v., hoat ey u. 
hive, 2., khoi sha. 
hog, 2., wok pa. N. weuk. 
hold, v., hbi, toam buam u. 
honey, 2., khoi haung. 
horn, 2., aki. N. a-kyi. 
horse, 7., hé. N. s’hé. 
hot, adj., ahlok. N. kho-leik. 
house, ”., 1am. WN. im. 
how, adv., pikha. N. ibau. 
how much or many, pihio. N, hyau- 
um, 
howl, v., méng u. 
hundred, nwm. adj., pia hot. N. kla- 
at. 
hungry, to be, bii anduey u; hun- 
ger, 2., N. bu-lan-a-du-i. 
husband, 2., hpo ha. 
hut, ”., tai. 


I, pron., kie. N. kyi. 
if, conj., a na, ana, dina. 


in, postposition, a dik a. N. dtka. 
indigo, #., mel nal. 

into, post. pos., diik a. 

iron, #., nhti or hti. N. thi, 


[No. 1, 
J. 


jest, v., hleat u. 
juice, 2., ahoung. 


K. 
kick, v., ngan u. No namangan u, 
the buffalo kicks ; nsoi, v., to kick, 
as a man. 
kill, v., tik u. N. tie. 
kindle (a fire), v., mé mpwa ue 
knead, v., nei u. 
kite, ”., ambi. 
knife, 7., asiam. 
know, v., yauk sik u; mhat. 
knuckle, #., makuht piam. 


L. 
lame, adj., amuadm. 
large, adj., ahlém. 
last, 2., anhii 
laugh, v., anwiu. WN, a-nwi. 
lawful, adj., hpa (not used singly). 
leaf, 2., she, lop, hno. N. shé. 
leg, 2., kho, makho. 
leisure, 2., akon. J have no leiswre, 
kie ngon u. 
let, v., she, hlit a. 
level, adj., hpuam. 
liar, #., khlaung hii. 
lid, 2., teap. 
lift, v., ta. 
lift up, v., ta bo. 
light, ”., w&; awa. 
lime, 2., sonal. 
lip, 2., mong. 
liquid, 2., ahaung. 
little, adj., aso, amlek, pleso (pron. 
pliso). Give me a little, pliso pek e. 
N. a-lak-cha-i. 


liver, #., ntiam, mantiam. 


N. youk ké. 
Adj., ashaung. 


lofty, adj., ahliing. 
loins, 7., kiam, makiam. 


1875.] 


long, adj., ashau. N, sou. 

look, v., soat u. 

loom (weaving apparatus), tou. 

lord, 2., boy6. 

loosen, v., shuap u. 

louse, 7., hek. 

love, v., amlak& nauk u. 

M. 

mad, adj., ayo. 

maiden, ”., hon nu. 

make, v., sel; zel, za. 

male, 7., pato (man). 

man, ”., khlaung. N. klang. 

manner, 2., kha. 

many, plur. affix, hio, loi, tak, nu. 

mark, v., nzun u. 

mat, ”., adon. 

meat, 7., sho, 

medicine, 2., tdlei. 

meet, v., khoan or khon u. 

melon, 2., hnio hté. 

melt, v., ngaung u. 

milk, 2., sui, sho sui (cow’s milk), 

mind, 7., mliing. 

mix, v., nhot u. 

moan, v., ko u. 

monkey, 2., yong. WN. young. 

moon, #., khlo (also month). N. 
khlau. 

hight, 2., khlowa. 

more, adj., san. 

morrow, #., hot a. 

mother, »., ani, or au. N. nd. 

mountain, ., kiau. N. toung 
(Burm.). 

mosquito, ”., ahang. N. young-yan. 

moustache, 7., mong mho. 

mouth, 2., mahau kho. N. hak-kau. 

much, adj.,vide many. N. a-pa-luk 
(Burm.). 

murder, v., tik u. 

mushroom, 7., abo. 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 79 


must, aux. verb, la. 
my, adj., kie ku. 


N. 


name, 2., aming, ameng. 


, 


N. nami. 
navel, ., mlei, mamlei. 


tring lei y6i 
string, 7., mM €l yOle 


near, adj., aseng u. N, a-shyo-zo- 


yan. 
neck, 7., hlét-kho. 
lace, 2., 0 yoam. 
nest, 2., payo bu. 
net, 2., awa. 
night, #., ayam. WN, a-yan. 
nine, 2wm. adj., go. N. ko (Burm.). 
no, adv., nshinu. N. hi-a, 
now, adv., tua; nikho&. N. tia. 


O. 
oh, anter)., Oo. 
obey, v., ni ey u. 
obtain, v., buan u. 
oil, 2., shi haung. 
old, adj., apeam. 
man, sam bo. 
woman, san nu. 
on, post. pos., a, agzu. 
only, adj., don. 
order, v., Ana pek u. 
other, adj., bé, 
otter, 2., aham. 
outside, ., plaung a. 


N. to. 


N, ha-nang. 


N. klang-a- 
me. 
own, v., shuan ey u. 


one, num. adj., hot. N. nhat. 


12 
pair, ”., ahdi. 
perspire, v., hlok soat u. 
pig, 2., wok, 
pleasant to be, o u. 
pork, ”., wok sho. 


80 G, BE. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 


pot, 7., am. 

pull, v., ndang u; nhik u. 

pursue, v., toan u. 

put on, (as a man’s garment) sauk u ; 
(asa woman’s garment) hio u; 
(as a ring), nauk u. 


quarrel, v., wo u. 

quick, adj., ayan kha, 
quickly, adv., ayan yam. 
quiver, 2., ali wo. 


R. 
rainbow, 7#., naga han. 
rain, 2., yO; U., yO 00 U. 
raise, see lift up. 
reap, v., yang u. 
recollect, v., anzun u. 
red, adj., asheam. N. sen. 
region, 7., khoa. 
remain, v., kiuan u. 
repair, v., plang u. 
repeat, v., hau bo u. 
return, v., bo u. 
rice, 2., saung. 
rough, adj., ahan. 
N. cho-né. 
N. lam (Burm.). 


run, v., Son u. 

road, 7., alom. 

roar, v., meng u. 

round, adj., a-lum. N. pt lu. 
S. 

salt, 2., zi, shi. WN. tsi. 

sand, 2., sonal. 

sap, 2., htén ov htin haung. 

see, v., mhu u, 

sell, v., ye u. 

serpent, 2., hpo. 

seven, num. adj., she. 

sever, v., khon u. 


shallow, adj., aplo. 


WE, Hid, 


[No. 1, 


shampoo, v., duat u. 

shine, (as the sun) sauk u. 

, (as the moon or stars) wa u. 
short, adj, soi. N. twé. 

sick, adj., ging nu (lit, not well). 


silent be, hbau ei ti. N. mhé. 
silver, ., heam. 

sister, (elder) 2., asi. 

six, num. adj., sop. N. sauk. 


skin, 2., wum, mawum. NN. wan, 
sky, 2., ame. NN. han mhi. 


sleep, v., iku. N. ip. 
small, adj., amlek, aso. WN. na-d. 
snake, 7., hpo. N. phol, 


snatch, v., hot u. 

sole (of foot), 7., makho pom. 
SON, 7., aso. 

song, 2., si¢chan. 


sour, adj., ahto. NN. to. 
sow, 2., wok nu. 
speak, v., hauu. WN. ha-we. 


spear, 2., sauk chi, 

spider, 2., alii. 

spine, #., mahling yo. 

spirits, 2., alak haung. 

star, 2., ashe, WN. dd-shé, 

steer, v., pel u. 

stone, 2.,alum. N. lun (Burm.). 

storm, #., kli gan. 

straight, adj., apiaung or apium, B. 

strike, v., deng u. NN. mo-lé. 

stupid, adj., doam. 

suitable, adj., hpa (not used singly) ; 
don ey u; ashang ey u. 

sun, 2., kahni. N. ko-nhi. 

superior, adj., tau. 

superlative affix, very, much, hék. 

sweat, v., aklo& soat u. 

sweet, adj., tui. N. tai. 


Ai 


tail, 2., homé. 


1875.] 


talk, v., hau u. 

tall, adj., ahliing. N. Thun, 

tattoo, v., amhaung shuan u. 

ten, num. adj., ha. N. ha. 

that, pron., to, toni. N. oni. 

then, adv., to-khodi, N. ni-kho-a, 
(vide now). 

there, adv., to a; sOwa; sobra, N. 
tsti-a. 

they, pron., nahoi (dual); ayatti 
(plur).  N. ni-di o7 ni-li. 

thigh, ~. mape. 

thick, adj., asho. 

thin, adj,ambon. N. pam. 

think, v., uat nauk u. 

thirsty to be, ha or hei u. 
n., N., ta i lan-a-du-i. 

thirty, nwm. adj., htum gip. N. tun 
sip. 

thou, pron., naun. N, nang. 

thine, pron., naun ku. N. nang-ko 

three, num. adj.,hbtum. N. htam. 

this, pron., ni. N. ni. Northern 
Khyeng, for ‘he’, pron. 

much, ni hio. 

thorn, ”., ahling. 

throat, #., mahlok kho. 

throw, v., WO u. 

thumb, #., makuht ni. 

tie, v., khuan u. 

tiger, -., akié. N. kyi. 

tight, adj., anteat. 

time, 7., khoa. 

to, post. pos.,a. N. 4. 

to-day, x., tanhup. N. tun-ap. N. 
ko-nup = day. 


Thirst, 


to-morrow, hot a. N. nhat-a, 

tobacco, #., makhi. 

toe, makho nii (great); makho zo 
(little). 

tooth, 7., maho, N. ka-hau. 

tree, m., htén or htin. No. thin. 


L 


“who, pron., ani. 


G. E. Fryer—On the Khyeng people of Sandoway, Arakan. 81 


try, v., sok (not used singly). 

true to be, v., shi (substantive verb). 
N. kar. 

N. pan-nhi. 


twenty, num. adj., goi. 
two, 2. adj., hni. 


under, post. pos., ako, ago. 
understand, v., yauk-sik u, 
untie, v., shuap u. 


N. ne. 


vein, 2., ahti klong. 
village, m., nam. N,. nam. 
virgin, #., hon nii. 


W. 

wane, v., (as the moon) luan u. 

wash, v., pio, pio plax u. 

watch, v., nguap u. 

water, 7., tui. N. tui. 

wax, 2., khoi kap; v., hté u. 

weave, v., tou tauk u, : 

we, pron, kie hni (dual); kie me 
(plur.). N. kin ni. 

weep v., katu. N. akap. 

well, w., tui kium, 

well, to be, kang u. 

wet, adj., aso. 

what, pron., baung; pi. N. i-niham. 

when, baung kho&; pi kho& N. 
i-kho-a. 

where, adv., baan. N. i-ni-4m. 

whet, v., to u; asian ha to u, to whet 
a knife. 

which, pron., baung ; pi. 
ka, 

white, adj., abok. 


N. i-ni-a- 


N. buk. 
N. t-li-am. 
whole, adj., kho kho ; zei zei. 
wide, adj., ayau. 
widow, #., hne nii. 


82 Rajendraléla Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal.  {WNo. 1, 


“widower, #., hne bo. We 
wife, ”., paya. yam, ”., aha. NN. ba-ha. 
wind, ., kli. yawn, v., han u. 
wink, v., amik che pek u. yellow, adj., aoi. 
wipe, v., ho u. ye, pron., naun bni (dual) ; naun me 
wish, v., woi u. (plur.). N. nang-ni. 
with, post. pos., ung. N. yung. yes, 0; 00; shi ba, N.a-hi, [Com- 
within, post. pos., diik a, N. du-ga- pare hi, v., to ask. | 

mé. yesterday, n., yanda. WN. yam-tu. 
woman, 7., hnato. yet, conj., hon. 
wood, 2., htén sho. you, pron., naun hni, nahdéi (dual) ; 
word, 2., pau. naun me, nahio (plural). 
work, 7., asel. young, adj. amlék ; aso. 
wrist, 2., makuht-piam. youth, ., khlaung zo; son bian. 


eee ees 


On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal.—By Ba’su Ra‘senpRava’LA Mirra, 


(With a woodcut.) 


The mintage of which the woodcut at the end of this article is a re- 
presentation is well known to Indian numismatists. It has been noticed 
by Prinsep, Wilson, Cunningham, and others; and in a learned essay in the 
first volume of the New Series of the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal (pp. 
447 ff.), Mr. Thomas has described it at great length and in full detail. 
There are, however, a few points in connexion with it which the uncommonly 
fine specimen presented to the Society by the Rev. M. M. Carleton of Karnal 
enables me to explain with some confidence. 

In all essentiai particulars, Mr. Carleton’s specimen is identically the 
same as the British Museum one figured by Mr. Thomas. It has on the 
obverse the curiously-antlered deer, the lady with a lotus, the square mono- 
gram, and the Western Cave character legend, so graphically described by Mr. 
Thomas, and all the Buddhist symbols, and the Bactrian or Ariano-Pali 
legend, noticed by him on the reverse of the British Museum specimen. The 
size is exactly the same, and the configuration of the symbols is identical, 
except of the rectangular monogram, the cross line in the middle of which is 
very faint and scarcely visible. The style of some of the old Sanskrit charac- 
ters in which the Pali legend is given, is, however, different, and it proves the 
coin before me to have been struck from a different die from what was used for 
the british Museum specimen. Owing to its better state of preservation, its 
weight, too, is greater, being 34:1 grains against 29 grains of the other. 


1875.] _ Rajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. 83 


The differences in the letters of the obverse legend are not numerous, 
but they are well-marked and unmistakable. The first letter in the British 
Museum specimen is shaped somewhat like an English s, whereas in the speci- 
men before me it is clearly like the English j; it is, however, in either case 
intended to stand for the Sanskrit <== r. The second letter in the former 
specimen, is a compound of j and n followed by a visarga, the Sanskrit 3: = 
joah,—the j taking the full depth of the line with the visarga after it, and the 
n hanging down belowit. In the latter the n occupies the place of thej in the 
body of the line, and the j, if it ever existed, must have stood above the line, 
and is lost by the want of space in the margin. The visarga occurs after the n. 
In the former case the word has to be read rdjnah, the genitive singular of 
rdjan—‘ of a king’, and in the latter, if the assumption of aj over the n be 
not admitted, razah the type of the modern rdnd, ‘aking’. The name 
which follows being in the genitive, the epithet should also be in the same 
case, and so I have no doubt that when the margin of the coin was perfect, 
there was a j over the line just above the n, and the word was rajnah, the 
genitive of rdjan, as in Mr. Thomas’s specimen. 

In the second word, the nasal mark (anwsvara) after the n is absent in 
the British Museum specimen as figured by Mr. Thomas, but it is distinct 
in Mr. Carleton’s coin. 

The first half of the third word is identical in both, but the second half 
in the specimen before me is clearly bhatisa, and not bhatasa as shown in 
Mr. Thomas’s figure, nor bhratasa as it has been read by that gentleman. 

In the last word maharajasa, the r is formed of a perpendicular stroke 
like an I, and not a stroke with a curled tail like J, as in the first word 
and in the British Museum specimen. The 3 =j is also slightly different, 
being more like the Greek & than the English f, as in the latter. 

Adverting to the reading of the second word, Mr. Thomas says: “ The 
monarch’s name on this series of coins has hitherto, by common consent, 
been transcribed as Kunanda, and tested by the more strict laws of its own 
system of Paleography, the initial compound, in Indian Pali, would prefer- 
entially represent the letters ku. There can be little doubt, the true normal 
form of the short u (|), which can be traced downwards in its consistent 
modifications in most of the Western Inscriptions, though the progressive 
Gangetic mutations completely reversed the lower stroke of their u (¥). 
The question of the correct reading of the designation has, however, _ been 
definitively set at rest by the Bactrian counterpart legends on the better 
preserved specimens of the coinage, where the initial combination figures 
as kr, a transliteration which any more close and critical examination of 
the rest of the Indian Pali legend would, of itself, have suggested, in the 
parallel use of the same subjunct | in 4a bhrata.”* 

* Journal, R. As. Soc., N.8., I., p. 476. 
* 


84 Réjendraldla Mitra— On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. (No.1, 


This argument, however, is not conclusive, as Mr. Carleton’s com Is 
as well preserved as any I have seen of so old a date as three hundred and 
twenty-five to three hundred and forty years before Christ, every letter being 
perfectly distinct and as sharp as when first issued from the mint, and in it 
the lower limb of the Bactrian k of the reverse is perfectly straight and 
plunt, showing not the smallest trace of a spur or curl to the right. And 
even with the curl, the indication is not so decisive as could be wished, for 
a very slight bend in the foot often occurs in this class of writing without 
meaning any consonantal or vowel affix. It is the result of hasty writing, 
in which the pen is not taken off the paper before it has already produced 
a tail. It was this tail which changed the original Indian + successively 
into+ > ¢ <h. Inthe Ariano-Pali character several instances may be 
easily cited in ancient inscriptions, where the lower limb, although ordinarily 
straight, has sometimes been curled or spurred. Thus the ch, ordinarily 
written Y, is sometimes provided with a spur, thus %:* The spur is again 
used for u, asin 2, which Professor Dowson takes for mu, and also for 
y,as in 3, which the same gentleman takes for sya.f Adverting to this 
eurl in the Bahawalpur inscription, he further says: “ It proves, however, 
that the curl of the foot of a consonant indicates that consonant to be 
doubled, and not to be always, as hitherto supposed, a consonant combined 
with ry. From the frequent combination of r with other consonants in 
Sanskrit, this twist of the bottom of a letter represents the letter more 
frequently than any other; but as we here find the s curled round to 
represent the sy of the Sanskrit genitive, there can be no doubt it represents 
the doubled consonant—that doubled consonant being here the equivalent 
of sy. In most other instances, as in Achayya for Acharya, it is the equival- 
ent of r combined with another consonant. This substitution of doubled for 
compound consonants brings the language into much closer relation with 
the Palit.” It should be remarked, however, that this inference, ingenious 
as it is, isredundant ; for the language of the inscription being the old Pali of 
the Kapurdigiri monument, the genitive should require no y after s, and the ~ 
curl may pass for an ornament or a variant form as in the ease of eh noticed 
by him, and referred to above. 

Epigraphic evidence being thus far unsatisfactory and inconclusive, 
though from the more frequent occurrence of the spur to the right for r in 
the Bactrian Mr. Thomas’s reading is the most consistent, it is necessary to 
turn our attention next to the etymology of the word, not with any great 
hope of a decisive result, for the ductility and plasticity of the Sanskrit lan- 
guage are quite against such an expectation, but only to see on which side 

* Journal, R. As. Soc., XX., plate LV. 
t+ Loc. cit. 
t Ibid. N.S., LV., p. 501. 


"187 5.] Rajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karndl. 85 


the balance of evidence inclines most. The aptote noun kw in Sanskrit and 
its affiliated languages isa particle of depreciation, implying ‘low’, ‘vile’, 
‘bad’, ‘wrong’, &e.,* and it might at first sight appear improbable that it 
should be used as a prefix to a royal name; but, seeing that in India such 
depreciatory particles are deliberately adopted by Hindu parents to avert 
evils and for other causes, the objection may be set aside as of no weight. 
Tinkori, “ three cowri shells,” Panehkori “ five cowri shells,” Satkori “ seven 
cowri shells,’ Wakori, “nine cowri shells,” and similar other terms, all 
meaning ‘ worthless’, are extensively used as proper names, in order that no 
evil eye may rest on the children to whom they are assigned, and the 
ehildren may be allowed to thrive without exciting envy, malice, or jealousy. 
Bhuto “ blacky,” Khonrd, “lame,” Nulo “ weak-handed’’, and the like,} are 
also of frequent occurrence as proper names. An accident or misfortune 
happening on the day of a babe’s birth is also often memorialized by assign- 
ing a bad name to the newcomer, and such nicknames, like any other 
mud, stick, and cannot be shaken off. Again, the horoscope of a babe 
might indicate that he would in after life be evilly disposed, and this 
may likewise influence the choice of a name for him. And any of these facts 
may easily be assumed to account for the use of an offensive prefix like £w in 
the name in question. 

No assumption of the kind, however, is necessary in the present case. 
As a common noun sw means ‘ the earth’, and joined to nanda, it would mean 
the “ earth’s delight”’, a very appropriate name for a lad, whether a prince 
or otherwise. No fond mother could wish for a better name for her young 
hopeful. 

If we take the first syllable of the name to be kra, we must look for its 
root in kri, which means, ‘to do,’ ‘ to make,’ ‘ to perform any action,’ or 
“to hurt,’ ‘ to injure’ or to ‘ kill’, Added to nanda it would mean the promo- 
ter, or destroyer, of delight, and the former would unquestionably make a 
very appropriate proper name. But if we accept Ari to be the root, its 
participial form should follow the word nanda, and not precede it. Mr. 
Thomas says that the late Dr. Goldstucker was of opinion “that the kra, 
in combination with Manda, may possibly stand for @ kri, “a million”, 
or some vague number corresponding with Mahapadma (100,000 millions), 
under the supposition that the latter designation was applied to one of the 
Nanda family, in its numerical sense, as a fabulous total, and not in the 
more usually received meaning of “ a large lotus.” £ 

The learned doctor was doubtless a very conscientious worker and a 


* gatasTe: ik 8.ya| Panini. 
t+ When a person gets too many female children, the last not unfrequently gets the 
name of A’rnd “no more’, to express the satiety of the parents. 
¢ Journal, R. As. Soc., N.S., L., p. 476. 


86 Rajendralala Mitra—On a Ooi of Kunanda from Karnal. [No. 1, 


thorough scholar, and he may have somewhere found authority for the 
above ; but I have not been able to find in any dictionary the word kri 
with the meaning of ‘a million’, and my friends among the Professors of the 
Sanskrit College of Calcutta have also failed to find out any authority for 
such a meaning. Professor Mahes‘achandra Ny4yaratna authorises me to 
say there is no such meaning, 

Kra is sometimes used in compounds as an onomatopoetic term for a 
clicking sound, as in krakacha for ‘asaw’, but itis of no value in the explana- 
tion of the word under notice. The root krt = mt “ to buy” with the affix 
~ would make kra “a purchaser”, and it added to manda would mean “ the 
delighter of buyers”, but such a term for a royal proper name is as unlikely 
as possible. Thus then, on the one hand, paleographic evidence is not 
positively in favour of the reading kra, etymology, on the other, is all 
but decidedly against it; and, seeing that in the Greek and Persian tran- 
scriptions of the name, as quoted by Mr. Thomas, the r has been dispensed 
with, I am disposed to think that the balance of evidence is in favour of the 
old reading. 

The first half of the third word is identically the same in the Pali 
legend of Mr. 'Thomas’s figure and Mr. Carleton’s coin, and can be read only 
as amagha. 'The Bactrian version of the latter has also the same reading. 
In the Bactrian version of the former there is, however, a spur under the m, 
which must be read, and has been very correctly read by Mr. Thomas as the 
equivalent to 0, and not of r, as he takes the spur to be in the first syllable 
of the second word. It is well known that in the Pali, as in the modern 
Kuthiwal, the vowel marks were very much neglected (in the very coin 
before us rdjnah is written rajnah, and mahdrajd, maharaja), and there is 
no reason when the mark is given in one place why we should not supply 
it where it has been dropped. The reading therefore may be accepted un- 
questionably as amogha, meaning ‘‘ unfailing”’ or “unflinching”. ‘The first 
letter of the second half of the third word is 6ha in both the legends of Mr. 
Carleton’s coin and in the Pali legend of Mr. Thomas’s figure. The foot of 
the letter is perfectly straight, and there is not the slightest indication of 
any spur below it, nor sufficiently marked at the right end of the middle 
stroke to be taken into account. But in the Bactrian version of the latter 
there is a barely perceptible tendency to a curl which as in the case of the 
first syllable of the second word Mr. Thomas takes to be anv. The next 
two syllables are unquestionably and unmistakeably ¢2 and sa in both the 
legends of Mr. Carleton’s coin and in the Bactrian version of Mr. Thomas’s 
figure, but ¢a and sa in the Pali version of the latter. Now, as superfluous 
addition of vowelmarks is not a peculiarity of the Pali, though omissions 
are, it must follow that the correct reading of the word is bhatisa or bhra- 
tisa, and not bhratasa. 


1875.] Rajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal, 87 


The question then arises what does bhatisa or bhratisa mean ? and the 
reply has already been given by Prinsep, Wilson, Cunningham, and Thomas, 
that it is equivalent to bhratasa “ of a brother”. But, notwithstanding the 
most profound veneration for the unanimous opinion of such high authori- 
ties, I cannot divest myself of a doubt as to its accuracy. The word bhrata 
comes from the Sanskrit crude noun bhratri, and is analogous to pité from 
pitri, “father,” mata from matri, “mother,” svasd from svasri, “ sister’’, and 
other words ending with the vowel ri in the crude form. Now, in all the 
Huropean languages of Aryan origin the final 77 of the Sanskrit is repre- 
sented by av,notzorrz. Thus, pitri becomes zaryp in Greek, pater in Latin, 
fator in Old High German, fader in Anglo-Saxon, and fader, fadar, vader, 
Sather, &e., in others. In Persian it is pedar. JDfatri, in the same way, be- 
comes, Greek pyryp, Latin mater, Old English moder, Anglo-Saxon modor, 
Danish and Swedish moder, and muotar, muatar, muter, mutter, &c., in other 
languages. In Persian it is madar, Svasri also becomes suster, sustre, 
sostre, sweoster, swester, swyster, swistar, soror, sister, &c., always changing 
the Sanskrit 72 into ar, ev or or, never into 2 or 77. In the Indian vernaculars 
7? when final changes into 4, in the plural ar,* and this was also the 
ease in the Ariano-Pali, the Ceylonese Pali, and the Prakrits. These in- 
stances would fully justify the inference that bhratri should change in 
the same way; and, as a matter of fact, we have for its counterparts in 
the Greek ¢patwp, Latin frater, French frere, Anglo-Saxon brodhor, 
Old High German pruadar, English brother, &c., &e., the change every= 
where being analogous to what takes place in pitri, mdtri, and svasri. In 
Pali and Prakrit it becomes bhdta. In the Taxila inscription line 4, we have 
bhratara in the plural, in the Peshawar Vase bhraterhi, plural, and on the 
Wardak Vase bhratd as read by me, and bhadar as read by Professor Dowson,§ 
everywhere the ri changing into ar or 4, but nowhere into?, Andas the 
coin legend is written in the same language in which the inscriptions are re- 
corded, I venture to think that the assumption of the word in the coin 
(bhrati or bhati) being a Pali form of bhratri quite inadmissible. There is 
not a tittle of evidence to support it. 

‘Extraneous evidence on the subject is also against the assumption. I 
believe it is not usual with kings to pride themselves upon their being a 
brother to some one, In India the idea is particularly repugnant. An old 
Sanskrit adage says, ‘‘ He is great who is known by his own name; he is 
so and so who is known by the name of his father; he is vile who is known 


* The Hindi mdyi may at first sight appear an exception, but in reality it is not 
so, the final i in it being an honorific affix, and not the remnant of the Sanskrit ri, 
Bhdyi in Bengali and Hindi are exceptions. 

+ Journal, R. As. Soc., XX., p. 223. 

t Ibid., p. 241. ‘ 

§ Ibid., p. 261. 


88  Réajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karnal. No. 1, 


by the name of his mother ; he is the lowest of the low who is.known by 
the name of his father-in-law”,* and the action of men has everywhere in 
this country been regulated by this maxim. A brother holds a lower grade 
than a mother, and he who should wish to be known in his coins by the 
name of his brother, must have been lower than the vile being who is known 
by the name of his mother. Doubtless when a brother exercises pararnount 
power, his name cannot be avoided, and Mr. Thomas very correctly argues 
that the fact of the Nanda brothers having ruled jointly may justify the 
assumption of Amogha having been the eldest brother, and his name had 
therefore to be used. This, however, would pre-suppose that the name of 
the eldest brother was well known, which is not the case. The Puranas 
and the Mahawanso give only three names, wiz., Sumalva, Mahapadma 
Nanda, and Dhana Nanda. In a medieval paraphrase, by Anantakavi, 
of the Mudrarakshasa, the nine brothers are thus named: Udagradhaiya, 
Tikshnadhanva, Vikatadhanva, Utkatadhanva, Prakatadhanva, Sankata- 
dhanva, Vishamadhanva, Sikharadhanva, and Prakharadhanva.+ These 
names are evidently fanciful, and cannot be relied upon. Anyhow no 
ancient or medieval work mentions Amogha, and the assumption of Amogha 
being a proper name is founded solely upon the strength of the supposed 
meaning of the word bhratara ‘a brother’, with which it is compounded in the 
coin legend, and that being untenable, the assumption must fall to the ground. 
I have already pointed out that amogha as a common noun means ‘ unflin- 
ching’ or ‘unfailing’. Now, the most appropriate words that can be joined 
with it are valour, protection, and faith. The first, however, has no Sanskrit 
equivalent which can be represented by bhratisa or bhatisa, so it may be at once 
set aside. Bhri ‘‘ to protect” becomes bhartri “ protector” in the crude form, 
and bharté in the nominative singular. In the Pali its counterpart would 
be bhatta or bhata, (in the modern Bengali it is bhdtar for ‘a husband’), and 
had the reading been bhatasa or bhratasa, the compound term of the coin 
could have been taken for an ‘‘ unfailing protector’, but the mark of the i 
over the t will not admit of this interpretation. The last word ‘faith’ is 
represented in Sanskrit by bhakti, which in Ceylonese Pali becomes bhatt: ; 


* ara yaa ver: foearat | WaH | 

BVA ASMA ST AINATAYE: | 
+ samatomaqarraaqadtear | 
fafaurgaaurusa Cyaan fafeustaaaataer srafaiea- 
Seaiteer aet Csi aa! aa F aaa Wate Carew aa 
afen aya | wey Veqe_-al eae faaeya-s as a-ha HSI 
faraus-fracea-aceaiwarn aagahaas <4 Tae SSR SCSAT 
Wa Sas Vasa | 


1875.} Rajendralala Mitra—On a Coin of Kunanda from Karndl. 89 


I know not what it was in the Ariano-Pali, but, secing that one of a doubled 
consonant is frequently elided in modern vernaculars, I am disposed to 
think that such was also the ease in ancient times in the Ariano-Pali, If this 
be admissible, the amogha-bhati of the com may be accepted to mean “ he 
of unflinching faith’. Such an epithet for a person who has been careful 
enough to delineate half-a-dozen different symbols of his religion on his 
coins, would by no means be inappropriate or questionable, and I have no 
hesitation in adopting it asthe right one. We have here only an ancient ver- 
sion of the “ Ghaziuddin” of the Pathan coins of India, and the ‘‘ Defender of 
the Faith’ of the modern English currency. 

According to these remarks the legend and its translation would stand 
thus— : 
Legend—Rajnah Kunandasa amogha-bhatisa maharajasa, 
Translation—Of the great king, king Kunanda, of unflinching faith. 


Mr. Thomas identifies the sovereign named in the coin with the Xan- 
drames of the Greek writers and the Nandas of the Puranas, and this would 
carry the age of the coin to some years before 317 B, C., when Chandragup- 
ta wrested the sovereignty of Magadha from the Nandas, There are several 
weak links in the chain of reasoning by which Mr, Thomas establishes this 
identity, but on the whole it is very plausible, and I am not in a position 
now to suggest anything better. 

P. S. Since writing the above I have learnt that in the Pards’ara 
Sanhita, Kuninda is used as the name of a tribe, and Kawninda that of its 
country. 


I ONO 


JOURNAL 


OF THE 


meerATIC SOCIETY, 


—<d>— 


Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. 


PLL LDI LI 


No. II.—18785. 


ON EOE 


Pah Studies. No. 1.— By Major G. H, Fryer, Deputy Commissioner, 
British Burma. 


I,—On THE CEYLON GRAMMARIAN SANGHARAKKHITA THERA AND HIS 
TREATISE ON RHETORIC, 


It was the practice amongst members of the early Buddhist church 
when entering the priesthood to discard their patronymic, and to adopt a 
priestly title, under which if was not always easy to recognize their identity. 
Thus it was with the subject of the present sketch, of whom nothing was 
known, except that he was the author of Vuttodaya, Another of his works, 
however, (Sambandhacintd) recently procured, has a postscript which explains 
that Sangharakkhita Thera, the ‘Protected of the Congregation’, was 
Moggallana, the learned Pali Grammarian and Lexicographer, who 
flourished in Ceylon towards the close of the twelfth century, and that 
he was also known as Medhankara of Udumbaragiri, the glomerous fig- 
tree hill. Moreover, it appears elsewhere, that he was the disciple of 
the distinguished Sariputta, who adopted the title Sila Thera. Moggallana 
appears to have carried his literary activity with him into the cloister ; for 
under his priestly title of Sangharakkhita he wrote the following treatises, 
of which the two first are in verse— 

1. Subodhilankara, ‘ Hasy Rhetoric.’ 

2. Vuttodaya, ‘ Exposition of Metre.’ 

3. Khuddasikkha Tika, aglossin prose on Dhammasir’s Khudda- 
sikkha, ‘ Minor duties’ (Incumbent on a priest). 

L 


/ 


92 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2 


4, Sambandhacintd, ‘Reflections on Relation’ (of cases); a small 
work containing metrical maxims on constriction, interspersed with com- 
ments and illustrations in prose. “ 

An analysis of the first of these is here offered to the notice of the 
reader. The text which follows, has been prepared from two Pali JZSS. in 
the Burmese character, in the writer’s possession. One—a Mandalay copy— 
was procured at Maulmain ; the other—the more perfect of the two—came 
from Rangoon. The work is written on eleven palmleaves twenty inches 
long, with nine lines to the leaf. 

Notices of Vuttodaya, and Sambandhacinta, it is hoped, will follow 
shortly, but as Khuddasikkha Tika is not included in the series, the author’ s 


Introduction to it, and the postscript are here subjoined. 


Introduction. 
1. Tilokatilakam vande saddhammamatanimmitam 
samsurukkathasampatti jinam janamanorammam. 
2. Sariputtam mahasami ‘nekasativisaradam 
mahaguham mahapuniam namo me sirasa gurum. 
3. Khuddasikkhaya tika ya puratana samirita 
na taya sakka sakkaccam attho sabbattha fatave, 
4, tato ’nekagunanayo manjisaratanan ’iva 
Sumangalo ’ssa namena tena paiifavata suta, 
5. ajjhesito yatindena sadarafinanivdsina 
suvinicchayam etissa karissam’ atthovannanam, 


Postscript. 
yen’ antatantaratandkaramanthanena 
manthacalollasitahanavarena laddha 
‘sara mata’ ti sukkhita sukhayanti c’afine 
te me jayanti guravo guravo gunehi 
“‘paratthasam padanato punnenddhigaten’ aham 
“paratthasam padanako bhaveyyam jatijatiyam.” 
sisso aha. 
paramappicchatanekasantos opasamesinam 
sucisallekhavuttinam sadarannanivdsinam ; 
sasanujjotakarinam averattam updgatam 
Udumbaragiri khyata yatanam yatipungavam ; 
‘Medhankaro’ iti khyatam namadheyyam tapodhanam 
theram dhiradayémedhanithanam sadhupijitam : 
nissaya piyam piyan tam mittam kalyanam attano 
sodhetum sasanam satthu parakkamam akasi yo; 
susaddasiddhi yo yoganicchayam sabbivannitam 
aka Subodhélankaram Vuttodayam andkulam, 


1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Péli Studies —No. 1. 93 


Sangharakkhittandmena mahatherena dhimata 
nivasabhutenanekagunanam. ’ppicchatadinam ; 
tendyam racité sidhu sdsanodayakarina 
Khuddasikkhaya tikayam Sumangalapasadini, 


The couplet in zalics commencing “ susaddasiddhi ” thus appears in 
the postscript to Sambandhacinta : 
yoganiccham Moggallinam yam gandham Kabbivannitam 
Subodhalankaram Vuttodayam sattham anakulam. 
In other respects the postscripts are nearly the same. 


Analysis. 

SUBODHA’LANKA’RA, or ‘ Hasy Rhetoric’, is a metrical treatise of 370 
verses, divided into five chapters which treat of the following subjects, 
namely :— 

Faults in Composition. 

Their avoidance. 

Merits, or Verbal Ornaments. 

Rhetorical Figures, or Ornaments of the Sense. 
Flavour. 

These subjects will be found discussed at some length in the seventh, — 
eighth, tenth, and third chapters of the Sanskrit work on Rhetorical Com- 
position, the Sdhitya-Darpana or ‘ Mirror of Composition’, by Vis’wanatha 
Kaviraja—czrea 9th or 10th century. 


cr HB oo NS ps 


Cuapters I anp II. 


The Pali treatise in common with the Sanskrit one opens with an In- 
vocation to the goddess of Speech thus :— 

May Vani the beautiful, born in the lotus womb of the mouth of the 
Chief of Sages, the refuge of mortals, irradiate my mind, v. 1. 

The object of the work is then declared :— 

Although there are excellent ancient treatises on Rhetoric by Rama- 
samma and others, yet they are not adapted for the Magadha people, v. 2. 

It is, therefore, hoped the present attempt at a suitable Rhetoric may 
be acceptable to them, v. 3. 

The author then states that he has not consulted the works of 
writers on the minor poems (abba), nor the drama (ndtaka/), as they are 
not esteemed, v. 6. That a combination of words and meanings faultless 
with (merits or verbal ornaments) is composition (bandha), which is three- 
fold, being metrical (pajja) ; in prose (gajja) ; and in a mixture of both, 
vy. 8. It is further divided into continuous composition (nibandha), and 
non-continuous composition (anibandha), each of which is pleasing if em- 
bellished with ornament, v. 9. Verbal Ornament (Chap. 3) and Ornament 


“es 


94 G. E, Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo, 1. [No. 2, 


of the Sense (Chap. 4), constituting the two divisions of Rhetoric, are both 
held to be composition (andha), v. 18. Faulty composition, even when 
combined with Verbal Ornament, is not esteemed, v. 14. Faultless com- 
position with Verbal Ornament is admired even without Ornaments of the 
Sense, v. 16. 

After these prefatory remarks, the author proceeds to enumerate and 
explain the several Rhetorical Faults (Chap. 1); and to show how they 
should be avoided (Chap. 2). 

The divisions of Faults (dosa) are hold to be threefold : they occur (a) in 
a word, (0) in a sentence, and (c) in the sense of a sentence. 

(a.) Faulty words are such as suggest an idea, which is 

1. Repugnant (viruddhatthantara), as when a word is employed 
which suggests a meaning different from what is intended ; as for example 
‘ visado’, which suggests yielding poison, when shedding water is the mean- 
ing intended, v.22. The fault is avoided when the context sufficiently sets 
forth the intended meaning, v. 71, 72. 

2. Extravagant (adhyattha), as when an exaggerated epithet is ap- 
plied to an object which has to be particularized ; as ‘ obhasitasesadiso’ to 
‘khajjoto’, v. 23. The fault is avoided in the following—‘if men lacking 
virtue fail to obtain respect, will the lack-lustre firefly illume every spot? v.73. 

3. Inconsistent (Ailittha), as when from the use of radicals, affixes 
and the like, comprehension of the meaning is difficult, as‘ pi’ in ‘ piya’, v. 
24. The fault, however, is avoided if the root is introduced into on enig- 
matical query, as ‘from what embrace indeed will a lover not embrace hap- 
piness ? v. 74. Any word of far-fetched meaning employed in the varieties 
of Rhyme (yamaka), or Enigma (pahelz), is included in this fault, v. 25. 
That euphonic combination of twin words formed of acknowledged words, 
combined with the merit ‘ Pleasing Style’, is termed Rhyme, v. 26. Rhyme 
formed by a repetition of syllables is threefold :—(@) non-separated (avya- 
peta) ; (b) separated (vyapeta) ; and (¢) both sorts combined : these divisions 
may appear either in the beginning, middle, or end of a quarter verse 
(pada), v. 27, Verses 28 to 31 illustrate ‘non-separate’ Rhyme at the 
commencement of quarter verses (avyapetapddadiyamaka). From these 
examples, the ‘separate’ sort may easily be inferred, v. 32. Of the last 
named kind there are many varieties, containing combinations, both simple 
and complex, v. 838. But as ‘Rhyme’ and ‘ Enigma’ are not altogether 
pleasing, they are not dwelt upon here, v. 34. 

4. Contradictory, (virodhi) which is sixfold, in respect to :— 

1. Place (desavirodhidosa). 

2. Time (kdlavirodhi). 

8. Mechanical art (kalavirodhi). 
4. Nature (lokavirodhi). 


1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 95 
5. Propriety (ndyavirodhi). 
6. The sacred books (¢gamavirodhi), vv. 35, 76 to 81. 

5. Inferred (neyya), The use of the word ‘dhavala’ white, in the 
example, leads to the inference, that the whiteness at night spoken of, arose 
from the moon, yv. 36. This fault is universally condemned by poets, as 
the omission of an exponent word renders the meaning obscure, v.37. The 
fault is avoided by the employment of words, which convey their meaning 
immediately, as in the examples given in vv. 82,83, which also exemplify 
the ‘ Lucid Style’, v. 148. 

6. Dependent on an epithet (vises andpekkha), as in the example ‘ he 
beholds him attentively with eyes’, v. 38, where ‘ cakkhuna’ is unqualified. 
The fault is removed by adding ‘kodhapatalabhutena’, red with anger. 
(Comp. v. 364.) 

7. Defective in meaning (hinaltha), as when an unequal and dis- 
paraging comparison is made ; as ‘the dim-firefly sun is rising’, v. 39. The 
fault is avoided by the use of the emphatic particle ‘ api’ even, as in the 
following ‘ A wise man destroys the effect of even the smallest demerit ; 
The sun possesses the light even of the dimly lustrous firefly’, v. 85. 

8. Unmeaning (anattha), as when an unmeaning expletive, such as 
‘pi’ here, is inserted merely to complete the verse, v. 40; verse 86 shows 
how the fault may be avoided. 

(6.) Faulty sentences are such as are 

1. Tautological (ekattha). The repetition may be (a) of a word, 
as ‘ varido varido’ possessing the same sound, though different in meaning, 
v. 41; or (0d) of the sense, as ‘ pasadeti and pasanno’ having the same sense, 
but different in sound, v.42. If it is desired to express fear, anger, or 
praise, repetition ceases to be a fault, v. 88. / 

2. Regardless of usage (bhaggaritt), as when the diction is broken, 
vy. 43. In the example given, ‘ pakati’ has no interrogative pronoun 
connected with it, as ‘ panna and guno’ have, The fault is corrected in 
verse 89. 

3. Confused (vydkinna—), as when confusion arises from a loose 
disorderly arrangement of words as ‘these people * * adore Sugata, the 
constant friend of evildoers’, v. 45. The opposite of this is a firm and 
compact style, as ‘ the eyes (of a Jina) are like blue lotuses, his lip beautiful 
as the Bandhiika flower ; his nose like a golden hook, therefore this Jina is 
as one who looks kindly on every one,(Piyadassana), v. 91. 

4. Rustic (gamma), as when a word denoting speciality is want- 
ing in a sentence, as—‘ Oh maiden ! loving me, why not love me now’, v. 46; 
or when, from the association of the words, the sense is obscure as ‘ which 
your lover ?’, v. 47. Brilliancy of language, though coarse, from the 
pleasure it imparts, is not considered rustic speech ; as ‘ Oh kind (husband) ! 


96 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [ No. 2, 


this rough amorous outcast is ill-treating me, why dost thou so com- 
placently regard me involved in such a misfortune ?’ v. 93. 

5. Defective as regards verse-division (yatihina). Verse-division as 
laid down in Prosody, and indicated in the text (verses 49 to 54), is called 
‘yatv ; and the verse that is defective in regard to such division, is said to 
exhibit the fault called yatihinadosa, v. 48. Verse-division occurs at the 
end of every quarter-verse (pdda) ; and particularly at the end of the 
hemistich (vuttaddha) ; sometimes it bisects a word as ‘ camikara’, but if 
otherwise, as when it occurs between the second and third syllables of ‘ si7i- 
catv’, it is irregular, vv. 49, 50. If the rules for the euphonic junction 
of final and initial letters (S’andhz) require the elision of a case, or tense- 
termination (vibhatti), the vowel resulting from the coalition is the final 
letter of the first part of the combination, as sabbo|pama : if elision is not 
required, or there is a letter such as ‘y’ substituted, the case, or tense ter- 
mination, with the vowel resulting from the coalition, forms the initial 
syllable of the second part of the combination ; as for example in ‘ pattal 
ssopama, and ‘vanda|myan antamatim’, v. 53,54. Verse-division is irre- 
gular when it separates ‘ea and such like particles from the sentences to 
which they belong, and ‘pa’, and such like prepositions, from the words to 
which they are prefixed, v. 54 and 55. 

6. Disjoined (Aamaccuta), as when the proper succession of objects 
is disregarded, as ‘ khettam, gamam, desam’, v.56, For the proper order 
see v. 95. 

7. Inappropriate (ativutta), as when the meaning is opposed to 
ordinary sense, as— ‘ The firmament of her expanding bosom is contracted’, v. 
57, The fault is avoided in the following—‘ The entire firmament even 
affords no scope for the diffusion of the glorious effulgence, emitted by the 
moon-like Chief of Sages’, v. 96, v. 147. 

8. Redundant in meaning (apetattha), as in the expression ‘ The bull, 
the son of the cow’, v.58. Redundancy is not deemed a fault in the words 
of the insane, v. 97, 98. 

9. Harsh in combination (dandhapharusa). This is exemplified by 
the use of the consonant ‘4/’ in syllables which renders them harsh in sound, 
v. 59. The fault is avoided by using soft syllables, v. 99, and 136. 

(c.) The sense of a sentence is held to be faulty when it is 

1. Crude (apakkama), as when objects which refer to other objects 
previously stated, are not in respective co-relation, e. g. in v. 61 ‘wealth, 
peace, and Nibbana’—instead of ‘ Nibbana, wealth, and peace’,in v. 101— 
are placed respectively in co-relation to the practice of ‘ meditation, giving 
of alms, and virtue.’ 

2. ‘The improper (ocityahina), as when extolling one’s own merits, &c., 
v.v. 62,63. The fault is avoided if by doing so others are benetited, v. 104— 
107. 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 97 


3. Faulty as to usage (bhaggariti), as when cases are mixed together, 
such as the genitive and locative cases in v. 64. ‘Trust cannot be placed 
in women, evildoers, poison, horned cattle, rivers, disease, nor royalty’, v.v. 
109, 110. 

4, Ambiguous (samsaya), as when a word susceptible of two meanings 
is employed ; as ‘ go’, which signifies both ‘a cow’ and ‘a ray of light’, v. 65, 
and111. Ambiguity in jocular composition is not reckoned a fault, 
v. 112. 

5. Rustic (gamma), as when it is difficult to comprehend what is 
meant by the sense ; as— This vigorous youth is reposing—having slain his 
enemy, or—exhausted from excesses’, v. 66. ‘That man’s sister is charm- 
ing’ is not a rustic expression, v. 114. 

6. Faulty as to Rhetoric (dutthdlankara). This fault is discussed in 
chapter 4. 


Cuapter III. 


In this chapter are described the Merits, or Excellences (gun), of 
composition, which are ten in number, namely : 
The pleasing (pasdda). 
The forcible (9/2). 

The elegant (madhuratd). 

The uniform (samata). 

The soft (suwkhwmalata). 

The compact (silesa). 

The eloquent (wdarata). 

The bright (kantz). 

The lucid (althavyattz). 

The imaginative (samddht), v. 118. 

A compact pleasing style, composed of words whose meaning is clear, 
constitutes the Pleasing Merit, v. 120. 

The merit of Force is Energy manifested by an ample use of com- 
pounds, v. 122, and by condensation (samdsa), and amplification (vydsa) 
of the meaning, v. 224. 

The Hlegant style is manifested either by an arrangement of words 
with letters pronounced by the same organ of speech, v. 129; or, of words 
having similar letters, v. 130. A collection of syllables pronounced with 
little effort, dependent upon a profusion of alliteration, is inelegant, v. 181, 

The merit of Uniformity is manifested when the composition is either 
smooth, or rough, or a mixture of both, v. 182. 

An absence of jarring letters constitutes the merit of Softness, v. 136. 


The merit of Compactness is manifested by a clear and firm style, v. 
141, 


Soe ON SGN Hee Soo Se 


a 


98 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. [No. 2, 


The merit of Zloquence is indicated by a lofty style, v. 143. 

The Bright style is manifested by a brilliancy of language, free from 
the fault of Inappropriateness, v. 147. 

Words which convey their meaning immediately, constitute the Lucid 
style, v. 148. 

The Imaginative style is held to be the ‘ cream of composition’. It is 
manifested when the imagination clothes objects with qualities or functions 
foreign to them, as when 
Life is ascribed to inanimate objects. 

Form to objects unassociated with form. 
Flavour to objects unassociated with flavour. 
Liquidity to objects not bearing that character. 
Agency to an object not an agent. 

Solidity to an ethereal object, vv. 152-153. 

wihen allegories which suggest the idea of emitting, are the leading 
ideas in a sentence, they are considered coarse ; in a subordinate position, 


CONES 29) 2 


they are appropriate, v. 160; and ational so, if connected with a con- 
scious agent, v. 162, as ‘ The excellent Jina pouring out the yearnings of 
his love upon mortals,’ &c., 163. 


Cuarrer LV. 


In this chapter the author proceeds to describe the several Ornaments 
of the sense (atthdélankdra). We says that when composition containing 
the qualities of the Pleasing, Forcible, or other styles, is embellished with 
Ornaments of the Sense, it is as charming as a girl adorned with bracelets, 
earrings, and the like, v. 165. 

He divides Rhetoric into (a) style in which the meaning is ‘ expressed’, 
sabhavavutti ; and (6) style in which the meaning is ‘suggested’, vanga- 
vuttt. he first of these portrays, at different times, objects (such as a 
genus, a quality, an action, or a substance), v. 166. 

The following is an expressed fancy of a substance (dabbasabhava- 
wutti) :— 

‘The nascent Bodhisatta, charming in his joyous gait, stedfastly re- 
garding the regions of existence, is radiant while uttering taurine words’, 
v. 167. 

As the varieties of the suggestive or figurative style are endless, only 
elementary figures will be described, v. 168 to 172. 

1. Hyperbole (atisayavuttc). This figure discloses the peculiar attri- 
bute of an object (whether a genus, a quality, an action, or a substance), 
It is twofold :— 

(a.) Respecting mundane objects (lokiydtisayavutti) . 

(b.) Respecting supermundane objects (lokdtikkanta), v. 174. 


1875.] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.— Wo. 1. 99 


2. Simile (wpamd) is resemblance between the subject of comparison 
and the comparison adduced ; this may be conveyed either (a) by a word, 
(2) by the sense, or (¢) by the sense of a sentence, v. 177; or by the use of 
a compound word, as ‘ candimadnano’, v. 178; ora verbal affix, as ‘aya’ 
in ‘ vadanam pankajayate’, v. 179 ; or by the use of words implying com- 
parison as wa, tulya, and the like, v. 180-185. 

(@.) Similes formed by words implying comparison are the 


1. Correct (dhammopamda), v. 187. 

2. Defective (dhammahino), 

3. Reversed (viparito), I wy, Heist 
4, Reciprocal (aniamanno), v. 189. 

5. Marvellous (abbhuto), v. 190. 

6. Equivocal (sdleso), v. 191. 

7. Spreading (santano), v. 192. 

8. Disparaging (mindo), v. 198. 

9. Prohibitive ( patisedho), v. 194. 
10. Uncommon (asédhdrano), v. 195. 


r 


11. False (abhuto), v. 196. 

(6.) In the following similes, the idea of similarity is conveyed by a 
word’s meaning, without the employment of a compound, verbal affix, or 
word implying comparison, v. 199. They are the 

1. Obvious (sarvipopamd), v. 198. 

2. Ideal (parikappo), v. 199, 

3. Doubtful (samsayo), v. 200. 

4, Typically comparative (pativatthi), v. 201. 

(c.) The third form of simile is expressed by setting the sense of one 
sentence in comparison with that of another, v. 203 ; and this may be done, 
either with, or without, employing words implying comparison, vv. 
204, 205. 

Sometimes the following kinds of similes are deemed incongruous— 

1. Comparison between objects of different genders 

(bhinnalingo) and of different numbers (vyadtivacano), v. 207. 
2. The defective simile (kino), v. 207. 
3. The exaggerated (adhiko), 
4, The irrelevant (aputhattha), ve cll 
5. The contingent (apekkhant), v. 209. 
6. The imperfect (Ahandito), 

Sometimes the above are not deemed incongruous, vv. 211 and 212. 

3. Metaphor (ripakam), ‘This figure indicates the resemblance be- 
tween the subject of comparison and the comparison adduced, but, unlike 
the simile, without employing words implying comparison. It has two 
divisions, namely :— 

M 


100 G. EH. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, 


(a.) general (asesavatthuvisaya), v. 214-217. 

(6.) partial (ekadesavivatti), v. 218-221. 
each of which may be exhibited by means of compounded words, or 
words not compounded, or both combined, vy. 214. The author says the 
varieties of metaphor, both proper and improper, are too numerous to be 
dwelt upon here, v. 222. Subjoined is a specimen of a proper metaphor :— 

‘Oh Sage! whose heart indeed is not drawn to thy attractive coun- 
tenance, bright as white flowers, with tremulous black bee eyes ?’ v. 223. 

The following are examples respectively of (a) imperfect (khandi- 
tartipakam), and (b) perfect (sundarartipakam), metaphors, v. 224— 

(a) ‘candim’ akasapadumam’, the lotus rising in the heavens is the 
moon. 

(6) ‘ambhoruhayanam nettani’, eyes which are a cluster of water-lilies. 

4. Redundancy (dvutti). The repetition may be threefold, v. 226, 
namely as regards 

(a.) the sense (atthdvuttz), v. 227. 
(6.) a word (padavutti), v. 228. 
(c.) or both (ubhayavutti), v. 229. 

5. The Dluminator (dipakam). The figure is manifested when 
things, such as actions, kinds, or qualities, although expressed in one part of 
a sentence, illuminate the whole of it, v. 230; and it has three varieties, 
arising from the action, kind, or quality, being expressed in the sentence 
at the 

(a.) beginning (ddidipakam), v. 231. 
(6.) middle (majjha—), v. 232. 
(¢.) end (anta—), v. 233. 

If a series (of actions, kinds, or qualities) is exhibited in succession, each 
one being dependent on the one preceding, the figure is termed ‘a string 
of Uluminators’ (maladipakam), vv. 234, 235. 

6. Hint (akkhepo), when it is intended to say something special, that 
which apparently suppresses or denies it, is termed Hint, v. 237: It is 
threefold, pertaining to what 

(a.) has been said (atitékkhepo), v. 238. 
(b.) as being said (vattamanakkhepo), v. 289. 
(c.) is about to be said (andgatakkhepo), v. 240. 

7. Transition, (atthantaranydsa) is the introduction of another sense 
into the subject (such as a moral reflection), v. 241. It is twofold, 
namely :— 

(a.) general (sabbavyapi—), -v. 242, 243. 

(b.) partial (wisesatha—), v. 244, 245. 
each kind being distinguished by the absence and presence of the emphatic 
particle ‘ 27’. 


1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. 101 


8. Contrast, (vyatireko) is the distinction in the idea of resemblance 
between objects either expressed or understood, v. 246. Itis twofold, 
namely :— 

(a.) single (ekavyatireko), v. 246, 248. 
(6.) double (whhaya—), v. 249, 250. 

9. Peculiar causation, (vibhavand) is the production of an effect by 
some cause other than the usual one, which is suppressed; or, (the pro- 
duction of an effect) naturally, (though dependent upon some other cause) ; 
y. 251. Hence the figure is twofold, namely :— 

(a.) peculiar (karanantara), v. 252. 
(6.) natural (sabhavikaphala), v. 253. 
10. Causation (hetw). ‘This figure has two divisions, namely — 
(a.) producing causation (janakahetu). 
(6.) indicating causation (fapakahetu), v. 254. 

A few only of the endless subdivisions of the above are indicated in this 
treatise. They are: v. 235. 

(a.) active causation producing apparent act (bhavakicco karakahetu), 
v. 256. 

(4.) active causation producing non-apparent act (abhdvakicco kara- 
kahetu), v. 257. 

(e.) causation indicating apparent act, (bhavakicco iapakahetu), v. 
258. 

(d.) unfitly acting wonderful causation (ayuttakaré cittahetu), v. 259. 

(e.) fitly acting wonderful causation (yuttakdricittahetw), v. 260. 

11. Order (kamo), is when a reference is made respectively to what 
has been mentioned, v. 261. ‘This figure is the Relative Order (yathdsan- 
khyam) of Sanskrit Rhetoric. 

12. Excessively agreeable (piyataram). This figure is exhibited 
when an excess of agreeability is imparted to the sense, v. 263, 264. 

13. Concise style, (samdsavutti) is exhibited, when an intended object 
is concisely described by means of an approved metaphor, v. 265. It is 
twofold, namely, when the attributes are either 

(a.) separate (bhinnavisesana), v. 266. 
(4.) non-separate (abhinnavisesana), v. 267, 268. 

14. Idealization, (partkappana) is the imagining of an object under 
the character of another, v. 270. ‘This figure is expresssd by an implied 
metaphor, and may depict actions, qualities, and the like, v. 271. Such 
expressions as ‘methinks, I suspect, of a certainty, surely, as,’ are occa- 
sionally made use of in this figure, v. 275. 

15. Concentration, (samdhita) is manifested when a special con- 
sequence results from a concentrated effort, v. 277. 

16. Periphrasis, (pariydya) is when the fact to be intimated, is ex- 


102 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, 


pressed in a roundabout way, so as to avoid a common expression, v. 279. 

17. TIronical praise, (vydjavannana) is commendation conveyed in 
language which is apparently ironical, v. 281. 

18. Peculiar allegation, (visesa) is when a special cause is acknow- 
ledged, there is an absence of effect, whether in regard to a substance, an 
action, a genus, or a quality, v. 283. 

19. Individuality, (rilhdhankara) is when arrogance is prominent 
in a marked degree, vv. 288, 289. 

20. Coalescence or Paronomasia, (si/eso) is when words are so con- 
nected as to be susceptible of a double meaning, v. 290. The figure is held 
to minister to the heightening of suggestive style, v. 173. It is threefold, 
namely— 

(a.) without division (abhinnapadavakya sileso), v. 291. 

(b.) with division (bhinnapadavakya), v. 292. 

(c.) both sorts combined (bhinndbhinnapadavakya), v. 293. 
There are also the following eight varieties, v. 294, 295— 


1. Repugnant action (viruddhakammasileso), v. 296. 
2. Non-repugnant action (aviruddha-kamma), v. 297. 
3. Non-separate action (abhinna-kamma), v. 298. 

4. The emphatic (niyamava), v. 299. 

5. The non-emphatiec (myamakkhepa), v. 300. 

G. The non-contradictory (avirodhi), v. 801. 

7. The contradictory (wirodht), v. 802. 


8. ‘The polite (oertyasamposaka), v. 303. 

21. Equal pairing, (tulyayogitd) is when objects possessing attri- 
butes are associated with one and the same attribute, v. 304. 

22. Illustration, (nidassanam) is when from the introduction of a 
foreign relation, a mutual connection ensues; and it is twofold, v. 306, 
namely— 

(a.) non-possible (asantam), v. 307. 
(6.) possible (santam), v. 808. 

23. Magniloquence, (mahantattham) is when grandeur in position 
or in resolve is indicated in a marked degree, 809-311. 

24. Concealment, (vaiicand) is when the real nature of a thing is kept 
back, and another fancied one attributed, which may be either, v. 312, 

(a.) dissimilar (asama—), v. 318. 
(6.) similar (sama—), v. 314. 

25. Indirect praise, (appakatathuti) is when trifling praise is 
bestowed upon an insignificant object, v. 315. 

26. The Necklace, (ekdvali) is when what is mentioned first, is 
qualified by what follows, and this again by what comes next, and so on, 
v. 317. It is twofold— 


1875.] G, E, Fryer—Péli Studies—No. 1. — 1038 


(a.) affirmative (vzdhi—), v. 318. 
(6.) negative (nisedha—), v. 319. 

27. The Reciprocal, (ai%namaiiiam) is when two things do the same 
act to each other, vv. 320, 321. 

28. Connected description, (sahavutt:) is when different ideas are 
connected with the word ‘saha. It is twofold— 

(a.) of actions (Ariya), v. 3238. 
(6.) of qualities (gund), v. 324. 

29. Contradiction, (wirodhitd) is when there is an apparent in- 
eongruity among things, such as a genus, quality, action, and substance, 
v. 325. 

30. The Return, (parivuttc) is the exchange of a thing for what is 
peculiarly excellent, v. 329. 

31. Error, (6hamo) is the thinking, from resemblance, of an object 
to be what it is not, v. 329. 

32. Emotion, (bhdvo) is when the style awakens sentiment in the 
minds of poets, v. 331. This figure is considered the life of poetry, v. 173. 

33. Mixture, (missam) is when verbal ornaments and ornaments of 
the sense are blended together, v. 333. The figure is twofold :— 

(a.) existence of intimate relation (anganibhava—), v. 384, 
(.) existence of same effect (sadisaphalabhava—), v. 335. 

34, Prayer, (dsz) is prayer for any desired object, v. 336. 

35. The Impassioned, (rasz) is when the style is full of feeling and 
witty, vv. 337, 338, 


CHAPTER V. 


The fifth and last Chapter treats of Flavour (rasa). Such conditions 
(hava), excitants (vibhdva), and ensuants (anubhava), as are mainsenti- 
ments in composition, are held to be the several Flavours of poets, v. 341. 

Since the various conditions, or states of the mind, give occasion for 
the existence of (bhavayantz) the flavours, they (such as love, mirth, and 
the like) are termed conditions or mental states (bhava), v. 342. 

That condition, or mental state, such as love and the like, which is 
not overpowered by another condition opposed to it, such as disgust and 
the like, is held to be ‘the permanent condition’ (thayi-bhava), v. 343. 
They are nine in number, namely :— 


1. love, rate. 5. magnamity, wssaka, 
2. mirth, haso. 6. terror, bhayam. 

3. sorrow, soko, 7. disgust, jaguccha, 

4, resentment, kodho. 8. surprise, vimhaya. 


9. quictism, samo, v. 344. 


104  G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, 


The Accessories (vyabhicart) are those that more especially, cooperat- 
ingly, habitually go along with the various conditions (bhava) and ex- 
citants (vibhava), v. 845. They are thirty-three in number, namely :— 


1. Self-disparagement, nébbeda, 18. Dissembling, avahiddha. 
2. Debate, takka. 19. Painful reflection, cinta. 
3. Apprehension, sankd. 20. Arrogance, gabbha. 
4, Weariness, sama. 21. Dementedness, apamara. 
5. Equanimity, dhite. 22. Impatience of opposition, ama- 
6. Stupefaction, jalata. TIS. 
7. Depression, dinaté. — 23. Intoxication, mada. 
8. Sternness, wggata. 24. Resolve, mati. 
9. Indolence, dlasatta. 25. Raving, wmmada. 
10. Dreaming, suttam. 26. Distraction, moha. 
11. Joy, hasa. 27. Awakening, vibodha. 
12. Debility, galdne. 28. Drowsiness, niddd. 
13. Longing, wssuka. 29. Cessation of motion, advega. 
14. Alarm, tarasa. 30. Shame, vz/am. 
15. Recollection, satz. 31. Death, marana. 
16. Envy, assa. 32, Unsteadiness, capald. 
17. Despondency, visada. 33. Sickness, vyadhi, v. 346. 


The power of fixing the mind on one subject is purity, sattam ; from 
this arises the involuntary evidences of feeling which are states of mind 
different from the ensuants in general, v. 347. They are eight in number 
v. 348, namely :— 

. Paralysis, thambha, Tears, assu. 


Trembling, vepathu. 


TD 


iL 

2. Fainting, palaya. 

3. Horripilation, romaica. . Change of colour, vevanpiyam. 
4. Perspiration, seda. 8. Disturbance of speech, visarata. 

The mental conditions, such as love and the like, if they are not 
inseparably permanent, may all serve as Accessories, v. 349. 

That thing which causes the awakening (wppatti), and inflaming 
(wddipana) of these (the ‘ permanent, accessory, and involuntary’ conditions), 
is called an Excitant, (wibhava) ; and that which manifests externally 
(that those conditions are excited) is called an Ensuant, or Effect (@nu- 
bhava), v. 350. 

Excitants and Ensuants are appropriately displayed in poetry, in order 
to exhibit the conditions and various emotions of the mind, v. 351. 

The conditions, permanent, accessory, or involuntary, are appropriately 
represented by the Excitants and Husuants, v. 351. 

The involuntary evidences of strong feeling (sattika), arising in the 

.mind from its various states, and manifested by ensuants or efiects ; such 
as perspiration exuding from the body, and the like, v. 353. 


1875. G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 105 


That is ‘ Flavour’ which in poetry excites the joy of the audience, v. 
354. The flavour which conduces to a state of relish by means of excitants, 
ensuants, involuntary evidences, and accessories, is held to be a per- 
manent one, v. 355. The divisions of flavour are, v. 856— 


1. the Erotic, singara. 5. the Heroic, vira. 

2. the Comic, hassa. 6. the Terrible, bhayanaka. 
38. the Pathetic, karwnda. 7. the Disgustful, db¢bhaccha. 
4, the Furious, ruddha. 8. the Marvellous, abbhuta. 


9. the Quietistic, santa. 


By the ‘ Erotic’ is meant the flavour which has love for its condition, 
the intoxicating pleasure arising from the mutual affections of youths and 
maidens, &ec., &c., v. 358. It is threefold, (a) incompatible, (0) partial, 
and (¢) mutual, v. 359. 

The ‘ Comic’ may arise from the fun of distorted gestures pertaining 
to oneself or to another; the accessories are drowsiness, weariness, in= 
dolence, fainting, and the like. Its condition is mirth, which belongs chiefly 
to rational beings, v. 860. When under the influence of the ‘Comic’, the 
best kind of persons either slightly smile (siéa), having the eyes a little 
open ; or smile (hasita), slightly showing the teeth ; the middling sort 
either laugh softly (vihasita), or laugh aloud (wpahasita) ; the baser sort 
either roar with laughter (apahasita), with eyes filled with tears, or are 
convulsed with laughter (atihasita), with limbs uncontrolled, v. v. 361, 362. 

The ‘ Pathetic’ with the mood of sorrow, springs from the advent of 
what is unpleasant, and absence of (loved) objects. Its ‘ensuants’ are 
weeping, fainting, stupefaction, &c. Its accessories are despondency, in- 
dolence, death, painful reflection, &c., v. 3863. 

The ‘Furious’ accompanied by anger, envy, and the like, is marked 
by redness of the eyes, &c., has terror and intoxication, &c., for its acces- 
sories, v. 3864. 

The ‘ Heroic’, associated with energy, arises by glorious victory and the 
like. It is threefold :—(a) Heroic in war; (6) Heroic in liberty ; and (ce) 
Heroic in benevolence, which are its ‘ ensuants’: its accessories are equa- 
nimity, resolve, &c., vv. 865, 366. 

The ‘Terrible’ has fear for its permanent mood; its ensuants are 
perspiration, &c. Its accessories, terror, &c., v. 367. 

The ‘ Disgustful’, associated with disgust, arises from aversion to putri- 
dity, and the like ; its ‘ ensuants’ are contracting of the nose, &c. ; its acces- 
sories, apprehension, and the like, v. 368. 

The ‘ Marvellous’ having surprise as its permanent mood, springs from 
anything supernatural ; its ‘ ensuants’ are perspiration, tears, &ec. ; its acces- 
sories, terror, cessation of motion, stupefaction, v. 369. 


106 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, 


The ‘ Quietistic’, or the mood of the very best men, has calmness for its 
permanent mood, and kindness, mercy, and joy, as its accessories, v. 370. 


With the exceptions noted below, the metre employed by the author 
is the ‘ Vatta’, said to be like the Sanskrit s’Joka. 

In closing the first four chapters, and in illustrating (vy. 338) the 
‘Impassioned’ figure af Rhetoric, he has adopted the Vasantatilaka Metre. 

In the fifth chapter he has employed the Saddhara Metre of 21 
syllables, to enumerate the thirty-three ‘accessories’, v. 346. In describing 
the kinds of laughter provoked by the ‘Comic’ flavour, he has used the 
melodious rhythms of the ‘ Arya’, v. 3861, and the mixed ‘ Mattasamaka’ 
(padikulakam), v. 362. 

I have met with no commentaries on the work. ‘There is, however, a 
gloss (fika,) which is said to be scarce. 


Do iapabrea 
NAMO TASSA BHAGAVATO ARAHATO SAMMA SAMBUDDHASSA. 


1. munindavadanambhojagabhasambhavasundari 
saranam paninam Vani mayham pinayatam manam. 
9. RAama-Sammadyalankara santi santo purdtana 
tathapi tu valancenti suddhamagadhika na te. 
3, tendpi nama toseyyam ete ‘lankara vajjite 
anurtipen’ alankaren’ esam eso parissamo. 
4, yesan na sancita pahna ’nekasattantarocita 
samohabbhahata ’v’ ete névabujjhanti kificipi. 
kin tehi pada-susstsa yesan natthi gurtn’ iha 
ye ta-ppada-rajo-kinna t’eva sadhu vivekino. 
6. kabba-nataka-nikkhita netta citta kavi-jjana 
yam kifici racayant’ etam na vimhaya-karam param. 
7. te yeva patibhavanto so ’va bandho savimhayo 
yena tosenti vind ye tattha pyavihit? adhara. 
8, bandho ca nama sadd-attha sahita dosa-vajjita 
pajja-gajja-vimissanam bhedenayam tidha bhave. 
9, nibandho canibandho ca puna dvidha niruppate 
tan tu papentyalankara vindaniyatarattanam. 
10. anavajjam mukhambhojam anavajja ca bharati 
alankat& ’va sobhante kin nu te niralankata. 
11. vind gurtipadesan tam balo ‘lankatthum icchati 
sampapune na vifiiuhi hasa-bhavam kathan nu so. 


5. 


1875.] 


12. 


32. 


30. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 107 


gandho pi kavi-vaéecdnam alankdéra-ppakasako 

yati ta-bbacaniyattham ta-bbohartpacarato. 
dyi-ppakara alankaro tattha saddatthabhedato 
saddattha bandhanama ’va tam sajjita tad avali. 
gunalankara-samyuttd api dosa ’va lingita 

pasamsiya na vinidhi sa kana viya tadisi. 

tena dosa-niraso ’va mahussahena sadhiyo 

niddosa sabbattha s4yam saguné na bhaveyya kim. 
sdlankara viyuttapi guna-yutta manohara 

niddosa dosa-rahita guna-yutta vadht viya. 

pade vakye tad atthe ca dosa ye vividha mata 
sodaharanam etesam lakkhanam kathaya4myaham. 
viruddhatthantaradhyattha, kilitthani, virodhi ca, 
neyyam, visesanapekkham, hinatthakam, anatthakam. 
dosam padanam vakydnam, ekattham, bhaggaritikam, 
tatha vyakinna, gamani, yatihinam, kamaccutam. 
ativuttam, apetattham, sabandhapharusam tatha 


. apakkamam, ocityahinam, bhaggariti, samsayam, 


gammam, dutthalankatiti dos4 vakyattha nissita. 


. viruddhatthantaram tam hi yass’ afifiattho virujjhati 


adhippete yatha: “ megho visado sukhaye janam.” 


. visesyam adhikam yenddhyattham etam bhave yatha : 


“ obhasitasesadiso khajjoto ’yam virojate.”’ 

yass’ atthavagamo dukkho pakatyadivibhigato 
kilittham tam yatha: “ taya so ’yam 4lingyate piya.”’ 
yam kilittham padam mandabhidheyyam yamakadikam 
kilitthapadadose ’va tam pi antokariyati, 
patitasaddaracitam silitthapadasandhikam 
pasadagunasamyuttam yamakam matam edisam 


. avyapetam vyapetan ec’ afin’ avuttaneka-vannajam 


yamakam tai ca padanam 4di-majjhanta-gocaram 
sujanasujana sabbe gunenapi vivekino 

vivekam na samayanti aviveki janantike 
kusalakusala sabbe pabalapabala ’tha va 

no yata tavahosittham sukha dukkha-ppada@ siyum. 
sadara sa daram hantu vihité vihita maya 

vandana vandanémana-bhajane-ratanatthaye, 
kamalam kam alamkatthum, vanado vanado ’mbaram, 
sugato sugato lokam, sahitam sahitam karam. 
avyapetadi yamakass’ eso leso nidassito 

fleyyan’ imay’ eva disdy’ anfdni yamakani pi. 
accantabahavo tesam bheda sambheda-youniso 

N 


108 


34. 


DD. 


50. 


bl. 


52. 


Od. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 


tattha pi keci sukaré keci accantadukkara. 

yamakam tam pahe/i ca n’ekantamadhuran’ iti 
upekkhiyanti sabbani sissakhedabhaya maya. 
desa-kala-kal4-loka-’nnay’-agama-virodhi yam 

tam virodhi padan c’etam udaharanato putam. 

yad appatitam aniya vattabbam neyyam dhu tam 
yatha: “sabbapi dhavala disa rocanti rattiyam.” 
n’edisam bahu mannanti sabbe sabbattha vinnuno 
dullabha ’vagati sadda-samattiya-vilanghani, 

siyé visesanapekkham tam yam patva visesanam. 
sattakam tam yatha: “tam so bhiyyo passati cakkhuna.”’ 
hinam kare visesya yam ti hinattham bhave yatha :— 
‘“ nippabha-kata-khajjoto samudeti divakaro.” 
pada-piranam attham yam anattham iti tam matam 
yatha ti—‘‘ vande buddhassa pada-pankeruham pi ca’”’ 
saddato atthato vattam yattha bhiyyo’ pi v-uccati 
tam ekattham yatha :—‘bhati varido varido ayam.” 


. yatha ca:— 


“titthiy’ ankura vijani jaham ditthigatan’ iha 
“ pasadeti pasann’ eso mahamuni mahajane.” 


. araddhakkamavicchedé bhaggariti bhave yatha :— 


“kapi panna kopi guno pakati pi aho tava!” 


. padanam dubbhinikkhepa vyamoho yattha jayati 


tam vyakinnan ti vinneyyam tad udaharanam yathé :— 
“bahugune panamati dujjananam pyayan jano 

“hitam pamudito niccam sugatam samanussaram”’ 
visittha-vacanapetam gamman tyabhimatam yatha : 
“anne! kamayamanam mam na kamayasi kin nu ’dam P” 
padasandhanato kifici duppatiti karam bhave 

tam pi gamman tyabhimatam yatha :—* ya bhavato piya” 


. vuttesu sucita-tthane padacchedo bhave yati 


yam taya hinan tam vuttam yati hinan ti sa pana. 


. yati sabbattha padante vuttaddhe ca visesato 


pubba para ’nekavanna padammajjhe pi katthaci. 
tatthodéharanani paccudaharauani yath4 :— 

“tan name siras4 cimi | kara vannam tathagatam 
“sakala pi disd sifica | t’lva sonnarasehi yo.” 

saro sandhimhi pubbanto. viya lope vibhattiya 
annatha tv-ainhatha tattha yadesadi parad’ iva. 
cadi pubba padanta ’va niccam pubba padassita 
padayo nicca sambandha parad’ iva parena tu. 
sabbatthodaharanani yatha :— 


63. 


64. 


67. 


68. 


Th 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 109 


“name tam sirasa sabbo | pamatitam tathagatam 
“yvyassa lokaggatam patta | ssopama na hi yujjati. 


. “munindam tam sada vanda | myanantamatim uttamam 


“yassa metta ca paina ca | nissima ’tivijambhati.” 


. eadi padisu paccudéharanini yatha :— 


“mahametta mahapaia | ca yattha paramodaya 
“panami tam jinam tam pa | varam varagunalayam.” 


. padattha-kkamato muttam kamaccutam idam yatha :— 


“khettam va dehi gamam va desam va mama sobhanam”’ 


. lokiyattham atikkantam ativuttam matam yatha :— 


“ atisambadham akasam etissa thana-jumbhane”’ 


. samudayatthato ’petam tam apetatthakam yatha :— 


* oa4vi putto balivaddo tinam khadi pivi-jjalam”’ 


. bandhe pharusata yattha tam bandha-pharusam yatha :— 


“kharakhila parikhina khette khittam phalatyalam”’ 


. heyyam lakkhanam anvattha-vasendpakkamadinam 


udaharanam etesam dani sandhassiyamyaham, 


. tatthapakkamam yatha :-— 


“bhavanadanasilani sammasammaditan’ iha 
“bhogasageadi nibbana sadhanani na samsayo.” 


. ocityahinam yatha :— 


“ pijaniyakaro loke aham eko niramtaram. 
“may’ etasmim guna sabbe yato samudita ahum.” 
yatha ca :— 

“yacito “ham kathan néma na ajjamyapi jivitam 
“tathapi puttadanena vedhate hadayam mama.” 
bhaggariti yatha :— 

“itthinam du-jjandnaii ca vissaso nopapajjate 
“vise singimhi nadiyam roge raja-kulamhi ca” 
samsayam yathé :— 

“ munindacandimalokarasalolavilocano 

“Jano ’vakkantam anto ’va go padassanapinito”’ 


. vakyatthato duppatiti karam gammam matam yatha :— 


“oso viriyava soyam param. hantana vissami.” 

dutthalankaranan t ’etam yatthalankaradisanam 

tass’ alankara-niddese rapam avibhavissati. 

kato ’tra sankhepa-naya maya ’yam 

dosanam esam pavaro vibhago 

eso ’v’ alam bodhayitum kavinam 

tam atthi ce kheda-karam param pi. 

Sangharakkhita mahdsémi vicarite Subodhdlankare dostvabodho 


_ nama pathama paricchedo. 


110 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. [No. 2, 


69. kadaci kavikosall4, virodho sakalo pyayam, 
dosa-sankhyam atikkama, gunavidhi vigahate, 

70. tena, vutta-virodhanam avirodho yatha siya 
tatha dosa-pariharavabodho dani niyyate. 

71. tattha viruddhatthantarassa parihdro yatha :— 
*“‘vindantam paka salinam sdlinam dassand sukham, 
“tam katham nama megho ’yam visado sukhaye janam ?” 

72. yatha ca :— 

“vinayako pi nago ’si; gotama pi mahapati ; 
“panito pi rasapeto ; citta me sami te gati.” 

73. adhyatthassa yatha— 

“katham tadigunabhave lokam toseti du-jjano ? 
“ obhasitasesa-diso khajjotonaéma kim bhave ?” 

74, pahelikayamarudha nahi duttha kilitthata ; 
“piyd sukhalingitam kam 4lingati nu no” iti. 

75. yamake nopayojeyya kilittha-padam icchite 
tato yamakam anfian tu sabbam etam mayam viya. 

76. desa-virodhino yatha :— 
“bodhisatta-ppabhavena thale pi jalajanyahum 
“nudantan’ iva sucira vasallesam tahim jale.” 

77. kala virodhino yatha :— 

“ mahanubhava-pisuno munino manda-maruto 
“sabbotukam ayam vayi dhunanto kusumam samam” 

78. kala-virodhino yatha :— 

“nimuggamanaso buddhagune paiicasikhassapi. 

“ tanti-ssaravirodho so na sampineti kai-janam’’ 
79. loka-virodhino yatha :— 

“ canaye cakkavalam so candanarapi sitalam 

“ sambodhisattahadayo padittangarapuritam.”’ 
80. fidya-virodhino yatha :— 

“ nariccattabhavo pi tvam upanitabhavo asi 

“ acintyaguhasaraya namo te munipungava !” 
81. dgama-virodhino yatha :— 

“nevalapati kenapi vaci viifiattito yati 

“ sampajanamusavada phuseyyapatti dukkatam.”’ 
82. neyyassa yatha :— 

“ maricicandanalepalabha sitamaricino 

“ima sabbapi dhavala disa rocanti nibbharam.” 

83. yatha va:— 

“ manonurahjano maéranganisingaravibbhamo 
“jinendsamanufinato marassa hadayanalo.” 
84, visesanapekkhassa yatha : 


1875. ] G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 111 


“ apaydtaparadham pi ayam veri janam jano 
“kodhapatalabhutena bhiyyo passati cakkhuna.” 
85. hinatthassa yatha :— 
“appakinam pi papanam pabhavam ndsaye budho 
“ api nippabhatanitakhajjoto hoti bhanuma.” 
86. anatthassa yatha :— 
na padapuranatthaya padam yojeyya katthaci 
yatha :— vande munindassa pada-pankeruham varam.”’ 
87. bhaya-kodha-pasamsadi viseso tadiso yadi 
vatthum kamiyate doso na tatth’ ekatthata kato. yatha:— 
88. “sappo sappo ayam handa! nivattatu bhavan tato, 
“ yadi jivitukamo ’si katham tam upasampasi ?” 
89. bhaggaritino yatha :— 
“vo koci raipatisayo kanti kapi manohara 
“ vilasatisayo kopi aho buddhamahodayo !”’ 
90. avy4mohakaram bandham avyakinnam manoharam 
adura-pada-vinyasam pasamsanti kavissara. yatha :— 
91, “niluppalabhan nayanam, bandhikaruciro ’dharo, 
“nasa hemankuso, tena jino ’yam piyadassano.” 
92. samatikkantagammattam kantavacabhisankhatam 
bandhanam rasahetutta gammattam ativattati. yathé:— 
93. “ dunnoti kama-candalo so mam sadaya niddayo 
“{disam vyasanépannam sukhi pi kim upekkhase ?” 
94. yatihina-parihéro na punedani niyyate 
yato na savanubbhedam hettha-y-etam vicaritam. 
95. kamaccutassa yatha :— 
“udaracarito ’si tvam, ten’ evarddhana tvayi 
“desam va dehi, gamam va, khettam va, mama sobhanam.” 
96. ativuttassa yatha :— 
“ munindacandasambhttayasorasimaricinam 
“ sakalo pyam 4kaso navakaso vijumbhane.” 
97. vakyam vyapannacittanam apetattham aninditam, 
ten’ ummattadikanan tam vacan’ afifiatra dussati. yatha :— 
98. “samuddo piyate so ’yam, aham ajja jaraturo, 
“ime gajjanti jimata, Sakkass’ Hravano piyo.” 
99. sukhumalavirodhittadittabhava-ppabhavitam 
bandhanam bandhapharusa-dosam sandisayeyya tam. yatha:— 
100. “passanta ripavibhavam sunanta madhuran giram 
“ caranti sadha sambuddhakale keliparammukha.” 
101. apakkamassa yatha :— 
“ phavana-dana-silani sammasammaditan’ iha 
“nibbana-bhoga-saggadi sadhanani na samsayo.” 


112 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, 


102. udditthavisayo koci viseso tadiso yadi 
anudditthesu n’ev’ atthi doso kamavilanghane. yatha :— 
108. “ kusalakusalamavyakatam’ ice esu pacchimam 
“avyakatam pakadan na, pakadam pathamadviyam.” 
104. sagunan’ avikarane karane sati tadise 
ocityahinatapatti natthi bhutatthasamsino. 
105. ocityam nama vififieyyam loke vikhydétam adara 
tatthopadesappabhava sujan4 kavipungava. 
106. vinhatocityavibhav’ ocityahinam parihare 
tatocityassa sampose rasaposo siya kate. yatha:— 
107. “yo marasenam asannam asannavijayussavo 
“tinaya pi na maiinattha so vo detu jayafi jino.” 
108. araddhakattukammadi-kamatikkamalanghane 
bhaggaritivirodho ’yam gatin na kv4pi vindati. yatha :— 
109. “sujanaffdnam, itthinam, vissiso nopapajjate 
“ visassa, singano, roga-nadi-réjakulassa ca.”’ yatha ca:— 
110. “ bhesajje vihite suddhabuddhadiratanattaye 
“pasadam acare niccam sajjane saguhe pi ca.” 
111. samsayassa yatha :— 
“ munindacandimalokarasalolavilocano 
“jano ’vakkantam anto ’va ramsidassanapinito.”’ 
112. samsayay’ eva yam kinci yadi kiladihetuna 
payujjate na doso ’va sa-samsayasamappito. yatha :— 
113. “ yate dutiyan nilayam gurumhi sakagehato 
“papuheyyama niyatam sukham ajjhayanddina.” 
114. “subhaga bhagini saya-m-etass’”’ icc evamadikam 
‘na gammam’ iti niddittham kavihi sakalehi pi.” 
115. dutthalankaravigame sobhanaélankatikkamo 
alankaraparicchede avibhavam gamissati. 
116. dose pariharitum esa varo ’padeso 
sattantaranussaranena kato may’ evam 
vihhay’ iman guruvaran’ adhikappasada 
dose param parihareyya yaso ’bhilasi. 
Iti Sangharakkhita mahésami vicarite Subodhdlankdre dosa-parihardva- 
bodho nama dutiyo paricchedo. 


117. sambhavanti gund yasm4 dosdn’ evam atikkame 
dassessan te tato ’dani sadde sambhisayanti ye. 

118. pasad’, ojo, madhurata, samata, sukhumalata, 
sileso, darata, kanti, atthavyatti, samadhayo. 

119. guneh’etehi sampanno bandho kavi-manoharo 
sampadayati kattunam kittim accantanimmalam, 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 113 


. adurahitasambandhasubhaga ya padavali 


suppasiddha.’’bhidheyya ’yam pasadam janaye yatha : 
“ alankaronto vadanam munino ’dhara-ramsiyo 

“ sobhante ’runaramsiva sampatantabujodare.” 

ojo samasa-bahulyam eso gajjassa jivitam. 

pajje pyanakulo so ’yam kanto kamiyate yatha :— 


. “munindamandasanjatahasacandanalimpita 


“ nallava dhavala tass’ ev’ eko nadharapallavo.”’ 


. padabhidheyyavisayam samasa-vyésa-sambhavam 


yam pariuatyam hot’ iha sopi ojo ’va tam yatha :— 


. “jotayitvana saddhammam sandharetva sadevake 


“jalitva agoikhandho ’va nibbuto so sasavako.”’ 
‘“‘matthakatthi matassapi rajobhavam vajantu me 
“ yato puniiena te senti jinapadambuja-dvaye.” 


. ice atra niccappanatigedho sadhu padissati 


jayate ’yam guno tikkha-pafnanam abhiyogato, 


. madhurattam padasatti-r-anuppasa vasa dvidha 


siya samasuti pubba vannavutti paro yatha :— 


. “yada eso *bhisambodhi sampatto munipungavo 


“tada-ppabhuti dhammassa loke jato mahussavo.” 
“muninda, mandahasa te kundasandohavibbhama 
“ disantam anudhavanti hasanta candakantiyo !” 
sabba-komala-vannehi nanuppaso pasamsiyo 
yatha: “’yam malati mala linalolalimalini.” 


. muduhi va kevalehi, kevalehi putehi va, 


missehi va, tidha hoti vannehi samata yatha :— 
“ kokilalapasamvadi munindalapavibbhamo 
“hadayangamatam yati satam deti ca nibbuti.” 


. “sambhavaniyasambhavam bhagavantam bhavantagu 


“ bhavantasadhanakankhi ko na sambhavaye vibhum.” 


. “laddhacandanasamsaggasugandhimalayanilo 


“mandam ayati bhito ’va munindamukhamaruta.” 
anitthur’ akkharappaya sabbakomalanassata 
kicchamuccaranapetavyanjana sukhumalata. 

“ passanta rapavibhavam sunanta madhuran giram 
“caranti sadhii sambuddhakale keliparammukha.” 
alankaravihinapi satam samukhat’ edisi 

arohati visesena ramahiya tad ujjala 
romahcapincharacana sadhuvadahitaddhani 

lalant’ ime munimeghummada sadhusikhavala. 


. sukhumalattam atth’ eva padatthavisayam pica. 


yatha: “ matadi saddesu kittisesadi kittanam.” 


114 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No, 2, 


141. silitthapadasamsaggaramaniyagunalayo 
sabandhagaravo soyam sileso nama tam yatha : 

142. “ balinduvibbhamacchedanakharavalikantihi 
“s4 munindapadambhojakanti vo valitavatam.” 

143, ukkamsavanto yo koci guno yadi patiyate 
udaro ’yam bhave tena sanatha bandha bandhati. 

144. “ padambhojarajolittagatta ye tava Gotama 
“aho te jantavo yanti sabbada nirajattanam !” 

145. evam jinanubhavassa samukkamso "tra dissati : 
pafinava vidhind ‘nena cintaye param idisam. 

146. udaro sopi vihneyyo yam passathavisesanam 
yatha: “ kilasaro, lilahaso, hemangadaédayo.” 

147. lokiyatta n’atikkanta kanta sabbajananam pi 
kanti namativuttassa vutta sa pariharato. 
yatha : “ muninda” ice adi: 

142. atthavyattabhidheyyassaneyyata saddato ’tthato 
sayam tad ubhaya neyyaparihare padassita. 
yatha : “ marici” ’ce adi: ‘ manonurahjano mara” ’ce adi, 

149. puna atthena yatha :-— 

“sabhavamalata dhira mudha padanakhesu te 
“yato te vanatananta molicchaya jahanti no,” 

150. ‘bandhasaro’ ti manfanti yam samagga pi vilifuno 
dassanavasaram patto samadhi nam’ ayam guno. 

i51. afiadhammo tato ‘Afatha lokasimanurodhato 
samma adiyate ’ce eso samadhiti nirujjati. 

152. apane paninam dhammo, samma, adiyate kvaci 
nirupe rupayuttassa, nirase sarasassa ca. 

153. adrave dravayuttassa, akattari pi kattuta, 
kathinassdsarire pi: rapan tesan kama siya. 

154. “unnapunninduna natha diva pi saha sangama 
“vinidda sampamodanti manne kumudini tava!” 

155. “dayarasesu mujjanta jana ’matarasesv iva 
“sukhita hatadosa te nétha padambujanata.” 

156. ‘“ madhure pi gune dhira nappasiddhanti ye tava 
“idisi manasovutti tesam kharagunanam bho.” 

157. “sabbatthasiddha cilakaputapeyya mahaguna 
“ disa samanta dhavanti kundasobhasalakkhana.” * 

158. “mararibalavissatha kuntha nanavidha yudha 
“lajjamana ’iifavesena jina padanata tava.” 

159. “munindabhanuma kalodito bodhodayacale 
“saddhammaramsina bhati bhiudam andha tamam param. 

160. vamanuggilanady etam gunavutyapariccutam 


39 


ti 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies—No. 1. 115 


atisundaram aiflan tu kamam vindati gammatam 
“kantinam vamanavyaja munipadanakhavali 

“ candakanti pivanti ’va nippabhan tam karontiyo.” 
acittakattukam ricyam ice evam gunakammakam. 
sacittakattukam p’ etam gunakammam yad’ uttamam. 
“ugoiranto ’va senaharasam jinavaro jane 

“bhasanto madhuram dhammam kam nasampinaye janam.” 
yo saddasatthakusalo kusalo nighandu 

chando alankatisu niccakatabhiyogo 

so ’yam kavittavikalopi kavisu sankhyam 

oggayha vindati hi kittim amandartpam. 


Sangharakkhita mahasamt viracite Subodhilankare gundvabodho 


nama tatiyo paricchedo. 


165. 


166. 


167. 


168. 


169. 


170. 


17am 


172. 


173. 


174. 


175. 


176. 


177: 


178. 


atthalankara sahita saguna bandha bandhati 

yato accantakanta ’va v-uccante te tato ’dhuna. 
sabhava-vanga-vuttinam bheda dvidha alamkriya : 
pathama tattha vatthinam nanavatthavibhavini. yatha:— 
“lilavikantisubhago disadhiravilokano 

“ bodhisattankuro bhasam viroci vacam Asabhi.”’ 
vutti-vatthu-sabhavassa ya ’nnatha sa para bhave 
tassa “nantavikappatta hoti vijo padassanam. 

“ tatthatisaya, upama, rdpak’, avutti, dipakam, 
“akkhepo, ’tthantaranyaso, vyatireko, vibhavana. 
“hetu, kkamo, piyataram, samasam, parikappana, 
“samahitam, parlyayavutti, vyAjopavaifianam. 

“ visesa, ralhahankara, sileso, tulyayogita, 
“nidassanam, mahantattham, vaneana, ’ppakatatthuti. 
“ekavali, alfamantiam, sahavutti, virodhita, 

“ parivutti, bbhamo, bhavo, missam, asi, rasi,” iti. 

ete bheda samuddittha. bhavo jivitam uccate. 
vanga-vuttisu poseti sileso tu siri pparam. 

pakasaka visesassa siyatisayavutti ya 
lokatikkantavisaya lokiya ti ca sa dvidha 
lokiyatisayass’ ete bheda ye jati-adayo 

patipadiyate tvajja lokatikkantagocara 

“pivanti dehakanti ye nettafi caliputena te 

“ndlam hantum jin’ esan tvam tanham tanhaharo pi kim ?” 
upamanopameyyanam sadhammattam siyopamé : 
saddatthagamma vakyatthavisaya ti ca sa tidha. 
samasapaccayevadi sadda tesam. vasa tidha 
saddagamma samasena “ munindo candimanano” 

O 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 


. ayadi paccaya tehi ‘‘ vadanam pankajayate :” 


“ munino nayanadvandam niluppaladaliyate.” 


. ivadi, “iva, va, tulya, samana, nibha, sannibha, 


“ yatha, sankasa, tulita, ppakasa, ppatiripaka, 


. “sari, sarikkha, samvadi, virodhi, sadisa, viya, 


“patipakkha, paccanika, sapakkhopamitopama, 


. “patibimba, paticchanda, sartipa, sama, sammita, 


“savanna, bha, patinidhi, sadhammadi, salakkhana, 


. “jayaty, akkosati, hasam, patigacchati, dussati, 


“ussuyyaty, avajanati, nindat’, issati, rundhati, 


. “tassa coreti sobhaggam, tassa kanti viluppati, 


“ tena siddhi vivadati, tulyam tenadhirohati, 
“kaccham vigahate tassa, tam anvety, anubandhati, 
“tam silam, tam nisedheti, tassa cdnukarot’ ime.” 


. upamanopameyyanam sadhammattam vibhavihi 


imehi upama bheda keci niyanti sampati. 
‘‘vikasi padumam ’vatisundaram sugata Y 

Pp I n sugatananam 
iti dhammopama nama tulyadhammanissana. 


. dhammahina, “ mukhambhojasadisam munino” iti 


viparitopama, “tulyam ananenambhojam tava.” 


. “tavananam ivambhojam, ambhojam iva te mukham” 


alinamaffopama sayam anfamafinopamanato. 


. “yadi kinci bhave ’mbhojam locanambhamuvibbhamam 


dharetum mukhasobhantam tave’’-t’ esa *bbhutopama 


. ‘sugandhi sobhasampandhi sasiramsuvirodhi ca 
-mukham tav’ambujam ’ve’’-ti sa silesopama mata, 


sariipa saddavaccatta s& santanopama yatha : 
“balav’ uyyana mala ’yam salakananasobhini’’ 


. “khayicando, bahurajam padumam, tehi te mukham 


samanam pi samukkamsi” tyayam nindopama mata. 


. ‘asamattho mukhen’ indu jina te pati gajjitum 


jalokalank” iti ayam patisedhopama siya. 
“kaccham candaravindanam atikkama mukham tava 
attanava saman jatam’”’ ity asadharanopama. 


. “sabbambhoja-ppabhasaro rasibhitova katthaci 


tavananam vibhati ti hotabhatopama ayam, 


. patiyate tthagamma tu saddasamattiya kvaci 


samasa-paccayevadi saddayogam vind api. 


. “bhinga nemani cakkhuni, nambujam mukham ey’ idam” 


suvyattasadisattena s& sarapopama mata. 


. “may’ eva mukhasobhassety” alam indu vikatthana 


‘yato ’mbuje pi satthi ’ti parikappopama ayam, 


[No. 


G. E. Fryer—Padli Studies.—No. 1. 


. “kim vambujanto bhantali, kim lolanayanam mukham 


mama dolayate cittam” ice ayam samsayopama. 


. kintci vatthum ’padassetva sadhammassabhidhanato 


samyappatitisambhava pativatthupama yatha: 


. ‘‘janesu jayamanesu n’ eko pi jina-sadiso 


“dutiyo nanu natth’ eva parijatassa padapo.” 


. vakyatthen’ eva vakyattho yadi kocy upamiyate 


ivayuttaviyuttatta sa vikyatthopama dvidha. 


. “jino sallesasattanam avibhuto janan’ ayam 
*‘ shammasanta patattanam ghammakale’ mbudo viya.” 
. “munindananam abhati vilasekamanoharam 


“uddham samuggatassapi kin te canda vijumbhana P” 


. samuppejeti dhimantam bhinnalingaédikan tu yam 


upamadusanavalam etam katthaci tam yatha : 


. ‘‘hamsivayam sasi” bhinnaling—“ akdsam saran’ iva” 


vijativacana ; hina, “ sava bhatto bhato ’dhipe.” 


. “khajjoto bhanumaliva vibhati” ty adhikopama ; 


aphuthattha, “ balambodhi sagaro viya sankhubhi.” 


. “cande kalanko bhingo ’va” ty upamapekkhini ayam : 


khaudita, “ keravakaro sakalanko nibhakaro.”’ 


. ice evam adi rupesu bhavanti vigatadara, 


karonti ¢@ adaram dhira payoge kvacid eva tu. 


. “itth’ ivayam jano yati”’: “vadaty esa puma viya’”’: 


“niyo pana ivaya’ me”: “vijja dhanam iv’ ajicita.”’ 


. “bhavam viya mahipala Devaraja virajate. !” 


“alam amsumato kaccham tejasarohitum ayam.”’ 


. upamanopameyyanam abhedassa nirfpava 


upameva tirobhutabheda rapakam uceate. 


. asesavatthuvisayam, ekadesavivatti ca, 


tam dvidha : puna, paccekam samasadivasa tidha. 


. “angulidalasamsobhi, nakhadidhitikesaram, 


“ sirasé napilandhanti ke, munindapadambujam.” 


. “ratanani guna bhari, karuna sitalam jalam 
“cambhirattam agadhattam paccakkho ’yam jino ’mbudhi.’ 
. “candiké mandahasa te muninda vadaninduno 


“ pabodhayaty ayam sadhumanokumudakananam !” 


. asesavatthuvisaye pabhedo ripake ayam : 


ekadesavivattimhi bhedo ’dani pavuccati. 


. ‘vilasahasakusumam ruciradharapallavam 
“sukham ke va na vindanti passanté munino mukham.” 
. “padadvandam munindassa dadatu vijayam tava 


“nakharamsi param kanta yassa papajaya-ddhaja” 


117 


118 


231. 


232. 


239. 


234. 


235. 


236. 


237. 


238. 


239. 


240. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 


“ sunimmalakapolassa munindavadaninduno 

“ s4dhuppabuddhahadayam jatam keravakananam.” 
rapakani bahuny eva yuttayuttadibhedato 

visum na tani vuttani ‘ etthev’ antogatani ’ti. 

“ sitapupphujjalam lolanettabhingan tavananam 
“kassa nama mano dhira nakaddhati manoharam.”’ 
“ candim ’akasapadumam”’ ice etam khandaripakam 


duttham : “ambhoruhavanam nettani” cceadi sundaram. 


pariyanto vikappanam rupakassopamaya ca 

natthi yan tena vinneyyam avuttam anumanato, 
punappunam uccaranam yam atthassa padassa ca 
ubhayesaii ca vinileyya sayam avuttinamato: 

“ mano harati sabbesam, Adadati dis4 dasa, 
“canhati nimmalattan ca, yaso-rasi jinass’ ayam.” 
“ vibhasenti dis&a sabba munino dehakantiyo 
“vibhasenti ca sabbapi candadinam hataviya” 

“ jitva viharati klesasripum loke jino ayam 
“viharaty arivaggo’ yam rasibhuto ’va dujjane.” 
ekattha vattamanampi sabbavakyopakaranam 
dipakam nama: tafi ce’ adi-majjh-anta-visayam tidha. 
“akasi buddho veneyya bandhunam amitodayam 
“tad ahnesan tu jantunam visam niccopatapanam.” 
“ sabha papehi ca samam nekatithiya, maddanam” 
“dassanam munino sadhujananam jayate matam 

“ accantakantalavanyacandatapamanoharo. 

“¢ jinananindu-r-indu ca kassa nanandako bhave.” 
‘‘ hotavippatisaraya sila pamojjahetu so 

“tam pitihetu sa cayam passaddhyédi pasiddhiyé.” 
icc adidipakatte pi pubbam pubbam apekkhini 
vakyamala pavatta’ ti tam maéladipakam matam. 
anen’ eva ppakarena sesanam api dipake 
vikappanam vidhatabbanugati’ suddhabuddhihi. 
visesavacanicchayam nisedhavacanan: tu yam 
akkhepo nama so yafi ca tidha kalappabhedato : 
“ekaki nekasenan tam maram. sa vijayi jino 
“katham tam athava tassa parami balam idisam.” 
atitakkhepo. 

“kin citt’ ejasamugdhyatam appatto ’smiti khijjase 
“‘pahamo nanu so yeva sakimpi sugate kato P” 
vattamanak khepo. 

‘“‘saccam na te’ gamissanti sivam sujanagocaram 

“ micchaditthiparikkantamanasa yesu dujjana.” 


[No. 2, 


258, 


259. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. 


anagatakkhepo. 

heyyo satthantaranyaso yo “Anavakyatthasddhano. 
sabbavyapi visesatho, hi-visitthassa bhedato. 

“tepi lokahitasatta sriyo candimé api 

“ attham passa gamissanti niyamo kena langhate ?” 
‘‘sattha devamanussanam vasi sopi munissaro 

“ cato ’va nibbuti, sabbe sankhdra na hi sassata.”’ 
“jino samsarakantara janam papeti nibbuti. 

“nanu yutta gati sayam vesdrajjasamanginam ?” 
“surattan te ’dharaputam jina ranjeti manasam 
“sayam ragaparitta hi pare rafijeti sangete.” 

vaece gamme tha vatthinam sadisatthe pabhedanam 
vyatireko ‘yam apy ekobhayabheda catubbidho. 

* cambhirattamahattadiguna jaladhina jina 

“tulyo tvam asi, bhedo tu sarirenedisena te !”” 

“ mahasattatigambhira sagaro sugato pi ca, 

“ saoaro “njanasankaso jino camikarajjuti.”’ 

‘na santapapahan, n’ evicchitadam, migalocanam ; 
“ muninda, nayanadvandam tava tagouuabhisitam.” 
‘*munindananam ambhojam esam nanattam idisam, 
“ suvuttamatasandayi vadanam, n’edis’ ambujam. 
pasiddham karanam yattha nivattetvaina karanam 
sdbhavikattam athava vibhavyam sa vibhavana. 
‘‘anaiicitasitan nettam adharo ’raijitaruno 
“‘samanata bhamu c4yam jindnavaicita tava.” 
‘na roti khalu dujjanyam api dujjanasangame. 

* sabhavanimmalatare sadhujantuna’ cetasi.” 
janako fapako ceti duvidha hetavo siyum 
patisankharanam tesam alankaratayoditam. 
bhavabhavakiccavasa, cittahetuvasd pi ca 
bhedananta idam tesam mukhamattanidassanam. 

“ paramatthappakasekarasa sabbamanohara 

“ munino desana4yam me kamam toseti manasam.,” 
bhavakiccokarakahetu, 

“ dhirehi sahasamvasa, saddhammassabhiyogato, 

“ niggahen ’indriyanaf ca, dukkhass’ upasamo siya.” 
abhavakicco karakapetu. 

“ muninda, candasamvadikantabhavopasobhina 

“ mukhen’ eva subodhan te manam papabhinissatam.’ 
bhavakicco fiapakahetu. 

“ sadhuhattharavindani sankocayati te katham 

*‘ muninda, caranadvandaragabalatapo phusam.” 


? 


