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THE

NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY

Astor

Lenox and Tilder

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LIFE

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

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VOL. T.

THE sm 'iWd"

PUBUC LIBPA^Y

A»TM, LENOX AND
T^UKM FOUNDATlONi

R 191i L

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by

JOHN BIGELOW,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress j.t Washington.

9 •

Lippincott's Press, '* •,,* /• ••• ,,^ '
Philadelphia. ' •*,*.••• .*•*«..'* 2

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

In preparing a new edition of The Life of Franklin^
Writteft by Hwiself the Editor has made an effort to
combine with some maierial additions to and improve-
ments of the text a substantial reduction in its price.
Besides a careful personal revision of its pages, he has
profited faithfully by the criticisms of the press, and
by the suggestions of private correspondents, in search-
ing out and correcting every error which had escaped
his attention in the first edition. The additions, though
not very voluminous, will be found important.

While the Editor hopes to have added materially to
the value of this work, he, C9n:g5"i<>t0lates himself upon
having been .able, 'WJfh the , co-operation of his pub-
lishers, by a slight redqction ,in the size of the page,
without any reducrion in »the^ size qf the type, to bring
it within the reach of, diat large class of young read-
ers who can rarely^ sfTorci to buy costly books.

This biography has been fortunate enough to attract
the attention and to merit the favor of the British press,
which has heretofore maintained a strangely obstinate si-
lence about Dr. Franklin. T)ie terms in which the career

4 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

of our most eminent American has been recently discuss-
ed in the pages of the Encyclopcedia Britajinica and of
the London Co7ite7npoi'ary Review serve to mark with
greater distinctness the new era in the international rela-
tions of England and the United States, when the peo-
ple of both are giving more consideration to what they
are than to what they have been to each other.

It is a pleasure to the writer to feel that his labors
may have contributed in some degree to secure to Dr.
Franklin among English men of letters a more just rec-
ognition of his many-sided greatness and usefulness.

Highland Falls, Sept. 17, 1879.

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PREFACE.

The memoirs of his own life, which Dr. Franklin
began but never finished, terminated with his arrival
in England, in 1757, as agent of the Colony of Penn-
sylvania. He was then fifty-one years of age, and just
entering upon that part of his public career in which
his marvellous talents appear to the greatest advantage.
From this time until 1785 he resided abroad, as agent
of the colonies or as minister plenipotentiary of the
United States ; his two brief visits to his native land,
in 1762 and in 1775, scarcely ccf^stituting an interrup-
tion of his proJ;racted'foffeign SSI vice.

During thi's'ldng period' df twenty-eight years, he
was, of course, iri" ':pnst-aht correspondence, officially,
with the governmeiit^' ^^e rf^pfes^nted, and unofficially
with prominent "public men, and with his family and
friends, both at home and abroad.

During the five years that elapsed between his final
return from Europe, in 1785, and his death, he naturally
maintained an active correspondence with his numerous

6 PREFACE.

friends in the Old World, among whom he had spent
the most useful and perhaps the happiest years of his
life.

To this protracted expatriation we owe the fact that
there is scarcely an important incident of Franklin's
life which is not described by himself in his memoirs,
or in his correspondence; and it is to this vast treasury
of sterling English, which seems to have been almost
miraculously preserved from incalculable perils by sea
and by land, that the legion of his biographers have
been indebted for whatever has most contributed to
render their works attractive.

I am not aware that any other eminent man has left
so complete a record of his own life. The part of it
which, from the nature of things, could not be pre-
served in correspondence — his youth and early man-
hood; his years of discipline and preparation — has
been made as familiar as household words to at least
three generations, m those imperishable pages which,
in the full maturity ef "his f&culii€:s=ind_-experience, he
prepared at the special inst^ce of-' ^'is friends Le
Veillard, Rochefoucault/ aftq. ; Vsii-^han. From the
period when that fragnTeni; clpses: until his death, we
have a continuous, I might almost say daily record
of his life, his labors, his anxieties, and his triumphs,
from his own pen, and written when all the incidents
and emotions they awakened were most fresh and dis-
tinct in his mind.

PREFACE. y

If I may judge by the unexampled popularity and
influence of his memoirs of the early part of his life,
I am not mistaken in supposing that the world will
be more interested in reading his own account of
those more eventful years which followed, than in
what any other person has said or can say about them.
However we may prize the judgments of discrimi-
nating biographers of Franklin, their interest must
always be subordinate to that which we feel in his
own ; and the pleasure, be it never so great, which we
experience in reading other versions of the incidents
of his varied and picturesque career only increases
our curiosity to read the account which he gave of
them at the time, to his government and friends, in
his own pure, limpid, and sparkling English.

It is under the impulse of such convictions that the
work which is now submitted to the public has been
prepared. I have aimed to condense Franklin's own
memorials of his entire life, hitherto scattered through
many bulky volumes and yet-mo-'e bulky manuscript
collections, iai;<). s. single , compact work, and to give
them the conventeac o.)der and ►attractiveness of a con-
tinuous narrative. Toithisend I have taken from his
writings and carx^,sJ:ondence whatever was autobio-
graphical, and presented it in a strictly chronological
Older. I have not attempted to give all his letters, nor
more of any letter or other (document than furthered
the central and controlling purpose of the work, — to

8 PREFACE.

tell the Franklin story fully and without tediousness or
vain repetitions.

Like all the modern biographers of Franklin, I have
depended mainly upon the precious collection of his
writings and correspondence, published by Mr. Sparks
in 1836-1840. I was fortunate enough, a few years
since, to obtain some valuable details of his later
days, in a collection of his letters addressed to M. Le
Veillard, an account of which, and of the original
manuscript from which the autobiography, down to
1757, was printed,* will be found in the history
which immediately follows of the "fortunes and
misfortunes" of that unique autograph.

Franklin's narrative, as I have arranged it, is at once
so full and consecutive that there has been small occa-
sion for editorial interference ; but whenever an allusion
is made that might not be intelligible to the general
reader, or a stitch is dropped in the web of the nar-
rative, I have endcayoured to supply what was lacking
in foot-notes, leaving: th:e -Fraiiklin-text; entirely un-
broken — a continuous '^fary-rrUF? to'tn^ later stages

c ' ' t' c c "^ *" '■ c- ■■ c

of his last illness. . /' '' ^c^ ';.^'%' [''I

To the obvious obiex^ticfei l^ih^t% the material for this
biography was already mo'stl^^iii^pn^nt, I answer that
the Hke objection might be made with equal propriety

« This manuscript was first pnnted in 1868. See " Autobiography of
Benjamin Franklin, edited from his Manuscript, with Notes and an Introduc-
tion, by John Bigelow." Philadelphia: J. B, Lippincott & Co., 1S68.

PREFACE. g

to quite the best biography of Franklin which has yet
appeared. I refer, of course, to Mr. Parton's.

In the second place, the collection of Franklin's
writings by Mr. Sparks has been many years out of
print, and has become the exclusive property of the
few who have the taste and the ability to own very
rare and costly books.

In the third place, that work was always too volumi-
nous and expensive for popular circulation. There
probably were never more than five thousand copies
printed, if so many ; which were absorbed more than
thirty years ago. It is quite safe to say that, of the
forty millions of the present generation of Americans,
not one in a thousand has ever opened a copy of the
Sparks collection.

And, finally, the autobiographical portions of Frank-
Im's v/ritings are scattered through ten bulky volumes,
to be mastered only by a perusal of the whole. It is
unnecessary to say that, in these days of abundant if
inferior reading, very few of those who are fortunate
enough to possess these volumes have the leisure, or
perhaps the inclination, to purchase a familiarity with
Franklin's life at so high a price. Hence it happens
that the bulk of Franklin's letters, which constitute as
fine a body of English prose as was produced in the
last century, is as if it had never been printed, to more
than ninety per cent, of the present generation of his
countrymen, not to speak of the reading world beyond

iO PREFACE.

the Atlantic, where he still enjoys a fame and respect
never accorded to any other American.

A nation has no possessions so valuable as its great
men, living or dead ; for they inspire it with noble im-
pulses to noble achievements. When such possessions
cease to be estimated by us at their proper value, or
to awaken the enthusiasm of the young and the pride
of the mature of a nation, we may be sure that we
are yielding to a lower grade of impulses and are de-
clining in power and influence. The cock in the fable
preferred the grain of corn to the guinea, because he
was a cock, and did not know that with the guinea he
could have bought a year's supply of corn. When we
become indifferent to the fame and the teachings of
those who have headed the procession of civilizing
influences in their day, we commit the folly of the
cock, without the cock's excuse. It was when the
trophies of Miltiades kept Themistocles from sleeping
that Greece was in her glory.

I do not see, and I hope I may never see, any evi-
dence of this kind of degeneracy in our country. It is
certainly true that Franklin is relatively less read now
than earlier in this century, and, as a natural conse-
quence, the proportion of young men who order their
daily life and conversation in accordance with his pre-
cepts and example, in the main singularly wise and
commendable, is diminished; but that, I would fain
believe, is due rather to the comparative inaccessibility

PREFACE. I ]

of his more practical writings than to any change of
taste, or to any decline of esteem for their author.

Mr. Sparks performed a very useful work in collect-
ing and placing beyond the possibilities of loss or
destruction the great mass of Franklin's writings, but
it may be doubted whether his publication has not thus
far rather tended to diminish than to cultivate a popular
acquaintance with them, by discouraging the publica-
tion of compendious selections adapted to the different
tastes and means of the numerous varieties of readers
he addressed. To assist in restoring to Franklin's
writings and teachings their proper influence among
us — and it was never more needed perhaps than at
this moment — is the primary purpose of this un-
ambitious work, in which I have tried to condense
everything he left behind him that any one not pur-
suing special investigations now cares to read about
the most eminent journalist, philosopher, diplomatist,
and statesman* of his time. Few who have written

* Franklin's wonderful achievements in other directions seem to have
Dlinded the public, as by an excess of light, to his merits as a statesman.
Bryant, than whom it would be difficult to name a higher living au-
thority upon any subject on which he offers an opinion, has been the first,
I believe, of our public oracles fitly to recognize this additional title of
Franklin to our admiration and gratitude. In a recent discourse before
the printers of New York, at their celebration of the one-hundred-and-
sixty-eighth anniversary of the birthday of Franklin, he said :

" The illustrious printer and journalist whose birth we this evening com-
memorate is often spoken of with praise as an acute observer of nature and
of men, as a philosopher, as an inventor, as an able negotiator, and as a

12 PREFACE.

SO much, have written so little not worth reading as
Franklin ; and, while it might be claimed that nothing
came from his pen that did not bear upon it some trace
of a master's hand, I hope it will not be thought
presumption in me to say that a reader may come as
completely under his influence, and enter as fully into
the light of his capacious understanding, by the perusal
of portions of his writings as by the perusal of all.

It is but justice to myself to say, in conclusion, that
these volumes are not intended to displace or to
replace any other of the many biographies of Frank-

statesman. In this latter respect, however, he has not received all the
praise which is his due. For he saw, as it seems to me, further into
the true province and office of a free Government, and the duties of
its legislators, than any man of his time. He saw and pointed out the
folly of governing too much. He saw that it is not the business of a
Government to do what can possibly be done by individuals. He saw that
what the Government had to do was to restrain its citizens from invading
each other's rights, and compel them to respect each other's freedom. He
therefore condemned the Corn laws — the laws against the importation of
^ain — a hundred years before the people of Great Britain became convinced
of their folly and repealed them. He held also that it was not the policy
of a State to put any limitations on paper credit — in other words, he was for
free banking, believing that the intermeddling of the Government with ihat
branch of commercial business could only lead to mischief. Franklin saw
also the Avisdom and humanity of mitigating the calamities of.war by allow-
ing trading-vessels to pass and repass unmolested on the high seas in time
of war, and before he returned from Europe in 17S5 he negotiated a treaty
with Prussia, which contained an article against privateering. Thus he
anticipated by more than half a century the proposition which our Govern-
ment since made to Great Britain."

PREFACE.

lin with which our literature has been enriched.
What any illustrious man may have said of himself
should only inflame our curiosity to know what
others have said of him. In giving for the first time
in a consecutive story Franklin's own account of his
singularly useful life, I indulge the hope of increasing
rather than diminishing the curiosity of my readers to
know how he impresses those who make his writings
and career a subject of special investigation.

The Squirrels, February 22, 1874.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.

PAGB

Preface S-13

Historical Sketch of the Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Autograph
MS. of Franklin's Memoirs of his Own Life .... 19-76

PART I.

Franklin's Outline of the Topics of his Autobiography . . . 77-80
Autobiography of Franklin from his Birth to his Arrival in England as
Agent cf the Colony of Pennsylvania (1706-1757) . . . 81-372

PART II.

Continuation of the Autobiography from Franklin's Ar-
rival IN England as Agent of the Colony of Pennsyl-
vania, IN June, 1757, until the Close of his Mission there
AND Return to Philadelphia, in 1775.

CHAPTER I.

Domestication and Protracted Ilhiess in London — Removal of Gov-
ernor Denny — Countermining the Proprietors — Historical Review,
etc., of Pennsylvania — Tour through England and Scotland — Cam-
bridge University — Visits the Home of his Ancestors — Counsels the
Anne.xation of Canada to the British Empire — Portrait of William

1 6 C0X2E.VTS OF VOLUME I.

PAGB

Penn — The "Art of Virtue" — Karnes's "Elements of Criticism" —
Directions for a Young Lady's Reading — Expensiveness of English
Wives — Hume's " Jealousy of Commerce" — Baskerville's Printing-
Types — Property of the Penn Family — Death of his Mother-in law —
Lightning Conductors (1757-1762) 375-433

CHAPTER n.

His Reception in America — His Son's Marriage, and Appointment as
Governor of New Jersey — Tour through the Colonies as Postmaster-
General — Insurrection of the Indians — Drafts a Militia Bill — Its Re-
jection by the Governor — Drafts a Petition to the Throne for a Change
of Governor — Is defeated for the Assembly — Sent to England again
as Agent of the Colony of Pennsylvania — Parting Advice to his
Daughter (1762-1764) — Connecticut Religion .... 434-448

CHAPTER III.

Jealousy of English Manufacturers — Origin of the Stamp Act — Opposi-
tion of Franklin — Effect of its Passage in America — Names a Stamp
Distributor — Unpleasant Consequences — Correspondence with Dean
Tucker (1764-1766) . . . . , 449-466

CHAPTER IV.
Franklin's Examination before the House of Commons (1766) . 467-510

CHAPTER V.

Franklin sends his Wife a New Dress on the Repeal of the Stamp Act
— New Disputes with the Mother Country — Colonies required to pro-
vide for Soldiers — Lord Chatham — Marriage of Sally Franklin — Ex-
periment of making Paper Money not a Legal Tender — Advances
of the French Ambassador to Franklin — Visits the Continent — First
Impressions of France and Germany (1766-1767) . . . 511-545

CHAPTER VI.

The Walpole Grant again — Cliange of Ministry — Hillsborough named
Secretary of State for America — Franklin edits "The Farmers
Letters" — Particulars of his Election to the Royal Society — Powers
of Parliament over the Colonies defined — Corruption at Elections —
Dissolution of Pariiament (1767-1768) 546-570

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.

APPENDIX.

PAcn

No. I. Preface to Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin

Franklin, by William Temple Franklin 573-577

No. 2. Preface to " Correspondance inedite, etc., de B. Franklin," by
M, Charles Male ... c . . . . 577-579

HISTORICAL SKETCH

OF THE

FORTUNES AND MISFORTUNES OF THE AUTOGRAPH

MANUSCRIPT

FRANKLIN'S MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE!

IT is well known that Franklin prepared so much of
the celebrated Memoirs of his life as was originally
intended for publication, mainly at the solicitation of one
of his most cherished friends in France — M. le Veillard,
then Mayor of Passy. Towards the close of the year
1789 he presented to this gentleman a copy of all this
sketch that was then finished. At the Doctor's death,f his
papers, including the original of the manuscript, passed
into the hands of one of his grandsons, William Temple
Franklin, who undertook to prepare an edition of the

* Revised from Bigelow's Autobiography of Franklin, Lippincott, 1868,
t Benjamin Franklin died on the 17th of April, 1790, aged eighty*
four years and three months.

life and writings of his grandfather for a pubHshing house
in London.

For the greater convenience of the printer in the pre-
paration of this edition — so goes the tradition in the Le
Veillard family — WilHam Temple Franklin exchanged
the original autograph with Mrs. le Veillard, then a
widow, for her copy of the Memoirs ; and thus the auto-
graph passed out of the Franklin family.

At the death of the widow le Veillard this manuscript
passed to her daughter ; and at her death, in 1S34, it be-
came the property of her cousin, M. de Senarmont,
whose grandson, M. P. de Senarmont, transferred it to
me on the 26th of January, 1S67, with several other
memorials of Franklin which had descended to him with
the manuscript. Among the latter were the famous pastel
portrait of Franklin by Duplessis w^hich he presented
to M. le Veillard ; a number of letters to M. le Veil-
lard from Dr. Franklin and from his grandsons, William
Temple Franklin and Benjamin Franklin Bache ; to-
gether with a minute outline of the topics of his Me-
moirs, brought down to the termination of his mission to
France.

I availed myself of my earliest leisure to subject the
Memoirs to a careful collation with the edition which
appeared in London iniSiy, and which was the first and
only edition that ever purported to have been printed
from the manuscript. The results of this collation re-
vealed the curious fact that more than twelve hundred
separate and distinct changes had been made in the text,
and, what is more remarkable, that the last eight pages
of the manuscript, which are second in value to no other
eight pages of the work, were omitted entirely.

Many of these changes are mere modernizations of
style ; such as would measure some of the modifications
whicli English prose had undergone between the days of
Goldsmith and Southey. Some, Franklin might have
approved of; others he might have tolerated ; but it is
safe to presume that very many he would have rejected
without ceremony.

A few specimens taken from the first chapter will show
the general character of these changes.

It is a curious fact that the very first words of tliG
edition of 1S17 are interpolations. It commences;

"To William Franklin, Governor of New Jersey.
"Dear Son, &c.'

The autograph commences with " Dear Son," naming
no person.

Though William was the Doctor's only surviving son,
and in i77^? when this was commenced, was also Gov-
ernor of New Jersey, it is very unlikely that the Doctor
would have given his son any titles in addressing him a
communication of this domestic and confidential charac-
ter. This improbability is increased by the circumstance
that at the time this manuscript was revised and copied to
be sent to his friend Le Veillard, William Franklin not
only was not Governor of New Jersey, but was not living
upon terms even of friendly correspondence with his
father. The fact that the French version commences
with " Mon cher fils," omitting the name and title, leaves
no doubt that the titles were added by the editor in the
edition of 1S17.

{From the Edition of 1817,/. I.*)

Imagining it may be equally
agreeable to you to learn the cir-
cumstances of my life, many of
which you are unacquainted with,
and expecting the enjoyment of a
few weeks' uninterrupted leisure, I
sit down to wTite them. Besides,
there are some other inducements
that excite me to this undertaking.
From the poverty and obscurity in
which I was born, and in which I
passed my earliest years, I have
raised myself to a state of affluence
and some degree of celebrity in the
world. As constant good fortune has
accompanied me even to an advanced
period of life, my posterity will per-
haps be desirous of learning the
means which I employed, aiid which,
thanks to Providence, so well suc-
ceeded with me. T/iey may also
deem them ft to be imitated, shoidd
any of themfiiui themselves in simi-
lar circumstances.

{From the Edition of 181 7,/. 4,)

My grandfather Thomas, who
was bom 1598, lived at Ecton till
he was too old to continue his busi-
ness, when he retired to Banbury
in Oxfordshire to the house of his
son John with whom my father
served an apprenticeship. There
my uncle died and lies buried.

{From the Autograph, p. I.)

Imagining it may be equally
agreeable to you to knaiv the cir-
cumstances of my life, many of
which you are yet unacquainted
with, and expecting a week''s un-
interrupted leisure in my present
country retirement, I sit down to
WTite Xh^vcv for you.

To which I have besides some
other inducements. Having emerged
from the poverty and obscurity in
which I was born and bred to a
state of affluence and some de-
gree of reputation in the world,
atid havi7ig gone so far through life
with a considerable share of felicity,
the conducing means I made use of,
which, with the blessing of God, so
well succeeded, my posterity may like
to know, as they may find some of
them suitable to their own situations^
and therefore fit to be ifnitated.

{From the Autograph, p. i.)

My grandfather Thomas, who
was born in 1598, lived at Ecton
till he grew too old to follow busi-
ness longer when he went to live
with his son jfohn, a dyer, at Ban-
bury in Oxfordshire with whom
my father served an apprentice-
ship. There my grandfather died
and lies buried.

* Whenever I shall have occasion to cite the edition of 1817, refer-
ence will be made to the American edition of this work, in six vols.,
published in Philadelphia in 181 8.

{Editiojt of 1817,/. 4.)

My grandfather had four sons
wrho grew up, viz.: Thomas, John,
Benjamin and Josiah. Being at a
distance from my papers, I will give
you what account I can of them
from memory, and if my papers
are not lost in my absence, you will
find among them many more par-
ticulars.

\Pmitted:\

{Frojn the Edition of 181 7,/. 10.)

I suppose you may like to know
what hind of a man my father was.
He had an excellent constitution,
and was of a middle stature, well
set, and very strong; he could
draw prettily, and was a little
skilled in music ; his voice was son-
orous and agreeable so that when
he played on his violin and sung
withal, as he was accustomed to do
after ihe business of tJie day was
(Tver, it was extremely agreeable to
hear. He had some knowledge of
mechanics, and on occasion was
very handy with other tradesmen's
tcols but his great excellence was
his sound understanding, etc

{Edition of i2>iy, p. 15.)

About this time I met with an
odd volume of the Spectator. I
had never before seen any of them.

{Autograph, p. 2.)

My grandfather had four sons
that gi'ew up, viz.: Thomas, John,
Bepjamin and Josiah. I will give
you what account I can of them at
this distance from my papers, and if
these are not lost in my absence, you
will, among tJiem,find many more
particulars.

{Autograph, p. 3.)

I was named after this uncle,
there being a particular affection
between him and my father.

{From the Autograph, p. 7.)

/ think you may like to know
something of his person and charac'
ter. He had an excellent constitu-
tion of body, was of middle stature,
but well set and very strong; he
was ingenious: could draw prettily,
and was skilled a little in music,
attd had a clear, pleasing voice, so
that when he played psalm tmtes
on his violin, and sung withal, cu
he sometimes did in an evening, after
the business of the day was over,
it was extremely agreeable to hear.
He had a mechanical genius too, and
on occasion was very handy in the
use of other tradesmen's tools but
his great excellence lay in a sound
understanding, etc

{Autograph, p. 13.)

About this time I met with an
odd volume of the Spectator. //
wcu the third. I had nevei before,
etc

[From Edition of 1817,/. 16.) {From t/ie Autograph, p. 14.)

T/ie time / allotted for writing My time for these exercises and

Exercises and for reading was at for reading was at night ^^rtcw/^,

night or before work began in the or before // began in the morning

morning or on Sunday, when I or on Sundays, when I contrived

contrived to be in the printing to be in the printing house alone^

'I bouse, evading as much as I could avoiding as much as I could the

the constant attendance at public Common attendance on public wor-

worship, which my father used to ship which my father used to

exact from me when I was under exact from me when I was under

his care and which I still con- his care and which, indeed, I still

tinned to consider as a dut)', though thought a duty, though I could not,

I could not afford time to practice as it seemed to me, afford time to

it practice it

{Edition of 1 81 7,/. 21.)

He agreed with the captain of a
New York sloop to take me under
pretence of my being a young man
of his acquaintance that had ati
intrigue with a girl of bad charac-
ter, whose parents would compel
me to marry her ; and that I could
neither appear or come away pub-
licly.

{From the Edition of \Z\'j,p. 23.)

On approaching the island, we
found it was in a place where there
could be no landing, there being a

{Autograph, p. 22.)

He agreed with the captain of a
New York sloop for my passage,
under the notion of my being a
young acquaintance of his that had
got a naughty girl with child, whose
friends would compel me to marry
her, and therefore I could not ap-
pear, or come away publicly.

{From the Autograph, p. 24.)

WJien we drew n£ar the island
we found it was at a place where
there could be no landing, there be-

great surf on the stony beach, so ing a great surf on the stony beach,

we dropped anchor and swung met so we dropped anchor and swung

our cable towards the shore. Some around toward the shore. Some

people came down to the shore and people came down to the water

hallooed as we did to them, but the
wind was so high and the surf so
loud that we could not understand
each other. There were some
small boats near the shore and we

edge and hallooed to us as we did to
them, but the wind was so high
and the surf so loud, that we could
not hear, so as to understand each
other. There were canoes on the

made signs and called thera to shore, and we made signs and hoi-

fetch us; but they either did not
comprehend tis^ or it was imprac-
ticable, so they went off; nighi ap-
proachijtg, we had no remedy bid
to have patience till the wind abated,
and in the meantime the boatman
and myself concluded to sleep if
we could ; and so we crowded into
the hatches where we joined the
Dutchman, who was still wet, and
the spray breaking over the head
of our boat, etc

{From the Edition ^ 1817, /. 29.)

I was not a little surprised, and
Keimer stared with astonishment.

{Edition 0/ iSij, p. 23-)
But during my absence he had ac-
quired a habit of drinhing- of bran-
dy; and I found by his own account
• as well as tJiat of others, that he had
been drunk every day since his
arrival at New York, and behaved
himself in a very extravagant man-
ner.

^T* vp* ^P ^v* •^ ^r*

The Governor received me with
great civility, showed me his libra-
ry, which was a considerable one, and
we had a good deal of conversation
relative to books and authors.

Collins wished to be employed in
some counting house, but whether
they discovered his dram drinking
by his breath, or, etc

loed that they should fetch us, but
they either did not understand ua
or thought it impracticable, so they
went away, and night coming 07t,
we had no remedy but to wait till
the wind should abate ; and,in the
meantime, the boatman and /con-
cluded to sleep if we could ; and so
crowded into the scicttle with the
Dutchman who was still wet, and
the spray beating over the head of
our boat, etc

{From the Autograph, p. 34.)

I was not a little surprised, and
Keimer stared like a pig poisoned.

{From the Atctograph, p. 39.)

But during my absence he had
acquired a habit of sotting with
brandy; and I found by his own
account and what I heard from
others, that he had been drunk
every day since his arrival at New
York, and behaved very oddly.

*^ ^ ^ ^ -^
/^ 0^ m\^ *^ #^

The Governor treated me with
great civility, showed me his libra-
ry, which was a very large one, and
we had a good deal of conversation
about books and authors.

Collins wished to be employed in
some counting house, but whether
they discovered his dramming by
his breath, or, etc

{Edition 1817, /. 34.) {Autograph, p. 40.)

The violation of my trust respect- The breaking into this money of

ing Vernor^s money was, etc Vernon's, was, etc

3 ,. B

{Edition 1 817,/. 47.) {Autograph, p. 53.)

I drank only water, the other I drank only water, the other
workmen, near fifty in number, workmen, near fifty in number,
were great drinkers of beer. were great ^/as/^rj of beer.

(Edition iZiT, p. SS.) (Autograph, p. 62.)
At length, receiving his quar- At length, receiving his quar-
terly allowance of fifteen guineas, terly allowance of fifteen guineas,
instead of discharging his debts he instead of discharging his debts he
went out of town, hid his gown in walked out of town, hid his gown
a furze bush and walked to London, in a furze bush, and footed it to

London.

By whom were these changes made in the text of this
manuscript }

How came the closing pages to be overlooked.?

Why was the publication which purported to be made
from the manuscript deferred for twenty-seven years after
their author's death }

How happened it that this posthumous work which
may be read In nearly every written language and is one
of the half-dozen most widely popular books ever printed,
should have filled the book-marts of the world for a quarter
of a century without having ever been verified by the
original manuscript.?

I doubt if it will ever be possible to determine all these
questions with absolute certainty ; but I propose to lay
before the reader such information as I have been able
to glean from a variety of sources, both published and
unpublished, leaving him to draw from them such con-
clusions as he thinks the testimony will warrant. The
array which I shall make, if it do not settle all these
questions, may lead, it is to be hoped, to the production
of latent testimony that will.

II.

Dr. Franklin informs us, in the veiy first paragraph of
liis Memoirs, that he had undertaken to prepare them fot
the edification of his family. The first eighty-seven pages
of the MS., which embrace the first twent3''-five years of
his life down to his marriage, appear to have been written
in 1771, during one of his visits to Twyford, the country-
seat of Dr. Shipley, then Bishop of St. Asaph, and with-
out any view to publication.*

The MS. of this part was shown to some of his friends,
among others to Mr. Benjamin Vaughan, Mr. Abel James,
and to M. le Veillard, who were all so pleased with it
that they urged him to resume and publish them. He
was persuaded to do so, and in 17S41 while residing at
Passy, then a suburb of Paris, wrote the succeeding pages
of the MS. to page 104. The part written in England
was followed with this memorandum, written, doubtless,
when he revised the Memoirs in 17S9 :

"Mem. — Thus far was written with the intention ex-
pressed in the beginning, and therefore contains several
little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What
follows was written many years after, and in compliance
with the advice contained in these letters,! and accord-

* "Expecting," he says, "a week's uninterrupted leisure in my present
country retirement, I sit down to write them for you." The MS. shows
that he had originally written it "for your perusal." "Perusal" was
afterward stricken out, and "use" written after it. This word was also
stricken out, and the phrase left as in the text. The editor of the edition
of 1817 strikes out the words "to you" also.

t The letters here referred to are from Messrs. Vaughan and James,
and will be found in their proper place.

iiigly intended for the public. The affairs of the Revo-
lution occasioned the interruption."

Another reason for continuing his Memoirs, and giving
them to the press, has been assigned by M. Castera, who
published a French edition of some of Franklin's works
in 1798.* He attributes the Autobiography to a desire on
the part of Franklin and his French friends to neutralize
the pernicious influence of Rousseau's Confessions, which,
during the latter part of Franklin's residence in Paris,
were the topic of every salon. These friends thought that
it would be curious to compare the history of a writer
who seemed to have used his brilliant imagination merely
to render himself miserable, with that of a philosopher
who employed all the resources of an equally gifted intel-
lect to assure his own happiness by contributing to the
happiness of others.

* Vie de Franklin, ecrite par lui-meme, suivie de ses CEuvres morales,
politiques et litteraires, dont la plus grande partie n'avait pas encore ete
publiee. — Traduit de I'Anglais, avec des notes par J. Castera. Eripnit
Coelo fiilmen, Sceptrtimque tyrannis. Paris, chez F. Buisson, Imp. Lib.,
Rue Hautefeuille, No. 20, an vi. de la Republique, 1798. In his preface
confounding Mr. Benjamin Franklin Bache with William Temple
Franklin, who was the Doctor's literary executor and custodian of his
unpublished manuscripts, Mr. Castera says : " It is not known why Mr.
Benjamin Franklin Bache, who has them (the MS. memoirs) in his pos-
session, and is now residing in London, keeps them so long from the
public. The works of a great man belong less to his heirs than to the
human race." It is a curious circumstance that the copy of the Me-
moirs given in this collection of Castera was translated from an English
edition, which was itself only a translation from the first French trans-
lation, thus removed by three translations from the original. "A part
of the life of Franklin," says Mr. Castera, " has already been translated
into French and in a sufiiciently careful manner. Notwithstanding, I
have dared to translate it anew."

A comparison of dates will show that M. Castera*s
theory was purely imaginary.

* * * The self-torturing sophist, wild Rousseau,
The apostle of affliction, * * *

wrote the first part of his Confessions during his residence
in England in the years 1766 and 1767* '^^^^ second was
composed in Dauphiny and at Trye in the years 1768 and
1770. It was his intention that they should not be printed
until 1800, presuming that by that time all who figured
in them would have ceased to live ; but the period he had
fixed for their publication was anticipated. The first part
was printed in 1781, and the second in 1788. It is not
likely that Franklin or any of his friends knew anything
of them till the first part was published in 1781, and all
of Franklin's Memoirs that Castera published or knew
anything of had been written ten years before.

The Doctor returned to the United States in the summer
of 1785. In the fall of that year he received a note from
his friend, Mr. Edward Bancroft, the tenor of which is
sufficiently explained in the following extract from the
Doctor's reply :

"Philadelphia, 26M November ^ 1785.
'' Dear Sir :

" I received your kind letter of September 5th, inform-
ing me of the intention Mr. Dilly has of printing a new
edition of my writings, and of his desire that I would
furnish him with such additions as I may think proper.
At present all my papers and manuscripts are so mixed
with other things, by the confusions occasioned in sudden
and various removals during the late troubles, that I can
hardly find anything. But having nearly finished an
3*

addition to my house, which will afford me room to put
all in order, I hope soon to be able to comply with such
a request ; but I hope Mr. Dilly will have a good under-
standing in the affair with Henry & Johnson, who, having
risked the former impressions, may suppose they thereby
acquired some right in the copy. As to the Life pro-
posed to be written, if it be by the same hand who fur-
nished a sketch to Dr. Lettsom, which he sent me, I am
afraid it will be found too full of errors for either you or
me to correct ; and having been persuaded by my friends,
Messrs. Vaughan and M. le Veillard, Mr. James, of this
place, and some others, that such a Life written by myself
may be useful to the rising generation, I have made some
progress in it, and hope to finish it this winter ; so I
cannot but wish that project of Mr. Dilly's biographer
may be laid aside. I am nevertheless thankful to you for
your friendly offer of correcting it.* * * * *

The Doctor's hopes of completing the Memoirs during
the winter of 17S5 were not realized, nor did he resume
work upon them until three years later.

"As to the little history I promised you," he writes to
his friend, Le Veillard, the 15th April, 1787, "my pur-
pose still continues of completing it, and I hoped to do
it this summer, having built an addition to my house, in
which I have placed my library, and where I can write
without being disturbed by the noise of the children ; but

* The only letter we have from M. le Veillard bears date, Passy,
Oct. 9, 1785. He says, in allusion to this subject : " I hope you have
been industrious during your passage, and that you have finished your
Memoirs, and will send them to me."

the General Assembly having lately desired my assistance
at a great convention to be held in May next for amending
the Federal Constitution, I begin to doubt whether I can
make any progress in it till that business is over." *

In the same letter he adds farther on :

"You blame me for writing three pamphlets and ne-
glecting to write the little history : you should consider
they were written at sea, out of my own head ; the other
could not so well be written there for want of the docu-
ments that could only be had here."

On the 24th-of October, 1788,1 the Doctor writes to M.
le Veillard as follows :

" I have been much afflicted the last summer with a
long-continued fit of the gout, which I am not quite clear
of, though much better ; my other malady is not aug-
mented. I have lately made great progress in the work
you so urgently demand, and have come as far as my fif-
tieth year. Being now free from public business, as my
term in the Presidentship is expired, and resolving to
engage in no other public employment, I expect to have
it finished in about two months, if illness or some unfore-
seen interruption does not prevent. I do not, therefore,
send a part at this time, thinking it better to retain the
whole till I can view it all together, and make the proper
corrections."

William Temple Franklin also writes on the 17th of
November, 1788:

" Our new government goes on in its way. Many

* See this date, infra, vol. iii.
t See this date, infra, vol. iii.

States have elected their Senators. The people are soon
to elect their representatives. It is in March next they
should meet. There is but one voice for the President-
General, the illustrious Washington. In respect to the
Vice President, opinions are shared between General
Knox, Messrs. Hancock, Adams, &c. My grandfather
having served the three years as President of this State,
Genl. Mifflin has been elected in his place. My grand-
father now calls himself a free man, and I believe it
would be difficult to induce him to change his condition.
No one could more enjoy his liberty and repose. He is
now occupied in writing the continuation of his life, which
you have so urgently desired of him. His health improves
every day. Farewell, my friend. Recall me to the recol-
lection of all our common friends, and say a thousand
tender things to all your family. I write to your son.

" W. T. F."*

In three other letters to M. le Veillard, written during
the year 17S8, Dr. Franklin alludes to his promise and
his reasons for not having hitherto been able to keep it.
Under date of February 17, 17885 he writes:

" I should have proceeded in the history you mention,
if I could well have avoided accepting the chair of Presi-
dent for this third and last year ; to which I was again
elected by the una^iiinous voice of the Council and
General Assembly in November. If I live to see this
year expire, I may enjoy some leisure, which I promise
you to employ in the work you do me the honor to urge
so earnestly."!

* Le Veillard Collection,
t See this date, infra, vol. iii.

Scarcely two months later, and under date of April
22,* he writes again :

" I received but a few days since your favor of Nov.
30, 17S7, in which you continue to urge me to finish th^*
Memoirs. My three years of service will expire in Octo-
ber, when a new President must be chosen, and I had the
project of retiring then to my grandson's estate, in New
Jersey, where I might be free from the interruption of
visits, in order to complete that work for your satisfaction ;
for in this city my time is so cut to pieces by friends and
strangers, that I have sometimes envied the prisoners In
Bastille. But considering now the little remnant of life I
have left, the accidents that may happen between this and
October, and your earnest desire, I have come to the reso-
lution to proceed In that work to-morrow^, and continue it
daily till finished, which. If my health permits, may be in
the course of the ensuing summer. As it goes on I will
have a copy made for you, and you may expect to receive
a part by the next packet."

About six weeks after the foregoing, and under date of
June 6, he writes again :

" Eight States have now agreed to the proposed new
Constitution ; there remain five who have not yet dis-
cussed it, their appointed times of meeting not having
yet arrived. Two are to meet this month ; the rest later.
One more agreeing. It will be carried Into execution.
Probably some will not agree at present, but time may
bring them In ; so that we have little doubt of its be-
coming general, perhaps with some corrections. As to
your friend's taking a share in the management of it; his

* See this date, infra, vol. iii.

age and Infirmities render him unfit for the business, as
the business would be for him. After the expiration of
the term of his Presidentship, which will now be in a few
months, he is dete7'mined to engage no more in public
affairs even if required ; but his countr^^men will be too
reasonable to require it. You are not so considerate.
You are a hard taskmaster. You insist on his writing his
life, already a long work, and at the same time would
have him continually employed in augmenting the sub-
ject, while the term shortens in which the work is to be
executed."*

The Doctor did resume the Memoirs in 17S8, and
probably wrote about this time all of the remainder that
has hitherto been published in English. It appears, how-
ever, from the following passage in a letter to M. le
Veillard, dated September 5, 17S9, that he had then
abandoned all hope of completing the Memoirs, and was
making arrangements to transmit a copy of what was
done, to M. le Veillard and to Mr. Vaughan. Whether
he intended one for each or for both is not quite certain :

" I hope you have perfectly recovered of your fall at
Madame Helvetlus's, and that you now enjoy perfect
health ; as to mine, I can give you no good account. I
have a long time been afflicted with almost constant and
grievous pain, to combat which I have been obliged to
have recourse to opium, which Indeed has afforded me
some ease from time to time, but then it has taken away
my appetite, and so Impeded my digestion that I am
become totally emaciated, and little remains of me but a
skeleton covered with a skin. In this situation, I have

* See this date, infra, vol. iii.

not been able to continue my Memoirs, and now I suj)-
pose I shall never finish them. Benjamin has made a
copy of what is done for you, which shall be sent by the
first safe opportunity."*

Shortly before this letter was written— on the 3d of
June of that year — the Doctor wrote to his friend
Vaughan, who, it appears, had been urging him to go on
with the Memoirs :

" I received your kind letter of March 4th, and wish 1
may be able to complete what you so earnestly desire —
the Memoirs of my life. But of late I am so interrupted
by extreme pain, which obliges me to have recourse to
opium, that, between the effects of both, I have but little
time in which I can write anything. My grandson, how-
ever, is copying what is done, which will be sent to you
for your opinion by the next vessel ; and not merely for
your opinion, but for your advice ; for it is a difficult task
to speak decently and properly of one's own conduct ;
and I feel the want of a judicious friend to encourage me
in scratching out." f

On the 2d of November he writes again to Mr.
Vaughan in the same desponding strain of his health,
though still more hopeful of continuing the Memoirs
than he appeared when he wrote the letter last cited to
M. le Veillard :

" I thank you much for your intimations of the virtues
of hemlock ; but I have tried so many things with so little
effect that I am quite discouraged, and have no longer
any faith in remedies for the stone. The palliating system

* See this date, infra, vol. iii.
t See this date, infra, vol. iii.

IS what I am now fixed in. Opium gives me ease when
I am attacked by pain, and by the use of it I still make
life tolerable. Not being able, however, to bear sitting to
write, I now make use of the hand of one of my grand-
sons, dictating to him from my bed. I wish, indeed, I
had tried this method sooner ; for so I think I might by
this time have finished my Memoirs, in which I have
made no progress for these six months past. I have now
taken the resolution to endeavor completing them in this
way of dictating to an amanuensis. What is already
done I now send you, with an earnest request that you
and my good friend. Dr. Price, would be so good as to
take the trouble of reading it, critically examining it, and
giving me your candid opinion whether I had best pub-
lish or suppress it ; and if the first, then what parts had
best be expunged or altered. I shall rely upon your
opinions ; for I am now grown so old and feeble in mind,
as well as body, that I cannot place any confidence in my
own judgment. In the mean time, I desire and expect
that you will not suffer any copy of it, or of any part of it,
to be taken for any purpose whatever."*

The only evidence, beyond the promise contained in
his letter of the 3d of June, that the Doctor sent a copy
of his Memoirs to Mr. Vaughan, is a statement made by
the Due de la Rochefoucault in an eminently discrimi-
nating and cordial eulogium which he pronounced before
a society in Paris on the 13th of June, 17S9; two years
before the Doctor's death. In this discourse he says :

"The most voluminous of his works is the history of

* See this date, infra, vol. iii.

his own life, which he commenced for the use of his son,

and for the continuation of which we are indebted to the

ardent solicitations of Monsieur le Veillard, one of his

most intimate friends. It employed his leisure hours

during the latter part of his life ; but the bad state of his

health and his excruciating pains, which gave him little

respite, frequently interrupted his work ; and the two

copies — one of which was sent by him to London, to Dr.

Price and Mr. Vaughan, and the other to Monsieur le

Veillard and me — reach no farther than the year 1757.

He speaks of himself as he would have done of another

person, delineating his thoughts, his actions, and even his

errors and faults ; and he describes the unfolding of his

genius and talents with the simplicity of a great man,

who knows how to do justice to himself, and with the

testimony of a clear conscience, void of reproach and

' of offence toward God and toward man.* * *

m ***** *

His Memoirs, gentlemen, will be published as soon as we
receive from America the additions he may have made to
the manuscript in our possession ; and we then intend to
give a complete collection of his works."

The Duke had evidently derived his information in
regard to the Memoirs exclusively from the letter last
cited to M. le Veillard.

The Doctor died in a little less than six months aftei
his letter of the 2d of November to Mr. Vaughan. By his
will, made in the summer of 1 788, he bequeathed his books,
manuscripts, and papers, after deducting a few special be-
quests, to his grandson, William Temple Franklin. Among
the manuscripts was the original text of these Memoirs.

On the 22d of May, Wm. Temple wrote M. le Veil-

lard, announcing his grandfather's death and the interest
he had acquired in the Memoirs, which might be said to
have owed their existence to M. le Veillard's perti-
nacity ; his intention to prepare them for publication, and
requesting M. le Veillard to show them to no one unless
to the Academician who should be charged to make the
eulogy of the deceased, and to permit no one to take a
copy of what had been sent him. He adds that he him-
self has the original. This letter was written In French

"Philadelphia, 22 May, 1790.*

" You have already learned, my dear friend, the loss
which you and I, and the world, have experienced, in the
death of this good and amiable papa. Although we have
long expected it, we were none the less shocked by it
when it arrived. He loved you very tenderly, as he did
all your family, and I do not doubt you will share my just
sorrow. I intended writing you the details of his death
by M. de Chaumont, but the duty of arranging his
affairs, and especially his papers, prevents my answering
your last, as well as the one which your daughter was
pleased to write me, accompanying her work. I have
been touched with this mark of her condescension and
friendship, and I beg 3^ou to testify to her my gratitude
until I have an opportunity of writing to her, which will
certainly be by the first occasion for France. Now, as I
am about writing, her goodness will awaken me. This
letter will reach you by way of England.

" I feel it my duty to profit by this occasion to inform
you that my grandfather, among other legacies, has left
all his papers and manuscripts to me, with permission to

* For the original see vol. iii. p. 465.

turn them to what profit I can. Consequently, I beg you,
my dear friend, to show to no one that part of his Life
which he sent you some time since, lest some one copy
and publish it, which would infinitely prejudice the pub-
lication which I propose to make as soon as possible, of
his entire Life and of his other works. As I have the
original here of the part which you have, it will not be
necessary for you to send it to me, but I beg you at all
events to put it in an envelope, well sealed, addressed to
me, in order that by no accident it may get into other
hands.

" If, however, it should be necessary to assist the person
who will pronounce his eulogy at the Academy, you may
lend it for that purpose, with the stipulation that no copy
of it shall be made, and with such other precautions as
you deem necessary. The foreign representatives of our
Government have not yet been named. It is possible I
may be one, which would put me in the way to assist in
the publication of my grandfather's works ; but even if
they think no more of me, it is very probable that I shall
conclude to go to Europe, inasmuch as I am persuaded I
can derive more advantage from the publication in Eng-
land or in France than in this countr3^

" Adieu for the present. In two or three weeks I hope
to be able to write to you directly, as well as to my other
friends, male and female, in France. Love me, my dear
friend. I have more need than ever of your friendship.

"W. T. Franklin."

In the course of a few months after this letter was
written, William Temple Franklin arrived in London,
where he pretended to be engaged in preparing an edition

of the Life and works of his grandfather, which he then
expected to have ready in the course of the year. But it
was ordained that this pre-eminently American work
should be first presented to the world in a foreign tongue.
A French translation appeared at Paris in 1791.* It em-
braced only the first eighty-seven pages of the manuscript.
In his preface the editor seems to question the good faith
of William Temple's promise to publish the Memoirs
entire. As this preface is not readily accessible, and as it
constitutes an important link in the history of this manu-
script, I need offer no apology for giving it entire :

" 1 shall not enter into an uninteresting detail relative
to the manner in which the original manuscript of these
Memoirs, which are written in the English language,
came into my possession. They appeared to me to be so
interesting that I did not hesitate a single moment to
translate them into French.

" The name of Franklin will undoubtedly become a
passport to a work of this nature, and the character of
truth and simplicity discernible in every page must guar-
antee its authenticity. I have no manner of occasion to
join other testimonies.

" If, however, any critic chooses to disbelieve my asser-
tion, and is desirous to bring the existence of the original
manuscript into doubt, I am ready to verify it by means
of an immediate impression ;| but as I am not certain

*Memoires de la vie privee de Benjamin Franklin, ecrits par lui-
meme et adresses a son fils, suivis d'un precis historique de sa vie
politique, et de plusieurs pieces relatives a ce pere de la liberte. A
Paris, chez Buisson, Libraire, Rue Hautefeuille, No. 20. 1791.

t " Those who may be desirous of reading the Memoirs of the public
life of Franklin in the original are requested to leave their names with
Buisson, bookseller. Rue Hautefeuille, No. 20. The work will be sent

of the sale of a work written in a foreign language, I
cannot publish it in any other manner than by means of a
subscription large enough to indemnify me for the money
advanced.

