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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LIV.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)
('Nos. I to IV. — 1885 : with 7 plates.)

EDITED BY

HILOLOGICAL

jS EGRET ARY.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science
in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entriely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY J. W. THOMAS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1885.

j\ > \ % 4 x u|.

CONTENTS

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LIV, Part I,

for 1885.

Page

No. I.

Notes on the history of Religion in the Himalaya of the N. IF. Pro¬

vinces. Part I, (concluded). — By E. T. Atkinson, B. A.,

F. R. G. S., B. C. S., . 1

The battle of Kanarpi Ghat , edited and translated by S'ri Narayan

Singh and G. A. Grierson, . 10

Two versions of the Song of Gopi Ghand. — Hdited and translated by

G. A. Grierson, C. S., . 35

On some Copper Goins of Alcbar. — By Chas. ' J. Rodgers, Principal ,

Normal College , Amritsar , (with Plate I,) . 55

Some Goins of Banjit Deo, Icing of Jammu a hundred years ago. —

By Chas. J. Rodgers, Principal , Normal College , Amritsur,

(with Plate I,) . 60

The Goins of Ahmad Shah Abdalli or Ahmad Shah Durrani (with
Plate II). — By Chas. J. Rodgers, Principal, Normal College,
Amritsar, . 67

No. II.

On the Trishtubh Metre. — By J. Boxwell, B. C. S., . 79

On certain symbols or devices on the gold coins of the Guptas. — By

W. Theobald, M. N. S. L., Bedford, November, 1884, . 84

The Square Silver Goins of the Sultans of Kashmir. — By Chas. J.
Rodgers, M. R. A. S., Member of the Numismatic Society of

Bengal. (With 3 Plates,) . 92

The Kings of the Saffdriun Dynasty of Nimroz or Sijistan. — By

Major H. G. Rayerty, . . 139

Nos. Ill & IY.

Notes on the Fatehpur District, N. W. P. — By F. S. Growse,

C. I. E. (With a Plate,) . 145

On the Geography of India in the Beign of Ahbar. Part II. — By

John Beames, B. C. S. (With a Map,) . 162

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LIST OF PLATES

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LIY, Pant I,

for 1885.

PI. I (pp. 55, 60). Copper Coins of Akbar, and Rupees of Ranjit Deo,
Raja of Jammu.

PI. II (p. 67). Coins struck in India by Ahmad Shah Durrani.

Pis. Ill — V (p. 92). Silver Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.

PL VI (p. 145). Temple at Tinduli, Fatehpur District, N. W. P.

PL VII. Map of the Subah Bihar, according to the Ain-i-Akbari,
A. D. 1582.

LIST OF ERRATA

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol, LIV, Part I,

for 1885.

Page

85, line 11, for unical

read miscall.

85,

16,

form

from.

86,

21,

anthem

emblem.

87,

16,

observation

obscuration.

31,

Mao.

22,

fk £

far £ *rftr.

28,

note*

in.

The plates of the Silver Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir should be
numbered III, IY, V, instead of I, II, III.

-t

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1885.

Notes on the history of Religion in the Himalaya of the N. W. Provinces „
Part L — By E. T. Atkinson, B. A., F. R. G. S., B. C. S.

(Concluded from page 103, No. 1 of 1884.)

Funeral Ceremonies.

The ceremonies to be observed at funerals are found in the Preta -
manjari , the authority on this subject which obtains in Kumaon. This
work opens with the direction that when a person is in extremis his
puroliita should cause him to repeat the hymn to Vasudeva and the
smarana in which the names of Rama and S'iva occur, and after these
make the dasaddna or bestowal of ten things in accordance with the
sutra* : — ‘ The learned have said that cattle, land, sesamum, gold, clari¬
fied butter, apparel, rice, molasses, silver and salt are included in the
ten gifts.’ In bestowing the dasaddna , the sick man or in his stead the
purohita first rinses his mouth and consecrates the arglia and then repeats
the prdndydma as already described. The meditation or dhydna appro¬
priate is that known as the S'riparamesvarasmrita or meditation on the
Supreme being as distinguished from and above his particular manifes¬
tations as S'iva and Vishnu. This is followed by the sankalpa or dedi¬
cation of the gifts with the same mantra as used in the Ganesa -pujd
( Om Vishnu , &c.), ending with the prayers that there may be a removal

* Go-bhu-tila-hiranydjya-vdsodhdmja-guddni cha raupyam lavanam ity dhur dasa-
ddndni pandituh.

[No. 1,

E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history

of all sins committed wittingly or unwittingly by the dying man during
his life-time and that he may obtain the fruit of his good acts. Eor this
purpose on the part of the moribund each of the gifts and the Brahmans
concerned are reverenced, and the gifts are then presented.

Kapila-dana. — First the kajpiladdna or a gift of a cow of a yellowish-
brown colour with the five mantras * * * § beginning with : — Idam vishnur
vichakrame tredhd nidadhe pa dam samudham asya pdmsure and in
practice this alone is recited. Then the argha is presented to the Brah¬
man with a mantrap praying him as best of men to be present at the
sacrifice and accept the argha. Then sandal-wood is given with a man¬
trap and rice with another mantra .§ Flowers are then presented with
the mantra : — ‘ Glory to thee, 0 Brahman.’ Next the cow should re¬
ceive veneration with the appropriate mantra ; — 1 Glory to thee 0 Kapi l a/
and each of its members, the fore-feet, mouth, horns, shoulder, back,
liind-feet and tail with a salutation and the gift of sandal, rice and
flowers. A covering is then presented with food, incense, light, and the
installation hymn : — Yd LaJcshmih sarvvalokdndm, Ac. Then the moribund
takes sesamum, Aiw'a-grass, barley, and gold in a pot of clarified butter and
with them the cow’s tail in his hand over which water is poured, and all
are dedicated to the removal of the guilt of his sins and for this purpose
are given to so and so Brahman in the name of Rudra. TLe cow is first
addressed, however, with the mantra : — Kapile sarvva-varndndm , Ac. The
cow and Brahman then circumambulate the moribund, who with clasped
hands repeats a verse || in praise of the cow.

Bhumi-dana. — Next comes the Bhumi-dana or gift of land. The in¬
stallation hymn ( prdrthana ) beginning : — Sarvvabhutdsrayd bJmmi/i,
is first addressed to the earth. Then a ball of clay is made from the soil
of the land which is intended to be given away and is worshipped and
dedicated as in the previous gift and then after consecration, is given
away for Vasudeva’s sake to the Brahman. The Tita-ddna or gift of sesa¬
mum follows with the mantra : — Tildh suvarna-samdyuJddh, Ac., and the
usual consecration and dedication in the name of Vishnu and the hymn
of praise : — Tildh pajpahard nityam , Sfc.

* Those mantras are practically unknown to the mass of the people who have
much simpler ritual feebly on tho same lines.

t Bliumidevdgrajanmusi twain viprapurushottamapratyalcsho yajua-purushah arg-
ho’yain pratigrihyatdm.

X Gandhadwdrdm durddharshdm nityapushtdm tcarishinim isvarhn sarvabhutdndm
tain ihopahvaye sriyam.

§ Namo brahmanyadevdya gobrdhmanahitdya cha jagaddhitdya Krishndya Govin-

ddya namonamah.

[| Gin gdvah surabhayo nityam gdvo guggula-gandhikdh , fyc.

1885.]

of 'Religion in the Himalaya .

Next comes tlie Hiranya-ddna or gift of gold with, a mantra* : — and
the usual dedication, &c., in the name of Agni. The Ajyaddna or gift of
clarified butter is next made with the mantra : — £ Sprung from Kama-
dhenu, &c.,’ and the dedication in the name of Mrityunjaya. The pro¬
cedure is the same all through, the mantras used alone being different
For the Vastra-ddna or gift of apparel we have the mantra : — £ Pita vas -
tra , &c.,’ and the dedication in the name of Vrihaspati. The Dlianya -
ddna or gift of rice of seven kinds has the mantra : — Dhdnyam karoti
dataram , &c.,’ and is presented in the name of Prajapati. The Guraddna
or gift of molasses has the mantra : — Guda manmathacha/pottha , &c.,’
and is given in the name of Rudra. The Baupya-ddna or gift of silver has
the mantra : — ‘ Budranetra-samudbhutam , &c.,’ and is offered for the sake
of Soma, the moon, with the prayer that any laxity in morals may be
forgiven. The Lavana-ddna or gift of salt follows with the mantra : —
‘ Yasmdd annarasah sarve, &c., and is presented on behalf of all the
gods

Last service for the dying. — The moribund next presents the fruit of
all the ceremonial observances that he has undertaken during his life to
plead on his behalf with I'svara. He also dedicates sesamum, kusa, bar¬
ley and water and enumerates all the penance that he has performed
during his life and commits it with an oblation to the mercy- seat in the
name of Agni to plead on his behalf. He then prays that for the sake
of the good Vasudeva whatever errors he may have committed in cere¬
monial or other observances knowingly or in ignorance, in eating or
drinking and in his conduct towards women or men may be forgiven,
for which purpose he offers gold. A similar gift of a cow is sometimes
made to clear off all debts due to friends and others, but the practice has
fallen into disuse, as the heir, according to the usage of the British law-
courts, must pay his father’s debts if sufficient assets fall into his
hands.

Vaitarani-ddna. — Another cow should be presented in Govinda’s name
to prevent the retribution due on account of evil acts of the body, evil
speech in words and evil thoughts in the heart, and again another cow in
the hope of final liberation ( moksha-ddna ) through the loving-kindness of
Rudra and in his name. As a rule, however, but one cow is given, and
this only in the Vaitarani-ddna which now takes place. For this rite a
cow of a black colour is selected and worshipped as prescribed in the
Kapild-ddna , and the gift is dedicated to help the spirit of the moribund
after death in its passage across the Vaitarani river, and with this object
it is formally delivered over to a Brahman. The installation verse for

* Hiranyagarblia-garbhasthain hemabij am vibhdvasoh, aiianLa-jounyaphaladam atah
sdntim prayachchha me.

E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history

[No. 1,

the cow is — 1 Glory to thee, 0 cow, be thou ready to assist at the very
terrible door of Yama this person desirous to cross the Yaitarani,’ and
for the river in the verse : — “ Approaching the awful entrance to the
realms of Yama and the dreadful Yaitarani, I desire to give this black
cow to thee, 0 Yaitarani, of my own free-will so that I may cross thy
flood flowing with pus and blood, I give this black cow.” Selections
from the Phagavad-gitd are then read to the sick man and the thou¬
sand names of Yishnu are recited. His feet and hands are bathed in
water taken from the Ganges or some other sacred stream whilst the
frontal mark is renewed and garlands of the sacred tulsi are thrown
around his neck. The ground is plastered with cow-dung and the dying
man is laid on it with his head to the north-east and if still able to under'
stand, verses in praise of Yishnu should be recited in a low, clear voice
suited to the solemn occasion. The priestly instinct is even now alive
and the family astrologer appears on the scene to claim another cow that
the moribund may die easily and at an auspicious moment.

Preparing the body for the pyre. — When the breath has departed, the
body of the deceased is washed with earth, water and the fruit of the
Emblica officinalis and then anointed with clarified butter whilst the
following mantra^ is repeated : — “ May the places of pilgrimage, Gaya
and the rest, the holy summits of mountains, the sacred tract of Kuru-
kshetra, the holy rivers Ganges, Jumna, Sarasvati, Kosi, Chandrabhaga
which removeth the stains of all sins, the Nandabhadra the river of
Benares, the Gandak and Sarju as well as the Bhairava and Yaraha places
of pilgrimage and the Pindar river, as many place of 'pilgrimage as
there are in the world, as well as the four oceans, enter into this
matter used for the ablution of this body for its purification.” The
body is then adorned with gopichandana , the sacrificial thread, yellow
clothes and garlands. Gold or clarified butter is then placed on the
seven orifices of the face and the body is wrapped in a shroud and carried
to the burning-ghat. The body is placed with its head to the east and
the face upwards whilst the near male relatives are shaved. In the
meantime pindas or small balls of barley-flour and water are offered
according to the rule : — Mritistlidne tathd dwdre msrdmeshn chitopari ;
huh slum pinddli praddtavydh yretapinddh prahirtitdli — ‘ Where the man
dies, at the door (of his village), where the bearers rest, at the pyre
upon his body, these (five) pindas should be offered by rule ; these are

* Gayddini diet tirthdni ye cha punydli silochchayaJi ; Tcuruhshetram cha gangd clia
yamund cha sarasvati ', Icausiki chandra-hhagd cha sarvapdpaprandsini, nanda hhadrd
cha Tcdshi cha gandaki sarayu tathd , hhairavam cha vardham cha tirtham pindarakam
tathd, prithivydm yani tirthdni chatwarah sdgards tathd, savasyasya visuddhyartham
asmin taye visantu vai*

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya.

well known as the pretapinda. Each pinda sliould have its proper dedi¬
cation with definition of time, place, and person ( [mritisthdna , dwdra , Sfc.')
First some water is thrown on the ground with a dedication, and then
the pinda is taken in the hand and after the recital of the dedication, it?
too, is thrown on the ground and again water is sprinkled on the same
place with a third dedication. This is repeated at each of the five places.
The wood of sandal, cedar, bel, or dhdk , mixed with ghi, are laid on the
body, which is placed on the pyre with the head to the south. The son,
or nearest male relative, bathes and dedicates the rite to the release of
the soul of the deceased from the company and region of sprites and its
exaltation to the heaven of the good, after which the kukshi-pinda is
offered.

Office for cremation . — The fire is next applied by the nearest male
relative to the wood at the feet of the corpse, if the deceased be a female,
and to the wood at the head, if a male, with the mantra : — “ Om mayest
thou arrive at the blissful abodes, thou with thy deeds whether done ill
purposely or unwittingly hast become an inhabitant of another world, thy
body encompassed with its load of desire and ignorance, weighted with
its deeds of right and wrong has been completely resolved into its five
elements.” Then comes the Tilamisra-ajydliuti or lioma with sesamum
mingled with clarified butter accompanied by the mantra r — Om loma-
bhyah svdhd , om twache svdhd , om lohitdya svdhd , on mdmsebhyali svdhd ,
om medobhyah svaha , om tvagbhyah svdhd , om majjdbhyah svdlid , om retase
svdhdy om roditeb hyah svdhd. — ‘Hail salutation to the hair, epidermis, blood,
* # marrow, skin, the essential element of the body, the semen, and to
him who is bewailed.’ Then follows the sutra directing the circumam-
bulation of the pyre whilst sesamum* is sprinkled over the burning body
with the mantra : — ‘ Om, glory to the fire of the funeral pyre.’ When
the body has been almost entirely consumed, a small portion of the flesh,
about the size of a pigeon’s egg, should be taken and tied up in a piece
of cloth, and flung into a deep pool. Then the person who conducted
the ceremony puts out the fire and bathes, anointing himself with the
pancha-gavya and places a seat of /r^sh-grass for the spirit of the deceased
with a dedication followed by water, a pinda and again water, each
accompanied by its proper dedication.

Bali-ddna. — Next the bali-ddnay consisting of rice, sandal, &c., is
offered to the goblins and sprites of the burning-ghat with the prayer
that they will accept it, eat it and be appeased. Whoever wishes to pre¬
serve a portion of the bones, to cast them into the sacred stream of the

* The rich throw sandal, tulsi, sesamum and clarified butter on the pyre whilst
the relatives cry out with a load voice so as to attract the notice of the dweller in
paradise.

E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history

[No. 1,

Ganges at Hardwar (pin'd syavauna), will collect them between liis thumb
and little finger and wash them in the panchagavya and clarified butte
and placing them in a cloth bury them for a year before he attempts to
carry out his purpose. All ceremonies performed for an ancestor must
be carried through with the sacrificial thread over the right shoulder, all
worship of the gods with the thread as usual over the left shoulder. The
pyre is then cleaned and smeared with cow- dung whilst the dedication is
made and water and a pinda are given followed by water as before. Then
the mantra is recited : — * Anadinidhano deva sanlcha-chakra-gadddhara ;
alcshayah pundartkaksha preta-moksha-prado bliava. — An address to the
deity praying for the liberation of the soul of the deceased. A Brah¬
man repeats the mantra with his face towards the south ; a Kshatriya
looking towards the north ; a Vaisya to the east and a STidra to the west,
whilst the knot of the hair on the top of the head is unloosed. The
sacrificial thread is then replaced and the dchamanas made. The
thread is again put on the right shoulder ( apasavya ) whilst water is
offered in the hollow of both hands to the manes of the deceased. The
person who performs the rites bathes again before returning home and
fasts for the rest of the day.

Ceremonies after cremation. — Lamps are kept lighting for the
benefit of the manes for ten days after cremation either in a temple or
under a pipal tree or where the obsequial ceremonies are performed,
according to the rule : — Tildh pradeydh pdniyam dipo deyah sivdlaye, jndti-
bhili saha bhoktavyam , etat pretasya durlabham. — Sesamum, water and
lights should be provided in a temple of S'iva and meals' should be taken
with the relatives — for this has (now) become difficult to be obtained by a
sprite. The place where the obsequial ceremonies ( kiriydt-karma ) subse¬
quent to cremation take place is called the ghat or bugra. It is chosen, as
a rule, near running water, but must not lie to the west of the house where
the person for whom the rite is performed died. On the day following the
cremation, the person who performed the principal part at the funeral pyre
proceeds to the ghat and selecting a place, clears it and plasters it with
mud and cow-dung. A fire-place is then built towards the northern part
arid on one side, an altar of white clay smeared with cow-dung. The
lamp is next lighted with the dedication to enlightening the manes now
in darkness so as to alleviate its sufferings. Then with top-knot un¬
loosed the celebrant bathes on behalf of the manes with the usual defini¬
tion, of place, time, person and object which is the performance of the
ceremonies of the first day.

Tilatoydnjali. — Next the top-knot is tied up and the mouth is rinsed,
after which he takes sesamum, water, kum-gmss and barley and with
his face towards the south oilers them in the palms of both hands on be-

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya,

half of the manes with the usual dedication. The object declared is to
allay the extremes of heat and thirst which the spirit must undergo and
to perform the rites of the first day on its behalf. The ceremony known
as the tilatoydnjali must be performed either thrice or once each day
for the next ten days. Then rice* * * § is boiled in a copper vessel and in it
sesamum, ndgahesara (Mesua f erred) , honey and milk are placed and
afterwards made into balls about the size of a bel fruit ; these are offered
with a dedication in the name of the deceased and the object that the
spirit should obtain liberation and reach the abodes of the blessed after
crossing the hell called Uaurava and also that the head of the new body
of the spirit may be formed correctly. Before actually offering the
pinda , the celebrant should stand in silence to the left of the fire-place,
and place a pavitra f on the ground and on it a harma-patra or sacrificial
vessel and on the latter again a pavitra. The vessel should then be
filled with water, sesamum and perfumes whilst the altar is covered with
husa-gvass. The celebrant next takes a pavitra and water in his hand
and repeats the dedication as to laying the husa on the altar in the name
of so and so deceased as a seat for his spirit. After this, water (avane-
jana) is poured on the altar with a similar dedication and then the pinda
is offered whilst the celebrant drops on his left knee and repeats the
dedication already given. As already noticed, the object -of the pinda
presented on the first day is to enable the spirit to cross the hell called
Uaurava and have a head for its new body. This is followed by an offer¬
ing of water, one of very cold water, and one of sandal, rice, biting a-rdja\
(JEtolipta prostrata) , flowers, incense, lamps and balls of rice and honey,
each with its own proper dedication in the name of the manes. The
thirteenth dedication is concerned with the consecration of the harma-
patra already mentioned. On the first day one pinda is offered : on the
second, two pindas , &c., so that in ten days, fifty-five pindas are offered
each with the same ceremony as here given. Then comes the prayer
that the pindas already giveu may reach the manes, and the harma-patra
is turned upside down. The mouth is then rinsed with the usual for¬
mula and all the materials are thrown into the water with the mantra ;§
— ‘ Thou hast been burned in the fire of the pyre and hast become
separate from thy brethren, bathe in this water and drink this milk thou

* Kshatriyas and all other than Brahmans make the pindas of barley-flour and
also the illegitimate children of Brahmans.

f See before.

£ In Kumaon the Cinnamomum Tamala or tejpdt is used.

§ Ghitanala, pradagdhd’ si parity akto’ si bandhavaih pidam niram idam ksMram a-
tra snahi idcnn piba ; dkdsastho nirdlambo vdynbhutah samdrditah , atra sndtvd idam
pitvd sndtvd pitvd sukhi bhava.

E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history

[No. 1,

tlmt dwellest in the ether without stay or support, troubled by storms
and malignant spirits, bathe and drink here and having done so be happy.’

To the south of the fire-place a small earthen vessel known as a
harmed is tilled with water in which leusa , sesamum, barley and milk are
placed and suspended from a tree, or if there be no tree, from a stake
fixed in the ground with a tooth-brush of nim ( Melia indica ) . Then
bathing and putting on clean clothes, the celebrant returns home and
when eating puts a portion of the food on a leaf-platter and leaves it with
water either where four roads meet or on that side of the village which
is nearest to the burning-ghat, both places being the favourite resorts of
disembodied spirits. This portion called the preta-grdsa or spirits’ mouth-
ful is offered with the usual dedication to the name of the deceased.

Ceremonies of the first ten days . — The proceedings of each day are
the same, the only difference being the object of the jpinda. The follow¬
ing list of the hells crossed before reaching paradise and the different
parts of the new body of the spirit affected by each day’s ceremony will
suffice : —

Day.

*H.ell met with.

Portions of the new body formed.

First

Raurava

Head.

Second

Y onipu in saka

Eyes, ears and nose.

Third

Maharaurava

Arms, chest, neck and members of*
the mouth.

Fourth

Tamisra

Pubic region, penis, void and parts
around.

Fifth

Andhatamisra

Thighs and legs.

Sixth

Sambhrama

Feet and toes.

Seventh

Amedhya-krimi-purna

Bones, marrow and brain.

Eighth

Purisha bhakshana

Nails and hair.

Ninth

Svamamsa bhakshana

Testes and semen.

Tenth

Kumbhipaka

To avoid the wants of the senses.

Tenth day. — The new body having been formed the natural wants
of a living body are presupposed and the ceremony of the tenth day is
devoted to removing the sensation of hunger, thirst, &c., from the new
body. On the same day the clothes of the celebrant are steeped in cow’s
urine with soapnuts and washed, the walls of the house are plastered,
all metal vessels are thoroughly cleaned, the fire-place at the ghat is
broken and an anjali of water is offered to the ether for the sake of the
manes and to assuage its thirst. The celebrant then moves up the
stream above the ghat and with his near relatives shaves aud bathes and
all present an anjali of water as before. Bathing aga in all proceed
homewards,'!' having been sprinkled with the jgancha-gavya. The follow-

* Most of the names of hell occur in the law-books or the Puranas. The first,
third, fourth and fifth in Mann, IY. 88 : the tenth in the Bhagavata-purana, and
the remainder in the Skanda-purana.

t It is the custom to offer one more pinda on the road homewards called the
patheyasraddha, but this is usually made of uncooked flour and water.

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya.

mg rule lays down the period necessary for purification : — Brdhmano
dasaratrena diuddasdhena hhumipah ; vaisyah panchadasdhena sudro masena
sudhyati. “ The Brahman becomes pure in ten days, the Kshatriya in
twelve days, the Vaisya in fifteen days and the Sudra in a month”.

Ceremonies of the eleventh day. — After the usual domestic prayers, on
the eleventh day the figures of Lakshmi and Narayana are worshipped and
a covering spread for them on the charpai of the deceased and a cow offered
inhis name as hapild-ddna. Next vessels of water ( JJdaha-humbha ) are fill¬
ed and food prepared in the name of the deceased. A bullock is also brand¬
ed on the flanks with the trident and discus and struck three times with
the hand and then let go, # followed by the ehddasdha srdddha. The palm of
the hand represents three tirtlias : the Brahma- tirtha is the hollow at the
wrist through which the rinsing of the mouth is effected; the JDeva-tirtha
is between the fingers sloping downwards and is used in offering water
to the gods, and the Pitri-tirtha is the hollow between the thumb and
first finger through which the water flows when offered to ancestors.
For instance, in the worship of Lakshmi- Narayana, the water is presented
through the Beva-Urtha. First the covering is placed on the charpai
and on it the images with a dedication to the sure admission into paradise
of the manes, and for this purpose the figures of the deities Lakshmi and
Narayana are worshipped. The installation hymn to the deities then
follows and offerings of rice, water, sandal, flowers, incense, lamps and
wearing apparel are made. To this succeeds the dhydna or meditation
in honour of Vishnu, who has in his right hand the lotus, in his left the
conch, &c. ; then come appropriate gifts, according to the ability of the
donor, which eventually become the property of a Brahman with the
prayer that as S'iva and Krishna live in happiness and comfort, so may
the deceased abide, and for this purpose all these good things have been
provided. The purohita then lies down on the couch for a short time and
so sanctifies the gifts that have been made whilst the verse is read :
— Yasya smritya cha ndmohtyd tapoy aj n a hriyddis hu nyunam sampurna-
tdm yati sadyo vande tarn achyutam. — " That Aehyuta through whose re¬
membrance and invocation the shortcomings of my religious observances
are supplemented, Him do I now adore.’

Gifts of a cow. — Next comes the hapila-ddna as before with the dedi¬
cation : — ‘ 0 Kapila worshipped of all the four castes, best, containing all
places of pilgrimages and deities alleviate my trouble.’ The water
vessels are next presented and there should be one for every day in the
year and each should be accompanied by food and lights for the same
period for the benefit of the spirit of the deceasedf and then given

* As a rule, however, this is a mere form and the irons are not heated.

f As a rule the poor can only afford one.

10 E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history [No. 1,

to Brahmans with the verse : — ‘ Yasya, &c.,' as in the preceding
pargrapli.

The scape-bullock. — The loosing of the scape-bullock ( vrishotsarga )
is seldom observed in Kumaon, though the ritual for it is given. First
an altar is erected of earth and the fire is lighted thereon and Agni is
installed and worshipped. The altar is then dedicated to the rite of the
pradhdna-homa. This homa is begun by throwing clarified butter into
the fire with the mantra : — Om iha ratis svdhd idam agnaye , om ilia
ramadhvatn svdhd idam agnaye , om iha dhritis svdhd idam agnaye , om
svadhritis svdhd idam agnaye , om iha ramasva svdhd idam agnaye ; and
again Om prajdpataye , indr ay a , agnaye , somaya svdhd. Next curdled
milk is thrown on the fire and the eight gods are saluted : — Agni,
Rudra, S'arva, Pasupati, Ugra, I'sana, Bhava, and Mahadeva, all old
names. Then comes the Paushnacharu-homa or oblation of rice barley
and pulse boiled in milk and clarified butter and presented with the
mantra : — -Om pushdga anvetu nali pushd rakshasva sarvatah , pushd
vdjdn sanotu nah svdhd ; and again Om agnaye svishtakrite svdhd, om bhu
svdhd, om bhuvah svdhd, om svah svdhd. In these mantras the ancient
deities Pushan and Agni are invoked. A bell is then suspended from
the neck of the bullock and small bells are tied round its feet, and it is
told that it is to be let go in order to save the spirit of the deceased from
the torments of hell. The following mantra is then whispered it its
ear: — Vishnur hi bhagavdn dharmah chatushpddah prakirtitah, vrinomi
tarn aham bhaktyd sa mam rakshatu sarvada. Then follows the verse : —
‘ Om ritam clia, &c.,’ as in the sandhyd. The bullock i& addressed as the
fourfooted representative of the Supreme and asked to preserve for ever
his votary. The bail- gay atri is then recited : — Om tikshnasringaya vid-
mahe vedapasaya dhimahi tan no vrishabhah prachodaydt. Sesamum,
kusa, barley and water are taken in the hand and also the bullock’s tail,
whilst water is poured over all with the mantra 1 1 To fathers, mothers

and relations both by the mother’s and father’s side, to the purohita,
wife’s relations and those who have died without rites and who have not
had the subsequent obsequial ceremonies performed, may salvation arise
by means of the unloosing of this bullock.’ The bullock will then be
loosed with a dedication. The right quarter is sometimes branded with
a trident and the left with a discus and the animal becomes the property
of some of the low- caste people in the village.

Ekadasaha-sraddha. — The ekddasdha-sraddha commences with a bath-

* Om svadhd jpitribhyo mdtribhyo bandhubhyas cha triptaye, mdtripdkshas cha ye
kechit ye kechit pitripakshajah , gurusvasurabandhundm ye chdnye kulasambhavdh, ye
pretabhdvam dpanndh ye chdnye srdddhavarjitdh vrishotsargena te sarve labhantdm
triptim uttamdm.

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya.

ing and dedication to tlie first sraddha in honour of the deceased. Hither¬
to only the ceremonies known as kiriya-karmahaeve been performed whilst
the spirit of the deceased remained a pret, but now in order that he may
be numbered amongst the pitris or ancestors, the formal sraddlia is under¬
taken in his honour and for his benefit. Dry, clean clothes are worn and
the celebrant proceeds to the ghat and rinses his mouth with the usual
formula. Then rice is cooked and five small bundles of husa are washed
and anointed with oil and set up to represent the Brahman on the part of
the deceased with the nimantrana or invitation : — Gat o' si divyaloke train
kritdntavihitdt pathah , manasd vayubhutena vipre tvdhayi nimantraye —
you have departed to be away having your way prepared by the god of
death with a mind turned into wind. I would invite you. Similar bundles
are consecrated to represent the spirit of the deceased and water and the
argha are offered with the prayer that they may be accepted. In silence
the karmapdtra is placed on the ground and offerings of sandal, &c., made
as before. * The dedication is then made for the purpose of performing
the ceremony as if it were the ekoddislit a- sraddha. f For this purpose a
seat is placed and the argha is consecrated and dedicated to the spirit of
the deceased. Gifts are then presented to both the symbolised Brahman
and preta and both are reverenced. A brazen platter is then smeared
with clarified butter and the rice placed on it and dedicated to the
acceptance of the spirit. A circular altar a span in diameter is next
made and smeared with cow-dung. Bice is also mixed with milk, sesa-
mum, clarified butter, and honey and made into round balls about the
size of a bel fruit and with husa , sesamum and water are taken in the
hand and dedicated to the first sraddha. The altar is covered with husa
and on it a single pinda is placed, then water, sandal, rice, flowers, in¬
cense, lamps, sweetmeats and woollen thread are each presented with a
dedication as offerings to the spirit of the deceased. The bundles of
husa which represent the Brahman are then addressed and told that the
preceding offerings have been made to the preta and to grant that they
may be accepted and for this purpose water is offered to him. Gifts are
then made to the symbolised Brahman which are kept until the next day,
as gifts made during the first eleven days cannot be accepted by a puro-
hita. The water in the Jcarm-patra is then poured out at the feet of the
Brahman and the janeo is changed to the left shoulder. This is followed

* See previous page.

f The ekoddishta or tithi- sraddha is that performed on the anniversary of a
father’s death, whilst the general ceremony which takes place during the dark half
of Kuar is called the pdrvan or kanydgata- sraddha. If the father dies during this part
of Kuar the ceremony is called Kshaydha- sraddha. In the pdrvan the usual fifty- five
pindas are offered ; in the elcoddishta only one.

12 E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history [No. 17

by the usual rinsing of the mouth, after which the verse commencing :
— £ Yasya , &c.’ is recited.

Ceremony of the twelfth day. — On the twelfth day the ceremony
known as Sapindi takes place. The celebrant goes to the ghat as before
and commences with bathing and dedication to the day’s rite. He then
makes three altars of the same dimensions as before : to the north, a
square altar called the Visvadeva-bedi : to the south, a triangular altar
called Preta-hedi, and to the east a circular altar calldd the Pitdmahddi-
bedi. Rice is then cooked and whilst it is being made ready, two Brah¬
mans are formed from kusa- grass and placed at the northern altar as in
the preceding ceremony with a formal invitation, during which barley is
sprinkled over them whilst they are asked to take part in the sapindi. The
following verse is then repeated : — Akrodhanaih sauchaparaih satatam
brahmacharibhih, bhavitavyam bhavadbhis cha maydi cha srdddhakarind,
sarvdyasa-vinirmuktaih kdmakrodhavivarjitaih. Then the southern altar
is approached and there the bundles of kusa representing the deceased are
placed. These are addressed as above with the verse — ‘ Gato’si, &c.,’
to which is added the line : — Pujayishydmi bhogena devavipram niman-
traye. Then follows the changing of the sacrificial thread to the left
shoulder and purification by rinsing the mouth before approaching the
eastern altar. This is consecrated to the ancestors of the deceased for
three generations in the male line, all of whom are named and repre¬
sented by blades of kusa-grass. If a mother is the subject of the cere¬
mony the names of the father’s mother, grandfather’s mother, Ac., are
given here. Next the wife’s ancestors for three generations in the male
line are invited and some one accepts on behalf of all and their feet are
washed with the mantra : — £ Akrodhanaih, Ac.’ This also takes place at
the other two altars and is followed by the celebrant taking the pavitra
or knot of kusa and sticking it into the folds of his waist- cloth (nivi-
bandhana) . Each of the altars in order are again visited and a dedication
is made to the kusa representatives at each with the argha, seat, invi¬
tation, sandal, rice, flowers, incense, lights, apparel, betel and a stone on
which the rice is placed for making the pindas. The placing the stone
and rice at the northern altar has the special mantra :* — Om agnaye kavya-
vdhanaya svahd idam agnaye , om somaya pitrimate svadhd idam somdya.
At the southern altar the celebrant merely mentions the name of the
deceased and that for him the food has been prepared, and at the eastern
altar the stone and food are dedicated to the pitris who are named as
before. The remaining rice is placed on another stone and mixed with
honey, clarified butter and sesamum is divided into four pindas. A small
portion of rice is then taken with a blade of kusa in the right hand and
the hand is closed over the rice whilst this verse is recited : — Asamskrita

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya.

pramitanam tydginam kulabhagindm uchcJihisJita-bJidgadheydndm darbhe-
slm vikirdsanam. It is then cast on the ground near the pindas and is
called the bihira-ddn.

Then kneeling on the left knee with janeo reversed a pinda is taken
with kusa, sesamnm and water in the name of the father of the deceased
with the prayer that the earth here may he holy as Gya, the water like
that of the Ganges, and the pinda be like amrita, and is placed on the
altar. Similarly a pinda is taken and dedicated to the grandfather and
great-grandfather of the deceased respectively. The last is dedicated
to the spirit of the deceased that he may cease to be a disembodied spirit
and become enrolled amongst the ancestors. Next follows the usual gifts
with dedication. The celebrant next divides the pinda of the deceased
into three parts with a golden skewer and attaches one part to each of
the pindas of the ancestors with the mantra : — Ye samandh samanasah
pitaro yamarajye, tesham lokah svadha namo deveshu kalpatam , ye samandh
samanaso jivd jiveshu mdmakah , teshdm srir mayi halpatam asmin lake
satam samdh. The spirit thus becomes an ancestor and ousts his great¬
grandfather in the line of the parvana. Water is then presented and the
pavitra is thrown away ; rice is next sprinkled over the three pindas with
the mantra : — Om namo vah pitaro rasaya namo vah pitaro jivdiya namo vah
pitaro sukhaya namo rah pitarah pitaro namo vo grihana pitaro dattam
sado vah pitaro pitaro vdsah. The same mantra is repeated whilst
laying three threads on the pindas to represent their janeos. Next
water, sesamum and kusa are presented with a dedication. Milk is
then poured through the hand over the pindas whilst the preceding mantra
is repeated. All now march round the altar whilst the celebrant recites
the mantra: — A'mavdjasya prasavo j agamy am deve dyavdprithivi visvarupe
dma gantdm pitaramatard chdrnd somo amritatve j agamy dm. Then the
celebrant gives himself the tilaka with the mantra :■ — Om pitribhyah
svadha ebhyah svadlid namah pitdmahebhyah svadha ebhyah svadha namah
prapitdmahebhyah svadlia ebhyah svadha namah akshana pitaro mimadanta
pitaro ’titripanta pitarah pitarah sundadhvam. Next the dsis or benedic¬
tion occurs in which with hands clasped the celebrant prays for the
increase in prosperity of his family, their defence in time of trouble,
&c. The pinda of the father is then removed from the altar and in its
place the figures of a conch, discus, &c., are drawn with sandal and on
them a lighted lamp is placed and saluted whilst rice is sprinkled
over it. The mantra used is : — Om vasantdya namah , om grishmdiya namah ,
om varshdbhyo namah , om sarade namah , om hemantdya namah , om sisiraya
namah — forming an address to the seasons. The pinda is then restored
to its place on the altar and the bundle of kusa which represents the
Brahmans at the northern altar is opened out and one stalk is thrown

E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history

[No. 1,

towards the heavens whilst saying : — ‘ Praise to the ancestors in paradise.’
Then follows the verses : — “ Sapta vyadhd dasdrneshu ,” 8fc., as in the termi¬
nation of the Nandi- sraddha, after which the materials for the ceremony
are removed and gifts again made to Brahmans. Next the celebrant pro¬
ceeds to a pipal tree, or if no snch tree be near a branch is brought from
a tree and a dedication is made in the name of Vishnu of three hundred
and sixty vessels of water which is poured over the tree and then the tree
is tied round with thread three times and whilst moving round, the
following mantra is repeated : — ■“ Glory to thee 0 king of trees whose root
is like Brahma, trunk Vishnu and top like Shva.” The ceremony con¬
cludes with the usual gifts and dedication.

Monthly ceremony. — On every monthly return of the date on which

a father dies a single pinda is offered to his manes as before with a vessel

of water to the pipal tree. This continues for eleven months and in the

twelfth month the FLdrshilc a- sraddha takes place which is in all respects

the same as the Fhoddishtd-sraddha already described. The Ndrayana-bali

is offered when a father dies in a strange land and his relatives cannot

find his body to perform the usual rites. A figure of the deceased is

made of the reed Jeans, and placed on a funeral pyre and burned with the

dedication that the deceased may not be without the benefit of funeral rites

Then the Jcalas'a is consecrated and the forms of Brahma, Vishnu, S'iva

and Yama stamped on pieces of metal are placed on the covering of the

halasa and are worshipped with the Purusha-suhta mantra from the Rig-

veda (Man. 10, 90). Then sixteen homas and ten pindas are offered with

the usual dedication and the latter are thrown into the water. Sixteen
offerings of water from both hands (anjali) conclude the ceremony. A
separate ritual is prescribed for a woman dyiug whilst in her courses or
dying in child-birth. The body is anointed with the pancha-gavya and
sprinkled with water whilst the mantra — ‘ Apohishta, &c.,’ is recited.
The body is then taken and a small quantity of fire placed on the chest
after which it is either buried or thrown into flowing water. For eight
days nothing is done, but on the ninth day, forty- five pindas are given
and the ceremonies of the remaining three days as already described are
carried through if the people can afford it. There is also a separate
ritual for persons who have joined a celibate fraternity as a Jogi, Gosain,
&c. His staff and clothes are placed on the charpai as in the case of an
ordinary person and the arha-vivdlia or marriage with the plant maddr
takes place, after which a pinda is offered in his name. Fakirs, lepers and
women who die in child-birth are buried in Kumaon. It is believed that
if any one dies during the Dhanishtlia, Satabhisha, Purvabhada, Uttara-
bhada or Bevati nahshatras or lunar-mansions, four others of his family
will certainly die, and for the avoidance of this evil a sdnti or preventive

1885.]

of Religion in the Himalaya.

service is prescribed which must be held by the relatives and be accom¬
panied by numerous gifts.

Bhoj ana-karma. — The observances connected with the preparation
and cooking of food are classed amongst the domestic ceremonies and are
known as Balivaisvadeva. After the food has been cooked and before it
is eaten, the person takes a small portion of it in his right hand and offers
it as a homa on the fire whilst repeating the mantra* * * § : — Om salutation to
Agni, the vital air prana ; om salutation to Vayu, the vital air apana ; om
salutation to Aditya, the vital air vyana ; salutation to the same three
deities, the same three vital airs ; salutation to him who is fire produced
from water, juicy nectar, Brahma, &c. The gdyatri- mantraf with the addi¬
tion of the term svahd after each section is then repeated as often as the
person wishes. The homa or burnt- offering can only be made where the
person can procure some clarified butter, where it cannot be obtained the
homa must be omitted. Water is then taken in the hand aud poured on the
ground whilst the mantra J is repeated : — ‘ If whoever eats remembers that
Brahma, Vishnu aud S'iva are present in the food impurity cannot accrue
from eating.’ Where the water has fallen four small portions § of the
food are thrown one after the other with the following mantra : — 4 Om,
glory to the lord of the earth ; om, glory to the lord of created things ;
om, glory, glory to the lord of sprites ; om, glory to all beings.’ Water is
again taken in the hand whilst a mystical mantra || is recited. The water
is then drank. Next about a mouthful of the food is taken in the hand
and thrown away as the portion of dogs, low-caste persons, deceased,

* Om bhur agnaye prdndya svahd om bhuvar vdyave apanaya svahd om svar adit-
ydya vydndya svahd om bhur bhuvah svah agnivdyvddityebhyah prdndpdnavydnebhyah
svahd om dpo jyoti raso ’ mritam brahma bhur bhuvah svah om sarvan, vai purnam
svahd. Here the three kinds of vital airs are mentioned : prana, that which issues
from the lungs ; apdna, from the anus and vyana that which circulates through the
body. The usual number is, however, five and hereafter we have added, samdna-
that which is common to the whole body, and uddna, that which rises through the
throat to the head. Svahd has the meaning probably of a good oblation or offering,
and is here used with the mystical vyahriti mantra.

f See previous page.

J The learned use the mantra : — Om nabhydj asid antarihsham sirshno dyauh
samavarttata padbhyam bhumir disah srotrdt tathd lokdn akalpayan. The verse trans¬
lated above is, however, far more common and runs : — Annarn brahma raso vishnuh
bhoTdd devo mahesvarah evam dhydtvd dvijo bhunkte annadosho na diyate. The ordi¬
nary cultivator seldom uses more than the three last words — ‘ annadosho na diyate.’

§ Om bhupataye namah om bhuvanapataye namah om bhutandm pataye namah
om sarvebhyo bhutebhyo balaye namah.

|| Om antascharasi bhuteshu guhaydm visvatomulchah tvam yajuah tvam vashat -
harah dpo jyoti raso’ mritam svahd. The word vashat is an exclamation used in making
oblations and vashatkdra is the making it.

G. A. Grierson — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

[No. 1,

crows and ants A Tlie correct custom is to make one offering for each
of these six classes whilst repeating the mantra, but in practice a very
small portion is placed on the ground with the ejaculation : — ‘ Om , glory
to Yislinu.’ The food is then eaten whilst with the first five mouthfuls
( pancha-grasi ) the following mantra is recited mentally : — Om, salutation
to the five kinds of vital air, viz., prana, apana, samdna , vyana and uddna.’
Then a little water is poured over the bali with the mantra : — Om salu¬
tation to the bali,1 and at the end of the meal the same is repeated with
the versef : c May the giver of the meal have long-life and the eater
thereof ever be happy.’ {

The battle of Kanarpi Ghat , edited and translated by S'ri Narayan

Singh, and G. A. Grierson.

Introduction.

The following poem, written by a Maithil Brahman at the end of
the last century, in the Baiswari dialect, is perhaps the most popular of
its kind in Tirhut. A copy of it in MS. can be obtained in almost any
large village in Darbhanga. Owing, however, to the complexity of some
of the metres, they are generally very corrupt. Babu STi Narayan
Singh, of Jogiyara, has joined me in endeavouring to prepare a transla¬
tion and fairly correct edition of the text.

The poem describes a victory won by Narendra Singh, an ancestor of
the present Maharaj of Darbhanga over Ram Narayan Bhup, the well-
known Suba of Bihar. § The following is the genealogy of the present
Maharaj :

Maharaj Narendra Singh.

,, Pratap Singh.

,, Raghab Singh. .

,, Madhab Singh.

,, Chhatra Singh.

,, Maheswar Singh.

,, Lakslnniswar Singh, the present holder of the

title.

The Baksi or Bakhshi mentioned in Doha 5, line 9, and Doha 19,
1. 1, was Gokul Nath Jha, of Dhanga, Haripur, Pargana Jarail, in the

* S'undm cha patitdndm cha svapachdm paparogindm, vdyasdnam Itrimindm dm
sahatair nirvapet bhuvah.

•f Annaddtd diiranjivi anndbholdd sada sulchi.

J [The reading of some of the mantras was too corrupt to admit of thorough
correction. — Ed.]

§ See note to verse 1 of the translation.

1885.]

S'ri Narayan Singh — ■ The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

Darbhanga District. His great-grandson Markande Jha, is the Bakhshi
to the present Maharaj, as follows :

Goknl Hath Jha.

Saoe Jha.

Mohan Lai Jha.

Markande Jha.

The Sarb Jan Jha mentioned in Chhand 6, 1. 7, was a famous pro¬
phet, who knew everything. A story of him is told that his servant
once accidentally threw away his Narbadeswar (an image of S'iva).
Shortly afterwards Sarb Jan missed it, and declared that it had been
eaten np by one of his ducks. All the ducks were brought before him,
and he picked out one, which was killed. In its crop was found the
missing image.

The poem is full of names of persons and places of whom and which
little or nothing is at present known.

Narendra Singh is the most celebrated. Of him the poet Chandra
Jha, says in his Maithil Ramayan,

ftmfci ftrf srew i

3?; 3<T«T*T trap’s! II

cllftl UTpR ?ryR I

toct ii

Jiff iwi'f lift i

^ifcras cipra cre^rft a

* When Narendra Singh became king, weeping filled his enemies’ houses.
He searched for and became a destroyer of his foes, and performed
many chivalrous actions. Nowhere did he lose a battle, and his sword
was very sharp.’

The other names recorded will, if they can be identified, be useful to
students of history of the last century.

The author of the poem, Lai Jha, a brahman, lived in Mangrauni
Pargana Hati, Darbhanga District. His great-grandson is now alive in
the same village. The family still owns the village of Kanail which was
given to the poet by Narendra Singh.

The metres employed in the poem are the Doha (Nos. 1, 3, 5, 7, 10,
12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 23, and 25), the Bhujangaprayat (Nos. 2, 6, 11, 17,
19, 21, and 24), the Narach (Nos. 4, 15, and 22), the Tribhangi
(Nos. 8 and 13), and the Padakulak (No. 9).
c

S'ri Narayan Singli — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat . [No. 1,

The Doha is well-known, and need not be described at length. The
following Prakrit lines describe it, and are current in Mithila :

TC, m I

U® ®W® *C5 II

SJ 7

‘ Put thirteen instants in the first half- stanza, and eleven in the
second, then again thirteen and eleven, and this is the description of the
doha.’ The above is itself an example of the metre.

The Bhujangaprayat, which closely corresponds to the Hansagati
Chhand described in Kellogg’s prosody, p. 22, consists of four Bacchics
( - ), called or in Indian prosody. The rule current con¬

cerning this metre is

The Narach consists of eight lambics ( ^ — ), or in Indian
prosody. The following Prakrit verses are examples of the metre, and
at the same time give the rule for its formation.

JHSc fsrccTCT, HUT® Hlf « |

smi® fTi ®?re %t n

4 A Pramanika verse consists of eight syllables, a long and a short
one alternately. Double the Pramanika and it becomes the Narach.’

The Tribhangi Chhand consists of 32 instants, divided into 10 + 8
+ 8 + 6 instants. It is described in Kellogg’s prosody, p. 23. Each
line must end with a long syllable. The following Prakrit example
gives the rule :

tnjii *rt®‘ h® hi ®t® ®h® i

JIH %r?j; f®5?®® ®Tf K ®TT% HT HH® ||

5)T tr®* WfH 1 ®5! HIT ®THfn JI®) I

fclfawt ^ 1W1®H ®®5 ®f®'^T fsffi® II

s Pirst stop on the tenth instant, then on the eighth, then again on
the eighth and on the sixth. The last letter of the line must be long.
The wise Phanindra says that this verse if in proper form enchants the
three worlds, accomplishes the objects of full grown youths, and creates
happiness. But if it is not so, it is like a damsel with pendulous bosom,
annoying to her lord.’

The Padakulak consists of 64 instants, divided into four quarter-
verses of6+4+4+2 instants each. The last syllables of the second
and fourth quarters must be long. G. A. G.

1885.]

S'ri Kara jail Singli — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

3PT ^TRTft TO W5TT I

SI % II ^ITT I

Kin jrrjt »jtr W sir i

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[No. I,

S'ri Kara van Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

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1885.] S'ri Narayan Singh. — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

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[No. 1,

S'ri Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

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1885.] S'ri Narayan Singli — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat. 23

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[No. 1,

1885.] S'ri Narayan Singh — The tattle of Kanarpi Ghat .

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[No. 1,

Sri Narayan Singli -The battle of Kanarpi Ghat

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1885.] Shi Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat,

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[No. 1,

S'ri Narayan Singli — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

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TRANSLATION.

