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JOHN  M.  KELLY  LIBRARY 


Donated  by 

The  Redemptorists  of 
the  Toronto  Province 

from  the  Library  Collection  of 
Holy  Redeemer  College,  Windsor 


University  of 
St.  Michael's  College,  Toronto 


HOLY  REDEEMER  LIBRA{$"  WINDSOR 

*~^^~ 


Jrancfe  $arfeman'» 


NEW  LIBRARY  EDITION. 
VOL.  in. 


FRANCIS  PARKMAN'S  WORKS. 

Wefo  ILtavg  Etottton. 

Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World I  vol. 

The  Jesuits  in  North  America I  vol. 

La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West   .    .  I  vol. 

The  Old  Regime  in  Canada I  vol. 

Count  Frontenac  and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV.  I  vol. 

A  Half  Century  of  Conflict 2  vols. 

Montcalm  and  Wolfe 2  vols. 

The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac  and  the  Indian  War  after 

the  Conquest  of  Canada 2  vols. 

The  Oregon  Trail I  vol. 


DOYERY  01 


La  Salle  Presenting  a  Petition  to  Louis  XIV. 

Drawn  by  Adrien  Moreau. 
LA  SALLE  AND  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST,  Frontispiece 


[AN. 


HOLY  REDEEMER  tlBRAfi#  WiNOSO 


LA  SALLE 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST. 


FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  IN 
NORTH  AMERICA. 

PAET  THIED. 


BY 
FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND   COMPANY. 
1907. 


HOLY  REDEEMER  LI BRARf  WINDSOR 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1869,  by 

FRANCIS  PARKMAN, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 

Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1879,  by 

FRANCIS  PARKMAN, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

Copyright,  1897, 
BY  LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY. 


Copyright,  1897, 
BY  GRACE  P.  COFFIN  AND  KATHARINE  S.  COOLIDQE. 


Copyright,  1907, 
BY  GRACE  P.  COFFIN. 


8.  J.  PABKHIH  ft  Co.,  BOSTON,  U.  8.  A. 


TO 

THE   CLASS   OF  1844, 

?£arbartj  College, 

THIS    BOOK    IS    CORDIALLY    DEDICATED 
BY  ONE   OF   THEIR   NUMBER. 


PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION. 


WHEN  the  earlier  editions  of  this  book  were 
published,  I  was  aware  of  the  existence  of  a  col- 
lection of  documents  relating  to  La  Salle,  and 
containing  important  material  to  which  I  had 
not  succeeded  in  gaining  access.  This  collection 
was  in  possession  of  M.  Pierre  Margry,  director 
of  the  Archives  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  at 
Paris,  and  was  the  result  of  more  than  thirty 
years  of  research.  With  rare  assiduity  and  zeal, 
M.  Margry  had  explored  not  only  the  vast  de- 
pository with  which  he  has  been  officially  con- 
nected from  youth,  and  of  which  he  is  now  the 
chief,  but  also  the  other  public  archives  of 
France,  and  many  private  collections  in  Paris 
and  the  provinces.  The  object  of  his  search 
was  to  throw  light  on  the  career  and  achieve- 
ments of  French  explorers,  and,  above  all,  of  La 
Salle.  A  collection  of  extraordinary  richness 
grew  gradually  upon  his  hands.  In  the  course 


viii      PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION. 

of  my  own  inquiries,  I  owed  much  to  his  friendly 
aid;  but  his  collections,  as  a  whole,  remained 
inaccessible,  since  he  naturally  wished  to  be  the 
first  to  make  known  the  results  of  his  labors. 
An  attempt  to  induce  Congress  to  furnish  him 
with  the  means  of  printing  documents  so  inter- 
esting to  American  history  was  made  in  1870 
and  1871,  by  Henry  Harrisse,  Esq.,  aided  by  the 
American  minister  at  Paris ;  but  it  unfortu- 
nately failed. 

In  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1872,  I  had 
numerous  interviews  with  M.  Margry,  and  at  his 
desire  undertook  to  try  to  induce  some  Ameri- 
can bookseller  to  publish  the  collection.  On  re- 
turning to  the  United  States,  I  accordingly  made 
an  arrangement  with  Messrs.  Little,  Brown  & 
Co.,  of  Boston,  by  which  they  agreed  to  print 
the  papers  if  a  certain  number  of  subscriptions 
should  first  be  obtained.  The  condition  proved 
very  difficult ;  and  it  became  clear  that  the  best 
hope  of  success  lay  in  another  appeal  to  Con- 
gress. This  was  made  in  the  following  winter, 
in  conjunction  with  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne; 
Colonel  Charles  Whittlesey,  of  Cleveland ;  0.  H. 
Marshall,  Esq.,  of  Buffalo ;  and  other  gentlemen 
interested  in  early  American  history.  The  at- 
tempt succeeded.  Congress  made  an  appropria- 


PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION.       ix 

tion  for  the  purchase  of  five  hundred  copies  of 
the  work,  to  be  printed  at  Paris,  under  direction 
of  M.  Margry ;  and  the  three  volumes  devoted 
to  La  Salle  are  at  length  before  the  public. 

Of  the  papers  contained  in  them  which  I  had 
not  before  examined,  the  most  interesting  are 
the  letters  of  La  Salle,  found  in  the  original  by 
M.  Margry,  among  the  immense  accumulations 
of  the  Archives  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  and 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale.  The  narrative  of 
La  Salle' s  companion,  Joutel,  far  more  copious 
than  the  abstract  printed  in  1713,  under  the 
title  of  "  Journal  Historique,"  also  deserves 
special  mention.  These,  with  other  fresh  mate- 
rial in  these  three  volumes,  while  they  add  new 
facts  and  throw  new  light  on  the  character  of 
La  Salle,  confirm  nearly  every  statement  made 
in  the  first  edition  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Great 
West.  The  only  exception  of  consequence  re- 
lates to  the  causes  of  La  Salle' s  failure  to  find 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  in  1684,  and  to  the 
conduct,  on  that  occasion,  of  the  naval  com- 
mander, Beaujeu. 

This  edition  is  revised  throughout,  and  in  part 
rewritten  with  large  additions.  A  map  of  the 
country  traversed  by  the  explorers  is  also  added. 
The  name  of  La  Salle  is  placed  on  the  titlepage, 


xii  PREFACE  OF  THE   FIRST  EDITION. 

director  of  the  Archives  of  the  Marine  and  Colo- 
nies at  Paris,  whose  labors  as  an  investigator  of 
the  maritime  and  colonial  history  of  France  can 
be  appreciated  only  by  those  who  have  seen  their 
results.  In  the  department  of  American  colo- 
nial history,  these  results  have  been  invaluable ; 
for,  besides  several  private  collections  made  by 
him,  he  rendered  important  service  in  the  collec- 
tion of  the  French  portion  of  the  Brodhead  doc- 
uments, selected  and  arranged  the  two  great 
series  of  colonial  papers  ordered  by  the  Canadian 
government,  and  prepared  with  vast  labor  ana- 
lytical indexes  of  these  and  of  supplementary 
documents  in  the  French  archives,  as  well  as  a 
copious  index  of  the  mass  of  papers  relating  to 
Louisiana.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  valuable 
publications  on  the  maritime  history  of  France 
which  have  appeared  from  his  pen  are  an  earn- 
est of  more  extended  contributions  in  future. 

The  late  President  Sparks,  some  time  after  the 
publication  of  his  Life  of  La  Salle,  caused  a 
collection  to  be  made  of  documents  relating  to 
that  explorer,  with  the  intention  of  incorporat- 
ing them  in  a  future  edition.  This  intention 
was  never  carried  into  effect,  and  the  documents 
were  never  used.  With  the  liberality  which 
always  distinguished  him,  he  placed  them  at  my 


PREFACE   OF  THE  FIRST  EDITION.         xiii 

disposal,  and  this  privilege  has  been  kindly  con- 
tinued by  Mrs.  Sparks. 

Abbe  Faillon,  the  learned  author  of  "  La  Colo- 
nie  Franchise  en  Canada/'  has  sent  me  copies 
of  various  documents  found  by  him,  including 
family  papers  of  La  Salle.  Among  others  who 
in  various  ways  have  aided  my  inquiries  are  Dr. 
John  Paul,  of  Ottawa,  111. ;  Count  Adolphe  de 
Circourt,  and  M.  Jules  Marcou,  of  Paris ;  M.  A. 
Gerin  Lajoie,  Assistant  Librarian  of  the  Cana- 
dian Parliament ;  M.  J.  M.  Le  Moine,  of  Que- 
bec ;  General  Dix,  Minister  of  the  United  States 
at  the  Court  of  France ;  0.  H.  Marshall,  of  Buf- 
falo ;  J.  G.  Shea,  of  New  York ;  Buckingham 
Smith,  of  St.  Augustine ;  and  Colonel  Thomas 
Aspinwall,  of  Boston. 

The  smaller  map  contained  in  the  book  is  a 
portion  of  the  manuscript  map  of  Franquelin,  of 
which  an  account  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

The  next  volume  of  the  series  will  be  devoted 
to  the  efforts  of  Monarchy  and  Feudalism  under 
Louis  XIV.  to  establish  a  permanent  power  on 
this  continent,  and  to  the  stormy  career  of  Louis 
de  Buade,  Count  of  Frontenac. 

BOSTON,  16  September,  1869. 


CONTENTS. 


PAOI 

INTRODUCTION 3 

CHAPTER  I. 
1643-1669. 

CAVELIER  DB    LA   SALLE. 

The  Youth  of  La  Salle:  his  Connection  with  the  Jesuits;  he 
goes  to  Canada ;  his  Character ;  his  Schemes ;  his  Seigniory 
at  La  Chine ;  his  Expedition  in  Search  of  a  Western  Passage 
to  India 7 

CHAPTER  II. 
1669-1671. 

LA   SALLE   AND   THE    SULPITIANS. 

The  French  in  Western  New  York.  —  Louis  Joliet.  —  The  Sulpi- 
tians  on  Lake  Erie ;  at  Detroit ;  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie.  —  The 
Mystery  of  La  Salle:  he  discovers  the  Ohio;  he  descends 
the  Illinois  ;  did  he  reach  the  Mississippi  ? 19 

CHAPTER  III. 
1670-1672. 

THE   JESUITS   ON   THE    LAKES. 

The  Old  Missions  and  the  New. — A  Change  of  Spirit.  —  Lake 
Superior  and  the  Copper-mines.  —  Ste.  Marie.  —  La  Pointe.  — 
Michilimackinac.  —  Jesuits  on  Lake  Michigan.  —  Allouez 
and  Dablon.  —  The  Jesuit  Fur-trade  .  So 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 
1667-1672. 

FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  THE  WEST. 

PAGB 

Talon.  —  Saint-Lusson.  —  Perrot.  —  The  Ceremony  at  Saut  Ste. 
Marie.  —  The  Speech  of  Allouez.  —  Count  Frontenac  ...  48 

CHAPTER  V. 
1672-1675. 

THE   DISCOVERT  OP  THE   MISSISSIPPI. 

Joliet  sent  to  find  the  Mississippi. — Jacques  Marquette. — De- 
parture. —  Green  Bay.  —  The  Wisconsin.  — The  Mississippi. 
—  Indians.  —  Manitous.  — The  Arkansas.  —  The  Illinois.  — 
Joliet's  Misfortune.  —  Marquette  at  Chicago:  his  Illness; 
his  Death 57 

CHAPTER  VI. 
1673-1678. 

LA   SALLE   AND   FRONTENAC. 

Objects  of  La  Salle.  —  Frontenac  favors  him.  —  Projects  of  Fron- 
tenac.  —  Cataraqui.  —  Frontenac  on  Lake  Ontario.  —  Fort 
Frontenac. — La  Salle  and  Fenelon. —  Success  of  La  Salle: 
his  Enemies  • 83 

CHAPTER  VII. 
1678. 

PARTY   STRIFE. 

La  Salle  and  his  Reporter.  —  Jesuit  Ascendency.  —  The  Missions 
and  the  Fur-trade.  —  Female  Inquisitors.  —  Plots  against  La 
Salle :  his  Brother  the  Priest.  —  Intrigues  of  the  Jesuits.  — 
La  Salle  poisoned :  he  exculpates  the  Jesuits.  —  Renewed 
Intrigues 106 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1677,  1678. 

THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE. 

PAGE 

La  Salle  at  Fort  Frontenac.  —  La  Salle  at  Court :  his  Memo- 
rial. —  Approval  of  the  King.  —  Money  and  Means.  —  Henri 
de  Tonty.  —  Return  to  Canada 120 

CHAPTER  IX. 

1678-1679. 

LA   SALLE   AT   NIAGARA. 

leather  Louis  Hennepin  :  his  Past  Life  ;  his  Character.  —  Em- 
barkation. —  Niagara  Falls.  —  Indian  Jealousy.  —  La  Motte 
and  the  Senecas.  —  A  Disaster.  —  La  Salle  and  his  Followers  131 

CHAPTER  X. 
1679. 

THE    LAUNCH   OF   THE    "GRIFFIN." 

The  Niagara  Portage.  —  A  Vessel  on  the  Stocks.  —  Suffering 
and  Discontent.  —  La  Salle's  Winter  Journey.  —  The  Vessel 
launched.  —  Fresh  Disasters 144 

CHAPTER  XI. 
1679. 

LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES. 

The  Voyage  of  the  "  Griffin."  —  Detroit.  —  A  Storm.  —  St.  Ignace 
of  Michilimackinac.  —  Rivals  and  Enemies.  —  Lake  Mich- 
igan. —  Hardships.  —  A  Threatened  Fight.  —  Fort  Miami.  — 
Tonty's  Misfortunes. — Forebodings 151 

CHAPTER  XIL 

1679,  1680. 

LA   SALLE    ON   THE    ILLINOIS. 

The  St.  Joseph.  —  Adventure  of  La  Salle.  —  The  Prairies.  — 
Famine.  —  The  Great  Town  of  the  Illinois.  —  Indians.  —  In- 
trigues. —  Difficulties.  —  Policy  of  La  Salle. — Desertion. — 
Another  Attempt  to  poison  La  Salle 164 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIIL 
1680. 

FORT  CREVECCEUR. 

PAGX 

Building  of  the  Fort.  —  Loss  of  the  "  Griffin."  — A  Bold  Resolu- 
tion. —  Another  Vessel.  —  Hennepin  sent  to  the  Mississippi. 

—  Departure  of  La  SaUe 180 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
1680. 

HARDIHOOD    OF   LA    9ALLE. 

The  Winter  Journey.  —  The  Deserted  Town.  —  Starved  Rock.  — 
Lake  Michigan.  — -  The  Wilderness.  —  War  Parties.  —  La 
Salle's  Men  give  out.—  Ill  Tidings.  —  Mutiny.  —  Chastise- 
ment of  the  Mutineers 189 

CHAPTER  XV. 
1680. 

INDIAN   CONQUERORS. 

The  Enterprise  renewed.  —  Attempt  to  rescue  Tonty.  —  Buffalo. 

—  A  Frightful  Discovery.  —  Iroquois  Fury.  —  The  Ruined 
Town.  —  A  Night  of  Horror.  —  Traces  of  the  Invaders. — 

No  News  of  Tonty 202 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

168 

TONTT   AND   THE    IROQUOIS. 

The  Deserters.  — The  Iroquois  War.  —The  Great  Town  of  the 
Illinois.  —  The  Alarm.  —  Onset  of  the  Iroquois.  —  Peril  of 
Tonty.  —  A  Treacherous  Truce.  —  Intrepidity  of  Tonty.  — 
Murder  of  Ribourde.  —  War  upon  the  Dead 216 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
1680. 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN. 

Hennepin  an  Impostor:  his  Pretended  Discovery;  his  Actual 
Discovery;  captured  by  the  Sioux.  — The  Upper  Mississippi  243 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
1680,  1681. 

HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX. 

PAO« 

Signs  of  Danger.  — Adoption.  —  Hennepin  and  his  Indian  Rela- 
tives.—  The  Hunting  Party.  —  The  Sioux  Camp.  —  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony.  —  A  Vagabond  Friar  :  his  Adventures  on  the 
Mississippi.  —  Greysolon  Du  Lhut.  —  Heturn  to  Civilization  .  259 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

1681. 

LA  SALLE   BEGINS   ANEW.  j 

His  Constancy ;  his  Plans ;  his  Savage  Allies ;  he  becomes  Snow- 
blind.  —  Negotiations.  —  Grand  Council.  —  La  Salle's  Ora- 
tory.—  Meeting  with  Tonty.  —  Preparation. — Departure.  .  283 

CHAPTER  XX. 
1681-1682. 

SUCCESS  OF   LA   8ALLE. 

His  Followers.  —The  Chicago  Portage.  —  Descent  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. —  The  Lost  Hunter.  —  The  Arkansas.  —  The  Taensas. 
— The  Natchez.  —  Hostility.  — The  Mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
—  Louis  XIV.  proclaimed  Sovereign  of  the  Great  West  .  .  295 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
1682,  1683. 

ST.   LOUIS   OF   THE    ILLINOIS. 

Louisiana.  —  Illness  of  La  Salle:  his  Colony  on  the  Illinois. — 
Fort  St.  Louis.  —  Recall  of  Frontenac.  —  Le  Febvre  de  la 
Barre.  —  Critical  Position  of  La  Salle.  —  Hostility  of  the  New 
Governor. — Triumph  of  the  Adverse  Faction.  —  L»  Salle 
sails  for  France .  309 


XX  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
1680-1683. 

LA  BALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF. 

PAGB 

Difficulty  of  knowing  him ;  his  Detractors ;  his  Letters ;  vexa- 
tions of  his  Position ;  his  Unfitness  for  Trade ;  risks  of  Corre- 
spondence ;  his  Reported  Marriage ;  alleged  Ostentation ;  mo- 
tives of  Action;  charges  of  Harshness;  intrigues  against 
him ;  unpopular  Manners ;  a  Strange  Confession  ;  his  Strength 
and  his  Weakness ;  contrasts  of  his  Character 328 

CHAPTER  XXHI. 

1684. 

A   NEW  ENTERPRISE. 

La  Salle  at  Court:  his  Proposals.  —  Occupation  of  Louisiana. 
—  Invasion  of  Mexico.  —  Royal  Favor.  —  Preparation.  —  A 
Divided  Command.  —  Beaujeu  and  La  Salle.  —  Mental  Condi- 
tion of  La  Salle :  his  Farewell  to  his  Mother  ,  .  343 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 
1684,  1685. 

THE   VOYAGE. 

Disputes  with  Beaujeu.  —  St.  Domingo.  —  La  Salle  attacked 
with  Fever :  his  Desperate  Condition.  —  The  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
—  A  Vain  Search  and  a  Fatal  Error  .  .  366 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1685. 

LA   SALLE    IK   TEXAS. 

A  Party  of  Exploration.  —  Wreck  of  the  "  Aimable."  —  Landing 
of  the  Colonists.  —  A  Forlorn  Position.  —  Indian  Neighbors. 
—  Friendly  Advances  of  Beaujeu:  his  Departure.  —  A  Fatal 
Discovery '  .  .  .  .  378 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXVL 
1685-1687. 

ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS. 

PACK 

The  Fort.  —  Misery  and  Dejection.  —  Energy  of  La  Salle :  his 
Journey  of  Exploration.  —  Adventures  and  Accidents.  — The 
Buffalo.  — Duhaut.  —  Indian  Massacre.  —  Return  of  La  Salle. 

A  New  Calamity.  —  A  Desperate  Resolution.  —  Departure 

for  Canada. — Wreck  of  the  "Belle."  —  Marriage. —  Sedi- 
tion. —  Adventures  of  La  Salle's  Party.-— The  Cenis.  — The 
Camanches.— The  Only  Hope.  —  The  Last  Fare  well  ...  391 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
1687. 

ASSASSINATION   OF   LA   SALLE. 

His  Followers.—  Prairie  Travelling.  —  A  Hunters'  Quarrel.— 
The  Murder  of  Moranget.  —  The  Conspiracy.  —  Death  of  La 
Salle:  his  Character  420 

CHAPTER  XXVHL 

1687,  1688. 

THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY. 

Triumph  of  the  Murderers.  — Danger  of  Joutel.  —  Joutel  among 
the  Cenis.  —  White  Savages.  —  Insolence  of  Duhaut  and  his 
Accomplices.  —  Murder  of  Duhaut  and  Liotot.  —  Hiens,  the 
Buccaneer.  —  Joutel  and  his  Party :  their  Escape ;  they 
reach  the  Arkansas.  —  Bravery  and  Devotion  of  Tonty.  — 
The  Fugitives  reach  the  Illinois.  —  Unworthy  Conduct  of 
Cavelier. —  He  and  his  Companions  return  to  France  .  .  .  435 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1688-1689. 

FATE   OF   THE   TEXAN   COLONY. 

Tonty  attempts  to  rescue  the  Colonists :  his  Difficulties  and 
Hardships.  —  Spanish  Hostility.  — Expedition  of  Alonzo  de 
Leon :  he  reaches  Fort  St.  Louis.  —  A  Scene  of  Havoc.  — 
Destruction  of  the  French.  —The  End 464 


xxii  CONTENTS. 

APPENDIX. 

PAGE 
L  Early  Unpublished  Maps  of  the   Mississippi  and  the  Great 

Lakes 475 

IL  The  Eldorado  of  Mathieu  Sagean 485 

INDEX „    .    .    ,  .491 


LA  SALLE 


AND   THB 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST. 


5* 


•X 


r^c"* 


1&i**«af 


•< 

*-v  "  '    •>'          ^ 


.J 


LA  SALLE 


AND 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST, 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE  Spaniards  discovered  the  Mississippi.  De 
Soto  was  buried  beneath  its  waters ;  and  it  was  down 
its  muddy  current  that  his  followers  fled  from  the 
Eldorado  of  their  dreams,  transformed  to  a  wilderness 
of  misery  and  death.  The  discovery  was  never  used, 
and  was  well-nigh  forgotten.  On  early  Spanish 
maps,  the  Mississippi  is  often  indistinguishable  from 
other  affluents  of  the  Gulf.  A  century  passed  after 
l)e  Soto's  journeyings  in  the  South,  before  a  French 
explorer  reached  a  northern  tributary  of  the  great 
river. 

This  was  Jean  Nicollet,  interpreter  at  Three  Rivers 
on  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  had  been  some  twenty 
years  in  Canada,  had  lived  among  the  savage 
Algonquins  of  Allumette  Island,  and  spent  eight  or 
nine  years  among  the  Nipissings,  on  the  lake  which 
I>ear8  their  name.  Here  he  became  an  Indian  in  all 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

Mississippi  and  its  great  confluent  the  Missouri. 
Two  years  later,  the  aged  Jesuit  Mdnard  attempted 
to  plant  a  mission  on  the  southern  shore  of  Lake 
Superior,  but  perished  in  the  forest  by  famine  or  the 
tomahawk.  Allouez  succeeded  him,  explored  a  part 
of  Lake  Superior,  and  heard,  in  his  turn,  of  the 
Sioux  and  their  great  river  the  "Messipi."  More 
and  more,  the  thoughts  of  the  Jesuits  —  and  not  of 
the  Jesuits  alone  —  dwelt  on  this  mysterious  stream. 
Through  what  regions  did  it  flow;  and  whither 
would  it  lead  them,  —  to  the  South  Sea  or  the 
"Sea  of  Virginia;"  to  Mexico,  Japan,  or  China? 
The  problem  was  soon  to  be  solved,  and  the  mystery 
revealed. 


CHAPTER  I. 

1643-1669. 
CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE. 

THE  YOUTH  OP  LA  SALLE:  HIS  CONNECTION  WITH  THE  JESUITS; 
HE  GOES  TO  CANADA  ;  HIS  CHAKACTER  ;  HIS  SCHEMES  ;  HIS  SEIGN- 
IORY AT  LA  CHINE  ;  HIS  EXPEDITION  IN  SEARCH  OP  A  WESTERN 
PASSAGE  TO  INDIA. 

AMONG  the  burghers  of  Rouen  was  the  old  and  rich 
family  of  the  Caveliers.  Though  citizens  and  not 
nobles,  some  of  their  connections  held  high  diplo- 
matic posts  and  honorable  employments  at  Court. 
They  were  destined  to  find  a  better  claim  to  distinc- 
tion. In  1643  was  born  at  Rouen  Robert  Cavelier, 
better  known  by  the  designation  of  La  Salle.1  His 
father  Jean  and  his  uncle  Henri  were  wealthy  mer- 

1  The  following  is  the  acte  de  naissance,  discovered  by  Margry  in 
the  registres  de  I'etat  civil,  Paroisse  St.  Herbland,  Rouen:  "Le  vingt- 
deuxieme  jour  de  novembre,  1643,  a  ete  baptise  Robert  Cavelier,  fils 
de  honorable  homme  Jean  Cavelier  et  de  Catherine  Geest ;  ses  par- 
rain  et  marraine  honorables  personnes  Nicolas  Geest  et  Marguerite 
Morice." 

La  Salle's  name  in  full  was  ReneVRobert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la 
Salle.  La  Salle  was  the  name  of  an  estate  near  Rouen,  belonging 
to  the  Caveliers.  The  wealthy  French  burghers  often  distinguished 
the  various  members  of  their  families  by  designations  borrowed 
from  landed  estates.  Thus,  Francois  Marie  Arouet,  son  of  an 
e  x-notary,  received  the  name  of  Voltaire,  which  he  made  famous. 


8  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1666. 

chants,  living  more  like  nobles  than  like  burghers; 
and  the  boy  received  an  education  answering  to  the 
marked  traits  of  intellect  and  character  which  he  soon 
began  to  display.  He  showed  an  inclination  for  the 
exact  sciences,  and  especially  for  the  mathematics,  in 
which  he  made  great  proficiency.  At  an  early  age, 
it  is  said,  he  became  connected  with  the  Jesuits; 
and,  though  doubt  has  been  expressed  of  the  state- 
ment, it  is  probably  true.1 

La  Salle  was  always  an  earnest  Catholic ;  and  yet, 
judging  by  the  qualities  which  his  after-life  evinced, 
he  was  not  very  liable  to  religious  enthusiasm.  It  is 
nevertheless  clear  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  may  have 
had  a  powerful  attraction  for  his  youthful  imagina- 
tion. This  great  organization,  so  complicated  yet  so 
harmonious,  a  mighty  machine  moved  from  the  centre 
by  a  single  hand,  was  an  image  of  regulated  power, 
full  of  fascination  for  a  mind  like  his.  But  if  it  was 
likely  that  he  would  be  drawn  into  it,  it  was  no  less 
likely  that  he  would  soon  wish  to  escape.  To  find 

i  Margry,  after  investigations  at  Eouen,  is  satisfied  of  its  truth 
(Journal  General  de  V Instruction  Publique,  xxxi.  571.)  Family  paper* 
of  the  Caveliers,  examined  by  the  Abbe  Faillon,  and  copies  of  soma 
of  which  he  has  sent  to  me,  lead  to  the  same  conclusion.  "We  shall 
find  several  allusions  hereafter  to  La  Salle's  having  in  his  youth 
taught  in  a  school,  which,  in  his  position,  could  only  have  been  in 
connection  with  some  religious  community.  The  doubts  alluded  to 
have  proceeded  from  the  failure  of  Father  Felix  Martin,  S.  J.,  to 
find  the  name  of  La  Salle  on  the  list  of  novices.  If  he  had  looked 
for  the  name  of  Robert  Cavelier,  he  would  probably  have  found  it. 
The  companion  of  La  Salle,  Hennepin,  is  very  explicit  with  regard 
to  this  connection  with  the  Jesuits,  a  point  on  which  he  had  no 
motive  for  falsehood. 


1(166.]  LA  SALLE  AND  THE  JESUITS.  9 

himself  not  at  the  centre  of  power,  but  at  the  circum- 
ference; not  the  mover,  but  the  moved;  the  passive 
instrument  of  another's  will,  taught  to  walk  in  pre- 
scribed paths,  to  renounce  his  individuality  and 
become  a  component  atom  of  a  vast  whole,  —  would 
have  been  intolerable  to  him.  Nature  had  shaped 
him  for  other  uses  than  to  teach  a  class  of  boys  on 
the  benches  of  a  Jesuit  school.  Nor,  on  his  part, 
was  he  likely  to  please  his  directors;  for,  self -con- 
trolled and  self-contained  as  he  was,  he  was  far  too 
intractable  a  subject  to  serve  their  turn.  A  youth 
whose  calm  exterior  hid  an  inexhaustible  fund  of 
pride;  whose  inflexible  purposes,  nursed  in  secret, 
the  confessional  and  the  "  manifestation  of  conscience  " 
could  hardly  drag  to  the  light;  whose  strong  person- 
ality would  not  yield  to  the  shaping  hand ;  and  who, 
by  a  necessity  of  his  nature,  could  obey  no  initiative 
but  his  own,  —  was  not  after  the  model  that  Loyola 
had  commended  to  his  followers. 

La  Salle  left  the  Jesuits,  parting  with  them,  it  is 
said,  on  good  terms,  and  with  a  reputation  of  excel- 
lent acquirements  and  unimpeachable  morals.  This 
last  is  very  credible.  The  cravings  of  a  deep  ambi- 
tion, the  hunger  of  an  insatiable  intellect,  the  intense 
longing  for  action  and  achievement,  subdued  in  him 
all  other  passions ;  and  in  his  faults  the  love  of  pleasure 
had  no  part.  He  had  an  elder  brother  in  Canada, 
the  Abbe*  Jean  Cavelier,  a  priest  of  St.  Sulpice. 
Apparently,  it  was  this  that  shaped  his  destinies. 
His  connection  with  the  Jesuits  had  deprived  him, 


10  UAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1666. 

under  the  French  law,  of  the  inheritance  of  his 
father,  who  had  died  not  long  before.  An  allowance 
was  made  to  him  of  three  or  (as  is  elsewhere  stated) 
four  hundred  livres  a  year,  the  capital  of  which  was 
paid  over  to  him;  and  with  this  pittance  he  sailed  for 
Canada,  to  seek  his  fortune,  in  the  spring  of  1666.1 

Next,  we  find  him  at  Montreal.  In  another 
volume,  we  have  seen  how  an  association  of  enthu- 
siastic devotees  had  made  a  settlement  at  this  place.2 
Having  in  some  measure  accomplished  its  work,  it 
was  now  dissolved;  and  the  corporation  of  priests, 
styled  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice,  which  had  taken 
a  prominent  part  in  the  enterprise,  and,  indeed,  had 
been  created  with  a  view  to  it,  was  now  the  proprietor 
and  the  feudal  lord  of  Montreal.  It  was  destined  to 
retain  its  seignorial  rights  until  the  abolition  of  the 
feudal  tenures  of  Canada  in  our  own  day,  and  it  still 
holds  vast  possessions  in  the  city  and  island.  These 
worthy  ecclesiastics,  models  of  a  discreet  and  sober 
conservatism,  were  holding  a  post  with  which  a 
band  of  veteran  soldiers  or  warlike  frontiersmen 
would  have  been  better  matched.  Montreal  was  per- 
haps the  most  dangerous  place  in  Canada.  In  time 


1  It  does  not  appear  what  vows  La  Salle  had  taken.    By  a  recent 
ordinance  (1666),  persons  entering  religious  orders  could  not  take 
the  final  vows  before  the  age  of  twenty-five.    By  the  family  papers 
above  mentioned,  it  appears,  however,  that  he  had  brought  himself 
under  the  operation  of  the  law,  which  debarred  those  who,  having 
entered  religious  orders,  afterwards  withdrew,  from  claiming  the 
inheritance  of  relatives  who  had  died  after  their  entrance. 

2  The  Jesuitg  in  North  America,  chap.  xv. 


K66.]  LA  SALLE  AT  MONTREAL.  11 

of  war,  which  might  have  been  called  the  normal 
condition  of  the  colony,  it  was  exposed  by  its  posi- 
tion to  incessant  inroads  of  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations,  of  New  York;  and  no  man  could  venture 
into  the  forests  or  the  fields  without  bearing  his  life 
in  his  hand.  The  savage  confederates  had  just 
received  a  sharp  chastisement  at  the  hands  of 
Courcelle,  the  governor ;  and  the  result  was  a  treaty 
of  peace  which  might  at  any  moment  be  broken,  but 
which  was  an  inexpressible  relief  while  it  lasted. 

The  priests  of  St.  Sulpice  were  granting  out  their 
lands,  on  very  easy  terms,  to  settlers.  They  wished 
to  extend  a  thin  line  of  settlements  along  the  front  of 
their  island,  to  form  a  sort  of  outpost,  from  which  an 
alarm  could  be  given  on  any  descent  of  the  Iroquois. 
La  Salle  was  the  man  for  such  a  purpose.  Had  the 
priests  understood  him,  —  which  they  evidently  did 
not,  for  some  of  them  suspected  him  of  levity,  the 
last  foible  with  which  he  could  be  charged,  —  had 
they  understood  him,  they  would  have  seen  in  him  a 
young  man  in  whom  the  fire  of  youth  glowed  not  the 
less  ardently  for  the  veil  of  reserve  that  covered  it; 
who  would  shrink  from  no  danger,  but  would  not 
court  it  in  bravado;  and  who  would  cling  with  an 
invincible  tenacity  of  gripe  to  any  purpose  which  he 
might  espouse.  There  is  good  reason  to  think  that 
he  had  come  to  Canada  with  purposes  already  con- 
ceived, and  that  he  was  ready  to  avail  himself  of 
any  stepping-stone  which  might  help  to  realize  them. 
Queylus,  Superior  of  the  Seminary,  made  him  a 


12  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1666. 

generous  offer;  and  he  accepted  it.  This  was  the 
gratuitous  grant  of  a  large  tract  of  land  at  the  place 
now  called  La  Chine,  above  the  great  rapids  of  the 
same  name,  and  eight  or  nine  miles  from  Montreal. 
On  one  hand,  the  place  was  greatly  exposed  to 
attack;  and,  on  the  other,  it  was  favorably  situated 
for  the  fur-trade.  La  Salle  and  his  successors  became 
its  feudal  proprietors,  on  the  sole  condition  of  deliver- 
ing to  the  Seminary,  on  every  change  of  ownership, 
a  medal  of  fine  silver,  weighing  one  mark.1  He 
entered  on  the  improvement  of  his  new  domain  with 
what  means  he  could  command,  and  began  to  grant 
out  his  land  to  such  settlers  as  would  join  him. 

Approaching  the  shore  where  the  city  of  Montreal 
now  stands,  one  would  have  seen  a  row  of  small 
compact  dwellings,  extending  along  a  narrow  street, 
parallel  to  the  river,  and  then,  as  now,  called  St. 
Paul  Street.  On  a  'hill  at  the  right  stood  the  wind- 
mill of  the  seigniors,  built  of  stone,  and  pierced  with 
loopholes  to  serve,  in  time  of  need,  as  a  place  of 
defence.  On  the  left,  in  an  angle  formed  by  the 
junction  of  a  rivulet  with  the  St.  Lawrence,  was  a 
square  bastioned  fort  of  stone.  Here  lived  the 
military  governor,  appointed  by  the  Seminary,  and 
commanding  a  few  soldiers  of  the  regiment  of 
Carignan.  In  front,  on  the  line  of  the  street,  were 
the  enclosure  and  buildings  of  the  Seminary,  and, 

1  Transport  de  la  Seigneurie  de  St.  Sulpicc,  cited  by  Faillon.  La 
Salle  called  his  new  domain  as  above.  Two  or  three  years  later,  it 
received  the  name  of  La  Chine,  for  a  reason  which  will  appear. 


1(567.]  LA  CHINE.  13 

nearly  adjoining  them,  those  of  the  H6tel-Dieu,  or 
Hospital,  both  provided  for  defence  in  case  of  an 
Indian  attack.  In  the  hospital  enclosure  was  a  small 
cl  mrch,  opening  on  the  street,  and,  in  the  absence  of 
any  other,  serving  for  the  whole  settlement.1 

Landing,  passing  the  fort,  and  walking  southward 
along  the  shore,  one  would  soon  have  left  the  rough 
clearings,  and  entered  the  primeval  forest.  Here, 
mile  after  mile,  he  would  have  journeyed  on  in  soli- 
tude, when  the  hoarse  roar  of  the  rapids,  foaming  in 
fury  on  his  left,  would  have  reached  his  listening 
ear;  and  at  length,  after  a  walk  of  some  three  hours, 
he  would  have  found  the  rude  beginnings  of  a  settle- 
ment. It  was  where  the  St.  Lawrence  widens  into 
the  broad  expanse  called  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis. 
Here,  La  Salle  had  traced  out  the  circuit  of  a  pali- 
saded village,  and  assigned  to  each  settler  half  an 
arpent,  or  about  the  third  of  an  acre,  within  the 
enclosure,  for  which  he  was  to  render  to  the  young 
seignior  a  yearly  acknowledgment  of  three  capons, 
besides  six  deniers  —  that  is,  half  a  sou  —  in  money. 
To  each  was  assigned,  moreover,  sixty  arpents  of 
land  beyond  the  limits  of  the  village,  with  the  per- 
petual rent  of  half  a  sou  for  each  arpent.  He  also 
set  apart  a  common,  two  hundred  arpents  in  extent, 
for  the  use  of  the  settlers,  on  condition  of  the  pay- 

*  A  detailed  plan  of  Montreal  at  this  time  is  preserved  in  the 
Archives  de  1'Empire,  and  has  been  reproduced  by  Faillon.  There 
is  another,  a  few  years  later,  and  still  more  minute,  of  which  a  fac- 
simile will  be  found  in  the  Library  of  the  Canadian  Parliament. 


14  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1668. 

ment  by  each  of  five  sous  a  year.  He  reserved  four 
hundred  and  twenty  arpents  for  his  own  personal 
domain,  and  on  this  he  began  to  clear  the  ground 
and  erect  buildings.  Similar  to  this  were  the  begin- 
nings of  all  the  Canadian  seigniories  formed  at  this 
troubled  period.1 

That  La  Salle  came  to  Canada  with  objects  dis- 
tinctly in  view,  is  probable  from  the  fact  that  he  at 
once  began  to  study  the  Indian  languages,  —  and 
with  such  success  that  he  is  said,  within  two  or  three 
years,  to  have  mastered  the  Iroquois  and  seven  or 
eight  other  languages  and  dialects.2  From  the  shore 
of  his  seigniory,  he  could  gaze  westward  over  the 
broad  breast  of  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis,  bounded  by 
the  dim  forests  of  Chateauguay  and  Beauharnois; 
but  his  thoughts  flew  far  beyond,  across  the  wild  and 
lonely  world  that  stretched  towards  the  sunset.  Like 
Champlain,  and  all  the  early  explorers,  he  dreamed 
of  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea,  and  a  new  road  for 
commerce  to  the  riches  of  China  and  Japan.  Indians 
often  came  to  his  secluded  settlement;  and,  on  one 
occasion,  he  was  visited  by  a  band  of  the  Seneca 
Iroquois,  not  long  before  the  scourge  of  the  colony, 
but  now,  in  virtue  of  the  treaty,  wearing  the  sem- 

1  The  above  particulars  hare  been  unearthed  by  the  indefatigajble 
Abbe  Faillon.    Some  of  La  Salle's  grants  are  still  preserved  in  the 
ancient  records  of  Montreal. 

2  Papier  $  de  Famille.    He  is  said  to  have  made  several  journeys 
into  the  forests,  towards  the  North,  in  the  years  1667  and  1668,  and 
to  have  satisfied  himself  that  little  could  be  hoped  from  explorations 
in  that  direction. 


1669.]  SCHEMES  OF  DISCOVERY.  15 

blance  of  friendship.  The  visitors  spent  the  wintei 
with  him,  and  told  him  of  a  river  called  the  Ohio, 
rising  in  their  country,  and  flowing  into  the  sea,  but 
at  such  a  distance  that  its  mouth  could  only  be 
reached  after  a  journey  of  eight  or  nine  months. 
Evidently,  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  are  here 
merged  into  one.1  In  accordance  with  geographical 
views  then  prevalent,  he  conceived  that  this  great 
river  must  needs  flow  into  the  "Vermilion  Sea;" 
that  is,  the  Gulf  of  California.  If  so,  it  would  give 
him  what  he  sought,  a  western  passage  to  China ; 
while,  in  any  case,  the  populous  Indian  tribes  said 
to  inhabit  its  banks  might  be  made  a  source  of  great 
commercial  profit. 

La  Salle's  imagination  took  fire.  His  resolution 
was  soon  formed;  and  he  descended  the  St.  Lawrence 
to  Quebec,  to  gain  the  countenance  of  the  governor 
for  his  intended  exploration.  Few  men  were  more 
skilled  than  he  in  the  art  of  clear  and  plausible  state- 
ment. Both  the  governor  Courcelle  and  the  intendant 
Talon  were  readily  won  over  to  his  plan ;  for  which, 
however,  they  seem  to  have  given  him  no  more  sub- 
stantial aid  than  that  of  the  governor's  letters  patent 
authorizing  the  enterprise.2  The  cost  was  to  be  his 
own;  and  he  had  no  money,  having  spent  it  all  on 
his  seigniory.  He  therefore  proposed  that  the  Semi- 

1  According  to  Dollier  de  Casson,  who  had  good  opportunities  of 
knowing,  the  Iroquois  always  called  the  Mississippi  the  Ohio,  while 
the  Algonquins  gave  it  its  present  name. 

2  Patoulet  a  Colbert,  11  Nov.,  1669. 


16  CAVELIER  D$  LA   SALLE.  [1669. 

nary,  which  had  given  it  to  him,  should  buy  it  back 
again,  with  such  improvements  as  he  had  made. 
Queylus,  the  Superior,  being  favorably  disposed 
towards  him,  consented,  and  bought  of  him  the 
greater  part;  while  La  Salle  sold  the  remainder, 
including  the  clearings,  to  one  Jean  Milot,  an  iron- 
monger, for  twenty-eight  hundred  livres.1  With 
this  he  bought  four  canoes,  with  the  necessary  sup- 
plies, and  hired  fourteen  men. 

Meanwhile,  the  Seminary  itself  was  preparing  a 
similar  enterprise.  The  Jesuits  at  this  time  not  only 
held  an  ascendency  over  the  other  ecclesiastics  in 
Canada,  but  exercised  an  inordinate  influence  on  the 
civil  government.  The  Seminary  priests  of  Montreal 
were  jealous  of  these  powerful  rivals,  and  eager  to 
emulate  their  zeal  in  the  saving  of  souls  and  the  con- 
quering of  new  domains  for  the  Faith.  Under  this 
impulse,  they  had,  three  years  before,  established  a 
mission  at  Quinte*,  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake 
Ontario,  in  charge  of  two  of  their  number,  one  of 
whom  was  the  Abbe*  F^nelon,  elder  brother  of  the 
celebrated  Archbishop  of  Cambray.  Another  of 
them,  Dollier  de  Casson,  had  spent  the  winter  in  a 
hunting-camp  of  the  Mpissings,  where  an  Indian 
prisoner,  captured  in  the  Northwest,  told  him  of 
populous  tribes  of  that  quarter  living  in  heathenish 
darkness.  On  this,  the  Seminary  priests  resolved  to 
essay  their  conversion;  and  an  expedition,  to  be 
directed  by  Dollier,  was  fitted  out  to  this  end. 

1  Cession  de  la  Seigneurie ;  Contrat  de  Vente  (Margry,  i.  103,  104). 


1.369.]  DEPARTURE.  17 

He  was  not  ill  suited  to  the  purpose.  He  had 
been  a  soldier  in  his  youth,  and  had  fought  valiantly 
as  an  officer  of  cavalry  under  Turenne.  He  was  a 
man  of  great  courage;  of  a  tall,  commanding  person; 
and  of  uncommon  bodily  strength,  which  he  had 
notably  proved  in  the  campaign  of  Courcelle  against 
the  Iroquois,  three  years  before.1  On  going  to 
Quebec  to  procure  the  necessary  outfit,  he  was  urged 
by  Courcelle  to  modify  his  plans  so  far  as  to  act  in 
concert  with  La  Salle  in  exploring  the  mystery  of  the 
great  unknown  river  of  the  West.  Dollier  and  his 
brother  priests  consented.  One  of  them,  Galine'e, 
was  joined  with  him  as  a  colleague,  because  he  was 
skilled  in  surveying,  and  could  make  a  map  of  their 
route.  Three  canoes  were  procured,  and  seven  hired 
men  completed  the  party.  It  was  determined  that 
La  Salle's  expedition  and  that  of  the  Seminary 
should  be  combined  in  one,  —  an  arrangement  ill 
suited  to  the  character  of  the  young  explorer,  who 
was  unfit  for  any  enterprise  of  which  he  was  not  the 
undisputed  chief. 

Midsummer  was  near,  and  there  was  no  time  to 
lose.  Yet  the  moment  was  most  unpropitious,  for  a 
Seneca  chief  had  lately  been  murdered  by  three 
scoundrel  soldiers  of  the  fort  of  Montreal ;  and,  while 
they  were  undergoing  their  trial,  it  became  known 

1  He  was  the  author  of  the  very  curious  and  valuable  Histoire 
de  Montreal,  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Mazarine,  of  which  a 
copy  is  in  my  possession.  The  Historical  Society  of  Montreal  has 
recently  resolved  to  print  it. 

2 


18  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1669. 

that  three  other  Frenchmen  had  treacherously  put  to 
death  several  Iroquois  of  the  Oneida  tribe,  in  order 
to  get  possession  of  their  furs.  The  whole  colony 
trembled  in  expectation  of  a  new  outbreak  of  the 
war.  Happily,  the  event  proved  otherwise.  The 
authors  of  the  last  murder  escaped;  but  the  three 
soldiers  were  shot  at  Montreal,  in  presence  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  Iroquois,  who  declared 
themselves  satisfied  with  the  atonement;  and  on  this 
same  day,  the  sixth  of  July,  the  adventurers  began 
their  voyage. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1669-1671. 
LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS. 

THE  FRENCH  IN  WESTERN  NEW  YORK.  — Louis  JOLIET.  —  THE  Sui* 
PITIANS  ON  LAKE  ERIE  ;  AT  DETROIT  ;  AT  SAUT  STE.  MARIE.  — 
THE  MYSTERY  OF  LA  SALLE:  HE  DISCOVERS  THE  OHIO;  HE 
DESCENDS  THE  ILLINOIS ;  DID  HE  REACH  THE  MISSISSIPPI  ? 

LA  CHINE  was  the  starting-point;  and  the  com- 
bined parties,  in  all  twenty-four  men  with  seven 
canoes,  embarked  on  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis.  With 
them  were  two  other  canoes,  bearing  the  party  of 
Senecas  who  had  wintered  at  La  Salle's  settlement, 
and  who  were  now  to  act  as  guides.  Father  Galine'e 
recounts  the  journey.  He  was  no  woodsman:  the 
river,  the  forests,  the  rapids,  were  all  new  to  him, 
and  he  dilates  on  them  with  the  minuteness  of  a 
novice.  Above  all,  he  admired  the  Indian  birch 
canoes.  "If  God,"  he  says,  "grants  me  the  grace 
of  returning  to  France,  I  shall  try  to  carry  one  with 
me."  Then  he  describes  the  bivouac:  "Your  lodg- 
ing is  as  extraordinary  as  your  vessels;  for,  after 
paddling  or  carrying  the  canoes  all  day,  you  find 
mother  earth  ready  to  receive  your  wearied  body. 
If  the  weather  is  fair,  you  make  a  fire  and  lie  down 


20  LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS.       [1669. 

to  sleep  without  further  trouble ;  but  if  it  rains,  you 
must  peel  bark  from  the  trees,  and  make  a  shed  by 
laying  it  on  a  frame  of  sticks.  As  for  your  food,  it 
is  enough  to  make  you  burn  all  the  cookery  books 
that  ever  were  written ;  for  in  the  woods  of  Canada 
one  finds  means  to  live  well  without  bread,  wine, 
salt,  pepper,  or  spice.  The  ordinary  food  is  Indian 
corn,  or  Turkey  wheat  as  they  call  it  in  France, 
which  is  crushed  between  two  stones  and  boiled, 
seasoning  it  with  meat  or  fish,  when  you  can  get 
them.  This  sort  of  life  seemed  so  strange  to  us  that 
we  all  felt  the  effects  of  it;  and  before  we  were  a 
hundred  leagues  from  Montreal,  not  one  of  us  was 
free  from  some  malady  or  other.  At  last,  after  all 
our  misery,  on  the  second  of  August,  we  discovered 
Lake  Ontario,  like  a  great  sea  with  no  land 
beyond  it." 

Thirty-five  days  after  leaving  La  Chine,  they 
reached  Irondequoit  Bay,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
lake.  Here  they  were  met  by  a  number  of  Seneca 
Indians,  who  professed  friendship  and  invited  them 
to  their  villages,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  distant.  As 
this  was  on  their  way  to  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Ohio,  and  as  they  hoped  to  find  guides  at  the  villages 
to  conduct  them,  they  accepted  the  invitation. 
Dollier,  with  most  of  the  men,  remained  to  guard 
the  canoes;  while  La  Salle,  with  Galine'e  and  eight 
other  Frenchmen,  accompanied  by  a  troop  of  Indians, 
set  out  on  the  morning  of  the  twelfth,  and  reached 
the  principal  village  before  evening.  It  stood  on  a 


1(69.]  THE  SENECA  VILLAGES.  21 

hill,  in  the  midst  of  a  clearing  nearly  two  leagues  in 
compass.1  A  rude  stockade  surrounded  it;  and  as 
the  visitors  drew  near  they  saw  a  band  of  old  men 
seated  on  the  grass,  waiting  to  receive  them.  One  of 
these  Veterans,  so  feeble  with  age  that  he  could  hardly 
stand,  made  them  an  harangue,  in  which  he  declared 
that  the  Senecas  were  their  brothers,  and  invited 
them  to  enter  the  village.  They  did  so,  surrounded 
by  a  crowd  of  savages,  and  presently  found  them- 
selves in  the  midst  of  a  disorderly  cluster  of  large 
but  filthy  abodes  of  bark,  about  a  hundred  and  fifty 
in  number,  the  most  capacious  of  which  was  as- 
signed to  their  use.  Here  they  made  their  quarters, 
and  were  soon  overwhelmed  by  Seneca  hospitality. 
Children  brought  them  pumpkins  and  berries  from 
the  woods;  and  boy  messengers  came  to  summon 
them  to  endless  feasts,  where  they  were  regaled 
with  the  flesh  of  dogs  and  with  boiled  maize  seasoned 
with  oil  pressed  from  nuts  and  the  seed  of  sunflowers. 
La  Salle  had  flattered  himself  that  he  knew  enough 
Iroquois  to  hold  communication  with  the  Senecas; 
but  he  failed  completely  in  the  attempt.  The  priests 
had  a  Dutch  interpreter,  who  spoke  Iroquois  fluently, 
but  knew  so  little  French,  and  was  withal  so  obsti- 
nate, that  he  proved  useless ;  so  that  it  was  necessary 
to  employ  a  man  in  the  service  of  the  Jesuit  Fremin, 
whose  mission  was  at  this  village.  What  the  party 
needed  was  a  guide  to  conduct  them  to  the  Ohio ;  and 

1  This  village  seems  to  have  been  that  attacked  by  Denonville 
in  1687     It  stood  on  Boughton  Hill,  near  the  present  town  of  Victor. 


22  LA  SALLE   AND  THE  SULPITIANS.       [1669. 

soon  after  their  arrival  a  party  of  warriors  appeared, 
with  a  young  prisoner  belonging  to  one  of  the  tribes 
of  that  region.  Galine*e  wanted  to  beg  or  buy  him 
from  his  captors;  but  the  Senecas  had  other  inten- 
tions. "I  saw,"  writes  the  priest,  "the  most  miser- 
able spectacle  I  ever  beheld  in  my  life."  It  was  the 
prisoner  tied  to  a  stake  and  tortured  for  six  hours 
with  diabolical  ingenuity,  while  the  crowd  danced 
and  yelled  with  delight,  and  the  chiefs  and  elders  sat 
in  a  row  smoking  their  pipes  and  watching  the  con- 
tortions of  the  victim  with  an  air  of  serene  enjoyment. 
The  body  was  at  last  cut  up  and  eaten,  and  in  the 
evening  the  whole  population  occupied  themselves  in 
scaring  away  the  angry  ghost  by  beating  with  sticks 
against  the  bark  sides  of  the  lodges. 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  began  to  fear  for  their 
own  safety.  Some  of  their  hosts  wished  to  kill  them 
in  revenge  for  the  chief  murdered  near  Montreal; 
and  as  these  and  others  were  at  times  in  a  frenzy  of 
drunkenness,  the  position  of  the  French  became 
critical.  They  suspected  that  means  had  been  used 
to  prejudice  the  Senecas  against  them.  Not  only 
could  they  get  no  guides,  but  they  were  told  that  if 
they  went  to  the  Ohio  the  tribes  of  those  parts  would 
infallibly  kill  them.  Their  Dutch  interpreter  became 
disheartened  and  unmanageable,  and,  after  staying  a 
month  at  the  village,  the  hope  of  getting  farther  on 
their  way  seemed  less  than  ever.  Their  plan,  it 
was  clear,  must  be  changed;  and  an  Indian  from 
Otinawatawa,  a  kind  of  Iroquois  colony  at  the  head 


1669.]  LOUIS  JOLIET.  23 

of  Lake  Ontario,  offered  to  guide  them  to  his  village 
and  show  them  a  better  way  to  the  Ohio.  They  left 
the  Senecas,  coasted  the  south  shore  of  the  lake, 
psissed  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  where  they  heard 
the  distant  roar  of  the  cataract,  and  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  September  reached  Otinawatawa,  which 
was  a  few  miles  north  of  the  present  town  of 
Hamilton.  The  inhabitants  proved  friendly,  and  La 
Siille  received  the  welcome  present  of  a  Shawanoe 
prisoner,  who  told  them  that  the  Ohio  could  be 
reached  in  six  weeks,  and  that  he  would  guide  them 
to  it.  Delighted  at  this  good  fortune,  they  were 
about  to  set  out;  when  they  heard,  to  their  astonish- 
ment, of  the  arrival  of  two  other  Frenchmen  at  a 
neighboring  village. 

One  of  the  strangers  was  destined  to  hold  a  con- 
spicuous place  in  the  history  of  western  discovery. 
This  was  Louis  Joliet,  a  young  man  of  about  the  age 
of  La  Salle.  Like  him,  he  had  studied  for  the  priest- 
hood; but  the  world  and  the  wilderness  had  con- 
quered his  early  inclinations,  and  changed  him  to  an 
active  and  adventurous  fur-trader.  Talon  had  sent 
him  to  discover  and  explore  the  copper-mines  of 
Lake  Superior.  He  had  failed  in  the  attempt,  and 
was  now  returning.  His  Indian  guide,  afraid  of 
passing  the  Niagara  portage  lest  he  should  meet 
enemies,  had  led  him  from  Lake  Erie,  by  way  of 
Grand  River,  towards  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario; 
and  thus  it  was  that  he  met  La  Salle  and  .the 
Solpitians. 


24  LA  SALLE  AND  THE   SULPITIANS.      [1669. 

This  meeting  caused  a  change  of  plan.  Joliet 
showed  the  priests  a  map  which  he  had  made  of  such 
parts  of  the  Upper  Lakes  as  he  had  visited,  and  gave 
them  a  copy  of  it;  telling  them,  at  the  same  time,  of 
the  Pottawattamies  and  other  tribes  of  that  region  in 
grievous  need  of  spiritual  succor.  The  result  was  a 
determination  on  their  part  to  follow  the  route  which 
he  suggested,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  of 
La  Salle,  who  in  vain  reminded  them  that  the  Jesuits 
had  preoccupied  the  field,  and  would  regard  them  as 
intruders.  They  resolved  that  the  Pottawattamies 
should  no  longer  sit  in  darkness;  while,  as  for  the 
Mississippi,  it  could  be  reached,  as  they  conceived, 
with  less  risk  by  this  northern  route  than  by  that  of 
the  south. 

La  Salle  was  of  a  different  mind.  His  goal  was 
the  Ohio,  and  not  the  northern  lakes.  A  few  days 
before,  while  hunting,  he  had  been  attacked  by  a 
fever,  sarcastically  ascribed  by  Galine'e  to  his  having 
seen  three  large  rattlesnakes  crawling  up  a  rock.  He 
now  told  his  two  colleagues  that  he  was  in  no  condi- 
tion to  go  forward,  and  should  be  forced  to  part  with 
them.  The  staple  of  La  Salle 's  character,  as  his  life 
will  attest,  was  an  invincible  determination  of  pur- 
pose, which  set  at  naught  all  risks  and  all  sufferings. 
He  had  cast  himself  with  all  his  resources  into  this 
enterprise ;  and,  while  his  faculties  remained,  he  was 
not  a  man  to  recoil  from  it.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
masculine  fibre  of  which  he  was  made  did  not  always 
withhold  him  from  the  practice  of  the  arts  of  address, 


U570.]  SEPARATION.  25 

and  the  use  of  what  Dollier  de  Casson  styles  Idles 
piroles.  He  respected  the  priesthood,  with  the 
exception,  it  seems,  of  the  Jesuits ;  and  he  was  under 
obligations  to  the  Sulpitians  of  Montreal.  Hence 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  used  his  illness  as  a 
pretext  for  escaping  from  their  company  without 
ungraciousness,  and  following  his  own  path  in  his 
own  way. 

On  the  last  day  of  September,  the  priests  made  an 
altar,  supported  by  the  paddles  of  the  canoes  laid  on 
forked  sticks.  Dollier  said  mass;  La  Salle  and  his 
followers  received  the  sacrament,  as  did  also  those 
of  his  late  colleagues;  and  thus  they  parted,  the 
Sulpitians  and  their  party  descending  the  Grand 
River  towards  Lake  Erie,  while  La  Salle,  as  they 
supposed,  began  his  return  to  Montreal.  What 
course  he  actually  took  we  shall  soon  inquire;  and 
meanwhile,  for  a  few  moments,  we  will  follow  the 
priests.  When  they  reached  Lake  Erie,  they  saw  it 
tossing  like  an  angry  ocean.  They  had  no  mind  to 
tempt  the  dangerous  and  unknown  navigation,  and 
encamped  for  the  winter  in  the  forest  near  the  penin- 
sula called  the  Long  Point.  Here  they  gathered 
a  good  store  of  chestnuts,  hickory-nuts,  plums, 
and  grapes,  and  built  themselves  a  log  cabin,  with 
a  recess  at  the  end  for  an  altar.  They  passed  the 
winter  unmolested,  shooting  game  in  abundance,  and 
saying  mass  three  times  a  week.  Early  in  spring, 
they  planted  a  large  cross,  attached  to  it  the  arms  of 
France,  and  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in 


26  LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS.       [1670. 

the  name  of  Louis  XIV.  This  done,  they  resumed 
their  voyage,  and,  after  many  troubles,  landed  one 
evening  in  a  state  of  exhaustion  on  or  near  Point 
Pele*'*,  towards  the  western  extremity  of  Lake  Erie. 
A  storm  rose  as  they  lay  asleep,  and  swept  off  a  great 
part  of  their  baggage,  which,  in  their  fatigue,  they 
had  l<3ft  at  the  edge  of  the  water.  Their  altar-service 
was  lost  with  the  rest,  —  a  misfortune  which  they 
ascribed  to  the  jealousy  and  malice  of  the  Devil. 
Debarred  henceforth  from  saying  mass,  they  resolved 
to  return  to  Montreal  and  leave  the  Pottawattamies 
uninstructed.  They  presently  entered  the  strait  by 
which  Lake  Huron  joins  Lake  Erie,  and  landing 
near  where  Detroit  now  stands,  found  a  large  stone, 
somewhat  suggestive  of  the  human  figure,  which  the 
Indians  had  bedaubed  with  paint,  and  which  they 
worshipped  as  a  manito.  In  view  of  their  late  mis- 
fortune, this  device  of  the  arch-enemy  excited  their 
utmost  resentment.  "After  the  loss  of  our  altar- 
service,"  writes  Galine'e,  "and  the  hunger  we  had 
suffered,  there  was  not  a  man  of  us  who  was  not 
filled  with  hatred  against  this  false  deity.  I  devoted 
one  of  my  axes  to  breaking  him  in  pieces ;  and  then, 
having  fastened  our  canoes  side  by  side,  we  carried 
the  largest  piece  to  the  middle  of  the  river,  and  threw 
it,  with  all  the  rest,  into  the  water,  that  he  might 
never  be  heard  of  again.  God  rewarded  us  imme- 
diately for  this  good  action,  for  we  killed  a  deer  and 
a  bear  that  same  day." 

This  is  the  first  recorded  passage  of  white  men 


1670.]  AT  STE.  MARIE  DU  SAUT.  27 

through  the  Strait  of  Detroit;  though  Joliet  had,  no 
doubt,  passed  this  way  on  his  return  from  the  Upper 
Likes.1  The  two  missionaries  took  this  course,  with 
the  intention  of  proceeding  to  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
and  there  joining  the  Ottawas,  and  other  tribes  of 
that  region,  in  their  yearly  descent  to  Montreal. 
T bey  issued  upon  Lake  Huron;  followed  its  eastern 
shores  till  they  reached  the  Georgian  Bay,  near  the 
head  of  which  the  Jesuits  had  established  their  great 
mission  of  the  Hurons,  destroyed,  twenty  years 
before,  by  the  Iroquois;2  and,  ignoring  or  slighting 
the  labors  of  the  rival  missionaries,  held  their  way 
northward  along  the  rocky  archipelago  that  edged 
those  lonely  coasts.  They  passed  the  Manitoulins, 
acd,  ascending  the  strait  by  which  Lake  Superior 
discharges  its  waters,  arrived  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
May  at  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut.  Here  they  found  the 
two  Jesuits,  Dablon  and  Marquette,  in  a  square  fort 
of  cedar  pickets,  built  by  their  men  within  the  past 
year,  and  enclosing  a  chapel  and  a  house.  Near  by, 
they  had  cleared  a  large  tract  of  land,  and  sown  it 
with  wheat,  Indian  corn,  peas,  and  other  crops.  The 
new-comers  were  graciously  received,  and  invited  to 
vespers  in  the  chapel;  but  they  very  soon  found  La 
S  a  lie's  prediction  made  good,  and  saw  that  the  Jesuit 
fathers  wanted  no  help  from  St.  Sulpice.  Galine'e, 

1  The  Jesuits  and  fur-traders,  on  their  way  to  the  Upper  Lakes, 
had  followed  the  route  of  the  Ottawa,  or,  more  recently,  that  of 
Toronto  and  the  Georgian  Bay.  Iroquois  hostility  had  long  closed 
tht  Niagara  portage  and  Lake  Erie  against  them. 

a  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 


28  LA  SALLE  AND  THE   SULPITIANS.       [1670. 

on  his  part,  takes  occasion  to  remark,  that,  though 
the  Jesuits  had  baptized  a  few  Indians  at  the  Saut, 
not  one  of  them  was  a  good  enough  Christian  to 
receive  the  Eucharist;  and  he  intimates  that  the 
case,  by  their  own  showing,  was  still  worse  at  their 
mission  of  St.  Esprit.  The  two  Sulpitians  did  not 
care  to  prolong  their  stay ;  and,  three  days  after  their 
arrival,  they  left  the  Saut,  —  not,  as  they  expected, 
with  the  Indians,  but  with  a  French  guide,  furnished 
by  the  Jesuits.  Ascending  French  River  to  Lake 
Nipissing,  they  crossed  to  the  waters  of  the  Ottawa, 
and  descended  to  Montreal,  which  they  reached  on 
the  eighteenth  of  June.  They  had  made  no  discov- 
eries and  no  converts ;  but  Galinde,  after  his  arrival, 
made  the  earliest  map  of  the  Upper  Lakes  known  to 
exist.1 

We  return  now  to  La  Salle,  only  to  find  ourselves 
involved  in  mist  and  obscurity.  What  did  he  do 
after  he  left  the  two  priests?  Unfortunately,  a 
definite  answer  is  not  possible;  and  the  next  two 
years  of  his  life  remain  in  some  measure  an  enigma. 
That  he  was  busied  in  active  exploration,  and  that  he 
made  important  discoveries,  is  certain ;  but  the  extent 
and  character  of  these  discoveries  remain  wrapped  in 
doubt.  He  is  known  to  have  kept  journals  and  made 
maps ;  and  these  were  in  existence,  and  in  possession 
of  his  niece,  Madeleine  Cavelier,  then  in  advanced 

1  See  Appendix.  The  above  narrative  is  from  Recit  de  ce  qui 
s'est  passe  de  plus  remarquable  dans  le  Voyage  de  MM.  Dollier  et  Gali> 
nee.  (Bibliotheque  Rationale.) 


1669-70.]  LA  SALLE'S   DISCOVERIES.  29 

age,  as  late  as  the  year  1T56 ;  beyond  which  time  the 
most  diligent  inquiry  has  failed  to  trace  them.  Abbe* 
Faillon  affirms  that  some  of  La  Salle's  men,  refusing 
to  follow  him,  returned  to  La  Chine,  and  that  the 
place  then  received  its  name,  in  derision  of  the  young 
adventurer's  dream  of  a  westward  passage  to  China.1 
As  for  himself,  the  only  distinct  record  of  his  move- 
ments is  that  contained  in  a  paper,  entitled  "Histoire 
do  Monsieur  de  la  Salle."  It  is  an  account  of  his 
explorations,  and  of  the  state  of  parties  in  Canada 
previous  to  the  year  1678,  —  taken  from  the  lips  of 
La  Salle  himself,  by  a  person  whose  name  does  not 
appear,  but  who  declares  that  he  had  ten  or  twelve 
conversations  with  him  at  Paris,  whither  he  had  come 
with  a  petition  to  the  Court.  The  writer  himself 
had  never  been  in  America,  and  was  ignorant  of  its 
geography;  hence  blunders  on  his  part  might  reason- 
ably be  expected.  His  statements,  however,  are  in 
some  measure  intelligible;  and  the  following  is  the 
substance  of  them. 

After  leaving  the  priests,  La  Salle  went  to 
Onondaga,  where  we  are  left  to  infer  that  he  suc- 
ceeded better  in  getting  a  guide  than  he  had  before 
done  among  the  Senecas.  Thence  he  made  his  way 
to  a  point  six  or  seven  leagues  distant  from  Lake 
Erie,  where  he  reached  a  branch  of  the  Ohio,  and, 
descending  it,  followed  the  river  as  far  as  the  rapids 
at  Louisville,  —  or,  as  has  been  maintained,  beyond 

1  Dollier  de  Casson  alludes  to  this  as  "cette  transmigration 
c^lobre  qui  se  fit  de  la  Chine  dans  ces  quartiers." 


30          LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS.    [1669-70. 

its  confluence  with  the  Mississippi.  His  men  now 
refused  to  go  farther,  and  abandoned  him,  escaping 
to  the  English  and  the  Dutch ;  whereupon  he  retraced 
his  steps  alone.1  This  must  have  been  in  the  winter 
of  1669-70,  or  in  the  following  spring;  unless  there 
is  an  error  of  date  in  the  statement  of  Nicolas  Perrot, 
the  famous  voyageur,  who  says  that  he  met  him  in 
the  summer  of  1670,  hunting  on  the  Ottawa  with  a 
party  of  Iroquois.2 

But  how  was  La  Salle  employed  in  the  following 
year?  The  same  memoir  has  its  solution  to  the 

1  The  following  is  the  passage  relating  to  this  journey  in  the 
remarkable  paper  above  mentioned.  After  recounting  La  Salle's 
visit  with  the  Sulpitians  to  the  Seneca  village,  and  stating  that  the 
intrigues  of  the  Jesuit  missionary  prevented  them  from  obtaining  a 
guide,  it  speaks  of  the  separation  of  the  travellers  and  the  journey 
of  Galinee  and  his  party  to  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  where  "  les  Jesuites 
les  conge'dierent."  It  then  proceeds  as  follows :  "  Cependant  Mr. 
de  la  Salle  continua  son  chemin  par  une  riviere  qui  va  de  Test  a 
1'ouest ;  et  passe  a  Onontaque'  [Onondaga],  puis  a  six  ou  sept  lieues 
au-dessous  du  Lac  Erie;  et  estant  parvenu  jusqu'au  280me  ou  83me 
degre'  de  longitude,  et  jusqu'au  41me  degree  de  latitude,  trouva  un 
sault  qui  tombe  vers  1'ouest  dans  un  pays  bas,  marescageux,  tout 
convert  de  vielles  souches,  dont  il  y  en  a  quelques-unes  qui  sont 
encore  sur  pied.  II  fut  done  contraint  de  prendre  terre,  et  suivant 
une  hauteur  qui  le  pouvoit  mener  loin,  il  trouva  quelques  sauvages 
qui  luy  dirent  que  fort  loin  de  la  le  mesme  fleuve  qui  se  perdoit 
dans  cette  terre  basse  et  vaste  se  reunnissoit  en  un  lit.  II  continua 
done  son  chemin,  mais  comme  la  fatigue  estoit  grande,  23  ou  24 
hommes  qu'il  avoit  menez  jusques  la  le  quitterent  tous  en  une  nuit, 
regagnerent  le  fleuve,  et  se  sauverent,  les  uns  a  la  Nouvelle  Hol- 
lande  et  les  autres  a  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre.  II  se  vit  done  seul  a 
400  lieues  de  chez  luy,  ou  il  ne  laisse  pas  de  revenir,  remontant  la 
riviere  et  vivant  de  chasse,  d'herbes,  et  de  ce  que  luy  donnerent  les 
sauvages  qu'il  rencontra  en  son  chemin." 

*  Perrot,  Memoires,  119, 120. 


156^-71.]  THE  RIVER  ILLINOIS.  31 

problem.  By  this  it  appears  that  the  indefatigable 
explorer  embarked  on  Lake  Erie,  ascended  the 
Detroit  to  Lake  Huron,  coasted  the  unknown  shores 
of  Michigan,  passed  the  Straits  of  Michilimackinac, 
a  ad,  leaving  Green  Bay  behind  him,  entered  what  is 
described  as  an  incomparably  larger  bay,  but  which 
was  evidently  the  southern  portion  of  Lake  Michigan. 
Thence  he  crossed  to  a  river  flowing  westward,  — 
evidently  the  Illinois,  —  and  followed  it  until  it  was 
joined  by  another  river  flowing  from  the  northwest 
to  the  southeast.  By  this,  the  Mississippi  only  can 
be  meant;  and  he  is  reported  to  have  said  that  he 
descended  it  to  the  thirty-sixth  degree  of  latitude; 
where  he  stopped,  assured  that  it  discharged  itself 
not  into  the  Gulf  of  California,  but  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  resolved  to  follow  it  thither  at  a  future 
day,  when  better  provided  with  men  and  supplies.1 
The  first  of  these  statements,  —  that  relating  to  the 


1  The  memoir  —  after  stating,  as  above,  that  he  entered  Lake 
H  uron,  doubled  the  peninsula  of  Michigan,  and  passed  La  Baye  des 
Puants  (Green  Bay)  —  says:  "II  reconnut  une  baye  incomparable- 
ment  plus  large ;  au  fond  de  laquelle  vers  1'ouest  il  trouva  un  tres- 
bnau  havre  et  au  fond  de  ce  havre  un  fleuve  qui  va  de  1'est  a  1'ouest. 
II  suivit  ce  fleuve,  et  estant  parvenu  jusqu'environ  le  280me  degre 
df  longitude  et  le  39me  de  latitude,  il  trouva  un  autre  fleuve  qui  se 
joignant  au  premier  coulait  du  nordouest  au  sudest,  et  il  suivit  ce 
fleuve  jusqu'au  36me  degre  de  latitude/' 

The  "  tres-beau  havre  "  may  have  been  the  entrance  of  the  river 
Chicago,  whence,  by  an  easy  portage,  he  might  have  reached  the 
Des  Plaines  branch  of  the  Illinois.  We  shall  see  that  he  took  this 
course  in  his  famous  exploration  of  1682. 

The  intendant  Talon  announces,  in  his  despatches  of  this  year 
that  he  had  sent  La  Salle  southward  and  westward  to  explore. 


32  LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS.       [1671. 

Ohio,  —  confused,  vague,  and  in  great  part  incorrect, 
as  it  certainly  is,  is  nevertheless  well  sustained  as 
regards  one  essential  point.  La  Salle  himself,  in  a 
memorial  addressed  to  Count  Frontenac  in  1677, 
affirms  that  he  discovered  the  Ohio,  and  descended  it 
as  far  as  to  a  fall  which  obstructed  it.1  Again,  his 
rival,  Louis  Joliet,  whose  testimony  on  this  point 
cannot  be  suspected,  made  two  maps  of  the  region  of 
the  Mississippi  and  the  Great  Lakes.  The  Ohio  is 
laid  down  on  both  of  them,  with  an  inscription  to  the 
effect  that  it  had  been  explored  by  La  Salle.2  That 

1  The  following  are  his  words  (he  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third 
person) :  "  L'annee  1667,  et  les  suivantes,  il  fit  divers  voyages  avec 
beaucoup  de  depenses,  dans  lesquels  il  decouvrit  le  premier  beau- 
coup  de  pays  au  sud  des  grands  lacs,  et  entre  autres  la  grande  riviere 
d'Ohio;   il  la  suivit  jusqu'a  un  endroit  oil  elle  tombe  de  fort  haut 
dans  de  vastes  marais,  a  la  hauteur  de  37  degres,  apres  avoir  ete 
grossie  par  une  autre  riviere  fort  large  qui  vient  du  nord ;  et  toutes 
ces  eaux  se  dechargent  selon  toutes  les  apparences  dans  le  Golfe 
du  Mexique." 

This  "  autre  riviere/'  which,  it  seems,  was  above  the  fall,  may 
have  been  the  Miami  or  the  Scioto.  There  is  but  one  fall  on  the 
river,  that  of  Louisville,  which  is  not  so  high  as  to  deserve  to  be 
described  as  "  fort  haut,"  being  only  a  strong  rapid.  The  latitude, 
as  will  be  seen,  is  different  in  the  two  accounts,  and  incorrect  in 
both. 

2  One  of  these  maps  is  entitled  Carte  de  la  decouverte  du  Sieur 
Joliet,  1674.    Over  the  lines  representing  the  Ohio  are  the  words, 
"Route  du  sieur  de  la  Salle  pour  aller  dans  le  Mexique/'    The 
other  map  of  Joliet  bears,  also  written  over  the  Ohio,  the  words, 
"  Riviere  par  oil  descendit  le  sieur  de  la  Salle  au  sortir  du  lac  Erie 
pour  aller  dans  le  Mexique."    I  have  also  another  manuscript  map, 
made  before  the  voyage  of  Joliet  and  Marquette,  and  apparently  in 
the  year  1673,  on  which  the  Ohio  is  represented  as  far  as  to  a  point 
a  little  below  Louisville,  and  over  it  is  written,  "Riviere  Ohio, 
ainsy  appell&e  par  les  Iroquois  fe  cause  de  sa  beaute,  par  oh  le  sieur 


H571.]  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  33 

he  discovered  the  Ohio  may  then  be  regarded  as 
established.  That  he  descended  it  to  the  Mississippi, 
he  himself  does  not  pretend;  nor  is  there  reason  to 
believe  that  he  did  so. 

With  regard  to  his  alleged  voyage  down  the 
Illinois,  the  case  is  different.  Here,  he  is  reported 
to  have  made  a  statement  which  admits  but  one  inter- 
pretation, —  that  of  the  discovery  by  him  of  the 
Mississippi  prior  to  its  discovery  by  Joliet  and 
Marquette.  This  statement  is  attributed  to  a  man 
not  prone  to  vaunt  his  own  exploits,  who  never  pro- 
claimed them  in  print,  and  whose  testimony,  even  in 
his  own  case,  must  therefore  have  weight.  But  it 
comes  to  us  through  the  medium  of  a  person  strongly 
biassed  in  favor  of  La  Salle,  and  against  Marquette 
and  the  Jesuits. 

Seven  years  had  passed  since  the  alleged  discovery, 
and  La  Salle  had  not  before  laid  claim  to  it;  although 
it  was  matter  of  notoriety  that  during  five  years  it 
had  been  claimed  by  Joliet,  and  that  his  claim  was 
generally  admitted.  The  correspondence  of  the 
governor  and  the  intendant  is  silent  as  to  La  Salle's 
having  penetrated  to  the  Mississippi,  though  the 
attempt  was  made  under  the  auspices  of  the  latter, 
as  his  own  letters  declare;  while  both  had  the  dis- 
covery of  the  great  river  earnestly  at  heart.  The 
governor,  Frontenac,  La  Salle's  ardent  supporter  and 

de  la  Salle  est  descendu."  The  Mississippi  is  not  represented  on 
this  map  ;  but  —  and  this  is  very  significant,  as  indicating  the  extent 
of  La  Salle's  exploration  of  the  f  ollowing^year  —  a  rfmall  part  of 
the  upper  Illinois  i«  laid  down. 


34  LA  SALLE  AND  THE  SULPITIANS.       [1671. 

ally,  believed  in  1672,  as  his  letters  show,  that  the 
Mississippi  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of  California ;  and, 
two  years  later,  he  announces  to  the  minister  Colbert 
its  discovery  by  Joliet.1  After  La  Salle's  death,  his 
brother,  his  nephew,  and  his  niece  addressed  a  memo- 
rial to  the  king,  petitioning  for  certain  grants  in 
consideration  of  the  discoveries  of  their  relative, 
which  they  specify  at  some  length ;  but  they  do  not 
pretend  that  he  reached  the  Mississippi  before  his 
expeditions  of  1679  to  1682.2  This  silence  is  the 
more  significant,  as  it  is  this  very  niece  who  had 
possession  of  the  papers  in  which  La  Salle  recounts 
the  journeys  of  which  the  issues  are  in  question.3 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  14  Nov.,  1674.    He  here  speaks 
of  "  la  grande  riviere  qu'il  [Joliet]  a  trouve'e,  qui  va  du  nord  au  sud, 
et  qui  est  aussi  large  que  celle  du  Saint-Laurent  vis-a-vis  de  Que- 
bec."   Four  years  later,  Frontenac  speaks  slightingly  of  Joliet,  but 
neither  denies  his  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  nor  claims  it  for  La 
Salle,  in  whose  interest  he  writes. 

2  Papiers  de  Famille  ;  Memoire  presente  au  Roi.     The  following  is 
an  extract :  "  II  parvient  .  .  .  jusqu'a  la  riviere  des  Illinois.    II  y 
construisit  un  fort  situe  a  350  lieues  au-dela  du  fort  de  Frontenac, 
et  suivant  ensuite  le  cours  de  cette  riviere,  il  trouva  qu'elle  se  jettoit 
dans  un  grand  fleuve  appelle  par  ceux  du  pays  Mississippi,  c'est  a 
dire  grande  eau,  environ  cent  lieues  au-dessous  du  fort  qu'il  venoit 
de  construire."    This  fort  was  Fort  Crevecoeur,  built  in  1680,  near 
the  site  of  Peoria.    The  memoir  goes  on  to  relate  the  descent  of  La 
Salle  to  the  Gulf,  which  concluded  this  expedition  of  1679-82. 

3  The  following  is  an  extract,  given  by  Margry,  from  a  letter  of 
the  aged  Madeleine  Cavelier,  dated  21  Fe'vrier,  1756,  and  addressed 
to  her  nephew,  M.  Le  Baillif,  who  had  applied  for  the  papers  in 
behalf  of  the  minister,  Silhouette :  "  J'ay  cherche'  une  occasion  sure 
pour  vous  anvoye'  les  papiers  de  M.  de  la  Salle.    II  y  a  des  cartes 
que  j'ay  jointe  a  ces  papiers,  qui  doivent  prouver  que,  en  1675,  M. 
de  Lasalle  avet  de'ja  fet  deux  voyages  en  ces  decouverte,  puisqu'il 
7  avet  une  carte,  que  je  vous  envoye,  par  laquelle  il  e«*t  fait  men- 


1*571.]  LA  SALLE'S  DISCOVERIES.  35 

Had  they  led  him  to  the  Mississippi,  it  is  reasonably 
certain  that  she  would  have  made  it  known  in  her 
memorial.  La  Salle  discovered  the  Ohio,  and  in  all 
probability  the  Illinois  also;  but  that  he  discovered 
the  Mississippi  has  not  been  proved,  nor,  in  the  light 
of  the  evidence  we  have,  is  it  likely. 

tion  de  Pandroit  auquel  M.  de  Lasalle  aborda  pres  le  fleuve  de  Mis- 
sissipi;  un  autre  androit  qu'il  nomme  le  fleuve  Colbert;  en  un 
autre  il  prans  possession  de  ce  pais  au  nom  du  roy  et  fait  planter 
une  crois." 

The  words  of  the  aged  and  illiterate  writer  are  obscure,  but  her 
expression  "aborda  pres"  seems  to  indicate  that  La  Salle  had  not 
reached  the  Mississippi  prior  to  1675,  but  only  approached  it. 

Finally,  a  memorial  presented  to  Seignelay,  along  with  the  official 
narrative  of  1679-81,  by  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  whose  object  was  to 
place  the  discoverer  and  his  achievements  in  the  most  favorable 
light,  contains  the  following:  "II  [La  Salle]  a  este  le  premier  a 
former  le  dessein  de  ces  descouvertes,  qu'il  communiqua,  il  y  a 
plus  de  quinze  ans,  a  M.  de  Courcelles,  gouverneur,  et  a  M.  Talon, 
intendant  du  Canada,  qui  1'approuverent.  II  a  fait  ensuite  plusieurs 
voyages  de  ce  coste-la,  et  un  entr'autres  en  1669  avec  MM.  Dolier  et 
G:dinee,  prestres  du  Seminaire  de  St.  Sulpice.  //  est  vray  que  le 
situr  Jolliet,pour  le  prevenir ,  fit  un  voyage  in  1673,  a  la  riviere  Colbert; 
mais  ce  fut  uniquement  pour  y  faire  commerce."  See  Margry,  ii. 
285.  This  passage  is  a  virtual  admission  that  Joliet  reached  the 
Mississippi  (Colbert)  before  La  Salle. 

Margry,  in  a  series  of  papers  in  the  Journal  General  de  V Instruction 
Publique  for  1862,  first  took  the  position  that  La  Salle  reached  the 
Mississippi  in  1670  and  1671,  and  has  brought  forward  in  defence  of 
it  all  the  documents  which  his  unwearied  research  enabled  him  to 
discover.  Father  Tailhan,  S.  J.,  has  replied  at  length,  in  the  copious 
notes  to  his  edition  of  Nicolas  Perrot,  but  without  having  seen  the 
principal  document  cited  by  Margry,  and  of  which  extracts  have 
been  given  in  the  notes  to  this  chapter. 


CHAPTER  III. 

1670-1672. 
THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES. 

THE  OLD  MISSIONS  AND  THE  NEW.  —  A  CHANGE  OF  SPIRIT.  —  LAKE 
SUPERIOR  AND  THE  COPPER-MINES.  —  STE.  MARIE.  —  LA  POINTE.— - 

MlCHILIMACKINAC. — JESUITS    ON    LAKE    MICHIGAN.  —  ALLOUEZ 

AND  DABLON.  —  THE  JESUIT  FUR-TRADE. 

WHAT  were  the  Jesuits  doing?  Since  the  ruin  of 
their  great  mission  of  the  Hurons,  a  perceptible 
change  had  taken  place  in  them.  They  had  put  forth 
exertions  almost  superhuman,  set  at  naught  famine, 
disease,  and  death,  lived  with  the  self-abnegation  of 
saints  and  died  with  the  devotion  of  martyrs;  and 
the  result  of  all  had  been  a  disastrous  failure.  From 
no  short-coming  on  their  part,  but  from  the  force  of 
events  beyond  the  sphere  of  their  influence,  a  very 
demon  of  havoc  had  crushed  their  incipient  churches, 
slaughtered  their  converts,  uprooted  the  populous 
communities  on  which  their  hopes  had  rested,  and 
scattered  them  in  bands  of  wretched  fugitives  far  and 
wide  through  the  wilderness.1  They  had  devoted 
themselves  in  the  fulness  of  faith  to  the  building  up 

1  See  "The  Jesuits  in  North  America." 


1370-72.]    REPORTS  OF  THE  JESUITS.        ET 

of  a  Christian  and  Jesuit  empire  on  the  conversion  of 
the  great  stationary  tribes  of  the  lakes ;  and  of  these 
none  remained  but  the  Iroquois,  the  destroyers  of  the 
rest,  —  among  whom,  indeed,  was  a  field  which  might 
stimulate  their  zeal  by  an  abundant  promise  of  suffer- 
ings and  martyrdoms,  but  which,  from  its  geographi- 
cal position,  was  too  much  exposed  to  Dutch  and 
English  influence  to  promise  great  and  decisive 
results.  Their  best  hopes  were  now  in  the  North 
and  the  West;  and  thither,  in  great  part,  they  had 
turned  their  energies. 

We  find  them  on  Lake  Huron,  Lake  Superior,  and 
Lake  Michigan,  laboring  vigorously  as  of  old,  but  in 
a  spirit  not  quite  the  same.  Now,  as  before,  two 
objects  inspired  their  zeal, — the  "greater  glory  of 
God, "  and  the  influence  and  credit  of  the  Order  of 
Jesus.  If  the  one  motive  had  somewhat  lost  in 
power,  the  other  had  gained.  The  epoch  of  the 
saints  and  martyrs  was  passing  away;  and  henceforth 
we  find  the  Canadian  Jesuit  less  and  less  an  apostle, 
more  and  more  an  explorer,  a  man  of  science,  and  a 
politician.  The  yearly  reports  of  the  missions  are 
still,  for  the  edification  of  the  pious  reader,  filled 
with  intolerably  tedious  stories  of  baptisms,  conver- 
sions, and  the  exemplary  deportment  of  neophytes, 
—  for  these  have  become  a  part  of  the  formula;  but 
they  are  relieved  abundantly  by  more  mundane 
topics.  One  finds  observations  on  the  winds,  cur- 
rents, and  tides  of  the  Great  Lakes ;  speculations  on 
a  subterranean  outlet  of  Lake  Superior;  accounts  of 


38  THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES.       [1670-72. 

its  copper-mines,  and  how  we,  the  Jesuit  fathers,  are 
laboring  to  explore  them  for  the  profit  of  the  colony ; 
surmises  touching  the  North  Sea,  the  South  Sea,  the 
Sea  of  China,  which  we  hope  ere  long  to  discover; 
and  reports  of  that  great  mysterious  river  of  which 
the  Indians  tell  us,  —  flowing  southward,  perhaps  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  perhaps  to  the  Vermilion  Sea, 
—  and  the  secrets  whereof,  with  the  help  of  the 
Virgin,  we  will  soon  reveal  to  the  world. 

The  Jesuit  was  as  often  a  fanatic  for  his  Order  as 
for  his  faith;  and  oftener  yet  the  two  fanaticisms 
mingled  in  him  inextricably.  Ardently  as  he  burned 
for  the  saving  of  souls,  he  would  have  none  saved  on 
the  Upper  Lakes  except  by  his  brethren  and  himself. 
He  claimed  a  monopoly  of  conversion,  with  its 
attendant  monopoly  of  toil,  hardship,  and  martyr- 
dom. Often  disinterested  for  himself,  he  was  inor- 
dinately ambitious  for  the  great  corporate  power  in 
which  he  had  merged  his  own  personality;  and  here 
lies  one  cause,  among  many,  of  the  seeming  contra- 
dictions which  abound  in  the  annals  of  the  Order. 

Prefixed  to  the  Relation  of  1671  is  that  monument 
of  Jesuit  hardihood  and  enterprise,  the  map  of  Lake 
Superior,  —  a  work  of  which,  however,  the  exactness 
has  beon  exaggerated,  as  compared  with  other 
Canadian  maps  of  the  day.  While  making  surveys, 
the  priests  were  diligently  looking  for  copper. 
Father  Dablon  reports  that  they  had  found  it  in 
greatest  abundance  on  Isle  Minong,  now  Isle  Royale. 
44  A  day's  journey  from  the  head  of  the  lake,  on  the 


1(570-72.]  STE.  MARIE  DU  SAUT.  39 

south  side,  there  is,"  he  says,  "a  rock  of  copper 
weighing  from  six  hundred  to  eight  hundred  pounds, 
lying  on  the  shore  where  any  who  pass  may  see  it; " 
and  he  further  speaks  of  great  copper  boulders  in  the 
bed  of  the  river  Ontonagan.1 

There  were  two  principal  missions  on  the  Upper 
Lakes,  which  were,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  parents  of 
the  rest.  One  of  these  was  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut,  — 
tiie  same  visited  by  Dollier  and  Galine'e,  —  at  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Superior.  This  was  a  noted  fishing- 
place;  for  the  rapids  were  full  of  white-fish,  and 
Indians  came  thither  in  crowds.  The  permanent 
residents  were  an  Ojibwa  band,  whom  the  French 
called  Sauteurs,  and  whose  bark  lodges  were  clustered 

1  He  complains  that  the  Indians  were  very  averse  to  giving 
information  on  the  subject,  so  that  the  Jesuits  had  not  as  yet  dis- 
covered the  metal  in  situ,  though  they  hoped  soon  to  do  so.  The 
Indians  told  him  that  the  copper  had  first  been  found  by  four 
hunters,  who  had  landed  on  a  certain  island,  near  the  north  shore 
of  the  lake.  Wishing  to  boil  their  food  in  a  vessel  of  bark,  they 
gathered  stones  on  the  shore,  heated  them  red  hot,  and  threw 
them  in,  but  presently  discovered  them  to  be  pure  copper.  Their 
repast  over,  they  hastened  to  re-embark,  being  afraid  of  the  lynxes 
a  ad  the  hares,  which,  on  this  island,  were  as  large  as  dogs,  and 
which  would  have  devoured  their  provisions,  and  perhaps  their 
canoe.  They  took  with  them  some  of  the  wonderful  stones ;  but 
scarcely  had  they  left  the  island,  when  a  deep  voice,  like  thunder, 
sounded  in  their  ears,  "  Who  are  these  thieves  who  steal  the  toys  of 
ny  children  ?  "  It  was  the  God  of  the  Waters,  or  some  other  power- 
ful manito.  The  four  adventurers  retreated  in  great  terror;  but 
three  of  them  soon  died,  and  the  fourth  survived  only  long  enough 
to  reach  his  village,  and  tell  the  story.  The  island  has  no  founda- 
tion, but  floats  with  the  movement  of  the  wind ;  and  no  Indian  dares 
land  on  its  shores,  dreading  the  wrath  of  the  manito.  Dablon, 
Delation,  1670,  84. 


40  THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES.       [1670-72. 

at  the  foot  of  the  rapids,  near  the  fort  of  the  Jesuits. 
Besides  these,  a  host  of  Algonquins,  of  various  tribes, 
resorted  thither  in  the  spring  and  summer,  —  living 
in  abundance  on  the  fishery,  and  dispersing  in  winter 
to  wander  and  starve  in  scattered  hunting-parties  far 
and  wide  through  the  forests. 

The  other  chief  mission  was  that  of  St.  Esprit,  at 
La  Pointe,  near  the  western  extremity  of  Lake 
Superior.  Here  were  the  Hurons,  fugitives  twenty 
years  before  from  the  slaughter  of  their  countrymen ; 
and  the  Ottawas,  who,  like  them,  had  sought  an 
asylum  from  the  rage  of  the  Iroquois.  Many  other 
tribes —  Illinois,  P Ottawa ttamies,  Foxes,  Menomonies, 
Sioux,  Assiniboins,  Knisteneaux,  and  a  multitude 
besides  —  came  hither  yearly  to  trade  with  the  French. 
Here  was  a  young  Jesuit,  Jacques  Marquette,  lately 
arrived  from  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie.  His  savage  flock 
disheartened  him  by  its  backslidings ;  and  the  best 
that  he  could  report  of  the  Hurons,  after  all  the  toil 
and  all  the  blood  lavished  in  their  conversion,  was, 
that  they  "still  retain  a  little  Christianity;"  while 
the  Ottawas  are  "  far  removed  from  the  kingdom  of 
God,  and  addicted  beyond  all  other  tribes  to  foulness, 
incantations,  and  sacrifices  to  evil  spirits."1 

Marquette  heard  from  the  Illinois — yearly  visitors  at 
La  Pointe — -of  the  great  river  which  they  had  crossed 
on  their  way,2  and  which,  as  he  conjectured,  flowed 

1  Lettre  du  Pere  Jacques  Marquette  au  R.  P.  Superieur  des  Mif 
sions;  in  Relation,  1670,  87. 

2  The  Illinois  lived  at  this  time  beyond  the  Mississippi,  thirty 


1670-72.]  MARQUETTE  AND  ANDR&  41 

into  the  Gulf  of  California.  He  heard  marvels  of  it 
also  from  the  Sioux,  who  lived  on  its  banks;  and  a 
strong  desire  possessed  him  to  explore  the  mystery  of 
its  course.  A  sudden  calamity  dashed  his  hopes. 
The  Sioux  —  the  Iroquois  of  the  West,  as  the  Jesuits 
call  them  —  had  hitherto  kept  the  peace  with  the 
expatriated  tribes  of  La  Pointe ;  but  now,  from  some 
cause  not  worth  inquiry,  they  broke  into  open  war, 
and  so  terrified  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  that  they 
abandoned  their  settlements  and  fled.  Marquette 
followed  his  panic-stricken  flock,  who,  passing  the 
Saut  Ste.  Marie,  and  descending  to  Lake  Huron, 
stopped  at  length,  —  the  Hurons  at  Michilimackinac, 
and  the  Ottawas  at  the  Great  Manitoulin  Island. 
Two  missions  were  now  necessary  to  minister  to 
the  divided  bands.  That  of  Michilimackinac  was 
assigned  to  Marquette,  and  that  of  the  Manitoulin 
Island  to  Louis  Andre*.  The  former  took  post  at 
Point  St.  Ignace,  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Straits  of 
Michilimackinac,  while  the  latter  began  the  mission 
of  St.  Simon  at  the  new  abode  of  the  Ottawas. 
When  winter  came,  scattering  his  flock  to  their 
hunting-grounds,  Andre*  made  a  missionary  tour 
among  the  Nipissings  and  other  neighboring  tribes. 
The  shores  of  Lake  Huron  had  long  been  an  utter 

days'  journey  from  La  Pointe ;  whither  they  had  been  driven  by 
the  Iroquois,  from  their  former  abode  near  Lake  Michigan.  Dablon 
(Relation,  1671,  24,  25)  says  that  they  lived  seven  days'  journey 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  in  eight  villages.  A  few  years  later,  most 
of  them  returned  to  the  east  side,  and  made  their  abode  on  the  river 
Illinois. 


42  THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES.       [1670-72. 

solitude,  swept  of  their  denizens  by  the  terror  of  the 
all-conquering  Iroquois;  but  now  that  these  tigers 
had  felt  the  power  of  the  French,  and  learned  for  a 
time  to  leave  their  Indian  allies  in  peace,  the  fugitive 
hordes  were  returning  to  their  ancient  abodes. 
Andrews  experience  among  them  was  of  the  roughest. 
The  staple  of  his  diet  was  acorns  and  tripe  de  roche, 
— •  a  species  of  lichen,  which,  being  boiled,  resolved 
itself  into  a  black  glue,  nauseous,  but  not  void  of 
nourishment.  At  times,  he  was  reduced  to  moss,  the 
bark  of  trees,  or  moccasins  and  old  moose-skins  cut 
into  strips  and  boiled.  His  hosts  treated  him  very 
ill,  and  the  worst  of  their  fare  was  always  his  portion. 
When  spring  came  to  his  relief,  he  returned  to  his 
post  of  St.  Simon,  with  impaired  digestion  and 
unabated  zeal. 

Besides  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie  and  Michilimackinac, 
both  noted  fishing-places,  there  was  another  spot,  no 
less  famous  for  game  and  fish,  and  therefore  a  favorite 
resort  of  Indians.  This  was  the  head  of  the  Green 
Bay  of  Lake  Michigan.1  Here  and  in  adjacent 
districts  several  distinct  tribes  had  made  their  abode. 
The  Menomonies  were  on  the  river  which  bears  their 
name;  the  Pottawattamies  and  Winnebagoes  were 

1  The  Baye  des  Puants  of  the  early  writers ;  or,  more  correctly, 
La  Baye  des  Eaux  Puantes.  The  Winnebago  Indiana,  living  near 
it,  were  called  Les  Puans,  apparently  for  no  other  reason  than 
because  some  portion  of  the  bay  was  said  to  have  an  odor  like 
the  sea. 

Lake  Michigan,  the  "Lac  des  Illinois"  of  the  French,  was, 
according  to  a  letter  of  Father  Allouez,  called  "  Machihiganing  "  by 
the  Indians.  Dablon  writes  the  name  "  Mitchiganon." 


1670-72.]  THE  GREEN  BAY  MISSION.  43 

near  the  borders  of  the  bay ;  the  Sacs,  on  Fox  River ; 
the  Mascoutins,  Miamis,  and  Kickapoos,  on  the  same 
river,  above  Lake  Winnebago;  and  the  Outagamies, 
or  Foxes,  on  a  tributary  of  it  flowing  from  the  north. 
Green  Bay  was  manifestly  suited  for  a  mission ;  and, 
as  early  as  the  autumn  of  1669,  Father  Claude 
Allouez  was  sent  thither  to  found  one.  After  nearly 
perishing  by  the  way,  he  set  out  to  explore  the 
destined  field  of  his  labors,  and  went  as  far  as  the 
town  of  the  Mascoutins.  Early  in  the  autumn  of 
1670,  having  been  joined  by  Dablon,  Superior  of  the 
missions  on  the  Upper  Lakes,  he  made  another  jour- 
ney, but  not  until  the  two  fathers  had  held  a  council 
with  the  congregated  tribes  at  St.  Francis  Xavier; 
for  so  they  named  their  mission  of  Green  Bay.  Here, 
as  they  harangued  their  naked  audience,  their  gravity 
was  put  to  the  proof;  for  a  band  of  warriors,  anxious 
to  do  them  honor,  walked  incessantly  up  and  down, 
aping  the  movements  of  the  soldiers  on  guard  before 
the  governor's  tent  at  Montreal.  "  We  could  hardly 
keep  from  laughing,"  writes  DaMon,  "though  we 
were  discoursing  on  very  important  subjects ;  namely, 
the  mysteries  of  our  religion,  and  the  things  necessary 
to  escaping  from  eternal  fire."1 

The  fathers  were  delighted  with  the  country, 
which  Dablon  calls  an  earthly  paradise ;  but  he  adds 
that  the  way  to  it  is  as  hard  as  the  path  to  heaven. 
He  alludes  especially  to  the  rapids  of  Fox  River, 
which  gave  the  two  travellers  great  trouble.  Having 

i  Relation,  1671,  43. 


44  THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES.       [1670-72. 

safely  passed  them,  they  saw  an  Indian  idol  on  the 
bank,  similar  to  that  which  Dollier  and  Galine'e  found 
at  Detroit,  — being  merely  a  rock,  bearing  some 
resemblance  to  a  man,  and  hideously  painted.  With 
the  help  of  their  attendants,  they  threw  it  into  the 
river.  Dablon  expatiates  on  the  buffalo,  which  he 
describes  apparently  on  the  report  of  others,  as  his 
description  is  not  very  accurate.  Crossing  Winne- 
bago  Lake,  the  two  priests  followed  the  river  leading 
to  the  town  of  the  Mascoutins  and  Miamis,  which 
they  reached  on  the  fifteenth  of  September.1  These 
two  tribes  lived  together  within  the  compass  of  the 
same  enclosure  of  palisades,  —  to  the  number,  it  is 
said,  of  more  than  three  thousand  souls.  The  mis- 
sionaries, who  had  brought  a  highly  colored  picture 
of  the  Last  Judgment,  called  the  Indians  to  council 
and  displayed  it  before  them;  while  Allouez,  who 
spoke  Algonquin,  harangued  them  on  hell,  demons, 
and  eternal  flames.  They  listened  with  open  ears, 
beset  him  night  and  day  with  questions,  and  invited 
him  and  his  companion  to  unceasing  feasts.  They 
were  welcomed  in  every  lodge,  and  followed  every- 
where with  eyes  of  curiosity,  wonder,  and  awe. 
Dablon  overflows  with  praises  of  the  Miami  chief, 
who  was  honored  by  his  subjects  like  a  king,  and 

1  This  town  was  on  the  Neenah  or  Fox  River,  above  Lake  Win- 
nebago.  The  Mascoutins,  Fire  Nation,  or  Nation  of  the  Prairie,  are 
extinct  or  merged  in  other  tribes.  See  "The  Jesuits  in  North 
America."  The  Miamis  soon  removed  to  the  banks  of  the  river 
St.  Joseph,  near  Lake  Michigan. 


1670-72.]    THE  CROSS  AMONG  THE  FOXES.  45 

whose  demeanor  towards  his  guests  had  no  savor  of 
the  savage. 

Their  hosts  told  them  of  the  great  river  Mississippi, 
rising  far  in  the  north  and  flowing  southward,  —  they 
knew  not  whither,  —  and  of  many  tribes  that  dwelt 
along  its  banks.  When  at  length  they  took  their 
departure,  they  left  behind  them  a  reputation  as 
medicine-men  of  transcendent  power. 

In  the  winter  following,  Allouez  visited  the  Foxes, 
whom  he  found  in  extreme  ill-humor.  They  were 
incensed  against  the  French  by  the  ill-usage  which 
some  of  their  tribe  had  lately  met  when  on  a  trading 
visit  to  Montreal ;  and  they  received  the  Faith  with 
shouts  of  derision.  The  priest  was  horror-stricken 
at  what  he  saw.  Their  lodges,  each  containing  from 
five  to  ten  families,  seemed  in  his  eyes  like  seraglios ; 
for  some  of  the  chiefs  had  eight  wives.  He  armed 
himself  with  patience,  and  at  length  gained  a  hear- 
ing. Nay,  he  succeeded  so  well,  that  when  he 
showed  them  his  crucifix  they  would  throw  tobacco 
on  it  as  an  offering ;  and,  on  another  visit  which  he 
made  them  soon  after,  he  taught  the  whole  village  to 
make  the  sign  of  the  cross.  A  war-party  was  going 
out  against  their  enemies,  and  he  bethought  him  of 
telling  them  the  story  of  the  Cross  and  the  Emperor 
Constantine.  This  so  wrought  upon  them  that  they 
all  daubed  the  figure  of  a  cross  on  their  shields  of 
bull-hide,  set  out  for  the  war,  and  came  back  victo- 
rious, extolling  the  sacred  symbol  as  a  great  war- 
medicine. 


46  THE  JESUITS  ON  THE  LAKES.      [1670-72. 

"Thus  it  is,"  writes  Dablon,  who  chronicles  the 
incident,  "  that  our  holy  faith  is  established  among 
these  people ;  and  we  have  good  hope  that  we  shall 
soon  carry  it  to  the  famous  river  called  the  Mississippi, 
and  perhaps  even  to  the  South  Sea."1  Most  things 
human  have  their  phases  of  the  ludicrous ;  and  the 
heroism  of  these  untiring  priests  is  no  exception  to 
the  rule. 

The  various  missionary  stations  were  much  alike. 
They  consisted  of  a  chapel  (commonly  of  logs)  and 
one  or  more  houses,  with  perhaps  a  storehouse  and  a 
workshop;  the  whole  fenced  with  palisades,  and 
forming,  in  fact,  a  stockade  fort,  surrounded  with 
clearings  and  cultivated  fields.  It  is  evident  that 
the  priests  had  need  of  other  hands  than  their  own 
and  those  of  the  few  lay  brothers  attached  to  the 
mission.  They  required  men  inured  to  labor,  accus- 
tomed to  the  forest  life,  able  to  guide  canoes  and 
handle  tools  and  weapons.  In  the  earlier  epoch  of 
the  missions,  when  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height, 
they  were  served  in  great  measure  by  volunteers, 
who  joined  them  through  devotion  or  penitence,  and 
who  were  known  as  donnes^  or  "given  men."  Of 
late,  the  number  of  these  had  much  diminished ;  and 
they  now  relied  chiefly  on  hired  men,  or  engages. 
These  were  employed  in  building,  hunting,  fishing, 
clearing,  and  tilling  the  ground,  guiding  canoes,  and 
(if  faith  is  to  be  placed  in  reports  current  throughout 
the  colony)  in  trading  with  the  Indians  for  the  profit 

i  Relation,  1672,  42. 


1670-72.]  TRADING  WITH  INDIANS.  47 

of  the  missions.  This  charge  of  trading  —  which,  if 
the  results  were  applied  exclusively  to  the  support 
of  the  missions,  does  not  of  necessity  involve  much 
censure  —  is  vehemently  reiterated  in  many  quarters, 
including  the  official  despatches  of  the  governor  of 
Canada;  while,  so  far  as  i  can  discover,  the  Jesuits 
never  distinctly  denied  it,  and  on  several  occasions 
they  partially  admitted  its  truth.1 

1  This  charge  was  made  from  the  first  establishment  of  the  mis' 
sions.  For  remarks  on  it,  see  "  The  Jesuits  in  North  America  "  an** 
"The  Old  Regime  in  Canada." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

1667-1672. 
FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  THE  WEST. 

TALON.  —  SAINT-LUSSON.  —  PERROT.  —  THE  CEREMONY  AT  SAUT  STB, 
MARIE.  —  THE  SPEECH  OP  ALLOUEZ.  —  COUNT  FRONTENAC. 

JEAN  TALON,  intendant  of  Canada,  was  full  of 
projects  for  the  good  of  the  colony.  On  the  one 
hand,  he  set  himself  to  the  development  of  its  indus- 
tries, and,  on  the  other,  to  the  extension  of  its 
domain.  He  meant  to  occupy  the  interior  of  the 
continent,  control  the  rivers,  which  were  its  only 
highways,  and  hold  it  for  France  against  every  other 
nation.  On  the  east,  England  was  to  be  hemmed 
within  a  narrow  strip  of  seaboard;  while,  on  the 
south,  Talon  aimed  at  securing  a  port  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  to  keep  the  Spaniards  in  check,  and  dispute 
with  them  the  possession  of  the  vast  regions  which 
they  claimed  as  their  own.  But  the  interior  of  the 
continent  was  still  an  unknown  world.  It  behooved 
him  to  explore  it;  and  to  that  end  he  availed  himself 
of  Jesuits,  officers,  fur-traders,  and  enterprising 
schemers  like  La  Salle.  His  efforts  at  discovery 
seem  to  have  been  conducted  with  a  singular  economy 


1<)70.]  SAINT-LUSSON   AND  PERROT.  49 

of  the  King's  purse.  La  Salle  paid  all  the  expenses 
of  his  first  expedition  made  under  Talon's  auspices; 
and  apparently  of  the  second  also,  though  the  intend- 
ant  announces  it  in  his  despatches  as  an  expedition 
sent  out  by  himself.1  When,  in  1670,  he  ordered 
Daumont  de  Saint-Lusson  to  search  for  copper  mines 
on  Lake  Superior,  and  at  the  same  time  to  take  formal 
possession  of  the  whole  interior  for  the  King,  it  was 
arranged  that  he  should  pay  the  costs  of  the  journey 
by  trading  with  the  Indians.2 

Saint-Lusson  set  out  with  a  small  party  of  men, 
and  Nicolas  Perrot  as  his  interpreter.  Among 
Canadian  voyageurs,  few  names  are  so  conspicuous 
as  that  of  Perrot;  not  because  there  were  not  others 
who  matched  him  in  achievement,  but  because  he 
could  write,  and  left  behind  him  a  tolerable  account 
of  what  he  had  seen.3  He  was  at  this  time  twenty- 
six  years  old,  and  had  formerly  been  an  engage  of  the 
Jesuits.  He  was  a  man  of  enterprise,  courage,  and 

1  At  least,  La  Salle  was  in  great  need  of  money,  about  the  time 
of  his  second  journey.    On  the  sixth  of  August,  1671,  he  had 
received  on  credit,  "dans  son  grand  hesoin  et  necessite',"  from 
Branssac,  fiscal  attorney  of  the  Seminary,  merchandise  to  the  amount 
of  four  hundred  and  fifty  livres  ;  and  on  the  eighteenth  of  Decem- 
ber of  the  following  year  he  gave  his  promise  to  pay  the  same  sum, 
in  money  or  furs,  in  the  August  following.    Faillon  found  the  papers 
in  the  ancient  records  of  Montreal. 

2  In  his]despatch  of  2d  Nov.,  1671,  Talon  writes  to  the  King  that 
"  Saint-Lusson's  expedition  will  cost  nothing,  as  he  has  received 
beaver  enough  from  the  Indians  to  pay  him." 

3  Moeurs,  Coustumes,  et  Relligion  des  Sauvages  de  I'Amerique  Sep- 
tentrionale.    This  work  of  Perrot,  hitherto  unpublished,  appeared  in 
1864,  under  the  editorship  of  Father  Tailhan,  S.  J.    A  great  part  of 
it  is  incorporated  in  La  Potherie. 

4 


50  FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION,   ETC.       [1670. 

address,  —  the  last  being  especially  shown  in  his 
dealings  with  Indians,  over  whom  he  had  great 
influence.  He  spoke  Algonquin  fluently,  and  was 
favorably  known  to  many  tribes  of  that  family. 

Saint-Lusson  wintered  at  the  Manitoulin  Islands; 
while  Perrot,  having  first  sent  messages  to  the  tribes 
of  the  north,  inviting  them  to  meet  the  deputy  of  the 
governor  at  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie  in  the  following 
spring,  proceeded  to  Green  Bay,  to  urge  the  same 
invitation  upon  the  tribes  of  that  quarter.  They 
knew  him  well,  and  greeted  him  with  clamors  of 
welcome.  The  Miamis,  it  is  said,  received  him  with 
a  sham  battle,  which  was  designed  to  do  him  honor, 
but  by  which  nerves  more  susceptible  would  have 
been  severely  shaken.1  They  entertained  him  also 
with  a  grand  game  of  la  crosse,  the  Indian  ball-play. 
Perrot  gives  a  marvellous  account  of  the  authority 
and  state  of  the  Miami  chief,  who,  he  says,  was 
attended  day  and  night  by  a  guard  of  warriors,  —  an 
assertion  which  would  be  incredible,  were  it  not 
sustained  by  the  account  of  the  same  chief  given  by 
the  Jesuit  Dablon.  Of  the  tribes  of  the  Bay,  the 
greater  part  promised  to  send  delegates  to  the  Saut ; 
but  the  Pottawattamies  dissuaded  the  Miami  poten- 
tate from  attempting  so  long  a  journey,  lest  the 
fatigue  incident  to  it  might  injure  his  health ;  and  he 

1  See  La  Potherie,  ii.  125.  Perrot  himself  does  not  mention  it. 
Charlevoix  erroneously  places  this  interview  at  Chicago.  Perrot's 
narrative  shows  that  he  did  not  go  farther  than  the  tribes  of  Green 
Bay ;  and  the  Miamis  were  then,  as  we  have  seen,  on  the  upper  part 
of  Fox  River. 


1(571.]  CEREMONY  AT   THE   SAUT.  51 

therefore  deputed  them  to  represent  him  and  his 
tribesmen  at  the  great  meeting.  Their  principal 
chiefs,  with  those  of  the  Sacs,  Winnebagoes,  and 
Menomonies,  embarked,  and  paddled  for  the  place 
of  rendezvous,  where  they  and  Perrot  arrived  on  the 
fifth  of  May.1 

Saint-Lusson  was  here  with  his  men,  fifteen  in 
number,  among  whom  was  Louis  Joliet ; 2  and  Indians 
were  fast  thronging  in  from  their  wintering  grounds, 
attracted,  as  usual,  by  the  fishery  of  the  rapids  or 
moved  by  the  messages  sent  by  Perrot,  —  Crees, 
Monsonis,  Amikoue's,  Nipissings,  and  many  more. 
When  fourteen  tribes,  or  their  representatives,  had 
arrived,  Saint-Lusson  prepared  to  execute  the  com- 
mission with  which  he  was  charged. 

At  the  foot  of  the  rapids  was  the  village  of  the 
Sauteurs,  above  the  village  was  a  hill,  and  hard  by 
stood  the  fort  of  the  Jesuits.  On  the  morning  of  the 
fourteenth  of  June,  Saint-Lusson  led  his  followers  to 
the  top  of  the  hill,  all  fully  equipped  and  under 
arms.  Here,  too,  in  the  vestments  of  their  priestly 
office,  were  four  Jesuits,  —  Claude  Dablon,  Superior 
of  the  Missions  of  the  lakes,  Gabriel  Druilletes, 
Claude  Allouez,  and  Louis  Andre'.3  All  around  the 
great  throng  of  Indians  stood,  or  crouched,  or 
reclined  at  length,  with  eyes  and  ears  intent.  A 

1  Perrot,  Memoires,  127. 

2  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession,  etc.,  14  Juin,  1671.    The 
names  are  attached  to  this  instrument. 

8  Marquette  is  said  to  have  been  present ;  but  the  official  &ct, 
just  cited,  proves  the  contrarj.  He  was  still  at  St.  Esprit. 


52  FRANCE   TAKES   POSSESSION,   ETC,       [1671. 

large  cross  of  wood  had  been  made  ready.  Dablon, 
in  solemn  form,  pronounced  his  blessing  on  it;  and 
then  it  was  reared  and  planted  in  the  ground,  while 
the  Frenchmen,  uncovered,  sang  the  Vexilla  Regis. 
Then  a  post  of  cedar  was  planted  beside  it,  with  a 
metal  plate  attached,  engraven  with  the  royal  arms ; 
while  Saint-Lusson's  followers  sang  the  Exaudiat, 
and  one  of  the  Jesuits  uttered  a  prayer  for  the  King. 
Saint-Lusson  now  advanced,  and,  holding  his  sword 
in  one  hand,  and  raising  with  the  other  a  sod  of 
earth,  proclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  — 

"In  the  name  of  the  Most  High,  Mighty,  and 
Redoubted  Monarch,  Louis,  Fourteenth  of  that  name, 
Most  Christian  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  I  take 
possession  of  this  place,  Sainte  Marie  du  Saut,  as 
also  of  Lakes  Huron  and  Superior,  the  Island  of 
Manitoulin,  and  all  countries,  rivers,  lakes,  and 
streams  contiguous  and  adjacent  thereunto,  — both 
those  which  have  been  discovered  and  those  which 
may  be  discovered  hereafter,  in  all  their  length  and 
breadth,  bounded  on  the  one  side  by  the  seas  of  the 
North  and  of  the  West,  and  on  the  other  by  the 
South  Sea :  declaring  to  the  nations  thereof  that  from 
this  time  forth  they  are  vassals  of  his  Majesty,  bound 
to  obey  his  laws  and  follow  his  customs ;  promising 
them  on  his  part  all  succor  and  protection  against  the 
incursions  and  invasions  of  their  enemies :  declaring 
to  all  other  potentates,  princes,  sovereigns,  states, 
and  republics,  —  to  them  and  to  their  subjects,  —  that 
they  cannot  and  are  not  to  seize  or  settle  upon  any 


1671.]  ALLOUEZ'S   HARANGUE.  53 

£  -arts  of  the  aforesaid  countries,  save  only  under  the 
good  pleasure  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  and  of 
him  who  will  govern  in  his  behalf;  and  this  on  pain 
of  incurring  his  resentment  and  the  efforts  of  his 
arms.  Vive  le  Roi."1 

The  Frenchmen  fired  their  guns  and  shouted  "  Vive 
le  Roi,"  and  the  yelps  of  the  astonished  Indians 
mingled  with  the  din. 

What  now  remains  of  the  sovereignty  thus  pom- 
pously proclaimed?  Now  and  then  the  accents  of 
France  on  the  lips  of  some  straggling  boatman  or 
vagabond  half-breed,  —  this,  and  nothing  more. 

When  the  uproar  was  over,  Father  Allouez  ad- 
dressed the  Indians  in  a  solemn  harangue ;  and  these 
were  his  words :  "  It  is  a  good  work,  my  brothers,  an 
important  work,  a  great  work,  that  brings  us  together 
in  council  to-day.  Look  up  at  the  cross  which  rises 
so  high  above  your  heads.  It  was  there  that  Jesus 
Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  after  making  himself  a  man 
for  the  love  of  men,  was  nailed  and  died,  to  satisfy 
his  Eternal  Father  for  our  sins.  He  is  the  master  of 
our  lives ;  the  ruler  of  Heaven,  Earth,  and  Hell.  It 
is  he  of  whom  I  am  continually  speaking  to  you,  and 
whose  name  and  word  I  have  borne  through  all  your 
country.  But  look  at  this  post  to  which  are  fixed 
the  arms  of  the  great  chief  of  France,  whom  we  call 
King.  He  lives  across  the  sea.  He  is  the  chief  of 
the  greatest  chiefs,  and  has  no  equal  on  earth.  All 
the  chiefs  whom  you  have  ever  seen  are  but  children 

1  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession, 


54  FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION,   ETC.       [1671. 

beside  him.  He  is  like  a  great  tree,  and  they  are 
but  the  little  herbs  that  one  walks  over  and  tramples 
under  foot.  You  know  Onontio,1  that  famous  chief 
at  Quebec ;  you  know  and  you  have  seen  that  he  is 
the  terror  of  the  Iroquois,  and  that  his  very  name 
makes  them  tremble,  since  he  has  laid  their  country 
waste  and  burned  their  towns  with  fire.  Across  the 
sea  there  are  ten  thousand  Onontios  like  him,  who 
are  but  the  warriors  of  our  great  King,  of  whom  I 
have  told  you.  When  he  says,  '  I  am  going  to  war, ' 
everybody  obeys  his  orders;  and  each  of  these  ten 
thousand  chiefs  raises  a  troop  of  a  hundred  warriors, 
some  on  sea  and  some  on  land.  Some  embark  in 
great  ships,  such  as  you  have  seen  at  Quebec.  Your 
canoes  carry  only  four  or  five  men,  or,  at  the  most, 
ten  or  twelve ;  but  our  ships  carry  four  or  five  hun- 
dred, and  sometimes  a  thousand.  Others  go  to  war 
by  land,  and  in  such  numbers  that  if  they  stood  in  a 
double  file  they  would  reach  from  here  to  Mississa- 
quenk,  which  is  more  than  twenty  leagues  off.  When 
our  King  attacks  his  enemies,  he  is  more  terrible  than 
the  thunder :  the  earth  trembles ;  the  air  and  the  sea 
are  all  on  fire  with  the  blaze  of  his  cannon :  he  is  seen 
in  the  midst  of  his  warriors,  covered  over  with  the 
blood  of  his  enemies,  whom  he  kills  in  such  numbers 
that  he  does  not  reckon  them  by  the  scalps,  but  by 
the  streams  of  blood  which  he  causes  to  flow.  He 
takes  so  many  prisoners  that  he  holds  them  in  no 
account,  but  lets  them  go  where  they  will,  to  show 
1  The  Indian  name  of  the  governor  of  Canada. 


1071.]  ALLOUEZ'S  HARANGUE.  55 

that  he  is  not  afraid  of  them.  But  now  nobody  dares 
make  war  on  him.  All  the  nations  beyond  the  sea 
have  submitted  to  him  and  begged  humbly  for  peace. 
Men  come  from  every  quarter  of  the  earth  to  listen 
to  him  and  admire  him.  All  that  is  done  in  the 
world  is  decided  by  him  alone. 

"  But  what  shall  I  say  of  his  riches  ?  You  think 
yourselves  rich  when  you  have  ten  or  twelve  sacks  of 
corn,  a  few  hatchets,  beads,  kettles,  and  other  things 
of  that  sort.  He  has  cities  of  his  own,  more  than 
there  are  of  men  in  all  this  country  for  five  hundred 
leagues  around.  In  each  city  there  are  storehouses 
where  there  are  hatchets  enough  to  cut  down  all  your 
forests,  kettles  enough  to  cook  all  your  moose,  and 
l>eads  enough  to  fill  all  your  lodges.  His  house  is 
longer  than  from  here  to  the  top  of  the  Saut,  —  that 
is  to  say,  more  than  half  a  league,  —  and  higher  than 
your  tallest  trees ;  and  it  holds  more  families  than  the 
largest  of  your  towns."1  The  father  added  more  in 
a  similar  strain;  but  the  peroration  of  his  harangue 
is  not  on  record. 

Whatever  impression  this  curious  effort  of  Jesuit 
rhetoric  may  have  produced  upon  the  hearers,  it  did 
not  prevent  them  from  stripping  the  royal  arms  from 
the  post  to  which  they  were  nailed,  as  soon  as  Saint- 
Lusson  and  his  men  had  left  the  Saut;  probably,  not 
because  they  understood  the  import  of  the  symbol, 
but  because  they  feared  it  as  a  charm.  Saint-Lusson 

1  A  close  translation  of  Dablon's  report  of  the  speech.  See 
Relation,  1671,  27. 


56  FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION,  ETC.       [1672. 

proceeded  to  Lake  Superior,  where,  however,  he 
accomplished  nothing,  except,  perhaps,  a  traffic  with 
the  Indians  on  his  own  account;  and  he  soon  after 
returned  to  Quebec.  Talon  was  resolved  to  find  the 
Mississippi,  the  most  interesting  object  of  search, 
and  seemingly  the  most  attainable,  in  the  wild  and 
vague  domain  which  he  had  just  claimed  for  the 
King.  The  Indians  had  described  it;  the  Jesuits 
were  eager  to  discover  it;  and  La  Salle,  if  he  had 
not  reached  it,  had  explored  two  several  avenues  by 
which  it  might  be  approached.  Talon  looked  about 
him  for  a  fit  agent  of  the  enterprise,  and  made 
choice  of  Louis  Joliet,  who  had  returned  from  Lake 
Superior.1  But  the  intendant  was  not  to  see  the 
fulfilment  of  his  design.  His  busy  and  useful  career 
in  Canada  was  drawing  to  an  end.  A  misunder- 
standing had  arisen  between  him  and  the  governor, 
Courcelle.  Both  were  faithful  servants  of  the  King; 
but  the  relations  between  the  two  chiefs  of  the  colony 
were  of  a  nature  necessarily  so  critical,  that  a  con- 
flict of  authority  was  scarcely  to  be  avoided.  Each 
thought  his  functions  encroached  upon,  and  both 
asked  for  recall.  Another  governor  succeeded ;  one 
who  was  to  stamp  his  mark,  broad,  bold,  and  inefface- 
able, on  the  most  memorable  page  of  French-American 
History,  —  Louis  de  Buade,  Count  of  Palluau  and 
Frontenac. 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  2  Nov.,  1672.  In  the  Brodhead 
Collection,  by  a  copyist's  error,  the  name  of  the  Chevalier  de  Grand' 
fontaine  is  substituted  for  that  of  Talon. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1672-1675. 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

JOLIET  SENT  TO  FIND  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  —  JACQUES  MARQUETTE.— 
DEPARTURE.  —  GREEN  BAY.  —  THE  WISCONSIN.  —  THE  MISSIS- 
SIPPI.—  INDIANS.  —  MANITOUS.  —  THE  ARKANSAS. —  THE  ILLI- 
NOIS.—  JOLIET'S  MISFORTUNE.  —  MARQUETTE  AT  CHICAGO:  HII 
ILLNESS  ;  HIS  DEATH. 

IP  Talon  had  remained  in  the  colony,  Frontenac 
would  infallibly  have  quarrelled  with  him;  but  he 
was  too  clear-sighted  not  to  approve  his  plans  for  the 
discovery  and  occupation  of  the  interior.  Before 
sailing  for  France,  Talon  recommended  Joliet  as  a 
suitable  agent  for  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  governor  accepted  his  counsel.1 

Louis  Joliet  was  the  son  of  a  wagon-maker  in  the 
service  of  the  Company  of  the  Hundred  Associates,2 
then  owners  of  Canada.  He  was  born  at  Quebec  in 
1645,  and  was  educated  by  the  Jesuits.  When  still 
very  young,  he  resolved  to  be  a  priest.  He  received 
the  tonsure  and  the  minor  orders  at  the  age  of  seven- 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  2  Nov.,  1672 ;  Ibid.,  14  Nov.,  1674. 

2  See  "  The  Jesuits  in  North  America.0 


58     THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

teen.  Four  years  after,  he  is  mentioned  with  especial 
honor  for  the  part  he  bore  in  the  disputes  in  phil- 
osophy, at  which  the  dignitaries  of  the  colony  were 
present,  and  in  which  the  intendant  himself  took 
part.1  Not  long  after,  he  renounced  his  clerical 
vocation,  and  turned  fur-trader.  Talon  sent  him, 
with  one  P^rd,  to  explore  the  copper-mines  of  Lake 
Superior;  and  it  was  on  his  return  from  this  expedi- 
tion that  he  met  La  Salle  and  the  Sulpitians  near  the 
head  of  Lake  Ontario.2 

In  what  we  know  of  Joliet,  there  is  nothing  that 
reveals  any  salient  or  distinctive  trait  of  character, 
any  especial  breadth  of  view  or  boldness  of  design. 
He  appears  to  have  been  simply  a  merchant,  intelli- 
gent, well  educated,  courageous,  hardy,  and  enter- 
prising. Though  he  had  renounced  the  priesthood, 
he  retained  his  partiality  for  the  Jesuits;  and  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  their  influence  had  aided 
not  a  little  to  determine  Talon's  choice.  One  of  their 

1  "  Le  2  Juillet  (1666)  les  premieres  disputes  de  philosophic  se 
font  dans  la  congregation  avec  succes.    Toutes  les  puissances  s'y 
trouvent ;  M.  Tlntendant  entr'autres  y  a  argumente  tres-bien.    M. 
Jolliet  et  Pierre  Francheville  y  ont  tres-bien  r^pondu  de  toute  la 
logique." —  Journal  des  Jtsuites. 

2  Nothing  was  known  of  Joliet  till  Shea  investigated  his  history. 
Ferland,  in  his  Notes  sur  les  Re'gistres  de  Notre-Dame  de  Quebec; 
Faillon,  in  his  Colonie  Franqaise  en  Canada ;  and  Margry,  in  a  series 
of  papers  in  the  Journal   GSntral  de  I' Instruction  Publique,  —  have 
thrown  much  new  light  on  his  life.    From  journals  of  a  voyage 
made  by  him  at  a  later  period  to  the  coast  of  Labrador,  given  in 
substance  by  Margry,  he  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  close  and 
intelligent  observation.    His  mathematical  acquirements  appear  to 
hare  been  very  considerable. 


1673.]  MARQUETTE.  59 

number,  Jacques  Marquette,  was  chosen  to  accompany 
him. 

He  passed  up  the  lakes  to  Michilimackinac,  and 
found  his  destined  companion  at  Point  St.  Ignace,  on 
the  north  side  of  the  strait,  where,  in  his  palisaded 
mission-house  and  chapel,  he  had  labored  for  two 
years  past  to  instruct  the  Huron  refugees  from  St. 
Esprit,  and  a  band  of  Ottawas  who  had  joined  them. 
Marquette  was  born  in  1637,  of  an  old  and  honor- 
able family  at  Laon,  in  the  north  of  France,  and  was 
now  thirty-five  years  of  age.  When  about  seventeen, 
he  had  joined  the  Jesuits,  evidently  from  motives 
purely  religious;  and  in  1666  he  was  sent  to  the  mis- 
sions of  Canada.  At  first,  he  was  destined  to  the 
station  of  Tadoussac;  and  to  prepare  himself  for  it, 
he  studied  the  Montagnais  language  under  Gabriel 
Diuilletes.  But  his  destination  was  changed,  and  he 
was  sent  to  the  Upper  Lakes  in  1668,  where  he  had 
since  remained.  His  talents  as  a  linguist  must  have 
been  great;  for  within  a  few  years  he  learned  to 
speak  with  ease  six  Indian  languages.  The  traits 
of  his  character  are  unmistakable.  He  was  of  the 
brotherhood  of  the  early  Canadian  missionaries,  and 
the  true  counterpart  of  Gamier  or  Jogues.  He  was 
a  devout  votary  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  who,  imaged  to 
his  mind  in  shapes  of  the  most  transcendent  loveli- 
ness with  which  the  pencil  of  human  genius  has  ever 
informed  the  canvas,  was  to  him  the  object  of  an 
adoration  not  unmingled  with  a  sentiment  of  chival- 
rous devotion.  The  longings  of  a  sensitive  heart, 


60      THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

divorced  from  earth,  sought  solace  in  the  skies.  A 
subtile  element  of  romance  was  blended  with  the 
fervor  of  his  worship,  and  hung  like  an  illumined 
cloud  over  the  harsh  and  hard  realities  of  his  daily 
lot.  Kindled  by  the  smile  of  his  celestial  mistress, 
his  gentle  and  noble  nature  knew  no  fear.  For  her 
he  burned  to  dare  and  to  suffer,  discover  new  lands 
and  conquer  new  realms  to  her  sway. 

He  begins  the  journal  of  his  voyage  thus:  "The 
day  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Holy 
Virgin;  whom  I  had  continually  invoked  since  I 
came  to  this  country  of  the  Ottawas  to  obtain  from 
God  the  favor  of  being  enabled  to  visit  the  nations  on 
the  river  Mississippi,  —  this  very  day  was  precisely 
that  on  which  M.  Joliet  arrived  with  orders  from 
Count  Frontenac,  our  governor,  and  from  M.  Talon, 
our  intendant,  to  go  with  me  on  this  discovery.  I 
was  all  the  more  delighted  at  this  good  news,  because 
I  saw  my  plans  about  to  be  accomplished,  and  found 
myself  in  the  happy  necessity  of  exposing  my  life  for 
the  salvation  of  all  these  tribes,  —  and  especially  of 
the  Illinois,  who,  when  I  was  at  Point  St.  Esprit, 
had  begged  me  very  earnestly  to  bring  the  word  of 
God  among  them." 

The  outfit  of  the  travellers  was  very  simple. 
They  provided  themselves  with  two  birch  canoes,  and 
a  supply  of  smoked  meat  and  Indian  corn ;  embarked 
with  five  men,  and  began  their  voyage  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  May.  They  had  obtained  all  possible  infor- 
mation from  the  Indians,  and  had  made,  by  means 


2673.]  DEPARTURE.  61 

of  it,  a  species  of  map  of  their  intended  route. 
"  Above  all, "  writes  Marque tte,  "  I  placed  our  voyage 
under  the  protection  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Immaculate, 
promising  that  if  she  granted  us  the  favor  of  dis- 
covering the  great  river,  I  would  give  it  the  name  of 
the  Conception."1  Their  course  was  westward;  and, 
plying  their  paddles,  they  passed  the  Straits  of 
Michilimackinac,  and  coasted  the  northern  shores 
of  Lake  Michigan,  landing  at  evening  to  build  their 
camp-fire  at  the  edge  of  the  forest,  and  draw  up  their 
canoes  on  the  strand.  They  soon  reached  the  river 
Mcnomonie,  and  ascended  it  to  the  village  of  the 
Menomonies,  or  Wild-rice  Indians.2  When  they 
told  them  the  object  of  their  voyage,  they  were  filled 
with  astonishment,  and  used  their  best  ingenuity  to 
dissuade  them.  The  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  they 
said,  were  inhabited  by  ferocious  tribes,  who  put  every 
stranger  to  death,  tomahawking  all  new-comers  with- 
out cause  or  provocation.  They  added  that  there 
was 5  a  demon  in  a  certain  part  of  the  river,  whose 
roar  could  be  heard  at  a  great  distance,  and  who 
would  engulf  them  in  the  abyss  where  he  dwelt;  that 
its  waters  were  full  of  frightful  monsters,  who  would 
devour  them  and  their  canoe;  and,  finally,  that  the 

1  The  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  sanctioned  in  our 
own  time  by  the  Pope,  was  always  a  favorite  tenet  of  the  Jesuits ; 
and  Marquette  was  especially  devoted  to  it. 

2  The  Malhoumines,  Malouminek,  Oumalouminek,  or  Nation  des 
Folles-Avoines,  of  early  French  writers.    The  folle-avoine,  wild  oats 
or  "  wild  rice  "  (Zizania  aqualica),  was  their  ordinary  food,  as  also 
^>f  01  her  tribes  of  this  region. 


62     THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

heat  was  so  great  that  they  would  perish  inevitably. 
Marquette  set  their  counsel  at  naught,  gave  them  a 
few  words  of  instruction  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Faith, 
taught  them  a  prayer,  and  bade  them  farewell. 

The  travellers  next  reached  the  mission  at  the  head 
of  Green  Bay;  entered  Fox  River;  with  difficulty 
and  labor  dragged  their  canoes  up  the  long  and 
tumultuous  rapids;  crossed  Lake  Winnebago;  and 
followed  the  quiet  windings  of  the  river  beyond, 
where  they  glided  through  an  endless  growth  of  wild 
rice,  and  scared  the  innumerable  birds  that  fed  upon  it. 
On  either  hand  rolled  the  prairie,  dotted  with  groves 
and  trees,  browsing  elk  and  deer.1  On  the  seventh 
of  June,  they  reached  the  Mascoutins  and  Miamis, 
who,  since  the  visit  of  Dablon  and  Allouez,  had  been 
joined  by  the  Kickapoos.  Marquette,  who  had  an 
eye  for  natural  beauty,  was  delighted  with  the  situa- 
tion of  the  town,  which  he  describes  as  standing  on 
the  crown  of  a  hill;  while,  all  around,  the  prairie 
stretched  beyond  the  sight,  interspersed  with  groves 
and  belts  of  tall  forest.  But  he  was  still  more 
delighted  when  he  saw  a  cross  planted  in  the  midst 
of  the  place.  The  Indians  had  decorated  it  with  a 
number  of  dressed  deer-skins,  red  girdles,  and  bows 
and  arrows,  which  they  had  hung  upon  it  as  an  offer- 
ing to  the  Great  Manitou  of  the  French ;  a  sight  by 
which  Marquette  says  he  was  "extremely  consoled." 

1  Dablon,  on  his  journey  with  Allouez  in  1670,  was  delighted 
with  the  aspect  of  the  country  and  the  abundance  of  game  along 
this  river.  Carver,  a  century  later,  speaks  to  the  same  effect,  say- 
ing that  the  birds  rose  up  in  clouds  from  the  wild-rice  marshes. 


1673.]  THE  WISCONSIN  RIVER.  63 

The  travellers  had  no  sooner  reached  the  town  than 
they  called  the  chiefs  and  elders  to  a  council.  Joliet 
told  them  that  the  governor  of  Canada  had  sent  him 
to  discover  new  countries,  and  that  God  had  sent  his 
companion  to  teach  the  true  faith  to  the  inhabitants; 
and  he  prayed  for  guides  to  show  them  the  way  to 
the  waters  of  the  Wisconsin.  The  council  readily 
consented;  and  on  the  tenth  of  June  the  Frenchmen 
embarked  again,  with  two  Indians  to  conduct  them. 
All  the  town  came  down  to  the  shore  to  see  their 
departure.  Here  were  the  Miamis,  with  long  locks 
of  hair  dangling  over  each  ear,  after  a  fashion  which 
Marque tte  thought  very  becoming ;  and  here,  too,  the 
Mascoutins  and  the  Kickapoos,  whom  he  describes 
as  mere  boors  in  comparison  with  their  Miami  towns- 
men. All  stared  alike  at  the  seven  adventurers, 
marvelling  that  men  could  be  found  to  risk  an 
enterprise  so  hazardous. 

The  river  twisted  among  lakes  and  marshes  choked 
with  wild  rice ;  and,  but  for  their  guides,  they  could 
scarcely  have  followed  the  perplexed  and  narrow 
channel.  It  brought  them  at  last  to  the  portage, 
where,  after  carrying  their  canoes  a  mile  and  a  half 
over  the  prairie  and  through  the  marsh,  they  launched 
them  on  the  Wisconsin,  bade  farewell  to  the  waters 
that  flowed  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  committed 
themselves  to  the  current  that  was  to  bear  them  they 
knew  not  whither,  —  perhaps  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
perhaps  to  the  South  Sea  or  the  Gulf  of  California. 
They  glided  calmly  down  the  tranquil  stream,  by 


64      THE  DISCOVERY  OF   THE  MISSISSIPPI.     [1673. 

islands  choked  with  trees  and  matted  with  entan- 
gling grape-vines ;  by  forests,  groves,  and  prairies,  the 
parks  and  pleasure-grounds  of  a  prodigal  Nature ;  by 
thickets  and  marshes  and  broad  bare  sand-bars ;  under 
the  shadowing  trees,  between  whose  tops  looked  down 
from  afar  the  bold  brow  of  some  woody  bluff.  At 
night,  the  bivouac,  —  the  canoes  inverted  on  the 
bank,  the  flickering  fire,  the  meal  of  bison-flesh  or 
venison,  the  evening  pipes,  and  slumber  beneath  the 
stars ;  and  when  in  the  morning  they  embarked  again, 
the  mist  hung  on  the  river  like  a  bridal  veil,  then 
melted  before  the  sun,  till  the  glassy  water  and  the 
languid  woods  basked  breathless  in  the  sultry  glare.1 

On  the  seventeenth  of  June  they  saw  on  their  right 
the  broad  meadows,  bounded  in  the  distance  by  rugged 
hills,  where  now  stand  the  town  and  fort  of  Prairie 
du  Chien.  Before  them  a  wide  and  rapid  current 
coursed  athwart  their  way,  by  the  foot  of  lofty 
heights  wrapped  thick  in  forests.  They  had  found 
what  they  sought,  and  "with  a  joy,"  writes  Mar- 
quette,  "which  I  cannot  express,"  they  steered  forth 
their  canoes  on  the  eddies  of  the  Mississippi. 