" That part of the Memoirs of Franklin in my posses-
sion includes no more than the first period of a life, the
remainder of which has become illustrious by events of
the highest importance ; it terminates at the epoch when,
after having married, he began to render himself cele-
brated by plans and establishments of public utility.

"It is very possible that he may have written more of
his history ; for the portion of it which I now present to
the public concludes, according to his own account, with
the year 1771.*

*' If this be the case, the heirs of that great man will
not fail some day to publish it, either in England or in
Pennsylvania, and we shall doubtless have a French trans-
lation, which will be received by the public with great
eagerness ; but I am persuaded that his family will not
disclose any other than the most brilliant period of his
life — that which is connected with the memorable part he
acted in the world, both as a philosopher and a statesman.
They will never be prevailed upon to narrate the humble
details of his early days and the simple but interesting
anecdotes of his origin, the obscurity of which, although
it enhances the talents and the virtues of this great man,
may yet wound their own vanity.

to the press as soon as there are 400 subscribers. The price is 48 sols
(or cents)."

* This date is erroneous. Dr. Franklin commenced writing his Me-
moirs in 1 771, but in the portion of his Memoirs published in 1791 he
did not bring down the narrative of his life beyond the year 1757.
4«

** If my conjecture prove right ; if the Memoirs which
they are about to publish under the name of Franklin
should be mutilated ; if the first part, so essential to read-
ers capable of feeling and judging, should be suppressed,
I shall applaud myself for having preserved it ; and the
world will be obliged to me for having enabled them to
follow the early developments of the genius, and the first
exertions of the sublime and profound mind of a man who
afterward penetrated the mystery of electricity and dis-
covered the secret measures of despotism — who preserved
the universe from the ravages of thunder, and his native
country from the horrors of tyranny !

" If I am accidentally mistaken, if the life of Franklin
should appear entire, the public will still have the advan-
tage of anticipating the interesting joart of a history which
it has long and impatiently expected.

"The principal object proposed by the American phi-
losopher in writing these Memoirs was, to instruct pos-
terity and amuse his own leisure hours. He has permitted
his ideas to flow at the will of his memory and his heart,
without ever making any effort to disguise the truth, not-
withstanding it is not always very flattering to his self-
love — but I here stop ; it belongs to Franklin to speak for
himself.

" It will be easily perceived that I have preserved as
nmch as possible the ease and simplicity of his st}'le in
my translation. I have not even affected to correct the
negligence of his language, or to clothe his sentiments
with a gaudy dress, for which they have no manner of
occasion ; I should have been afraid of bereaving the work
of one of its principal ornaments.

"As these Memoirs reach no farther than his marriage,

I have made use of other materi.ils in order to complete
so interesting a history, and I have also added a numbei
of anecdotes and remarks relative to this philosophical
American. The Editor."

Qiierard* attributes this translation to a Dr. Jacques
Gibelin, who, it appears, was a naturalist of some repute ;
had been occasionally in England ; had translated from

* Querard, La France Litteraire.

M. de Senarmont seems to have been under the impression that this
translation was made by M. le Veillard. This M. le Veillard himself
most distinctly denied in a note which he communicated to the " Journal
de Paris," in 1791, No. 83, of which the following is a translation :

" Passy, near Paris, ^xst March, 1791.

" Shortly before his death, Mr. Franklin sent me the Memoirs of his
life, written by himself, and I have only deferred the publication of them
out of respect for his family, and especially for Wm. Temple Franklin,
his grandson, to whom his grandfather has left all his manuscripts. He
proposes to make a complete edition, as well in French as in English,
in which he will insert my translation. He is now in England, occu-
pied with this work, and is expected in France, in a few days, to com-
plete it.

" Buisson, a bookseller in the Rue Hautefeuille, has published a
volume in 8vo., entitled Memoires de la Vie Privie de Benja^niji Frajiklirty
ecrits par lui-tnhne et adressis h son fils. The first 156 pages of this
volume contain in effect the commencement of the Memoirs of Dr.
Franklin, almost entirely conforming to the manuscript which I possess.
1 do not know by what means the translator has procured them, but I
declare and think it ought to be knowm that he did not have them from
nie ; that I had no part in the translation ; that this fragment, which
ends in 1730, is scarcely a third of what I have, which only comes dowTi
to 1757, and which consequently does not terminate this work, the re-
mainder of which is in the hands of Mr. W. T. Franklin, who will plan
his edition so that the complete Memoirs of Franklin will form one or

two volumes, which may be obtained separately.

" Le Veillard."

English philosophical writers, Priestley among others, and
had made an abridgment of the Phil. Trans, of the Royal
Society, &c. How he obtained possession of the English
manuscript is a mystery which will probably never be
solved.*

The following letter from William Temple Franklin
in London, to M. le Veillard, was written in the spring of
1 791, but subsequent to the appearance of the French
translation. He represents himself as still engaged upon
the Life and works of his grandfather, which he pretended
would be ready for the press in a few weeks :

"London, 22 April, 1791.

" I received last night, my dear friend, your letter of
the 1 2th Inst. I am as sensible as you can be of the ad-
vantage that would result from my being at present In

* The relations of literary comity which must have subsisted between
Gibelin and many of Franklin's English friends whose works he had
translated, naturally lead to the suspicion that the copy premised Mr.
Vaughan, if ever made and sent, may in some way have fallen into
Gibelin's hands. If so, Mr. Vaughan must have construed the Doctor's
injunction, not to permit "a copy of the MS. to be taken fo*- any pur-
pose whatever," to have been removed by his death. If surh was the
case, however, why did he not produce an English edition.?

In a notice which Cabanis prepared shortly after the new* of Dr.
Franklin's death reached Paris, the following allusion is mad* to this
edition of the Memoirs :

" Benjamin Franklin s'est peint lui-meme dans des Memoire? Hont il
n'a paru jusqu'ici qu'un fragment ; mais ce sont ses ennemis ou de.s pen^
sionnaires du cabinet de Saint James qui I'ont public. lis y ont inint
de plates notes auxquelles la famille aurait du repondre plus tot pa>- la
publication du reste de I'ouvrage. En attendant qu'elle remplisse ce
devoir, nous allons rassembler ici quelques traits, que nous avon? «-e-
cueillis de la bouche meme de Franklin dans une commerce intim^ d©
plusieurs annees." — (Euvres de Cabanis, vol. v. p. 221.

Paris, and I can assure you I am equally desirous of it.
But business of the last importance, and that interested
me personally, has hitherto detained me here ; that, how-
ever, is now happily completed, and I am at present con-
stantly occupied in the arrangement of my late grand-
father's papers, which were left in the greatest disorder ;
whether I am able to complete this or not, 1 shall certainly
leave London for Paris in the course of a fortnight. But
my wish is, if possible, to finish this, and my bargain with
the booksellers, before I set off, that I may not be obliged
to return hither merely on that account. Were it only the
Life^ it would already have been done ; but I wish a com-
plete edition of his works to appear at the same time, and
as I have no assistance, the necessary preparations are
very laborious. I am very sorry that any part of the Life
should have already appeared in France — however imper-
fect, which I understand it is. I have endeavored, and I
hope effectually, to put a stop to a translation appearing
here.

"Adieu, my dear friend; all will, I hope, go well.
With my best affections to all your family, I am, as ever

and for ever,

*' Sincerely yours,

W. T. Franklin."*

William Temple's apprehensions of an English trans-
lation were not without foundation.

Strange as it is that the first version of any portion of
these Memoirs should have appeared in a foreign tongue,
it is yet more remarkable that the first English version
should have been, as it was, a translation from the French.

* Le Veillard Collection.

Two years after the French version first appeared in Paris
two English versions were published in London, one for
G. G. J. and J. Robinson, no date^ 8vo, the other for J.
Parsons,* No. 21 Paternoster Row, and both translations
from the French. The former was the only English ver-
sion printed in America until that of William Temple
Franklin appeared in 181 7, and continues to this day to
be republished by some of the largest houses, not only iu
Europe, but in America, under the impression that it is
both genuine and complete. What measures were taken,
if any, to prevent the appearance of an English translation
have not transpired.

William Temple's expectations of getting to Paris in a
few weeks do not seem to have been realized ; for, froin
the following letter it appears that nearly two months
had elapsed and he was still in London, but hoped to set
out for France before the end of the month. A specula-
tion, from which he had realized £7,000, is assigned as
the cause of his delay. He professes to be much dis-
tressed at what M. le Veillard had suffered — in what way
is not disclosed — from his not arriving in Paris :

"London, 14 Jitiu^ 1791.

* This edition contains the following dedication: "To Sir Henry
Tempest of Tong, in the county of York, and Hope-end, in the county
of Hereford, Bart, this life of Benjamin Franklin, a statesman, a phil-
osopher and a patriot, is dedicated (as a mark of his esteem and regard)
by the translator, London, July i, 1793."

I rec'd a salary and which, being now completed, affords
me a profit of seven thousand pounds sterling I This,
my dear friend, has hitherto kept me here — having only
been finally terminated on the nth inst. I am in hopes
you will think my excuse for staying till it was done a
good one. I have now only some few arrangements to
make in consequence of my success, and shall undoubt-
edly be with you before the conclusion of this month.
My respects to your family and all inquiring friends, and
believe me unalterably

" Yours,

"W. T. Franklin."*

The letter which follows, dated seven months later than
the preceding, authorizes the impression that William
Temple Franklin had entered into engagements of some
sort with M. le Veillard for bringing out his work simul-
taneously in France and in England. If so, his failure to
keep those engagements furnishes a natural and obvious
explanation of the sufferings of M. le Veillard, referred
to in the preceding letter :

"London, 28 Feb., 1792.
." My Dear Friend :

" I received lately your favor of the 12th inst., and pre-
vious to it, the one you mention from M. Feuillet. I am
exceedingly sorry that gentleman cannot complete the
translation, as I am confident it would have been well
done ; however, it shall not retard the publication of such
parts as are translated at the time the original appears

* Le Veillard Collection.

here, which at present Is not determined, but will not be
delayed longer than is absolutely necessary for the arrange-
ment of the materials. This might, perhaps, have been
done sooner had I been better calculated for the business,
or had not my fortune required my attention to other pur-
suits, by which it has been most materially benefited.
Notwithstanding the opinion you entertain — that I have
neglected the publication in question for business less im-
portant (which, by the way, you cannot possibly be a
judge of) — I can assure you I have given it all the atten-
tion I could, consistent with the important concerns above
alluded to, in which others being interested, required my
first and most diligent care ; and, however I may have
lost something by not publishing sooner, yet it has been
amply compensated by those pursuits you judge less im-
portant. I am now almost entirely employed in bringing
forward the English edition, and shall not leave this till I
have put it into such a train as not to require my pres-
ence ; but this will take up more time than you are aware
of; for however easy it may be to bring forward a bro-
chure^ it is no small labor to publish a voluminous work ;
and that, too, to be formed out of materials that were left
in the greatest confusion. A few months will, I hope,
satisfy your impatience and the public curiosity. When
matters are in good train here, I shall Immediately repair
to Paris to forward the translation, and you may rely on
it that at least the Life shall appear the same day in Paris
as in London ; sooner I see not the necessity for, and it
might expose me hereafter to some difficulties here ; as
the French edition appearing previous to the English, a
translation might be printed here to the prejudice of vay
copy.

" Adieu, my dearest friend ; remember me, in the
most affectionate manner, to Madame le Veillard, and
every part of your family, and believe me, as ever and
for ever,

" Sincerely yours,

"W. T. Franklin.

" P. S. — ^You have heard, I suppose, of the nomination
by the President of Mr. Gouverneur Morris to be minister
at your Court? It has, however, suffered some demur in
the Senate, and has not been yet confirmed.

" I have no doubt, however, but it will. From the well-
known sentiments of Mr. M., this appointment will not,
I believe, be very agreeable to the National Assembly.
Mr. Short goes to Holland, and I am totally neglected.
I shall therefore lose no time, but turn my attention to
other pursuits." *

No farther correspondence appears to have passed be-
tween William Temple Franklin and M. le Veillard,
though the latter gentleman was living till 1794. The
interruption to this correspondence was probably the re-
sult of an estrangement, of which the letters cited furnish
some premonitory symptoms.

Whatever may have been the cause of the delay,
William Temple's edition did not appear until 181 7.

Nor, as I have before intimated, was this editio frin-
ceps of 181 7 printed from the original manuscripts, but
from the copy presented to M. le Veillard. The evi-

* Le Veillard Collection.
0

dence of this may be found in the omission of the last
eight pages, which are only to be found in the autograph,
and in the following memorandum inscribed on its fly-
leaves In French and in English, in the handwriting, I
presume, of M. de Senarmont, or of some member of his
famil3\ The English version runs as follows :

"THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,

"written by himself,

" The only Manuscript Entirely of his owtt Handwriting.

" Dr. Franklin, when Ambassador in France, was
very intimate with M. le Veillard, gentilhofnme ordi-
naire du Roi^ his neighbor, near Paris. He presented
his friend with a fine copy of the Memoirs of his own
life.

"When William Temple Franklin, Dr. Franklin's grand-
son, came to Europe in order to publish the works of his
illustrious grandfather, he required from Mad. le Veillard
(M. le Veillard had perished on the Revolutionary scaf-
fold) the correct and fine copy given by his grandfather,
as more convenient for the printer. ' If I give it to you,
I shall have nothing more of our friend.' ' I will give
you, in place of the copy, the original manuscript of my
grandfather.'

"In this manner the original and only manuscript came
by inheritance into the hands of M. de Senarmont, M. le
Velllard's grand-nephew."

The precise time when the exchange here referred to
was made does not appear, but the following paragraph
from Sir Samuel Romilly's Diary of a Visit to France in
1802, informs us that he was shown the autograph ; that

the copy originally furnished to M. le Veillard, and after
ward given to William T. Franklin, was made by a
copying-press, and that that copy was exchanged for the
original previous to Romilly's visit in 1802 :

" Sept 7. Mad. Gautier procured for me the reading of
the original manuscript of Dr. Franklin's Life. There
are only two copies — this, and one which Dr. Franklin
took with a machine for copying letters, and which is in
possession of his grandson. Franklin gave the manu-
script to M. le Veillard, of Passy, who was guillotined
during the Revolution. Upon his death it came into the
hands of his daughter or grand-daughter, Mad'lle le Veil-
lard, who is the present possessor of it. It appears evi-
dently to be the first draught written by Franklin, for in
a great many places the word originally written is erased
with a pen, and a word nearly synonymous substituted in
its place, not over the other but further on, so as mani-
festly to show that the correction was made at the time
of the original composition. The manuscript contains a
great many additions made upon a very wide margin ;
but I did not find that a single passage was anywhere
struck out. Part of the work, but not quite half of it,
has been translated into French, and from French re-
translated into English. The Life comes down no lower
than to the year 1757"*

The omission of the eight pages which conclude the
manuscript, and which constitute one of the most precious
chapters of this famous fragment, is susceptible of the
following explanation :

William Temple Franklin exchanged the autograph

* Life of Romilly, 3d ed, vol. i. p. 408.

manuscript for the copy sent to M. le Veillard, without
being aware that, between the time that copy was made
and its author's death, these pages had been added. Pre-
suming they were the same, probably he did not compare
them, and thus overlooked one of the most precious chap-
ters of this famous fragment.

William Temple Franklin's delay in the publication of
the Memoirs, twenty-seven years after the death of their
author, cannot be so satisfactorily accounted for.

It brought a reproach upon our country for the lack of
"literary enterprise and activity," of which it was thought
to convict us, and was also attributed, in part, to motives
not entirely honorable to the person directly responsible
for the delay. The Edinburgh Review gave the most
solemn expression to the public discontent in a review
of the three-volume edition of Franklin's Works and
Memoirs, published by Johnson & Longman, of London,
in 1806.*

In the first two paragraphs of this article the writer
says :

" Nothing, we think, can show more clearly the singu-
lar want of literary enterprise or activity in the States of
America than that no one has yet been found in that
flourishing republic to collect and publish the works of
their only philosopher. It is not even very creditable to
the literary curiosity of the English public that there
should have been no complete edition of the writings of
Dr. Franklin till the year 1806 ; and we should have beer
altogether unable to account for the imperfect and un
satisfactory manner in which the work has now been per

* See Edinburgh Review^ J^^'j 1806.

formed, if it had not been for a statement in a prefatory
advertisement, which removes all blame from the editor
to attach it to a higher quarter. It is there stated that
recently, after the death of the author, his grandson, to
whom all his papers had been bequeathed, made a voyage
to London for the purpose of preparing and disposing of
a complete collection of all his published and unpublished
writings, with Memoirs of his life brought down by him-
self to the year 1757, and continued to his death by hii
descendant. It was settled that the work should be pub-
lished in three quarto volumes in England, Germany
and France, and a negotiation was commenced with the
booksellers as to the terms of purchase and publication.
At this stage of the business, however, the proposals
were suddenly withdrawn, and nothing more has been
heard of the work in this its fair and natural market.

" The proprietor, it seems, had found a bidder of a dif-
ferent description in some emissary of governm.ent^
whose object was to withhold the manuscripts from the
world, not to benefit it by their publication ; and they
thus either passed into other hands, or the person to
whom they were bequeathed received a remuneration for
suppressing them.

" If this statement be correct, we have no hesitation in
saying that no emissary of government was ever em-
ployed on a more miserable and unworthy service. It is
ludicrous to talk of the danger of disclosing, in 1795, any
secrets of State with regard to the war of American Inde-
pendence ; and as to any anecdotes or observations that
might give offence to individuals, we think it should
always be remembered that public functionaries are the

property of the public ; that their character belongs to
5*

history and to posterity, and that it is equally absurd and
discreditable to think of suppressing any part of the evi-
dence by which their merits must be ultimately deter-
mined. But the whole of the works that have been sup-
pressed certainly did not relate to republican politics.
The history of the author's life, down to 1757, could not
"well contain any matter of offence, and a variety of gen-
eral remarks and speculations which he is understood to
have left behind him might have been permitted to see
the light, though his diplomatic operations had been inter-
dicted. The emissary of government, however, probably
took no care of these things : he was resolved to leave no
rubs and botches in his work, and, to stifle the dreaded
revelation, he thought the best way was to strangle all the
innocents in the, vicinage."

William Temple's tardy vindication from these imputa-
tions is given in the preface to his edition of his grand-
father's works. He there admits that he delayed their
publication, that " they might not be the means of awa-
kening painful recollections or of rekindling the dying
embers of animosity."*

Mr. Sparks thinks that William Temple Franklin had
motives for delaying the publication of the writings of his
grandfather which he did not assign in his preface. He
says rf

" There was a rumor that the British ministry interposed,
and offered the proprietor of the papers a large remunera-
tion to suppress them, which he accepted. This rumor
was so broadly stated in the preface to Johnson's edition

* The whole of this preface is worth perusing. It will be found at
length in Appendix i.
t Sparks' Life of Franklin, vol. vii. Preface.

as to amount to a positive charge : and it was reiterated
with an assurance that would seem at least to imply that
it was sustained by the public opinion. To this charge
William Temple Franklin replied when, in the year 1817,
he published an edition of his grandfather's works from
the manuscripts in his possession. In the preface to the
first volume he endeavors to explain the reason why he
had so long delayed the publication, and he also takes
notice of the charge in question. He treats it with indig-
nation and contempt, and appears not to regard it as
worthy of being refuted. He was less reserved in con-
versation. Dr. John W. Francis, of New York, saw him
often in London in the year 1S16, while he was preparing
his grandfather's papers for the press. ' To me,' says
Dr. Francis, ' he peremptorily denied alj interference of
any official authorities whatever with his intended publi-
cation, and assigned, as sufficient causes for the non-exe-
cution of the task committed to him, the interruption of
communication and the hostilities between the French
and the English nations, and the consequent embarrass-
ments he encountered in collecting the scattered mate-
rials.' The reason here assigned for delay is not very
satisfactory, and there were doubtless others. His father,
William Franklin, died in 1813. He had been a pen-
sioner on the British government, in consequence of the
part he had taken in the Revolution, and it is probable
that he may have been averse to the publication of his
father's papers during his lifetime. To say the least, the
suspicion that papers were finally suppressed for any
cause is without proof and highly improbable. A paper
mentioned by Mr. Jefferson, as having been shown to
him by Dr. Franklin, and supposed to have been sup-

pressed, was undoubtedly the one relating to a negotia-
tion with Lord Howe and others, for a reconciliation
between the two countries, just before Dr. Franklin left
England for the last time. This was published by his
gi'andson, and is contained in the fifth volume of the
present edition."

It is difficult to believe that Mr. Sparks could have read
Franklin's account of his negotiations with Lord Howe by
the light of Jefferson's statement to which he refers, when
he wrote that " the suspicion that papers were finally
suppressed for any cause is without proof and highly im-
probable." In the closing pages of his autobiography
Mr. Jefferson tells us that he called upon Dr. Franklin in
Philadelphia in 179O5 and only a few weeks before his
death, when the doctor placed in his hands a full account
of his negotiations in London with the British ministry
through Lord Howe.

"I remember," continues Mr. Jefferson, "that Lord
North's answers were dry, unyielding in the spirit of un-
conditional submission, and betrayed an absolute indifler-
ence to the occurrence of a rupture, and he said to the
mediators, at last, that ' a rebellion was not to be depre-
cated on the part of Great Britain ; that the confiscations
it would produce would provide for many of their friends.' "

" This expression was reported by the mediators to Frank-
lin, and indicated so cool and calculated a purpose in the
ministry as to render compromise hopeless, and the nego-
tiation was discontinued.

"If this is not among the papers published, we ask what
has become of it.'' I delivered it with my own hands into
those of Temple Franklin. It certainly established views
BO atrocious in the British government that its suppression

would, to them, be worth a great price. But could the
grandson of Dr. Franklin be, in such degree, an accom-
plice in the parricide of the memory of his immortal
grandfather? The suspension for more than twenty
years of the general publication bequeathed and confided
to him, produced for a while, hard suspicions against
him ; and if, at last, all are not published, a part of these
suspicions may remain with some."*

Now it is very certain that no such language or senti-
ment is to be found in the " account of negotiations in
London for effecting a reconciliation between Great
Britain and the American Colonies," as first published
by Wm. Temple Franklin, in 1817, and republished by
Mr. Sparks in the 5th Vol. of his collection of the writings
of Franklin.

As there can be no ground for questioning Mr. Jeffer-
son's testimony on this point, we are forced to the con-
clusion that the passage in question was suppressed.
And why should we doubt it with the evidence before
us, in his treatment of the autobiography, that he was not
restrained from mutilating his grandfather's works by
respect either for his genius or his fame.''

The theory of Mr. Sparks in regard to William Temple
Franklin's delay in publishing his grandfather's works is,
no doubt, correct so far as it goes. There can be no ques-
tion with any person cognizant of the state of feeling which
prevailed at the time in England toward the revolted Col-
onies, that the publication of an elaborate edition of Frank-
lin's works would have been unacceptable to the governing
classes ; nor can there be much doubt that such a publica-

* Jefferson's Works, Vol. I., Waohington Edition.

tion would have had a tendency to compromise William
Franklin with the government, and put his pension in
peril. When it is further considered that William Frank-
lin not only had no sympathy with the republican cause
in America, but did all he could to betray it, and thus
entitled^ himself to the pension upon which he lived, it
may safely be inferred that he exerted what influence he
possessed over his son, not only to defer the publication,
but to unsettle his son's faith in the value and stability of
the political fabric which their common ancestor had had
such an important agency in erecting. And it is also to
be borne in mind, that any representations of that nature
which the father might. make would have fallen upon the
son's mind in a state not wholly unprepared to give it
hospitality. Both he and his grandfather thought he had
been treated ungraciously by our governmant, from which
he had been educated to expect some diplomatic appoint-
ment. Immediately after his grandfather's death he left
the United States under a feeling of disappointment, if
not of disgust, at their ingratitude, and never returned.
He bore with him in his trunk a manuscript property
which could be turned to considerable account in two
ways — either by printing it or by suppressing it. The
course that he finally took was one which enabled him, if
he chose, to take the benefit of both modes of procedure.
He delayed the publication until it could no longer work
any prejudice to him or his, and then found for it, doubt-
less, at last as propitious a market as he could have hoped
for had he published earlier.

Whether he did profit by this delay, and if so, in what
way and to what extent, will probably never be known
with absolute certainty. Every one's conclusions will be

more or less affected by their knowledge of his character,
habits and necessities. There is a paragraph in one of
his letters already cited, which must henceforth be weighed
in deciding this question. He wrote to M. le Veillard
from London on the 14th of June, 1791 :

" I am much distressed, my dear friend, at what you
say you suffer from my not arriving in Paris. I have
been wishing to be there as much as you could wish to
see me, but I could not possibly think of leaving this
while a business I had undertaken was pending, for which
I rec'd a salary ; and which, being now completed, affords
me a profit of seven thousand pounds sterling I This,
my dear friend, has hitherto kept me here — having only
been finally terminated on the nth inst. I am in hopes
you will think my excuse for staying till it was done a
good one. I have now only some few arrangements to
make in consequence of my success, and shall undoubt-
edly be with you before the conclusion of this month."

When this was written, Dr. Franklin had been dead
but about a year ; the writer had been in London barely
six months. He never pretended in his correspondence
before to have any other business there than to edit his
grandfather's works ; he suddenly engages himself upon a
salary ; in less than six months finishes his business, and
pockets a profit of £7000, or say $35,000. While earn-
ing this handsome sum he was apparently a free man,
constantly writing to M. le Veillard that he was expect-
ing to go in a few days or weeks to Paris, being only
detained in London to finish his book. It is not easy to
imagine any salaried employment, especially such a profit-
able one as this seemed to be, which imposed so slight a
restraint upon the movements of its beneficiary.

From whatever source this £7000 came, and however
little or much the acquisition of it had to do with tl.e
delay in the publication of his grandfather's works, it is
certainly to be regretted that so little is known of the
business engagement which was entered into so suddenly,
was of such brief duration, and yet yielded such generous
profits. Cabanis* tells us, that when William Franklin
asked of the Court of St. James the governorship of one
of the colonies f — a favor by which he became unfor-
tunately bound to the Loyalist party — Franklin said to
him : " Think what this whistle will some day cost you.
Why not rather be a carpenter or a ploughman, if the
fortune I leave you prove insufficient ? The man who
works for his living is at least independent. But," added
he, in telling us this story, " the young man was infatu-
ated with the ' Excellency.' He was ashamed to resemble
his father."

It is not impossible that the grandson, after residing
a while in London, succumbed to a similar weakness.

In the very year that the edition of W^illiam Temple
Franklin made its appearance, a collection of Franklin's
correspondence was compiled and published in Paris, in
2 vols., by M. Charles Malo.J The Preface of this book

* CEuvres de Cabanis, vol. v. p, 223. t New Jersey.

J Correspon dance inedite at secrete de Docteur B. Franklin, Ministre
Plenipotentiaire des Etats-Unis d'Amerique pies la Cour de France
depuis I'annee 1753 jusqu'en 1790, ofFrant, en trois parties completes et
bien distinctes,

1°. Les Memoires de sa Vie privee ;

2°. Les causes premieres de la Revolution d'Amerique ;

3°. L'Histoire des diverses negociations entre I'Angleterre, la France
et les Etats-Unis, publiee pour la premiere fois en France, avec des
notes, additions, &c. Paris, Janet pere, Libraire Editeur, Rue Saint-
Jacques, No. 59. MDCCCXVIL

was made the vehicle of a ruthless attack upon William
Temple Franklin and upon his editorial enterprise, which,
coming as it did from a writer of some reputation, meas-
ures the marvelous change which must have taken place
in the feelings of the French people tov/ard him since
he left Paris, to have rendered such an introduction of
his grandfather's works acceptable to them. M. Malo
accuses him of selecting from, abridging and belittling
the works of the Doctor, and concludes with the question :
'' Ought we to inherit from one we have assassinated ?"*

* For a translation of this diatribe, see the Appendix, No. II. The
author of it, M. Charles Malo, was a voluminous writer, something of a
poet, and a warm republican. The list of his works alone fills nearly
two pages of Querard. It is not strange that one who published so
much should make some ludicrous blunders, of which several specimens
may be found among the notes with which he endeavored to illumine
the writings of Franklin. In one of his letters Franklin remarks :
"They thought a Yankee was a sort of Yahoo." Upon this M. Malo
remarks :

" Yahoo. — This must be an animal. They pretend it is an opossum ;
but I have not found the word * Yahoo' in any dictionary of natural
history." *

Again, in a letter to Buffon, Franklin wrote that he had escaped
obesity by eating moderately, drinking neither wine nor cider, and ir^
exercising himself daily with dumb-bells. M. Malo instructs his coun-
trymen that "this term dumb-bell expresses among the English the
motion a person seated makes in moving back and forth only the upper
part of his body."

In one instance M. Malo presumed to act as a censor upon Dr.
Franklin himself. In a letter of the Doctor's, he had quoted with a sort
t/f humorous approval the following lines from an old song :

" Wuh 3 courage undaunted may I face my last day,
And when I am gone may the better sort say.
In the morning when sober, in the evening when mellow :
He is gone, and has not left behind him his fellow ;
For he go\erned his passions."

A feeling seems to have prevailed among the French
editors of Franklin's writings that he was ashamed
of his grandfather's humble origin and early employ-
ments.

In the year 1807, there used to appear tri-weekly in
Paris, and three columns to the page, a sort of embryo
Galignani called The Argus or London Review in
Paris. On the 28th of March of that year, under the
heading of New York, 8th September, there appeared
on the editorial page and in editorial type a review of
Johnson's three-volume English edition of Dr. Franklin's
works. The article was credited to the American Citizeti^
a journal then printed in New York, and was followed by
an extract from the preface. The two pieces fill a column
of the Argus.

The spirit of the article may be inferred from the fol-
lowing passage :

" William Temple Franklin, without shame, without
remorse, mean and mercenary, sold the sacred deposit,
committed to his care by Dr. Franklin, to the British
government. Franklin's works are therefore lost to the
world."

In the next succeeding number of the Argus^ March
31st, appeared the following:

M. Malo remarks upon this couplet : " I have not translated the third
line literally, for it did not seem to me in very good taste to desire to be
praised by honest people, who are sober in the morning and drunk in
the evening." So he translated the verse as follows :

" Puisse je avec courage voir arriver mon dernier jour ; et quand je
ne serai plus, puissent les gens vertueux repeter souvent, * il est mort, et
n'a pas laisse son pareil au monde ! Car il avait sur ses passions un
pouvoir absolu.' "

Tuesday y 31 March, 1807.

Dr. Franklin : — Mr. William Temple Franklin,
now in Paris, has just written to us the following letter,
in order to vindicate his character from the foul expres-
sions thrown out against him, in an article inserted in the
last number of the Argus ^ extracted from the America7t
Citizen. We publish this letter with the greater pleasure
as it contains a full and satisfactory answer to the calum-
nies circulated on his conduct and announces sentiments
worthy of the celebrated name he bears ; at the same time
that it gives the public the hope of seeing a genuine edi-
tion of the works of Dr. Franklin more conformable to
the intentions and liberal principles of the author.

To the editor of the Argus.

Paris, Saturday, 28 March, 1807.

Sir : — In the Argus of this day I have read with equal
indignation and surprise, the unfounded and illiberal
attack made on my character, as well as the numerous
falsehoods contained in extracts from an American paper
and in the preface of a book which appears to be lately
published in London, under the specious title of " The
Works of Dr. Franklin," my worthy grandfather.

To those acquainted with me I flatter myself no justifi-
cation is necessary to prove the falsehood of such unsup-
ported assertions and insinuations, as base as they respect
me, as they are ridiculous in regard to the British govern-
ment. But out of respect to public opinion, to the name
I bear, and to those who honor me with their friendship,!
feel it incumbent on me thus publicly and solemnly to
declare in answer to the libel in question :

1st. That it is false, as asserted, that I had my grand-

father's *' directions to publish the entire of his works ;"
he left them to my discretion in this respect, as well as to
the period of publication ; no one has any right to interfere
therewith.

2d. It is most atrociously false, as boldly and shame-
fully asserted without even the attempt to prove it, that I
sold my grandfather's manuscripts or any part of them to
the British government; or that any attempt, either direct
or indirect, was made by that government or their agents
to suppress the publication of the whole or any part
thereof.

3d. That the said original manuscripts, with the copy
prepared for the press, are now and have been long since
deposited by me under lock and key in the secure vaults
of my bankers, Herries, Farquhar & Co., London ; they
will therefore not be lost to the world as maliciously as-
serted from interested motives, as will appear at a future
and I hope early period.

4th. That previous to my leaving London I repeatedly
offered to dispose of the copyright of my grandfather's
manuscripts to some of the most eminent printers there,
and that on very reasonable terms — not for '" several thou~
sand p02inds'' as ridiculously set forth. They not only
refused to publish, but even to undertake the printing,
publishing, etc., at their sole risk, giving for reason that
the period was not propitious for a publication of that
nature, owing to the state of affairs in Europe, which oc-
cupied solely the public attention, so that a work of any
magnitude, not immediately connected with public affairs,
would not sell ; and that they had lost by all their late
purchases of copyright of great works, even of the most
celebrated writers of modern times.

5th. That the affairs of Europe remaining In the same
unsettled state, and the pubh'c mind continuing to be
wholly interested therein, have alone influenced my not
bringing forward a work which, to do it with propriety
and becoming splendor in honor to my much revered
ancestor's memory, would be attended with very consider-
able expense and a very uncertain success in such mo-
mentous times.*

I have now, sir, replied to the various heads of malevo-
lent and interested accusation brought forward agai^jst
me ; and I hope I have justified my character in as satis-
factory a manner as it is possible against accusations and
insinuations without even a shadow of proof, nay even of
probability, to support them. It is easy to accuse, not
always to defend. But I hope, sir, you will show your
justice and impartiality by inserting this letter in your
next At'gus as an antidote to the poison contained in the
former one, as far as respects the character of your hum-
ble servant,

William Temple Franklin.

It is certainly a little remarkable ist. That so large a
portion of the available space of a small and obscure Paris
newspaper, devoted mainly to the European affairs of those
momentous times, should be given to a New York criticism
of an English book ; a criticism written in September, 1806,
and which by March, 1807, had certainly lost much of its
novelty.

2d. That William Temple Franklin, instead of present-
ing his defence against these foul aspersions, in one of
the two countries where they had been circulated and

* Sic in original.
6»

were most damaging to his character, should have pre-
ferred an organ not one note of which was likely to reach
England or America or any considerable number in
France.

3d. In this letter, while stoutly denying any collusion
with the British government for the suppression of his
grandfather's papers, he assigns as a reason for his delay
in giving them to the Vv^orld, that he could not aftbrd to
publish them at his own expense, and no publisher in
Landon would take them on other conditions. But how
can the plea for delay here preferred, be reconciled with
the philanthropic motive for inaction set up in his preface
to the edition of his grandfather's works, which he finally
published ten years later, and in which he says that to
have committed them sooner to the press " would have
been much more to his pecuniary advantage.?"

Whatever impression this letter may have upon the
mind of the reader of to-day, it is certain that it did not
shake the general conviction of William Temple's con-
temporaries that he had yielded to influences anything
but friendly to the memory of his grandfather or honor-
able to himself.

III.

The autograph Memoirs fill 220 pages of foolscap,
written both sides of the page. A margin of half its
width was left on each page for such additions and cor-
rections as the autobiographer might have occasion to
make at a future day. Of this margin the Doctor took
frequent advantage. He had such a clear and distinct

chirography that all the MS. is legible, though abound
ing with interlineations and erasures. The last eight
pages onl}^, betray what Cicero terms the vacillantibus
litteruUs of age and infirmity, though they also are per-
fectly legible. They must have been written in the Doc-
tor's eighty-fourth year, and in the intervals of those in-
tense pains with which the latter days of his life were-
tortured.

The MS. came into my possession half bound in red
morocco, with a memorandum, which has already been
cited, inscribed on fly-leaves in French and in English.

As a part of the history of this manuscript, it is proper
that I should add the following memorandum, furnished
me in French by M. de Senarmont himself:

" Note on the autograph mamcscript of the Memoirs of

3enjatni7t Franklin,

" The manuscript of the Memoirs of Franklin is a folio
of 220 pages, written with a half page margin on paper
not of uniform size.

" M. le Velllard, gentleman in ordinary of the king,
and Mayor of Passy, was an intimate friend of Dr. Frank-
lin. He had lived in daily intercourse with him at Passy,
near Paris, during the Doctor's residence in France, at
the epoch of the American War of Independence. At
the departure of his friend, he accompanied him to the
ship on which Franklin embarked for America, and it
was from his own countrv that the Doctor sent him, as- a
token of his friendship, the copy of his Memoirs, subse-
quently exchanged for the original.

" The original manuscript is unique. Mr. William

Temple Franklin, grandson of Benjamin Franklin, re-
ceived it at the death of his grandfather, who had left
him all his writings. When William Temple returned
to France to prepare the edition which he published, he
requested of Madame le Veillard her copy to print from
because it appeared more convenient for the printer, on
account of its neatness. He gave to Mad. le Veillard in
exchange the original manuscript entirely written by the
hand of Franklin.

" The original was, however, more complete than the
copy, which Mr. Temple had not verified. Proof of this
may be found in the second volume of the small edition
of the Memoirs, in two volumes in iSmo., published by
Jules Renouard, at Paris, in 182S. One may there read,
at the commencement of a continuation which then ap-
peared for the first time, a note, page i, where the editor
states that this continuation was communicated to them
by the Le Veillard family.*

" The simple inspection demonstrates the authenticity
of the manuscript, in support of which may be furnished
other positive proofs, drawn from the different pieces ac-
companying it, such as —

* The note here referred to, translated, reads as follows : " We pub-
lish for the first time this piece, which had never been published in
English or French. It is translated from the original manuscript which
served for the English edition which William Temple Franklin pub-
lished in 1818, of the Memoirs of his grandfather. This manuscript
belongs to the family of M. le Veillard, an intimate friend of Franklin,
ana we owe the communication of it to M. de S., one of the members
of this honorable family."

The M. de S. here referred to, I presume, was the father of the M.
P. de Senarmont from whom I received the Memoirs and the iiieiuo
randum now under the reader's eye.

'• The three letters of Dr. Franklin to M. le Velllarci ;
three letters from Mr. William Temple to the same ; and
various letters from Benjamin Franklin Bache, Sarah
Bache, his wife,* and from a bookseller who wished to
purchase the manuscript of M. le Veillard in 1791.!

"• M. le Veillard, who is the author of the French trans-
lation of the Memoirs of Franklin, | has preserved the
autograph manuscript, with a sentiment corresponding
with that which determined his friend to send him the
MS. copy.

"After the death of M. le Veillard, who perished on
the Revolutionary scaffold in 1794, the MS. went to his

* Sarah Bache was the mother, not the wife, of Benj. F. Bache.
t The bookseller here referred to is Buisson, who published the first
edition of the Memoirs, in French, in 1791. His note reads as follows :

Sir : — I learn that you have manuscripts relating to the life of Dr.

Franklin. If it is your intention to dispose of them, I offer to become

<heir purchaser.

I have the honor to be, sir,

Your humble and obedient servant,

Buisson,

Bookseller, Rue Hautefeuille, No. 2.

I want a word of reply, if you please.
Paris, 26 June^ 1791.

What reply was made to this application will probably never be known.
That the MS. was not sold is ceitain, for we know it was afterward ex-
f'.hanged for the autograph.

On the other hand, M. le Veillard, in his note to the Journal de Paris^
quoted above, distinctly says that he not only had nothing to do with the
translation, but did not know how the translator had been able to pro-
cure the manuscript from which to make it.

X M. de Senarmont is evidently in error in attributing the French
translation that was printed in 1791 to M. le Veillard. M. le Veillard
made a translation ; but it must have been printed subsequently, if at
all. See note to page 43.

daughter. At her death, in 1834, it became the property
of her cousin, M. de Senarmont, whose grandson de-
livered it, on the 26th January, 1867, to Mr. John Bigelow,
late Minister of the United States at Paris.

" The manuscript is accompanied by a beautiful portrait
in pastel by Duplessis. Franklin sat for this portrait
during his sojourn at Passy, and presented it himself to
M. le Veillard.

" (Signed) L. de Senarmont.

"Paris, \*ith "January^ 1867."

In addition to the continuation of the Memoirs which
was overlooked by William Temple Franklin, already
referred to, I was so fortunate as to find in the Le Veil-
lard collection a skeleton sketch of the topics which Dr.
Franklin originally proposed to treat in the Autobiog-
raphy. It was, doubtless, the first outline of the work.
It is written upon a letter sheet, the first three pages in
black ink and in the hand of a copyist, while the continu-
ation of seven lines on the fourth page, beginning with
" Hutchinson's Letters,*' are in red ink, and in the hand
of Franklin himself.

A line is drawn with a pen through the middle of the
first page of the manuscript down to the words : " Li-
brary erected — manner of conductiitg the project — its
flan and utility. ^^ As these are the topics which con-
clude the first part of the Memoirs, terminating at page
87 of the manuscript, the line was probably drawn by
Franklin when he had reached that stage of his work, that
lie might the more easily know with what topic to resume
it when he should have occasion to do so.

I give this Outline as an introduction to the Memoirs.

It will be found extremely interesting, first, as shovvin?*
how systematically Franklin set about the execution of
the task of which these Memoirs are the result ; and,
secondly, for the notions it gives us of the unexecuted
portion of his plan.*

The printed manuscript ends with his departure to Eng-
land as agent of the Colony of Pennsylvania, to settle the
disputes about the proprietary taxes in 1757? while the
Outline comes down to the conclusion of his diplomatic
career, of course embracing the most interesting portion of
his life.

This volume is embellished by a portrait of Franklin,
engraved from the pastel by Duplessis in the Le Veillard
Collection. Franklin sat for it to Duplessis in 1783, and
presented it to his friend, Le Veillard. At the bottom of
the old gilt frame, in front, is the following inscriptioi*
upon the frame :

"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,

«A 77 ANS,

« Peitit par J" S^ Dtiplessis,

"1783.
« Donnd par Franklin lui-meme."

On the back is the following memorandum, placed
there, doubtless, by M. le Veillard :

* The glimpse given in this Outline of Franklin's habits of composi-
tion tempts me to refer the reader to an extract from a letter which Dr.
Franklin wrote to Mr. Vaughan in 1789, in which, at Mr. Vaughan's
request, he gives him some counsel on the subject of his style. What
he says will help the reader to comprehend the uses for which the Out ■■
line referred to in the text was prepared. See vol. iii., p. 440.

Benjamin Franklin, a 'j'j ans ; peint en 1783 par Duplessis ;
donne par Franklin lui-meme a. M. Louis le Veillard, gentil-
homme ordinaire de la Reine, son ami et son voisin a Passy.

Joseph Sififred Duplessis, Academicien, ne a Charpentray, s'est
distingue par une belle intelligence, les effets de la lumiere sur
les chairs et accessoires, un pinceau large, bien senti, et un
coloris vrai. Les personnages de distinction dans ses portraits
sont poses avec noblesse etdans des attitudes bien choisies. II
a peint le portrait de Louis XVL, ceux de M. et Mme. Necker,
et de plusieurs grands de la Cour. — Les trois siecles de la
peinture la France, par Gault de St. Germain. 1808. — Swiback,
I'eleve le plus distingue de Duplessis, a surpasse son maitre.

I do not know that I can more appropriately conclude
this bibliographical summary than by quoting a few pas-
sages from the introduction to the Memoirs of Franklin by
Professor Edward Laboulaye, which appeared in Paris
in 1866.* The translation of the Memoirs and corre-
spondence of Franklin was one of the many ways by
which this distinguished jurist contributed, during our
late struggle for the presentation of our Federal Union, to
keep alive In France that friendship for the United States
which Franklin, more than any other one person, had the
merit of Inspiring, and to which, for the second time,
we have been largely beholden for our national exist-
ence :

" What constitutes the charm of the Memoirs Is not the
recital of events, which are of the most ordinary charac-
ter ; it Is the reflections which accompany their recital.

* Memoires de Benjamin Franklin, ecrits par lui-meme, traduits de
r Anglais et annotes par Edouard Laboulaye, de I'lnstitut de France.
Paris, libraire de L. Hachette & Cie. 1866.

Franklin is a born moralist. The first letter he writes to
his sister is a sermon on the virtues of a good house-
keeper. The penitent is fifteen and the preacher twenty.
From this moment to his death Franklin did not change.
He is always the man who reasons out his conduct — the
sage who, following the ingenious definition of Mr. Ban-
croft, never said a word too soon nor a word too late.
He never said a word too much, nor failed to say the
decisive word at the proper moment. In his letters how
many moral lessons, given with as much gayety as power !
It is not an author one reads ; he is a friend to whom one
listens. There is Franklin, with his venerable face, his
hair floating back, and his eye always shrev/d and quick,
presenting altogether one of the most amiable figures of
the last century. How many prejudices he playfully dis-
sipated ! how he rallied the selfishness of individuals and
the artifices of governments, which are but another form
of selfishness ! Do not ask of him anything sublime, nor
expect from him those bursts which raise you above the
passing world. Franklin never quits the earth ; it is not
genius in him ; it is good sense expressed in its highest
power. Do not seek in him a poet, nor even an orator,
but a master of practical life — a man to whom the world
belongs. Neither imagine you have to do with a vulgar,
worldly wisdom. This amiable mocker, who laughs at
eveiything, is not the less kind-hearted, a devoted patriot,
and one of the sincerest friends of humanity. His laugh
is not that of Voltaire ; there is no bitterness in it ; it is
the benevolent smile of an old man whom life has taught
to be indulgent. In noting without vanity what he terms
his errata of conduct, Franklin teaches us that no one

has a right to judge another severel}'', and that in the
1 n

most correct life there is always many a page to correct.
It is thus that he humbles himself to us to encouragre us.
He is a companion who takes us by the hand, and, talking-
with us familiarly, little by little, makes us blush at our
weaknesses, and communicates to us something of his
warmth and goodness. Such are the effects wrought by
perusing the Memoirs, and still more by the correspond-
ence— most strengthening reading for all ages and condi-
tions. No one ever started from a lower point than the
poor apprentice of Boston. No one ever raised himself
higher by his own unaided forces than the inventor of
the lightning-rod. No one has rendered greater service
to his country than the diplomatist who signed the treaty
of 1 7^3, and assured the independence of the United
States. Better than the biographies of Plutarch, this
life, so long and so well filled, is a source of perpetual
instruction to all men. Every one can there find counsel
and example. * * * * Franklin has never played
a part — neither with others nor with himself. He says
what he thinks ; he does what he says. He knows but
one road which leads from destitution to fortune. He
knows of but one mode to arrive at happiness, or, at least,
to contentment ; it is by labor, economy, and probity.
Such is the receipt he gives to his readers ; but this
receipt he commenced by trying himself. We can believe
in a secret with which he himself succeeded. In our
democratic society, where every one seeks to better his
condition — a very legitimate purpose — nothing is worth
so much as the example and the lessons of a man who,
without influence and without fortune, became master
after having been a laborer — gave himself the education
which he lacked, and, by force of toil, privations and

courage, raised himself to the first rank in his country,
and conquered the admiration and respect of the human
race. To have the talent of Franklin, or to be favored as
he was by events, is not given to all ; but every one may
have the honor of follow^ing such a model, even without
the hope of reaching it."