119 


120 G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1. [No. 2, 


ayuttakari cittahetu. 
260. “sankocayanti jantunam panipankeruhan’ iha, 
“ munindassa padadvandam nakhacandanam amsavo.’ 
yuttakari cittahetu. 
261. udditthanam padatthanam anuddeso yathakkamam 
sankhyanam iti niddittham yathisankhyakamo pi ca. 
262. “ alapahasalilahi, muninda, vijaya tava, 
‘ kokila, kumudani, copasevante vanam, jalam.” 
263. siya piyataram nama attharfipassa kassaci 
plyassatissayen’ etam yam hoti patipidanam. 
264, ‘‘piti ya me samuppanna santa sandassana tava, 
“ kalendyam bhave piti tad eva puna dassana.” 
265. vannitenopamanena vutya dhippetavatthuno 
samasavutti namayam atthasankheparupato. 
266. sayam visesyamattena bhinnabhinnavisesana 
atth’ evam apara pyatthi bhinn4bhinnavisesana. 
267. “visuddhaématasandayi passatharatanalayo 
‘*vambhiro cayam ambodhi pufifienapadito maya.” 
268. ‘‘icchitatthappado, saro, phalapupphopasobhito, 
“sacchayo, ‘yam apubbo ’va kapparukkho samutthito.’ 
269. sagaratthena saddhammo: rukkhatenodito jino : 
sabbe saddarana dhamma pubbatr’, afiiatra tu ttayam. 
270. vatthuno’ fiiappakarena thita vutti tad aniata 
parikappiyate yattha sa hoti parikappana. 
271. upamabbhantaratthena, kiriyadivasena ca, 
kamenodaharissami vividha parikappana. 
272. ‘icchabhatgatur’ Asind ta ’tiniccalam acchara, 
“ vasam nent’ iva dhiram tam tad’ yogabhiyogato,”’ 
273. “‘ gajam maro samarudho yuddhay’ accantam unnatam 
“mageam anvesati nanu jinabhito palayitum.,” 
274, “muninda, padadvande te carurajivasundare 
“ maiine, papabhisammaddajatasonena sonima.” 


by 


275. mafifie, sanke, dhuram, nina-m, iva, ice evam adihi 
sayam vyaiijiyate kvapi kvapi vakyena gamyate. 
276. “ daydsancaérasarasa deha nikkhantakantiyo 
“‘ pinenta jina te sadhujanam sarasatam nayum.” 
277. arambhantassa yam kinci kattupunnavasaé puna 
sadhanantaralabho yo tam vadanti samahitam. 
278. “ mararibhangabhimukhamanaso tassa satthuno 
“mahdmahi maharavam ravi ’yam upakarika.” 
279. avatvabhimatam tassa siddhiya dassinaniatha 
vadanti tam ‘ pariyayavutti’ ti sucibuddhiyo. 


285. 


286. 


287. 


288. 


289. 


290. 


291, 


292. 


293. 


294. 


295. 


296. 


297. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. 121 


‘ vivatangananikkhittam, dhanam dérakkhavajjitam, 

“ dhanakamayathakamam tuvam gaccha yad’ icchasi.” 
thuti karoti nindanto viya tam vyajavannanam 
dosabhasa guna eva yanti sannidhim atra hi. 

“ sancaletum alam tvasi bhusam kuvalayakhilam 

“ visesan tavata natha gundnam te vadama kim.” 
visesicchaya dabbassa kriyajatigunassa ca 
vekalladassanam yatra viseso namayam bhave. 


. na ratha, na ca matanga, na haya, na padatayo, 


“jito marari munina sambharavajjanena hi.” 
dabbavisesavutti. 

“na baddhakuti, neva puriso dassanacchado 

“ mararibhangafi cakasi munidhiro varo sayam,”’ 
kriyavisesavutti. 

‘na disasu vydtaramsi, néloko lokapatthato 

“ tathapandhatamaharam param. sadhusubhasitam.” 
jativisesavutti. 

“kharam na hi vataddham munindavacanam tava 
“tathapi gavJham khanati nimulam janatapadam.” 
gunavisesavutti. 

dassiyate ’tirittantu straviratthanam yati. 
vadanti vilfiu vacanam ri/hahankaram idisam. 

‘* dame nandopanandassa kim me vyd4paradassana 
*‘putta me padasambhatta sajja sant’ eva tadise.” 
sileso vacananekabhidheyyekapadayutam 
abhinnapadavakyadivasa tedhayam irito, 
*‘andhantamaharo hari samarid/ho mahodayam 

“ rajate ramsimali yam bhagava bodhayam j JEuee 
abhinnapadavakyasileso. 

“ sdradamalakabhaso samanitaparikkhayo 

‘“ kumudakarasambodho pineti janatam sudhi.” 
bhinnapadavakyasileso. 

“samahitattavinayo ahinamadamaddano 

“sugato visadam patu paninam so vinayako.” 
bhinnabhinnapadavakyasileso., 

‘ viruddhaviruddhabhinnakamma, niyamava, paro 
‘ niyamakkhepavacano, ’virodhivirodhy, api 

‘ ocityasamposakadi, sileso padajati ’ti: 

esam nidassanesy eva rupam avibhavissati. 
“savase vattayam lokam akhilam kalaviggaho 

* parabhavati marari ; dhammaraja vijumbhate.” 
“ sabhavamadhuram puniavisesodayasambhavam 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—Wo. 1. [No, 2, 


“ sunanti vicam munino jana passanti camatam.,”’ 
‘“‘ andhakérappaharaya, sabhavamadhuraya ca, 

“ mano pineti jantunam, jino vacaya bhaya ca.” 
“kesakkhinam ’va kanhattham, bhamunam yeva vangata, 
“ panipadadharanam ’va munindassa ’bhirattata,”’ 
‘‘ panipadadharesv eva sarago tava dissati 

“ dissati so "yam athava natha sadhugunesy api !” 
“ salakkhano ’tisubhago tejasi niyatodayo 

‘‘lokeso jitasamkleso vibhati samanissaro. 

‘* asamopi samo loke, lokesopi naruttamo, 

‘¢ sadayopyadayo pape, cittayam munino gati.” 

‘¢ samsaradukkhopahatavanata janata tvayi 

“ sukham icchitam accantam amatan dada vindati.” 
gunayuttehi vatthuhi samam katvana kassaci 
samkittanam bhavati yam s4 mata tulyayogita. 

‘‘ sampattasampado loko sampattalokasampado 
“‘ubhohi ramsimali ca, bhagava ca, tamonudo. 
atthantaram sddhayata kifici tam sadisam phalam 
dassiyate asantam va santam va tam nidassanam 
“udaya samanindassa yanti papa parabhavam 

“ dhammarajaviruddhanam sucaranta durantatam 
‘ sironikkhittacarano ’cchariyan’ ambujan’ ayam 
“ paramabbhutatam loke vinnapet’ attano jino.” 
vibhutiyé mahantattham adhippayassa va siya 
paramukkam satam yatam tam mahantattham iritam. 
‘“ kiritaratanacchayanuviddhatapavaraho 

“ pura param siri vandi bodhisatto ’bhinikkhama.”’ 
“ satto sambodhiyam bodhisatto sattahitaya so 
“hitva senaharabandham api rahulamataram.” 
gopetva vannaniyam yam kinci dassiyate param 
asamam va samam tassa yadi sé vancané mata. 

‘¢ purato na sahassesu na pancesu ca tadino 

“maro paresu tass’ esam sahassam dasavaddhitam. 
“vivadam anuyufjanto munindavadaninduna 
‘¢sampunno candima nayam chattam etam manobhuno,.” 
paranuvattanadihi nibbinnenema ya thuti 

thuti appakate sayam siya appakatatthuti 

“ sukham jivanti harino vanesv aparasevino 

‘¢ anayasopalabhehi jaladappankuradihi.” 

uttaram uttaram yattha pubbapubbavisesanam 
siya ekavali sayam dvidha vidhi nisedhato. 

‘pada nakhaliruciré, nakhali ramsibhasura, 


1875.} G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies. —WNo, 1. 


“ramsi tamopahanekaras4, sobhanti satthuno.” 
319. ‘‘asantuttho yati mn’ eva santoso ndlaydéhato, 
“nalayo yo sa jantunam anantavyasandvaho.” 
520. yahi bhusiya bhusattam afhamaffian tu vatthunam 
vinava sadisattan tam afiiamaffavibhéisanam 
521. “vyamsumandalam tena munina lokabandhuna 
“mahanti vindate kantim so pi ten’ eva tadisi.”” 
322, kathanam sahabhavassa kriydya ca cunassa ca 
sahavuttiti viifheyyam tad udaharanam yatha : 
323. “jalanti candarasihi samam satthu nakhamsavo 
“vijumbhati ca candena samam tam mukhacandima” 
324, ‘jinodayena malinam saha dujjanacetasa 
‘*papam disé suvimala saha sujjanacetasa”’ 
525. virodhinam padatthanam yattha samsaggadassanam 
samukkamsabhidhanattham mata sayam virodhita 
326. “ound sabhavamadhura api lokekabandhuno 
“sevita pépasevinam sammadtsenti manasam” 
327. yassakassaci danena. yassakassaci vatthuno, 
visitthassa yam adanam, parivuttiti s4 mata, 
328. ‘pura paresan datvana manunham nayanadikam, 
‘‘muninda, samanuppatto dani sabbanfutasiri,”’ 
329. kinci disva na viniata patipajjati tam samam 
samsayapagatam vatthum yattha soyam bhamo mato. 
330, ‘‘samam disdsujjaldsu jinapadanakhamsumé 
“passanta abhinandanti candatapamana jana.” 
331. pavuccate yamnamadi, kavinam bhavabodhanam 
yenakenacivannena, bhavo-namayam iritam 
332. ‘‘nanu te yevasanta no sagara, na kulacala, 
“ manam pi mariyadam ye samvatte pi jahanti no?” 
333. angangibhava sadisaphalabhava ca bandhane 
samsaggo ‘lankatitam yo tam ‘missan’ ti pavuccati 
34, “passatha munino padanakharamsimahanadi 
“aho ga/ham nimuggepi sukhayaty eva te jane!” 
339. ‘veso sabhavamadhuro, rupam nettarasayanam, 
“madhu ’ya munino vaca, na sampineti kam janam.” 
336, “asinama siy’ atthassa itthassasinam yatha :— 
; “ tilokekagati natho patu lokam apayate !” 
337. vasappatitijanakam jayate yam vibhusanam 
rasavantanti tan feyyo rasavantavidhaénato. 
338, “raganatambhutasarojamukhan dharaya 
“pada tilokagaruno ’dhikabandharaga 
“ adaya niccasarasena karena ga/ham 
P 


124 


Lti 
wabodho 


340. 
341. 
342. 
d43. 
344. 
345. 


346. 


347. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—WNo. 1, "LNo. 2 


“ saficuppayanti satathahita sambhamena”’ 
ice énugamma purimacariyanubhavam 
sanhhepato nigatito yam alankatinam 
bhedo ’parupari kavihi vikappiy4nam 

ko nama passitum alam khalu tésam antam. 


Sangharakkhita mahasam vicarite Subodhalankare atthalan kara- 
nima catuttho paricchedo, 


patibhanavata lokavoharamanusarina 

tatocityasamullasavedina kavina param. 

thayisambandhino bhavavibhava sénubhavaka 

samajjanti nibandha te rasassadaya sidhunam. 

cittavuttivisesa tu bhavayanti rase yato 

ratyadayo tato bhavasaddena parikattita. 

virodhinannabhavena yo bhavo na tirohito 

silena titthati ’ce eso ‘ thayibhavo’ ’ti saddito 

rati, haso ca, soko ca, kodh’ ussaha, bhayam pi ca 

jiguccha, vimhaya, c’, eva samo ca, navathayino. 

tiro bhava vibhavadi visesenabhimukhato 

yete caranti silena te honti vyabhicarino 

nibbedo, takka, sanka, sama, dhiti, jalata, dinat’ ugedalasattam, 
suttam, haso, galan’, ussuka, tarasa, sat’ assa, visadavahiddha, 
cinta, gabbapamaramarisa, mada, mat,’ ummada, moha, vibodho, 
niddavega, savilam, marana, sacapala, vyadhi tettimsam ete. 


samahitattappabhavam satta’ tenopapadita 

sattika, py anubhavatte visum bhava bhavanti te. 
thambha, pa/aya, romaiica, tatha sed’, assu, vepathu, 
vevahiyam, visarata, bhavatth’ ete ’hu sattika. 
yada ratyadayo bhava, dhitisila na honti ce 

tada sabbe pi te bhava bhavanti vyabhicarino. 
vibhavo karanan tes’ uppattiy’ uddipane tatha 

yo siy4 bodhako tesam anubhavo ’yam irito. 
nekahetu manovuttivisesan ca vibhavitum 

bhavam vibhavanubhava vauniya bandhena putam, 
savibhavanubhavehi bhava tete yatharahain P 
vanniyd yatocityam lqkarupanugamina. 
cittavuttivisesatta manasa satbikangato 
bahinissatasedadi anubhavehi vanniya. 

samajikanam anando yo bandhatthanusarinam 
‘rasiyati’ ti tafiiuhi raso naémayam irito, 
savibhavanubhavehi sattikavyabhicarihi 


re 


364. 
365. 
366. 
367. 
868. 


369. 


370. 


G. E. Fryer—Pali Studies.—No. 1. ° 125 


assidiyattam aniyamano thiyeva so raso. 

singara, hassa, karuna, ruddha, vira, bhayanaka, 
bibhacchabbhuta, santa ca, rasa thayin’ anukkama. 
dukkharupe ’yam anando kathan na karunddike 

siya sotunam anando soko Vessantarassa hi, 
rammadesakalakalavesadipatisevino, 
yuvananhoniarattana pamado rati-r-uccate. 
yutyabhavanubhava te nibandha posayanti nam 
sopyayogavippayogasambhoganam vasi tidha. 

vikaragati adihi attano ’tha parassa va 

haso niddasamalassamucchadi vyabhicaribhi. 

paripose siyé haso bhiyyo ’tthippabhutinam so. 

sitam iha vikdsinayanam, kifcalakbhiya dvigantu hasitam, 
madhurassaram vibasitam, amsasirokammam upahasitam, 
apahasitam sajalakkhi, vikkhittangam bhavaty atihasitam, 
dve dve hasa kathita ¢ esam jetthe majjhe jamme pi ca kamato 
sokartpo tu karuno ’nitthappattithandsato, 
tatthanubhava ruditapa/ayatthambhakadayo. 
visadalasyamaranacintadi vyabhicarino. 

kodho macchariyadihi pose tasamadadihi 
nayanarunakadihi ruddho nama raso bhave. 
patapavikkamA4dih’ ussaho viro ti safiniho, 
ranadanadayayogé viro ’yam tividho bhave. 
tevanubhava, dhitimatyddayo vyabhicarino. 
vikarasanasattadibhayukkamso bhayanako 

sedadayo ‘nubhay’ ettha tasadi vyabhicarino, 

jigaccha rudhiradihi putyadihi viraégato 

bibhaccho khobanubbegi kamena karunayuto 
nasavikdnanadihi sankadihi’ssa posanam. 
atilokapadatthehi vimhayo ’yam raso ’mbhuto 
tassinubhava sedassusadhuvadadayo siyum 
tasavegadhitippanna hont’ ettha vyabhiearino., 
thayibhavo samo mettadayamodadisambhavo’ 

bhavadihi tad ukkamso santo santanisevito. 


A Iti Sangharakkhita mahasémi vicarite Subodhdlankare rasabhivdvabo= 
Uh 


0 néma pancamo paricchedo. 


SUBODHA’LANKA’RA NITTHITAM. 


—— eee ee 


126 [No. 2, 


Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. 1.—Coins of the Kings of Dihlé 
and Jaunpur.—By J, G. Detmenrick, Dihii. 
(With a plate.) 
‘Ghiya’s-uddi’‘n Balban. 
Pl. IX, 1. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 670, 


ex 9 wot &he eed 


Margin — Ksleiue 9 Oa Edu re ea Gy past KSmd| OM Wye 
The Balban inscription discovered by me at Sonipat and published in 
the Society’s Proceedings for May 18738, bears the same date as this coin. 


Kuth-uddi’n Muba’rak Sha/h. 
Pl. IX, 2. New Variety. Silver. Weight, 168 grs. Cuireular piece. 
Dar-ul Mulk, A. H. 717. 
exo] 9 liad} whs est wlbldy wt 
by 62x15 sQbeolt gst wareeed| oat aly 
Margin— Ksleznws 9 yee Faas Kios ee SUS sty pas? Ko Qh Zor yo 
This coin shews either a new place of mintage, or Dar-ul Mulk is 
only another designation for Dihlt, Dar-ulkhilafat, or Kuitbabdad, which are 
observable on other published coins of this king. 
Pl. IX, 8. New Variety. Silver. Weight, 83 grs, A. H. 720. 
lod} OBS Circular area— 8& s)ly0o ay sats 


wily Margin—wriegat_yrol UL G51 lblndt 


ve abe} sil 


Ghiya’/s-uddi’n Tughluq Sha’/h. 
Pl. FX, 4. New variety, Gold. Weight, 170 ers. A. H. 725. 
ie 


she USsia!t io} & ls 
gid plas wrszelt rel 


Margin— Kalnrswe 9 wise 9 Cpe xaxeeee Bol} sd0 Ops 


_Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Pt. I, 1875. 


ly 
WS 
os} 


Lith: and print:by S. Sedgfield. 
= Unpublished Muhammadan Coins. 
(Dihlé and Jaunpur.) 


Ze}, 
(Gs »\ =e 
ae, 12 lps if 
(eee 
ihe 
aera eed Nant oss ne 


t 0. Y 
SA. 


ee Syn, - 
. ad ed 
ee 


1875.] J. G. Delmerick—Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins,—No. 1! 127 


Mahmu’d Sha’h, bin Muhammad Shah, bin Firdz Shah. 
Pl. IX, 5. Gold. Weight, 169 ers. A. H. 802. 


xl ‘apis xlLd dg=” Aer s390S wy old 
tb ls 


Mahmu’d Sha’h, bin Ibrahim Shah, of Jaunpur. 
Pl. IX, 6. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A.H. 847. 


wet yt a (Ky ogo? alee! Lot 
aU) cQte platen} ld 


wets cael 


Margin— «x xeee NOV HERKRE 


Mura’d Bakhsh. 
Pl. IX, 7. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1068. Ahmadabad, 


CS atpo Oe” The Kalimah. 
cole slayly Margin—The names and titles of 
Margin— sexs spel rae the companions of the Prophet. 
olf dea! Gy 6} 941 1S lds 


Sha’h Jaha/n. 
Pl 1X, 8. Silver. Weight, 176 ers. A. El. 1069: 


crtols The Kalimah. 
woke gles One”? KORKEK set rr Kio 70 


£249 coil sla gl 


Pl. TX, 9. Silver. Weight, 176 ers. A. H. 1069. 


ag csilé lsh ole gle The Kalimah. 
Margin— pale wrod! Che o4=° Margin—The names and titles 
SUtoer} Cyd il se of the four companions of the 


Prophet. {+49 


128 J. G. Delmerick—Lists of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—WNo. 1. | No. 2, 


Aurangzi’b. 
Pl. IX, 10. Silver. Weight, 175 grs. A. H.1070. Patna. 
prbedt gst Sylsve Sus wy 
SoS oI} a” Urge 05! Bue 
5355 


Uevie 

I possess a good many coins of Aurangzib. They show that after the 
deposition of Shah Jahan in A. H, 1068, some confusion prevailed in the 
mints of the Empire. For instance at Multan, [lahabad, Itawah, and 
Dihli, the coins were after his victory at Samogar at once issued in the 
name of Aurangzib. At Ahmadabad they were struck indiscriminately in 
the names of Shah Jahan and Murad Baksh during A. H. 1068, and in the 
name of Shah Jahan only during A. H. 1069. While, as will be seen from 
the coin now published, at Patna, owing no doubt to the influence and 
presence of Shuja’ in the vicinity, no coins were struck in the name of 
Aurangzib until A. H. 1070. 

The statement of Bernier that Aurangzib refrained from any overt 
assumption of sovereign rights for a year, or until his return from Lahor, 
is not borne out by his coins. He seems to have immediately assumed 
those rights, which were certainly recognized as far as his authority 
extended. 

I may also add here that a silver coin of Aurangzib in my possession, 
struck at Multan, presents the novel fact that the exclusive use of the 
word Ȣ* on the gold, and of the word jo on the silver coins of the earlier 
period of his reign, was not so strictly observed as on the later coins. The 
word yg appears to have been used at the commencement on his gold and 
silver coins alike. Afterwards this word was used on his gold coins, and jos 
on his silver coins only. 


Rafi’-uddaraja’t. 
Pl, IX, 12. Silver. Weight, 174 ers. A. H. 1181. 
Wh1pe Ls dies aSm0 95 da} Svs ro 
yooe ylasals wl Crplrotare erga 


try wlayo} e2) Is 


a 


Rafi”-uddaulah. 
Pl. IX, 11. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1181. 


Slo br olpare glu gais,s ye 
syle gla ols 
cs) oN 
(ere 


1875.] J. G. Delmerick —Lists of Rare Muhammadun Coins.—No. 1, 129 


Muhammad Ibra/hi’m. 
Pl. IX, 13. Silver. Weight, 174 ers. A. H. 1132. 


ee 22 Wha yy 9} Ku Dal dine Uys 
PiALy?! Se=” wlala gla Lwylo AVE. rye 
rier sbtykests ellen, 


Sayyid Husain ’Ali Khan Barha, according to the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 
was assassinated on the 6th of Zil Hajjah, A. H. 1181. Sayyid ’Abdullah, 
his brother, got intelligence of the event on his way from Agrah to Dihli on 
the Sth of the same month. He at once made up his mind to supplant Mu- 
hammad Shah by placing a pliant puppet upon the throne. With this 
view he sent his agent into Salimgarh for a candidate. The crown was 
first offered to the sons, successively, of Mwizz-uddin Jahandar Shah, but 
they ail refused it, and shut their doors against the faces of the Sayyid’s 
agents, who then went to Nekutsiyar, the son of Prince Akbar; but this 
young man stole away and hid himself. At last they went to the apart- 
ments of Sultan Ibrahim, the son of Rafi’-ulkadr (Rafi’-ushshan) and the 
brother of Rafi’-uddarajat and Rafi’-uddaulah, and prevailed on him to 
accept the throne. 

The coronation took place at Dihli on the 11th Zil Hajjah ; and on the 
17th, Sayyid “Abdullah marched with this new pageant of royalty and a 
large army against the Emperor Muhammad Shah, who was then in the 
neighbourhood of Palwal. They met the Emperor near Hasanpur. The 
battle of Shahpar was fought immediately after, which ended in the defeat 
and capture of Sayyid’ Abdullah. Ibrahim fled, but was seized and brought 
back. The Emperor pardoned him. 

Thus it will be observed that Ibrahim occupied the throne nominally 
for one month only, and my coin, which is dated A. H. 1132, must have 
been struck during the first eighteen days of his very brief reign. 


——— OO Oe——EOOOOEOOOeOO OOO er 


130 [No. 2, 


Translation of the Ayodhya Mahdtmya, or ‘ Pilgrimage to Ayodhya’.—By 
Rau Na’ra’yan, Bareli College. 


The Ayodhya Mahatmya, according to Maharaja Man Sith, professes to 
be the work of Iksvaku, of the solar race. Ayodhya and Saraya are 
said to own their existence to Vas‘ishtha Muni, their spiritual guide, from 
whom are descended the Vas‘ishtha Brahmans of Ayodhya. It is said to 
have been created in the Treté Yuga, and stands on the Sudarsana Chakra, 
or war-wheel of Ramachandra. But according to Umadat Pandit, the 
Ayodhya Mahatmya is a mere transcript from the Skanda and Padma 
Puranas, and is not the composition of a Raja of Audh, 

Ayodhya, the most ancient sacred city of the Hindus, and for many 
centuries the seat of the kings of the solar race, is situated upon the 
river Sarjaya, which unites with the Ghaghra at Sehorghat, 30 miles west 
of Faizabad, where a fair is held at the fuli moon of Paus. 

The word ‘Ayodhya’ is derived from the Sanskrit prefix a, not, and 
yodh, battle. It means ‘ not to be fought against’. 

The origin of the city, according to the Hindus, was this. The eldest 
son of Brahma, the Deity’s creative energy, named Sayambhuva Manu, 
once went to his father’s dwelling and said to him, “Please give me a 
fine place to live in.” Brahma took him to Vishnu, who bestowed on him 
the wonderful and splendid Ayodhyd. The site was selected and the city 
was built upon it. 


TRANSLATION. 


Chapter I. 

Once Parvati said to Mahadeva—“ You are omniscient and have related 
several religious stories; I now wish to hear some account of Ayodhya, and 
especially its Mahatmya. It is an ancient city and dear to Ramachan- 
dra. They say that it stands first among all other holy places, and is the 
bestower of mukti (salvation) ; describe therefore its extent; the great 
kings that have ruled in it; the number of sacred spots; their advan- 
tages ; the good attending residence init; the river that flows there ; and the 
benefits arising from bathing in it at the different ghats on peculiar days; 
with the things that should be given on those occasions.”’ Mahadeva, hav- 
ing saluted Ayodhya and Ramachandra, answered,—“ It has the great river 
Ghaghra on the west and the old Saray flowing near ; it is the goddess of 
learning; and the abode of Vishnu and Hari is here. Hear the Mahatmya 
of Ayodhya, which is the source of great happiness, and gives absolution of 
sins. This city was built by God in the beginning of the creation, and is 
well-known in all the three parts of the world, Its origin was this. The 


1875.] Ram Nirayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahdtmya, 131 


eldest son of Brahma, named Sayambhuva Manu, the protector of his 
subjects, once went to his father’s dwelling, and stepped up to him 
with joined hands. Brahma, being pleased, benignly asked him :—“O son, 
tell me quickly why you have come here.” Manu replied, ‘‘ You have 


ordered me to create the world, please give me an agreeable place to live 


ries 


Brahma took his son with him and went to Vaikuntha, the chief mansion 
of Vishnu’s paradise, which is a square, having four gates, one on each side, 
and beautiful fortifications, and all the gods bow to it. Here fairies sing 
harmoniously ; the Sama Veda, the best of the Vedas, is sung by the Gan- 
dharvas ; and all the inhabitants are four-armed, wearing the finest and most 
valuable ornaments. The door-keeper of the eastern gate is Chanda-Para- 
chanda ; of the western, Jaya-Biaya : of the southern, Bhadra-Subhadra ; and 
of the northern, Dhata-Vidhata. In the middle of this place was a temple 
of jewels, having a throne of the same material, on which was seated Bhaga- 
van Vasudeva Vishnu. 

Brahma, having joined his hands, said with a sweet voice, “ O god of 
gods, thou hast mercy upon thy devotees, and Manu is one of them; give 
him, therefore, some land to live on.”’ Vishnu, with much pleasure, bestowed 
on him, in the centre of the earth, this wonderful and splendid Ayodhya. 
Brahma then came to our mortal world with Manu, and Vishnu sent Va- 
sishtha and Vis’vakarma with an order that the latter was to build a city as 
the former might desire. The site was accordingly selected, but the ground 
being found unfit for such a purpose, the Sudarsanachakra was formed, and 
upon it the foundation was laid. Various kinds of shrines, palaces, roads, 
markets, gardens decorated with jewels, trees bearing beautiful fruits and 
flowers, birds of melodious voices, innumerable elephants, horses, chariots, 
bullocks, cows, all sorts of virtuous men and women provided with every 
thing, were created. ‘The Sarayu flows near it, and the ohats are made of 
precious stones. Here the lotus and fragrant flowers are blossoming ; differ- 
ent kinds of birds are singing in harmony ; gods, goddesses, and celestial 
beings, are bathing ; and the most powerful, good, handsome, and well-versed- 
in-knowledge, Sarya-bansi rajas were born. To the west is the confluence 
of the sacred Ghargharé and Sarayu, the latter flowing from the west north- 
wards and then to the east. The Ganges and the Saray are both called 
‘ Brahma-Svartipa’ waters, where devotees and sages live, and all the capital 
sins are washed away by bathing. Ayodhya is, therefore, suited to the medi- 
tation of Vishnu, S/iva, and Brahma; they all three keep it in their minds, 
It is the first abode of Vishou : whoever remains there finds felicity. Noone 
ean fully describe its greatness. From the Lakshmana-kunda, which has a 
thousand streams, one yoyana (four miles) to the cast and as far to the west, 

Q 


132 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, [No. 2, 


and from the Sarayt to the Tons, it is called Antaragara [middle house]. 
Commencing from the Guptar, it extends towards the east.” 

End of Chapter I, the reading or hearing of which causes all sins to 
disappear, and good actions to make their appearance. 


Chapter ITI. 

Parvati asked—‘* What are the benefits of a pilgrimage and visit 
to Ayodhya ; how many sacred places and gods are there ; and in what month 
and on what bathing days should the pilgrimage be performed ?” Siva an- 
swered, ‘‘ Listen carefully to what I say. Ihave to mention things which are 
secret and without a beginning. When a man thinks of going to Ayodhya, 
his deceased ancestors are released from hell and sin, and repair to heayen, 
and for every step on his way, he reaps the reward of an As’vamedha 
(a-horse sacrifice). He who advises another to perform the pilgrimage, 
or in some way becomes the cause of it, is absolved from all sin, and ob- 
tains his wishes. He who pays the pilgrim his travelling expenses, goes to 
heaven with his sons and grandsons. He who provides a tired pilgrim with 
a conveyance, goes in the conveyances of the gods to their regions. He 
who gives food and water to a hungry and thirsty pilgrim, gains the fruit of 
S‘raddhas performed at Gaya and of bathing in the Makar season [Capricorn- 
is] at Ilahabad, and his forefathers are blessed with everlasting happiness, 
He who supplies a bare-footed pilgrim with shoes, obtains the conveyance 
of an elephant. But he who in any way stops such a pilgrimage, goes to 
hell, and suffers innumerable agonies for an unlimited period. He who fur- 
nishes a pilgrim with a vessel for water, derives the advantage of keeping a 
thousand paonsalahs. He who anoints a pilgrim’s feet with oil, or washes 
them well, will obtain his desires in both worlds, The pilgrim, who listens 
to anecdotes of Vishnu, or sings hymns on his way, is looked upon as vir- 
tuous. The pilgrim, who, dismounting from his conveyance, stretches himself 
on the ground and weeps tears of love, is free from capital crimes, from the 
guilt attending the use of corn and water not belonging to himself, and 
from the Panch-sina. At the mere sight of Ayodhya, the sins committed by 
treading upon corn, wearing shoes, &c., to which every one is liable, and which 
are called‘ Panch-sfina,’ and those of seven births, are removed. Do not doubt 
this. Listening to religious stories on the pilgrimage, reading treatises on the 
attributes of God and repeating his name, gives access to Him. He who, 
on seeing Ayodhya, prostrates himself on the ground, and bows down before 
it, becomes free from all sins and reaches the Deity. The benefits which a 
pilgrim becomes entitled to by visiting Ayodhya and by meditation on Rama, 
are indescribable, and on seeing RAma’s image all his sins are destroyed. 
Hear me, Parvati, the mere sight of the Sarayd nullifies all sins; bowing 
down before it removes all worldly troubles, and bestows upon man every 
kind of joy. TheSaraya water washes away all crimes,” 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyé-Mahdtmya. 133 


On hearing this, Parvati asked what the manner was of performing the 
pilgrimage, to secure all its advantages, and go to the place of Vishnu. 
Mahadeva replied—‘‘ He who performs the pilgrimage with all his organs 
ef action and perception restrained, and with the profession of living the life 
of a Brahma-chari, will reap all its rewards; others will not be deprived 
of the usual ones. The rich should give charity, and the poor undergo 
privations, that is, perform the pilgrimage, and fast three nights succes- 
sively. The wealthy will become poor if they do not give alms in 
proportion to their riches. Remaining in this holy place and observing 
all the prescribed ceremonies, entitles a man to the full benefits of perform- 
ing sacrifices and giving alms. Evensages and gods attained superiority 
and affluence from remaining, bathing, and worshipping at this sacred city. 
Such a pilgrimage should therefore be performed. He who, having bathed 
in the Sarayd, adores the gods, gains the reward of an As’vamedha-Yajna. 
Feeding a single Brahman at the Saray, leads to blessings in both worlds. 
One who eats fruits and the roots of vegetables, and freely gives the same to 
a Brahman, gains the advantage of an As’vamedha-Yajna. Men living 
here are not transformed into mean creatures, and are freed from trans- 
migration of the soul. He who thinks of Ayodhya, morning and evening, 
reaps the fruit of visiting all the holy spots init. The seven Paris (sacred 
places) constitute the body of Vishnu; Avantika, called Ujjain, the foot; 
Kanchi, the waist ; Dvarka, the navel ; Haridvar, the heart ; Mathura, the 
neck; Kasi, the fore part of the nose; and Ayodhya, the head, which is 
the principal member of the body. Visits to this place and bathing at it 
wash away the sins of men and women. Even as Vishuu is superior to all the 
gods, so is Ayodhya to all the holy places ; he who stops here for twelve 
nights, derives the advantage which he would derive by performing all sorts 
of sacrifices. Remaining only one night bestows upon him the blessings of a 
hundred sacrifices on the fire. Residence, devotion, and charity at Ayodhya, 
are only obtainable through great virtues. Fasting here twelve nights, a 
man obtains the benefit of going once round the whole of India, as also what- 
ever he wishes. One night’s abode at Ayodhya with purity, gives freedom 
from degradation and accomplishment of one’s desires. Ayodhya is the 
form of Parabbrahma; the Sarayu, of Sagdnabrahma ; and the inhabitants 
of Ayodhya, of Jagannatha. I attest the truth of the above with an oath. 
O Parvati, the Vedas, the gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and myself, are unable to 
describe fully the greatness of Ayodhya.” 


Chapter III. 


Parvati now asked Mahadeva regarding the origin of the Saray. All 
the Munis are anxious to hear an account of that river. Mahadeva an- 
swered—* The Saray has herself described her origin. It is as follows: Once 


134 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahdtmya. (No. 2, 


S’ri Raghundtha amused himself at the door of the heavens with his brothers 
and companions; they were dressed in their best, and wore beautiful 
ornaments, so that they were loved by all the people of the three worlds. 
Each was mounted on the shoulders of a companion and fanned with a fly- 
flapper. Protected by charms and spells, they caused the residents of the 
place great delight ; men, women, boys, youths and old men, were present: it 
was the day of the full-moon of Jyaishtha. Maharaj Das’aratha had also 
come there to bathe. S’ri Raghunatha asked his companions, where his 
father was, and wished to be carried tohim. A chobdar replied, ‘ The Maha- 
raja has gone to bathe in the Sarayt’, and added, ‘ You, too, may go there, it 
is very near.’ On hearing this, Raghunandana smiled and said, ‘ Let us 
go, and kicked the companion on whose shoulders he was mounted. The 
companion, with all the children, proceeded towards the Sarayu, which greatly 
pleased every passenger. By this time the Maharaja had bathed, performed 
the religious ceremonies, and was ready to go away with the sages, when a 
messenger reported the approach of Raghunatha with his brothers and 
companions. The Maharaja waited till they arrived. The brothers, having 
dismounted from the shoulders, went to the Maharaja, and paid their re- 
spects to him. Raghunandana sat in his lap; the Maharaja gave the chil- 
dren fine seats and thus addressed them—‘ Dear boys, salute the Sarayu’, 
and they all didso. Then the Maharaja, placing the boys in front, and 
joining his hands, in the presence of the company devoutly prayed, saying— 
‘O goddess Sarayt, I bow down before thee whom all the gods and virtuous 
persons (Brahma and Narada included) worship ; who flowest from the lake 
of Manasasarovara, and washest away all sins. Those who visit thee or 
think of thee, are freed from sins. Those who drink thy water, never suck 
the milk of their mothers. Manu and other Maharajas worshipped thee. 
Men who depart from this world on thy banks with thy name on their lips 
are endowed with blessings; they reap the highest rewards of mundane 
existence. There is no doubt of this. Thou hast sprung from the eyes 
of Narayana, what am I when the gods sing thy praise? The advantages 
of all the sacred places flow from thy waters; I therefore repeatedly 
bow down before thee. Thou art the daughter of my spiritual guide, 
and I prostrate myself before thee; release me from all worldly ties. All 
these children are thine and have come to thy protection ; please guard and 
nourish them.’ 

Having thus praised her, the Maharaja gave a lace of gold-muhurs 
to the Brahmans through the hands of the children, to gain her favour, On 
hearing the prayer of the Maharaja, the Saray assumed a beautiful form, 
appeared before the children and sat amongst them, dressed in excellent 
clothes and decorated with precious ornaments. ‘The Maharaja, placing his 
head on her fect, saluted her, and so did all the children, and Sarayt bestowing 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mdhatmya. 135 


her blessings on them, took Ramachandra in her lap, conferred on him a neck- 
lace of pearls, and addressed the Maharaja thus—‘ This child is dear to the 
whole world, and always lives in my bosom, ‘The learned know this from 
their penetrating sight.’ She then added—‘ Whoever shall read your 
prayers or mine at the time of bathing, shall be endowed with the benefits 
that flow from bathing in all sacred places.’ Having said this, she took 
all the children, Ramachandra included, to her bosom. ‘Thereupon the 
Maharaja was greatly astonished, and making a bow, asked her origin, 
“ Because Vas’ishtha,” said he, ‘‘ brought thee, thou hast received the 
name of Vasishthi; but how didst thou come to take my children, tell me 
with thy own lips.” Saray said,—‘‘ Hear, Maharaja. In the beginning of 
the creation, a lotus sprung from the navel of Narayana, which gave birth to 
Brahma, who began to worship Vishnu by his order. When he had done 
so for a thousand years, Vishnu, more handsome than ten millions of cupids 
and mounted on his vehicle Garuda, came, and seeing Brahma deeply engaged 
in worship, was pleased with him, and shed tears of joy from his eyes. 
Brahma, who was devoted to adoration, opened his eyes, saw Narayana, 
made a prostration, gathered in the palm of his hand the tears that 
flowed from the eyes of Bhagavan, kept them in a wooden vessel, and, 
knowing the flow to be righteous, deposited them in the reservoir of his 
heart, by bathing in which Loka Pitimaha wasborn. After a long time, 
the first of the Solar race became king of Ayodhya; his son Ikshaku, thy 
ancestor, offered up prayers to the great sage Vasishtha, who praised Brah- 
ma. On this Brahma became pleased with him, and told him to ask for a 
boon. He solicited Brahma to give him a holy river, and his request was 
complied with; for he gave him the same water that had flowed from Nara- 
yana’s eyes. Sarayd said, ‘I will flow in the form of a river, and accord- 
ingly the sage walked ahead and I followed him. I always keep Rama- 
chandra near my bosom, and those who think of me, with him, obtain salva- 
tion and piety. Thisis undoubtedly true. Ramachandra is all truth and 
joy, born through your devotion to protect the virtuous and kill the wicked.’ 

After having related the above story, Saraytt disappeared. The 
inhabitants of Ayodhya were greatly surprised, and said—“O Das’a- 
ratha and Sarayu, you are both very fortunate.” Then the Maharaja, 
having taken leave of his spiritual guide, went home, rejoicing in his 
luck. Because the great sage Vas'ishtha brought her, she is called 
Vas‘ishthi, and as she came for the sake of Ramachandra, she is styled Rama- 
Ganga. Whatever good results from remaining at Kas‘i for a thousand 
ages ; at Prayag for twelve years in the Makara season; at Mathura, for a 
Kalpa; at Avantika for a krora of kalpas, and bathing in the fullmoon night 
in the month of K4rtika at the junction of Kirtika, and for 60,000 years in 
the Ganges, is obtained by the mere sight of the Saray. Ayodhya confers 
more blessings on men than a Sraddha at Gay4 and a pilgrimage to Jagan- 


136 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Muhitmya. [No. 2, 


natha. Thesame salvation which Yogis gain by residing at Kas’i and 
dying there, is available to all, provided they bathe in the Saraya. 
He who prays to God for a moment, and even for half a moment, wherever 
he may be, but bathes with joy in Ayodhy4, is freed from the transmigra- 
tion of his soul. The water of the Sarayu, which is the representation of 
Brahma, is the bestower of salvation. Here, no one is judged by his ac- 
tions, they are all counterparts or manifestations of Rama. Men, animals, 
birds, insects, and worms, receive salvation at this place.’ 


Chapter IV. 

Mahadeva continued, “ O goddess, I am about to describe the first 
sacred place (in Ayodhya). Its name is Svargadvar [gate to heaven], 
and it is the bestower of both heaven and salvation. After enjoying the fruits 
of heaven, a man obtains salvation and freedom from transmigration. No one 
can sufficiently describe its advantages, but I will do so briefly. Its dimen- 
sion is 818 yards, and it is situated east of the thousand-streamed Laksh- 
mana Kunda. Those who are versed in the Puranas say that there has neither 
been, nor will ever be, so holy a spot as this on earth. I also affirm on oath 
that there is no such place in the world, because all the heavenly and earthly 
holy spots unite here in the morning, and consequently people should par- 
ticularly bathe here at that time. The man who dies here goes to the 
regions of Vishnu. Svargadvar, after bestowing heaven, gives salvation, and 
hence it is called ‘ Muktidvar’. Whatever a man desires, he obtains here. 
The benefits of devotion, sacrifices, giving alms, building reservoirs, wells, 
&c., are here everlasting. ‘The sins of a thousand births are destroyed on 
entering Svargadvar. All men, Hindis and Musalmans, animals, birds, 
and insects, that die here, go to the place of Vishnu, become fours 
armed, lotus-eyed, bear the Sankha, Chakra, Gada, Padma, and ride on 
Garudas. Whoever dies at Svargadvar, whether he had any desire or not, 
goes toheaven. Gods, angels, and sages, all bathe here publicly or privately 
at noon. Those who restrain their passions, keep fasts even for a month, give 
away grain, jewels, lands, cows, clothes, &c., and die here, gain salvation. S’ri 
Ramachandra, who is the very identity of the godhead, always remains here 
in the forms of Bharata, Satrughna, Lakshmana, and his own. There is no dis- 
tinction of north or south at the time of death,* because salvation is certain 
in every position. One who gets himself shaved, fasts, and visits Chandra Hari, 
obtains heaven, and all his great crimes are washed away. ‘The reason is 
that the Moon considered this place the most excellent one of Vishnu, and 
came here, and performed all the pilgrimages and prayers, thus pleasing 
Hari. He said—‘ Whoever shall bathe at this spot and look at my image, 
shall go to heaven.’ There are seven Haris here who all encourage good 


* The custom among the Hindus is that when a man is about to die, he is laid 
down on the ground, with his feet towards the south, 


1875.] Ram Nariyan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mdahatmya. 137 


actions—Gupta Hari, Chakra Hari, Vishnu Hari, Dharma Hari, Bilva Hari, 
Punya Hari, and Chandra Hari. The mere sight of these increases virtues ; 
the worship of the last is more important. The worshipping of Brahmans, 
Chandrama, and Hari, pleases Vasudeva, This place is sacred, O Parvati. 
The pilgrimage of it takes place at the full-moon of Jyaishtha, the second 
lunar month, when the advantages of all the gods are obtained. It is called 
one of the most sacred spots in the Puranas. Giving alms at Svargadvar 
produces everlasting happiness. This is beyond question.” 
Chapter V. 

Parvati now asked Mahadeva regarding the advantages of visiting N 4- 
g@es’var, and said, “O Mahadeva, how long have you been at Svargadvar, 
and who has consecrated the monument in which you live ?’”? Mahadeva an- 
swered, “Listen to my origin. When Ramachandra, having given his 
kingdom Kushavati to his son Kusha, went to enjoy himself in heaven, 
situated on Sakait, Ayodhya became sorry and repaired alone to Kusha in 
Kushavati at midnight. The Raja was sleeping. When he awoke, he 
saw Ayodhya and asked, ‘ Whence have you come? Are you a goddess, or 
a celestial, or a human being ? What has made you come to my house ? The 
descendants of the solar race do not speak with any one’s wife when alone.’ 
Ayodhya then replied, ‘ O Maharaj, your father has taken away all my in- 
habitants to Sakait, and it is a pity that when you are the ornament of your 
family, I should be so treated ; no Muni nor any other devotee comes to my 
place; all my beauty is gone, and my buildings are destroyed. As light 
vanishes when the sun sets, or as clouds disappear when the wind blows 
strongly, so is my condition. None of your ancestors ever did what 
your father has done.’ Kusha said, ‘O goddess, you say so, but it is not 
the fault of my father, it is the result of the residence in your place that 
all the inhabitants have gone to heaven.’ Then Ayodhya replied, ‘If this 
is the benefit of my abode, you should also live there, so as to obtain the 
company of your father.’ Having said this, she disappeared. When the 
day broke, Kusha related to his ministers what had transpired the night 
before. They advised him to comply with Ayodhya’s request. Accordingly, 
he went to the city with a large army, headed by Brahmans, and peopled it 
as it was before. 

“ Once the Raja got into a boat with his companions, and went to amuse 
himself on the river. He was enjoying himself there, when Kamudati, 
the sister of Sokun, a serpent who had from a long time lived in the 
Sarayu, became enamoured of Kusha and carried off his kangan. WKusha 
took no notice of it, because he was engaged in diversion, but when he 
came out of the water, he missed the ornament. It had been given by 
Agastya to Raghunatha, from whom Kusha had received it on going to 
Sakait. This caused Kusha great anxiety. He got enraged, and put an 


138 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. (No. 2, 


arrow of fire on his bow, to dry up the waters of the Saray. ‘The Saraya, 
being terrified, fell to his feet, called out for mercy and said—‘ It is not 
my fault ; Kamudati, the sister of Sokun has carried off the ornament.’ 
Hearing this, he postponed the use of the arrow, and reading over it the 
charm called Garuda Mantra, flung it against the serpent. When this was 
done, the serpent came with his sister, who fell to his feet, gave back the 
ornament, and begged to be pardoned for her fault.” Mahadeva further said, 
“O goddess, the serpent was my devotee, and seeing his misfortune, I 
appeared. Kusha touched my feet, and, folding his hands, asked the cause of 
my appearance. I then replied, ‘The serpent is my devotee, and for the 
sake of his protection I have come forward ; so forgive his fault, marry his 
sister, let the serpent go, and ask for a boon, O Maharaj.’ Kusha answered, 
‘Please remain at Svargadvar, which is known by the name of Nages’var.’ 
O Parvati, having said this, the Maharaja worshipped me, and, taking excel- 
lent things, read my six-letter-mantra, and said, ‘ Whoever shall bathe at 
Svargadvar, and visit and worship Nages’var in the prescribed manner, shall 
be blessed, and his pilgrimage shall be fruitful: otherwise he shall reap 
only half the benefit of it.’” Mahadeva said, ‘‘ Having thus declared and 
worshipped me, Kusha went home, and the serpent also repaired to his 
abode. O Goddess, since then I have remained at Svargadvar.” 

“T am now about to relate the story of Dharma Hari. Its locality is 
south-east of Chandra Hari, as described above. A visit to it destroys all 
the sins of the Kaliyuga. Its origin is as follows: Once Dharma came 
here on a pilgrimage, performed it with great strictness, and, fully knowing 
the great and incomparable benefits of Ayodhya, said with much pleasure, 
‘Hari resides here, who can sufficiently, praise its advantages? There is 
no other sacred place equal to Ayodhya; for it does not touch the earth, 
but remains separate from it, supported on the Sudarsana Chakra. How 
excellent are the holy spots of this place! All of them bestow the regions of 
Vishnu. All things here are worthy of praise.’ Having said this, and 
being filled with joy, he began to dance. Seeing Dharma dancing 
in this manner at the wonderful benefits of Ayodhya, Vishnu appeared 
dressed in yellow silk vestment. Dharma, observing Hari, paid his re- 
spects, and praised him thus—‘O inhabitant of the ocean of milk, and 
sleeper on the head of S’eshanaga, whose feet Mahadeva touches, and which 
remove the sorrows of his devotees, who lovest devout austerity, whose 
body is full of joy, and whose eyes are most beautiful, who art omniscient, 
and the husband of S’ri Lakshmi, whose feet are like the lotus, who hast 
the lotus in the navel from which Brahma sprung, whose feet are touched by 
the waves of the milky ocean, and whose Saranga [horny bow] is the destroyer 
of enemies, whose sleep is replete with devotion, whose vehicle is Garuda, 
on whom Yogis meditate, who art ever happy and invisible, who art the 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Méhatmya. 139 


nourisher of cows, whose hair is beautiful, and charming to all; whose 
nose is handsome; whose forehead is fair and glorious ; who keepest the Cha- 
kra for the destruction of the wicked; whose yellow dress is so auspicious, 
that the mere sight of it destroys sins and fulfils one’s wishes ; who hast 
Lakshmi, Sarasvati, and other handsome goddesses by thy side ; whose four 
arms are beautiful and are the bestowers of the four fruits* and the upholders 
of the four yugas (ages); whose thighs are fair and charming; who art all- 
knowing and everywhere present; who holdest a club for the punishment of 
the wicked, and assumest different shapes, such as those of the Lion, the 
Tortoise, &c., for the preservation of virtue and the protection of the world!” 

Mahadeva then told Parvati that when Dharma thus praised Hari, the 
husband of Lakshmi was pleased, and said, ‘‘O Dharma, I am satisfied with 
your praises ; ask for a boon.” Having said this, he granted a boon of his own 
accord to the effect that whoever should read the above mentioned hymn, 
would be blessed, and venerable and wealthy in the world. Dharma then 
said: “As thou hast been pleased with me, I station you here and give 
you the name of Hari.” Then Bhagavan said, “ It will be better to call me by 
the name of Dharma Hari, so that your name may be pronounced first and 
then mine. All sins are destroyed when a man takes the name of Dharma 
Hari.” Such a boon was bestowed. 

Mahadeva then addressed Parvati as follows—‘! With due ceremonies 
Dharma Hari was thus stationed. Therefore, he who, after bathing in the 
Sarayu, will joyfully visit Dharma Hari, shall be freed from all sins. The 
fruits of giving alms, performing sacrifices and devotion, feeding the poor, 
&c., at this place, are everlasting, and admittance into heaven is certain. 
It is wise if a man who commits sins knowingly or unknowingly, performs 
a little prayaschitta [penance] in due form here. No one can fully describe 
the greatness of this sacred place ; what I have said is but little. When 
performing the pilgrimage on the 11th of the lunar half of the month of 
Asarh in the following manner, a man is sure to obtain heaven. He should 
bathe at Svargadvar, visit Dharma Hari, and worship him, which will destroy 
all his sins, and he will go to the regions of Vishnu. 

To the north-east of Dharma Hari, there is a ghat of the name of 
Janaki-Tirtha; here the pilgrimage is performed on the 8rd day of 
S’ravana, especially in the light half of that month. The reward of bathing, 
giving alms, performing worship and sacrifice, and feeding Brahmans here, is 
everlasting. 

South of itis the Ramagha4t, the advantages of which are inde- 
scribable, but I shall relate them briefly.” 

Chapter VI. 

Mahadeva said, “ O Parvati, the space to the south of Ramaghat and 
Svargadvar, in all directions, is called Ay odhy& Pitha [sacred spot], in 
* Artha (wealth) ; dharma (religion) ; kama (wish) ; moksha (salvation). 

K 


140 Ram Narayan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mihatmya. (No. 2, 


the middle of which is Rama Sabha, adorned with all sorts of jewels. Similar 
places of Indra, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and other celestial beings, are nothing 
compared to this. In fact, Brahma and others have no such thing. A heap of 
sins equal to the mountain Mert, is destroyed by its mere sight. One visit 
to it removes the sins of thousands of former births. All the gods render 
homage to it, and Ramachandra, together with his brothers, performs 
the functions of sovereignty in the middle of it. ‘The fruits of the virtuous 
actions of a man are increased by once going round this place and visiting 
and worshipping Raghunatha. 

South of it lies the Madant Dhavan Kunod, bathing in 
which frees from all pride. Raghunatha, with his brothers, uses 
his tooth-brush here. On one occasion, Konduna Muni, having bathed 
in this pond, performed the usual ceremonies of prayer, when the wind 
blew so terribly, that his deer-skin was carried into it, from the effects 
of which the skin assumed the shape of a glorious deity, who ascended 
a most brilliant throne, adorning himself with precious necklaces and 
other ornaments, and fanned by celestial beings, Gandharvas singing and 
Apsaras dancing about. Seeing this, all were astonished. At this time 
Ramachandra appeared, and although he knew all, he asked the deity 
who he was, how he had become a deer, how he had now obtained this 
fair body, and what he was about to do. He replied, “ Ramachandra, 
you know every one internally and externally, but as you have asked 
me, I have to say, O Raghunandana, I was a Vyasa in my former 
birth, always acted contrary to the Vedas, and, from pride of riches, never 
minded what I was told. I never said prayers, did not fast, and gave 
no alms. I was wholly given to sensual pleasures. But I did one good 
action, v7z., I unintentionally sprinkled water on a Tulsi plant. From that 
virtue, I became a deer, and my skin was used by a devotee and con- 
veyed to Ayodhya with godly and religious persons. It touched the water 
of this place and assumed this beautiful form. I have now seen you, and 
beg to be admitted to heaven, free from pain, age, and death.” ‘This was 
granted, and getting into a glorious vehicle he ascended to the regions of 
Ramachandra, whence there is no returning. The pilgrimage of the said 
pond is performed on the 9th of the dark half of Chait. West of the Sabha 
is R4amkot.” 

Then Parvati asked, ‘‘ Where are the places occupied by the monkeys, 
who came with Ramachandra after the southern conquest?” Mahadeva 
replied, ‘‘At the gate of the Palace lives Hanumana, to the south of him 
Sugriva, and near him Angada. At the southern gate of the Fort reside 
Nala and Nila, and near them Sokhain. ‘To the east, there is a place called 
Navaratna [nine jewels—a temple with nine spires], north of which 
lives Gavaksha. At the western door of the Fort resides Dudhavakra. Here 


1875.] Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahétmya. 141 


(Mahadeva says) I, too, am known by the name of Durgesvara. Near this 
lives Sut Bul ; a little farther, Gandha-madana, Kikshuba, Surubha, and Punus. 
At the northern gate of the Fort lives Bibhishana, and east of him Surma, 
whose wife is respected by all; she protects the virtuous and punishes the 
vicious, To the east of her is the residence of Vighnesvar, whose sight removes 
all obstacles that are in the ways of men. Fast of it lives Pindaruk-vira, who 
defends Ayodhya and chastises the wicked. ast of him is the abode of Vira 
Matta-gajendra, the bestower of happiness; and, at a short distance from it, 
is a pond, bathing in which leads a man to perfection. The protector of 
Ayodhya, Vira Sunkay, is the fulfiller of our desires. His pilgrimage is per- 
formed on the 5th of the Nine-nights,* and on every Tuesday. He who 
worships him with perfumes, flowers, and betel-leaves, and offers him food, 
obtains his wishes. In the eastern part of it lives Dovid; in the north- 
east, the wise and intelligent Mayind; in the southern portion, Jambuvana ; 
and in the south, Kesari. These protect the Fort in all directions. At the 
gate resides Mahavira [Hanuman], who is the object of worship of the 
whole world. He is a sage who keeps his passions in subjection, and is 
adored by all men and women. 

Kast of it ies Hanumat-kund, the sight and touch of, 
and bathing in, which confers all sorts of blessings. O Goddess, the 
pilgrimage to Hanumana, the son of Anjana [the air] and the be- 
stower of our desires, takes place every Tuesday. All kinds of joys are at 
the disposal of him who, having bathed in his pond, visits and worships 
Hanumana in due form. The worshipper should say, ‘O son of Anjana, 
destroyer of Janaki’s} grief, king of the monkeys, murderer of the son of 
Uchh, I bow to you and offer perfumes and flowers.”’ Having done this, he 
should enter the Fort and pay his respects to the Ratna-Mandapa.’t 


Chapter VII. 


Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘ In the most beautiful city of Ayodhya, stands the 
Ratna-Mandapa, impregnated with camphor, rosewater, and other per- 
fumes. In the middle of it is Kalpa vriksha,§ and in the centre of that is 
the Ratna Sinhdsan, very excellent, adorned, and embroidered with sap- 
phires, the lustre of which removes darkness. In the middle of the above is 
an eight-leaved lotus of gold, decked with many jewels and shining like the 
morning sun. In its centre is a heart-ravishing image, having eyes like 
the leaves of the lotus, wearmg clothes, embellished with various gems. It 
is the image of Raghunatha, whose body is very soft and smooth, glorious 
like the sun, and of the color of clouds. There is also the daughter of Janaka, 


* These occur in the last halves of Chait and Kar, and are sacred to Devi. 
+ Ramchandra’s wife. 

{ A jewelled shed. 

§ The tree which gives whatever a man asks. 


142 Ram Narayan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, 


shining as lightning : Ramachandra is fifteen, and she twelve years old, their 
ages remaining always the same. Her beautiful eyes are like the lotus, and 
extend to the ear; her neck shews a line like the conch ; her cheeks are fair ; 
her eyes, a little red ; her face is beautiful as the full-moon ; her hair, black ; 
her forehead, high and long ; her eyebrows like the two sides of a divided 
mango ; her tilak is of saffron ; her nose, like a piece of diamond ; her teeth, 
like the seeds of a pomegranate ; her voice is sweet ; her looks, full of pity ; 
and her arms like the trunk of an elephant. The hands of the husband of 
the daughter of Janaka are like the flowers of the lotus ; his fingers are fine ; 
his thigh is as heavy as the stem of a plantain; his foot like that of the 
lotus ; the toes like the hollow portions of the leaves of that plant ; his nails 
as fair as the moon ; his earring shining like the sun; his face is very hand- 
some ; he wears wreaths of pearls and rings on his hands, feet, and toes, 
S‘ri-vatsa* and Bhrigu-lataf on the chest, which is adorned with Kaus- 
tubha Mani;{ he wears a Baijanti;§ and the tilak is of musk and saffron, 
Janaki is also adorned in the said manner. Both Ramachandra and Janaki 
are sitting on the throne, and behind them is Lakshmana, of white color, 
with an umbrella in his hand. Bharata and Satrughan, the former black 
and the latter white, and adorned like Ramachandra and Lakshmana, are here 
with a flapper anda fan. Hanuman stands before them with joined hands, 
A man should worship Hanuman, Sugriva, Jambuvana, Sokhain, Bibhishan, 
Nala, Nila, Angada, Rishava, Vasishta the spiritual guide, Bamadeva, Javala, 
Kasshyap, Markundeya, Madgul, Parbat, Nartd, Jeit Bijay, Surashtra, 
Keshtra Bardhan, Ashoke, Dharmapala, Sumantra, the eight companions, 
Indra and other rulers of the directions of the world, and last of all, the 
gods that reside in the heavens. Then he should worship Raghunatha, 
read the Taraka mantra, which is the best of all mantras, offer perfumes, 
flowers, betel-leaves, and give alms according to his means. Having done 
this, he should repeat the following prayer—‘ O Raghavendra Maharaja, 
destroyer of Ravana and Achchoit [immortal], I am full of sins; protect 
me, I flee to you; I bow to you; you are Ramachandra, Vridha Brahman, 
Raghunath, and Janaki-pati. The origin of the above names is this. 
When you were young and began to give, you were called Ramabhadra 
(prosperous). As you grew older and looked beautiful, the people named 
you Ramachandra ; when you commenced to speak, they called you Vedha- 
Brahma; Raghunath, on your ascension to the throne; and Janaki-pati, 
when you were married to Janaki. I bow to you, O king of the gods, Ma- 
hatman [great], and life of Janaki. You protected the refugees Sugriva and 

* A line of hair. © 

+ Bhrigu is the name of a Brahman who struck Ramachandra on the chest with 
his feet. 


{ The name of a jewel. 
§ The name of a flower-garland. 


1875. Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya. 143 


Bibhishana ; I, too, am a refugee, protect me likewise!’ He who performs 
the above, obtains all his wishes. After the prayer to Ramachandra, he 
should address one to Janaki, daughter of Videha, who, on account of his per- 
fect knowledge, is‘engaged in the meditation of Brahma, and is entirely care- 
less of his body (wzdeha). ‘I bow before your feet, which have entangled the 
minds of Yogis, and which those of others do not reach. When the mind once 
thinks of them, it remains fixed upon them for ever. The Munis meditate 
on them, to remove their three kinds of taps [passions], bodily, mental, and 
that which proceeds from organs of action and perception, The last perform 
their actions by the guidance of their respective deities, and become useless 
when they withdraw their influence over them ; such as when the sun, the deity 
of the eye, withdraws his essence from it, the eye does not suffer, it remains 
just the same, but can no longer see. This is also the case with the nose, the 
tongue, &c., which cease to perform their functions when their deities withdraw 
their powers. This union of the organs and their deities is called Daivak. 
The bodily passion is named Adibhautika, &c. ; the mental one, Adhydtmika. 
Afterwards, he should go to Janmabh mii [birthplace of Ramachandra]. 
East of Vighnesvar, or north of the residence of Vas’ishta, or west of that of 
Lomasa Rishi, is the Janmasthan, the giver of salvation, the mere sight 
of which releases a man from returning toa woman’s womb. ‘The fasting on 
the day of Rama Navami, visiting the place with devotion, giving alms and 
performing pilgrimages and sacrifices, frees a man from the transmigration of 
his soul, A visit to it yields the reward of giving one thousand cows, obey- 
ing father, mother, and the spiritual guide, and performing the Rajasiyia, 
and Agni-hotra [sacrifices] one thousand times.” 

Then Parvati asked in what way people should keep the fast of Rama 
Navami. Sri Sankara replied—“'To confer greatness on Navami, Rama- 
chandra was born of the womb of Kaushalya. On that day, a Tuesday, which 
falls on the bright half of Chait, the Nakshitra was Punarvasu, and the time 
was midday. The gods and celestial beings being highly pleased with it, 
of their own accord began to play upon musical instruments. The fast of 
Navami is considered superior to all other fasts, just as the Chintamani is 
the best of all jewels and the Kalpa-vriksha of all trees. Those who keep this 
fast, and listen to religious stories, perform religious dances, and give alms 
on that day, obtain salvation. It fulfils the wishes of the gods, protects 
the virtuous, and destroys the wicked. It bestows more advantages than 
millions of sacrifices, because the adorable Rama was born on that day, All 
the actions which a man performs on that day, in the name of Raghunatha, 
give everlasting benefits. He who wishes to go to Raghunatha, should 
keep this fast. The fool who eats on that day, shall go to hell, where all 
the vicious are thrown into boiling oil. There is no doubt about it. The 
deceased ancestors of him who on that day makes offerings in their names, 


144 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, 


are admitted to the regions of Vishnu, and he who gives alms according to his 
means, reaps the benefits of the highest degree of charity. How good and 
important is this fast! and how virtuous are those who keep it! They are 
sure of obtaining heaven. He who keeps this fast, reaps the fruits of giving 
alms during an eclipse of the sun and of bathing at Kurukshetra [north of 
Dibli], and performing sacrifices there; and when keeping it according to 
the prescribed ceremonies, a man does no more return to woman’s womb, but 
becomes Rama himself. A Vaishnava, who does not fast, when there is a 
union of the Ashtami and Navami, but on a pure Navami day, and reads 
religious books, such as the Puranas, on the following Dasami, gains all 
kinds of benefits. ‘This is certain.” 


Chapter VIII. 


Then Mahadeva said, “ Having kept the fast, he should repair to the 
Birthplace, worship and pray, as already prescribed. He should place 
Raghunandana in a six-sided vessel of gold or silver, and when he cannot 
afford either, on the back of a leaf of the Bela-tree, marked with three cross- 
lines, worship him, and throw flowers upon him after reading the twelve- 
letter-mantra of Vasudeva. In the same manner, he should worship the 
vessel or leaf, upon which he has stationed Raghunandana, and invoke the 
fifty-seven gods that obtain a place there. After this, he should offer per- 
fumes, flowers, articles of food, &c., praise them with folded hands, touch 
the six corners after reading the mantra, beginning with Hridai, the breast, 
head, the tuft of hair on the top of the head, clothes, eyes, weapons, and 
worship them with sixteen prescribed things, repeating the Mula-mantra 
during the whole time. He should then worship Indra, Lokapala, Vasishta 
Muni, &c., with their peculiar mantras, take arghya,* and throw it upon 
Raghunandana, saying ‘Thou art the destroyer of Ravana, protector of 
Dharma and the devotees, and art Bhagavan, please accept my offering 
with your brothers,’ 

All this should be performed on the Navami. O Goddess, hear what 
the benefits are of worshipping on the Navami. It is related that in ancient 
times there were five wicked persons in the country of Marakantar; one 
Lampaka, an oil-maker ; Sanku, a weaver ; Luntak, a Nat ; Dushta Dhivar, a 
sailor; and Dharma Kahar. They lived in five different cities. The oil-maker 
accidently killed a cow when he was making oil, for which sin he was turned 
out of the city by the Raja. The weaver cohabited with the wife of his younger 
brother, for which he was also banished. The Nat was expelled for attacking 
passengers with bows and arrows in jungles. Dhivar and Kahar being thieves, 


* Water containing sandal, rice flour, and betel-nut. 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Méhatmya. 145 


were once seized and brought before the Raja. Some told him to kill them ; 
others, to cut off their limbs; but the Raja sent them to a sage named 
Vimalatma [pure soul], who ordered the king to confiscate their property, 
shave their whiskers, beards, and tufts of hair on the head, and turn them 
out of the kingdom, which was done. They met in a forest, whence 
they used to attack and plunder towns. In this way they collected large 
sums of money, which they spent in keeping women, drinking wine, and 
eating meat. They abused cows, brahmans, spiritual guides, and even the 
gods. The Raja at last expelled them from the forest. Wherever they 
went, they suffered much distress. They visited many countries and com- 
mitted innumerable crimes. Once the inhabitants of Dihli proceeded to 
Ayodhya, to bathe there on the day of the Navami. The thieves, with the 
intention of plundering them on the road, accompanied them. ‘The pilgrims 
asked them who they were, on which the thieves replied that they were 
pilgrims and residents of the country of Marakantér. Thus they all arrived 
at Ayodhya, but the thieves had no opportunity to plunder the pilgrims. 
The celestial protectors of Ayodhya assuming the shape of men, fell sud- 
denly upon the thieves and began to beat them with clubs of hrodh 
{anger}. At this time Asitamuni appeared and said, ‘‘ O protectors, let the 
thieves go, for they will be freed from sin, and you will obtain great benefits. 
The protectors let the thieves go. The thieves said, ‘O Bhagavan, we 
bow to the protectors.’ Then Asitamuni replied, “ You are very fortunate : 
those who beat you were the Vighnas [troublers] of Ayodhya, who prevent 
wicked persons from entering it; they have let you go on my account, you 
should, therefore, now perform the pilgrimage of Ayodhya in due manner, 
which will remove your sins. ‘Then the thieves asked in what way they 
should perform the pilgrimage, so as to secure places in heaven. Asitamuni 
answered, “ Those who restrain their passions and do not commit sins, 
gain the full advantages of the pilgrimage. He who controls the passions 
and gives alms in proportion to his means, obtains these benefits. He 
who keeps the Muni fast, shaves at Svargadvar, bathes there, and visits the 
birthplace, is released from the sins of killing a cow and a brahman, of 
cohabiting with the wife of a spiritual guide, and from many others of the 
same kind, and thus obtains salvation. On that day, men, Kinnaras, Gan- 
dharvas, and the gods, bathe in the Sarayt and visit the birthplace. You 
should also do the same; proceed and you will see great wonders.” ‘Then 
Mahadeva said, “‘O Goddess, having spoken thus, Asitamuni disappeared, 
and the thieves were glad and entered the city.” 


Chapter IX. 
Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘ When the thieves entered Ayodhya agreeably 
to the words of Asita, Ayodhya, assuming a charming and beautiful form 


146 Ram Naradyan— Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. (No. 2, 


appeared before them, in white clothes, accompanied by several maids, 
adorned with necklaces and armed with the S’ankha, Chakra, Gada, and 
Padma. She is the beloved abode of Ramji and the most ancient of all the 
sacred places. She is worshipped by all the Gods and the Munis who reside 
there. Thus the thieves saw what no one had ever seen before, and they were 
very glad. As sins have no power there, they lost their influence over 
the thieves, as will be explained. Ayodhya advanced towards them with 
the Gada, and the thieves trembled from fear. All of a sudden, the sins made 
their appearance, wearing blue clothes with horrible and dreadful faces, 
depressed noses, wearing iron ornaments, having red hair of different 
shapes, some blind, some one-eyed, and so on. Then Ayodhya beat them 
with clubs, and compelled them to fly. They waited under a pipal tree 
outside the city, and made a horrible noise, which greatly astonished the 
people. “Ayodhya then called the thieves, who went to Svargadvar. It was 
the Navami day, they bathed in the Sarayt, repaired to the Birthplace, kept 
the fast, and visited the place. Thus they were freed from all sins, At 
this time, Yama called Chitra-Gupta and said, ‘The thieves have become 
pure, blot out their sins from thy book and forgive them; their sins have 
been destroyed by Ayodhya, the first city of Vishnu. Here live those 
who require salvation. ‘The thieves have become Vaishnavas. ‘Then Chitra- 
Gupta became sorry, and said, “ We have suffered much trouble in entering 
their sins, but it may be, as thou sayest, that we shall no more register the 
erimes of the wicked ; for it is all in vain: the wicked go to Ayodhya and 
obtain salvation and the vicious, in the Kali Yuga, become pure on visiting 
the Birthplace.’ Having said this, they scratched out the sins of the 
thieves.” 

Then Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, the messengers of Yama, who wander 
about on earth, came to the pipal tree where the sins of the thieves stood 
crying and asked them, ‘ Who are you, whence have you come? what has 
brought you here, and what are you talking about?’ The sins replied, 
‘There were five thieves in the country of Marakantar, very wicked, who 
nourished us and did not mind the orders of their parents, spiritual guides, 
the Vedas and Puranas.’ They then related the whole of the rest of the 
above story.” 

Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘O Goddess, on hearing the words of the sins, 
the messengers felt compassion for them, and got angry with Ayodhya, 
but unable to oppose her, they told them to stop there, as they would try 
their utmost to bring them again together with their friends (the thieves). 
After this, the messengers went to the place of Yama and said, ‘ You have 
made a great mistake.’ Yama replied, ‘ You are not aware of the advantages 
of bathing at Svargadvar, keeping fast on the Navami and visiting the Birth- 
place. I am quite unable to fight with Ayodhya, let us gothere.’ Having 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. 147 


said this, Yama riding on a buffalo, and accompanied by Bhit, Parvati 
Pisacha [evil spirits ] and Ganas, went quickly to Ayodhyé. Meeting Vis’va- 
karma near the city, he asked him, ‘Where do you come from at this 
time on the day of Navami?’ Vis’vakarma replied, ‘I come from 
Ayodhya after bathing at Sargadvar and visiting the Birthplace, and have 
been ordered by Brahma to repair to Sakait with the gods, and build houses 
there for the pilgrims of Navami.’ Hearing this, Yama advanced, relating 
the advantages of Ayodhya to his servants. He first arrived at the Tons, 
and prayed to it with folded hands. Thence he went to the Guptar-Ghat, 
and sat down on the bank of the Saray, praising Ayodhya,” 


Chapter X. 


“Yama, having praised Ayodhya as described above, solicited pardon for 
his sins. Ayodhya then appeared, to please him. Yama bowed to her, 
upon which Ayodhya said, “ You are very wise, I am much pleased with 
you, ask for a boon, and let me know the object of your coming here.” 
Then Yama replied: “If you are pleased with me, tell me the way by 
which the sins that stand under the Pipal tree outside the city, may be 
destroyed, and secondly, forgive the faults of our messengers.” Ayodhya 
said, “Remain on the bank of the Sarayt, which shall be known by the 
name of Yamasthala. Itis called’ Jama-thura by the people. Those who 
bathe here on the second day of the lunar half of Kartika, shall be free from 
your fear. Let the sins that stand under the Pipal tree be destroyed 
by my order.’ Having thus spoken, Ayodhya disappeared. Yama then 
remained at the bank of the Sarayu, and Chitra-Gupta, and the messengers of 
Yama were greatly ashamed, and the sins were destroyed in a moment. 
¥ama, having built his house there, went to his place, relating the benefits 
of Ayodhya to his messengers.” 

Then Mahadeva said to the goddess, “T have told you the advantages 
ef Ayodhya, the Sarayu, the Birthplace, and the day of the Navami. He 
who hears them, or relates them to others, obtains salvation in the end after 
haying enjoyed all pleasures. What Agastya Muni said to Sutikshna 
Muni I have related to you. This religious story removes the sins of one 
who is ignorant, the enemy of the Brahmans, the spiritual guide of the 
Vedas, and of the Gods, provided he tell, read, and hear it in faith.” 

Then Parvati said, ‘‘I shall now be glad to hear the advantages of the 
Kitchen of Janaki.” Mahadeva answered, “ O Goddess, listen to its: 
sin-destroying story. Her kitchen is always filled with articles of food; its 
mere sight accomplishes our wants. Its pilgrimage is performed at all 
times : no one can fully describe its benefits, but I will do so in a brief manner. 
The house of one who daily visits it, remains filled with victuals. On seeing 
ib, Parasurama was released from the crime of destroying the Kshatriyas. A 

8 


148 Ram Navrayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, 


mere visit to it removes sins committed knowingly or unknowingly. It 
freed Balarama from the sin of killing Sut. What more shall I say about 
it P—it is the bestower of all sorts of joy. It is situated north-west 
of the Birthplace. Forty yards north of the Birthplace lies the house of 
Kaikeyi, where Bharata was born. Sixty yards south of it is the dwelling 
of Sumitra, where Lakshman and Satrughna were born. Their sight releases 
man from worldly ties, and gives salvation. South-east of the Birthplace is 
Sitakup, which isalso called‘ Jnana-kup.’ Drinking its water renders a 
man intelligent. Brihaspati, Vas‘ishtha, and Vamadeva drank its water, and 
attributed to it their dignity and prosperity. 

South of Hanumat-Kund is Suvarna-khanah, called Sona-khar 
by the people, where Kuvera showered gold from the sky. South of it is 
Sugriva Kund, andsouth of that Bibhishana Kund. Pileri- 
mages to these places on the day of Navami destroy all sins and bestow 
every kind of blessing.” 

Chapter XI. 

Then Parvati asked Bhagavan to tell her how gold was showered in 
the Suvarna-khanah, and what caused Kuvera to fear Raja Raghu. Maha- 
adev replied, ‘‘O goddess, this story strikes all with astonishment, There 
was a very powerful king of Ayodhya in the family of Iksviku. He pro- 
tected the world, and subdued a crowd of enemies. His name was well 
known in the three worlds, and he loved his people. The canopy of his glory 
surrounded the ten quarters of the globe; he reduced his foes to submission, 
amassed great wealth by his conquests, assembled a large army, conquered 
many Rajas, took tribute from them, and thus filled his coffers with in- 
numerable treasures. Being at ease and leisure, he intended to perform a 
sacrifice at Ayodhya. With this view he called Vas’ishtha, Vamadeva, Kés- 
yapa, Jabal, Bharadvaj, Gautama, and other Munis, gave them suitable 
houses, and prayed: ‘O venerable sirs, I intend to perform a sacrifice, please 
tell me what sacrifice shall I perform.” All the Munis replied, “O Ma- 
haraj, the Vis’va-jit sacrifice would be a suitable one, because you have 
conquered the three worlds. Do not delay.” Maharaji Raghu then 
performed the Vis’va-jit, and distributed his money among beggars. With 
the exception of his territory he kept nothing in the shape of money, and 
thus pleased the Gods, the Munis, and men. Thus he became as famous as 
Indra. At that time Kauto Muni, a disciple of Vis’vamitra Muni, 
learned fourteen sciences, and promised to pay in leu fourteen krors of 
gold-muhurs. He compelled the spiritual guide to demand the above sum 
from him. <A gold muhur is sixteen mashas in weight. He thought that 
no one but Maharaja Raghu could afford so much money, and he went 

_ therefore to Ayodhya. The Maharaja received him with great respect; he 
had no gold left and used earthen vessels. Seeing the state of the Maha- 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. 149 


raj, the Muni was sorry, thought it improper to ask him for anything, and 
very unreasonable to put aman of such liberality to shame. He gently ad- 
dressed the Maharaja and said, ‘‘O Raja, you have given all, it is useless for 
me to tell you what I have promised to pay my spiritual guide. What do 
you say to this?” Hearing this, Maharaja Raghu became thoughtful, and 
requested the Muni with folded hands, to stop a day at his house, so that 
he might make some arrangement. The Muni did as requested. Raghu 
thought that as all the Rajas had paid their tribute, it was not right to 
exact more from them; he might therefore take something from Kuvera 
who had inexhaustible treasures. Accordingly he went to him. Kuvera, 
hearing of this through his messengers, was happy, and showered down 
gold in such quantities, that a mine of gold was formed. The messengers 
then went to the Maharaja and reported to him what had been done, upon 
which he was pleased, showed the Muni the mine, and told him to take 
all the gold that was init. ‘The Muni took as much as he required, and 
left the remainder. Kauto then said, ‘‘O Raja, you shall get a son who 
will increase the influence and dignity of your family ; this Suvarna-khanah 
will be the bestower of every one’s wishes. Bathing and giving alms here 
will bestow riches upon men. The pilgrimage is to be performed on the 12th 
day of the lunar half of Bais’4kh, and those who perform it will gain numer- 
ous advantages. A pilgrimage to it on the tenth day of the lunar half of 
Kartika will also bestow great blessings upon them. Having given this pro- 
mise, the Muni went away. After this, the Raja went tothe house of the 
spiritual cuide, and, to obtain his wishes, distributed among the Brahmans 
the gold that was left, and continued to protect his subjects. O Goddess, 
thus did the mine derive its dignity from the Muni’s boon.” 

Parvati asked to tell her the cause why the spiritual guide had become 
so angry with Kauto Muni as to demand so large a fee from him, Maha- 
deva said, ‘‘O goddess, listen to what I am about to relate. Vis’va- 
mitra Muniis a sage, and knows the past, the future, andthe present. Once 
he performed a great devotion at his house, when Durbas& Muni came to 
him. He was very hungry and called out, ‘‘O Muni, I am hungry, give 
me something to eat, I wantrice-milk.”’ Vis’vamitra immediately brought 
a hot vessel full of rice-milk. Seeing him come with it, Durbasa asked him 
in gentle terms to hold it till he had bathed. Having said this, Durbas% 
went home, and Vis’vémitra, without feeling angry, stood firm like a peg, 
with the vessel in his hand fora thousand years, during which Kauto Muni 
remained in his service. At the expiration of the said period, Durbasa 
returned, found both happy, ate the rice-milk, and went home satisfied and 
praising them. Then Vis’vamitra, pleased with the services of Kauto 
Muni, taught him all the sciences and told him to go home. Kauto Muni 
requested Vis'vamitra to ask a fee; but he answered that his services, 


150 Rim Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mihatmya,  |No. 2, 


were quite sufficient. Kauto Muni repeated the question and received the 
same reply. But he persisted in his request, upon which Vis’vamitra 
got angry and said, “ Pay fourteen krors of gold muhurs for learning the - 
fourteen sciences.” Kauto Muni replied that it would be paid. He thought 
that only Mahéraj4 Raghu could afford to pay such a sum; for he had 
conquered the world and performed the Vis'vajit sacrifice, and his wishes had 
been obtained. O Goddess, he who listens to the story which I have related, 
shall be freed from sin and get salvation. There is no doubt about it.” 


Chapter XII. 

“ To the south of the Suvarna-khanah is the Y aj iia Vedi [the place of 
sacrifice], where S’ri Ramachandra performed sacrifices. West of it is the 
Agni Kund [the fire altar], adorned with various jewels. Its light removes 
darkness, and devotees reside here. A man should put here three kinds of fire, 
Dakshinagni, Garhapatya, and Ahavaneya and perform the pilgrimage to it in 
faith. Bathing, giving alms, and reading religious books here bestow great 
blessings. He who bathes at this place becomes immortal, This is beyond 
question. Giving gold, grain, clothes, cows with their young ones, and bath- 
ing here, confers riches. The pilgrimage to it is performed on the Ist of 
the dark half of Agrahayana. The offering of Pénds (balls of flour or rice) 
here is equal to a Gaya Sraddha, and it blesses the deceased ancestors. Giving 
alms here is equal to performing an As’vamedha. 

“South of Yajiia Vedi is the confluence of the Tilai and Sarayu. To 
bathe, give alms, particularly grain, to fast and feed the Brahmans here, is 
equal to performing the Achai Sautramani sacrifice. Merely bathing here 
makes a man healthy, and yields the benefits of ten As’vamedhas. By 
siving gold here, a man becomes virtuous and glorious. Sti Raghunatha 
made this river famous. It is also called Tilodaki, because its water 
remains black as the seed of the sesamum. Bathing in the Tilodaki at 
the confluence destroys the sins of seven births. O Goddess, it is therefore 
proper for men to bathe in it and give alms here, because these benefits are 
everlasting. 

‘‘ West of the Tilodaki and the Sarayti is As’oka Batka, the garden of 
S’ri Raghunatha, in which various trees are planted, such as the sandal, agaru, 
kalagura, fir, champa, naugkesar, mahua, kathal, dsan, surtur, lodh, kadamb, 
arjun, ramnama, sutawar, vasanti, mundar, plantain, and other trees. 
Many flowers and fragrant trees are also found here, the colour of some being 
like gold, of some like silver, of some like fire, and of others black. 
There are several pools, ponds, wells, and cisterns, adorned with jewels and 
filled with clean water, on which the lotus and other flowers float. ‘In the 
middle of itis a bungalow decked with beautiful artificial flowers, brilliant 
like the stars. It is better than the Nandana garden of Indra and the Chitra= 


2) ileal eas = 
Sees aise i 

» ai ited, 

Pr. 

aoe 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. 151 


kutha of Kubera, because S’ri Raghunathji enjoys himself here. There 
are many buildings and many seats, and upon one of the latter Ramachandra 
seated Janaki with his own hand. The maids and male servants brought 
pleasant food and beverages to them. A great many Apsarés and Huris 
eame to dance, and having partaken of the food began to sing. Ramachandra 
pleased all, and sat with Janaki, as Chandramé does with Rohini, or the 
seven Munis with their wives. After this, he daily enjoyed himself with her, 
as Mahadeva does with Parvati. In that orchard there isthe Sitakunda, 
constructed by Sita with her own hands. Ramachandra said that it should be 
the bestower of mmumerable blessings. Listen, O Janaki, I shall describe its 
advantages. The benefits of bathing and giving alms, and of devotion and 
sacrifice here, are everlasting. The pilgrimage is to be performed on the 
4th of the dark half of Agrahayana, and destroys all sins, This Kunda is 
superior to all other sacred places. Bathing and giving alms here and worship- 
ping Ramachandra with Janaki, bestows salvation.” 

Then Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, hear the advantages of the other sacred 
places. West of Sita-kunda is Vidya-kunda, the mere sight of which 
confers all sorts of blessings. West of itis Vidy a-Pitha, and south of it 
is Vidya Devi, He who bathes in the Kund and visits the Devi, obtains 
salvation. Widya-Pitha is also called Siddha-Pitha, and is the bestower of 
knowledge. A manshould worship the Pith-Devi, offer the sixteen prescribed 
articles, read mantras, and the following prayer: ‘O goddess, he who wor- 
ships thee and meditates on thee, obtains elephants for his vehicle ; and 
becomes a Lokés’var (master of the world). He who thinks of thee with- 
out asking for anything, gains salvation.’ Vishifu, Siva, the sun, Gaues’a, 
and Devi are pleased with one who reads their mantras here, and make him 
prosper. ‘Therefore it is necéssary that one should worship here. ‘The 
pilgrimage is to be performed every month on the 8th of both the wane and 
the waxing of the moon. Here a man ought to give grain and fruits and 
wash the Devi with milk. The Uchchatana, Mohana, Stambhan or Pryoga, 
are accomplished here. A pilgrimage, performed during the first nine days 
of the light half of Kartika, removes sins and bestows salvation.” | 


Chapter XIII. 


Then Mahddeya said, “ O Goddess, south of Vidyé-kunda is K harjura- 
kunda, whichis also called Khajoh 4, Bathing in it cures diseases such 
as theitch. Its pilgrimage is performed on every Sunday. West of Vidya- 
kunda is the Maniparvat (hill of jewels) surrounded on all sides by creepers, 
and plants. The Tilodaki flows near it. The cause of the hill’s being here, 
is as follows: Once Janaki said to Ramachandra, ‘I wish to enjoy myself on 
a hill, get me one, if you are pleased with me. Raghunatha replied, ‘ Very 
good’ ; then called Garuda and said to him, ‘O king of birds, go towards the 


152 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahitmya. [No. 2, 


North and bring the Maniparbat. Garuda went and brought the hill. He 
then asked where it was to be placed. Ramachandra replied : ‘ Place it west 
of Vidya-kund.’ This was done, and Janaki was pleased. Garuda asked 
permission, and went to heaven. Raghunatha then said to Janaki, ‘See, 
the hill is ready, take your companions with you, go there, and enjoy your- 
self.’ Janaki did so, and continued to visit it daily. The mere sight of the 
hill, destroys a mountain of sins and those of one thousand births. 

‘South of Maniparbat is Ganes’a-kund. A man should praise 
Ganes’a with hismantra and give the sixteen prescribed things, and say the fol- 
lowing prayer: ‘Thy trunk is red ; thy face is beautiful ; thou fulfillest the 
wishes of thy devotees ; thou art a support of those who plunge into a sea of 
trouble ; thy belly is broad ; remain in my heart for ever; thou seizest thy 
enemies with thy trunk, and throwest them up into the air, and thou bless- 
est thy devotees.’ 

“ West of the last is the Das’arath-kund, very beautiful and adorn- 
ed with jewels. It destroys all sins, and accomplishes all desires. West of it is 
Kausalya-kund, by bathing in which and giving alms there one ob- 
tains all sorts of joys. These pilgrimages are performed on the last day of 
Bhadra. West of the latteris Sumitra-k und, and south of it, K aike yi- 
kund. The pilgrimage to both are performed on the 15th of Bhadra. South- 
west of it are the DurbharandMaha4b har ponds, Pilgrimages thereto 
are performed on the fourth of the wane in Bhadra. A man who worships 
Vishnu-Siva, and the Brahmans here, obtains his wishes. Vishnu and Siva 
have been here from time immemorial. Meditating on them destroys sins, O 
Goddess, their origin was fhis. Vishnu and Siva were consulting with each 
other, when they smelled the perfumes of flowers which had been placed 
there by Dirbhar and Mahabhar, who were brothers and used to sell lotus 
flowers. Both the gods were pleased, and said to the brothers that the two 
ponds would be called after their names, and men and women would bathe in 
them and obtain their desires. 

“ North-west of Mahabhar-kundis Yo gini-kund, where sixty-four 
Yoeinis dwell. They all bestow great blessings upon men, but particularly 
upon women. ‘Therefore it is necessary that they should bathe in it. The 
performance of a Puruscharana here gives riches. 

“Hast of Yogini-kundis Urvashi-kund, after bathing in which 
Urvashi went to heaven. Her story is as follows: A great Muni, named 
Raibha, was performing devotion on the Himalaya, when Indra sent Urvashi 
to disturb him. She was most beautiful, and had no equal in the regions of 
Indra. She came with spring and the god of love to the place of the Muni, 
The Muni looked up and was wounded by the arrows of love. He became rest- 
less and angry, and said, ‘ O wicked retainer of Kamadeva, you have come 
here, proud of your beauty to disturb me in my devotion ?—be ugly.’ Hearing 
this, she became very sorry and falling to the Muni’s feet said to him in be- 


1875.] Ram Naradyan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya. 153 


seeching accents, ‘O Bhagavan, I am under the control of another, and have 
eome by the order of Indra, please therefore forgive my fault, and tell me how 
to escape your curse. The Muni said, ‘There is a sacred place, at Ayodhyd, 
situated east of Yogini-kund, go and bathe in it, and you will recover your 
beauty, and the place will be named after you.’ She bathed in the pond, and 
was restored to her former beauty ; and the pond has since then been called 
Uryashi-kund. He who bathes here in faith and withidue ceremony, obtains 
beauty. There is no doubt about this. The pilgrimage to this place should 
be performed on the third of the light half of Bhadra. One who bathes here, 
gives alms, and worships Vishnu, is sure to go to his regions.” 


Chapter XIV. 


Then Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, east of Urvashi-kund is the charm- 
ing Vrihaspat i-kund, filled with innumerable flowers. It is the dese 
troyer of sins and has pure water ; and here he lived and performed sacrifices. 
Bathing and giving alms here frees a man from sin. Its pilgrimage is per- 
formed on the fifth of the light half of Bhadra. Here Munis worship, and 
the gods (such as Indra, &c.) obtain their wishes when bathing at this 
place. Bathing, going on a pilgrimage, and worshipping Vrihaspati and 
Vishnu here, cleanses a man of his sins. The bad effect of an impending 
unlucky day in a Kundli [horoscope], is destroyed by worshipping Vrihas- 
pati here. One who forms an image of gold, dresses it in yellow silk cloth, 
and gives it to a Brahman, is freed from falling into troubles. 

“To the East of the lastisthe Rukmini-kund. OnceS’ri Krishna- 
chandra came on a pilgrimage to Ayodhya with Rukmini and Satyabhaméa, and 
lived here amonth. He daily bathed in the Sarayt and read the Mantra-raj. 
Rukmini seeing a great many ponds here, built one of her own,where Vishnu re- 
sided. A man must bathe here, give alms, and worship the Brahmans with the 
Vaishnava Mantra. A pilgrimage to it on the 9th of the dark half of Kartika, 
bestows a son upon a barren woman and riches upon the poor. This is 
beyond question. Men and women bathe here and enjoy themselves in this 
world and go to the regions of Vishnu after death. After bathing in the 
Rukmini-kund and giving alms there, one should meditate on the form of 
Krishna in the following way—‘ Thou art dressed in yellow silk-cloth, and 
armed with the Sankha, Chakra, Gada, and Sarang. Thou art the husband 
of Lakshmi, Narada and other Munis constantly think of thee. Thou 
wearest a crown and bracelets and rings. ‘Thou art adorned with the Kaus- 
tubha Mani.* ‘Thou art black as the flower of the linseed. Thy eyes are 
like the lotus.’ By this meditation, a man undoubtedly obtains all his 


wishes. 


* The name of a jewel. 


154 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya.  [No. 2, 


“ North of Rukmini-kund is the sacred place called Chirodaka; its 
water is like milk, Bathing here releases one from allsins. At some time, Da- 
s‘aratha performed a sacrifice here, in order to be blessed with ason. At the 
expiration of the sacrifice, the being in whose name it was performed, appeared 
in a handsome shape, and holding a golden vessel filled with rice-milk. He gave 
it to the Maharaj, who, by the advice of the Munis, divided it into three 
equal parts, and gave one of them to Kaushalya, the second to Kaikeyi, and 
the third to Sumitra after dividing it into two parts. Rama was born of Kau- 
shalya; Bharata, of Kaikeyi; and Lakshman and Satrughna of Sumitra. 
The Brahmans cooked rice-milk and washed it with the water of the pond, 
on which account it became white like milk, and the pond got the name of 
Chirodaka. By bathing at this place, one is certainly blessed with a son, 
ahd obtains all other wishes besides. Its pilgrimage is performed on the 
1ith of the light half of Kartika. Bathing, giving alms, and worshipping 
Vishnu here, gives the above-mentioned benefits. ‘The pond is called C hir- 
Sagarbythepeople. West ofitis Chires’vara Mahadeva, stationed 
there by Maharaja Das‘aratha. A man is to worship him with the sixteen pre- 
scribed articles and read the following prayer—‘ Thou livest at Kailas’a. Thy 
companion is Kuvera, Thou hast got the moon on thy forehead, and the 
Ganges in the tuft of thy hair. Thou enjoyest thyself in the woods of 
Kalpa-tree. I have worshipped thee with the leaves of a Bel-tree and 
water ; forgive my sins,’ 

“ South-west of itis Dhanyaksha,* called Dhanaic hay by the 
people. Maharaj Harischundra here deposited a great treasure for the protec- 
tionof which he stationed a Yaksha at this place. The Raja caused Vis‘vamitra 
Muni to perform the Rajasuya sacrifice, on which he became undisputed 
king. -He here deposited innumerable treasures. The Yaksha named Pir. 
manthar protected the Treasury, called Pirmodé Anand, bestower of hap- 
piness, and was very obedient to the Muni, who being much pleased with 
him, told him to ask for a boon. He replied, ‘O Muni, I lived in the 
house of Kuvera and once stole perfumes, on which account he cursed me 
and said, ‘May thy body stink!’ The Muni took some water from the 
sacred place, threw it upon the Yaksha, and thus rendered his body perfum- 
ed. He stood up before the Muni with folded hands and said, ‘ O Lord, by 
thy favor my body has become perfumed, therefore name this holy spot,’ 
The Muni replied, ‘Its name shall be Dhanaicha in the world, and it will 
be the bestower of beauty and wisdom. Bathing here will remove all stink, 
and by giving alms in proportion to his riches and worshipping Lakshmi, a 
man will obtain great wealth. Here a man should worship Maha-Padma,{ 

* A tribe of celestial beings. 
t+ Place of great treasure. 
{ Names of the nine Nidhi or treasures. 


1875. Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahdtmya. 155 


Sankha, Makara, Kachchapa, Mukunda, Kunda, Nila, and Varehcha, because 
all these reside at this place, He should also give gold and grain 
publicly and privately, particularly on the fourth day of the dark half of 
every month. Pilgrimage, bathing, and libation of water here, satisfy all, 
from Brahma to the smallest insect. Having said this, O Yaksha, people 
should throw water three times and gain salvation. By worshipping thee, 
the nine Nidhis, and Lakshmi, either out of or in the water, a man shall 
obtain great blessings, such as a son, riches, faith, knowledge, and salvation. 
Whoever from pride does not worship thee, shall forfeit the religious fruits 
of one year’s devotion.’ After saying this the Muni disappeared. 

“West of itis Vishnuhari, a celebrated shrine.’ Parvati said, 
“O Bhagavan, tell me what the cause is of its renown.” 


Chapter XV. 


Mahadeva answered, “O Goddess, there was a Brahman named 
Vis’va-s‘arma, acquainted with the Vedas and religious principles, virtu- 
ous and much devoted to the worship of Vishnu. He once came on a pil- 
grimage to Ayodhya in hope of seeing Vishnu and pleasing him with his 
devotion. He practised great austerity, kept fasts, and ate herbs, fruits, 
and roots. In Jyaistha and Asadha, he sat before a fire; in the rainy season, 
in the rain ; and in winter, in the water; and thus he bathed and worshipped 
Vishnu with all his heart. He meditated on the sun, moon, and fire, which 
he made the Pitha upon which he seated Vishnu, dressed in yellow-silk cloth, 
with his weapons, and worshipped him with perfumes and flowers. He 
read the twelve-letter Mantra for thirty years, lived on air, and repeat- 
ed the following prayer, ‘O Bhagavan, animate and inanimate, spiritual 
guide, the best of mankind, the god of the gods, lotus-eyed, beyond 
thought, imperishable, master of sacrifices and the world, the destroyer of 
sins, endless, spoiler of births, having the lotus in the navel, bearing the 
garland of the seeds of the lotus, lord of all, destroyer of Kaitabha,* master 
of the three words, four-bodied Basudeva, Sankarshana, Pradyumna and 
Aniruddha, armed with the Chakra, parent of the whole world, protector of 
the people, lovely one, the father of fathers, thou art the articles of sacri- 
fice; thou art the mantra; thou art the master of the sacrifice ; thou art fire ; 
thou art Varuna, armed with the Sankha, Chakra, Gada, and Padma; sup- 
porter of the weak ; holder of the Mandar hill ; destroyer of Madhu; and 
husband of Lakshmi. Thou art Narayana, Krishna, and Madhava, be pleased 
with me.” Upon this, Bhagavan appeared, riding on Garuda, dressed in 
yellow-silk cloth, armed with the Sankha and Chakra, and said, ‘O son, I 
am satisfied with thy devotion; ask for a boon.’ Vis’va-s’arma replied, 
‘O Bhagavan, all my wishes are accomplished by thy visit, give me everlast- 

* Name of a devil, 


Ze 


156 Ram Narayan— Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. |No. 2, 


ing piety.’ Then Bhagavan answered, ‘ May you have unchangeable devo- 
tion and obtain salvation. This place shall be named after you. You are 
very fortunate.’ Having said so, Bhagavan struck the ground, and water 
gushed forth. He then washed the Brahman with the water, and made him 
passionless, free from sin, and healthy. Hence, O Goddess, this holy place is 
called Chakra-tirtha. Itis the destroyer of sins and the bestower of 
blessings. He who bathes here, goes to the regions of Vishnu. Bhagavan 
again said to Vis/va-s‘arma, ‘O Brahman, station the image of Vishnu-hari 
here, and it was done. Its pilgrimage is performed from the tenth of the 
light half of Kartika to the end of that month. Bathing at this place ab- 
solves men of all their sins and leads them to paradise. The Pitris (deceased 
ancestors) of a man who here performs the Pitri Sraddha go to heaven. 
This is beyond question. By bathing, giving alms in proportion to his 
means, and visiting Vishnu, a man obtains salvation.” 

“©O Goddess, I have described the advantages of Chakra-tirtha ; north- 
east of it is Vas’ishtha-kund, the destroyer of sins. Here the great 
devotee and saint Vas‘ishtha and his ‘chaste wife Arundhati remain. The 
benefits of bathing at this place are great. A man should here worship 
Vamadeva, Vas‘ishtha, and Arundhati in particular, and bathe and give alms. 
Its pilgrimage is performed on the 5th of the light half of Bhadra.” 


Chapter XVI. 


S’ankara continued, “O Goddess, north-east of Vas’ishtha-kund is 
Sagara-kund, the fulfiller of all our wishes. Bathing and giving alms 
here confers great blessings. Whatever benefit is gained by bathing in the 
sea on the last day of a month,is obtained by bathing at this place on any 
eastday. Its pilgrimage takes place on the last day of Kartika. By bathing 
and giving alms here, one obtains all desires and is freed from all sins. 

“North-east of Sagara is the charming Brahma-kund, built by 
Vishnu, who lives there and once performed a sacrifice in due form. He 
bathed with the gods in the kund, which was filled with clear water, lotuses, 
water-lilies, and covered with geese, karandavas,* and chakravaka, and sur- 
rounded with beautiful trees. On seeing this, the gods asked Brahma with 
folded hands, ‘ O Pitamaha, (father of all) tell us of the advantages of the 
kund. Brahma replied, ‘ Listen attentively. The kund contains various 
fruit-trees. By bathing here, a man is released from all sins, obtains a 
handsome shape, and riding on a vehicle, yoked with geese, goes to the re- 
gions of Brahma, where he remains, like me, till the general destruction. 
Bathing and giving alms here, gives the same benefits as the performance 
of an As’va-medha; consequently a man should bathe, give alms, worship, 
and sacrifice at this place ; for this destroys capital crimes and confers ever- 

* A kind of duck. 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. 157 


lasting blessings. Its pilgrimage is performed on the fourth of the light 
half of Kartika. The distribution of gold and grain, in proportion to a man’s 
power, gives me satisfaction.’ Having thus made known this holy spot, 
the bestower of salvation, Brahma, disappeared. 

** North-east of Brahma-kund, at a distance of two hundred yards, is 
Rina-mochan (‘wiper-off of debt’), which is difficult of access to the 
wicked and unlucky. Its water joins that of the Sarayd, and its origin is 
this :—Once, on a pilgrimage, the Muni Lomas came here, and by bathing 
was freed from all debts, and cured of mental diseases. Feeling this, he was 
much surprised, and lifting up his hands, and shedding tears of joy, spoke 
in the following manner :—‘ Rina-mochan is superior to all other sacred 
places, for bathing in it removes all debts. ‘The three debts, Rishi Rin, 
Deva Rin, and Pitri Rin,* from which a man can only be freed by a 
Brahm charj sacrifice and by having a son, are destroyed by bathing in it. 
O people, I found out its glory ina moment! It is therefore incumbent 
on you, to bathe, give grain, gold, &c., through which you shall obtain all 
kinds of blessing.’ 

“ Further east of this holy place, at the distance of forty yards is 
Papa-mochan (sin-wiper). Its origin is this: There was a Brahman 
named Narhar in the country of Panchala, who, falling into the company of 
liars and wicked people, committed many crimes, such as killing Brahmans 
and speaking against the Vedas. He once, with some virtuous men, came on 
a pilgrimage to Ayodhya, and became absolved of his sins by bathing at this 
holy spot. Flowers fell on his head from the sky, and a beautiful vehicle 
descended, riding on which he went to the regions of the gods. From that 
time it became famous, and received the name of Papa-mochan. Every one 
praises it. Its pilgrimage is performed in the dark half of Magha, The 
fruits of bathing and giving alms here are everlasting and destroy all sins.’ 


Chapter XVII. 


Mahadeva continued, “ O Goddess, east of Papa-mochan,and two hundred 
yards distant from it, is situated Sahashra-dhara, in the water of the 
Sarayd, and is called Lakshmana-kund. It destroys all sins. Here Laksh- 
mana disappeared by the order of Ramachandra. Its originis this: When 
Raghunatha had performed the business of the gods, Kal(déath) being sent by 
Brahm4, assumed some shape, came and solicited him to disappear. While he 
was talking privately with Raghunatha, he took a promise from him to give up 
whoever entered the room during their conversation. Raghunatha ordered 
him to put Lakshmana at the door, to prevent any one from coming in, By 
the will of God, Durbas4 Muni came and said to Lakshmana, I am hungry, 
go to Raghunatha and inform him of my arrival.’ Lakshmana made several 

* Debts of Munis; debts of the gods; debts of forefathers. 


158 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. (No. 2, 


apologies, which the Muni did not accept ; he was therefore compelled to enter, 
and to communicate to Raghunatha the Muni’s request. Raghundtha took 
leave of Kala, came to the door, paid his respects to the Muni, and having 
given him food, dismissed him. Raghunatha became anxious and said, ‘ I have 
never told a he, it is improper to break a promise. O Lakshmana, itis now 
necessary for us to separate for some time and you must disappear. Laksh- 
mana obeying his order, went to the Sarayu, and intended to throw himself 
into it, when S’esha burst the earth in a thousand places, and made his ap- 
pearance, by virtue of which the spot was called Sahashra-dhara. Indra also 
came with the gods and said to Lakshmana, ‘ You have performed the affairs 
of the deities, please come to my regions, S’esha is waiting for you. Laksh- 
mana then entered theriver. This sacred place is fifty yards in extent. By 
bathing aud giving alms here, the people will go to the regions of Vishnu. 
He who will bathe and worship S’esha at this spot, will be free from sins, and 
obtain all his wishes. There is no doubt about it. Its pilgrimage is per- 
formed on the fifth of the light half of S’ravana. The fear of serpents is 
removed by the worship of S’esha on that day. By bathing here during 
the whole month of Vaisakha, a man remains krors of kalpas in the regions 
of the gods. To go to, and reside in, the place cf Vishnu, one should give 
amilch cow, clothes, and ornaments to a fit person. To please Lakshmi 
Narayana, and to obtain riches, men should’ worship Bréhmans and their 
wives in Vaisakha, because all other sacred spots come and remain here du- 
ring that month.” 

Mahadeva continued, “O Goddess, Indra having sent S’esha to Patala 
(the lower regions) and accompanied by the gods, took Lakshmana to his 
realms. From that time, this kung has been called Lakshmana kund, It 
has a thousand streams.” 


Chapter XVIII. 


Having heard the advantages of Lakshmana-kund, Parvati was delight= 
ed and requested Mahadeva to describe other sacred places. Mahadeva re-= 
plied, “ O Goddess, south of Vidya-kund is Vaitarani (the destroyer of 
sins) by bathing in which one does not go to Yama-loka. Its pilgrimage 
takes place on the full moon day of Bhadra. 