Turning  southward,  they  paddled  down  the  stream, 
through  a  solitude  unrelieved  by  the  faintest  trace  of 
man.  A  large  fish,  apparently  one  of  the  huge  cat- 
fish of  the  Mississippi,  blundered  against  Marque tte's 
canoe,  with  a  force  which  seems  to  have  startled 
him ;  and  once,  as  they  drew  in  their  net,  they  caught 

1  The  above  traits  of  the  scenery  of  the  Wisconsin  are  taken 
from  personal  observation  of  the  river  during  midsummer. 


1073.]  THE   MISSISSIPPI.  65 

a  "spade-fish,"  whose  eccentric  appearance  greatly 
astonished  them.  At  length  the  buffalo  began  to 
appear,  grazing  in  herds  on  the  great  prairies  which 
then  bordered  the  river;  and  Marquette  describes  the 
fierce  and  stupid  look  of  the  old  bulls,  as  they  stared 
at  the  intruders  through  the  tangled  mane  which 
nearly  blinded  them. 

They  advanced  with  extreme  caution,  landed  at 
night,  and  made  a  fire  to  cook  their  evening  meal; 
then  extinguished  it,  embarked  again,  paddled  some 
way  farther,  and  anchored  in  the  stream,  keeping  a 
man  on  the  watch  till  morning.  They  had  journeyed 
more  than  a  fortnight  without  meeting  a  human 
being,  when,  on  the  twenty-fifth,  they  discovered 
footprints  of  men  in  the  mud  of  the  western  bank, 
and  a  well-trodden  path  that  led  to  the  adjacent 
prairie.  Joliet  and  Marquette  resolved  to  follow  it ; 
and  leaving  the  canoes  in  charge  of  their  men,  they 
set  out  on  their  hazardous  adventure.  The  day  was 
fair,  and  they  walked  two  leagues  in  silence,  follow- 
ing the  path  through  the  forest  and  across  the  sunny 
prairie,  till  they  discovered  an  Indian  village  on  the 
banks  of  a  river,  and  two  others  on  a  hill  half  a 
league  distant.1  Now,  with  beating  hearts,  they 
invoked  the  aid  of  Heaven,  and,  again  advancing, 
came  so  near,  without  being  seen,  that  they  could 

1  The  Indian  villages,  under  the  names  of  Peouaria  (Peoria)  and 
Moingouena,  are  represented  in  Marquette's  map  upon  a  river  cor- 
responding in  position  with  the  Des  Moines ;  though  the  distance 
from  the  Wisconsin,  as  given  by  him,  would  indicate  a  river  farther 
rorth. 


. 


66       THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

hear  the  voices  of  the  Indians  among  the  wigwams. 
Then  they  stood  forth  in  full  view,  and  shouted  to 
attract  attention.  There  was  great  commotion  in  the 
village.  The  inmates  swarmed  out  of  their  huts,  and 
four  of  their  chief  men  presently  came  forward  to 
meet  the  strangers,  advancing  very  deliberately,  and 
holding  up  toward  the  sun  two  calumets,  or  peace- 
pipes,  decorated  with  feathers.  They  stopped 
abruptly  before  the  two  Frenchmen,  and  stood  gaz- 
ing at  them  without  speaking  a  word.  Marquette 
was  much  relieved  on  seeing  that  they  wore  French 
cloth,  whence  he  judged  that  they  must  be  friends 
and  allies.  He  broke  the  silence,  and  asked  them 
who  they  were ;  whereupon  they  answered  that  they 
were  Illinois,  and  offered  the  pipe;  which  having 
been  duly  smoked,  they  all  went  together  to  the 
village.  Here  the  chief  received  the  travellers  after 
a  singular  fashion,  meant  to  do  them  honor.  He 
stood  stark  naked  at  the  door  of  a  large  wigwam, 
holding  up  both  hands  as  if  to  shield  his  eyes. 
"Frenchmen,  how  bright  the  sun  shines  when  you 
come  to  visit  us!  All  our  village  awaits  you;  and 
you  shall  enter  our  wigwams  in  peace."  So  saying, 
he  led  them  into  his  own,  which  was  crowded  to 
suffocation  with  savages,  staring  at  their  guests  in 
silence.  Having  smoked  with  the  chiefs  and  old 
men,  they  were  invited  to  visit  the  great  chief  of  all 
the  Illinois,  at  one  of  the  villages  they  had  seen  in 
the  distance;  and  thither  they  proceeded,  followed 
by  a  throng  of  warriors,  squaws,  and  children.  On 


1673.]  THE  ILLINOIS  INDIANS.  67 

arriving,  they  were  forced  to  smoke  again,  and  listen 
to  a  speech  of  welcome  from  the  great  chief,  who 
delivered  it  standing  between  two  old  men,  naked 
like  himself.  His  lodge  was  crowded  with  the  digni- 
taries of  the  tribe,  whom  Marque tte  addressed  in 
Algonquin,  announcing  himself  as  a  messenger  sent 
by  the  God  who  had  made  them,  and  whom  it 
behooves  them  to  recognize  and  obey.  He  added  a 
few  words  touching  the  power  and  glory  of  Count 
Frontenac,  and  concluded  by  asking  information 
concerning  the  Mississippi,  and  the  tribes  along  its 
banks,  whom  he  was  on  his  way  to  visit.  The  chief 
replied  with  a  speech  of  compliment;  assuring  his 
guests  that  their  presence  added  flavor  to  his  tobacco, 
made  the  river  more  calm,  the  sky  more  serene,  and 
the  earth  more  beautiful.  In  conclusion,  he  gave 
them  a  young  slave  and  a  calumet,  begging  them 
at  the  same  time  to  abandon  their  purpose  of  de- 
scending the  Mississippi. 

A  feast  of  four  courses  now  followed.  First,  a 
wooden  bowl  full  of  a  porridge  of  Indian  meal  boiled 
with  grease  was  set  before  the  guests ;  and  the  master 
of  ceremonies  fed  them  in  turn,  like  infants,  with  a 
large  spoon.  Then  appeared  a  platter  of  fish;  and 
the  same  functionary,  carefully  removing  the  bones 
with  his  fingers,  and  blowing  on  the  morsels  to  cool 
them,  placed  them  in  the  mouths  of  the  two  French- 
men. A  large  dog,  killed  and  cooked  for  the  occa- 
sion, was  next  placed  before  them;  but,  failing  to 
tempt  their  fastidious  appetites,  was  supplanted  by  a 


68     THE  DISCOVERY  OF   THE  MISSISSIPPI.     [1673. 

dish  of  fat  buffalo-meat,  which  concluded  the  enter- 
tainment. The  crowd  having  dispersed,  buffalo-robes 
were  spread  on  the  ground,  and  Marquette  and 
Joliet  spent  the  night  on  the  scene  of  the  late  festiv- 
ity. In  the  morning,  the  chief,  with  some  six 
hundred  of  his  tribesmen,  escorted  them  to  their 
canoes,  and  bade  them,  after  their  stolid  fashion,  a 
friendly  farewell. 

Again  they  were  on  their  way,  slowly  drifting 
down  the  great  river.  They  passed  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinois,  and  glided  beneath  that  line  of  rocks  on  the 
eastern  side,  cut  into  fantastic  forms  by  the  elements, 
and  marked  as  "  The  Ruined  Castles  "  on  some  of  the 
early  French  maps.  Presently  they  beheld  a  sight 
which  reminded  them  that  the  Devil  was  still  lord 
paramount  of  this  wilderness.  On  the  flat  face  of 
a  high  rock  were  painted,  in  red,  black,  and  green,  a 
pair  of  monsters,  each  "  as  large  as  a  calf,  with  horns 
like  a  deer,  red  eyes,  a  beard  like  a  tiger,  and  a 
frightful  expression  of  countenance.  The  face  is 
something  like  that  of  a  man,  the  body  covered  with 
scales;  and  the  tail  so  long  that  it  passes  entirely 
round  the  body,  over  the  head  and  between  the  legs, 
ending  like  that  of  a  fish."  Such  is  the  account 
which  the  worthy  Jesuit  gives  of  these  manitous,  or 
Indian  gods.1  He  confesses  that  at  first  they  fright- 

1  The  rock  where  these  figures  were  painted  is  immediately  above 
the  city  of  Alton.  The  tradition  of  their  existence  remains,  though 
they  are  entirely  effaced  by  time.  In  1867,  when  I  passed  the  place, 
a  part  of  the  rock  had  been  quarried  away,  and,  instead  of  Mar- 
quette's  monsters,  it  bore  a  huge  advertisement  of  "Plantation 


L673.]  A  REAL  DANGER.  69 

ened  him ;  and  his  imagination  and  that  of  his  credu- 
lous companions  was  so  wrought  upon  by  these 
unhallowed  efforts  of  Indian  art,  that  they  continued 
for  a  long  time  to  talk  of  them  as  they  plied  their 
paddles.  They  were  thus  engaged,  when  they  were 
suddenly  aroused  by  a  real  danger.  A  torrent  of 
yellow  mud  rushed  furiously  athwart  the  calm  blue 
current  of  the  Mississippi,  boiling  and  surging,  and 
.sweeping  in  its  course  logs,  branches,  and  uprooted 
trees.  They  had  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri, 
where  that  savage  river,  descending  from  its  mad 
career  through  a  vast  unknown  of  barbarism,  poured 
its  turbid  floods  into  the  bosom  of  its  gentler  sister. 
Their  light  canoes  whirled  on  the  miry  vortex  like 
dry  leaves  on  an  angry  brook.  "I  never,"  writes 
Marque tte,  "saw  anything  more  terrific;"  but  they 
escaped  with  their  fright,  and  held  their  way  down 
the  turbulent  and  swollen  current  of  the  now  united 
rivers.1  They  passed  the  lonely  forest  that  covered 

Bitters."  Some  years  ago,  certain  persons,  with  more  zeal  than 
knowledge,  proposed  to  restore  the  figures,  after  conceptions  of 
their  own ;  but  the  idea  was  abandoned. 

Marquette  made  a  drawing  of  the  two  monsters,  but  it  is  lost.  I 
1  lave,  however,  a  f ac-simile  of  a  map  made  a  few  years  later,  by 
order  of  the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  which  is  decorated  with  the 
portrait  of  one  of  them,  answering  to  Marquette's  description,  and 
probably  copied  from  his  drawing.  St.  Cosme,  who  saw  them  in 
1699,  says  that  they  were  even  then  almost  effaced.  Douay  and 
.Toute!  also  speak  of  them,  — the  former,  bitterly  hostile  to  his 
.Tesuit  contemporaries,  charging  Marquette  with  exaggeration  in 
Ids  account  of  them.  Joutel  could  see  nothing  terrifying  in  their 
appearance ;  but  he  says  that  his  Indians  made  sacrifices  to  them 
as  they  passed. 

1  The  Missouri  is  called  "  Pekitanou'i "  by  Marquette.    It  al§« 


70       THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

the  site  of  the  destined  city  of  St.  Louis,  and,  a 
few  days  later,  saw  on  their  left  the  mouth  of  the 
stream  to  which  the  Iroquois  had  given  the  well- 
merited  name  of  Ohio,  or  the  "Beautiful  River."1 
Soon  they  began  to  see  the  marshy  shores  buried  in 
a  dense  growth  of  the  cane,  with  its  tall  straight 
stems  and  feathery  light-green  foliage.  The  sun 
glowed  through  the  hazy  air  with  a  languid  stifling 
heat,  and  by  day  and  night  mosquitoes  in  myriads 
left  them  no  peace.  They  floated  slowly  down  the 
current,  crouched  in  the  shade  of  the  sails  which 
they  had  spread  as  awnings,  when  suddenly  they 
saw  Indians  on  the  east  bank.  The  surprise  was 
mutual,  and  each  party  was  as  much  frightened  as 
the  other.  Marquette  hastened  to  display  the  calu- 
met which  the  Illinois  had  given  him  by  way  of 
passport;  and  the  Indians,  recognizing  the  pacific 
symbol,  replied  with  an  invitation  to  land.  Evi- 
dently, they  were  in  communication  with  Europeans, 
for  they  were  armed  with  guns,  knives,  and  hatchets, 
wore  garments  of  cloth,  and  carried  their  gunpowder 
in  small  bottles  of  thick  glass.  They  feasted  the 
Frenchmen  with  buffalo-meat,  bear's  oil,  and  white 
plums;  and  gave  them  a  variety  of  doubtful  in- 

bears,  on  early  French  maps,  the  names  of  "  Riviere  des  Osages," 
and  "Riviere  des  Emissourites,"  or  " Oumessourits."  On  Mar- 
quette's  map,  a  tribe  of  this  name  is  placed  near  its  banks,  just 
above  the  Oaages.  Judging  by  the  course  of  the  Mississippi  that  it 
discharged  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  he  conceived  the  hope  of  one 
day  reaching  the  South  Sea  by  way  of  the  Missouri. 

1  Called,  on  Marquette's  map, "  Ouabouskiaou."    On  gome  of  the 
carlieit  maps,  it  is  called  "  Ouabache  "  ( Wabash). 


1673.]  THE  LOWER  MISSISSIPPI.  71 

Formation,  including  the  agreeable  but  delusive  assur- 
ance that  they  would  reach  the  mouth  of  the  rivei 
in  ten  days.  It  was,  in  fact,  more  than  a  thousand 
miles  distant. 

They  resumed  their  course,  and  again  floated  down 
the  interminable  monotony  of  river,  marsh,  and 
forest.  Day  after  day  passed  on  in  solitude,  and 
they  had  paddled  some  three  hundred  miles  since 
their  meeting  with  the  Indians,  when,  as  they  neared 
the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  they  saw  a  cluster  of 
wigwams  on  the  west  bank.  Their  inmates  were  all 
astir,  yelling  the  war-whoop,  snatching  their  weapons, 
and  running  to  the  shore  to  meet  the  strangers,  who, 
on  their  part,  called  for  succor  to  the  Virgin.  In 
truth,  they  had  need  of  her  aid;  for  several  large 
wooden  canoes,  filled  with  savages,  were  putting  out 
from  the  shore,  above  and  below  them,  to  cut  off 
their  retreat,  while  a  swarm  of  headlong  young  war- 
riors waded  into  the  water  to  attack  them.  The 
current  proved  too  strong;  and,  failing  to  reach  the 
canoes  of  the  Frenchmen,  one  of  them  threw  his  war- 
club,  which  flew  over  the  heads  of  the  startled  travel- 
lers. Meanwhile,  Marquette  had  not  ceased  to  hold 
up  his  calumet,  to  which  the  excited  crowd  gave  no 
heed,  but  strung  their  bows  and  notched  their  arrows 
for  immediate  action;  when  at  length  the  elders  of 
the  village  arrived,  saw  the  peace-pipe,  restrained 
the  ardor  of  the  youth,  and  urged  the  Frenchmen  to 
come  ashore.  Marquette  and  his  companions  com- 
plied, trembling,  and  found  a  better  reception  than 


T2       THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [lG7a 

they  had  reason  to  expect.  One  of  the  Indians 
spoke  a  little  Illinois,  and  served  as  interpreter;  a 
friendly  conference  was  followed  by  a  feast  of  saga- 
mite  and  fish;  and  the  travellers,  not  without  sore 
misgivings,  spent  the  night  in  the  lodges  of  their 
entertainers.1 

Early  in  the  morning,  they  embarked  again,  and 
proceeded  to  a  village  of  the  Arkansas  tribe,  about 
eight  leagues  below.  Notice  of  their  coming  was 
sent  before  them  by  their  late  hosts;  and  as  they 
drew  near  they  were  met  by  a  canoe,  in  the  prow  of 
which  stood  a  naked  personage,  holding  a  calumet, 
singing,  and  making  gestures  of  friendship.  On 
reaching  the  village,  which  was  on  the  east  side,2 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  river  Arkansas,  they  were 
conducted  to  a  sort  of  scaffold,  before  the  lodge  of 
the  war-chief.  The  space  beneath  had  been  prepared 
for  their  reception,  the  ground  being  neatly  covered 
with  rush  mats.  On  these  they  were  seated;  the 
warriors  sat  around  them  in  a  semi-circle;  then  the 
elders  of  the  tribe ;  and  then  the  promiscuous  crowd 
of  villagers,  standing,  and  staring  over  the  heads  of 
the  more  dignified  members  of  the  assembly.  All 
the  men  were  naked ;  but,  to  compensate  for  the  lack 
of  clothing,  they  wore  strings  of  beads  in  their  noses 
and  ears.  The  women  were  clothed  in  shabby  skins, 
and  wore  their  hair  clumped  in  a  mass  behind  each 

1  This  village,  called  "  Mitchigamea,"  is  represented  on  several 
contemporary  maps. 

2  A  few  years  later,  the  Arkansas  were  all  on  the  west  side. 


1673.]  THE  ARKANSAS.  73 

ear.  By  good  luck,  there  was  a  young  Indian  in  the 
village,  who  had  an  excellent  knowledge  of  Illinois ; 
find  through  him  Marquette  endeavored  to  explain 
the  mysteries  of  Christianity,  and  to  gain  information 
concerning  the  river  below.  To  this  end  he  gave  his 
auditors  the  presents  indispensable  on  such  occasions, 
but  received  very  little  in  return.  They  told  him 
that  the  Mississippi  was  infested  by  hostile  Indians, 
armed  with  guns  procured  from  white  men ;  and  that 
they,  the  Arkansas,  stood  in  such  fear  of  them  that 
they  dared  not  hunt  the  buffalo,  but  were  forced  to 
live  on  Indian  corn,  of  which  they  raised  three  crops 
&  year. 

During  the  speeches  on  either  side,  food  was 
brought  in  without  ceasing,  —  sometimes  a  platter  of 
sagamite  or  mush ;  sometimes  of  corn  boiled  whole  j 
sometimes  a  roasted  dog.  The  villagers  had  large 
earthen  pots  and  platters,  made  by  themselves  with 
tolerable  skill,  as  well  as  hatchets,  knives,  and  beads, 
gained  by  traffic  with  the  Illinois  and  other  tribes  in 
contact  with  the  French  or  Spaniards.  All  day  there 
was  feasting  without  respite,  after  the  merciless 
practice  of  Indian  hospitality;  but  at  night  some  of 
their  entertainers  proposed  to  kill  and  plunder  them, 
—  a  scheme  which  was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  of 
the  chief,  who  visited  their  quarters,  and  danced  the 
calumet  dance  to  reassure  his  guests. 

The  travellers  now  held  counsel  as  to  what  course 
they  should  take.  They  had  gone  far  enough,  as 
they  thought,  to  establish  one  important  point,  — 


74      THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1673. 

that  the  Mississippi  discharged  its  waters,  not  into 
the  Atlantic  or  sea  of  Virginia,  nor  into  the  Gulf  of 
California  or  Vermilion  Sea,  but  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  They  thought  themselves  nearer  to  its 
mouth  than  they  actually  were,  the  distance  being 
still  about  seven  hundred  miles;  and  they  feared 
that  if  they  went  farther  they  might  be  killed  by 
Indians  or  captured  by  Spaniards,  whereby  the  results 
of  their  discovery  would  be  lost.  Therefore  they 
resolved  to  return  to  Canada,  and  report  what  they 
had  seen. 

They  left  the  Arkansas  village,  and  began  their 
homeward  voyage  on  the  seventeenth  of  July.  It 
was  no  easy  task  to  urge  their  way  upward,  in  the 
heat  of  midsummer,  against  the  current  of  the  dark 
and  gloomy  stream,  toiling  all  day  under  the  parch- 
ing sun,  and  sleeping  at  night  in  the  exhalations  of 
the  unwholesome  shore,  or  in  the  narrow  confines  of 
their  birchen  vessels,  anchored  on  the  river.  Mar- 
quette  was  attacked  with  dysentery.  Languid  and 
well-nigh  spent,  he  invoked  his  celestial  mistress,  as 
day  after  day,  and  week  after  week,  they  won  their 
slow  way  northward.  At  length,  they  reached  the 
Illinois,  and,  entering  its  mouth,  followed  its  course, 
charmed,  as  they  went,  with  its  placid  waters,  its 
shady  forests,  and  its  rich  plains,  grazed  by  the  bison 
and  the  deer.  They  stopped  at  a  spot  soon  to  be 
made  famous  in  the  annals  of  western  discovery. 
This  was  a  village  of  the  Illinois,  then  called 
w  Kaskaskia ; "  a  name  afterwards  transferred  to 


K573.]  RETURN  TO  CANADA.  75 

another  locality.1  A  chief,  with  a  band  of  young  war- 
riors, offered  to  guide  them  to  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois ; 
that  is  to  say,  Lake  Michigan.  Thither  they  repaired ; 
and,  coasting  its  shores,  reached  Green  Bay  at  the  end 
of  September,  after  an  absence  of  about  four  months, 
during  which  they  had  paddled  their  canoes  some' 
what  more  than  two  thousand  five  hundred  miles.2 

Marquette  remained  to  recruit  his  exhausted 
strength;  but  Joliet  descended  to  Quebec,  to  bear 
the  report  of  his  discovery  to  Count  Frontenac. 
Fortune  had  wonderfully  favored  him  on  his  long 
and  perilous  journey;  but  now  she  abandoned  him  on 
the  very  threshold  of  home.  At  the  foot  of  the 
rapids  of  La  Chine,  and  immediately  above  Montreal, 

1  Marquette  says  that  it  consisted  at  this  time  of  seventy-four 
lodges.    These,  like  the  Huron  and  Iroquois  lodges,  contained  each 
several  fires  and  several  families.    This  village  was  about  seven 
miles  below  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Ottawa. 

2  The  journal  of  Marquette,  first  published  in  an  imperfect  form 
bj  Thevenot,  in  1681,  has  been  reprinted  by  Mr.  Lenox,  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Shea,  from  the  manuscript  preserved  in  the  arch- 
ives of  the  Canadian  Jesuits.    It  will  also  be  found  in  Shea's  Dis- 
covery and  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  the  Relations 
Jnedites  of  Martin.    The  true  map  of  Marquette  accompanies  all 
these  publications.     The  map  published  by  Thevenot  and  repro- 
duced by  Bancroft  is  not  Marquette's.     The  original  of  this,  of 
which  I  have  a  fac-simile,  bears  the  title    Carte   de  la  Nouvette 
Dt'couverte  que  les  Peres  Jesuites  ont  faite   en   I'annee  1672,   et  con- 
fix uee  par  le  Pere  Jacques  Marquette,  etc.    The  return  route  of  the 
expedition  is  incorrectly  laid  down  on  it.     A  manuscript  map  of 
the  Jesuit  Kaffeix,  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Impe'riale,  is  more 
accurate  in  this  particular.  I  have  also  another  contemporary  manu- 
script map,  indicating  the  various  Jesuit  stations  in  the  West  a* 
this  time,  and  representing  the  Mississippi,  as  discovered  by  Mar 
quette.    For  these  and  other  maps,  see  Appendix. 


76       THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1674. 

his  canoe  was  overset,  two  of  his  men  and  an  Indian 
boy  were  drowned,  all  his  papers  were  lost,  and  he 
himself  narrowly  escaped. l  In  a  letter  to  Frontenac, 
he  speaks  of  the  accident  as  follows :  "  I  had  escaped 
every  peril  from  the  Indians ;  I  had  passed  forty-two 
rapids;  and  was  on  the  point  of  disembarking,  full 
of  joy  at  the  success  of  so  long  and  difficult  an  enter- 
prise, when  my  canoe  capsized,  after  all  the  danger 
seemed  over.  I  lost  two  men  and  my  box  of  papers, 
within  sight  of  the  first  French  settlements,  which  I 
had  left  almost  two  years  before.  Nothing  remains 
to  me  but  my  life,  and  the  ardent  desire  to  employ  it 
on  any  service  which  you  may  please  to  direct."2 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  Quebec,  14  Nov.,  1674. 

2  This  letter  is  appended  to  Joliet'*  smaller  map  of  his  discov- 
eries.   See  Appendix.    Compare  Details  sur  le  Voyage  de  Louis  Joliet 
and  Relation  de  la  Descouverte  de  plusieurs  Pays  situez  au  midi  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,  faite  en   1673  (Margry,  i.  259).    These  are  oral 
accounts  given  by  Joliet  after  the  loss  of  his  papers.    Also,  Lettre 
de  Joliet,  Oct.  10, 1674  (Harrisse).    On  the  seventh  of  October,  1675, 
Joliet  married  Claire  Bissot,  daughter  of  a  wealthy  Canadian  mer- 
chant, engaged  in  trade  with  the  northern  Indians.     This  drew 
Joliet's  attention  to  Hudson's  Bay;  and  he  made  a  journey  thither 
in  1679,  by  way  of  the  Saguenay.    He  found  three  English  forts  on 
the  bay,  occupied  by  about  sixty  men,  who  had  also  an  armed  vessel 
of  twelve  guns  and  several  small  trading-craft.    The  English  held 
out  great  inducements  to  Joliet  to  join  them ;  but  he  declined,  and 
returned  to  Quebec,  where  he  reported  that  unless  these  formidable 
rivals  were  dispossessed,  the  trade  of  Canada  would  be  ruined.    In 
consequence  of  this  report,  some  of  the  principal  merchants  of  the 
colony  formed  a  company  to  compete  with  the  English  in  the  trade 
of  Hudson's  Bay.    In  the  year  of  this  journey,  Joliet  received  a 
grant  of  the  islands  of  Mignan ;  and  in  the  following  year,  1680,  he 
received  another  grant,  of  the  great  island  of  Anticosti  in  the  lower 
St.  Lawrence.    In  1681  he  was  established  here,  with  his  wife  and 
six  servants.    He  was  engaged  in  fisheries;  and,  being  a  skilful 


1674.]  MARQUETTE'S  MISSION.  77 

Marquette  spent  the  winter  and  the  following 
summer  at  the  mission  of  Green  Bay,  still  suffering 
from  his  malady.  In  the  autumn,  however,  it  abated ; 
and  he  was  permitted  by  his  Superior  to  attempt  the 
execution  of  a  plan  to  which  he  was  devotedly 
attached,  —  the  founding,  at  the  principal  town  of 
the  Illinois,  of  a  mission  to  be  called  the  "Immaculate 
Conception,"  a  name  which  he  had  already  given  to 
the  river  Mississippi.  He  set  out  on  this  errand  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  October,  accompanied  by  two 
men,  named  Pierre  and  Jacques,  one  of  whom  had 
been  with  him  on  his  great  journey  of  discovery.  A 
band  of  Pottawattamies  and  another  band  of  Illinois 
also  joined  him.  The  united  parties  —  ten  canoes  in 
all  —  followed  the  east  shore  of  Green  Bay  as  far  as 
the  inlet  then  called  "Sturgeon  Cove,"  from  the  head 
of  which  they  crossed  by  a  difficult  portage  through 
the  forest  to  the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan.  November 
had  come.  The  bright  hues  of  the  autumn  foliage 
wore  changed  to  rusty  brown.  The  shore  was  deso- 
late, and  the  lake  was  stormy.  They  were  more 

navigator  and  surveyor,  he  made  about  this  time  a  chart  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  In  1690,  Sir  William  Phips,  on  his  way  with  an  English 
fleot  to  attack  Quebec,  made  a  descent  on  Joliet's  establishment, 
burnt  his  buildings,  and  took  prisoners  his  wife  and  his  mother-in- 
law.  In  1694  Joliet  explored  the  coasts  of  Labrador,  under  the 
auspices  of  a  company  formed  for  the  whale  and  seal  fishery.  On 
hit  return,  Frontenac  made  him  royal  pilot  for  the  St.  Lawrence ; 
ami  at  about  the  same  time  he  received  the  appointment  of  hydrog- 
rapher  at  Quebec.  He  died,  apparently  poor,  in  1699  or  1700,  and 
was  buried  on  one  of  the  islands  of  Mignan.  The  discovery  of  the 
above  facts  is  due  in  great  part  to  the  researches  of  Margry. 


78      THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1674. 

than  a  month  in  coasting  its  western  border,  when  at 
length  they  reached  the  river  Chicago,  entered  it,  and 
ascended  about  two  leagues.  Marquette's  disease 
had  lately  returned,  and  hemorrhage  now  ensued. 
He  told  his  two  companions  that  this  journey  would 
be  his  last.  In  the  condition  in  which  he  was,  it  was 
impossible  to  go  farther.  The  two  men  built  a  log 
hut  by  the  river,  and  here  they  prepared  to  spend  the 
winter;  while  Marquette,  feeble  as  he  was,  began 
the  spiritual  exercises  of  Saint  Ignatius,  and  con- 
fessed his  two  companions  twice  a  week. 

Meadow,  marsh,  and  forest  were  sheeted  with 
snow,  but  game  was  abundant.  Pierre  and  Jacques 
killed  buffalo  and  deer,  and  shot  wild  turkeys  close 
to  their  hut.  There  was  an  encampment  of  Illinois 
within  two  days'  journey;  and  other  Indians,  passing 
by  this  well-known  thoroughfare,  occasionally  visited 
them,  treating  the  exiles  kindly,  and  sometimes 
bringing  them  game  and  Indian  corn.  Eighteen 
leagues  distant  was  the  camp  of  two  adventurous 
French  traders,  —  one  of  them,  a  noted  coureur  de 
lois,  nicknamed  La  Taupine ; 1  and  the  other,  a  self- 
styled  surgeon.  They  also  visited  Marquette,  and 
befriended  him  to  the  best  of  their  power. 

Urged  by  a  burning  desire  to  lay,  before  he  died, 
the  foundation  of  his  new  mission  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception,  Marquette  begged  his  two  followers  to 

1  Pierre  Moreau,  alias  La  Taupine,  was  afterwards  bitterly  com- 
plained of  by  the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  for  acting  as  the  gov- 
ernor's agent  in  illicit  trade  with  the  Indians. 


1675.]  THE  MISSION  AT   KASKASKIA.  79 

join  him  in  a  novena,  or  nine  days'  devotion  to  the 
Virgin.  In  consequence  of  this,  as  he  believed,  his 
disease  relented;  he  began  to  regain  strength,  and  in 
March  was  able  to  resume  the  journey.  On  the 
thirtieth  of  the  month,  they  left  their  hut,  which  had 
been  inundated  by  a  sudden  rise  of  the  river,  and 
carried  their  canoe  through  mud  and  water  over  the 
portage  which  led  to  the  Des  Plaines.  Marquette 
knew  the  way,  for  he  had  passed  by  this  route  on  his 
return  from  the  Mississippi.  Amid  the  rains  of 
opening  spring,  they  floated  down  the  swollen  cur- 
rent of  the  Des  Plaines,  by  naked  woods  and  spongy, 
saturated  prairies,  till  they  reached  its  junction  with 
the  main  stream  of  the  Illinois,  which  they  descended 
to  their  destination,  the  Indian  town  which  Marquette 
calls  "Kaskaskia."  Here,  as  we  are  told,  he  was 
received  "like  an  angel  from  Heaven.'*  He  passed 
from  wigwam  to  wigwam,  telling  the  listening  crowds 
of  God  and  the  Virgin,  Paradise  and  Hell,  angels 
and  demons;  and,  when  he  thought  their  minds 
prepared,  he  summoned  them  all  to  a  grand  council. 

It  took  place  near  the  town,  on  the  great  meadow 
which  lies  between  the  river  and  the  modern  village 
of  Utica.  Here  five  hundred  chiefs  and  old  men 
were  seated  in  a  ring;  behind  stood  fifteen  hundred 
youths  and  warriors,  and  behind  these  again  all  the 
women  and  children  of  the  village.  Marquette, 
standing  in  the  midst,  displayed  four  large  pictures 
of  the  Virgin ;  harangued  the  assembly  on  the  myste* 
ries  of  the  Faith,  and  exhorted  them  to  adopt  it. 


80       THE   DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1675. 

The  temper  of  his  auditory  met  his  utmost  wishes. 
They  begged  him  to  stay  among  them  and  continue 
his  instructions ;  but  his  life  was  fast  ebbing  away, 
and  it  behooved  him  to  depart. 

A  few  days  after  Easter  he  left  the  village,  escorted 
by  a  crowd  of  Indians,  who  followed  him  as  far  as 
Lake  Michigan.  Here  he  embarked  with  his  two 
companions.  Their  destination  was  Michilimackinac, 
and  their  course  lay  along  the  eastern  borders  of  the 
lake.  As,  in  the  freshness  of  advancing  spring, 
Pierre  and  Jacques  urged  their  canoe  along  that 
lonely  and  savage  shore,  the  priest  lay  with  dimmed 
sight  and  prostrated  strength,  communing  with  the 
Virgin  and  the  angels.  On  the  nineteenth  of  May, 
he  felt  that  his  hour  was  near ;  and,  as  they  passed 
the  mouth  of  a  small  river,  he  requested  his  com- 
panions to  land.  They  complied,  built  a  shed  of 
bark  on  a  rising  ground  near  the  bank,  and  carried 
thither  the  dying  Jesuit.  With  perfect  cheerfulness 
and  composure,  he  gave  directions  for  his  burial, 
asked  their  forgiveness  for  the  trouble  he  had  caused 
them,  administered  to  them  the  sacrament  of  peni- 
tence, and  thanked  God  that  he  was  permitted  to  die 
in  the  wilderness,  a  missionary  of  the  Faith  and  a 
member  of  the  Jesuit  brotherhood.  At  night,  seeing 
that  they  were  fatigued,  he  told  them  to  take  rest, 
saying  that  he  would  call  them  when  he  felt  his  time 
approaching.  Two  or  three  hours  after,  they  heard 
a  feeble  voice,  and,  hastening  to  his  side,  found  him 
at  the  point  of  death.  He  expired  calmly,  murmur- 


1676-77.]  BURIAL  OF  MARQUETTE.  81 

ing  the  names  of  Jesus  and  Mary,  with  his  eyes  fixed 
on  the  crucifix  which  one  of  his  followers  held  before 
him.  They  dug  a  grave  beside  the  hut,  and  here 
they  buried  him  according  to  the  directions  which  he 
had  given  them ;  then,  re-embarking,  they  made  their 
way  to  Michilimackinac,  to  bear  the  tidings  to  the 
priests  at  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace.1 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  a  party  of  Kiskakon  Otoawas 
were  hunting  on  Lake  Michigan;  and  when,  in  the 
following  spring,  they  prepared  to  return  home,  they 
bethought  them,  in  accordance  with  an  Indian  cus- 
tom, of  taking  with  them  the  bones  of  Marquette, 
who  had  been  their  instructor  at  the  mission  of  St. 
Esprit.  They  repaired  to  the  spot,  found  the  grave, 
opened  it,  washed  and  dried  the  bones  and  placed 
them  carefully  in  a  box  of  birch-bark.  Then,  in  a 
procession  of  thirty  canoes,  they  bore  it,  singing  their 
funeral  songs,  to  St.  Ignace  of  Michilimackinac.  As 
they  approached,  priests,  Indians,  and  traders  all 
thronged  to  the  shore.  The  relics  of  Marquette  were 
received  with  solemn  ceremony,  and  buried  beneath 
the  floor  of  the  little  chapel  of  the  mission.2 

1  The  contemporary  Relation  tells  us  that  a  miracle  took  place 
at  the  burial  of  Marquette.    One  of  the  two  Frenchmen,  overcome 
with  grief  and  colic,  bethought  him  of  applying  a  little  earth  from 
the  grave  to  the  seat  of  pain.    This  at  once  restored  him  to  health 
and  cheerfulness. 

2  For  Marquette's  death,  see  the  contemporary  Relation,  pub- 
lished  by  Shea,  Lenox,  and  Martin,  with  the  accompanying  Lettre 
et  Journal.    The  river  where  he  died  is  a  small  stream  in  the  west 
of  Michigan,  some  distance  south  of  the  promontory  called  the 
"  Sleeping  Bear."    It  long  bore  his  name,  which  is  now  borne  by  a 


82      THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.    [1677. 

larger  neighboring  stream.  Charlevoix's  account  of  Marquette's 
death  is  derived  from  tradition,  and  is  not  supported  by  the  con- 
temporary narrative.  In  1877,  human  bones,  with  fragments  of 
birch-bark,  were  found  buried  on  the  supposed  site  of  the  Jesuit 
chapel  at  Point  St.  Ignace. 

In  1847,  the  missionary  of  the  Algonquins  at  the  Lake  of  Two 
Mountains,  above  Montreal,  wrote  down  a  tradition  of  the  death  of 
Marquette,  from  the  lips  of  an  old  Indian  woman,  born  in  1777,  at 
Michilimackinac.  Her  ancestress  had  been  baptized  by  the  sub- 
ject of  the  story.  The  tradition  has  a  resemblance  to  that  related 
as  fact  by  Charlevoix.  The  old  squaw  said  that  the  Jesuit  was 
returning,  very  ill,  to  Michilimackinac,  when  a  storm  forced  him 
and  his  two  men  to  land  near  a  little  river.  Here  he  told  them  that 
he  should  die,  and  directed  them  to  ring  a  bell  over  his  grave  and 
plant  a  cross.  They  all  remained  four  days  at  the  spot ;  and,  though 
without  food,  the  men  felt  no  hunger.  On  the  night  of  the  fourth 
day  he  died,  and  the  men  buried  him  as  he  had  directed.  On  wak- 
ing in  the  morning,  they  saw  a  sack  of  Indian  corn,  a  quantity  of 
bacon,  and  some  biscuit,  miraculously  sent  to  them,  in  accordance 
with  the  promise  of  Marquette,  who  had  told  them  that  they  should 
have  food  enough  for  their  journey  to  Michilimackinac.  At  the 
same  instant,  the  stream  began  to  rise,  and  in  a  few  moments  encir- 
cled the  grave  of  the  Jesuit,  which  formed,  thenceforth,  an  islet  in 
the  waters.  The  tradition  adds,  that  an  Indian  battle  afterwards 
took  place  on  the  banks  of  this  stream,  between  Christians  and 
infidels ;  and  that  the  former  gained  the  victory,  in  consequence  of 
invoking  the  name  of  Marquette.  This  story  bears  the  attestation 
of  the  priest  of  the  Two  Mountains  that  it  is  a  literal  translation  of 
the  tradition,  as  recounted  by  the  old  woman. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Illinois  country  was  visited  by  two 
priests,  some  time  before  the  visit  of  Marquette.  This  assertion 
was  first  made  by  M.  Noiseux,  late  Grand  Vicar  of  Quebec,  who 
gives  no  authority  for  it.  Not  the  slightest  indication  of  any  such 
visit  appears  in  any  contemporary  document  or  map,  thus  far  dis- 
covered. The  contemporary  writers,  down  to  the  time  of  Marquette 
and  La  Salle,  all  speak  of  the  Illinois  as  an  unknown  country.  The 
entire  groundlessness  of  Noiseux's  assertion  is  shown  by  Shea,  in  a 
paper  in  the  "  Weekly  Herald,"  of  New  York,  April  21, 1855. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1673-1678. 
LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC. 

OBJECTS  OF  LA  SALLE.  —  FRONTENAC  FAVORS  HIM.  —  PROJECTS  or 
FRONTENAC.  —  CATARAQUI.  —  FRONTENAC  ON  LAKE  ONTAKIO. — 
FORT  FRONTENAC.  —  LA  SALLE  AND  FENELON.  —  SUCCESS  OF  LA 
SALLE  :  HIS  ENEMIES. 

WE  turn  from  the  humble  Marquette,  thanking 
(rod  with  his  last  breath  that  he  died,  for  his  Order 
and  his  Faith;  and  by  our  side  stands  the  masculine 
form  of  Cavelier  de  la  Salle.  Prodigious  was  the 
contrast  between  the  two  discoverers:  the  one,  with 
clasped  hands  and  upturned  eyes,  seems  a  figure 
evoked  from  some  dim  legend  of  mediaeval  saintship; 
the  other,  with  feet  firm  planted  on  the  hard  earth, 
breathes  the  self-relying  energies  of  modern  practical 
enterprise.  Nevertheless,  La  Salle's  enemies  called 
him  a  visionary.  His  projects  perplexed  and  startled 
them.  At  first,  they  ridiculed  him;  and  then,  as 
step  by  step  he  advanced  towards  his  purpose,  they 
denounced  and  maligned  him.  What  was  this  pur- 
pose ?  It  was  not  of  sudden  growth,  but  developed 
as  years  went  on.  La  Salle  at  La  Chine  dreamed 
of  a  western  passage  to  China,  and  nursed  vague 


84  LA  SALLE  AKD  FRONTENAC.       [1673-73. 

schemes  of  western  discovery.  Then,  when  his 
earlier  journeyings  revealed  to  him  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio  and  the  fertile  plains  of  Illinois,  his  imagination 
took  wing  over  the  boundless  prairies  and  forests 
drained  by  the  great  river  of  the  West.  His  ambi- 
tion had  found  its  field.  He  would  leave  barren  and 
frozen  Canada  behind,  and  lead  France  and  civiliza- 
tion into  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Neither  the 
English  nor  the  Jesuits  should  conquer  that  rich 
domain :  the  one  must  rest  content  with  the  country 
east  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  the  other  with  the 
forests,  savages,  and  beaver-skins  of  the  northern 
lakes.  It  was  for  him  to  call  into  light  the  latent 
riches  of  the  great  West.  But  the  way  to  his  land 
of  promise  was  rough  and  long:  it  lay  through 
Canada,  filled  with  hostile  traders  and  hostile  priests, 
and  barred  by  ice  for  half  the  year.  The  difficulty 
was  soon  solved.  La  Salle  became  convinced  that 
the  Mississippi  flowed,  not  into  the  Pacific  or  the 
Gulf  of  California,  but  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  By 
a  fortified  post  at  its  mouth,  he  could  guard  it  against 
both  English  and  Spaniards,  and  secure  for  the  trade 
of  the  interior  an  access  and  an  outlet  under  his  own 
control,  and  open  at  every  season.  Of  this  trade, 
the  hides  of  the  buffalo  would  at  first  form  the  staple, 
and  along  with  furs  would  reward  the  enterprise  till 
other  resources  should  be  developed. 

Such  were  the  vast  projects  that  unfolded  them- 
selves in  the  mind,  of  La  Salle.  Canada  must  needs 
be,  at  the  outset,  his  base  of  action,  and  without  the 


j673.]  PROJECTS   OF  FRONTENAC.  85 

support  of  its  authorities  he  could  do  nothing.  This 
support  he  found.  From  the  moment  when  Count 
Frontenac  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony,  he 
seems  to  have  looked  with  favor  on  the  young 
discoverer.  There  were  points  of  likeness  between 
the  two  men.  Both  were  ardent,  bold,  and  enterpris- 
ing. The  irascible  and  fiery  pride  of  the  noble  found 
its  match  in  the  reserved  and  seemingly  cold  pride  of 
the  ambitious  burgher.  Each  could  comprehend  the 
other;  and  they  had,  moreover,  strong  prejudices 
and  dislikes  in  common.  An  understanding,  not  to 
say  an  alliance,  soon  grew  up  between  them. 

Frontenac  had  come  to  Canada  a  ruined  man.  He 
was  ostentatious,  lavish,  and  in  no  way  disposed  to 
let  slip  an  opportunity  of  mending  his  fortune.  He 
presently  thought  that  he  had  found  a  plan  by  which 
ho  could  serve  both  the  colony  and  himself.  His 
predecessor,  Courcelle,  had  urged  upon  the  King 
the  expediency  of  building  a  fort  on  Lake  Ontario,  in 
order  to  hold  the  Iroquois  in  check  and  intercept  the 
trade  which  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes  had  begun 
to  carry  on  with  the  Dutch  and  English  of  New 
York.  Thus  a  stream  of  wealth  would  be  turned 
into  Canada,  which  would  otherwise  enrich  her  ene- 
mies. Here,  to  all  appearance,  was  a  great  public 
good,  and  from  the  military  point  of  view  it  was  so 
in  fact;  but  it  was  clear  that  the  trade  thus  secured 
might  be  made  to  profit,  not  the  colony  at  large,  but 
those  alone  who  had  control  of  the  fort,  which  would 
then  become  the  instrument  of  a  monopoly.  This 


86  LA  SALLE   AND   FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

the  governor  understood;  and,  without  doubt,  he 
meant  that  the  projected  establishment  should  pay 
him  tribute.  How  far  he  and  La  Salle  were  acting 
in  concurrence  at  this  time,  it  is  not  easy  to  say ;  but 
Frontenac  often  took  counsel  of  the  explorer,  who,  on 
his  part,  saw  in  the  design  a  possible  first  step  towards 
the  accomplishment  of  his  own  far-reaching  schemes. 
Such  of  the  Canadian  merchants  as  were  not  in  the 
governor's  confidence  looked  on  his  plan  with  extreme 
distrust.  Frontenac,  therefore,  thought  it  expedient 
"to  make  use,"  as  he  expresses  it,  "of  address."  He 
gave  out  merely  that  he  intended  to  make  a  tour 
through  the  upper  parts  of  the  colony  with  an  armed 
force,  in  order  to  inspire  the  Indians  with  respect, 
and  secure  a  solid  peace.  He  had  neither  troops, 
money,  munitions,  nor  means  of  transportation;  yet 
there  was  no  time  to  lose,  for,  should  he  delay  the 
execution  of  his  plan,  it  might  be  countermanded  by 
the  King.  His  only  resource,  therefore,  was  in  a 
prompt  and  hardy  exertion  of  the  royal  authority; 
and  he  issued  an  order  requiring  the  inhabitants  of 
Quebec,  Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  and  other  settle- 
ments to  furnish  him,  at  their  own  cost,  as  soon  as 
the  spring  sowing  should  be  over,  with  a  certain 
number  of  armed  men,  besides  the  requisite  canoes. 
At  the  same  time,  he  invited  the  officers  settled  in 
the  country  to  join  the  expedition,  —  an  invitation 
which,  anxious  as  they  were  to  gain  his  good  graces, 
few  of  them  cared  to  decline.  Regardless  of  mur- 
murs and  discontent,  he  pushed  his  preparation 


1673.]  EXPEDITION  OF  FRONTENAC.  87 

vigorously,  and  on  the  third  of  June  left  Quebec 
with  his  guard,  his  staff,  a  part  of  the  garrison  of 
the  Castle  of  St.  Louis,  and  a  number  of  volunteers. 
He  had  already  sent  to  La  Salle,  who  was  then  at 
Montreal,  directing  him  to  repair  to  Onondaga,  the 
political  centre  of  the  Iroquois,  and  invite  their 
sachems  to  meet  the  governor  in  council  at  the  Bay 
of  Quinte*  on  the  north  of  Lake  Ontario.  La  Salle 
had  set  out  on  his  mission,  but  first  sent  Frontenac  a 
map,  which  convinced  him  that  the  best  site  for  his 
proposed  fort  was  the  mouth  of  the  Cataraqui,  where 
Kingston  now  stands.  Another  messenger  was  ac- 
cordingly despatched,  to  change  the  rendezvous  to 
this  point. 

Meanwhile,  the  governor  proceeded  at  his  leisure 
towards  Montreal,  stopping  by  the  way  to  visit  the 
officers  settled  along  the  bank,  who,  eager  to  pay 
their  homage  to  the  newly  risen  sun,  received  him 
with  a  hospitality  which  under  the  roof  of  a  log  hut 
was  sometimes  graced  by  the  polished  courtesies  of 
the  salon  and  the  boudoir.  Reaching  Montreal, 
which  he  had  never  before  seen,  he  gazed,  we  may 
suppose,  with  some  interest  at  the  long  row  of 
humble  dwellings  which  lined  the  bank,  the  massive 
buildings  of  the  Seminary,  and  the  spire  of  the 
church  predominant  over  all.  It  was  a  rude  scene, 
but  the  greeting  that  awaited  him  savored  nothing  of 
the  rough  simplicity  of  the  wilderness.  Perrot,  the 
local  governor,  was  on  the  shore  with  his  soldiers 
and  the  inhabitants,  drawn  up  under  arms  and  firing 


88  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

a  salute  to  welcome  the  representative  of  the  King. 
Frontenac  was  compelled  to  listen  to  a  long  harangue 
from  the  judge  of  the  place,  followed  by  another  from 
the  syndic.  Then  there  was  a  solemn  procession  to 
the  church,  where  he  was  forced  to  undergo  a  third 
effort  of  oratory  from  one  of  the  priests.  Te  Deum 
followed,  in  thanks  for  his  arrival ;  and  then  he  took 
refuge  in  the  fort.  Here  he  remained  thirteen  days, 
busied  with  his  preparations,  organizing  the  militia, 
soothing  their  mutual  jealousies,  and  settling  knotty 
questions  of  rank  and  precedence.  During  this  time, 
every  means,  as  he  declares,  was  used  to  prevent  him 
from  proceeding;  and  among  other  devices  a  rumor 
was  set  on  foot  that  a  Dutch  fleet,  having  just  cap- 
tured Boston,  was  on  its  way  to  attack  Quebec.1 

Having  sent  men,  canoes,  and  baggage,  by  land, 
to  La  Salle's  old  settlement  of  La  Chine,  Frontenac 
himself  followed  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June. 
Including  Indians  from  the  missions,  he  now  had 
with  him  about  four  hundred  men  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  canoes,  besides  two  large  flat-boats,  which 
he  caused  to  be  painted  in  red  and  blue,  with  strange 
devices,  intended  to  dazzle  the  Iroquois  by  a  display 
of  unwonted  splendor.  Now  their  hard  task  began. 
Shouldering  canoes  through  the  forest,  dragging  the 
flat-boats  along  the  shore,  working  like  beavers,  — 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  a  Colbert,  13  Nov.,  1673.  This  rumor,  it 
appears,  originated  with  the  Jesuit  Dablon.  Journal  du  Voyage  du 
Comte  de  Frontenac  au  lac  Ontario.  The  Jesuits  were  greatly  opposed 
to  the  establishment  of  forts  and  trading-posts  in  the  upper  country, 
for  reasons  that  will  appear  hereafter. 


1673.]  FRONTFJSTAC'S   JOURNEY.  B9 

sometimes  in  water  to  the  knees,  sometimes  to  the 
armpits,  their  feet  cut  by  the  sharp  stones,  and  they 
themselves  well-nigh  swept  down  by  the  furious 
current,  —  they  fought  their  way  upward  against  the 
chain  of  mighty  rapids  that  break  the  navigation  of 
the  St.  Lawrence.  The  Indians  were  of  the  greatest 
service.  Frontenac,  like  La  Salle,  showed  from  the 
iirst  a  special  faculty  of  managing  them;  for  his 
keen,  incisive  spirit  was  exactly  to  their  liking,  and 
they  worked  for  him  as  they  would  have  worked  for 
no  man  else.  As  'they  approached  the  Long  Saut, 
rain  fell  in  torrents;  and  the  governor,  without  his 
cloak,  and  drenched  to  the  skin,  directed  in  person 
the  amphibious  toil  of  his  followers.  Once,  it  is 
Faid,  he  lay  awake  all  night,  in  his  anxiety  lest  the 
biscuit  should  be  wet,  which  would  have  ruined  the 
expedition.  No  such  mischance  took  place,  and  at 
length  the  last  rapid  was  passed,  and  smooth  water 
awaited  them  to  their  journey's  end.  Soon  they 
reached  the  Thousand  Islands,  and  their  light  flotilla 
glided  in  long  file  among  those  watery  labyrinths,  by 
rocky  islets,  where  some  lonely  pine  towered  like  a 
mast  against  the  sky;  by  sun-scorched  crags,  where 
the  brown  lichens  crisped  in  the  parching  glare ;  by 
deep  dells,  shady  and  cool,  rich  in  rank  ferns,  and 
npongy,  dark-green  mosses ;  by  still  coves,  where  the 
•water-lilies  lay  like  snow-flakes  on  their  broad,  fiat 
leaves,  —  till  at  length  they  neared  their  goal,  and 
the  glistening  bosom  of  Lake  Ontario  opened  on  thei? 
sight. 


flO  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

Frontenac,  to  impose  respect  on  the  Iroquois,  now 
set  his  canoes  in  order  of  battle.  Four  divisions 
formed  the  first  line,  then  came  the  two  flat-boats; 
he  himself,  with  his  guards,  his  staff,  and  the  gentle- 
men volunteers,  followed,  with  the  canoes  of  Three 
Rivers  on  his  right,  and  those  of  the  Indians  on  his 
left,  while  two  remaining  divisions  formed  a  rear 
line.  Thus,  with  measured  paddles,  they  advanced 
over  the  still  lake,  till  they  saw  a  canoe  approaching 
to  meet  them.  It  bore  several  Iroquois  chiefs,  who 
told  them  that  the  dignitaries  of  their  nation  awaited 
them  at  Cataraqui,  and  offered  to  guide  them  to  the 
spot.  They  entered  the  wide  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  passed  along  the  shore,  now  covered  by  the  quiet 
little  city  of  Kingston,  till  they  reached  the  point 
at  present  occupied  by  the  barracks,  at  the  western 
end  of  Cataraqui  bridge.  Here  they  stranded  their 
canoes  and  disembarked.  Baggage  was  landed,  fires 
lighted,  tents  pitched,  and  guards  set.  Close  at 
hand,  under  the  lee  of  the  forest,  were  the  camping 
sheds  of  the  Iroquois,  who  had  come  to  the  rendez- 
vous in  considerable  numbers. 

At  daybreak  of  the  next  morning,  the  thirteenth  of 
July,  the  drums  beat,  and  the  whole  party  were 
drawn  up  under  arms.  A  double  line  of  men  extended 
from  the  front  of  Frontenac 's  tent  to  the  Indian 
camp;  and,  through  the  lane  thus  formed,  the  savage 
deputies,  sixty  in  number,  advanced  to  the  place  of 
council.  They  could  not  hide  their  admiration  at  the 
martial  array  of  the  French,  many  of  whom  were  old 


1673.]  FRONTENAC  AT  CATAKAQUI.  91 

Holdiers  of  the  regiment  of  Carignan ;  and  when  they 
3-eached  the  tent  they  ejaculated  their  astonishment 
at  the  uniforms  of  the  governor's  guard  who  sur- 
rounded it.  Here  the  ground  had  been  carpeted 
with  the  sails  of  the  flat-boats,  on  which  the  deputies 
squatted  themselves  in  a  ring  and  smoked  their  pipes 
for  a  time  with  their  usual  air  of  deliberate  gravity; 
while  Frontenac,  who  sat  surrounded  by  his  officers, 
had  full  leisure  to  contemplate  the  formidable  adver- 
saries whose  mettle  was  hereafter  to  put  his  own  to 
so  severe  a  test.  A  chief  named  Garakontie',  a  noted 
friend  of  the  French,  at  length  opened  the  council, 
in  behalf  of  all  the  five  Iroquois  nations,  with 
expressions  of  great  respect  and  deference  towards 
'"Onontio;"  that  is  to  say,  the  governor  of  Canada. 
Whereupon  Frontenac,  whose  native  arrogance  where 
Indians  were  concerned  always  took  a  form  which 
imposed  respect  without  exciting  anger,  replied  in 
the  following  strain :  — 

"Children!  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayu- 
gas,  and  Senecas.  I  am  glad  to  see  you  here,  where 
]  have  had  a  fire,  lighted  for  you  to  smoke  by,  and 
for  me  to  talk  to  you.  You  have  done  well,  my 
children,  to  obey  the  command  of  your  Father.  Take 
courage:  you  will  hear  his  word,  which  is  full  of 
peace  and  tenderness.  For  do  not  think  that  I  have 
come  for  war.  My  mind  is  full  of  peace,  and  she 
Avalks  by  my  side.  Courage,  then,  children,  and 
take  rest." 

With  that,  he  gave  them  six  fathoms  of  tobacco, 


92  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

reiterated  his  assurances  of  friendship,  promised  that 
he  would  be  a  kind  father  so  long  as  they  should  be 
obedient  children,  regretted  that  he  was  forced  to 
speak  through  an  interpreter,  and  ended  with  a  gift  of 
guns  to  the  men,  and  prunes  and  raisins  to  their  wives 
and  children.  Here  closed  this  preliminary  meeting, 
the  great  council  being  postponed  to  another  day. 

During  the  meeting,  Raudin,  Frontenac's  engineer, 
was  tracing  out  the  lines  of  a  fort,  after  a  predeter- 
mined plan;  and  the  whole  party,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  their  officers,  now  set  themselves  to  construct 
it.  Some  cut  down  trees,  some  dug  the  trenches, 
some  hewed  the  palisades;  and  with  such  order  and 
alacrity  was  the  work  urged  on,  that  the  Indians 
were  lost  in  astonishment.  Meanwhile,  Frontenac 
spared  no  pains  to  make  friends  of  the  chiefs,  some 
of  whom  he  had  constantly  at  his  table.  He  fondled 
the  Iroquois  children,  and  gave  them  bread  and 
sweetmeats,  and  in  the  evening  feasted  the  squaws 
to  make  them  dance.  The  Indians  were  delighted 
with  these  attentions,  and  conceived  a  high  opinion 
of  the  new  Onontio. 

On  the  seventeenth,  when  the  construction  of  the 
fort  was  well  advanced,  Frontenac  called  the  chiefs 
to  a  grand  council,  which  was  held  with  all  possible 
state  and  ceremony.  His  dealing  with  the  Indians 
on  this  and  other  occasions  was  truly  admirable. 
Unacquainted  as  he  was  with  them,  he  seems  to  have 
had  an  instinctive  perception  of  the  treatment  they 
required.  His  predecessors  had  never  ventured  to 


i»373.]        FRONTENAC   AND  THE  INDIANS.  93 

address  the  Iroquois  as  "Children,"  but  had  always 
styled  them  "  Brothers ;  "  and  yet  the  assumption  of 
paternal  authority  on  the  part  of  Frontenac  was  not 
only  taken  in  good  part,  but  was  received  with  appar- 
ent gratitude.  The  martial  nature  of  the  man,  his 
clear,  decisive  speech,  and  his  frank  and  downright 
manner,  backed  as  they  were  by  a  display  of  force 
which  in  their  eyes  was  formidable,  struck  them  with 
admiration,  and  gave  tenfold  effect  to  his  words  of 
kindness.  They  thanked  him  for  that  which  from 
another  they  would  not  have  endured. 

Frontenac  began  by  again  expressing  his  satisfac- 
tion that  they  had  obeyed  the  commands  of  their 
Father,  and  come  to  Cataraqui  to  hear  what  he  had 
to  say.  Then  he  exhorted  them  to  embrace  Chris- 
tianity; and  on  this  theme  he  dwelt  at  length,  in 
words  excellently  adapted  to  produce  the  desired 
effect,  —  words  which  it  would  be  most  superfluous 
to  tax  as  insincere,  though  doubtless  they  lost  noth- 
ing in  emphasis  because  in  this  instance  conscience 
and  policy  aimed  alike.  Then,  changing  his  tone, 
he  pointed  to  his  officers,  his  guard,  the  long  files  of 
tho  militia,  and  the  two  flat-boats,  mounted  with 
cannon,  which  lay  in  the  river  near  by.  "If,"  he 
said,  "your  Father  can  come  so  far,  with  so  great  a 
force,  through  such  dangerous  rapids,  merely  to 
make  you  a  visit  of  pleasure  and  friendship,  what 
would  he  do,  if  you  should  awaken  his  anger,  and 
make  it  necessary  for  him  to  punish  his  disobedient 
children?  He  is  the  arbiter  of  peace  and  war. 


94  LA   SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

Beware  how  you  offend  him ! "  And  he  warned  them 
not  to  molest  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French,  telling 
them,  sharply,  that  he  would  chastise  them  for  the 
least  infraction  of  the  peace. 

From  threats  he  passed  to  blandishments,  and 
urged  them  to  confide  in  his  paternal  kindness,  say- 
ing that,  in  proof  of  his  affection,  he  was  building  a 
storehouse  at  Cataraqui,  where  they  could  be  supplied 
with  all  the  goods  they  needed,  without  the  necessity 
of  a  long  and  dangerous  journey.  He  warned  them 
against  listening  to  bad  men,  who  might  seek  to 
delude  them  by  misrepresentations  and  falsehoods; 
and  he  urged  them  to  give  heed  to  none  but  "  men  of 
character,  like  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle."  He  expressed 
a  hope  that  they  would  suffer  their  children  to  learn 
French  from  the  missionaries,  in  order  that  they  and 
his  nephews  —  meaning  the  French  colonists  —  might 
become  one  people ;  and  he  concluded  by  requesting 
chem  to  give  him  a  number  of  their  children  to  be 
educated  in  the  French  manner,  at  Quebec. 

This  speech,  every  clause  of  which  was  reinforced 
by  abundant  presents,  was  extremely  well  received ; 
though  one  speaker  reminded  him  that  he  had  for- 
gotten one  important  point,  inasmuch  as  he  had  not 
told  them  at  what  prices  they  could  obtain  goods  at 
Cataraqui.  Frontenac  evaded  a  precise  answer,  but 
promised  them  that  the  goods  should  be  as  cheap  as 
possible,  in  view  of  the  great  difficulty  of  transpor- 
tation. As  to  the  request  concerning  their  children, 
they  said  that  they  could  not  accede  to  it  till  they 


1()73.]  TREATY  WITH   THE  INDIANS.  95 

had  talked  the  matter  over  in  their  villages ;  but  it  is 
a  striking  proof  of  the  influence  which  Frontenac  had 
gained  over  them,  that,  in  the  following  year,  they 
actually  sent  several  of  their  children  to  Quebec  to 
be  educated,  —  the  girls  among  the  Ursulines,  and 
the  boys  in  the  household  of  the  governor. 

Three  days  after  the  council,  the  Iroquois  set  out 
on  their  return ;  and  as  the  palisades  of  the  fort  were 
now  finished,  and  the  barracks  nearly  so,  Frontenac 
began  to  send  his  party  homeward  by  detachments. 
He  himself  was  detained  for  a  time  by  the  arrival  of 
another  band  of  Iroquois,  from  the  villages  on  the 
north  side  of  Lake  Ontario.  He  repeated  to  them 
the  speech  he  had  made  to  the  others;  and,  this  final 
meeting  over,  he  embarked  with  his  guard,  leaving  a 
sufficient  number  to  hold  the  fort,  which  was  to  be 
provisioned  for  a  year  by  means  of  a  convoy  then  on 
its  way  up  the  river.  Passing  the  rapids  safely,  he 
reached  Montreal  on  the  first  of  August. 

His  enterprise  had  been  a  complete  success.  He 
had  gained  every  point,  and,  in  spite  of  the  dangerous 
navigation,  had  not  lost  a  single  canoe.  Thanks  to 
the  enforced  and  gratuitous  assistance  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, the  whole  had  cost  the  King  only  about  ten 
thousand  francs,  which  Frontenac  had  advanced  on 
his  own  credit.  Though  in  a  commercial  point  of 
^ew  the  new  establishment  was  of  very  questionable 
benefit  to  the  colony  at  large,  the  governor  had, 
nevertheless,  conferred  an  inestimable  blessing  on  all 
Canada  by  the  assurance  he  had  gained  of  a  long 


96  LA   SALLE   AND  FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

respite  from  the  fearful  scourge  of  Iroquois  hostility. 
"Assuredly,"  he  writes,  "I  may  boast  of  having 
impressed  them  at  once  with  respect,  fear,  and  good- 
will."1 He  adds  that  the  fort  at  Cataraqui,  with 
the  aid  of  a  vessel  now  building,  will  command  Lake 
Ontario,  keep  the  peace  with  the  Iroquois,  and  cut 
off  the  trade  with  the  English;  and  he  proceeds  to 
say  that  by  another  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara, 
and  another  vessel  on  Lake  Erie,  we,  the  French, 
can  command  all  the  Upper  Lakes.  This  plan  was 
an  essential  link  in  the  schemes  of  La  Salle ;  and  we 
shall  SOOP  €nd  him  employed  in  executing  it. 

A  curious  incident  occurred  soon  after  the  build- 
ing of  the  fort  on  Lake  Ontario.  Frontenac,  on  his 
way  back,  quarrelled  with  Perrot,  the  governor  of 
Montreal,  whom,  in  view  of  his  speculations  in  the 
fur-trade,  he  seems  to  have  regarded  as  a  rival  in 
business ;  but  who,  by  his  folly  and  arrogance,  would 
have  justified  any  reasonable  measure  of  severity. 
Frontenac,  however,  was  not  reasonable.  He  arrested 
Perrot,  threw  him  into  prison,  and  set  up  a  man  of 
his  own  as  governor  in  his  place ;  and  as  ttu>  judge  of 
Montreal  was  not  in  his  interest,  he  removed  him, 
and  substituted  another  on  whom  he  could  rely. 
Thus  for  a  time  he  had  Montreal  well  in  hand. 

The  priests  of  the  Seminary,  seigniors  of  the  island, 
regarded  these  arbitrary  proceedings  with  extreme 
uneasiness.  They  claimed  the  right  of  nominating 
their  own  governor;  and  Perrot,  though  he  held  a 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  13  Nov.,  1673. 


1674.]  ABBE  FENELOK  97 

commission  from  the  King,  owed  his  place  to  their 
appointment.  True,  he  had  set  them  at  nought,  and 
proved  a  veritable  King  Stork ;  yet  nevertheless  they 
regarded  his  removal  as  an  infringement  of  their 
rights. 

During  the  quarrel  with  Perrot,  La  Salle  chanced 
to  be  at  Montreal,  lodged  in  the  house  of  Jacques  Le 
Ber,  who,  though  one  of  the  principal  merchants  and 
most  influential  inhabitants  of  the  settlement,  was 
accustomed  to  sell  goods  across  his  counter  in  person 
to  white  men  and  Indians,  his  wife  taking  his  place 
when  he  was  absent.  Such  were  the  primitive 
manners  of  the  secluded  little  colony.  Le  Ber,  at 
this  time,  was  in  the  interest  of  Frontenac  and  La 
Salle ;  though  he  afterwards  became  one  of  their  most 
determined  opponents.  Amid  the  excitement  and 
discussion  occasioned  by  Perrot's  arrest,  La  Salle 
declared  himself  an  adherent  of  the  governor,  and 
warned  all  persons  against  speaking  ill  of  him  in  his 
hearing. 

The  Abbe*  Fe*nelon,  already  mentioned  as  half- 
brother  to  the  famous  Archbishop,  had  attempted  to 
mediate  between  Frontenac  and  Perrot,  and  to  this 
end  had  made  a  journey  to  Quebec  on  the  ice,  in 
midwinter.  Being  of  an  ardent  temperament,  and 
more  courageous  than  prudent,  he  had  spoken  some- 
what indiscreetly,  and  had  been  very  roughly  treated 
by  the  stormy  and  imperious  Count.  He  returned 
to  Montreal  greatly  excited,  and  not  without  cause. 
It  fell  to  his  lot  to  preach  the  Easter  sermon.  The 


98  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1674. 

service  was  held  in  the  little  church  of  the  H6tel- 
Dieu,  which  was  crowded  to  the  porch,  all  the  chief 
persons  of  the  settlement  being  present.  The  cure* 
of  the  parish,  whose  name  also  was  Perrot,  said  High 
Mass,  assisted  by  La  Salle's  brother,  Cavelier,  and 
two  other  priests.  Then  Fe'nelon  mounted  the 
pulpit.  Certain  passages  of  his  sermon  were  obvi- 
ously levelled  against  Frontenac.  Speaking  of  the 
duties  of  those  clothed  with  temporal  authority,  he 
said  that  the  magistrate,  inspired  with  the  spirit  of 
Christ,  was  as  ready  to  pardon  offences  against  him- 
self as  to  punish  those  against  his  prince;  that  he 
was  full  of  respect  for  the  ministers  of  the  altar,  and 
never  maltreated  them  when  they  attempted  to  recon- 
cile enemies  and  restore  peace ;  that  he  never  made 
favorites  of  those  who  flattered  him,  nor  under 
specious  pretexts  oppressed  other  persons  in  author- 
ity who  opposed  his  enterprises;  that  he  used  his 
power  to  serve  his  king,  and  not  to  his  own  advan- 
tage ;  that  he  remained  content  with  his  salary,  with- 
out disturbing  the  commerce  of  the  country,  or 
abusing  those  who  refused  him  a  share  in  their 
profits;  and  that  he  never  troubled  the  people  by 
inordinate  and  unjust  levies  of  men  and  material, 
using  the  name  of  his  prince  as  a  cover  to  his  own 
designs.1 

1  Faillon,  Colonie  Frangaise,  iii.  497,  and  manuscript  authorities 
there  cited.  I  have  examined  the  principal  of  these.  Faillon  him- 
self IB  a  priest  of  St.  Sulpice.  Compare  H.  Verreau,  Les  Deux  Abbe* 
de  Fenelon,  chap.  rii. 


l'574.j  LA  SALLE  AND  F^NELON.  99 

La  Salle  sat  near  the  door;  but  as  the  preacher 
proceeded  he  suddenly  rose  to  his  feet  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  congregation. 
As  they  turned  their  heads,  he  signed  to  the  principal 
persons  among  them,  and  by  his  angry  looks  and 
gesticulation  called  their  attention  to  the  words  of 
Fdnelon.  Then  meeting  the  eye  of  the  curd,  who  sat 
beside  the  altar,  he  made  the  same  signs  to  him,  to 
which  the  curd  replied  by  a  deprecating  shrug  of  the 
shoulders.  Fdnelon  changed  color,  but  continued  his 
sermon.1 

This  indecent  proceeding  of  La  Salle,  and  the  zeal 
with  which  throughout  the  quarrel  he  took  the  part 
of  the  governor,  did  not  go  unrewarded.  Hence- 
forth, Frontenac  was  more  than  ever  his  friend ;  and 
this  plainly  appeared  in  the  disposition  made,  through 
his  influence,  of  the  new  fort  on  Lake  Ontario. 
Attempts  had  been  made  to  induce  the  king  to  have 
it  demolished;  but  it  was  resolved  at  last  that,  being 
built,  it  should  be  allowed  to  stand;  and,  after  long 
delay,  a  final  arrangement  was  made  for  its  mainte- 
nance, in  the  manner  following:  In  the  autumn  of 
1674,  La  Salle  went  to  France,  with  letters  of  strong 
recommendation  from  Frontenac.2  He  was  well 

1  Information  faicte  par  nous,  Charles  It  Tardieu,  Sieur  de  Tilly,  et 
Nicolas  Dupont,  etc.,  etc.,  contre  le  Sr-    Abbe  de  Fenelon.    Tilly  and 
Dupont  were  sent  by  Frontenac  to  inquire  into  the  affair.    Among 
the  deponents  is  La  Salle  himself. 

2  In  his  despatch  to  the  minister  Colbert,  of  the  fourteenth  of 
November,  1674,  Frontenac  speaks  of  La  Salle  as  follows  :  "  I  can- 
not help,  Monecigneur,  recommending  to  you  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle^ 


100  LA  SALLE   AND  FRONTENAC.  [1674. 

received  at  Court;  and  he  made  two  petitions  to  the 
King, —  the  one  for  a  patent  of  nobility,  in  considera- 
tion of  his  services  as  an  explorer;  and  the  other  for 
a  grant  in  seigniory  of  Fort  Frontenac,  for  so  he 
called  the  new  post,  in  honor  of  his  patron.  On  his 
part,  he  offered  to  pay  back  the  ten  thousand  francs 
which  the  fort  had  cost  the  King;  to  maintain  it  at 
his  own  charge,  with  a  garrison  equal  to  that  of 
Montreal,  besides  fifteen  or  twenty  laborers ;  to  form 
a  French  colony  around  it;  to  build  a  church,  when- 
ever the  number  of  inhabitants  should  reach  one 
hundred;  and,  meanwhile,  to  support  one  or  more 
Re'collet  friars;  and,  finally,  to  form  a  settlement 
of  domesticated  Indians  in  the  neighborhood.  His 
offers  were  accepted.  He  was  raised  to  the  rank  of 
the  untitled  nobles ;  received  a  grant  of  the  fort  and 
lands  adjacent,  to  the  extent  of  four  leagues  in  front 
and  half  a  league  in  depth,  besides  the  neighboring 
islands;  and  was  invested  with  the  government  of 
the  fort  and  settlement,  subject  to  the  orders  of  the 
governor-general. l 

who  is  about  to  go  to  France,  and  who  is  a  man  of  intelligence  and 
ability,  more  capable  than  anybody  else  I  know  here  to  accomplish 
every  kind  of  enterprise  and  discovery  which  may  be  intrusted  to 
him,  as  he  has  the  most  perfect  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  coun- 
try, as  you  will  see,  if  you  are  disposed  to  give  him  a  few  moments 
of  audience/' 

1  Memoire  pour  Ventretien  du  Fort  Frontenac,  par  le  Sr'  de  la  Salle, 
1674.  Petition  du  Sr-  de  la  Salle  an  Roi.  Lettres  patentes  de  conces- 
sion, du  Fort  de  Frontenac  et  terres  adjacentes  au  profit  du  Sr-  de  la 
Salle ;  donnees  a  Compiegne  le  13  Mai,  1675.  Arret  qui  accepte  les 
o fires  faites  par  Robert  Cavelier  Sr-  de  la  Salle;  a  Compitgne  le  13 


1675.]  ENEMIES  OF  LA   SALLE.  101 

La  Salle  returned  to  Canada,  proprietor  of  a 
seigniory  which,  all  things  considered,  was  one  of 
the  most  valuable  in  the  colony.  His  friends  and  his 
family,  rejoicing  in  his  good  fortune  and  not  unwilh 
ing  to  share  it,  made  him  large  advances  of  money, 
enabling  him  to  pay  the  stipulated  sum  to  the  King, 
to  rebuild  the  fort  in  stone,  maintain  soldiers  and 
laborers,  and  procure  in  part,  at  least,  the  necessary 
outfit.  Had  La  Salle  been  a  mere  merchant,  he  was 
in  a  fair  way  to  make  a  fortune,  for  he  was  in  a  posi- 
tion to  control  the  better  part  of  the  Canadian  fur- 
trade.  But  he  was  not  a  mere  merchant;  and  no 
commercial  profit  could  content  his  ambition. 

Those  may  believe,  who  will,  that  Frontenac  did 
not  expect  a  share  in  the  profits  of  the  new  post. 
That  he  did  expect  it,  there  is  positive  evidence ;  for 
a  deposition  is  extant,  taken  at  the  instance  of  his 
enemy  the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  in  which  three 
witnesses  attest  that  the  governor,  La  Salle,  his 
lieutenant  La  Forest,  and  one  Boisseau,  had  formed 
a  partnership  to  carry  on  the  trade  of  Fort  Frontenac. 

No  sooner  was  La  Salle  installed  in  his  new  post 
than  the  merchants  of  Canada  joined  hands  to  oppose 
him.  Le  Ber,  once  his  friend,  became  his  bitter 
enemy;  for  he  himself  had  hoped  to  share  the 
monopoly  of  Fort  Frontenac,  of  which  he  and  one 
Bazire  had  at  first  been  placed  provisionally  in  con- 

Mai,  1675.  Lettret  de  noblesse  pour  le  Sr-  Cavelter  de  la  Salle  ;  donnee* 
a,  Compiegne  le  13  Mai,  1675.  Papiers  de  Famille.  Memoire  a« 
Rot. 


102  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1675. 

trol,  and  from  which  he  now  saw  himself  ejected. 
La  Chesnaye,  Le  Moyne,  and  others  of  more  or  less 
influence  took  part  in  the  league,  which,  in  fact, 
embraced  all  the  traders  in  the  colony  except  the  few 
joined  with  Frontenac  and  La  Salle.  Duchesneau, 
intendant  of  the  colony,  aided  the  malcontents.  As 
time  went  on,  their  bitterness  grew  more  bitter;  and 
when  at  last  it  was  seen  that,  not  satisfied  with  the 
monopoly  of  Fort  Frontenac,  La  Salle  aimed  at  the 
control  of  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  usufruct  of  half  a  continent,  the  ire  of  his 
opponents  redoubled,  and  Canada  became  for  him  a 
nest  of  hornets,  buzzing  in  wrath  and  watching  the 
moment  to  sting.  But  there  was  another  element  of 
opposition,  less  noisy,  but  not  less  formidable;  and 
this  arose  from  the  Jesuits.  Frontenac  hated  them; 
and  they,  under  befitting  forms  of  duty  and  courtesy, 
paid  him  back  in  the  same  coin.  Having  no  love  for 
the  governor,  they  would  naturally  have  little  for 
his  partisan  and  protege ;  but  their  opposition  had 
another  and  a  deeper  root,  for  the  plans  of  the  daring 
young  schemer  jarred  with  their  own. 

We  have  seen  the  Canadian  Jesuits  in  the  early 
apostolic  days  of  their  mission,  when  the  flame  of 
their  zeal,  fed  by  an  ardent  hope,  burned  bright  and 
high.  This  hope  was  doomed  to  disappointment. 
Their  avowed  purpose  of  building  another  Paraguay 
on  the  borders  of  the  Great  Lakes l  was  never  accom- 

1  This  purpose  is  several  times  indicated  in  the  Relations.  For 
an  instance,  sec  "  The  Jesuits  in  North  America/'  245. 


1675.]  PURPOSES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  103 

plished,  and  their  missions  and  their  converts  were 
swept  away  in  an  avalanche  of  ruin.  Still,  they 
would  not  despair.  From  the  lakes  they  turned 
their  eyes  to  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the 
hope  to  see  it  one  day  the  seat  of  their  new  empire  of 
the  Faith.  But  what  did  this  new  Paraguay  mean  ? 
It  meant  a  little  nation  of  converted  and  domesticated 
savages,  docile  as  children,  under  the  paternal  and 
absolute  rule  of  Jesuit  fathers,  and  trained  by  them 
in  industrial  pursuits,  the  results  of  which  were  to 
inure,  not  to  the  profit  of  the  producers,  but  to  the 
building  of  churches,  the  founding  of  colleges,  the  es- 
tablishment of  warehouses  and  magazines,  and  the 
construction  of  works  of  defence,  —  all  controlled  by 
Jesuits,  and  forming  a  part  of  the  vast  possessions  of 
the  Order.  Such  was  the  old  Paraguay ; l  and  such, 
we  may  suppose,  would  have  been  the  new,  had  the 
plans  of  those  who  designed  it  been  realized. 

I  have  said  that  since  the  middle  of  the  century 
the  religious  exaltation  of  the  early  missions  had 
sensibly  declined.  In  the  nature  of  things,  that 
grand  enthusiasm  was  too  intense  and  fervent  to  be 
long  sustained.  But  the  vital  force  of  Jesuitism  had 
suffered  no  diminution.  That  marvellous  esprit  de 
corps,  that  extinction  of  self  and  absorption  of  the 
individual  in  the  Order  which  has  marked  the  Jesuits 
from  their  first  existence  as  a  body,  was  no  whit 
changed  or  lessened,  —  a  principle,  which,  though 

1  Compare  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  Paraguay,  with  Robertson, 
Letters  on  Paraguay. 


104  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1675. 

different,  was  no  less  strong  than  the  self-devoted 
patriotism  of  Sparta  or  the  early  Roman  Republic. 

The  Jesuits  were  no  longer  supreme  in  Canada; 
or,  in  other  words,  Canada  was  no  longer  simply  a 
mission.  It  had  become  a  colony.  Temporal  interests 
and  the  civil  power  were  constantly  gaining  ground ; 
and  the  disciples  of  Loyola  felt  that  relatively,  if  not 
absolutely,  they  were  losing  it.  They  struggled 
vigorously  to  maintain  the  ascendency  of  their  Order, 
or,  as  they  would  have  expressed  it,  the  ascendency 
of  religion;  but  in  the  older  and  more  settled  parts 
of  the  colony  it  was  clear  that  the  day  of  their  undi- 
vided rule  was  past.  Therefore,  they  looked  with 
redoubled  solicitude  to  their  missions  in  the  West. 
They  had  been  among  its  first  explorers;  and  they 
hoped  that  here  the  Catholic  Faith,  as  represented 
by  Jesuits,  might  reign  with  undisputed  sway.  In 
Paraguay,  it  was  their  constant  aim  to  exclude  white 
men  from  their  missions.  It  was  the  same  in  North 
America.  They  dreaded  fur-traders,  partly  because 
they  interfered  with  their  teachings  and  perverted 
their  converts,  and  partly  for  other  reasons.  But  La 
Salle  was  a  fur-trader,  and  far  worse  than  a  fur- 
trader:  he  aimed  at  occupation,  fortification,  and 
settlement.  The  scope  and  vigor  of  his  enterprises, 
and  the  powerful  influence  that  aided  them,  made 
him  a  stumbling-block  in  their  path.  He  was  their 
most  dangerous  rival  for  the  control  of  the  West, 
and  from  first  to  last  they  set  themselves  against 
him. 


1674-78.]  SPIRIT  OF  LA  SALLE.  105 

What  manner  of  man  was  he  who  could  con- 
ceive designs  so  vast  and  defy  enmities  so  many 
and  so  powerful?  And  in  what  spirit  did  he  em- 
brace these  designs  ?  We  will  look  hereafter  for  an 
answer. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

1678. 
PARTY  STRIFE. 

LA  SALLB  AND  HIS  REPORTER.  —  JESUIT  ASCENDENCY.  —  THE  Mis- 
SIGNS  AND  THE  FUR-TRADE.  —  FEMALE  INQUISITORS.  —  PLOTS 
AGAINST  LA  SALLE  :  HIS  BROTHER  THE  PRIEST.  —  INTRIGUES  OF 
THE  JESUITS.  —  LA  SALLE  POISONED  :  HE  EXCULPATES  THE  JESU- 
ITS. —  RENEWED  INTRIGUES. 

ONE  of  the  most  curious  monuments  of  La  Salle's 
time  is  a  long  memoir,  written  by  a  person  who  made 
his  acquaintance  at  Paris  in  the  summer  of  1678, 
when,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  he  had  returned  to  France 
in  prosecution  of  his  plans.  The  writer  knew  the 
Sulpitian  Galin^e,1  who,  as  he  says,  had  a  very  high 
opinion  of  La  Salle ;  and  he  was  also  in  close  relations 
with  the  discoverer's  patron,  the  Prince  de  Conti.2 
He  says  that  he  had  ten  or  twelve  interviews  with  La 
Salle;  and,  becoming  interested  in  him  and  in  that 
which  he  communicated,  he  wrote  down  the  substance 
of  his  conversation.  The  paper  is  divided  into  two 

1  Ante,  p.  17. 

2  Louis-Armand  de  Bourbon,    second  Prince  de  Conti.     The 
author  of  the  memoir  seems  to  hare  been  Abbe*  Renaudot,  a  learned 
churchman. 


1678.]  LA  SALLE'S  MEMOIR.  107 

parts:  the  first,  called  "Me*moire  sur  Mr.  de  la 
Salle,"  is  devoted  to  the  state  of  affairs  in  Canada, 
and  chiefly  to  the  Jesuits;  the  second,  entitled 
"  Histoire  de  Mr.  de  la  Salle,"  is  an  account  of  the 
discoverer's  life,  or  as  much  of  it  as  the  writer  had 
learned  from  him.1  Both  parts  bear  throughout  the 
internal  evidence  of  being  what  they  profess  to  be; 
but  they  embody  the  statements  of  a  man  of  intense 
partisan  feeling,  transmitted  through  the  mind  of 
another  person  in  sympathy  with  him,  and  evidently 
sharing  his  prepossessions.  In  one  respect,  however, 
the  paper  is  of  unquestionable  historical  value ;  for  it 
gives  us  a  vivid  and  not  an  exaggerated  picture  of 
the  bitter  strife  of  parties  which  then  raged  in 
Canada,  and  which  was  destined  to  tax  to  the  utmost 
the  vast  energy  and  fortitude  of  La  Salle.  At  times, 
the  memoir  is  fully  sustained  by  contemporary  evi- 
dence; but  often,  again,  it  rests  on  its  own  unsup- 
ported authority.  I  give  an  abstract  of  its  statements 
as  I  find  them. 

The  following  is  the  writer's  account  of  La  Salle : 
"  All  those  among  my  friends  who  have  seen  him  find 
him  a  man  of  great  intelligence  and  sense.  He  rarely 
speaks  of  any  subject  except  when  questioned  about 
it,  and  his  words  are  very  few  and  very  precise.  He 
distinguishes  perfectly  between  that  which  he  knows 
with  certainty  and  that  which  he  knows  with  some 
mingling  of  doubt.  When  he  does  not  know,  he  does 

1  Extracts  from  this  have  already  been  given  in  connection  with 
L  i  Salle's  supposed  discovery  of  the  Mississippi.  Ante,  p.  29. 


108  PARTY  STRIFE.  [1678. 

not  hesitate  to  avow  it;  and  though  I  have  heard 
him  say  the  same  thing  more  than  five  or  six  times, 
when  persons  were  present  who  had  not  heard  it 
before,  he  always  said  it  in  the  same  manner.  In 
short,  I  never  heard  anybody  speak  whose  words 
carried  with  them  more  marks  of  truth."1 

After  mentioning  that  he  is  thirty-three  or  thirty- 
four  years  old,  and  that  he  has  been  twelve  years  in 
America,  the  memoir  declares  that  he  made  the  fol- 
lowing statements:  that  the  Jesuits  are  masters  at 
Quebec ;  that  the  bishop  is  their  creature,  and  does 
nothing  but  in  concert  with  them ; 2  that  he  is  not 
well  inclined  towards  the  Re'collets,8  who  have  little 

1  "  Tons  ceux  de  mes  amis  qui  1'ont  vu  luy  troure  beaucoup 
d'esprit  et  un  tres-grand  sens ;  il  ne  parle  gueres  que  des  choses  sur 
lesquelles  on  I'interroge ;  il  les  dit  en  tres-peu  de  mots  et  tres-bien 
circonstancie'es ;  il  distingue  parf aitement  ce  qu'il  scait  avec  certi- 
tude, de  ce  qu'il  scait  avec  quelque  melange  de  doute.    II  avoue 
sans  aucune  fa?on  ne  pas  savoir  ce  qu'il  ne  scait  pas,  et  quoyque  je 
luy  aye  ouy  dire  plus  de  cinq  ou  six  fois  les  mesme  choses  a  1'occa- 
sion  de  quelques  personnes  qui  ne  les  avaient  point  encore  entendues, 
je  les  luy  ay  toujours  ouy  dire  de  la  mesme  maniere.    En  un  mot 
je  n'ay  jamais  ouy  parler  personne  dont  les  paroles  portassent  plus 
de  marques  de  ve'rite." 

2  "  II  y  a  une  autre  chose  qui  me  de'plait,  qui  est  1'entiere  depen- 
dence dans  laquelle  les  Pretres  du  Se'minaire  de  Quebec  et  le  Grand 
Vicaire  de  1'Eveque  sont  pour  les  Peres  Je'suites,  car  il  ne  fait  pas 
la  moindre  chose  sans  leur  ordre ;  ce  qui  fait  qu'indirectement  ils 
sont  les  maitres  de  ce  qui  regarde  le  spirituel,  qui,  comme  vous 
savez,  est  une  grande  machine  pour  remuer  tout  le  reste."  —  Lettre 
de  Frontenac  A  Colbert,  2  Nov.,  1672. 

8  "  Ces  religieux  [les  Recollets]  sont  fort  prote'ges  partout  par  le 
comte  de  Frontenac,  gouverneur  du  pays,  et  k  cause  de  cela  assez 
maltraites  par  1'evesque,  parceque  la  doctrine  de  1'evesque  et  des 
Je'suites  est  que  les  affaires  de  la  Religion  ehrestienne  n'iront  point 
bien  dans  ce  pays-la  que  quand  le  gouverneur  sera  cre'ature  dea 


1378.]  JESUIT   ASCENDENCY.  109 

c  redit,  but  who  are  protected  by  Frontenac ;  that  in 
Canada  the  Jesuits  think  everybody  an  enemy  to 
roligion  who  is  an  enemy  to  them ;  that,  though  they 
rofused  absolution  to  all  who  sold  brandy  to  the 
Indians,  they  sold  it  themselves,  and  that  he,  La 
Salle,  had  himself  detected  them  .in  it;1  that  the 
bishop  laughs  at  the  orders  of  the  King  when  they 
do  not  agree  with  the  wishes  of  the  Jesuits ;  that  the 
Jesuits  dismissed  one  of  their  servants  named  Robert, 
because  he  told  of  their  trade  in  brandy;  that 
Albanel,2  in  particular,  carried  on  a  great  fur- trade, 
and  that  the  Jesuits  have  built  their  college  in  part 
from  the  profits  of  this  kind  of  traffic;  that  they 

J(rsuites,  on  que  1'evesque  sera  gouverneur." — Memoire  sur  Mr>  de 
la  Salle. 

1  "  Ils  [les  Jesuites]  ref usent  1'absolution  a  ceux  qui  ne  veulent 
pas  promettre  de  n'en  plus  vendre  [de  I' eau-de-vie],  et  s'ils  meurent 
en  cet  etat,  ils  les  privent  de  la  sepulture  ecclesiastique ;  an  con- 
traire  ils  se  permettent  a  eux-memes  sans  aucune  difficult^  ce  mesme 
trafic  quoique  toute  sorte  de  trafic  soit  interdite  a  tous  les  ecclesias- 
tiques  par  les  ordonnances  du  Roy,  et  par  une  bulle  expresse  du 
Pape.    La  Bulle  et  les  ordonnances  sont  notoires,  et  quoyqu'ils 
cjichent  le  trafic  qu'ils  font  d'eau-de-vie,  M.  de  la  Salle  pretend  qu'ii 
no  Test  pas  moins ;  qu'outre  la  notoriete  il  en  a  des  preuves  certaines, 
et  qu'il  les  a  surpris  dans  ce  trafic,  et  qu'ils  luy  ont  tendu  des  pieges 
pour  1'y  surprendre.  ...  Ils  ont  chasse  leur  valet  Robert  a  cause 
qu'il  re  vela  qu'ils  en  traitaient  jour  et  nuit." —  Ibid.    The  writer 
sjiys  that  he  makes  this  last  statement,  not  on  the  authority  of  La 
S.ille,  but  on  that  of  a  memoir  made  at  the  time  when  the  intendant, 
Talon,  with  whom  he  elsewhere  says  that  he  was  well  acquainted, 
r<  turned  to  France.    A  great  number  of  particulars  are  added 
re  specting  the  Jesuit  trade  in  furs. 

2  Albanel  was  prominent  among  the  Jesuit  explorers  at  this 
time.    He  is  best  known  by  his  journey  up  the  Saguenay  to  Hud* 
son's  Bay  in  1672. 


110  PARTY   STRIFE.  [167* 

admitted  that  they  carried  on  a  trade,  but  denied 
that  they  gained  so  much  by  it  as  was  commonly 
supposed. l 

The  memoir  proceeds  to  affirm  that  they  trade 
largely  with  the  Sioux  at  Ste.  Marie,  and  with  other 
tribes  at  Michilimackinac,  and  that  they  are  masters 
of  the  trade  of  that  region,  where  the  forts  are  in 
their  possession.2  An  Indian  said,  in  full  council, 
at  Quebec,  that  he  had  prayed  and  been  a  Christian 
as  long  as  the  Jesuits  would  stay  and  teach  him,  but 
since  no  more  beaver  were  left  in  his  country,  the 
missionaries  were  gone  also.  The  Jesuits,  pursues 
the  memoir,  will  have  no  priests  but  themselves  in 
their  missions,  and  call  them  all  Jansenists,  not 
excepting  the  priests  of  St.  Sulpice. 

The  bishop  is  next  accused  of  harshness  and 
intolerance,  as  well  as  of  growing  rich  by  tithes,  and 
even  by  trade,  in  which  it  is  affirmed  he  has  a  covert 
interest.3  It  is  added  that  there  exists  in  Quebec, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Jesuits,  an  association 

1  "  Pour  vous  parler  f ranchement,  ils  \les  Jesuites]  songent  autant 
a  la  conversion  du  Castor  qu'a  celle  des  ames."  —  Lettre  de  Frontenac 
d  Colbert,  2  Nov.,  1672. 

In  his  despatch  of  the  next  year,  he  says  that  the  Jesuits  ought 
to  content  themselves  with  instructing  the  Indians  in  their  old  mis- 
sions, instead  of  neglecting  them  to  make  new  ones  in  countries 
where  there  are  "  more  beaver-skins  to  gain  than  souls  to  save." 

2  These  forts  were  built  by  them,  and  were  necessary  to  the  secu- 
rity of  their  missions. 

8  Fran9ois  Xavier  de  Laval-Montmorency,  first  bishop  of  Que- 
bec, was  a  prelate  of  austere  character.  His  memory  is  cherished 
in  Canada  by  adherents  of  the  Jesuits  and  all  ultramontane 
Catholics. 


1678.]  FEMALE  INQUISITORS.  Ill 

called  the  Sainte  Famille,  of  which  Madame  Bourdon l 
is  superior.  They  meet  in  the  cathedral  every 
Thursday,  with  closed  doors,  where  they  relate  to 
each  other  —  as  they  are  bound  by  a  vow  to  do  —  all 
they  have  learned,  whether  good  or  evil,  concerning 
other  people,  during  the  week.  It  is  a  sort  of  female 
inquisition,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Jesuits,  the  secrets 
of  whose  friends,  it  is  said,  are  kept,  while  no  such 
discretion  is  observed  with  regard  to  persons  not  of 
their  party.2 

1  This  Madame  Bourdon  was  the  widow  of  Bourdon,  the  engineer 
(see  "The  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  297).     If  we  may  credit 
the  letters  of  Marie  de  ITncarnation,  she  had  married  him  from  a 
religious  motive,  in  order  to  charge  herself  with  the  care  of  his 
motherless  children ;   stipulating  in  advance  that  he  should  live 
with  her,  not  as  a  husband,  but  as  a  brother.    As  may  be  imagined, 
she  was  regarded  as  a  most  devout  and  saint-like  person. 

2  "  II  y  a  dans  Quebec  une  congregation  de  f  emmes  et  de  filles 
qu'ils  [les  Jesuites]  appellent  la  sainte  famille,  dans  laquelle  on  fait 
vceu  sur  les  Saints  Evangiles  de  dire  tout  ce  qu'on  sait  de  bien  et  de 
mal  des  personnes  qu'on  connoist.    La  Superieure  de  cette  com 
pagnie  s'appelle  Madame  Bourdon;  une  Mde-  d'Ailleboust  est,  je 
crois,  1'assistante  et  une  Mde-  Charron,  la  Tre'soriere.    La  Compagnie 
s'assemble  tous  les  Jeudis  dans  la  Cathedrale,  a  porte  fermee,  et  la 
elles  se  disent  les  unes  aux  autres  tout  ce  qu'elles  ont  appris.    C'est 
une  espece  d'Inquisition  contre  toutes  les  personnes  qui  ne  sont  pas 
unies  avec  les  Jesuites.    Ces  personnes  soiit  accuses  de  tenir  secret 
ce  qu'elles  apprennent  de  mal  des  personnes  de  leur  party  et  de 
n'avoir  pas  la  mesme  discretion  pour  les  autres."  —  Memoire  sur 
M^  de  la  Salle. 

The  Madame  d'Ailleboust  mentioned  above  was  a  devotee  like 
Madame  Bourdon,  and,  in  one  respect,  her  history  was  similar.  See 
"  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  360. 

The  association  of  the  Sainte  Famille  was  founded  by  the  Jesuit 
Chaumonot  at  Montreal  in  1663.  Laval,  Bishop  of  Quebec,  after- 
wards encouraged  its  establishment  at  that  place ;  and,  as  Chaumo- 
not himself  writes,  caused  it  to  be  attached  to  the  cathedral.  Vie 


112  PARTY   STRIFE.  [1678. 

Here  follow  a  series  of  statements  which  it  is  need- 
less to  repeat,  as  they  do  not  concern  La  Salle. 
They  relate  to  abuse  of  the  confessional,  hostility  to 
other  priests,  hostility  to  civil  authorities,  and  over- 
hasty  baptisms,  in  regard  to  which  La  Salle  is 
reported  to  have  made  a  comparison,  unfavorable  to 
the  Jesuits,  between  them  and  the  Re'collets  and 
Sulpitians. 

We  now  come  to  the  second  part  of  the  memoir, 
entitled  "History  of  Monsieur  de  la  Salle."  After 
stating  that  he  left  France  at  the  age  of  twenty-one 
or  twenty-two,  with  the  purpose  of  attempting  some 
new  discovery,  it  makes  the  statements  repeated  in  a 
former  chapter,  concerning  his  discovery  of  the  Ohio, 
the  Illinois,  and  possibly  the  Mississippi.  It  then 
mentions  the  building  of  Fort  Frontenac,  and  says 
that  one  object  of  it  was  to  prevent  the  Jesuits  from 
becoming  undisputed  masters  of  the  fur-trade.1 
Three  years  ago,  it  pursues,  La  Salle  came  to  France, 
ind  obtained  a  grant  of  the  fort;  and  it  proceeds  to 
give  examples  of  the  means  used  by  the  party  opposed 
to  him  to  injure  his  good  name  and  bring  him  within 
reach  of  the  law.  Once,  when  he  was  at  Quebec, 
the  farmer  of  the  King's  revenue,  one  of  the  richest 

de  Chaumonot,  83.    For  its  establishment  at  Montreal,  see  Faillon, 


Vie  de  M"*'  Mance,  i.  233. 

"  Us  [les  Jesuites]  ont  tons  une  si  grande  envie  de  savoir  tout  ce 
qui  se  fait  dans  les  families  qu'ils  ont  des  Inspecteurs  a  gages  dans 
la  Ville,  qui  leur  rapportent  tout  ce  qui  se  fait  dans  les  maisons," 
etc.,  etc.  —  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  13  Nov.,  1673. 

1  Mention  has  been  made  (p.  88,  note)  of  the  report  set  on  foot 
by  the  Jesuit  Dablon,  to  prevent  the  building  of  the  fort. 


1678.]  PLOTS   AGAINST  LA  SALLE.  113 

men  in  the  place,  was  extremely  urgent  in  his  proffers 
of  hospitality,  and  at  length,  though  he  knew  La 
Salle  but  slightly,  persuaded  him  to  lodge  in  his 
house.  He  had  been  here  but  a  few  days  when  his 
host's  wife  began  to  enact  the  part  of  the  wife  of 
Potiphar,  and  this  with  so  much  vivacity  that  on  one 
occasion  La  Salle  was  forced  to  take  an  abrupt  leave, 
in  order  to  avoid  an  infringement  of  the  laws  of  hos- 
pitality. As  he  opened  the  door,  he  found  the  hus- 
band on  the  watch,  and  saw  that  it  was  a  plot  to 
entrap  him.1 

Another  attack,  of  a  different  character,  though 
in  the  same  direction,  was  soon  after  made.  The 
remittances  which  La  Salle  received  from  the  various 
members  and  connections  of  his  family  were  sent 
through  the  hands  of  his  brother,  Abb6  Cavelier, 
from  whom  his  enemies  were,  therefore,  very  eager 
to  alienate  him.  To  this  end,  a  report  was  made  to 
reach  the  priest's  ears  that  La  Salle  had  seduced  a 
young  woman,  with  whom  he  was  living  in  an  open 
rind  scandalous  manner  at  Fort  Frontenac.  The 
effect  of  this  device  exceeded  the  wishes  of  its  con- 
trivers ;  for  the  priest,  aghast  at  what  he  had  heard, 
set  out  for  the  fort,  to  administer  his  fraternal  rebuke, 
but  on  arriving,  in  place  of  the  expected  abomination, 
found  his  brother,  assisted  by  two  Re'collet  friars, 
ruling  with  edifying  propriety  over  a  most  exemplary 
household. 

1  This  story  is  told  at  considerable  length,  and  the  advances  of 
the  lady  particularly  described. 

8 


114  PARTY  STRIFE.  [1678. 

Thus  far  the  memoir.  From  passages  in  some  of 
La  Salle 's  letters,  it  may  be  gathered  that  Abbd 
Cavelier  gave  him  at  times  no  little  annoyance.  In 
his  double  character  of  priest  and  elder  brother,  he 
seems  to  have  constituted  himself  the  counsellor, 
monitor,  and  guide  of  a  man  who,  though  many  years 
his  junior,  was  in  all  respects  incomparably  superior 
to  him,  as  the  sequel  will  show.  This  must  have 
been  almost  insufferable  to  a  nature  like  that  of  La 
Salle,  who,  nevertheless,  was  forced  to  arm  himself 
with  patience,  since  his  brother  held  the  purse- 
strings.  On  one  occasion  his  forbearance  was  put 
to  a  severe  proof,  when,  wishing  to  marry  a  damsel 
of  good  connections  in  the  colony,  Abb£  Cavelier  saw 
fit  for  some  reason  to  interfere,  and  prevented  the 
alliance.1 

To  resume  the  memoir.  It  declares  that  the 
Jesuits  procured  an  ordinance  from  the  Supreme 
Council  prohibiting  traders  from  going  into  the 
Indian  country,  in  order  that  they,  the  Jesuits, 
being  already  established  there  in  their  missions, 
might  carry  on  trade  without  competition.  But  La 
Salle  induced  a  good  number  of  the  Iroquois  to  settle 
around  his  fort;  thus  bringing  the  trade  to  his 
own  door,  without  breaking  the  ordinance.  These 
Iroquois,  he  is  further  reported  to  have  said,  were 
very  fond  of  him,  and  aided  him  in  rebuilding  the 
fort  with  cut  stone.  The  Jesuits  told  the  Iroquois 
on  the  south  side  of  the  lake,  where  they  were  estab- 
1  Letter  of  La  Salle,  in  possession  of  M.  Margry. 


1678.]  INTRIGUES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  115 

listed  as  missionaries,  that  La  Salle  was  strengthen- 
ing his  defences  with  the  view  of  making  war  on 
them.  They  and  the  intendant,  who  was  their  crea- 
ture, endeavored  to  embroil  the  Iroquois  with  the 
French  in  order  to  ruin  La  Salle ;  writing  to  him  at 
the  same  time  that  he  was  the  bulwark  of  the  country, 
and  that  he  ought  to  be  always  on  his  guard.  They 
also  tried  to  persuade  Frontenac  that  it  was  necessary 
to  raise  men  and  prepare  for  war.  La  Salle  suspected 
them;  and  seeing  that  the  Iroquois,  in  consequence 
of  their  intrigues,  were  in  an  excited  state,  he 
induced  the  governor  to  come  to  Fort  Frontenac  to 
pacify  them.  He  accordingly  did  so;  and  a  council 
was  held,  which  ended  in  a  complete  restoration  of 
confidence  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois.1  At  this 
council  they  accused  the  two  Jesuits,  Bruyas  and 
Pierron,2  of  spreading  reports  that  the  French  were 
preparing  to  attack  them.  La  Salle  thought  that  the 

1  Louis  XIV.  alludes  to  this  visit,  in  a  letter  to  Frontenac,  dated 
28  April,  1677.    "  I  cannot  but  approve,"  he  writes,  "  of  what  you 
have  done,  in  your  voyage  to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  reconcile  the 
minds  of  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  to  clear  yourself  from  the 
suspicions  they  had  entertained,  and  from  the  motives  that  might 
induce  them  to  make  war."    Frontenac's  despatches  of  this  year, 
as  well  as  of  the  preceding  and  following  years,  are  missing  from 
the  archives. 

In  a  memoir  written  in  November,  1680,  La  Salle  alludes  to  "  le 
desir  que  Ton  avoit  que  Monseigneur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  fist  la 
guerre  aux  Iroquois."  See  Thomassy,  Geologic  Pratique  de  la  Loui- 
siane,  203. 

2  Bruyas  was  about  this  time  stationed  among  the  Onondagas. 
Pierron  was  among  the  Senecas.    He  had  lately  removed  to  them 
from  the  Mohawk  country.     Relation  des  Jesuites,  1673-79,  1-10 
(Shea).    Bruyas  was  also  for  a  long  time  among  the  Mohawks. 


116  PARTY   STRIFE.  [1378. 

object  of  the  intrigue  was  to  make  the  Iroquois 
jealous  of  him,  and  engage  Frontenac  in  expenses 
which  would  offend  the  King.  After  La  Salle  and 
the  governor  had  lost  credit  by  the  rupture,  the 
Jesuits  would  come  forward  as  pacificators,  in  the 
full  assurance  that  they  could  restore  quiet,  and 
appear  in  the  attitude  of  saviors  of  the  colony. 

La  Salle,  pursues  his  reporter,  went  on  to  say  that 
about  this  time  a  quantity  of  hemlock  and  verdigris 
was  given  him  in  a  salad ;  and  that  the  guilty  person 
was  a  man  in  his  employ  named  Nicolas  Perrot, 
otherwise  called  Jolycoeur,  who  confessed  the  crime.1 
The  memoir  adds  that  La  Salle,  who  recovered  from 
the  effects  of  the  poison,  wholly  exculpates  the 
Jesuits. 

This  attempt,  which  was  not,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
only  one  of  the  kind  made  against  La  Salle,  is 
alluded  to  by  him  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  at  Paris, 

1  This  puts  the  character  of  Perrot  in  a  new  light ;  for  it  is  not 
likely  that  any  other  can  be  meant  than  the  famous  voyageur.  I 
have  found  no  mention  elsewhere  of  the  synonyme  of  Jolycoeur 
Poisoning  was  the  current  crime  of  the  day,  and  persons  of  the 
highest  rank  had  repeatedly  been  charged  with  it.  The  following 
is  the  passage:  — 

"  Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  Mr-  de  la  Salle  se  sentit  quelque  temps  apres 
empoissonne  d'une  salade  dans  laquelle  on  avoit  mesle  du  cigue, 
qui  est  poison  en  ce  pays  la,  et  du  verd  de  gris.  II  en  fut  malade  a 
Textremite,  vomissant  presque  continuellement  40  ou  50  jours  apres, 
et  il  ne  rechappa  que  par  la  force  extreme  de  sa  constitution.  Celuy 
qui  luy  donna  le  poison  fut  un  nomm£  Nicolas  Perrot,  autrement 
Jolycoeur,  1'un  de  ses  domestiques.  <  .  II  pouvait  faire  mourir  cet 
homme,  qui  a  confesse  son  crime,  mais  il  s'est  eontente  de  1'en- 
f  ermer  les  f  era  aux  pieds."  —  Histoire  de  Mr  de  la  Salle» 


1678.]    LA  SALLE  EXCULPATES  THE  JESUITS.    117 

written  in  Canada  when  he  was  on  the  point  of 
departure  on  his  great  expedition  to  descend  the 
Mississippi.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  it: 

"  I  hope  to  give  myself  the  honor  of  sending  you  a 
more  particular  account  of  this  enterprise  when  it 
shall  have  had  the  success  which  I  hope  for  it;  but  I 
have  need  of  a  strong  protection  for  its  support.  It 
traverses  the  commercial  operations  of  certain  persons, 
who  will  find  it  hard  to  endure  it.  They  intended  to 
make  a  new  Paraguay  in  these  parts,  and  the  route 
which  I  close  against  them  gave  them  facilities  for 
an  advantageous  correspondence  with  Mexico.  This 
check  will  infallibly  be  a  mortification  to  them ;  and 
you  know  how  they  deal  with  whatever  opposes  them. 
Nevertheless,  I  am  bound  to  render  them  the  justice  to 
say  that  the  poison  which  was  given  me  was  not  at  all 
of  their  instigation.  The  person  who  was  conscious 
of  the  guilt,  believing  that  I  was  their  enemy  because 
he  saw  that  our  sentiments  were  opposed,  thought  to 
exculpate  himself  by  accusing  them,  and  I  confess 
that  at  the  time  I  was  not  sorry  to  have  this  indica- 
tion of  their  ill-will ;  but  having  afterwards  carefully 
axamined  the  affair,  I  clearly  discovered  the  falsity 
of  the  accusation  which  this  rascal  had  made  against 
them,  I  nevertheless  pardoned  him,  in  order  not  to 
give  notoriety  to  the  affair;  as  the  mere  suspicion 
might  sully  their  reputation,  to  which  I  should 
scrupulously  avoid  doing  the  slightest  injury  unless  I 
thought  it  necessary  to  the  good  of  the  public,  and 
unless  the  fact  were  fully  proved.  Therefore, 


118  PARTY  STRIFE.  [1678. 

Monsieur,  if  anybody  shared  the  suspicion  which  I 
felt,  oblige  me  by  undeceiving  him. " l 

This  letter,  so  honorable  to  La  Salle,  explains  the 
statement  made  in  the  memoir,  that,  notwithstanding 
his  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  Jesuits,  he  con- 
tinued to  live  on  terms  of  courtesy  with  them,  enter- 
tained them  at  his  fort,  and  occasionally  corresponded 
with  them.  The  writer  asserts,  however,  that  they 
intrigued  with  his  men  to  induce  them  to  desert,  — • 
employing  for  this  purpose  a  young  man  named 
Deslauriers,  whom  they  sent  to  him  with  letters  of 
recommendation.  La  Salle  took  him  into  his  service ; 
but  he  soon  after  escaped,  with  several  other  men, 
and  took  refuge  in  the  Jesuit  missions.2  The  object 
of  the  intrigue  is  said  to  have  been  the  reduction  of 
La  Salle 's  garrison  to  a  number  less  than  that  which 
he  was  bound  to  maintain,  thus  exposing  him  to  a 
forfeiture  of  his  title  of  possession. 

He  is  also  stated  to  have  declared  that  Louis  Joliet 
was  an  impostor,3  and  a  donne  of  the  Jesuits,  —  that 

1  The  following  words  are  underlined  in  the  original :  "  Je  suis 
pourtant  oblige"  de  leur  rendre  une  justice,  que  le  poison  qu'on  m'avoit 
donne  n'estoit  point  de  leur  instigation"  —  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Prince 
de  Conti,  31  Oct.,  1678. 

2  In  a  letter  to  the  King,  Frontenac  mentions  that  several  men 
who  had  been  induced  to  desert  from  La  Salle  had  gone  to  Albany, 
where  the  English  had  received  them  well.    Lettre  de  Frontenac  au 
Roy,  Q  Nov.,  1679.    The  Jesuits  had  a  mission  in  the  neighboring 
tribe  of  the  Mohawks  and  elsewhere  in  New  York. 

8  This  agrees  with  expressions  used  by  La  Salle  in  a  memoir 
addressed  by  him  to  Frontenac  in  November,  1680.  In  this,  he 
intimates  his  belief  that  Joliet  went  but  little  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois,  thus  doing  flagrant  injustice  to  that  brave  explorer. 


1678.]  RENEWED  INTRIGUES.  119 

is,  a  man  who  worked  for  them  without  pay;  and, 
further,  that  when  he,  La  Salle,  came  to  court  to  ask 
for  privileges  enabling  him  to  pursue  his  discoveries, 
the  Jesuits  represented  in  advance  to  the  minister 
Colbert  that  his  head  was  turned,  and  that  he  was  fit 
for  nothing  but  a  mad-house.  It  was  only  by  the  aid 
of  influential  friends  that  he  was  at  length  enabled  to 
gain  an  audience. 

Here  ends  this  remarkable  memoir,  which,  criticise 
it  as  we  may,  does  not  exaggerate  the  jealousies  and 
enmities  that  beset  the  path  of  the  discoverer. 


CHAPTER 

1677,  1678. 
THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE. 

SALLE  AT  FORT  FRONTENAC.  — LA  SALLE  AT  COURT:  HIS  MEMO- 
RIAL. —  APPROVAL  OP  THE  KING.  —  MONEY  AND  MEANS.  —  HENRI 
DE  TONTY.  —  RETURN  TO  CANADA. 

"!F,"  writes  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  "he  had  preferred 
gain  to  glory,  he  had  only  to  stay  at  his  fort,  where 
he  was  making  more  than  twenty-five  thousand  livres 
a  year."1  He  loved  solitude  and  he  loved  power; 
and  at  Fort  Frontenac  he  had  both,  so  far  as  each 
consisted  with  the  other.  The  nearest  settlement 
was  a  week's  journey  distant,  and  he  was  master  of 
all  around  him.  He  had  spared  no  pains  to  fulfil  the 
conditions  on  which  his  wilderness  seigniory  had  been 
granted,  and  within  two  years  he  had  demolished  the 
original  wooden  fort,  replacing  it  by  another  much 
larger,  enclosed  on  the  land  side  by  ramparts  and 
bastions  of  stone,  and  on  the  water  side  by  palisades. 
It  contained  a  range  of  barracks  of  squared  timber,  a 
guard-house,  a  lodging  for  officers,  a  forge,  a  well, 

1  Memoir -e  pour  Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de  Seignelay  sur  Us  De» 
couvertes  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  1682. 


1675-78.]    LA  SALLE  AT  FORT  FRONTENAC.       121 

a  mill,  and  a  bakery.  Nine  small  cannon  were 
mounted  on  the  walls.  Two  officers  and  a  surgeon, 
with  ten  or  twelve  soldiers,  made  up  the  garrison; 
and  three  or  four  times  that  number  of  masons, 
laborers,  and  canoe-men  were  at  one  time  maintained 
at  the  place. 

Along  the  shore  south  of  the  fort  was  a  small 
village  of  French  families,  to  whom  La  Salle  had 
granted  farms,  and,  farther  on,  a  village  of  Iroquois, 
whom  he  had  persuaded  to  settle  here.  Near  these 
villages  were  the  house  and  chapel  of  two  Rdcollet 
friars,  Luc  Buisset  and  Louis  Hennepin.  More  than 
a  hundred  French  acres  of  land  had  been  cleared  of 
wood,  and  planted  in  part  with  crops ;  while  cattle, 
fowls,  and  swine  had  been  brought  up  from  Montreal. 
Four  vessels,  of  from  twenty-five  to  forty  tons,  had 
been  built  for  the  lake  and  the  river;  but  canoes 
served  best  for  ordinary  uses,  and  La  Salle 's  followers 
became  so  skilled  in  managing  them  that  they  were 
reputed  the  best  canoe-men  in  America.  Feudal  lord 
of  the  forests  around  him,  commander  of  a  garrison 
raised  and  paid  by  himself ,  founder  of  the  mission, 
and  patron  of  the  church,  he  reigned  the  autocrat  of 
his  lonely  little  empire.1 

1  fitat  de  la  depense  faite  par  Mr-  de  la  Salle,  Gouverneur  du  Fort 
Frontenac.  Recit  de  Nicolas  de  la  Salle.  Reveue  faite  au  Fort  de 
Frontenac,  1677 ;  Memoire  sur  le  Projet  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  (Margry, 
i.  329).  Plan  of  Fort  Frontenac,  published  by  Faillon,  from  the 
original  sent  to  France  by  Denonville  in  1685.  Relation  des  Decou- 
vertex  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle.,  When  Frontenac  was  at  the  fort  in  Sep- 
tember, 1677,  he  found  only  four  habitants.  It  appears,  by  the  Rela* 


122  THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE.  [1677. 

It  was  not  solely  or  chiefly  for  commercial  gain 
that  La  Salle  had  established  Fort  Frontenac.  He 
regarded  it  as  a  first  step  towards  greater  things ;  and 
now,  at  length,  his  plans  were  ripe  and  his  time  was 
come.  In  the  autumn  of  1677  he  left  the  fort  in 
charge  of  his  lieutenant,  descended  the  St.  Lawrence 
to  Quebec,  and  sailed  for  France.  He  had  the 
patronage  of  Frontenac  and  the  help  of  strong  friends 
in  Paris.  It  is  said,  as  we  have  seen  already,  that 
his  enemies  denounced  him,  in  advance,  as  a  mad- 
man; but  a  memorial  of  his,  which  his  friends  laid 
before  the  minister  Colbert,  found  a  favorable  hear- 
ing. In  it  he  set  forth  his  plans,  or  a  portion  of 
them.  He  first  recounted  briefly  the  discoveries  he 
had  made,  and  then  described  the  country  he  had 
seen  south  and  west  of  the  great  lakes.  "  It  is  nearly 
all  so  beautiful  and  so  fertile ;  so  free  from  forests, 
and  so  full  of  meadows,  brooks,  and  rivers;  so 
abounding  in  fish,  game,  and  venison,  that  one  can 
find  there  in  plenty,  and  with  little  trouble,  all  that 
is  needful  for  the  support  of  flourishing  colonies. 
The  soil  will  produce  everything  that  is  raised 
in  France.  Flocks  and  herds  can  be  left  out  at 
pasture  all  winter;  and  there  are  even  native  wild 
cattle,  which,  instead  of  hair,  have  a  fine  wool 
that  may  answer  for  making  cloth  and  hats.  Their 
hides  are  better  than  those  of  France,  as  appears 

tion  des  Decouvertes  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  that,  three  or  four  years 
later,  there  were  thirteen  or  fourteen  families.  La  Salle  spent 
34,426  frauci  on  the  fort.  Memoirs  au  Roy,  Papiers  de  Famille. 


1678.]  LA  SALLE'S  MEMORIAL.  123 

by  the  sample  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  has 
brought  with  him.  Hemp  and  cotton  grow  here 
naturally,  and  may  be  manufactured  with  good  re- 
sults; so  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  colonies  planted 
here  would  become  very  prosperous.  They  would 
be  increased  by  a  great  number  of  western  Indians, 
who  are  in  the  main  of  a  tractable  and  social  dispo- 
sition; and  as  they  have  the  use  neither  of  our 
weapons  nor  of  our  goods,  and  are  not  in  intercourse 
with  other  Europeans,  they  will  readily  adapt  them- 
selves to  us  and  imitate  our  way  of  life  as  soon  as 
they  taste  the  advantages  of  our  friendship  and  of 
the  commodities  we  bring  them,  insomuch  that  these 
countries  will  infallibly  furnish,  within  a  few  years, 
a  great  many  new  subjects  to  the  Church  and  the 
King. 

"  It  was  the  knowledge  of  these  things,  joined  to 
the  poverty  of  Canada,  its  dense  forests,  its  barren 
soil,  its  harsh  climate,  and  the  snow  that  covers  the 
ground  for  half  the  year,  that  led  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  to  undertake  the  planting  of  colonies  in  these 
beautiful  countries  of  the  West." 

Then  he  recounts  the  difficulties  of  the  attempt,  — 
the  vast  distances,  the  rapids  and  cataracts  that 
obstruct  the  way;  the  cost  of  men,  provisions,  and 
munitions;  the  danger  from  the  Iroquois,  and  the 
rivalry  of  the  English,  who  covet  the  western 
country,  and  would  gladly  seize  it  for  themselves. 
"But  this  last  reason,"  says  the  memorial,  "only 
animates  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  the  more,  and  impels 


124  THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE.  [1678. 

him  to  anticipate  them  by  the  promptness  of  his 
action. " 

He  declares  that  it  was  for  this  that  he  had  asked 
for  the  grant  of  Fort  Frontenac;  and  he  describes 
what  he  had  done  at  that  post,  in  order  to  make  it  a 
secure  basis  for  his  enterprise.  He  says  that  he  has 
now  overcome  the  chief  difficulties  in  his  way,  and 
that  he  is  ready  to  plant  a  new  colony  at  the  outlet 
of  Lake  Erie,  of  which  the  English,  if  not  prevented, 
might  easily  take  possession.  Towards  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  plans,  he  asks  the  confirmation  of 
his  title  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the  permission  to 
establish  at  his  own  cost  two  other  posts,  with  sei- 
gniorial rights  over  all  lands  which  he  may  discover 
and  colonize  within  twenty  years,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  all  the  country  in  question.  On  his  part, 
he  proposes  to  renounce  all  share  in  the  trade  carried 
on  between  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes  and  the 
people  of  Canada. 

La  Salle  seems  to  have  had  an  interview  with  the 
minister,  in  which  the  proposals  of  his  memorial  were 
somewhat  modified.  He  soon  received  in  reply  the 
following  patent  from  the  King :  — 

"  Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  France  and 
Navarre,  to  our  dear  and  well-beloved  Robert 
Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  greeting.  We  have 
received  with  favor  the  very  humble  petition  made 
us  in  your  name,  to  permit  you  to  labor  at  the  dis- 
covery of  the  western  parts  of  New  France ;  and  we 
have  the  more  willingly  entertained  this  proposal, 


1678.]  THE  KING'S  APPROVAL.  125 

since  we  have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  the  explora- 
tion of  this  country,  through  which,  to  all  appear- 
ance, a  way  may  be  found  to  Mexico.  .  .  .  For  this 
and  other  causes  thereunto  moving  us,  we  permit 
you  by  these  presents,  signed  with  our  hand,  to  labor 
ut  the  discovery  of  the  western  parts  of  our  aforesaid 
country  of  New  France;  and,  for  the  execution  of 
this  enterprise,  to  build  forts  at  such  places  as  you 
may  think  necessary,  and  enjoy  possession  thereof 
under  the  same  clauses  and  conditions  as  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  conformably  to  our  letters  patent  of  May 
thirteenth,  1675,  which,  so  far  as  needful,  we  con- 
firm by  these  presents.  And  it  is  our  will  that  they 
be  executed  according  to  their  form  and  tenor:  on 
condition,  nevertheless,  that  you  finish  this  enterprise 
within  five  years,  failing  which,  these  presents  shall 
be  void,  and  of  no  effect ;  that  you  carry  on  no  trade 
with  the  savages  called  Ottawas,  or  with  other  tribes 
v/ho  bring  their  peltries  to  Montreal ;  and  that  you  do 
the  whole  at  your  own  cost  and  that  of  your  asso- 
ciates, to  whom  we  have  granted  the  sole  right  of 
trade  in  buffalo-hides.  And  we  direct  the  Sieur 
Count  Frontenac,  our  governor  and  lieutenant- 
general,  and  also  Duchesneau,  intendant  of  justice, 
police,  and  finance,  and  the  officers  of  the  supreme 
council  of  the  aforesaid  country,  to  see  to  the  execu- 
tion of  these  presents;  for  such  is  our  pleasure. 

"  Given  at  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  this  12th  day  of 
May,  1678,  and  of  our  reign  the  35th  year." 

This  patent  grants  both  more  and  less  than   the 


126  THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE,  [1678. 

memorial  had  asked.  It  authorizes  La  Salle  to  build 
and  own,  not  two  forts  only,  but  as  many  as  he  may 
see  fit,  provided  that  he  do  so  within  five  years ;  and 
it  gives  him,  besides,  the  monopoly  of  buffalo-hides, 
for  which  at  first  he  had  not  petitioned.  Nothing  is 
said  of  colonies.  To  discover  the  country,  secure  it 
by  forts,  and  find,  if  possible,  a  way  to  Mexico,  are 
the  only  object  set  forth;  for  Louis  XIV.  always  dis-  " 
countenanced  settlement  in  the  West,  partly  as  tend- 
ing to  deplete  Canada,  and  partly  as  removing  his 
subjects  too  far  from  his  paternal  control.  It  was 
but  the  year  before  that  he  refused  to  Louis  Joliet 
the  permission  to  plant  a  trading  station  in  the  Valley 
of  the  Mississippi.1  La  Salle,  however,  still  held  to 
his  plan  of  a  commercial  and  industrial  colony,  and 
in  connection  with  it  to  another  purpose,  of  which 
his  memorial  had  made  no  mention.  This  was  the 
building  of  a  vessel  on  some  branch  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, in  order  to  sail  down  that  river  to  its  mouth, 
and  open  a  route  to  commerce  through  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  It  is  evident  that  this  design  was  already 
formed;  for  he  had  no  sooner  received  his  patent, 
than  he  engaged  ship-carpenters,  and  procured  iron, 
cordage,  and  anchors,  not  for  one  vessel,  but  for 
two. 

What  he  now  most  needed  was  money;  and  hav- 
ing none  of  his  own,  he  set  himself  to  raising  it  from 
others.  A  notaiy  named  Simonnet  lent  him  four 
thousand  livres;  an  advocate  named  Raoul,  twenty- 

1  Colbert  a  Duchesneau,  28  Avril,  1677. 


1678.]  MONEY  AND  MEANS.  127 

four  thousand;  and  one  Dumont,  six  thousand.  His 
cousin  Frangois  Plet,  a  merchant  of  Rue  St.  Martin, 
lent  him  about  eleven  thousand,  at  the  interest  of 
forty  per  cent;  and  when  he  returned  to  Canada, 
Frontenac  found  means  to  procure  him  another  loan 
of  about  fourteen  thousand,  secured  by  the  mortgage 
of  Fort  Frontenac.  But  his  chief  helpers  were  his 
family,  who  became  sharers  in  his  undertaking. 
"His  brothers  and  relations,"  says  a  memorial  after- 
wards addressed  by  them  to  the  King,  "  spared  noth- 
ing to  enable  him  to  respond  worthily  to  the  royal 
goodness;"  and  the  document  adds,  that,  before  his 
allotted  five  years  were  ended,  his  discoveries  had 
cost  them  more  than  five  hundred  thousand  livres 
(francs).1  La  Salle  himself  believed,  and  made 
others  believe,  that  there  was  more  profit  than  risk 
in  his  schemes. 

Lodged  rather  obscurely  in  Rue  de  la  Truanderie, 
and  of  a  nature  reserved  and  shy,  he  nevertheless 
found  countenance  and  support  from  personages  no 
less  exalted  than  Colbert,  Seignelay,  and  the  Prince 
de  Conti.  Others,  too,  in  stations  less  conspicuous, 
warmly  espoused  his  cause,  and  none  more  so  than 
the  learned  Abbd  Renaudot,  who  helped  him  with 
tongue  and  pen,  and  seems  to  have  been  instrumental 
:in  introducing  to  him  a  man  who  afterwards  proved 
.invaluable.  This  was  Henri  de  Tonty,  an  Italian 

1  Memoire  au  Roy,  presente  sous  la  Regence  ;  Obligation  du  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  envers  le  Sieur  Plet ;  Autres  Emprunts  de  Cavelier  de  la  Sail* 
(Margry,i.  423-432). 


128  THE  GRAND   ENTERPRISE.  [1678. 

officer,  a  protSgS  of  the  Prince  de  Conti,  who  sent 
him  to  La  Salle  as  a  person  suited  to  his  purposes, 
Tonty  had  but  one  hand,  the  other  having  been 
blown  off  by  a  grenade  in  the  Sicilian  wars.1  His 
father,  who  had  been  governor  of  Gaeta,  but  who 
had  come  to  France  in  consequence  of  political  dis- 
turbances in  Naples,  had  earned  no  small  reputation 
as  a  financier,  and  had  invented  the  form  of  life 
insurance  still  called  the  Tontine.  La  Salle  learned 
to  know  his  new  lieutenant  on  the  voyage  across  the 
Atlantic ;  and,  soon  after  reaching  Canada,  he  wrote 
of  him  to  his  patron  in  the  following  terms:  "His 
honorable  character  and  his  amiable  disposition  were 
we^  known  to  you;  but  perhaps  you  would  not  have 
the  aght  him  capable  of  doing  things  for  which  a 
strong  constitution,  an  acquaintance  with  the  country, 
and  the  use  of  both  hands  seemed  absolutely  neces- 
sary. Nevertheless,  his  energy  and  address  make 
him  equal  to  anything;  and  now,  at  a  season  when 
everybody  is  in  fear  of  the  ice,  he  is  setting  out  to 
begin  a  new  fort,  two  hundred  leagues  from  this 
place,  and  to  which  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  give 
the  name  of  Fort  Conti.  It  is  situated  near  that 
great  cataract,  more  than  a  hundred  and  twenty  toises 
in  height,  by  which  the  lakes  of  higher  elevation 
precipitate  themselves  into  Lake  Frontenac  [Ontario], 
From  there  one  goes  by  water,  five  hundred  leagues, 
to  the  place  where  Fort  Dauphin  is  to  be  begun; 
from  which  it  only  remains  to  descend  the  great 

1  Tonty,  Memoire,  in  Margry,  Relations  et  Memoires  inedits,  6. 


1678.]  RETURN   TO  CANADA.  129 

river  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit,  to  reach  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. " 1 

Bssides  Tonty,  La  Salle  found  in  France  another 
ally,  La  Motte  de  Lussiere,  to  whom  he  offered  a 
share  in  the  enterprise,  and  who  joined  him  at 
Rochelle,  the  place  of  embarkation.  Here  vexatious 
delays  occurred.  Bellinzani,  director  of  trade,  who 
had  formerly  taken  lessons  in  rascality  in  the  service 
of  Cardinal  Mazarin,  abused  his  official  position  to 
throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  La  Salle,  in  order  to 
extort  money  from  him;  and  he  extorted,  in  fact, 
a  considerable  sum,  which  his  victim  afterwards 
reclaimed.  It  was  not  till  the  fourteenth  of  July 
that  La  Salle,  with  Tonty,  La  Motte,  and  thirty 
men,  set  sail  for  Canada,  and  two  months  more 
elapsed  before  he  reached  Quebec.  Here,  to  increase 
his  resources  and  strengthen  his  position,  he  seems 
to  have  made  a  league  with  several  Canadian  mer- 

i  Lettre  de  La  Salle,  31  Oct.,  1678.  Fort  Conti  was  to  have  been 
built  on  the  site  of  the  present  Fort  Niagara.  The  name  of  Lac  de 
Conti  was  given  by  La  Salle  to  Lake  Erie.  The  fort  mentioned  as 
Fort  Dauphin  was  built,  as  we  shall  see,  on  the  Illinois,  though 
under  another  name.  La  Salle,  deceived  by  Spanish  maps,  thought 
that  the  Mississippi  discharged  itself  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit 
(Mobile  Bay). 

Henri  de  Tonty  signed  his  name  in  the  Gallicized,  and  not  in  the 
original  Italian  form  Tonti.  He  wore  a  hand  of  iron  or  some  other 
metal,  which  was  usually  covered  with  a  glove.  La  Potherie  says 
that  he  once  or  twice  used  it  to  good  purpose  when  the  Indians 
became  disorderly,  in  breaking  the  heads  of  the  most  contumacious 
or  knocking  out  their  teeth.  Not  knowing  at  the  time  the  secret  of 
the  unusual  efficacy  of  his  blows,  they  regarded  him  as  a  "  medi- 
cine" of  the  first  order.  La  Potherie  erroneously  ascribes  ';he  loss 
of  his  hand  to  a  sabre-cut  received  in  a  sortie  at  Messina. 

9 


130  THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE.  [1678. 

chants,  some  of  whom  had  before  been  his  enemies, 
and  were  to  be  so  again.  Here,  too,  he  found  Father 
Louis  Hennepin,  who  had  come  down  from  Fort 
Frontenac  to  meet  him.1 

*  La  Motte  de  Lussiere  a  — ,  sans  date  ;  Memoire  de  la  S  lie  sur  let 
Extorsions  commises  par  Bellinzani;  Societe  forme'e  par  <£a  Salle; 
Relation  de  Henri  de  Tonty,  1684  (Margry,  i.  338,  573;  ii.  ?.  25). 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1678-1679. 
LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA. 

FATHER  Louis  HENNEPIN:    HIS  PAST  LIFE;   HIS  CHARACTER.— 
EMBARKATION.  —  NIAGARA  FALLS.  —  INDIAN  JEALOUSY.  —  LA 

MOTTE  AND   THE   SENEGAS. — A    DISASTER.— LA  SALLE  AND  HI» 

FOLLOWERS. 

HENNEPIN  was  all  eagerness  to  join  in  the  adven- 
ture ;  and,  to  his  great  satisfaction,  La  Salle  gave  him 
a  letter  from  his  Provincial,  Father  Le  Fevre,  con- 
taining the  coveted  permission.  Whereupon,  to 
prepare  himself,  he  went  into  retreat  at  the  Re'collet 
convent  of  Quebec,  where  he  remained  for  a  time  in 
such  prayer  and  meditation  as  his  nature,  the  reverse 
of  spiritual,  would  permit.  Frontenac,  always  partial 
to  his  Order,  then  invited  him  to  dine  at  the  cMteau; 
and  having  visited  the  bishop  and  asked  his  bless- 
ing, he  went  down  to  the  Lower  Town  and  embarked. 
His  vessel  was  a  small  birch  canoe,  paddled  by  two 
men.  With  sandalled  feet,  a  coarse  gray  capote,  and 
peaked  hood,  the  cord  of  St.  Francis  about  his  waist, 
and  a  rosary  and  crucifix  hanging  at  his  side,  the 
father  set  forth  on  his  memorable  journey.  He 


132  LA  SALLE   AT   NIAGARA.  [1678. 

carried  with  him  the  furniture  of  a  portable  altar, 
which  in  time  of  need  he  could  strap  on  his  back  like 
a  knapsack. 

He  slowly  made  his  way  up  the  St.  Lawrence, 
stopping  here  and  there,  where  a  clearing  and  a  few 
log  houses  marked  the  feeble  beginning  of  a  parish 
and  a  seigniory.  The  settlers,  though  good  Catholics, 
were  too  few  and  too  poor  to  support  a  priest,  and 
hailed  the  arrival  of  the  friar  with  delight.  He  said 
mass,  exhorted  a  little,  as  was  his  custom,  and  on 
one  occasion  baptized  a  child.  At  length  he  reached. 
Montreal,  where  the  enemies  of  the  enterprise  enticed 
away  his  two  canoe-men.  He  succeeded  in  finding 
two  others,  with  whom  he  continued  his  voyage, 
passed  the  rapids  of  the  upper  St.  Lawrence,  and 
reached  Fort  Frontenac  at  eleven  o'clock  at  night  of 
the  second  of  November,  where  his  brethren  of  the 
mission,  Ribourde  and  Buisset,  received  him  with 
open  arms.1  La  Motte,  with  most  of  the  men, 
appeared  on  the  eighth;  but  La  Salle  and  Tonty  did 
not  arrive  till  more  than  a  month  later.  Meanwhile, 
in  pursuance  of  his  orders,  fifteen  men  set  out  in 
canoes  for  Lake  Michigan  and  the  Illinois,  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  and  collect  provisions,  while  La 
Motte  embarked  in  a  small  vessel  for  Niagara,  accom- 
panied by  Hennepin.2 


1  Hennepin,  Description  de  la  Louisiane  (1683),  19 ;  Ibid.,  Voyage 
Curieux  (1704),  66.  Ribourde  had  lately  arrived. 

*  Ltttre  de  La  Motte  de  la  Lussiere,  sans  date ;  Relation  de  Henri 
de  Tonty  tfcrite  de  Quebec,  le  14  Novembre,  1684  (Margry,  i.  573). 


Fatbei  Hennepin  Celebrating  Mass. 

Drawn  by  Howard  Pyle. 
LA  SALLB  AND  THB  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST,  13*. 


oth 
xi  i 


'  ty  1MI&, 


1678.]  HENNEPIN"  133 

This  bold,  hardy,  and  adventurous  friar,  the  histo- 
rian of  the  expedition,  and  a  conspicuous  actor  in  it, 
has  unwittingly  painted  his  own  portrait  with  toler- 
able distinctness.  "I  always,'*  he  says,  "felt  a 
strong  inclination  to  fly  from  the  world  and  live 
according  to  the  rules  of  a  pure  and  severe  virtue; 
and  it  was  with  this  view  that  I  entered  the  Order  of 
St.  Francis."1  He  then  speaks  of  his  zeal  for  the 
saving  of  souls,  but  admits  that  a  passion  for  travel 
and  a  burning  desire  to  visit  strange  lands  had  no 
small  part  in  his  inclination  for  the  missions.2  Being 
in  a  convent  in  Artois,  his  Superior  sent  him  to 
Calais,  at  the  season  of  the  herring-fishery,  to  beg 
alms,  after  the  practice  of  the  Franciscans.  Here 
and  at  Dunkirk  he  made  friends  of  the  sailors,  and 
was  never  tired  of  their  stories.  So  insatiable,  indeed, 
was  his  appetite  for  them,  that  "often,"  he  says,  "I 
hid  myself  behind  tavern  doors  while  the  sailors  were 
telling  of  their  voyages.  The  tobacco  smoke  made 
me  very  sick  at  the  stomach ;  but,  notwithstanding, 
I  listened  attentively  to  all  they  said  about  their 
adventures  at  sea  and  their  travels  in  distant  countries. 
I  could  have  passed  whole  days  and  nights  in  this 
way  without  eating."3 

He  presently  set  out  on  a  roving  mission  through 

This  paper,  apparently  addressed  to  Abb6  Renaudot,  is  entirely  dis- 
tinct from  Tonty's  memoir  of  1693,  addressed  to  the  minister 
Ponchartrain. 