In submitting these memoirs to the world I am encour-
aged by the reflection that there never was a time in the
history of our country when the lessons of humility, econ-
omy, industry, toleration, charity, and patriotism, which
are made so captivating in its pages, could be studied
with more profit by the rising generation of Americans
than now. They have burdens to bear unknown to their
ancestors, and problems of government to solve unknown
to history. All the qualities, moral and intellectual, that
are requisite for a successful encounter with these por-
tentous responsibilities were singularly united in the cha-
racter of Franklin, and nothing in our literature is so well
calculated to reproduce them as his own deliberate record
of the manner in which he laid the foundation at once of
his own and of his country's greatness.

All the notes to the autobiography proper, not credited
to other sources, are from the manuscript, and, of course,
in Franklin's handwriting.

All the notes signed " Ed." are by the Editor.

Those signed " W. T. F." are by William Temple
Franklin.

Those signed " S." or " Sparks," are from Dr. Sparks*
precious Collection of the Writings of Franklin.

Those signed " B. V." are by Benjamin Vaughan.

I have rigorously followed the orthography of the MS. ;
not that I attach much importance to this comparatively
mechanical feature of the work, but because I thought it
would be more satisfactory to most of my readers to know
how Franklin wrote his autobiography than to know how
it would have been written by Webster or Worcester.

JOHN BIGELOW.
The Squirrels, February 22, 1874.

PART I.

XCcpie dhin ProjSt ires Curieux de Benjamin Franklin — !*«
Esguisse de ses Me'moires. Les additions d Vencre rouge
sont de la 7nain de Franklijt.'^ *

My writing. Mrs. Dogood's letters. Differences arise between my
Brother and me (his temper and mine) ; their cause in general. His
Newspaper. The Prosecution he suffered. My Examination. Vote
of Assembly. His manner of evading it. "Whereby I became free. My
attempt to get employ with other Printers. He prevents me. Our fre-
quent pleadings before our Father. The final Breach. My Induce-
ments to quit Boston. Manner of coming to a Resolution. My leaving
him and going to New York (return to eating flesh) ; thence to Penn-
sylvania. The journey, and its events on the Bay, at Amboy. The road.
Meet with Dr. Brown. His character. His great work. At Burlington.
The Good Woman. On the River. My Arrival at Philadelphia. Ffrst
Meal and first Sleep. Money left. Employment. Lodging. First ac-
quaintance with my afterward Wife. With J. Ralph. With Keimer.
Their characters. Osborne. Watson. The Governor takes notice of
me. The Occasion and Manner. His character. Offers to set me up.
My return to Boston. Voyage and accidents. Reception. My Father
dislikes the proposal. I return to New York and Philadelphia. Gov-
ernor Burnet. J. Collins. The Money for Vernon. The Governor's
Deceit. Collins not finding employment goes to Barbados much in my

* This memorandum, probably in the handwriting of M. le Veillard, immediately
precedes the Outline in the MS.

7* 77

Debt. Ralph and I go to England. Disappointment of Governors
Letters. Colonel French his Friend. Comwallis's Letters. Cabbin.
Denhani. Hamilton. Arrival in England. Get employment. Ralph
not He is an expense to me. Adventures in England. Write a Pam-
phlet and print lOO. Schemes. Lyons. Dr. Pembertoru My diligence,
and yet poor through Ralph. My Landlady. Her character. Wygate.
Wilkes. Gibber. Plays. Books I borrowed. Preachers I heard.
Redmayne. At Watts's. Temperance. Ghost, Conduct and Influ-
ence among the Men. Persuaded by Mr. Denham to return with him
to Philadelphia and be his clerk. Our voyage and arrival. My resolu-
tions in Writing. My Sickness. His Death. Found D. R. married.
Go to work again with Keimer. Terms. His ill usage of me. My
Resentment Saying of Decow. My Friends at Burlington. Agree-
ment with H. Meredith to set up in Partnership. Do so. Success with
the Assembly. Hamilton's Friendship. Sewell's History. Gazette.
Paper money. Webb. Writing Busy Body. Breintnal. Godfrey. His
Character. Suit against us. Offer of my Friends, Coleman and Grace.
Continue the Business, and M. goes to Carolina- Pamphlet on Paper
Money. Gazette from Keimer. Junto credit; its plan. Marry. Li-
brary erected. Manner of conducting the project Its plan and utility.
Children. Almanac. The use I made of it Great industry. Constant
study. Father's Remark and Advice upon Diligence. Carolina Part-
nership. Learn French and German. Journey to Boston after ten years.
Affection of my Brother. His Death, and leaving me his Son. Art of
Virtue. Occasion. City Watch amended. Post-office. Spotswood.
Bradford's Behavior. Clerk of Assembly. Lose one of my Sons. Pro-
ject of subordinate Juntos. Write occasionally in the papers. Success
in Business. Fire companies. Engines. Go again to Boston in 1743.
See Dr. Spence. Whitefield. My connection with him. His generosity
to me. My returns. Church Differences. My part in them. Propose
a College. Not then prosecuted. Propose and establish a Philosophical
Society. War. Electricity. My first knowledge of it Pannership
with D. Hall, &c Dispute in Assembly upon Defence. Project for it
Plain Truth. Its success. Ten thousand Men raised and disciplined.
Lotteries. Battery built New Castle. My influence in the Council.
Colors, Devices, and Mottos. Ladies' Military Watch. Quakers chosen
of the Common Council. Put in the commission of the peace. Logan
fond of me. His Library. Appointed Postmaster-General. Chosen
Assemblyman. Commissioner to treat with Indians at Carlisle and at
Easton. Project and establish Academy. Pamphlet on it Journey to
Boston. At Albany. Plan of union of the colonies. Copy of it Re-

marks upon it It fails, and how. Journey to Boston in 1754- Dis-
putes about it in our Assemoly. My part m them. New Governor.
Disputes with him. His character and sayings to me. Chosen Alder-
man. Project of Hospital. My share in it. Its success. Boxes. Made
a Commissioner of the Treasury. My commission to defend the frontier
counties. Raise Men and build Forts. Militia Law of my drawing.
Made Colonel. Parade of my Officers. Offence to Proprietor. Assist-
ance to Boston Ambassadors. Journey with Shirley, &c. Meet wdth
Braddock. Assistance to him. To the Officers of his Army. Furnish
him with Forage. His concessions to me and character of me. Success
of my Electrical Experiments. Medal sent me. Present Royal Society,
and Speech of President. Denny's Arrival and Courtship to me. His
character. My service to the Army in the affair of Quarters. Disputes
about the Proprietor's Taxes continued. Project for paving the City.
I am sent to England. Negotiation there. Canada delenda est. My
Pamphlet. Its reception and effect. Projects drawn from me concern-
ing the Conquest. Acquaintance made and their services to me — Mrs.
S. M. Small, Sir John P., Mr. Wood, Sargent Strahan, and others.
Their characters. Doctorate from Edinburgh, St. Andrew's. Doctorate
from Oxford. Journey to Scotland. Lord Leicester. Mr. Prat De
Grey. Jackson. State of Affairs in England. Delays. Eventful Journey
into Holland and Flanders. Agency from Maryland. Son's appoint-
ment My Return. Allowance and thanks. Journey to Boston. John
Penn, Governor. My conduct toward him. The Paxton Murders. My
Pamphlet Rioters march to Philadelphia. Governor retires to my
House. My conduct Sent out to the Insurgents. Turn them back.
Little thanks. Disputes revived. Resolutions against continuing under
Proprietary Government Another Pamphlet Cool thoughts. Sent
again to England with Petition. Negotiation there. Lord H. His
character. Agencies from New Jersey, Georgia, Massachusetts. Jour-
ney into Germany, 1 766. Civilities received there. Gottingen Obser-
vations. Ditto into France in 1767. Ditto in 1769. Entertainment
there at the Academy. Introduced to the King and the Mesdames,
Mad. Victoria and Mrs. Lamagnon. Due de Chaulnes, M. Beaumont,
Le Roy, D'Alibard, Nollet See Journals. Holland. Reprint my
papers and add many. Books presented to me from many authors. My
Book translated into French. Lightning Kite. Various Discoveries.
My manner of prosecuting that Study. King of Denmark invites me
to dinner. Recollect my Father's Proverb. Stamp Act My opposition
to it. Recommendation of J. Hughes. Amendment of it Examina-
tion in Parliament Reputation it gave me. Caressed by Ministry.

Charles Townsend's Act. Opposition to it Stoves and chimney-plates.
Armonica. Acquaintance with Ambassadors. Russian Intimation,
"Writing in newspapers. Glasses from Germany. Grant of Land in
Nova Scotia. Sicknesses. Letters to America returned hither. The
consequences. Insurance Office. My character. Costs me nothing to
be civil to inferiors ; a good deal to be submissive to superiors, &c., &c.
Farce of Perpetual Motion. Writing for Jersey Assembly. Hutchin-
son's Letters. Temple. Suit in Chancery. Abuse before the Privy
CounciL Lord Hillsborough's character and conduct. Lord Dart-
mouth- Negotiation to prevent the War. Return to America. Bishop
of St Asaph. Congress. Assembly. Committee of Safety. Chevaux-
de-ftdse. Sent to Boston, to the Camp. To Canada, to Lord Hovre.
To France. Treaty, &c

The Autobiography.

TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's,^ 1771.

DEAR SON : I have ever had pleasure in ob-
taining any little anecdotes of my ancestors.
You may remember the inquiries I made among the
remains of my relations when you were with me in
England, and the journey I undertook for that pur-
pose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable tof
you to know the circumstances of my life, many of
which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting
the enjoyment of a week's uninterrupted leisure in
my present country retirement, I sit down to write
them for you. To which I have besides some other
inducements. Having emerged from the poverty
and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a
state of affluence and some degree of reputation in
the world, and having gone so far through life with
a considerable share of felicity, the conducing means
I made use of, which with the blessing of God so

* The country-seat of Bishop Shipley, the good bishop, as Dr.
Franklin used to style him. — Ed.

t After the words " agreeable to " the words " some of " were interlined
and afterward effaced. — Ed.

■n"-!^ 8 1

82 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as
they may find some ol them suitable to their own
situations, and therefore lit to be imitated.

That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced
me sometimes to say, that were it offered to my
choice, I should have no objection to a repetidon of
the same life from its beginning, only asking the
advantages authors have in a second edition to cor-
rect some faults of the first. So I might, besides
correcting the faults, change some sinister accidents
and events of it for others more favorable. But
though this were denied, I should still accept the
offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected,
the next thing most like living one's life over again
seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make
that recollection as durable as possible by putting it
down in writing.

Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so
natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and
their own past actions ; and I shall indulge it with-
out being tiresome to others, who, through respect to
age, might conceive themselves obliged to give me
a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one
pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it,
since my denial of it will be believed by nobody) ,
perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity.
Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory
words, " Without vanity I may say" &c., but some
vain thing immediately followed. Most people dis-
like vanity in others, whatever share they have of

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Z^

it themselves ; but I give it fair quarter wherever I
meet with it, being persuaded that it is often pro-
ductive of good to the possessor, and to others that
are within his sphere of action ; and therefore, in
many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a
man were to thank God for his vanity among the
other comforts of life.*

* Some twenty years before he commenced his Memoirs, Franklin
threw his mantle over this not unprofitable weakness which he termed
Vanity, in a letter to his friend Jared Elliott :

"Philadelphia, September iztk, 1751.
" Dear Sir :

^^ ^^ 'p ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ •^

What you mention concerning the love of praise is indeed very true :
it reigns more or less in every heart ; though we are generally hypo-
crites, in that respect, and pretend to disregard praise, and our nice,
modest ears are offended, forsooth ! with what one of the ancients calls
the sweetest kind of music. This hypocrisy is only a sacrifice to the
pride of others, or to their envy, both which, I think, ought rather to
be mortified. The same sacrifice we make when we forbear to praise
ourselves, which naturally we are all inclined to ; and I suppose it was
formerly the fashion, or Virgil, that courtly writer, would not have put
a speech into the mouth of his hero, which now-a-days we should esteem
so great an indecency :

' Sum pius ^neas ♦ * *
* * * fama super a;thera notus.*

One of the Romans, I forget who, justified speaking in his own praise
by saying : " Every freeman had a right to speak what he thought of
himself, as well as of others." That this is a natural inclination appears
in that all children show it, and say freely, I am a good boy ; am I not
a good girl ? and the like, till they have been frequently chid, and told
their trumpeter is dead, and that it is unbecoming to sound their o^vn
praise, etc. But

Naturam expellas furcS, tamen usque recurret
Being forbid to praise themselves, they learn instead of it to censure

84 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with
all humility to acknowledge that I owe the men-

others, which is only a roundabout way of praising themselves ; for con-
demning the conduct of another, in any particular, amounts to as much
as saying, / am so honest, or wise, or good, or prudent, that / could not
do or approve of such an action. This fondness for ourselves, rather
than malevolence to others, I take to be the general source of censure
and backbiting ; and I wish men had not been taught to dam up natural
currents, to the overflowing and damage of their neighbor's grounds.
Another advantage, methinks, would arise from freely speaking our
good thoughts of ourselves, viz. : if we were wrong in them, somebody
or other would readily set us right ; but now, wliile we conceal so care-
fully our vain, erroneous self-opinions, we may carry them to our grave,
for who would offer physic to a man that seems to be in health ? And the
privilege of recounting freely our own good actions might be an induce-
ment to the doing of them, that we might be enabled to speak of them
without being subject to be justly contradicted or charged with false-
hood ; whereas now, as we are not allowed to mention them, and it is
an uncertainty whether others will take due notice of them or not, we
are perhaps the more indifferent about them ; so that, upon the whole,
I wish the out-of-fashion practice of praising ourselves would, like other
old fashions, come round into fashion again. But this, / fear, will not be
in our time. So we must even be contented with what little praise we
can get from one another. And I will endeavor to make you some
amends for the trouble of reading this long scrawl by telling you, that I
have the sincerest esteem for you, as an ingenious young man, and a good
one, which, together, make the valuable member of society. As such^
I am with great respect and affection, dear sir,

" Your obliged, humble servant,

" B. Franklin."

There is, perhaps, no more interesting or profitable standard with
which to compare men than the terms in which they speak of them-
selves. The year that Franklin wrote the last pages of his Memoirs,
Gibbon commenced his. It is curious to observe the different styles
in which the diplomatist and the scholar enumerate vanity among the
leading and legitimate motives in which the two most fascinating and
most renowiied autobiographies in any language had their origin :

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 85

tioned happiness of my past life to His kind provi-
dence, which lead me to the means I used and gave

"A lively desire of knowing and of recording our ancestors so generally
prevails that it must depend on the influence of some common principle
in the minds of men. We seem to have lived in the persons of our fore-
fathers ; it is the labor and reward of vanity to extend the term of this
ideal longevity. Our imagination is always active to enlarge the narrow
circle in which nature has confined us. Fifty or a hundred years may
be allotted to an individual ; but we step forward beyond death with
such hopes as religion and philosophy will suggest ; and we fill up the
silent vacancy that precedes our birth by associating ourselves to the
authors of our existence. Our calmer judgment will rather tend to
moderate than to suppress the pride of an ancient and worthy race.
The satirist may laugh, the philosopher may preach, but Reason her-
self will respect the prejudices and habits which have been consecrated
by the experience of mankind. Few there are who can sincerely de-
spise in others an advantage of which they are secretly ambitious to
partake. The knowledge of our own family from a remote period will
be always esteemed as an abstract pre-eminence, since it can never be
promiscuously enjoyed ; but the longest series of peasants and mechanics
would not afford much gratification to the pride of their descendant.
We wish to discover our ancestors, but we wish to discover them pos-
sessed of ample fortunes, adorned with honorable titles, and holding an
eminent rank in the class of hereditary nobles, which has been main-
tained for the wisest and most beneficial purposes in almost every cli-
mate of the globe and in almost every modification of political society.
Wherever the distinction of birth is allowed to form a superior order in
the State, education and example should always, and will often, produce
among them a dignity of sentiment and propriety of conduct, which is
guarded from dishonor by their own and the public esteem. If we read
of some illustrious line so ancient that it has no beginning, so worthy
that it ought to have no end, we sympathize in its various fortunes ; nor
can we blame the generous enthusiasm, or even the harmless vanity, of
those who are allied to the honors of its name. For my own part, could
I draw my pedigree from a general, a statesman, or a celebrated author,
I should study their lives with the diligence of filial love. In the inves-
tigation of past events, our curiosity is stimulated by the immediate or
indirect reference to ourselves ; but in the estimate of honor we should
learn to value the gifts of nature above those of fortune ; to esteem in
S

86 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

them success. My belief of this induces me to hofe^
though I must not. prestwie, that the same goodness

our ancestors the qualities that best promote the inteiests of society;
and to pronounce the descendant of a king less truly noble than the off-
spring of a man of genius, whose writings will instruct or delight the
latest posterity. The family of Confucius is in my opinion the most
illustrious in the world. After a painful ascent of eight or ten centuries,
our barons and princes of Europe are lost in the darkness of the Middle
Ages ; but in the vast equality of the empire of China the posterity of
Confucius have maintained, above two thousand two hundred years,
their peaceful honors and perpetual succession. The chief of the family
is still revered, by the sovereign and the people, as the lively image of
the wisest of mankind. The nobility of the Spencers has been illus-
trated and enriched by the trophies of Marlborough ; but I exhort them
to consider the Faery Queen* as the most precious jewel of their coronet
Our immortal Fielding was of the younger branch of the Earls of Denbigh,
who draw their origin from the Counts of Hapsburg,the lineal descendants
of Enrico, in the seventh century, Duke of Alsace. Far different have
been the fortunes of the English and German divisions of the family of
Hapsburg : the former, the Knights and Sheriffs of Leicestershire, have
slowly risen to the dignity of a peerage ; the latter, the Emperors of Ger-
many and Kings of Spain, have threatened the liberty of the Old, and
invaded the treasures of the New World. The successors of Charles
the Fifth may disdain their brethren of England ; but the romance of
Tom Jones, that exquisite picture of human manners, will outlive the
palace of the Escurial and the imperial eagle of the house of Austria.
That these sentiments aie just, or at least natural, I am the more in-
clined to believe as I am not myself interested in the cause ; for I can
derive from my ancestors neither glory nor shame. Yet a sincere and
simple narrative of my own life may amuse some of my leisure hours ;
but it will subject me, and perhaps with justice, to the imputation of
vanity. I may judge, however, from the experience both of past and of
the present times, that the public are always curious to know the men
who have left behind them any image of their minds ; the most scantj

* Nor less praiseworthy are the ladies three.
The honor of that noble iamilie.
Of which I meanest boast myself to be.

Spenser, Colin Clout, 6r'c., v. 538.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 8/

will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that
happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse,

accounts of such men are compiled with diligence and perused with
eagerness ; and the student of every class may derive a lesson, or an
example, from the lives most similar to his own. My name may here-
after be placed among the thousand articles of a Biographia Britannica ;
and I must be conscious, that no one is so well qualified as myself to
describe the series of my thoughts and actions. The authority of my
masters, of the grave Thuanus and the philosophic Hume, might be
sufficient to justify my design ; but it would not be difficult to pro-
duce a long list of ancients and moderns who, in various forms, have
exhibited their own portraits. Such portraits are often the most in-
teresting, and sometimes the only interesting, parts of their writings ;
and, if they be sincere, we seldom complain of the minuteness or pro-
lixity of these personal memorials. The lives of the younger Pliny, of
Petrarch and of Erasmus, are expressed in the epistles which they
themselves have given to the world ; the essays of Montaigne and Sir
William Temple bring us home to the houses and bosoms of the au-
thors. We smile without contempt at the headstrong passions of Benve-
nuto Cellini and the gay follies of Colley Gibber. The Confessions of
St. Austin and Rousseau disclose the secrets of the human heart ; the
Commentaries of the learned Pluet have survived his evangelical demon-
stration ; and the Memoirs of Goldoni are more truly dramatic than his
Italian comedies. The heretic and the churchman are strongly marked
in the characters and fortunes of Whiston and Bishop Newton ; and
even the dullness of Michael de Mar oil es and Anthony Wood acquires
some value from the faithful representation of men and manners. That
I am equal or superior to some of these, the effects of modesty or affec-
tation cannot force me to dissemble."

Hume, whose account of his own life was written in 1776, the year he
died, and five years after Franklin's was begun, commences and con-
cludes his less pretending story with a similar confession. He com-
mences by saying :

" It is difficult for a man to speak long of himself without vanity ;
therefore I shall be short. It may be thought an instance of vanity that
I pretend at all to write my life ; but this narrative shall contain little
more than the history of my writings, as, indeed, almost all my life has
been spent in literary pursuits and occupations. The first success t,f
most of my writings was not such as to be an object of vanity."

88 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

which I may experience as others have done ; the
complexion of my future fortune being known to Him
only in whose power it is to bless to us even our
afflictions.

The notes one of my uncles (who had the same
kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once
put into my hands, furnished me with several par-
ticulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I
learned that the family had lived in the same vil-
lage, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred
years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps
from the time when the name of Franklin, that be-

He concludes as follows :

" I am, or rather was (for that is the style I must now use in speak-
ing of myself, which emboldens me the more to speak my sentiments) ;
I was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of an
open, social and cheerful humor, capable of attachment, but little sus-
ceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my passions. Even
my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never soured my temper,
notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My company was not
unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as to the studious and
literary ; and as I took a particular pleasure in the company of modest
women, I had no reason to be displeased with the reception I met with
from them. In a word, though most men any\vise eminent have found
reason to complain of calumny, I never was touched, or even attacked
by her baleful tooth ; and though I wantonly exposed myself to the rage
of both civil and religious factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my
behalf of their wonted fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate
any one circumstance of my character and conduct ; not but that the
zealots, we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and pro-
pagate any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any
which they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say
there is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope
it is not a misplaced one ; and this is a matter of fact which is easily
cleared and ascertained" — Ed. B.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 89

fore was the name of an order of people, was assumed
by them as a surname when others took surnames
all over the kingdom*), on a freehold of about thirty
acres, aided by the smith's business, which had con-
tiimed in the family till his time, the eldest son be-
ing always bred to that business ; a custom which
he and my father followed as to their eldest sons.
When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an
account of their births, marriages and burials from
the year 1555 only, there being no registers kept in
that parish at any time preceding. By that register
I perceived that I was the youngest son of the
youngest son for five generations back. My grand-

* As a proof that Franklin was anciently the common name of an order
or rank in England, see Judge Fortescue's De Latidibiis Legum Anglics,
written about the year 1412, in which is the following passage, to show
that good juries might easily be formed in any part of England : " Regio
etiam ilia, ita respersa refertaque est possessoribus terrarum et agrorum,
quod in ea, villula tam parva reperiri non poterit, in qua non est miles,
armiger, vel pater-familias, qualis ibidem Franleri vulgariter nuncupatur,
magnis ditatus possessiouibus, nee non libere tenentes et alii valecti
plurimi, suis patrimoniis sufficientes ad faciendum juratam, in forma
praenotata." Moreover, the same country is so filled and replenished
with landed menne, that therein so small a thorpe cannot be found
wherein dweleth not a knight, an esquire, or such an householder, as is
there commonly called a Franklin, enriched with great possessions ; and
also other freeholders and many yeomen able for their livelihoodes to
make a jury in form aforementioned. — Old Translation.

Chaucer, too, calls his country gentleman a Franklin, and, after de«
BTjibing his good housekeeping, thus characterizes him :

" This worthy Franklin has a purse of silk,
Fixed to his girdle, white as morning milk.
Knight of the Shire, first Justice at the Assize,
To help the poor, the doubtful to advise.
m all employments, generous, just, he proved.
Renowned for courtesy, by all ueloveA"
8»

90 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

father Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at
Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer,
when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at
Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father
served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather
died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758.
His eldest son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton,
and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter,
who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Welling-
borough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor
there. My grandfather had four sons that grew
up, viz. : Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I
will give you what account I can of them, at this
distance from my papers, and if these are not lost
in my absence, you will among them find many
more particulars.*

* Franklin's father has left the following account of his ancestry in a
letter addressed to his son Benjamin in 1739. Benjamin was then thirty-
three years of age and Deputy Postmaster General at Philadelphia.

^'^ Front Josiah to B. Frankli7i :

" Loving Son : As to the original of our name, there is various opin-
ions ; some say that it came from a sort of title, of which a book that
you bought when here gives a lively account. Some think we are of a
French extract, which was formerly called Franks ; some of a free line,
a line free from that vassalage which was common to subjects in days
of old ; some from a bird of long red legs. Your uncle Benjamin made
inquiry of one skilled in heraldry, who told him there is two coats of
armor, one belonging to the Franklins of the North, and one to the
Franklins of the West. However, our circumstances have been such as
that it hath hardly been worth while to concern ourselves much about
these things any farther than to tickle the fancy a little. The first that
I can give account of, is my great-grandfather, as it was a custom in
those days among young men too many times to goe to seek their for*

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 9 1

Thomas was bred a smith under his father ; but,
being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all

tunes, and in his travels he went upon liking to a taylor ; but he kept such
a stingy house, that he left him and travelled farther, and came to a
smith's house, and coming on a fasting day, being in popish times, he
did not like there the first day ; the next morning the servant was called up.
at five in the morning, but after a little time came a good toast and good
beer, and he found good housekeeping there ; he served and learned the
trade of a smith. In Queen Mary's days, either his wife, or my grand-
mother, by father's side, informed my father that they kept their Bible
fastened under the top of a joint-stool, that they might turn up the
book and read in the Bible, that when anybody came to the dore they
turned up the stool for fear of the aparitor, for if it were discovered they
would be in hazard of their lives. My grandfather was a smith also,
and settled in Eton, in Northamptonshire, and he was imprisoned a
year and a day on suspicion of his being the author of some poetry that
touched the character of some great man. He had only one son and
one daughter ; my grandfather's name was Thomas, my mother's name
was Jane. My father was born at Ecton or Eton, Northamptonshire,
on the iSth of October, 1698; married to Miss Jane White, niece to
Coll. White, of Banbury, and died in the 84th year of his age. There
was nine children of us, who were happy in our parents, who took great
care by their instructions and pious example to breed us up in a religious
way. My eldest brother had but one child, which was married to one
Mr. Fisher, at Wallingborough, in Northamptonshire. The town was
lately burnt down, and whether she was a sufferer or not I cannot tell,
or whether she be living or not. Her father dyed worth fifteen hundred
pounds, but what her circumstances are now I know not. She hath no
child. If you by the freedom of your office, makes it more likely to con-
vey a letter to her, it would be acceptable to me. There is also children
of brother John and sister Morris, but I hear nothing from them, and
they write not to me, so that I know not where to find them. I have
been again to about seeing * * * *, but have mist of being informed.

" We received yours, and are glad to hear poor Jammy is recovered
so well. Son John received the letter, but is so busy just now that he
cannot write you an answer, but will do the best he can. Now with
hearty love to, and prayer for you all, I rest your affectionate father,

"JosiAH Franklin.

" Boston, May 26, 1739." W. T. F.

92 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the
principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified him-
self for the business of scrivener ; became a con-
siderable man in the county ; was a chief mover of
all public-spirited undertakings for the county or
town of Northampton, and his own village, of which
many instances were related of him ; and much taken
notice of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax.
He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years
to a day before I was born. The account we received
of his life and character from some old people at
Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extra-
ordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of
mine. " Had he died on the same day, " you said,
*' one might have supposed a transmigration."

John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens.
Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an appren-
ticeship at London. He was an ingenious man.
I remember him well, for when I was a boy he
came over to my father in Boston, and lived in the
house with us some years. He lived to a great age.
His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in
Boston. He left behind him two quarto volumes,
MS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occa-
sional pieces addressed to his friends and relations,
of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen.

* Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets, " here insert it,*'
but the poetry is not given. Mr. Sparks informs us (Life of Franklin,
p. 6) that these volumes had been preserved, and were in possession of

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 93

He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he
taught me, but, never practising it, I have now for-
got it. I was named after this uncle, there being a
particular affection between him and my father.

Mrs. Emmons, of Boston, great-granddaughter of their author. The
following are specimens quoted by Mr. Sparks :

" Sent to his namesake, upon a Report of his Inclination to Martial
Affairs, July 7th, 1710 :

" Believe me, Ben, it is a dangerous trade.
The sword has many marred as well as made ;
By it do many fall, not many rise,
Makes many poor, few rich, and fewer wise ;
Fills towns with ruin, fields with blood ; beside
'Tis sloth's maintainer, and the shield of pride.
Fair cities, rich to-day in plenty flow,
War fills with want to-morrow, and with woe.
Ruined estates, the nvu^e of vice, broke limbs and scars,
Are the effects of desolating wars."

" ACROSTIC,
" Sent to Benjamin Franklin in New England, July 15th, 1710 :

" Be to thy parents an obedient son ;
Each day let duty constantly be done ;
Never give way to sloth, or lust, or pride.
If free you'd be from thousand ills beside ;
Above all ills be sure avoid the shelf;
Man's danger lies in Satan, sin, and self
In virtue, learning, wisdom, progress make ;
Ne'er shrink at suffering for thy Saviour's sake.

" Fraud and all falsehood in thy dealings flee.
Religious always in thy station be ;
Adore the Maker of thy inward part,
Now's the accepted time, give him thy heart ;
Keep a good conscience, 'tis a constant friend ;
Like judge and witness this thy acts attend.
In heart with bended knee, alone, adore
None but the Three in One for evermore."

The following piece was sent when his namesake was seven years old.

" 'Tis time for me to throw aside my pen,
When hanging sleeves read, write, and rhyme like men.

94 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

He was very pious, a great attender of sermons
of the best preachers, which he took down in
his short-hand, and had with him many volumes
of them. He was also much of a politician ; too
much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately
into my hands, in London, a collection he had made
of all the principal pamphlets relating to public
affairs, from 1641 to 1717 ; many of the volumes are
wanting as appears by the numbering, but there

This forR'ard spring foretells a plenteous crop ;

For if the bud bear grain, what will the top ?

If plenty in the verdant blade appear,

What may we not soon hope for in the ear?

When flowers are beautiful before they're blown.

What rarities will afterward be shown I

If trees good fruit un'noculated bear,

You may be sure 'twiU afterward be rare.

If fruits are sweet before they're time to yellow.

How luscious wiU they be when they are mellow I

If first year's shoots such noble clusters send.

What laden boughs, Engedi-like, may we expect in the end 1'

These lines are more prophetic, perhaps, than the writer imagined.

Sparks.

This uncle Benjaniin died in Boston, in 1728, leaving one son, Samuel,
the only survivor of ten children. This son had an only child, who died
in 1775, leaving four daughters. There are now no male descendants
of Dr. Franklin's grandfather living who bear his name. The Doctor's
eldest son William left one son, William Temple Franklin, who died
without issue, bearing his name. His second son, Francis Folger, died
when about four years of age. His very clever daughter Sarah married
Richard Bache in 1767. Their descendants are — Benjamin Franklin
Bache, who married Margaret Markoe ; William Hartman Bache, who
married Catharine Wistar ; Eliza Franklin Bache, who married John
Edmund Harwood ; Louis Bache, who married (ist wife) Mary Ann
Swift, (2d wife) Esther Egee ; Deborah Bache, who married William J.
Duane ; Richard Bache, who married Sophia B., a daughter of Alexander
J. Dallas ; Sarah Bache, who married Thomas Sargeant, together with
their children. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 95

still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four
in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met
with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buy-
ing of him, he brought them to me. It seems my
uncle must have left them here when he went to
America, which was above fifty years since. There
are many of his notes in the margins.*

* The Doctor refers to this trouvaille in one of his letters to Samuel
Franklin, as follows :

" London, 12 Julyt 1771.

"Loving Cousin : I received your kind letter of May 17th, and re-
joice to hear that you and your good family are well. My love to them.
With this I send you the print you desire for Mr. Bowen. He does me
honor in accepting it. Sally Franklin presents her duty to you and
Mrs. Franklin. Yesterday a very odd accident happened, which I must
mention to you, as it relates to your grandfather. A person that deals
in old books, of whom I sometimes buy, acquainted me that he had a
curious collection of pamphlets bound in eight volumes folio, and twenty-
four volumes quarto and octavo, which he thought from the subjects I
might like to have, and that he would sell them cheap. I desired to
see them, and he brought them to me. On examining, I found that
they contained all the principal pamphlets and papers on public affairs
that had been printed here from the Restoration down to 171 5. In one
of the blank leaves at the beginning of each volume the collector had
written the titles of the pieces contained in it, and the price they cost
him. Also notes in the margin of many of the pieces ; and the collector,
I find, from the handwriting and various other circumstances, was your
grandfather, my uncle Benjamin. "Wherefore, I the more readily agreed
to buy them. I suppose he parted with them when he left England and
came to Boston, soon after your father, which was about the year 17 16
or 1 717, now more than fifty years since. In whose hands they have
been all this time I know not. The oddity is, that the bookseller, who
could suspect nothing of any relation between me and the collector,
should happen to make me the offer of them. My love to your good
wife and children.

" Your affectionate cousin,
—Ed. "B. Franklin."

g6 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

This obscure family of ours was early in the Re-
formation, and continued Protestants through the
reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes
in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against
popery. They had got an English Bible, and to
conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with
tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool.
When my great-great-grandfather read it to his
family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees,
turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One
of the children stood at the door to give notice if he
saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the
spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned
down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained
concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had
from my uncle Benjamin. The famil}^ continued
all of the Church of England till about the end of
Charles the Second's reign, when some of the
ministers that had been outed for non-conformity
holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benja-
min and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued
all their lives : the rest of the family remained with
the Episcopal Church.

Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his
wdfe with three children into New England, about
1682. The conventicles having been forbidden by
law, and frequently disturbed, induced some con-
siderable men of his acquaintance to remove to that
country, and he was prevailed with to accompany
them thither, where they expected to enjoy their

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 97

mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife
he had four children more born there, and by a
second wife ten more, in all seventeen ; of which I
remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table,
who all grew up to be men and women, and mar-
ried ; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child
but two, and was born in Boston, New England.* My
mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daugh-
ter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New
England, of whom honorable mention is made by
Cotton Mather, in his church history of that country,
entitled Magnalia Christi Americana, as " a godly ^
learned E^iglishman ^^^ if I remember the words
rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small
occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed,
which I saw now many years since. It was written
in 1675, in the home-spun verse of that time and
people, and addressed to those then concerned in
the government there. It was in favor of liberty of
conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers,
and other sectaries that had been under persecution,

* He was bom January 6th, 1706, old style, being Sunday, and the
same as Januaiy lytli, new style, which his biographers have usually
mentioned as the day of his birth. By the records of the Old South
Church in Boston, to which his father and mother belonged, it appears
that he was baptized the same day. In the old public Register of
Births, still preserved in the Mayor's Office in Boston, his birth is re-
coi ded under the date of January 6th, 1 706. At this time his father
occupied a house in Milk street, opposite to the Old South Church,
but he removed shortly afterward to a house at the corner of Hanover
and Union streets, where it is believed he resided the remainder of his
life, and where the son passed his early years. — S,
9 E

98 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that
had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so
many judgments of God to punish so heinous an
offense, and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable
laws. The whole appeared to me as written with a
good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom.
The six concluding lines I remember, though I have
forgotten the two first of the stanza ; but the purport
of them was, that his censures proceeded from good-
will, and, therefore he would be known to be the
author.

" Because to be a libeller (says he)

I hate it with my heart ;
From Sherburne* town, where now I dwell

My name I do put here ;
"Without offense your real friend,

It is Peter Folgier."t

* The poem, if such it may be called, of which these are the closmg
lines, extends through fourteen pages of a duodecimo pamphlet, entitled
" A Looking-Glass for the Times ; or the former spirit of New England
revived in this generation, by Peter Folger." It is dated at the end,
" April 23d, 1676." The lines, which immediately precede those quoted
by Dr. Franklin, and which are necessary to complete the sentiment
intended to be conveyed by the author, are the following :

" I am for peace and not for war,

And that's the reason why
I write more plain than some men do.

That use to daub and lie.
But I shall cease, and set my name

To what I here insert.
Because to be a libeler

I hate it with my heart"

t The author's muse speaks even in the title-page, and explains to
the reader his design in writing the " Looking-Glass for the Times :"

" Let all that read these verses know.
That I intend something to show

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 99

My elder brothers were all put apprentices to
different trades. I was put to the grammar-school
at eight years of age, my father intending to devote
me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the
Church. My early readiness in learning to read
(which must have been very early, as I do not re-
member when I could not read) , and the opinion of
all his friends, that I should certainly make a good
scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My
uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed
to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I
suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn
his character. I continued, however, at the gram-
mar-school not quite one year, though in that time I
had risen gradually from the middle of the class of
that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed
into the next class above it, in order to go with that
into the third at the end of the year. But my father,
in the mean time, from a view of the expense of a
college education, which having so large a family
he could not well afford, and the mean living many
so educated were afterwards able to obtain — reasons
that he gave to his friends in my hearing — altered
his first intention, took me from the grammar-school,
and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic,

About our war, how it hath been,
And also what is the chief sin.
That God doth so with us contend,
And when these wars are Hke to end.
Read then in love ; do not despise
What here is set before thine eyes."— 5".

100 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brovvnell,
very successful in his profession general!}^, and that
by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I ac-
quired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the
arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten
years old I was taken home to assist my father in
his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler
and sope-boiler ; a business he was not bred to, but
had assumed on his arrival in New England, and
on finding his dying trade would not maintain his
family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was
employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the
dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, at-
tending the shop, going of errands, etc.

I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination
for the sea, but my father declared against it ; how-
ever, living near the water, I was much in and
about it, learnt early to swim well, and to man-
age boats ; and when in a boat or canoe with other
boys, 1 was commonly allowed to govern, especially
in any case of difficulty ; and upon other occasions
I was generally a leader among the boys, and some-
times led them into scrapes, of which I will mention
one instance, as it shows an early projecting public
spirit, tho' not then justly conducted.

There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the
mill-pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we
used to stand to fish for minnows. By much tramp-
ling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My pro-
posal was to build a wharfif there fit for us to stand

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 01

upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of
stones, which were intended for a new house near
the marsh, and which would very well suit our pur-
pose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the work-
men were gone, I assembled a number of my
play-fellows, and working with them diligently like
so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone,
we brought them all away and built our little
wharfF. The next morning the workmen were sur-
prised at missing the stones, which were found in
our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers ;
we were discovered and complained of; several of
us were corrected by our fathers ; and, though I
pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine convinced
me that nothing was useful which was not honest.

I think you may like to know something of his
person and character. He had an excellent consti-
tution of body, was of middle stature, but well set,
and very strong ; he was ingenious, could draw
prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a clear
pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes
on his violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did
in an evening after the business of the day was over,
it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a
mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very
handy in the use of other tradesmen's tools ; but his
great excellence lay in a sound understanding and
solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private
and publick affairs . In the latter, indeed , he was n ever
employed, the numerous family he had to educate

9«

102 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him
close to his trade ; but I remember well his being
frequently visited by leading people, who consulted
him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the
church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of
respect for his judgment and advice : he was also
much consulted by private persons about their affairs
when any difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen
an arbitrator between contending parties. At his
table he liked to have, as often as he could, some
sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and
always took care to start some ingenious or useful
topic for discourse, which might tend to improve
the minds of his children. By this means he turned
our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in
the conduct of life ; and little or no notice was ever
taken of what related to the victuals on the table,
whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of sea-
son, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to
this or that other thing of the kind, so that I was
bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those
matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food
was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to
this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours
after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a
convenience to me in travelling, where my com-
panions have been sometimes very unhappy for
want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate,
because better instructed, tastes and appetites.
My mother had likewise an excellent constitution :

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. IO3

she suckled all her ten children. I never knew
either my father or mother to have any sickness but
that of which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85
years of age. They lie buried together at Boston,
where I some years since placed a marble over their
grave, with this inscription :

JosiAH Franklin,

and

Abiah his wife,

lie here interred

They lived lovingly together in wedlock

fifty-five years.

Without an estate, or any gainful employment,

By constant labor and industry, ,

with God's blessing,

They maintained a large family

comfortably,

and brought up thirteen children

and seven grandchildren

reputably.

From this instance, reader.

Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling.

And distrust not Providence.

He was a pious and prudent man ;

She, a discreet and virtuous woman.

Their youngest son.

In filial regard to their memory.

Places this stone.
J. F. bom 1655, died 1744, ^tat 89.
A. F. born 1667, died 1752, 85.*

* The marble stone on which this inscription was engraved having
become decayed, and the inscription itself defaced by time, a more
durable monument has been erected over the graves of the father and
mother of Franklin. The suggestion was first made at a meeting of
the Building Committee of the Bunker Hill Monument Association in
the autumn of 1826, and it met with universal approbation. A com-
mittee of managers was organized, and an amount of money adequate

104 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to
be grown old. I us'd to write more methodically.
But one does not dress for private company as for a
publick ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence.

To return : I continued thus employed in my

to the object was soon contributed by the voluntary subscriptions of a
large number of the citizens of Boston. The corner-stone was laid on
the 15th of June, 1827, and an address appropriate to the occasion was
pronounced by General Henry A. S. Dearborn. The monument is an
obelisk of granite, twenty-one feet high, which rests on a square base
measuring seven feet on each side and two feet in height The obelisk
is composed of five massive blocks of granite, placed one above another.
On one side is the name of Franklin in large bronze letters, and a little
below is a tablet of bronze, thirty-two inches long and sixteen wide,
sunk into the stone. On this tablet is engraven Dr. Franklin's original
inscription, as quoted in the text, and beneath it are the following lines:

The Marble Tablet,

Bearing the above inscription,

Having been dilapidated by the ravages of time,

A number of citizens.

Entertaining the most profound veneration

For the memory of the illustrious

Benjamin Franklin,

And desirous of reminding succeeding generations

That he was born in Boston,

A. D. MDCCVI.,

Erected this

Obelisk

Over the grave of his parents,

MDCCCXXVH.

A silver plate was deposited under the corner-stone, with an inscrip-
tion commemorative of the occasion, a part of which is as follows :
" This monument was erected over the remains of the parents of Ben-
jamin Franklin by the citizens of Boston, from respect to the private
character and public services of this illustrious patriot and philosopher,
and for the many tokens of his affectionate attachment to his native
town." — S.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, I05

father's business for two years, that is, till I was
twelve years old; and my brother John, who was
bred to that business, having left my father, mar-
ried, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there
was all appearance that I was destined to supply his
place, and become a tallow-chandler. But my dis-
like to the trade continuing, my father w^as under
apprehensions that if he did not find one for me
more agreeable, I should break away and get to
sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexa-
tion. He therefore sometimes took me to walk with
him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers,
etc., at their work, that he might observe my incli-
nation, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other
on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me
to see good workmen handle their tools ; and it has
been useful to me, having learnt so much by it as
to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when
a workman could not readily be got, and to con-
struct little machines for my experiments, while the
intention of making the experiment was fresh and
warm in my mind. My father at last fixed upon
the cutler's trade, and my uncle Benjamin's son
Samuel, who was bred to that business in London,
being about that time established in Boston, I was
sent to be with him some time on liking. But his
expectations of a fee with me displeasing my father,
I was taken home again.

From a child I was fond of reading, and all tlie
little money that came into my hands was ever laid

I06 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim's Progress,
my first collection was of John Bim3^an's works in
separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to
enable me to buy R. Burton's Historical Collections ;
they were small chapmen's books, and cheap, 40
or 50 in all. My father's little library consisted
chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which
I read, and have since often regretted that, at a time
when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper
books had no'; fallen in my way, since it was now
resolved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch's
Lives there was in which I read abundantly, and I
still think that time spent to great advantage. There
was also a book of De Foe's, called an Essay on
Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called Essays
to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of think-
ing that had an influence on some of the principal
future events of my life.

This bookish inclination at length determined my
father to make me a printer, though he had already
one son (James) of that profession. In 17 17 my
brother James returned from England with a press
and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked
it much better than that of my father, but still had a
hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended
effect of such an inclination, my father was impa-
tient to have me bound to my brother. I stood out
some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed
the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old.
t was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. lo/

years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman's
wages during the last year. In a little time I made
great proficiency in the business, and became a
useful hand to my brother. I now had access to
better books. An acquaintance with the apprentices
of booksellers enabled me sometimes to borrow a
small one, which I was careful to return soon and
clean. Often I sat up in my room reading the
greatest part of the night, when the book was bor-
rowed in the evening and to be returned earl}^ in
the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted.

And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr.
Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of
books, and who frequented our printing-house, took
notice of me, invited me to his library, and very
kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I
now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little
pieces ; my brother, thinking it might turn to ac-
count, encouraged me, and put me on composing
occasional ballads. One was called The Light-
house Tragedy^ and contained an account of the
drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two
daughters : the other was a sailor's song, on the
taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They
were wretched stuff, in the Grub-street-ballad style ;
and when they were printed he sent me about the
town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, the
event being recent, having made a great noise.
This flattered my vanity ; but my father discouraged
me by ridiculing my performances, and telling

I08 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

me verse-makers were generally beggars. So 1
escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad
one ; but as prose writing has been of great use to
me in the course of my life, and was a principal
means of my advancement, I shall tell you how,
in such a situation, I acquired what little ability 3
have in that way.

There was another bookish lad in the town, John
Collins by name, with whom I was intimately ac-
quainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond
we were of argument, and very desirous of confut-
ing one another, which disputatious turn, by the
way, is apt to become a very bad habit, making
people often extremely disagreeable in company by
the contradiction that is necessary to bring it into
practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling
the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, per-
haps enmities where you may have occasion for
friendship. I had caught it by reading my father's
books of dispute about religion. Persons of good
sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it,
except lawyers, university men, and men of all
sorts that have been bred at Edinborough.

A question was once, somehow or other, started
between Collins and me, of the propriety of educat-
ing the female sex in learning, and their abilities for
study. He was of opinion that it was improper,
and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took
the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute's sake.
He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plent};

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 109

of words ; and sometimes, as I thought, bore me
down more by his fluency than by the strength of
his reasons. As we parted without settHng the
point, and were not to see one another again for
some time, I sat down to put my arguments in writ-
ing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He an-
swered, and I replied. Three or four letters of a
side had passed, when my father happened to find
my papers and read them. Without entering into
the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me about
the manner of my writing ; observed that, though I
had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling
and pointing (which I ow'd to the printing-house),
I fell far short in elegance of expression, in method
and in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by
several instances. I saw the justice of his remarks,
and thence grew more attentive to the manner in
writing, and determined to endeavor at improve-
ment.