South of Vaitaraniis Ghosharka, the destroyer ofsins. By bathing 
and giving alms here one is sure to go to the regions of the sun. Bathing 
at this spot cures leprosy and other diseases. Its pilgrimage is performed 
every Sunday, on the sixth day of the light half of Bhadra and Magh, 
on the sixth of the light half of Bhadra, if there be a Sunday on that day, 
and on every Sunday in Pausa. The origin of Ghosharka is this : There 
was a king named Ghosha, of the solar race, who was very powerful, 
who protected his subjects, and whose renown had spread far and wide. 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya, 159 


His glory was like that of the sun, and he conquered all his enemies, 
Having entrusted the management of his dominions to his ministers, he 
went to a thick forest to hunt, killed many deer, tigers, and pigs, and 
wandered about here and there. He felt thirsty and searched for water, 
when luckily he saw a pond. He had a wound on the hand, which the 
application of no medicine could cure. But no sooner had he touched 
the water of the said pond, than the wound healed. Seeing this, the Raja 
was astonished, bathed in the pond, drank its water, and asked the Munis 
what pond it was. Being told that it was the Suraj-kund, he began to 
pray in the following manner, ‘I bow to thee, O Sun, thou art Bhaga- 
van, filled with grandeur; thou art the lord of the god of the deities ; 
thou art Chid-atma (formed of wisdom), S’avita (creator of the universe) ; 
Ingad, Anand (bestower of happiness to the world) ; Pirbha-geha (full of 
pomp); Deva (resident in the hearts of all) ; Trimurti (personification of 
the three Vedas, Rig, Yajur, and Sama); Virusvan (covering the world 
with glory); Yogajna (well versed in religious meditation) ; Purapur- 
rup (personification of the immoveable and moveable, from the gods to 
the insects) ; Karankarya (personification of cause and effect); Triloka- 
timirachchhid (destroyer of darkness of the three worlds) ; Achintya (beyond 
thought and speech); Parabrahm (essence of the world); Bhaskara 
(maker of light) ; Yogi-priya (lover of those who know and act according 
to the Yéga S’astra) ; Yogardp (who can only be known through deep me- 
ditation); Yoga (opportune) ; Sad4-mam_ one who always resides in me; 
bestower of all blessings and free from pride ; Yaga-mantra-riip (personifica- 
tion of sacrifice, its mantras, and everything connected with it) ; Rogoghena 
(destroyer of diseases); Utsai pirsant (protector of devotees and de- 
stroyer of the wicked) ; master of the planets and great sacrifices ; Priya- 
atma (lover of the soul); and Pirkash-korak (gratifier of every one’s 
wants)! I pray to thee, be pleased with me.’ The Sun being satisfied with 
the prayer, appeared to fulfil his wants. The Raja worshipped him, and 
stood up with folded hands. The Sun replied, ‘O Raja, ask whatever 
you choose, I will give it. The Raja said, ‘Please remain at this place.’ 
To this the Sun agreed, and said, ‘ Whoever shall read your prayer will 
obtain all his desires. ‘This spot shall be named after you and me.’ Hav- 
ing said this, the Sun disappeared. The Raja became as glorious as the 
sun, and bowing to him, went home. He who bathes at this place, will go 
to the regions of the sun and obtain all his wants. 

“West of Ghosharka is Rati-kund, the destroyer of all sins. Bath-~ 
ing in it, and giving alms here, gives beauty. 

“ West of thatis K ama-kund, the bestower of happiness, by bathing 
in which one becomes as handsome as Kama, and obtains riches and virtue, 
Its pilgrimage is performed on the fifth of the light half of Magha.” 


160 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya. [No. 2, 


Chapter XIX. 


Mahadeva said, “O Goddess, west of Kisumayudha-kund is Man- 
tres’vara Mahadeva, the bestower of great blessings which have no 
equal. There is also the Mantres’vara-kund, where one should bathe and 
worship Mantres’vara, which frees a man from the transmigration of his 
soul for millions of kalpas. Its origin is this: When Ramachandra, having 
performed the orders of the gods, was on the point of leaving this world, he 
read a Mantra, created the kund, and stationed Mantres’vara Mahadeva 
there ; from that time it has been a famous place. In its northern part are 
planted lotuses, water-lilies,and Kulhar plants. He who bathes here, gives 
alms, and worships Brahmans, goes to heaven for ever. No one can fully 
describe the advantages of Mantres’vara. 

“North of it is Sitala Devi; by worshipping whom, one is freed 
from sins. Her worship takes place every Monday. She is to be especially 
worshipped during small-pox epidemics. 

“North of itis Bandi Devi, by meditating on whom a man is re- 
leased from prison. A man who is thrown into a dungeon, or has offended a 
king, is freed from both of them by meditating and worshipping her. Her 
pilgrimage is performed on every Tuesday. 

“ North of that is Chutki. Devi, by meditating on whom one obtains 
all his wishes. Snapping of the fingers (chutk2), and lighting lamps here, be- 
stows great blessings. Her pilgrimage is performed on the fourteenth day of 
every month. West of it is her kund, and the pilgrimage to it is made on 
the fifteenth of Kartika. Bathing and giving alms at this place takes a 
person to heaven. 

“ West of Chutki-kund is Nirmali-k und, by bathing in which Indra 
was absolved of the sin of murdering Virtra Asur, and thence it is called by 
that name. By bathing and giving alms here, a man is absolved of capital 
crimes; and its pilgrimage is performed on the last day of Sravana. 

“ North of it is Go pirtar, where Vishnu is stationed and is called Gup- 
ta-hari. In the beginning of Satyayuga,” continued Mahadeva, “ a battle 
took place between the gods and the demons, in which the former were de- 
feated. Accompanied by the gods, I went to thesea of milk, where Vishnu 
was sleeping on the hydra. Lakshmi was shampooing his feet ; Narada and 
others were praising him ; and I thus began to pray, ‘I bow to thee con- 
queror of Kal (death) ; devotees see thee in their devotion. Thou art the 
best of all, pure and free from ignorance. Thou art all the Vedas and Mantras. 
Thou assumest the shape of a goose, which separates milk from water, and 
then drinks it. Thou art truthful, nay truth itself. Thou art a mine of 
justice. Thou knowest everything, from the largest to the smallest. Thou 
art omniscient and all-seeing, the bestower of salvation, the place of un- 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahatmya. 161 


changeable wisdom, the destroyer of the wicked, and the treasury of riches. 
Thou descendest to the world to remove ignorance, deceit, and vice; thou art 
the creator of illusion (maya), matter, and the universe ; Maharudra, S’esha, 
supporter of the earth, sleepless, creator of the lotus from the navel, from 
which Brahma issued, and from him, the world. Thou supportest the earth 
and the water on the day of general destruction. Thou art cause and effect, 
the destroyer of the vicious, all powerful, and the life of all creatures. Thou 
assumest the shape of half lion and half man, to kill Hiranyakashiup and 
other demons. ‘Thou art endless, the supporter and destroyer of the world, 
and the remover of darkness. Mind, Reason, and Wisdom do not come up 
to thee. Thou art invisible. There is no difference between thee and S’iva, 
and those who think so, go to hell, as is written in the Srutis and the Smri- 
tis. Thou art a Brahman to explain the religious principles to the four 
eastes, and art kind to the virtuous. Thou art separate from matter and 
salvation. In short, thou art both visible and invisible. Thy body is dark 
like the lotus, and covered with yellow clothes.’ On hearing our prayer, 
Vishnu appeared, was pleased, and said, “ I know what ye have come for, 
ye have been deprived of your houses by the demons, go ye to Ayodhya, 
perform devotions, and I will increase your power, and ye will be able to 
overcome them.’ ” 


Chapter XX. 


Then Mahadeva said, ‘‘O Goddess, having thus told the deities, the 
rider on Garuda (Vishnu) disappeared, and coming to Ayodhya performed 
great acts of devotion in secret, to increase their powers. Hence the spot 
is called Gupta-hari. 

Listen now to the originof Chakra-hari. Atthis place Sudarsana 
Chakra fell from the hand of Hari, whence it received the name of Chakra- 
hari. By visiting these two Haris, a man is freed from all sins. The gods 
also performed severe devotion, and after thus obtaining additional strength, 
defeated the demons in battle, recovered their houses, gained great wealth, 
and became happy. Headed by Vrihaspati (the spiritual guide of the gods), 
they all went to Ayodhya to see Hari, and adored him with undivided at- 
tention, upon which Parames’vara appeared dressed in yellow silk cloth, and 
said—‘ O gods, ye have been fortunate enough to conquer your powerful 
enemies, why have ye now come here, tell me without fear and delay.’ The 
gods, having got permission, replied, ‘O Bhagavan, we have obtained all our 
wishes through thy favour, please remain always kindly disposed towards us, 
and protect us when attacked by foes.’ Bhagavan said that he would do so, 
and added that this place would be called Gupta-hari. He who will bathe 
here and worship Gupta-hari will gain salvation, and by giving alms, go to 
heaven. One should give, at this holy spot, a cow with her young one, her 


162 Ram Nirayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhyé-Mahdatmya. [No. 2, 


horns covered with gold, her hoofs with silver, her back with brass, her tail 
with jewels, and her body covered with a beautiful cloth, to a fit person, free 
from sickness and sin, because otherwise she will carry him to hell. By 
worshipping me without desiring anything, a man shall go to paradise, and 
salvation shall fall to his lot. It is therefore proper for ye to repair 
thither, bathe and worship Gupta-hari, because he is the bestower of riches, 
piety, and many other blessings.’ Having said this, Bhagavan disappear- 
ed. The gods then performed the pilgrimage to Ayodhya in due form, were 
pleased with its advantages, and remained there. The pilgrimage to Gopir- 
tar is performed on the last day of Kartika. 

“North of Gupti-hari is Gopirtar, the destroyer of allsins. By 
bathing and giving alms here, a man is not involved in misery. O Goddess, 
there neither has been nor will there ever be such a place. What Manikarni- 
ka is in Kasi, Maha-kal in Ujjain, and Chakravapi in Nimkhar, that 
Gopirtéar is in Ayodhya, because thence Ramachandra with all its inhabi- 
tants went to Sakaitun (paradise).” Parvati asked how Ramachandra had 
carried all the residents of Ayodhya to Sakaitun. Mahadeva answered, “ O 
Goddess, listen to it attentively. When Raghunatha, having performed the 
work of the gods, intended to go to Sakaitun, which is his abode, all sorts of 
creatures, monkeys, bears, Munis, Gandharvas, &c., came to him to pay their 
respect, and said with folded hands—‘ We shall all follow you, for we shall 
die, if you go without us.’ Hearing this, S’ri Raghunatha first spoke to 
Bibhishana, ‘O Bibhishana, I have told you to reign in Lanka till the 
end of creation, and you know my words cannot be untrue, nor ought you 
to think so, therefore you had best go to Lanka; you are my friend, do not 
otherwise, nor answer me.’ Then Ramachandra said to Hanuman—‘ Do 
not disobey me, remain in this world, tell the people of my story, in- 
crease my fame, and protect the pious.’ He then turned to Dobind 
Mayind and said—* You have drunk nectar and are immortal, stop here 
and protect the princes of my family.’ Afterwards he told the rest of the 
monkeys, bears, and Rakshasas to accompany him, and dismissed Bibhishana 
and the others. Having done this, he called Vas‘ishtha, his spiritual guide, 
and requested him to make preparations for departure to Sakaitun, which 
he did.” 


Chapter XXI. 


Mahadeo continued, “ O Goddess, having bathed and dressed in yellow 
silk cloth, S’ri Raghunatha performed the usual daily ceremonies, and, taking 
kush-grass into his hands, prepared to leave. He said nothing to any 
one, but went out of the city like the moon issuing forth from the sea. 
Lakshmi and Sarasvati assumed human shapes, and went forth from his left 
and right arms respectively ; the former, the goddess of wealth, and the lat- 


1875.] Ram Niriyan—TZranslation of the Ayodhyé-Méhdtmya. 163 


ter that of wisdom. Weapons, such as the sword, bow, and arrows, ap- 
peared in form of men, and the Vedas as Brahmans. So also did Onkar, 
Gayitri, Svaha, S’raddha, Vashat, mountains, Munis, those whom Ramachan- 
dra respected, Bharata, Satrughna, Brahmans with their children and wives 
and servants, all the subjects, with purified hearts, clean clothes, and daubed 
with sandal, bears, monkeys, insects, worms, beasts, birds, scorpions, serpents, 
and aquatic animals, all freed from sins and sorrow. Thus they came to 
Svargadvara, bathed there, and began to move, conversing together. Seeing 
this the gods were struck with wonder. They went four and a half kos to 
the west of Svargadvara, and observing the Saray became very happy. ‘The 
generous, great, and the father of all, Brahma, with the gods, mounted on 
chariots, came gently through the air. Flowers were showered on Raghu- 
natha and his companions, Apsaras danced, and Gandharvas sang. Brahma 
said, ‘O Raghava, leave the visible body and come with thy brothers; I 
cannot compel thee, do whatever thou pleasest. I alone know thee, thou 
art he to whom all go and in whom all find a resting-place. ‘Thou art om- 
niscient, the supporter of all, and the bestower of salvation. No one knows 
thee, devoid of Maya, which thou hast produced to create the world. ‘Thou 
art beyond thought, the essence of everything, the smallest and largest, and 
everlasting. ‘Thou hast no superior; come to thy ancient residence with, or 
without, a body.’ Ramachandra considered that as he had come from Ayo- 
dhya, it was improper for him to go back, so he went to Sakaitun, where 
Vishnu is worshipped. His companions followed him with their bodies 
without feeling the least pain, and enjoyed all blessings, All the gods 
praised them and went to their homes. The imprecation of Narada, which 
was that Ramachandra should suffer from the separation of his wife, was 
fulfilled, and now Ramachandra became Vishnu, and Sita Lakshmi. Rdama- 
chandra then said to Brahmé,‘ O Brahma, point out a place for the residence 
of my followers, who have left their homes and relations; they are my devo- 
tees and are beloved by me. I could not allow them to die.’ Brahma said, 
‘Let them remain in Santaloka (a name of heaven).’ Those who leave this 
world, meditating on Ramachandra or Ayodhya, or merely bathe at Gopirtar, 
will surely obtain heaven, All men, animals, insects, worms, birds, and 
other creatures, when bathing in the Sarayt, became beautiful and glorious, 
just as iron is converted into gold when it touches the philosopher’s stone, 
and go to the regions of Vishnu. 

“ Here, therefore, they went across the Sarayt without fear, like those 
who in crossing catch hold of the tail of a cow; henco the place is called 
‘ Gopirtar.’ ” 


164 Ram Nardyan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, [No. 2, 


Chapter XXIT. 

Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, a man is sure to get salvation at Gopir- 
tar; for there is no other sacred place equal to it. Those who bathe here 
go to heaven. Its pilgrimage is performed on the fifteenth of Kartika. 
Indra, the other gods, and all the sacred spots on earth come and re- 
side here during the month of Kartika, and are cleansed of their sins. 
Bathing, giving alms, according to one’s means, worship and sacrifice, all 
bestow everlasting fruits. The sacred places being filled with the sins of 
the people, remain restless till Kartika, when they repair to it and bathing 
here, become all pure. To please Vishnu, one should feed Brahmans, and 
give a cow and grain in due form to a proper person, Lighting lamps here 
with ghi or oil of sesamum confers the same advantages as bathing at 
Kurukshetra during a solar, or in the Narbada, during a lunar, eclipse, and 
weighing oneself against gold. He who gives a bead of gold here, goes to 
paradise, and whoever performs a sacrifice and bestows grain upon the poor, 
is freed from the transmigration of soul. Burning oneself in the fire, leads 
one to the place of Vishnu. Those who fast here never return to this 
world. The Saray flows from the eyes of Narayana: who can describe its 
benefits ? The Ganges rises from the feet of Hari, and a man obtains the 
fruit of an As’vamedha at every step which he takes towards it. What 
then shall I say of the Saray where Ramachandra daily bathes ?” 

Then Parvati said, “O S’ankara, I have heard that Rajas Harischan- 
dra and Rukmangada carried Ayodhya to heaven ; tell me how.” S/ankara 
answered, “There was a Raj& named Harischandra in the Treta cycle, a 
descendant of Iksvaku, celebrated for piety. Draught never visited his 
country, and no plague ever occurred in his land. The young did not die, 
the people were not irreligious, they were ever happy, and did no injustice 
for the sake of getting rich. This was the cause why he carried Ayodhya 
toheaven. Another Raja, Rukmangada, of the same line, had a son named 
Dharmangada, very learned, brave, and obedient to his father. He kept the 
fast of the eleventh day of every month in due manner at the advice of 
Narada, and went to the regions of Vishnu with all his subjects, Rukman- 
gada, mounting a celestial car, also went to that place.” 


Chapter XXIII. 


Then Parvati asked Mahadeva to describe the remaining sacred places 
at Ayodhya. Mahadeva said, “ West of Saraj-kundais Durgd4-kunda. 
Bathing here and giving alms and feeding the Brahmans, make a man 
obtain his wishes. The eight-armed goddess is stationed here. The pilgri- 
mage is performed on every Tuesday and the eighth of every month. 

“South-east of Straj-kund is Nuragrama, by bathing in which all 
sins are destroyed. South of it lies Nadardéyana-gra4ma, which hasa 


1875.] Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhya-Mahdtmya. 165 


pond, by bathing in which a man is absolved of all his sins. The pilgrimage 
to these plaees is performed on the eleventh of the light half of Kartika. 

“ast of Saraj-kunda is Trepfirari Mahadeva in the vicinity 
of the Saray. By bathing in the Sarayt on the last day of Kartika and 
worshipping him, people obtain their wishes. 

“ Hast of itis Bilvahari, the destroyer of sins. Its origin is this : 
There was a very beautiful and young Gandharva who used to laugh at 
every one, and ill-use Munis, devotees, and Brahmans. Seeing this, Narada 
eursed him, and told him to be a buffalo for a thousand yugas. But he 
solicited forgiveness, upon which Narada ordered him to go and live 
in Ayodhya, where he would obtain salvation on the birth of Ramachan- 
dra. Accordingly, he went to Ayodhya, resided on the bank of the Saraya 
for a long time; and when he heard of Ramachandra’s birth, he went to his 
house, and ascending a fine celestial car, repaired to heaven. He stationed 
Vishnu at Ayodhya, and called him by the name of Bilvahari. He who sees 
him is freed from the three kinds of debts, poverty or misfortune, separa- 
tion from friends, and fear of enemies; and ‘he who bathes and worships 
Ramachandra and Janaki here, will certainly gain salvation. Its pilgri- 
mage is performed on the fifteenth day of Vaisakha. 

“ Hast of tis Valmika Tirtha. It is related that a hunter named 
Dindhir, from the Himalayas, once came to the Sarayt in pursuit of a deer, 
and, seeing a devotee, halted for three nights. The devotee released him from 
his sins, and the hunter spent a thousand years in devotion of the gods. He 
was reduced to.amere skeleton and covered with a Valmika*. Some time 
after, Ramachandra came playing to the Sarayu, and seeing the Valmika 
touched it with his hand, whereby it assumed a beautiful shape and went 
to heaven. Having observed this, Raghunatha asked him who he was. 
He told his story and with folded hands fell upon the ground. Raghunatha 
told him to rise, and by his order he mounted a chariot and went to Sakai- 
tun. From that time the place was called Valmika, Men who visit it 
are freed from the three kinds of debts. Visiting Valmika, leads a man to 
Jana-loka ; bathing there leads to the regions of Vishnu. He who offers 
here oblations, pleases his deceased ancestors and obtains the fruits of per- 
forming a s‘raddha at Gaya. 

East of it is the sacred residence of Rishyasringa Rishi, who was mar- 
ried to Santaji, the sister of Ramachandra. He lived here with his wife for 
along time, and performed acts of devotion for the benefit of the people. 
He who bathes in the Saray and worships the said Muni, obtains his 
wishes. The pilgrimage to this place takes place on the last day of Kartika 
and the ninth day of the light half of Chaitra. 

“ South-west of it is Ponhari, where there is a pond, by bathing in 

* A mound of earth raised by white ants. 


166 Ram Narayan—Zranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya. [No. 2, 


which a man gains his desires. The pilgrimage to it is performed on every 
Sunday. By giving alms at this spot, one is cured of the sickness called 
pandu (jaundice), West of it is Bharata-kunda, a beautiful pond 
filled with lotuses, waterlilies and other flowers.” 


Chapter XXIV. 


Mahadeva said, ‘‘O Goddess, by bathing in the Bharata-kunda a man 
is freed from all his sins. The advantages of bathing and giving alms here 
are everlasting. A man should give grain to the poor at this place, and 
give money and clothes to a Brahman and his wife. North of it lies Nan- 
digrama, where Bharata lived. He was passionless, obedient to Rama- 
chandra, and protected his subjects. By visiting it,a man gains the benefits 
of living at K4s’i for a thousand manvantaras, bathing at Prayaga for twelve 
successing years in Makara, performing a s’raddha at Gay4, and visiting 
Jagannatha, The pond is adorned with beautiful flowers and trees which 
cast their shadow upon it. Performing the s’raddha at this spot, pleases 
the deceased ancestors and the gods. The fruits of giving here gold, grain, 
clothes, cows, and lands, are everlasting. 

“To the west of the tank is K 41k 4, whose worship grants all desires, 
West of itis Juta-kunda, where Ramachandra and others were shaved 
on their return from conquest. By bathing here, a person obtains all his 
wishes. A man at Bharata-kunda should worship Bharata with his wife ; 
and at Jutaé-kunda, Ramachandra, Lakshmana, and Janaki. The pilgrimage 
to both these kundas is performed on the fourteenth of the dark half of 
Chaitra. 

“To the west of Juta kund is Ajita Vishnu. He who lives on water 
or milk, worships Ajita Vishnu, sings and dances here, gains all his desires. 

“To the east of itis Satrughna-kund. The pilgrimage to it is 
performed on the eleventh of the dark half of Chaitra. 

“ North of Satrughna-kund and south of Bharata-kund is Gay 4-k tp, 
the bestower of all desires. ‘The deceased ancestors of a man who bathes 
here and gives alms, are released from hell and go to the regions of Vishnu. 
The performing of a s’raddha with parched grain, sweetmeat made of flour, 
giv and sugar, pancake, rice milk, oil, and molasses, which ever of these the 
pilgrim may be able to afford, satisfies the Pitris; it is therefore necessary 
for aman to do so, because thereby he obtains many sons, riches, and other 
blessings. The s’raddha should particularly be performed on the 15th day 
of a month, if it be a Monday. 

“ Hast of it is the sacred place Pis’achamochan, by bathing in 
which and giving alms there, a man is never affected by the power of 
ghosts ; sraddhas should also be performed here. The pilgrimage is per- 
formed on the fourteenth of the light half of Agrahayana. 


1875.] Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhyé-Mahdtmya. 167 


“ Hast of it and of its the vicinity is Manus, also called Punnibas, 
by bathing in which a man gains his wishes and is absolved of his mental, 
bodily, and oral sins. The pilgrimage to it is performed on the last day of 
Bhadra. 

“South of it is the Tons, bathing in which destroys all sins. On its 
banks are situated the charming abodes of Munis, such as Mandukya, which 
grant all desires and destroy all sins.” 


Chapter XXV. 


Mahadeva then said, “ O Goddess, the-Tons rises from a place in the 
forest of Pramodak, avery sacred spot, adorned with various beautiful 
trees, by visiting which a man is released from his sins. Different kinds of 
birds perch on the trees, and sing harmonious songs, which destroy the sins of 
the hearer and give them pleasure. Its water is very clear and wholesome, 
In the forest, Mandukya Muni performed devotion, and thus made it sacred. 

“ Hast of it is the holy residence of Gautama Rishi, andeast of that, 
is the abode of Chavana Muni, the mere sight of which destroys all 
sins. There are a great many trees which adorn the banks of the Tons, and 
are used as pillars of sacrifices. ‘The pilgrimage to 1t is made on the last 
day of Agrahayana. 

“On the other side of the Tons and near Dhugdes’var is Sitaé-kund, 
the destroyer of all sins and bestower of our wishes. The pilgrimage to it is 
performed on the fourteenth of the light half of Bhadra. In the vicinity of 
itis Rama-kund. There is no limit to its advantages, they could not be 
deseribed in a hundred years. The benefits of bathing here are equal to those 
of giving grain, clothes, carriages, gold, land, villages, and cows. Listen 
to an ancient story. There was a Brahman, named Brahmadatta, well ac- 
quainted with the Vedas. He performed acts of great devotion by living 
on vegetables of spontaneous growth, fruits, and roots. He made pilerim- 
ages to the Ganges, Yamuna, Gomati, Gandaki, Satadru, Payoshini, Chan- 
drabhaga, Sarasvati, Narbada, Sona, Prayag, Gaya, Vindhya Tirtha, Him- 
nut Tirtha, Breshurvana, and other sacred places, such as Nimkbar, Push- 
kara, Kurukshetra, &c., in due form. Having performed these, he came to 
this pond, was pleased with it, bathed in the Rama-kund and the Sita-kund, 
meditated on Ramachandra, breathed his last, and riding on a celestial 
ear went to heaven, attended by Apsarads and Gandharvas, Reading or hear- 
ing the above story leads a man to heaven. 

“ South of that is the abode of Bhairava, the mere sight of which des- 
troys all sins. He was stationed here by Vishnu for the protection of Ayodha. 
The pilgrimage to itis performed on the eighth of the dark half of Agra- 
hayana, and bestows great blessings. A man should offer to him sacrifices 
of animals and worship him, which will fulfil all his wishes. Having com- 


168 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahitmya. [No. 2, 


fortably resided at Ayodhya, Bharata went to pay his visit to Bhairava and 
built a temple for him.” 


Chapter XXVI. 

Then Mahadeva said, “ O Goddess, at that time there appeared a cow, 
from the teats of which sweet milk spontaneously issued. It fell upon the 
ground, on seeing which monkeys and bears were struck with astonishment, 
and asked S’ri Raghunandana, what the cause of its appearance was. Rama- 
chandra answered, ‘ You should ask the spiritual guide Vasishtha this ques- 
tion.’ They then went to him, headed by Raghunatha, and requested him 
to reply to the point in question. After some meditation, he said that the 
cow had come for their sake, and that the place where its milk had fallen, 
should in future be called Kshira-kunda. Kshires’var Mahadeva had 
appeared in it, pleased with him because he had subdued his enemies and 
performed the work of the gods; he should therefore worship him with 
Janaki. Raghunandan worshipped the image as told by Vas‘ishtha, and from 
that time it has been called Dughdes’vara, andthe kunda, Sita - 
kunda, because it was built by her. He who visits Dughdes'vara and 
bathes in it, is absolved from his sins; and he who worships Sita, Rama, 
Lakshmana, and Dughdes’vara here, obtains his wishes. The pilgrimage to 
it is performed on the fourteenth of the light half of Jyaishtha. He who per- 
forms it goes to heaven, and is freed from all kinds of grief. 

“To the east of itis Sugriva-kund, near which is Shabh, where 
by bathing, giving alms, and worshipping Rama, a man gains that very day 
his desires. Hast of itis Hanumat-kunda, to the west of which is 
Bibhishauva Sar. A man by bathing in both, giving alms and wor- 
shipping Rama here immediately obtains his wishes. West of it is the 
abode of Astika Muni, by visiting which one is freed from the fear of 
serpents. Inits neighbourhood is the residence of Ramanika Muni, 
the mere sight of which destroys all sins. 

“ West of that is the kund of Ghritachi Apsara in the water of 
the Sarayt, like that of Nirmala. In former times, there was a devotee named 
Vatsa, who wandered about on the Himalaya without food, and restrained his 
passions. Indra saw him and became jealous, lest he might seize his throne, 
and sent Ghritachi Apsara to disturb him. The Muni saw how adorned she 
was with beautiful clothes and costly ornaments, became restless, and in his 
anger cursed her. He said, ‘Thou art proud of thy beauty and disturbest 
devotees, go and be ugly !? Deformed through the curse she fell to his feet, 
and solicited him with folded hands, and spoke thus—‘ Have pity on me and 
forgive my fault, I am not independent; I have come here at the command 
of another ; tell me, therefore, how I may be released from your curse.’ The 
Muni replied, ‘ There isa kund at Ayodhya, in the water of the Sarayu, west 


1875.] Ram Naradyan—Zranslation of the Ayodhyd-Mdahatnya. 169 


of the residence of Kurunaka; go and bathe in it, and thou shalt be restored 
to thy beauty, and the kund will be named after thee.’ She did accordingly, 
and became beautiful again ; the kund has, since then, been called Ghritachi- 
kund. He who bathes in it, in due form, obtains beauty either in this life 
or afterwards. There is no doubt about this. The pilgrimage to it is per- 
formed on the fourteenth of the light half of Pausa. To worship Vishnu 
here is proper. 

“West of it, at the distance of four miles, is the confluence. By 
bathing in it, a man obtains the benefits of performing a thousand As ‘va- 
medhas, a hundred Vajapeyi and many Rajasuya, and of bathing at Kuru- 
kshetra during an eclipse of the sun. He who bathes here on the twelfth, 
fifteenth, and last days of a month, and during eclipses, undoubtedly goes to 
heaven. The benefit of bathing at this spot on the last day of Pausa, is 
greater than that of standing on one leg for a thousand years, and hanging 
with the feet upwards and head downwards for ten thousand years, ‘Ten 
millions of sacred places assemble here on the twelfth of every month, and 
the fruits of visiting all of them are, therefore, obtained by once bathing here 
on that day. Bathing at this place always confers blessings, but particu- 
larly in Pausa, when all, whether Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, or even 
bastards, obtain heaven and are freed from the transmigration of souls. 
Lighting lamps at the confluence, in due manner, during the month of Pausa, 
destroys the great and small sins of many births, just as fire destroys a heap 
of cotton, and bestows long life, health, wealth, and high rank. By keep- 
ing up the whole night, remaining pure, restraining the passions, causing fire- 
sacrifices to be performed by Brahmans, worshipping Vishnu, hearing reli- 
gious stories, such as the Gita, &., which please Bhagavan ; bathing at early 
dawn at the confluence in due form, giving gold, grain, clothes, cows, and 
horses on the fourteenth of the light half of Pausa, one obtains salvation and 
goes to the place of Vishnu. By bathing here, a man gains the fruits of 
making the annual pilgrimages of all the sacred spots. In the early part 
of the Satya Yuga, Bhagavan became incarnate in the shape of a boar, kill- 
ed Hiranyaksha, cleared the earth of wicked men, came and lived here, 
and built a shrine. The Gods and Gandharvas and Munis, filled with joy, 
thus began to pray: —‘ O Varaha, we bow to thee, thou art the lord of the 
deities, omnipresent, the destroyer of the fear of thy devotees, all-powerful, 
thou killedst demons with thy teeth, perservedst religion, and gavest a pre- 
sent to the sea.’ On hearing the above, Vardha asked, ‘ What is your 
request, tell me now at this place, which bestows salvation on my devotees.’ 
The Gods said, ‘O Bhagavan, if thou art pleased with us, grant that who- 
ever bathes at the confluence, may be released from the dread of his enemies, 
from separation from his friends, and from re-entering the womb of a 
mother.’ Varaha answered, ‘Be it so, the confluence will be the de- 


170 Ram Narayan—Translation of the Ayodhyd-Mahdtmya. [No. 2, 


stroyer of sins, and the bestower of wealth, justice, love, andsalvation.’ Af- 
ter this, the Gods, Gandharvas, and Munis settled here.” 


Chapter XXVII. 


Then Mahddeva said, ‘* O Goddess, west of Varéhakshetrais Jamba 
Tirtha, the giver of all wishes, by bathing in which a person is freed from 
the crime of killmg a Brahman. Its origin is this: A jackal once went 
to the house of a Brahman, named Devasarva, the sight of which made 
him good. 

“ Near it is the residence of Tundaluk Brahman. He who visits 
it and performs sacrifices here, scares away poverty, and goes to heaven. 
There was a Brahman called Tundala (fat), very greedy, and clad in the bark 
of trees, who was involved in debts, and suffered great distress. He once 
eame to the bank of the Sarayu, and seeing a charming spot, stopped 
there for three suceessive nights without sleeping, and then bathed. This 
released him from debt and restored him to health, and thus he went to 
heaven. ‘Those who bathe in the Sarayt near his abode are sure to obtain 
salvation through Bhagavan’s favour. 

“South of it hes the Agastya Sar. Bathing here, giving alms, per- 
forming sacrifices and worship, and fasting and keeping up for three suc- 
cessive days and nights, yields the fruits of an Agnishtoma Yaga, without 
fasting ; but he who lives upon vegetables, roots, and fruits, is freed from 
all sins whether committed in childhood, manhood, or old age.” 

“ Mahadeva said, ‘‘ O Goddess, listen now to the names and the advan= 
tages of the sacred places that lie on the northern bank of the Saray. First, 
Pana Shur, by worshipping which, after bathing in the Sarayu, one ob- 
tains all his wishes. This is beyond a question. Secondly, Gokula 
Nagari, in which there isa holy pond, and nearit is the temple of Lakshmi. 
He who bathes in the pond, adores Lakshmi, gives alms in proportion to his 
riches, and performs oblations, will obtain wealth. Thereis no better place 
of worship for the acquisition of riches. The pilgrimage to it should be made 
on the eight of the light half of Bhadra. Thirdly, Sapnes'vari Devi 
resides at her place, and informs a man in dream, whether his desires are to 
be fulfilled or not. The pilgrimage to her place is performed on the eighth 
and fourteenth of every month. 

“ Hast of that lies the Srotas river, and the Katla (crooked) 
joins it. Bathing at the confluence and giving alms there in due form 
destroys all sins, especially on the last day of Kértika.” 


Chapter XXVIII. 
Then Mahadeva said, ‘“‘O Goddess, at the confluence is a sacred spot, 
ealled Champakapura, the destroyer of allsins, where there was a disciple 


1875.] Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhya-Mahatmya, neg | 


of Gulur Muni, who was very learned and obedient to his spiritual guide, 
whose daughter he had married. She became pregnant, and when once at 
midnight he read the Vedas, the child in the womb spoke and said, ‘ It 
is improper to read the Vedas at this time,’ which so offended him that 
he cursed the child, and said, ‘ May thy eight limbs be deformed !’ In due 
time the wife gave birth to a boy who, though its eight limbs were deformed, 
was yet a very fine child. One day, he asked his father’s permission, went 
out to perform his devotions, and set out for the Yamuna, where he worshipped. 
He was engaged in devotion when by chance fourteen hundred daughters 
ef the great Raja Mandhata came to the place. They laughed at the 
devotee; and angry at their impertinence, he said, ‘Be ye, too, ugly and 
deformed! When they returned home, their father was surprised at their 
deformity, and asked them the cause of it, They replied that they were 
under the curse of the devotee. The father told them to go to Ayodhya 
and visit Katala Devi. They did so, and were restored to their former 
beauty. The pilgrimage to this place is performed on the ninth of the light 
half of Chaitra. 

North-east of Katala is Manorama, the bestower of all our wishes, 
where the renowned Raja Das’‘aratha performed a sacrifice to obtain forgive- 
ness of sins. He was successful, made an As’vamedha Yaga, fed a great 
many Brahmans, and gave alms. Here the Gods, Gandharvas, and Munis 
perform devotion to gain their wishes. Its pilgrimage is performed on the 
last day of Chaitra. Oblations in honour of the deceased release them from 
hell, and carry them to heaven. 

South-east of Manoramais Réma Rekha, formed by Ramachandra 
with his bow for the sake of giving his cows water. He who visits it, 
does not go to hell, and bathing in it destroys all sins. Men, animals, 
birds, insects, and worms that die here, go to the regions of Vishnu. 
Those who see this river, will gain riches, age, health,a son, a wife, a 
grandson, fame, wisdom, and other blessings. A Brahman will gain spiri- 
tual knowledge; a Kshatriya victory; a Vaisya, wealth; and a S‘tdra, 
worldly comforts. Its pilgrimage is performed on the third day of the light 
half of Chaitra. West of Rama Rekha is the Saray, bathing in which 
frees all from sins.” 


Chapter XXIX. 

Parvati said, “ O Mahadeva, relate to me more of the advantages ‘of 
Rama Rekha.” Mahadeva replied, ‘‘ Listen attentively, for merely hearing 
my story destroys the sins of all former births. The Gods, Gandharvas, 
Yakshas, Kinnaras, Navas, Nagas, Gohink, Siddhas, Gerah, Nakshatras, Lok- 
palas, Dikpalas and Brahma once came to Ayodhya to bathe at the Rama 
Ghat on the birthday (anniversary) of Ramachandra. They all became pure, 

x 


172 Ram Narayan—TZranslation of the Ayodhyé-Méhatmya. [No. Z, 


and settled there as invisible beings, There was a great assembly of the 
people at the Ghat, and some person went to Vas‘ishtha Muni and asked 
him the cause of it. He said that it was Ramachandra’s anniversary, when 
bathing in the Sarayt and worshipping him, destroys all sins and releases 
men from returning to a mother’s womb. Hear, O Goddess, some of the 
advantages of this holy spot as described by the Muni to the inquirer. On 
the day of Rama Navami, a peacock accidentally came to Rama Ghat with 
a serpent, which fell from its beak into the Sarayt, assumed a beautiful 
shape, with four arms, and riding on a celestial car went to heaven, in 
presence of the whole assembly. Drums beat in the skies and flowers were 
showered down. The Rishis were struck with astonishment. Rama Ghat 
is also called Rama Kunda. Narada said to the Rishis, ‘ This is the benefit 
of bathing at the Ghat.’ Hearing this, they did as they were told, became 
four-armed, and went to heaven. Those who listen to this story obtain sal- 
vation, and their deceased ancestors are satisfied. All the qualitiesin a man, 
such as truth, purity of heart, fondness of the Vedas, reading religious stories, 
knowledge, wisdom, good behaviour, mercy, humility, and simplicity are 
unprofitable, if he do not visit Ayodhya. Even to cherish the wish to go to 
Ayodhya is commendable. The advantages of the Rama Navamiare ever- 
lasting. One gams heaven by daily praismg Ayodhya early in the morning, 
All good actions are inglorious unless a man see AyodhyA, just as the day is 
useless without the sun, and the night without the moon.” 

Parvati said, ‘‘O Mahadeva, you have related to me the fruits of visiting 
the sacred spots in Ayodhya, describe those of the city itself.” Mahadeva 
answered, ‘‘O Goddess, those who perform the pilgrimage to Ayodhya bodily, 
mentally and orally, gain all advantages. They should first purify their 
hearts, and secondly visit the sacred places outside.” The goddess asked 
how the first could be done. Mahadeva replied, “‘ By speaking the truth, 
shewing mercy, restraining the passions, and by wisdom, fasting, and deyo- 
tion.” 


Chapter XXX. 

As there are pure, indifferent, and impure parts in the body, so are 
there water and fire onearth. Those who perform acts of both internal and 
external devotion as mentioned before, are sure to go to heaven. ‘The chief- 
thing in worship is to be pure-hearted. The animals in the water are born 
and die in it, but they do not get to heaven, because they are not pure- 
hearted. An impure heart is attached to the passions of the body, to house 
and wife, and son, and friend, and wealth. A pure heart is one which is 
free from these things and loves Vishnu. Bathing in water does not purify 
the heart, just as a wine-vessel is not pure, be it ever so clean. He who 
bathes, gives alms, makes sacrifices, prays with a pure heart, lives in a sacred 


1875.] G. H. Damant—otes on Manipuri Grammar. 173 


piace, and daily reads the Vedas, obtains the full benefits of virtue ; but 
wherever he may reside, he must restrain his passions, deal fairly, and love 
Vishnu, whereby he will gain the advantages of living at Kurukshetra, 
Nimkhar, and Prayaga. He who bathes at Svargadvara and Sahust Dhara, 
and visits Dharma-hari, the Janmasthan, Chakra-Tirtha, Brahma Kund, and 
Rinmochan on the eleventh of every month, obtains salvation, and is 
absolved of his sins. Ayodhya is an excellent place, and there is no other 
equal to it. 

“ Hear the names of other places than Ayodhya that also give salvation, 
viz. Brahma’s seven rivers :—the Son, Sindh, Hiran Naksh, Kokh, Lohita, 
Ghaghra, and Satadru; three Gramas :—Saligram, Sambhalagrama, and 
Nandi-grama ; seven towns, viz., Mathura, Haridwar, Kasi, Kanchi, Ujjayini, 
and Dvarka ; nine forests:—Dandak, Samdhaka, Jambi, Marg, Pushkara, 
Utpalaranya, Nimkharan, Kurujangala, Himvan, and Urhad; nine Ukhars 
(waste lands) :—Rainuku, Shukur, Kas‘i, Kal, Kalinjar, Mahakal, Kali, 
Vat and Es var; fourteen Gohiyas (concealed places):—Kokh, Kubya 
Arhud, Mankarm, Vat, Saligram, Shukar Dvarka, Mathura, Gaya, Nish. 
kriman, Haridvar, Lohargul, Svayam Pirbhas, Maluo, and Badri. Bathing 
in the Ganges is necessary, frequenting the company of the virtuous, giving 
cows, meditating on Hari, feeding the poor, and listening to the Puranas. 
The Munis say that the company of the virtuous stands highest : it destroys 
sins, and bestows wisdom and faith. The mere sight of Ayodhya confers 
the same benefits as frequenting the company of the virtuous.” 

This Mahatmya has no parallel. Whoever reads it or hears it, goes to 
heaven. Every one should worship Brahmans and Vishnu, and give gold to 
the former. Those who recite this Mahatmya should receive grain, clothes, 
gold, cows, and money, which bless the giver in this world and in the world 
to come. All kinds of devotion yield numerous benefits, when the devotee 
pays Brahmans in proportion to his means. When listening to this Maha- 
tmya, a man gains sons, wealth, knowledge and salvation, whatsoever he 
wants, and is sure to go to heaven. 


Notes on Manipuri Grammar.—By G. H. Damant, B. A., C.8., Cachar. 


The grammar of the Manipuri language is practically unknown at 
present, and the Europeans who have any acquaintance at all with it 
might be counted on one’s fingers. So far as I know, there is only one 
book on the language, an English-Manipuri dictionary, printed at the 
Baptist Mission Press in 1830, and this is now very scarce. The language 
is to a certain extent a written one, and formerly had a character peculiar 
to itself. Manuscripts in this character still exist, and it is even now used 


174 G. H. Damant—Wotes on Manipuri Grammar. [No. Z, 


in Manipur for genealogies and family records, but all ordinary business 
matters are carried on either in Bengali or in Manipuri written in the 
Bengali character. I may note that all grammatical forms given hereafter 
are derived from the language as spoken at present, and not from the 
manuscripts, which, | am told, contain many obsolete forms, and indeed 
are hardly intelligible to an ordinary Manipuri. The grammar is very well 
worth studying; and as it contains many peculiarities which are found as 
well in the allied dialects of the Kookies and the Koupuis, a tribe of Nagas 
who inhabit parts of Manipur and Kachhar, it seems probable that the lan- 
guage of the Lushais and several of the Naga tribes may be derived from the 
same stock. But we hardly know enough of these dialects to pronounce an 
opinion yet ; however even if we grant that they are originally branches of 
the same stem, they have varied so much that they are now distinct languages 
and not mere dialects, and a knowledge of one is of very little use in learn- 
ing another, a Kookie speaking his own language cannot be understood by 
a Naga, or a Manipuri by either. é 

One of the first peculiarities which strikes one is the double possessive 
which is prefixed to certain nouns ; thus— 


aigi ipa my father 

nangi napa your father 
A 0 A . 

maei mapa his father 

aigi ikok my head 

nangi nakek your head 

magi makok his head 


In these words the possessives 2, na, and ma are prefixed in addition to 
the usual forms aigi nangt, and magi ; pais of course the Manipuri for father 
in the abstract, but practically it is never used except in the forms ipa, napa, 
and map&. This peculiarity is as a rule confined to words signifying rela- 
tionship as mother, brother, sister, and the like, and to those which signify a 
part of the body as hand, foot, &e.; and it is also used with a few words in 
very common use, as yém a house, pot athing. It is not generally used with 
words of two syllables, but there are exceptions, as ‘ aigi iraipak’ my country, 
instead of ‘aigi laipak.’ ‘These are general rules only, for nothing but con- 
stant practice can teach precisely in what words it should or should not be 
used. 

The Kookies use ka, na, and a in the same way; e. Jn— 


kapa my father 
napa your father 
apa his father 


Dut they carry it a step farther than the Manipuris, for they SE if even 
to verbs ; as; 


1875. ] G. H. Damant—Wotes on Manipuri Grammar. 175 


ken kamoyi I have seen 

nang namum you have seen 

amaku amuye he has seen 
Verbs. 


The conjugation of the Manipuri verb, in its primary form, is simple 
enough, but is rendered somewhat difficult by the number of verbal forms, 
such as participles, and also by the great differences in the negative and 
interrogative forms. 

The verbs are nothing more than a series of roots to which terminations 
are attached in the simplest way. Thus the root chat signifies “ go”, ché= 
eat, pdm = love, hai = say ; but these roots are never found alone in this 
form except in composition, in such words as tdéningbé = wishing to hear 
where ¢¢ = hear, ning + the termination dé = wishing. The forms in common 
use, which are nearest the original roots, are chatpd, chabd, pdmbd, haiba, &e. 
They are nothing more nor less than verbal nouns, whether adjectives or 
substantives, though more generally used as adjectives or to qualify a 
sentence, as khul asidd laibd, residing in that village. These forms in 
the feminine are changed into pi and bi, as ydmnd phajabi nupt, a very 
beautiful woman ; atwmbi koubi nupi, a woman called Atumbi. The 
forms pd and 6d are the same, the change being merely for the. sake of 
euphony. In the same way ¢and d,Jand r,and & and g, are constantly 
interchanged. 

We may distinguish six different tenses—a present terminating in i, 
or 7i; a future in kant or gant; an imperative im si; and three past tenses 
terminating in /e or re, lire or rire, and lammi or rammi. The latter refers 
to a thing done some time ago. It is a kind of aorist. The form in lure 
refers to something done just now, it might be called imperfect, and the form 
in /eisa simple past and resembles the perfect: it answers to such forms 
as, went, did, saw, in English. 

The forms in /e and dure seem to be often interchanged. In giving 
names to the tenses, I have done so more to distinguish one past tense from 
another than with any other object, as Ido not mean that the perfect, 
imperfect, and aorist, are exactly represented by the tenses here given, but 
there is a considerable resemblance. 

The participles are perhaps the most difficult part of the verb. There 
are no less than ten different forms, and it is often no easy matter to know 
which form should be used. There are two present participles ending in 
dana and kidana. ‘There appears to be little if any difference between them ; 
for they are used only with the present and imperative tenses, as ‘ go there 
and see him’, dsika chattana (or chatkidana) muhdkpoo yengu. 

The past participles are two, ending in ladana and léidana. They are 
only used in reference to an action which is completely finished, and there ~ 


1v6 G. H. Damant— Notes on Manipuri Grammar. [No. 2, 


appears to be little difference between them. They are only used in con- 
junction with a past tense, e. g., when I went there, I saw him, wind dsika 
chatlidana mahakpoo ainé uwrammi. 

The future participle ends in Jagd. It is said to be used only with the 
first person, the present participle in dana being used in its place with the 
other persons, but there appears to be some doubt about this. 

‘When I go there I will see him’, aindé dsiki chatlagé mahakpoo 
ugant. : 

The next participle ending in abadi is used with the future to imply 
a doubt, whereas the form in lagé implies a certainty or fixed intention. 
‘IfI go there, I will see him’, Zowning amasung aind Gsiké chatlabadi 
mahikpoo and ugant. 

The form in kadabagi is used to express a purpose, but only in the first 
person, as ‘I am preparing to go’, aind chatkadabagi tour. 

The form in nanabd is used in exactly the same way, but only in the 
2nd and 38rd persons, as, ‘ you make preparations to go’, nang chatnanaba 
tourang tou. 

The participle showing time is formed by adding lingaidé to the root, 
It means at the time of doing a thing, as ‘when I was going there, I saw 
him’, aind dsikd chatlingaidd mahakpoo and urammi. 

The last participle is formed by adding panind to the root, and its 
meaning is ‘from having done so,’ ‘because I have done so.’ ‘From 
having gone to that place I know all about it’, mapham dsikd aina 
chatpanind pumnamak ainda kangt. 

The causal form is made by the addition of hal to the root, thus kangbd 
= to know; kanghalbéd = to make to know. This form is conjugated in 
the same way as an ordinary verb. 

The general rule for the formation of the negative is to insert da or d 
between the termination and the root ; but the d is in some tenses inserted in 
the middle of the termination, and in the present tense the termination Jz is - 
changed into Jo¢ in the negative. The formation will be more clearly under- 
stood from the conjugation given hereafter, as there are considerable vari- 
ations in some tenses, for which it is difficult to lay down exact rules. 

The Kookies insert 4¢ in much the same way; thus ‘I will see’, 
ken vengé; ‘I will not see’, ken vehingé; ‘ see’, ven; ‘do not see’, 
vehi. ; 

The interrogative is always denoted by the syllable 7@, which is varied 
in different tenses into drd and brad, but this will be more clearly seen from 
the conjugation given. The interrogative 7d is often used without a verb, 
and is simply attached to a noun substantive, in such phrases as ‘is this 
woman your sister?’ Nupi asi nangi nachal rd? Where rd is attached 
directly to the substantive chal without the intervention of any verb. 


1875.] G. H. Damant—WNVotes on Manipurit Grammar. 177 


The conjugation of the verbs in the plural is in all cases exactly the 
same as in the singular. 


Conjugation of the verb chatpa, to go. 
PRESENT TENSE. 


I go Ai chatli 

You go Nang chatlu 

He goes Ma chatli 
FUTURE. 

T will go Ai chatkani ov chatke 

You will go Nang chatlu 

He will go Ma chatkani 

IMPERATIVE. 

Let me go Chatsi 

Go Chatlu 

Let him go Chatsanu 
PERFECT. 

I went Ai chatle 

You went Nang chatle 

He went Ma chatle 
Aorist. 

T went Ai chatlammi 

You went Nang chatlammi 

He went Ma chatlammi 


IMPERFECT. 


I was going 
You were going 
He was going 


Ai chatlure 
Nang chatluyi 
Ma chatlure 


PARTICIPLES. 


Going 

Having gone 

When I go (used only in 1st 
person) 

For the sake of going (Ist 
person only) 

For the sake of going 2nd 
and 3rd persons only 

If I go (used in all three 
persons, implies a doubt) 

By having gone, 

At the time of going. 


Chatkidana, chattana 
Chatlidana, chatladana 


Chatlaga 
Chatkadabagi 
Chatnanaba 
Chatlabadi 


Chatpanina 
Chatlingaida 


178 


G. H. Damant—Woles on Manipur Grammar. 


Negative Forms. 
PRESENT, 
Ai chatloi 
Nang chatkanu 
Ma chatloi 


FUTURE. 

Ai chatlaroi 
Nang chatkanu 
Ma chatlaroi 

IMPERATIVE. 
Chatlanushi 
Chatkanu or chatluganu 
Chattasanu 


PERFECT. 
Ai chatte 
Nang chatkanu 
Ma chatte 


_ AORIST. 
Ai chatlamde 
Nang chatlamde 
Ma chatlamde. 


IMPERFECT. 
Ai chatludre 
Nang chatludre 
-Ma chattare 


PARTICIPLES. 


Chatkidadana, chattadana 
Chatlidradanda 

Chattraga 

Chatloidabagi 
Chattananaba 

Chatrabadi 

Chattabanin& 
Chatringaida 


Interrogative Fors. 
PRESENT. 


Are you (or he) going ? Chatlibra 
Are you not going? Chatloidra 


[No. 25 


1875.] G. H. Damant—Notes on Manipuri Grammar. 179 


FUTURE. 
Will you goP Chatkera, chatkadra 
Will you not go? Chatioidra 
IMPEREECT. 
Did you ge? Chatlirabra 
Did you not go? Chatludrabra 
i; PrrFect, 
Have you gone? Chatpra 
Have you not gone? Chattabra 
Aonist. 
Did you go? Chatlambra 
Did you not go ? Chatlamdra 
There is also a past interrogative chatpage, which is always used with 
kari, as kari chatpage ? = why did you go? Chatlibage is also used mean- 


ing ‘are you going?’ and chatlibage, meaning ‘did you go ?’ 
There appears to be no interrogative for the first person and the forms 
in r@ are common to beth the 2nd and 8rd persens and the sing. and plural. 


Pronouns. 
The personal pronouns are— 


Ai or thak —1; Nang or nahik = Thou; M4 or mahik — He 

The plural forms are—aikhoi, nakhoi, and makhoi. The forms ending in 
hak are either emphatic or honorific, All the pronouns are declined in the 
same way, @. 9. 


Singular Nom. Nang Thou 
Gen. Nangi Of thee, thine 
Dat. - Nanganda To thee 
Ace. Nangboo Thee 
Abl. Nangdagi Hrom thee 
Plural Nom. Nakhoi You 
Gen. Nakhoigi Of you 
Dat. Nakhoida To you 
Ace. Nakhoiboo You 
Abl. Nakhoidagi From you 


The other pronouns are asz and adu, this, and mast and madu, that. 

There is also an interrogative pronoun kand or kanéno who ?, which is 
declined in the same way as the personal pronouns. 

There are no relatives in the language, and sentences containing a rela- 
tive are expressed very awkwardly by using a verbal noun with the demon- 
strative adu, thus—Where is the book which I gave you yesterday ? — 
Gunarang aina nanganda pikhiba lairik adu kaidano ? 


As 


180 G. H. Damant—Wotes on Manipuri Grammar, [No. 2, 


Whatever work you do is well done = Nangna touba thabak adu pum- 
namak phar. 


Nouns substantive. 
These are very simple, and an example of one will serve for the whole 
language. There is really only one gender in use, but the masculine sex 
in animals is distinguished by the addition of Jaba, and the feminine by 


the addition of amom; thus sagol =a horse, generally sagol-laba = a 
stallion, and sagol-amom == amare; and in men by the addition of nipa 
and nup2, thus macha-nipa == a son, and macha-nupi = a daughter. 


The plural is indicated by adding sig, but for things without life 
} J g q) g 
pumnamak is generally used, which simply means ‘ all.” 

The termination gz is used as a genitive in every sense; da is used as 
the dative and also asa locative, both of time and place; thus ywmda = 

) ig 5 y 
in the house; nongmagi numitta = on a certain day. The termination 
boo is generally an accusative, but occasionally it is used as a dative, though 
S$ y y) ? fo) 

this does not appear to be considered quite correct. 


Singular Nom. Mi A man 
Gen. Migi Of a man 
Dat. Midé To a man 
Ace. Miboo A man 
Abi. Midagi From a man 

Plural Nom. Mising Men 
Gen. Misinggi Of men 
Dat. Misingda To men 
Ace. Misingboo Men 
Abl. Misingdaégi From men 
Adjectives. 


No separate class of words is known in Manipuri as adjectives, but the 
verbal forms in 6a are used instead, and they can generally be conjugated 
indifferently as verbs or adjectives, but sometimes with a slightly different 
meaning ; thus phaba mi ama — a good man, wangba u ama = a high 
tree, while, the man is good = mi ast phai, the tree is high = w 
asi wdngt. When verbals in ba are used as adjectives, an initial a is often 
prefixed, thus aphaba or phaba, awangba or wingbd, are used indifferently. 
In the feminine the final da is changed into 67. There is no change in the 
plural. Some adjectives are merely the negative forms of their opposites 
thus phattaba, bad, is merely the negative of phaba, good. 

It is extremely probable that there may be some errors in the above, 
although I have done my best to ensure correctness. I am very doubtful 
especially about the difference in meaning between the three different forms 


1875.] J. Wise—The Bdrah Bhiyas of Bengal. 181 


of the past tense and the interrogative forms. I fancy the Manipuris them- 
selves often confuse these forms, and it is extremely difficult in a practically 
unwritten language like Manipuri, to obtain accurate information on minute 
points of grammar. 


ae 


The Barah Bhiyas of Bengal. No. IIl.—By Dr. James Wise. 


It was remarked in a former paper* that the European and Muhammadan 
historians are strangely silent regarding the government of Bengal between 
1576 and 1593. That the country was ruled by twelve governors, called 
Bhuyas, the facts embodied in that paper satisfactorily proved, and on 
examining the writings of early Huropean travellers and missionaries further 
particulars regarding these governors are obtained. 

Jarric,f who derived his information from the Jesuit fathers, sent to 
Bengal in 1599 by the Archbishop of Goa, mentions that the “ prefects” of 
the twelve kingdoms, governed by the king of the Pathans, united their 
forces, drove out the Mughuls, “et suum quisque tyrannice regnum invasit ; 
* adeo ut nulli hodie pareant, aut tributum pendant. Non se tamen dixére 
* reges, etsi regium splendorem praeferant, sed Boiones, quasi forsan Prin- 
“cipes. Hisce tum Patanii, tum Bengalani indigenae parent: quorum 
“ tres ethnicas superstitiones servant, Chandecanius, Siripuranus, et Baca- 
“ Janus; reliqui novem Mahometanes: etsi et rex Arracanus, quem Mogo- 
“ siorum regem dicunt, partem Bengalae occupet. 

D’Avity£ copies this description of Bengal, but gives a few additional 
particulars of these twelve sovereigns, as he calls them. The most power- 
ful, he informs us, were those of ‘‘ Siripur et Chandecan, mais le Masandolin 
ou Maasudalin,” is the chief. ‘This is evidently the primitive way of spell- 
ing Masnad-i- Ali, the title of fsa Khan of Khizrpur. 

One of the earliest travellers and writers on Bengal was Sébastien 
Manrique, a Spanish monk of the order of St. Augustin, who resided in 
India from 1628 to 1641. On his return he published his Itinerary,§ in 
which he states that the kingdoms of Bengal are divided into twelve pro- 
vinces, to wit, “ Bengal, Angelim, Ourixa, Jagarnatte, Chandekan, Medi- 
nipur, Catrabo, Bacala, Solimanvas, Bulua, Daca, Ragamol.” The king 
of Bengal, he goes on to say, resided at Gaur. He maintained as vassals 
twelve chiefs in as many districts (en la doce provincias doce régulos sus 

* Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLITI, for 1874, Part I, p. 197. 

+ R. P. Petri Jarrici “ Thesaurus rerum Indicarum’’, Col. Agrippinae, Anno 1615. 

+t La Monde ou la description générale de ses quatres parties, &c., composé par 


Pierre D’ Avity, Seigneur de Montmartin, 4 Paris, 1643, fol. 
§ “Itinerario de las Missiones que hizo el Padre F, Sébastien Manrique,”’ en 


Roma, 1649. 


182 J. Wise—The Barah Bhiyas of Bengal. . [No. Z, 


Vasallos), whom the natives call the twelve “Boiones de Bengala, los 
“ quales estan oy todos sugétos al Imperio Mogalano, por guerras ciyiles 
“ que tubieron entre si después dela ruina, y total destruccion del Empe= 
“ rador de Bengala.” 

It is impossible to accept as correct the above list given by Manrique. 
We doubt that Orissa, Jagarnath, and MedinipGr, ever had separate 
rulers; and the name Bengala seems to recall the fabulous city on which so 
much was written by the travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
eenturies. Catrabo is Katrabo, now a “‘tappa”’ on the Lakhya, opposite 
Khizrptr, and which for long was the property of the descendants of “Tsa 
Khan. Solimanvas is perhaps Salimbabad in Baqirganj, a parganah 
which was never included in the territory ruled over by the Chandradip 
family. 

In the description of the East Indies by Clemente Tosi,* he mentions 
“ Katabro, capo d’una provincia,” and goes on to say “eritornando in dietro 
“ per la riva del fiume si vedono un dopo laltro Siripur, Noricul, e Tamboli, 
“ne cui porti per esser frequentati habitano: et continuando il camino 
“contra la corrente del fiume vegonsi dalla stessa parte Solimanvas e 
“ Bacala, citta ambedue metropoli di due Provincie.” This passage seems 
to confirm the supposition that Salimabad is Solimanvas. 

Finally, Purchas describing Sondipt in 1602 gives us some insight 
into the civil war then waging between different nations at the months of 
the Megna. When Bengal was conquered by the Mughuls, they took pos- 
session of the island, but Cadaragi [ Kedar Rai of Sriptr] still claimed it as 
his rightful property. The Portuguese captured it; but this roused the 
anger of the king of Arrakan, who sent a fleet to drive the Portuguese out, 
“and Cadaray (Kedar Rai), which they say was true Lord of it, sent one 
hundred Cossi (kosahs) from Sriptr to help him. The combined fleets 
were defeated, and the Portuguese entered into a treaty with Kedar Rai. 
Carnalius, the leader of the Portuguese, took his disabled vessels to Sripur 
to refit them. ‘There he was attacked by one hundred kosahs under com- 
mand of ‘‘ Mandaray, a man famous in those parts.” The Mughul fleet 
was defeated and its admiral Mandaray killed. 

These authorities advance our knowledge considerably. The Bhuyas, 
aceording to them, had been dependants of the king of Gaur, but had 
acquired independence by foree of arms. They refused to pay tribute, or 
to acknowledge allegiance to any one. From being prefects appointed by 
the king, they had become kings, with armies and fleets at their command, 


* Dell’ India Orientale descrittione geografica et historica, del P. Abbate D. Cle~ 
mente Tosi, Roma, 1669. 


+ Purchas, His Pilgrimage, p. 513. 


<< 


1875.] C. J. O’Donnell—Wote on Mahasthan, Bagura, 183 


ever ready to wage war against each other or to oppose the invasion of 
Portuguese pirates and Mag freebooters, 


—_— 


Note on Wahdsthén near Baguré (Bogra), Eastern Bengal.—By O. J. 
O’DonneELL, C.S. 


Mahasthan Garh is the name of a place famous in the earliest 
Hindu traditions of this part of India, and also of interest in later times 
as a Muhammadan shrine of great sanctity. It is situated seven miles 
north of the Civil Station of Bogra, in 24° 57’ north latitude and 89° 25’ 
east longitude, and consists of a great mound of earth intermixed with old 
bricks. This is the Hindu Mahasthan, which, literally translated, means 
the “great place.” Branching out from it north and west are two great 
ramparts, which are continued round to form a quadrangular enclosure, the 
later Musalman Fort or Garh. Dr. Buchanan, in his account of the 
Dinajpur District, says, “the tradition belonging to this District, which is 
referred to the earliest period by the Hindus, is that it was under the 
government of Paras’urama, a very powerful monarch who had subject to 
him twenty-two princes, and who lived at Mahdsthan Garh in Rajshahi. 
The Brahmans, whom J have consulted, consider this personage as the same 
with the sixth incarnation of the god Vishnu, who appeared an immense 
number of years ago, and on this account I have placed this tradition first ; 
but the common belief of the country is that Paras’urama of Mahasthan 
was destroyed by a Muhammadan saint named Shah Sultan Hazrat Auliya. 
This does not appear remarkable to the Brahmans, as they consider that 
Paras’urama is still on earth and that he now resides in the western parts 
of India.” They make no remark on the contradiction necessary in referring 
at once to the earliest Hindu tradition and the Musalman conquest of 
Hastern Bengal. The only other source from which I have been able to 
obtain any information about Mahasthan is a selection of popular legends 
ealled ‘ Laghu Bharata,’ put together by a Deputy Collector of this District 
in very high-flown Sanskrit, together with some theories of his own. The 
value of the work may be judged from one of the latter, in which he 
seeks to prove that, after the Paudava war, Sisunag, of the family of the 
kings of Magadha, was an independent sovereign of Meccain Arabia. With 
regard to Mahasthan he seems more correct. He identifies it with 
Barendra, the capital of the country of the Barendra Hindus. In favour of 
this view the only arguments are strong, though simple. The whole country 
between the Ganges, the Mahananda, Kamrup, and the Karatoya, was 
undoubtedly the old Barendra Desha. To the present day, much of it is 


184 ©. J. O’Donnell—Note on Mahdsthan, Bagura. [No. 2, 


called ‘Barind’. The locality of the greatest fame within it is Mah4sthan, 
and the river of the greatest sanctity, the Karatoya. At the same time 
there are evident traces, as I shall afterwards mention, that a considerable 
city existed near Mahasthan, whilst tradition is even stronger on the 
point. At that time who were its rulers, it is impossible to say. All round 
it, however, there are shrines, holy wells and embankments connected with 
the name of Bhima, one of the Pandava brothers. ‘The legend runs that at 
the end of their great contest with the Kauravas, they went into the forests 
of Kamrtp to perform the penitential ceremony, called banabds, for a year, 
at the end of which time Bhima settled in the country of the King Virata, 
who ruled in Matsya Desha, or the Land of the Fish, which included much 
of the present Bogra District, and was so called from the fact that Virata 
was said to be the offspring of his mother’s amour with a fish. Bhima is 
said to have made a large fortified town south of Mahasthan, which is 
marked by great earthworks altogether about eight miles long, and still in 
places as much as twenty feet high. The whole country between them 
and Mahasthan is in places covered with old bricks. Inside the earthworks 
the bricks are fewer, but outside and east from Mahdsthan they are very 
numerous. I am led to think that the enclosure was, like the ring forts of 
Italy, a place of temporary refuge not only for the people of the neighbouring 
town, but of the country round in times of danger. On one side it was 
protected by the great river Karatoya, and on the other by a deep and 
wide ditch for some four miles long, which still exists and is used for boat- 
traffic in the rains. These earthworks are called by the people Bhima- 
jangal. After Bhima a dynasty of Asuras is said to have reigned in 
the surrounding country, and to have made the shrine at Mahasthan one 
of its most holy places. In Brahmani literature the word ‘ Asura’ is used 
very much as we use pagan, and was certainly applied to the Buddhists. 
Dr. Buchanan explains it as meaning ‘ a worshipper of S‘iva’ as opposed to a 
worshipper of Krishna. The other explanation is now preferred, particularly 
as it is known that the earlier Pala Rajas, many of the remains of whose times 
are found in this district, were Buddhists. The history of this dynasty 
belongs properly to Dinajptr, but it may be mentioned in connection with 
Mahasthaén that there is a legend that on a certain occasion twelve persons 
of very high distinction and mostly named Pala, came from the west, to 
perform a religious ceremony in the Karatoya river, but arriving too 
late, settled down on its banks till the next occurrence of the holy season, 
the Narayani, which depends on certain conjunctions of the planets, and 
was then twelve years distant. They are said to have built numerous 
palaces and temples, dug tanks, and performed other pious acts. They are 
said to have been of the Bhuinhar or Bhaman zamindar tribe, which is, 
at the present day, represented by the Rajas of Banaras and Bhettia. 


1875.] C. J. O’Donnell—WNote on Mahdsthan, Bagurd. 185 


On the top of the Mahdsthan mound there lies a figure made seemingly 
of limestone, which I was informed by one of the fukirs of the Muham- 
madan shrine had been found in a neighbouring marsh. It is the figure of 
a woman, very like what is usually said to be of Buddhist production, but 
is perfectly nude, and it is hard to find any distinguishing sign. The 
back is quite undressed and the lower legs which have no feet are square, as 
if they were intended to fit into holes in some larger piece of stone, probably 
some part of the front of a temple. 

After this time, Mahasthadn became a seat of orthodox Hin- 
duism, and the worship of S‘iva was celebrated with much fervour. 
Within a radius of a mile, a hundred thousand lingas are said to have 
been set up in honour of that god. About the end of the thirteenth 
century, according to the most generally accepted traditions, Mahasthan 
was the capital of a minor Kshatriya prince, named Paras‘urama. At that 
time the Muhammadans had conquered Gaur, and driven the last Hindu 
dynasty out of Nadiyd, and their arms were beginning to be pushed to 
Eastern Bengal. It was then that a humble fakir or religious mendi- 
eant appeared before Paras’urama, and begged for as much ground as he might 
cover with his chamra, or skin, kneeling on which he might say his prayers. 
The Hindu prince granted his request, and the fakér, turning towards the 
west, began to pray. Scarcely had he done so when the skin began to 
expand, and before he had done, it covered nearly the whole principality. 
Paras’urama called his troops together and attacked the fakir, but to no pur- 
pose, as he and they perished in the battle. Paras’urama had one daughter, 
the beautiful Sila Devi, whom the conqueror, who bore the name of Shah 
Sultan Hazrat Auliya, now claimed as his prize. The Hindu princess pre- 
tending to accept her fate, found an opportunity of stabbing him, and then 
threw herself into the Karatoyé. A steep part of the bank, where there is 
now a flight of stairs, still bears the name of S’1la Devi’s Ghat, and in 
Hindu hymns the favourite name for Mahaésthén is ‘Sila Dvipa’, or the 
Island of Sila. The word ‘island’ draws attention to a change which has 
taken place in the river Karatoya. It at one time divided into two branch- 
es near Mahasthan, re-uniting again about a mile north of the present 
town of Bagura. The western branch is now the little stream Subil. 

There is a title very frequently appended to Shah Sultan’s name, wiz. : 
‘ mahi-suwar’, or ‘riding ona fish’, which is variously explained. The most 
generally given, though not very satisfactory, reason is, that he came in a boat 
shaped like a fish, or with the figure-head of a fish, A very strange figure 
is still found on the top of the Mahasthan mound, which may be connected 
with this name. There is the figure of a girl with a long fish’s tail, 
altogether presenting the recognized semblance of the mermaid of English 
story. The tail is curved up under the right arm, and is covered with 


186 C. J. O'Donnell—Wote on Mahasthan, Baguré. 


scales. On her head there are also, what seem to be, large scales instead of 
hair. She is half reclining on her left side, but on what no one can say, 
as it is much defaced and partly broken or perhaps only chipped. On her 
right shoulder is a large right hand clenched, placed back downwards with 
the fingers turned up. At first, this seems part of a larger figure from 
which it was broken, but I found on a piece of limestone which seemed to 
have been at one time the threshold of a temple, a relief, much worn, 
which was precisely the same as the larger one. ‘The relief was three to four 
inches long and the other about two feet square. I cannot pretend to explain 
these forms, but it is quite possible that they are connected with the old 
Hindu times, and may be some reference in stone to the allegory to the name 
of the land of the fish applied to this country. 

All the Muhammadan buildings, some of which by appearance 
and repute are modern, are entirely made of brick, except where stones, 
evidently taken from some older building, are used. I noticed a few small 
blocks of granite lying about. At present, the shrine is approached from 
the Rangptr road on the west by a steep flight of stairs. These are 
evidently of comparatively modern erection, the former approach being 
from the north by a winding path, like those seen on Buddhist topes. which, 
after passing nearly once round the mound leads to a spot midway between 
the tomb of Shah Sultan and a small mosque built some two hundred 
years ago, and where a large linga, some three feet and a half wide, still 
lies half buried in the ground. The door entering into the tomb is sup- 
ported on two uprights of stone, on each of which a word or two in De- 
vanagari is still to be seen, though they are in parts so worn as to be unin- 
telligible. I was told by one of the fakérs who live on the mound that 
about twenty years ago an English gentleman carried away to Rangpur a 
large square block of stone, on all four sides of which there were inscriptions— 
he could not say in what character—and figures like the woman-fish above 
mentioned. This shrine is supported by the largest pirpal holding in the 
district, measuring as it does some 650 acres. It was granted by a sanad 
given by an Emperor of Dihli.” This has been lost, but it is known that the 
grant was recognized and confirmed in the year 1076, Hijrah, A. D. 1066, by 
a farman of the governor of Dhaka. In 1886, proceedings were instituted by 
Government for resumption of this tenure, but they were abandoned in 1844 
on proof of the great age of the grant. There are besides other sources of 


revenue. A fair is held at Mahasthan about the middle of April, the © 


profits of which (about £60) are made over to the shrine. The mwuéawallis 
of the dargah are of the family of the Chaudhari zamindars of Bibar and 


Paikar. 


— ae 


2S - : es 
i gee Pillar from near POTNITALA, District Dinajpur, Bengal 
(Seale, 3 inches to one foot.) | 


JOURNAL 


OF THE 


POIATIC SOCIETY: 


a 


Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c. 


No. II1.—1875. 


eS OEE eee?» 


On Traces of Buddhism in Dindjpur and Baguré (Bogra).— By EH. Vesny 
Westmacort, B. C.S., F. R. G.S., Member of the Bengal Asiatic and 
Royal Asiatic Societies. 

(With a plate.) 


T cannot tell what may have been the original position of this little pil- 
lar, which was brought to me from the neighbourhood of Potnitalé in Di- 
najpur. The other three sides are similarly carved to the one which I have 
drawn, but contain no inscription. From its size I should think that it. 
was a votive offering, set up in a temple or in the court yard of a temple. 
The Buddhism of the giver is plain, not only from the carving, which re- 
presents Buddha teaching the law, with hand uplifted, but from the lower of 
the two inscriptions, which is the well known Buddhist formula, ‘ ye dharm- 
ma hetu prabhaba hetu, ete., etc.’ ‘‘ Of all things proceeding from cause hath 
Tathagata explained the causes. The great Sramana hath likewise explained 
the causes of the cessation of existence.” The upper inscription I am not 
Sanskrit scholar enough to read. It seems to give the name of the person 
who presented ‘this stone made pillar’, but to contain no date. The 
character is in that stage of progress towards modern Bengali, which we find 
in use in the eleventh century of the Christian era, It is more modern 
than that of the Amgachhi copperplate, engraved in the reign of Vigraha Pal, 
and I should fix its date at the period of one of the last of the Pal kings, 
a dynasty whose Buddhism is well known. ‘The pillar was probably in- 
tended to represent a Buddhist stupa, and before it was broken, probably 
bore three umbrellas, one above another. 

Z 


188 E. V. Westmacott—On Traces of Buddhism in Dingpur. [No. 3, 


In all south-eastern Dinajpur, and the neighbouring parts of Bogra, re- 
mains of Buddhism and of the Buddhist Pal kings are numerous. It was in 
this neighbourhood that in the seventh century the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen- 
Thsang found the Buddhist court of Paundra-Varddhana, which I identify 
with Varddhana-kuati, the residence of a very ancient family, close to Govind- 
ganj, on the Karatoya. Mr. Fergusson, in his paper on Hiouen-Thsang, quotes 
from an account of Pundra Desa in the fourth volume of the Oriental Quar- 
terly Magazine, that Verddhana Kuta, governed by a Yavana, or Musal- 
man, was one of the chief towns of Nivritti, comprising Dinajpur, Rangpur, 
and Koch Bihar, and consequently the eastern half of Hiouen-Thsang’s 
kingdom of Paundra-Varddhana. If the Pal kings were not the rulers of 
Bengal in the time of Hiouen-Thsang, little more than a century elapsed 
from his visit before they became so. They resided in the part of the country 
of which I am speaking, and may have continued to do so for some time after 
the Sen dynasty had established itself at Bikrampur, near Dhaka. Dharmma 
Pal, whose fort still bears his name, more than seventy miles north of Vard- 
dhana-K uti, and other Pal kings, were ruling east of the Karatoya long 
after Bengal had been subdued by the Sens, before whom indeed the Pals 
probably retreated by degrees to the north-east, and were supplanted with- 
out any great catastrophe. Had the Sens signally defeated the Pals, 
and violently dispossessed them, I cannot but think that there would have 
been some trace of such an event in history. 

Be that as it may, the Pal kings and their Buddhism have left their 
traces plentifully in this corner of Bengal. First, thirty-two miles W.S. W. 
from Govindganj, in a village called Paharpur, or ‘ the Town of the Hill’, 
is a tall brick mound which was once a Buddhist stupa, and, so far as I 
know, the only one of importance in this part of the country. Dr. Bucha- 
nan has described it in his account of Dinajpur. It is, he says—“ An im- 
“mense steep heap of bricks, from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet 
* in perpendicular height, covered with bushes, and crowned by a remark- 
“ ably fine tree.’ Half way up, Dr. Buchanan saw three large rough stones, 
but without an inscription ; for these I searched in vain. ‘ On the summit 
“is a small chamber of brick, with a door facing the east and a small 
“niche towards the west. This is said to have been the residence of a 
“ Muhammadan hermit, which is very probable. The heap of bricks, or hill, 
“as it is called, has been surrounded by a square rampart, the ruins of which 
“contain many bricks, and each side may be 400 yards in length. The 
“rampart is overgrown with trees, but the space between it and the hill 
“is clear, contains some small tanks, and indications of brick buildings, 
“ especially towards the corners of the rampart. The thicknessof this 
“would induce one to believe that the place might have been a fortress ; 
“but no ditch can be traced, and the heap, which is by far the most re- 


1875.] E. V. Westmacott—On Traces of Buddhism in Diniyjpur. 189 


“ markable part of the ruin, could not have answered for defence. I am 
“ therefore inclined to believe that it has been a temple, and its great steep- 
*‘ ness and height induce me to suppose that it has been solid, like many of 
“the temples of Buddha in Ava and Nepal ; for a hollow temple, of which 
‘* the roof had fallen in, would be much flatter. My conjecture is confirmed 
** by the vicinity of the several places which are said to have belonged 
“to the Pal family, who were worshippers of Buddha.” 

I have no doubt but that Dr. Buchanan is correct, and the rampart 
round, I think, was probably raised, as usual in this low lying country, as a 
foundation for buildings, which buildings would be the monastery, sur- 
rounding the stupa. 

Only five miles W. N. W., at the curious subterranean place of worship, 
called Jogighopa, I saw stone carvings of undoubted Buddhist origin. On 
one slab, twenty-one inches long, was carved Maya-Devi, recumbent, with 
the baby by her side and attendants round her. With it was a slab, 40 inches 
high, with a relief of Narayana Chaturbhuja, bearing the shank, yada, lotus, 
and disc, showing that the Buddhist carving had been preserved by the 
votaries of a later religion, The carvings were singularly perfect. In a 
field near the thana of Khyetlal, said to have been a residence of the Bord- 
dhonkuti zamindars, who once owned all Khyetlal, I saw carvings correspond- 
ing curiously with those at Jogighopa. ‘The carvings at Khyetlal are 
four. They are set up in a field as objects of worship. One, if not two, are 
Buddhist, the others are S’aiva sculptures of a later date. 

First, on a slab 32 inches by 14, Maya Devi in high relief ; the head 
rests on the left hand, the right knee is bent; the baby, the infant Bud- 
dha, is on a pillow below, a small figure is at each end of the bed, and on a 
scroll above are ten little seated figures. This is probably as early as the 
ninth or tenth century. 

Second, on a slab 12 inches by 93, a relief of a figure seated on a lotus. 
He has two arms only. The head has disappeared. Below are two figures, 
one blowing some instrument, the other holding something like a scarf. I 
think this may be a Buddha. 

Third, on a slab 23 inches by 14, is a relief of a pair dallying. The 
male is four-armed, and under him is a bull, under the female a lion. I 
conclude that they represent S’iva and Parvati. 

Fourth, on a slab 38 inches by 20, a sculptured figure, partly in relief, 
partly in the round, ofa deity erect on a lotus. It is much mutilated, and 
I am not sure whether there were originally four arms or six. Below are 
two pairs of small female figures, and above one flying, the corresponding 
corner being broken off, On each side of the principal figure, facing out- 
wards, is the well known device of the Lion, rampant on a small crouching 
Elephant, of which I have long tried to discover the historical significance. 


190 E. V. Westmacott—On Traces of Buddhism in Dindjpur. (No. 3, 


Tt evidently belongs to a later period than that of the Buddhist kings. 
This last sculpture is almost exactly similar to the one at Jogighopa, called 
Narayana Chaturbhuja, which has also the device of the lion and elephant. 

It is quite clear that the S’aiva worshippers preserved the Buddhist 
sculptures of an earlier age with their own. Whence these remains were 
taken it is impossible to conjecture. The only. traces of antiquity near 
Khyetlal are certain inequalities, said to have formed the site of a residence 
of the Borddhon-kuti zamindars, but they contain scarcely any bricks, and 
appear to be comparatively modern. Near the sculptures are the S/aiva 
lingam and argha, and close by was found a granite pillar, which I caused 
to be set up at the corner of the thand compound, 

North-east from Panchbibi thana, and eleven miles N. N. H. from 
the Paharpur stwpa, on the banks of the Tulsiganga, is the shrine of 
Nimay Shah, a Muhammadan saint of great sanctity. The place is called 
Patharghata from the number of stones collected in the river. I made my 
way to this place with great difficulty, and my visit was very disappointing 
from the density of the jungle and an attack of fever. As I left the shrine, 
ZT came face to face with a large leopard, whom I woke up from his siesta 
under a tree. I saw quite enough to satisfy me that this formed no exception 
to General Cunningham’s rule that the erection of a Muhammadan mosque 
always implies the destruction of a Hindu temple. There isa decided 
mound of bricks, which has evidently been much reduced by taking material 
for the Muhammadan buildings, which have been rather extensive, but if, as 
I think likely, the mound has been a Buddhist stupa, it must have been 
a much smaller one than the one at Paharpur, unless indeed, the main part 
of the original stwpa has been cut away by the Tulsiganga, which might 
account for the great number of stones in the bed of the river. Among 
them I found the head and shoulders of a colossal statue of Buddha. 

About a mile to the north-west, at a place called Mahipur, the 
heavy jungle covers the remains of many masonry buildings, which Dr. 
Buchanan was told had been the residence of Mahi Pal, while similar 
ruins at ’Atapur, close by, were said to have been the palace of Usha Pal. 
I could hear of no traditions of the Pals when I was in the neighbourhood. 
On the actual spot there are no inhabitants. Nevertheless, the name of 
Mahi Pal is certainly suggested by the name Mahipur, as it is by 
numerous other names, from the tank of Mahi Pal Dighi, forty-five miles to 
the northwest, to Mahiganj in Rangpur, fifty miles N. N. E. from the 
great stupa. It may be traced in several places called Mahiganj, Mahipur, 
or Mahinagar, and perhaps in the name of Mahi Santosh, given to the site 
of a Muhammadan shrine on the banks of the Atrai, in parganah Santosh, 
evidently occupying the site of a large Hindu town, ‘The inscriptions on — 
the tomb are of the date of Barbak Shah. 


1875.] HE. V. Westmacott—On Traces of Buddhism in Dindjpur. 191 


I have mentioned the frequent existence of brick remains in the jungle 
in this neighbourhood. I cannot nearly enumerate all, but I may instance 
the traces of a large town nine miles south of the Paharpur stupa, through 
which the Northern Bengal Railway, now in course of construction, will 
run for some distance. The only clue to its origin with which I am 
acquainted, is the dimension of the bricks, ten inches square by two and a 
half thick. I believe these large bricks are assigned to the Buddhist 
period. The only piece of sculpture I saw was a brick carved in relief, in a 
style which I consider not earlier than the last half of the seventeenth 
century, but the town is certainly much older than that. 

There are remains at Nayanagar on the Karatoya, twenty miles north 
of the stupa, called a Rajbari. I have not seen them, but at Bagjona I 
saw a handsomely carved stone lintel, six feet by ten and a half inches, and 
seven inches thick, said to have been brought from Nayanagar. It bore no 
figures or inscriptions. 

Close to Jogighopa are extensive brick remains, said to have been the 
palace of Dev Pal; whether the Dev Pal of the Munger plate or not 
I will not say, but certainly he of the Amegdchhi plate. Bhimla Devi, 
daughter of Dev Pal, is said by the ignorant pijaris to be represented by 
one of the Jogighopa carvings. A mile to the south-west, at Amari, are 
more brick remains, which Dr. Buchanan heard called the palace of Mahi 
Pal. Across the 62/, two miles north-east, at Chondira, are remains, 
which he was told were those of Chandra Pal’s palace ; there are more bricks 
at Katak and Dhorol, and indeed in all the country round are innumerable 
brick ruins. Seven miles north of the great stupa is the celebrated Buddal 
pillar, set up by a minister of Narayan Pal, and bearing an inscription, in 
which Dev Pal and Sura Pal are mentioned as having preceded Narayan 
Pal. A dozen miles north of that again was found the Amegachhi plate, 
containing a grant by Vigraha Pal, and enumerating his ancestors, Naya 
Pal his father, Mahi Pal, Dharmma Pal, and others. 

I think it likely that much might be added to our knowledge of 
the Buddhist kings of Bengal, by properly organised research in this 
neighbourhood. The Paharpur stwpa might be excavated, and perhaps 
that at the shrine of Nimay Shah, unless it appeared on examination that 
the river had really cut away the central portion of it. I should like also 
to endeavour to trace the old towns, especially those occupied by Muham- 
madan shrines, as at Mahi Santosh; for I consider the selection of a site 
for a mosque by the early Muhammadans to be an indication that on the spot 
they found plenty of material in Hindu buildings, or in other words that 
the site had been occupied by extensive masonry buildings before the Mu- 
hammadan conquest. 

The sanctity of Jogighopa, and the Buddhist carvings preserved 


192 J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


there, indicate the remains of the palace of Dev Pal as another place likely 
to reward research. Besides the possibility of finding inscriptions, it would 
be interesting to discover the plan of those great buildings of which the 
granite cornices, mouldings, and pillars, and the delicately carved doorways, 
have been spread far and wide through the neighbouring districts, wherever 
materials were required for new erections. Whether we should succeed in 
finding any such traces of Buddhist buildings is a question I could not 
answer positively in the affirmative; for it appears that S’aivas have built 
with materials taken from Buddhist ruins, Muhammadans have similarly 
plundered the S’aivas, and have in their turn furnished materials for modern 
Hindu architecture, but I think the experiment would be well worth try- 
ing, and should be glad if I had funds and leisure to devote to it. 


— 


The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai, the bard of Nirpur, A. D. 1650.— 
By Joun Beames, C. 8. 


A short notice of this work has already appeared in the Society’s Pro- 
ceedings for August 1872, but as it possesses considerable interest both from 
a philological and historical point of view, it has been thought advisable to 
reproduce it entire as regards the text, with tentative translations of such 
parts as are translatable. Those parts the meaning of which is not clear 
to me, have been left untranslated, and I hope that scholars in other parts of 
India will kindly offer suggestions as to these (to me) obscure portions. The 
whole work may perhaps ultimately be published in the Bibliotheca Indica, 
but the pages of the Journal seem to be the fitting place for its preliminary 
discussion. 

The work is contained in a little volume of 105 small quarto pages, 
written in rather an indistinct hand, and very carelessly copied. One line 
is run into another, and whole words and passages omitted or hopelessly 
garbled; but there are so many repetitions, that we are fortunately able to 
restore some of the garbled passages by comparison with other places where 
the same phrases recur. Some of the characters, especially compound ones, 
are so badly formed, that I can only guess at their meaning. 

The poems are not a continuous history, but short songs or rhapsodies 
in praise of Raja Jagat Singh, such as are sung by bards at the feasts and 
festivals of native princes, and the historical events are hinted at rather than 
detailed ; they were evidently well known to the bard’s hearers and therefore 
needed no further description. 

Mr. Blochmann has kindly furnished me with a note on the Rajas of 
Narpur and a translation of the Muhammadan historian’s account of Raja 
Jagat Singh’s rebellion from the Padishahnamah, These will form a fitting 


1875.] J. Beames— The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 193 


introduction to the poem itself, and the allusions therein will be easily 
understood by reference to the historical narrative. 
The Ra’ja’s of Nu’rpuw’r. 

Nurpar lies N. W. of Kangrah, on the Jabbarkhad, a small tributary 
of the Chakki river, which flows into the Biah. Its old name Dhameri 
(ceyt+%0), the “ Tammery” of De Laét and other old travellers, was changed to 
Narpar by Raja Bast in honor of Miruddin Muhammad Jahangir. Mu- 
hammadan Historians generally call the Rajas of Nurptr “ zamindars of 
Mau and Pathan”. Mau was one of their strongholds, and was destroyed 
by Shahjahan ; and Pathan, or Paithan, is the same as Pathankot, west 
of Narptr. Pathan is mentioned in the Ain as a parganah of the Bari Duab, 
containing 199,872 big’hahs, yielding a revenue of 7,297,015 dams (40 dams 
= 1 Akbarshahi Rupee), and furnishing 250 horse and 2000 foot; and 
Dhameri is quoted as yielding 1,600,000 dams, and furnishing 60 horse, 
and 1300 foot. 

The zamindars of Mau and Pathan are first noticed in the very be- 
sinning of Akbar’s reign, when Raja Bakht Mall is mentioned as a sup- 
porter of Sikandar Sar, whom Akbar, in 965 A. H., besieged in Mankot. 
When Bakht Mall saw that Sikandar’s cause was hopeless, he paid his re- 
spects in the Imperial camp, and accompanied, after the surrender of Mankot, 
the army to Lahor, where Bairam Khan had him executed on the ground 
that he had supported Sikandar Sar, As successor Bairam appointed his 
brother Takht Mall. I am not sure whether the names of these two Rajas 
are correct, or whether the first should be called Takht Mall and the second 
Bakht Mall; for in every MS. of the Akbarnamah that I have seen, the 
two names (which differ only in the diacritical points) are continually 
interchanged. 

Nearly thirty years later, we hear of Raja Bast as reigning Zamindar 
of Mau and Pathan. It is not stated how he was related to Bakht Mall 
and Takht Mall; but the historians of the reigns of Shahjahan and Aurang- 
zib look upon him as the founder of a new line, and give the following 
genealogical tree— 


Raja Basi of Nurpur (dies 1022). 


(1.) Suraj Mall. (2.) Madht Singh. (8.) Jagat Singh (dies 1055). 


kt 


le 
1. Rajrap (dies 1077). 

2. Bhao Singh (Murid Khan). 

The last, Bhao Singh, in the beginning of Aurangzib’s reign, turned 

Muhammadan, and received the name of Murid Khan. His descendants, 

according to the Wadsir ul-Umara still hold Shahpir, N. W. of Nurpur, 


194 J. Beames—The Ehapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


near the Ravi, and “he who becomes Raja, takes the name of Murid 
Khan.” 

Raja Jagat Singh served under Jahangir in Bengal, and in the 15th year 
when Stiraj Mall rebelled, the emperor called him from Bengal, made him a 
commander of 1000, with 500 horse, gave him the title of Raja, and a 
present of 20,000 Rupees, and sent him to Raja Bikramajit, who invested 
Kangrah. Up to the end of Jahangir’s reign, he rose to a command of 
3000, with 2000 horse. - 

Under Shahjahan, Jagat Singh retained his mangab, and was in the 
Sth year appointed to Bangash, and two years later to Kabul, where he 
distinguished himself in the capture of Karimdad, the son of Jalalah Tariki, 
the Afghan rebel. Inthe 11th year of Shahjahan’s reign, when ’Ali Mar- 
dan handed Qandahar to Shahjahan, and Sa’id Khan ( w& ose ) was sent 
from Kabul to drive away the Persians, Jagat Singh commanded the hara- 
wal, or vanguard. Arrived at Qandahar, Jagat Singh was ordered to 
conquer Zamin-Dawar; he accompanied afterwards the army to Bust, 
where he distinguished himself. In the 12th year, he paid his respects at 
Lahor, received several presents, and was appointed Faujdar of Upper and 
Lower Bangash. Whilst he was thére, his son Rajrap rebelled, as will be 
seen from the following free translation from the Padishéhnamah. 


The Conquest of Mau and Nu’rpu’r under Sha/hjaha/’n. 
(Pddishahnamah, Kid. Bibl. Indica, II, pp. 287ff.) 


In the 12th year of Shahjahan’s reign, when Shahjahan was at Lahor, 
he appointed Rajrup, eldest son of Raja Jagat Singh of Mau, Faujdar of the 
Daman i Koh i Kangrah and collector of the peshkash due by the several 
petty hill states. In the following year, when the emperor was in Kashmir, 
Rajrip, who acted in concert with his father in Bangash, rebelled, and 
Jagat Singh, through friends he had at court, expressed a feigned dissatis- 
faction at the misconduct of his son, and requested the emperor to relieve 
him of his duties in Bangash and bestow upon him the office of his son. 
This would give him an opportunity of punishing Rajrip, and of collecting 
the peshkash, which he valued at four lacs of rupees. The emperor gladly ac- 
cepted the offer ; but no sooner had Jagat Singh arrived in his district than 
he made preparations for rebellion, trusting to the height of his hill forts and 
the impenetrability of the jungles. He fortified especially Taragarh, 
with the view of making it an asylum in days of ill-luck. 

When the news of his rebellious conduct reached the court, Shahjahan 
could scarcely believe it, and sent Kabrai Sundar to Mau to report on the 
truth of the rumour. Sundar had an interview with Jagat Singh, and, on_ 
his return to court, reported that the Raja was sorry for his misbehaviour ; 
he wished, however, to remain for a year in his district, and would send his 


ee 


1875. J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rat. 195 


son Rajrup to court to ask for pardon. The emperor hesitated no longer, 
and appointed three corps to commence operations against Jagat Singh. 
The first corps was placed under Sayyid Khan Jahan Barha,* who was sup- 
ported by Nazar Bahadur Khweshagi ;+ Shamsuddin, son of Zulfaqar Khan ; 
Raja Amr Singh of Narwar; Sayyid Lutf ’Ali; Jalaluddin Mahmid; Rao 
Dan Singh Bhadauriah; Mir Buzurg; Sarmast, son of I’timad Rai; and 
several other mancabdars, Ahadis, both bowmen and matchlockmen, and 
zamindar troops. The second corps was commanded by Sa’id Khan Baha- 
dur Zafarjang, together with his sons and relations, Raja Rai Singh, Iltifat 
Khan Cafawi, Gokul Das Sisaudiah, Rai Singh Jhala, Kriparam, Nadi ’All, 
Chait Singh, with other mangabdars and Ahadis, both bowmen and match- 
lockmen, and Mushki Beg, Bakhshi of Dara Shikoh, with 1000 horse of 
the Prince’s contingent. ‘The third corps was under Acalat Khan, his 
brother ’Abdulkafi, Muhammad Amin and Muhammad Mumin, sons of Shah 
Quli Khan, and other imperial mancgabdars, and Khusrau Beg, an officer in 
the employ of Yamin ud-daulah [Acgaf Khan Khankhanan, brother of 
Nar Jahan, and father of Mumtaz Mahall] with 1000 horse of his contingent, 
and 500 horse belonging to Islam Khan under their Bakhshi. The whole 
was placed under the command of Prince Murad Bakhsh, who with Raja 
Jaisingh, Rao Amr Singh, Jan-sipar Khan, Akbar Quli Khan Sultan 
Gakk’har, Hari Smgh Rathor, Chandr Man Bundelah, Daulat Khan 
Qiyamkhani, Rai Kasidas, Khizr Sultan Gakk’har, and Khalil Beg with 
700 Ahadis, Nahir Solangi, Baba i Khweshagi, and other mangabdars, was 
to move from Kabul over Siyalkot to Pathan. 

On the 17th Jumada I., 1051 [14th August, 1641], the first two corps 
under Sayyid Khan Jahan and Sa’id Khan assembled at Raiptr and Bah- 
ramptr, waiting for the arrival of the Prince; and Acalat Khan pushed on 
to Jammu, to collect the zamindari troops of the District. When the Prince 
arrived, the whole army marched to Pathan. Khan Jahan and Sa’id Khan 
had each received valuable presents from his Majesty before leaving ; so had 
Acalat Khan, Rai Singh, Iltifat Khan, Nazar Bahadur Khweshagi, Zulfaqar 
Khan, Shamsuddin, son of Nazar Bahadur, Raja Amr Singh of Narwar, 
Gokul Das Sisaudiah, Rai Singh Jhala, and others. One lac of rupees was 
given to Khan Jahan as an advance. As reporter to Khan Jahan’s detach- 
ment Sultan Nazar was appointed, and Qazi Nizama to that of Bahadur 
Khan. 

Murad Bakhsh now appointed Sa’id Khan, Raja Jai Singh, and Agalat 
Khan, to invest Fort Mau, which lies 3 4os from Pathan, and remained 
himself in that town to collect supplies. 

Khan Jahan, on the 2nd Juméda II. [29th August, 1641], left Raiptr, 

* Nin translation, pp. 392, 394. 

¥ Of Kastr, Lahor District. 

AA 


196 J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3 


in order to march by the Balhaw4én Pass (wt) on Narpir. Atthe 
foot of the pass, he came upon Rajrap. Khan Jahan appointed Najabat Khan 
harawal, who engaged Rajrap. The obstacles which had been set up at the 
foot of the pass, were forced, and Khan Jahan moved rapidly to Machhi 
Bhawan. The enemy had everywhere blockaded the roads ; but a native 
of the district shewed the Imperialists a path, which from its inaccessibility 
had not been obstructed. By this way the army arrived on the 14th Rajab 
[9th October, 1641] at the summit of a hill, half a £os from Nurptir. The 
houses outside the Fort were given up to pillage, and the army encamped at 
the foot of the Fort. The Fort, which was well provided with provisions 
and material, was garrisoned by about 2000 mountaineers, mostly armed 
with matchlocks. Khan Jahan opened trenches and commenced the siege. 

Sa’id Khan had in the mean time marched by way of Mount Harah 
(8)'®), and Raja Jai Smgh and Acdlat Khan along the valley of the Chakki 
River, and both met at Mau. The army eneamped near Raja Bast’s villa, 
which lies on even ground, but it is joined by means of a hill with Mau 
itself. The roads were everywhere blockaded, and stone barricades with 
towers had-been erected. ‘The army could only slowly advance, and the 
soldiers had everywhere to cut trenches for protection against the fire of 
the enemies, 

On the 17th Rajab [12th October], Qulij Khdn and Rustam Khan 
joined the Prince at Pathan, bringing orders from Court that Qulij Khan 
should march to Mau, and Rustam Khan to Khan Jahanat Narpar. Re- 
ports had, in the mean time, been received at Court from loyal zamindars of 
the district to say that the occupation of Rup ar (53), which overlooks Mau, 
was necessary for the complete investment of Mau; and as Prince Murad 
Bakhsh reported the same, orders were sent to Sa’id Khan to move to Rupar. 
A portion of the troops at Nuarptr under Najaébat Khan as hardwal, Nazar 
Bahadur Khweshagi, Akbar Quli Sultan Gakk’har, and Raja Man of Gwaliar, 
should join Sa’id’s corps. On the receipt of these orders, Sa’id Khan, on 
Tuesday, 15th Sha’ban [9th November, 1641], broke up, marched along 
the Narptr Pass, and halted in the neighbourhood of the Mau Mountain 
on the road to Rupar. He then sent his sons Sa’dullah and ’Abdullah witha 
detachment of men of his own contingent, and Imperial Rifles under Zulfagar, 
from the right and the left, up the mountain to fix upon a site for the camp. 
On reaching the height, they sent a report to Sa’id that much jungle would 
have to be cut, if the whole army was tocome up. They waited for further 
orders, when they were suddenly attacked by 4 or 5000 matchlockmen and 
bowmen from a neighbouring hill. Sa’id sent at once reinforcements under 
his son Lutfullah, and afterwards more under Shaikh Farid and Sarandaz 
Khan. Before Lutfullah could join his brothers, he was attacked, and 
received a sword-wound in the right shoulder and a spear-wound in his left 


1875.] J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rat. 197 


arm. He was with difficulty taken from the field by Khwajah ’Abdurrah- 
man, son of Abdul ’Aziz Naqshbandi, as the enemies were just disabling the 
horse. Zulfaqar drove away the enemies who had attacked him, and re- 
treated to Sa’id Khan, and soon after, Sa’dullah and ’Abdullah arrived like- 
wise. Sa’id Khan reached Rupar next day, cut down the jungle for the 
encampment, cut ditches, and set up hedges, to guard against night-attacks. 
The enemies now collected in large numbers round about, and continued to 
erect fences and throw up obstacles of all sorts. Sa’id advanced slowly cut- 
ting down the jungle; and on the 21st Sha’ban [15th November], the 
vanguard under Najabat Khan arrived at a pass in the neighbourhood of a 
hostile camp near Raja Bast’s garden. The enemies were at once attacked, 
from one side by Zulfaqar with the Imperial artillery, and from the other by 
Nazar Bahadur Khweshagi, Shaikh Farid, Akbar Quli Sultan Gakl’har, 
Sarandaz Khan, and Raja Man. A numberof men of Najabat Khan and 
Raja Man put boards on their heads instead of shields, rushed forward, 
and set fire toa wall made of poles and planks. Several were killed on 
both sides. 

In the night before the 29th Sha’ban [22nd to 23rd November], Raja 
Man sent about one hundred foot of his own native place to surprise Fort 
Chhat (“¢). They killed many enemies, who had left the Fort to oppose 
them, among them the commander. A portion of them occupied the Fort, 
the rest returned to Raja Man. 

During the day, a bastion (burj) of Fort Nurptr, which Khan Jahan 
besieged, was blown up. This happened as follows. Zulfi AhGnzan and 
Aqa Hasan Rimi had laid seven mines in various directions. Six of them 
had been discovered by the besieged, who filled them with water. ‘The 
seventh had been made from the trenches of Khan Jahan’s men, and had 
been successfully carried forward to the bastion, a space of three yards only 
remaining undug to the very foundation of the bastion. Khan Jahan’s son 
and his men, from fear that the besieged would detect the last mine too, 
filled it with powder, and sent word to Khan Jahan that the mine was 
ready. Khan Jahan, therefore, gave in the afternoon orders to the men of 
several trenches to be ready for an assault, and to fire the mine. But as 
the mine was incomplete, one side only of the bastion flew up, whilst the other 
side sank to the ground. But the besieged had been cunning enough to erect 
behind each bastion a wall, which was joined with both ends to the outer 
wall of the Fort. This wall behind the blown up bastion remained unin- 
yured, and no actual breach was effected ; and Sayyid Lutf ’Ali and Jalaluddin 
Mahmiud, who had rushed forward with Khan Jahan’s men, found the way 
closed, and called to the b¢/dars to throw down the wall. The besieged think- 
ing that the Imperialists had succeeded in effecting a breach, retreated to the 
inner Fort, keeping up a destructive fire on Lutf Ali, who was shot in the 


198 J. Beames-—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


hand. But unfortunately it got dark, and the storming party had to 
retire. 

In the end of Sha’bian, Bahadur Khan was ordered by his Majesty to 
move from Islamptr to Pathan, where he met the Prince with 3000 horse 
and the same number of foot. On the last of Sha’ban [23rd November], 
Damtal [south of Pathankot] was taken by Bahadur Khan, and Tihart 
by Allah Virdi Khan. The emperor also sent orders that Acalat Khan 
should hasten to Narptir and take part in the siege; and Sayyid Khan 
Jahan, Rustam Khan, and others, together with Bahadur Khan as harawal, 
should attack Mau by way of Ganga-thal (Ugs 35) ; for when Mau 
was conquered, it would be easier to reduce Narptr. The Prince should 
leave Rao Amr Singh and Mirz4 Hasan Cafawi in Pathan, and march upon 
Mau, and encamp in the pass, where, in former days, "Abdullah Khan 
Bahadur had encamped. 

On the Ist Ramazan [24th November], the Prince left Pathan for Mau. 
Jagat Singh began now to doubt of success, and requested Allah Virdi 
Khan to beg the Prince to allow Rajrip an interview: the Imperial 
eommanders, from envy and hatred towards him, had forced the war on 
him, and their only object was to rob and kill him and his people. As 
Rajput, he had to defend his military honor; but as the Prince had now 
himself come, he wished to submit and send his son to settle affairs. 

On the 5th Ramazan [28th November, 1641], Rajrap with a halter 
round his neck appeared before the Prince, who promised to intercede on 
Jagat Singh’s behalf with his Majesty. But the emperor, to whom the 
Prince sent a report, demanded an unconditional surrender, and Murad 
Bakhsh had to send Rajrup back. 

Sayyid Khan Jahan and Bahadur Khan were now sent by the Prince 
over Gangat’hal to Mau. They moved slowly forward cutting down 
the jungle, and drove away the enemies wherever they found them. 
When they approached strong barricades, they dug trenches, and thus 
succeeded in overcoming all obstacles. When they reached Mau, Jagat 
Singh, with the best men of his own clan, engaged them in sharp 
encounters for five days. Neither Bahadur Khan, nor Khan Jahan, 
spared their men; in fact, the men of Bahadur Khan used the dead 
bodies of the slain to step over the trenches dug by the enemies. But 
during these five days, no less than 700 men of Bahadur Khan’s contingent 
were killed amd wounded, and the same number of the other corps. A large 
number of the enemies also ‘ went to hell.’ All officers fought gallantly, 
Sayyid Khan Jahan, Rustam Khan, and others, but especially Bahadur 
Khan, Sayyid Khan Jahan’s hardawal. 