1. Doha.

To Ram Narayan Bhup* came an enemy (of Narendra Singli) and
said, ‘ the Lord of Mithila has cast aside the rale of government.’ So he
arranged to take Tirhnt under direct management, and Mahtha was ap¬
pointed general in company with Salabati Ray. There were, also, Bakht
Singh, the liberator of his family, courageous Ror Mall, who was the sun
among the Chaubhans, and Bhanu Sukul, each a greater hero than the
other. Such men were taken into service, and Mahtha with five thousand
men at arms crossed the river when diksul and joginif were in front of
him.

2. Ghhand Bhujangapraydt.

The governor’s army proceeded, and the kettle-drums beat. All
the artillery was brought out at daybreak. Over the black coloured
elephants flapped the flags, and long muskets, elephant- cannons and
chandrabansX shone. S'esha, the mountains, the earth, the mundane boar
and the elephants of the quarters shook from the trampling, and the dust
arose and filled the sky and covered the sun. Drums, trumpets and
trombones sounded, and the whole earth quivered, and each continent

* The well-known Subah of Bihar, who flourished during the last century. He
was drowned by Mir Kasim on A. D. 1773.

t An inauspicious planetary conjuncture. Dilcsul is a day on which it is in¬
auspicious to go in a certain direction; such as Friday and Sunday for West, and
Saturday and Monday for East. Compare the proverb

if one starts when jogini is to his right and Teal behind him, he
will seize his enemy by the throat and kill him.

I Different kinds of ancient guns.

1885.] S'ri Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

shook. The sword-bearers as they stood before their masters were joyful,
as their vigour for battle came to a head. With great pleasure the gate
opened, and there issued forth Shekhs and Saiyads who took horse-armour
and rode. In front gleamed the wand-bearers, feeling happy under the
shadow of their spears. ‘ Speed on, we have far to go, and vast treasure
is loaded in the carts.’ , They marched with great valour from one halt
to another, Indra himself could not match their magnificence. They
had all waist-bands set with jewels, and on the way inquired the road to
Bhawara.*

3. Doha.

The news-bearers informed and told the king (of Tirhut) that
Mahtha had arrived with five thousand cavalry. The king sent for his
astrologers, and asked them to calculate, and (after hearing their deci¬
sion) determined not to engage in battle there (at Bhawara), but on the
other side of the great Balan.f When he had settled all this, he came
out and sat down, sent for the heralds and told them to have all the
army in readiness.

4. Chhand Narach.

The heralds went into the midst of the army and running hither
and thither proclaimed, ‘ be ready, brave men, and take up your arms.’
They commenced making themselves ready, as the captains thundered
out their joy. On all sides was heard a continuous noise, and a terrible
uproar uprose. Everywhere were displayed bows, arrows and javelins
of various kinds. In one’s judgment it appeared as if each soldier in
the midst of the field was superior to Bhima. The mighty warriors
got ready and issued from their houses, and their horses excelled the
wind itself in speed.

5. Doha.

The mighty warriors distributed alms to all, and after enjoying
various pleasures proceeded to the (palace of the) king of Mithila. The
warder at the gate approached and told him saying c the belted soldiers
are all ready and present.’ One by one they paid their respects to him,
which he accepted. Lai, the great poet, says that they sat round the

* A village close to Madhubani in the Darbhanga district, a former seat of the
Darbhanga Raj.

f There are in Darbhanga two rivers called Balan, viz. the Bari- or great-Balan
and the Bhutiya- or ghost-Balan. The former enters British territory from the
Himalaya at Laukaha and runs north and south about thirty miles east of Madhubani.
The latter lies more to the east, and never has the same bed two years running,
continually disappearing from one place and reappearing elsewhere, — hence its name.

Sri Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat. [No. 1,

Abode of Happiness. To his south sat the Babus* and the Prime
minister, to his north the wizards and the wise men, to his west the
soldiers, and near him the Bakhsliif and the chief house-servants in
gorgeous apparel stood behind him. The chief of the exchequer who
attended day and night, and who knew about all jewels, was making
a list of excellent^ bows and arrows. Maharaj Narendra sat in the
midst of all. Who can describe the splendour of one who was like the
moon in the midst of stars ?

6. Ghhand Bhujangaprayat.

In one place a pandit was supporting his views in discussion, in
another the skilled Baidiks were singing the essence of the Vedas. In
another astronomers were correcting the time-piece, in another Tan-
triks were reading charms and exorcisms, in another great poets were
composing hundreds of martial songs, in another panegyrists recited
epics, in another Sarb Jan Jha§ was dictating as if he knew everything,
in another people explained dictionaries and rhetoric, in another they
discussed Persian verses with learned Maulwis, in another Munshis sat
elated with Persian knowledge, in another dairy maids brought tyre to
the gate, and in another fair damsels with water jars added to the
pleasures.

7. Doha.

The poet Lai describes the various Rajputs who were in the royal
assembly, who sat round the king armed with swords and shields.

8. Ghhand Tribhangi.

Rauts and Rajputs, all worthy sons, seeing whose valour even
Indra with his army was put to fear, warlike Baish, Bandela, heroic
Chandela and Baghela|| armed with swords were conspicuous, Chaubhan
Bisena who formed the strong portion^" of the army, and Raythaur, who
filled the troops with heroes. Hara and Kachhbaha came with their
weapons, men who cried ‘ Ha, Ha’ and fell upon the enemy, Dabbai,
Aridambha, Nikumbha, and Ganhwariya the great heroes, Segar,
Paribaha, Haiharbaha, and Haihaybansi, the terrible champions, Gautam,
Bij’hariya, Sarbariya, and Raghubansi, the perfect princes, Gaura,

* In Mithila this word is a high title of honour, reserved to relations of the
Darbhanga Maharaj.

f See introduction.

§ See introduction.

|| These are all names of Rajput tribes,
is for ^3^1 m. c.

1885.] Sri Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

Bachhgoti of fame as pure as beauteous pearls, and Gaharwar, each
with his own followers, Sirmorak, Kanda, the moon of the Kausik
family, Bargaiya', and Karchoaliya, Sagarbar the chief of warriors,
Gor, Amaithi and Chaughariya, Tomar, Gahnauta and Gujar, Rana-
bansi and Sidhautiya, Mannas, Bij’hariya, the king of Nagpur, the
great Mahrauri and Satauriya,

9. Ghhand PadaJculak.

Karambar, Pammar, Kathela, Kat’hariya, and the warrior Surnek.
Lai the great poet knows the great grandeur of the warriors who were
accustomed to wield swords upon their enemies’ heads.

10. Doha.

Horses, tall, swift in speed, and mighty in the fierce battle-field,—
these they untied, caught hold of their reins and brought out.

11. Ghhand Bliujangajpraydt.

Turkish, Arab, Iraki, and excellent Kachchhi ; sea horses and the
Kanhari which excelled the Lachchhi fish in speed. None can describe
the graceful paces of the swift Tazi, Mujannas, and Pithani, excellent,
graceful steeds of Kamboj, as mobile as water, and fleet as quicksilver
in a metal dish. The horses shone of various colours, — there were
chestnut ones, and fish-coloured ones, light yellows, and very dark blues,
tawny yellows, dark blacks, and handsome browns, iron-greys, greys,
blues and blacks, bays and whites which were companions of the wind
in speed, and broke down the pride of Indra’s horse Uchchaissrava.
Horses blazed on the five lucky places, # stood as if they themselves
were giving luck. Some were of the colour of pigeons, and seemed as
if they had been coloured by painters. The saddles and bridles were
embroidered with thousands of varieties of gold wire and diamonds.

12. Doha.

Each warrior saluted and mounted his own horse. From the fort
to the Kamlaf they formed a dense crowd. King Narendra saw an
auspicious kitej in the sky, and his moonlike face flashed. He uttered
the auspicious names Lambodar and Bighnes§ and sallied forth. He
fastened on his forehead a fish’s tail, and wore a safflower garland,
and after saluting Bighnes, the king issued from his palace.

* White stockings, and a white blaze on the forehead.

f A river about five miles west of Bhawara.

t Chhemankarini, the Brahmani kite or Coromandel eagle, considered as a bird
of good omen, Falco Ponticerianus.

§ Two names of Ganes, the conqueror of obstacles.

[No. 1,

Shi Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat.

13. Ghhand Tribhangi.

Indra, the king of heaven ran away in terror, and took shelter on
mount Mem. There he extolled mother Durga, and besought her to
save him from his great fear. Who can count the kings of the earth ?
They were but lords of the poor, and easily submitted to his (Naren-
dra’s) authority. By the pride of the dust of his troops the very sun
was obscured, and the earth trembled. Who could withstand him.
The great warrior of Bijapur, and the heroic king of Audh, took to
penance and so conquered their fears. The Rajas of Hugli and Calcutta
gave up their power, and wandered about clothed in rags. The king
of the south deserted his arms and presented slaves. The queen of
Dhaka wandered about like a mad woman, and other kings too lost
heart. Dilli shook, Banaras fled, Betiya fell down, for who could stand
in his way. All feared much when the king of Mitkila, the refuge of
the distressed, issued forth.

14. Doha.

The Maharaj, bow in hand, marched from the fort, and encamped
in the plain of Harina.

15. Ghhand Nardch.

Very long tent- walls of cloth upheld the tents set with jewels and
thousands of golden wires. In one place stood canopies reaching to
the sky, in another were deposited rare kinds of palanquins. Elsewhere
were thousands of weapons and litters,* and of horses and elephants.
Elsewhere were laid bows and innumerable arrows of excellent quality.
Elsewhere were drums of various kinds, while in other places were
the brilliant soldiers, conquerors in fight.

16. Doha.

Kabi Lai describes the camp-bazar of the Lord of Mithila. It ap¬
peared four times as extensive as the city of the gods.

17. Ghhand Bhujangapraydt.

The fountain was laid and a beautiful market established. Thou¬
sands of merchants marched in rows. Numerous young damsels sang
sweet songs and asked for alms. Here were being sold edible roots, f
sugar and bags of salt. He who tasted these, considered thereafter
ambrosia sour. There were they preparing sponge-cakes and sweet¬
meats. Here were fruits in syrup, there were sugarcandy and jiiebis,%

'* A laVkz or ndVhi is the ornamented litter used at a wedding,
t Kund is roots like the potatoe, yam, &c., as distinguished from mul , which
means roots like the turnip, carrot, or radish.

t A kind of long hollow tube of flour and sugar, curled into patterns, and filled
with syrup.

1885.]

SVi Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ohat.

and many stood bargaining their prices. Here were they selling brown
sugar and slabs of molasses, and there were laid cakes prepared in cla¬
rified butter. Here were sold embroidered scymitars and swords, and
there the jewellers were selling sikkd gold mohars. Here people were
greatly crowded round the store house, and thousands of Kachchhi and
Khanhari horses were being sold ; there were infuriated elephants, and
many camels. Here were painters standing as they painted pictures,
there were laid hundreds of thousands of raisins and dried dates, and
in another place fell into the reservoir showers from the fountain.
Here were golden threads, and woollen § double shawls, there were sold
necklaces of jewels and pearls. Here were lengths of silken cloth, and
coats of muslin whose price no one was able to fix.

18. Doha.

They marched from Rampati,|| and thence to Achanak. There
the king heard the beat of kettledrums, and knew that the army of the
Governor was very near.

19. Ghhand Bhuj angapraydt .

On both sides the armies were ready, and in the midst was the
great river. Thousands of arrows, bows, and cannon balls were dis¬
charged, which seemed as if all the stars were falling from heaven at
once. The wand-bearers ran up and down quick as the chimes (rung at
the end of a watch). The sky was filled up as if with fireworks in the
form of flowers. The hunters, approached and shot the enemy who
lost heart and retired. The wounded were laid on beds (and so thick
did they lie) that no one was able to pass by that way.

20. Doha.

The king told the Bakhshi to go up to the battle-field, and to keep
all on the alert, for fear the enemy should in the end have recourse to
some stratagem. The Bakhshi took Jafar Khan and Hala Bay, beat
the bass kettledrum, and entered the battle-field. Some one showed
Mahtha the way, and he performed a stratagem, and mounting a con¬
veyance he crossed the river at Gangduar Ghat. Then doubling his
pace he arrived at the hamlet of Bishnupur. The messengers told the
king that the armies (lit. crowds) had come to close quarters, and the
two mighty heroes Mitrajit and Umrao saluted the king and thrust their
feet into the stirrup.

* Sal baft means woven of wool,
f About five miles east of Bhawaya.

34 Sri Narayan Singh — The battle of Kanarpi Ghat. [No. 1,

21. Glib and B h uj angapray at.

The Bais, Bagghel, Bachhbaut, and Hara* marched down with
jewelled swords in their hands. The Haras shone each a greater hero
than the other and on all sides the drums loudly sounded. Thousands,
of arrows, bows, and cannon-balls were discharged, but on neither side
would the great warriors retreat. Step by step the armies approached
each other, and on the festival of the Mahashtami (the eighth day of the
bright half of Asin, sacred to Durga) the (final) struggle took place.
Countless drums, trumpets, and conches sounded, and, 0 Ram, a dense,
loud, noise arose. Salabati galloped his horse, and Umrao Singh stood
up to oppose him. Both were heroes of matchless valour, and the duel
between them was like that between Karna and Arjuna. They drew their
swords from the scabbards, and struck out fiercely with them, so that they
flashed like lightening amidst the dense clouds. In the end Salabati was
wounded, and tottered helpless and Umrao seized him, thrust him down
and killed him. Bhikhari saw this and ran up, but could not arrive in
time, and only struck at the (elephant’s) liowdah. The cannonballs began
to fall amongst them, and the brave heroes fell, so that dread filled the
city of Indra itself (at the sight). Fairies, whose fame had filled the
whole earth, then came down with garlands of flowers. Then the great
heroes, with thousands and thousands of companions, alighted from
their horses.

22. Ghhand Narach.

They fell, they raised each other, they ran here and there, they
fought in single combat like huge elephants wrestling together. King
Mitrajit Rao caught hold of Bakht Singh, who, struck with severe
blows, fell down whirling. Words could not be heard for the hissing
of the countless arrows, as the nobles fought in different ways. The
captains kept causing wounds incessantly, and the arrows despatched
from their bows filled the whole space betwixt heaven and earth. As
each heard of the defeat of his side, he lost control over himself, when
in the struggle the cannons thundered a thousand times. Loud horrible
noises arose as shield crashed against shield, and as all around sword
clashed against sword. In their rage the heroes shout ‘ It is well, it is
well ’, and rushed forward to the fight, and in pitched combats ten mil¬
lion heads were severed with long-swords. The headless trunks turned
round and fell with a terrible whirl upon the earth. Ah ! one beats
another down and butchers him. In the battle-field of the Lord of
Mithila, a river flowed here and there, in which the lotuses were
represented by handsome heads, the water blood, and the weeds (the

# Various Rajput tribes.

1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Ghand.

corpses’) hair. The battle was won, and at the end enjoying the feast
on the enemy, ghouls ate and ate the (dead soldiers’) heads till they
were satiated. Kali herself brought home numerous garlands of human
heads, and with huge demons, invested their lord (S'iva) with them.
All the (king’s army) returned from the battle-field for the general
(Bliikliari) had fled away. The king (of Mithila) gained the victory,
and the drum of his fame resounded.

23. Doha.

The king gained the victory, the general fled ; and the fame of
Tirhut quadrupled. The mother of the universe kept her promise to the
Maliaraj, and spared only one man — Bliikliari, on account of his high
position.

24. Ghhand Bhujangaprayat.

All the Raos and Ranas who remained behind plundered the store¬
house, the double-drums and flags. Here they looted palanquins, litters
and ten millions of diamonds, and there cartridge boxes filled by special
heroes. They plundered tents, tent- walls, camels, and carts. Here and
there, some pillaged behind others. They looted spears, elephant-can¬
nons, lances and javelins, and here and there one (quarrelled) with
another, and pierced him to the heart. In other places the men of the
Bais clan ran over and pillaged horses and elephants. In this way was
the government of the Maliaraj re-establishedA

25. Doha.

When they had finished pillaging they returned besmeared with
blood, and Lai, the good poet, says that in this manner Bliikliari lost
the battle.

Two versions of the Song of Gopi Ghand. — Edited and translated by

G. A. Grierson, C. S.

There is no legend more popular throughout the whole of Northern
India, than those of Bharthari and his nephew Gopi Chand. They were
two kings who deserted their thrones to become disciples of Goraklmath.
The story of Gopi Chand has penetrated as far east as even Rangpur,
where it is preserved in the Song of Manik Chandra.f A Hindi version
of the legend can be bought for a few pice in any up-country bazar. J
The two versions here given in parallel columns were taken down from

•

* Lit. Cries of alas (from persons seeking justice) were again made to tlio
Maliaraj.

f Published in J. A. S. B., Part I, No. 3, 1878.

J Gopi Chand Bharthari ka Jog, by Lachhman Das.

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

[No. 1,

tlie mouths of singers in different parts of Bihar. The Bliojpuri version
was found in Shahabad, and the Magalii one in Gaya. They are excellent
examples of these two closely related dialects.

The following is a brief account of the whole tale of Gopi Chand
taken from the Gopi Chand Bharthari ka Jog above referred to. The
two Bihari versions only contain the latter portion of the legend. Gopi
Chand was a king of Dhara. His mother’s name was Mainawati, and
her brother was the famous Bharthari, who, after being a king, himself
became a disciple of Gorakhnath and a Jogi. When Gopi Chand grew up
and was married, his mother attempted to induce him also to take vows
of asceticism. After making various objections he finally consented and
went off to look for Gorakhnath who was his mother’s guru. On the
way he found his mother’s brother Bharthari, who at first attempted to
turn him from his purpose, but finally took him to Gorakhnath. The
latter also dissuaded, but finding the king persistent ordered him, as a
test to go forth as a beggar, and ask for alms from his wife, Queen
Ratan Kumari, After wandering through many lands, he reached his
palace, and asked for alms. A maid-servant came out but he refused to
take anything from her, telling her to go and tell the Queen that he
wished to receive alms from her. The Queen came, and also endeavour¬
ed to dissuade him from becoming an ascetic, and entreated him to stay
with her. He refused. The author then* continues : —

xaral sira graft aft xw %, Jvfft f^t

sm ranmxt mm ^3}, suit rag ram m %t

vnfci % iraiir fraix 1 mr ram % w<ft wffa % mxffa 1
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* The metre of the following version is often incorrect in the original, and is
given as dohas and chawpctis. It is really not very correct Jcundaliyd. The last
word of each kdbya should properly be same as the first word of the preceding doha ,
but this is not the case.

f The words beta ji &c., do not form part of the metre. Such additional words
are known in prosody technically as jor, and should be react iu a lower toue than the
rest of the poem.

1885.] G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

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The substance of the foregoing (it is too easy to need translation) is
that Gopi Chand went to his mother, who warned him in his journeys
never to go to Bangal. The king says he has never yet been there, and
asks what sort of country it is. He has been all over India, Balkh and
Bukhara, but has never been there. The mother insists on the necessity
of his avoiding Bangal, for his sister Champa (or Birna as she is called
in the Bihari versions) lives there, and if she chance to see him wander¬
ing as a beggar, she will die of grief. To which he replies, ‘ when
I went first to be an ascetic, I left sixteen hundred wives behind me,
and not one of them died. Why then should my sister die ? ’

In spite of his mother’s warning Gopi Chand goes to Bangal, and
calls at the palace of his sister Champa for alms. A maid-servant comes
out and offers them to him, but he refuses to take them from her, saying
he will take them from the hand of Champa and of no one else. She
gets angry at this, whereupon he chides her saying ‘ I bought you and
gave you to my sister in her dowry, but now that I have become an
ascetic you do not recognize me.’ The girl then goes and tells Champa,
who comes out and at first refuses to believe that the beggar is her
brother. When, however, he proved his identity, by recalling to her
particulars of her wedding which none but he could know, she became

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gojpi Ghand.

[No. 1,

convinced, and according to Main awati s propliecy fell down dead.
Gopi Cliand then called on his master Gorakhnath, who came and restored
her to life. This is the end of the usual story. The Magahi version
carries the story on a stage further. It adds that Birna ( '% . e. Oliampa),
after coming to life, wept and wept till the earth opened and swallowed
her up.

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1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

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G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Ghand.

[No. I

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Q. A. Grierson — Song of Oopi Chand.

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G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Ghand. [No. 1,

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1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand .

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44 G. A. Grierson — Song of Oopi Chand. [No. 1,

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1885.] G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

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TRANSLATION.

Song of Gopi Chand , — Bhojpuri.

1. King Gopi Chand teareth up
his royal robes and maketh out of
it an ascetic’s cloth. In its midst
are fastened diamonds, rubies and
pearls, and it was made a priceless
cloth. He putteth on the cloth
and starteth on his wanderings,*
and his mother catcheth him by the
cloth and standeth. ‘ When I see
thee, my son, I control myself,
for thou art going forth and be¬
coming an ascetic. I held thee,
my son, for nine months in my
womb, thinking that my darling
would be a help to me in trouble.
I gave thee seven streams of milk
to drink, pay me back the price
thereof.’!

* ^ ^ to go, wander,
f is 1st sing, of 2nd pret.

In p. 39 of my Bh. Gram. I have marked
it as wanting.

Song of Gopi Chand , — Magahi.

1. The king donneth an ascetic’s
cloth, and starteth for the forest.
His mother catcheth him by the
cloth and standeth, saying, ‘ I held
thee for nine months in my womb,
and in the tenth didst thou take
human form. If thou hadst died
in thy birth, I would have been
contented. Say not, 0 Gopi Chand,
“ Imagine, mother, that thou art
barren or that thy womb hath borne
only a dhaJc (butea frondosa) or a
madar (asclepias gig antea) .* With
such words remonstrate with thy
sinful soul.” ’ So much said his
mother Maina. (Again she said)

£ (By thy going away) thou art lay¬
ing waste an inhabited city , for with¬
out thee, Gopi Chand, the whole

# Two trees. The first is good for
nothing but firewood, and the second is
very bitter.

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

[No. 1,

palace is empty. Say not so, Gopi Chand,’ saith his mother Maina.
£ First pay me the price of my milk and then go and become an
ascetic.’ When Gopi Chand heard this, he gazed upon the earth
and upon the sky above. ‘ What sort of son is that, who can count
the stars of heaven F He alone can pay his mother the price of her milk.

If, mother, thou hadst desired cow’s
milk, I could have bought it in
the market, and given it to thee.
But for thy milk I am without
resource. Mother, my whole body
hath been nourished by thy milk.
Thy milk is beyond price.’ His
mother answered, ‘ It was not the
milk of cow or buffalo that I gave
thee to drink, ’twas the milk of my
bosom. Thou art forgetting* the
milk. Be not an ascetic. Protect
me in days and nights of trouble
(lit. on thick days and nights).
Some day 0 my son, be a help to

me in calamity. So, go not forth to become an ascetic. Say not
so, Gopi Chand.’

2. £ Bring hither, mother Maina, sword aud dagger, that I may
plant them in my liver. Or else let me go forth to be an ascetic.
Give me, mother, thy milk as a free gift. Thine own ascetic of a
foreign land beginneth to entreat thee.’ His mother replied, £ Live
my son and be an ascetic. Go thou forth, but come back to me.
Great is the spiritual reward of visiting holy places and performing
vows.’ £ Mother, the day of meeting me again is gone far off. Say
not, mother ££ It is I who have given the free gift.” It is God who
giveth me my birth, and decideth my fate.’

3. Gopi Chand leaveth his elephants. He leaveth his camels in
the camel-stables, and his horses in the horse-stables. Nine hundred
Paithan attendants doth he leave behind. Five hundred damsels and
princes weep for him. Nine hundred wedded wives weep for him.
His mother Maina dasheth down the throne and weepeth for him.
The swans weep on the turrets of his house ; in the villages weep the
cultivators ; on the way, the wayfarers ; and by the well, the girls

£ If thou desire milk of cow or
buffalo, I will buy it in the mar¬
ket and give it to thee. I will fill
my father’s tank with it, and with
it wilt thou recover* the price of
the milk. Even if I gave all this
I would not be free from the debt.
Do thou, 0 mother, give me a free
gift of the milk, for the sake of
virtue (i. e., as a free gift).’

£ Thou appearest, 0 my ascetic,
to me, as amongst men of another
land. I give thee, 0 son, the milk
as a free gift, but mark this much
of my words.

* <TTT ^f*T, to recover, cf. #

7 vj

it has not been lost. So also
to be found, recovered.

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand. 47

‘ So beloved is he of us who goeth forth

1885.]

who came to fetch water.

as an ascetic.’

4. Thou wilt have to wander
through the three worlds, but go
not to the land of thy sister Birna.
The heart of thy sister will burst
and she will die when she heareth
that her brother hath become an
ascetic.’

Young Satraniya whom he had
married in his youth, she also
catcheth him by the cloth and stand-
eth. ‘ Thou, my husband, art becom¬
ing an ascetic, what support wilt thou
give me before thou goest.’# Gopi
Chand (refused to hear her and)
became like an image of stone. f

5. His first halting place J was
in the plantain-forest and the does
of the forest as they see him, weep.
(Banspati, the Egeria of the
forest) plucked and offered him
fruits of the forest to eat. £ Eat
O ascetic, the fruit of my forest.’

£ I will not eat food, 0 mother, nor
will I drink water. Tell me where
is Birna’s city.’ When she heard
these words Banspati said ‘ Birna’s

# or a sup¬

port.

t \/ means to settle upon, but

the sentence in which occurs is

quite unintelligible. The words are
written exactly as the singer gave them,
but even he did not know their meaning.
The sentence might perhaps mean ‘ The
bee ( i . e. Gopi Chand) immediately on
settling flew away,’ as if he was only
paying a short visit to his home. A
reference to the introduction will show
that this was the case.

t Wf is literally 4 a roosting place.’

4. Then said his mother Maina
£ Hear, my son, my words.
Throughout the three worlds may’st
thou ask for alms, but go not thou
to the land of thy sister.’ £ Well
hast thou done, 0 mother, to re¬
mind me. Thou hast caused me
to remember my forgotten sister.’
‘ Thy sister hath been weeping for
these six months, for all her
hopes are fixed upon her parent’s
house.’

5. Gopi Chand’s first stage fell
in the Plantain forest. At even
mother Banspati of the wood
weepeth. The does of the forest
wept, and as they heard it the
leaves of the forest fell down.
When she saw his form and ap¬
pearance Banspati opened (her
flute) and played in the second
watch after midnight. She felt
pity for him. £ Great tigers and

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Ghand.

[No. 1,

city is six months’ jonrney distant.
Thou wilt die without food and
water. The path to thy sister
Birna is rough.’ £ O mother, hear
my prayer. In as many days as
thou dost arrive there, my mother,
in so many cause me also to arrive.’
Banspati taketh the form of a
hawk, and uplifting him in the
shape of a parrot, carrieth him to
Birna’s city.

6. He began his perambulation
of the lanes, crying, £ May ye live,
my charitable folk of the city.
Show me the way to your king’s
doorway, then will I leave your
company.

lions will devour him, before he
seeth (i. e., if he trieth to see) his
sister.’ Said Gopi Chand, ‘ Let
me die, or let me live, I will go to
my sister’s land.’ Banspati took
pity on him. She turned Gopi
Chand into a parrot, and herself
into a swan, and in an hour and
a watch set him down in his sister’s
land.

6. When Gopi Chand arrived
at his sister’s country, he applied
ashes and burnt cowdung to his
face, and hid his body beneath
his ascetic’s mantle. Through all
the lanes went he backwards and

‘ The turret is high, and the door
is low. At the door is a dried up
sandal tree. That is the king’s
doorway.’

forwards, and he found a sandal tree at the door of every one.
He could not distinguish the doorway of the king from that of
his subjects, though he went round them all. The village people
said, ‘ Reverend Sir, stay with us. Every one of us will look
after thy food.’ But Gopi Chand said, ‘0 sisters and mothers
of the village, show me the doorway of the king, for there will
I stay. I cannot stay at the doorway of any of his subjects. The

sisters and mothers of the village
replied. £ The turret is high, and
the door is low. The doorposts are
of gold, and the doors of silver.
There are there two she-elephants
named Aura and Bhaura, and a
sandal tree which hath been
withered for twelve years.’

7. So Gopi Chand went to his
sister’s door, and lit his ascetic’s
fire below it, and the sandal
tree which had been withered for
twelve years became fresh and
green. The king and the subjects
of the village saw this. £ It is not
a mere ascetic. This is some God ;

7. The ascetic went before the
sandal tree and lighteth his fire,f
and, lo, the sandal tree flowered
became fresh and green. From
above his sister Birna is watching
him, saying, £ I never saw a
reverend ascetic like this before.’
Quickly she calleth Mugiya her

* protection,

t } an ascetic’s fire.

1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chanel.

maid-servant, ‘ Go my damsel,
and ask liis caste.’ With folded
hands the ascetic saith to her,
4 Damsel, believe what I say. I am
by caste a Chhatiri. Go thou, and
tell her that, and say 44 from his
birth he hath been an ascetic of
the highest degree (siddha) .” ’
The damsel said * * * 4 Thou hast hidden
thy caste, and hast done well.

for, lo, the sandal tree which hath
been withered for twelve years
hath become fresh and green’
Mu/ga (his sister’s servant) said
4 for the sake of the withered,
withered, sandal tree, will I give the
Brahman food. The withered sandal
hath become fresh and green. This
is a wondrous ascetic.’ With four
companions in front of her, and

four behind her, in the midst came his sister. She opened the
doors of the window and beheld. One glance fell upon the ascetic,
and the other on the sandal tree. The queen saw the withered sandal
tree fresh and green, and fell in a faint.

8. Beverend sir ; tell me what

thou wantest to eat. Wilt thou

eat cooked food of the king’s house,
or wilt thou eat milk and fruit ?*

4 For twelve years, 0 damsel, I have
never burnt my hands (by cooking) .
I will eat cooked food of the king’s
house, if it come in the hand of
the Brahman Barua, nor also will
I eat that which hath been touched
by a maid-servant. My virtue as
a Chhatiri would be destroyed.
New troubles hath Ram given me.
It was written in my fate that I
should be an ascetic.’

9. When she heardf these
words the damsel went to give
notice about the food, but she for¬
gat.;]: She forgat also the other
menial services, and no one paid
attention to the food. At mid¬
night the ascetic played his fluto,

8. The damsel Mu/ga came to
ask him, 4 0 ascetic, what wilt thou
eat ? Of what food wilt thou partake,
wilt thou eat of the Raja’s food ?’
Gopi Chand replied, 4 A new cala¬
mity hath God granted to me. As
I watch the smoke, the tears flow
from mine eyes. As I see the
fire, blisters are rising on my body.
Tell the king’s Brahman to offer
me food, and then will I eat.’

9. But the damsel Mu'ga forgat
to send the food amongst her other
duties, and the Queen forgat to do
so in her dressing and adorning of
herself. Barii the Brahman also
forgat, as he ate his bhang. After
a watch after midnight no one

# The meal of an ascetic who

will not eat corn, — only fruit.

f =T ^ %.

t vfHft = Jit-

G. A. Grierson — Song of Go pi Ghand.

[No. 1,

and the sound fell upon (the ear) took care concerning his food. In
of his sister Birna. file meantime Gopi Chand played

upon his flute. ‘ My sister hath, of surety, eaten and drunk. May
my virtue increase by a fourth (if she hath not) . She hath, of a
surety eaten her meal and forgotten me. May all the food that is
in the larder be burned to ashes. Then, even if she fill nine
dishes, I will neither eat it, nor will my caste be affected (by ac¬
cepting food from a maid-servant).’ In the meantime his sister heard

the sound of the flute.

10. Quickly she calls the dam¬
sel Mugiya saying ‘ An ascetic is
fasting at the door. Quickly,
0 damsel, call the Brahman boy,
and tell him the state of affairs
about the food.’ # The damsel
goeth and calleth the Brahman.
There were thirty- six dishes of
thirty-six kinds (of food), not one
was empty. She said, i if thou
desire, 0 Brahman, thou canst feed
a hundred princes. What diffi¬
culty is there about one ascetic ?’

11. The Brahman washed his
feet, and opened the larder, and, lo,
all the food in the dishes was burnt
to ashes. t The Brahman boy thin-
keth in his mind, £ what a wonderful
thing is this that hath come to pass.’
By the damsel Mugiya he sent the
burnt foodj of those dishes saying,
‘ conceal the name of the king’s
palace. Say “ it is the food of my
poor hovel.” ’ The damsel Mugiya
took it away, saying, ‘ Ascetic, may
fire seize thy luck. The food of
the house of my king is burnt up.’

t ashes.

X the latter is the

B. word. It means burnt food of any
kind adhering to the bottom of a dish.

10. ‘ 0 Mu'ga, all in my village

have eaten, and the ascetic is fast¬
ing.’ Saith the damsel Mu'ga,
‘ what do I know ?’ She sent for
Barua the Brahman and said to
him, c serve the food quickly to
the ascetic.’ Saith Barua, ‘ what
difficulty is there about one ascetic ?
I can feed fifty-six hundred
princes.’

11. He putteth on sandals of
gold, and goeth and openeth the
larder, and seeth that fire hath
consumed the contents of the fifty-
six dishes. If you were to squeeze
out the contents of the fifty- six
dishes, then only a fistful of burnt
food would come out. Saith Barua
the Brahman, 4 0 Mu'ga, give the
ascetic his food.’ Mu'ga was by
caste an eater of broken food, but
in her language she was intelligent.
So she arrangeth cocoa-nuts, al¬
monds, dates, raisins, and five

1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Ghand.

packets of betel. She placed them on a golden dish, and tyre and the
bnrnt food in a saucer, and taking Ganges water started. ‘ Take,
0 reverend ascetic, this food. May fire seize your luck.’ The night
was pitch dark. Up rose Gopi Ghand in distress of mind. In a golden
gourd he took the water, and in the golden saucer the food.

12. When the ascetic heard the
words of the damsel, he laughed,
and the thirty-two teeth of his
mouth gleamed. By their light
he taketh the burnt food, saying,
‘ what hath my sister given me ?’
The king {i. e., the ascetic) tieth
up the burnt food in the corner of
his garment, and eateth the ashes
and dust of his fire.

13. Morning cometh, and the
dawn beginneth. He batheth in
his sister’s tank. His cloth cover-
eth the whole of his body, but
the features of his face were not
hidden. He mixeth ashes with
water, applieth them (to his face),
and standeth at his sister’s door¬
way. He foldeth his hands and
maketh supplication, ‘ 0 queen,
give me alms. Then will I leave
thy door.’

12. The night was pitch dark
and in order to see his food Gopi
Chand smiled. It was night but
thereby (through the flashing of
his teeth) it became day. He
opened his sheet and tied up the
burnt food in his knot. He drew
towards him his fire and mixed the
ashes with water. He laid them
upon five leaves, and behold it
became the five different sorts
(of food).

13. As morning cometh he
batheth in the tank. He kideth his
body under his garment, and ap¬
plieth ashes and burnt cowdung to
his face, that his sister should not
recognize him, and that he might be¬
come as an ascetic. How the thirty-
two teeth of Gopi Chand shine !
How Gopi Chand deceiveth her !
He had been all of one (dull grey)
colour, but now (after bathing) his
form became of eight colours. As

the sun rose he went to his sister’s door, and asked for alms. ‘ May
my sister’s children live long, and cause her to be happy.’

14. The damsel Mu'ga gazed at his garments, and seeing the
form and appearance of the ascetic went singing into the inner apart¬
ments. Saitli she, £ 0 sister, as was thy brother Gopi Chand whom
thou didst leave at home, such is the reverend ascetic.’ ‘ Mu/ga,
may I eat up thy brother and nephew ! (a form of abuse). If it
were my brother Gopi Chand who had come, then desolation itself
would have been populated (with the crowd of his followers). (He
would have taken with him) nine hundred horses, nine hundred
elephants, nine hundred Mughal Paithans, and nine hundred Paithan
princes.’ Said the damsel Mu'ga, ‘ if thou wilt not come with me

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

[No. 1,

to see, I will buy a damri or a dokri* of poison and eat it and die.’
(Saitli sister Birna to herself) ‘ of low caste is she, and by caste an
eater of broken food. If I go not at once, she will take a damri of
poison and die, and I will be guilty of a sin.’ So she put on her father’s
ring, her mother’s painted scarf, and her sister-in-law’s bracelet.

Four companions went before her
and four behind her. She took
alms in a golden plate. £ Take,

She maketh a mixture* of gold
and silver, and goeth to give her
brother alms. She sent it by the
damsel Mugiya, saying 'Ascetic,
take thine alms.’

15. The ascetic with folded
hands maketh supplication. ‘ 0
sister, who caretli for pebbles and
stones (like these jewels which
thou dost offer me) . Hadst thou
given me old clothes, for me to
make a beggar’s cloth of, (it would
have been better, what can I do
with money ?).’ ‘ My maid-ser¬

vants and damsels get my old
clothes. I have no clothes old
enough to tear. I swear a hun¬
dred hundred thousand times by
my brother that I have no old
clothes.’ When his sister said this

to him, he answered, £ may thy brother king Gopi Chand die. Why art
thouf taking a false oath P ’ As he gave this curse the ascetic moved
away, but his sister caught him by the cloth and detained him. £ I
will tear my royal robes and give thee a cloth. Why dost thou curse
my brother. I call upon thy Guru a hundred hundred thousand
times. Mayst thou be ashamed of having drunk thy mother’s milk.
Why hast thou cursed my brother ? ’

16. The ascetic claspeth his hand and giveth information about
himself. £ Raja Raghubansi liveth in Banka. I am grandson of

0 Reverend ascetic, (these alms),
and leave my door.’

15. £ I left all such pebbles and

stones behind in my mother’s house.
If I take these pebbles and stones
what can I do with them ?’ The
sister replied £ I am offering him
alms of gold and silver, and, lo,
he hath turned them into pebbles
and stones.’ £ If thou hadst a shawl
or double- shawl out of which I
might make an ascetic’s garment
(I might take it.)’ £ The reverend

ascetic will take nothing. Take
not so terrible a resolution (literally
oath). 0 leave my door. I have
no cloth worthy of thee.’

* hi. a mixture of dal and * Two small coins,

rice, hence of any yellow and white
things.

t 2nd pret.

1885.]

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand.

Tirloki Singh. I am the son of
Bhawanda Singh. 0 blind sister,
I am thine own* brother. In thy
good fortune thou hast become
blind. Thou didst not recognize
thinef own brother.’

17. When she heareth this, his sister saith, £ Hear, 0 Damsel, my
words. This man is not worthy to be my brother. Twelve hundred
princes are servants in my father’s palace. This ascetic is one of
them. He knoweth the names of my brother and my father. If
my brother Gopi Chand had come, four hundred Taji and Turki
horses would have come out with him. The dust would have flown (to
the skies) on account of his elephants. Who would (be able to)
count the number of his foot-soldiers ? Desolate cities would be
re-populated by them, if my brother Gopi Chand had come. There

16. When Gopi Chand heard
this, he said, ‘ thou hast obtained
wealth, and forgotten me. Dost
thou not know thine own brother,
born from the same womb as thou.
I am thine own brother of thy
father’s house.’

is the mark of a penj on my bro¬
ther’s hand.’ (She saith to the
ascetic), i How much TilaJc§ did
my brother give (my husband) P
How much dowry did he give ?’
‘ 0 sister, I gave a hundred hun¬
dred thousand Ashrafis as a TilaJc

17. ‘ I will know thee as my

brother, if thou wilt tell me what pre¬
sents I got at my marriage.’ Saith
Gopi Chand, ‘ behold, thy father’s
ring is shining (on your finger),
and thy mother’s painted scarf,
and thy sister-in-law’s bracelet.’

and the elephant Bhawara at the Dudr Pujd; I gave carts and
waggons laden with gold. Who can count the brass vessels || I gave.
I did not sum up the account of the cash I expended. My wife’s
bracelet shineth on thy wrist. My father’s ring gleameth on thy
finger. Thou art wearing a checked cloth of thy father’s house.

* ^31 =

X I. e. He is a scholar, and knows
how to write.

§ Regarding Tilah and Dudr PUja,
see Bijai Mai, vs. 104, & ff.

II = wtm + T.

t snffH, v/ tip, = f^r

T35. Compare in the song

of Bijai Mai, vs. 576. In the Magahi
version of this poem (paras. 15 and 18)
the word is Hlft a checked robe.
In Bijai Mai, however, the phrase is said
to mean a painted room.

G. A. Grierson — Song of Gopi Chand, [No. 1,

18. When his sister heard these
words she ran as a calf that hath
broken loose runneth towards its
mother. The brother and sister
embraced, and all the leaves of the
forest fell down (out of emotion) .
‘ I would make and give my
brother food, then would I ask
him news of my father’s house.

18. When his sister Birna heard
this, she caught him by his gar¬
ment, crying, 4 my mother is
deserted,* and my brother hath to¬
day become an ascetic. Sit down, sit
down, 0 brother, on the silk- cover¬
ed throne, and let me send for all
the wealth of the world and give
it to thee.’

Hath a Nawab General invaded and snatched away thy kingdom ?
I will equip an army and send it against him, and rescue thy king¬
dom from him.’ ‘ No, sister. No Nawab General hath invaded and

taken my kingdom. It was written
in my fate that I should be an
ascetic. I will not eat food, 0
sister, at thy hand. Now my hand
is empty.* Sister Birna, look at
the food (which was given me)
last night. What didst thou give
me. My luck was burnt, and
thou didst show unto mine eyesf
burnt food. The burden^ hath
been removed from thy city.’ The
ascetic untied and showed the
burnt food to his sister, and then
her heart burst and she died.

‘ At thy door, 0 sister, what
can I do P If I had two or three
pice I would have bought bangles
and given them to thee.f ’ Then
said her husband’s mother and
sister. c Last night didst thou eat
of food which had been touched by
the hand of Mu/ga. And now that
thou hast been recognized, thou dost
obstinately persist (in refusing to
accept our hospitality)’. When his
sister Birna heard what things
and of what kind he had eaten,
and when she saw„ in the knot of
his sheet, the burnt food, she cried,

‘ woe is me ’, and died.

* He reproaches her with her scurvy
treatment of him, when she thought
he was a Jogi. means ‘ empty.’

In regard to food, and especially rice, it
idiomatically means ‘plain,’ e. g. 0$^

*TT*r ,‘AmI to eat rice and noth¬
ing else ? ’

t *stTf^T =

+ I. e., a beggar is like a burden to
the city, and this is the way you have
tried to get rid of him.

is a corruption of

f A brother is by custom always
bound to give his sister a present when
leaving her house after a visit.

1885.] C. J. Rodgers — On some more Copper Coins of AJcbar.

19. King Gopi Chand consi¬
dered in his heart, the words of
my mother have come true. He
draweth from his waistband knives
and daggers, and pntteth them to
his throat. But God above seized
and stopped him, saying, ‘ Why, 0
my ascetic, dost thou kill thyself.
There is ambrosia in thy finger.’
So he split his finger and gave his
sister (ambrosia) to drink (and
she came to life again). Then the
ascetic went off on his wanderings.

19. (Saitli Gopi Chand to him¬
self), ‘ Let me strike myself with
knife and dagger, and let the bro¬
ther die in the place of his sister. ’
Then up came Narayana in the
form of a Brahman, and caught
hold of him, crying, ‘ Ho, sinful
one, in thy little finger is ambrosia.
Give it to thy sister to drink ; and
thy dead sister will come to life ;
and do thou take the form of a
bee, and go away and be an ascetic.’
(Here the sister is supposed to come
to life , and Gopi Chand to go away.)

20. His sister arose and sat up. Through every lane she wept.
She caught the sandal tree and wept ; and the sandal tree replied,
4 Why dost tlion weep ? Thy brother hath become an ascetic.’ Then
cried the sister, ‘ woe is me ’, and the earth opened and she entered
into it (and was swallowed up by it). And thus was broken the
relationship of brother and sister between these two.

On some more Copper Coins of AJcbar. — By Chas. J. Rodgers, Principal ,

Normal College , Amritsar.

(With a Plate.)

When in 1881 I wrote a paper on the Copper Coins of Akbar, it.
was with much diffidence that I put forward any views of my own.
Those views were in fact only deductions from the coins I had before
me. Mr. Thomas in a short but friendly paper opposed my deductions.
He corrected the reading of one coin from dam to damrct. I need not
say that I knew the inscription would bear this interpretation. I had,
however, never seen this word in any books on Indian coins, not even
in Mr. Thomas’s most exhaustive treatises. I quite agree with him that
a clamrd may be two damris. I was attacked somewhat personally by
an anonymous writer in the Pioneer who evidently had not been guilty
of such patient research as myself. He said Akbar never struck coins
bearing the word tdnlce. A look at my plates must have upset his un¬
founded assertion.

I have, however, to plead guilty of making another mistake. I read
a word on several coins as sikJca. This word, General Cunningham has

C. J. Rodgers — On some more Copper Coins of Ahbar. [No. 1,

kindly pointed out to me, shonld be tanlcah. I quite agree with this
correction and am very thankful to the General for the kind manner in
which he brought it to my notice. One other reading was also cor¬
rected. Here my coin was in fault. I read it Zarb-i-Illahabas. On
the plainest coins it is certainly Muhr-i-Illahdbds. It is seldom per¬
haps so many mistakes are made in one paper. I can only plead the
fact that I was busy in making preparations for my furlough and that
I had not time to consult my more learned and experienced fellow-
numismatists. None, however, of my critics give me credit for introduc¬
ing to notice so many novelties. A careless perusal of my short paper
will show that I proved the fulus to be a coin of uncertain weight, that
I gave a yah tdnhe , a do tdnhe , a damrd , a damn and several tanhahs
besides the coins of several mints up to that time unpublished and of
several up to that time unknown. This I mention to show that my
paper was not without some value in spite of its faults. Since 1881, I
have kept up my researches and am able now to give a new series of
coins which I shall leave to speak for themselves.

The coins I have drawn are all of pure copper. Some are very
thick as will be seen from the plate where the two lines under the coins
indicate their thickness. The weight of each is given under it in grains.

They are as follows (see Plate I) : —

(1.)

Obv.

Rev.

l^pl Pd

•*

(2-)

Obv.

Ditto

Rev.

ppj.*hfoJUi^!

(3.)

Obv.

jiS\ ^.8 sd\j.

Rev.

(4.)

Obv.

Ditto

Rev.

^p! P^ yds *U>

, w

(5.)

Obv.

Lw •.A^f &XAJ

Sr ^ '

Rev.

CgP1

\C£>jsO J jiiLjt ^*5

(6.)

Obv.

Rev :

C5pt P** *l/0

(7.)

Obv.

Rev.

(8.)

Obv.

ditto (without mint)

Rev.

(9.)

Obv.

same as (7)

Rev.

C5p( PT 2^

(10.)

Obv.

Rev.

geometrical figures.

(11.)

Obv.

Rev.

ditto.

(12.)

Obv.

Rev.

C5pl PP dtd

(13.)

Obv.

Rev.

(_5pf r i

(14.)

Obv.

yZ\ yds

Rev.

p i y>

Of these coins Nos. 1, 2, 12 are the property of my venerable and
kind friend General Cunningham, No. 11 is from an impression by the
same gentleman at Lucknow in 1840, and given to me some years back.

1885.] 0. J. Rodgers — On some more Copper Coins of Akbar.

No. 3 is the property of Dav. Ross, Esq., C. I. E., M. R. A. S., &c.
Traffic Manager Sind, Panjab and Delhi Railway. No. 14 belongs to L.
White King, Esq., 0. S., a most indefatigable numismatist. The remain¬
der are from my own poor cabinet.

By comparing this list of coins with that published in my former

paper, it will be seen that of Akbar’s Copper Coins we have, now, know¬
ledge of the following : —

weights in grains.

The one tanke

The two tanke

108, 109.

The one tanke

fxJ t£lj

4 ♦♦

58-8.

The damri

40.

The damra

76.

The fulus

326,

149, 38, 37.

The mohur

316.

The tankah

AxjJ 618,

, 620, 623*4, 626.

The half tankah

317-5, 309.

The fourth part of the tankah

153-1.

The eighth part ditto

AXX)

39-5.

The sixteenth part ditto

Alb

Jl+aj

37-5, 38-5.

The nisfe

154-5.

I know of only one on e-tanke piece and of only one on e-tanke piece
both of which are given in my papers, and neither of which belongs to me.
I have seen only one nisfe and one-fourth part of a tankah and one
eighth part. Sixteenth parts are common. I have about a dozen of
them. The tankah is as rare as it is larg-e. The halves are still rarer.
The two given in my paper are the only ones I have yet seen. The
cabinets of other numismatists and of museums may contain others. Of
the mohur one specimen is published by the Honorable Syud Ahmad,
C. S. I., in his edition of the Ain-i-Akbari. But in a conversation I had
the other day with him, he disputed this reading, and was inclined to
my former reading zarb.

I am not going to bring forward any views of my own on this occa¬
sion, or make any deductions from the coins. I will simply quote a
letter sent me by General Cunningham, after we had discovered the
tankah and its parts, and thus fixed the weight of this coin.

My dear Rodgers,

Simla , 5 th July , 1883.

Ever since we got the Tanka of Akbar fixed I have been think¬
ing of Akbar’s revenues, and at last I think that I see some light.