About this time I met with an odd volume of the
Spectator, It was the third. I had never before
seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and
over, and was much delighted with it. I thought
the writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to
imitate it. With this view I took some of the
papers, and, making short hints of the sentiment in
each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then,
without looking at the book, try'd to compleat the
papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at

length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in
10

« «

1 08

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

A question was once, somehow or other, started
between Collins and me, of the propriety of educat-
ing the female sex in learning, and their abilities for
study. He was of opinion that it was improper,
and that tliey were naturally unequal to it. I took
the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute's sake.
He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plent}"

soac

Ui^"

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. \ 1 1

or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the prints
ing-house alone, evading as much as I could the
common attendance on public worship which my
father used to exact of me when I was under his
care, and which indeed I still thought a duty, though
I could not, as it seemed to me, afford time to prac-
tise it.

When about i6 years of age I happened to
meet with a book, written by one Try on, recom-
mending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into
it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep
house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in
another family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned
an inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my
singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon's
manner of preparing some of his dishes, such as
boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and
a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that
if he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid
for my board, I would board m3^self. He instantly
agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save
half what he paid me. This was an additional fund
for buying books. But I had another advantage in
it. My brother and the rest going from the print-
ing-house to their meals, I remained there alone,
and, despatching presently my light repast, which
often was no more than a bisket or a slice of bread,
a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook's,
and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till
their return for study, in which I made the greatei

112 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

progress, from that greater clearness of head and
quicker apprehension which usually attend temper-
ance in eating and drinking.

And now it was that, being on some occasion
made asham'd of my ignorance in figures, which 1
had twice failed in learning when at school, I took
Cocker's book of Arithmetick, and went through the
whole by myself with great ease. I also read Sel-
ler's and vShermy's books of Navigation, and became
acquainted with the little geometry they contain ;
but never proceeded far in that science. And I read
about this time Locke on Himian Unde?' standings
and the Art of Thinkings by Messrs. du Port Royal.*

* Cabanis, in the notice which he prepared of Franklin shortly after
the philosopher's death, says, in reference to his reading at this time :
" We have it also from him that about this time, for the first, he read a
very bad translation of the Provincial Letters. He was ravished by
them. He read them over many times. They were one of the French
books he most esteemed." — (Eiivres Co7fiplets, vol. v., p. 228.

The discrepancy between these two statements provokes the remark
that at the time Franklin \vrote this portion of the Memoirs he did not
know Cabanis. It is probable that he read and was much impressed
by both works, and at different epochs of his life and with different
persons dwelt sometimes upon the importance of one and sometimes
of the other to his intellectual training.

Speaking of the three particular books which may have remotely
contributed to form the historian of the Roman Empire, Gibbon says :
" From the Provincial Letters of Pascal, which almost every year I have
perused vfith. new pleasure, I learned to manage the weapon of grave
and temperate irony even on subjects of ecclesiastical solemnity." — Mis-
cellaiteous Works of Gibbon, in 5 vols., vol. i. p. 96.

Reasoning post hoc propter hoc, Franklin might have made the same
confession with equal propriety. Not Gibbon himself was a master of
a more refined and decorous irony. I will venture to give an illustra-
tion of his skill in the management of this most dangerous weapon

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. II3

While I was intent on improving my language, I
met with an English grammar (I think it was Green-
wood's), at the end of which there were two little
sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter
finishing with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic
method ; and soon after I procur'd Xenophon's Me-
morable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many
instances of the same method. I was charm'd with
it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and
positive argumentation, and put on the humble in-
quirer and doubter. And being then, from reading
Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in
many points of our religious doctrine, I found this
method safest for myself and very embarassing to
those against whom I used it ; therefore I took a de-
light in it, practis'd it continually, and grew very
artful and expert in drawing people, even of supe-
rior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences

here, only becauoc it has never been in print. It appears in a letter
written by the Doctor shortly after his final return from Europe, to his
friend Le Ray de Chaumont, one of whose houses at Passy he occupied
during his entire residence near the Court of France. I am indebted
to his grandson, M. le Ray de Chaumont, who still lives in Paris in
the enjoyment of a green old age, for a copy of the original. In this
letter, referring to a claim sent in by his maitre d'hotel, for bills already
once paid, the Doctor says :

"As to Tinck, the maitre d'hotel, he was fairly paid in money for every
just demand he could make against us, and we have his receipts in full.
But there are knaves in the world whom no writing can bind, and when
you thmk you have finished with them, they come with demands after
demands, sans fin. He was continually saying of himself, ye suis honn^te
homme, je suis honitHe homme. But I always suspected he was mis'
taken; and so it proves." — Ed.
10*

114 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

of which they did not foresee, entangling them in
difficulties out of which the'y could not extricate
themselves, and so obtaining victories that neither
myself nor my cause alwa3^s deserved. I continu'd
this method some few j^ears, but gradually left it,
retaining only the habit of expressing myself in
terms of modest diffidence ; never using, when I
advanced any thing that may possibly be disputed,
the words certainly^ undoubtedly ^ or any others that
give the air of positiveness to an opinion ; but
rather say, I conceive or apprehend a thing to be so
and so ; it appears to me, or I should think it so or
so, for such and such reasons ; or I imagine it to be
so; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I
believe, has been of great advantage to me when I
have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and
persuade men into measures that I have been from
time to time engag'd in promoting ; and, as the chief
ends of conversation are to inform or to be infor^ned,
to -please or to -persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensi-
ble men would not lessen their power of doing good
by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to
disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat
every one of those purposes for which speech was
given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information
or pleasure. For, if you w^ould inform, a positive and
dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments
may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid
attention. If you wish information and improve-
ment from the knowledge of others, and yet at the

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 1 5

same time express yourself as firmly fix'd in youi
present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do
not love disputation, will probably leave you undis-
turbed in the possession of your error. And by such
a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend
yourself in -pleasing your hearers, or to persuade
those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says,
judiciously :

" Meji shmdd be taiight as if you taught them noty
And things unknown propos' d as things forgot f

farther recommendinp; to us

" To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence."

And he might have coupled with this line that which
he has coupled with another, I think, less properly,

" For want of modesty is want of sense."

If you ask. Why less properly? I must repeat the
lines,

" Immodest words admit of no defense,
For want of modesty is want of sense."

Now, is not want of sejtse (where a man is so un-
fortunate as to want it) some apology for his want
of modesty? and would not the lines stand more
justly thus?

" Immodest words admit but this defense.
That want of modesty is want of sense."

This, however, I should submit to better judgments.

My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print

a newspaper. It was the second that appeared in

America, and was called the New England Courant.

Il6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter .
I remember his being dissuaded by some of his
friends from the undertaking, as not Hkely to suc-
ceed, one newspaper being, in their judgment,
enough for America.* At this time (1771) there
are not less than five-and-twentv. He went on,
however, with the undertaking, and after having
worked in composing the types and printing off the
sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro'
the streets to the customers.

He had some ingenious men among his friends,
who amus'd themselves by writing little pieces for
this paper, which gain'd it credit and made it more
in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us.
Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of
the approbation their papers were received with, I
was excited to try my hand among them ; but, being
still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would
object to printing anything of mine in his paper if
he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my

* " This was written from recollection, and it is not surprising that,
after the lapse of fifty years, the author's memory should have failed
him in regard to a fact of small importance. The " New England Cour-
ant" was the fourth newspaper that appeared in America. The first
number of the Boston News-Letter was published April 24th, 1704.
This was the first newspaper in America. The Boston Gazette com-
menced December 21st, 1719 ; the American Weekly Mercury, at Phila-
delphia, December 22d, 1719; the New England Courant, August 21st,
1 721. Dr. Franklin's error of memory probably originated in the cir-
cumstance of his brother having been the printer of the Boston Gazette
when it was first established. This was the second newspaper published
in America." — S.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 11/

hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in
at night under the door of the printing-house. It
was found in the morning, and communicated to his
writing friends when they call'd in as usual. They
read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had
the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their
approbation, and that, in their different guesses at
the author, none were named but men of some char-
acter among us for learning and ingenuity. I sup-
pose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and
that perhaps they were not really so very good ones
as I then esteem'd them.

Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and con-
veyed in the same way to the press several more
papers which were equally approv'd ; and I kept
my secret till my small fund of sense for such per-
formances was pretty well exhausted, and then I dis-
covered it, when I began to be considered a little
more by my brother's acquaintance, and in a man-
ner that did not quite please him, as he thought,
probably with reason, that it tended to make me too
vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of
the differences that we began to have about this
time. Though a brother, he considered himself as
my master, and me as his apprentice, and, accord-
ingly, expected the same services from me as he
would from another, while I thought he demean'd
me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from
a brother expected more indulgence. Our disputes
were often brought before our father, and I fancy I

Il8 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

was either generally in the right, or else a better
pleader, because the judgment was generally in my
favor. But my brother was passionate, and had
often beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss ;
and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, I
was continually wishing for some opportunity of
shortening it, which at length offered in a manner
unexpected.*

One of the pieces in our newspaper on some po-
litical point, which I have now forgotten, gave
offense to the Assembly. He was taken up, cen-
sur'd, and imprison'd for a month, by the speaker's
warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover
his author. I too was taken up and examin'd be-
fore the council ; but, tho' I did not give them
any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with
admonishing me, and dismissed me, considering
me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to
keep his master's secrets.

During my brother's confinement, which I re-
sented a good deal, notwithstanding our private
differences, I had the management of the paper ;
and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it,
which my brother took very kindly, while others
began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a
3^oung genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr.
My brother's discharge was accompany'd with an

* I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means
of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck
to me through my whole life.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. II9

order of the House (a very odd one), that " yames
Fraiiklin should no longer -prmt the -pa^er called
the JVezv Engla^id C our ant. ^^

There was a consultation held in our printing-
house among his friends, what he should do in this
case. Some proposed to evade the order by chang-
ing the name of the paper ; but my brother, seeing
inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on
as a better way, to let it be printed for the future
under the name of Benjamin Franklin ; and to
avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall
on him as still printing it by his apprentice, the con-
trivance was that my old indenture should be re-
turn'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of
it, to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the
benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures
for the remainder of the term, which were to be
kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was ; how-
ever, it was immediately executed, and the paper
went on accordingly, under my name for several
months.

At length, a fresh difference arising between my
brother and me, I took upon me to assert my free-
dom, presuming that he would not venture to pro-
duce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to
take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one
of the first errata of my life ; but the unfairness of
it weighed little with me, when under the impres-
sions of resentment for the blows his passion too
often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was

I20 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

otherwise not an ill-natur'd man : perhaps I was
too saucy and provoking.

When he found I would leave him, he took care
to prevent my getting employment in any other
printing-house of the town, by going round and
speaking to every master, who accordingly refus'd
to give me work. I then thought of going to New
York, as the nearest place where there was a printer ;
and I was rather inclin'd to leave Boston when I
reflected that I had already made myself a little ob-
noxious to the governing party, and, from the arbi-
trary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother's
case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring
myself into scrapes ; and farther, that my indiscrete
disputations about religion began to make me pointed
at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist.
I determin'd on the point, but my father now siding
with my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted
to go openly, means would be used to prevent me.
My friend Collins, therefore, undertook to manage
a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a
New York sloop for my passage, under the notion
of my being a young acquaintance of his, that had
got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would
compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not
appear or come away publicly. So I sold some of
my books to raise a little money, was taken on board
privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days
I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 121

home, a boy of but 17,* without the least recom-
mendation to, or knowledge of any person in the
place, and with very little money in my pocket.

My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne
out, or I might now have gratify'd them. But, hav-
ing a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good
workman, I ofFer'd my service to the printer in the
place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the
first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from
thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could
give me no employment, having little to do, and
help enough already; but says he, "My son at
Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand,
Aquila Rose, by death ; if you go thither, I believe
he may employ you." Philadelphia was a hundred
miles further ; I set out, however, in a boat for
Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me
round by sea.

In crossing the bay, w^e met with a squall that
tore our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting
into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In
our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passen-
ger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking, I
reached through the water to his shock pate, and
drew him up, so that we got him in again. His
ducking sobered him a little, and he went to sleep,
taking first out of his pocket a book, which he de-
sired I would dry for him. It proved to be my old

* This was in October, 1723. — Ed.
11 »

122 AUTOBIOGKAPHT OF

favorite author, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, in
Dutch, finely printed on good paper, with copper
cuts, a dress better than I had ever seen it wear in
its own language. I have since found that it has
been translated into most of the languages of Europe,
and suppose it has been more generally read than
any other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest
John was the first that I know of who mix'd narra-
tion and dialogue ; a method of writing very engag-
ing to the reader, who in the most interesting parts
finds himself, as it were, brought into the companj
and present at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso,
his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family In-
structor, and other pieces, has imitated it with suc-
cess 5 and Richardson has done the same in his
Pamela, etc.

When we drew near the island, we found it was
at a place where there could be no landing, there
being a great surfF on the stony beach. So we
dropt anchor, and swung round towards the
shore. Some people came down to the water edge
and hallow'd to us, as we did to them ; but the wind
was so high, and the surfT so loud, that we could not
hear so as to understand each other. There were
canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hal-
low'd that they should fetch us ; but they either did
not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so
they went away, and night coming on, we had no
remedy but to wait till the wind should abate : and,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 23

in the mean time, the boatman and I concluded to
sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle,
with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray
beating over the head of our boat, leak'd thro' to us,
so that w^e were soon almost as wet as he. In this
manner we lay all night, with very little rest ; but,
the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to
reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours
on the w^ater, without victuals, or any drink but a
bottle of filthy rum, the water we sail'd on being
salt.

In the evening I found myself very feverish, and
went in to bed ; but, having read somewhere that cold
water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I fol-
low'd the prescription, sweat plentifully most of the
night, my fever left me, and in the morning, cross-
ing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot,
having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told
I should find boats that would carry me the rest of
the way to Philadelphia.

It rained very hard all the da}^ ; I was thoroughly
&oak'd, and by noon a good deal tired ; so I stopt
at a poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now
to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miser-
able a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask'd
me, I was suspected to be some runaway servant,
and in danger of being taken up on that suspicion.
However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the
evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of
Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered

124 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

into conversation with me while I took some re-
freshment, and, finding I had read a little, became
very sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance con-
tinu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine,
an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in
England, or country in Europe, of which he
could not give a very particular account. He
had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of
an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years
after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as
Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many
of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and might
have hurt weak minds if his work had been pub-
lished ; but it never was.

At his house I lay that night, and the next morn-
ing reach'd Burlington, but had the mortification to
find that the regular boats were gone a little before
my coming, and no other expected to go before
Tuesday, this being Saturday ; wherefore I returned
to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought
gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask'd her
advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a
passage b}^ water should offer ; and being tired with
my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. She
understanding I was a printer, would have had me
stay at that town and follow my business, being
ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She
was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek
with great good will, accepting only of a pot of ale
in return ; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday

. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 25

should come. However, walking in the evening by
the side of the river, a boat came by, which I found
was going towards Philadelphia, wdth several people
in her. They took me in, and, as there w^as no
wind, we row'd all the way ; and about midnight,
not having yet seen the city, some of the company
were confident we must have passed it, and would
row no farther ; the others knew not where we were ;
so we put toward the shore, got into a creek, landed
near an old fence, with the rails of which we made
a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there
we remained till daylight. Then one of the com-
pany knew the place to be Cooper's Creek, a little
above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we
got out of the creek, and arriv'd there about eight
or nine o'clock on the Sunday morning, and landed
at the Market-street wharf.

I have been the more particular in this description
of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into
that city, that you may in your mind compare such
unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since
made there. I was in my working dress, my best
cloaths being to come round by sea. I was dirty
from my journey ; my pockets were stufF'd out with
shirts and stockings, and I knew no soul nor where
to look for lodging. I was fatigued with travelling,
rowing and want of rest, I was very hungry ; and
my whole stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar,
and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave

the people of the boat for my passage, who at first
11*

126 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF ,

refus'd it, on account of my rowing ; but I insisted
on their taking it. A man being sometimes more
generous when he has but a little money than when
he has plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought
to have but little.

Tlien I walked up the street, gazing about till
near the market-house I met a boy with bread. I
had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring
w^here he got it, I went immediately to the baker's
he directed me to, in Second-street, and ask'd for
bisket, intending such as we had in Boston ; but
they, it seems, were not made in Philadelphia.
Then I asked for a three-penn}^ loaf, and was told
they had none such. So not considering or know-
ing the difference of money, and the greater cheap-
ness nor the names of his bread, I bad him give me
three-penny worth of any sort. He gave me, ac-
cordingly, three great puffy rolls. I was surpriz'd
at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in
my pockets, walk'd off with a roll under each arm,
and eating the other. Thus I went up Market-street
as far as Fourth-street, passing by the door of Mr.
Read, my future wife's father ; when she, standing
at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I cer-
tainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance.
Then I turned and went down Chesnut-street and
part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the wa}',
and, coming round, found myself again at Market-
street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I
went for a draught of the river water; and, bemg

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. \'2.'J

filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a
woman and her child that came down the river in
the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther.

Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street,
which by this time had many clean-dressed people
in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined
them, and thereby was led into the great meeting-
house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down
among them, and, after looking round awhile and
hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro'
labor and want of rest the preceding night, I fell
fast asleep, and continu'd so till the meeting broke
up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This
was, therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in,
in Philadelphia.

Walking down again toward the river, and, look-
ing in the faces of people, I met a young Quaker
man, whose countenance I lik'd, and, accosting him,
requested he would tell me where a stranger could
get lodging. We were then near the sign of the
Three Mariners. ''Here," says he, "is one place
ihat entertains strangers, but it is not a reputable
house ; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a
better.'* He brought me to the Crooked Billet in
Water-street. Here I got a dinner ; and, while I
was eating it, several sly questions were asked me,
as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and ap-
pearance, that I might be some runaway.

After dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being
shown to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and

128 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

slept till six In the evening, was call'd to supper,
went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till
next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I
could, and went to Andrew Bradford the printer's.
I found in the shop the old man his father, whom I
had seen at New York, and who, travelling on horse-
back, had got to Philadelphia before me. He intro-
duc'd me to his son, who receiv'd me civilly, gave
me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present
want a hand, being lately suppli'd with one ; but
there was another printer in town, lately set up, one
Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me ; if not, I
should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he
would give me a little work to do now and then till
fuller business should offer.

The old gentleman said he would go with me to
the new printer; and when we found him, " Neigh-
bor," says Bradford, " I have brought to see you a
young man of your business ; perhaps you may
want such a one." He ask'd me a few questions,
put a composing stick in my hand to see how I
work'd, and then said he would employ me soon,
though he had just then nothing for me to do ; and,
taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen be-
fore, to be one of the town's people that had a good
will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his pre-
sent undertaking and prospects ; while Bradford,
not discovering that he was the other printer's father,
on Keimer's saying he expected soon to get the
greatest part of the business into his own hands,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 29

drew him on by artful questions, and starting little
doubts, to explain all his views, what interest he
reli'd on, and in what manner he intended to pro-
ceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw imme-
diately that one of them was a crafty old sophister,
and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with
Keimer, who was greatly surpris'd when I told him
who the old man was.

Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an
old shatter'd press, and one small, worn-out font of
English, which he was then using himself, composing
an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an in-
genious young man, of excellent character, much
respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a
pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very
indifferently. He could not be said to write them,
for his manner was to compose them in the types
directly out of his head. So there being no copy,
but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require
all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavor'd
to put his press (which he had not yet us'd, and of
which he understood nothing) into order fit to be-
work'd with ; and, promising to come and print off
his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I
return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to
do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted.
A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off
the Elegy. And now he had got another pair of
cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set
me to work.

130 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

These two printers I found poorly qualified for
their business. Bradford had not been bred to it,
and was very illiterate ; and Keimer, tho' some-
thing of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing
nothing of presswork. He had been one of the
French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic
agitations.* At this time he did not profess any
particular religion, but something of all on occasion ;
v^as very ignorant of the world, and had, as I after-
ward found, a good deal of the knave in his com-
position. He did not like my lodging at Bradford's
while I work'd with him. He had a house, indeed,
but without furniture, so he could not lodge me ; but
he got me a lodging at Mr. Read's, before men-
tioned, who was the owner of his house ; and, m}'
chest and clothes being come by this time, I made
rather a more respectable appearance in the eyes
of Miss Read than I had done when she first hap-
pen'd to see me eating my roll in the street.

I began now to have some acquaintance among
the young people of the town, that were lovers of
reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleas-
antly ; and gaining money by my industry and fru-
gality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston
as much as I could, and not desiring that any there
should know where I resided, except my friend Col-
lins, who was in my secret, and kept it when I wrote
to him. At length, an incident happened that sent

* M. Laboulaye presume^ Keimer was one of the Caniisards or Pro-
testants of the Cevennes, so persecuted by Louis XIV. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. I3I

me back again much sooner than I had intended.
1 had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a
sloop that traded between Boston and Delaware.
He being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadel-
phia, heard there of me, and wrote me a letter men-
tioning the concern of my friends in Boston at my ab-
rupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me,
and that every thing would be accommodated to my
mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me very
earnestly. I wrote an answer to his letter, thank'd
him for his advice, but stated my reasons for quitting
Boston fully and in such a light as to convince him
I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.

Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was
then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening
to be in company with him when my letter came to
hand, spoke to him of me, and show'd him the let-
ter. The governor read it, and seem'd surpris'd
when he was told my age. He said I appear'd a
young man of promising parts, and therefore should
be encouraged ; the printers at Philadelphia were
wretched ones; and, if I would set up there, he
made no doubt I should succeed ; for his part, he
would procure me the public business, and do me
every other service in his power. This my brother-
in-law afterwards told me in Boston, but I knew as
yet nothing of it; when, one day, Keimer and I
being at work together near the window, we saw
the governor and another gentleman (which proved
to be Colonel French, of Newcastle) , finely dress'd,

132 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

come directly across the street to our house, and
heard them at the door.

Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit
to him ; but the governor inquir'd for me, came up,
and with a condescension and politeness I had been
quite unus'd to, made me many compliments, de-
sired to be acquainted with me, blam'd me kindly
for not having made myself known to him when I
first came to the place, and would have me away
with him to the tavern, where he was going with
Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent
Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer
star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with
the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the
corner of Third-street, and over the Madeira he
propos'd my setting up my business, laid before me
the probabilities of success, and both he and Colo-
nel French assur'd me I should have their interest
and influence in procuring the public business of
both governments. On my doubting whether my
father w^ould assist me in it, Sir William said he
would give me a letter to him, in which he would
state the advantages, and he did not doubt of pre-
vailing with him. So it was concluded I should re-
turn to Boston in the first vessel, with the governor's
letter recommending me to my father. In the mean
time the intention was to be kept a secret, and I
went on working with Keimer as usual, the govei-
nor sending for me now and then to dine with him,
a very great honor I thought it, and conversing

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 33

with me in the most affable, famiUar, and friendly
manner imaginable.

About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd
for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see
my friends. The governor gave me an ample letter,
saying many flattering things of me to my father,
and strongly recommending the project of my set-
ting up at Philadelphia as a thing that must make
my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down
the bay, and sprung a leak ; we had a blustering
time at sea, and were oblig'd to pump almost con-
tinually, at which I took my turn. We arriv'd safe,
however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had
been absent seven months, and my friends had
heard nothing of me ; for my br. Holmes was
not yet return'd, and had not written about me.
My unexpected appearance surpriz'd the family ;
all were, however, very glad to see me, and made
me welcome, except my brother. I went to see
him at his printing-house. I was better dress'd
than ever while in his service, having a genteel new
suit from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets
lin'd with near five pounds sterling in silver. He
receiv'd me not very frankly, look'd me all over,
and turn'd to his work again.

The journeymen were inquisitive where I had

been, what sort of a country it was, and how I lik'd

it. I prais'd it much, and the happy life I led in it,

expressing strongly my intention of returning to it ;

and, one of them asking what kind of money we
12

134 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

had there, I produc'd a handful of silver, and spread
it before them, which was a kind of raree-show they
had not been us'd to, paper being the money of
Boston. Then I took an opportunity of letting
them see my watch ; and, lastly (my brother still
grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight
to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine
offended him extreamly ; for, when my mother some
time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of
her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that
we might live for the future as brothers, he said I
had insulted him in such a manner before his people
that he could never forget or forgive it. In this,
however, he was mistaken.

My father received the governor's letter with some
apparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some
days, when Capt. Holmes returning he show'd it
to him, ask'd him if he knew Keith, and what kind
of man he was ; adding his opinion that he must be
of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in
business who wanted yet three years of being at
man's estate. Holmes said what he could in favor
of the project, but my father was clear in the impro
priety of it, and at last gave a flat denial to it. Then
he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him
for the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but
declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being,
in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the man-
agement of a business so important, and for which
the preparation must be so expensive.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 35

My fiiend and companion Collins, who was a
clerk in the post-office, pleas'd with the account I
gave him of my new country, determined to go
thither also ; and, while I waited for my father's de-
termination, he set out before me by land to Rhode
Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty col-
lection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to
come with mine and me to New York, where he
propos'd to wait for me.

My father, tho' he did not approve Sir Wil-
liam's proposition, was yet pleas'd that 1 had been
able to obtain so advantageous a character from a
person of such note where I had resided, and that
I had been so industrious and careful as to equip
myself so handsomely in so short a time ; therefore^
seeing no prospect of an accommodation between
my brother and me, he gave his consent to my re-
turning again to Philadelphia, advis'd me to behave
respectfully to the people there, endeavor to obtain
the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libel-
ing, to which he thought I had too much inclination ;
telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent par-
simony I might save enough by the time I was'one-
and-twenty to set me up ; and that, if I came near
the matter, he would help me out with the rest. This
was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as
tokens of his and my mother's love, when I em-
bark'd again for New York, now with their appro-
bation and their blessinor.

The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island,

136 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

I visited my brother John, who had been married
and settled there some years. He received me very
affectionately, for he always lov'd me. A friend of
his, one Vernon, having some money due to him in
Pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds currency,
desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till
I had his directions what to remit it in. Accord-
ingly, he gave me an order. This afterwards occa-
sion'd me a good deal of uneasiness.

At Newport we took in a number of passengers
for New York, among which were two young
women, companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-
like Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had
shown an oblifrino- readiness to do her some little
services, which impress'd her I suppose with a
degree of good will toward me ; therefore, when
she saw a daily growing familiarity between me and
the two young women, which they appear'd to
encourage, she took me aside, and said, "Young
man, I am concern'd for thee, as thou has no friend
with thee, and seems not to know much of the
world, or of the snares youth is expos'd to ;
depend upon it, those are very bad women ; I can
see it in all their actions ; and if thee art not upon
thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger;
they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a
friendly concern for th}^ welfare, to have no ac-
quaintance with them." As I seem'd at first not to
think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned seme
things she had observ'd and heard that had escap'd

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 1 3/

my notice, but now convinc'd me she was right. I
thank'd her for her kind advice, and promis'd to
follow it. When w^e arriv'd at New York, they
told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come
and see them ; but I avoided it, and it was well I
did ; for the next day the captain miss'd a silver
spoon and some other things, that had been taken
out of his cabbin, and, knowing that these were a
couple of strumpets, he got a warrant to search their
lodgings, found the stolen goods, and had the
thieves punish'd. So, tho' we had escap'd a sunken
rock, which we scrap'd upon in the passage, I
thought this escape of rather more importance to
me.

At New York I found my friend Collins, who had
arriv'd there some time before me. We had been
intimate from children, and had read the same books
together ; but he had the advantage of more time
for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius
for mathematical learning, in which he far outstript
me. While I liv'd in Boston, most of my hours of
leisure for conversation were spent with him, and
he continu'd a sober as well as an industrious lad ;
was much respected for his learning by several of
the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to pro-
mise making a good figure in life. But, during my
absence, he had acquir'd a habit of sotting with
brandy ; and I found by his own account, and what
1 heard from others, that he had been drunk every
day since his arrival at New York, and behav'd

12*

138 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

very oddly. He had gam'd, too, and lost his
money, so that I was oblig'd to discharge his lodg-
ings, and defray his expenses to and at Philadelphia,
which prov'd extremely inconvenient to me.

The then governor of New York, Burnet (sou
of Bishop Burnet),* hearing from the captain that
a young man, one of his passengers, had a great
many books, desir'd he would bring me to see him.

* Governor Burnet was appointed governor of the Colony of New
York and New Jersey on the 19th of April, 1720. He entered upon
the duties of his office in September following. He was a man of
scholarly tastes, fond of accumulating books, with a turn for theological
speculation, which he indulged in making a commentary upon the three
periods contained in the twelfth chapter of Daniel. The governor
married a daughter of Cornelius Van Home, of New York, who died
soon. He was transferred to the governorship of Boston in July, 1728.
His administration there, however, was not of long duration. He was
taken ill from exposure on a fishing excursion, and died on the 7th of
September, 1729.

The governor's interest in theology did not commend him especially
to the authorities at home.

The Bishop of London complained that clergymen already provided
with his license to preach in the colonies were subject to a new exami-
nation, conducted in a somewhat unusual manner by the governor.

" Your method (wrote Richard West, the governor's brother-in-law,
Solicitor-General to the Board of Trade) is to prescribe him a text, to
give him a Bible for his companion, and then lock him into a room by
himself, and if he does not in some stated time produce a sermon to
your satisfaction, you peremptorily refuse to grant him your instrument
(permission to preach). The consequence is, the man must starve.
* * * I have seen a great many complaints against governors, but
then nobody was surprised, because I could always give some pecuniary
reason for what they had done. You surely are the first who evei
brought himself into difficulties by an inordinate care of souls ; and I
am sure that makes no part of your commission."

For the best account of this worthy man, see Whitehead's Contrihw
turns to East Jersey History, pp. 156-168. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 39

I waited upon him accordingly, and should have
taken Collins with me but that he was not sober.
The gov'r. treated me with great civility, show'd
me his library, which was a very large one, and we
had a good deal of conversation about books and
authors. This was the second governor who had
done me the honor to take notice of me ; which, to a
poor boy like me, was very pleasing.

We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the
way Vernon's money, without which we could
hardly have finish'd our journey. Collins wished
to be employ'd in some counting-house ; but,
whether they discover'd his dramming by his
breath, or by his behaviour, tho' he had some
recommendations, he met with no success in any
application, and continu'd lodging and boarding at
the same house with me, and at my expense.
Knowing I had that money of Vernon's, he was
continually borrowing of me, still promising repay-
ment as soon as he should be in business. At
length he had got so much of it that I was distress'd
to think what I should do in case of being call'd on
to remit it.

His drinking continu'd, about which we some-
times quarrel'd ; for, when a little intoxicated, he
was very fractious. Once, in a boat on the Dela-
ware with some other young men, he refused to row
m his turn. *' I will be row'd home," says he.
**We will not row you," says I. *'You must, or
stay all night on the water," says he, "just as you

I40 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

please." The others said, "Let us row; what
signifies it?" But, my mind being soured with liis
other conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore
he would make me row, or throw me overboard ;
and coming along, stepping on the thwarts, toward
me, when he came up and struck at me, I clapped
my hand under his crutch, and, rising, pitched him
head-foremost into the river. I knew he was a good
swimmer, and so w^as under little concern about
him ; but before he could get round to lay hold of
the boat, we had with a few strokes puU'd her out
of his reach ; and ever when he drew near the boat,
we ask'd if he would row, striking a few strokes to
slide her away from him. He was ready to die
with vexation, and obstinately would not promise to
row. However, seeing him at last beginning to
tire, we lifted him in and brought him home drip-
ping wet in the evening. We hardly exchang'd a
civil word afterwards, and a West India captain,
who had a commission to procure a tutor for the sons
of a gentleman at Barbadoes, happening to meet
with him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me
then, promising to remit me the first money he should
receive in order to discharge the debt ; but I never
heard of him after.

The breaking into this money of Vernon's was
one of the first great errata of my life ; and this affair
show'd that my father was not much out in his judg-
ment when he suppos'd me too young to manage
business of importance. But Sir William, on read-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. I4I

ing his letter, said he was too prudent. There was
great difference in persons ; and discretion did not
always accompany years, nor was youth always
without it. "And since he will not set you up,'
says he, " I will do it myself. Give me an inven-
tory of the things necessary to be had from England,
and I will send for them. You shall repay me when
you are able ; I am resolv'd to have a good printer
here, and I am sure you must succeed." This was
spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that
I had not the least doubt of his meaning what he
said. I had hitherto kept the proposition of my
setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept
it. Had it been known that I depended on the
governor, probably some friend, that knew him
better, would have advis'd me not to rely on him,
as I afterwards heard it as his known character
to be liberal of promises which he never meant
to keep. Yet, unsolicited as he was by me, how
could I think his generous offers insincere? I be-
liev'd him one of the best men in the world.

I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-
house, amounting by my computation to about one
hundred pounds sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd
me if my being on the spot in England to chuse the
types, and see that every thing was good of the
kind, might not be of some advantage. *' Then,"
says he, "when there, you may make acquaintances,
and establish correspondences in the bookselling
and stationery way." I agreed that this might be

142 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

advantageous. *' Then," says he " get yourself
ready to go with Annis ;" which was the annual
ship, and the only one at that time usually passing
between London and Philadelphia. But it w^ould
be some months before Annis sail'd, so I continu'd
working with Keimer, fretting about the money Col-
Hns had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of
being call'd upon by Vernon, which, however, did
not happen for some years after.

I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my
first voyage from Boston, being becalm'd off Block
Island, our people set about catching cod, and hauled
up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my reso-
lution of not eating animal food, and on this occa-
sion I consider'd, with m}^ master Tryon, the taking
every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, since
none of them had, or ever could do us any injury
that might justify the slaughter. All this seemed
very reasonable. But I had formerly been a great
lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the
frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd
some time between principle and inclination, till I
recollected that, when the fish w^ere opened, I saw
smaller fish taken out of their stomachs ; then
thought I, '* If you eat one another, I don't see w^hy
we mayn't eat you." So I din'd upon cod very
heartily, and continued to eat with other people,
returning only now and then occasionally to a vege-
table diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a rea-
sonable creature, since it enables one to find or

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 43

make a reason for every thing one has a mind
to do.

Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar foot-
ing, and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected no-
thing of my setting up. He retained a great deal of
his old enthusiasms and lov'd argumentation. We
therefore had many disputations. I used to work
him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann'd
him so often by questions apparently so distant from
any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees lead
to the point, and brought him into difficulties and
contradictions, that at last he grew ridiculously cau-
tious, and would hardly answer me the most com-
mon question, without asking first, " What do yotv
intend to infer from thatT'' However, it gave him
so high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting
way, that he seriously proposed my being his col-
league in a project he had of setting up a new sect.
He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to con-
found all opponents. When he came to explain
with me upon the doctrines, I found several conun-
drums which I objected to, unless I might have my
way a little too, and introduce some of mine.

Keimer wore his beard at full length, because some-
where in the Mosaic law it is said, " Thou shalt not
mar the corners of thy beard.^^ He likewise kept
the Seventh day. Sabbath ; and these two points
were essentials with him. I dislik'd both ; but
agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting
the doctrine of using no animal food. " T doubt,"

144 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

said he, " my constitution will not bear that." I
assur'd him it would, and that he would be the
better for it. He was usually a great glutton, and
I promised myself some diversion in half starving
him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep
him company. I did so, and we held it for three
months. We had our victuals dress'd, and brought
to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood,
who had from me a list of forty dishes, to be pre-
par'd for us at different times, in all which there
was neither fish, flesh, nor fowd, and the whim
suited me the better at this time from the cheapness
of it, not costing us above eighteen pence sterling
each per week. I have since kept several Lents
most strictly, leaving the common diet for that, and
that for the common, abruptly, without the least in-
convenience, so that I think there is little in the
advice of making those changes by easy gradations.
I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered
grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the
flesh-pots of Egypt, and order'd a roast pig. He
invited me and two women friends to dine with him ;
but, it being brought too soon upon table, he could
not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before
we came.

. I had made some courtship during this time to
Miss Read. I had a great respect and affection for
her, and had some reason to believe she had the
same for me ; but, as I was about to take a long
voyage, and we were both very young, only a little

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 45

above eighteen, it was thought most prudent by hei
mother to prevent our going too far at present, as
a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more
convenient after my return, when I should be, as I
expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she
thought my expectations not so well founded as I
imagined them to be.

My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles
Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all
lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an
eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town,
Charles Brogden ; the other was clerk to a mer-
chant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man,
of great integrity ; the others rather more lax in
their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, who,
as well as Collins, had been unsettled by me, for
which they both made me suffer. Osborne was
sensible, candid, frank ; sincere and affectionate to
his friends; but, in literary matters, too fond of
criticising. Ralph was ingenious, genteel in his
manners, and extremely eloquent ; I think I never
knew a prettier talker. Both of them great adrnirers
of poetry, and began to try their hands in little
pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had together
on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where
we read to one another, and conferr'd on what we
read.

Ralph was mclin'd to pursue the study of poetry,
not doubting but he might become eminent in it,
and make his fortune by it, alleging that the best

13 G

146 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

poets must, when they first began to write, make as
many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him,
assur'd him he had no genius for poetry, and ad-
vis'd him to think of nothing beyond the business
he was bred to ; that, in the mercantile way, tho'
he had no stock, he might, by his diligence and
punctuality, recommend himself to employment as
a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on
his own account. I approv'd the amusing one's
self with poetry now and then, so far as to improve
one's language, but no farther.

On this it was propos'd that we should each of
us, at our next meeting, produce a piece of our own
composing, in order to improve by our mutual ob-
servations, criticisms, and corrections. As language
and expression were what we had in view, we
excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing
that the task should be a version of the eighteenth
Psalm, which describes the descent of a Deity,
When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph
called on me first, and let me know his piece was
ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having
little inclination, had done nothing. He then show'd
me his piece for my opinion, and I much approv'd
it, as it appeard to me to have great merit.
"Now," says he, "Osborne never will allow
the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes
1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so
jealous of you ; I wish, therefore, you would take
this piece, and produce it as yours ; I will pretend

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 47

not to have had time, and so produce nothing. We
shall then see what he will say to it." It was
agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd it, that it
might appear in my own hand.

We met ; Watson's performance was read ; there
were some beauties in it, but many defects. Os-
borne's was read ; it was much better ; Ralph did it
justice ; remarked some faults, but applauded the
beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I
was backward ; seemed desirous of being excused ;
had not had sufficient time to correct, etc. ; but no
excuse could be admitted ; produce I must. It was
read and repeated ; Watson and Osborne gave up
the contest, and join'd in applauding it. Ralph
only made some criticisms, and propos'd some
amendments ; but I defended my text. Osborne
was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a
critic than poet, so he dropt the argument. As
they two went home together, Osborne expressed
himself still more strongly in favor of what he
thought my production ; having restrain'd himself
before, as he said, lest I should think it flattery.
"But who would have imagin'd," said he, "that
Franklin had been capable of such a performance ;
such painting, such force, such fire ! He has even
improv'd the original. In his common conversation
he seems to have no choice of words ; he hesitates
and blunders ; and yet, good God ! how he writes !"
When we next met, Ralph discovered the trick we
had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at.

148 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of
becoming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him
from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pofc
cured him.* He became, however, a pretty good

* In one of the later editions of the Dunciad occiu* the following
lines :

" Silence, ye wolves 1 while Ralph to Cynthia howls,
And makes Night hideous — answer him, ye owls."

Book iii. line 165.

To this the poet adds the following note :

** James Ralph, a name inserted after the first editions, not known till
he \vrit a swearing-piece called Sawney, very abusive of Dr. Swift,
Mr. Gay and myself. These lines allude to a thing of his entitled Night,
a. poem. This low writer attended his own works with panegyrics in
the journals, and once in particular praised himself highly above Mr.
Addison, in wretched remarks upon that author's account of English
poets, printed in a London journal, September, 1728. He was wholly
illiterate and knew no language, not even French. Being advised to
read the rules of dramatic poetry before he began a play, he smiled and
replied, * Shakespeare writ without rules.' He ended at last in the
common sink of all such writers, a political newspaper, to which he was
recommended by his friend Arnal, and received a small pittance for pay ;
and being detected in writing on both sides on one and the same day,
he publicly justified the morality of his conduct."

In the first book of the Dunciad, line 215, there is another allusion to
Ralph :

" And see ! the very Gazetteers give o'er,
Ev'n Ralph repents, and Henley writes no more."

To this Bishop Warburton appends the following note :

" Gazetteers. — A band of ministerial writers hired at the price men-
tioned in the note on book 11, ver. 316, who, on the very day their
patron quitted his post, laid down their paper and declared they would
never more meddle in politics."

In the note here referred to Warburton says :

" The Daily Gazetteer was a title given very properly to certain papers,
each of which lasted but a day. Into . this as a common sink was re-
ceived all the trash which had been before dispersed in several journals
awd circulated at the public expense of the nation. The authors were

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 49

prose writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I
may not have occasion again to mention the other
two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in
my arms a few years after, much lamented, being
the best of our set. Osborne went to the West
Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and
made money, but died 3^oung. He and I had made
a serious agreement, that the one who happen'd
first to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit
to the other, and acquaint him how he found things
in that separate state. But he never fulfill'd his
promise.

the same obscure men ; though sometimes relieved by occasional essays
from statesmen, courtiers, bishoj^s, deans and doctors. The meaner
sort were rewarded with money ; others with places or benefices, from
a hundred to a thousand a year. It appears from the Report of the
Secret Committee, for inquiring into the conduct of R. Earl of O., 'that
no less than fifty thoiisajid seventy-seven pounds eighteen shillings were
paid to authors and printers of newspapers, such as Free Britons, Daily
Courants, Corn-Cutters, Journals, Gazetteers and other political papers,
between February 10, 1731, and February 10, 1741,' which shows the
benevolence of one minister to have expended for the current dullness
of ten years in Britain double the sum which gained Louis XIV. so
much honor in annual pensions to learned men all over Europe. In
which and in a much longer time not a pension at court nor preferment
in the Church or universities of any consideration was bestowed on any
man distinguished for his learning, separately from party-merit or pam-
phlet-writing."

" It is worth a reflection, that of all the panegyrics bestowed by these
writers on this great minister, not one is at this day extant or remem-
bered ; nor even so much credit done to his personal character by all
tbey have written as by one short occasional compliment of our author;

" Seen him I have ; but in his happier hour
Of social pleasure, ill exchanged for power ;
Seen him uncumbered by the venal tribe.
Smile without art and win without a bribe." — Ed.
13*

150 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

The governor, seeming to like my company, had
me frequently to his house, and his setting me up
was always mention'd as a fixed thing. I was to
take with me letters recommendatory to a number
of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish
me with the necessary money for purchasing the
press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was
appointed to call at different times, when they were
to be ready ; but a future time was still named.
Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too
had been several times postponed, was on the point
of sailing. Then, when I call'd to take my leave
and receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard,
came out to me and said the governor was extremely
busy in writing, but would be down at Newcastle
before the ship, and there the letters would be de-
livered to me.

Ralph, though married, and having one child,
had determined to accompany me in this voyage.
It was thought he intended to establish a corre-
spondence, and obtain goods to sell on commission ;
but I found afterwards, that, thro' some discon-
tent with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave
her on their hands, and never return again. Hav-
ing taken leave of my friends, and interchang'd
some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia
in the ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The
governor was there ; but when I went to his lodging,
the secretary came to me from him with the civillest
message in the world, that he could not then see

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 15I

me, being engaged in business of the utmost im-
portance, but should send the letters to me on board,
wish'd me heartily a good voyage and a speedy
return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled,
but still not doubting.

Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Phila-
delphia, had taken passage in the same ship for
himself and son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker
merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters
of an iron work in Maryland, had engag'd the
great cabin ; so that Ralph and I were forced to
take up with a berth in the steerage, and none on
board knowing us, were considered as ordinary per-
sons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James,
since governor) return'd from Newcastle to Phila-
delphia, the father being recall'd by a great fee to
plead for a seized ship ; and, just before we sail'd.
Colonel French coming on board, and showing me
great respect, I was more taken notice of, and, with
my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to
come into the cabin, there being now room. Ac
cordingly, we remov'd thither.

Understanding that Colonel French had brought
on board the governor's despatches, I ask'd the
captain for those letters that were to be under my
care. He said all were put into the bag together
and he could not then come at them ; but, before
we landed in England, I should have an opportunity
of picking them out; so I was satisfied for the pres-

152 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ent, and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a
sociable company in the cabin, and lived uncom-
monly well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamil-
ton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this
passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me
that continued during his life. The voyage was
otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal
of bad weather.

When we came into the Channel, the captain kept
his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of
examining the bag for the governor's letters. I
found none upon which my name was put as under
my care. I picked out six or seven, that, b}^ the
handwriting, I thought might be the promised let-
ters, especially as one of them was directed to
Basket, the king's printer, and another to some sta-
tioner. We arriv'd in London the 24th of Decem-
ber, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came
first in my way, delivering the letter as from Gover-
nor Keith. " I don't know such a person," says he ;
but, opening the letter, "O! this is from Riddles-
den. I have lately found him to be a compleat
rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor
receive any letters from him." So, putting the letter
into my hand, he turn'd on his heel and left me to
serve some customer. I was surprized to find these
were not the governor's letters ; and, after recollect-
ing and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt
his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 53

opened the whole affair to him. He let me mto
Keith's character ; told me there was not the least
probability that he had written any letters for me ;
that no one, who knew him, had the smallest de-
pendence on him ; and he laught at the notion of the
governor's giving me a letter of credit, having, as
he said, no credit to give. On my expressing some
concern about what I should do, he advised me to
endeavor getting some employment in the way of
my business. "Among the printers here," said he,
" you will improve yourself, and when you return
to America, you will set up to greater advantage."

We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the
stationer, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very
knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father by
persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter
it appear'd there was a secret scheme on foot to the
prejudice of Hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming
over with us) ; and that Keith was concerned in it
with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of
Hamilton's, thought he ought to be acquainted with
it; so, when he arriv'd in England, which was soon
after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith
and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, 1
waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd
me cordially, the information being of importance
lo him ; and from that time he became my friend,
greatly to my advantage afterwards on many occa-
sions.

But what shall we think ol a governor's playing

154 AUTOBIOGRAPlir OF

such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on ii poor
ignorant boy ! It was a habit he had acquired. He
wish'd to please everybod}^ and, having little to
give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an
ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and
a good governor for the people, tho' not for his
constituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he
sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws
were of his planning and passed during his admin-
istration.

Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We
took lodf^infrs to":ether in Little Britain at three
shillings and sixpence a week — as much as we could
then afford. He found some relations, but they
were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let
me know his intentions of remaining in London,
and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia.
He had brought no money with him, the whole he
could muster having been expended in paying his
passage. I had fifteen pistoles ; so he borrowed
occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking
out for business. He first endeavored to get into
the playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an
actor; but Wilkes,* to whom he apply'd, advis'd
him candidl}' not to think of that employment, as it
was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he
propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row,
to write for him a weekly paper like the Spectator,

* A comedian. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 1 55

on certain conditions, which Roberts did not ap-
prove. Then he endeavored to get employment as
a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and
lawyers about the Temple, but could find no
vacancy.

I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a
famous printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and
here I continu'd near a year. I was pretty diligent,
but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in
going to plays and other places of amusement. We
had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just
rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite
to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my
engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never
wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her
know I was not likely soon to return. This was
another of the great errata of my life, which I should
wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In
fact, by our expenses, I was constantly kept unable
to pay my passage.