But as the war made slow progress, his Majesty ordered that the attacks 
upon Mau should be vigorously continued at the place where Khan Jahan 


1875.] J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 199 


and Bahadur Khan had fought, and the other corps should also attack and 
take the Fort by storm. On the morning of the 20th Ramazan, therefore, 
[18th December, 1641], the Prince gave the Bakhshis of his own men the 
order to make a general assault, and sent word to Khan Jahan and Sa’id 
Khan to commence the assault on their side. Sa’id Khan delayed, but 
Khan Jahan faithfully rendered excellent service, and Rustam Khan and 
Bahadur Khan and many others distinguished themselves by their gallantry. 
They, from their side, and Raja Jai Singh, Qulij Khan, and Allah Virdi 
Khan, from the other side, were firmly resolved to take Mau by assault. 
Raja Jai Singh, and Allah Virdi Khan from the valley, Qulij Khan from 
the left, and the others from the right, succeeded to pass through the jungle, 
and managed to reach the summit of the mountain. In consequence of the 
continued fights on the preceding days, Jagat Singh had been so weakened, 
that he called in troops which he had posted to certain places to keep back 
the Imperialists ; and Raja Jai Singh, Qulij Khan, and Allah Virdi Khan, 
who were nearest to Mau, found the ascent easy. The few men that held 
the barricades opposite to them, could not offer serious resistance, whence 
it happened that they entered Mau before Khan Jahan and Bahadur Khan 
had come up. Jagat Singh had before taken his family and treasures to 
Taragarh, and had remained alone in Mau; but when he saw the luck 
and the successes of his enemies, he took his sons and dependents who had 
escaped the sword, and fled. 

Two days after [15th December, 1641], Agalat Khan reported to the 
Prince that the besieged in Nurpur, considering Jagat Singh’s cause hope- 
less after the fall of Mau, had at midnight deserted the Fort, which was 
now in his possession. 

On the 23rd Ramazan [16th December, 1641], the Prince sent Prithi 
Chand, zamindar of Chambah, whose father had been killed by Jagat Singh, 
to court. Mau was left in charge of Raja Jaisingh ; Tihari was garrisoned 
by Qulij Khan; Damtal by Gokuldds Sisaudiah; and Pathan by Mirza 
Hasan Cafawi. A large detachment was told off to cut down the jungle 
and widen the roads in the neighbourhood of Mau. 

The Prince then returned with Bahadur Khan and Agalat Khan to 
court, when he arrived six days later. 

On Ist Shawwal [23rd December, 1641], the Prince received orders to 
bring Jagat Singh either a prisoner or dead to court. Prithi Chand re- 
ceived the title of Raja and a mangab of 1000, with 400 horse, and was 
ordered to return to Chambah, to collect his men, and to occupy a hill near 
Fort Téragarh, the possession of which was necessary before the Fort could 
be taken. ‘'Tdragarh in fact belongs to Chambah; but Jagat Singh had 
taken it by force. 

On 5th Shawwal [27th December, 1641], the Prince reached Nurptr 


200 J. Beames—-Lhe Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


with Sayyid Khan Jahan, and sent Sa’id Khan with his sons to Jamma. 
Bahadur Khan and Agalat Khan with nearly 2000 horse were sent to 
Taragarh. Raja Man Singh of Gwalidr, the sworn enemy of Jagat Singh, 
joined Prithi Chand, in order to attack Taragarh from the rear. 

Although the fort was high, and difficult of access beyond all expecta- 
tion, the Imperialists commenced the siege. * * * Jagat Singh seeing 
that he was vigorously attacked from all sides, was now sorry that he had 
rebelled against his Majesty, his benefactor, and addressed Sayyid Khan 
Jahan to intercede for him with the Prince. The Prince recommended him 
to the mercy of the emperor. Taragarh was to be handed over to the 
Imperialists, and was to be destroyed with exception of certain houses 
which at Jagat Singh’s request were to be left as dwelling-places for his 
servants, and as store houses for his property. ‘The fortifications of Mau 
and Nurpur were likewise to be levelled. 

This was done. Jagat Singh invited Sayyid Khan Jahan to dismantle 
Tdragarh. ‘The Sayyid then ordered his relation Sayyid Firtz to destroy 
the Sher Haji bastion and other fortifications. 

On Thursday evening, 19th Zil Hajjah [11th March, 1642], Jagat Singh 
paid his respects to the Prince. Najabat Khan was ordered to make a 
settlement for the whole district. Bahadur Khan and Acalat Khan were left 
in Nurptr to dismantle the bastions, and the Prince with Sayyid Khan 
Jahan and Jagat Singh together with his sons went to Court. 

On the 25th Zil Hajjah, Jagat Singh and his sons, each with a fautah 
round the neck, were presented to his Majesty, who pardoned them. 

On the 19th Muharram, 1052 [10th April, 1642], Raja Jagat Singh and 
Rajrup, his son, who had escaped the fire of his Majesty’s wrath, were reap- 
pointed to their former rank and office. Soon after, Jagat Singh went with 
Dara Shikoh to Qandahar, and was made commandant of Qalat. In the 17th 
year of Shahjahan’s reign, Sa’id Khan was made governor of the Cubah, 
and Jagat Singh, who could not agree with him, was sent with the army to 
Badakhshan (1055), whither his son Rajrip accompanied him. He occupied 
Khiust, Sarab, and Indrab, and erected between the last two places a strong 
stockade with masonry towers, and successfully repelled the attacks of the 
Uzbaks. Leaving a strong garrison in his stockade, Jagat Singh, in Rama- 
zan 1055, returned to Panjshir, bravely fighting on the road under heavy 
snowstorms. Ill-health compelled him to go to Pashawar, where he died 
in the end of the same year (January, 1646]. 

Rajrup was made Raja, a commander of 1500, with 1000 horse, and 
was left in possession of his zamindaris. But Murshid Quli, the Faujdar 
of Daman i Koh i Kangrah, in the beginning of 1056, was ordered to take 
away Téragarh. He did so, and Taragarh was henceforth garrisoned by 
Imperialists.— 


1875.] J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rat. 201 


The manuscript belongs to the Hon’ble E. C. Bayley, for whom it was 
copied from the original in his possession of the Raja of Nurptr. The copy 
ends abruptly, and it is probable that it has not been completed. The Raja 
was unwilling to allow the copy to be taken, and now states that the origi-= 
nal has been lost. We must therefore make the best of the present text. 
The work is in two parts, the first part ends on page 57, where the second 
part begins with the words 4 Uist Wawa Alaa saa fis at Frat ca 
ST AT TA ATASTAT Il “ Now begin the poems of Raja Mandhata, grandson 
of Jagat Singh, son of Rajrip, Mandhata.” The Muhammadan historians 
do not mention any person as Mandhata : the succession, according to them 
passed from Jagat’s son Rajrip to another son, Bhao Singh, who turned 
Musalman, and took the name of Murid Khan. Who this Mandhataé was 
is therefore uncertain, but the word is a title rather than a proper name, 
and may therefore be used of some person known to the historians by a diffe- 
rent name. 

I now give text and translation of the invocation and the first twelve 
kavitas. 


Bi MAMUIA TA: | 


WHAG VAG VT AT Il 
fan au VIZ ATT I 
Si AN Wea YLT UT | 
ay wele fasta | 

afad | sae S aaa sai are set feat ua 1 
@ WIE CA VF Sal Hla HAT FS | 
O<t GSA FA BTA BAT WT | 
aS FH acra Sty Ga ws Tar F 0 
Sis afc ait MS ZEA a Sea Te | 
Git Wass GaAT are wrat F | 
alaaa ara aa aify aged aa I 
SAT FAH TH TIST AS WAT Sr 
wal S aaa aged At aaa fas | 
ut 2a Sa qa aT A Teta FZ | 
wine Sus Se Fe al ATE TI 
Alda S Tian AUT AS TA AAT S I 


202 


J. Beames—Lhe Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 


VIG A AS BS CS A SACS Siz | 
wa faa areal faa Gey fase & 4 

Bag VAt Wars sig War war = | 

ay at avl aarer Ara at aarait F 2 

LAA H CA ACCA 3 aT THs | 

dat acale HA Ha B Barat Fi | 

ae afa tte Tar Te cat aaa fas | 

BA VT ALI Mla Als At fearat Ar 1 

Hoi Ta Lis LH Ga F BUA a || 

Sa Ad SIS IS WA GeATAT AT 

aaa ad At BAAq ART Ste | 

TAWA HS YS Ear SAarAt Ar | s | 

UH CLT CC TH AAA RUA | 

aq feant aS ay AA TIS GI 

UH A UA A RAAT Bat Alae I 
Sey RUC BE Tiel AT are 

Ua ALTA SIX Braa saa fae | 

AU WA AAMT WA TAT Be F | 

UR AA TH Ala Sat FMS AF | 

TH WAATS TH CTH WIAA Sl H 8 
ala Ta Hx sia an A aaa fas 1 

He BS Bana VAG qa RAF | 
Eine a 

He Us wi Sx Be J aT aa | 

TAA tla Ad BS aya |i 

HCI WAX at Fe Weg aa | 

Sa BS UAH AS Cs ZF Fa aaH | 

Slt BA BIT BIS BIA Aa Siey Fi | 
RAC Hl Bla at Fa ars waR 4 i 

faa avarat feat 3 au dia frat 
ut BJ BIt SN CM GE la J I 

Sl WI WET TAT Av Al| 


[No. 3, 


1875.] 


J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rat. 


are sai wate faa faa Tat ata FZ | 
LIA FBSA YA RSA Wale Te | 

Ata F Ae BIAS Ai fawra sy et 
Tifa at Atal Sa Stel St fara HS 
SX UTUTSA A AST ST Gas | 

ACE Acta J FS FS Ta GS | 

Ws wale FR sta ara elye Ft TE | 
St wccte at faa faa Xs Sz 

Sal EX CLG WS US Aras | 

GleA Ai Kl SS FSI SA AG ain | 
AAT CIMA TH ANAT 7 SITS |) 9 | 

Gu giv Wa Ala Ba We Me Ariat 
Hd SAS alt Bees afys cra Fi 
RAM RAW We el A AAT | 

SX VIR WA ACHAT Hal ara ais 
AA sau Sx Haa Bars AF | 

Fl BMT al A Al UIASTS Teata A 
RAs HAS FU Bla TARE ay | 

SARA A AA BTA SIX ACSA AE sy 
BF VALS Sle aE H Ta GE | 

Slat SA SS ARI Bet Bia way F 
Gee FAT TH US UT Tis As | 

aa at Ga ae eat wz feurat F 
WE AE CV aH WE A 1 Tal Ts | 
Ta MS Het MIR Bias Aaa Z| 
laa VAI Ae aa a saa fas | 
Sat fuat F wea Aa St asa Se 


\ faaat | 


Bl ANA Baa a= fat wa ctw VE aelalea At | 
we faa CATA TIRE AE ALT Ta Alea Ait | 


BEB 


203 


204 J. Beames—TLhe Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


TREE WE YRLT HisTH WAT AL Fu Aiea a | 
Be aE fast PRCA VS aT tela siza Wica at | Reb 
\ utara | 

LAA H CAT ACILIA FT saI fa" 

HUA SAI Al ATS del Acale Wt 
at St Bay vat B [<a] aua 

al ace siel fey ate we a 
UIA WP!eq Tag RET Wale cag 

yet S uele GA Gt YH Ale GF I 
SUT ATA SM SN BH BAa der 

LIS CIT UST UTS AC TTA FT ey ti 
Sal SX Sal Tal WAA Bla weet 

Ha aT GI Ba Ala Al UsSaat | 
AX BRI BE MIS AE BE Hla 

ay aia fas BI Ba Ata SAAT 4 
ata @ Wat VA aaa ufas 

AU WM Uae Aa Gs alfa arare | 
SHAY ALIAW GEA Gui ea fea 

WR AX ASE At WAR AASTAT || eR 4 
SX PTAA UE AS i Urs Ale 

wie ata aaa Ba Fa aa = 
als cla qT Aa VAST WRT 

faut Atal ATA gat = | 
GIS IG Ale CIA LISA A Hist 

AG ala Sle Ta Be Ai waa & | 
STG Al HAUT AA LA AA CAL 

GI AT AA Sle aT FHA SU ws y 
aHa VLsit Ga UH GATAST 

efaai at ete ofa St Re festa aT | 
Faw Fle A VTA Ta La Gaa 

faust Y da aa wa at | 


| J. Beames—TZhe Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 205 


REA THIS Cla CIA TWaszq Wa 
Al Gi AL CIA Sl Si ava aa Ta aT 
WU F Ayre sh Weraa Bx as 
ual SETS EL ANA ata ait |i re | 
l Baar a 
Sanat aa fas wey we ya awl we wa H arse y 
ats faa as wis wet Si fe etaet era aa Sa ara 
MU BSH HTH Se YT A ye War aa ATT | 
"id ava Te WI TAH a HALT H ABA | wy | 


| ata 
At St Fata Hrara F Fecta cet 
MCCS GeHS H WA Ars Ast = | 
Sel Bi Aala W Hala HS TE TT 
HUA A Ba ait ar us Area F | 
Gil GSEAlS UATSS BAT Alar 
AG A Ata Ait Fel A Brat = 
ages A | ALT AT ATS VAT 
BR MASTS F TAS] UTE AAT St re | 
tie FR suta ala cia «ta faa ata 
Ha 7 acu aia aaa fears F | 
ALAS BA fey Cla Ws BEI Bar 
SX SII La SF URI Fa Arar = | 
YARRA AX WX VAS AATe ale 
Gad TSIM at As a TANT F | 
BAT WAT Cla ANA at aw 
HA ae wa we ntca faaiz = | 8 fi 
foa & Sara ata sia sila fem tat 
aq faa ata] as] wae faerd 2 | 
SAE WATE US TA We We 
aa fax ai eats aet as ak 2 


206 J. Beames—Zhe Rhapsodies of Gambhtr Ras. [No. 3, 


slaa aaa Fa Al VAT Vat va 

aaa ase fey aaa & fuerd Sy 

GAT UM tla BNA sey Fz 

At ax seu aa gut feats F | rey 
Sil sual <a fae wel weal waa wa Ta RH Zé Il 
feviat H <a Faw aes ae ug feu Hee ge | 
HRA 1H FS FT Lrws LM Har F Fat Wut TE 
UF WAT AE HT GT IS FT aS AG AH Fe | re I 


Translation. 
Om! Reverence to S’ri Ganesha! 
Thou of the elephant face, be present, then 
Thy face is conquering obstacles, 
As when the foot alights on the. road to Parag, 
The mountain of sin melts away. 


Zu aid —= Waa 3 ‘is conquering,’ wra for 33a, with substitution of 
¥ for 4, just as in the fourth line faara for faaaa. Or if Gra is the 
present tense of Tat, which is the most natural way to take it, we must 
make faq the nominative and render “ obstacles depart from before thy 
face”’ ; aa would thus have to be expanded into @¥EI< aa q. The first 
translation seems preferable. Wt1at is of course 94Ta. ‘The elisionof q is 
frequently noticed in these poems, the dialect of which may be described 
as seventeenth century Rajpit Hindi of an extreme northwestern type, 
verging on Panjabi and the Doghra dialects of the hills. 

The next kavitt has already appeared in the Proceedings above quoted, 
and is here reproduced in order to complete the translation. 

1. Swelled like the sea Shah Jahan, lord of Dilli, 

Arraying an army of many lakhs, he came and pitched his tent. 
Beautiful, fair-faced, is here Jagat, king of Sumert, 
Tn the plain of Mau planting the pillar he fought. 
Making hedges and entrenchments, that no one might touch him from afar, 
Restraining the Patshah’s forces, he swept with the steel. 
The son of Basidev coming arraying all his honored ones, 
Like a banjara, having loaded his téndd, has alighted. 
fzait is of course Delhi, in its old Hindi spelling. 

The Muhammadan historian does not say that the Emperor himself 
was present at the siege, and from other parts of Gambhir’s own poems, it 
would appear that he was not there, though in others he is said to have 
. been present. We must therefore refer |laq at F not to the Padishah, 

but tothearmy, The grammatical construction is excessively loose through- 


1875.] J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rat. 207 


out the poems. Taq is in Hindi often an irregular indefinite participle 
from Tat, to come, though it may also be from ¥Teat, to bring. In 
Panjabi, YTW is more frequently used in the sense of “ having come”, which 
I have, therefore, adopted here. 

Gat may refer to Jagat Singh, whose beauty is often mentioned in the 
poems, or it may be an allusion to Kabrai Sundar, whom the Emperor sent 
to visit Jagat just before the rebellion. This Sundar is always alluded to 
by Gambhir as aX Hava, or ‘ Sundar, the bad poet’. He himself is unvary- 
ingly gaa, ‘the good poet’. 

Wala a¥¥_ is a regular Panjabicism. In that dialect, fag is the regular 
sign of the locative instead of 4. The constant mention of the ‘Mau ka 
maidan’ is explained by the fact that Jagat, although he fortified and garri- 
soned all his strongholds, did not himself stay in any one of them. He 
entrenched himself in the plain of Mau, at the foot of some hills covered 
with jungle, where he had a villa and met his enemies there. There is the 
regular old smack of Rajpat daring and fool-hardiness in this, in fact 
throughout the whole affair, Jagat and his son seem to have been playing 
at rebellion ; perhaps his easy successes over the Muhammadans of Kabul 
may have put into his head the idea that it would be rather good (Rajptt) 
fun to have a brush with the Padishah and his forces. Wa ITS, planting 
the pillar, the <q Wy, or pillar of war, just as we plant a standard in the 
middle of a camp. 

au Panjabi and Sindhi for qa. The & of ea on disappearing aspirates 
the remaining consonant. 

ZTsT is the encampment of bullocks made by the banjaraés. Several 
towns in India are named Tanda from this cause. 

«rade I have taken as a plural of atfea, honoured, noble. If divided 
into HT4 aq, it is difficult to make sense of the passage. 

2. Jagat Singh, son of Bastdev, was their protector ; 

The story went from land to land, it is a tale in the world; 

He is vigilant on all four sides to hem in the Sultan’s army, 

He smites them morn and eve, this he knew in his mind, 

One goes not by road or ghat, the princes remained not staunch, 
Without food, without water, the armies melted away. 

Hearing the news doubt fell on the Patsah’s mind. 

In the midst of the plain of Mau there is slaughter unto death. 

If we followed the Muhammadan historian’s account, it would be per- 
fectly compatible with the text, so loose and vague is its style, to translate 
this passage quite the other way. Thus in the first line by making watwee 
the nominative we might render— 

“The Shah’s army were vigilant on all sides to hem Aim in.” 

But this would not agree with the assertion that the ‘ Umrao’ did not 

remain firm or staunch; nor with the anxiety of the Shah, nor with the 


208 J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 3, 


general scope of the book, which is entirely in glorification of Jagat Singh. 

at ctrat I take to be for Hindi ay teat, “to remain surrounding” 
as, or de, (Sanskrit 4), and cat, for Tear, the old infinitive in at (aT), 
which is constantly used in these poems, as in most Rajpit dialects, though 
it has not left any very distinct traces in classical Hindi. 

faaetat = I take to bea reduplicated form of fara in the invocation, 
which, if derived from a root fa-+ fe, would mean ‘ to melt away. The last 
line contains the word @4Ixt, which is not clear. I have translated it as if 
it were the same as Chand’s word awif<t, a lengthened form of af = in; 
but this is not quite satisfactory. #areét would be a verbal noun fr om Aart, 
to destroy (@T¥) ; literally there is a destruction (as) of death, ata = Arab. 
“5. This line needs further elucidation. It has been gc that it 
should be @¥t F Ate, in the land (#¥)), O friends, Persian, »)4, with a for 
Hi, but this also seems strained. 


3. King of kings, great king, lord Jagat Singh, 
Thy full sword is a disguise for Bhawani. 
Quoth Kayi Rai, such a hero has been made, Jagat Singh 
Burns like fire the thirst for blood of (thy) kettledrum. 
To this day, prince and beggar in the field lie rotting, 
As many big sons of the Turk woman as they left there. 
The born they slew, the unborn they destroyed through fear, 
Thou didst not slay, the meeting destroyed the womb of the Mughalani. 


aa atae HT perhaps means “the weight of thy sword”, but this 
would require @t, which was erroneously given in my former extract. I now 
take wl as passive part. of WaT, and render “ thy full sword” in the sense 
of the sword being satiated with slaughter. T=it has been made, or perhaps 
‘has been described’, as Tq@at, like Greek zovetv, means often to make verses. 
The next line has been suggested as divisible in another way thus, aa aa 
ua ata “the (tent) pegs have fallen in the field,” but this is deficient, inas- 
much as it supplies no correlative to the “ tall sons’ of the next verse. Wa 
sita is hardly in our author's style, though he may have, as I suspect also 
in other places, here used purposely an archaic phrase. Another rendering 
would be ‘in the fields of rich and poor”’, the fields round Mau being natur- 
ally the property of Jagat Singh’s Raos : and of his poorer subjects, while 
the Turks cannot well be called Raos. Ar is of course the old Hindé geni- 
tive, modern af. It will be observed that the employment of the three 
genitive participles is totally at variance with the practice of the modern 
language, where we should expect qtareyl a aud in the plural. 

The last line may also be translated differ ently by dividing & qetal (for 
faut, from faetcat ‘ to look’), ‘thou didst look, (and) the meeting, ete.’ 
As given above the sense would be ‘thou didst not smite, but the mere meet- 


ing with thee made or destroyed.’ 


: 

" 
ti 
fe 
f- 


1875.] 


J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 


209 


The idea of the women miscarrying through fear, is the same as that in 
the Ramayan of Tulsi Das (Sundara Kand), where Hanuman is leaving 
Lanka— 


4, 


TAA HST His ATHY WIT | 
mai aay ote fafsrat are 
Going he roared with mighty sound ; 
Hearing it, the wombs of the she-fiends melted. 
There is one Hari and Hara, one wish-granting tree of desire, 
One sun, this one, in whom is warmth and light, 
One comet in the sky, (one) Seshnag weighed down by the earth ; 
(Who) bound the further limits of the sea in this Kali (yug). 
One manly Jagat Singh, terrible in strength, 


When abandoning the sword, virtuous, in whom is worship of the lord. 


One sky, one air, why should I describe a second, 
One Patsah, one Raja in the Patsahi. 


The object is clearly to extol Jagat as the one unrivalled hero of his 
time. qa atat I take for wat alt = Hag comet. WAT Wal isa puzzle ; if 
gat is for Hct or UCAS sane , then Wat is a verb WCaAT, which can only mean 
‘ weighed down, or loaded’, but the rendering is scarcely satisfactory on gram- 
matical grounds, and the fourth line is also difficult to make sense of. The 
sixth line probably means that, though terrible in war, yet when he laid 
aside his sword, Jagat was mild and pious, and the last contains the oft-re- 
peated sentiment that, though Shahjahan was sole Emperor, yet Jagat was 
no less an independent Raja. 


é. 


Jagat Singh hath made such mighty wars in the world ; 
Arrows were discharged from countless tight-drawn bows ; 
The armies were crushed, and all the camps were broken up ; 
This camp has dealt how many wounds to all. 

Saith Gambhir, great hero, son of Bastdevy, 


The elephant lords have been smitten, they have remained dwelling in the forest, 


Rending the deer, stripping the skin, taking the hide to wear 


An elephant’s head (hanging) from his neck ; Shiva danced laughing. 


He who took Makhayala, placed a king therein, 

The fame of it was in every land, this is certain ; 

Whose army going up (to war), shaking castles and forts, 
As cattle (eat up) grass, with all goes fighting. 

King, son of Basidev, saith Gambhir Rai, 

The city of thy enemies is fainting with alarm. 

Smitten by bullets, with trembling steps the armies retire, 
And the news hath pierced the heart of the Patshah, 

The hero is sitting in the plain (by) the pillar of victory, 


Planting it in the midst of boulders by reason of the mud and blood, 


Heroes and chiefs were slain, all the corpses were torn ; 
Hara took rejoicing, he seized the garland of corpses. 
Fighting with the Shah, he sits in the land of Mau ; 
The world was shaken, Jagatad alone was not shaken, 


210 J. Beames—TZhe Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. [No. 8, 


On the above three kavitts some notes may now be offered. It is to be 
hoped that it will be understood that this translation is not put forward 
as authoritative, but merely as an attempt to get some meaning out of these 
rugged lines, and that hints and suggestions will be afforded by Hindi scho- 
lars in further elucidation. It will be observed that the past tense in such 
words as ¥@ %, ATX, and others, has been translated as a passive participle. 
This it is undoubtedly by origin, and it may be admitted that in these bar- 
dic verses, as in the early Vaishnava poems in Bengali, it is used in this sense 
in the absence of any nomen agentis. Also the phrases fara faa, and Ha 
aa literally “as many (as there were), so many”, are in fact equivalent to 
‘¢all”, and have been so translated. 

In kavitt 5, line 2, the word aa@ is literally “having tightened”, and 
the only way to make sense of the line is to refer this to the bows. The 
sense is however rather involved, and can only be made clear by inverting 
the order of the words thus Waa waa Hea, “having strung countless 
bows”, aIw we = “arrows have have been discharged”. 

Kavitt 6, line 1. The allusion here is apparently to some previous 
exploit of Raja Jagat. Ido not know where the Makhayala referred to is. 
Mr. Blochmann finds “two places of that name, one lee , the other with 
long a, Sleslo , The latter is mentioned in the Ain as a strong fort on a 
mountain in the Sindh Ségar Ddab. There is little water to be had; a salt 
mine is here and temples. The inhabitants are Januhas. The former is 
mentioned as a village where Shahjahén once halted and hunted on 
his way from Kashmir to Lahor.” It lies somewhere on the west 
bank of the Chandb, and I should be inclined to look for it north of 
Kariinwal4 and Tandah, where there was good sport to be had, when 
I was Assistant Commissioner of Gujarat fifteen years ago. The other, or 
Makhyala, seems to be somewhere between Jogi Tila Hill and Pind Dadan 
Khan. 

In line 4, aata# would seem from the context to be the Arabic word 
cs*ly” ‘cattle’, and not the Hindi wary, protection, as the latter does not 
make sense. 

K. 7, 1. 4 @atxzis a word unknown to me. It would seem to mean 
boulders, round stones; at we = FS. 


8. Fixing the pillar he slew the Khans, going up to battle he slew the Mirs. 
How many chiefs were there not slain in the fray ? 
Why did not Kabulis and Kizilbashes come by the lakh, 
[Why did not] four or five Shahzadas more come with arrows set (in their 
bows) ? 
How many chiefs and how many soldiers has he sent ? 
Why did not he come himself, the Padshah of the Turks P 
Ever and ever being alone in the midst of the army, 
Jagata did not know in his heart any other manly ones. 


ia 2 


Ce. = 


1875.] J. Beames—The Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai. 211 


]. 2. the meaning of ST Bis not clear; I have rendered it as if it were 
for Bt. 

1. 3. areata is always found in connection with names of races inhabit- 
ing Persia and Afshanistan, and is therefore conjectured to be a corruption 
of the word (sl 55, 

1. 7. @¥ has many meanings, it is here taken to mean ‘alone’, in the 
light of the rendering of the next line. 


9. The chiefs were scattered, and the servants of the Shah were plundered, 


Elephants, horses, and camels led by the nose-rein he has driven and brought in, 
x ® se * * 


* * * * * 
Why did all remain astonished, nething was plundered from him, 
Shah Jahan dejected begged for pardon. 
Life indeed is thine in the world, Jagat Singh : 
As much nectar as thou hast drunk, so much indeed thou hast well carried. 

Lines 3 and 4 are obscure, and are therefore left untranslated, as the 
meaning which they seem to bear is not easily to be got out of the werds. 

1, 5. Khusyan. In Panjabi khusnd means ‘to be plundered’. 

1. 6. The word written jhupke is not certain. Ifthe reading is correct, 
it would, I think, mean ‘ bowing’, or metaphorically ‘ depressed’. This is con- 
firmed by the next two words, diz (Arabic, 5) mandna, i. e. to confess 
oneself weak, to beg for pardon. 

1. 8. Pachind or pachaund, Panj., literally ‘to digest’, but freely used in 
conversation in the sense of shewing that one has digested, that is, shewing 
by one’s actions that one worthily bears, or is worthy of, honor, rank, or the 
like. The bard appears to mean that Jagat by his actions has carried im- 
mortality ; this he expresses by saying he has drunk amrita, and has digested 
it, so that it gives him strength and heroism, which he shows in the war he 
is now carrying on. 

10. The Lord of the world has made Sri Jagata lord, he has undertaken the 

protection of the heroes, 

The warlike Rajputs have run to join him, they have made a smiting with 
arrows of battle, 

Again and again he shouts to his hosts, the caution of the Mirs went astray, 

Whosoever came and joined them became faint-hearted, they have gone te 
divide the sweetmeats of the Pirs. 

i, 4. This may mean that they have to make offerings (sirnt = (474%) 
to their saints, to invoke their aid, being discouraged by their defeat. 

il. King of kings, great king, lord Jagat Singh, 

Trembles ever the Shah at thy sword ; 

Thy era has been established in all [lands], 

Thy boundary is set up on both sides of the Indus, 

King, son of Basidey, quoth Gambhir Rai, 

AJl the mountains are supported by the strength of thy arm. 
cc 


212 F. S. Growse—Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura. (No.3, 


King of the North, thy glory is in all lands ; 
Chiefs and Rajas daily attend in thy court. 

1. 3. The word translated ‘lands’ contains a letter which occurs fre- 
quently and seems to be meant for € or &, it is not clear which ; the seribe 
uses a thick pen and forms his letters very small, so that it is sometimes 
not easy to decypher them. In neither case is the meaning clear ; the word 
‘lands’ is inserted conjecturally. 

1. 4. This seems to allude to Jagat Singh’s exploits across the Indus 
in Bangash and Afghanistan. 

12. All his forces were wearied with bearing the shield ; 

He has sent all his Subas, whom now will he send ? 

Sundar the good poet celebrated all the heroes that came, 

On the confines of Mau (he is) like a lion, who shall come before him ? 
In the Kali Yug, Jagataé has become immortal, 

Fighting, he has sung the fame of the Empire in the nine climes, 
Lachmi and Narayan are thy aid night and day, 

Shah Jahdn abashed kissing shall honor thee. 


(Lo be continued.) 


Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathurd.—By F. 8. Grows, M. A., 
Bs Cas: 


(With three plates.) 


In 1836 Colonel Stacy discovered at or near Mathura—for the exact 
locality does not appear to have been placed on record—a large and 
euriously sculptured block of red sand-stone, which has given rise to much 
antiquarian discussion. It measured 3 feet 10 inches in height, 3 feet in 
breadth, and 1 foot 4 inches in thickness, and the top was scooped out, or worn 
by time, into a shallow circular basin 16 inches in diameter and 8 inches deep. 
It was carved on both sides with a Baechanalian group, the principal figure in 
which was supposed to represent Silenus and the whole to be the work of Bac- 
trian Greek artists. It was deposited in the Calcutta Museum (where it still 
is) by the finder, who described it as a tazza, or rather a pedestal that had been 
used to support a large tazza or sacrificial vase. ‘This opinion was endorsed 
by James Prinsep, and has prevailed to the present day, though I believe it 
can now be shown to be erroneous. The following description of the design 
(which I have not myself seen*) is abridged from one given by Babu Rajen- 


* Since the above was written, General Cunningham has very kindly sent me two 
photographs of Groups I and II. He conjectures that the stones were intended for 
altars (which, however, I do not think possible), and writes: ‘Your altar is a very 
interesting discovery, as the head-dress of the female holding the cup is that of the 


1875.] F.S. Growse—Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura. 213 


dralala in his ‘ Antiquities of Orissa’, where it is introduced @ propos of the 
discussion regarding the amount of influence exercised by the Greeks on Indian 
art. 

Group No. I.—In this are four figures, (vide Pl. XII) two male and two 
female, standing under masses of long lanceolate, pinnate leaflets, with tufts of 
small flowers. The leaves are like those of the Asoka ; but the flowers more 
resemble the kadamb. The first figure to the right is a female dressed in 
a long skirt and upper jacket, with a narrow shawl thrown across the body. 
On her feet are shoes, and thick heavy rings round her ankles. Her left 
hand holds the hem of her mantle and the right is in the grasp of an amo- 
rous swain who stands beside her with crossed legs, resting his left hand 
on her shoulder. He wears close-fitting drawers, which simply cover his 
nakedness and extend to about the middle of the thighs, but leave his pro- 
tuberant paunch exposed. A scarf, fastened in front with a sort of sailor’s 
knot at the neck, hangs down his back behind. His feet are bare. The 
third figure is a female, dressed exactly as the first, but wearing elaborately 
worked bangles which cover nearly half the length of her fore-arm. In her 
left hand is a lotus-bud, while the right hangs down straight by her side. 
Near her feet are two covered vessels, one on either side. ‘To the extreme 
left of the group stands a youth who appears to be a mere passive spectator.* 
He has no shoes and wears a flowered muslin tunic reaching down to the knee. 
A little above the ankle are marks which show that his under-garment is a 
pair of long close-fitting drawers. All four figures show traces of chaplets 
which had crowned their heads.f The leaves may be those of the vine or 
the ivy. 

Group No. II.—The principal figure is a pot-bellied man, (wide PI” 
XIII) seated in a wine-befuddled state on arock, or low stool, with his arms 
supported by two attendants, who stand on either side of him. For dress he 
has only a wrapper, thrown round his loins, leaving his prominent paunch 
uncovered. One leg is raised on the seat, the other hanging down. On his 
head is a chaplet of leaves. ‘The attendant on the right side is a male wear- 
ing a mantle fastened at the neck in front with a clasp. The right hand is 
stretched behind the central figure for its support. ‘The attendant on the 
left is a female supporting the right arm of the drunkard. She wears a 
long skirt reaching to the feet, with a short, sleeved jacket over it. A neck- 
lace of five rows adorns her breast, and thick heavy jewels are pendant from 


Indo-Scythian females of the old sculptures and of the hill women to the north of 
Simla at the present day. I take the seated figure to be the Scythian Hercules’—a 
suggestion which strikes me as the most plausible yet advanced. 

* Tt does not so appear to me; but rather each of the male figures seems to be 
urging his female companion to do something about which they are hesitating. 

t These are scarcely if at all perceptible in the photograph. 


214 F. 8S. Growse—Supposed Greck Sculpture at Mathura. (No. 3, 


her ears. Before her stands sideways a small boy, naked, with his right 
hand resting on the thigh of the central figure. Before the male attendant 
is another boy ina dancing posture with the right hand uplifted. In 
front of the principal figure lies a flagon. 

During the cold weather of 1873-74, I discovered the companion block 
to the one above described, of precisely the same shape and dimensions and 
earved with two similar groups of figures. These are shewn in the accom- 
panying illustrations; and to distinguish them from the preceding are 
numbered groups III and IV (wide Pls. XIZ and XIII). The mound, out 
of which I dug the stone, is according to modern territorial divisions beyond 
the boundaries of the Mathura township, and is included in the small village 
of Pali-Khera. It is, however, only about two miles distant from the temple 
of Kesava Deva, and all the intervening space is dotted with mounds,—the 
ruins of the ancient Madhupuri,—in most of which Buddhist antiquities 
have been discovered. 

Group No. I11.—Here four of the figures are apparently the same as 
in No. I. The grouping and action, however, are different ; and two addi- 
tional figures are introduced, viz., the principal personage, the so-called 
Silenus, who is seated with a cup in his hand, and the little boy at his knee, 
asin No. II. ‘The cup is noticeable for a peculiarity in the handle, the 
lower end of which joins on, not to the bottom of the bowl, but to the foot 
of the cup. 

Grour No. IV.—The concluding scene of the drama, in which the 
eup has been dramed and has had its intoxicating effect, is almost 
identically the same with No. II, already described. 

In my opinion the later discovery disposes of the tazza theory. The 
two blocks of stone seem to be the bases of a pair of pillars forming the 
entrance to a shrine, rather than pedestals for sacrificial vases. Such an 
idea would probably never have been conceived but for the shallow basin 
at the top of the stone first found ; but on comparison with the later discovery 
this is clearly seen to be nothing more than a socket for the reception of a 
slender upright shaft. 

As to the subject which the artist intended to represent—Silenus may 
be dismissed at the same time as the tazza. Future research in Buddhist 
literature may result in the discovery of some legend which the three scenes, 
viz. the Plot, the Carouse, and the Effects of the Carouse, may be found to 
illustrate ; but pending this, the principal figure may with great probability 
be regarded as the wine-bibbing Balarama, one of the tutelary divinities 
of Mathura, attended by his wife Revati and the other members of his 
family. A confirmation of this view is afforded by an ancient and 
mutilated statue at the village of Kukargama in the Sa’dabad Pargana of 
this district, which is apparently intended for Balarama. He is stand- 


> nans 


Journal 


Pl: Xi 


Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875. Pt-1 


Pl: XI 


Group MI. 


J Schaumburg, Lith 


BACGHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURA, N W. P. 


(Bom photographs ) 


XLV. 


Pl. XIM, 


Jour 


days 


zi ‘ 


A 
[ 


Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875 Pt:I 


Pl. 
Group IF 


J Schaummbrerg, Lith 


BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURA,N. W P. 


( from photoyrupla ) 


Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1875. Pt:I. PL: XIV. 


rece 


A 
So ee 


BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM KUKARGAMA,.D 


ISTRICT MATHURA. 


& a 


eae MES ince sO 


BUDDHIST 


BACCHANALIAN SCULPTURE FROM MATHURAN. W. PB 
_S. Sedgheld Lith: 


(Tom a draw ing ) 


Calcutta, . 


1875. F. S. Growse—Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura. 215 
pp ip 


ing under the conventional canopy of serpents’ heads, with a garland of 
wild-flowers (ban-mala) thrown across his body ; and while his right hand 
is raised above his head in wild gesticulation, in his left hand he holds a 
cup very similar to the one represented in the Pali-Khera sculpture. His 
head-dress closely resembles Krishna’s distinctive ornament the mukut, but 
it may be only the spiral coil of hair observable in the Sanchi and Amara- 
vati sculptures. In any case, the inference must not be pressed too far; for 
Jirst the hooded snake is as constant an accompaniment of Sakya Muni as 
of Balarama ; and, secondly, I have in my possession another sculpture of an 
equally Bacchanalian character, which is unmistakeably Buddhist. This is 
a rudely executed figure of a fat little fellow (vide Pl. XIV), who has both 
his hands raised above his head, and holds in one a cup, in the other a bunch 
of grapes. The head with its close curling hair leaves no doubt that 
Buddha is the person intended; though possibly in the days of his youth, 
when “he dwelt still in his palace and indulged himself in all carnal 
pleasures.” Or it might be a caricature of Buddhism as regarded from the 
point of view of a Brahmanical ascetic. 

Finally, as to the nationality of the artist. The foliage, it must 
be observed, is identical in character with what is seen on many Buddhist 
pillars found in the immediate neighbourhood, and generally in connection 
with figures of Maya Devi; whence it may be presumed that it is intended 
to represent the Sal tree, under which Buddha was born. The other minor 
accessories are also with one exception either clearly Indian, or at least not 
strikingly un-Indian : such as the ear-rings and bangles worn by the female 
figures and the feet either bare or certainly not shod with sandals. 
The one exception is the male attendant in Group IV, with the mantle 
fastened at the neck by a fibula, and hanging from the shoulder in van- 
dyked folds, which are very suggestive of late Greek design. But consi- 
dering the local character of all the other accessories, I find it impossible 
to agree with General Cunningham in ascribing the work toa foreign 
artist, “one of a small body of Bactrian sculptors, who found employ- 
ment among the wealthy Buddhists at Mathura, asin later days Ku- 
ropeans were employed under the Mughul Emperors.” The thoroughly 
Indian character of the details seems to me, as to Babu Rajendralala, 
decisive proof that the sculptor was a native of the country ; nor do I 
think it very strange that he should represent one of the less important 
characters as clothed in a modified Greek costume; since itis an established 
historical fact that Mathura was included in the Bactrian Empire, and the 
Greek style of dress cannot have been altogether unfamiliar to him. The 
artificial folds of the drapery were probably borrowed from what he saw on 
coins. 


——~ 


216 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipwrid Nagas. [No. 3, 


A Rough Comparative Vocabulary of two more of the Dialects spoken 
in the “ Naga Hills”.—Compiled by Captain Joun Butter, Political 


Agent, Naga Hills. 


The plan adopted for designating the long sound of vowels has been 
the one previously explained in the Vocabulary, published in the Appendix 
to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLII, Part I, for 


1873. 

English. 
A, an, o7 one, 
Abandon, »v. 
Abdomen, 2. 
Above, prep. 
Abundance, 2. 
Accept, v. 
Accompany, v. 
Accurate, a. 
Acid, a. 
Acquaintance, 2. 
Advance, v. 
Adversary, 2%. 
Adult, 2. 
Adze, 1. 
Afar, ad. 
Affray, . 
After, prep. 
Afternoon, %. 
Air, 1. 
Alike, ad. 
Alive, a. 
All, a. 
Alligator, 7. 
Alone, @. 
Altogether, ad. 
Ankle, 2. 
Anger, 2. 
Annually, ad. 
Ant, 1. 
Apiece, ad. 
Armlet, 7. 
Armpit, 1. 


Lhota Naga. 
Ekha 
Apia 
Opok 
Potso 
Khosha 
Khialo 
Neniya 
Ochocho 
Théna 
Ananchia 
Vongava 
Rata 
Chali 
Opt 
Ekoni 
Khondaka 
Silamo 
Inching 
Umpung 
Khidi 
Hkam 
Hetobula 
Erro 
Aboti 

Enika 
Chomhiek 
Alom 
TInzi-inzi 
Chemphiro 
Mochangchang 
Ghoro 
Zongop 


Jaipuria Naga. 
Vanthé 


Vok 
Akho-nang 


Pong 
Rorang 


Phangtang 


Ringkha 
Sip-chak 


Changka 


1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipuriad Nagas. 217 


English. 
Around, prep. 
Arrow, 7. 
Ascend, wv. 
Ash, 2. 

Ask, v 
Asleep, ad. 
Awake, v. 
Axe, 2. 


Babe, 2. 
Bachelor, 2. 
Back, 2. 
Bacon, ”. 
Bad, a. 
Badger, 7. 
Bag, 2. 
Bamboo, 2. 
Bark, n. 
Barn, 2. 
Bat, 2. 
Battle, x. 
Beak, x. 
Beam, 27. 
Bear, 7. 
Beard, 7. 
Beat, v. 
Beef, 1. 
Behind, prep. 
Behold, v. 
Below, ad. 
Best, a. 
Big, a. 
Bill-hook, x. 
Bind, »v. 
Bird, x. 
Bitch, 2. 
Bite, v. 
Black, a. 
Blind, a. 
Blood, m. 
Blue, a. 


Lhota Naga. 
Hetobito 
Otso 
Langhekhingba 
Khar 
Chichanachii 
Ipa 
Phanthia 
Opi 


Negaro 
Chinghran 
Echen 
Okoso 
Umho 
Thembakso 
Cika 
Chingsa, Chiro 
Ofa 

Oson 
Shoshiro 
Oritso 

Emé 
Khiron 
Sevan 
Khokhahtim 
Langthatha 
Masiso 
Silamoi 
Zeda 
Ochongi 
Tengtommhona 
Chopo 
Loptkha 
Chinga 
Woro 
Horo-o-kui 
Kéga 

Nika © 
Choktaé 
Echen 
Miaga 


Jaipurid Naga, 
Latchan 
Kto 
Tapla 
Chiéno 


Vaka 


Tam 
Achi 


Khatong 
va 
Akhton 


Phakarang 


Sip 


Vato 


Khako 
Vo 


Aniak 
Mitdaok 
Hé 

Aham 


218 


English 
Boat, 2. 
Body, 2. 
Bone, 2. 
Borrow, v. 
Bough, 2. 
Boundary, 2. 
Bow, 2. 
Box, 2. 

Boy, 2. 
Brains, 7. 
Brass, 2. 
Break, v. 
Breast, 72. 
Breath, 2. 
Bridge, 2. 
Bring, v. 
Broad, a. 
Broadcloth, 2. 
Broken, part. 
Brother (elder), 2. 


Brother (younger), 2. 


Brother-in-law, 2. 
Brow, 1. 

Buck (deer), 2. 
Buffalo, 2. 
Build, v. 

Bull, 2. 
Bullet, x. 
Bundle, x. 
Burden, 2. 
Burn, v. 

Bury, v. 

Buy, v. 


Calf, 7. 

Calf (of leg), x. 
Call, v. 

Cane, ”. 

Cap, . 

Carry, v. 

Cat, 1. 


Lhota Naga. 
Orhtng 
Ochok 
Oru 
Ochiaptia 
Pidpiro 
Akhi 
Olo 
Inkhi 
Nungori 
Kicho 
Rempam 
Khuchaka 
Tiki 
Ethékechena 
Opho 
Hanaia ~ 
Unzoa 
Sinio 
Chaga 
Ata 
Ango 
Oazi 
Oto 
Opting 
Liz 
Kitsoa 
Maso-opum 
Chingiching 
Unkhap 
Oha 
Khuteta 
Shoteta 
Shitaga 


Opungro 
Unra 
Chahé 
Orr 
Kive 
Ohanga 
Onioro 


J. Butler— Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Juipuria Nagas. 


Jaipwrit Naga. 
Khuongkho 
Salx 
Ava 
Namo 
Aphak 


Doakhap 
Tema 
Nata 


Tankha 


Si 

Vanro 
Khadong 
Khat 


Tpho 
Ina 


Lé 
Hitono 


Thako 
Bino 


Rio 


Ruo 


Kafok 
Kapkato 
Miai 


[No. 3, 


1875.] 


English. 


Catch, v. 
Charcoal, 2. 
Chase, v. 
Cheap, a. 
Cheek, x. 
Chicken, 7. 
Chin, 2. 
Clean, a. 
Cleave, v. 
Cloth, x. 
Cloud, 2. 
Cock, x. 
Cold, x. 
Come, »v. 
Conceal, v. 
Cook, v. 
Cord, 2. 
Cost, 2. 
Cotton, 2. 
Cover, v. 
Count, v. 
Cow, 7. 


Cow-dung, 7. 


Cowree, 1. 
Crazy, a. 
Crooked, a. 
Crow, 2. 
Cry, v. 
Cubit, 7. 
Cup, 2. 
Cut, v. 


Dark, a. 


Daughter, x. 


Day, 2. 
Dead, a. 
Deaf, a. 


Dear (costly), a. 


Deer, n. 

Descend, 

Devil, x. 
DD 


Thota Naga. 


Rhemhata 
Miha 
Phana 
Tétsva 
Kio 
Honororo 
Khokha 
Khidi 
Sisotava 
Oso 
Potso 


Honohamptng 


Ungutng 
Rua 
Unbhoiabia 
Ekaa 

Ozu 

Chigi 
Khinkho 
Lhebiatha 
Kha 

Mast 
Masasu 
Phutho 
Zévai 
Khankhta 
Kasha 
Kiavakha 
Sibta 


Shitoga 
Enopunga 
Shikok 
Oso 

Chéia 
Chajomho 


J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Jaipurid Nagas. 
Jaipurid Naga. 


Luo 
Vanhi 
Than 
Ka 
Khat 
Phiam 


Aki 
Karo 


Puono 


Kahap 


Mén 


Aktang 
Vakha 
Sapo 
Daksa 
Bancha 


Diiako 
Rangiek 


Rangi 


Kehoe 


219 


220 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipurid Nagas. [No. 3, 


English. 
Dialect, 2. 
Difficult, a. 
Dig, v. 
Disease, 7. 
Distant, a. 
Divide, v. 
Dog, 2. 
Door, %. 
Dove, 7. 
Drink, v. 
Dry, @. 


Kar, 2. 
Har-ring, 2%. 
EKarth, 7. 
Kat, v. 
Kgs, 2. 
Hight, a. 
Kighteen, a. 
Highty, a. 
Elbow, 2. 
Elephant, 2. 
Eleven, a. 
Evening, 2. 
Eye, n. 
Eyebrow, %. 
Eyelash, n. 
Eyelid, 2. 


False, a@. 
Fat, a. 
Father, 7. 
Feather, 7. 
Feed, v. 
Female, a. 
Fetch, v. 
Fever, 7. 
Few, a. 
Fifteen, a. 
Fifty, a. 


Lhota Naga. 
Oi 
Kéngha 
Chia 
Pera 
Hkoni 
Chitava 
Phuro 
Hankha 
Vékhu 
Uia 
Hking 


Eno 

Impeja 
Loko 

Choa 

Etcho 
Chiza 
Mecht-me-chiza 
BHkha-chiza 
Khétso 
Sotso 
Tero-sékha 
Mitoga 
Ombhiek 
Mhiékho 
Mhiémho 
Mhiekchine 


Kchengcheng 
Thua 

Apo 
Hamphi 
Chotiga 
Eloi 

Hanaia 
Rathata 
Echik 
Tero-si-mungo 
Tinian 


Juipuria Naga. 


Thio 


Hu 


Phokphelert 
Joko 


Na 

Natho 

Ha 

Chao 

Ati 

Isat 
Ichi-van-isat 
Ruak-isat 
Dakti 

Ptiok 
Ichi-vanthé 
Rangja 

Mit 


Atat 
va, Iva, or Apa 
Nap 


Achat 

Ané 
Ichi-van-binga 
Ruak-banga 


1875.) J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipurid Nagas. 221 


English. Lhota Naga. Tuipuria Naga. 
Find, v. Khondakortia Ichtio 
Finger, 2. Ingro Daksu 
Fire, 2. Omi Van 
Fish, v. Ongorumata 
Fish, 2. Ongo Nga 
Fish-hook, 2. Okha 
Flat, a. Khidi Todé 
Flint, z. Oling 
Flower, 2. Thira Chongpo 
Foot, 2. Ocho Da 
Forest, 2. Otung Ling 
Forget, v. Méchogache Tlako 
Fowl, 2. Hono Vo 
Friend, 7. Akhamo 
Frog, 7. Ou Lik 
Fruit, 2. EKthi Ari 
Ginger, 7. Osang Ching 
Girl, 2. Loroe 
Give, v. Apia Lahé 
Go, v. Ja Kao, Kalao 
Goat, 7. Niania Kién 
Good, a. Mhona Asan 
Grandfather, 2. Amétti 
Grandmother, 2. Aloro 
Grandson, 7. Arroo 
Granddaughter, 7. Arr 
Grass, 1. Ero Hing 
Grasshopper, 7. Khomo Kupchang 
Grave, 7. Okhap 
Great, a. Chepo Adong 
Great-toe, 7. Choiongpt a 
Green (raw), @. Esa, Ahing 
Ground, 2. Loko 
Gullet, x. Onatchang 
Gun, 2. Chingipt Vantho 
Gunpowder, 2. Khtr 
Guts, n. Err 
Hair, 7. Ocha Kacho 
Half, a. Mochangha 


222 J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhotaé and Japuriad Nagas. |No. 3, 


English. 
Hand, 2. 
Hawk, 2. 
Head, n. 
Hear, v. 
Heart, 2. 
Heavy, @. 
Heel, 2. 
Hen, 7. 
Here, ad. 
Hill, 2. 
Hip, 2. 
Hoe, 2. 
Hold, v. 
Honey, 2. 
Hoof, x. 
Horn, 2 
Horse, 7. 
Hot, a. 
House, 2. 
How much? ad. 


I, prow. 
Tron, 2. 


Ivory, 7. 


JAW, Ne 
Jungle-fowl, 2. 
Jungle, n. 


Keep, v. 
Kick, ». 
Kid, n. 
Kill, v. 
Kilt, n. 
Kind, a. 
King, 2. 
Knee, 2. 
Knot, 1. 
Knuckle, 2. 


Lhota Naga. 
Okhé 
Mongshiro 
Kori 
Engache 
Mithap 
Minga 
Umpho 
Honopve 
Helo 
Phingla 
Ophi 
Khotrang 
Rimhata 
Chakicha 
Inkiep 

Etsa 
Qurr 
Sosova 
Kika 
kutata 


Akha 


Tonchak 


Sotsoho: 


Khoka 
[pia 
Ora 


Jetangana 
Hehiacha 
Nianiaroro 
Sahi 

Serim 
Zana 

Etsz 
Unkhok 
Unsa 


Khemhiek 


Jaipuria Nagé. 
Dak 
La 
Kho 
Tato 
Mangto 
Ali 


Vo 

Anang 
Hachone 
Janvan 

Dasok 

Rong ai 
Mok 


Akham 
Him 


Jan, or Zan, 


Paokpa 


Riémo 


Rikvato 


Daki 
Asilz 


1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Jaipiria Nagas. 223 


English. Lhoia Naga. Jaipiria Naga. 
Ladder, 2. Jengi Hitho 
Leaf, z. Olio Niap 
Leg, 2. Ochokha Da 
Lemon, 7. Chambé 
Length, 2. Sibua 
Leopard, 2. Morrh Rusa 
Lick, ». Miagakha Liepdako 
Lightning, 7. Chengehua Kiepda 
Lip, 2. Méhu 
Little, a. Ichikarro Acha 
Liver, 7. Inthén 
Long, a. Sibaa Alo 
Man, 2. Chon Minian 
Mangoe, 2. Chibingthi 
Meat, 7. Oso 
Medicine, 2. Moza Pham 
Milk, x. Sirotcht Negitipo 
Monkey, 7. Takso vé 
Month, x. Choro Dapé 

- Moon, 2. Choro Da 
Mother, . Aio 
Mountain, 7. Phinglang Haho 
Mouse, 7. Jiro Jupa 
Mouth, x. Opang Tun 
Mud, x. Emha 
Moustaches, . Mhéham 
Nail (finger), 2. Inkiep 
Naked, a. Phusha 
Navel, 2. Nakhani 
Near, prep. Osibo Thékro 
Neck, 2. Engt Bo 
Needle, 2. Opiom Matku 
Nephew, 2. Ango 
Nest, 2. Woroshep Arup 
Net, 7, Ochak Chak 
New, a. Ethan Aniadn 
Night, 7. Mengakha Rangpan 
Nine, a. Toku Ikhu 
Nineteen, a. Mechu-me-toku Ichi-van-ikht 


224 J. Butler— Vocabulary of the Lhota and Japiria Nagas. |No. 3, 


English. 
Ninety, @. 
No, ad. 
Nose, 7. 
Now, ad. 


Oil, 7. 
Old, a. 
Onion, 2. 
Orange, 7. 
Orphan, 2. 
Owl, 2. 


Peacock, 7. 
Pig, 2. 
Pigeon, 2. 
Plantain, 7. 
Poison, 7%. 
Poor, a. 
Porcupine, 2. 
Potato, 2. 
Pull, v. 
Push, v. 


Rafter, 7. 
Rain, 7. 
Rat, 7. 
Raw, @. 
Red, a. 
Rest, v. 
Return, v. 
Rib, 2. 
Rice (cooked), 7. 
Rice (uncooked), 7. 
Rich, a. 
Ring, 7. 
Ripe, 2. 
River, 2. 
Road, 7. 
t00t, 2. 
Rotten, a. 
Rupee, 7. 


Lhota Naga. 
Ekha-toku 
Ni 
Khéno 
Nhanga 


Penchang 
Eke 
Sanrang 
Kongkeng 
Tputi 
Velonga 


Titakha 
Kashag 
Veha 
Vothitong 
Mozz 
Yanché 

Liso 
Horokha 
Sésia 
Nangchiache 


Khiron 
Ert 

ZAuru 

Esa 

Raga 
Esantawa 
Hlainlé 
Khoiort 
Ochang 
Ochok 
Kh 
Yonpenro, 
Emha 
Zoakhu 
Olang 
Chingien 
Eehion 


Orang 


Jaipuri Naga. 
Raak-ikha 
Ma 
Kho 
Doko. 


Tanthi 
Ato 


Muthiala 
Vakha 


Soyang 
Vak 
Pari 


Kiéké 


Vikha 


Sieto 
Thiiamo 


Rangpat 
Jupu 
Ahing 


Vong 


Khap 
Achim 
Joan 
Lam 
Aring 
Asan 


_Ranka 


‘ae 


1875.] J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhoté and Jaiptria Nagas. 


English. 
Salt, 2. 
Same, a. 
Sand, 2. 
Sap, 2. 
Say, v. 
Seratch, v. 
See, v. 
Seige, v. 
Seven, a. 
Seventy, a. 
Seventeen, @. 
Shade, 7. 
Shame, z. 
Share, v. 
Sharpen, v. 
Shave, 2, 
Shield, x. 
Short, a. 
Shoulder, z. 
Shut, v. 
Sick, a. 
Silver, 2. 
Sister, 2. 
Sister-in-law, 7. 
Sit, v. 

Six, a. 
Sixteen, a. 
Sixty, a 
Skin, 7. 
Sleep, v. 
Slowly, ad. 
Sly, a. 
Small, a. 
Snake, 7. 
So, ad. 
Son, 7. 
Sow, 2. 
Span, 7. 
Spear, 7. 
Stab, v. 
Star, 2, 


Lhota Naga. 
Oma 
Enika 
Hachang 
Chingcha 
Phua 
Nakia 
Zetache 
Rémhata 
Ching 
Kkha-ching 
Mechu-me-ching 
Khamcho 
Hiagra 
Chitava 
Mhonérta 
Koritsa 
Ochung 
Engharo 
Epaka 
EHlénghokhé 
Perthata 
Orang 
Ailoi 
Oazio 
Khuthétha 
Chiro 
Mechu-me-chutro 
Rogro 
Ohu 
Tpanaché 
Chim4-chima 
Okiélla 
Tiro 
Inra 
Hetoloini 
Choi 
Wokoka 
Ekaa 
Otho 
Kechunga 
Santio 


Jaiptria Naga. 


Sun 


Ingit 
Ruak-ingit 
Ichi-van-in git 
Rangbin 
Réséo 


Lak 
Aton 
Chuakho 
Sako 
Achat 
Negtn 
Ingia 


Tango 
Trok 
Ichi-van-irok 


Ruak-irok 


Jupo 
Aréré 


Aring 


Pu 


Vano 


225 


226 


English, 


Steal, v. 
Stick, 7. 
Stone, 2. 
Stomach, 2. 
Straight, a. 
Stream, N. 
Strength, 2. 
Sun, 2. 
Swear, v. 
Sweet, a. 


Tail, 2. 
Take, v. 
Tall, a. 
Ten, a. 
Then, ad. 
There, ad. 
Thick, a. 
Thief, 2. 
Thin, a. 
This, pron. 
Thirty, a. 
Thorn, 7. 
Thousand, a. 
Three, a. 
Throw, v. 
Thunder, 7. 
To-day, ad. 
Toe, 7. 


To-morrow, ad. 


Tongue, 2. 
Tooth, 2. 
Tree, 7. 
Truth, 2. 
Twelve, a. 
Twenty, a. 
Two, @. 


Vegetable, n. 
Village, 2. 
Water, 2. 


Lhota Naga. 
Evanéa 
Karung 
Alonkha 
Opok 
Unsa 
Zukhtro 
Eptichinga 
Eng 
Echamahi 
Nanga 


Emhbi 
Khialo 
Sibtia 
Tero 
Kothinela 
Chikhe 
Chia 
Evi 
Epta 
Hiché 
Thinro 
Okio 
Unzotaro 
Etham 
Sia 
Eechénékha 
Inching 
Choiongro 
Ochi 
Enni 
Oho 
Otong 
Otchocho 
Tero-seni 
Meki 
Enni 


Ohan 
Oiya 
Otcha 


- J. Butler—Vocabulary of the Lhota and Juipiria Nagas. (No. 3, 


Jaipiria Naga. 
Hio 


Long 
Vok 
Ating 


Achan 
San 


Ata 


Amé 


Kapo 


Ichi 


Aht 


Riak-ram 
Si 
Cha-ichi 
Vanram 
Pato 
Rangmok 
Taja 
Dashu 
Ni-nap 
Thah 

Pa 

Bang 


Ichi-va ni 


Raak-ni 
Vani 


Jo 


rics ee 


1875.] 


G. Thibaut—On the S‘ulvasitras. OL 


English. Lhota Naga. Jupuria Naga. 
Wax, 2. Ockha Nidso 
Wet, ». Uncha 
When, ad. Kothonga 
Where, ad. Koia Makoa 
Which, pro. Choktto Mapa 
White, a. Mia Apo 
Who? pron. Chita Hana 
Wide, a. Choakk 
Widow, z. Emi Janténgits 
Widower, 2. Khiangran Jantéva 
Wife, x. Ang Janngia 
Within, prep. Tachungi 
Woman, 2. Eloi Déhiek 
Wood, z. Otong Pan 
Wrist, 7. Khemhiék 
Yam, 2. Mani Hakhton 
Year, 2. Enzakha Ranpa 
Yes, ad. Hokha 


On the S'ulvasitras.—By Dr. G. Tarnaut, Anglo-Sanskrit Professor, 


Banaras College. 


It is well known that not only Indian life with all its social an1 poli- 
tical institutions has been at all times under the mighty sway of religion, 
but that we are also led back to religious belief and worship when we try 
to account for the origin of research in those departments of knowledge 
which the Indians have cultivated with such remarkable success. At first 
sight, few traces of this origin may be visible in the S’astras of later times, 
but looking closer we may always discern the connecting thread. The 
want of some norm by which to fix the right time for the sacrifices, gave 
the first impulse to astronomical observations ; urged by this want, the priests 
remained watching night after night the advance of the moon through the 
circle of the nakshatras and day after day the alternate progress of the sun 
towards the north and the south. The laws of phonetics were investigated, 
because the wrath of the gods followed the wrong pronunciation of a single 
letter of the sacrificial formulas ; grammar and etymology had the task 
of securing the right understanding of the holy texts. The close connexion 
of philosophy and theology—so close that it is often impossible to decide 

EE ‘ 


228 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 4, 


where the one ends and the other begins—is too well known to require 
any comment. 

These facts have a double interest. They are in the first place valua- 
ble for the history of the human mind in general; they are in the second 
place important for the mental history of India and for answering the 
question relative to the originality of Indian science. For whatever is 
closely connected with the ancient Indian religion must be considered as 
having sprung up among the Indians themselves, unless positive evidence 
of the strongest kind point to a contrary conclusion. 

We have been long acquainted with the progress which the Indians 
made in later times in arithmetic, algebra, and geometry ; but as the in- 
fluence of Greek science is clearly traceable in the development of their 
astronomy, and as their treatises on algebra, &c., form but parts of astro- 
nomical text books, it is possible that the Indians may have received from 
the Greeks also communications regarding the methods of calculation. I 
merely say possible, because no direct evidence of such influence has been 
brought forward as yet, and because the general impression we receive 
from a comparison of the methods employed by Greeks and Indians re- 
spectively seems rather to point to an entirely independent growth of this 
branch of Indian science. The whole question is still unsettled, and new 
researches are required before we can arrive at a final decision. 

While therefore unable positively to assert that the treasure of mathe- 
matical knowledge contained in the Lilavati, the Vijaganita, and similar 
treatises, has been accumulated by the Indians without the aid of foreign 
nations, we must search whether there are not any traces left pointing to 
a purely Indian origin of these sciences. And such traces we find in a class 
of writings, commonly called S’ulvasttras, that means “stitras of the 
cord,” which prove that the earliest geometrical and mathematical investiga- 
tions among the Indians arose from certain requirements of their sacrifices. 
. “S/ulvastitvas” is the name given to those portions or supplements of the 
Kalpasutras, which treat of the measurement and construction of the different 
vedis,or altars, the word ‘“‘s’ulva”’ referring to the cords which were employed 
for those measurements. (I may remark at once thatthe sutras themselves 
do not make use of the term “s'ulva”; a cordis regularly called by them 
“yajju”’.) It appears that a s’ulva-adhyaya or, pras‘na or, instead of that, a 
s‘ulvaparis‘ishta belonged to all Kalpasitras. Among the treatises belong- 
ing to this class which are known to me, the two most important are the 
S‘ulvastitras of Baudhayana and of A’pastamba. The former, entitled to the 
first place by a clearer and more extensive treatment of the topics in ques- 
tion, very likely forms a part of Baudhayana’s Kalpasttra; the want of 
complete manuscripts of this latter work prevents me from being positive 
on this point. The same remark applies to the S’ulvastitra of A’pastamba. 


1875. } . G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 229 


Two smaller treatises, a Manava S’ulvasttra and a Maitrayaniya S’ulva- 
stitra, bear the stamp of a later time, compared with the works of Baudha- 
yana and A’pastamba. ‘The literature of the white Yajur Veda possesses a 
S‘ulvaparis‘ishta, ascribed to Katyayana, and there is no sufficient reason 
for doubting that it was really composed by the author of the Kalpasttra. 

The first to direct attention to the importance of the Sulvasitras was 
Mr. A. C. Burnell, who in his “Catalogue of a Collection of Sanscrit 
Manuscripts,” p. 29, remarks that “ we must look to the S’ulva portions of 
the Kalpasttras for the earliest beginnings of geometry among the Brah- 
mans.” 

I have begun the publication of Baudhayana’s S’ulvasitra, with the 
commentary by Dydarakanathayajvan and a translation, in the May number 
of the “ Pandit, a monthly Journal of the Benares College, etc.”, and intend 
as soon as | have finished Baudhayana, to publish all other ancient S’ulva 
works of which I shall be able to procure sufficiently correct manuscripts. 
In the following pages I shall extract and fully explain the most important 
sutras, always combining the rules given in the three most important s’ulva 
treatises, those of Baudhayana, A’pastamba, and Katyayana, and so try to 
exhibit in some systematic order the knowledge embodied in these ancient 
sacrificial tracts, 

The sutras begin with general rules for measuring ; the greater part 
of these rules, in which the chief interest of this class of writings is con- 
centrated, will be given further on. In the next place they teach how to 
fix the right places for the sacred fires, and how to measure out the vedis 
of the different sacrifices, the saumiki vedi, the paitriki vedi ,and so on. 

The remainder of the stitras contains the detailed description of the 
construction of the “agni’, the large altar built of bricks, which was re- 
quired at the great soma sacrifices. 

This altar could be constructed in different shapes, the earliest enu- 
meration of which we find in the Taittiriya Samhita, V. 4. 11. 

Following this enumeration Baudhéyana and A’pastamba furnish us 
with full particulars about the shape of all these different chitis and the 
bricks which had to be employed for their construction. The most ancient 
and primitive form is the chaturasras’yenachit, so called because it rude- 
ly imitates the form ofa falcon, and because the bricks out of which it is 
composed are all of a square shape. It had to be employed whenever 
there was no special reason for preferring another shape of the agni; and 
all rules given by brahmanas and stitras for the agnichayana refer to it in 
first line. A full description of the construction of this agni according to 
the ritual of the white Yajur Veda and of all accompanying ceremonies hag 
been given by Professor A. Weber in the 13th volume of the ‘‘ Indische 
Studien.” A nearer approach to the real: shape of a falcon or—as the 


230 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


sutras have it—of the shadow of a falcon about to take wing is made 
in the s’yena vakrapaksha vyastapuchchha, the falcon with curved wings 
and outspread tail.* The kafkachit, the agni constructed in the form 
of a heron, or according to Burnell (Catalogue, p. 29) of a carrion kite, 
is but a slight variation of the s’yenachiti; it is distinguished from it 
by the addition of the two feet. The alajachit again is very little diffe- 
rent from the kafkachit, showing only a slight variation in the ontline 
of the wings. What particular bird was denoted by the word alaja, 
the commentators are unable to inform us; in the commentary to Taittir. 
Samh. V. 5. 20 it is explained as “bhasa”, which does not advance 
us very much, as the meaning of bhasa itself is doubtful. Next comes 
the pratigachit, the construction imitating the form of the praiiga, the 
forepart of the poles of a chariot, an equilateral acutangular triangle and 
the ubhayatah-pratigachit made out of two such triangles joined with 
their bases. Then follows the rathachakrachit, the altar constructed in the 
form of a wheel; in the first place the simple rathachakrachit, a massive 
wheel without spokes, and secondly, the more elaborate sérarathachakrachit, 
representing a wheel with sixteen spokes. The dronachit represents a 
drona, a particular kind of tub or vessel; it could be constructed in two 
shapes, either square or circular (chaturasradronachit and parimandala- 
dronachit), ‘The parichayyachit, which is mentioned in the next place, is 
in its circular outline equal to the rathachakrachit, but it differs from it in 
the arrangement of the bricks, which are to be placed in six concentric 
circles, The samthyachit has likewise a circular shape; its characteristic 
feature was that loose earth was employed for its construction instead of 
the bricks. Of the s’mas‘Anachit a full description together with the 
necessary diagrams will be given further on. ‘The last chiti mentioned is 
the kurmachit, the altar representing a tortoise ; the tortoise may be either 
vakranga, of an angular shape, or parimandala, circular. 

Every one of these altars had to be constructed out of five layers of 
bricks, which reached together to the height of the knee ; for some cases 
ten or fifteen layers and a correspondingly increased height of the altar 
were prescribed. Every layer in its turn was to consist of two hundred 
bricks, so that the whole agni contained a thousand ; the first, third, and 
fifth layers were divided into two hundred parts in exactly the same 
manner; a different division was adopted for the second and the fourth, so 
that one brick was never lying upon another brick of the same size and form. 

Regarding the reasons which may have induced the ancient Indians 
to devise all these strange shapes, the Samhitégs and Brahmanas give us 


* The plates accompanying this paper contain the diagrams of three different chitis ; 
diagrams of all the remaining chitis will be given in the ‘ Pandit’ in the proper places. 


Ly G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 231 


but little information. Thus we read for instance in the Taittiriya 
Samhita : 

S‘yenachitam chinvita suvargakamah, s’yeno vai vayasam patishthah, 
s‘yena eva bhutva suvargam lokam patati. 

‘¢ He who desires heaven, may construct the falcon-shaped altar; for 
the falcon is the best flyer among the birds ; thus he (the sacrificer) having 
become a falcon himself flies up to the heavenly world.” 

In the same place the dronachiti is brought into connexion with the 


- acquiring of food ; the praiiga and rathachakra are described as thunderbolts 


which the sacrificer hurls on his enemies, and so on. Here as in many 
other cases we may doubt if the symbolical meaning which the authors of 
the brahmanas find in the sacrificial requisites and ceremonies is the right 
one ; still we cannot propose anything more satisfactory. 

But the chief interest of the matter does not lie in the superstitious 
fancies in which the wish of varying the shape of the altars may have 
originated, but in the geometrical operations without which these varia- 
tions could not be accomplished. ‘The old yajnikas had fixed for the most 
primitive chiti, the chaturasras’yenachit, an area of seven and a half 
square purushas, that means:seven and a half squares, the side of which 
was equal to a purusha, 7. ¢., the height of a man with uplifted arms. This 
rule was valid at least for the case of the agni being constructed for the 
first time; on each subsequent occasion the area had to be increased by one 
square purusha. 

Looking at the sketch of the chaturas’ra s‘yena we easily understand 
why just 74 square purushas were set down for the agni. Four of them 
combined into a large square form the atman, or body of the bird, three 
are required for the two wings and the tail, and lastly, in order that the 
image might be a closer approach to the real shape of a bird, wings and tail 
were lengthened, the former by one fifth of a purusha each, the latter by one 
tenth. ‘The usual expression used in the sutras to denote the agni of this 
area is “agnih saptavidhah sdratniprades’ah, the sevenfold agni with 
aratni and prddes’‘a,” the aratni being the fifth ( = 24 angulis), and the 
prades’a, the tenth of a purusha ( = 12 angulis). 

Now when for the attainment of some special purpose, one of the 
variations enumerated above was adopted instead of the primitive shape of 
the agni, the rules regulating the size of the altar did not cease to be valid, 
but the area of every chiti whatever its shape might be—falcon with curved 
wings, wheel, pratiga, tortoise, etc.—had to be equal to 7; square purushas. 
On the other hand, when at the second construction of the altar one square 
purusha had to be added to the seven and a hali constituting the first chiti, 
and when for the third construction two square purushas more were re- 
quired the shape of the whole, the relative proportions of the single 


232 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


parts had to remain unchanged. A look at the outlines of the different 
chitis is sufficient to show that all this could not be accomplished without 
a certain amount of geometrical knowledge. Squares had to be found 
which would be equal to two or more given squares, or equal to the differ- 
ence of two given squares; oblongs had to be turned into squares and 
squares into oblongs; triangles had to be constructed equal to given 
squares or oblongs, and so on, The last task and not the least was that of 
finding a circle, the area of which might equal as closely as possible that 
of a given square. 

Nor were all these problems suggested only by the substitution of the 
more complicated forms of the agni for the primitive chaturasras’yena, al- 
though this operation doubtless called for the greatest exertion of ingenuity ; 
the solution of some of them was required for the simplest sacrificial con- 
structions. Whenever a figure with right angles, square or oblong, had to 
be drawn on the ground, care had to be taken that the sides really stood 
at right angles on each other; for would the ahavaniya fire have carried 
up the offerings of the sacrificer to the gods if its hearth had not the shape 
of a perfect square? There was an ancient precept that the vedi at the 
sautramant sacrifice was to be the third part of the vedi at the soma sacri- 
fices, and the vedi at the pitriyajna its ninth part; consequently a method 
had to be found out by which it was possible to get the exact third and 
ninth part of a given figure. And when, according to the opinion of some 
theologians, the garhapatya had to be constructed in a square shape, ac- 
cording to the opinion of others as a circle, the difference of the opinions 
referred only to the shape, not to the size, and consequently there arose 
the want of a rule for turning a square into a circle. 

The results of the endeavours of the priests to accomplish tasks of this 
nature are contained in the paribhasha sitras of the S‘ulvastitras. The 
most important among these is, to use our terms, that referring to the 
hypotenuse of the rectangular triangle. The geometrical proposition, the 
discovery of which the Greeks ascribed to Pythagoras, was known to the 
old Acharyas, in its essence at least. They express it, it is true, in words 
very different from those familiar to us; but we must remember that they 
were interested in geometrical truths only as far as they were of practical 
use, and that they accordingly gave to them the most practical expression. 
What they wanted was, in the first place, a rule enabling them to draw 
a square of double the size of another square, and in the second place 
a rule teaching how to draw a square equal to any two given squares, and 
according to that want they worded their knowledge. The result is, that 
we have two propositions instead of one, and that these propositions speak 
of squares and oblongs instead of the rectangular triangle. 


1875. ] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 233 


These propositions are as follows : 
Baudhayana : 
sHaqtaeraatagarsat ute TFs | 

The cord which is stretched across—in the diagonal of—a square 
produces an area of double the size. 

That is: the square of the diagonal of a square is twice as large as 
that square. 

Apastamba : 

qqrareuatafgansat us atifa | 
Katyayana: 
3 SHAGCIAT MACH ZaTA | 

The cord in the diagonal of a square is the cord (the line) producing 
the double (area). 

“ Samachaturasra”’ is the term employed throughout in the S’ulva- 
stitras to denote a square, the ‘‘ sama” referring to the equal length of 
the four sides and the chaturasra implying that the four angles are 
right angles. ‘The more accurate terminology of later Indian geometry 
distinguishes two classes of samachaturas’ras, or samachaturbhujas, viz. 
the samakarna samachaturbhuja and the vishamakarua samachaturbhuja ; 
the S’ulvasutras, having to do only with the former one, make no such 
distinction. Akshnayarajju is the ancient term, representing the later 
‘‘karmmarajju” or simply ‘‘karna.’’ “Area” is here denoted by ‘‘ bhimi,” 
while in later times ‘‘ kshetra” expressed this idea, and ‘‘ bhami’’ became 
one of the words for the base of a triangle or any other plane figure. 

The side of a square is said to produce that square (karoti), a way of 
speaking apparently founded on the observation that the square is found 
by multiplying the number which expresses the measure of the side by it- 
self; if the side was five feet long, the square was found to consist of 
5 x 5 little squares, &e. The expression was not applicable to other plane 
figures, to an oblong for instance; for there the area is the product of two 
sides of different length, neither of which can be said to produce the figure 
by itself. 

The side of a square, or originally the cord forming the side of a square, 
is therefore called the ‘‘karani’’ of the square. That “‘rajjw’ is to be 
supplied to “ karani”, is explicitly stated by Katyayana : 

aM ACT fAsSHa GaAs fa Tas | 

By the expressions: karani, karavi of that (of any square) &., we 
mean cords. 

The side of a square being called its karani, the side of a square of 
double the size was the “dvikarani”, the line producing the double (I 
shall for convenience sake often employ the terms “‘side” or * line” 


234 G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


instead of “cord’’); this was therefore the name for the diagonal of a 
square. Other compounds with karani will occur further on; the change 
of meaning which the word has undergone in later times will be consider- 
ed at the end of this paper. 

The authors of the sutras do not give us any hint as to the way in 
which they found their proposition regarding the diagonal of a square; 
but we may suppose that they, too, were observant of the fact that the 
square on the diagonal is divided by its own diagonals into four triangles, 
one of which is equal to half the first square. This is at the same time 
an immediately convincing proof of the Pythagorean proposition as far as 
squares or equilateral rectangular triangles are concerned. 

The second proposition is the following : 

Baudhayana : 

HII VI Waar fadiearht T qquya qeaegua 
Rife | . 

The cord stretched in the diagonal of an oblong produces both (areas) 
which the cords forming the longer and the shorter side of an oblong pro- 
duce separately. 

That is: the square of the diagonal of an oblong is equal to the 
square of both its sides. 

Apastamba : 


LATA: TAM HAVA FT AaMAG Gta sa Tifa | 

Katyayana gives the rule in the same words as Baudhayana. 

The remark made about the term samachaturasra applies also to 
“‘ dirghachaturasra” “the long quadrangle” meaning the long quadrangle 
with four right angles. “ Pars’vamani (rajju)” is the cord measuring the 
pars‘va or the long side of the oblong or simply this side itself; tiryanmani, 
the cord measuring the horizontal extent or the breadth of the oblong, in 
other words its shorter side, which stands at right angles to the longer 
side. Noteworthy is the expression ‘‘ prithagbhute;” for as one of the 
commentators observes it is meant as a caution against taking the square 
of the sum of the two sides instead of the sum of their squares (prithag- 
grahanam samsargo ma bhid ity evamartham). 

It is apparent that these two propositions about the diagonal of a 
square and an oblong, when taken together, express the same thing that 
is enunciated in the proposition of Pythagoras. 

But how did the sitrakaras satisfy themselves of the general truth of 
their second proposition regarding the diagonal of rectangular oblongs ? 

Here there was no such simple diagram as that which demonstrates 
the truth of the proposition regarding the diagonal of a square, and other 
means of proof had to be devised. 


bS 
co 
Or 


1875. ] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 


Baudhiayana : 


fauqeEacetuaufeaa: yeefratfeatr: afsaagqrey fanaa: 
faaqey fener: qaefuaretay maaicaarerefau | 

This (viz. that the diagonal of an oblong produces by itself, &c.,) is 
seen in those oblongs the sides of which are three and four, twelve and five, 
fifteen and eight, seven and twenty-four, twelve and thirty-five, fifteen and 
thirty-six (literally, the sides of which consist of three parts and four parts, 
&e.) 

This stitra contains the enumeration of, as we should say, five Pytha- 
gorean triangles, 2. ¢., rectangular triangles, the three sides of which can 
be expressed in integral numbers. (Baudhéyana enumerates six ; but the 
last is essentially the same with the second, 15 and 36 being 3 X 5 and 
3 X 12.) Baudhdyana does not give the numbers expressing the length 
of the diagonals of his oblongs or the hypotenuses of the rectangular trian- 
gles, and I subjoin therefore some rules from A’pastamba, which supply 
this want, while they show at the same time the practical use, to which the 
knowledge embodied in Baudhayana’s sutra could be turned. 

The vedi or altar employed in the soma sacrifices was to have the 
dimensions specified in the following : 

favumerta yaar at qarfacdt wafa vetay na argh wqrey ata: 
qeanfacaifa Sfaa aatearad | 

The western side is thirty padas or prakramas long, the prachi or east 
line (2. ¢., the line drawn from the middle of the western side to the mid- 
dle of the eastern side of the vedi) is thirty-six padas or prakramas long ; 
the eastern side twenty-four ; this is the tradition for the vedi at the soma 
sacrifices. 

Now follow the rules for the measurement of the area of this vedi: 


uefa x faraTaseie WIT AAAI ATE Zeng waw Gyeug Taw 
Peace faay uvgefuaa efaurgiaa Ne frersqicae art 
faqaeiar waafuadaqaay greta RE freraaaacaeray a aea- 
twa faecua 

Add to the length of thirty-six (7. ¢., to a cord of the length of thirty- 
six either padas or prakramas) eighteen (the whole length of the cord is 
then 54), and make two marks on the cord, one at twelve, the other at 
fifteen, beginning from the western end; tie the ends of the cord to the 
ends of the prishthya line (the prishthya is the same as the prachi, the line 
directed exactly towards the east and west points, and going through the 
centre of the vedi. The fixing of the prachi was the first thing to be done 
when any altar had to be measured out. The methods devised for this 
end will not be discussed here, as they are based on astronomical observa- 
tions ; for our purpose it is sufficient to know that a line of 36 padas length 

ye 5ds 


226 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


and ranning from the east towards the west had been drawn on the ground. 
On both ends of this line a pole was fixed and the ends of the cord of 54 
padas length tied to these poles) and taking it by the sign at fifteen, draw 
it towards the south; (at the place reached by the mark, after the 
cord has been well stretched) fix a pole. Do the same on the northern 
side (7. e., draw the cord towards the north as you have drawn it just 
now towards the south). By this process the two s’ronis, the southwest 
corner and the southeast corner of the vedi are fixed. After that ex- 
change (the ends of the cord; ¢. ¢., tie that end which had been fastened 
at the pole on the east end of the prachi to the pole on its west end 
and vice versd), and fix the two amsas (‘‘ shoulders” of the vedi, 7. e., the 
southeast corner and the northeast corner). This is done by stretching 
the cord towards the south having taken it by the mark at fifteen and 
by fixing a pole on the spot reached by the mark at twelve; and by 
repeating the same operation on the northern side. The result are the 
two amsas. This is the measurement of the vedi by means of one cord 
(the measurements described further on require two cords each). (See 
diagram 1.) 

The whole process described in the preceding is founded on the know- 
ledge that a triangle, the three sides of which are equal to 15, 36, 39, is 
rectangular. 

The end aimed at was to draw the east and the west side of the vedi 
at right angles on the prachi. Accordingly, the prachi a b being 36 feet 
long, a cord ac b ( = 54 ) was divided by a mark into two parts ae = 39 
and b c = 15 and fastened at a and b. If then this cord was taken at e, 
and stretched towards the right, the angte a b c could not but be a right 
angle. The same applies to the angles a bd, bae, and baf. In fixing 
the two east corners, both marks on the cord had to be employed, the mark 
at fifteen being used for constructing the right angle, the mark at 12 giving 
to the east side of the vedi the prescribed length (24 padas). 


Taq GeareaTaTssy | 
The diagonal cord of an oblong, the side cords of which are three and 
four, is five. 


arfufatwenfacy aT | 

With these cords increased three times (by itself ; 2. e., multiplied by 
four) the two eastern corners of the vedi are fixed. 

The proceeding is as follows: (See diagram 2.) 

At c, at a distance of 16 padas from a, the east end of the prachi, a 
pole is fixed and then a cord of 82 feet length tied to the pcles at a and e. 
The cord is marked at a distance of 12 padas from a, and then taken by the 
mark and drawn towards the south until it reaches the positionaec. Thus 


a 


O FIGURE 1. 


eb, afb =the cord of 54 padas length; 


= dakshina sroni, d uttara sroni, 


FIGURE 13. " 


chit before squares have been turned ; Bae 


HA bed, the area comprising the spokes 
Sac fgh, the felloe ‘of the wheel. 


EXPLANATION TO FIGURE 1. 


8b prich{ = 9 padas; ucb, add, ach, afb = the cord of 54 padas length; 
¢, d, g,-b, toe four. corners of the vedi, yi c =dakshini sronf, d uttard sroni, 


h Grkshina amsa,g uttara amsa. 


EXPLANATION TO FIGURE 13, 
The agnikshetra of the sararathachakrachit before squares have been turned 
iuto circles. 


abed, the nave of the wheel; efgh—abcd, the areacomprising the spokes 


and the spaces between the spokes; iklm—efgh, the felloe of the wheel. 


OSLER pee ocean ie 
Plate XVI. 


VAKRAPAKSHASYENACHIT 
(first layer) 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Park I, 1875, 


Journal, Asiatic socieyy Ur scligery »uew my im RESR THEY 


Det 
SMASANACHIT 
(first layer) 


Tere, 
SMASANACHIT 


* (second layer) 


Tn | BESS 
|_| | =F 
Ht mas 
' oe 
} = KH 
AAA bff} ft 


Fig.18 


te 47. 
SMASANACHIT 


(side view) 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 237 


a triangle is formed, the sides of which are 12, 16, 20 and this triangle “is 
a rectangular one; a e stands at right angles on ac, and as it isjust 12 padas 
long, e marks the place of the southeast corner of the vedi. The north east 
corner d is found in the same way. 

Sqcwatfa: Brew | 

With the same cords increased four times (7. ¢., their length multiplied 
by five) the two western corners of the vedi are found. 

In this case a cord of 40 padas length is tied to the poles at c and b, 
and marked at the distance of 15 padas from b. Then it is taken by the 
mark and drawn towards the south into the position bg ce. The result isa 
rectangular triangle as above; g marks the place of the southwest corner. 
The same operation repeated on the north side gives f ag the place of the 
northwest corner of the vedi. 

Another method for the measurement of the vedi follows : 

glefmaufeandra are trary ats facy aT | 

The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are twelve and five, 
is thirteen; with these cords the two east corners are fixed. 

(See diagram III.) 

A pole is fixed at the distance of five padas from the east end of the 
prachi, a cord of twenty-five padas length fastened at a and c, marked at 
the distance of 12 padas from a, drawn towards the south &c., as above. 

Facet: are | 

With these cords increased twice (multiplied by three) the two western 
corners are fixed. 

The requisite rectangular triangle is here formed by the whole prichi 
= 36, and by acord of 54, divided by a mark into two pieces of 15 and 39. 

Another method follows: 


qectaafea de wrafaree acer fa: Are | 


The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are fifteen and eight, 
is seventeen ; with these cords the two western corners are fixed. 

(See diagram 4.) 

A pole b is fixed at the distance of eight padas from d, a cord of 32 
padas tied to b and d, &ec. 

gefraqgayfnaan satay Pearce fT y aT 

The diagonal cord of an oblong, the sides of which are twelve and 
thirty-five is thirty-seven; with these cords the two eastern corners are 
fixed. 

A pole is fixed at c, thirty-five padas to the west from a; a cord of 
forty-nine padas tied to a and c, &e. 


238 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulrasutras, [No. 3, 


vara fasaita afefascuifa wef | 

So many “ cognizable” measurements of the vedi exist. 

That means: these are the measurements of the vedi effected by oblongs, 
of which the sides and the diagonal can be known, i. €., can be expressed 
in integral numbers. 

In this manner A’pastamba turns the Pythagorean triangles known 
to him to practical use (the fourth of those which Baudhayana enumerates 
is not mentioned, very likely because it was not quite convenient for the 
measurement of the vedi), but after all Baudhayana’s way of mentioning 
these triangles as proving his proposition about the diagonal of an oblong 
is more judicious, It was no practical want which could have given the 
impulse to such a research—for right angles could be drawn as soon as one 
of the “ vijneya” oblongs (for instance that of 3, 4, 5) was known-—but the 
want of some proof which might establish a firm conviction of the truth of 
the proposition. 

The way in which the Sttrakaras found the cases enumerated above, — 
must of course be imagined as a very primitive one. Nothing in the 
sutras would justify the assumption that they were expert in long cal- 
culations. Most likely they discovered that the square on the diagonal 
of an oblong, the sides of which were equal to three and four, could be 
divided into twenty-five small squares, sixteen of which composed the 
square on the longer side of the oblong, and nine of which formed the 
area of the square on the shorter side. Or, if we suppose a more con- 
venient mode of trying, they might have found that twenty-five pebbles or 
seeds, which could be arranged in one square, could likewise be arranged 
in two squares of sixteen and of nine. Going on in that way they would 
form larger squares, always trying if the pebbles forming one of these 
squares could not as well be arranged in two smaller squares. So they 
would form a square of 36, of 49, of 64, &c. Arriving at the square form- 
ed by 13 X 13 — 169 pebbles, they would find that 169 pebbles could be 
formed in two squares, one of 144 the other of 25. Further on 625 peb- 
bles could again be arranged in two squares of 576 and 49, and so on. 
The whole thing required only time and patience, and after all the number 
of cases which they found is only a small one. 

Having found that, in certain cases at least, it was possible to express 
the sides and the diagonal of an oblong in numbers, the Sttrakéras natu- 
rally asked themselves if it would not be possible to do the same thing for 
asquare. As the side and the diagonal of a square are in reality incom- 
mensurable quantities we can of course only expect an approximatiye 
value ; but their approximation is a remarkably close one. 

Baudhayana: 

TAU SHAT TATE GqQVaaagqray “aq | wana | 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 239 


Increase the measure by its third part and this third by its own fourth 
less the thirty-fourth part of that fourth; (the name of this increased mea- 
sure) is savis’esha. 

Apastamba gives the rule in the same words. 

Katyayana: 

acct edad asans @aquaiaagray waa atau cfa fara | 

The sutras themselves are of an enigmatical shortness, and do not state 
at all what they mean by this increasing of the measure; but the com- 
mentaries leave no doubt about the real meaning ; the measure is the 
karani, the side of a square and the increased measure the diagonal, the 
dvikarani. If we take 1 for the measure, and increase it as directed, we get 

1 1 
Bx4 8x4 34 
ed into a decimal fraction gives: 1:4142156 ...... Now the side of a 
square being put equal to 1, the diagonal is equal to 4/ 2 = 1-414213 .. 
Comparing this with the value of the savis‘esha we cannot fail to be 
struck by the accuracy of the latter. 

The question arises: how did Baudhayana or Apastamba or whoever 
may have the merit of the first investigation, find this value? Certainly 
they were not able to extract the square root of 2 to six places of decimals ; 
if they had been able to do so, they would have arrived at a still greater 
degree of accuracy. I suppose that they arrived at their result by the 
following method which accounts for the exact degree of accuracy they 
reached. 

Endeavouring to discover a square the side and diagonal of which 
might be expressed in integral numbers they began by assuming two as 
the measure of a square’s side. Squaring two and doubling the result 
they got the square of the diagonal, in this case = eight. Then they tried to 
arrange eight, let us say again, eight pebbles, ina square; as we should say, 
they tried to extract the square root of eight. Being unsuccessful in this 
attempt, they tried the next number, taking three for the side of a square; 

“but eighteen yielded a square root no more than eight had done, They 
proceeded in consequence to four, five, &c. Undoubtedly they arrived soon 
at the conclusion that they would never find exactly what they wanted, 
and had to be contented with an approximation. ‘The object was now to 
single out a case in which the number expressing the square of the diago- 
nal approached as closely as possible to a real square number. I subjoin 
a list, in which the numbers in the first column express the side of the 
squares which they subsequently tried, those in the second column the 
square of the diagonal, those in the third the nearest square number, 


: : if 
the following expression: 1+ 3 + and this turn- 


240 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


1 2. 1. ile 242. 256. 
2 8. 2 12. 288. 289, 
3 See elG: 13. 338. 324. 
4, 32. 36. 14. 392. 400. 
5. 50. 49. 15. 450. 441. 
6 72. 64. WG, 512. 529. 
7 98. 100. 17. 578. 576. 
8 Wiss “IAL, 18. 648. 625. 
¥) 1625-169: 19. W227, eee 
10. 200. 196. 20. 800. 784. 


How far the Sutrakéras went in their experiments we are of course 
unable to say; the list up to twenty suffices for our purposes. Three 
eases occur in which the number expressing the square of the diagonal 
of a square differs only by one from a square-number; 8 —9; 50 — 49; 
288 — 289; the last case being the most favourable, as it involves the 
largest numbers. The diagonal of a square, the side of which was equal to 


twelve, was very little shorter than seventeen ( 4/ 289 = 17). Would 
it then not be possible to reduce 17 in such a way as to render the square 
of the reduced number equal or almost equal to 288 ? 

Suppose they drew a square the side of which was 17 padas long, 
and divided it into 17 XK 17 = 289 small squares. If the side of the 
square could now be shortened by so much, that its area would contain 
not 289, but only 288 such small squares, then the measure of the side 
would be the exact measure of the diagonal of the square, the side of which 
is equal to 12 (12° + 12° — 288), When the side of the square is shortened 
alittle, the consequence is that fromtwo sides of the square a stripe is cut off ; 
therefore a piece of that length had to be cut off from the side that the 
area of the two stripes would be equal to one of the 289 small squares. 
Now, as the square is composed of 17 X 17 squares, one of the two stripes 
cuts off a part of 17 small squares and the other likewise of 17, both together 
of 34 and since these 34 cut-off pieces are to be equal to one of the squares, 
the length of the piece to be cut off from the side is fixed thereby : it must 
be the thirty-fourth part of the side of one of the 289 small squares. 

The thirty-fourth part of thirty-four small squares being cut off, one 
whole small square would be cut off and the area of the large square 
reduced exactly to 288 small squares ; if it were not for one unavoidable 
circumstance. The two stripes which are cut off from two sides of the square, 
let us say the east side and the south side, intersect or overlap each other 
in the south-east corner and the consequence is, that from the small square 

2 1 


2 ao ee 
in that ‘not = are cut off, but onl 
in that corner no BED (Gls Ott, Toe OHly Sr 34 x 34 


a Thence the 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 241 
error in the determination of the value of the savis’‘esha. When the side 


33 
of a square was reduced from 17 to 16 aA the area of the square of that 


reduced side was not 288, but 288 + Or putting it in a 


1 
34 + 34 
different way: taking 12 for the side of a square, dividing each of the 
12 parts into 34 parts (altogether 408) and dividing the square into the 
corresponding small squares, we get 408 x 408 — 166464. This don- 
Be 
bled is 332928. Then taking the savis’esha-value of 16 = for the 
(3) 
_ diagonal and dividing the square of the diagonal into the small squares 
just described, we get 577 X 577 = 332929 such small squares. The 
difference is slight enough. 
The relation of 16 a4 to 12 was finally generalized into the rule: in- 


erease a measure by its third, this third by its own fourth less the thirty- 


: Se 12 12 12 

fourth part of this fourth ( 16 irs 12 + = aL sea <7) 
2 

The example of the savis’esha given by commentators is indeed 16 = 12; 


the case recommended itself by being the first in which the third part of 
a number and the fourth part of the third part were both whole numbers. 
Regarding the practical use of the savis’esha, there is in Baudhayana 
or rather, as far as I am able to see, in all s’ulvastitras only one opera- 
tion, for which it was absolutely necessary ; this is, as we shall see later, 
the turning of a circle into a square, when the intention was to connect the 
rule for this operation with the rule for turning a square into a circle. 
A’pastamba employs (see further on) the savis’esha for the construction of 
right angles, but there were better methods for that purpose. The com- 
mentators indeed make the most extended use of the savis’esha, calcula- 
ting by means of it the diagonals wherever diagonals come into question ; 
this proceeding, however, is not only useless, but positively wrong, as in all 
such cases calculation cannot vie in accuracy with geometrical construction. 
At the commencement of his sutras, Baudhayana defining the mea- 
sures he is going to employ, divides the anguli into eight yavas, barley 
grains, or into thirty-four tilas (seeds of the sesame). I have no doubt that 
the second division which I have not elsewhere met, owns its origin to 
the sayisesha. ‘The afiguli being the measure most in use, it was conven- 
ient to have a special word for its thirty-fourth part, and to be able to 
say ‘‘sixteen angulis, thirty-three tilas”, instead of “sixteen angulis, 
and thirty-three thirty-fourths of an anguli.” Therefore some plant was 
searched for of which thirty-four seeds might be considered as equal in 


242 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


length to one afiguli; if the tilas really had that exact property, was 
after all a matter of little relevancy. 

Having once acquired the knowledge of the Pythagorean proposition, 
it was easy to perform a great number of the required geometrical 
operations. The diagonal of a square being the side of a square of double 
the size, was, as we have seen, called dvikarani ; by forming with this 
dvikarani and the side of the square an oblong and drawing the 
diagonal of this oblong, they got the trikarani or the side of a square the 
area of which was equal to three squares of the first size. 

Baudh. A’past. Katy. 


VATE fraser aPy aA yCaAancay | 


Take the measure (the side of a square) for the breadth, the diago- 
nal for the length (of an oblong); the diagonal cord is the trikarani. 

By continuing to form new oblongs and to draw their diagonals, 
squares could be constructed, equal in area to any number of squares of 
the first size. Often the process could be shortened by skilful combina- 
tion of different karanis. Katyayana furnishes us with some examples. 


ve faaaqren Faget gaat TaTRTAT CSS MATT | 
Take a pada for the breadth, three padas for the length of on ob- 
long; the diagonal is the das’akarani (the square of the diagonal com- 
prises ten square padas, for it combines the square of the karani of one 
pada and of the navakarani which is three padas long). 


fagar feast yeuat waarat TYAN AMCSHAaACY LACT | 


Take two padas for the breadth, six padas for the length of an ob- 
long; the diagonal is the chatvarims‘at-karani, the side of a square of 
forty square padas (2? + 6” = 40). 

On the other hand, any part of a given square could be found by 
similar proceedings. 

Baudhayana, after the rule for the trikarant : 

SAHIACTAT ASMA TIRE WANTA WaAitar | 

Thereby is explained the tritiyakarani, the side of a square the area 
of which is the third part of the area of a given square; it is the ninth 
part of the area. 

A’pastamba : 


ealyacwda Breqrat faut ay | 
Katyayana : 
SaaACGAT ATSTAT TATUPaHITG AIT | ACCS ala Tawa TaTHIA- 
aaealgacat | 


1875.] G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. 243 


Baudhayana’s and A’pastamba’s commentators disagree in the expla- 
nation of the sutra; the methods they teach are, however, both legitimate. 
Dyarakanathayajvan directs us to divide the given square into nine small 
Squares by dividing the side into three parts, and to form with the side 
and the diagonal of one of these small squares an oblong; the diagonal 
of this oblong is the tritfyakarani. 

Kapardisvamin proposes to find the trikarani of the given square 
and to divide it into three parts; one of these parts is the tritiyakaranit ; 
for its square is the ninth part of a square of three times the area of the 
given square, and therefore the third part of the given square, This ex- 
planation seems preferable, as it preserves better the connexion of the rule 
with the preceding rule for the trikarani. 

The fourth, fifth, &c., parts of a square were found in the same way. 

A’pastamba and Katyayana give some special examples illustrating 
the manner in which the increase or decrease of the side affects the increase 
and decrease of the square. 

A’pastamba eae, Y t 

BBVA Css gl TST ATI YBISA AGI AS FAA! | 

A cord of the length of one and a half purusha produces two square 
purushas and a quarter; and a cord of the length of two purushas and a 
half produces six square-purushas and a quarter. 

Katyayana: 

fei saTUT qiacwl fae TaN AaHCTT VETATUT GrSeWATA | 

A cord of double the length produces four (squares); one of three 
times the length produces nine, and one of four times the length produces 
sixteen. 

A’pastamba and Katyayana: 

sarared wavar faataa | 

By a measure of half the length a square is produced equal to the 
fourth part of the original square. 

A’pastamba : 

Salat AAA] HAT | 
Katyayana: 

east AAAS WE | 
By the third part the ninth part is produced. 
Katyayana : 

agua Fs Tee | 

The sixteenth part is produced by the fourth part. 

Next follow the rules for squares of different size. 

A’pastamba : 

QASAGCSSINH: VHT | AAIATWATAGCaaT Wars | SAIT RCUT 
qafaar euqiaea | CUTAN wafer | 

GG 


244: G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


Baudhayana : 

aTATA ATS WAUANIT ACY Glee eases ua aayaltar FH- 
BA WAAAY Hater | 

For a literal translation of this difficult stitra and a discussion of the 
word “vridhra”, see the ‘ Pandit’ of June Ist, 1875, p. 17. ‘The sense is 
as follows: 

A’pastamba: The combining of two squares of equal size has been 
taught; the following is the method for combining two squares of different 
sizes. Cut off from the larger square an oblong with the side of the small- 
er square (z. ¢., an oblong one side of which is formed by the side of the 
larger square, the other by that of the smaller square); the diagonal of 
this oblong combines both squares (is the side of a square the area of 
which is equal to the area of both the given squares together). 

Baudhayana: 

If you wish to combine two squares of different size, cut off an oblong 
from the larger square with the side of the smaller one; the diagonal of 
that oblong is the side of both SIBLE combined. 

Katyayana: 

WAGGA Aa: FAT ATAIIATWTATS HPTG Acar a sarsats- 
PATRAS UH THA A TAS: | 

The method needs no further explanation ; it is in fact the same we 
employ for the same purpose. 

We proceed to the rule for deducting one square from another. 

Baudhayana, A’pastamba : 

wawagd faatasfsevine acur afaa seafsagre 
WAM ANA UIATAT BATS Y Yetal aa fayancufesiiaa4r face | 

See the ‘ Pandit’, “ba. cit. 

If you wish to deduct one square from another, cut off from the larger 
one an oblong with the side of the smaller one; draw one of the sides of 
that oblong across to the other side; where it touches the other side, that 
piece cut off; by it the deduction is made. 
abcd =the larger square; cut off fromit the 
oblong b de f, in which ed and bf are equal 
to the side of the smaller square which is to be 
deducted. Fasten a cord ef at e, and draw it 
across the oblong into the position eg; thend g 
is the side of a square the area of which is 
equal to the difference of the two given squares. 
(dg? = eg® — ed’). 


Katyayana words his rule as follows : 


agtaages fatatamfatactaaguaaisieg we free oe 


in 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 245 


Wat Aa waeadefaaaaa aagelecfa a wade: Ta wy 
fara: | 

% a illustrates the rule by an example: 

TAR EAA AT TG HCY | fear zac F ATG FIT Say 

Sam | faareqrat gaa Hoare | 

The question is about a square of four square purushas, from which a 
square of one square purusha is to be deducted. The diagonal (e g), which 
has been drawn across the oblong, is the side of a square of four purushas, 
and produces by itself as much as the cut-off side (g d) and the other side 
(ed) produce separately. The breadth of the oblong (e d) is the side of one 
square purusha ; the rest—the other side, dg—the side of three square 
purushas. 

In order to combine oblongs with squares, a rule was wanted for turn- 
ing oblongs into squares. 

Baudhayana : 

Serra hi [oho Paartey Faargrrat ACU Har RG sur faww 
SqaQavageula Sealaesy ARITAAY fast Gai | 

In order to turn an oblong Fant a sguare, take the breadth of the ob- 
long for the side of the square ; divide the rest of the oblong into two parts, 
and inverting their places join those two parts to two sides of the square. 
Fill the empty place with an added piece. The deduction of this has been 
taught, 

That means: if you wish to turn 
the oblong a bed into a square, cut 
off from the oblong the square cde f, the 
side of which is equal to the breadth 
of the oblong; divide a b ef, the rest of 
the oblong, into two parts, abg¢h and 
ghef; takeab gh, and place it into the 
position dfik; fill up the empty place 
in the corner by the small square fhli; 
then deduct by samachaturasranirhara the 
small square fhli from the large square 
glkce; the square you get by this deduc- 
tion will be equal to the oblong abed. 
A’pastamba gives-the same rule: 


Saagqrey waygrs fees ey Ai feusaa Veeuta | 
away HItad | aE fas Va | 

And Katyayana: 

_SeracaX aaqgT faaiae faaagfeaaciguaacacensta- 
aaarqe MBIA IATA qCaneral faxera: | 


246 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


When one side of the oblong which had to be turned into a square, 
was more than double the length of the other, it was not sufficient to cut 
off a square once, but this had to be done several times, according to the 
length of the oblong, and finally all squares had to be combined into one. 

Katyayana has a rule to this purpose : 

afaate aa fraqneanfeunufeaavada wae wt FaTaaraaa x - 
Sita! 