C. J. Rodgers — On some more Copper Coins of Akbar. [No. 1,

Thomas began his reasoning with an assumption that “ there can
be very little contest about the value of Nizam-ud- Din’s pieces designa¬
ted as Tankah-i-Muradi.’’ He takes them to be the same as the old
Sikandari tanka of twenty to the rupee (p. 7, Akbar’s Revenues) which
is certainly wrong. He assumes that they were so ; but gives no proofs,
nor even any arguments.

Now let us examine the facts : —

He Laet gives Akbar’s revenue on Jahangir’s accession in two
forms : thus : —

VI. Arab et 98 caror Dam.
or III. Arab et 49 caror Tangarum.

Now here is a new proof of 1 Tanga = 2 Dams.

Abul Fazl’s collected amounts
come to

Nizam- ud-Din’s statement
De Laet’s statement

Arabs kross taklis.

67,

83,

383 dams.

40,

00,

000

muradi tan

kas.

98,

00,

000

dams.

Put in this way it seems clear to me that Nizam-ud-Din’s muradi
tanlcas , are the common darris of Akbar. I do not understand the name
of Muradi , but I think it possible that there may be a mistake in this
name ; and for the following reason : —

I have two copper coins of Akbar, like your No. 15, — but both of
them used jy° muhr instead of zarb. Muhr-i-Ilahdbds , the stamp or
coin of Ilahdbds. (See No. 13 of my present plate, which I have drawn
from a perfect coin of my own two, illustrate this portion of General
Cunningham’s letter.) The name of the coins would then become
Muhrawi, and hence I take them to be the real pieces inten¬
ded by the corrupt name of Muradi. Can you refer to any MS. of
the Tabaqat-i-Akbari ?

Had Nizam-ud-din intended the tankas of Akbar, there was no
necessity for calling them by any other name than simply tankas , as
written on the coins themselves. But as dam was a new name, intro¬
duced by Akbar himself, it seems highly probable that the coins of
the same weight as Akbar’s dams were previously known as tankas with
some qualifying title. (In fact Sher Shah’s 320 grain coins were called
tankas .)

(By the way my two heavy (640 grain) tankahs of Akbar are not
from your Dehli mint but from Bairat, as I read the name — I will of
course send them to you.)

Now as to Akbar’s revenue. Turn to Thomas, p. 52 and add up
Shah Jalnin’s revenues from the same provinces as Akbar held. The

1885.] C. J. Dodgers — On some more Copper Coins of Akbar. 59

total is 18 krors -f 50 lacs of rupees. Now compare the progressive

revenues in

krors and lakhs of

rupees.

Krors

lakhs*

/ Abul Fazl

14,

Akbar

< Nizam-ud-Din

16,

\ De Laet

17,

Shah Jahan

18,

Same provinces

Shah Jahan later

22,

Aurangzeb

26,

Ditto

35,

Ditto

38,

Ditto

30,

17 after loss of provinces*

Now these

figures of progressive

revenue show incontestably that

Akbar’s revenue could not have been more than 16 krors, — and the
double statement of De Laet, in tankas and damsr is specially clear
and serves to fix the value of Nizam-ud-Din’s Muradi tankas as simple
Akbari dams ..

I am,

very sincerely yours,

A. Cunningham.

I, on my own part, would only draw attention to the fact that these
tanJcahs of Akbar, and the different parts of the same coin, seem to
have been all struck in the last ten years of his reign, between 40 and
50 Ilahi. The weight of the seems to make it as a half dam.

At the same time I must say I have never yet seen a coin with the name
dam on it. The Honorable Syud Ahmad told me he had seen one.

From the weights given above, it would seem that the tanJcah weighed
about 640 grs. The half 320, the quarter 160, the eighth part 80, the
sixteenth part 40. Against this, however, we have the weights of two
coins published in my former paper Nos. 18 and 19 of Gobindpiir and
Dogam which are called tanJcahs and weigh 327 and 319 grains. The
Bairat* tanJcahs and half tanJcahs , the Agra quarter and the Delhi

# For interesting facts regarding Bairat, see the Reports of the Archaeological
Survey of India, Vol. II, pp. 342-6, and Yol. VI, pp. 91-103. It was famous for its
copper mines. I am ignorant of the position of Dogam. There are several Gobindpurs.
We want sadly a Historical Geography of the Muhammadan period. Conquerors
changed the names of places. The names remained for a time and were allowed
then to fall into disuse. Thus Aduni was called by Aurangzeb Imtiydzgurh. Rupees
were struck bearing this latter name. I have seen several though I possess none,
I should Like to know where Alamyipu) is, and a lot of other places*

60 C. J. Rodgers — Some Coins of Ranjit Deo. [No. 1,

sixteenth parts, however, show that in other parts of the empire there was
one acknowledged standard weight for the tankah.

I do not intend this paper as an answer to the kind papers of Mr.
Thomas and Mr. Keene. It is rather an apology for my former paper
and its mistakes, and is intended as an additional contribution to our
knowledge of Akbar’s copper coinage. I do not know the date of the
completion of the A'in-i-Akhari , but in it a very incomplete account is
given of Akbar’s copper coinage. Our cabinets, however, provide us
with coins of the whole reign from the 963 year coins of Narnol to the
50th Ilalii year coins of Agra. It remains for historians and revenue
officers to discuss the matter in the light these new coins give.

I may add that the Ain Akbari gives many subdivisions of the
rupee of Akbar, and that as my cabinet contains specimens of each
piece, I shall, if I can find time, give a plate of these subdivisions.

P. S. Since the above was in press I have visited Agra, Muttra and
Delhi and have obtained two Agra tankahs ; several nim tank ales, one of
Agra ; two chhdrum hissa i tankahs , and one Kabul do tanke piece. All
these tend to confirm what I have advanced in this paper.

Some Coins of Ranjit Deo , king of Jummu a hundred years ago . — By
Chas. J. Rodgers, Principal , Normal College ,, Amritsar ,

(With a Plate.)

In the first year of the present century Ranjit Singh “ the Lion
of the Panjab ” conquered Lahore. For many years after that event,
he was so constantly engaged in subduing the whole of the cities and
states of the Panjab that his name and fame seem to have hidden alto¬
gether the name of a better man who bore the name of Ranjit Deo and
who ruled in the hill state of Jummu or Jummun as we shall see from
coins.

Writing of Jummu, Mr. Frederick Drew in “ The Northern Barrier
of India says : “A century ago the old regime was flourishing under
Raja Ranjit Deo ; he is still spoken of with the highest respect as a
wise administrator, a just judge, and a tolerant man. At that time the
direct rule of the Jummu Raja hardly extended so much as twenty miles
from the city ; but he was lord of a number of feudatory chiefs, of such
places as Akhnur, Dalpatpur, Kiramchi and Jasrota, all in the outer
Hill tract, chiefs who governed their own subjects, but paid tribute to
and did military service for, their liege lord of Jummu.

# Chapter III, pp. 40, 41.

1885.]

C. J. Rodgers — Some Coins of Ranjit Deo.

“ During a portion of the year they would be present at that city,
attending the court of the ruler and holding separate ones themselves.
At this day various spots in the town are remembered where each of
these tributaries held its court on a minor scale. Doubtless there was
some petty warfare, resulting sometimes in an extension and sometimes
in a contraction of the power of the central ruler ; but usually the chiefs
were more occupied in sport than in serious fighting, and, in fact, the
various families had continued in nearly the same relative positions for
great lengths of time.”

“ From the time of Ranjit Deo’s death the fortunes of Jummu
became more dependent than before on the world outside the rugged
hills, the result being a change in, and at length almost a complete
break-up of, the old system of government.”

Mr. Drew does not tell us when Ranjit Deo ascended the throne
or when he died. He adds in a foot note “ Ranjit Singh was of the
Jat caste, and was in no way connected with Ranjit Deo or with any
of the Dogra tribe.” We learn, however, from the “ History of the
Panjab,”* Yol. I, p. 219, that in 1762 A. D. Ahmad Shah Durrani after
almost annihilating the Sikhs in an engagement near Ludhiana, a dis¬
aster “ characterized in Sikh tradition as the ghulu ghara or bloody
carnage,” “his attention was turned towards Kashmir where his
governor Sukh Jewan had for nine years conducted the administration
without remitting any portion of the revenues to the royal treasury.
The co-operation of Ranjit Deo, Raja of Jummu, having been secured,
with some difficulty, a strong detachment was sent from Lahore, under
the command of Kur-ud-Din, and the Raja conducted it across the Pir
Panjal mountains into the valley, which submitted after a slight resis¬
tance. Sukh Jewan being made a prisoner was punished with the loss
of his eyes. Ahmad Shah, having made these arrangements to secure
his territory east of the Indus, returned to Kabul at the end of the year
1762 A. D.”

The same writer tells us on p. 237, — “ The Hill Raja of Jummu
Ranjit Deo, had a misunderstanding with his eldest son, Brij Raj, and
desired to set aside his pretensions to the succession in favour of the
youngest, Mian Dulel Singh. In order to secure his hereditary rights,
Brij Raj broke into rebellion, and applied to Charat Singh, f offering a
large yearly tribute, on condition of his aiding to depose his father. Charat
Singh having an old enmity against Ranjit Deo, closed with the offer,
and strengthening himself by association with Jai Singh of the Ghania
Misl, their united forces marched into the hills, and encamped at

* London, Wm. H. Allen and Co., 1846.

f The father of Maha Singh and grandfather of Ranjit Singh.

62 C. J. Rodgers — Some Goins of Ranjit Deo. [No. 1,

Udhachar, on the banks of the Basantar river. The Raja having timely
notice of the designs of the heir-apparent, had made corresponding pre¬
parations for resistance. The defence of the capital he reserved to
himself, but collected a force to oppose the invasion, composed of
auxiliaries from Chamba, Nurpur, Basehar, and Kangra, in the hills,
to which were added, besides a party of his own troops, the confedera¬
ted forces of the Bhangi Misl, under Jhanda Singh, whom he induced
to lend his services in the extremity. The two armies lay encamped
on opposite sides of the Basantar, and in a partial skirmish between
the Sikh auxiliaries Charat Singh was killed by the bursting of his own
matchlock.

He was 45 years of age, and had risen from a common Dharwi or
highway man, to be Sardar of a separate Misl, with a territory compu¬
ted to yield -about three lakhs of rupees. He left a widow, Desan by
name, with two sons and a daughter, called respectively Maha Singh,
Subuj Singh and Raj Kanwar. The eldest son, Maha Singh, then ten
years of age, succeeded to the Sardari ; but the widow and Jai Singh
Ghania assumed the immediate direction of affairs. It was determined
by them to assassinate Jhanda Singh Bhangia, who was the mainstay
of the Jummu Raja’s party, and the avowed enemy of both the Sukar
Chakia and Ghania Misls. A sweeper was tempted by a large bribe to
undertake this hazardous enterprise, and he succeeded in effecting his
purpose by firing at, and mortally wounding the Bhangi chief, as he was
walking unattended through the Jummu camp. The Sukar Chakia and
Ghania Sikhs being satisfied with the revenge thus taken, withdrew
soon after from the enterprise in which they had been engaged. The
Bhangi troops had simultaneously left the opposite camp on the death
of their chief. Thus Brij Raj Deo was left alone to settle with his
father, his rights of inheritance to the Raj : before the departure of
Maha Singh, however, he went through the ceremony of an exchange of
turbans with Brij Raj, which bound him to brotherhood for life.
These events occurred in 1774 A. D,”

Rai Kanhiya Lai, Bahadur, in his Urdu History of the Panjab,
Lahore, 1877, gives some further particulars (p. 119) of this matter. He
says that in those days the city of Jummu was regarded as the abode
of peace and safety, that bankers and merchants had fled from the
Sikli-spoiled plains of the Panjab and had taken refuge in Jummu where
Ranjit Deo was too strong for the Sikhs to attempt anything against
him. He gives the name of the battle as Dasu-suhara in the govern¬
ment of Zafarwal. The sweeper, he says, was a Muzhabi khidmatgar.
(The Mazhabis* are sweepers, but they have always been an honoured

* The word mazhubi means religious.

1885.] C. J. Rodgers — Some Coins of Can jit Deo. 63

and trusted people since 1675 A. D., in wliieli year some Sweepers
rescued tlie mutilated body of tlie Guru Tegli Bahadur from the streets
of Dehli where it had been exposed by Aurangzeb. We have several
regiments of Mazhabi Sikhs in our Indian army at the present day, and
their deeds in arms show that “ trust breeds trust.”) He adds that
Ranjit Deo gave Jai Singh 150,000 rupees for the assistance he had
rendered. But here as in other places he gives us no clue as to when
the event happened. There is a dispute as to whether this affair took
place in 1771 or 1774. The latter date seems to be supported by the
best authorities. The histories of Kashmir that I have consulted say
nothing at all about Ranjit Deo.

Jummu figures little in history after this. In 1812 A. D., Ranjit
Singh, although busy with his plans for obtaining the Koh-i-Niir diamond
from the blind refugee Shah Zaman, found time for making arrange-
ments for the conquest of the hill states south of the Kashmir valley,,
Jummu was captured by his newly married son Kharrak Singh, says
Cunningham in his History of the Sikhs. Kanhiya Lai says* that
Diwan Bhawani Das took Jummu from the Pahari Dogra Dedo in an
expedition which lasted only one month. He also tells usf that Kasiir
Singh the father of the three brothers who made such a figure in tho
court of Ranjit Singh, — Dliyan Singh, Gulab Singh and Suchet Singh — -
was a descendant of the Rajas of Jummu. In Macgregor’s History of
the Sikhs, Yol. I, p. 168, J we read “ During this year (1812), Bhai
Ram Singh, who was the Peshkar of Kharrak Singh, received Jummu,
in jagir.” From these three somewhat different accounts we may learn
that Jummu was conquered by the Lion of the Pan jab in 1812.

In the Urdu T ari kh-i-Makhazan-i-Pan j ab by Gulam Sarwar pub¬
lished by Hawwal Kishore we have without dates a genealogical table
which is interesting although I cannot vouch for its correctness, and
which is given at the end of this paper.

The author tells us that in the time of Brij Raj Deo matters were
in the greatest confusion in Jummu. He does not tell us whether he
had any family or not. The Dogra Raja Dedo mentioned by Kanhiya
Lai may be his son. I regret that I can give no dates and so little
information about Ranjit Deo. I think, however, that I have shown who
he was and the position that he held in the Panjab at a time when its
history is little known. The time in which he lived was one of utter
lawlessness, yet his little state was the abode of peace and safety
((jUAfjD). The Afghan Ahmad Shah had overrun the Panjab.

# Urdu History of tlie Panjab, p. 209.

f Ibid., p. 259.

$ London, James Madden 1846.

64 C, J. Rodgers — Some Corns of Ranjit Deo . [No. 1,

The Sikh Misls, twelve in number, were then rising into power, and as
each one rose, it strove to overpower all the others. In Dehli, a blind
king was on the throne, and his servants misruled the country on their
own account, and murdered each other according to their own sweet
wills. Nevertheless during all this misrule, the coins of the empire
were struck in the name of that blind king Shah ATam II. I have
rupees of every year of his struck in Dehli and other places, and he
reigned 49 years. Some time ago I obtained a rupee of his 24th year.
The inscriptions on it are (see plate I, fig. 1.)

Obv. | l q

Rev. rp &&»»

This coin I attribute to Ranjit Deo. It was struck as we see at
Jummoo in the name of Shah ATam. The year is that of the Hejirah,
and the year of the reign corresponds. Shah Alam’s rupee of the 1st
year is dated 1174. But he may be said to have commenced his reign
in 1172. The Dehli rupee I have of his 23rd year is dated 1195 A. H.
This Jummoo rupee of the 24th year is dated 1196 A. H. The 26th
year is 1197, the 27th 1199, and the 28th 1200. So that this Jummoo
rupee takes its place in quite a correct manner in the list.

It will be noticed how the title of the city “ D&r-ul-Aman ” the
“ Gate of safety ” agrees with the description of its condition under
Ranjit Deo as given above by Rai Kanhiya Lai.

Whether Ranjit Deo acknowledged the sovereignty of Dehli or
not, I cannot say. His rupee has on it the name of the nominal
suzerain of India, a name found on all the coins of the East India
Company and on coins struck at Muhammadabad (Benares), Indarpur,
Mustaqir-ul- Khil af at Agra, Ahmadnagar Earrukhabad, Muradabad,
Dehli, Muhammadnagar, Dar-ul-Barakat, Dar us Sarur Saharanpur,
Najibabad; Barelli, Lutfabad Barelli, Tirath Hurdwar, Muzaffargarh,
Arcot, Maheswar (=Maisore). I have not yet found a coin of Shah
Alam II struck in Lahore or in any mint of the Panjab proper. As I
showed in my paper on “ The Coins of the Sikhs,” the Sikh Common¬
wealth commenced striking rupees in A. D. 1765, a practice which
they continued with few interruptions under their many rulers up to
A. D. 1849, in Lahore, Amritsar, Multan, Peshawar, Kashmir, &c.

However shortly after this in the 27th year of Shah ATam II, we
find Ranjit Deo striking coins at Jummu in his own name, on which he
uses the Sambat year, but strange to say, still retains the year of the reign
of Shah Alam, and on which he places the symbol of imperial power — the
umbrella — so frequently occurring on the coins of that suzerain.

1885.]

C. J. Rodgers — Some Coins of Ranjit Deo,

See Plate I, fig. 2.

Obv. I can’t decipher this

| A j* |

Rev.

(c> not present).

fig. 3.

Ofer. Same as fig. 2, but with addition of below j
which word is in full.

Rev.. Same as No. 2 , but year PA
fig. 4. Obv. and Rev . same as fig. 3 with variations.

1196 A. H. corresponds with 1781 A. D., and is on the coin the
24th year of Shah Alam. The Samvat year 1841 corresponds with
1784 A. D., and is on the coins the 27th and 28th years of Shah Alam.
These coins therefore were struck about 10 years after the disagreement
Ranjit Deo had with his son. They are the only coins of Ranjit Deo
I have yet met with during many years of continuous search. They
show us what valuable aid coins may give us in unravelling and illus¬
trating history.

Of the title of the city of Jammu found on the coins, Dar

ul-Aman, we may incidentally remark that the same title is found on
some of Humayun’s anonymous coins struck at A'gra. It was also
the title given to Multan more because of the rhyme than the reason.
We find it on the rupees of Aurangzeb and his successors, and also on
the coins of the Sikhs struck at Multan. The strong fort of this place
may, however, often have afforded shelter to the people of the western
Panjab where it was the only stronghold of any size or importance.

The numbers under the coins indicate their weight in grains. Five
rupees struck at five different Indian mints of Shah Alam average I find
17P3 grs. So that the Jummu rupees had nothing to do with the
old silver coinage of Kashmir but were coins of the Empire, over which
Shah Alam exercised nominal sovereignty.

Since writing the above I have had lent me “ A History of the
Reigning Family of Lahore with some account of the Jummoo Rajahs ”
by Major Gf. Carmichael Smyth, Calcutta, W. Thacker and Co., 1847,
a book published by subscription and now very rare. The author
supplies what no one of the authorities I quote from gave me the dates .
Ranjit Deo was born in 1724 A. D. He ascended the throne in 1742
and reigned “ in peace and prosperity till 1780 A. D, when he died,”

[No. 1,

66 C. J. Rodgers — Some Goins of Ranjit Deo.

The only matter not noticed by the authorities I have used, but de¬
scribed by Major Smyth is that Ranjit Deo was imprisoned by the
governor of Lahore from 1749 to 1760 A. D., when he escaped on a
horse no one could tame except himself. After visiting his mountain
home, however, he returned to Lahore and to captivity, but the governor
was so much struck with this noble conduct he allowed him to return
to Jummu.

P. S. — I have just obtained some more specimens of the coins of Ranjit
Deo. From a comparison of five I am able to complete the deciphering
of the inscription on the obverse. It is as follows : —

(Je efjfy

which may be literally translated thus : —

Ranjit Deo peopled this part, Lachmi Narain made glad its heart.

Genealogical Table (see p. 63).

Sarang Deo.

Bal Deo.

;t .

Guja Singh.

Devi Deo.

Bharat Deo.

Ranjit Deo. Utar Deo. Balwant Deo. Aghniar Deo. Surat Singh.

Brij Raj Deo.

Mian Sota

Snkharia

Mian Bhopa

by a Jarukhiya wife

, - A

Mian Z ora war Singh.

Dilawar Singh.

Kasur Singh.

I ~ . i |

Dhyan Smgh. Gnlab Singh. Suchet Singh.

His son is the present Maharaja of
Jummu and Kashmir.

1885.] 0. d. Rodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah Abddllu

The Coins of Ahmad Shah Ahddlli or Ahmad Shah Durrani, — By Chas.

J. Rodgees, Principal , Normal College 5 Amritsar.

(With Plate II.)

The Panjab, the Border land of India has been invaded oftener
than any other country in the whole world. The more than dozen
incursions of Mahmud of Gazni, the five or six of Muhammad Gori>
the terrible visitation of Taimiir, the plundering expedition of the
execrable Nadir, and the frequent invasion of Ahmad Shall the con¬
querors of the Mahrattas at Panipat were all borne by the Panjab.
Scarcely any other part of India suffered from them, or if they did,
the Panjab suffered both before and after. No good accrued to any
province of India from any one of these inflictions. The work done
by each of these scourges was one of destruction and not of construc¬
tion. No public works attest the presence of these mighty ones in
India. And yet each one has left behind him some sign of his hated
though short rule. Mr. Thomas has edited the coins struck in India
by Mahmud and his successors, and those cf Muhammad Gori. I
myself edited in a late paper the only known Indian coin of Timur,
a miserable copper damri. In my late furlough I edited the coins
which Nadir Shah struck during his short and disastrous visit to DehlL
I propose in the present paper to give a short account of the coins
which the successor of Nadir Shah, — Ahmad Shah Abdalli struck in
India. If we bear in mind that the striking of coins in India is a pre¬
rogative of royalty, and one which has always been exercised the mo¬
ment a man sat on the throne ; moreover if we remember that the
mint was carried with the royal camp,* we shall at once see that if we
collect specimens of each year and of each mintage, we shall have a
chronological account if the events of the reign in coins : we shall also
see the expansion of each king’s rule or otherwise.

Ahmad Shah invaded India several times. On each occasion he
struck coins. If in a place only a few days, the numismatic records are
not silent about the visit. The king may have been dominant before
his coming and after he had gone. But during the time the invader
stayed, he coined. Hence we often have coins struck in one year at the
same place by the conquering and the conquered ruler. This it is
which lends interest to the coins of Ahmad Shah Durrani. They are
not old. But they are becoming rarer every day. Indeed it is seldom
they are now met with. As they are the only relics of the man who

* I have lately become possessed of a dirham of Baber’s struck in the camp
(Urdu ,5^)|)- Urdu Zafar Qarin is a common mint of Akbar’s.

C. J. Rodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah AhcldlU. [No. 1,

saved us the trouble of destroying the Mahrattas, and as they illustrate
his movements in India so exactly, I have deemed it worthy of me as
a numismatist to rescue the coins from oblivion and the inevitable
melting-pot.

Ahmad Shah was no relative of Nadir Shah. He was by birth of
the Abdalli tribe and was probably born at Multan. The Abdalli tribe
trace their origin to a descendant of Abraham named Qis who flourished
in the time of Muhammad, and who embraced the doctrines of Islam.

I do not think this the place to go further into this matter. Suffice
it to say, that Ahmad Shah was the most trusted of all the members
of the court of Nadir. Nadir was not happy with respect to his own
children. During his lifetime he is said to have told Ahmad Khan that
after his death, he would be king.

Nadir Shah was slain by his officers on the 11th of Jamadi-ul-
Akhir 1160 A. H. The next day Ahmad Khan defeated the conspirators,
and possessing himself of all the treasure of his murdered master, fled
to Kandahar. There is a story told by the historian of Ahmad Shah
that, when Ahmad had performed two days’ journey towards Kandahar,
a faqir named Sabir Shah with whom he had been previously inti¬
mate, approached him and said “Now Ahmad Shah you are indeed
king.” Yfhen the king said that he had not yet been crowned, the
faqir making a platform of earth led the king to it, and taking some
grass put it on his head, saying, “ This platform is your throne and this
grass your crown. I proclaim you king by the name of Ahmad Shah
Durrani.” This name the king adopted instead of his former tribal
name Abdalli. Durr is a pearl. Ahmad on some of his coins styles
himself Durr-i-Durran the pearl of pearls. This Sabir Shah at first
stayed with Ahmad, but being sent on a message to Lahore, he was there
murdered.

Arriving in Kandahar Ahmad Shah was formally crowned. He
ordered coins to be struck bearing the following couplet : —

jsLoo [j j!

gL.j G y jj j

Immediately afterwards we find him on his way through Gazni to
Kabul which he reduced, and afterwards he obtained possession of
Peshawar, whence he returned to Kandahar. Settling his affairs there
and hastily collecting an army of about 12,000 horse with which he
entered the Panjab, he was before Lahore, ere the letter containing an
account of his invasion had reached Dehli. The Governor of Lahore
fled, and all the arsenal fell into the conqueror’s hands. He did not
let the grass grow under his feet. Meanwhile the worn-out Mogul
Muhammad Shah sent his son and prime minister Qamar-ud-Din to

1885.] C. J. Rodgers — The Goins of Ahmad Shah Abdalli.

dispute liis progress. The armies met at Malupur, six kos from Sarhind.
There were skirmishes for several days, during one of which the prime
minister Qamar-ud-Din was killed. In a general engagement which
ensued, the Afghans bethought them of some rockets they had found
at Lahore. They essayed to use them against the enemy, but unfor¬
tunately they did not know how to discharge them. Instead there¬
fore of injuring their foes, they hurt themselves, for they put the rockets
in the wrong way. The Durrani army being thus self-defeated fled.
This series of engagements and the flight of the army took place in
Rabia ul Awwal 1161 A. H., or within 10 months of the murder of
Nadir, i. e., in the first year of Ahmad Shah Durrani.

My first rupee (Plate II, fig. 1) illustrates this campaign. It was
struck at Lahore in his first year The inscriptions on it are as

follows : —

jj&y AjLi«,j(jf^

J t - 1/0 r’tfr'hsQ

The reverse has on it the couplet given above and 11, portions of
the date 1161. The meaning of this couplet may be thus rendered : —

Ahmad Shah, received an order from the Unlike Powerful One

To strike coins in silver and gold from the height of the fish to the
Moon.

As Ahmad Shah the son of Muhammad Shah was returning from
the battle in which the Durrani Ahmad was defeated, he heard of the
death of his father which took place on the 26th of Rabia us Sani 1161.

I have a coin of the 2nd year of Ahmad Shah Durrani. On the
reverse it has : —

I* ^ yM Q J ' *0 '•l^X^Jk/0

I * . *

I have seen no early Afghan coins struck at Kabul or Kandahar ; so
I judge they must be very rare. The Dehli Ahmad must have recover¬
ed Sarhind and Lahore the same year, for I have rupees struck at these
two towns in his first year 1161 A. H. Sarhind in those days must
have been a glorious city, if the space now covered with ruins was in¬
habited.

Meer Munnoo the son of Qamar-ud-Din was made governor of
Lahore. He destroyed the fort Ram Rownee which the Sikhs had made
at Amritsar. The Durrani hearing of the death of Qamar-ud-Din in
battle and of the Dehli emperor’s after it again crossed the Indus.
He was, however, persuaded to retire. To this second invasion I attri¬
bute the Peshawar coin of his second year given above.

C. J. Rodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah Abddlli. [No. 1,

Meer Mnnnoo grew strong in Lahore. He became almost inde¬
pendent of Dehli, and tlie tribute he had promised to the Durrani king
in order to persuade him to retire, he never paid. This brought Ahmad
Sliah again to the Panjab. Meer Munnoo waited for him under the
walls of Lahore where a battle was fought, the result of which was, that
he was taken prisoner. When brought before the conqueror, he was
asked, “ Had you taken me prisoner, what should you have done ?”
“ Cut off your head and sent it to my master the Emperor of Dehli,”
was his answer. “ Now I have you in my power, what shall I do with
you ?” was the next question. He replied “ If you are a tyrant destroy
me, if you are merciful forgive me.” This so pleased the Durrani that
he was reinstated as governor of Lahore. All the treasure of Lahore
fell into Ahmad Shah’s hands. Lahore and Multan fell under the sway
of the Afghans. These matters occupied the 3rd, 4th and 5th years of
the king’s reign. The second coin drawn illustrates this conquest of
Lahore. The obverse is occupied by the Persian couplet. The reverse
has the following inscription : —

ijpy* ■/0

I have two rupees of Ahmad Shah of Dehli struck at Lahore in his
4th and 5th years 1164 and 1165 A. H. So his power was not alto¬
gether gone.

The 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th coins illustrate the hold the Durrani king
kept on the annexed province of Multan and the trans-Indus provinces
Of Nos. 3 and 4 I give only the reverses. They are as follows

No. 4. cA+A/o V *****

No. 5 is unique : —

Obverse v 25^ otje

Reverse 1167 I I *!V

No. 6 is a beautiful coin belonging to Sir Edward Clive Bayley who
kindly gave me permission to copy it :

Obverse in lozenge : — II V ♦ *+^1 jO

Round this is the Persian couplet, and the date | | v*.

Reverse : — <jwp ^ cj

Besides the above I have a rupee of Multan of his 5th year and
one of the 7th. Also one of Rhakhhar of the 7tli year, which shows that
these parts were under the sway of the Durrani king. There is a rupee
of the 10th year struck at Lahore , in the British Museum.

1885.] C. J. Rodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah Abddllx.

These five years, from the 5th to the 10th of the reign of Ahmad
Shah Durrani, were full of events which happened both in Lahore and
Delili. Meer Munnoo, governor of Lahore, died of cholera. His widow
Mugalana Begum took up the reins of government and hold them
with a strong hand. But her son-in-law, Grhazi-ud-Din, invaded the
Panjab, and with the aid of Adina Beg ruled it, until Ahmad Shah hear¬
ing of the disturbances in the country again visited the scene of his
former conquests. In Dehli Muhammad Shah, the Mogul Emperor, had
been dethroned, imprisoned, blinded and murdered and Alamgir the
second had been placed on the throne 1167 A. H. It was in 1170 A. H.
that Ahmad the Durrani returned to India, Mugalana Begum met him
with an army which she united to his at Lahore. He made his son, Timur
Shah, Nizam of Lahore and Multan, while he himself passed on through
Sarhind to Dehli. Coins Nos. 15 and 16 of my plate illustrate this
fact. The obverse of these rupees has the following Persian inscrip¬
tion on it : —

at jj+A

1170 | ! V* j |*A jAs:-?

The reverse of No. 15 has : —

jj. - &5I dxkl/Ms J \j ( 2*.

Another rupee with exactly the same inscriptions has the year | | v f
A. H., thus showing that the 1st year of Timur Shah’s Nizamat was in

1170-1 A. H.

The reverse of No. 16 has : —

tytfU — *51 fd

The obverse of this, No. 16, has the same inscription as No. 15 but
without any year. (Just as I had finished this sentence a coin dealer
brought me over 200 rupees to examine. I found one of Multan of the
1st year of Timur Shah’s Nizamat 1170 A. H.)

When Ahmad Shah arrived at Dehli he began to plunder. From
the son of his old enemy Qamar-ud-Din he obtained two krore rupees’
worth of ashrafis, and a krore rupees’ worth of jewels. He employed
Mugalana Begum on this work, and as she knew all the people of Dehli,
she caused a lot of wealth to be brought in. Besides this the Durrani
married the daughter of Muhammad Shah, and Timur Shah married
the daughter of Alamgir II who seems to have helped in the plundering

C. J. Rodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah Abdalli. [No. 1,

of his own capital. Ahmad Sliah stayed in all about 40 days in Dehli,
coin No. 7 of my plates illustrates this short period.

Obv. — The Persian couplet and the year $ { v • .

HeV. - OA,*.a/c | |

I have seen rupees apparently from the same dies. As Ahmad
Shah was in Dehli only 40 days, it is not at all wonderful that I have a
rupee of Alamgir II struck in his 4th year 1170 A. H., the year of
Ahmad Shah’s invasion. During this occupation of Dehli Mathura was
plundered. Its idols and temples were overthrown and many were
massacred. The historian says that not a single straw was left in Dehli.
Alamgir II was restored to the throne, but the creatures of Ahmad were
left everywhere. In passing through Amritsar “ hundreds of Sikhs
were slain and thousands of houses destroyed.” Timur Shah was left
in Lahore with an efficient general, and Ahmad betook himself and his
plunder to Kandahar.

No sooner had the Durrani sovereign left the country, than Adina
Beg who had been hiding in the mountains attacked Lahore and took
it. But this must have been about 1173 A. H., as the British Museum
has rupees of Timur as Nizam of Lahore for 1171 and 1173, the year
of the Nizamat on this latter one being 3. Adina Beg prospered. But
in Dehli matters went from bad to worse. The Mahrattas, being called
in to assist on one side of the quarrel, made themselves masters of the
city. They then advanced on Sarhind which they plundered. Lahore
next fell before them. After this they attacked the prince Timur
Shah who had entrenched himself at Imanabad. He was defeated
and he fled to Peshawar pursued by the Mahrattas. The Sikhs chose
this opportunity for showing their heads. Their numbers had been
increasing in spite of persecution. They rebuilt Amritsar after they
had forced Muhammadans to clean it. They held Lahore even for a
short time at this period.

I have one rupee of Ahmad Shah’s 11th year, and one also of his
13th year struck at Lahore. These must have been struck when his
officers were paramount in that city.

Alamgir reigned nominally in Dehli till his 6th year. I have a
rupee of his 6th year struck in Lahore in 1172. One of his 5th year,
struck in Kashmir, is dated 1173 A. H. One of his 5th year and one
of his 6th, both struck at Ahmadnagar — Farrukhabad, are both dated
1172. Both these were obtained from Quettah. Can it be possible
they were part of the plunder taken away by Ahmad Sliah after the
campaign I am about to describe ?

1885.] C. J. Bodgers — The Coins of Ahmad Shah Abdcdli.

When Ahmad Shah saw the Panjab lost to him, he returned, to the
dismay of the Mahrattas who fled as he approached. Owing to his
presence Alamgir was murdered. Ali Ganr Shall Alam was away in
Bengal. The Mahrattas retiring-, Ahmad Shah took Dehli. This took
place in 1173 A. H. Dehli was given over to plunder for 3 days. The
whole Duab fell into his hands. In 1174 the battle of Paniput was
fought in which the Mahrattas were utterly defeated. It will thus
he seen that this invasion occupied about two years, the 14th and 15th.
of Ahmad Shah’s reign. Coins Nos, 8 — 13 of my plate exemplify this
period. They all have the Persian couplet on their obverses. The
reverses are as follows

No. 8. Reverse : — I ^

Aonlah is a town of Bohilkand on the railway between Bare Hi and
Cliandausi.

No. 9. Reverse : — { P wjjbo cui+A/o

A} btyo

This coin is the property of W. Theobald, Esq. of Bedford.

No. 10.

Reverse : —

j p

No. 11.

Reverse ; — ■

j p

No. 12.

Reverse : —

No. 13.

Reverse

| &

Sarhind is always spelt on coins Sahrind. The obverse of this coin
is dated 1174 A, H.

Besides these coins which I have drawn I have Lahore, 14th, 1173 ;
15th, 1175 ; Shahjahanabad, 15th, 1174 ; Lahore, 16th, 1175 ; 16th, 1L76 ;
Sahrind, 16th, 1175. Mr. Theobald has one struck at Farrukhabad dur¬
ing this period.

Ahmad Shah disappeared from India immediately after the battle
of Paniput. He left governors in Sarhind and Lahore. The Govern¬
ment at Dehli was impoverished and powerless. The Sikhs who under
all the changes of government had bided their time, plundered, fled
away, grown rich and numerous, began again to assume power. They
built a fort at Gujranwalla, They defeated the governor of Lahore,
j

C. J. Rodgers — The Goins of Ahmad Shah Abdallt. [No. 1,

They troubled the governor of Sarhind. They laid siege to the town
of Jandiala, 11 miles from Amritsar. It was this last matter which
brought Ahmad Shah again on the scene.

They say that one night Ahmad Shah was in a quiet sleep, all at
once in the middle of the night he woke up, and ordering his body-guard
of 300 horse to attend him, he took his way towards India. He ordered
his Aid- de- Camps to tell the prime-minister of his departure, and to get
the whole army ready and follow him with the greatest expedition.
Ahmad making double marches was soon in the neighbourhood of
Lahore, but with him were only 10 or 12 horsemen. Meeting with a
peasant he asked him where the Sikhs were. He was told that to the
number of 70,000 they were encamped before Jandiala. Hearing this
he departed at once for Jandiala. The besiegers when they heard of
Ahmad Shah’s arrival at once fled. The besieged could not understand
it. They sent out spies to see if it were a trick of the Sikhs to draw
them out of their fortifications. The spies reported that they could see
nothing of the enemy. But under a tree about two kos away, they
found a man sitting under a canopy. Some ten or twelve armed atten¬
dants were with him and were treating him with the profoundest re¬
spect. When the governor of Jandiala heard this, he at once knew that
it was Ahmad Shah who had come to his relief. He went out to
thank his Sovereign and was received with kindness. Soon after the
general arrived with the Afghan army. The general biding his time
as Easterns always have done and do still, asked Ahmad Shah why he
had left Kabul so suddenly. He answered that as he was sleeping
Muhammad had appeared to him, and told him of the siege of Jandiala
and the distress of the besieged, and had ordered him to start at once
to relieve the town. So trusting in God he had started leaving orders'
for the army to follow him.

After staying a few days at Jandiala, Ahmad Shah crossed the
Bias and Sutlaj, and defeated the main body of the Sikhs who were
just about to commence an action with his governor of Sarhind. This
action known as the Ghuloo Ghara, or great disaster, took place about 20
miles south of Ludiana. The founder of the present Pattiala family
was among the prisoners. “ He was declared a raja of the State and
dismissed with honour.”* I shall refer to this further on. Ahmad
Shah “the very ideal of the Afghan genius, fitted for conquest, yet
incapable of empire ” immediately returned to Kandahar. He never
attempted to improve a victory or govern a country he had conquered.
This incursion took place in the year 1176 A. H. The Sarhind coin
I have mentioned above, seems to illustrate this period. It is of his
* Cunningham’s History of the Sikhs, p. 101.

1885.] C. J. Rodgers — The Goins of Ahmad Shah Abddlli.

16tli year. The year is 1175. But that must be a mistake. However
the Lahore coins go on steadily. One of the 17th year is dated 1176,
another 1177 A. H. One of the 18th year has 1177, another 1178; a
19th year one has 1178. The Dehli and Duab coins cease. Ahmad
Shah no longer ruled there. 1178 A. H. is equal to 1764 A. D. which
is equivalent to 1821 of the Samvat era. How in 1822 A. S., the Sikh
commonwealth struck their first rupees of Lahore. (See my Coins of the
Sikhs.) Hence we shall not expect to find any rupees of the 20th year
of Ahmad Shah struck at Lahore, I have sought in vain for one of this
year. After the 16th year, the Cis-Sutlaj coins cease.

After the Gliuloo Ghara Ahmad Sliah, on his return through Lahore,
made Kabuli Mull his governor there. Zein Khan had been left
governor of Sarhind. He was defeated by the Sikhs with immense
slaughter. The town of Sarhind was utterly destroyed. The Sikhs
actually carried their victorious arms into the Duab. It was this loss
of Sarhind which brought Ahmad Shah again to India in 1178 A. H,
Ho very accurate account seems to exist of this incursion. It seems
it was not a success. “ 12,000 Afghans suddenly deserted and re¬
traced their steps towards Kabul. The Shah was obliged to break up
his camp and follow them.”* He never returned. This last incursion
took place in his 18th year. The Sikhs seizing Lahore struck coins
there first in 1822 A. S., as I have shown. I have seen rupees of theirs
struck at Lahore in 23, 24 and 25. And yet their rule could not have
been uninterrupted, for I have a rupee of Lahore of Ahmad Shah struck
in his 21st year and 1180 A. H., also one of his 22nd year is in the
British Museum.

Ho. 14 of my plate contains the following reverse : —

X x q- •*>

Dera I have seen on some coins changed to Derajat. This is of
course the Trans-Indus Province. I have in my cabinet a coin of
Ahmad’s 25th year struck at Peshawar. It was to this part of India
his rule was restricted before he died.

The coin Ho. 17 is a modern Puttiala rupee presented to me by
the foreign minister of the State. It has on the obverse the whole of
the couplet of Ahmad Shah who created the 1st Maharaja of Pattiala.
On the reverse there is the same inscription as on Ho. 13. The mint
is Sarhind. The katar or dagger is the sign of the present Maharaja.
As a rule the rupees of this State are thick and dumpy, consequently
they never have more than a third of the inscription on them. They
are about the same in diameter as a four-anna piece and about 4 times

* Kangra Settlement Keport by G. Barnes, Esq.

C. J. Rodgers — The Goins of Ahmad Shah AbdalU . [No. i7

as thick. This is the only thing in India to remind ns that Ahmad
Shah invaded this country no less than seven times.

Thus I have shown how coins illustrate the history of one of the
conquerors of India. Never have I been able so well to illustrate the
Persian line : —

“ People read coins in the name of every one who smites with the sword. ”

We have seen how Ahmad Shall of Dehli and Ahmad Shah Durrani
struck coins in the same year in the same places, as did also Alamgir II,
and the Durrani. Shall Alam II never coined in any trans-Suflaj province.
Coins were struck by Ranjit Deo in Jummoo in his name. But no
rupee of Lahore or Multan with the name of Shah Alam II has yet been
found. The Sikhs became absolute masters of their own land, and all
throughout the years of the long reign of Sliah Alam II, kept the mint
at Amritsar, Lahore and Multan fully employed in striking coins in
praise of Nanak and Gobind Singh.

The numbers under the coins show the weight of each in grains.

1885.]

Errata.

List of Errata.

p. 22, 1. 9, read £ ^1%
p. 28, note*, for on read in.

journ. as itUliyUL, U U 1,1 V . BTBPW

COPPER COINS op AKBAR (J to 14).

^xtriTT'c'ci -pa-nttTts nun pItah ng TAMufr n ™ ,

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LIV, Pt. I, for 18S5.

COINS STRUCK in INDIA by AHMAD SHAH DURRANI.

JOURNAL

QE THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. II.— 1888.

On the Trishtubh Metre. — By J. Boxwell, b. C. S.

Tlie rich variety of rhythm that lies in eleven syllables has given
form to musical poetry among many Aryan peoples through many ages.
The earliest of these hendecasyllabic metres, the Yedic Tristubh, on
analysis yields interesting results, and discloses curious affinities to
others of the group. Professor Max Muller it is true, proves almost any
structure admissible in Yedic metres. But they are not to be judged
like the Greek tragic senarius, which is Sanskrit in the highest sense,
carefully perfected. Any structure found in Sophocles is good, be it
rare or common. Yedic metres are rough ; by no means polished to
perfection. But their music is clear ; and analysis shows us, not exactly
what is admissible and what is not, by a division line ; but, by compara¬
tive frequency, what rhythm the Yedic poets sought.

Acknowledging gratefully the vritta of the final three syllables, I
think for scansion it is better to divide the traishtubh into an initial and
final quadrisyllable, and a medial trisyllable. As we might expect, rigour
of structure increases from the beginning towards the end. The form is
usually given XXXXXXX — w — X : or even XXXXXXXX
v_/ — x ; but I hope to show that there is a very strong tendency in a
particular direction ; and that on this tendency much of the peculiar
effect of the trishtubh depends.

The final quadrisyllable is the most firmly fixed. Even in the 8th
syllable there is only a trace of irregularity. The regular traishtubh ends
in a ditrochee.

J. Boxwell — On the Trishtuhh Metre.

[: No . 2,

Although the 7th and 5th show separately no tendency to fixity ,
they seem to be bound up closely by a law with the 6th, which is short
in more than 90 per cent, of cases.

The rule for the middle trisyllable is this : —

— kj ... 30 per cent, x

w w — ... 30 per cent. > together 81 per cent.

^ o d per cent. )

— ^ — ... 10 per cent.

As there are 8 possible trisyllables ; that 3 of them should give 81
per cent., and that in 91 per cent, of cases the middle or 6th syllable
should be short, proves design or rather feeling for the particular effect.

The initial quadrisyllable shows a tendency almost as strong. Of 16
possible feet,

- — gives 24 n

w — ^ — „ 22 f

that is Alcaic and quasi- Alcaic openings yield 72 per cent., while the 12
other possible openings between them give only 28. The favourite caesura
is that which corresponds to the classical penthemimeral. The typical
traishtubh is thus X — ^ — | — || | — kJ — x |[| or a

combination of Alcaic opening with Sapphic close, a line of great sweet¬
ness and dignity.

The first stanza of the horse-sacrifice hymn, 1 63 of the first book of
the Rig Yeda is a very perfect example ;

Yad akrandas prathamam jayamanas,

Udyan samudrat uta va purisliat,

S'yenasya paksha harinasya bahu
Upastutyam mahi jatam te arvan.

It may be rendered into Latin in the same metre and structure ;
Quis hie jam nunc fremitum natus edit p
Pontus-ne talem, genuit-ve nubes ?

Dat vultur alas tibi cervus armos.

Deum gentem, Sonipes, te fatemur.

The recognized hendecasyllabic metres of trochaic ending are _

1st. English iambic trimeter catalectic.

2nd. The Italian heroic line.

3rd. The hendecasyllabic of Catullus.

4th. Certain lines of Pindar.

5th. The Sapphic line.

6tli. The trishtubh.

1885.]

J. Boxwell — On the Trishtubh Metre.

To tliese I add the Alcaic stanza for the following reason : Two
lines have eleven syllables each. Two lines including the last have the
characteristic trochaic ending. The first three Alcaic lines open in the
same manner as about half the traishtubhs in the Rig Veda; and the
dactyls of the first, second and fourth lines have very much the effect of
the dactyls and anapaests which so constantly form the second or middle
foot. That this division into classical feet is not unsound is shown thus.
The law of syllabic length might be thus provisionally stated, 1 being
practical certainty and the decimal showing the approach to certainty.

11th

syllable

common.

10th

5 J

—

9th

V-/

1-0

8th

—

7th

6th

0”9

5th

5 J

4tli

—

0-8

3rd

0’58

2nd

—

0*8

1st

But it has been shown that the 5th and 7th are not separately and
independently indifferent like the 1st or 3rd. If either 5th or 7th is long,
the other is almost always short ; and in the rare instances of 5th and
7 fh long together, the 6th, already very steadily short, is so persistently
short that a molossus may be considered inadmissible as middle foot.
It is this quality of the middle foot which seems to me to give charac¬
ter, second only to the trochaic close. The fact that the 6th syllable, and
with it either the 5th or the 7th, will be short, produces what I can only
call a ripple or break, causing flexibility and variety.

The trishtubh metre supplies examples of almost all the other lines
from the tame English iambic to the quickest Sapphic. And indeed
Shakespear’s iambics and Dante’s heroics contain many veritable traish¬
tubhs. The lines may be set in a scale.

’Tis certain greatness, once fall’n
out with fortune.

AloXtSav Se ^tcrvcfrov KeXovro.

Vitam quee faciunt beatiorem.

Per me si va nella citta dolente.
K/VearS pu> tis aXiKia re Xvrpov.

Kat yap a l cfievye t, Tayetos Sia>£a.

A i Se Stopa pirj Se/cer’, dAAa Suxrei.

Tatas dadati dasushe vasuni.

Purnagabhastim ilate supanim.
Codat radhas upastutas cit arvak.
Indram naras nemadliita havante.
Tuamhatyat, Indara, Kutsam avas.
Gobhir a^webhir vasubhir nirstas.
Gomat a^vvavat rathavat viantas.

J, Box well — On the Trishtubh Metre.

[No. %

I have attempted to translate into Latin two fine odes from the 3rd
and the 10th books ; one info Sapphics, the other into its native metre
in a Latin dress.

Rg Yeda III. 33,

Segnius nituntnr equce volantes
Carcere efihisDe rapiiintque cnrrns ;

Sic bourn matres subolem tnmentes

Ubere lambnnt ;

Ut tument pronaeque Vipax Cytudris
Montium divo duce clanstra rumpunt :

Deinde conjunctos sociare gandent

Ad mare cnrsns.

Advenam me ripa sacree Yipacis
Arcet invitnm, gemimisqne gnrges.

Ceu boves undee ad mare mugientes

Ire videntur.

Flumine hoc pingni Dens ire jnssit.
Qurerimus matris gremium, neqne ullis
Flectimur surdae precibus. Quid andax

Yult sibi vates ?

Bite libantis mea vota nymphee
Andiant ; natns Cusico precatnr.

Yos brevem tardare velitis horam

Flnmina lapsus.

Quo Beus ducit sequimur. Malignum
Fulmine occisit simul Indrus anguem,
Atque iter claustris penitus refractis

Pandit aquarum.