1  Hennepin,  Nouvdle  Dfcouverte  (1697),  8. 

2  Ibid.,  Avant  Propos,  5. 

8  Ibid.,  Voyage  Curieux  (1704),  12. 


134  LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1678. 

Holland;  and  he  recounts  various  mishaps  which 
befell  him,  "in  consequence  of  my  zeal  in  laboring 
for  the  saving  of  souls."  "I  was  at  the  bloody  fight 
of  Seneff,"  he  pursues,  "where  so  many  perished  by 
fire  and  sword,  and  where  I  had  abundance  of  work 
in  comforting  and  consoling  the  poor  wounded 
soldiers.  After  undergoing  great  fatigues,  and  run- 
ning extreme  danger  in  the  sieges  of  towns,  in  the 
trenches,  and  in  battles,  where  I  exposed  myself 
freely  for  the  salvation  of  others  while  the  soldiers 
were  breathing  nothing  but  blood  and  carnage,  I 
found  myself  at  last  in  a  way  of  satisfying  my  old 
inclination  for  travel."1 

He  got  leave  from  his  superiors  to  go  to  Canada, 
the  most  adventurous  of  all  the  missions,  and  accord- 
ingly sailed  in  1675,  in  the  ship  which  carried  La 
Salle,  who  had  just  obtained  the  grant  of  Fort 
Frontenac.  In  the  course  of  the  voyage,  he  took  it 
upon  him  to  reprove  a  party  of  girls  who  were  amus- 
ing themselves  and  a  circle  of  officers  and  other 
passengers  by  dancing  on  deck.  La  Salle,  who  was 
among  the  spectators,  was  annoyed  at  Hennepin's 
interference,  and  told  him  that  he  was  behaving  like 
a  pedagogue.  The  friar  retorted,  by  alluding  — 
unconsciously,  as  he  says  —  to  the  circumstance  that 
La  Salle  was  once  a  pedagogue  himself,  having, 
according  to  Hennepin,  been  for  ten  or  twelve  years 
teacher  of  a  class  in  a  Jesuit  school.  La  Salle,  he 
adds,  turned  pale  with  rage,  and  never  forgave  him 

1  Hennepin,  Voyage  Curieux  (1704),  13. 


1677-78.]  HENNEPIN.  135 

to  his  dying  day,  but  always  maligned  and  persecuted 
him.1 

On  arriving  in  Canada,  he  was  sent  up  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  as  a  missionary.  That  wild  and  remote 
post  was  greatly  to  his  liking.  He  planted  a  gigantic 
cross,  superintended  the  building  of  a  chapel  for  him- 
self and  his  colleague  Buisset,  and  instructed  the 
Iroquois  colonists  of  the  place.  He  visited,  too,  the 
neighboring  Indian  settlements,  —  paddling  his  canoe 
in  summer,  when  the  lake  was  open,  and  journeying 
in  winter  on  snow-shoes,  with  a  blanket  slung  at  his 
back.  His  most  noteworthy  journey  was  one  which 
he  made  in  the  winter,  —  apparently  of  1677,  —  with 
a  soldier  of  the  fort.  They  crossed  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Lake  Ontario  on  snow-shoes,  and 
pushed  southward  through  the  forests,  towards 
Onondaga,  —  stopping  at  evening  to  dig  away  the 
snow,  which  was  several  feet  deep,  and  collect  wood 
for  their  fire,  which  they  were  forced  to  replenish 
repeatedly  during  the  night,  to  keep  themselves  from 
freezing.  At  length,  they  reached  the  great  Onondaga 
town,  where  the  Indians  were  much  amazed  at  their 
hardihood.  Thence  they  proceeded  eastward  to  the 
Oneidas,  and  afterwards  to  the  Mohawks,  who 
regaled  them  with  small  frogs,  pounded  up  with  a 
porridge  of  Indian  corn.  Here  Hennepin  found  the 
Jesuit  Bruyas,  who  permitted  him  to  copy  a  diction- 

1  Ibid.,  Avis  au  Lecteur.  He  elsewhere  represents  himself  aa  on 
excellent  terms  with  La  Salle ;  with  whom,  he  says,  he  used  to  read 
histories  of  travels  at  Fort  Frontenac,  after  which  they  discussed 
together  their  plans  of  discovery. 


136  LA   SALLE   AT   NIAGARA.  [1678. 

ary  of  the  Mohawk  language 1  which  he  had  compiled ; 
and  here  he  presently  met  three  Dutchmen,  who 
urged  him  to  visit  the  neighboring  settlement  of 
Orange,  or  Albany,  —  an  invitation  which  he  seems 
to  have  declined.2 

They  were  pleased  with  him,  he  says,  because  he 
spoke  Dutch.  Bidding  them  farewell,  he  tied  on  his 
snow-shoes  again,  and  returned  with  his  companion 
to  Fort  Frontenac.  Thus  he  inured  himself  to  the 
hardships  of  the  woods,  and  prepared  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  grand  plan  of  discovery  which  he  calls  his 
own,  — "an  enterprise,"  to  borrow  his  own  words, 
"  capable  of  terrifying  anybody  but  me. "  3  When  the 
later  editions  of  his  book  appeared,  doubts  had  been 
expressed  of  his  veracity.  "I  here  protest  to  you, 
before  God,"  he  writes,  addressing  the  reader,  "that 
my  narrative  is  faithful  and  sincere,  and  that  you 
may  believe  everything  related  in  it."4  And  yet,  as 
we  shall  see,  this  reverend  father  was  the  most 
impudent  of  liars;  and  the  narrative  of  which  he 
speaks  is  a  rare  monument  of  brazen  mendacity. 
Hennepin,  however,  had  seen  and  dared  much;  for 

1  This  was  the  Ratines  Agnieres  of  Bruyas.    It  was  published  by 
Mr.  Shea  in  1862.    Hennepin  seems  to  have  studied  it  carefully ; 
for  on  several  occasions  he  makes  use  of  words  evidently  borrowed 
from  it,  putting  them  into  the  mouths  of  Indians  speaking  a  dialect 
different  from  that  of  the  Agniers,  or  Mohawks. 

2  Compare  Brodhead  in  Hist.  Mag.,  x.  268. 

"line  enterprise  capable  d'tfpouvanter  tout  autre  que  moi."  — 
Hennepin,  Voyage  Curieux,  Avant  Propos  (1704). 

4  "  Je  vous  proteste  ici  devant  Dieu,  que  ma  Relation  est  fidele  et 
sincere/'  etc.  —  Ibid.,  Avis  an  Lecteur. 


1678.]  HENNEPIff,  137 

among  his  many  failings  fear  had  no  part,  and  where 
his  vanity  or  his  spite  was  not  involved,  he  often 
told  the  truth.  His  books  have  their  value,  with  all 
their  enormous  fabrications.1 

La  Motte  and  Hennepin,  with  sixteen  men,  went 
on  board  the  little  vessel  of  ten  tons,  which  lay  at 
Fort  Frontenac.  The  friar's  two  brethren,  Buisset 
and  Ribourdev  threw  their  arms  about  his  neck  as 
they  bade  him  farewell;  while  his  Indian  proselytes, 
learning  whither  he  was  bouncy  stood  with  their 
hands  pressed  upon  their  mouths,  in  amazement  at 
the  perils  which  awaited  their  ghostly  instructor. 
La  Salle,  with  the  rest  of  the  party,  was  to  follow  as 
soon  as  he  could  finish  his  preparations.  It  was  a 
boisterous  and  gusty  day,  the  eighteenth  of  November, 
The  sails  were  spread;  the  shore  receded,  — the  stone 
walls  of  the  fort,  the  huge  cross  that  the  friar  had 
reared,  the  wigwams,  the  settlers'  cabins,  the  group 
of  staring  Indians  on  the  strand.  The  lake  was 
rough;  and  the  men,  crowded  in  so  small  a  craft, 
grew  nervous  and  uneasy.  They  hugged  the  northern 
shore,  to  escape  the  fury  of  the  wind,  which  blew 
savagely  from  the  northeast;  while  the  long  gray 
sweep  of  naked  forests  on  their  right  betokened  that 
winter  was  fast  closing  in.  On  the  twenty-sixth, 
they  reached  the  neighborhood  of  the  Indian  town  of 

1  The  nature  of  these  fabrications  'jrill  be  shown  hereafter. 
They  occur,  not  in  the  early  editions  of  Hennepin's  narrative,  which 
are  comparatively  truthful,  but  in  the  edition  of  1697  and  those 
which  followed.  La  Salle  was  dead  at  the  time  of  their  publication. 


138  LA   SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1678. 

Taiaiagon,1  not  far  from  Toronto,  and  ran  their 
vessel,  for  safety,  into  the  mouth  of  a  river,  —  prob- 
ably the  Humber,  —  where  the  ice  closed  about  her, 
and  they  were  forced  to  cut  her  out  with  axes.  On 
the  fifth  of  December,  they  attempted  to  cross  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Niagara;  but  darkness  overtook  them, 
and  they  spent  a  comfortless  night,  tossing  on  the 
troubled  lake,  five  or  six  miles  from  shore.  In  the 
morning,  they  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  and 
landed  on  the  point  at  its  eastern  side,  where  now 
stand  the  historic  ramparts  of  Fort  Niagara.  Here 
they  found  a  small  village  of  Senecas,  attracted 
hither  by  the  fisheries,  who  gazed  with  curious  eyes 
at  the  vessel,  and  listened  in  wonder  as  the  voyagers 
sang  Te  Deum  in  gratitude  for  their  safe  arrival. 

Hennepin,  with  several  others,  now  ascended  the 
river  in  a  canoe  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain  ridge  of 
Lewiston,  which,  stretching  on  the  right  hand  and 
on  the  left,  forms  the  acclivity  of  a  vast  plateau,  rent 
with  the  mighty  chasm,  along  which,  from  this  point 
to  the  cataract,  seven  miles  above,  rush,  with  the 
fury  of  an  Alpine  torrent,  the  gathered  waters  of 
four  inland  oceans.  To  urge  the  canoe  farther  was 
impossible.  He  landed,  with  his  companions,  on  the 
west  bank,  near  the  foot  of  that  part  of  the  ridge 
now  called  Queenstown  Heights,  climbed  the  steep 
ascent,  and  pushed  through  the  wintry  forest  on  a 

1  This  place  is  laid  down  on  a  manuscript  map  sent  to  I^-ance  by 
the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  and  now  preserved  in  the  Archives  de 
la  Marine,  and  also  on  several  other  contemporary  maps. 


X878.]  NIAGARA  FALLS.  139 

i;our  of  exploration.  On  his  left  sank  the  cliffs,  the 
j'urious  river  raging  below;  till  at  length,  in  primeval 
.solitudes  unprofaned  as  yet  by  the  pettiness  of  man, 
(he  imperial  cataract  burst  upon  his  sight.1 

The  explorers  passed  three  miles  beyond  it,  and 
encamped  for  the  night  on  the  banks  of  Chippewa 
Creek,  scraping  away  the  snow,  which  was  a  foot 
deep,  in  order  to  kindle  a  fire.  In  the  morning  they 
retraced  their  steps,  startling  a  number  of  deer  and 
wild  turkeys  on  their  way,  and  rejoined  their  com- 
panions at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

i  Hennepin's  account  of  the  falls  and  river  of  Niagara  —  espe- 
cially his  second  account,  on  his  return  from  the  West  —  is  very 
minute,  and  on  the  whole  very  accurate.  He  indulges  in  gross 
exaggeration  as  to  the  height  of  the  cataract,  which,  in  the  edition 
of  1683,  he  states  at  five  hundred  feet,  and  raises  to  six  hundred  in 
that  of  1697.  He  also  says  that  there  was  room  for  four  carriages 
to  pass  abreast  under  the  American  Fall  without  being  wet.  This 
is,  of  course,  an  exaggeration  at  the  best;  but  it  is  extremely 
probable  that  a  great  change  has  taken  place  since  his  time.  He 
§peaks  of  a  small  lateral  fall  at  the  west  side  of  the  Horse  Shoe 
Fall  which  does  not  now  exist.  Table  Rock,  now  destroyed,  is  dis- 
tinctly figured  in  his  picture.  He  says  that  he  descended  the  cliffs 
on  the  west  side  to  the  foot  of  the  cataract,  but  that  no  human 
being  can  get  down  on  the  east  side. 

The  name  of  Niagara,  written  Onguiaahra  by  Lalemant  in  1641, 
and  Ongiara  by  Sanson,  on  his  map  of  1657,  is  used  by  Hennepin  in 
its  present  form.  His  description  of  the  falls  is  the  earliest  known 
to  exist.  They  are  clearly  indicated  on  the  map  of  Champlain, 
1632.  For  early  references  to  them,  see  "The  Jesuits  in  North 
America,"  235,  note.  A  brief  but  curious  notice  of  them  is  given 
l>y  Gendron,  Quelques  P articular itez  du  Pays  des  Hurons,  1669.  The 
indefatigable  Dr.  O'Callaghan  has  discovered  thirty-nine  distinct 
forms  of  the  name  Niagara.  Index  to  Colonial  Documents  of  New 
York,  465.  It  is  of  Iroquois  origin,  and  in  the  Mohawk  dialect  is 
pronounced  Nyagarah. 


140  LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1678. 

La  Motte  now  began  the  building  of  a  fortified 
house,  some  two  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara.1  Hot  water  was  used  to  soften  the  frozen 
ground;  but  frost  was  not  the  only  obstacle.  The 
Senecas  of  the  neighboring  village  betrayed  a  sullen 
jealousy  at  a  design  which,  indeed,  boded  them  no 
good.  Niagara  was  the  key  to  the  four  great  lakes 
above;  and  whoever  held  possession  of  it  could,  in 
no  small  measure,  control  the  fur-trade  of  the  interior. 
Occupied  by  the  French,  it  would  in  time  of  peace 
intercept  the  trade  which  the  Iroquois  carried  on 
between  the  western  Indians  and  the  Dutch  and 
English  at  Albany,  and  in  time  of  war  threaten  them 
with  serious  danger.  La  Motte  saw  the  necessity  of 
conciliating  these  formidable  neighbors,  and,  if  pos- 
sible, cajoling  them  to  give  their  consent  to  the  plan. 
La  Salle,  indeed,  had  instructed  him  to  that  effect, 
He  resolved  on  a  journey  to  the  great  village  of  the 
Senecas,  and  called  on  Hennepin,  who  was  busied  in 
building  a  bark  chapel  for  himself,  to  accompany 
him.  They  accordingly  set  out  with  several  men 
well  armed  and  equipped,  and  bearing  at  their  backs 
presents  of  very  considerable  value.  The  village 
was  beyond  the  Genesee,  southeast  of  the  site  of 
Rochester.2  After  a  march  of  five  days,  they  reached 
it  on  the  last  day  of  December.  They  were  con* 

1  Tonty,  Relation,  1684  (Margry,  i.  573). 

2  Near  the  town  of  Victor.    It  is  laid  down  on  the  map  of  Gali- 
n£e,  and  other  unpublished  maps.    Compare  Marshall,  Historical 
Sketches  of  the  Niagara  Frontier,  14. 


1678.]          LA  MOTTE   AND   THE   SENEGAS.  141 

ducted  to  the  lodge  of  the  great  chief,  where  they 
were  beset  by  a  staring  crowd  of  women  and  children. 
Two  Jesuits,  Raffeix  and  Julien  Gamier,  were  in 
the  village;  and  their  presence  boded  no  good  for 
the  embassy.  La  Motte,  who  seems  to  have  had  little 
love  for  priests  of  any  kind,  was  greatly  annoyed  at 
seeing  them ;  and  when  the  chiefs  assembled  to  hear 
what  he  had  to  say,  he  insisted  that  the  two  fathers 
should  leave  the  council-house.  At  this,  Hennepin, 
out  of  respect  for  his  cloth,  thought  it  befitting  that 
he  should  retire  also.  The  chiefs,  forty-two  in 
number,  squatted  on  the  ground,  arrayed  in  cere- 
monial robes  of  beaver,  wolf,  or  black-squirrel  skin. 
"The  senators  of  Venice,"  writes  Hennepin,  "do 
not  look  more  grave  or  speak  more  deliberately  than 
the  counsellors  of  the  Iroquois."  La  Motte 's  inter- 
preter harangued  the  attentive  conclave,  placed  gift 
after  gift  at  their  feet,  —  coats,  scarlet  cloth,  hatchets, 
knives,  and  beads,  —  and  used  all  his  eloquence  to 
persuade  them  that  the  building  of  a  fort  on  the 
banks  of  the  Niagara,  and  a  vessel  on  Lake  Erie, 
were  measures  vital  to  their  interest.  They  gladly 
took  the  gifts,  but  answered  the  interpreter's  speech 
with  evasive  generalities;  and  having  been  enter- 
tained with  the  burning  of  an  Indian  prisoner,  the 
discomfited  embassy  returned,  half-famished,  to 
Niagara. 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle  and  Tonty  were  on  their  way 
from  Fort  Frontenac,  with  men  and  supplies,  to 
join  La  Motte  and  his  advance  party.  They  were 


142  LA  SALLE   AT  NIAGARA.  [1679. 

in  a  small  vessel,  with  a  pilot  either  unskilful  or 
treacherous.  On  Christmas  eve,  he  was  near  wreck- 
ing them  off  the  Bay  of  Quinte*.  On  the  next  day 
they  crossed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Genesee;  and  La 
Salle,  after  some  delay,  proceeded  to  the  neighboring 
town  of  the  Senecas,  where  he  appears  to  have  arrived 
just  after  the  departure  of  La  Motte  and  Hennepin. 
He,  too,  called  them  to  a  council,  and  tried  to  soothe 
the  extreme  jealousy  with  which  they  regarded  his 
proceedings.  "I  told  them  my  plan,"  he  says,  "and 
gave  the  best  pretexts  I  could,  and  I  succeeded  in 
my  attempt."1  More  fortunate  than  La  Motte,  he 
persuaded  them  to  consent  to  his  carrying  arms  and 
ammunition  by  the  Niagara  portage,  building  a  vessel 
above  the  cataract,  and  establishing  a  fortified  ware- 
house at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

This  success  was  followed  by  a  calamity.  La  Salle 
had  gone  up  the  Niagara  to  find  a  suitable  place  for  a 
ship-yard,  when  he  learned  that  the  pilot  in  charge 
of  the  vessel  he  had  left  had  disobeyed  his  orders, 
and  ended  by  wrecking  it  on  the  coast.  Little  was 
saved  except  the  anchors  and  cables  destined  for  the 
new  vessel  to  be  built  above  the  cataract.  This  loss 
threw  him  into  extreme  perplexity,  and,  as  Hennepin 
says,  "would  have  made  anybody  but  him  give  up 
the  enterprise."2  The  whole  party  were  now  gath- 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  un  de  ses  associes  (Margry,  ii.  32). 

2  Description  de  la  Louisiane  (1683),  41.    It  is  characteristic  of 
Hennepin  that,  in  the  editions  of  his  book  published  after  La  Salle's 
death,  he  substitutes,  for  "  anybody  but  him,"  "  anybody  but  those 
who  had  formed  so  generous  a  design,"  —  meaning  to  include  him- 


L679.]  JEALOUSIES.  143 

ered  at  the  palisaded  house  which  La  Motte  had 
built,  a  little  below  the  mountain  ridge  of  Lewiston. 
They  were  a  motley  crew  of  French,  Flemings,  and 
Italians,  all  mutually  jealous.  La  Salle's  enemies 
had  tampered  with  some  of  the  men;  and  none  of 
them  seemed  to  have  had  much  heart  for  the  enter- 
prise. The  fidelity  even  of  La  Motte  was  doubtful. 
utHe  served  me  very  ill,"  says  La  Salle;  "and 
Messieurs  de  Tonty  and  de  la  Forest  knew  that  he 
did  his  best  to  debauch  all  my  men."1  His  health 
soon  failed  under  the  hardships  of  these  winter  jour- 
neyings,  and  he  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac,  half- 
blinded  by  an  inflammation  of  the  eyes.2 .  La  Salle, 
neldom  happy  in  the  choice  of  subordinates,  had, 
perhaps,  in  all  his  company  but  one  man  whom  he 
could  fully  trust;  and  this  was  Tonty.  He  and 
Hennepin  were  on  indifferent  terms.  Men  thrown 
together  in  a  rugged  enterprise  like  this  quickly  learn 
to  know  each  other;  and  the  vain  and  assuming  friar 
was  not  likely  to  commend  himself  to  La  Salle's  brave 
tind  loyal  lieutenant.  Hennepin  says  that  it  was  La 
Salle's  policy  to  govern  through  the  dissensions  of  his 
followers ;  and,  from  whatever  cause,  it  is  certain  that 
chose  beneath  him  were  rarely  in  perfect  harmony. 

self,  though  he  lost  nothing  by  the  disaster,  and  had  not  formed 
the  design. 

On  these  incidents,  compare  the  two  narratives  of  Tonty,  of  1684 
and  1693.  The  book  bearing  Tonty's  name  is  a  compilation  full  of 
sjrrors.  He  disowned  its  authorship. 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle,  22  Aout,  1682  (Margry,  ii.  212). 

2  Lettre  de  La  Motte,  sans  date. 


CHAPTER  X. 

1679. 
THE  LAUNCH  OF  THE  "GRIFFIN." 

PHK  NIAGARA  PORTAGE. — A  VESSEL  ON  THE  STOCKS.  —  SUFFERING 
AND  DISCONTENT.  —  LA  SALLE'S  WINTER  JOURNEY.  —  THE  VES- 
SEL LAUNCHED.  —  FRESH  DISASTERS. 

A  MORE  important  work  than  that  of  the  warehouse 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  was  now  to  be  begun. 
This  was  the  building  of  a  vessel  above  the  cataract. 
The  small  craft  which  had  brought  La  Motte  and 
Hennepin  with  their  advance  party  had  been  hauled 
to  the  foot  of  the  rapids  at  Lewiston,  and  drawn 
ashore  with  a  capstan,  to  save  her  from  the  drifting 
ice.  Her  lading  was  taken  out,  and  must  now  be 
carried  beyond  the  cataract  to  the  calm  water  above. 
The  distance  to  the  destined  point  was  at  least 
twelve  miles,  and  the  steep  heights  above  Lewiston 
must  first  be  climbed.  This  heavy  task  was  accom- 
plished on  the  twenty-second  of  January.  The  level 
of  the  plateau  was  reached,  and  the  file  of  burdened 
men,  some  thirty  in  number,  toiled  slowly  on  its  way 
over  the  snowy  plains  and  through  the  gloomy  forests 
of  spruce  and  naked  oak-trees;  while  Hennepin 
plodded  through  the  drifts  with  his  portable  altar 


1679.]  THE  NIAGARA  PORTAGE.  145 

lashed  fast  to  his  back.  They  came  at  last  to  the 
mouth  of  a  stream  which  entered  the  Niagara  two 
leagues  above  the  cataract,  and  which  was  undoubt- 
edly that  now  called  Cayuga  Creek.1 

i  It  has  been  a  matter  of  debate  on  which  side  of  the  Niagara 
the  first  vessel  on  the  Upper  Lakes  was  built.  A  close  study  of 
Hennepin,  and  a  careful  examination  of  the  localities,  hare  con- 
vinced me  that  the  spot  was  that  indicated  above.  Hennepin 
repeatedly  alludes  to  a  large  detached  rock,  rising  out  of  the  water 
at  the  foot  of  the  rapids  above  Lewiston,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river.  This  rock  may  still  be  seen  immediately  under  the  western 
*md  of  the  Lewiston  suspension-bridge.  Persons  living  in  the  neigh- 
borhood remember  that  a  ferry-boat  used  to  pass  between  it  and 
the  cliffs  of  the  western  shore ;  but  it  has  since  been  undermined  by 
the  current  and  has  inclined  in  that  direction,  so  that  a  considerable 
part  of  it  is  submerged,  while  the  gravel  and  earth  thrown  down 
from  the  cliff  during  the  building  of  the  bridge  has  filled  the  inter- 
vening channel.  Opposite  to  this  rock,  and  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  says  Hennepin,  are  three  mountains,  about  two  leagues  below 
the  cataract.  (Nouveau  Voyage  (1704),  462,  466.)  To  these  "  three 
mountains,"  as  well  as  to  the  rock,  he  frequently  alludes.  They 
are  also  spoken  of  by  La  Hontan,  who  clearly  indicates  their  posi- 
tion. They  consist  in  the  three  successive  grades  of  the  acclivity : 
first,  that  which  rises  from  the  level  of  the  water,  forming  the  steep 
and  lofty  river-bank ;  next,  an  intermediate  ascent,  crowned  by  a 
tort  of  terrace,  where  the  tired  men  could  find  a  second  resting-place 
snd  lay  down  their  burdens,  whence  a  third  effort  carried  them  with 
difficulty  to  the  level  top  of  the  plateau.  That  this  was  the  actual 
"  portage/'  or  carrying  place  of  the  travellers,  is  shown  by  Hennepin 
(1704),  114,  who  describes  the  carrying  of  anchors  and  other  heavy 
articles  up  these  heights  in  August,  1679.  La  Hontan  also  passed 
the  Falls  by  way  of  the  "three  mountains  "  eight  years  later.  La 
Hontan  (1703),  106.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  portage  was  on  the 
t-ast  side,  whence  it  would  be  safe  to  conclude  that  the  vessel  was 
built  on  the  same  side.  Hennepin  says  that  she  was  built  at  the 
mouth  of  a  stream  (riviere)  entering  the  Niagara  two  leagues  above 
the  Falls.  Excepting  one  or  two  small  brooks,  there  is  no  stream 
on  the  west  side  but  Chippewa  Creek,  which  Hennepin  had  visited 
and  correctly  placed  at  about  a  league  from  the  cataract.  His  dia- 

10 


146          THE  LAUNCH  OF   THE   "GRIFFIN."       [1079. 

Trees  were  felled,  the  place  cleared,  and  the 
master-carpenter  set  his  ship-builders  at  work.  Mean- 
while, two  Mohegan  hunters,  attached  to  the  party, 
made  bark  wigwams  to  lodge  the  men.  Hennepin 
had  his  chapel,  apparently  of  the  same  material, 
where  he  placed  his  altar,  and  on  Sundays  and  saints' 
days  said  mass,  preached,  and  exhorted;  while  some 
of  the  men,  who  knew  the  Gregorian  chant,  lent 
their  aid  at  the  service.  When  the  carpenters  were 
ready  to  lay  the  keel  of  the  vessel,  La  Salle  asked 
the  friar  to  drive  the  first  bolt ;  "  but  the  modesty  of 
my  religious  profession,"  he  says,  "compelled  me  to 
decline  this  honor." 

Fortunately,  it  was  the  hunting-season  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  most  of  the  Seneca  warriors  were  in 
the  forests  south  of  Lake  Erie ;  yet  enough  remained 
to  cause  serious  uneasiness.  They  loitered  sullenly 
about  the  place,  expressing  their  displeasure  at  the 
proceedings  of  the  French.  One  of  them,  pretending 

tances  on  the  Niagara  are  usually  correct.  On  the  east  side  there 
is  a  stream  which  perfectly  answers  the  conditions.  This  is  Cayuga 
Creek,  two  leagues  above  the  Falls.  Immediately  in  front  of  it  is 
an  island  about  a  mile  long,  separated  from  the  shore  by  a  narrow 
and  deep  arm  of  the  Niagara,  into  which  Cayuga  Creek  discharges 
itself.  The  place  is  so  obviously  suited  to  building  and  launching 
a  vessel,  that,  in  the  early  part  of  this  century,  the  government  of 
the  United  States  chose  it  for  the  construction  of  a  schooner  to 
carry  supplies  to  the  garrisons  of  the  Upper  Lakes.  The  neighbor- 
ing village  now  bears  the  name  of  La  Salle. 

In  examining  this  and  other  localities  on  the  Niagara,  I  have 
been  greatly  aided  by  my  friend  0.  H.  Marshall,  Esq.,  of  Buffalo, 
who  is  unrivalled  in  his  knowledge  of  the  history  and  traditions  of 
the  Niagara  frontier. 


1679.]  SUFFERING  AND  DISCONTENT.  147 

to  be  drunk,  attacked  the  blacksmith  and  tried  to 
]dll  him ;  but  the  Frenchman,  brandishing  a  red-hot 
bar  of  iron,  held  him  at  bay  till  Hennepin  ran  to  the 
rescue,  when,  as  he  declares,  the  severity  of  his 
rebuke  caused  the  savage  to  desist.1  The  work  of 
the  ship-builders  advanced  rapidly;  and  when  the 
Indian  visitors  beheld  the  vast  ribs  of  the  wooden 
monster,  their  jealousy  was  redoubled.  A  squaw 
told  the  French  that  they  meant  to  burn  the  vessel  on 
the  stocks.  All  now  stood  anxiously  on  the  watch. 
Cold,  hunger,  and  discontent  found  imperfect  anti- 
dotes in  Tonty's  energy  and  Hennepin's  sermons. 

La  Salle  was  absent,  and  his  lieutenant  commanded 
in  his  place.  Hennepin  says  that  Tonty  was  jealous 
because  he,  the  friar,  kept  a  journal,  and  that  he 
was  forced  to  use  all  manner  of  just  precautions  to 
prevent  the  Italian  from  seizing  it.  The  men,  being 
half-starved,  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  their  pro- 
visions on  Lake  Ontario,  were  restless  and  moody; 
jind  their  discontent  was  fomented  by  one  of  their 
number,  who  had  very  probably  been  tampered  with 
by  La  Salle's  enemies.2  The  Senecas  refused  to 

1  Hennepin  (1704),  97.    On  a  paper  drawn  up  at  the  instance  of 
1  he  Intendant  Duchesneau,  the  names  of  the  greater  number  of  La 
Salle's  men  are  preserved.     These  agree  with  those  given  by  Hen- 
nepin :  thus,  the  master-carpenter,  whom  he  calls  Maitre  Moyse, 
jippears  as  Mo'ise  Hillaret ;  and  the  blacksmith,  whom  he  calls  La 
3<\>rge,  is  mentioned  as  —  (illegible)  dit  la  Forge. 

2  "  This  bad  man,"  says  Hennepin,  "  would  infallibly  have  de- 
bauched our  workmen,  if  I  had  not  reassured  them  by  the  exhor- 
tations which  I  made  them  on  f6te-day«  and  Sundays,  after  divine 
service  "(1704),  98. 


148          THE  LAUNCH  OF   THE   " GRIFFIN."      [1679 

supply  them  with  corn,  and  the  frequent  exhortations 
of  the  Re*collet  father  proved  an  insufficient  substi- 
tute. In  this  extremity,  the  two  Mohegans  did 
excellent  service,  —  bringing  deer  and  other  game, 
which  relieved  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the  party, 
and  went  far  to  restore  their  cheerfulness. 

La  Salle,  meanwhile,  had  gone  down  to  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  with  a  sergeant  and  a  number  of  men ; 
and  here,  on  the  high  point  of  land  where  Fort 
Niagara  now  stands,  he  marked  out  the  foundations 
of  two  blockhouses.1  Then,  leaving  his  men  to  build 
them,  he  set  out  on  foot  for  Fort  Frontenac,  where 
the  condition  of  his  affairs  demanded  his  presence, 
and  where  he  hoped  to  procure  supplies  to  replace 
those  lost  in  the  wreck  of  his  vessel.  It  was 
February,  and  the  distance  was  some  two  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  through  the  snow-encumbered  forests 
of  the  Iroquois  and  over  the  ice  of  Lake  Ontario. 
Two  men  attended  him,  and  a  dog  dragged  his  bag- 
gage on  a  sledge.  For  food,  they  had  only  a  bag  of 
parched  corn,  which  failed  them  two  days  before 
they  reached  the  fort;  and  they  made  the  rest  of  the 
journey  fasting. 

During  his  absence,  Tonty  finished  the  vessel, 
which  was  of  about  forty-five  tons'  burden.2  As 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle,  22  Aout,  1682  (Margry,  ii.  229) ;  Relation  de 
Tonty,  1684  (Ibid.,  i.  577).     He  called  this  new  post  Fort  Conti.    It 
was  burned  some  months  after,  by  the  carelessness  of  the  sergeant 
in  command,  and  was  the  first  of  a  succession  of  forts  on  this  his- 
toric spot. 

2  Hennepin  (1683),  46.    In  the  edition  of  1697,  he  says  that  it 


1679.]  THE   SHIP  FINISHED.  149 

spring  opened,  she  was  ready  for  launching.  The 
friar  pronounced  his  blessing  on  her;  the  assembled 
company  sang  Te  Deum ;  cannon  were  fired;  and 
French  and  Indians,  warmed  alike  by  a  generous 
gift  of  brandy,  shouted  and  yelped  in  chorus  as  she 
glided  into  the  Niagara.  Her  builders  towed  her 
out  and  anchored  her  in  the  stream,  safe  at  last  from 
incendiary  hands;  and  then,  swinging  their  ham- 
mocks under  her  deck,  slept  in  peace,  beyond  reach 
of  the  tomahawk.  The  Indians  gazed  on  her  with 
amazement.  Five  small  cannon  looked  out  from  her 
portholes ;  and  on  her  prow  was  carved  a  portentous 
monster,  the  Griffin,  whose  name  she  bore,  in  honor 
of  the  armorial  bearings  of  Frontenac.  La  Salle  had 
often  been  heard  to  say  that  he  would  make  the 
griffin  fly  above  the  crows,  or,  in  other  words,  make 
Frontenac  triumph  over  the  Jesuits. 

They  now  took  her  up  the  river,  and  made  her  fast 
below  the  swift  current  at  Black  Rock.  Here  they 
finished  her  equipment,  and  waited  for  La  Salle 's 
return;  but  the  absent  commander  did  not  appear. 
The  spring  and  more  than  half  of  the  summer  had 
passed  before  they  saw  him  again.  At  length,  early 
in  August,  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara, 
bringing  three  more  friars ;  for,  though  no  friend  of 
the  Jesuits,  he  was  zealous  for  the  Faith,  and  was 
rarely  without  a  missionary  in  his  journeyings.  Like 
Hennepin,  the  three  friars  were  all  Flemings.  One 

was  of  sixty  tons.  I  prefer  to  follow  the  earlier  and  more  trust- 
worthy narratire. 


150          THE  LAUNCH  OF   THE   "GRIFFIN."      [1679. 

of  them,  Melithon  Watteau,  was  to  remain  at  Niagara ; 
the  others,  Zenobe  Membr6  and  Gabriel  Ribourde, 
were  to  preach  the  Faith  among  the  tribes  of  the 
West.  Ribourde  was  a  hale  and  cheerful  old  man 
of  sixty-four.  He  went  four  times  up  and  down 
the  Lewiston  heights,  while  the  men  were  climbing 
the  steep  pathway  with  their  loads.  It  required  four 
of  them,  well  stimulated  with  brandy,  to  carry  up 
the  principal  anchor  destined  for  the  "Griffin." 

La  Salle  brought  a  tale  of  disaster.  His  enemies, 
bent  on  ruining  the  enterprise,  had  given  out  that  he 
was  embarked  on  a  harebrained  venture,  from  which 
he  would  never  return.  His  creditors,  excited  by 
rumors  set  afloat  to  that  end,  had  seized  on  all  his 
property  in  the  settled  parts  of  Canada,  though  his 
seigniory  of  Fort  Frontenac  alone  would  have  more 
than  sufficed  to  pay  all  his  debts.  There  was  no 
remedy.  To  defer  the  enterprise  would  have  been 
to  give  his  adversaries  the  triumph  that  they  sought; 
and  he  hardened  himself  against  the  blow  with  his 
usual  stoicism.1 

1  La  Salle's  embarrassment  at  this  time  was  so  great  that  he  pur- 
posed to  send  Tonty  up  the  lakes  in  the  "  Griffin,"  while  he  went 
back  to  the  colony  to  look  after  his  affairs  ;  but  suspecting  that  the 
pilot,  who  had  already  wrecked  one  of  his  vessels,  was  in  the  pay 
of  his  enemies,  he  resolved  at  last  to  take  charge  of  the  expedition 
himself,  to  prevent  a  second  disaster.  (Lettre  de  La  Salle,  22  Aout, 
1682  ;  Margry,  ii.  214.)  Among  the  creditors  who  bore  hard  upon 
him  were  Migeon,  Charon,  Giton,  and  Peloquin,  of  Montreal,  in 
whose  name  his  furs  at  Fort  Frontenac  had  been  seized.  The  intend- 
ant  also  placed  under  seal  all  his  furs  at  Quebec,  among  which  is 
set  down  the  not  very  precious  item  of  two  hundred  and  eighty-four 
skins  of  enfantt  du  (liable,  or  skunks. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

1679. 
LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES. 

THE  VOYAGE  OF  THE  "GRIFFIN."  —  DETROIT.  —  A  STORM.  —  ST. 
IGNACE  OF  MICHILIMACKINAC.  —  RIVALS  AND  ENEMIES.  —  LAKB 
MICHIGAN.  —  HARDSHIPS.  —  A  THREATENED  FIGHT.  —  FORT 
MIAMI.  —  TONTY'S  MISFORTUNES.  —  FOREBODINGS. 

THE  "  Griffin "  had  lain  moored  by  the  shore,  so 
near  that  Hennepin  could  preach  on  Sundays  from 
the  deck  to  the  men  encamped  along  the  bank.  She 
was  now  forced  up  against  the  current  with  tow- 
ropes  and  sails,  till  she  reached  the  calm  entrance  of 
Lake  Erie.  On  the  seventh  of  August,  La  Salle  and 
his  followers  embarked,  sang  Te  Deum,  and  fired 
their  cannon.  A  fresh  breeze  sprang  up;  and  with 
swelling  canvas  the  "Griffin"  ploughed  the  virgin 
waves  of  Lake  Erie,  where  sail  was  never  seen 
before.  For  three  days  they  held  their  course  over 
these  unknown  waters,  and  on  the  fourth  turned 
northward  into  the  Strait  of  Detroit.  Here,  on  the 
right  hand  and  on  the  left,  lay  verdant  prairies, 
dotted  with  groves  and  bordered  with  lofty  forests. 
They  saw  walnut,  chestnut,  and  wild  plum  trees, 
and  oaks  festooned  with  grape-vines  ;  herds  of  deer, 


152         LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.       [1679. 

and  flocks  of  swans  and  wild  turkeys.  The  bulwarks 
of  the  "Griffin"  were  plentifully  hung  with  game 
which  the  men  killed  on  shore,  and  among  the  rest 
with  a  number  of  bears,  much  commended  by 
Hennepin  for  their  want  of  ferocity  and  the  excel- 
lence of  their  flesh.  "Those,"  he  says,  "who  will 
one  day  have  the  happiness  to  possess  this  fertile  and 
pleasant  strait,  will  be  very  much  obliged  to  those 
who  have  shown  them  the  way."  They  crossed 
Lake  St.  Clair,1  and  still  sailed  northward  against 
the  current,  till  now,  sparkling  in  the  sun,  Lake 
Huron  spread  before  them  like  a  sea. 

For  a  time  they  bore  on  prosperously.  Then  the 
wind  died  to  a  calm,  then  freshened  to  a  gale,  then 
rose  to  a  furious  tempest;  and  the  vessel  tossed 
wildly  among  the  short,  steep,  perilous  waves  of  the 
raging  lake.  Even  La  Salle  called  on  his  followers 
to  commend  themselves  to  Heaven.  All  fell  to  their 
prayers  but  the  godless  pilot,  who  was  loud  in  com- 
plaint against  his  commander  for  having  brought 
him,  after  the  honor  he  had  won  on  the  ocean,  to 
drown  at  last  ignominiously  in  fresh  water.  The 
rest  clamored  to  the  saints.  St.  Anthony  of  Padua 
was  promised  a  chapel  to  be  built  in  his  honor,  if  he 
would  but  save  them  from  their  jeopardy;  while  in 
the  same  breath  La  Salle  and  the  friars  declared  him 
patron  of  their  great  enterprise.2  The  saint  heard 

1  They  named  it  Sainte  Claire,  of  which  the  present  name  is  a 
perversion. 

*  Hennepin  (1683),  68. 


1679.]  ST.  IGNACE.  158 

their  prayers.  The  obedient  winds  were  tamed;  and 
the  "  Griffin  "  plunged  on  her  way  through  foaming 
surges  that  still  grew  calmer  as  she  advanced.  Now 
the  sun  shone  forth  on  woody  islands,  Bois  Blanc 
and  Mackinaw  and  the  distant  Manitoulins,  —  on  the 
forest  wastes  of  Michigan  and  the  vast  blue  bosom  of 
the  angry  lake ;  and  now  her  port  was  won,  and  she 
found  her  rest  behind  the  point  of  St.  Ignace  of 
Michilimackinac,  floating  in  that  tranquil  cove  where 
crystal  waters  cover  but  cannot  hide  the  pebbly 
depths  beneath.  Before  her  rose  the  house  and 
chapel  of  the  Jesuits,  enclosed  with  palisades ;  on  the 
right,  the  Huron  village,  with  its  bark  cabins  and 
its  fence  of  tall  pickets;  on  the  left,  the  square 
compact  houses  of  the  French  traders;  and,  not  far 
off,  the  clustered  wigwams  of  an  Ottawa  village.1 
Here  was  a  centre  of  the  Jesuit  missions,  and  a 
centre  of  the  Indian  trade;  and  here,  under  the 
shadow  of  the  cross,  was  much  sharp  practice  in  the 
service  of  Mammon.  Keen  traders,  with  or  without 
a  license,  and  lawless  coureurs  de  bois,  whom  a  few 
years  of  forest  life  had  weaned  from  civilization, 
made  St.  Ignace  their  resort;  and  here  there  were 
many  of  them  when  the  "  Griffin  "  came.  They  and 
tlieir  employers  hated  and  feared  La  Salle,  who, 
sustained  as  he  was  by  the  governor,  might  set  at 
nought  the  prohibition  of  the  King,  debarring  him 
from  traffic  with  these  tribes.  Yet,  while  plotting 

1  There  is  a  rude  plan  of  the  establishment  in  La  Hontan,  though 
in  several  editions  its  value  is  destroyed  by  the  rerersal  of  the  plate 


154         LA  SALLE  Otf  THE  UPPER  LAKES.       [1679. 

against  him,  they  took  pains  to  allay  his  distrust  by 
a  show  of  welcome. 

The  "Griffin"  fired  her  cannon,  and  the  Indians 
yelped  in  wonder  and  amazement.  The  adventurers 
landed  in  state,  and  marched  under  arms  to  the  bark 
chapel  of  the  Ottawa  village,  where  they  heard 
mass.  La  Salle  knelt  before  the  altar,  in  a  mantle 
of  scarlet  bordered  with  gold.  Soldiers,  sailors,  and 
artisans  knelt  around  him,  —  black  Jesuits,  gray 
Re'collets,  swarthy  voyageurs,  and  painted  savages ;  a 
devout  but  motley  concourse. 

As  they  left  the  chapel,  the  Ottawa  chiefs  came  to 
bid  them  welcome,  and  the  Hurons  saluted  them 
with  a  volley  of  musketry.  They  saw  the  "  Griffin  " 
at  her  anchorage,  surrounded  by  more  than  a  hundred 
bark  canoes,  like  a  Triton  among  minnows.  Yet  it 
was  with  more  wonder  than  good-will  that  the 
Indians  of  the  mission  gazed  on  the  "floating  fort," 
for  so  they  called  the  vessel.  A  deep  jealousy  of  La 
Salle 's  designs  had  been  infused  into  them.  His 
own  followers,  too,  had  been  tampered  with.  In  the 
autumn  before,  it  may  be  remembered,  he  had  sent 
fifteen  men  up  the  lakes  to  trade  for  him,  with  orders 
to  go  thence  to  the  Illinois  and  make  preparation 
against  his  coming.  Early  in  the  summer,  Tonty 
had  been  despatched  in  a  canoe  from  Niagara  to  look 
after  them.1  It  was  high  time.  Most  of  the  men 
had  been  seduced  from  their  duty,  and  had  disobeyed 

1  Relation  de  Tonty,  1684;  Ibid.,  1693.  He  was  overtaken  at  the 
Detroit  bj  the  "Griffin." 


1079.]  RIVALS  AND  ENEMIES.  156 

their  orders,  squandered  the  goods  intrusted  to  them, 
or  used  them  in  trading  on  their  own  account.  La 
S.ille  found  four  of  them  at  Michilimackinac.  These 
he  arrested,  and  sent  Tonty  to  the  Falls  of  Ste. 
Marie,  where  two  others  were  captured,  with  their 
plunder.  The  rest  were  in  the  woods,  and  it  was 
useless  to  pursue  them. 

Anxious  and  troubled  as  to  the  condition  of  his 
affairs  in  Canada,  La  Salle  had  meant,  after  seeing 
his  party  safe  at  Michilimackinac,  to  leave  Tonty  to 
conduct  it  to  the  Illinois,  while  he  himself  returned 
to  the  colony.  But  Tonty  was  still  at  Ste.  Marie, 
and  he  had  none  to  trust  but  himself.  Therefore, 
he  resolved  at  all  risks  to  remain  with  his  men; 
"for,"  he  says,  "I  judged  my  presence  absolutely 
necessary  to  retain  such  of  them  as  were  left  me,  and 
pi-event  them  from  being  enticed  away  during  the 
winter."  Moreover,  he  thought  that  he  had  detected 
an  intrigue  of  his  enemies  to  hound  on  the  Iroquois 
against  the  Illinois,  in  order  to  defeat  his  plan  by 
involving  him  in  the  war. 

Early  in  September  he  set  sail  again,  and  passing 
westward  into  Lake  Michigan,1  cast  anchor  near  one 
of  the  islands  at  the  entrance  of  Green  Bay.  Here, 
for  once,  he  found  a  friend  in  the  person  of  a 
Pottawattarnie  chief,  who  had  been  so  wrought  upon 

1  Then  usually  known  as  Lac  des  Illinois,  because  it  gave  access 
to  the  country  of  the  tribes  so  called.  Three  years  before,  Allouez 
ga/e  it  the  name  of  Lac  St.  Joseph,  by  which  it  is  often  designated 
by  the  early  writers.  Membre,  Douay,  and  others,  call  it  Lac 
Dauphin. 


156         LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.       [1679. 

by  the  politic  kindness  of  Frontenac  that  he  declared 
himself  ready  to  die  for  the  children  of  Onontio.1 
Here,  too,  he  found  several  of  his  advance  party, 
who  had  remained  faithful  and  collected  a  large 
store  of  furs.  It  would  have  been  better  had  they 
proved  false,  like  the  rest.  La  Salle,  who  asked 
counsel  of  no  man,  resolved,  in  spite  of  his  followers, 
to  send  back  the  "  Griffin  "  laden  with  these  furs,  and 
others  collected  on  the  way,  to  satisfy  his  creditors.2 
It  was  a  rash  resolution,  for  it  involved  trusting  her 
to  the  pilot,  who  had  already  proved  either  incom- 
petent or  treacherous.  She  fired  a  parting  shot,  and 
on  the  eighteenth  of  September  set  sail  for  Niagara, 
with  orders  to  return  to  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan 
as  soon  as  she  had  discharged  her  cargo.  La  Salle, 
with  the  fourteen  men  who  remained,  in  four  canoes 
deeply  laden  with  a  forge,  tools,  merchandise,  and 
arms,  put  out  from  the  island  and  resumed  his 
voyage. 

The  parting  was  not  auspicious.  The  lake,  glassy 
and  calm  in  the  afternoon,  was  convulsed  at  night 
with  a  sudden  storm,  when  the  canoes  were  midway 
between  the  island  and  the  main  shore.  It  was  with 
difficulty  that  they  could  keep  together,  the  men 

1  "  The  Great  Mountain,"  the  Iroquois  name  for  the  governor  of 
Canada.    It  was  borrowed  by  other  tribes  also. 

2  In  the  license  of  discovery  granted  to  La  Salle,  he  is  expressly 
prohibited  from  trading  with  the  Ottawas  and  others  who  brought 
furs  to  Montreal.    This  traffic  on  the  lakes  was,  therefore,  illicit. 
His  enemy,  the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  afterwards  used  this  against 
him.    Lettre  de  Duchesneau  au  Ministre,  10  Nov.,  1680. 


1679.]  POTTAWATTAMIES.  157 

shouting  to  each  other  through  the  darkness. 
Hennepin,  who  was  in  the  smallest  canoe  with  a 
heavy  load,  and  a  carpenter  for  a  companion  who 
was  awkward  at  the  paddle,  found  himself  in  jeop- 
ardy which  demanded  all  his  nerve.  The  voyagers 
thought  themselves  happy  when  they  gained  at  last 
the  shelter  of  a  little  sandy  cove,  where  they  dragged 
up  their  canoes,  and  made  their  cheerless  bivouac  in 
the  drenched  and  dripping  forest.  Here  they  spent 
five  days,  living  on  pumpkins  and  Indian  corn,  the 
gift  of  their  Pottawattamie  friends,  and  on  a  Canada 
porcupine  brought  in  by  La  Salle's  Mohegan  hunter. 
The  gale  raged  meanwhile  with  relentless  fury. 
They  trembled  when  they  thought  of  the  "Griffin." 
When  at  length  the  tempest  lulled,  they  re-embarked, 
and  steered  southward  along  the  shore  of  Wisconsin; 
but  again  the  storm  fell  upon  them,  and  drove  them 
for  safety  to  a  bare,  rocky  islet.  Here  they  made  a 
fire  of  drift-wood,  crouched  around  it,  drew  their 
blankets  over  their  heads,  and  in  this  miserable 
plight,  pelted  with  sleet  and  rain,  remained  for  two 
days. 

At  length  they  were  afloat  again;  but  their  pros- 
perity was  brief.  On  the  twenty-eighth,  a  fierce 
squall  drove  them  to  a  point  of  rocks  covered  with 
bushes,  where  they  consumed  the  little  that  remained 
of  their  provisions.  On  the  first  of  October  they 
paddled  about  thirty  miles,  without  food,  when  they 
came  to  a  village  of  Pottawattamies,  who  ran  down 
to  the  shore  to  help  them  to  land;  but  La  Salle,  fear- 


158    LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.   [187*. 

ing  that  some  of  his  men  would  steal  the  merchandise 
and  desert  to  the  Indians,  insisted  on  going  three 
leagues  farther,  to  the  great  indignation  of  his  fol- 
lowers. The  lake,  swept  by  an  easterly  gale,  was 
rolling  its  waves  against  the  beach,  like  the  ocean  in 
a  storm.  In  the  attempt  to  land,  La  Salle's  canoe 
was  nearly  swamped.  He  and  his  three  canoemen 
leaped  into  the  water,  and  in  spite  of  the  surf,  which 
nearly  drowned  them,  dragged  their  vessel  ashore 
with  all  its  load.  He  then  went  to  the  rescue  of 
Hennepin,  who  with  his  awkward  companion  was 
in  woful  need  of  succor.  Father  Gabriel,  with  his 
sixty-four  years,  was  no  match  for  the  surf  and  the 
violent  undertow.  Hennepin,  finding  himself  safe, 
waded  to  his  relief,  and  carried  him  ashore  on  his 
sturdy  shoulders;  while  the  old  friar,  though 
drenched  to  the  skin,  laughed  gayly  under  his  cowl 
as  his  brother  missionary  staggered  with  him  up  the 
beach.1 

When  all  were  safe  ashore,  La  Salle,  who  distrusted 
the  Indians  they  had  passed,  took  post  on  a  hill,  and 
ordered  his  followers  to  prepare  their  guns  for  action. 
Nevertheless,  as  they  were  starving,  an  effort  must 
be  risked  to  gain  a  supply  of  food;  and  he  sent  three 
men  back  to  the  village  to  purchase  it.  Well  armed, 
but  faint  with  toil  and  famine,  they  made  their  way 
through  the  stormy  forest  bearing  a  pipe  of  peace, 
but  on  arriving  saw  that  the  scared  inhabitants  had 
fled.  They  found,  however,  a  stock  of  corn,  of 
*  Hennepin  (1683),  79. 


1679.J  HARDSHIPS.  15 

which  they  took  a  portion,  leaving  goods  in  exchange, 
and  then  set  out  on  their  return. 

Meanwhile,  about  twenty  of  the  warriors,  armed 
with  bows  and  arrows,  approached  the  camp  of  the 
French  to  reconnoitre.  La  Salle  went  to  meet  them 
with  some  of  his  men,  opened  a  parley  with  them, 
a] id  kept  them  seated  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  till  his 
three  messengers  returned,  when  on  seeing  the  peace- 
pipe  the  warriors  set  up  a  cry  of  joy.  In  the  morning 
they  brought  more  corn  to  the  camp,  with  a  supply 
of  fresh  venison,  not  a  little  cheering  to  the  exhausted 
Frenchmen,  who,  in  dread  of  treachery,  had  stood 
under  arms  all  night. 

This  was  no  journey  of  pleasure.  The  lake  was 
ruffled  with  almost  ceaseless  storms;  clouds  big  with 
rain  above,  a  turmoil  of  gray  and  gloomy  waves 
beneath.  Every  night  the  canoes  must  be  shouldered 
through  the  breakers  and  dragged  up  the  steep  banks, 
which,  as  they  neared  the  site  of  Milwaukee,  became 
almost  insurmountable.  The  men  paddled  all  day, 
with  no  other  food  than  a  handful  of  Indian  corn. 
They  were  spent  with  toil,  sick  with  the  haws  and 
wild  berries  which  they  ravenously  devoured,  and 
dejected  at  the  prospect  before  them.  Father  Gabriel's 
good  spirits  began  to  fail.  He  fainted  several  times 
from  famine  and  fatigue,  but  was  revived  by  a  certain 
"  confection  of  Hyacinth  "  administered  by  Hennepin, 
who  had  a  small  box  of  this  precious  specific. 

At  length  they  descried  at  a  distance,  on  the 
stormy  shore,  two  or  three  eagles  among  a  busy 


160         LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.       [1679. 

congregation  of  crows  or  turkey  buzzards.  They 
paddled  in  all  haste  to  the  spot.  The  feasters  took 
flight;  and  the  starved  travellers  found  the  mangled 
body  of  a  deer,  lately  killed  by  the  wolves.  This 
good  luck  proved  the  inauguration  of  plenty.  As 
they  approached  the  head  of  the  lake,  game  grew 
abundant;  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  Mohegan,  there 
was  no  lack  of  bear's  meat  and  venison.  They  found 
wild  grapes,  too,  in  the  woods,  and  gathered  them  by 
cutting  down  the  trees  to  which  the  vines  clung. 

While  thus  employed,  they  were  startled  by  a 
sight  often  so  fearful  in  the  waste  and  the  wilder- 
ness, —  the  print  of  a  human  foot.  It  was  clear  that 
Indians  were  not  far  off.  A  strict  watch  was  kept, 
not,  as  it  proved,  without  cause;  for  that  night, 
while  the  sentry  thought  of  little  but  screening  him- 
self and  his  gun  from  the  floods  of  rain,  a  party  of 
Odtagamies  crept  under  the  bank,  where  they  lurked 
for  some  time  before  he  discovered  them.  Being 
challenged,  they  came  forward,  professing  great 
friendship,  and  pretending  to  have  mistaken  the 
French  for  Iroquois.  In  the  morning,  however, 
there  was  an  outcry  from  La  Salle's  servant,  who 
declared  that  the  visitors  had  stolen  his  coat  from 
under  the  inverted  canoe  where  he  had  placed  it; 
while  some  of  the  carpenters  also  complained  of  being 
robbed.  La  Salle  well  knew  that  if  the  theft  were 
left  unpunished,  worse  would  come  of  it.  First,  he 
posted  his  men  at  the  woody  point  of  a  peninsula, 
whose  sandy  neck  was  interposed  between  them  and 


1679.]  ENCOUNTER  WITH  INDIANS.  161 

the  main  forest.  Then  he  went  forth,  pistol  in. hand, 
met  a  young  Outagami,  seized  him,  and  led  him 
prisoner  to  his  camp.  This  done,  he  again  set  out, 
and  soon  found  an  Outagami  chief,  —  for  the  wig- 
wams were  not  far  distant,  —  to  whom  he  told  what 
he  had  done,  adding  that  unless  the  stolen  goods 
were  restored,  the  prisoner  should  be  killed.  The 
Indians  were  in  perplexity,  for  they  had  cut  the  coat 
to  pieces  and  divided  it.  In  this  dilemma  they 
resolved,  being  strong  in  numbers,  to  rescue  their 
omrade  by  force.  Accordingly,  they  came  down  to 
the  edge  of  the  forest,  or  posted  themselves  behind 
fallon  trees  on  the  banks,  while  La  Salle's  men  in 
their  stronghold  braced  their  nerves  for  the  fight. 
Here  three  Flemish  friars  with  their  rosaries,  and 
eleven  Frenchmen  with  their  guns,  confronted  a 
hundred  and  twenty  screeching  Outagamies.  Hen- 
nepin,  who  had  seen  service,  and  who  had  always  an 
exhortation  at  his  tongue's  end,  busied  himself  to 
inspire  the  rest  with  a  courage  equal  to  his  own. 
Neither  party,  however,  had  an  appetite  for  the  fray. 
A  parley  ensued:  full  compensation  was  made  for 
the  stolen  goods,  and  the  aggrieved  Frenchmen  were 
farther  propitiated  with  a  gift  of  beaver-skins. 

Their  late  enemies,  now  become  friends,  spent  the 
next  day  in  dances,  feasts,  and  speeches.  They 
entreated  La  Salle  not  to  advance  farther,  since  the 
Illinois,  through  whose  country  he  must  pass,  would 
be  sure  to  kill  him;  for,  added  these  friendly  counsel- 
lors, they  hated  the  French  because  they  had  been 

11 


162         LA   SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.       [1679, 

instigating  the  Iroquois  to  invade  their  country. 
Here  was  another  subject  of  anxiety.  La  Salle  was 
confirmed  in  his  belief  that  his  busy  and  unscrupulous 
enemies  were  intriguing  for  his  destruction. 

He  pushed  on,  however,  circling  around  the 
southern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  till  he  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  called  by  him  the  Miamis. 
Here  Tonty  was  to  have  rejoined  him  with  twenty 
men,  making  his  way  from  Michilimackinac  along 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake ;  but  the  rendezvous  was 
a  solitude,  —  Tonty  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  It  was 
the  first  of  November;  winter  was  at  hand,  and  the 
streams  would  soon  be  frozen.  The  men  clamored  to 
go  forward,  urging  that  they  should  starve  if  they 
could  not  reach  the  villages  of  the  Illinois  before  the 
tribe  scattered  for  the  winter  hunt.  La  Salle  was 
inexorable.  If  they  should  all  desert,  he  said,  he, 
with  his  Mohegan  hunter  and  the  three  friars,  would 
still  remain  and  wait  for  Tonty.  The  men  grumbled, 
but  obeyed;  and,  to  divert  their  thoughts,  he  set 
them  at  building  a  fort  of  timber  on  a  rising  ground 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

They  had  spent  twenty  days  at  this  task,  and  their 
work  was  well  advanced,  when  at  length  Tonty 
appeared.  He  brought  with  him  only  half  of  his 
men.  Provisions  had  failed;  and  the  rest  of  his 
party  had  been  left  thirty  leagues  behind,  to  sustain 
themselves  by  hunting.  La  Salle  told  him  to  return 
and  hasten  them  forward.  He  set  out  with  two 
men.  A  violent  north  wind  arose.  He  tried  to  run 


1879,]  FOREBODINGS.  163 

his  canoe  ashore  through  the  breakers.  The  two  men 
could  not  manage  their  vessel,  and  he  with  his  one 
Land  could  not  help  them.  She  swamped,  rolling 
over  in  the  surf.  Guns,  baggage,  and  provisions 
were  lost;  and  the  three  voyagers  returned  to  the 
Miamis,  subsisting  on  acorns  by  the  way.  Happily, 
the  men  left  behind,  excepting  two  deserters,  sue-' 
ceeded,  a  few  days  after,  in  rejoining  the  party.1 

Thus  was  one  heavy  load  lifted  from  the  heart  of  La 
Salle.  But  where  was  the  "  Griffin"  ?  Time  enough, 
and  more  than  enough,  had  passed  for  her  voyage  to 
Niagara  and  back  again.  He  scanned  the  dreary 
horizon  with  an  anxious  eye.  No  returning  sail 
gladdened  the  watery  solitude,  and  a  dark  foreboding 
gathered  on  his  heart.  Yet  further  delay  was  impos- 
sible. He  sent  back  two  men  to  Michilimackinac  to 
meet  her,  if  she  still  existed,  and  pilot  her  to  his  new 
fort  of  the  Miamis,  and  then  prepared  to  ascend  the 
river,  whose  weedy  edges  were  already  glassed  with 
thin  flakes  of  ice.2 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  112;  Relation  de  Tonty,  1693. 

3  The  official  account  of  this  journey  is  given  at  length  in  the 
Relation  des  Decouvertes  et  des  Voyages  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  1679-1681. 
This  valuable  document,  compiled  from  letters  and  diaries  of  La 
Salle,  early  in  the  year  1682,  was  known  to  Hennepin,  who  evidently 
had  a  copy  of  it  before  him  when  he  wrote  his  book,  in  which  he 
incorporated  many  passages  from  it. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

1679,  1680. 
LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS. 

THE  ST.  JOSEPH.  —  ADVENTURE  OF  LA  SALLE. — THE  PRAIRIES. — 
FAMINE.  —  THE  GREAT  TOWN  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  —  INDIANS. — 
INTRIGUES.  —  DIFFICULTIES.  —  POLICY  OF  LA  SALLE.  —  DESER- 
TION. —  ANOTHER  ATTEMPT  TO  POISON  LA  SALLE. 

ON  the  third  of  December  the  party  re-embarked, 
thirty -three  in  all,  in  eight  canoes,1  and  ascended  the 
chill  current  of  the  St.  Joseph,  bordered  with  dreary 
meadows  and  bare  gray  forests.  When  they  approached 
the  site  of  the  present  village  of  South  Bend,  they 
looked  anxiously  along  the  shore  on  their  right  to 
find  the  portage  or  path  leading  to  the  headquarters 
of  the  Illinois.  The  Mohegan  was  absent,  hunting; 
and,  unaided  by  his  practised  eye,  they  passed  the 
path  without  seeing  it.  La  Salle  landed  to  search 
the  woods.  Hours  passed,  and  he  did  not  return. 
Hennepin  and  Tonty  grew  uneasy,  disembarked, 
bivouacked,  ordered  guns  to  be  fired,  and  sent  out 
men  to  scour  the  country.  Night  came,  but  not 
their  lost  leader.  Muffled  in  their  blankets  and 

1  Lettre  de  Duchesneau  d ,  10  Nov.,  1680. 


1679.]  LA  SALLE'S  ADVENTURE.  165 

powdered  by  the  thick-falling  snowflakes,  they  sat 
ruefully  speculating  as  to  what  had  befallen  him ;  nor 
was  it  till  four  o'clock  of  the  next  afternoon  that  they 
saw  him  approaching  along  the  margin  of  the  river. 
His  face  and  hands  were  besmirched  with  charcoal; 
and  he  was  further  decorated  with  two  opossums 
which  hung  from  his  belt,  and  which  lie  had  killed 
with  a  stick  as  they  were  swinging  head  downwards 
from  the  bough  of  a  tree,  after  the  fashion  of  that 
singular  beast.  He  had  missed  his  way  in  the  forest, 
and  had  been  forced  to  make  a  wide  circuit  around 
the  edge  of  a  swamp ;  while  the  snow,  of  which  the 
air  was  full,  added  to  his  perplexities.  Thus  he 
pushed  on  through  the  rest  of  the  day  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  night,  till,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, he  reached  the  river  again,  and  fired  his  gun  as 
a  signal  to  his  party.  Hearing  no  answering  shot, 
he  pursued  his  way  along  the  bank,  when  he  presently 
saw  the  gleam  of  a  fire  among  the  dense  thickets 
close  at  hand.  Not  doubting  that  he  had  found  the 
bivouac  of  his  party,  he  hastened  to  the  spot.  To 
his  surprise,  no  human  being  was  to  be  seen.  Under 
a  tree  beside  the  fire  was  a  heap  of  dry  grass  impressed 
with  the  form  of  a  man  who  must  have  fled  but  a 
moment  before,  for  his  couch  was  still  warm.  It  was 
no  doubt  an  Indian,  ambushed  on  the  bank,  watching 
to  kill  some  passing  enemy.  La  Salle  called  out  in 
several  Indian  languages ;  but  there  was  dead  silence 
all  around.  He  then,  with  admirable  coolness,  took 
possession  of  the  quarters  he  had  found,  shouting  to 


166  LA  SALLE   ON  THE  ILLINOIS  [1679 

their  invisible  proprietor  that  he  was  about  to  sleep 
in  his  bed;  piled  a  barricade  ol  bushes  around  the 
spot,  rekindled  the  dying  fire,  warmed  his  benumbed 
hands,  stretched  himself  on  the  dried  grass,  and  slept 
undisturbed  till  morning. 

The  Mohegan  had  rejoined  the  party  before  La 
Salle's  return,  and  with  his  aid  the  portage  was  soon 
found.  Here  the  party  encamped.  La  Salle,  who 
was  excessively  fatigued,  occupied,  together  with 
Hennepin,  a  wigwam  covered  in  the  Indian  manner 
with  mats  of  reeds.  The  cold  forced  them  to  kindle 
a  fire,  which  before  daybreak  set  the  mats  in  a  blaze ; 
and  the  two  sleepers  narrowly  escaped  being  burned 
along  with  their  hut. 

In  the  morning,  the  party  shouldered  their  canoes 
and  baggage  and  began  their  march  for  the  sources 
of  the  river  Illinois,  some  five  miles  distant.  Around 
them  stretched  a  desolate  plain,  half-covered  with 
snow  and  strewn  with  the  skulls  and  bones  of  buffalo ; 
while,  on  its  farthest  verge,  they  could  see  the  lodges 
of  the  Miami  Indians,  who  had  made  this  place  their 
abode.  As  they  filed  on  their  way,  a  man  named 
Duplessis,  bearing  a  grudge  against  La  Salle,  who 
walked  just  before  him,  raised  his  gun  to  shoot  him 
through  the  back,  but  was  prevented  by  one  of  his 
comrades.  They  soon  reached  a  spot  where  the  oozy, 
saturated  soil  quaked  beneath  their  tread.  All 
around  were  clumps  of  alder-bushes,  tufts  of  rank 
grass,  and  pools  of  glistening  water.  In  the  midst 
a  dark  and  lazy  current,  which  a  tall  man  might 


1679.]  THE  KANKAKEE.  167 

"bestride,  crept  twisting  like  a  snake  among  the  weeds 
and  rushes.  Here  were  the  sources  of  the  Kankakee, 
one  of  the  heads  of  the  Illinois.1  They  set  their 
canoes  on  this  thread  of  water,  embarked  their  bag- 
gage and  themselves,  and  pushed  down  the  sluggish 
streamlet,  looking,  at  a  little  distance,  like  men  who 
sailed  on  land.  Fed  by  an  unceasing  tribute  of  the 
spongy  soil,  it  quickly  widened  to  a  river;  and  they 
floated  on  their  way  through  a  voiceless,  lifeless 
solitude  of  dreary  oak  barrens,  or  boundless  marshes 
overgrown  with  reeds.  At  night,  they  built  their 
fire  on  ground  made  firm  by  frost,  and  bivouacked 
among  the  rushes.  A  few  days  brought  them  to  a 
more  favored  region.  On  the  right  hand  and  on  the 

1  The  Kankakee  was  called  at  this  time  the  Theakiki,  or  Haukiki 
(Marest) ;  a  name  which,  a  Oharlevoix  says,  ".vas  afterwards  cor- 
rupted by  the  French  to  Kiakiki  whenc^,  probably,  its  present 
form.  In  La  Salle's  time,  the  name  "  Theakiki  "  was  iven  to  the 
river  Illinois  through  all  its  course.  It  was  also  called  the  Riviere 
Seignelay,  the  Riviere  des  Macopins,  and  the  Rivier^  Divine,  or 
Riviere  de  la  Divine.  The  latter  name,  when  Charlevoix  visited 
the  country  in  1721,  was  confined  to  the  northern  branch.  He  give>» 
an  interesting  and  somewhat  graphic  account  .  f  the  portage  ana 
the  sources  of  the  Kankakee,  in  his  letter  dated  De  la  Source  du 
Theakiki,  ce  dix-sept  Septembre,  1721. 

Why  the  Illinois  should  ever  have  been  called  the  "  Divine,"  it 
is  not  easy  to  see.  The  Memoirs  of  St.  Simon  suggest  an  explana- 
tion. Madame  de  Frontenac  and  her  friend  Mademoiselle  d'Outre- 
laise,  he  tells  us,  lived  together  in  apartments  at  the  Arsenal,  where 
they  held  their  salon  and  exercised  a  great  power  in  society.  They 
were  called  at  court  les  Divines.  (St.  Simon,  v.  335 :  Cheruel.)  In 
compliment  to  Frontenac,  the  river  may  have  been  named  after  his 
wife  or  her  friend.  The  suggestion  is  due  to  M.  Margry.  I  have 
seen  a  map  by  Raudin,  Frontenac's  engineer,  on  which  the  river  ia 
called  "  Riviere  de  la  Divine  ou  1'Outrelaise." 


168  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1679. 

left  stretched  the  boundless  prairie,  dotted  with 
leafless  grovec  and  bordered  by  gray  wintry  forests, 
scorched  by  the  fires  kindled  in  the  dried  grass  by 
Indian  hunters,  and  strewn  with  the  carcasses  and 
the  bleached  skulls  of  innumerable  buffalo.  The 
plains  were  scored  with  their  pathways,  and  the, 
.muddy  edges  of  the  river  were  full  of  their  hoof- 
prints.  Yet  not  one  was  to  be  seen.  At  night,  the 
horizon  glowed  with  distant  fires;  and  by  day  the 
savage  hunters  could  be  descried  at  times  roaming 
on  the  verge  of  the  prairie.  The  men,  discontented 
and  half-starved,  would  have  deserted  to  them  had 
they  dared.  La  Salle's  Mohegan  could  kill  no  game 
except  two  lean  deer,  with  a  few  wild  geese  and 
swans.  At  length,  in  their  straits,  they  made  a 
happy  discovery.  It  was  a  buffalo  bull,  fast  mired 
in  a  slough.  They  killed  him,  lashed  a  cable  about 
him,  and  then  twelve  men  dragged  out  the  shaggy 
monster,  whose  ponderous  carcass  demanded  their 
utmost  efforts. 

The  scene  changed  again  as  they  descended.  On 
either  hand  ran  ranges  of  woody  hills,  following  the 
course  of  the  river;  and  when  they  mounted  to  their 
tops,  they  saw  beyond  them  a,  rolling  sea  of  dull  green 
prairie,  a  boundless  pasture  of  ohc  buffalo  and  the 
deer,  in  our  own  day  strangely  transformed,  —  yellow 
in  harvest-time  with  ripened  wheat,  and  dotted  with 
the  roofs  of  a  hardy  and  valiant  yeomanry.1 

1  The  change  is  very  recent.  Within  the  memory  of  men  not 
yet  old,  wolves  and  deer,  besides  wild  swans,  wild  turkeys,  cranes, 


1679.]  THE  ILLINOIS  TOWN.  169 

They  passed  the  site  of  the  future  town  of  Ottawa, 
and  saw  on  their  right  the  high  plateau  of  Buffalo 
Rock,  long  a  favorite  dwelling-place  of  Indians.  A 
league  below,  the  river  glided  among  islands  bordered 
with  stately  woods.  Close  on  their  left  towered  a 
lofty  cliff,1  crested  with  trees  that  overhung  the 
rippling  current;  while  before  them  spread  the  valley 
of  the  Illinois,  in  broad  low  meadows,  bordered  on  the 
right  by  the  graceful  hills  at  whose  foot  now  lies  the 
Tillage  of  Utica.  A  population  far  more  numerous 
then  tenanted  the  valley.  Along  the  right  bank  of 
the  river  were  clustered  the  lodges  of  a  great  Indian 
town.  Hennepin  counted  four  hundred  and  sixty  of 
them.2  In  shape,  they  were  somewhat  like  the 

a  ad  pelicans,  abounded  in  this  region.  In  1840,  a  friend  of  mine 
shot  a  deer  from  the  window  of  a  farmhouse,  near  the  present  town 
of  La  Salle.  Running  wolves  on  horseback  was  his  favorite  amuse- 
ment in  this  part  of  the  country.  The  buffalo  long  ago  disappeared  ; 
bat  the  early  settlers  found  frequent  remains  of  them.  Mr.  James 
Clark,  of  Utica,  111.,  told  me  that  he  once  found  a  large  quantity  of 
their  bones  and  skulls  in  one  place,  as  if  a  herd  had  perished  in  the 
snowdrifts. 

1  "  Starved  Rock."    It  will  hold,  hereafter,  a  conspicuous  place 
in  the  narrative. 

2  La  Louisiane,  137.    Allouez   (Relation,  1673-79)  found  three 
hundred  and  fifty-one  lodges.    This  was  in  1677.    The  population 
of  this  town,  which  embraced  five  or  six  distinct  tribes  of  the  Illi- 
nois, was  continually  changing.     In  1675,  Marquette  addressed  here 
an  auditory  composed  of  five  hundred  chiefs  and  old  men,  and  fif- 
teen hundred  young  men,  besides  women  and  children.    He  estimates 
the  number  of  fires  at  five  or  six  hundred.     (Voyages  du  Pere  Mar- 
qnette,  98:  Lenox.)     Membre',  who  was   here  in   1680,   says  that  it 
then  contained  seven   or  eight  thousand  souls.     (Membre  in  Le" 
Clerc,  Premier  jZtablissement  de  la  Foy,  ii.  173.)     On  the  remarkable 
manuscript  map  of  Franquelin,  1684,  it  is  set  down  at  twelve  him- 


170  LA   SALLE  ON   THE  ILLINOIS.  [1679. 

arched  top  of  a  baggage-wagon.  They  were  built  of 
a  frame-work  of  poles,  covered  with  mats  of  rushes 
closely  interwoven ;  and  each  contained  three  or  four 
fires,  of  which  the  greater  part  served  for  two 
families. 

Here,  then,  was  the  town;  but  where  were  the 
inhabitants?  All  was  silent  as  the  desert.  The 
lodges  were  empty,  the  fires  dead,  and  the  ashes 
cold.  La  Salle  had  expected  this ;  for  he  knew  that 
in  the  autumn  the  Illinois  always  left  their  towns  for 
their  winter  hunting,  and  that  the  time  of  their 
return  had  not  yet  come.  Yet  he  was  not  the  less 

dred  warriors,  or  about  six  thousand  souls.  This  was  after  the 
destructive  inroad  of  the  Iroquois.  Some  years  later,  Rasle  reported 
upwards  of  twenty-four  hundred  families.  (Lettre  a  son  Frere,  in 
Lettres  Edifiantes.) 

At  times,  nearly  the  whole  Illinois  population  was  gathered 
here.  At  other  times,  the  several  tribes  that  composed  it  separated, 
some  dwelling  apart  from  the  rest ;  so  that  at  one  period  the  Illinois 
formed  eleven  villages,  while  at  others  they  were  gathered  into  two, 
of  which  this  was  much  the  larger.  The  meadows  around  it  were 
extensively  cultivated,  yielding  large  crops,  chiefly  of  Indian  corn. 
The  lodges  were  built  along  the  river-bank  for  a  distance  of  a  mile, 
and  sometimes  far  more.  In  their  shape,  though  not  in  their  mate- 
rial, they  resembled  those  of  the  Hurons.  There  were  no  palisades 
or  embankments. 

This  neighborhood  abounds  in  Indian  relics.  The  village  grave- 
yard appears  to  have  been  on  a  rising  ground,  near  the  river  imme- 
diately in  front  of  the  town  of  Utica.  This  is  the  only  part  of  the 
river  bottom,  from  this  point  to  the  Mississippi,  not  liable  to  inun- 
dation in  the  spring  floods.  It  now  forms  part  of  a  farm  occupied 
by  a  tenant  of  Mr.  James  Clark.  Both  Mr.  Clark  and  his  tenant 
informed  me  that  every  year  great  quantities  of  human  bones  and 
teeth  were  turned  up  here  by  the  plough.  Many  implements  of 
stone  are  also  found,  together  with  beads  and  other  ornaments  ot 
Indian  and  European  fabric. 


1680.]  HUNGER  RELIEVED.  171 

embarrassed,  for  he  would  fain  have  bought  a  supply 
of  food  to  relieve  his  famished  followers.  Some  of 
them,  searching  the  deserted  town,  presently  found 
the  caches,  or  covered  pits,  in  which  the  Indians  hid 
their  stock  of  corn.  This  was  precious  beyond 
measure  in  their  eyes,  and  to  touch  it  would  be  a 
deep  offence.  La  Salle  shrank  from  provoking  their 
anger,  which  might  prove  the  ruin  of  his  plans;  but 
iris  necessity  overcame  his  prudence,  and  he  took 
thirty  minots  of  corn,  hoping  to  appease  the  owners  by 
presents.  Thus  provided,  the  party  embarked  again, 
and  resumed  their  downward  voyage. 

On  New  Year's  Day,  1680,  they  landed  and  heard 
mass.  Then  Hennepin  wished  a  happy  new  year  to 
La  Salle  first,  and  afterwards  to  all  the  men,  making 
them  a  speech,  which,  as  he  tells  us,  was  "most 
touching." l  He  and  his  two  brethren  next  embraced 
the  whole  company  in  turn,  "in  a  manner,"  writes 
the  father,  "most  tender  and  affectionate,"  exhorting 
them,  at  the  same  time,  to  patience,  faith,  and  con- 
stancy. Four  days  after  these  solemnities,  they 
reached  the  long  expansion  of  the  river  then  called 
Pindtoui,  and  now  known  as  Peoria  Lake,  and 
leisurely  made  their  way  downward  to  the  site  of  the 
city  of  Peoria.2  Here,  as  evening  drew  near,  they 

1  ''Les  paroles  les  plus  touchantes."  —  Hennepin   (1683),   139. 
The  later  editions  add  the  modest  qualification,  "  que  je  pus." 

2  Peoria  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  of  the  Illinois.    Hen- 
nepin's   dates  here  do  not  exactly  agree  with  those  of  La  Salle 
(Lett>e  c?u29  Sept.,  1680),  who  says  that  they  were  at  the  Illinois 
village  on  the  first  of  January,  and  at  Peoria  Lake  on  the  fifth. 


172  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

saw  a  faint  spire  of  smoke  curling  above  the  gray 
forest,  betokening  that  Indians  were  at  hand.  La 
Salle,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  warned  that  these 
tribes  had  been  taught  to  regard  him  as  their  enemy; 
and  when,  in  the  morning,  he  resumed  his  course,  he 
was  prepared  alike  for  peace  or  war. 

The  shores  now  approached  each  other;  and  the 
Illinois  was  once  more  a  river,  bordered  on  either 
hand  with  overhanging  woods.1 

At  nine  o'clock,  doubling  a  point,  he  saw  about 
eighty  Illinois  wigwams,  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 
He  instantly  ordered  the  eight  canoes  to  be  ranged 
in  line,  abreast,  across  the  stream,  —  Tonty  on  the 
right,  and  he  himself  on  the  left.  The  men  laid 
down  their  paddles  and  seized  their  weapons ;  while, 
in  this  warlike  guise,  the  current  bore  them  swiftly 
into  the  midst  of  the  surprised  and  astounded  savages. 
The  camps  were  in  a  panic.  Warriors  whooped  and 
howled;  squaws  and  children  screeched  in  chorus. 
Some  snatched  their  bows  and  war-clubs;  some  ran 
in  terror;  and,  in  the  midst  of  the  hubbub,  La  Salle 
leaped  ashore,  followed  by  his  men.  None  knew 
better  how  to  deal  with  Indians;  and  he  made  no 
sign  of  friendship,  knowing  that  it  might  be  construed 
as  a  token  of  fear.  His  little  knot  of  Frenchmen 
stood,  gun  in  hand,  passive,  yet  prepared  for  battle. 

1  At  least,  it  is  so  now  at  this  place.  Perhaps,  in  La  Salle's  time, 
it  was  not  wholly  so ;  for  there  is  evidence,  in  various  parts  of  the 
West,  that  the  forest  has  made  considerable  encroachments  on  the 
open  country. 


1C80.]  ILLINOIS   HOSPITALITY.  173 

The  Indians,  on  their  part,  rallying  a  little  from  their 
fright,  made  all  haste  to  proffer  peace.  Two  of  their 
chiefs  came  forward,  holding  out  the  calumet;  while 
another  began  a  loud  harangue,  to  check  the  young 
warriors  who  were  aiming  their  arrows  from  the 
farther  bank.  La  Salle,  responding  to  these  friendly 
overtures,  displayed  another  calumet ;  while  Hennepin 
caught  several  scared  children  and  soothed  them  with 
winning  blandishments.1  The  uproar  was  quelled; 
and  the  strangers  were  presently  seated  in  the  midst 
of  the  camp,  beset  by  a  throng  of  wild  and  swarthy 
figures. 

Food  was  placed  before  them;  and,  as  the  Illinois 
code  of  courtesy  enjoined,  their  entertainers  conveyed 
the  morsels  with  their  own  hands  to  the  lips  of  these 
unenviable  victims  of  their  hospitality,  while  others 
rubbed  their  feet  with  bear's  grease.  La  Salle,  on 
his  part,  made  them  a  gift  of  tobacco  and  hatchets ; 
and  when  he  had  escaped  from  their  caresses,  rose 
and  harangued  them.  He  told  them  that  he  had 
been  forced  to  take  corn  from  their  granaries,  lest  his 
mo,n  should  die  of  hunger;  but  he  prayed  them  not 
to  be  offended,  promising  full  restitution  or  ample 
payment.  He  had  come,  he  said,  to  protect  them 
against  their  enemies,  and  teach  them  to  pray  to  the 
true  God.  As  for  the  Iroquois,  they  were  subjects 
of  the  Great  King,  and  therefore  brethren  of  the 
French;  yet,  nevertheless,  should  they  begin  a  war 
and  invade  the  country  of  the  Illinois,  he  would 

i  Hennepin  (1683),  142. 


174  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

stand  by  them,  give  them  guns,  and  fight  in  their 
defence,  if  they  would  permit  him  to  build  a  fort 
among  them  for  the  security  of  his  men.  It  was 
also,  he  added,  his  purpose  to  build  a  great  wooden 
canoe,  in  which  to  descend  the  Mississippi  to  the  sea, 
and  then  return,  bringing  them  the  goods  of  which 
they  stood  in  need;  but  if  they  would  not  consent  to 
his  plans  and  sell  provisions  to  his  men,  he  would 
pass  on  to  the  Osages,  who  would  then  reap  all  the 
benefits  of  intercourse  with  the  French,  while  they 
were  left  destitute,  at  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois.1 

This  threat  had  its  effect,  for  it  touched  their 
deep-rooted  jealousy  of  the  Osages.  They  were 
lavish  of  promises,  and  feasts  and  dances  consumed 
the  day.  Yet  La  Salle  soon  learned  that  the 
intrigues  of  his  enemies  were  still  pursuing  him. 
That  evening,  unknown  to  him,  a  stranger  appeared 
in  the  Illinois  camp.  He  was  a  Mascoutin  chief, 
named  Monso,  attended  by  five  or  six  Miamis,  and 
bringing  a  gift  of  knives,  hatchets,  and  kettles  to  the 
Illinois.2  The  chiefs  assembled  in  a  secret  nocturnal 
session,  where,  smoking  their  pipes,  they  listened 
with  open  ears  to  the  harangue  of  the  envoys.  Monso 
told  them  that  he  had  come  in  behalf  of  certain 
Frenchmen,  whom  he  named,  to  warn  his  hearers 
against  the  designs  of  La  Salle,  whom  he  denounced 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  144-149.    The  later  editions  omit  a  part  of 
the  above. 

2  "  Un  sauvage,  nomme  Monso,  qui  vent  dire  Chevreuil."  —  La 
Salle.    Probably  Monso  is  a  misprint  for  Mouso,  as  mousoa  is  Illi« 
nois  for  chevreuil,  or  deer. 


1680.]  FRESH  INTRIGUES.  175 

as  a  partisan  and  spy  of  the  Iroquois,  affirming  that 
he  was  now  on  his  way  to  stir  up  the  tribes  beyond 
the  Mississippi  to  join  in  a  war  against  the  Illinois, 
who,  thus  assailed  from  the  east  and  from  the  west, 
would  be  utterly  destroyed.  There  was  no  hope  for 
them,  he  added,  but  in  checking  the  farther  progress 
of  La  Salle,  or,  at  least,  retarding  it,  thus  causing 
his  men  to  desert  him.  Having  thrown  his  firebrand, 
Monso  and  his  party  left  the  camp  in  haste,  dreading 
to  be  confronted  with  the  object  of  their  aspersions.1 

In  the  morning,  La  Salle  saw  a  change  in  the 
behavior  of  his  hosts.  They  looked  on  him  askance, 
cold,  sullen,  and  suspicious.  There  was  one  Omawha, 
a  chief,  whose  favor  he  had  won  the  day  before  by 
the  politic  gift  of  two  hatchets  and  three  knives,  and 
who  now  came  to  him  in  secret  to  tell  him  what  had 
taken  place  at  the  nocturnal  council.  La  Salle  at 
once  saw  in  it  a  device  of  his  enemies;  and  this 
belief  was  confirmed,  when,  in  the  afternoon, 
Nicanope*,  brother  of  the  head  chief,  sent  to  invite 
the  Frenchmen  to  a  feast.  They  repaired  to  his 
lodge ;  but  before  dinner  was  served,  —  that  is  to 
say,  while  the  guests,  white  and  red,  were  seated  on 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  151,  (1704),  205;  Le  Clerc,  ii.  157;  Memoire 
du  Voyage  de  M.  de  la  Salle.  This  is  a  paper  appended  to  Fronte- 
nac's  Letter  to  the  Minister,  9  Nov.,  1680.  Hennepin  prints  a  trans- 
lation of  it  in  the  English  edition  of  his  later  work.  It  charges  the 
J  esuit  Allouez  with  being  at  the  bottom  of  the  intrigue.  Compare 
Lettre  de  La  Salle,  29  Sept.,  1680  (Margry,  ii.  41),  and  Memoire  de 
La  Salle,  in  Thomassy,  Geologie  Pratique  de  la  Louisiane,  203. 

The  account  of  the  affair  of  Monso,  in  the  spurious  work  bear- 
ing Tonty's  name,  is  mere  romance- 


176  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

mats,  each  with  his  hunting-knife  in  his  hand,  and 
the  wooden  bowl  before  him  which  was  to  receive  his 
share  of  the  bear's  or  buffalo's  meat,  or  the  corn 
boiled  in  fat,  with  which  he  was  to  be  regaled,  — 
while  such  was  the  posture  of  the  company,  their 
host  arose  and  began  a  long  speech.  He  told  the 
Frenchmen  that  he  had  invited  them  to  his  lodge 
less  to  refresh  their  bodies  with  good  cheer  than  to 
cure  their  minds  of  the  dangerous  purpose  which 
possessed  them,  of  descending  the  Mississippi.  Its 
shores,  he  said,  were  beset  by  savage  tribes,  against 
whose  numbers  and  ferocity  their  valor  would  avail 
nothing;  its  waters  were  infested  by  serpents,  alli- 
gators, and  unnatural  monsters;  while  the  river 
itself,  after  raging  among  rocks  and  whirlpools, 
plunged  headlong  at  last  into  a  fathomless  gulf, 
which  would  swallow  them  and  their  vessel  forever. 

La  Salle's  men  were  for  the  most  part  raw  hands, 
knowing  nothing  of  the  wilderness,  and  easily 
alarmed  at  its  dangers;  but  there  were  two  among 
them,  old  coureurs  de  lois,  who  unfortunately  knew 
too  much;  for  they  understood  the  Indian  orator, 
and  explained  his  speech  to  the  rest.  As  La  Salle 
looked  around  on  the  circle  of  his  followers,  he  read 
an  augury  of  fresh  trouble  in  their  disturbed  and 
rueful  visages.  He  waited  patiently,  however,  till 
the  speaker  had  ended,  and  then  answered  him, 
through  his  interpreter,  with  great  composure. 
First,  he  thanked  him  for  the  friendly  warning  which 
his  affection  had  impelled  him  to  utter;  but,  he  con- 


1(180.]  LA   SALLE   AND  THE  INDIANS.  177 

tinned,  the  greater  the  danger,  the  greater  the  honor; 
and  even  if  the  danger  were  real,  Frenchmen  would 
never  flinch  from  it.  But  were  not  the  Illinois 
jealous  ?  Had  they  not  been  deluded  by  lies  ?  "  We 
were  not  asleep,  my  brother,  when  Monso  came  to 
tell  you,  under  cover  of  night,  that  we  were  spies  of 
the  Iroquois^  The  presents  he  gave  you,  that  you 
might  believe  his  falsehoods,  are  at  this  moment 
buried  in  the  earth  under  this  lodge.  If  he  told  the 
tmth,  why  did  he  skulk  away  in  the  dark?  Why 
did  he  not  show  himself  by  day?  Do  you  not  see 
that  when  we  first  came  among  you,  and  your  camp 
was  all  in  confusion,  we  could  have  killed  you  with- 
out needing  help  from  the  Iroquois?  And  now, 
while  I  am  speaking,  could  we  not  put  your  old  men 
to  death,  while  your  young  warriors  are  all  gone 
away  to  hunt?  If  we  meant  to  make  war  on  you,  we 
should  need  no  help  from  the  Iroquois,  who  have  so 
often  felt  the  force  of  our  arms.  Look  at  what  we 
have  brought  you.  It  is  not  weapons  to  destroy  you, 
but  merchandise  and  tools  for  your  good.  If  you 
still  harbor  evil  thoughts  of  us,  be  frank  as  we  are, 
and  speak  them  boldly.  Go  after  this  impostor 
Monso,  and  bring  him  back,  that  we  may  answer 
him  face  to  face ;  for  he  never  saw  either  us  or  the 
Iroquois,  and  what  can  he  know  of  the  plots  that  he 
pretends  to  reveal?"1  Nicanope*  had  nothing  to 

1  The  above  is  a  paraphrase,  with  some  condensation,  from 
Hennepin,  whose  account  is  substantially  identical  with  that  of  La 
Salle. 

12 


178  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

reply,  and,  grunting  assent  in  the  depths  of  his 
throat,  made  a  sign  that  the  feast  should  proceed. 

The  French  were  lodged  in  huts,  near  the  Indian 
camp;  and,  fearing  treachery,  La  Salle  placed  a 
guard  at  night.  On  the  morning  after  the  feast,  he 
came  out  into  the  frosty  air  and  looked  about  him  for 
the  sentinels.  Not  one  of  them  was  to  be  seen. 
Vexed  and  alarmed,  he  entered  hut  after  hut  and 
roused  his  drowsy  followers.  Six  of  the  number, 
including  two  of  the  best  carpenters,  were  nowhere 
to  be  found.  Discontented  and  mutinous  from  the 
first,  and  now  terrified  by  the  fictions  of  Nicanope*, 
they  had  deserted,  preferring  the  hardships  of  the 
midwinter  forest  to  the  mysterious  terrors  of  the 
Mississippi.  La  Salle  mustered  the  rest  before  him, 
and  inveighed  sternly  against  the  cowardice  and 
baseness  of  those  who  had  thus  abandoned  him, 
regardless  of  his  many  favors.  If  any  here,  he  added, 
are  afraid,  let  them  but  wait  till  the  spring,  and  they 
shall  have  free  leave  to  return  to  Canada,  safely  and 
without  dishonor.1 

This  desertion  cut  him  to  the  heart.  It  showed 
him  that  he  was  leaning  on  a  broken  reed;  and  he 
felt  that,  on  an  enterprise  full  of  doubt  and  peril, 
there  were  scarcely  four  men  in  his  party  whom  he 
could  trust.  Nor  was  desertion  the  worst  he  had  to 
fear;  for  here,  as  at  Fort  Frontenac,  an  attempt  was 
made  to  kill  him.  Tonty  tells  us  that  poison  was 

i  Hennepin  (1683),  162.  Declaration  faite  par  Moyse  Hillaret, 
charpentier  de  barque,  cy  devant  au  service  du  Sr-  de  la  Satte. 


1680.]  LA  SALLE   AGAIN  POISONED.  179 

placed  in  the  pot  in  which  their  food  was  cooked, 
;ind  that  La  Salle  was  saved  by  an  antidote  which 
Home  of  his  friends  had  given  him  before  he  left 
France.  This,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  an  epoch 
of  poisoners.  It  was  in  the  following  month  that  the 
notorious  La  Voisin  was  burned  alive,  at  Paris,  for 
practices  to  which  many  of  the  highest  nobility  were 
charged  with  being  privy,  not  excepting  some  in 
whose  veins  ran  the  blood  of  the  gorgeous  spendthrift 
who  ruled  the  destinies  of  France.1 

In  these  early  French  enterprises  in  the  West,  it 
was  to  the  last  degree  difficult  to  hold  men  to  their 
duty.  Once  fairly  in  the  wilderness,  completely 
freed  from  the  sharp  restraints  of  authority  in  which 
they  had  passed  their  lives,  a  spirit  of  lawlessness 
broke  out  among  them  with  a  violence  proportioned 
to  the  pressure  which  had  hitherto  controlled  it. 
Discipline  had  no  resources  and  no  guarantee ;  while 
those  outlaws  of  the  forest,  the  coureurs  de  bois,  were 
always  before  their  eyes,  a  standing  example  of 
unbridled  license.  La  Salle,  eminently  skilful  in  his 
dealings  with  Indians,  was  rarely  so  happy  with  his 
own  countrymen ;  and  yet  the  desertions  from  which 
he  was  continually  suffering  were  due  far  more  to 
the  inevitable  difficulty  of  his  position  than  to  any 
want  of  conduct  on  his  part. 

1  The  equally  noted  Brinvilliers  was  burned  four  years  before. 
An  account  of  both  will  be  found  in  the  Letters  of  Madame  de 
Sevigne.  The  memoirs  of  the  time  abound  in  evidence  of  the 
frightful  prevalence  of  these  practices,  and  the  commotion  which 
they  excited  in  all  ranks  of  society. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

1680. 
FORT  CRfcVECCEUR. 

BUILDING  OP  THE  FORT.  —  Loss   or  THE   "GRIFFIN." — A   BOLD 
RESOLUTION.  —  ANOTHER    VESSEL.  —  HENNEPIN    SENT    TO  THE 

MISSISSIPPI.  —  DEPARTURE    OF    LA    SALLE. 

LA  SALLE  now  resolved  to  leave  the  Indian  camp, 
and  fortify  himself  for  the  winter  in  a  strong  position, 
where  his  men  would  be  less  exposed  to  dangerous 
influence,  and  where  he  could  hold  his  ground 
against  an  outbreak  of  the  Illinois  or  an  Iroquois 
invasion.  At  the  middle  of  January,  a  thaw  broke 
up  the  ice  which  had  closed  the  river ;  and  he  set  out 
in  a  canoe,  with  Hennepin,  to  visit  the  site  he  had 
chosen  for  his  projected  fort.  It  was  half  a  league 
below  the  camp,  on  a  low  hill  or  knoll,  two  hundred 
yards  from  the  southern  bank.  On  either  side  was  a 
deep  ravine,  and  in  front  a  marshy  tract,  overflowed 
at  high  water.  Thither,  then,  the  party  was  removed. 
They  dug  a  ditch  behind  the  hill,  connecting  the  two 
ravines,  and  thus  completely  isolating  it.  The  hill 
was  nearly  square  in  form.  An  embankment  of 
earth  was  thrown  up  on  every  side:  its  declivities 


1680.]  BUILDING  OF  THE  FORT.  181 

were  sloped  steeply  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  ravines 
and  the  ditch,  and  further  guarded  by  chevaux-de- 
frise;  while  a  palisade,  twenty-five  feet  high,  was 
planted  around  the  whole.  The  lodgings  of  the 
men,  built  of  musket-proof  timber,  were  at  two  of 
the  angles ;  the  house  of  the  friars  at  the  third ;  the 
forge  and  magazine  at  the  fourth;  and  the  tents  of 
La  Salle  and  Tonty  in  the  area  within. 

Hennepin  laments  the  failure  of  wine,  which 
prevented  him  from  saying  mass ;  but  every  morning 
and  evening  he  summoned  the  men  to  his  cabin  to 
listen  to  prayers  and  preaching,  and  on  Sundays  and 
f^te-days  they  chanted  vespers.  Father  Zenobe 
usually  spent  the  day  in  the  Indian  camp,  striving, 
with  very  indifferent  success,  to  win  them  to  the 
Faith,  and  to  overcome  the  disgust  with  which  their 
manners  and  habits  inspired  him. 

Such  was  the  first  civilized  occupation  of  the  region 
which  now  forms  the  State  of  Illinois.  La  Salle 
christened  his  new  fort  Fort  Cr£vecoeur.  The  name 
tolls  of  disaster  and  suffering,  but  does  no  justice  to 
the  iron-hearted  constancy  of  the  sufferer.  Up  to 
tliis  time  he  had  clung  to  the  hope  that  his  vessel, 
the  "Griffin,"  might  still  be  safe.  Her  safety  was 
vital  to  his  enterprise.  She  had  on  board  articles  of 
the  last  necessity  to  him,  including  the  rigging  and 
anchors  of  another  vessel  which  he  was  to  build  at 
Fort  Cr£vecoeur,  in  order  to  descend  the  Mississippi 
and  sail  thence  to  the  West  Indies.  But  now  his 
last  hope  had  well-nigh  vanished.  Past  all  reasonable 


182  FORT   CR&VECCEUR.  [1680. 

doubt,  the  "  Griffin  "  was  lost;  and  in  her  loss  he  and 
all  his  plans  seemed  ruined  alike. 

Nothing,  indeed,  was  ever  heard  of  her.  Indians, 
fur-traders,  and  even  Jesuits,  have  been  charged 
with  contriving  her  destruction.  Some  say  that  the 
Ottawas  boarded  and  burned  her,  after  murdering 
those  on  board;  others  accuse  the  Pottawattamies ; 
others  affirm  that  her  own  crew  scuttled  and  sunk 
her;  others,  again,  that  she  foundered  in  a  storm.1 
As  for  La  Salle,  the  belief  grew  in  him  to  a  settled 
conviction  that  she  had  been  treacherously  sunk  by 
the  pilot  and  the  sailors  to  whom  he  had  intrusted 
her;  and  he  thought  he  had  found  evidence  that  the 
authors  of  the  crime,  laden  with  the  merchandise 
they  had  taken  from  her,  had  reached  the  Mississippi 
and  ascended  it,  hoping  to  join  Du  Lhut,  a  famous 
chief  of  coureurs  de  lois,  and  enrich  themselves  by 
traffic  with  the  northern  tribes.2 

1  Charlevoix,  i.  459 ;  La  Potherie,  ii.  140 ;  La  Hontan,  Memoir  on 
the  Fur-Trade  of  Canada.    I  am  indebted  for  a  copy  of  this  paper 
to  "Winthrop  Sargent,  Esq.,  who  purchased  the  original  at  the  sale  of 
the  library  of  the  poet  Southey.    Like  Hennepin,  La  Hontan  went 
over  to  the  English ;  and  this  memoir  is  written  in  their  interest. 

2  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Chicagou,  4  Juin,  1683.    This  is  a 
long  letter,  addressed  to  the  successor  of  Frontenac  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Canada.    La  Salle  says  that  a  young  Indian  belonging  to 
him  told  him  that  three  years  before  he  saw  a  white  man,  answering 
the  description  of  the  pilot,  a  prisoner  among  a  tribe  beyond  the 
Mississippi.    He  had  been  captured  with  four  others  on  that  river, 
while  making  his  way  with  canoes,  laden  with  goods,  towards  the 
Sioux.     His  companions  had  been  killed.     Other  circumstances, 
which  La  Salle  details  at  great  length,  convinced  him  that  the  white 
prisoner  was  no  other  than  the  pilot  of  the  "  Griffin."    The  evi- 
dence, however,  is  not  conclusive. 


1680.]  LA  SALLE'S  ANXIETIES.  183 

But  whether  her  lading  was  swallowed  in  the 
depths  of  the  lake,  or  lost  in  the  clutches  of  traitors, 
the  evil  was  alike  past  remedy.  She  was  gone,  it 
mattered  little  how.  The  main-stay  of  the  enterprise 
was  broken ;  yet  its  inflexible  chief  lost  neither  heart 
nor  hope.  One  path,  beset  with  hardships  and 
terrors,  still  lay  open  to  him.  He  might  return  on 
foot  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  bring  thence  the  needful 
succors. 

La  Salle  felt  deeply  the  dangers  of  such  a  step. 
His  men  were  uneasy,  discontented,  and  terrified  by 
the  stories  with  which  the  jealous  Illinois  still  con- 
stantly filled  their  ears,  of  the  whirlpools  and  the 
monsters  of  the  Mississippi.  He  dreaded  lest,  in  his 
absence,  they  should  follow  the  example  of  their 
comrades,  and  desert.  In  the  midst  of  his  anxieties, 
a  lucky  accident  gave  him  the  means  of  disabusing 
them.  He  was  hunting,  one  day,  near  the  fort, 
when  he  met  a  young  Illinois  on  his  way  home,  half- 
starved,  from  a  distant  war  excursion.  He  had  been 
absent  so  long  that  he  knew  nothing  of  what  had 
passed  between  his  countrymen  and  the  French.  La 
Salle  gave  him  a  turkey  he  had  shot,  invited  him  to 
the  fort,  fed  him,  and  made  him  presents.  Having 
thus  warmed  his  heart,  he  questioned  him,  with 
apparent  carelessness,  as  to  the  countries  he  had 
visited,  and  especially  as  to  the  Mississippi,  —  on 
which  the  young  warrior,  seeing  no  reason  to  disguise 
the  truth,  gave  him  all  the  information  he  required. 
La  Salle  now  made  him  the  present  of  a  hatchet,  to 


184  FORT  CR^VECCEUR.  [1680. 

engage  him  to  say  nothing  of  what  had  passed,  and, 
leaving  him  in  excellent  humor,  repaired,  with  some 
of  his  followers,  to  the  Illinois  camp.  Here  he  found 
the  chiefs  seated  at  a  feast  of  bear's  meat,  and  he 
took  his  place  among  them  on  a  mat  of  rushes.  After 
a  pause,  he  charged  them  with  having  deceived  him 
in  regard  to  the  Mississippi;  adding  that  he  knew 
the  river  perfectly,  having  been  instructed  concern- 
ing it  by  the  Master  of  Life.  He  then  described  it 
to  them  with  so  much  accuracy  that  his  astonished 
hearers,  conceiving  that  he  owed  his  knowledge  to 
"medicine,"  or  sorcery,  clapped  their  hands  to  their 
mouths  in  sign  of  wonder,  and  confessed  that  all 
they  had  said  was  but  an  artifice,  inspired  by  their 
earnest  desire  that  he  should  remain  among  them.1 
On  this,  La  Salle's  men  took  heart  again;  and  their 
courage  rose  still  more  when,  soon  after,  a  band  of 
Chickasa,  Arkansas,  and  Osage  warriors,  from  the 
Mississippi,  came  to  the  camp  on  a  friendly  visit, 
and  assured  the  French  not  only  that  the  river  was 
navigable  to  the  sea,  but  that  the  tribes  along  its 
banks  would  give  them  a  warm  welcome. 

La  Salle  had  now  good  reason  to  hope  that  his 
followers  would  neither  mutiny  nor  desert  in  his 
absence.  One  chief  purpose  of  his  intended  journey 
was  to  procure  the  anchors,  cables,  and  rigging  of 

1  Relation  des  Decouvertes  et  des  Voyages  du  Sr-  de  la  Salle,  Sei- 
gneur et  Gouverneur  du  Fort  de  Frontenac,  au  dela  des  grana~s  Lacs  de 
la  Nouvelle  France,  faits  par  ordre  de  Monseigneur  Colbert,  1679,  80 
et  81.  Hennepin  gives  a  story  which  is  not  essentially  differept, 
except  that  he  makes  himself  a  conspicuous  actor  in  it. 


1880.]  ANOTHER  VESSEL.  185 

the  vessel  which  he  meant  to  build  at  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
and  he  resolved  to  see  her  on  the  stocks  before  he  set 
out.  This  was  no  easy  matter,  for  the  pit-sawyers 
had  deserted.  "Seeing,"  he  writes,  "that  I  should 
lose  a  year  if  I  waited  to  get  others  from  Montreal, 
I  said  one  day,  before  my  people,  that  I  was  so 
vexed  to  find  that  the  absence  of  two  sawyers  would 
defeat  my  plans  and  make  all  my  trouble  useless, 
tliat  I  was  resolved  to  try  to  saw  the  planks  myself, 
if  I  could  find  a  single  man  who  would  help  me  with 
a  will."  Hereupon,  two  men  stepped  forward  and 
promised  to  do  their  best.  They  were  tolerably 
successful,  and,  the  rest  being  roused  to  emulation, 
the  work  went  on  with  such  vigor  that  within  six 
weeks  the  hull  of  the  vessel  was  half  finished.  She 
was  of  forty  tons'  burden,  and  was  built  with  high 
bulwarks,  to  protect  those  on  board  from  Indian 
arrows. 

La  Salle  now  bethought  him  that,  in  his  absence, 
lie  might  get  from  Hennepin  service  of  more  value 
than  his  sermons ;  and  he  requested  him  to  descend 
the  Illinois,  and  explore  it  to  its  mouth.  The  friar, 
though  hardy  and  daring,  would  fain  have  excused 
himself,  alleging  a  troublesome  bodily  infirmity;  but 
Ms  venerable  colleague  Ribourde,  himself  too  old  for 
the  journey,  urged  him  to  go,  telling  him  that  if  he 
died  by  the  way,  his  apostolic  labors  would  redound 
to  the  glory  of  God.  Membrd  had  been  living  for 
some  time  in  the  Indian  camp,  and  was  thoroughly 
out  of  humor  with  the  objects  of  his  missionary 


186  FORT  CRfcVECCEUR.  [1680. 

efforts,  of  whose  obduracy  and  filth  he  bitterly  com- 
plained. Hennepin  proposed  to  take  his  place,  while 
he  should  assume  the  Mississippi  adventure ;  but  this 
Membra*  declined,  preferring  to  remain  where  he  was. 
Hennepin  now  reluctantly  accepted  the  proposed 
task.  "Anybody  but  me,"  he  says,  with  his  usual 
modesty,  "  would  have  been  very  much  frightened  at 
the  dangers  of  such  a  journey;  and,  in  fact,  if  I  had 
not  placed  all  my  trust  in  God,  I  should  not  have 
been  the  dupe  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  exposed 
my  life  rashly."1 

On  the  last  day  of  February,  Hennepin's  canoe 
lay  at  the  water's  edge ;  and  the  party  gathered  on 
the  bank  to  bid  him  farewell.  He  had  two  com- 
panions, —  Michel  Accau,  and  a  man  known  as  the 
Picard  du  Gay,2  though  his  real  name  was  Antoine 
Auguel.  The  canoe  was  well  laden  with  gifts  for 
the  Indians,  —  tobacco,  knives,  beads,  awls,  and 
other  goods,  to  a  very  considerable  value,  supplied 
at  La  Salle's  cost;  "and,  in  fact,"  observes  Hennepin, 
"he  is  liberal  enough  towards  his  friends."3 


1  All  the  above  is  from  Hennepin ;  and  it  seems  to  be  marked  by 
his  characteristic  egotism.    It  appears,  from  La  Salle's  letters,  that 
Accau  was  the  real  chief  of  the  party ;  that  their  orders  were  to 
explore  not  only  the  Illinois,  but  also  a  part  of  the  Mississippi ;  and 
that  Hennepin  volunteered  to  go  with  the  others.     Accau  was 
chosen  because  he  spoke  several  Indian  languages. 

2  An  eminent  writer  has  mistaken  "  Picard "  for    a  personal 
name.    Du  Gay  was  called  "  Le  Picard,"  because  he  came  from  the 
province  of  Picardy. 

8  (1683),  188.     This  commendation  is  suppressed  in  the  later 
editions. 


1380.]  DEPARTURE  OF  HENNEPIN.  1ST 

The  friar  bade  farewell  to  La  Salle,  and  embraced 
all  the  rest  in  turn.  Father  Ribourde  gave  him  his 
benediction.  "Be  of  good  courage  and  let  your 
heart  be  comforted,"  said  the  excellent  old  missionary, 
as  he  spread  his  hands  in  benediction  over  the  shaven 
crown  of  the  reverend  traveller.  Du  Gay  and  Accau 
plied  their  paddles;  the  canoe  receded,  and  vanished 
at;  length  behind  the  forest.  We  will  follow  Hennepin 
hereafter  on  his  adventures,  imaginary  and  real. 
Meanwhile,  we  will  trace  the  footsteps  of  his  chief, 
urging  his  way,  in  the  storms  of  winter,  through 
those  vast  and  gloomy  wilds,  —  those  realms  of 
famine,  treachery,  and  death,  —  that  lay  betwixt  him 
and  his  far-distant  goal  of  Fort  Frontenac. 

On  the  first  of  March,1  before  the  frost  was  yet  out 
of  the  ground,  when  the  forest  was  still  leafless,  and 
the  oozy  prairies  still  patched  with  snow,  a  band  of 
discontented  men  were  again  gathered  on  the  shore 
for  another  leave-taking.  Hard  by,  the  unfinished 
ship  lay  on  the  stocks,  white  and  fresh  from  the  saw 
and  axe,  ceaselessly  reminding  them  of  the  hardship 
and  peril  that  was  in  store.  Here  you  would  have 
seen  the  calm,  impenetrable  face  of  La  Salle,  and 
with  him  the  Mohegan  hunter,  who  seems  to  have 
felt  towards  him  that  admiring  attachment  which  he 
could  always  inspire  in  his  Indian  retainers.  Besides 
the  Mohegan,  four  Frenchmen  were  to  accompany 
him,  —  Hunaut,  La  Violette,  Collin,  and  Dautray.2 

1  Tonty  erroneously  places  their  departure  on  the  twenty-second 
'•*  Declaration  faite  par  Moyse  Hillaret,  charpentier  de  barque. 


188  FORT  CREVECCEUR.  [1680. 

His  parting  with  Tonty  was  an  anxious  one,  for  each 
well  knew  the  risks  that  environed  both.  Embark- 
ing with  his  followers  in  two  canoes,  he  made  his 
way  upward  amid  the  drifting  ice ;  while  the  faithful 
Italian,  with  two  or  three  honest  men  and  twelve  or 
thirteen  knaves,  remained  to  hold  Fort  Crdvecceur 
in  his  absence. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1680. 
HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE. 

THE  WINTER  JOURNEY.  —  THE  DESERTED  TOWN.  —  STARVED 
ROCK.  —  LAKE  MICHIGAN.  —  THE  WILDERNESS.  —  WAR  PARTIES. 
—  LA  SALLE'S  MEN  GIVE  OUT.  —  ILL  TIDINGS.  —  MUTINY.— 
CHASTISEMENT  OP  THE  MUTINEERS. 

LA  SALLE  well  knew  what  was  before  him,  and 
nothing  but  necessity  spurred  him  to  this  desperate 
journey.  He  says  that  he  could  trust  nobody  else  to 
go  in  his  stead,  and  that  unless  the  articles  lost  in 
the  "  Griffin  "  were  replaced  without  delay,  the  expe- 
dition would  be  retarded  a  full  year,  and  he  and  his 
associates  consumed  by  its  expenses.  "Therefore," 
he  writes  to  one  of  them,  "though  the  thaws  of 
approaching  spring  greatly  increased  the  difficulty  of 
th(s  way,  interrupted  as  it  was  everywhere  by  marshes 
and  rivers,  to  say  nothing  of  the  length  of  the  jour- 
ney, which  is  about  five  hundred  leagues  in  a  direct 
line,  and  the  danger  of  meeting  Indians  of  four  or 
five  different  nations  through  whose  country  we  were 
to  pass,  as  well  as  an  Iroquois  army  which  we  knew 
was  coming  that  way ;  though  we  must  suffer  all  the 


190  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680. 

time  from  hunger;  sleep  on  the  open  ground,  and 
often  without  food;  watch  by  night  and  march  by 
day,  loaded  with  baggage,  such  as  blanket,  clothing, 
kettle,  hatchet,  gun,  powder,  lead,  and  skins  to  make 
moccasins;  sometimes  pushing  through  thickets, 
sometimes  climbing  rocks  covered  with  ice  and  snow, 
sometimes  wading  whole  days  through  marshes  where 
the  water  was  waist-deep  or  even  more,  at  a  season 
when  the  snow  was  not  entirely  melted,  —  though  I 
knew  all  this,  it  did  not  prevent  me  from  resolving 
to  go  on  foot  to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  learn  for  myself 
what  had  become  of  my  vessel,  and  bring  back  the 
things  we  needed."1 

The  winter  had  been  a  severe  one ;  and  when,  an 
hour  after  leaving  the  fort,  he  and  his  companions 
reached  the  still  water  of  Peoria  Lake,  they  found  it 
sheeted  with  ice  from  shore  to  shore.  They  carried 
their  canoes  up  the  bank,  made  two  rude  sledges, 
placed  the  light  vessels  upon  them,  and  dragged  them 
to  the  upper  end  of  the  lake,  where  they  encamped. 
In  the  morning  they  found  the  river  still  covered 
with  ice,  too  weak  to  bear  them  and  too  strong  to 
permit  them  to  break  a  way  for  the  canoes.  They 
spent  the  whole  day  in  carrying  them  through  the 
woods,  toiling  knee-deep  in  saturated  snow.  Rain 
fell  in  floods,  and  they  took  shelter  at  night  in  a 
deserted  Indian  hut. 

In  the  morning,  the  third  of  March,  they  dragged 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  un  de  ses  associes  (Thouret7),  29  Sept., 
1680  (Margry,  ii.  50). 


1680.]  THE  DESERTED   TOWN.  191 

their  canoes  half  a  league  farther;  then  launched 
them,  and,  breaking  the  ice  with  clubs  and  hatchets, 
forced  their  way  slowly  up  the  stream.  Again  their 
progress  was  barred,  and  again  they  took  to  the 
woods,  toiling  onward  till  a  tempest  of  moist,  half- 
liquid  snow  forced  them  to  bivouac  for  the  night.  A 
sharp  frost  followed,  and  in  the  morning  the  white 
waste  around  them  was  glazed  with  a  dazzling  crust. 
Now,  for  the  first  time,  they  could  use  their  snow- 
shoes.  Bending  to  their  work,  dragging  their  canoes, 
which  glided  smoothly  over  the  polished  surface, 
they  journeyed  on  hour  after  hour  and  league  after 
league,  till  they  reached  at  length  the  great  town  of 
the  Illinois,  still  void  of  its  inhabitants.1 

It  was  a  desolate  and  lonely  scene,  —  the  river 
gliding  dark  and  cold  between  its  banks  of  rushes ; 
the  empty  lodges,  covered  with  crusted  snow;  the 
vast  white  meadows ;  the  distant  cliffs,  bearded  with 
shining  icicles;  and  the  hills  wrapped  in  forests, 
which  glittered  from  afar  with  the  icy  incrustations 
that  cased  each  frozen  twig.  Yet  there  was  life  in 
the  savage  landscape.  The  men  saw  buffalo  wading 
in  the  snow,  and  they  killed  one  of  them.  Morg 
than  this:  they  discovered  the  tracks  of  moccasins, 
They  cut  rushes  by  the  edge  of  the  river,  piled  them 
on  the  bank,  and  set  them  on  fire,  that  the  smoke 
might  attract  the  eyes  of  savages  roaming  near. 

1  Membrfc  says  that  he  was  in  the  town  at  the  time ;  but  this 
could  hardly  have  been  the  case.  He  was,  in  all  probability,  among 
the  Illinois,  in  their  camp  near  Fort  Crevecoeur. 


192  HARDIHOOD   OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680 

On  the  following  day,  while  the  hunters  were 
smoking  the  meat  of  the  buffalo,  La  Salle  went  out 
to  reconnoitre,  and  presently  met  three  Indians,  one 
of  whom  proved  to  be  Chassagoac,  the  principal  chief 
of  the  Illinois.1  La  Salle  brought  them  to  his 
bivouac,  feasted  them,  gave  them  a  red  blanket,  a 
kettle,  and  some  knives  and  hatchets,  made  friends 
with  them,  promised  to  restrain  the  Iroquois  from 
attacking  them,  told  them  that  he  was  on  his  way  to 
the  settlements  to  bring  arms  and  ammunition  to 
defend  them  against  their  enemies,  and,  as  the  result 
of  these  advances,  gained  from  the  chief  a  promise 
that  he  would  send  provisions  to  Tonty's  party  at 
Fort  Crevecoeur. 

After  several  days  spent  at  the  deserted  town,  La 
Salle  prepared  to  resume  his  journey.  Before  his 
departure,  his  attention  was  attracted  to  the  remark- 
able cliff  of  yellow  sandstone,  now  called  Starved 
Rock,  a  mile  or  more  above  the  village,  —  a  natural 
fortress,  which  a  score  of  resolute  white  men  might 
make  good  against  a  host  of  savages;  and  he  soon 
afterwards  sent  Tonty  an  order  to  examine  it,  and 
make  it  his  stronghold  in  case  of  need.2 

On  the  fifteenth  the  party  set  out  again,  carried 

1  The    same   whom    Hennepin    calls  Chassagouasse.     He  was 
brother  of  the  chief,  Nicanope,  who,  in  his  absence,  had  feasted 
the  French  on  the  day  after  the  nocturnal  council  with  Monso. 
Chassagoac  was  afterwards  baptized  by  Membre  or  Ribourde,  but 
soon  relapsed  into  the  superstitions  of  his  people,  and  died,  as  the 
former  tells  us,  "  doubly  a  child  of  perdition."     See  Le  Clerc,  ii.  181. 

2  Tonty,  Memoire.    The  order  was  sent  by  two  Frenchmen,  whom 
La  Salle  met  on  Lake  Michigan. 


1380.]  LA  SALLE'S  JOURNEY.  198 

their  canoes  along  the  bank  of  the  river  as  far  as  the 
rapids  above  Ottawa,  then  launched  them  and  pushed 
their  way  upward,  battling  with  the  floating  ice, 
which,  loosened  by  a  warm  rain,  drove  down  the 
swollen  current  in  sheets.  On  the  eighteenth  they 
reached  a  point  some  miles  below  the  site  of  Joliet. 
and  here  found  the  river  once  more  completely 
closed.  Despairing  of  farther  progress  by  water, 
they  hid  their  canoes  on  an  island,  and  struck  across 
the  country  for  Lake  Michigan. 

It  was  the  worst  of  all  seasons  for  such  a  journey. 
The  nights  were  cold,  but  the  sun  was  warm  at  noon, 
and  the  half-thawed  prairie  was  one  vast  tract  of 
mud,  water,  and  discolored,  half -liquid  snow.  On 
the  twenty-second  they  crossed  marshes  and  inun- 
dated meadows,  wading  to  the  knee,  till  at  noon 
they  were  stopped  by  a  river,  perhaps  the  Calumet. 
They  made  a  raft  of  hard- wood  timber,  for  there  was 
no  other,  and  shoved  themselves  across.  On  the  next 
day  they  could  see  Lake  Michigan  dimly  glimmering 
l>eyond  the  waste  of  woods;  and,  after  crossing  three 
swollen  streams,  they  reached  it  at  evening.  On 
the  twenty-fourth  they  followed  its  shore,  till,  at 
nightfall,  they  arrived  at  the  fort  which  they  had 
built  in  the  autumn  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph. 
Here  La  Salle  found  Chapelle  and  Leblanc,  the  two 
men  whom  he  had  sent  from  hence  to  Michilimackiriac, 
in  search  of  the  "  Griffin." l  They  reported  that  they 
had  made  the  circuit  of  the  lake,  and  had  neither 

1  Declaration  de  Moyse  Hillaret;  Relation  des  Decouvertes. 
13 


194  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1680. 

seen  her  nor  heard  tidings  of  her.  Assured  of  her 
fate,  he  ordered  them  to  rejoin  Tonty  at  Fort 
Crdvecceur;  while  he  pushed  onward  with  his  party 
through  the  unknown  wild  of  Southern  Michigan. 

''The  rain,"  says  La  Salle,  "which  lasted  all  day, 
and  the  raft  we  were  obliged  to  make  to  cross  the 
river,  stopped  us  till  noon  of  the  twenty-fifth,  when 
we  continued  our  march  through  the  woods,  which 
was  so  interlaced  with  thorns  and  brambles  that  in 
two  days  and  a  half  our  clothes  were  all  torn,  and 
our  faces  so  covered  with  blood  that  we  hardly  knew 
each  other.  On  the  twenty-eighth  we  found  the 
woods  more  open,  and  began  to  fare  better,  meeting 
a  good  deal  of  game,  which  after  this  rarely  failed 
us ;  so  that  we  no  longer  carried  provisions  with  us, 
but  made  a  meal  of  roast  meat  wherever  we  happened 
to  kill  a  deer,  bear,  or  turkey.  These  are  the  choicest 
feasts  on  a  journey  like  this;  and  till  now  we  had 
generally  gone  without  them,  so  that  we  had  often 
walked  all  day  without  breakfast. 

"  The  Indians  do  not  hunt  in  this  region,  which  is 
debatable  ground  between  five  or  six  nations  who  are 
at  war,  and,  being  afraid  of  each  other,  do  not 
venture  into  these  parts  except  to  surprise  each  other, 
and  always  with  the  greatest  precaution  and  all 
possible  secrecy.  The  reports  of  our  guns  and  the 
carcasses  of  the  animals  we  killed  soon  led  some  of 
them  to  find  our  trail.  In  fact,  on  the  evening  of  the 
twenty-eighth,  having  made  our  fire  by  the  edge  of  a 
prairie,  we  were  surrounded  by  them;  but  as  the 


1630.]  INDIAN   ALARMS.  195 

man  on  guard  waked  us,  and  we  posted  ourselves 
behind  trees  with  our  guns,  these  savages,  who  are 
called  Wapoos,  took  us  for  Iroquois,  and  thinking 
that  there  must  be  a  great  many  of  us  because  we 
did  not  travel  secretly,  as  they  do  when  in  small 
bands,  they  ran  off  without  shooting  their  arrows, 
and  gave  the  alarm  to  their  comrades,  so  that  we 
wore  two  days  without  meeting  anybody." 

La  Salle  guessed  the  cause  of  their  fright;  and,  in 
order  to  confirm  their  delusion,  he  drew  with  char- 
coal, on  the  trunks  of  trees  from  which  he  had 
stripped  the  bark,  the  usual  marks  of  an  Iroquois 
war-party,  with  signs  for  prisoners  and  for  scalps, 
after  the  custom  of  those  dreaded  warriors.  This 
ingenious  artifice,  as  will  soon  appear,  was  near  prov- 
ing the  destruction  of  the  whole  party.  He  also  set 
fire  to  the  dry  grass  of  the  prairies  over  which  he  and 
his  men  had  just  passed,  thus  destroying  the  traces 
of  their  passage.  "We  practised  this  device  every 
night,  and  it  answered  very  well  so  long  as  we  were 
passing  over  an  open  country;  but  on  the  thirtieth 
we  got  into  great  marshes,  flooded  by  the  thaws,  and 
were  obliged  to  cross  them  in  mud  or  water  up  to 
tho  waist;  so  that  our  tracks  betrayed  us  to  a  band 
of  Mascoutins  who  were  out  after  Iroquois.  They 
followed  us  through  these  marshes  during  the  three 
days  we  were  crossing  them ;  but  we  made  no  fire  at 
night,  contenting  ourselves  with  taking  off  our  wet 
clothes  and  wrapping  ourselves  in  our  blankets  on 
some  dry  knoll,  where  we  slept  till  morning.  At 


196  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1680. 

last,  on  the  night  of  the  second  of  April,  there  came 
a  hard  frost,  and  our  clothes,  which  were  drenched 
when  we  took  them  off,  froze  stiff  as  sticks,  so  that 
we  could  not  put  them  on  in  the  morning  without 
nia.Ving  a  fire  to  thaw  them.  The  fire  betrayed  us  to 
the  Indians,  who  were  encamped  across  the  marsh; 
and  they  ran  towards  us  with  loud  cries,  till  they 
were  stopped  halfway  by  a  stream  so  deep  that  they 
could  not  get  over,  the  ice  which  had  formed  in  the 
night  not  being  strong  enough  to  bear  them.  We 
went  to  meet  them,  within  gun-shot;  and  whether 
our  fire-arms  frightened  them,  or  whether  they  thought 
us  more  numerous  than  we  were,  or  whether  they 
really  meant  us  no  harm,  they  called  out,  in  the 
Illinois  language,  that  they  had  taken  us  for  Iroquois, 
but  now  saw  that  we  were  friends  and  brothers; 
whereupon,  they  went  off  as  they  came,  and  we  kept 
on  our  way  till  the  fourth,  when  two  of  my  men  fell 
ill  and  could  not  walk." 

In  this  emergency,  La  Salle  went  in  search  of  some 
watercourse  by  which  £hey  -might  reach  Lake  Erie, 
and  soon  came  upon  a  small  river,  which  was  prob- 
ably the  Huron.  Here,  while  the  sick  men  rested, 
their  companions  made  a  canoe.  There  were  no 
birch-trees ;  and  they  were  forced  to  use  elm-bark, 
which  at  that  early  season  would  not  slip  freely  from 
the  wood  until  they  loosened  it  with  hot  water. 
Their  canoe  being  made,  they  embarked  in  it,  and 
for  a  time  floated  prosperously  down  the  stream, 
when  at  length  the  way  was  barred  by  a  matted 


1680.]  THE  JOURNEY'S  END.  197 

barricade  of  trees  fallen  across  the  water.  The  sick 
men  could  now  walk  again,  and,  pushing  eastward 
through  the  forest,  the  party  soon  reached  the  banks 
of  the  Detroit. 

La  Salle  directed  two  of  the  men  to  make  a  canoe, 
and  go  to  Michilimackinac,  the  nearest  harborage. 
With  the  remaining  two,  he  crossed  the  Detroit  on  a 
raft,  and,  striking  a  direct  line  across  the  country, 
reached  Lake  Erie  not  far  from  Point  Pele*e.  Snow, 
sleet,  and  rain  pelted  them  with  little  intermission : 
and  when,  after  a  walk  of  about  thirty  miles,  they 
gained  the  lake,  the  Mohegan  and  one  of  the  French- 
men were  attacked  with  fever  and  spitting  of  blood. 
Only  one  man  now  remained  in  health.  With  his 
aid,  La  Salle  made  another  canoe,  and,  embarking 
the  invalids,  pushed  for  Niagara.  It  was  Easter 
Monday  when  they  landed  at  a  cabin  of  logs  above 
the  cataract,  probably  on  the  spot  where  the  "  Griffin  " 
was  built.  Here  several  of  La  Salle 's  men  had  been 
left  the  year  before,  and  here  they  still  remained. 
They  told  him  woful  news.  Not  only  had  he  lost 
the  "Griffin,"  and  her  lading  of  ten  thousand  crowns 
in  value,  but  a  ship  from  France,  freighted  with  his 
groods,  valued  at  more  than  twenty-two  thousand 
livres,  had  been  totally  wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence ;  and  of  twenty  hired  men  on  their  way 
from  Europe  to  join  him,  some  had  been  detained  by 
his  enemy,  the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  while  all  but 
four  of  the  remainder,  being  told  that  he  was  dead, 
had  found  means  to  return  home. 


198  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1680. 

His  three  followers  were  all  unfit  for  travel:  he 
alone  retained  his  strength  and  spirit.  Taking  with 
him  three  fresh  men  at  Niagara,  he  resumed  his 
journey,  and  on  the  sixth  of  May  descried,  looming 
through  floods  of  rain,  the  familiar  shores  of  his 
seigniory  and  the  bastioned  walls  of  Fort  Frontenac. 
During  sixty-five  days  he  had  toiled  almost  inces- 
santly, travelling,  by  the  course  he  took,  about  a 
thousand  miles  through  a  country  beset  with  every 
form  of  peril  and  obstruction,  —  "  the  most  arduous 
journey,"  says  the  chronicler,  "ever  made  by  French- 
men in  America." 

Such  was  Cavelier  de  la  Salle.  In  him,  an  uncon- 
querable mind  held  at  its  service  a  frame  of  iron,  and 
tasked  it  to  the  utmost  of  its  endurance.  The  pioneer 
of  western  pioneers  was  no  rude  son  of  toil,  but  a 
man  of  thought,  trained  amid  arts  and  letters.1  He 
had  reached  his  goal ;  but  for  him  there  was  neither 
rest  nor  peace.  Man  and  Nature  seemed  in  arms 
against  him.  His  agents  had  plundered  him;  his 
creditors  had  seized  his  property;  and  several  of  his 
canoes,  richly  laden,  had  been  lost  in  the  rapids  of 
the  St.  Lawrence.2  He  hastened  to  Montreal,  where 

1  A  Rocky  Mountain  trapper,  being  complimented  on  the  hardi- 
hood of  himself  and  his    companions,   once   said  to  the  writer, 
"  That 's  so  ;  but  a  gentleman  of  the  right  sort  will  stand  hardship 
better  than  anybody  else."    The  history  of  Arctic  and  African 
travel  and  the  military  records  of  all  time  are  a  standing  evidence 
that  a  trained  and  developed  mind  is  not  the  enemy,  but  the  active 
and  powerful  ally,  of  constitutional  hardihood.     The  culture  that 
enervates  instead  of  strengthening  is  always  a  false  or  a  partial  one. 

2  Zenobe  Membre'  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  202. 


L680.]  THE  MUTINEERS.  199 

his  sudden  advent  caused  great  astonishment;  and 
where,  despite  his  crippled  resources  and  damaged 
credit,  he  succeeded,  within  a  week,  in  gaining  the 
fsupplies  which  he  required  and  the  needful  succors 
for  the  forlorn  band  on  the  Illinois.  He  had  returned 
bo  Fort  Frontenac,  and  was  on  the  point  of  embark- 
ing for  their  relief,  when  a  blow  fell  upon  him  more 
disheartening  than  any  that  had  preceded. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  July,  two  voyageurs^ 
Messier  and  Laurent,  came  to  him  with  a  letter  from 
Tonty,  who  wrote  that  soon  after  La  Salle 's  departure 
nearly  all  the  men  had  deserted,  after  destroying  Fort 
Crevecoeur,  plundering  the  magazine,  and  throwing 
into  the  river  all  the  arms,  goods,  and  stores  which 
they  could  not  carry  off.  The  messengers  who 
brought  this  letter  were  speedily  followed  by  two  of 
the  habitants  of  Fort  Frontenac,  who  had  been  trad- 
ing on  the  lakes,  and  who,  with  a  fidelity  which  the 
unhappy  La  Salle  rarely  knew  how  to  inspire,  had 
travelled  day  and  night  to  bring  him  their  tidings. 
They  reported  that  they  had  met  the  deserters,  and 
that,  having  been  reinforced  by  recruits  gained  at 
Michilimackinac  and  Niagara,  they  now  numbered 
twenty  men.1  They  had  destroyed  the  fort  on  the 

1  When  La  Salle  was  at  Niagara,  in  April,  he  had  ordered  Dau- 
tray,  the  best  of  the  men  who  had  accompanied  him  from  the  Illi- 
nois, to  return  thither  as  soon  as  he  was  able.  Four  men  from 
Niagara  were  to  go  with  him  and  he  was  to  rejoin  Tonty  with  such 
supplies  as  that  post  could  furnish.  Dautray  set  out  accordingly, 
but  was  met  on  the  lakes  by  the  deserters,  who  told  him  that  Tonty 
was  dead,  and  seduced  his  men.  (Relation  des  Decouvertcs.)  Dau« 


200  HARDIHOOD   OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680. 

St.  Joseph,  seized  a  quantity  of  furs  belonging  to  La 
Salle  at  Michilimackinac,  and  plundered  the  maga- 
zine at  Niagara.  Here  they  had  separated,  eight  of 
them  coasting  the  south  side  of  Lake  Ontario  to  find 
harborage  at  Albany,  a  common  refuge  at  that  time 
of  this  class  of  scoundrels;  while  the  remaining 
twelve,  in  three  canoes,  made  for  Fort  Frontenac 
along  the  north  shore,  intending  to  kill  La  Salle  as 
the  surest  means  of  escaping  punishment. 

He  lost  no  time  in  lamentation.  Of  the  few  men 
at  his  command  he  chose  nine  of  the  trustiest, 
embarked  with  them  in  canoes,  and  went  to  meet  the 
marauders.  After  passing  the  Bay  of  Quinte*,  he 
took  his  station  with  five  of  his  party  at  a  point  of 
land  suited  to  his-  purpose,  and  detached  the  remain- 
ing four  to  keep  watch.  In  the  morning,  two  canoes 
were  discovered  approaching  without  suspicion,  one 
of  them  far  in  advance  of  the  other.  As  the  fore- 
most drew  near,  La  Salle 's  canoe  darted  out  from 
under  the  leafy  shore,  —  two  of  the  men  handling  the 
paddles,  while  he,  with  the  remaining  two,  levelled 
their  guns  at  the  deserters,  and  called  on  them  to 
surrender.  Astonished  and  dismayed,  they  yielded 
at  once;  while  two  more,  who  were  in  the  second 
canoe,  hastened  to  follow  their  example.  La  Salle 
now  returned  to  the  fort  with  his  prisoners,  placed 

tray  himself  seems  to  hare  remained  true ;  at  least,  he  was  in  La 
Salle's  service  immediately  after,  and  was  one  of  his  most  trusted 
followers.  He  was  of  good  birth,  being  the  son  of  Jean  Bourdon,  a 
conspicuous  personage  in  the  early  period  of  the  colony ;  and  his 
,  name  appears  on  official  records  as  Jean  Bourdon,  Sieur  d'Autray. 


1680.]  CHASTISEMENT.  201 

them  in  custody,  and  again  set  forth.  He  met  the 
third  canoe  upon  the  lake  at  about  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening.  His  men  vainly  plied  their  paddles  in  pur- 
suit. The  mutineers  reached  the  shore,  took  post 
jimong  rocks  and  trees,  levelled  their  guns,  and 
showed  fight.  Four  of  La  Salle's  men  made  a  circuit 
to  gain  their  rear  and  dislodge  them,  on  which  they 
stole  back  to  their  canoe  and  tried  to  escape  in  the 
darkness.  They  were  pursued,  and  summoned  to 
yield ;  but  they  replied  by  aiming  their  guns  at  their 
pursuers,  who  instantly  gave  them  a  volley,  killed 
two  of  them,  and  captured  the  remaining  three. 
Like  their  companions,  they  were  placed  in  custody 
ut  the  fort,  to  await  the  arrival  of  Count  Frontenac.1 

1  La  Salle's  long  letter,  written  apparently  to  his  associate 
Thouret,  and  dated  29  Sept.,  1680,  is  the  chief  authority  for  the 
;ibove.  The  greater  part  of  this  letter  is  incorporated,  almost  ver- 
batim, in  the  official  narrative  called  Relation  des  Dteouvertes., 
i  lennepin,  Membre,  and  Tonty  also  speak  of  the  journey  from  Fort 
Orevecoeur.  The  death  of  the  two  mutineers  was  used  by  La  Salle's 
enemies  as  the  basis  of  a  charge  of  murder. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

1680. 
INDIAN  CONQUERORS. 

THE  ENTERPRISE  RENEWED. — ATTEMPT  TO  RESCUE  TONTT. — BUF- 
FALO.—  A  FRIGHTFUL  DISCOVERT.  —  IROQUOIS  FURY.  —  THE 
RUINED  TOWN.  —  A  NIGHT  OF  HORROR.  —  TRACES  OF  THE 
INVADERS.  —  No  NEWS  OF  TONTY. 

AND  now  La  Salle's  work  must  be  begun  afresh. 
He  had  staked  all,  and  all  had  seemingly  been  lost. 
In  stern,  relentless  effort  he  had  touched  the  limits 
of  human  endurance ;  and  the  harvest  of  his  toil  was 
disappointment,  disaster,  and  impending  ruin.  The 
shattered  fabric  of  his  enterprise  was  prostrate  in  the 
dust.  His  friends  desponded;  his  foes  were  blatant 
and  exultant.  Did  he  bend  before  the  storm?  No 
human  eye  could  pierce  the  depths  of  his  reserved 
and  haughty  nature;  but  the  surface  was  calm,  and 
no  sign  betrayed  a  shaken  resolve  or  an  altered  pur- 
pose. Where  weaker  men  would  have  abandoned 
all  in  despairing  apathy,  he  turned  anew  to  his  work 
with  the  same  vigor  and  the  same  apparent  confidence 
as  if  borne  on  the  full  tide  of  success. 

His  best  hope  was  in  Tonty.  Could  that  brave  and 
true-hearted  officer  and  the  three  or  four  faithful 


1680.]  ANOTHER  EFFORT.  203 

men  who  had  remained  with  him  make  good  their 
foothold  on  the  Illinois,  and  save  from  destruction 
tho  vessel  on  the  stocks  and  the  forge  and  tools  so 
laboriously  carried  thither,  then  a  basis  was  left  on 
which  the  ruined  enterprise  might  be  built  up  once 
more.  There  was  no  time  to  lose.  Tonty  must  be 
succored  soon,  or  succor  would  come  too  late.  La 
Salle  had  already  provided  the  necessary  material, 
and  a  few  days  sufficed  to  complete  his  preparations. 
On  the  tenth  of  August  he  embarked  again  for  the 
Illinois.  With  him  went  his  lieutenant  La  Forest, 
who  held  of  him  in  fief  an  island,  then  called  Belle 
Isle,  opposite  Fort  Frontenac.1  A  surgeon,  ship- 
caipenters,  joiners,  masons,  soldiers,  voyageurs,  and 
laborers  completed  his  company,  twenty-five  men  in 
all.  with  everything  needful  for  the  outfit  of  the 
vessel. 