I add the rules for the reverse process, the turning of a square into 
an oblong. 

Baudhayana : 

wayaed cesqra featiaerauaufeg ani gar fave yrparas- 
Syrayraiaa | 

If you wish to turn a square into an oblong, divide it by the diago- 
nal; divide again one of the two halves into two 
parts, and join these two parts to the two sides (those 
two sides of the other half which form the right 
angle) as it fits (when joining them, join those sides 
which fit together). 

Proceeding as directed, we turn the square 
abecdinto the oblong bdef. This rule is, of 
course, very imperfect as it enables us to turn the 
square into one oblong only. 


KAatyayana has the following: 

aaWgts Sewgq ataasaantaeg fausacatars wtasre- 
eure | 

A’pastamba’s rule helps us somewhat further : 

iS 5 iS ~S ° SS o 5 
wadqrd Suygqre feaaqraaatsaradt qaaat Bal qaten Ure- 
QMAMIATe NA | 

In order to turn a square into an oblong, make a side as long as you 
wish the oblong to be (7. ¢., cut off from the square an oblong one side of 
which is equal to one side of the desired oblong); then join to that the 
remaining portion as it fits. 

Given for instance a square the side of which is equal to five, and re- 
quired an oblong one side of which is equal to three. Cut off from the 
square an oblong the sides of which are five and three. There remains an 
oblong the sides of which are five and two; from this we cut off an oblong 
of three by two, and join it to the oblong of five by three. There remains 
a square of two by two, instead of which we take an oblong of 3 by 13. 
Joining this oblong to the two oblongs joined previously we get altoge- 
ther an oblong of 8 by 83, the area of which is equal to the area of the 
square 5 by 5. 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 247 


In this way the siitra, as it appears from the commentaries, must be 
explained. The method taught in it was no doubt sufficient for most cases, 
but it cannot be called a really geometrical method. 

T subjoin the description of a method for turning squares into oblongs, 
which is given by Baudhayana’s commentator, although it is not founded 
on the text of the stitras. He, after having explained Baudhayana’s way 
of proceeding, continues— 

Sag ya! wales qryaran srt aufsar watyat RUC ATS 
is shagesereat aaagraraagrai aa faqata aa out fear efa- 

Vai faaaqrat qa | aeteagr a wafa | 

And there is another method. Lengthen the north side and the south 
side of the square towards east by as much as you want (7. ¢., give to 
them the length of the oblong you wish to construct) and stretch (through 
the oblong formed by the two lengthened sides and the lines joining their 
ends) a cord in the diagonal from the north-east to the south-west corner. 
This diagonal cuts the east side of the square, which (side) runs through 
the middle of the oblong. Putting aside that part of the cut line which 
lies to the north of the point of intersection, take the southern part for the 
breadth; this is the required oblong. 

For example: 


z Given the square a b c d and required an oblong 

J ofthesameareaand of thelength bg. Lengthen ac 
and b d intoafandbg; draw fg parallel toc d; 
draw the diagonal fb, which cuts c d ath; drawik 
parallel to af and bg; thenbgikis the desired 
oblong. 

This method is purely geometrical and perfectly 
satisfactory ; forabf —big, and bdh = bhi 
andcfh —fhk; thereforeachi—dghk, and 
consequently abcd=—bgki. a. BD. 

In this place now we have to mention the rules 
whick are given at the beginning of the sitras, the 
rules, as they call it, for making a square, in reality 
for drawing one line at right angles upon another. ‘Their right place is 
here, after the general propositions about the diagonal of squares and 
oblongs, upon which they are founded. 

Baudhiayana : 

saree fayry tyqwae Wat seat wy wae Ufa! 7 Wee 
syaaa aqurara qau RUfal awsata 1 SULETaR | VERA UTR 
sfras qwsaa cfawmuaraqaaa areata | 
” Make two ties at the ends of a cord the length of which is double 


FR 


248 G. Thibaut—On the S’ulwasitras. [No. 3, 


the measure (of the side of the required square) and a mark at its middle. 
This piece of the cord (@. ¢., its half) gives us the prachi (of the required 
square; the prachi of a square has the same length as its side). Then 
make a mark at the western half of the cord less the fourth part (of the 
half. If we wish, for instance, to make a square the side of which is twelve 
padas long, we take a cord twenty-four padas long; stretching this cord 
on the eraaid from the west towards the east, we find its middle by a 
measurement beginning from the western end, and having fixed the point 
which lies at the distance of twelve padas from both ends, we measure 
three padas back, towards the west, and make at the point we arrive at a 
mark; this mark divides the cord into two parts of 15 and 9 padas 
length). The name of this mark is nyafchhana. Then another mark is 
to be made at the half (of the western half of the cord), in order to fix by 
it the four corners of the square. (‘This second sign is at a distance of 
18 padas from the eastern end of the cord.) Having fastened the two 
ties at the ends of the prishthya line, we take the cord at the nyafichhana 
mark and stretch it towards the south; the four corners of the square are 
then fixed by the half (of the cord), . 

The same method is known to A’pastamba: 

BMA AAMAS GVA AGU ACHP ISAT WE | 

Or the length of the prachi of the desired square, is to be doubled; 
the length and the fourth part of the added piece form the diagonal cord ; 
the rest, 7. e. three quarters of the added piece form the breadth (the 
shorter side of the oblong). 

And the S’ulvaparis‘ishta : 

THUAWAWIIga Taw Hite afacseaaawagl fassqrayt Rar | 

These rules make use of one of the Pythagorean triangles which 
were, as we have seen above, known to the Sttrakaras, v7z. oi that one 
the sides of which are equal to three, four, and five. It recommended it- 
self by the ease with which the three sides can be expressed in terms of 
each other, 3 + 5 being the double of 4, and 3 being equal to half the 
sum of 8 and 5, minus one quarter of half that sum. 

Of course any other oblong with measurable sides and diagonal could 
be employed for the same purpose, and so we find in A’pastamba a rule 
for chaturasrakarana abstracted from the dirghachaturasra, of which the 
sides are five and twelve and the diagonal thirteen. 

araerarei yare ACH AWA ITY Gane VSAM WAI Rifas | IaTI- 
maa fray wag efaugqray fated aufa | waqnta: | faqagate 
a waite: | 

Take a measure equal to the length (of the side and prachi of the 
desired square) and increase it by its half. Make a mark at the western 
third less its sixth part. Fasten the ends of the cord, &c. 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 249 


Increase 12 by 6; result 18; make a mark at a third, (reckoning 
from 18; that would be at 12) less the sixth part of that third (é.¢., a 
sixth part before the third) z. e., at 13. Thus we get a rectangular trian- 
gle of 5, 12, 13. 

The same rule in the S’ulvaparis‘ishta : 

TAU IITs BAU Hefa afgqcseaaarar faqsyrat We | 

Here, as in many other places, the paris‘ishta is much clearer and more 
practical in the wording of its rules than the more ancient sitras. The 
mark is, according to its expression, to be made not at the western third 
less its sixth part, but simply at a sixth of the added piece (6 is added to 
12; the mark is made at 13). 

Another method for chaturasrakarana, taught by A’pastamba only, 
makes use of the above-mentioned savis’esha. 

_ ara qT UE fazaty afgtuawe wat qaaaTaenyr 
qa aa waa ata GS qetatqat Wau <fawax KTS YS 
qearcactaestrqs aatag cfamy FrieaaReaaAc Saar | 

Fix poles on “both ends and the middle of the prishthya line, add to 
a cord of half the length (of the prishthy4) its vis’esha, 2. e., its third plus 
the fourth part of the third minus the thirty-fourth part of that fourth 
part, and add moreover a piece of the length of half the prishthya, after 
having made a mark (to separate the two parts of the cord). Then tie the 
savis’esha part of the cord to the middle pole, the other part to the eastern 
pole, and fix the south-east corner of the square by stretching the cord 
(towards the south), having taken it at the mark. Untie the end of the 
cord from the eastern pole, &c. 

This method is of course inferior to those described above and cer- 
tainly unnecessary ; Baudh4yana does not mention it. 

I subjoin the remaining methods for chaturasrakarana, which do not 
presuppose the knowledge of the Pythagorean theorem. 

Apastamba : 

TMUAAY Tagua? wt aia! wa eautnaaa | sary 
Taare aImereatifata Reta yataar: Wa Waay Haat Gas 
efaurarary fafad acifa waa WaT sfarqSradafetatari AQAA WAT 
arama ug faeie afeeua sfrqa “Gtatané aqaay waved afa- 
war KeaIRe SE orgeciorategs agqaaa waa efauy athe 
ATARQSTG TT ara | 

Take a cord of the length of the measure (of the side of the required 
square), and make ties at both its ends, a mark at its middle and at the 


middle points of its halves. Stretch the cord on the prishthya line, and fix 
poles on the points marked by the two ties of the cord and by the three 


250 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasutras. [No. 3, 


marks (five poles altogether). Fasten the ties at the second and fourth 
poles (reckoning from the east), stretch the cord towards the south having 
taken it by the middle mark, and make at the point, touched by the mark, 
a mark on the ground. Then fastening both ties at the middle pole, stretch 
the cord over the mark on the ground towards the south, having taken it 
by the middle mark, and fix a pole (at the spot reached by the stretched, 
doubled up, cord). Then fastening one tie at this pole and the other tie 
at the pole standing at the eastern end of the prachi, fix the south-east 
corner of the square by stretching the cord, having taken it by the middle 
mark, ‘Then untying the rope from the eastern pole and fastening it at 
the western pole, fix the south-west corner, &c.; in the same way the north- 
east and north-west corner are found. 

In this procedure the first step is to find the middle of the southern 
and of the northern sides of the required square by drawing a line at right 
angles through the middle point of the prachi, The method employed 
here for drawing a line at right angles on another is the simplest of all 
known to the S’ulvasitras, and essentially the same we make use of when 
describing intersecting arcs from two points equally distant to the right 
and left from some given point. In the later portions of the sutras this 
method is enjoined for the measurement of the agni (instead of cords canes 
of a certain length had to be employed there), and the followers of the 
White Yajur Veda had adopted it for the same purpose (see Indische 
Studien, XIII., p. 233, ff). 

The second part of the procedure—to find the four corners of the 
square after having found the middle points of the sides—was of course 
easy and does not afford any special interest. 

To Baudhayana the same method is known, but he restricts it in his 
paribhasha-sutras to the construction of oblongs; clearly without suffi- 
cient reason, since the method refers only to the construction of right angles, 
and the length of the sides is of no importance. A’pastamba gives no 
special rule at all for oblongs, and it is indeed not wanted. 

I subjoin Baudhayana’s rule: 


awa faaiaqrataatyaaat Gh 1 aR fazaral ZI Ziana “a 
faa: aa | arse farsa avant waqquaa: Tet GA WY SAT TLUPA | 
gaara aTHT atta Bawa afauran VU Ta Hiiai we 
mar wtas aaudafaetauaa say AF fread | Wa taail- 
ACISL ST ATSTASTAT ATT | 

He who wishes to make an oblong is to fix two poles on an area of 


the length which he intends to give to the oblong (7. e., at the two ends 
of the prachi of that area). On both sides, 7. ¢., on the west and east sides 


1875. ] G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. 251 


of both these poles two other poles are to be fixed at equal distances. 
Then taking a cord of the length one intends to give to the side line 
(breadth) of the oblong, one makes ties at both its ends and a mark at its 
middle. Then one fastens the two ties at those two of the three eastern 
poles, which stand at the outside, stretches the cord towards the south 
holding it by the mark, and makes on this mark (7. ¢., on the spot where 
the mark touches the ground after the cord has been stretched) a mark. 
Then fastening both ties at the middle pole one stretches the cord over 
the mark (on the ground) towards the south, and fixes a pole on the mark 
(z. e., on the spot touched by the mark on the cord). That is the south- 
east corner of the oblong; thereby are explained likewise the north-east 
corner and the two western corners. 

In the last place I give a method of chaturés’rakarana, which is found 
in Baudhayana only, but there in the first place. It seems to be the most 
ancient of all the methods enumerated. 

qr Featiarefeatrany aqua gw Aer wa WaT RUA 
SEATS AA AY WE faeaarafeeraat wfaqs waug wee wich | 
faepRTraT? WOR farerare | qafweqt sfras wat aed gftieda! ta- 
aaa Fa aaa aa feats faRMATAA | Taeqarterair: TR taza | 
TS fara aT waaay waa wey uftiead | ts efwua wa qeigaquca- 
Si aa Wairesgqray dvagd | 


If you wish to make a square, take a cord of the length which you 
desire to give to the side of the square, make a tie at both its ends and a 
mark at its middle ; then having drawn the prachi line, fix a pole in its 
middle, and having fastened at that pole the two ties of the cord, describe 
with the mark a circle round it. Then fix poles at both ends of the diame- 
ter (formed by the prachit), and having fastened one tie at the eastern pole 
(the pole standing at the east end of the prachi), describe a circle with the 
other tie (7. e., with the full length of the cord). In the same manner a 
circle is described round the pole at the west end of the prachi, and another 
diameter is drawn joining the points in which these two circles intersect 
(this diameter is the line pointing to the north and south points). A pole 
is fixed at both ends of this diameter. Having fastened both ties at. the 
eastern pole, describe a circle round it with the mark. The same is to be 
done in the south, the west, and the north (7. e., circles are to be described 
round the three other poles) ; the points of intersection of these four circles 
which (7. e., the points) are situated in the four intermediate regions (north- 
east, north-west, &c.,) are the four corners of the required square. 

Diagram 9. 

Passing over some rules of less importance, I proceed to those which 
refer to the “ squaring of the circle.” It certainly is a matter of some in- 

HH 


252 G. Thibaut— On the S‘ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


terest to see the old 4charyas attempting this problem, which has since 
haunted so many unquiet minds. It is true the motives leading them to 
the investigation were vastly different from those of their followers in this 
arduous task. ‘Theirs was not the disinterested love of research which dis- 
tinguishes true science, nor the inordinate craving of undisciplined minds 
for the solution of riddles which reason tells us cannot be solved; theirs 
was simply the earnest desire to render their sacrifice in all its particulars 
acceptable to the gods, and to deserve the boons which the gods confer in 
return upon the faithful and conscientious worshipper. 

It is true that they were not quite so successful in their endeavours as 
we might wish, and that their rules are primitive in the highest degree; but 
this tends at least to establish their high antiquity. 

The rules are the following : 

Baudhayana : 

qaqtd awe feavaawas warentawmmeagetamaa we SE 
aalat awe ufciaua | 

If you wish to turn a square into a circle, draw half of the cord stretch- 
ed in the diagonal from the centre towards the prachi line (the line passing 
through the centre of the square and running exactly from the west towards 
the east) ; describe the circle together with the third part of that piece of 
the cord which will lie outside the square. 

See diagram 10. 

A cord is to be stretched from the centre e of the square a bed to- 
wards the cornera; then the cord, being tied to a pole at e, is drawn 
towards the right hand side until it coincides in its position with the line 
ef; a piece of the cord, f h, will then of course lie outside the square. This 
piece is to be divided into three parts, and one of these three parts, fg, 
together with the piece e f, forms the radius of the circle, the area of which 
is to be equal to the area of the square a b c d. 

A’pastamba gives the same rule in different words : 

aq aed Peatanaiert frase waa: gitaafauyediad TE 
acy vicfead | a fren acea | Basted ataany | 

If you wish to turn a square into a circle, stretch a cord from the cen- 
tre towards one of the corners, draw it round the side and describe the circle 
together with the third part of the piece standing over ; this line gives a 
circle exactly as large as the square; for as much as there is cut off from 
the square (viz. the corners of the square), quite as much is added to it 
(viz. the segments of the circle, lying outside the square). 

I must remark that Kapardisvamin, A’pastamba’s commentator, com- 
bines the two words “sa nitya” into sénityd4 ( = sa anibya), and explains: 
this line gives a circle, which is not exactly equal to the square. But Iam 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 2538 


afraid we should not be justified in giving to A’pastamba the benefit of this 
explanation. The words ‘ yavad dhiyate, &c.’ seem to indicate that he was 
perfectly satisfied with the accuracy of his method and not superior, in this 
point, to so many circle-squarers of later times. The commentator who, 
with the mathematical knowledge of his time, knew that the rule was an 
imperfect one, preferred very naturally the interpretation which was more 
ereditable to his author. 

Katyayana’s S’ulvaparis‘ishta : 

Sqts weg feaiaareYs fara wad uftfee aa aataica vata 
ay alae we aed oitheaa 

Let us now see what the result of the above rule would be by making 
the side of the square equal to2.ac —=2;ai=I1;ae=WW/ 2 


eee == 0'138071; radius of the circle = 1188071. 


= 1-414213...; 
Multiplying the square of 1:138071 by 7 = 3:141592..., we find as 
area of the circle: 4°069008......... , while the area of the square = 4. 
The next thing was to find a rule for turning a circle into a square. 
There we have at first a rule given by Baudhayana only: 


awe aq featifaaaaar ware wmaaratay war fawegrefay- 
RAHM TSCAAI FT WACAUTATTH | 


If you wish to turn a circle into a square, divide the diameter into 
eight parts, and again one of these eight parts into twenty-nine parts ; of 
these twenty-nine parts remove twenty-eight and moreover the sixth part 
(of the one left part) less the eighth part (of the sixth part). 


The meaning is: : os — — — + aoe of the diameter of 
a circle is the side of a square the area of which is equal to the area of the 
circle. 

Considering this rule closer, we find that it is nothing but the reverse 
of the rule for turning a square into a circle. 

Jt is clear, however, that the steps taken according to this latter rule 
could not be traced back by means of a geometrical construction ; for if we 
have a circle given to us, nothing indicates what part of the diameter is to 
be taken as the “ atis’ayatritaya” (the piece f g in diagram 10). 

It was therefore necessary to express the rule for turning a square into 
acircle innumbers. This was done by making use of the “ savis’esha”’, which 
we have considered above. Baudhayana assumed a i as equal to 12 afgulis 
(= 408 tilas), and therefore ae = 16 afigulis, 33 tilas. Difference = 4 
ang. 33 til. = 169 til.; the third part of this difference = 563 til. Ra- 


254: G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


dius of the circle =e f(—ai) +g f= 408 til. + 564 til.-— 4644 
til. In other words: if half the side of a square is 408 til. long, the length 
of the radius of acircle, which is equal in area to the square, amounts to 
4644 til.; or, if the radius of a circle is 4644 til., half the side of the 
corresponding square is 412 til. In order to avoid the fraction, both num- 
bers were turned into thirds, and the radius made — 1393, half the side = 
1224. Finally, the diameter was taken instead of the radius, and the whole 
side of the square instead of half the side. 

To generalize this rule, it was requisite to express 1224 in terms of 
1393. One eighth of 13893 = 174; this multiplied by 7 = 12182. 
Difference between 12183 and 1224 — 53. Dividing 174 (Baudhayana 
takes 174, instead of 1743, neglecting the fraction as either insignificant 
or, more likely, as inconvenient) by 29 we get 6; subtracting from 6 its 
sixth part we get 5 and adding to this the eighth part of the sixth part of 
six, we get 5%. 


7 1 1 i 
Sita Se ee aaah Sea ara 
In other words: 1224 3 + 5G Ee + 39968 of 1393 


(due allowance made for the neglected 3.) 

Another simpler and less accurate rule for squaring the circle is com- 
mon to the three Sitrakaras. 

Baudhayana : 


Sq AT TYR WaTeHal ETA Sceaifaal GqcaAca | 


Or else divide (the diameter) into fifteen parts and remove two; that 
(the remaining thirteen parts) is the gross side of the square. 
A’pastamba : 


wee wats fade ween warae qaqcasenatd 
a frat aqraa! 

Katyayana : 

awe Uqtd faite WEAN WIMTeAaT ESCA ATT | 


If we assume a circle with 15 for diameter, the areaof the correspond- 
ing square would, according to this rule, be 169, while the area of the circle 
ISL iGendel Ales cya 

These are the most interesting of the paribhasha-stitras. In the fol- 
lowing I shall extract the description of three kinds of the agnichayana, of 
the vakrapakshas’yenachiti, as given by A’pastamba; of the sararathachakra-= 
chiti and of the s’‘mas’anachiti. The two latter are described by Baudha- 
yana only. I select these three chitis, because the first of them was, as it 
appears, most in use, and because some particular skill was required for 
the construction of the agnikshetra of the two latter chitis. 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 255 


The vakrapaksha s’yena itself could be constructed in different forms. 
Two forms are described by Baudhayana, two by A’pastamba. And as two 
different prastaras were necessary for each chiti, we have altogether eight 
different prastaras for the vakrapaksha s’yena, each of them consisting of 
two hundred bricks. The following extract contains A’pastamba’s rules for 
the first kind of the vakrapaksha s’yena. 

(Description and diagrams of all the other kinds will be given in the‘ Pan- 
dit’. A sketch of one prastara of the second kind of the s’yenachit is to be 
found in Burnell’s Catalogue; it is, as we are informed there, taken from 
an agni actually constructed and used. ‘There is, however, an error in the 
reference to the sttra according to which it is said to be constructed, this 
sutra not being Baudhayana’s, but A’pastamba’s, patala VI.) 


watad fata watara sfa fanaa | 


He who wishes for heaven, may construct the altar shaped like a fal- 
con; this is the tradition. 


FAT BAG=al wafer | 


His wings are bent and his tail spread out. 


WasSse via yaadsegeta | 


On the west side the wings are to be drawn towards the east, on the 
east side towards the west. 


uafaa f aaui ae Gafaural wadifa fanaa 


For such is the curvature of the wings in the middle of the birds, says 
the tradition. 

aarafy: aefanen: safe: dwga yeu qqua@asgqudtererer 
avert fre: fax cacaaafeasra | 

Of the whole area covered by the sevenfold agni with aratni and pra- 
des’a take the prddes’a, the fourth part of the atman (body without head, 
wings, and tail) and eight quarter bricks; of those latter, six form the head 
of the falcon ; the remainder is to be divided between the two wings. 

This sitra determines what portions of the legitimate area of the agni 
have to be allotted to the different parts of the falcon construction. The 
whole area of the saptavidha agni is seven purushas with the addition of the 
two aratnis on the wings and the prades’a of the tail, altogether 7} purushas. 
Now the fourth part of the atman (of the primitive s’yenachiti) = one 
purusha and the prades’a, 7. e., an oblong of 120 afgulis by 12 afgulis = 
_'5 Square purusha and eight quarter bricks, (z. e., square bricks the side of 
which is equal to the fourth part of a purusha = 380 afigulis, so that they 
cover together an area of 3 square purusha) are given to the wings in addi- 


256 G. Thibaut— On the S’ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


tion to the area which they cover in the primitive agni, only they have to cede 
in their turn three of the eight quarter bricks, which are employed for the 
formation of the head. The original area of both wings together being 22 
purushas, their increased area amounts to 22 4+ 13 — #3, — 3}% square 
purushas, for one wing to 132 square purushas. 


BINA BCAA SALTY SGA AT TATA: | 


Nine and a half aratnis ( = 238 afgulis) and three quarters of an ail- 
guli are the length of the wing. 

The breadth of the wing is the same as in the primitive s’yena, 7. @., 
= one purusha = 120 afgulis. Dividing the area of the wing mentioned 
above by the breadth we get the length. Up to this, the wing has the shape 
of a regular oblong ; the following rules show how to produce the curvature. 


Peqeny waquaa: wai acta Hy TATE | 


Make ties at both ends of a cord of two purushas length and a mark 
in its middle. 

TAI: Helen fy Gas we laTaawed Geary Prara: | 

Having fastened the two ends of the cord at the two western corners 
of the oblong forming the wing, take it by the mark and stretch it towards 
the east; the same is to be done on the eastern side (7. e., the cord is fast- 
ened at the two east corners and stretched towards the east). This is the 
curvature of the wings. 

By stretching the cord, fastened at the west corners, a triangle is form- 
ed by the west side of the oblong and the two halves of the cord, and this 
triangle has to be taken away from the area of the wing. In its stead the 
triangle formed, when the cord is stretched from the eastern corners, is added _ 
to the wing. 

VAalMe TA BTSra: | 

Thereby the northern wing is explained. 

The curvature is brought about in the same way. 

Sra Feqearaatsaeag TITS: 

The atman is two purushas long, one and a half purushas broad. 

This is not the final area of the 4tman, as we shall see further on; but 
an oblong of the stated dimensions has to be constructed and by cutting 
pieces from it we get the area we want. 

GATTI FRY TATA AT IM | 

At the place of the tail stretch a purusha towards the west, with the 
breadth of half a purusha. 

That means: construct an oblong, measuring one purusha from the 
east to the west, half a purusha from the north to the south. 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 257 


ay SPAM TANCAyY AIT BaMaquray ays ANA | 

To the south and to the north of this oblong, construct two other 
oblongs like it, and dividing them by their diagonals remove their halves, so 
that half a purusha remains as breadth at the jointure of 4tman and tail. 

The result is the form of the tail which we see in the diagram. 


PCASTART FACS Say WIT ACT Barmrafe efaaracar fara sa 
At the place of the head a square is to be made with half a purusha, 
and from the middle of its east side cords are to be stretched to the middle 
of the northern and the southern side. 
The triangles cut off by these cords are to be taken away from the area 
of the head. 


syaesta srevaraqieara | 

Then the four corners of the 4tman are cut off in the direction towards 
the joining lines. This finishes the measurement of the s’yena. Its four 
corners are cut off by four cords connecting the ends of the lines in which 
the atman and the wings touch each other with the ends of the lines in 
which head and tail are joined to the atman. 

A’pastamba now proceeds to the rules for the different sorts of bricks 
required for the construction of the agni on the agnikshetra, 


ACT FRIY TSMAHY Vea Vyasa tasTHa | 


One class of bricks has the length of the fifth of a purusha, the breadth 
of a sixth, bent in such a way as to fit (the place in which they are to be 
employed). This is the first class. 

By “nata, bent” the sutrakara means to indicate that the sides of the 
’ brick do not form right angles. The shape of the brick is rhomboidical, the 
angles, which the sides form with each other, are the same which the wings 
of the s‘yena form with the body. (See the diagrams of the two layers of 
this chiti 11 and 12, in which the bricks are marked with numbers.) 


ag maleated ag tadtaa| 
Two of those bricks joined with their long side form the second class. 


These are the bricks used in the second layer at the point where the 
curvature of the wings takes place. 


TARY VSHANSAM HAVA TTA TA | 


Increase that side of the first description which has the length of the 
sixth of a purusha, by the eighth part of a purusha which is bent in such 
a way as to fit in its proper place; this is the third class. 

These are the bricks employed in the second layer, at the place where 
Atman and wings join. They consist of two parts; the one part equal to a 


258 G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


brick of the first class lies in the wing; the second part, an oblong of 24 
afigulis by 15 afigulis, lies in the 4tman. 

TQAMITIA AIAQumM gaara fearaqua r 

From a brick of which the area exceeds by a half the area of that brick 
the side of which is the fourth part of a purusha (this latter would be 30 
ang. by 30 afg., the increased brick is 45 afig. by 30 afig.), and divide 
that part of it which is equal to the brick, the side of which is equal to the 
fourth part of a purusha, by its diagonal (removing half of it). Thisis the 
fourth class. 

We get a trapezium, the sides of which are equal to 15 aiig., 30 aiig., 
45 ang. and, in the language of the sutras, to the savis’esha of 30 ( == 
/ 1800) ; they would have put this last side equal to 4228 afigulis and 
very likely have expressed the fraction as 14 tilas. 


aquinays qaqa | 

Bricks which are equal to the half of those of which the side is the 
fourth of a purusha, form the fifth class. Oblongs of 30 aig. by 15 afig. 

AMIAUAANE: ITH I 

The division of the above bricks by the diagonal produces bricks of the 
sixth class. 

Rectangular triangles (the sides: 30 afg., 15 afig., ./ 1125.) 

qe wean ead sdiidlawanay <faudisqancay ara- 
MUA SfaUycar: RiScifeaq agqaas | 

Draw an oblong the length of which from the east to the west is the 
fifth part of a purusha ( == 24 afigulis) and the breadth the tenth part 
(12 ahg.); to the north and the south of this oblong draw two other 
oblongs, and divide those by the diagonals dividing their south-western 
corners. ‘This is the seventh class. 

We get the rhomboidical bricks employed in the second layer on both 
sides of the tail. Two of their sides are = 24 aie., the two others = 
20: 

UWHYSACAATAL AIST Hifeaneeaa | 

In the same way another description of bricks is formed; only this 
time the oblong on the north side has to be divided by the (other) diagonal 
which divides the northern (north-western) corner. This is the eighth class. 

Result: the trapeziums employed in the middle of the tail in the 
second layer. 

TAMARA WTawSl AIAG | 

The ninth description of bricks is got by dividing a square brick the 
side of which is equal to the fourth part of a purusha, by both diagonals 
(into four triangles), 


. 


1875.] G. Thibaut— On the S’ulvasitras. 259 


Therewith the dimensions of all required bricks are detailed ; it remains 
to show how the area of the s’yena is to be covered with them. 

STAs VS Vlei GAA FaaI Valsleueyre | 

When placing the bricks we have to put down sixty of the first kind 
in each wing, turned towards the north. 

YUAN BRy: | 

On both sides of the tail eight of the sixth description. 

faa aa tal adie Aa VaTA| 

Three of them in the top (@ @., in each of the two western corners of 
the tail), then one (to the east of the three), then again three, then again 
one. 

TRY qa fara | 

At the place where the tail is joined to the body, two bricks of the 
fourth description are placed, so as to lie partly in the body, partly in the 
tail. (They are composed of a triangle and an oblong; the triangle be- 
longs to the body, the oblong to the tail). 

aah walmaaradaey fea 

To the west of these two, bricks of the fifth kind are placed touching 
each other with their faces (their short sides). 

They touch each other, says one of the commentators, with their faces, 
like two fighting rams, 

HI eM Vqar | 

Ten bricks of the fourth kind cover the remainder of the tail. 

ATUL Sy STS TS TAT 

In the four corners of the atman eight bricks of the fourth description 
are placed, turned towards the east and towards the west. 

a F uefa ufacal wars: Taw | 

In the remainder of the atman are to be placed twenty-six of the fourth 
class, eight of the sixth, four of the fifth. 

facts agai fans | 

In the head two bricks of the fourth kind, situated partly in the atman. 

aay Wareqrsray TAMA! TAT: | 

To the east of those, two of the fourth kind turned towards the east. 
These altogether form one layer of two hundred bricks. 

The rules for the second layer follow. 

suttaevent 7a ag fruraaifedtar | 

In the second layer place five bricks of the second kind in both wings 
on the place of curvature. 

EE 


260 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasutras. [No. 3, 


BHAA SHA BATATAAMTAT | 

Aud bricks of the third kind stretching into the 4tman with that part, 
one side of which is an eighth purusha, are to be placed on the two lines in 
which the wings are joined to the atman. 

RE GeaatcY Wesqyar: ws | 

In the remaining part of each wing forty-five bricks of the first class 
are to be placed, turned towards the east. 

Twenty-five in the southern half of the southern wing, twenty in its 
northern half; twenty-five in the northern half of the northern wing, twenty 
in its southern half. 


TRE UTA: Gy Ware | 

Five bricks of the seventh class are to be placed on the northern side 
of the tail and five on its southern side. 

featnaquraryate: sfaavfeaaanara 

At the side of the second (of the above mentioned bricks) on one side 
(of the tail), and at the side of the fourth on the other side, one brick of the 
seventh class is to be placed. 

Ri AMSUI TA! | 

In the remaining part of the tail thirteen bricks of the eighth class are 
to be placed. 

aa ay GST aqui afau verre! 

In the oe corners of the 4tman place eight bricks of the fourth kind, 
turned towards the south and the north. 

wey Ta nfatey nag cat Tear | 

In the remaining part of the 4tman twenty bricks of the fourth kind, 
thirty of the sixth and one of the fifth, are to be placed. 

facta qa TAY TCSATST AIT | 

Two of the fourth kind are to be placed in the head, and to the east of 
those four of the ninth kind. 

uy fame: FATT | 

This gives again a layer of two hundred bricks. 

Qa THTATETA AS FAUT vigarid | 

By turns the layers are to be constructed as many as we may wish to 
make. : 

The third layer is equal to the first, the fourth to the second, the fifth 
again to the first, and so on. 

Next I extract from the third patala of Baudhayana’s S’ulva-stitra the 
rules for the construction of the sararathachakrachit, the altar shaped like 
a wheel with spokes. Vide Diagrams 18, 14, 15. 


; 
; 


1875.] G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. 261 


FUTMIAG RATA SATYAM ALSAATA: | 

With the fifteenth part of half a purusha square bricks are made; they 
are used for measuring (only for the measurement of the area of the sara- 
rathachakrachit, not for the construction of the agni). 

A square is made equal to half a square purusha and its fifteenth part 
taken ; then bricks are made, equal to this fifteenth part. 

adi & Wa Valaaray aciawew: wafer wage | 

Two hundred and twenty-five of these bricks constitute the sevenfold 
agni together with aratni and prades’a. 

The sevenfold agni with aratni and prades’a means, as mentioned above, 
the agni the area of which is equal to seven and a half square purushas. As 
fifteen of the bricks mentioned in the first stitra make half a square 
purusha, seven and a half purushas require two hundred and twenty-five. 

MSM wearase | 

To these (two hundred and twenty-five bricks) sixty-four more are to 
be added. 

We get thereby altogether two hundred and eighty-nine bricks. 


alfa: qqre afta | 
With these bricks a square is to be formed. 


ay siswear ware wate | 

The side of the square comprises sixteen bricks. 

wafaxwefatwet | 

Thirty-three bricks still remain. 

alfacenada: afyaare | 

These are to be placed on all sides round the borders (of the square; 
z. e., according to the commentary, on the north side and east side of the 
square). : 

Thereby all 289 bricks are arranged in a square, the side of which is 
formed by seventeen bricks, It is strange that we are not directed to con- 
struct the whole square at once, but are told to form at first a square out 
of 256 bricks and then to place the remaining 33 bricks around it. I have 
to propose only the following explanation. The commentator describing 
the whole procedure tells us to form at first in the middle of the agnikshetra 
a small square with four bricks, then to increase this square into a larger 
one, of nine bricks, by adding five bricks, to increase this square in its turn 
into a larger one of sixteen, and so on. While we place the additional bricks 
by turns on the north and east side and on the south and west side of the 
initial square of four bricks, the growing square loses and regains by turns 
its situation right in the centre of the agnikshetra; it loses it when it is 
increased for the first time, regains it when increased for the second time, 


262 G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


loses it again when increased for the third time, and so on. When it is increas- 
ed for the fourteenth time or, to put it in another way, when 256 bricks 
have been laid down, the centre of the square coincides again with the cen- 
tre of the agnikshetra, and it is again displaced from there when thirty-three 
bricks more are added on the north and east side, and the whole square is 
composed of 289 bricks. The whole agni was therefore slightly displaced, 
and for this reason perhaps Baudhayana preferred not to call it a real 
chaturas’ra, but a figure made out of a chaturasra of 256 bricks with the 
addition of 33 bricks. ‘There is reason for wonder that the displacement of 
the agni was not remedied in some way; it would have been a very easy 
matter. 


af: STSH WAT: | 

The sixteen middle bricks form the nave of the wheel. 

We must remember that the bricks mentioned here are only used for 
measuring out the agnikshetra, and consequently understand by the sixteen 
middle bricks the area covered by them. In order to cut a square of the 
required size out of the centre of the large square, the commentator directs 
us to fix poles in the centre of the four bricks forming the corners of the 
square of twenty-five bricks situated in the middle of the large square and 
to join these four poles by cords; the area included by these cords is equal 
to that of sixteen bricks. 

aq ufeccrag:sfata: | 

Sixty-four bricks form the spokes of the wheel, sixty-four the vedi. 

Out of the entire square of 289 bricks another square has to be cut 
out, containing the area for the spokes and for the void spaces between the 
spokes. This square would be equal to the area occupied by 144 bricks, 
but we have to deduct from that the 16 bricks in the centre which consti- 
tute the nave. Thus 128 bricks are divided equally between spokes and 
interstices. ‘The required square is cut out by poles being fixed in the 
centre of the four bricks which form the corners of the square of 138 x 138 
bricks and by joining the four poles with cords. 

ata: WaT: | 

The remaining bricks form the felloe of the wheel_—One hundred and 
forty-four bricks having been employed for nave and spokes, one hundred — 
and forty-five remain for the felloe. ‘The measurement of the agnikshetra 
being finished therewith, the bricks used for measuring are no longer want= 
ed. As result of the described proceeding we have three squares, the largest 
of which encloses the two smaller ones. The smallest, situated in the centre, 
is meant for the nave; the two larger ones mark the interior and exterior 
edges of the felloe. It remains to turn these three squares into circles. 


aituana: ofcfead, 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. 263 


The nave is to be circumscribed at its borders with a circle, 7. e. the 
square forming the nave is to be turned into a circle. This was of course 
executed according to the general rule which has been discussed above. 

aaa aracay witiagy | 

After having likewise turned into circles the squares, marking the outer 
and inner edge of the felloe— 

aaa CTS Sa aT fausy farare araryeta | 

One divides the area lying between felloe and nave into thirty-two parts, 
and takes out the second, fourth, sixth, &c., parts. 

That means: the second, &c., parts are excluded from the agnikshetra 
and not to be covered with bricks. 

Vaasa SEAT wala | 

In this manner the added part (2. ¢., the sixty-four bricks by which 
the square of 289 bricks exceeded the legitimate area of the saptavidha agni) 
is removed again. 

By following all the preceding directions we get indeed a wheel, the 
area of which (with exclusion of the interstices between the spokes) is equal 
to that of the saptavidha agni; of course, we have to make the necessary 
allowance for the inevitable error introduced by the square having to be 
turned into a circle. It remains to retrace the steps by which Baudhayana 
succeeded in rendering the area of the sararathachakra pretty well equal to 
that of the chaturasra s’yena. 

A look at the diagram of the sararathachakrachit shows at once that 
one preliminary question must first be settled, the question what the 
relative size of the wheel’s different parts was to be. As far as we can see, 
there was no fixed rule regarding this matter, and wheels of various shapes 
might therefore have been adopted. Baudhayana does not state at the 
outset what the shape of his wheel will be, but from the result of his rules 
we may conclude his intention. The entire square—or the entire circle into 
which the square is turned—comprises 289 bricks, or simpler 289 parts, of 
which 145 form the felloe, the remaining 144 the spokes, interstices, and the 
nave. It appears therefore probable that Baudhayana’s intention was to 
allot to the felloe an area equal to that of spokes, &c., together. The reason 
why the two parts were not made exactly equal will appear from the fol- 
lowing. 

The task was, in the first place, to draw two squares—representing the 
outer and the inner edge of the felloe—the area of one of which was the 
double of the area of the other. For this purpose Baudhayana made use 
of his “savis’esha,” 7. ¢., of the rule teaching that the square of 16 $$ is 
almost equal to double the square of 12; only he substituted here, in order 
to facilitate the operation, 17 to 16 3%. Accordingly, he began by drawing 
a square the area of which amounted to seven and a half square purushas, 


264 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


divided it into 289 parts, by dividing its side into 17 parts, and drew in the 
centre of this square another one comprising 144 such parts (by the 
method described above). 'To these two squares representing the outer and 
inner edges of the felloe a third one, marking the area of the nave, had to 
be added. For this purpose from the square of 144 parts a small square 
of 16 parts, amounting to the eighth part of the whole, was cut out. Lastly, 
of the 128 parts left for the space between nave and felloe, 64 were removed, 
so that 64 were left for the sixteen spokes. 

Now by removing 64 parts, the agnikshetra was unduly reduced; it 
had to contain 289 parts, and it only contained 225. This deficiency had 
of course to be made up in some way, and the way how to do that was not 
very difficult to find. Sixty-four of two hundred and eighty-nine parts 
were lost in the act of cutting out the interstices of the spokes, therefore 
the area of the initial square had to be such that it would be equal to 7% 
square purushas after having been diminished by 64,. Accordingly, the 
square equal to 7} purushas had not to be divided into 289 parts, but into 
225 parts, and 64 parts had to be added moreover, so that the loss of these 
64 parts reduced the agnikshetra just to the right size. 

Hence Baudhayana’s rules to make bricks equal to the two hundred 
and twenty-fifth part of the agni, to add sixty-four such bricks, &e. 

The rules now following teach how to cover the kshetra of the sara- 
rathachakra with two hundred bricks. 

afa aqufé aa aafaey ay ufcaia | 

Having divided the felloe into sixty-four parts and having drawn the 
separating lines, a circle is to be described in the middle (of the felloe). 

al BarreY ara wate | 

Thus we get one hundred and twenty-eight (bricks placed in the felloe), 

Sagar farsia | 

Every spoke is to be divided into four parts. We get therefore sixty- 
four bricks in all spokes together. 

afaaeat fausia_| 

The nave is to be divided into eight parts (by radii). 

Uy Fa: WaT: | 

This is the first layer. 

Again, in order to avoid the “ bheda”’, a different division of the agni- 
kshetra had to be adopted for the second layer. 

sqtaert afaaMayquaaat ycaga | 

In the second layer a circle is to be described in the nave at the dis- 
tance of a quarter from the edge. 

afaaata: | 

In the same manner a circle is to be described in the felloe at the dis- 
tance of a quarter from its inner edge, 


bee 


1875. G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 265 
afaanagg: fs aeat safead | 


After having divided the felloe at its inner edge into sixty-four parts, 
draw the dividing lines. 

Raut wear faa sa fcaywar: | 

The spokes are divided into five parts, each up to the two circles (in 
nemiand nabhi). That means: the area of a spoke is considered to extend 
into the felloe and the nave up to the two circles which had been drawn in 
them at the distance of a quarter from the edge, and this whole area is 
divided into five parts. 

AMAMTST | S| 

Two bricks are placed in each of the interstices in the nemi (the inter- 
stices between the spokes). 

ATRAT SARAH | 

And one brick in the interstices in the nave. 

gai aes faasia 

The remainder of the nave is to be divided into eight parts. 

HUT FSMHCU BIT CaaAla | 

This is the construction in the shape of a wheel with spokes, which 
requires altogether sixteen different kinds of bricks. 

As remarked above, the third and fifth layers are to be made equal to 
the first, the fourth to the second. 

I lastly extract the chapter treating of the s’mas’anachit. It is not 
easy to say what would be the correct definition of a s‘mas’ana in the sense 
in which it is used in the s'‘ulvasttra; it seems to be a construction on 
which the dead body was placed, perhaps the pile on which it was burnt. 
There is, however, no doubt about the form of the chiti, which will appear 
clear enough from the diagram. Vide Diagrams 16, 17, 18. 

wWUdtad fadata famaad) waafy WqtereqYeuHMeaeT Il 

“ He may construct the s’mas‘anachiti’, such is the tradition. Having 
divided the whole agni into fifteen squares. 


The area of the agni, 73 == 4° square purushas, divided in this manner, 
yields fifteen squares, of one half square purusha each. 
AUATSTATATATAA | 


The arrangement of these fifteen squares has already been taught. 

As the commentator explains, the subject has been treated in a pre- 
vious portion of Baudhayana’s kalpasitra, from which he quotes the follow- 
ing: 

: ATA et Pratt a arada foeern seyatfafa ve sre Geary: qe 
QWim4st aT 4l FT AIT | 

He who wishes for prosperity in the world of the fathers, may construct 
the s’mas’anachiti. Six purushas are the length of the prachi line, three 
the length of the eastern side, two the length of the western side. 


266 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


Purusha means here not the ordinary purusha, but the measure of the 
side of one of the fifteen squares into which the agni has been divided. The 
form of the chiti is that of a trapezium (as the stitras would call it: an 
oblong shorter on one side), the east side of which is equal to three reduced 
purushas, &c. 

The area of this trapezium is consequently equal to 74 square puru- 
shas. 

This area has now to be divided into two hundred parts. 

fata aggre few yeas ACT BRIM sarte- 
QMS ca | 

With three of these parts construct an oblong of the breadth of one 
part (an oblong of which one side is equal to three times the side of one of 
the fifteen squares, and the other equal to one time the side), draw from the 
middle of the east side of this oblong lines to the two west corners, and cut 
off the two side pieces. 

After the removal of these two pieces, there remains a pratiga, an acut- 
’ angular equilateral triangle. 

aq awa fara | 

This triangle is divided into ten parts. 

For the details of this division, we must consult the commentator : 

AQ GAY GSMA YAIRITATAIT TR Gar Wate AAT Sexual 
fama: | qquitaaa acvasad wid | aad fawn | seasadia varacity 
Sifu fee wet agi fawareaear ysrqaaci au aear waataaya- 
Fasrerwacaaafes sarfada | wa fedtafaererce wafedtaa | 
us ealatasreita aa eaten aa ealatesieiwwy TacuaIwaTes 
Tata | wtaatar: | wd fans vaatinwe waaeges <a | aa- 
fea vusswaTHas: | Walz | AA war WIAA | Us WATA TAT 
qaqa: swat: | wi evenafeeser wate | 

The division of this triangle is to be made in such a way as to produce 
bricks of the shape of triangles and double triangles (two triangles jomed 
with their bases). If we adopted another division, we should get different 
classes of bricks. (The sitras always study the greatest shortness in their 
expressions and say in this case only: the division is into ten parts. Now, 
the commentator remarks, this can only mean: into ten triangles and 
double triangles ; for if we divide the large triangle in any other manner, 
the eight parts would be of different shape, and then the sutrakara would 
have been bound to give rules for manufacturing bricks of these different 
shapes). The division of the triangle is effected in the following manner. 
We make on the “ broad face”, 2. €., the base of the triangle (the sttraka- 
ras compare the triangle with a face, the base—we have to imagine the 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 267 


triangle turned round, so that the base is uppermost—representing the broad 
2. €., upper part and the top the chin, chubuka) three marks at equal dis- 
tances from each other (thus dividing it into four parts). Having divided 
the two other sides of the triangle in the same way, we begin by drawing 
a line from the first mark on the base to the first mark on the nearer of the 
two other sides. Then a line is drawn joining the second mark on the 
base with the second mark on the side, and a third line joining the third 
mark on the base with the third mark on the side. After that, a line is drawn 
joining the third mark on the base with the first mark on the third side of 
the triangle. The same is done with the other marks. By this division 
we get four triangular bricks standing on the base of the large triangle; 
over these we have three double-triangular bricks; then two double-trian- 
gles; then one double triangle in the ‘chin’ of the large triangle. Alto- 
gether six double triangles and four triangles. Thus we have ten bricks 
in one of the large triangles. 

atta fafa: saute sre | 

Twenty such (large triangles as described in the last sttra but one) 
form the whole agni. 

One of these triangles is the half of an oblong, the area of which is 
equal to the tenth part of the whole agni. 

The arrangement of these twenty large triangles, every one of which 
is subdivided into ten pratigas and ubhayatahpratigas, may be seen in the 
sketch of the first layer of the s’mas‘anachiti, and I omit therefore the 
detailed description given by the commentator. 

Baudhayana proceeds to the rules for the second layer. 

WIaesat IST Basa a Usa | 

For the second layer we divide one triangle lengthways (bisecting the 
base by a perpendicalar from the top). 

Here again we depend on the commentary for explanation. 

gfyae wasamareats waasauraata aq aemvata WA | 
aa yaaite sifw yay yo) asi Aersuarat sva_aiae faafaaa | aa- 
Satafa ssafauuaa |, wuasafaae | |efaua: yqaaiwarsiaey 
asta | waaciwate we fea 
fausia | 

In the whole agnikshetra (of the s’mas’dnachiti) there are five triangles, 
the height of which is equal to the measure of six parts (to six times the 
side of the fifteenth part of the agnikshetra), and the base of which is equal 
to one such part (the area of one such triangle is 38; of the agnikshetra, 
therefore all five — the whole agnikshetra, 7% square purushas). (If we 
divide the agni into these five triangles), the top of three among them is 

KE 


268 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


turned towards the west, that of two towards the east. Two of these five 
triangles are meant in the sutra (only two come really into question, as we 
shall see further on). By ‘‘lengthways’’ a modification of the triangle is 
to be understood ; the meaning is a triangle of six parts’ height. (And this 
triangle is to be got in the following way). On the south side of the agni 
a line is to be drawn through the middle of the triangle situated there, the 
top of which is turned towards the west ; this line reaches from the middle 
of the base the measure of which is one part to the top of the triangle. In 
the same way the triangle on the north side of the agni is to be divided. 

The result is the two long rectangular triangles on the north and 
south sides of the second layer of the s’mas’anachiti, 

ag usu tau: | 

This triangle is divided into six parts. 

Commentary: yay UswITAd Hee farsa four fausra| aa 
qaasy qafaagrat dace 3 fees Gar GuNreerewisaaraTtaa 
Sreait yarfeaa 1 wd faemiafesrercy 1 w aquany Garay eT CeT- 
aaagtiMfaad | wt few TAA GE qe Warymarc waar | 
AVA | CIIGGLS | PIRACY FIBA Cal JSG Baca war Gasqcal! 
BIT AE IVIATHST va | Us YSH Fadi: | CAAT: | 


The diagram of the second layer, in which the two triangles are divided 
in the manner described above, renders a translation of the commentator’s 
words unnecessary. 

a % wWayaeqera | 

These two (large triangles, divided into six parts each) are to be placed 
on both sides (of the second layer). 

In the following stitras those bricks are described which fill the space 
between the two triangles, 

WASH ABAAAUVASe: HCA | 

Bricks are to be made as long as the third part (of the side of one of 
the fifteen squares which compose the agnikshetra), and as broad as the 
fourth part. 

ATTA ATA aIAST: | 

And other bricks equal to one half of the bricks of the first class, pro- 
duced by dividing the latter by a horizontal line. 

aT Base Waary seats: oTatia: sea | 

Having put bricks of the second class on the east and west end of the 
agni, the remaining space is to be covered with the large bricks of the first 
description. | 

Covering the agni as directed, we place at first eight ardhya bricks on 
the east end and eight on the west end. ‘The space left empty between 


1875.] G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 269 


these two rows requires 17 X 8 = 136 brihati bricks. Now, summing 
up all bricks employed we get (1) 186 brihatyas (2) 16 ardhyas (8) twelve 
bricks in the two triangles on the north and south side together, Sum: 
164 bricks. 

But we want, according to the general rule, 200 bricks, and therefore 
the following sutra. 

SRaae Seyi Waa | 

Finally the number is to be made full with ardhya-bricks. 

That means: thirty-six brihatyas are taken out, and seventy-two 
ardhyés put in their places. The sketch of the layer in question shows 
where this had to be done. 

So far the rules for the s’mas‘anachiti resemble those for the other 
chitis, but the following stitras refer to an interesting peculiarity. I give 
at first a passage from a previous part of Baudhayana’s Kalpastitra, quoted 
by the commentator. 

aqeq war ate wlsed yxraratwey ward | afe afwey Iasi — 
eyed) ate siqey yeerqqeney wai) aie WeMRy qed YH: 
qq | Fw quatyiaceraaaata | 

When its measure is such as to reach up to the neck on the east side, 
it reaches up to the navel on the west side ; when it reaches up to the navel 
on the east side, it reaches up to the knee on the west side; when it reaches 
up to the knee on the east side, it reaches up to the ankle on the west side; 
when it reaches up to the ankle on the east side, it is on a level with the 
ground on the west side. Such is the s’mas’anachiti of him who desires the 
world of the fathers. 

We see from these words that, contrary to the general rule which pre- 
scribed a perfectly horizontal surface for the chitis, the s’mas’4nachit had 
to be higher at its east end than at its west end. The commentator adds: 
hastiprishthavach chinviteti: the chiti is to be constructed so as to resemble 
the back of an elephant which is sloping down towards a person viewing 
the animal from behind. This peculiar shape of the s’mas’anachiti required 
consequently a set of rules for preserving, notwithstanding the different 
height, the same cubic content of the whole mass of bricks. 

BeiaMay: waaa aya | 

The height of the agni is to be increased by one fifth. 

_ The height of the agni, when constructed for the flrst time and in five 
layers, is—as mentioned above—one janu == 32 afigulis ; when constructed 
for the second time and in ten layers, it is the double, and it is three times 
as much when, in the third construction, the number of layers amounts to 
fifteen. A fifth of the usual height has to be added to the height of the 
smas anachiti. 


270 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasttras. [No. 3, 


age Far feu sqaaIqua qaqa a Vqensa Fear: arcaa | 

Divide all this—the height inclusive the added fifth part—into three 
parts, and make bricks with the fourth or the ninth or the fourteenth part 
of two of these three parts. 

With the fourth for the agni of five layers, with the ninth for the agni 
das’achitika, with the fifteenth for the panchadas’achitika. 


afagael a1 aa a ages a fyaieqary Waar gaa ai payie4- 
Hata | 

Having constructed with these bricks either four or nine or fifteen 
layers, the remaining part of the height (amounting to one third) is to be 
divided in a downward direction by the diagonal and half of it to be remov- 
ed. 

That means: the fifth layer is to be constructed with bricks the 
height of which is equal to the third part of the whole height; and then 
half of the whole layer is to be cut off following the direction of the diago= 
nal of the northern and southern side. In this way the cubic content of 
the whole chiti comes out right. Increasing the height of the agni of five 
layers by its fifth part, we get 32 + 62 = 383 afigulis. This divided 
by three and the quotient multiplied by two, gives 253. The fourth part 
of this, 6% afigulis is the height of the bricks of each of the four first 
layers. The fifth layer, before being cut in two, is 124 afigulis high; after 
the removal of its half, it has this height only on its east side, the height 
on the west side being equal to 0. Thus its middle height is 62, and conse- 
quently the middle height of the whole chiti — 32 afigulis. In the same 
way we get as height of the agni of ten layers 764 afigulis on the east side, 
512 on the west side, 64 afigulis as middle height. The corresponding 
numbers for the panchadas‘achitika agni are 1153, 764, 96. 


Regarding the time in which the S’ulvastitras may have been composed, 
it is impossible to give more accurate information than we are able to give 
about the date of the Kalpastitras. But whatever the period may have 
been during which Kalpasttras and S’ulvastitras were composed in the form 
we have now before us, we must keep in view that they only give a 
systematically arranged description of sacrificial rites, which had been 
practised during long preceding ages. ‘The rules for the size of the various 
vedis, for the primitive shape and the variations of the agni, &c., are given 
by the brahmanas, although we cannot expect from this class of writings 
explanations of the manner in which the manifold measurements and trans= 
formations had to be managed. Many of the rules, which we find now in 
Baudhayana, A’pastamba, and Katyayana, expressed in the same or almost 
the same words, must have formed the common property of all adhvaryus 


1875.] G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. 271 


long before they were embodied in the Kalpasttras which have come down 
tous. Besides, the quaint and clumsy terminology often employed for the 
expression of very simple operations—for instance in the rules for the 
addition and subtraction of squares—is another proof for the high antiquity 
of these rules of the cord, and separates them by a wide gulf from the pro- 
ducts of later Indian science with their abstract and refined terms. 

This leads to another consideration. Clumsy and ungainly as these 
old sutras undoubtedly are, they have at least the advantage of dealing 
with geometrical operations in really geometrical terms, and are in this point 
superior to the treatment of geometrical questions which we find in the 
Lilavati and similar works. They tell us that the diagonal of a square or 
of an oblong produces an area equal to double the area of the square or to 
the squares of the sides of the oblong—not that the square of the number of 
units into which the diagonal is divided is equal to double the square of the 
number expressing the side of the square or to the sum of the squares of 
the two numbers which represent the sides of the oblong. 

Let us see how Bhaskara words the proposition about the rectangular 
triangle (instead of which the sitras speak of the square and the oblong), 
We read in the chapter on kshetravyavahara in the Lilavati the following : 

— amare at: | | 

The square root of the sum of the squares of these (of the two shorter 
sides of a rectangular triangle) is the diagonal. 

SrHugaataauayes fs: | 

The square root of the difference of the squares of the diagonal and one 
of the short sides (called “ doh’’) is the other short side (kotih), ete. 

It is apparent that these rules are expressed with a view to calculation, 
and we find indeed that Bhaskara immediately proceeds to examples which 
are exercises in arithmetic, not in geometry. 

aifeaqed aa <raq aa ar ata | 
are an ata: afestaat a ast ae I 

A geometrical truth interests the later Indian mathematicians but in 
so far as it furnishes them with convenient examples for their arithmetical 
and algebraic rules; purely geometrical constructions, as the samasa and 
nirhaéra of squares, described in the S‘ulvastitras, find no place in their 
writings. 

It is true that the exclusively practical purpose of the S’ulvasttras 
necessitated in some way the employment of practical, that means in this 
case, geometrical terms, and it might be said that the later mathematicians 
would have employed the same methods when they had had to deal with 
the same questions. 


272 G. Thibaut—On the S'ulvasihtras. [No. 3, 


But a striking proof of the contrary is given by the commentators of 
the S’ulvastitras who represent the later development of Indian mathema- 
tics. Trustworthy guides as they are in the greater number of cases, their 
tendency of sacrificing geometrical construction to numerical calculation, 
their excessive fondness, as it might be styled, of doing sums renders them 
sometimes entirely misleading. I shall illustrate this by some examples. 

As mentioned above, the area of the saptavidha agni had, at each repe- 
tition of the construction of the altar, to be increased by one square puru- 
sha. In order to effect this increase, without changing the proportion of 
the single parts of the agni, Baudhayana gives the following rule: 

That which is different from the original form of the agni (7. e., that 
area which has to be added to the 73 square purushas of the primitive agni) 
is to be divided into fifteen parts, and two of these parts are to be added to 
every one of the seven square purushas of the primitive agni (the one remain- 
ing part is consequently added to the remaining half purusha) ; with seven 
and a half of these increased purushas, the agni has to be constructed. 

According to the commentator, we have to apply this rule in the fol- 
lowing fashion. The one square purusha, which has to be added to the 
saptavidha agni, contains 14400 square afigulis. We divide 14400 by 
fifteen, multiply the quotient by two, and add the product to 14400: result 
= 16320. These 16320 angulis are the square content of the new increas- 
ed square purusha, and we have therefore, in order to get the required mea- 
sure of length, to extract the square root of 16320. This root indicates the 
leneth which had to be given to the cane used for measuring out the ashta- 
vidha agni. 

Such a proceeding is of course not countenanced by the rules of the 
S’ulvastitras themselves. Baudhayana’s method was undoubtedly the fol- 
lowing. The square purusha which had to be added was divided into fifteen 
parts, either into fifteen small oblongs, by dividing one side of the square 
into three, the other into five parts or into fifteen small squares ; in the latter 
case, the panchadas’amakarani had to be found according to the paribhasha 
rules. ‘Two of these fifteenth parts were then combined into one ; if squares, 
by taking the dvikarani of one of them; if oblongs, by turning one of them 
into a square and then taking the dvikarani. Lastly—following the rules 
for chaturasra-samasa—the square containing the two fifteenth parts was 
added to a square purusha, and the side of the resulting square furnished 
the measure of the purusha which had to be employed for the ashtavidha 
agni. 

Another example is furnished by the rules for the paitriki vedi, the 
altar used at the pitriyajna, the area of which had to be equal to the ninth 
part of the vedi used at the soma sacrifices. The measures of the sides of 
this vedi have been mentioned above; its area amounts to 972 square padas. 


1875. | G. Thibaut—On the S’ulvasitras. 273 


Now for constructing the paitriki vedi from the saumiki vedi, Baudhayana 
gives the following short rule: 

aes gatas GaUGcaMarsaasaifa Tra WAHT Ware I 

The commentator, supplying several words, explains this stittra in the 
following way: If we make a square, the area of which is equal to 972 
square padas, its side will be equal to 31 padas, 2 afigulis, and 26 tilas. 
The third part of this { = 10 padas, 5 afigulis, and 381 tilas) is to be taken 
for the side of a square, the area of which will be equal to the ninth part of 
the mahavedi. 

For a proof we are directed to turn the 972 square padas into square 
tilas by multiplying 972 by 225 and then by 1056, to extract the square- 
root of the result, to turn the tilas again into padas by dividing the square- 
root by 34 and then by fifteen, and finally to divide the result by three. 

In accordance with this process, the commentator translates the above 
sutra in the following manner : 

The side (“ karani” to be supplied) of that area (“bhtimeh” to be sup- 
plied) which is made a square with the third part of the mahavedi (which 
has been itself turned into a square previously) is the tritiyakarani; the 
ninth part (of the mahdvedi) is produced (by making a square with this 
tritiyakarani).— This translation is certainly wrong. In the first place, the 
word ‘ karani’, which the commentator supplies, could not be missed in the 
text of the sutra. In the second place, the commentator ascribes to the 
word ‘ tritiyakarani’ a meaning which it cannot possibly have. He inter- 
prets it as the line which is the third part (of the side of the mahavedi) ; 
but that line is called the navamakarani, as its square is equal to the ninth 
part of the area of the mahavedi, and tritiyakarani can only mean the line 
which produces, or the square of which is the third part (of some area). 

To arrive at the right understanding of the sutra, we must consider by 
what method the task of constructing the paitriki vedi could be accomplish- 
ed in the shortest way. The thing was to construct a square, the area of 
which would be equal to the ninth part of another area which contained 
972 square padas, 7. ¢., to 108 square padas. If 108 would yield an integral 
square-root, the matter would have been easy enough; but this not being 
the case, another method had to be devised. The commentator, as we have 
seen, proposes to construct a square of 972 padas, and to take the third part 
of its side ; but this method besides, as shown above, not agreeing with the 
words of the sftra, required several tedious preparatory constructions. The 
same remark applies to the direct construction of a square of 108 padas, and 
a shorter process could therefore not but be highly weleome. Now the 
third part of 972 is 324, and the square-root of 324 is exactly 18; in other 
words, the side of a square of 324 square padas is eighteen padas. Accord- 
ingly, instead of the navamakarani of 972, the tritiyakarani of 8324 was 


274: G. Thibaut— On the S'ulvasitras. [No. 3, 


sought for, and we know from the paribhdsha rules that this could be easi- 
ly managed, Accordingly, Baudhayana’s rule has to be translated as fol- 
lows: The tritiyakarani of that area which is made a square with the third 
part of the mahavedi (7. e., of a square of 324 padas) is it (viz. the side of 
a square of 108 padas); the result is the ninth part of the area (of the 
mahivedi). 

Thus we see that the pre-conceived opinion of the commentator about 
the method to be employed for the solution of the problem leads him to a 
perfectly mistaken interpretation of the sutra. 

On the other hand, it is interesting to find some terms indicating a con- 
nexion between the first rudiments of science as contained in the S/ulvasi- 
tras and its later development. So for instance the term ‘ varga’. It is 
true that we should be able to account for the meaning in which it is used 
by later mathematicians—wz. that of the square of a number—without finding 
earlier indications of the manner how it came to be used in that sense. The 
origin of the term is clearly to be sought for in the graphical representation 
of a square, which was divided in as many ‘vargas’, or troops of small 
squares, as the side contained units of some measure. So the square drawn 
with a side of five padas’ length could be divided into five vargas, each con- 
sisting of five small squares, the side of which was one pada long.. 

Nevertheless it is interesting to find this explanation of varga confirmed 
by a passage in A’pastamba. 

AACA CHAM IAA IAT THTFRTTA | 

As many measures (units of some measure) a cord contains, so many 
troops or rows (of small squares) it produces (when a square is drawn on 
it). 

But another case is more interesting still. The word ‘karani’ is one 
of the most frequent mathematical terms in treatises as the Lilavati, Vija- 
ganita, &c., and there it is invariably used to denote a surd or irrational 
number; as the commentators explain it, that of which when the square- 
root is to be taken, the root does not come out exact. The square-roots of 
two, three, five, &c., are karanis. How the word came by that meaning, we 
are not told, but we are now able to explain it from the S’ulvastitras. As 
we have seen above, in these it always means the side of a square. 

The connexion between the original and the derived meaning is clear 
enough. Karani meant at first the side of any square, after that possibly 
the square-root of any number. Possibly I say, for in reality the mathema- 
tical meaning of karani was restricted. It was not used to denote the 
square-roots of those numbers, the root of which can be exactly obtained, but 
only of those the root of which does not come out exact, of those in fact 
the root of which can be represented exactly only in a graphical way. It 
was not possible to find the exact square-root of eight for instance, but it 


, 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 275 


was possible to draw a square, the area of which was equal to eight—let us 
Say—square padas, and the side of which was therefore a graphical re- 
presentation of the square-root of eight. 

But we have to go still a step further back. ‘ Karani’ meant originally 
not the side of a square, but the rajjuh karani, the cord used for the mea- 
suring of a square. And thus we see that the same word which expressed 
in later times the highly abstract idea of the surd number, originally denot- 
ed a cord made of reeds which the adhvaryu stretched out between two 
wooden poles when he wanted to please the Immortals by the perfectly 
symmetrical shape of their altar. 


Contributions to the History and Geography of Bengal (Muhammadan 
Period). No. I1].—By H. Brocumann, M. A., Caleutta Madrasah. 


(With a plate.) 


Major Raverty’s copiously annotated translation of the Tabaqaét i Na- 
gizi furnishes in its chapters on the Mu’izzi Sultans of Bengal a few items 
of local interest and raises some points for discussion. First of all, as far 
as chronology is concerned, the necessity of dating back a few years the 
conquest of Bengal by Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji* has become clear. 
Major Raverty fixes upon the year 589 H., or A. D. 1193, as the year 
when Qutbuddin established himself in Dihli. Several sources give 588 ; 
some give 587, or 1191 A. D., which last date Mr. E. Thomas looks upon 
as “consistent with the best authorities.” The conquest of Bengal, again, 
is referred by Major Raverty to the year 590 H. (A. D. 1194), or one year 
after the occupation of Dihli as computed by him. A MS. history of Gaur, 
made by Munshi Syam Prasad for Major Franklin, appears also to fix upon 
590 as the year in which Bengal was conquered, because it states that the 
life and the reign of Lakshman Sen extended from 510 to 590. Mr. Tho- 


* The Burhdn 7 Qat?’ gives the spelling ‘Khalaj’, and the Tahran edition of the 
Farhang gives “ Khalaj, a tribe in the desert near Sawah.”’ Major Raverty writes 
‘Khalj’, and thus follows the older Indian dictionaries as the Ibrahimi, Kashful-lughat, 
and Madarul-afazil ; but the common Indian pronunciation of the adjective, whether 
The coins of the Malwa kings, on which ‘ Khilji’ is made 


right or wrong, is Khilji. 
But in forming adject- 


to rhyme with ‘ multaji’, favour the pronunciation ‘ Khalaji’. 
ives of proper nouns, vowels are often changed. ‘Thus in Arabic ‘ Bicri’ from ‘ Bacrah’. 
Or forms are shortened, as ‘ Kashi’ from ‘ Kashan’. Hence ‘ Khilji’ from ‘ Khalaj’ or 
‘Khalj’ would not be unusual. That ‘ Khilji’, with an i, is old, may be seen from the 
pronunciation of the towns of Khiljipar, of which one belongs to Sarangpar, the other 


to Rantanbhar. 
LL 


276 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. ILI. (No. 3, 


mas refers the conquest of Bengal to the year 599 H., or A. D. 1202-3, 
his authority being, I believe, the Zu ul-Madsir, which states that the fort 
of Kaélinjar was conquered by Qutbuddin in 599, and that he afterwards 
went to the neighbouring Mahoba, where Muhammad Bakhtyar paid his 
respects and offered presents from the Bengal spoils. Major Raverty dis- 
poses of this statement of the 747 uwl-MMadsir by saying, “ but this certainly 
took place ten years before 599 H.’’* 

Major Raverty is mistaken, however, on his own authorities, when he 
asserts that the conquest of Bengal took place in 590 H., or A. D. 1194. 
According to his translation of Muhammad Bakhtyar’s biography and the 
Bibl. Indica text, we see— . 

(1) That Muhammad Bakhtyar appeared before Qutbuddin im Dihiiz, 
and was rejected by reason of his humble condition. 

Aceording to Major Raverty, Dihli was occupied in 589; hence Mu- 
hammad Bakhtyar must have been rejected in or after 589 H. 

(2) After his rejection, Muhammad Bakhtyaér goes to Badaon, where 
Hizabr gives him a fixed salary. 

(3) After some time, Muhammad Bakhtyar goes to Audh, where he 
obtains certain fiefs near the Bihar frontier. He now undertakes plunder- 
ing expeditions, which continue, according to the printed text, for one or 
two years.+ 

(4) He invades Southern Bihar and takes the town of Bihar. He 
then goes to Dihli, where he remains for some time at Qutb’s court. 

(5) The second year after his conquest of Bihar, he sets out for Ben- 
gal, and takes Nadiya. ; 

Now, how is it possible, with these five chronological particulars, that 
Muhammad Bakhtyar could have left Bihar, as Major Raverty says, in 589 
H., to invade Lakhnauti, if Qutb occupied Dihli in 589?§ It would, 
indeed, be a close computation if we allowed but five years for the above 
events, 7. ¢., if we fixed the conquest of Bengal as having taken place 
in 594, or A. D. 1198. 

To continue. We further find— 


* Raverty’s translation of the Tabaqat, p. 524. 

+ Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 147, 1.12. Major Raverty has left this out. 

The conquest of Bihar, in the list of Mwizzuddin Muhammad’s victories, is styled 
the conquest of Adwand Bihar ( te os 4991), for which the printed text has ‘ Awand Bi- 
har’ ( ste O25), I dare say the word intended is §jf5 ‘High-ground Bihar,’ 7. e, 
South Bihar. Thus a parganah of Sirkar Munger in South Bihar is called Sytpgiio 
3/5 Dand Sik’hwarah. The plain of Bihar north of the Ganges was not conquered 
by Muhammad Bakhtyar. 

§ Raverty, p. 558. In note 6 top. 550, Major Raverty says that Muhammad 
Bakhtyar first presented himself to the Sultin at Lahor, but the text has Dibli (p. 549). 


1875.] H. Blochmann—WHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. II. 277 


(6) That Muhammad Bakhtyar, after the taking of Nadiy4, selects 
Lakhnauti as his capital,* brings “the different parts of that territory 
under his sway, and institutes therein, in every part, the reading of the 
khutbah, and the coining of money ; and through his praiseworthy endea- 
vours, and those of his Amirs, masjids, colleges, and monasteries, were 
founded in those parts.” (Raverty, p. 559.) 

(7) After some years had passed away, Muhammad Bakhtyaér invades 
Tibbat. 

(8) He returns discomfited, and is assassinated, immediately on his 
return, at Deokot in 602 H. 

The invasion of Tibbat may have taken place in 601, as Major Raverty 
says ; but as Muhammad Bakhtyar had before been for some years engaged 
in settling his Lakhnauti territory, it is clear that Nadiya must have been 
taken about 594 or 595, z. e., in A. D. 1198 or 1199. Thus, on the autho- 
rity of the Tabaqat—the only authority which we possess for this period—, 
the year (599) chosen by Mr. Thomas for the conquest of Bengal is a little 
too late ; but the year 590, fixed upon by Major Raverty, is impossible as 
being too early. 

The conquest of Mahoba by Qutb and the arrival of Muhammad Bakht- 
yar’s presents, which according to the ZLuj wl-Madsir and Firishtah took 
place in 599, involve therefore no contradiction as far as chronology is 
concerned. 

We may now safely assume that the conquest of Bengal by Muhammad 
Bakhtyar took place about 1198-9 A. D. 

Before proceeding to the next point, I have to make a remark on the 
name of Qutbuddin Aibak, of the Paralyzed Hand, though I had thought 
that Mr. Thomas had set this question at rest. The text of the Bibl. Indica 
Edition of the Tabaqat (p. 188)—and Major Raverty’s MSS. have clearly 
the same words—has the following— 

WIE Sty (KS Cows jf gf pord VhGp y edjod Sha jolbs 
4g <colll LS lyr jy) cu 

If the editor had given more diacritical marks, he would have written 
Z AimSa or still better (AkimS% shikastagié, with the yé é tankir, as in 
lee jandlé. The literal translation is— 

Outwardly he had no comeliness, and his little finger [of one hand] possessed an 
infirmity. For this reason they called him Avbak 7 shall [Aibak with the paralyzed 
hand]. 

Major Raverty translates— 

He possessed no outward comeliness; and the little finger [of one hand?] had a 


* It is a curious coincidence that Lakhnauti near the Jamuna, 8. W. of Saharan- 
pir was a Turkman colony. Vide my A/’in text, Vol. I, p. 525, and Atkinson’s 
N. W. P. Gazetteer, Il, 298. 


278 H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Il. [No. 3, 


fracture, and on that account he used to be styled bak i Shil. [The powerless-finger- 
ed. ] 

In a footnote he says that the words —. 3! in the printed text are not 
correct and spoil the sense. 

But, jirstly, ‘ shikastagi’ is an abstract noun, and does not mean 
‘a fracture’, but ‘weakness, infirmity’; ‘a fracture’ would be the noun 
‘shikast.’* There is no evidence that his finger was actually broken ; for 
Aibak is not called “ Aibak of the broken finger.” Secondly, the words az 
dast, which Major Raverty condemns, are absolutely necessary ; for if left 
out,» might refer to his little toe [4 j!_~esS]. Thirdly, there is no 
Persian word shil, meaning ‘soft, paralyzed’, and an Arabic word shal, 
meaning ‘withered’; but the Persians use the Arabic shal, or rather shall, 
‘having a withered hand’. owrthly, Major Raverty says that zbak in 
Turkish means ‘finger’; hence ‘Tbak’ alone cannot be the real name of 
Qutbuddin, but ‘ Ldak-c-shil’. Supposing this name to be correct, the izdfat 
must be cancelled, and the words should be inverted, ‘ shil-cbak.’+ But in 
all Turkish dictionaries that I have been able to consult, zbak is stated to 
mean ‘a crest’, ‘a comb’, not ‘a finger’; nor is azbak, or ebak, given 
with the meaning ‘finger-cut,’ as stated by Major Lees in the Journal of 
the Royal Asiatic Society,£ but in the sense of ‘idol’, and the Shams-ullu- 
ghdt gives the etymology eh ol, a. @., 840_,40, ‘Tord of the moon’. 

Mr. Thomas, therefore, is quite correct in looking upon Aibak as the 
original name, and this is confirmed by mural testimony. It moreover 
agrees with Aibak’s history. As he was captured and sold, when a child, 
he must have been a heathen; for Musalmdns cannot be sold, least of all 
to a Qazi who administers justice. Hence Aibak’s name must have been a 
heathenish (Turkish) name; and neither ‘Qutbuddin’, nor ‘ I’bak-shil’ 
which contains a rare Arabic word, can possibly have been his name. 

If we could attach the slightest weight to the legend on Qutbuddin 
Aibak’s coinage as given by Major Raverty on p. 525 of his translation, 
Major Raverty would be refuted by his own remarks; for in the legend 
Qutbuddin is merely called ‘ Aibak’, as on inscriptions and in several 
places of the Tabagat. I, too, have a work in my possession on the 
‘Coins of the Salatin i Hind’, a modern demi-quarto Dihli lithograph, based 
on Sayyid Ahmad’s A’sdr ugcanddid, and I dare say I have discovered 


* Of. 5) and Sos ) 5 meets a wash, and (sheet the state following a wash, 


i. €., Cleanness ; and many others. 
+ This is required by the Persian idiom; for you say shikastah-pd, ‘a man whose 
foot is broken’ ; ranjidah-dil ; shash-angusht ‘a man who has six fingers’ ; hence at least 


shal-ibak. 
+t J. R. A. S., Vol. III, 1868, p. 488. He has transferred to aidak the meaning of 


shall. 


1875.] H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 279 


the source of Major Raverty’s information. But any one that has worked 
for six months among Indian coins, will reject the legend as unnumismatic. 
The same must be said of Major Raverty’s inscription on the coinage of 
A’rém Shah, Aibak’s son.* 

The Turkish word esl ai, ‘amoon’, occurs also in other names of 
Indian history ; but the oldest dictionaries give the pronunciation 6. 
Thus in Ai-tigin or E’-tigin, and Ai-lititimish, the emperor ‘“ Altamsh’’, 
the shortened Indian spelling and pronunciation of whose name has been 
proved by metrical passages, inscriptions, and good MSS., to be H’ltitmish, 
Iltitmish, E’ltimish, and H’litmish. I look upon Major Raverty’s spelling 
‘ T-yal-timish’ as behind modern research.t 

The next point which claims our attention is the name of the Muham- 
madan conqueror of Bengal. The only thing we knew hitherto (and I 
believe it is all we know now) is that the conqueror of Bengal was called 

Muhammad Bakhtyar, 
and that the name of his paternal uncle was 
Muhammad Mahmid. 

The names of these two persons Major Raverty breaks up, by intro- 
ducing an artificial zzd@fat, or sign of the genitive, into four names, viz. 
Muhammad-i-Bakhtyaér, and Muhammad-i-Mahmuid. This would give, if 
correct, the following genealogical tree— 

Mahmitd 


ee 
1. Bakhtyar 2. Muhammad 


Muhammad 
(conqueror of Bengal.) 


* It is odd that the printer’s devil should have left his mark on Major Raverty’s 
legend of A’ram Shah’s psewdo-coin; the devil has hdzd la dirham, &c., and I agree with 
him. 
I take this opportunity to justify Abul-Fazl. Major Raverty says (p. 529)—“ Abul- 
Fazl makes the astonishing statement that A’ram Shah was Qutbuddin’s brother !’ 
Abul-Fazl states twice and distinctly that A’ram Shah was Aibak’s son ; vide my <A’in 
text, pp. am» and arr, 

+ Major Raverty introduces dangerous innovations in other names. I only speak 
of names that occur in pp. 500 to 600. On page 577, he speaks of a “ Salar [a leader, 
chief] Zaffir.’ This should be ‘Salar Zafar’, where Salar belongs to the name. 
“ Zaffir’ is not used innames. He calls the town of Kalpi “ Kalbi’ ; Guhrém, “ Kuh- 
ram’; Badaon, “Buda’an”; Sarsuti, “Sursuti’’; Siwistan, “ Siwastan’” ; Juméda, 
“ Jamadi”; Shaikh-ul-’A’rifin, “ Shaikh-ul-’ A’rifain” ; Tazkirah, “ Tazkarah’’; Abi 
Bakr, “Aba Bikr’; shajarah, “shajirah’’; Siraj, “Saraj” ; Dinajptr, “ Dimjapar” ; 
Waina-Ganga, “ Wana-Ganga” ; Godawari, “ Gadawfri’ ; Raisin, “Rasim”; Chutiya 
Nagpar, “ Chhotah Nagpir’” ; A’caf, “ A’cif” ; Jharkhand, “ Jharkundah” ; Karamnisa, 
“ Karmahnasah” ; Bikrampdtr, “ Bikrémptr’; Dak’hin, “ Dak’han’. 


230 H. Blochmann—J/istory and Geography of Bengal.—No. 111. [No. 3, 


Major Raverty says in explanation that “in his older MSS.” the word 
bin, or son, is inserted between the words Muhammad and Bakhtyar im the 
heading of Chapter V, which contains the biography of the conqueror of 
Bengal; hence the conqueror of Bengal was Muhammad, and “ the father’s 
name, it appears, was Bakhtyar, the son of Mahmdd.’’* It is not stated 
in how many MSS. this de occurs; but though it occur in the heading, it 
never occurs in the text.f Nor does the word bin occur in the MSS. of the 
Taj ul-Madsir, in Firishtah, the Tabaqat i Akbari, Baddoni, and later writers, 
though the authors of these histories must have had very good MSS. of the 
Tabaqat i Nagiri, some of which in all probability were older than those in 
Major Raverty’s possession. Hence I look upon the correctness of the soli- 
tary bin in the heading of some of Major Raverty’s MSS. as doubtful. Fur- 
ther, supposing bi to be correct, is it not strange, nay totally un-Persian, 
to speak continually of Muhammad-bin-Bakhtyar, or Muhammad-i-Bakht- 
yar, instead of using the single name of Muhammad. This would be 
Arabie usage. Thirdly,if Mahmud were the grandfather, it would have been 
extraordinary on the part of the author to have left out the grandfather in 
the heading and in the beginning of the chapter, when Muhammad Bakht- 
yar’s descent is spoken of, and merely incidentally to mention it in connec- 
tion with the paternal uncle. Lastly, the use of the Jzéfat, instead of bin 
or pisar (son), is restricted to poetry, and does not occur in prose.{ I see, 


* Page 539, of his translation. 

+ The name of Muhammad Bakhtydr occurs more than thirty times in Major Ra- 
verty’s chapters V and VI (pp. 548 to 576); but in every case Major Ravyerty gives 
Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, 7. ¢., the Zzdfat. Hence his MSS. have no diz in the text. In 
the heading of Chapter VI, there is no din, though Major Raverty puts it in; he tries 
even to do so in the heading to Chapter VIII, in the name of Husimuddin ’*Iwaz, and 
“one or two authors’ get the credit of it. 

¥ In fact, it is rare in poetry, and poets do not even like to use this Jzdfat, unless 
it is long ob metrum, or unless it stand in syllables where it cannot be mistaken for 
what Prosodians call the nim-fathah. I have also met with it In the prose legends of 
coins, where 7bn was leit out to save space. 

Major Raverty writes several other names in the same chapters with this impossible 
Izafat. 'Thus he gives the murderer of Muhammad Bakhtydr the name of ’Ali-i-Mar- 
dan, 7. e., Ali, the son of Mardan. But Mardan, by itself, is no Muhammadan name, 
nor is Sheran by itself. We cannot write Muhammad-i-Sherdén, Ahmad-i-Sheran, mak- 
ing Sheran the father. “Ali Mardin means ’Ali (who is as valiant as) many men ; 
Muhammad Sher4n = Muhammad (who is equal to) many lions. The distinguished 
“Ali Mardan, for example, under Shahjahaén, cannot be called ’Ali-i-Mardan, i. ¢., ’Ali, 
son of Mardan, because his father’s name was Gay ’Ali (I have purposely written 
“Ganj Ali”? without Jzdfat). Would Major Raverty write the name of Jami’s patron 
Mir ’Ali-i-Sher; or Muhammad Huméydan’s name, Muhammad-i-Humayiin; or 
Muhammad Akbar’s name, Muhammad-i-Akbar? The form of the name of Muham- 


1875.] H. Blochmann—AHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. Il. 281 


therefore, no reason to change the name of the conqueror of Bengal, as pro- 
posed by Major Raverty. 

A point of some importance is the fact prominently noticed by Major 
Raverty that the establishment of Muhammadan rule in Bihar and Bengal 
has nothing to do with the Muhammadan kingdom established at Dihli. 
Muhammad Bakhtyar is an independent conqueror, though he acknowledged 
the suzerainty of Ghaznin, of which he was a subject. The presents 
which he occasionally sent to Dihli, do not alter the case: a similar 
interchange took place between the kings of the Dak’hin and the later 
kings of Dihli. Bihar and Bengal were conquered without help from 
Qutbuddin, and in all probability without his instigation or knowledge. 
This view entirely agrees with the way which Minhaj-i-Siraj speaks of the 
Muw’izzi Sultans and their co-ordinate position. 

Major Raverty’s identification of Muhammad Bakhtyar’s jagir lands 
with the parganahs of Bhagwat and Bhoili, south of Banaras and east 
of Chanargarh, is very satisfactory. Bhoili, (cbt #) I find, is mentioned 
in the A‘in i Akbari, where it is spelt ‘ Bholi’ ( cst). It belonged to Sirkar 
Chandr (Chanadh), the chieftown of which was the well known fort of 
Chanér. Under Akbar, Bhoili measured 18,975 bighahs 10 biswas, and was 
assessed at 1,112,656 dams, of which 33,605 ddéms were sayurghdl or rent- 
free land. Regarding Bhagwat, Elliot says—“ This parganah, previous 
to the conquest effected by the Gautams, was held by Jami’at Khan Gaharwar, 
whose defence of the fort of Patitah is a favorite theme with the people. 
The old name of this parganah is Hanoa, which was extinct before the 
time of Jami’at Khan, when it was known only as Bhagwat.’’* 


mad-i-Sari, on whose name Major Raverty has built a hypothesis (Journal, A. S. 
Bengal, for 1875, p. 31) is doubtful for this Zzdéfat. On p. 573, two brothers 
are mentioned, Muhammad Sherén and Ahmad Sherdn, and Major Raverty looks 
upon this as a proof that the IJzdfat must be read, “as two brothers would not 
be so entitled.” A glance at a Muhammadan school register would show that~- 
Major Rayerty’s opinion is against facts. Supposing a father’s name is ’Ali Sheran, 
he would call his son Muhammad Sheraén, Ahmad Sheran, Mahmid Sheran ; or if Bazl 
i Haq, the sons would be called Fazl i Haq, Lutfi Haq, &c. 

Of course, itis different with the takhallu¢, or nom-de-plwme, of Persian writers. 
Thus we may say Minh4j-i-Sird4j, just as we say Muclihuddin-i-Sa’di. But even in such 
instances the izdfat is not de rigewr. But “ Minhaj-i-Siraj”’ does not mean in prose 
‘ Minh4j, the son of Siraj’, but ‘Minhaj, who writes under the name of Siraj’. That the 
father’s name was Siraj has nothing to do with it: many poets chose the name of the 
father as takhallug. 

How ill-placed some of Major Raverty’s Izdfats are may be seen from the name of 
the Bengal Sultan Firaz Shah (II) in note 6, on p. 582, where besides Shah-i-Jahan is 
a wrong reading. Nor has he ever been called a ‘ Pathan’. 

* Beames, Elliot’s Races of the N. W. P., II, p. 119. The name of Bhagwat, 
therefore, occurs already in the Tabagdt i Nagirt. Neither Bhagwat nor Hanoa is given 


282 H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No. 8, 


The narrative of Muhammad Bakhtyér’s expedition to Tibbat involves 
one or two geographical difficulties, which neither the restored text nor Major 
Raverty’s copious notes have entirely removed. ‘The traffic between Bengal 
and Tibbat in those days, and even up to the reign of Akbar, seems to have 
been very considerable. Minhaj speaks of no less than thirty-five roads 
into Tibbat between the bend of the Brahmaputra and Tirhut. To one 
of these Major Raverty’s MSS. give the (slightly doubtful) name of 
‘Mahamhai Pass.’ The traffic consisted chiefly in gold, copper, lead, 
musk, yak tails, honey, borax, falcons, and hill ponies (¢éng’han). Ralph 
Fitch* mentions Chichakot as the principal emporium in the (now British) 
Diars. 

The whole tract south of Bhiitan frequently changed rulers. The Ré- 
jas of Kamrup, the Ahoms, the Kamata, and after them the Koch Rajas, 
seem to have in turn held the Duars and lost thern to the Bhiits. 

It is difficult to say what motives Muhammad Bakhty4r had to invade 
Tibbat. It was perhaps, as Minh4j says, ambition ; but if we consider how 
small a part of Bengal was really in his power, his expedition to Tibbat 
borders on foolhardiness. He seems to have set out from Lakhnauti or 
Deokot under the guidance of one ’Ali, who is said to have been a chief of 
the Mech tribe, and marched to Bardhankot (Varddhanakiti). From 
the way in which Minh4j mentions this town, it looks as if it had lain beyond 
the frontier of Muhammad Bakhtydar’s possessions, though there is no doubt 
as to its identity. The ruins of Bardhankot lie due north of Bagura 
(Bogra), in Long. 89° 28’, Lat. 25° 8’ 25’, close to Govindganj, on the 
Karataya River.f According to Minhaj, a large river flows in front 


in the A’in. I have not found Major Raverty’s Kuntilah on the maps. Its longitude and 
latitude, as given by him or p. 550, almost coincide with those of the town of Kuntit 
(Wiss ); which up to the time of the Mughul (Chaghtai) Dynasty was a sort of frons 
tier town, and is therefore occasionally mentioned by historians. But Major Raverty’s 
Kuntilah (Lat. 25° 7’; Long. 82° 35’) lies too far to the west. 

The fact that some MSS. of the Tabaqdt give Bhagwat and Bhoili, and others Pa- 
titah and Kuntilah (?), is curious. 

* Vide Journal, A. 8. Bengal, 1873, Pt. I, p. 240. In 1861, Major Sherwill esti- 
mated the number of hill-ponies brought for sale to the fair at Nek-Mardan, 40 miles 
north-west of Dinajptr, at 3000. 

+ Not far from Ghordghat. Sheet 119 of the Indian Atlas shews the “ Rajbari” 
of the Bardhankot Rajas. Vide Westmacott in J. A. S. B., 1875, Pt. I, p. 188. 

Major Raverty has not identified Bardhankot, and has therefore been misled to 
place it north of Sikkim (p. 562, note) ; hence it is no wonder that he finds discrepan- 
cies in Minh4j’s statements respecting the river and the bridge mentioned further on. 
But there are none. Col. Dalton’s attempt at identifying the bridge with that of Sil 
Hako (J. A. S. B., XX, p. 291), and the river with the Brahmaputra, is now likewise 
disposed of. The only difficulty that is left to be solved is the identification of the Tib- 
batan town of Karbatan (?), for which each MS. almost has a different /ectio, 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal--No. III. 283 


(dar pesh) of the town. This can only refer to the Karataya, which formed 
so long the boundary of ancient Muhammadan Bengal and the Kamrip, 
and later of the Koch and Koch-Hajo, dominions ; in fact it was the bound- 
ary between Bengal and Kamrup at the time of the Mahabharat. Though 
the river in front of Bardhankot is said to have had the name of ‘ Bagmati’, no 
other river than the Karataya can possibly be meant,* Along the Karataya, 
then, Muhammad Bakhtyar marched northward, under the guidance of ’Ali 
the Mech, for ten days. We have to bear in mind that the Karataya in 
former times was connected by branches with the Tista, (Trisrota) and that 
the Tista before 1784 flowed west of the Karataya, joined the Atrai, and 
fell into the main branch of the Ganges (Padma). ‘Thus even as late as last 
century, as a glance on Map V of Rennell’s Atlas willshow. The ten days’ 
march, therefore, extended along the Karataya and the Tistd, which of all 
Bengal rivers extends farthest into Tibbat. There is little doubt that this 
was along the frontier of the territory of the Raja of Kamrap. Before the 
tenth day, they were among the mountains, and on the tenth they reached 
a bridge of hewn stone, consisting of twenty-odd arches. This bridge must 
have been in the neighbourhood of Dorzheling, or, as we spell it, Darjeel- 
ing.t ’Ali the Mech seems to have here taken leave of Muhammad Bakht- 
yar. Hven at the present day, the boundary separating the Meches from 
the hill tribes, is about twelve miles due south of Darjeeling, near Panka- 
bari. From here we have insufficient particulars regarding Muhammad 
Bakhtyar’s march. All that is said is, that after passing the bridge the 
troops wended their way, unmolested apparently, stages and journeys, 
through defiles and passes, ascending and descending among lofty moun- 
tains. On the sixteenth day the open country of Tibbat was reached. 
Everywhere they had passed through populous villages. After plundering 
the country and defeating with heavy losses a hostile army near a fort in 
the neighbourhood of a town (called Karbatan?), Muhammad Bakhtydr 
resolved to return. Since he returns by the way he had come, the direction 
of his march from Darjeeling must have been northward¢ ; for if he had 


* Regarding the changes in the courses of the Karataya and Tisté, vide Buchanan, 
and Glazier’s Rungpore Report, p. 2. 

+ The Muhammadans write Kila fy Darjilimg. Major Mainwaring tells me 
that the correct pronunciation is Dorzheling, KI} SiS with a short o and a short 
accented e. The straight distance from Bardhankot to Darjeeling itself would be 


nearly 160 miles. 
I find that Sayyid Ahmad in his edition of the Tuzuki Jahangir (p. 115) gives 


Da4rjiling in connexion with Pegi, in the sentence 
cof Kila sty Kay Ueto wlint Ello af 4&0 eo? 
“the Maghs whose country is adjacent to Pegi-Darjiling.”” But I conjecture that this 
is a mistake for Kisyl 3 pee Pegi: and Arkhang, ‘Pegu and Arrakan’, 
¢ Major Raverty suggests the route which Turner went in 1783, through Sikkim 


MM 


284 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Ill. [No. 8, 


deviated to the west into Nepal, he would certainly have retreated south- 
ward into Tirhut. The retreat was disastrous, as the people had removed 
from the line of march and had burnt everything. After fifteen days of 
privation, Muhammad Bakhtyar issued from the mountains into the country 
of Kamrup, and reached the head of the bridge. The guards which he had 
left there, had deserted their post; the Hindus of Kamrap had come and 
destroyed the bridge, and Muhammad Bakhtyar occupied a strong temple 
near the bridge. He was now besieged by crowds of Kémrtp Hindas. 
With difficulty did the thinned army cut through the besiegers and hasten 
to the river. Most of the Musalmans perished ; only Muhammad Bakhtyar 
with a few horsemen reached the other bank. There they were again assist- 
ed by Meches, the kinsmen of ’Ali, who rendered him great assistance until 
he reached Deokot, or Damdamah, south of Dinajpur. 

Muhammad Bakhtyar from anguish became ill and took to his bed, 
when ’Ali Mardan assassinated him (602 A. H.) at Deokot.* 

Major Raverty is inclined to place Deokot north of Dinajptr; but the 
position is well known. Parganah Deokot still exists, and the old Muham- 
madan ruins at Gangaramptr, néar Damdamah, the large tanks, and the 
discovery there of the oldest Bengal inscriptions, fix the site of the ancient 
Deokot. 

The additional lectiones of geographical names which Major Raverty 
gives, enable me to identify three more places mentioned in the Tabaqat, 
viz. Santosh, Masidha, and Kangor,f of which the last was the 
fief of Hus4m-uddin ’Iwaz. Santosh, which lower down is identified 
with Mahiganj on the eastern bank of the Atrai River, contained, 
according to the Tabaqat, the tomb of Muhammad Sheran, the successor of 


towards the Sangpt, and I agree with him, though I do not believe that Muhammad 
Bakhtyar reached that river. : 

* Regarding the reigns of Muhammad Bakhtyar’s immediate successors, I would 
refer Major Raverty to Mr. Thomas’s “‘ Initial Coinage of Bengal, No. I,” inJ. A.S8.B., 
1873, p. 348, and Proc., A. S. B., 1872, p. 202. 

+ The MSS. have (psbiw, (webso, and yosSo, somS0, xoxo, and cS, 

cots, and several other lectiones ; vide J. A. 8. B., 1873, p. 212, note =. The kaf 

in $X~as20 must be wrong; it arose very likely from the sign of fathah above the 
initial mim, and the correct name is dw or Lo damaO or (Bodum 2, Masfdhé or Masidhé, 
Bengalice Mosidhé, which is mentioned as an old place in the A’ and in Buchanan’s 
Dinajepoor. Major Raverty identifies ‘Maksidah’ with the ‘Maxadabad” of the old 
travellers ; but Maxadabad is Maqeudabad (obT 3 ypnaivo)), the earlier name of Murshid- 
Abad. Magetdabad, however, is itself not older than the 16th century. 

I prefer the text reading (y ks Bangaon, a wellknown place near Deokot, to 
Major Raverty’s ‘Bekénwah’, The spelling ‘Kons’ for ‘ Kosi,’ the river Kosi (Rayer- 


ty, p. 578), may also be an error of the copyists, the final y¢ haying been mistaken for 
the tail (ddirah) of the stn. 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III, 285 


Bakhtyar Khilji. The three places lie in adjacent parganahs, and le all 
south-east of parganah Deokot, as shewn on Sheet 119 of the Indian Atlas. 
The correctness of my conjecture regarding the name of Santosh has 
thus been verified by Major Raverty’s MSS., and its identification shews 
that Masidha, which is mentioned with it, is likewise correct. The 
situation of these parganahs agrees with the small extent of the Lakhnauti 
territory under the first Muhammadan rulers ; for they lie between Deokot 
and the Karataya, which was the frontier. In fact Husam-uddin ’Lwaz 
was the first that brought the whole territory of Gaur under control. 

The places that are still doubtful in the Bengal geography of the 
Tabaqat, are Narankoi or Narkoti, for which other works have 
‘Barstl; and Sanknat, which is very likely the name of a region 
east of the Karataya. 

Major Raverty’s assertion* (pp. 582, 559) that Lakhnauti was called 
by the emperor Humayitn ‘ Bakhtabad’, and the whole district ‘ Jannatabad’, 
is untenable. The Akbarnamah only mentions ‘ Jannatabad’. 

Regarding Jajnagar and its identification with the eastern parts of the 
Central Provinces, Chutiya Nagpur,f and the Tributary Mahalls in Western 
Orisa, Major Raverty has come to the same conclusion as I had. His identifi- 
cation of the frontier district Katasin or Katasin with a place of the 
name of Katasingh on the northern bank of the Mahanadi in the Tributary 
Mahall of Angul is not yet quite clear to me. I cannot find the place on the 
map, and the narrative of the Tabaqat implies a place nearer to Western 
Bengal. The capital of Jajnagar, which in the MSS. is called U’mardan 
(wdys!) remains to be identified. Major Raverty hints at the possibility 

* His source is a MS. of the Khuldcat-uttawdrikh (a modern work). I have a sus- 
picion that ‘ Bakhtabad’ is a copyist’s error, and that the initial 4 is the Persian preposi- 
tion ba, as in Gaur ré mausiim ba-Jannatabdd sdkht, where gly (as? has been drawn 
together to ob Ge, 

Major Raverty’s ‘ Arkhn4k’ (p. 598) isa wrong reading for ‘ Arkhang” or ‘ Rakhang’. 
“ Pareanah Jasidah” (p. 593)—said to have been turned by Europeans into ‘ J essore’— 
is a copyist’s error for ‘Parganah Chitttah’, (200 miles from Jessore) which was the 
frontier between Bengal and Oris4 ; vide Ain translation, Index. Besides, where does 
the Persian author of the Haft Iglim get the Hindi § from? and how can he give the 
revenue of Bengal under Jahdngir, when the book was written in 1002 (vide Ain 
translation, I, p. 508) ? Again, the word wlsls ‘uncultivated tract’ of Sirkar Madaran 
(p. 592, last line) is a mistake for wbly confines, frontier; but pdydr does not 
mean ‘lower parts’, as translated on p. 568, note. 

+ Major Raverty’s spelling Chhotah Nagpur has often been shewn to be erroneous, 
as the correct name is Chutiya Nagpir (lyse), from the old capital Chutiya, near 
R4nchi. The spellings Chhaér-kund and Jhar-kundah involve a wrong etymology, the 
correct name being Jhar-khand, ‘ bush-district’, as Bundel-khand, ‘ the Bundela district’, 
from @q, 2 district, not from gg, a well. 


286 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No. 3, 


of U’mardan being Amarakantak, the highest point and watershed of the 
eastern parts of the Central Provinces. That rocky, wild, and inaccessible 
region is scarcely a fit place for the capital of what must have been a large 
state.* 

As the border land to the west of Jajnagar Major Raverty mentions 
Garha-Katanga ; and then he says (p. 587), quoting the Madan-1-Akhbar 
a Ahmadi, that “on the N. it is close to the Bhatah territory [the Bhati of 
the Ain i Akbari], and S. is close tothe Dakhan.”’ But this is an extraordi- 
nary confusion of names, partly due to the author of the Jladan, especial- 
ly if he wrote Bhatah with a long 4. He means Bhat’h, or Bhat-ghora, the 
mountainous tract south of Allahabad, whilst Bhati is the name of the Sun- 
darban region along the Bay of Bengal. The Tabaqat is, indeed, the oldest 
work in which Bhatghora is mentioned. The district was plundered by 
Qamaruddin Timur Khan, who had also been fighting with the aboriginal 
tribe of the Muasis.f In Major Raverty’s quotation from the Jamz -utta- 
wdrikh (a modern compilation without value), the Bhati-Sundarban is placed 
West of Bengal ;{ and in the quotation a little further on (which like the 
preceding is taken from the Aini Akbari),—‘‘ In the sarkar of Mangir, 
“from the river Gang to the Koh i Sangin [the Stony Mountains], they 
“have drawn a wall, and account it the boundary of Bengal”, a wrong izafat 
spoils the sense: Abul Fazl says that in Sirkar Munger, from the Ganges 
to the mountains [Rajmahall Hills], they have drawn a stone wall, &e. He 
means the stone wall near Gadhi or Garhi (Teliagarhi).§ 


We now turn to the middle period of the Muhammadan history of 
Bengal, for the elucidation of which a few new and interesting particulars 
have come to hand. They throw further light on the reigns of Raja Kans 
and Mahmud Shah I. 

Ra‘ja’ Ka/’ns. 
(A. H. 808 to 817; A. D. 1405 to 1414.) 

It was mentioned before that Mr. Westmacott identified Raja Kans 
with the well known, but hitherto legendary, Raja, or Hakim, Ganesh of 
Dinajptr. I look upon this identification as open to doubt. ‘Ganesh’ is 
a very common name, and the god with the elephant’s trunk is so generally 

* The name of Hill Gundamardan, in Long. 83° and Lat. 20° 55’, in Bordsambhar, 
has the same ending as U/mardan. 

+ Vide Tabaqat, Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 247; Beames, Elliot’s Races of the N. W, 
Provinces, II, 164; J. A. 8S. B., 1874, Pt. I, p. 240, note. 

= Regarding the ‘ Manik,’ vide J. A. S. B., 1874, Pt. I, p. 204. 

§ Major Raverty, on p. 592, mentions the Afgh4n Zamindar of Birbhim and Jdé- 
nagay—the italics, I daresay, imply a reference to Jéjnagar. The Zamindar’s family, 
the descendants of a real Pathan for once, are well-known; but Jdtnagar is a mistake 
of ‘ Rajnagar’, 


1875.] H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 287 


known throughout India, that even Muhammadans may be fairly assumed 
to be acquainted with his name, But all MSS. spell the Raja’s name p= 
Kans, not eens Ganés ; and I am inclined to adhere to the spelling of 
the MSS. and read the name as Kans or Kansa. This would indeed be the 
name which Krishna’s enemy, the tyrant of Mathura, bore. I do not 
think that the name is now in use, or has been in use in Bengal since the 
spread of Chaitanya’s Krishna-cultus. But Raja Kans lived just a hundred 
years before Chaitanya, and the name might not then have been so unusual 
as it would now be. Further, Raja Kans is styled ‘ Raja of Bhatiriah’, 
and Raja Ganes ‘Raja of Dinajpfx’. But Bhattriah does not include 
Dinajptr ; for ‘ Parganah’ Bhatdriah lies far to the south of Dinajptr Dis- 
trict, in Rajshahi proper, between Amrul and Bagura, But the name ‘ Bha- 
turiah’ is also used in a more extensive sense, and signifies Northern Rajshahi 
proper. It thus formed part of Barendra, whilst Dinajpir with the northern 
districts formed the old division of Nivritti. Now the Barendra Brahmans, 
as Dr. Wise tells me, say that their social classification was made by one 
Raja Kans Narayana of Tahirptr in Rajshahi; and as Tahirptr belongs to 
Bhaturiah (vide Map VI of Rennell’s Atlas), there is just a possibility that 
the statement of the Barendra Brahmans may give us a clue and help us to 
identify the historical Raja Kans. 

I have no doubt that the name of the district of Rajshahi is con- 
nected with Raja Kans; for just as Mahmddshahi, Barbakshahi, and other 
names in the neighbourhood of Rajshahi refer to the Bengal kings Mahmud 
Shah and Barbak Shah, so can Rajshahi, 2. e., Raja-shahi, only refer to the 
Raja who was ‘the Shah’, 7. ¢., to a Hindaé Raja who ascended a Musalman 
throne. In its shortened form, ‘ Rajshahi’ is certainly a most extraordinary 
hybrid ; for the Hindi 7a is the same as the Persian shahz, 

It was remarked in the first part of these ‘ Contributions to Bengal 
Geography and History’ that Raja Kans did probably not issue coins in 
his own name. We know, however, that coins were issued during his reign, 
viz., posthumous coins of A’zam Shah, during whose reign Raja Kans rose 
to influence, and coins in the name of one Bayazid Shah. The latter issue 
was described by me before, and bears, as far as is now known, the years 
$12 and 816; the former was brought to the notice of the Society by the 
Hon’ble EH. C. Bayley (vide J. A. S. B., 1874, p. 294, note). I can now 
give a figure of the posthumous coinage : two specimens were lately brought 
for the Society’s cabinet,* clearly dated 812 (vide Pl. XI, Fig. 1). They 
weigh 16469 and 165°7 grains respectively. 