Splendeat nomen magis illud Indri
Indies. Pestem Arcitenens peremit ;
Haurit et gratos cohibente nullo

Alveus imbres.

Quod canis sis tu memor ipse fati.
Ultimum has voces iterabit sevum.

Ne velit frenare deas amoeno

Carmine vates.

Post tot erratus precor o sorores,
Gurgitem currus date mitiorem
Transeat, vestris mihi neu madescat

Fluctibua axis.

1885,]

J. Boxwell— - On the Trishtubh Metre.

Post tot erratus precibus movemur.
Transeat cur r us, cecidere ductus,

ISTupta succumbit nova cen marito,

Sic tibi cedam.

Trans aquas te Diva jubente et Indro
Duxerint postquam Barati coliortes ;
CEstuat flume n ; veniam ipe supplex

Xumina poscarn.

Occupant ripam Barati feroces,

Nactus et vates veniam dearum.

Ite nunc amnes solitosque lseti

Yolvite cursus.

Rg Veda X. 108.

Quid est cur has Sarama visat oras ?
Longinquum nempe est iter arduumque.
Quid opus nobis tibi ? Quo vagaris ?
Qui tu Rasam poteras transilire ?

Indri videtis famulam. Repostos
Qiuero tliesauros Panium latebris.

Re jussa fallam timor urget installs,
Rasse vada bine poteram transilire.

Qualis et quantus, Sarama, Indrus ille,
Tibi qui longum lioc iter imperavit p
Quin buc venit ? Hospitium paramus.
Boumque nostrorum erit ipse custos.

Rulli captandus capit alterum ille,#
Mibi qui longum boc iter imperavit.

Ron ilium immane latuit profundum.
Yos fulgure Indri pereatis usti.

Quas tu boves Sarama, vis redemptas
Errant fugaces per operta coeli.

Quis impune abripiat ? inscius quis
Sperat se Panes liabiturum inermes ?

* Sarama could hardly tell the Panis she had never seen Indra, and to say that
he would conquer the conquerable is a little flat. I have taken naham tain veda
dabhiam together ; “ I have not seen him in-such-case-as-to-be-out-manoeuvered”
and then dabhat sa “it is he who will win.”

W. Theobald — On certain symbols or devices on

[No. 2,

Voces valent nil Paninm minaces.

An membra telo geritis scelesti
Figenda ? Patent aditns ad arcem.
Vestrnm Patrem misereat Snpremum.

Conditam saxo retinemns arcem
Boumque plenam Sarama, atque eqnornm.
Earn Panes vigilantes tnentnr.

Vaimm tibi hoc est iter irritnmqne.

Vos o superna nnmina invocata
Factis sacris propitia line adeste.

Raptas boves restituant latrones.

Respuant Panes animiim hune snperbum.

Faventibns Sarama freta divis
Ansa es ad nostras penetrare sedes.

Ne redeas ; te faciam sororem.

Boves optatas tibi partiemnr.

Ego nee fratres neqne vos sororem
Novistis, Indrus superique testes,

Qui me boves vehementer reposcnnt.
Panes abeste pro cul hinc profani.

On certain symbols or devices on the gold coins of the G-ujrfas. — By W.

Theobald, M. N. S. L. Bedford, November, 1884.

The following remarks have resulted from the perusal of an interest¬
ing and instructive paper on the Gupta coinage by V. A. Smith, Esq.,
published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, for
1884.

The idea now advocated may have doubtless occurred to others who
have made the Gupta and Indo- Scythian coins tlieir study, but it does
not appear to have been published, nor is it in any way alluded to by
Mr. Smith in his paper on these coins.

The three symbols referred to are the ‘ fillet’ and the 4 cornu-copiae’
as they appear on the Gupta coins, as contrasted with similar symbols on
Bactrian, Indo- Scythian and other coins, and the £ footstool’ which
occurs on both the copper and gold Gupta and Indo- Scythian coins,
beneath the sealed figure of ‘ Ardochro,’ and it is for these two latter
symbols or devices, that a new, and it is believed a more correct interpre¬
tation is now offered.

1885.]

the gold coins of the' Guptas.

The Gupta * fillet.’ *

The object to which the term ‘ fillet ’ has been applied and which
Prinsep and Kittoe term a 4 noose ’ is common not only on the Gupta
coins, but on a variety of others, notably the Indo- Scythian of probably
in part cotemporary date. Mr. Smith retains the term 4 fillet’ for this
object “for convenience ” but adds “ in many cases I believe it would
be more proper to follow Prinsep in calling it a 4 pasu ’ or noose.” The
question whether the term 4 fillet ’ be used or 4 noose ’ may not seem of
much importance so long as the objects alluded to are believed to be
identical, but should this be otherwise, then it it is clearly desirable not
to unical one, by applying to it, a name properly applicable only to the
other. It is moreover an instance of an error, simpler perhaps or minor
in degree but identical in kind with another to which attention will
presently be invited. It may be perhaps urged, that on coins of quasi-
coarse execution like the Gupta coins, little weight can attend to the
precise form of the symbol, and that the object thereon may form its
general aspect be considered as copied from the more artistic 4 fillet ’ or
wreath, of Greek art, but admitting this, we are all the more thrown
back, in our efforts to determine the precise significance in this parti¬
cular case, of the object or symbol represented, to other data, and more
general reasons than those afforded by the distinctive or artistic treat¬
ment of the symbol itself.

Not to carry the discussion further afield than India, and the coun¬
try subjected to the Bactrian and Indo- Scythian kings, it may be
observed that the 4 fillet ’ or 4 wreath,’ (for in numismatics, the wreath is
a more artistic and florid variation of the fillet, quoad the symbolism
involved) occurs on coins in five distinct positions. 1st, In the hand of
Nike or Victory, as in those of Azas and Vonones. 2nd, Encircling the
king’s head. 3rd, On a standard, or 4 javelin ’ and called a staff, carried by
the King or Priest, as in many Indo-Scythian coins. 4tli, Either on the
head or in the hand of the figure on the reverse of some Bactrian and
many Indo-Scythian coins. 5th Occupying the reverse of some Bactrian
coins as in some of Anti machos.

In all of these instances it is clear that one and the same symbol is
intended, representing one and the same idea, e. g., paramount power,
crowned by the symbol of paramount holiness. This symbol was of
course the old 4 fillet ’ or 4 vitta ’ of classic times the vitta tenuis , insigne
pudoris, as Ovid calls it, the outward sign, whether borne by king, woman,
or priest of power and purity.

On the reverse however, of the Indo-Scythian coins, we find such
an intrusion of personages from the Hindu pantheon as renders caution
necessary in accepting the same symbol, or what might be regarded as

W. Theobald — On certain symbols or devices on

[No. 2,

the same symbol, as indicating the same or any approximately similar
idea, and we find ourselves carried back rather to the worship of Isis,
than that of Yesta. In support of this view it seems almost sufficient
to adduce the fact of the appearance on these coins of S'iva, under the
name of Okro, with either two or four arms and one or more* heads, and
with his appropriate ‘ vahana ’ in attendance, the bull Nandi.

Now the 1 noose ’ in the hand of S'iva, can hardly with reference to
that deity’s functions and character be regarded as having any symboli¬
cal connexion or reference to the ‘ fillet ’ on Greek or Roman coins, but
rather as representing a phallic symbol, appropriate enough in the hand
of the Indian Siva or his consort or ‘ S'akti, ’ the tender Parvati, or the
formidable Durga. But admitting that the symbol of the 4 noose ’ is no
longer the same as the £ fillet ’ when met with on the Gupta or some
Indo- Scythian coins, it must not be inferred that it is exclusively a sym-
bol of S'iva, as it is also borne on some Gupta coins by a goddess, who is
probably, as Mr. Smith maintains intended for Lakshmi, the consort of
Vishnu, as indicated by the lotus throne whereon she is seated. Whilst
therefore in the hand of the goddess seated on a lion, the symbol repre¬
sents the £ noose ’ or 1 ]pasu ’ of S'iva, in the hand of his i sakti ’ Parvati or
Durga, yet when it is borne by the goddess throned on a lotus, it proba¬
bly represents a female anthem homologous with the sistrum of Isis, and
typical of the fruitfulness whereof Lakshmi is the dispenser and fountain
head. Indeed it is curious, should the view presently to be developed with
regard to the ‘ cornu- copies ’ be accepted, that both symbols carried by the
goddess, variously seated on a lion, throne, or lotus on' the reverse of the
Gupta coins, should be equally appropriate, whether such goddess is
supposed to represent Parvati or Lakshmi.

* It is usual to speak of tlie polycephalic Sira, as three -headed or three-faced,
but this view is hardly supported by the coins, or any necessity of Hindu mytho¬
logy. On the coins, this form of S'iva or ‘ Okro’ is represented not as though it
were the artist’s intention to represent three, but rather four heads or faces. What
is depicted is, a full face in front flanked by two faces in profile, and with obviously
room behind for a fourth face such an ideal figure corresponding very exactly with
the well-known four-headed ‘ linga.’ See for example fig. 26 in the Plate of Indo-
Scythian coins in c Jainism’ (E. Thomas) which type is also occasionally met with
on the copper coins of Ooerki with the king on the obverse seated on a couch, with
one leg uplifted thereon. Now S'iva though a polycephalic deity, is not one whose
mythological attributes, like Diana’s “ Tria virginis ora Dianse” necessitate a
triform conception of his person, and therefore the image on the coins of Ooerki and
Bazdeo may fairly be regarded as representing not three but four heads. Had the
artist wished to represent the god in a triform shape, he would have produced a
figure resembling that of Janus, with two faces, neither of them in full profile, but
this lie has never attempted.

1885.]

the gold coins of the Guptas.

The above considerations therefore lead to two inferences : 1st,
that the 4 noose ’ symbol on the gold Gupta coins, represents wholly
different ideas from those symbolised by the £ fillet.’ 2nd, that the
* noose ’ symbol on these coins , is of ambiguous import, and that it
represents indifferently the 4 noose ’ of S'iva when borne by a goddess,
whom we have other reasons for regarding1 as his S'akti, whether under
the form of Parvati or Durga ; or when it is borne by a goddess pre¬
sumably identified with Lakshmi, it is then no longer the 4 pasu ’ of S'iva
but a feminine symbol, analogous to the 4 sistrum ’ of Isis, and that it is
by collateral indications only that it can be decided in which sense, in
each case this symbol is to be construed. See Inman’s Ancient Faiths
embodied in Ancient Names, Yol. I, p. 527.

Having thus considered the probability of two symbols of entirely
different significance being united or confounded under the term 4 fillet }
it remains to see if another and more interesting example of this union,
and the resulting observation or blending of the ideas, is not afforded by
the 4 cornucopia ’ as it is termed, on the Gupta coins, and if an exotic
symbol is not in this case also made to do duty for a different and
peculiarly native idea.

The Gupta 4 cornu-copiaY

It may be granted at once that the 4 cornu-copise ’ on the Indo-
Scythian coins is exotic in its design, and copied probably from Roman
coins of the period. The idea too is doubtless the same, and, as on
Roman, so on Indo- Scythian coins the 4 cornu-copia 5 is the symbol of
good fortune, prosperity and abundance. This classic type of this parti¬
cular symbol is seen on coins figured in Ariana Antiqua, PI. XX, figs. 4
and 5, and also on the plate of coins in Jainism (Edward Thomas) fig. 16.
In one gold coin of Ooerki, in my possession, the classic idea of the
4 cornu-copiee ’ brimming over with the kindly fruits of the earth is well
displayed, and on either side project, what are clearly intended to
represent corn-ears. Generally, however, the treatment is more conven¬
tional, though in every instance it would seem as if fruits or corn were
the objects intended to be understood as filling the 4 horn.’ So far as I
know, the 4 cornu-copies ’ is always borne, on these gold coins by the god¬
dess Ardochro, standing. In the Peshawar find there were several of
such coins and one with the legend of Mioro (No. 49 of Catalogue) but
whether with the usual standing figure of a goddess is not quite certain,
though such is probable from the wording of the catalogue. In copper
coins, however, of Ooerki, of the elephant and rider type, the 4 cornu-
copiae ’ though usually carried by the goddess Ardochro, is also occasion¬
ally seen in the hand of Mao. Now the name Mao on these coins, is
L

[No. 2,

W. Theobald — On certain symbols or devices on

generally applied to a male deity, whom tlie crescent moon behind his
shoulders proves to be the masculine moon, the .Deus Tuna, or Soma of
the Hindus. But on those coins whereon the £ cornu-copise ’ is borne by
Mao, the deity is feminine and without the crescent moon behind her
shoulder, or iii other words the title Mao is occasionally bestowed on the
deity usually named Ardochro.*

In every single instance that has come under my observation, the
‘ cornu-copise’ on the Indo- Scythian coins in gold or copper of Ooerki,
Kanerki, or Bazdeo, though various in design, never present the peculiar
type which it assumes on the Gupta coins, neither is the peculiar type
of the Gupta cornu-copise ever represented that I am aware of on either
the gold or copper coins of the ordinary Indo- Scythian mintage, though
seen in some coins of a different type classed by Wilson with the Guptas :
A. A. PI. XVIII, fig. 25 and by Mr. Smith as Indo- Scythian, one being
figured on his Plate IV, fig. 6. Prof. Wilson (A. A. p. 427) describes
these as “ rude coins ” and so perhaps many of them are ; but two in my
possession attributable to £ Bri Shaka ’ and ‘ Sita,’ are as well designed and
as clearly cut and stamped as the bulk of the Gupta coins, though display¬
ing a stiff and formal mannerism quite distinct from either the Gupta
coins on the one hand, or the Indo- Scythian on the other.

On the copper coins the £ cornu-copise ’ is either entire, or bifid at the
top. In all the specimens I have seen of the £ cornu-copise ’ borne by
Mao, it is distinctly, and sometimes deeply bifid, whilst the same symbol
on the copper coins whereon Ardochro is figured, is entire at the top.
This, however, is not a distinctive character, as on the gold coins
Ardochro is represented bearing both types of the symbol. In A. A. PI.
XII, fig. 5 and PI. XIV, figs. 4 .and 5, the undivided type of cornu-copise
is figured and this is certainly the commonest form, but a gold coin of
Ooerki figured by Thomas (Jainism, PI. 11, fig. 16) the cornu-copise is
distinctly bifid, though not to the same extent as is seen on the copper
coins with more on the reverse, and I have a very similar gold coin with
the £ cornu-copiae ’ distinctly though not deeply bifid. It is not from the
same die as that figured by Thomas, as the £ nimbus ' is complete, where¬
as on the figured coin it is only represented on front of the king’s face.

The £ cornu-copiae ’ (as it is called) on the Gupta coinage differs
considerably from either type of the symbol on the Indo- Scythian coins,
and this difference is too constant and circumstantial to be the result

* On another of these copper coins of Ooerki, Mao is also represented as a male
figure with nimbus, and no crescent behind the shoulders, but with the emblem of
Vulcan ; in his right hand a hammer, with a small handle (like the bamboo handle
of an Indian smith's hammer) and in his left, resting against his shoulder, a pair of
pincers precisely like those now used in an Indian bazaar by an iron-smith.

1885.]

the gold coins of the Guptas.

merely of accident or inferior execution. On this point Mr. Smith,
pertinently remarks : 44 The suggestion that the figure of the Ardokro
goddess was adopted by Samudra in mere imitation of a foreign design
does not appear tenable. The coins with this reverse undoubtedly show
evident traces of foreign influence, but they are far from being mechani¬
cal copies of alien design.”

If this view is correct, as is probably the case the question arises,
whether this constant difference in type of the 4 cornu-copise ’ symbol
which is found to exist on the Indo- Scythian and Gupta coins respective¬
ly, does not mark a corresponding divergence of ideas, represented
respectively by each type of the 4 cornu- copiee * symbol ? That such is
the case with the £ nllet ’ there are, as has been shown good grounds for
supposing, and in like manner a close examination of the Gupta 4 cornu¬
copias ’ suggests that the idea it represents is entirely different from that
of plenty and abundance, and that it stands really for, and in an adoptive
and conventional mode of representing the native object of symbolical
worship, the snake or ISTaga.

The point wherein the 4 cornu-copise ’ symbol on the Gupta coins,
diverges from its classic prototype on the Indo- Scythian coins is this,
that whereas the latter has always the appearance of a receptacle stored
with the kindly fruits of the earth, among which, in the best executed
examples, heads of grain may distinctly be recognised, the Gupta symbol
is closed above by a more or less convex line ornamented by a variable
number of approximately equal and equidistant pellets or dots, blow
bearing in mind that the symbol may be intended for the divine ISTaga,
it is by no means an undue stretch of the imagination to regard these
pellets as a conventional mode of representing a polycephalic ISTaga,
whether we regard each pellet as corresponding, to one of the heads or a
mere jewel or ornament indicative of as many heads as pellets. Of the
coins figured by Mr. Smith on PI. II, fig. 3 displays 5 pellets, figs. 3, 7, 8,
show 7 pellets and figs. 1 and 11,8 pellets and similarly in the figures
given in A. A. PI. XVIII, the number of pellets ranges from 5 to 8.

It yet remains to connect this Gupta 4 cornu- copies ’ with the ISTaga
and though Mr. Smith does not allude to any such idea yet both his own
Plates and Plate XVIII of the Ariana Antiqua furnish on close exami¬
nation sufficient evidence to establish this rather startling conclusion.
In A. A. PI. XVIII, fig. 6 the curved body of a snake is indicated on the
right hand side of the figure, the entire animal being above the couch or
throne whereon the goddess is seated. In fig. 8 of the same Plate, the
body of the snake seems to pass behind the back of the goddess and come
out in front of the right instep whence it curves np over the left knee,
the tail resting on the throne. In fig. 9 a somewhat similar arrangement

90 W. Theobald — On certain symbols or devices on [No. 2,

is seen though not quite so clearly made out. Turning now to Mr.
Smith’s paper, the first coin suggestive of a serpentine termination of
the ‘ cornu-copies ’ symbol is fig. 3 of Pl. II. The snake’s body in this
coin comes round to the front, crosses the lap of the goddess and
depends on one side from the left knee. This is not clearly to be seen
on the plate, but is very distinct on a fine coin of the same type in my
possession. In fig. 6, Pl. III, the goddess is represented sitting on a
lion, and is described in the text (Page 186) as holding a flower in the
left hand. Now this object is very unlike the flowers seen on other
Gupta coins, as for instance in figs. 7 and 8 of the same Plate and in figs.

1 and 10 of Pl. II, and is with greater probability intended for a snake
with distended hood, displayed on a level with the head of the goddess,
a distinct fold of the snake’s body being very distinctly seen in contact
with the left knee. In some figure a sort of loop in this position may
be held to represent the loose sleeve of the goddess, but in the present
instance, it cannot possibly be thus explained, nor does there seem to be
any alternative explanation to that now proposed.

Another indication of the true nature of the 1 cornu-copke ’ symbol
borne by the Ardocliro goddess on the Gupta coins is in the object seen
at her feet. Of this Prof. Wilson thus speaks (A. A. Page 423).

“ Instead of the lotus also, and the Indian mode of being seated, the
female is often represented as sitting on a high-backed chair, with her
feet on a footstool.” Now this 4 Ardochro footstool,’ so called, can ouly
be so regarded, not because it bears any distinct impress of anything of
the sort, but because it was plainly intended by the artist to represent
something ; and being at the feet of the goddess, a stool seemed a pro¬
bable conjecture. But the stool so called, is simply the portion of a
circle, and the execution of the coins is such as to render the idea wholly
untenable that the artist lacked the ability of giving some closer resem¬
blance to a £ stool,’ to the object in question, had such been his design.
The addition of only a few rough lines and cuts on the 4 die ’ would have
left no doubt, that a 4 stool ’ was what the feet of the figure were reposing
on ; as it is, the feet are simply encircled with a line, the area enclosed
by which being ornamented with pellets or dots. The coins figured in
A. A. Pl. XIV, figs. 19, 20, 21, and 22 support this contention, that it is
not from want of artistic capacity that the so-called ‘ stool ’ is so very
imperfect a representation of the object specified.

If on the other hand the ‘ cornu-copiss ’ symbol is regarded as a con¬
ventional or covert representation of the ‘ Naga ’ or snake, then the £ stool ’
so called, at the feet of the goddess, at once resolves itself into the
terminal coil of the monster’s body, vindicating the powers of the artist
from the reproach of inadequately representing what it was his intention
to convey.

1885.]

the gold coins of the Guptas.

Supposing this interpretation of the 4 footstool ’ so called is accepted,
then the dotted area whereon the feet of the goddess rest ; will represent
the solid earth bounded or encircled by a fold of the mystic snake or
Naga, whose presence is equally appropriate and in union with Hindu
feeling, whether the symbol be regarded as introduced in honour of Sfiva
or Vishnu, or to please the votaries of both.

There is. an objection which might be raised, with reference to PI.
ii, eg. 3 to the identification of the 4 footstool ’ so called with the termi¬
nal portion of the snake’s body, of which the cornu-copise represents the
expanded hood, and that is that on the coin alluded to, the extremity of
the tail of the snake is seen recurved over the left knee of the goddess,
though the 4 footstool ’ is also seen at her feet.

As previously remarked, however, a coin in my possession whilst
displaying very clearly the tail of the snake as indicated in the Plate,
offers a somewhat different treatment to that usually seen on both gold
and copper coins, of the so-called ‘footstool,’ and this slight alteration
in design, is no doubt caused by the very fact in question of the tail of
the snake represented by the cornu-copke, being in this instance visible
to its termination. Usually the tail is so arranged as to allow of the
i footstool ’ being considered as a terminal fold of the snake’s body ; in
the case under consideration that is not so, and a slight but important
modification is introduced wdiich though present in the figured coin is
still more clearly displayed on the finer coin in my possession. Usually
the Ardochro footstool is represented by an oval line, bounded in part
by the drapery of the figure, and which would very well represent a
footstool if only some indication of legs were added. In my more per¬
fect coin, the oval is incomplete, a clear space intervening between the
ends and the drapery ; in other words, it is no footstool which lies at the
feet of the goddess but a curved snake. The coin is too well executed
and in such preservation, that there is no room to doubt that such was
the intention of the artist, and nothing but a foregone conclusion could
allow of any doubt but that the cornu-copbe on this coin represents one
snake and the 4 footstool ’ another.

On some less artistic examples, the line representing this snake is
double, and it is not clear whether we are to regard this duplication, as
representing a second snake, or as merely the result of inferior execu¬
tion, my own impression strongly inclining to the latter conclusion.

A coin in my possession, procured in the Panjab, with the name
4 Sita’ On it, and of precisely the same class of coins as that figured by
Mr. Smith, PI. IV, fig. 6, proves that a similar interpretation of the
4 cornu-copiee ’ symbol can be applied in their case also. This is not
clearly seen on the figured coin, as what is really the snake’s body, there

[No. 2,

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

appears as what might be the sleeve from which the arm of the goddess
protrudes, but on my more perfect coin, the sleeve or cuff appears as a
fold above the loop which would seem to be intended as a fold of the
snake’s body, round the arm of the goddess, with the extremity of the
tail just visible on her left knee.

In support of the views here put forth reference has only been made
to coins in my own cabinet or those figured in the ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’
Mr. Thomas’s 4 Jainism or the early faith of Asoka,’ and Mr. Smith’s
paper, all works readily accessible to the Indian reader, but an examina¬
tion of the fine series of Gupta coins in the British Museum, strongly
bears out the fact of the Gupta ‘ cornu- copise ’ being (by its mode of repre¬
sentation on the best samples) a conventional symbol of the ‘ Naga’ and
the only point I cannot explain satisfactorily to myself, is how this very
obvious interpretation has hitherto escaped the notice of the many far
abler antiquaries than myself who have studied these coins ; for once
enuntiated, the idea seems almost as obvious, as the celebrated problem
of the egg propounded by Columbus.

The Square Silver Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. — By Chas. J. Rodgers,

M. R. A. S., Member of the Numismatic Society , London , and Asso¬
ciate Member of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. (With 3 Plates.)

When I wrote my small paper on “ The Copper Coins of the
Sultans of Kashmir” I mentioned the fact of my possessing square silver
coins of five Sultans. The publication of my papers on the coins of
Kashmir caused other numismatists to search and the result was a great
find of coins of both the Sultans and Maharajahs. I too was aroused
from my lethargy and led to see if I could not get a few more coins, and
I dared to hope that as I had published the copper coins of ten Sultans,
I might perhaps secure the silver coins of the same number of kings.
I tried all the bazaars of the Panjab, but they gave me nothing. A
friend of mine travelling from the Jlielum to Kangra along the outskirts
of Jammu tried every village bazaar, and he was successful in getting
several coins amongst which was one of Mahmud Shall a name hitherto
unknown in the annals of Kashmir, and of whom I have not as yet seen
a copper coin. But more than this he obtained the silver coins of no
less than five of the old Maharajahs in fine condition. These are round
and are similar to the copper coins only of much finer workmanship.
This success led me to try for myself in Jammu and its environs.

1885. ]

tlie Sultans af Kashmir.

I accordingly secured tlie services of an intelligent native who could
read Persian well and draw a little, and who was moreover honest and
so active as to seem almost ubiquitous. He made two or three journeys
on my behalf and the result was that on starting from Amritsar on a
year’s furlough I had the pleasure of taking with me coins with the
names on them of no less than seventeen Sultans. One of them, how¬
ever, had come to me in exchange from my revered friend General
Cunningham, — that of Fatli Shah. During my absence Dr. Stulpnage!
employed the same young man with equally good results for he obtained
an additional coin, that of Yaqub Shah’s. I afterwards secured a second
one for General Cunningham. The accompanying three plates represent
the coins thus obtained.

I do not think I can do better than transcribe the inscriptions so
far as I can decipher them. Perhaps more successful numismatists or
happier possessors of better specimens will be able to put me right on
several points. I need not say how happy I shall be to be corrected as
what I am in search of is historical correctness. We must not be
shocked at the revelations of the coins. Here they are, the metal
records, struck, as we have every right to believe, by the Sultans them¬
selves during the time of their reign. We must take them exactly as
they are —

Margin.

** . t*

• t* I •

do. do. do.

Reverse in

scalloped

lozenge.

^ •

do.

Obverse.

Ho.

AFT

AVI

do. 4
UahJf 5
do. 6

Variant of No. 3.

do.

Illegible.

do.

? ? ^3

do.

. do.

^ **

do.

\3 p&cy

Smudged copy of above.

do.

sCu jpi

Muddled copy of margin

do.

of No. 7.

♦ * A *

do.

•• • »♦

do. 9

do. 10

C. J. Rodgers

The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

Eeverse in

Margin.

scalloped

lozenge.

Obverse.

No,

Tlie reverses of theses
two coins are so bad I >

/♦4lc3/|

have not drawn them. J

•

. i •' . A

%• f ♦

4am)

••

f **

(Xj'./C JvwsJ J

(SJ t*!*jkA
•#

do. do. do.

do.

do. do.

xAaj ^9

«•

do.

8 hi ^3L«| ^UaLvJl

Illegible.

Copy of margin of Nos.
2 or 7.

.^AX.vs) A -'■•vo

••

C5^f J

do.

* v

}^U Ja$V eVkLJ) 1(5

jjU JapU^i plkeyi ^lUJl 17

ljb£> ^ia-cVl c;tk!,vjf 18

Sit

Illegible.

do.

C5J

«»

U> &+5Z'0

S 1

( 1 ) *u

o^s:'"0

<X J l+A vwj j

C5jU

do. do. do.

do.

do. *

do.

. i' • ^ •

^,w* Jjric^ s V f

do.

^JjlL ( P ) <}AS

vr*

s*lc

G.+sc'0

^ ) ^li^A j

( W s

A 9 «UjlJ

Ah* ♦ Uj 9 a ♦

do.

£ &XvJ ^ j S A V

do.

do. do. do.

do.

i\+^K

y» tc # U

do. do. do.

do.

J*\

C5‘^,a^( J

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

Margin.

Unintelligible and not
given.

Not given but date same

Reverse in
scalloped
lozenge.

do.

Obverse.

No.

jM ^ yM 29

jJU 30

as on

O*i£.’/0

do.

2$ (..Cu j <0.xa.

^yJaLO)

A VP

. r • A »

*» , «

do.

APP

♦

A \ e <•-<*> ,$

JsX

»*. x

iS)^*

SAV

do.

•joJf j.A*2.i

is)1*

8 1 ^ b

^ j>0 jijd <) <? r

do.

'Osh s-K
s-

Lfj1*

sU^b

v»

do.

^.Lc Ij OJ

e;Lkl/^jj

AjUO«J j

(?)

C| fre

Same as

35.

same as

35.

same as 35.

do.

iSJ1’

w ^

Cv/^3 Al «

( ? ) 1

j 4>.aO A.1 * j.Uj

f •

rAf\ Os+S*3

_>* pv

O’

&Uf t

* > •

C5f*(

J ^ LSJ
«»

-v« yy ^

O I

do. do, ^ * j8J 42

* ♦» ^ ^

Coins Nos. 39 and 40 are copper.. They are given to illustrate remarks
made in the course of this essay on the silver coins of the Sultans.
They are both of them new to numismatists not having yet been, published.
No. 40 is exceedingly rare. I have only seen one other like it.

There are several points calling for notice in the above list of coins
(1) On some coins the dates are given in two ways in figures and in
words. Some have only the words. (2) In some cases the date is in
Arabic words in others in Persian. (3) The same date, — viz., 842
appears in Arabic words on the margins of coins which either possess
M

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

another date in figures or are the coins of kings who reigned long
after 842. One coin of Muhammad Shah No. 32, PI. Ill has the date
842 in figures as well as words. (4) The date on coin No. I, PI. I,
is certainly like the date on the coins of Zain ul Abidin. And yet
No. I is a coin of Sikandar the father of this king. It is just possible
that Zain ul Abidin struck the coin in honour of his father. All the
silver coins I have yet seen of Zain ul Abidin have one date 842 in
both figures and words, the figures appearing on the obverse and the
words in the corners of the reverse. Hasan Shah’s coins have on them
876 in figures on the obverse and yet 842 in Arabic words on the reverse.
Path Shah and Nadir Shah in his earlier years used the same date 842
as far as I can judge. (5) The reverse of a coin of Akbar, No. 28,
PI. II seems to have been struck with the very die that was used for
Mahmud’s coin No. 18, PI. II, the year having the same 961 two
years before Akbar came to the throne. All this is very strange. It
reduces the value of the coins as aids in historical research to a mini¬
mum. What we want in the history of Kashmir is an accurate and
trustworthy chronology and yet the coins which we usually regard as
worthy of trust prove in this case to be worthless or nearly so. All the
manuscript histories I have as yet consulted give different dates. They
all vary from Prinsep. And Prinsep and all the MSS. differ from
the coins. The later coins, however, seem trustworthy. I think we may
accept the date in figures on Hasan Shah’s coin, 876. The date on both
the silver and copper coins of Haidar Shah is in figures' 874. This date
was evidently a favourite one for I have a small copper coin of Muham¬
mad Shah and also of Path Shah with this date on in figures. There
are parallel cases to this. In my paper on the Sikh coins I showed
that Ranjit Singh adhered to the year 1884 A. S. for ten years and
to 1885 A. S. the Sikhs adhered until they ceased coining. But in
small figures on the other side the real year was inserted. Again the
H. E. I. Company struck coins at Farrukhabad on which the year is
invariable 45th of Shah Alain : at Murshedabad 19th year. Surat and
Calcutta mints each had an invariable year. Fortunately we have no
need of numismatic aid for the period of the Company’s rule.

It will be seen that no coins of the early Sultans have as yet been
found. If my reading of the date of coin No. 1, pi. I, bearing Sikan-
dar’s name be correct then the first silver coins are those of Zain ul
Abidin. We have, however, Sikandar’s coins in copper. In my own
small cabinet I have five undoubtedly his and several doubtful ones.
Every cabinet of coins in the Panjab contains a lot of coins of Kashmir
in copper which no one has yet been able to assign to any known ruler.

It is very peculiar that no coins bearing the name of Habib Shah

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

have yet been found. It is probable, however, that although Habib's
name occurs in inscriptions the name of the coins was Mahmud.

A gain we have on the coins the name of Nadir Shah. How, no
list of kings gives this name. They all have Ndzuh Shah. This must
have arisen from some mistake of the early copyists unless indeed bis
name was Ha dir Shah on his coins and Hazuk Shah in the mouths of
the people. In one MS. in the British Museum the name Hazuk Shah is

spelt variously yG j\3 anq RA All the MSS. read

Hazuk and all the coins both in silver and copper read Hadir. Ho coin
has yet been found with Hazuk on it.

There were two kings of the name of Shams ud Din. I think the
coins are those of the second and not of the first king of that name.
Unfortunately neither of the coins I figure has a margin worth drawing.
It is perfectly illegible. Hence no date can be made out.

Of Islam Shall and Humayiin I shall speak in another place.

It seems to me that these coins evidence that Arabic was not much
studied in Kashmir, or if studied, the knowledge of it was confined to
the Muhammadan saints and sages with accounts of whoso accomplish¬
ments and virtues Muhammad Azim s book abounds. The knowledge
did not get into the mint. The reign of Zain ul Abidin was, however,
favourable to learning. In the confusion which followed learning was but
lightly esteemed.

The coins vary very little. There is a certain monotony about them.
They are all square. They have the same kind of lozenge on the
reverse. The differences in the inscriptions will be at once visible.
There are two the names on which I cannot make out. Hos. 36 and 38.
PL III. Perhaps some one has better specimens. Ho. 30 is the pro¬
perty of my learned friend Dr. Stulpnagel as is also Ho. 35. I have
much pleasure in acknowledging the kindness which placed the coins at
my service. The same pleasant duty I have to perform to General
Cunningham for the use of Ho. 37. All the rest of the coins are or were
in my cabinet. Many have found rest in the British Museum.

When Akbar had got a fair hold on the country then he struck
rupees in Kashmir with his own peculiar inscription on them. Hos. 41
and 42, PI. Ill are two rupees of this kind struck in Srinagar. Ho. 40
is a copper dam struck in the same city. Ho. 39 is a copper coin of
Akbar following the style of the old Sultans.

The weight of the square silver coins varies from 91 to 96 grains.
The lightest is one of Shams ud Din’s the heaviest one of Yusuf Shah’s.
Zain ul Abidin’s coins vary as much as 3 grains. Some are worn more
than others. If the coins of Shams ud Din are of the 1st king then we

98 0. .T. Rodgers — The Square Silver Cows of . [No. 2,

can understand their being so much worn. But we cannot understand
why his immediate successors’ coins have not been found yet.

The five silver coins of the Maharajah’s which I have vary from 82
to 87'9 grains. This weight is about 10 grains less than the average
weight of the Muhammadan coins. Hence we cannot say that these
square coins are the successor of the Hindu coins which were called
jpadakas. The difference between the copper coins of the Maharajahs
and their silver coins is this ; on the reverse instead of the word deva,
the name of the coin is given. The word used in Farishta when
speaking of these coins is Sikka

Perhaps it will make matters easier if now without further pream¬
ble we give a slight sketch of the History of Kashmir under its own
Sultans, and thus show who the people were whose coins we have here
drawn. Throughout I shall be guided by Farishta whose authority seems
trustworthy and who seems to have consulted trustworthy authorities.

Shdh Mir. — In the reign of Sinha Deva in the year 715 A. H. =
1315 A. D., one year after the battle of Bannockburn, a faqir by name
Shah Mirza or Shah Mir appeared in Kashmir. He gave himself out
to be a descendant of Arjun one of the Pandiis. ' So he was of Hindu
descent though of the Muhammadan religion. He became a servant of
Sinha Deva who, however, died shortly afterwards. Sinha Deva was
succeeded by Rinchina Deva who made Shah Mirza his wazir and the
tutor of his son Chandar. Rinchina Deva died in 1318 A. D. and he
was succeeded by a relative of his named Udyana Deva who came from
Kandahar. This Maharajah made Shah Mirza his wakil and his two
sons Jamshed and All Sher received appointments. Shah Mirza had
two other sons Sarashanak and Hindal. These also obtained power and
office. Too late Udyana Deva found out his mistake. The father and
four sons grew daily in wealth and power. The Maharajah was a mere
cypher in the land. At last in 747 A. D. he died. His widow Kotah
Rani desired Shah Mirza to put Chandar his pupil and the son of
Rinchina Deva on the throne, and himself to hold the reins of govern¬
ment as before. He did not obey. She raised an army and went
anainst him and wTas defeated and taken prisoner. She at length con-
sented to marry Shah Mirza and to become a Muhammadan. One day
and one night she spent as his wife. The next day she was seized and
sent to prison. And then Shah Mirza, causing coins to he struck , and
the khutba to be read, in his own name ascended the throne with the

* General Cunningham says in a letter received from him, 11th May 1884,
“ I have ascertained by actual assay that the so-called silver Hindu coins of Kash¬
mir do not contain even the faintest trace of silver. They are simple white brass,
made of zinc and copper.”

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

title of Shams ud Din. (There is just a possibility that coins Nos. 11
and 12 are of this Sultan. The points in favour of this view are (1)
the archaic forms of the letters, (2) light weight evidently caused by
wear, and (3) the fact that Shams ud Din I was a ruler of some import¬
ance, whereas Shams ud Din II was a puppet king.)

He reigned in all three years and died in his eightieth year. His
reign would seem to have been a beneficial one. He raised two families
to eminence the Cliakks and the Makaris. From these two families
the chief generals and leaders and soldiers were drawn. He left the
throne to his two sons Jamshed and Ali Slier. This was about 750
A. H. as Shams ud Din obtained the throne about 747 A. H. and reigned
three years.

(The above is one account. A manuscript history says that Zulju
in 724 A. H. came to Kashmir with an army of Turks and Moguls when
Rinchina was king. This Zulju is represented as marrying Rinchina’s
widow. The MS,, goes on to say that Sliamsher got the throne in
742 A. H. and Alarud-Din in 748, A. H. We must not expect exactness
in either names or dates from native historians. Indeed all throughout
we may lay this down as an axiom that ignorant copyists can never be
trusted to make accurate copies of books they do not understand.
Another MS. which I consulted on a former occasion has it that Ratan-
giri was the first Sultan of Kashmir and that he was a second Solomon.
Zulju is said to have come from Kandahar and to have returned
there.)

Ala-ud-Din. — After the death of Shams-ud-Din, the brothers fought
for the throne for about fourteen months. Eventually Shah Jamshed
was defeated and Ali Slier came to the throne under the title of
Ala-ud-Din and he made his younger brother Sherashanak his waqih
In the early years of his reign there was plenty in the land, but the
latter part of it was troubled with famine. One good law he made : — •
that no bad woman should have any inheritance from her husband.
This law acted well. It restrained the women. This lets in a little light
on the social condition of that time and land. Ala-ud-Din reigned
twelve years eight months and thirteen days.

Shahab-ud-Dln. — His younger brother ascended the throne under
the name of Shahab-ud-Din. He was a great conqueror. The day that
passed without the receipt of a report of some victory or other obtained
by his troops he did not count as a day of his life. Kandahar and Gazni
feared him. He himself went to Peshawar and threaded the passes of
the Hindu Kush. He planted his tents on the banks of the Satlaj
and in the way the Rajah of Nagarkot (Kangrah) gave in his submission.
This rajah was just returning from a plundering expedition in the

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

100

[No. 2,

• • t

A. H.

781

761

748

746

743

direction of Dehli and part of the plunder was given as a present to
Shahab-ud-Din. Little Tibet also sent a message desiring peace.

On liis return to his capital he made his younger brother Hindal his
heir to the exclusion of his sons Hasan Klian and All Khan whom he
sent away in the direction of Delili. He reigned, in all, 20 years. In
his reign Musalmans were few in the land, but as this king built a city
which he called by his own name, he created in it a mosque, probably
the first built in the valley.

Kutuh-ud-Din. — Hindal succeeded him under the title of Kutub-
ud-Din. His reign was disturbed by troubles at the bottom of which
was his nephew Hasan Khan. He is said to have reigned fifteen years
five months and to have died in 795 A. H.

Working back from this date with the data which our historian
has supplied us with, we shall find that Kutub-ud-Din
ascended the throne in ... ...

Shahab-ud-Din ...

Ala-ud-Din ...

Jamshed

Shams-ud-Din ...

We have seen before that it was in 747 Shams-ud Din came to the
throne.

The “ Nama-i-Shahan-i- Kashmir” gives 796 A. H. as the year of
Kutub-ud-Din’s death and the Tawarikh-i- Kashmir” gives 795. Litho¬
graphed editions of Farishtah give 796 A. H. Prinsep’s Tables give
799 A. H. General Cunningham makes it in 138t3 A. D. = 788 A. H.
The five authorities bring it within a compass of eight years, so that no
one of them is very much out. The Muhammadan historian concludes
his account of the above reign with an Arabic question *IpI <xlj| j

and God knows what is right. This is his way of getting out of the
difficulty. With our present knowledge it must be ours too.

Sikandar. — It was somewhere about the end of the reign of
Richard II, that Sikandar the son of Kutub-ud-Din ascended the throne
of Kashmir. He was young having been born in his father’s later years.
His mother Surah looked after his interests. She drove away Sikan-
dar’s father-in-law. Rai Madari, a noble of the court poisoned Sikan-
dar’s younger brother Haibat Khan and thus relieved him of this
source of anxiety. But the poisoner fearing the king obtained permis¬
sion to conquer Little Tibet. This he accomplished and then revolted.
Sikandar in person moved against him and Rai Madari was defeated and
being taken prisoner he poisoned himself. Sikandar then looked after
Tibet on his own account.

It was at this time that Taimur made his descent upon India.

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir ,

101

Sikandar at once sent in his submission and gave Taimur’s ambassadors
much gold and many presents. Sikandar was ordered to present him¬
self with proper presents on Taimur’s return from Dehli. He got
ready all he could. But he was told by sone of Taimdr’s servants that
he must give at least 3,000 horses 1,00,000 ashrafis. These vast num¬
bers of to him valuable things were unobtainable. He therefore excused
himself to Taimur by saying that he had nothing worthy of being
offered to so great a sovereign, but that he would return to his home and
prepare a right royal present for him. Taimur guessed that his nobles
had been trying to squeeze all they could out of Sikandar and accepted the
excuse. Sikandar got all ready, but when he got out of Kashmir with
his gifts, by the pass of Baramiila be found Taimur had crossed the
Indus and was on his way to Samarqand. Thither he sent ambassadars
with his offerings and he himself returned to Kashmir.

Sikandar was an exceedingly generous man. Hearing of this,
learned men from Iraq and Khorasan and Mavara-un-N alir flocked to his
court in such numbers that it became an example to the courts of those
provinces. Sayyid Muhammad, one of the learned men, instructed tho
king in all the rites of the Muhammadan religion. But Syah But a Brah¬
man convert to Islam was made prime minister and to him were con¬
signed all the affairs of the state. This minister signalized his term of
office by a zeal in the persecution of his former co-religionists such as
has seldom been seen in the history of religious turn-coats. The king
(of course acting on the advice of his prime minister) ordered all Hindus
to become Musalm&ns or leave the country. He forbad the use of tho
tika on the forehead and commanded that women should not be burned
along with their husbands. All idols of silver and gold were ordered to
be melted down. Many of the Brahmans rather than obey these orders
committed suicide. Other preferred exile. Some few became Musalmans.
The Sultan used every exertion to destroy idols. One famous Maha
Deo and one Chakk Deo were destroyed by his orders, "When these
idols were broken flames issued from the fracture. These flames were
supposed by the Hindus to be miraculous, but the Sultan rightly
judged they were caused by the superior science of the Brahmans, and
stayed not his hand until all were destroyed. Under one of these
temples it was said a copper plate was found with an inscription on it
to the effect that the temple had been built by Lilitawat Baja who had
consulted the astrologers as to whether it would remain and how long.
The answer was that it should stand 1,001 years and then be destroyed
by a person of the name of Sikandar. The Baja ordered this to be
recorded on a copper plate and that this plate should be put in a copper
box for safety under the temple. The Sultan is said to have remarked

102

[No. 2,

C. J. Iiodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

on hearing the inscription read to him, that had the plate been on the
wall he would not have destroyed the temple and thus would have upset
the pretensions of the astrologers.

Sikandar by such acts as these earned for himself amongst Musal-
mans the title of Butshikan or Iconoclast. Like the bigot he was, he
forbad all use of wine in his dominions. He at last died of a burning
fever in the year 819 A. H. after a reign of 20 years and 9 months.
His death took place one year after the battle of Agincourt. Hence his
persecution of the Brahmans was contemporaneous with the persecu¬
tions of the Lollards in England, and the result was much the same in
both countries. Kashmir is now one of the head quarters of Brahmanism
and lessons of intolerance learned 500 years ago seem not to have been
forgotten.

Ali Slier.- — Sikandar left three sons Mir Khan, to whom he gave
the kingdom and the title AH Sher, Shahi Khan and Muhammad
Khan.

When Ali Sher ascended the throne the converted Brahman Syah
But was kept on as wazir. His treatment of his former co-religionists
became more and more severe. The Brahmans fled the country until
not so much as the sign of one remained. Syah But’s persecutions soon
came to an end for he was carried off by consumption. After his death
AH Sher determined to see the world. He made his brother Shahi
Khan, a young man of great ability, his viceroy during his absence.
Going by the way of Jammu AH Sher was persuaded to return to
Kashmir to wrest the reins of government from Shahi Khan. He was
successful and Shahi Khan became a fugitive in the direction of Sialkot
where he met with a Ghakkar named Jasrat who had 'escaped from the
hands of Taimur in Samarqand and had attained to something like king-
ship in the Panjab. Ali Slier followed him. But Shahi Kirin and
Jasrat defeated him in a night attack and here he is lost to history*
He had reigned six years and nine months when this event happened
in 826 A. H. Some authorities say be went on a pilgrimage.

Zain-ul- Abidin. — Shahi Khan ascended the throne with the title of
Zain-ul- ’Abidin. The events of the long reign of this the greatest of the
Sultans of Kashmir are given without any reference to their chronolo¬
gical sequence. There is evidently a strong desire on the part of the
historian to exaggerate. It is easy to tolerate this. We must make
allowances. There is no doubt that the actions of the Sultan were
worthy of being chronicled : they speak for themselves. For half a
century and more Kashmir was blessed with the rule of this virtuous
and tolerant prince.

His first recorded acts were those of conquest, the Panjab and Tibet,

1885.]

103

the Sultans of Kashmir.

with the aid of Jasrat, coining under his rule. Making his younger
brother Muhammad Khan his wazir he gave himself to the administra¬
tion of justice. He filled his court with the wise of the Musalmans and
Hindus. He himself knew music well. He spent his time in superin¬
tending the agricultural improvements of the country and in increasing
the means of irrigation. He published a common order that if any theft
occurred the headman of the village or town where the theft occurred
should be held responsible. Thus theft was banished the country and
the bad actions of Syah But were rendered harmless. He abolished also
the food rates which Syah But had established. He wrote all his com¬
mands on copper tablets and sent them to every town and village. Sri
Biliut was made physician and on his application the Brahmans whom
Syah But’s persecution had driven out of the country were re- called and
had lands given to them. The poll tax on Hindus was abolished and
the worship of idols was tolerated. The killing of cows was done away
with. He made a covenant with the Hindus that he would rule them
justly and according to their own law. Everything that Sikandar had
abolished he restored, such as the thiJca on the forehead and even sati.
He forbad the acceptance of gifts by tahsildars. He forbad merchants
to hide merchandize in their own houses, and compelled them to expose it
for sale at a reasonable profit. He released all the prisoners of former
kings. Whatever countries he conquered he divided the treasure
obtained amongst his troops. He punished the rebellious and raised up
those of low degree. He fed the poor in a moderate fashion, so that
they might not “ wax fat and kick.” He himself kept to one woman,—
his wife, and looked on none other with a desire to possess himself of her.
He increased the length of the yard and chain. For his own private
use he expended the proceeds of his copper mines only. As Sikandar
had melted down gold and silver idols, for purposes of coinage, the
king gave order that coin should be made of copper from his copper
mines. (ISTo gold coins of Sikandar have been found. But Zain-ul-
* Abidin coined extensively in silver and brass. General Cunningham has
I believe gold coins of Harsha Ttajah, and the Lahore museum has a gold
coin of Yusaf Sultan.)

Every man wras allowed to follow his own religion. Ho one could
act with intolerance to another. All the Brahmans who had forcibly
become Musalmans in Sikandar’s time returned to their old religion.
The king brought a canal from the mountains and built a city five koss
in circumference. He also made other canals and bridges. The cities
he built he peopled with learned men and also with the homeless in
order that travellers might be fed and the needy relieved. The whole
of Kashmir became well-irrigated. In Yer Hag he made a large build -

104

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

ing which he called Lanka. This Yer Nag is a large pond, and the
erection of a heavy building in it was accomplished much in the same
way as the masonry in wells is supported on wooden foundations. The
name given to this building was Lanka, but the purpose was Muham¬
madan. The building was a mosque. But Muhammadan poets and
Hindu jogis were received by the king. His wise men solved all kinds of
difficult questions at once. •

One day a woman in the city got angry with her maid-servant.
She wished even to kill her, but she could not accomplish it. So she
killed her own child and went unto the king in the morning and said
the maid had done it. The matter was laid before the wise men who
could make nothing out of it at first. But afterwards they called
the maid and asked whether she had done the deed or not. She protest¬
ed her innocence and was told to show her confidence in her own cause
by appearing naked before the assembly. This she refused to do saying
she was not going to add to the evil of being accused the additional one
of exposure and shame. She was then dismissed and her accuser was
called. She was asked whether her accusation were true. She replied,
“ If it be not, kill me.” The assembly replied, “ No, but if you are
guiltless, strip yourself naked before us.” She was proceeding to do this
when the king stopped her with, “ The crime is yours.” The guiltless
maid was set free and the guilty woman punished.