His  route,  though  difficult,  was  not  so  long  as  that 
which  he  had  followed  the  year  before.  He  ascended 
the  river  Humber;  crossed  to  Lake  Simcoe,  and 
thence  descended  the  Severn  to  the  Georgian  Bay  of 
Lake  Huron;  followed  its  eastern  shore,  coasted  the 
Manitoulin  Islands,  and  at  length  reached  Michili- 
mackinac.  Here,  as  usual,  all  was  hostile;  and  he 
had  great  difficulty  in  inducing  the  Indians,  who  had 
been  excited  against  him,  to  sell  him  provisions. 
ADxious  to  reach  his  destination,  he  pushed  forward 
with  twelve  men,  leaving  La  Forest  to  bring  on  the 

1  Robert  Cavelier,  Sr-  de  la  Salle,  a  Franpois  Daupin,  Sr-  de  la 
Forest,  10  Juin,  1679. 


204  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

rest.  On  the  fourth  of  November1  he  reached  the 
ruined  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  and  left 
five  of  his  party,  with  the  heavy  stores,  to  wait  till 
La  Forest  should  come  up,  while  he  himself  hastened 
forward  with  six  Frenchmen  and  an  Indian.  A  deep 
anxiety  possessed  him.  The  rumor,  current  for 
months  past,  that  the  Iroquois,  bent  on  destroying 
the  Illinois,  were  on  the  point  of  invading  their 
country  had  constantly  gained  strength.  Here  was 
a  new  disaster,  which,  if  realized,  might  involve  him 
and  his  enterprise  in  irretrievable  wreck. 

He  ascended  the  St.  Joseph,  crossed  the  portage 
to  the  Kankakee,  and  followed  its  course  downward 
till  it  joined  the  northern  branch  of  the  Illinois.  He 
had  heard  nothing  of  Tonty  on  the  way,  and  neither 
here  nor  elsewhere  could  he  discover  the  smallest 
sign  of  the  passage  of  white  men.  His  friend,  there- 
fore, if  alive,  was  probably  still  at  his  post;  and  he 
pursued  his  course  with  a  mind  lightened,  in  some 
small  measure,  of  its  load  of  anxiety. 

When  last  he  had  passed  here,  all  was  solitude; 
but  now  the  scene  was  changed.  The  boundless 
waste  was  thronged  with  life.  He  beheld  that 
wondrous  spectacle,  still  to  be  seen  at  times  on  the 
plains  of  the  remotest  West,  and  the  memory  of 
which  can  quicken  the  pulse  and  stir  the  blood  after 

1  This  date  is  from  the  Relation.  Membra*  says  the  twenty- 
eighth  ;  but  he  is  wrong,  by  his  own  showing,  as  he  says  that  the 
party  reached  the  Illinois  village  on  the  first  of  December,  which 
Would  be  an  impossibility. 


1680.]  BUFFALO.  205 

the  lapse  of  years :  far  and  near,  the  prairie  was  alive 
with  buffalo;  now  like  black  specks  dotting  the  dis- 
tant swells;  now  trampling  by  in  ponderous  columns, 
or  filing  in  long  lines,  morning,  noon,  and  night,  to 
drink  at  the  river,  —  wading,  plunging,  and  snorting 
in  the  water;  climbing  the  muddy  shores,  and  staring 
with  wild  eyes  at  the  passing  canoes.  It  was  an 
opportunity  not  to  be  lost.  The  party  landed,  and 
encamped  for  a  hunt.  Sometimes  they  hid  under 
the  shelving  bank,  and  shot  them  as  they  came  to 
drink;  sometimes,  flat  on  their  faces,  they  dragged 
themselves  through  the  long  dead  grass,  till  the 
savage  bulls,  guardians  of  the  herd,  ceased  their 
grazing,  raised  their  huge  heads,  and  glared  through 
tangled  hair  at  the  dangerous  intruders.  The  hunt 
was  successful.  In  three  days  the  hunters  killed 
twelve  buffalo,  besides  deer,  geese,  and  swans. 
They  cut  the  meat  into  thin  flakes,  and  dried  it  in 
the  sun  or  in  the  smoke  of  their  fires.  The  men 
were  in  high  spirits,  —  delighting  in  the  sport,  and 
rejoicing  in  the  prospect  of  relieving  Tonty  and  his 
hungry  followers  with  a  plentiful  supply. 

They  embarked  again,  and  soon  approached  the 
grnat  town  of  the  Illinois.  The  buffalo  were  far 
behind;  and  once  more  the  canoes  glided  on  their 
way  through  a  voiceless  solitude.  No  hunters  were 
seen;  no  saluting  whoop  greeted  their  ears.  They 
passed  the  cliff  afterwards  called  the  Rock  of  St. 
Louis,  where  La  Salle  had  ordered  Tonty  to  build 
his  stronghold;  but  as  he  scanned  its  lofty  top  ha 


206  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1880. 

saw  no  palisades,  no  cabins,  no  sign  of  human  hand, 
and  still  its  primeval  crest  of  forests  overhung  the 
gliding  river.  Now  the  meadow  opened  before  them 
where  the  great  town  had  stood.  They  gazed,  aston- 
ished and  confounded:  all  was  desolation.  The 
town  had  vanished,  and  the  meadow  was  black  with 
fire.  They  plied  their  paddles,  hastened  to  the  spot, 
landed ;  and  as  they  looked  around  their  cheeks  grew 
white,  and  the  blood  was  frozen  in  their  veins. 

Before  them  lay  a  plain  once  swarming  with  wild 
human  life  and  covered  with  Indian  dwellings,  now 
a  waste  of  devastation  and  death,  strewn  with  heaps 
of  ashes,  and  bristling  with  the  charred  poles  and 
stakes  which  had  formed  the  framework  of  the 
lodges.  At  the  points  of  most  of  them  were  stuck 
human  skulls,  half  picked  by  birds  of  prey.1  Near 
at  hand  was  the  burial-ground  of  the  village.  The 
travellers  sickened  with  horror  as  they  entered  its 
revolting  precincts.  Wolves  in  multitudes  fled  at 
their  approach;  while  clouds  of  crows  or  buzzards, 
rising  from  the  hideous  repast,  wheeled  above  their 
heads,  or  settled  on  the  naked  branches  of  the  neigh- 
boring forest.  Every  grave  had  been  rifled,  and 
the  bodies  flung  down  from  the  scaffolds  where,  after 
the  Illinois  custom,  many  of  them  had  been  placed. 
The  field  was  strewn  with  broken  bones  and  torn  and 


1  "  II  ne  restoit  que  quelques  bouts  de  perches  brulees  qui  mon- 
troient  quelle  avoit  ete  1'etendue  du  village,  et  sur  la  plupart  des- 
quelles  il  y  avoit  des  te~tes  de  morts  plantees  et  mange'es  des  CQP 
beaux."  —  Relation  des  Decouvertes  du  &'•  de  la  Salle. 


1680.]  A  NIGHT   OF   HORROR.  207 

mangled  corpses.  A  hyena  warfare  had  been  waged 
against  the  dead.  La  Salle  knew  the  handiwork  of 
the  Iroquois.  The  threatened  blow  had  fallen,  and 
the  wolfish  hordes  of  the  five  cantons  had  fleshed 
their  rabid  fangs  in  a  new  victim.1 

Not  far  distant,  the  conquerors  had  made  a  rude 
fort  of  trunks,  boughs,  and  roots  of  trees  laid  together 
to  form  a  circular  enclosure ;  and  this,  too,  was  gar- 
nished with  skulls,  stuck  on  the  broken  branches  and 
protruding  sticks.  The  caches,  or  subterranean  store- 
houses of  the  villagers,  had  been  broken  open  and 
the  contents  scattered.  The  cornfields  were  laid 
waste,  and  much  of  the  corn  thrown  into  heaps  and 
half  burned.  As  La  Salle  surveyed  this  scene  of 
havoc,  one  thought  engrossed  him:  where  were 
Tonty  and  his  men  ?  He  searched  the  Iroquois  fort : 
there  were  abundant  traces  of  its  savage  occupants, 
and,  among  them,  a  few  fragments  of  French  cloth- 

1  "Beaucoup  de  carcasses  a  demi  rongees  par  les  loups,  les 
sepulchres  demolis,  les  os  tires  de  leurs  fosses  et  epars  par  la  cam- 
pa  gne  ;  .  .  .  enfin  les  loups  et  les  corbeaux  augmentoient  encore 
par  leurs  hurlemens  et  par  leurs  cris  1'horreur  de  ce  spectacle." — 
Relation  des  Decouvertes  du  Sr'  de  la  Salle. 

The  above  may  seem  exaggerated  ;  but  it  accords  perfectly  with 
what  is  well  established  concerning  the  ferocious  character  of  the 
Iroquois  and  the  nature  of  their  warfare.  Many  other  tribes  have 
frequently  made  war  upon  the  dead.  I  have  myself  known  an 
instance  in  which  five  corpses  of  Sioux  Indians  placed  in  trees, 
afrer  the  practice  of  the  Western  bands  of  that  people,  were  thrown 
down  and  kicked  into  fragments  by  a  war  party  of  the  Crows,  who 
then  held  the  muzzles  of  their  guns  against  the  skulls,  and  blew 
them  to  pieces.  This  happened  near  the  head  of  the  Platte,  in  the 
summer  of  1846.  Yet  the  Crows  are  much  less  ferocious  than  were 
the  Iroquois  in  La  Salle's  time, 


208  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

ing.  He  examined  the  skulls ;  but  the  hair,  portions 
of  which  clung  to  nearly  all  of  them,  was  in  every 
case  that  of  an  Indian.  Evening  came  on  before  he 
had  finished  the  search.  The  sun  set,  and  the  wil- 
derness sank  to  its  savage  rest.  Night  and  silence 
brooded  over  the  waste,  where,  far  as  the  raven  could 
wing  his  flight,  stretched  the  dark  domain  of  solitude 
and  horror. 

Yet  there  was  no  silence  at  the  spot  where  La 
Salle  and  his  companions  made  their  bivouac.  The 
howling  of  the  wolves  filled  the  air  with  fierce  and 
dreary  dissonance.  More  dangerous  foes  were  not 
far  off,  for  before  nightfall  they  had  seen  fresh  Indian 
tracks;  "but,  as  it  was  very  cold,"  says  La  Salle, 
"this  did  not  prevent  us  from  making  a  fire  and 
lying  down  by  it,  each  of  us  keeping  watch  in  turn. 
I  spent  the  night  in  a  distress  which  you  can  imagine 
better  than  I  can  write  it;  and  I  did  not  sleep  a 
moment  with  trying  to  make  up  my  mind  as  to  what 
I  ought  to  do.  My  ignorance  as  to  the  position  of 
those  I  was  looking  after,  and  my  uncertainty  as  to 
what  would  become  of  the  men  who  were  to  follow 
me  with  La  Forest  if  they  arrived  at  the  ruined  vil- 
lage and  did  not  find  me  there,  made  me  apprehend 
every  sort  of  trouble  and  disaster.  At  last,  I  decided 
to  keep  on  my  way  down  the  river,  leaving  some  of 
my  men  behind  in  charge  of  the  goods,  which  it  was 
not  only  useless  but  dangerous  to  carry  with  me, 
because  we  should  be  forced  to  abandon  them  when 
the  winter  fairly  set  in,  which  would  be  very  soon. " 


1680.]  FEARS  FOR  TONTY.  209 

This  resolution  was  due  to  a  discovery  he  had 
made  the  evening  before,  which  offered,  as  he 
thought,  a  possible  clew  to  the  fate  of  Tonty  and 
the  men  with  him.  He  thus  describes  it:  "Near  the 
garden  of  the  Indians,  which  was  on  the  meadows,  a 
league  from  the  village  and  not  far  from  the  river,  I 
found  six  pointed  stakes  set  in  the  ground  and 
painted  red.  On  each  of  them  was  the  figure  of  a 
man  with  bandaged  eyes,  drawn  in  black.  As  the 
savages  often  set  stakes  of  this  sort  where  they  have 
killed  people,  I  thought,  by  their  number  and  posi- 
tion, that  when  the  Iroquois  came,  the  Illinois,  find- 
ing our  men  alone  in  the  hut  near  their  garden,  had 
either  killed  them  or  made  them  prisoners.  And  I 
was  confirmed  in  this,  because,  seeing  no  signs  of  a 
battle,  I  supposed  that  on  hearing  of  the  approach  of 
the  Iroquois,  the  old  men  and  other  non-combatants 
had  fled,  and  that  the  young  warriors  had  remained 
behind  to  cover  their  flight,  and  afterwards  followed, 
taking  the  French  with  them;  while  the  Iroquois, 
finding  nobody  to  kill,  had  vented  their  fury  on  the 
corpses  in  the  graveyard." 

Uncertain  as  was  the  basis  of  this  conjecture,  and 
feeble  as  was  the  hope  it  afforded,  it  determined  him 
to  push  forward,  in  order  to  learn  more.  When 
daylight  returned,  he  told  his  purpose  to  his  fol- 
lowers, and  directed  three  of  them  to  await  his  return 
near  the  ruined  village.  They  were  to  hide  them- 
selves on  an  island,  conceal  their  fire  at  night,  make 

no  smoke  by  day,  fire  no  guns,   and  keep  a  close 

U 


210  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

watch.  Should  the  rest  of  the  party  arrive,  they, 
too,  were  to  wait  with  similar  precautions.  The 
baggage  was  placed  in  a  hollow  of  the  rocks,  at  a 
place  difficult  of  access;  and,  these  arrangements 
made,  La  Salle  set  out  on  his  perilous  journey  with 
the  four  remaining  men,  Dautray,  Hunaut,  You,  and 
the  Indian.  Each  was  armed  with  two  guns,  a 
pistol,  and  a  sword;  and  a  number  of  hatchets  and 
other  goods  were  placed  in  the  canoe,  as  presents  for 
Indians  whom  they  might  meet. 

Several  leagues  below  the  village  they  found,  on 
their  right  hand  close  to  the  river,,  a  sort  of  island, 
made  inaccessible  by  the  marshes  and  water  which 
surrounded  it.  Here  the  flying  Illinois  had  sought 
refuge  with  their  women  and  children,  and  the  place 
was  full  of  their  deserted  huts.  On  the  left  bank, 
exactly  opposite,  was  an  abandoned  camp  of  the 
Iroquois.  On  the  level  meadow  stood  a  hundred  and 
thirteen  huts,  and  on  the  forest  trees  which  covered 
the  hills  behind  were  carved  the  totems,  or  insignia, 
of  the  chiefs,  together  with  marks  to  show  the 
number  of  followers  which  each  had  led  to  the  war. 
La  Salle  counted  five  hundred  and  eighty-two  war- 
riors. He  found  marks,  too,  for  the  Illinois  killed 
or  captured,  but  none  to  indicate  that  any  of  the 
Frenchmen  had  shared  their  fate. 

As  they  descended  the  river,  they  passed,  on  the 
same  day,  six  abandoned  camps  of  the  Illinois;  and 
opposite  to  each  was  a  camp  of  the  invaders.  The 
former,  it  was  clear,  had  retreated  in  a  body;  while 


1680.]  SEARCH  FOR  TONTY.  211 

the  Iroquois  had  followed  their  march,  day  by  day, 
along  the  other  bank.  La  Salle  and  his  men  pushed 
rapidly  onward,  passed  Peoria  Lake,  and  soon 
reached  Fort  Crevecoeur,  which  they  found,  as  they 
expected,  demolished  by  the  deserters.  The  vessel 
on  the  stocks  was  still  left  entire,  though  the  Iroquois 
had  found  means  to  draw  out  the  iron  nails  and 
spikes.  On  one  of  the  planks  were  written  the  words : 
"Nous  sommes  tous  sauvages:  ce  15,  1680,"  —  the 
work,  no  doubt,  of  the  knaves  who  had  pillaged  and 
destroyed  the  fort. 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  hastened  on,  and  dur- 
ing the  following  day  passed  four  opposing  camps  of 
the  savage  armies.  The  silence  of  death  now  reigned 
along  the  deserted  river,  whose  lonely  borders, 
wrapped  deep  in  forests,  seemed  lifeless  as  the  grave. 
As  they  drew  near  the  mouth  of  the  stream  they 
saw  a  meadow  on  their  right,  and  on  its  farthest 
verge  several  human  figures,  erect,  yet  motionless. 
They  landed,  and  cautiously  examined  the  place. 
The  long  grass  was  trampled  down,  and  all  around 
were  strewn  the  relics  of  the  hideous  orgies  which 
formed  the  ordinary  sequel  of  an  Iroquois  victory. 
The  figures  they  had  seen  were  the  half-consumed 
bodies  of  women,  still  bound  to  the  stakes  where 
they  had  been  tortured.  Other  sights  there  were, 
too  revolting  for  record.1  All  the  remains  were  those 

1  "  On  ne  ssauroit  exprimer  la  rage  de  ces  f  urieux  ni  les  tourmens 
qu'ils  avoient  fait  souffrir  aux  miserables  Tamaroa  [a  tribe  of  the 
Illinois].  II  y  en  avoit  encore  dans  des  chaudieres  qu'ils  avoient 
laissees  pleines  sur  les  feux,  qui  depuis  s'etoient  eteints,"  etc.,  etc 
—  Relation  des  JDecouvertes, 


212  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

of  women  and  children.  The  men,  it  seemed,  had 
fled,  and  left  them  to  their  fate. 

Here,  again,  La  Salle  sought  long  and  anxiously, 
without  finding  the  smallest  sign  that  could  indicate 
the  presence  of  Frenchmen.  Once  more  descending 
the  river,  they  soon  reached  its  mouth.  Before 
them,  a  broad  eddying  current  rolled  swiftly  on  its 
way ;  and  La  Salle  beheld  the  Mississippi,  —  the 
object  of  his  day-dreams,  the  destined  avenue  of  his 
ambition  and  his  hopes.  It  was  no  time  for  reflec- 
tions. The  moment  was  too  engrossing,  too  heavily 
charged  with  anxieties  and  cares.  From  a  rock  on 
the  shore,  he  saw  a  tree  stretched  forward  above  the 
stream;  and  stripping  off  its  bark  to  make  it  more 
conspicuous,  he  hung  upon  it  a  board  on  which  he 
had  drawn  the  figures  of  himself  and  his  men,  seated 
in  their  canoe,  and  bearing  a  pipe  of  peace.  To  this 
he  tied  a  letter  for  Tonty,  informing  him  that  he  had 
returned  up  the  river  to  the  ruined  village. 

His  four  men  had  behaved  admirably  throughout, 
and  they  now  offered  to  continue  the  journey  if  he 
saw  fit,  and  follow  him  to  the  sea ;  but  he  thought  it 
useless  to  go  farther,  and  was  unwilling  to  abandon 
the  three  men  whom  he  had  ordered  to  await  his 
return.  Accordingly,  they  retraced  their  course, 
and,  paddling  at  times  both  day  and  night,  urged 
their  canoe  so  swiftly  that  they  reached  the  village 
in  the  incredibly  short  space  of  four  days.1 

1  The  distance  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  The 
letters  of  La  Salle,  as  well  as  the  official  narrative  compiled  from 


1681.]  THE  COMET.  213 

The  sky  was  clear,  and  as  night  came  on  the 
travellers  saw  a  prodigious  comet  blazing  above  this 
scene  of  desolation.  On  that  night,  it  was  chilling 
with  a  superstitious  awe  the  hamlets  of  New  England 
and  the  gilded  chambers  of  Versailles ;  but  it  is  char- 
acteristic  of  La  Salle,  that,  beset  as  he  was  with  perils 
and  surrounded  with  ghastly  images  of  death,  he 
coolly  notes  down  the  phenomenon,  not  as  a  por- 
tentous messenger  of  war  and  woe,  but  rather  as  an 
object  of  scientific  curiosity.1 

He  found  his  three  men  safely  ensconced  upon 
their  island,  where  they  were  anxiously  looking  for 
his  return.  After  collecting  a  store  of  half-burnt 
corn  from  the  ravaged  granaries  of  the  Illinois,  the 
whole  party  began  to  ascend  the  river,  and  on  the 
sixth  of  January  reached  the  junction  of  the  Kankakee 
with  the  northern  branch.  On  their  way  downward 
they  had  descended  the  former  stream;  they  now 
chose  the  latter,  and  soon  discovered,  by  the  margin 

them,  say  that  they  left  the  village  on  the  second  of  December, 
and  returned  to  it  on  the  eleventh,  having  left  the  mouth  of  the 
river  on  the  seventh. 

1  This  was  the  "  Great  Comet  of  1680."  Dr.  B.  A.  Gould  writes 
me:  "It  appeared  in  December,  1680,  and  was  visible  until  the 
latter  part  of  February,  1681,  being  especially  brilliant  in  January." 
It  was  said  to  be  the  largest  ever  seen.  By  observations  upon  it, 
Newton  demonstrated  the  regular  revolutions  of  comets  around  the 
3un.  "No  comet/'  it  is  said,  "has  threatened  the  earth  with  a 
nearer  approach  than  that  of  1680."  (  Winthrop  on  Comets,  Lecture 
II.  p.  44.)  Increase  Mather,  in  his  Discourse  concerning  Comets, 
printed  at  Boston  in  1683,  says  of  this  one :  "  Its  appearance  was 
rery  terrible ;  the  Blaze  ascended  above  60  Degrees  almost  to  its 
Zenith."  Mather  thought  it  fraught  with  terrific  portent  to  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 


214  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1681. 

of  the  water,  a  rude  cabin  of  bark.  La  Salle  landed 
and  examined  the  spot,  when  an  object  met  his  eye 
which  cheered  him  with  a  bright  gleam  of  hope.  It 
was  but  a  piece  of  wood ;  but  the  wood  had  been  cut 
with  a  saw.  Tonty  and  his  party,  then,  had  passed 
this  way,  escaping  from  the  carnage  behind  them. 
Unhappily,  they  had  left  no  token  of  their  passage 
at  the  fork  of  the  two  streams;  and  thus  La  Salle, 
on  his  voyage  downward,  had  believed  them  to  be 
still  on  the  river  below. 

With  rekindled  hope,  the  travellers  pursued  their 
journey,  leaving  their  canoes,  and  making  their  way 
overland  towards  the  fort  on  the  St.  Joseph. 

"Snow  fell  in  extraordinary  quantities  all  day," 
writes  La  Salle,  "and  it  kept  on  falling  for  nine- 
teen days  in  succession,  with  cold  so  severe  that 
I  never  knew  so  hard  a  winter,  even  in  Canada. 
We  were  obliged  to  cross  forty  leagues  of  open 
country,  where  we  could  hardly  find  wood  to  warm 
ourselves  at  evening,  and  could  get  no  bark  what- 
ever to  make  a  hut,  so  that  we  had  to  spend  the 
night  exposed  to  the  furious  winds  which  blow 
over  these  plains.  I  never  suffered  so  much  from 
cold,  or  had  more  trouble  in  getting  forward;  for 
the  snow  was  so  light,  resting  suspended  as  it  were 
among  the  tall  grass,  that  we  could  not  use  snow- 
shoes.  Sometimes  it  was  waist  deep;  and  as  I 
walked  before  my  men,  as  usual,  to  encourage 
them  by  breaking  the  path,  I  often  had  much  ado, 
though  I  am  rather  tall,  to  lift  my  legs  above  the 


Ki81.]  FORT  MIAMI.  215 

drifts,  through  which  I  pushed  by  the  weight  of 
my  body." 

At  length  they  reached  their  goal,  and  found 
shelter  and  safety  within  the  walls  of  Fort  Miami. 
Here  was  the  party  left  in  charge  of  La  Forest;  but, 
to  his  surprise  and  grief,  La  Salle  heard  no  tidings 
of  Tonty.  He  found  some  amends  for  the  disap- 
pointment in  the  fidelity  and  zeal  of  La  Forest's  men, 
who  had  restored  the  fort,  cleared  ground  for  plant- 
ing, and  even  sawed  the  planks  and  timber  for  a  new 
vessel  on  the  lake. 

And  now,  while  La  Salle  rests  at  Fort  Miami,  let 
as  trace  the  adventures  which  befell  Tonty  and  his 
followers,  after  their  chief's  departure  from  Fort 
Crevecceur. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1680. 
TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS. 

THE  DESERTERS.  —  THE  IROQUOIS  WAR. — THE  GREAT  TOWN  OF 
THE  ILLINOIS.  —  THE  ALARM.  —  ONSET  OP  THE  IROQUOIS. — 
PERIL  OP  TONTY.  —  A  TREACHEROUS  TRUCE.  —  INTREPIDITY  OF 
TONTY.  —  MURDER  OP  RIBOURDE. —  WAR  UPON  THE  DEAD. 

WHEN  La  Salle  set  out  on  his  rugged  journey  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  he  left,  as  we  have  seen,  fifteen  men 
at  Fort  Crevecoeur,  —  smiths,  ship-carpenters,  house- 
wrights,  and  soldiers,  besides  his  servant  L'Espe'rance 
and  the  two  friars  Membra*  and  Ribourde.  Most  of 
the  men  were  ripe  for  mutiny.  They  had  no  interest 
in  the  enterprise,  and  no  love  for  its  chief.  They 
were  disgusted  with  the  present,  and  terrified  at  the 
future.  La  Salle,  too,  was  for  the  most  part  a  stern 
commander,  impenetrable  and  cold;  and  when  he 
tried  to  soothe,  conciliate,  and  encourage,  his  success 
rarely  answered  to  the  excellence  of  his  rhetoric. 
He  could  always,  however,  inspire  respect,  if  not 
love;  but  now  the  restraint  of  his  presence  was 
removed.  He  had  not  been  long  absent,  when  a  fire- 
brand was  thrown  into  the  midst  of  the  discontented 
and  restless  crew. 


1680.]  THE  DESERTERS.  217 

It  may  be  remembered  that  La  Salle  had  met  two 
of  his  men,  La  Chapelle  and  Leblanc,  at  his  fort  on 
the  St.  Joseph,  and  ordered  them  to  rejoin  Tonty. 
Unfortunately,  they  obeyed.  On  arriving,  they  told 
their  comrades  that  the  "Griffin"  was  lost,  that  Fort 
Frontenac  was  seized  by  the  creditors  of  La  Salle, 
that  he  was  ruined  past  recovery,  and  that  they,  the 
men,  would  never  receive  their  pay.  Their  wages 
were  in  arrears  for  more  than  two  years ;  and,  indeed, 
it  would  have  been  folly  to  pay  them  before  their 
return  to  the  settlements,  as  to  do  so  would  have 
been  a  temptation  to  desert.  Now,  however,  the 
effect  on  their  minds  was  still  worse,  believing,  as 
many  of  them  did,  that  they  would  never  be  paid  at 
{ill. 

La  Chapelle  and  his  companion  had  brought  a 
letter  from  La  Salle  to  Tonty,  directing  him  to 
examine  and  fortify  the  cliff  so  often  mentioned, 
which  overhung  the  river  above  the  great  Illinois 
village.  Tonty,  accordingly,  set  out  on  his  errand 
with  some  of  the  men.  In  his  absence,  the  malcon- 
tents destroyed  the  fort,  stole  powder,  lead,  furs, 
and  provisions,  and  deserted,  after  writing  on  the 
fcide  of  the  unfinished  vessel  the  words  seen  by  La 
Salle,  "Nous  sommes  tons  sauvages."1  The  brave 

1  For  the  particulars  of  this  desertion,  Membre'  in  Le  Clerc,  ii. 
171,  Relation  des  Decouvertes;  Tonty,  Memoire,  1684,  1693;  Declara- 
tion faite  par  devant  le  Sr-  Duchesneau,  Intendant  en  Canada,  par 
Moyse  Hillaret,  charpentier  de  barque  cy-devant  au  service  du  Sr-  de  la 
Salle,  Aoust,  1680. 

Moyse  Hillaret,  the  '•'  Maitre  Moyse  "  of  Hennepin,  was  a  ring- 


218  TONTY  AKB  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

young  Sieur  de  Boisrondet  and  the  servant  L'Espe*rance 
hastened  to  carry  the  news  to  Tonty,  who  at  once 
despatched  four  of  those  with  him,  by  two  different 
routes,  to  inform  La  Salle  of  the  disaster.1  Besides 
the  two  just  named,  there  now  remained  with  him 
only  one  hired  man  and  the  Rdcollet  friars.  With 
this  feeble  band,  he  was  left  among  a  horde  of  treach- 
erous savages,  who  had  been  taught  to  regard  him 
as  a  secret  enemy.  Resolved,  apparently,  to  disarm 
their  jealousy  by  a  show  of  confidence,  he  took  up 
his  abode  in  the  midst  of  them,  making  his  quarters 
in  the  great  village,  whither,  as  spring  opened,  its 
inhabitants  returned,  to  the  number,  according  to 
Membre",  of  seven  or  eight  thousand.  Hither  he 
conveyed  the  forge  and  such  tools  as  he  could 
recover,  and  here  he  hoped  to  maintain  himself  till 
La  Salle  should  reappear.  The  spring  and  the 
summer  were  past,  and  he  looked  anxiously  for  his 
coming,  unconscious  that  a  storm  was  gathering  in 

leader  of  the  deserters,  and  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  cap- 
tured by  La  Salle  near  Fort  Frontenac.  Twelve  days  after,  Hillaret 
was  examined  by  La  Salle's  enemy,  the  intendant ;  and  this  paper  is 
the  formal  statement  made  by  him.  It  gives  the  names  of  most  of 
the  men,  and  furnishes  incidental  confirmation  of  many  statements 
of  Hennepin,  Tonty,  Membre,  and  the  Relation  des  Decouvertes. 
Hillaret,  Leblanc,  and  Le  Meilleur,  the  blacksmith  nicknamed  La 
Forge,  went  off  together,  and  the  rest  seem  to  have  followed  after- 
wards. Hillaret  does  not  admit  that  any  goods  were  wantonly 
destroyed. 

There  is  before  me  a  schedule  of  the  debts  of  La  Salle,  made 
after  his  death.  It  includes  a  claim  of  this  man  for  wages  to  the 
amount  of  2,500  livres. 

1  Two  of  the  messengers,  Laurent  and  Messier,  arrived  safely. 
The  others  seem  to  have  deserted. 


1680.]  THE  IROQUOIS  WAR.  219 

the  east,   soon  to  burst  with   devastation   over  the 
fertile  wilderness  of  the  Illinois. 

I  have  recounted  the  ferocious  triumphs  of  the 
Iroquois  in  another  volume.1  Throughout  a  wide 
semicircle  around  their  cantons,  they  had  made  the 
forest  a  solitude ;  destroyed  the  Hurons,  exterminated 
the  Neutrals  and  the  Eries,  reduced  the  formidable 
Andastes  to  helpless  insignificance,  swept  the  borders 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  with  fire,  spread  terror  and 
desolation  among  the  Algonquins  of  Canada;  and 
now,  tired  of  peace,  they  were  seeking,  to  borrow 
their  own  savage  metaphor,  new  nations  to  devour. 
Yet  it  was  not  alone  their  homicidal  fury  that  now 
impelled  them  to  another  war.  Strange  as  it  may 
seem,  this  war  was  in  no  small  measure  one  of  com- 
mercial advantage.  They  had  long  traded  with  the 
Dutch  and  English  of  New  York,  who  gave  them, 
in  exchange  for  their  furs,  the  guns,  ammunition, 
knives,  hatchets,  kettles,  beads,  and  brandy  which 
had  become  indispensable  to  them.  Game  was  scarce 
in  their  country.  They  must  seek  their  beaver  and 
other  skins  in  the  vacant  territories  of  the  tribes  they 
had  destroyed ;  but  this  did  not  content  them.  The 
French  of  Canada  were  seeking  to  secure  a  monopoly 
of  the  furs  of  the  north  and  west;  and,  of  late,  the 
enterprises  of  La  Salle  on  the  tributaries  of  the 
Mississippi  had  especially  roused  the  jealousy  of 
the  Iroquois,  fomented,  moreover,  by  Dutch  and 
English  traders.2  These  crafty  savages  would  fain 

1  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 

8  Duchesncau,  in  Pans  Docs.,  ix.  163. 


220  TONTY  AND  THE   IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

reduce  all  these  regions  to  subjection,  and  draw 
thence  an  exhaustless  supply  of  furs,  to  be  bartered 
for  English  goods  with  the  traders  of  Albany.  They 
turned  their  eyes  first  towards  the  Illinois,  the  most 
important,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  accessible,  of 
the  western  Algonquin  tribes;  and  among  La  Salle's 
enemies  were  some  in  whom  jealousy  of  a  hated 
rival  could  so  far  override  all  the  best  interests  of  the 
colony  that  they  did  not  scruple  to  urge  on  the  Iro- 
quois  to  an  invasion  which  they  hoped  would  prove 
his  ruin.  The  chiefs  convened,  war  was  decreed,  the 
war-dance  was  danced,  the  war-song  sung,  and  five 
hundred  warriors  began  their  march.  In  their  path 
lay  the  town  of  the  Miamis,  neighbors  and  kindred 
of  the  Illinois.  It  was  always  their  policy  to  divide 
and  conquer;  and  these  forest  Machiavels  had 
intrigued  so  well  among  the  Miamis,  working  craftily 
on  their  jealousy,  that  they  induced  them  to  join  in 
the  invasion,  though  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  they  had  marked  these  infatuated  allies  as  their 
next  victims.1 

Go  to  the  banks  of  the  Illinois  where  it  flows  by 
the  village  of  Utica,  and  stand  on  the  meadow  that 
borders  it  on  the  north.  In  front  glides  the  river,  a 
musket-shot  in  width;  and  from  the  farther  bank 
rises,  with  gradual  slope,  a  range  of  wooded  hills 

1  There  had  long  been  a  rankling  jealousy  between  the  Miamis 
and  the  Illinois.  According  to  Membre,  La  Salle's  enemies  had 
intrigued  successfully  among  the  former,  as  well  as  among  the 
Iroquois,  to  induce  them  to  take  arms  against  the  Illinois. 


1680.]  THE  ILLINOIS   TOWN.  221 

that  hide  from  sight  the  vast  prairie  behind  them. 
A  mile  or  more  on  your  left  these  gentle  acclivities 
€<nd  abruptly  in  the  lofty  front  of  the  great  cliff, 
called  by  the  French  the  Rock  of  St.  Louis,  looking 
boldly  out  from  the  forests  that  environ  it;  and, 
three  miles  distant  on  your  right,  you  discern  a  gap 
in  the  steep  bluffs  that  here  bound  the  valley,  mark- 
lag  the  mouth  of  the  river  Vermilion,  called  Aramoni 
by  the  French.1  Now  stand  in  fancy  on  this  same 
spot  in  the  early  autumn  of  the  year  1680.  You  are 
in  the  midst  of  the  great  town  of  the  Illinois,  — 
hundreds  of  mat-covered  lodges,  and  thousands  of 
congregated  savages.  Enter  one  of  their  dwellings: 
they  will  not  think  you  an  intruder.  Some  friendly 
squaw  will  lay  a  mat  for  you  by  the  fire;  you  may 
seat  yourself  upon  it,  smoke  your  pipe,  and  study 
the  lodge  and  its  inmates  by  the  light  that  streams 
through  the  holes  at  the  top.  Three  or  four  fires 
smoke  and  smoulder  on  the  ground  down  the  middle 

1  The  above  is  from  notes  made  on  the  spot.  The  following  is 
La  Salle's  description  of  the  locality  in  the  Relation  des  Decouvertes, 
written  in  1681 :  "  La  rive  gauche  de  la  riviere,  du  cote  du  sud,  est 
occupe'e  par  un  long  rocher,  fort  etroit  et  escarpe"  presque  partout, 
a  la  reserve  d'un  endroit  de  plus  d'une  lieue  de  longueur,  situe"  vis- 
a-vis  du  village,  ou  le  terrain,  tout  convert  de  beaux  chines,  s'tftend 
p.ir  une  pente  douce  jusqu'au  bord  de  la  riviere.  Au  dela  de  cette 
hauteur  est  une  vaste  plaine,  qui  s'etend  bien  loin  du  cote*  du  sud, 
et  qui  est  traversee  par  la  riviere  Aramoni,  dont  les  bords  sont 
converts  d'une  lisiere  de  bois  peu  large." 

The  Aramoni  is  laid  down  on  the  great  manuscript  map  of 
F.-anquelin,  1684,  and  on  the  map  of  Coronelli,  1688.  It  is,  without 
doubt,  the  Big  Vermilion.  Aramoni  is  the  Illinois  word  for  "red/' 
or  "  vermilion."  Starved  Rock,  or  the  Bock  of  St.  Louis,  is  the 
highest  and  steepest  escarpment  of  the  long  rocher  above  mentioned 


222  TONTY  AND   THE   IROQUOIS.  [1080. 

of  the  long  arched  structure;  and,  as  to  each  fire 
there  are  two  families,  the  place  is  somewhat  crowded 
when  all  are  present.  But  now  there  is  breathing 
room,  for  many  are  in  the  fields.  A  squaw  sits 
weaving  a  mat  of  rushes;  a  warrior,  naked  except 
his  moccasins,  and  tattooed  with  fantastic  devices, 
binds  a  stone  arrow-head  to  its  shaft,  with  the  fresh 
sinews  of  a  buffalo.  Some  lie  asleep,  some  sit  star- 
ing in  vacancy,  some  are  eating,  some  are  squatted  in 
lazy  chat  around  a  fire.  The  smoke  brings  water  to 
your  eyes;  the  fleas  annoy  you;  small  unkempt 
children,  naked  as  young  puppies,  crawl  about  your 
knees  and  will  not  be  repelled.  You  have  seen 
enough ;  you  rise  and  go  out  again  into  the  sunlight. 
It  is,  if  not  a  peaceful,  at  least  a  languid  scene.  A 
few  voices  break  the  stillness,  mingled  with  the 
joyous  chirping  of  crickets  from  the  grass.  Young 
men  lie  flat  on  their  faces,  basking  in  the  sun;  a 
group  of  their  elders  are  smoking  around  a  buffalo- 
skin  on  which  they  have  just  been  playing  a  game  of 
chance  with  cherry-stones.  A  lover  and  his  mis- 
tress, perhaps,  sit  together  under  a  shed  of  bark, 
without  uttering  a  word.  Not  far  off  is  the  grave- 
yard, where  lie  the  dead  of  the  village,  some  buried 
in  the  earth,  some  wrapped  in  skins  and  laid  aloft  on 
scaffolds,  above  the  reach  of  wolves.  In  the  corn- 
fields around,  you  see  squaws  at  their  labor,  and 
children  driving  off  intruding  birds;  and  your  eye 
ranges  over  the  meadows  beyond,  spangled  with  the 
yellow  blossoms  of  the  resin-weed  and  the  Rudbeckia, 


1680.]  THE  ILLINOIS   TOWN.  228 

or  over  the  bordering  hills  still  green  with  the  foliage 
of  summer.1 

This,  or  something  like  it,  one  may  safely  affirm, 
was  the  aspect  of  the  Illinois  village  at  noon  of  the 
tenth  of  September.2  In  a  hut  apart  from  the  rest, 
you  would  probably  have  found  the  Frenchmen. 
Among  them  was  a  man,  not  strong  in  person,  and 
disabled,  moreover,  by  the  loss  of  a  hand,  yet  in  this 
den  of  barbarism  betraying  the  language  and  bearing 
of  one  formed  in  the  most  polished  civilization  of 
Europe.  This  was  Henri  de  Tonty.  The  others 
were  young  Boisrondet,  the  servant  L'Esp&rance, 
and  a  Parisian  youth  named  Etienne  Renault.  The 

1  The  Illinois  were  an  aggregation  of  distinct  though  kindred 
tribes,  —  the  Kaskaskias,  the  Peorias,  the  Kahokias,  the  Tamaroas, 
the  Moingona,  and  others.  Their  general  character  and  habits 
were  those  of  other  Indian  tribes ;  but  they  were  reputed  somewhat 
cowardly  and  slothful.  In  their  manners,  they  were  more  licentious 
than  many  of  their  neighbors,  and  addicted  to  practices  which  are 
sometimes  supposed  to  be  the  result  of  a  perverted  civilization. 
Young  men  enacting  the  part  of  women  were  frequently  to  be  seen 
among  them.  These  were  held  in  great  contempt.  Some  of  the 
early  travellers,  both  among  the  Illinois  and  among  other  tribes, 
where  the  same  practice  prevailed,  mistook  them  for  hermaphro- 
dites. According  to  Charlevoix  (Journal  Historique,  303),  this  abuse 
was  due  in  part  to  a  superstition.  The  Miamis  and  Piankishaws 
were  in  close  affinities  of  language  and  habits  with  the  Illinois. 
All  these  tribes  belonged  to  the  great  Algonquin  family.  The  first 
impressions  which  the  French  received  of  them,  as  recorded  in  the 
Relation  of  1671,  were  singularly  favorable  ;  but  a  closer  acquaint- 
ance did  not  confirm  them.  The  Illinois  traded  with  the  lake 
tribes,  to  whom  they  carried  slaves  taken  in  war,  receiving  in 
exchange  guns,  hatchets,  and  other  French  goods.  Marquette  in 
Relation,  1670,  91. 

3  This  is  Membre's  date.  The  narratives  differ  as  to  the  day, 
though  all  agree  as  to  the  month. 


224  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

friars,  Membre  and  Ribourde,  were  not  in  the  vil- 
lage, but  at  a  hut  a  league  distant,  whither  they 
had  gone  to  make  a  "  retreat "  for  prayer  and  medi- 
tation. Their  missionary  labors  had  not  been  fruit- 
ful ;  they  had  made  no  converts,  and  were  in  despair 
at  the  intractable  character  of  the  objects  of  their 
zeal.  As  for  the  other  Frenchmen,  time,  doubtless, 
hung  heavy  on  their  hands ;  for  nothing  can  surpass 
the  vacant  monotony  of  an  Indian  town  when  there 
is  neither  hunting,  nor  war,  nor  feasts,  nor  dances, 
nor  gambling,  to  beguile  the  lagging  hours. 

Suddenly  the  village  was  wakened  from  its  lethargy 
as  by  the  crash  of  a  thunderbolt.  A  Shawanoe, 
lately  here  on  a  visit,  had  left  his  Illinois  friends  to 
return  home.  He  now  reappeared,  crossing  the 
river  in  hot  haste,  with  the  announcement  that  he 
had  met,  on  his  way,  an  army  of  Iroquois  approach- 
ing to  attack  them.  All  was  panic  and  confusion. 
The  lodges  disgorged  their  frightened  inmates; 
women  and  children  screamed,  startled  warriors 
snatched  their  weapons.  There  were  less  than  five 
hundred  of  them,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  young 
men  had  gone  to  war.  A  crowd  of  excited  savages 
thronged  about  Tonty  and  his  Frenchmen,  already 
objects  of  their  suspicion,  charging  them,  with 
furious  gesticulation,  with  having  stirred  up  their 
enemies  to  invade  them.  Tonty  defended  himself  in 
broken  Illinois,  but  the  naked  mob  were  but  half 
convinced.  They  seized  the  forge  and  tools  and 
flung  them  into  the  river,  with  all  the  goods  that  had 


J680.]  THE  ALARM.  225 

been  saved  from  the  deserters;  then,  distrusting 
their  power  to  defend  themselves,  they  manned  the 
wooden  canoes  which  lay  in  multitudes  by  the  bank, 
embarked  their  women  and  children,  and  paddled 
down  the  stream  to  that  island  of  dry  land  in  the 
midst  of  marshes  which  La  Salle  afterwards  found 
iilled  with  their  deserted  huts.  Sixty  warriors 
remained  here  to  guard  them,  and  the  rest  returned 
to  the  village.  All  night  long  fires  blazed  along  the 
shore.  The  excited  warriors  greased  their  bodies, 
painted  their  faces,  befeathered  their  heads,  sang 
their  war-songs,  danced,  stamped,  yelled,  and  bran- 
dished their  hatchets,  to  work  up  their  courage  to 
face  the  crisis.  The  morning  came,  and  with  it  came 
the  Iroquois. 

Young  warriors  had  gone  out  as  scouts,  and  now 
they  returned.  They  had  seen  the  enemy  in  the 
line  of  forest  that  bordered  the  river  Aramoni,  or 
Vermilion,  and  had  stealthily  reconnoitred  them. 
They  were  very  numerous,1  and  armed  for  the  most 
part  with  guns,  pistols,  and  swords.  Some  had 
bucklers  of  wood  or  raw-hide,  and  some  wore  those 
corselets  of  tough  twigs  interwoven  with  cordage 
which  their  fathers  had  used  when  fire-arms  were 
unknown.  The  scouts  added  more,  for  they  declared 
that  they  had  seen  a  Jesuit  among  the  Iroquois ;  nay, 

1  The  Relation  des  Decouvertes  says,  five  hundred  Iroquois  and  one 
hundred  Shawanoes.  Membre  says  that  the  allies  were  Miamis. 
He  is  no  doubt  right,  as  the  Miamis  had  promised  their  aid,  and 
the  Shawanoes  were  at  peace  with  the  Illinois.  Tonty  is  silent  on 
the  point. 

15 


226  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

that  La  Salle  himself  was  there,  whence  it  must 
follow  that  Tonty  and  his  men  were  enemies  and 
traitors.  The  supposed  Jesuit  was  but  an  Iroquois 
chief  arrayed  in  a  black  hat,  doublet,  and  stockings ; 
while  another,  equipped  after  a  somewhat  similar 
fashion,  passed  in  the  distance  for  La  Salle.  But 
the  Illinois  were  furious.  Tonty 's  life  hung  by  a 
hair.  A  crowd  of  savages  surrounded  him,  mad 
with  rage  and  terror.  He  had  come  lately  from 
Europe,  and  knew  little  of  Indians,  but,  as  the  friar 
Membr£  says  of  him,  "he  was  full  of  intelligence 
and  courage,"  and  when  they  heard  him  declare  that 
he  and  his  Frenchmen  would  go  with  them  to  fight 
the  Iroquois,  their  threats  grew  less  clamorous  and 
their  eyes  glittered  with  a  less  deadly  lustre. 

Whooping  and  screeching,  they  ran  to  their  canoes, 
crossed  the  river,  climbed  the  woody  hill,  and 
swarmed  down  upon  the  plain  beyond.  About  a 
hundred  of  them  had  guns ;  the  rest  were  armed  with 
bows  and  arrows.  They  were  now  face  to  face  with 
the  enemy,  who  had  emerged  from  the  woods  of  the 
Vermilion,  and  were  advancing  on  the  open  prairie. 
With  unwonted  spirit,  for  their  repute  as  warriors 
was  by  no  means  high,  the  Illinois  began,  after  their 
fashion,  to  charge;  that  is,  they  leaped,  yelled,  and 
shot  off  bullets  and  arrows,  advancing  as  they  did 
so;  while  the  Iroquois  replied  with  gymnastics  no 
less  agile  and  bowlings  no  less  terrific,  mingled  with 
the  rapid  clatter  of  their  guns.  Tonty  saw  that  it 
would  go  hard  with  his  allies.  It  was  of  the  last 


1680.]  TONTY'S  MEDIATION.  227 

moment  to  stop  the  fight,  if  possible.  The  Iroquois 
were,  or  professed  to  be,  at  peace  with  the  French; 
and,  taking  counsel  of  his  courage,  he  resolved  on 
an  attempt  to  mediate,  which  may  well  be  called  a 
desperate  one.  He  laid  aside  his  gun,  took  in  his 
hand  a  wampum  belt  as  a  flag  of  truce,  and  walked 
forward  to  meet  the  savage  multitude,  attended  by 
Boisrondet,  another  Frenchman,  and  a  young  Illinois 
who  had  the  hardihood  to  accompany  him.  The 
guns  of  the  Iroquois  still  flashed  thick  and  fast. 
Some  of  them  were  aimed  at  him,  on  which  he  sent 
back  the  two  Frenchmen  and  the  Illinois,  and 
advanced  alone,  holding  out  the  wampum  belt.1  A 
moment  more,  and  he  was  among  the  infuriated 
warriors.  It  was  a  frightful  spectacle,  —  the  con- 
torted forms,  bounding,  crouching,  twisting,  to  deal 
or  dodge  the  shot;  the  small  keen  eyes  that  shone 
like  an  angry  snake's;  the  parted  lips  pealing  their 

1  Membre  says  that  he  went  with  Tonty :  "  J'etois  aussi  a  cote  du 
Sieur  de  Tonty."  This  is  an  invention  of  the  friar's  vanity.  "  Les 
deux  peres  Recollets  e'toient  alors  dans  une  cabane  a  une  lieue  du 
village,  oil  ils  s'etoient  retires  pour  faire  une  espece  de  retraite,  et 
ils  ne  furent  avertis  de  Tarrive'e  des  Iroquois  que  dans  le  temps  du 
combat."  —  Relation  des  Decouvertes.  "  Je  rencontrai  en  chemin  les 
peres  Gabriel  et  Zenobe  Membre,  qui  cherchoient  de  mes  nouvelles." 
—  Tonty,  Memoire,  1693.  This  was  on  his  return  from  the  Iroquois. 
The  Relation  confirms  the  statement,  as  far  as  concerns  Membre: 
"  II  rencontra  le  Pere  Zenobe  [Membre],  qui  venoit  pour  le  secourir, 
aiant  ete  averti  du  combat  et  de  sa  blessure." 

The  perverted  Dernieres  Decouvertes,  published  without  authority, 
under  Tonty's  name,  says  that  he  was  attended  by  a  slave,  whom 
the  Illinois  sent  with  him  as  interpreter.  In  his  narrative  of  1684 
Tonty  speaks  of  a  Sokokis  (Saco)  Indian  who  was  with  the  Iroquois, 
and  who  spoke  French  enough  to  serve  as  interpreter. 


228  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

fiendish  yells;  the  painted  features  writhing  with 
fear  and  fury,  and  every  passion  of  an  Indian  fight, 
—  man,  wolf,  and  devil,  all  in  one.1  With  his 
swarthy  complexion  and  his  half-savage  dress,  they 
thought  he  was  an  Indian,  and  thronged  about  him, 
glaring  murder.  A  young  warrior  stabbed  at  his 
heart  with  a  knife,  but  the  point  glanced  aside 
against  a  rib,  inflicting  only  a  deep  gash.  A  chief 
called  out  that,  as  his  ears  were  not  pierced,  he  must 
be  a  Frenchman.  On  this,  some  of  them  tried  to 
stop  the  bleeding,  and  led  him  to  the  rear,  where  an 
angry  parley  ensued,  while  the  yells  and  firing  still 
resounded  in  the  front.  Tonty,  breathless,  and 
bleeding  at  the  mouth  with  the  force  of  the  blow  he 
had  received,  found  words  to  declare  that  the  Illinois 
were  under  the  protection  of  the  King  and  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  and  to  demand  that  they  should 
be  left  in  peace.2 

A  young  Iroquois  snatched  Tonty 's  hat,  placed 
it  on  the  end  of  his  gun,  and  displayed  it  to  the 
Illinois,  who,  thereupon  thinking  he  was  killed, 

1  Being  once  in  an  encampment  of  Sioux  when  a  quarrel  broke 
out,  and  the  adverse  factions  raised  the  war-whoop  and  began  to 
fire  at  each  other,  I  had  a  good,  though  for  the  moment  a  rather 
dangerous,  opportunity  of  seeing  the  demeanor  of  Indians  at  the 
beginning  of  a  fight.  The  fray  was  quelled  before  much  mischief 
was  done,  by  the  vigorous  intervention  of  the  elder  warriors,  who 
ran  between  the  combatants. 

8  "  Je  leur  fis  connoistre  que  les  Islinois  etoient  sous  la  protec- 
tion du  roy  de  France  et  du  gouverneur  du  pays,  que  j'estois  surpris 
qu'ils  vou  lussent  rompre  avec  les  Fran£ois  et  qu'ils  voulussent 
attendre  [sic]  a  une  paix."  —  Tonty,  Memoire,  1693. 


1(180.]  PERIL  OF  TONTY.  229 

renewed  the  fight;  and  the  firing  in  front  clattered 
more  angrily  than  before.  A  warrior  ran  in,  crying 
out  that  the  Iroquois  were  giving  ground,  and  that 
there  were  Frenchmen  among  the  Illinois,  who  fired 
at  them.  On  this,  the  clamor  around  Tonty  was 
redoubled.  Some  wished  to  kill  him  at  once ;  others 
resisted.  "I  was  never,"  he  writes,  "in  such  per- 
plexity; for  at  that  moment  there  was  an  Iroquois 
behind  me,  with  a  knife  in  his  hand,  lifting  my  hair 
a,s  if  he  were  going  to  scalp  me.  I  thought  it  was 
all  over  with  me,  and  that  my  best  hope  was  that 
they  would  knock  me  in  the  head  instead  of  burn- 
ing me,  as  I  believed  they  would  do."  In  fact,  a 
Seneca  chief  demanded  that  he  should  be  burned; 
while  an  Onondaga  chief,  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  was 
for  setting  him  free.  The  dispute  grew  fierce  and 
hot.  Tonty  told  them  that  the  Illinois  were  twelve 
hundred  strong,  and  that  sixty  Frenchmen  were  at 
the  village,  ready  to  back  them.  This  invention, 
though  not  fully  believed,  had  no  little  effect.  The 
friendly  Onondaga  carried  his  point;  and  the  Iroquois, 
having  failed  to  surprise  their  enemies,  as  they  had 
hoped,  now  saw  an  opportunity  to  delude  them  by  a 
truce.  They  sent  back  Tonty  with  a  belt  of  peace : 
he  held  it  aloft  in  sight  of  the  Illinois;  chiefs  and  old 
warriors  ran  to  stop  the  fight;  the  yells  and  the  firing 
ceased;  and  Tonty,  like  one  waked  from  a  hideous 
nightmare,  dizzy,  almost  fainting  with  loss  of  blood, 
staggered  across  the  intervening  prairie,  to  rejoin  his 
friends.  He  was  met  by  the  two  friars,  Ribourde 


230  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

and  Membre',  who  in  their  secluded  hut,  a  league 
from  the  village,  had  but  lately  heard  of  what  was 
passing,  and  who  now,  with  benedictions  and  thanks- 
giving, ran  to  embrace  him  as  a  man  escaped  from 
the  jaws  of  death. 

The  Illinois  now  withdrew,  re-embarking  in  theii 
canoes,  and  crossing  again  to  their  lodges;  but 
scarcely  had  they  reached  them,  when  their  enemies 
appeared  at  the  edge  of  the  forest  on  the  opposite 
bank.  Many  found  means  to  cross,  and,  under  the 
pretext  of  seeking  for  provisions,  began  to  hover  in 
bands  about  the  skirts  of  the  town,  constantly  increas- 
ing in  numbers.  Had  the  Illinois  dared  to  remain,  a 
massacre  would  doubtless  have  ensued;  but  they 
knew  their  foe  too  well,  set  fire  to  their  lodges,  em- 
barked in  haste,  and  paddled  down  the  stream  to  re- 
join their  women  and  children  at  the  sanctuary  among 
the  morasses.  The  whole  body  of  the  Iroquois  now 
crossed  the  river,  took  possession  of  the  abandoned 
town,  building  for  themselves  a  rude  redoubt  or  fort 
of  the  trunks  of  trees  and  of  the  posts  and  poles 
forming  the  framework  of  the  lodges  which  escaped 
the  fire.  Here  they  ensconced  themselves,  and 
finished  the  work  of  havoc  at  their  leisure. 

Tonty  and  his  companions  still  occupied  their  hut; 
but  the  Iroquois,  becoming  suspicious  of  them,  forced 
them  to  remove  to  the  fort,  crowded  as  it  was  with 
the  savage  crew.  On  the  second  day,  there  was  an 
alarm.  The  Illinois  appeared  in  numbers  on  the  low 
hills,  half  a  mile  behind  the  town;  and  the  Iroquois, 


1630.]  IROQUOIS  TREACHERY.  281 

who  had  felt  their  courage,  and  who  had  been  told 
by  Tonty  that  they  were  twice  as  numerous  as  them- 
selves,, showed  symptoms  of  no  little  uneasiness. 
They  proposed  that  he  should  act  as  mediator,  to 
winch  he  gladly  assented,  and  crossed  the  meadow 
towards  the  Illinois,  accompanied  by  Membre',  and 
by  an  Iroquois  who  was  sent  as  a  hostage.  The 
Illinois  hailed  the  overtures  with  delight,  gave  the 
ambassadors  some  refreshment,  which  they  sorely 
needed,  and  sent  back  with  them  a  young  man  of 
their  nation  as  a  hostage  on  their  part.  This  indis- 
creet youth  nearly  proved  the  ruin  of  the  negotiation ; 
for  he  was  no  sooner  among  the  Iroquois  than  he 
showed  such  an  eagerness  to  close  the  treaty,  made 
such  promises,  professed  such  gratitude,  and  betrayed 
so  rashly  the  numerical  weakness  of  the  Illinois,  that 
ho  revived  all  the  insolence  of  the  invaders.  They 
turned  furiously  upon  Tonty,  and  charged  him  with 
having  robbed  them  of  the  glory  and  the  spoils  of 
victory.  **  Where  are  all  your  Illinois  warriors,  and 
where  are  the  sixty  Frenchmen  that  you  said  were 
among  them  ?  "  It  needed  all  Tonty's  tact  and  cool- 
ness to  extricate  himself  from  this  new  danger. 

The  treaty  was  at  length  concluded ;  but  scarcely 
was  it  made,  when  the  Iroquois  prepared  to  break  it, 
and  set  about  constructing  canoes  of  elm-bark,  in 
which  to  attack  the  Illinois  women  and  children  in 
their  island  sanctuary.  Tonty  warned  his  allies  that 
the  pretended  peace  was  but  a  snare  for  their  destruc- 
tion. The  Iroquois,  on  their  part,  grew  hourly  more 


232  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680, 

jealous  of  him,  and  would  certainly  have  killed  him, 
had  it  not  been  their  policy  to  keep  the  peace  with 
Frontenac  and  the  French. 

Several  days  after,  they  summoned  him  and 
Membre'  to  a  council.  Six  packs  of  beaver-skins 
were  brought  in;  and  the  savage  orator  presented 
them  to  Tonty  in  turn,  explaining  their  meaning  as 
he  did  so.  The  first  two  were  to  declare  that  the 
children  of  Count  Frontenac  —  that  is,  the  Illinois 
—  should  not  be  eaten;  the  next  was  a  plaster  to 
heal  Tonty 's  wound ;  the  next  was  oil  wherewith  to 
anoint  him  and  Membre',  that  they  might  not  be 
fatigued  in  travelling ;  the  next  proclaimed  that  the 
sun  was  bright;  and  the  sixth  and  last  required  them 
to  decamp  and  go  home.1  Tonty  thanked  them  for 
their  gifts,  but  demanded  when  they  themselves 
meant  to  go  and  leave  the  Illinois  in  peace.  At  this, 
the  conclave  grew  angry;  and,  despite  their  late 
pledge,  some  of  them  said  that  before  they  went  they 
would  eat  Illinois  flesh.  Tonty  instantly  kicked 
away  the  packs  of  beaver-skins,  the  Indian  symbol 
of  the  scornful  rejection  of  a  proposal,  telling  them 
that  since  they  meant  to  eat  the  governor's  children 
he  would  have  none  of  their  presents.  The  chiefs, 

1  An  Indian  speech,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  without  validity  if 
not  confirmed  by  presents,  each  of  which  has  its  special  interpreta- 
tion. The  meaning  of  the  fifth  pack  of  beaver,  informing  Tonty 
that  the  sun  was  bright,  —  "que  le  soleil  etoit  beau,"  that  is,  that 
the  weather  was  favorable  for  travelling,  —  is  curiously  miscon- 
ceived by  the  editor  of  the  Dernieres  Decouvertes,  who  improves  upon 
his  original  by  substituting  the  words  "  par  le  cinquieme  paquet  iU 
nous  exhortoient  a  adorer  le  Soleil." 


J680.J  MURDER    OF  RIBOURDE.  233 

in  a  rage,  rose  and  drove  him  from  the  lodge.  The 
French  withdrew  to  their  hut,  where  they  stood  all 
rdght  on  the  watch,  expecting  an  attack,  and  resolved 
to  sell  their  lives  dearly.  At  daybreak,  the  chiefs 
ordered  them  to  begone. 

Tonty,  with  admirable  fidelity  and  courage,  had 
done  all  in  the  power  of  man  to  protect  the  allies  of 
Canada  against  their  ferocious  assailants;  and  he 
thought  it  unwise  to  persist  further  in  a  course  which 
could  lead  to  no  good,  and  which  would  probably 
end  in  the  destruction  of  the  whole  party.  He 
embarked  in  a  leaky  canoe  with  Membra*,  Ribourde, 
Boisrondet,  and  the  remaining  two  men,  and  began 
to  ascend  the  river.  After  paddling  about  five 
leagues,  they  landed  to  dry  their  baggage  and  repair 
their  crazy  vessel;  when  Father  Ribourde,  breviary 
in  hand,  strolled  across  the  sunny  meadows  for  an 
hour  of  meditation  among  the  neighboring  groves. 
Evening  approached,  and  he  did  not  return.  Tonty, 
with  one  of  the  men,  went  to  look  for  him,  and, 
following  his  tracks,  presently  discovered  those  of  a 
band  of  Indians,  who  had  apparently  seized  or  mur- 
dered him.  Still,  they  did  not  despair.  They  fired 
their  guns  to  guide  him,  should  he  still  be  alive; 
built  a  huge  fire  by  the  bank,  and  then,  crossing  the 
river,  lay  watching  it  from  the  other  side.  At  mid- 
night, they  saw  the  figure  of  a  man  hovering  around 
the  blaze;  then  many  more  appeared,  but  Ribourde 
was  not  among  them.  In  truth,  a  band  of  Kickapoos, 
enemies  of  the  Iroquois,  about  whose  camp  they  had 


234  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

been  prowling  in  quest  of  scalps,  had  met  and  wan- 
tonly murdered  the  inoffensive  old  man.  They 
carried  his  scalp  to  their  village,  and  danced  round 
it  in  triumph,  pretending  to  have  taken  it  from  an 
enemy.  Thus,  in  his  sixty-fifth  year,  the  only  heir 
of  a  wealthy  Burgundian  house  perished  under  the 
war-clubs  of  the  savages  for  whose  salvation  he  had 
renounced  station,  ease,  and  affluence.1 

Meanwhile,  a  hideous  scene  was  enacted  at  the 
ruined  village  of  the  Illinois.  Their  savage  foes, 
balked  of  a  living  prey,  wreaked  their  fury  on  the 
dead.  They  dug  up  the  graves;  they  threw  down 
the  scaffolds.  Some  of  the  bodies  they  burned; 
some  they  threw  to  the  dogs;  some,  it  is  affirmed, 
they  ate.2  Placing  the  skulls  on  stakes  as  trophies, 
they  turned  to  pursue  the  Illinois,  who,  when  the 
French  withdrew,  had  abandoned  their  asylum  and 
retreated  down  the  river.  The  Iroquois,  still,  it 
seems,  in  awe  of  them,  followed  them  along  the 
opposite  bank,  each  night  encamping  face  to  face 

1  Tonty,  Memoire ;  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  191.    Hennepin,  who 
hated  Tonty,  unjustly  charges  him  with  having  abandoned  the 
search  too  soon,  admitting,  however,  that  it  would  have  been  useless 
to  continue  it.     This  part  of  his  narrative  is  a  perversion  of 
Membre's  account. 

2  "  Cependant  les  Iroquois,  aussitot  apres   le  depart  du  Sr>  de 
Tonty,  exercerent  leur  rage  sur  les  corps  morts  des  Ilinois,  qu'ils 
de'terrerent  ou  abbatterent  de  dessus  les  e'chafauds  oil  les  Ilinois  les 
laissent  longtemps  exposes  avant  que  de  les  mettre  en  terre.    Ils 
en  brulerent  la  plus  grande  partie,  ils  en  mangerent  meme  quelques 
uns,  et  jetterent  le  reste  aux  chiens.     Ils  planterent  les  tetes  de  ces 
cadavres    a    demi    decharne's    sur  des    pieux,"  etc. —  Relation   des 
D&ovvertes. 


1680.]  ATTACK  OF  THE  IROQUOIS.  235 

with  them;  and  thus  the  adverse  bands  moved  slowly 
southward,  till  they  were  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  Hitherto,  the  compact  array  of  the  Illinois 
h^d  held  their  enemies  in  check ;  but  now,  suffering 
from  hunger,  and  lulled  into  security  by  the  assur- 
ances of  the  Iroquois  that  their  object  was  not  to 
destroy  them,  but  only  to  drive  them  from  the 
country,  they  rashly  separated  into  their  several 
tribes.  Some  descended  the  Mississippi;  some,  more 
prudent,  crossed  to  the  western  side.  One  of  their 
principal  tribes,  the  Tamaroas,  more  credulous  than 
the  rest,  had  the  fatuity  to  remain  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois,  where  they  were  speedily  assailed  by 
all  the  force  of  the  Iroquois.  The  men  fled,  and 
very  few  of  them  were  killed;  but  the  women  and 
children  were  captured  to  the  number,  it  is  said,  of 
seven  hundred.1  Then  followed  that  scene  of  torture 
of  which,  some  two  weeks  later,  La  Salle  saw  the 
revolting  traces.2  Sated,  at  length,  with  horrors, 
the  conquerors  withdrew,  leading  with  them  a  host 
of  captives,  and  exulting  in  their  triumphs  over 
women,  children,  and  the  dead. 

After  the  death  of   Father   Ribourde,  Tonty  and 
his  companions  remained  searching  for  him  till  noon 

1  Relation  des  Decouvertes ;   Frontenac  to  the  King,  N.  Y.  Col. 
Di  <cs.,  ix.  147.    A  memoir  of  Duchesneau  makes  the  number  twelve 
hundred. 

2  "  Us  [les  Illinois]  trouverent  dans  leur  campement  des  carcasses 
de  leurs  enf ans  que  ces  anthropophages  avoient  mangez,  ne  voulant 
meme  d'autre  nourriture  que  la  chair  de  ces  inf  ortunez."  —  La  Pot h- 
trie,  ii.  145, 146.     Compare  note,  ante,  p.  211. 


236  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

of  the  next  day,  and  then  in  despair  of  again  seeing 
him,  resumed  their  journey.  They  ascended  the 
river,  leaving  no  token  of  their  passage  at  the  junc- 
tion of  its  northern  and  southern  branches.  For 
food,  they  gathered  acorns  and  dug  roots  in  the 
meadows.  Their  canoe  proved  utterly  worthless; 
and,  feeble  as  they  were,  they  set  out  on  foot  for 
Lake  Michigan.  Boisrondet  wandered  off,  and  was 
lost.  He  had  dropped  the  flint  of  his  gun,  and  he 
had  no  bullets;  but  he  cut  a  pewter  porringer  into 
slugs,  with  which  he  shot  wild  turkeys  by  discharg- 
ing his  piece  with  a  firebrand,  and  after  several  days 
he  had  the  good  fortune  to  rejoin  the  party.  Their 
object  was  to  reach  the  Pottawattamies  of  Green 
Bay.  Had  they  aimed  at  Michilimackinac,  they 
would  have  found  an  asylum  with  La  Forest  at  the 
fort  on  the  St.  Joseph;  but  unhappily  they  passed 
westward  of  that  post,  and,  by  way  of  Chicago,  fol- 
lowed the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan  northward.  The 
cold  was  intense ;  and  it  was  no  easy  task  to  grub  up 
wild  onions  from  the  frozen  ground  to  save  them- 
selves from  starving.  Tonty  fell  ill  of  a  fever  and  a 
swelling  of  the  limbs,  which  disabled  him  from  travel- 
ling, and  hence  ensued  a  long  delay.  At  length  they 
neared  Green  Bay,  where  they  would  have  starved, 
had  they  not  gleaned  a  few  ears  of  corn  and  frozen 
squashes  in  the  fields  of  an  empty  Indian  town. 

This  enabled  them  to  reach  the  bay,  and  having 
patched  an  old  canoe  which  they  had  the  good  luck 
to  find,  they  embarked  in  "it;  whereupon,  says  Tonty, 


1(80.]  FRIENDS  IN  NEED.  231 

"  there  rose  a  northwest  wind,  which  lasted  five  days, 
with  driving  snow.  We  consumed  all  our  food;  and 
not  knowing  what  to  do  next,  we  resolved  to  go  back 
to  the  deserted  town,  and  die  by  a  warm  fire  in  one 
of  the  wigwams.  On  our  way,  we  saw  a  smoke ;  but 
our  joy  was  short,  for  when  we  reached  the  fire  we 
found  nobody  there.  We  spent  the  night  by  it;  and 
before  morning  the  bay  froze.  We  tried  to  break  a 
wiiy  for  our  canoe  through  the  ice,  but  could  not; 
and  therefore  we  determined  to  stay  there  another 
night,  and  make  moccasins  in  order  to  reach  the 
town.  We  made  some  out  of  Father  Gabriel's  cloak. 
I  was  angry  with  Etienne  Renault  for  not  finishing 
his;  but  he  excused  himself  on  account  of  illness, 
because  he  had  a  great  oppression  of  the  stomach, 
caused  by  eating  a  piece  of  an  Indian  shield  of  raw- 
hide, which  he  could  not  digest.  His  delay  proved 
our  salvation;  for  the  next  day,  December  fourth,  as 
I  was  urging  him  to  finish  the  moccasins,  and  he  was 
still  excusing  himself  on  the  score  of  his  malady,  a 
party  of  Kiskakon  Ottawas,  who  were  on  their  way 
to  the  Pottawattamies,  saw  the  smoke  of  our  fire, 
and  came  to  us.  We  gave  them  such  a  welcome  as 
was  never  seen  before.  They  took  us  into  their 
canoes,  and  carried  us  to  an  Indian  village,  only  two 
leagues  off.  There  we  found  five  Frenchmen,  who 
received  us  kindly,  and  all  the  Indians  seemed  to 
take  pleasure  in  sending  us  food;  so  that,  after 
thirty-four  days  of  starvation,  we  found  DTIT  famine 
turned  to  abundance." 


238  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

This  hospitable  village  belonged  to  the  Pottawat- 
tamies,  and  was  under  the  sway  of  the  chief  who  had 
befriended  La  Salle  the  year  before,  and  who  was 
wont  to  say  that  he  knew  but  three  great  captains  in 
the  world,  — Frontenac,  La  Salle,  and  himself.1 

1  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  199.  The  other  authorities  for  the  fore- 
going chapter  are  the  letters  of  La  Salle,  the  Relation  des  Decou- 
vertes,  in  which  portions  of  them  are  embodied,  and  the  two  narra- 
tives of  Tonty,  of  1684  and  1693.  They  all  agree  in  essential  points. 

In  his  letters  of  this  period,  La  Salle  dwells  at  great  length  on 
the  devices  by  which,  as  he  believed,  his  enemies  tried  to  ruin  him 
and  his  enterprise.  He  is  particularly  severe  against  the  Jesuit 
Allouez,  whom  he  charges  with  intriguing  "  pour  commencer  la 
guerre  entre  les  Iroquois  et  les  Illinois  par  le  moyen  des  Miamis 
qu'on  engageoit  dans  cette  negotiation  afin  ou  de  me  faire  mas- 
sacrer  avec  mes  gens  par  quelqu'une  de  ces  nations  ou  de  me 
brouiller  avec  les  Iroquois."  —  Lettre  (a  Tkouret?),  22  Aout,  1682. 
He  gives  in  detail  the  circumstances  on  which  this  suspicion  rests, 
but  which  are  not  convincing.  He  says,  further,  that  the  Jesuits 
gave  out  that  Tonty  was  dead  in  order  to  discourage  the  men  going 
to  his  relief,  and  that  Allouez  encouraged  the  deserters,  "  leur  ser- 
voit  de  conseil,  be"nit  mesme  leurs  balles,  et  les  asseura  plusieurs 
f  ois  que  M.  de  Tonty  auroit  la  teste  casse'e."  He  also  affirms  that 
great  pains  were  taken  to  spread  the  report  that  he  was  himself 
dead.  A  Kiskakon  Indian,  he  says,  was  sent  to  Tonty  with  a  story 
to  this  effect;  while  a  Huron  named  Scortas  was  sent  to  him  (La 
Salle)  with  false  news  of  the  death  of  Tonty.  The  latter  confirms 
this  statement,  and  adds  that  the  Illinois  had  been  told  "  que  M.  de 
la  Salle  estoit  venu  en  leur  pays  pour  les  donner  a  manger  aus 
Iroquois." 


1630.]  THE  ILLINOIS  TOWN.  239 


THE  ILLINOIS  TOWN. 

THE  SITE  OF  THE  GREAT  ILLINOIS  TOWN.  —  This  has  not 
till  now  been  determined,  though  there  have  been  various  con- 
jectures concerning  it.  From  a  study  of  the  contemporary 
documents  and  maps,  I  became  satisfied,  first,  that  the  branch 
of  the  river  Illinois,  called  the  "  Big  Vermilion,"  was  the 
Aramoni  of  the  French  explorers  ;  and,  secondly,  that  the  cliff 
called  "Starved  Rock"  was  that  known  to  the  French  as  Le 
Richer,  or  the  Rock  of  St.  Louis.  If  I  was  right  in  this  conclu- 
sion, then  the  position  of  the  Great  Village  was  established ; 
for  there  is  abundant  proof  that  it  was  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river,  above  the  Aramoni,  and  below  Le  Rocher.  I  accordingly 
wont  to  the  village  of  Utica,  which,  as  I  judged  by  the  map, 
was  very  near  the  point  in  question,  and  mounted  to  the  top  of 
one  of  the  hills  immediately  behind  it,  whence  I  could  see  the 
valley  of  the  Illinois  for  miles,  bounded  on  the  farther  side  by 
a  range  of  hills,  in  some  parts  rocky  and  precipitous,  and  in 
others  covered  with  forests.  Far  on  the  right  was  a  gap  in 
these  hills,  through  which  the  Big  Vermilion  flowed  to  join  the 
Illinois ;  and  somewhat  towards  the  left,  at  the  distance  of  a 
mile  and  a  half,  was  a  huge  cliff,  rising  perpendicularly  from 
the  opposite  margin  of  the  river.  This  I  assumed  to  be  Le 
Rocher  of  the  French,  though  from  where  I  stood  I  was  unable 
to  discern  the  distinctive  features  which  I  was  prepared  to  find 
in  it.  In  every  other  respect,  the  scene  before  me  was  precisely 
wtiat  I  had  expected  to  see.  There  was  a  meadow  on  the  hither 
side  of  the  river,  on  which  stood  a  farmhouse ;  and  this,  as  it 
seemed  to  me,  by  its  relations  with  surrounding  objects,  might 
be.  supposed  to  stand  in  the  midst  of  the  space  once  occupied 
by  the  Illinois  town. 

On  the  way  down  from  the  hill  I  met  Mr.  James  Clark,  the 
principal  inhabitant  of  Utica,  and  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of 
this  region.  I  accosted  him,  told  him  my  objects,  and  requested 


240  THE  ILLINOIS  TOWN.  [1680. 

a  half  hour's  conversation  with  him,  at  his  leisure.  He  seemed 
interested  in  the  inquiry,  and  said  he  would  visit  me  early  in 
the  evening  at  the  inn,  where,  accordingly,  he  soon  appeared. 
The  conversation  took  place  in  the  porch,  where  a  number  of 
farmers  and  others  were  gathered.  I  asked  Mr.  Clark  if  any 
Indian  remains  were  found  in  the  neighborhood.  "  Yes,"  he 
replied,  "  plenty  of  them."  I  then  inquired  if  there  was  any  one 
spot  where  they  were  more  numerous  than  elsewhere.  "Yes," 
he  answered  again,  pointing  towards  the  farmhouse  on  the 
meadow ;  "  on  my  farm  down  yonder  by  the  river,  my  tenant 
ploughs  up  teeth  and  bones  by  the  peck  every  spring,  besides 
arrow-heads,  beads,  stone  hatchets,  and  other  things  of  that 
sort."  I  replied  that  this  was  precisely  what  I  had  expected,  as 
I  had  been  led  to  believe  that  the  principal  town  of  the  Illinois 
Indians  once  covered  that  very  spot.  "  If,"  I  added,  "  I  am 
right  in  this  belief,  the  great  rock  beyond  the  river  is  the  one 
which  the  first  explorers  occupied  as  a  fort ;  and  I  can  describe 
it  to  you  from  their  accounts  of  it,  though  I  have  never  seen  it, 
except  from  the  top  of  the  hill  where  the  trees  on  and  around 
it  prevented  me  from  seeing  any  part  but  the  front."  The  men 
present  now  gathered  around  to  listen.  "  The  rock,"  I  con- 
tinued, "is  nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high,  and  rises 
directly  from  the  water.  The  front  and  two  sides  are  perpen- 
dicular and  inaccessible;  but  there  is  one  place  where  it  is 
possible  for  a  man  to  climb  up,  though  with  difficulty.  The 
top  is  large  enough  and  level  enough  for  houses  and  fortifica- 
tions." Here  several  of  the  men  exclaimed:  "  That's  just  it." 
"You've  hit  it  exactly."  I  then  asked  if  there  was  any  other 
rock  on  that  side  of  the  river  which  could  answer  to  the  descrip- 
tion. They  all  agreed  that  there  was  no  such  rock  on  either 
side,  along  the  whole  length  of  the  river.  I  then  said  :  "  If  the 
Indian  town  was  in  the  place  where  I  suppose  it  to  have  been,  I 
can  tell  you  the  nature  of  the  country  which  lies  behind  the 
hills  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river,  though  I  know  nothing 
about  it  except  what  I  have  learned  from  writings  nearly  two 
centuries  old.  From  the  top  of  the  hills,  you  look  out  upon  a 
great  prairie  reaching  as  far  as  you  can  see,  except  that  it  is 
crossed  by  a  belt  of  woods,  following  the  course  of  a  stream 


1680.]  THE   ILLINOIS   TOWN.  241 

which  enters  the  martn  river  a  few  miles  below."  (See  ante,  p. 
2L'l,  note.)  "You  are  exactly  right  again,"  replied  Mr.  Clark; 
"  we  call  that  belt  of  timber  the  *  Vermilion  Woods,'  and  the 
stream  is  the  Big  Vermilion."  "  Then,"  I  said,  "  the  Big  Ver- 
milion is  the  river  which  the  French  called  the  Aramoni; 
*  Starved  Rock '  is  the  same  on  which  they  built  a  fort  called  St. 
Louis,  in  the  year  1682  ;  and  your  farm  is  on  the  site  of  the 
great  town  of  the  Illinois." 

I  spent  the  next  day  in  examining  these  localities,  and  was 
fully  confirmed  in  my  conclusions.  Mr.  Clark's  tenant  showed 
me  the  spot  where  the  human  bones  were  ploughed  up.  It  was 
no  doubt  the  graveyard  violated  by  the  Iroquois.  The  Illinois 
rt  turned  to  the  village  after  their  defeat,  and  long  continued 
to  occupy  it.  The  scattered  bones  were  probably  collected  and 
restored  to  their  place  of  burial. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

1680. 
THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN. 

HENNEFIN  AN  IMPOSTOR  :  HIS  PRETENDED  DISCOVERY  ;  HIS  ACTUAI 
DISCOVERY  ;  CAPTURED  BY  THE  Sioux.  —  THE  UPPER  MISSISSIPPI. 

IT  was  on  the  last  day  of  the  winter  that  preceded 
the  invasion  of  the  Iroquois  that  Father  Hennepin, 
with  his  two  companions,  Accau  and  Du  Gay,  had 
set  out  from  Fort  Crevecoeur  to  explore  the  Illinois  to 
its  mouth.  It  appears  from  his  own  later  statements, 
as  well  as  from  those  of  Tonty,  that  more  than  this 
was  expected  of  him,  and  that  La  Salle  had  instructed 
him  to  explore,  not  alone  the  Illinois,  but  also  the 
Upper  Mississippi.  That  he  actually  did  so,  there 
is  no  reasonable  doubt;  and  could  he  have  contented 
himself  with  telling  the  truth,  his  name  would  have 
stood  high  as  a  bold  and  vigorous  discoverer.  But 
his  vicious  attempts  to  malign  his  commander  and 
plunder  him  of  his  laurels  have  wrapped  his  genuine 
merit  in  a  cloud. 

Hennepin's  first  book  was  published  soon  after  his 
return  from  his  travels,  and  while  La  Salle  was  still 
alive.  In  it  he  relates  the  accomplishment  of  the 


1680.]  HENNEPIN'S   RESOLUTION.  243 

instructions  given  him,  without  the  smallest  intima- 
tion that  he  did  more.1  Fourteen  years  after,  when 
La  Salle  was  dead,  he  published  another  edition  of 
his  travels,2  in  which  he  advanced  a  new  and  sur- 
prising pretension.  Reasons  connected  with  his  per- 
sonal safety,  he  declares,  before  compelled  him  to 
remain  silent ;  but  a  time  at  length  had  come  when 
the  truth  must  be  revealed.  And  he  proceeds  to 
affirm,  that,  before  ascending  the  Mississippi,  he, 
with  his  two  men,  explored  its  whole  course  from  the 
Illinois  to  the  sea,  — thus  anticipating  the  discovery 
which  forms  the  crowning  laurel  of  La  Salle. 

"I  am  resolved,"  he  says,  "to  make  known  here 
to  the  whole  world  the  mystery  of  this  discovery, 
which  I  have  hitherto  concealed,  that  I  might  not 
offend  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  wished  to  keep  all 
the  glory  and  all  the  knowledge  of  it  to  himself.  It 
is  for  this  that  he  sacrificed  many  persons  whose  lives 
he  exposed,  to  prevent  them  from  making  known 
what  they  had  seen,  and  thereby  crossing  his  secret 
plans.  ...  I  was  certain  that  if  I  went  down  the 
Mississippi,  he  would  not  fail  to  traduce  me  to  my 
superiors  for  not  taking  the  northern  route,  which  I 
was  to  have  followed  in  accordance  with  his  desire 
and  the  plan  we  had  made  together.  But  I  saw 
myself  on  the  point  of  dying  of  hunger,  and  knew 
not  what  to  do ;  because  the  two  men  who  were  with 

1  Description  de  la  Louisiane,  nouvellement  dtcouverte,  Paris,  1683. 
8  Nouvelle  Decouverte  d'un  tres  grand  Pays  situe  dans  I'Amtrique, 
Utrecht,  1697. 


244          THE  ADVENTURES  OF   HENNEPIN.       [1680 

me  threatened  openly  to  leave  me  in  the  night,  and 
carry  off  the  canoe  and  everything  in  it,  if  I  prevented 
them  from  going  down  the  river  to  the  nations  below. 
Finding  myself  in  this  dilemma,  I  thought  that  I 
ought  not  to  hesitate,  and  that  I  ought  to  prefer  my 
own  safety  to  the  violent  passion  which  possessed  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  of  enjoying  alone  the  glory  of  this 
discovery.  The  two  men,  seeing  that  I  had  made  up 
my  mind  to  follow  them,  promised  me  entire  fidelity; 
so,  after  we  had  shaken  hands  together  as  a  mutual 
pledge,  we  set  out  on  our  voyage." 1 

He  then  proceeds  to  recount  at  length  the  particu- 
lars of  his  alleged  exploration.  The  story  was  dis- 
trusted from  the  first.2  Why  had  he  not  told  it 
before?  An  excess  of  modesty,  a  lack  of  self- 
assertion,  or  a  too  sensitive  reluctance  to  wound  the 
susceptibilities  of  others,  had  never  been  found  among 
his  foibles.  Yet  some,  perhaps,  might  have  believed 
him,  had  he  not  in  the  first  edition  of  his  book  gra- 
tuitously and  distinctly  declared  that  he  did  not 
make  the  voyage  in  question.  "We  had  some 
designs,"  he  says,  "of  going  down  the  river  Colbert 
[Mississippi]  as  far  as  its  mouth ;  but  the  tribes  that 
took  us  prisoners  gave  us  no  time  to  navigate  this 
river  both  up  and  down."8 

1  Nouvelle  Decouverte,  248,  250,  251. 

2  See  the  preface  of  the  Spanish  translation  by  Don  Sebastian 
Fernandez  de  Medrano,  1699,  and  also  the  letter  of  Gravier,  dated 
1701,  in  Shea's  Early  Voyages  on  the  Mississippi.     Barcia,  Charle 
roix,  Kalm,  and  other  early  writers  put  a  low  value  on  Hennepin'a 
reracity. 

*  Description  de  la  Louitiane,  218. 


1680.J  HENNEPIN  AN  IMPOSTOR.  245 

In  declaring  to  the  world  the  achievement  -which 
he  had  so  long  concealed  and  so  explicitly  denied, 
the  worthy  missionary  found  himself  in  serious 
embarrassment.  In  his  first  book,  he  had  stated  that 
on  the  twelfth  of  March  he  left  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinois  on  his  way  northward,  and  that  on  the 
eleventh  of  April  he  was  captured  by  the  Sioux  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  five  hundred  miles 
itbove.  This  would  give  him  only  a  month  to  make 
his  alleged  canoe-voyage  from  the  Illinois  to  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  again  upward  to  the  place  of  his 
capture,  —  a  distance  of  three  thousand  two  hundred 
and  sixty  miles.  With  his  means  of  transportation, 
three  months  would  have  been  insufficient. *  He  saw 
the  difficulty;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  saw  that 
he  could  not  greatly  change  either  date  without  con- 
fusing the  parts  of  his  narrative  which  preceded  and 
which  followed.  In  this  perplexity  he  chose  a  middle 
course,  which  only  involved  him  in  additional  contra- 
dictions. Having,  as  he  affirms,  gone  down  to  the 
Gulf  and  returned  to  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois,  he 
fret  out  thence  to  explore  the  river  above;  and  he 
assigns  the  twenty-fourth  of  April  as  the  date  of 
this  departure.  This  gives  him  forty- three  days  for 

1  La  Salle,  in  the  following  year,  with  a  far  better  equipment, 
was  more  than  three  months  and  a  half  in  making  the  journey.  A 
Mississippi  trading-boat  of  the  last  generation,  with  sails  and  oars, 
ascending  against  the  current,  was  thought  to  do  remarkably  well 
if  it  could  make  twenty  miles  a  day.  Hennepin,  if  we  believe  his 
own  statements,  must  have  ascended  at  an  average  rate  of 
roiles,  though  his  canoe  was  large  and  heavily  laden. 


246          THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN.       [1680, 

his  voyage  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  back. 
Looking  further,  we  find  that  having  left  the  Illinois 
on  the  twenty-fourth  he  paddled  his  canoe  two  hun- 
dred leagues  northward,  and  was  then  captured  by 
the  Sioux  on  the  twelfth  of  the  same  month.  In 
short,  he  ensnares  himself  in  a  hopeless  confusion  of 
dates.1 

Here,  one  would  think,  is  sufficient  reason  for 
rejecting  his  story ;  and  yet  the  general  truth  of  the 
descriptions,  and  a  certain  verisimilitude  which  marks 
it,  might  easily  deceive  a  careless  reader  and  perplex 
a  critical  one.  These,  however,  are  easily  explained. 
Six  years  before  Hennepin  published  his  pretended 
discovery,  his  brother  friar,  Father  Chretien  Le 
Clerc,  published  an  account  of  the  Recollet  missions 
among  the  Indians,  under  the  title  of  "  Stablissement 
de  la  Foi."  This  book,  offensive  to  the  Jesuits,  is 
said  to  have  been  suppressed  by  order  of  government ; 
but  a  few  copies  fortunately  survive.2  One  of  these 
is  now  before  me.  It  contains  the  journal  of  Father 
Zenobe  Membre*,  on  his  descent  of  the  Mississippi  in 

1  Hennepin  here  falls  into  gratuitous  inconsistencies.      In  the 
edition  of  1697,  in  order  to  gain  a  little  time,  he  says  that  he  left 
the  Illinois  on  his  voyage  southward  on  the  eighth  of  March,  1680 ; 
and  yet  in  the  preceding  chapter  he  repeats  the  statement  of  the 
first  edition,  that  he  was  detained  at  the  Illinois  by  floating  ice  till 
the  twelfth.    Again,  he  says  in  the  first  edition  that  he  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Sioux  on  the  eleventh  of  April ;  and  in  the  edition  of 
1697  he  changes  this  date  to  the  twelfth,  without  gaining  any 
advantage  by  doing  so. 

2  Le  Clerc's  book  had  been  made  the  text  of  an  attack  on  the 
Jesuits.    See  Reflexions  sur  un  Livre  intitule  Premier  Etablissement  d« 
la  Foi.    This  piece  ia  printed  in  the  Morale  Pratique  des  Jesuites. 


1680. J  HENNEPIN  AN  IMPOSTOR.  247 

1681,  in  company  with  La  Salle.  The  slightest  com* 
parison  of  his  narrative  with  that  of  Hennepin  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  latter  framed  his  own 
story  out  of  incidents  and  descriptions  furnished  by 
Iris  brother  missionary,  often  using  his  very  words, 
and  sometimes  copying  entire  pages,  with  no  other 
alterations  than  such  as  were  necessary  to  make 
himself,  instead  of  La  Salle  and  his  companions,  the 
hero  of  the  exploit.  The  records  of  literary  piracy 
may  be  searched  in  vain  for  an  act  of  depredation 
more  recklessly  impudent.1 

Such  being  the  case,  what  faith  can  we  put  in  the 
rest  of  Hennepin's  story?  Fortunately,  there  are 
tests  by  which  the  earlier  parts  of  his  book  can  be 

1  Hennepin  may  have  copied  from  the  unpublished  journal  of 
Membre',  which  the  latter  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  his  Superior ; 
or  he  may  have  compiled  from  Le  Clerc's  book,  relying  on  the  sup- 
pression of  the  edition  to  prevent  detection.  He  certainly  saw  and 
used  it ;  for  he  elsewhere  borrows  the  exact  words  of  the  editor. 
He  is  so  careless  that  he  steals  from  Membre  passages  which  he 
might  easily  have  written  for  himself ;  as,  for  example,  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  opossum  and  another  of  the  cougar,  —  animals  with 
which  he  was  acquainted.  Compare  the  following  pages  of  the 
Nouvelle  Decouverte  with  the  corresponding  pages  of  Le  Clerc :  Hen- 
nepin, 252,  Le  Clerc,  ii.  217;  H.  253,  Le  C.  ii.  218;  H.  257,  Le  C. 
ii.  221 ;  H.  259,  Le  C.  ii.  224;  H.  262,  Le  C.  ii.  226;  H.  265,  Le  C.  ii. 
229;  H.  267,  Le  C,  ii.  233;  H.  270,  Le  C.  ii.  235;  H.  280,  Le  C. 
ii.  240 ;  H.  295,  Le  C.  ii.  249 ;  H.  296,  Le  C.  ii.  250 ;  H.  297,  Le  C.  ii. 
253;  H.  299,  Le  C.  ii.  254;  H.  301,  Le  C.  ii.  257.  Some  of  these 
parallel  passages  will  be  found  in  Sparks's  Life  of  La  Salle,  where 
this  remarkable  fraud  was  first  fully  exposed.  In  Shea's  Discovery 
of  the  Mississippi,  there  is  an  excellent  critical  examination  of  Hen- 
nepin's works.  His  plagiarisms  from  Le  Clerc  are  not  confined  to 
the  passages  cited  above ;  for  in  his  later  editions  he  stole  largely 
from  other  parts  of  the  suppressed  Etablissement  de  la  Foi. 


248          THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.      [1680. 

tried;  and,  on  the  whole,  they  square  exceedingly 
well  with  contemporary  records  of  undoubted  authen- 
ticity. Bating  his  exaggerations  respecting  the  Falls 
of  Niagara,  his  local  descriptions,  and  even  his  esti- 
mates of  distance,  are  generally  accurate.  He  con- 
stantly, it  is  true,  magnifies  his  own  acts,  and  thrusts 
himself  forward  as  one  of  the  chiefs  of  an  enterprise 
to  the  costs  of  which  he  had  contributed  nothing, 
and  to  which  he  was  merely  an  appendage ;  and  yet, 
till  he  reaches  the  Mississippi,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  in  the  main  he  tells  the  truth.  As  for  his  ascent 
of  that  river  to  the  country  of  the  Sioux,  the  general 
statement  is  fully  confirmed  by  La  Salle,  Tonty,  and 
other  contemporary  writers.1  For  the  details  of  the 
journey  we  must  rest  on  Hennepin  alone,  whose 
account  of  the  country  and  of  the  peculiar  traits  of 
its  Indian  occupants  afford,  as  far  as  they  go,  good 
evidence  of  truth.  Indeed,  this  part  of  his  narrative 
could  only  have  been  written  by  one  well  versed  in  the 
savage  life  of  this  northwestern  region.2  Trusting, 

1  It  is  certain  that  persons  having  the  best  means  of  information 
believed  at  the  time  in  Hennepin's  story  of  his  journeys  on  the 
Upper  Mississippi.    The  compiler  of  the  Relation  des  Decouvertes, 
who  was  in  close  relations  with  La  Salle  and  those  who  acted  with 
him,  does  not  intimate  a  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  report  which 
Hennepin  on  his  return  gave  to  the  Provincial  Commissary  of  his 
Order,  and  which  is  in  substance  the  same  which  he  published  two 
years  later.    The  Relation,  it  is  to  be  observed,  was  written  only  a 
few  months  after  the  return  of  Hennepin,  and  embodies  the  pith  of 
his  narrative  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  no  part  of  which  had  then 
been  published. 

2  In  this  connection,  it  is  well  to  examine  the  various  Sioux 
words  which  Hennepin  uses  incidentally,  and  which  he  must  have 


1680.]  HIS  VOYAGE  NORTHWARD.  249 

then,  to  his  own  guidance  in  the  absence  of  better, 
let  us  follow  in  the  wake  of  his  adventurous  canoe. 

It  was  laden  deeply  with  goods  belonging  to  La 
Salle,  and  meant  by  him  as  presents  to  Indians  on 
the  way,  though  the  travellers,  it  appears,  proposed 
to  use  them  in  trading  on  their  own  account.  The 
friar  was  still  wrapped  in  his  gray  capote  and  hood, 
shod  with  sandals,  and  decorated  with  the  cord  of  St. 
Francis.  As  for  his  two  companions,  Accau1  and 

acquired  by  personal  intercourse  with  the  tribe,  as  no  Frenchman 
then  understood  the  language.  These  words,  as  far  as  my  informa- 
tion reaches,  are  in  every  instance  correct.  Thus,  he  says  that  the 
Sioux  called  his  breviary  a  "  bad  spirit,"  —  Ouackanche.  Wakanshe, 
or  Wakanshecha,  would  express  the  same  meaning  in  modern  Eng- 
ish  spelling.  He  says  elsewhere  that  they  called  the  guns  of  his 
companions  Manzaouackancht,  which  he  translates,  "  iron  possessed 
with  a  bad  spirit."  The  western  Sioux  to  this  day  call  a  gun  Man- 
zawakan,  "metal  possessed  with  a  spirit."  Chonga  (shonka),  "a 
dog,"  Quasi  (wahsee),  "a  pine-tree,"  Chinnen  (shinnan),  "a  robe,"  or 
'  garment,"  and  other  words,  are  given  correctly,  with  their  inter- 
pretations. The  word  Louis,  affirmed  by  Hennepin  to  mean  "  the 
sun,"  seems  at  first  sight  a  wilful  inaccuracy,  as  this  is  not  the  word 
used  in  general  by  the  Sioux.  The  Yankton  band  of  this  people, 
however,  call  the  sun  oouee,  which,  it  is  evident,  represents  the 
French  pronunciation  of  Louis,  omitting  the  initial  letter.  This 
Hennepin  would  be  apt  enough  to  supply,  thereby  conferring  a 
compliment  alike  on  himself,  Louis  Hennepin,  and  on  the  King, 
Louis  XIV.,  who,  to  the  indignation  of  his  brother  monarchs,  had 
chosen  the  sun  as  his  emblem. 

Various  trivial  incidents  touched  upon  by  Hennepin,  while  re- 
counting his  life  among  the  Sioux,  seem  to  me  to  afford  a  strong 
presumption  of  an  actual  experience.  I  speak  on  this  point  with 
the  more  confidence,  as  the  Indians  in  whose  lodges  I  was  once 
domesticated  for  several  weeks  belonged  to  a  western  band  of  the 
same  people. 

1  Called  Ako  by  Hennepin.  In  contemporary  documenta,  it  is 
Written  Accau,  Acau,  D'Accau,  Dacau,  Dacan,  and  D'Accault. 


250  THE   ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.       [1680. 

Du  Gay,  it  is  tolerably  clear  that  the  former  was  the 
real  leader  of  the  party,  though  Hennepin,  after  his 
custom,  thrusts  himself  into  the  foremost  place. 
Both  were  somewhat  above  the  station  of  ordinary 
hired  hands ;  and  Du  Gay  had  an  uncle  who  was  an 
ecclesiastic  of  good  credit  at  Amiens,  his  native 
place. 

In  the  forests  that  overhung  the  river  the  buds 
were  feebly  swelling  with  advancing  spring.  There 
was  game  enough.  They  killed  buffalo,  deer, 
beavers,  wild  turkeys,  and  now  and  then  a  bear 
swimming  in  the  river.  With  these,  and  the  fish 
which  they  caught  in  abundance,  they  fared  sumptu- 
ously, though  it  was  the  season  of  Lent.  They  were 
exemplary,  however,  at  their  devotions.  Hennepin 
said  prayers  at  morning  and  night,  and  the  angelus 
at  noon,  adding  a  petition  to  Saint  Anthony  of  Padua 
that  he  would  save  them  from  the  peril  that  beset 
their  way.  In  truth,  there  was  a  lion  in  the  path. 
The  ferocious  character  of  the  Sioux,  or  Dacotah, 
who  occupied  the  region  of  the  Upper  Mississippi, 
was  already  known  to  the  French;  and  Hennepin, 
with  excellent  reason,  prayed  that  it  might  be  his 
fortune  to  meet  them,  not  by  night,  but  by  day. 

On  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  of  April,  they  stopped 
in  the  afternoon  to  repair  their  canoe ;  and  Hennepin 
busied  himself  in  daubing  it  with  pitch,  while  the 
others  cooked  a  turkey.  Suddenly,  a  fleet  of  Sioux 
canoes  swept  into  sight,  bearing  a  war-party  of  a 
hundred  and  twenty  naked  savages,  who  on  seeing 


1630.]  CAPTURED  BY  THE  SIOUX.  251 

the  travellers  raised  a  hideous  clamor;  and,  some 
leaping  ashore  and  others  into  the  water,  they  sur- 
rounded the  astonished  Frenchmen  in  an  instant.1 
Honnepin  held  out  the  peace-pipe ;  but  one  of  them 
snatched  it  from  him.  Next,  he  hastened  to  proffer 
a  gift  of  Martinique  tobacco,  which  was  better 
received.  Some  of  the  old  warriors  repeated  the 
name  Miamika,  giving  him  to  understand  that  they 
were  a  war-party,  on  the  way  to  attack  the  Miamis; 
on  which,  Hennepin,  with  the  help  of  signs  and  of 
marks  which  he  drew  on  the  sand  with  a  stick, 
explained  that  the  Miamis  had  gone  across  the 
Mississippi,  beyond  their  reach.  Hereupon,  he  says 
that  three  or  four  old  men  placed  their  hands  on  his 
head,  and  began  a  dismal  wailing;  while  he  with  his 
handkerchief  wiped  away  their  tears,  in  order  to 
evince  sympathy  with  their  affliction,  from  whatever 
cause  arising.  Notwithstanding  this  demonstration 
of  tenderness,  they  refused  to  smoke  with  him  in  his 
peace-pipe,  and  forced  him  and  his  companions  to 
embark  and  paddle  across  the  river;  while  they  all 
followed  behind,  uttering  yells  and  howlings  which 
fime  the  missionary's  blood. 

On  reaching  the  farther  side,  they  made  their 
camp-fires,  and  allowed  their  prisoners  to  do  the 
same.  Accau  and  Du  Gay  slung  their  kettle ;  while 

i  The  edition  of  1683  says  that  there  were  thirty-three  canoes : 
that  of  1697  raises  the  number  to  fifty.  The  number  of  Indiana  is 
the  tame  in  both.  The  later  narrative  is  more  in  detail  than  the 
former. 


252         THE   ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.        [1680. 

Hennepin,  to  propitiate  the  Sioux,  carried  to  them 
two  turkeys,  of  which  there  were  several  in  the 
canoe.  The  warriors  had  seated  themselves  in  a 
ring,  to  debate  on  the  fate  of  the  Frenchmen;  and 
two  chiefs  presently  explained  to  the  friar,  by  signifi- 
cant signs,  that  it  had  been  resolved  that  his  head 
should  be  split  with  a  war-club.  This  produced  the 
effect  which  was  no  doubt  intended.  Hennepin  ran 
to  the  canoe,  and  quickly  returned  with  one  of  the 
men,  both  loaded  with  presents,  which  he  threw  into 
the  midst  of  the  assembly;  and  then,  bowing  his 
head,  offered  them  at  the  same  time  a  hatchet  with 
which  to  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to  do  so.  His 
gifts  and  his  submission  seemed  to  appease  them. 
They  gave  him  and  his  companions  a  dish  of  beaver's 
flesh;  but,  to  his  great  concern,  they  returned  his 
peace-pipe,  —  an  act  which  he  interpreted  as  a  sign 
of  danger.  That  night  the  Frenchmen  slept  little, 
expecting  to  be  murdered  before  morning.  There 
was,  in  fact,  a  great  division  of  opinion  among  the 
Sioux.  Some  were  for  killing  them  and  taking  their 
goods;  while  others,  eager  above  all  things  that 
French  traders  should  come  among  them  with  the 
knives,  hatchets,  and  guns  of  which  they  had  heard 
the  value,  contended  that  it  would  be  impolitic  to 
discourage  the  trade  by  putting  to  death  its  pioneers. 
Scarcely  had  morning  dawned  on  the  anxious  cap- 
tives, when  a  young  chief,  naked,  and  painted  from 
head  to  foot,  appeared  before  them  and  asked  for  the 
pipe,  which  the  friar  gladly  gave  him.  He  filled  it, 


1630.]  SUSPECTED  OF  SORCERY.  253 

smoked  it,  made  the  warriors  do  the  same,  and,  hav- 
ing given  this  hopeful  pledge  of  amity,  told  the 
Frenchmen  that,  since  the  Miamis  were  out  of  reach, 
the  war-party  would  return  home,  and  that  they  must 
accompany  them.  To  this  Hennepin  gladly  agreed, 
having,  as  he  declares,  his  great  work  of  exploration 
so  much  at  heart  that  he  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of 
achieving  it  even  in  their  company. 

He  soon,  however,  had  a  foretaste  of  the  affliction 
in  store  for  him;  for  when  he  opened  his  breviary 
and  began  to  mutter  his  morning  devotion,  his  new 
companions  gathered  about  him  with  faces  that 
betrayed  their  superstitious  terror,  and  gave  him  to 
understand  that  his  book  was  a  bad  spirit  with  which 
he  must  hold  no  more  converse.  They  thought, 
indeed,  that  he  was  muttering  a  charm  for  their 
destruction.  Accau  and  Du  Gay,  conscious  of  the 
danger,  begged  the  friar  to  dispense  with  his  devo- 
tions, lest  he  and  they  alike  should  be  tomahawked ; 
but  Hennepin  says  that  his  sense  of  duty  rose  superior 
to  his  fears,  and  that  he  was  resolved  to  repeat  his 
office  at  all  hazards,  though  not  until  he  had  asked 
pardon  of  his  two  friends  for  thus  imperilling  their 
lives.  Fortunately,  he  presently  discovered  a  device 
by  which  his  devotion  and  his  prudence  were  com- 
pletely reconciled.  He  ceased  the  muttering  which 
had  alarmed  the  Indians,  and,  with  the  breviary  open 
on  his  knees,  sang  the  service  in  loud  and  cheerful 
tones.  As  this  had  no  savor  of  sorcery,  and  as  they 
now  imagined  that  the  book  was  teaching  its  owner 


254         THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.        [1680. 

to  sing  for  their  amusement,  they  conceived  a  favor- 
able opinion  of  both  alike. 

These  Sioux,  it  may  be  observed,  were  the  ances- 
tors of  those  who  committed  the  horrible  but  not 
unprovoked  massacres  of  1862,  in  the  valley  of  the 
St.  Peter.  Hennepin  complains  bitterly  of  their 
treatment  of  him,  which,  however,  seems  to  have 
been  tolerably  good.  Afraid  that  he  would  lag 
behind,  as  his  canoe  was  heavy  and  slow,1  they 
placed  several  warriors  in  it  to  aid  him  and  his  men 
in  paddling.  They  kept  on  their  way  from  morning 
till  night,  building  huts  for  their  bivouac  when  it 
rained,  and  sleeping  on  the  open  ground  when  the 
weather  was  fair,  —  which,  says  Hennepin,  "  gave  us 
a  good  opportunity  to  contemplate  the  moon  and 
stars."  The  three  Frenchmen  took  the  precaution 
of  sleeping  at  the  side  of  the  young  chief  who  had 
been  the  first  to  smoke  the  peace-pipe,  and  who 
seemed  inclined  to  befriend  them;  but  there  was 
another  chief,  one  Aquipaguetin,  a  crafty  old  savage, 
who  having  lost  a  son  in  war  with  the  Miamis,  was 
angry  that  the  party  had  abandoned  their  expedition, 
and  thus  deprived  him  of  his  revenge.  He  therefore 
kept  up  a  dismal  lament  through  half  the  night; 
while  other  old  men,  crouching  over  Hennepin  as  he 
lay  trying  to  sleep,  stroked  him  with  their  hands,  and 
uttered  wailings  so  lugubrious  that  he  was  forced  to 

1  And  yet  it  had,  by  his  account,  made  a  distance  of  thirteen 
hundred  and  eighty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  upward 
in  twenty-four  days ! 


1630.]  THE   CAPTIVE  FRIAR.  255 

the  belief  that  he  had  been  doomed  to  death,  and 
that  they  were  charitably  bemoaning  his  fate.1 

One  night,  the  captives  were,  for  some  reason, 
unable  to  bivouac  near  their  protector,  and  were 
forced  to  make  their  fire  at  the  end  of  the  camp. 
Here  they  were  soon  beset  by  a  crowd  of  Indians, 
who  told  them  that  Aquipaguetin  had  at  length 
resolved  to  tomahawk  them.  The  malcontents  were 
gathered  in  a  knot  at  a  little  distance,  and  Hennepin 
hastened  to  appease  them  by  another  gift  of  knives 
and  tobacco.  This  was  but  one  of  the  devices  of  the 
old  chief  to  deprive  them  of  their  goods  without 
robbing  them  outright.  He  had  with  him  the  bones 
of  a  deceased  relative,  which  he  was  carrying  home 
wrapped  in  skins  prepared  with  smoke  after  the 
Indian  fashion,  and  gayly  decorated  with  bands  of 
dyed  porcupine  quills.  He  would  summon  his  war- 
riors, and  placing  these  relics  in  the  midst  of  the 
assembly,  call  on  all  present  to  smoke  in  their  honor; 
after  which,  Hennepin  was  required  to  offer  a  more 
substantial  tribute  in  the  shape  of  cloth,  beads, 
hatchets,  tobacco,  and  the  like,  to  be  laid  upon  the 
bundle  of  bones.  The  gifts  thus  acquired  were  then, 
in  the  name  of  the  deceased,  distributed  among  the 
persons  present. 

1  This  weeping  and  wailing  over  Hennepin  once  seemed  to  me 
an  anomaly  in  his  account  of  Sioux  manners,  as  I  am  not  aware 
th;it  such  practices  are  to  be  found  among  them  at  present.  They 
are  mentioned,  however,  by  other  early  writers.  Le  Sueur,  who 
was  among  them  in  1699-1700,  was  wept  over  no  less  than  Henne- 
pin.  See  the  abstract  of  his  journal  in  La  Harpe. 


256         THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPrN".       [1680. 

On  one  occasion,  Aquipaguetin  killed  a  bear,  and 
invited  the  chiefs  and  warriors  to  feast  upon  it. 
They  accordingly  assembled  on  a  prairie,  west  of  the 
river,  where,  after  the  banquet,  they  danced  a  "  medi- 
cine-dance." They  were  all  painted  from  head  to 
foot,  with  their  hair  oiled,  garnished  with  red  and 
white  feathers,  and  powdered  with  the  down  of  birds. 
In  this  guise  they  set  their  arms  akimbo,  and  fell  to 
stamping  with  such  fury  that  the  hard  prairie  was 
dented  with  the  prints  of  their  moccasins ;  while  the 
chief's  son,  crying  at  the  top  of  his  throat,  gave  to 
each  in  turn  the  pipe  of  war.  Meanwhile,  the  chief 
himself,  singing  in  a  loud  and  rueful  voice,  placed 
his  hands  on  the  heads  of  the  three  Frenchmen,  and 
from  time  to  time  interrupted  his  music  to  utter  a 
vehement  harangue.  Hennepin  could  not  understand 
the  words,  but  his  heart  sank  as  the  conviction  grew 
strong  within  him  that  these  ceremonies  tended  to 
his  destruction.  It  seems,  however,  that,  after  all 
the  chief's  efforts,  his  party  was  in  the  minority,  the 
greater  part  being  adverse  to  either  killing  or  robbing 
the  three  strangers. 

Every  morning,  at  daybreak,  an  old  warrior  shouted 
the  signal  of  departure;  and  the  recumbent  savages 
leaped  up,  manned  their  birchen  fleet,  and  plied  their 
paddles  against  the  current,  often  without  waiting 
to  break  their  fast.  Sometimes  they  stopped  for  a 
buffalo-hunt  on  the  neighboring  prairies;  and  there 
was  no  lack  of  provisions.  They  passed  Lake  Pepin, 
which  Hennepin  called  the  Lake  of  Tears,  by  reason 


K580.]  A  HARD  JOURNEY.  257 

of  the  bowlings  and  lamentations  here  uttered  over 
him  by  Aquipaguetin,  and  nineteen  days  after  his 
caj/ture  landed  near  the  site  of  St.  Paul.  The 
f  it  her's  sorrows  now  began  in  earnest.  The  Indians 
br<  ke  his  canoe  to  pieces,  having  first  hidden  their 
o^  n  among  the  alder-bushes.  As  they  belonged  to 
clilferent  bands  and  different  villages,  their  mutual 
jes  lousy  now  overcame  all  their  prudence;  and  each 
prs  ceeded  to  claim  his  share  of  the  captives  and  the 
bcoty.  Happily,  they  made  an  amicable  distribution, 
or  it  would  have  fared  ill  with  the  three  Frenchmen; 
find  each  taking  his  share,  not  forgetting  the  priestly 
\7estments  of  Hennepin,  the  splendor  of  which  they 
(jo'old  not  sufficiently  admire,  they  set  out  across  the 
country  for  their  villages,  which  lay  towards  the 
north  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lake  Buade,  now  called 
Mille  Lac. 

Being,  says  Hennepin,  exceedingly  tall  and  active, 
they  walked  at  a  prodigious  speed,  insomuch  that  no 
European  could  long  keep  pace  with  them.  Though 
the  month  of  May  had  begun,  there  were  frosts  at 
night;  and  the  marshes  and  ponds  were  glazed  with 
ice,  which  cut  the  missionary's  legs  as  he  waded 
through.  They  swam  the  larger  streams,  and  Hen- 
nepin nearly  perished  with  cold  as  he  emerged  from 
the  icy  current.  His  two  companions,  who  were 
smaller  than  he,  and  who  could  not  swim,  were 
carried  over  on  the  backs  of  the  Indians.  They 
showed,  however,  no  little  endurance ;  and  he  declares 

that  he  should  have  dropped  by  the  way,  but  for  their 

17 


258         THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.       [1680. 

support.  Seeing  him  disposed  to  lag,  the  Indians, 
to  spur  him  on,  set  fire  to  the  dry  grass  behind  him, 
and  then,  taking  him  by  the  hands,  ran  forward  with 
him  to  escape  the  flames.  To  add  to  his  misery,  he 
was  nearly  famished,  as  they  gave  him  only  a  small 
piece  of  smoked  meat  once  a  day,  though  it  does  not 
appear  that  they  themselves  fared  better.  On  the 
fifth  day,  being  by  this  time  in  extremity,  he  saw  a 
crowd  of  squaws  and  children  approaching  over  the 
prairie,  and  presently  descried  the  bark  lodges  of 
an  Indian  town.  The  goal  was  reached.  He  was 
among  the  homes  of  the  Sioux. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1680, 1681. 
HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX. 

SIGNS  OF  DANGER.  —  ADOPTION.  —  HENNEPIN  AND  HIS  INDIAN  RELA- 
TIVES.—  THE  HUNTING  PARTY.  —  THE  Sioux  CAMP.  —  FALLS 
OF  ST.  ANTHONY. — A  VAGABOND  FRIAR:  HIS  ADVENTURES  ON 
THE  MISSISSIPPI.  —  GREYSOLON  DU  LHUT.  —  RETURN  TO  CIVILI- 
ZATION. 

As  Hennepin  entered  the  village,  he  beheld  a 
sight  which  caused  him  to  invoke  Saint  Anthony 
of  Padua.  In  front  of  the  lodges  were  certain 
stakes,  to  which  were  attached  bundles  of  straw, 
intended,  as  he  supposed,  for  burning  him  and 
Ids  friends  alive.  His  concern  was  redoubled 
when  he  saw  the  condition  of  the  Picard  Du  Gay, 
whose  hair  and  face  had  been  painted  with  divers 
colors,  and  whose  head  was  decorated  with  a  tuft 
of  white  feathers.  In  this  guise  he  was  entering 
the  village,  followed  by  a  crowd  of  Sioux,  who  com- 
pelled him  to  sing  and  keep  time  to  his  own  music 
by  rattling  a  dried  gourd  containing  a  number 
of  pebbles.  The  omens,  indeed,  were  exceedingly 


260  HEJSTNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.          [1680. 

threatening;  for  treatment  like  this  was  usually 
followed  by  the  speedy  immolation  of  the  captive. 
Hennepin  ascribes  it  to  the  effect  of  his  invocations, 
that,  being  led  into  one  of  the  lodges,  among  a 
throng  of  staring  squaws  and  children,  he  and  his 
companions  were  seated  on  the  ground,  and  pre- 
sented with  large  dishes  of  birch-bark,  containing  a 
mess  of  wild  rice  boiled  with  dried  whortleberries, 
—  a  repast  which  he  declares  to  have  been  the  best 
that  had  fallen  to  his  lot  since  the  day  of  his 
captivity.1 


1  The  Sioux,  or  Dacotah,  as  they  call  themselves,  were  a  nu- 
merous people,  separated  into  three  great  divisions,  which  were 
again  subdivided  into  bands.  Those  among  whom  Hennepin  was 
a  prisoner  belonged  to  the  division  known  as  the  Issanti,  Issan- 
yati,  or,  as  he  writes  it,  Issati,  of  which  the  principal  band  was 
the  Meddewakantonwan.  The  other  great  divisions,  the  Yank- 
tons  and  the  Tintonwans,  or  Tetons,  lived  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
extending  beyond  the  Missouri,  and  ranging  as  far  as  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  The  Issanti  cultivated  the  soil;  but  the  extreme 
western  bands  subsisted  on  the  buffalo  alone.  The  former  had 
two  kinds  of  dwelling,  —  the  teepee,  or  skin-lodge,  and  the  bark- 
lodge.  The  teepee,  which  was  used  by  all  the  Sioux,  consists 
of  a  covering  of  dressed  buffalo-hide,  stretched  on  a  conical 
stack  of  poles.  The  bark-lodge  was  peculiar  to  the  Eastern 
Sioux;  and  examples  of  it  might  be  seen,  until  within  a  few 
years,  among  the  bands  on  the  St.  Peter's.  In  its  general  char- 
acter, it  was  like  the  Huron  and  Iroquois  houses,  but  was  in- 
ferior in  construction.  It  had  a  ridge  roof,  framed  of  poles, 
extending  from  the  posts  which  formed  the  sides;  and  the 
whole  was  covered  with  elm-bark.  The  lodges  in  the  villages 
to  which  Hennepin  was  conducted  were  probably  of  this 
kind. 

The  name  Sioux  is  an  abbreviation  of  Nadouesstoux,  an  Ojibwa 
word,  meaning  "  enemies."  The  Ojibwas  used  it  to  designate  thi* 


1680.]  THE  SIOUX.  261 

This  soothed  his  fears;  but,  as  he  allayed  his  fam- 
ished appetite,  he  listened  with  anxious  interest  to 
the  vehement  jargon  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  who 
were  disputing  among  themselves  to  whom  the  three 
captives  should  respectively  belong;  for  it  seems 
that,  as  far  as  related  to  them,  the  question  of  distri- 
bution had  not  yet  been  definitely  settled.  The 
debate  ended  in  the  assigning  of  Hennepin  to  his  old 
enemy  Aquipaguetin,  who,  however,  far  from  persist- 
ing in  his  evil  designs,  adopted  him  on  the  spot  as 
his  son.  The  three  companions  must  now  part  com- 
pany. Du  Gay,  not  yet  quite  reassured  of  his  safety, 
hastened  to  confess  himself  to  Hennepin ;  but  Accau 
proved  refractory,  and  refused  the  offices  of  religion, 
which  did  not  prevent  the  friar  from  embracing  them 
both,  as  he  says,  with  an  extreme  tenderness.  Tired 
as  he  was,  he  was  forced  to  set  out  with  his  self- 
styled  father  to  his  village,  which  was  fortunately 

people,  and  occasionally  also  the  Iroquois,  being  at  deadly  war 
with  both. 

Rev.  Stephen  R.  Riggs,  for  many  years  a  missionary  among  the 
Issanti  Sioux,  says  that  this  division  consists  of  four  distinct  bands. 
They  ceded  all  their  lands  east  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  United 
States  in  1837,  and  lived  on  the  St.  Peter's  till  driven  thence  in  con- 
sequence of  the  massacres  of  1862,  1863.  The  Yankton  Sioux  con- 
sist of  two  bands,  which  are  again  subdivided.  The  Assiniboins,  or 
Hohays,  are  an  offshoot  from  the  Yanktons,  with  whom  they  are 
now  at  war.  The  Tintonwan,  or  Teton  Sioux,  forming  the  most 
western  division  and  the  largest,  comprise  seven  bands,  and  are 
among  the  bravest  and  fiercest  tenants  of  the  prairie. 

The  earliest  French  writers  estimate  the  total  number  of  the 
Sioux  at  forty  thousand ;  but  this  is  little  better  than  conjecture. 
Mr.  Riggs,  in  1852,  placed  it  at  about  twenty-five  thousand. 


262          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680, 

not  far  off.  An  unpleasant  walk  of  a  few  miles 
through  woods  and  marshes  brought  them  to  the 
borders  of  a  sheet  of  water,  apparently  Lake  Buade, 
where  five  of  Aquipague tin's  wives  received  the 
party  in  three  canoes,  and  ferried  them  to  an  island 
on  which  the  village  stood. 

At  the  entrance  of  the  chief's  lodge,  Hennepin  was 
met  by  a  decrepit  old  Indian,  withered  with  age,  who 
offered  him  the  peace-pipe,  and  placed  him  on  a  bear- 
skin which  was  spread  by  the  fire.  Here,  to  relieve 
his  fatigue,  —  for  he  was  well-nigh  spent,  —  a  small 
boy  anointed  his  limbs  with  the  fat  of  a  wild-cat, 
supposed  to  be  sovereign  in  these  cases  by  reason  of 
the  great  agility  of  that  animal.  His  new  father 
gave  him  a  bark-platter  of  fish,  covered  him  with  a 
buffalo-robe,  and  showed  him  six  or  seven  of  his 
wives,  who  were  thenceforth,  he  was  told,  to  regard 
him  as  a  son.  The  chief's  household  was  numerous ; 
and  his  allies  and  relatives  formed  a  considerable 
clan,  of  which  the  missionary  found  himself  an  invol- 
untary member.  He  was  scandalized  when  he  saw 
one  of  his  adopted  brothers  carrying  on  his  back  the 
bones  of  a  deceased  friend,  wrapped  in  the  chasuble 
of  brocade  which  they  had  taken  with  other  vest- 
ments from  his  box. 

Seeing  their  new  relative  so  enfeebled  that  he 
could  scarcely  stand,  the  Indians  made  for  him  one 
of  their  sweating  baths,1  where  they  immersed  him 

1  These  baths  consist  of  a  small  hut,  covered  closely  with  buffalo- 
ikins,  into  which  the  patient  and  his  friends  enter,  carefully  closing 


1680.]  HENNEPIN  AS  A  MISSIONARY.  263 

in  steam  three  times  a  week,  —  a  process  from  which 
he  thinks  he  derived  great  benefit.  His  strength 
gradually  returned,  in  spite  of  his  meagre  fare;  for 
there  was  a  dearth  of  food,  and  the  squaws  were  less 
attentive  to  his  wants  than  to  those  of  their  children. 
They  respected  him,  however,  as  a  person  endowed 
with  occult  powers,  and  stood  in  no  little  awe  of  a 
pocket  compass  which  he  had  with  him,  as  well  as  of 
a  small  metal  pot  with  feet  moulded  after  the  face  of 
a  lion.  This  last  seemed  in  their  eyes  a  "  medicine  " 
of  the  most  formidable  nature,  and  they  would  not 
touch  it  without  first  wrapping  it  in  a  beaver-skin. 
For  the  rest,  Hennepin  made  himself  useful  in 
various  ways.  He  shaved  the  heads  of  the  children, 
as  was  the  custom  of  the  tribe ;  bled  certain  asthmatic 
persons,  and  dosed  others  with  orvietan,  the  famous 
panacea  of  his  time,  of  which  he  had  brought  with 
him  a  good  supply.  With  respect  to  his  missionary 
functions,  he  seems  to  have  given  himself  little 
trouble,  unless  his  attempt  to  make  a  Sioux  vocabu- 
lary is  to  be  regarded  as  preparatory  to  a  future 
apostleship.  "I  could  gain  nothing  over  them,"  he 
says,  "in  the  way  of  their  salvation,  by  reason  of 
their  natural  stupidity."  Nevertheless,  on  one  occa- 
sion, he  baptized  a  sick  child,  naming  it  Antoinette 
in  honor  of  Saint  Anthony  of  Padua.  It  seemed  to 
revive  after  the  rite,  but  soon  relapsed  and  presently 

crery  aperture.  A  pile  of  heated  stones  is  placed  in  the  middle, 
and  water  is  poured  upon  them,  raising  a  dense  vapor.  They  are 
still  (1868)  in  use  among  the  Sioux  and  some  other  tribes. 


264          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680. 

died,  "  which, "  he  writes,  "  gave  me  great  joy  and 
satisfaction."  In  this  he  was  like  the  Jesuits,  who 
could  find  nothing  but  consolation  in  the  death  of  a 
newly  baptized  infant,  since  it  was  thus  assured  of  a 
paradise  which,  had  it  lived,  it  would  probably  have 
forfeited  by  sharing  in  the  superstitions  of  its 
parents. 

With  respect  to  Hennepin  and  his  Indian  father, 
there  seems  to  have  been  little  love  on  either  side; 
but  Ouasicoude*,  the  principal  chief  of  the  Sioux  of 
this  region,  was  the  fast  friend  of  the  three  white 
men.  He  was  angry  that  they  had  been  robbed, 
which  he  had  been  unable  to  prevent,  as  the  Sioux 
had  no  laws,  and  their  chiefs  little  power;  but  he 
spoke  his  mind  freely,  and  told  Aquipaguetin  and 
the  rest,  in  full  council,  that  they  were  like  a  dog 
who  steals  a  piece  of  meat  from  a  dish  and  runs  away 
with  it.  When  Hennepin  complained  of  hunger,  the 
Indians  had  always  promised  him  that  early  in  the 
summer  he  should  go  with  them  on  a  buffalo  hunt, 
and  have  food  in  abundance.  The  time  at  length 
came,  and  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  neighboring 
villages  prepared  for  departure.  To  each  band  was 
assigned  its  special  hunting-ground,  and  he  was 
expected  to  accompany  his  Indian  father.  To  this 
he  demurred ;  for  he  feared  lest  Aquipaguetin,  angry 
at  the  words  of  the  great  chief,  might  take  this 
opportunity  to  revenge  the  insult  put  upon  him.  He 
therefore  gave  out  that  he  expected  a  party  of 
44  Spirits  "  —  that  is  to  say,  Frenchmen  —  to  meet  him 


1680.]  CAMP  OF  SAVAGES.  265 

at  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  bringing  a  supply  of 
goods  for  the  Indians ;  and  he  declares  that  La  Salle 
had  in  fact  promised  to  send  traders  to  that  place. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Indians  believed  him;  and, 
true  or  false,  the  assertion,  as  will  be  seen,  answered 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  made. 

The  Indians  set  out  in  a  body  to  the  number  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  with  their  women 
and  children.  The  three  Frenchmen,  who  though  in 
different  villages  had  occasionally  met  during  the  two 
months  of  their  captivity,  were  all  of  the  party. 
They  descended  Rum  River,  which  forms  the  outlet 
of  Mille  Lac,  and  which  is  called  the  St.  Francis  by 
Hennepin.  None  of  the  Indians  had  offered  to  give 
him  passage ;  and,  fearing  lest  he  should  be  abandoned, 
he  stood  on  the  bank,  hailing  the  passing  canoes  and 
begging  to  be  taken  in.  Accau  and  Du  Gay  presently 
appeared,  paddling  a  small  canoe  which  the  Indians 
had  given  them;  but  they  would  not  listen  to  the 
missionary's  call,  and  Accau,  who  had  no  love  for 
him,  cried  out  that  he  had  paddled  him  long  enough 
already.  Two  Indians,  however,  took  pity  on  him, 
and  brought  him  to  the  place  of  encampment,  where 
Du  Gay  tried  to  excuse  himself  for  his  conduct;  but 
Accau  was  sullen,  and  kept  aloof. 

After  reaching  the  Mississippi,  the  whole  party 
encamped  together  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  Rum 
River,  pitching  their  tents  of  skin,  or  building  their 
bark-huts,  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  by  the  side  of  the 
water.  It  was  a  wild  scene,  this  camp  of  savages 


266          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680. 

among  whom  as  yet  no  traders  had  come  and  no 
handiwork  of  civilization  had  found  its  way,  —  the 
tall  warriors,  some  nearly  naked,  some  wrapped  in 
buffalo-robes,  and  some  in  shirts  of  dressed  deer-skin 
fringed  with  hair  and  embroidered  with  dyed  porcu- 
pine quills,  war-clubs  of  stone  in  their  hands,  and 
quivers  at  their  backs  filled  with  stone-headed  arrows ; 
the  squaws,  cutting  smoke-dried  meat  with  knives 
of  flint,  and  boiling  it  in  rude  earthen  pots  of  their 
own  making,  driving  away,  meanwhile,  with  shrill 
cries,  the  troops  of  lean  dogs,  which  disputed  the 
meal  with  a  crew  of  hungry  children.  The  whole 
camp,  indeed,  was  threatened  with  starvation.  The 
three  white  men  could  get  no  food  but  unripe  berries, 
—  from  the  effects  of  which  Hennepin  thinks  they 
might  all  have  died,  but  for  timely  doses  of  his 
orvietan. 

Being  tired  of  the  Indians,  he  became  anxious  to 
set  out  for  the  Wisconsin  to  find  the  party  of  French- 
men, real  or  imaginary,  who  were  to  meet  him  at  that 
place.  That  he  was  permitted  to  do  so  was  due  to 
the  influence  of  the  great  chief  Ouasicoude*,  who 
always  befriended  him,  and  who  had  soundly  berated 
his  two  companions  for  refusing  him  a  seat  in  their 
canoe.  Du  Gay  wished  to  go  with  him;  but  Accau, 
who  liked  the  Indian  life  as  much  as  he  disliked 
Hennepin,  preferred  to  remain  with  the  hunters.  A 
small  birch-canoe  was  given  to  the  two  adventurers, 
together  with  an  earthen  pot;  and  they  had  also 
between  them  a  gun,  a  knife,  and  a  robe  of  beaver- 


1680.]  FALLS  OF  ST.  ANTHONY.  267 

skin.  Thus  equipped,  they  began  their  journey,  and 
soon  approached  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  so  named 
l>y  Hennepin  in  honor  of  the  inevitable  Saint  Anthony 
of  Padua.1  As  they  were  carrying  their  canoe  by 
the  cataract,  they  saw  five  or  six  Indians,  who  had 
gone  before,  and  one  of  whom  had  climbed  into  an 
oak-tree  beside  the  principal  fall,  whence  in  a  loud 
and  lamentable  voice  he  was  haranguing  the  spirit  of 
the  waters,  as  a  sacrifice  to  whom  he  had  just  hung  a 
robe  of  beaver-skin  among  the  branches.2  Their 
attention  was  soon  engrossed  by  another  object. 
Looking  over  the  edge  of  the  cliff  which  overhung 
the  river  below  the  falls,  Hennepin  saw  a  snake, 

1  Hennepin's  notice  of  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  though  brief,  is 
sufficiently  accurate.    He  says,  in  his  first  edition,  that  they  are 
forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  but  adds  ten  feet  more  in  the  edition  of 
1697.     In  1821,  according  to   Schoolcraft,  the  perpendicular  fall 
measured  forty  feet.    Great  changes,  however,  have  taken  place 
here,  and  are  still  in  progress.    The  rock  is  a  very  soft,  friable 
sandstone,  overlaid  by  a  stratum  of  limestone ;  and  it  is  crumbling 
viih  such  rapidity  under  the  action  of  the  water  that  the  cataract 
vail  soon  be  little  more  than  a  rapid.    Other  changes  equally  disas- 
trous, in  an  artistic  point  of  view,  are  going  on  even  more  quickly. 
Beside  the  falls  stands  a  city,  which,  by  an  ingenious  combination 
of  the  Greek  and  Sioux  languages,  has  received  the  name  of  Min- 
neapolis, or  City  of  the  Waters,  and  which  in  1867  contained  ten 
thousand  inhabitants,  two  national  banks,  and  an  opera-house; 
while  its  rival  city  of  St.  Anthony,  immediately  opposite,  boasted  a 
gigantic  water-cure  and  a  State  university.    In  short,  the  great 
natural  beauty  of  the  place  is  utterly  spoiled. 

2  Oanktayhee,  the  principal  deity  of  the  Sioux,  was  supposed  to 
live  under  these  falls,  though  he  manifested  himself  in  the  form  of 
a  buffalo.    It  was  he  who  created  the  earth,  like  the  Algonquin 
Manabozho,  from  mud  brought  to  him  in  the  paws  of  a  musk-rat 
Carver,  in  1766,  saw  an  Indian  throw  everything  he  had  about  him 
JUito  the  cataract  as  an  offering  to  this  deity. 


268          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX  [1680. 

which,  as  he  avers,  was  six  feet  long,1  writhing 
upward  towards  the  holes  of  the  swallows  in  the  face 
of  the  precipice,  in  order  to  devour  their  young.  He 
pointed  him  out  to  Du  Gay,  and  they  pelted  him 
with  stones  till  he  fell  into  the  river,  but  not  before 
his  contortions  and  the  darting  of  his  forked  tongue 
had  so  affected  the  Picard's  imagination  that  he 
was  haunted  that  night  with  a  terrific  incubus. 

They  paddled  sixty  leagues  down  the  river  in  the 
heats  of  July,  and  killed  no  large  game  but  a  single 
deer,  the  meat  of  which  soon  spoiled.  Their  main 
resource  was  the  turtles,  whose  shyness  and  watch- 
fulness caused  them  frequent  disappointments  and 
many  involuntary  fasts.  They  once  captured  one  of 
more  than  common  size;  and,  as  they  were  endeav^ 
oring  to  cut  off  his  head,  he  was  near  avenging  him- 
self by  snapping  off  Hennepin's  finger.  There  was 
a  herd  of  buffalo  in  sight  on  the  neighboring  prairie ; 
and  Du  Gay  went  with  his  gun  in  pursuit  of  them, 
leaving  the  turtle  in  Hennepin's  custody.  Scarcely 
was  he  gone  when  the  friar,  raising  his  eyes,  saw 
that  their  canoe,  which  they  had  left  at  the  edge  of 
the  water,  had  floated  out  into  the  current.  Hastily 
turning  the  turtle  on  his  back,  he  covered  him  with 
his  habit  of  St.  Francis,  on  which,  for  greater 
security,  he  laid  a  number  of  stones,  and  then,  being 
a  good  swimmer,  struck  out  in  pursuit  of  the  canoe, 

1  In  the  edition  of  1683.  In  that  of  1697  he  had  grown  to  seven 
or  eight  feet.  The  bank-swallows  still  make  their  nests  in  these 
cliffs,  boring  easily  into  the  soft  sandstone. 


1680.]  ADVENTURES.  269 

which  he  at  length  overtook.  Finding  that  it  would 
overset  if  he  tried  to  climb  into  it,  he  pushed  it 
before  him  to  the  shore,  and  then  paddled  towards 
the  place,  at  some  distance  above,  where  he  had  left 
the  turtle.  He  had  no  sooner  reached  it  than  he 
heard  a  strange  sound,  and  beheld  a  long  file  of 
buffalo  —  bulls,  cows,  and  calves  —  entering  the 
water  not  far  off,  to  cross  to  the  western  bank.  Hav- 
ing no  gun,  as  became  his  apostolic  vocation,  he 
shouted  to  Du  Gay,  who  presently  appeared,  running 
in  all  haste,  and  they  both  paddled  in  pursuit  of  the 
game.  Du  Gay  aimed  at  a  young  cow,  and  shot  her 
in  the  head.  She  fell  in  shallow  water  near  an 
island,  where  some  of  the  herd  had  landed ;  and  being 
unable  to  drag  her  out,  they  waded  into  the  water 
and  butchered  her  where  she  lay.  It  was  forty-eight 
hours  since  they  had  tasted  food.  Hennepin  made  a 
fire,  while  Du  Gay  cut  up  the  meat.  They  feasted 
so  bountifully  that  they  both  fell  ill,  and  were  forced 
to  remain  two  days  on  the  island,  taking  doses  of 
orvietan,  before  they  were  able  to  resume  their 
journey. 

Apparently  they  were  not  sufficiently  versed  in 
woodcraft  to  smoke  the  meat  of  the  cow;  and  the  hot 
sun  soon  robbed  them  of  it.  They  had  a  few  fish- 
hooks, but  were  not  always  successful  in  the  use  of 
them.  On  one  occasion,  being  nearly  famished,  they 
set  their  line,  and  lay  watching  it,  uttering  prayers 
in  turn.  Suddenly,  there  was  a  great  turmoil  in  the 
vater.  Du  Gay  ran  to  the  line,  and,  with  the  help 


270          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680. 

of  Hennepin,  drew  in  two  large  cat-fish.1  The  eagles, 
or  fish-hawks,  now  and  then  dropped  a  newly  caught 
fish,  of  which  they  gladly  took  possession;  and  once 
they  found  a  purveyor  in  an  otter  which  they  saw  by 
the  bank,  devouring  some  object  of  an  appearance  so 
wonderful  that  Du  Gay  cried  out  that  he  had  a  devil 
between  his  paws.  They  scared  him  from  his  prey, 
which  proved  to  be  a  spade-fish,  or,  as  Hennepin 
correctly  describes  it,  a  species  of  sturgeon,  with  a 
bony  projection  from  his  snout  in  the  shape  of  a 
paddle.  They  broke  their  fast  upon  him,  undeterred 
by  this  eccentric  appendage. 

If  Hennepin  had  had  an  eye  for  scenery,  he  would 
have  found  in  these  his  vagabond  rovings  wherewith 
to  console  himself  in  some  measure  for  his  frequent 
fasts.  The  young  Mississippi,  fresh  from  its  northern 
springs,  unstained  as  yet  by  unhallowed  union  with 
the  riotous  Missouri,  flowed  calmly  on  its  way  amid 
strange  and  unique  beauties,  —  a  wilderness,  clothed 
with  velvet  grass;  forest-shadowed  valleys;  lofty 
heights,  whose  smooth  slopes  seemed  levelled  with 
the  scythe ;  domes  and  pinnacles,  ramparts  and  ruined 
towers,  the  work  of  no  human  hand.  The  canoe  of 
the  voyagers,  borne  on  the  tranquil  current,  glided 
in  the  shade  of  gray  crags  festooned  with  honey- 
suckles; by  trees  mantled  with  wild  grape-vines; 

1  Hennepin  speaks  of  their  size  with  astonishment,  and  says  that 
the  two  together  would  weigh  twenty-five  pounds.  Cat-fish  hare 
been  taken  in  the  Mississippi,  weighing  more  than  a  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds. 


1680.]  THE  UPPER  MISSISSIPPI.  271 

dells  bright  with  the  flowers  of  the  white  euphorbia, 
the  blue  gentian,  and  the  purple  balm;  and  matted 
forests,  where  the  red  squirrels  leaped  and  chattered. 
They  passed  the  great  cliff  whence  the  Indian  maiden 
threw  herself  in  her  despair;1  and  Lake  Pepin  lay 
before  them,  slumbering  in  the  July  sun,  —  the 
far-reaching  sheets  of  sparkling  water,  the  woody 
.slopes,  the  tower-like  crags,  the  grassy  heights 
basking  in  sunlight  or  shadowed  by  the  passing 
cloud;  all  the  fair  outline  of  its  graceful  scenery, 
the  finished  and  polished  master-work  of  Nature. 
And  when  at  evening  they  made  their  bivouac  fire 
find  drew  up  their  canoe,  while  dim,  sultry  clouds 
veiled  the  west,  and  the  flashes  of  the  silent  heat- 
lightning  gleamed  on  the  leaden  water,  they  could 
listen,  as  they  smoked  their  pipes,  to  the  mournful 
cry  of  the  whippoorwills  and  the  quavering  scream 
of  the  owls. 