* Together with five silver coins of Muhammad Shah, son of Raji Kans, dated 818, 
$19, 822, 823, 826. ‘The hitherto ascertained years of his reign were 818, 821, and 831. 
Mr. W. L. Martin also sent me lately a Muhammad Shah of the same type as published 


by me. It was dug up near Madhuiptrah, Northern Bhagalptr, which belonged to 
Bengal. 


288 H. Blochmann—WHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. 111. [No.3, 


Mahmu’d Sha’h I. 
(A. H. 846 to 864; A. D. 1442 to 1459.) 


The chronology of the reign of this king, which was hitherto one of the 
obscurest portions of Bengal History, has been further cleared up by a small 
but important trowvaille of eight silver coins struck by him. ‘The coins 
were found by Major W. W. Hume at Mahasthan (Mostan) Garh, seven 
miles north of Baguraé: four of them were sent to the Society by Mr. C. J. 
O'Donnell, C. S., who in the last number of the Journal gave a description 
of the place, and the other four were received from Mr. HE. Vesey Westmacott, 
C.S. The eight coins have been figured on Pl. XI, Nos. 2 to 9. Five of 
them have years, so that the ascertained dates of Mahmid Shah’s reign 
are now—846, 84*, 852, 858, 859, 861, 862, 863, 28th Zil Hajjah 863. 

Nos. 2, 3, and 9 of the coins are very rude specimens of engraving; 
and if the last had not been found together with the others, I would be 
inclined to attribute it to Mahmid Shah II., as the Aunyah looks more like 
‘Abul Mujahid’ than like ‘ Abul Muzatay: All the coins bear numerous 
shroffmarks.* 

1. Vide Pl. XI, No.2. New variety. Silver. A. H. 84* No mint- 
town. Weight, 16497 grains. 

OBVERSE— .ecccverccesciovccees CE pea} OY O56 

Margin— ioe 2, oc cee cece nesters 

REvVERSE—wlhls gl& yyox? Pall ot Cty Lsot_ oll 

The legend is the same as on Col. Hyde’s unique Mahmad Shah of 846, 
published by me in J. A. 8. B., 1874, p. 295. 

2. Vide Pl. XI, No.3. Obverse as reverse of No. 1; Reverse illegi- 
ble, probably the same as in Nos. 5,7, 8,9. Weight, 165°65 grains. 

8. Vide Pl. XI, No.4. A. H. 852. Weight, 164°41 grains. 

OBVERSE—as in No. 3. 


Margin—her ee PE UR bligao 
REVERSE— “lbw 9 sSlo 4} old 


* The object of these marks, which are common even on early Bengal coims, was to 
depreciate the coins. The real commerce of the country was carried on in cowries, as no 
copper was issued ; and it suited the bankers and money-changers, when coins bearing 
the new year were issued, arbitrarily to declare that the coins of the past year, and those 
of all previous years, were no longer kulldar ( stods , from the Arabic kwuil, all), @. e., 
all-having, of full value. Hence they disfigured the coins, to the great loss of the pub- 
lic, by small circular stamps, or longitudinal notches, so that it is a wonder that so many 
coins have come down to us with clear dates. Coins of former years, or coins thus 
marked by shroffs ( .${,), were often called sandt, pl. of sanah, a year. Vide also 
Buchanan (Martin’s Edition), II, p. 1006. 


Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Pt:1, 1875.- 


yy y 


sd) ip Ay) 
Le YP 


Day | 
AG nb J 
oy tii 


eet pre by 8. Sedyfidd. 
Unpublished Couns of the Muhammadarn hings of Bengal. 


1875.] H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. II1. 289 


4. Vide Pl. XI, No.5. Weight, 164°49 grains, A. H. 858. Struck 

at Mahmudabad. 

OxsvEeRSE—As in No. 3. 

REVERSE— 9b! does VdA &Sho old erolonedty oslo log wih 

5. Vide Pl. XI,No. 6. Weight, 165°68 grains. Mahmddabad ? 

The legend of both faces as on Col. Hyde’s coin. 

6. Vide Pl. XI, No. 7. Weight, 166°2 grains. A. H. 862. The 
obverse contains the lozenge and square, and the empty spaces of the corners 
are filled with little crosses, as on Col. Hyde’s coin. The reverse contains 
nine scollops along the margin. 

Obverse and reverse as in coin No. 5, but no mint town. 

7. Vide Pl. XI, No. 8. Weight, 16428 grains. A. H. 862. The 
obverse and reverse have each ten scollops along the margin. Legend as in 
coin No. 5. The year is expressedly AMF 44» (9. 

8. Vide Pl. XI, No.9. Weight, 164-77, grains. Legend as in pro- 
_ ceeding, but no year. 

The Mint town of Mahmadabad on coin No. 5 is new. If it does 
not refer to some place within the extensive walls of Gaur, it may have refer- 
ence to Sirkar Mahmadabad (Western Faridptir and Northern Nadiya). 

General Cunningham has sent me a rubbing of the following inscrip- 
tion belonging to Mahmud’s reign. The rubbing is taken from inside the 
Kotwali Gate, in Gaur, and refers in all probability to the bridge of five 
arches near it. 


d3o”? 254)! >t Hols LioJ} pols Jolalt wale wy?) oe § bias $2 sly 
crslon og gil dine REI» pretl AU} aeid Ral) Gyo Cuil} (63 wlhldt sls 
# Klgils 


The building of this bridge (took place) in the time of the just king, N 4cirud- 
duny4 waddin Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Sh4h, the king. On the Sth 


day of Cafar (may God allow the month to end with success and victory!) 862 [23rd 
December, 1457]. 


The inscription measures 14 ft. by 13 in.* The usual phrase ‘ May 
God perpetuate his yule and kingdom!’ is left out. 
Ba/rbak Sha/h. 
(A. H. 864 to 879; A. D. 1460 to 1474.) 
Mr. Westmacott sent me rubbings of two new inscriptions belonging to 


the reignof this king. He says regarding them—* The two Barbak Shah 


* This is the missing inscription No. 37, alluded to on p. 19, Proceedings, A. 8. B., 
January, 1873. 


290 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No.3, 


“inscriptions are taken from the tomb of the Muhammadan Pir, or saint, 
“ known by the name of Mahi Santosh, mentioned by Dr. Buchanan (apud 
‘* Martin’s Eastern India, II, 667) as being at Mahiganj, on the eastern 
“bank of the Atrai, in Thana Potnitalé, District Dinajpir. He says that 
“the saint has communicated his name to Parganah Santosh, and that 
“the most remarkable thing was that his name is said to be Sanskrit. 

“Mr. J. P. Sneyd, who was good enough to take the rubbings for me, 
“says that the city among the remains of which the tomb is situate, is 
“known as Santosh, and that the tombs are said to be those of a lady, 
“ named Mahi Santosh, and her daughter. 

“ The larger inscription is ever the inner door of the entrance to the 
“tomb; the smaller one is outside the building. There are quantities of 
“‘ brick and blocks of stone all about, and the remains of a stone wall, and 
“a brick building, said to have been the ‘ cutcherry’. The local tradition 
“‘T look upon as almost worthless. Doctor Buchanan and Mr. Sneyd, an 
‘interval of sixty-six years having elapsed, heard quite different stories about 
“ the name. 

“T do not think the name Mahi Santosh has anything to do with the 
“‘Muhammadan occupants of the tomb. Santosh is the name of the Parga- 
“nah, and Mahi is clearly connected with Mahiganj, ‘the mart of Mahi,’ 
“ and I cannot but connect that with the Buddhist king of the 9th or 10th 
“ century, Mahi Pal.” 

If, as Mr. Sneyd says, the ruins round about Mahiganj are called 
‘Santosh’, we would have to look for the tomb of Muhammad Sheran, 
Bakhtyar’s successor, among them. 

The name ‘ Mahiganj’ cannot be very old, though ‘ Mahi’ may be an 
allusion to Mahi Pal. All names ending with the Persian ganj are modern, 
and I cannot point to a single place ending in ganj that existed, or had 
received that name, before the 15th and 16th centuries. 

The two inscriptions, as is so often the case, have nothing to do with 
the tomb. In all probability, the tomb is older than the inscriptions. Tombs 
have always been store places for inscriptions of ruined mosques of the 
neighbourhood. They add to the sanctity of the tomb, because their char- 
acters are generally tughrd, and therefore unintelligible to the common people ; 
they are poured over with milk and oil by votaries who fook upon them as 
powerful amulets, or by the sick who catch the dripping liquid and get 
cured. 

The larger inscription of the two, which measures 3 ft. by 11 in., is as 
follows : 

ust tao) 3 ase) Use ye ploy ape all le ail) JU 
ate) SMe) poy ced dame) chy a Gas!) 65 Jad ater all 


Ty oo o 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 291 
reli] sLasnl dats] x) ond) s Li) wo) reli] os! rola) 
(¢) Esl oS yl) Ul pbadl bs agit! rela] uli gyom” 

}} Baloiled 5 shh ee wis?) 4] p bac yh 


The Prophet (upon whom be blessings !) said, ‘He who builds the mosque in the 
world, will have seventy castles built by God in paradise.” This mosque was built in 
the time of the just prince, the king who is the son of a king, Rukn udduny4 
waddin Abul Mujahid Barbak Shah, the king, son of Mahmid Shah 
the king. The builder is the great Khan Ulugh Iqrar Kh4n, (one word 
unintelligible*) the great Khan Ashraf Khan. 866 [A. D. 1460-61.] 


The builder of the mosque, Ulugh Iqrar Kh4n, is clearly the 
same as the one mentioned in Mr. Westmacott’s Barbak Shah inscription 
from Dinajpur, published in J. A. S. B., 1878, p. 272, and no doubt is now 
left regarding the correct reading of the name. ‘The characters of this 
inscription are well formed. 

The smaller inscription measures 1 ft. 5 inch. by 8} inch., and consists 
like the preceding of two lines. Of the first line only the beginning Js 
pit dle ‘the Prophet says’, is legible. Of the second line I can with 


some difficulty decipher the following :— 
CHP 8 B59 cece e ean en es OI pbaelt y weed} Clos ose iv 
ff} Kalgilys Cpr Rhee 9 awe wy shyt Shy 


The Mosque was built by the great and exalted Khan Ulugh....... ., Vazir of 
the town known as Barbakabad Makan, 876 (A. D. 1471-72]. 

The inscription, incomplete as it is, is so far valuable as it is the latest 
of Barbak Shah’s reign hitherto discovered. I am not quite sure about the 
correctness of the word ‘ Makan’ ((,) : there is a long stroke between the 
mim and the kéf,and the reading Maskan (WS) is possible. Nor can I 
say with certainty that Barbakabdad is another name for Santoshf; 
but the name is so far of interest as it explains the name of Sirkar 
Barbakabad. This Sirkar was assessed in Todar Mall’s Rentroll at 
17,451,532 dams, or Rs. 486,288, and had to furnish 50 horse and 7000 
foot. Its 38 Mahalls were the following :— 


* The doubtful word 4awasti is legible enough, but I do not understand the mean- 
ing. It must be a word expressing relationship. Could it be @&| 3 for orl yd, 
daughter’s son ? 

The date is clear in one of Mr. Westmacott’s rubbings. 

+ Parganah Santosh does not occur in Todar Mall’s rentroll. In the later rent- 
rolls, however the name again appears, 

NN; 


292, H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. IL. (No. 3, 


1. Amrtl (U5?) 20. 21. Sherptr and Babrampir 


(52 ply 9 sxd52*) 
2. Baldah Barbakabad (olf 24 22. Tahirpar (y92 2) 


sol) 

3. Basdaul (yl) 23, Qazihatti (3.4) 

4, Pularhdr (Jy) 24, Kardaha (l%9,5) 

5. Pustaul (Yss~2) 25. Gururhat (ala, $ ) 

6. Barbaria (yyy!) 26. Guhas (_y!25) ¥ 
%. Bangdon (wy) 27. Ganj Jagdal (Jok> 4 reed a 
8. Paltdpar (y924Jls) 28. Gobindptir (5 22455) 

9. Chhandidbazi (3b Loge) 29. Kaligéi Guthid (beiS oF Jl) 
10. Chaura (1) 9s) 30. Khardl (Jtye5) 


11. & 12. Jhasindh and Chau- 31. Kodanagar (,S13,5) 
gdon (wy Sop 5 orvlga) 


13. Chandlai (Y=) 82. Kaligdi (oJ) 

14, Chindso ( ‘goolic.) 33. Lashkarpdr (92 ,S4) 

15. Haveli Sik’h Shahr (,¢%&S0 34. Malanchiptir (jy2..=* le) 
sle>) A 

16. Dharmin (Glo) 35. Masidha ({o~.#) 

17. Datdpar ( sy2o9!o) 36. Man Samali ((./ls..0) 


18. Sunkardal, wrf Nizamptr 387. Mahmiédptr (x2d5e=”) 
(ypaclks Lys J gy\S0e) 


19. Shikarpdr (jz 4) 38. VazirpGr (ys2 539) 


Of these 38 names, four appear to have vanished entirely, diz., Nos. 2, 
4,15, and 31. The others appear also in later settlements. Many of them 
are still to be found on sheets 119 and 120 of the Indian Atlas. Two new 
parganahs have appeared, wz., Jahangirptr and Fathjangptr, which clearly 
point to the emperor Jahangir and his Bengal governor Ibrahim Khan 
Fathjang,* and they may partly oecupy the places of the four lost ones. 

The Haveli Parganah of the Sirkar is called Haveli Sik’h Shahr, in- 
stead of Haveli Barbakabad; but I cannot identify the name. A small 
portion of Sik’h Shahr also belonged to Sirkar Ghoraghat. 

No. 25, Gururhat is spelt in the MSS. Guzarhat from guzar, a ford, 
It lies to both sides of the mouth of the Mahananda. 

No. 26, Guhas is spelt on the maps ‘ Goas’, and lies south of the pre- 
sent course of the Podda. 

No. 30, Kharal is spelt on the maps ‘ Kharail’ or ‘ Kharael’, 


No. 36, Man Samali occurs in the Vth Report as Malsimani, but I 
have not identified it. 


* A’in translation E, 514. 


1875.] H. Blochmann—WHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 293 


No. 37, Mahmiédpur is called on the maps ‘ Muhumudpoor.’* It lies 
immediately north of Ramptr Bodaliya. 

Inscriptions belonging to the reign of Barbakshah appear to be more 
numerous in Sirkar Barbakabad than in other districts ;7 but specimens of 
his coinage are rare, 

Yu/suf Sha/h. 
(A. H. 879 to 886; A. D. 1474 to 1481.) 

About two years ago, Dr. Wise sent me a rubbing of the following 
inscription, from the neighbourhood of Dhaka, I believe, but I have mislaid 
the reference as to the exact locality. The inscription measures 2 ft. 84 inch., 
by 10 inch., and consists of three lines, the first containing the usual 
Qoran passages in large letters, the second and third giving the historical 
particulars in small and close letters. At the time I received the inscrip- 
tion, I could decipher but little of lines 2 and 8, and I now give all that 
I can at present decipher. 

alls pS) a); alts yl uy a) da line Sore Ls} ds Shes ald) Js 
# poses], A} 93583) OS anrs &L] Yost es ¥ 55551 usl Set al] 
x Kies! Vey at a) sh! luall 5 ages Wad glad leste ve 
epee) oF all fe pill halal] aye 8 aswel] Ide 
Laid] a on ae Ue Lad) iG Cat wl Cs 3 &AS} fl 
one ale aay ee lel 5 oe alo all] we wdalead] Us ie 
a4 wre stil ies a vehratie <j 3 ae usyhed (Bac Be atronioe 
* bslesles y) pile 3 oc Riven ° 2 sw) us? 


wl) re ea) dow poled * wy Ailes ah as ly a $ 


God Almighty says, ‘Surely he builds the mosques of God who believes in God 
and the last day, and establishes the prayer, and offers the legal alms, and fears no one 
except God. It is they that perhaps belong to such as are guided.’ The Prophet says, 
‘He who builds a mosque in the world, will have a house built for him by God in Para-~ 
dise.’ : 

This mosque was built in the time of the king of kings, the shadow of God in all 


* The two dissyllabic names Ahmad and Mahmiid are continually pronounced by 
Bengalis in three syllables, ‘ Ahamud’, ‘Mahamud’, or ‘Mohomud’, which is then con- 
founded with Muhammad. Similarly, Bengalis pronounce ‘ Rohoman’, for Rahman ; 
‘ Bokkos,’ for Bakhsh. 

+ Of the seven known at present, four belong to Barbakébad; one to Gaur; one 
to Hiigli; one to the 24-Parganahs. Vide J. A. 8. B., 1860, p. 407. 


294 H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. iil. (No.3, 


worlds, the representative of God in all lands, the king, the son of a king who was the 
son of aking, Shams udduny4é waddin Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, 
the king, son of Barbak Shah the king, son of Mahmtid Shah the king—may 
God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule and elevate his condition and dignity !— 
by the Malik........ the great Lord, the hero of the period and the age......+- Dated 
in the year 885 [A. D. 1480]. 


God’s mercy reaches every moment the soul of a man whose pious works continue 
after him. [From Sa’di’s Bostan. ] 


In conclusion I shall give a few inscriptions (the only ones that have 
hitherto been found) belonging to the Afghan period of Bengal History 
(944 to 984, H., or 1538 to 1576, A. D.). 


IOO 
THE THIRD, OR AFGHA’N, PERIOD oF THE MUHAMMADAN 
History oF Beneat (1538 to 1578, A. D.). 


The historical information which we possess of the Afghan period is 
meagre, and refers almost exclusively to matters connected with the Dihli 
empire, but does not, like the history of the preceding period, conflict with 
mural and medallic testimony. The following is an outline of the principal 
events of the period. 

944, 6th Zil Qa’dah, or 6th April, 1538, Gaur taken by Khawac¢ Khan (11). 

Mahmitd Shah (III) of Bengal flees to Humaytin, who has just 

conquered Fort Chanar.* 

Humaytin marches to Bengal, and Sher Khan’s generals leave Gaur 

unprotected. 

Rise of the kingdom of Kuch Bihaér under Bisa. 

945 Humayun for three months in Gaur. Mahmud Shah of Bengal dies 
at Khalgaon (Colgong). Humaytn leaves Gaur before the rains had 
ended (about September 15288). 

He leaves Jahangir Quli Beg as governor of Bengal in Gaur. 

Khawa¢ Khan operates against Maharta, the Chero chief of Palamau. 
946, 9th Cafar, or 26th June, 1539. Battle of Chaunsa.f Humayin 

defeated by Sher Khan, who celebrates his jul/ius, assumes the name of 

Fari/duddi’n Abul Muzaffar Sher Sha’h, and issues coins. 
Jahangir Quli Khan defeated by Jalal Khan and Haji Khan Batni, 
and soon after killed. 

Khizr Kh4n appointed by Sher Shah governor of Bengal. 


* The siege of Chanar is said to have commenced on the 15th Sha’ban 944, or 8th 
January, 1538. According to the Térikh i Sher Shahi (Dowson, IV, 359), Gaur fell 
after the taking of Chanér. If the siege lasted six months, the 15th Sha’ban, 944 is 
too late a date. The year 945 commenced on 30th May, 15388. 

+ The river between Chauns4 and Baksar, on the right bank of which Sher Khan 
had encamped, is called Thora Nadi. 


1875.] H. Blochmann—AHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 295 


948 Khizr Khan deposed by Sher Shah at Gaur. Bengal divided into dis- 

tricts, each under an Amir, under the aminship of Qazi Fazilat. 
952, 12th Rabi’ I, or 38rd June 1545. Sher Shah dies, and is buried at 
Sahasrém, South Bihar. He is succeeded by his younger son Jalal 
Khan, who assumes the title of Jala/luddi’n Abul Muzaffar Isla’m 
Sha’h. 

Qazi Fazilat, Amin of Bengal, deposed. 

Muhammad Khan Str appointed governor of Bengal and 
North Bihar. 

Miyan Sulaiman Kararani appointed governor of South Bihar. 

960 Islam Shah dies. He is succeeded by Mubariz Khan, son of Nizam 
Khan, under the title of Abul Muzaffar Muhammad ’Adil Shah, urf 
’ Adli. 

Muhammad Khan Sur Gauriah (@.e., governor of Bengal) 
refuses to acknowledge him, and makes himself king of Bengal. 

960 to 962, Shamsuddi’n Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Sha’h, king 
of Bengal. He invades Jaunpur, and marches on Kalpi. 

962 Battle of Chhapparghattah, east of Kalpi, on the Jamuna, 
between ’Adli and Muhammad Shah of Bengal. Muhammad Shah 
defeated and killed. The Bengal troops retire to Jhosi, on the left bank 
of the Ganges, opposite Ilahabad, where Khizr Khan, son of Muhammad 
Shah, celebrates his judiés and assumes the title of Bahadur Shah. 

962 to 968, Baha’dur Sha’/h, king of Bengal and North Bihar. 

Nara Narayan, Raja of Koch Bihar. 
Miyan Sulaiman Kararani still holds South Bihar. 

[963 Accession of Akbar. ] 

964 Battle near SGrajgarh, west of Munger. ’Adli defeated and killed 
by Bahadur Shah, assisted by Sulaiman Kararani. 

968 Bahadur Shah dies. He is succeeded by his brother, who assumes the 
title of Jalal Shah. 

968 to 971, Ghiya’suddi’n Abul Muzaffar Jala’l Sha’h, king of Ben- 

gal. 
Sulaiman Karardni still holds South Bihar. 

971 Jalal Shah of Bengal dies. He is succeeded by his son whose name 
is unknown. The son is killed, and the government is usurped by 

one Ghiyaguddin. 

971 Sulaiman Khan of South Bih4r sends his elder brother Taj Khan 
Kararanito Gaur. He kills the usurper Ghiyas, and establishes him- 

self in Gaur. 

971 to 972, Taj Khan Kararani, governor of Bengal on the part of 
his brother. Dies in 972. 

971 to 980, Sulaima’n Kha/n Karara’ni’ rules over Bengal and Bihar 


296 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. ILI. [No. 3, 


under the title of Hazrat 1 Ala. He removed, after Taj Khan’s 
death, the capital from Gaur to Tand4. He acknowledges Akbar’s 
suzerainty. 

975 Sulaiman conquers Oriséa. Mukund Deo, last king of Orisa, 
defeated and killed. Kala Pahar takes Pari. 

980 Sulaiman dies. 

980 Ba’yazi’d, son of Sulaiman, king of Bengal, Bihd4r, and Orisd. 
Bayazid is murdered by Hanst, his cousin, 

980 to 984, Da’u’d Sha’h, second son of Sulaimani Karardni, king of 
Bengal, Bihar, and Oris4. Khan Jahan Afghan appointed governor 
of Orisé. QutlG Khan Lohani appointed governor of Puri. 

Bal Gosain, Raja of Kuch Bihar. 

982 Akbar conquers Bihar. Daud Shah flees to Oris’. 20th Zi Qa’dah 
(8rd March, 1575), battle of Tukaroi, or Mughulmari, north of Jalesar 
(Jellasore) in Orisé. Daud defeated by Mun’im Khan Khankhénan 
and Todar Mall. Peace of Katak. Daidd cedes Bengal and Bihar, 

and is acknowledged by Akbar king of Orisa. 

983 Mun’im Khan at Gaur. He dies with the greater part of his army. 

Husain Quli Khanjahan, Akbar’s governor of Bengal and 
Bihar. 
Daid Shah invades Bengal. 

984, 15th Rabi’ II, or 12th July, 1576. Daud Shah defeated by Husain 

Quli Khanjahan in the battle of A’gmahall (Rajmahall). Dauad is 
captured and beheaded. 
The Afghans withdraw to Orisa. 


As in the preceding period I shall take the kings singly, and make a 
few remarks on the chronology and coinage of their reigns, 


XXV, Fari/duddi’n Abul Muzaffar Sher Sha’h. 
(944 to 952, H., or 1588 to 1545, A. D.) 

Several of Sher Shéh’s rupees, published by Marsden and Thomas, con- 
tain the new mint town of Sharifabad. As in the case of the mint- 
towns of Mahmtidabad, Fathabad, and others mentioned in this and former 
‘Contributions’, Sharifabad may refer to the whole Sirkar, or to the royal 
camp in the Sirkar, and not to any particular town, ‘There is in fact, as 
far as we know, no town of Sharifabad. Sher Shah’s Sharifabad refers in 
all probability to Bhark@ndah or Western Birbhum and the Santal Par- 
ganahs (vide J. A. S. B., 1873, Pt. I, p. 228). 

Fort Rohtas, which plays so prominent a part in Sher Shah’s his- 
tory, is not known, as Mr. Thomas states (Chronicles, p. 397, note) under 
the name of Shergarh. There is indeed, a small fort of the name of 


1875.] H. Blochmann—WHistory and Geography of Bengal.—No. II. 297 


Shergarh near Rohtas, about 18 miles N. W. of it; but the Shergarh 
of Sher Shah’s coinage stands for Kanauj.* 

Sher Khan’s first governor of Bengal, Khizr Khan, gave no satisfac- 
tion. He married a daughter of the late Mahmad Shah (III) of Bengal, 
and affected regal pomp and independence. His successor, Qazi Fazilat, 
was an A’erah man, and seems as “Amin of Bengal” to have kept the 
divisional officers in check ; for they gave him the nickname of Qazi Fazi- 
hat, or ‘ Mr. Justice Turpitude’. 

Sher Shah} lies buried in Sahasrém in Bihar. A view of the tomb 
will be found in Buchanan (apud Martin), Vol. I. I hope in a -short time 
to publish the inscriptions. 

An incidental remark in the Persian Dictionary entitled Bahdr-i-’ Ajam, 
informs us that Sher Shah wore his hair, more gentis, in curls. As the 
drying of the curls after the morning bath took some time, Sher Shah 
transacted public business in the ghusul-khanah, the bath and dressing-room. 
The custom, with some modifications, was retained by the Chaghtai emperors, 
during whose reigns the morning and even the evening audience-rooms were 


called ghusul-khanah.} 


XXXVI. Jala’/luddi’n Abul Muzaffar Isla’m Sha’h. 
(952 to 960 H., or A. D. 1545 to 1553.) 


The name of this king appears to have been frequently pronounced 
with the imdlah, i. ¢., Islém Shah ( sl palet ). Thus the name is often 
spelt by Badaoni, and occurs even in the Hindi orthography of Islam Shah’s 
coinage.§ It is this form which has given,rise to the further corruption to 
Salém Shah and Salim Shah. 

I have followed Mr. Thomas in referring Islam Shah’s death to the 
year 960, in spite of the almost unanimous assertion of the historians that 
he died a year later on 26th Zil Hajjah 961, or 21st November 1554.|| But 
Islam Shah’s coinage goes, in uninterrupted series, only as far as 960. Sup- 
pose Islam Shah had died on 26th Zil Hajjah, 961. He was succeeded by his 
son Firuz Shah, who after three days—one source says after several months 
—was murdered by Mubariz Khan ’Adli, ¢. e., on the 29th Zil Hajjah, so 
that ’Adli could only have celebrated his jwlus in Muharram, 962. His 


* Tt lies close to ancient Kanauj. Vde Baddont II, 94, 1. 3. 

+ The pronunciation ‘Shir Shah’ is Iranian, and therefore not applicable to India. 
I have elsewhere shewn that the Muhammadans of India follow the Tarani pronuncia- 
tion of Persian. We may be quite sure that Sher Shah pronounced his name ‘shér,’ 
and not ‘ shiz’. 

t Vide J. A.S. B., 1872, Pt. I, p. 66 note. This corresponds to our “ levée’’. 

§ gaqa. Thomas, ‘Chronicles,’ p. 412. 

|| Vide Dowson IV, 505, and Baddoni. 


298 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No, II1. [No. 3, 


coinage, however, gives 961 ;* and further, ’Adli had reigned for some time, 
when Humaytn, in Zil Hajjah, 961, entered India, and people said that if 
Islam Shah had been alive, he would have opposed the Mughuls.¢ Islam 
Shah, therefore, must have died in 960; the day of the month (26th Zil 
Hajjah) is very likely correct. 

Islam Shah’s coinage seems to bear witness to his superstitious charac- 
ter. The spirit of the age, and his remarkable escapes from assassinations, 
perhaps inclined the king to trust to amulets. Many of his coins have the 
‘Seal of Solomon’ and mysterious numbers, which Mr. Thomas passes over 
in silence, though they puzzled Marsden. What the number 477 on his 
coins was intended to mean, is difficult to say ; it may stand for the well- 
known &)y &:7 dyat-ullah, ‘God’s sign’, the letters of which when added give 
477. Ihave no doubt that it resembles the famous numbers 66 (SUI) ; 786 
( ees! weaytt aU pot) 3 2468 ( ¢ 9%) ), and others, which we find used in 
the heading of letters, on amulets, tombs, and even mosque-inscriptions.¢ 

Tsl4m Shah, too, lies, buried at Sahasram. 


XXVII, Shamsuddi’n Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Sha’h (II). 
(960 to 962 H., or A. D. 1558 to 1555.) 


His real name is Muhammad Khan Str. He seems to have been ap- 
pointed governor of Bengal, in supersession of Qazi Fazilat, soon after Islam 
Sh4h’s accession and to have acknowledged him as king of Bengal up to, or 
nearly up to, his death in 960. In 960, however, Muhammad Khan’s son 
rebelled, as will be seen from the following curious inscription. 


The Jalal Shah Inscription from a mosque near Sherpir Murchah, 
dated 960 H., or A. D. 1558. 

A rubbing of this valuable inscription was received from Mr. E. V. 
Westmacott, C. S., who found it “at a little mosque just to the north of 
Sherpar, in Bagura.” It measures 16 inch. by 9 inch.; but to both 
sides of the inscription are two ornaments, the upper one forming a mimbar, 
with the Musulman creed in it; and the lower one being a little square with 
the words yd allah, ‘O God’, in it. The little square is surrounded by the 
phrase ya fattah, ‘O Opener’, four times repeated, the alifs of the four ya’s 
forming the sides of the little square. ‘The inscription is— 


* Marsden, Pl. XXXVI, No. DCCXLVIII. 

+ Badaont, I, 459. 

+ Vide J. A. S. B., 1871, Pt. L., p. 257. 

Mr. Thomas (‘ Chronicles’, p. 413, in Isl4m Shah’s coin No. 863) gives a wrong 
reading, which is repeated on p. 416, No. 366. For boJt wo inl} alhdmi-aldin- 


ildanndn, read woot god le! | alhami lidin-ildayyan. 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 299 
EA RA ae + (broken) ss .seecseeee ply dale AU} cghio rill ls 


csjls 3h des” .531 we les sls ile 2b.) ol CHot > lasal f S&slac llama} crt 
HE Xo @ud g wpiw Kine y sea es, cou(@tl GESIES pkeod ote: oil &Sho aly ld 

The Prophet (God bless him!) said,...... [this mosque was built during the 
reion| of the king, the son of a king, Ghiyd4s udduny4 waddin Abul 
Muzaffar Jalal Shah, the king, son of Muhammad Sh4h Ghazi— 
may God perpetuate his kngdom! The builder of this religious edifice is ...... 
during the year 960. 

There is no doubt about the date, which is expressed both in words and 
in numbers. 

History says nothing of Jalal Khan’s rebellion or the course it ran; 
all we know is that Jalal Khan nine years later was acknowledged king of 
Bengal. The following passage from Badaoni (I, 430) is rather curious, 
because the name of Jalal Shah is transferred to the father, who on, or before, 
*Adli’s accession refused allegiance, made himself king of Bengal under the 
name of Muhammad Shah, and even aspired to the throne of Dihli. 

In the meantime Himin heard that Muhammad Khé4n Sir, the governor 
of Bengal, had made himself king under the title of Jalaluddin, andhad come 
with an army resembling swarms of locusts and ants, from Bengal to Jaunpiir, and was 
marching upon Kalpi and Agrah. * * * And when Himin in uninterrupted marches 
moved to ’Adli, he found ’Adli and Muhammad Khan of Gaur near the Mauza’ of 
Chhapparghattah, 16 #os from Kalpi, with the Jamuna between them, ready to 
fight each other. He of Gaur lay encamped with great pomp, much war material, with 
numerous horse, foot, and countless elephants, and quite confident as to ’Adli’s fate. 
But suddenly the scales turned: Himtn arrived like a shooting star, and without delay 
sent his choice elephants through the river, attacked the negligent Bengal army by 
night, and threw it nto utter confusion and disorder. Most of Muhammad Khan’s 
Amirs were killed, others escaped, and the helpless king of Gaur, evidently with his 
head in his sleeve, disappeared, and up to the present nothing is known about his fate. 

As we have specimens of Muhammad Shah’s coinage, we know that he 
did not call himself‘ Jalal Shah’ ; but Badaoni may have heard of the rebel- 
lion of his son and confounded Jalal Shah with Muhammad Shah. 

The villageof Chhapparghattah ( BAGS tem) — perhaps the most 
westerly point to which the Bengal arms ever advanced—lies east of K4lpi, 
on the left bank of the Jamuna, in Long. 79° 58’, close to the confluence of the 
Sinetir Nadi and the Jamuna. It belongs to Parganah Ghatampur, Sirkar 
Korré. Though prominently marked on maps X and XIII of Rennell’s 
Atlas, it is not given on Sheet 69 of the ‘Indian Atlas’, the nearest place 
Gf not the same) being Sultanpur. A little further to the east, at the 
entrance of the Itawah Terminal Ganges Canal into the Jamuna, lies the 
village of Fathabad, and nearer still to Chhapparghattah, the village of 
Fathpur. Hither may have been the actual site of the battle-field.* 


* The straight distance of Chhapparghattah from Kalpi is only 11 miles. Fathptir 
00 


300 H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Ill. (No.3, 


Marsden gives a fine specimen of Muhammad Shah’s coinage, dated 
962, which gives the full name of the king ; but he makes the name of the 
mint town to be Arkat. I have no doubt that the correct reading is 
Sunargaon. 


XXVIII. Baha’dur Sha’h (IT). 
(962 to 968 H., or A. D. 1555 to 1561.) 


His full name is not known to me: the coins which I have seen, had 
their margin cut away. Badaoni (I, 433) calls him Muhammad Bahadur. 
The period of his reign appears to be well ascertained; the historians give 
962 to 968, and General Cunningham tells me that he has coins of 96d, 
967, and 968. 

Parganahs Bahadurptr and Bahadur Shahi in Sirkér Tanda, appear to 
be called after him. The Sirkar bears unmistakeable traces of financial 
changes made during the Afghan period ; for, besides Bahadurptr and 
Bahadurshahi, we have Sherpur and Sher Shahi, Sulaimanébad and Sulai- 
manshahi, and Datdshahi. 

The most important event in Bahadur Shéh’s reign is his war with 
?Adli. Driven out of Agrah, Itawah, and Kalpi, and having lost his great 
general Himun, ’Adli retreated to Jaunpur, Banaras, and Fort Chanar, 
and eventually to South Bihar, which since Islam Shah’s reign had been 
held by Miyan Sulaiman Kararani. Bahadur Shah, who after the death of 
his father and the rout at Chhapparghattah, had retired to Jhosi, opposite 
Tlahabad, on the left bank of the Ganges, where he celebrated his julus, 
hastened to Gaur and defeated an officer of the name of Shahbaz Khan, 
who had declared for ’Adli. Having firmly established himself in Bengal, 
he wisely left Miyan Sulaiman in possession of South Bihar, and thus 
found him a willing ally when he marched against ’Adli, anxious to 
avenge the death of his father. The decisive battle, according to the Tarikk 
4 Daudi, was fought “ atthe streamof Sdrajgarh, near Munger”. The 
stream of Strajgarh is the Kiyol Nadi, and Strajgarh stands at the conflu- 
ence of the Kiyol and the Ganges, 17 miles W. W.S. of Munger. About 4 
miles west of Strajgarh and the Kiyol, we find on Sheet 112 of the Indian 


is 15 miles. The 7érikh i Daidi (Dowson IV, 507) says that Chhapparghattah lies 11 
kos from Kalpi. The Tubagdt ¢ Akbari (Dowson V, 245) has 15 kos from Agrah, which 
is impossible. 

In Dowson V, 244, 1. 20, for Sikandar Khan, ruler of Bengal, read Muhammad 
Khan Sar, ruler of Bengal; and for the village of Mandakar [Dowson, IV, 507, 
‘Marhakhar’], read the village of Mindakur, or Minrékur. Minrékur, the Mirha- 
koor of the maps, lies W. of Agrah, towards Fathpar Sikri. It belonged to Sultan 
Salimah Begam (Bairam Khan’s widow married by Akbar), who lies buried there in 
her garden. Tuzuk, p. 113. 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. 301 


Atlas the village of Fathptir, which may be the site of the battle-field. 
*Adli, who had only a few men, was defeated and killed. 

The battle was fought while Akbar besieged Mankot in the Siwaliks, 
2. €. in 964, and brought about the final surrender of that fort.* 

Bahadur Shah died in 968 at Gaur, and was succeeded by his brother 
Jalal Shah. 

The following inscription belongs to Bahadur Shah’s reign— 


Inseription from the Jémi’ Mosque at Rijmahall, dated 964, H., or A. D. 
1557. 


A rubbing of this inscription was sent to the Society in 1873 by Gener- 
al Cunningham. Another copy was since then given me by Mr. W. Bourke, 
together with three other inscriptions from R4jmahall.f The inscrip- 
tion has nothing to do with the mosque, and appears to have been taken 
from the tomb of one Qazi Ibrahim Khan, who was murdered by infidels 
when young. It is very illegible, and the letters are badly cut. Its length 
is 3 ft. 3 inch., and its breadth, 63 inch. 


eclyel ll Jaren 65 SUB: wal Iggy May SULT alll JU 
ee — wy 3 > 5 5° al) Je 5 * wig ped J “Y 6J 5 s\ya] oe 


Big: 0 Te pt 9 hams Vya3S Let) yo C4) Cg8 dst All) Oss 
Bee ie Al) es le 4,2] 2 J85 oJ] AS 2 ra iiss > a) cl Ipolee 
Alele iil 5 pale yl po Bl AL slile; o] eed ... (8 lines illegible) «.-.-- 
Ure yb Colale eases Gepaaiall he stb Ud ys st yhoo 
cere e eee JO 2S 55 All Uphol e Cojle gl phrlye] lobe diw Laps] 
eile > —2§ Lilie Cath elune wlp2se gly! as= See JO 9 Og Sha] 


Ro Y wy slo A “gue ra\e) ew ) use 3 ey) Kus dlins got 


* There is no doubt about the date. The Tarikh 1 Datdi (Dowson IV, 508) places 
“ Sarajgarh one os, more or less, from Munger’’, and adds that ’Adli was slain “after 
a reign of eight years in 968.” Baddoni (I, 434) places the death of ’Adli in 962. 
Vide also Dowson, V, p. 66. 

+ General Cunningham calls the mosque ‘Jami’ Mosque’; Mr. Bourke, ‘Asim 
Sais ki Masjid.’ The other rubbings which Mr. Bourke gave me, are (1) a beautiful 
rubbing from Main4 Bibi’s tomb, at the Maina Taldo, from a stone let into the wall at 
the west end. This inscription only contains pious formule ; but its beautiful charac- 
ters belong to the 14th century. (2) A rubbing from a mosque, south of the new 
cemetry in Rajmahall. The inscription is over the centre door, and belongs to the reign 
of Aurangzib. (3) A rubbing from a mosque in Mahatpar, three miles east of Raj- 
mahall, dated A. H. 1081 (Aurangzib’s reign), 


302 H. Blochmann-—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. Il. [No.8, 


didee] LB pinkie naldD chy pb g oleh Ub: wily uly os) 59 dye 
ite Ltigllve sb ol we], Ustaae esr) ye wy Se Ltrs 
been see (1 or 2 lines broken)....... 


God who is blessed and great says [Qor. IT, 149], ‘Do not say that those who are 
killed on the way of God are dead : they live, but you do not know.’ And God who is 
honored and glorious, says [Qor. LV, 101], ‘ He who fleeth on the path of God, will find 
on earth many (similarly) compelled and plenty of provisions. And he who leaves his 
house fleeing to God and His Prophet, and death overtake him, his reward becomes the 
Clini? Oe Er@OCl” 60000000 00006000 as to his understanding, the tongues of the eloquent are 
unfit to express it, and the pens of the learned of the age wither away in attempting a 
description, the exalted Qazi, who exalted dignity is manifest, the illustrious witness, the 
proof of the learned, [brahim Khan Gha4azi, sonof Aminullah, who wasin 
500000 a teacher, who in the beginning of his youth and the beginning of his faith 
fought with the infidels and repelled mischief and rebellion, was admitted in 964, on 
the 8th day of Sawan, a Friday, when two and a half watches had passed, to the honor 
of martyrdom and the road of guidance, and joined, through the society of the Mull4s 
im the guidance of the Prophet, that throne of wishes......» 


XXIX. Ghiya’suddi’n Abul Muzaffar Jala’l Sha/h. 
(968 to 971 H.; A. D. 1561 to 1563.) 

I take his full name from Mr. Westmacott’s Sherptr Inscription given 
above, as there is no doubt that he is the same prince. Of his coins, Mr. 
Thomas (‘ Chronicles,’ p. 417) has published a fine specimen, on which he 
appears with the shortened name of Jalaldin.* Mr. Thomas makes the mint- 
town to be Jajpur; I believe that the correct reading is HAjiptr (oppo- 
site Patnah). Already under Nuerat Shah, Hajipur had risen to importance 
as the seat of the Bengal governor of Bihar. The southern part of Bihar, with 
the town of Bihar as capital, was in the hands of the Afghans. This state 
of things continued during the reigns of Islam Shah and the Afghan dynas- 
ty of Gaur, South Bihar being in the hands of Miyan Sulaiman 1 Kararani. 
Some time after Akbar’s conquest of Bihar, Hajipur gradually sank in import- 
ance, and Patnah} became the seat of the Mughul (Chaghtai) government. 

Jalal Shah is said to have died in 971 at Gaur. For the events after 
his death, the murder of his son, and the short-lived government of the 
usurper Ghiydsuddin, we have no other source but the modern Fiydz ussa- 
latin, the author of which has not mentioned the source of his information. 
He has, however, been occasionally found possessed of special and correct 
information, and we may follow Stewart in accepting his statement, 

With Jalal Shah and his son ended the Sur dynasty. 


* Just as ‘Jamdldin’ in the Satg4on imscription of 936, published by me in 
JA Sb, LS/0> eich ps 298. 

+ Sher Shah built the Fort of Patnah. In Todar Mall’s rentroll, Patnah belongs 
to Sirkar Bihar. 


1875.] H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—-No. III. 303 


XXX. Hazrat i A’la Miya’n Sulaima/n. 
(972 to 980, H., or A. D. 1564 to 1572.) 

The principal facts of the vigorous reign of Miyén Sulaiman are known 
from the Tarikh i Dévidi (Dowson, IV, 509) and the Akbarnamah. 

His piety made a certain impression on Akbar, and Badéoni states that 
he used to hold every morning a devotional meeting in company with one 
hundred and fifty Shaikhs and ’Ulamas, after which he used to transact 
state business. 

His redoubtable general Raju, better known as Kala Pahdr, is up to 
this time remembered by the people of Orisa. 

According to the Akbarnamah and Baddoni, his death took place in 
980. This must have been in the beginning of the year; for Datd’s coin- 
age commences likewise with 980. The Rzydz and Stewart have 981. 

The following two inscriptions from the extreme ends of his dominions, 
Sunargdon and Bihar, are of value. 

1.—The Sulaiman Shah Inscription of Sundrgaon, dated 976 H., or 
Je IDE JUGS), 

General Cunningham took a rubbing of this inscription from a stone 

at the old Masjid near the Rikabi Bazar, Sunargdon. The stone measures 


’ 1 ft. 6 in. by 1 ft. 3 in., and consists of three lines. The characters are 
clumsy and indistinct. 


cst JB lead ab) ge Jyeat WF AU detanall gt yllad alll JU 
cst pd tet w ads] ust Last} us cae cee wy? tad | dsle 
wade yboy!l thle vee gi lel] ayo Le go deena!) sim # Lic 
wire aU) dsc les} abs} paso @ Soll oo... ulagle yloe ustel 
bp we hw chal] usd oe oy? Pe Md) us? we hs wh Bis of 
NW dalorand 5 | Aadaw 


God Almighty says, ‘The mosques belong to God, worship no one else with him.’ 
The Prophet, on whom be peace, says, ‘ He who builds a mosque in the world will have 
seventy castles built for him by God in paradise.’ These mosques together with what 
there is of other buildings [were built] during the reign of the king of the age, his 
august Majesty,* Miy4n Sulaim4n....[by] the generous, exalted, victorious 
Malik “Abdullah Miy4n, son of Amir Khan Faqir Miy4an, durmg 
the month of Zil Qa’dah 976 [April, 1569]. 


2.—The Sulaimén Shah Inscription at Bihar, A. H. 977, or A. D. 1569-70. 
The following inscription is taken from above the door leading to the 
minor tomb of the shrine of Sharafuddin in the town of Bihar. 
* Hazrati Ala. Sulaiman claimed this title; wide Ain Translation, Vol. I, p. 
337, and Index. The Tdrikh i Daudi also calls him Miydy Sulaiman, 


304 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal.—No. III. [No. 8, 


el JI wlals &lys ecoeceus # wb3] bs wee 3,4 3 
daly hss JD) Q aS eala jo j % sly S35 d.| BS 2 J ot 
Ladd yd y lj) # eel cso pe GMS aol 
oh) scr.) j nid 25 , cb aS % jo eben ale ole ders 


elu jen ache lathnns oo ¥ Gre) 3) rglte ets] l= 


Ltn) wid 3 


whine] 3 jo—s 3 joS 5) cee * whedluy us whem wreslw 
s ae Saat: 52 & we ak . “vs 
RA) wo) = 01000 jl Laengd * Sy LOSS LAOS ca Sam, 2% wags; 


1. The door of honor of the world, and the pole of poles....... ., the cynosure of 
devotees ; 


2. He who comes to this door, willindeed obtain from God his desires; for he — 


who wishes, finds. 

3. The leather carpet of his retiring room is the green ground ; and for this reason 
he is the treasurer of the world and the faith. 

4. In the reign of the just king, in whom heavenly light is revealed, through 
whose terror oppression and heresy disappeared, 

5. Wherever he raised his exalted standards, he established the law of Muctafa, 

6. Sulaima4an, of the world, a second Sulaiman, whose beauty lies in the per- 
fection of his justice and bounty. 

7. When 900 had been exceeded by 77 years, Hassi, the son of Dadd, 
wrote it. 

At the side of this inscription, the poetry and prosody of which is as 
wretched as those of the Bihar inscriptions formerly published, stands the 


256th verse of the second chapter of the Qoran. 


XXXI. Ba’yazi’d Sha/h (II). 
(980 H., or A. D. 1572.) 


Regarding the death of Sulaiman and the accession of Bayazid Sh 4h, 
Badaoni (II, 163) says— 

“Tn this year (980) Sulaim4ni Karardni, the ruler of Bengal, who styled himself 
Hazrat i A’lg, died. He had conquered the town of Katak-Banaras, ‘the mine of un- 
belief’, and had made Jagannath [Pari] a ddr-ul Islam. He ruled from Kamrap to 
Oris4, and now went to God. 

“His son Bayazid took his place; but after five or six months the Afghans 
killed him, and his younger brother D 4d seized on the kingdom.” 


The Sawdnih 1 Akbarit has the following— 


Sulaiman during his lifetime had constantly sent presents to the emperor Akbar, 
and had thus secured himself against an invasion. When he died, the Afghans thought 
it proper to make his eldest son B&yazid his successor. He, in his youthful folly, 
read the khutbah in his own [notin Akbar’s] name, and neglected all the forms of polite- 
ness which his father had always strictly observed. Even the chief nobles of his 
father were ill-treated by him, and commenced to hate him. Hanst [ato] also, son 


of his uncle "Imad [brother of Taj Khan and Sulaiman], who was his son-in-law, got 
offended with him, and was instigated to seize the kingdom, till at last he killed Bayazid. 


- 1875.] H. Blochmann—History and Geography of Bengal.—No. 111. 305 


But Lodi, who was ‘the soul’ of the kingdom, with the consent of the nobles, raised 
Daad, the younger son of Sulaiman, to the throne and killed Hinsi. But Gajar Khan 
raised in Bihar Bayazid’s son to the throne, and Lodi went with a large army to seize 
on Bihar. On account of carelessness on the part of Mun’im Kh4n Khaénkhdn4n, and 
by means of flattering promises, Lodi succeeded in bringing Gdjar over to his views.* 

As Sulaim4n died in 980, and Daud Shah’s coinage begins also in 980, 
Bayazid Shah’s short reign falls in the same year. No specimen of his 
coinage has hitherto been found. 


XXXII. sevens Abul Muzaffar Da’u’d Sha’h. 
(980 to 984 H.; A. D. 1573 to 1576.) 

The facts of Détid Shah’s reign are well known from the histories of 
Akbar’s reign. His full name appears on the margin of his coinage, of 
which specimens are numerous ; but all rupees that I have seen, had the 
margin cut away. 

His defeat on the 15th Rabi’ II, 984 [12th July, 1576] elicited the 
curious ¢arikh (metre Sard’t)—&3) ooly jt wlerlow elLo 

Solomon’s kingdom slipped from David’s hand. 

With Datd Khan the Kararani dynasty came to an end. The 
Afghans under the Lohanis subsequently fought with Akbar’s officers, 
especially Man Singh, in Orisa and South-Hastern Bengal, till they were 
finally overcome under Usman Khan during Jahangir’s reign in Hastern 
Bengal.t 


The frontiers of Bengal during the Afghan period became gradually 
narrower. Sunargadon is mentioned as the frontier under Sher Shah and Sulai- 
mani Kararani. But this may have been more nominal than real. Chat- 
gaon had already before Sher Shah again fallen in the hands of the Araka- 
nese. The Bhuyahs, 7 e. zamindars, of Bhaluah, Bakla, Chandradip, 
Faridpar, and the 24-Parganahs, were all but independent; and from Sunar- 
géon over Dhaka northward over Maimansingh extended the territory of 
Masnad i ’A’li ’I’sa Khan, who in the Akbarnamah is called ‘ the chief of 
the Twelve Bhuyahs’. The Portuguese also became important. 

In the north, the frontier receded likewise. The results of the con- 
quest of Kamata and Kamrip by Husain Shah vanished with the establish- 
ment of the great kingdom of Kuch Bihar, when the Karataya became 
again the frontier. The Muhammadan historians do not tell us much 


* The remaining portion has been translated by Prof. Dowson in Elliot’s History 
of India, VI, p. 39 ff. 

+ Vide wy ‘ Prosody of the Persians’, p. 59, 1, 18. The second foot is mafulun, 
and the alif in az cannot be left out. 

t Vide Aim Translation, I, 520, 521. Prof. Dowson, IV, 518n., makes “Usman 
Khan Datd’s younger brother. But they belong to different Afghan tribes, 


306 H. Blochmann— History and Geography of Bengal._—No. 111. [No. 3, 


regarding the rise of this kingdom. According to the Akbarndmah, the 
founder was Bisa, who must have lived in the very end of the second period 
of the Muhammadan history of Bengal, (.¢. about 944 H., or A. D. 
1588), or fifty years* before Abul Fazl wrote. His son Nara Narayan 
is not mentioned ; but his coins prove that he was the contemporary of ’Adli. 
A specimen of his silver coinage was published in J. A. S. B., for 1856, p. 
457, by Babu Réjendralala Mitra, and bears the Saka year 1477, or A. D. 
1555. A-short time ago, Capt. Williamson, Deputy Commissioner, Garo 
Hills, presented the Society with the following unique silver coin, which is 
of the same year, but is much larger than the one published by Babu Rajen- 
dralala Mitra, and differs in the legend of the reverse. It was picked up 
by a Garo together with a Datdshahi rupee. 

Silver Coin of Nara Na’ra’yana of Kuch Bihar. Large size. 
Weight, 157-49 grains. Saka 1477 [A. D, 1555]. As. Socy., Bengal. 
Dotted margin. 


OBVERSE— AA RAGTURATALATY 

REVERSE—ATAHATARTAUT War Yoo Il 

Oxzyerse—(The coin) of the bee of the lotus of the foot of the twice illustrious Siva, 
ReversE—Of the twice illustrious Nara Nérdyana. Saka, 1477. 

Nara Narayan’s son and successor was Bal Gosdin, whom the 
Akbarnamah calls Bisé’s grandson, He was reigning in 986, or A. D. 
1578. His brother Shuk1] Gosdain is mentioned by Abul Fazl and 
Ralph Fitch. Bal Gosdin’s son is Lachmi Narayan, who received 
Man Singh in 1005 H., and was still reigning in 1027 (A. D. 1618). 


* Vide J. A.S. B., 1872, Pt. I, p. 52, 1.8 from below. It is quite possible that 
the rise of Kach Bih4r is connected with the fall of Gaur. 


JOURNAL 


OF THE 


meet PC. 5.0 CLE EY. 


—p— 
Pare ris hOhy, ll re RADU RE doce. 


LLL 


No. IV.—1875. 


_—_—eoorrreeee OOOO 


Riough Notes on the Angami Négdas and their Language.——By Captain 
Joun Buruer, B.S. C., Political Agent, Naga Hills, Asdém. 
(With seven plates.) 
Introduction. 

Of all the numerous tribes—Garos, Khasias, Sintengs, Mikirs, Ka- 
charis, Kukis, Nagas, Singphis, and Khamtis—inhabiting that vast tract of 
mountainous country which hems in Asdm on the south, the largest 
numerically, as it is territorially, is the ‘‘ Naga”. Under this comprehensive 
term is included the whole group of cognate races, dwelling along that 
broad stretch of hill and upland, which, roughly speaking, is comprised be- 
tween the Kopili River, on the west, and the Bori Dihing, on the east, 
and which lies between the parallels of 93° and 96° Hast Longitude. This 
tract extends northwards to the low hills bordering the alluvial plains of the 
Districts of Lakhimptr, Sibsigor, and Naogdon, and overlooks the broad 
waters of that noblest of all Indian Rivers, the sacred Brahmaputra. In 
a southerly direction, we are at present unable to state exactly to what 
limit it may extend. We may, however, safely say that it lies between the 
meridians of 25° and 27° North Latitude. Our late explorations have 
clearly ascertained, that the great Naga race does undoubtedly cross over 
the main watershed dividing the waters which flow north into the Brahma- 
putra, from those flowing south into the Irawadi; and they have also 
furnished very strong grounds for believing that in all probability it ex- 
tends as far as the banks of the Kaiendwen (Namtonai or Ningthi) River, 
the great western tributary of the Irawadi. Indeed there is room even 
to believe, that further explorations may, ere long, lead us to discover, that 

PP 


> 
308 J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, 


the Kakhyen and Khyen (often pronounced Kachin and Chin) tribes, 
spoken of by former writers (Pemberton, Yule, Hannay, Bayfield, Griffiths, 
and others) are but offshoots of this one great race. Yule tells us that “ the 
‘hills west of Kalé are occupied by the Khyens, a race extending south- 
“ ward throughout the long range of the Yuma-doung to the latitude of 
“ Prome’”, and that ‘‘ Colonel Hannay identifies the Khyens with the Nagas 
“ of the Asim mountains.” Again Dalton in his work on the Ethnology 
of Bengal tells us that ‘‘ Karens are sometimes called Kakhyens”’, and 
that ‘‘ Latham thinks that word for word Khyen is Karen”, whilst Dr. 
Mason tells us “that it is a Burmese word signifying aboriginal”, 
Finally we have Major Fryer informing us in his late interesting paper 
“On the Khyen people of the Sandoway District’’*, that the Khyengs have 
a tradition that they came down many years ago from the sources of the 
Kaiendwen River. It will thus be seen that the question regarding the 
identity of these tribes is at present a difficult one to decide, and I consider 
that its final solution can be satisfactorily undertaken only when we have com- 
pleted the explorations upon which we have been so busily engaged for the 
last six years. We have already succeeded in completing the survey of about 
8000 square miles of a country, about which we previously knew scarcely 
anything at all, a terra incognita in fact, the greater portion of which 
had been unseen by European eyes until visited by those enterprising 
pioneers, our survey officers, who armed with the Theodolite and Plane-table 
very soon cleared away the huge blots which had for so long been per- 
mitted to disfigure our N. KE, Frontier Maps. ‘Thus itis obvious that any 
theory propounded at the present stage of our knowledge must be more or 
less based upon conjecture, a dangerous field of controversy which I 
wish to avoid, especially as a few more seasons of such work as we have 
done of late, must clear up the mystery in which this question has so long 
been shrouded. 


Cuaprer I. 
Geography and History. 

Of all the tribes—and they are almost as numerous as the hills they 
inhabit—into which the Naga group is divided, the most powerful and war- 
like, as it is also the most enterprising, intelligent, and civilized, so to say, 
is the “ turbulent Angami”. This great division of the Naga race occupies 
for the most part a charming country of fine, open, rolling hill and valley, 
bounded by lofty mountains, some of whose summits tower up to nine, ten, 
and even twelve thousand feet above the sea level. ‘Their villages are gener= 
ally placed on the more tabular hills of about 5000 feet elevation, and enjoy 


* Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, for 1875, Pt. I, p. 39. 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. 309 


a healthy, bracing climate, subject to neither extreme heat, nor cold. This 
noble tract of country is blessed with a most fertile soil, well cultivated, 
drained and manured, and the hill sides are often covered, I might almost 
say for miles, with a succession of fine terraces of rich rice ; and the hill tops 
are dotted over, as far as the eye can reach, with numerous large villages, 
whose comparatively enormous population might even claim for them the 
right of being called towns. Thus Kohima for instance contains no less 
than 865 houses, or say a population of over 4000 souls. 

The Angamis proper, or ‘ Western Angamis”, as they have also 
been aptly termed, in order to distinguish them from the Eastern clans, to 
whom they are closely allied, hold 46 villages, all lying to the west 
of the Sijjo or Doiang River. Towards the north they extend up to the 
range of hills on which the Nidzdkhra mountain forms a prominent land- 
mark, and on the west to the low range of hills on which Samaguting, 
Sitekema, and Nidzima stand, whilst towards the south they are cut off 
from Manipur by the lofty Barrail, whose forest-clad heights make a 
splendid background to the lovely panorama in front. The 46 villages above- 
mentioned, contain a total of 6,367 houses, and cover a tract of about 30 
miles in length, by about 20 in breadth, and are thus spread over an area 
of about 600 square miles. Now if we allow an average of 5 souls to 
each house, we here obtain a population of 31,835 souls, or roughly, in 
round numbers, say about 30,000 souls—figures which I believe a regular 
census would prove to be very near the mark indeed, And from these 
figures we may assume that we have here got a population of at least 50 
to the square mile, which fora hill country, I need hardly add, is a very 
large average. This can be easily seen by a reference to the last Census 
Report of Bengal (1872), in which we find that even the Khasia Hills have 
only 23 souls to the square mile, the Chittagong Hill Tracts only 10, 
whilst Hill Tiparah comes last of all with only 9. 

I may here explain that the total area of all “ Naga Land ” theoretically 
under the political control of our Government is about 8,500 square miles, 
and I have roughly estimated the population in that area to be at least 
300,000 souls. 

It has been generally believed that the term “ Naga ’ 
the Bengali word “nangta”, or the Hindustani word “ nanga”, meaning 
“naked”, and the specific name “ Angami’” has also been credited with 
the same source. Another theory suggests the Kachari word “ Naga”, 
a ‘young man” and hence a“ warrior’’, whilst a third theory would derive 
it from ‘‘nag”’ a snake. However, be this as it may, the term is quite 
foreign to the people themselves: they have no generic term applicable to 
the whole race, but use specific names for each particular group of vil- 
lages ; thus the men of Mezoma, Khonoma, Kohima, Jotsoma, and their 


> is derived from 


310 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angimi Nagas. [No. 4, 


allies call themselves Tengimas, whilst others if asked who they are 
would reply simply that they were men of such a village, and seem to be 
quite ignorant of any distinctive tribal name connecting them to any 
particular group of villages,—a strange fact, which I think is in a great mea- 

sure accounted for by the state of constant war, and consequent isolation, 
"in which they live. The Kacharis, I may add, speak of the Nagas 
generally as the Magamsa, and of the Angami Nagas in particular as 
the Daw4ansa. 

I have long endeavoured to gain some satisfactory information regard- 
ing the origin of these interesting tribes, but I regret to say that this is a 
question upon which I have hitherto failed to throw much light. In my 
wanderings to and fro, I have observed that there seem to be two very 
distinct types running through these hills; the one a fine, stalwart, 
cheerful, bright, light coloured race, cultivating their, generally terraced, 
lands, with much skill, among whom I place the Angami as facile prin- 
ceps; the other a darker, dirtier, and more squat race, among whom the 
sulky Lhota may be pointed to asa good representative; and I have 
not failed to notice signs that the latter are giving way to the former, 
wherever they happen to come in contact. A careful comparison of the 
several dialects which I have long been busy collecting, will, I fancy, be one 
of the best guides we can obtain for the proper classification of all these tribes, 
but that is a matter of time, and the compilation of a vocabulary with any 
pretension to correctness is far from being the easy task some imagine it 
to be. 

The Angamis have a tradition that they originally came from the 
south-east, and a fabulous legend goes on to relate how “a long time ago” 
when the world was young, and gods, men, and beasts dwelt in peace, a god, 
a man, a woman, and a tiger lived together ; how the woman died, and the 
tiger attempted to make a meal of her; how this led to the breaking up of 
this happy family, and the separation of these incongruous creatures. After= 
wards a quarrel arose between two brothers, the sons of their great Chief, 
and they then both left the cradle of their race, each taking a different 
path, the one “ blazed” his path by cutting marks on all the “ Chomhi” 
trees, the other on all the ‘‘Chéma” trees. Now the former always 
remaining white and fresh for many days, and the latter turning black 
almost immediately, the greater following took the former path, which led 
them out into the plains of Asam, the latter and lesser number settled in 
the hills, and hence the numerical superiority of the “Tephimas” or “ Te- 
phrimas” (men of Asim). This is the outline of a very long disconnected 
narrative of their exodus, and it is not very flattering to be told that an- 
other equally wild legend ascribes the genesis of the “ white faces” to a 
white dog and a woman, extraordinarily fair, who were floated off, amid 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagds. 311 


broad waters on a raft, well provisioned for a long voyage. These crea- 
tures are believed to have landed on some distant shore, and the result was 
a race of white men, who bred and multiplied until they overran the land, 
conquering all black races that attempted to oppose their onward progress. 
This tale does not at first sight appear to credit us with a very noble origin, 
but the fact is I believe that the “ white dog” has been merely introduced 
asa sort of Deus ex machina, in order to account in some way for some of 
our, to them, most extraordinary powers. 

I find it recorded in an old letter dated thirteen years ago, that ‘ about 
“300 years since, the younger brother of the then reigning Raja of 
“ Jaintia, became enamoured of his niece (the Raja’s daughter) and 
“ forcibly seizing her fled with some followers from Jaintid to Dimapur, 
“ then the residence of the Kachar Rajas. Here he remained for some time 
“ protected by the Kachar Raja; but his brother having sent outa large 
** force to capture him, he fled to the hills in the vicinity of Dimapur, now 

“ known to us as the Angami Hills, and being accompanied by several Ka- 
 ® charis, as well as his own followers, permanently established himself 
“ there, and from this colony arose the now powerful tribe of the Angami 
“ Nagas.” This account is reported to have been received “ from an in- 
telligent hill Kachari”, who is said to have further stated that full con- 
firmation of these facts might be gleaned from some of the old Jaintia 
records ; and as a further argument to support his story, he is also said to 
have pointed to the fact that the Angami women to this day adhere to the 
peculiar manner of wearing the cloth tied above each shoulder, adopted by 
the Jaintia women alone of all the other tribes on this frontier. For my own 
part I have never succeeded in obtaining any confirmation of this strange 
story, and am hence sceptical of its truth. However, I have deemed it right 
to give it quan. val., in the hope that some future investigator may possibly 
be able to pick up a clue to the story in fields where I have not had the 
opportunity of searching, namely amid the archives of Jaintiapur. 

Our first actual acquaintance with the Angamis appears to have 
commenced as early as 1831-32, when Captains Jenkins, Pemberton, and 
Gordon were deputed to explore a route through their country, with a view 
to opening out direct communication between Asam and Manipur. On 
this occasion, although they were accompanied by a comparatively large 
force, amounting to no less than 700 muskets, they were opposed with a 
most determined resistance at every village they passed through, and so 
bitter was the opposition made, that in many instances the villagers set 
fire to their own villages, so as to destroy such provisions as they were 
unable to remove rather than allow them to fall into the hands of the 
enemy. From the date of that eventful journey until 1867, that is to say, 
for a period of over forty years, the political history of our relations with this 


312 J. Butler—Rowgh Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


tribe has been one long, sickening story of open insults and defiance, bold 
outrages, and cold-blooded murders on the one side, and long-suffering for- 
bearance, forgiveness, concession, and unlooked-for favours on the other, 
varied now and again with tours innumerable, deputations and expeditions, 
the interesting details of which go far to make up one of the most im- 
portant chapters of the yet unwritten history of a province, rich in such 
stores, but which it would be out of place, if not impossible, to allude to 
within the limits of this paper. 

With regard, however, to the effect of punitive military expeditions when 
unaccompanied with, or followed by, other measures of a more lasting nature, 
such as the actual occupation of the country, whether it be to exer- 
cise absolute authority or mere political control, I may here briefly 
draw attention to the Naga expedition of 1850, when a force of over 
500 men, with 2 three-pounder guns and 2 mortars, and European Officers 
-in proportion, was thrown into the Naga Hills, to avenge a long series of 
raids, which had finally culminated in the murder of Bhog Chand, the 
native officer in command of our outpost at Samaguting. This Force 
entered the hills in November 1850, and although they very soon drove 
the Nagas out of their stockades, a portion of the Force remained in the 
hills until March 1851, when our Government, loath to increase its respon- 
sibilities, determined to abstain, entirely and unreservedly, from all further 
interference, with the affairs of the Nagas, and withdrew our troops. In 
the remaining nine months of that year no fewer than 22 raids were made on 
our frontier, in which 55 persons were killed, 10 wounded, and 113 were 
earried off into a captivity from which very few indeed ever returned. In 
1853, the Government consented to the appointment of a European Officer 
to the charge of North Kachar. A station was taken up at Asala, which 
was then formed into a separate subdivision, subordinate to Ndogaon, and 
stringent orders were issued, forbidding any interference with the Hill 
Tribes: the Dhansiri was accepted as the extreme limit of our juris- 
diction, and the Angamis were henceforth to be treated as altogether 
beyond our pale. These measures had the effect, as might easily have 
been anticipated, of simply temporising with the evils which they were 
meant to eradicate, and hence we can scarcely be surprised to find that raid 
followed raid, with a monotonous regularity, which all our frontier posts 
were completely helpless to prevent. ‘Thus between the years 1852 and 1862 
we hear of twenty-four such atrocities being committed within the vaunted 
line of our outposts, and some of them were accompanied with a tigerish 
brutality, so intensely fiendish, that it is almost incredible that such acts 
could have been perpetrated by human beings, savages though they were. 
In 1862, three distinct attacks were made upon our subjects within the 
short space of twenty-four days. In the first of these, at Borpothar, a Sepoy 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 313 


was cut down in broad daylight, within a few paces of a Masonry Guard 
House, filled with an armed detachment of his companions. In the second, 
six out of seven elephant-hunters were cruelly massacred; and in the third, 
a village almost within hail, and certainly within sight, of the Guard House 
above-mentioned, was attacked and plundered at about 9 a. M., eight persons 
being killed on the spot, and two children carried off, one of whom the Nagds 
subsequently cut to pieces on their retreat, on finding themselves pursued, 
At this juncture, we find our local officers frankly declaring that our rela- 
tions with the Nagas could not possibly be on a worse footing than they 
were then, and that the non-interference policy, which sounds so excellent 
in theory, had utterly failed in practice, and urging therefore that it was 
necessary to adopt more vigorous measures. Yet notwithstanding much corre- 
spondence that passed upon the subject, when all kinds of schemes, possible 
and impossible, were discussed and re-discussed, nothing more appears to 
have been done until 1865. In this year, a recurrence of fresh forrays 
led the officer in charge of North Kachar to represent that the safety 
of his sub-division was in jeopardy, and it was then that the Government 
were at last moved into giving their consent to the deputation of an 
European officer who was to effect a permanent lodgment in the country ; 
and Samaguting (or more properly Chimukedima) was again occupied 
by us in December 1867. Since the date of this measure being carried 
into effect, our chief object here, namely, the protection of our lowland 
subjects, has been most completely attained, and I think I may safely 
say, that the prestige of our Government was never held in higher esteem 
by our turbulent highlanders than it is at the present moment. ‘This result 
is due, in a great measure, to the invariable success, attending our nume- 
rous exploration expeditions during the last six years, and the complete 
collapse of every attempt that has been made to prevent our progress, or 
subvert our authority, during that time. Still, notwithstanding these very 
satisfactory results, I grieve to say that intestine feuds with all the horrors 
that accompany their progress are as rife now as ever they were, and it re- 
quires no great foresight to predict the possibility —I may even say the pro- 
bability—of our sooner or later being compelled to take another stride 
in that inevitable march of progress, in that noble mission of peace, which 
seems to be our predestined lot wherever the Anglo-Saxon sets foot. Much, 
very much has already been done by our most just and patient Government, 
to induce these savages to amend their ways, to convert their “ spears into 
ploughshares”, and to live in peace and harmony with allmen. But it 
cannot of course be expected that the predatory habits, and head-taking 
customs of long generations of anarchy and bloodshed will be abandoned 
in a day, and we have hence got much earnest work before us, ere we 
can look forward to the completion of our task. The snake has been 


314 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angimi Nagas. [No. 4, 


scotched, not killed. And the further measures which it may yet be found 
necessary to take with regard to the management of the tribes inhabiting 
this frontier, form an anxious problem of the future into which it is needless 
my attempting to pry. We must simply watch the “signs of the times” 
and move with them, being content to know that a powerful Government 
is in the meanwhile ready to act as circumstances arise, and as the dictates 
of atrue policy direct, confident that the wisdom with which so vast and 
heterogeneous a mass of nations has been governed elsewhere throughout 
the length and breadth of India, will also guide us safely through the 
shoals with which our administration is beset here, finally landing us in 
that safe haven, a well-governed peaceful country, to which we have every 
reason to look forward most hopefully. 


Cuaprer II. 
Government, Religion, and Manners. 

From what I have stated, it will doubtless have already been gathered 
that the Angamis have no regular settled form of government. With 
them might is right, and this is the only form of law—or rather the absence 
of all law—heretofore recognised among them. Every man follows the 
dictates of his own will,a form of the purest democracy which it is very diffi- 
cult indeed to conceive as existing even for a single day; and yet that 
it does exist here, is an undeniable fact. In every village we find a num- 
ber of headmen or chiefs, termed Petimas, who generally manage to 
arbitrate between litigants. The Nagas being a simple race, their quarrels 
are generally of a description easily settled, especially as owing to the 
fearful effects following a feud once started, they are chary of drawing 
first blood, and yet at times the most petty quarrel developes into a most 
serious feud. The actual authority exercised by these Peamas, who are 
men noted for their personal prowess in war, skill in diplomacy, powers 
of oratory, or wealth in cattle and land, is, however, all but nominal, 
and thus their orders are obeyed so far only, as they may happen to 
be in accord with the wishes of the community at large, and even 
then, the minority will not hold themselves bound in any way by 
the wishes or acts of the majority. The Naga Petima is, in fact, simply 
primus inter pares, and often that only pro tem. The title, if such it 
may be called, is indeed really one of pure courtesy, and depends entire- 
ly upon the wealth, standing, and personal qualities of the individual 
himself. Theoretically, with the Angami, every man is his own master, 
and avenges his own quarrel. Blood once shed can never be expiated, ex- 
cept by the death of the murderer, or some of his near relatives, and 
although years may pass away, vengeance will assuredly be taken some 


. 
1875. ] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 315 


day. One marked peculiarity in their intestine feuds is, that we very sel- 
dom find the whole of one village at war with the whole of another vil- 
lage, but almost invariably clan is pitted against clan. Thus I have 
often seen a village split up into two hostile camps, one clan at deadly 
feud with another, whilst a third lives between them in a state of neutrality, 
and at perfect peace with both. 

On the subject of religion and a future state, the Angami appears to 
have no definite ideas. Some have told me that they believe that if they 
have (according to their lights be it remembered) led good and worthy lives 
upon this earth, and abstained from all coarse food, and especially have 
abstained from eating flesh, after death their spirits would fly away into 
the realms above, and there become stars, but that otherwise their bodies 
would have to pass through seven stages of spirit-life, and eventually become 
transformed into bees ; others again, on my questioning them, have replied 
with a puzzled and surprised air, as if they had never given the matter a 
thought before, that “ after death we are buried in the earth and our bodies 
“rot there, and there is an end; who knows more?” Still from the fact that 
they invariably bury the deceased’s best clothes, his spear and dao, together 
with much grain, liquor, and a fowl, with the body, I think we may safely 
infer, that they certainly have some vague idea of a life hereafter, the 
thought of which, however, does not trouble them much. It is at quitting 
the actual pleasure of living, which he has experienced, that a Naga shud- 
ders, and not the problematical torments to be met in a hell hereafter, of 
which he knows nothing. And as to religion, such as it is, it may be put 
down as simply the result of that great characteristic, common to all 
savages, “ fear’. All his religious rites and ceremonies, his prayers, incanta- 
tions, and sacrifices, are due to a trembling belief that he can thus 
avert some impending evil. But he is utterly unable to appreciate our 
feeling of awe, reverence, and affection towards an Omnipotent God. I have 
known a Chief, on the occasion of the death of his favourite son from an 
attack of fever contracted whilst out shooting Giral* in the neighbour- 
hood of his village, don his full war-costume, rush out to the spot, and 
there commence yelling out his war-cry, hurling defiance at the deity who 
he supposed had struck down his son, bidding him come out and show him- 
self, impiously cursing him for his cowardice in not disclosing himself, 
Intense superstition is of course only the natural corollary to this kind of 
belief in a god in every hill and valley, a devil in every grove and stream, 
Undertakings of any importance, such as the starting of a war-party, the 
commencing of a journey, the first sowing out, or gathering in, of the crops, 
&e., are never begun without the previous consultation of certain omens, by 
which they pretend to be able to foretell, whether a successful termination 

* A species of wild goat, 
QQ 


. 
316 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


may be anticipated or not. Among the most common forms of consulting 
the oracle, one is that of cutting slices off a piece of stick and watching 
which side of these bits turn uppermost as they fall to the ground; ano- 
ther is, to lay hold of a fowl by the neck and throttle it, and if it dies 
with its right leg slightly crossed over its left, it is pronounced favourable 
to the accomplishment of the undertaking whatever it may happen to be. 
I have known of a large war-party turning back immediately, because a 
deer crossed their path,—a most unlucky omen. A tiger calling out in the 
jungles in front is a very lucky sign, whilst if heard in rear, it is just the 
contrary. In like manner there are several birds whose song if issuing from 
the left hand side is lucky, but if from the right the reverse. 

They have several very curious ways of taking an oath. One of 
the commonest, as it is one of the most sacred, is for the two parties to 
lay hold of a dog or fowl, one by its head, the other by its tail, or feet, 
whilst the poor beast or bird is severed in two with one stroke of a dao, 
emblematic of the perjurer’s fate. Another is to lay hold of the barrel of 
a gun, or spear-head, or tooth of a tiger and solemnly declare, “ If I do 
not faithfully perform this my promise, may I fall by this weapon” or 
animal, as the case may be; whilst a third, and one generally voluntarily 
offered after defeat, is to snatch up a handful of grass and earth, and after 
placing it on the head, to shove it into the mouth, chewing it and pre- 
tending to eat it, one of the most disagreeable and literal renderings of 
the metaphorical term “ eating dirt” I have ever witnessed. A fourth is, 
to stand in the centre of a circle of rope, or cane, and there repeat a certain 
formula, to the effect that, if they break their vow, which they then repeat, 
they pray the gods may cause them to rot away as the rope rots, &c. 

- One among their many strange customs is that of “ kénnié”’, cor- 
rupted by the Asamese into “ génna,’’ a description of tabi singularly 
similar to that in vogue among the savages inhabiting the Pacific Islands. 
This tabi is declared upon every conceivable occasion, thus at the birth 
of a child, or on the death of any individual, the house is tabied, generally 
for the space of five days, and no one is allowed to go in or out except the 
people of the house. Again, any accidental death, or fire in the village, 
puts the whole village under the ban. ‘In like manner before commencing 
either to sow or to reap, an universal tabi has to be undergone, and 
is accompanied by propitiatory offerings to their several deities, and no man 
dare commence work before. If their crops have been suffering from the 
attacks of wild animals, a ‘“ kénnié” is the remedy,—in fact there is no end 
to the reasons on which a “ kénnié” must or may be declared, and as it 
consists of a general holiday when no work is done, this Angami sabbath 
appears to be rather a popular institution. 

If a man has the misfortune to kill another by accident, he is com- 


1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagis. 317 


pelled to abandon home and retire into voluntary banishment to some neigh- 
bouring village for the space of three years. 

They have a singularly expressive manner of emphasising messages. 
For instance, I remember a challenge being conveyed by means of a piece 
of charred wood, a chilli, and a bullet, tied together. This declaration of 
war was handed on from village to village until it reached the village for 
which it was intended, where it was no sooner read, than it was at once 
despatched to me by a special messenger, who in turn brought with him a 
spear, a cloth, a fowl, and some eggs, the latter articles signifying their 
subordination and friendship to me at whose hands they now begged for 
protection. It is perhaps scarcely necessary for me to explain that 
the piece of burnt wood signified the nature of the punishment threatened 
(2. e. the village consigned to flames), the bullet descriptive of the kind of 
weapon with which the foe was coming armed, and the chilli the smarting, 
stinging, and generally painful nature of the punishment about to be 
inflicted. And only the other day a piece of wood, with a twisted bark 
eollar at one end and a rope at the other, used for tying up dogs with on 
the line of march, was brought in to me with another prayer for protection. 
The explanation in this case is of course obvious, namely, that a dog’s 
treatment was in store for the unfortunate recipients of this truculent 
message. ‘Two sticks cross-wise, ora fresh cut bough, or a handful of 
grass across a path, declares it to be closed. But of such signs and emblems 
the number is legion, and I therefore need only remark that it is curious to 
observe how the “green bough” is here, too, as almost every where, an 
emblem of peace. 

The Angaémis invariably build their villages on the very summits of 
high tabular hills, or saddle-back spurs, running off from the main ranges, 
and owing to the almost constant state of war existing, most of them are 
very strongly fortified. Stiff stockades, deep ditches bristling with panjies, 
and massive stone walls, often loop-holed for musketry, are their usual 
defences. In war-time, the hill sides and approaches are escarped and 
thickly studded over with panjies. These panjies, I may here explain, are 
sharp-pointed bamboo skewers or stakes, varying from six inches to three and 
four feet in length, some of them as thin as a pencil, others as thick round as 
a good-sized cane, and although very insignificant things to look at, they 
give a nasty and most painful wound, often causing complete lameness in 
afew hours. Deep pit-falls and small holes covered over with a light 
layer of earth and leaves, concealing the panjies within, are also skilfully 
placed along the paths by which an enemy is expected to approach, and 
a tumble into one of the former is not a thing to be despised, as I have had 
good reason to know. ‘The approaches to the villages are often up through 
tortuous, narrow, covered ways, or lanes, with high banks on either side, 


318 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, 


lined with an overhanging tangled mass of prickly creepers and brushwood, 
sometimes through a steep ravine and along the bed of an old torrent, in 
either case admitting of the passage of only one man ata time. These 
paths lead up to gates, or rather door-ways, closed by strong, thick and 
heavy wooden doors, hewn out of one piece of solid wood. The doors are 
fastened from the inside and admit of being easily barricaded, and thus 
rendered impregnable against all attack. These doors again are often over- 
looked and protected by raised look-outs, on which, whenever the clan is at 
feud, a careful watch is kept up night and day ; not unfrequently the only 
approach to one of these outer gates is up a notched pole from fifteen to 
twenty feet high. The several clans, of which there are from two to eight 
in every village, are frequently divided off by deep lanes and stone walls, and 
whenever an attack is imminent, the several roads leading up to the village 
are studded over with stout pegs, driven deep into the ground, which very 
effectually prevents anything like a rush. On the higher ranges, the roads 
connecting the several villages, as well as the paths leading down to their 
cultivation are made with considerable skill, the more precipitous hills 
being turned with easy gradients, instead of the road being taken up 
one side of the hill and down the other as is usually the case among hill- 
men. 

Their houses are built with a ground-floor, the slopes of the hills 
being dug down to a rough level, no mat covers the bare ground. They 
are generally placed in irregular lines, facing inwards, and are constructed 
after a pattern I have never seen anywhere except in these hills. These 
houses have high gable ends whose eaves almost touch the ground on either 
side, this I believe to be a precaution against high winds. The gable in 
front, which, in the case of men of wealth or position, is often decorated 
with broad, handsome weather boards, is from 15 to 30 feet high, and the 
_ roof slopes off in rear, as well as towards the sides, the gable at the back 
being only about from 10 to 15 feet in height. In width the houses vary 
from about 20 to 40 feet, and in length from about 30 to 60 feet. In 
many of the villages each house is surrounded by a stone wall, marking 
off the ‘‘compound” so to sav, wherein the cattle are tethered for the 
night. Half the space under the front gable, is often walled in with boards 
as a loose stall, and bamboo baskets are tied up under the eaves of the 
house to give shelter to their poultry. Pig-styes also, in the corner of a 
compound, are not uncommon. The house itself is divided off into from 
two to three compartments according to the wealth or taste of its owner. 
In the front room, the grain is stored away in huge baskets made of bamboo 
from 5 to 10 feet high and about 5 feet in diameter. In the imner room, 
there is a large open fire-place, and around it are placed thick, broad 
planks, for sitting and sleeping upon, and the back room of all generally 


1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 319 


contains the liquor tub, the most important piece of furniture in the house 
in the Naga’s estimation. In this they brew their “dza”, a kind of fer- 
mented beer, made of rice and other ingredients, composed of herbs found 
wild in the jungle. This liquor is the Angami Naga’s greatest solace, for 
strange to say never indulging in either opium, or tobacco (as many of 
his neighbours do), he may be seen sipping this “dzu”’, either through a 
reed (after the manner of a sherry cobler), or with a wooden or bamboo 
spoon out of bamboo or mithan horn drinking cups, from morn to night, 

Close to their villages, on either side of the road, as well as within, 
sometimes not acouple of yards from their houses, they bury their dead, 
raising over them large mounds, square, round, and oblong in shape, the 
sides being built up with large stones; sometimes an upright stone, or 
an effigy cleverly carved in wood, is added. In the latter case this grotesque 
caricature of the “human form divine” lying below, is decked out in a 
complete suit of all the clothes and ornaments worn by the deceased in- 
eluding a set of imitation weapons, the originals being always deposited in 
the grave with the body. In one instance I remember coming across a 
grave by the road side several miles away from any village, and on en- 
quiry, learning, that it had been purposely placed there, exactly half way 
between the village in which the deceased had been born, and that in which 
he had died, and had passed the latter portion of his life. This was done, 
I was told, so as to enable his spirit to revisit either. 

Huge monoliths, or large upright stones, which have been the sub- 
ject of so much remark elsewhere, and which are to be met with all over the 
world, exist here too, and are not only to be found as remains of the past, 
but their erection may be witnessed almost any day at the present time. 
These monuments are erected, either singly, or in rows, and are meant to 
perpetuate the memory, sometimes of the dead, when they are in fact no- 
thing more nor less than simply tombstones, sometimes of the living, in 
which case we may look upon them much in the light of statues. Thus 
J remember being considerably astonished some three years ago when the 
villagers of Sakhaboma were pleased to raise such a monument to my hum- 
ble self, a great compliment which was repeated last year by another vil- 
lage east of the Sijjo. These stones, which are often very large, and have 
sometimes to be brought from long distances, are dragged up in a kind of 
sledge, formed out of a forked tree on which the stone is levered, and then 
earefully lashed with canes and creepers, and to this the men, sometimes 
to the number of several hundreds, attach themselves in a long line and by 
means of putting rollers underneath they pull it along, until it has been 
brought up to the spot where it has been previously decided finally to erect 
it. Here a small hole is then dug to receive the lower end of the stone, 
and the sledge being tilted up on end, the lashings are cut adrift, and the 


320 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


stone slides into position ; some leaves are then placed on the top and some 
liquor poured over it. This done, a general feast follows, and the ceremony 
is complete. 

The average Angdémi is a fine, hardy, athletic fellow, brave and war- 
like, and, among themselves, as a rule, most truthful and honest. On the 
other hand, he is blood-thirsty, treacherous, and revengeful to an almost 
incredible degree. This, however, can scarcely be wondered at when we 
recall what I have already related regarding revenge being considered a 
most holy act, which they have been taught from childhood ever to revere 
as one of their most sacred duties. The “ blood-feud”’ of the Naga is what 
the “vendetta” of the Corsican was, a thing to be handed down from 
generation to generation, an everlasting and most baneful heir-loom, in- 
volving in its relentless course the brutal murders of helpless old men and 
women, innocent young girls and children, until, as often happens, mere 
petty family quarrels, generally about land or water, being taken up by 
their respective clansmen, break out into bitter civil wars which devastate 
whole villages. This is no “ word-painting” on my part, for I am here 
speaking of actual facts and a most deplorable state of affairs which seems 
to have existed from time immemorial, and is to be seen in full force up to 
the present day, a terrible check not only to the increase of population, 
but also a fatal barrier to all moral progress. I must confess it is not a 
little disheartening to think how long and how arduously we have striven, 
and yet how little we have done towards improving, civilizing, and weaning 
from their accursed thirst for blood, this otherwise noble race. But it is 
simply the old, old story, precept and example, the only means we have 
heretofore employed, worthy tools though they be, are perfectly powerless 
before the traditions of untold ages of anarchy and warfare. Thus we 
even find Nagas, who have acted for years as Dobhashas (Interpreters) at 
Samagiting, others as Policemen in Naugdéon, some as Sepoys in Dibra- 
garh, and not a few who have been educated under the parental care of 
kind missionaries, and have spent several years in the plains, where they 
have been taught to read and write, and have doubtless had very carefully 
inculeated into them the lessons of virtue and peace taught by our Chris- 
tian religion, returning to their native hills not, as we should at first 
suppose, to render us any assistance in our good work here of endeavouring 
to secure peace, but rather on the contrary to indulge again and take part 
in all the scenes of rapine and cruelty going on around them, until at last 
it is difficult to say whether their evidently superficial, skin-deep education 
has not rather tended to enable them to out-Herod Herod in their wily 
plots of deep-laid treachery, or as they would call it “skilful strategy”; . 
scratch the Dobhasha and you will find the Naga. 

In height, the Angami as a rule is somewhat taller than the average 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 321 


of hill races, and is generally well proportioned, especially as regards his 
legs, the large muscles of the thigh and calf being remarkably well developed. 
His complexion is comparatively fair, though among them, as among 
almost all the Indo-Chinese races, we meet with various shades of brown, 
from the almost ruddy and light olive to the red-Indian and dark brown 
types. I do not, however, ever remember seeing a black Naga, I mean a 
black such as is common in Bengal, except in one instance, and then further 
enquiry elicited the fact that he was not a pure Naga at all, but the son of 
an Asamese captive who became naturalized, and was afterwards allowed 
to take unto himself a daughter of the land (of his involuntary adoption). 
In feature also there is great variety, but high cheek bones predominate. 
The men of the upper ranges are really often almost handsome, and some 
of the women might almost be called pretty. But as regards the latter, 
hard work and exposure, coupled with the trials of early maternity, soon 
tell a tale, and J have been quite surprised and grieved to see how soon they 
age. In little more than six years I have seen mere children develope into 
comely lasses, and these latter again into sturdy matrons, whilst I have 
watched wives and mothers, whose youthful looks at first surprised me, 
ehange suddenly into wrinkled old women with scarcely a trace of their 
former good looks about them. I confess, however, that beauty of form 
is not the rule in these hills, Whether it is that the more or less lavish 
display of such charms asthey possess, enables us the better to exercise 
a discriminating judgment upon the beauty, or want of beauty, their forms 
display, I cannot pretend to say, but this much I do know, that here we 
may seek, and seek in vain, for any of the soft contours and lovely outlines 
which give shape to the persons of the women of other races. At the same 
time I must add that I have not failed to notice that hill women all over 
India, from the fair dwellers in Kashmir to their dark sisters inhabiting the 
uplands of Bengal, all fall off in this particular, and are very rarely indeed, 
if ever, able to boast of a good figure. 

As with the men, so with the women, I think they are certainly taller 
than the average of other hill-women, and their features more regular. 
They are chaste, faithful, merry, and—unlike their brothers—never to be 
seen idle. Their duty it is to fetch the wood, draw the water, cook the 
food, and brew the liquor, besides working in the fields and weaving cloths 
at home. It will be observed that among the characteristics of the women 
I have placed chastity, and it may be as well perhaps for me to explain 
that by this term I do not for a moment mean to say that they are 
exactly chaste according to our ideas, but simply that they are true to. and 
act up to, theirown principles with regard to that virtue. The relation- 
ship between the sexes, and the exact footing on which it should stand, is, 
and everhas been, one of the world’s most difficult problems, and the most 


322 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


civilized and advanced among nations (whether ancient or modern, Christian 
or heathen) have found how difficult is the task of sailing between the 
Scylla of a Puritanical strictness which would keep the sexes almost 
wholly apart, and the Charybdis of a laxity to which it is difficult to put 
bounds. Here we have got a primitive state of society which, although it 
would not for a moment recognize, or even allow to exist, that plague 
euphemistically termed a “ social evil”, and although it punishes any serious 
breach of the marriage contract with death itself, yet never dreams of con- 
ceiving it possible that perfect continence on the part of the unmarried 
(or free portion of society) is to be either demanded or even desired. It 
may be asked, What are the consequences? I reply—Prostitution is a thing 
unknown here, and all the foul diseases that follow in its train, are evils 
to which Naga flesh has not been born an heir. Here no Naga Lais plies 
her shameful trade. A Naga woman would scorn to barter for her person. 
And woe betide the mercenary lover who seeks to gain his end by other 
ways than those of love. Young men and maidens mix together with 
almost all the freedom allowed by nature’s law. Incontinence on the part of 
the married however is rare, and an unfaithful wife is a thing almost unheard 
of, but then the penalty is death. Marriage and divorce are among the simplest 
of their rites, and sad to say, often follow each other within the year without 
comment orsurprise. ‘‘ Incompatibility of temper” is here quite sufficient for 
either the man or woman to demand a divorce, and to take it. Although 
strictly monogamous, both sexes can marry and remarry as often as they 
please. Such offspring as require the maternal aid follow the mother, and 
are tended and cared for by her until able to look after themselves, when 
they return to the father. Men may not only marry their deceased wives’ 
sisters, but they may likewise marry their brothers’ widows. On the other 
hand, it is altogether forbidden for cousins to intermarry. Parents may 
advise, but never attempt positively to control, the choice of their sons and 
daughters. Marriage is usually solemnized by a large feast, and the bride- 
groom, when he can afford it, makes a present to the bride’s parents. 
Divorce necessitates a division of all property held in common, such as grain, 
household furniture, &c., and all property derived since the two became man 
and wife. In any division thus made, the late wife or divorcée gets one-third, 
whilst the man takes the remainder, and the woman then either returns to her 
own parents, or lives apart in a separate house until she marries again. 

On the death of the father all property, excepting the house, is 
divided equally among all the sons alone, the youngest always receiving 
the house in addition to his share of the whole. Neither the widow nor 
daughters have any claim to aught except their clothes and ornaments, but 
they are generally supported by the sons until death or marriage. 

The only national, offensive weapons, used by the Angami, are the spear 


- 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas, 323 


and dao, but of late years they have managed to become the proud 
possessors of a considerable quantity of fire-arms, to obtain which is 
just now one of the keenest desires they have; in fact, an Angémi will 
give almost anything he has for a gun, andif he cannot get it by fair 
means, will run almost any risk to get it by foul. In several cases of 
gun thefts, some of which have been accompanied by murder, they have 
certainly proved themselves wonderfully bold and dexterous. The spear 
is generally a very handsome one, and at close quarters, or when thrown 
from an ambuscade, is a formidable weapon, well calculated to inflict a 
most dangerous wound, At anything over thirty yards, however, it is but 
of little use, and is not very difficult to dodge even at two-thirds of 
that distance. ‘The spear-head is of iron, varying from 18 inches to 2 feet 
in length, and from 2 to 3 inches in breadth. Its shaft is generally 
from 4 to 5 feet in length, and is usually very picturesquely ornament- 
ed with scarlet goat’s hair, here and there intermingled with a peculiar 
pattern of black and white hair; sometimes, though rarely, the whole 
shaft is beautifully worked over with scarlet and yellow cane, and it is 
always tipped at the bottom with an iron spike of from three inches to over 
a foot in length, used for sticking itinto the ground. A Naga would 
never dream of leaving his spear against a wall. It must be always kept 
in a perpendicular position, either by being stuck upright into the ground 
or by being suspended against one of the walls of the house, so as to keep 
it perfectly straight. On the war-path every Angami carries two of these 
spears. The ddo isa broad-headed kind of hand-bill, with a heavy blade 
about 18 inches in length and only edged on one side. This dao is in- 
variably worn at the back of the waist in arough sort of half scabbard 
made of wood. The only article of defence they possess is a large shield 
from 5 to 6 feet high, 2 feet broad at the top and tapering down to about 
a foot in breadth at the bottom. ‘This shield is made of bamboo-matting, 
and is covered with either the skin of some wild animal (elephant, tiger, 
leopard, and bear being among the most common), ora piece of cloth, 
generally scarlet. In the latter case, or even without the cloth, it is de- 
corated with pieces of skin cut so as to represent human heads, and tufts 
of scarlet goat’s hair, whilst-on the inside is attached a board, so as to 
make it spear-proof. From each corner of the upper end of the shield 
spring two cane horns from 24 to 8 feet in length, decorated with the long 
flowing tresses of human hair taken in war—probably the locks of some 
unfortunate woman butchered at the water hole—intermingled with goat’s 
hair dyed scarlet; and from the centre rises a plume about 3 feet long of 
scarlet goat’s hair, tipped at the top for about 4 inches in depth with white 
goat’s hair, and along the top edge runs a fringe of white, downy feathers, 
Along the inner edge, a string of lappets, made of feathers of various 
RE 


324 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angém Nagas. [No. 4, 


hues, white, black, blue, and .scarlet, wave to and fro most gracefully, at 
every motion of the shield. Besides the spear, dao, and shield, I must not 
omit to mention that, when proceeding out on a forray, they invariably take 
with them several bundles of “ panjies”, with which they rapidly cover the 
path on retreat, so as to disable and retard any party that may start in 
pursuit, 

The only implements of husbandry they use, are the déo described 
above ; an axe common to almost all the tribes on this frontier, notable for 
its small size; and a light hoe, especially remarkable for its extraordinari- 
ly crooked handle, which necessitates a very bent position, in order to use 
it. The handle of this hoe is only about from 18 inches to 2 feet in length, 
and the iron tip from 6 inches to a foot in length, With these very sim- 
ple articles they do all their tillage, both in their terrace cultivation and in 
their ‘jhams’. The soil of the terraced lands is extremely good; and from 
being kept well manured and irrigated, by means of artificial channels, 
along which the water is often brought from very long distances by means 
of aqueducts, ingeniously constructed of hollowed out trees, and sometimes 
bridging deep ravines, it yields a very large return. The rice for the terrace 
cultivation is generally sown in March, transplanted in June, and reaped 
in October. The rice in the jhtiims—a system which, it is perhaps need- 
less for me to explain, entails fresh land being taken up every three or four 
years—is generally sown broad cast in April and harvested in August. 
Besides rice, of which there are several sorts, the Nagas grow a kind of coarse 
dal or field-pea, Indian-corn, and several varieties of small grains, such as 
that which the Asamese call “ koni-dhan ”’, not to mention various kinds of 
yams, chillies, ginger, garlic, pumkins, and other vegetables, as well as cotton, 
which latter, however, is restricted to the lower ranges and low valleys. 

With regard to domestic animals, the Angami breeds cows (of a far 
superior kind to those met with in Asim), pigs, goats, dogs, and fowls, 
both for the purpose of food as well as for sale and barter. Roast dog is 
considered a great delicacy, and is supposed to be a particularly good diet 
for certain diseases. As may be easily understood, they are not nice feeders, 
and I believe there is really scarcely any single thing that walks, crawls, 
flies, or swims, that comes amiss to their voracious stomachs, and I have 
often been astounded to see the filthy carrion they can devour, not only 
with impunity, but with evident relish. And yet strange to say, good fresh 
milk is entirely repugnant to them, and they pretend that its very smell is 
enough to make them sick. 

Finally, as regards the dress of the Angami, I do not think that we 
can easily find a more picturesque costume anywhere than that of the men, 
but it requires to be seen to be understood, and I am afraid no amount 
of description can adequately represent the vivid colours, and general get- 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 325 


up ofa well-dressed Angami warrior, flashing about in all his gala war- 
paint, as he goes bounding along, making the hills re-echo again and again 
with his peculiar ery, which when taken up by several hundred voices has 
a most extraordinarily thrilling effect, sometimes going off into deep bass- 
tones that would do credit to any organ accompaniment, at others running 
into strangely fiendish, jackal-like yells. 

The Angami’s chief article of attire, and one which distinguishes him 
from most other Nagas, isa kilt of dark blue or black cotton cloth of 
home manufacture, varying from 34 to 4% feet in length, according to 
the size of the man, and about 18 inches in width, decorated with three, 
and sometimes, though very rarely, with four, horizontal rows of small white 
cowrie-shells. This kilt passes round the hips and overlaps in front, the 
edge of the upper flap is ornamented with a narrow fringe, whilst the 
under-flap having a string attached to its lower corner is pulled up tightly 
between the legs, and the string, which generally has a small cowrie at- 
tached to the end of it, is then either allowed to hang loosely a few inches 
below the waist belt, or is tucked in at the side, and thus the most perfect 
decency is maintained, forming a pleasing’ contrast to some of their neigh- 
bours “ who walk the tangled jungle in mankind’s primeval pride”. I 
do not think that any dress that I have ever seen, tends so much to show 
off to the very best advantage all the points of a really fine man, or so 
ruthlessly to expose all the weak points of a more weedy specimen as this 
simple cowrie-begirt kilt. Thrown over the shoulders are generally, loose- 
ly worn, from two to three cotton or bark, home-spun cloths, according to 
the state of the weather. Some of these cloths are of an extremely pretty 
pattern, as for instance the very common one of a dark blue ground, with 
a double border of broad scarlet and yellow stripes on two sides, and fring- 
ed at both ends. When out on the war-trail, or got up for a dance, these 
cloths are worn crossed over the breast and back, and tied in a knot at the 
shoulder. 

I may here note that, like our own Scotch Highlanders, every Naga 
tribe uses a peculiar pattern of cloth, and thus any individual can at once 
be easily identified by his tartan. 

The Angamis cut their hair short in front, and either brush it off the 
forehead, leaving it parted in the middle, or let it hang down straight, com- 
ing to about an inch above the eyebrow, after the manner of Cromwell’s 
Round Heads. The hair on the top and back of the head is left long, 
and is tied into a peculiar knot, very like the chignons worn by our ladies 
in England a few years ago. Round this knot rolls of snow white cotton 
are bound, and on high-days and _ holidays into the base of this top knot 
they insert plumes of feathers according to the taste of the wearer. The 
favourite feather assumed by the warrior is the tail feather—white with a 


326 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angam Nagas. [No. 4, 


single broad bar of black at the top—of one of the numerous kinds of Tou- 
cans, or Horn Bills, that inhabit the dense forests of the Barrail mountains. 
So much are these tail feathers sought after on this account, that a single 
feather will fetch as much as from 4 to 8 annas. Some again wear a 
wreath or coronet of bear’s hair round the head, whilst others frizzle out 
their own natural hair @ Ul’ Impératrice. In their ears they wear several 
kinds of ornaments, but among the handsomest is the one formed of a 
boar’s tusk behind the lobe of the ear fixing on, and forming the sheath to, 
the stem of a peculiar button-like rosette worn in front of the ear. This 
rosette is about an inch and a half in diameter ; in the centre are two emerald 
green beetle’s wings (from the Buprestis sternicornis), round which are 
acirele of long shiny, white seeds, and on the outside of this again an en- 
circling fringe of scarlet hair, whilst from the lower portion flows down a 
long scarlet streamer of goat’s hair. The tusk is generally ornamented 
round the base with very pretty red and yellow cane-work. Another ex- 
tremely becoming ear ornament is made from the blue feathers of the jay. 
Brass earrings are also very common; but the most curious ear ornaments 
of all perhaps are the huge bunches-of white cotton, sometimes as big as a 
man’s fist, which some of the Nagas wear, giving a most queer monkey-like 
look to an otherwise not bad looking countenance. Strings of various coloured 
beads made of stone, shell, and glass, decorate their throats, the blood-red 
cornelian of a long hexagonal shape, and a peculiar yellow stone being 
among the most valued. Behind and on the nape of the neck is invariably 
worn the white conch shell, cut and shaped so as to fit properly, and sus= 
pended by a thick collar of dark blue cotton threads. A few also wear a 
queer barbaric-looking collar or scarf—for I have seen it worn both ways,— 
made of long locks of human hair intermingled with tufts of scarlet goat’s 
hair and dotted all round with cowrie shells, from the bottom of which is 
suspended an oblong piece of wood, about 6 inches in length and about 
4, inches in breadth, covered with alternate rows either of cowries, or the 
long, shiny, white seeds already referred to as used in the ear ornament, 
and black and red hair, and having a broad fringe of scarlet hair all round it. 

Each arm is decorated either with a broad ring of ivory, being simply 
a slice about 2 inches wide cut off an elephant’s tusk, or with very pretty 
looking bracelets about 3 inches wide, made of yellow and red cane, which 
are sometimes embellished with cowries and hair. All these armlets are 
invariably worn above the elbow. 

On the legs just below the knee, they wear a number of bands of very 
finely cut cane dyed black, whilst a few wear leggings made of very fine 
red and yellow cane-work, extending from below the knee to above the 
ankle. These are usually worked on to the leg, and are left there until they 
wear out, which happens I am told in about three months. 


1875.] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. 327 


It is strange to note how fond all nations, whether civilized or savage, 
are of bestowing some outward sign whereby all men may at once distin- 
euish the man of deeds from the common herd, and thus we here find that 
the Angdmi equivalent fora V. C., or “reward of valour’, is a Toucan’s 
tail feather and hair collar, whilst the substitute for a medal, showing that 
the wearer has been in action, or at all events that he has formed part of 
an expedition, is cowrie shells on his kilt. 

The dress of the women, though neat, decent, and picturesque in its 
way, is not nearly so showy as that of the men, and forms another notice- 
able instance of the female withdrawing from the contest wherever she 
finds the male a rival in the same field of indulgence in, and love of, person= 
al decoration. The most important perhaps, though least seen, portion of 
a woman’s dress is of course the petticoat, which is usually a piece of dark 
blue home-spun cotton cloth, about 2 feet in breadth, which passing round 
the hips overlaps about 6 inches. This is partially, if not entirely, covered 
by the folds of the next most important article of clothing, a broad cotton 
cloth, whose opposite corners are taken up and made to cross over the 
back and chest, thus covering the bosoms, and are tied in a knot over the 
shoulders. Finally, a second cloth is worn, either thrown loosely over 
the shoulders, or wrapped round the hips and tucked in at the waist. In 
the cold weather, they generally add an extra cloth, whilst in the warm 
weather, or when employed in any kind of hard work, such as tilling their 
fields, &c., they generally dispense with both these, and drop the corners 
of the other, or in other words simply strip to the waist. 