The king did not execute persons for theft (he was three hundred
years ahead of England) he put them in fetters and made them work at
making bricks, &e. He also forbad hunting. During Ramzan he never
ate flesh. When his liberality was known, musicians of note flocked
to his court. Kashmir became another country with their presence.
One scholar of Abdul Qadir of Khorasan was an excellent performer on
the lute. Another Mulla Jamil was both poet and singer. His name is
a proverb in Kashmir for excellence in poetry. Jab, a celebrated maker
of fireworks was also patronized by the Sultan. Ho made gunpowder
in Kashmir and was well up in other sciences. Dancers too found a
patron in Zain-ul- ’Abidin. Acrobats made Kashmir their home* None
went away unrewarded. Das um a Kashmiri poet wrote an account of
the events of the Sultan’s reign in a book called “ Zain Harab .” Budi
But, a man who had committed to memory the whole of the Shah Nama
(a prodigious task) wrote a book on music which he repeated before the
Sultan. Zain ul ’Abidin himself knew Persian, Hindi and Tibetan.
According to his commands books were translated out of Arabic into
Hindi, and Hindi books into Persian, &c. He ordered the Mahabharata
to be translated. By his orders the history of Kashmir, the Rajah
Taringini was compiled. He also caused the history of Kashmir to be
written in Persian.

1885.]

105

the Sultans of Kashmir.

Neighbouring rulers hearing of his fame became desirous of his
friendship. Abu Said sent him a present of horses, mules and camels.
The Sultan in return sent him aome maunds of saffron, pepper, mush, itr,
(otto-of-roses) vinegar, shawls, cups and goblets of crystal, and other
rarities of Kashmir. The Raja of Tibet sent him two rare swans from
the lake of Mansarowar. These pleased the king very much. (Tho
historian adds that when milk and water were mixed together and
placed before them, they separated the milk from the water with their
bill, and drank the former and left the latter in the vessel.)

At the commencement of his reign he had appointed his younger
brother prime minister and his heir. On his death his son Haidar was
appointed to the offices held previously by his father. Zain-ul- Abidin
had three sons, 'Adam Khan with whom the Sultan was always angry ;
Haji Khan who was the beloved of his father ; and Bahrain Khan his
youngest son to whom many jagirs had been given.

Zain-ul- Abidin must have been very rich for it is recorded of him
that he gave a kror pieces of gold, (we are not told whether they were
coins or not) 400 camel loads, for the repose of the soul of a man whom
he had executed because he had been guilty of the death of his brother.
(It is very strange that no gold coin of this Sultan has been found.
Probably the historian means rupees. The words zar j) and tila are
however used in the text.)

In these daj^s the Sultan fell sick. What the sickness was we are
not told. But we are told how he was cured. A jogi came and said he
could cure the king. He and his disciple gained admission to the king’s
chamber and after some time the jogi was taken away weak and faint.
He said he had given the king his own spirit and had taken the king’s
spirit into his own body. The author is puzzled to account for the king’s
getting better. He supposes the jogi to have been a second Elijah and to
have prayed over the king who at any rate recovered. The jogi was
suitably rewarded.

It is more than we have a right to expect that Adam Khan should be
always content with his father’s preference of Haji Khan his next
younger brother. Adam returning from a successful expedition against
Tibet (Tibet was the Algiers or Tunis of Kashmir in those days)
brought with him much plunder and of course pleased his father. Haji
Khan was ordered to Lauharkot and Adam was ordered to stay with the
Sultan. Haji went but without permission returned. He evidently
thought Adam was trying to work himself into the good graces of his
father. The Sultan ordered Haji back but he refused to go, and a
battle wTas fought at Pulpul in which the elder brother and the Sultan
were victorious. Haji escaped tc Bhimber. The king made a pyramid

106

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

of tlie heads of his opponents. The result of this rebellion was that
Adam Khan was made heir to the Snltan and after this there were six
years of peace.

A famine is recorded about this time. The Sultan distributed
amongst the people the contents of the granaries and although the
famine was very severe it was met. It may have been owing to the
famine (we do not know) that the king reduced the taxation to a
fourth part of the produce in some places and to a seventh part in others.

Adam Khan seems to have been a really bad man. In his govern¬
ment of Kamraj* he was so oppressive that the people complained to the
Sultan. Adam rebelled. He was, however, quieted by some strange
action of his father. But Zain-ul- Abidin knew his two sons. He re¬
called Haji Khan and with his aid he drove Adam oaat of the valley.
On returning home the Sultan presented his own sword to Haji and
made him his heir. When freed from his brother and at peace in
Kashmir Haji took to drinking and caused the Sultan much anxiety.
At this juncture the king was seized with dysentery. Haji being con¬
stantly intoxicated, the affairs of the kingdom became confused. The
nobles therefore secretly recalled Adam Khan and he came and saw the
king, before whom he stated the condition of affairs and asked him to
appoint his successor. This the king neglected to do. Baliram, the
youngest brother, made the most of this opportunity and sowed the seeds
of dissension between Adam and Haji. The result was that Adam retired
to Kutub-ud-Dinpur. The Sultan became worse daily. The nobles fear¬
ing the jealousies of the brothers would break out in disturbances, would
not allow them to see him. Occasionally they placed the king on the
throne and ordered the drum to be beaten as though nothing was amiss.
Haji and Bahrain went out daily armed against Adam. The Sultan
hearing of this became worse and lost the use of his limbs and became
delirious. One night Adam went into the city alone to see his father.
On that night the nobles assembled to elect Haji as successor to the
throne. Adam was expelled the city and Haji obtaining possession of
the king’s stables and treasury was acknowledged Sultan. Adam went by
the Baramulla pass to India. At this time Hasan Khan joined his
father Haji Khan from Poonch. This help was very opportune.

Zain-ul- Abidin reigned in all 52 years. He died aged 69 in the
year 877 A. H. His reign was long and to a certain extent prosperous.
But its close is not a pleasant sight to contemplate. There was
evidently no fixed and settled law in the land. Everything depended
on the king. The nobles, as we have seen, now and then exercised

# The valley of the Pohri is called Kamraj. Pohri joins the Jhelum on the
right bank just below Sopur. Kamraj is therefore the N. W. valley of Kashmir.

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

107

certain functions. But tlieir position and their privileges were unde¬
fined. There were elements of stability and lawfulness in the land, but
they wanted to be worked up. There was no idea of freedom and
without this, these very elements of stability became each a nucleus of
selfishness and intrigue. The results were soon seen in the anarchy
which ensued under the rule of nominal kings who were placed on the
throne as a mark for the machinations of the different parties who were
seeking pre-eminence for purposes of self-aggrandisement and plunder.

(Of three historians whom I have consulted one gives the death of
Zain-ul- Abidin in 884 A. H. and another in 878, and the third in 877
A. H. blow the coins of Haidar the successor of Zain-ul- Abidin have
on them 874 A. H., and he reigned as we shall see only one year and two
months. Hence if the coins are right, all the historians are wrong,
I incline to think the coins are correct.)

Kaiclar Shah. — Haji Khan taking the title of Haidar Shah was
crowned king, his brother Bahram and his son Hasan placing the crown
upon his head. The province of Kamraj was given to Hasan in jagir
with the title of Amir-ul-Umra and heir- apparent. Bahram received as
his jagir the province of NagamA Haidar satisfied only a portion of the
nobles who came to his coronation. Many returned dissatisfied. As
the Sultan was unacquainted with the country, these nobles oppressed
their people as much as they liked. Haidar made his barber Lulu his
confidante and favourite. This low fellow at once showed his nature by
taking bribes from all quarters, and by leading the Sultan into all kinds of
evil. Hasan Khan Kachlii a worthy noble, was executed by Lulu. At
this time Adam Khan, having gathered together an army arrived in
Jammu, but when he heard of the fate of Hasan Kachlii he advanced
no further. He stayed in Jammu and made himself useful in resisting
the Moguls who were then troubling the country. In a skirmish he was
hit in the face with an arrow and killed. Haidar, hearing of his death,
had his corpse removed to Kashmir and caused it to be buried near the
tomb of his father. Meanwhile the king’s inebriety became confirmed
and at last he became ill. The nobles secretly desired to make Bahram
king. The son of Adam Khan, Fath Khan, hearing of this in Sirhind
where he was engaged in reducing forts and towns by order of Haidar,
returned suddenly to Kashmir with much plunder. But his coming was
not acceptable to the king. Things came rapidly to a crisis however. For
Haidar one day getting intoxicated fell from the roof of his house and
was killed after a reign of 14 months. f

Hasan Shah. — By the exertions of Ahmad Aswad (the Black)

# Nagam, South of Srinagar in the lower hills.

f For Coin of Haidar, see No. 31, PI. Ill,

108

[No. 2,

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

Hasan the son of Haidar was proclaimed king. His opponents were
imprisoned. The treasuries of the Sultan were opened and much money
was distributed. Ahmad was made prime minister and his son Nauroz
was made kotwal of the city. Bahrain Khan seeing the kingship had
slipped out of his hands fled in the direction of India. Hasan began by
renewing the edicts of Zain-ul- ’Abidin which in the reign of Haidar had
fallen into disuse. For this reason several discontented nobles fled to
Bahram Khan and got him ready for an invasion of Kashmir. Others
wrote letters to him and invited him to the country. Bahram returned
by the way of the mountains to Kamraj. At last a battle was fought in
which Bahram and his son were captured. They were both thrown into
prison. After awhile Bahrain was deprived of his eyesight by a needle
being drawn through the eyes and he died after a short

interval from the agonies endured in this fearful operation.

It seems that an enemy of Ahmad’s by name Zain Badr a wazir of
Zain-ul- Abidin’s was one of the principals in this dreadful business.
Hasan Shall had him at once apprehended and with the very needle that
Bahram had had his eyesight destroyed, he himself was rendered blind.
He remained in prison for three years after this and then died. Ahmad
Aswad thus became strong. He sent Malik Bari Bihut to assist the Rajah
of Jammu, against Tatar Khan, who had been sent by the emperor of
Dehli to govern the Pan jab, and who was harassing the borders of
Kashmir. They plundered some parts of the Panjab and destroyed the
town of Sialkot.

Hasan had two sons by Haiyat Khatun daughter of Syud Hasan, one
was named Muhammad who was confided to the care of Malik Bari
Bihut ; the other Husain was given into the hands of Malik Kauroz
the son of Ahmad Aswad to be educated. The usual* thing happened.
Ahmad Aswad and Bari Bihut got at loggerheads with each other.
They each tried to oust the other. The nobles took up the quarrel. At
last things grew to such a pitch that they fought in the very presence
of the king. Malik Ahmad Aswad fared the worse of the two. He was
sent to prison with numbers of his followers and all his goods were con¬
fiscated and he himself died in prison. Sultan Hasan then recalled to
Kashmir an exile named Syad 1ST a sir who had been near Zain-ul- Abidin,
but the Syad died when near the Pir Panjal pass. For this reason the
Sultan sent to Helili for his wife’s grandfather Syad Hasan. The new
comer soon turned the nobles against the Sultan and besides this
executed great numbers of them. He also imprisoned Malik Bari.
The rest of the nobles seeing this fled. Jahangir Makar i in his flight
found refuge in Lauliarkot. At last Hasan Sliah from over uxorious¬
ness eyB jt drew nigh unto death. In his last moments he con-

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

109

signed his children into hands he thought worthy of the charge. He
appointed Yusuf Khan, the son of Bahrain Khan, who was in prison and
Fath Khan son of Yd am Khan who was in Jasroth their guardians and
Muhammad Khan his successor. Sayyid Hasan outwardly concurred.
The Sultan shortly after died. The historian adds “ the duration of
his reign is not known.” One MS. I have consulted says he died in
897 A. H. Prinsep puts in it 891 A. H. His silver coins are dated
876 A. H. on the obverse in figures. According to Farishtah this is one
year before the death of Zain-ul-’ Abidin. The histories I am inclined
regard as mistaken. The reverses of the coins adhere to the 842 in words
of Zain-ul-’ Abidin’s coins. Hence it was all the more necessary to put
the real date of the king somewhere on the coin. They therefore placed
it in figures on the obverse along with the name . See figs. 3 and 4, PI. I.

Muhammad Shah, 1st time. — Muhammad Shah was but 7 years of
age when his father died. Sayyid Hasan was the chief agent in securing
the throne for his grandson. Regencies have always been prolific in
disturbances even in countries where there is a settled law. We shall
not be surprised therefore to find that, in Kashmir, where there was no
law of succession, the disturbances were many and frequent.

When the treasury was opened to the young king, and the wealth
of the state and its resources were exhibited to him, he is said to have
laid hold of a bow rather than on the gold and silver. From this the
Kashmiris augured that he would prove a brave and warlike ruler.

But the Sayyids were at that time all-powerful in council. Ho one
Could approach the king. At that time the Rajah of Jammu was a
refugee in Kashmir, from the tyranny of Tatar Khan Lodi the governor
of the Panjab. The Kashmiris getting the Rajah to help them murdered
Sayyid Hasan, and thirty of his slaves, and then crossing the Jhelum des¬
troyed the bridge. Meanwile Sayyid Muhammad, uncle of the king, took
care of him. Another Sayyid murdered the son of Bahrain Khan in prison
because a section of the community desired to raise him to the throne.
The upshot of things was that the Sayyids and the popular party came to
blows. Tbe city became a prey to both parties. Jahangir Makar! of
Lauharkot was invited to assist against the Sayyids. His son Daud
Khan Makar! was sent. But in an engagement with the Sayyids he was
slain, together with numbers of his friends. Pyramids were made of
the heads of the slain. The next day the battle was renewed on the
bridge, which, breaking in the middle of the battle caused great loss on
both sides. At this juncture the Sayyids asked Tatar Khan Lodi to assist
them. He sent a large army, but when it arrived at Bhimber it was
destroyed. The cause of the Sayyids became desperate. The popular
party began to look up and take heart. The city was plundered by the

110 C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of [No. 2,

latter and destroyed by fire. In this fire 10,000 men are said to have
lost their lives. This occurred in 892 A. H. The Sayyids were entirely
defeated and expelled the country. The popular party got the king into
their power and on their side. Paras Ram, the Rajah of Jammu was
rewarded and dismissed.

The popular leaders being thus left to themselves, each one began
to seek place and power for himself. In the midst of this confusion
Path Khan, grandson of Zain-ul-’ Abidin gathering an army prepared to
contest the throne with Muhammad Shah. He proceeded as far as
Rajaori, but in a battle fought at Adun he was defeated as Jahangir
Makari kept true to the popular party. In a second battle he was again
defeated. He then went to Jammu where collecting an army he pre¬
pared to invade Kashmir a second time. Jahangir Makari, who seems
to have been recognized as the head of the popular party recalled the
Sayyids who had been exiled and joined them to his side. In the battle
which was fought with Fath Khan many of the Sayyids were slain and
the rest remained faithful. So Fath Khan was again defeated. But he
was not turned from his purpose. Again collecting an army he a
third time invaded Kashmir and was successful. Muhammad. Shah
was made over to him and Saifi Wangari was appointed his keeper.
Jahangir Makari fled and hid himself. Sayyid Muhammad, the father-
in-law of Muhammad Shah joined himself to Fath Khan. Muhammad
Shah had reigned 10 years and 7 months, Farishtah says, but other
authorities say 2 years and 7 months. The copper coins of Muha¬
mmad Shah abound. The dates on the reverse of them in Arabic words
are as a rule perfectly unintelligible. His silver coins are very rare.
All I have seen yet have had the date in words on their reverse 842 A.
H. I have seen four with the date 842 A. H. on th‘e obverse under
the name. (See figs. 5 and 6, pi. I and fig. 32, pi. III). They do not
help us in the slightest in the history of Kashmir. They only add to our
confusion.

Fath Khan came to the throne in 894 A. H. and assumed the title
of Fath Shah. The prince Muhammad Shah was therefore but a lad
of about 10 years of age. (Just about this time in England, Edward V
and his young brother were murdered in the Tower. Fath Shah was
not so bad as Richard III. He ordered the food and drink of the
prince to be prepared according to his order and gave him a place in the
palace along with his own brothers.)

Fath Shah made Saifi Vankari or as another authority has it Saif-
dar his prime minister. This Saifi was famous for his justice. At this
time a new religious teacher named Mir Shamsi came into Kashmir
from Persia. He initiated the people in the Shia doctrines under the

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

Ill

semblance of teaching Sufiism. After the death of this teacher a
quarrel arose between his followers and the other Muhammadans, and to
that extent was it carried on, that the rival parties fought in the very
presence of the Sultan.

Muhammad Shah was taken out of prison by Malik Ajhi and Malik
Zina, but when they found he was not particularly favourable to their
plot, they tried to put him in prison again. Hearing of this he fled to
his father’s place.

After this Fath Shah must have become reconciled to his two
ministers, for the history says that he divided Kashmir between them
and himself, each taking one-third. More than this he made Malik Ajhi
his prime minister and Sankar his Chief Justice. (Here we have great
confusion. Malik Ajhi is called in other books Malik Grd ji or Gfazi
Chakk, while Sankar or Vankari is called Saifdar.) A story is given
of the justice of the prime minister. A quarrel had arisen as to the
possessorship of a ball of silk. The plaintiff and defendant each swore
it was his. The Prime Minister asked whether it had been wound on
the fingers or on a spindle. Plaintiff said “ on the fingers defendant,
“ on the spindle.” They unwound the ball and found that it had been
wound on the fingers, hence it was made over to the plaintiff.

After some time had passed Ibrahim the son of Jahangir Makari
went to Muhammad Sliah and brought him tack to Kashmir. A great
battle was fought near Kohasala in which Fath Shah was defeated and he
fled by the way of Hirapur into India having reigned nine years. (There
is the greatest confusion in the histories of this period. Saifi reigned in
reality not Fath Shah. A Malik Musa Zina, named above, obtained
supreme power. After him Ibrahim reigned 40 days. Then Malik
Osman reigned two months. Then Jahangir Makari had an innings.
Most of these nobles attained supreme power a second time before
Muhammad Shah’s restoration.)

Muhammad Shah . 2nd Time. — Muhammad Shah obtaining the throne
a second time made his helper thereto his prime minister and appointed
Sikandar Khan his heir. The sons of Ibrahim Makari put Malik Ajhi
to death in prison. Fath Shah soon after this returned with a mighty
host and Muhammad Shah not being able to meet him in the field fled
without a battle being fought. He had reigned only 9 months and
9 days.

Fath Shah. 2nd Time. — Fath Shah on ascending the throne of Kash¬
mir a second time made Jahangir Badrah his prime minister and Sankar
Zina his chief justice. He reigned with great judgment. Muhammad
Shah being defeated took refuge with Sikandar Lodi of Dehlf, who sent
a large army to help him. Jahangir Badrah being dissatisfied with Fath
o

112

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

Shah went over to Muhammad Shah and brought him by way of
Rajaori to Kashmir, bath Shah made Jahangir Makari general of the
van of his army. In the battle which ensued bath Shah was defeated,
and that general together with his son was slain, bath Sliah himself
fled to India and there died. (The Tawarikh-i Kashmir places this
event in 925 A. H.)

Muhammad Shah. 3rd Time . — Muhammad Shah on assuming the
reins of government for the 3rd time imprisoned Sankar Zina and made
Malik Gaji Chakk, who was famous for his bravery and wisdom, his
prime minister. This Gaji was famous for his discernment. One in¬
stance is given. A writer had a wife. By accident he left her for some
time. She, during his absence, becoming impatient, married a second
husband. On the first husband appearing again on the scene, a quarrel
arose. The woman gave the lie to her first husband. To settle the
matter, the three resorted to Gaji Chakk. As there were no witnesses,
he had recourse to his own wit and said to the woman : “ I believe you
to be a truthful person and the writer to be a liar, kindly put some
water into my inkstand, in order that I may write you a deed of separa¬
tion from him, that, in the future he may give you no trouble.” The
woman, who probably cared more for her second husband, put in the
water with great care. Gaji again ordered her to put in a little more. She
did so, using the same care as before. Seeing her thus desirous of
obtaining the ink for the deed of separation, the Malik at once turned
to the officers of his court and said — “ This woman is the wife of the
writer.” She at last confessed that this was the truth and the case of
the second husband was dismissed, let us hope, with costs. (I have no
doubt that Gaji Chakk is Ajhi whose death is announced in the 2nd
Time of Muhammad Shah’s rule. Anachronisms like these abound in the
confusion of the period.)

When Muhammad Shah became finally settled on the throne he
punished Saifi Vankari and others who had opposed him. Sankar Zina
had died before. The body of bath Shah was brought to Kashmir and
wras buried near the tomb of Zain-ul-’ Abidin in 922. (According to
Tawarikh-i Kashmir, 925 A. H.) Malik Gaji Chakk imprisoned Ibra¬
him, but his son Abdal Makari went to India and thence getting help
he brought Slkandar Khan the son of bath Shah and proclaimed him
king. ( l-Sq is the phrase used.) It says nothing about coins

or I should be inclined to assign my first silver coin No. 1, pi. I to this
Sikandar). Gaji Chakk and Muhammad Shah made preparations in
Nolpin in the Parganna of Mahekal. This was in 931 A. H. Sikandar,
not being able to meet them took refuge in the fort of Nagam. Gaji
Chakk sent his son Mas’aiid against him but he was killed. Neverthe-

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

113

leis Sikandar being unsuccessful in Nagam fled from it. Al
^(f (there is a pun here we cannot reproduce in English). The Makar!
following fled along with him. Muhammad Shah then became firmly
seated on the throne. As usual, the king, listening to Gaji Chakk’s
enemies, drank in their calumnious accusation, and turned against the
man who had made him king : Gaji being under suspicion went off to
Itajaori and there joined the Rajah of that part. Daring this time
Sikandar Khan, obtaining help from the Mughal Babar took possession
of Lanharkot. Malik Bari brother of Gaji Chakk hearing of this attack¬
ed him and taking him prisoner sent him to the king, who being pleased
with such loyalty became Reconciled to Gaji Chakk and restored him
again to office. Poor Sikandar had the needle drawn through his eyes
and once more Muhammad Shah was at peace.

It seems that when Muhammad Shah took refuse with Ibrahim
Lodhi at Dehli he took with him his son Ibrahim Khan. This son was
kept at Dehli by the Emperor, while the father was sent to Kashmir
with a large army. Now at the time of the affair of Sikandar Khan,
Ibrahim Lodhi owing to disturbances in Dehli took refuge in Kashmir*
Malik Gaji Chakk, who was displeased with the king for blindiug
Sikandar Khan, by every means he could devise, threw all the courtiers
of Muhammad Shah into prison and then imprisoned the king him¬
self and made Ibrahim Khan king. (Here again comes the phrase
ajA-D y Aj hence we must own that Sikandar also was proclaimed
king and therefore that he probably struck coins.) Muhammad Shah
had reigned 11 years 11 months and 11 days.

Ibrahim Shah. — Ibrahim Shah made Malik Gaji Chakk his prime
minister. Abdal Makari son of Ibrahim Makari having fled from the
tyranny of Gaji Chakk went to the court of Babar and asked from him
help in the shape of an army wherewith he might conquer Kashmir.
This was granted and Shaikh Ali Beg and Mahmud Khan were appoint¬
ed its generals. Abdal perceiving that the Kashmiris would despise
the Mughal soldiers pretended he was coming to promote the claims of
Nazuk Shah (Nadir P) the son of Ibrahim Shah. Malik Gaji Chakk,
bringing with him the king Ibrahim, advanced to meet Abdal as far as
Sal ah in the parganna of Bankul. Abdal sent a message to Gaji saying
that as he was come with a Mughal army from Babar the conqueror of
Ibrahim Lodhi, whose army had exceeded five hundred thousand soldiers,
it would be well for him at once to swear allegiance to this all-
powerful sovereign, or if not to fight at once. Gaji, like a true soldier,
preferred to fight. In the battle which ensued the slaughter was very
great : many nobles of Ibrahim were slain, amongst whom were Malik
Tazi and Shere Malik. After the battle Gaji fled to the mountains, and

114 C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of [No. 2,

it is not known what became of Ibrahim Shah : he disappeared no one
knows where or how or in what direction. He had reigned 8 months
and 5 days. (For a coin of our Ibrahim Shah, see No. 16, PI. II.)

Ndzu/c Shah ( Nadir ?) . — Nazuk Shah (I retain this word because
all the MSS. seem to have it, but all the coins have Nadir) on ascend¬
ing the throne of his forefathers, set himself -to encourage the natives
of Kashmir, who were uneasy about the Mughals. The natives were
pleased with him and took him to Naoshera the old capital of the Sul¬
tans of Kashmir. Abdal Makari became his prime minister. He
pursued Malik Gaji Chakk to the confines of Jahalnagari, but could not
take him prisoner. He then returned and busied himself in the settle¬
ment of Kashmir. He divided the country into four parts, one he kept
himself, one he gave to Shaikh Mir Ali, and one was given to the
soldiers. (A MS. in the British Museum adds, one was given to Lanhar
Makari and one to Malik Zangi Chakk.) To the allies he had obtained
obtained from Babar he gave many presents and dismissed them in
the direction of India. Then he sent a letter of harsh rebuke to Malik
Gaji Chakk, but Muhammad Shah he again recalled from his prison of
Lanharkot and the two entered Kashmir as friends and thus Muhammad
Shah was agnin set upon the throne.

Muhammad Shah. 4 th Time. — Muhammad Shall as a tribute of grati¬
tude to Nazuk Shah who had reigned 20 years and 20 months (?) made
him the heir-apparent. In this year died Babar the first Mughal Emperor
of Dehli and he was succeeded by Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad Humayun.
This we know was in the year 937 A. H. Here we get therefore to land
at last. The whole of the reigns of Muhammad Shah and his rivals is
one tangled mass of confusion. There is no reliance ‘whatever to be
placed in a historian when he makes a man reign exactly the same num¬
ber of years, months and days. We read 11 years and 11 months and
11 days and 20 years and 20 months ! No two histories agree. One
MS. in the British Museum omits Nazuk Shall altogether. Many men
undoubtedly ascended the throne in this time of confusion. The date of
Abdal Makarl’s invasion of Kashmir with the aid of the Mughals is placed
in a MS. in the British Museum at 935 A. H. This would make the reign
of Nazuk Shah more like 20 months in length. We may I think take the
above date 937 A. H. as correct. After a year Malik Gaji Chakk, who had
taken refuge in the mountains returned and beseiged Kahrar, Abdal
Makari went to meet him and defeating him pursued him to Bliir. At
this time the Panjab was governed by Kamran, the brother of Humayun,
Shaikh A'li Beg and Muhammad Khan the leaders of the allies who had
helped Abdal Makari, and who had left him without permission, went
to Kamran and represented to him how easy it would be to conquer

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

115

Kashmir by their assistance. Kamran at once consented to do so and
appointed Muharram Beg to co-operate with these two worthies. As
soon as the Kashmiris heard of the approach of the Mughals they fled for
fear to the mountains leaving all they possessed in their houses. The
Mughal soldiers plundered and burnt to their hearts’ content : all the
Kashmiris who dared to leave the mountains to fight for their homes were
slain. At first Abdal Makari thought Malik Gaji Chakk was at the
bottom of this invasion. When he found, however, that he was not in
the Mughal army, he sent for him and his sons and entered into a com¬
pact with them. Joining their forces together, the two leaders took
heart and, attacking the Mughals, utterly routed them and drove them
back to their own country. But after this Malik Gaji Chakk could not
endure the prosperity of Abdal, so he betook himself to Bhir and there
resided. In this year, which was 939 A. H. (the MS. in the British Museum
agrees with this date) the Sultan of Kashgar, Said Shah, sent his son
Sikandar Ivlian together with Mirza Haidar and 12,000 soldiers by the
way of Tibet and Lar to invade Kashmir. The inhabitants, fearing the
hardy valour of the central Asians fled from their homes in all direc¬
tions and took refuge in the mountains. The invaders, finding every¬
thing open before them, destroyed the palaces of the olden kings and
levelled them with the dust. The city was burnt. The treasury and
the buried treasures were plundered, and the whole army of invaders
was laden with goods and gold. Wherever the Kashmiris were found
hidden they were pursued and slain or imprisoned. This state of things
lasted for six months. Meanwhile Maliks Gaji Chakk and Abdal
Makari, together with other nobles, took refuge in Chakdara, But not
agreeing to stay there, they went to Khawara and Baradar. From this
place by the way of Badah they descended from the mountains and
engaged in battle with the Mughals, the leaders of whom were quite
willing to risk an engagement. The encounter was long and bloody.
Many great and brave men on both sides were slain. The Kashmiris at
oue time wished to turn their backs on the field, but Malik Gaji Chakk
exhorted them to play the man and remain firm. They also obtained
the aid of more Kashmiris. The slaughter on both sides was awful —
the dead were numberless. The struggle lasted from morning till
night. In the evening the prisoners were numbered on both sides
and were liberated and both armies were ready to accept joeace. The
Kashgar party, taking with them presents of wool, hawks, and precious
things, went to Muhammad Shah and asked his daughter in marriage to
Sikandar Khan, and desired that the women whom the Mughals had in
their hands, should there remain. Peace being thus concluded, the
central Asians returned to their homes, and peace once more reigned in

116 C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Goins of [No. 2,

Kashmir. In this year two comets appeared and their advent was
succeeded by a great famine so severe that many people perished with
hunger while others fied into exile rather than remain in their own
land to starve. The massacre of Zuljir was regarded no less severe than
this famine in its effects. It (the famine) lasted ten months. When
the orchards bore fruit it disappeared. No sooner was the country freed
from external enemies and internal troubles than the leaders of the
people Gaji Chakk and Abdal Makari disagreed. The former took up
his residence at Zainpur and the latter remained in office as wazir.
Governors and rulers did as they liked. No man obtained justice.
After a short time Muhammad Shall died of fever, having reigned
50 years. Before his death, he distributed all the gold he had amongst
the poor of the country. This 50 years must reckon from 891 A. H.
and include all the reigns of Fath Shall and Nazuk Shall.

Shams-ud-D'm. — It seems that this prince Shams-ud-Din sat on the
throne of his father Muhammad Shall. Guided by his ministers he
divided the whole of Kashmir amongst the nobles. The people were
pleased with his rule. Gaji Chakk and Abdal Makari renewed their
disagreement and the former got possession of the young prince
and took him in the direction of Kuswar. Abdal Makari opposed
him, but the two agreeing he withdrew to Kamraj where his states were
while Gaji Chakk and the king went to Srinagar. Again Abdal
Makari showed uneasiness and again quiet was restored. Nothing
more is known of the history of this king. (The two coins I assign to
him are very poor indeed. Nos. 11 and 12, pi. I. The obverses are so
illegible I have not drawn them. I have not seen a copper coin of this
king yet. It is just possible that these silver coins may be those of the
first Sultan.)

Nazuk Shah. 2nd Time. — After his father Nazuk sat on the throne
of the kingdom. (His father we are told was Ibrahim Shah. There is
confusion again here.) He had not, however, reigned more than five or
six months when Mirza Haidar Turk, having obtained a firm footing in
Kashmir ruled it. In his time the Kliutba was read and coins were
struck in the name of Ndsir-ud-JD'm Muhammad Humayun Bddshdh.
(The coins of Humayun struck in Kashmir are exceedingly rare. They
are exactly of the same type as those of the preceding kings. There are
some small differences in the inscriptions in the arrangements of the
letters. (See Nos. 13 and 14, pi. I.) One coin has a ^ in the field to
the right, which I consider to be the first letter of Haidar’s name.
(See No. 33, pi. III.) The dates of the coins fall within the period
during which Mirza Haidar ruled Kashmir nominally in his master’s
name. But all these ten years poor Humayun was a fugitive in Sind

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

117

and Persia and Afghanistan and he never derived any benefit frem the
fact that prayers were used in Kashmir with his name in them, and
coins current with his name on them.)

In the year 948 A. H. when Humayun, flying before Sher Shah
Surf, reached Lahore, Malik Abdal Makari, Zangi Chakk and other
petitioners wrote about Humayun ’s taking Kashmir and sent the letter
by the hands of Mirza Haidar. The emperor dismissed the Mirza in the
direction of Kashmir and gave it out as his intention to follow shortly
himself. When the Mirza arrived at Bhir he was met by Abdal Makari
and Zangi Chakk. The Mirza had with him only three or four thousand
horsemen, but when he arrived at Rajaori, Malik Gaji Chakk who was
the ruler of Kashmir, arrived at Khabal Kartal (it is called Karmal by
Erskine) and entrenched himself with from three to four thousand
horsemen and 50,000 infantry. Mirza Haidar therefore changed his
route and went by Pabhaj (the Pamij of Erskine) which Gaji Chakk in
his pride had forgotten to defend. The Mirza crossed the mountains
and descending into the plain of Kashmir took possession at once of
Srinagar. Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk finding themselves strong,
busied themselves with the affairs of the kingdom, and they gave several
pergunnalis to the Mirza. But just at this time Abdal Makari, died after
recommending his sons to the care of the Mirza.

After the arrival of Mirza Haidar in Kashmir, Malik Gaji Chakk
went to Sher Shah Afghan for assistance. He obtained five thousand
horsemen, over whom were Husain Sharvani and Adil Khan ; and two
elephants. Mirza Haidar met him between Danahdyar and Kawah, and
the zephyr of victory blowing in favour of the Mirza, the Malik and his
Affghan allies fled from the field and took possession of Bahramgalla.

In the year 950 A. H. Mirza Haidar settled himself in the fort of
Indarkot. Zangi Chakk being suspected by him fled to Gaji Chakk and
in 951 A. H. the two set out, in the direction of Srinagar, determined
to root out Mirza Haidar. Bahrain Chakk, son of Zangi Chakk arrived
first at Srinagar, but he was easily put fco flight by two of the Mirza’s
generals, and his disorganized troops falling back on the main army
Zangi Chakk and Gaji Chakk also fled and returned to Bahramgalla.
After this the Mirza employed his army in invading Tibet. He took
Lansur and many other large forts.

In 952 A. H. Gaji Chakk and his son Muhammad Chakk died of
fever and ague. This year the Mirza spent in ease.

In 953 A. H. Zangi Chakk fighting with Mirza Haidar was killed.
His head with the head of his son Gazi Khan were presented to Haidar.

In 954 A. H. ambassadors came to the Mirza from Kashgar and he
went with many nobles as far as Lar to meet them. In Lar the head of

118

[No. 2,

0. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Goins of

Khwaja Ujh son of Masaud Chakk was brought to him. This man had
for the space of seven years been fighting in Kamraj, but at last he had
desired peace. Mirza Mirak, swearing that all should be right, asked
him to attend on him to make a treaty. But when l/jh came into the
assembly he was stabbed by Mirak and he fled to the jungle pursued by
Mirak who took his head off and sent it to Mirza Haidar. fide Zina
was far from pleased at seeing it, and, standing up in anger said, that
after an oath and covenant had been made the slaughter of one man was
not necessary. Haidar replied that he was not privy to the circum¬
stances of the death.

After this Mirza Haidar turned his attention to Kishtwar. Ban-
dagan Kukali, Muhammad Makari and Yahi Zina led the van. The
Mirza took up his abode at Jhapur near Kishtwar. The van, doing
three days’ journey in one descended on Dahlot, where the river winds,
and they were not able to ford it, for the enemy too opposed them.
The next day the army of Haidar made a diversion to the right in hopes
of reaching Kishtwar, but when they reached the town of Dhar, gusts
of cold air laden with dust came down upon them, the day became dark
and the people of the town made an attack on them. Bandagan Kukali
with five other men was slain. The rest of the army with a thousand
exertions at last joined themselves with Haidar. The Mirza was not
successful : he was obliged to retrace his steps ingloriously.

In 955 he turned his attention to Tibet. Taking Rajaori he gave
it to Muhammad Nazir and Nasir All. Pakli he gave to Mulla Abdullah
and Little Tibet he gave to Mullah Q isim. Conquering Great Tibet, he
appointed Mulla Hasan its governor.

In 956 lie took the fort of Danel. At this time Adam Ghakkar
came before the Mirza and asked him to pardon Daulat Chakk. He
agreed to do so and Adam called Daulat into the tent. The Mirza, on
his coming in, showed him no honour. For this reason Daulat became
very angry, and taking away the elephant he had brought as a present,
he went away. The courtiers wished to pursue him but the Mirza
forbade them. After some time Haidar returned to Kashmir. Daulat
Chakk and Gazi Khan and Jai Chakk went to Haidar Khan who had
fled from Islam Shall to Rajaori. When Islam Shah who was pursuing
the Niyazis arrived at the town of Madawar from Naoshahra, Haibat
Khan Niyazi sent Sayyid Khan to him. Sayyid Khan making proposi¬
tions of peace gave up the mother and son of Haibat Khan Niyazi to Islam
Shah who turning back went to the town of Ban near Sialkot and agreed
to the conditions. The three Kashmiris above-mentioned then took
Haibat Khan to Baramula and wished to take him to Kashmir, and
carry away Haidar. As Haibat did not see his way to doing this he sent

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

119

a Brahman to Haidar with conditions of peace. When he had received a
promise from Haidar he went to live at Hir (Hir in MS. Ho. 6571
opening 190 in British Museum) in Jammu and the Kashmiris went to
Islam Shah. Ghazi Khan Chakk, however, went to Mirza Haidar. (It is
evident that at this time the Kashmiris were tired of Haidar. They
wished Islam Shah to he king. We do not read that Islam ever went
so far as Kashmir. The nobles, however, must have struck coins in his
name, using the formula struck in Kashmir on the reverse. I have seen
two coins of Islam Shah of this time. Ho. 15, pi. I is of this king.
It was a common practice to strike coins anticipating events which did
not come to pass. The date on this coin is 957 A. H. It may have been
struck by Haidar as a compliment to Islam Shah.)

In the year 957 A. H. Mirza Haidar being at peace with his neigh¬
bours sent presents of saffron to Islam Shall by the hands of Khwajah
Shams Mughal. In the following year Islam Shah sent the ambassadors
back with presents of silk cloth and goods accompanied by Yasin (Basin
in above MS.) as envoy. Mirza Haidar sent back Yasin laden with
shawls and saffron to Islam Shah.

Mirza Qarra Bahadur was appointed governor of Bhirpul (or
Bharmal) and along with him were sent from amongst the Kashmiris
Idi Zina and Hazuk Shah, Husain Makari and Khwajah Haji. The
whole of these with Mirza Qarra came back to Indarkot and went thence
to Baramula and became rebellious. The reason of this rebellion was
that the Muglials (the forces of Mirza Haidar) were not acceptable to
them. When the Mughals informed the Mirza of this he told them they
were no less ready than the Kashmiris to rebel. Husain Makari sent
his brother All Makari to Mirza Haidar to make excuse for the Kash¬
miris and to call again the army. Haidar was not aware of the condition
of things, and told them that the Kashmiris were powerless and that
there was no use in calling the army.

On the 27th of .Ramzan a great fire burst out in Indarkot. Mirza
Qarra and his following sent word that their houses were destroyed, and
asked for orders saying that if convenient they would rebuild their
houses and next year go to Bhirpul. Mirza Haidar was displeased at
this conduct, nevertheless whether he would or not the army went
towards Bhirpul. At night time, however, Idi Zina and the rest of
the Kashmiris left the Mughals and came to the pass of Bhirpul and took
with them Husain Makari, All Makari and others in order that they
might not be* slain by the Mughals. When it was morning the men
of Bhirpul fought with the Mughals who were fastened in the mountains.
Sayyid Mirza fled and went into the fort of Bhirpul. About 80 Mughals,
men of note were slain in this affair. Muhammad Hazir and Mirza

120

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Goins of

[No. 2,

Qarra Bahadur were captured. The rest of the army came to Bahram-
galla. When Mirza Haidar heard of this he was sorely vexed and ordered
all the silver vessels to be broken and the coin now current in Kashmir
was struck from them. Jahangir Makari at this time got into favour
and the estates of Husain Makari were bestowed upon him. Trades¬
people had horses and outfits given to them and were made soldiers.
After this news came that Mulla Abdullah, hearing of the exodus of the
Kashmiris, was coming to Kashmir. When he got near to Baramula
the Kashmiris crowded on him and slew him. Khwajah Qasim was
slain in little Tibet. Muhammad Nazir was imprisoned in Rajaori.
The Kashmiris leaving Bahramgalla came to Hambarapur. Mirza
Haidar was thus forced to fight them and he came to Indarkot. He had
with him only a thousand men. With him were Mughal nobles who had
700 men more. The whole took up a position in Shahab-ud-Dinpur.
Daulat Chakk and Ghazi Khan Chakk went to Hambarapur to help Idi
Zina and coming from that place assembled in Khanpur. Mirza Haidar
took up his position in the plain of Khali dgarli near Srinagar. Fath
Chakk, whose father had been slain by the Mughals, Khwajah Bahrain
brought, with 3,000 men to Indarkot to revenge his father’s death.
They burned all the palaces of Mirza Haidar in the Safa gardens.
When Mirza Haidar heard of this he said, “ I have not brought this from
Kashgar that I might by the grace of God, again build it.” Jai All in
revenge burnt the palaces of Zain-ul-’ Abidin in Suryapur, but this did not
please Mirza Haidar and the army burnt the palaces of I'di Zina and
Nauroz Chakk in Srinagar. Mirza Haidar himself took up a position
in Khanpur in which place was a willow tree under which 22 horsemen
could stand. If one branch of this tree were shaken the whole tree was
moved. At last the Kashmiris came from Khanpur and took up a posi¬
tion at Adnipur and not more than a distance of two kos remained between
the two armies. Mirza Haidar determined to make a night attack on the
enemy. He first of all made his own younger brother Mirza Abdur
Rahman his heir-apparent and inaugurated him, then getting his men
into order he prepared for the night attack. It so happened that the
night was very cloudy and when he got to the tent of Khwajah Haji
who was the soul of the rebellion and the agent of the Mirza, the darkness
hid everything. Shah Nazar a cuirassier of Mirza Haidar said, “ When
I shot an arrow the voice of the Mirza fell on my ear, saying, ‘ you are at
fault.’ I then knew that the arrow had accidentally struck the Mirza.”
It is also said that a butcher shot him in the thigh • with an arrow.
In another tradition it is stated that Ivamal Kuka killed him with a
sword. But except an arrow- wound in his heart no other thing was
visible. In reality this is the sum of the traditions. When mornino*

1885.]

121

the Sultans of Kashmir.

dawned it became noised abroad amongst tlie Kashmiris that a Mughal
was 1} ing slain in their camp. When Khwajah Haji came to view the
coipse, he said it was that of Haidar. He held up the head from the
earth but nothing but the last breath remained. He moved his eyes
and gave up the ghost. After this the Mughals fled to Indarkot and the
Kashmiris buried the corpse of Haidar and then pursued the Mughals.
They took refuge in Indarkot and for three days defended themselves.
On the fourth day Muhammad Kumi loaded the cannon with copper
coins and fired them on the enemy. Every one who was struck with
them died. At last, however, Khanmai, the widow of Mirza Haidar,
and her sister Khanji spoke to the Mughals and said, “ Inasmuch as
Mirza Haidar has departed from our midst, it would be better to make
peace with the Kashmiris.” The Mughals agreed to this and sent Amir
Khan, builder, to the Kashmiris to ask for peace. The Kashmiris were
pleased at this and wrote a letter with oath and covenant that they
would not persecute the Mughals any more. The government of Haidar
Turk lasted for ten years.

Nazuh Shah. 3rd Time. — When the doors of the fort were opened,
the Kashmiris went into the treasury of Mirza Haidar and plundered it,
taking away the beautiful and delicate garments it contained. The
family of the Mirza was taken to Srinagar and placed in the hands of
Manuja. The Kashmiri chiefs then divided Kashmir between them¬
selves. Daulat Cliakk got the pargannali of Deosar, Ghazi Khan the
pargannah of Walii ; Yusuf Cliakk and Bahram Chakk obtained Kamraj.
Khwajah Haji the wakil of the Mirza took a lakh of shawls and the
whole of the nobles of Kashmir, but especially Idi Zina, took the
government of the province into their hands. Nazuk Shah as a kind of
shadow of a king was upheld in name. In truth Idi Zina was king,
(coin Ho. 10, pi. I. I attribute to this period. It is struck in the name
of Nadir Shah. The reverse bears the date 957 A. H. and was probably
struck from an old die of Haidar’s, see Nos. 13 and 14 which were struck
by Haidar in the name of Humayun. The only sign I can find of
Haidar on the coins is the solitary £ I have before mentioned on coin
No. 33, pi. III.)

In 959 A. H. Sankar Chakk son of Gaji Chakk who was without
any estates, while Ghazi Chakk who called himself the son of Gaji had
many, desired to leave Kashmir. The whole story is this, Sankar Chakk
was without any doubt or question the son of Gaji Chakk. Ghazi Khan
Chakk, although he was called the son of Gaji, in reality was not his
son. For Gaji after the death of his own brother Hasan Chakk took to
wife the widow who was then with child. Two months after Ghazi Klian
Chakk was born. Hence Sankar Chakk wished to leave Kashmir (i. e., ]

122

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of

[No. 2,

suppose the city of Kashmir or Srinagar) and repair to fdi Zina. When
this got wind, Daulat Cliakk and Ghazi Khan Chakk sent Isma’il Hanit
and Harju with 100 men to call back Sankar Chakk, telling them to
bring him by force if he would not come otherwise. He would not
come, but fled to Fdi Zina. In the end Sankar Chakk had given to him
the jagirs of Kothar, Khawin and Maduru. and was thus satisfied, and so
the disturbance was quelled.

In those days there were four parties in Kashmir (1) Fdi Zina and
his party, (2) Hasan Makari son of Abdal Makari and his party, (3)
the Kapuris who were composed of Bahrain Chakk, Yusuf Chakk and
others, (4) the Kasis who were Gaji Chakk, Daulat Chakk and Grhazi
Khan Chakk. In order to strengthen the Chakk interest, the following
marriages took place : — The daughter of Yalii Zina married Husain
Khan son of Gaji Chakk ; the daughter of Daulat Chakk married Muham¬
mad Makari son of Abdal Makari ; and the sister of Yusuf Chakk son
of Zangi Chakk married Grhazi Khan Chakk. Being' thus united for a
short time the usual result followed, they quarrelled and separated.
Grhazi Khan Chakk went to Kamraj, Daulat Chakk to Siirpur, the Makari
faction to Pakul. By reason of this quarrel I'di Zina remained in a
state of grief in Srinagar. When the egg-plant came in season Fdi
Zina ordered fowl to be cooked with the fruit : this kind of food is
delicious and the Kashmiris like it. Afterwards when Bahram Chakk and
Sayyid Ibrahim and Sayyid Yaqub accepted his invitation to dine off the
above-mentioned viands (but Yusuf Chakk would not accept the invita¬
tion), Fdi Zina seized the three and put them in prison. Yusuf getting
to hear of this fled to Daulat Chakk at Kamraj, taking with him 3,000
horsemen and 700 infantry. When Fdi Zina saw that* the Kashmiris
were going over to the Chakk faction, he set free from prison the
Mughals Mirza Qarra Bahadur, Mirza Abdur Rahman, Mirza Jan Mirak,
Mirza Yakla, Mir Shah, Sliahzada Beg Mirza, Muhammad Nazir and
Jar ’Ali, and supplied them with horses and armour and pay and took up
a position at Chakkpur. Meanwhile the Sayyids Ibrahim and Yaqub, by
the help of their troopers, escaped from prison and joined Ghazi Chakk at
Kamraj. Bahram Chakk was not able to escape. The next day Ghazi
Klian Chakk came to Srinagar with 30 cavalry and kept up a constant
fight with Fdi Zina from the Fdgali where he had taken up his position.