Other  thoughts  than  the  study  of  the  picturesque 
occupied  the  mind  of  Hennepin  when  one  day  he  saw 
his  Indian  father,  Aquipaguetin,  whom  he  had  sup- 
posed five  hundred  miles  distant,  descending  the 
river  with  ten  warriors  in  canoes.  He  was  eager  to 
be  the  first  to  meet  the  traders,  who,  as  Hennepin 
had  given  out,  were  to  come  with  their  goods  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Wisconsin.  The  two  travellers  trembled 

1  The  "  Lover's  Leap,"  or  "  Maiden's  Rock,"  from  which  a  Sioux 
girl,  Winona,  or  the  "  Eldest  Born,"  is  said  to  have  thrown  herself, 
in  the  despair  of  disappointed  affection.  The  story,  which  seemg 
founded  in  truth,  will  be  found,  not  without  embellishments,  in  Mrs. 
Saetman's  Legends  of  the  Sioux. 


272          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680, 

for  the  consequences  of  this  encounter;  but  the  chief, 
after  a  short  colloquy,  passed  on  his  way.  In  three 
days  he  returned  in  ill-humor,  having  found  no 
traders  at  the  appointed  spot.  The  Picard  was 
absent  at  the  time,  looking  for  game ;  and  Hennepin 
was  sitting  under  the  shade  of  his  blanket,  which  he 
had  stretched  on  forked  sticks  to  protect  him  from 
the  sun,  when  he  saw  his  adopted  father  approaching 
with  a  threatening  look,  and  a  war-club  in  his  hand. 
He  attempted  no  violence,  however,  but  suffered 
his  wrath  to  exhale  in  a  severe  scolding,  after 
which  he  resumed  his  course  up  the  river  with  his 
warriors. 

If  Hennepin,  as  he  avers,  really  expected  a  party 
of  traders  at  the  Wisconsin,  the  course  he  now  took 
is  sufficiently  explicable.  If  he  did  not  expect  them, 
his  obvious  course  was  to  rejoin  Tonty  on  the  Illinois, 
for  which  he  seems  to  have  had  no  inclination ;  or  to 
return  to  Canada  by  way  of  the  Wisconsin,  —  an 
attempt  which  involved  the  risk  of  starvation,  as  the 
two  travellers  had  but  ten  charges  of  powder  left. 
Assuming,  then,  his  hope  of  the  traders  to  have  been 
real,  he  and  Du  Gay  resolved,  in  the  mean  time, 
to  join  a  large  body  of  Sioux  hunters,  who,  as 
Aquipaguetin  had  told  them,  were  on  a  stream  which 
he  calls  Bull  River,  now  the  Chippeway,  entering 
the  Mississippi  near  Lake  Pepin.  By  so  doing,  they 
would  gain  a  supply  of  food,  and  save  themselves 
from  the  danger  of  encountering  parties  of  roving 
warriors. 


1680.]  HE  REJOINS  THE  INDIANS.  273 

They  found  this  band,  among  whom  was  their 
companion  Accau,  and  followed  them  on  a  grand 
hunt  along  the  borders  of  the  Mississippi.  Du  Gay 
was  separated  for  a  time  from  Hennepin,  who  was 
placed  in  a  canoe  with  a  withered  squaw  more  than 
eighty  years  old.  In  spite  of  her  age,  she  handled 
her  paddle  with  great  address,  and  used  it  vigorously, 
as  occasion  required,  to  repress  the  gambols  of  three 
children,  who,  to  Hennepin's  annoyance,  occupied 
the  middle  of  the  canoe.  The  hunt  was  successful. 
The  Sioux  warriors,  active  as  deer,  chased  the 
buffalo  on  foot  with  their  stone-headed  arrows,  on 
the  plains  behind  the  heights  that  bordered  the  river; 
while  the  old  men  stood  sentinels  at  the  top,  watch- 
ing for  the  approach  of  enemies.  One  day  an  alarm 
was  given.  The  warriors  rushed  towards  the  sup- 
posed point  of  danger,  but  found  nothing  more 
formidable  than  two  squaws  of  their  own  nation,  who 
brought  strange  news.  A  war-party  of  Sioux,  they 
said,  had  gone  towards  Lake  Superior,  and  had  met 
by  the  way  five  "Spirits; "  that  is  to  say,  five  Euro- 
peans. Hennepin  was  full  of  curiosity  to  learn  who 
the  strangers  might  be;  and  they,  on  their  part, 
were  said  to  have  shown  great  anxiety  to  know  the 
nationality  of  the  three  white  men  who,  as  they 
were  told,  were  on  the  river.  The  hunt  was  over; 
and  the  hunters,  with  Hennepin  and  his  compan- 
ion, were  on  their  way  northward  to  their  towns, 
when  they  met  the  five  "Spirits"  at  some  distance 
l>elow  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony.  They  proved  to 

18 


274          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  [1680. 

be  Daniel  Greysolon  du  Lhut,  with  four  well-armed 
Frenchmen. 

This  bold  and  enterprising  man,  stigmatized  by  the 
Intendant  Duchesneau  as  a  leader  of  coureurs  de  lois, 
was  a  cousin  of  Tonty,  born  at  Lyons.  He  belonged 
to  that  caste  of  the  lesser  nobles  whose  name  was 
legion,  and  whose  admirable  military  qualities  shone 
forth  so  conspicuously  in  the  wars  of  Louis  XIV. 
Though  his  enterprises  were  independent  of  those  of 
La  Salle,  they  were  at  this  time  carried  on  in  connec- 
tion with  Count  Frontenac  and  certain  merchants  in 
his  interest,  of  whom  Du  Lhut's  uncle,  Patron,  was 
one;  while  Louvigny,  his  brother-in-law,  was  in 
alliance  with  the  governor,  and  was  an  officer  of  his 
guard.  Here,  then,  was  a  kind  of  family  league, 
countenanced  by  Frontenac,  and  acting  conjointly 
with  him,  in  order,  if  the  angry  letters  of  the  intend - 
ant  are  to  be  believed,  to  reap  a  clandestine  profit 
under  the  shadow  of  the  governor's  authority,  and  in 
violation  of  the  royal  ordinances.  The  rudest  part 
of  the  work  fell  to  the  share  of  Du  Lhut,  who  with  a 
persistent  hardihood,  not  surpassed  perhaps  even  by 
La  Salle,  was  continually  in  the  forest,  in  the  Indian 
towns,  or  in  remote  wilderness  outposts  planted  by 
himself,  exploring,  trading,  fighting,  ruling  lawless 
savages  and  whites  scarcely  less  ungovernable,  and 
on  one  or  more  occasions  varying  his  life  by  crossing 
the  ocean  to  gain  interviews  with  the  colonial  minister 
Seignelay,  amid  the  splendid  vanities  of  Versailles. 
Strange  to  say,  this  man  of  hardy  enterprise  was  a 


1680.]  DU  LHUT'S   EXPLORATIONS.  275 

martyr  to  the  gout,  which  for  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  grievously  tormented  him;  though  for  a 
time  he  thought  himself  cured  by  the  intercession  of 
the  Iroquois  saint,  Catharine  Tegahkouita,  to  whom 
he  had  made  a  vow  to  that  end.  He  was,  without 
doubt,  an  habitual  breaker  of  the  royal  ordinances 
regulating  the  fur-trade;  yet  his  services  were  great 
to  the  colony  and  to  the  crown,  and  his  name  deserves 
a  place  of  honor  among  the  pioneers  of  American 
civilization.1 

1  The  facts  concerning  Du  Lhut  have  been  gleaned  from  a  vari- 
oty  of  contemporary  documents,  chiefly  the  letters  of  his  enemy 
Duchesneau,  who  always  puts  him  in  the  worst  light,  especially  in 
his  despatch  to  Seignelay  of  10  Nov.,  1679,  where  he  charges  both 
3iim  and  the  governor  with  carrying  on  an  illicit  trade  with  the 
English  of  New  York.  Du  Lhut  himself,  in  a  memoir  dated  1685 
(see  Harrisse,  Bibliographie,  176), strongly  denies  these  charges.  Du 
Lhut  built  a  trading  fort  on  Lake  Superior,  called  Cananistigoyan 
(La  Hontan),  or  Kamalastigouia  (Perrot).  It  was  on  the  north  side, 
at  the  mouth  of  a  river  entering  Thunder  Bay,  where  Fort  William 
now  stands.  In  1684  he  caused  two  Indians,  who  had  murdered 
several  Frenchmen  on  Lake  Superior,  to  be  shot.  He  displayed  in 
this  affair  great  courage  and  coolness,  undaunted  by  the  crowd  of 
excited  savages  who  surrounded  him  and  his  little  band  of  French- 
men. The  long  letter,  in  which  he  recounts  the  capture  and  execu- 
tion of  the  murderers,  is  before  me.  Duchesneau  makes  his  con- 
duct on  this  occasion  the  ground  of  a  charge  of  rashness.  In  1686 
Denonville,  then  governor  of  the  colony,  ordered  him  to  fortify  the 
Detroit;  that  is,  the  strait  between  Lakes  Erie  and  Huron.  He 
went  thither  with  fifty  men  and  built  a  palisade  fort,  which  he 
occupied  for  some  time.  In  1687  he,  together  with  Tonty  and 
Durantaye,  joined  Denonville  against  the  Senecas,  with  a  body  of 
Indians  from  the  Upper  Lakes.  In  1689,  during  the  panic  that 
followed  the  Iroquois  invasion  of  Montreal,  Du  Lhut,  with  twenty- 
eight  Canadians,  attacked  twenty-two  Iroquois  in  canoes,  received 
their  fire  without  returning  it,  bore  down  upon  them,  killed  eighteen 
of  them,  and  captured  three,  only  one  escaping.  In  1696  he  was  in 


276         HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680. 

When  Hennepin  met  him,  he  had  been  about  two 
years  in  the  wilderness.  In  September,  1678,  he  left 
Quebec  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the  region  of  the 
Upper  Mississippi,  and  establishing  relations  of 
friendship  with  the  Sioux  and  their  kindred  the 
Assiniboins.  In  the  summer  of  1679  he  visited  three 
large  towns  of  the  eastern  division  of  the  Sioux, 
including  those  visited  by  Hennepin  in  the  following 
year,  and  planted  the  King's  arms  in  all  of  them. 
Early  in  the  autumn  he  was  at  the  head  of  Lake 
Superior,  holding  a  council  with  the  Assiniboins  and 
the  lake  tribes,  and  inducing  them  to  live  at  peace 
with  the  Sioux.  In  all  this,  he  acted  in  a  public 

command  at  Fort  Frontenac.  In  1697  he  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  a  company  of  infantry,  but  was  suffering  wretchedly  from  the 
gout  at  Fort  Frontenac.  In  1710  Vaudreuil,  in  a  despatch  to  the 
minister  Ponchartrain,  announced  his  death  as  occurring  in  the  pre- 
vious winter,  and  added  the  brief  comment,  "  c'etait  un  tres-honnete 
homme."  Other  contemporaries  speak  to  the  same  effect.  "Mr- 
Dulhut,  Gentilhomme  Lionnois,  qui  a  beaucoup  de  merite  et  de 
capacit^."  —  La  Hontan,  i.  103  (1703).  "LeSieur  du  Lut,  homme 
d'esprit  et  d'experience."  —  Le  Clerc,  ii.  137.  Charlevoix  calls  him 
"  one  of  the  bravest  officers  the  King  has  ever  had  in  this  colony." 
His  name  is  variously  spelled  Du  Luc,  Du  Lud,  Dtf  Lude,  Du  Lut» 
Du  Luth,  Du  Lhut.  For  an  account  of  the  Iroquois  virgin,  Tegah- 
kouita,  whose  intercession  is  said  to  have  cured  him  of  the  gout, 
see  Charlevoix,  i.  672. 

On  a  contemporary  manuscript  map  by  the  Jesuit  Raffeix,  repre- 
senting the  routes  of  Marquette,  La  Salle,  and  Du  Lhut,  are  the 
following  words,  referring  to  the  last-named  discoverer,  and  inter- 
esting in  connection  with  Hennepin's  statements :  "  Mr-  du  Lude  le 
premier  a  este  chez  les  Sioux  en  1678,  et  a  este  proche  la  source  du 
Mississippi,  et  ensuite  vint  retirer  le  P-  Louis  [Hennepin]  qui  avoit 
este*  fait  prisonnier  chez  les  Sioux."  Du  Lhut  here  appears  as  the 
deliverer  of  Hennepin.  One  of  his  men  wa*  named  Pepin ;  hence, 
no  doubt,  the  name  of  Lake  Pepin. 


1680.]  DU  LHUT'S  EXPLORATIONS.  277 

capacity,  under  the  author! ty  of  the  governor;  but 
h  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  forgot  his  own 
interests  or  those  of  his  associates.  The  intendant 
angrily  complains  that  he  aided  and  abetted  the 
coureurs  de  lois  in  their  lawless  courses,  and  sent 
down  in  their  canoes  great  quantities  of  beaver-skins 
consigned  to  the  merchants  in  league  with  him, 
under  cover  of  whose  names  the  governor  reaped  his 
share  of  the  profits. 

In  June,  1680,  while  Hennepin  was  in  the  Sioux 
villages,  Du  Lhut  set  out  from  the  head  of  Lake 
Superior,  with  two  canoes,  four  Frenchmen,  and  an 
Indian,  to  continue  his  explorations.1  He  ascended 
a  river,  apparently  the  Burnt  Wood,  and  reached 
from  thence  a  branch  of  the  Mississippi,  which  seems 
to  have  been  the  St.  Croix.  It  was  now  that,  to  his 
surprise,  he  learned  that  there  were  three  Europeans 
on  the  main  river  below;  and  fearing  that  they  might 
be  Englishmen  or  Spaniards  encroaching  on  the 
territories  of  the  King,  he  eagerly  pressed  forward  to 
solve  his  doubts.  When  he  saw  Hennepin,  his  mind 
was  set  at  rest;  and  the  travellers  met  with  mutual 
cordiality.  They  followed  the  Indians  to  their  vil- 
lages of  Mille  Lac,  where  Hennepin  had  now  no 
reason  to  complain  of  their  treatment  of  him.  The 
Sioux  gave  him  and  Du  Lhut  a  grand  feast  of  honor, 
at  which  were  seated  a  hundred  and  twenty  naked 
guests;  and  the  great  chief  Ouasicoude*,  with  his 

1  Memoir  on  the  French  Dominion  in  Canada,  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix 
781. 


278          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1680. 

own  hands,  placed  before  Hennepin  a  bark  dish  con- 
taining a  mess  of  smoked  meat  and  wild  rice. 

Autumn  had  come,  and  the  travellers  bethought 
them  of  going  home.  The  Sioux,  consoled  by  their 
promises  to  return  with  goods  for  trade,  did  not 
oppose  their  departure;  and  they  set  out  together, 
eight  white  men  in  all.  As  they  passed  St.  Anthony's 
Falls,  two  of  the  men  stole  two  buffalo-robes  which 
were  hung  on  trees  as  offerings  to  the  spirit  of  the 
cataract.  When  Du  Lhut  heard  of  it  he  was  very 
angry,  telling  the  men  that  they  had  endangered  the 
lives  of  the  whole  party.  Hennepin  admitted  that  in 
the  view  of  human  prudence  he  was  right,  but  urged 
that  the  act  was  good  and  praiseworthy,  inasmuch  as 
the  offerings  were  made  to  a  false  god;  while  the 
men,  on  their  part,  proved  mutinous,  declaring  that 
they  wanted  the  robes  and  meant  to  keep  them. 
The  travellers  continued  their  journey  in  great  ill- 
humor,  but  were  presently  soothed  by  the  excellent 
hunting  which  they  found  on  the  way.  As  they 
approached  the  Wisconsin,  they  stopped  to  dry  the 
meat  of  the  buffalo  they  had  killed,  when  to  their 
amazement  they  saw  a  war-party  of  Sioux  approach- 
ing in  a  fleet  of  canoes.  Hennepin  represents  him- 
self as  showing  on  this  occasion  an  extraordinary 
courage,  going  to  meet  the  Indians  with  a  peace- 
pipe,  and  instructing  Du  Lhut,  who  knew  more  of 
these  matters  than  he,  how  he  ought  to  behave.  The 
Sioux  proved  not  unfriendly,  and  said  nothing  of  the 
theft  of  the  buffalo-robes.  They  soon  went  on  their 


1881.]  THE  RETURN.  279 

v/ay  to  attack  the  Illinois  and  Missouris,  leaving  the 
Frenchmen  to  ascend  the  Wisconsin  unmolested. 

After  various  adventures,  they  reached  the  station 
of  the  Jesuits  at  Green  Bay;  but  its  existence  is 
wholly  ignored  by  Hennepin,  whose  zeal  for  his  own 
Order  will  not  permit  him  to  allude  to  this  establish- 
ment of  the  rival  missionaries.1  He  is  equally 
reticent  with  regard  to  the  Jesuit  mission  at 
Michilimackinac,  where  the  party  soon  after  arrived, 
and  where  they  spent  the  winter.  The  only  intima- 
tion which  he  gives  of  its  existence  consists  in  the 
mention  of  the  Jesuit  Pierson,  who  was  a  Fleming 
like  himself,  and  who  often  skated  with  him  on  the 
frozen  lake,  or  kept  him  company  in  fishing  through 
a  hole  in  the  ice.2  When  the  spring  opened, 
Hennepin  descended  Lake  Huron,  followed  the 
Detroit  to  Lake  Erie,  and  proceeded  thence  to 
Niagara.  Here  he  spent  some  time  in  making  a 
fresh  examination  of  the  cataract,  and  then  resumed 
his  voyage  on  Lake  Ontario.  He  stopped,  however, 
at  the  great  town  of  the  Senecas,  near  the  Genesee, 
where,  with  his  usual  spirit  of  meddling,  he  took 
upon  him  the  functions  of  the  civil  and  military 


1  On  the  other  hand,  he  seta  down  on  his  map  of  1683  a  mission 
of  the  Recollets  at  a  point  north  of  the  farthest  sources  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, to  which  no  white  man  had  ever  penetrated. 

2  He  says  that  Pierson  had  come  among  the  Indians  to  learn 
their  language ;  that  he  "  retained  the  frankness  and  rectitude  of 
our  country,"  and  "  a  disposition  always  on  the  side  of  candor  and 
sincerity.    In  a  word,  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  all  that  a  Christian 
ought  to  be  "(1697),  433. 


280          HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.  [1681. 

authorities,  convoked  the  chiefs  to  a  council,  and 
urged  them  to  set  at  liberty  certain  Ottawa  prisoners 
whom  they  had  captured  in  violation  of  treaties. 
Having  settled  this  affair  to  his  satisfaction,  he  went 
to  Fort  Frontenac,  where  his  brother  missionary, 
Buisset,  received  him  with  a  welcome  rendered  the 
warmer  by  a  story  which  had  reached  him  that  the 
Indians  had  hanged  Hennepin  with  his  own  cord  of 
St.  Francis. 

From  Fort  Frontenac  he  went  to  Montreal;  and 
leaving  his  two  men  on  a  neighboring  island,  that 
they  might  escape  the  payment  of  duties  on  a  quantity 
of  furs  which  they  had  with  them,  he  paddled  alone 
towards  the  town.  Count  Frontenac  chanced  to  be 
here,  and,  looking  from  the  window  of  a  house  near 
the  river,  he  saw  approaching  in  a  canoe  a  Ile'collet 
father,  whose  appearance  indicated  the  extremity  of 
hard  service;  for  his  face  was  worn  and  sunburnt, 
and  his  tattered  habit  of  St.  Francis  was  abundantly 
patched  with  scraps  of  buffalo-skin.  When  at  length 
he  recognized  the  long-lost  Hennepin,  he  received 
him,  as  the  father  writes,  "with  all  the  tenderness 
which  a  missionary  could  expect  from  a  person  of  his 
rank  and  quality."  He  kept  him  for  twelve  days  in 
his  own  house,  and  listened  with  interest  to  such  of 
his  adventures  as  the  friar  saw  fit  to  divulge. 

And  here  we  bid  farewell  to  Father  Hennepin. 
" Providence, "  he  writes,  "preserved  my  life  that  I 
might  make  known  my  great  discoveries  to  the 
world."  He  soon  after  went  to  Europe,  where  the 


1681.]  LA  SALLE'S  LETTERS.  281 

story  of  his  travels  found  a  host  of  readers,  but  where 
he  died  at  last  in  a  deserved  obscurity.1 

1  Since  the  two  preceding  chapters  were  written,  the  letters  of 
La  Salle  have  been  brought  to  light  by  the  researches  of  M.  Margry. 
They  confirm,  in  nearly  all  points,  the  conclusions  given  above ; 
though,  as  before  observed  (note,  186),  they  show  misstatements 
on  the  part  of  Hennepin  concerning  his  position  at  the  outset  of 
the  expedition.  La  Salle  writes :  "  J'ay  fait  remonter  le  fleuve  Col- 
bert, nomrae  par  les  Iroquois  Gastacha,  par  les  Outaouais  Mississipy 
par  un  canot  conduit  par  deux  de  mes  gens,  1'un  nomme'  Michel 
Accault  et  1'autre  Picard,  auxquels  le  R.  P.  Hennepin  se  joignit 
pour  ne  perdre  pas  1'occasion  de  prescher  1'1-Svangile  aux  peuples 
qui  habitent  dessus  et  qui  n'en  avoient  jamais  oui  parler."  In  the 
same  letter  he  recounts  their  voyage  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  and 
their  capture  by  the  Sioux  in  accordance  with  the  story  of  Hen- 
ri epin  himself.  Hennepin's  assertion,  that  La  Salle  had  promised 
to  send  a  number  of  men  to  meet  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wiscon- 
sin, turns  out  to  be  true.  "  Estans  tous  revenus  en  chasse  avec  les 
Nadouessioux  [Sioux]  vers  Ouisconsing  [Wisconsin],  le  R.  P.  Louis 
Hempin  [Hennepin]  et  Picard  prirent  resolution  de  venir  jusqu'a 
1  emboucheure  de  la  riviere  ou  j'avois  promis  d'envoyer  de  mes 
Eouvelles,  comme  j'avois  fait  par  six  hommes  que  les  Jesuistes 
desbaucherent  en  leur  disant  que  le  R.  P.  Louis  et  ses  compagnons 
de  voyage  avoient  este  tuez." 

It  is  clear  that  La  Salle  understood  Hennepin ;  for,  after  speak- 
ing of  his  journey,  he  adds :  "  J'ai  cru  qu'il  estoit  a  propos  de  vous 
faire  le  narre  des  aventures  de  ce  canot  parce  que  je  ne  doute  pas 
qu'on  en  parle ;  et  si  vous  souhaitez  en  conferer  avec  le  P.  Louis 
Hempin,  Recollect,  qui  est  repasse  en  France,  il  faut  un  peu  le  con- 
noistre,  car  il  ne  manquera  pas  d'exagerer  toutes  choses,  c'est  son 
caractere,  et  a  moy  mesme  il  m'a  escrit  comme  s'il  eust  este'  tout 
pres  d'estre  brusle,  quoiqu'il  n'en  ait  pas  este  seulement  en  danger; 
mais  il  croit  qu'il  luy  est  honorable  de  le  faire  de  la  sorte,  et  il  parle 
plus  conformement  a  ce  qu'il  veut  qu'a  ce  qu'il  scait."  —  Lettre  de  la 
SaUe,  22Aout,  1682  (1681  ?),  Margry,  ii.  259. 

On  his  return  to  France,  Hennepin  got  hold  of  the  manuscript, 
Relation  des  Decouvertes,  compiled  for  the  government  from  La 
Salle's  letters,  and,  as  already  observed,  made  very  free  use  of  it  in 
the  first  edition  of  his  book,  printed  in  1683.  In  1699  he  wished  to 
return  to  Canada ;  but,  in  a  letter  of  that  year,  Louis  XIV.  orders 


282  HENNEPItf  AMONG  THE  SIOUX.         [1681. 

the  governor  to  seize  him,  should  he  appear,  and  send  him  prisoner 
to  Kochefort.  This  seems  to  have  been  in  consequence  of  his 
renouncing  the  service  of  the  French  crown,  and  dedicating  his 
edition  of  1697  to  William  III.  of  England. 

More  than  twenty  editions  of  Hennepin's  travels  appeared,  in 
French,  English,  Dutch,  German,  Italian,  and  Spanish.  Most  of 
them  include  the  mendacious  narrative  of  the  pretended  descent  of 
the  Mississippi.  For  a  list  of  them,  see  Hist .  Mag.,  i.  346 ;  ii.  24 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

1681. 
LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW. 

Eis  CONSTANCY;  HIS  PLANS;  HIS  SAVAGE  ALLIES;  HE  BECOMES 
SNOW-BLIND.  —  NEGOTIATIONS.  —  GRAND  COUNCIL.  —  LA  SALLE'S 
ORATORY.  —  MEETING  WITH  TONTY.  —  PREPARATION.  —  DE- 
PARTURE. 

IN  tracing  the  adventures  of  Tonty  and  the  rovings 
of  Hennepin,  we  have  lost  sight  of  La  Salle,  the 
pivot  of  the  enterprise.  Returning  from  the  desola- 
tion and  horror  in  the  valley  of  the  Illinois,  he  had 
spent  the  winter  at  Fort  Miami,  on  the  St.  Joseph, 
by  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan.  Here  he  might 
have  brooded  on  the  redoubled  ruin  that  had  befallen 
him,  — the  desponding  friends,  the  exulting  foes;  the 
wasted  energies,  the  crushing  load  of  debt,  the  stormy 
past,  the  black  and  lowering  future.  But  his  mind 
was  of  a  different  temper.  He  had  no  thought  but 
to  grapple  with  adversity,  and  out  of  the  fragments 
of  his  ruin  to  build  up  the  fabric  of  success. 

He  would  not  recoil ;  but  he  modified  his  plans  to 
meet  the  new  contingency.  His  white  enemies  had 
found,  or  rather  perhaps  had  made,  a  savage  ally  in 
the  Iroquois.  Their  incursions  must  be  stopped,  or 


284  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1081. 

his  enterprise  would  come  to  nought;  and  he  thought 
he  saw  the  means  by  which  this  new  danger  could  be 
converted  into  a  source  of  strength.  The  tribes  of 
the  West,  threatened  by  the  common  enemy,  might 
be  taught  to  forget  their  mutual  animosities  and  join 
in  a  defensive  league,  with  La  Salle  at  its  head. 
They  might  be  colonized  around  his  fort  in  the  valley 
of  the  Illinois,  where  in  the  shadow  of  the  French 
flag,  and  with  the  aid  of  French  allies,  they  could 
hold  the  Iroquois  in  check,  and  acquire  in  some 
measure  the  arts  of  a  settled  life.  The  Franciscan 
friars  could  teach  them  the  Faith;  and  La  Salle  and 
his  associates  could  supply  them  with  goods,  in 
exchange  for  the  vast  harvest  of  furs  which  their 
hunters  could  gather  in  these  boundless  wilds. 
Meanwhile,  he  would  seek  out  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi;  and  the  furs  gathered  at  his  colony  in 
the  Illinois  would  then  find  a  ready  passage  to  the 
markets  of  the  world.  Thus  might  this  ancient 
slaughter-field  of  warring  savages  be  redeemed  to 
civilization  and  Christianity ;  and  a  stable  settlement, 
half-feudal,  half-commercial,  grow  up  in  the  heart  of 
the  western  wilderness.  This  plan  was  but  a  part  of 
the  original  scheme  of  his  enterprise,  adapted  to  new 
and  unexpected  circumstances ;  and  he  now  set  him- 
self to  its  execution  with  his  usual  vigor,  joined  to 
an  address  which,  when  dealing  with  Indians,  never 
failed  him. 

There  were  allies  close  at  hand.     Near  Fort  Miami 
were  the  huts  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  savages,  exiles 


1681.]  INDIAN  FRIENDS.  285 

from  their  homes,  and  strangers  in  this  western 
world.  Several  of  the  English  colonies,  from  Vir- 
ginia to  Maine,  had  of  late  years  been  harassed  by 
Indian  wars;  and  the  Puritans  of  New  England, 
above  all,  had  been  scourged  by  the  deadly  outbreak 
of  King  Philip's  war.  Those  engaged  in  it  had  paid 
ft  bitter  price  for  their  brief  triumphs.  A  band  of 
refugees,  chiefly  Abenakis  and  Mohegans,  driven 
i'rom  their  native  seats,  had  roamed  into  these  distant 
wilds,  and  were  wintering  in  the  friendly  neighbor- 
hood of  the  French.  La  Salle  soon  won  them  over 
to  his  interests.  One  of  their  number  was  the 
Mohegan  hunter,  who  for  two  years  had  faithfully 
followed  his  fortunes,  and  who  had  been  four  years  in 
the  West.  He  is  described  as  a  prudent  and  discreet 
young  man,  in  whom  La  Salle  had  great  confidence, 
and  who  could  make  himself  understood  in  several 
western  languages,  belonging,  like  his  own,  to  the 
great  Algonquin  tongue.  This  devoted  henchman 
proved  an  efficient  mediator  with  his  countrymen. 
The  New-England  Indians,  with  one  voice,  promised 
to  follow  La  Salle,  asking  no  recompense  but  to  call 
him  their  chief,  and  yield  to  him  the  love  and 
admiration  which  he  rarely  failed  to  command  from 
ibis  hero-worshipping  race. 

New  allies  soon  appeared.  A  Shawanoe  chief  from 
the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  whose  following  embraced  a 
hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  came  to  ask  the  protec- 
tion of  the  French  against  the  all-destroying  Iroquois. 
*The  Shawanoes  are  too  distant,"  was  La  Salle 's 


286  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681. 

reply ;  "  but  let  them  come  to  me  at  the  Illinois,  and 
they  shall  be  safe."  The  chief  promised  to  join  him 
in  the  autumn,  at  Fort  Miami,  with  all  his  band. 
But,  more  important  than  all,  the  consent  and 
co-operation  of  the  Illinois  must  be  gained ;  and  the 
Miamis,  their  neighbors  and  of  late  their  enemies, 
must  be  taught  the  folly  of  their  league  with  the 
Iroquois,  and  the  necessity  of  joining  in  the  new 
confederation.  Of  late,  they  had  been  made  to  see 
the  perfidy  of  their  dangerous  allies.  A  band  of  the 
Iroquois,  returning  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Tamaroa 
Illinois,  had  met  and  murdered  a  band  of  Miamis  on 
the  Ohio,  and  had  not  only  refused  satisfaction,  but 
had  intrenched  themselves  in  three  rude  forts  of 
trees  and  brushwood  in  the  heart  of  the  Miami 
country.  The  moment  was  favorable  for  negotiat- 
ing; but,  first,  La  Salle  wished  to  open  a  communi- 
cation with  the  Illinois,  some  of  whom  had  begun  to 
return  to  the  country  they  had  abandoned.  With 
this  view,  and  also,  it  seems,  to  procure  provisions, 
he  set  out  on  the  first  of  March,  with  his  lieutenant 
La  Forest,  and  fifteen  men. 

The  country  was  sheeted  in  snow,  and  the  party 
journeyed  on  snow-shoes ;  but  when  they  reached  the 
open  prairies,  the  white  expanse  glared  in  the  sun 
with  so  dazzling  a  brightness  that  La  Salle  and 
several  of  the  men  became  snow-blind.  They  stopped 
and  encamped  under  the  edge  of  a  forest;  and  here 
La  Salle  remained  in  darkness  for  three  days,  suffer- 
ing extreme  pain.  Meanwhile,  he  sent  forward  La 


1681.]  ILLINOIS   ALLIES.  287 

Forest  and  most  of  the  men,  keeping  with  him  his 
old  attendant  Hunaut.  Going  out  in  quest  of  pine- 
leaves,  —  a  decoction  of  which  was  supposed  to  be 
useful  in  cases  of  snow-blindness,  —  this  man  dis- 
covered the  fresh  tracks  of  Indians,  followed  them, 
and  found  a  camp  of  Outagamies,  or  Foxes,  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Green  Bay.  From  them  he  heard 
welcome  news.  They  told  him  that  Tonty  was  safe 
among  the  Pottawattamies,  and  that  Hennepin  had 
passed  through  their  country  on  his  return  from 
among  the  Sioux.1 

A  thaw  took  place ;  the  snow  melted  rapidly ;  the 
rivers  were  opened ;  the  blind  men  began  to  recover ; 
and  launching  the  canoes  which  they  had  dragged 
after  them,  the  party  pursued  their  way  by  water. 
They  soon  met  a  band  of  Illinois.  La  Salle  gave 
them  presents,  condoled  with  them  on  their  losses, 
and  urged  them  to  make  peace  and  alliance  with  the 
Miamis.  Thus,  he  said,  they  could  set  the  Iroquois 
at  defiance ;  for  he  himself,  with  his  Frenchmen  and 
his  Indian  friends,  would  make  his  abode  among 
them,  supply  them  with  goods,  and  aid  them  to 
defend  themselves.  They  listened,  well  pleased, 
promised  to  carry  his  message  to  their  countrymen, 
and  furnished  him  with  a  large  supply  of  corn.2 
Meanwhile  he  had  rejoined  La  Forest,  whom  he  now 

1  Relation  des  Decouvertes.    Compare  Lettre  de  La  Salle  (Margry, 
ii.  144). 

2  This  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  secret  repositories,  or 
caches,  of  the  ruined  town  of  the  Illinois. 


288  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681, 

sent  to   Michilimackinac   to  await  Tonty,   and   tell 
him  to  remain  there  till  he,  La  Salle,  should  arrive. 

Having  thus  accomplished  the  objects  of  his 
journey,  he  returned  to  Fort  Miami,  whence  he  soon 
after  ascended  the  St.  Joseph  to  the  village  of  the 
Miami  Indians,  on  the  portage,  at  the  head  of  the 
Kankakee.  Here  he  found  unwelcome  guests. 
These  were  three  Iroquois  warriors,  who  had  been 
for  some  time  in  the  place,  and  who,  as  he  was  told, 
had  demeaned  themselves  with  the  insolence  of  con- 
querors, and  spoken  of  the  French  with  the  utmost 
contempt.  He  hastened  to  confront  them,  rebuked 
and  menaced  them,  and  told  them  that  now,  when  he 
was  present,  they  dared  not  repeat  the  calumnies 
which  they  had  uttered  in  his  absence.  They  stood 
abashed  and  confounded,  and  during  the  following 
night  secretly  left  the  town  and  fled.  The  effect 
was  prodigious  on  the  minds  of  the  Miamis,  when 
they  saw  that  La  Salle,  backed  by  ten  Frenchmen, 
could  command  from  their  arrogant  visitors  a  respect 
which  they,  with  their  hundreds  of  warriors,  had 
wholly  failed  to  inspire.  Here,  at  the  outset,  was 
an  augury  full  of  promise  for  the  approaching 
negotiations. 

There  were  other  strangers  in  the  town,  —  a  band 
of  eastern  Indians,  more  numerous  than  those  who 
had  wintered  at  the  fort.  The  greater  number  were 
from  Rhode  Island,  including,  probably,  some  of 
King  Philip's  warriors ;  others  were  from  New.  York. 
and  others  again  from  Virginia.  La  Salle  called 


1681.]  GRAND  COUNCIL.  289 

them  to  a  council,  promised  them  a  new  home  in  the 
West  under  the  protection  of  the  Great  King,  with 
rich  lands,  an  abundance  of  game,  and  French  traders 
to  supply  them  with  the  goods  which  they  had  once 
received  from  the  English.  Let  them  but  help  him 
to  make  peace  between  the  Miamis  and  the  Illinois, 
and  he  would  insure  for  them  a  future  of  prosperity 
and  safety.  They  listened  with  open  ears,  and 
promised  their  aid  in  the  work  of  peace. 

On  the  next  morning,  the  Miamis  were  called  to  a 
grand  council.  It  was  held  in  the  lodge  of  their 
chief,  from  which  the  mats  were  removed,  that  the 
crowd  without  might  hear  what  was  said.  La  Salle 
rose  and  harangued  the  concourse.  Few  men  were  so 
skilled  in  the  arts  of  forest  rhetoric  and  diplomacy. 
After  the  Indian  mode,  he  was,  to  follow  his  chroni- 
clers, "the  greatest  orator  in  North  America."1  He 
began  with  a  gift  of  tobacco,  to  clear  the  brains  of 
his  auditory;  next,  for  he  had  brought  a  canoe-load 
of  presents  to  support  his  eloquence,  he  gave  them 
cloth  to  cover  their  dead,  coats  to  dress  them, 
hatchets  to  build  a  grand"  scaffold  in  their  honor,  and 
beads,  bells,  and  trinkets  of  all  sorts,  to  decorate 
their  relatives  at  a  grand  funeral  feast.  All  this  was 
mere  metaphor.  The  living,  while  appropriating 
the  gifts  to  their  own  use,  were  pleased  at  the  com- 
pliment offered  to  their  dead;  and  their  delight 
redoubled  as  the  orator  proceeded.  One  of  their 

1  "En  ce  genre,  il  etoit  le  plus  grand  orateur  de  I'Ame'rique 
Septentrionale."  —  Relation  de*  Decouvertes. 

19 


290  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681. 

great  chiefs  had  lately  been  killed;  and  La  Salle, 
after  a  eulogy  of  the  departed,  declared  that  he  would 
now  raise  him  to  life  again;  that  is,  that  he  would 
assume  his  name  and  give  support  to  his  squaws  and 
children.  This  flattering  announcement  drew  forth 
an  outburst  of  applause;  and  when,  to  confirm  his 
words,  his  attendants  placed  before  them  a  huge  pile 
of  coats,  shirts,  and  hunting-knives,  the  whole 
assembly  exploded  in  yelps  of  admiration. 

Now  came  the  climax  of  the  harangue,  introduced 
by  a  further  present  of  six  guns :  — 

"  He  who  is  my  master,  and  the  master  of  all  this 
country,  is  a  mighty  chief,  feared  by  the  whole 
world;  but  he  loves  peace,  and  the  words  of  his  lips 
are  for  good  alone.  He  is  called  the  King  of  France, 
and  he  is  the  mightiest  among  the  chiefs  beyond  the 
great  water.  His  goodness  reaches  even  to  your 
dead,  and  his  subjects  come  among  you  to  raise  them 
up  to  life.  But  it  is  his  will  to  preserve  the  life  he 
has  given;  it  is  his  will  that  you  should  obey  his 
laws,  and  make  no  war  without  the  leave  of  Onontio, 
who  commands  in  his  name  at  Quebec,  and  who 
loves  all  the  nations  alike,  because  such  is  the  will  of 
the  Great  King.  You  ought,  then,  to  live  at  peace 
with  your  neighbors,  and  above  all  with  the  Illinois. 
You  have  had  causes  of  quarrel  with  them ;  but  their 
defeat  has  avenged  you.  Though  they  are  still 
strong,  they  wish  to  make  peace  with  you.  Be  con- 
tent with  the  glory  of  having  obliged  them  to  ask  for 
it  You  have  an  interest  in  preserving  them;  since, 


1681.]  THE  CHIEFS   REPLY.  291 

if  the  Iroquois  destroy  them,  they  will  next  destroy 
you.  Let  us  all  obey  the  Great  King,  and  live 
together  in  peace,  under  his  protection.  Be  of  my 
mind,  and  use  these  guns  that  I  have  given  you,  not 
to  make  war,  but  only  to  hunt  and  to  defend 
yourselves."1 

So  saying,  he  gave  two  belts  of  wampum  to  con- 
firm his  words ;  and  the  assembly  dissolved.  On  the 
following  day,  the  chiefs  again  convoked  it,  and 
made  their  reply  in  form.  It  was  all  that  La  Salle 
could  have  wished.  "The  Illinois  is  our  brother, 
because  he  is  the  son  of  our  Father,  the  Great  King." 
"We  make  you  the  master  of  our  beaver  and  our 
lands,  of  our  minds  and  our  bodies."  "We  cannot 
wonder  that  our  brothers  from  the  East  wish  to  live 
with  you.  We  should  have  wished  so  too,  if  we  had 
known  what  a  blessing  it  is  to  be  the  children  of  the 
Great  King."  The  rest  of  this  auspicious  day  was 
passed  in  feasts  and  dances,  in  which  La  Salle  and 
his  Frenchmen  all  bore  part.  His  new  scheme  was 
hopefully  begun.  It  remained  to  achieve  the  enter- 
prise, twice  defeated,  of  the  discovery  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  —  that  vital  condition  of  his 
triumph,  without  which  all  other  success  was  mean- 
ingless and  vain. 

To  this  end  he  must  return  to  Canada,  appease 
his  creditors,  and  collect  his  scattered  resources. 
Towards  the  end  of  May  he  set  out  in  canoes  from 

1  Translated  from  the  Relation,  where  these  councils  are  reported 
at  great  length. 


292  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681. 

Fort  Miami,  and  reached  Michilimackinac  after  a 
prosperous  voyage.  Here,  to  his  great  joy,  he  found 
Tonty  and  Zenobe  Membre*,  who  had  lately  arrived 
from  Green  Bay.  The  meeting  was  one  at  which 
even  his  stoic  nature  must  have  melted.  Each  had 
for  the  other  a  tale  of  disaster;  but  when  La  Salle 
recounted  the  long  succession  of  his  reverses,  it  was 
with  the  tranquil  tone  and  cheerful  look  of  one  who 
relates  the  incidents  of  an  ordinary  journey.  Membra* 
looked  on  him  with  admiration.  "Any  one  else,"  he 
says,  "  would  have  thrown  up  his  hand  and  abandoned 
the  enterprise;  but,  far  from  this,  with  a  firmness 
and  constancy  that  never  had  its  equal,  I  saw  him 
more  resolved  than  ever  to  continue  his  work  and 
push  forward  his  discovery."1 

Without  loss  of  time  they  embarked  together  for 
Fort  Frontenac,  paddled  their  canoes  a  thousand 
miles,  and  safely  reached  their  destination.  Here, 
in  this  third  beginning  of  his  enterprise,  La  Salle 
found  himself  beset  with  embarrassments.  Not  only 
was  he  burdened  with  the  fruitless  costs  of  his  two 
former  efforts,  but  the  heavy  debts  which  he  had 
incurred  in  building  and  maintaining  Fort  Frontenac 
had  not  been  wholly  paid.  The  fort  and  the  seigniory 
were  already  deeply  mortgaged;  yet  through  the 
influence  of  Count  Frontenac,  the  assistance  of  his 


1  Membrd  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  208.  Tonty,  in  his  memoir  of 
speaks  of  the  joy  of  La  Salle  at  the  meeting.  The  Relation,  usually 
very  accurate,  says,  erroneously,  that  Tonty  had  gone  to  Fort  Fron- 
tenac. La  Forest  had  gone  thither,  not  long  before  La  Salle's 
arrival. 


1681.]  THE   TORONTO   PORTAGE.  293 

secretary  Barrels,  a  consummate  man  of  business,  and 
the  support  of  a  wealthy  relative,  he  found  means  to 
appease  his  creditors  and  even  to  gain  fresh  advances. 
To  this  end,  however,  he  was  forced  to  part  with  a 
portion  of  his  monopolies.  Having  first  made  his 
will  at  Montreal,  in  favor  of  a  cousin  who  had 
befriended  him,1  he  mustered  his  men,  and  once  more 
set  forth,  resolved  to  trust  no  more  to  agents,  but  to 
lead  on  his  followers,  in  a  united  body,  under  his 
own  personal  command.2 

At  the  beginning  of  autumn  he  was  at  Toronto, 
where  the  long  and  difficult  portage  to  Lake  Simcoe 
detained  him  a  fortnight.  He  spent  a  part  of  it  in 
writing  an  account  of  what  had  lately  occurred  to  a 
correspondent  in  France,  and  he  closes  his  letter 
thus :  "  This  is  all  I  can  tell  you  this  year.  I  have 
a  hundred  things  to  write,  but  you  could  not  believe 
how  hard  it  is  to  do  it  among  Indians.  The  canoes 
and  their  lading  must  be  got  over  the  portage,  and  I 
must  speak  to  them  continually  and  bear  all  their 
importunity,  or  else  they  will  do  nothing  I  want.  I 
hope  to  write  more  at  leisure  next  year,  and  tell  you 

1  Copie  du  Testament  du  deffunt  Sr-   de  la  SaUe,  11  Aout,  1681. 
The  relative  was  Francois  Plet,  to  whom  he  was  deeply  in  debt. 

2  "  On  apprendra  a  la  fin  de  cette  anne'e,  1682,  le  succes  de  la 
decouverte  qu'il  etoit  resolu  d'achever,  au  plus  tard  le  printemps 
dernier  on  de  perir  en  y  travaillant.    Tant  de  traverses  et  de  mal- 
heurs  tou jours  arrives  en  son  absence  1'ont  fait  re'soudre  a  ne  se 
fier  plus  a  personne  et  a  conduire  lui-meme  tout  son  monde,  tout 
son  equipage,  et  toute  son  entreprise,  de  laquelle  il  espe'roit  une 
heureuse  conclusion." 

The  above  is  a  part  of  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  Relation  dei 
JXcouvertes,  to  often  cited. 


294  LA  SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681. 

the  end  of  this  business,  which  I  hope  will  turn  out 
well :  for  I  have  M.  de  Tonty,  who  is  full  of  zeal ; 
thirty  Frenchmen,  all  good  men,  without  reckoning 
such  as  I  cannot  trust;  and  more  than  a  hundred 
Indians,  some  of  them  Shawanoes,  and  others  from 
New  England,  all  of  whom  know  hpw  to  use  guns." 
It  was  October  before  he  reached  Lake  Huron. 
Day  after  day  and  week  after  week  the  heavy-laden 
canoes  crept  on  along  the  lonely  wilderness  shores, 
by  the  monotonous  ranks  of  bristling  moss-bearded 
firs ;  lake  and  forest,  forest  and  lake ;  a  dreary  scene 
haunted  with  yet  more  dreary  memories,  —  disasters, 
sorrows,  and  deferred  hopes;  time,  strength,  and 
wealth  spent  in  vain ;  a  ruinous  past  and  a  doubtful 
future;  slander,  obloquy,  and  hate.  With  unmoved 
heart,  the  patient  voyager  held  his  course,  and 
drew  up  his  canoes  at  last  on  the  beach  at  Fort 
Miami. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1681-1682. 
SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE. 

His  FOLLOWERS.  —  THE  CHICAGO  PORTAGE.  —  DESCENT  OF  THE  MIS- 
SISSIPPI.—  THE  LOST  HUNTER. — THE  ARKANSAS.  —  THE  TAEN- 
SAS.  —  THE  NATCHEZ.  —  HOSTILITY.  —  THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  MIS- 
SISSIPPI. —  LOUIS  XIV.  PROCLAIMED  SOVEREIGN  OF  THE  GREAT 

WEST. 

THE  season  was  far  advanced.  On  the  bare  limbs 
of  the  forest  hung  a  few  withered  remnants  of  its 
gay  autumnal  livery;  and  the  smoke  crept  upward 
through  the  sullen  November  air  from  the  squalid 
wigwams  of  La  Salle's  Abenaki  and  Mohegan  allies. 
These,  his  new  friends,  were  savages  whose  midnight 
yells  had  startled  the  border  hamlets  of  New  Eng- 
land; who  had  danced  around  Puritan  scalps,  and 
whom  Puritan  imaginations  painted  as  incarnate 
fiends.  La  Salle  chose  eighteen  of  them,  whom  he 
added  to  the  twenty-three  Frenchmen  who  remained 
with  him,  some  of  the  rest  having  deserted  and  others 
lagged  behind.  The  Indians  insisted  on  taking  their 
squaws  with  them.  These  were  ten  in  number, 
besides  three  children;  and  thus  the  expedition 
included  fifty-four  persons,  of  whom  some  were  use- 
less, and  others  a  burden. 


296  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

On  the  21st  of  December,  Tonty  and  Membr6  set 
out  from  Fort  Miami  with  some  of  the  party  in  six 
canoes,  and  crossed  to  the  little  river  Chicago.1  La 
Salle,  with  the  rest  of  the  men,  joined  them  a  few 
days  later.  It  was  the  dead  of  winter,  and  the 
streams  were  frozen.  They  made  sledges,  placed  on 
them  the  canoes,  the  baggage,  and  a  disabled  French- 
man; crossed  from  the  Chicago  to  the  northern 
branch  of  the  Illinois,  and  filed  in  a  long  procession 
down  its  frozen  course.  They  reached  the  site  of 
the  great  Illinois  village,  found  it  tenantless,  and 
continued  their  journey,  still  dragging  their  canoes, 
till  at  length  they  reached  open  water  below  Lake 
Peoria. 

La  Salle  had  abandoned  for  a  time  his  original 
plan  of  building  a  vessel  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi.  Bitter  experience  had  taught  him  the 
difficulty  of  the  attempt,  and  he  resolved  to  trust  to 

1  La  Salle,  Relation  de  la  Decouverte,  1682,  in  Thomassy,  Geologic, 
Pratique  de  la  Louisiane,  9 ;  Lettre  du  Pere  Zenobe  Membre,  3  Juin, 
1682 ;  Ibid.,  14  Aout,  1682 ;  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  214 ;  Tonty, 
1684,  1693 ;  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession  de  la  Louisiane  ,- 
Feuilles  de'tachees  d'une  Lettre  de  La  Salle  (Margry,  ii.  164) ;  Recit  de 
Nicolas  de  la  Salle  (Ibid.,  i.  547). 

The  narrative  ascribed  to  Membre  and  published  by  Le  Clerc  is 
based  on  the  document  preserved  in  the  Archives  Scientifiques  de 
la  Marine,  entitled  Relation  de  la  Decouverte  de  I' Embouchure  de  la 
Riviere  Mississippi  faite  par  le  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  I'annee  passee,  1682. 
The  writer  of  the  narrative  has  used  it  very  freely,  copying  the 
greater  part  verbatim,  with  occasional  additions  of  a  kind  which 
seem  to  indicate  that  he  had  taken  part  in  the  expedition.  The 
Relation  de  la  Decouverte,  though  written  in  the  third  person,  is  the 
official  report  of  the  discovery  made  by  La  Salle,  or  perhaps  for 
him  by  Membre. 


1682.]  PRUDHOMME.  297 

his  canoes  alone.  They  embarked  again,  floating 
prosperously  down  between  the  leafless  forests  that 
flanked  the  tranquil  river;  till,  on  the  sixth  of 
February,  they  issued  upon  the  majestic  bosom  of 
the  Mississippi.  Here,  for  the  time,  their  progress 
was  stopped ;  for  the  river  was  full  of  floating  ice. 
La  Salle's  Indians,  too,  had  lagged  behind;  but 
within  a  week  all  had  arrived,  the  navigation  was 
once  more  free,  and  they  resumed  their  course. 
Towards  evening  they  saw  on  their  right  the  mouth 
of  a  great  river;  and  the  clear  current  was  invaded 
by  the  headlong  torrent  of  the  Missouri,  opaque  with 
mud.  They  built  their  camp-fires  in  the  neighboring 
forest;  and  at  daylight,  embarking  anew  on  the  dark 
and  mighty  stream,  drifted  swiftly  down  towards 
unknown  destinies.  They  passed  a  deserted  town  of 
the  Tamaroas;  saw,  three  days  after,  the  mouth  of 
the  Ohio ; l  and,  gliding  by  the  wastes  of  bordering 
swamp,  landed  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February  near 
the  Third  Chickasaw  Bluffs.2  They  encamped,  and 
the  hunters  went  out  for  game.  All  returned,  except- 
ing Pierre  Prudhomme;  and  as  the  others  had  seen 
fresh  tracks  of  Indians,  La  Salle  feared  that  he  was 
killed.  While  some  of  his  followers  built  a  small 
stockade  fort  on  a  high  bluff3  by  the  river,  others 

1  Called  by  Membre  the  Ouabache  (Wabash). 

2  La  Salle,  Relation  de  la  Decouverte  de  I' Embouchure,  etc. ;  Tho- 
massy,  10.    Membre  gives  the  same  date;  but  the  Proces  Verbal 
makes  it  the  twenty-sixth. 

8  Gravier,  in  his  letter  of  16  Feb.,  1701,  says  that  he  encamped 
near  a  "  great  bluff  of  stone,  called  Fort  Prudhomme,  because  M.  de 


298  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

ranged  the  woods  in  pursuit  of  the  missing  hunter. 
After  six  days  of  ceaseless  and  fruitless  search,  they 
met  two  Chickasaw  Indians  in  the  forest;  and  through 
them  La  Salle  sent  presents  and  peace-messages  to 
that  warlike  people,  whose  villages  were  a  few  days' 
journey  distant.  Several  days  later  Prudhomme  was 
found,  and  brought  into  the  camp,  half-dead.  He 
had  lost  his  way  while  hunting ;  and  to  console  him 
for  his  woes  La  Salle  christened  the  newly  built  fort 
with  his  name,  and  left  him,  with  a  few  others,  in 
charge  of  it. 

Again  they  embarked;  and  with  every  stage  of 
their  adventurous  progress  the  mystery  of  this  vast 
New  World  was  more  and  more  unveiled.  More  and 
more  they  entered  the  realms  of  spring.  The  hazy 
sunlight,  the  warm  and  drowsy  air,  the  tender  foliage, 
the  opening  flowers,  betokened  the  reviving  life  of 
Nature.  For  several  days  more  they  followed  the 
writhings  of  the  great  river  on  its  tortuous  course 
through  wastes  of  swamp  and  canebrake,  till  on  the 
thirteenth  of  March l  they  found  themselves  wrapped 
in  a  thick  fog.  Neither  shore  was  visible ;  but  they 
heard  on  the  right  the  booming  of  an  Indian  drum 
and  the  shrill  outcries  of  the  war-dance.  La  Salle  at 
once  crossed  to  the  opposite  side,  where,  in  less  than 
an  hour,  his  men  threw  up  a  rude  fort  of  felled  trees. 

la  Salle,  going  on  his  discovery,  intrenched  himself  here  with  his 
party,  fearing  that  Prudhomme,  who  had  lost  himself  in  the  woods, 
had  been  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  that  he  himself  would  be 
attacked.0 

1  La  Salle,  Relation  ;  Thomassy,  11. 


1682.]  THE  ARKANSAS.  299 

Meanwhile  the  fog  cleared;  and  from  the  farther 
bank  the  astonished  Indians  saw  the  strange  visitors 
at  their  work.  Some  of  the  French  advanced  to  the 
edge  of  the  water,  and  beckoned  them  to  come  over. 
Several  of  them  approached,  in  a  wooden  canoe,  to 
within  the  distance  of  a  gun-shot.  La  Salle  dis- 
played the  calumet,  and  sent  a  Frenchman  to  meet 
them.  He  was  well  received;  and  the  friendly  mood 
of  the  Indians  being  now  apparent,  the  whole  party 
Grossed  the  river. 

On  landing,  they  found  themselves  at  a  town  of 
the  Kappa  band  of  the  Arkansas,  a  people  dwelling 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  bears  their  name. 
;'The  whole  village,"  writes  Membre'  to  his  superior, 
''came  down  to  the  shore  to  meet  us,  except  the 
women,  who  had  run  off.  I  cannot  tell  you  the  civil- 
ity and  kindness  we  received  from  these  barbarians, 
who  brought  us  poles  to  make  huts,  supplied  us  with 
firewood  during  the  three  days  we  were  among  them, 
and  took  turns  in  feasting  us.  But,  my  Reverend 
Father,  this  gives  no  idea  of  the  good  qualities  of 
these  savages,  who  are  gay,  civil,  and  free-hearted. 
The  young  men,  though  the  most  alert  and  spirited 
we  had  seen,  are  nevertheless  so  modest  that  not  one 
of  them  would  take  the  liberty  to  enter  our  hut,  but 
all  stood  quietly  at  the  door.  They  are  so  well 
formed  that  we  were  in  admiration  at  their  beauty. 
We  did  not  lose  the  value  of  a  pin  while  we  were 
among  them." 

Various  were  the  dances  and  ceremonies  witih  which 


300  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

they  entertained  the  strangers,  who,  on  their  part, 
responded  with  a  solemnity  which  their  hosts  would 
have  liked  less  if  they  had  understood  it  better.  La 
Salle  and  Tonty,  at  the  head  of  their  followers, 
marched  to  the  open  area  in  the  midst  of  the  village. 
Here,  to  the  admiration  of  the  gazing  crowd  of  war- 
riors, women,  and  children,  a  cross  was  raised  bear- 
ing the  arms  of  France.  Membre',  in  canonicals, 
sang  a  hymn ;  the  men  shouted  Vive  le  Roi ;  and  La 
Salle,  in  the  King's  name,  took  formal  possession  of 
the  country.1  The  friar,  not,  he  flatters  himself, 
without  success,  labored  to  expound  by  signs  the 
mysteries  of  the  Faith;  while  La  Salle,  by  methods 
equally  satisfactory,  drew  from  the  chief  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  fealty  to  Louis  XIV.2 

After  touching  at  several  other  towns  of  this 
people,  the  voyagers  resumed  their  course,  guided  by 
two  of  the  Arkansas ;  passed  the  sites,  since  become 
historic,  of  Vicksburg  and  Grand  Gulf;  and,  about 
three  hundred  miles  below  the  Arkansas,  stopped  by 
the  edge  of  a  swamp  on  the  western  side  of  the 

1  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession  du  Pays  des  Arkansas,  14 
Mars,  1682. 

2  The  nation  of  the  Akanseas,  Alkansas,  or  Arkansas,  dwelt  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas. 
They  were  divided  into  four  tribes,  living  for  the  most  part  in  sepa- 
rate villages.    Those  first  visited  by  La  Salle  were  the  Kappas,  or 
Quapaws,  a  remnant  of  whom  still  subsists.    The  others  were  the 
Topingas,  or  Tongengas ;    the  Torimans ;   and  the  Osotouoy,  or 
Sauthouis.    According  to  Charlevoix,  who  saw  them  in  1721,  they 
were  regarded  as  the  tallest  and  best-formed  Indians  in  America, 
and  were  known  as  les  Beaux  Hommes.    Gravier  says  that  they  once 
lived  on  the  Ohio. 


1682.]  THE   TAENSAS.  301 

river.1  Here,  as  their  two  guides  told  them,  was 
the  path  to  the  great  town  of  the  Taensas.  Tonty 
and  Membrd  were  sent  to  visit  it.  They  and  their 
men  shouldered  their  birch  canoe  through  the  swamp, 
and  launched  it  on  a  lake  which  had  once  formed  a 
portion  of  the  channel  of  the  river.  In  two  hours, 
they  reached  the  town ;  and  Tonty  gazed  at  it  with 
astonishment.  He  had  seen  nothing  like  it  in 
America,  —  large  square  dwellings,  built  of  sun- 
baked mud  mixed  with  straw,  arched  over  with  a 
dome-shaped  roof  of  canes,  and  placed  in  regular 
order  around  an  open  area.  Two  of  them  were 
larger  and  better  than  the  rest.  One  was  the  lodge 
of  the  chief;  the  other  was  the  temple,  or  house  of 
the  Sun.  They  entered  the  former,  and  found  a 
single  room,  forty  feet  square,  where,  in  the  dim 
light,  —  for  there  was  no  opening  but  the  door,  —  the 
chief  sat  awaiting  them  on  a  sort  of  bedstead,  three 
of  his  wives  at  his  side ;  while  sixty  old  men,  wrapped 
in  white  cloaks  woven  of  mulberry-bark,  formed  his 
divan.  When  he  spoke,  his  wives  howled  to  do 
him  honor;  and  the  assembled  councillors  listened 
with  the  reverence  due  to  a  potentate  for  whom,  at 
his  death,  a  hundred  victims  were  to  be  sacrificed. 
He  received  the  visitors  graciously,  and  joyfully 

1  In  Tensas  County,  Louisiana.  Tonty's  estimates  of  distance 
are  here  much  too  low.  They  seem  to  be  founded  on  observations 
of  latitude,  without  reckoning  the  windings  of  the  river.  It  may 
interest  sportsmen  to  know  that  the  party  killed  several  large  alii 
gators,  on  their  way.  Membre  is  much  astonished  that  such  mon- 
sters should  be  born  of  eggs  like  chickens. 


302  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

accepted  the  gifts  which  Tonty  kid  before  him.1 
This  interview  over,  the  Frenchmen  repaired  to  the 
temple,  wherein  were  kept  the  bones  of  the  departed 
chiefs.  In  construction,  it  was  much  like  the  royal 
dwelling.  Over  it  were  rude  wooden  figures,  repre- 
senting three  eagles  turned  towards  the  east.  A 
strong  mud  wall  surrounded  it,  planted  with  stakes, 
on  which  were  stuck  the  skulls  of  enemies  sacrificed 
to  the  Sun;  while  before  the  door  was  a  block  of 
wood,  on  which  lay  a  large  shell  surrounded  with  the 
braided  hair  of  the  victims.  The  interior  was  rude 
as  a  barn,  dimly  lighted  from  the  doorway,  and  full 
of  smoke.  There  was  a  structure  in  the  middle 
which  Membre*  thinks  was  a  kind  of  altar ;  and  before 
it  burned  a  perpetual  fire,  fed  with  three  logs  laid 
end  to  end,  and  watched  by  two  old  men  devoted  to 
this  sacred  office.  There  was  a  mysterious  recess, 
too,  which  the  strangers  were  forbidden  to  explore, 
but  which,  as  Tonty  was  told,  contained  the  riches 
of  the  nation,  consisting  of  pearls  from  the  Gulf,  and 
trinkets  obtained,  probably  through  other  tribes,  from 
the  Spaniards  and  other  Europeans. 

The  chief  condescended  to  visit  La  Salle  at  his 
camp,  —  a  favor  which  he  would  by  no  means  have 
granted,  had  the  visitors  been  Indians.  A  master  of 
ceremonies  and  six  attendants  preceded  him,  to  clear 

1  Tonty,  1684,  1693.  In  the  spurious  narrative,  published  in 
Tonty's  name,  the  account  is  embellished  and  exaggerated.  Com- 
pare Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  227.  La  Salle's  statements  in  the 
Relation  of  1682  (Thomassy,  12)  sustain  those  of  Tonty. 


1682.]  THE  NATCHEZ.  303 

the  path  and  prepare  the  place  of  meeting.  When 
all  was  ready,  he  was  seen  advancing,  clothed  in  a 
white  robe  and  preceded  by  two  men  bearing  white 
fans,  while  a  third  displayed  a  disk  of  burnished 
copper,  —  doubtless  to  represent  the  Sun,  his  ancestor, 
or,  as  others  will  have  it,  his  elder  brother.  His 
aspect  was  marvellously  grave,  and  he  and  La  Salle 
met  with  gestures  of  ceremonious  courtesy.  The 
interview  was  very  friendly;  and  the  chief  returned 
well  pleased  with  the  gifts  which  his  entertainer 
bestowed  on  him,  and  which,  indeed,  had  been  the 
principal  motive  of  his  visit. 

On  the  next  morning,  as  they  descended  the  river, 
they  saw  a  wooden  canoe  full  of  Indians ;  and  Tonty 
gave  chase.  He  had  nearly  overtaken  it,  when  more 
than  a  hundred  men  appeared  suddenly  on  the  shore, 
with  bows  bent  to  defend  their  countrymen.  La 
Salle  called  out  to  Tonty  to  withdraw.  He  obeyed ; 
and  the  whole  party  encamped  on  the  opposite  bank. 
Tonty  offered  to  cross  the  river  with  a  peace-pipe, 
and  set  out  accordingly  with  a  small  party  of  men. 
When  he  landed,  the  Indians  made  signs  of  friend- 
ship by  joining  their  hands,  —  a  proceeding  by  which 
Tonty,  having  but  one  hand,  was  somewhat  embar- 
rassed; but  he  directed  his  men  to  respond  in  his 
stead.  La  Salle  and  Membre*  now  joined  him,  and 
went  with  the  Indians  to  their  village,  three  leagues 
distant.  Here  they  spent  the  night.  "The  Sieur 
de  la  Salle,"  writes  Membre',  "whose  very  air,  engag- 
ing manners,  tact,  and  address  attract  love  and 


304  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

respect  alike,  produced  such  an  effect  on  the  hearts 
of  these  people  that  they  did  not  know  how  to  treat 
us  well  enough."1 

The  Indians  of  this  village  were  the  Natchez ;  and 
their  chief  was  brother  of  the  great  chief,  or  Sun,  of 
the  whole  nation.  His  town  was  several  leagues 
distant,  near  the  site  of  the  city  of  Natchez;  and 
thither  the  French  repaired  to  visit  him.  They  saw 
what  they  had  already  seen  among  the  Taensas,  —  a 
religious  and  political  despotism,  a  privileged  caste 
descended  from  the  sun,  a  temple,  and  a  sacred  fire.2 

1  Membre*  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  232. 

2  The  Natchez  and  the  Taensas,  whose  habits  and  customs  were 
similar,  did  not,  in  their  social  organization,  differ  radically  from 
other  Indians.    The  same  principle  of  clanship,  or  totemship,  so 
widely  spread,  existed  in  full  force  among  them,  combined  with 
their  religious  ideas,  and  developed  into  forms  of  which  no  other 
example,  equally  distinct,  is  to  be  found.    (For  Indian  clanship, 
see  "The  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  Introduction.)    Among    the 
Natchez  and  Taensas,  the  principal  clan  formed  a  ruling  caste ;  and 
its  chiefs  had  the  attributes  of  demi-gods.    As  descent  was  through 
the  female,  the  chief's  son  never  succeeded  him,  but  the  son  of 
one  of  his  sisters  ;  and  as  she,  by  the  usual  totemic  law,  was  forced 
to  marry  in  another  clan,  —  that  is,  to  marry  a  common  mortal,  — 
her  husband,  though  the  destined  father  of  a  demi-god,  was  treated 
by  her  as  little  better  than  a  slave.    She  might  kill  him,  if  he 
proved  unfaithful ;  but  he  was  forced  to  submit  to  her  infidelities 
in  silence. 

The  customs  of  the  Natchez  have  been  described  by  Du  Pratz, 
Le  Petit,  Penecaut,  and  others.  Charlevoix  visited  their  temple  in 
1721,  and  found  it  in  a  somewhat  shabby  condition.  At  this  time, 
the  Taensas  were  extinct.  In  1729  the  Natchez,  enraged  by  the 
arbitrary  conduct  of  a  French  commandant,  massacred  the  neigh- 
boring settlers,  and  were  in  consequence  expelled  from  their  country 
and  nearly  destroyed.  A  few  still  survive,  incorporated  with  the 
Creeks  ;  but  they  have  lost  their  peculiar  customs. 


1682.]  HOSTILITY.  305 

La  Salle  planted  a  large  cross,  with  the  arms  of 
France  attached,  in  the  midst  of  the  town ;  while  the 
inhabitants  looked  on  with  a  satisfaction  which  they 
would  hardly  have  displayed  had  they  understood  the 
meaning  of  the  act. 

The  French  next  visited  the  Coroas,  at  their  village 
two  leagues  below;  and  here  they  found  a  reception 
no  less  auspicious.  On  the  thirty-first  of  March,  as 
they  approached  Red  River,  they  passed  in  the  fog 
a  town  of  the  Oumas,  and  three  days  later  discovered 
a  party  of  fishermen,  in  wooden  canoes,  among  the 
canes  along  the  margin  of  the  water.  They  fled  at 
sight  of  the  Frenchmen.  La  Salle  sent  men  to  recon- 
noitre, who,  as  they  struggled  through  the  marsh, 
were  greeted  with  a  shower  of  arrows;  while  from 
the  neighboring  village  of  the  Quinipissas,1  invisible 
behind  the  canebrake,  they  heard  the  sound  of  an 
Indian  drum  and  the  whoops  of  the  mustering 
warriors.  La  Salle,  anxious  to  keep  the  peace  with 
all  the  tribes  along  the  river,  recalled  his  men,  and 
pursued  his  voyage.  A  few  leagues  below  they  saw 
a  cluster  of  Indian  lodges  on  the  left  bank,  apparently 
void  of  inhabitants.  They  landed,  and  found  three 
of  them  filled  with  corpses.  It  was  a  village  of  the 
Tangibao,  sacked  by  their  enemies  only  a  few  days 
before.2 

1  In  St.  Charles  County,  on  the  left  bank,  not  far  above  New 
Orleans. 

2  Hennepin  uses  this  incident,  as  well  as  most  of  those  which 
hare  preceded  it,  in  making  up  the  story  of  his  pretended  voyage  to 
the  Gulf. 

20    - 


306  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

And  now  they  neared  their  journey's  end.  On 
the  sixth  of  April  the  river  divided  itself  into  three 
broad  channels.  La  Salle  followed  that  of  the  west, 
and  Dautray  that  of  the  east;  while  Tonty  took  the 
middle  passage.  As  he  drifted  down  the  turbid 
current,  between  the  low  and  marshy  shores,  the 
brackish  water  changed  to  brine,  and  the  breeze  grew 
fresh  with  the  salt  breath  of  the  sea.  Then  the  broad 
bosom  of  the  great  Gulf  opened  on  his  sight,  tossing 
its  restless  billows,  limitless,  voiceless,  lonely  as  when 
born  of  chaos,  without  a  sail,  without  a  sign  of  life. 

La  Salle,  in  a  canoe,  coasted  the  marshy  borders 
of  the  sea;  and  then  the  reunited  parties  assembled 
on  a  spot  of  dry  ground,  a  short  distance  above  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  Here  a  column  was  made  ready, 
bearing  the  arms  of  France,  and  inscribed  with  the 
words,  "Louis  LE  GRAND,  ROY  DE  FRANCE  ET  DE 
NAVARRE,  REGNE;  LE  NEUVIEME  AVRIL,  1682." 

The  Frenchmen  were  mustered  under  arms;  and 
while  the  New  England  Indians  and  their  squaws 
looked  on  in  wondering  silence,  they  chanted  the  Te 
Deum,  the  Exaudiat,  and  the  Domine  salvumfac  Regem. 
Then,  amid  volleys  of  musketry  and  shouts  of  Vive  le 
JRoi,  La  Salle  planted  the  column  in  its  place,  and, 
standing  near  it,  proclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  — 

"  In  the  name  of  the  most  high,  mighty,  invincible, 
and  victorious  Prince,  Louis  the  Great,  by  the  grace 
of  God  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  Fourteenth 
of  that  name,  I,  this  ninth  day  of  April,  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  eighty-two,  in  virtue  of  the  commis- 


1682.]  POSSESSION   TAKEN.  307 

sion  of  his  Majesty,  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  and 
which  may  be  seen  by  all  whom  it  may  concern,  have 
taken,  and  do  now  take,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty 
and  of  his  successors  to  the  crown,  possession  of  this 
country  of  Louisiana,  the  seas,  harbors,  ports,  bays, 
adjacent  straits,  and  all  the  nations,  peoples,  provinces, 
cities,  towns,  villages,  mines,  minerals,  fisheries, 
streams,  and  rivers,  within  the  extent  of  the  said 
Louisiana,  from  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  St. 
Louis,  otherwise  called  the  Ohio,  ...  as  also  along 
the  river  Colbert,  or  Mississippi,  and  the  rivers  which 
discharge  themselves  thereinto,  from  its  source  beyond 
the  country  of  the  Nadouessioux  ...  as  far  as  its 
mouth  at  the  sea,  or  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  also  to  the 
mouth  of  the  River  of  Palms,  upon  the  assurance  we 
have  had  from  the  natives  of  these  countries  that 
we  are  the  first  Europeans  who  have  descended  or 
ascended  the  said  river  Colbert;  hereby  protesting 
against  all  who  may  hereafter  undertake  to  invade 
any  or  all  of  these  aforesaid  countries,  peoples,  or 
lands,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  rights  of  his  Majesty, 
acquired  by  the  consent  of  the  nations  dwelling  herein. 
Of  which,  and  of  all  else  that  is  needful,  I  hereby 
take  to  witness  those  who  hear  me,  and  demand 
an  act  of  the  notary  here  present."1 

1  In  the  passages  omitted  above,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  the  Ohio 
is  mentioned  as  being  called  also  the  Olighin-  (Alleghany)  Sipou, 
and  Chukagoua ;  and  La  Salle  declares  that  he  takes  possession  of 
the  country  with  the  consent  of  the  nations  dwelling  in  it,  of  whom 
he  names  the  Chaouanons  (Shawanoes),  Kious,  or  Nadouessious 
(Sioux),  Chikachas  (Chickasaws),  Motantees  (1),  Illinois,  Mitcht 


308  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682, 

Shouts  of  Vive  le  Eoi  and  volleys  of  musketry 
responded  to  his  words.  Then  a  cross  was  planted 
beside  the  column,  and  a  leaden  plate  buried  near  it, 
bearing  the  arms  of  France,  with  a  Latin  inscription, 
Ludovicus  Magnus  regnat.  The  weather-beaten  voy- 
agers joined  their  voices  in  the  grand  hymn  of  the 
Vexilla  Regis  :  — •• 

"  The  banners  of  Heaven's  King  advance, 
The  mystery  of  the  Cross  shines  forth ;  " 

and  renewed  shouts  of  Vive  le  Eoi  closed  the  cere- 
mony. 

On  that  day,  the  realm  of  France  received  on 
parchment  a  stupendous  accession.  The  fertile 
plains  of  Texas;  the  vast  basin  of  the  Mississippi, 
from  its  frozen  northern  springs  to  the  sultry  borders 
of  the  Gulf ;  from  the  woody  ridges  of  the  Alleghanies 
to  the  bare  peaks  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  —  a  region 
of  savannas  and  forests,  sun-cracked  deserts,  and 
grassy  prairies,  watered  by  a  thousand  rivers,  ranged 
by  a  thousand  warlike  tribes,  passed  beneath  the 
sceptre  of  the  Sultan  of  Versailles ;  and  all  by  virtue 
of  a  feeble  human  voice,  inaudible  at  half  a  mile. 

gamias,  Arkansas,  Natchez,  and  Koroas.  This  alleged  consent  is, 
of  course,  mere  farce.  If  there  could  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  mean- 
ing of  the  words  of  La  Salle,  as  recorded  in  the  Proces  Verbal  de  la 
Prise  de  Possession  de  la  Louisiane,  it  would  be  set  at  rest  by  Le 
Clerc,  who  says  :  "  Le  Sieur  de  la  Salle  prit  au  nom  de  sa  Majeste" 
possession  de  ce  fleuve,  de  toutes  les  rivieres  qui  y  entrent,  et  de  tons 
les  pays  qu'elles  arrosent"  These  words  are  borrowed  from  the  re- 
port of  La  Salle  (see  Thomassy,  14).  A  copy  of  the  original  Proces 
Verbal  is  before  me.  It  bears  the  name  of  Jacques  de  la  Metairie, 
Notary  of  Fort  Frontenac,  who  was  one  of  the  party. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

1682, 1683. 
ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS. 

IXHTISIANA.  —  ILLNESS  OF  LA  SALLB  :  HIS  COLONY  ON  THE  ILLI- 
NOIS. —  FORT  ST.  Louis.  —  RECALL  OF  FRONTENAC.  —  LB 
FEBVRE  DE  LA  BARRE.  —  CRITICAL  POSITION  OF  LA  SALLE.  — 
HOSTILITY  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR.  —  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  AD- 
VERSE FACTION.  —  LA  SALLE  SAILS  FOR  FRANCE. 

LOUISIANA  was  the  name  bestowed  by  La  Salle  on 
the  new  domain  of  the  French  crown.  The  rule  of 
the  Bourbons  in  the  West  is  a  memory  of  the  past, 
but  the  name  of  the  Great  King  still  survives  in  a 
narrow  corner  of  their  lost  empire.  The  Louisiana 
of  to-day  is  but  a  single  State  of  the  American 
republic.  The  Louisiana  of  La  Salle  stretched  from 
the  Alleghanies  to  the  Rocky  Mountains;  from  the 
Rio  Grande  and  the  Gulf  to  the  farthest  springs  of 
the  Missouri.1 

1  The  boundaries  are  laid  down  on  the  great  map  of  Franquelin, 
made  in  1684,  and  preserved  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes  of  the  Marine. 
The  line  runs  along  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  thence  fol- 
lows the  heads  of  the  streams  flowing  into  Lake  Michigan.  It  then 
turns  northwest,  and  is  lost  in  the  vast  unknown  of  the  now  British 
Territories.  On  the  south,  it  is  drawn  by  the  heads  of  the  streams 
flowing  into  the  Gulf,  as  far  west  as  Mobile,  after  which  it  follows 


310  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

La  Salle  had  written  his  name  in  history ;  but  his 
hard-earned  success  was  but  the  prelude  of  a  harder 
task.  Herculean  labors  lay  before  him,  if  he  would 
realize  the  schemes  with  which  his  brain  was  preg- 
nant. Bent  on  accomplishing  them,  he  retraced  his 
course,  and  urged  his  canoes  upward  against  the 
muddy  current.  The  party  were  famished.  They 
had  little  to  subsist  on  but  the  flesh  of  alligators. 
When  they  reached  the  Quinipissas,  who  had  proved 
hostile  on  their  way  down,  they  resolved  to  risk  an 
interview  with  them,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  food. 
The  treacherous  savages  dissembled,  brought  them 
corn,  and  on  the  following  night  made  an  attack  upon 
them,  but  met  with  a  bloody  repulse.  The  party  next 
revisited  the  Coroas,  and  found  an  unfavorable  change 
in  their  disposition  towards  them.  They  feasted 
them,  indeed,  but  during  the  repast  surrounded  them 
with  an  overwhelming  force  of  warriors.  The 
French,  however,  kept  so  well  on  their  guard,  that 
their  entertainers  dared  not  make  an  attack,  and 
suffered  them  to  depart  unmolested.1 

And  now,  in  a  career  of  unwonted  success  and 
anticipated  triumph,  La  Salle  was  arrested  by  a  foe 
against  which  the  boldest  heart  avails  nothing.  As 
he  ascended  the  Mississippi,  he  was  seized  by  a 
dangerous  illness.  Unable  to  proceed,  he  sent  for- 


the  shore  of  the  Gulf  to  a  little  south  of  the  Kio  Grande ;  then  runs 
west,  northwest,  and  finally  north,  along  the  range  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains. 

1  Tontj,  1684, 1693. 


1682.]  ILLNESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  311 

ward  Tonty  to  Michilimackinac,  whence,  after 
despatching  news  of  their  discovery  to  Canada,  he 
was  to  return  to  the  Illinois.  La  Salle  himself  lay 
helpless  at  Fort  Prudhomme,  the  palisade  work 
which  his  men  had  built  at  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs 
on  their  way  down.  Father  Zenobe  Membrd  at- 
tended him;  and  at  the  end  of  July  he  was  once 
more  in  a  condition  to  advance  by  slow  movements 
towards  Fort  Miami,  which  he  reached  in  about  a 
month. 

In  September  he  rejoined  Tonty  at  Michilimacki- 
nac, and  in  the  following  month  wrote  to  a  friend  in 
France :  "  Though  my  discovery  is  made,  and  I  have 
descended  the  Mississippi  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  I 
cannot  send  you  this  year  either  an  account  of  my 
journey  or  a  map.  On  the  way  back  I  was  attacked 
by  a  deadly  disease,  which  kept  me  in  danger  of  my 
life  for  forty  days,  and  left  me  so  weak  that  I  could 
think  of  nothing  for  four  months  after.  I  have 
hardly  strength  enough  now  to  write  my  letters,  and 
the  season  is  so  far  advanced  that  I  cannot  detain  a 
single  day  this  canoe  which  I  send  expressly  to  carry 
them.  If  I  had  not  feared  being  forced  to  winter  on 
the  way,  I  should  have  tried  to  get  to  Quebec  to 
meet  the  new  governor,  if  it  is  true  that  we  are  to 
have  one ;  but  in  my  present  condition  this  would  be 
an  act  of  suicide,  on  account  of  the  bad  nourishment 
I  should  have  all  winter  in  case  the  snow  and  ice 
stopped  me  on  the  way.  Besides,  my  presence  is 
absolutely  necessary  in  the  place  to  which  I  am 


312  ST.  LOUIS  OF   THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682, 

going.  I  pray  you,  my  dear  sir,  to  give  me  once 
more  all  the  help  you  can.  I  have  great  enemies, 
who  have  succeeded  in  all  they  have  undertaken.  I 
do  not  pretend  to  resist  them,  but  only  to  justify 
myself,  so  that  I  can  pursue  by  sea  the  plans  I  have 
begun  here  by  land." 

This  was  what  he  had  proposed  to  himself  from 
the  first;  that  is,  to  abandon  the  difficult  access 
through  Canada,  beset  with  enemies,  and  open  a  way 
to  his  western  domain  through  the  Gulf  and  the 
Mississippi.  This  was  the  aim  of  all  his  toilsome 
explorations.  Could  he  have  accomplished  his  first 
intention  of  building  a  vessel  on  the  Illinois  and 
descending  in  her  to  the  Gulf,  he  would  have  been 
able  to  defray  in  good  measure  the  costs  of  the  enter- 
prise by  means  of  the  furs  and  buffalo-hides  collected 
on  the  way  and  carried  in  her  to  France.  With  a 
fleet  of  canoes,  this  was  impossible;  and  there  was 
nothing  to  offset  the  enormous  outlay  which  he  and 
his  associates  had  made.  He  meant,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  found  on  the  banks  of  the  Illinois  a  colony  of 
French  and  Indians  to  answer  the  double  purpose  of 
a  bulwark  against  the  Iroquois  and  a  place  of  storage 
for  the  furs  of  all  the  western  tribes;  and  he  hoped 
in  the  following  year  to  secure  an  outlet  for  this 
colony  and  for  all  the  trade  of  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  by  occupying  the  mouth  of  that  river 
with  a  fort  and  another  colony.  This,  too,  was  an 
essential  part  of  his  original  design. 

But  for  his  illness,  he  would  have  gone  to  France 


1682.]  "STARVED  ROCK."  313 

to  provide  for  its  execution.  Meanwhile,  he  ordered 
Tonty  to  collect  as  many  men  as  possible,  and  begin 
the  projected  colony  on  the  banks  of  the  Illinois. 
A  report  soon  after  reached  him  that  those  pests 
of  the  wilderness  the  Iroquois  were  about  to  re- 
new their  attacks  on  the  western  tribes.  This  would 
be  fatal  to  his  plans;  and,  following  Tonty  to  the 
Illinois,  he  rejoined  him  near  the  site  of  the  great 
town. 

The  cliff  called  "  Starved  Rock,"  now  pointed  out  to 
travellers  as  the  chief  natural  curiosity  of  the  region, 
rises,  steep  on  three  sides  as  a  castle  wall,  to  the 
height  of  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet  above  the 
river.  In  front,  it  overhangs  the  water  that  washes 
its  base ;  its  western  brow  looks  down  on  the  tops  of 
the  forest  trees  below;  and  on  the  east  lies  a  wide 
gorge  or  ravine,  choked  with  the  mingled  foliage  of 
oaks,  walnuts,  and  elms;  while  in  its  rocky  depths 
a  little  brook  creeps  down  to  mingle  with  the  river. 
From  the  trunk  of  the  stunted  cedar  that  leans  for- 
ward from  the  brink,  you  may  drop  a  plummet  into 
the  river  below,  where  the  cat-fish  and  the  turtles 
may  plainly  be  seen  gliding  over  the  wrinkled  sands 
of  the  clear  and  shallow  current.  The  cliff  is  acces- 
sible only  from  behind,  where  a  man  may  climb  up, 
not  without  difficulty,  by  a  steep  and  narrow  passage. 
The  top  is  about  an  acre  in  extent.  Here,  in  the 
month  of  December,  La  Salle  and  Tonty  began  to 
intrench  themselves.  They  cut  away  the  forest  that 
crowned  the  rock,  built  storehouses  and  dwellings  of 


314  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

its  remains,  dragged  timber  up  the  rugged  pathway, 
and  encircled  the  summit  with  a  palisade.1 

Thus  the  winter  passed,  and  meanwhile  the  work 

1  "  Starved  Rock "  perfectly  answers,  in  every  respect,  to  the 
indications  of  the  contemporary  maps  and  documents  concerning 
"Le  Rocher,"  the  site  of  La  Salle's  fort  of  St.  Louis.  It  is  laid 
down  on  several  contemporary  maps,  besides  the  great  map  of  La 
Salle's  discoveries,  made  in  1684.  They  all  place  it  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river ;  whereas  Buffalo  Rock,  three  miles  above,  which 
has  been  supposed  to  be  the  site  of  the  fort,  is  on  the  north.  The 
latter  is  crowned  by  a  plateau  of  great  extent,  is  but  sixty  feet  high, 
is  accessible  at  many  points,  and  would  require  a  large  force  to 
defend  it ;  whereas  La  Salle  chose  "  Le  Rocher,"  because  a  few  men 
could  hold  it  against  a  multitude.  Charlevoix,  in  1721,  describes 
both  rocks,  and  says  that  the  top  of  Buffalo  Rock  had  been  occu- 
pied by  the  Miami  village,  so  that  it  was  known  as  Le  Fort  des 
Miamis.  This  is  confirmed  by  Joutel,  who  found  the  Miamis  here 
in  1687.  Charlevoix  then  speaks  of  "  Le  Rocher/'  calling  it  by  that 
name ;  says  that  it  is  about  a  league  below,  on  the  left  or  south 
side,  forming  a  sheer  cliff,  very  high,  and  looking  like  a  fortress  on 
the  border  of  the  river.  He  saw  remains  of  palisades  at  the  top, 
which,  he  thinks,  were  made  by  the  Illinois  (Journal  Historique,  Let. 
xxvii.),  though  his  countrymen  had  occupied  it  only  three  years 
before.  "  The  French  reside  on  the  rock  (Le  Rocher),  which  is 
very  lofty  and  impregnable."  (Memjir  on  Western  Indians,  1718,  in 
N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix.  890.)  St.  Cosme,  passing  this  way  in  1699, 
mentions  it  as  "  Le  Vieux  Fort,"  and  says  that  it  is  "  a  rock  about 
a  hundred  feet  high  at  the  edge  of  the  river,  where  M.  de  la  Salle 
built  a  fort,  since  abandoned."  (Journal  de  St.  Cosme.)  Joutel, 
who  was  here  in  1687,  says,  "  Fort  St.  Louis  is  on  a  steep  rock, 
about  two  hundred  feet  high,  with  the  river  running  at  its  base." 
He  adds  that  its  only  defences  were  palisades.  The  true  height,  as 
stated  above,  is  about  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet. 

A  traditional  interest  also  attaches  to  this  rock.  It  is  said  that, 
in  the  Indian  wars  that  followed  the  assassination  of  Pontiac,  a  few 
years  after  the  cession  of  Canada,  a  party  of  Illinois,  assailed  by 
the  Pottawattamies,  here  took  refuge,  defying  attack.  At  length 
they  were  all  destroyed  by  starvation,  and  hence  the  name  of 
"Starved  Rock." 

For  other  proofs  concerning  this  locality,  see  ante,  239. 


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LA  SALLE'S  COLONY 


FROM  THE  MAP  OF  FRANQUELIN, 

1684. 


•«we 


1682.]  LA  SALLE'S  COLONY.  315 

of  negotiation  went  prosperously  on.  The  minds  of 
the  Indians  had  been  already  prepared.  In  La  Salle 
they  saw  their  champion  against  the  Iroquois,  the 
standing  terror  of  all  this  region.  They  gathered 
round  his  stronghold  like  the  timorous  peasantry  of 
the  middle  ages  around  the  rock-built  castle  of  their 
feudal  lord.  From  the  wooden  ramparts  of  St. 
Louis,  —  for  so  he  named  his  fort,  —  high  and  inacces- 
sible as  an  eagle's  nest,  a  strange  scene  lay  before  his 
eye.  The  broad,  flat  valley  of  the  Illinois  was  spread 
beneath  him  like  a  map,  bounded  in  the  distance  by 
its  low  wall  of  woody  hills.  The  river  wound  at  his 
feet  in  devious  channels  among  islands  bordered  with 
lofty  trees ;  then,  far  on  the  left,  flowed  calmly  west- 
ward through  the  vast  meadows,  till  its  glimmering 
blue  ribbon  was  lost  in  hazy  distance. 

There  had  been  a  time,  and  that  not  remote,  when 
these  fair  meadows  were  a  waste  of  death  and  deso- 
lation, scathed  with  fire,  and  strewn  with  the  ghastly 
relics  of  an  Iroquois  victory.  Now  all  was  changed. 
La  Salle  looked  down  from  his  rock  on  a  concourse 
of  wild  human  life.  Lodges  of  bark  and  rushes,  or 
cabins  of  logs,  were  clustered  on  the  open  plain  or 
along  the  edges  of  the  bordering  forests.  Squaws 
labored,  warriors  lounged  in  the  sun,  naked  children 
whooped  and  gambolled  on  the  grass.  Beyond  the 
river,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  the  left,  the  banks  were 
studded  once  more  with  the  lodges  of  the  Illinois, 
who,  to  the  number  of  six  thousand,  had  returned, 
since  their  defeat,  to  this  their  favorite  dwelling- 


316  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

place.  Scattered  along  the  valley,  among  the  adja- 
cent hills,  or  over  the  neighboring  prairie,  were  the 
cantonments  of  a  half-score  of  other  tribes  and  frag- 
ments of  tribes,  gathered  under  the  protecting  aegis  of 
the  French,  —  Shawanoes  from  the  Ohio,  Abenakis 
from  Maine,  Miamis  from  the  sources  of  the  Kankakee, 
with  others  whose  barbarous  names  are  hardly  worth 
the  record.1  Nor  were  these  La  Salle's  only  depend- 

i  This  singular  extemporized  colony  of  La  Salle,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Illinois,  is  laid  down  in  detail  on  the  great  map  of  La  Salle'g 
discoveries,  by  Jean  Baptiste  Franquelin,  finished  in  1684.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  part  of  the  work  is  composed  from 
authentic  data.  La  Salle  himself,  besides  others  of  his  party,  came 
down  from  the  Illinois  in  the  autumn  of  1683,  and  undoubtedly 
supplied  the  young  engineer  with  materials.  The  various  In- 
dian villages,  or  cantonments,  are  all  indicated,  with  the  number 
of  warriors  belonging  to  each,  the  aggregate  corresponding  very 
nearly  with  that  of  La  Salle's  report  to  the  minister.  The  Illinois, 
properly  so  called,  are  set  down  at  1,200  warriors ;  the  Miamis,  at 
1,300 ;  the  Shawanoes,  at  200 ;  the  Ouiatnoens  (Weas),  at  600 ;  the 
Peanqhichia  (Piankishaw)  band,  at  150;  the  Pepikokia,  at  160;  the 
Kilatica,  at  300;  and  the  Ouabona,  at  70,  —  in  all,  3,880  warriors. 
A  few  others,  probably  Abenakis,  lived  in  the  fort. 

The  Fort  St.  Louis  is  placed,  on  the  map,  at  the  exact  site  of 
Starved  Eock,  and  the  Illinois  village  at  the  place  where,  as  already 
mentioned  (see  239),  Indian  remains  in  great  quantities  are  yearly 
ploughed  up.  The  Shawanoe  camp,  or  village,  is  placed  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river,  behind  the  fort.  The  country  is  here  hilly, 
broken,  and  now,  as  in  La  Salle's  time,  covered  with  wood,  which, 
however,  soon  ends  in  the  open  prairie.  A  short  time  since,  the 
remains  of  a  low,  irregular  earthwork  of  considerable  extent  were 
discovered  at  the  intersection  of  two  ravines,  about  twenty-four 
hundred  feet  behind,  or  south  of,  Starved  Rock.  The  earthwork 
follows  the  line  of  the  ravines  on  two  sides.  On  the  east,  there  is 
an  opening,  or  gateway,  leading  to  the  adjacent  prairie.  The  work 
is  very  irregular  in  form,  and  shows  no  trace  of  the  civilized  en- 
gineer In  the  stump  of  an  oak-tree  upon  it,  Dr.  Paul  counted  a 


1682.]  LA  SALLE'S  COLOOT.  317 

ants.  By  the  terms  of  his  patent,  he  held  seigniorial 
rights  over  this  wild  domain;  and  he  now  began  to 
grant  it  out  in  parcels  to  his  followers.  These,  how- 
ever, were  as  yet  but  a  score,  —  a  lawless  band, 
trained  in  forest  license,  and  marrying,  as  their 
detractors  affirm,  a  new  squaw  every  day  in  the 
week.  This  was  after  their  lord's  departure,  for  his 
presence  imposed  a  check  on  these  eccentricities. 

La  Salle,  in  a  memoir  addressed  to  the  Minister  of 
the  Marine,  reports  the  total  number  of  the  Indians 
around  Fort  St.  Louis  at  about  four  thousand  war- 
riors, or  twenty  thousand  souls.  His  diplomacy  had 

hundred  and  sixty  rings  of  annual  growth.  The  village  of  the 
Shawanoes  (Chaouenons),  on  Franquelin's  map,  corresponds  with 
the  position  of  this  earthwork.  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of 
Dr.  John  Paul  and  Col.  D.  F.  Hitt,  the  proprietor  of  Starved 
Bock,  for  a  plan  of  these  curious  remains  and  a  survey  of  the 
neighboring  district.  I  must  also  express  my  obligations  to  Mr.  W. 
E.  Bowman,  photographer  at  Ottawa,  for  views  of  Starved  Rock 
and  other  features  of  the  neighboring  scenery. 

An  interesting  relic  of  the  early  explorers  of  this  region  was 
found  a  few  years  ago  at  Ottawa,  six  miles  above  Starved  Rock,  in 
the  shape  of  a  small  iron  gun,  buried  several  feet  deep  in  the  drift 
of  the  river.  It  consists  of  a  welded  tube  of  iron,  about  an  inch 
and  a  half  in  calibre,  strengthened  by  a  series  of  thick  iron  rings, 
cooled  on,  after  the  most  ancient  as  well  as  the  most  recent  method 
of  making  cannon.  It  is  about  fourteen  inches  long,  the  part  near 
the  muzzle  having  been  burst  off.  The  construction  is  very  rude. 
Small  field-pieces,  on  a  similar  principle,  were  used  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  Several  of  them  may  be  seen  at  the  Muse'e  d'Artillerie  at 
Paris.  In  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  the  art  of  casting  cannon  was 
carried  to  a  high  degree  of  perfection.  The  gun  in  question  may 
have  been  made  by  a  French  blacksmith  on  the  spot.  A  far  less 
probable  supposition  is,  that  it  is  a  relic  of  some  unrecorded  visit 
of  the  Spaniards ;  but  the  pattern  of  the  piece  would  hare  beea 
antiquated,  even  in  the  time  of  De  Soto. 


318  ST.  LOUIS   OF   THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

been  crowned  with  a  marvellous  success,  —  for  which 
his  thanks  were  due,  first  to  the  Iroquois,  and  the 
universal  terror  they  inspired;  next,  to  his  own 
address  and  unwearied  energy.  His  colony  had 
sprung  up,  as  it  were,  in  a  night;  but  might  not  a 
night  suffice  to  disperse  it? 

The  conditions  of  maintaining  it  were  twofold: 
first,  he  must  give  efficient  aid  to  his  savage  colonists 
against  the  Iroquois ;  secondly,  he  must  supply  them 
with  French  goods  in  exchange  for  their  furs.  The 
men,  arms,  and  ammunition  for  their  defence,  and 
the  goods  for  trading  with  them,  must  be  brought 
from  Canada,  until  a  better  and  surer  avenue  of 
supply  could  be  provided  through  the  entrepot  which 
he  meant  to  establish  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
Canada  was  full  of  his  enemies ;  but  as  long  as  Count 
Frontenac  was  in  power,  he  was  sure  of  support. 
Count  Frontenac  was  in  power  no  longer.  He  had 
been  recalled  to  France  through  the  intrigues  of  the 
party  adverse  to  La  Salle ;  and  Le  Febvre  de  la  Barre 
reigned  in  his  stead. 

La  Barre  was  an  old  naval  officer  of  rank,  advanced 
to  a  post  for  which  he  proved  himself  notably  unfit. 
If  he  was  without  the  arbitrary  passions  which  had 
been  the  chief  occasion  of  the  recall  of  his  predeces- 
sor, he  was  no  less  without  his  energies  and  his 
talents.  He  showed  a  weakness  and  an  avarice  for 
which  his  age  may  have  been  in  some  measure  answer- 
able. He  was  no  whit  less  unscrupulous  than  his 
predecessor  in  his  secret  violation  of  the  royal  ordi* 


1683.]  LA  SALLE   AND  LA  BARRE.  319 

nances  regulating  the  fur-trade,  which  it  was  his 
duty  to  enforce.  Like  Frontenac,  he  took  advantage 
of  his  position  to  carry  on  an  illicit  traffic  with  the 
Indians;  but  it  was  with  different  associates.  The 
late  governor's  friends  were  the  new  governor's  ene- 
mies ;  and  La  Salle,  armed  with  his  monopolies,  was 
the  object  of  his  especial  jealousy.1 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle,  buried  in  the  western  wilder- 
ness, remained  for  the  time  ignorant  of  La  Barre's 
disposition  towards  him,  and  made  an  effort  to  secure 
his  good-will  and  countenance.  He  wrote  to  him 
from  his  rock  of  St.  Louis,  early  in  the  spring  of 
1683,  expressing  the  hope  that  he  should  have  from 
him  the  same  support  as  from  Count  Frontenac; 
"although,"  he  says,  "my  enemies  will  try  to  influ- 
ence you  against  me."  His  attachment  to  Frontenac, 
he  pursues,  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  late  gov- 
ernor's enemies  turning  against  him.  He  then 
recounts  his  voyage  down  the  Mississippi;  says  that, 
with  twenty-two  Frenchmen,  he  caused  all  the  tribes 
along  the  river  to  ask  for  peace;  and  speaks  of  his 
right  under  the  royal  patent  to  build  forts  anywhere 
along  his  route,  and  grant  out  lands  around  them, 
as  at  Fort  Frontenac. 

i  The  royal  instructions  to  LaBarre,  on  his  assuming  the  govern- 
ment, dated  at  Versailles,  10  May,  1682,  require  him  to  give  no 
further  permission  to  make  journeys  of  discovery  towards  the  Sioux 
and  the  Mississippi,  as  his  Majesty  thinks  his  subjects  better  em- 
ployed in  cultivating  the  land.  The  letter  adds,  however,  that  La 
Salle  is  to  be  allowed  to  continue  his  discoveries,  if  they  appear  to 
be  useful.  The  same  instructions  are  repeated  in  a  letter  of  the 
Minister  of  the  Marine  to  the  new  intendant  of  Canada,  De  Meules. 


320  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1683. 

"My  losses  in  my  enterprises,"  he  continues,  "have 
exceeded  forty  thousand  crowns.  I  am  now  going 
four  hundred  leagues  south-southwest  of  this  place, 
to  induce  the  Chickasaws  to  follow  the  Shawanoes 
and  other  tribes,  and  settle,  like  them,  at  St.  Louis. 
It  remained  only  to  settle  French  colonists  here, 
and  this  I  have  already  done.  I  hope  you  will  not 
detain  them  as  coureurs  de  bois,  when  they  come 
down  to  Montreal  to  make  necessary  purchases.  I 
am  aware  that  I  have  no  right  to  trade  with  the 
tribes  who  descend  to  Montreal,  and  I  shall  not 
permit  such  trade  to  my  men ;  nor  have  I  ever  issued 
licenses  to  that  effect,  as  my  enemies  say  that  I  have 
done."1 

Again,  on  the  fourth  of  June  following,  he  writes 
to  La  Barre,  from  the  Chicago  portage,  complaining 
that  some  of  his  colonists,  going  to  Montreal  for 
necessary  supplies,  have  been  detained  by  his  enemies, 
and  begging  that  they  may  be  allowed  to  return,  that 
his  enterprise  may  not  be  ruined.  "The  Iroquois," 
he  pursues,  "  are  again  invading  the  country.  Last 
year,  the  Miamis  were  so  alarmed  by  them  that  they 
abandoned  their  town  and  fled;  but  at  my  return 
they  came  back,  and  have  been  induced  to  settle  with 
the  Illinois  at  my  fort  of  St.  Louis.  The  Iroquois 
have  lately  murdered  some  families  of  their  nation, 
and  they  are  all  in  terror  again.  I  am  afraid  they 
will  take  flight,  and  so  prevent  the  Missouris  and 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Fort  St.  Louis,  2  Avril,  1683. 
The  above  is  condensed  from  passages  in  the  original. 


1683.]  LA   SALLE   AND   LA  BARRE.  321 

neighboring  tribes  from  coming  to  settle  at  St.  Louis, 
as  they  are  about  to  do. 

"Some  of  the  Hurons  and  French  tell  the  Miamis 
that  I  am  keeping  them  here  for  the  Iroquois  to 
destroy.  I  pray  that  you  will  let  me  hear  from  you, 
that  I  may  give  these  people  some  assurances  of  pro- 
tection before  they  are  destroyed  in  my  sight.  Do 
not  suffer  my  men  who  have  come  down  to  the  settle- 
ments to  be  longer  prevented  from  returning.  There 
is  great  need  here  of  reinforcements.  The  Iroquois, 
as  I  have  said,  have  lately  entered  the  country;  and 
a  great  terror  prevails.  I  have  postponed  going  to 
Michilimackinac,  because,  if  the  Iroquois  strike  any 
blow  in  my  absence,  the  Miamis  will  think  that  I  am 
in  league  with  them;  whereas,  if  I  and  the  French 
stay  among  them,  they  will  regard  us  as  protectors. 
But,  Monsieur,  it  is  in  vain  that  we  risk  our  lives 
here,  and  that  I  exhaust  my  means  in  order  to  fulfil 
the  intentions  of  his  Majesty,  if  all  my  measures  are 
crossed  in  the  settlements  below,  and  if  those  who 
go  down  to  bring  munitions,  without  which  we 
cannot  defend  ourselves,  are  detained  under  pretexts 
trumped  up  for  the  occasion.  If  I  am  prevented 
from  bringing  up  men  and  supplies,  as  I  am  allowed 
to  do  by  fche  permit  of  Count  Frontenac,  then  my 
patent  from  the  King  is  useless.  It  would  be  very 
hard  for  us,  after  having  done  what  was  required, 
even  before  the  time  prescribed,  and  after  suffering 
severe  losses,  to  have  our  efforts  frustrated  by 

obstacles  got  up  designedly. 

21 


822  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [168a 

"  I  trust  that,  as  it  lies  with  you  alone  to  prevent 
or  to  permit  the  return  of  the  men  whom  I  have  sent 
down,  you  will  not  so  act  as  to  thwart  my  plans. 
A  part  of  the  goods  which  I  have  sent  by  them 
belong  not  to  me,  but  to  the  Sieur  de  Tonty,  and 
are  a  part  of  his  pay.  Others  are  to  buy  munitions 
indispensable  for  our  defence.  Do  not  let  my  credi- 
tors seize  them.  It  is  for  their  advantage  that  my 
fort,  full  as  it  is  of  goods,  should  be  held  against  the 
enemy.  I  have  only  twenty  men,  with  scarcely  a 
hundred  pounds  of  powder;  and  I  cannot  long  hold 
the  country  without  more.  The  Illinois  are  very 
capricious  and  uncertain.  ...  If  I  had  men  enough 
to  send  out  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy,  I  would  have 
done  so  before  this ;  but  I  have  not  enough.  I  trust 
you  will  put  it  in  my  power  to  obtain  more,  that 
this  important  colony  may  be  saved."1 

While  La  Salle  was  thus  writing  to  La  Barre,  La 
Barre  was  writing  to  Seignelay,  the  Marine  and 
Colonial  Minister,  decrying  his  correspondent's  dis- 
coveries, and  pretending  to  doubt  their  reality. 
"The  Iroquois,"  he  adds,  "have  sworn  his  [La 
Salle 's]  death.  The  imprudence  of  this  man  is  about 
to  involve  the  colony  in  war."2  And  again  he 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Portage  de  Chicagou,  4  Juin,  1683. 
The  substance  of  the  letter  is  given  above,  in  a  condensed  form.  A 
passage  is  omitted,  in  which  La  Salle  expresses  his  belief  that  his 
vessel,  the  "  Griffin,"  had  been  destroyed,  not  by  Indians,  but  by 
the  pilot,  who,,  as  he  thinks,  had  been  induced  to  sink  her,  and  then, 
with  some  of  the  crew,  attempted  to  join  Du  Lhut  with  their 
plunder,  but  were  captured  by  Indians  on  the  Mississippi. 

•  Lettre  de  La  Barre  au  Ministre,  14  Nov.,  1682. 


1683.]  LA   SALLE   AND  LA  BARRE.  323 

writes,  in  the  following  spring,  to  say  that  La  Salle 
was  with  a  score  of  vagabonds  at  Green  Bay,  where 
he  set  himself  up  as  a  king,  pillaged  his  countrymen, 
and  put  them  to  ransom,  exposed  the  tribes  of  the 
West  to  the  incursions  of  the  Iroquois,  and  all  under 
pretence  of  a  patent  from  his  Majesty,  the  provisions 
of  which  he  grossly  abused;  but,  as  his  privileges 
would  expire  on  the  twelfth  of  May  ensuing,  he 
would  then  be  forced  to  come  to  Quebec,  where  his 
creditors,  to  whom  he  owed  more  than  thirty  thou- 
sand crowns,  were  anxiously  awaiting  him.1 

Finally,  when  La  Barre  received  the  two  letters 
from  La  Salle,  of  which  the  substance  is  given  above, 
he  sent  copies  of  them  to  the  Minister  Seignelay, 
with  the  following  comment :  "  By  the  copies  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle 's  letters,  you  will  perceive  that  his 
head  is  turned,  and  that  he  has  been  bold  enough  to 
give  you  intelligence  of  a  false  discovery,  and  that, 
instead  of  returning  to  the  colony  to  learn  what  the 
King  wishes  him  to  do,  he  does  not  come  near  me, 
but  keeps  in  the  backwoods,  five  hundred  leagues 
off,  with  the  idea  of  attracting  the  inhabitants  to 
him,  and  building  up  an  imaginary  kingdom  for  him- 
self, by  debauching  all  the  bankrupts  and  idlers  of 
this  country.  If  you  will  look  at  the  two  letters  I 
had  from  him,  you  can  judge  the  character  of  this 
personage  better  than  I  can.  Affairs  with  the 

i  Lettre  de  La  Baire  au  Ministre,  30  Avril,  1683.  La  Salle  had 
spent  the  winter,  not  at  Green  Bay,  as  this  slanderous  letter  de 
clares,  but  in  the  Illinois  country. 


324  ST.   LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1683. 

Iroquois  are  in  such  a  state  that  I  cannot  allow  him 
to  muster  all  their  enemies  together  and  put  himself 
at  their  head.  All  the  men  who  brought  me  news 
from  him  have  abandoned  him,  and  say  not  a  word 
about  returning,  but  sell  the  furs  they  have  brought  as 
if  they  were  their  own;  so  that  he  cannot  hold  his 
ground  much  longer."1  Such  calumnies  had  their 
effect.  The  enemies  of  La  Salle  had  already  gained 
the  ear  of  the  King ;  and  he  had  written  in  August, 
from  Fontainebleau,  to  his  new  governor  of  Canada : 
"I  am  convinced,  like  you,  that  the  discovery  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  is  very  useless,  and  that  such  enter* 
prises  ought  to  be  prevented  in  future,  as  they  tend 
only  to  debauch  the  inhabitants  by  the  hope  of  gain, 
and  to  diminish  the  revenue  from  beaver-skins."2 

In  order  to  understand  the  posture  of  affairs  at  this 
time,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Dutch  and  English 
traders  of  New  York  were  urging  on  the  Iroquois  to 
attack  the  western  tribes,  with  the  object  of  gaining, 
through  their  conquest,  the  control  of  the  fur-trade 
of  the  interior,  and  diverting  it  from  Montreal  to 
Albany.  The  scheme  was  full  of  danger  to  Canada, 
which  the  loss  of  the  trade  would  have  ruined.  La 
Barre  and  his  associates  were  greatly  alarmed  at  it. 
Its  complete  success  would  have  been  fatal  to  their 
hopes  of  profit;  but  they  nevertheless  wished  it  such 
a  measure  of  success  as  would  ruin  their  rival,  La 
Salle.  Hence,  no  little  satisfaction  mingled  with 

1  Lettre  de  La  Barre  au  Ministre,  4  Nov.,  1683. 
8  Lettre  rfti  Roy  a  La,  Barre,  5  Aout,  1683. 


1683.]  A    NEW   ALARM.  325 

their  anxiety  when  they  heard  that  the  Iroquois  were 
again  threatening  to  invade  the  Miamis  and  the 
Illinois;  and  thus  La  Barre,  whose  duty  it  was 
strenuously  to  oppose  the  intrigue  of  the  English, 
and  use  every  effort  to  quiet  the  ferocious  bands 
whom  they  were  hounding  against  the  Indian  allies 
of  the  French,  was,  in  fact,  but  half-hearted  in  the 
work.  He  cut  off  La  Salle  from  all  supplies; 
detained  the  men  whom  he  sent  for  succor;  and,  at  a 
conference  with  the  Iroquois,  told  them  that  they 
were  welcome  to  plunder  and  kill  him.1 

The  old  governor,  and  the  unscrupulous  ring  with 
which  he  was  associated,  now  took  a  step  to  which 
he  was  doubtless  emboldened  by  the  tone  of  the 
King's  letter,  in  condemnation  of  La  Salle 's  enter- 
prise. He  resolved  to  seize  Fort  Frontenac,  the  prop- 
erty of  La  Salle,  under  the  pretext  that  the  latter 
had  not  fulfilled  the  conditions  of  the  grant,  and 
had  not  maintained  a  sufficient  garrison.2  Two  of 

1  MSmoire  pour  rendre  compte  a  Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de  Seigne- 
lay  de  I'F^tat  ou  le  Sieur  de  Lasalle  a  laisse  le  Fort  Frontenac  pendant 
le  temps  de  sa  decouverte.    On  La  Barre's  conduct,  see  "  Count  Fron- 
tenac and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV.,"  chap.  v. 

2  La  Salle,  when  at  Mackinaw,  on  his  way  to  Quebec,  in  1682, 
had  been  recalled  to  the  Illinois,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a  threatened 
Iroquois  invasion.    There  is  before  me  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  he 
then  wrote  to   Count  Frontenac,  begging  him  to   send  up  more 
soldiers  to  the  fort,  at  his  (La  Salle's)  expense.    Frontenac,  being 
about  to  sail  for  France,  gave  this  letter  to  his  newly  arrived  suc- 
cessor, La  Barre,  who,  far  from  complying  with  the  request,  with- 
drew La  Salle's   soldiers  already  at  the  fort,  and  then  made  its 
defenceless  state  a  pretext  for  seizing  it.    This  statement  is  made 
iu  the  memoir  addressed  to  Seignelay,  before  cited. 


32(5  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1683. 

his  associates,  La  Chesnaye  and  Le  Ber,  armed  with 
an  order  from  him,  went  up  and  took  possession, 
despite  the  remonstrances  of  La  Salle's  creditors  and 
mortgagees;  lived  on  La  Salle's  stores,  sold  for  their 
own  profit,  and  (it  is  said)  that  of  La  Barre,  the 
provisions  sent  by  the  King,  and  turned  in  the  cattle 
to  pasture  on  the  growing  crops.  La  Forest,  La 
Salle's  lieutenant,  was  told  that  he  might  retain  the 
command  of  the  fort  if  he  would  join  the  associates ; 
but  he  refused,  and  sailed  in  the  autumn  for  France.1 

Meanwhile  La  Salle  remained  at  the  Illinois  in 
extreme  embarrassment,  cut  off  from  supplies,  robbed 
of  his  men  who  had  gone  to  seek  them,  and  disabled 
from  fulfilling  the  pledges  he  had  given  to  the  sur- 
rounding Indians.  Such  was  his  position,  when 
reports  came  to  Fort  St.  Louis  that  the  Iroquois  were 
at  hand.  The  Indian  hamlets  were  wild  with  terror, 
beseeching  him  for  succor  which  he  had  no  power  to 
give.  Happily,  the  reptxrt  proved  false.  No  Iroquois 
appeared;  the  threatened  attack  was  postponed,  and 
the  summer  passed  away  in  peace.  But  La  Salle's 
position,  with  the  governor  his  declared  enemy,  was 
intolerable  and  untenable ;  and  there  was  no  resource 
but  in  the  protection  of  the  court.  Early  in  the 
autumn,  he  left  Tonty  in  command  of  the  rock,  bade 
farewell  to  his  savage  retainers,  and  descended  to 
Quebec,  intending  to  sail  for  France. 

On  his  way,  he  met  the  Chevalier  de  Baugis,  an 

1  These  are  the  statements  of  the  memorial  addressed  in  La 
Salle's  behalf  to  the  minister,  Seignelaj. 


1683.]  LA  SALLE  SAILS  FOR  FRANCE.  327 

officer  of  the  King's  dragoons,  commissioned  by  La 
Barre  to  take  possession  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  and  bear- 
ing letters  from  the  governor  ordering  La  Salle  to 
come  to  Quebec,  —  a  superfluous  command,  as  he 
was  then  on  his  way  thither.  He  smothered  his 
wrath,  and  wrote  to  Tonty  to  receive  De  Baugis 
well.  The  chevalier  and  his  party  proceeded  to  the 
Illinois,  and  took  possession  of  the  fort,  —  De  Baugis 
commanding  for  the  governor,  while  Tonty  remained 
as  representative  of  La  Salle.  The  two  officers  could 
not  live  in  harmony ;  but,  with  the  return  of  spring, 
each  found  himself  in  sore  need  of  aid  from  the 
other.  Towards  the  end  of  March  the  Iroquois 
attacked  their  citadel,  and  besieged  it  for  six  days, 
but  at  length  withdrew  discomfited,  carrying  with 
them  a  number  of  Indian  prisoners,  most  of  whom 
escaped  from  their  clutches.1 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle  had  sailed  for  France. 

1  Tonty,  1684,  1693;  Lettre  de  La  Barre  au  Ministre,  6  Juin,  1684; 
Ibid.,  9  Juittet,  1684, 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

1680-1683. 

LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF. 
DIFFICULTY  OF  KNOWING  HIM  ;  HIS  DETRACTORS  ;  HIS   LETTERS  ; 

VEXATIONS    OF    HIS    POSITION  J    HIS  UNFITNESS  FOR  TRADE  ;    RISKS 

OF  CORRESPONDENCE  ;  HIS  KEPORTED  MARRIAGE  ;  ALLEGED  OS- 
TENTATION ;  MOTIVES  OF  ACTION  ;  CHARGES  OF  HARSHNESS  ; 
INTRIGUES  AGAINST  HIM  J  UNPOPULAR  MANNERS  J  A  STRANGE 
CONFESSION  ;  HIS  STRENGTH  AND  HIS  WEAKNESS  ;  CONTRASTS 
OF  HIS  CHARACTER. 

WE  have  seen  La  Salle  in  his  acts.  While  he 
crosses  the  sea,  let  us  look  at  him  in  himself.  Few 
men  knew  him,  even  of  those  who  saw  him  most. 
Reserved  and  self-contained  as  he  was,  with  little 
vivacity  or  gayety  or  love  of  pleasure,  he  was  a 
sealed  book  to  those  about  him.  His  daring  energy 
and  endurance  were  patent  to  all;  but  the  motive 
forces  that  urged  him,  and  the  influences  that 
wrought  beneath  the  surface  of  his  character,  were 
hidden  where  few  eyes  could  pierce.  His  enemies 
were  free  to  make  their  own  interpretations,  and  they 
did  not  fail  to  use  the  opportunity. 

The  interests  arrayed  against  him  were  incessantly 
at  work.  His  men  were  persuaded  to  desert  and 
rob  him;  the  Iroquois  were  told  that  he  was  arming 


1680-83.]         CHARGES  AGAINST  LA  SALLE.  829 

the  western  tribes  against  them;  the  western  tribes 
were  told  that  he  was  betraying  them  to  the  Iroquois ; 
his  proceedings  were  denounced  to  the  court;  and 
continual  efforts  were  made  to  alienate  his  associates. 
They,  on  their  part,  sore  as  they  were  from  disap- 
pointment and  loss,  were  in  a  mood  to  listen  to  the 
aspersions  cast  upon  him;  and  they  pestered  him 
with  letters,  asking  questions,  demanding  explana- 
tions, and  dunning  him  for  money.  It  is  through  his 
answers  that  we  are  best  able  to  judge  him ;  and  at 
times,  by  those  touches  of  nature  which  make  the 
whole  world  kin,  they  teach  us  to  know  him  and  to 
feel  for  him. 

The  main  charges  against  him  were  that  he  was  a 
crack-brained  schemer,  that  he  was  harsh  to  his  men, 
that  he  traded  where  he  had  no  right  to  trade,  and 
that  his  discoveries  were  nothing  but  a  pretence  for 
making  money.  No  accusations  appear  that  touch 
his  integrity  or  his  honor. 

It  was  hard  to  convince  those  who  were  always 
losing  by  him.  A  remittance  of  good  dividends 
would  have  been  his  best  answer,  and  would  have 
made  any  other  answer  needless;  but,  instead  of 
bills  of  exchange,  he  had  nothing  to  give  but  excuses 
and  explanations.  In  the  autumn  of  1680,  he  wrote 
to  an  associate  who  had  demanded  the  long-deferred 
profits:  "I  have  had  many  misfortunes  in  the  last 
two  years.  In  the  autumn  of  '78,  I  lost  a  vessel  by 
the  fault  of  the  pilot;  in  the  next  summer,  the 
deserters  I  told  you  about  robbed  me  of  eight  or  ten 


S30   LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.  [1680-83. 

thousand  livres'  worth  of  goods.  In  the  autumn  of 
'79,  I  lost  a  vessel  worth  more  than  ten  thousand 
crowns;  in  the  next  spring,  five  or  six  rascals  stole 
the  value  of  five  or  six  thousand  livres  in  goods  and 
beaver-skins,  at  the  Illinois,  when  I  was  absent. 
Two  other  men  of  mine,  carrying  furs  worth  four  or 
five  thousand  livres,  were  killed  or  drowned  in  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  the  furs  were  lost.  Another 
robbed  me  of  three  thousand  livres  in  beaver-skins 
stored  at  Michilimackinac.  This  last  spring,  I  lost 
about  seventeen  hundred  livres'  worth  of  goods  by 
the  upsetting  of  a  canoe.  Last  winter,  the  fort  and 
buildings  at  Niagara  were  burned  by  the  fault  of  the 
commander;  and  in  the  spring  the  deserters,  who 
passed  that  way,  seized  a  part  of  the  property  that 
remained,  and  escaped  to  New  York.  All  this  does 
not  discourage  me  in  the  least,  and  will  only  defer 
for  a  year  or  two  the  returns  of  profit  which  you  ask 
for  this  year.  These  losses  are  no  more  my  fault 
than  the  loss  of  the  ship  '  St.  Joseph '  was  yours.  I 
cannot  be  everywhere,  and  cannot  help  making  use 
of  the  people  of  the  country." 

He  begs  his  correspondent  to  send  out  an  agent  of 
his  own.  "  He  need  not  be  very  savant,  but  he  must 
be  faithful,  patient  of  labor,  and  fond  neither  of 
gambling,  women,  nor  good  cheer;  for  he  will  find 
none  of  these  with  me.  Trusting  in  what  he  will 
write  you,  you  may  close  your  ears  to  what  priests 
and  Jesuits  tell  you. 

"After  having  put  matters  in  good  trim  for  trade  I 


1680-83.]        VEXATIONS  OF  HIS  POSITION.  331 

mean  to  withdraw,  though  I  think  it  will  be  very 
profitable;  for  I  am  disgusted  to  find  that  I  must 
always  be  making  excuses,  which  is  a  part  I  cannot 
play  successfully.  I  am  utterly  tired  of  this  busi- 
ness ;  for  I  see  that  it  is  not  enough  to  put  property 
and  life  in  constant  peril,  but  that  it  requires  more 
pains  to  answer  envy  and  detraction  than  to  over- 
come the  difficulties  inseparable  from  my  under- 
taking." 

And  he  makes  a  variety  of  proposals,  by  which  he 
hopes  to  get  rid  of  a  part  of  his  responsibility  to  his 
correspondent.  He  begs  him  again  to  send  out  a 
confidential  agent,  saying  that  for  his  part  he  does 
not  want  to  have  any  account  to  render,  except  that 
which  he  owes  to  the  court,  of  his  discoveries.  He 
adds,  strangely  enough  for  a  man  burdened  with 
such  liabilities,  "I  have  neither  the  habit  nor  the 
inclination  to  keep  books,  nor  have  I  anybody  with 
me  who  knows  how."  He  says  to  another  corre- 
spondent, "I  think,  like  you,  that  partnerships  in 
business  are  dangerous,  on  account  of  the  little  prac- 
tice I  have  in  these  matters."  It  is  not  surprising 
that  he  wanted  to  leave  his  associates  to  manage 
business  for  themselves :  "  You  know  that  this  trade 
is  good;  and  with  a  trusty  agent  to  conduct  it  for 
you,  you  run  no  risk.  As  for  me,  I  will  keep  the 
charge  of  the  forts,  the  command  of  posts  and  of 
men,  the  management  of  Indians  and  Frenchmen, 
and  the  establishment  of  the  colony,  which  will 
remain  my  property,  leaving  your  agent  and  mine  to 


332       LA   SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.     [1680-83. 

look  after  our  interests,  and  drawing  my  half  without 
having  any  hand  in  what  belongs  to  you/' 

La  Salle  was  a  very  indifferent  trader;  and  his  heart 
was  not  in  the  commercial  part  of  his  enterprise. 
He  aimed  at  achievement,  and  thirsted  after  great- 
ness. His  ambition  was  to  found  another  France  in 
the  West ;  and  if  he  meant  to  govern  it  also,  —  as 
without  doubt  he  did,  —  it  is  not  a  matter  of  wonder 
or  of  blame.  His  misfortune  was,  that,  in  the  pursuit 
of  a  great  design,  he  was  drawn  into  complications 
of  business  with  which  he  was  ill  fitted  to  grapple. 
He  had  not  the  instinct  of  the  successful  merchant. 
He  dared  too  much,  and  often  dared  unwisely; 
attempted  more  than  he  could  grasp,  and  forgot,  in 
his  sanguine  anticipations,  to  reckon  with  enormous 
and  incalculable  risks. 

Except  in  the  narrative  parts,  his  letters  are  ram- 
bling and  unconnected,  —  which  is  natural  enough, 
written,  as  they  were,  at  odd  moments,  by  camp-fires 
and  among  Indians.  The  style  is  crude ;  and  being 
well  aware  of  this,  he  disliked  writing,  especially  as 
the  risk  was  extreme  that  his  letters  would  miss  their 
destination.  "  There  is  too  little  good  faith  in  this 
country,  and  too  many  people  on  the  watch,  for  me 
to  trust  anybody  with  what  I  wish  to  send  you. 
Even  sealed  letters  are  not  too  safe.  Not  only  are 
they  liable  to  be  lost  or  stopped  by  the  way,  but  even 
such  as  escape  the  curiosity  of  spies  lie  at  Montreal, 
waiting  a  long  time  to  be  forwarded." 

Again,  he  writes :  "  I  cannot  pardon  myself  for  the 


1680-83.]         HIS   LETTERS  INTERCEPTED.  333 

stoppage  of  my  letters,  though  I  made  every  effort 
to  make  them  reach  you.  I  wrote  to  you  in  '79  (in 
August),  and  sent  my  letters  to  M.  de  la  Forest, 
who  gave  them  in  good  faith  to  my  brother.  I  don't 
know  what  he  has  done  with  them.  I  wrote  you 
another,  by  the  vessel  that  was  lost  last  year.  I  sent 
two  canoes,  by  two  different  routes;  but  the  wind 
and  the  rain  were  so  furious  that  they  wintered  on 
the  way,  and  I  found  my  letters  at  the  fort  on  my 
return.  I  now  send  you  one  of  them,  which  I  wrote 
last  year  to  M.  Thouret,  in  which  you  will  find  a 
full  account  of  what  passed,  from  the  time  when 
we  left  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie  down  to  the  sixteenth 
of  August,  1680.  What  preceded  was  told  at  full 
length  in  the  letters  my  brother  has  seen  fit  to 
intercept." 

This  brother  was  the  Sulpitian  priest,  Jean 
Cavelier,  who  had  been  persuaded  that  La  Salle's 
enterprise  would  be  ruinous,  and  therefore  set  him- 
self sometimes  to  stop  it  altogether,  and  sometimes 
to  manage  it  in  his  own  way.  "  His  conduct  towards 
me,"  says  La  Salle,  "has  always  been  so  strange, 
through  the  small  love  he  bears  me,  that  it  was  clear 
gain  for  me  when  he  went  away;  since  while  he 
stayed  he  did  nothing  but  cross  all  my  plans,  which 
I  was  forced  to  change  every  moment  to  suit  his 
caprice." 

There  was  one  point  on  which  the  interference  of 
his  brother  and  of  his  correspondents  was  peculiarly 
annoying.  They  thought  it  for  their  interest  that  he 


334   LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.  [1680-83. 

should  remain  a  single  man;  whereas,  it  seems  that 
his  devotion  to  his  purpose  was  not  so  engrossing  as 
to  exclude  more  tender  subjects.  He  writes :  — 

"I  am  told  that  you  have  been  uneasy  about  my 
pretended  marriage.  I  had  not  thought  about  it  at 
that  time ;  and  I  shall  not  make  any  engagement  of 
the  sort  till  I  have  given  you  reason  to  be  satisfied 
with  me.  It  is  a  little  extraordinary  that  I  must 
render  account  of  a  matter  which  is  free  to  all  the 
world. 

"  In  fine,  Monsieur,  it  is  only  as  an  earnest  of  some- 
thing more  substantial  that  I  write  to  you  so  much 
at  length.  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  will  hereafter 
change  the  ideas  about  me  which  some  persons  wish 
to  give  you,  and  that  you  will  be  relieved  of  the 
anxiety  which  all  that  has  happened  reasonably 
causes  you.  I  have  written  this  letter  at  more  than 
twenty  different  times ;  and  I  am  more  than  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  leagues  from  where  I  began  it.  I 
have  still  two  hundred  more  to  get  over,  before 
reaching  the  Illinois.  I  am  taking  with  me  twenty- 
five  men  to  the  relief  of  the  six  or  seven  who  remain 
with  the  Sieur  de  Tonty." 

This  was  the  journey  which  ended  in  that  scene  of 
horror  at  the  ruined  town  of  the  Illinois. 

To  the  same  correspondent,  pressing  him  for  divi- 
dends, he  says:  "You  repeat  continually  that  you 
will  not  be  satisfied  unless  I  make  you  large  returns 
of  profit.  Though  I  have  reason  to  thank  you  for 
what  you  have  done  for  this  enterprise,  it  seems  to 


1680-83.]       CHARGED  WITH  OSTENTATION.          335 

me  that  I  have  done  still  more,  since  I  have  put 
everything  at  stake ;  and  it  would  be  hard  to  reproach 
me  either  with  foolish  outlays  or  with  the  ostentation 
which  is  falsely  imputed  to  me.  Let  my  accusers 
explain  what  they  mean.  Since  I  have  been  in  this 
country,  I  have  had  neither  servants  nor  clothes  nor 
fare  which  did  not  savor  more  of  meanness  than  of 
ostentation;  and  the  moment  I  see  that  there  is  any- 
thing with  which  either  you  or  the  court  find  fault,  I 
assure  you  that  I  will  give  it  up,  —  for  the  life  I  am 
leading  has  no  other  attraction  for  me  than  that  of 
honor;  and  the  more  danger  and  difficulty  there  is 
in  undertakings  of  this  sort,  the  more  worthy  of 
honor  I  think  they  are." 

His  career  attests  the  sincerity  of  these  words. 
They  are  a  momentary  betrayal  of  the  deep  enthu- 
siasm of  character  which  may  be  read  in  his  life,  but 
to  which  he  rarely  allowed  the  faintest  expression. 

"Above  all,"  he  continues,  "if  you  want  me  to 
keep  on,  do  not  compel  me  to  reply  to  all  the  ques- 
tions and  fancies  of  priests  and  Jesuits.  They  have 
more  leisure  than  I ;  and  I  am  not  subtle  enough  to 
anticipate  all  their  empty  stories.  I  could  easily 
give  you  the  information  you  ask ;  but  I  have  a  right 
to  expect  that  you  will  not  believe  all  you  hear,  nor 
require  me  to  prove  to  you  that  I  am  not  a  madman. 
That  is  the  first  point  to  which  you  should  have  at- 
tended, before  having  business  with  me;  and  in  our 
long  acquaintance,  either  you  must  have  found  me 
out,  or  else  I  must  have  had  long  intervals  of  sanity, " 


336       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.     [1680-83. 

To  another  correspondent  he  defends  himself 
against  the  charge  of  harshness  to  his  men:  "The 
facility  I  am  said  to  want  is  out  of  place  with  this 
sort  of  people,  who  are  libertines  for  the  most  part; 
and  to  indulge  them  means  to  tolerate  blasphemy, 
drunkenness,  lewdness,  and  a  license  incompatible 
with  any  kind  of  order.  It  will  not  be  found  that  I 
have  in  any  case  whatever  treated  any  man  harshly, 
except  for  blasphemies  and  other  such  crimes  openly 
committed.  These  I  cannot  tolerate:  first,  because 
luch  compliance  would  give  grounds  for  another 
accusation,  much  more  just;  secondly,  because,  if  I 
allowed  such  disorders  to  become  habitual,  it  would 
be  hard  to  keep  the  men  in  subordination  and  obedi- 
ence, as  regards  executing  the  work  I  am  commis- 
sioned to  do;  thirdly,  because  the  debaucheries, 
too  common  with  this  rabble,  are  the  source  of  end- 
less delays  and  frequent  thieving;  and,  finally, 
because  I  am  a  Christian,  and  do  not  want  to  bear 
the  burden  of  their  crimes. 

"  What  is  said  about  my  servants  has  not  even  a 
show  of  truth ;  for  I  use  no  servants  here,  and  all  my 
men  are  on  the  same  footing.  I  grant  that  as  those 
who  have  lived  with  me  are  steadier  and  give  me  no 
reason  to  complain  of  their  behavior,  I  treat  them  as 
gently  as  I  should  treat  the  others  if  they  resembled 
them ,  and  as  those  who  were  formerly  my  servants 
are  the  only  ones  I  can  trust,  I  speak  more  openly  to 
them  than  to  the  rest,  who  are  generally  spies  of  my 
enemies.  The  twenty-two  men  who  deserted  and 


1680-83.]  INTRIGUES  AGAINST  HIM.  337 

robbed  me  are  not  to  be  believed  on  their  word, 
deserters  and  thieves  as  they  are.  They  are  ready 
enough  to  find  some  pretext  for  their  crime ;  and  it 
needs  as  unjust  a  judge  as  the  intendant  to  prompt 
such  rascals  to  enter  complaints  against  a  person  to 
whom  he  had  given  a  warrant  to  arrest  them.  But, 
to  show  the  falsity  of  these  charges,  Martin  Chartier, 
who  was  one  of  those  who  excited  the  rest  to  do  as 
they  did,  was  never  with  me  at  all ;  and  the  rest  had 
made  their  plot  before  seeing  me."  And  he  proceeds 
to  relate,  in  great  detail,  a  variety  of  circumstances 
to  prove  that  his  men  had  been  instigated  first  to 
desert,  and  then  to  slander  him;  adding,  "Those 
who  remain  with  me  are  the  first  I  had,  and  they 
have  not  left  me  for  six  years." 

"  I  have  a  hundred  other  proofs  of  the  bad  counsel 
given  to  these  deserters,  and  will  produce  them  when 
wanted;  but  as  they  themselves  are  the  only  wit- 
nesses of  the  severity  they  complain  of,  while  the 
witnesses  of  their  crimes  are  unimpeachable,  why  am 
I  refused  the  justice  I  demand,  and  why  is  their 
secret  escape  connived  at? 

"  I  do  not  know  what  you  mean  by  having  popular 
manners.  There  is  nothing  special  in  my  food, 
clothing,  or  lodging,  which  are  all  the  same  for  me 
as  for  my  men.  How  can  it  be  that  I  do  not  talk 
with  them?  I  have  no  other  company.  M.  de 
Tonty  has  often  found  fault  with  me  because  I 
stopped  too  often  to  talk  with  them.  You  do  not 

know  the   men   one  must  employ  here,    when  you 

22 


838       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.     [1680-83. 

exhort  me  to  make  merry  with  them.  They  are 
incapable  of  that;  for  they  are  never  pleased,  unless 
one  gives  free  rein  to  their  drunkenness  and  other 
vices.  If  that  is  what  you  call  having  popular 
manners,  neither  honor  nor  inclination  would  let  me 
stoop  to  gain  their  favor  in  a  way  so  disreputable  •, 
and,  besides,  the  consequences  would  be  dangerous, 
and  they  would  have  the  same  contempt  for  me  that 
they  have  for  all  who  treat  them  in  this  fashion. 

"  You  write  me  that  even  my  friends  say  that  I  am 
not  a  man  of  popular  manners.  I  do  not  know  what 
friends  they  are.  I  know  of  none  in  this  country. 
To  all  appearance  they  are  enemies,  more  subtle  and 
secret  than  the  rest.  I  make  no  exceptions;  for  I 
know  that  those  who  seem  to  give  me  support  do 
not  do  it  out  of  love  for  me,  but  because  they  are  in 
some  sort  bound  in  honor,  and  that  in  their  hearts 
they  think  I  have  dealt  ill  with  them.  M.  Plet  will 
tell  you  what  he  has  heard  about  it  himself,  and  the 
reasons  they  have  to  give.1  I  have  seen  it  for  a  long 
time;  and  these  secret  stabs  they  give  me  show  it 
very  plainly.  After  that,  it  is  not  surprising  that  I 
open  my  mind  to  nobody,  and  distrust  everybody.  I 
have  reasons  that  I  cannot  write. 

"  For  the  rest,  Monsieur,  pray  be  well  assured  that 
the  information  you  are  so  good  as  to  give  me  is 

1  Hit  cousin,  Francis  Plet,  was  in  Canada  in  1680,  where,  with 
La  Salle's  approval,  he  carried  on  the  trade  of  Fort  Frontenac,  in 
order  to  indemnify  himself  for  money  advanced.  La  Salle  always 
speaks  of  him  with  esteem  and  gratitude. 


1680-83.]  HIS  MANNERS.  339 

received  with  a  gratitude  equal  to  the  genuine  friend- 
ship from  which  it  proceeds;  and,  however  unjust 
are  the  charges  made  against  me,  I  should  be  much 
more  unjust  myself  if  I  did  not  feel  that  I  have  as 
much  reason  to  thank  you  for  telling  me  of  them  as 
I  have  to  complain  of  others  for  inventing  them. 

"  As  for  what  you  say  about  my  look  and  manner, 
I  myself  confess  that  you  are  not  far  from  right. 
But  naturam  expellas  ;  and  if  I  am  wanting  in  expan- 
siveness  and  show  of  feeling  towards  those  with 
whom  I  associate,  it  is  only  through  a  timidity  which 
is  natural  to  me,  and  which  has  made  me  leave  various 
employments,  where  without  it  I  could  have  succeeded. 
But  as  I  judged  myself  ill-fitted  for  them  on  account 
of  this  defect,  I  have  chosen  a  life  more  suited  to 
my  solitary  disposition;  which,  nevertheless,  does 
not  make  me  harsh  to  my  people,  though,  joined  to 
a  life  among  savages,  it  makes  me,  perhaps,  less 
polished  and  complaisant  than  the  atmosphere  of 
Paris  requires.  I  well  believe  that  there  is  self-love 
in  this;  and  that,  knowing  how  little  I  am  accus- 
tomed to  a  more  polite  life,  the  fear  of  making  mis- 
takes makes  me  more  reserved  than  I  like  to  be.  So 
I  rarely  expose  myself  to  conversation  with  those  in 
whose  company  I  am  afraid  of  making  blunders,  and 
can  hardly  help  making  them.  Abbe*  Renaudot 
knows  with  what  repugnance  I  had  the  honor  to 
appear  before  Monseigneur  de  Conti ;  and  sometimes 
it  took  me  a  week  to  make  up  my  mind  to  go  to  the 
audience,  —  that  is,  when  1  had  time  to  think  about 


340       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.     [1680-83. 

myself,  and  was  not  driven  by  pressing  business.  It 
is  much  tbe  same  with  letters,  which  I  never  write 
except  when  pushed  to  it,  and  for  the  same  reason. 
It  is  a  defect  of  which  I  shall  never  rid  myself  as 
long  as  I  live,  often  as  it  spites  me  against  myself, 
and  often  as  I  quarrel  with  myself  about  it." 