At Palmer's I was employed in composing for
the second edition of Wollaston's "Religion of
Nature." Some of his reasonings not appearing to
me well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece
in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled
** A Dissertation on Libert}^ and Necessity, Pleasure
and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph ; I
printed a small number. It occasion'd my being
more consider'd by Mr. Palmer as a young man
of some ingenuity, tho' he seriously expostulated

156 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which
to him appear'd abominable. My printing this
pamphlet was another erratum.* While I lodg'd
in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance with one
Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next
doer. He had an immense collection of second-
hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in
use ; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable
terms, which I have now forgotten, I might take,
read, and return any of his books. This I esteem'd
a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as
I could.

My pamphlet by some means falling into the
hands of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book
entitled "The Infallibility of Human Judgment," it
occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took
great notice of me, called on me often to converse
on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale

alehouse in Lane, Cheapside, and introduced

me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the " Fable of the
Bees," who had a club there, of which he was the
soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion.
Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at
Batson's Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an
opportunit}^, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac

* Until recently no copy of this tract was supposed to be in existence,
but a copy was discovered a few years ago in London, and a fac-simile
of it obtained for Mr. James Parton, who gave it to the New York His-
torical Society. It is given at length in vol. i. of Parton's Life of Frank-
lin. Another copy has been found in England in different type, showing
that the pamphlet was reprinted in Franklin's lifetime. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 157

Newton, of which I was extreamely desirous; but
this never happened.

I had brought over a few curiosities, among which
the principal was a purse made of the asbestos,
which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of
it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in
Bloomsbury Square, where he show'd me all his
curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to
the number, for which he paid me handsomely.*

In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a mil-
liner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters.
She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and
lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph
read plays to her in the evenings, they grew inti-
mate, she took another lodging, and he followed
her. They liv'd together some time ; but, he being
still out of business, and her income not sufficient
to maintain them with her child, he took a resolu-
tion of going from London, to try for a country
school, which he thought himself well qualified to
undertake, as he wrote an excellent hand, and was

* From the letter which he addressed Mr. Sloane on this subject one
might infer that the persuasion was on the Doctor's side. " As you are
noted," he wrote — he was then in his 19th year — "to be a lover of curi-
osities, I have informed you of these ; and if you have any inclination to
purchase or see them, let me know your pleasure by a line for me at the
Golden Fan, Little Britain, and I will wait upon you with them. I am,
sir, your most humble servant,

" B. Franklin.

" P. S. I expect to be out of town in two or three days, and therefore
beg an immediate answer." — Ed.
14

158 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, how-
ever, he deemed a business below him, and confi-
dent of future better fortune, when he should be
unwilling to have it known that he once was so
meanty employed, he changed his name, and did
me the honor to assume mine ; for I soon after had
a letter from him, acquainting me that he was set-
tled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it was,
where he taught reading and writing to ten or a
dozen boys, at sixpence each per week), recom-
mending Mrs. T to my care, and desiring me

to write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, school-
master, at such a place.

He continued to write frequently, sending me
large specimens of an epic poem which he was then
composing, and desiring m}^ remarks and correc-
tions. These I gave him from time to time, but
endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceeding.
One of Young's Satires was then just published. I
copy'd and sent him a great part of it, which set in
a strong light the folly of pursuing the Musc:s with
any hope of advancement by them.* All "w-'^s in

* "Th' abandoned manners of our writing train
May tempt mankind to think religion vain ;
But in their fate, their habit, and their mien,
That gods there are is evidently seen :
Heav'n stands absolv'd by vengeance on their pen,
And marks the murderers of fame from men :
Through meagre jaws they di"aw their venal breath
As ghastly as their brothers in Macbeth :
Their feet thro' faithless leather meets the dirt.
And oftener changed their principles than shirt:
The transient vestments of these frugal men
Hasten to paper for our mirth again;

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. I 59

vain ; sheets of the poem continued to come by

every post. In the mean time, Mrs. T , having

on his account lost her friends and business, was
often in distresses, and us'd to send for me, and
borrow what I could spare to help her out of them.
I grew fond of her company, and, being at that time
under no religious restraint, and presuming upon

Too soon (O meiTy, melancholy fate !)
They beg in rhyme, and warble thro' a grate ;
The man lampooned, forgets it at the sight ;
The friend thro' pity gives, the foe through spite ;
And though full conscious of his injur'd purse,
Lintot relents, nor Curll can wish them worse.

" An author, 'tis a venerable name !
How few deserve it and what numbers claim.
Unbless'd with sense, above the peers refin'd.
Who shall stand up, dictators to mankind?
Nay, who dare shine, if not in virtue's cause ?
That sole proprietor of just applause.

"Ye restless men ! who pant for letter'd praise.
With whom \Yould you consult to gain the bays?
With those great authors whose fam'd works you read?
'Tis well ; go, then, consult the laurel'd shade,
What answer will the laurel'd shade return?
Hear it and tremble, he commands you bum
The noblest works, his envy'd genius wTit,
That boasts of naught more excellent than wit
If this be true, as 'tis a truth most dread.
Woe to the page which has not that to plead 1
Fontaine and Chaucer, dying, wish'd unwTote
The sprightliest efforts of their wanton thought :
Sidney and Waller, brightest sons of fame,
Condemn'd the charm of ages to the flame.

" Thus ends your courted fame — does lucre then,
The sacred thirst of gold, betray your pen?
In prose 'tis blamable, in verse 'tis worse.
Provokes the Muse, extorts Apollo's curse ;
His sacred influence never should be sold :
'Tis arrant simony to sing for gold ;
'Tis immortality should fire your mind.
Scorn a less paymaster than all mankind."

Young, vol. iii. Ef>ist. ii., p. 70.— Ea

l6o AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

my importance to her, I attempted familiarities
(another erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper
resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour.
This made a breach between us; and, when he
returned again to London, he let me know he
thought I had cancell'd all the obligations he had
been under to me. So I found I was never to ex-
pect his repaying me what I lent to him, or advanc'd
for him. This, however, was not then of much
consequence, as he was totally unable ; and in the
loss of his friendship I found myself relieved from a
burthen. I now began to think of getting a little
money beforehand, and, expecting better work, I
left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn
Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I con-
tinued all the rest of my stay in London

At my first admission into this printing-house 1
took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of
the bodily exercise I had been us'd to in America,
where presswork is mix'd wdth composing. I drank
only water ; the other workmen, near fifty in num-
ber, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I
carried up and down stairs a large form of t3^pes in
each hand, when others carried but one in both
hands. They wondered to see, from this and seve-
ral instances, that the Water- American^ as they
called me, was stronger than themselves, who
drank strong beer ! We had an alehouse boy who
attended always in the house to supply the work-
men. My companion at the press drank every day

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN l6l

a pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with hi?
bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and
dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon
about six o'clock, and anotlier when he had done
his day's work. I thought it a detestable custom ;
but it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink strong
beer, that he might be strong X.o labor. I endeavored
to convince him that the bodily strength afforded by
beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour
of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was
made ; that there was more flour in a pennyworth
of bread ; and therefore, if he would eat that with a
pint of water, it would give him more strength than
a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had
four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every
Saturday night for that muddling liquor ; an expense
I was free from. And thus these poor devils keep
themselves always under.

Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in
the composing-room, I left the pressmen ; a new
bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was
demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it
an imposition, as I had paid below ; the master
thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood
out two or three weeks, was accordingly considered
as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces
of private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts,
transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc.,
etc., if 1 were ever so little out of the room, and all
ascribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever

14*

1 62 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

haunted those not regularly admitted, that, notwith-
standing the master's protection, I found myself
oblig'd to compl}^ and pay the money, convinc'd
of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is
to live with continually.

I was now on a fair footing wdth them, and soon
acquir'd considerable influence. I propos'd some
reasonable alterations in their chappel* laws, and
carried them against all opposition. From my ex-
ample, a great part of them left their muddling
breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they
could with me be suppyl'd from a neighboring house
with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled
with pepper, crumb'd with bread, and a bit of but-
ter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three
half-pence. This was a more comfortable as w^ell
as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer.
Those who continued sotting with beer all day, were
often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse,
and us'd to make interest with me to get beer ; their
lights as they phrased it, being out. I watch'd the
paj^-table on Saturday night, and collected what I

* " A printing-house is always called a chapel by the workmen, the
origin of which appears to have been, that printing was first carried on
in England in an antient chapel converted into a printing-house, and the
title has been preserved by tradition. The bien venu among the printers
answers to the terms entrance and footing among mechanics ; thus a
journeyman, on entering a printing-house, was accustomed to pay one
or more gallons of beer for the good of the chapel : this custom was
falling into disuse thirty years ago ; it is very properly rejected entirely
in the United States."— W. T. F.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 63

stood engag'd for them, having to pay sometimes
near thirty shillings a week on their accounts. This,
and my being esteem'd a pretty good rtgglte, that
is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my conse-
quence in the society. My constant attendance (I
never making a St. Monday) recommended me to
the master ; and my uncommon quickness at com-
posing occasioned my being put upon all w^ork of
dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I
went on now very agreeably.

My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I
found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Rom-
ish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards,
at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the
house ; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and
a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but
lodg'd abroad. After sending to inquire my char-
acter at the house where I last lodg'd, she agreed
to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week ;
cheaper, as she said, from the protection she ex-
pected in having a man lodge in the house. She
was a widow, an elderly woman ; had been bred a
Protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was
converted to the Catholic religion by her husband,
whose memory she much revered ; had lived much
among people of distinction, and knew a thousand
anecdotes of them as far back as the times of Charles
the Second. She was lame in her knees with the
gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her room,
so sometimes wanted company ; and hers was so

164 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an
evening with her whenever she desired it. Our
supper was only half an anchovy each, on a very
little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale
between us ; but the entertainment was in her con-
versation. My alwa3^s keeping good hours, and
giving little trouble in the family, made her unwill-
ing to part with me ; so that, when I talk'd of a
lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for two
shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on
saving money, made some difference, she bid me
not think of it, for she would abate me two shil-
lings a week for the future ; so I remained with her
at one shilling and sixpence as long as I staid in
London.

In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady
of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom
my landlady gave me this account : that she was a
Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young,
and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of becoming
a nun ; but, the country not agreeing with her, she
returned to England, where, there being no nunnery,
she had vow'd to lead the life of a nun, as near as
might be done in those circumstances. Accord-
ingl}' , she had given all her estate to charitable uses,
reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and
out of this sum she still gave a great deal in chanty,
living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire
but to boil it. She had lived many years in that
garret, being permitted to remain there gratis b}'

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 165

successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as
they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest
visited her to confess her ever}^ day. "1 have ask'd
her," says my landlady, " how she, as she liv'd,
could possibly find so much employment for a con-
fessor?" "Oh," said she, "it is impossible to avoid
vain thoughts. ^^ I was permitted once to visit her.
She was chearful and polite, and convers'd plea-
santly. The room was clean, but had no other
furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix
and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and
a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica dis-
playing her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure
of Christ's bleeding face on it, which she explained
to me with great seriousness. She look'd pale, but
was never sick ; and I give it as another instance
on how small an income, life and health may be
supported.

At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaint-
ance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate,
who, having wealthy relations, had been better
educated than most printers ; was a tolerable Latin-
ist, spoke French, and lov'd reading. I taught him
and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the
river, and they soon became good swimmers. They
introduc'd me to some gentlemen from the country,
who went to Chelsea by water to see the College
and Don Saltero's curiosities. In our return, at the
request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate
had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river,

1 66 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's, per-
forming on the way many feats of activity, both
upon and under water, that surpris'd and pleas'd
those to whom they were novelties.

I had from a child been ever delighted with this
exercise, had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's
motions and positions, added some of my own, aim-
ing at the graceful and easy as well as the useful.
All these I took this occasion of exhibitinjj to the
company, and was much flatter'd by their admira-
tion ; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming
a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on
that account, as well as from the similarity of our
studies. He at length proposed to me travelling all
over Europe together, supporting ourselves every-
where by working at our business. I was once
inclined to it ; but, mentioning it to my good friend
Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour
when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advis-
ing me to think only of returning to Pennsilvania,
which he was now about to do.

I must record one trait of this good man's char-
acter. He had formerly been in business at Bristol,
but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded
and went to America. There, by a close applica-
tion to business as a merchant, he acquir'd a plen-
tiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England
in the ship with me, he invited his old creditors to
an entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the
easy composition they had favored him with, and,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 6/

when they expected nothing but the treat, every
man at the first remove found under his plate an
order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid
remainder with interest.

He now told me he was about to return to Phila-
delphia, and should carry over a great quantity of
goods in order to open a store there. He propos'd
to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in
which he would instruct me, copy his letters, and
attend the store. He added, that, as soon as I
should be acquainted with mercantile business, he
would promote me by sending me with a cargo of
flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure
me commissions from others which would be profit-
able ; and, if I manag'd well, would establish me
handsomely. The thing pleas'd me; for I was
grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure
the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and
wish'd again to see it; therefore I immediately
agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Penn-
sylvania money ; less, indeed, than my present
gettings as a compositor, but affording a better
prospect.

I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for
ever, and was daily employ'd in my new "business,
going about with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen
to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack'd
up, doing errands, calling upon workmen to dis-
patch, etc. ; and, when all was on board, I had a
few days' leisure. On one of these days, I was, to

1 68 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

my surprise, sent for b}^ a great man I knew only
by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon
him. He had heard by some means or other of my
swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar's, and of my
teaching Wygate and another 3^oung man to swim
in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out
on their travels ; he wish'd to have them first taught
swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely
if I would teach them. They were not yet come
to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not
undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it
likely that, if I were to remain in England and open
a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of
mone}'' ; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the
overture been sooner made me, probably I should
not so soon have returned to America. After many
years, you and I had something of more importance
to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wynd-
ham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall men-
tion in its place.

Thus I spent about eighteen months in London ;
most part of the time I work'd hard at my business,
and spent but little upon myself except in seeing
plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept
me poor ; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds,
which I was now never likely to receive ; a great
sum out of my small earnings ! I lov'd him, not-
withstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. I
had by no means improv'd my fortune ; but I had
picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 69

conversation was of great advantage to me ; and I
had read considerably.

We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July,
1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you
to my Journal, where you will find them all minutely
related. Perhaps the most important part of that
journal is the -plan* to be found in it, which I
formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in
life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed
when I was so young, and yet being pretty faith-
fully adhered to quite thro' to old age.

We landed in Philadelphia on the nth of Octo-
ber, where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no
longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon.
I met him walking the streets as a common citizen.
He seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd
without saying any thing. I should have been as
much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her
friends, despairing with reason of my return after
the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry
another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in
my absence. With him, however, she was never
happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit
with him or bear his name, it being now said that
he had another wife. He was a worthless fellow.

* The " plan" referred to as the most " important part of the Journal,'*
is not found in the manuscript Journal which was left among Franklin's
papers. The copy of the Journal that was found was made at Reading
in 1787; the original is probably lost. See Sparks' Memoir of Frank-
lin, Appendix II. — Ed.

15 H

I/O AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

tho' an excellent workman, which was the tempta-
tion to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in
1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died
there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well
supply'd with stationery, plenty of new types, a
number of liands, tho' none good, and seem'd to
have a great deal of business.

Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where
we open'd our goods ; I attended the business dili-
gently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time,
expert at selling. We lodg'd and boarded together ;
he counseird me as a father, having a sincere re-
gard for me. I respected and lov'd him, and we
might have gone on together very happy ; but, in
the beginning of February, 172^^, when I had just
pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill.
My distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly
carried me oft'. I suffered a good deal, gave up the
point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed
when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some
degree, that I must now, some time or other, have
all that disagreeable work to do over again. I for-
get what his distemper was ; it held him a long
time, and at length carried him off*. He left me a
small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of
his kindness for me, and he left me once more to
the wide world ; for the store was taken into the
care of his executors, and my employment under
him ended.

My brother-in-law. Holmes, being now at Phila-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. IJ\

delphia, advised my return to my business ; and
Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages
by the year, to come and take the management of
his printing-house, that he might better attend his
stationer's shop. I had heard a bad character of
him in London from his wife and her friends, and
was not fond of having any more to do with him. I
tri'd for farther employment as a merchant's clerk ;
but, not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again
with Keimer. I found in his house these hands :
Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty
years of age, bred to country work ; honest, sensi-
ble, had a great deal of solid observation, was some-
thing of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen
Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the
same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit
and humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed
with at extream low wages per week, to be rais'd a
shilling every three months, as they would deserve
by improving in their business ; and the expectation
of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was
what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to
work at press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by
agreement, was to teach them, though he knew
neither one nor t'other. John , a wild Irish-
man, brought up to no business, whose service, for
four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain
of a ship ; he, too, was to be made a pressman.
George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for
four years he had likewise bought, intending him

172 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

for a compositor, of whom more presently ; and
David Hany, a country boy, whom he had taken
apprentice.

1 soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging
me at wages so much higher than he had been us'd
to give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form'd
thro' me ; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then
they being all articled to him, he should be able to
do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully,
put his printing-house in order, which had been in
great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees
to mind their business and to do it better.

It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in
the situation of a bought servant. He was not more
than eighteen years of age, and gave me this ac-
count of himself; that he was born in Gloucester,
educated at a grammar-school there, had been dis-
tinguish'd among the scholars for some apparent
superiority in performing his part, when they ex-
hibited plays ; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and
had written some pieces in prose and verse, which
were printed in the Gloucester newspapers ; thence
he was sent to Oxford ; where he continued about a
year, but not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to
see London, and become a player. At length, re
ceiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas,
instead of discharging his debts he walk'd out of
town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it
to London, where, having no friend to advise him.,
he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 73

found no means of being introduc'd among the
players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths, and
wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry,
and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's
bill was put into his hand, offering immediate en-
tertainment and encouragement to such as would
bind themselves to serve in America. He went
directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship,
and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his
friends what was become of him. He was lively,
witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion, but
idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away ; with the rest
I began to live very agreeably, for they all respected
me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of
instructing them, and that from me they learned
something daily. We never worked on Saturday,
that being Keimer's Sabbath, so I had two days
for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious peo-
ple in the town increased. Keimer himself treated^
me with great civility and apparent regard, and
nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Ver-
non, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto
but a poor ceconomist. He, however, kindly made
no demand of it.

Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there
was no letter-founder in America ; I had seen types
cast at James's in London, but without much atten-
tion to the manner ; however, I now contrived a
mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons,

15*

1/4 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply'd in a
pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also en-
grav'd several things on occasion ; I made the ink ;
I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short,
quite a fac-totum.

But, however serviceable I might be, I found that
my services became every day of less importance, as
the other hands improv'd in the business ; and, when
Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me
know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I
should make an abatement. He grew by degrees
less civil, put on more of the master, frequently
found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an
outbreaking. I w^ent on, nevertheless, with a good
deal of patience, thinking that his encumber'd cir-
cumstances were partly the cause. At length a
trifle snapt our connections ; for, a great noise hap-
pening near the court-house, I put my head out of
the window to see what was the matter. Keimer,
being in the street, look'd up and saw me, call'd out
to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my
business, adding some reproachful words, that net-
tled me the more for their publicity, all the neigh-
bors who were looking out on the same occasion,
being witnesses how I was treated. He came up
immediately into the printing-house, continu'd the
quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides, he gave
me the quarter's warning we had stipulated, ex-
pressing a wish that he had not been oblig'd to so
long a warning. I told him his wish was unneces-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1/5

sary, for I would leave him that instant ; and so,
taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desiring Mere-
dith, whom I saw below, to take care of some things
I left, and bring them to my lodgings.

Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when
we talked my affair over. He had conceiv'd a
great regard for me, and was very unwilling that 1
should leave the house while he remain'd in it. He
dissuaded me from returning to my native country,
which I began to think of; he reminded me that
Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd ; that his
creditors began to be uneasy ; that he kept his shop
miserably, sold often without profit for ready money,
and often trusted without keeping accounts ; that he
must therefore fail, which would make a vacancy I
might profit of. I objected my want of money. He
then let me know that his father had a high opinion
of me, and, from some discourse that had pass'd be-
tween them, he was sure would advance money to
set us up, if I would enter into partnership with
him. ** My time," says he, "will be out with
Keimer in the spring ; by that time we may have
our press and types in from London. I am sensible
I am no workman ; if you like it, your skill in the
business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and
we will share the profits equally."

The proposal was agreeable, and I consented;
his father was in town and approv'd of it ; the more
as he saw I had great influence with his son, had
prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drink-

176 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

ing, and he hop'd might break him of that wretched
habit entirely, when we came to be so closely con-
nected. I gave an inventory to the father, who
carry'd it to a merchant ; the things were sent for,
the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and
in the mean time I was to get work, if I could, at
the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy
there, and so remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer,
on a prospect of being employ'd to print some paper
money in New Jersey, which would require cuts
and various types that I only could supply, and
apprehending Bradford might engage me and get
the jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that
old friends should not part for a few words, the
effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return.
Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give
more opportunity for his improvement under my
daily instructions ; so I return'd, and we went on
more smoothly than for some time before. The
New Jersey jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copper-
plate press for it, the first that had been seen in the
country ; I cut several ornaments and checks for
the bills. We went together to Burlington, where
I executed the whole to satisfaction ; and he received
so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby
to keep his head much longer above water.

At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many
principal people of the province. Several of them
had been appointed by the Assembly a committee
to attend the press, and take care that no more

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 77

bills were printed than the law directed. They
were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and
generally he who attended, brought with him a
friend or two for company. My mind having been
much more improv'd by reading than Keimer's, I
suppose it was for that reason my conversation
seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their
houses, introduced me to their friends, and show'd
me much civility ; while he, tho' the master,
was a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd
fish ; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely op-
posing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirti-
ness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a
little knavish withal.

We continu'd there near three months ; and by
that time I could reckon among my acquired friends.
Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the
Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several
of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac De-
cow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a shrewd,
sagacious old man, who told me that he began for
himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the
brickmakers, learned to write after he was of age,
carri'd the chain for surveyors, who taught him
surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd
a good estate; and says he, "I foresee that you
will soon work this man out of his business, and
make a fortune in it at Philadelphia." He had not
then the least intimation of my intention to set up
there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards

178 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of
them. They all continued their regard for me as
long as they lived.

Before I enter upon my public appearance in
business, it may be well to let you know the then
state of my mind with regard to my principles and
morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd
the future events of my life. My parents had early
given me religious impressions, and brought me
through my childhood piously in the Dissenting
way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubt-
ing by turns of several points, as I found them dis-
puted In the different books I read, I began to doubt
of Revelation itself. Some books an-alnst Deism
fell into my hands ; they were said to be the sub-
stance of sermons preached at Bo3'le's Lectures.
It happened that they wrought an effect on me
quite contrar}^ to what was intended by them ; for
the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to
be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the
refutations ; in short, I soon became a thorough
Deist. My arguments perverted some others, par-
ticularly Collins and Ralph ; but, each of them
having afterwards wrong'd me greatly without the
least compunction, and recollecting Keith's conduct
towards me (who was another freethinker) , and my
own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at
times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect that
this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was not very

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 79

useful. My London pamphlet,* which had for its
motto these lines of Dryden :

" Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man
Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link :
His eyes not carrying to the equal beam,
That poises all above ;"

and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom,
goodness and power, concluded that nothing could
possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and
virtue were empty distinctions, no such things exist-

* Printed in 1725.

Dr. Franklin in a part of a letter to Mr. B. Vaughan, dated Nov. 9,
1779, gives a further account of this pamphlet, in these words :

" It was addressed to Mr. J. R., that is, James Ralph, then a youth
of about my age, and my intimate friend ; afterwards a political writer
and historian. The purport of it was to prove the doctrine of fate, from
the supposed attributes of God ; in some such manner as this : that in
erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely wise, he knew
what would be best ; infinitely good, he must be disposed, and infinitel}
powerful, he must be able to execute it : consequently all is right.
There were only an hundred copies printed, of which I gave a few to
friends, and afterwards disliking the piece, as conceiving it might have
an ill tendency, I burnt the rest, except one copy, the margin of which
was filled with manuscript notes by Syms, author of the Infallibility of
Human Judgment, who was at that time another of my acquaintance
in London. I was not nineteen years of age when it was written. In
1730, I wrote a piece on the other side of the question, which began
with laying for its foundation this fact : * That almost all men in all ages
and countries, have at times made use of prayer.' Thence I reasoned,
that if all things are ordained, prayer must among the rest be ordained.
Ikit as prayer can produce no change in things that are ordained, pray-
ing must then be useless and an absurdity. God would therefore not
ordain praying if everything else was ordained. But praying exists,
therefore all things are not ordained, etc. This pamphlet was never
printed, and the manuscript has been long lost. The great uncertainty
I found in metaphysical reasonings disgusted me, and I quitted that
kind of reading and study for others more satisfactory." — Ed.

l8o AUTOBIOGRAPHl" OF

ing, appear'd now not so clever a performance as I
once thought it ; and I doubted whether some error
had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd into my argu-
ment, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common
in metaphysical reasonings.

I grew convinc'd that t7'iith^ sincerity and integ-
rity in dealings between man and man were of the
utmost importance to the felicity of life ; and I
form'd written resolutions, which still remain in my
journal book, to practice them ever while I lived.
Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such ;
but I entertain'd an opinion that, though certain
actions might not be bad becatcse they were for-
bidden by it, or good becatcse it commanded them,
yet probably those actions might be forbidden
because they were bad for us, or commanded
becatcse they were beneficial to us, in their own
natures, all the circumstances of things considered.
And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Provi-
dence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favor-
able circumstances and situations, or all together,
preserved me, thro' this dangerous time of youth,
and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in
among strangers, remote from the eye and advice
of my father, without any willful gross immorality
or injustice, that might have been expected from my
want of religion.* I say willful, because the in-

* The words, " Some foolish intrigues with low women excepted,
which from the expense were rather more prejudicial to me than to
them," effaced on the revision, and the sentence which follows in the
text wTitten in the margin. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. l8l

stances I have mentioned had something of necessity
in them, from my youth, inexperience, and the
knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable
character to begin the world with ; I valued it
properly, and determin'd to preserve it.

We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia
before the new types arriv'd from London. We
settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent
before he heard of it. We found a house to hire
near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent,
which was then but twenty-four pounds a year,
tho' I have since known it to let for seventy, we
took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family,
who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and
we to board with them. We had scarce opened our
letters and put our press in order, before George
House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a country-
man to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring
for a printer. All our cash was now expended in
the variety of particulars we had been obliged to
procure, and this countryman's five shillings, being
our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me
more pleasure than any crown I have since earned ;
and the gratitude I felt toward House has made me
often more ready than perhaps I should otherwise
have been to assist young beginners.

There are croakers in every country, always bod-
ing its ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia ;
a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look
and a very grave manner of speaking ; his name

1 82 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger
to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me
if I was the young man who had lately opened a
new printing-house. Being answered in the affirm-
ative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was
an expensive undertaking, and the expense would
be lost ; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the
people already half bankrupts, or near being so ;
all appearances to the contrary, such as new
buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain
knowledge fallacious ; for they were, in fact, among
the things that would soon ruin us. And he gave
me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or
that were soon to exist, that he left me half melan-
choly. Had I known him before I engaged in this
business, probably I never should have done it.
This man continued to live in this decaying place,
and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for many
years to buy a house there, because all was going
to destruction ; and at last I had the pleasure of
seeing him give five times as much for one as he
might have bought it for when he first began his
croaking.

I should have mentioned before, that, in the au-
tumn of the preceding year, I had form'd most of my
ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual im-
provement, which we called the Junto ; we met on
Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up re-
quired that every member, in his turn, should pro-
duce one or more queries on any point of Morals,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 1 83

Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by
the company ; and once in three months produce
and read an essay of his own writing, on any sub-
ject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the
direction of a president, and to be conducted in the
sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness
for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent
warmith, all expressions of positiveness in opinions,
or direct contradiction, were after some time made
contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary
penalties.

The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer
of deeds for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly,
middle-ag'd man, a great lover of poetry, reading
all he could meet with, and writing some that was
tolerable ; very ingenious in many little Nicknack-
eries, and of sensible conversation.

Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician,
great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is
now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew
little out of his way, and was not a pleasing com-
panion ; as, like most great mathematicians I have
met with, he expected universal precision in every
thing said, or was for ever denying or distinguish-
ing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversa-
tion. He soon left us.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterward surveyor-
general, who lov'd books, and sometimes made a
few verses.

1 84 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving
reading, had acquired a considerable share of mathe-
matics, which he first studied with a view to astrolo-
gy, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became
surveyor-general .

William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite
mechanic, and a solid, sensible man.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb
I have characteriz'd before.

Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune,
generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and
of his friends.

And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk,
about my age, who had the coolest, clearest head,
the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any
man I ever met with. He became afterwards a
merchant of great note, and one of our provincial
judges. Our friendship continued without interrup-
tion to his death, upward of forty years ; and the
club continued almost as long, and was the best
school of philosophy, morality, and politics that
then existed in the province ; for our queries, which
were read the week preceding their discussion, put
us upon reading with attention upon the several sub-
jects, that w^e might speak more to the purpose :
and here, too, we acquired better habits of conver-
sation, every thing being studied in our rules which
might prevent our disgusting each other. From
hence the long continuance of the club, which I

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 1 85

shall have frequent occasion to speak further of
hereafter.*

* In a careful and interesting paper read before the Arjierican Philo-
sophical Society by Dr. Patterson, one of its Vice-Presidents, on the
25th of May, 1843, in commemoration of its Centennial Anniversaiy,
will be found much new and important information about the Junto.
As this paper is not generally accessible, my readers will excuse me for
quoting somewhat freely from its pages. Dr. Patterson says :

" The Junto was, properly speaking, a debating society. At first it
met at a tavern ; but subsequently at the house of one of the members,
Robert Grace, whom Franklin characterizes as * a gentleman of some
fortune, generous, lively, and witty, a lover of punning and of his
friends.' I am happy to say that Robert Grace is not without his suc-
cessors in our present society.

" One of the rules of the Club was that the institution should be kept
a secret ; the intention being, as Franklin states, to avoid applications
of improper persons for admittance. The number of members at any
one time was limited to twelve, but vacancies were filled as they oc-
curred, and the names of twenty-three members are preserved.

" On admission into the Club, a course was followed which is too re-
markable in itself, and in its bearing upon a difficult question in the
history of this Society, not to be here introduced. It is thus presented
in Franklin's papers :

" * Any person to be qualified — to stand up, and lay his hand upon his
breast, and be asked these questions, viz. :

"*ist Have you any particular disrespect to any present member?
Answer : I have not.

" ' 2d. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind in general, of
what profession or religion soever ? Ans. I do.

" ' 3d. Do you think any person ought tp be harmed in his body,
name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of
worship ? Ans. No.

" ' 4th. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavor im-
partially to find and receive it yourself, and communicate it to others ?
Ans. Yes.'

" No minutes of the proceedings of the original Junto are preserved,
but Franklin mentions in his Autobiography several questions of great
interest which were discussed at it, and several pieces read before it
and afterwards published in his newspaper.
16*

1 86 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

But my giving this account of it here is to show
something of the interest I had, every one of these

" It was at one time proposed to increase the number of members ;
but to this Franklin was opposed, and instead of it he made * a proposal
that every member separately should form a subordinate club, with the
same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the
connection with the Junto.' ' This project was approved, and every mem-
ber undertook to form a club ; but they did not all succeed. Five or six
only were completed, which were called by different names, as the Vine,
the Union, the Band.' Of these subordinate companies, a brief para-
graph in Franklin's Life is the only remaining record.

"While Franklin was abroad, he shows by his correspondence that
he still held the Tnstitution of his youth in affectionate remembrance.
This appears repeatedly in his letters to his friend Hugh Roberts. He
calls it 'the good old Club,' 'the ancient Junto.' So late as 1765, he
says : ' I wish you would continue to meet the Junto, notwithstanding
that some effects of our political misunderstanding may sometimes ap-
pear there. It is now perhaps one of the oldest clubs, as I think it was
formerly one of the best, in the king's dominions.' Even in 1766, he
writes : ' Remember me affectionately to the Junto.'

" It appears, then, that the Junto continued in existence about forty
years. But did it keep up its original character .'' This may well be
doubted. The members grew gradually to be old men, and it is hardly
to be supposed that they would submit to the task of writing essays, or
would formally propose questions, and afterwards debate them. Their for-
tunes were made, their education completed ; and it is therefore much more

probable that when the remnant of the once youthful and active Junto met

• . ...

together, they indulged themselves in social conversation and temperate

conviviality. Such is said to be the tradition in the Roberts family ; and
it is confirmed by a letter from Dr. Franklin to their ancestor, written
in 1761, in which he says: 'You tell me you sometimes visit the an-
cient Junto. I wish you would do it oftener. Since we have held that Club
till we are grown gray together, let us hold it out to the end. For my
ovNTi part, I find I love company, chat, a laugh, a glass, and even a song,
as well as ever ; and at the same time relish better than I used to do the
grave observations and wise sentences of old men's conversation ; so
that I am sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me as it ever has
been. I therefore hope it will not be discontinued, as long as we are
able to crawl together.' "

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 8/

exerting themselves in recommending business to us.
Breintnal particularly procur'd us from the Quakers

In May, 1765, Hugh Roberts writes as follows to Dr. Franklin: "I
sometimes visit the worthy remains of the ancient Junto, for whom I
have a high esteem ; but alas, the political, polemical divisions have in
some measure contributed to lessen that harmony we there formeily
enjoyed." To this letter Franklin answers in July following, urging
his friend's attendance at the Junto, almost in the same terms used some
years before, and which we have just quoted, and then closes his ex-
hortation in the following touching words : " We loved and still love
one another. We are grown gray together, and yet it is too early to
part. Let us sit till the evening of life is spent The last hours are
always the most joyous. When we can stay no longer, it is time enough
then to bid each other good-night, separate and go quietly to bed."

The following rules for the regulation of the Junto, drawn up in 1728,
will give a clearer idea of its character, and, I may add, of the character
of its members. Forty years later the Junto became the nucleus of the
American Philosophical Society, of which Franklin was the first Pre-
sident :*

Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider
what you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of them ? viz. ;

1. Have you met with anything in the author you last read, remark-
able or suitable to be communicated to the Junto, particularly in his-
tory, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of
knowledge ?

2. What new story have you lately heard, agreeable for telling in
conversation ?

3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately,
and what have you heard of the cause .-*

4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what
means "i

5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or else-
where, got his estate ?

6. Do you know of a fellow-citizen, who has lately done a worthy
action, deserving praise and imitation ; or who has lately committed aii
error, proper for us to be warned against and avoid "i

* Sparks' Works of Fratiklin, vol. ii. p. 9.

1 88 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest
being to be done by Keimer ; and upon this we

7. What unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed
or heard ; of imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly ?

8. What happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or
of any other virtue ?

9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or
wounded? If so, what remedies were used, and what were their
effects ?

10. Whom do you know that are shortly going voyages or journeys,
if one should have occasion to send by them ?

11. Do you think of any thing at present in which the Junto may be
serviceable to mankind, to their country, to their friends, or to them-
selves ?

12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting,
that you have heard of? And what have you heard or observed of his
character or merits ? And whether, think you, it lies in the power of
the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves ?

13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom
it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage ?

14- Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your country,
of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment?
Or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting ?

15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties
of the people ?

16. Hath anybody attacked your reputation lately? And what can
the Junto do towards securing it ?

1 7. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto,
or any of them, can procure for you ?

18. Have you lately heard any mem.ber's character attacked, and how
have you defended it ?

19. Hath any man injured you from whom it is in the power of the
Junto to procure redress ?

20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any
of your honorable designs ?

21. Have you any weighty affair on hand, in which you think the ad-
«^'.c£ of the Junto may be of service ?

22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not pre*
sent?

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 89

work'd exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It
was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer
notes. I compos'd of it a sheet a day, and Mere-
dith worked it off at press ; it was often eleven at
night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my
distribution for the next day's work, for the little

23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and injus-
tice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time ?

24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings
of the Junto which might be amended ?

When the Philosophical Society was instituted, a book containing
some of the questions discussed by the Junto was put into the hands of
Dr. William Smith, who selected from it, and published in his " Eulo-
gium on Franklin" the following specimens :

" Is sound an entity or body ?

" How may the phenomena of vapors be explained ?

" Is self-interest the rudder that steers mankind, the universal mon-
arch to whom all are tributaries ?

*• Which is the best form of government, and what was that form
which first prevailed among mankind ?

"Can any one particular form of government suit all mankind?

" What is the reason that the tides rise higher in the Bay of Fundy
than the Bay of Delaware ?

" Is the emission of paper money safe ?

" What is the reason that men of the greatest knowledge are not the
most happy ?

" How may the possessions of the Lakes be improved to our ad-
vantage ?

" Why are tumultuous, uneasy sensations united with our desires ?

"Whether it ought to be the aim of philosophy to eradicate the
passions ?

" How may smoky chimneys be best cured ?

" Why does the flame of a candle tend upwards in a spire ?

" Which is least criminal — a bad action joined with a good intention,
or a good action with a bad intention ?

" Is it consistent with the principles of liberty in a free government
to punish a man as a libeller when he speaks the truth ?" — Ed.

190 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

jobbs sent in by our other friends now and then put
us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing
a sheet a day of the foho, that one night, when,
having impos'd my forms, I thought my day's work
over, one of them by accident was broken, and two
pages reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and
compos'd it over again before I went to bed ; and
this industry, visible to our neighbors, began to give
us character and credit; particularly^ I was told,
that mention being made of the new printing-office
at the merchants' Every-night club, the general
opinion was that it must fail, there being already
two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford ; but
Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many years after
at his native place, St. Andrew's in Scotland) gave
a contrary opinion: "For the industry of that
Franklin," says he, " is superior to anything I ever
saw of the kind ; I see him still at work when I go
home from club, and he is at work again before
his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest,
and we soon after had offers from one of them to
supply us with stationery ; but as yet we did not
chuse to engage in shop business.

I mention this industry the more particularly and
the more freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my
own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall
read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they
see its effects in my favour throughout this relation.

George Webb, who had found a female friend
that lent him wherewith to purchase his time of

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 19I

Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman
to us. We could not then imploy him ; but I fool-
ishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended
to begin a newspaper, and might then have work
for him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were
founded on this, that the then only newspaper^
printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly
manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was profit-
able to him ; I therefore thought a good paper would
scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested
Webb not to mention it ; but he told it to Keimer,
who immediately, to be beforehand with me, pub-
lished proposals for printing one himself, on which
Webb was to be employ 'd. I resented this; and,
to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our
paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment for
Bradford's paper, under the title of the Busy Body,
which Breintnal continu'd some months. By this
means the attention of the publick was fixed on that
paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd
and ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began his
paper, however, and, after carrying it on three
quarters of a year, with at most only ninety sub
scribers, he offer'd it to me for a trifle ; and I, hav-
ing been ready some time to go on with it, took it ir.
hand directly ; and it prov'd in a few years ex
tremely profitable to me.*

* This paper was called The Universal Instructor in all Arts ami
Sciences and Feftnsylvania Gazette. . Keimer printed his last number, tb«
39th, on the 25lh day of September, 1729.

192 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular
number, though our partnership still continu'd ; the
reason may be that, in fact, the whole management

Its leading articles were an installment of Chambers' Dictionary, Art.
Air, a message from Gov. Burnet of the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
the reply of the Assembly, and an obituary of the governor, who had
just died. The following announcement filled the rest of the sheet :

"Philadelphia, 6"^/if^?«&r 25.

" It not quadrating with the circumstances of the printer hereof, S. K.,
(o publish this Gazette any longer, he gives notice that this paper con-
cludes his third quarter ; and is the last that will be printed by him.
Yet, that his generous subscribers may not be baulked or disappointed,
he has agreed with B. Franklin and H. Meredith, at the new printing
office, to continue it to the end of the year, having transferred the prop-
erty wholly to them [D. Harry declining it],* and probably if further
encouragement appears it will be continued longer. The said S. K.
designs to leave this province early in the spring or sooner, if possibly
he can justly accommodate his affairs with every one he stands in-
debted to."

The next number, 40, appeared on the 2d of October, in new type, with
the following announcement, the title " Univejsal Iiutructor in all Arts
atid Sciences" having been dropped, and with it the feature of the paper
which it designated :

" The Pennsylvania Gazette being now to be carryed on by other hands,
the reader may expect some account of the method we design to pro-
ceed in.

" Upon a view of Chambers' great dictionaries, from whence were taken
the materials of The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences, which
usuall) made the first part of this paper, we find that besides their con-
taining many things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will probably be
fifty years before the whole can be gone through in this manner of pub-
lication. There are likewise in those books continual references from
things under one letter of the alphabet to those under another, which
relate to the same subject and are necessary to explain and complete it ;

* In the previous number Kelmer announced that he had made over his business to
David Harry, wth the design to leave this province as soon as he could get in his debts
■and justly balance with every one of his few creditors, etc., etc

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 1 93

of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no
compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober.

these taken in their turn may be ten years distant ; and since it is likely
that they who desire to acquaint themselves with any particular art or
science would gladly have the whole before them in a much less time,
we believe our readers will not think such a method of communicating
knowledge to be a proper one.

" However, though we do not intend to continue the publication of
those dictionaries in a regular alphabetical method, as has hitherto
been done ; yet, as several things exhibited from them in the course of
these papers, have been entertaining to such of the curious who never
had and cannot have the advantage of good libraries ; and as there are
many things still behind, which being in this manner made generally
known, may perhaps become of considerable use by giving such hints
to the excellent natural genius's of our country, as may contribute either
to the improvement of our present manufactures or towards the inven-
tion of new ones ; we propose from time to time to communicate such
particular parts as appear to be of the most general consequence.

"As to the Religious Courtship, part of which has been retal'd to the
public in these papers, the reader may be informed, that the whole book
will probably in a little time be printed and bound by itself j and those
who approve of it will doubtless be better pleased to have it entire, than
in this broken, interrupted manner.

" There are many who have long desired to see a good newspaper in
Pennsylvania ; and we hope those gentlemen who are able, will contri-
bute towards the making this such. We ask assistance because we are
fully sensible, that to publish a good newspaper is not so easy an under-
taking as many people imagine it to be. The author of a Gazette (in the
opinion of the learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive acquaint-
ance with languages, a great easiness and command of writing, and
relating things clearly and intelligibly and in few words ; he should be
able to speak of war both by land and sea; be well acquainted with
geography, with the history of the time, with the secret interests of
princes and States, the secrets of courts, and the manners and customs
of all nations. Men thus accomplished are very rare in this remote part
of the world ; and it would be well if the writer of these papers could
make up among his friends what is wanting in himself.

** Upon the whole, we may assure the publick, that, as far as the en-
couragement we meet with will enable us, no care and pains shall be
17 1

194 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

My friends lamented my connection with him, but I
was to make the best of it.

Our first papers made a quite different appearance
from any before in the province ; a better type, and
better printed ; but some spirited remarks of my
writing,* on the dispute then going on between

omitted that may make the Pennsylvania Gazette as agreeable and useful
an entertainment as the nature of the thing will allow."

After the publication of two numbers the Gazette was published twice
a week, beginning with No. 43. — Ed.

* The following are the spirited remarks here referred to :
" His excellency, governor Burnet, died unexpectedly about two days
after the date of this reply to his last message ; and it was thought the
dispute would have ended with him, or at least have lain dormant till
the arrival of a new governor from England, who possibly might or
might not be inclined to enter too vigorously into the measures of his
predecessor. But our last advices by the post acquaint us that his
honor the lieutenant-governor (on whom the government immediately
devolves upon the death or absence of the commander-in-chief) has
vigorously renewed the struggle on his own account, of which the par-
ticulars will be seen in our next Perhaps some of our readers may
not fully understand the original ground of this warm contest between
the governor and assembly. It seems that people have for these hun-
dred years past, enjoyed the privilege of rewarding the governor for the
time being, according to their sense of his merit and services ; and few
or none of their governors have complained, or had cause to complain,
of a scanty allowance. When the late governor Burnet brought with
him instructions to demand a settled salary of 1000 pounds sterling per
annum, on him and all his successors, and the Assembly were required
to fix it immediately ; he insisted on it strenuously to the last, and they
as constantly refused it It appears by their votes and proceedings that
they thought it an imposition, contrary to their own charter, and to
Magna Charta ; and they judged that there should be a mutual depend-
ence between the governor and governed ; and that to make the gov-
ernor independent would be dangerous and destructive to their liber-
ties, and the ready way to establish tyranny. They thought likewise,
that the province was not the less dependent on the crown of Great
Britain, by the governor's depending immediately on them, and his owp

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 195

Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly,
struck the principal people, occasioned the paper
and the manager of it to be much talk'd of, and
in a few weeks brought them all to be our sub-
scribers.

Their example was follow'd by many, and our
number went on growing continually. This was
one of the first good effects of my having learnt a
little to scribble ; another was, that the leading men,
seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who

good conduct, for an ample support; because all acts and laws, which
he might be induced to pass, must nevertheless be constantly sent home
for approbation, in order to continue in force. Many other reasons were
given, and arguments used in the course of the controversy, needless to
particularize here, because all the material papers relating to it have
been already given in our public news.

" Much deserved praise has the deceased governor received for his
steady integrity in adhering to his instructions, notwithstanding the
great difficulty and opposition he met with, and the strong temptations
offered from time to time to induce him to give up the point. And yet,
perhaps, something is due to the Assembly (as the love and zeal of that
country for the present establishment is too well known to suffer any
suspicion of want of loyalty), who continue thus resolutely to abide by
what they think their right, and that of the people they represent ;
manage all the arts and menaces of a governor, famed for his cunning
and politics, backed with instructions from home, and powerfully aided
by the great advantage such an officer always has of engaging the prin-
cipal men of a place in his party, by conferring, when he pleases, so
many posts of profit and honor. Their happy mother country will per-
haps observe, with pleasure, that though her gallant cocks and match-
less dogs abate their natural fire and intrepidity when transported to a
foreign clime (as this nation is), yet her sons in the remotest part of the
earth, and even to the third and fourth descent, still retain that ardent
spirit of liberty, and that undaunted courage, which has in every age so
gloriously distinguished Britons and Englishmen from the rest of
mankind."— W. T. F.

196 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to
oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed
the votes, and laws, and other publick business.
He had printed an address of the House to the
governor, in a coarse, blundering manner ; we re-
printed it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to
every member. They were sensible of the difler-
ence : it strengthened the hands of our friends in
the House, and they voted us their printers for the
year ensuing.

Among my friends in the House I must not forget
Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then
returned from England, and had a seat in it. He
interested himself for me strongly in that instance,
as he did in many others afterward, continuing his
patronage till his death.*

Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of
the debt I ow'd him, but did not press me. I wa*ote
him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd
his forbearance a little longer, which he allow'd me,
and as soon as I w^as able, I paid the principal with
interest, and many thanks ; so that erratum was in
some degree corrected.