I di Zina sent the Mughals against him. He, however, destroyed all the
bridges and the Mughals did nothing. Meanwhile Daulat Chakk came to
help Ghazi Khan. At last Baba Khalil went to Fdi Zina and said, “ You
trust the Mughals and drive the Kashmiris from your sight. This is not
expedient.” Accordingly Fdi Zina made peace with the Kashmiris and
dismissed the Mughals and their families. Khanji, the sister of Mirza

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

123

Haidar went by the way of Pagli to Kabul and tlie families of Jar ’Ali
and others were put to the sword. Khanam fled to Kashgar. After
this news came that Haibat Khan and Sayyid Khan and Sliahbaz Khan
Affghans of the Niyazi tribe were invading Kashmir and that they had
arrived at the salt . range in the pargannah of Banihal. Tdi Zina
Husain Makari, Bahrain Chakk, Daulat Chakk and Yusuf Chakk, join¬
ing their forces together, opposed the Kiyazis. The two parties fought
well, Bibi Baba, the wife of Haibat Klian Niyazi joining the fight and
striking ’Ali Chakk with her sword. At last, however, she and the three
Niyazi leaders were slain and the Kashmiri allies returned to Srinagar
flushed with victory. They sent the head of the Affghans to Islam Shah
Suri by the hands of a man named Yaqub. After this of course the allies
disagreed. Tdi Zina took up his residence in Khagarh together with
Path Chakk, Lauliar Makari, Yusuf Chakk, Bahrain Chakk and Ibrahim
Chakk. Daulat Chakk, Gliazi Klian Chakk, Husain Makari and Sayyid
Ibrahim joining themselves together settled in the rdgali. Two months
passed thus. Then Yusuf Chakk, Path Chakk and Ibrahim Chakk left
I'd! Zina and joined Daulat Chakk, who finding himself thus supported
attacked Tdi Zina who not being able to oppose him fled, without trying
the chance of a battle, to Merv. Wishing to change horses, by accident
a horse kicked him in the breast and at Simale he disappeared altogether,
i. e., he died in that place and his corpse was brought to Srinagar and
buried in the village of Musa Zina. The nobles then deposed Hazuk
Shah who was king only in name, and began to govern the country on
their own account. Nazuk Shah, this third time, reigned ten months.

Ibrahim Shall II. — Ibrahim II* was the son of Kazuk Shah. As
Tdi Zina had departed this life, Daulat Chakk came into the capital and
took upon himself the affairs of the kingdom. Inasmuch as he deemed
it expedient to have some one king in name he set up Ibrahim Shah that
he might rule nominally under him. At this time Kliwajah Haji the
waldl of Mirza Haidar left Khaigal and took refuge with Islam Shall.
At the same time Shams Zina and Bahrain Chakk were thrown into
prison. At the Td-i Pitr, Daulat Chakk went to practice archery outside
the city. Yusuf Chakk was also there and riding on his horse. A foot-
soldier who was gathering arrows got entangled in the horse’s legs and
Yusuf was thrown from his horse and his neck was broken.

In 960 A. H. Daulat Chakk and Gliazi Khan Chakk again dis¬
agreed and the whole of Kashmir was involved in the quarrel. Husain
Makari and Shams Zina who were in Hindustan in 961 returned and
joined themselves to Gfhazi Klian Chakk. Bahram Chakk and the sons

* Coin No. 16, pi. II may be of this Ibralhm. All the coins with name Ibrahim
on them seem to possess the date 842 in Arabic words.

124 C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Coins of [No. 2,

of Yusuf Chakk joined themselves to Daulat Cliakk. These dissensions
and quarrels lasted two months. At last a husbandman assuming the
garb of an ambassador came to Daulat Chakk and said, “ Ghazi Klian
Chakk has sent me to ask why you keep all these men near you for they
are all your enemies.” To Grhazi Khan Chakk he said, “ Daulat Chakk is
willing to accept peace why still stir up strife ?” This trick succeeded
and produced peace. Shams Zina again fled to India.

During these times the inhabitants of Great Tibet made an incur¬
sion into Kashmir and drove away the flocks of sheep of the pargannah
of Khawan and Bara which were in the estates of Habib Chakk the
brother of Nasrat Khan Chakk. On account of this Daulat Chakk,
Sankar Chakk, Ibrahim Chakk, and Haidar Chakk the son of Grhazi
Khan Chakk and other nobles together with an army were sent by the
way of Bar to Great Tibet. Habib Khan Chakk who was with the
army, going by the way the sheep had been driven, used such expedi¬
tion that he fell suddenly on the fort of Great Tibet and took it killing
the governor. The garrison all fled. Habib Chakk told his brother
Darvesh Chakk to scour the country but he neglected to do this. Habib,
however, in spite of unhealed wounds, mounting his horse, took palaces
and forts and the inhabitants of Great Tibet, not being able to with¬
stand him, submitted. In one of the palaces forty persons were taken
on the roof. Much importunity was used to preserve their lives. 500
horses, 1,000 pieces of pattu, 50 yaks, 200 sheep and 200 tolahs of gold
were offered in their stead, but Habib Khan would not give ear to their
words : he slew the whole of the forty. Riding away from that fort he
went to another which suffered the same fate. The inhabitants of Great
Tibet then sent him for his acceptance 3,000 horses, 500 pieces of pattu,
200 sheep and 30 yaks. He also took from the Tibetans some five
Kashgari horses which had fallen into their hands. Haidar Chakk, son
of Ghazi Khan Chakk sent Khani his foster-brother to Habib and told
him that as the Tibetans were minding these Kashgari horses for his
father Ghazi Khan, it was necessary that the horses should be sent to him
in order that he might forward them to his father. Habib Chakk sent
nearly 200 men with the horses in order that they might quarrel among
themselves in the way, but they would not do so, and at last they arrived
in Srinagar with their charge.

In the year 962 a great earthquake committed much ravages in
Kashmir. Many towns and villages were destroyed. Nilu and ’Adampur
were washed away by the river Jhelum. In the town of Mawur which
is situated at the foot of the mountains there was a great landslip which
killed nearly 600 persons.

Ismail Shah. — When five months had passed of the reign of Ibra-

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

125

him Shah, who was in truth the agent of Daulat Chakk, Ghazi Khan
Chakk took the affairs of the kingdom into his hands and Daulat Chakk
was defeated and blinded. (I cannot tell which are the coins of Ibra¬
him Shall I, and which of Ibrahim Shall II. They are all like No. 16,
pi. II, the date is 842 in Arabic words.) Ghazi Khan set up Ismael Shah
on the throne in 963 A. H. (For coin of Ismail see No. 17, pi. II.
Date 842 in Arabic words.) In that year Habib Khan Chakk desired to
join himself to Daulat Chakk and with his intention went towards
Mardadun. Ghazi Khan Chakk then said to Nasrat Chakk brother of
Habib, it would be as well for us to seize Daulat Chakk before your
brother comes, for afterwards it will be difficult to do so. Once upon a
time Daulat Chakk going on board a boat, went to a pond in the lake
that he might kill water-fowl. Ghazi Khan coming after him took his
horses, and when he fled to the mountains pursued him and taking him
prisoner blinded him. After this Habib Khan Chakk came and Ghazi
Khan who was not pleased with him gave Nazuk Chakk the nephew of
Daulat Chakk much inconvenience and trouble. He was not at all at ease
about the blinding of his uncle and for that reason Ghazi Khan Chakk
wished to imprison him, but Nazuk, getting news of this fled to Habib
Khan Chakk. (For coin of Ismail Shah, see No. 17, pi. II.)

Habib Shah son of Ismail Shah.— -After Ismail Shall had reigned
two years he died. Ghazi Khan elevated his son to the throne. Towards
the end of 964 A. H. Nasrat Khan Chakk, Nazuk Chakk, Sankar
Chakk, brother of Ghazi Khan Chakk, Yusuf Chakk and Hasti Khan
Chakk met together and took an oath and covenant to this effect that as
Ghazi Khan Chakk was eaten up by physic, and his brother Husain Chakk
is in prison, we will release him and slay Ghazi Khan. Ghazi got to hear
of all this. Appeasing Yusuf and Sankar Chakk he called them into
his presence. Habib Khan Chakk, Nasrat Khan Chakk, and Darvesli
Khan Chakk said they would like lawyers and learned men to plead for
them, and then come or flee as it pleased them. Nasrat Chakk came
without any promise being given him and was at once imprisoned.
Habib Chakk and Nazuk Chakk destroyed the bridges and departed.
Hasti Khan Chakk with all his followers joined them. Ghazi Khan sent
a large army against them and a great battle resulted. His army was
beaten and several were taken prisoners. Habib Khan being victorious
departed to the mountains of Mamun. After the defeat his army had
sustained, Ghazi Chakk took the field himself in order that he might
defeat Habib ; and he went to Badumara. Thence by water with 3
elephants and 3,000 men he went to the plain Khalidgarh. Habib Khan
here opposed him with twenty men, but after a hard fight he was com¬
pelled to flee. At the bridge of the Jamja his horse stuck fast. Mean-

126

[No. 2,

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Goins of

while an elephant driver of Ghazi Khan Chakk came up and took him
prisoner. Ghazi Khan Chakk told him to take off his head. He tried to
do so, but Habib got the man’s hand in his mouth and held it in his
teeth. At last, however, he managed to sever his head from his body, and
he carried it to Kala, the name of his residence and hung it there on the
door. Darvesh Chakk and Nazuk Chakk also fell into their hands and
were treated similarly. After this Bahrain Chakk returned from India
and the jagir of Khuba Hamun was given to him. Getting permission he
left Srinagar and went to his birthplace Dancha in the pargannali of
Zaingarh. Sankar Chakk, Fatli Chakk and others soon joined him and
going to Subapur they raised the standard of rebellion. Ghazi Khan
Chakk sent his sons and brothers against them. They were not able to
oppose them and fled to the mountains. Ghazi Khan sent his party
after them and ordered them to pursue until they captured. The next
day news came that Bahrain Chakk had escaped from Sarkob, and that
Sankar Chakk and Fath Chakk had left him. Ghazi Khan himself
pursued them to Klioba Hamun and for six days searched everywhere for
Bahram Chakk, but he was not taken. However Ahmad Jozin brother
of Haidar Chakk son of Ghazi Khan Chakk agreed to pursue Bahram
until he took him, so Ghazi Khan returned to the city. Ahmad Jozin
went to Sarkob the residence of the Rishis or Sufis and arrested them
and made enquiries about Bahram. The Rishis said they had placed
him in a boat and conveyed him to the residenee of Amir Zina in Badeli.
The Rishis are a people who are engaged at all times in agriculture
and tree planting. When Ahmad Jozin came to Amir Zina after much
search he succeeded in arresting Bahram Chakk whom he took to
Srinagar where the people killed him and Ahmad Jozin was elated
with his success. In those days Shall Abulnruali who had fled from
Lahore, and had been imprisoned by the Ghakkars managed to escape
with the fetters still on his feet. Making friends with Kama! Khan
Ghakkar, he, after the fashion of Mirza Haidar, desired to invade Kash¬
mir. When he arrived in Bajaori a company of Mughals met him. The
blinded Daulat Chakk, Fath Chakk and others of the Chakk faction and
Lauhar Vangari all joined Shall Abulnruali and in 965 A. H. he set out
for Kashmir. When he arrived at Baramulla Haidar Chakk and Fath
Chakk who were guarding the pass fled and went to Badiikhi. The
Shah proceeding justly, would not allow any of his soldiers to oppress
the people. Ghazi Khan Chakk making his brother Husain Chakk leader
of the van, himself took up a position at Khanud. The Kashmiris who
were with Shah Abulnruali left him without leave and attacked Husain
Chakk and caused him to flee. Ghazi Khan Chakk went to his assistance
and fighting bravely many Kashmiris were slain by him and the battle

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

127

turned in his favour. Shall Abulmuali seeing this state of things fled
without further resistance. In his flight his horse became very tired, but
a Mughal whom he came across gave him a fresh one and took the tired
one and stood with it on the road. When the Kashmiris who were
pursuing Abulmuali came up to the place he held them all at bay for
some time until, his quiver becoming empty, they rushed upon him in a
mass and slew him. During the delay Abulmuali escaped. Ghazi Khan
returning arrived in Badukhi and every Mughal whom they brought to
him he beheaded. But the Hafiz Mirzd Husaini who was from the
singers of Humayun he did not slay on account of his good singing.
After this Kasrat Khan Ohakk was liberated from prison, and sent into
the service of Jalal-ud-Din Akbar, where becoming acquainted with
Bairam Khan he tried to ingratiate himself in his favour.

In 966 A. H. a change came over the disposition of Grhazi Elian
Chakk and resulted in much oppression and violence to the people who
all became opposed to him. He by chance heard that his son Haidar
Chakk wished to take the kingdom of Kashmir from him. So he called
his wakil Muhammad Janid and Bahadur Bihut and sent them to
admonish his son and advise him to put such imaginations out of his
head. They went to him and petitioned him. Bub Haidar Chakk
snatched a dagger out of Muhammad Janid’s girdle and buried it in his
stomach. People flocked in and arrested Haidar and took him to his
father who ordered him to be executed and his body to be suspended on
a door in Zinagarh. All who joined him also were executed.

In 967 A. H. Mirza Qarra Bahadur came from India with a large
army and nine elephants. For three months he stayed in Lalpur.
From the Kashmiris Kasrat Chakh, Fath Chakk and others, and from
the Gliakkars also a large body joined him. He evidently hoped that a
lot of Kashmiris would join him. But meanwhile the leaders who had
come in deserted him and went over to Ghazi Khan. By reason of this
desertion there was much indecision in the invading army. Grhazi Khan
coming from Kashmir arrived in Naurozkot and sent his infantry against
the invaders and defeated them. Mirza Qarra fled to the fort of Daira.
The next day he again fled before the attack of infantry and his elephants
fell into the enemy’s hands while five hundred Mughals were killed.

Five }rears had passed of the reign of Habib Shah when Ghazi Khan
Chakk determined to put him on one side and unfold the royal banners
in his own behalf. Ceasing to act therefore in the name of another, he
ordered the Kliutba to be read and coins to be struck in his own name,
taking the title of Ghazi Shah.

(I have never seen a coin of any metal with Habib’s name on it.
Hone of my numismatic friends have one. And yet he reigned five
Q

128

C. J. Rodgers — The Square Silver Corns of

[No. 2,

years. I am inclined to think that the coin with the name of Mahmud
on it was struck by him. I read the date on this coin as 961 A. H.
See fig. 18, pi. II. The unit word and figure are both almost gone.
The reverse of No. 28, pi. I, is, however, precisely similar and gives 961
undoubtedly which is two years before the accession of Akbar. No
wonder the Rev. J. Loewenthal said, “ There is, however, great confu¬
sion in all the dates of Kashmirian History,” p. 280, I. A. B. S. 1864.
Narayan Kol states that Habib Khan became king of Kashmir in 960.
In 961 he committed great mistakes in the administration of justice, so
that the pillars of State became ashamed of him. Hence ’All Khan put
the crown on the head of Ghazi Khan his brother. This was the beginning
of the Chakk dynasty. ’Azam puts the beginning of the Cliakk dynasty
in 962 A. H. He calls Habib son of Ismail Shah while Narayan
Kol gives Shams-ud-Din (Ismail’s brother) as the name of his father.
If Narayan Kol be correct then the coin of Mahmud may be assigned to
Habib. It is not uncommon for a king to rule in one name and for his
coins to bear another. The Islam Shah of the coins is the Salim Shall
of history. There is, according to Lieutenaut Newall, an inscription of
Habib’s in Kashmir dated 981 A. H. I. A. B. S. 1864. But Newall
himself makes Habib die in 1557 A. D. = 965 A. H. By the way he
calls Nadir Shall Tarkh Shall. For my text I am indebted to Farishtah
and I have followed him. Narayan Kol cannot be right as to the length
of Habib’s reign. For as we have seen Akbar was reigning in India and
he ascended the throne in 963 A. H. When authorities are so conflicting
and coins cannot be trusted, it is hard to come to a decision as to what
is correct.)

G-hdzi Shah. — Ghazi Shah by reason of leprosy had lost his voice, his
fingers were nearly dropping off and his teeth were much decayed.
In 968 A. H. Fath Chakk, Lauhar Vankari and other Kashmiris
coming under the suspicion of Grhazi Shah betook themselves to the
mountains. Husain Chakk brother of Grhazi Shah was sent with 2,000
men to pursue them. As it was winter the rebels perished : some few who
escaped fled to Khatwar, but becoming uneasy there, they sought refuge
with Husain Chakk who entreated forgiveness for them from Grhazi
Shall, who not only forgave them but bestowed lands on them. In 970
Grhazi Slnih, leaving Kashmir went to Lar. Thence he sent Fath Khan
Chakk, Nasir Kibatu and his own son Ahmad Khan together with some
nobles to invade Great Tibet. When they got within five koss of Tibet
Kalan, Fath Khan Chakk, without obtaining permission from Ahmad
Khan left the army and went into the city. Inasmuch as the Tibetans
did not desire war, they were ready to make great presents to him,
and he quickly came out from the midst of them. Ahmad Khan seeing

1885.J

the Sultans of Kashmir.

129

this said to himself, that inasmuch as Fath Khan has entered Tibet and
returned, why should I not do the same ? All Kashmir would praise
me. He therefore determined to go alone. Fath Chakk remonstrated
with him, and told him that if he were determined to go he ought
not to go alone. He would not listen to him, and went accompanied
but by 500 men. Fath Khan retired. The Tibetans seeing Ahmad
coming alone, attacked him and he not being able to withstand them, fled to
Fath Khan and ordered him to the rear-guard of the army for the day
while he pressed forward without delay. The Tibetans still pressed on,
and when they found Fath Khan alone, engaged him in battle. He,
fighting with all zeal and alone, was slain. Grhazi Shah hearing this news
was exceedingly angry, and turned away his face from his son as was
meet after such conduct. The reign of Grhazi Shah was cat short after
four years.1**

Sultan Husain Shah. — The “ Tarikh-i- Kashmir” says Husain Shah,
ascended the throne in 971 A. H. Two coins Hos. 20 and 21, pi. II,
give 970. I prefer the testimony of these coins to that of the historians.
The date is duplicated, it is given once in Persian words and once in
figures and both dates agree.

Husain Shall was the brother of Grhazi Shah* In 971 A. H. Gliazi
Shah invaded Great Tibet and took up a position at Muladghar. On
account of his being a victim of leprosy he lost his eyesight. He made
it a habit to oppress his subjects and from innocent people exacted heavy
fines. By reason of this his subjects were estranged from him and
formed themselves into two companies against him. One faction follow¬
ed Ahmad Khan his son, and the other his brother Husain Chakk.
When Ghazi Shah heard of this he returned from his expedition to Tibet
and re-entered Srinagar, and as he showed greater friendship to Husain
Chakk he placed him on the throne instead himself, and the whole of
the nobles and ministers came to the house of Husain and gave in their
firm allegiance to him. After 15 days Ghazi Shah divided the whole of
his robes and goods into two parts, one part he gave to his own sons, the
other to shopkeepers telling them to give him their value. The shop¬
keepers at once resorted to Husain to ask for justice. Husain advised
Ghazi Shall to desist from making his demand. On this Ghazi wished
that he had made his own son his successor. Husain hearing’ this sum-
moned Ahmad Khan. Ghazi’ s son and Abdal Khan and others of the
family to his presence, and made them take an oath and give their word
to obey him. Ghazi Shah being ashamed at this attempt to subvert the

* For coin of Ghazi Shah see No. 18, pi. II. Dr. Stulpnagel has I believe the
only duplicate known. Mine from which I drew No. 19 is now in the British
Museum.

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king called round him a party of Mughals and formed a faction of his
own. Husain remained firm and opposed him. The headmen of the
city and towns intervened and extinguished the flame of rebellion. Grhazi
Shall, leaving the city, took up his abode at Rahinpur and after three
months again came into Srinagar. Husain Shah being firm in his
government divided Kashmir into portions. In 972# he sent his eldest
brother Sankar Chakk to Rajaori and Naushahra which he gave him in
jagir. But after this he heard that Sankar had rebelled. For this
reason he gave the j gir to Muhammad Makari and sent an army under
Ahmad Khan and Fath Khan Chakk, Khwajah Masaud and Manak
Chakk against Sankar and they gradually became victorious. Husain
Khan went out to meet them and brought them to Srinagar, but after
awhile it came to his knowledge that Ahmad Khan and Muhammad
Khan Makari and Nasrat Khan Chakk had determined to assassinate
him. He therefore wished to arrest them. They, getting to know of
this, came in a body before Husain, who knowing they were acquainted
with his purpose sent Lodni Lond to them, that he might get them all
in one place and make each person take an oath that he would have
enmity with no second person. The Malik did his business well and
made them all inclined towards peace, and they all came into the house
of Ahmad Khan and inasmuch as this last named gentleman had not
seen Husain Shah for some time they determined to carry him into the
king’s presence. Ahmad Khan with much flattery consented and together
with JSTasrat Khan Chakk and Malik Lodni Lond they went to the palace
of Husain. The Qazi Habib, who was of a city family. and Muhammad
Makari being present, the assembly was held. When evening came
Husain told them he was going to have a game and that they might
withdraw to the upper room and enjoy themselves and he would shortly
join them. When they had gone to the upper room he ordered some per¬
sons to imprison them. After this he sent ’Ali Khan and Khan-i-Zaman
whose real name was Fa.th Khan against Sankar Chakk with a large
army to Rajaori. They defeated him and returned victorious. Khan-i-
Zaman, getting all power into his hands, ordered all the nobles every
day to put in an appearance at his house. In the year 973 A. H.
people calumniated the Khan before Husain Chakk so that he com¬
manded that no one should visit him. The Khan was making prepara¬
tions for leaving Kashmir when Husain Makari coming to him asked
him, “ Why do you leave the country ? Husain Shah has left his palace
to go hunting. You can now seize the whole of his goods and trea¬
sures.” These words pleased the Khan and with the aid of Fath Chakk,
Lauhar Vankari and the like of them he went to the palace of Husain

* Coin No. 22 is dated 972 A. EL

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

131

Sliali and set fire to the doors and tried to deliver Muhammad Makari,
and Ahmad Khan and Hasrat Khan from prison. At that time Masaud
Manak, who was superintendent of the prison, threw water into the hall
of the palace until it became mud. Daulat Khan, a follower of the
Chakks, putting on his quiver stood ready. Bahadur Khan, the son of
Khan-i-Zaman rushed upon him and struck at him with his sword, but
it alighted on his quiver. Daulat Khan let fly an arrow which struck
the horse of Bahadur in the eyes and caused it to rear so that Bahadur
was unhorsed. Musaud Manak at once cut off his head and Khan-i-
Zaman who was standing outside fled. Masaud Manak pursued him
and took him prisoner and led him into the presence of Husain Shah.
The king commanded that they should take him to Zinagarh, and there
cut out off his ears and nose and hands and feet and hang the body on
a door. Calling Masaud Manak his son, he gave him the title of
Mubariz Khan, and with it the jagir of Balkul.

In the year 974 A. H. Husain Shah gave orders that Ahmad Khan
son of (Ihazi Shah, Nasrat Khan Chakk and Muhammad Khan Makari
should all be blinded. Gfliazi Shah made every exertion to get this order
reversed, and as he was sick he died. Husain Shah then founded a
school and sought the company of the pious and learned. To a party of
these he gave Zainpiir as a jagir.

In 975 A. H. Husain Shah heard from Lodni Lond that Masaud
Manak Mubariz Khan had spread abroad that “ inasmuch as the king
has called me his son, he must also give me a portion of his treasure.”
Husain Shah was exceedingly troubled on hearing this and went to
Musaud’s house, where, seeing many horses in the stable his mind turned
altogether against him, and he ordered him to be imprisoned and Lodni
Lond was honoured with the offices and position Masaud had enjoyed.
He did not long enjoy his honours for he embezzled 40,000 ass-loads of
shawls belonging to government, and was in consequence put in prison
and ’Ali Kuka received his post.

In 976 A. H. Qazi Habib, of the Hanifi sect, on a Friday, leaving
the Juma Masjid, came to the ziarat in the graveyard of Yaikoh Maran.
There, a man of the Shia religion attacked him with a sword and
wounded him in the head. Again he struck him and the Qazi raising
his hand to protect his head had his fingers cut off. Except difference
in religion these two had nothing else between them, Malana Kamal,
son-in-law of the Qazi, was also with him engaged in reading. Yusuf
after wounding the Qazi fled and Husain Shah, who was himself a Shia,
when he heard of the affair ordered Yusuf to be imprisoned and brought
before him. A company of lawyers such as Mulla Yusuf, Mulla Firoz
and the like were assembled, and the king asked them to decide accord-

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ing to the law in the matter. They said that the killing of such a
person by way of punishment was allowable. The Qazi said, “ I am
alive. The killing of such a person is not allowable.” At last, however,
they stoned Yusuf. By accident at that time there came to Kashmir
some co-religionists of Yiisuf, — Mirza Muqim, and Mir Yaqub son of
Baba ’Ali as ambassadors from the court of the Emperor Jalal-ud-Din
Muhammad Akbar. Whey they arrived at Hirapur Husain Sliah Chakk
erected his tents. When he heard that they were near he left his tent
and went out to meet them, and then bringing them in took his seat by
their side. After this the ambassadors went by boat, accompanied by
Husain’s son to Kashmir while Husain returned on horseback. The
house of Husain Makari was appointed for them. After a few days
Mirza Muqim who was a co-religionist of Yusuf said that as the Qazis
have killed Yusuf, you had better send them to me. They were accord¬
ingly sent. Qazi Zain, who was of the same religion as Yusuf, said,
that the lawyers had made a mistake in their sentence. The lawyers
replied we did not give the sentence of death absolutely, we said that to
execute such a person was allowable by way of punishment. Mirza
Muqim treated their answer with contempt and gave the lawyers into
the hands of Fath Khan Chakk, who tortured them. Husain Shah
went by boat to Kamraj. Fatli Khan Chakk acting on the orders of
Mirza Muqim executed the lawyers, and tying ropes to their heels he
ordered their bodies to be dragged up and down the streets and lanes of
the city.

Husain Shah sent his own daughter as a gift by the hands of the
ambassadors to Jalal-ud-Din Muhammad Akbar, and in that way showed
his acknowledgment of Akbar’s supremacy.

In the year 977 A. H. news arrived in Kashmir that Akbar had put
to death Mirza Muqim as a recompense for his causing the death of
innocent persons in Kashmir. The daughter of Husain Shah was
returned being rejected of Akbar. Husain Shall, hearing this news was
seized with a bloody-flux and lived only three or four months afterwards.

’All Shah. — At that time Muhammad Khan and Bihut Yusuf son of
’Ali Khan Chakk determined to go to ’All Khan Chakk who was in
Sonpur. When Yusuf went to that place others also gradually fled to
’All Khan. Husain Shah sent messengers to ’Ali Khan to know what he
had done “ thy son has received no injury I send him to you.” ’All gave
answer that “ he had done nothing also. People of themselves have fled
to me. Although I advise them to return it is of no use.” At last ’All
took the road to Srinagar and waited about 7 koss from the city.
Lodni Lond there joined him having fled frem Husain Shah, who leaving
the city had pitched his tents at a distance from it of about a koss at

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

133

Jalahajam. That same night he was deserted by Ahmad and Muham¬
mad Makari who fled to ’Ali Khan. Then Daulat Chakk who was one of
those near to Husain said to him, “ Inasmuch as everybody is leaving
us, it would be better to send all the royal insignia, about which the
quarrel is, to ’All Khan Chakk who is your brother and not a stranger.”
Husain Shah at once sent the royal umbrella, the yak’s tail and all the
insignia of royalty to ’Ali Khan, by the hands of Yusuf, saying, that his
only sin was that he was sick. After this ’AH Khan went to the house
of Husain and visited him. Both shed tears. Husain gave up the city
into the hands of ’Ali and went to live at Zainpur, and ’All assuming the
title of ’All Shah, took upon himself the affairs of the kingdom. After
three months Husain died. ’All Sliah followed the bier to the grave
which was dug near the Hairan Bazar.

In those days a darvesli named Shah ’Arif arrived in Kashmir from
Lahore. He gave out that he was descended from Tahmasp king of
Persia. He was a Shia and was dressed in the garb of a faqir : he was
a Sufi also. He had left Husain Quli Khan Turkman the governor of
the Panjab. ’Ali Sliah who was a Shia considering himself honoured by
this visit expressed his pleasure and besought the holy man to marry
his own daughter. He also called him the Mahdi of the latter days.
’All Chakk, Nauroz Chakk and Ibrahim Chakk son of Grliazi Shah were
all so pleased with him that they not only believed on him but actually
worshipped him and at last, considering him worthy, determined to make
him their king. ’Ail Shah getting to hear of this was very vexed and
proceeded to severe measures. Shah ’Arif who was famous for his know¬
ledge of alchemy and his power over fairies, saw how the wind was
blowing and gave out that he would no longer stay in Kashmir but
would depart to Lahore or some other country in a day. After this he
lived in seclusion, until people thought he had disappeared miraculously,
but after three days it came out that he had given two ashrafis to a
boatman to take him to Baramulla whence he had fled to the mountains.
’Ali Shah sent after him and arrested him and gave him over to keepers.
When he fled a second time he was again brought from the Sulaiman
mountains. This time ’Ali Shah took from him his daughter and her
dowry of 1,000 ashrafis, and had his daughter divorced from him and
caused Khwajali Sara also to leave him and put a watch over him, and
at last permitted him to depart to Tibet. ’Ali Rai ruler of Tibet who
had an affection for the family of the foolish fellow ran to meet him, and
regarded his coming as a great boon and left no rite of hospitality unper¬
formed. He wished him to make the country his own, and begged him
to accept his beloved and noble daughter as his wife. He stayed there
some time and then at the invitation of Akbar, he took his departure to

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India. He arrived in Agra bnt died shortly afterwards. (It would be
interesting to know what the ashrafis which are mentioned in this story,
were. The only gold coin I have seen of the Sultans of Kashmir is one
of Yusuf. General Cunningham has two gold coins of Maharaja TIarsha.)

In 979 A. H. ’All Chakk, son of Nauroz Chakk, came to ’All Shah
and complained that Diikah had been trespassing on his estates and
interrupting his business. “ If you do not stop him” said he “ I shall
rip open the belly of my own horse.” ’All Shah understood this to
mean a threat against himself. For this reason lie grew angry and
ordered him to be arrested and taken to Kamraj. He escaped from this
place, however, and fled to Husain Quli Khan, governor of the Panjab,
who did not treat him with conventional hospitality, so he left Lahore
and returned to Kashmir where he was arrested by ’All Shah and
imprisoned. He again after some time escaped and went to Naushahra
where ’All Shah sent an army against him which took him prisoner and
hurried him away.

In 980 A. H. ’Ali Shah invaded Khatwar and taking the daughter
of the ruler of that place, he returned. At this time Mulla Ishqi and
Qazi Sadr-ud-Din came from Akbar on a mission to ’Ali Shah. ’Ali sent
his niece as a wife for the prince Salim, and along with her he sent a
quantity of presents. He also read the khutba and struck coins in the
name of thud sovereign, i. e., of Akbar. At this time also Yusuf the son
of ’Ali Shah on the information of Muhammad Bihut, put to death
Ibrahim Khan son of Ghazi Khan, without the agreement of his father ’All
Sluih. Yusuf together with his informer fled to Baramulla. ’Ali Shah
tried to heal the wound. People asked that the sin of Yusuf might be
forgiven, but demanded that Muhammad Bihut, who was the cause of
the trouble, should be imprisoned which was accordingly done.

In 982 A. H. ’Ali Shah invaded Khatwar, which is also called
Kislitwar. Taking the daughter of the governor of that place for a wife
to his grandchild Yaqub he made peace and returned to the city.

In 983 A. H. ’Ali Shah together with his family and court visited
Jamalnaggari. Haidar Khan, son of Muhammad Shah, of the family of
Zain-ul- Abidin who was in Gujrat when that country was taken by
Akbar, and who returned to India along with the Conqueror, now came
to Na us Indira. His cousin Salim Khan who was in the neighbourhood
joined him with a large party. ’All Shah sent a large army under
Lauhar Chakk against them. Muhammad Khan Chakk, who was then
governing Rajaori being envious at the appointment of Lauhar Chakk
imprisoned him and taking his army went over to Haidar Khan in
Naushalira and offered to conquer Kashmir for him if he could send
along with him that brave man Islam Klian. Haidar elated with the

the Sultans of Kashmir.

135

1885.]

prospect, allowed Islam to accompany him. When they arrived at the
town of Jakun, Muhammad Khan, leaving Islam Khan with an excuse,
went straight to ’All Shah and was received with favour. ’All Mahari,
Daiid Guzar and others who had sided with Haidar Khan were put in
prison.

In 984 A. H. there was a severe famine in Kashmir and many
people died of starvation.

In 985 A. H. ’Ali Shah went out on the top of the mosque and
sought the companionship of learned and pious men. And according to
the traditions of the Haditli on the benefits of repentance, he repented
and bathed. He spent his time in prayers and in reading the Quran.
In his hours of leisure he would mount his horse and engage in polo on
the plain. One day as he was on the plain of the ldgah playing at
this game, the pommel of his saddle entered his stomach and he was killed.
(For coins of ’Ali Shah, see ISTos. 23, 24, 25, pi. II. One is undoubtedly
987 A. H., and yet the history makes him die in 985. I have one coin of
Husain Shah with date 986 A. H. This is of course quite wrong.
For all this I think the coins of ’All Shah are right and the histories
wrong. No. 27, pi. II is of Akbar’s and is dated 987 A. H. just the
same as No. 26 of ’All Shah. This No. 27 I take to be one of the coins
struck by ’All Sliah in honour of Akbar. There is No. 38, pi. Ill of the
same date 987, and also No. 26, ph II of Yusuf Sliah, of the same. We
shall have to assign No. 38 to some one.)

Yusuf Shall. — When ’Ali Shah died his brother Abdal Khan Chakk,
from fear of his nephew Yusuf was not present at the mourning, so
Yusuf sent Sayyid Mubariz Khan and Baba Khalil to him with the
message that “ If you accept me as king, well and good, if not, you had
better be king yourself and I will be obedient to you.” When they had
delivered their message, he said to them, “ I am coming and am binding
on my girdle, but if any harm happen to me or any hair of mine be
injured, the burden be on your own necks.” Mubariz Khan who had
evil intentions towards him said, that he would go to Yusuf Shah and
obtain from him his solemn oath and covenant about this, and with this
promise they parted. Mubariz went to Yusuf Shah and told him that
Abdal Khan would not come at his invitation, “ so it is necessary first of
all to cure him and after that to bury ’Ali Shah.” Yusuf Shah mounted
his horse and went to Abdal, who, opposing him in like manner was
slain. Jalal Khan son of Mubariz Khan was slain in the same encounter.
The next day ’Ali Shah was buried according to the manner of the Shias
and Yusuf Shah became ruler in his stead.

After two months Mubariz Khan aided by ’All Khan Chakk crossed
the river with the intention of rebellion. Muhammad Makari, who was
R

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leading tlio van of Yusuf’s army, together with 60 persons was slain.
Yusuf asking for quarter fled to Hirapur. Mubariz hearing this news
arranged his army and prepared for war. Yusuf finding himself unequal
to the contest fled to the town of Parthal in the jungle. Mubariz Khan
pursued him, and the two parties coming together, Yusuf took refuge in
the mountains, while Mubariz returned victorious to Kashmir. He
imprisoned ’All Khan Cliakk son of Nauroz Chakk whom he had sum¬
moned to his presence to be near him. Other members of the Ohakk
faction such as Lauhar Chakk, Haidar Chakk and Hast! Chakk from
terror did not come to Mubariz at first, but after awhile they all came,
when Baba Khalil and Sayyid Barkhurdar had covenanted with them that
no harm should happen to them. After this each of them retired to his
own home. On their way they made a covenant that they would recall
Yusuf Shah and make him their king. At once therefore they sent
messengers to Yusuf, saying, that they acknowledged him as king, and
were ashamed of their own pusilanimous conduct. Mubariz began to
tremble and promised to go at once with his sons and slaves to Yusuf
Shah, and with this intention went out of the city accompanied by ’All
Khan Chakk son of Nauroz Chakk whom he had kept in prison. Daulat
Chakk, who was one of his nobles because he had fled before him, was
troubled, freeing ’All Kban Chakk, he went to the monastery of Baba
Khalil alone. Haidar Chakk sent a message to ’All Khan Chakk telling
him that all this exertion and endeavour was to free him. Yusuf Chakk
son of ’Ali lOian said to his father : “ Haidar Chakk ^s explaining his
conduct.” ’All Khan did not heed this, but joined himself to Haidar
Chakk and went with him. Lauhar Chakk* and the like of him were
gathered together in one place. When they saw ’All Khan they took him
and put him in prison. After that they all agreed to elevate Lauhar Chakk
to the throne. Meanwhile Yusuf Shah having arrived at Kalpur heard
that the Kashmiris had made Lauhar Chakk king. (I propose identifying
coin No. 38, pi. Ill as one of Lauhar Chakk’s.) The name on it is neither
Lauhar nor Gauhar, but some name ending in £ and ud-Din. Perhaps
the name is Budua-ud-Din [the oustripper of others in

religion] it is a new name to Kashmir history no matter what it is.
(Of course it is the name or title Lauhar Chakk assumed on ascending
the throne.) Going from Lalpur Yusuf Shah went to Zahil and taking
all his men with him proceeded by way of Jummu to Sayyid Yusuf Khan
Shahidi who was a great noble of the Emperor Jalal-ud-Din Muhammad
Akbar, to ask for help. This noble resided in Lahore. By the assistance
of Raja Man Singh, Yusuf arrived in Fathpur Sikri and had an inter¬
view with the Emperor Akbar who had long desired to take Kashmir,

# Written also in MSS. Gauhar.

1885.]

the Sultans of Kashmir.

137

and being glad of this opportunity sent Raja Man Singh and Sayyid
Yusuf Khan Shahidi to Kashmir, and they started from Fathpur Sikri
in company with Yusuf Shah in 987. (This is the date on the coin I read
Budua-ud-Din or Lauhar Chakk. The next sentence settles the matter
I think.) But at this time the kingship of Kashmir was in the hands
of Lauhar Chakk. Yusuf Shah sent his son Yaqub before him to wean
the people from their own ideas and to sow seeds of dissension in the
council of Lauhar Chakk. When Yusuf arrived in Sialkot he went to
Rajaori and took it and thence to Thatta. At the time Lauhar Chakk sent
against him Yusuf Kashmiri, but the Kashmiri at once joined himself to
the king. Yusuf Shah being thus helped went by double marches along
the most difficult road of Jhupul to the fort of Sonpur. Lauhar Chakk
along with Haidar Chakk, Shams Chakk and Hasti Chakk marched
along the banks of the Jhelum and after a few days a hard battle being
fought, victory declared in favour of Yusuf who then turned his face
towards Srinagar. Lauhar Chakk by the intervention of Qazi Musa
and Muhammad Saadat Bihut, had an interview with Yusuf Shah which
resulted in his own imprisonment. From amongst the Kashmiris also
a goodly number were imprisoned. When Yusuf Shah had satisfied
himself about the kingship, dividing Kashmir into parts he gave jagirs
to Shams Chakk son of Daulat Chakk and to his own son Yaqub and to
Yusuf Kashmiri, and the rest of the land he let out to tenants in chief.
After this, acting on the information of certain people, he put out
the eyes of Lauhar Chakk.

In 988 A. H. suspicion having fallen on ’All Slier Chakk and
Muhammad Saadat Bihut and Shams Chakk they were put in prison.
Habib Khan Chakk fled from fear to the town of Klni and Yusuf, son of
’Ali Khan Chakk who had been imprisoned by Yusuf Shah joined Habib
with his four brothers in that place. Thence, going to Tibet, they
obtained help from the Rajah and returned, but arriving on the frontiers
of Kashmir they quarrelled amongst themselves and did nothing except
separate. The soldiery, however, got hold of Yusuf and Muhammad
Khan and cut off their ears and noses. Habib Khan hid himself in
the city.

In 989 A. H. when Jalal-ud-Din Akbar was returning from Kabul
and had encamped at Jalalabad, Mirzi Tahir a relative of Mirza Sayyid
Khan Shahidi and Muhammad Salih Aqil were sent to Kashmir as
ambassadors. When they arrived at Barapiila, Yusuf Shah ran to meet
them, and kissing the orders (of Akbar) and putting them on his head,,,
made obeisance and brought the ambassadors into the city. He then
sent his son Haidar Khan and Shaikh Yaqub Kashmiri with many
presents to Akbar with whom they stayed for about a year and then
returned.

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In this same^ year Yusuf Shah went to Lar. Shams Chakk fled
with his chains out of prison and went to Khatwar and joined Haidar
Chakk who was at that place. When Yusuf got to know of this he
went after them with an army. They, disagreeing amongst themselves,
fled and Yusuf Shah returned victorious to Srinagar.

In the year 990* Shams Chakk and Haidar Chakk came from Khat¬
war to Kashmir with the intention of waging war with Yusuf Shah.
But Yusuf met them and appointing his son Yaqub to lead the van,
victory resulted in his favour and he returned victorious. At the inter¬
vention of the Rai of Khatwar, Yusuf forgave Shams Chakk and
presented him with a jagir. Haidar Chakk leaving Khatwar went to
Rajah Man Singh.

In the year 992, Yaqub the son of Yusuf Shah was honoured by a
reception at the court of Akbar to whom he had gone to give in his sub¬
mission and homage. When his Majesty arrived in Lahore from Rath-
pur Sikri Yaqub wrote to his father Yusuf Shah that the Emperor was
intending to visit Kashmir. Yusuf said be would meet him. But just
at this time he heard that Hakim ’Ali Gfilani had arrived at Tliatta on an
embassy from Akbar. Yusuf Shah at once proceeded to Thatta and
put on the robes Akbar had sent as a present. He desired to resort at
once to the imperial presence but Baba Khalil. Baba Mahdi and Shams
Dadli agreeing together told him that if he went he would be slain, and
his son Yaqub would transport himself rapidly to Kashmir and get
made king. Hearing this, Yusuf delayed accompanying them, so they
returned alone to his Majesty. But when Akbar, who was in earnest
about the conquest of Kashmir heard of this device he at once appointed
Shah Rukh Mirza and Shall Quli Khan and Bhagwan Dass to the inva¬
sion of Kashmir. Yiisuf Shah encamped at Baramulla. When the
news arrived that the invading army had arrived at Haulbas on the fron¬
tiers of Kashmir, he stopped up the way. As it was winter and the time
for ice and the road was shut up, offers of peace were made. Yusuf
Shah putting his son Yaqub on the throne went himself to Rajah
Bhagwan Dass to negotiate. Agreeing to pay annual tribute he made
peace. The nobles of Akbar, however, seized him and carried him into
the presence of his Majesty. The Emperor was not pleased with the
treaty. And in 995 he sent Muhammad Qasim Mirbahr and other nobles.
Yaqub Shah who was on the throne of Kashmir opposed their coming.
The chiefs of Kashmir who were rebellious and who had not given in
their submission to Yaqub, deserted him at this crisis and went over to
Muhammad Qasim. Some, however, raised the standard of rebellion in
the city. When Yaqub found that his party was disturbed by interne-
# Probably this is 990 A. H. and 990 in the next paragraph should be 991.

139

1885.] Major H. G. Raverty — Kings of the Sajfariun Dynasty.

cine quarrels lie left the city, and when the army of Akbar entered it he
fled to the mountains. Muhammad Qasim having obtained possession of
Srinagar extended his power over the provinces. Yaqub Shah collect¬
ing again an army opposed him. After many Mughals had been slain,
Yaqub was defeated, but after a short time he collected an army with the
intention of taking Srinagar. This time Muhammad Qasim not having
power to oppose him fled to the fort of Irak and wrote a petition to
Akbar asking for aid. The Emperor making Yusuf Khan Shahidi
governor of Kashmir recalled Muhammad Qasim. When Yusuf arrived
in Kashmir Yaqub Shah raised the siege and fled to the mountains,
Yusuf there pursued him for two years. At length he was taken and
being encouraged with hopes of the royal mercy he was sent to the
Emperor. He was forgiven and the father and son, i. e., Yusuf Shall
and Yaqub Shah becoming nobles of Akbar’s court obtained jagirs in the
province of Behar. From this time the history of Kashmir is merged in
that of the Emperors of Dehli and the province remained in their power.
Before this for a thousand years Kashmir had never been conquered by
any one of the kings of India. (Coins Ho. 26, pi. II, and Ho. 34, pi. Ill,
are of Yusuf Shah. Hos. 35 and 37 are of Yaqiib Shah. These latter
coins are dated 992 A. H. which agrees with the above account. Coins
27, 28, 29, 30 are of Akbar before he had conquered the province.
Coins 40, 41, 42 are Akbar’s after the conquest of the country. The two
latter ones are full rupees. Ho. 40 is a dam. Srinagar continued to be
a mint town of the Mughal Emperors as well as of the Abdalli and
Sikh conquerors.)

The Kings of the Sajfariun Dynasty of Nimroz or Sijistan. — ■

By Major H. G. Raverty.

I have read with some surprise a paper in the Proceedings for
April last, p. 75, by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, on some coins from Kandahar,
wherein he says : — -

“ In mixed metal there was a great quantity of the coins of a king
but little known to history, Tdj-ud-Din Muhammad Hardufi or Haruji
or Khardufi , several of one equally little known, Harh, and one coin of
Taj -ud-Din Nasr bin Bahrain Shah and, that, as some of the coins
acquired at the same time bore the names of the “ mints Himroz and
Herat, I had no hesitation, as the coins came from Kandahar, in assigning
them to kings who at some time or other ruled in South and Western
Afghanistan.”

This is rather an unsafe theory to go upon, as the result shows.
He also regards 4 4 the present find as one of some importance especially

140

Major H. G. Raverty — Kings of the Saffdrmn Dynasty. [No. 2,

as the coins reveal altogether a new mint, that of Nimroz.” Mr. Rodgers
then gives the names of eight kings, which a friend brought to his notice
from a work entitled “ Tarikh-i-Jadwalia.” The names are as follows : —

(1.) Taj-ud-Din Abul Eazl, son of Tahir.

(2.) Shams-ud-Din Muhammad.

(3.) Taj-ud-Din Harb, son of Azzul Mulk

(4.) Bahrain Shah, Yamin-ud-Din.

(5.) Nusrat-ud-Din (6.) Rukn-ud-Din.

(7.) Shahab-ud-Din Muhammad, son of Taj-ud-Din Harb.
(8.) Taj-ud-Din. M

He adds that he was unable to say anything of the last three until this
mention of them was brought to his notice by his friend ; then that
Minliaj-i-Siraj “ who uses very strong language indeed about the
Mughals,” wrote a Tabqa on the Princes of Nimroz. But unfortunately
“ this Tabqa is not in the abridgement published by the Society to which
alone I have access. As the Editor, Major Nassau Lees, says there are
but two manuscripts of the works, I am afraid I shall stand but little
chance of extending my knowledge.” If Mr. Rodgers will refer to the
“ Tabakdt-i-Ndsiri } of Minhaj-ud-Din-i-Siraj, the whole of which and
not “ an abridgement,” has been translated some years since, he
will find that the kings referred to by him are well-known to his¬
tory, though their names are not all correctly given in the above list.
In my “ Translation,” pp. 183 to 202, will be found not only the tabakah
containing the account of the ten last kings or rulers of Nimroz or Sijis¬
tan, # but also of the preceding eight, and other information respecting
this Sajfdriun Dynasty at pp. 19 to 25, and in several other places. I
will here, however, give their names, years of their reigns, and the
relationship between them, as the information may be of use to others.

Lais, the head of the Saffar or workers in brass of Sijistan had four
sons, Yakub, ’Amni, ’All, and Mu’addil. The first of them who rose to
power was —

1. Yakub, who reigned from 251 H. to 265 H.

2. ’Amru, his brother, from 265 H. to 287 H.

* Sijistan is the Arabic mode of writing Sigizstan, which is the Tajzik, or
native mode, of writing the name. Sistan is used occasionally with reference to the
country, and the “city of Sistan” with reference to its capital, but that does not
mean that there was any city so called ; for Zarang was “ the chief city and capital
of Sigizstan.”

1885.] Major H. G. Baverty — Kings of the Sajfariun Dynasty.

141

3. Tahir, son of Muhammad, son of ’Amru, from 287 H. to 293 H.

4. Lais, son of ’All, brother of Nos. 1 and 2, from 293 H. to 298 H.,
some say to 299 H.

5. Mu’addil, brother of the preceding, from 298 H. to 300 H.

6. ’Amru, son of Ya’kub, son of Muhammad, son of ’Amru, No. 2,
from 300 H. up to the time he had to surrender his territory to the
Samanis.

7. Ahmad, by some said to have been the grandson of Tahir, No. 3,
but others, that he was the son of Muhammad, son of Khalaf. son of
Abu Jafar, son of Lais, apparently No. 4, from 309 H. to about 331 H.

8. KIialaf. son of Ahmad, from about 331 H. to 398 H., who was
dethroned by Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin in that year ; and for a long
time Sijistan formed a portion of the Ghaznawi empire. At length, with
the support of the Sultans, Alb-Arsalan, and Malik Shah, between the
years 465 H. and 470 H., or thereabouts ; for there is no record of the
exact date,

9. Tahir, son of Muhammad, son of Tahir, son of Khalaf (No. 8),
obtained the government of his native country, and ruled to 480 H.

10. Malik Taj-ud-Din, Abu-l-Fath, son of Tahir, according to
some (but Abu-l-Fazl-i Nasr, son of Tahir, according to others), who was
subject to Sultan Sanjar succeeded, and ruled to 559 H., having reigned
just eighty years, and was above a hundred when he died.