Here  is  a  strange  confession  for  a  man  like  La 
Salle.  Without  doubt,  the  timidity  of  which  he 
accuses  himself  had  some  of  its  roots  in  pride;  but 
not  the  less  was  his  pride  vexed  and  humbled  by  it. 
It  is  surprising  that,  being  what  he  was,  he  could 
have  brought  himself  to  such  an  avowal  under  any 
circumstances  or  any  pressure  of  distress.  Shyness ; 
a  morbid  fear  of  committing  himself;  and  incapacity 
to  express,  and  much  more  to  simulate,  feeling,  —  a 
trait  sometimes  seen  in  those  with  whom  feeling  is 
most  deep,  —  are  strange  ingredients  in  the  character 
of  a  man  who  had  grappled  so  dauntlessly  with  life 
on  its  harshest  and  rudest  side.  They  were  deplor- 
able defects  for  one  in  his  position.  He  lacked  that 
sympathetic  power,  the  inestimable  gift  of  the  true 
leader  of  men,  in  which  lies  the  difference  between  a 
willing  and  a  constrained  obedience.  This  solitary 
being,  hiding  his  shyness  under  a  cold  reserve,  could 
rouse  no  enthusiasm  in  his  followers.  He  lived  in 
the  purpose  which  he  had  made  a  part  of  himself, 
nursed  his  plans  in  secret,  and  seldom  asked  or 
accepted  advice.  He  trusted  himself,  and  learned 
more  and  more  to  trust  no  others.  One  may  fairly 
infer  that  distrust  was  natural  to  him;  but  the 


1680-83.]     HIS  STRENGTH   AND  WEAKNESS.         341 

inference  may  possibly  be  wrong.  Bitter  experience 
had  schooled  him  to  it;  for  he  lived  among  snares, 
pitfalls,  and  intriguing  enemies.  He  began  to  doubt 
even  the  associates  who,  under  representations  he 
had  made  them  in  perfect  good  faith,  had  staked 
their  money  on  his  enterprise,  and  lost  it,  or  were 
likely  to  lose  it.  They  pursued  him  with  advice  and 
complaint,  and  half  believed  that  he  was  what  his 
maligners  called  him,  —  a  visionary  or  a  madman. 
It  galled  him  that  they  had  suffered  for  their  trust 
in  him,  and  that  they  had  repented  their  trust.  His 
lonely  and  shadowed  nature  needed  the  mellowing 
sunshine  of  success,  and  his  whole  life  was  a  fight 
with  adversity. 

All  that  appears  to  the  eye  is  his  intrepid  conflict 
with  obstacles  without;  but  this,  perhaps,  was  no 
more  arduous  than  the  invisible  and  silent  strife  of 
a  nature  at  war  with  itself,  —  the  pride,  aspiration, 
and  bold  energy  that  lay  at  the  base  of  his  character 
battling  against  the  superficial  weakness  that  morti- 
fied and  angered  him.  In  such  a  man,  the  effect  of 
such  an  infirmity  is  to  concentrate  and  intensify  the 
force  within.  In  one  form  or  another,  discordant 
natures  are  common  enough;  but  very  rarely  is  the 
antagonism  so  irreconcilable  as  it  was  in  him.  And 
the  greater  the  antagonism,  the  greater  the  pain. 
There  are  those  in  whom  the  sort  of  timidity  from 
which  he  suffered  is  matched  with  no  quality  that 
strongly  revolts  against  it.  These  gentle  natures  may 
at  least  have  peace,  but  for  him  there  was  no  peace. 


842        LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.    [1680-83. 

Cavelier  de  La  Salle  stands  in  history  like  a  statue 
cast  in  iron;  but  his  own  unwilling  pen  betrays  the 
man,  and  reveals  in  the  stern,  sad  figure  an  object  of 
human  interest  and  pity.1 

1  The  following  is  the  character  of  La  Salle,  as  drawn  by  hi§ 
friend,  Abbe  Bernou,  in  a  memorial  to  the  minister  Seignelay :  "  II 
est  irre'prochable  dans  ses  mceiirs,  re*gle  dans  sa  conduite,  et  qui 
veut  de  1'ordre  parmy  ses  gens.  II  est  savant,  judicieux,  politique, 
vigilant,  infatigable,  sobre,  et  intre'pide.  II  entend  suffisament 
1'architecture  civile,  militaire,  et  navale  ainsy  que  1'agriculture  ; 
il  parle  ou  entend  quatre  ou  cinq  langues  des  Sauvages,  et  a  beau* 
coup  de  facilite  pour  apprendre  les  autres.  II  s?ait  toutes  leurs 
manieres  et  obtient  d'eux  tout  ce  qu'il  veut  par  son  adresse,  par  son 
eloquence,  et  parce  qu'il  est  beaucoup  estime  d'eux.  Dans  ses 
voyages  il  ne  fait  pas  meilleure  chere  que  le  moindre  de  ses  gens 
et  se  donne  plus  de  peine  que  pas  un  pour  les  encourager,  et  il  y  a 
lieu  de  croire  qu'avec  la  protection  de  Monseigneur  il  fondera  des 
colonies  plus  considerables  que  toutes  celles  que  les  Fra^ois  ont 
etablies  jusqu'fc  present."  —  Memoire  pour  Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de 
Seignelay,  1682  (Margry,  ii.  277). 

The  extracts  given  in  the  foregoing  chapter  are  from  La  Salle's 
long  letters  of  29  Sept.,  1680,  and  22  Aug.,  1682  (1681?).  Both  are 
printed  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Margry  collection,  and  the 
originals  of  both  are  in  the  Bibliotheque  Naticmale.  The  latter 
seems  to  have  been  written  to  La  Salle's  friend,  Abbe*  Bernou ;  and 
the  former,  to  a  certain  M.  Thouret. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1684. 
A  NEW  ENTERPRISE. 

LA  SALLE  AT  COURT  :  HIS  PROPOSALS.  —  OCCUPATION  OP  LOUISIANA. 
—  INVASION  OF  MEXICO.  —  ROYAL  FAVOR.  —  PREPARATION.  —  A 
DIVIDED  COMMAND.  —  BEAUJEU  AND  LA  SALLE.  —  MENTAL 
CONDITION  OF  LA  SALLE  :  HIS  FAREWELL  TO  HIS  MOTHER. 

WHEN  La  Salle  reached  Paris,  he  went  to  his  old 
lodgings  in  Rue  de  la  Truanderie,  and,  it  is  likely 
enough,  thought  for  an  instant  of  the  adventures  and 
vicissitudes  he  had  passed  since  he  occupied  them 
before.  Another  ordeal  awaited  him.  He  must 
confront,  not  painted  savages  with  tomahawk  and 
knife,  but  —  what  he  shrank  from  more  —  the  courtly 
throngs  that  still  live  and  move  in  the  pages  of 
Sdvigne*  and  Saint-Simon. 

The  news  of  his  discovery  and  the  rumor  of  his 
schemes  were  the  talk  of  a  moment  among  the 
courtiers,  and  then  were  forgotten.  It  was  not  so 
with  their  master.  La  Salle's  friends  and  patrons 
did  not  fail  him.  A  student  and  a  recluse  in  his 
youth,  and  a  backwoodsman  in  his  manhood,  he  had 
what  was  to  him  the  formidable  honor  of  an  inter- 
view with  royalty  itself,  and  stood  with  such  phi- 


344  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684 

losophy  as  he  could  command  before  the  gildei 
arm-chair,  where,  majestic  and  awful,  the  power  of 
France  sat  embodied.  The  King  listened  to  all  he 
said  5  but  the  results  of  the  interview  were  kept  so 
secret  that  it  was  rumored  in  the  ante-chambers  that 
his  proposals  had  been  rejected.1 

On  the  contrary,  they  had  met  with  more  than 
favor.  The  moment  was  opportune  for  La  Salle. 
The  King  had  long  been  irritated  against  the 
Spaniards,  because  they  not  only  excluded  his  sub- 
jects from  their  American  ports,  but  forbade  them 
to  enter  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Certain  Frenchmen 
who  had  sailed  on  this  forbidden  sea  had  been  seized 
and  imprisoned ;  and  more  recently  a  small  vessel  of 
the  royal  navy  had  been  captured  for  the  same 
offence.  This  had  drawn  from  the  King  a  declara- 
tion that  every  sea  should  be  free  to  all  his  subjects,; 
and  Count  d'Estrdes  was  sent  with  a  squadron  to 
the  Gulf,  to  exact  satisfaction  of  the  Spaniards,  or 
fight  them  if  they  refused  it.2  This  was  in  time  of 
peace.  War  had  since  arisen  between  the  two 
crowns,  and  brought  with  it  the  opportunity  of  set- 
tling the  question  forever.  In  order  to  do  so,  the 
minister  Seignelay,  like  his  father  Colbert,  proposed 
to  establish  a  French  port  on  the  Gulf,  as  a  perma- 
nent menace  to  the  Spaniards  and  a  basis  of  future 


1  Lettres  de  VAbU  Tronson,  8  Avrti,  10  Avril,  1684  (Margry,  ii. 
354). 

2  Lettres  du  Roy  et  du  Ministre  sur  la  Navigation  du   Golfe  du 
Mexique,  1669-1682  (Margry,  iii.  3-14). 


1684.J  LA  SALLE'S  PKOPOSALS.  345 

conquest.  It  was  in  view  of  this  plan  that  La  Salle's 
past  enterprises  had  been  favored;  and  the  proposals 
he  now  made  were  in  perfect  accord  with  it. 

These  proposals  were  set  forth  in  two  memorials. 
The  first  of  them  states  that  the  late  Monseigneur 
Colbert  deemed  it  important  for  the  service  of  his 
Majesty  to  discover  a  port  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico; 
that  to  this  end  the  memorialist,  La  Salle,  made  five 
journeys  of  upwards  of  five  thousand  leagues,  in 
great  part  on  foot;  and  traversed  more  than  six 
hundred  leagues  of  unknown  country,  among  savages 
and  cannibals,  at  the  cost  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  francs.  He  now  proposes  to  return  by 
way  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  to  the  countries  he  has  discovered, 
whence  great  benefits  may  be  expected:  first,  the 
cause  of  God  may  be  advanced  by  the  preaching  of 
the  gospel  to  many  Indian  tribes;  and,  secondly, 
great  conquests  may  be  effected  for  the  glory  of  the 
King,  by  the  seizure  of  provinces  rich  in  silver 
mines,  and  defended  only  by  a  few  indolent  and 
effeminate  Spaniards.  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  pur- 
sues the  memorial,  binds  himself  to  be  ready  for  the 
accomplishment  of  this  enterprise  within  one  year 
after  his  arrival  on  the  spot;  and  he  asks  for  this 
purpose  only  one  vessel  and  two  hundred  men, 
with  their  arms,  munitions,  pay,  and  maintenance. 
When  Monseigneur  shall  direct  him,  he  will  give 
the  details  of  what  he  proposes.  The  memorial  then 
describes  the  boundless  extent,  the  fertility  and 


346  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

resources  of  the  country  watered  by  the  river  Colbert, 
or  Mississippi;  the  necessity  of  guarding  it  against 
foreigners,  who  will  be  eager  to  seize  it  now  that  La 
Salle's  discovery  has  made  it  known;  and  the  ease 
with  which  it  may  be  defended  by  one  or  two  forts  at 
a  proper  distance  above  its  mouth,  which  would  form 
the  key  to  an  interior  region  eight  hundred  leagues  in 
extent.  "Should  foreigners  anticipate  us,"  he  adds, 
"  they  will  complete  the  ruin  of  New  France,  which 
they  already  hem  in  by  their  establishments  of  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  New  England,  and  Hudson's  Bay."  1 

The  second  memorial  is  more  explicit.  The  place, 
it  says,  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  proposes  to 
fortify,  is  on  the  river  Colbert,  or  Mississippi,  sixty 
leagues  above  its  mouth,  where  the  soil  is  very  fertile, 
the  climate  very  mild,  and  whence  we,  the  French, 
may  control  the  continent,  —  since,  the  river  being 
narrow,  we  could  defend  ourselves  by  means  of  fire- 
ships  against  a  hostile  fleet,  while  the  position  is 
excellent  both  for  attacking  an  enemy  or  retreating 
in  case  of  need.  The  neighboring  Indians  detest 
the  Spaniards,  but  love  the  French,  having  been  won 
over  by  the  kindness  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  We 
could  form  of  them  an  army  of  more  than  fifteen 
thousand  savages,  who,  supported  by  the  French  and 
Abenakis,  followers  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  could 
easily  subdue  the  province  of  New  Biscay  (the  most 
northern  province  of  Mexico),  where  there  are  but 

1  Mtmoire  du  Sr-  de  la  Salle,  pour  rendre  compte  a  Monseigneur  de 
Stignelay  de  la  decouverte  qu'il  afaite  par  I'ordre  de  sa  Majeste. 


1684.]  LA  SALLE'S  PROPOSALS.  347 

four  hundred  Spaniards,  more  fit  to  work  the  mines 
than  to  fight.  On  the  north  of  New  Biscay  lie  vast 
forests,  extending  to  the  river  Seignelay1  (Red 
River),  which  is  but  forty  or  fifty  leagues  from  the 
Spanish  province.  This  river  affords  the  means  of 
attacking  it  to  great  advantage. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  pursues  the  memorial,  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  offers,  if  the  war  with  Spain  con- 
tinues, to  undertake  this  conquest  with  two  hundred 
men  from  France.  He  will  take  on  his  way  fifty 
buccaneers  at  St.  Domingo,  and  direct  the  four 
thousand  Indian  warriors  at  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois  to  descend  the  river  and  join  him.  He  will 
separate  his  force  into  three  divisions,  and  attack  at 
the  same  time  the  centre  and  the  two  extremities  of 
the  province.  To  accomplish  this  great  design,  he 
asks  only  for  a  vessel  of  thirty  guns,  a  few  cannon 
for  the  forts,  and  power  to  raise  in  France  two  hun- 
dred such  men  as  he  shall  think  fit,  to  be  armed, 
paid,  and  maintained  six  months  at  the  King's 
charge.  And  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  binds  himself,  if 
the  execution  of  this  plan  is  prevented  for  more  than 
three  years,  by  peace  with  Spain,  to  refund  to  his 
Majesty  all  the  costs  of  the  enterprise,  on  pain  of 
forfeiting  the  government  of  the  ports  he  will  have 
established.2 

1  This  name,  also  given  to  the  Illinois,  is  used  to  designate  Eed 
River  on  the  map  of  Franquelin,  where  the  forests  above  mentioned 
are  represented. 

2  Memoire  du  Sr-  de  la  Salle  sur  I'Entreprise  qu'il  a  propose  d 
Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de  Seignelay  sur  une  des  provinces  de  Mexiqu*. 


848  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  substance  of  this  singular 
proposition.  And,  first,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  it  is 
based  on  a  geographical  blunder,  the  nature  of  which 
is  explained  by  the  map  of  La  Salle's  discoveries 
made  in  this  very  year.  Here  the  river  Seignelay, 
or  Red  River,  is  represented  as  running  parallel  to 
the  northern  'border  of  Mexico,  and  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  it,  —  the  region  now  called  Texas  being 
almost  entirely  suppressed.  According  to  the  map, 
New  Biscay  might  be  reached  from  this  river  in  a 
few  days ;  and,  after  crossing  the  intervening  forests, 
the  coveted  mines  of  Ste.  Barbe,  or  Santa  Barbara, 
would  be  within  striking  distance.1  That  La  Salle 
believed  in  the  possibility  of  invading  the  Spanish 
province  of  New  Biscay  from  Red  River  there  can  be 
no  doubt ;  neither  can  it  reasonably  be  doubted  that 
he  hoped  at  some  future  day  to  make  the  attempt; 
and  yet  it  is  incredible  that  a  man  in  his  sober  senses 
could  have  proposed  this  scheme  with  the  intention 
of  attempting  to  execute  it  at  the  time  and  in  the 
manner  which  he  indicates.2  This  memorial  bears 


1  Both  the  memorial  and  the  map  represent  the  banks  of  Red 
River  as  inhabited  by  Indians,  called  Terliquiquimechi,  and  known 
to  the  Spaniards  as  Indies  bravos,  or  Indios  de  guerra.    The  Span- 
iards, it  is  added,  were  in  great  fear  of  them,  as  they  made  frequent 
inroads  into  Mexico.     La   Salle's   Mexican  geography  was  in  all 
respects  confused  and  erroneous ;  nor  was  Seignelay  better  informed. 
Indeed,  Spanish  jealousy  placed  correct  information  beyond  their 
reach. 

2  "While  the  plan,  as  proposed  in  the  memorial,  was  clearly  im- 
practicable, the  subsequent  experience  of  the  French  in  Texas 
tended  to  prove  that  the  tribes  of  that  region  could  be  used  with 


i684.]  LA  SALLE'S  PLANS.  349 

some  indications  of  being  drawn  up  in  order  to  pro- 
duce a  certain  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  King  and 
his  minister.  La  Salle's  immediate  necessity  was  to 
obtain  from  them  the  means  for  establishing  a  fort 
and  a  colony  within  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
This  was  essential  to  his  own  plans;  nor  did  he  in 
the  least  exaggerate  the  value  of  such  an  establish- 
ment to  the  French  nation,  and  the  importance  of 
anticipating  other  powers  in  the  possession  of  it. 
But  he  thought  that  he  needed  a  more  glittering  lure 
bo  attract  the  eyes  of  Louis  and  Seignelay;  and  thus, 
it  may  be,  he  held  before  them,  in  a  definite  and 
tangible  form,  the  project  of  Spanish  conquest  which 
had  haunted  his  imagination  from  youth,  —  trusting 
that  the  speedy  conclusion  of  peace,  which  actually 
took  place,  would  absolve  him  from  the  immediate 
execution  of  the  scheme,  and  give  him  time,  with  the 
means  placed  at  his  disposal,  to  mature  his  plans  and 
prepare  for  eventual  action.  Such  a  procedure  may 
be  charged  with  indirectness ;  but  there  is  a  different 
explanation,  which  we  shall  suggest  hereafter,  and 
which  implies  no  such  reproach.1 

advantage  in  attacking  the  Spaniards  of  Mexico,  and  that  an  in- 
road on  a  comparatively  small  scale  might  have  been  successfully 
made  with  their  help.  In  1689,  Tonty  actually  made  the  attempt, 
as  we  shall  see,  but  failed,  from  the  desertion  of  his  men.  In  1697, 
the  Sieur  de  Louvigny  wrote  to  the  Minister  of  the  Marine,  asking 
to  complete  La  Salle's  discoveries,  and  invade  Mexico  from  Texas. 
(Lettre  de  M.  de  Louvigny,  14  Oct.,  1697.)  In  an  unpublished  memoir 
of  the  year  1700,  the  seizure  of  the  Mexican  mines  is  given  as  one 
of  the  motives  of  the  colonization  of  Louisiana. 

x  Another  scheme,  with  similar  aims,  but  much  more  practicable, 


350  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

Even  with  this  madcap  enterprise  lopped  off,  La 
Salle's  scheme  of  Mississippi  trade  and  colonization, 
perfectly  sound  in  itself,  was  too  vast  for  an  indi- 
vidual, —  above  all,  for  one  crippled  and  crushed 
with  debt.  W hile  he  grasped  one  link  of  the  great 
chain,  another,  no  less  essential,  escaped  from  his 
hand ;  while  he  built  up  a  colony  on  the  Mississippi, 
it  was  reasonably  certain  that  evil  would  befall  his 
distant  colony  of  the  Illinois. 

The  glittering  project  which  he  now  unfolded 
found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  King  and  his  minister; 
for  both  were  in  the  flush  of  an  unparalleled  success, 
and  looked  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  for  nothing 
but  triumphs.  They  granted  more  than  the  peti- 
tioner asked,  as  indeed  they  well  might,  if  they 
expected  the  accomplishment  of  all  that  he  proposed 

was  at  this  very  time  before  the  court.  Count  Penalossa,  a  Spanish 
Creole,  born  in  Peru,  had  been  governor  of  New  Mexico,  where  he 
fell  into  a  dispute  with  the  Inquisition,  which  involved  him  in  the 
loss  of  property,  and  for  a  time  of  liberty.  Failing  to  obtain  re- 
dress in  Spain,  he  renounced  his  allegiance  in  disgust,  and  sought 
refuge  in  France,  where,  in  1682,  he  first  proposed  to  the  King  the 
establishment  of  a  colony  of  French  buccaneers  at  the  mouth  of 
Rio  Bravo,  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In  January,  1684,  after  the 
war  had  broken  out,  he  proposed  to  attack  the  Spanish  town  of 
Panuco,  with  twelve  hundred  buccaneers  from  St.  Domingo ;  then 
march  into  the  interior,  seize  the  mines,  conquer  Durango,  and 
occupy  New  Mexico.  It  was  proposed  to  combine  his  plan  with 
that  of  La  Salle ;  but  the  latter,  who  had  an  interview  with  him, 
expressed  distrust,  and  showed  characteristic  reluctance  to  accept 
a  colleague.  It  is  extremely  probable,  however,  that  his  knowl- 
edge of  Penalossa's  original  proposal  had  some  influence  in  stimu- 
lating him  to  lay  before  the  court  proposals  of  his  own,  equally 
attractive.  Peace  was  concluded  before  the  plans  of  the  Spanish 
adventurer  could  be  carried  into  effect. 


1684.]  LA  BARRE  REBUKED.  351 

io  attempt.  La  Forest,  La  Salle's  lieutenant,  ejected 
from  Fort  Frontenac  by  La  Barre,  was  now  at  Paris; 
ftnd  he  was  despatched  to  Canada,  empowered  to 
reoccupy,  in  La  Salle's  name,  both  Fort  Frontenac 
and  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois.  The  King  him- 
self wrote  to  La  Barre  in  a  strain  that  must  have 
sent  a  cold  thrill  through  the  veins  of  that  official. 
"I  hear,"  he  says,  "that  you  have  taken  possession 
of  Fort  Frontenac,  the  property  of  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle,  driven  away  his  men,  suffered  his  land  to  run 
to  waste,  and  even  told  the  Iroquois  that  they  might 
Keize  him  as  an  enemy  of  the  colony."  He  adds, 
that,  if  this  is  true,  La  Barre  must  make  reparation 
for  the  wrong,  and  place  all  La  Salle's  property,  as 
well  as  his  men,  in  the  hands  of  the  Sieur  de  la 
Forest,  "as  I  am  satisfied  that  Fort  Frontenac  was 
not  abandoned,  as  you  wrote  to  me  that  it  had 
been."1  Four  days  later,  he  wrote  to  the  intendant 
of  Canada,  Meules,  to  the  effect  that  the  bearer,  La 
Forest,  is  to  suffer  no  impediment,  and  that  La  Barre 
is  to  surrender  to  him  without  reserve  all  that 
belongs  to  La  Salle.2  Armed  with  this  letter,  La 
Forest  sailed  for  Canada.3 

1  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Barre,  Versailles,  10  Avril,  1684. 

2  Lettre  du  Roy  a  De  Meules,  Versailles,  14  Avril,  1684.     Seignelay 
^vrote  to  De  Meules  to  the  same  effect. 

8  On  La  Forest's  mission,  —  Memoire  pour  representer  a  Monsei- 
'jneur  le  Marquis  de  Seignelay  la  necessite  d'envoyer  le  Sr-  de  la  Forest 
<>.n  diligence  a  la  Nouvelle  France ;  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Barre,  14  Avril f 
1684;  Ibid.,  31  Oct.,  1684. 

There  is  before  me  a  promissory  note  of  La  Salle  to  La  Forest, 
of  5,200  lines,  dated  at  Kochelle,  17  July,  1684.  This  seems  to  be 


352  A  NEW   ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

A  chief  object  of  his  mission,  as  it  was  represented 
to  Seignelay,  was,  not  only  to  save  the  colony  at  the 
Illinois  from  being  broken  up  by  La  Barre,  but  also 
to  collect  La  Salle's  scattered  followers,  muster  the 
savage  warriors  around  the  rock  of  St.  Louis,  and 
lead  the  whole  down  the  Mississippi,  to  co-operate 
in  the  attack  on  New  Biscay.  If  La  Salle  meant 
that  La  Forest  should  seriously  attempt  to  execute 
such  a  scheme,  then  the  charges  of  his  enemies  that 
his  brain  was  turned  were  better  founded  than  he 
would  have  us  think.1 

He  had  asked  for  two  vessels,2  and  four  were  given 
to  him.  Agents  were  sent  to  Rochelle  and  Rochef  ort 
to  gather  recruits.  A  hundred  soldiers  were  enrolled, 
besides  mechanics  and  laborers ;  and  thirty  volunteers, 


pay  due  to  La  Forest,  who  had  served  as  La  Salle's  officer  for  nine 
years.  A  memorandum  is  attached,  signed  by  La  Salle,  to  the 
effect  that  it  is  his  wish  that  La  Forest  reimburse  himself,  "par 
preference"  out  of  any  property  of  his  (La  Salle's)  in  France  or 
Canada. 

1  The  attitude  of  La  Salle,  in  this  matter,  is  incomprehensible. 
In  July,  La  Forest  was  at  Rochefort,  complaining  because  La 
Salle  had  ordered  him  to  stay  in  garrison  at  Fort  Frontenac. 
Beaujeu  a  Villermont,  10  July,  1684.  This  means  an  abandonment 
of  the  scheme  of  leading  the  warriors  at  the  rock  of  St.  Louis  down 
the  Mississippi ;  but,  in  the  next  month,  La  Salle  writes  to  Seigne- 
lay that  he  is  afraid  La  Barre  will  use  the  Iroquois  war  as  a  pretext 
to  prevent  La  Forest  from  making  his  journey  (to  the  Illinois), 
and  that  in  this  case  he  will  himself  try  to  go  up  the  Mississippi, 
and  meet  the  Illinois  warriors  ;  so  that,  in  five  or  six  months  from 
the  date  of  the  letter,  the  minister  will  hear  of  his  departure  to 
attack  the  Spaniards.  (La  Salle  a  Seignelay,  Aout,  1684.)  Either 
this  is  sheer  folly,  or  else  it  is  meant  to  delude  the  minister. 

*  Memoire  de  ce  qui  aura  este  accorde  au  Sieur  de  la  Sallt. 


PREPARATION.  358 

including  gentlemen  and  burghers  of  condition, 
joined  the  expedition.  And,  as  the  plan  was  one 
no  less  of  colonization  than  of  war,  several  families 
embarked  for  the  new  land  of  promise,  as  well  as  a 
number  of  girls,  lured  by  the  prospect  of  almost 
certain  matrimony.  Nor  were  missionaries  wanting. 
Among  them  was  La  Salle 's  brother,  Cavelier,  and 
two  other  priests  of  St.  Sulpice.  Three  Re'collets 
were  added,  —  Zenobe  Membre*,  who  was  then  in 
France,  Anastase  Douay,  and  Maxime  Le  Clerc. 
The  principal  vessel  was  the  "  Joly,"  belonging  to  the 
royal  navy,  and  carrying  thirty-six  guns.  Another 
armed  vessel  of  six  guns  was  added,  together  with 
a  store-ship  and  a  ketch. 

La  Salle  had  asked  for  sole  command  of  the  expe- 
dition, with  a  subaltern  officer,  and  one  or  two  pilots 
to  sail  the  vessels  as  he  should  direct.  Instead  of 
complying,  Seignelay  gave  the  command  of  the 
vessels  to  Beaujeu,  a  captain  of  the  royal  navy,  — 
whose  authority  was  restricted  to  their  management 
at  sea,  while  La  Salle  was  to  prescribe  the  route  they 
were  to  take,  and  have  entire  control  of  the  troops 
and  colonists  on  land.1  This  arrangement  displeased 
both  parties.  Beaujeu,  an  old  and  experienced 
officer,  was  galled  that  a  civilian  should  be  set  over 
him,  —  and  he,  too,  a  burgher  lately  ennobled ;  nor 
was  La  Salle  the  man  to  soothe  his  ruffled  spirit. 
Detesting  a  divided  command,  cold,  reserved,  and 

*  Lettre  au  Roy  it  La  Salle,  12  Avril,  1684 ;  Memotre  pour  servir 
df Instruction  au  Sicur  de  Beaujeu,  14  Avril,  1684. 


354  A  NEW  ENTEKPKISE.  [1681 

impenetrable,  he  would  have  tried  the  patience  of  a 
less  excitable  colleague.  Beaujeu,  on  his  part, 
though  set  to  a  task  which  he  disliked,  seems  to  have 
meant  to  do  his  duty,  and  to  have  been  willing  at  the 
outset  to  make  the  relations  between  himself  and 
his  unwelcome  associate  as  agreeable  as  possible. 
Unluckily,  La  Salle  discovered  that  the  wife  of 
Beaujeu  was  devoted  to  the  Jesuits.  We  have  seen 
the  extreme  distrust  with  which  he  regarded  these 
guides  of  his  youth,  and  he  seems  now  to  have 
fancied  that  Beaujeu  was  their  secret  ally.  Possibly, 
he  suspected  that  information  of  his  movements 
would  be  given  to  the  Spaniards ;  more  probably,  he 
had  undefined  fears  of  adverse  machinations.  Grant- 
ing that  such  existed,  it  was  not  his  interest  to 
stimulate  them  by  needlessly  exasperating  the  naval 
commander.  His  deportment,  however,  was  not 
conciliating;  and  Beaujeu,  prepared  to  dislike  him, 
presently  lost  temper.  While  the  vessels  still  lay 
at  Rochelle;  while  all  was  bustle  and  preparation; 
while  stores,  arms,  and  munitions  were  embarking; 
while  boys  and  vagabonds  were  enlisting  as  soldiers 
for  the  expedition,  —  Beaujeu  was  venting  his  dis- 
gust in  long  letters  to  the  minister. 

"You  have  ordered  me,  Monseigneur,  to  give  all 
possible  aid  to  this  undertaking,  and  I  shall  do  so  to 
the  best  of  my  power;  but  permit  me  to  take  great 
credit  to  myself,  for  I  find  it  very  hard  to  submit  to 
the  orders  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  whom  I  believe 
to  be  a  man  of  merit,  but  who  has  no  experience  of 


1684.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA  SALLE.  855 

war  except  with  savages,  and  who  has  no  rank,  while 
I  have  been  captain  of  a  ship  thirteen  years,  and  have 
served  thirty  by  sea  and  land.  Besides,  Monseigneur, 
he  has  told  me  that  in  case  of  his  death  you  have 
directed  that  the  Sieur  de  Tonty  shall  succeed  him. 
This,  indeed,  is  very  hard;  for,  though  I  am  not 
acquainted  with  that  country,  I  should  be  very  dull, 
if,  being  on  the  spot,  I  did  not  know  at  the  end  of  a 
month  as  much  of  it  as  they  do.  I  beg,  Monseigneur, 
that  I  may  at  least  share  the  command  with  them; 
and  that,  as  regards  war,  nothing  may  be  done  with- 
out my  knowledge  and  concurrence,  —  for,  as  to 
their  commerce,  I  neither  intend  nor  desire  to  know 
anything  about  it." 

Seignelay  answered  by  a  rebuff,  and  told  him  to 
make  no  trouble  about  the  command.  This  increased 
his  irritation,  and  he  wrote:  "In  my  last  letter, 
Monseigneur,  I  represented  to  you  the  hardship  of 
compelling  me  to  obey  M.  de  la  Salle,  who  has  no 
rank,  and  never  commanded  anybody  but  school-boys; 
and  I  begged  you  at  least  to  divide  the  command 
between  us.  I  now,  Monseigneur,  take  the  liberty 
to  say  that  I  will  obey  without  repugnance,  if  you 
order  me  to  do  so,  having  reflected  that  there  can  be 
no  competition  between  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
and  me. 

"Thus  far,  he  has  not  told  me  his  plan;  and  he 
changes  his  mind  every  moment.  He  is  a  man  so 
suspicious,  and  so  afraid  that  one  will  penetrate  his 
secrets,  that  J  dare  not  ask  him  anything.  He  sayb 


856  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

that  M.  de  Parassy,  commissary's  clerk,  with  whom 
he  has  often  quarrelled,  is  paid  by  his  enemies  to 
defeat  his  undertaking ;  and  many  other  things  with 
which  I  will  not  trouble  you.  .  .  . 

"He  pretends  that  I  am  only  to  command  the 
sailors,  and  have  no  authority  over  the  volunteer 
officers  and  the  hundred  soldiers  who  are  to  take 
passage  in  the  '  Joly; '  and  that  they  are  not  to 
recognize  or  obey  me  in  any  way  during  the 
voyage.  .  .  . 

"  He  has  covered  the  decks  with  boxes  and  chests 
of  such  prodigious  size  that  neither  the  cannon  nor 
the  capstan  can  be  worked." 

La  Salle  drew  up  a  long  list  of  articles,  denning 
the  respective  rights  and  functions  of  himself  and 
Beaujeu,  to  whom  he  presented  it  for  signature. 
Beaujeu  demurred  at  certain  military  honors 
demanded  by  La  Salle,  saying  that  if  a  marshal  of 
France  should  come  on  board  his  ship,  he  would 
have  none  left  to  offer  him.  The  point  was  referred 
to  the  naval  intendant;  and  the  articles  of  the  treaty 
having  been  slightly  modified,  Beaujeu  set  his  name 
to  it.  "By  this,"  he  says,  "you  can  judge  better  of 
the  character  of  M.  de  la  Salle  than  by  all  I  can  say. 
He  is  a  man  who  wants  smoke  [form  and  ceremony]. 
I  will  give  him  his  fill  of  it,  and,  perhaps,  more  than 
he  likes. 

"I  am  bound  to  an  unknown  country,  to  seek 
what  is  about  as  hard  to  find  as  the  philosopher's 
stone.  It  vexes  me,  Monseigneur,  that  you  should 


1684.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA  SALLE.  357 

have  been  involved  in  a  business  the  success  of  which 
is  very  uncertain.  M.  de  la  Salle  begins  to  doubt  it 
himself." 

While  Beaujeu  wrote  thus  to  the  minister,  he  was 
also  writing  to  Cabart  de  Villermont,  one  of  his 
friends  at  Paris,  with  whom  La  Salle  was  also  on 
friendly  terms.  These  letters  are  lively  and  enter- 
taining, and  by  no  means  suggestive  of  any  secret 
conspiracy.  He  might,  it  is  true,  have  been  more 
reserved  in  his  communications;  but  he  betrays  no 
confidence,  for  none  was  placed  in  him.  It  is  the 
familiar  correspondence  of  an  irritable  but  not  ill- 
natured  veteran,  who  is  placed  in  an  annoying  posi- 
tion, and  thinks  he  is  making  the  best  of  it. 

La  Salle  thought  that  the  minister  had  been  too 
free  in  communicating  the  secrets  of  the  expedition 
fco  the  naval  intendant  at  Rochefort,  and  through 
him  to  Beaujeu.  It  is  hard  to  see  how  Beaujeu  was 
fco  blame  for  this ;  but  La  Salle  nevertheless  fell  into 
a,  dispute  with  him.  "He  could  hardly  keep  his 
temper,  and  used  expressions  which  obliged  me  to 
tell  him  that  I  cared  very  little  about  his  affairs,  and 
that  the  King  himself  would  not  speak  as  he  did. 
He  retracted,  made  excuses,  and  we  parted  good 
friends.  .  .  . 

"  I  do  not  like  his  suspiciousness.  I  think  him  a 
good,  honest  Norman;  but  Normans  are  out  of 
fashion.  It  is  one  thing  to-day,  another  to-morrow. 
It  seems  to  me  that  he  is  not  so  sure  about  his 
undertaking  as  he  was  at  Paris.  This  morning  he 


358  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

came  to  see  me,  and  told  me  he  had  changed  his 
mind,  and  meant  to  give  a  new  turn  to  the  business, 
and  go  to  another  coast.  He  gave  very  poor  reasons, 
to  which  I  assented,  to  avoid  a  quarrel.  I  thought, 
by  what  he  said,  that  he  wanted  to  find  a  scapegoat 
to  bear  the  blame,  in  case  his  plan  does  not  succeed 
as  he  hopes.  For  the  rest,  I  think  him  a  brave  man 
and  a  true ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  if  this  business 
fails,  it  will  be  because  he  does  not  know  enough, 
and  will  not  trust  us  of  the  profession.  As  for  me, 
I  shall  do  my  best  to  help  him,  as  I  have  told  you 
before;  and  I  am  delighted  to  have  him  keep  his 
secret,  so  that  I  shall  not  have  to  answer  for  the 
result.  Pray  do  not  show  my  letters,  for  fear  of 
committing  me  with  him.  He  is  too  suspicious 
already;  and  never  was  Norman  so  Norman  as  he, 
which  is  a  great  hinderance  to  business." 

Beaujeu  came  from  the  same  province  and  calls 
himself  jocularly  un  Ion  gros  Normand.  His  good- 
nature, however,  rapidly  gave  way  as  time  went  on. 
"Yesterday,"  he  writes,  "this  Monsieur  told  me 
that  he  meant  to  go  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  little 
while  ago,  as  I  said  before,  he  talked  about  going  to 
Canada.  I  see  nothing  certain  in  it.  It  is  not  that 
I  do  not  believe  that  all  he  says  is  true;  but  not 
being  of  the  profession,  and  not  liking  to  betray  his 
ignorance,  he  is  puzzled  what  to  do. 

"  I  shall  go  straight  forward,  without  regarding  a 
thousand  whims  and  bagatelles.  His  continual  sus- 
picion would  drive  anybody  mad  except  a  Norman 


1684.]  Atf  OPEN  QUARREL.  359 

like  me;  but  I  shall  humor  him,  as  I  have  always 
done,  even  to  sailing  my  ship  on  dry  land,  if  he 
likes." 

A  few  days  later,  there  was  an  open  quarrel.  "  M. 
de  la  Salle  came  to  me,  and  said,  rather  haughtily 
and  in  a  tone  of  command,  that  I  must  put  provisions 
for  three  months  more  on  board  my  vessel.  I  told 
him  it  was  impossible,  as  she  had  more  lading  already 
than  anybody  ever  dared  to  put  in  her  before.  He 
would  not  hear  reason,  but  got  angry  and  abused  me 
in  good  French,  and  found  fault  with  me  because 
the  vessel  would  not  hold  his  three  months'  pro- 
visions. He  said  I  ought  to  have  told  him  of  it 
before.  '  And  how  would  you  have  me  tell  you, ' 
said  I,  '  when  you  never  tell  me  what  you  mean  to 
do  ? '  We  had  still  another  quarrel.  He  asked  me 
where  his  officers  should  take  their  meals.  I  told 
him  that  they  might  take  them  where  he  pleased ;  for 
I  gave  myself  no  trouble  in  the  matter,  having  no 
orders.  He  answered  that  they  should  not  mess  on 
bacon,  while  the  rest  ate  fowls  and  mutton.  I  said 
that  if  he  would  send  fowls  and  mutton  on  board, 
his  people  should  eat  them ;  but,  as  for  bacon,  I  had 
often  ate  it  myself.  At  this,  he  went  off  and  com- 
plained to  M.  Dugu£  that  I  refused  to  embark  his 
provisions,  and  told  him  that  he  must  live  on  bacon. 
I  excused  him  as  not  knowing  how  to  behave  him- 
self, having  spent  his  life  among  school-boy  brats 
and  savages.  Nevertheless,  I  offered  to  him,  his 
brother,  and  two  of  his  friends,  seats  at  my  table  and 


360  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

the  same  fare  as  myself.  He  answered  my  civility 
by  an  impertinence,  saying  that  he  distrusted  people 
who  offered  so  much  and  seemed  so  obliging.  I 
could  not  help  telling  him  that  I  saw  he  was  brought 
up  in  the  provinces." 

This  was  touching  La  Salle  on  a  sensitive  point. 
Beaujeu  continues:  "In  fact,  you  knew  him  better 
than  I;  for  I  always  took  him  for  a  gentleman 
(honnete  homme).  I  see  now  that  he  is  anything  but 
that.  Pray  set  Abb6  Renaudot  and  M.  Morel  right 
about  this  man,  and  tell  them  he  is  not  what  they 
take  him  for.  Adieu.  It  has  struck  twelve:  the 
postman  is  just  going." 

Bad  as  was  the  state  of  things,  it  soon  grew  worse. 
Renaudot  wrote  to  La  Salle  that  Beaujeu  was  writing 
to  Villermont  everything  that  happened,  and  that 
Villermont  showed  the  letters  to  all  his  acquaint- 
ance. Villermont  was  a  relative  of  the  Jesuit 
Beschefer;  and  this  was  sufficient  to  suggest  some 
secret  machination  to  the  mind  of  La  Salle.  Viller- 
mont's  fault,  however,  seems  to  have  been  simple 
indiscretion,  for  which  Beaujeu  took  him  sharply  to 
task.  "  I  asked  you  to  burn  my  letters ;  and  I  can- 
not help  saying  that  I  am  angry  with  you,  not 
because  you  make  known  my  secrets,  but  because 
you  show  letters  scrawled  in  haste,  and  sent  off 
without  being  even  read  over.  M.  de  la  Salle  not 
having  told  me  his  secret,  though  M.  de  Seignelay 
ordered  him  to  tell  me,  I  am  not  obliged  to  keep  it, 
and  have  as  good  a  right  as  anybody  to  make  my 


1684.]  LA  SALLE'S  INDISCRETION.  361 

conjectures  on  what  I  read  about  it  in  the  Gazette  de 
Hollande.  Let  Abbe*  Renaudot  glorify  M.  de  la 
Salle  as  much  as  he  likes,  and  make  him  a  Cortez,  a 
Pizarro,  or  an  Almagro,  —  that  is  nothing  to  me ;  but 
do  not  let  him  speak  of  me  as  an  obstacle  in  his 
hero's  way.  Let  him  understand  that  I  know  how 
to  execute  the  orders  of  the  court  as  well  as  he.  ... 

"You  ask  how  I  get  on  with  M.  de  la  Salle. 
Don't  you  know  that  this  man  is  impenetrable,  and 
that  there  is  no  knowing  what  he  thinks  of  one? 
He  told  a  person  of  note  whom  I  will  not  name  that 
he  had  suspicions  about  our  correspondence,  as  well 
as  about  Madame  de  Beaujeu's  devotion  to  the 
Jesuits.  His  distrust  is  incredible.  If  he  sees  one 
of  his  people  speak  to  the  rest,  he  suspects  some- 
thing, and  is  gruff  with  them.  He  told  me  himself 
that  he  wanted  to  get  rid  of  M.  de  Tonty,  who  is  in 
America. " 

La  Salle's  claim  to  exclusive  command  of  the 
soldiers  on  board  the  "  Joly  "  was  a  source  of  endless 
trouble.  Beaujeu  declared  that  he  would  not  set  sail 
till  officers,  soldiers,  and  volunteers  had  all  sworn  to 
obey  him  when  at  sea;  at  which  La  Salle  had  the 
indiscretion  to  say,  "  If  I  am  not  master  of  my  sol- 
diers, how  can  I  make  him  [Beaujeu]  do  his  duty  in 
case  he  does  not  want  to  do  it?" 

Beaujeu  says  that  this  affair  made  a  great  noise 
among  the  officers  at  Rochef  ort,  and  adds :  "  There 
are  very  few  people  who  do  not  think  that  his  brain  is 
touched.  I  have  spoken  to  some  who  have  known 


362  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  |1684. 

him  twenty  years.     They  all  say  that  he  was  always 
rather  visionary." 

It  is  difficult  not  to  suspect  that  the  current  belief 
at  Rochefort  had  some  foundation;  and  that  the 
deadly  strain  of  extreme  hardship,  prolonged  anxiety, 
and  alternation  of  disaster  and  success,  joined  to  the 
fever  which  nearly  killed  him,  had  unsettled  his 
judgment  and  given  a  morbid  development  to  his 
natural  defects.  His  universal  suspicion,  which 
included  even  the  stanch  and  faithful  Henri  de 
Tonty;  his  needless  provocation  of  persons  whose 
good- will  was  necessary  to  him ;  his  doubts  whether 
he  should  sail  for  the  Gulf  or  for  Canada,  when  to 
sail  to  Canada  would  have  been  to  renounce,  or 
expose  to  almost  certain  defeat,  an  enterprise  long 
cherished  and  definitely  planned,  —  all  point  to  one 
conclusion.  It  may  be  thought  that  his  doubts  were 
feigned,  in  order  to  hide  his  destination  to  the  last 
moment;  but  if  so,  he  attempted  to  blind  not  only 
his  ill  wishers,  but  his  mother,  whom  he  also  left  in 
uncertainty  as  to  his  route. 

Unless  we  assume  that  his  scheme  of  invading 
Mexico  was  thrown,  out  as  a  bait  to  the  King,  it  is 
hard  to  reconcile  it  with  the  supposition  of  mental 
soundness.  To  base  so  critical  an  attempt  on  a 
geographical  conjecture,  which  rested  on  the  slightest 
possible  information,  and  was  in  fact  a  total  error;  to 
postpone  the  perfectly  sound  plan  of  securing  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  to  a  wild  project  of  leading 
fifteen  thousand  savages  for  an  unknown  distance 


1684.]  AN  OVERWROUGHT  BRAIN.  363 

tljough  an  unknown  country  to  attack  an  unknown 
enemy,  —  was  something  more  than  Quixotic  daring. 
The  King  and  the  minister  saw  nothing  impracticable 
ii)  it,  for  they  did  not  know  the  country  or  its  inhabit- 
ants. They  saw  no  insuperable  difficulty  in  muster- 
ing and  keeping  together  fifteen  thousand  of  the 
most  wayward  and  unstable  savages  on  earth,  split 
into  a  score  and  more  of  tribes,  some  hostile  to  each 
other  and  some  to  the  French;  nor  in  the  problem 
of  feeding  such  a  mob,  on  a  march  of  hundreds  of 
miles;  nor  in  the  plan  of  drawing  four  thousand  of 
them  from  the  Illinois,  nearly  two  thousand  miles 
distant,  though  some  of  these  intended  allies  had  no 
canoes  or  other  means  of  transportation,  and  though, 
travelling  in  such  numbers,  they  would  infallibly 
starve  on  the  way  to  the  rendezvous.  It  is  difficult 
not  to  see  in  all  this  the  chimera  of  an  overwrought 
brain,  no  longer  able  to  distinguish  between  the 
possible  and  the  impossible. 

Preparation  dragged  slowly  on;  the  season  was 
growing  late;  the  King  grew  impatient,  and  found 
fault  with  the  naval  intendant.  Meanwhile,  the 
various  members  of  the  expedition  had  all  gathered 
at  Rochelle.  Joutel,  a  fellow-townsman  of  La  Salle, 
returning  to  his  native  Rouen,  after  sixteen  years  in 
the  army,  found  all  astir  with  the  new  project.  His 
father  had  been  gardener  to  Henri  Cavelier,  La 
Salle's  uncle;  and  being  of  an  adventurous  spirit  he 
volunteered  for  the  enterprise,  of  which  he  was  to 
become  the  historian.  With  La  Salle 's  brother  the 


864  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1«84. 

priest,  and  two  of  his  nephews,  one  of  whom  was  a 
boy  of  fourteen,  Joutel  set  out  for  Rochelle,  where 
all  were  to  embark  together  for  their  promised 
land.1 

La  Salle  wrote  a  parting  letter  to  his  mother  at 
Rouen:  — 

ROCHELLE,  18  July,  1684. 
MADAME  MY  MOST  HONORED  MOTHER,  — 

At  last,  after  having  waited  a  long  time  for  a  favour- 
able wind,  and  having  had  a  great  many  difficulties  to  over- 
come, we  are  setting  sail  with  four  vessels,  and  nearly 
four  hundred  men  on  board.  Everybody  is  well,  includ- 
ing little  Colin  and  my  nephew.  We  all  have  good  hope 
of  a  happy  success.  We  are  not  going  by  way  of  Canada, 
but  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  I  passionately  wish,  and  so 
do  we  all,  that  the  success  of  this  voyage  may  contribute 
to  your  repose  and  comfort.  Assuredly,  I  shall  spare  no 
effort  that  it  may;  and  I  beg  you,  on  your  part,  to  pre- 
serve yourself  for  the  love  of  us. 

You  need  not  be  troubled  by  the  news  from  Canada, 
which  are  nothing  but  the  continuation  of  the  artifices 
of  my  enemies.  I  hope  to  be  as  successful  against  them 
as  I  have  been  thus  far,  and  to  embrace  you  a  year  hence 
with  all  the  pleasure  that  the  most  grateful  of  children 
can  feel  with  so  good  a  mother  as  you  have  always  been. 
Pray  let  this  hope,  which  shall  not  disappoint  you,  sup- 
port you  through  whatever  trials  may  happen,  and  be 
sure  that  you  will  always  find  me  with  a  heart  full  of  the 
feelings  which  are  due  to  you. 

1  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  12. 


1684.]  A  PARTING  LETTER.  365 

Madame  my  Most  Honored  Mother,  from  your  most 
humble  and  most  obedient  servant  and  son, 

DE  LA  SALLE. 

My  brother,  my  nephews,  and  all  the  others  greet  you, 
and  take  their  leave  of  you. 

This  memorable  last  farewell  has  lain  for  two 
hundred  years  among  the  family  papers  of  the 
Caveliers.1 

1  The  letters  of  Beaujeu  to  Seignelay  and  to  Cabart  de  Viller- 
mont,  with  most  of  the  other  papers  on  which  this  chapter  rests, 
will  be  found  in  Margry,  ii.  364-471.  This  indefatigable  investiga- 
tor has  also  brought  to  light  a  number  of  letters  from  a  brother 
officer  of  Beaujeu,  Machaut-Rougemont,  written  at  Rochefort, 
just  after  the  departure  of  the  expedition  from  Rochelle,  and 
giving  some  idea  of  the  views  there  entertained  concerning  it.  He 
says  :  "  I/on  ne  peut  pas  f aire  plus  d'extravagances  que  le  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  n'en  a  fait  sur  toutes  ses  pretentious  de  commandement. 
Je  plains  beaucoup  le  pauvre  Beaujeu  d'avoir  affaire  a  une  hu« 
meur  si  saturnienne.  .  .  .  Je  le  croy  beaucoup  visionnaire  .  .  . 
Beaujeu  a  une  sotte  commission/' 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1684,  1685. 
THE  VOYAGE. 

DISPUTES  WITH  BEAUJEU. —  ST.  DOMINGO.  —  LA  SALLB  ATTACKED 
WITH  FEVER:  HIS  DESPERATE  CONDITION.  —  THE  GULF  OP 
MEXICO.  —  A  VAIN  SEARCH  AND  A  FATAL  ERROR. 

THE  four  ships  sailed  from  Rochelle  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  July.  Four  days  after,  the  "  Joly  "  broke 
her  bowsprit,  by  design  as  La  Salle  fancied.  They 
all  put  back  to  Rochefort,  where  the  mischief  was 
quickly  repaired;  and  they  put  to  sea  again.  La 
Salle,  and  the  chief  persons  of  the  expedition,  with 
a  crowd  of  soldiers,  artisans,  and  women,  the  destined 
mothers  of  Louisiana,  were  all  on  board  the  "Joly." 
Beaujeu  wished  to  touch  at  Madeira,  to  replenish 
his  water-casks.  La  Salle  refused,  lest  by  doing  so 
the  secret  of  the  enterprise  might  reach  the  Spaniards. 
One  Paget,  a  Huguenot,  took  up  the  word  in  sup- 
port of  Beaujeu.  La  Salle  told  him  that  the  affair 
was  none  of  his;  and  as  Paget  persisted  with 
increased  warmth  and  freedom,  he  demanded  of 
Beaujeu  if  it  was  with  his  consent  that  a  man  of  no 
rank  spoke  to  him  in  that  manner.  Beaujeu  sus- 


ST.  DOIMIX<;O. 

.lined   the  Huguenot.      "That  is  enough,"  returned 
1  ..i   Salle,   :uul    \vitlidre\v   into  liis    ealun.1 

This  \vas  not  the  first  misunderstandin!';;  nor  was 
it  the  last.  There  was  ineessant  eliatin>;-  between  the 
two  commanders;  ami  the  sailors  of  (ho  ".lolv  "  \\ere 
<oou  of  one  mind  \\ith  thoir  captain.  When  the 
-hip  crossed  the  tropie,  thov  niadr  ivadv  a  tnl>  on 
to  baptize  tho  passengers,  aftor  tlu>  villanous 
ce  of  the  time;  but  La  Salle  ivfusod  to  permit, 

it,  at  whioh  tlu\y  were  highly  rxaspcralrd,  liaxin:'; 
promisc'd  tluMiisolvos  a  bountiful  ransom,  in  inonoy  or 
li.pior,  iVom  thiMr  viotims.  il  .  \ssmvdlv."  says  .loutol, 
**they  would  gladly  have  killed  us  all.** 

Wh«Mi,  al'lcr  a  \vnMrluMl  Voyage  of  two  months  tllO 

ship  reached  St.  Domingo,  a  fresh  dispute  occurred. 
It  had  been  resolved  at  a  council  of  olVuvrs  to  stop 
at  Port  de  Paix;  but  Beaujeu,  on  pretext  of  a  fair 
\\  md,  ran  by  that  place  in  the  night,  and  cast  anchor 
at  Petit  Goave,  on  the  other  side  of  the  island.  La 
Salle  was  extremely  vexed  ;  for  he  expected  to  meet, 
at  Port  de  Paix  the  Marquis  de  Saint-Laurent, 
lieutenant-general  of  the  islands,  Be*gon  the  intend- 

anl,  and  De  Cussy,  governor  of  La  Tortile,  who   had 

orders  to  supply  him  with  provisions  and  give  him 
all  possible  aid. 

The  "Joly"  was  alone:   the  other    vessels    had 
lagged  behind.     She  had  more  than  fifty  sick  men  on 


(sans  nom  c/Weur)  tfcriff  d«  St.  Domingue,  14  Nov.,  1684 
(Margry,  ii.  402)  ;  Mtmoirt  autograph*  rf«  I'Abbi  Jean  Cavelier  t«r  /« 
Voyage  de  1084.  Compare  Joutel. 


368  THE  VOYAGE.  [1684. 

board,  and  La  Salle  was  of  the  number.  He  sent  a 
messenger  to  Saint-Laurent,  Begon,  and  Cussy, 
begging  them  to  come  to  him ;  ordered  Joutel  to  get 
the  sick  ashore,  suffocating  as  they  were  in  the  hot 
and  crowded  ship;  and  caused  the  soldiers  to  be 
landed  on  a  small  island  in  the  harbor.  Scarcely  had 
the  voyagers  sung  Te  Deum  for  their  safe  arrival, 
when  two  of  the  lagging  vessels  appeared,  bringing 
tilings  that  the  third,  the  ketch  "St.  Francois,"  had 
been  taken  by  Spanish  buccaneers.  She  was  laden 
with  provisions,  tools,  and  other  necessaries  for  the 
colony;  and  the  loss  was  irreparable.  Beaujeu  was 
answerable  for  it;  for  had  he  anchored  at  Port  de 
Paix,  it  would  not  have  occurred.  The  lieutenant- 
general,  with  Be*gon  and  Cussy,  who  presently 
arrived,  plainly  spoke  their  minds  to  him.1 

La  Salle 's  illness  increased.  "I  was  walking  with 
him  one  day,"  writes  Joutel,  "when  he  was  seized  of 
a  sudden  with  such  a  weakness  that  he  could  not 
stand,  and  was  obliged  to  lie  down  on  the  ground. 
When  he  was  a  little  better,  I  led  him  to  a  chamber 
of  a  house  that  the  brothers  Duhaut  had  hired. 
Here  we  put  him  to  bed,  and  in  the  morning  he  was 
attacked  by  a  violent  fever."2  "It  was  so  violent 
that,"  says  another  of  his  shipmates,  "his  imagina- 
tion pictured  to  him  things  equally  terrible  and 
amazing."8  He  lay  delirious  in  the  wretched  garret^ 

1  Memoir e  de  MM.de  Saint-Laurens  et  Began  (Margry,ii.  499); 
Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  28. 

*  Relation  de  Henri  Joutel  (Margry,  iii.  98). 

8  Lettre  (sans  nom  d'auteur),  14  Nov.,  1684  (Margry,  ii.  496). 


1684.]  ILLNESS   OF  LA  SALLE.  369 

attended  by  his  brother,  and  one  or  two  others  who 
stood  faithful  to  him.  A  goldsmith  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, moved  at  his  deplorable  condition,  offered  the 
use  of  his  house ;  and  Abbe*  Cavelier  had  him  removed 
thither.  But  there  was  a  tavern  hard  by,  and  the 
patient  was  tormented  with  daily  and  nightly  riot. 
At  the  height  of  the  fever,  a  party  of  Beaujeu's 
sailors  spent  a  night  in  singing  and  dancing  before 
the  house ;  and,  says  Cavelier,  "  The  more  we  begged 
them  to  be  quiet,  the  more  noise  they  made."  La 
Salle  lost  reason  and  well-nigh  life ;  but  at  length  his 
mind  resumed  its  balance,  and  the  violence  of  the 
disease  abated.  A  friendly  Capucin  friar  offered 
him  the  shelter  of  his  roof;  and  two  of  his  men  sup- 
ported him  thither  on  foot,  giddy  with  exhaustion 
and  hot  with  fever.  Here  he  found  repose,  and  was 
slowly  recovering,  when  some  of  his  attendants  rashly 
told  him  the  loss  of  the  ketch  "St.  Frangois;"  and 
the  consequence  was  a  critical  return  of  the 
disease.1 

There  was  no  one  to  fill  his  place.  Beaujeu  would 
not;  Cavelier  could  not.  Joutel,  the  gardener's  son, 
was  apparently  the  most  trusty  man  of  the  company; 
but  the  expedition  was  virtually  without  a  head. 
The  men  roamed  on  shore,  and  plunged  into  every 
excess  of  debauchery,  contracting  diseases  which 
eventually  killed  them. 

Beaujeu,  in   the  extremity  of  ill-humor,  resumed 

1  The  above  particulars  are  from  the  memoir  of  La  Salle'a 
brother,  Abb£  Carelier,  already  cited 

24 


370  THE   VOYAGE.  [1684. 

his  correspondence  with  Seignelay.  "But  for  the 
illness  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,"  he  writes,  "I  could 
not  venture  to  report  to  you  the  progress  of  our 
voyage,  as  I  am  charged  only  with  the  navigation, 
and  he  with  the  secrets;  but  as  his  malady  has 
deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his  faculties,  both  of  body 
and  mind,  I  have  thought  myself  obliged  to  acquaint 
you  with  what  is  passing,  and  of  the  condition  in 
which  we  are." 

He  then  declares  that  the  ships  freighted  by  La 
Salle  were  so  slow  that  the  "  Joly  "  had  continually 
been  forced  to  wait  for  them,  thus  doubling  the 
length  of  the  voyage;  that  he  had  not  had  water 
enough  for  the  passengers,  as  La  Salle  had  not  told 
him  that  there  were  to  be  any  such  till  the  day  they 
came  on  board;  that  great  numbers  were  sick,  and 
that  he  had  told  La  Salle  there  would  be  trouble  if 
he  filled  all  the  space  between  decks  with  his  goods, 
and  forced  the  soldiers  and  sailors  to  sleep  on  deck; 
that  he  had  told  him  he  would  get  no  provisions  at 
St.  Domingo,  but  that  he  insisted  on  stopping;  that 
it  had  always  been  so,  —  that  whatever  he  proposed 
La  Salle  would  refuse,  alleging  orders  from  the 
King;  "and  now,"  pursues  the  ruffled  commander, 
"  everybody  is  ill ;  and  he  himself  has  a  violent  fever, 
as  dangerous,  the  surgeon  tells  me,  to  the  mind  as  to 
the  body." 

The  rest  of  the  letter  is  in  the  same  strain.  He 
says  that  a  day  or  two  after  La  Salle 's  illness  began, 
his  brother  Cavelier  came  to  ask  him  to  take  charge 


1684.]  COMPLAINTS   OF  BEAUJEU.  371 

of  his  affairs;  but  that  he  did  not  wish  to  meddle 
with  them,  especially  as  nobody  knows  anything 
about  them,  and  as  La  Salle  has  sold  some  of  the 
ammunition  and  provisions;  that  Cavelier  tells  him 
that  he  thinks  his  brother  keeps  no  accounts,  wish- 
ing to  hide  his  affairs  from  everybody;  that  he  learns 
from  buccaneers  that  the  entrance  of  the  Mississippi 
is  very  shallow  and  difficult,  and  that  this  is  the 
worst  season  for  navigating  the  Gulf;  that  the 
Spaniards  have  in  these  seas  six  vessels  of  from 
thirty  to  sixty  guns  each,  besides  row-galleys;  but 
that  he  is  not  afraid,  and  will  perish,  or  bring  back 
an  account  of  the  Mississippi.  "Nevertheless,"  he 
adds,  "if  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  dies,  I  shall  pursue  a 
course  different  from  that  which  he  has  marked  out ; 
for  I  do  not  approve  his  plans." 

"If,"  he  continues,  "you  permit  me  to  speak  my 
mind,  M.  de  la  Salle  ought  to  have  been  satisfied 
with  discovering  his  river,  without  undertaking  to 
conduct  three  vessels  with  troops  two  thousand 
leagues  through  so  many  different  climates,  and 
across  seas  entirely  unknown  to  him.  I  grant  that 
he  is  a  man  of  knowledge,  that  he  has  reading,  and 
even  some  tincture  of  navigation;  but  there  is  so 
much  difference  between  theory  and  practice,  that  a 
man  who  has  only  the  former  will  always  be  at  fault. 
There  is  also  a  great  difference  between  conducting 
canoes  on  lakes  and  along  a  river,  and  navigating 
ships  with  troops  on  distant  oceans."1 

1  Lettre  de  Beaujeu  au  Ministre,  20  Oct.,  1684. 


372  THE   VOYAGE.  [1684. 

While  Beaujeu  was  complaining  of  La  Salle,  his 
followers  were  deserting  him.  It  was  necessary  to 
send  them  on  board  ship,  and  keep  them  there ;  for 
there  were  French  buccaneers  at  Petit  Goave,  who 
painted  the  promised  land  in  such  dismal  colors  that 
many  of  the  adventurers  completely  lost  heart 
Some,  too,  were  dying.  "The  air  of  this  place  is 
bad,"  says  Joutel;  "so  are  the  fruits;  and  there  are 
plenty  of  women  worse  than  either."1 

It  was  near  the  end  of  November  before  La  Salle 
could  resume  the  voyage.  He  was  told  that  Beaujeu 
had  said  that  he  would  not  wait  longer  for  the  store- 
ship  "Aimable,  '  and  that  she  might  follow  as  she 
could.2  Moreover,  La  Salle  was  on  ill  terms  with 
Aigron,  her  captain,  who  had  declared  that  he  would 
have  nothing  more  to  do  with  him.3  Fearing,  there- 
fore, that  some  mishap  might  befall  her,  he  resolved 
to  embark  in  her  himself,  with  his  brother  Cavelier, 
Membre*,  Douay,  and  others,  the  trustiest  of  his 
followers.  On  the  twenty-fifth  they  set  sail;  the 
"Joly"  and  the  little  frigate  "Belle"  following. 
They  coasted  the  shore  of  Cuba,  and  landed  at  the 
Isle  of  Pines,  where  La  Salle  shot  an  alligator,  which 
the?  soldiers  ate;  and  the  hunter  brought  in  a  wild 
pig,  half  of  which  he  sent  to  Beaujeu.  Then  they 
advanced  to  Cape  St.  Antoine,  where  bad  weather 
and  contrary  winds  long  detained  them.  A  load  of 

1  Relation  de  Henri  Joutel  (Margry,  iii.  105). 

2  Memoir e  autographe  de  I' Abbe  Jean  Cavelier. 
8  Lettrt  de  Beaujeu  au  Ministre,  20  Oct.,  1684. 


1685.]  A  VAIN  SEARCH.  373 

cares  oppressed  the  mind  of  La  Salle,  pale  and 
haggard  with  recent  illness,  wrapped  within  his  own 
thoughts,  and  seeking  sympathy  from  none. 

At  length  they  entered  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  that 
forbidden  sea  whence  by  a  Spanish  decree,  dating 
from  the  reign  of  Philip  II.,  all  foreigners  were 
excluded  on  pain  of  extermination.1  Not  a  man  on 
board  knew  the  secrets  of  its  perilous  navigation. 
Cautiously  feeling  their  way,  they  held  a  north- 
westerly course,  till  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  December 
a  sailor  at  the  mast-head  of  the  "  Aimable  "  saw  land. 
La  Salle  and  all  the  pilots  had  been  led  to  form  an 
exaggerated  idea  of  the  force  of  the  easterly  currents ; 
and  they  therefore  supposed  themselves  near  the  Bay 
of  Appalache,  when,  in  fact,  they  were  much  farther 
westward. 

On  New  Year's  Day  they  anchored  three  leagues 
from  the  shore.  La  Salle,  with  the  engineer  Minet, 
went  to  explore  it,  and  found  nothing  but  a  vast 
marshy  plain,  studded  with  clumps  of  rushes.  Two 
days  after  there  was  a  thick  fog,  and  when  at  length 
it  cleared,  the  "  Joly  "  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  La 
Salle  in  the  "Aimable,"  followed  closely  by  the 
little  frigate  "Belle,"  stood  westward  along  the 
coast.  When  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  in 
1682,  he  had  taken  its  latitude,  but  unhappily  could 
not  determine  its  longitude;  and  now  every  eye  on 
board  was  strained  to  detect  in  the  monotonous  lines 

1  Letter  oj  Don  Luis  de  Onis  to  the  Secretary  of  State  (American 
State  Papers,  xii.  27-31). 


374  THE  VOYAGE.  [1685. 

of  the  low  shore  some  tokens  of  the  great  river.  In 
fact,  they  had  already  passed  it.  On  the  sixth  of 
January,  a  wide  opening  was  descried  between  two 
low  points  of  land;  and  the  adjacent  sea  was  dis- 
colored with  mud.  "La  Salle,"  writes  his  brother 
Cavelier,  "has  always  thought  that  this  was  the 
Mississippi."  To  all  appearance,  it  was  the  entrance 
of  Galveston  Bay.1  But  why  did  he  not  examine  it? 
Joutel  says  that  his  attempts  to  do  so  were  frustrated 
by  the  objections  of  the  pilot  of  the  "Aimable,"  to 
which,  with  a  facility  very  unusual  with  him,  he 
suffered  himself  to  yield.  Cavelier  declares,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  he  would  not  enter  the  opening 
because  he  was  afraid  of  missing  the  "  Joly."  But 
he  might  have  entered  with  one  of  his  two  vessels, 
while  the  other  watched  outside  for  the  absent  ship. 
From  whatever  cause,  he  lay  here  five  or  six  days, 
waiting  in  vain  for  Beaujeu ; 2  till,  at  last,  thinking 
that  he  must  have  passed  westward,  he  resolved  to 
follow.  The  "Aimable"  and  the  "Belle"  again 
spread  their  sails,  and  coasted  the  shores  of  Texas. 
Joutel,  with  a  boat's  crew,  tried  to  land;  but  the 
sand-bars  and  breakers  repelled  him.  A  party  of 
Indians  swam  out  through  the  surf,  and  were  taken 
on  board;  but  La  Salle  could  learn  nothing  from 
them,  as  their  language  was  unknown  to  him. 

1  "La  hauteur  nous  a  fait  remarquer  .  .  .  que  ce   que  nous 
avions  vu  le  sixieme  Janvier  estoit  en  effet  la  principale  entree  de 
la  riviere  que  nous  cherchions."  —  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Ministry 
4  Mars,  1687. 

2  Memoire  autographe  de  UAbbe  Cavelier. 


1685.]  THE  SHORES  OF  TEXAS.  375 

Again  Joutel  tried  to  land,  and  again  the  breakers 
repelled  him.  He  approached  as  near  as  he  dared, 
and  saw  vast  plains  and  a  dim  expanse  of  forest, 
buffalo  running  with  their  heavy  gallop  along  the 
»shore,  and  deer  grazing  on  the  marshy  meadows. 

Soon  after,  he  succeeded  in  landing  at  a  point 
somewhere  between  Matagorda  Island  and  Corpus 
Ghristi  Bay.  The  aspect  of  the  country  was  not 
cheering,  with  its  barren  plains,  its  reedy  marshes, 
Its  interminable  oyster-beds,  and  broad  flats  of  mud 
bare  at  low  tide.  Joutel  and  his  men  sought  in 
vain  for  fresh  water,  and  after  shooting  some  geese 
and  ducks  returned  to  the  "Aimable."  Nothing 
had  been  seen  of  Beaujeu  and  the  "  Joly; "  the  coast 
was  trending  southward;  and  La  Salle,  convinced 
that  he  must  have  passed  the  missing  ship,  turned  to 
retrace  his  course.  He  had  sailed  but  a  few  miles 
when  the  wind  failed,  a  fog  covered  the  sea,  and  he 
was  forced  to  anchor  opposite  one  of  the  openings 
into  the  lagoons  north  of  Mustang  Island.  At 
length,  on  the  nineteenth,  there  came  a  faint  breeze ; 
the  mists  rolled  away  before  it,  and  to  his  great  joy 
he  saw  the  "  Joly  "  approaching. 

"His  joy,"  says  Joutel,  "was  short."  Beaujeu's 
lieutenant,  Aire,  came  on  board  to  charge  him  with 
having  caused  the  separation,  and  La  Salle  retorted 
by  throwing  the  blame  on  Beaujeu.  Then  came  a 
debate  as  to  their  position.  The  priest  Esmanville 
was  present,  and  reports  that  La  Salle  seemed  greatly 
perplexed.  He  had  more  cause  for  perplexity  than 


376  THE  VOYAGE.  [1685. 

he  knew;  for  in  his  ignorance  of  the  longitude  of  the 
Mississippi,  he  had  sailed  more  than  four  hundred 
miles  beyond  it. 

Of  this  he  had  not  the  faintest  suspicion.  In  full 
sight  from  his  ship  lay  a  reach  of  those  vast  lagoons 
which,  separated  from  the  sea  by  narrow  strips  of 
land,  line  this  coast  with  little  interruption  from 
Galveston  Bay  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  idea  took 
possession  of  him  that  the  Mississippi  discharged 
itself  into  these  lagoons,  and  thence  made  its  way  to 
the  sea  through  the  various  openings  he  had  seen 
along  the  coast,  chief  among  which  was  that  he  had 
discovered  on  the  sixth,  about  fifty  leagues  from  the 
place  where  he  now  was.1 

Yet  he  was  full  of  doubt  as  to  what  he  should  do. 
Four  days  after  rejoining  Beaujeu,  he  wrote  him  the 

1  "  Depuis  que  nous  avions  quitte  cette  riviere  qu'il  croyoit  inf  ail- 
liblement  estre  le  fleuve  Colbert  [Mississippi]  nous  avions  fait  envi- 
ron 45  lieues  ou  50  au  plus."  (Cavelier,  Memoire.)  This,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  statement  of  La  Salle  that  this  "  principale 
entree  de  la  riviere  que  nous  cherchions  "  was  twenty-five  or  thirty 
leagues  northeast  from  the  entrance  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis  (Mata- 
gorda  Bay),  shows  that  it  can  have  been  no  other  than  the  entrance  of 
Galveston  Bay,  mistaken  by  him  for  the  chief  outlet  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. It  is  evident  that  he  imagined  Galveston  Bay  to  form  a  part 
of  the  chain  of  lagoons  from  which  it  is  in  fact  separated.  He 
speakg  of  these  lagoons  as  "  une  espeee  de  baye  fort  longue  et  fort 
large,  dans  laquelle  le  JJeuve  Colbert  se  decharge."  He  adds  that 
on  his  descent  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  in  1682  he  had  been  de- 
ceived in  supposing  that  this  expanse  of  salt  water,  where  no  shore 
was  in  sight,  was  the  open  sea.  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Ministre,  4 
Mars,  1685.  Galveston  Bay  and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
differ  little  in  latitude,  though  separated  by  about  five  and  a  half 
degrees  of  longitude. 


1685.]  PERPLEXITY  OF  LA  SALLE.  877 

•strange  .request  to  land  the  troops,  that  he  "might 
fulfil  his  commission ; "  that  is,  that  he  might  set  out 
against  the  Spaniards.1  More  than  a  week  passed,  a 
gale. had  set  in,  and  nothing  was  done.  Then  La 
Salle  wrote  again,  intimating  some  doubt  as  to 
whether  he  was  really  at  one  of  the  mouths  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  saying  that,  being  sure  that  he  had 
passed  the  principal  mouth,  he  was  determined  to  go 
back  to  look  for  it.2  Meanwhile,  Beaujeu  was  in  a 
Htate  of  great  irritation.  The  weather  was  stormy, 
and  the  coast  was  dangerous.  Supplies  were  scanty ; 
and  La  Salle's  soldiers,  still  crowded  in  the  "  Joly," 
were  consuming  the  provisions  of  the  ship.  Beaujeu 
gave  vent  to  his  annoyance,  and  La ,  Salle  retorted  in 
the  same  strain. 

According  to  Joutel,  he  urged  the  naval  com- 
mander to  sail  back  in  search  of  the  river;  and 
Beaujeu  refused,  unless  La  Salle  should  give  the 
soldiers  provisions.  La  Salle,  he  adds,  offered  to 
supply  them  with  rations  for  fifteen  days;  and 
Beaujeu  declared  this  insufficient.  There  is  reason, 
however,  to  believe  that  the  request  was  neither 
made  by  the  one  nor  refused  by  the  other  so  posi- 
tively as  here  appears. 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  Beaujeu,  23  Jan.,  1685  (Margry,  ii.  526). 

2  This  letter  is  dated,  "  De  Femboucheure  d'une  rivifcre  que  fe 
rrois  estre  une  des  descharges  du  Mississipy  "  (Margry,  ii.  628). 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1685. 
LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS. 

A  PARTY  OP  EXPLORATION  —  WRECK  OF  THE  "  AIMABLE." — LAND- 
ING OF  THE  COLONISTS.  —  A  FORLORN  POSITION.  —  INDIAN 
NEIGHBORS.  —  FRIENDLY  ADVANCES  OF  BEAUJEU  :  HIS  DE- 
PARTURE.— A  FATAL  DISCOVERY. 

IMPATIENCE  to  rid  himself  of  his  colleague  and  to 
command  alone  no  doubt  had  its  influence  on  the 
judgment  of  La  Salle.  He  presently  declared  that 
he  would  land  the  soldiers,  and  send  them  along 
shore  till  they  came  to  the  principal  outlet  of  the 
river.  On  this,  the  engineer  Minet  took  up  the 
WOrd,  — •  expressed  his  doubts  as  to  whether  the 
Mississippi  discharged  itself  into  the  lagoons  at  all ; 
represented  that  even  if  it  did,  the  soldiers  would  be 
exposed  to  great  risks;  and  gave  as  his  opinion  that 
all  should  reimbark  and  continue  the  search  in  com- 
pany. The  advice  was  good,  but  La  Salle  resented 
it  as  coming  from  one  in  whom  he  recognized  no 
right  to  give  it.  "He  treated  me,"  complains  the 
engineer,  "as  if  I  were  the  meanest  of  mankind."1 

1  Relation  de  Minet;  Lettre  de  Minet  a  Seignelay,  6  July,  1685 
(Margry,  ii.  691,  602). 


1685.]  LANDING  OF  LA  SALLE.  379 

He  persisted  in  his  purpose,  and  sent  Joutel  and 
Moranget  with  a  party  of  soldiers  to  explore  the 
coast.  They  made  their  way  northeastward  along 
the  shore  of  Matagorda  Island,  till  they  were  stopped 
on  the  third  day  by  what  Joutel  calls  a  river,  but 
which  was  in  fact  the  entrance  of  Matagorda  Bay. 
Here  they  encamped,  and  tried  to  make  a  raft  of 
driftwood.  "The  difficulty  was,"  says  Joutel,  "our 
great  number  of  men,  and  the  few  of  them  who  were 
fit  for  anything  except  eating.  As  I  said  before, 
they  had  all  been  caught  by  force  or  surprise,  so  that 
our  company  was  like  Noah's  ark,  which  contained 
animals  of  all  sorts."  Before  their  raft  was  finished, 
they  descried  to  their  great  joy  the  ships  which  had 
followed  them  along  the  coast.1 

La  Salle  landed,  and  announced  that  here  was  the 
western  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  place  to 
which  the  King  had  sent  him.  He  said  further  that 
he  would  land  all  his  men,  and  bring  the  "  Aimable  " 
a  ad  the  "  Belle "  to  the  safe  harborage  within. 
Beaujeu  remonstrated,  alleging  the  shallowness  of 
the  water  and  the  force  of  the  currents;  but  his 
remonstrance  was  vain.2 

The  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  now  Matagorda  Bay,  forms 
a  broad  and  sheltered  harbor,  accessible  from  the  sea 
by  a  narrow  passage,  obstructed  by  sand-bars  and  by 
the  small  island  now  called  Pelican  Island.  Boats 

1  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  68 ;  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  143-146). 
Compare  Journal  d'Esmanville  (Margry,  ii.  510). 

2  Relation  de  Minet  (Margry,  ii  591). 


380  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

were  sent  to  sound  and  buoy  out  the  channel,  and 
this  was  successfully  accomplished  on  the  sixteenth 
of  February.  The  "  Aimable  "  was  ordered  to  enter; 
and,  on  the  twentieth,  she  weighed  anchor.  La 
Salle  was  on  shore  watching  her.  A  party  of  men, 
at  a  little  distance,  were  cutting  down  a  tree  to 
make  a  canoe.  Suddenly  some  of  them  ran  towards 
him  with  terrified  faces,  crying  out  that  they  had 
been  set  upon  by  a  troop  of  Indians,  who  had  seized 
their  companions  and  carried  them  off.  La  Salle 
ordered  those  about  him  to  take  their  arms,  and  at 
once  set  out  in  pursuit.  He  overtook  the  Indians, 
and  opened  a  parley  with  them ;  but  when  he  wished 
to  reclaim  his  men,  he  discovered  that  they  had  been 
led  away  during  the  conference  to  the  Indian  camp, 
a  league  and  a  half  distant.  Among  them  was  one  of 
his  lieutenants,  the  young  Marquis  de  la  Sablonni^re. 
He  was  deeply  vexed,  for  the  moment  was  critical; 
but  the  men  must  be  recovered,  and  he  led  his  fol- 
lowers in  haste  towards  the  camp.  Yet  he  could 
not  refrain  from  turning  a  moment  to  watch  the 
"Aimable,"  as  she  neared  the  shoals;  and  he  re- 
marked with  deep  anxiety  to  Joutel,  who  was  with 
him,  that  if  she  held  that  course  she  would  soon 
be  aground. 

They  hurried  on  till  they  saw  the  Indian  huts. 
About  fifty  of  them,  oven-shaped,  and  covered  with 
mats  and  hides,  were  clustered  on  a  rising  ground, 
with  their  inmates  gathered  among  and  around  them. 
As  the  French  entered  the  camp,  there  was  the  report 


1685.]  WRECK  OF  THE   «  AIM  ABLE."  381 

of  a  cannon  from  the  seaward.  The  startled  savages 
dropped  flat  with  terror.  A  different  fear  seized  La 
Salle,  for  he  knew  that  the  shot  was  a  signal  of 
disaster.  Looking  back,  he  saw  the  "  Aimable " 
furling  her  sails,  and  his  heart  sank  with  the  con- 
viction that  she  had  struck  upon  the  reef.  Smother- 
ing his  distress,  —  she  was  laden  with  all  the  stores 
of  the  colony,  —  he  pressed  forward  among  the  filthy 
wigwams,  whose  astonished  inmates  swarmed  about 
the  band  of  armed  strangers,  staring  between  curios- 
icy  and  fear.  La  Salle  knew  those  with  whom  he 
was  dealing,  and,  without  ceremony,  entered  the 
chief's  lodge  with  his  followers.  The  crowd  closed 
around  them,  naked  men  and  half -naked  women, 
described  by  Joutel  as  of  singular  ugliness.  They 
gave  buffalo  meat  and  dried  porpoise  to  the  unex- 
pected guests,  but  La  Salle,  racked  with  anxiety, 
hastened  to  close  the  interview;  and  having  without 
difficulty  recovered  the  kidnapped  men,  he  returned 
to  the  beach,  leaving  with  the  Indians,  as  usual,  an 
impression  of  good- will  and  respect. 

When  he  reached  the  shore,  he  saw  his  worst  fears 
realized.  The  "Aimable"  lay  careened  over  on  the 
roef,  hopelessly  aground.  Little  remained  but  to 
eadure  the  calamity  with  firmness,  and  to  save,  as 
f;tr  as  might  be,  the  vessel's  cargo.  This  was  no 
easy  task.  The  boat  which  hung  at  her  stern  had 
been  stove  in,  —  it  is  said,  by  design.  Beau jeu  sent 
a  boat  from  the  "Joly,"  and  one  or  more  Indian 
pirogues  were  procured.  La  Salle  urged  on  his  men 


382  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

with  stern  and  patient  energy,  and  a  quantity  of 
gunpowder  and  flour  was  safely  landed.  But  now 
the  wind  blew  fresh  from  the  sea ;  the  waves  began 
to  rise ;  a  storm  came  on ;  the  vessel,  rocking  to  and 
fro  on  the  sand-bar,  opened  along  her  side,  and  the 
ravenous  waves  were  strewn  with  her  treasures. 
When  the  confusion  was  at  its  height,  a  troop  of 
Indians  came  down  to  the  shore,  greedy  for  plunder. 
The  drum  was  beat;  the  men  were  called  to  arms; 
La  Salle  set  his  trustiest  followers  to  guard  the  gun- 
powder, in  fear,  not  of  the  Indians  alone,  but  of  his 
own  countrymen.  On  that  lamentable  night,  the 
sentinels  walked  their  rounds  through  the  dreary 
bivouac  among  the  casks,  bales,  and  boxes  which 
the  sea  had  yielded  up;  and  here,  too,  their  fate- 
hunted  chief  held  his  drearier  vigil,  encompassed 
with  treachery,  darkness,  and  the  storm. 

Not  only  La  Salle,  but  Joutel  and  others  of  his 
party,  believed  that  the  wreck  of  the  "  Aimable  "  was 
intentional.  Aigron,  who  commanded  her,  had  dis- 
obeyed orders  and  disregarded  signals.  Though  he 
had  been  directed  to  tow  the  vessel  through  the 
channel,  he  went  in  under  sail;  and  though  little 
else  was  saved  from  the  wreck,  his  personal  property, 
including  even  some  preserved  fruits,  was  all  landed 
safely.  He  had  long  been  on  ill  terms  with  La 
Salle.1 

l  Prods  Verbal  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  sur  le  Naufrage  de  la  Flfae 
I' Aimable;  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  Seignelay,  4  Mars,  1685;  Lettre  de 
Beaujeu  a  Seignelay,  sans  date.  Beaujeu  did  his  best  to  save  the 


1685.]  WRECK  OF  THE   «  AIMABLE.''  383 

All  La  Salle's  company  were  now  encamped  on  the 
sands  at  the  left  side  of  the  inlet  where  the  "  Aimable  " 
was  wrecked.1  "They  were  all,"  says  the  engineer 
Minet,  "sick  with  nausea  and  dysentery.  Five  or 
six  died  every  day,  in  consequence  of  brackish  water 
and  bad  food.  There  was  no  grass,  but  plenty  of 
lushes  and  plenty  of  oysters.  There  was  nothing  to 
make  ovens,  so  that  they  had  to  eat  flour  saved 
from  the  wreck,  boiled  into  messes  of  porridge  with 
this  brackish  water.  Along  the  shore  were  quanti- 
ties of  uprooted  trees  and  rotten  logs,  thrown  up  by 
the  sea  and  the  lagoon."  Of  these,  and  fragments 
of  the  wreck,  they  made  a  sort  of  rampart  to  protect 
their  camp ;  and  here,  among  tents  and  hovels,  bales, 
boxes,  casks,  spars,  dismounted  cannon,  and  pens  for 
fowls  and  swine,  were  gathered  the  dejected  men  and 
homesick  women  who  were  to  seize  New  Biscay,  and 
hold  for  France  a  region  large  as  half  Europe.  The 
Spaniards,  whom  they  were  to  conquer,  were  they 

cargo.  The  loss  included  nearly  all  the  provisions,  60  barrels  of 
wine,  4  cannon,  1,620  balls,  400  grenades,  4,000  pounds  of  iron,  5,000 
pounds  of  lead,  most  of  the  tools,  a  forge,  a  mill,  cordage,  boxes  of 
arms,  nearly  all  the  medicines,  and  most  of  the  baggage  of  the 
soldiers  and  colonists.  Aigron  returned  to  France  in  the  "  Joly," 
and  was  thrown  into  prison,  "  comme  il  paroist  clairement  que  cet 
accident  est  arrive  par  sa  f aute."  —  Seignelay  au  Sieur  Arnoul,  22 
Juillet,  1685  (Margry,  ii.  604). 

!•  A  map,  entitled  Entree  du  Lac  ou  on  a  laisse  le  Sr-  de  la  Salle, 
made  by  the  engineer  Minet,  and  preserved  in  the  Archives  de  la 
Marine,  represents  the  entrance  of  Matagorda  Bay,  the  camp  of  La 
Salle  on  the  left,  Indian  camps  on  the  borders  of  the  bay,  the 
"  Belle  "  at  anchor  within,  the  "  Aimable  "  stranded  at  the  entrance, 
and  the  "  Joly  "  anchored  in  the  open  sea. 


384  LA   SALLE   IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

knew  not  where.  They  knew  not  where  they  were 
themselves ;  and  for  the  fifteen  thousand  Indian  allies 
who  were  to  have  joined  them,  they  found  two  hun- 
dred squalid  savages,  more  like  enemies  than  friends. 
In  fact,  it  was  soon  made  plain  that  these  their 
neighbors  wished  them  no  good.  A  few  days  after 
the  wreck,  the  prairie  was  seen  on  fire.  As  the 
smoke  and  flame  rolled  towards  them  before  the 
wind,  La  Salle  caused  all  the  grass  about  the  camp 
to  be  cut  and  carried  away,  and  especially  around  the 
spot  where  the  powder  was  placed.  The  danger  was 
averted ;  but  it  soon  became  known  that  the  Indians 
had  stolen  a  number  of  blankets  and  other  articles, 
and  carried  them  to  their  wigwams.  Unwilling  to 
leave  his  camp,  La  Salle  sent  his  nephew  Moranget 
and  several  other  volunteers,  with  a  party  of  men,  to 
reclaim  them.  They  went  up  the  bay  in  a  boat, 
landed  at  the  Indian  camp,  and,  with  more  mettle 
than  discretion,  marched  into  it,  sword  in  hand. 
The  Indians  ran  off,  and  the  rash  adventurers  seized 
upon  several  canoes  as  an  equivalent  for  the  stolen 
goods.  Not  knowing  how  to  manage  them,  they 
made  slow  progress  on  their  way  back,  and  were 
overtaken  by  night  before  reaching  the  French  camp. 
They  landed,  made  a  fire,  placed  a  sentinel,  and  lay 
down  on  the  dry  grass  to  sleep.  The  sentinel  fol- 
lowed their  example,  when  suddenly  they  were 
awakened  by  the  war-whoop  and  a  shower  of  arrows. 
Two  volunteers,  Oris  and  Desloges.  were  killed 
on  the  spot;  a  third,  named  Gayen,  was  severely 


1685.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA   SALLE.  385 

wounded;  and  young  Moranget  received  an  arrow 
through  the  arm.  He  leaped  up  and  fired  his  gun  at 
the  vociferous  but  invisible  foe.  Others  of  the  party 
did  the  same,  and  the  Indians  fled. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Beaujeu  prepared  to 
return  to  France.  He  had  accomplished  his  mission, 
and  landed  his  passengers  at  what  La  Salle  assured 
"aim  to  be  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi.  His 
ship  was  in  danger  on  this  exposed  and  perilous  coast, 
and  he  was  anxious  to  find  shelter.  For  some  time 
past,  his  relations  with  La  Salle  had  been  amicable, 
and  it  was  agreed  between  them  that  Beaujeu  should 
stop  at  Galveston  Bay,  the  supposed  chief  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi;  or,  failing  to  find  harborage  here, 
that  he  should  proceed  to  Mobile  Bay,  and  wait  there 
till  April,  to  hear  from  his  colleague.  Two  days 
before  the  wreck  of  the  "Aimable,"  he  wrote  to  La 
Salle:  "I  wish  with  all  my  heart  that  you  would 
have  more  confidence  in  me.  For  my  part,  I  will 
always  make  the  first  advances;  and  I  will  follow 
your  counsel  whenever  I  can  do  so  without  risking 
my  ship.  I  will  come  back  to  this  place,  if  you  want 
to  know  the  results  of  the  voyage  I  am  going  to 
make.  If  you  wish,  I  will  go  to  Martinique  for  pro- 
visions and  reinforcements.  In  fine,  there  is  nothing 
I  am  not  ready  to  do:  you  have  only  to  speak." 

La  Salle  had  begged  him  to  send  ashore  a  number 
of  cannon  and  a  quantity  of  iron,  stowed  in  the 
"Joly,"  for  the  use  of  the  colony;  and  Beaujeu 

replies:  "I  wish  very  much  that  I  could  give  you 

25 


386  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685 

your  iron,  but  it  is  impossible  except  in  a  harbor ; 
for  it  is  on  my  ballast,  and  under  your  cannon,  my 
spare  anchors,  and  all  my  stowage.  It  would  take 
three  days  to  get  it  out,  which  cannot  be  done  in  this 
place,  where  the  sea  runs  like  mountains  when  the 
slightest  wind  blows  outside.  I  would  rather  come 
back  to  give  it  to  you,  in  case  you  do  not  send  the 
1  Belle  '  to  Baye  du  St.  Esprit  [Mobile  Bay]  to  get 
it.  ...  I  beg  you  once  more  to  consider  the  offer 
I  make  you  to  go  to  Martinique  to  get  provisions 
for  your  people.  I  will  ask  the  intendant  for  them 
in  your  name;  and  if  they  are  refused,  I  will  take 
them  on  my  own  account."1 

To  this  La  Salle  immediately  replied :  "  I  received 
with  singular  pleasure  the  letter  you  took  the  trouble 
to  write  me ;  for  I  found  in  it  extraordinary  proofs  of 
kindness  in  the  interest  you  take  in  the  success  of  an 
affair  which  I  have  the  more  at  heart,  as  it  involves 
the  glory  of  the  King  and  the  honor  of  Monseigneur 
de  Seignelay.  I  have  done  my  part  towards  a  per- 
fect understanding  between  us,  and  have  never  been 
wanting  in  confidence ;  but  even  if  I  could  be  so,  the 
offers  you  make  are  so  obliging  that  they  would 
inspire  complete  trust."  He  nevertheless  declines 
them,  —  assuring  Beau jeu  at  the  same  time  that  he 
has  reached  the  place  he  sought,  and  is  in  a  fair  way 
of  success  if  he  can  but  have  the  cannon,  cannon- 
balls,  and  iron  stowed  on  board  the  "  Joly."* 

i  Lettre  de  Beaufeu  a  La  Salle,  18  Fev.,  1685  (Margry,  ii.  542). 
*  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  Beaujeu,  18  Fev.,  1685  (Margry,  ii.  546). 


1685.]  DEPARTURE  OF  BEAUJEU.  387 

Directly  after  he  writes  again,  "  I  cannot  help  con- 
juring you  once  more  to  try  to  give  us  the  iron." 
Beaujeu  replies :  "  To  show  you  how  ardently  I  wish 
to  contribute  to  the  success  of  your  undertaking,  I 
have  ordered  your  iron  to  be  got  out,  in  spite  of  my 
officers  and  sailors,  who  tell  me  that  I  endanger  my 
ship  by  moving  everything  in  the  depth  of  the  hold 
on  a  coast  like  this,  where  the  seas  are  like  moun- 
tains. I  hesitated  to  disturb  my  stowage,  not  so 
much  to  save  trouble  as  because  no  ballast  is  to  be 
got  hereabout;  and  I  have  therefore  had  six  cannon, 
from  my  lower  deck  battery,  let  down  into  the  hold 
to  take  the  place  of  the  iron."  And  he  again  urges 
La  Salle  to  accept  his  offer  to  bring  provisions  to  the 
colonists  from  Martinique. 

On  the  next  day,  the  "Aimable"  was  wrecked. 
Beaujeu  remained  a  fortnight  longer  on  the  coast, 
and  then  told  La  Salle  that  being  out  of  wood, 
water,  and  other  necessaries,  he  must  go  to  Mobile 
Bay  to  get  them.  Nevertheless,  he  lingered  a  week 
more,  repeated  his  offer  to  bring  supplies  from 
Martinique,  which  La  Salle  again  refused,  and  at 
last  set  sail  on  the  twelfth  of  March,  after  a  leave- 
taking  which  was  courteous  on  both  sides.1 

La  Salle  and  his  colonists  were  left  alone.  Several 
of  them  had  lost  heart,  and  embarked  for  home  with 
Beaujeu.  Among  these  was  Minet  the  engineer, 
who  had  fallen  out  with  La  Salle,  and  who  when  he 

i  The  whole  of  this  correspondence  between  Beaujeu  and  L« 
Salle  will  be  found  in  Margry,  ii. 


LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

reached  France  was  imprisoned  for  deserting  him. 
Even  his  brother,  the  priest  Jean  Cavelier,  had  a 
mind  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  but  was  persuaded 
at  last  to  remain,  along  with  his  nephew  the  hot- 
headed Moranget,  and  the  younger  Cavelier,  a  mere 
school-boy.  The  two  Re*collet  friars,  Zenobe  Membre* 
and  Anastase  Douay,  the  trusty  Joutel,  a  man  of 
sense  and  observation,  and  the  Marquis  de  la 
Sablonniere,  a  debauched  noble  whose  patrimony  was 
his  sword,  were  now  the  chief  persons  of  the  forlorn 
company.  The  rest  were  soldiers,  raw  and  undis- 
ciplined, and  artisans,  most  of  whom  knew  nothing 
of  their  vocation.  Add  to  these  the  miserable 
families  and  the  infatuated  young  women  who  had 
come  to  tempt  fortune  in  the  swamps  and  cane-brakes 
of  the  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  set  out  to  explore  the  neighborhood. 
Joutel  remained  in  command  of  the  so-called  fort. 
He  was  beset  with  wily  enemies,  and  often  at  night 
the  Indians  would  crawl  in  the  grass  around  his 
feeble  stockade,  howling  like  wolves;  but  a  few 
shots  would  put  them  to  flight.  A  strict  guard  was 
kept;  and  a  wooden  horse  was  set  in  the  enclosure, 
to  punish  the  sentinel  who  should  sleep  at  his  post. 
They  stood  in  daily  fear  of  a  more  formidable  foe, 
and  once  they  saw  a  sail,  which  they  doubted  not 
was  Spanish ;  but  she  happily  passed  without  discov- 
ering them.  They  hunted  on  the  prairies,  and 
speared  fish  in  the  neighboring  pools.  On  Easter 
Day,  the  Sieur  le  Gros,  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the 


1685.]  CONDUCT  OF  BEAUJEU.  389 

company,  went  out  after  the  service  to  shoot  snipes ; 
but  as  he  walked  barefoot  through  the  marsh,  a 
snake  bit  him,  and  he  soon  after  died.  Two  men 
deserted,  to  starve  on  the  prairie,  or  to  become  sav- 
ages among  savages.  Others  tried  to  escape,  but 
were  caught;  and  one  of  them  was  hung.  A  knot 
of  desperadoes  conspired  to  kill  Joutel;  but  one  of 
them  betrayed  the  secret,  and  the  plot  was  crushed. 

La  Salle  returned  from  his  exploration,  but  his 
return  brought  no  cheer.  He  had  been  forced  to 
renounce  the  illusion  to  which  he  had  clung  so  long, 
and  was  convinced  at  last  that  he  was  not  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  wreck  of  the 
"  Aimable  "  itself  was  not  pregnant  with  consequences 
so  disastrous. 

NOTE.  —  The  conduct  of  Beaujeu,  hitherto  judged  chiefly  by  the 
printed  narrative  of  Joutel,  is  set  in  a  new  and  more  favorable  light 
by  his  correspondence  with  La  Salle.  Whatever  may  have  been 
their  mutual  irritation,  it  is  clear  that  the  naval  commander  was 
anxious  to  discharge  his  duty  in  a  manner  to  satisfy  Seignelay,  and 
that  he  may  be  wholly  acquitted  of  any  sinister  design.  When  he 
left  La  Salle  on  the  twelfth  of  March,  he  meant  to  sail  in  search  of 
the  Bay  of  Mobile  (Baye  du  St.  Esprit),  —  partly  because  he  hoped 
to  find  it  a  safe  harbor,  where  he  could  get  La  Salle's  cannon  out  of 
the  hold  and  find  ballast  to  take  their  place ;  and  partly  to  get  a 
supply  of  wood  and  water,  of  which  he  was  in  extreme  need.  He 
told  La  Salle  that  he  would  wait  there  till  the  middle  of  April,  in 
order  that  he  (La  Salle)  might  send  the  "Belle"  to  receive  the 
cannon ;  but  on  this  point  there  was  no  definite  agreement  between 
them.  Beaujeu  was  ignorant  of  the  position  of  the  bay,  which  he 
thought  much  nearer  than  it  actually  was.  After  trying  two  days 
to  reach  it,  the  strong  head-winds  and  the  discontent  of  his  crew  in- 
duced him  to  bear  away  for  Cuba;  and  after  an  encounter  with 
pirates  and  various  adventures,  he  reached  France  about  the  first 
of  July.  He  was  coldly  received  by  Seignelay,  who  wrote  to  the 


390  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

intendant  at  Rochelle:  "Hig  Majesty  has  seen  what  you  wrote 
about  the  idea  of  the  Sieur  de  Beaujeu,  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  is 
not  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  He  seems  to  found  this  belief 
on  such  weak  conjectures  that  no  great  attention  need  be  given  to 
his  account,  especially  as  this  man  has  been  prejudiced  from  the 
first  against  La  Salle's  enterprise."  (Lettre  de  Seignelay  a  Arnoul,  22 
Juillet,  1686.  Margry,  ii.  604.)  The  minister  at  the  same  time 
warns  Beaujeu  to  say  nothing  in  disparagement  of  the  enterprise, 
under  pain  of  the  King's  displeasure. 

The  narrative  of  the  engineer,  Minet,  sufficiently  explains  a 
curious  map,  made  by  him,  as  he  says,  not  on  the  spot,  but  on  the 
voyage  homeward,  and  still  preserved  in  the  Archives  Scientifiques 
de  la  Marine.  This  map  includes  two  distinct  sketches  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  first,  which  corresponds  to  that 
made  by  Franquelin  in  1684,  is  entitled  "  Embouchure  de  la  Riviere 
comme  M.  de  la  Salle  la  marque  dans  sa  Carte."  The  second  bears 
the  words,  "  Costes  et  Lacs  par  la  Hauteur  de  sa  Riviere,  comme 
nous  les  avons  trouves."  These  "Costes  et  Lacs"  are  a  rude 
representation  of  the  lagoons  of  Matagorda  Bay  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, into  which  the  Mississippi  is  made  to  discharge,  in  accordance 
with  the  belief  of  La  Salle.  A  portion  of  the  coast-line  is  drawn 
from  actual,  though  superficial  observation.  The  rest  is  merely 
conjectural. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

1685-1687. 
ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS. 

THE  FORT.  —  MISERY  AND  DEJECTION. — ENERGY  OF  LA  SALLK: 
HIS  JOURNEY  OP  EXPLORATION. — ADVENTURES  AND  ACCIDENTS. 

—  THE  BUFFALO.  —  DUHAUT.  —  INDIAN  MASSACRE.  —  RETURN 
OF  LA  SALLE.  —  A  NEW  CALAMITY.  —  A  DESPERATE  RESOLU- 
TION.—  DEPARTURE  FOR  CANADA.  —  WRECK  OF  THE  "BELLE."  — 
MARRIAGE.  —  SEDITION.  —  ADVENTURES  OF  LA  SALLE'S  PARTY. 

—  THE  CENIS.  — THE  CAMANCHES.  —  THE  ONLY  HOPE.  — THE 
LAST  FAREWELL. 

OP  what  avail  to  plant  a  colony  by  the  mouth  of  a 
petty  Texan  river?  The  Mississippi  was  the  life  of 
the  enterprise,  the  condition  of  its  growth  and  of  its 
existence.  Without  it,  all  was  futile  and  meaning- 
less, —  a  folly  and  a  ruin.  Cost  what  it  might,  the 
Mississippi  must  be  found. 

But  the  demands  of  the  hour  were  imperative. 
The  hapless  colony,  cast  ashore  like  a  wreck  on  the 
sands  of  Matagorda  Bay,  must  gather  up  its  shattered 
resources  and  recruit  its  exhausted  strength,  before 
it  essayed  anew  its  pilgrimage  to  the  "  fatal  river. " 
La  Salle  during  his  explorations  had  found  a  spot 
which  he  thought  well  fitted  for  a  temporary  estab- 
lishment. It  was  on  the  river  which  he  named  the 


392  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1685. 

La  Vache,1  now  the  Lavaca,  which  enters  the  head 
of  Matagorda  Bay;  and  thither  he  ordered  all  the 
women  and  children,  and  most  of  the  men,  to 
remove;  while  the  rest,  thirty  in  number,  remained 
with  Joutel  at  the  fort  near  the  mouth  of  the  bay. 
Here  they  spent  their  time  in  hunting,  fishing,  and 
squaring  the  logs  of  drift-wood  which  the  sea  washed 
up  in  abundance,  and  which  La  Salle  proposed  to  use 
in  building  his  new  station  on  the  Lavaca.  Thus 
the  time  passed  till  midsummer,  when  Joutel 
received  orders  to  abandon  his  post,  and  rejoin  the 
main  body  of  the  colonists.  To  this  end,  the  little 
frigate  "  Belle  "  was  sent  down  the  bay.  She  was  a 
gift  from  the  King  to  La  Salle,  who  had  brought  her 
safely  over  the  bar,  and  regarded  her  as  a  mainstay 
of  his  hopes.  She  now  took  on  board  the  stores  and 
some  of  the  men,  while  Joutel  with  the  rest  followed 
along  shore  to  the  post  on  the  Lavaca.  Here  he 
found  a  state  of  things  that  was  far  from  cheering. 
Crops  had  been  sown,  but  the  drought  and  the  cattle 
had  nearly  destroyed  them.  The  colonists  were 
lodged  under  tents  and  hovels;  and  the  only  solid 
structure  was  a  small  square  enclosure  of  pickets, 
in  which  the  gunpowder  and  the  brandy  were  stored. 
The  site  was  good,  a  rising  ground  by  the  river ;  but 
there  was  no  wood  within  the  distance  of  a  league, 
and  no  horses  or  oxen  to  drag  it.  Their  work  must 
be  done  by  men.  Some  felled  and  squared  the 
timber;  and  others  dragged  it  by  main  force  over  the 

*  Called  by  Joutel,  Riviere  aux  Boeufs. 


1685.]  MISERY  AND  DEJECTION.  893 

matted  grass  of  the  prairie,  under  the  scorching 
Texan  sun.  The  gun-carriages  served  to  make  the 
task  somewhat  easier;  yet  the  strongest  men  soon 
gave  out  under  it.  Joutel  went  down  to  the  first 
fort,  made  a  raft  and  brought  up  the  timber  collected 
there,  which  proved  a  most  seasonable  and  useful 
supply.  Palisades  and  buildings  began  to  rise. 
The  men  labored  without  spirit,  yet  strenuously; 
for  they  labored  under  the  eye  of  La  Salle.  The 
carpenters  brought  from  Rochelle  proved  worthless ; 
and  he  himself  made  the  plans  of  the  work,  marked 
out  the  tenons  and  mortises,  and  directed  the  whole.1 
Death,  meanwhile,  made  withering  havoc  among 
his  followers;  and  under  the  sheds  and  hovels  that 
shielded  them  from  the  sun  lay  a  score  of  wretches 
slowly  wasting  away  with  the  diseases  contracted  at 
St.  Domingo.  Of  the  soldiers  enlisted  for  the  expe- 
dition by  La  Salle 's  agents,  many  are  affirmed  to 
have  spent  their  lives  in  begging  at  the  church  doors 
of  Rochefort,  and  were  consequently  incapable  of 
discipline.  It  was  impossible  to  prevent  either  them 
or  the  sailors  from  devouring  persimmons  and  other 
wild  fruits  to  a  destructive  excess.  Nearly  all  fell 
ill ;  and  before  the  summer  had  passed,  the  graveyard 
had  more  than  thirty  tenants.2  The  bearing  of  La 
Salle  did  not  aid  to  raise  the  drooping  spirits  of  his 


1  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  108;  Relation   (Margry,  iii.   174); 
Proces  Verbal  fait  au  poste  de  St.  Louis,  le  18  Avril,  1686. 

2  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  109.    Le  Clerc,  who  was  not  present> 
says  a  hundred. 


394  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1685. 

followers.  The  results  of  the  enterprise  had  been 
far  different  from  his  hopes;  and,  after  a  season  of 
flattering  promise,  he  had  entered  again  on  those 
dark  and  obstructed  paths  which  seemed  his  destined 
way  of  life.  The  present  was  beset  with  trouble; 
the  future,  thick  with  storms.  The  consciousness 
quickened  his  energies ;  but  it  made  him  stern,  harsh, 
and  often  unjust  to  those  beneath  him. 

Joutel  was  returning  to  camp  one  afternoon  with 
the  master-carpenter,  when  they  saw  game;  and  the 
carpenter  went  after  it.  He  was  never  seen  again. 
Perhaps  he  was  lost  on  the  prairie,  perhaps  killed  by 
Indians.  He  knew  little  of  his  trade,  but  they 
nevertheless  had  need  of  him.  Le  Gros,  a  man  of 
character  and  intelligence,  suffered  more  and  more 
from  the  bite  of  the  snake  received  in  the  marsh  on 
Easter  Day.  The  injured  limb  was  amputated,  and 
he  died.  La  Salle's  brother,  the  priest,  lay  ill;  and 
several  others  among  the  chief  persons  of  the  colony 
were  in  the  same  condition. 

Meanwhile,  the  work  was  urged  on.  A  large 
building  was  finished,  constructed  of  timber,  roofed 
with  boards  and  raw  hides,  and  divided  into  apart- 
ments for  lodging  and  other  uses.  La  Salle  gave  the 
new  establishment  his  favorite  name  of  Fort  St. 
Louis,  and  the  neighboring  bay  was  also  christened 
after  the  royal  saint.1  The  scene  was  not  without 

1  The  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  St.  Bernard's  Bay,  or  Matagorda  Bay,— 
for  it  has  borne  all  these  names,  —  was  also  called  Espiritu  Santo 
Bay  by  the  Spaniards,  in  common  with  several  other  bays  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  An  adjoining  bay  still  retains  the  name. 


1685.]  LA  SALLE'S  EXPLORATIONS.  895 

its  charms.  Towards  the  southeast  stretched  the  bay 
with  its  bordering  meadows;  and  on  the  northeast 
the  Lavaca  ran  along  the  base  of  green  declivities. 
Around,  far  and  near,  rolled  a  sea  of  prairie,  with 
distant  forests,  dim  in  the  summer  haze.  At  times, 
it  was  dotted  with  the  browsing  buffalo,  not  yet 
scared  from  their  wonted  pastures;  and  the  grassy 
swells  were  spangled  with  the  flowers  for  which 
Texas  is  renowned,  and  which  now  form  the  gay 
ornaments  of  our  gardens. 

And  now,  the  needful  work  accomplished,  and  the 
colony  in  some  measure  housed  and  fortified,  its 
indefatigable  chief  prepared  to  renew  his  quest  of  the 
" fatal  river,"  as  Joutel  repeatedly  calls  it.  Before 
his  departure  he  made  some  preliminary  explorations, 
in  the  course  of  which,  according  to  the  report  of 
his  brother  the  priest,  he  found  evidence  that  the 
Spaniards  had  long  before  had  a  transient  establish- 
ment at  a  spot  about  fifteen  leagues  from  Fort  St. 
Louis.1 

i  Cavelier,  in  his  report  to  the  minister,  says :  "  We  reached  a 
large  village,  enclosed  with  a  kind  of  wall  made  of  clay  and  sand, 
and  fortified  with  little  towers  at  intervals,  where  we  found  the 
arms  of  Spain  engraved  on  a  plate  of  copper,  with  the  date  of  1588, 
attached  to  a  stake.  The  inhabitants  gave  us  a  kind  welcome,  and 
showed  us  some  hammers  and  an  anvil,  two  small  pieces  of  iron 
cannon,  a  small  brass  culverin,  some  pike-heads,  some  old  sword- 
l>lades,  and  some  books  of  Spanish  comedy;  and  thence  they 
guided  us  to  a  little  hamlet  of  fishermen,  about  two  leagues  distant, 
^vhere  they  showed  us  a  second  stake,  also  with  the  arms  of  Spain, 
and  a  few  old  chimneys.  All  this  convinced  us  that  the  Spaniards 
had  formerly  been  here."  (Cavelier,  Relation  du  Voyage  que  mon 
frere  entreprit  pour  decouvrir  I 'embouchure  du  fleuve  de  Missisipy.) 


896  ST.   LOUIS  OP  TEXAS.  [1685. 

It  was  the  last  day  of  October  when  La  Salle  set 
out  on  his  great  journey  of  exploration.  His  brother 
Cavelier,  who  had  now  recovered,  accompanied  him 
with  fifty  men;  and  five  cannon-shot  from  the  fort 
saluted  them  as  they  departed.  They  were  lightly 
equipped;  but  some  of  them  wore  corselets  made  of 
staves,  to  ward  off  arrows.  Descending  the  Lavaca, 
they  pursued  their  course  eastward  on  foot  along  the 
margin  of  the  bay,  while  Joutel  remained  in  com- 
mand of  the  fort.  It  was  two  leagues  above  the 
mouth  of  the  river;  and  in  it  were  thirty-four 
persons,  including  three  Re*collet  friars,  a  number  of 
women  and  girls  from  Paris,  and  two  young  orphan 
daughters  of  one  Talon,  a  Canadian,  who  had  lately 
died.  Their  live-stock  consisted  of  some  hogs  and  a 
litter  of  eight  pigs,  which,  as  Joutel  does  not  forget 
to  inform  us,  passed  their  time  in  wallowing  in  the 
ditch  of  the  palisade ;  a  cock  and  hen,  with  a  young 
family;  and  a  pair  of  goats,  which,  in  a  temporary 
dearth  of  fresh  meat,  were  sacrificed  to  the  needs  of 
the  invalid  Abb6  Cavelier.  Joutel  suffered  no  man 
to  lie  idle.  The  blacksmith,  having  no  anvil,  was 
supplied  with  a  cannon  as  a  substitute.  Lodgings 
were  built  for  the  women  and  girls,  and  separate 
lodgings  for  the  men.  A  small  chapel  was  after- 
wards added,  and  the  whole  was  fenced  with  a 


The  above  is  translated  from  the  original  draft  of  Cavelier,  which 
is  in  my  possession.  It  was  addressed  to  the  colonial  minister,  after 
the  death  of  La  Salle.  The  statement  concerning  the  Spaniards 
needs  confirmation. 


1685.]  LIFE  AT   THE  FORT.  397 

palisade.  At  the  four  corners  of  the  house  were 
mounted  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  which,  in  the 
absence  of  balls,  were  loaded  with  bags  of  bullets.1 
Between  the  palisades  and  the  stream  lay  a  narrow 
strip  of  marsh,  the  haunt  of  countless  birds;  and  at 
a  little  distance  it  deepened  into  pools  full  of  fish. 
All  the  surrounding  prairies  swarmed  with  game, — 
buffalo,  deer,  hares,  turkeys,  ducks,  geese,  swans, 
plover,  snipe,  and  grouse.  The  river  supplied  the 
colonists  with  turtles,  and  the  bay  with  oysters.  Of 
these  last,  they  often  found  more  than  they  wanted; 
for  when  in  their  excursions  they  shoved  their  log 
canoes  into  the  water,  wading  shoeless  through  the 
deep,  tenacious  mud,  the  sharp  shells  would  cut 
their  feet  like  knives;  "and  what  was  worse,"  says 
Joutel,  "the  salt  water  came  into  the  gashes,  and 
made  them  smart  atrociously." 

He  sometimes  amused  himself  with  shooting  alliga- 
tors. "I  never  spared  them  when  I  met  them  near 
the  house.  One  day  I  killed  an  extremely  large  one, 
which  was  nearly  four  feet  and  a  half  in  girth,  and 
about  twenty  feet  long."  He  describes  with  accuracy 
that  curious  native  of  the  southwestern  plains,  the 
*; horned  frog,"  which,  deceived  by  its  uninviting 
appearance,  he  erroneously  supposed  to  be  venomous. 
4 "We  had  some  of  our  animals  bitten  by  snakes; 
among  the  others,  a  bitch  that  had  belonged  to  the 

1  Compare  Joutel  with  the  Spanish  account  in  Carta  en  gue  se  da 
ttoticia  de  un  viaje  hecho  d  la  Bahia  de  Espfritu  Santo  y  de  la  poblacwn 
yue  tenian  ahi  los  Francesea ;  Coleccion  de  Varios  Documentos,  26. 


398  ST.   LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1685. 

deceased  Sieur  le  Gros.  She  was  bitten  in  the  jaw 
when  she  was  with  me,  as  I  was  fishing  by  the  shore 
of  the  bay.  I  gave  her  a  little  theriac  [an  antidote 
then  in  vogue],  which  cured  her,  as  it  did  one  of  our 
sows,  which  came  home  one  day  with  her  head  so 
swelled  that  she  could  hardly  hold  it  up.  Thinking 
it  must  be  some  snake  that  had  bitten  her,  I  gave 
her  a  dose  of  the  theriac  mixed  with  meal  and 
water."  The  patient  began  to  mend  at  once.  "I 
killed  a  good  many  rattle-snakes  by  means  of  the 
aforesaid  bitch,  for  when  she  saw  one  she  would  bark 
around  him,  sometimes  for  a  half  hour  together,  till 
I  took  my  gun  and  shot  him.  I  often  found  them  in 
the  bushes,  making  a  noise  with  their  tails.  When 
I  had  killed  them,  our  hogs  ate  them."  He  devotes 
many  pages  to  the  plants  and  animals  of  the  neigh- 
borhood, most  of  which  may  easily  be  recognized 
from  his  description. 

With  the  buffalo,  which  he  calls  "our  daily  bread,  * 
his  experiences  were  many  and  strange.  Being,  like 
the  rest  of  the  party,  a  novice  in  the  art  of  shooting 
them,  he  met  with  many  disappointments.  Once, 
having  mounted  to  the  roof  of  the  large  house  in  the 
fort,  he  saw  a  dark  moving  object  on  a  swell  of  the 
prairie  three  miles  off;  and  rightly  thinking  that  it 
was  a  herd  of  buffalo,  he  set  out  with  six  or  seven 
men  to  try  to  kill  some  of  them.  After  a  while,  he 
discovered  two  bulls  lying  in  a  hollow;  and  signing 
to  the  rest  of  his  party  to  keep  quiet,  he  made  his 
approach,  gun  in  hand.  The  bulls  presently  jumped 


1685.]  THE  BUFFALO.  399 

up,  and  stared  through  their  manes  at  the  intruder. 
Joutel  fired.  It  was  a  close  shot;  but  the  bulls 
merely  shook  their  shaggy  heads,  wheeled  about, 
and  galloped  heavily  away.  The  same  luck  attended 
him  the  next  day.  "  We  saw  plenty  of  buffalo.  I 
approached  several  bands  of  them,  and  fired  again 
and  again,  but  could  not  make  one  of  them  fall." 
He  had  not  yet  learned  that  a  buffalo  rarely  falls  at 
once,  unless  hit  in  the  spine.  He  continues :  "  I  was 
not  discouraged;  and  after  approaching  several  more 
bands,  —  which  was  hard  work,  because  I  had  to 
crawl  on  the  ground,  so  as  not  to  be  seen,  —  I  found 
myself  in  a  herd  of  five  or  six  thousand,  but,  to  my 
great  vexation,  I  could  not  bring  one  of  them  down. 
They  all  ran  off  to  the  right  and  left.  It  was  near 
night,  and  I  had  killed  nothing.  Though  I  was 
very  tired,  I  tried  again,  approached  another  band, 
and  fired  a  number  of  shots ;  but  not  a  buffalo  would 
fall.  The  skin  was  off  my  knees  with  crawling. 
At  last,  as  I  was  going  back  to  rejoin  our  men,  I  saw 
a  buffalo  lying  on  the  ground.  I  went  towards  it, 
and  saw  that  it  was  dead.  I  examined  it,  and  found 
that  the  bullet  had  gone  in  near  the  shoulder.  Then 
I  found  others  dead  like  the  first.  I  beckoned  the 
men  to  come  on,  and  we  set  to  work  to  cut  up  the 
meat,  —  a  task  which  was  new  to  us  all."  It  would 
be  impossible  to  write  a  more  true  and  characteristic 
sketch  of  the  experience  of  a  novice  in  shooting 
buffalo  on  foot.  A  few  days  after,  he  went  out 
again,  with  Father  Anastase  Douay;  approached  a 


400  ST.   LOUIS   OF   TEXAS.  [1686. 

bull,  fired,  and  broke  his  shoulder.  The  bull  hob- 
bled off  on  three  legs.  Douay  ran  in  his  cassock  to 
head  him  back,  while  Joutel  reloaded  his  gun ;  upon 
which  the  enraged  beast  butted  at  the  missionary, 
and  knocked  him  down.  He  very  narrowly  escaped 
with  his  life.  "There  was  another  missionary," 
pursues  Joutel,  "named  Father  Maxime  Le  Clerc, 
who  was  very  well  fitted  for  such  an  undertaking  as 
ours,  because  he  was  equal  to  anything,  even  to 
butchering  a  buffalo ;  and  as  I  said  before  that  every 
one  of  us  must  lend  a  hand,  because  we  were  too  few 
for  anybody  to  be  waited  upon,  I  made  the  women, 
girls,  and  children  do  their  part,  as  well  as  him;  for 
as  they  all  wanted  to  eat,  it  was  fair  that  they  all 
should  work."  He  had  a  scaffolding  built  near  the 
fort,  and  set  them  to  smoking  buffalo  meat,  against 
a  day  of  scarcity.1 

Thus  the  time  passed  till  the  middle  of  January; 
when  late  one  evening,  as  all  were  gathered  in  the 
principal  building,  conversing  perhaps,  or  smoking, 
or  playing  at  cards,  or  dozing  by  the  fire  in  homesick 
dreams  of  France,  a  man  on  guard  came  in  to  report 
that  he  had  heard  a  voice  from  the  river.  They  all 
went  down  to  the  bank,  and  descried  a  man  in  a 
canoe,  who  called  out,  "Dominic!"  This  was  the 
name  of  the  younger  of  the  two  brothers  Duhaut, 
who  was  one  of  Joutel's  followers.  As  the  canoe 

1  For  the  above  incidents  of  life  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  see  Joutel, 
Relation  (Margry,  iii.  185-218,  passim).  The  printed  condensation 
of  the  narrative  omits  most  of  these  particulars. 


1686.]  RETURN  OF  DUHAUT.  401 

approached,  they  recognized  the  elder,  who  had  gone 
with  La  Salle  on  his  journey  of  discovery,  and  who 
was  perhaps  the  greatest  villain  of  the  company. 
Joutel  was  much  perplexed.  La  Salle  had  ordered 
him  to  admit  nobody  into  the  fort  without  a  pass 
and  a  watchword.  Duhaut,  when  questioned,  said 
that  he  had  none,  but  told  at  the  same  time  so  plausi- 
ble a  story  that  Joutel  no  longer  hesitated  to  receive 
him.  As  La  Salle  and  his  men  were  pursuing  their 
march  along  the  prairie,  Duhaut,  who  was  in  the 
rear,  had  stopped  to  mend  his  moccasins,  and  when 
he  tried  to  overtake  the  party,  had  lost  his  way,  mis- 
taking a  buffalo-path  for  the  trail  of  his  companions. 
At  night  he  fired  his  gun  as  a  signal,  but  there  was 
no  answering  shot.  Seeing  no  hope  of  rejoining 
them,  he  turned  back  for  the  fort,  found  one  of  the 
canoes  which  La  Salle  had  hidden  at  the  shore, 
paddled  by  night  and  lay  close  by  day,  shot  turkeys, 
deer,  and  buffalo  for  food,  and,  having  no  knife, 
cut  the  meat  with  a  sharp  flint,  till  after  a  month  of 
excessive  hardship  he  reached  his  destination.  As 
the  inmates  of  Fort  St.  Louis  gathered  about  the 
weather-beaten  wanderer,  he  told  them  dreary  tid- 
ings. The  pilot  of  the  "Belle,"  such  was  his  story, 
had  gone  with  five  men  to  sound  along  the  shore,  by 
order  of  La  Salle,  who  was  then  encamped  in  the 
neighborhood  with  his  party  of  explorers.  The 
boat's  crew,  being  overtaken  by  the  night,  had  rashly 
bivouacked  on  the  beach  without  setting  a  guard; 

and  as  they  slept,  a  band  of  Indians  had  rushed  ID 

26 


402  ST.  LOUIS  OF   TEXAS.  [1686. 

upon  them,  and  butchered  them  all.  La  Salle, 
alarmed  by  their  long  absence,  had  searched  along 
the  shore,  and  at  length  found  their  bodies  scattered 
about  the  sands  and  half -devoured  by  wolves.1  Well 
would  it  have  been,  if  Duhaut  had  shared  their  fate. 
Weeks  and  months  dragged  on,  when,  at  the  end 
of  March,  Joutel,  chancing  to  mount  on  the  roof  of 
one  of  the  buildings,  saw  seven  or  eight  men  approach- 
ing over  the  prairie.  He  went  out  to  meet  them 
with  an  equal  number,  well  armed;  and  as  he  drew 
near  recognized,  with  mixed  joy  and  anxiety,  La 
Salle  and  some  of  those  who  had  gone  with  him. 
His  brother  Cavelier  was  at  his  side,  with  his  cassock 
so  tattered  that,  says  Joutel,  "there  was  hardly  a 
piece  left  large  enough  to  wrap  a  farthing's  worth  of 
salt.  He  had  an  old  cap  on  his  head,  having  lost  his 
hat  by  the  way.  The  rest  were  in  no  better  plight, 
for  their  shirts  were  all  in  rags.  Some  of  them 
carried  loads  of  meat,  because  M.  de  la  Salle  was 
afraid  that  we  might  not  have  killed  any  buffalo, 
We  met  with  great  joy  and  many  embraces.  After 
our  greetings  were  over,  M.  de  la  Salle,  seeing 
Duhaut,  asked  me  in  an  angry  tone  how  it  was  that 

i  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  206).  Compare  Le  Clerc,  ii.  296. 
Cayelier,  always  disposed  to  exaggerate,  says  that  ten  men  were 
killed.  La  Salle  had  previously  had  encounters  with  the  Indians, 
and  punished  them  severely  for  the  trouble  they  had  given  his  men. 
Le  Clerc  says  of  the  principal  fight :  "  Several  Indians  were 
wounded,  a  few  were  killed,  and  others  made  prisoners,  —  one  of 
whom,  a  girl  of  three  or  four  years,  was  baptized,  and  died  a  few 
days  after,  as  the  first-fruit  of  this  mission,  and  a  sure  conquest  sent 
to  heaven." 


1686.]  LA  SALLE'S   ADVENTURES.  403 

I  had  received  this  man  who  had  abandoned  him. 
I  told  him  how  it  had  happened,  and  repeated 
Duhaut's  story.  Duhaut  defended  himself,  and  M. 
de  la  Salle's  anger  was  soon  over.  We  went  into 
the  house,  and  refreshed  ourselves  with  some  bread 
and  brandy,  as  there  was  no  wine  left." l 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  told  their  story. 
They  had  wandered  on  through  various  savage 
tribes,  with  whom  they  had  more  than  one  encounter, 
scattering  them  like  chaff  by  the  terror  of  their  fire- 
arms. At  length  they  found  a  more  friendly  band, 
and  learned  much  touching  the  Spaniards,  who, 
they  were  told,  were  universally  hated  by  the  tribes 
of  that  country.  It  would  be  easy,  said  their  infor- 
mants, to  gather  a  host  of  warriors  and  lead  them 
over  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  La  Salle  was  in  no  condi- 
tion for  attempting  conquests,  and  the  tribes  in 
whose  alliance  he  had  trusted  had,  a  few  days  before, 
been  at  blows  with  him.  The  invasion  of  New 
Biscay  must  be  postponed  to  a  more  propitious  day. 
Still  advancing,  he  came  to  a  large  river,  which  he 
at  first  mistook  for  the  Mississippi;  and  building  a 
fort  of  palisades,  he  left  here  several  of  his  men.2 
The  fate  of  these  unfortunates  does  not  appear.  He 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  219). 

2  Cavelier  says  that  he  actually  reached  the  Mississippi ;  but,  on 
the  one  hand,  the  abbe'  did  not  know  whether  the  river  in  question 
was  the  Mississippi  or  not;   and,  on  the  other,  he  is  somewhat 
inclined  to  mendacity.    Le  Clerc  says  that  La  Salle  thought  he  had 
found  the  river.    According  to  the  Proces  Verbal  of  18  April,  1680, 
"il  y  arriva  le  13  Ffcvrier."    Joutel  says  that  La  Salle  told  him 
*  (ju'il  n'aroit  point  trouve'  sa  rivifere." 


404  ST.  LOUIS   OF  TEXAS.  [1688. 

now  retraced  his  steps  towards  Fort  St.  Louis,  and, 
as  he  approached  it,  detached  some  of  his  men  to 
look  for  his  vessel,  the  "Belle,"  for  whose  safety, 
since  the  loss  of  her  pilot,  he  had  become  very- 
anxious. 

On  the  next  day  these  men  appeared  at  the  fort, 
with  downcast  looks.  They  had  not  found  the 
"  Belle  "  at  the  place  where  she  had  been  ordered  to 
remain,  nor  were  any  tidings  to  be  heard  of  her. 
From  that  hour,  the  conviction  that  she  was  lost 
possessed  the  mind  of  La  Salle.  Surrounded  as  he 
was,  and  had  always  been,  with  traitors,  the  belief 
now  possessed  him  that  her  crew  had  abandoned  the 
colony,  and  made  sail  for  the  West  Indies  or  for 
France.  The  loss  was  incalculable.  He  had  relied 
on  this  vessel  to  transport  the  colonists  to  the 
Mississippi,  as  soon  as  its  exact  position  could  be 
ascertained ;  and  thinking  her  a  safer  place  of  deposit 
than  the  fort,  he  had  put  on  board  of  her  all  his 
papers  and  personal  baggage,  besides  a  great  quantity 
of  stores,  ammunition,  and  tools.1  In  truth,  she  was 
of  the  last  necessity  to  the  unhappy  exiles,  and  their 
only  resource  for  escape  from  a  position  which  was 
fast  becoming  desperate. 

La  Salle,  as  his  brother  tells  us,  now  fell  danger- 
ously ill,  —  the  fatigues  of  his  journey,  joined  to  the 
effects  upon  his  mind  of  this  last  disaster,  having 
overcome  his  strength,  though  not  his  fortitude. 
"In  truth,"  writes  the  priest,  "after  the  loss  of  the 

1  Prods  Verbal  fait  au  poste  de  St.  Louis,  le  18  Avril,  1686. 


1686.]  DEPARTURE   FOR  CANADA.  405 

vessel  which  deprived  us  of  our  only  means  of  return- 
ing to  France,  we  had  no  resource  but  in  the  firm 
guidance  of  my  brother,  whose  death  each  of  us 
would  have  regarded  as  his  own."1 

La  Salle  no  sooner  recovered  than  he  embraced 
a  resolution  which  could  be  the  offspring  only  of  a 
desperate  necessity.  He  determined  to  make  his 
way  by  the  Mississippi  and  the  Illinois  to  Canada, 
whence  he  might  bring  succor  to  the  colonists,  and 
£end  a  report  of  their  condition  to  France.  The 
attempt  was  beset  with  uncertainties  and  dangers. 
The  Mississippi  was  first  to  be  found,  then  followed 
through  all  the  perilous  monotony  of  its  interminable 
windings  to  a  goal  which  was  to  be  but  the  starting- 
point  of  a  new  and  not  less  arduous  journey. 
Cavelier  his  brother,  Moranget  his  nephew,  the  friar 
Anastase  Douay,  and  others  to  the  number  of  twenty, 
were  chosen  to  accompany  him.  Every  corner  of  the 
magazine  was  ransacked  for  an  outfit.  Joutel  gener- 
ously gave  up  the  better  part  of  his  wardrobe  to  La 
Salle  and  his  two  relatives.  Duhaut,  who  had  saved 
his  baggage  from  the  wreck  of  the  "Aimable,"  was 
required  to  contribute  to  the  necessities  of  the  party; 
and  the  scantily-furnished  chests  of  those  who  had 
died  were  used  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  living. 
Each  man  labored  with  needle  and  awl  to  patch  his 
failing  garments,  or  supply  their  place  with  buffalo 
or  deer  skins.  On  the  twenty-second  of  April,  after 

1  Cavelier,  Relation   du  Voyage  pour  decouvrir  I' Embouchure  du 
Fleuve  de  Missisipy. 


406  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1686, 

mass  and  prayers  in  the  chapel,  they  issued  from  the 
gate,  each  bearing  his  pack  and  his  weapons,  some 
with  kettles  slung  at  their  backs,  some  with  axes, 
some  with  gifts  for  Indians.  In  this  guise,  they 
held  their  way  in  silence  across  the  prairie ;  while 
anxious  eyes  followed  them  from  the  palisades  of  St. 
Louis,  whose  inmates,  not  excepting  Joutel  himself, 
seem  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  extent  and  diffi- 
culty of  the  undertaking.1 

"On  May  Day,"  he  writes,  "at  about  two  in  the 
afternoon,  as  I  was  walking  near  the  house,  I  heard 
a  voice  from  the  river  below,  crying  out  several 
times,  Qui  vive  ?  Knowing  that  the  Sieur  Barbier 
had  gone  that  way  with  two  canoes  to  hunt  buffalo, 
I  thought  that  it  might  be  one  of  these  canoes  coming 
back  with  meat,  and  did  not  think  much  of  the 
matter  till  I  heard  the  same  voice  again.  I  answered, 
Versailles,  which  was  the  password  I  had  given  the 
Sieur  Barbier,  in  case  he  should  come  back  in  the 
night.  But,  as  I  was  going  towards  the  bank,  I 
heard  other  voices  which  I  had  not  heard  for  a  ]ong 
time.  I  recognized  among  the  rest  that  of  M. 
Chefdeville,  which  made  me  fear  that  some  disaster 
had  happened.  I  ran  down  to  the  bank,  and  my  first 
greeting  was  to  ask  what  had  become  of  the  4  Belle. ' 

1  Joutel,  Journal  Historigue,  140 ;  Anastase  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  ii. 
303;  Cavelier,  Relation.  The  date  is  from  Douay.  It  does  not 
appear,  from  his  narrative,  that  they  meant  to  go  farther  than  the 
Illinois.  Cavelier  says  that  after  resting  here  they  were  to  go  to 
Canada.  Joutel  supposed  that  they  would  go  only  to  the  Illinois 
La  Salle  seems  to  have  been  even  more  reticent  than  usual. 


1686.]  WRECK  OF  THE  "BELLE."  407 

They  answered  that  she  was  wrecked  on  the  other 
«ide  of  the  bay,  and  that  all  on  board  were  drowned 
except  the  six  who  were  in  the  canoe;  namely,  the 
Sieur  Chefdeville,  the  Marquis  de  la  Sablonniere,  the 
man  named  Teissier,  a  soldier,  a  girl,  and  a  little 
boy."1 

From  the  young  priest  Chefdeville,  Joutel  learned 
the  particulars  of  the  disaster.  Water  had  failed  on 
board  the  "  Belle ; "  a  boat's  crew  of  five  men  had 
gone  in  quest  of  it;  the  wind  rose,  their  boat  was 
Hwamped,  and  they  were  all  drowned.  Those  who 
remained  had  now  no  means  of  going  ashore;  but  if 
they  had  no  water,  they  had  wine  and  brandy  in 
abundance,  and  Teissier,  the  master  of  the  vesseU 
was  drunk  every  day.  After  a  while  they  left  their 
moorings,  and  tried  to  reach  the  fort;  but  they  were 
few,  weak,  and  unskilful.  A  violent  north  wind 
drove  them  on  a  sand-bar.  Some  of  them  were 
drowned  in  trying  to  reach  land  on  a  raft.  Others 
were  more  successful ;  and,  after  a  long  delay,  they 
found  a  stranded  canoe,  in  which  they  made  their 
way  to  St.  Louis,  bringing  with  them  some  of  La 
Salle's  papers  and  baggage  saved  from  the  wreck. 

These  multiplied  disasters  bore  hard  on  the  spirits 
of  the  colonists ;  and  Joutel,  like  a  good  commander 
as  he  was,  spared  no  pains  to  cheer  them.  "  We  did 
what  we  could  to  amuse  ourselves  and  drive  away 
care.  I  encouraged  our  people  to  dance  and  sing  in 
the  evenings;  for  when  M.  de  la  Salle  was  among 
1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  226), 


408  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1688. 

us,  pleasure  was  often  banished.  Now,  there  is  no 
use  in  being  melancholy  on  such  occasions.  It  is 
true  that  M.  de  la  Salle  had  no  great  cause  for 
merry-making,  after  all  his  losses  and  disappoint- 
ments; but  his  troubles  made  others  suffer  also. 
Though  he  had  ordered  me  to  allow  to  each  person 
only  a  certain  quantity  of  meat  at  every  meal,  I 
observed  this  rule  only  when  meat  was  rare.  The 
air  here  is  very  keen,  and  one  has  a  great  appetite. 
One  must  eat  and  act,  if  he  wants  good  health  and 
spirits.  I  speak  from  experience;  for  once,  when  I 
had  ague  chills,  and  was  obliged  to  keep  the  house 
with  nothing  to  do,  I  was  dreary  and  down-hearted. 
On  the  contrary,  if  I  was  busy  with  hunting  or  any- 
thing else,  I  was  not  so  dull  by  half.  So  I  tried  to 
keep  the  people  as  busy  as  possible.  I  set  them  to 
making  a  small  cellar  to  keep  meat  fresh  in  hot 
weather;  but  when  M.  de  la  Salle  came  back,  he 
said  it  was  too  small.  As  he  always  wanted  to  do 
everything  on  a  grand  scale,  he  prepared  to  make  a 
large  one,  and  marked  out  the  plan."  This  plan  of 
the  large  cellar,  like  more  important  undertakings 
of  its  unhappy  projector,  proved  too  extensive  for 
execution,  the  colonists  being  engrossed  by  the  daily 
care  of  keeping  themselves  alive. 

A  gleam  of  hilarity  shot  for  an  instant  out  of  the 
clouds.  The  young  Canadian,  Barbier,  usually  con- 
ducted the  hunting-parties ;  and  some  of  the  women 
and  girls  often  went  out  with  them,  to  aid  in  cutting 
up  the  meat,  Barbier  became  enamoured  of  one  of 


1686.]  MATRIMONY.  409 

the  girls ;  and  as  his  devotion  to  her  was  the  subject 
of  comment,  he  asked  Joutel  for  leave  to  marry  her. 
The  commandant,  after  due  counsel  with  the  priests 
and  friars,  vouchsafed  his  consent,  and  the  rite  was 
duly  solemnized;  whereupon,  fired  by  the  example, 
the  Marquis  de  la  Sablonniere  begged  leave  to  marry 
another  of  the  girls.  Joutel,  the  gardener's  son, 
concerned  that  a  marquis  should  so  abase  himself, 
and  anxious  at  the  same  time  for  the  morals  of  the 
fort,  which  La  Salle  had  especially  commended  to  his 
care,  not  only  flatly  refused,  but,  in  the  plenitude 
of  his  authority,  forbade  the  lovers  all  further 
intercourse. 

Father  Zenobe  Membre*,  superior  of  the  mission, 
gave  unwilling  occasion  for  further  merriment. 
These  worthy  friars  were  singularly  unhappy  in  their 
dealings  with  the  buffalo,  one  of  which,  it  may  be 
remembered,  had  already  knocked  down  Father 
Anastase.  Undeterred  by  his  example,  Father  Ze- 
nobe one  day  went  out  with  the  hunters,  carrying  a 
gun  like  the  rest.  Joutel  shot  a  buffalo,  which  was 
making  off,  badly  wounded,  when  a  second  shot 
stopped  it,  and  it  presently  lay  down.  The  father 
superior  thought  it  was  dead ;  and,  without  heeding 
the  warning  shout  of  Joutel,  he  approached,  and 
pushed  it  with  the  butt  of  his  gun.  The  bull  sprang 
up  with  an  effort  of  expiring  fury,  and,  in  the  words 
of  Joutel,  "trampled  on  the  father,  took  the  skin  off 
his  face  in  several  places,  and  broke  his  gun,  so  that 
be  could  hardly  manage  to  get  away,  and  remained 


410  ST.  LOUIS  OP  TEXAS.  [168ft. 

in  an  almost  helpless  state  for  more  than  three 
months.  Bad  as  the  accident  was,  he  was  laughed 
at  nevertheless  for  his  rashness." 