But now another difficulty came upon me which
I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Mere-
dith's father, who was to have paid for our printing-
house, according to the expectations given me, was
able to advance only one hundred pounds currency,

* I got his son once ;^5oo [marg. note].

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 1 97

which had been paid ; and a hundred more was
due to the merchant, who grew impatient, and su'd
us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money
could not be rais'd in time, the suit must soon come
to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful pros-
pects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and
letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half
price.

In thi:^ distress two true friends, whose kindness I
have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I
can remember any thing, came to me separately,
unknown to each other, and, without any applica-
tion from me, offering each of them to advance me
all the money that should be necessary to enable
me to take the whole business upon myself, if that
should be practicable ; but they did not like my
continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as
they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and
playing at low games in alehouses, much to our
discredit. These two friends were William Cole-
man and Robert Grace. I told them I could not
propose a separation while any prospect remain'd
of the Merediths' fulfilling their part of our agree-
ment, because I thought myself under great obliga
tions to them for what they had done, and would do
if they could ; but, if they finally fail'd in their per-
formance, and our partnership must be dissolv'd, I
should then think myself at liberty to accept the
assistance of my friends.

Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said

17»

198 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

to my partner, " Perhaps your father is dissatisfied
at the part you have undertaken in this affair of
ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me
what he would for you alone. If that is the case,
tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go
about my business." "No," said he, "my father
has really been disappointed, and is really unable ;
and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see
this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred a
farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and
put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to
learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are
going to settle in North Carolina, where land is
cheap. I am inclin'd to go with them, and follow
my old employment. You may find friends to
assist 3^ou. If you will take the debts of the com-
pany upon you ; return to my father the hundred
pound he has advanced ; pay my little personal debts,
and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will
relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole in
your hands." I agreed to this proposal ; it was
drawn up in writing, sign'd, and seal'd immediately.
I gave him what he demanded, and he went soon
after to Carolina, from whence he sent me next
year two long letters, containing the best account
that had been given of that country, the climate, the
soil, husbandr}^, etc., for in those matters he was
very judicious. I printed them in the papers, and
they gave great satisfaction to the publick.

As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 1 99

friends ; and because I would not give an unkind
preference to either, I took half of what each had
offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other ;
paid off the company's debts, and went on with the
business in my own name, advertising that the part-
nership was dissolved. I think this was in or about
the year 1729.*

About this time there was a cry among the people
for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds
being extant in the province, and that soon to be
sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addi-
tion, being against all paper currency, from an ap-
prehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in
New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We
had discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was
on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the
first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good
by increasing the trade, employment, and number
of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all
the old houses inhabited, and many new ones build-
ing : whereas I remembered well, that when I first
walk'd about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my
roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, be-
tween Second and Front streets, with bills on their
doors, " To be let ;" and many likewise in Chestnut-
street and other streets, which made me then think
the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after
another.

* By the agreement of dissolution, still extant, it appears that it took
place July 14th, 1730. — S.

200 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject,
that T wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on
it, entitled " The Nature and Necessity of a Paper
Currency J*^ It was well receiv'd by the common
people in general ; but the rich men dislik'd it, for
it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more
money, and they happening to have no writers
among them that were able to answer it, their oppo-
sition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a
majority in the House. My friends there, who con-
ceiv'd I had been of some service, thought fit to re-
ward me by employing me in printing the money ;
a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This
was another advantage gain'd by my being able to
write.

The utility of this currency became by time and
experience so evident as never afterwards to be much
disputed ; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand
pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds,
since which it arose during war to upwards of three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building,
and inhabitants all the while increasing, tho' I now
think there are limits beyond which the quantity
may be hurtful.

I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton,
the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another
profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things
appearing great to those in small circumstances ;
and these, to me, were really great advantages, as
they were great encouragements. He procured for

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 20i

me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that
government, which continu' d in my hands as long
as I follow'd the business.

I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it
blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd
among us, being assisted in that by my friend
Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen's
books, etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had
known in London, an excellent workman, now came
to me, and work'd with me constantly and diligently ;
and I took an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.

I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was
under for the printing-house. In order to secure my
credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not
only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to
avoid ail appearances to the contrary, I drest
plainly ; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I
never went out a fishing or shooting ; a book, in-
deed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but
that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal ; and,
to show that I was not above my business, I some-
times brought home the paper I purchas'd at the
stores thro' the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus
being esteem'd an industrious, thriving young man,
and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants
who imported stationery solicited my custom ; others
proposed supplying me Vv'ith books, and I went on
swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer's credit
and business declining daily, he was at last forc'd
to sell his printing-house to satisfy his creditors. He

202 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

went to Bai-badoes, and there lived some years in
very poor circumstances.

His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had in-
structed while I work'd with him, set up in his
place at Philadelphia, having bought his materials.
I was at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in
Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good
deal of interest. I therefore propos'd a partnership
to him, which he, fortunately for me, rejected with
scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like a gentle-
man, liv'd expensively, took much diversion and
pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his busi-
ness ; upon which, all business left him; and, find-
ing nothing to do, he follow'd Keimer to Barbadoes,
taking the printing-house wdth him. There this
apprentice employ'd his former master as a journey-
man ; they quarrel'd often ; Harry went continually
behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his
tj'pes and return to his country work in Pensilvania.
The person that bought them employ'd Keimer to
use them, but in a few years he died.

There remained now no competitor with me at
Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford ; who was
rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by
straggling hands, but was not very anxious about
the business. However, as he kept the post-office,
it was imagined he had better opportunities of ob-
taining news ; his paper was thought a better distri-
buter of advertisements than mine, and therefore
had many more^ which was a profitable thing to

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 203

him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did
indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the
publick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send
was by bribing the riders, who took them privately,
Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which
occasion'd some resentment on my part ; and 1
thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I
afterward came into his situation, I took care never
to imitate it.

I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey,
who lived in part of my house with his wife and
children, and had one side of the shop for his
glazier's business, tho' he worked little, being
always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey
projected a match for me with a relation's daughter,
took opportunities of bringing us often together, till
a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being
in herself very deserving. The old folks encour-
ag'd me by continual invitations to supper, and by
leaving us together, till at length it was time to
explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag'd our little treaty.
1 let her know that I expected as much money with
their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt
for the printing-house, which I believe was not then
above a hundred pounds. She brought me word
they had no such sum to spare : I said they might
mortgage their house in the loan-office. The an-
swer to this, after some days, was, that they did not
approve the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford,
they had been inform'd the printing business was

204 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

not a profitable one ; the types would soon be worn
out, and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D.
Harr}^ had failed one after the other, and I should
probably soon follow them ; and, therefore, I was
forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up.

Whether this was a real change of sentiment or
only artifice, on a supposition of our being too far
engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that
we should steal a marriage, which would leave them
at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas'd, I
know not ; but I suspected the latter, resented it,
and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me
afterward some more favorable accounts of their
disposition, and would have drawn me on again ;
out I declared absolutely my resolution to have
nothing more to do with that family. This was
resented by the Godfreys ; we HifFer'd, and they
removed, leaving me the w^hole house, and I re-
solved to take no more inmates.

But this affair having turned my thoughts to mar-
riage, I look'd round me and made overtures of
acquaintance in other places ; but soon found that,
the business of a printer being generally thought a
poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife,
unless with such a one as I should not otherwise
think acrreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-
governed passion of youth hurried me frequently
into intrigues with low women that fell in my way,
which were attended with some expense and great
inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 20$

health by a distemper which of all things I dreaded,
though by great good luck I escaped it. A friendly
correspondence as neighbors and old acquaintances
had continued between me and Mrs. Read's family,
who all had a regard for me from the time of my
first lodfjinor in their house. I was often invited there
and consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes
was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate
situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheer-
ful, and avoided company. I considered my giddi-
ness and inconstancy when in London as in a great
degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho'the mother
was good enough to think the fault more her own than
mine, as she had prevented our marrying before I
went thither, and persuaded the other match in my
absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but
there were now great objections to our union. The
match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preced-
ing wife being said to be living in England ; but
this could not easily be prov'd, because of the dis-
tance ; and, tho' there was a report of his death, it
was not certain. Then, tho' it should be true, he
had left many debts, which his successor might be
call'd upon to pay. We ventured, however, over
all these difficulties, and I took her to wife, Sep-
tember 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences
happened that we had apprehended ; she proved a
good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by
attending the shop ; w^e throve together, and have
ever mutually endeavor'd to make each other

2o6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

happ3'. Thus I corrected that great erratum as
well as I could.*

* Mrs. Franklin survived her marriage over forty years. She died
December 19, 1774. She seems to have been a sensible woman and
a devoted wife. Franklin's correspondence abounds with evidence
that their union was a happy one, and in a letter to Miss Catharine Ray,
afterwards wife of Gov. Green of Rhode Island, who sent him some
cheese, he alludes to his wife in a way to reveal the ripened affection
which subsisted between them. Sparks^ vol. vii. p. 92 :

"Mrs. Franklin was very proud that a young lady should have so
much regard for her old husband as to send him such a present. We
talk of you every time it comes to table. She is sure you are a sensible
girl, and a notable housewife, and talks of bequeathing me to you as a
legacy ; but I ought to wish you a better, and hope she will live these
hundred years ; for we are grown old together, and if she has any faults,
I am so used to them that I don't perceive them. As the song says :

" ' Some fenlts we have all, and so has my Joan,
But then they're exceedingly small ;
And, now I'm gro%vn used to them, so like my own,
I scarcely can see them at all,

My dear friends,
I scarcely can see them at all.'

" Indeed I begin to think she has none, as I think of you. And since
she is willing I should love you as much as you are willing to be loved
by me, let us join in wishing the old lady a long life and a happy."

The author here quotes a stanza from one of his own " Songs," writtein
for the Junto. It has been printed in Professor McVickar's Lif(? of Dr.
Samuel Bard :

" My Plain Country Joan ; A Song.

*' Of their Chloes and Phyllises poets may prate,
I sing my plain country Joan,
These twelve years my wife, still the joy of my life.
Blest day that I made her my own.

" Not a word of her face, ot her shape, or her air.
Or of flames or of darts you shall hear ;
1 beauty admire, but virtue I prize.
That fades not in seventy year.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 20/

About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern,
but in a little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that
purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since
our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions
upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to
have them altogether w^iere we met, that upon oc-
casion they might be consulted ; and by thus club-
bing our books to a common library, we should,
while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of
us the advantage of using the books of all the other
members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if

"Am I loaded with care, she takes off a large share ;
That the burden ne'er makes me to reel ;
Does good fortune arrive, the joy of my wife
Quite doubles the pleasure I feel.

" She defends my good name, even when I'm to blame,
Firm friend as to man e'er was given ;
Her compassionate breast feels for all the distressed.
Which draws dov\'n more blessings from heaven.

" In health a companion delightful and dear,
Still easy, engaging, and free ;
In sickness no less than the carefulest nurse,
As tender as tender can be.

" In peace and good order my household she guides,
Right careful to save what I gain ;
Yet cheerfully spends, and smiles on the friends
I've the pleasure to entertain.

" Some faults have we all, and so has my Joan,
But then they're exceedingly small ;
And, now I'm grown used to them, so like my own,
I scarcely can see them at all.

" Were the finest young princess, with millions in purse
To be had in exchange for my Joan,
I could not get better wife, might get a worse.
So I'll stick to my dearest old Joan " — Ed.

2o8 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed
to, and we fiU'd one end of the room with such
books as we could best spare. The number was
not so great as we expected ; and tho' they had
been of great use, yet some inconveniences occur-
ring for want of due care of them, the collection,
after about a year, was separated, and each took his
books home again.

And now I set on foot my first project of a public
nature, that for a subscription librar}'. I drew up
the proposals, got them put into form by our great
scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends
in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shil-
lings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for
,fifty years, the term our company was to continue.
We afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company
being increased to one hundred : this was the
mother of all the North American subscription
libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great
thing itself, and continually increasing. These
libraries have improved the general conversation
of the Americans, made the common tradesmen and
farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other
countries, and perhaps have contributed in some
degree to the stand so generally made throughout
the colonies in defence of their privileges.

Mem". Thus far was written with the intention
express'd in the beginning and therefore contains
several little family anecdotes of no importance to

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 209

others. What follows was written many years after
in compliance with the advice contain'd in these
letters, and accordingly intended for the public.
The affairs of the Revolution occasion'd the inter-
ruption.

18*

Letter from Mr, Abel James ^ with Notes of my
Life (^received in Paris).

*'"iy /TY Dear and Honored Friend: I have
J^VX often been desirous of writing to thee, but
could not be reconciled to the thought, that the
letter might fall into the hands of the British, lest
some printer or busy-body should publish some part
of the contents, and give our friend pain, and my-
self censure.

" Some time since there fell into my hands, to
my great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own
handwriting, containing an account of the pa-
rentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, end-
ing in the year 1730, with which there were notes,
likewise in thy writing ; a copy of which I inclose,

in hopes it may be a means, if thou continued it
210

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 2 1 1

up to a later period, that the first and latter part
may be put together ; and if it is not yet continued,
I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain,
as the preacher tells us ; and what will the world
say if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin
should leave his friends and the world deprived of
so pleasing and profitable a work ; a work which
would be useful and entertaining not only to a few,
but to millions ? The influence writings under that
class have on the minds of youth is very great, and
has nowhere appeared to me so plain, as in our
public friend's journals. It almost insensibly leads
the youth into the resolution of endeavoring to be-
come as good and eminent as the journalist. Should
thine, for instance, when pubhshed (and I think it
could not fail of it) , lead the youth to equal the in-
dustry and temperance of thy early youth, what a
blessing with that class would such a work be ! I
know of no character living, nor many of them put
together, who has so much in his power as thyself
to promote a greater spirit of industry and early
attention to business, frugality, and temperance with
the American youth. Not that I think the work
would have no other merit and use in the world, far
from it ; but the first is of such vast importance that
I know nothing that can equal it."

The foregoing letter and the minutes accompany-
ing it being shown to a friend, I received from him
the following :

212 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Letter fro7n Mr. Benjamin Vaiighan,

" Paris, January 31, 1783.

**My Dearest Sir : When I had read over youi
sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your
life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance,
I told you I would send you a letter expressing my
reasons why I thought it would be useful to com-
plete and publish it as he desired. Various con-
cerns have for some time past prevented this letter
being written, and I do not know whether it was
worth any expectation ; happening to be at leisure,
however, at present, I shall by writing, at least, in-
terest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am
inclined to use may tend to offend a person of your
manners, I shall only tell you how I would address
any other person, who was as good and as great as
yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him. Sir,
I solicit the history of your life from the following
motives : Your history is so remarkable, that if you
do not give it, somebody else will certainly give it ;
and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as
3^our own management of the thing might do good.
It will moreover present a table of the internal
circumstances of your country, which will very
rnuch tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and
manly minds. And considering the eagerness with
\^hich such information is sought by them, and the
extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more
efficacious advertisement than your biography would

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 213

give. All that has happened to you is also con-
nected with the detail of the manners and situation
of a rising people ; and in this respect I do not
think that the writings of Cagsar and Tacitus can be
more interesting to a true judge of human nature
and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in
my opinion, compared with the chance which your
life will give for the forming of future great men ;
and in conjunction with your Art of Virtue (which
you design to publish) of improving the features of
private character, and consequently of aiding all
happiness, both public and domestic. The two
works I allude to, sir, will in particular give a noble
rule and example of self-education. School and
other education constantly proceed upon false prin-
ciples, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a
false mark ; but your apparatus is simple, and the
mark a true one ; and while parents and young
persons are left destitute of other just means of
estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable
course in life, your discovery that the thing is in
many a man's private power, will be invaluable !
Influence upon the private character, late in life,
is not only an influence late in life, but a weak in-
fluence. It is in youth that we plant our chief habits
and prejudices ; it is in youth that we take our party
as to profession, pursuits and matrimony. In youth,
therefore, the turn is given ; in youth the eaucation
even of the next generation is given ; in youth the
private and public character is determined ; and the

214 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

term of life extending but from youth to age, life
ought to begin well from youth, and more especiall}'
before we take our party as to our principal objects.
But your biography will not merely teach self-
education, but the education of a wise man-; and
the wisest man will receive lights and improve his
progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another
wise man. And why are w^eaker men to be de-
prived of such helps, when w^e see our race has
been blundering on in the dark, almost without a
guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of
time? Show then, sir, how^ much is to be done,
both to sons and fathers ; and invite all wise men to
become like yourself, and other men to become wise.
When we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can
be to the human race, and how absurd distinguished
men can be to their acquaintance, it will be in-
structive to observe the instances multiply of pacific,
acquiescing manners ; and to find how compatible
it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-
humored.

"The little private incidents which you will also
have to relate, will have considerable use, as we
want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary
affairs ; and it will be curious to see how you have
acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to
life, and explain many things that all men ought to
have once explained to them, to give them a chance
of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest thing
to having experience of one's own, is to have other

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 21 5

people's affairs brought before us in a shape that is
interesting ; this is sure to happen from your pen ;
our affairs and management will have an air of sim-
plicity or importance that will not fail to strike ; and
I am convinced you have conducted them with as
much originality as if you had been conducting dis-
cussions in politics or philosophy ; and what more
worthy of experiments and system (its importance
and its errors considered) than human life?

" Some men have been virtuous blindly, others
have speculated fantastically, and others have been
shrewd to bad purposes ; but you, sir, I am sure,
will give under your hand, nothing but what is at
the same moment, wise, practical and good. Your
account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel I am
drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in
point of character, but of private history) will show
that you are ashamed of no origin ; a thing the
more important, as you prove how little necessary
all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As
no end likewise happens without a means, so we
shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan
by which you became considerable ; but at the same
time we may see that though the event is flattering,
the means are as simple as wisdom could make
them ; that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought
and habit. Another thing demonstrated will be
the propriety of every man's waiting for his time for
appearing upon the stage of the world. Our sen-
sations being very mucli fixed to the moment, we

2l6 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

are apt to forget that more moments are to follow
the first, and consequently that man should arrange
his conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your
attribution appears to have been applied to your life,
and the passing moments of it have been enlivened
with content and enjoyment, instead of being tor-
mented with foolish impatience or regrets. Such a
conduct is easy for those who make virtue and them-
selves in countenance by examples of other truly
great men, of whom patience is so often the charac-
teristic. Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here
again I will suppose the subject of my letter resem-
bling Dr. Franklin), praised your frugality, dili-
gence and temperance, which he considered as a
pattern for all youth ; but it is singular that he
should have forgotten your modesty and your dis-
interestedness, without which you never could have
waited for your advancement, or found your situa-
tion in the mean time comfortable ; which is a strong
lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance
of regulating our minds. If this correspondent had
known the nature of your reputation as well as I
do, he would have said. Your former writings and
measures would secure attention to your Biography,
and Art of Virtue ; and your Biography and Art of
Virtue, in return, would secure attention to them.
This is an advantage attendant upon a various cha-
racter, and which brings all that belongs to it into
greater play ; and it is the more useful, as perhaps
more persons are at a loss for the means of improv-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 21/

ing their minds and characters, than they are for
the time or the incHnation to do it. But there is
one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the
use of your life as a mere piece of biography. This
style of writing seems a little gone out of vogue,
and yet it is a very useful one ; and your specimen
of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make
a subject of comparison with the lives of various public
cut-throats and intriguers, and wdth absurd monastic
self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encour-
ages more writings of the same kind with your own,
and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written,
it will be worth all Plutarch's Lives put together.
But being tired of figuring to myself a character
of which every feature suits only one man in the
world, without giving him the praise of it, I shall
end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a per-
sonal application to your proper self. I am earn-
estly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should
let the world into the traits of your genuine cha-
racter, as civil broils may otherwise tend to disguise
or traduce it. Considering your great age, the
caution of your character, and your peculiar style
of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides
3^ourself can be sufficiently master of the facts of ;
your life, or the intentions of your mind. Besides
all this, the immense revolution of the present
period, will necessarily turn our attention towards
the author of it, and when virtuous principles have
been pretended in it, it will be highly important to

19 K

2l8 AUTOBIOGRAFHT OF

shew that such have really influenced ; and, as your
own character will be the principal one to receive a
scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects upon your
vast and rising country, as well as upon England
and upon Europe) that it should stand respectable
and eternal. For the furtherance of human happi-
ness, I have always maintained that it is necessary
to prove that man is not even at present a vicious
and detestable animal ; and still more to prove that
good management may greatly amend him ; and it
is for much the same reason, that I am anxious to
see the opinion established, that there are fair cha-
racters existing among the individuals of the race ;
for the moment that all men, without exception,
shall be conceived abandoned, good people will
cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and perhaps
think of taking their share in the scramble of life,
or at least of making it comfortable principally for
themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work
most speedily into hand : shew yourself good as
you are good ; temperate as you are temperate ; and
above all things, prove yourself as one, who from
your infancy have loved justice, liberty and concord,
in a way that has made it natural and consistent for
3^ou to have acted, as we have seen you act in the
last seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen
be made not only to respect, but even to love you.
When they think well of individuals in your native
country, they will go nearer to thinking well of
your country ; and when your countrymen see them-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 219

selves well thought of by Englishmen, they will go
nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your
views even further ; do not stop at those who speak
the English tongue, but after having settled so many
points in nature and politics, think of bettering the
whole race of men. As I have not read any part
of the life in question, but know only the character
that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am
sure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude
to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the
chief of my expectations ; and still more so if you
take up the measure of suiting these performances to
the several views above stated. Should they even
prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of
yours hopes from them, you will at least have framed
pieces to interest the human mind ; and whoever
gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man,
has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise
too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured
by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will
listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I
beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc.,
** Signed, Benj. Vaughan.*'

Continuation of the Account of my Life^ begun at
Passy, near Paris, 1784.

It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters,
but I have been too busy till now to think of com-

220 AUTOBIOGRAPH2' OF

plying with the request they contain. It might, too,
be much better done if I were at home among my
papers, which would aid my memory, and help to
ascertain dates ; but my return being uncertain, and
having just now a little leisuie, I will endeavor to
recollect and write v/hat I can ; if I live to get home,
it may there be corrected and improv'd.

Not having any copy here of what is already writ-
ten, I know not whether an account is given of the
means I used to establish the Philadelphia public
library, w-hich, from a small beginning, is now be-
come so considerable, though I remember to have
come down to near the time of that transaction
(1730) . I will therefore begin here with an account
of it, which may be struck out if found to have been
already given.

At the time I establish'd myself in Pennsylvania,
there was not a good bookseller's shop in any of the
colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York
and Philad'a the printers were indeed stationers ;
they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a
few common school-books. Those who lov'd read-
ing were oblig'd to send for their books from Eng-
land; the members of the Junto had each a few.
We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and
hired a room to hold our club in. I propos'd that
we should all of us bring our books to that room,
where they would not only be ready to consult in
our conferences, but become a common benefit, each
of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 221

to read at home. This was accordingly done, and
for some time contented us.

Finding the advantage of this little collection, I
propos'd to render the benefit from books more com-
mon, by commencing a public subscription library.
I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be
necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr.
Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of arti-
cles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each
subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum down for
the first purchase of books, and an annual contribu-
tion for increasing them. So few were the readers
at that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us
so poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to
find more than fifty persons, mostly young trades-
men, willing to pay down for this purpose forty
shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On
this little fund we began. The books were im-
ported ; the library was opened one day in the
week for lending to the subscribers, on their pro-
missory notes to pay double the value if not duly
returned. The institution soon manifested its utility,
was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces.
The libraries were augmented by donations ; read-
ing became fashionable ; and our people, having
no publick amusements to divert their attention from
study, became better acquainted with books, and in
a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better
instructed and more intelligent than people of the
same rank generally are in other countries.

19*

222 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

When we were about to sign the above-mentioned
articles, which were to be binding on us, our heirs,
etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener,
said to us, " You are young men, but it is scarcely
probable that any of you will live to see the expira-
tion of the term fix'd in the instrument." A num-
ber of us, however, are yet living ; but the instru-
ment was after a few years rendered null by a
charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the
company.*

The objections and reluctances I met with in so-
liciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the im-
propriety of presenting one's self as the proposer of
any useful project, that might be suppos'd to raise
one's reputation in the smallest degree above that of
one's neighbors, when one has need of their assist-
ance to accomplish that project. I therefore put
myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it
as a scheme of a number of friends^ who had re-
quested me to go about and propose it to such as
they thought lovers of reading. In this way my
affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after
practis'd it on such occasions ; and, from my fre-
quent successes, can heartily recommend it. The
present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards
be amply repaid. If it remains a while uncertain

* This library was founded in 1 731, and incorporated in 1742. By the
addition made to it of the library left by Mr. James Logan, and by an-
nual purchases, the Philadelphia Library now numbers between 70,00c
and 8c,ooc volumes. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 223

to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain
than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and
then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by
plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them
to their right owner.*

This library afforded me the means of improve-
ment by constant study, for which I set apart an
hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in some
degree the loss of the learned education my father
once intended for me. Reading was the only amuse-
ment I allow'd myself. I spent no time in taverns,
games, or frolicks of any kind ; and my industry in
my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was
necessary. I was indebted for my printing-house :
I had a young family coming on to be educated, and
I had to contend with for business two printers,
who were established in the place before me. My
circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My
original habits of frugality continuing, and my father
having, among his instructions to me when a boy,
frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon, *' Seest
thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand
before kings, he shall not stand before mean men,"
I from thence considered industry as a means of
obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd
me, tho' I did not think that I should ever liter-

* This was a wise application of one of the most cynical precepts of
Ovid in his banishment : " Crede miki, bene qui latuit bene vixif'' This
line was subsequently adopted as his motto by the illustrious author
of the Cartesian philosophy. — Tristia Elegia, iv. 25, — Ed.

224 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

ally stand before kings, which, however, has since
happened ; for I have stood before Jive, and even
had the honor of sitting down with one, the King
of Denmark, to dinner.

We have an English proverb that says, ^'He that
would thrive, must ask his wi/e.^^ It was lucky for
me that I had one as much dispos'd to industry and
frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in
my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tend-
ing shop, purchasing old linen rags for the paper-
makers, etc. , etc. We kept no idle servants, our table
was plain and simple, our furniture of the cheapest.
For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread
and milk (no tea) , and I ate it out of a twopenny
earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark
how luxury will enter families, and make a progress,
in spite of principle : being call'd one morning to
breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon
of silver ! They had been bought for me without
my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the
enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for
which she had no other excuse or apology to make,
but that she thought her husband deserv'd a silver
spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neigh-
bors. This was the first appearance of plate and
China in our house, which afterward, in a course of
years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradu-
ally to several hundred pounds in value.

I had been religiously educated as a Presbyte-
rian ; and tho' some of the dogmas of that persua-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 225

sion, such as the eternal decrees of God, election ^
re-probation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible,
others doubtful, and I early absented myself from
the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my
studying day, I never was without some religious
principles. I never doubted, for instance, the ex-
istence of the Deity; that he made the world, and
govern'd it by his Providence ; that the most accept-
able service of God was the doing good to man ;
that our souls are immortal ; and that all crime will
be punished, and virtue rewarded, either here or
hereafter. These I esteem'd the essentials of every
religion ; and, being to be found in all the religions
we had in our country, I respected them all, tho'
with different degrees of respect, as I found them
more or less mix'd with other articles, which, with-
out any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm
morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make
us unfriendly to one another. This respect to all,
with an opinion that the worst had some good effects,
induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to
lessen the good opinion another might have of his
own religion ; and as our province increas'd in
people, and new places of worship were continually
wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contri-
bution, my mite for such purpose, whatever might
be the sect, was never refused.

Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had
still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility
when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my

226 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

annual subscription for the support of the only Pres-
byterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia.
He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and ad-
monish me to attend his administrations, and I was
now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five
Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion
a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued,
notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's
leisure in my course of study ; but his discourses
were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explica-
tions of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were
all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying,
since not a single moral principle w^as inculcated or
enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us
Presbyterians than good citizens.

At length he took for his text that verse of the
fourth chapter of Philippians, '•'•Finally^ brethren^
whatsoever things are true, honest, Just, fure,
lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue,
or any -praise, think on these things.^^ And I
imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not
miss of having some morality. But he confin'd
himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle,
viz. : I. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being
diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attend-
ing duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the
Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect to God's
ministers. These might be all good things :
but, as they were not the kind of good things
that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 227

meeting with them from any other, was disgusted,
and attended his preaching no more. I had some
years before compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of
prayer, for m^^ own private use (viz., in 1728), en-
titled, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I
return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the
public assemblies. My conduct might be blame-
able, but I leave it, without attempting further to
excuse it ; my present purpose being to relate facts,
and not to make apologies for them.*

It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and
arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. 1
wish'd to live without committing any fault at any
time ; I would conquer all that either natural incli-
nation, custom, or company might lead me into. As
I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and
wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the
one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had

* Giving some advice to his daughter Sarah, in a letter Avritten on the
eve of his departure for England in 1764, the Doctor refers more at
length to the subject of church ministration. He writes :

" Go constantly to church, whoever preaches. The act of devotion in
the common prayer-book is your principal business there, and, if pro-
perly attended to, will do more towards amending the heart than ser-
mons generally can do. For they were composed by men of much
greater piety and wisdom than our common composers of sermons can
pretend to be ; and therefore I wish you would never miss the prayer
days ; yet I do not mean you should despise sermons even of the
preachers you dislike, for the discourse is often much better than the
man, as sweet and clear waters come through very dirty earth. I am
the more particular on this head as you seemed to express a little before
I came away, some inclination to leave our church, which I would not
have you do." — Ed.

228 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had
imagined. While my care was employ'd in guard-
ing against one fault, I was often surprised by an-
other ; habit took the advantage of inattention ; in-
clination was sometimes too strong for reason. I
concluded, at length, that the mere speculative con-
viction that it was our interest to be completely vir-
tuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping ;
and that the contrary habits must be broken, and
good ones acquired and established, before we can
have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude
of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived
the following method.

In the various enumerations of the moral virtues
I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue
more or less numerous, as different writers included
more or fewer ideas under the same name. Tem-
perance, for example, was by some confined to eat-
ing and drinking, while by others it was extended
to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appe-
tite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even
to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd to myself,
for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names,
with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names
with more Ideas ; and I included under thirteen
names of virtues all that at that time occurr'd to me
as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a
short precept, which fully express'd the extent I
gave to its meaning.

These names of virtues, with their precepts were :

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 229

I. Temperance.
Eat not to dullness ; drink not to elevation.

2. Silence.

Speak not but what may benefit others or your-
self; avoid trifling conversation.

3. Order.

Let all your things have their places ; let each
part of your business have its time.

4. Resolution.

Resolve to perform v^hat you ought ; perform
without fail what you resolve.

5. Frugality.

Make no expense but to do good to others or
yourself; i* e., waste nothing.

6. Industry.

Lose no time ; be always employ'd in somethmg
useful ; cut off all unnecessary actions.

7. Sincerity.

Use no hurtful deceit ; think innocently and justly •
and, if you speak, speak accordingly.

8. Justice.

Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the

benefits that are your auty.
20

230 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

9. Moderation.

Avoid extreams ; forbear resenting injuries so
much as you think they deserve.

10. Cleanliness.

Tolerate no uncleanHness in bodv, cloaths, or
habitation.

11. Tranquillity.

Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents com-
mon or unavoidable.

12. Chastity.

Rarely use venery but for health or offspring,
never to dulness, v^^eakness, or the injury of your
own or another's peace or reputation.

13. Humility.
Imitate Jesus and Socrates.

My intention being to acquire the habitude of all
these virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to dis-
tract my attention by attempting the whole at once,
but to fix it on one of them at a time ; and, when I
should be master of that, then to proceed to another,
and so on, till I should have gone thro' the thirteen ;
and, as the previous acquisition of some might facili-
tate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd
them with that view, as they stand above. Tem-
perance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and
clearness of head, w'hich is so necessary where con-
stant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard main-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 23 1

tained against the unremitting attraction of ancient
habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This
being acquir'd and estabhsh'd, Silence would be.
more easy ; and my desire being to gain knowledge
at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and con-
sidering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather
by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and there-
fore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of
prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me
acceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the
second place. This and the next. Order, I ex-
pected would allow me more time for attending to
my project and my studies. Resohition, once be-
come habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors
to obtain all the subsequent virtues ; Frugality and
Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and
producing affluence and independence, would make
more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc.,
etc. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice
of P^^thagoras in his Golden Verses,* daily exami-

* The verses here referred to are thus given as Englished from the
version of Hierocles :

" In this place you should collect together the sense of all the fore-
going precepts, that so giving heed to them as to the laws of God in the
inward judicature of the soul, you may make a just examination of what
you have done well or ill. For how will our remembrance reprehend us
for doing ill, or praise us fordoing well, unless the preceding meditation
receive some laws, according to which the whole tenor of our life should
be ordered, and to which we should conform the very private recesses
of conscience all our lives long ? He requires also that this examina-
tion be daily repeated, that by continual returns of recollection we may not
be deceived in our judgment. The time which he recommends for this
work is about even or l3ed-time, that we may conclude the action of the day

232 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

nation would be necessary, I contrived the following
method for conducting that examination.

with the judgment of conscience, making the examination of our con
versation an evening song to GoA Wherein have I transgressed!
What have I done ? What duty have I omitted ? So shall we meas irt
our lives by the rules above mentioned, if to the law of the mind we
join the judgment of reason.

" V/hat then does the law of the mind say ? That we should honor
the more excellent natures according to their essential order, that we
should have our parents and relations in high esteem, love and embrace
good men, raise ourselves above corporeal affections, everywhere stand
in awe of ourselves, carefully observe justice, consider the frailty of
riches and momentary life, embrace the lot which falls to us by divine
judgment, delight in a divine frame of spirit, convert our mind to what
is most excellent, love good discourses, not lie open to impostures, not
be servilely affected in the possession of virtue, advise before action to
prevent repentance, free ourselves from uncertain opinions, live with
knowledge, and lastly, that we should adapt our bodies and the things
without to the exercise of virtue. These are the things which the law-
giving mind has implanted in the souls of men, which when reason ad-
mits, it becomes a most vigilant judge of itself, in this manner. Wherein
have I transgressed ? what have I done ? and if aftenvards she finds her-
self to have spent the whole day agreeably to the foregoing rules, she is
rewarded with a divine complacency. And if she find anything done
amiss, she corrects herself by the restorative of an after admonition.

" Wherefore he would have us keep off sleep by the readiness and
alacrity of reason. And this the body will easily endure, if temperately
dieted it has not contracted a necessity of sleeping. By which means
even our most natural appetites are subjected to the empire of reason.

" Do not admit sleep (says he) till you have examin'd every action of
the day. And what is the form of examination ? Wherein have I trans-
gress'd ? what have I done .'' what duty have I omitted ? For we sin
two ways. By doing what we should not, and by not doing what we
should. For 'tis one thing not to do well, and another thing to commit
evil. One is a sin of omission, and the other of commission.

" For instance, 'tis our duty to pray, but not to blaspheme ; to nourish
our parents but not to revile them. He that does the former of these
does what he ought, he that does the latter what he ought not. Though
there is as much guilt in a sin of omission as in a sin of commission.

" He exhorts also that we proceed methodicaHy in our examination

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 233

I made a little book, in which I allotted a page
for each of the virtues. I rul'd each page with red
ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day
of tlie week, marking each column w'ith a letter for
the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red
lines, marking the beginning of each line with the
first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and
in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black
spot, every fault I found upon examination to have
been committed respecting that virtue upon that
day.*

from the beginning to the end, leaving nothing out in the middle, which
is implied by the word, runover. For oftentimes change of order deceives
the judgment, and makes us favorable to our ill actions through dis-
order of memory. Besides, a daily recollection of our actions begets
care and studiousness of conversation, and a sense of our immortality.
And this is worth our admiration, that when he bid us recollect every-
thing, yet he added not. Wherein have I done well ? or what duty have
I perform'd ? But he turn'd the memory to what was a less occasion of
pride, requiring a scrutiny only of our sins. And as for the judge, he
has constituted that which is most just and impartial, and most intimate
and domestick, the conscience, right reason, or a man's self, which he
had before caution'd us to stand in awe of above all things. For
who can so admonish another as every man can himself ? For he
that is at his own liberty will use the freedom of nature, and shake off
the admonitions of others, when he is not minded to follow them. But
reason, which is within us, cannot chuse but hear itself. God has set
this over us as a guardian, instructor and schoolmaster. And this the
verse makes the judge of the day's action, acquiesces in its determina-
tion whether it condemns or approves itself. For when it reads over
what is done in the register of memory, then, looking to the exemplar of
the law, it pronounces itself worthy of honor or dishonor. This course,
if daily follow'd, perfects the divine image in them that use it, leading
them by additions and subtractions to the beauty of virtue, and all attain*
able perfection. For here end the instructions about civil virtue."— Ea
* This "little book" is dated ist of July, 1733.— W. T. F.
20*

^34

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Form of the -pages.

TEMPERANCE.

EAT NOT TO DULNESS ;
DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION.

* *

I determined to give a week's strict attention to
each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first
week, my great guard was to avoid every the least
offence against Temperance, leaving the other vir-
tues to their ordinary chance, only marking every
evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first
week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear of
spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much
strengthen'd, and its opposite weaken'd, that I might
venture extending my attention to include the next,
and for the following week keep both lines clear of
spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go
thro' a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 235

courses in a year. And like him who, having a
garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all
the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach
and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a
time, and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to
a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encourag-
ing pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I
made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines
of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses,
I should be happy in viewing a clean book, after a
thirteen weeks' daily examination.

This my little book had for its motto these lines
from Addison's Cato:

" Here will I hold. If there's a power above us
(And that there is, all nature cries aloud
Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue ;
And that which he delights in must be happy."

Another from Cicero,

" O vitae Philosophia dux ! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque vitio-
rum ! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati
est anteponendus."

Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking
of wisdom or virtue :

" Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and
honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are
peace." iii. 16, 17.

And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom,
I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assist-
ance for obtaining it ; to this end I formed the

236

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my
tables of examination, for daily use.

" O powerful Goodness ! bountiful Father ! tnerciful Guide ! Ltcrease

in me that raisdom which discovers viy truest interest. Streiigthen my

resolutions to perform what that wisdojn dictates. Accept my kind offices

to thy other childrett as the only return in my power for thy cojitinual

favours to me.''"'

I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took
from Thomson's Poems, viz. :

" Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme !
O teach me what is good ; teach me Thyself !
Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,
From every low pursuit ; and fill my soul
With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure ;
Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss !"

The precept of Order requiring that every -part
of my duszness shoiild have its allotted time., one
page in my little book contain'd the following
scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of
a natural day.

The Morning.
Question. What good shall I
do this day ?

Rise, wash, and address Pow-
eiful Goodness ! Contrive day's
' business, and take the resolution
of the day ; prosecute the pre-
sent study, and breakfast

Work.

Noon.

Read, or overlook my ac«
counts, and dine.

Work.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

237

Evening.
Question, What good have I
done to-day ?

Night.

7
8

9J
10

Put things in their places.
Supper. Music or diversion,
or conversation. Examination
of the day.

II
12

I \ Sleep.

3
I 4J

lenter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-
examination, and continu'd it with occasional inter-
missions for some time. I was surpris'd to find
myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined ;
but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish.
To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my
little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the
paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a
new course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my
tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memo-
randum book, on which the lines were drawn with
red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those
lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil,
which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet
sponge. After a while I went thro' one course only
in a year, and afterward only one in several years,
till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd
in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity
of affairs that interfered ; but I always carried my
little book with me.

My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble ;

238 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

and I found that, tho' it might be practicable where
a man's business was such as to leave him the dis-
position of his time, that of a journeyman printer,
for instance, it was not possible to be exactly ob-
served by a master, who must mix with the world,
and often receive people of business at their own
hours. Order ^ too, with regard to places for things,
papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire.
I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having
an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible
of the inconvenience attending want of method.
This article, therefore, cost me so much painful at-
tention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I
made so little progress in amendment, and had such
frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give
up the attempt, and content myself wdth a faulty
character in that respect, like the man who, in buy-
ing an ax of a smith, my neighbour, desired to have
the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The
smith consented to grind it bright for him if he
would turn the wheel ; he turn'd, while the smith
press'd the broad face of the ax hard and heavily
on the stone, which made the turning of it very
fatiguing. The man came every now and then
from the wheel to see how the work went on, and
at length would take his ax as it was, without far-
ther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on,
turn on ; we shall have it bright by-and by ; as yet,
it is only speckled." " Yes," says the man, " but T

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 239

think I like a speckled aoc best.'''' And I believe this
may have been the case with many, who, having,
for want of some such means as I employ'd, found
the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad
habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given
up the struggle, and concluded that " a speckled
ax was bestf^ for something, that pretended to be
reason, was every now and then suggesting to me
that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself
might be a kind of foppery iii morals, which,. if it
were known, would make me ridiculous ; that a
perfect character might be attended with the incon-
venience of being envied and hated ; and that a
benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself,
to keep his friends in countenance.

In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect
to Order ; and now I am grown old, and my me-
mory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But,
on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection
I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far
short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and
a happier man than I otherwise should have been
if I had not attempted it ; as those who aim at per-
fect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho*
they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those
copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and
is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.

It may be well my posterity should be informed
that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God,
their ancestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life,

240 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

down to his 79^^ year,* in which this is written.
What reverses may attend the remainder is in the
hand of Providence ; but, if they arrive, the reflec-
tion on past happiness enjoy'd ought to help his
bearing them with more resignation. To Tempe-
rance he ascribes his long-continued health, and
what is still left to him of a good constitution ; to
Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his
circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all
that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citi-
zen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation
among the learned ; to Sincerity and Justice, the
confidence of his country, and the honorable em-
ploys it conferred upon him ; and to the joint influ-
ence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the
imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that
evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in con-
versation, which makes his company still sought
for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaint-
ance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descend-
ants may follow the example and reap the benefit.

It will be remark'd that, tho' m}^ scheme was not
wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of
any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular
sect. I had purposely avoided them ; for, being
fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of m}
m(!thod, and that it might be serviceable to people
in all religions, and intending some time or other to

* This was written, therefore, in 1785, the year the Doctor returned
fiom Paris. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 24 1

publish It, I would not have any thing in it that
should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it.
I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue,
in which I would have shown the advantages of
possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its oppo-
site vice ; and I should have called my book The
Art of Virtue,* because it would have shown the
means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would
have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to
be good, that does not instruct and indicate the
means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal
charity, who only without showing to the naked
and hungry how or where they might get clothes or
victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed. —
James ii. 15, 16.

But it so happened that my intention of writing
and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I
did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints
of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use
of in it, some of which I have still by me ; but the
necessary close attention to private business in the
earlier part of my life, and public business since, have
occasioned my postponing it ; for, it being con-
nected in my mind with a great and extensive pro-
ject, that required the whole man to execute, and
which an unforeseen succession of employs pre-
vented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd
unfinish'd.

* Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. — Marg. note.
21 L

242 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

In this piece it was my design to explain and
enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not
hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden
because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone
considered ; that it was, therefore, every one's in-
terest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even
in this world ; and I should, from this circumstance
(there being always in the world a number of rich
merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have
need of honest instruments for the management of
their affairs, and such being so rare), have endea-
vored to convince young persons that no qualities
were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those
of probity and integrity.

My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve ;
but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that
I was generally thought proud ; that my pride
show'd itself frequently in conversation ; that I was
not content with being in the right when discussing
any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent,
of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several
instances ; I determined endeavouring to cure myself,
if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and
I added Humility to my list, giving an extensive
meaning to the word.

I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the
reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with
regard to the affearance of it. I made it a rule to
forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of
others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 243

forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our
Junto, the use of every word or expression in the
language that imported "a fix'd opinion, such as
certainly^ undoubtedly^ etc., and I adopted, instead
of them, / conceive^ I aj)prehend, or / imagine a
thing to be so or so ; or it so af fears to me at -pre^
sent. When another asserted something that I
thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of
contradicting him abruptly, and of showing imme-
diately some absurdity in his proposition ; and in
answering I began by observing that in certain cases
or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in
the present case there appeared or seeml^d to me
some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage
of this change in my manner ; the conversations I
engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest
w^ay in which I propos'd my opinions procured them
a readier reception and less contradiction ; I had
less mortification when I was found to be in the
wTong, and I more easily prevail'd with others to
give up their mistakes and join with me when I
happened to be in the right.

And this mode, which I at first put on with some
violence to natural inclination, became at length so
easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these
fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical
expression escape me. And to this habit (after my
character of integrity) I think it principally owing
that I had early so much weight with my fellow-
citizens when I proposed new institutions, or altera-

244 ^ UTOBIO GRA PH T.

tions in the old, and so much influence in public
councils when I became a member ; for I was but a
bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesi-
tation in my choice of words, hardly correct in lan-
guage, and yet I generally carried my points.

In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural
passions so hard to subdue as f?'ide. Disguise it,
struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as
much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every
now and then peep out and show itself; you will see
it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could
conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should
probably be proud of my humility.

("Thus far written at Passy, 1784.]

.[** / am now about to write at home, August^
1788, btit can not have the helf expected Jrom
my papers, many of them being lost in the war,
I have, however, found the following, ^'''\ *

HAVING mentioned a great and extensive
project which I had conceiv'd, it seems pro-
per that some account should be here given of that
project and its object. Its first rise in my mind ap-
pears in the following little paper, accidentally pre-
serv'd, viz. :

Observations on my reading history, in Library,
May 19th, 1731.

*'That the great affairs of the world, the wars,
revolutions, etc., are carried on and effected by
parties.

* This is a marginal memorandum. — Ed.
21* 245

246 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

*' That the view of these parties is their present
general interest, or what they take to be such.

* ' That the different views of these different par-
ties occasion all confusion.

**That while a party is carrying on a general
design, each man has his particular private interest
in view.

**That as soon as a party has gain'd its general
point, each member becomes intent upon his par-
ticular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks
that party into divisions, and occasions more con-
fusion.

*' That few in public affairs act from a meer view
of the good of their country, whatever they may
pretend ; and, tho' their actings bring real good to
their country, yet men primarily considered that
their own and their country's interest was united,
and did not act from a principle of benevolence.

**That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a
view to the good of mankind.

*' There seems to me at present to be great occa-
sion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by form-
ing the virtuous and good men of all nations into a
regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and
wise rules, which good and wise men may probably
be more unanimous in their obedience to, than com-
mon people are to common laws.

*' I at present think that whoever attempts this
aright, and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing
God, and of meeting with success. B. F."

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 247

Revolving this project in my mind, as to be under-
taken hereafter, when my circumstances should
afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from
time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as
occurr'd to me respecting it. Most of these are
lost ; but I find one purporting to be the substance
of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the
essentials of every known religion, and being free
of every thing that might shock the professors of
any religion. It is express'd in these words, viz. :

** That there is one God, who made all things.

*' That he governs the world by his providence.

** That he ought to be worshiped by adoration,
prayer, and thanksgiving.

** But that the most acceptable service of God is
doing good to man.

" That the soul is immortal.