11. Malik-us-Sais (the Torturer or Cruel), Shams-ud-DIn Mu¬
hammad, son of Taj-ud-Din, from 559 H. The length of his reign is
uncertain, but is said to have extended over a considerable time ; and,
at length he was put to death through his tyranny.

12. Malik-us-Sa’id, Taj-ud-Din-i-Harab, son of Muhammad, who,
by some, is styled Taj-ud-Din, Hasan, son of ’Izz-ul-Muluk and Tij-ud-
Din-i-Ilarab, son of ’Izz-ul-Mulk, by others, wTho must have been the
brother of No. 11, as No. 12 is called his nephew. He died at the age of
one hundred and twenty in 612 H., after a reign of sixty (fifty ?) years.
He was the vassal of the Sultan of Ghur.

13. Malik Nasir-ud-Din, ’Usman-i-Harab, son of the preceding,
but, as he only acted as his father’s representative, on account of the
latter’s great age and total blindness, other chroniclers than Minhaj-ud-
Din do not mention him as a separate ruler.

14. Malik-ul-GKazi, Yamin-ud-Daulah wa ud-Din, Bahram Shah
son of Taj-ud-Din, brother of the preceding. He was a vassal of the
Khwarazm Shah, and the most illustrious of the later rulers of Sijistan.
He reigned from 612 H. to 618 H., when he was assassinated by the
Mulahidahs of the Kuhistan.

15. Malik Nusrat-ud-Din [Muhammad P], son of the preceding

142

Major H. G. Raverty — Kings of the Sajf arviin Dynasty. [No. 2}

ruled from 618 H. for a few months, when his elder brother, Rukn-ud-
Din Mahmud, who had been kept in confinement by his father for some
time, on account of his misconduct and cruel disposition (see p. 198), was
set at liberty by the above-mentioned heretics, defeated Nusrat-ud-Din
Muhammad in battle, and assumed the sovereignty over Nimroz or
Sijistan.

16. Malik RUKN-UD-DfN Mahmud, son of Bahrain Shah from
618 H. His cruelty and tyranny was such that the people recalled his
brother, the Amir, Nusrat-ud-Din Muhammad ; and while the brothers
were contending, an army of Mughal infidels, suddenly aud unexpectedly
reached Sijistan, and appeared before the capital, which was taken, its
people butchered, the city desolated, and the country depopulated. This
is one of the reasons why the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri “ uses very
strong language indeed” against the Mughals. In the massacre above
referred to the two brothers perished. After the Mughals disappeared
from the country, a son of Malik Nasir-ud-Din, ’Usman (No. 13),
brother of Bahrain Shah, named Shihab-ud-Din Mahmud, who had been
in concealment, came forth, and assumed authority.

17. Malik Shihab-ud-Din Mahmud-i-Harab. He did not acquire
much power ; for the country was in a state of desolation, and the people
few. The Mulahidah heretics induced Shall ’Usman, a grandson of
Nasir-ud-Din, ’Usman (No. 13), to come from Neh and occupy Sijistan.
He asked for aid from the Malik of Kirman the governor on the part of
the Khwarazm Shah, Burak, the chamberlain, a Kara Khita-i-Musal-
man, the same who afterwards murdered his sovereign, and sent his head
to the Mughals, whose feudatory he became ; and he was the founder of
the Kara-Khita-i dynasty of Kirman. The Khwarazmi forces having
arrived from Kirman and joined ’Usman, Shihab-ud-Din Mahmud was
martyred, and his brother, the Amir, ’Ali, the Zahid or Recluse was set
up, but his government acquired no stability, and he died. He is not
accounted among the rulers of Sijistan or Nimroz ; and with these the
dynasty of the Safiarians terminated.

18. Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin, the KhwARAZMf. He was
the commander of the troops sent from Kirman, and was of the family of
Khwarazm Shah. He took possession of the territory for himself in
622 H., or the following year. In the year 625 H., an army of Mughals
again entered the territory of Nimroz, and invested Taj-ud-Din Binal-
Tigin, within the fortress of Uk of SijistanA He defended it for nine¬
teen months ; but one day, in going round the walls, received an arrow
from the Mughals in one of his eyes ; and, subsequently, by accident, fell
from the battlements to the ground, and was taken prisoner.! The

# See “ Translation,” p. 1120.

t Ibid, pp. 1125, 1126.

143

1885.] Major H. G. Raverty — Kings of the Saffdriun Dynasty.

fortress was captured and all within massacred ; and Taj-ud-Din, Binal
Tigin was taken from Sijistan, and put to death by the infidels at the
foot of the walls of the fortress of Safed-Koh :* and thus terminated
the dynasty of the rulers of Nimroz or Sijistan at the close of the
year 628 H.

These kings, whose mint was Nimroz or Sijistan, had nothing what¬
ever to do with either Hirat or “ West” or “ South Afghanistan the
Mughal s or their vassals held Hirat and its territory, as well as Kabul
and Ghaznin, and their dependencies ; there was no place then known
as Kandahar, but its territory was known as Bal-yus, or with c w,’ that
letter and ‘ b’ being interchangeable, Wal-yus, “Afghanistan,” then,
as now, does not refer to either Hirat, Kabul, Ghaznin, or Kandahar,
but to the vast mountain tract surrounded on all sides by the stupendous
range of Mihtar Sulaiman or Koh-i-Siyali, and also known under the
designation, but in a somewhat extended sense in more recent times, of
Roh. There is a great difference between “ Afghanistan,” and the
Afghan State, to which the name Afghanistan has of late years been
loosely applied by Europeans only.

Mr. Rodgers appears surprised at “ Mangu Khan” the Mughal,
putting “ the Khalifah’s name on his coins.” It would be surprising if
he did , but the Mughal s at this period had no coins but the bdlish , which
will be found explained in the translated text. The way it happened
that the Khalifah’s name appeared is, that the subject Musalman
Princes had to insert the Mughal name somewhere, but they left the
other side of the coin as they would have done if a Musalman was their
suzerain, and the Mughals had never existed. This is shown from the
coins of the rulers of Kirman, and of the Karliigh Turks of Ghaznin
and Karman, and others, who, whether they liked it or not, had to sub¬
mit to fate, and insert the name of an infidel Mughal on one side of
their money.

Mangu Ka’an is said to have repeated the halimah , but he was no
Musalman ; and was buried according to the prescribed rites of the
Mughals, and was interred at the side of Chingiz Khan, and of
Tulue or Tull, his father. f If he had been a Musalman, how came it
about that he despatched his brother, Hulaku, to destroy and extirpate
the ’Abbasis ? and overturn the Khilafat, which he did, and destroyed
every male, as he supposed, of the Khalifah’s race ?

* Ibid, pp. 1181, 1197 to 1205.

t Ibid, p. 1181, and rule 3, p. 1223, and note to p. 1228, para. 4.

Joum. As, See, Bengal, Voi. LIV, Pt„ I, for 1885,

PLATE I.

rvy oo ° '

KJo

C. J. Rodgers, del.

m^TT17P nr^TETQ Q IT T ,T A NT Si p.t? KASHMIR.

■

SILVER COINS op the SULTANS of KASHMIR.

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 161. LI V , H.J. IUI WW.

174 grs

C. J. Rodgers del,

fell

SILVER COINS of the SULTANS oe KASHMIR.

r\ca

C* t>>-\ t-f-a TO' o r-r T QQ A

; & '

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

Nos. Ill & IV.— 188S.

Notes on the Fatehpur District. N. W. P. — By F. S. Growse, C. I. E.

(With a Plate.)

In order to distinguish it from other places bearing the same name
— which is an extremely common one in the 1ST. W. P. — the capital of the
Fatehpur District is very frequently designated Fatehpur- Haswa. The
latter member of the compound is the name of a small decayed town,*
about 7 miles distant, which is now of no importance whatever ; but is
traditionally represented as the oldest inhabited site in the neighbour¬
hood. Its eponymous founder is said to have been a Raja Hans-dhvaj,
whose two brothers, Mor-dhvaj and Sankh-dhvaj, are also locally com¬
memorated by the names of two adjoining villages, Moraun and San-
khaun. The Raja’s second son, Ran-bijay, had the hardihood to capture
the horse that had been turned loose by the Pandavs, after their great
sacrifice at Hastinapur ; and they, taking this as a challenge, at once
came down upon him and slew both him and his elder brother, Siva-
dharna.f On their death, their sister Champavatl inherited the throne.
She is said to have re-named the town after herself, Champaka-puri, and
dying childless, to have bequeathed it to Brahmans, whose descendants
held it for many generations.

# Gen. Cunning-ham sub verbo in Vol. XVII of the Archaeological Survey gives it
a population of about 10,000, which is very much over the mark. The return by
the last census was 4,197 only.

f This name is doubtful. It is also given as Sudhanwa, or Surat.

146

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

[No. 3,

However this may be, and, so far as I am aware, there is no autho¬
rity in the Mahabharat for the above legend, the town, when it again
reappears in local history, is still styled Haswa and its Raja bears the
cognate name of Hans-raj. After the defeat of Jay Chand, of Kanauj, and
his brother Manik, near Karra (in the Allahabad district near the Fateh¬
pur border) Kutb-ud-din with his two sister’s sons, Kasim and ’Ala-ud-
din, is stated to have advanced against Haswa. Hansraj came out to
meet them, and joining in single combat with ’Ala-ud-din at a village
called Chaklieri, there lost his life. ’Ala-ud-din also lost his head, but
the headless trunk fought its way on to Haswa, a distance of 12 miles.
His dargah , on the top of the old Fort in the centre of the town, is still
held in much veneration, and is said to mark the spot where at last he
fell and was buried.

At the present day the town of Haswa is almost entirely surrounded
by a broad shallow sheet of water. This has been deepened at one end
and brought into more regular shape as a tank, in the centre of which is an
island, measuring 165 feet square and faced on all four sides with flights
of masonry steps. It is approached from the town by a bridge 150 feet
long, consisting of 15 arches, of which 7 are open and 8 closed. Its
construction is ascribed to a Kazi Yakub, who, it is said, was afterwards
put to death by the Emperor Akbar, and that the circumstances are related
in the Zuhur-i-lcutbi. This is a book with which I have no acquaintance ;
but I find it recorded by Badaoni that Kazi Yakub was suspended by
the Emperor, his offence being that he had maintained* it was illegal
for a Muhammadan to marry more than four wives, as Akbar had
done.

In the century immediately preceding the Muhammadan conquest,
the Fatehpur District would seem to have been exceptionally rich in
temples of the same style as those that still commemorate the power of
the Cliandel dynasty in Bundelkhand, across the Jamuna, at their
ancient capitals of Mahoba and Khajurao. But, on this side of the river,
those that were built of what is generally supposed to be the more dura¬
ble material, stone, have all been destroyed, and nothing of them now re¬
mains in situ beyond their foundations. The sculptured superstructure
has been razed to the ground, and the fragments either buried on the
spot or dispersed in the neighbouring villages, where they may be seen
lying about in the lanes, or built up into the walls of the houses and
modern temples.

The only two specimens of the style still left standing are both of
brick ; one at Tinduli, near the busy market-town of Bindki, on the road
to the Mauhar Railway Station ; which is shown in the accompanying

1885.]

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fat eh, pur District.

147

photograph. (Plate VI) ; the other at Bahua, a few miles from the Chilla
Tara Ghat across the Jamuna, on the road from Fatehpnr to BandaA

The wonder that both these temples should have survived the rough
treatment of so many centuries is increased by the fact that they have
been simply set flat upon the plain without any foundations, and that
no mortar has been used in any part of the construction, but only clay.
The bricks, however, are not only of excellent quality, but are so clean
cut and so well joined, that — but for actual violence— it is probable that
the building would have stood uninjured to the present day. The mould¬
ed devices that form the surface decoration of the tower are of a simple
and perfectly inoffensive character ; but the porch, which was of stone,
was covered with figure sculptures. This would seem to have provoked
the wrath of some Muhammadan iconoclast ; and, in a style of con¬
struction where the mutual interdependence of all the parts is so
close, its destruction involved much damage to the remainder of the
fabric.

About 100 years ago, the Tinduli temple was patched up by a Brah¬
man from the next village, who added the present porch and also
restored with plain unmoulded bricks a considerable portion of the tower.
Some of this new work has again given way ; the plinth was also much
broken, and unless the progress of decay had been quickly arrested, in
the course of another year or two the whole building would have become
a complete wreck. A small grant has therefore been made me by the
Local Government, and out of this I have had the terrace re-made and
on the east side strengthened with a masonry wall, in the centre of
which I have introduced a recessed flight of 9 steps leading up to the
level of the temple floor. The whole of the plinth also has been
carefully restored all round up to the height where the ornamental work
begins. This, it is hoped, will so secure the building as to prevent
any further fall of the superstructure. The two or three fragments that
remain of the sculptured doorway have been let into the front of the
modern porch ; which, if not ornamental, is at least useful as a but¬
tress. As a necessary precaution against the future criticism of any
anti-restoration fanatic, I have had two photos taken as unimpeach¬
able evidence of the actual condition of the temple before the repairs
were commenced. The shrine is at present occupied by a statue of
Chatur-bhuj, after whom it is named ; and it is possible that this may
have been its original dedication. The village is inhabited by a compa¬
ratively recent colony of Kacliliwaha Thakurs, and there is no local
tradition as to the founder.

* Neither of these temples receives the slightest mention in the new Gazetteer
of the Fatehpnr District.

148 F. S. Grows o — Notes on the Fatehpur District. [No. 3,

The building at Bahua is smaller, plainer, and in a much more
ruinous condition. It must originally have been dedicated to Mahadeva ;
but at present it contains a recumbent statue of Narayan with Lakshmi
at his feet and Brahma seated on a lotus growing out of his navel.
The figure is set upright against the wall, and locally is known only by
the name of Kakora Baba, to whom offerings are specially made by
young wives, natives of the village, after the birth of their first child.
Some 200 years ago, probably at the time when the new patron was
installed, the temple which must then have been quite a ruin, was very
ignorantly repaired, pieces of the sculptured doorway (which — as at
Tinduli — had been thrown down) being built up into the roof and other
places to which they did not belong. These I have taken out and joined
together on the ground, and it now only remains to set them up in their
proper position. This can be done at slight expense, with the help of
two iron girders to support the broken architraves, and by building up
a flight of masonry steps underneath. The plinth also is being repaired,
and the ground raised, levelled and inclosed, to prevent injury from
cattle. In both temples the cella under the brick sikhara is entirely of
stone, with a flat cieling, above which the hollow brick shaft closely
resembles in appearance the interior of an old-fashioned English
chimney.

Other interesting remains of the Hindu period exist at Asothar and

Hathganw. The former town is the seat of a Raja, who in the absence

of any rivals, ranks as a person of some local distinction, though his
estate consists of six villages only. All the other resident gentry in the
district are Muhammadans, whose ancestors were mostly officials of the
Lucknow Court, and who are now reduced to poverty. He belongs to
the Kliichar clan, which is recognised as a branch of the Cliauhans, and
had its original home at Khicliidara, or Ragliu-garh, in Central India.
It was from there that one Deogaj Sinh eame about the middle of the
sixteenth century A. D. and had the good fortune to marry a daughter
of the Gautam Raja of Aijhi, now a small village, a few miles from
Asothar. The descendants of this marriage, however, achieved no dis¬
tinction of any kind, till 150 years later, when a member of the family, by
name Aram Sinh, discovered, as is said, a hidden treasure. Certainly
by some means or other he contrived to secure for himself a more promi¬
nent position than that of any other Hindu in the neighbourhood : but
it lasted only a very brief period.

The Asothar Fort was built by Araru Sinli and is therefore of
no antiquity ; the town is many centuries older. Its original site
is indicated by an extensive brick-strewn mound, two or three fur¬
longs to the south of the Fort. On the highest part of it is a

1885.]

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

149

small enclosure of recent construction, which bears the name of the
eponymous hero, Asvattliama, the son of Drona, though it would seem
rather to have been the site of an old temple of Mahadeva. Part of
the stone sikhara has been set up as a lingam ; the gurgoyled water¬
spout makes a trough for a well ; and many other sculptured fragments
are either lying about, or have been built up into walls ; all being
apparently of the 9th or 10th century. On a small mound further to
the south are five large figure-sculptures. All are nude ; one is stand¬
ing, the others are seated, cross-legged, with the usual accessories of
lions, elephants and devotees. The hair of the head is in short close
curls, as in statues of Buddha ; but the nudity is more a Jaini charac¬
teristic. The people call them the five Pandus, which is the popular name
in all parts of India for any five sculptures of doubtful significance.

At Hathganw the centre of the town is occupied by a considerable
mound, the site of an old fort. Here stands a ruinous mosque, construc¬
ted from the wreck of two or more Hindu temples, like the better-known
Assi Khamba at Mahaban in the Mathura district and the so-called Par-
mal’s Palace at Mahoba. It is popularly known as the Hathi-Khana,
or elephant stable, with reference to the legendary animal from whom
the town is supposed to derive its name. This had been given by Raja
Jay Chand of Kanauj to a local saint, called Parasur Rishi, with a pro¬
mise of a grant of all the land that the elephant walked over without
stopping to rest. To prevent any future dispute as to the exact limit
of its walk, it no sooner lay down than it was there and then
turned into stone, and a fragment of the image still remains about
two miles from the town, where an annual fair is held in its honour.
The ruins consist of 23 pillars still standing, arranged in four aisles of 6
columns each, with a masonry wall at the back and sides. Appa¬
rently there was a fifth aisle, but if so, the whole of it has disappeared.
The temple-doorway, a handsome piece of sculpture, has been set
up by itself as the entrance to the mosque enclosure. The date of the
columns is not later than the 10th century ; their present arrangement
was probably carried out by the Sultan of Jaunpur in the 15th or 16th
century.

In the District Gazetteer, published by the Local Government in
1884, these interesting relics are briefly and incorrectly noticed as
follows : “ There was a fort in the time of Raja Jay Chand, but

only the foundations of it remain.” At Khaklireru, which since 1852 has
been the head-quarters of a Talisili, the same authority notes with simi¬
lar inaccuracy, “ there was a fort here, of which only the ruins now
remain.” A small mound by the side of the main road to Kliaga is, it is
true, locally called the Garhi, or Fort, but it is clearly only the site of a

150 F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District. [No. 3,

temple. This was thrown down by the Muhammadans, who used the
materials tc construct a grave-yard and mosque. In 1852 it may be
presumed that these later buildings had apparently fallen into ruin and
the bricks were then used, for a third time, in the construction of the
new Tahsili. All the carved stones, however, were left on the spot.
These consist chiefly of architraves and door- jambs, handsomely carved
in the style of the 10th century. A fair is held here at the end of B ha-
don.

At Khairai, 5 miles from Khaga on the road to Dhata, is a circular
mound adjoining the village, which also must have been the site of a
temple. Only the foundations remain in situ , together with traces of a
broad flight of steps leading up from the level of the plain below.
Several huge broken blocks of sandstone are lying about, possibly the
fragments of a colossal lingam ; and, in the village, let into the wall of
a small modern shrine and in other places, are some mutilated figures and
architectural details. In an extensive mound a little to the east, called
the Garlii, I dug up three spirelets of a sikhara, each 3| feet high,
covered with the ornamentation characteristic of the lOtli century A. D.
From the time of Ala-ud-din this village has been almost exclusively
inhabited by Muhammadans.

The Gazetteer, as will have been observed, has adopted the native
practice of styling any ruin a Garlii , or Fort, but it entirely omits to
mention the remains of what would seem to have .been the most
considerable of all the old Hindu forts in the district. This is at the
village of Paina, about a mile north of the Ghazipur Tahsil. The
circuit of the wall with its gates and towers can be distinctly
traced, and in the centre of the high broken ground which it encloses,
is an inner citadel, further protected by a broad and deep moat. This
fortified town is said to have been originally a stronghold of the Chan-
dels, and may very probably be of still higher antiquity, but nothing
is known of its history. The citadel was built, or rebuilt, by Araru
Sinh of Asothar, who probably gave it the name of Fatehgarh, by which
it is now known.

Specimens of late Muhammadan architecture may be seen at the
town of Khajuha, between four and five miles from the Tinduli tem¬
ple. They form part of an extensive series of buildings erected by
the Emperor Aurangzeb, to commemorate a victory over his brother
Shuja in a battle that was fought in the neighbourhood in the year
1659. He took up as much as 223 acres of ground for his new works,
which comprise a large walled garden, called the Badshahi Bagh ; a
masonry tank, with an area of 14 acres ; and a fort-like sarae, with two
lofty gates. There is now, except during the rainy season, very little

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fateh pur District.

151

1885.]

water in the tank ; for large portions of the wall that enclosed it have
fallen, and so much earth has been washed in through the breaches, that
the bottom of the basin is little below the level of the adjoining fields
and is mostly under cultivation. The garden has a lofty main entrance
in the same style as the sarae gates, and an elegant smaller portal, which
once opened on to the street, but is now blocked by a Post Office on the
4 standard plan,’ which has lately been built immediately in front of it.
The garden walls have domed turrets at the corners ; in other huge
towers there are wells, with cool vaulted cells, and above them cisterns
to supply water both for a cascade that forms the back ground of a
shady alcove and for the fountains that played in three reservoirs of
cut stone set in the different terraces. The Great Terrace runs the
whole length of the tank and has its centre raised yet another stage,
which is approached from the lower grounds through graceful stone
arches with broad double flights of steps. Upon this upper stage are
placed two Pavilions. One is maintained in repair, having been convert¬
ed into a road-inspection house, though unfortunately it was not a little
spoilt in the process ; the other, it is hoped, will now be cleaned up and
henceforth kept in decent order, without any utilitarian alterations or
additions. Constructurally it is quite sound.

The Sarae has as many as 150 sets of vaulted rooms, three of which
have been thrown into one to serve for a school, the rest are let out for
the accommodation of travellers. In the centre of the square, which
has an area of 10 acres, there is a domed mosque, and outside the gate
are massive ranges of stabling for horses and elephants. The design of
these memorial works is on a grand scale of Imperial magnificence, but
the execution was probably hasty and there is not much delicacy in any
of the details. The total outlay must have amounted to a very large
sum.

Another building which dates from the same long reign but from the
very end of it and is therefore about half a century later, marks a further
decline in architectural skill. This is the tomb of Uawab Abd-us Samad,
who was a person of importance in the Imperial Court, and, enjoyed very
extensive grants of land both in the Doab and in Bundelkhand. At
Mutaur near the Jamuna in the Ghazipur Tahsil of the Fatehpur district
he built a Fort and a fine tank (which I have not yet seen) but his
principal residence appears to have been in the town of Fatehpur itself,
which he extended by the addition of a new muhalla, called Abu-nagar,
after his eldest son Abu Muhammad. The tomb stands in extensive and
well- wooded park-like grounds that were attached to the house and has
stone arcades and traceried windows and must have cost a large sum of
money. But it is a heavy, ill-designed structure and would seem to

152

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

[No. 3,

have been hastily finished after the premature death of the founder’s
eldest son. The stone kiosques which surmount the four corners
would have been pleasant places to sit in and look out upon the garden,
but there is no possibility of getting up to them, as no staircase has been
provided. This oversight may have been the result of haste at the end,
but the original design is curiously faulty in making these small
cupolas exactly the same height as the large central dome ; an arrange¬
ment which produces a very flat, cumbrous effect. There are two in-
criptions, which read as follows :

jS | <xljf

4: #

* j 03) *

* <J3^ J*. <X„okk #

* |*c jl *— #

jit \ AlJl

jjJ ( yi hwj t Irk. f ( idj

** ♦»

AM AaW j

* ^[i LSj*?* I Iff

Translation.

I. The paragon of mankind, the soul of sonls, Abd-ns-Samad Khan, having van¬
quished all the men of his time in the field of gallantry,

His sonl, like a bird, resolved to sever its connection with this miserable world,
and flew away and made heaven its rest.

The date of his departure can be calculated for his friends from the words
gham alain (grief and sorrow) which the pen of fate inscribed on the tablet of
eternity.

The letters in gham alam give the date 1111 (Hijri) thus : gh = 1000 ;
m 40; a, 1 ; l 30 ; and m agai n 40 : total 1111.

II. God is great. The asylum of forgiveness, Abu Muhammad, son of Abd-us-
Samad Khan, Roshanani, on the 19 Sliaban, in the year 1116 Hijri, corresponding
to the 48th year of the reign of the late Emperor Aurangzeb, at the age of 23, de¬
parted this life and migrated to heaven. The tomb was finished in the year 1121
Hijri.

The grounds contained a large masonry tank and ornamental pavi¬
lions, but these with the house itself were all dismantled only four or
five years ago by some credulous persons, who hoped to discover a hid¬
den treasure. Nothing of the kind was found, and the price of the

1885.]

153

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatelipur District.

bricks and other materials, which were sold to a railway contractor, can
scarcely have done more than cover the cost of demolition. The Gate¬
way alone is now left standing, a massive brick building, but in the same
plain and clumsy style as the tomb.

The principal memorial of the connection of the district with the
Lucknow Court, during the latter half of the 18th century, is to be seen
at Kora, where is a fine masonry tank constructed in a year of famine
by Zain-ul-abu-d-din the local Governor, under the orders of the Vazir
Mir Almas ’Ali Khan. It has a handsome pavilion on its margin and
across the road is a large walled garden, in two courts, with a high
gateway between them, and at the far end a lofty double-storeyed build¬
ing, in the grandiose style of the period, of good proportions, but with¬
out much delicacy of detail. The piers of the arcades are enormously
massive, but there are terrible cracks in the walls, probably arising from
an unequal settlement of the foundations, in consequence of the exces¬
sive mass of the superstructure. Tank, garden and pavilions were all
bestowed in gift upen a Kayath, Manna Lai alias Ram Prasad, who on
becoming a Muhammadan, took the name of Haidar Bakhsh and had the
title of Nasir-ul-Mulk conferred upon him by Nawab Asaf-ud-daula. As
he died childless, the property passed to the family of his brother, who
had remained a Hindu, and is now owned by Ikbal Bahadur, son of
Rao Lai Bahadur, who distinguished himself by his loyalty in the mu¬
tiny. He built a temple of Sita Ram on the margin of the tank ; but
attached to his private dwelling-house are the mosque and imdmibdra of
his relative, the original donee, which he keeps in repair for public use,
though they strike a visitor as rather curious appendages to a Hindu
establishment.

About the same time as the tank, a long and substantial bridge was
built over the Rind, the only one by which that river is crossed, just
outside the town of Kora and immediately under the walls of the old
Fort. In the Gazetteer it is incorrectly described as “a fine old Mughal
bridge it is really due to a baniya, named Fatih Chand. The older
Muhammadan bridge, of which the abutments remain, a hundred yards
or so higher up the stream, was a very mncli smaller structure, appa¬
rently intended only as a private approach to the Fort.

Zain-ul-abu-d-din’s government is further commemorated by the town
of Jafarganj, which lie named after his son Jafar ’All Khan. Here he set¬
tled some artisans whom he brought from Lucknow, and the three grand¬
sons of one of them still carry on what is the most notable art- manufac¬
ture in this district. Their business is that of cotton-printers, and the
peculiarity of their work is that only the simpler part of the pattern
is stamped, while all the finer portions are liand-painted. Bed- covers,
u

154

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fateh'pur District.

[No. 3,

awnings for tents and a variety of small articles for native use are what
they have hitherto been in the habit of making ; but they have now
made me some curtains, which are very handsome and effective, and
would certainly command a large sale in the European market.

In 1801, when this part of the Doab was included in British terri¬
tory, ISTawab Zain-ul-abu-d-din’s eldest son, Bakir ’Ali Khan, was retained
as farmer of the district under the new administration. He added a new
quarter to the town Fatehpur, called after his name Bakir-ganj, and here
stands his tomb built about 1815 A. D. with a mosque and other accesso¬
ries. It is a group of no great architectural merit : but being surround¬
ed by a small flower-garden and occupying a conspicuous position at
the junction of four main thoroughfares, it forms the only picturesque
feature in a singularly mean and unattractive town.

Since then, no Muhammadan has been in a position to spend any
money upon building. Buka great number of Hindu temples have arisen,
some of which are interesting specimens of modern native architecture,
especially two situated in the outskirts of the town of Khajuha. One
of these has a quasi- Muhammadan dome, the other a high spire with
clustering spirelets in the old Hindu fashion, and the facade of each
is reflected in the water of a large and well-filled masonry tank. Both
were built about fifty years ago by rich local traders.

To any one like myself coming from such a thoroughly Muham-
madanized district as Bulandshahr, the multitude of Hindu temples
all over this part of the country is a very striking 'novelty in the
landscape. For the most part they are small brick buildings with
plaster arcading to ornament the walls, and are surmounted by domes
more frequently than orthodox Hindu spires. There is considerable
monotony in the design ; but seen through the foliage of the mango
and mahua groves with which the district abounds, they are graceful
and picturesque objects, and one or more of them is visible from almost
every single point of view in the neighbourhood of a village or along
a main thoroughfare. Frequently the shrine is built in connection with
a large masonry tank, a great boon to the wayfarer in such a thirsty
land. The two temples above-mentioned are on a larger scale than
usual, but are typical as regards treatment. In both the general effect
is pleasing, and in the domed example the elaborate painted decoration
is somewhat exceptionally artistic. In bhe other temple the details of
the spire are clumsy, but considerable taste has been shown in the
general grouping.

Fatehpur is invariably described — even in its own Gazetteer— as a
district that contains nothing of the slightest archceological or artistic
value. My notes, brief and incomplete as they are, suffice to show that

1885.]

155

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

it lias been maligned. In fact I believe tliere is scarcely a district in
India about which such a remark could be made with truth, though it
is popularly stated with regard to many. Given a slight faculty of
observation, every part of the country will be found to abound with
interest, not only as regards relics of the past but also in indications
of still existent powers and capabilities.

Two classes of the community are deserving of special notice ; 1st, the
Singraurs, for their singularity ; and 2ndly, the Gautam Thakurs, for their
number and importance. The Singraurs are not mentioned by name in
any book that I have seen ; not even in the local Gazetteer, where the
people, who so style themselves, are included under the generic designa¬
tion of Lodhas. Of this tribe they may be an offshoot, but they differ
in many respects from the common stock. They are found only in the
Ekdala, Kliaga and Khakhreru Talisils, where they form almost the en¬
tire population of several villages and own a considerable quantity of
land. As a corruption of the Sanskrit Sringavera, Singraur is the mo¬
dern name of the Ghat, in the Rawab-ganj Pargana of the Allahabad
district, where (as is told in the Ramayana) Rama, Sita and Lakshman
were ferried across the Ganges by the Rishad chief Guha. Rot only
is there this identity of name, but the tribal designation Lodha (which
is for lubdhiha ) is a fair equivalent in meaning to the classical Rishad.
Some traditional connection between the people called Singraur and the
place Singraur might therefore naturally be expected ; but so far as I
could ascertain, none such exists. All the Singraurs of Ekdala bear the
title of Rawat, which was conferred upon them by the Emperor Akbar,
after a visit to that town, in which he was attended by his famous minis¬
ter, Birbal, whose mother’s sister lived there. All they could tell me as
to their origin was that they came, in the time of the Pomars, from the
neighbourhood of Banda, south of the Jamuna ; which is in exactly the
opposite direction from the Singraur Gliat, on the Ganges, which is to
the north.

According to a very widely accepted tradition, the Gautam Tha¬
kurs once owned the whole of the present Fatehpur district, together
with much adjoining territory on both sides of the Gauges. They claim
descent from the Vedic saint Gotama, who is also the reputed ancestor
of the Sakya tribe, of whom sprung the great Buddha ; whence, in many
countries where his religion flourishes, he is popularly known by his
patronymic, Gautama. The Gautam Raja had his principal seat at
Argal, a small secluded village in the Kora Pargana, buried in the ravines
of the river Rind. Possibly the old Fort was so named as forming a natu¬
ral ‘ bar,’ or barrier (which is the meaning of the Sanskrit argala) against
the approach of an invader. Similarly, Rind or Arind, the name of the

156

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

[No. 3,

river, is a contraction for Arindama, ‘ the subduer of enemies,’ which
would seem to refer not so much to the depth of the stream as to the
inaccessibility of its broken banks. The power of the family and the
extent of its territory may have been greatly exaggerated, and certainly
no external evidence of the truth of the local tradition has yet been sup¬
plied either by coins, or copper-plate inscriptions, as for the Gupta and
Gaharwar dynasties, nor in temples of well-ascertained Gautam founda¬
tion, such as attest the wealth and magnificence of the Chandels. Nei¬
ther do the Muhammadan chronographers make much mention of the
long struggle against the Imperial forces to which the Argal Raja attri¬
butes the total disappearance of all his family records. So far also as I
am aware, there are no extensive ruins at Argal, such as might be
expected at a place which for many centuries was the capital of an inde¬
pendent principality. But on this point I cannot speak from personal
knowledge, as I have never visited the spot. Not only is it far off the
beaten track, but the Raja dislikes being seen by Europeans, as his per¬
sonal surroundings are simply those of a small yeoman, and a visit dicta¬
ted chiefly by curiosity might be regarded as an intrusion. To such
extreme indigence is he now reduced, that his eldest son, and consequent¬
ly the heir to one of the oldest titles in India, is now a Constable in
the Hamirpur Police on a salary of Rs. 10 a month, and without much pros¬
pect of promotion, on account of his imperfect education. The second
son has been given a small scholarship for his support, and is a pupil in
the Government school in the town of Fatehpur, but though 15 years of
age, he is only in the 9th class ; and thus there is little prospect of any
revival of the family fortunes in this generation.

As a set off to the want of material corroboration for the high pre¬
tensions of the Argal pedigree, it must be observed that the grants and
migrations to which reference is therein made are ail accepted as true by
cognate tribes in different parts of the Province, who have obviously no
interest in maintaining a fictitious legend of Gautam pre-eminence and
their own comparative inferiority. It may also be noted that according
to a local saying, mentioned by Gen. Cunningham in Yol. XI of the
Archaeological Survey, there was once a brick temple at every kos along
the bank of the Rind. The word 4 bank’ must of course be interpreted
in its very widest sense as including the whole of the valley and its
neighbourhood, and the 4 kos’ as meaning not that the temples were at
regular intervals of that distance, but that they were very numerous and
close together. The two temples of Bahua and Tinduli might thus be
included in the series, together with those that the General describes in
the adjoining Pargana of Sarh Salimpur, and all may with great plausi¬
bility be ascribed to the Gautam Rajas, who have always been specially

1885.]

F. S. drowse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

157

connected with the Rind river. Unfortunately, there are no inscrip¬
tions to confirm this conjecture, but some may yet be discovered. Ac¬
cordingly, I think it desirable that the whole of the Raja’s pedigree, as
accepted by himself, should be put on record. The MS. in his possession
from which I translate was written out about 60 years ago by one of the
Kanungos of the Cawnpur district, which up to 1826 included the present
Fatehpur district as a subdivision. It was evidently the work of a very
careless or illiterate scribe, and is in several places quite unintelligible both
to myself and to members of the family. In the mythological portion some
well-known names are so grossly misspelt that they would defy recog¬
nition but for the context ; thus Santa, daughter of Somapad, appears as
Santa, daughter of Lomaya ; p and y, which in Nagari are much alike,
having been confused by the copyist. The MS. would seem to have been
consulted by Sir H. Elliot, before writing his article on the Gautams in
the Supplemental Glossary, and he has extracted from it all the facts of
most conspicuous interest. But the complete genealogy, though for
many generations it is only a bare string of names, may possibly here¬
after be of service in helping to fix a date or determine a person men¬
tioned in some other record.

Pedigree of the Gautam Rajputs and of Rdj a Ganpat Sinh, of Ar gal,
written out by Ram BaPhsh , Kanungo of Sdrh Salimpur , according to
the order of the Collector of Cawnpur (c 1826 A. D.).

1. Brahma.

2. Angiras.

3. Medhatithi.

4. Gautama.

“ He celebrated a sacrifice at the hermitage of the Rishi Gokarna,
from which sprung the four Kshatriya clans, the Chauhan, Parihar,
Pamar and Sulankhi.”*

5. Satanand.

6. Saradvan.

7. Satanik.

8. Vibhandak.

“ This was the time of Drona, Kripa and AsvatthamaA

9. Sringi Rishi (Risliya-sringa) “ who married Santa, daughter
of Somapad.”

10. Ingi Rishi : “ married Somantiti, daughter of Ajaypal, the
Gahrwar Raja of Kanauj. Her dowry included all the land between
Prayag and Hard war, and from this date the family, who formerly were

* Notes copied from the MS. are marked, with inverted commas to distinguish
them from additions of my own.

158

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

[No. 3,

Brahmans, began to call themselves Kshatriyas.” Most other authori¬
ties give the limits of the dower as from Kanauj to Kora, which is much
more intelligible.

11. Baja Bandh Dev.

12. Baja Ang Dev, “ built the fort of Argal on the site formerly
calle d Mahakay a.

In proof of the ancient sanctity of the spot, the following verse is
quoted, which includes Mahakaya as one of nine famous places of pilgri¬
mage :

Benukah, Sukarah, Kasi, Kali, Kala, Batesvarau,

Kalanjara, Mahakaya, Ukhala, nava muktidah.

The same verse is quoted, in a more corrupt form, by Gen. Cunning¬
ham in Yol. XYII of the Archaeological Survey, and for Mahakaya
which, it mav be noted, is one of the less common names of Mahadev, he
gives Mahakala. This he explains ( ignotum per ignotius), by Ujam, a
place of which I have never heard, unless Ujam is a misprint for Ujain.
Ukhala he was told meant simply ‘ any sacred place ’ like tirtha ; but
the fact seems questionable. I am more inclined to take it as the
proper name of a particular locality, possibly the village on the Jamuna
(more commonly spelt Gklila) which has lately become famous as the
head of the new Agra canal. Here was a tomb (now pulled down) which
bore an inscription dated in the reign of the Emperor Iltitmish (1210-
1235 A. D.) which evidences the antiquity of the site. As to the other
places ; Benuka is on the Narmada near Jabalpur ; Stikara is Soron
in the Eta district ; Kasi is of course Benares ; Kali is perhaps Calcutta ;
Kala may be Karra on the Fatehpur border ; Batesar is in Agra, though
it does not appear why the name is given in the dual number ; and
Kalanjara is the famous fort in Bundelkliand.

13. Baja Balbhadra Dev.

14. Baja Suman Dev.

15. Baja Sriman Dev.

16. Baja Dhvajaman Dev.

17. Baja Shivman Dev.

18. Baja Bansdhar Dev.

19. Baja Brat-dhar Dev.

20. Baja Agnindra Dev.

21. Baja Devant Dev.

22. Baja Susalya Dev “ built forts at Silavan and Satin, 55 vil»
lages in the Fatehpur district.

23. Baja Mahindra Dev.

24. Baja Jagat Dev.

25. Baja Bhumipal Dev.

1885.]

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fate}} pur District .

159

26. Raja Gandharv Dev.

27. Raja Indrajit Dev.

28. Raja Brahm Dev.

29. Raja Chhatradhar Dev.

30. Raja Ram-dev Salii.

31. Raja Kir man Dev.

32. Raja Prithuraj Dev.

33. Raja Tilakdliar Dev.

34. Raja Dliirman Dev.

35. Raja Satrajit Dev.

36. Raja Bhupal Dev.

37. Raja Parichhat Dev.

38. Raja Mahipal Dev.

39. Raja Vislinudhar Dev “ built a fort and palace at Naraicha”
near Argal.

40. Raja Khasuman Dev.

41. Raja Surajman Dev.

42. Raja Mukutmani Dev.

43. Raja Ckandramani Dev. The Gautams of the Mirzapur dis¬
trict, who are very numerous there, say that they migrated from Argal
in the time of Raja Chandra Sen. This name does not occur in the
pedigree, but Chandramani is a near approach to it.

44. Raja Karan Dev.

45. Raja Salya Dev, “ fortified Silauli.”

46. Raja Gang Dev. “ founded Kunvarpur.”

47. Raja Dhirpumr Dev, “ fought many times with Prithiraj and
the Muhammadans. His Rani went to bathe at Prayag : was assaulted
by the Subadar of Azimabad ; Bhau and Bibhau of Muji-pattan, who
also had gone there to bathe, came to her rescue and beat off her assail¬
ants. In return for this help, Bhupal Sinh, Gautam, of Bhaupur, gave
his sister in marriage to Bhau with a dowry of 1400 villages on the other
side of the Ganges. Their son* was Tilok Chand, the Rao of Dauriya
Khera. Bhupal Sihh, Gautam, was recognized as Rao of Goblia, and
Pargana Jar was his jagir.” The Rani’s champions were of the Bais
clan, and the villages given in dowry constitute the tract of country
known as Baiswara, which includes the greater part of the two Oudh
districts of Unao and Rae Bareli. Mr. Elliot in his ‘ Chronicles of Unao ’
gives a much more detailed version of the above famous incident, and
suggests with great probability that the scene of the attempted rape was
not at Allahabad, but at Baksar, another famous bathing-place, much

* ‘ Son 5 may be used indefinitely ; Mr. Elliot represents him as seventh in
descent and puts him about the year 1400 A. D.

160

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

[No. 3,

closer both to Bhanpur and to Dauriya Kliera. Munii-pattan is in the
Dekhan. The Gautams of Bhanpur are distinguished by the title of
Rawat, and those of Gobha (the next village to Argal) are still styled
Raos. Bhanpur (for Bhava-pur, Bhava being a name of Siva) is on the
right bank of the Ganges ; immediately below Sivarajpur.

48. Raja Ratn Sen Dev, “ married the sister of Jay Chand, the
Gahrwar Raja of Kanauj. Had many fights with the Muhammadans.”
This popular identification of the Ratliors with the Gahrwars is notice¬
able. It is very uncertain to what clan the earlier Rajas of Kanauj really
belonged. The most famous of them was Bhoja I, who reigned from
860 to 890 A. D. and was succeeded by Mahendra Pal, 921 ; Bhoja
Deva II, 925 to 950 ; and Vinayak Pal, 950 to 975, all in direct descent
of father and son. A period of disturbance then seems to have followed,
and eventually Kanauj was conquered about 1025 A. D. by Karna, son of
Gangaya, the Raja of Cliedi near Jabalpur. He, however, was not long
after expelled by Chandra Deva, who founded the well-known Rathor
dynasty, which terminated with Jay Chand, the rival of Prithi Raj.
The sequence of events thus stated has been worked out with much
ingenuity by Dr. Hoernle, who further conjectures that Chandra Deva’s
father, Maliichandra (son of Jasovigraha) is the same as Mahipala of
the Pala dynasty of Benares, whose father’s name is given as Vigraha-
pala. He was a Buddhist, as his eldest son and his descendants con¬
tinued to be till their kingdom (Bihar) was subdued by the Muhamma¬
dans. The younger son, Chandra Deva, becoming a Brahmanist,
established his capital at Kanauj, where he was succeeded by Madan
Pal, Gobind Chandra, Bijay Chandra and finally Jay Chand.

49. Raja Kaling Dev, “ built the Kora fort.” This was to a great
extent rebuilt three generations later by Bijli Khan after becoming a
Muhammadan. Nothing now remains of it but the mosque and this too
would seem to be of somewhat later date. The site is a high cliff com¬
manding a very extensive view of the Rind ravines. The buildings
were dismantled shortly before the mutiny and the materials utilized in
the construction of the new Talisili.

50. Raja Sulraj Dev. “ gave a jdgir of 62 villages about Sivaraj¬
pur to Parmal of Mahoba” after the defeat of the Chandels by Prithiraj.
But this seems irreconcilable with the previous statement that No. 47 was
a contemporary of Prithiraj’s. This Sivarajpur is a different place from
that mentioned above and is in the Cawnpur district.

51. Raja Mulraj Dev, “ had two sons, of whom

52. Raja Dev Pal Dev was the elder : the younger Bijay Sinh be¬
came a Muhammadan and took the name of Bijli Khan. The Raja gave
12 villages to the Banpur Gautams ; built a fort and tank at Rahnsi ;
fought against the Emperor.” Another brother, whose name is variously

1885.]

F. S. Growse — Notes on the Fatehpur District.

161

given as Bair or Bariar, or Bilial Sinli, also became a Mnliammadan and
took the name of Bahadur Khan, and built a fort at Gar hi Jar, which is
still owned by his descendants.

53. Raja Mam Dev “created the Rana of Chilli, with a jdgir of 60
villages in the neighbourhood of Majhawan ” in Pargana Sarh Salimpur.

54. Raja Bliauraj Dev “gave Har Sinh Dev the title of Rawat
with Bhaupur and other 14 villages. Gave Beduki to Kedar, a Kapa-
riya ; Majhilganw to Nilmani, Kurmi, and Cliandpur to Cliand, a Bhat.”
Beduki must mean the town of Bindki, which is now commonly said to
derive its name from Bandagi Shah, a Muhammadan fakir whom Kirat
Sinh, one of the Gautam Rajas, had taken under liis protection. The
Kapariyas are a wandering tribe who go round to houses after a birth,
singing congratulatory songs and receiving small presents in return.
Kedar, to whom the grant was made, is said to have contrived the escape
of one of the Raja’s sons, who was kept as a hostage by the Muhamma¬
dans.

55. Raja Sahadev Raj.

56. Raja Lachhman Dev.

57. Raja Bir Sinh Dev “ married a daughter of the Gaharwar of
Bijaipur. Fought 22 battles against the Emperor. Gave the Chaudhra-
hat of Pargana Kora to Jaganbansi Brahmans ; 28 villages and the
command of his army to the Athaiya Gautams ; 12| villages including
Rampur to Lala Tandsi Lai, Kamdar ; and made a Raj Kumar of Klia-
rauli with a grant of 4 villages.” The Athaiya Gautams (who evidently
derive their name from the 28 ( atlidis ) villages that were granted them)
are said to have been Jinwars by descent and to have ingratiated them¬
selves with the Raja by teaching him the game of chess.

58. Raja Madan Dev.

59. Raja Man Dev.

60. Raja Haribaran Dev “ fought against the Emperor Humayun
at Kalpi and Hamirpur and was defeated.” This appears to be the turning
point in the fortunes of the family, who had espoused the cause of Slier
Shah and were thus marked out for vengeance by Humayun on his
return to India. In the Gazetteer the Raja’s name is incorrectly given
as Harcharan.

61. Raja Sangram Dev.

62. Raja Bhairon Salii “ defeated by the emperor, with total ruin,
of the family.”

63. Raja Hamir Dev “ defeated by Shahjalian.”

64. Raja Bhagavant Dev “ married a daughter of the Sombans
Raja of Pratapgarh. The family Fort destroyed by Shahjalian.”

65. Rfija Indrajit Dev.

162

J, Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

66. Baja Dugur Sail Doy, 1607 A. D.

67. Baja Haribal Dev, 1643 A. D. “defeated by the Subadar.”

68. Baja Himmat Bahadur Dev, 1646 A. D.

69. Baja Achal Sinh Dev, 1687 A. D. “ defeated in 1727 by
Saadat Khan. Utter destruction of all the family property.”

70. Baja Sadan Sinh Dev 1729 A. D.

71. Baja Aman Sinh, 1755 A. D.

72. Baja Ganpat Sinh, 1817 A. D.

73. Baja Lai Shio Bam Sinh, born 1837 A. D.

74. Kunvar Batn Sinh.

On the Geography of India in the lieign of Aid) ar. Part II. — By John

Beames, B. C. S.

(With a Map.)

No. II. Subah Bihar.

In reconstructing the details of this large and important province
very great difficulties have to be encountered. It is not so much that
changes have taken place, for that has happened everywhere ; but that
for a long time past no record has been kept of such changes, rather
there has been at one time an effort to obliterate all traces of them, and
at another a policy of deliberately refraining from enquiring into them.
The intentional falsification of the fiscal records by the later Muham¬
madan Subahdars, and the Permanent Settlement of Lord Cornwallis
have each in its own way done much to efface the former political geo¬
graphy. That so many of the old parganahs are still traceable is due
more to the conservative instincts of the people, than to any care that
has been bestowed upon the matter by those in authority.

Even in Todar Mai’s time parts of Bihar seem to have been some¬
what imperfectly known. In the whole of the large Sarkar of Mungir
(now generally written Monghyr) the areas of the malials are wanting,
and in some of the other Sarkars also we find areas omitted here and
there. The information regarding the contingents of horse and foot
soldiery to be furnished is not given in detail for each mahal, but in most
cases only in the lump for each Sarkar, and the castes or tribes of the
proprietary families are only mentioned in a few instances. Moreover
there are large areas on the map which are not covered by any of the
malials named in the lists, and which we must therefore assume to have
been unassessed, and probably uninhabited, in those days.

1885.]

J. Beanies — On the Geography of India,

163

When we examine the extent and boundaries of the whole province
as given in the Ain we find nevertheless that they correspond tolerably
closely to those of the present day. The length is said to be from Garhi
to Rohtas 120 kos. Garlii is the old fort now known as Teliagarhi a
little to the west of Sahibganj at the point where the Santlial Hills touch
the Ganges. This fort was regarded as the key of Bengal, and the be¬
ginning of that province. By Rohtas we must understand, not the
historical fortress of that name, but the western boundary of the Sarkar
of which it was the capital, for the fortress itself as will be seen from
the map lies far to the east of the boundary. Taking Akbar’s kos at
about 2-| English miles,* the distance would be about 300 miles ; but this
must have been obtained by measuring along the then existing roads,
for the actual distance as the crow flies is only 210 miles.