Round their throats they love to load themselves with a mass of neck- 
laces of all kinds, glass, cornelian, shell, seeds, and stone. In their ears the 
young girls wear a peculiar pendant formed of a circular bit of white shell, 
whilst the matrons generally dispense with earrings altogether. On their 
wrists above their elbows they wear thick heavy bracelets, or armlets, of 
brass, and a metal that looks like pewter. The young girls until they 
marry shave their heads completely, a very queer, ugly custom for which 
I have never succeeded in getting any adequate reason, nor can I suggest 
one. ‘The married women braid or loop up their hair very much after the 
manner of the Irish peasantry, often adding a few foreign locks to make up 
for any deficiency. Brides are generally to be recognized at a glance, 
from their hair being allowed to fall in waving masses round the head, not 
being long enough to be tied up. 


The accompanying admirable illustrations by Lieut. R. G. Woodthorpe, 
R. E., my able colleague and invaluable companion in the two last explora- 
tion expeditions into the Naga Hills, will I trust enable my readers fully 


828 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas. [No. 4, 


to appreciate the leading features of some of the most interesting races that 
inhabit this frontier. 

Plate XIX represents an Angami Naga of Chédéma in his war-dress, 
with loins girt up, and carrying two spears, ready for action. 

Plate XX is an Angami woman from Khonoma. 

Plate XXI, Fig. 1 is a young unmarried lass from Jotsoma, weaving 
in front of her father’s house. 

Fig. 2 is the sledge used by the Angémis for dragging up heavy 
monumental stones. 

Fig. 3 is the sketch of a well-to-do Angami Naga’s house in Rezami. 

Fig. 4 are two heads (man and woman) of individuals from Themi- 
jama (Hastern Angamis). 

Fig. 5 is the sketch of an effigy over an Angami warrior’s grave at 
Kohima. 

Fig. 6 represents the Eastern Angami dao. 

Fig. 7 is the white shell ornament for the nape of the neck. 

Fig, 8 is the Angémi ear ornament, mentioned above. 

Plate XXII is the likeness of Soibang, the Chief of Bormditon (or 
Chopna). 

Plate XXIII is the likeness of Phemi, the wife of the Chief shown in 
the previous illustration, 

Plate XXIV is a Hattigoria Naga, and 

Plate XXV is Assiringia, a woman of the same race. 

I may here observe that several figures have been here introduced 
merely for purposes of comparison and illustrate Tribes to which my notes 
here do not refer to at all; I hope, however, should this paper prove of any 
interest, that hereafter I may be enabled gradually to furnish notes on 
these races also. 


CuaptTer III. 


Journal. Asiatic Society of Benyal, Part I, 1875. , Plate XIX. 


Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. 


Photozimeographed at the 


ANGAMI NAGA of CHEDEMA, 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 


: 


Plate KX. 


Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta, 


ANGAMI WOMAN of KHONOMA. 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Ben 


Fig. 1. UNMABRY 


Pig, 2. SLEDGE 


RN ANGAMIS of THEMIJUMA, 


Protozmen¢graphod ar the Surveyor Geueval’s Office Calcutta, 


GAMI HOUSE in REZAMI, 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 


Flate XXI. 


Fig. 4. EASTERN ANGAMIS of THEMIJUMA 


Fig. 6. EASTERN ANGAMI DAO. 


Fig 1. UNMARMIED GIRL of JOTSAMA, WEAVING, 


WHITH SHELL FOR NAPE OF NECK 


s Fig. 8. ANGAMI KAR ORNAMENT. 
(one-fourth full size) 


NT 


Fig, 2. SLEDGE FOR DRAGGING STONES UPHILL. Fig. 5. EFFIGY ON NAGA GRAVE, Fig. 3. ANGAMI HOUSE in REZAMI 


¢ 
t 
3 


ene gity 


rnal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 
! Plate XXIII 


at the Surveyor General's Office 


| 
} 


Plate XX. 


society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 


— 


Z 


cena Asiatic 
Cagis 
\ 


SOIBANG VANGAM of CHOPNU, BORMUTAN. 


: Ree 


XIII 


x 


Plate > 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 


Photozineographed. at the Surveyor General’s Office Calcutte 


PHEMI, WIFE of SOIBANG, 


J 


cay. 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. Plate XXIV. 


Photozincofraphed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. 


HATIGORIA NAGA, MAN, 


Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1875. 


Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta. 


ASSIRINGIA NAGA, WOMAN, 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. 829 


Cuaprer III. 


Geology and Natural History. 

As regards the geology and physical aspect of the country occupied by 

the Aneamis and their neighbours, I cannot do better than quote from a 
‘report from the talented pen of my friend Major Godwin-Austen who states 
as follows: 

“The dead level portion of the Dhansiri valley comes to an end a few 
miles to the west of Dimapdr, and at a very short distance towards Sama- 
giting. The surface gradually rises over the broad conglomerate deposits, 
swept down out of the gorges of mountain streams like the Dipht-pani. 
The first line of hills rise abruptly to 2000 feet with a strike with the strata 
north-east and south-west, dipping south-east towards the main range at 
about 30° on the crest, the dip increasing rapidly northwards until nearly 
perpendicular at the very base, probably marking a great uninclinal bend 
in the rocks. These consist of sandstones, very thickly bedded in the upper 
portion, of red and ochre colour, interstratified with thinner beds of an 
indurated light coloured clay, nodules of which are very numerous and 
conspicuous in some of the soft sandstones. In exposed sections, such as 
that near the new tank at Samaguting, the strata are seen to be closely fault- 
ed in direction of the strike, the up-throw never exceeding a few feet. These 
beds I should refer to the Siwalik series. No mammalian remains have as 
yet been found in the neighbourhood. Nowhere is a better and more com- 
prehensive view obtained of the broad alluvial valley of the Dhansiri and 
its great forest than from Samagiting. Mile beyond mile of this dark 
forest stretches away and is lost in the distant haze, During the cold 
weather this is, usually in the early morning, covered with a dense woolly 
fog, which about 10 o’clock begins to roll up from the Brahmaputra against 
the northern slope of the Barrail, and often hangs over Samaguting and all 
the outer belt of hills late into the afternoon, when the inereasing cold dis- 
sipates it. The sandstone ridge, on which Samagiting is situated, runs 
parallel with the Barrail at a distance of 15 to 16 miles, measured from 
erest to crest. The Barrail rises very suddenly on its northern face, and the 
intervening country for a breadth of 8 miles is very low, forming a miniature 
dhun. ‘This intermediate depression continues westward for many miles: 
the outer range marked by the hills of Phegi and Laikek. It terminates 
to the eastward on the Kaditba spur, thrown off from the high north-east 
extremity of the Barrail, and this spur coincides with the great east up- 
throw of the Sub-Himalayan rocks composing the highest part of that range, 
and this I believe is a great north-north-west—south-south-east dislocation 
in the mountain mass, marked by the course and gorge of the Zubja. This 
dislocation is, I think, also intimately connected with the change in direc- 


830 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. [No. 4, 


tion of the main axis of elevation, which has thrown the line of main water- 
shed away to the south-east from its normal south-west—north-east direction, 
which it assumes at Asala. The dip of these tertiary rocks of the Barrail 
is steadily to the south-eastward throughout the whole distance, but it gra« 
dually changes round to due west, the beds on the highest part, Japyo, 
turning up at an angle of 35° west. These higher beds are fine slightly 
micaceous, ochre grey sandstones, very massive and weathering pinkish 
grey. From this the elevated out-crop of these sandstones tends to south, 
and is continuous south of the Barak in that direction right away into 
Manipur, conforming with the change in the strike of all the ridges, 
the parallelism of which is such a conspicuous feature of the physical 
geography. To the north-north-west the great change in this moun- 
tain system is marked by the broad re-entering arm of the Dhansiri, 
and the sudden appearance of the granitic series in force in the Mikir and 
Rengma Naga Hills, seen in the bed of the Nambor, and which becomes 
the principal feature eastward as far as the Garo Hills. Extensive and 
thick-bedded deposits of clay and conglomerate are seen in the Samagtting 
dhun, forming broad plateau-capped spurs. I had no time to examine 
these closely. They appeared to be nearly horizontal, and may belong to 
the highest beds of the Siwalik formation or the remains of deposits formed 
prior to the cutting through of the Dipht-pani gorge. Analogous deposits 
to the last occur in the North-West and Panjab Himalaya. At the base of 
the Barrail, proceeding to the depression at the sources of the Zullo and Sijjo, 
the Sub-Himalayan rocks pass downwards into thin-bedded sandy shales, 
with a steady westerly underlie. Whether the lowest beds represent num= 
mulitic or even cretaceous rocks, it is impossible to say. The thickness is 
very great, at least 3000 feet ; they rest on an older series of rocks with a 
totally different lithological aspect. There is uncomformability not always 
apparent, for they partake of a general westerly dip. The strong bedded 
younger rocks are but little disturbed, and on the east of the Sijjo come in 
again at Telligo, nearly horizontal, with a slight dip to east on the main 
ridge towards Kopamedza, marking an anticlinal axis ; their horizon is 
however lower. ‘The older beds on the contrary are much crushed, and 
change their dip and strike very frequently, the result of prior disturbance. 
They are composed of clay slates and very dark blue, friable shales, alter- 
nating with others of pale ochrey tint. They are saliferous, and veins of 
milky quartz are occasionally seen. Several salt springs occur near the 
bottom of the Zullo valley, under Viswemah, where the Nagas evaporate the 
water to obtain it. A warm mineral spring also occurs here. Evidence of 
past glacial action is very marked on the north-east side of the Barrail, 
where its elevation is close under 10,000 feet. Small moraines project be- 
yond the gorges of the lateral valley. These moraines originally consisted 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 331 


of much earthy matter due to the soft sandstones out of which they are 
derived. This and long surface weathering has led to their being well 
cultivated and terraced, but the original lines of larger angular blocks are 
still apparent. ‘Through these moraines the present streams have cut their 
channels down to the solid rock, leaving the slopes at an angle of 45°, out 
of which project great masses of the subangular sandstones. The thickness 
of the moraine at Kigwéma is quite 300 feet at the terminal slope, and the 
length of the former glacier would have been four miles to the crest of 
range at Japvo. At the head of the Zullo, traces of this former state of 
things are shown by the even height at which large transported blocks of 
the tertiary sandstones lie up against the sides of the ravine, resting on 
patches of rubble. No part of the Barrail is more beautiful than that be- 
tween Kigwéma and Sopvoma, looking up the lateral glacial gorges, with 
their frowning steep sides running up to the crest of the Barrail, which is for 
the greater part a wall of grey rock and precipice. Dense forest covers the 
slopes, but from their steepness many parts are bare, breaking the mono- 
tony of this dark coloured mountain scenery. Where the steep rise in the 
slope commences, the spurs are at once more level and are terraced for 
rice cultivation. Not a square yard of available land has been left, and the 
system of irrigation canals is well laid out. I have never, even in the 
better cultivated parts of the Himalayas, seen terrace cultivation carried to 
such perfection, and it gives a peculiarly civilized appearance to the country.” 

The Botany of the Naga Hills has still to be described, but this is a 
speciality only to be undertaken by an expert, to which title, I regret, I am 
unable to lay any claim whatever. I must therefore content myself with 
observing that oak, fir, birch, larch, apple, and apricot, are all to be found 
here, besides numerous other trees common to Asam, Of orchids there is 
a very great variety indeed. Indigenous tea is found growing all along 
the low northern slopes at the foot of the Barrail. Among the jungle 
products I may mention bees-wax, India-rubber, tea seed, and several 
fibres, besides red, yellow, blue, and black dyes. 

As with the Botany, so with the Natural History, we require men who 
have devoted their lives to its study, to do the subject justice. I will there- 
fore not attempt to do more than furnish the following list of some of the 
chief among the wild animals that I am personally aware are all to be found 
in the tract in question. 

1. Elephant—Elephas Indieus. These animals swarm throughout 
the Dhansiri valley, and are found all along the low ranges of 
the Barrail, but are rare in the high Angami country. 

2. Rhinoceros—Lhinocerus Indicus. These two animals are rare, 

3. Wild Buffalo—Bubalus Arni. and are only to be met with in 

the Dhansiri valley, 


332 


ico 


29. 


J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angam Nagas. [No. 4, 


Mithan—Gaveus frontalis. ‘These affect the forest-clad shades 
of the lower hills. 

Tiger—Felis Tigris. 

Leopard—Pardus. The black and clouded species of Leopard are 
also occasionally met with. 

Hill Black Bear— Ursus tibetanus. 

Indian Black Bear— Ursus labiatus. 

Badger— Arctonyzx collaris. 

Wild Boar—Sus Indicus. 

Sambar Deer—Rusa Aristotelis. 

Barking Deer—Cervulus Aureus. 

Gooral—Nemorhedus goral. 

Civet Cat—Viverra Zibetha. 

Tiger Cat—Felis Marmorata. 

Common Wild Cat—Felis Chaus. 

Pangolin—Manis pentadactyla. 

Porcupine—Hystria leucura. 

Hoolook— Hylobates Hoolook. 

Langur or Hanuman—Presbytis Schistaceus. 

Common Monkey—Inuus Rhesus. 

Otter—Lutra vulgaris. 

Bamboo Rat—Rhizomys badius. 

Common Brown Rat—JZus decumanus. 

Black Rat—/us Rattus. 

Black Hill Squirrel—Sciwrus macruroides. 

Common Striped Squirrel—Seivurus palmarum. 

Gray Flying Squirrel—Sciuropterus fimbriatus. 

Brown Flying Squirrel—Péteromys petaurista. 


Among Game Birds I would mention the following :— 


A. 
2. 


Cs) 


Peacock— Pavo assamicus (very rare and only in the plains). 

Deo Derrick Pheasant—Polyplectron tibetanum. Very numerous 
in the plains, valleys, and low hills, but only where there is 
dense forest. 

Derrick Pheasant—Gallophasis Horsfieldit. 

Argus Pheasant—Ceriornis Blythi (very rare and only on the Bar- 
rail Mountains at high elevations). 

Jungle Fowl— Gallus Bankiva (?) 

Hill Partridge—Arboricola rufogularis. 


1875.] J. Butler— Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. Bit 


Cuaprer IV. 
Language and Grammar. 

It is perhaps needless for me to state that the Angdmis have no 
written language whatever. I have hence adopted the Roman character, and. 
the plan I have followed for designating the long sound of all vowels has 
been by placing an accent immediately over the vowel; thus 4 is to be 
invariably pronounced like the English long a, as pronounced in such words 
as ‘‘mast”, “ father’, “ask”, &c.; é like the English a in “ fate’, or e in 
“prey”, ‘‘convey”’, &c.; iin like manner as the French i, or English ee, as 
in “peep’’, or i as it is pronounced in such words as “fatigue”, “ marine’, 
&c. ; 6 as the o in notice; and finally 0 similarly to the English long o in 
“move”, ‘prove’, &c., or 00 as in “ school”, “tool”, “fool”, &. This 
system, I may also add, is the one I have followed in the spelling of all 
proper names. 

I may here premise that laying no claims to philological lore of any 
kind, but on the contrary aspiring only to the humble position of a worker 
in the field, whose duty it is to collect and construct the bricks alone, so to 
say, of that science, I shall not even hazard a guess as to what great family 
of languages the Angami belongs, but prefer to leave that question for 
abler pens to decide. I may, however, say that in common with the tongues 
spoken by most, if not all, other nations in a similar state of civilization, or 
rather barbarism, the Angami is slightly, though not altogether, monosylla= 
bic and most simple in its structure, its root words undergoing very little 
change except for the purpose of symphony. 

The gender of nouns is denoted by different words for the different 
sexes, as: 

“ Thépvoma’’ (often contracted into “themma” and “ ma’), a man. 

“ Thentima’’, a woman. 

“ Apo”, father; “ A’zo’’, mother. 

“‘Nopvo”’, husband; “ Kima”, wife. 

Also by a change of termination, when the first syllable of the word is 
dropped ; thus “ mitha”’, a cow generally, whether male or female, “‘ thudo”’ 
a bull, “‘ thikr’, a cow (female); “tékhu,’ a tiger generally, whether 
male or female, “khtapvo”’ a tiger (male), “khikr’ a tigress; and 
often by the addition of the abbreviated forms of the terms “ poshi’, male, 
or “pokr”, female; thus ‘‘chishi”’ a male elephant, “cha-kr” a female 
elephant. And sometimes by the addition of the terms “ thépvoma’’, 
man, and “thenama”’, woman; thus, “nino” a cat, whether male or 
female, becomes “nano thépvoma” a male cat, and “nino thentima” a 
female cat. 

The plural is obtained by simply adding the termination “ ko” to the 


334 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


singular; as “thépvoma” a man; “‘ thépvomako” men; ‘‘kéthé” a stick, 
“kéthéko” sticks. But when a numeral is used, the noun remains in the 
singular, as “ thépvoma péngt”’ five men, “kéthé srt” six sticks. 

They have got a queer way of dropping the first syllable, or prefix, of 
certain substantives, apparently for sake of euphony, when employed in the 

1 2 8 
body of a sentence ; thus, for instance, a dog is “tefoh”, but Whose dog is 
4 Al eae? eS 
that P is “ Hao sdpo fohk ga”; and again, a spear is “ réngi”, but my 
spear is “angu”, where it will be observed that the “té” in the former, 
and the ‘‘ ré’”’ in the latter example, are entirely dispensed with. 

Cases are not marked by inflection, nor by the addition of any affix, 
except in the ablative when the particle “ ki’, from, is affixed. 

Adjectives appear to be invariably placed after the nouns they qualify, 
and have no change of termination for number, case, or gender ; as “‘ thépvo- 
ma kévi” a good man; “téfoh késho kénna” two bad dogs; “cha kéza” 
a great elephant. 

The comparative degree is formed by the positive adjective being pre- 
ceded by “ki”, as “keza” great, “ki kéza” greater; and the superlative by 
adding ‘‘ shwé”, ‘‘ tho’’, or “ péré”, to the positive; as “‘ kéza shwé’’, “ kéza 
tho”, or ‘‘kéza péré’, extremely great or greatest. 


The pronouns are as follows: 


itt A. This Hau. 

Thou No. These Hauko. 

He Po. That Lu, or Chi. 
We Heko. Those Luko. 

Ye Neko. Who? Sopo? 
They  Luko. Which? Kit? 


What? Kézipo? 


The adverbs are “ki?” where?, and “ chénd” now. 
The cardinal numbers are; 


1) Boy, 11 Keérr-o-pokr. 21 Méki-pokr. 
2 Kenna. 12 Kérr-o-kenna. 80 Ser. 
8 Sé 13 Keérr-o-sé. 40 Lhi-da. 
4 Da. 14 Kérr-o-da. 50 Lhi-péned. 
5 Péngt. 15 Kérr-o-péngt. . 60 Lhi-strd. 
6 Sard. 16 Keérr-o-stra. 70 Lhi-thenna. 
7 'Thénn4. 17 Mékt-pemo-thenna. 80 Lhi-thetha. 
8 Thétha. 18 Méku-pemo-thetha. 90 Lhi-thekdu. 
9 Thékt. 19 Méku-pemo-théki. 100 Kra. 

10 Keérr, 20 Méka. 1000 Nie. 


1875. ] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas, 335 
The only ordinals in use are ‘‘ kerao” first, “ kend”’ second, and “ sesao’’ 
third. 


The Verbs are simple, and appear to have but three tenses, the Past, 
Present, and Future, thus : 


Chi—To give. 
Present Tense. 


Igive A’ chiéwé. We give Heko chiiéwe. 

You give No chtiéwé. Ye give Neko chiéwe. 

He gives Po chtewe. They give Luko chuéwe. 
Past Tense. 

Igave A chié. We gave Heko chté. 

You gave No chié, Ye gave Neko chué. 

He gave Po chué. They gave Luko chué. 


Future Tense. 
Iwill give Acchuto. Wewill give Heko chuto. 
You will give No chuto, Ye will give Neko chuto. 
He will give Po chuto. They will give Luko chuto. 
Imperative. 
Give—Chitché. 
They have no names for the days of the week, and their year commen- 
ces in March. The names of the several months are as follows: 
January Képha. July Cha-chi, 
February Khrénié. August  Chadi. 
March  Kérvra. September Chéré. 
April Kéno. October Réiéh. 
May Kézi. November Théné. 
June Képsa. December Vi-phe. 
The following phrases will perhaps best illustrate the structure of the 
language. 


Phrases—English and Angami. 


1. Open the door. Kikha khrehé. 

2. Shut the door. Khikha pha lé ché. 

3. Don’t forget. Si motahéché. 

4, Besilent. Kémé kri ba che. 

5. Don’t make anoise. Méléhe. 

6. Make haste. Chimha shé, or chi mhai lé. 

7. Come quickly. Mhai vorché. 

8. Go quickly. To mhai shi ché. 

9. Come here. Haki phir, or Haki vor. 
10. Sit there. Chiki balé, or Liki balé. 
Jl. Whois he? Lia sopo? 


336 


12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
i6. 
ile 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24, 
25. 
26. 
27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 
30. 
34. 
35. 
36. 
37. 
38. 
39. 
40. 


41. 
42, 
43. 
4A, 
45. 
46. 


47. 
48. 
49, 
50. 
51. 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 


What is thisP Hau kéjipo? 

They are liars. Luko ketichema 4wé, 

Who lives there? Sopo chin baia P 

It is raining. ‘Tir rié. 

It will rain soon. Péchamo tir vor taté. 

What do you want? No kéjipo chaiaga ? 

What do you say ? No kéjipo phaga ? 

Is that true? Sa ketho mé? ' 

Who says so? Sopo sidi puaga P 

Don’t you know ? No simo mé? 

What shall I eat ? A kéjipo chito P 

Why do you laugh? No kidi nabiea ? 

Don’t ery. Kra hé. 

Don’t strike him. Po va hé. 

Call some coolies. Kuli mako kéléché. 

It is very hot to-day. Tha ti lé shwé. 

There isno wind. Tirékhra moté. 

Open your mouth. No méko shi. 

Have you eaten your dinner? No mhaché mé P 

Ask him. Po ketso shi ché. 

Tell him. Po ki pu shi ché. 

What advantage is there in that ? Lu n& kepo vi to-ga P 

There is no use in that ? Lu nu mhapori jilé injito.- 

What animal is this? Khtno hat kejipoga ? 

Whose house is that ? Lu sopo kiro ? 

You can go now. No ché voléto. 

My head aches. A tsti chi ba, 

My stomach aches. <A va chi ba. 

Where did you learn Assamese? No Téphi khwé kéji poki nt 
siléga P 

Does your tooth ache P No ha chiba mé ? 

What is the price of this? Hai po ma kéji ki ro P 

Where are you going P No kéjiki votoga P 

Where shall you stay to-night ? Chéji kéjiki po batogé ? 

Which is the best of these three ? Sé ko kejit viga ? 

Is anything eatable to be got there? Chi na mha kéchiho ba 
nha? f 

Do you know where he is gone P No simé moga po keji ki votéva ? 

Clean those things well. Lt koha shwé kémésava. 

Is to-day a holiday with you? Tha kénié ba mé P 

What is the name of this village ? Hau rénna za keji po ga? 

Of what clan are you? No sopo thinorr ? 


elie toe ~ - 


1875.] 


85. 
86. 
87. 


88. 
89, 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angémi Nagas. 337 


Do you know him ? No po simé? 

How is he to-day ? Po tha kejimha baga ? 

He is better than he was yesterday. Ndt ki tha viwé. 

Why does he not come? Po kidi vor moga ? 

That is the same thing. So kémhé zo. 

I cannot go to-morrow. A sodu tolélho. 

Very well, go the day after to-morrow. Viwé, kénonha volé. 

He is a very bad man. Po thémma késho shwé. 

He can speak Manipuri. Po Makri ma khwe si bawe. 

He tells me one thing and you another. Po aki dé po pt, unki 
dé kékri pu. 

Bring me some water. Dza hocho pévor ché. 

Where is my coat? A bula kéjé ki ji ro P 

Bring my hat. A tst re pe vorché. 

Hold my horse. A kwir té chilé. 

Clean my shoes. A phikwé sipevichiché. 

Warm some water. Dza hocho péléshiché. 

Don’t make it very hot. Pélé ba vahe. 

Give me some salt. Méts& hocho atchui ché. 

This egg is rotten. Hat po dza showe. 

What milk is that ? Had kézipo dzi ga P 

Have you caught any fish to-day P Tha kho té mé? 

Yes, I have caught one large “ Méhsir”. Uwé, 4 Thacha kéza 
po télé. 

Have you got it with you there ? Kio? unzé ma ba mé?P 

Yes, I have it with me. Uwé a zé ma ba we. 

Very well, cook it and I will eat it. Oh viwé, shalé 4 chito. 

Get me some fruit, | am hungry. Rosi hocho pé vor, a mér bawe. 

What fruit would you like to eat P Rosi ki kijipo chiniébaga P 

Blow the fire. Mi mhé shé. 

The fire is out. Mi mhé té. 

It is time to go. To vo vi té. 

Don’t turn to the right. Uzatcha vo ta hé. 

No, I will turn to the left. Mo, 4 avi cha voto. 

Stop here. Haki balé. 

Who is there ? Chiki sopo thaga P 

Buy me ten fowls. A théva kérr khrléto. 

They won’t sell any fowls now. Wko chend théva mapori zwé 
moché. 

Why won’t they sell? Kidi zwé mo gd P 

If you will give a rupee apiece, they will sell. No raké po-po 
chusiche zwéto we. 


308 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. [No. 4, 
90. Who is the Chief of your village ? Névama soma Péiga. 
91. Viponid is our Chief. Viponia Péuma zo. 
92. Is that bill-hook sharp? Lda zé polla vi mé mo ? 
93. It is getting dark, light the candles. Tizitéiyé mi péta shi. 
94. Give him some liquor. Ztharo hoché pdtchu che. 
95. Awake me to-morrow at cock-crow. Sodu théva kékha ki a késG © 
si ché. 
96. Tell me what things I am to bring. A ki pt si che kezi m4 ma 
se vorto. 
97. You must bring rice, wood, and salt. Chiko, si, métsa, sé vorché. 
98. All men must die. Pete thémma sata che. 
99. He lives alone. Po thé porebi ba. 
100. I also have ten horses. A ri kwior kérr ba. 
101. You are always coming late. No tisonha vor menoba. 
102. Goandsee. Vo di philé. 
103. I did not say anything. A mhéa pori pti mo. 
104, Where have you been? No kezi ki vogd? 
105. Take this away. Hao sé té.. 
106. That boat belongs tome. Lt ard wé. 
107. Blow the fire. Mi mhén shi-che. 
108. The wind blows now. Tirekhra ié. 
109. Shall he go by land or by boat ? Késo ni chaito me ra ni chiito? 
110. Can you swim? No dza nv tolé si mé moro. 
111. He can not come to-day. Lt tha vor lel ho. 
112. ‘Take this to your Chief. Hat se vo Pétma tsiché. 
CuHaPrTer V. 
Vocabulary. 
English. Angami. English. Angamt. 
A, an, or one, a. Po Acquaintance, 2. Késima, Urchima 
Abandon, v. Khashiché Advance, v. Ralé 
(let go) Advantage, 2. Mévi 
Abdomen, 2. Vaka, Vadi Adversary, 2. Netméma 
Above, prep. Mho Adult, 2. Khisama 
Absent, a. Tomo Adze, n. Kethi 
Abundance,»  Kia-pézé Afar, ad. Shacha 
Accept, v. Lélé Affection, 7. Khré 
Accompany, v. Kézétollé Affray, 7. Keva 
Accurate, a. Pota After, prep. Sa 
Ache, n. Chi, Shi Afternoon, 7. Thékhéva 
Acid, a. Kroh, Khié Again, ad. La 


1875.] 


English. 
Aged, a. 
Ague, 2. 

Air, 7. 
Alike, ad. 
Alive, a. 
All, a. 
Alligator, 2. 
Almighty, a. 


Alone, a. 
Aloud, ad. 
Also, ad. 


Altogether, ad. 


Always, ad. 
Amid, prep. 
An, a, one. 
And, conj. 
Anger, 7. 
Ankle, 2. 
Annually, ad. 
Ant, 7. 
Ant-hill, 2. 
Apiece, ad. 
Armadillo, 2. 
Armlet, 7. 
Armpit, 7. 
Around, prep. 
Arrow, 2. 
Ascend, v. 
Ash, 7. 

Ask, v. 
Asleep, ad. 
Aunt, 7. 
Awake, v. 
Axe, 7. 


Babe, Baby, 2. 


Bachelor, 7. 
Back, 7. 
Backdoor, 7. 
Bacon, 7. 
Bad, @. 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angimi Nagas. 309 
Angin. English, Angam. 

Kétcha Badger, 2. Chomhuvho 
Kipé Bag, n. Lokho 
Timelhu Bald, a. Supa 
Kémha Ball, nm. Kémérr 
Rhi Bamboo, 2. Kérra 
Pété Bank n. 
Ra, Khokérra (of a river), Khé 
Pétékiké-méchia- | Banquet, x. Lhé 

shwé Bare, a. Mésa 
Thé, Rébi Bark n. 
Rékré (of a tree), Poku, Sika 
Ri Bark, v. Ré 
Pété kézé Barn, 1. Télha-ki 
Ti-sonha Barrel, 7. (gun), Pu, Missipa 
Métcho-ma Barter, v. Kélli . 
Po Basin, 7. Mékhu 
Ri Bastard, 2. Tékhrono 
Nimo Bat, m. Sep-cha 
Phimhi Bathe, v. Zarélahé 
Tichi-kepra Battle, 2. Térrh 
Mhaché Beak, 7. Ta 
Repa Beam, 2. Kipér, Kiprr 
Po-po Bear, 1. Théga 
Tépphé Beard, n. Tama 
Kétho Beat, v. Vaché 
Socha Beautiful, a, Net-kévi 
Pété-ki Bedstead, n. Thézi 
Thillsi Bedding, x. Zikhra 
Kialé, kholé Bee, n. Mékhwi 
Migé Beef, 1. Mithtchi 
Kétcholé Before, prep. Mohtzt 
Zhitéwé Beg, v. Krohchiléché 
Ané Beggar, 2. Kroh-kechima 
Chésélé Behind, prep. Satcha 
Mérr, Sidtrr Behold, v. Pilé 
Nitchtnoma Belch, v. Pékhé 
Khisama, Bellow, v. Moié 
Naka Belly, x. Vadi, Vaka 
Kithokikha Belly-ache, ~.  Vadiché 
Thévohchih Below, ad. Kho, Khro 
Késho Belt, x. Sésha 


840 


Hinglish. 
Bend, v. 
Best, a. 
Better, a. 


Between, prep. 


Beware, v. 
Big, a. 
Bill-hook, 2. 
Bind, v. 

Bird, 7. 
Birth, 2. 
Birth-place, 2. 


Bitch (female of 


dog), 7. 
Bite, v. 
Bitter, a. 
Black, a. 
Blind, a. 
Blood, 7. 
Blossom, 7. 
Blow, v. 
Blue, a. 
Board, 2. 
Boat, 7. 
Boatman, 2. 
Body, n. 
Boil, v. 
Bold, a. 
Bone, 7. 
Book, n. 
Boot, n. 
Borrow, v. 
Bottom, n. 
Bough, 7. 
Boundary, 2. 
Bow, 2. 
Bowels, 7. 
Box, 7. 
Boy, 2. 
Bracelet, 1. 
Brains, 2. 
Brass, 7. 


. Butler—Rough Notes 


Angami, 
Kéréguilé 
Kévithot 
Sés4 kévi 


Dont, Metchont 


Chiswéléché 
Kéza 

Jé 

Phalé 

Péra 

Péno, Kepéno 
Képénophé 


Phukrr 
Méki 
Kékha 
Kéti 
Mhichié 
Théza 
Nipa 
Mhélé 
Loshi 
Méla, Sobja 
Ra 

Ru kéthama 
Moh 
Kérédalé 
Kéréza 

Ru 

Léshi 
Phikté 
Thépulé 
Khro 

Si chié, sicho 
Thérra 
Thilla 

Pora 

Kuzo 
Nichima 
Jiétsi 

Maver 
Méréni 


on the Angémi Nagas. 


English. 
Breadth, 2. 
Break, v. 
Breast, 7. 
Breath, 2. 
Breathe, v. 
Bridge, 7. 
Bring, v. 
Broad, a. 
Broad-cloth, 7. 
Broken, part. 
Broom, 2. 
Brother (elder), 2. 

» (younger), 7. 
Brother-in-law, 2. 
Brow, 7. 

Buck (deer), 2. 
Buffalo, 2. 
Build, v. 

Bull, 2. 
Bullet, 7. 
Bundle, x. 
Burden, 2. 
Burn, v. 
Burst, v. 
Bury, v. 
Butterfly, 2. 
Button, 2. 
Buy, v. 

By and by, ad. 
Bird cage, 2. 
Calf, a. 

Calf (of leg), 7. 
Call, v. 

Cane, 2. 
Canon, %. 


Cap, 2. 
Carry, v. 

Cat, 2. 
Catch, v. 
Caterpillar, 2. 


[No. 4, 


Angdimi, 

Za, Poza 
Bétswélé 
Mérr 
Ha 
Ha shiché 
Peh 
Séphir, Pékhor 
Méja 
Bula, Khwé [wa 
Vaphroa, Bétswé- 
Nizwér6 
Zorao 
Sazéo 
Ami 
Tikha 
Tékhia 
Rélli 
Siléché 
Thutdo 
Missi-shi 
Kérri 
Pé, Pwé 
Réwa, Pétia 
Baphroa, Pro 
Khrualé 
Sopro 
Balla-kékt 
Khri-léche 
Kéna 
Péra khoro 
Mithtn6d 
Phitsa 
Késhi-ché 
Thérr 
Sidi (Misi kedi, 

z. @, great gun) 
Tsaré 
Phléché 
Nunno 
Télé 
Chopé 


1875.] 


English. 
Centipede, 2. 
Chaff, 2. 
Chain, 7. 
Change, v. 
Charcoal, 7. 
Chase, 2. 
Cheap, a. 
Cheek, 7. 
Chicken, 2. 
Child, 2. 
Chin, 7. 
Civet cat, 7. 
Clap, v. 
Claw, 2. 
Clean, a. 
Cleave, v. 
Cloth, 2. 
Cloud, x. 
Cobweb, 2. 
Cock, n. 
Cold, 2. 
Cold season, 7. 
Come, v. 
Comprehend, v. 
Conceal, v. 
Cook, v. 
Copper, 2. 
Cord, x. 
Cost, 2. 
Cotton, 2. 
Cover, v. 
Count, v. 
Cow, 2. 
Cow-dung, 2. 
Coward, 7. 
Cowree, 1. 
Crab, 1. 
Crazy, @. 
Crooked, a. 
Crow, %. 


Cry, v. 


Angamt. 
Zarr 
Pha 
Théja, Kidt 
Kkélilé 
Mijje 
Hova 
Méli 
Jwé, Jo 
Thévno 
Nichima 
Mékho 
Thékrr 
Bida 
Phitché 
Mésa 
Phrolé 
Khwé 
Kémhu 
Sérécha 
Votzu 
Méka, Si 
Tisi 
Phirché, Vorché 
Siléché 
Kévaléché 
Shaléché 
Paisaji 
Kérré, Kéié 
Poma 
Chopsa, Chotsa 
Whéshiché 
Phréléché 
Thakr 
Mithabd 
Kémithima 
Késha 
Séco 
Kéloho, Kénidmé 
Kérégwi 
Shijja 
Kralé, Roiyé 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 


English. 
Cubit, 2. 
Cup, 7. 
Custom, 7. 
Cut, v. 
Daily, ad. 
Dance, v. 
Dark, a. 
Daughter, 7. 
Day, 2. 
Dead, a. 
Deaf, a. 


Dear (costly), a. 


Deer, 7. 
Descend, v. 
Devil, 2. 
Dialect, 2. 
Difficult, a. 
Dig, v. 
Dirty, a. 
Disease, 2. 
Distant, a. 
Ditch, n. 
Divide, v. 
Dog, x. 
Door, n. 
Dove, 2. 
Drag, v.- 
Drink, v. 
Drum, 2. 
Drunk, a. 
Dry, a. 
Dry, v. 
Dung, 2. 
Dysentery, 7. 
Ear, 2. 
Harring, 2. 


arth, 2. 


Harthquake, 2. 


East, v. 


341 


Angam, 
Tha 
Téhi 
Uzié 
Da siché 
Tisonha 
Kéhitiché 
Zi. 
Nopva 
Khinhi 
Satalé, Késsa 
Ponioroguwé 
Répézé 
Tékhia 
Lakerlé 
Terho-kesho 
Nekhwé 
Ré 
Théléché 
Kérht 
Mhaché 
Sh4-cha 
Zvrharr 


~ Kezach4shiche 


Téfoh 

Ki-kha 

Mokhra 

Kivorché 

Kraléché 

Kébba 

Kémézé 

Késsa 

Phésiché 

Bo 

Thézabo 

Nié 

Rénni (for males) ; 
Niso 
males) 

Kizi 

Kiéki [Nathicha 

Naki-kéthacha or 


(for — fe- 


342 


English. 


Fat, v. 
Keg, 7. 
Hight, 
Highteen, 


Eighty, 
Elbow, 2. 


Elephant, 2. 


Eleven, 
Evening, 7. 
Hye, 2. 
Eyebrow, 2. 
Eyelash, 2. 
Hyelid, 2. 
Fall, v. 
False, a. 
Far, a. 
Fat, a. 
Father, 7. 
Fault, 2. 
Feather, 7. 
Feeble, a. 
Feed, v. 
Female, a. 
Fetch, a. 
Fever, a. 
Few, a. 
Fifteen, 
Fifty, 
Fight, v. 


Fill, v. 
Fin, 7. 
Find, v. 
Finger, 7. 
Fire, 2. 
First, a. 
Fish, v. 
Fish, 7. 


Fish-hook, n. 
Fishing-rod, 2. 


Angamt. 
Chi 
Dzo, Podzo 
Thétha 
Mékt-pomo-thé- 
tha 
Lhi-thétha 
Buathu 
Chu, Tsa 
Kerr-o-pokr 
Théva 
Mhi 
Uké 
Mhima 
Mhi-né 
Krr 
Kétichi, Kéchirr 
Sha-cha 
Lo 
Pa, or Apa 
Gwakemo 
Ma, Thévma 
Kéméné 
Vachi 
Pokrr 
Péphirché 
Roki 
Petsa, Hotcho 
Kérr-o-péngit 
Lhi-pénet 
Kénné-ché, Térrh- 
siché 
Sa-shiché 
Khoshitsi 
Net-shiché 
Bichino 
Mi 
Kérao 
Khoté 
Kho 
Khoshéewi 
Khosési 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 


English. 
Five, 
Flat, a. 
Flint, a. 


Flower, 7. 
Fly, v. 

Fog, 2. 
Foot, 7. 
Forehead, 7. 
Forest, 7. 
Forgive, v. 
Forget, v. 
Formerly, ad. 
Fort, 7. 
Fortify, v. 
Forty, 


_ Four, 


Fourteen, 
Fowl, 2. 
Friend, 2. 
Frog, 2. 

Front door, 7. 
Fruit, 2, 
Gall-bladder, 2. 
Ginger, 2. 

Girl, 7. 

Give, v. 

Go, v. 

Goat, 2. 

God, 7. 

Gold, 2. 

Good, a. 

Goose, 2. 
Grandfather, 7. 
Grandmother, 2. 


Grandson, 2. 


[No. 4, 
Angimi. 
Péngt 
Mézi 
Jipvori, Kétsé- 
théga 


Ménipt or Nhipa 

Proché 

Kémhi 

Phi 

Tikha 

Nha, Ketsa 

Khasiché 

Rékra, Motaché 

Kéraki 

Kuda 

Kiuidahiléché 

Lhida 

Da 

Keérr-o-da 

Théva 

Aso 

Gwirrno 

Ki-kha 

Shi, si, rosi 

Thésiéh 

Kévu 

Reliénima 

Chuaché 

Totaché, Toshi 

Ténio 

Terrho-dit 

Sona 

Kévi 

Topha-kedi 

Aptichao 

Achapfa, o7 Azap- 
vu 


Nono 


Granddaughter, 2. Nokima 


Grass, 7. 
Grasshopper, 2. 
Grave, 7. 


Nha 


Téka 
Mokhri 


1875.] J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas, 343 
English. Angamt. English. Angami. 

Great, a. Kédi, Kéza Hundred, a. Kra 
Green (color), a. Pézié or Képézié Hunger, a. Mérr 
Green (raw), a. Kérhé I, pro. A 
Ground, 7. Kézi Idiot, 2. Kélého 
Gullet, 2. Mezaro Idle, a, K étsoma 
Gun, 7. Missi Tron, 2. Théja 
Gunpowder,” Bakhar Ivory, 2. Chahu 
Guts, 2. Ra Jaw, 1. Méchie 
Hail, 2. te Join, v. Méthashi 
Hair (of man), 2. Tst-tha, Tha Jump, v. Prisiché 
Hair (of ani- Jungle-fowl, 2.  Voprr 

mal), 2. Ma Jungle, 2. Nha 
Half, a. Técha Keep, v. Pévéléché 
Halfway, 2. Chakhwipo Kick, v. Phitcha-potché 
Hammer, 2”. Jivatché Kad, 2. Téniono 
Hand, 2. Bi, or Bhi Kidney, 7. Mécha 
Handsome, 2, Nga-vi Kall, v. Dakhriléché 
Hawk, 2. Muvino Kilt, 2. Ni, Méni 
He, pro. Po Kind, a. Mézié 
Head, 2. Tst King, 2. Kédima 
Hear, v. Réniélé Knee, 2. Khatza 
Heart, 2. Mélu Knot, 7. Pélé 
Heavy, a. Meswi Knuckle, 7. Bikhrr 
Heel, x. Phitso Ladder, 2. Kkhéa 
Hen, 2. Vokrr Lame, a. Réhié 
Here, ad. Haki Language, 2. Khwé, Dé 
Hide, v. Kévalé Leaf, 2. Nié 
Hill, 2. Kazikhra Leather, 2. Chiza 
Hip, 2. Ligé Leg, n. Phi 
Hoe, n. Kéja Lemon, 2. Shohosi 
Hog, 2. Vokrr Length, ». Kécha 
Hold, »v. Téléché Leopard, 7. Tékhukhtiha 
Honey, 7, Mékhwitdza Lick, v. Méiéché 
Hoof, x. Mu, Poma Lightning, 2. Timeprior Timella 
Horn, 2. Ka, Poka Lip, 2. Sho 
Horse, 2. Kwirr Listen, ». Rénieléché 
Hot, a. Lé Little, a. Kéchi, Chi 
House, ”. Ki Little finger, 2. Bichono-re-khré- 
How ? ad. Kidi? cho 
How much? ad. Kéziki? Liver, 7. Séh 

How many ? ad. Kichtrd ? Long, @. Kecha 


344 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas, [No. 4, 
English. Angam. | English, Angami. 
Lungs, 7. Phiéh Now, ad. Ché 
Man, 2. Thépvoma, or Ma | Oil, x. Gakridzit 
Thémma Old, a. Kétsa 
Mangoe, 2. Merrosi Once, ad. Zopo 
(fruit) One, Po 
Meat, 2. Themo Onion, 7. Khora 
Medicine, 2. Dart Orange, 2. Chiffo 
Mend, »v. Threléché Orphan, 7. Méronom4 
Middle, 2. Métso Owl, 2. Bokhro 
Midnight, 2. Tilloki Pain, z. Chi 
Milk, z. Nudzu Peacock, n. Radi 
Monkey, 2. Tékwi Pig, 7. Thevo (wild pig, 
Month, 2. Khrr Mengi) 
Moon, 7. Kerr, or Khrr Pigeon, 1. Topér 
Mosquitoe, 2. Vira Plantain, 7. Tékwhési 
Mother, 2. Azo (tree. ) 
Mountain, 2. Kaji-khra, or Sajé- | Poison, 2. Théri 
khra Poor, 2. Mhaji 
Mound, 2. Répu Porcupine, 2. Sékrt 
Mouse, 2. Zucheno Potato, 2. Réphé 
Moustaches,». Tama Pull, v. Teshilé 
Mouth, 2. Ta Push, v. Neshi 
Mud, x. Niéba Raft, 2. Gwéia 
Musket, 2. Missi Rafter, 7. Terht 
Nail (finger), m. Bitsé Rain, 2. Tir 
Naked, a. Métho Rat, 7. Thézt 
Navel, 2. Loh Raw, a. Kérhi 
Near, prep. Képénoki Red, a. Kéméri, Loid 
Neck, 2. Vo Rest, v. Rélité 
Needle, 1. Thépré Return, v. Lakérlé 
Nephew, 1. No, or Sazéono Rhinoceros, 2. Kwéda 
Nest (bird), m. Pérra-kra Rib, 2. Tié 
Net, 2. Lia Rice (unhusk- 
New, a. Késsa ed), 2. Lhama 
Niece, 7. No Rice (husked 
Night, 2. Tizi and cooked), 2. Té 
Nine, Théku Rice (uncook- 
Nineteen, Mékti-pemo-théka ed), 2. Chiko 
Ninety, Lhi-théka Rich, 2. Mahni 
No, ad, Mo Ring, 7. Bikha 
Nose, 2, WNhitcha Ripe, @. Mé 


1875.] 


English. 
River, 2. 
Road, 2. 
Root, 7. 
Rope, 2. 
Rotten, a. 
Rupee, 7. 
Salt, 7. 
Same, a, 
Sand, 2. 
Sap, 7. 
Save, Vv. 
Say, v. 
Scratch, v. 
See, v. 
Seize, v. 
Seven, 
Seventy, 
Seventeen, 
Shade, 2. 
Shallow, a. 
Shame, a. 
Share, v. 
Sharpen, 2, 
Shave, v. 
Shield, x. 
Short, a. 
Shoulder, . 
Shut, v. 
Sick, a. 
Silver, 2. 
Sing, 2. 
Sister, 7. 
Sister-in-law, 7, 
Sit, v. 

Six, 
Sixteen, 
Sixty, 
Skin, 2. 
Sky, 2. 
Sleep, v. 
Slowly, ad. 


Angamt. 
Kerr 
Cha, Sha 
Mi, Pomi 
Kérré, Kéié 
Tita 
Raka 
Métsa 
Kémha 
Hocha 
Sidza 
Pévélé 
Pulé 
Pekhwasiché 
Pwhisiché 
Téléché 
Théna 
Lhi-théna 


Méku-pémo-théna 


Tist 

Kélloki 
Ménga 
Kézaléché 
Kérsiché 
Thasiché 
Pézhi 

Kétza, Kéchi 
Bukhé 
Kévasiché 
Mhachi 
Rakajé 
Kéllisichiché 
Alapvo 

Mé, Amé 
Balé 

Strti 
Kérr-o-strt 
Lhi-stru 

Jih 

a 

Jiléché 
Rekrihé-rekrihé 


English. 


Sly, a. 
Small, a. 
Smell, v. 
Snake, 7. 
So, ad. 
Son, 7. 
Sour, a. 
Sow, v. 
Span, 7, 
Spear, 2. 
Spider, 2. 
Spit, v. 
Spleen, 2. 
Square, a. 
Stab, v. 
Star, 7. 
Steal, v. 
Stick, 2. 
Stone, 7. 
Stomach, 2. 
Straight, a. 
Stream, 7. 
Strength, 2. 
Strike, v. 
Suck, v. 
Sun, 7. 
Swear, v. 
Sweep, v. 
Sweet, a. 
Tail, 2. 
Take, v. 
Tall, a. 
Tear, v. 
Ten, a. 
Testicle, 2. 
They, pro. 
That, a. 
Then, ad. 
There, ad. 
Thick, a. 
Thief, 2, 


J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angdmi Nagas 


Angamnt, 
Méié 
Chi, Kéchi 
Theng dsiché 
Tinhi 
Hidi. 
No, Ano 
Khié 
Vokrr 
Kupo 
Réngt 
Siré 
Métsachiché 
Nata 
Pokada 
Phiésiché 
Théma 
Réetlé ché 
Kéthé 
Kétché 
Vadi, Vaka 
Mézi 
Kérr 
Kéméti 
Vusiché 
Kélhéléché 
Naki 
Réswéléché — 
Tswéaché 
Kémt 
Mi 
Léléché 
Rékré 
Kihasiché 
Kérr 
Dza 
Liko 
La 
Nhi 
Chinu, Liki 
Mélloh, Shi 
Kérégima 


346 J. Butler—Rough Notes on the Angami Nagas. 


English. 
Thin, a. 
This, pro. 
Thirty, 
Thirst, 2. 
Thorn, 2. 
Thou, pro. 
Thousand, 
Three, 
Throw, 2. 
Thunder, 2. 
Thus, ad. 
Tie, v. 

Tiger, 7. 
To-day, ad. 
Toe, n. 
To-morrow, ad. 
Tongue, 2. 
Tooth, 2. 
Torch, 2, 
Touch, v. 
Tree, 2. 
Tribe, 2. 
Truth, 2. 
Twelve, 
Twenty, 
Two, 

Unbind, v. 
Uncle (father’s 
side), 2. 

Uncle (mother’s 
side), 2. 
Unite, v. 
Unripe, a. 
Vegetable, n. 
Village, n. 
Warm, a. 


Angami. 
Repvo 
Hao, cha 
Sérr 
Térrh 
Choht 


Sé 

Péiésiché 
Prthé 

Hidi 
Phaléché 
Tékha-khidi 
Tha 
Bhichino 
Sodt 

Mélla 

Ha 

Mita 
Bésiché 

Si 

Thino 
Kétho 
Kérr-o-kéna 
Mékt 

Kéna 
Phishiché 


Ne, Ané 


Amiti 
Kéméthisiché 
Mémo 

Ga 

Rénna 

Lé 


English, 


Warm, v. 
Wash, »v. 
Water, . 
Wax, n. 
We, pro. 
West, 7. 


Wet, v. 
What, pro. 
When, ad. 
Where, ad. 
Which, pro. 
White, a. 


White-ant, 2. 


Who, pro. 


_ Why, ad. 


Wide, a. 


| Widow, x. 


Widower, 2. 
Wife, x. 
Wind, 2. 


Wind-pipe, 7. 


With, prep. 


Within, prep. 


Woman, 7. 
Wood, 2. 
Wrist, 2. 
Write, v. 
Yam, 2. 
Ye, pro. 
Year, 2. 
Yellow, a. 
Yes, ad. 
Yesterday, 2. 
You, pro. 


[No. 4, 


Angam, 
Péléléché 
Ménisiché 
Dza 
Mekhwibo 
Héko 
Naki-keleta, Naki- 

atcha 
Pétséléché 
Kézi 
Kéziki 
Kind, Kira 
Kid, Kézia 
Kekia, Kepe or 
Kécha 
Mékhrr 
Sort, Sopora 
Kézit 
Za, Méia 
Sathémipvoma 
Thémi, Samima 
Kima 
Tikhra 
Mézaro 
Zé 
Na 
Théntima 
Si 
Buaché 
Léshi-ruléché 
Pdza 
Néko 
Chi, Titchi 
Loihé 
U, Uwé 
Ndu 
No 


1875.] 847 


An Account of the Maiwdér Bhils.—By T. H. Henpiny, Surgeon, Jaipur 
Agency, Rojpitand. 
(With a plate.) 


Much has been written on the subject of the Bhils, but it may not be 
thought uninteresting to give an account of those members of the race who 
reside in the hilly tracts of Maiwar, as there they have perhaps best pre- 
served their individuality. I have been able to collect a good deal of in- 
formation, whilst residing amongst them as Surgeon of the Maiwér Bhil 
Corps, and have in addition derived much benefit from the local knowledge 
of Thakur Gambhir Singh, a Rathor Chief settled in the Tracts. Major 
Gunning, Commandant of the Bhil Corps, has kindly read the bulk of 
my paper, and has also furnished a large number of valuable notes, without 
which it would have been difficult to complete the subject—to both these 
gentlemen my best thanks are due. 

Religion.—In the present day, the religion of the Bhil is one of igno- 
rance and fear, modified more or less by contact with powerful and formed 
faiths ; in some parts of Khandesh, for example, Muhammadanism has been 
the prevailing influence, in Maiwér Brahmanism. In the hilly tracts, the 
erection of cairns, usually on hill tops; the adoption of Shiva and his con- 
sort as symbols of the powers of terror and darkness ; the construction of 
stone platforms on which stand blocks, smeared with red paint; the sacri- 
fice of animals and tradition of human oblations; the use of effigies of the 
horse, are apparently relics of their ancient faith. 

Cairns.—Piles of loose stones, solid or hollowed out in the centre, or 
mere platforms, are erected on the summits of high hills, the supposed sthdns 
or seats of the gods or goddesses, usually the latter—in or on these are 
arranged a large number of stone or burnt clay images of the horse. I have 
seen a hollow cairn on the verge of a steep crag near Khairwara, four feet 
in diameter and as many deep, filled with these images, each of which was 
about four inches in length. On the platforms the effigies are ranged in 
rows, often with many broken chirdghs (clay dishes) in front of them; in 
these ghi or oil had been burnt, and the stones and horses were blackened 
with grease. Above wave on long bamboos pieces of rag, a universal custom 
amongst Hindus, Muhammadans, and even Christians (Roman Catholics), 
who often leave a shred of clothing on a pole or neighbouring bush as tribute 
to the guardian or deity of the shrine. It will be noted hereafter that some 
of these cairns or platforms are erected to the memory of the dead, but this 
is, perhaps, due to the supposition that the spirits of the deceased go to 
the hill deities. 

enw 


348 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Mawar Bhils. [No. 4, 


The common explanation of the construction of cairns and horses is as 
follows :—Heaven is supposed to be but a short distance from earth, but the 
souls of the dead have to reach it by a very painful and weary journey, 
which can be avoided to some extent during life by ascending high hills, 
and there depositing images of the horse 


which, in addition to reminding 
the gods of the work already accomplished, shall serve as chargers upon 
which the soul may ride a stage to bliss. The more modest make a hollow 
clay effigy, with an opening in the rear, into which the spirit can creep. An 
active Bhil may, in this fashion, materially shorten the journey after death : 
both men and women follow the custom. 

Sir, J. Malcolm says, “They (the Bhils) reverence the horse and do 
“not mount him; all their legends” (as far as Major Gunning and I can dis- 
cover, the people of the Tracts appear to have no legends) “ hinge upon him, 
“ they make mud horses which they range round the idol” ; this they do in the 
fort at Khairwara “and promise to mount him, if he will hear their prayer”. 
This superstitious adoration, which is quite universal amongst them, and 
which exists in parts of the Tracts where a living horse is almost unknown, 
might, perhaps, seem to favour a Turanian connexion, and be a relic of a 
life in which the horse was of some use to them, as it is now with the races 
who live on and by his swiftness (Tira, swiftness as of the horse). The cus- 
tom is acommon one. Ina paper on ‘ Nooks and Corners in Bengal’ (Journal, 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. X XI), the author notices that the villagers 
offer clay horses at the foot of a tree near Plassey ; these people were probably 
Muhammadans, as Ja’far Sharif in his Kantin-i-Isl4m mentions this as a 
custom amongst them. A Bhil explanation for the ascent of hills is the 
desire to obtain offspring. The Rajptt adores the horse, as he does his sword, 
his elephant, and furniture of war, at the Dasahra, Installation of Chiefs, &., 
but much in the same sense as the Kayath his writing materials, the fencer 
his sticks, or the bania his acccunt-books; to him, therefore, we cannot 
look for the origin of the Bhil custom. 

Platforms of stone, or sthans, on which are placed slabs upright, 
generally plain, or merely named after a god and daubed with red paint, 
sometimes carved to represent Hanuman, quite an aboriginal deity if not 
the deified aborigine himself. 'The deity to whom the slabs are dedicated is 
usually Mahadeva ; occasionally a regular Devangan, or court of gods, is 
formed around the real object of worship, but this is accidental. I have 
neither seen nor heard of any gigantic stone monuments existing in the 
Bhil country, either Menhirs or Cromlechs, as found in the Dakhin, nor 
should we expect to find them where pre-eminently a village system flourish- 
es, as amongst the Bhils: such works require a powerful and united people 
for their construction. The erection of a slab is perhaps as good an evidence 
of the existence of this Turanian custom as the presence of a huge and in- 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. 349 


destructible monument. The favourite deities are Mahadeva, Rudra, the 
god of terror who is to be appeased with blood, and his even more awful 
consort Parvati, Devi, Mata. Malcolm says—* They reverence chiefly Ma- 
“hadev, and Sitala Mata, also Phiilbai Mata, in cholera and epidemic sick- 
*“ness—Kalibai Badribai, and Gtinaba{, small-pox.’’ In the tracts the first 
of all goddesses is Samuda Mata; her sthdn is near the village of Dhelana, 
about eight miles north of Khairwara. Mahadeva and Hanuman are wor- 
shipped in every village. Local deities are numerous, and are named after the 
hill or neighbouring village ; the most-famed in the Khairwara district are* 
Kaniala-bapji, one of the largest pals, or villages, in the tracts, and Vajar 
Mata,t at Jawara, where are the famous silver and lead mines. The Bhil 
women worship this, their Juno Lucina, for offspring ; the temple is in the 
valley ; and in the outer hall, by favour of the priest, British officers often 
spend the hot part of the day, when on the march. The Bhil sipahis salam 
to the image within the cell, but say it is of little use doing so, as the power 
of the goddess has failed since British influence became supreme ; as proof 
they mention the desertion of the mines. Most Bhils think the strong 
English Gods too much for the weak deities of their country, hence their 
desire to embrace Brahmanism, which comes within the scope of their under- 
standing, raising them in the social scale, and, where there are Brahman 
native officers, giving them, in their opinion, a better chance of promotion. 
This feeling the Brahmans are not slow to take advantage of, and it requires 
great vigilance to defeat them. Such a readiness of adaptation would no 
doubt, as in the ease of the Santadls, render them eager listeners to Chris- 
tian Missionaries, but their circumstances require that the teaching should 
be of the simplest form, directed to them asa whole tribe rather than to 
individuals. Their main object is social advancement, and this they may well 
think would be most easily secured by reverencing the strong English Gods ; 
their character would lead, however, to the conclusion that interest alone 
would not long remain the ruling motive. 
Other local deities are— 

Ambiéo Mata, at Limbarwara on the Gujarat border. 

Thir Mata, at Thir. 

Bhar Mata, at Amajra. 

Karah Méta, at Dankiwara. 

Pipla4hin Mata, on the Thir Hill. 

Bholiya Dewat, at Bilak. 

Dor Mata, at Dailana. 

Here might be noted that the tombs of fakirs, bairigis, &e., are re- 
spected. These individuals, called Bhabha, meet with some attention in life. 
* Named after the hill on which it stands. 
+ Near Riri village in the Dingarpur state. 


350 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, 


One near Khairwara is noted for his possession of the virtue of perpetual 
chastity, which he preserves under constant temptation ! 

Sacrifices.—Long before the British power was felt in Maiwar, the 
Bhils sacrificed human beings. I have not been able to discover whether 
the victims were captives, or trained for the purpose, as amongst the Khonds, 
but am informed that the priests encouraged the people, and gave them 
every opportunity of seeing the sacrifice. Goats are now offered to Mata or 
Devi, and the oblation is devoured by the worshipper. The tradition of 
human sacrifice exists amongst the Minds; a goat is still offered daily at 
the shrine of Ambadevi, at Amber, the ancient capital of Dhundar, or Jaipur, 
as a substitute for the human victim formerly stated to have been sacri- 
ficed at the same place. 

At installations at Jodhpur, buffaloes and goats are sacrificed in front 
of the four-armed Devi and thrown down the rock face of the fort, so again 
at the very ancient temple of Devi on the Chitor Hill. These are probably 
relics of aboriginal worship, rather than imitations of the offerings to 
Kali or Durga, for they have existed from time immemorial, against the 
general feeling of the Rajpit who-is more a Vaishnavi than a Shivaib, 
although there are not wanting indications that the last named sect are 
attaining the pre-eminence. ‘The Sirohi Minas are much addicted to sacri- 
fice; the Bhil delights in blood, and no one enjoys the Dasahra slaughter 
more than he, although his greed for the flesh is no doubt a great induce- 
ment to slaying the animal. 

Priests.—These are termed ‘‘ Waties” or “ Jogis’”’, and belong to the 
Jogi caste, with whom the Bhils eat and drink. Brahmans and Bairagis 
are revered, but as a Rao of Banswaéré once said, “ They beat them too”. A 
case in point was noted at Khairwdra ; a fakir near that station was attacked 
by Bhils, his tongue torn out and face mutilated, merely because he concealed 
a rupee in his mouth, and the thieves were determined to have it, and disliked 
his hypocrisy. 

Ideas of Heaven.—The Bhil has a very dim idea of a future state. He 
believes the soul goes before his gods, and that the spirits of the dead haunt 
places they lived in during life. He also holds that there is a limited transmi- 
gration of souls, especially in spirits becoming evil ones. clipses and the 
motions of the heavenly bodies are deemed to be the play of their gods, and 
they how] with the Hindu when the moon is eclipsed. Unlike the Khonds and 
other wild races, they do not consider that a man-eating tiger has within him 
the spirit of a victim, who assists him in his raids; this superstition I found 
common on the slopes of Mount Abi amongst the Hindu religious men, 
especially at the shrine of the Muni Vasishtha, the reputed originator of the 
hill. I was told by one of the Brahmans that the soul of a departed bro- 
ther had entered the body of a tiger, but up to the time of my visit had 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. 351 


contented himself with disturbing by his howls the devotions of the holy 
brethren. 

A writer in J. A. S. B., Vol. VIII., of 1839, notices the accumulation of 
mud horses about Abi, which he says are thought to be placed at spots of 
victory. There seems to be no trace of serpent worship amongst them, 

Festwals.—The Bhils keep up the Holi and the Dasahra, as they are 
then afforded opportunities of drinking to excess, and so indulging themselves, 
that at these seasons they appear more like beasts than men. Although it 
is stated that the Holi has always been observed amongst them, it does not 
appear that its origin is other than pure Hindu, as the mode of celebration 
does not differ from that in vogue elsewhere. It is kept up ten days, gulal 
(red powder) is thrown about, dances take place, rude jests are made, and the 
women attack and insult travellers until they release themselves by paying 
a small fine. The Bhagar Bhils (J. A. S. B., Vol. [X., 1840) are said to 
keep up the Holi fire throughout the year. 

There are two feasts in the year, though not at fixed times, although 
the cultivators hold one at the ingathering of harvest. 

Fairs are attended in the Tracts, and afford opportunities for feasting. 
All Bhils worship at Rakabnath, seven miles from KhairwAra, a shrine which 
is said to have been discovered by one of their people 900 years ago. 

Superstitions.—Foremost amongst these is the belief in witches (da- 
kran) and the power of the witch-finders (bhopas) to detect them. 

Any one who is willing and has a grievance, sickness, or otherwise, has 
only to bribe a witch-finder sufficiently to obtain a victim, generally the 
wife or relative of an enemy, who is at once swung, head downwards, on a 
tree, where she is tortured by applications of red pepper to her eyes, nostrils, 
&e. Not twenty years ago, during the rains, a woman was swung in this 
way in the presence of British officers, who were unable to rescue her, as 
an impassable river lay between them. Should the unlucky woman escape 
death, she is turned out of the village, or, perhaps, the bhopa finds out under 
the influence of another dowceur, that he was mistaken. The crime was a 
very common one, and even now cases are often reported, and where detec- 
tion follows, the witch-finders are severely punished. 

At the confluence of the Sén river with the Myhi, four miles from 
Khairwara, I meta grey-haired man, who complained that he was turned 
out of the pals by the inhabitants, who said that his presence ruined their 
crops ; he had been tried for murder, but acquitted for want of evidence, the 
people, however, thought that the curse of Heaven was upon him. 

Bhils are firm believers in omens ; for example, a person sneezing, or a 
cat passing him, would make a man return home without accomplishing the 
work he had set out to do, A lizard also is looked upon as a harbinger of 
good or evil under certain conditions. They believe in Bhits and Churails 


352 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, 


(male and female departed spirits), &c. They wear charms or amulets on 
their right forearm and (women especially) on the head, to keep away the 
spirits. These charms are generally pieces of blue string with seven knots 
on them, each knot being tied on whilst the witch-finder recites some incanta- 
tion ; the knots are covered with metal to keep them undefiled. They are 
bound on during the Holi, Dasahra, or other festivals. 

Career of a Bhi’l from birth to death. Birth.—The woman is aided 
by her female friends, and should there be a sage femme amongst the 
people of other castes, she may be consulted in difficult cases, otherwise 
their trust is in Devi, who is probably as valuable as the midwives, who 
usually shut up the woman in a warm hut, and even in cases of hemor- 
rhage, apply warm cloths, and administer hot-spiced drinks. Cross births, 
as amongst most uncultivated people, are rare, and if they occur, are either 
left to the goddess, or presenting parts are hooked or amputated in accordance 
with the advice of the most knowing person, male or female, in the district 
—in this, however, there is little distinction between Hindu and Bhil. The 
mother remains impure twenty days, an intermenstrual period. Guns 
are fired at the birth of a boy, and friends are feasted. The child is named by 
either a Brahman or a Waiti, after some astrological jugglery. Examples of 
names will be given hereafter. ‘The child is suckled two or three years. 
Twin births are not thought to be common. 

The fact of the general adoption of polygamy would appear to indicate 
a natural preponderance of female births, and at the same time prove the 
absence of the crime of infanticide. This may be further demonstrated by the 
observation that “ old maids of 40 to 45 years of age are constantly seen 
about Khairwara carrying wood, &c’’. ‘The children are wrapped in clothes 
after birth and placed in round eradles of bamboo. The father teaches the 
boy to hunt, fish, &c., and heis said to be a man in his twelfth year, hunting 
on his own account in his fifteenth. 

Marriage.—There is no fixed time for marriage: any time after the 
girl’s tenth year, when she first dresses with some decency, will do. When 
the time has arrived, the father sets out in search of a bride for hisson. She 
must not be a cousin, nor one of his own clan, although of course of the 
tribe. When the girl is found, she is placed on a stool, under which six 
pais are thrown, the boy’s father now puts one rupee and twelve pais in her 
hand, with a quantity of rice, which the girl before rising throws behind 
her back—thus is the betrothal completed. The bridegroom always pays 
dapa (money) for his bride to her guardian,—a clear case of purchase. 

On an appointed day (at puberty), the marriage takes place, a priest 
usually performs the ceremony, the dresses of the bride and bridegroom are 
knotted together, and they walk hand in hand round the assembly collected 
to grace their union. There is a feast, and in some places offerings are made to 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 353 


Gotamji in the wall of the hut, but these with other portions of the rite are 
Hindu. The girl is placed on the shoulders of her relations, one after the 
other, one leg hanging down before, one behind, and danced round in a circle, 
all over the village until she is half dead, and they too weary for further 
exertion. 

In the absence of a Waiti, any elderly member of the family or party 
may join the pair together. The number of wives is limited by inclination 
and wealth alone, it rarely exceeds two. The following incident would seem 
to prove that the bond is not a very strong one. At a shooting party, a 
man had the misfortune to lose an eye; as the other organ was showing signs 
of sympathetic irritation, its removal was recommended, but declined, as 
the sepoy’s seven wives—he said—would support him if only blind, but 
with a blemished one-eyed unlucky husband would have nothing to do. 
I heard afterwards that they forsook him, in spite of their promises, when 
blindness ensued, A sepoy had two children born by different mothers on 
the same day when I was at Khairward. The girl has no choice in the 
selection of a husband. Widows may re-marry. The women are very chaste, 
and rarely have intrigues with strangers. An attempt of this kind on the 
part of a foreigner lately gave rise to trouble, the whole pal resenting the 
outrage. The men of the Maiwar Bhil Corps leave their wives at home, 
making almost nightly, often very long journeys, to be with them. Large 
families are not uncommon. An unchaste woman would not be married ; if 
she were, she and her husband would become outcasts. The adulterer 
is fined 240 Shahinshahi rupees (or about Rs, 187 Imperial) ; if the 
woman be married, the husband receives the money, and may repudiate his 
wife if he please, and so she becomes an outcaste, otherwise she escapes 
punishment. For a virgin the offender pays Rs. 60 (Shahinshahi, the 
Udaiptir currency), and marries the girl Women may be divorced for 
adultery, cases being settled by the panchayat. 

Death and Burial.—The Bhil becomes an old man in his fiftieth or 
sixtieth year, and is then treated by his people with consideration. 

When a death takes place, the body is carried to the burning place, 
usually near a river, the hair is removed, the corpse washed, and money put 
in the mouth. It is then placed upon the pile, and the friends walk round 
with burning wood and then light it. After washing they retire, one of their 
number coming occasionally to see that the cremation progresses favourably. 
After having consulted a priest, they go to select the bones, taking with them 
several small earthen pots, a larger vessel of earth, and a little rice. The lat- 
ter is cooked, and placed with the large pot, filled with water, upon the ashes, 
while the bones placed in an earthen vessel are put in the hollow of a tree, 
and afterwards buried or taken to some sacred spot near or at Khairwara. 
A bone or some teeth are carried either to the Samblaji River, the Gotamji 


354 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdér Bhils. [No. 4, 


River in the Banswara District, or to the stream which runs through Banesh- 
war in the Dungarpdr District, and thrown in to help the deceased on his 
way to Paradise, or to prevent the manes troubling the living. Any kind 
of wood that will burn is used in the pile. The whole ceremony is Hindu, 
excepting the non-performance of the true kriya karm, the breaking of the 
skull and its attendant ceremonies. Other castes or tribes reject this rite, 
but they are I believe all lower ones, and the fact may be with them also a 
link with a life in which their ancestors were not Aryans, On the eleventh 
day the friends shave, on the twelfth feast jogis, and again at the end of the 
year. No tombs or cenotaphs are constructed, but a few days after death, a 
relative of the deceased is said to be informed in a dream that the spirit has 
taken up its abode on a neighbouring hill, whereupon friends and connex- 
ions proceed to the place, and erect a platform of stones, and leave there 
a quantity of food and liquor. There is no tradition of general burial, but 
the corpse of the first person who dies in a village of small-pox is interred 
in the earth for a time ; if no one else dies of the disease, the body is soon 
taken up and burnt: Mata objects to fire, hence the custom, Sir John 
Malcolm says, that the Vindhya Bhils bury their dead; but in this 
and many other respects they seem to differ from the race as it exists in 
Maiwar. 

The Bhil man generally wears a dirty rag round his head, the hair 
being either plaited into a tail or two, or wound up and fastened with a 
comb of wood, and a waistcloth of limited length. He rarely wears any- 
thing more, even at festivals; as a rule he has nothing upon his feet. His 
arms are the bow and arrow. The bow, with the exception of two links of 
gut, is entirely made of bamboo, even to the string which is fastened in a 
very simple but ingenious fashion. A seasoned weapon requires the exer- 
tion of some strength in its use. The arrow is a reed tipped with an iron 
spike, either flat and sharp, or like a nail, or blunt for sport (wzde plate). The 
Bhil although very patient is not a good marksman, yet his weapon is a formi- 
dable one. His quiver is a piece of strong bamboo matting, and he generally 
carries in it with his arrows one of hardened wood with a soft piece of tinder- 
like wood, with which he can produce fire by friction. The weapons are 
very like those described as in use amongst the Lepchas of Sikkim. They 
are mentioned in Herodotus as the national weapon of certain Indians ; 
and Sirohi, whence the Bhil arrows come, derives its ancient name ‘Sardi’ 
(Sirohi) from sér or nar, a reed, a proof of the very great antiquity of these 
weapons. The men (of position) wear earrings ; the whole lobe is bored 
along the edge, and loaded with little rings usually of gold. The favourite 
ornament is one which passes behind the whole ear from top to bottom, like 
the math, or large nose-ring of married women ; the same ring there called 
“ pugal” is worn by the men of the Coromandel coast. The richer men are 


Journal, As. Soc: Bengal, for 1875. Pt.1. 


Arrowpoint 


MAIWAR BHIL ARMS AND ORNAMENTS. 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwir Bhils. 355 


fond of jewellery especially the silver waist belts—the kamarsdl and kamar- 
pattd of their neighbours. Those who can afford it have guns and swords, 
but these are not national weapons. They do not tatvo the body. The hair 
is worn long in their homes, but tied up abroad. 

The men usually shave the face, but sometimes wear a beard, as far as 
I have observed, a scanty one. The head may be shaved, but a top knot is 
always left. Shaving is a sign of mourning. 

Females.—In the villages where there are Hindus, the dress is that of 
the women about them, but in the hills they generally wear only a simple 
waistcloth, rather more full than that of the men, reaching half way down 
their well-formed legs. Occasionally they use the small hanchli (corset), worn 
by the women of Gujarat, and they adopt the mode of the inhabitants -of 
the same province in dressing their hair, which is parted into little squares, 
and covered with small globular grape-like ornaments. They wear on their 
arms and legs the lac and glass churis of the poor Hindu; but their nation- 
al bangles and bracelets are made of brass, and are sharp-edged, rough, and 
worn smooth by friction alone, often causing ulceration in the process, In 
a set of bracelets are four rings (vide plate) — 

1. A plain bevelled ring. 

2. One semi-oval in section, grooved across obliquely. 

3. A double plain flat ring. 

4. A rough grooved ring with an octagonal boss. 
Weight for one arm, 6¢ ounces. 

For the leg are five ornaments— 

1 and 2. ‘Two plain rings (semi-oval in section). 

3 and 4. Two flattened sharp-edged ones. 

5. A M shaped ornament, worn only by married women. 
Weight of bangles for one leg, 113 ounces. Total weight of brass orna- 
ments, 354 ozs., or 2 ibs. 834 ozs., an enormous load to drag about the hills, 
although nothing to be compared with a Hindu Patrani, who will wear half 
a maund on a festival day. The young women wear necklaces of beads, and 
the children are kept without dress to an advanced age ; sometimes, however, 
having a bead or charm by way of pudendal ornament. 
! Manufactures, &c.—The Bhil brings in grass and wood and a few sup- 

plies to Rajput villages, where he purchases ornaments, arrows, &e. He 

collects ghi, and sells it to neighbouring banids, also honey, which is 
procured by smoking out the bees with burning cowdung, and then cutting 
open the comb and catching the honey in an earthen pot. 

Agriculture.—The system of agriculture is very rude. The ground is 
merely scratched below or near the hut of the labourer, and the seed 
thrown in broadcast. The ploughing takes place during the rains. Wood 
is burnt as a manure; the fields are surrounded with temporary hedges of 

% & 


356 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. [No. 4, 


thorn bushes to keep off animals ; irrigation is not undertaken from wells 
by the Bhil proper; well water is used for drinking alone, but for this pur- 
pose even he has a more simple contrivance, namely, digging a pit in the 
dry bed of a river, and thus easily securing an abundant supply by filtra- 
tion. He loses not a drop of rain, however, if it can be avoided ; he builds 
walls of loose stones, earthed up with soil, across the narrow valleys, and so 
forms a series of terraces, on which he grows rice, maize, &c. 

The patels or cultivators in the Rajput villages irrigate and grow many 
other crops. Indian Corn appears always to have been the staple food. The 
grain is stored up, the fresh ears of maize are much liked, and the ripe grain 
in the season costs about twelve annas a maund. Grass is cut on the hill sides 
and summits, where it seems most to abound, made into bundles, a dozen 
or more of which are transfixed by a long sharp-pointed bamboo with a peg 
half way down to prevent slipping, and carried, perhaps, several miles by the 
women to sell or store up; the stacks are on raised platforms, machans, or 
high up in the tree branches. The principal source of wealth is undoubted- 
ly the rearing of cattle on the hills. The women take the cows and goats out 
to graze on the mountain sides, which have been worn into thousands of 
paths by generations of animals. A man’s position is estimated by the 
number of cows he has. 

Habitations.—A Bhil village, or pal, is a collection of houses scattered 
sometimes for miles along the sides of the hills. There are no banias, 
these with the patels reside in Rajptit villages or those belonging to Chiefs 
of mixed blood. A platform of stones and earth is generally erected on the 
slope of a hill, and on this is raised a loose stone wall; the roof is of timber 
and flat tiles. In some places, as at Abt, the villages are mere thatched 
bee-hives. The huts are substantial, commodious, and clean, often having a 
courtyard in the centre: the back of the building usually looks towards a 
hill to enable the owner to flee to its summit when his fears suggest a hos- 
tile approach. In the Tracts many deserted and ruined houses may be seen, 
but a pal itself is never abandoned. Sometimes there are the mere platforms 
on which huts have never been built as safer spots or better soil have been 
secured, or perhaps more often, their homes have been burnt over their heads 
by their Rajput masters as punishment for crime. 

The Rajput villages are built on the sides of hills down into the plains, 
leaving the Fort of the Chief overshadowing and overawing them above; here, 
however, the houses are crowded together, and a wall surrounds the whole. 
In a Bhil pal, the huts are often half a mile apart. A community such as 
that of Burla, which formerly numbered a thousand houses and three times 
as many bows, would therefore occupy a considerable extent of country. 

Food.—The Bhil rejects nothing, except perhaps home-fed pork, he 
will eat the bodies of dead animals—and even beef if he dared. Some time 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—<An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 357 


since a Thakur cut off the legs of two eaters of the sacred cow and plunged 
the stumps into boiling oil. The mainstay, as before stated, is maize, then 
comes rice ; they like goat’s flesh, which is most often eaten after being first 
used as an oblation, fish, and fruit, especially nim (Azadirachta Indica) and 
jamin (Syzygium Zambolanun) berries. They preserve caste amongst 
themselves, especially when Hindus are at hand; they eat together, but two 
people never use the same plate or leaf. They will drink raw spirits out of 
a bottle from their hollowed hands or even in a glass, when only their of- 
ficers are near them—they really enjoy getting drunk ; the women do drink, 
but not to such excess as the men, andif they should be unfortunate, remain 
indoors, the degrading spectacle of an intoxicated woman is, therefore, rarely 
seen. Their favourite beverage, which is used on all festive occasions, and 
which is prepared by the Bhils themselves, or a kalal or liquor-seller, who 
resides in every viliage, is the spirit distilled from the flower of the Mhowa 
tree (Bassia latifolia). The Khond and other races use the same spirit, 
and the bear appreciates the flowers. very tree has its owner, however 
remote in the jungle. ‘The liquor is not very strong when made in the vil- 
lages. I was compelled twice to re-distil some obtained in Hrinptra before 
it would burn in a spirit lamp. A four-anna bottle, however, of Phul Dard, 
‘flowery spirit’, will rejoice the heart of a Bhil. 

The Bhil knows little of cooking, he has as furniture a charpai, a few 
kotis or large earthen pots for grain, a brass lota or two, as many ear- 
then pots, and when there is a baby, a cradle in which to swing it, 

His agricultural implements are a rough sort of spade, a kulhéri or 
hatchet, a khanti or crowbar with a sharp point, a khurpa for cutting grass, 
a plough and a common piece of flat wood which takes the place of a harrow. 

Customs.—The Bhil is taught to hunt by his father and friends ; he will 
shoot small game and not fear to attack large. He is a capital huntsman, 
tracking and marking down tigers, panthers, and bears, knowing all their 
haunts, the best places to shoot them, the paths they take and all those 
points so essential to success in great game shooting ; they will remember for 
years the spots where tigers have been disposed of, and all the circumstances 
connected with their death. 

The Bhil will himself attack a leopard and, with his sword, aided by his 
friends, cut him in pieces. No one, not even the Khond, can excel or even 
equal him in tracking men. He is very skilful in snaring game, and will 
destroy a hare in this fashion. 

A party assembles in an open place surrounded by trees, a hare is start- 
ed, one man alone shows himself, and runs a few yards after the animal which 
flies to the edge of the circle, whence another foe darts out and frightens her 
back, the manceuvre is repeated until at last the poor creature drops from 
exhaustion. 


308 T. H. Hendley—<An Account of the Mawar Bhils. [No. 4, 


The hunter is very patient, he will sit for hours to get a chance shot at 
a fish; should he miss, as he usually does, his arrows float, and when his 
quiver is empty, he jumps into the stream and brings them out again al- 
though the pool may be swarming with alligators. 

He is a clever fisherman, often cutting off part of a stream with a net- 
work arrangement of stones and bushes, through which the water passes 
leaving the fish behind, he also nets the stream, swimming into the river to 
secure his prey. Almost every Bhil, man, woman, and child, can swim; they 
generally jump into the water feet foremost, they will dive to great depths 
and long distances, and to avoid risk from bites of alligators usually go into 
the streams in large numbers. These creatures they also deter further by 
striking the water with the foreparts of their feet, progressing Maltese fa- 
shion, forming line and shouting. With aline of noisy Bhils to keep alliga- 
tors away, a bath in the Maiwdr streams and lakes can be very safely 
indulged in. With these precautions a single Bhil does not fear to enter the 
pool to remove his arrows or wounded fish. The traveller may occasional- 
ly see large parties of women and children enjoying the pleasure of a good 
swim in the hill torrents, while some of their friends sit on the banks play- 
ing the flute, or herding the flocks. 

The forest paths are narrow, necessitating marching in Indian file, a 
mode of progress which men and women generally preserve when the road 
is wide enough to walk otherwise. 

The Bhil is an excellent woodman, knows the shortest cuts over the 
hills, can walk the roughest paths and climb the steepest crags without 
slipping or feeling distressed. He is often called in old Sanskrit works Vena- 
puka, Child of the Forest; Pal Indra, Lord of the Pass—these names well 
describe his character; his country is approached through narrow defiles— 
Pal or Nal (a causeway). Through these none can pass without his per- 
mission. In former days he always levied ‘ rakhwéli’ or black-mail, and even 
now native travellers find him quite ready to assert what he deems his just 
rights. It has been stated that when the mutineers of the Cavalry detach= 
ment stationed at Khairwara attempted to escape through the hills in 
1858-9, they were compelled to return in many instances, as the Bhils 
stripped them of everything, even their clothes. 

Though robbers, and timorous, owing to ages of ill-treatment, the 
men are brave when trusted, and very faithful; they have been looked upon 
by the Rajpits as wild beasts to be hunted down as vermin, and are now 
only beginning to feel themselves men. ‘There is a great difference in this 
respect between the inhabitants of the district round Khairwara and those 
more remote. Atthe time the Maiwar Bhil Corps was raised, it was thought 
necessary to pay certain Thakurs for their supposed influence over the Bhils, 
but their aid in obtaining recruits was almost nominal, and is now useless, as 


1875. T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhils. 359 


service in the regiment is so popular, that hosts of applicants appear when- 
ever a vacancy occurs, and men are willing to be drilled for a year or two 
before receiving pay rather than run the risk of final rejection. At the 
same time, though earnest good soldiers, they object to serving at a long 
distance from their homes; they would, however, in all probability not de- 
eline a temporary absence, 

History proves them always to have been faithful to their nominal Raj- 
put sovereigns, especially in their adversity. 

The Bhil is a merry soul loving a jest, the better if a bannia or cheat- 
ing kotwal be the object of sport. 

Laws and Government.—Crimes are almost invariably punished by 
fine, with in some cases confiscation, and the awards now given have been in 
use from time immemorial. 

The heads of villages and other men of mark form a panchayat, and 
arbitrate and adjudicate in all cases both civil and criminal. Such has been 
always the custom. Where the Rajput has the Bhil in his power, his justice 
is stern enough, decapitation, burning his pal, &c., for even minor crimes. 

Murder.—A rurderer was formerly either killed by the friends of the 
victim or fined Rupees 240 (Rupees 187 Imperial), twelve bullocks, as many 
goats, and jars of wine, and had a dozen arrows fired into his back. The fine 
is now the only punishment, the additional penalties have long since been 
discontinued. 

Adultery.—The laws of divorce and punishment for this crime have 
been already noticed. 

Theft.—Vhe thief has to restore twice the value of the property stolen, 
and is fined from Rupees 5 to 10 Imperial. 

Treachery.—In this case there is a general plunder of the possessions 
of the guilty person, and in addition he becomes subject to any award the 
panchayat may afterwards decree against him, should he wish to re-esta- 
blish himself in his village. 

The headman in a village is called a Gammaiti. The office is usually 
hereditary, subject to confirmation of the Rajptt suzerain, when he has the 
will to exercise his power or feels able to support an adverse order. Some of 
these men are really hereditary Chiefs, and are held responsible for the peace 
of their pals. 

The Bhils are locally very clannish, but have not the elements necessa- 
ry to form a great people: a man thinks only of his pal and his neighbours, 
and is unmoved by outward changes of government, which affect him but 
very remotely. There is no tradition of a king amongst them, although Raj- 
put chronicles mention one, who was succeeded or rather supplanted by the 
Gahlot, Bapé Rawul, the descendant of the Balabhi monarchs and ancestor 
of the Ranas of Udaipur, Certain chiefs of mixed race, notably Oguna and 


360 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, 


Punarwa, are supposed to have more influence than Rajpits of pure descent. 
On the female side these men are Bhils; they affect, however, to be pure 
Kshatriyas, although they have certain privileges, such as applying the tika 
or mark of investiture on the forehead of the Ranas of Udaipar, which are 
due entirely to services rendered by their ancestors as Bhils or semi-Bhils. 

Tenure of Property, §¢.—The lands are held at the will of the landlord, 
the Rajput, nominally. The Bhil makes a will by calling all his family 
around him when he is dying, and telling them verbally how he wishes his 
property disposed of. If he die too suddenly to make a will, the wife and 
son, if on good terms, succeed, and support the rest of the family, that is, 
those who were dependent upon the deceased ; if not friendly, the wife takes 
all; in default of wife or son, a brother succeeds, and so on; the daughters 
and other female relations (except the wife) do not sueceed unless by will. 

The prominence of the wife in the testament shows that she is looked 
upon as an equal, while the disposition to a brother in the absence of direct 
heirs male, proves that there is a desire to keep the property in the family 
of the man, and to obtain one who will best be able to support the weak sur- 
vivors. 

Quarrels.—Should a quarrel arise, which cannot be settled by arbitra- 
tion, the inhabitants of one or two or more allied pals turn out and fight 
with their foes, They let down their long hair and begin the conflict with 
the bows and arrows—the women looking on encouraging them from the 
hilis and displaying also great bravery and humanity in aiding the wounded 
of either side indifferently —occasionally seeking a truce for a general refresh- 
ment ; when rested, they commence again. Very little damage as a rule is done, 
there is much noise witha great expenditure of arrows, but few are wounded, 
as they are but poor shots, especially under excitement. They show them- 
selves very skilfulin taking advantage of cover, and, I am told, when in the 
Maiwar Bhil Corps are quite at home at “Sheltered Trench Exercise”. A 
dead or badly wounded man generally brings on a truce, which is obtained 
by the supplant party waving a piece of cloth or running round ina 
circle. A noisy talk then ensues, all, however, being still armed, to resume 
battle at a moment’s notice, should occasion require. ‘The solemn adminis- 
tration of opium (the drug used in most cases of murder and suicide) by 
the jogis or gammaitis secures peace, and a grand feast and debauch on 
mhowa spirit follows. Battle is generally preceded by the dance called 
Ghanna—they have a war-song of loud and very unmusical abuse, with 
magical incantations and nonsense. Quarrels between individuals are gen- 
erally settled by arbitration, the more easily as, though quick-tempered, the 
Bhils are very good-natured, even in their very rough play. Immediately 
strangers approach the pals, the Bhils rush to the hills, attacking only when 
they feel themselves strong enough to master. When a single man is in 


1875. ] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 361 


danger, and requires assistance, he brings all his friends around him by raising 
a peculiar trembling ery the‘ kilki (doubtless from ‘kil’, a sound; ‘ kilkila’, a 
joyous sound), produced by rapidly striking the hollowed hand against the 
mouth while shouting. The kilki is heard in the hills at a great distance, and 
is the usual signal for all gatherings, men and women taking it up one after 
the other. 

It may be observed here that Bhils do not run a muck and attack 
every one they meet indiscriminately, as the Moplahs do, although when 
inflamed with drink, they will attempt to attack a real or fancied enemy. 
This remark applies to the race as well as to individuals, 

Divisions of time, &c.—Of time little account is taken. The Bhil 
never knows his own age; one man is a ‘jawan’, youth, another a ‘ bhabha, 
oldman. The month is a lunar one, the year is called “ bar” (@f<4). 

Sports.—They have no games of chance. The only children’s toys are 
of mud or ears of corn. The boys and men play a game with sticks and a ball 
made of rags, something like football and hockey combined, without much 
aim, but with plenty of spirit. They sometimes run races, and enjoy football 
when at Khairwara, playing without shoes; they prefer, however, sitting 
quietly talking and singing. They play upon a flute made of a piece of 
bamboo, pierced with three or four large holes with a hot iron; the sound is 
sweet and simple without time or rythm. ‘The men often play as they come 
from the fields in single file, some of the party singing to the accompani- 
ment. Amongst the Minas two flutes are often played at once, one serving 
as an echo to the other. It is customary for one man to sing a verse of a 
song, and for another to reply in a slightly different key. The Minas in 
this respect seem to be more advanced than the Bhils ; the words of the songs 
are being constantly varied, but it is probable that the frame-work remains 
unaltered—specimens are given below. ‘The men are capable of tuition in 
music; some play fairly in the Khairwara band. 

Dancing.—At the Holi, before battle, and at all feasts, the men dance, 
chiefly the ring dance called ‘‘ Ghanna’’. 

Musicians take their place in the centre of the circle and begin to play 
their drums, at first slowly, then more noisily as the performers grow more 
excited ; the men revolve in a ring—now in single, now in double file—some- 
times spread out, at others crowded together—now advancing, now receding 
—again hand in hand, or dancing a pas seul. By and by wands appear, one 
of which each takes in his hand, and as the dancer advances he strikes the 
sticks of his neighbours, first that of the one to the rear and then that of the 
one to the front, making a half or whole turn in doing so, all in harmony with 
the music; he jumps or goes sedately as his fancy moves him. ‘The circle 
sometimes revolves with, sometimes against, the sun ; as the excitement rises, 
the speed increases, and some of the men, often after letting down their long 


362 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [ No. 4, 


hair, go into the centre of the circle, where they dance alone for a while; 
when weary they retire but not for long. Ata great dance at Khairward, 
I once saw a bairagi with his matted hair, his naked mud-bedaubed skin, 
his long beard, deer-skin, &c., imitated to the life, greatly to the delight of 
the Bhils, who every now and then stimulated their countryman, evidently 
a favourite and noted performer, by their applause and the application of a 
long pole. Women join in Bhil dances with the men, in the same circle, 
but not mixed with them, unless they be members of the same family. The 
dance at the Holi is usually performed without sticks, with hideous yells 
and songs, the men all besmeared with red powder and excited with wine; 
such a scene is very suggestive of Bacchanalian orgies, or a dance of devils. 
Skilled performers exhibit a war-dance, armed to the teeth, and imitate a 
combat, pretending to fire at each other with bow or gun, flourishing swords 
in a most real fashion. To be carried on the shoulders of a principal comba- 
tant in the mimic fight is considered a great honour. 

The ghanna is the favourite, the asd or true dance of the desert court 
of Marwar ; there women are the performers, their wands are parti-coloured, 
and these they strike together, in unison, as they glide round the circle, with 
avery pretty effect. Quite lately the dance was revived at Udaipur. 

It is very curious, that this amusement, which would appear to be 
very ancient, has been best retained by the most distant court, and the wildest 
people of India. 

Nicolo Conti, the Venetian, early in the 15th century refers to nautches 
in rings and lines, and to girls having two sticks, which they struck against 
each other, as a pretty spectacle. 

This dance I should imagine to have no connection with solar or plane- 
tary worship, the progression being unfixed, neither sunwise nor the reverse. 

Diseases.—The Bhils are a healthy race. They dread small-pox—for 
which they practise innoculation, at present rather avoiding vaccination—and 
cholera, as evidenced by their reverence for the Hindu deities, who are supposed 
to be the authors of these disorders. Cholera is not a common disease amongst 
them, but small-pox is very fatal. The remedy for everything is the actual 
cautery ; few adults, few children, and even animals are without scars. Ento- 
zoa are not very common, although the Minas, very unclean feeders, as far as 
my experience goes, appear very subject both to Ascarides and Tape-worm. 
Guinea worm attacks almost everybody. In the Indian Medical Gazette 
of March 1872, I published statistics of 3229 cases of the disorder. All 
the sufferers were admitted from the men of the Maiwar Bhil Corps in the 
twenty-seven years ending December 1870, giving a yearly average of 11°95 or 
at the rate of 80°31 per thousand of strength ; 33 were admitted in the six 
summer months, 2, in September and October, and the remainder in the cold 
months. ‘The cause of this disorder is not definitely settled, but my impres- 


1875. ] T. H, Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 363 


sion is, that the germ enters by the skin, and is mainly due to the filthiness 
of the people, whose legs often remain coated for days with mud. This is also 
no doubt a principal cause of the prevalence of skin affection, although poor 
food and hardship here are powerful aids. The priests are the chief physicians, 
although most old men are supposed to know something about medicine. 
Roots and leaves of trees are used in various forms. Here follows a descrip- 
tion of a few: 

Kathar.—A tree, when 5 feet high used in medicine; if larger, of no 
value. Its root is bruised and applied to swellings about the jaws. 

Pader?.—A tree from 12 to 15 feet in height, the moistened bark of 
which is applied to the part bitten by the Kalgandha snake. 

Tinpattd.—A creeper with a tripartite leaf. The root in use locally 
for snake bite and swellings. 

Eimnd.—A tree. The root used in bruises also, with wine and lime 
juice. If the blood in the wound coagulates, it is said to find its way out 
by natural channels. The smaller trees only in use. 

Sat or Bara Mila.—In fevers accompanied with dry swollen tongue 
and bad smell. Used to wash out the mouth, 

Bhit Bhangré.—The powder of a small shrub, to incised wounds, twice 
a day. 

Kajerd.—3 to 4 feet high. In purulent tiger’s wounds. Apply twice 
a day. 

Thamndth.—A broad thorny tree, 8 to 9 feet high. A piece of the 
root with a portion of Kajera (with one knot only in it), once a day in 
eases of fracture. The limb must be bound. If given twice, two knots are 
formed in the bone. 

Insanity is uncommon, perhaps unknown, as we should expect in a 
savage race with the mind rude and uncultivated and little to excite it. I 
have never seen a case of mania, and only one or two of dementia in old 
age. The Bhils recover well, though slowly, after surgical operations. 

Dr. Mullen, in his report on the health of the Maiwar Bhil Corps for 
1870, mentions that venereal affections are unknown amongst the people, 
and my experience agrees with his. Nothing could speak more favourably 
than this fact with regard to their chastity. Goitre is unknown. 

Other Races in the Tracts.—The Bhils to the north and west touch 
upon the Minds and Mhairs, and in some places dwell in villages inhabited 
by the former, gradually dying out as the plains of Marwar are approach- 
ed. The Minds, according to historical records, were later possessors of the 
plains than the Bhils. They still dwell in them, and are perhaps less pure, 
are more filthy in their habits and more treacherous, and have no very 
peculiar feature of skull as far as I can learn. They and the Mhairs still 
act as the Muhammadan historian says of Kutbuddin, “ They were always 
shooting the arrows of deceit from the bow of refractoriness.” 

YY: 


364 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwir Bhils. (No. 4, 


Country.—It will be only necessary here to describe the country suf- 
ficiently to illustrate my previous remarks, and to show how easily the Bhil 
could preserve his individuality, and how difficult it would be for foes to 
dislodge him. The fact that in this very district their nominal masters, the 
Ranas of Udaipur, successfully resisted the Mughul Emperors and all the 
hosts of Hindustan, would explain the difficulty these Chiefs themselves 
would have in keeping the Bhils in order. Important battles have been 
waged to the feet of the hills, at Chawn near the Debar Lake, at Chitor ; but 
no host has ventured within the Tracts without loss or destruction. The 
Bhils of Maiwar have their home in that portion of the state, denominated 
politically the Hilly Tracts, which is nominally under a native official, the 
Magra Hakim, who dwells on the outer face of the range leading south 
from the great trigonometrical station of Parshad, but practically for pre- 
servation of order under the Political Superintendent at Khairwara. The 
Bhils are represented in many other districts, but they are here most distinct. 
The Bhils of the Vindhya Mountains seem to differ somewhat in character 
from them. 

The Tracts extend from Udaipur, south of Gujarat, to the west to the 
plain beneath Mount Abd, to the east towards Banswara, Nimach, and Par- 
tabgarh. The whole country, comprising the southern portion of the 
Aravali Mountains, is a wonderfully interlaced series of hills, alternating 
with defiles, with barely a valley, much less a plain anywhere. Streams 
pour down every ridge to feed the numerous rivers, branches of the Maihi, 
Sabarmati, &c. None are navigable in the Tracts, being either too shal- 
low, or having their rocky beds broken up by boulders and rapids ; their 
courses are very tortuous, hence the roads or paths, which generally follow 
the channels of the streams, are continually crossing them. JI will now 
briefly describe the main roads through the country, and first the one from 
Aba to Khairwara, about 110 milesin length. After descending Mt. Aba 
by the Ru-ki-Krishn Ghat, so named from a venerable shrine at the foot 
of the hill, a plain about five miles wide is crossed, and the district in the 
Aravalis known as the Bhakar, the home of Mina outlaws, is entered. This 
is left by a long well wooded, but most difficult pass, which laden camels can 
hardly cross, and Posina on the triple border of Idar, Udaipur and the 
Mahi Kanta soon afterwards reached. Thence one stage to Kotra the path 
traverses a plain, a few hills, and crosses many wide streams, much swollen in 
the rains. The scenery is here most magnificent. Kotra, a permanent out- 
post of the Maiwar Bhil Corps, stands in a valley in the midst of rivers, not 
far from the homes of the Ogina and Punarwa Chiefs. The next stage to 
Manpur runs, for the most part, through a defile worn by a large stream, 
which is crossed about twelve times in as many miles; the jungle is very 
dense and the trees are of great size, especially a few remarkable banyans 
(Hicus Bengalensis). Some of the defiles are so deep as to be never illuminated 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bihils. 365 


by the direct rays of the sun. Three or four huge dykes, like walls of 
masonry, parallel and close to each other, extend across the valley, and have 
the appearance of having been broken through by the river. In stage number 
two, the huge Som Ghat, with a torrent bed on one side, is traversed ; from 
the summit a beautiful view of the wildest and roughest part of the district 
is obtained. The hills are covered with jangal, the bamboo, the true teak, 
&e., with a dense growth of underwood. 

Through the third stage the path is very tortuous, the country more 
undulating ; wateris abundant, and the scenery more park-like. Bhawalwara, 
a Rajput village, is now entered; and the fourth stage, a very varied one, 
with a pass or two of no great height, a winding road, a lake or two, numer- 
ous rivulets with rough boulders in their beds and a peculiar dyke, brings 
the traveller to Khairwara. This cantonment stands on the banks of a 
small stream in a valley, the hills adjacent are bare and rounded, the Dhak 
(Butea frondosa) flourishes everywhere, and presents a most glorious spec- 
tacle when in bloom. 

The second road is the one which runs from Udaipur to Khairwara 
and thence to Gujarat. The whole of the track between the first mentioned 
places, about 60 miles long, passes through a similar but rather more open 
country than that on the Kotra side. The villages of Rakaknath and 
Jawara merit a separate notice. 

At the end of the second stage, Parshad, a defile leads to the plains of 
Chawnd and thence to the Debar Lake, the largest sheet of artificial water 
in India. Samblaji, or Samara, on the Gujarat side, until quite lately was only 
reached by an exceedingly rough road passing through what was called 
emphatically the ‘nal’ ; hereisa lake with a very ancient temple much resort- 
ed to by the Bhils, especially at the time of the great winter fair. A good 
road, in such a district the best eivilizer, is now almost completed all the 
way from Udaipur to Gujarat. Ddngarpur, the capital of the Rawul of the 
State of that name, the chief of the Ahdaria or more ancient branch of the 
Udaipur house, is fourteen miles from Khairwara, and is reached by a road 
passing through a district in which the Ber, or Zizyphus jujuba, flourishes in 
great luxuriance. I was much struck with this before reading in General 
Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, that this part of the Peninsula 
(fdar) probably derived its Sanskrit name from this tree. 

Geology.—The rocks are the same as those of the main Aravali range 
system,and are chiefly metamorphic. Capt. Dangerfield in a map attached to 
a paper on the Geological formation of this district gives the order of strata 
as follows, beginning to the south of Khairwara. 1, Sandstone. 2, Horn- 
stone Porphyry (noticed at Khairwara), 3. Granite. 4. Gneiss. 5. Mica 
clay, chlorite slates (these about Jawara), and again Granite at Udaipur. 
Blue and red marls with rotten clay stones are very noticeable near 
Khairwara and beyond Jawara, at which places the rocks are very hard. 


366 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwir Bhils. (No. 4, 


The general run of the longer ridges with the magnetic meridian, the 
nature of the rocks, and the observation of practical gold miners would indi- 
cate the presence of gold ; it has been found at Jawara, the inhabitants of 
which place produce specimens of less valuable metals as the true one even 
now. ‘The silver and lead mines of Jawara are far-famed, and are, perhaps, 
the same with those mentioned by Pliny as existing to the east of Mons 
Capitalium—Abu.—No others have been worked in this country in recent 
times, but local tradition points to a less remote period for the opening of 
these mines. 

Many precious stones are presumed to exist in the hills, but no search 
is made for them, nor as far as I can learn have many been obtained of late. 

In the Administration Report of the Ajmer Districts for 1873-4, an 
extract is given from a work on Ajmer,* describing the minerals and gems 
of the Aravali, which summarises all then known of the mineralogy of the 
range. The emerald is said to be found near Nathdwara, the shrine of an 
incarnation of Krishna. Iron exists, also zine and lead, in sufficient quanti- 
ties to repay working. 

Galena is the principal ore, but there are some valuable coloured ones. 

Products.—Cattle are reared in large numbers. The forests, if proper- 
ly conserved, would be of great value. The teak, if left alone, would grow to 
a large size. Indian corn is the only grain raised in large quantities. 

The flora is rich and varied ; the fauna scarcely less so. Large game 
abounds in the hills, fish especially the ‘ mahser’ swarm in the streams, and 
reptiles are well represented. 

Meteorology.—The climate is not an unpleasant one. The average 
rainfall for twenty years was 26°01 inches, and the mean temperature of the 
year F. 78°98°, The hottest month was May, F. 93:22°. The coldest, 
January, F. 64°48°, 

Hthnology.—Harly in 1874, I undertook a systematic measurement 
of a large number of Bhils, sipahis in the Maiwar Bhil Corps, with the fol- 
lowing results : 

The mean height of 128 males, with an average age of 25°89 years, 
(calculated as near the truth as records and appearance could make it) was 
5 ft. 638 in. Of 129, the mean length of the upper extremity 31°56 in. (upper 
arm 13°81 in., lower 17°75 in.); of the lower extremity, 38°87 in., (thigh 
18:71 in., leg 20:16 in.). ‘The upper arm was measured from the head of the 
humerus to the inner condyle, the lower from the latter point to the tip of 
the middle finger; the thigh from the anterior superior spinous process of 
the ilium to the inner condyle of the femur, the leg from the same point to 
the centre of the sole of the foot resting on the ground. The average 
length of 79 clavicles was 6°71 in., and as this bone and the hand are usually 
about the same length, we may look upon the Bhils as a small-handed race, 


*% By Dr. Irving, Civil Surgeon of Ajmer. 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—<An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 367 


as observation without actual measurements also points out. The mean 
leneth of 78 sterna was 6°84 in. Special measurements were made of the 
head and other portions of the frame. 

Of the 129 men, not one reached the type or average, which may be 
regarded as a true one, as the means of separate twenties taken in the order 
of examination approaches for all measurements the means of the grand 
totals. This may not be deemed extraordinary when we remember that the 
very constitution of society requires that there should be a slight differenti- 
ation from the type. This of course is most noticeable in the expression of 
the countenance, but it no doubt exists throughout the body,—the type may 
of course be found amongst a larger number of men. 