The  mishaps  of  the  friars  did  not  end  here.  Father 
Maxime  Le  Clerc  was  set  upon  by  a  boar  belonging 
to  the  colony.  "I  do  not  know,"  says  Joutel,  "what 
spite  the  beast  had  against  him,  whether  for  a  beating 
or  some  other  offence;  but,  however  this  may  be,  I 
saw  the  father  running  and  crying  for  help,  and  the 
boar  running  after  him.  I  went  to  the  rescue,  but 
could  not  come  up  in  time.  The  father  stooped  as 
he  ran,  to  gather  up  his  cassock  from  about  his  legs ; 
and  the  boar,  which  ran  faster  than  he,  struck  him 
in  the  arm  with  his  tusks,  so  that  some  of  the  nerves 
were  torn.  Thus,  all  three  of  our  good  Recollet 
fathers  were  near  being  the  victims  of  animals."1 

In  spite  of  his  efforts  to  encourage  them,  the  fol- 
lowers of  Joutel  were  fast  losing  heart.  Father 
Maxime  Le  Clerc  kept  a  journal,  in  which  he  set 
down  various  charges  against  La  Salle.  Joutel  got 
possession  of  the  paper,  and  burned  it  on  the  urgent 
entreaty  of  the  friars,  who  dreaded  what  might  ensue, 
should  the  absent  commander  become  aware  of  the 
aspersions  cast  upon  him.  The  elder  Duhaut 
fomented  the  rising  discontent  of  the  colonists, 
played  the  demagogue,  told  them  that  La  Salle 
would  never  return,  and  tried  to  make  himself  their 
leader.  Joutel  detected  the  mischief,  and,  with 
a  lenity  which  he  afterwards  deeply  regretted,  con- 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  244,  246). 


1086.]    ADVENTURES  OF  THE  TRAVELLERS.       411 

tented  himself  with  a  rebuke  to  the  offender,  and 
words  of  reproof  and  encouragement  to  the  dejected 
band. 

He  had  caused  the  grass  to  be  cut  near  the  fort,  so 
as  to  form  a  sort  of  playground ;  and  here,  one  even- 
ing, he  and  some  of  the  party  were  trying  to  amuse 
tliemselves,  when  they  heard  shouts  from  beyond  the 
river,  and  Joutel  recognized  the  voice  of  La  Salle. 
Hastening  to  meet  him  in  a  wooden  canoe,  he 
brought  him  and  his  party  to  the  fort.  Twenty 
men  had  gone  out  with  him,  and  eight  had  returned. 
Of  the  rest,  four  had  deserted,  one  had  been  lost, 
one  had  been  devoured  by  an  alligator;  and  the 
others,  giving  out  on  the  march,  had  probably  per- 
ished in  attempting  to  regain  the  fort.  The  trav- 
ellers told  of  a  rich  country,  a  wild  and  beautiful 
landscape,  —  woods,  rivers,  groves,  and  prairies ;  but 
all  availed  nothing,  and  the  acquisition  of  five  horses 
was  but  an  indifferent  return  for  the  loss  of  twelve 
men. 

After  leaving  the  fort,  they  had  journeyed  towards 
the  northeast,  over  plains  green  as  an  emerald  with 
the  young  verdure  of  April,  till  at  length  they  saw, 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the  boundless  prairie  alive 
with  herds  of  buffalo.  The  animals  were  in  one  of 
their  tame  or  stupid  moods ;  and  they  killed  nine  or 
ton  of  them  without  the  least  difficulty,  drying  the 
best  parts  of  the  meat.  They  crossed  the  Colorado 
on  a  raft,  and  reached  the  banks  of  another  river, 
where  one  of  the  party,  named  Hiens,  a  German  of 


412  ST.  LOUIS  OP  TEXAS.  [1686. 

Wiirtemberg,  and  an  old  buccaneer,  was  mired  and 
nearly  suffocated  in  a  mud-hole.  Unfortunately,  as 
will  soon  appear,  he  managed  to  crawl  out;  and,  to 
console  him,  the  river  was  christened  with  his  name. 
The  party  made  a  bridge  of  felled  trees,  on  which 
they  crossed  in  safety.  La  Salle  now  changed  their 
course,  and  journeyed  eastward,  when  the  travellers 
soon  found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous 
Indian  population,  where  they  were  feasted  and 
caressed  without  measure.  At  another  village  they 
were  less  fortunate.  The  inhabitants  were  friendly 
by  day  and  hostile  by  night.  They  came  to  attack 
the  French  in  their  camp,  but  withdrew,  daunted  by 
the  menacing  voice  of  La  Salle,  who  had  heard  them 
approaching  through  the  cane-brake. 

La  Salle 's  favorite  Shawanoe  hunter,  Nika,  who 
had  followed  him  from  Canada  to  France,  and  from 
France  to  Texas,  was  bitten  by  a  rattlesnake;  and, 
though  he  recovered,  the  accident  detained  the  party 
for  several  days.  At  length  they  resumed  their 
journey,  but  were  stopped  by  a  river,  called  by 
Douay,  "La  Riviere  des  Malheurs."  La  Salle  and 
Cavelier,  with  a  few  others,  tried  to  cross  on  a  raft, 
which,  as  it  reached  the  channel,  was  caught  by 
a  current  of  marvellous  swiftness.  Douay  and 
Moranget,  watching  the  transit  from  the  edge  of  the 
cane-brake,  beheld  their  commander  swept  down  the 
stream,  and  vanishing,  as  it  were,  in  an  instant.  All 
that  day  they  remained  with  their  companions  on  the 
bank,  lamenting  in  despair  for  the  loss  of  their  guar- 


1086.]    ADVENTURES  OF  THE  TRAVELLERS.       413 

dian  angel,  for  so  Douay  calls  La  Salle.1  It  was  fast 
growing  dark,  when,  to  their  unspeakable  relief,  they 
saw  him  advancing  with  his  party  along  the  opposite 
bank,  having  succeeded,  after  great  exertion,  in 
guiding  the  raft  to  land.  How  to  rejoin  him  was 
now  the  question.  Douay  and  his  companions,  who 
had  tasted  no  food  that  day,  broke  their  fast  on  two 
young  eagles  which  they  knocked  out  of  their  nest, 
and  then  spent  the  night  in  rueful  consultation  as  to 
the  means  of  crossing  the  river.  In  the  morning 
they  waded  into  the  marsh,  the  friar  with  his  breviary 
in  his  hood  to  keep  it  dry,  and  hacked  among  the 
canes  till  they  had  gathered  enough  to  make  another 
raft;  on  which,  profiting  by  La  Salle 's  experience, 
they  safely  crossed,  and  rejoined  him. 

Next,  they  became  entangled  in  a  cane-brake, 
where  La  Salle,  as  usual  with  him  in  such  cases, 
took  the  lead,  a  hatchet  in  each  hand,  and  hewed  out 
a  path  for  his  followers.  They  soon  reached  the 
villages  of  the  Cenis  Indians,  on  and  near  the  river 
Trinity,  —  a  tribe  then  powerful,  but  long  since 
extinct.  Nothing  could  surpass  the  friendliness  of 
their  welcome.  The  chiefs  came  to  meet  them, 
bearing  the  calumet,  and  followed  by  warriors  in 
shirts  of  embroidered  deerskin.  Then  the  whole 
village  swarmed  out  like  bees,  gathering  around  the 


i  "  Ce  f  ut  une  desolation  extreme  pour  nous  tous  qui  desesperions 
de  revoir  jamais  nostre  Ange  tutelaire,  le  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  .  .  . 
Tout  le  jour  se  passa  en  pleurs  et  en  larmes."  —  Douay  in  Le  Clerct 
ii.  815. 


414  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1686. 

visitors  with  offerings  of  food  and  all  that  was 
precious  in  their  eyes.  La  Salle  was  lodged  with 
the  great  chief ;  but  he  compelled  his  men  to  encamp 
at  a  distance,  lest  the  ardor  of  their  gallantry  might 
give  occasion  of  offence.  The  lodges  of  the  Cenis, 
forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  and  covered  with  a  thatch  of 
meadow-grass,  looked  like  huge  bee-hives.  Each 
held  several  families,  whose  fire  was  in  the  middle, 
and  their  beds  around  the  circumference.  The  spoil 
of  the  Spaniards  was  to  be  seen  on  all  sides,  —  silver 
lamps  and  spoons,  swords,  old  muskets,  money, 
clothing,  and  a  bull  of  the  Pope  dispensing  the 
Spanish  colonists  of  New  Mexico  from  fasting  during 
summer.1  These  treasures,  as  well  as  their  numerous 
horses,  were  obtained  by  the  Cenis  from  their  neigh- 
bors and  allies  the  Camanches,  that  fierce  prairie 
banditti  who  then,  as  now,  scourged  the  Mexican 
border  with  their  bloody  forays.  A  party  of  these 
wild  horsemen  was  in  the  village.  Douay  was  edified 
at  seeing  them  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  imitation 
of  the  neophytes  of  one  of  the  Spanish  missions. 
They  enacted,  too,  the  ceremony  of  the  mass;  and 
one  of  them,  in  his  rude  way,  drew  a  sketch  of  a 
picture  he  had  seen  in  some  church  which  he  had 
pillaged,  wherein  the  friar  plainly  recognized  the 
Virgin  weeping  at  the  foot  of  the  cross.  They 
invited  the  French  to  join  them  on  a  raid  into  New 
Mexico;  and  they  spoke  with  contempt,  as  their 
tribesmen  will  speak  to  this  day,  of  the  Spanish 
*  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  u.  321 ;  Cavelier,  Relation. 


1686.]  DEJECTION.  415 

oreoles,  saying  that  it  would  be  easy  to  conquer  a 
nation  of  cowards  who  make  people  walk  before  them 
with  fans  to  cool  them  in  hot  weather.1 

Soon  after  leaving  the  Cenis  villages,  both  La 
Salle  and  his  nephew  Moranget  were  attacked  by 
fever.  This  caused  a  delay  of  more  than  two  months, 
during  which  the  party  seem  to  have  remained 
encamped  on  the  Neches,  or  possibly  the  Sabine. 
When  at  length  the  invalids  had  recovered  sufficient 
strength  to  travel,  the  stock  of  ammunition  was 
nearly  spent,  some  of  the  men  had  deserted,  and  the 
condition  of  the  travellers  was  such  that  there  seemed 
no  alternative  but  to  return  to  Fort  St.  Louis.  This 
fchey  accordingly  did,  greatly  aided  in  their  march  by 
the  horses  bought  from  the  Cenis,  and  suffering  no 
very  serious  accident  by  the  way,  —  excepting  the 
loss  of  La  Salle's  servant,  Dumesnil,  who  was  seized 
by  an  alligator  while  attempting  to  cross  the 
Colorado. 

The  temporary  excitement  caused  among  the 
colonists  by  their  return  soon  gave  place  to  a  dejec- 
tion bordering  on  despair.  "This  pleasant  land,'* 
writes  Cavelier,  "  seemed  to  us  an  abode  of  weariness 
and  a  perpetual  prison."  Flattering  themselves  with 
the  delusion,  common  to  exiles  of  every  kind,  that 
they  were  objects  of  solicitude  at  home,  they  watched 
daily,  with  straining  eyes,  for  an  approaching  sail. 
Ships,  indeed,  had  ranged  the  coast  to  seek  them, 
but  with  no  friendly  intent.  Their  thoughts  dwelt, 
*  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  ii.  324, 326. 


416  ST.  LOUIS  OF   TEXAS.  [1686. 

with  unspeakable  yearning,  on  the  France  they  had 
left  behind,  which,  to  their  longing  fancy,  was 
pictured  as  an  unattainable  Eden.  Well  might  they 
despond;  for  of  a  hundred  and  eighty  colonists, 
besides  the  crew  of  the  "  Belle, "  less  than  forty-five 
remained.  The  weary  precincts  of  Fort  St.  Louis, 
with  its  fence  of  rigid  palisades,  its  area  of  trampled 
earth,  its  buildings  of  weather-stained  timber,  and 
its  well-peopled  graveyard  without,  were  hateful  to 
their  sight.  La  Salle  had  a  heavy  task  to  save  them 
from  despair.  His  composure,  his  unfailing  equa- 
nimity, his  words  of  encouragement  and  cheer,  were 
the  breath  of  life  to  this  forlorn  company ;  for  though 
he  could  not  impart  to  minds  of  less  adamantine 
temper  the  audacity  of  hope  with  which  he  still 
clung  to  the  final  accomplishment  of  his  purposes, 
the  contagion  of  his  hardihood  touched,  nevertheless, 
the  drooping  spirits  of  his  followers.1 

The  journey  to  Canada  was  clearly  their  only 
hope;  and,  after  a  brief  rest,  La  Salle  prepared  to 
renew  the  attempt.  He  proposed  that  Joutel  should 
this  time  be  of  the  party;  and  should  proceed  from 
Quebec  to  France,  with  his  brother  Cavelier,  to 
solicit  succors  for  the  colony,  while  he  himself 

1  "  L'egalite  d'humeur  du  Chef  rassuroit  tout  le  monde ;  et  il 
trouvoit  des  resources  a  tout  par  son  esprit  qui  relevoit  les  espe- 
rances  les  plus  abatues."  —  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  152. 

"  II  seroit  difficile  de  trouver  dans  PHistoire  un  courage  plus 
intrepide  et  plus  invincible  que  celuy  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  dans  les 
eVenemens  contraires  ;  il  ne  fut  jamais  abatu,  et  il  espe'roit  tou jours 
avec  le  secours  du  Ciel  de  venir  a  bout  de  son  entreprise  malgre 
tou*  les  obstacles  qui  se  presentoient." — Douay  in  Le  Clerc,ii.S27. 


1687.]  TWELFTH  NIGHT.  417 

returned  to  Texas.  A  new  obstacle  was  presently 
interposed.  La  Salle,  whose  constitution  seems  to 
have  suffered  from  his  long  course  of  hardships,  was 
attacked  in  November  with  hernia.  Joutel  offered 
to  conduct  the  party  in  his  stead;  but  La  Salle 
replied  that  his  own  presence  was  indispensable  at 
the  Illinois.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  recover, 
within  four  or  five  weeks,  sufficiently  to  undertake 
the  journey ;  and  all  in  the  fort  busied  themselves  in 
preparing  an  outfit.  In  such  straits  were  they  for 
clothing,  that  the  sails  of  the  "  Belle  "  were  cut  up  to 
make  coats  for  the  adventurers.  Christmas  came, 
and  was  solemnly  observed.  There  was  a  midnight 
mass  in  the  chapel,  where  Membre',  Cavelier,  Douay, 
and  their  priestly  brethren  stood  before  the  altar,  in 
vestments  strangely  contrasting  with  the  rude  temple 
and  the  ruder  garb  of  the  worshippers.  And  as 
Membre'  elevated  the  consecrated  wafer,  and  the 
lamps  burned  dim  through  the  clouds  of  incense,  the 
kneeling  group  drew  from  the  daily  miracle  such 
consolation  as  true  Catholics  alone  can  know.  When 
Twelfth  Night  came,  all  gathered  in  the  hall,  and 
cried,  after  the  jovial  old  custom,  "The  King 
drinks,"  with  hearts,  perhaps,  as  cheerless  as  their 
cups,  which  were  filled  with  cold  water. 

On  the  morrow,  the  band  of  adventurers  mustered 
for  the  fatal  journey.1  The  five  horses,  bought  by 

1  I  follow  Douay's  date,  who  makes  the  day  of  departure  the 
seventh  of  January,  or  the  day  after  Twelfth  Night.  Joutel  thinks 
it  was  the  twelfth  of  January,  but  professes  uncertainty  as  to  all 
his  dates  at  this  time,  as  he  lost  his  notes. 

27 


418  ST.   LOUIS 'OF  TEXAS.  [1687. 

La  Salle  of  the  Indians,  stood  in  the  area  of  the  fort, 
packed  for  the  march;  and  here  was  gathered  the 
wretched  remnant  of  the  colony,  —  those  who  were 
to  go,  and  those  who  were  to  stay  behind.  These 
latter  were  about  twenty  in  all,  —  Barbier,  who  was 
to  command  in  the  place  of  Joutel;  SablonniSre, 
who,  despite  his  title  of  marquis,  was  held  in  great 
contempt;1  the  friars,  Membre*  and  Le  Clerc,2  and 
the  priest  Chefdeville,  besides  a  surgeon,  soldiers, 
laborers,  seven  women  and  girls,  and  several  children, 
doomed,  in  this  deadly  exile,  to  wait  the  issues  of 
the  journey,  and  the  possible  arrival  of  a  tardy 
succor.  La  Salle  had  made  them  a  last  address, 
delivered,  we  are  told,  with  that  winning  air  which, 
though  alien  from  his  usual  bearing,  seems  to  have 
been  at  times  a  natural  expression  of  this  unhappy 
man.3  It  was  a  bitter  parting,  one  of  sighs,  tears, 
and  embracings,  —  the  farewell  of  those  on  whose 
souls  had  sunk  a  heavy  boding  that  they  would  never 


1  He  had  to  be  kept  on  short  allowance,  because  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  bargaining  away  everything  given  to  him.    He  had  squan- 
dered the  little  that  belonged  to  him  at  St.  Domingo,  in  amuse- 
ments "  indignes  de  sa  naissance,"  and  in  consequence  was  suffering 
from  diseases  which  disabled  him  from  walking.    (Proces  Verbal,  18 
Avril,  1686.) 

2  Maxime  le  Clerc  was  a  relative  of  the  author  of  L'Etablissement 
de  la  Foi. 

*  "  II  fit  une  Harangue  pleine  d'e'loquence  et  de  eel  air  engageant 
qui  luy  estoit  si  naturel :  toute  la  petite  Colonie  y  estoit  presente  et 
en  fut  touchee  jusques  aux  larmes,  persuade*e  de  la  ne'cesaite  de  son 
voyage  et  de  la  droiture  de  ses  intentions." — Douay  in  Le  Clare,  ii 
330. 


1687.]  THE  LAST  FAREWELL.  419 

meet  again.1  Equipped  and  weaponed  for  the  jour- 
ney, the  adventurers  filed  from  the  gate,  crossed  the 
river,  and  held  their  slow  march  over  the  prairies 
beyond,  till  intervening  woods  and  hills  shut  Fort 
St.  Louis  forever  from  their  sight. 

1  "  Nous  nous  separames  les  uns  des  autres,  d'une  maniere  si 
tendre  et  si  triste  qu'il  sembloit  que  nous  avions  tous  le  secret  pres- 
sentiment  que  nous  ne  nous  reverrions  jamais." —  Joutel,  Journal 
Historique,  158. 


CHAPTER  XXVII, 

1687. 
ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE. 

His  FOLLOWERS.  —  PRAIRIE  TRAVELLING.  —  A  HUNTERS*  QUARREL 
—  THE  MURDER  OF  MORANGET.  —  THE  CONSPIRACY. — DEATH  OF 
LA  SALLE  :  HIS  CHARACTER. 

THE  travellers  were  crossing  a  marshy  prairie 
towards  a  distant  belt  of  woods,  that  followed  the 
course  of  a  little  river.  They  led  with  them  their 
five  horses,  laden  with  their  scanty  baggage,  and, 
with  what  was  of  no  less  importance,  their  stock  of 
presents  for  Indians.  Some  wore  the  remains  of  the 
clothing  they  had  worn  from  France,  eked  out  with 
deer-skins,  dressed  in  the  Indian  manner;  and  some 
had  coats  of  old  sail-cloth.  Here  was  La  Salle,  in 
whom  one  would  have  known,  at  a  glance,  the  chief 
of  the  party;  and  the  priest,  Cavelier,  who  seems  to 
have  shared  not  one  of  the  high  traits  of  his  younger 
brother.  Here,  too,  were  their  nephews,  Moranget 
and  the  boy  Cavelier,  now  about  seventeen  years  old ; 
the  trusty  soldier  Joutel;  and  the  friar  Anastase 
Douay.  Duhaut  followed,  a  man  of  respectable  birth 
and  education;  and  Liotot,  the  surgeon  of  the  party. 


1687.]  LA  SALLE'S  FOLLOWERS.  421 

At  home,  they  might  perhaps  have  lived  and  died 
with  a  fair  repute;  but  the  wilderness  is  a  rude 
touchstone,  which  often  reveals  traits  that  would 
have  lain  buried  and  unsuspected  in  civilized  life. 
The  German  Hi  ens,  the  ex-buccaneer,  was  also  of 
the  number.  He  had  probably  sailed  with  an  English 
crew;  for  he  was  sometimes  known  as  Gemme  Anglais, 
or  "English  Jem."1  The  Sieur  de  Marie ;  Teissier, 
a  pilot;  L'Archev6que,  a  servant  of  Duhaut;  and 
others,  to  the  number  in  all  of  seventeen,  —  made  up 
the  party;  to  which  is  to  be  added  Nika,  La  Salle's 
Shawanoe  hunter,  who,  as  well  as  another  Indian, 
had  twice  crossed  the  ocean  with  him,  and  still 
followed  his  fortunes  with  an  admiring  though 
undemonstrative  fidelity. 

They  passed  the  prairie,  and  neared  the  forest. 
Here  they  saw  buffalo ;  and  the  hunters  approached, 
and  killed  several  of  them.  Then  they  traversed  the 
woods;  found  and  forded  the  shallow  and  rushy 
stream,  and  pushed  through  the  forest  beyond,  till 
they  again  reached  the  open  prairie.  Heavy  clouds 
gathered  over  them,  and  it  rained  all  night ;  but  they 
sheltered  themselves  under  the  fresh  hides  of  the 
buffalo  they  had  killed. 

It  is  impossible,  as  it  would  be  needless,  to  follow 
the  detail  of  their  daily  march.2  It  was  such  an  one, 

1  Tonty  also   speaks  of  him  as    "  un    flibustier  angloig."    In 
another  document,  he  is  called  "  James." 

2  Of  the  three  narratives  of  this  journey,  those  of  Joutel,  Cave- 
lier,  and  Anastase  Douay,  the  first  is  by  far  the  best.    That  of 
Cavelier  seems  the  work  of  a  man  of  confused  brain  and  indifferent 


422  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1687. 

though  with  unwonted  hardship,  as  is  familiar  to  the 
memory  of  many  a  prairie  traveller  of  our  own  time. 
They  suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  shoes,  and 
found  for  a  while  no  better  substitute  than  a  casing 
of  raw  buffalo-hide,  which  they  were  forced  to  keep 
always  wet,  as,  when  dry,  it  hardened  about  the  foot 
like  iron.  At  length  they  bought  dressed  deer-skin 
from  the  Indians,  of  which  they  made  tolerable 
moccasins.  The  rivers,  streams,  and  gullies  filled 
with  water  were  without  number ;  and  to  cross  them 
they  made  a  boat  of  bull-hide,  like  the  "  bull  boat " 
still  used  on  the  Upper  Missouri.  This  did  good 
service,  as,  with  the  help  of  their  horses,  they  could 
carry  it  with  them.  Two  or  three  men  could  cross 
in  it  at  once,  and  the  horses  swam  after  them  like 
dogs.  Sometimes  they  traversed  the  sunny  prairie ; 
sometimes  dived  into  the  dark  recesses  of  the  forest, 
where  the  buffalo,  descending  daily  from  their 
pastures  in  long  files  to  drink  at  the  river,  often 
made  a  broad  and  easy  path  for  the  travellers.  When 
foul  weather  arrested  them,  they  built  huts  of  bark 
and  long  meadow-grass ;  and  safely  sheltered  lounged 
away  the  day,  while  their  horses,  picketed  near  by, 
stood  steaming  in  the  rain.  At  night,  they  usually 
set  a  rude  stockade  about  their  camp ;  and  here,  by 

memory.  Some  of  his  statements  are  irreconcilable  with  those  of 
Joutel  and  Douay;  and  known  facts  of  his  history  justify  the  sus- 
picion of  a  wilful  inaccuracy.  JoutePs  account  is  of  a  very  differ- 
ent character,  and  seems  to  be  the  work  of  an  honest  and  intelligent 
man.  Douay's  account  is  brief ;  but  it  agrees  with  that  of  Joutel, 
in  most  essential  point*. 


1687.]  PRAIRIE  TRAVELLING.  423 

the  grassy  border  of  a  brook,  or  at  the  edge  of  a 
grove  where  a  spring  bubbled  up  through  the  sands, 
they  lay  asleep  around  the  embers  of  their  fire,  while 
the  man  on  guard  listened  to  the  deep  breathing  of 
the  slumbering  horses,  and  the  howling  of  the  wolves 
that  saluted  the  rising  moon  as  it  flooded  the  waste 
of  prairie  with  pale  mystic  radiance. 

They  met  Indians  almost  daily,  —  sometimes  a 
band  of  hunters,  mounted  or  on  foot,  chasing  buffalo 
on  the  plains ;  sometimes  a  party  of  fishermen ;  some- 
times a  winter  camp,  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  or  under 
the  sheltering  border  of  a  forest.  They  held  inter- 
course with  them  in  the  distance  by  signs ;  often  they 
disarmed  their  distrust,  and  attracted  them  into  their 
camp;  and  often  they  visited  them  in  their  lodges, 
where,  seated  on  buffalo-robes,  they  smoked  with 
their  entertainers,  passing  the  pipe  from  hand  to 
hand,  after  the  custom  still  in  use  among  the  prairie 
tribes.  Cavelier  says  that  they  once  saw  a  band 
of  a  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  Indians  attacking  a 
herd  of  buffalo  with  lances  pointed  with  sharpened 
bone.  The  old  priest  was  delighted  with  the  sport, 
which  he  pronounces  "the  most  diverting  thing  in 
the  world."  On  another  occasion,  when  the  party 
were  encamped  near  the  village  of  a  tribe  which 
Cavelier  calls  Sassory,  he  saw  them  catch  an  alli- 
gator about  twelve  feet  long,  which  they  proceeded 
to  torture  as  if  he  were  a  human  enemy,  —  first 
putting  out  his  eyes,  and  then  leading  him  to  the 
neighboring  prairie,  where,  having  confined  him  by  a 


424  ASSASSINATION   OF   LA   SALLE.          [1687, 

number  of  stakes,  they  spent  the  entire  day  in  tor- 
menting him.1 

Holding  a  northerly  course,  the  travellers  crossed 
the  Brazos,  and  reached  the  waters  of  the  Trinity. 
The  weather  was  unfavorable,  and  on  one  occasion 
they  encamped  in  the  rain  during  four  or  five  days 
together.  It  was  not  an  harmonious  company.  La 
Salle 's  cold  and  haughty  reserve  had  returned,  at 
least  for  those  of  his  followers  to  whom  he  was  not 
partial.  Duhaut  and  the  surgeon  Liotot,  both  of 
whom  were  men  of  some  property,  had  a  large  pecu- 
niary stake  in  the  enterprise,  and  were  disappointed 
and  incensed  at  its  ruinous  result.  They  had  a 
quarrel  with  young  Moranget,  whose  hot  and  hasty 
temper  was  as  little  fitted  to  conciliate  as  was  the 
harsh  reserve  of  his  uncle.  Already  at  Fort  St. 
Louis,  Duhaut  had  intrigued  among  the  men;  and 
the  mild  admonition  of  Joutel  had  not,  it  seems, 
sufficed  to  divert  him  from  his  sinister  purposes. 
Liotot,  it  is  said,  had  secretly  sworn  vengeance 
against  La  Salle,  whom  he  charged  with  having 
caused  the  death  of  his  brother,  or,  as  some  will 
have  it,  his  nephew.  On  one  of  the  former  journeys 
this  young  man's  strength  had  failed ;  and,  La  Salle 
having  ordered  him  to  return  to  the  fort,  he  had 
been  killed  by  Indians  on  the  way. 

The  party  moved  again  as  the  weather  improved, 
and  on  the  fifteenth  of  March  encamped  within  a  few 
miles  of  a  spot  which  La  Salle  had  passed  on  his 

1  Cavelier,  Relation. 


1687.]  MURDER  OF  MORANGET.  425 

preceding  journey,  and  where  he  had  left  a  quantity 
of  Indian  corn  and  beans  in  cache;  that  is  to  say, 
hidden  in  the  ground  or  in  a  hollow  tree.  As  pro- 
visions were  falling  short,  he  sent  a  party  from  the 
camp  to  find  it.  These  men  were  Duhaut,  Liotot,1 
Hiens  the  buccaneer,  Teissier,  L'Archeve"que,  Nika 
the  hunter,  and  La  Salle's  servant  Saget.  They 
opened  the  cache,  and  found  the  contents  spoiled ;  but 
as  they  returned  from  their  bootless  errand  they  saw 
buffalo,  and  Nika  shot  two  of  them.  They  now 
encamped  on  the  spot,  and  sent  the  servant  to  inform 
La  Salle,  in  order  that  he  might  send  horses  to  bring 
in  the  meat.  Accordingly,  on  the  next  day,  he 
directed  Moranget  and  De  Marie,  with  the  necessary 
horses,  to  go  with  Saget  to  the  hunters'  camp. 
When  they  arrived,  they  found  that  Duhaut  and  his 
companions  had  already  cut  up  the  meat,  and  laid  it 
upon  scaffolds  for  smoking,  though  it  was  not  yet  so 
dry  as,  it  seems,  this  process  required.  Duhaut  and 
the  others  had  also  put  by,  for  themselves,  the 
marrow-bones  and  certain  portions  of  the  meat,  to 
which,  by  woodland  custom,  they  had  a  perfect  right. 
Moranget,  whose  rashness  and  violence  had  once 
before  caused  a  fatal  catastrophe,  fell  into  a  most 
unreasonable  fit  of  rage,  berated  and  menaced  Duhaut 
and  his  party,  and  ended  by  seizing  upon  the  whole 
of  the  meat,  including  the  reserved  portions.  This 
added  fuel  to  the  fire  of  Duhaut's  old  grudge  against 
Moranget  and  his  uncle.  There  is  reason  to  think 

1  Called  Lanquetot  by  Tonty. 


426  ASSASSINATION  OP  LA  SALLE.  [1687. 

that  he  had  harbored  deadly  designs,  the  execution 
of  which  was  only  hastened  by  the  present  outbreak. 
The  surgeon  also  bore  hatred  against  Moranget, 
whom  he  had  nursed  with  constant  attention  when 
wounded  by  an  Indian  arrow,  and  who  had  since 
repaid  him  with  abuse.  These  two  now  took  counsel 
apart  with  Hiens,  Teissier,  and  L'Archev§que;  and 
it  was  resolved  to  kill  Moranget  that  night.  Nika, 
La  Salle's  devoted  follower,  and  Saget,  his  faithful 
servant,  must  die  with  him.  All  of  the  five  were  of 
one  mind  except  the  pilot  Teissier,  who  neither 
aided  nor  opposed  the  plot. 

Night  came :  the  woods  grew  dark ;  the  evening 
meal  was  finished,  and  the  evening  pipes  were 
smoked.  The  order  of  the  guard  was  arranged ;  and, 
doubtless  by  design,  the  first  hour  of  the  night  was 
assigned  to  Moranget,  the  second  to  Saget,  and  the 
third  to  Nika.  Gun  in  hand,  each  stood  watch  in 
turn  over  the  silent  but  not  sleeping  forms  around 
him,  till,  his  time  expiring,  he  called  the  man  who 
was  to  relieve  him,  wrapped  himself  in  his  blanket, 
and  was  soon  buried  in  a  slumber  that  was  to  be  his 
last.  Now  the  assassins  rose.  Duhaut  and  Hiens 
stood  with  their  guns  cocked,  ready  to  shoot  down 
any  one  of  the  destined  victims  who  should  resist  or 
fly.  The  surgeon,  with  an  axe,  stole  towards  the 
three  sleepers,  and  struck  a  rapid  blow  at  each  in 
turn.  Saget  and  Nika  died  with  little  movement; 
but  Moranget  started  spasmodically  into  a  sitting 
posture,  gasping  and  unable  to  speak;  and  the  mur- 


1687.]  SUSPENSE.  427 

derers  compelled  De  Marie,  who  was  not  in  their 
plot,  to  compromise  himself  by  despatching  him. 

The  floodgates  of  murder  were  open,  and  the 
torrent  must  have  its  way.  Vengeance  and  safety 
alike  demanded  the  death  of  La  Salle.  Hiens,  or 
"English  Jem,"  alone  seems  to  have  hesitated;  for 
he  was  one  of  those  to  whom  that  stern  commander 
had  always  been  partial.  Meanwhile,  the  intended 
victim  was  still  at  his  camp,  about  six  miles  distant. 
It  is  easy  to  picture,  with  sufficient  accuracy,  the 
features  of  the  scene,  —  the  sheds  of  bark  and 
branches,  beneath  which,  among  blankets  and  buffalo- 
robes,  camp-utensils,  pack-saddles,  rude  harness, 
guns,  powder-horns,  and  bullet-pouches,  the  men 
lounged  away  the  hour,  sleeping  or  smoking,  or  talk- 
ing among  themselves;  the  blackened  kettles  that 
hung  from  tripods  of  poles  over  the  fires ;  the  Indians 
strolling  about  the  place  or  lying,  like  dogs  in  the 
sun,  with  eyes  half -shut,  yet  all  observant}  and,  in 
the  neighboring  meadow,  the  horses  grazing  under 
the  eye  of  a  watchman. 

It  was  the  eighteenth  of  March.  Moranget  and 
his  companions  had  been  expected  to  return  the 
night  before;  but  the  whole  day  passed,  and  they 
did  not  appear.  La  Salle  became  very  anxious.  He 
resolved  to  go  and  look  for  them ;  but  not  well  know- 
ing the  way,  he  told  the  Indians  who  were  about  the 
camp  that  he  would  give  them  a  hatchet  if  they 
would  guide  him.  One  of  them  accepted  the  offer; 
and  La  Salle  prepared  to  set  out  in  the  morning,  at 


428  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.          [1687. 

the  same  time  directing  Joutel  to  be  ready  to  go 
with  him.  Joutel  says:  "That  evening,  while  we 
were  talking  about  what  could  have  happened  to  the 
absent  men,  he  seemed  to  have  a  presentiment  of 
what  was  to  take  place.  He  asked  me  if  I  had  heard 
of  any  machinations  against  them,  or  if  I  had  noticed 
any  bad  design  on  the  part  of  Duhaut  and  the  rest. 
I  answered  that  I  had  heard  nothing,  except  that 
they  sometimes  complained  of  being  found  fault  with 
so  often;  and  that  this  was  all  I  knew;  besides 
which,  as  they  were  persuaded  that  I  was  in  his 
interest,  they  would  not  have  told  me  of  any  bad 
design  they  might  have.  We  were  very  uneasy  all 
the  rest  of  the  evening." 

In  the  morning,  La  Salle  set  out  with  his  Indian 
guide.  He  had  changed  his  mind  with  regard  to 
Joutel,  whom  he  now  directed  to  remain  in  charge 
of  the  camp  and  to  keep  a  careful  watch.  He  told 
the  friar  Anastase  Douay  to  come  with  him  instead 
of  Joutel,  whose  gun,  which  was  the  best  in  the 
party,  he  borrowed  for  the  occasion,  as  well  as  his 
pistol.  The  three  proceeded  on  their  way,  —  La 
Salle,  the  friar,  and  the  Indian.  "All  the  way/* 
writes  the  friar,  "he  spoke  to  me  of  nothing  but 
matters  of  piety,  grace,  and  predestination;  enlar- 
ging on  the  debt  he  owed  to  God,  who  had'  saved  him 
from  so  many  perils  during  more  than  twenty  years 
of  travel  in  America.  Suddenly,  I  saw  him  over- 
whelmed with  a  profound  sadness,  for  which  he 
himself  could  not  account.  He  was  so  much  moved 


1687.]  THE  FATAL  SHOT.  429 

that  I  scarcely  knew  him."  He  soon  recovered  his 
usual  calmness;  and  they  walked  on  till  they 
approached  the  camp  of  Duhaut,  which  was  on  the 
farther  side  of  a  small  river.  Looking  about  him 
with  the  eye  of  a  woodsman,  La  Salle  saw  two  eagles 
circling  in  the  air  nearly  over  him,  as  if  attracted  by 
carcasses  of  beasts  or  men.  He  fired  his  gun  and  his 
pistol,  as  a  summons  to  any  of  his  followers  who 
might  be  within  hearing.  The  shots  reached  the 
ears  of  the  conspirators.  Rightly  conjecturing  by 
whom  they  were  fired,  several  of  them,  led  by 
Duhaut,  crossed  the  river  at  a  little  distance  above, 
where  trees  or  other  intervening  objects  hid  them 
from  sight.  Duhaut  and  the  surgeon  crouched  like 
Indians  in  the  long,  dry,  reed-like  grass  of  the  last 
summer's  growth,  while  L'Archeveque  stood  in  sight 
near  the  bank.  La  Salle,  continuing  to  advance, 
soon  saw  him,  and,  calling  to  him,  demanded  where 
was  Moranget.  The  man,  without  lifting  his  hat, 
or  any  show  of  respect,  replied  in  an  agitated  and 
broken  voice,  but  with  a  tone  of  studied  insolence, 
that  Moranget  was  strolling  about  somewhere.  La 
Salle  rebuked  and  menaced  him.  He  rejoined  with 
increased  insolence,  drawing  back,  as  he  spoke, 
towards  the  ambuscade,  while  the  incensed  com- 
mander advanced  to  chastise  him.  At  that  moment 
a  shot  was  fired  from  the  grass,  instantly  followed 
by  another;  and,  pierced  through  the  brain,  La  Salle 
dropped  dead. 

The  friar  at  his  side  stood  terror-stricken,  unable 


430  ASSASSINATION   OF  LA   SALLE.          [1687. 

to  advance  or  to  fly;  when  Duhaut,  rising  from  the 
ambuscade,  called  out  to  him  to  take  courage,  for  he 
had  nothing  to  fear.  The  murderers  now  came  for- 
ward, and  with  wild  looks  gathered  about  their 
victim.  "There  thou  liest,  great  Bashaw!  There 
thouliest!"1  exclaimed  the  surgeon  Liotot,  in  base 
exultation  over  the  unconscious  corpse.  With 
mockery  and  insult,  they  stripped  it  naked,  dragged 
it  into  the  bushes,  and  left  it  there,  a  prey  to  the 
buzzards  and  the  wolves. 

Thus  in  the  vigor  of  his  manhood,  at  the  age  of 
forty-three,  died  Robert  Cavelier  de  la  Salle,  "  one  of 
the  greatest  men,"  writes  Tonty,  "of  this  age;" 
without  question  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
explorers  whose  names  live  in  history.  His  faithful 
officer  Joutel  thus  sketches  his  portrait :  "  His  firm- 
ness, his  courage,  his  great  knowledge  of  the  arts 
and  sciences,  which  made  him  equal  to  every  under- 
taking, and  his  untiring  energy,  which  enabled  him 
to  surmount  every  obstacle,  would  have  won  at  last  a 
glorious  success  for  his  grand  enterprise,  had  not  all 
his  fine  qualities  been  counterbalanced  by  a  haughti- 
ness of  manner  which  often  made  him  insupportable, 
and  by  a  harshness  towards  those  under  his  command 
which  drew  upon  him  an  implacable  hatred,  and  was 
at  last  the  cause  of  his  death."2 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  disinterested  and  chivalrous 

1  "  Te  voilk,  grand  Bacha,  te  voilk  I "  —  Joutel,  Journal  Historique, 
203. 
*  Ibid. 


1687.]  HIS   CHARACTER.  431 

Champlain  was  not  the  enthusiasm  of  La  Salle ;  nor 
had  he  any  part  in  the  self -devoted  zeal  of  the  early 
Jesuit  explorers.  He  belonged  not  to  the  age  of  the 
knight-errant  and  the  saint,  but  to  the  modern  world 
of  practical  study  and  practical  action.  He  was  the 
hero  not  of  a  principle  nor  of  a  faith,  but  simply  of 
a  fixed  idea  and  a  determined  purpose.  As  often 
happens  with  concentred  and  energetic  natures,  his 
purpose  was  to  him  a  passion  and  an  inspiration;  and 
he  clung  to  it  with  a  certain  fanaticism  of  devotion. 
It  was  the  offspring  of  an  ambition  vast  and  compre- 
hensive, yet  acting  in  the  interest  both  of  France  and 
of  civilization. 

Serious  in  all  things,  incapable  of  the  lighter 
pleasures,  incapable  of  repose,  finding  no  joy  but  in 
the  pursuit  of  great  designs,  too  shy  for  society  and 
too  reserved  for  popularity,  often  unsympathetic  and 
always  seeming  so,  smothering  emotions  which  he 
could  not  utter,  schooled  to  universal  distrust,  stern 
to  his  followers  and  pitiless  to  himself,  bearing  the 
brunt  of  every  hardship  and  every  danger,  demand- 
ing of  others  an  equal  constancy  joined  to  an  implicit 
deference,  heeding  no  counsel  but  his  own,  attempt- 
ing the  impossible  and  grasping  at  what  was  too  vast 
to  hold,  —  he  contained  in  his  own  complex  and  pain- 
ful nature  the  chief  springs  of  his  triumphs,  his 
failures,  and  his  death. 

It  is  easy  to  reckon  up  his  defects,  but  it  is  not 
easy  to  hide  from  sight  the  Roman  virtues  that 
redeemed  them.  Beset  by  a  throng  of  enemies,  he 


432  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.          [1687, 

stands,  like  the  King  of  Israel,  head  and  shoulders 
above  them  all.  He  was  a  tower  of  adamant,  against 
whose  impregnable  front  hardship  and  danger,  the 
rage  of  man  and  of  the  elements,  the  southern  sun, 
the  northern  blast,  fatigue,  famine,  disease,  delay, 
disappointment,  and  deferred  hope  emptied  their 
quivers  in  vain.  That  very  pride  which,  Coriolanus- 
like,  declared  itself  most  sternly  in  the  thickest  press 
of  foes,  has  in  it  something  to  challenge  admiration. 
Never,  under  the  impenetrable  mail  of  paladin  or 
crusader,  beat  a  heart  of  more  intrepid  mettle  than 
within  the  stoic  panoply  that  armed  the  breast  of  La 
Salle.  To  estimate  aright  the  marvels  of  his  patient 
fortitude,  one  must  follow  on  his  track  through  the 
vast  scene  of  his  interminable  journeyings,  —  those 
thousands  of  weary  miles  of  forest,  marsh,  and  river, 
where,  again  and  again,  in  the  bitterness  of  baffled 
striving,  the  untiring  pilgrim  pushed  onward  towards 
the  goal  which  he  was  never  to  attain.  America 
owes  him  an  enduring  memory;  for  in  this  masculine 
figure  she  sees  the  pioneer  who  guided  her  to  the 
possession  of  her  richest  heritage.1 

1  On  the  assassination  of  La  Salle,  the  evidence  is  fourfold :  1. 
The  narrative  of  Douay,  who  was  with  him  at  the  time.  2.  That  of 
Joutel,  who  learned  the  facts,  immediately  after  they  took  place, 
from  Douay  and  others,  and  who  parted  from  La  Salle  an  hour  or 
more  before  his  death.  3.  A  document  preserved  in  the  Archives 
de  la  Marine,  entitled  Relation  de  la  Mort  du  Sr.  de  la  Salle,  suivant 
le  rapport  d'un  nomme"  Couture  a  qui  M.  Cavelier  I'apprit  en  passant  au 
pays  des  AJcansa,  avec  toutes  les  circonstances  que  le  dit  Couture  a 
apprises  d'un  Frangois  que  M.  Cavelier  avoit  laisse"  aux  dits  pays  des 
AJcansa.  crainfa  qu'il  ne  gardat  pas  le  secret.  4.  The  authentic 


1687.]  DOCUMENTARY  EVIDENCE.  433 

memoir  of  Tonty,  of  which  a  copy  from  the  original  is  before  me, 
and  which  has  recently  been  printed  by  Margry. 

The  narrative  of  Cavelier  unfortunately  fails  us  several  weeks 
before  the  death  of  his  brother,  the  remainder  being  lost.  On  a 
study  of  these  various  documents,  it  is  impossible  to  resist  the 
conclusion  that  neither  Cavelier  nor  Douay  always  wrote  honestly. 
Joutel,  on  the  contrary,  gives  the  impression  of  sense,  intelligence, 
and  candor  throughout.  Charlevoix,  who  knew  him  long  after, 
says  that  he  was  "  un  fort  honnete  homme,  et  le  seul  de  la  troupe 
de  M.  de  la  Salle,  sur  qui  ce  celebre  voyageur  pfit  compter." 
Tonty  derived  his  information  from  the  survivors  of  La  Salle's 
party.  Couture,  whose  statements  are  embodied  in  the  Relation  de 
la  Mort  de  M.  de  la  Salle,  was  one  of  Tonty's  men,  who,  as  will  be 
seen  hereafter,  were  left  by  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  and 
to  whom  Cavelier  told  the  story  of  his  brother's  death.  Couture 
also  repeats  the  statements  of  one  of  La  Salle's  followers,  undoubt- 
edly a  Parisian  boy,  named  Barthelemy,  who  was  violently  preju- 
diced against  his  chief,  whom  he  slanders  to  the  utmost  of  his  skill, 
saying  that  he  was  so  enraged  at  his  failures  that  he  did  not 
approach  the  sacraments  for  two  years ;  that  he  nearly  starved 
his  brother  Cavelier,  allowing  him  only  a  handful  of  meal  a  day ; 
that  he  killed  with  his  own  hand  "quantite  de  personnes,"  who 
did  not  work  to  his  liking ;  and  that  he  killed  the  sick  in  their 
beds,  without  mercy,  under  the  pretence  that  they  were  counterfeit- 
ing sickness  in  order  to  escape  work.  These  assertions  certainly 
have  no  other  foundation  than  the  undeniable  rigor  of  La  Salle's 
command.  Douay  says  that  he  confessed  and  made  his  devotions 
on  the  morning  of  his  death,  while  Cavelier  always  speaks  of  him 
as  the  hope  and  the  staff  of  the  colony. 

Douay  declares  that  La  Salle  lived  an  hour  after  the  fatal  shot ; 
that  he  gave  him  absolution,  buried  his  body,  and  planted  a  cross 
on  his  grave.  At  the  time,  he  told  Joutel  a  different  story ;  and 
the  'latter,  with  the  best  means  of  learning  the  facts,  explicitly 
denies  the  friar's  printed  statement.  Couture,  on  the  authority  of 
Cavelier  himself,  also  says  that  neither  he  nor  Douay  was  permitted 
to  take  any  step  for  burying  the  body.  Tonty  says  that  Cavelier 
begged  leave  to  do  so,  b.ut  was  refused.  Douay,  unwilling  to  place 
upon  record  facts  from  which  the  inference  might  easily  be  drawn 
that  he  had  been  terrified  from  discharging  his  duty,  no  doubt  in- 
vented the  story  of  the  burial,  as  well  as  that  of  the  edifying  behav- 
ior of  Moranget,  after  he  had  been  struck  in  the  head  with  an  axe. 

28 


434  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1687. 

The  locality  of  La  Salle's  assassination  is  sufficiently  clear,  from 
a  comparison  of  the  several  narratives ;  and  it  is  also  indicated  on 
a  contemporary  manuscript  map,  made  on  the  return  of  the  sur- 
vivors of  the  party  to  France.  The  scene  of  the  catastrophe  is 
here  placed  on  a  southern  branch  of  the  Trinity. 

La  Salle's  debts,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  according  to  a  schedule 
presented  in  1701  to  Champigny,  intendant  of  Canada,  amounted  to 
106,831  livres,  without  reckoning  interest.  This  cannot  be  meant 
to  include  all,  as  items  are  given  which  raise  the  amount  much 
higher.  In  1678  and  1679  alone,  he  contracted  debts  to  the  amount 
of  97,184  livres,  of  which  46,000  were  furnished  by  Branssac,  fiscal 
attorney  of  the  Seminary  of  Montreal.  This  was  to  be  paid  in 
beaver-skins.  Frontenac,  at  the  same  time,  became  his  surety  for 
13,623  livres.  In  1684,  he  borrowed  34,825  livres  from  the  Sieur 
Pen,  at  Paris.  These  sums  do  not  include  the  losses  incurred  by 
his  family,  which,  in  the  memorial  presented  by  them  to  the  King, 
are  set  down  at  500,000  livres  for  the  expeditions  between  1678  and 
1683,  and  300,000  livres  for  the  fatal  Texan  expedition  of  1684 
These  last  figures  are  certainly  exaggerated. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

1687, 1688. 
THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY. 

TRIUMPH  OF  THE  MURDERERS.  —  DANGER  OP  JOUTEL. —  JOTTTEL 
AMONG  THE  CENIS.  —  WHITE  SAVAGES.  —  INSOLENCE  OF  DuHAUT 
AND  HIS  ACCOMPLICES. — MURDER  OP  DUHAUT  AND  LIOTOT. — 
HIENS,  THE  BUCCANEER. — JOUTEL  AND  HIS  PARTY:  THEIR  ES- 
CAPE ;  THEY  REACH  THE  ARKANSAS.  —  BRAVERY  AND  DEVOTION 

OF  TONTY.  —  THE  FUGITIVES  REACH  THE  ILLINOIS.  —  UNWORTHY 
CONDUCT  OP  CAVELIER.  —  HE  AND  HIS  COMPANIONS  RETURN  TO 
TRANCE. 

FATHER  ANASTASE  DOUAY  returned  to  the  camp, 
find,  aghast  with  grief  and  terror,  rushed  into  the 
hut  of  Cavelier.  "  My  poor  brother  is  dead !  "  cried 
the  priest,  instantly  divining  the  catastrophe  from 
the  horror-stricken  face  of  the  messenger.  Close 
behind  came  the  murderers,  Duhaut  at  their  head. 
Cavelier,  his  young  nephew,  and  Douay  himself,  all 
fell  on  their  knees,  expecting  instant  death.  The 
priest  begged  piteously  for  half  an  hour  to  prepare 
for  his  end ;  but  terror  and  submission  sufficed,  and 
no  more  blood  was  shed.  The  camp  yielded  without 
resistance;  and  Duhaut  was  lord  of  all.  In  truth, 
there  were  none  to  oppose  him ;  for,  except  the  assas- 
sins themselves,  the  party  was  now  reduced  to  six 


436         THE  INNOCENT   AND   THE   GUILTY.      [1687. 

persons,  —  Joutel,  Douay,  the  elder  Cavelier,  his 
young  nephew,  and  two  other  boys,  the  orphan  Talon 
and  a  lad  called  Barthelerny. 

Joutel,  for  the  moment,  was  absent;  and 
L'ArchevSque,  who  had  a  kindness  for  him,  went 
quietly  to  seek  him.  He  found  him  on  a  hillock, 
making  a  fire  of  dried  grass  in  order  that  the  smoke 
might  guide  La  Salle  on  his  return,  and  watching 
the  horses  grazing  in  the  meadow  below.  "I  was 
very  much  surprised,"  writes  Joutel,  "when  I  saw 
him  approaching.  When  he  came  up  to  me  he 
seemed  all  in  confusion,  or,  rather,  out  of  his  wits. 
He  began  with  saying  that  there  was  very  bad  news. 
I  asked  what  it  was.  He  answered  that  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle  was  dead,  and  also  his  nephew  the  Sieur 
de  Moranget,  his  Indian  hunter,  and  his  servant.  I 
•was  petrified,  and  did  not  know  what  to  say;  for  I 
saw  that  they  had  been  murdered.  The  man  added 
that,  at  first,  the  murderers  had  sworn  to  kill  me  too. 
I  easily  believed  it,  for  I  had  always  been  in  the 
interest  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  and  had  commanded  in 
his  place;  and  it  is  hard  to  please  everybody,  or 
prevent  some  from  being  dissatisfied.  I  was  greatly 
perplexed  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do,  and  whether  I 
had  not  better  escape  to  the  woods,  whithersoever 
God  should  guide  me ;  but,  by  bad  or  good  luck,  I 
had  no  gun  and  only  one  pistol,  without  balls  or 
powder  except  what  was  in  my  powder-horn.  To 
whatever  side  I  turned,  my  life  was  in  great  peril. 
It  is  true  that  L'Archev§que  assured  me  that  they 


1687.]  DOUBT  AND  AXXIETY.  437 

had  changed  their  minds,  and  had  agreed  to  murder 
nobody  else,  unless  they  met  with  resistance.  So, 
being  in  no  condition,  as  I  just  said,  to  go  far,  hav- 
ing neither  arms  nor  powder,  I  abandoned  myself  to 
Providence,  and  went  back  to  the  camp,  where  I 
found  that  these  wretched  murderers  had  seized 
everything  belonging  to  M.  de  la  Salle,  and  even  my 
personal  effects.  They  had  also  taken  possession  of 
all  the  arms.  The  first  words  that  Duhaut  said  to 
rae  were,  that  each  should  command  in  turn;  to 
which  I  made  no  answer.  I  saw  M.  Cavelier  praying 
in  a  corner,  and  Father  Anastase  in  another.  He 
clid  not  dare  to  speak  to  me,  nor  did  I  dare  to  go 
towards  him  till  I  had  seen  the  designs  of  the  assas- 
sins. They  were  in  furious  excitement,  but,  never- 
theless, very  uneasy  and  embarrassed.  I  was  some 
time  without  speaking,  and,  as  it  were,  without  mov- 
ing, for  fear  of  giving  umbrage  to  our  enemies. 

"They  had  cooked  some  meat,  and  when  it  was 
F upper-time  they  distributed  it  as  they  saw  fit,  say- 
ing that  formerly  their  share  had  been  served  out  to 
them,  but  that  it  was  they  who  would  serve  it  out  in 
future.  They,  no  doubt,  wanted  me  to  say  some- 
thing that  would  give  them  a  chance  to  make  a  noise  ; 
but  I  managed  always  to  keep  my  mouth  closed. 
When  night  came  and  it  was  time  to  stand  guard, 
they  were  in  perplexity,  as  they  could  not  do  it 
jilone;  therefore  they  said  to  M.  Cavelier,  Father 
Anastase,  me,  and  the  others  who  were  not  in  the 
plot  with  them,  that  all  we  had  to  do  was  to  stand 


438         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.      [1687. 

guard  as  usual;  that  there  was  no  use  in  thinking 
about  what  had  happened,  —  that  what  was  done  was 
done;  that  they  had  been  driven  to  it  by  despair, 
and  that  they  were  sorry  for  it,  and  meant  no  more 
harm  to  anybody.  M.  Cavelier  took  up  the  word, 
and  told  them  that  when  they  killed  M.  de  la  Salle 
they  killed  themselves,  for  there  was  nobody  but  him 
who  could  get  us  out  of  this  country.  At  last,  after 
a  good  deal  of  talk  on  both  sides,  they  gave  us 
our  arms.  So  we  stood  guard;  during  which,  M. 
Cavelier  told  me  how  they  had  come  to  the  camp, 
entered  his  hut  like  so  many  madmen,  and  seized 
everything  in  it." 

Joutel,  Douay,  and  the  two  Caveliers  spent  a 
sleepless  night,  consulting  as  to  what  they  should  do. 
They  mutually  pledged  themselves  to  stand  by  each 
other  to  the  last,  and  to  escape  as  soon  as  they  could 
from  the  company  of  the  assassins.  In  the  morning, 
Duhaut  and  his  accomplices,  after  much  discussion, 
resolved  to  go  to  the  Cenis  villages ;  and,  accordingly, 
the  whole  party  broke  up  their  camp,  packed  their 
horses,  and  began  their  march.  They  went  five 
leagues,  and  encamped  at  the  edge  of  a  grove.  On 
the  following  day  they  advanced  again  till  noon, 
when  heavy  rains  began,  and  they  were  forced  to 
stop  by  the  banks  of  a  river.  "  We  passed  the  night 
and  the  next  day  there,"  says  Joutel;  "and  during 
that  time  my  mind  was  possessed  with  dark  thoughts. 
It  was  hard  to  prevent  ourselves  from  being  in  con- 
stant fear  among  such  men,  and  we  could  not  look  at 


1687.]  JOURNEY  TO  THE  CENIS.  439 

them  without  horror.  When  I  thought  of  the  cruel 
deeds  they  had  committed,  and  the  danger  we  were 
in  from  them,  I  longed  to  revenge  the  evil  they  had 
done  us.  This  would  have  been  easy  while  they 
\vere  asleep;  but  M.  Cavelier  dissuaded  us,  saying 
that  we  ought  to  leave  vengeance  to  God,  and  that 
he  himself  had  more  to  revenge  than  we,  having  lost 
his  brother  and  his  nephew." 

The  comic  alternated  with  the  tragic.  On  the 
twenty-third,  they  reached  the  bank  of  a  river  too 
deep  to  ford.  Those  who  knew  how  to  swim  crossed 
Tvithout  difficulty,  but  Joutel,  Cavelier,  and  Douay 
were  not  of  the  number.  Accordingly,  they  launched 
a  log  of  light,  dry  wood,  embraced  it  with  one  arm, 
and  struck  out  for  the  other  bank  with  their  legs 
and  the  arm  that  was  left  free.  But  the  friar  became 
frightened.  "He  only  clung  fast  to  the  aforesaid 
log,"  says  Joutel,  "and  did  nothing  to  help  us  for- 
ward. While  I  was  trying  to  swim,  my  body  being 
stretched  at  full  length,  I  hit  him  in  the  belly  with 
my  feet;  on  which  he  thought  it  was  all  over  with 
him,  and,  I  can  answer  for  it,  he  invoked  Saint  Fran- 
cis with  might  and  main.  I  could  not  help  laughing, 
though  I  was  myself  in  danger  of  drowning."  Some 
Indians  who  had  joined  the  party  swam  to  the 
rescue,  and  pushed  the  log  across. 

The  path  to  the  Cenis  villages  was  exceedingly 
faint,  and  but  for  the  Indians  they  would  have  lost 
the  way.  They  crossed  the  main  stream  of  the 
Trinity  in  a  boat  of  raw  hides,  and  then,  being  short 


440         THE  INNOCENT   AND  THE  GUILTY.     [1687. 

of  provisions,  held  a  council  to  determine  what  they 
should  do.  It  was  resolved  that  Joutel,  with  Hiens, 
Liotot,  and  Teissier,  should  go  in  advance  to  the 
villages  and  buy  a  supply  of  corn.  Thus,  Joutel 
found  himself  doomed  to  the  company  of  three 
villains,  who,  he  strongly  suspected,  were  contriving 
an  opportunity  to  kill  him ;  but,  as  he  had  no  choice, 
he  dissembled  his  doubts,  and  set  out  with  his  sinister 
companions,  Duhaut  having  first  supplied  him  with 
goods  for  the  intended  barter. 

They  rode  over  hills  and  plains  till  night, 
encamped,  supped  on  a  wild  turkey,  and  continued 
their  journey  till  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day, 
when  they  saw  three  men  approaching  on  horseback, 
one  of  whom,  to  Joutel's  alarm,  was  dressed  like  a 
Spaniard.  He  proved,  however,  to  be  a  Cenis 
Indian,  like  the  others.  The  three  turned  their 
horses'  heads,  and  accompanied  the  Frenchmen  on 
their  way.  At  length  they  neared  the  Indian  town, 
which,  with  its  large  thatched  lodges,  looked  like  a 
cluster  of  gigantic  haystacks.  Their  approach  had 
been  made  known,  and  they  were  received  in  solemn 
state.  Twelve  of  the  elders  came  to  meet  them  in 
their  dress  of  ceremony,  each  with  his  face  daubed 
red  or  black,  and  his  head  adorned  with  painted 
plumes.  From  their  shoulders  hung  deer-skins 
wrought  with  gay  colors.  Some  carried  war-clubs; 
some,  bows  and  arrows ;  some,  the  blades  of  Spanish 
rapiers,  attached  to  wooden  handles  decorated  with 
hawk's  bells  and  bunches  of  feathers.  They  stopped 


1687.]  JOUTEL  AND   THE  CENTS.  441 

before  the  honored  guests,  and,  raising  their  hands 
aloft,  uttered  howls  so  extraordinary  that  Joutel 
could  hardly  preserve  the  gravity  which  the  occasion 
demanded.  Having  next  embraced  the  Frenchmen, 
the  elders  conducted  them  into  the  village,  attended 
by  a  crowd  of  warriors  and  young  men;  ushered 
them  into  their  town-hall,  a  large  lodge,  devoted  to 
councils,  feasts,  dances,  and  other  public  assemblies; 
seated  them  on  mats,  and  squatted  in  a  ring  around 
them.  Here  they  were  regaled  with  sagamite  or 
Indian  porridge,  corn-cake,  beans,  bread  made  of  the 
meal  of  parched  corn,  and  another  kind  of  bread 
made  of  the  kernels  of  nuts  and  the  seed  of  sun- 
flowers. Then  the  pipe  was  lighted,  and  all  smoked 
together.  The  four  Frenchmen  proposed  to  open  a 
traffic  for  provisions,  and  their  entertainers  grunted 
assent. 

Joutel  found  a  Frenchman  in  the  village.  He  was 
a  young  man  from  Provence,  who  had  deserted  from 
La  Salle  on  his  last  journey,  and  was  now,  to  all 
appearance,  a  savage  like  his  adopted  countrymen, 
being  naked  like  them,  and  affecting  to  have  forgot- 
ten his  native  language.  He  was  very  friendly,  how- 
ever, and  invited  the  visitors  to  a  neighboring  village, 
where  he  lived,  and  where,  as  he  told  them,  they 
would  find  a  better  supply  of  corn.  They  accord- 
ingly set  out  with  him,  escorted  by  a  crowd  of 
Indians.  They  saw  lodges  and  clusters  of  lodges 
scattered  along  their  path  at  intervals,  each  with  its 
field  of  corn,  beans,  and  pumpkins,  rudely  cultivated 


442         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.     [1687. 

with  a  wooden  hoe.  Reaching  their  destination, 
which  was  four  or  five  leagues  distant,  they  were 
greeted  with  the  same  honors  as  at  the  first  village, 
and,  the  ceremonial  of  welcome  over,  were  lodged  in 
the  abode  of  the  savage  Frenchman.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed,  however,  that  he  and  his  squaws,  of  whom 
he  had  a  considerable  number,  dwelt  here  alone; 
for  these  lodges  of  the  Cenis  often  contained  eight 
or  ten  families.  They  were  made  by  firmly  planting 
in  a  circle  tall,  straight  young  trees,  such  as  grew  in 
the  swamps.  The  tops  were  then  bent  inward  and 
lashed  together;  great  numbers  of  cross-pieces  were 
bound  on;  and  the  frame  thus  constructed  was 
thickly  covered  with  thatch,  a  hole  being  left  at  the 
top  for  the  escape  of  the  smoke.  The  inmates  were 
ranged  around  the  circumference  of  the  structure, 
each  family  in  a  kind  of  stall,  open  in  front,  but 
separated  from  those  adjoining  it  by  partitions  of 
mats.  Here  they  placed  their  beds  of  cane,  their 
painted  robes  of  buffalo  and  deer-skin,  their  cooking 
utensils  of  pottery,  and  other  household  goods;  and 
here,  too,  the  head  of  the  family  hung  his  bow, 
quiver,  lance,  and  shield.  There  was  nothing  in 
common  but  the  fire,  which  burned  in  the  middle  of 
the  lodge,  and  was  never  suffered  to  go  out.  These 
dwellings  were  of  great  size,  and  Joutel  declares  that 
he  has  seen  some  of  them  sixty  feet  in  diameter.1 

1  The  lodges  of  the  Florida  Indians  were  somewhat  similar. 
The  winter  lodges  of  the  now  nearly  extinct  Mandans,  though  not 
so  high  in  proportion  to  their  width,  and  built  of  more  solid  ma* 


1687.]  JOUTEL   AND   THE   CENTS.  443 

It  was  in  one  of  the  largest  that  the  four  travellers 
were  now  lodged.  A  place  was  assigned  them  where 
to  bestow  their  baggage;  and  they  took  possession  of 
their  quarters  amid  the  silent  stares  of  the  whole 
community.  They  asked  their  renegade  countryman, 
the  ProvenQal,  if  they  were  safe.  He  replied  that 
they  were;  but  this  did  not  wholly  reassure  them, 
and  they  spent  a  somewhat  wakeful  night.  In  the 
morning,  they  opened  their  budgets,  and  began  a 
brisk  trade  in  knives,  awls,  beads,  and  other  trinkets, 
which  they  exchanged  for  corn  and  beans.  Before 
evening,  they  had  acquired  a  considerable  stock;  and 
Joutel's  three  companions  declared  their  intention  of 
returning  with  it  to  the  camp,  leaving  him  to  con- 
tinue the  trade.  They  went,  accordingly,  in  the 
morning;  and  Joutel  was  left  alone.  On  the  one 
hand,  he  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  them;  on  the  other, 
he  found  his  position  among  the  Cenis  very  irksome, 
and,  as  he  thought,  insecure.  Besides  the  Provencal, 
who  had  gone  with  Liotot  and  his  companions,  there 
were  two  other  French  deserters  among  this  tribe, 
and  Joutel  was  very  desirous  to  see  them,  hoping 
that  they  could  tell  him  the  way  to  the  Mississippi; 

torials,  as  the  rigor  of  a  northern  climate  requires,  bear  a  general 
resemblance  to  those  of  the  Cenis. 

The  Cenis  tattooed  their  faces  and  some  parts  of  their  bodies, 
by  pricking  powdered  charcoal  into  the  skin.  The  women  tattooed 
the  breasts ;  and  this  practice  was  general  among  them,  notwith- 
standing the  pain  of  the  operation,  as  it  was  thought  very  orna- 
mental. Their  dress  consisted  of  a  sort  of  frock,  or  wrapper  of 
slcin,  from  the  waist  to  the  knees.  The  men,  in  summer,  wore  noth- 
ing but  the  waist-cloth. 


444         THE  INNOCENT   AND  THE  GUILTY.      [1687, 

for  he  was  resolved  to  escape,  at  the  first  opportunity, 
from  the  company  of  Duhaut  and  his  accomplices. 
He  therefore  made  the  present  of  a  knife  to  a  young 
Indian,  whom  he  sent  to  find  the  two  Frenchmen  and 
invite  them  to  come  to  the  village.  Meanwhile  he 
continued  his  barter,  but  under  many  difficulties ;  for 
he  could  only  explain  himself  by  signs,  and  his  cus- 
tomers, though  friendly  by  day,  pilfered  his  goods 
by  night.  This,  joined  to  the  fears  and  troubles 
which  burdened  his  mind,  almost  deprived  him  of 
sleep,  and,  as  he  confesses,  greatly  depressed  his 
spirits.  Indeed,  he  had  little  cause  for  cheerfulness 
as  to  the  past,  present,  or  future.  An  old  Indian, 
one  of  the  patriarchs  of  the  tribe,  observing  his  dejec- 
tion and  anxious  to  relieve  it,  one  evening  brought 
him  a  young  wife,  saying  that  he  made  him  a  present 
of  her.  She  seated  herself  at  his  side;  "but, "says 
Joutel,  "as  my  head  was  full  of  other  cares  and 
anxieties,  I  said  nothing  to  the  poor  girl.  She 
waited  for  a  little  time ;  and  then,  finding  that  I  did 
not  speak  a  word,  she  went  away." l 

Late  one  night,  he  lay  between  sleeping  and  wak- 
ing on  the  buffalo-robe  that  covered  his  bed  of  canes. 
All  around  the  great  lodge,  its  inmates  were  buried 
in  sleep ;  and  the  fire  that  still  burned  in  the  midst 
cast  ghostly  gleams  on  the  trophies  of  savage  chivalry 
—  the  treasured  scalp-locks,  the  spear  and  war-club, 
and  shield  of  whitened  bull-hide  —  that  hung  by 
each  warrior's  resting-place.  Such  was  the  weird 

l  Journal  Historique,  237. 


1687.]  WHITE  SAVAGES.  445 

scene  that  lingered  on  the  dreamy  eyes  of  Joutel,  as 
he  closed  them  at  last  in  a  troubled  sleep.  The 
sound  of  a  footstep  soon  wakened  him;  and,  turning, 
he  saw  at  his  side  the  figure  of  a  naked  savage,  armed 
with  a  bow  and  arrows.  Joutel  spoke,  but  received 
no  answer.  Not  knowing  what  to  think,  he  reached 
out  his  hand  for  his  pistols;  on  which  the  intruder 
withdrew,  and  seated  himself  by  the  fire.  Thither 
Joutel  followed ;  and  as  the  light  fell  on  his  features, 
he  looked  at  him  closely.  His  face  was  tattooed, 
aftor  the  Cenis  fashion,  in  lines  drawn  from  the  top 
of  the  forehead  and  converging  to  the  chin ;  and  his 
body  was  decorated  with  similar  embellishments. 
Suddenly,  this  supposed  Indian  rose  and  threw  his 
arms  around  Joutel's  neck,  making  himself  known, 
at  the  same  time,  as  one  of  the  Frenchmen  who  had 
deserted  from  La  Salle  and  taken  refuge  among  the 
Cenis.  He  was  a  Breton  sailor  named  Ruter.  His 
companion,  named  Grollet,  also  a  sailor,  had  been 
afraid  to  come  to  the  village  lest  he  should  meet  La 
Salle.  Ruter  expressed  surprise  and  regret  when  he 
heard  of  the  death  of  his  late  commander.  He  had 
deserted  him  but  a  few  months  before.  That  brief 
interval  had  sufficed  to  transform  him  into  a  savage; 
and  both  he  and  his  companion  found  their  present 
reckless  and  ungoverned  way  of  life  greatly  to  their 
liking.  He  could  tell  nothing  of  the  Mississippi; 
and  on  the  next  day  he  went  home,  carrying  with 
him  a  present  of  beads  for  his  wives,  of  which  last; 
he  had  made  a  large  collection. 


446         THE  INNOCENT   AND  THE  GUILTY.     [168T. 

In  a  few  days  he  reappeared,  bringing  Grollet  with 
him.  Each  wore  a  bunch  of  turkey-feathers  dang- 
ling from  his  head,  and  each  had  wrapped  his  naked 
body  in  a  blanket.  Three  men  soon  after  arrived 
from  Duhaut's  camp,  commissioned  to  receive  the 
corn  which  Joutel  had  purchased.  They  told  him 
that  Duhaut  and  Liotot,  the  tyrants  of  the  party,  had 
resolved  to  return  to  Fort  St.  Louis,  and  build  a 
vessel  to  escape  to  the  West  Indies,  —  "a  visionary 
scheme,"  writes  Joutel,  "for  our  carpenters  were  all 
dead;  and  even  if  they  had  been  alive,  they  were  so 
ignorant  that  they  would  not  have  known  how  to  go 
about  the  work;  besides,  we  had  no  tools  for  it. 
Nevertheless,  I  was  obliged  to  obey,  and  set  out  for 
the  camp  with  the  provisions." 

On  arriving,  he  found  a  wretched  state  of  affairs. 
Douay  and  the  two  Caveliers,  who  had  been  treated 
by  Duhaut  with  great  harshness  and  contempt,  had 
been  told  to  make  their  mess  apart;  and  Joutel  now 
joined  them.  This  separation  restored  them  their 
freedom  of  speech,  of  which  they  had  hitherto  been 
deprived ;  but  it  subjected  them  to  incessant  hunger, 
as  they  were  allowed  only  food  enough  to  keep  them 
from  famishing.  Douay  says  that  quarrels  were  rife 
among  the  assassins  themselves,  —  the  malcontents 
being  headed  by  Hiens,  who  was  enraged  that  Duhaut 
and  Liotot  should  have  engrossed  all  the  plunder. 
Joutel  was  helpless,  for  he  had  none  to  back  him  but 
two  priests  and  a  boy. 

He  and  his  companions  talked  of  nothing  around 


1637.]  SCHEMES  OF  ESCAPE.  447 

their  solitary  camp-fire  but  the  means  of  escaping 
from  the  villanous  company  into  which  they  were 
thrown.  They  saw  no  resource  but  to  find  the 
Mississippi,  and  thus  make  their  way  to  Canada,  — a 
prodigious  undertaking  in  their  forlorn  condition ;  nor 
was  there  any  probability  that  the  assassins  would 
permit  them  to  go.  These,  on  their  part,  were  beset 
with  difficulties.  They  could  not  return  to  civiliza- 
tion without  manifest  peril  of  a  halter;  and  their 
only  safety  was  to  turn  buccaneers  or  savages. 
D  ahaut,  however,  still  held  to  his  plan  of  going  back 
to  Fort  St.  Louis;  and  Joutel  and  his  companions, 
who  with  good  reason  stood  in  daily  fear  of  him, 
devised  among  themselves  a  simple  artifice  to  escape 
from  his  company.  The  elder  Cavelier  was  to  tell 
him  that  they  were  too  fatigued  for  the  journey,  and 
wished  to  stay  among  the  Cenis ;  and  to  beg  him  to 
allow  them  a  portion  of  the  goods,  for  which  Cavelier 
was  to  give  his  note  of  hand.  The  old  priest,  whom 
a  sacrifice  of  truth  even  on  less  important  occasions 
cost  no  great  effort,  accordingly  opened  the  negotia- 
tion, and  to  his  own  astonishment  and  that  of  his 
companions,  gained  the  assent  of  Duhaut.  Their 
joy,  however,  was  short;  for  Ruter,  the  French 
savage,  to  whom  Joutel  had  betrayed  his  intention, 
when  inquiring  the  way  to  the  Mississippi,  told  it  to 
Diihaut,  who  on  this  changed  front  and  made  the 
ominous  declaration  that  he  and  his  men  would  also 
go  to  Canada.  Joutel  and  his  companions  were  now 
filled  with  alarm;  for  there  was  no  likelihood  that 


448         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.      [1687. 

the  assassins  would  permit  them,  the  witnesses  of 
their  crime,  to  reach  the  settlements  alive.  In  the 
midst  of  their  trouble,  the  sky  was  cleared  as  by  the 
crash  of  a  thunderbolt. 

Hiens  and  several  others  had  gone,  some  time 
before,  to  the  Cenis  villages  to  purchase  horses ;  and 
here  they  had  been  detained  by  the  charms  of  the 
Indian  women.  During  their  stay,  Hiens  heard  of 
Duhaut's  new  plan  of  going  to  Canada  by  the 
Mississippi;  and  he  declared  to  those  with  him  that 
he  would  not  consent.  On  a  morning  early  in  May 
he  appeared  at  Duhaut's  camp,  with  Ruter  and 
Grollet,  the  French  savages,  and  about  twenty 
Indians.  Duhaut  and  Liotot,  it  is  said,  were  passing 
the  time  by  practising  with  bows  and  arrows  in  front 
of  their  hut.  One  of  them  called  to  Hiens,  "  Good- 
morning;"  but  the  buccaneer  returned  a  sullen 
answer.  He  then  accosted  Duhaut,  telling  him  that 
he  had  no  mind  to  go  up  the  Mississippi  with  him, 
and  demanding  a  share  of  the  goods.  Duhaut  replied 
that  the  goods  were  his  own,  since  La  Salle  had  owed 
him  money.  "So  you  will  not  give  them  to  me?" 
returned  Hiens.  "No,"  was  the  answer.  "You  are 
a  wretch!"  exclaimed  Hiens;  "you  killed  my 
master."1  And  drawing  a  pistol  from  his  belt  he 

1  "Tu  es  un  miserable.  Tu  as  tue  mon  maistre."  —  Tonty, 
Memoire.  Tonty  derived  his  information  from  some  of  those 
present.  Douay  and  Joutel  have  each  left  an  account  of  this 
murder.  They  agree  in  essential  points ;  though  Douay  says  that 
when  it  took  place,  Duhaut  had  moved  his  camp  beyond  the  Cenia 
Tillages,  which  is  contrary  to  Joutel's  statement. 


1687.]  THE   CRISIS.  449 

fired  at  Duhaut,  who  staggered  three  or  four  paces 
and  fell  dead.  Almost  at  the  same  instant  Ruter 
fired  his  gun  at  Liotot,  shot  three  balls  into  his  body, 
and  stretched  him  on  the  ground  mortally  wounded. 

Douay  and  the  two  Caveliers  stood  in  extreme 
terror,  thinking  that  their  turn  was  to  come  next. 
Joutel,  no  less  alarmed,  snatched  his  gun  to  defend 
himself;  but  Hiens  called  to  him  to  fear  nothing, 
declaring  that  what  he  had  done  was  only  to  avenge 
the  death  of  La  Salle,  —  to  which,  nevertheless,  he 
had  been  privy,  though  not  an  active  sharer  in  the 
crime.  Liotot  lived  long  enough  to  make  his  confes- 
sion, after  which  Ruter  killed  him  by  exploding  a 
pistol  loaded  with  a  blank  charge  of  powder  against 
Lis  head.  Duhaut 's  myrmidon,  L'Archev^que,  was 
absent,  hunting,  and  Hiens  was  for  killing  him  on 
his  return;  but  the  two  priests  and  Joutel  succeeded 
in  dissuading  him. 

The  Indian  spectators  beheld  these  murders  with 
undisguised  amazement,  and  almost  with  horror. 
What  manner  of  men  were  these  who  had  pierced 
the  secret  places  of  the  wilderness  to  riot  in  mutual 
slaughter?  Their  fiercest  warriors  might  learn  a 
lesson  in  ferocity  from  these  heralds  of  civilization. 
Joutel  and  his  companions,  who  could  not  dispense 
Avith  the  aid  of  the  Cenis,  were  obliged  to  explain 
a  way,  as  they  best  might,  the  atrocity  of  what  they 
had  witnessed.1 

Hiens,    and    others    of    the    French,  had    before 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  iii.  371).] 
29 


450         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.      [1687. 

promised  to  join  the  Cenis  on  an  expedition  against  a 
neighboring  tribe  with  whom  they  were  at  war ;  and 
the  whole  party  having  removed  to  the  Indian  village, 
the  warriors  and  their  allies  prepared  to  depart.  Six 
Frenchmen  went  with  Hiens ;  and  the  rest,  including 
Joutel,  Douay,  and  the  Caveliers,  remained  behind, 
in  the  lodge  where  Joutel  had  been  domesticated, 
and  where  none  were  now  left  but  women,  children, 
and  old  men.  Here  they  remained  a  week  or  more, 
watched  closely  by  the  Cenis,  who  would  not  let 
them  leave  the  village ;  when  news  at  length  arrived 
of  a  great  victory,  and  the  warriors  soon  after 
returned  with  forty-eight  scalps.  It  was  the  French 
guns  that  won  the  battle,  but  not  the  less  did  they 
glory  in  their  prowess ;  and  several  days  were  spent 
in  ceremonies  and  feasts  of  triumph.1 

When  all  this  hubbub  of  rejoicing  had  subsided, 
Joutel  and  his  companions  broke  to  Hiens  their  plan 
of  attempting  to  reach  home  by  way  of  the  Mississippi. 
As  they  had  expected,  he  opposed  it  vehemently, 
declaring  that  for  his  own  part  he  would  not  run 
such  a  risk  of  losing  his  head ;  but  at  length  he  con- 
sented to  their  departure,  on  condition  that  the  elder 
Cavelier  should  give  him  a  certificate  of  his  entire 
innocence  of  the  murder  of  La  Salle,  which  the  priest 
did  not  hesitate  to  do.  For  the  rest,  Hiens  treated 
his  departing  fellow-travellers  with  the  generosity  of 
a  successful  free-booter;  for  he  gave  them  a  good 

1  These  are  described  by  Joutel.  Like  nearly  all  the  early  ob- 
servers of  Indian  manners,  he  speaks  of  the  practice  of  cannibalism. 


1687.]  JOUTEL    AND  HIS  PARTY.  451 

share  of  the  plunder  he  had  won  by  his  late  crime, 
supplying  them  with  hatchets,  knives,  beads,  and 
other  articles  of  trade,  besides  several  horses.  Mean- 
while, adds  Joutel,  "we  had  the  mortification  and 
chagrin  of  seeing  this  scoundrel  walking  about  the 
camp  in  a  scarlet  coat  laced  with  gold  which  had 
belonged  to  the  late  Monsieur  de  la  Salle,  and  which 
he  had  seized  upon,  as  also  upon  all  the  rest  of  his 
property."  A  well-aimed  shot  would  have  avenged 
the  wrong,  but  Joutel  was  clearly  a  mild  and  moder- 
ate person;  and  the  elder  Cavelier  had  constantly 
opposed  all  plans  of  violence.  Therefore  they  stifled 
their  emotions,  and  armed  themselves  with  patience. 

Joutel's  party  consisted,  besides  himself,  of  the 
Caveliers  (uncle  and  nephew),  Anastase  Douay, 
De  Marie,  Teissier,  and  a  young  Parisian  named 
Barthelemy.  Teissier,  an  accomplice  in  the  murders 
of  Moranget  and  La  Salle,  had  obtained  a  pardon, 
in  form,  from  the  elder  Cavelier.  They  had  six 
horses  and  three  Cenis  guides.  Hiens  embraced 
them  at  parting,  as  did  the  ruffians  who  remained 
with  him.  Their  course  was  northeast,  toward  the 
mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  —  a  distant  goal,  the  way  to 
which  was  beset  with  so  many  dangers  that  their 
chance  of  reaching  it  seemed  small.  It  was  early  in 
June,  and  the  forests  and  prairies  were  green  with 
the  verdure  of  opening  summer. 

They  soon  reached  the  Assonis,  a  tribe  near  the 
Sabine,  who  received  them  well,  and  gave  them 
guides  to  the  nations  dwelling  towards  Red  River. 


452         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.      [1687. 

On  the  twenty-third,  they  approached  a  village,  the 
inhabitants  of  which,  regarding  them  as  curiosities 
of  the  first  order,  came  out  in  a  body  to  see  them; 
and,  eager  to  do  them  honor,  they  required  them  to 
mount  on  their  backs,  and  thus  make  their  entrance 
in  procession.  Joutel,  being  large  and  heavy, 
weighed  down  his  bearer,  insomuch  that  two  of  his 
countrymen  were  forced  to  sustain  him,  one  on  each 
side.  On  arriving,  an  old  chief  washed  their  faces 
with  warm  water  from  an  earthen  pan,  and  then 
invited  them  to  mount  on  a  scaffold  of  canes,  where 
they  sat  in  the  hot  sun  listening  to  four  successive 
speeches  of  welcome,  of  which  they  understood  not  a 
word. l 

At  the  village  of  another  tribe,  farther  on  their 
way,  they  met  with  a  welcome  still  more  oppressive. 
Cavelier,  the  unworthy  successor  of  his  brother, 
being  represented  as  the  chief  of  the  party,  became 
the  principal  victim  of  their  attentions.  They 
danced  the  calumet  before  him;  while  an  Indian, 
taking  him,  with  an  air  of  great  respect,  by  the 
shoulders  as  he  sat,  shook  him  in  cadence  with  the 
thumping  of  the  drum.  They  then  placed  two  girls 
close  beside  him,  as  his  wives;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  an  old  chief  tied  a  painted  feather  in  his  hair. 
These  proceedings  so  scandalized  him  that,  pretend- 

1  These  Indians  were  a  portion  of  the  Cadodaquis,  or  Caddoes, 
then  living  on  Eed  Eiver.  The  travellers  afterwards  visited  other 
Tillages  of  the  same  people.  Tonty  was  here  two  years  afterwards, 
and  mentions  the  curious  custom  of  washing  the  faces  of  guests. 


1687.]  ARRIVAL  AT   THE  ARKANSAS.  453 

ing  to  be  ill,  he  broke  off  the  ceremony;  but  they 
continued  to  sing  all  night,  with  so  much  zeal  that 
several  of  them  were  reduced  to  a  state  of  complete 
exhaustion. 

At  length,  after  a  journey  of  about  two  months, 
during  which  they  lost  one  of  their  number,  —  De 
Marie,  accidentally  drowned  while  bathing,  —  the 
travellers  approached  the  river  Arkansas,  at  a  point 
not  far  above  its  junction  with  the  Mississippi.  Led 
by  their  Indian  guides,  they  traversed  a  rich  district 
of  plains  and  woods,  and  stood  at  length  on  the 
borders  of  the  stream.  Nestled  beneath  the  forests 
of  the  farther  shore,  they  saw  the  lodges  of  a  large 
Indian  town;  and  here,  as  they  gazed  across  the 
broad  current,  they  presently  descried  an  object 
which  nerved  their  spent  limbs,  and  thrilled  their 
homesick  hearts  with  joy.  It  was  a  tall,  wooden 
cross ;  and  near  it  was  a  small  house,  built  evidently 
by  Christian  hands.  With  one  accord  they  fell  on 
their  knees,  and  raised  their  hands  to  Heaven  in 
thanksgiving.  Two  men,  in  European  dress,  issued 
from  the  door  of  the  house  and  fired  their  guns  to 
salute  the  excited  travellers,  who  on  their  part 
replied  with  a  volley.  Canoes  put  out  from  the 
farther  shore  and  ferried  them  to  the  town,  where 
fchey  were  welcomed  by  Couture  and  De  Launay, 
two  followers  of  Henri  de  Tonty.1 

That  brave,  loyal,  and  generous  man,  always  vigi- 
lant and  always  active,  beloved  and  feared  alike  by 

*  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,&9S. 


454         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.     [1687. 

white  men  and  by  red,1  had  been  ejected,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  the  agent  of  the  governor,  La  Barre,  from 
the  command  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois.  An 
order  from  the  King  had  reinstated  him ;  and  he  no 
sooner  heard  the  news  of  La  Salle's  landing  on  the 
shores  of  the  Gulf,  and  of  the  disastrous  beginnings 
of  his  colony,2  than  he  prepared,  on  his  own  respon- 
sibility and  at  his  own  cost,  to  go  to  his  assistance. 
He  collected  twenty-five  Frenchmen  and  eleven 
Indians,  and  set  out  from  his  fortified  rock  on  the 
thirteenth  of  February,  1686  ;3  descended  the 
Mississippi,  and  reached  its  mouth  in  Holy  Week. 
All  was  solitude,  a  voiceless  desolation  of  river, 
marsh,  and  sea.  He  despatched  canoes  to  the  east 
and  to  the  west,  searching  the  coast  for  some  thirty 
leagues  on  either  side.  Finding  no  trace  of  his 
friend,  who  at  that  moment  was  ranging  the  prairies 
of  Texas  in  no  less  fruitless  search  of  his  "fatal 
river,"  Tonty  wrote  for  him  a  letter,  which  he  left 

1  Journal  de  St.  Cosme,  1699.    This  journal  has  been  printed  by 
Mr.  Shea,  from  the  copy  in  my  possession.    St.  Cosme,  who  knew 
Tonty  well,  speaks  of  him  in  the  warmest  terms  of  praise. 

2  In  the  autumn  of  1685,  Tonty  made  a  journey  from  the  Illinois 
to  Michilimackinac,  to  seek  news  of  La  Salle.    He  there  learned, 
by  a  letter  of  the  new  governor,  Denonville,  just  arrived  from 
France,  of  the  landing  of  La  Salle,  and  the  loss  of  the  "  Aimable," 
as  recounted  by  Beaujeu,  on  his  return.    He  immediately  went  back 
on  foot  to  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  and  prepared  to  descend 
the  Mississippi,  "  dans  1'espe'rance  de  lui  donner  secours."    Lettre 
de  Tonty  au  Ministre,  24  Aoust,  1686 ;  Ibid.,  a  Cabart  de   Villermont, 
mime  date ;  Mfmoire   de   Tonty ;  Proces   Verbal  de  Tonty,  13  Avril, 
1686. 

*  The  date  is  from  the  Proces  Verbal.    In  the  Memoire,  hastily 
Written  long  after,  he  falls  into  errors  of  date. 


1687.]  A  HOSPITABLE  RECEPTION.  455 

in  the  charge  of  an  Indian  chief,  who  preserved  it 
with  reverential  care,  and  gave  it,  fourteen  years 
after,  to  Iberville,  the  founder  of  Louisiana.1  Deeply 
disappointed  at  his  failure,  Tonty  retraced  his  course, 
and  ascended  the  Mississippi  to  the  villages  of  the 
Arkansas,  where  some  of  his  men  volunteered  to 
remain.  He  left  six  of  them;  and  of  this  number 
were  Couture  and  De  Launay.2 

Cavelier  and  his  companions,  followed  by  a  crowd 
of  Indians,  some  carrying  their  baggage,  some  strug- 
gling for  a  view  of  the  white  strangers,  entered  the 
log  cabin  of  their  two  hosts.  Rude  as  it  was,  they 
found  in  it  an  earnest  of  peace  and  safety,  and  a 
foretaste  of  home.  Couture  and  De  Launay  were 
moved  even  to  tears  by  the  story  of  their  disasters, 
and  of  the  catastrophe  that  crowned  them.  La 
Salle's  death  was  carefully  concealed  from  the 
Indians,  many  of  whom  had  seen  him  on  his  descent 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  who  regarded  him  with  pro- 
digious respect.  They  lavished  all  their  hospitality 
on  his  followers;  feasted  them  on  corn-bread,  dried 
buffalo  meat,  and  watermelons,  and  danced  the 
calumet  before  them,  the  most  august  of  all  their 
ceremonies.  On  this  occasion,  Cavelier's  patience 

1  Iberville  sent  it  to  France,  and  Charlevoix  gives  a  portion  of 
Jfc.     (Histoire  de   la  Nouvelle  France,  ii.  259.)     Singularly  enough, 
the  date,  as  printed  by  him,  is  erroneous,  being  20  April,  1686, 
instead  of  1686.    There  is  no  doubt  whatever,  from  its  relations 
with  concurrent  events,  that  this  journey  was  in  the  latter  year. 

2  Tonty,  Memoire;  Ibid.,  Lettre  d  Monseigneur  de  Ponchartraittt 
1690,    Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  301. 


456         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.     [1687. 

failed  him  again;  and  pretending,  as  before,  to  be 
ill,  lie  called  on  his  nephew  to  take  his  place.  There 
were  solemn  dances,  too,  in  which  the  warriors  — 
some  bedaubed  with  white  clay,  some  with  red,  and 
some  with  both;  some  wearing  feathers,  and  some 
the  horns  of  buffalo;  some  naked,  and  some  in 
painted  shirts  of  deer-skin,  fringed  with  scalp-locks, 
insomuch,  says  Joutel,  that  they  looked  like  a  troop 
of  devils  —  leaped,  stamped,  and  howled  from  sunset 
till  dawn.  All  this  was  partly  to  do  the  travellers 
honor,  and  partly  to  extort  presents.  They  made 
objections,  however,  when  asked  to  furnish  guides; 
and  it  was  only  by  dint  of  great  offers  that  four 
were  at  length  procured. 

With  these,  the  travellers  resumed  their  journey 
in  a  wooden  canoe,  about  the  first  of  August,1 
descended  the  Arkansas,  and  soon  reached  the  dark 
and  inexorable  river,  so  long  the  object  of  their 
search,  rolling,  like  a  destiny,  through  its  realms  of 
solitude  and  shade.  They  launched  their  canoe  on 
its  turbid  bosom,  plied  their  oars  against  the  current, 
and  slowly  won  their  way  upward,  following  the 
writhings  of  this  watery  monster  through  cane-brake, 
swamp,  and  fen.  It  was  a  hard  and  toilsome  jour- 

i  Joutel  says  that  the  Parisian  boy,  Barthelemy,  was  left  behind. 
It  was  this  youth  who  afterwards  uttered  the  ridiculous  defamation 
of  La  Salle  mentioned  in  a  preceding  note.  The  account  of  the 
death  of  La  Salle,  taken  from  the  lips  of  Couture,  was  received 
by  him  from  Cavelier  and  his  companions,  during  their  stay  at  the 
Arkansas  Couture  was  by  trade  a  carpenter,  and  was  a  native  of 
Rouen. 


1687.]  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  457 

Hey,  under  the  sweltering  sun  of  August,  —  now  on 
the  water,  now  knee-deep  in  mud,  dragging  their 
oanoe  through  the  unwholesome  jungle.  On  the 
nineteenth,  they  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio ;  and 
their  Indian  guides  made  it  an  offering  of  buffalo 
meat.  On  the  first  of  September,  they  passed  the 
Missouri,  and  soon  after  saw  Marque tte's  pictured 
rock,  and  the  line  of  craggy  heights  on  the  east 
shore,  marked  on  old  French  maps  as  "the  Ruined 
Castles."  Then,  with  a  sense  of  relief,  they  turned 
from  the  great  river  into  the  peaceful  current  of  the 
Illinois.  They  were  eleven  days  in  ascending  it,  in 
their  large  and  heavy  wooden  canoe ;  when  at  length, 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  fourteenth  of  September, 
they  saw,  towering  above  the  forest  and  the  river, 
the  cliff  crowned  with  the  palisades  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Illinois.  As  they  drew  near,  a  troop  of 
Indians,  headed  by  a  Frenchman,  descended  from 
the  rock,  and  fired  their  guns  to  salute  them.  They 
landed,  and  followed  the  forest  path  that  led  towards 
the  fort,  when  they  were  met  by  Boisrondet,  Tonty's 
comrade  in  the  Iroquois  war,  and  two  other  French- 
men, who  no  sooner  saw  them  than  they  called  out, 
demanding  where  was  La  Salle.  Cavelier,  fearing 
lest  he  and  his  party  would  lose  the  advantage  they 
might  derive  from  his  character  of  representative  of 
liis  brother,  was  determined  to  conceal  his  death; 
and  Joutel,  as  he  himself  confesses,  took  part  in  the 
deceit.  Substituting  equivocation  for  falsehood, 
they  replied  that  La  Salle  had  been  with  them  nearly 


458         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.     [1687U 

as  far  as  the  Cenis  villages,  and  that,  when  they 
parted,  he  was  in  good  health.  This,  so  far  as  they 
were  concerned,  was,  literally  speaking,  true;  but 
Douay  and  Teissier,  the  one  a  witness  and  the  other 
a  sharer  in  his  death,  could  not  have  said  so  much 
without  a  square  falsehood,  and  therefore  evaded  the 
inquiry. 

Threading  the  forest  path,  and  circling  to  the  rear 
of  the  rock,  they  climbed  the  rugged  height,  and 
reached  the  top.  Here  they  saw  an  area,  encircled 
by  the  palisades  that  fenced  the  brink  of  the  cliff, 
and  by  several  dwellings,  a  store-house,  and  a  chapel. 
There  were  Indian  lodges  too;  for  some  of  the  red 
allies  of  the  French  made  their  abode  with  them.1 
Tonty  was  absent,  fighting  the  Iroquois;  but  his 
lieutenant,  Bellefontaine,  received  the  travellers, 
and  his  little  garrison  of  bush-rangers  greeted  them 
with  a  salute  of  musketry,  mingled  with  the  whoop- 
ing of  the  Indians.  A  Te  Deum  followed  at  the 
chapel;  "and,  with  all  our  hearts,"  says  Joutel,  "we 
gave  thanks  to  God,  who  had  preserved  and  guided 
us.'*  At  length,  the  tired  travellers  were  among 
countrymen  and  friends.  Bellefontaine  found  a  room 
for  the  two  priests;  while  Joutel,  Teissier,  and 
young  Cavelier  were  lodged  in  the  store-house. 

The  Jesuit  Allouez  was  lying  ill  at  the  fort;  and 

*  The  condition  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  at  this  time,  may  be  gathered 
from  several  passages  of  Joutel.  The  houses,  he  says,  were 
built  at  the  brink  of  the  cliff,  forming,  with  the  palisades,  the  circle 
of  defence.  The  Indians  lived  in  the  area. 


1687.]  THE  JESUIT  ALLOUEZ.  459 

Joutel,  Cavelier,  and  Douay  went  to  visit  him.  He 
showed  great  anxiety  when  told  that  La  Salle  was 
alive,  and  on  his  way  to  the  Illinois;  asked  many 
questions,  and  could  not  hide  his  agitation.  When, 
some  time  after,  he  had  partially  recovered,  he  left 
St.  Louis,  as  if  to  shun  a  meeting  with  the  object  of 
Lis  alarm.1  Once  before,  in  1679,  Allouez  had  fled 

i  Joutel  adds  that  this  was  occasioned  by  "  une  espece  de  con- 
apiration  qu'on  a  voulu  faire  contre  les  interests  de  Monsieur  de  la 
Salle."  —  Journal  Historique,  350. 

"  Ce  Pere  apprehendoit  que  le  dit  sieur  ne  1'y  rencontrast,  .  .  . 
suivant  ce  que  j'en  ai  pu  apprendre,  les  Peres  avoient  avance*  plu- 
sieurs  choses  pour  contrebarrer  1'entreprise  et  avoient  voulu  d€- 
t  icher  plusieurs  nations  de  Sauvages,  lesquelles  s'estoient  donnees 
fc  M.  de  la  Salle.  Us  avoient  este  mesme  jusques  a  vouloir  destruire 
le  fort  Saint-Louis,  en  ayant  construit  un  a  Chicago,  oil  ils  avoient 
attire'  une  partie  des  Sauvages,  ne  pouvant  en  quelque  fa$on  s'em- 
parer  du  dit  fort.  Pour  conclure,  le  bon  Pere  ayant  eu  peur  d'y 
estre  trouve,  aima  mieux  se  precautionner  en  prenant  le  devant. 
.  .  .  Quoyque  M.  Cavelier  eust  dit  au  Pere  qu'il  pouvoit  rester,  il 
partit  quelques  sept  ou  huit  jours  avant  nous."  —  Relation  (Margry, 
iii.  500). 

La  Salle  always  saw  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  disasters 
that  befell  him.  His  repeated  assertion,  that  they  wished  to  es- 
tablish themselves  in  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  receives  confir- 
mation from  a  document  entitled  Memoire  sur  la  proposition  d  faire 
par  les  R.  Peres  Jesuites  pour  la  de'couverte  des  environs  de  la  riviere 
du  Mississipi  et  pour  voir  si  die  est  navigable  jusqu'd  la  mer.  It  is  a 
memorandum  of  propositions  to  be  made  to  the  minister  Seignelay, 
and  was  apparently  put  forward  as  a  feeler,  before  making  the 
propositions  in  form.  It  was  written  after  the  return  of  Beaujeu 
to  France,  and  before  La  Salle's  death  became  known.  It  intimates 
that  the  Jesuits  were  entitled  to  precedence  in  the  valley  of  the 
JMississippi,  as  having  first  explored  it.  It  affirms  that  La  Salle 
had  made  a  blunder,  and  landed  his  colony,  not  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
bat  at  another  place;  and  it  asks  permission  to  continue  the  work  in 
v  hich  he  has  failed.  To  this  end,  it  petitions  for  means  to  build 
a  vessel  at  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  together  with  canoes,  arms, 


460         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.     [1687. 

from  the  Illinois  on  hearing  of  the  approach  of  La 
Salle. 

The  season  was  late,  and  they  were  eager  to  hasten 
forward  that  they  might  reach  Quebec  in  time  to 
return  to  France  in  the  autumn  ships.  There  was 
not  a  day  to  lose.  They  bade  farewell  to  Bellefon- 
taine,  from  whom,  as  from  all  others,  they  had  con- 
cealed the  death  of  La  Salle,  and  made  their  way 
across  the  country  to  Chicago.  Here  they  were 
detained  a  week  by  a  storm;  and  when  at  length 
they  embarked  in  a  canoe  furnished  by  Bellefontaine, 
the  tempest  soon  forced  them  to  put  back.'  On  this, 
they  abandoned  their  design,  and  returned  to  Fort 
St.  Louis,  to  the  astonishment  of  its  inmates. 

It  was  October  when  they  arrived;  and,  mean- 
while, Tonty  had  returned  from  the  Iroquois  war, 
where  he  had  borne  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  famous 
attack  on  the  Senecas  by  the  Marquis  de  Denonville.1 
He  listened  with  deep  interest  to  the  mournful  story 
of  his  guests.  Cavelier  knew  him  well.  He  knew, 
so  far  as  he  was  capable  of  knowing,  his  generous 
and  disinterested  character,  his  long  and  faithful 

tents,  tools,  provisions,  and  merchandise  for  the  Indians ;  and  it 
also  asks  for  La  Salle's  maps  and  papers,  and  for  those  of  Beaujeu. 
On  their  part,  it  pursues,  the  Jesuits  will  engage  to  make  a  com- 
plete survey  of  the  river,  and  return  an  exact  account  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, its  plants,  and  its  other  productions. 

1  Tonty,  Du  Lhut,  and  Durantaye  came  to  the  aid  of  Denonville 
with  a  hundred  and  eighty  Frenchmen,  chiefly  coureurs  de  bois,  and 
four  hundred  Indians  from  the  upper  country.  Their  services  were 
highly  appreciated;  and  Tonty  especially  is  mentioned  in  the 
despatches  of  Denonville  with  great  praise. 


1687.]  CONDUCT   OF  CAVELIER.  461 

attachment  to  La  Salle,  and  the  invaluable  services 
he  had  rendered  him.  Tonty  had  every  claim  on  his 
confidence  and  affection.  Yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
practise  on  him  the  same  deceit  which  he  had  prac- 
tised on  Belief ontaine.  He  told  him  that  he  had  left 
his  brother  in  good  health  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  drew  upon  him,  in  La  Salle 's  name,  for  an 
amount  stated  by  Joutel  at  about  four  thousand 
livres,  in  furs,  besides  a  canoe  and  a  quantity  of 
other  goods,  all  of  which  were  delivered  to  him  by 
the  unsuspecting  victim.1 

This  was  at  the  end  of  the  winter,  when  the  old 
priest  and  his  companions  had  been  living  for  months 
on  Tonty's  hospitality.  They  set  out  for  Canada  on 

i  "  Monsieur  Tonty,  croyant  M.  de  la  Salle  vivant,  ne  fit  pas  de 
difficulte  de  luy  donner  pour  environ  quatre  mille  liv.  de  pelleterie, 
de  castors,  loutres,  un  canot,  et  autres  effets." —  Joutel,  Journal 
ffistorique,  349. 

Tonty  himself  does  not  make  the  amount  so  great:  "Sur  ce 
qu'ils  m'assuroient  qu'il  etoit  reste  au  Golfe  de  Mexique  en  bonne 
sante,  je  les  re?us  comme  si  9'avoit  este  lui  mesme  et  luy  prestay  [a 
Cavelier]  plus  de  700  francs."  —  Tonty,  Memoire. 

Cavelier  must  have  known  that  La  Salle  was  insolvent.  Tonty 
had  long  served  without  pay.  Douay  says  that  he  made  the  stay  of 
the  party  at  the  fort  very  agreeable,  and  speaks  of  him,  with  some 
apparent  compunction,  as  "  ce  brave  gentilhomme,  tou jours  insepa- 
rablement  attache  aux  interets  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  dont  nous  luy 
nvons  cache  la  deplorable  destinee." 

Couture,  from  the  Arkansas,  brought  word  to  Tonty,  several 
months  after,  of  La  Salle's  death,  adding  that  Cavelier  had  con- 
cealed it,  with  no  other  purpose  than  that  of  gaining  money  or 
supplies  from  him  (Tonty),  in  his  brother's  name.  Cavelier  had  a 
letter  from  La  Salle,  desiring  Tonty  to  give  him  supplies,  and  pay 
him  2,652  livres  in  beaver.  If  Cavelier  is  to  be  believed,  this  beavei 
belonged  to  La  Salle. 


462         THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.     [1687. 

the  twenty-first  of  March,  reached  Chicago  on  the 
twenty-ninth,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Michili- 
mackinac.  Here  Cavelier  sold  some  of  Tonty's  furs 
to  a  merchant,  who  gave  him  in  payment  a  draft  on 
Montreal,  thus  putting  him  in  funds  for  his  voyage 
home.  The  party  continued  their  journey  in  canoes 
by  way  of  French  River  and  the  Ottawa,  and  safely 
reached  Montreal  on  the  seventeenth  of  July.  Here 
they  procured  the  clothing  of  which  they  were 
wofully  in  need,  and  then  descended  the  river  to 
Quebec,  where  they  took  lodging,  —  some  with  the 
Re*collet  friars,  and  some  with  the  priests  of  the 
Seminary,  —  in  order  to  escape  the  questions  of 
the  curious.  At  the  end  of  August  they  embarked 
for  France,  and  early  in  October  arrived  safely  at 
Rochelle.  None  of  the  party  were  men  of  especial 
energy  or  force  of  character;  and  yet,  under  the 
spur  of  a  dire  necessity,  they  had  achieved  one  of  the 
most  adventurous  journeys  on  record. 

Now,  at  length,  they  disburdened  themselves  of 
their  gloomy  secret;  but  the  sole  result  seems  to 
have  been  an  order  from  the  King  for  the  arrest  of 
the  murderers,  should  they  appear  in  Canada.1 

1  Lettre  du  Roy  a  Denonville,  I  Mai,  1689.  Joutel  must  have 
been  a  young  man  at  the  time  of  the  Mississippi  expedition;  for 
Charlevoix  saw  him  at  Rouen,  thirty-five  years  after.  He  speaks  of 
him  with  emphatic  praise ;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  conniv- 
ance in  the  deception  practised  by  Cavelier  on  Tonty  leaves  a  shade 
on  his  character,  as  well  as  on  that  of  Douay.  In  other  respects, 
everything  that  appears  concerning  him  is  highly  favorable,  which 
is  not  the  case  with  Douay,  who,  on  one  or  two  occasions,  makes 
wilful  misstatements. 

Douay  says  that  the  elder  Cavelier  made  a  report  of  the  expedi- 


1687.]  THE  COLONISTS  ABANDONED.  463 

Joutel  was  disappointed.  It  had  been  his  hope 
throughout  that  the  King  would  send  a  ship  to  the 
relief  of  the  wretched  band  at  Fort  St.  Louis  of 
Texas.  But  Louis  XIV.  hardened  his  heart,  and 
left  them  to  their  fate. 

tion  to  the  minister  Seignelay.  This  report  remained  unknown  in 
an  English  collection  of  autographs  and  old  manuscripts,  whence  I 
obtained  it  by  purchase,  in  1854,  both  the  buyer  and  seller  being  at 
the  time  ignorant  of  its  exact  character.  It  proved,  on  examination, 
to  be  a  portion  of  the  first  draft  of  Cavelier's  report  to  Seignelay. 
Et  consists  of  twenty-six  small  folio  pages,  closely  written  in  a  clear 
hand,  though  in  a  few  places  obscured  by  the  fading  of  the  ink,  as 
well  as  by  occasional  erasures  and  interlineations  of  the  writer.  It 
is,  as  already  stated,  confused  and  unsatisfactory  in  its  statements ; 
.md  all  the  latter  part  has  been  lost.  On  reaching  France,  he  had 
the  impudence  to  tell  Abbe  Tronson,  Superior  of  St.  Sulpice,  "  qu'il 
avait  laisse  M.  de  la  Salle  dans  un  tres-beau  pays  avec  M.  de  Chef de- 
ville  en  bonne  santeY' —  Lettre  de  Tronson  d  Mad.  Fauvel- Cavelier, 
29  Nov.,  1688. 

Cavelier  addressed  to  the  King  a  memorial  on  the  importance  of 
keeping  possession  of  the  Illinois.  It  closes  with  an  earnest  petition 
for  money  in  compensation  for  his  losses,  as,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  he  was  completely  epuise.  It  is  affirmed  in  a  memorial 
of  the  heirs  of  his  cousin,  Fran9ois  Plet,  that  he  concealed  the 
death  of  La  Salle  some  time  after  his  return  to  France,  in  order  to 
get  possession  of  property  which  would  otherwise  have  been  seized 
by  the  creditors  of  the  deceased.  The  prudent  abbe  died  rich  and 
very  old,  at  the  house  of  a  relative,  having  inherited  a  large  estate 
after  his  return  from  America.  Apparently,  this  did  not  satisfy 
Mm ;  for  there  is  before  me  the  copy  of  a  petition,  written  about 
1717,  in  which  he  asks,  jointly  with  one  of  his  nephews,  to  be  given 
possession  of  the  seigniorial  property  held  by  La  Salle  in  America. 
The  petition  was  refused. 

Young  Cavelier,  La  Salle's  nephew,  died  some  years  after,  an 
officer  in  a  regiment.  He  has  been  erroneously  supposed  to  be  the 
rfame  with  one  De  la  Salle,  whose  name  is  appended  to  a  letter 
giving  an  account  of  Louisiana,  and  dated  at  Toulon,  3  Sept.,  1698. 
This  person  was  the  son  of  a  naval  official  at  Toulon,  and  was  not 
related  to  the  Caveliers. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1688-1689. 
FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY. 

TONTY    ATTEMPTS    TO    RESCUE    THE    COLONISTS :     HIS    DIFFICULTIES 

AND  HARDSHIPS. — SPANISH  HOSTILITY. — EXPEDITION  OF  ALONZO 
DB  LEON:  HE  REACHES  FORT  ST.  Louis.  —  A  SCENE  OF  HAVOC. 
—  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  FRENCH.  —  THE  END. 

HENRI  DE  TONTY,  on  his  rock  of  St.  Louis,  was 
visited  in  September  by  Couture  and  two  Indians 
from  the  Arkansas.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  he 
heard  with  grief  and  indignation  of  the  death  of  La 
Salle,  and  the  deceit  practised  by  Cavelier.  The 
chief  whom  he  had  served  so  well  was  beyond  his 
help;  but  might  not  the  unhappy  colonists  left  on 
the  shores  of  Texas  still  be  rescued  from  destruction? 
Couture  had  confirmed  what  Cavelier  and  his  party 
had  already  told  him,  that  the  tribes  south  of  the 
Arkansas  were  eager  to  join  the  French  in  an  inva- 
sion of  northern  Mexico ;  and  he  soon  after  received 
from  the  governor,  Denonville,  a  letter  informing 
him  that  war  had  again  been  declared  against  Spain. 
As  bold  and  enterprising  as  La  Salle  himself,  Tonty 
resolved  on  an  effort  to  learn  the  condition  of  the 


1688.]  COURAGE  OF  TONTY.  465 

few  Frenchmen  left  on  the  borders  of  the  Gulf, 
relieve  their  necessities,  and,  should  it  prove  prac- 
ticable, make  them  the  nucleus  of  a  war-party  to 
cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  add  a  new  province  to  the 
domain  of  France.  It  was  the  revival,  on  a  small 
scale,  of  La  Salle's  scheme  of  Mexican  invasion;  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that,  with  a  score  of  French  muske- 
teers, he  could  have  gathered  a  formidable  party  of 
savage  allies  from  the  tribes  of  Red  River,  the  Sabine, 
and  the  Trinity.  This  daring  adventure  and  the 
rescue  of  his  suffering  countrymen  divided  his 
thoughts,  and  he  prepared  at  once  to  execute  the 
double  purpose.1 

He  left  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois  early  in 
December,  in  a  pirogue,  or  wooden  canoe,  with  five 
Frenchmen,  a  Shawanoe  warrior,  and  two  Indian 
slaves;  and,  after  a  long  and  painful  journey,  he 
reached  the  villages  of  the  Caddoes  on  Red  River  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  March.  Here  he  was  told  that 
Hiens  and  his  companions  were  at  a  village  eighty 
leagues  distant;  and  thither  he  was  preparing  to  go 
in  search  of  them,  when  all  his  men,  excepting  the 
Shawanoe  and  one  Frenchman,  declared  themselves 
disgusted  with  the  journey,  and  refused  to  follow 
him.  Persuasion  was  useless,  and  there  was  no 
means  of  enforcing  obedience.  He  found  himself 
abandoned;  but  he  still  pushed  on,  with  the  two 
who  remained  faithful.  A  few  days  after,  they  lost 
nearly  all  their  ammunition  in  crossing  a  river. 

1  Tonty,  Memoire. 
30    , 


466  FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY.         [1689. 

Undeterred  by  this  accident,  Tonty  made  his  way 
to  the  village  where  Hiens  and  those  who  had 
remained  with  him  were  said  to  be ;  but  no  trace  of 
them  appeared,  and  the  demeanor  of  the  Indians, 
when  he  inquired  for  them,  convinced  him  that  they 
had  been  put  to  death.  He  charged  them  with 
having  killed  the  Frenchmen,  whereupon  the  women 
of  the  village  raised  a  wail  of  lamentation;  "and  I 
saw,"  he  says,  "that  what  I  had  said  to  them  was 
true."  They  refused  to  give  him  guides;  and  this, 
with  the  loss  of  his  ammunition,  compelled  him  to 
forego  his  purpose  of  making  his  way  to  the  colonists 
on  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis.  With  bitter  disappoint- 
ment, he  and  his  two  companions  retraced  their 
course,  and  at  length  approached  Red  River.  Here 
they  found  the  whole  country  flooded.  Sometimes 
they  waded  to  the  knees,  sometimes  to  the  neck, 
sometimes  pushed  their  slow  way  on  rafts.  Night 
and  day  it  rained  without  ceasing.  They  slept  on 
logs  placed  side  by  side  to  raise  them  above  the  mud 
and  water,  and  fought  their  way  with  hatchets 
through  the  inundated  cane-brakes.  They  found  no 
game  but  a  bear,  which  had  taken  refuge  on  an  island 
in  the  flood ;  and  they  were  forced  to  eat  their  dogs. 
"I  never  in  my  life,"  writes  Tonty,  "suffered  so 
much."  In  judging  these  intrepid  exertions,  it  is  to 
be  remembered  that  he  was  not,  at  least  in  appear- 
ance, of  a  robust  constitution,  and  that  he  had  but 
one  hand.  They  reached  the  Mississippi  on  the 
eleventh  of  July,  and  the  Arkansas  villages  on  the 


1689.]  TONTY  MISREPRESENTED.  467 

thirty-first.  Here  Tonty  was  detained  by  an  attack 
of  fever.  He  resumed  his  journey  when  it  began 
to  abate,  and  reached  his  fort  of  the  Illinois  in 
September.1 

1  Two  causes  have  contributed  to  detract,  most  unjustly,  from 
Tonty's  reputation,  —  the  publication,  under  his  name,  but  without 
his  authority,  of  a  perverted  account  of  the  enterprises  in  which  he 
took  part ;  and  the  confounding  him  with  his  brother,  Alphonse  de 
Tonty,  who  long  commanded  at  Detroit,  where  charges  of  pecula- 
tion were  brought  against  him.  There  are  very  few  names  in 
French-American  history  mentioned  with  such  unanimity  of  praise 
as  that  of  Henri  de  Tonty.  Hennepin  finds  some  fault  with  him ; 
but  his  censure  is  commendation.  The  despatches  of  the  governor, 
Denonville,  speak  in  strong  terms  of  his  services  in  the  Iroquois 
war,  praise  his  character,  and  declare  that  he  is  fit  for  any  bold 
enterprise,  adding  that  he  deserves  reward  from  the  King.  The 
missionary,  St.  Cosme,  who  travelled  under  his  escort  in  1699,  says 
of  him :  "  He  is  beloved  by  all  the  voyageurs.  ...  It  was  with  deep 
regret  that  we  parted  from  him :  ...  he  is  the  man  who  best  knows 
the  country;  ...  he  is  loved  and  feared  everywhere.  .  .  .  Your 
grace  will,  I  doubt  not,  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  obliga- 
tions we  owe  him." 

Tonty  held  the  commission  of  captain ;  but,  by  a  memoir  which 
he  addressed  to  Ponchartrain  in  1690,  it  appears  that  he  had  never 
received  any  pay.  Count  Frontenac  certifies  the  truth  of  the  state- 
ment, and  adds  a  recommendation  of  the  writer.  In  consequence, 
probably,  of  this,  the  proprietorship  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois 
was  granted  in  the  same  year  to  Tonty,  jointly  with  La  Forest, 
formerly  La  Salle's  lieutenant.  Here  they  carried  on  a  trade  in 
furs.  In  1699,  a  royal  declaration  was  launched  against  the  coureurs 
de  bois ;  but  an  express  provision  was  added  in  favor  of  Tonty  and 
La  Forest,  who  were  empowered  to  send  up  the  country  yearly  two 
canoes,  with  twelve  men,  for  the  maintenance  of  this  fort.  Wrth 
such  a  limitation,  this  fort  and  the  trade  carried  on  at  it  must  have 
been  very  small.  In  1702,  we  find  a  royal  order,  to  the  effect  that 
La  Forest  is  henceforth  to  reside  in  Canada,  and  Tonty  on  the 
Mississippi;  and  that  the  establishment  at  the  Illinois  is  to  be 
discontinued.  In  the  same  year,  Tonty  joined  D'Iberville  in  Lower 
Louisiana,  and  was  gent  by  that  officer  from  Mobile  to  secure  the 


468  FATE  OF  THE   TEXAN  COLONY.         [1689. 

While  the  King  of  France  abandoned  the  exiles  of 
Texas  to  their  fate,  a  power  dark,  ruthless,  and 
terrible  was  hovering  around  the  feeble  colony  on 
the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  searching  with  pitiless  eye  to 
discover  and  tear  out  that  dying  germ  of  civilization 
from  the  bosom  of  the  wilderness  in  whose  savage 
immensity  it  lay  hidden.  Spain  claimed  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  and  all  its  coasts  as  her  own  of  unanswerable 
right,  and  the  viceroys  of  Mexico  were  strenuous  to 
enforce  her  claim.  The  capture  of  one  of  La  Salle's 
four  vessels  at  St.  Domingo  had  made  known  his 
designs,  and  in  the  course  of  the  three  succeeding 
years  no  less  than  four  expeditions  were  sent  out 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  find  and  destroy  him.  They 
Bcoured  the  whole  extent  of  the  coast,  and  found  the 
wrecks  of  the  "Aimable"  and  the  "Belle;"  but  the 
colony  of  St.  Louis, 1  inland  and  secluded,  escaped 
their  search.  For  a  time,  the  jealousy  of  the 
Spaniards  was  lulled  to  sleep.  They  rested  in  the 
assurance  that  the  intruders  had  perished,  when  fresh 
advices  from  the  frontier  province  of  New  Leon 


Chickasaws  in  the  French  interest.  His  subsequent  career  and  the 
time  of  his  death  do  not  appear.  He  seems  never  to  have  received 
the  reward  which  his  great  merit  deserved.  Those  intimate  with 
the  late  lamented  Dr.  Sparks  will  remember  his  often-expressed 
wish  that  justice  should  be  done  to  the  memory  of  Tonty. 

Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois  was  afterwards  reoccupied  by  th« 
French.  In  1718,  a  number  of  them,  chiefly  traders,  were  living 
here ;  but  three  years  later  it  was  again  deserted,  and  Charlevoix, 
passing  the  spot,  saw  only  the  remains  of  its  palisades. 

1  Fort  St.  Louis  of  Texas  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Fort  St 
Louis  of  the  Illinois. 


1689.]  A  SCENE  OF  HAYOC.  469 

caused  the  Viceroy,  Galve,  to  order  a  strong  force, 
under  Alonzo  de  Leon,  to  march  from  Coahuila,  and 
cross  the  Rio  Grande.  Guided  by  a  French  prisoner, 
probably  one  of  the  deserters  from  La  Salle,  they 
pushed  their  way  across  wild  and  arid  plains,  rivers, 
prairies,  and  forests,  till  at  length  they  approached 
the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  and  descried,  far  off,  the 
harboring-place  of  the  French.1  As  they  drew  near, 
no  banner  was  displayed,  no  sentry  challenged;  and 
the  silence  of  death  reigned  over  the  shattered  pali- 
nades  and  neglected  dwellings.  The  Spaniards 
spurred  their  reluctant  horses  through  the  gateway, 
and  a  scene  of  desolation  met  their  sight.  No  living 
tiling  was  stirring.  Doors  were  torn  from  their 
lunges;  broken  boxes,  staved  barrels,  and  rusty 
kettles,  mingled  with  a  great  number  of  stocks  of 
arquebuses  and  muskets,  were  scattered  about  in 
confusion.  Here,  too,  trampled  in  mud  and  soaked 
with  rain,  they  saw  more  than  two  hundred  books, 
many  of  which  still  retained  the  traces  of  costly 
bindings.  On  the  adjacent  prairie  lay  three  dead 
bodies,  one  of  which,  from  fragments  of  dress  still 
clinging  to  the  wasted  remains,  they  saw  to  be  that 
of  a  woman.  It  was  in  vain  to  question  the  imper- 

1  After  crossing  the  Del  Norte,  they  crossed  in  turn  the  Upper 
Nueces,  the  Hondo  (Rio  Frio),  the  De  Leon  (San  Antonio),  and  the 
Guadalupe,  and  then,  turning  southward,  descended  to  the  Bay  of 
St.  Bernard.  .  .  .  Manuscript  map  of  "Route  que  firent  IPS  Es- 
pagnols,  pour  venir  enlever  les  Fran$ais  restez  a  la  Baye  St. 
Bernard  ou  St.  Louis,  apres  la  perte  du  vaisseau  de  Mr-  de  la 
•m  1689."  (Margry's  collection.) 


470  FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY.         [1689. 

turbable  savages,  who,  wrapped  to  the  throat  in  their 
buffalo-robes,  stood  gazing  on  the  scene  with  looks  of 
wooden  immobility.  Two  strangers,  however,  at 
length  arrived.1  Their  faces  were  smeared  with 
paint,  and  they  were  wrapped  in  buffalo-robes  like  the 
rest;  yet  these  seeming  Indians  were  L'Archev§que, 
the  tool  of  La  Salle's  murderer  Duhaut,  and  Grollet, 
the  companion  of  the  white  savage  Ruter.  The 
Spanish  commander,  learning  that  these  two  men 
were  in  the  district  of  the  tribe  called  Texas,2  had 
sent  to  invite  them  to  his  camp  under  a  pledge  of 
good  treatment;  and  they  had  resolved  to  trust 
Spanish  clemency  rather  than  endure  longer  a  life 
that  had  become  intolerable.  From  them  the 
Spaniards  learned  nearly  all  that  is  known  of  the 
fate  of  Barbier,  Zenobe  Membrd,  and  their  compan- 
ions. Three  months  before,  a  large  band  of  Indians 
had  approached  the  fort,  the  inmates  of  which  had 
suffered  severely  from  the  ravages  of  the  small-pox. 
From  fear  of  treachery,  they  refused  to  admit  their 
visitors,  but  received  them  at  a  cabin  without  the 
palisades.  Here  the  French  began  a  trade  with 
them;  when  suddenly  a  band  of  warriors,  yelling 

1  May  1st.    The  Spaniards  reached  the  fort  April  22. 

a  This  is  the  first  instance  in  which  the  name  occurs.  In  a  letter 
written  by  a  member  of  De  Leon's  party,  the  Texan  Indians  are 
mentioned  several  times.  (See  Coleccion  de  Varios  Documentos,  25.) 
They  are  described  as  an  agricultural  tribe,  and  were,  to  all  appear- 
ance, identical  with  the  Cenis.  The  name  Tejas,  or  Texas,  was  first 
applied  as  a  local  designation  to  a  spot  on  the  river  Neches,  in  the 
Cenis  territory,  whence  it  extended  to  the  whole  country.  (See 
Yoakum,  History  of  Texas,  52.) 


,]  THE  SURVIVORS.  471 

the  war-whoop,  rushed  from  an  ambuscade  under 
the  bank  of  the  river,  and  butchered  the  greater 
number.  The  children  of  one  Talon,  together  with 
un  Italian  and  a  young  man  from  Paris  named 
Breman,  were  saved  by  the  Indian  women,  who 
carried  them  off  on  their  backs.  L'ArchevSque  and 
Grollet,  who  with  others  of  their  stamp  were  domes- 
ticated in  the  Indian  villages,  came  to  the  scene  of 
slaughter,  and,  as  they  affirmed,  buried  fourteen  dead 
bodies.1 

l  Derrotero  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  el  General  Alonso  de  Leon  para  el 
descubrimiento  de  la  Bahia  del  Esptritu  Santo,  y  poblacion  de  Franceses. 
Ano  de  1689.  —  This  is  the  official  journal  of  the  expedition,  signed 
by  Alonzo  de  Leon.  I  am  indebted  to  Colonel  Thomas  Aspinwall 
for  the  opportunity  of  examining  it.  The  name  of  Espiritu  Santo 
•was,  as  before  mentioned,  given  by  the  Spaniards  to  St.  Louis, 
or  Matagorda  Bay,  as  well  as  to  two  other  bays  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 

Carta  en  que  se  da  noticia  de  un  viaje  hecho  a  la  Bahia  de  Espfritu 
Santo  y  de  la  poblacion  que  tenian  ahi  los  Franceses.  Coleccion  de 
Varios  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Florida,  25. —  This  is  a 
letter  from  a  person  accompanying  the  expedition  of  De  Leon.  It 
is  dated  May  18,  1689,  and  agrees  closely  with  the  journal  cited 
above,  though  evidently  by  another  hand.  Compare  Barcia,  Ensayo 
Cronologico,  294.  Barcia's  story  has  been  doubted;  but  these  au- 
thentic documents  prove  the  correctness  of  his  principal  statements, 
though  on  minor  points  he  seems  to  have  indulged  his  fancy. 

The  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  in  a  report  to  the  King,  1690,  says 
that,  in  order  to  keep  the  Texas  and  other  Indians  of  that  region  in 
obedience  to  his  Majesty,  he  has  resolved  to  establish  eight  missions 
among  them.  He  adds  that  he  has  appointed  as  governor,  or  com- 
mander, in  that  province,  Don  Domingo  Teran  de  los  Bios,  who  will 
laake  a  thorough  exploration  of  it,  carry  out  what  De  Leon  has 
begun,  prevent  the  further  intrusion  of  foreigners  like  La  Salle, 
and  go  in  pursuit  of  the  remnant  of  the  French,  who  are  said  still 
to  remain  among  the  tribes  of  Red  Kiver.  I  owe  this  document  to 
the  kindness  of  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith. 


472  FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY.         [1689. 

L'Archeveque  and  Grollet  were  sent  to  Spain, 
where,  in  spite  of  the  pledge  given  them,  they  were 
thrown  into  prison,  with  the  intention  of  sending  them 
back  to  labor  in  the  mines.  The  Indians,  some  time 
after  De  Leon's  expedition,  gave  up  their  captives  to 
the  Spaniards.  The  Italian  was  imprisoned  at  Vera 
Cruz.  Breman's  fate  is  unknown.  Pierre  and  Jean 
Baptiste  Talon,  who  were  now  old  enough  to  bear 
arms,  were  enrolled  in  the  Spanish  navy,  and,  being 
captured  in  1696  by  a  French  ship  of  war,  regained 
their  liberty ;  while  their  younger  brothers  and  their 
sister  were  carried  to  Spain  by  the  Viceroy.1  With 
respect  to  the  ruffian  companions  of  Hiens,  the  con- 
viction of  Tonty  that  they  had  been  put  to  death  by 
the  Indians  may  have  been  well  founded;  but  the 
buccaneer  himself  is  said  to  have  been  killed  in  a 
quarrel  with  his  accomplice  Ruter,  the  white  savage ; 
and  thus  in  ignominy  and  darkness  died  the  last 
embers  of  the  doomed  colony  of  La  Salle. 

Here  ends  the  wild  and  mournful  story  of  the 
explorers  of  the  Mississippi.  Of  all  their  toil  and 

1  Memoire  sur  lequel  on  a  interroge  les  deux  Canadiens  [Pierre  et 
Jean  Baptiste  Talon}  qui  sont  soldats  dans  la  Compagnie  de  Feuguerolles. 
A  Brest,  14  Fevrier,  1698. 

Interrogations  faites  a  Pierre  et  Jean  Baptiste  Talon  d  lew  arrivee 
de  la  Veracrux.  —  This  paper,  which  differs  in  some  of  its  details 
from  the  preceding,  was  sent  by  DTberville,  the  founder  of  Louisi- 
ana, to  Abbe'  Cavelier.  Appended  to  it  is  a  letter  from  DTberville, 
written  in  May,  1704,  in  which  he  confirms  the  chief  statements  of 
the  Talons,  by  information  obtained  by  him  from  a  Spanish  officer 
at  Pensacola. 


1689.]  FRUIT  OF  EXPLORATIONS.  473 

sacrifice,  no  fruit  remained  but  a  great  geographical 
discovery,  and  a  grand  type  of  incarnate  energy  and 
will.  Where  La  Salle  had  ploughed,  others  were  to 
sow  the  seed ;  and  on  the  path  which  the  undespair- 
ing  Norman  had  hewn  out,  the  Canadian  D'Iberville 
was  to  win  for  France  a  vast  though  a  transient 
dominion. 


APPENDIX. 


L 


EARLY  UNPUBLISHED  MAPS  OF  THE  MISSIS- 
SIPPI AND  THE  GREAT  LAKES. 


MOST  of  the  maps  described  below  are  to  be  found  in  the 
des  Cartes  de  la  Marine  et  des  Colonies,  at  Paris.  Taken  together, 
they  exhibit  the  progress  of  western  discovery,  and  illustrate  the 
records  of  the  explorers. 

1.  The  map  of  Galine*e,  1670,  has  a  double  title,  — 
Carte  du  Canada  et  des  Terres  decouuertes  vers  le  lac 
Derie,  and  Carte  du  Lac  Ontario  et  des  habitations  qul 
Venuironnent  ensemble  le  pays  que  Messr*>  Dolier  et 
Oalinee^  missionnaires  du  seminaires  de  St.  Sulpice,  out 
parcouru.  It  professes  to  represent  only  the  country 
actually  visited  by  the  two  missionaries.  Beginning  with 
Montreal,  it  gives  the  course  of  the  Upper  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario,  the  river  Niagara,  the  north 
shore  of  Lake  Erie,  the  Strait  of  Detroit,  and  the  eastern 
and  northern  shores  of  Lake  Huron.  Galin^e  did  not  know 
the  existence  of  the  peninsula  of  Michigan,  and  merges 
Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan  into  one,  under  the  name  of 
"  Michigane,  ou  Mer  Douce  des  Hurons.  "  He  was  also 
entirely  ignorant  of  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  He 
represents  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior  as  far  as  the  Saut  Ste. 


476  APPENDIX. 

Marie,  and  lays  down  the  river  Ottawa  in  great  detail, 
having  descended  it  on  his  return.  The  Falls  of  the  Gene- 
see  are  indicated,  as  also  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  with  the  in- 
scription, "  Sault  qui  tombe  au  rapport  des  sauvages  de  plus 
de  200  pieds  de  haut."  Had  the  Jesuits  been  disposed  to 
aid  him,  they  could  have  given  him  much  additional  infor- 
mation, and  corrected  his  most  serious  errors ;  as,  for  example, 
the  omission  of  the  peninsula  of  Michigan.  The  first  at- 
tempt to  map  out  the  Great  Lakes  was  that  of  Champlain, 
in  1632.  This  of  Galinee  may  be  called  the  second. 

2.  The   map  of  Lake  Superior,   published  in  the  Jesuit 
Relation  of  1670,   1671,  was  made  at  about  the  same  time 
with   Galinee's  map.     Lake  Superior   is  here  styled  "  Lac 
Tracy,  ou  Superieur."     Though  not  so  exact  as  it  has  been 
represented,  this  map  indicates  that  the  Jesuits  had  explored 
every  part  of  this  fresh-water  ocean,  and  that  they  had  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  straits  connecting  the  three  Upper 
Lakes,  and  of  the  adjacent  bays,   inlets,  and  shores.     The 
peninsula  of  Michigan,  ignored  by  Galinee,  is  represented  in 
its  proper  place. 

3.  Three  years   or   more   after   Galinde   made   the   map 
mentioned   above,   another,   indicating   a   greatly   increased 
knowledge  of  the  country,  was  made  by  some  person  whose 
name  does  not  appear.     This  map,  which  is  somewhat  more 
than  four  feet  long  and  about  two  feet  and  a  half  wide,  has 
no  title.     All  the  Great  Lakes,  through  their  entire  extent, 
are  laid   down   on   it  with   considerable   accuracy.      Lake 
Ontario   is  called  "Lac  Ontario,   ou  de  Frontenac."     Fort 
Frontenac  is  indicated,  as  well  as  the  Iroquois  colonies  of 
the   north  shore.     Niagara  is  "  Chute  haute  de  120  toises 
par  ou  le  Lac  Erie  tombe  dans  le  Lac  Frontenac."     Lake 
Erie  is  "Lac  Teiocha-rontiong,  dit  commune'ment  Lac  Erie." 
Lake    St.    Glair  is   "  Tsiketo,    ou   Lac  de  la   Chaudiere." 
Lake  Huron  is  "  Lac  Huron,  ou  Mer  Douce  des  Hurons." 


APPENDIX.  477 

Like  Superior  is  "  Lac  Superieur."  Lake  Michigan  is  "  Lao 
M  itchiganong,  ou  des  Illinois."  On  Lake  Michigan,  imme- 
diately opposite  the  site  of  Chicago,  are  written  the  words,  of 
which  the  following  is  the  literal  translation :  "  The  largest 
vessels  can  come  to  this  place  from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie, 
where  it  discharges  into  Lake  Frontenac  [Ontario];  and 
from  this  marsh  into  which  they  can  enter  there  is  only  a 
distance  of  a  thousand  paces  to  the  River  La  Divine  [Des 
Plaines],  which  can  lead  them  to  the  River  Colbert  [Mis- 
sissippi], and  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico."  This  map 
was  evidently  made  after  that  voyage  of  La  Salle  in  which 
he  discovered  the  Illinois,  or  at  least  the  Des  Plaines  branch 
of  it.  The  Ohio  is  laid  down  with  the  inscription, 
"River  Ohio,  so  called  by  the  Iroquois  on  account  of  its 
beauty,  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  descended."  (Antet 
32.  note.) 

4.  We  now  come  to  the  map  of  Marquette,  which  is  a 
rude  sketch  of  a  portion  of  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan, 
and  of  the  route  pursued  by  him  and  Joliet  up  the  Fox 
Biver  of  Green  Bay,  down  the  Wisconsin,  and  thence  down 
the  Mississippi  as  far  as  the  Arkansas.  The  river  Illinois 
is  also  laid  down,  as  it  was  by  this  course  that  he  returned 
to  Lake  Michigan  after  his  memorable  voyage.  He  gives 
no  name  to  the  Wisconsin.  The  Mississippi  is  called 
"  B  ivi&re  de  la  Conception ;  "  the  Missouri,  the  Pekitanoui ; 
and  the  Ohio,  the  Ouabouskiaou,  though  La  Salle,  its 
discoverer,  had  previously  given  it  its  present  name, 
borrowed  from  the  Iroquois.  The  Illinois  is  nameless,  like 
the  Wisconsin.  At  the  mouth  of  a  river,  perhaps  the  Des 
Mo  nes,  Marquette  places  the  three  villages  of  the  Peoria 
Indians  visited  by  him.  These,  with  the  Kaskaskias, 
Maroas,  and  others,  on  the  map,  were  merely  sub-tribes  of  the 
aggregation  of  savages  known  as  the  Illinois.  On  or  near 
the  Missouri  he  places  the  Ouchage  (Osages),  the  Oumes« 


478  APPENDIX 

Bourit  (Missouris),  the  Kansa  (Kanzas),  the  Paniassa 
(Pawnees),  the  Maha  (Omahas),  and  the  Pahoutet  (Pah- 
Utahs  ?).  The  names  of  many  other  tribes, "  esloignees  dans 
les  terres, "  are  also  given  along  the  course  of  the  Arkansas, 
a  river  which  is  nameless  on  the  map.  Most  of  these  tribes 
are  now  indistinguishable.  This  map  has  recently  been 
engraved  and  published. 

5.  Not  long  after  Marquette's  return  from  the  Mississippi, 
another  map  was  made  by  the  Jesuits,  with  the  following 
title :    Carte  de  la  nouvelle  decouverte  que  les  peres  lesuites 
out  fait  en  I'annee  1672,  et  continued  par  le  P.  lacques 
Marquette    de    la    mesme     Compagnie    accompagne    de 
quelques  fran$ois  en  Vannee  1673,  qv? on  pourra  nommer 
enfrangois  la  Manitoumie.     This  title  is  very  elaborately 
decorated  with  figures  drawn  with  a  pen,  and  representing 
Jesuits  instructing  Indians.    The  map  is  the  same  published 
by  Thevenot,  not  without  considerable  variations,  in  1681. 
It  represents  the  Mississippi  from  a  little  above  the  Wis- 
consin to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  part  below  the  Arkansas 
being  drawn  from  conjecture.     The  river  is  named  ' '  Mitch- 
isipi,   ou  grande  Biviere."     The   Wisconsin,   the   Illinois, 
the  Ohio,  the  Des  Moines  ( ?),  the  Missouri,  and  the  Arkansas 
are  all  represented,  but  in  a  very  rude  manner.    Marquette's 
route,  in  going  and  returning,  is  marked  by  lines ;  but  the 
return  route  is  incorrect.     The  whole  map  is  so  crude  and 
careless,  and  based  on  information  so  inexact,  that  it  is  of 
little  interest. 

6.  The  Jesuits  made  also  another  map,  without  title,  of 
the  four  Upper  Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  to  a  little  below 
the     Arkansas.      The    Mississippi     is    called     "Biuuiere 
Colbert."     The  map  is  remarkable  as  including  the  earliest 
representation  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  based,  perhaps,  on 
the   reports   of   Indians.     The   Falls  of  St.   Anthony   are 
indicated  by  the  word  "  Saut."     It  is  possible  that  the  map 


APPENDIX.  479 

may  be  of  later  date  than  at  first  appears,  and  that  it  may 
have  been  drawn  in  the  interval  between  the  return  of 
Hennepin  from  the  Upper  Mississippi  and  that  of  La  Salle 
from  his  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  various 
temporary  and  permanent  stations  of  the  Jesuits  are  marked 
by  crosses. 