Similarly the breadth from north to south, which is vaguely de¬
scribed as being from Tirhut to the hill ranges, meaning evidently the
northern ranges of the Yindhyas, is given as 110 kos — 275 miles. But
measuring as the crow flies on the modern map from the northern boun¬
dary of Tirhut to the southern boundary of Monghyr,f we find the
actual distance not more than lbO miles. It will also be seen further on
that some of the mahals included in Sarkar Tirhut are now under Nepal,
and that it is impossible to decide how far to the south among the
scattered and broken groups of hills which run all through this part of
the Subah, Muhammadan power, or at any rate Muhammadan pretensions,
extended.

Abul Fazl states the boundaries of the Subah as follows. On the
east Subah Bangalah (Bengal), on the west Subahs Ilahabad and Avadli,
on the north and south high mountains, meaning of course the Hima¬
layas and Vindhyas respectively. These boundaries correspond with
tolerable accuracy to the present ones on the east and west, though they
can hardly be said to be defined at all on the north and south any more
than they are in the present day. On the north disputes with the Nepal
State have recurred at intervals down to the present time, and on the
south the boundaries between districts in the Bihar Province and those
in Chota Nagpur are varied from time to time to suit the exigencies of
modern administration. The country is hilly and irregular, and it is
difficult to draw a definite line of demarcation between the tracts inhabi¬
ted by an Aryan population, and those inhabited by Kolarian and Dravi-
dian tribes, such as Santhals, Khonds and Koles. The former only
would, it may be supposed, be included in the Subah.

* Elliot. Eaces of N. W. P. vol. ii, p. 194. The exact length is 2 miles 4 furlongs
158 yards.

f I mean the modern districts bearing those names, not the Sarkars of the Ain.

164

J. Beames — On the Geography of India ,

[No. 3,

The southern boundary has in fact always been vague and unde¬
fined. The Muhammadan forces consisting as they did, chiefly of cavalry,
seem to have been very easily beaten back from broken or rocky country,
and it will be seen further on how even the insignificant hills which cut
in two the southern part of the province impinging on the Ganges at
Mungir, remain independent down to a comparatively late period, and
how the names of the mahals in Sarkar Bihar and Mungir testify to
the scattered nature of Muhammadan power in those parts.

The Ganges, Son, and Gandak are mentioned as the chief rivers of
the province, and a petrifying power is ascribed to the waters of the
Son. This is true only of certain springs in the upper part of its course.
It is also correctly stated that the Son, Narbadda and Jhula rivers all
rise close to each other on the Amarkantak mountain.* But on the
whole the geographical details regarding this Subah are decidedly meagre
when contrasted with those of Subahs nearer the capital.

Todar Mai’s Settlement of A. D. 1582 lasted unaltered only for about
a century, a fresh Settlement having been made in the 27th year of
Aurangzeb, A. D. 1685 — by which the total revenue of the province was
raised from fifty-five to eighty-five lakhs. The only territorial change was
the division of the old Sarkar of Ruhtas into two ; Rulitas and Bhojpur.

This Settlement did not remain in force so long as its predecessor
having been superseded in 1750, at a time when the power of the Mughal
dynasty had virtually come to an end, by a fresh Settlement the details
of which were carried out by Janaki Ram the Naib'Diwan of Bihar,
under the orders of Ali Yardi Khan. Subahdar of Bengal. The revenue
was now further raised to ninety-five and a half lakhs. Although the
old territorial divisions of Sarkars and mahals remained nominally un¬
changed, there were nevertheless in reality very great changes made. It
would lead me too far from my present subject to enter into details of
these changes, and they could not be understood without reference to
official maps which are not available to the public. The object aimed at
was the increase of the revenue levied from the people to the highest
practicable point, while the increase of revenue payable to the central
Government should be as small as possible, so that there might remain

* There is apparently an error in the Persian text of the Ain (Vol. I, p. 416)
where the Son is said to fall into the Ganges from the north instead of from the
south. The text is here, however, corrupt. That the Son is meant seems clear from
the mention of Munir as the point of junction. If we can read the doubtful word

orJ?/J as saryn j the passage would refer to the Ghogra, which does fal

into the Ganges from the north oppposite Munir. Possibly the word or
preceding may be for nai - nadi ‘ river j5 as Abul Fazl sometimes

employs Hindi words.

1885.]

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

165

a very great difference between wliat the Subahdar had to receive from
those below him, and what he had to pay to those above him ; such
difference naturally going into his own pocket. Another object was to
carve out for favourites and dependants new estates in various parts of
the province without reducing to a corresponding extent the revenue
demandable from the landholders whose estates were thus encroached
upon and diminished. With this view a village here and a village there,
a few bighas in one place and a few more in another, were created into
an estate, the grantee of which had to pay a certain revenue, while the
persons from whose estates these pilferings had been made still continued
to pay their old rent, or at most a rent only slightly reduced.

These tactics were followed by large proprietors in respect of their
own estates, and in fact every one who was powerful enough to rob the
State or his neighbours, robbed to his heart’s content. In addition
to this constant spoliation and forcible transfer of estates, there was the
unceasing resumption of rent-free tenures, and the creation of all sorts
of fresh imposts, under the generic title of s' dir or “ remainder,” and
other quaint technical names, mostly in order to provide an income for
the various ranks of officials, or to meet some new extravagance of the
Subahdar himself. Whosoever wishes to bewilder himself by an examina¬
tion of this extraordinary complication of revenue matters, may read
Mr. J. Grant’s Analysis of the Finances of Bengal, and may wonder at,
though he will probably not understand, the remarkable skill with which
the writer disentangles the web of accounts, and produces as the result
the “ Jama tashkhis bandobasti ” of A. D. 1765, on which the Perma¬
nent Settlement was based. With the Permanent Settlement the curtain
falls on the subject ; and from that time to the present all is darkness.

I now proceed to the details of this Subah. It contained seven
Sarkars, viz. : —

Biliar. Hajipiir.

Mungir. Saran.

Champ aran. Tirhut.

Ruhtas.

Comprising 199 mahals or parganahs. The total revenue is given
in the introductory remarks as dams 22, 19, 19, 404 of which dams 17,
26, 81, 779 are from nakdi , and dams 4, 92, 37, 630 sayurghal. These
figures, however, do not agree with the result obtained by adding together
the revenue of each of the seven Sarkars as given in the lists which
follow the introduction. The total of the figures for the Sarkars is
dams 38, 51, 18, 242.* As regards the area no definite statement can

# See Thomas’s Pathan kings of Delhi, p. 388, for a discussion as to the accu¬
racy of Abul Fazl’s figures.

166

J. Beanies — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

be arrived at, for though the total area is given in the introduction as
24,44,120 bigalis, these figures refer only to the measured (i. e., culti¬
vated) area “ zamin-i paimudah ” and in the Sarkar lists detailed areas
are wanting for all the parganahs of Sarkar Mungir and many of those
in the other Sarkars.

Sarkar Bihar.

46 mehals. Area 9,52,598 bigahs. Revenue 8,019,639 dams nakdi
under the head of zabti* and nakdi : 2,270,147 sayurghal. Castes various.
2,115 horse 67,350 foot.

1. Arwal. 5,79,089 b. 5 b. 4,26,780 d. 1000 foot.

49,401 b. 10 b. 3,747,940 d.

40,404 b. 4 b. 3,35,260 d. Brahmans and Afghans.
200 foot.

24,387 b. 19 b. 1,821,333 d. 16,035 s.

8,47,920 d. Brahmans 250 foot.

10,290 b. 7 b. 6,700,000 d. Afghans. 20 horse. 300
foot.

1,998 b. 9 b. 1,47,980 d. Kayaths. 20 horse. 200
foot.

8. Bihar ba haveli. Has a fort of stone and burnt brick. 70,683 b. 9

b. 5,53-^,157 d. 6,53,200 s. 10 horse. 400 foot.

2. Ukhri.

3. fkal.

4. Amretu.

5. Amblo.

6. Anchha.

7. Antari.

9. Bhilawar.

48,310 b. 3 b. 3,651,640 d. 9000 s. Brahmans. 500
foot.

10.

Biswak.

35,318 b. 18 b. 2,706,539 d. 1,708,130 s. Shaikhza-
dahs. 300 foot.

11.

Pilich.

30,030 b. 18 b. 2,270,438 d. 59,185 s. Brahmans.
500 foot.

12.

Balia.

26,000 b. 18 b. 2,056,502 d. 85,747 s. Rajputs. 20
horse. 400 foot.

13.

Patna.

Has two forts, one of burnt, the other of unburnt
brick 21,846 b. 8 b. 1,922,430 d. 1,31,807 s.

14.

Phulwari.

20,225 b. 19 b. 1,585,420 d. 1,18,120 s. Rajputs. 20
horse. 700 foot.

15.

Pahra.

12,283 b. 6. b. 941,160 d. 18,560 s. Brahmans. 20
horse. 400 foot.

16.

Bliimpur.

10,862 b. 15. b. 824,584 d. 24,424 s.

17.

Pun dag.

727,640 d. Jabardah. 300 horse. 2000 foot.

* “ Zebty, resumed lands appropriated in jageer to defray the expenses of the
standing military force,” but subsequently “ included in the receipts of the royal
treasury.” (Grant’s Analysis, p.

1885.]

18.

19.

20.
21.
22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

167

Tiladah.

Jarar.

Chirganw.

Jay champa.

Dadar.

Dhaknair.

Ruh.

Rampiir.

Rajgarh .

Sunaut.

Samai.

Sihrah.

San dali.
Siyur.

39,053 b. 12 b. 2,920,366 d. 232,080 s. Shekhzadalis
20 borse. 300 foot.

12,930 b. 10 b. 979,363 d. 880 s. Shekhzadalis. 20
borse. 500 foot.

904,440 d. Brahmans. 20 borse. 300 foot.

620,000 d. Jabardab. 20 horse. 600 foot.

262,500 d.

215,680 d.

250,100 d. Brahmans. 20. horse. 1500 foot.
363,820 d.

3,756 b. 12 b. 288,228 d. 17,225 s.

36,780 b. 7. h. 28,24,180 d. 20 horse. 500 foot.
32,514 b. 3 b. 2,537,080 d. 62,380 s. Kayths. 10
horse. 200 foot.

20,79,000 d. Rajputs. 500 feet.

24,962 b. 2 b. 1,889,956 d. Afghans. 500 foot.

Stone fort on top of a hill. 14,145 8 b. 1,250,591 d.
Brahmans. 200 horse. 5000 foot.

Ghayaspur.

Gidhaur.

Katibhara .
Kabar.

Guh.

Ghati Bihar

Karanpur.

Gaya.

Munir.

Masaudha.

Maldali.

Manaura.

Mahair.

84,205 b. 5,657,290 d. 227,554 d.

Stone fort on top of a hill in the middle of the jun¬
gle. 1,452,500 d. Rajputs. 259 horse. 10,000 foot.

7,37,540 d.

7,400 b. 9 b. 5,60,875 d. Kayaths. 30 horse. 700 foot,

374,880 d. Rajputs. 100 horse. 1000 foot.

, 360,820 d.

363,820 d.

951 b. 74,270 d. 14,235 s.

89,039 b. 15 b. 7,049,179 d. 325,380 s.

67,161 b. 10 b. 4,631,080 d.

28,121 b. 9 b. 2,151,575 d. 49,805 s. Brahmans. 100
horse. 3000 foot.

7,706 b. 6 b. 585,500 d. Brahmans. 20 horse. 500
foot.

23,937 b. 19 b. 1,779,540 d. 47,700 s. Brahmans. 200
foot.

Narliat.

30,555 b. 7 b. 2,380,309 d. 5 horse. 200 foot.

At the beginning of the list it is stated that there are 46 mahals,
but the list itself only contains 45. Either Bihar is to be counted as two
mahals, one for the Haveli, and one for the Baldah, or No. 21 Jay-
champa must be counted as two, as the modern parganahs of Chai and
Champa are distinct from one another, and may have been so in former
times.

168

J. Beanies — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

It is important to observe tlie situation of the malials whose area is
given as distinguished from those for which only the revenue is stated,
as this distinction affords a means of judging how far Muhammadan
supremacy really extended. On comparing the list with the map accom¬
panying this article it will be seen that the mahals whose measure¬
ment is given are those lying in the great plain of Bihar, while most of
those in and between the hills are unmeasured, and there is every reason
for believing that they had not at the time of the Settlement been really
conquered.

I have succeeded in identifying all but two out of the forty-five
mahals of this Sarkar, though some are only conjecturally traceable.

5. Amblo. There is no jpargana of this name now extant in either
Gya or Patna districts. There is Amlo (now called Amlo Mutia) in
Bhagalpur, but that is separately given under Sarkar Mungir. It is
just possible that in the general ignorance that prevailed regarding the
outlying parts of of Sarkar Bihar this mahal may have been entered
twice over by mistake. It is one of the unmeasured mahals many of
which were put down by Todar Mai from hearsay or other vague indi¬
cations.

16. Bliimpur is still extant, but it was formerly larger than at
present, a new parganah Shalijahanpur having been carved out of it, the
name of which shews that its creation was later than Akbar’s days.

17. Pundag is the same as Palamau and roughly indicates a vast
tract of country lying south of Slierghotty and only nominally subject
to the empire in the time of Akbar as it was not conquered till the reign
of Aurangzeb,* though there had probably been occasional raids into
various parts of the country before, and the name was therefore known
to Todar Mai and inserted in his rent roll with a purely imaginary
revenue. The name of the proprietary clan in this and No. 21 is given
as Sq Jabardah in the Persian text ; but this is a copyist’s error for
cheroh , the Muhammadan way of spelling the name of the well known
aboriginal Chero race.fi

21. Jaychampa. Properly Chai Champa two contiguous parganahs
now in the north of Hazaribagh district, invaded about A. D. 1340 by a
general of Muhammad Tughlak.fi The old fort of Chai is still in exis¬
tence. These mahals like Pundag were probably only known by hearsay
to Todar Mai and not actually subject to the Empire.

23. Dhaknair. Properly spelt Dakhnair, i. e., Dakshina nagara.
Nagara becomes nayara in Prakrit, e. g., Bikanir, Bhatnair, etc.

* See a full account by Blochmann in J. A. S. B. Yol. XL, p. 111.

fi ib. p. 118.

fi Col. Dalton’s note in Hunter’s Statistical Account of Hazaribagh, p. 67.

1885.]

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

169

25. Rampur. An unmeasured malial probably the pargana of that
name in Hazaribagh, known to, but not possessed, by the Mughals.

26. Rajgarh. The celebrated Buddhist centre Rajgir. Abnl Fazl
has substituted the familiar termination garh for the less common gir
from Rajagriha the original Sanskrit name.

29. Sihrah. There is now no parganah of this name, the village
of Sahra is in the south-east corner of Ghayaspur.

31. Siyur. There is no parganah of this name, but the fort of
Sior or Siyur Muliammadabad is well known. It is in parganah Ruh and
the mahal dependent on it seems to have been very extensive including
not only Pachrukhi but also the great zamindari of Kharakdilia in
Hazaribagh.* It is strange that its area should be given, while that of
Ruh is not. The measurement, however, can refer only to a very small
portion of the whole of this vast territory.

33. Gidhaur. Gridhrapura = vulture-city. This is the capital of
the great estate of this name ; even in Akbar’s time the Raja was one of
the great chiefs of Bihar. The mahal included the modern pargana of
Chakai and stretched nearly as far as Rohini.

3d. Katibhara. I have been unable to identify this place.

37. Ghati Bihar. This is now called Shahr ghati (vulgo Sher-
gotty) and is a large and well known place at the foot of the ghats or
mountain passes leading from the highlands of Chutia Nagpur to the
plain of Bihar.

38. Karanpur. A large parganah of this name is still extant south
of the town of Hazaribagh. It was probably entered on the rent roll
by Todar Mai merely on hearsay, the name having become known from
the Muhammadan raids on Kokrah and Pundag. It could not have been
actually subject to Akbar.

The Sarkar of Bihar thus reconstructed occupies the whole of the
modern districts of Patna and Gaya, the western half of the great plain
of Magadha. It also includes certain tracts now included in the districts
of Hazaribagh and Lohardaga in the Chutia Nagpur country, but as has
been shown above, these latter tracts, such as Pundag, Chai- Champa,
Karanpur, etc., were rather claimed, than possessed by the sovereign of
Delhi, and it is impossible to say how far they extended. In the map
which accompanies this article they have not been coloured but merely
indicated by a line under the name.

It may be interesting to students of the science of language to
notice that the area of this Sarkar corresponds pretty accurately with
the area of the modern Magadhi dialect of Bihar as shewn in the map
prefixed to Part I of Mr. Grierson’s grammars of the Bihari language

* Ibid, p. 129.

170

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

recently published. In fact the dialectic boundaries throughout this
Subah correspond in a remarkable manner with those of the Sarkars.
Thus Sarkars Ruhtas, Saran and Champaran speak Bhojpuri, Sarkar
Bihar Magadhi, Sarkars Tirhut, Hajipur and Miingir Maithili.* This
coincidence may be merely accidental, and due to the fact that the
language boundaries were decided by the same considerations as the
administrative boundaries, namely, the leading natural features of the
country such as hills, rivers and so on. There are, however, parts where
no such natural boundary exists, and in those the coincidence is not
easily to be accounted for. The remarkable tongue-like projection of
Magadhi south-eastwards beyond Jamui almost as far as Deogarh is
apparently to be accounted for by the fact that all that country belonged
to the Rajas of Gidhaur who on conquering it from the Santhals pro¬
bably settled it with cultivators from the western parts of their territory
who naturally spoke Magadhi.

II. Sarkar MungIr.

31 mahals, 109,625,981^- dams. Castes various. 2,150 horse. 50,000

foot*

Abhaypur.

20,00,000 a.

tfsla.

89,760 d.

Ango.

147,800 d.

Amblo.

50,000 d.

Bhagalpur.

46,96,110 d.

Balia.

32,87,320 d.

Pharkiyah.

30,00,000 a.

Paharparah.

140,920 d.

Pasai.

132,300 d.

10.

Tanur.

88,420 d.

11.

Chhai.

92,80,000 d.

12.

Chandui.

3,60,000 a.

13.

Dharmpur.

40,00,000 d.

14.

Dand Sukhwarah.

1,36,000 a.

15.

Rohini.

95,360 d.

16.

SaroliL

17,73,000 d.

17.

Sukhdhara.

670,240 d.

* I

think, however, that Mr. Grierson has carried northern Maithili too far to

the east in Purniah and the Morang. I was Collector of that district for four years,
and my impression is that Maithili is confined to the parganah of Dharampur which
formed part of Sarkar Mungir. In central and northern Purniah the language is
utterly corrupt and too much mixed with Bengali to be fairly called Maithili. This,
however, will be decided by Part VII of the Series of Grammars.

1885.]

J. Beames-

— On the Geography of India.

18.

Singhauli.

360,000 d.

19,

Surajgarh.

2,99,445 d.

20.

Sikhra abadi.

1,60,000 d.

21.

Satiarl.

58,730 d.

22.

Kahlganw.

28,00,000 d.

23.

Kherhi.

689,044 d.

24.

Kojrah.

260,602 d.

25.

Khetki.

160,000 d.

26.

Lakhanpur.

633,280 d.

27.

Masjidpur.

12,59,750 d.

28.

Mungir ba Haveli.

808,907| d.

29.

Masdi.

29,725 d.

30.

Hindue.

108,300 d.

31.

Hazartaki.

9,182 d.

In this Sarkar it is noticeable in the first place that not a single
mahal contains more than a statement of the revenue payable by it.
There is no information as to area, ruling castes, or anything else. This
is the more remarkable because Todar Mai himself resided for some time
at Monghyr, though it is true he was at that time more intent on warlike
than on financial pursuits. There is much to shew that all this south¬
eastern corner of Bihar was very imperfectly known to the Muham¬
madans, for instance, the important and well known estate of Kharakpur
does not occur as the name of a mahal at all. It is still the largest
estate in south Bihar though it has passed away from the ownership of
the ancient line of Rajas. Blochmann has discovered from the Akbar -
nama that at the time of the conquest of Bengal and Bihar by Akbar
Raja Sangram Sahai of Kharakpur was one of the three principal chiefs
of the country, and as he submitted to Akbar and with the exception of
one or two passing revolts remained on the whole tolerably submissive
all that reign one would expect to see his estate figure on Todar Mai’s
list. The only way to account for the omission is to suppose that Kha¬
rakpur itself was not at that time a separate mahal, and as nearly the
whole of it consisted of hills either barren or covered with jungle there
was probably no assessment, or if brought on the books at all, any assess¬
ment there might be would probably be Sayurghal, and as no Sayurghal
is recorded for this Sarkar, the name of Kharakpur would not find
entry. All or nearly all the other parganas in this vast estate are duly
mentioned, viz., Danda Sukhwara, Hendueh, Hazartaki, Lakkanpur,
Masdi, Paharparah, Sahrui, Sukharabadi, Amlo Mutia, Wasila and Kher-
hi, and it may be supposed that the land on which the fort and town of
Kharakpur stood was included in one or other of these parganahs.

172

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

Of the mahals entered in the above list all but three are still extant
though probably the area of many of them has varied considerably.

2. Usla is now written Wasila.

3. Ango, not traceable.

4. Amblo, now called Amlo Mutia far down in the south of the
Bhagalpur district.

8. Paharpara. This word is written in the text fjbr-pJ with a
var. lectio bind 1 propose to read and to identify the mahal

with that now called Parbatpara, parbat and pahar meaning the same
thing.

10. Tanur. The record-keeper of the Monghyr Collectorate con¬
jectures that the true reading is there is a mahal of this name

Tahaur or rather Tahaurganj in Kharakpur. This seems a somewhat
doubtful identification. There is no place called Tanur, as far as I can
learn.

16. Sarohi now written Sahroi.

17. Sukhdhara seems to be a mistake for Sukhohara due to the simi¬
larity between c> and . It was once a separate pargana but is now
included in Haveli Monghyr.

21. Satiari now included in Bhagalpur.

25. Khetki not traceable, but is probably intended for Khetauria.

This Sarkar runs far down south-eastwards into the jungly tracts
now in the Santhal Parganas and it is impossible to fix any definite
boundaries in that direction. Probably the Muhammadans did no more
than make occasional raids into this wild and difficult country, and the
mahals lying in this direction, such as Hindue (Handoi, Hendueli, etc.),
Rohini and Pasai have therefore been treated in the same way as Pundag
and Chai Champa of Sarkar Bihar, and merely underlined.

In the north too the parganas of Pharkiya and Chhai covered vast
areas of sparsely peopled swamps and marshes and it is uncertain how far
their boundary could be held to extend on the north. Much of the
country included in the modern parganas of Nathpur, Dhaphar, Nari-
digar and Nisankhpur Kora was down to comparatively recent times
under the rule of the Nepalese government. None of these names are
found in the Ain under Sarkar Mungir, though as will be shewn further
on it is possible that some part of this country is included under one
or other of the easternmost mahals of Sarkar Tirhut. The large mahal
of Dharmpur now lying east but formerly west of the great Kosi river
which Las changed its course within recent times,* forms the eastern

* Almost within the memory of living men the Kosi flowed to the north-east
of the town of Purniah and its old course may still be clearly traced by a broad and
deep depression in the soil running for some fifty miles across the district. Even

1885.]

J. Beames — On the Geography of India .

173

frontier of Bihar and its boundary with Sarkar Purniah of Subah Bengal
is distinct and unmistakeable, but how far it went to the north cannot
now be said with any certainty.

III. Sarkar Champaran.

3 mahals. Area 85, 711 b. 5 b. 55,13,420 d. 700 horse. 30,000 foot.

1. Simranw. 7,200 b. 2 b. 5,90,095 d.

2. Mihsi. 56,095 b. 7 b. 35,18,435 d.

3. Majhowa. 22,415 b. 16 b. 14,04,890 d.

All three mahals are still extant. Simranw lies partly in British
territory and partly in Nepal. The ruins of the old capital of Simranw
(Samara grama = battle- village) lie among dense jungle just across the
Nepal frontier. Mihsi or Mahsi lies to the south of it.

3. Majhowa is a very large parganah in the present day stretching
as far as Tribeni Ghat, the point where the Gandak issues from the hills.
It was not so large in the time of Akbar, for the great forest of the Cham-
pak tree from which the district takes its name cliampaka-

ranya = Champaran) was not fully conquered and settled by the ancestors
of the Maharaja of Bettiah nor was the now flourishing town of Bettiah
founded till a much later date. I have shewn on the map only the
eastern and southern boundaries of this malial, it is impossible to say
how far it may have extended in a north-westerly direction. It, however,
probably touched on Sarkar Gorakhpur in Subah Avadh just across the
Gandak river, much of which especially on its eastern frontier was cover¬
ed with forests.

IV. Sarkar Hajipur.

11 Mahals. Ten towns *■**£■* 436,952 b. 15 b. 2,73,31,030 dams.

Akbarpur.

3,366

1,95,040

Busadi.

10,851

6,24,791

Bisara.

1,06,370

63,80,000

Balagachh.

14,638

9,13,660

Patkhara.

58,306

35,18,354

Hajipur Haveli.

62,653

38,33,460

Rati.

30,438

18,24,980

Suresa.

1,02,461

27,04,300

Tmadpur.

12,987

7,95,870

10.

Kadahsandh.

8,76,200

11.

Naipur.

27,877

16,63,980

within my own period of service the Kosi has removed many miles to the west of
the course shewn on the Atlas of India and other comparatively recent maps ; one
stage of its freqnent changes is marked by the chota Kosi which still forms the
boundary of pargannah Dharampur.

174

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

The whole of the above parganahs are still in existence aad clearly
identifiable under their ancient names. Even in the cases of Nos. 5 and
10 there is no doubt as to what is meant.

2. Is usually spelt in the present day Bhusadah

3. Bisara is a very large pargannah, now broken up into Tappas,
the names of which are more used than that of the pargannah itself. Its
actual situation and extent, however, are well-known.

5. Patkhara is the reading given in Blochmann’s text. He

gives, however, in a note a var. led. and this is correct. The

old pargannah of Teghara lying along the left bank of the Ganges, in the
south-east corner of the Sarkar, is now known as Mulki, but the town of
Teghara still retains its old name.

10. Kadahsand. This name is spelt in many ways in various MSS.
but there can be no doubt that by it is meant the present pargannah of
Gadehsar occupying the north-western point of the Sarkar.

This Sarkar is a long and rather narrow strip comprising the tract
between the Burh Gandak river on the north-east, and the Gandak and
Ganges on the south-west and south. North of the Burh Gandak lies
Sarkar Tirhut, though in later times that name was applied to a much
larger area.

V. Sarkar Saran.

17 mahals. Measured area 229,052 b. 15 b. 60, 172, 004 J d. Castes
various. 1000 horse. 50,000 foot.

Andar.

7,218 b. 4 b.

5,34,990 d.

Barai.

7,117 b. 10 b.

5,33,820 d.

Bal.

66,320 b. 5 b.

48,93,378 d.

Bara.

15,059 b. 3 b.

383,797f d.

Narhan.

8,611 b. 8 b.

6,54,508 d.

Pachlakh.

9,266 b. 15 b.

4,87,997 d.

Chirend.

8,413 b. 13 b.

6,33,270 d.

Chaubara.

4,00,000 d.

Juinah.

6,763 b. 8 b.

3,09,282 d.

10.

Digsi.

5,825 b.

2,77,630 d.

11.

Sipah.

2,662 b.

2,90,59 .i d.

12.

Goa.

28,049 b. 3 b.

20,12,950 d.

13.

Kalyanpur.

17,437 b.

7,74,496 d.

14.

Kashmir.

16,915 b.

13,14,539 d.

15.

Maugjhi.

8,752 b. 19 b.

6,11,813 d.

16.

Mandhal.

9,405 b. 7 b.

6,97,140 d.

17.

Makir.

10,936 b. 14 b.

8,11,095 d.

1885.]

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

175

This Sarkar like that of Champaran has no Haveli ; but it is well
preserved. In the present day sixteen out of Todar Mai’s seventeen
mahals are in existence, though some of the modern names differ slightly
from those in the Ain.

5. Karhan is entered here though not its proper place in alphabeti¬
cal order, because it is by mistake written Barhan in the Ain. There
is, however, no doubt that Karhan is meant.

7. Chirend now callad Chirand.

9. Juinah. There is no parganah of this name. I suspect the real
reading is Chausah ( for which, according to Grant who

calls it “ Choseh,” was transferred to Sarkar Gorakhpur at some time
between 1750 and 1765 A. D.

10. Digsi is for Dhangsi, a mistake of dots only.

14. Kashmir is now called, and has apparently been always called
Kasmar ; the substitution of the better known name of the mountain king¬
dom which Akbar was then in process of absorbing into the Empire is a
characteristic touch of the politics of the time.

15. Mangjhi, now, and probably always, Manjhi. It is difficult to
account by any phonetic process for the presence of the cf .

16. Mandhal now Marhal which is the same word under a slightly

different pronunciation or Trer^f).

VI. Sarkar Tirhut.

74 mahals. Measured area 2,66,464 b. 3 b, 1,91,89, 777J dams.
Castes various. 700 horse. 80,000 foot.

1. Ahispur.

2. Utarkhand.

3. Ahilwar.

4. I/bhi.

5. U'gliara.

6. Athais.

7. to 10. Basri and others.

11. Bharwarah.

12. Kanpur.

13. Barel.

14. Pipra.

15. Padri.

16. Basotra.

17. Pachhi.

18. Bahnur.

19. Bachhnur.

4,880 b.

3,02,550

2,068 b.

1,28,412

1,001 b.

62,212

60,000 d.

836 b.

53,980

559 b.

34,356

4 mahals

11,25,000

16,176 b.

9,42,000

40,347 b.

8,94,792

6,185 b.

7,89,858

1,823 b. :

1,12,591

9,048 b.

5,54,258

8,864 b.

5,46,627

15,816 b.

3,61,960

5,033 b.

2,897,773|

4,956 b.

275,185

176

[No. 3,

J Beames — On the Geography of India.

20.

Pachhim Bliigo.

4,095 b.

271,826 d.

21.

Bagda.

3,716 b.

267,8621 d.

22.

Purab Bhigo.

3,022 b. 17 b.

2,22,280 d.

23.

Pandrajah.

3,135 b. 4 b.

195,8371 d.

24.

Badi Bhiisadi.

2,823 b.

1,75,585 d.

25.

Bhala.

2,840 b.

1,25,437 d.

26.

Bhadwar.

2,087 b.

130,4711 d.

27.

Pariharpur.

1,968 b.

121,067| d.

28.

Bahadurpur.

1,936 b. 12 b.

119,305 d.

29.

Barai.

1,455 b. 12 b.

90,369J d.

30.

Parihar Ragho.

1,303 b. 17 b.

81,605 d.

31.

Bhaura.

1,170 b. 9 b.

69,608 d.

32.

Pulwarah

1,060 b. 4 b.

65,627 d.

33.

Bura.

875 b. 15 b.

55,757 d.

34.

Banwa.

40,539 d.

35.

Pariharpur Jabdi.

6,040 b. 14 b.

37,736 d.

36.

Pengi.

505 b. 5 b.

31,550 d.

37.

Buchhawar.

188 b. 10 b.

12,875 d.

38.

Barsani.

200 b. 18 b.

12,695 d.

39.

Tarani.

7,171 b.

443,242 d.

40.

Tilok C ha wand.

2,211b. 7 b.

149,896 d.

41.

Tajpur.

1,351 b. 14 b.

85,434 d.

42.

Tandah.

• •

1,038 b. 4 b.

63,768 d.

43.

Tarson.

980 b. 4 b.

61,180 d.

44.

Tirlint Haveli.

21,397 b.

1,307,706 d.

45.

Jakhar.

17,140 b.

1,068*020 d.

46.

Jarail.

8,297 b.

515,732 d.

47.

Chakmani.

5,173 b.

321,326 d.

48.

Jakhalpur.

3,092 b.

196,020 d.

49.

Jabdi.

54,025 d.

50.

Dharaur.

3,165 b.

159,052 d.

51.

Darbhanga.

2,038 b.

202,818 d.

52.

Ram Cliawand.

7,409 b.

470,005J d.

53.

Sareshta.

15,474 b.

941,010 d.

54.

Salimpur.

458 b. 14 b.

29,094 d.

55.

Salimabad.

44 b. 15 b.

4,184 d.

56.

Sanjauli Tadra.

2,450 b.

150,843| d.

57.

’Alapur.

8,796 b.

442,466 d.

58.

Pakirabad.

1,170 b. 6 b.

72,355 d.

59.

Kahnauli.

4,644 b.

408,804 d.

60.

Garh Chawand.

• •

5,510 b.

349,480! d.

61.

Koda Khand.

3,888 b.

243,677 d.

177

1885.]

J. Beames-

- On the Geography of India.

62.

Koradi.

9,000 d.

63.

Khanda.

330 b. 6 b.

21,443 d.

64.

Lad war! .

2,609 b.

142,495 d.

65.

Mahila.

15,295 b.

942,048 d.

66.

Morwah.

8,289 b.

515,485 d.

67.

Mahend.

1,077 b. 12 b.

66,693 d.

68.

Naranga.

632 b. 18 b.

39,022 d.

69.

Malhni.

151 b. 1 b.

9,728 d.

70.

Noram.

288,140 d.

71.

Nautan.

3,381 b. 7. b.

209,153 d.

72.

Hathi.

2,563 b. 18 b.

159, 790^ d.

73.

Hirni.

796 b. 17 b.

50,342 d.

74.

Havi.

3,665 b. 8 b.

230,700 d.

It would be a mistake to infer from the very great number of par-
ganahs it contains that this Sarkar is larger than the others in this
Subah. In fact it covers less area than Sarkars Bihar or Mungir ; the
parganahs of which it is composed are in many instances very small, so
small that they can hardly be shown on a map of moderate dimensions.
I have had to indicate some of them by numbers. The Sarkar is one of
the most difficult to reconstruct of any outside Bengal, many changes
have taken place both in the names and arrangement of the parganahs
and there are large areas absolutely unaccounted for. In dealing with
tracts lying north of the Gang'es we have always to take into considera¬
tion the fact that the extent of the tarai or submontane forest varies at
different points in the most capricious manner, in some places stretching
far down to the south and being apparently omitted from Akbar’s cen¬
sus, while at others parganahs are mentioned which lie close up under
the hills and are now included in Nepal. Of the 74 mahals comprised
in this Sarkar some are not to be found at all in the present day, while
on the other hand there are several modern parganahs, some of them very
large, which are not mentioned in the Ain, It is probable, in fact
almost certain, that the older and now untraceable mahals are repre¬
sented by these modern parganahs, but which modern name corresponds
to which ancient name is a mystery I have not been able to solve either
by enquiry on the spot or by any other means. During the greater part
of the period lying between our own day and Akbar’s, Tirhut has been
under the rule of the great house of Darbhanga, and it was probably by
the successive Rajas that the changes were made which appear to have
obliterated so many of the old fiscal divisions. I am, however, informed
by good authority that even the Kanungo’s papers do not contain any
record of these changes. It seems therefore hopeless to attempt any
x

178

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

further elucidation. Such facts, and more or less probable conjectures ;
as I have been able to arrive at are included in the following notes. The
mahals not mentioned are still extant under their old names, though it
is of course quite uncertain whether their present area is the same as
their former ; in all probability, it is not.

4. T/bhi. No parganah of this name. The most probable con¬
jecture, though it is no more than that, is that for we should read

Othi. This is said to have been the local name for the country
lying on the extreme east of the Sarkar, north of the two vast and un¬
defined parganalis of Pharkiya and Chhai of Sarkar Mungir ; and now
included in parganah Nisankhpur Kora. The tradition is however a very
vague one.

6. Athais. Not found, and probably now known by some other
name.

7 to 10. Basri wa ghairah. Not found. I hazard the suggestion
that we have under this name the present parganah of Nari digar on the
north-east frontier of the Sarkar may be a copyist’s error for

and the Persian digar is a commonly used equivalent for the Arabic
ghair. This parganah is not otherwise traceable ; but I do not attach
much importance to the suggestion.

14. Pipra is a copyist’s error for Babra.

18. Bahnur. There are several parganahs the names of which closely
resemble each other, especially when written in Persian, such as Bahnur,
Bhanwar, Bhaur, Bhura, all of which would be written jj.y or
and in the Shikastah or even in the Naskh-ta’lik hand would easily be
confounded. It appears that owing to this cause the names have been
entered more than once, as all the mahals so named cannot be traced.

32. Pulwara not found.

33. See remark on No. 18 above.

37. Buchhawar now Bachaur.

38. Barsani, properly Parsani, It is not now a parganah but mere¬
ly a village in Babra, the residence of the Rajas of Turki.

42. Tandah, not found.

44. Tirhut Haveli. This is the strangest entry of all. There is
now no parganah called Tirhut, and there seems good reason for be¬
lieving that there never was one so called. Tirhut (Sanskr. Tirabhukti)
is the old name of the whole stretch of country from the Gandak to the
Kosi, there is no evidence to shew that the name was ever restricted to
a single mahal. Nor is there locally any tradition of there ever having
been a Haveli Tirhut. The only two Havelis in the modern Tirhut
region are those of Darbhanga and Hajipore. The latter is as we have
seen duly recognized in the Ain, the former, however, appears merely as

1885.]

179

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

a mahal without the addition of Haveli. It could only have acquired
this title after the Rajas had moved their residence to that place from
Bhawara, an event which did not happen till 1762.

Although, however, there is not, and probably never was, a mahal
called Tirhut, there is a very large parganah named Tirsatli which

occupies the centre of western Tirhut, just as Darbhanga does that of
eastern. It seems more than probable that Todar Mai or his informant
was misled by the similarity between the two words and wrote
The point is, however, an obscure one.

53. Sareslita not found. Possibly a copyist’s error, by which mahal
Suresa of Sarkar Hajipur has been repeated. Or it may be that a por¬
tion of that mahal was included in Sarkar Tirhut. There is a large
tract of country opposite to Suresa on the Tirhut side of the Burli Gan-
dak unaccounted for. It now bears the name of Kasmi, but this name
does not occur in the Ain.

55. Salimabad. This very small mahal containing only one village
is included in parganah Havi.

56. Sanjauli Tadra, not found.

58. Fakirabad, this is now written Fakhrabad

61. Koda Khand. There is no parganah of this name, but I suspect

that parganah Kab Khand is meant. The tract included in this par¬
ganah is surrounded on all sides by mahals of the Ain and it must there¬
fore have been inhabited and assessed. The origin of the name is un-
known to me, but if Kab — Kavi ‘ poet ’ it may have been equally cor¬
rectly written Kav which would account for a spelling tjj? changed
by a copyist’s error into hy.

62. Koradi, an unmeasured mahal and probably not actually in
the possession of the Muhammadans as it lies far to the north reaching to
the base of the Himalayas and is now in Nepalese territory. I have
merely underlined the name in the map as in the case of Pundag and
other outlying regions in Sarkar Bihar. The ancient city of Janakpur,
the capital of Mithila, is in this parganah.

70. Noram. There is no mahal of this name. It is evidently a
copyist’s error for Loanw ( pjp for ply) and being equi¬

valent. The origin of the name is not known to me, but it seems to
point back to Lokagrama, Lohagrama or some such name. If it were
not almost too far to the east to come within the area of the Rama and
Sita legend I should think of Lavagrama from the name of Ram’s son.

180

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

VII. Sarkar Ruhtas.

18 mahals. 473,340 b. 15 b. 40,819,493 d. Castes various. 4,550

horse.

162,000 foot.

A'lrah.

53,516 b. 16 b.

30,281,000 d.

Bhojpur.

66,078 b. 17 b.

4,903,310 d.

Piro.

3,407,840 d.

Panwar.

22,733 b. 3 b.

1,677,000 d.

Barganw.

10,540 b. 17 b.

842,400 d.

Jaund.

45,251 b. 3 b.

4,440,360 d.

Jidar.

26,538 b. 16 b.

1,634,110 d.

Danwar.

29,154 b. 4 b.

6,076,520 d.

Dinar.

350,000 d.

10.

Ruhtas Haveli.

34,330 b. 19 b.

2,258,620 d.

11.

Ratanpur. Has

a strong fort.

783,425 d.

12.

Sirsi.

44,710 b. 3 b.

2,769,466 d.

13.

Sahasranw.

31,220 b. 18 b.

2,370,790 d.

14.

Fathpur Bihia.

50,474 b. 15 b.

3,736,040 d.

15.

Kotra.

29,168 b. 15 b.

18,293,200 d.

16.

Kot. Has a stone fort.

847,920 d.

17.

Mangror.

924,000 d.

18.

Nannor.

26,921 b.

2,000,000 d.

This Sarkar is in the main conterminous with the modern district
of Shahabad being bounded on the north by the Ganges, on the east by
the Son, on the west by the ill-omened Karamnasa and on the south by
the Kaimur range, though in this direction it is impossible to say exactly
how far it may have been held to extend in Akbar’s time. The hold of
the Muhammadans on this district must have been at all times somewhat
precarious owing to the turbulence and independence of the Rajas of
Bhojpur. Dalpat Singh the Raja in Akbar’s days appears to have spent
his time alternately in durance and in rebellion. A great deal of this
Sarkar was doubtless in the words of Mr. Sarristahdar Grant “ unsubdued
“ and probably unexplored as held by independant or refractory zamin-
“ dars, though valued by information and entered on the public records
of the exchequer.”*

In the settlement made under Aurangzeb in A. D. 1685 it was
broken up, as stated above, into two Sarkars of which Rohtas contained
7 and the new Sarkar of Bhojpur, or Shahabad (a name which apparent¬
ly occurs for the first time at this period) contained 11.

# Grant’s Analysis. Fifth Report, p. 508.

1885.]

J. Beames — On the Geography of India.

181

Though in general comprised within the boundaries above men¬
tioned the territory of this Sarkar breaks out in a curious way at one or
two points. Mahal Fatlipur Biliia includes the Doaba or tongue of land
between the Ganges and Ghogra rivers which should geographically
belong to Sarkar Gliazipur of Subah Ilahabad ; but on the other hand
mahal Cliaunsa which from its position should form a portion of this
Sarkar is given to Ghazipur.* In the present day this irregularity has
been rectified, Chaunsa now belongs to Shahabad, and the Doaba to Gha¬
zipur or strictly speaking to the recently formed district of Balia in
the North West Provinces.

Again in the south-east the parganas of Siris and Kutumba which
should by their position on the right bank of the Son, belong to Sarkar
Bihar are attached to this Sarkar. Probably as lying within sight of the
lofty fortified plateau of Rohtas they were more easily managed from
there, than from the distant town of Bihar. (See No. 7 below.)

In the south-west also the parganah of Mangror lies beyond, that
is, to the west of the Karamnasa and should belong to Ghazipur. It is
now included in the district of Mirzapur in the N. W. Provinces.

There is not much difficulty in reconstructing this Sarkar.

1. Alrah is evidently a mistake of the copyist for Arah or Arrah
the present capital of the district.

5. Barganw, a copyist’s error for Barahganw, a still extant par¬
ganah at the extreme north-east corner of the Sarkar comprising most of
the alluvial formations and islands at the junction of the Ganges and
Son rivers.

6. Jaund. Should be Ohaund. In the present day the name is
usually written Chand, and the area of this parganah is included in the
modern one of Chainpur. The name Chaund is identical with Chawand
borne by several mahals in Sarkar Tirhut and is derived from Chamunda
^TJT'UST, a name of Durga, who according to a local legend destroyed a
demon at this place.

7. Jidar. Should be Haidar ( ), and probably indicates the
country on the right bank of the Son opposite Rohtas. There is a large
fort called Haidargarh still extant in that region. It is now in par¬
ganah Jhapla. This parganah, together with Bilaunjah to the south-west,
was assigned by Shah Jahan along with Siris, and several others, for
the maintenance of the garrison of Rohtas, and down to the time of
British rule was included in that Sarkar.

11. Ratanpur, this mahal together with Kot (No. 16) and Mangror
(No. 17) comprised the district of Bijaygarh which passed into the
possession of the Maharaja of Benares prior to British rule. We may

* See Elliot’s Races of N. W. P. vol. ii, p. 115.

182

J. Beanies — On the Geography of India.

[No. 3,

probably therefore identify the u strong fort ” mentioned in the Ain, with
the well known hill-fort of Bijaygarh on a high plateau overlooking
the Son. No place or tract bearing the name of Ratanpur seems to exist
in the present day.

12. Sirsi, now called Siris, a parganali in the Gya district on the
right bank of the Son. It appears to have included also the modern
parganali of Kutumba which in Grant’s Analysis is coupled with Siris
in one zamindari, and included in Sarkar Rohtas.*

13. Sahasranw, now vulgo Sasseram, the home and burial-place of
Sher Shah, and his son.

15. Kotra appears to be the parganah now called Ramgarh, the
village of Kotra is still extant in that parganah.

16. Kot. See remarks on No. 11. The fort of Kot appears to be
that called Naimarli.

17. Mangror, now in the Mirzapur district. I have treated this
mahal together with Kot and Ratanpur as being beyond the actual limit
of Muhammadan possessions and have indicated them in the map by a
coloured line under the name.

In conclusion, it will be seen that the reconstruction of this Subah
is far from being complete. Here, as in the case of Subah Avadh, I
would express a hope that persons living on the spot may be able to clear
up some, if not all, of the doubtful points, by local enquiry.

# Fifth report, p. 515.

INDEX

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LIY, Part I,

FOR

1885.

Ahmad SHAH Abdalli or Durrani,
coins of, p. 67.

Akbar, Copper Coins of, p. 55.

- Subali Bihar, in the reign of,

p. 162.

Atkinson, E. T., Notes on the history of
religion in the Himalaya of the N. W.
Provinces, (Conclusion) , p. 1.

BaLI-DANA, p. 5.

Beames, John, on the Geography of India
in the reign of Akbar, No. II, Subali
Bihar, p. 162.

Bihar, subah of, in the reign of Akbar,

p. 162. ^

B hum! -Dana, p. 2.

Boxwell, J., on the Trishtubh metre,
p. 79.

OoiNS, copper, of Akbar, p. 55.

— - , of Ranjlt Deo, king of Jammu,

p. 60.

- - , of Ahmad Shah Abdalli or Dur¬
rani, p. 67.

- , certain symbols or devices on

the gold Gupta, p. 84.

- , square silver, of the Sultans of

Kashmir, p. 92.

Das'adana, p. 1.

Durrani, coins of, p. 67.

P ATEHPUR District, notes on, p. 145.
Funeral Service of Hindus, p. 3.

(jAUTAM Rajputs, pedigree of, p. 157.
Geography of India in the reign of Ak¬
bar, p. 162.

Gopl Chand, Two versions of the Song
of, p. 35.

Grierson, G. A., The battle of Kanarpl
Ghat, p. 16.

- - Two versions of the song

of Gopl Chand, p. 35.

Growse, F. S., Notes on the Fatelipur
District, p. 145.

Gupta, symbols on gold coins of, p. 84.
HlRANYA-DANA, p. 3.

History of Religion in the Himalaya of
the N. W. Provinces, p. 1.

- of Kashmir, under its Sultans,

p. 98.

-K.ANARPI Ghat, the battle of, p. 16.

Kapila-dana, p. 2.

Kashmir, square silver coins of Sultans
of, p. 92.

■ - , history of, under the Sultans,

p. 98.

INVmROZ, Saffarlun Dynasty of, p. 139.

Notes on the Fatehpur District, p. 145.

Pretamanjarp, p. 1.

RaJPUTS, pedigree of Gautam, p. 157.

Ranjlt Deo, king of Jammu, his coins,

p. 60.

Raverty, Major H. G., the kings of the
Saffarlun Dynasty of Nlmroz or Sijis¬
tan, p. 139.

Religion in the Himalaya of the N. W.
Provinces, History of, p. 1.

Rodgers, Chas. J., on some more copper
coins of Akbar, p. 55.

• - , some coins of Ranjlt

Deo, king of Jammu, p. 60.

- , coins of Ahmad Sliah

Abdalli or Ahmad Shah Durrani, p. 67.

- - , the square silver coins

of the Sultans of Kashmir, p. 92.

SaFFARIUN Dynasty of Nlmroz or
Sijistan, p. 139.

Sijistan, Saffarlun Dynasty of, p. 139.

Singh, SY1 Narayan, the battle ef Ka¬
narpl Ghat, p. 16.

TlLATOYANJALI, p. 6.

Tinduli, Temple of, p. 146.

Theobald, W., on certain symbols or de¬
vices on the gold coins of the Guptas,
p. 84.

Trishtubh metre, p. 79.

"Vaitarani-dana, p. 3.

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Yol. LIY, Pt. I, for 1835

PLATB VI

From a Photograph. by A. Baldwin.

TEMPLE AT TINDULI, FATEHPUR DISTRICT, N. W. P.'

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