** And that God will certainly reward virtue and
punish vice, either here or hereafter."*

My ideas at that time were, that the sect should
be begun and spread at first among young and single
men only ; that each person to be initiated should
not only declare his assent to such creed, but should
have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' ex-
amination and practice of the virtues, as in the be-
fore-mention'd model ; that the existence of such a
society should be kept a secret, till it was become

* In- the Middle Ages, Franklin, if such a phenomenon as Franklin
were possible in the Middle Ages, would probably have been the founder
of a monastic order. — Ed.

248 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admis-
sion of improper persons, but that the members
should each of them search among his acquaintance
for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with
prudent caution, the scheme should be gradually
communicated ; that the members should engage to
afford their advice, assistance, and support to each
other in promoting one another's interests, business,
and advancement in life ; that, for distinction, we
should be call'd The Society of the Free and Easy :
free, as being, by the general practice and habit
of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice ; and
particularly by the practice of industry and frugality,
free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement,
and a species of slavery to his creditors.

This is as much as I can now recollect of the
project, except that I communicated it in part to two
young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm ;
but my then narrow circumstances, and the neces-
sity I was under of sticking close to my business,
occasion'd my postponing the further prosecution
of it at that time ; and my multifarious occupations,
public and private, induc'd me to continue postpon-
ing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer
strength or activity left sufficient for such an enter-
prise ; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practi-
cable scheme, and might have been very useful, by
forming a great number of good citizens ; and I was
not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude of the
undertaking, as I have always thought that one

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 249

man of tolerable abilities may work great changes,
and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he
first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amuse-
ments or other employments that would divert his
attention, makes the execution of that same plan his
sole study and business.

In 1732 I first publlsh'd my Almanack, under the
name of Richard Saunders; it was continu'd by
me about twenty-five years, commonly call'd Poor
Richard's Ahnanac. I endeavor'd to make it both
entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to
be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit
from it, vending annually near ten thousand.* And
observing that it was generally read, scarce any

* The advertisement to the first number of this the most celebrated
of Ahiianacs was printed in tlie Pennsylvania Gazette on tlie igtli of
December, 1732. Though appearing thus late in the season, three
editions of No. i were sold before the end of January. The advertise-
ment ran as follows :

"Just published, for 1733, An Almanack, containing the Lunations,
Eclipses, Planets' Motions and Aspects, Weather, Sun and Moon's
Rising and Setting, High Water, etc. ; besides many pleasant and witty
Verses, Jests, and Sayings ; Author's Motive of Writing ; Prediction of
the Death of his Friend, Mr. Titan Leeds ; Moon no Cukold; Bache-
lor's Folly ; Parson's Wine and Baker's Pudding ; Short Visits ; Kings
and Bears ; New Fashions ; Game for Kisses ; Katherine's Love ; Dif-
ferent Sentiments ; Signs of a Tempest ; Death of a Fisherman ; Con-
jugal Debate ; Men and Melons ; The Prodigal ; Breakfast in Bed ;
Oyster Law-suit, etc. By Richard Saunders, Philomat. Printed and
Sold by B. Franklin."

I believe there is no complete collection of this Almanac in exist'
ence. The most complete one that I have any knowledge of was made
by Mr. Doggett, for some years the publisher of a New York Directory.
At his death, however, the collection was d'sper^ed. — Ed.

250 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

neighborhood in the province being without it, I
consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying in-
struction among the common people, who bought
scarcely any other books ; I therefore filled all the
little spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable
days in the calendar with proverbial sentences,
chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as
the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing
virtue ; it being more difficult for a man in want, to
act always honestly, as, to use here one of those
proverbs, it is hard for an em^ty sack to stand tcjf)-
right.

These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of
many ages and nations, I assembled and form'd into
a connected discourse prefix'd to the Almanack of
1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the
people attending an auction. The bringing all
these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled
them to make greater impression. The piece, being
universally approved, was copied in all the news-
papers of the Continent ; reprinted in Britain on a
broad side, to be stuck up in houses ; two transla-
tions were made of it in French, and great numbers
bought by the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis
among their poor parishioners and tenants. In
Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in
foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share
of influence in producing that growing plenty of
money which was observable for several years after
its publication.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 25 I

I considered my newspaper, also, as another
means of communicating instruction, and in that
view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the
Spectator, and other moral writers ; and sometimes
publish'd little pieces of my own, which had been
first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these
are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, what-
ever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man
could not properly be called a man of sense ; and a
discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was
not secure till its practice became a habitude, and
was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations.
These may be found in the papers about the begin-
ning of 1735.

In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully ex-
cluded all libelling and personal abuse, which is of
late years become so disgraceful to our country.
Whenever I was solicited to insert any thing of that
kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did,
the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was
like a stage-coach, in which any one who would pay
had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would
print the piece separately if desired, and the author
might have as many copies as he pleased to distri-
bute himself, but that I would not take upon me to
spread his detraction ; and that, having contracted
with my subscribers to furnish them with what might
be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their
papers with private altercation, in which they had
no concern, without doing them manifest injustice.

252 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

Now, many of our printers make no scruple of grati-
fying the malice of individuals by false accusations
of the fairest characters among ourselves, augment-
ing animosity even to the producing of duels ; and
are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous
reflections on the government of neighboring states,
and even on the conduct of our best national allies,
which may be attended with the most pernicious
consequences. These things I mention as a caution
to young printers, and that they may be encouraged
not to pollute their presses and disgrace their pro-
fession by such infamous practices, but refuse stead-
ily, as they may see by my example that such a
course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious
to their interests.

In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charles-
ton, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting.
I furnish'd him with a press and letters, on an agree-
ment of partnership, by which I was to receive one-
third of the profits of the business, paying one-third
of the expense. He was a man of learning, and
honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho'
he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no
account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our
partnership while he lived. On his decease, the
business was continued by his widow, who, being
born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been
inform'd, the knowledge of accounts makes a part
of female education, she not only sent me as clear a
state as she could find of the transactions past, but

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 253

continued to account with the greatest regularity
and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed
the business with such success, that she not only
brought up reputably a family of children, but, at
the expiration of the term, was able to purchase of
rne the printing-house, and establish her son in it.

I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recom-
mending that branch of education for our young
females, as likely to be of more use to them and
their children, in case of widowhood, than either
music or dancing, by preserving them from losses
by imposition *of crafty men, and enabling them to
continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house,
with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown
up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting
advantage and enriching of the family.

About the year 1734 there arrived among us from
Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named
Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and
apparently extempore, most excellent discourses,
which drew together considerable numbers of dif-
ferent persuasions, who join'd in admiring them.
Among the rest, I became one of his constant
hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little
of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the
practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are
called good works. Those, however, of our con-
gregation, who considered themselves as orthodox
Presbyterians, disapprov'd his doctrine, and were

join'd by most of the old clergy, who arraign'd

254 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to
have him silenc'd. I became his zealous partisan,
and contributed all I could to raise a party in his
favour, and we combated for him a while with some
hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro
and con upon the occasion ; and finding that, tho*
an elegant preacher, he was but a poor WTiter, I
lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three
pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April,
1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case
with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read at the
time, w^ere soon out of vogue, and I question whe-
ther a single copy of them now exists.

During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt
his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries
having heard him preach a sermon that was much
admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon
before, or at least a part of it. On search, he found
that part quoted at length, in one of the British
Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This
detection gave many of our party disgust, who
accordingly abandoned his cause, and occasion'd
our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck
by him, however, as I rather appro v'd his giving us
good sermons compos'd by others, than bad ones of
his own manufacture, tho' the latter was the practice
of our common teachers. He afterward acknow-
ledg'd to me that none of those he preach'd were his
own ; adding, that his memory w^as such as enabled
him to retain and repeat any sermon after one read-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 255

ing only. On our defeat, he left us in search else-
where of better fortune, and I quitted the congrega-
tion, never joining it after, tho' I continu'd many
years my subscription for the support of its min-
isters.

I had begun in i733 to study languages ; I soon
made myself so much a master of the French as to
be able to read the books with ease. I then under-
took the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also
learning it, us'd often to tempt me to play chess with
him. Finding this took up too much of the time I
had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play
any more, unless on this condition, that the victor
in every game should have a right to impose a task,
either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart,
or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd
was to perform upon honour, before our next meet-
ing. As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one
another into that language. I afterwards with a
little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish
as to read their books also.

I have already mention'd that I had only one
year's instruction in a Latin school, and that when
very young, after which I neglected that language
entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance
with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was sur-
priz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament,
that I understood so much more of that language
than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply
myself again to the study of it, and I met with more

256 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

success, as those preceding languages had greatly
smooth'd /ny way.

From these circumstances, I have thought that
there is some inconsistency in our common mode of
teaching languages. We are told that it is proper
to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd
that, it will be more easy to attain those modern
languages which are deriv'd from it ; and yet we do
not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to
acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber
and get to the top of a staircase without using the
steps, you will more easily gain them in descending ;
but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will
with more ease ascend to the top ; and I would
therefore offer it to the consideration of those who
superintend the education of our youth, whether,
since many of those who begin with the Latin quit
the same after spending some years without hav-
ing made any great proficiency, and what they
have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their
time has been lost, it would not have been better
to have begun with the French, proceeding to the
Italian, etc. ; for, tho', after spending the same time,
they should quit the study of languages and never
arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have
acquired another tongue or two, that, being in
modern use, might be serviceable to them in com-
mon life.*

* It may be doubted whether any thing more wise than this has been
written upon the much-vexed question to which it relates. The au*

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 25/

After ten years' absence from Boston, and having
become easy in my circumstances, I made a journey
thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner
well afford. In returning, I call'd at Newport to
see my brother, then settled there with his printing-
house. Our former differences were forgotten, and
our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He
was fast declining in his health, and requested of me
that, in case of his death, which he apprehended
not far distant, I would take home his son, then but

thority of Franklin, the most eminently practical man of his age, in favor
of reserving the study of the dead languages until the mind has reached
a certain maturity, is confirmed by the confession of one of the most
eminent scholars of any age.

" Our seminaries of learning," says Gibbon, " do not exactly correspond
with the precept of a Spartan king, ' that the child should be instructed in
the arts which will be useful to the man ;' since a finished scholar may
emerge firom the head of Westminster or Eton, in total ignorance of the
business and conversation of English gentlemen in the latter end of
the eighteenth century. But these schools may assume the merit of
teaching all that they pretend to teach, the Latin and Greek languages :
they deposit in the hands of a disciple the keys of two valuable chests ;
nor can he complain, if they are afterwards lost or neglected by his
own fault. The necessity of leading in equal ranks so many unequal
powers of capacity and application, will prolong to eight or ten years
the juvenile studies, which might be despatched in half that time by the
skilful master of a single pupil. Yet even the repetition of exercise
and discipline contributes to fix in a vacant mind the verbal science of
grammar and prosody : and the private or voluntary student, who
possesses the sense and spirit of the classics, may offend, by a false
quantity, the scrupulous ear of a well-flogged critic. For myself, I must
be content with a very small share of the civil and literary fruits of a
public school. In the space of two years (1749, 1750), interrupted by
danger and debility, I pamfully climbed into the third form ; and my
riper age was left to acquire the beauties of the Latin and the rudiments
of the Greek tongue." — Ed.
22*

258 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing
business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending
him a few years to school before I took him into the
office. His mother carried on the business till he
was grown up, when I assisted him with an assort-
ment of new types, those of his father being in a
manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my
brother ample amends for the service I had depriv'd
him of by leaving him so early.

In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four
years old, by the small-pox, taken in the common
way. I long regretted bitterly, and still regret
that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This
I mention for the sake of parents who omit that
operation, on the supposition that they should never
forgive themselves if a child died under it ; my ex-
ample showing that the regret may be the same
either way, and that, therefore, the safer should be
chosen.

Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and
afforded such satisfaction to the members, that se-
veral were desirous of introducing their friends,
which could not well be done without exceeding
what we had settled as a convenient number, viz.,
twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule
to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty
well observed ; the intention was to avoid applica-
tions of improper persons for admittance, some of
whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse.
I was one of those who were against any addition

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 259

to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a
proposal, that every member separately should en-
deavor to form a subordinate club, with the same
rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing
them of the connection with the Junto. The advan-
tages proposed were, the improvement of so many
more young citizens by the use of our institutions ;
our better acquaintance with the general sentiments
of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto
member might propose what queries we should de-
sire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in
his separate club ; the promotion of our particular
interests in business by more extensive recommen-
dation, and the increase of our influence in public
affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading
thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto.

The project was appro v'd, and every member
undertook to form his club, but they did not all suc-
ceed. Five or six only were compleated, which
were called by different names, as the Vine, the
Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to them-
selves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement,
information, and instruction, besides answering, in
some considerable degree, our views of influencing
the public opinion on particular occasions, of which
I shall give some instances in course of time as
they happened.

My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736,
clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was
made that year without opposition ; but the year

26o AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

following, when I was again propos'd (the choice,
like that of the members, being annual), a new
member made a long speech against me, in order to
fav^our some other candidate. I was, however,
chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as,
besides the pay for the immediate service as clerk,
the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping
up an interest among the members, which secur'd
to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper
money, and other occasional jobbs for the public,
that, on the whole, were very profitable.

I therefore did not like the opposition of this new
member, who was a gentleman of fortune and edu-
cation, with talents that were likely to give him, in
time, great influence in the House, which, indeed,
afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at
gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to
him, but, after some time, took this other method.
Having heard that he had in his library a certain
very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him,
expressing my desire of perusing that book, and
requesting he would do me the favour of lending
it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately,
and I return'd it in about a week with another note,
expressing strongly my sense of the favour. When
we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which
he had never done before) , and with great civility ;
and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve
me on all occasions, so that we became great
friends, and our friendship continued to his death.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 26 1

This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim
I had learned, which says, ''^He that has once done
you a kindness zuill be more ready to do you an-
other, than he 2vho?n you yourself have obliged ^
And it shows how much more profitable it is pru-
dently to remove, than to resent, return, and con-
tinue inimical proceedings.

In 1737? Colonel Spotswood, late governor of
Virginia, and then postmaster-general, being dis-
satisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadel-
phia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and
inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the
commission and offered it to me. I accepted it
readily, and found it of great advantage ; for, tho'
the salary was small, it facilitated the correspond-
ence that improved my newspaper, increas'd the
number demanded, as well as the advertisements to
be inserted, so that it came to afford me a consider-
able income. M}'' old competitor's newspaper de-
clined proportionably, and I was satisfy'd without
retaliating his refusal, while postmaster, to permit
my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he
suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting ;
and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who
may be employ'd in managing affairs for others,
that they should always render accounts, and make
remittances, w^ith great clearness and punctuality.
The character of observing such a conduct is the
most powerful of all recommendations to new em-
ployments and increase of business.

262 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public
affairs, beginning, however, with small matters.
The city watch was one of the first things that I
conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by
the constables of the respective wards in turn ; the
constable warned a number of housekeepers to at-
tend him for the night. Those who chose never to
attend, paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd,
which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but
was, in reality, much more than was necessary for
that purpose, and made the constableship a place of
profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got
such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respect-
able housekeepers did not choose to mix with.
Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and
most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon
wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing
these irregularities, but insisting more particularly
on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the con-
stables, respecting the circumstances of those who
paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose
property to be guarded b}^ the watch did not per-
haps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much
as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of
pounds' worth of goods in his stores.

On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual
watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly
in that business ; and as a more equitable way of
supporting the charge, the levying a tax that should
be proportion'd to the property. This idea, being

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 263

approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the
other ckibs, but as arising in each of them ; and
though the plan was not immediately carried into
execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for
the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a
few years after, when the members of our clubs
were grown into more influence.

About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read
in Junto, but it was afterward publish'd) on the dif-
ferent accidents and carelessnesses by which houses
were set on fire, with cautions against them, and
means proposed of avoiding them. This was much
spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a pro-
ject, which soon followed it, of forming a company
for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual
assistance in removing and securing of goods when
in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently
found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agree-
ment oblig'd every member to keep always in good
order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather
buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing
and transporting of goods) , which were to be brought
to every fire ; and we agreed to meet once a month
and spend a social evening together, in discoursing
and communicating such ideas as occurred to us
upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our
conduct on such occasions.

The utility of this institution soon appeared, and
many more desiring to be admitted than we thought
convenient for one company, they were advised to

264 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

form another, which was accordingly done ; and this
went on, one new company being formed after an-
other, till they became so numerous as to include
most of the inhabitants who were men of property ;
and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' up-
ward of fifty years since its establishment, that which
I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still
subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members are all
deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year
than I am. The small fines that have been paid by
members for absence at the monthly meetings have
been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines, lad-
ders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for
each compan}'', so that I question whether there is a
city in the world better provided w4th the means of
putting a stop to beginning conflagrations ; and, in
fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost
by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and
the flames have often been extinguished before the
house in which they began has been half consumed.*

* This fire company was formed Dec. 7, 1736. It was designed pri-
marily for the security of the property of its members, though they did
not limit their usefulness to their own members when their property was
not in danger. The Union Fire Company was in active service as late
as 1 791. In a roll of the companies of that day we find it heading the
list, having thirty members, one engine, two hundred and fifty buckets,
thirteen ladders, two hooks, no bags, and one eighty-foot rope.

It will be seen by the articles of association which follow, that the
number of members was restricted to thirty. The applicants in a year
or two much exceeded this number, and there being no possibility of
uniting \\7th it, measures were taken to form a new company, which re-
sulted in 1738 in the establishment of the second voluntary fire company,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 265

In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Rev-
erend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself re-

" The Fellowship." See a series of interesting sketches of the fire ap-
paratus and the Philadelphia Fire Department, between the years 1701
and 1802, written for the Philadelphia Sunday Dispatch, by Thompson
Westcott

^^ Articles of the Union Fire Company of Philadelphia, originally formed

Dec. 7, 1736,

" I. That we will each of us, at his own proper charge, provide six
leather buckets and two bags, the bags to be made of good ozenburgs or
wider linen, whereof each bag shall contain four yards at least, and shall
have a running cord near the mouth, which said buckets and bags shall
be marked with their own names respectively and company, and shall
be kept ready at hand, and shall be applied to no other use than for pre-
serving our own and our fellow-citizens' houses, goods and effects, in
case of fire as aforesaid.

" II. That if any of us shall neglect to provide his buckets and bags
as aforesaid, or when so provided shall neglect to keep them ready for
the uses herein mentioned, or shall apply them to any other purpose, he
shall forfeit and pay to the clerk for the time being, for the use of the
company, the sum of i-8th of a dollar for each bucket or bag misapplied
or wanting, except any of them happen to be lost at a fire.

" III. That if any of the buckets or bags so marked as aforesaid shall
be lost or damaged at any fire, the same shall be supplied or repaired
out of the stock of the company, provided notice be given thereof to the
company within four months after such loss or damage.

" IV. That we will, all of us, upon hearing of Fire breaking out, im-
mediately repair to the same with at least one-half of our buckets and
bags, and there exert our best endeavors to extinguish such fire, and
preserve the goods and effects of such of us as may be in danger.
And if more than one of us shall be in danger at one time, we will divide
ourselves with the remainder of our buckets and bags as nearly as may
be, to be equally helpful. And to prevent suspicious persons from
coming into or carrying any goods out of such houses as may be in
danger, two of our members shall constantly attend at the doors until all
the goods and effects that can be saved are packed up and carried to a
place of safety. And upon hearing the cry of Fire in the night-time
we will immediately cause sufficient lights to be distributed in such parts
of the houses of such of our company as may be thought in danger, in
23 u

266 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

markable there as an Itinerant preacher. He was
at first permitted to preach in some of our churches ;
but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd
him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in
the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denomi-
nations that attended his sermons were enormous,

order to prevent confusion and enable their friends to give them moie
speedy and effectual assistance. And moreover, as this association is
intended for a general benefit, we do further agree, that whenever a
Fire breaks out in any part of the city, though none of our houses, goods
or effects may be in apparent danger, we will nevertheless repair thither
with our buckets and bags as before mentioned, and give our utmost
assistance to such of our fellow-citizens as may stand in need of it, in the
same manner as if they belonged to this company.

" V. Provides for eight meetings during the year, and every member
shall pay three shillings for his share of the reckoning of the evening.
Members not there at the commencement of the evening to pay one
shilling ; those not there during the entire evening to pay four shilling.

" "VI. Provides that each of us, in our turns, agreeable to the order
of our subscriptions, serve the company as clerk or get some other mem-
ber to serve in our stead, whose duty it shall be to inspect the condition
of all our buckets, bags, ladders and engine, and make report at each
meeting. The article also sets out the duties of the clerk, such as giv-
ing notice of meetings, keeping minutes, etc

" VII. Pro\'ides for the election of treasurer and prescribes his duties.

"VIII. Provides that the company shall not consist of more than
thirty members, etc.

" IX. Provides that each member shall keep a copy of these articles
and a list of all the members' names fixed in open view near his buckets,
on pain of forfeiture for each, as often as the same is reported to the
company.

" X. Provides that all fines shall be paid to the treasurer for the use
of the company.

" XI. That upon the death of any of our company the survivors shall,
in time of danger as aforesaid, be aiding and assisting the widow of such
decedent during her widowhood, as if her husband had been living — she
only keeping her buckets and bags in repair, and causing them to be
sent to every fire aforesaid." — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 26/

and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one
of the number, to observe the extraordinary influ-
ence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much
they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding
his common abuse of them, by assuring them they
were naturally half beasts and half devils. It Waj
wonderful to see the change soon made in the
manners of our inhabitants. From being thought-
less or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if
all the world were growing religious, so that one
could not walk thro' the town in an evening without
hearing psalms sung in different families of every
street.

And it being found inconvenient to assemble in
the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the build-
ing of a house to meet in was no sooner propos'd,
and persons appointed to receive contributions, but
sufficient sums were soon receiv'd to procure the
ground and erect the building, which was one hun-
dred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of
Westminster Hall ; and the work was carried on
with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter
time than could have been expected. Both house
and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for
the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion
who might desire to say something to the people at
Philadelphia ; the design in building not being to
accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants
in general ; so that even if the Mufti of Constanti-
nople were to send a missionary to preach Moham-

26S AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

medanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his
service.

Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all
the way thro' the colonies to Georgia. The set-
tlement of that province had lately been begun, but,
instead of being made with hardy, industrious hus-
bandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people fit
for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken
shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors, many of
indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who,
being set down in the woods, unqualified for clear-
ing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a
new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many
helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their
miserable situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of
Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan
House there, in which they might be supported and
educated. Returning northward, he preach'd up
this charity, and made large collections, for his
eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts
and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was
an instance.

1 did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia
was then destitute of materials and workmen, and
it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a
great expense, I thought it would have been better
to have built the house here, and brought the chil-
dren to it. This I advis'd ; but he was resolute in
his first project, rejected my counsel, and I there-
fore refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after to

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 269

attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I
perceived he intended to finish with a collection,
and I silently resolved he should get nothing from
me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper
money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles
in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and
concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of
his oratory made me asham'd of that, and deter-
min'd me to give the silver ; and he finish'd so
admirably, that I empty'd my pocket wholly into the
collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there
was also one of our club, who, being of my senti-
ments respecting the building in Georgia, and sus-
pecting a collection might be intended, had, by pre-
caution, emptied his pockets before he came from
home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse,
however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply'd
to a neighbour, who stood near him, to borrow
some money for the purpose. The application w^as
unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the
company who had the firmness not to be afi:ected by
the preacher. His answer was, '* At any other
thne, Friend Hoj^kinson^ I would lend to thee
freely ; hut not now, for thee seems to be out of
thy right senses,^^

Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to sup-
pose that he would apply these collections to his
own private emolument ; but I, who w^as intimately
acquainted with him (being employed in printing
his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had the least

23*

270 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day de-
cidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a
perfectly honest iuan; and methinks my testimony
in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we
had no religious connection. He us'd, indeed,
sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had
the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were
heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere
on both sides, and lasted to his death.

The following instance will show something of
the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his
arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me
that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew
not where he could lodge when there, as he under-
stood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was
removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You
know my house ; if you can make shift with its
scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily
welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind
offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward.
And I returned, '•'■ Don't let me be fnistaken; it was
not for Chrisfs sake, hut for your sake." One of
our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that,
knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when
they received any favour, to shift the burden of
the obligation from off their own shoulders, and
place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on
earth.

The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in Lon-
don, when he consulted me about his Orphan House

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 2/1

concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the
establishment of a college.

He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his
words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be
heard and understood at a great distance, especially as
his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most
exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top
of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of
Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street,
which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were
fiU'd with his hearers to a considerable distance.
Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had
the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by re
tiring backwards down the street towards the river ;
and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-
street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it.
Imagining then a semicircle, of which my distance
should be the radius, and that it were fill'd with
auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet,
I computed that he might well be heard by more
than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the
newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to
twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to
the antient histories of generals haranguing whole
armies, of which I had sometimes doubted.

By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily
between sermons newly compos'd, and those which
he had often preach'd in the course of his travels.
His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by fre-
quent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis,

2/2 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well
turn'd and well plac'd, that, without being interested
in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd
with the discourse ; a pleasure of much the same
kind with that receiv'd from an excellent piece of
musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers
have over those who are stationary, as the latter
can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by
so many rehearsals.

His writing and printing from time to time gave
great advantage to his enemies ; unguarded expres-
sions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in
preaching, might have been afterwards explained or
qualifi'd by supposing others that might have ac-
compani'd them, or they might have been deny'd ;
but litera serif ta ma7iet. Critics attack'd his writ-
ings violently, and with so much appearance of
reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and
prevent their encrease ; so that I am of opinion if
he had never written any thing, he would have left
behind him a much more numerous and important
sect, and his reputation might in that case have been
still growing, even after his death, as there being
nothing of his writing on which to found a censure
and give him a lower character, his proselytes would
be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety
of excellences as their enthusiastic admiration might
wish him to have possessed.

My business was now continually augmenting,
and my circumstances growing daily easier, my

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 2/3

newspaper having become very profitable, as being
for a time almost the only one in this and the neigh-
bouring provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of
the observation, " that after getting the first huu'
dred -pounds it is more easy to get the second^
money itself being of a prolific nature.

The partnership at Carolina having succeeded. I
was encourag'd to engage in others, and to promote
several of my workmen, who had behaved well, by
establishing them wdth printing-houses in different
colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina.
Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of
our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and
go on working for themselves, by which means
several families were raised. Partnerships often
finish in quarrels ; but I was happy in this, that
mine were all carried on and ended amicably,
owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of
having very explicitly settled, in our articles, every
thing to be done by or expected from each partner,
so that there was nothing to dispute, which precau-
tion I would therefore recommend to all who enter
into partnerships ; for, whatever esteem partners
may have for, and confidence in each other at the
time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts
may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and
burden of the business, etc., which are attended
often with breach of friendship and of the connec-
tion, perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable

consequences.

11*

274 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

T had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satis-
fied with my being estabhshed in Pennsylvania.
There were, however, two things that I regretted,
there being no provision for defense, nor for a com-
pleat education of youth ; no militia, nor any col-
lege. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for
establishing an academy ; and at that time, thinking
the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ,
a fit person to superintend such an institution, I
communicated the project to him; but he, having
more profitable views in the service of the propri-
etaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking;
and, not knowing another at that time suitable for
such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant.
I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing
and establishing a Philosophical Society. The
paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among
my writings, when collected.*

* The paper here referred to will be found in the 4tli vol. of Sparks'
Works of Franklin, p. 14. It bears date the 14th of May, 1743, Old
Style. It is entitled, " A proposal for promoting useful knowledge
among the British Plantations in America." It commences by speaking
of the great extent of the colonial possessions, " having different cli-
mates and different soils, producing different plants, mines, and mine-
rals, and capable of different improvements, manufactures," etc

It then says : " The first drudgery of settling new colonies, which
confines the attention of people to mere necessaries, is now pretty well
over ; and there are many in every province in circumstances that set
them at ease, and afford leisure to cultivate the finer arts, and improve
the common stock of knowledge. To such of these who are men of
speculation, many hints must from time to time arise, many observations
occur, which if well examined, pursued, and improved, might produce
discoveries to the advantage of some or all of the British Plantations, or

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 275

With respect to defense, Spain having been sev-
eral years at war against Great Britain, and being

to the benefit of mankind in general But as, from the extent of

the country; sach persons are widely separated, and seldom can see and
converse or be acquainted with each other, so that many useful particu-
lars remain uncommunicated, die with the discoverers, and are lost to
mankind ; it is to remedy this inconvenience for the future, proposed —

" That one society be formed of viiiuosi, or ingenious men, residing
in the several colonies, to be called The American Philosophical So-
ciety, who are to maintain constant correspondence.

"That Philadelphia, being the city nearest to the centre of the con-
tinent colonies, communicating with all of them northward and south-
ward by post, and with all the islands by sea, and having the advantage
of a good growing library', be the centre of the Society.

" That at Philadelphia there be always at least seven members, viz.
a physician, a botanist, a mathematician, a chemist, a mechanician, a
geographer, and a general natural philosopher, besides a president, trea-
surer, and secretary.

" That these members meet once a month, or oftener, at their own
expense, to communicate to each other their observations and experi-
ments ; to receive, read, and consider such letters, communications, or
queries as shall be sent from distant members ; to direct the dispersing
of the copies of such communications as are valuable, to other distant
members, in order to procure their sentiments thereupon."

Then follows an enumeration, made with some detail, of the subjects
on which it was proposed that the Society should be occupied : includ-
ing investigations in botany ; in medicine ; in mineralogy and mining ;
in mathematics ; in chemistry ; in mechanics ; in arts, trades, and
manufactures; in geography and topography; in agriculture; and "all
philosophical experiments that let light into the nature of things, tend
to increase the power of man over matter, and multiply the conveniences
or pleasures of life."

The circular proposes that " a correspondence be kept up with the
Royal Society of London, and the Dublin Society ; that abstracts of
the communications be sent quarterly to all the members ; and that,
at the end of every year, collections be made and printed of such expe-
riments, discoveries, and improvements, as may be thought of public
advantage."

The duties of the secretary are particularly laid down, and they are

2^6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

at length join'd by France, which brought us into
great danger ; and the laboured and long-continued

very arduous ; requiring that he attend to all the correspondence,
" abstract, correct, and methodize such papers as require it, and as
he shall be directed to do by the president, after they have been con-
sidered, debated, and digested in the Society ; to enter copies thereof
in the Society's books, and make out copies for distant members."
And after enumerating these difficult duties, the circular closes by
saying:

" Benjamin Franklin, the writer of this proposal, offers himself to
serve the Society as their secretary, till they shall be provided with
one more capable."

In this projet will be found all the leading features of the present
American Philosophical Society. There can be no doubt that from the
day when it was proposed the necessary measures for carrying it into
execution were taken. Dr. Thomas Bond (himself one of the original
members), in an oration delivered before the Society in 1782, says: —
" Franklin gradually established many necessary institutions, among
which was this Philosophical Society, so early as 1743, when the plan
was formed and published, the members chosen, and an invitation given
to all ingenious persons to co-operate and correspond with them on the
laudable occasion." It is true that Franklin, in his Autobiography, gives
the date 1744, saying, "in that year I succeeded in proposing and
establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that pur-
pose will be found among my writings, if not lost with many others."
But Franklin wrote from memor}', and the date of the paper referred to,
which was doubtless the proposal of 1743, shows that he had made a
mistake in the year.

In a letter to Cadwallader Golden, dated New York, 5th April, 1744,
Dr. Franklin acquaints him " that the Society, as far as relates to Phi-
ladelphia, was actually formed, and had had several meetings to mutual
.satisfaction."

In this letter the following list is presented of the original members ;

Dr. Thomas Bond, as Physician.

Mr. John Bartram. as Botanist.

Mr. Thomas Godfrey, as Mathematician.

Mr. Samuel Rhoads, as Mechanician.

Mr. William Parsons^ as Geographer.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 277

tiiideavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with
our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law, and
make other provisions for the security of the pro-
vince, having proved abortive, I determined to try
what might be done by a voluntary association of
the people. To promote this, I first wrote and pub-
lished a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which
I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights,
with the necessity of union and discipline for our
defense, and promis'd to propose in a few days an
association, to be generally signed for that purpose.
The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect.
I was call'd upon for the instrument of association,
and having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I
appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large build-
ing before mentioned. The house was pretty full ; I
had prepared a number of printed copies, and pro-
vided pens and ink dispersed all over the room. I

Dr. Phineas Bond, as General Natural Philosopher.
Mr. Thomas Hopkinson, President.
Mr. "William Coleman, Treasurer.
Benjamin Franklin, Secretary.

Though the American Philosophical Society was not, strictly speak-
ing, the organic continuation of the Junto, there can be no doubt that
the plan of establishing it had been often brought before the Junto for
consideration, for we know that it was the practice of FrankUn, when
he had new projects to propose, to have them first discussed in the
Club, But a stronger evidence still of the part which they took in form-
ing the new institution is presented by the fact that of the nine original
meml)ers of the Philosophical Society, six, including the three officers,
are known to have belonged to the Junto, — namely, Franklin, Hopkin-
son, Coleman, Godfrey, Rhoads, and Parsons. — Ed.
24

2yS AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

harangued them a little on the subject, read the
paper, and explained it, and then distributed the
copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least
objection being made.

When the company separated, and the papers
were collected, we found above twelve hundred
hands ; and, other copies being dispersed in the
country, the subscribers amounted at length to up-
ward of ten thousand. These all furnished them-
selves as soon as they could with arms, formed
themselves into companies and regirhents, chose
their own officers, and met every week to be in-
structed in the manual exercise, and other parts of
military discipline. The women, by subscriptions
among themselves, provided silk colors, which they
presented to the companies, painted with different
devices and mottos, which I supplied.

The officers of the companies composing the
Philadelphia regiment, being met, chose me for
their colonel ; but, conceiving myself unfit, I de-
clin'd that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence,
a fine person, and man of influence, who was ac-
cordingly appointed. I then propos'd a lottery to
defray the expense of building a battery below the
town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled ex-
peditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the
merlons being fram'd of logs and fill'd with earth.
We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these
not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more,
soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 279

some assistance, tho' without much expectation of
obtaining it.

Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen,
Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to
New York by the associators, commission'd to bor-
row some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first
refus'd us peremptorily ; but at dinner with his coun-
cil, where there was great drinking of Madeira wine,
as the custom of that place then was, he softened by
degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a
few more bumpers he advanc'd to ten ; and at length
he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They
w^ere fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their car-
riages, which we soon transported and mounted
on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly
guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I
regularly took my turn of duty there as a common
soldier.

My activity in these operations was agreeable to
the governor and council ; they took me into con-
fidence, and I was consulted by them in every mea-
sure wherein their concurrence was thought useful
to the association. Calling in the aid of religion, 1
propos'd to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote
reformation, and implore the blessing of Heaven on
our undertaking. They embrac'd the motion ; but,
as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province,
the secretary had no precedent from which to draw
the proclamation. My education in New England,
where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of

28o AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

some advantage : I drew it in the accustomed stile ,
it was translated into German, printed in both lan-
guages, and divulg'd thro' the province. This gave
the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of
influencing their congregations to join in the asso-
ciation, and it would probably have been general
among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon
interven'd.

It was thought by some of my friends that, by
my activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect,
and thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of
the province, where they formed a great majority.
A young gentleman who had likewise some friends
in the House, and wished to succeed me as their
clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to displace
me at the next election ; and he, therefore, in good
will, advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with
my honour than being turn'd out. My answer to
him was, that I had read or heard of some public
man who made it a rule never to ask for an office,
and never to refuse one when offer'd to him. " I
approve," says I, "of his rule, and will practice it
with a small addition ; I shall never ask.^ never
refuse^ nor ever resign an office. If they will have
my office of clerk to dispose of to another, they
shall take it from me. I will not, by giving it up,
lose my right of some time or other making reprisals
on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more of
this ; I w^as chosen again unanimously as usual at
the next election. Possibly, as they dislik'd my

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 28 1

late intimacy with the members of council, wha
had join'd the governors in all the disputes about
military preparations, with which the House had
long been harass'd, they might have been pleas'd
if I would voluntarily have left them ; but they did
not care to displace me on account merely of my
zeal for the association, and they could not well
give another reason.

Indeed I had some cause to believe that the de-
fense of the country was not disagreeable to any of
them, provided they were not requir'd to assist in
it. And I found that a much greater number
of them than I could have imagined, tho' against
offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many
pamphlets -pro and con were publish'd on the sub-
ject, and some by good Quakers, in favour of de-
fense, which I believe convinc'd most of their
younger people.

A transaction in our fire company gave me some
insight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been
propos'd that we should encourage the scheme for
building a battery by laying out the present stock,
then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery.
By our rules, no money could be dispos'd of till the
next meeting after the proposal. The company
consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two
were Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions.
We eight punctually attended the meeting ; but,
tho' we thought that some of the Quakers would
join us, we were by no means sure of a majority.

24*

282 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

'Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear'd to
oppose the measure. He expressed much sorrow
that it had ever been propos'd, as he said Friends
were all against it, and it would create such discord
as might break up the company. We told him that
we saw no reason for that ; we were the minority,
and if Friends were against the measure, and out-
voted us, we must and should, agreeably to the
usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for
business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote; he
allow'd we might then do it by the rules, but, as he
could assure us that a number of members intended
to be present for the purpose of opposing it, it
would be but candid to allow a little time for their
appearing.

While we were disputing this, a waiter came to
tell me two gentlemen below desir'd to speak with
me. I went down, and found they were two of our
Quaker members. They told me there were eight
of them assembled at a tavern just by ; that they
were determin'd to come and vote with us if there
should be occasion, which they hop'd would not
be the case, and desir'd we would not call for their
assistance if we could do without it, as their voting
for such a measure might embroil them with their
elders and friends. Being thus secure of a ma-
jority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesita-
tion, agreed to a delay of another hour. This Mr.
Morris allow'd to be extreamly fair. Not one of his
opposing friends appear'd, at which he express'd

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 283

great surprize ; and, at the expiration of the hour,
we carry 'd the resolution eight to one ; and as, of
the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote
with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested
that they were not inchn'd to oppose the measure,
I afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers
sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one onl}^ ;
for these were all regular members of that society,
and in good reputation among them, and had due
notice of what was propos'd at that meeting.

The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had
always been of that sect, was one who wrote an
address to them, declaring his approbation of defen-
sive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong
arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to
be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with
directions to apply w^hat prizes might be drawn
wholly to that service. He told me the following
anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respect-
ing defense. He came over from England, when a
young man, with that proprietary, and as his secre-
tary. It was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by
an armed vessel, suppos'd to be an enemy. Their
captain prepar'd for defense ; but told William Penn,
and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect
their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin,
which they did, except James Logan, who chose to
stay upon deck, and w^as quarter'd to a gun. The
suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no
fighting ; but when the secretary went down to com-

284 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

municate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk'd
him severely for staying upon deck, and undertak-
ing to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to the
principles of Friends^ especially as it had not been
required by the captain. This reproof, being before
all the company, piqu'dthe secretary, who ansv^^er'd,
" / being thy servant^ why did thee not order me
to come down ? But thee was willing enough that
I should stay and help to fight the ship when thee
thought there was danger.''"'

My being many years in the Assembly, the ma-
jority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me
frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment
given them by their principle against war, when-
ever application was made to them, by order of the
crown, to grant aids for military purposes. They
were unwilling to offend government, on the one
hand, by a direct refusal ; and their friends, the
body of the Quakers, on the other, by a compliance
contrary to their principles ; hence a variety of eva-
sions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising
the compliance when it became unavoidable. The
common mode at last was, to grant money under
the phrase of its being ^^for the hin^s use" and
never to inquire how it was applied.

But, if the demand was not directly from the
crown, that phrase w^as found not so proper, and
some other was to be invented. As, when powder
was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at
Louisburg), and the government of New England

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 285

solicited a grant of some from Pennsilvania, which
was much urg'd on the House by Governor Thomas,
they could not grant money to buy powder, because
that was an ingredient of war ; but they voted an
aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to
be put into the hands of the governor, and appro-
priated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat,
o\: other grain. Some of the council, desirous of
giving the House still further embarrassment, ad-
vis'd the governor not to accept provision, as not
being the thing he had demanded ; but he reply'd,
" I shall take the money, for I understand very well
their meaning ; other grain is gunpowder," which
he accordingly bought, and they never objected
to it.*

It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our
tire company we feared the success of our proposal
in favour of the lottery, and I had said to my friend
Mr. Syng, one of our members, " If we fail, let us
move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money ;
the Quakers can have no objection to that : and
then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee
for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is
Q^xX.'dS.rAj 2, fire-engine.^'' '* I see," says he, "you
have improv'd by being so long in the Assembly ;
your equivocal project would be just a match for
their wheat or other grain. ''^

These embarrassments that the Quakers suffered

* See the votes. — ^Marg. note.]

286 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

from having establish'd and published it as one of
their principles that no kind of war was lawful, and
which, being once published, they could not after-
wards, however they might change their minds,
easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more
prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of
the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its
founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it appear'd.
He complain'd to me that they were grievously
calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and
charg'd with abominable principles and practices, to
which they were utter strangers. I told him this
had always been the case with new sects, and that,
to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be
well to publish the articles of their belief, and the
rules of their discipline. He said that it had been
propos'd among them, but not agreed to, for this
reason : " When we were first drawn together as a
society," says he, " it had pleased God to enlighten
our minds so far as to see that some doctrines,
which we once esteemed truths, were errors ; and that
others, which we had esteemed errors, were real
truths. From time to time He has been pleased to
afford us farther light, and our principles have been
improving, and our errors diminishing. Now we
are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this
progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or
theological knowledge ; and we fear that, if we
should once print our confession of faith, we should
feel ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, and

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 287

perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improve-
ment, and our successors still more so, as conceiv-
incT what we their elders and founders had done, to
be something sacred, never to be departed from."

This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular in-
stance in the history of mankind, every other sect
supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that
those who differ are so far in the wrong ; like a man
traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance
before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the
fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people
in the fields on each side, but near him all appears
clear, tho' in truth he is as much in the fog as any
of them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment,
the Quakers have of late years been gradually de-
clining the public service in the Assembly and in
the magistracy, choosing rather to quit their power
than their principle.

In order of time, I should have mentioned before,
that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the
better warming of rooms, and at the same time sav-
ing fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in
entering, I made a present of the model to Mr.
Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having
an iron-furnace, found the casting of the plates for
these stoves a profitable thing, as they were grow-
ing in demand. To promote that demand > I wrote
and published a pamphlet, entitled ''''An Accounl
of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces;
wherein their Construction and Manner of Op^ra-

288 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

tion is particularly explained ; their Advantages
above every other Method of warming Roo7ns de-
monstrated; and all Objections that have been
raised against the Use of them answered and ob-
viated,''^ etc. This pamphlet had a good effect.
Gov'r. Thomas was so pleas'd with the construction
of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to
give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a
term of years ; but I declin'd it from a principle
which has ever weighed with me on such occasions,
viz., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the
inventions of others, we should be glad of an op'
-portunity to serve others by any invention of ours;
and this we should do freely and generously .

An ironmonger in London however, assuming a
good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into
his own, and making some small changes in the
machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a
patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little
fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of
patents taken out for my inventions by others, tho'
not always with the same success, which I never
contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents
myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fire-
places in very many houses, both of this and the
neighboring colonies, has been, and is, a great
saving of wood to the inhabitants.

Peace being concluded, and the association busi-
ness therefore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again
to the affair of establishing an academy. The first

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 289

step I took was to associate in the design a number
of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good
part ; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet,
entitled Proposals relating to the Education of
Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among
the principal inhabitants gratis ; and as soon as I
could suppose their minds a little prepared by the
perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening
and supporting an academy : it was to be paid in
quotas yearly for five years ; by so dividing it, I
judg'd the subscription might be larger, and I be-
lieve it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember
right, than five thousand pounds.

In the introduction to these proposals, I stated
their publication, not as an act of mine, but of some
■ptihlick-sfirited gentle^nen^ avoiding as much as I
could, according to my usual rule, the presenting
myself to the publick as the author of any scheme
for their benefit.

The subscribers, to carry the project into imme-
diate execution, chose out of their number twenty-
four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then at-
torney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions
for the government of the academy ; which being
done and signed, a house was hired, masters en-
gag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same
year, 1749.

The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon
found too small, and we were looking out for a piece
of ground, properly situated, with intention to build,

25 N

290 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

when Providence threw into our way a large house
ready built, which, with a few alterations, might
well serve our purpose. This was the building be-
fore mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. White-
field, and was obtained for us in the following
manner.

It is to be noted that the contributions to this
building being made by people of different sects,
care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in
whom the building and ground was to be vested,
that a predominancy should not be given to any
sect, lest in time that predominancy might be a
means of appropriating the whole to the use of such
sect, contrary to the original intention. It was there-
fore that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one
Church-of-England man, one Presbyterian, one
Baptist, one Moravian, etc., those, in case of va-
cancy by death, were to fill it by election from
among the contributors. The Moravian happen'd
not to please his colleagues, and on his death they
resolved to have no other of that sect. The diffi-
culty then was, how to avoid having two of some
other sect, by means of the new choice.

Several persons were named, and for that reason
not agreed to. At length one mention'd me, with
the observation that I was merely an honest man,
and of no sect at all, which prevail'd with them to
chuse me. The enthusiasm which existed when
the house was built had long since abated, and its

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 29 1

trustees had not been able to procure fresh contri-
butions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging
some other debts the building had occasion'd, which
embarrass'd them greatly. Being now a member
of both setts of trustees, that for the building and
that for the academy, I had a good opportunity of
negotiating with both, and brought them finally to
an agreement, by which the trustees for the building
were to cede it to those of the academy, the latter
undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for ever
open in the building a large hall for occasional
preachers, according to the original intention, and
maintain a free-school for the instruction of poor
children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and
on paying the debts the trustees of the academy
were put in possession of the premises ; and b}^ di-
viding the great and lofty hall into stories, and dif-
ferent rooms above and below for the several schools,
and purchasing some additional ground, the whole
was soon made fit for our purpose, and the scholars
remov'd into the building. The care and trouble
of agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials,
and superintending the work, fell upon me ; and I
went thro' it the more cheerfully, as it did not then
interfere with my private business, having the year
before taken a very able, industrious, and honest
partner, Mr. David Hall, with whose character I
was well acquainted, as he had work'd for me four
years. He took off my hands all care of the print-
ing-office, paying me punctually my share of the

292 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

profits. This partnership continued eighteen years,
successfully for us both.