The Head.—The antero-posterior diameter of 129 heads was 7°21 in., the 
lateral 5°66 in., the depth from vertex to chin in eighty-one cases 8°05 in. 
The ratio of length to breadth was as 100 : 79°22, the true ratio—the means 
of averages of scores being almost the same. ‘Taking the proportion of 80 to 
100 as the dividing line, all above being brachy, all below dolicho-cephalic, the 
Bhil skull is but very slightly dolicho-cephalic, very different from the long 
thin walled crania of the pure Hindu. Again, as opposed to the latter, the 
parietal tuberosity is well marked, the occipital hardly at all. The face is 
orthognathie. A Bhil is generally very dark, his hair black, straight and 
long, his face smooth with slight moustache, rarely having beard and whis- 
kers, eyes dark with the palpebral apertures limited in size, making the eye 
look small. The iris is sometimes grey, as in Gujars and other low caste Hin- 
dus. Chest, rarely hairy. Face large, wide, almostround. Forehead of fair 
height, rather more square than amongst Hindus ; vertex of skull, flatter. 
In some cases, however, (almost exclusively where the men were of mixed 
race) the roof of the skull seemed to begin in the centre of the forehead, 
thus rendering the facial angle, measured in the ordinary way, appear large, 
and not affording a correct indication of cranial capacity. Eyelashes and 
eyebrows ample, bridge of nose broad and sunk, nostrils dilated very round, 
nose slightly retroussé, broad, clubbed at the tip, and rather more varied 
than the dead level organ of the Hindu, which, however well shaped, bears 
little indication of character. 

Mouth large, lips thick, inexpressive, sensual, giving the impression that 
they were made merely to cover the teeth, which are large and coarse. Zygo- 
ma very large and salient. Cheeks full. Molar bones flat and prominent. 
Ears large and prominent, and very moveable. Jaws evenly hung, massive, 
lower square, large in proportion, angles square, large and widely separated. 

Expression amiable, but timid. Long and strange habit, more than 
inherent race peculiarity, I believe to be responsible for many of the character- 
istics of the Bhil’s head. He has been an outcast for ages, hunted by his 
neighbours, and so timid has he become, that even when he sees the men of his 
own tribe, soldiers in the Bhil Corps, passing peaceably through his district, 


368 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. [No. 4, 


he flies at once to the highest hill for refuge, a prey to his own fears. The 
dilated large nostril, the moveable and prominent ear are very suggestive of 
distrust. His food is of the coarsest, the hardest Indian-corn, and to masticate 
this his teeth are all very large, the dentine of the very toughest and rough- 
est description ; the incisors are square, broad, fixed vertically in the gums, 
but are generally flat instead of sharp at the edges, bearing marks like those 
of the horse, approaching the molars in appearance. These teeth are also very 
large and strong,and to carry them of course there is the huge jaw,which neces- 
sitates large muscles, to accommodate which there must be wide and project- 
ing zyzomatic arches, the beginning of a broad skull. It is quite possible, 
therefore, that the difference between the Bhil and Hindu crania may have 
been produced by the long action of a different kind of food ; measurement 
of the skull would therefore appear to give no certain proof that the races 
are distinct, but if the historical and philological differences are as marked, 
it would confirm them strongly. In the Vedas, the ancient inhabitants of 
India are spoken of as Dasyus or enemies ; they are the goat-nosed, the nose- 
less, the black skinned ; they are taunted with eating raw flesh ; and we may 
prove that there was some foundation for the expressions thus made use of 
in the case of the Bhil, if he were what he is to-day. We have found that 
his nasal organ is ill-shapen, broad with large nostrils, a striking contrast 
with the nose of the Brahman, the typical and perhaps only unmixed Aryan, 
for it has been stated that there are no Vaisyas or Kshatriyas of pure de- 
scent and few Sudras even, these having been unable to preserve their identity 
during the long sway of Buddhism. The Bhils and aborigines generally, 
for those very reasons which prevented them from becoming a prey to the 
Aryan invaders (presuming them to be non-Aryan), namely their distance 
in the South, and their inaccessibility in the hills, were likewise enabled to 
resist the influence of the followers of Sakya Muni, The Bhil is almost 
black, and with regard to his flesh-eating propensities hardly an abhorrer 
of anything, and it is considered I believe that the historical proofs of 
distinction are forcible enough, but the craniological and philological 
certainly are less so. 

Amongst the men measured were some Grasias and Minas. These could 
be at once told by their pyramidal long skulls, and are supposed to be hybrids. 

Arms.—The Bhils are not a long-armed race, and have no great mus- 
cular strength; nor are those movements, which require facility of manipula- 
tion, easily performed. 

In the Mahabharat it is mentioned that as a penalty for fighting 
against the royal Krishna, the Bhils were condemned to lose the forefinger 
of the right hand, that they might never again enter into conflict with the 
friends of the hero (whom one slew, however) ; hence it is said they never 
use the forefinger in drawing the bow; but times have changed since then. 
I noticed, however, in examining their hands, that few could move the fore- 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. 369 


finger without the second, indeed the fingers appeared useless as indepen- 
dent members of the hand. This may no doubt be a mere result of their 
savage condition, which does not necessitate fine movements. In connection 
with this may be mentioned their apparent inability to distinguish colours, 
or count numbers—due alone to their want of words, to express themselves. 

The Lower Extremities.—The Bhil leg is fairly developed, best amongst 
the women—all are good walkers. 

The measurements of circumference are for the neck, upper arm, chest, 
thigh and knee, in one hundred and twenty-eight cases, respectively inches 
11°52—8:04—30°25—15:'95—12:23 ; the averages of pelvis and leg respec- 
tively, inches 26°91 and 11:7. It will be noticed that the broadest part 
of the calf is not asin the case of most Europeans as well developed as 
the knee. The Bhil does not grow up to the capacity of his bones, he is 
not sufficiently well nourished. Both chest and pelvis are small. 

The mesaticephalic skulls are said to be those of the civilizers. Judging 
from this the Bhil then must be capable of improvement, and all the care 
bestowed upon him shows that the remark is true. 


Oomparative Table of Bhil and other Race Measurements. 


CIRCUMFERENCE OF 


Height. 
| 
Race, Caste. Age. a 
a 4 a a é 
eee Se en alas 
A P oO ow = 4 
IBREOPCATI” vcicices cees| 21 5 |5.63) .. os | 34.58)) 0. ve Bc 5c 
Castes below Bania, ..| 30 e Sa WL S29) s0ron | 26-96) Lowi) Laeoiele DEG 
) : @) 
FESLEEP ay piel eielelorsisic) sivieiecs« 25.89} 6 |6.38] 11.52} 8.04) 30.25, 26.91) 15.95) 12.23} 11.7 
Forearm 
& (Amdoan, ........ Ne || Sh asia) er, A LS saealt 1eRh 
eS Ee ee 3 Se dep Weis 9.75| 33. SMO bag, ISS E 
aS 
= | Gyarung, .. 6.04. oe 5 |3 0 |) Oe yf eee wart |e LBZ le arnt | 
2 
Ei (| Manyak, ........ oe 5 14. 0 Qi5e Wu St Ze |i ran | 1 Ocde I) weeremen lilies 
Juangs 20, ss... eA sm pl eet 12.38) O875N 210751) - wi. cule lesb) Ue weed ae 
Or) 
“2H < Barians 20,......| 30.25) 5 |2.4 | 11.25] 9.138] 31.5 ve Uy 7elta} are is 
© 
L Uriahs, all castes20, 37.5 6 |3.5 | 11.6 8.75| 31. AD 16. Ac AC 


2 From Liharzak’s tables, many thousand cases in Vienna, ? 128 cases, 


[No. 4, 


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T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Ma 


370 


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1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. BTA 


Language.—A few specimens of songs of the Bhils are appended, with 
some in the Mina dialect of Sirohi. In addition to illustrating the difference 
in disposition between the two people, they will serve as examples of their 
languages, the latter being evidently a rough form of Hindi, while the 
former, although understood (with difficulty) by a Brahman of Jaipur, and 
as such classing with the coarser variants of this tongue, contains a large 
number of words and letters of non-Sanskritic origin. 

It will be noticed that the Bhil contains a majority of words in which 
the cerebrals € t, & th, ¢ d, & dh, Wn, with the ¢ d and @ dh changeable 
into dull r, (letters which in Sanskrit itself are probable Scythian) pre- 
vail. In some words, @ | changes to Tr or ¥ r, as in ‘pila’ to ‘ pira’; in 
others, q ch to ¥, as in ‘ chaldo’ to ‘salao’—but these changes (as in the 
Mina ‘Sirohi’ to ‘ Hirohi’, where s and h are permutable) exist in M4rwiri, 
Gujarati, &c. In Bhil, as in these ruder forms of Hindi, the long vowels 
o, 4, € (i), U, are most used; kh and sh, kh and ch ¥, j and g, b and 
Vv or w, are generally permutable—h and s are also. 

As far as my observation goes, the Bhil uses most words from the lan- 
guage of the people next to him. His tongue, an unwritten one, varies there- 
fore with the linguistic frontier, whether Gujarat or Marwar ; he is able to 
pronounce English words with unusual clearness, a proof that in language 
he is singularly susceptible to outward influence, and that for him to have 
retained a distinct tongue, would have been impossible. Nevertheless as he 
converts into or adopts most readily non-Aryan forms, words, and letters, 
there is every reason to believe that he once had a Scythic or, at all events, 
a mode of speech which was not Sanskrit. It will be noted that the Mina, 
who is more connected with the dweller in the plains, has been linguistically 
more affected than the Bhil. I append a few specimens of Bhil and Mina 
names, as these no doubt change less than other words: female Bhil names 
end in é long (i), the male of which would end in 4 and 0. 


a Yaa a 
Vocabulary, Grammar, Se. 


Man bhabha, 4dmi, manak. Plural, hai admi. 
Woman bairi. 

Father Atak, daji, ata, bap, dadak. No plural. 
Grandfather dadak. 

Mother ai, ma. 

Sister bahin, bahinai. 

Elder sister bai. Younger sisters are known by their names, 
Boy kaur6, surd, sora. Boys, sara. 

Girl k4uri, suri, sori. 

Friend gothiyo, guthiyo, haithi. 

Enemy bairi, beri. 


ZZ 


372 


T. H. Hendley—An Accownt of the Mawar Bhils. 


Bull 
Devil 


Horse (clay) 


Calf 
He-goat 
Sheep 
Dog 
Cock 
Cobra 
Snake 
Crow 
Squirrel 
Hare 
Fish 
Deer, male 
Head 
Hair 
Kye 
Ear 
Tooth 
Hand 
Foot 
Nails 
Arms 
Knees 
Horns 
Blood 
Bone 
Leg 
Thigh 
Sky 
Sun 
Moon 
Star 
Water 
Stone 
Vegetable 
River 
Grass 
Way 
Day 
Night 


dahé. 
bhat. 


Cow, dahi, gaé, go. 

Female devil, churail. 

garno. Stone horse, tatha, parano, siro. 
renru. Calves, renrta. 

bokarro, bakro, She-goat, chhali. 
dobi, bhehi, 

kutro, 4. Bitch, kitri. 

kakro. Hen, kikri. 

hap. 

kot. 

kagro. 

khali, kharol, garari. 

haho. 

miuthali, masala. 

doli, haran, hardin. 

mud, mind, matho, mathin. 

wal, yar. 
ankh. 
kan. 
dant. 
hath. 
pog, paghan. 
nakh. 
ban. 
ouda. 
hingda. 
lai, 1ahi. 
hadka. 
palli, pag. 
hathal, pagni, hathor. 
ablao, abha. 

daro, vasi, straj. 
chand, sand, vasi. 
tara. 

pano. 

pana, pano. 
harno, bhaji. 

naii, nadi. 

sar, char. 

wat. 

duro. 

ratur. 


No plural. 


1875.] T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


Tree 
Fire 
Mountain 
House 
Well 
Basket 
Bread 
Shoe 
Bed 
Dish 
Grain 
Clothes 
Money 
Book 
Flour 
Salt 
Bow 
Arrow 
Red 
Blue 
Yellow 
To hang 
» lift up 
» throw 
» see 
a 
» walk 
» find 
Good 
Bad 
Warm 
Cold 
Great 
Small 
Behind 
Now 
Near 
Hither 
Thither 
One 
Two 
Three 


rakhrar, rankhro. 
badi, deuté, dewata. 
dingar, magro. 
ghar. 

kira, kad, naw. 
kdndli, hunchlo. 
rota, roto. 
khayro, juro. 
khatlo. 

thamro. 

dana, naj. 

selru, labra, katka, chithra. 
dukra. 

wahiro, puthi. 
lot. 

mitho, lain. 
dhuni, kamtu. 
hariyo. 

ratro. 

lilo. 

pira piro. 
galwahi. 

hana. 

darna. 

bhalna, juwini. 
dhamo. 

limdra, limdu. 
jardhant. 

halui, ekjat, nagd, han. 
boda, buda, khrap. 
uno. 

tharo, tar. 

moto. 

nanlo, loro. 

valte. 

ewan. 

tharmen, 

imm4a, 

parme. 

ek, 

be. 

tin, taran, 


373 


374 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhils. 


Four 
Five 
Six 
Seven 
Fight 
Nine 
Ten 
Twenty 


One hundred , 


I, mh, 


Thou, ta. 


He, ye ve. 
She, vai. 
It, whay, vo. 


sar. 

pans. 

sai, si. 
hat. 

ath. 

nan. 

do. 

vi. 

ho, pansvi. 


Pronouns. 


mase., AMO, 
We, ama. 


Sem., Gmai 

You, tama, 
MASC., Vas 

They, whi, 
Fem., Vai 


Comparison of Adjectives. 


A good man Hawt manak, 
A better man than that. Wana se tajo Rag 
oy mekuzat 
Son ek zat i hea 
Best man nape 
Ye manak bejah 
haglah. 
Verb. 
I give, Mha alén. 
I gave, Mha aldeda. 


I will give, 


What are you doing ? 


Go there, 
Come here, 


Sit down, 


Mhé albo hun. 
No other tenses. 
Sentences. 
Tama kiankro ho ? 
Parme jawaju. 


\ ao. Tuma awaja, 


[No. 4, 


1875.] 


Are you well? 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. 


Tama hawt ho ? 


I am well, Mha hawa hai. 
Are you hungry ? Tumé bhikhja ho ? 
To come, A’win, 

Come, A’yo, ayin, 

I will come, Mht awe, 

Thou wilt come, Ta awe, 

He will come, Ye awe he. 


She will go, 
They will go, 


Ve or peli jahe. 
Vai pela jahe. 


» (women) will go, Peli jahe. 
We Pe sess Umai jaha. 
To run, Dham va. 
Run, Dhamo. 
I will run, Mh dhamhun. 


They will run, 


Va dhamhe, 


375 


Names. 
Bhil Males. Bhil Males. Bhil Females. Mina Males. | Mind Females. 
Kana. Rupla. Kehri. Urjan. Phati 
Dhanji. Khati. Lali. Dinga. Bhiri 
Khaniji. Bala. Jamli. Chatr4. Deo. 
Hakra. Pemé4. Manglt. Chott. Kant. 
Jagla. Umra. Khatri. Birma. Janki 
Mania. Pinja. Harjia. Rikma 
Vajia. Hamiji. Barmala. Udi. 
Lala. Hirji. Mala. Shani. 
Dala. Manji. Zalam. Lali. 
Khema Mandripa. Govinda. Jdmri. 
The names of | Sabo. 

gods common. Kishni, 
Habji. Daula. Allthese names,| Salgai. Bult. 
Manglia. Sabji iftheibechanged| Rakha. Pani. 
Jewa. Nathé. to 4 or 6, become] Bhoja. Biblan 
Mog4. Ratwa4. male. Nanji. Kori. 
Haka. Kauri. Conversely, the} Harla. 
Kanji. Gokla male become fe-| Panjia. 
Birji. Kiubera male. Sheola. 
Homa. Khera 


Amongst Mehtars, Gujars, and other low castes, a few of these names, 
or some like them, are found, but more often the people are called after a 
god. 


376 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


[No. 4, 


The Song of a Bhil in which he explains to his Uncle Dold the ap- 
proach of the British, their power, and wealth, and asks whether he shall join 
them or not at Khatrward, thew Head Quarters. 


Ugyani dharti ja tarki awela, Dola 
kakaji. 

Ha amware thare awilago, Dola 
kakaji. 

Kake ayanko paraw kare, Do.* 

Lila pira tanbura tanawe, Do. 


Suna ke rikhati edham karao, Do. 


Rupa ke ridtre kesawao, Do. 
Lilaje pira tanbura tanwdo, Do. 


Yadre parore nagaran bage, Do. 
Ehan thako parawe uthawe, Do. 
Ke fojan waro laskar salo awe, Do. 
Dhindhro dhindhrore khere lo tre, 
Do. 
Uggo straj nilogan khojae, Do. 
Gure laji kheria ure, Do. 
Gire laji dhumar ramti awe, Do. 
Untarlan to gagartan awe, Do. 
Hathiran to hala awe, Do. 
Awilago khakhri ane sere, Do. 
Khankhri ano rajanatho jaere, Do. 
Jakhere jahoje jakhere bhago, Do. 
Rastere awije mare marenge salt, 


Do. 
Fojar lipri ani jaga bharo, Do. 


* Do. for ‘Dold kakaji’. 


Oh! Uncle Dola, the Turks are com- 
ing from the East, Uncle Dola. 
They have arrived on the banks (of 
the Som river), Uncle Dola. 

And have halted there, U.* 

And pitched their variously-co- 
loured (blue and yellow tents), U. 

And have made their golden tent- 
pegs, U. 

And stretched their ropes of silver, U. 


Raise the coloured tents, Uncle 
Dola. 
Their drums are beating in the 


drum house, U. 
From this place strike their camp, 
U. (@. €., if you do not approve). 
Oh, a very great army is coming, U. 
And is raising dust like the morn- 
ing fog, U. 
Which obscures the sun, U. 
The horses are raising a cloud of 
dust, U. 
The horses, leaping and jumping, 
come, U. 
Camels grumbling come, U. 
Many elephants are coming, U. 
They have arrived at the border vil- 
lage, U. 
Having arrived on the border, the 
Raja has run away, U. 
If you do not fight, you also must 
run away, U. 
They are coming and will kill you 
on the road, U. 
The army has halted, go to another 
place, U. 


* U. for ‘Uncle Dola’. 


1875.] 


Fojar li topar se rawran bhatran, 
Do. 

Ketran than ko parawene kare, Do. 

Lila pira tanbura tanawe, Do. 


Sona ke rikhiti ekhe awe, Do. 
Rupa ke ridore tanawe, Do. 
Untarlan pidhani Ganga bharo, Do. 


Untarlan pidha to pihe rawranre- 
tan, Do. 
Hathiran pidhani jaga bharo, Do. 


Hathiran go pihe ranranretan, Do. 
Gorela pidhani jaga bharo, Do. 
Gorel4 pihe ranranretan, Do. 

Rawéa gajelan dasri gdere, Do. 
Ganri dno rajana geja ere, Do. 
Ragare nahene rani nahe, Do. 
Ranire nahene banie nahe, Do. 
Mathere dupala nesori enahere, Do. 


Barere barasni khanni mange, Do. 
Ter barasno dhamo mangere, Do. 
Nakhere nahone nakhere bhago, Do. 
Dhamore bharone pasare pharo, Do. 


Kharni bharo to pasare pharore, Do. 
Kharni bharani nathare pas, Do. 


Kharnire barso to pasre pharso, Do. 

Kharake kharake jak to awe, Do. 

Kharak mahe to khanro jhagro bage, 
Do. 


Jawas men go dola bhumia baje, 
Do. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhiis. 


377 


The army will halt on the bard’s 
ground, U. 

They will not halt elsewhere, U. 

Putting up the coloured tents, Uncle 
Dola (i. e., if you approve). 

Preparing the golden tent pegs, U. 

Stretching the silver ropes, U. 

They are bringing much Ganges wa- 
ter on camels, U. (proving their 
wealth). 

The bards are shouting on the camels, 
Uncle Dola. 

Shew a place for the elephants, 
U. (af you do not run). 

A separate place for elephants, U. 

A separate place for the horses, U. 

Shew the place, o raja, U. 

Prepare for all the other animals, U. 

The Raja of Ganri has fled, U. 

The raja and rani have fled, U. 

The queen and merchants have fled,U. 

Every body with his property on his 
head has run away, U. 

They require a camp for twelve years, 
We 

They want thirteen years’ tax (that 
is in the twelve years), U 

If you do not agree (to pay the tax), 
run away, U. 

If you can give the tax, return (in 
place), U 

The camp is fixed, then return, U. 

If you do not agree, do not stay, 
U. 

If you agree to the presence of the 
camp, then return, U. 

From village to village conquering 
they come, U. 

Opposing villages are for ded with 
the sword, U. 

In Jawas lives the Thakur Dola (the 
owner of the soil), U. 


378 


Hin to mare dola giwajire, Do. 
Kharake kharke jak to awe, Do. 


Khairwara mahe ktnre raga baje, 
Do. 

Khanro go bhagone paraw kara, Do. 

Khairwaré men athako paraw ne 
kare, Do. 

Jawas mathe bhumi ka raja_ baje, 
Do. : 

Jawas mathere dola thakor baje, 
Do. 

Khairwéra mahe jae kare bharore, 
Do. 

Lila ne pira tanbura tanawe, Do. 

Sona ke.rikhuti gharwaro, Do. 

Rupa ke ridore khesayo, Do. 


Jawas mathe kinre bhimia wajé,- 


Do. 
Jawads mathe dold thakor bage, Do. 
Kharak mathe khanro magro bage, 
Do. 
Khanrore bhagone paraw kanrore, 
Do. 
Jehan thako bhtri ote bage, Do. 
Jehan thako paraye ne kare, Do. 


Thuri k4 marega ganegtiere, Do. 


Jehan thaki ki jaga bari lidi, Do. 
Khanrore bhagane paraw ki do, Do. 
Bhirian to bangla lege, Do. 


Bhirian apragi ne bage, Do. 
Bhurian koine gere manrawe, Do. 


Eware nokari marawe, Do. 
Bharian eki kanbale, Do. 
Bigal baje nokari sale, Do. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


[No. 4, 


What I have seen, I have told, U. 

Having beaten the villages on the 
road, they are coming, U. 

Who is living in Khairwara, U.? 


Take your sword or fly, U. 

If you fly, do not stay in Khairwara, 
U. 

In Jawas rules the lord* of the soil, 
U. 

In Jawas rules Dola Thakur, U. 


If you agree, go, prepare ahome at 
Khairwara, U. ~ 

Raise the coloured tents, U, 

Knock in the golden tent pegs, U. 

Pull the silver ropes, U. 

In Jawas what Lord of the soil 
rules, U.P 

In Jawas lives Dola Thakur, U. 

In the village is a hill fort, U. 


Fly to the fort and stay there, U. 


In his own lands he is ruler, U. 

If you go there, no one can hurt you, 
UE 

A small place is necessary for me, 
U. 

Prepare a good place in his land, U. 

Why do you flee? halt there, U. 

The English have houses everywhere, 
U. 

The English have left no place, U. 

The English to this day have not 
taken his village, U. 

Go there and become his servant, U. 

The English are one caste, U. 

When the bugle sounds, work begins, 
U. 


* The Jawas Chief was pensioned with a view of obtaining his aid in recruiting 


amongst the Bhils. 


1875.] 


Te age kor nokari ne sale, Do. 
Malwa nathe kawaj karwaore, Do. 


Hawa por din sari gasore, Do. 


Dola kaka bar bethine gdore, Do. 
Khalak naren nuririan pharangi, Do. 
Nawre ttarine bharian 4we, Do. 
Hiungo mare dola jawaéj are, Do. 


Daria mathe n4we salavi, Do. 
Nawe mathe gurela tigaro, Do. 
Nawe mathe hathir agaro, Do. 


Nave mathe phojar li igdro, Do. 
Hava khawa bairione baje, Do. 


Daria mathe nawe Aiyenire, Do. 


Hundari sdlere bajene nawe salere, 
Do. 
Nawe itari ne bhirian awere, Do. 


Hain to mare kharak gawaja ere, Do. 
Dola kako thakor bdri  baithene 
jtere, Do. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


379 


No other service is like theirs, U. 

In Malwa is also held a parade, U. 
(The Malwa Bhil Corps.) 

At 10 o’clock go visit them (7. e., af- 
ter parade) U. 

Uncle Dola, do you stay or go ? 

The English are everywhere masters, 
U. 

The English come in ships, U. 

I am speaking, but you are not an- 
swering, U. 

The ships come on the sea, U. 

They put their horses in the ships, U. 

They put their elephants in the ships, 
U. 

They put their army in the ships, U. 

They blow their music, do not beat, 
(as with drums), U. 

A ship full of arms on the sea is 
coming, U. 

Hindu soldiers with music also are 
in the ships, U. 

Having landed, the English are com- 
ing, U. 

I have only a sword, U. 

Uncle thakur Dola go see and think, 
U. 


The same in Devanagari. 
SHAT ACAt A TTAT HAT TAT ATATsiT 
BS Baae Sie Hlslaal Sat ATATST 
RA BAA asta ae Sar AAs 
MHA WL GTS AMA STAT ATATST 
~ QS 
Bal H Clatl Baa ATAHl CTA AAT 
QU A LSet Baa STA ALAS 
MAF MA AIst TMAH STS AAI 
SS . oS 
Jet DAS AATAT ATA STAT -AUATSit 
Het SAM WEA Ssrq Stat HrATsit 


2A 


380 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhiis. 


BWIA Al AARC BA AS SIA HATS 
BUT AaUIT VT Fl VS Ss AAs 
SUM GOA AAA BSH Seat AAs 
US Mist Fai SS Star AAs! 

US TST YAX cadt WA <a Ato 
Steal Gl Tiawat Bray Stat Alas 
SIGS Ai SA Bla STA ATeo 
Samal Bal Bla A STAT Ato 
Hise] BA CIATATST BIRT STAT Ate 
FAT SBS HBT BAT STAT ATATo 
LUAL HAH AT AeA ATI VA Alo 
BIAS BUST |ral HAT Ara Stat Ate 
BIAS VW Alas BY Laci west Stat Alo 
Hat St Ht USTaa AT STAT ATe 

MAT WM Ayet TTA Ste ATo 

Sai FH MYST HS Brey Stat AraAT> 

SUL F ClSTe AMI STAT Aro 

SSSCT WMATA] WAT wrt Sar Ato 
SSSU WU Al WIS cracitei Stat ate 
STMSt MATT AAT WITT STAT Ato 
SUSI Ti WMS Waccitet Stat Ate 
TSA HAtat ATT ATT STAT To 
MASA UTS TisctVst Stat Ate 

Lal ASIt AST ATH STAT To 

WAST BlAl LTA TAT AL Sat ato 
LMS AVA TA aI STAT 

UM MSA ataisy a1 TTATo 

ALAS UAT ANAT Balser Stare 

Wet FLEA] SUl HiT STAT Ato 

Az ALGAl BAT FIAT STH ate 

qat ASlaq AL BAI STAT ATo 


[No. 4, 


1875.] 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdér Bhils. 


YAT BUF wate WET Sa Ale 
BAU ALI AT UTS WAI STATo 
Rca Vera] TUTTE UTA TTATo 
FLAME ACA GI Ulat WEA Stake 
Ash ASH WA Al AF TaTo 

ASA AS Al AiSl HAT FA STATo 
FAG F AT SA walat alse STATo 
S Al AL ETAT TAAST FTATo 
ASA ASA THR AT BA State 
BLAIS AS FAL CAT AH Tayo 
Ast Al Alaa TST WET STATo | 
FLgISt HW ASA USA A AT STAT TlAtTe 
BHAA ATG WaT Al LIST FSi TTUTe 
HAWG ATUL SIT SAT FH STATo 
LAST AS HTH AT ATT Stare 
MAG WL AIST TAA State 

rat F Vests asa Stare 
SUT H CST Fata State 

Tala A FAT YAMA ATH STATo 
HAS Al STAT STHT AT STATO 
BsE ATA Fist AUT Tia STaTo 
Aisle Bala UST AAT State 
Set UA Yat Sra sat STAT 
SStUAl WS FT AST S1ATe 

US AT Ata WayHe erate 
ASTAR Al AAT ALT St State 
Bist Alaa WSta At ST Stato 
VAs Al ATT | Frare 

HOt Hrcuit F WT Sra 

HOA WRIA TT atsz Stare 

Hale TH ASIA Stet Ato 


381 


$82 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


HU Tat ata Tate 

ques ai TrHat QF Sate 

@ Bint Ax AH FT ATG STAT 
ALTA ATT RIA ALA HIT STaTo 
Sal He fea a Tae State 
SIT BAT TI SSlA WAIT STaT° 
BIR Ata AUS WAM Tato 
alae SATA YUH Big Zao 
BA AT SA HATH BT STSTe 


[No. 4, 


EA ATS MA Bag sare 
= ~“ ~ 

AF ATT ASTSA BAIL Stato 
ala ATE SUS BIT State 
Ald AT AIAST SAT Stato 
Wal Wal ACTH FSH Stato 
ZAM atyY alg HlaCAMe Stato 

e ~ SSSI ~ =< 
Stl Alat AHA aq BlSt <iaTo 
ala SAL J OF Hla Taro 
SB Al ait VSR TATA | Sao 
NS Rs ASS ay 
STH RIA SMT AWC ISA BAIA STATo 


Song of a rich merchant Atujt Matijt on pilgrimage to the Jain shrine 
of Rakabnath, near Khairwéré. 


Ataji Matiji mari ramtire gauri 
awegi. 

Aljhan jisar kore khad4 wo mari 
ramtire gari awe. 

Mari ramti géri awe kalere kesari 
Amari ramtire, &c. 

Ataji Mataji mari ramti géri awe. 

Agere salawoke mari ramtigari awe. 

Samraji ni waté mari, &e. 

Agere salé mari, &c. 

Motere partire mari, &c. 

Banswara marge mari, Ke. 

Liboji bhimogire mari, &. . 


Attji Mataji is coming with me 
from Gujarat. 

Make a good road, he is coming with 
me. 

To the Lord of Saffron, he is coming 
with me. 

Atuji Matuji is coming with me. 

Go before, he is eoming &e. 

In the Samblaji (a temple) road he is. 

Go before he is, &e. 

At three o’clock at night, &c. 

In the Banswara road, &e. 

The heads of Liboj and Bhimoj are 


coming, &e. 


1875.] 


Danre stikawo mari, &e. 
Hunto va vasine bhetwajit mari, &e. 


Atuji Matdjire mari, &e. 
Agere salavo mari, &e. 
Danst ka wire mari, &e. 
Vavasine bhetwaga tre mari, 
Ho ruipia rakra alore mari. 
Khairwara ja maro mari, &e. 
Salire bhisabhis mari, &c. 
Kagdar wara4 marge mari, &c. 
Daunre sura vo mari, &e. 
Ho rupia rikra alore mari, &c. 
Han ko gari hankore mari, &c. 
Jtioji darsan karva 
mari, &e. 
Samragi ji vate re mari, &ec, 
Kesriane gore mari, &c. 


hungo gau 


Darsan ne ki dan mari, &c. 
Parawe titaro mari, &e. 
Nawe notore alo mari, &e. 


Jahan paraw karo mari, &c. 
Parawne ki do mari, &c. 
Vavasine bhetire go mari, &c. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwdr Bhils. 


383 


Pay the tax and guide, &c. 

I am going to worship at Rakabnath, 
he is, &e. 

Atiji Matuji is, &c. 

Go before, &c. 

Pay the guide, &c. 

I am going to worship, &c. 

Give a hundred rupees in cash, &e. 

In the Khairwara road he is, &c. 

In the middle of the way, he, &c. 

In the Kagdar road, he is, &c. 

Pay the guide, &e. 

Give a hundred rupees, &e. 

Pay the cart hire, &c. 

Look I am going to worship. 


In the Samblaji road, &e. 

Before the Lord of Saffron, &c., (Ra- 
kabnath). 

Having worshipped, &e. 

Shew the encamping ground, &. 

Go into the new Serai, &c., (at Khair- 
wara). 

Halt there, &e. 

I have halted there, &e. 

We have worshipped* at Rakabnath, 


The same in Devanagari. 


Beat ASsit At ata | 
BS ASS ATL CAAT nist Braat 
BMS MAT AC Yet Ft Aral castle ars} wea 
aret cata ae ala AAT Fa Gate} cat mst aa 
Bowl ASST Ae Laat Ast aes 
Bat PAala AL Laat Wrst Brg 
Baas At ae Ae] caat ast Ha 
Bint AIA A Taal ATS] Bla 
HSt was ae] cast MIS! WS 


* Merchants and seths (bankers) often travel with an immense following to this 


great shrine. 


384 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Mawar Bhils. [No, 4, 


qTaaAST ALT Alea Tadt ast Bla 
MAH BAM AD caadt as Bray 

a1at Fala Alet Laat Ast ara 

Sat aladia Hearse Aet Cad ast ars 
BSS ASST ATL Taat Ast 

TlUt TMA Ale] Laat TS Bra 

AG Al TIT Ae Laat USt ara 

adalat ASIA St are] cadt ast ara 
Sl SUA CHS Blatt ale] caat 

BLAST Al ATX AAT Laat Ast 

SRN Wailea ALT TAA ATS} AT 

IATL FLT ALA AIL LAAT ATS Bre 
Ze FI Al All Taal WiSt Hla 

Bl CHAT CAST AA ala caa] Ast ara 
Stal WIS Viale ALT Cad AST are 
AAT SA LIM ALaT ATS ATA carat AU. 
Alacra st aS T Ale TaaT AST Are 
PAClAla WS AX] CAAT AST At. 

SLM A Al St AAT Laat AT. 

Ustad SAA ALT Caat At. 

aq Arait AA All Laat ar. 

Set usta HTT Ala Cad ast ara 
Uslaa at ST Ala Taal AIS Bra 

qlaeta HSTT ASI ALT Taal ATST BT & 


The Song of a Mina woman to her Lover. 
Halene Abtre jaiyan Mansi. Go, O man, to Aba. 
Abire nasarti ré mara pagra dhujan Going up Aba, my limbs tremble. 


laga. 
Halene Naki nawa jéyien dord kang- In bathingin the Naki Lake,* I forgot 
si bhulaayi jire dostdari. my hair ribbon and comb, oh 


friend ! 


* The Naki Lake is on Mount Abia. 


1875.] 


Dora ne kangsiyAjire bhul ayi dos- 
daran. 

Thare ne mari jori Parmeswar puri 
dedi are jire dostdaran. 

Halene sAoni para jaien are jire 
dostdaran. 

Mahanriyane mati ne Korhatha ne 
mansiya. 

Halene pardesi jaien halene mansiya. 


Parne ne bis de pare mare ne re 
mansiya. 

Halene pardesi jaien re mansiya 
hdlene pardesi jaien. 


Song of Keturi Mina to 
Hibi ne jate thire Sentra hath ko 
miliydne. 
Tima wala Kangdro lare ne lagore 
tanko Tina wala. 
Maha lawira dhedha Mina main 
korhe tine. 


Tim4 wala kangdrare para jaien re 
tanko timawala. 


Hona ran mar dariyan reSentra kadi 
ko pariyane. 

Dhiri tob4’ Khetari honarran lantre 
tanka tima wala. 


Maragione pare re Sentra Mondara 
ra pare. 

Khetiri Randire mandariyan lawere 
tanka Tima wala. 

Mina ra jagera kangara hadai hadai 
lino. 

Rajputara jagra kangara hamkai 
ledare tank4 Tima wala. 

Nanaure Berare Kangara war pare 
ne aye. 

Bhagone bhagore Sent bhai Kaiya- 
ne tere. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


385 


I have forgotten my ribbon and 
comb, my friend. 

Oh friend, God has made us a perfect 
pair. 

We will go to a far-off place, oh 
friend. 

Oh man, let us leave my vile hus- 
band. 

Come, go to another land, come, oh 
man. 

Give my husband poison, oh man, 
and come away. 

Come to a distant land, come oh 
man. 


her lover’s brother Seni. 


Oh Sena, I was going for thatching 
orass, but did not meet him. 

Tima’s son, Kangaro, the strong son 
of Tima did not go. 

The Mahalanvira’ Mina, (her hus- 
band,) is a skinner (very low), I 
will not stay with him. 

Oh! Tima’s son, Kangaro, the strong 
son of Tima, take me to another 
land with you. 

I did not wear golden armlets in his 
house. Oh! Sentra (he was poor). 

Have patience, Khettri, the strong 
son of Tima will bring you gold 
bracelets. 

Oh! Sent, rob in the road, in the 
road of Mondara. 

Oh! woman Khetutri, the strong son 
of Tima will bring you armlets. 
Kangaro always fights with other 

Minas, 

This time, Kangaro, Timd’s strong 
son, must fight the Rajput. 

The people of Nanan and Bera are 
after Kangaro. 

Why do you flee, brother Sent ? 


386 


Nandure bera re war par aye re tan- 
ka Tima wala. 

Peline goli Sentra tara bhaire pare 
lagi. 

Bha kri ra gadi menkangara godi 
paréwale ne. 

Nandan re bera re Seni bhai Rajput 
pare haro. 

Tirna Kandto Sent bhai hath men 
ne ra lene. 

War ne wale Sent bhai ekhi ne jitita 
choro ne. 

Rajpitare marene to kangara garhe 
partn mariyo. 

Rajpuataro jagro Sent bhai jita na- 
ayere tanka, Tima wala. 


M4ndariyé kana Keturi itira Raj- 
putara re tanka, Tima wala. 


T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwér Bhils. 


[No. 4, 


The men of Nanén and Bera are on 
the road, strong son of Tima. 

The first shot has grazed your bro- 
ther’s foot, oh Sent! 

At the foot of Bhakri hill, Kangé4ro 
has bent his knee. 

The men of Nanan and Bera, brother 
Sent! Slay the Rajpats. 

Oh, brother Sena, take bow and arrow 
in hand. 

Do not leave a man living in the 
road, brother Sent. 

Having killed the Rajputs, return 
home, Kangaro. 

Oh, Sent brother, having conquered 
the Rajputs, come with the strong 
son of Tima. 

For Kettri’s bracelets, the strong son 
of Tima has slain many Rajpdts. 


Song of Manka Mina, a Sirohé rebel. 


Parbati ne sonara lere, Manka Mina. 


Daura hath ne mata bolire, Manka, 
Hanotra. 


Mata Bhavani belire aiyi re jo. 

Jawali ra dard ro ralad re, Motiy- 
ara. 

Pardi wetan lawere bark raran laore, 
Motiyara. 

Mata ne bakra marone, Motiyara. 

Tare mata ne beli aiyire, Manka 
Mina. 

HaAlore kaldare ki bhaiyan re lao, 
Motiyara. 

Kaldara ran Rajpat ganna tankore, 
Manka Mina. 

Kaldarera Rajpttane ko bitenere, 
Motiyara. 


In the early morning, take the omen, 
Manka Mina. 

On the right hand speaks the shama 
bird, Manka Mina, Hanotra (his 
tribe). 

Mother Bhavani* is pleased with you. 

Go to Jawali, men, and bring wine. 


Bring, men, a goat from Pardi. 


Oh men, sacrifice a goat to Mata. 
Your mother approves, Manka Mina. 


From Kaldare, bring a buffalo, men. 


The Rajpats, Mank& Mina, are very 
strong. 

Do not, men, fear the Kalddre Raj- 
puts. 


* The goddess Devi. 


1875.] - * T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. 


Kaldarena Bhaiyan re leore, Manka 
Mina. 
Kaldare Bahar aiyere, Manka Mina. 


Bhagane bhaga kaiyan, Motiyara. 

Bhagane bhagor ghano algore, Mo- 
tiyara. 

Ab tir ne kamto taiyar para karo- 
ne re, Motiyara. 

Ab katari kad mink men ne leore, 
Motiyara. 

Galiyara pati ghoran kaiyanne dini, 
Mikandji Rajput. 


Manka Mina, medan men “ab hai, 
Miakanji Rajput. 

Ek ne gwaliydro paro mua re, Man- 
ka Mina. 

Miukanji ne paro mare nere, Manka 
Mina. 

Hare ne Rajput pare mdrore, Man- 
ka Mina. 

Dharti men amar nam rakhdiyare, 
Manka Mina, 
Nira thaka jawalpara ne marore, 
Mankaé Mind. 
Jami men amar nam rakh diydre, 
Mankaé Mina. 

Tarine mata bhalo jal mo, Manka 
Mina. 

Ek haha gwaliyane baiyan parede- 
dere, Minka Mina. 

Jalore nathone ho bhoiyon dere, 
Ménka Mina. 

Raj ne darbér men nam tera raiyare, 
Manka Mina. 

Dharti men amdr nam rakhiyone, 
Manka Mina. 


* Jalor. <A celebrated fort and town 
or split-ear ascetics. 


2B 


387 


We have brought the Kaldar buffa- 
loes, Mankéa Mina. 

The Kaldare men have come out, 
Manka Mina. 

Do not run away, men. 

Do not run, Bhagor mountain is 
very far away, men. 

Prepare your bows and stretch them, 
men (towards the foe). 

Take your daggers in your mouths, 
men, 

Mikandji Rajput, why do you go 
after the cowherds and not after 
(men). 

Manka Mina is standing in the 
plain. 

One cowherd 1s fallen, Manka Mina. 


Manka Mina, kill Makanji. 
Kill all the Rajpats, Manka Mina. 


Your name will remain immortal in 
the earth, Manka Mina, 

If you rob Jawalpura in the midst of 
the road, Manka Mina. 

In the land, your name will be im- 
mortal, Manka Mina. 

Your mother has made you great, 
Manka Min4. 

Give a hundred buffaloes to each of 
our cowherds, Manka Mina. 

Give a hundred buffaloes to the Ja- 
lor* ascetics, Manka Mina. 

In the royal darbar, your name is 
known, Manka Mina. 

In the earth, your name is immortal, 
Manka Mina. 


in Southern Mérwar, held by the Naths, 


388 T. H. Hendley—An Account of the Maiwar Bhils. [No. 4, 


Note. 


The following Extract from the Political Report of the Superintendent 
of the Hilly Tracts of Maiwar may be of interest in connection with my 
remarks on the religion of the Bhils. 

“ A reformer, Strji, a Bhil Guru, has for some years past been at work 
among his countrymen on the Maiwar-Gujarat frontier. He preaches 
worship of one God, peace and goodwill. His followers take an oath to 
abstain from all crimes and offences, spirituous liquor, and from causing 
death to any living thing. They bind themselves to live by the produce of 
the soil, and to bathe before eating. Strji has now a following of upwards 
of one thousand ‘‘bhagats”, or believers, and three disciples, Gurus, or- 
dained by himself to preach and convert. 

“T saw and conversed with him in February last when I was travelling 
in the district. He asked for protection to his followers in Ddngarpur 
territory, where the cther Bhils, he said, annoyed them by calling them 
“ Musalman” (with them meaning ‘ infidel’). His influence in securing fol- 
lowers has spread as far as Khairwd4ra-and Kotrah. 

“T talked with a number of his converts, and they said that they had 
prospered since they had been guided by the Guru to do as they had sworn, 
They certainly looked in every way superior to their unreclaimed brethren.” 

With reference to the above, Mr. Lyall, the Agent for the Governor- 
General, observes that “All over India, the appearance of teachers of this 
cast of mind among the non-Aryan tribes may be noticed.” The ‘ Pioneer’ 
of December 29th, also quotes the ‘ Evangelical Review’, which describes 
the rapid progress of conversion to Hinduism among the Mhairs, due mainly 
to the presence of high caste Hindus from the North West Provinces 
amongst them (in the Mhairwara Regiment) as drill instructors. A similar 
movement was also noted in the Deoli Irregular Force. 

These facts are very interesting in connection with the remarks made 
in my paper, and show the universal desire of the wilder tribes to rise in 
the social scale, Rajpttana is a great centre of religious revivalism and 
change. The Ramsnehis, having their head quarters at Bhilwara and Shah- 
pura in Maiwar; the Dadi Panthis at Narana near Sambhar; and 
other sects, seem to hold views similar to those of Surji, the Bhil. 


1875.] 389 


Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P.—By 
Vincent A. Smitu, B. A., B. C. S. 


In the belief that any contribution which serves to add to our know- 
ledge of the languages and customs of India, will be welcome to the Socie- 
ty, I now submit a sample of the popular songs of the Hamirpur District 
in the local dialect. Nowhere can the real popular language be better 
studied than in the songs which are constantly in the mouths of the people, 
and these compositions further illustrate vividly the domestic customs and 
manners of the masses, 

Should the specimen now submitted prove acceptable, I propose to 
continue the series from time to time. I have already collected a large 
number of songs of various kinds, but at present I have not leisure to work 
up my materials. So far as I am aware, none of these songs has ever be- 
fore been reduced to writing. ‘They have now been taken down by my 
pandit, who is a native of this district, from the lips of persons who learned 
them by tradition. The pandit was instructed to record accurately, with- 
out alteration or correction of any kind, the sounds which he heard, and I 
believe that my instructions have been carried out. At some future time, 
I hope to analyze the dialectic peculiarities of the songs which I am now 
collecting. In order to render the following set of ditties intelligible, I 
prefix an abstract of the 


Legend of Hardaul. 

Hardaul, a son of the famous Bir Singh Deo Bundelaé of Orchha, was 
born at Datiya.* His brother Jhajhar Singh suspected him of undue 
intimacy with his wife, and at a feast poisoned him with all his followers. 
After this tragedy, it happened that the daughter of Kunjavati, the sister 
of Jhajhar and Hardaul, was about to be married. Kunjavati accordingly 
sent an invitation to Jhajhar Singh, requesting him to attend the wedding. 
He refused and mockingly replied that she had better invite her favourite 
brother Hardaul. ‘Thereupon she went in despair to his tomb and. lament- 
ed aloud. MHardaul from below answered her cries, and said that he would 
come to the wedding and make all arrangements, The ghost kept his pro- 
mise and arranged the nuptials as befitted the honour of his house. Subse- 
quently, he visited at night the bedside of Akbar, and besought the emperor 
to command chabitras to be erected and honour paid to him in every vil- 
lage throughout the empire, promising that if he were duly honoured, a 
wedding should never be marred by storm or rain, and that no one who 


* Bir Singh Deo died in 1627 A.D. For some account of him, ‘see Gazetteer, 
N. W. P., Vol. I, article Orchha; Ain translation, I, pp. XXY, 488. 


390 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. (Wo. 4, 


first presented a share of his meal to Hardaul should ever want for food. 
Akbar complied with these requests, and since that time Hardaul’s ghost 
has been worshipped in every village. He is chiefly honoured at weddings 
and in Baisakh, during which month the women, especially those of the 
lower castes, visit his chabutra and eat there. His chabutra is always built 
outside the village. On the day* but one before the arrival of a wedding 
procession, the women of the family worship the gods and Hardaul, and 
invite them to the wedding. If any signs of a storm appear, Hardaul is 
propitiated with songs. 

I am told that it is a common saying that cholera has only been known 
since the introduction of Hardaul worship. 


Sores IN HONOUR OF HARDAUL. 


ETSIe a atta | 


q <faat ® wat tera ates aI aaa sifee us 
HEA A CI SAS ae uit Se faara cfaa a <a 
SAS Ute yet @ faa cow Ht a Asa ara we 
Ural Rt SS 
A ASA EN ome 
MSH AA CATH BWI We Ges sq | 
aret fant Seat Fa Rasa ata Teat Sat FR Lar 
IIa HART | 


afea asl TLATT 1 G1 
II. 


2 wWiaa ura Tifaal Sta Ba ars aT | 
dea EE AZAR sil AS F I 
ain fteara | 
med Ty AE RU A sila Bat cite sis | 
saa ata gad tra at qxara faa ce a fas ata 
a| faa at TATE TaSIE | 
Vat SAE SA SHAR Ala Sa SU R LAI Ta 


NN 
@ Cel HA Ue TATA | 2 
* This day is known by the name of ¢e/. 


1875.] V.A.Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. 391 


III. 
BUT FAM AUATAT STAT TE SRE Al ArT | 
ATAS DIC AAA HS asa | 
Taaqca aT | 
Sieh urat faa wer ate faa | 
ALEIA AE | 


FST SUT H LAT Wa H ATT | 
Hsit HULA AMT | 2 | 


IV. 

g SUAl aS LTS Al TIA Mica Ht wears | 
BST Rt Al SRTT AAT UIT BlTAT ara | 
Gea SN Fi Lal La HA | 
efea sit <caTE 1 8 | 


Translation. 
Le 
Hardaul, the darling of Datiya,? your fame is brilliant in the world. 
Whence comes the host® exultingly, where has the halt been made ? 
From Datiyd comes the exulting host, at Erichh has the halt been 
made. 
At Erichh why did you halt, dear boy, where fodder and water fail P 
Turn back and halt at Taktakan, dear boy, where your cattle may 
graze on dub* grass, 
Our’ darling comes out on a long journey, to offer his sister’s daughter 
boiled rice. 
You are a Bundela chief of chiefs, in the south your sword has been 
busy. 
II. 


At® the time of your birth, your clansmen, your father, and mother 
perished. — 

O King! have sandal wood cut and fire put to your mother’s pyre. 

No man’s father and mother live for ever ;7 a brother is as a right arm. 

With tears of unrestrained weeping the garment® was wet through: 
poison’ in the pulse, poison in the boiled rice, of poison was the rice-milk 
made, 


392 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. (No. 4, 18735. 


In every village, darling, is your chabutra, in every region your name 
is known. 
You are a Bundela chief of chiefs, God grant you victory! 


III. 


Five? sweetmeats, and nine balls of betel and pan, darling, these form 
the repast of the god. 

‘Take,* take your load on your shoulders, white bullock; my sister 
will be thinking of me.’ 

Darling, don’t send storm or shower, don’t send rain. You are a Bun- 
dela chief of chiefs, the best support of your brother’s wife. 


IV, 


Darling, you sit by the roadside yourself, and take thought for 


dD) 
others.?? 
To** an earthen potsherd, darling, is given the name of man. You 
are a Bundela chief of chiefs, in the south your sword has been busy, 


Notes. 


1 These songs are sung by women, the specimens now given were obtained by my 
Pandit from pardah-nishin women. 

2 Datiyd, now a small separate state in Bundelkhand, was formerly included in 
Orchha ; vide N. W. P. Gazetteer, sub voce. 

3 The verb «mhnd conveys the idea of abundance, or exuberance, and of joy or 
exultation. The allusion here is to the troop of attendants whom Hardaul’s ghost led 
to the wedding. 

4 A fine kind of grass (Cynodon dactylon). 

5 It is the duty of the brother of the bride’s mother (mdm) to make this offering 
to the bride on the first day of the wedding ceremonies. 

6 Hardaul’s relatives died when he was born. 

7 Hardaul performed a great service to his sister by doing the honours of her 
daughter’s wedding. 

8 A spotted garment (chinrt), worn by women. 

® Alludes to the mode of Hardaul’s death. at 

10 Batdsd is a special variety of sweetmeat. All the principal kinds are enu- 
merated in a halwat’s song. 

Ten birds make a gilauri, and 100 birds make a dolt. The meaning of the verse is 
that Hardaul should make the usual offering to the gods before starting. 

21 Hardaul has now started, and admonishes the refractory bullock which carries 
the wedding gifts. 

12 7, ¢., your sister. 

23 7, ¢., Man is but dust, and like Hardaul all must die. 


aN Ec, 5S 


TO 


JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, ror 1875, 


Part I. 


2 
Azpss SARWANT, author ofthe Za- 
rikh-i-Shershahi, 32 
"Abdul ’ Aziz Naqshband{, 197 
*Abdul Kafi, brother of Acdlat Khén, 195 
’Abdullah, son of Sa’id Khan, 196 
"Abdullah Khan Bahadur, 198 
*Abdullah, Sayyid, Barha, 129 
Abdul-Malik ibn Marw4n, 32 
’ Abdur-Rashid-i-Kais-al-Laik, from whom 
the Afghans claim descent, 33, 37 
’Abdur-Razzik Mati-zi, also styled Bald 
Pir, author of the Tarikh-i-Nisbat-i- 
Afaghinah, 31 
Aborigines, vide Khyeng, 39; Jaipurid 
and Lhota Nagas, 216; Muasis, 286; 
Angaémi Nagas, 307; Bhils in Maiwar, 
347 
Abi, Mount, 384z. [279n. 
Abul Fazl, on the Sen Kings, 2; 286, 
Acaf Khan Khankhanan, brother of Nur 
Jahan, 195 
Acdlat Khan, 195, 198, 199, 200 
Achai Sautr4mani, sacrifice of, 150 
"Adil Shah, ’wf ’Adli, Abul Muzzafar 
Muhammad, vide Mubariz Khan, 295 
Adisur, dynasty of, 4 
Afghan, as distinguished from Path4n, 24 ; 
—period of the Muhammadan history 
of Bengal, 294 
Agastya Muni, 137, 147 ;—sar, 170 
Agmahall (Rajmahall), battle of, 296 
Agni-hotra (sacrifice), 143 
Agni kund (the fire altar), 150 
Agrah, 300 
Ahmadabad, 128 
Ahmad Darwezah, author of the Tazkirat- 
ul-Abrar, 31 
Ahmad Khan, son of Saidu, Bees 
Sultan Sikandar, 37 


Ahmadnagar, founded by Ahmad Nizém 
Shah, 38 

Ahmad Nizém Shah, founder of the Bahri 
dynasty, 38 

Ahmad Shah Bahmani, 38 

dé, or moon, in Turkish names, 279 

Aibak, the name, 279; Qutbuddin Aibak, 
27 7ff. 

Aijita Vishnu, 166 

Ain-i-Akbari, 281, 286 

Akbarnamah, 193, 285, 303, 306 

Akbar, accession of, 295 

Akbar Quli Khan Sultan Gakk’har, 195 

“Alauddin, the last of the Sayyids, 32 

Alb-Tigin, 25 

“Ali, the Mech, 282, 283 

’Ali Mardan, 194, 2807. 

Allah Virdi Khan, 198 

altars, regulations regarding the building 
of, among the Hindus, 228 ff. 

Alti Hills, the, in Cuttack, 19 

Amarakantak, watershed of the Eastern 
part of the Central Provinces, 286 

Amaravati sculptures, 215 

Amari, ruins at, 191 

Ambao Mata, a Bhil deity, 349 

Ameachi inscription, 2, 187, 191 

Amr Singh, Raja of Narwar, 195 

Amril, in Barbakabad, Bengal, 287, 292 - 

Anawartak, parganah of, 20 

Angada, 140 

Angami Nagas, rough notes on the, and 
their language, 307 

Angelim, one of the twelve provinces of 
Bengal, 181 

Angirasa, 9 

Aniruddha, 155 

Anjana (the air), son of Hanumana, 141 

Ansab-i- Afaghinah, 32 

Apastamba’s Sulvasiitra, 228 


304 


Apsaras, celestial beings, 140, 151, 163 

Aqé Hasan Rimi, 197 

Aram Shah, son of Aibak, 279 

Arboricola rufogularis, 332 

architecture, influence of the Greek, on 
Hindu architecture, 212 

Arctomyx collaris, 332 

arghya, water containing sandal, rice, 
flour, and betel-nut, 1447. 

4rha, or 4rhaka, a measure of grain, 9 

Arhud, one of the fourteen Gohiyds, 173 

Arkat, mint town of, 300 

arnd, “‘no more’, in names, 852. 

Artha, (wealth), 1392. 

Arundhati, wife of Vasistha, 156 

Asam Sais ki Masjid, in R4jmahall, 301 

Asdr ugganddid, quoted, 278 

Asitamuni, 145 

Asoka Batka, garden of Raghundtha, 150 

Astika Muni, 168 

Asuras, dynasty of, 184 

Asvamedha (horse sacrifice), 1382, 133 

*Atdpur, ruins of, 190 

Atrai River, 284, 290 

Audh, 276 ; vide Ayodhy & 

Autfrecht, on the Unnadi Sutras, 187. 

Aurangzib, silver coin of, 128, 193 

Aushodinath, kings of the race of, 13 

Ava, 189 

Avantika, called Ujjain, the foot of Vish- 
nu, 133, 135 

Awartak, parganah of, 20 

Ayodhya Mahatmya, or “Pilgrimage to 
Ayodhya,” translation of the, 129 

Ayodhya, derivation of, 130; vide Audh 

A’zam Shah, king of Bengal, 287 


Bxps--xnwnsnaar, 195 

Bacala, in South-East Bengal, 181 

Badakhshan, 200 

Badaon, 276 

Badri, one of the nine Gohiyas, 173 

Baguraé (Bogra), 183, 282, 287 

Bahadurpur, in Bengal, 300 

Bahadur Shah, King of Bengal and N. 
Bih4r, 295, 300 

Bahdr-i- Ajam, quoted, 297 

Baha uddin Sam, conqueror of Rai Pithora, 
34, 35 

Bahréam Sultan, ruler of Ghir, 32; genea- 
logical table of, 35 

Bahrampur, 195; in Bengal, 292 

Bairam Khan, 193 

Bakhtabdd, a doubtful name for ‘Gaur’, 
285 

Bakht Mall, Raj4 of Nurpur, 195 

Bakhtyar Khilji, conqueror of Bihar and 
Bengal, 276 

Balarama, one of the tutelary divinities of 
Mathur4, 148, 214 

Baldah Barbakaébéd, Mahall of, 292 


Index. 


Balhaw4n Pass, (Kangrah), 196 

Bal Gosdéin, Raj of Kich Bih4r, 295; son 
of Nara Narayan, 306 

Balk4-Tigin, 27 

Ballal Sen, predecessor of Su Sen, of Ben- 
gal, 3 

Bamadeva, 142 

Ban Raja, city of, 1 

banabas, penitential ceremony, 184 

Banaras, 300 

Bandi Devi, 160 

Bangdon, in North Bengal, 292 

Baqirganj, in Bengal, 1 

Barah Bhiyas of Bengal, 181 

Barbak Shah of Bengal, 190, 287, 289 

Barbakabad, 291 

Barbaria, mahall of, 292 

Bardhankot (Varddhanakiti), ruins of, 282 

Barendra, or Barind, 184, a division of 
Northern Bengal, 183, 287 

Bari Diab, 193 

Barréil mountain, in As4m, 309 

Barstl in Bengal, not identified, 285 

Basaki, king of serpents, 3 

Basdaul, in Bengal, 292 

Basudeva, 155 

Basu Raja, of Kangrah, 196 

Batani or Bah-Tani, or Tabrin, Shaikh, 33 

Baudhéyana, commentary on the Sulva- 
stitra, 229 

Bayazid Shah (II), king of Bengal, 287, 
296 

Beames, J., the Alti Hills in Katak, 19; 
on the Rhapsodies of Gambhir Rai, the 
bard of Nuirpur, 192 

Bengal, Contributions to the History and 
Geography of, 375; vide Westmacoitt, 
Wise, O’ Donnel. 

Bhabha (priests), 349 

Bhadra-Subhadra, 131 

Bhagavad Gita (Dr. Lorinser’s), 15 

Bhagwat, parganah of, near Chanar, 281. 

Bhairava, 167 

Bhalua, vide Bulua 

Bhao Sing, of Nuirpur, tums Muham- 
madan, 193, 201 

Bharadvaja, 9, 148 

Bharata, 136, 142, 163 

Bharata Kunda, 166 

Bharktindah, in Western Bengal, 296 

Bhar Mata, a Bhil deity, 349 

Bhaskara, (maker of lights), 159 

Bhath, or Bhatghora, territory of, 286 

Bhati, or Sundarban, 286 

Bhattriah, in Northern Bengal, 287 

Bhavishyat Purana, 7 

Bhils, of Maiwa4r, account of, 347 

Bhima, 184 

Bhima Devi, daughter of Dev Pal, 191 

Bhoili parganah, near Chanar, 281 

Bholiya Dewat, deity of, 349 

Bhiinhar or Bhéman zamindar tribe, 184 


Index. 


Bhrigu-lata, 142x. 

Bhutan, 282 

Biah, 193 

Bibhishan, 141, 142 ; 162 ;—kund, 148 ;— 
sar, 168 

Bihar, conquered by Bakhtyar Khilji, 276 ; 
by Akbar, 296; town of 186, 276 

Bijay Sen, of Bengal, 3, 13 

Bilva Hari, 137, 165 

Bikrampur, 4, 188 

Bir Sing Deo, of Orchha, 388 

Birtpa, an arm of the Mahanadi, 20 

Bisa, founder of Kiich Bihar, 294 

Blochmann, H., on the Rajés of Nurptr, 
192; Contributions to the History and 
Geography of Bengal, No. IIT, 275 

Bogra, or Bagura, district, in Bengal, 184 

Bordhonkuti 8, 189; vide Bardhankot 

Bori Dihing, in As4m, 307 

Boro Dihi, hill of, 21 

Bourke, W. M., inscriptions from Raj- 
mahall, 301 

Brahma-kund, in Ayodhya, 156 

Brahmadatta, story of, 167 

Brahmaputra, 282 

Breshurvana, 167 

Brhat Samhita, 15 

Brige’s Firishtah, 28 

Brihaspati, 148 

Bubalus Ayni, 331 

Buchanan, Dr. Hamilton, 1, 183, 188, 283 

Buddha, figures on the Alti Hills, 20 

Buddha Gay4 inscription, 2 

Buddhism, traces of, in Dinajpur and 
Bagura, 187 

Buhlil Lodi, 37 

Bulua, or Bhalua, in Hastern Bengal, 181 

Bundelkhand, popular songs from, 389 

Burhanpur, in Khandesh, 36 

Burhén-ul-Mulk Bahri, son of Ahmad 
Niz4m Shah, 38 

Burnell, A. C., on the Sulvastitras, 229 

Bust, town of, 194 

Butler, J., vocabulary of the Jaipuri and 
Lhoté Naga languages, 216; on the 
Angémi Nagas and their language, 307 


Carteroy, (M. M. Rev.) coin of 
Kunanda, presented by, 82 

Cadaragi, or Cadaray (Kedar Rai), 182 

Certornis Blythii, 332 

Cervulus Aureus, 332 

Ceylon Grammarian Sangharakkhita The- 
ra, 91 

Chaitanya, 287 

Chait Sing, 195 : 

Chak river, in Kangra, 193, 196 

Chakra, 136, 146, 155 

Chakra Hari, 137; origin of, 161 

Chakra-tirtha, holy place of, 146 


2¢ 


395 


Chakravapi, 162 

Chambah, 199 

Champakapura (destroyer of all sins), 170 

Chan4b river, 210 

Chanargarh, 31, 281 

Chanda Para Chanda, 131 

Chandekan, one of the twelve provinces 
of Bengal, 181 ’ 

Chandlai, Mahall of, 292 

Chandradip, 305 

Chandragupta, 89 

Chandra Hari, 136 

Chandra P4l, palace of, 191 

Chandr Man Bundel4, 195 

Chandra Sekhar Banerjea (Babu), on the 
Alti Hills, 19 

Chatgdon, 305 

Chatta Bhatta, a caste, 6 [186 

Chaudhri Zamindars of Bihar and Paikar, 

Chaura, Mahall of, 292 

Chaunsé, battle of, 294 

Chavana Muni, 167 

Chhapparghattah, battle of, 295; village 
of, 299 

Chhat Fort, 197 

Chandibaza, mahall of, 292 

Chichakot, principal emporium in the 
D&ars, mentioned by R. Fitch, 282 

Chid-atma (formed of wisdom), 159 

Chinaso, mahall of, 292 

Chintd4mani, 143 

Chiresvara Mahadeva, 154 

Chirodaka, sacred place of, 154 

Chirsagar, pond of, 154 

Chitra Gupta, 146, 147 

Chitra-kutha of Kubera, 150 

Chutiya Nagpur, 285x. 

Chutki Devi, 160 

Chutki Kund, 160 

Coins, of Kunanda, 82; gold of Ghiyds- 
uddin Balban, 126; of Qutb-uddin Mu- 
barak Shah, 126; of Ghiyas-uddin 
Tughlug Shah, 126; of Mahmtd Shah 
bin Muhammad Shah bin Firiz Shah, 
127; of Mahmid Shah bin Ibrahim 
Shah of Jaunpur, 127; of Shah Jahdn, 
127; of Aurangzib, 128; of Rafi’-ud- 
darajat, 128; of Rafi-uddaulah, 128; 
of Muhammad Ibrahim, 129; of Mah- 
mtd Shah (1), of Bengal, 288; of Nara 
Narayan of Kuch Bihar, 306 

Coins, of the Salat i Hind, a work on, 278 

Colebrook, (MSS. Essays), 8, 10 

Copper Plate found at Torpondighi, 1 

Cunningham, (General A.), on Greek 
Sculpture at Mathura, 212x.; imscrip- 
tion from the Kotwali gate in Gaur, 
289; from the Jami’ Mosque at Raj- 
mahall 301z.; of Sulaiman Shah at 
Sunaredon, 303 

Cuttack, Alti Hills in, 19 


396 


Daca (Dhaka, in E. Bengal), 181 

daivak, (union of the organs and their 
duties), 143 

Dakshinagni, (kind of fire), 150 

Dalton, Col., on the Karens, 308 

Damant, (G. H. Mr.), Notes on Manipuri 
Grammar, 173 

Damtal, south of Pathankot, 198 

Damédara, derivation of, 19 

Damdamah, in Dinajpur, 284 

Dandak, 173 

Dara Shikoh, 200 

Darjiling, or Dorzheling, 288 

Dasaratha Maharaja, 134, 154 

Dasaratha Kund, 152 

Daidpur, mahall of, 292 

Daéad Shah, second son of Sulaiman, 296, 
300, 306 

Datiyd, in Bundelkhand, 390 

Daulat Khan Qiyémkhant, 194 

D’ Avity, description of Bengal, 181 

Debkot, or Deokot, in Dindjpar, 1, 277, 
284, 285 

Deva Rin (debts of the gods), 157 

Dey Pal, 191 

Dhaka, 4, 293; vide Daca. 

Dhammasizi, author of Khuddasikkhé, 91 

Dhamerior Tammery, the old name of 
Nurpur, 193 

Dhanyaksha, 154 

Dhansiri valley, 329 

Dharma (religion), 139 

Dharma Hari, 137 

Dharma Kahar, 144 

Dharmin, mahall of, 292 

Dharmapala, 142 

Dharma P4l, 188, 191 

Dhaté-Vidhata, 131 

Dhelana, village of, 349 

Dhorol, in Dinajpur, 191 

Dhugdesvar, 167 

Dihlf, 128, 145 

Dikpalas, 171 

Dindjpar, 1, 184, 188, 284, 287 

Dindhir, name of a hunter, 165 

Dipht-p4ni, a mountain stream, 330 

Dor Mata, a Bhil deity, 349 

Dow’s translation of the Firishtah, 24 

Dughdesvara, 168 

Durbhar, pond of, 152 

Dhudhavakra, 140 

Durga Kunda, 164 

Durgesvara, another name for Mahadeva, 
141 

Dushta Dhivar, a sailor, 144 

Dvarka, 133, 173 


, 
Hompvr parganah, copper plate found 


rea 1 
Ekanamga, goddess of, 16 


Index. 


Elliot, (Sir H.), 25, 281 

Hlephas Indicus, 331 

Elphinstone’s History of India, 28, 36 
Erichh, in Bundelkhand, 391 


Farzxzan, 130 

Fakhr-uddin Mubarak Shah, of Bengal, 
29 

Farid-uddin Ahmad, author of Ansdb-i- 
Afaghinah, 32 

Fariduddin Abul Muzaffar Sher Shah, 
294, 296 

Fathabad, mint town of, 296 

Felis Chaus, 332 

Marmorata, 332 

Tigris, 332 

Fergusson, (Mr.), on Hionen Thsang, 188 

Firishtah, history by, 24, 26, 30 

Fitch, (Ralph), on Chickakot, 282 

Fryer, (Major) on the Khyeng people of 
the Sandoway District, Arakan, 39; 
Pali Studies, No. I., 91 


Gapx, 136, 146, 153 

Ganj Jagdal, mahall of, 292 

Gallophasis Horsfieldii, 332 

Gallus Bankiva, 332 

Gambhir Rdi, the bard of Nurpur, the 
rhapsodies of, 192 

Gambhir Singh, Thakur, a Rathor chief, 
347 

Gandaki, 167 

Ganga-thal, 198 

Ganges, 131, 167, 286 

Gangarémpur, in Dindjpar, ruins of, 284 

Ganguti, river of, 20 

Ganesa-kund, 152 

Ganesh of Dindjpar, vide Raja Kans, 286 

Garhapatya, kind of fire, 150 

Garhi, in Bengal, 286 

Garmsir, the town of, 37 

Gavros, tribe of, 307 

Garuda Mantra, a charm, 138 

Garuda, 135, 136 

Gauhatti, 8 

Gaur, 5, 285 

Gaureshwar, § 

Gautama, 148 

Gautama Rishi, 167 

Gavyaksha, 140 

Gaveus frontalis, 332 

Gaya, 167, 132 

Gaya-kap, 166 

Gaya Sraddha, 150, 166 

Gayitri, 163 

Ghaghrd, river of, 130, 181, 178 

Ghalzi, tribe of, said to be descended from 
Ghal-zoe, son of Matta, 34, 37 

Ghal-zoe, illegitimate son of Mata and 
Shah Hassain, 34 


Index. 


Gharghara, river of, 131 

Ghatampur, parganah of, 299 

Ghiyasuddin Abul Muzaffar Jalal Shah, 
of Bengal, 299, 302 

Ghiyds-uddin Balban, gold coin of, 126 

Ghiyds-uddin Tughluq Shah, gold coin 
of, 126 

Ghoraghat, 8, 282n. 

Ghorian Dynasty, 28 

Ghosharka, the origin of, 158 

Gritachi Apsara, 168 

Ghiuristan, 32 

ghusul-khanah (levée), 297 

Gobindpur, mahall of, 292 

Gobindzanj, 8, 188, 282 

Gohiyds (concealed places), 173 

Gokula Nagara, 170 

Gokul Das Sisaudiah, 195, 199 

Goldstiicker, (Dr.), on the meaning of the 
root ‘“ kra,”’ 85 

Gomati, 167 

Gopirtar, 160, 163 

Govinda, derivation of, 18 

Govindganj, 8, 188, 282 

grammar, notes on Manipuri, 173; vide 
vocabularies 

Greek Sculpture, supposed, at Mathura, 
212 

Guh4s, mahall of, 292 

Gulur Muni, 171 

Ganabdi, 349 

Gundamardan Hill in Borasambhar, 286x. 

Guptahari, 136, 160, 162 _ 

Guptar, 132 

Guptar-ghat, 147 

Gural, a species of wild goat, 315 

Gururhat, mahall of, 292 


Harv Rahmat Khan, 31 

Haji Khan Batni, 294 

Hajipur, vide Jajpur, 302 

Hamirpur District, popular songs of, 389 

Hanoa, vide Bhagwat, 281 

H4nsi, murderer of Bayazid, 296 

Hanuman, 140, 141, 349 

Hanumat Kind, 141, 148, 168 

H4rah, Mount, 196 [390 

Hardaul Bundela, songs in honor of, 388, 

Hari Das Datt, zamindar of Mojilpur, 2 

Haridvar, 133, 173 

Hari Sing Rathor, 195 

Hasanpar, 129 

Haveli Sikh Shahr, 292 

Hazrat i A’la, title of Miy4n Sulaiman of 
Bengal, 296, 303 

Himnut Tirthé, 167 

Himvan, 173 

Hiou, another name for the Khyeng 
people, 46 

Hiouen Thsang, Chinese pilgrim, 7, 188 

Hiran Naksh, 173 


397 


Humiay tn, 24, 285, 294 

Husain Quli Khan Jahan, 296 

Husamuddin ’Iwaz, of Bengal, 280n., 284, 
285 

Hylobates Hoolook, 332 

Hystrix leucura, 332 


Ton Batata, travels of, 30 

Ibrahim ’ Adil Shah, 30 

Ibrahim, son of Bibi Mata, 37 

Iksvaku, supposed author of Ayodhy&é 
Mahatmya, 130, 135, 148 

Tl4hébad, 128, 132, 295, 300 

Titifat Khan Cafawi, 195 

Indra, 140, 142 

Indrab, 200 

Ingad, 159 

Inscriptions, from the Mosque of Takht 
iSulaiman, 21; from a well at Uday- 
giri, 22; two from the tomb of the Mu- 
hammad Pir Mahi Santosh, 290; from 
the neighbourhood of Dhaka, 293; of 
Jalal Shah from a mosque near Sherptr 
Murchah, 298; from the Jami’ Mosque 
at Rajmahall, 301; from the Kotwéli 
gate in Gaur, 289; of Sulaiman Shah of 
Sunargdon, 3803; of Sulaimén Shah at 
Bihar, 303 

Innus Rhesus, 332 

Traki’ Arab, 36 

’Ys4 Khan of Khizrpar, 181 

Is-hak, son of Alb-Tigin, 27 

Isl4m Khan, 195 

Islam Shah, of Dihli, 297 

Islampitr, 198 

Ismé’il, son of Batant, 33 

Ismail, son of Sidni, 37 

Itawah, 128, 300 


J xpaxtaront, 148 

Jabbarkhad, a tributary of the Chakki 
river, 193 

Jagannatha, 133, 135, 166 

Jagarnath, 181 

Jagat Singh, 193, 198, 195, 200 

Jahangir, 194 

Jahangir Quli Beg, of Bengal, 294 

Jaintia, raja of, 311 

Jaj, or Chaj, of Mawaran-Nahr, account 
of, 37 

Jajnagar, identification of, 285, 286 

Jajpar (?), mint town of, 302 

Jalalah Tarild, the Afghan rebel, 194 

Jalaluddin Mahmud, 195, 197 

Jalaluddin Abul Muzaffar Islam Shih, 
297 

Jalaluddin Muhammad Husain, eldest son 
of Sultan Bahram, 32 

Jalor, fort of, 387 

Jama-thura, 147 


398 


Jamaluddin Hasan, youngest son of Sultan 
Bahram, 32 

Jamba, 173 ;—Tirtha, 170 

Jémbuvana, 141 

Jamfat Khan Gaharwar, 281 

Jami -uttawdrikh, 286 

Jammu, 195, 200 

Jamuna, 299 

Janaka, 141, 142 

Janaki-Tirtha, name of a chat, 139 

Janaki, daughter of Videha, 143 

Janaki, Ramachandra’s wife, 1417. 

Janmabhtimi, or Janmasthan, birthplace 
of Ramachandra, 1438 

Jannatabad or Gaur, district of, 285 

Jan-sipar Khan, 195 

Jambuyana, 142 

Januthas, tribe of the, 210 

Jarrici, (R. P. P,), on Bengal in 15699 
1817. 

Janjahiahs, a tribe, in the Salt Range, 26 

Jaunpur, 295, 300 

Javala, 142 

Jaya Bijayé, 131 

Jeit Bijay, 142 

Jhajar Smg Bundela, 389 

Jhasindh, mahall of, 292 

Jhosi, 295, 300 

Jnana-kap, another name for Sitakap, 148 

Jogighopa, a place of worship, 189, 190, 
ig)it 


Jogi Tila, a hill, 210 

Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, on a coin 
of Kunanda, 82 

Juta-kunda, 166 

Jyaishtha, 134 


Kasra Sundar, 194, 207 

Kabul, 36, 194, 195 

Kachchapa, 155 

Kacharis, tribe of, 307 

Kaiendwen, (N amitondi or Ningthi), River, 
a tributary of the Ira4wadi, 307 

Kaikeyi, house of, 148, 154 —kund, 152 

Kaitabha, name of a devil, 155 

Kajin, son of Batani, 33 

Kal, 173 

Kala Pahar, vide Raji, 296, 303 

Kali, 173 

Kalibéi Badribai, 349 

Kalindri, 7 

Kalinjar, fort of, 178, 276 

Kaligdi, mahall of, 292 

Kélicdi Guthia, mahall of, 292 

Kali - Yuga, 138, 146 

Kalké, 166 

Kalpasatras, 228 

Kalpa-vriksha, fast of, 1417., 148 

Kalpi, 295, 300 

Kémadeva, 152 

Kéma-kund, 159 


Index. 


Kamal-uddin Mahmid, 32 

Kaémrip, 8, 183, 282, 284 

Kamudati, sister of Sokun, a serpent who 
lived in the Saray, 137 

Kanauj, 297 

kangan, an ornament, 137 

Kangor, in Bengal, 284 

K4ngrah, 193, 194 

Kanidla-bapji, village of, 349 

Kanin-i-Islam, (quoted) 348 

Karah Maté, a Bhil deity, 349 

Karankarya, (personification of cause and 
effect), 159 

karandavas, a kind of duck, 156 

Kararani, dynasty of Bengal, end of, 308 

Karataya River, 183, 188, 191, 282 

Karbatan, (?) town in Tibbat, 282. 283 

Kardaha, mahail of, 292 

Karidnwala, 210 

Karimdad, son of Jalalah Tariki, 194 

Kashmir, 194 

Kési, 133, 136, 162, 166, 173 

Kasim Sulaimani, 32 

Kasshyap, 142 

Kasyapa, 148 

Katak, 191, 296 

Katalé Devi, 171 

Katasin, or Katésin, 285 

Kauravas, 184 

Kaushalya, 152, 154 

Kaustubha Mani, 142, 153 

Kauto Muni, 148 

Kedar Rai, of Sripar, 182 

Kelua, river of, 20 

kénnié, a description of tabi’ among the 
Angamis, 316 

Kesari, 141 

Kesava Deva, temple of, 214 

Keshab Sen, son of Lakshman Sen, 1 

Keshava, derivation of, 18 

Keshtra Bardhan, 142 

Khaibar, near Pashdwar, 27 

Khairwara, district of, 347, 349 

Khalaj, or Khilji, vide Khalj 

Khalid, son of ’Abdullah, 36 

Khalil Beg, 195 

Khalj, tribe of, stated to be a tribe of 
Turks, 35, 37, 2742. 

Khan Jahan Ludi, a contemporary of 
Firishtah, 27, 32 

Khan Kaj a celebrated Yusuf-zi chief, 
31 

Khan Jahan Afghan, 296 

Kharal, in Bengal, 292 

Kharjurakunda, also called Khajoha, 151 

Khasias, tribe of, 307 

Khizr Sultan Gakkhar, 195 

Khizr Khan, of Bengal, 294, 295, 297 

Khokhars, a tribe in the Salt Range, 26 

Khuddasikkha, ‘minor duties’, 91 

Khumis, Arakanese tribe of the, 46 

Khulacat-ul-Ansab, 31 


Index, 


Khurasan, 32 

Khusrau Beg, 195 

Khast, 200 

Khushhal Khan, of the Khatak tribe, an 
Afghan chief and poet, 38 

Khwajah ’Abdurrahman, son of ’Abdul 
*Aziz Naqshbandi, 197 

Khyetlal, in E. Bengal, carvings at, 189 

Kibtiah (Copts), supposed to be the Af- 
ghans, 36 

Kid and Kidar Raj, a Hindu King, 26 

Kikshuba, 141 

Kimiriy4, offshoot of the Braéhmani, 20 

Koch, 283 

Koch Bihar, 188; vide Kach Bihar 

Koch Hajo, 283 

Kodanagar, 292 

Kohima, an Angaémi village, 309 

Koh-i-Sangin, (?) the stony Mountain, 
286 

Kokh, 173 

Konduna Muni, 140 

Konde, a Khyeng festival, 45 

Koupuis, a tribe of Nagas, 174 

Kookies, a tribe of Nagas, 174 

Kopili, river in Asém, 307 

Krishna, 215 

Kriparam, 195 

Krodh, (anger) 145 

Kshatriya, victory, 171 

Kshira-kunda, 168 

Kubera, 140 

Kubya, 173 

Kich Bihar, rise of the kingdom of, under 
Bis4, 294; vide Koch 

Kukargama, a village in the Sa’dabad 
parganah, Mathura, 214 

Kuakis, tribe of, 307 

Kunanda, coin of, 89 

Kurujangala, 173 

Kurukshetra, a place north of Dihli, 144, 
173 

Kurunaka, 169 

Kusha, son of Ramachandra, 137 

Kushavati, 137 

Kasumayudha-kund, 160 

Kutbuddin Mubarak Shah, silver coin 
of, 126 


Lacon Narayan, of Kach Bihar, 306 
Laghu Bharata, 183 

Lahor, city of, 30, 193 

Lakhimptr district, 307 

Lakhnauti, 276, 277n., 282, 285 
Lakshmana, 142 

Lakshman Sen, of Bengal, 1, 275 
Lakshmana-kunda, 131, 186, 157, 158 
Lakshmi Narayana, 158 

Lampaka, an oil-maker, 144 
Laskarptr, mahall of, 292 

Lilavati, 228 


399 


Lohita, 173 

Loka Pitaémaha, 135 

Lokésvar, (master of the world), 151 
Lomasa Rishi, 143 

Lidiah dynasty, 37 

Ladi, 36 

Lungkhes, tribe of the, 46 

Luntak, a Nat, 144 

Lutfullah, son of Sa’id, 196 

Lutra vulgaris, 332 


Macerav Bhawan, 196 

Ma dan-i-Akhbdr i Ahmadi, 286 

Madant Dhayan Kund, in Ayodhya, 140 

Madha Singh, 193 

Madhava, derivation of, 18 

Madhupuri, ruins of, 214 

Madhipura, Northern Bhégalpur, 2877. 

Mahabhar, pond of, 152 

Mahadeva, 130, 133 

Mahdakal, 162, 173 

Mah4-Padma, name of the nine Nidhi or 
treasures, 104 

Mahamhai Pass, 282 

Mahanadi, 285 

Mahananda, 7, 183 

Maharajé Man Sinh, 130 

Maharaja Haris Chandra, 154 

Maharaja Dasaratha, 134, 154 

Maharta, the Chero chief of Palimau, 
294 

Mahdasthén Garh, near Bagur4, 183, 288 

Mahatman, 142 

Mahavira (Hanuman), 141 

Mahiganj in Rangpur, 190, 290 

Mahinagar, 190 

Mahf P4l, 190, 191 

Mahi Pal Dighi, tank of, 190 

Mahipur, 190 

Mahi Santosh, name of Muhammadan 
shrine, 190, 191 

Mahmiudabad, mint town of, 289 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 29, 33, 37 

Mahmiudpur, 292 

Mahmud Shah, of Jaunpur, gold coin of, 
127 

Mahmud Shah I., of Bengal, 287, 288 

Mahmidshahi, 287 

Mahmud Shah, (II1.) flight of, to Hum4- 
yun, 294 

Mahmud Shah Gujarati, death of, 38 

Mahoba, 276, 277 

Maitrayantya Sulvastitra, 229 

Maiwar Bhils, account of, 347 

Makhyala, situation of, 210 

Makhzan Afghani, of N’mat-ullah, 32 

Makkah, 33 

Malanchipir, 292 

Maldah, 7 

Malik Tughluk, father of the Ghiyas- 
uddin Tughluk Shah, 30 


4.00 
Malik, title of the early rulers of Ghur, 
30 


Maluo, 173 

Manasarovara, lake of, 184 

Manava Sulvasiitra, 229 

Mandaray, admiral of the Mughul fleet, 

182 

Mandhata, 201 

Manikarnika, 162 

Manipuri grammar, 173 

Maniparbat, 151, 152 

Mankarm, 173 

Man Singh, 305 

Man Samali, 292 

Manis pentadactyla, 332 

Mantresvara Mahadeva, 160 

Mantresvara-Kund, 160 

Manus, also called Punnibas, 167 

Maacir-ul-Umara, 193 

Marg, 173 

Markundeya, 142 

Marakéntar, 144 

Marshman, J. C. (History of India), criti- 
cised, 36 

Martin’s Eastern India, 290 

Masalik wa Mamalik, work entitled, 37 

Masidha, in Dinéjpur, 284, 285, 292 

Masnad i ’Ali ’Yfs& Khan, chief of the 
twelve Bhiyas, 181, 305 

Mast ’Ali Ghori, 34 

Mas’iid, 28 

Matt, daughter of Batant, 33, 35 

Mathura, 135, 173, 287; supposed Greek 
Sculpture at, 212 

Mathura, the neck, 133 

Matla’ ul-Anwar, a work, 36 

Matsya Desha, the land of the fish, 184 

Mandar hill, 155 

Mandukya, one of the abodes of the 
Munis, 167 

Manorama, 171 

Mankot in the Siwdliks, 193, 301 

Mau, fort of, destroyed by Shahjahan, 193, 
198, 199 

Maya-Devi, 189, 215 

Mayind, 141 

Medhankara of Udumbaragiri, another 
name of Moggallana, 91 

Medinipur, 181 

Megna, river, 182 

Meru mountain, 140 

Mirzé Hasan Cafawi, 198 

Miyan Sulaimdn Karar4ni, 295, 300 

Mikirs, tribe of, 307 

Minh4j-i-Sir4j, 29, 281, 282 

Mir-at-ul Afaéghinah, 32 

Mir Buzurg, 195 

Moggallina, the Pali grammarian, 91 

Mohana, 151 

moksha, (salvation), 139 

Monoliths, erection of, by the Angdmis, 
319 


Index. 


Miaasis, tribe of the, 286 

Mubarak Shah, 32 

Mubariz Khan ’Adli, 295, 297 

Mughulmari or Tukarof, 296 

Muhammad Amin, 195 

Muhammad Bahadur, vide Bahadur, 300 

Muhammad Bakhty4r, conqueror of Ben- 
gal, 279 ; assasination of, 276, 277, 284 

Muhammad Ibrahim, silver coin of, 128 

Muhammad K4sim, 32 

Muhammad Khin Sur, 298 

Muhammad Mahmid, 279 

Muhammad Mimin, 195 

Muhammad Sherdn, successor of Bakhty4r 
Khiljf, 284, 290 

Muhammad-i-Sari, 31, 33 

Mwizz-uddin Jahéndér Shah, 129 

Mw ’izz-uddin Mahmud, son of Jamd4l-uddin 
Hasan, 32; 33 

Mw izzuddin Muhammad, 32, 276n. 

Mw izzi Sultans of Bengal, 275 

mukti (salvation), 130 

Muktirvar, salvation, 136 

Mukunda, 155 


Multan, 128 


Mumtaz mahall, 195 

Munger plate, 191, 295 

Mun’im Khan Khankhanén, 296 

Munshi Syém Prasad, 275 

Murad Bakhsh, gold coin of, 127, 195, 
198 

Murid Khan, vide Bhao Singh, 193 

Murshid Quli, Faujdér of Kangrah, 200 

Mus decumanus, 332 

Mus Rattus, 332 

Mushki Beg, 195 


Naor "Ali, 195 

Nadiyé 4, 276, 277 

Naga, derivation of the word, 309 

Nahir Solangi, 195 

Nagesvar, 137 

Najabat Khan, 196, 200 

Najib-uddaulah, 26 

Nala, 140, 142 

Nalti group of Hills, 20 

Nandigrama, 166 

Nando, festivals of the Khyeng, 45 

Naogdon district, 307 

Narada, 134 

Nara Nardyan, Raja of Kiach Bihar, 295, 
306 

Narankoi or Narkott, not identified, 235 

Nardyana-grama, 164 

Narayana Chaturbhuja, 189, 190 

Narbada, 167 

Narhar, 157 

Nartid, 142 

Nandana, garden of Indra, 150 

Nandi-grama, 173 

Navaratna, (nine jewels), 140 


Index. 


Naya Pal, 191 

Naydnagar, 191 

Nazar Bahadur Khweshagi, of Kasar, 
195 

Nek-Mardan, fair at, 282n. 

Nekisiyar, son of Prince Akbar, 129 

Nela, 140, 142, 155 

Nemorrhedus goral, 332 

Nepal, 189, 284 

Nimay Shah, shrine of, 190, 191 

Nidzikhri, mountain (Asim), 309 

Nidzima, mountain of, 309 

Nimkharan, 173 

Nimkh4r, 162, 167 

Nirmali-kund, 160 

Nivritti, in Northern Bengal, 287 

Nuerat Shah, of Bengal, 302 

Nah, brother of Sar, 36 

Nuh4ni, tribe of, 36 

Nur Jahan, 195 

Nuragrama, 164 

Narpur, town of, 193, 198 


? 

O DONNELL, (C. J.), Note on Mahé- 
sthén, near Bagura, (Bogra), Hastern 
Bengal, 183 

Oriental Quarterly Magazine, on Pundra 
Desa, 7, 188 

Onkar, 163 

Oris4, 181; conquered by Sulaiman, 296 


Papa, 136, 146, 155 

Padma Puranas, 130 

Pédishahnamah, 192, 194 

Paharpur, 188, 191 

Paikar, 186 

Pala Raj4s, 184 

P4li-kherd, the village of, 214, 215 

Pali Studies, No. J, by Major Fryer, 
91 

Paltapur, 292 

Palwal, 129 

Pana Shur, 170 

Pandit, monthly journal of Benaras Col- 
lege, 229 

Panjshir, 200 

Pankabari, 283 

P4pa-mochan (sin wiper), origin of, 157 

Parabbrahma, 133, 159 

Parasur4ma, king, 183 

Pardus, 332 

P4rvati, 130, 132, 133, 189 

Pashawar, 200 

Patdla, the lower regions, 158 

Patan, signifies the keel of a vessel, 33 

Pathan, 195, 199 

Pathdn, or Paithan, or Pathankot, 193 

Patitah, fort of, 281 

Patnah, fort of, built by Sher Shah, 302 

Panchala, country of the, 157 


401 


Paundra-Varddhana, 8, 188 

Paundra, mentioned by Menu, as a degrad- 
ed race, 7 

Pavo assamicus, 332 

Payoshini, 167 

Petimaé, Angdmi chief, 314 

Phulbai Mata, a Bhil deity, 349 

Pindaruk-vira, 141 

Pind Dadan Khan, 210 

Piplahin Mataé, a Bhil deity, 349 

Pirbhas, 173 

Pirmanthar, name of a Yaksha, 154 

Pisachamochan, 166 

Pitri Rin, debts of forefathers, 157 

Pitris, a man’s deceased ancestors, 156 

Plaung-hio, a Khyeng festival in honor of 
Jupiter Pluvius, 45 

Polyplectron tibetanum, 332 

Ponhari, 165 

Potnitald, in Dinajpur, 187 

Pradyumna, 17, 155 

Pranki, son of Siani, 37 

Pranndth Pandit, Krishna-cultus in the 
Brhat Samhita, 15 

Prayag, 135, 166, 167 

Prayaschitta, (penance), 139 

Presbytis Schistaceus, 332 

Priyadtma, lover of the soul, 159 

Prithi Chand, zamindar of Chambah, 199 

Promaduk, forest of, 167 

Pteromys petaurista, 332 

Pularhar, 292 

Punus, 141 

Punya Hari, 137 

Purchas, His Pilgrimage, 1827. 

Puri, 296 

Piris, the seven (sacred) places, 133 

Pushkara, 167, 173 

Pustaul, 292 


Qatar, 200 

Qamaruddin Timur Khan, of Bengal, 
286 

Qandahar, 194, 200 

Qazi Fazilat, 295, 297 

Qazihatti, 292 

Qazi Ibrahim Khan, 301 

Qazi Nizdmé, 195 

Qulij Khan, 196, 199 

Qutbuddin Aibak, of the Paralyzed Hand, 
275, 276, 277 

Qutli Khan Lohani, 296 


R AGHUNANDANA, 134: 
Raghunatha, 137, 140, 141 
Raibha, name ofa Mani, 152 
Rai Kasidas, 195 

Rainuka, 173 

Rai Pithora, 32 

Raipur, 195 


4.02 


Rai Singh Jhala, 195 

Raja Amr Singh of Narwar, 195 

Raja of Bhattiriah, vide RAjé Kans, 287 

Raja Bakht Mall, 193 

Rajé Bast, 193 

Raja Bikramajit, 194 

Rajé Harischandra, 164 

Raja Jagat Singh, 192, 194 

Raja Jaisingh, 195, 199 

Raja Kans Narayana, of Tahirpir in Raj- 
shahi, 286, 287 

Raja Man Singh, of Gwaliar, 200 

Raja Mandhata, grandson of Jagat Singh, 
201 

Raja Raghu, 148 

Raja Rai Singh, 195 

Rajas of Kamrip, 282 

Rajasuyia, sacrifice of, 143 

Rajas of Nurpur, 193 

Rajendralala Mitra, on a coin of Kunanda 
from Karnal, 82; ontheinfluence exer- 
cised by the Greeks on Indian Art, 2138 

Rajshahi, etymology of, 287 

Raju, or Kala Pahar, 303 

Raff -uddarajat, silver coin of, 128 

Raff -uddaulah, gold coin of, 128 

Rajmahall, 7, 181, 286, 301 

Réjrip, 193, 198 

Raéma, 132, 135, 142 

Ramaganga, 135 

Raéma-kund, 167 

Ramanika Muni, 168 

Rama Navami, 143 

Rama Rekha, 171 

Rama Sabha, 140 

Raémasamma, writer of, treatises on Rhe- 
toric, 93 

Rim Narayan, Translation of the Ayodhya- 
Méahatmya, 130 

Rangpur, 188 

Rao Dan Singh Bhadauriah, 195 

Rao Amr Singh, 195, 198 

Rati-kund, destroyer of all sins, 159 

Ratna Sifhdsan, 141 

Ratna-Mandapa, 141 

Ravana, 142 

Raverty, translation of the Tabagat i 
Naciri, 276; “Poetry of the Afghans, 
38; on, who were the ‘Patan’ or 
“Pathan” Sultans of Dihli, 24 

Ravi, 194 

Rennell’s Atlas, 283 

Revati, wife of Balarama, 214 

Rhinoceros Indicus, 331 

Rhizomys badius, 332 

Rina-mochan, origin of the, 157 

fisalah i Akhbar i Khadkah, 34 

Rishava, 142 

Rishi Rin, debts of Munis, 157 

Rishyasringa Rishi, married Santaji, 165 

Riydz ussaldtin, 302 

Roh, original seat of the Afghans, 30 


Index. 


Rohtas fort, 296 

Rudra, god of terror, 349 
Rukmini-kund, 153 ? 
Ruipar, 196 

Rusa Aristotelis, 332 
Rustam Khan, 196, 198 


SaBuxK Tigin, 27 

Sadozis, tribe of, 34 

Sa’dullah, son of Sa’id Khan, 196 

Sagara-kund, 156 

Sagtnabrahma, 133 

Sahashra-dhara, 157, 148 

Sahasram, in Bihér 297, 298 

Sahitya-Darpana, or Mirror of Composi- 
tion, 93 

Sa’id Khan Bahadur Zafarjang, 194, 190 

Saiva sculptures, 189 

Sakait, 137 

Sakaitun, paradise, 162 

Sakya Muni, 215 

Saldtin i Hind, coins of the, 278 

Saligrém, 173 


. Salimgadh, 129 


Samagiting, mountain of, 309 

Sd4ménia, Imperial family of, 25 

Sama Veda, 131 

Samhandhacinta, 92 

Sambhalagrama, 173 

Samdhaka, 173 

Samogar, battle of, 128 

Samiida Mata, a Bhil deity, 349 

Sanchi, 215 

Sangharakkhita Thera, or Mogallana, the 
Ceylon Grammarian, 91 

Sankarshana, 155 

Sankha, 136, 155 

Santaji, sister of UOTE 165 

Santosh parganah, 190 

Sapnesvari Devi, 170 

Sardb, 200 

Sarandaz Khan, 196 

Sarasvati, 167 

Saraya River, 130 

Sériputta, called also Sila Thera, 91 

Sila Thera, 91 

Sarja, river of, 130 

Sarkar Panjara, 8 

Sarmast, son of I’timad Rai, 195 

Satadra, 167, 173 

Satrughna, 142, 163 ;—kund, 166 

Sangpu, river, 284/. 

Sanknat, a part of Bengal, not identified, 
285 

Sdntaloka, a name of heaven, 163 

Santosh, identified with Mahiganj, 284, 
285 

Sawdnih i Akbari, 304 

Séyambhuna Manu, eldest son of Brahma, 
130 

Sayyid Abdullah Barha, 129 


Index, 


Sayyid Ahmad, 278, 283n. 

Sayyid Husain ’Ali Khan Barha, assassina- 
tion of, 129 

Sayyid Khan Jahan Barha, 195, 198 

Sayyid Lutf ’Ali, 195, 197 

Sayyid Firtz, 200 

Sciuropterus fimbriatus, 332 

Seiurus palmarum, 332 

Sciurus macruroides, 332 

Sebastien Manrique, 181 

Sehorghat, 130 

Sen dynasty, 188 

Sindh, 173 

Sesha, 158 

Séshanaga, 138 

Shah Husain, son of Mu’izzuddin Mah- 
mad, 32, 35, 37 

Shahjahan, 124; coin of, 127 

Shah Mu’izzuddin, father of Shah Husain, 
33 

Shahpir, battle of, 129; 198 

Shah Sultan Hazrat Auliyd, of Mah4sthan, 
183 

Shah Quli Khan, 195 

Shah Shuja’ ul Mulk, 34 

Shaikh Batani, 33 

Shaikh Farid, 196 

Shamsuddin, son of Zulfaqar Khan, 195 

Sharifabad, mint town of, 296 

Shergarh, 296 

Sherptir Murchah, 292, 300 

Sher Shah, 31, 37, 294, 300 

Shindoos, tribe of the, 46 

Shikarptr, 292 

Shou, another name for Khyeng, 46 

Shukur, 173 

Shukl Gosain, of Kiich Bihar, 306 

Siani, son of Ibrahim, 37 

Sibsagar district, 307 

Sijjo, or Doiang River, 309 

Sikandar Sur, 193 

Sil Hako, 282n. 

Sila Devi, daughter of Parasuraéma, 185 

Silenus, on Indian sculptures, 214 

Sindh Sagar Dib, 210 

Singur Nadi, 299 

Singphis, tribe of, 307 

Sintengs, tribe of, 307 

Sisunag, of the family of the kings of 
Magadha, 183 

Sit4-kunda, 151, 167 

Sitakip, called also Jndna-kip, 148 

Sitala Devi, 160 

Sitala Maté, a Bhil deity, 349 

Sitekema, mountain of, 309 

Stwi in Sindh, 30 

Siva, 132 

Siydlkot, 195 

Skanda Purdnas, 130 

Smith, Vincent A., on popular songs of 
the Hamirpair District, Bundelkhand, 
388 


403 


Solimanvas, (Salimbabad), 181 

Sokhain, 140, 142 

Sona, 167 

Sti, a tribe of Afghans, 28 

Srotas, river, 170 

Stambhan or Pryoga, 151 

sthans, or platforms of stone, dedicated to 
Mahadeva, 348 

Subodhalankara, ‘‘ Hasy Rhetoric,” 91, 92, 
93 

Sudarsana Chakra, 130, 131, 138 

Sugriva, 140, 142 ;—kund, 140 

Sulaiman mountains, 36 

Sulaimanabad, 300 

Sulaimanshahi, 300 

Sulaiman Karardni, of Bengal, 295 

Sulvaparisishta, ascribed to Kdatydyana, 
229 

Sulvastitras, on the, 227 

Sumantra, 142 

Sumitr4-kund, 152 

Sumitré, house of, where Lakhsman and 
Satrughna were born, 148, 154 

Sundredon, 4, 300, 303, 305 

Sunkérdal, 292 

Sur, son of Ismé’il, 36 

Sura Pal, 191 

Stirajgarh, near Munger, battle of, 295, 
300 

Stivaj-kund, 159, 164 

Stiraj Mall, 193, 194 

Surashtra, 142 

Sur dynasty, end of, 302 

Surubha, 141 

Stirya-bansif rajas, 131 

Su Sen, first of the Sen Kings, 3 

Sus Indicus, 332 

Sut, killed by Balarama, 148 

Sut Bul, 141 

Sutikshna Muni, 147 

Suvarna-khanah, or Sonadkhar, 148 

Sugriva-kund, 168 

Svaha, 163 

Svargadvara, 163 

Svayam, 178 


1 

Tasaoxri Nacirf, 24, 25, 31, 286n. 

Tabrin, son of ’Abdur Rashid, 33 

Tahirpur, 287, 292 

Taittiriya Samhita, 229 

Taj ul-Madgir, 276, 280 

T4j Khan Kararani, 295, 296 

Takht Mall, 193 

Takht-i-Sulaiman, the name of the mosque 
on the Alti Hill, 20, 21 

Tammery, the old name of Nurpur, 193 

Tandé, 210, 296 

Tardgarh, 194, 199, 200 

Ta4raka mantra, 142 

Tarikh + Daudi, 300, 308 

Tavikh-i- Yamini, 28 


404 


Térikh-i-Hafiz Rahmat, 31 

Tarikh-i-Khurasdn, 38 

Térikh-t-Nisbat-i-Afaghinah, 31 

Tartkh-i-Sher Shaht, 32, 2940. 

Tazkirat-ul Abrar, 3 31 

Thomas, E. ‘Chronicles’, 297x.; Initial 
Coinage of Bengal, 284. 

Thora Nadi, 294m. 

Thar Mata, deity of, 349 

Tibbat, invasion of, by Muhammad Bakht- 
yar, ‘O71, 283 

Tihdri, 198, 199 

Tilai, river of, 150 

Tilodaki, river, 150 

Tirhut, 282, 284 

Tista, or Trisrota, river of, 283 

Todar Mall, 296 

Tons, 167 

Torpon-dighi, 1 

Tosi, C., description of the East Indies, 182 

Treptrari Mahadeva, 165 

Treta Yuga, 130 

Tributary Mahalls, 285 

Trimurti, personification of the Vedas, 
159 

Tukaroi, or Mughulmari, battle of, 296 

Tulsiganga, 190 

Tundaluk Brahman, 170 

Tuzuk i Jahdngiri, edited by Sayyid 
Ahmad, 2837. 


Unpaverr, or Sunrise Hill, in Katak, 


22 
Ujjain, 162 
Ujjayini, 173 


Ukhars, (waste lands) 173 
Utpalaranya, 173 

Ulugh Iqrar Khan, mosque of, 291 
Umardan, capital of Jajnagar, 285, 286 
Urhad, 173 

Ursus labiatus, 332 

Ursus tibetanus, 332 

Urvashi, 152 ;—kund, 152 

Usha Pal, 190 

’Usman Khan, 305 


Viarxonrea, chief mansion of Vish- 
nu’s paradise, 131 

Vaitarani, (the destroyer of sins) 158 

Vajar Mat, a Bhil village, 349 

Vamadeva, 148, 156 


Index. 


Varaha-Mihira, 15 

Varchcha, 155 

Varddhana, 7 

Varddhanakiti, 7, 188, 282; vide Bar- 
dhankot, 

Varuna, 140 

Vashat, 163 

Vasishtha Muni, 130, 131, 135, 142, 148; 
—kund, 156 

Vazirpir, 292 

Viverra Zibetha, 332 

Vidya Devi, 151 

Vidya-Pitha, 151, also called Siddha- Pitha. 

Vidya-kund, 151 

Vighnesvar, 141, 143 

Vigraha Pél Deb, 3, 187, 191 

Vindhya Tirtha, 167 

Vira Sunkay, protector of Ayodhy4, 141 

Virata, king, 1 

Virtra Asur, 8 

Vishnu, 130, 132, 133 

Vishnu Purana, 18 

Vishnuhari, in Ayodhyd, 136, 155 

Visva Karma, 131 

Visvasarma, 155 


' Visvajit, sacrifice of, 148 ® 


Viswanatha Kavyiraja, 93 . 

Vocabularies, of several Naga tribes, 216, 
338; Khyeng, 59; Bhil, 3 

Vrihaspati-kund, 153 

Vrisha, son of Madhu, 18 

Vuttodaya, a work by Sangkarakkhita, 
91, 92 

Vijaganita, 228 


\ OODTHORPEH, Lieut. R. G., 327 


Vasa, called Chitra-Gupta, 140, 146 
Yaéma-loka, 158 

Yamuna, 167, 171 

Yayur Veda, 229 

Yajna Vedi, (the place of sacrifice) 150 
Yunus, son of Sur, 37 

Yasuf Shah, of Bengal, 293 


Zawn-Déwar, 194 

Zuhak, the Tazi, founder of the Sultans of 
Ghar, 29, 32, 33, 35 

Zulfi Ahvinzan, 197 

Zultaqar Khan, 195 


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