7.  Of  far  greater  interest  is  the  small  map  of  Louis 
Joliet  made  and  presented  to  Count  Frontenac  after  the  dis- 
coverer's return  from  the  Mississippi.  It  is  entitled  Carte  de 
la  decouuerte  du  Sr-  Jolliet  ou  Von  voitLa  Communication 
dufleuue  St.  Laurens  auec  les  lacs  frontenac,  JEriej  Lac  des 
Hurons  et  Uinois.  Then  succeeds  the  following,  written 
in  the  same  antiquated  French,  as  if  it  were  a  part  of  the 
title :  "  Lake  Frontenac  [Ontario]  is  separated  by  a  fall  of 
half  a  league  from  Lake  Erie,  from  which  one  enters  that  of 
the  Hurons,  and  by  the  same  navigation,  into  that  of  the 
Illinois  [Michigan],  from  the  head  of  which  one  crosses  to 
the  Divine  River  [Riviere  Divine;  i.  e.,  the  Des  Plaines 
branch  of  the  river  Illinois],  by  a  portage  of  a  thousand 
paces.  This  river  falls  into  the  river  Colbert  [Mississippi], 
which  discharges  itself  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. "  A  part  of 
this  map  is  based  on  the  Jesuit  map  of  Lake  Superior,  the 
legends  being  here  for  the  most  part  identical,  though  the 
shape  of  the  lake  is  better  given  by  Joliet.  The  Mississippi, 
or  "  Biuiere  Colbert, "  is  made  to  flow  from  three  lakes  in 
latitude  47° ;  and  it  ends  in  latitude  37°,  a  little  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  the  rest  being  apparently  cut  off  to  make 
room  for  Joliet's  letter  to  Frontenac  (ante,  76),  which  is 
written  on  the  lower  part  of  the  map.  The  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  is  called  on  the  map  "  Colbertie,  ou  Amerique 
Occidentale. "  The  Missouri  is  represented  without  name, 
and  against  it  is  a  legend,  of  which  the  following  is  the 
literal  translation :  "  By  one  of  these  great  rivers  which  come 
from  the  west  and  discharge  themselves  into  the  river  Colbert, 


480  APPENDIX. 

one  will  find  a  way  to  enter  the  Vermilion  Sea  (Gulf  of 
California).  I  have  seen  a  village  which  was  not  more 
than  twenty  days'  journey  by  land  from  a  nation  which 
has  commerce  with  those  of  California.  If  I  had  come 
two  days  sooner,  I  should  have  spoken  with  those  who 
had  come  from  thence,  and  had  brought  four  hatchets  as 
a  present."  The  Ohio  has  no  name,  but  a  legend  over  it 
states  that  La  Salle  had  descended  it.  (See  ante,  32, 
note). 

8.  Joliet,  at  about  the  same  time,  made  another  map, 
larger  than  that  just  mentioned,  but  not  essentially  differ- 
ent. The  letter  to  Frontenac  is  written  upon  both.  There 
is  a  third  map,  of  which  the  following  is  the  title :  Carte 
generalle  de  la  France  septentrionale  contenant  la  des- 
couuerte  du  pays  des  Illinois,  faite  par  le  Sc  Jolliet.  This 
map,  which  is  inscribed  with  a  dedication  by  the  Intendant 
Duchesneau  to  the  minister  Colbert,  was  made  some  time 
after  the  voyage  of  Joliet  and  Marquette.  It  is  an  elabo- 
rate piece  of  work,  but  very  inaccurate.  It  represents  the 
continent  from  Hudson's  Strait  to  Mexico  and  California, 
with  the  whole  of  the  Atlantic  and  a  part  of  the  Pacific 
coast.  An  open  sea  is  made  to  extend  from  Hudson's 
Strait  westward  to  the  Pacific.  The  St.  Lawrence  and  all 
the  Great  Lakes  are  laid  down  with  tolerable  correctness,  as 
also  is  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  Mississippi,  called  "  Mes- 
sasipi, "  flows  into  the  Gulf,  from  which  it  extends  north- 
ward nearly  to  the  "  Mer  du  Nord. "  Along  its  course, 
above  the  Wisconsin,  which  is  called  "  Miskous, "  is  a  long 
list  of  Indian  tribes,  most  of  which  cannot  now  be  recog- 
nized, though  several  are  clearly  sub-tribes  of  the  Sioux. 
The  Ohio  is  called  "  Ouaboustikou."  The  whole  map  is  dec- 
orated with  numerous  figures  of  animals,  natives  of  the 
country,  or  supposed  to  be  so.  Among  them  are  camels, 
ostriches,  and  a  giraffe,  which  are  placed  on  the  plains  west 


APPENDIX.  481 

of  the  Mississippi.  But  the  most  curious  figure  is  that 
which  represents  one  of  the  monsters  seen  by  Joliet  and 
Marquette,  painted  on  a  rock  by  the  Indians.  It  corre- 
sponds with  Marquette 's  description  (ante,  68).  This 
map,  which  is  an  early  effort  of  the  engineer  Franquelin, 
does  more  credit  to  his  skill  as  a  designer  than  to  his 
geographical  knowledge,  which  appears  in  some  respects 
behind  his  time. 

9.  Carte  de  VAmerique  Septentrionale  depuis  I 'embou- 
chure de  la  Riviere  St.  Laurens  jusques  au  Sein  Mex- 
ique.     On  this  curious  little  map,  the  Mississippi  is  called 
"  Kiuiere  Buade"  (the  family  name  of  Frontenac) ;  and  the 
neighboring  country  is  "  La  Frontenacie."     The  Illinois  is 
"  Biuiere  de  la  Diuine  ou  Loutrelaise, "  and  the  Arkansas  is 
"  Kiuiere  Bazire. "      The   Mississippi  is  made  to  head   in 
three  lakes,  and  to  discharge  itself  into  "B.  du  S.  Esprit" 
(Mobile  Bay).     Some  of  the  legends  and  the  orthography 
of  various  Indian  names  are  clearly  borrowed  from  Mar- 
quette.     This   map  appears  to   be  the   work  of   Raudin, 
Frontenac's  engineer.     I  owe  a  tracing  of  it  to  the  kindness 
of  Henry  Harrisse,  Esq. 

10.  Carte  des  Parties  les  plus  occidentales  du  Canada, 
par  le  Pere  Pierre  Raffeix,  S.  J.     This  rude  map  shows 
the  course  of  Du  Lhut  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  to  the 
Mississippi,  and  partly  confirms  the  story  of  Hennepiri,  who, 
Raffeix  says  in  a  note,    was  rescued   by  Du  Lhut.     The 
course  of  Joliet  and  Marquette  is  given,  with  the  legend 
"  Voyage  et  premiere  descouverte  du  Mississipy  faite  par  le 
P.  Marquette  et  Mr-  Joliet  en  1672."     The  route  of  La 
Salle  in  1679,  1680,  is  also  laid  down. 

11.  In  the  Depot  des  Cartes  de  la  Marine  is  another  map 
of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  which  seems  to  have  been  made 
by  or  for  Du  Lhut.     Lac  Buade,  the  "  Issatis, "  the  "  Tin- 
tons,"  the  "  Houelbatons,"  the  "Poualacs,"  and  other  tribes 

31 


482  APPENDIX. 

of  this  region  appear  upon  it.  This  is  the  map  numbered 
208  in  the  Cartographic  of  Harrisse. 

12.  Another  map  deserving  mention  is  a  large  and  fine 
one,  entitled  Carte  de  VAmerique  Septentrionale  et  partle 
de  la  Meridionale  .  .  .  avec  les  nouvelles  decouvertes  de  la 
Riviere  Missisipi,  ou  Colbert.     It  appears  to  have  been 
made  in  1682  or  1683,  before  the  descent  of  La  Salle  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  was  known  to  the   maker,  who 
seems  to  have  been  Franquelin.     The  lower  Mississippi  is 
omitted,  but  its  upper  portions  are  elaborately  laid  down; 
and  the  name  La  Louisiane  appears  in  large  gold  letters 
along  its  west  side.     The  Falls  of  St.  Anthony  are  shown, 
and  above  them  is  written  "  Armes  du  Roy  gravees  sur  cet 
arbre  Tan  1679."     This  refers  to  the  acte  de  prise  de  pos- 
session of  Du  Lhut  in  July  of  that  year,  and  this  part  of 
the  map  seems  made  from  data  supplied  by  him. 

13.  We  now  come  to  the  great  map  of  Franquelin,  the 
most  remarkable  of  all  the  early  maps  of   the   interior  of 
North  America,    though   hitherto   completely   ignored    by 
both  American  and  Canadian  writers.     It  is  entitled  Carte 
de  la  Louisiane  ou  des  Voyages  du  Sr  de  la  Salle  et  des 
pays  qu'il  a  decouverts  depuis  la  Nouvelle  France  jusqu'au 

Golfe  Mexique  les  annees  1679,  80,  81,  et  82,  par  Jean 
Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin.  Van  1684.  Paris.  Franque- 
lin was  a  young  engineer,  who  held  the  post  of  hydrogra- 
pher  to  the  King,  at  Quebec,  in  which  Joliet  succeeded 
him.  Several  of  his  maps  are  preserved,  including  one 
made  in  1681,  in  which  he  lays  down  the  course  of  the 
Mississippi,  —  the  lower  part  from  conjecture,  —  making  it 
discharge  itself  into  Mobile  Bay.  It  appears  from  a  letter 
of  the  governor,  La  Barre,  that  Franquelin  was  at  Quebec 
in  1683,  engaged  on  a  map  which  was  probably  that  of 
which  the  title  is  given  above,  though  had  La  Barre 
known  that  it  was  to  be  called  a  map  of  the  journeys  of 


APPENDIX.  483 

his  victim  La  Salle,  he  would  have  been  more  sparing  of 
his  praises.  "  He  "  (Franquelin),  writes  the  governor,  "  is 
as  skilful  as  any  in  France,  but  extremely  poor  and  in 
need  of  a  little  aid  from  his  Majesty  as  an  Engineer;  he 
is  at  work  on  a  very  correct  map  of  the  country,  which  I 
shall  send  you  next  year  in  his  name ;  meanwhile,  I  shall 
support  him  with  some  little  assistance."  —  Colonial  Docu- 
ments of  New  York,  IX.  205. 

The  map  is  very  elaborately  executed,  and  is  six  feet  long 
and  four  and  a  half  wide.  It  exhibits  the  political  divisions 
of  the  continent,  as  the  French  then  understood  them;  that 
is  to  say,  all  the  regions  drained  by  streams  flowing  into  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  are  claimed  as  belonging 
to  France,  and  this  vast  domain  is  separated  into  two  grand 
divisions,  La  Nouvelle  France  and  La  Louisiane.  The 
boundary  line  of  the  former,  New  France,  is  drawn  from 
the  Penobscot  to  the  southern  extremity  of  Lake  Champlain, 
and  thence  to  the  Mohawk,  which  it  crosses  a  little  above 
Schenectady,  in  order  to  make  French  subjects  of  the 
Mohawk  Indians.  Thence  it  passes  by  the  sources  of  the 
Susquehanna  and  the  Alleghany,  along  the  southern  shore 
of  Lake  Erie,  across  Southern  Michigan,  and  by  the  head 
of  Lake  Michigan,  whence  it  sweeps  northwestward  to  the 
sources  of  the  Mississippi.  Louisiana  includes  the  entire 
valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio,  besides  the  whole  of 
Texas.  The  Spanish  province  of  Florida  comprises  tha 
peninsula  and  the  country  east  of  the  Bay  of  Mobile,  drained 
by  streams  flowing  into  the  Gulf;  while  Carolina,  Virginia, 
and  the  other  English  provinces,  form  a  narrow  strip 
between  the  Alleghanies  and  the  Atlantic. 

The  Mississippi  is  called  "  Missisipi,  ou  Riviere  Col- 
bert ; "  the  Missouri,  "  Grande  Riviere  des  Emissourittes,  ou 
Missourits;"  the  Illinois,  "Riviere  des  Ilinois,  ou  Maco- 
pins ;  "  the  Ohio,  which  La  Salle  had  before  called  by  its 


484  APPENDIX. 

present  name,  "Fleuve  St.  Louis,  ou  Chucagoa,  ou  Gas- 
quinampogamou ;  "  one  of  its  principal  branches  is  "  Ohio, 
ou  Olighin "  (Alleghany) ;  the  Arkansas,  "  Riviere  des 
Acansea ;  "  the  Red  River,  "  Riviere  Seignelay, "  a  name 
which  had  once  been  given  to  the  Illinois.  Many  smaller 
streams  are  designated  by  names  which  have  been  entirely 
forgotten. 

The  nomenclature  differs  materially  from  that  of  Coro- 
nelli's  map,  published  four  years  later.  Here  the  whole 
of  the  French  territory  is  laid  down  as  "  Canada,  ou  La 
Nouvelle  France, "  of  which  "  La  Louisiana "  forms  an 
integral  part.  The  map  of  Homannus,  like  that  of  Franque- 
lin,  makes  two  distinct  provinces,  of  which  one  is  styled 
"  Canada  "  and  the  other  "  La  Louisiane, "  the  latter  includ- 
ing Michigan  and  the  greater  part  of  New  York.  Franquelin 
gives  the  shape  of  Hudson's  Bay,  and  of  all  the  Great 
Lakes,  with  remarkable  accuracy.  He  makes  the  Mississippi 
bend  much  too  far  to  the  West.  The  peculiar  sinuosities 
of  its  course  are  indicated ;  and  some  of  its  bends  —  as,  for 
example,  that  at  New  Orleans  —  are  easily  recognized.  Its 
mouths  are  represented  with  great  minuteness ;  and  it  may 
be  inferred  from  the  map  that,  since  La  Salle's  time,  they 
have  advanced  considerably  into  the  sea. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  feature  in  Franquelin's  map 
is  his  sketch  of  La  Salle's  evanescent  colony  on  the  Illinois, 
engraved  for  this  volume.  He  reproduced  the  map  in  1688, 
for  presentation  to  the  King,  with  the  title  Carte  de  VAme- 
rique  Septentrionale,  depuis  le  25  jusq'au  65  degre  de  lati- 
tude et  environ  140  et  235  degres  de  longitude,  etc.  In 
this  map,  Franquelin  corrects  various  errors  in  that  which 
preceded.  One  of  these  corrections  consists  in  the  removal  of 
a  branch  of  the  river  Illinois  which  he  had  marked  on  his 
first  map,  —  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  portion  of  it 
in  this  book,  —  but  which  does  not  in  fact  exist.  On  this 


APPENDIX.  485 

second  map,  La  Salle's  colony  appears  in  much  diminished 
proportions,  his  Indian  settlements  having  in  good  measure 
dispersed. 

Two  later  maps  of  New  France  and  Louisiana,  hoth  bear- 
ing Franquelin's  name,  are  preserved  in  the  Depot  des 
Cartes  de  la  Marine,  as  well  as  a  number  of  smaller  maps 
and  sketches,  also  by  him.  They  all  have  more  or  less  of 
the  features  of  the  great  map  of  1684,  which  surpasses 
them  all  in  interest  and  completeness. 

The  remarkable  manuscript  map  of  the  Upper  Mississippi 
by  Le  Sueur  belongs  to  a  period  later  than  the  close  of  this 
narrative. 

These  various  maps,  joined  to  contemporary  documents, 
show  that  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  received,  at  an  early 
date,  the  several  names  of  Manitoumie,  Frontenacie,  Col- 
bertie,  and  La  Louisiane.  This  last  name,  which  it  long 
retained,  is  due  to  La  Salle.  The  first  use  of  it  which  I 
have  observed  is  in  a  conveyance  of  the  Island  of  Belleisle 
made  by  him  to  his  lieutenant,  La  Forest,  in  1679. 


II. 

THE  ELDORADO  OF  MATHIEU 

FATHER  HENNEPIN  had  among  his  contemporaries  two 
rivals  in  the  fabrication  of  new  discoveries.  The  first  was 
the  noted  La  Hontan,  whose  book,  like  his  own,  had  a  wide 
circulation  and  proved  a  great  success.  La  Hontan  had 
seen  much,  and  portions  of  his  story  have  a  substantial 
value;  but  his  account  of  his  pretended  voyage  up  the 
*  Long  River  "  is  a  sheer  fabrication.  His  "  Long  River  " 


486  APPENDIX. 

corresponds  in  position  with  the  St.  Peter,  but  it  corre- 
sponds in  nothing  else ;  and  the  populous  nations  whom  he 
found  on  it  —  the  Eokoros,  the  Esanapes,  and  the  Gnacsi- 
tares,  no  less  than  their  neighbors  the  Mozeemlek  and  the 
Tahuglauk  — are  as  real  as  the  nations  visited  by  Captain 
Gulliver.  But  La  Hontan  did  not,  like  Hennepin,  add 
slander  and  plagiarism  to  mendacity,  or  seek  to  appropriate 
to  himself  the  credit  of  genuine  discoveries  made  by  others. 

Mathieu  Sagean  is  a  personage  less  known  than  Henne- 
.pin  or  La  Hontan;  for  though  he  surpassed  them  both  in 
fertility  of  invention,  he  was  illiterate,  and  never  made  a 
book.  In  1701,  being  then  a  soldier  in  a  company  of 
marines  at  Brest,  he  revealed  a  secret  which  he  declared 
that  he  had  locked  within  his  breast  for  twenty  years,  hav- 
ing been  unwilling  to  impart  it  to  the  Dutch  and  English, 
in  whose  service  he  had  been  during  the  whole  period. 
His  story  was  written  down  from  his  dictation,  and  sent  to 
the  minister  Ponchartrain.  It  is  preserved  in  the  Biblio- 
th&que  Nationale,  and  in  1863  it  was  printed  by  Mr.  Shea. 

He  was  born,  he  declares,  at  La  Chine  in  Canada,  and 
engaged  in  the  service  of  La  Salle  about  twenty  years  be- 
fore the  revelation  of  his  secret;  that  is,  in  1681.  Hence, 
he  would  have  been,  at  the  utmost,  only  fourteen  years  old, 
as  La  Chine  did  not  exist  before  1667.  He  was  with  La 
Salle  at  the  building  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  and 
was  left  here  as  one  of  a  hundred  men  under  command  of 
Tonty.  Tonty,  it  is  to  be  observed,  had  but  a  small  frac- 
tion of  this  number;  and  Sagean  describes  the  fort  in  a 
manner  which  shows  that  he  never  saw  it.  Being  desirous 
of  making  some  new  discovery,  he  obtained  leave  from 
Tonty,  and  set  out  with  eleven  other  Frenchmen  and  two 
Mohegan  Indians.  They  ascended  the  Mississippi  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  leagues,  carried  their  canoes  by  a  cataract, 
went  forty  leagues  farther,  and  stopped  a  month  to  hunt. 


APPENDIX  487 

While  thus  employed,  they  found  another  river,  fourteen 
leagues  distant,  flowing  south-southwest.  They  carried 
their  canoes  thither,  meeting  on  the  way  many  lions, 
leopards,  and  tigers,  which  did  them  no  harm ;  then  they 
embarked,  paddled  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  farther,  and 
found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  the  great  nation  of  the 
Acanibas,  dwelling  in  many  fortified  towns,  and  governed 
by  King  Hagaren,  who  claimed  descent  from  Montezuma. 
The  King,  like  his  subjects,  was  clothed  with  the  skins  of 
men.  Nevertheless,  he  and  they  were  civilized  and  pol- 
ished in  their  manners.  They  worshipped  certain  frightful 
idols  of  gold  in  the  royal  palace.  One  of  them  represented 
the  ancestor  of  their  monarch  armed  with  lance,  bow,  and 
quiver,  and  in  the  act  of  mounting  his  horse ;  while  in  his 
mouth  he  held  a  jewel  as  large  as  a  goose's  egg,  which 
shone  like  fire,  and  which,  in  the  opinion  of  Sagean,  was  a 
carbuncle.  Another  of  these  images  was  that  of  a  woman 
mounted  on  a  golden  unicorn,  with  a  horn  more  than  a 
fathom  long.  After  passing,  pursues  the  story,  between 
these  idols,  which  stand  on  platforms  of  gold,  each  thirty 
feet  square,  one  enters  a  magnificent  vestibule,  conducting 
to  the  apartment  of  the  King.  At  the  four  corners  of  this 
vestibule  are  stationed  bands  of  music,  which,  to  the  taste 
of  Sagean,  was  of  very  poor  quality.  The  palace  is  of  vast 
extent,  and  the  private  apartment  of  the  King  is  twenty- 
eight  or  thirty  feet  square;  the  walls,  to  the  height  of 
eighteen  feet,  being  of  bricks  of  solid  gold,  and  the  pave- 
ment of  the  same.  Here  the  King  dwells  alone,  served  only 
by  his  wives,  of  whom  he  takes  a  new  one  every  day.  The 
Frenchmen  alone  had  the  privilege  of  entering,  and  were 
graciously  received. 

These  people  carry  on  a  great  trade  in  gold  with  a  nation, 
believed  by  Sagean  to  be  the  Japanese,  as  the  journey  to 
them  lasts  six  months.  He  saw  the  departure  of  one  of  the 


488  APPENDIX. 

caravans,  which  consisted  of  more  than  three  thousand  oxen, 
laden  with  gold,  and  an  equal  number  of  horsemen,  armed 
with  lances,  bows,  and  daggers.  They  receive  iron  and 
steel  in  exchange  for  their  gold.  The  King  has  an  army  of 
a  hundred  thousand  men,  of  whom  three  fourths  are  cavalry. 
They  have  golden  trumpets,  with  which  they  make  very 
indifferent  music;  and  also  golden  drums,  which,  as  well  as 
the  drummer,  are  carried  on  the  backs  of  oxen.  The  troops 
are  practised  once  a  week  in  shooting  at  a  target  with  arrows ; 
and  the  King  rewards  the  victor  with  one  of  his  wives,  or 
with  some  honorable  employment. 

These  people  are  of  a  dark  complexion  and  hideous  to 
look  upon,  because  their  faces  are  made  long  and  narrow  by 
pressing  their  heads  between  two  boards  in  infancy.  The 
women,  however,  are  as  fair  as  in  Europe;  though,  in 
common  with  the  men,  their  ears  are  enormously  large.  All 
persons  of  distinction  among  the  Acanibas  wear  their  finger- 
nails very  long.  They  are  polygamists,  and  each  man 
takes  as  many  wives  as  he  wants.  They  are  of  a  joyous 
disposition,  moderate  drinkers,  but  great  smokers.  They 
entertained  Sagean  and  his  followers  during  five  months  with 
the  fat  of  the  land ;  and  any  woman  who  refused  a  French- 
man was  ordered  to  be  killed.  Six  girls  were  put  to  death 
with  daggers  for  this  breach  of  hospitality.  The  King,  being 
anxious  to  retain  his  visitors  in  his  service,  offered  Sagean 
one  of  his  daughters,  aged  fourteen  years,  in  marriage ;  and 
when  he  saw  him  resolved  to  depart,  promised  to  keep  her 
for  him  till  he  should  return. 

The  climate  is  delightful,  and  summer  reigns  throughout 
the  year.  The  plains  are  full  of  birds  and  animals  of  all 
kinds,  among  which  are  many  parrots  and  monkeys,  besides 
the  wild  cattle,  with  humps  like  camels,  which  these 
people  use  as  beasts  of  burden. 

Bang  Hagaren  would  not  let  the  Frenchmen  go  till  they 


APPENDIX.  489 

had  sworn  by  the  sky,  which  is  the  customary  oath  of  the 
Acanibas,  that  they  would  return  in  thirty-six  moons,  and 
bring  him  a  supply  of  beads  and  other  trinkets  from  Canada. 
As  gold  was  to  be  had  for  the  asking,  each  of  the  eleven 
Frenchmen  took  away  with  him  sixty  small  bars,  weighing 
about  four  pounds  each.  The  King  ordered  two  hundred 
horsemen  to  escort  them,  and  carry  the  gold  to  their  canoes; 
which  they  did,  and  then  bade  them  farewell  with  terrific 
bowlings,  meant,  doubtless,  to  do  them  honor. 

After  many  adventures,  wherein  nearly  all  his  companions 
came  to  a  bloody  end,  Sagean,  and  the  few  others  who  sur- 
vived, had  the  ill  luck  to  be  captured  by  English  pirates,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  spent  many  years 
among  them  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  but  would  not 
reveal  the  secret  of  his  Eldorado  to  these  heretical  foreigners. 

Such  was  the  story,  which  so  far  imposed  on  the  credu- 
lity of  the  minister  Ponchartrain  as  to  persuade  him  that 
the  matter  was  worth  serious  examination.  Accordingly, 
Sagean  was  sent  to  Louisiana,  then  in  its  earliest  infancy  as 
a  French  colony.  Here  he  met  various  persons  who  had 
known  him  in  Canada,  who  denied  that  he  had  ever  been 
on  the  Mississippi,  and  contradicted  his  account  of  his 
parentage.  ^Nevertheless,  he  held  fast  to  his  story,  and  de- 
clared that  the  gold  mines  of  the  Acanibas  could  be  reached 
without  difficulty  by  the  river  Missouri.  But  Sau voile  and 
Bienville,  chiefs  of  the  colony,  were  obstinate  in  their  un- 
belief; and  Sagean  and  his  King  Hagaren  lapsed  alike  into 
oblivion. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


ABENAKIS,  the,  285,  295,  316,  346. 

Acanibas,  the,  great  nation  of, 
description  .  of,  487-489  ;  gold 
mines  of,  489. 

'  Acansea"  (Arkansas)  River,  the, 
484. 

Accau,  Michel,  186,  187,  249,  251, 
253,  261,  265,  266,  273. 

African  travel,  history  of,  198. 

Agniers  (Mohawks),  the,  136. 

Aigron,  Captain,  on  ill-terms  with 
La  Salle,  372,  382,  383. 

Ailleboust,  Madame  d',  111. 

"  Aimable,"  La  Salle's  store-ship, 
372,  373,  374,  375,  379,  380,  381, 
405,  454,  468. 

A  ire,  Beaujeu's  lieutenant,  375. 

A  kanseas,  nation  of  the,  300.  See 
also  Arkansas  Indians,  the. 

Albanel,  prominent  among  the 
Jesuit  explorers,  109  ;  his  jour- 
ney up  the  Saguenay  to  Hud- 
son's Bay,  109. 

Albany,  118,  200,  220. 

Algonquin  Indians,  the,  Jean 
Nicollet  among,  3;  at  Ste. 
Marie  du  Saut,  39;  the  Iro- 
quois  spread  desolation  among, 
219. 

Alkansas,  nation  of  the,  300.  See 
also  Arkansas  Indians,  the. 

A^leghany  Mountains,  the,  84, 
308,  309,  483. 


Allegheny  River,  the,  307,  483, 
484. 

Allouez,  Father  Claude,  explores 
a  part  of  Lake  Superior,  6; 
name  of  Lake  Michigan,  42, 
155;  sent  to  Green  Bay  to 
found  a  mission,  43;  joined 
by  Dablon,  43  ;  among  the  Mas- 
coutins  and  the  Miamis,  44; 
among  the  Foxes,  45 ;  at  Saut 
Ste.  Marie,  51 ;  addresses  the 
Indians  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  53 ; 
population  of  the  Illinois  Val- 
ley, 169 ;  intrigues  against  La 
Salle,  175,  238;  at  Fort  St. 
Louis  of  the  Illinois,  458;  his 
fear  of  La  Salle,  459. 

Allumette  Island,  3. 

Alton,  city  of,  68. 

America,  debt  due  La  Salle  from, 
432. 

"Amerique  Occidentale"  (Missis- 
sippi Valley),  479. 

Amikoues,  the,  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51. 

Andastes,  reduced  to  helpless  in- 
significance by  the  Iroquois,  219. 

Andre,  Louis,  mission  of  the 
Manitoulin  Island  assigned  to, 
41 ;  makes  a  missionary  tour 
among  the  Nipissings,  41  ;  his 
experiences  among  them,  42 ;  at 
Saut  Ste.  Marie,  51. 


494 


INDEX. 


Anthony,  St.,  of  Padua,  the  patron 
of  La  Salle's  great  enterprise, 
152,  250,  259. 

Anticosti,  great  island  of,  granted 
to  Joliet,  76. 

Appalache,  Bay  of,  373. 

Aquipaguetin,  Chief,  254;  plots 
against  Hennepin,  255,  261,  262, 
264,271,272. 

Aramoni  River,  the,  221,  225, 
239. 

Arctic  travel,  history  of,  198. 

Arkansas  Indians,  the,  Joliet  and 
Marquette  among,  72,  184;  La 
Salle  among,  299 ;  various  names 
of,  300 ;  tallest  and  best-formed 
Indians  in  America,  300,  308; 
villages  of,  466. 

Arkansas  River,  the,  71 ;  Joutel's 
arrival  at,  453  ;  Joutel  descends, 
456 ;  478,  484. 

Arnoul,  Sieur,  383,  390. 

Arouet,  Fra^ois  Marie,  see  Vol- 
taire. 

Aspinwall,  Col.  Thomas,  471. 

Assiniboins,  the,  at  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sion of  St.  Esprit,  40,  261 ;  Du 
Lhut  among,  276. 

Assonis,  the,  Joutel  among,  451  ; 
Tonty  among,  452. 

Atlantic  coast,  the,  480. 

Atlantic  Ocean,  the,  74. 

Auguel,  Antoine,  186.  See  also 
Du  Gay,  Picard. 

Autray,  Sieur  d',  200. 

BANCROFT,  75. 

Barbier,  Sieur,  406 ;  marriage  of, 

408,418;  fate  of,  470. 
Barcia,  244,  471. 
Barrois,  secretary  of  Count  Fron- 

tenac,  293. 

Barthelemy,  433,  451,  456. 
Baugis,  Chevalier  de,  326,  327. 
Bazire,  101. 


Beauharnois,  forest  of,  14. 

Beaujeu,  Madame  de,  devotion  to 
the  Jesuits,  361. 

Beaujeu,  Sieur  de,  divides  with  La 
Salle  the  command  of  the  new 
enterprise,  353 ;  lack  of  harmony 
between  La  Salle  and,  354-361 ; 
letters  to  Seignelay,  354-356; 
letters  to  Cabart  de  Villermont, 
357-360;  sails  from  Rochelle, 
366;  disputes  with  La  Salle, 
366  ;  the  voyage,  368  ;  com- 
plaints of,  370;  La  Salle  wait- 
ing for,  374 ;  meeting  with  La 
Salle,  375 ;  in  Texas,  381 ;  makes 
friendly  advances  to  La  Salle, 
385 ;  departure  of,  387  ;  conduct 
of,  389 ;  coldly  received  by  Sei- 
gnelay, 389,  454. 

"Beautiful  River"  (Ohio),  the, 
70. 

Begon,  the  intendant,  367,  368. 

"Belle,"  La  Salle's  frigate,  372, 
373,  374,  379,  383,  386,  389,  392, 
401,  404,  406,  407,  456,  417, 
468. 

Belief ontaine,  Tonty 's  lieutenant, 
458,  460. 

Belle  Isle,  203. 

Belleisle,  Island  of,  485. 

Bellinzani,  129. 

Bernou,  Abbe,  on  the  character  of 
La  SaUe,  342. 

Bibliotheque  Mazarine,  the,  17. 

Bienville,  489. 

Big  Vermilion  River,  the,  221, 239, 
241. 

Bissot,  Claire,  her  marriage  to 
Louis  Joliet,  76. 

Black  Hock,  149. 

Bceufs,  Riviere  aux,  392. 

Bois  Blanc,  Island  of,  153. 

Boisrondet,  Sieur  de,  218, 223,  227, 
233,  236,  457. 

Boisseau,  101. 


INDEX. 


495 


Bolton,  Captain,  reaches  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 5. 

Boston,     5;    rumored     that    the 
Dutch  fleet  had  captured,  88. 

Boughton  Hill,  21. 

Bourbon,  Louis  Armand  de,  see, 
Conti,  Prince  de. 

Bourdon,  the  engineer,  111. 

Bourdon,  Jean,  200.  See  also 
Dautray. 

Bourdon,  Madame,  superior  of  the 
Sainte  Famille,  111. 

Bowman,  W.  E.,  317. 

Branssac,  loans  merchandise  to 
La  Salle,  49,  434. 

Brazos  Eiver,  the,  424. 

Breman,  fate  of,  471,  472. 

Brest,  486. 

Brinvilliers,  burned  alive,  179. 

British  territories,  the,  309. 

Brodhead,  136. 

Bruyas,  the  Jesuit,  115;  among 
the  Onondagas  and  the  Mo- 
hawks, 115,  135;  the  "Ratines 
Agnieres"  of,  136. 

Buade,  Lake,  257,  262,  481. 

Buade,  Louis  de,  see  Frontenac, 
Count. 

Buade,  Riviere  (Mississippi),  481 

Buffalo,  the,  205,  398. 

Buffalo  Rock,  169,  314;  occupied 
by  the  Miami  village,  314;  de 
scribed  by  Charlevoix,  314. 

Buisset,  Luc,  the   Recollet,   121 

at    Fort    Frontenac,    132,   135 

137,  280. 

Bull  River,  272. 

Burnt  Wood  River,  the,  277. 

CADDOES,  the,   452 ;   villages  oj 

465. 

Cadodaquis,  the,  452. 
California,  Gulf  of,  15,  31,  41,  63 

74,  84,  480. 
California,  State  of,  480. 


amanches,  the,  414. 
ambray,  Archbishop  of,  16. 
anada,   10;    Frontenac 's    treaty 
with  the  Indians  confers  an  in- 
estimable blessing  on  all,  95 ; 
no    longer    merely   a    mission, 
104,  484. 
Canadian  Parliament,  Library  of, 

the,  13. 

^ananistigoyan,  275. 
^arignan,  regiment  of,  12,  91. 
Carolina,  483. 
Carver,  62,  267. 

Casquinampogamou "  (St.  Louis) 
River,  the,  484. 

Casson,  Dollier  de,  15 ;  among  the 
Nipissings,  16;  leads  an  expedi- 
tion of  conversion,  16;  com- 
bines his  expedition  with  that 
of  La  Salle,  17 ;  journey  of,  19, 
20;  belles  paroles  of  La  Salle, 
25;  discoveries  of  La  Salle, 
29,  475. 

Cataraqui  Bridge,  the,  90. 
ataraqui   River,  the,  87  ;  Fron- 
tenac at,  90;  fort  built  on  the 
banks  of,  92. 

iavelier,  nephew  of  La  Salle,  420, 
435,    438,   446,   449,    451,   458, 
463. 
Javelier,  Henri,  uncle  of  La  Salle, 

7,  363. 
Cavelier,  Jean,  father  of  La  Salle, 

7. 

Cavelier,  Abbe  Jean,  brother  of 
La  Salle,  9  ;  at  Montreal,  98  ;  La 
Salle  defamed  to,  113;  causes 
La  Salle  no  little  annoyance, 
114,  333,  353,  367,  369,  370,  371, 
372,  374,  376,  388,  394,  396,  402, 
405,  406,  412,  415,  416,  417,  420, 
421,  423  ;  unreliable  in  his  writ- 
ings, 433,  435,  436;  doubt  and 
anxiety,  437,  438,  446 ;  plans  to 
escape,  447;  the  murder  of 


496 


INDEX. 


Duhaut,  449 ;  sets  out  for  home, 
450,  451 ;   among  the   Assonis, 
452,  453 ;  on  the  Arkansas,  455 ; 
at  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  | 
457 ;  visit  to    Father  Allouez, 
459 ;  conceals  La  Salle's  death,  ; 
460 ;    reaches    Montreal,    462 ;  j 
embarks  for  France,  462 ;  his 
report  to  Seignelay,  462,  463 ;  | 
his  memorial  to  the  King,  463, 
464. 

Cavelier,  Madeleine,  28,  34. 

Cavelier,  Rene  Robert,  see  La 
Salle,  Sieur  de. 

Cayuga  Creek,  145,  146. 

Cayugas,  the,  Frontenac's  address 
to,  91. 

Cenis,  the,  La  Salle  among,  413 ; 
villages  of,  415 ;  Duhaut's 
journey  to,  438 ;  Joutel  among, 
440-445;  customs  of,  443; 
joined  by  Hiens  on  a  war- 
expedition,  450. 

Champigny,  Intendant  of  Canada, 
434. 

Champlain,  Lake,  483. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  dreams  of 
the  South  Sea,  14;  map  of,  139  ; 
his  enthusiasm  compared  with 
that  of  La  Salle,  431  ;  first  to 
map  out  the  Great  Lakes,  476. 

Chaouanon  s  ( Shawanoes ) ,  the, 
307,  317. 

Charlevoix,  50;  death  of  Mar- 
quette,  82;  103;  the  names  of 
the  Illinois  River,  167 ;  the 
loss  of  the  "Griffin,"  182;  the 
Illinois  Indians,  223 ;  doubted 
veracity  of  Hennepin,  244  ;  the 
Iroquois  virgin,  Tegahkouita, 
275  ;  the  Arkansas  nation,  300 ; 
visits  the  Natchez  Indians,  304 ; 
describes  "Starved  Rock"  and 
Buffalo  Rock,  314;  speaks  of 
"Le  Rocher,"  314 ;  character  of 


La  Salle,  433,  454 ;  the  remains 

of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois, 

468. 

Charon,  creditor  of  La  Salle,  150. 
Charron,  Madame,  111. 
Chartier,  Martin,  337. 
Chassagoac,  chief  of  the  Illinois, 

meeting  with  La  Salle,  192. 
Chassagouasse,  Chief,  192. 
Chateaugua}r,  forest  of,  14. 
"Chaudiere'Lac  de  la"  (Lake  St. 

Clair),  476. 
Chaumonot,    the    Jesuit,    founds 

the   association  of    the    Sainte 

Famille,  111. 
Chefdeville,  M.  de,  406,  407,  418, 

463. 

Cheruel,  167. 

Chicago,  50,  236,  460,  462,  477. 
Chicago  Portage,  the,  320. 
Chicago  River,  the,  31 ;  Marquette 

on,  78,  296. 

Chickasaw  Bluffs,  the,  311. 
Chickasaw  Indians,  the,  184,  296, 

307,  320,  468. 

Chikachas  (Chickasaws),the,307. 
China,  6,  14,  29. 
China,  Sea  of,  38,  83. 
Chippewa  Creek,  139, 145. 
Chippeway  River,  the,  272. 
"Chucagoa"   (St.    Louis)    River, 

the,  484. 
Chukagoua    (Ohio)    River,    the, 

307. 
Clark,  James,  169,  170;  the  site 

of  the  Great  Illinois  Town,  239. 
Coahuila,  469. 

Colbert,  the  minister,  Joliet's  dis- 
covery of  the  Mississippi  an- 
nounced to,  34;  Frontenac's 
despatch,  recommending  La 
Salle,  99  ;  La  Salle  defamed  to, 
119;  a  memorial  of  La  Salle 
laid  before,  122,  344,  345,  480. 
Colbert  River  (Mississippi),  the, 


INDEX. 


497 


35,  244,  307,  346,  376,  477,  479, 
482. 

"  Colbertie  "  (Mississippi  Valley), 
479. 

Collin,  187. 

Colorado  River,  the,  411,  415. 

Comet  of  1680,  the  Great,  213. 

"  Conception,  Riviere  de  la"  ( Mis- 
sissippi River),  477. 

Conti,  Fort,  128;  location  of,  129, 
148. 

Conti,  Lac  de  (Lake  Erie),  129. 

Conti,  Prince  de  (second),  patron 
of  La  Salle,  106;  letter  from 
LaSalle,  118. 

Copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior, 
23 ;  Joliet  attempts  to  discover, 
23 ;  the  Jesuits  labor  to  ex- 
plore, 38 ;  Indian  legends  con- 
cerning, 39  ;  Saint-Lusson  sets 
out  to  discover,  49. 

Coroas,  the,  visited  by  the  French, 
305,  310. 

Coronelli,  map  made  by,  221,  484. 

Corpus  Christ!  Bay,  375. 

Cosme,  St.,  69,  314,  454;  com- 
mendation of  Tonty,  467. 

Courcelle,  Governor,  11,  15,  17, 
35;  quarrel  with  Talon,  56; 
schemes  to  protect  French  trade 
in  Canada,  85. 

Couture,  the  assassination  of  La 
Salle,  433;  welcomes  Joutel, 
453,  455,  456,  461,  464. 

Creeks,  the,  304. 

Crees,  the,  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  51. 

Crevecceur,  Fort,  34 ;  built  by  La 
Salle,  180 ;  La  Salle  at,  180-188  ; 
destroyed  by  the  mutineers,  199; 
La  Salle  finds  the  ruins  of,  211. 

Crow  Indians,  the,  make  war  upon 
the  dead,  207. 

Cuba,  372,  389. 

Cussy,  De,  governor  of  La  Tortue, 
367,  368. 


DABLON,  Father  Claude  the  Jesuit, 
at  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut,  27,  51 ; 
reports  the  discovery  of  copper, 
38 ;  the  location  of  the  Illinois 
Indians,  41  ;  the  name  of  Lake 
Michigan,  42;  joins  Father 
Allouez  at  the  Green  Bay  Mis- 
sion, 43 ;  among  the  Mascoutins 
and  the  Miamis,  44 ;  the  Cross 
among  the  Foxes,  45 ;  the  au- 
thority and  state  of  the  Miami 
chief,  50;  Allouez's  harangue 
at  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  55 ;  rumors 
of  the  Dutch  fleet,  88,  112. 

Dacotah  (Sioux)  Indians,  the,  260. 

Dauphin,  Fort,  128;  location  of, 
129. 

Dauphin,  Lac  (Lake  Michigan), 
155. 

Daupin,  Francois,  203. 

Dautray,  187,  199,  210,  306. 

De  Launay,  see  Launay,  De. 

De  Leon,  see  Leon,  Alonzo  de. 

De  Leon  (San  Antonio),  the,  469. 

Del  Norte,  the,  469, 

De  Marie,  see  Marie,  De. 

Denonville,  Marquis  de,  21,  121, 
275,  454 ;  in  the  Iroquois  War, 
460;  announces  war  against 
Spain,  464;  commendation  of 
Tonty,  467. 

Des  Groseilliers,  Medard  Chouart, 
reaches  the  Mississippi,  5. 

Deslauriers,  118. 

Desloges,  384. 

Des  Moines,  65. 

Des  Moines  River,  the,  477,  478. 

De  Soto,  Hernando,  buried  in  the 
Mississippi,  3. 

Des  Plaines  River,  the,  79,  477, 
479. 

Detroit,  26. 

Detroit  River,  the,  31,  197,  279. 

Detroit,  the  Strait  of,  first  re- 
corded  passage  of  white  men 


82 


498 


INDEX. 


through,  26 ;  the  "  Griffin  "  in, 
151 ;  Du  Lhut  ordered  to  fortify, 
275,  475. 

Divine,  the  Kiviere  de  la,  167, 
479. 

Dollier,  see  Casson,  Dottier  de. 

Douay,  Anastase,  69,  155;  joins 
La  Salle's  new  enterprise,  353, 
372;  in  Texas,  388;  at  Fort 
St.  Louis,  399,  405,  406,  412, 
413,414,  415,  416,  417,  418,  420, 
421,422,428;  the  assassination 
of  La  Salle,  432 ;  unreliable  in 
his  writings,  433 ;  435  ;  doubt 
and  anxiety,  437,  446 ;  the  mur- 
der of  Duhaut,  448,  449;  sets 
out  for  home,  451,  458  ;  visit  to 
Father  Allouez,  459  ;  character 
of,  462. 

Druilletes,  Gabriel,  at  Saut  Ste. 
Marie,  51 ;  teaches  Marquette 
the  Montagnais  language,  59. 

Duchesneau,  the  iutendant,  69, 
78,  101,  102,  125,  126,  138,  156, 
164,  197,  217,  218,  219,  235,  274, 
275,  480. 

Du  Gay,  Picard,  186, 187,250,  251, 
253;  among  the  Sioux,  259,  261, 
265,  266,  268,  269,  270,  272,  273. 

Duhaut,  the  brothers,  368,  400. 

Duhaut,  the  elder,  return  of,  401  ; 
at  Fort  St.  Louis,  405;  plots 
against  La  Salle,  410,  420,  424, 
quarrel  with  Moranget,  425; 
murders  Moranget,  Saget,  and 
Nika,  426 ;  assassinates  La  Salle, 
429 ;  triumph  of,  435  ;  journey 
to  the  Cenis  villages,  438;  re- 
solves to  return  to  Fort  St. 
Louis,  446 ;  quarrel  with  Hiens, 
446 ;  plans  to  go  to  Canada, 
448 ;  murder  of,  448. 

Du  Lhut,  Daniel  Greysolon,  182 ; 
meeting  with  Hennepin,  273 ; 
sketch  of,  274 ;  exploits  of,  275, 


276  ;  route  of,  276 ;  explorations 

of,  276-278 ;  among  the  Assini- 

boins  and  the  Sioux,  276 ;  joined 

by  Hennepin,  278 ;  reaches  the 

Green  Bay   Mission,   279,  322; 

in  the  Iroquois  War,  460,  481, 

482. 

Dumesnil,  La  Salle's  servant,  415. 
Dumont,  La  Salle  borrows  money 

from,  127. 
Duplessis,  attempts  to  murder  La 

Salle,  166. 

Dupont,  Nicolas,  99. 
Du  Pratz,  customs  of  the  Natchez, 

304. 

Durango,  350. 
Durantaye,  275 ;   in  the  Iroquois 

War,  460. 
Dutch,  the,  trade  with  the  Indians, 

219;  encourage  the  Iroquois  to 

fight,  324. 
Dutch  fleet,  the,  rumored  to  have 

captured  Boston,  88. 

EAST  INDIES,  the,  489. 

Eastman,  Mrs.,  legend  of  Winona, 
271. 

"  Emissourites,  Kiviere  des  "  (Mis- 
souri), 70. 

English,  the,  hold  out  great  in- 
ducements to  Joliet  to  join 
them,  76  ;  French  company 
formed  to  compete  at  Hudson's 
Bay  with,  76 ;  trade  with  the 
Indians,  219;  encourage  the 
Iroquois  to  fight,  324. 

"English  Jem,"  421. 

Eokoros,  the,  486. 

Erie,  Lake,  23,  25,  26,  29,  31,  96, 
124,  141,  146,  151,  196,  197,  275, 
279,  309,  333,  475,  476,  477,  479, 
483. 

Eries,  the,  exterminated  by  the 
Iroquois,  219. 

Esanapes,  the,  486. 


INDEX. 


499 


Eainanville,  the  priest,  375, 379. 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  394,  471. 
Estre'es,  Count  d',  344. 

FAILLON,  Abbe,  connection  of  La 
Salle  with  the  Jesuits,  8;  the 
seigniory  of  La  Salle,  12,  13 ; 
detailed  plan  of  Montreal,  13; 
La  Salle's  discoveries,  29 ;  La 
Salle  in  need  of  money,  49; 
throws  much  light  on  the  life 
of,  58;  98;  on  the  establish- 
ment of  the  association  of  the 
Sainte  Famille,  112;  plan  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  121. 

Fauvel-Cavelier,  Mme.,  463. 

Fe'nelon,  Abbe',  16;  attempts  to 
mediate  between  Frontenac  and 
Per  rot,  97 ;  preaches  against 
Frontenac  at  Montreal,  98. 

Ferland,  throws  much  light  on  the 
life  of  Joliet,  58. 

Fire  Nation,  the,  44. 

Five  Nations,  the,  11. 

Florida,  483. 

Florida  Indians,  the,  lodges  of, 
442. 

Folles-Avoines,  Nation  des,  61. 

Forked  River  (Mississippi),  the,  5. 

Fox  River,  the,  4,  43,  50,  62,  477. 

Foxes,  the,  at  the  Jesuit  mission 
of  St.  Esprit,  40;  location  of, 
43 ;  Father  Allouez  among,  45  ; 
incensed  against  the  French, 
45 ;  the  Cross  among,  45,  287. 

France,  takes  possession  of  the 
West,  52 ;  receives  on  parch- 
ment a  stupendous  accession,  308. 

Francheville,  Pierre,  58. 

Francis,  St.,  249. 

Franciscans,  the,  133. 

Franquelin,  Jean  Baptiste  Louis, 
manuscript  map  made  by,  169, 
221,  309,316,317,347,390,481, 
482,  483,  484,  485. 


Fremiu,  the  Jesuit,  21. 

French,  the,  Hurons  the  allies  of, 
4 ;  in  western  New  York,  19- 
23 ;  the  Iroquois  felt  the  power 
of,  42 ;  the  Foxes  incensed 
against,  45 ;  the  Jesuits  seek 
to  embroil  the  Iroquois  with, 
115 ;  seeking  to  secure  a  monop- 
oly of  the  furs  of  the  north  and 
west,  219;  in  Texas,  348;  re- 
occupy  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  468. 

French  River,  28,  462. 

Frontenac,  Count,  La  Salle  ad- 
dresses a  memorial  to,  32 ; 
announces  Joliet's  discovery  of 
the  Mississippi  to  Colbert,  34; 
speaks  slightingly  of  Joliet, 
34  ;  succeeds  Courcelle  as  gov- 
ernor, 56,  57,  60,  67;  letter 
from  Joliet  to,  76 ;  favorably 
disposed  to  La  Salle,  85  ;  comes 
to  Canada  a  ruined  man,  85  ; 
schemes  of,  86 ;  at  Montreal, 
87 ;  his  journey  to  Lake  Onta- 
rio, 88 ;  faculty  for  managing 
the  Indians,  89;  reaches  Lake 
Ontario,  89;  at  Cataraqui,  90; 
addresses  the  Indians,  91 ;  ad- 
mirable dealing  with  the  In- 
dians, 92,  93  ;  his  enterprise 
a  complete  success,  95  ;  confers 
an  inestimable  benefit  on  all 
Canada,  95 ;  his  plan  to  com- 
mand the  Upper  Lakes,  96; 
quarrel  with  Perrot,  96  ;  arrests 
Perrot,  96;  has  Montreal  well 
in  hand,  96 ;  the  Abbe'  Fe'nelon 
attempts  to  mediate  between 
Perrot  and,  97  ;  the  Abbs' 
Fe'nelon  preaches  against,  98; 
championed  by  La  Salle,  99; 
recommends  La  Salle  to  Colbert, 
99  ;  expects  to  share  in  profits 
of  La  Salle's  new  post,  101 ; 


500 


INDEX. 


hatred  of  the  Jesuits,  102;  pro- 
tects the  Recollets,  109;  in- 
trigues of  the  Jesuits,  118;  125, 
201,  232,  235,  238,  274;  enter- 
tains Father  Hennepin,  280 ;  292 ; 
recalled  to  France,  318  ;  obliga- 
tions of  La  Salle  to,  434 ;  com- 
mendation of  Tontj,  467,  479, 
480,481. 

Frontenac,  Fort,  34;  granted  to 
La  Salle,  100;  rebuilt  by  La 
Salle,  101,  112;  La  Salle  at, 
120;  plan  of,  121;  not  estab- 
lished for  commercial  gain  alone, 
122;  148,  203,  292;  La  Barre 
takes  possession  of,  325 ;  re- 
stored to  La  Salle  by  the  King, 
351,  476. 

Frontenac  (Ontario),  Lake,  128, 
476,  477,  479. 

Frontenac,  Madame  de,  167. 

"  Frontenacie,  La/'  481. 

Fur-trade,  the,  the  Jesuits  accused 
of  taking  part  in,  109,  110  ;  the 
Jesuits  seek  to  establish  a  mo- 
nopoly in,  114. 

GABRIEL,  Father,  158, 159, 227, 237. 

Gaeta,  128. 

Galine'e,  Father,  17  ;  recounts  the 
journey  of  La  Salle  and  the 
Sulpitians,  19,  20,  26 ;  cruelty 
of  the  Senecas,  22 ;  the  work 
of  the  Jesuits,  28;  makes  the 
earliest  map  of  the  Upper 
Lakes,  28,  106,  140,  475. 

Galve,  Viceroy,  469. 

Galveston  Bay,  374,  376,  385. 

Garakontie',  Chief,  91. 

Gamier,  Julien,  59;  among  the 
Senecas,  141. 

Gayen,  384. 

Geest,  Catherine,  mother  of  La 
Salic,  7  ;  La  Salle's  farewell  to, 
364. 


Geest,  Nicolas,  7. 

Gendron,  139. 

Genesee,  the  Falls  of  the,  476. 

Genesee  River,  the,  140,  142,  279. 

Georgian  Bay  of  Lake  Huron,  27, 
203. 

Giton,  La  Salle  borrows  money 
from,  150. 

Gnacsitares,  the,  486. 

Gould,  Dr.  B.  A.,  on  the  "Great 
Comet  of  1680,"  213. 

Graudfontaiue,  Chevalier  de,  56. 

Grand  Gulf,  300. 

Grand  Eiver,  23,  25. 

Gravier,  244,  297;  the  Arkansas 
nation,  300. 

Great  Lakes,  the,  4  ;  Joliet  makes 
a  map  of  the  region  of,  32; 
early  unpublished  maps  of,  475- 
485 ;  Champlain  makes  the  first 
attempt  to  map  out,  476. 

Great  Manitoulin  Island,  the,  41. 

"  Great  Mountain,"  the  Indian 
name  for  the  governor  of  Can- 
ada, 156. 

Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan,  the, 
4,31,  42,  43,  75;  La  Salle  at, 
155 ;  236. 

Green  Bay  Mission,  the,  Father 
Allouez  sent  to  found,  43  ;  Mar- 
quette  at,  62  ;  Father  Hennepin 
and  I)u  Lhut  reach,  279. 

"Griffin,"  the,  building  of,  144- 
148 ;  finished,  149  ;  voyage  of, 
151-153;  at  St.  Ignace  of  Mich- 
ilimackinac,  154;  set  sail  for 
Niagara  laden  with  furs,  1 56 ; 
La  Salle's  forebodings  concern- 
ing, 163;  loss  of,  181,322. 

Grollet,  445,  446,  448,  470,  471 ; 
sent  to  Spain,  472. 

Guadalupe,  the,  469. 

Gulliver,  Captain,  486. 


INDEX. 


501 


HAGAREN,  King  of  the  Acanibas, 
487-489. 

Hamilton,  town  of,  23. 

Harrisse,  Henry,  76,  481,  482. 

Haukiki  (Marest)  River,  the,  167. 

Hennepin,  Louis,  connection  of  La 
Salle  with  the  Jesuits,  8 ;  at 
Fort  Frontenac,  121 ;  meets  La 
Salle  on  his  return  to  Canada, 
130;  receives  permission  to  join 
La  Salle,  131 ;  his  journey  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  132 ;  sets  out  with 
La  Motte  for  Niagara,  132  ;  por- 
trait of,  133 ;  his  past  life,  133  ; 
sails  for  Canada,  134  ;  relations 
with  La  Salle,  134,  135;  work 
among  the  Indians,  135  ;  the 
most  impudent  of  liars,  136  ; 
daring  of,  137;  embarks  on  the 
journey,  137  ;  reaches  the  Niag- 
ara, 138 ;  account  of  the  falls 
and  river  of  Niagara,  139  ; 
among  the  Senecas,  140,  141 ; 
«tt  the  Niagara  Portage,  145- 
147 ;  the  launch  of  the  "  Griffin," 
148,  149  ;  on  board  the  "  Griffin," 
151 ;  St.  Anthony  of  Padua  the 
patron  saint  of  La  Salle's  great 
enterprise,  152;  the  departure 
of  the  "  Griffin "  for  Niagara, 
157  ;  La  Salle's  encounter  with 
the  Outagamies,  16.1 ;  La  Salle 
rejoined  by  Tonty,  163 ;  La 
Salle's  forebodings  concerning 
the  "Griffin,"  163;  population 
of  the  Illinois  Valley,  169; 
among  the  Illinois,  173,  174; 
the  story  of  Monso,  177 ;  La 
Salle's  men  desert  him,  178; 
at  Fort  Crevecceur,  181 ;  sent 
to  the  Mississippi,  185;  the 
journey  from  Fort  Crevecceur, 
201  ;  the  mutineers  at  Fort 
Crevecoeur,  218;  234;  sets  out 
to  explore  the  Illinois  River, 


242 ;  his  claims  to  the  discovery 
of  the  Mississippi,  243  ;  doubted 
veracity  of,  244;  captured  by 
the  Sioux,  245 ;  proved  an  im- 
postor, 245 ;  steals  passages 
from  Membre  and  Le  Clerc, 
247 ;  his  journey  northward, 
249  ;  suspected  of  sorcery,  253  ; 
plots  against,  255;  a  hard 
journey,  257  ;  among  the  Sioux, 
259-282;  adopted  as  a  son  by 
the  Sioux,  261  ;  sets  out  for  the 
Wisconsin,  266 ;  notice  of  the 
Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  267;  re- 
joins the  Indians,  273 ;  meeting 
with  Du  Lhut,  273  ;  joins  Du 
Lhut,  278 ;  reaches  the  Green 
Bay  Mission,  279  ;  reaches  Fort 
Frontenac,  280 ;  goes  to  Mont- 
real, 280;  entertained  by 
Frontenac,  280 ;  returns  to 
Europe,  280 ;  dies  in  obscurity, 
281;  Louis  XIV.  orders  the 
arrest  of,  282 ;  various  editions 
of  the  travels  of,  282 ;  finds 
fault  with  Tonty,  467,  479,  481 ; 
rivals  of,  485,  486. 

Hiens,  the  German,  411,  421,  425; 
murders  Moranget,  Saget,  and 
Nika,  426 ;  quarrel  with  Duhaut 
and  Liotot,  446 ;  murders  Du 
haut,  448;  joins  the  Cenis  on 
a  war  expedition,  450,  465 ;  fate 
of,  472. 

Hillaret  Mo'ise,  147,  178,  187,  193, 
217,  218. 

Hitt,  Col.  D.  F.,  317. 

Hohays,  the,  261. 

Homannus,  map  made  by,  484. 

Hondo  (Rio  Frio),  the,  469. 

Horse  Shoe  Fall,  the,  139. 

Hotel-Dieu  at  Montreal,  the,  13, 98. 

Hudson's  Bay,  Joliet's  voyage  to, 
76 ;  Albauel's  journey  to,  109, 
346,  484. 


i 

! 


502 


INDEX. 


Hudson's  Strait,  480. 

Humber  Kiver,  the,  138,  203. 

Hunaut,  187,  210,  287. 

Hundred  Associates,  Company  of 
the,  57. 

Huron  Indians,  the,  quarrel  with 
the  Winnebagoes,  4;  allies  of 
the  French,  4;  at  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40 ;  Mar- 
quette  among,  40;  terrified  by 
the  Sioux,  41 ;  destroyed  by  the 
Iroquois,  219. 

Huron,  Lake,  26,  27,  31  ;  the 
Jesuits  on,  37 ;  41 ;  Saint-Lusson 
takes  possession  for  France  of, 
52;  La  Salle  on,  152,  475,476, 
479. 

Huron  Mission,  the,  27. 

Huron  River,  the,  196. 

"  Hyacinth,  confection  of,"  159. 


IBERVILLE,  the  founder  of  Louisi- 
ana, 455  ;  joined  by  Tonty,  467, 
472,  473. 

Ignatius,  Saint,  78. 

Illinois,  Great  Town  of  the,  170; 
deserted,  191 ;  La  Salle  at,  205; 
description  of,  221  ;  Tonty  in, 
223 ;  abandoned  to  the  Iroquois, 
230 ;  site  of,  239. 

Illinois  Indians,  the,  at  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40 ;  loca- 
tion of,  40,  41 ;  60 ;  Joliet  and 
Marquette  among,  66,  77,  78 ; 
154,  155,  161 ;  La  Salle  among, 
171-173;  hospitality  of,  173; 
deep-rooted  jealousy  of  the 
Osages,  1 74  ;  203 ;  war  with  the 
Iroquois,  210,  220;  the  Miamis 
join  the  Iroquois  against,  220; 
rankling  jealousy  between  the 
Miamis  and,  220;  an  aggrega- 
tion of  kindred  tribes,  223 ; 
characteristics  of,  223;  Tonty 


intercedes  for,  228 ;  treaty  made 
with  the  Iroquois,  231  ;  attacked 
by  the  Iroquois,  235;  become 
allies  of  La  Salle,  287 ;  307 ;  at 
"Starved  Rock,"  314;  join  La 
Salle's  colony,  315,  316 ;  very 
capricious  and  uncertain,  322, 
477. 

Illinois,  Lake  of  the  (Lake  Michi- 
gan), 42,  75,  155,  477,  479. 

lUinois  River,  the,  31,  33,  34;  dis- 
covered by  La  Salle,  35  ;  Joliet 
and  Marquette  on,  74;  132;  La 
Salle  on,  168;  various  names  of, 
167;  204;  ravaged  granaries  of , 
213;  220;  Father  Hennepin  sets 
out  to  explore,  242,  245,  296; 
La  Salle's  projected  colony  on 
the  banks  of,  313,  315,  316,  405, 
406;  Joutel  on,  457,  477,  478, 
481,  484. 

Illinois,  State  of,  first  civilized  oc- 
cupation of,  181. 

Illinois,  Valley  of  the,  population 
of,  169. 

Immaculate  Conception,  the,  doc- 
trine of,  a  favorite  tenet  of  the 
Jesuits,  61. 

Immaculate  Conception,  Mission 
of  the,  Marquette  sets  out  to 
found,  77. 

Incarnation,  Marie  de  1',  111. 

Indians,  the,  Father  Jogues  and 
Raymbault  preach  among,  5 ; 
ferocity  of,  11 ;  manitous  of, 
26,  44,  68;  their  game  of  la 
crosse,  50;  the  tribes  meet  at 
Saut  Ste.  Marie  to  confer  with 
Saint-Lusson,  51-56;  reception 
to  Joliet  and  Marquette,  63 ; 
lodges  of,  75 ;  reception  to  Fron- 
tenac,  90 ;  Frontenac's  admi- 
rable dealing  with,  92,  93;  Al- 
phabetical list  of  tribes  referred 
to:  — 


INDEX. 


503 


Abenakis, 

Miamis, 

Wapoos,                     Winnebagoes, 

Acauibas, 

Mitchigamias, 

Weas,                         Yankton  Sioux. 

Agniers, 

Mohawks, 

Wild-rice, 

Akanseas, 
Algonquins, 
Alkansas, 

Mohegans, 
Moingona, 
Monsonis, 

Irondequoit  Bay,  20. 
Iroquois  Indians,  the,   11;   alone 

Amikou6s, 

Motantees, 

remain,  37;   felt  the  power  of 

Indastes, 

Nadouessioux, 

the  French,  42  ;  the  "  Beautiful 

Arkansas, 
Assiniboins, 

Natchez, 
Nation  des  Fol- 

River,"  70  ;  Onondaga  the  politi- 

Assonis, 

les-Avoines, 

cal  centre  of,   87  ;  the  Jesuits 

Caddoes, 

Nation    of    the 

seek  to  embroil  them  with  the 

Cadodaquis, 

Prairie, 

French,     115;    ferocious    char- 

Camanches, 

Neutrals, 

acter    of,   207;    war    with    the 

Cenis, 
Chaouanons, 

Nipissings, 
Ojibwas, 

Illinois,  210;  ferocious  triumphs 

Chickasaws, 

Omahas, 

of,  219;    break  into  war,  219; 

Chikachas, 

Oneidas, 

trade    with  the  Dutch  and  the 

Coroas, 
Creeks, 
Crees, 
Crows, 

Onondagas, 
Osages, 
Osotouoy, 
Ottawas, 

English,    219;    jealous    of    La 
Salle,  219  ;  joined  by  the  Miamis 
against  the  Illinois,  220  ;  attack 

Dacotah, 

Ouabona, 

on     the    Illinois    village,    225, 

Eries, 

Ouiatenons, 

grant   a  truce   to   Touty,    2.30; 

Fire  Nation, 
Five  Nations, 
Floridas, 

Oumalouminek, 
Oumas, 
Outagamies, 

take   possession   of  the  Illinois 
village,  230  ;  make  a  treaty  with 

Foxes, 

Pah-Utahs, 

the  Illinois,  231  ;   treachery  of, 

Hohays, 

Pawnees, 

231;    Tonty  departs  from,  233; 

Hurons, 

Peanqhichia, 

attack  on  the  dead,  234  ;  attack 

Illinois, 
Iroquois, 
Issanti, 

Peorias, 
Pepikokia, 
Piankishaws, 

on  th£   Illinois,   235,   320;    en- 
couraged to  fight  by  the  Dutch 

Issanyati, 

Pottawattamies, 

and  English  traders,  324  ;    at- 

Issati, 

Quapaws, 

tack  Fort  St.  Louis,  327. 

Kahokias, 
Kanzas. 
Kappas, 
Kaskaskias, 

Quhiipissas, 
Sacs, 
Sauteurs, 
Sauthouis, 

Iroquois  War,  the,  havoc  and  deso- 
lation of,  5,  219  ;  a  war  of  com- 
mercial   advantage,     219;    the 

Kickapoos, 

Senecas, 

French  in,  460. 

Kilatica, 

Shawanoes, 

Isle  of  Pines,  the,  372. 

Eious, 

Sioux, 

Issanti  the  260. 

Kiskakon  Otta- 
was, 

Sokokis, 
Taensas, 

Issanyati,  the,  260. 

Knisteneaux, 

Tamaroas, 

Issati,  the,  260. 

Koroas, 

Tangibao, 

"Issatis,"  the,  481. 

Malhoumines, 

Terliquiquime- 

Malouminek, 

chi, 

Mandans, 

Tetons, 

JACQUES,  companion  of  Marquette, 

Maroas, 

Texas, 

78,  80. 

Mascoutins, 
Meddewakan- 

Tintonwans, 
Tongengas, 

Jansenists,  the,  110. 

tonwan, 

Topingas, 

Japan,  6,  14. 

Menomonies, 

Torimans, 

Japanese,  the,  487t 

504 


INDEX. 


Jesuitism,  no  diminution  in  the 
vital  force  of,  103. 

Jesuits,  the,  their  thoughts  dwell 
on  the  Mississippi,  6  ;  La  Salle's 
connection  with,  8;  La  Salle 
parts  with,  9 ;  influence  exer- 
cised by,  16;  want  no  help 
from  the  Sulpitians,  27;  a 
change  of  spirit,  36,  37;  their 
best  hopes  in  the  North  and 
West,  37;  on  the  Lakes,  37; 
labor  to  explore  the  copper 
mines  of  Lake  Superior,  38;  a 
mixture  of  fanaticism,  38; 
claimed  a  monopoly  of  conver- 
sion, 38 ;  make  a  map  of  Lake 
Superior,  38 ;  the  missionary 
stations,  46;  trading  with  the 
Indians,  47 ;  doctrine  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception  a  favor- 
ite tenet  of,  61 ;  greatly  op- 
posed to  the  .establishment  of 
forts  and  trading-posts  in  the 
upper  country,  88;  opposition 
to  Frontenac  and  La  Salle, 
102 ;  Frontenac's  hatred  of,  102 ; 
turn  their  eyes  towards  the  Val- 
ley of  the  Mississippi,  103;  no 
longer  supreme  in  Canada,  104 ; 
La  Salle  their  most  dangerous 
rival  for  the  control  of  the 
West,  104 ;  masters  at  Quebec, 
108;  accused  of  selling  brandy 
to  the  Indians,  109;  accused 
of  carrying  on  a  fur-trade,  109, 
110;  comparison  between  the 
Recollets  and  Sulpitians  and, 
112;  seek  to  establish  a  mo- 
nopoly in  the  fur-trade,  114; 
intrigues  against  La  Salle,  115; 
seek  to  embroil  the  Iroquois 
with  the  French,  115;  excul- 
pated by  La  Salle  from  the  at- 
tempt to  poison  him,  116;  in- 
duce men  to  desert  from  La 


Salle,  118;  have  a  mission 
among  the  Mohawks,  118;  plan 
against  La  Salle,  459;  maps 
made  by,  478. 

Jesus,  Order  of,  37. 

Jesus,  Society  of,  see  Society  of 
Jesus. 

Jogues,  Father  Isaac,  preaches 
among  the  Indians,  5,  59. 

Joliet,  Louis,  destined  to  hold  a 
conspicuous  place  in  history  of 
western  discovery,  23;  early 
life  of,  23  ;  sent  to  discover  the 
copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior, 
23,  58 ;  his  failure,  23  ;  meeting 
with  La  Salle  and  the  Sulpitians, 
23  ;  passage  through  the  Strait 
of  Detroit,  27 ;  makes  maps  of 
the  region  of  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Great  Lakes,  32  ;  claims 
the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi, 
33;  Frontenac  speaks  slight- 
ingly of,  34;  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51 ;  sent  by  Talon  to  discover 
the  Mississippi,  56  ;  early  his- 
tory of,  57  ;  characteristics  of, 
58  ;  Shea  first  to  discover  history 
of,  58;  Ferland,  Faillon,  and 
Margry  throw  much  light  on 
the  life  of,  58 ;  Marquette 
chosen  to  accompany  him  on  his 
search  for  the  Mississippi,  59; 
the  departure,  60;  the  Missis- 
sippi at  last,  64 ;  on  the  Missis- 
sippi, 65  ;  meeting  with  the 
Illinois,  66  ;  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Missouri,  69 ;  on  the 
lower  Mississippi,  71  ;  among 
the  Arkansas  Indians,  72  ;  deter- 
mines that  the  Mississippi  dis- 
charges into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
74 ;  resolves  to  return  to  Can- 
ada, 74  ;  serious  accident  to,  75  ; 
letter  to  Frontenac,  76  ;  smaller 
map  of  his  discoveries,  76 ;  mar- 


505 


riage  to  Claire  Bissot,  76 ;  jour- 
ney to  Hudson's  Bay,  76 ;  the 
English  hold  out  great  induce- 
ments to,  76 ;  receives  grants 
of  land,  76  ;  engages  in  fisheries, 
76 ;  makes  a  chart  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  77 ;  Sir  William 
Phips  makes  a  descent  on  the 
establishment  of,  77 ;  explores 
the  coast  of  Labrador,  77  ;  made 
royal  pilot  for  the  St.  Lawrence 
by  Frontenac,  77 ;  appointed 
hydrographer  at  Quebec,  77 ; 
death  of,  77;  said  to  bean  im- 
postor, 118;  refused  permission 
to  plant  a  trading  station  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  126 ; 
477  ;  maps  made  by,  479,  480, 
481,  482. 

Joliet,  town  of,  193. 

"  Joly,"  the  vessel,  353,  366,  367, 
372,  373,  374,  375,  377,  381,  383, 
385. 

Jolycoeur  (Nicolas  Perrot),  116. 

Joutel,  Henri,  69,  314,  363,  367, 
368,  372,  374,  375,  377,  379,  380, 
382,  388,  389,  392,  393,  395,  396, 
397,  399,  400,  401,  402,  403,  406, 
407,  409,  410,  411,  416,  417,  418, 
419,420,  421,  422,  428  ;  sketches 
the  portrait  of  La  Salle,  430 ;  the 
assassination  of  La  Salle,  432, 
433 ;  danger  of,  436  ;  friendship 
of  L'Archeveque  for,  436  ;  doubt 
and  anxiety,  437,  438  ;  among 
the  Cenis  Indians,  440-445 ; 
plans  to  escape,  445-447  ;  the 
murder  of  Duhaut,  448,  449; 
sets  out  for  home,  450 ;  his  party, 
451 ;  among  the  Assonis,  451- 
453  ;  arrival  at  the  Arkansas, 
453  ;  friendly  reception,  455 ; 
descends  the  Arkansas,  456  ;  on 
the  Illinois,  457;  at  Fort  St. 
Louis  of  the  Illinois,  457 ;  visit  to 


Father  Allouez,  459;  reaches 
Montreal,  462 ;  embarks  for 
France,  462 ;  character  of,  462. 

KAHOKIAS,  the,  223. 

Kalm,  244. 

Kamalastigouia,  275. 

Kankakee,  the  sources    of,   167; 

204,  288,  316. 
Kansa  (Kanzas),  the,  478. 
Kanzas,  the,  478. 
Kappa  band,  the,  of  the  Arkansas, 

299. 
"  Kaskaskia,"  lUinois  village  of, 

74;  the  mission  at,  79. 
Kaskaskias,  the,  223,  477. 
Kiakiki  River,  the,  167. 
Kickapoos,  the,    location    of   43, 

join  the  Mascoutins  and  Miamis, 

62;    murder  Father   Ribourde, 

233. 
Kilatica,    the,    join    La    Salle's 

colony,  316. 

King  Philip's  War,  285. 
Kingston,  87, 90. 
Kious  (Sioux),  the,  307. 
Kiskakon  Ottawas,  the,  81,  237. 
Knisteneaux,   the,  at    the  Jesuit 

mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40. 
Koroas,  the,  308. 

LA  BARRE,  Le  Febvre  de,  182; 
succeeds  Frontenac  as  governor, 
318;  weakness  and  avarice  of, 
318  ;  royal  instructions  to,  319  ; 
letters  from  La  Salle,  319-322; 
defames  La  Salle  to  Seignelay, 
322-324  ;  plots  against  La  Salle, 
325 ;  takes  possession  of  Fort 
Frontenac  and  Fort  St.  Louis, 
325-327  ;  ordered  by  the  King 
to  make  restitution,  351,  482. 

Labrador,  coasts  of,  58;  explored 
by  Joliet,  77. 

La    Chapelle,     193 ;   takes    false 


506 


INDEX. 


reports  of  La  Salle  to  Fort 
Creveco3ur,  217. 

La  Chesnaye,  102,  326. 

La  Chine,  the  seigniory  of  La 
Salle  at,  12 ;  La  Salle  lays  the 
rude  beginnings  of  a  settlement 
at,  13;  La  Salle  and  the  Sul- 
pitians  set  out  from,  19;  origin 
of  the  name,  29,  88,  486. 

La  Chine  Rapids,  the,  75. 

La  Crosse,  Indian  game  of,  50. 

La  Divine  River,  the  (Des  Plaines 
River),  477,  481. 

La  Forest,  La  Salle's  lieutenant, 
101,  143,  203,  204,  208,  215,  236, 
286,  287,  292,  326,  333,  351,  352, 
467,  485. 

La  Forge,  147,  218. 

La  Harpe,  255. 

La  Hontan,  145,  153  ;  loss  of  the 
"Griffin,"  182,  275,  276,  485, 
486. 

Lakes,  Upper,  24,  27;  Galin£e, 
makes  the  earliest  map  of,  28, 
38 ;  Jesuit  missions  on,  39  ; 
Marquette  on,  59,  85;  Fron- 
tenac's  plan  to  command,  96 ; 
first  vessel  on,  145 ;  La  Salle  on, 
151-163. 

Lalemant,  139. 

La  Metairie,  Jacques  de,  308. 

La  Motte,  see  Lussiere,  La  Motte 
de. 

Lanquetot,  see  Liotot. 

Laon,  59. 

La  Pointe,  Jesuit  mission  of  St. 
Esprit  at,  40. 

La  Pother ie,  49 ;  reception  of 
Saint-Lusson  by  the  Miamis, 
50 ;  Henri  de  Tonty's  iron  hand, 
129;  loss  of  the  "Griffin,"  182; 
the  Iroquois  attack  on  the  Illi- 
nois, 235. 

L'Archeveque,  421,  425;  murders 
Moranget,  Saget,  and  Nika,  426 ; 


the  assassination  of  La  Salle, 
429 ;  friendship  for  Joutel,  436  ; 
danger  of,  449,  470,  471  ;  sent  to 
Spain,  472. 

La  Sablonniere,  Marquis  de,  380, 
388,  407,  409,  418. 

La  Salle,  Sieur  de,  birth  of,  7 ; 
origin  of  his  name,  7;  connec- 
tion with  the  Jesuits,  8  ;  charac- 
teristics of,  9;  parts  with  the 
Jesuits,  9  ;  sails  for  Canada, 
10;  at  Montreal,  10;  schemes 
of,  11;  his  seigniory  at  La 
Chine,  12;  begins  to  study 
Indian  languages,  14 ;  plans  of 
discovery,  14,  15 ;  sells  his 
seigniory,  16;  joins  his  expe- 
dition to  that  of  the  seminary 
priests,  17;  sets  out  from  La 
Chine,  19;  journey  of,  19,  20; 
hospitality  of  the  Senecas,  21 ; 
fears  for  his  safety,  22 ;  meeting 
with  Joliet,  23 ;  belles  paroles  of, 
25;  parts  with  the  Sulpitians, 
25 ;  obscurity  of  his  subsequent 
work,  28 ;  goes  to  Onondaga, 
29 ;  deserted  by  his  men,  30 ; 
meeting  with  Perrot,  30;  re- 
ported movements  of,  31 ;  Talon 
claims  to  have  sent  him  to  ex- 
plore, 31  ;  affirms  that  he  dis- 
covered the  Ohio,  32  ;  discovery 
of  the  Mississippi,  33;  discov- 
ered the  Illinois  River,  35 ;  pays 
the  expenses  of  his  expeditions, 
49;  in  great  need  of  money, 
49;  borrows  merchandise  from 
the  Seminary,  49  ;  contrasted 
with  Marquette,  83 ;  called  a 
visionary,  83 ;  projects  of,  84 ; 
Frontenac  favorably  disposed 
towards,  85 ;  faculty  for  manag- 
ing the  Indians,  89;  at  Mont- 
real, 97 ;  champions  Frontenac, 
99 ;  goes  to  France,  99 ;  recon* 


INDEX. 


507 


mended  to  Colbert  by  Fronte- 
nae,  99 ;  petitions  for  a  patent 
of  nobility  and  a  grant  of  Fort 
Frmtenac,  100;  his  petition 
granted,  100;  returns  to  Canada, 
101  ;  oppressed  by  the  mer- 
chints  of  Canada,  101 ;  Le  Ber 
becomes  the  bitter  enemy  of, 
101 ;  aims  at  the  control  of  the 
valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 102;  opposed  by  the 
Je -suits,  102;  the  most  danger- 
ous rival  of  the  Jesuits  for  the 
coatrol  of  the  West,  104;  the 
Piince  de  Conti  the  patron  of, 
106;  the  Abbe  Renaudot's  me- 
moir of,  106,  107  ;  account  of, 
107;  not  well  inclined  towards 
the  Recollets,  108  ;  plots  against, 
113;  caused  no  little  annoyance 
by  his  brother,  114  ;  Jesuit  in- 
trigues against,  115;  attempt  to 
poison,  116;  exculpates  the 
J(  suits,  116 ;  letter  to  the  Prince 
de  Conti,  118  ;  the  Jesuits  induce 
men  to  desert  from,  118;  de- 
famed to  Colbert,  119;  at  Fort 
Frontenac,  120;  sails  again  for 
France,  122  ;  his  memorial  laid 
bofore  Colbert,  122 ;  urges  the 
planting  of  colonies  in  the  West, 
123 ;  receives  a  patent  from 
Louis  XIV.,  124;  forbidden  to 
trade  with  the  Ottawas,  125; 
given  the  monopoly  of  buffalo- 
hides,  126  ;  makes  plans  to  carry 
out  his  designs,  126;  assistance 
received  from  his  friends,  127 ; 
invaluable  aid  received  from 
Henri  de  Tonty,  127  ;  joined  by 
I, a  Motte  de  Lussiere,  129;  sails 
for  Canada,  129  ;  makes  a  league 
vith  the  Canadian  merchants, 
129;  met  by  Father  Hennepin 
on  his  return  to  Canada,  130; 


joined  by  Father  Hennepin,  131 ; 
relations  with  Father  Hennepin, 
134,  135 ;  sets  out  to  join  La 
Motte,  141 ;  almost  wrecked, 
142  ;  treachery  of  his  pilot,  142 ; 
pacifies  the  Seuecas,  142 ;  de- 
layed by  jealousies,  143 ;  re- 
turns to  Fort  Frouteuac,  143; 
unfortunate  in  the  choice  of  sub- 
ordinates, 143 ;  builds  a  vessel 
above  the  Niagara  cataract,  144 ; 
jealousy  and  discontent,  147 ; 
lays  foundation  for  blockhouses 
at  Niagara,  148 ;  the  launch  of 
the  "  Griffin,"  149  ;  his  property 
attached  by  his  creditors,  150; 
on  Lake  Huron,  152  ;  commends 
his  great  enterprise  to  St.  An- 
thony of  Padua,  152;  at  St. 
Ignace  of  Michilimackiuac,  153 ; 
rivals  and  enemies,  154;  on 
Lake  Michigan,  155;  at  Green 
Bay,  155  ;  finds  the  Pottawat- 
tamies  friendly,  155;  sends  the 
"  Griffin  "  back  to  Niagara  laden 
with  furs,  156;  trades  with  the 
Ottawas,  156;  hardships,  158; 
encounter  with  the  Outagamies, 
160,  161  ;  rejoined  by  Tonty, 
1 62 ;  forebodings  concerning  the 
"  Griffin,"  163 ;  on  the  St.  Joseph, 
164;  lost  in  the  forest,  165  ;  on 
the  Illinois,  166;  Duplessis  at- 
tempts to  murder,  166;  the 
Illinois  town,  169,  170;  hun- 
ger relieved,  171  ;  Illinois 
hospitality,  173 ;  still  followed 
by  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies, 
175;  harangues  the  Indians, 

177  ;     deserted    by    his    men, 

1 78  ;  another  attempt  to  poison, 
178 ;    builds    Fort    Crevecreur, 
180  ;  loss  of  the  "  Griffin,"  181 ; 
anxieties  of,  1 83 ;  a  happy  artifice, 
184;  builds  another  vessel,  185  ; 


508 


INDEX. 


sends  Hennepin  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, 185  ;  parting  with  Tonty, 
188;  hardihood  of,  189-201*; 
his  winter  journey  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  189;  the  deserted 
town  of  the  Illinois,  191  ;  meet- 
ing with  Chief  Chassagoac,  192  ; 
"Starved  Rock,"  192;  Lake 
Michigan,  193;  the  wilderness, 
193,  194;  Indian  alarms,  195; 
reaches  Niagara,  197  ;  man  and 
nature  in  arms  against,  198 ; 
mutineers  at  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
199  ;  chastisement  of  the  muti- 
neers, 201 ;  strength  in  the  face  of 
adversity,  202  ;  his  best  hope  in 
Tonty,  202  ;  sets  out  to  succor 
Tonty,  203;  kills  buffalo,  205; 
a  night  of  horror,  207  ;  fears  for 
Tonty,  209  ;  finds  the  ruins  of 
Fort  Crevecoeur,  211 ;  beholds 
the  Mississippi,  212;  beholds 
the  "Great  Comet  of  1680," 
213 ;  returns  to  Fort  Miami,  215  ; 
jealousy  of  the  Iroquois  of,  219  ; 
238 ;  route  of,  276  ;  Margry 
brings  to  light  the  letters  of, 
281  ;  begins  anew,  283  ;  plans 
for  a  defensive  league,  284 ; 
Indian  friends,  285 ;  hears  good 
news  of  Tonty,  287;  Illinois 
allies,  287  ;  calls  the  Indians  to 
a  grand  council,  289  ;  his  power 
of  oratory,  289 ;  his  harangue, 
289;  the  reply  of  the  chiefs, 
291;  finds  Tonty,  292;  parts 
with  a  portion  of  his  monopolies, 
293 ;  at  Toronto,  293  ;  reaches 
Lake  Huron,  294;  at  Fort 
Miami,  294 ;  on  the  Mississippi, 
297 ;  among  the  Arkansas  In- 
dians, 299  ;  takes  formal  posses- 
sion of  the  Arkansas  country, 
300  ;  visited  by  the  chief  of  the 
Taensas,  302  ;  visits  the  Coroas, 


305  ;  hostility,  305 ;  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  306 ;  takes  pos- 
session of  the  Great  West  for 
France,  306  ;  bestows  the  name 
of  "  Louisiana "  on  the  new 
domain,  309;  attacked  by  the 
Quinipissas,  310;  revisits  the 
Coroas,  310;  seized  by  a  dan- 
gerous illness,  310;  rejoins 
Tonty  at  Michilimackinac,  311; 
his  projected  colony  on  the 
banks  of  the  Illinois,  313 ;  in- 
trenches himself  at  "  Starved 
Rock,"  313  ;  gathers  his  Indian 
allies  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  315; 
his  colony  on  the  Illinois,  316; 
success  of  his  colony,  318; 
letters  to  La  Barre,  319- 
322;  defamed  by  La  Barre  to 
Seignelay,  322-324;  La  Barre 
plots  against,  325 ;  La  Barre 
takes  possession  of  Fort  Fronte- 
nac and  Fort  St.  Louis,  325- 
327 ;  sails  for  France,  327 ; 
painted  by  himself,  328-342; 
difficulty  of  knowing  him,  328  ; 
his  detractors,  329 ;  his  letters, 
329-331 ;  vexations  of  his  posi- 
tion, 331  ;his  unfitness  for  trade, 
332 ;  risks  of  correspondence, 
332 ;  his  reported  marriage, 
334 ;  alleged  ostentation,  335 ; 
motives  of  actions,  335  ;  charges 
of  harshness,  336  ;  intrigues 
against  him,  337 ;  unpopular 
manners,  337,  338 ;  a  strange 
confession,  339;  his  strength 
and  his  weakness,  340,  341  ;  con- 
trasts of  his  character,  341,  342  ; 
at  court,  343  ;  received  by  the 
King,  344 ;  new  proposals  of, 
345-347 ;  small  knowledge  of 
Mexican  geography,  348  ;  plans 
of,  349 ;  his  petitions  granted, 
350;  Forts  Frontenac  and  St. 


INDEX. 


509 


Louis  restored  by  the  King 
to,  351  ;  preparations  for  his 
new  enterprise,  353  ;  divides  his 
command  with  Beaujeu,  353  ; 
lack  of  harmony  between  Beau- 
jeu and,  354-361  ;  indiscretion 
of,  361  ;  overwrought  brain  of, 
362  ;  farewell  to  his  mother, 
364;  sails  from  Kochelle,  366; 
disputes  with  Beaujeu,  366 ; 
the  voyage,  368  ;  his  illness,  368 ; 
Beaujeu's  complaints  of,  370; 
resumes  his  journey,  372  ;  enters 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  373 ;  wait- 
ing for  Beaujeu,  374;  coasts 
the  shores  of  Texas,  374 ;  meet- 
ing with  Beaujeu,  375 ;  per- 
plexity of,  375-377  ;  lands  in 
Texas,  379  ;  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  380,-  wreck  of  the 
"Aimable,"  381  ;  forlorn  po- 
sition of,  383  ;  Indian  neighbors, 
384;  Beaujeu  makes  friendly 
advances  to,  385  ;  departure  of 
Beaujeu,  387 ;  at  Matagorda 
Bay,  391 ;  misery  and  dejection, 
393;  the  new  Fort  St.  Louis, 
394  ;  explorations  of,  395 ;  adven- 
tures of,  402;  again  falls  ill, 
404 ;  departure  for  Canada, 
405;  wreck  of  the  "Belle," 
407 ;  Maxime  Le  Clerc  makes 
charges  against,  410 ;  Duhaut 
plots  against,  410 ;  return  to 
Fort  St.  Louis,  411  ;  account 
of  his  adventures,  411-413; 
among  the  Cenis  Indians,  413; 
attacked  with  hernia,  417; 
Twelfth  Night  at  Fort  St.  Louis, 
417;  his  last  farewell,  418;  fol- 
lowers of,  420 ;  prairie  travelling, 
423 ;  Liotot  swears  vengeance 
against,  424 ;  the  murder  of 
Moranget,  Saget,  and  Nika, 
426 ;  his  premonition  of  disaster, 


428  ;  murdered  by  Duhaut,  429  ; 
character  of,  430;  his  enthu- 
siasm compared  with  that  of 
Champlaiu,  431  ;  his  defects, 

431  ;  America  owes   him  an  en- 
during memory,   432  ;  the  mar- 
vels  of     his    patient  fortitude, 

432  ;  evidences  of  his  assassina- 
tion,  432 ;  undeniable   rigor  of 
his  command,  433  ;  locality  of  his 
assassination,    434;    his    debts, 
434 ;  Tonty's  plan  to  assist,  453- 
455 ;    fear     of  Father  Allouez 
for,  459 ;   Jesuit  plans   against, 
459,  477,  479,  480,  481,  482,  483, 
484,  485,  486. 

LaSalle,  village  of,  146, 167. 

La  Taupine  (Pierre  Moreau),  78. 

LaTortue,  367. 

Launay,  De,  453,  455. 

Laurent,  199,218. 

Lavaca  River,  the,  392,  395,  396. 

La  Vache  River,  the,  392. 

Laval-Montmorency,  Francois 
Xavier  de,  first  bishop  of  Que- 
bec, 110  ;  accused  of  harshness 
and  intolerance,  110;  encour- 
ages the  establishment  of  the 
association  of  the  Sainte  Famille, 
111. 

La  Violette,  187. 

La  Voisin,  burned  alive  at  Paris, 
179. 

Le  Baillif,  M,  34. 

Le  Ber,  Jacques,  97 ;  becomes  La 
Salle's  bitter  enemy,  101,  326. 

Leblanc,  193 ;  takes  false  reports 
of  La  Salle  to  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
217,218. 

Le  Clerc,  Father  Chretien,  169, 
175,  192,  1.98,  217,  234,  238;  his 
account  of  the  Re'collet  missions 
among  the  Indians,  246 ;  Henne- 
pin  steals  passages  from,  247 ; 
character  of  Du  Lhut,  276  j 


510 


INDEX. 


energy  of  La  Salle,  292,  296; 
Louis  XIV.  becomes  the  sov- 
ereign of  the  Great  West,  308 ; 
misery  and  dejection  at  Mata- 
gorda  Bay,  393,  403,  406,  413, 
414,  415,416,  417. 

Le  Clerc,  Maxime,  joins  La  Salle's 
new  enterprise,  353  ;  in  Texas, 
400;  adventure  with  a  boar, 
410;  makes  charges  against  La 
Salle,  410,  418. 

Le  Fevre,  Father,  131. 

Le  Gros,  Simon,  388,  394,  398. 

Le  Meilleur,  218. 

Le  Moyne,  102. 

Lenox,  Mr.,  the  Journal  of  Mar- 
quette,  75  ;  death  of  Marquette, 
81;  169. 

Leon,  Alonzo  de,  469,  471. 

Le  Petit,  customs  of  the  Natchez, 
304. 

L'Espe'rance,  216,  218,  223. 

Le  Sueur,  map  made  by,  225, 
485. 

Le  Tardieu,  Charles,  99. 

Lewiston,  mountain  ridge  of,  138, 
143;  rapids  at,  144. 

Uotot,  La  Salle's  surgeon,  420; 
swears  vengeance  against  La 
Salle,  424,  425 ;  murders  Mo- 
ranget,  Saget,  and  Nika,  426; 
the  assassination  of  La  Salle, 
429,  430;  resolves  to  return  to 
Fort  St.  Louis,  446 ;  quarrels 
with  Hiens,  446;  murder  of, 
449. 

•ong  Point,  25;  the  Sulpitians 
spend  the  winter  at,  25. 

"Long  River,  "the,  485. 

Long  Saut,  the,  89. 

Louis  XIV.,  of  France,  26,  52, 
115;  grants  a  patent  to  La 
Salle,  124;  orders  the  arrest  of 
Hennepin,  282 ;  proclaimed  by 
La  Salle  the  sovereign  of  the 


Great  West,  306;  receives  La 
Salle,  344  ;  irritated  against  the 
Spaniards,  344 ;  grants  La  Salle's 
petitions,  350;  abandons  the 
colonists,  463 ;  Cavelier's  me- 
morial to,  463. 

Louisiana,  country  of,  307  ;  name 
bestowed  by  La  Salle,  309 ;  vast 
extent  of,  309  ;  boundaries  of, 
309;  Iberville  the  founder  of, 
455,  483,  484,  485,  489. 

Louisville,  29,  32. 

Louvigny,  Sieur  de,  274,  349. 

"Lover's  leap,"  the,  271. 

Loyola,  Disciples  of,  losing  ground 
in  Canada,  104. 

Lussiere,  La  Motte  de,  joins  La 
Salle,  129,  132;  embarks  on  the 
journey,  137 ;  reaches  the  Ni- 
agara, 138  ;  begins  to  build  forti- 
fications, 140;  jealousy  of  the 
Senecas,  1 40  ;  seeks  to  conciliate 
the  Senecas,  140, 141 ;  fidelity  to 
La  Salle  doubtful,  143. 

MACHAUT-ROUGEMONT,  365. 
Mackinaw,  La  Salle  at,  325. 
Mackinaw,  Island  of,  153. 
Macopins,     Riviere    des   (Illinois 

River),  167,  483. 
Madeira,  366. 
Maha  (Omahas),  the,  478- 
"Maiden's  Rock,"  the,  271. 
"  Malheurs,  La  Riviere  des,"  402. 
Malhoumines,  the,  61. 
Malouminek,  the,  61. 
Manabozho,  the  Algonquin  deity, 

267. 

Mance,  Mile.,  112. 
Mandans,  the,  winter  lodges  of, 

442. 
Manitoulin  Island,  Mission  of,  41 ; 

assigned  to  Andre,  41. 
Manitoulin   Islands,  Saint-Lusson 

winters    at,    50;    Saint  Lusson 


INDEX. 


511 


takes  possession  for  France  of, 
52;  153,203. 

Manitoulins,  the,  27. 

Manitoumie  (Mississippi  Valley), 
485. 

Manitous,  26,  44,  68. 

Maps,  Champlain's  map  (the  first) 
of  the  Great  Lakes,  476  ;  Coro- 
nelli's  map,  221,  484;  manu- 
script map  of  Franquelin,  169, 
221,316,  317,  347,390,  481,  482, 
483,  484,  485 ;  map  of  Galinee, 
475;  map  of  Lake  Superior, 
476 ;  map  of  the  Great  Lakes, 
476 ;  map  of  Marquette,  477 ; 
maps  of  the  Jesuits,  478  ;  small 
maps  of  Joliet,  479,  480 ;  Rau- 
din's  map,  481  ;  rude  map  of 
Father  Raffeix,  481;  Fran- 
quelin's  map  of  Louisiana,  482 ; 
the  great  map  of  Franquelin, 
482;  map  of  Le  Sueur,  481, 
485 ;  map  of  Homannus,  484. 

Margry,  birth  of  La  Salle,  7  ;  La 
Salle's  connection  with  the  Jesu- 
its, 8;  La  Salle  sells  his  sei- 
gniory, 16  ;  La  Salle's  claims  to 
the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi, 
34,  35  ;  throws  much  light  on 
the  life  of  Joliet,  58,  77;  La 
Salle's  marriage  prevented  by 
his  brother,  114;  La  Salle  at 
Fort  Frontenac,  121 ;  assistance 
given  to  La  Salle,  127;  Henri 
de  Tonty,  128,  130,  132;  La 
Motte  at  Niagara,  140;  La 
Salle  pacifies  the  Senecas,  142  ; 
La  Salle  at  Niagara,  148;  La 
Salle  attached  by  his  creditors, 
150;  the  names  of  the  Illinois, 
167  ;  intrigues  against  La  Salle, 
175;  brings  to  light  the  letters 
of  La  Salle,  281,  296,  342; 
letters  of  Beaujeu  to  Seignelay 
and  to  Cabart  de  Villermont, 


365;  La  Salle's  disputes  with 
Beaujeu,  366;  illness  of  La 
Salle,  368 ;  La  Salle  resumes  his 
voyage,  372 ;  La  Salle  lands  in 
Texas,  379;  Beaujeu  makes 
friendly  advances  to  La  Salle, 
386,  387 ;  misery  and  dejection 
at  Matagorda  Bay,  393  ;  life  at 
Fort  St.  Louis,  400 ;  the  murder 
of  Puhaut  and  Liotot,  449; 
Allouez's  fear  of  La  Salle,  459. 

Marie,  Sieur  de,  421  ;  murders 
Moranget,  427 ;  sets  out  for 
home,  451  ;  drowned,  453. 

Maroas,  the,  477. 

Marquette,  Jacques,  the  Jesuit,  at 
Ste.  Marie  du  Saut,  27  ;  voyage 
of,  32 ;  discovery  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, 33 ;  among  the  Hurons 
and  the  Ottawas,  40;  at  the 
Jesuit  mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40 ; 
the  mission  of  Michilimackinac 
assigned  to,  41 ;  51  ;  chosen  to 
accompany  Joliet  in  his  search 
for  the  Mississippi,  59  ;  early  life 
of,  59 ;  on  the  Upper  Lakes,  59  ; 
great  talents  as  a  linguist,  59  ; 
traits  of  character,  59;  journal 
of  his  voyage  to  the  Mississippi, 
60 ;  especially  devoted  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception, 61 ;  at  the  Green  Bay 
Mission,  62;  among  the  Mas- 
coutins  and  Miamis,  62  ;  on  the 
Wisconsin  River,  63  ;  the  Mis- 
sissippi at  last,  64 ;  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 65  ;  map  drawn  by,  65 ; 
meeting  with  the  Illinois,  66; 
affrighted  by  the  Indian  mani- 
tous,  68;  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Missouri,  69 ;  on  the  lower  Mis- 
sissippi, 71 ;  among  the  Arkan- 
sas Indians,  72  ;  determines  that 
the  Mississippi  discharges  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  74 ;  resolves 


512 


INDEX. 


to  return  to  Canada,  74 ;  illness 
of,  74 ;  remains  at  Green  Bay, 
75 ;  journal  of,  75  ;  true  map 
of,  75 ;  sets  out  to  found  the 
mission  of  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception, 77  ;  gives  the  name  of 
"Immaculate  Conception"  to 
the  Mississippi,  77 ;  on  the  Chi- 
cago Kiver,  78;  return  of  his 
illness,  78;  founds  the  mission 
at  the  village  "  Kaskaskia,"  79  ; 
peaceful  death  of,  80 ;  burial  of, 
81 ;  his  bones  removed  to  St. 
Ignace  of  Michilimackinac,  81  ; 
miracle  at  the  burial  of,  81 ; 
tradition  of  the  death  of,  82; 
contrasted  with  La  Salle,  83 ; 
169,  223  ;  route  of,  276  ;  pictured 
rock  of,  457;  maps  made  by, 
477,  478,  480,  481. 

Marshall,  0.  H.,  140,  146. 

Martin,  75;  death  of  Marquette, 
81. 

Martin,  Father  Felix,  connection 
of  La  Salle  with  the  Jesuits,  8. 

Martinique,  385,  386,  387. 

Mascoutins,  the,  location  of,  43; 
Fathers  Allouez  and  Dablon 
among,  44 ;  joined  by  the  Kick- 
apoos,  62;  visited  by  Mar- 
quette, 62;  La  Salle  falls  in 
with,  195. 

Matagorda  Bay,  376,  379,  383, 391, 
471.  See  also  St.  Louis,  Bay 

of- 

Matagorda  Island,  375,  379. 

Mather,  Increase,  213. 

Mazarin,  Cardinal,  129. 

Meddewakantonwan,  the,  260. 

Medrano,  Sebastian  Fernandez  de, 
244. 

Membre',  Father  Zenobe,  150,  155, 
169,  185,  191,  192,  198,  201,  204, 
216 ;  the  mutineers  at  Fort 
Crevecosur,  217,  218;  intrigues 


of  La  Salle's  enemies,  220,  223, 
224 ;  the  Iroquois  attack  on  the 
Illinois,  village,  225,  227,  230, 
231,  233;  the  Iroquois  attack 
on  the  dead,  234 ;  238 ;  his  jour- 
nal on  his  descent  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi with  La  Salle,  246  ; 
Hennepin  steals  passages  from, 
247 ;  meeting  with  La  Salle, 
292  ;  sets  out  from  Fort  Miami, 
296;  among  the  Arkansas  In- 
dians, 299;  visits  the  Taensas, 
301  ;  attends  La  Salle  during 
his  illness,  311  ;  joins  La  Salle's 
new  enterprise,  353 ;  on  the 
"Joly,"  372;  in  Texas,  388; 
adventure  with  a  buffalo,  409, 
417,418;  fate  of,  470. 

Menard,  the  Jesuit,  attempts  to 
plant  a  mission  on  southern 
shore  of  Lake  Superior,  6. 

Menomonie  River,  the,  61. 

Menomonies,  the,  at  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40 ;  loca- 
tion of,  42  ;  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51 ;  village  of,  61. 

"  Mer  Douce  des  Hurons  "  (Lake 
Huron),  476. 

"  Mer  du  Nord,"  the,  480. 

"Messasipi"  (Mississippi  River), 
the,  480. 

Messier,  199,  218. 

"  Messipi "  River,  the,  6. 

Meules,  De,  the  Intendant  of 
Canada,  319,  351. 

Mexico,  5,  6,  32,  117,  125,  126, 
129,  346, 348 ;  Spaniards  in,  349 ; 
464,  480. 

Mexico,  Gulf  of,  31,  32,  38,  48,  63, 
70,  74,  84,  245,  306,  309,  311, 
312,  344,  345,  358,  371,  373,  394  ; 
claimed  by  Spain,  468,  471,  477, 
478,  479,  481,  482,  483. 

Mexican  mines,  the,  349. 

Miami,  Fort,   162,  163;  La  Sallb 


INDEX. 


513 


returns  to,  215,  283,  284,  286, 
288,  292,  294,296,311. 
Miami  Biver,  the,  32. 
Miamis,  the,  location  of,  43,  44; 
Fathers  Allouez  and  Dablon 
among,  44;  receive  Saint-Lus- 
son,  50 ;  authority  and  state  of 
the  chief  of,  50  ;  joined  by  the 
Kickapoos,  62  ;  visited  by  Mar- 
quette,  62 ;  join  the  Iroquois 
against  the  Illinois,  220 ;  rank- 
ling jealousy  between  the  Illi- 
nois and,  220;  223,  251,  286; 
village  of,  288;  called  by  La 
Salle  to  a  grand  council,  289 ; 
at  Buffalo  Rock,  314 ;  join  La 
Salle's  colony,  316 ;  afraid  of  the 
Iroquois,  320. 

Miamis,  Le  Fort  des  (Buffalo 
Rock),  314. 

Miamis  River  (St.  Joseph),  162. 

Michigan,  shores  of,  31 ;  forest 
wastes  of,  153;  peninsula  of, 
475,  476,  483,  484. 

Michigan,  Lake,  4,  31 ;  the 
Jesuits  on,  37 ;  the  name  of, 
42;  61,  75,  77,  132;  La  Salle 
on,  155,  162,  193,  236,  309,  475, 
477,  479. 

Michilimackinac,  mission  of,  41 ;  as- 
signed toMarquette,41,279,311. 

Michilimackinac,  Straits  of,  31, 41, 
42,  59,  61,  80,  110, 197,  203,  236, 
288,  292. 

Migeon,  150. 

Mignan,  islands  of,  granted  to 
Joliet,  76. 

Mille  Lac,  257,  265,  277. 

Milot,  Jean,  16. 

Milwaukee,  159. 

Minet,  La  Salle's  engineer,  373, 
378,  379,  383,  387,  390. 

Minneapolis,  city  of,  267. 

Minong,  Isle,  38. 

"Miskous"  (Wisconsin),  the,  480. , 


Missions,  early,  decline  in  the 
religious  exaltation  of,  103. 

Mississaquenk,  54. 

Mississippi  River,  the,  discovered 
by  the  Spaniards,  3;  De  Soto 
buried  in,  3 ;  Jean  Nicollet 
reaches,  3 ;  Colonel  Wood 
reaches,  5;  Captain  Bolton 
reaches,  5 ;  Radisson  and  Des 
Groseilliers  reach,  5;  the 
thoughts  of  the  Jesuits  dwell 
on,  6;  speculations  concerning, 
6;  30,  31 ;  Joliet  makes  a  map 
of  the  region  of,  32;  45,  46; 
Talon  resolves  to  find,  56 ;  Joliet 
selected  to  find,  56;  Marquette 
chosen  to  accompany  Joliet,  59 ; 
the  discovery  by  Joliet  and 
Marquette,  64;  its  outlet  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  determined 
by  Joliet  and  Marquette,  74 ; 
Marquette  gives  the  name  of 
"Immaculate  Conception"  to, 
77 ;  La  Salle's  plans  to  control, 
84 ;  Hennepin  sent  to,  1 85  ;  La 
Salle  beholds,  212;  claims  of 
Hennepin  to  the  discovery  of, 
243;  Membre's  journal  on  his 
descent  of,  246;  La  Salle  on, 
297,  307,  310,  311,  312,  345,  346, 
352,  371,  373,  374,  376,  389,  390, 
391,  403,  404,  405,  457, 459,  466  ; 
early  unpublished  maps  of,  475- 
486.* 

Mississippi,  Valley  of  the,  La 
Salle  aims  at  the  control  of, 
102;  the  Jesuits  turn  their  eyes 
towards,  103;  479;  various 
names  given  to,  485. 

Missouri  River,  the,  6 ;  Joliet  and 
Marquette  at  the  mouth  of,  69, 
297,  457,  477,  478,  479,  483,  489. 

Missouris,  the,  279,  320. 

'  Mitchigamea,"  village  of,  72. 

Mitchigamias,  the,  308. 


33 


514 


INDEX. 


"  Mitchiganong,  Lac "  (Lake 
Michigan),  477. 

Mobile  Bay,  129,  385,  386,  387, 
389,  481,  482,  483. 

Mobile,  city  of,  309,  467. 

Mohawk  River,  the,  483. 

Mohawks,  the,  91 ;  Bruyas  among, 
115;  Jesuit  mission  among, 
118;  Father  Hennepin  among, 
135,  136,  483. 

Mohegan  Indians,  the,  285,  295, 
486. 

Moingona,  the,  223. 

Moingouena  (Peoria),  65. 

Monso,  the  Mascoutin  chief,  plots 
against  La  Salle,  174,  177,  192. 

Monsonis,  the,  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51. 

Moutagnais,  the,  59. 

Montezuma,  487. 

Montreal,  La  Salle  at,  10;  the 
most  dangerous  place  in  Can- 
ada, 10;  detailed  plan  of,  13; 
Frontenac  at,  87 ;  Frontenac  has 
it  well  in  hand,  96 ;  Joutel  and 
Cavelier  reach,  462,  475. 

Montreal,  Historical  Society  of, 
17. 

Moranget,  La  Salle's  nephew, 
379,  384,  385,  405,  412,  415,  420, 
424 ;  quarrel  with  Duhaut,  425 ; 
murder  of,  426,  433. 

Moreau,  Pierre,  78. 

Morel,  M.,  360. 

Morice,  Marguerite,  7. 

Motautees  ( ? ) ,  the,  307. 

Moyse,  Maitre,  147,  217. 

Mozeemlek,  the,  486. 

Mustang  Island,  375. 

NADODESSIOUS  (Sioux),  the,  307. 

Nadouessioux,  the  country  of,  307. 

Natchez,  the,  village  of,  303 ;  dif- 
fer from  other  Indians,  304 ; 
customs  of,  304,  308. 


Natchez,  city  of,  304. 

Neches  River,  the,  415,  470. 

Neenah  (Fox)  River,  the,  44. 

Neutrals,  the,  exterminated  by  the 
Iroquois,  219. 

New  Biscay,  province  of,  346,  348, 
352,  383,  403. 

New  England,  5,  346. 

New  England  Indians,  the,  285. 

New  France,  483,  484,  485. 

New  Leon,  province  of,  468. 

New  Mexico,  5,  350;  Spanish 
colonists  of,  414. 

New  Orleans,  484. 

New  York,  the  French  in  western, 
19-23,  288,  484. 

Niagara,  name  of,  139 ;  the  key 
to  the  four  great  lakes  above, 
140,  197,  198,  279. 

Niagara  Falls,  23 ;  Father  Henne- 
pin's  account  of,  139;  Henne- 
pin's  exaggerations  respecting, 
248,  476. 

Niagara,  Fort,  129,  138,  148. 

Niagara  Portage,  the,  144,  145. 

Niagara  River,  the,  23,  96 ; 
Father  Hennepin 's  account  of, 
139,  475. 

Nicanope,  175,  177,  178,  192. 

Nicollet,  Jean,  reaches  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 3 ;  among  the  Indians,  3 ; 
sent  to  make  peace  between  the 
Winnebagoes  and  the  Hurons,  4 ; 
descends  the  Wisconsin,  5. 

Nika,  La  Salle's  favorite  Shawanoe 
hunter,  412,  421,  425;  murder 
of,  426. 

Nipissing,  Lake,  28. 

Nipissiugs,  the,  Jean  Nicollet 
among,  3;  Dollier  de  Casson 
among,  16  ;  Andre  makes  a  mis- 
sionary tour  among,  41 ;  at 
Saut  Ste.  Marie,  51. 

Noiseux,  M.,  Grand  Vicar  of  Quo- 
bee,  82. 


INDEX. 


515 


North  Sea,  the,  38. 
Nueces,  the  upper,  469. 

OAXKTAYHEE,  principal  deity  of 
the  Sioux,  267. 

O'Callaghan,  Dr.,  139. 

Ohio  River,  the,  15,  20,  21,  22, 
23,  24,  29,  32 ;  La  Salle  affirms 
that  he  discovered,  32 ;  the 
"  Beautiful  River,"  70,  297,  307, 
457,  477,  478,  479,  480,  483,  484. 

Ohio,  Valley  of  the,  La  Salle  aims 
at  the  control  of,  102. 

Ojibwas,  the,  at  Ste.  Marie  du 
Saut,  39. 

Olighin  (Alleghany)  River,  the, 
307. 

"  Olighin  "  (Alleghany)  River,  the, 
484. 

Omahas,  the,  478. 

Omawha,  Chief,  175. 

Oneida  Indians,  the,  18,  91,  135. 

Ongiara  (Niagara),  139. 

Onguiaahra  (Niagara),  139. 

Onis,  Luis  de,  373. 

Onondaga,  La  Salle  goes  to,  29; 
the  political  centre  of  the  Iro- 
quois,  87  ;  Hennepin  reaches,  135. 

Onondaga  Indians,  the,  91 ;  Bru- 
yas  among,  115. 

"  Onontio,"  the  governor  of  Can- 
ada, 54. 

Ontario,  Lake,  16;  discovered,  20, 
23, 58, 85, 87 ;  Froutenac  reaches, 
89,  96,  99,  138, 135, 147,  200,  279, 
475,  476,  479. 

Ontonagan  River,  the,  39. 

Orange,  settlement  of  (Albany), 
136. 

Oris,  384. 

Osages,  the,  174 ;  deep-rooted 
jealousy  of  the  Illinois  for,  174, 
184,  477. 

*  Osages,  Riviere  des"  (Missouri), 
70. 


Osotouoy,  the,  300. 
Otinawatawa,  22,  23. 
Ottawa,  town  of,  75,  169,  193. 
Ottawa  River,  the,  27, 30, 462,  476. 
Ottawas,     the,     27;      Marquette 

among,   40;     terrified    by    the 

Sioux,  41 ;    La  Salle  forbidden 

to  trade  with,  125;    La    Salle 

trades  with,  156,  182. 
"  Ouabache"  ( Wabash),  River,  the, 

70,  297. 

Ouabona,  the,  join  La  Salle's  col- 
ony, 316. 
"  Ouabouskiaou "    (Ohio)    River, 

the,  70,  477. 

"  Ouaboustikou  "  (Ohio),  the,  480. 
Ouasicoude,  principal  chief  of  the 

Sioux,    264;      friendship     for 

Hennepin,  266,  277. 
Ouchage  (Osages),  the,  477. 
Ouiatnoens  (Weas),  the,  join  La 

Salle's  colony,  316. 
Oumalouminek,  the,  61. 
Oumas,  the,  305. 
Oumessourit      (Missouris),      the, 

478. 
"  Oumessourits,     Riviere     des" 

(Missouri),  70. 
Outagamies  (Foxes),  the,  location 

of,  43. 
Outagamies,  the,  encounter  with 

La  Salle,  160,  161,  287. 
Outrelaise,  Mademoiselle  d',  167. 
Outrelaise,  the  Riviere  del',  167. 

PACIFIC  coast,  the,  480. 

Pacific  Ocean,  84. 

Paget,  366. 

Pahoutet  (Pah-Utahs  ?),  the,  478. 

Pah-Utahs  (?),  the,  478. 

Palluau,  Count  of,  see  Frontenac, 

Count. 

Palms,  the  River  of,  307. 
Paniassa  (Pawnees),  the,  478. 
Panuco,  Spanish  town  of,  350. 


516 


INDEX. 


Paraguay,  the  old  and  the  new, 
102,  103,  104,  117. 

Parassy,  M.  de,  356. 

Patron,  274. 

Paul,  Dr.  John,  317. 

Pawnees,  the,  478. 

Peanqhichia  (Piankishaw),  the, 
join  La  Salle's  colony,  316. 

"  Pekitauou'i "  River  (Missouri), 
the,  69,  477. 

Pelee,  Point,  26,  197. 

Pelican  Island,  379. 

Peloquin,  150. 

Pen,  Sieur,  obligations  of  La  Salle 
to,  434. 

Penalossa,  Count,  350. 

Penicaut,  customs  of  the  Natchez, 
304. 

Pennsylvania,  State  of,  346. 

Penobscot  River,  the,  483. 

Pensacola,  472. 

Peoria,  city  of,  34,  171. 

Peoria  Indians,  the,  villages  of, 
171,  223,  477. 

Peoria  Lake,  171,  190,  211,  296. 

Peouaria  (Peoria),  65. 

Pepikokia,  the,  join  La  Salle's 
colony,  316. 

Pepin,  276. 

Pepin  Lake,  256,  271,  272. 

Pere,  58. 

Perrot,  the  cure,  98. 

Perrot,  Nicolas,  meeting  with  La 
Salle,  30;  accompanies  Saint- 
Lusson  in  search  of  copper  mines 
on  Lake  Superior,  49 ;  con- 
spicuous among  Canadian  voy- 
ageurs,  49;  characteristics  of, 
50 ;  marvellous  account  of  the 
authority  and  state  of  the  Miami 
chief,  50;  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51 ;  local  governor  of  Montreal, 
87  ;  quarrel  with  Frontenac,  96  ; 
arrested  by  Frontenac,  96 ;  the 
Abbe  Fenelon  attempts  to  medi- 


ate between  Frontenac  and,  97  ; 
attempts  to  poison  La  Salle,  116. 

Peru,  350. 

Petit  Goave,  367,  372. 

Philip,  King,  288. 

Philip  II.  of  Spain,  373. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  makes  a  de- 
scent on  Joliet's  establishment, 
77. 

Piankishaws,  the,  223;  join  La 
Salle's  colony,  316. 

"Picard,  Le  "  (Du  Gay),  186. 

Pierre,  companion  of  Marquette, 
78,  80. 

Pierron,  the  Jesuit,  115;  among 
the  Seuecas,  115. 

Pierson,  the  Jesuit,  279. 

Pimitoui  River,  the,  171. 

Platte,  the,  207. 

Plet,  Fran9ois,  127,  293,  463. 

Poisoning,  the  epoch  of,  179. 

Ponchartrain,  the  minister,  133, 
276,  455,  467,  486,  489. 

Pontiac,  assassination  of,  314. 

Port  de  Paix,  367,  368. 

Pottawattamies,  the,  in  grievous 
need  of  spiritual  succor,  24 ;  the 
Sulpitians  determine  to  visit, 
24 ;  at  the  Jesuit  mission  of  St. 
Esprit,  40 ;  location  of,  42,  50, 
77;  friendly  to  La  Salle,  155, 
182,  236,  237,  238  ;  Tonty  among, 
287  ;  at  "  Starved  Rock,"  314. 

"Poualacs,"  the,  481. 

Prairie  du  Chien,  Fort,  64. 

Prairie,  Nation  of  the,  44. 

Provence,  441 . 

Prudhomme,  Fort,  297  ;  La  Salle 
ill  at,  311. 

Prudhomme,  Pierre,  297,  298. 

Puants,  les  (Winnebagoes),  42. 

Puants,La  Baye  des  (Green  Bay), 
31,  42. 


INDEX. 


517 


QUAPAWS,  the,  300. 

Quebec,  15;  the  Jesuits  masters 
at,  108,  311,  460,  462,  482. 

Queenstown  Heights,  138. 

Queylus,  Superior  of  the  Semi- 
nary of  St.  Sulpice,  11,  16. 

Quinipissas,  the,  305  ;  attack  La 
Salle,  310. 

Quinte,  Jesuit  Mission  at,  16. 

Quinte,  Bay  of,  87,  142,  200. 

RADISSON,  Pierre  Esprit,  reaches 
the  Mississippi,  5. 

Raffeix,  Father  Pierre,  the  Jesuit, 
manuscript  map  of,  75  ;  among 
the  Senecas,  141,  276,  481. 

Raoul,  126. 

Kasle,  170. 

Raudin,  Frontenac's  engineer,  92, 
167,  481. 

Raymbault, ,  preaches  among 

the  Indians,  5. 

Recollet  Missions,  Le  Clerc's  ac- 
count of,  246. 

Recollets,  the,  La  Salle  not  well 
inclined  to  wards,  108  ;  protected 
by  Frontenac,  109 ;  comparison 
between  the  Sulpitians  and  the 
Jesuits  and,  112,  218. 

Red  River,  305,  347,  348,451,  465, 
466,  471,  484. 

Renaudot,  Abbe,  memoir  of  La 
Salle,  106, 107  ;  assists  La  Salle, 
127,133,339,360,361. 

Renault,  Etienne,  223,  237. 

Rhode  Island,  State  of,  288. 

Ribourde,  Gabriel,  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac, 132,  137;  alt  Niagara, 
150;  at  Fort  Crevecoaur,  185, 
187,  192,  216,  224,  229  ;  murder 
of,  233. 

Riggs,  Rev.  Stephen  R.,  divisions 
of  the  Sioux,  261. 

Rio  Bravo,  French  colony  pro- 
posed at  the  mouth  of,  350. 


Rio  Frio,  the,  469. 

Rio  Grande  River,  the,  309,  376, 
403,  465,  469. 

Rios,  Domingo  Teran  de  los,  471. 

Robertson,  103. 

Rochefort,  352,  366,  393. 

Rochelle,  129,  364,  393,  462. 

"Rocher,  Le,"  314;  Charlevoix 
speaks  of,  314. 

Rochester,  140. 

Rocky  Mountains,  the,  260,  308, 
309. 

Rouen,  7. 

Royale,  Isle,  38. 

"  Ruined  Castles,"  the,  68,  457. 

Rum  River,  265. 

Ruter,  445,  446,  447,  448;  mur- 
ders Liotot,  449,  470,  472. 

SABINE  RIVER,  the,  415,451,  465. 

Saco  Indians,  the,  227. 

Sacs,  the,  location  of,  43 ;  at  Saut 

Ste.  Marie,  51. 
Sagean,  Mathieu,  the  Eldorado  of, 

485-489  ;  sketch  of,  486  ;  Saget, 

La  Salle's  servant,  425 ;  murder 

of,  426. 
Saguenay  River,   the,  76;    Alba- 

nel's  journey  up,  109. 
St.  Anthony,  city  of,  267. 
St.  Anthony,  the  falls  of,   267 ; 

Hennepin's  notice  of,  267,  478, 

482. 

St.  Antoine  Cape,  372. 
St.  Bernard's  Bay,  394,  469. 
St.  Clair,  Lake,  476. 
St.  Claire,  Lake,  152. 
St.  Croix  River,  the,  277. 
St.  Domingo,   347,  350,  367,  370, 

393,  418,  468. 
St.  Esprit,  Bay  of  (Mobile  Bay), 

129,  386,  389,  481. 
St.  Esprit,  Jesuit  mission  of,  40; 

Indians  at,  40. 
St.  Francis,  Order  of,  133. 


518 


INDEX. 


St.  Francis  River,  the,  265. 

"  St.  Francois,"  the  ketch,  368 ; 
loss  of,  369. 

St.  Fra^ois  Xavier,  council  of 
congregated  tribes  held  at,  43. 

St.  Ignace,  Point,  41,  59  ;  Jesuit 
chapel  at,  82. 

St.  Ignace  of  Michilimackinac, 
81;  La  Salle  reaches,  153;  in- 
habitants of,  153. 

"  St.  Joseph,"  the  ship,  330. 

St.  Joseph,  Lac  (Lake  Michigan), 
155. 

St.  Joseph  River,  the,  44,  162, 
163;  La  Salle  on,  164;  203; 
La  Forest  on,  236,  283,  288. 

Saint-Laurent,  Marquis  de,  367, 
368. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the,  3,  12,  13, 
15,  34,  63,  89,  122,  197,  198,  219, 
475,  480,  481,  483,  489. 

St.  Louis,  city  of,  70. 

St.  Louis,  Bay  of  (Matagorda 
Bay),  376,  379,  394,  466,  468, 
469,  471. 

St.  Louis,  Castle  of,  87. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  of  the  Illinois, 
241 ;  location  of,  314  ;  La  Salle's 
Indian  allies  gather  at,  315; 
location  of,  316;  total  number 
of  Indians  around,  317;  the 
Indians  protected  at,  320;  La 
Barre  takes  possession  of,  327  ; 
attacked  by  the  Iroquois,  327, 
347 ;  restored  to  La  Salle  by  the 
King,  351  ;  Tonty  returns  to, 
454 ;  Joutel  at,  457 ;  condition 
of,  458 ;  Joutel's  return  to,  460 ; 
Tonty  leaves,  465 ;  reoccupied 
by  the  French,  468,  486. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  of  Texas,  394,  395  ; 
life  at,  397  ;  La  Salle  returns  to, 
411,  415;  Twelfth  Night  at. 
417;  Duhaut  resolves  to  return 
to,  446;  abandoned  by  Louis 


XIV.,  463;  the  Spaniards  at, 
469  ;  desolation  of,  469. 

St.  Louis,  Lake  of,  13,  14,  19. 

St.  Louis,  Rock  of,  see  "  Starved 
Rock." 

St.  Louis  River,  the,  307,  484. 

Saint-Lusson,  Daumont  de,  sent 
out  by  Talon  to  discover  copper 
mines  on  Lake  Superior,  49 ; 
winters  at  the  Manitoulin  Is- 
lands, 50 ;  received  by  the  Mia- 
mis,  50;  at  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
51  ;  takes  possession  of  the 
"West  for  France,  52 ;  proceeds 
to  Lake  Superior,  56 ;  returns 
to  Quebec,  56. 

St.  Malo,  5. 

St.  Paul,  site  of,  257. 

St.  Peter,  the  Valley  of  the,  un- 
provoked massacre  by  the  Sioux 
in,  254,  260. 

St.  Peter  River,  the,  486. 

Saint-Simon,  343. 

St.  Simon,  mission  of,  41,  42. 

St.  Sulpice,  Seminary  of,  10 ;  buys 
back  a  part  of  La  Salle's  sei- 
gniory, 16;  plan  an  expedition 
of  discovery,  16. 

Ste.  Barbe,  mines  of,  348. 

Sainte  Claire,  152. 

Sainte-Farnille,  the,  association  of, 
a  sort  of  female  inquisition,  111; 
founded  by  Chaumonot,  111; 
encouraged  by  Laval,  111. 

Ste.  Marie,  Falls  of,  155. 

Ste.  Marie  du  Saut,  the  Sulpi- 
tians  arrive  at,  27 ;  Jesuit  mis- 
sion at,  39 ;  a  noted  fishing- 
place,  39;  Saint-Lusson  takes 
possession  for  France  of,  52. 

San  Antonio,  the,  469. 

Sanson,  map  of,  139. 

Santa  Barbara,  348. 

Sargent,  Winthrop,  182. 

Sassory  tribe,  the,  423. 


INDEX. 


519 


Sauteurs,  the,  39 ;  the  village  of, 
51. 

Sauthouis,  the,  300. 

Saut  Ste.  Marie,  the,  27  ;  a  noted 
fishing-place,  42 ;  gathering  of 
the  tribes  at,  51,  475. 

Sauvolle,  489. 

Schenectady,  483. 

Schoolcraft,  the  Falls  of  St.  An- 
thony, 267. 

Scioto  River,  the,  32. 

Scortas,  the  Huron,  238. 

Seignelay,  Marquis  de,  memorials 
presented  to,  35,  120,  274,  342  ; 
La  Barre  defames  La  Salle  to, 
322,  344;  object  of  La  Salle's 
mission,  352 ;  letters  of  Beau- 
jeu  to,  354-356;  complaints  of 
Beanjeu,  370 ;  complaint  of 
Minet,  378 ;  receives  Beaujeu 
coldly,  389  ;  Jesuit  petitions  to, 
459;  Cavelier's  report  to,  462, 
463. 

Seignelay  River  (Red  River),  the, 
167,  347,  348,  484. 

Seneca  Indians,  the,  14,  19,  20; 
villages  of,  21  ;  their  hospital- 
ity to  La  Salle,  21 ;  cruelty  of, 
22, 29,  91  ;  Pierron  among,  115  ; 
village  of,  138 ;  jealous  of  La 
Motte,  140 ;  La  Motte  seeks  to 
conciliate,  140, 141  ;  pacified  by 
La  Salle,  142 ;  the  great  town 
of,  279 ;  Denonville's  attack  on, 
460. 

Seneff,  bloody  fight  of,  134. 

Severn  River,  the,  203. 

Sevigne,  343. 

Sevigne',  Madame  de,  letters  of, 
179. 

Shawanoes,  the,  23,  225,  285,  307  ; 
join  La  Salle's  colony,  316,  320. 

Shea,  J.  G.,  first  to  discover  the 
history  of  Joliet,  58 ;  the  jour- 
nal of  Marquette,  75 ;  death  of 


Marquette,  81,  82,  115;  the 
"  Racines  Agnieres  "  of  Bruyas, 
136 ;  the  veracity  of  Hennepin, 
244;  critical  examination  of 
Hennepin's  works,  247 ;  Tonty 
and  La  Barre,  454 ;  story  of 
Mathieu  Sagean,  486. 

Silhouette,  the  minister,  34. 

Simcoe,  Lake,  203,  293. 

Simon,  St.,  memoirs  of,  167. 

Simonnet,  126. 

Sioux  Indians,  the,  6 ;  at  the 
Jesuit  mission  of  St.  Esprit,  40 ; 
break  into  open  war,  41 ;  the 
Jesuits  trade  with,  110, 182,  207, 
228 ;  capture  Father  Hennepfn, 
245,  250;  suspect  Father  Hen- 
nepin of  sorcery,  253 ;  unpro- 
voked massacres  in  the  valley  of 
the  St.  Peter,  254;  Hennepin 
among,  259-282;  divisions  of,4 
260 ;  meaning  of  the  word,  260 ; 
total  number  of,  261 ;  use  of  the 
sweating-bath  among,  263 ;  Du 
Lhut  among,  276,  307,  480. 

Sipou  (Ohio)  River,  the,  307. 

"  Sleeping  Bear,"  the,  promon- 
tory of,  81. 

Smith,  Buckingham,  471. 

Society  of  Jesus,  the,  a  powerful 
attraction  for  La  Salle,  8 ;,  an 
image  of  regulated  power,  8. 

Sokokis  Indians,  the,  227. 

Soto,  De,  Hernando,  see,  De  Soto, 
Hernando. 

South  Bend,  village  of,  164. 

Southey,  the  poet,  182. 

South  Sea,  the,  6,  14,  38,  46,  52, 
63,  70. 

Spain,  war  declared  against,  464  ; 
claims  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  468. 

Spaniards,  the,  discover  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 3 ;  Talon's  plans  to 
keep  them  in  check,  48  ;  Louis 
XIV.  irritated  against,  344 ;  in 


520 


INDEX. 


Mexico,  349  ;  at  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  Texas,  469. 

Spanish  Inquisition,  the,  350. 

Spanish  missions,  the,  414,  471. 

Sparks,    exposes    the    plagiarism 

of  Hennepin,  247  ;  468. 
'Starved  Rock,"  169;  attracts 
the  attention  of  La  Salle,  192 ; 
Tonty  sent  to  examine,  192,  205, 
217,  221,  239 ;  description  of, 
313;  La  Salle  and  Tonty  in- 
trench themselves  at,  313 ;  de- 
scribed by  Charlevoix,  314  ; 
origin  of  the  name,  314. 

"  Sturgeon  Cove,"  77. 

Sulpice,  St.,  9. 

Sulpitians,  the,  plan  an  expedition 
of  discovery,  16;  join  forces 
with  La  Salle,  17  ;  set  out  from 
La  Chine,  19;  journey  of,  19, 
20 ;  meeting  with  Joliet,  23 ; 
determine  to  visit  the  Pottawat- 
tamies,  24  ;  La  Salle  parts  with, 
25 :  spends  the  winter  at  Long 
Point,  25  ;  resume  their  voyage, 
26 ;  the  storm,  26  ;  decide  to  re- 
turn to  Montreal,  26;  pass 
through  the  Strait  of  Detroit, 
26 ;  arrive  at  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut, 
27 ;  the  Jesuits  want  no  help 
from,  27 ;  comparison  between 
the  Re'collets  and,  112. 

Superior,  Lake,  5 ;  Menard  at- 
tempts to  plant  a  mission  on 
southern  shore  of,  6 ;  Allouez 
explores  a  part  of,  6  ;  Joliet 
attempts  to  discover  the  copper 
mines  of,  23,  27  ;  the  Jesuits  on, 
37;  the  Jesuits  make  a  map  of, 
38 ;  Saint-Lusson  sets  out  to 
find  the  copper  mines  of,  49 ; 
Saint-Lusson  takes  possession 
for  France  of,  52,  273,  276,  475  ; 
map  of,  476,  477,479,481. 


Susquehanna  River,  the,  483. 
Sweating-baths,  Indian,  262. 

TABLE  ROCK,  139. 

Tadoussac,  59. 

Taensas,  the,  great  town  of,  301  ; 
visited  by  Membre  and  Tonty, 
301 ;  differ  from  other  Indians,, 
304. 

Tahuglauk,  the,  486. 

Taiaiagon,  Indian  town  of,  138. 

Tailhaii,  Father,  35,  49. 

Talon,  15. 

Talon,  among  the  Texan  colonists, 
471. 

Talon,  Jean,  Intendant  of  Canada, 
sends  Joliet  to  discover  the  cop- 
per mines  of  Lake  Superior,  23 ; 
claims  to  have  sent  La  Salle  to 
explore,  31  ;  full  of  projects  for 
the  colony,  48 ;  his  singular 
economy  of  the  King's  purse, 
48;  sends  Saint-Lusson  to  dis- 
cover copper  mines  on  Lake  Su- 
perior, 49 ;  resolves  to  find  the 
Mississippi,  56 ;  makes  choice 
of  Joliet,  56 ;  quarrels  with 
Courcelle,  56 ;  returns  to  France, 
57,  60,  109. 

Talon,  Jean  Baptiste,  472. 

Talon,  Pierre,  472. 

Tamaroas,  the,  223,  235,  286,  297. 

Tangibao,  the,  305. 

Tears,  the  Lake  of,  256. 

Tegahkouita,  Catharine,  the  Iro- 
quois  saint,  275,  276. 

"  Teiocha-rontiong,  Lac "  (Lake 
Erie),  476. 

Teissier,  a  pilot,  407,  421,425,451, 
458. 

Tejas  (Texas),  470. 

Terliquiquimechi,  the,  348. 

Tetons,  the,  260. 

Texan  colony,  the,  fate  of,  464-* 
473. 


INDEX 


521 


Texan  expedition,  La  Salle's,  391- 
419,  434. 

Texan  Indians,  the,  470. 

Texas,  fertile  plains  of,  308; 
French  in,  348 ;  shores  of,  374 ; 
La  Salle  lands  in,  379 ;  applica- 
tion of  the  name,  470,  483. 

Theakiki,  the,  167. 

Thevenot,  on  the  journal  of  Mar- 
quette,  75  ;  map  made  by,  478. 

Third  Chickasaw  Bluffs,  the, 
297. 

Thomassy,  115,  175,  296,  298,302, 
308. 

Thouret,  201,  238,  333,  342. 

Thousand  Islands,  the,  89. 

Three  Kivers,  3,  86,  90. 

Thunder  Bay,  275. 

Tilly,  Sieur  de,  99. 

"  Tiutons,"  the,  481. 

Tintonwans,  the,  260. 

Tongengas,  the,  300. 

Tonty,  Alphonse  de,  467. 

Tonty,  Henri  de,  127  ;  renders  as- 
sistance to  La  Salle,  128;  in 
Canada,  129  ;  La  Motte  at  Niag- 
ara, 140;  sets  out  to  join  La 
Motte,  141 ;  almost  wrecked, 
142 ;  at  the  Niagara  Portage, 
144-147;  the  building  of  the 
"Griffin,"  144-148;  the  launch, 
149;  154,155;  rejoins  La  Salle, 
162;  among  the  Illinois,  172; 
the  attempt  to  poison  La  Salle, 
179  ;  Hennepin  sent  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 187  ;  La  Salle's  parting 
with,  1 88 ;  sent  to  examine 
"  Starved  Rock,"  192;  194;  de- 
serted by  his  men,  199,  217 ;  the 
journey  from  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
201 ;  La  Salle's  best  hope  in, 
202;  La  Salle  sets  out  to  suc- 
cor, 203  ;  La  Salle  has  fears  for 
the  safety  of,  209 ;  sets  out  to 
examine  "Starved  Rock,"  217; 


in  the  Illinois  village,  223;  at- 
tacked by  the  Iroquois,  225 ; 
intercedes  for  the  Illinois,  228 ; 
peril  of,  229;  a  truce  granted 
to,  229 ;  departs  from  the  Iro* 
quois,  233 ;  falls  ill,  236 ;  friends 
in  need,  237;  La  Salle  hears 
good  news  of,  287  ;  meeting  with 
La  Salle,  292;  sets  out  from 
Fort  Miami,  296;  among  the 
Arkansas  Indians,  300;  visits 
the  Taensas,  301 ;  illness  of  La 
Salle,  310;  sent  to  Michilimack- 
inac,  311 ;  intrenches  himself 
at  "  Starved  Rock,"  313 ;  left  in 
charge  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  326, 
334,  337;  attempts  to  attack 
the  Spaniards  of  Mexico,  349, 
355,  361,  421,  425;  the  assassi- 
nation of  La  Salle,  430,  433; 
the  murder  of  Duhaut,  448 ; 
among  the  Assonis,  452;  plans 
to  assist  La  Salle,  453-455 ;  his 
journey,  seeking  news  of  La 
Salle,  454,  455,  458;  in  the 
Iroquois  War,  460;  Cavelier 
conceals  La  Salle's  death  from, 
461 ;  learns,  of  La  Salle's  death, 
464 ;  revives  La  Salle's  scheme 
of  Mexican  invasion,  465 ;  sets 
out  from  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  465 ;  deserted  by  his 
men,  465  ;  courage  of,  465 ;  dif- 
ficulties and  hardships,  466; 
attacked  by  fever,  467 ;  misrep- 
resented, 467;  praises  of,  467; 
joins  Iberville  in  Lower  Louis- 
iana, 467,  486. 

Topingas,  the,  300. 

Torimans,  the,  300. 

Toronto,  27,  138. 

Toronto  Portage,  the,  293. 

Toulon,  463. 

"Tracy,  Lac"  (Lake  Superior), 
476. 


522 


INDEX 


Trinity  River,  the,  413,  424,  434, 

439,  465. 

Tronson,  Abb6,  344,  463. 
"Tsiketo,  Lac"  (Lake  St.  Clair), 

220. 

Turenne,  17. 
Two  Mountains,  Lake  of,  82. 

UPPER    LAKES,  the,  see    Lakes, 

Upper. 

Ursulines,  the,  95. 
Utica,  village  of,  79,  169,  170,  220, 

239. 

VAUDREUIL,  276. 

Vera  Cruz,  468,  472. 

Vermilion  River,  the,  221,  225, 
226  See  also  Big  Vermilion 
River,  the. 

"Vermilion  Sea"  (Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia), the,  15,  38,  74,  480. 

"Vermilion  Woods,"  the,  241. 

Verreau,  H.,  98. 

Vicksburg,  300. 

Victor,  town  of,  21,  140. 

"  Vieux,  Fort  Le,"  314. 

Villermont,  Cabart  de,  letters  of 
Beaujeu  to,  357-360;  letter  of 
Tonty  to,  454. 

Virginia,  288,  346, 483. 


"Virginia,  Sea  of,"  6,  74, 
Voltaire,  7. 

WATTE AU,  Melithon,  150. 

Weas,  the,  join  La  Salle's  colony, 
316. 

West  Indies,  the,  181, 404, 446, 489. 

Wild  Rice  Indians  (Menomonies), 
the,  61. 

William,  Fort,  275. 

William  III.  of  England,  282. 

Winnebago  Lake,  43,  44,  62. 

Winnebagoes,  the,  Jean  Nicollet 
sent  to,  4;  quarrel  with  the 
Hurons,  4 ;  location  of,  42 ;  at 
Saut  Ste.  Marie,  51. 

Winoiia,  legend  of,  271. 

Winthrop,  213. 

Wisconsin,  shores  of,  157. 

Wisconsin  River,  the,  5,  63,  245, 
265,  266,  272,  278,  477,  478,  480. 

Wood,  Colonel,  reaches  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 5. 

YANKTONS,  the,  260. 
Yoakum,  470. 
You,  210. 

ZENOBE  (Membra),  Father,  181. 


• 


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•  iKt 


FC  305  .P25  v.3  SMC 

Parkman,  Francis, 

1823-1893. 
La  Salle  and  the 

discovery  of  the  Great 
AXG-7616  (mcsk)