The trustees of the academy, after a while, were
incorporated by a charter from the governor ; their
funds were increas'd by contributions in Britain and
grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the
Assembly has since made considerable addition ;
and thus was established the present University of
Philadelphia. I have been continued one of its
trustees from the beginning, now near forty years,
and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a
number of the vouth who have receiv'd their educa-
tion in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd abilities,
serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their
country.*

When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned,
from private business, I flatter'd myself that, by the
sufficient tho' moderate fortune I had acquir'd, I had
secured leisure during the rest of my life for philo-
sophical studies and amusements. I purchased all
Dr. Spence's apparatus, who had come from Eng
land to lecture here, and I proceeded in my elec
trical experiments w^ith great alacrity ; but the pub
lick, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid
hold of me for their purposes, every part of our

* The old "Academy," as the building of which Franklin speaks was
called, has given place to a new and tasteful edifice. For many years
the new building had been occupied as an academy, preparatory to the
University, commodious buildings for which were erected in South
Ninth street, near Chestnut. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 293

civil government, and almost at the same time, im-
posing some duty upon me. The governor put me
into the commission of the peace ; the corpora-
tion of the city chose me of the common council,
and soon after an alderman ; and the citizens at
large chose me a burgess to represent them in
Assembly. This latter station was the more agree-
able to me, as I was at length tired with sitting there
to hear debates, in which, as clerk, I could take no
part, and which were often so unentertaining that I
was induc'd to amuse myself with making magic
squares or circles, or any thing to avoid weariness ;
and I conceiv'd my becoming a member would
enlarge my power of doing good. I would not,
however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter'd
by all these promotions ; it certainly was ; for, con-
sidering my low beginning, they were great things
to me ; and they were still more pleasing, as being
so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good
opinion, and by me entirely unsolicited.

The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little,
by attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench
to hear causes ; but finding that more knowledge of
the common law than I possessed was necessary to
act in that station with credit, I gradually withdrew
from it, excusing myself by my being oblig'd to
attend the higher duties of a legislator in the As-
sembly. My election to this trust was repeated
every year for ten years, without my ever asking
any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly

25*

294 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On tak-
ing my seat in the House, my son was appointed
their clerk.

The year following, a treaty being to be held with
the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message
to the House, proposing that they should nominate
some of their members, to be join'd with some
members of council, as commissioners for that pur-
pose.* The House named the speaker (Mr. Nor-
ris) and myself; and, being commission'd, we went
to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.

As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk,
and, when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly,
we strictly forbad the selling any liquor to them ;
and when they complain'd of this restriction, we
told them that if they would continue sober during
the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when
business was over. They promis'd this, and they
kept their promise, because they could get no liquor,
and the treaty was conducted very orderly, and con-
cluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claim'd
and receiv'd the rum ; this was in the afternoon :
they were near one hundred men, women, and chil-
dren, and were lodg'd in temporary cabins, built in
the form of a square, just without the town. In the
evening, hearing a great noise among them, the
commissioners walk'd out to see what was the
matter. We found they had made a great bonlire

* See the votes to have this more correctly. — \Marg. nofe.]

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 295

in the middle of the square ; they were all drunk,
men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their
dark-colour'd bodies, half naked, seen only by the
gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beat-
ing one another with firebrands, accompanied by
their horrid yellings, form'd a scene the most resem-
bling our ideas of hell that could well be imagin'd ;
there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired
to our lodging. At midnight a number of them
came thundering at our door, demanding more rum,
of which we took no notice.

The next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in
giving us that disturbance, they sent three of their
old counselors to make their apology. The orator
acknowdedg'd the fault, but laid it upon the rum ;
and then endeavored to excuse the rum by saying,
'•'The G7'eat Spirit ^ who made all things^ made
every thing for some use, and zvhatever use he de-
signed any thing for, that use it should always be
fut to. Now, when he made rum, he said, '•Let
this he for the Indians to get drunk with,'' and it
must be so.^^ And, indeed, if it be the design of
Providence to extirpate these savages in order to
make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not
improbable that rum may be the appointed means.
It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly
inhabited the sea-coast.

In 175 1, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend
of mine, conceived the idea of establishing a hos-
pital in Philadelphia (a very beneficent design,

2g6 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

which has been ascrib'd to me, but was originally
his), for the reception and cure of poor sick persons,
Avhether inhabitants of the province or strangers.
He was zealous and active in endeavouring to pro-
cure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a
novelty in America, and at first not well understood,
he met but with small success.

At length he came to me wath the compliment
that he found there was no such thing as carrying
a public-spirited project through without my being
concern'd in it. " For," says he, *' I am often ask'd
by those to whom I propose subscribing. Have you
consulted Franklin upon this business? And what
does he think of it? And when I tell them that I
have not (supposing it rather out of your line) , they
do not subscribe, but say they will consider of it."
I enquired into the nature and probable utility of his
scheme, and receiving from him a very satisfactory
explanation, I not only subscrib'd to it myself, but
engag'd heartily in the design of procuring sub-
scriptions from others. Previously, however, to the
solicitation, I endeavoured to prepare the minds of
tlie people by writing on the subject in the news-
papers, which was my usual custom in such cases,
but which he had omitted.

The subscriptions afterwards were more free and
generous ; but, beginning to flag, I saw they would
be insufficient without some assistance from the As-
sembly, and therefore propos'd to petition for it,
which was done. The country members did not at

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 297

first relish the project ; they objected that it could
only be serviceable to the city, and tlieretbre the
citizens alone should be at the expense of it ; and
they doubted whether the citizens themselves gen-
erally approv'd of it. My allegation on the con-
trary, that it met with such approbation as to leave
no doubt of our being able to raise two thousand
pounds by voluntary donations, they considered as
a most extravagant supposition, and utterly impos-
sible.

On this I form'd my plan; and, asking leave to
bring in a bill for incorporating the contributors ac-
cording to the prayer of their petition, and granting
them a blank sum of money, which leave was ob-
tained chiefly on the consideration that the House
could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I
drew it so as to make the important clause a condi-
tional one, viz., "And be it enacted, by the autho-
rity aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall
have met and chosen their managers and treasurer,
and shall have raised by their contributions a capi-
tal stock of value (the yearly interest of

which is to be applied to the accommodating of
the sick poor in the said hospital, free of charge
for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and
shall 7nake the same appear to the satisfaction
of the sfeaker of the Assembly for the time beings
that then it shall and may be lawful for the said
speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign an order
on the provincial treasurer for the payment of two

298 AUTOBIOGRARHY OF

thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to the
treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the
founding, building, and finishing of the same."

This condition carried the bill through ; for the
members, who had oppos'd the grant, and now con-
ceiv'd they might have the credit of being charita-
ble without the expence, agreed to its passage ; and
then, in soliciting subscriptions among the people,
we urg'd the conditional promise of the law as an
additional motive to give, since every man's dona-
tion would be doubled ; thus the clause work'd both
ways. The subscriptions accordingl}^ soon exceed-
ed the requisite sum, and we claim'd and receiv'd
the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design
into execution. A convenient and handsome build-
ing was soon erected ; the institution has b}'' constant
experience been found useful, and flourishes to this
day ; and I do not remember any of my political
manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the
time more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it,
I more easity excus'd myself for having made some
use of cunning.

It was about this time that another projector,
the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a re-
quest that I would assist him in procuring a sub-
scription for erecting a new meeting-house. It w^as
to be for the use of a congregation he had gathered
among the Presbyterians, w^ho were originally dis-
ciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make my-
self disagreeable to my fellows-citizens by too l^re-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 299

quently soliciting their contributions, I absolutely
refus'd. He then desired I would furnish him with
a list of the names of persons I knew b}'' experience
to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it
would be unbecoming in me, after their kind com-
pliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to
be worried by other beggars, and therefore refus'd
also to give such a list. He then desir'd I w^ould
at least give him my advice. *' That I will readily
do," said I ; *' and, in the first place, I advise you to
apply to all those whom you know will give some-
thing ; next, to those whom you are uncertain
whether they will give any thing or not, and show
them the list of those who have given ; and, lastly,
do not neglect those who you are sure will give
nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken."
He laugh'd and thank'd me, and said he would take
my advice. He did so, for he ask'd of everybody^
and he obtain'd a much larger sum than he expected,
with which he erected the capacious and very ele-
gant meeting-house that stands in Arch-street.

Our city, tho' laid out with a beautifull regularity;
the streets large, strait, and crossing each othei
at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those
streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather
the wheels of heavy carriages plough'd them into a
quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross them ; and
in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv'd
near what was call'd the Jersey Market, and saw
with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while

300 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground
down the middle of that market was at length pav'd
with brick, so that, being once in the market, they
had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt
to get there. By talking and writing on the subject,
I was at length instrumental in getting the street
pav'd with stone between the market and the brick'd
foot-pavement, that was on each side next the
houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access
to the market dry-shod ; but, the rest of the street
not being pav'd, wdienever a carriage came out of
the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and left
its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with mire,
which was not remov'd, the city as yet having no
scavengers.

After some inquiry, I found a poor, industrious
man, who was willing to undertake keeping the
pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week, carry-
ing oft' the dirt from before all the neighbours' doors,
for the sum of sixpence per month, to be paid by
each house. I then wrote and printed a paper
setting forth the advantages to the neighbourhood
that might be obtain'd by this small expense ; the
greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much
dirt not being brought in by people's feet ; the bene-
fit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as bu3'ers
could more easily get at them ; and by not having,
in windy weather, the dust blown in upon their
goods, etc., etc. I sent one of these papers to each
house, and in a day or two went round to see who

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 3OI

would subscribe an agreement to pay these six-
pences ; it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time
well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were
delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that
surrounded the market, it being a convenience to
all, and this rais'd a general desire to have all the
streets paved, and made the people more willing to
submit to a tax for that purpose.

After some time I drew a bill for paving the city,
and brought it into the Assembly. It was just be-
fore I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass
till I was gone,* and then with an alteration in the
mode of assessment, which I thought not for the
better, but with an additional provision for lighting
as well as paving the streets, which was a great im-
provement. It was by a private person, the late
Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility
of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people
were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the
city. The honour of this public benefit has also been
ascrib'd to me, but it belongs truly to that gentle-
man. I did but follow his example, and -have only
some merit to claim respecting the form of our
lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were
at first supply 'd with from London. Those w^e
found inconvenient in these respects : they admitted
no air below ; the smoke, therefore, did not readily
go out aoove, but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on

* See votes.
26

302 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

its inside, and soon obstructed the light they were
intended to afford ; giving, besides, the daily trouble
of wiping them clean ; and an accidental stroke on
one of them would demolish it, and render it totally
useless. I therefore suggested the composing their.,
of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw
up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to
facilitate the ascent of the smoke ; b}^ this means
they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a
few hours, as the London lamps do, but continued
bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would
generally break but a single pane, easily repair'd.

I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners
did not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the
globe lamps us'd at Vauxhall have in keeping them
clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps.
But, these holes being made for another purpose,
viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the
wick by a little flax hanging down thro' them, the
other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been
thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been
lit a few hours, the streets of London are very
poorly illuminated.

The mention of these improvements puts me in
mind of one 1 propos'd, when in London, to Dr.
Fothergill, who was among the best men I have
known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I
had observ'd that the streets, when dr}^ were never
swept, and the light dust carried away ; but it was
suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather reduc'd it to

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 303

mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on
the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths
kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with
great labour rak'd together and thrown up into carts
open above, the sides of which sufter'd some of the
slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake out
and fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-pas-
sengers. The reason given for not sweeping the
dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the
windows of shops and houses.

An accidental occurrence had instructed me how
much sweeping might be done in a little time. I
found at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a
poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch
broom ; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just
come out of a fit of sickness. I ask'd who employ'd
her to sweep there ; she said, " Nobody ; but I am
very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gen-
tlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me some-
thing." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and
I would give her a shilling ; this was at nine o'clock ;
at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slow-
ness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce
believe th^t the work was done so soon, and sent
my servant to examine it, who reported that the
whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the
dust plac'd in the gutter, which was in the middle ;
and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that the
pavement and even the kennel were perfectly
clean.

304 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could
sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active
man might have done it in half the time. And here
let me remark the convenience of having but one
gutter in such a narrow street, running down its
middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the
footway ; for where all the rain that falls on a street
runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms
there a current strong enough to wash away all the
mud it meets with ; but when divided into two chan-
nels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only
makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the
wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and
dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby
rendered foul and slippery, and sometimes splash it
upon those who are walking. My proposal, com-
municated to the good doctor, was as follows :

*'For the more effectual cleaning and keeping
clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is
proposed that the several watchmen be contracted
with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and
the mud rak'd up at other times, each in the several
streets and lanes of his round ; that they be furnish'd
with brooms and other proper instruments for these
purposes, to be kept at their respective stands, ready
to furnish the poor people they may employ in the
service.

*' That in the dry summer months the dust be all
swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the
shops and windows of houses are usually opened^

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 305

when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shah
also carry it all away.

*' That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in
heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of
carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scav-
engers be provided with bodies of carts, not placVl
high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice
bottoms, which, being cover'd with straw, will re-
tain the mud thrown into them, and permit the
water to drain from it, whereby it will become much
lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight ;
these bodies of carts to be plac'd at convenient
distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-
barrows ; they remaining where plac'd till the mud
is drain'd, and then horses brought to draw them
away."

I have since had doubts of the practicability of

the latter part of this proposal, on account of the

narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of

placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too

much the passage ; but I am still of opinion that

the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and

carry'd away before the shops are open, is very

practicable in the summer, when the days are long ;

for, in walking thro' the Strand and Fleet-street one

morning at seven o'clock, I observ'd there was not

one shop open, tho' it had been daylight and the

sun up above three hours ; the inhabitants of London

chusing voluntarily to live much by candle-light,

and sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a
2m

306 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

littl*^ absurdly, of the duty on candles, and the high
price of tallow.

Some may think these trifling matters not worth
minding or relating ; but when they consider that
tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single person,
or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small
importance, yet the great number of the instances
in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it
weight and consequence, perhaps they will not cen-
sure very severely those who bestow some attention
to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human
felicity is produc'd not so much by great pieces of
good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advan-
tages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a
poor young man to shave himself, and keep his
razor in order, you may contribute more to the hap-
piness of his life than in giving him a thousand
guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret
only remaining of having foolishly consumed it ;
but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexa-
tion of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes
dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors ; he
shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys
daily the pleasure of its being done with a good
instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded
the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford
hints which some time or other may be useful to a
city I love, having lived many years in it very
happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in
America.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 307

Having been for some time employed by the post-
master-general of America as his comptroller in
regulating several offices, and bringing the officers
to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed,
jointly with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him,
by a commission from the postmaster-general in
England. The American office never had hitherto
paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have
six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could
make that sum out of the profits of the office. To
do this, a variety of improvements were necessary ;
some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so
that in the first four years the office became above
nine hundred pounds in debt to us. But it soon
after began to repay us ; and before I was displac'd
by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak
hereafter, we had brought it to yield three tmies as
much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice
of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they
have receiv'd from it — not one farthing !

The business of the postoffice occasion'd my
taking a journey this year to New England, where
the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, pre-
sented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale
College, in Connecticut, had before made me a
similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any
college, I came to partake of their honours. They
were conferr'd in consideration of my improvements
and discoveries in the electric branch of natural phi-
losophy.

308 AUTOBIOGRAPHr OF

In 1754, ^^^^ with France being again appre-
hended, a congress of commissioners from the differ-
ent colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade,
to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the
chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of
defending both their country and ours. Governor
Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the
House with it, requesting they would furnish proper
presents for the Indians, to be given on this occa-
sion ; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and
myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary
Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania.
The House approv'd the nomination, and provided
the goods for the present, and tho' they did not much
like treating out of the provinces ; and we met the
other commissioners at Albany about the middle of
June.

In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan
for the union of all the colonies under one govern-
ment, so far as might be necessary for defense, and
other important general purposes. As we pass'd
thro' New York, I had there shown my project to
Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gen-
tlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and,
being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to
lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that
several of the commissioners had form'd plans of
the same kind. A previous question was first taken,
whether a union should be established, which passM

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 309

in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was
then appointed, one member from each colony, to
consider the several plans and report. Mine hap-
pen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments,
was accordingly reported.

By this plan the general government was to be
administered by a president-general, appointed and
supported by the crown, and a grand council was
to be chosen by the representatives of the people
of the several colonies, met in their respective as-
semblies. The debates upon it in Congress went
on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business.
Many objections and difficulties were started, but at
length they were all overcome, and the plan was
unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be
transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assem-
blies of the several provinces. Its fate was singu-
lar : the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all
thought there was too much -prerogative in it, and
in England it was judg'd to have too much of the
democratic. The Board of Trade therefore did not
approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation
of his majesty ; but another scheme was form'd,
supposed to answer the same purpose better, where-
by the governors of the provinces, with some mem-
bers of their respective councils, were to meet and
order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc.,
and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the
expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by
an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My

3IO AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found
among my political papers that are printed.*

Being the winter following in Boston, I had much
conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the
plans. Part of what passed between us on the oc-
casion may also be seen among those papers. The
different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan
makes me suspect that it was really the true me-
dium ; and I am still of opinion it would have been
happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted.
The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently
strong to have defended themselves ; there would
then have been no need of troops from England ;
of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing Ame-
rica, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would
have been avoided. But such mistakes are not
new : history is full of the errors of states and
princes.

" Look round the habitable world, how few
Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue !"

Those who govern, having much business on
their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble
of considering and carrying into execution new
projects. The best public measures are therefore
seldom adopted from -previous wisdom^ but forced
by the occasion.

The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it
dowm to the Assembly, express'd his approbation

* See Sparks' Works of Franklin^ vol. iii. pp. 22-5^. — Ed.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 3 1 1

of the plan, " as appearing to him to be drawn up
with great clearness and strength of judgment, and
therefore recommended it as well worthy of their
closest and most serious attention." The House,
however, by the management of a certain member,
took it up when I happen'd to be absent, which I
thought not very fair, and reprobated it without
paying any attention to it at all, to my no small
mortification.

In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New
York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just
arrived there from England, with whom I had been
before intimately acquainted. He brought a com-
mission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with
the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected
him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd me if I
thought he must expect as uncomfortable an admin-
istration. I said, *'No; you may, on the contrary,
have a very comfortable one, if you will only take
care not to enter into any dispute with the Assem-
bly." *'My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how
can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know
I love disputing ; it is one of my greatest pleasures ;
however, to show the regard I have for your coun-
sel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them."
He had some reason for loving to dispute, being
eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, gene-
rally successful in argumentative conversation. He
had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as
I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute

312 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

with one another for his diversion, while sitting at
table after dinner ; but I think the practice was not
wise ; for, in the course of my observation, these
disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are
generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get
victory sometimes, but they never get good will,
which would be of more use to them. We parted,
he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.

In returning, I met at New York with the votes
of the Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwith-
standing his promise to me, he and the House were
already in high contention ; and it was a continual
battle between them as long as he retain'd the gov-
ernment. I had my share of it ; for, as soon as I
got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on
every committee for answering his speeches and
messages, and by the committees always desired to
make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his mes-
sages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently
abusive ; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly,
one might have imagined that, when we met, we
could hardly avoid cutting throats ; but he was so
good-natur'd a man that no personal difference be-
tween him and me was occasion'd by the contest,
and we often din'd together.

One afternoon, in the height of this public quar-
rel, we met in the street. "Franklin," says he,
"you must go home with me and spend the even-
ing-; I am to have some company that you will
like ;" and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 313

house. In gay conversation over our wine, after
supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd
the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was pro-
posed to give him a government, requested it might
be a government of blacks^ as then, if he could not
agree with his people, he might sell them. One of
his friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin,
why do you continue to side with these damn'd
Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The
proprietor would give you a good price." "The
governor," says I, " has not yet blacked them
enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken
the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd
off his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd
it, in return, thick upon his own face ; so that, find-
ing he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as
well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and
quitted the government.

* These public quarrels were all at bottom owing
to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who,
when any expense was to be incurred for the de-
fense of their province, with incredible meanness
instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying
the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were
in the same act expressly excused ; and they had
even taken bonds of these deputies to observe
such instructions. The Assemblies for three years
held out against this injustice, tho' constrained to

* My acts in Morris's time, military, tXc.—\Marg. note.\
27 o

314 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was
Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey
those instructions : how that was brought about I
shall show hereafter.

But I am got forward too fast with my story :
there are still some transactions to be mention'd that
happened during the administration of Governor
Morris.

War being in a manner commenced with France,
the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an
attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to
Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor
Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance. As I
was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr.
Quincy 's countryman, he appli'd to me for my in-
fluence and assistance. I dictated his address to
them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid
of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions.
But the governor refusing his assent to their bill
(which included this with other sums granted for
the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted
exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any
part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assem-
bly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to New
England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish
it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to
obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.

I then suggested a method of doing the business
without the governor, by orders on the trustee 3 of
the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembl) had

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 315

the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or
no money at that time in the office, and therefore 1
propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year,
and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these
orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be
purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesita-
tion, adopted the proposal. The orders were imme-
diately printed, and I was one of the committee
directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund
for paying them was the interest of all the paper
currency then extant in the province upon loan,
together with the revenue arising from the excise,
which being known to be more than sufficient, they
obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd
in pa3'ment for the provisions, but many money'd
people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in
those orders, which they found advantageous, as
they bore interest while upon hand, and might on
any occasion be used as money ; so that they were
eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of
them were to be seen. Thus this important affair
was by my means compleated. Mr. Quincy re-
turn'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memo-
rial, went home highly pleas'd with the success of
his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most
cordial and affectionate friendship.

The British government, not chusing to permit
the union of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and
to trust that union with their defense, lest they
should thereby grow too military, and feel their own

3l6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being
entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock
with two regiments of regular English troops for
that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia,
and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland,
where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly ap-
prehending, from some information, that he had con-
ceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to
the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as
from them, but as postmaster-general, under the
guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of
conducting with most celerity and certainty the de-
spatches between him and the governors of the sev-
eral provinces, with whom he must necessarily have
continual correspondence, and of which they pro-
pos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied
me on this journey.

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting
impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro*
the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect
waggons. I sta3^ed with him several days, din'd
with him daily, and had full opportunity of remov-
ing all his prejudices, by the information of what
the Assembly had before his arrival actually done,
and were still willing to do, to facilitate his opera-
tions. When I was about to depart, the returns of
waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it
appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and
not all of those were in serviceable condition. The
general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 31/

the expedition was then at an end, being impossible j
and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly
landing them in a country destitute of the means of
conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than
one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.

I happen'd to say I thought it was pity they had
not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that
country almost every farmer had his waggon. The
general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said,
*'Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there,
can probably procure them for us; and I beg you
will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be
ofFer'd the owners of the waggons ; and I was de-
sir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me
necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to,
and a commission and instructions accordingly pre-
par'd immediately. What those terms were will
appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as
I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the great
and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curi-
osity, I shall insert it at length, as follows :

' ' Advertisement.

"Lancaster, April 26, 1755.
*' Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with
four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred sad-
dle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his
majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's
Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having
been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire

27*

3l8 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend
for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next
Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thurs-
day morning till Friday evening, where I shall be
ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single
horses, on the following terms, viz. : i. That there
shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses
and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem ; and for each
able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and
furniture, two shillings per diem ; and for each able
horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem.
2. That the pay commence from the time of their
joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be
on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a
reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the
time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek
and home again after their discharge. 3. Each
waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse,
is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen be-
tween me and the owner ; and in case of the loss of
any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the
price according to such valuation is to be allowed
and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced
and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon
and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if
required, and the remainder to be paid by General
Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the
time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it
shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or
persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 319

account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers,
or be otherwise employed than in conducting or
taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats,
Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses
bring to the camp, more than is necessar}'' for the
subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use
of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the
same.

'*Note. — My son, William Franklin, is empow-
ered to enter into like contracts with any person in
Cumberland county. B. Franklin."

** To the mhahitants of the Counties of Lancaster^
Tork, and Cumberland,

*' Friends and Countrymen,

'* Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a
few days since, I found the general and officers ex-
tremely exasperated on account of their not being
supplied with horses and carriages, which had been
expected from this province, as most able to furnish
them ; but, through the dissensions between our
governor and Assembly, money had not been pro-
vided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

**It was proposed to send an armed force imme-
diately into these counties, to seize as many of the
best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and
compel as many persons into the service as would
be necessary to drive and take care of them.

*' I apprehended that the progress of British sol-
diers through these counties on such an occasion,

320 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

especially considering the temper they are in, and
their resentment against us, would be attended with
many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants,
and therefore more willingly took the trouble of
trying first what might be done by fair and equitable
means. The people of these back counties have
lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient
currency was wanting ; you have an opportunity of
receiving and dividing among you a very consider-
able sum ; for, if the service of this expedition
should continue, as it is more than probable it will,
for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these
waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirt}''
thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver
and gold of the king's money.

"The service will be light and easy, for the army
will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and
the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those
things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare
of the army, must march wdth the army, and no
faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed
where they can be most secure, whether in a march
or in a camp.

*' If you are really, as I believe you are, good
and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do
a most acceptable service, and make it easy to your-
selves ; for three or four of such as can not separ-
ately spare from the business of their plantations a
waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it
together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 321

two horses, and another the driver, and divide the
pay proportionably between you; but if you do not
this service to your king and country voluntarily,
when such good pay and reasonable terms are
offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly sus-
pected. The king^s business must be done ; so
many brave troops, come so far for your defense,
must not stand idle through your backwardness to
do what may be reasonably expected from you ;
waggons and horses must be had ; violent measures
will probably be used, and you will be left to seek
for a recompense where you can find it, and your
case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

"I have no particular interest in this affair, as,
except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I
shall have only my labor for my pains. If this
method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not
likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the
general in fourteen days ; and I suppose Sir John
St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will
immediately enter the province for the purpose,
which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very
sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,

"B. Franklin."

I received of the general about eight hundred
pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the
waggon owners, etc. ; but that sum being insuffi-
cient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds
more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty

322 A UTOBIO GRAPH Y OF

waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying
horses, were on their march for the camp. The
advertisement promised payment according to the
vahiation, in case any waggon or horse should be
lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not
know General Braddock, or what dependence might
be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the
performance, which I accordingly gave them.

While I was at the camp, supping one evening
with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he
represented to me his concern for the subalterns,
who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and
could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the
stores that might be necessary in so long a march,
thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be pur-
chas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved
to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said
nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote
the next morning to the committee of the Assembly,
who had the disposition of some public mone}^
warmly recommending the case of these officers to
their consideration, and proposing that a present
should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments.
My son, who had some experience of a camp life,
and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I
enclos'd in my letter. The committee appro v'd,
and used such diligence that, conducted by my
sen, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the
waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each
containing

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 323

6 lbs. loaf sugar. i Gloucester cheese.

6 lbs. good Muscovado do. i kegg containing 20 lbs. good butter.

I lb. good green tea. 2 doz, old Madeira wine.

I lb. good bohea do. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits.

6 lbs. good ground coffee, i bottle flour of mustard.

6 lbs. chocolate. 2 well-cur'd hams.

1-2 c\vL best white biscuit. 1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.

1-2 lb. pepper. 6 lbs. rice.

I quart best white wine vinegar. 6 lbs. raisins.

• These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed
on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse,
being intended as a present for one officer. They
were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness ac-
knowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of
both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The
general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in
procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my
account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly,
and requesting my farther assistance in sending
provisions after him. I undertook this also, and
was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat,
advancing for the service of my own money, upwards
of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent
him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for
me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me
immediately an order on the paymaster for the round
sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder
to the next account. I consider this payment as
good luck, having never been able to obtain that
remainder, of which more hereafter.

This general was, I think, a brave man, and
might probably have made a figure as a good oflicer

324 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

in some European war. But he had too much self-
confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of
regular troops, and too mean a one of both Ameri-
cans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian in-
terpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred
of those people, who might have been of great use
to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated
them kindly ; but he slighted and neglected them,
and they gradually left him.

In conversation with him one day, he was giving
me some account of his intended progress. " After
taking Fort Duquesne," says he, " I am to proceed
to Niagara ; and, having taken that, to Frontenac,
if the season will allow time ; and I suppose it will,
for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or
four days ; and then I see nothing that can obstruct
my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in
my mind the long line his army must make in their
march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them
thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had
read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French,
who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd
some doubts and some fears for the event of the
campaign. But I ventur'd only to sa}^ "To be
sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with
these fine troops, so well provided with artillery,
that place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we
hear with no very strong garrison, can probably
make but a short resistance. The only danger I
apprehend of obstruction to your march is from am-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 325

buscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are
dexterous in laying and executing them ; and the
slender line, near four miles long, which your army
must make, ma}^ expose it to be attack'd by surprise
in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several
pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up
in time to support each other."

He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These
savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your
raw American militia, but upon the king's regular
and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should
make any impression." I was conscious of an im-
propriety in my disputing with a military man in
matters of his profession, and said no more. The
enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his
army which I apprehended its long line of march
expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption
till within nine miles of the place ; and then, w^hen
more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where
the front had halted till all were come over) , and in
a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd,
attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from
behind trees and bushes, which was the first intel-
ligence the general had of an enemy's being near
him. This guard being disordered, the general hur-
ried the troops up to their assistance, w^hich was
done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage,
and cattle ; and presently the fire came upon their
llank : the officers, being on horseback, were more
easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell

326 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

very fast ; and the soldiers were crowded together
in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and stand-
ing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed ;
and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled
with precipitation.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team
and scamper'd ; their example was immediately fol-
lowed by others ; so that all the waggons, provisions,
artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The
general, being wounded, was brought off with diffi-
culty ; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his
side; and out of eight}^-six officers, sixty-three were
killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen
men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven
hundred had been picked men from the whole army ;
the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar,
who was to follow wath the heavier part of the
stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not
being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the
panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him
and all his people ; and, tho' he had now above one
thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten
Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred
Indians and French together, instead of proceeding,
and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour,
he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be
destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist
his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to
remove. He was there met with requests from the
governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 327

that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as
to afford some protection to the inhabitants ; but he
continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not
thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia,
where the inhabitants could protect him. This
whole transaction gave us Americans the first sus-
picion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of
British regulars had not been well founded.

In their first march, too, from their landing till
they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered
and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some
poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and con-
fining the people if they remonstrated. This was
enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if
we had really wanted any. How different was the
conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during
a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country
from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred
miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the
loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general's
aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was
brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his
death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that
he was totally silent all the first day, and at night
only said, ^^Who would have thought itT' That
he was silent again the following day, saying onl}^
at last, '-''We shall better know how to deal with
thefii another' timef^ and dy'd in a few minutes
after.

328 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

The secretary's papers, with all the general's or*
ders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into
the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into
French a number of the articles, which they printed,
to prove the hostile intentions of the British court
before the declaration of war. Among these 1 saw
some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking
highly of the great service I had rendered the army,
and recommending me to their notice. David Hume,
too, who was some years after secretary to Lord
Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward
to General Conwa}^ when secretary of state, told
me he had seen among the papers in that office, let-
ters from Braddock highly recommending me. But,
the expedition having been unfortunate, my service,
it seems, was not thought of much value, for those
recommendations were never of any use to me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one,
which was, that he would give orders to his officers
not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and
that he would discharge such as had been already
enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were
accordingly return'd to their masters, on my appli-
cation. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on
him, was not so generous. He being at Philadel-
phia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply 'd to him
for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers
of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding
him of the late general's orders on that head. He
promised me that, if the masters would come to him

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 329

at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on
his march to New York, he would there deliver their
men to them. They accordingly were at the ex-
pense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he
refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss
and disappointment.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was
generally known, all the owners came upon me for
the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their
demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my ac-
quainting them that the money was ready in the
paymaster's hands, but that ordei"^ for paying it must
first be otained from General Shirley, and my assur-
ing them that I had apply'd to that general by letter ;
but, he being at a distance, an answer could not
soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all
this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to
sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from
this terrible situation by appointing commissioners
to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They
amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to
pay would have ruined me.

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two
Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper
for raising money to defray the expense of a grand
firew^ork, which it was intended to exhibit at a re-
joicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort
Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I
thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing
when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice.

28*

SSO AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

They seem'd surprised that I did not immediately
comply with their proposal. "Why the d — 1 !" says
one of them, *' you surely don't suppose that the fort
will not be taken?" *' I don't know that it will not
be taken, but I know that the events of war are sub-
ject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons
of my doubting ; the subscription was dropt, and the
projectors thereby missed the mortification they
would have undergone if the firework had been pre-
pared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion after-
ward, said that he did not like Franklin's fore-
bodings.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried
the Assembly with message after message before the
defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making
of acts to raise money for the defense of the province,
without taxing, among others, the proprietary es-
tates, and had rejected all their bills for not having
such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks
with more hope of success, the danger and necessity
being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd
firm, believing they had justice on their side, and
that it would be giving up an essential right if they
suffered the governor to amend their money-bills.
In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting
fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was
only of a single word. The bill express'd " that all
estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those
of the proprietaries not excepted." His amendment
was, for not read only : a small, but very material

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 331

alteration. However, when the news of this dis-
aster reached England, our friends there, whom we
had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's
answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor
against the proprietaries for their meanness and in-
justice in giving their governor such instructions ;
some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the
defense of their province, they forfeited their right
to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent
orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand
pounds of their money to whatever sum might be
given by the Assembly for such purpose.

This, being notified to the House, was accepted
in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new
bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which
passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed
one of the commissioners for disposing of the money,
sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in mo-
delling the bill and procuring its passage, and had,
at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and
disciplining a voluntary militia, which I carried thro*
the House without much difficulty, as care was
taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To
promote the association necessary to form the militia,
I wrote a dialogue,* stating and answering all the
objections I could think of to such a militia, which
was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

* This dialogue and the militia act are in the Gentleman's Magazine
tor February and March, 1756. — \Marg. note.\

332 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

While the several companies in the city and
country were forming, and learning their exercise,
the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of
our North-western frontier, w^hich was infested by
the enemy, and provide for the defense of the in-
habitants by raising troops and building a line of
forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I
did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He
gave me a commission w^ith full powers, and a parcel
of blank commissions for officers, to be given to
whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in
raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty
under my command. My son, who had in the pre-
ceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against
Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to
me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village
settled by the Moravians, and massacred the in-
habitants ; but the place was thought a good situation
for one of the forts.

In order to march thither, I assembled the com-
panies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those
people. I was surprised to find it in so good a pos-
ture of defense ; the destruction of Gnadenhut had
made them apprehend danger. The principal build-
ings were defended by a stockade ; they had pur-
chased a quantity of arms and ammunition from
New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small
paving stones between the windows of their high
stone houses, for their women to throw down upon
the heads of any Indians that should attempt to

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 333

force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept
watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any gar-
rison town. In conversation with the bishop, Span-
genberg, I mention'd this my surprise ; for, know-
ing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempt-
ing them from military duties in the colonies, I had
suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of
bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one
of their established principles, but that, at the time
of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a
principle wdth many of their people. On this occa-
sion, however, they, to their surprise, found it
adopted by but a few. It seems they were either
deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament ;
but common sense, aided by present danger, will
sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.

It was the beginning of January when we set out
upon this business of building forts. I sent one de-
tachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to
erect one for the security of that upper part of the
country, and another to the lower part, with similar
instructions ; and I concluded to go myself with the
rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was
Iho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians
procur'd me five waggons for our tools,, stores,
baggage, etc.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers,
who had been driven from their plantations by the
Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms,
that they might go back and fetch ofi?* their cattle.

332

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

While the several companies in the city and
country were forming, and learning their exercise,
the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of
our North-western frontier, which was infested by
the enemy, and provide for the defense of the in-
habitants by raising troops and building a line of
forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I
did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He
gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel
of blank commissions for officers, to be given to
whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in
raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty
under my command. My son, who had in the pre-
ceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against
Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to
me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village
settled by the Moravians, and massacred the in-
habitants ; but the place was thought a good situation
for one of the forts.

In order to march thither, I assembled the com-
panies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those
people. I was surprised to find it in so good a pos-
ture of defense ; the destruction of Gnadenhut had
made them apprehend danger. The principal build-
ings were defended by a stockade ; they had pur-
chased a quantity of arms and ammunition from
New York, and had ever, plac'd quantities of small
paving stones between the windows of their high
stone houses, for their women to throw down upon
the heads of any Indians that should attempt to

- »

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 335

and, our men being dextrous in the use of them,
great despatch, was made. Seeing the trees fall so
fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when
two men began to cut at a pine ; in six minutes they
had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen
inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades
of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While
these were preparing, our other men dug a trench
all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades
were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys
being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels sepa-
rated by taking out the pin which united the two
parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two
horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods
to the spot. When they were set up, our carpen-
ters built a stage of boards all round within, about
six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire
thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which
we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon
as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within
hearing, that we had such pieces ; and thus our fort,
if such a magnificent name may be given to so
miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though
it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could
not work.

This gave me occasion to observe, that, when
men are employ'd, they are best content'd ; for on
the days they worked they were good-natur'd and
cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done
a good day's work, they spent the evening jollily ;

33^ AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

but on our idle da^^s the}^ were mutinous and quar-
relsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc.,
and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind
of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men
constantly at work ; and, when his mate once told
him that they had done every thing, and there was
nothing further to employ them about, ^'' Oh,'' says
he, *' make them scour the anchor.''

This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a suf-
ficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon.
Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having
a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in
parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with
no Indians, but we found the places on the neigh-
boring hills where they had lain to watch our pro-
ceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of
those places that seems worth mention. It being
winter, a fire was necessary for them ; but a com-
mon fire on the surface of the ground would by its
light have discover'd their position at a distance.
They had therefore dug holes in the ground about
three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper ; we saw
where they had with their hatchets cut off the char-
coal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods.
With these coals they had made small fires in the
bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the
weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by
their laying all round, with their legs hanging down
in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with
them, is an essential point. . This kind of fire, so

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 33/

nianag'd, could not discover them, either by its light,
flame, sparks, or even smoke : it appear'd that their
number was not great, and it seems they saw we
were too many to be attacked by them with prospect
of advantage.

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian
minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that
the men did not generally attend his prayers and
exhortations. When they enlisted, they were prom-
ised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day,
which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in
the morning, and the other half in the evening ; and
I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to re-
ceive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, " It is,
perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act
as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out
and only just after prayers, you would have them
all about you." He liked the tho't, undertook the
office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure
out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never
w^ere prayers more generally and more punctually
attended ; so that I thought this method preferable
to the punishment inflicted by some military laws for
non-attendance on divine service.

I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my

fort well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a

letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had

call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance

there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was

such that my remaining there was no longer neces-
29 p

338 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

sary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing
me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting,
and my three intended forts being now compleated,
and the inhabitants contented to remain on their
farms under that protection, I resolved to return ; the
more willingly, as a New England officer. Colonel
Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a
visit to our establishment, consented to accept the
command. I gave him a commission, and, parad-
ing the garrison, had it read before them, and intro-
duc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill
in military affiiirs, was much more fit to command
them than myself; and, giving them a little exhor-
tation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as
Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover
from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night,
being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was
so different from my hard lodging on the floor of
our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or
two.

While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the
practice of the Moravians : some of them had
accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I
found they work'd for a common stock, eat at
common tables, and slept in common dormitories,
great numbers together. In the dormitories I ob-
served loopholes, at certain distances all along just
under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously
placed for change of air. I was at their church,
where I was entertain'd with good musick, the

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 339

organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys,
flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons
were not usually preached to mixed congregations
of men, women, and children, as is our common
practice, but that they assembled sometimes the
married men, at other times their wives, then the
young men, the young women, and the little chil-
dren, each division by itself. The sermon I heard
was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in
rows on benches ; the boys under the conduct of a
young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted
by a young woman. The discourse seem'd well
adapted to their capacities, and was delivered in a
pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were,
to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked
pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they
were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd
sufficient exercise.

I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages,
whether the report was true that they were by lot.
I was told that lots were us'd only in particular
cases ; that generally, when a young man found
himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders
of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that
govern'd the young women. As these elders of the
different sexes were well acquainted with the tem-
pers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they
could best judge what matches were suitable, and
their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in ; but
if, for example, it should happen, that two or three

340 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

young women were found to be equally proper for
the young man, the lot was then recurred to. 1
objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual
choice of the parties, some of them may chance to
be very unhappy. "And so they may," answer'd
my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for them-
selves;" which, indeed, I could not deny.

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the asso-
ciation went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that
were not Quakers having pretty generally come into
it, formed themselves into companies, and chose
their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according
to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me
an account of the pains he had taken to spread a
general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to
those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all
to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he
might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion,
which I take to be generally the best way in such
cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colo-
nel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I
forget how many companies we had, but we paraded
about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a
company of artillery, who had been furnished with
six brass field-pieces, which they had become so
expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a
minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment
they accompanied me to my house, and would salute
me with some rounds fired before my door, which
shook down and "broke several glasses of my elec-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 34 1

trical apparatus. And my new honour proved not
much less brittle ; for all our commissions were soon
after broken by a repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being
about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers
of my regiment took it into their heads that it would
be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far
as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horse-
back they came to my door, between thirty and
forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had
not been previously acquainted with the project, or
I should have prevented it, being naturally averse
to the assuming of state on any occasion ; and I was
a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I
could not avoid their accompanying me. What
made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to
move, they drew their swords and rode with them
naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account
of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great
offense. No such honor had been paid him when
in the province, nor to any of his governors ; and
he said it was only proper to princes of the blood
royal, which may be true for aught I know, who
was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such
cases.

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his
rancour against me, which was before not a little,
on account of my conduct in the Assembly respect-
ing the exemption of his estate from taxation, which
T had always oppos'd very warmly, and not with-

29*

342 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

out severe reflections on his meanness and injustice
of contending for it. He accused me to the minis-
try as being the great obstacle to the king's service,
preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper
form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced
this parade with my officers as a proof of my having
an intention to take the government of the province
out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir
Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to de-
prive me of my office ; but it had no other eflfect
than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle ad-
monition.

Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between
the governor and the House, in which I, as a mem-
ber, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil
intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and
we never had any personal difference. I have some-
times since thought that his little or no resentment
against me, for the answers it was known I drew up
to his messages, might be the effect of professional
habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might con-
sider us both as merely advocates for contending
clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for
the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call
in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult
points, and sometimes, tho' not often, take my
advice.

We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army
with provisions ; and, when the shocking news ar-
rived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 343

me, to consult with him on measures for preventing
the desertion of the back counties. I forget now
the advice I gave ; but I think it was, that Dunbar
should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible,
to post his troops on the frontiers for their protec-
tion, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he
might be able to proceed on the expedition. And,
after my return from the frontier, he would have had
me undertake the conduct of such an expedition
with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Du-
quesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise em-
ployed; and he proposed to commission me as
general. I had not so good an opinion of my mili-
tary abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe
his professions must have exceeded his real senti-
ments ; but probably he might think that my popu-
larity would facilitate the raising of the men, and
my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to
pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the
proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to
engage as he expected, the project was dropt,
and he soon after left the government, being super-
seded by Captain Denny.

Before I proceed in relating the part I had in
public affairs under this new governor's administra-
tion, it may not be amiss here to give some account
of the rise and progress of my philosophical repu-
tation.

In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr.
Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and

344 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

show'd me some electric experiments. They were
imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert;
but, being on a subject quite new to me, they
equall}' surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my
return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd
from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society
of London, a present of a glass tube, with some ac'
count of the use of it in making such experiments.
I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what
I had seen at ^oston ; and, by much practice, ac-
quir'd great readiness in performing those, also,
which we had an account of from England, adding
a number of new ones. I say much practice, for
my house was continually full, for some time, with
people who came to see these new wonders.

To divide a little this incumbrance among my
friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be
blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish'd
themselves, so that we had at length several per-
formers. Among these, the principal was Mr.
Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out
of business, I encouraged to undertake showing
the experiments for money, and drew up for him
two lectures, in which the experiments were rang'd
in such order, and accompanied with such explana-
tions in such method, as that the foregoirg .-should as-
sist in comprehending the following. He procur'd
an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the
little machines that I had roughly made for m3S.^lf
were nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 345

lectures were well attended, and gave great satis-
faction ; and after some time he went thro' the
colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and
pick'd up some money. In the West India islands,
indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could
be made, from the general moisture of the air.

Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his pre-
sent of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be
inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him
several letters containing accounts of our experi-
ments. He got them read in the Royal Society,
where they were not at first thought worth so much
notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One
paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the
sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr.
Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the
members also of that society, who wrote me word
that it had been read, but was laughed at by the
connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown
to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much
value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing of them.
Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publica-
tion in his Gentleman's Magazine ; but he chose to
print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Foth-
ergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged
rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived
afterward, they swell'd to a quarto volume, which
has had five editions, and cost him nothino- for
copy-money.

It was, however^ some time before those paper«

pip

34^ AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

were much taken notice of in England. A copy of
them happening to fall into the hands of the Count
de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputa-
tion in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he
prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into
I'Vench, and they were printed at Paris. The pub-
lication offended the Abbe Nollet, preceptor in
Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able
experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a
theory of electricity, which then had the general
vogue. He could not at first believe that such a
work came from America, and said it must have
been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry
his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that
there really existed such a person as Franklin at
Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and
published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to
me, defending his theory, and denying the verity
of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd
from them.

I once purpos'd answering the abbe, and actually
began the answer ; but, on consideration that my
writings contain'd a description of experiments
which any one might repeat and verify, and if not
to be verifi'd, could not be defended ; or of observa-
tions offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dog-
matically, therefore not laying me under any obliga-
tion to defend them ; and reflecting that a dispute
between two persons, writing in different languages,
might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 347

thence misconceptions of one another's meaning,
much of one of the abbe's letters being founded on
an error in the translation, I concluded to let my
papers shift for themselves, believing it was better
to spend what time I could spare from public busi-
ness in making new experiments, than in disputing
about those already made. I therefore never an-
swered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause
to repent my silence ; for my friend M. le Roy, of
the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause
and refuted him ; my book was translated into the
Italian, German, and Latin languages ; and the doc-
trine it contain'd w^as by degrees universally adopted
by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that
of the abbe ; so that he lived to see himself the last

of his sect, except Monsieur B , of Paris, his

eleve and immediate disciple.

What gave my book the more sudden and gen-
eral celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed
experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor
at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds.
This engag'd the public attention every where. M.
de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental
philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science,
undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia
Experiments ; and, after they were performed be
fore the king and court, all the curious of Paris
flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative
with an account of that capital experiment, nor of
the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a

348 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

similar one I made soon after with a kite at Phila-
delphia, as both are to be found in the histories of
electricit}^

Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris,
wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an
account of the high esteem my experiments were in
among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that
my writings had been so little noticed in England.
The societ}^ on this, resum'd the consideration of
the letters that had been read to them ; and the cele-
brated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of
them, and of all I had afterwards sent to Eng-land on
the subject, which he accompanied with some praise
of the writer. This summary was then printed in
their Transactions ; and some members of the society'
in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Can-
ton, having verified the experiment of procuring
lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and ac-
quainting them with the success, they soon made me
more than amends for the slight with which they
had before treated me. Without m}'- having made
any application for that honor, they chose me a
member, and voted that I should be excus'd the
customary payments, which would have amounted
to twenty-five guineas ; and ever since have given
me their Transactions gratis.* They also pre-

* Dr. Franklin gives a further account of his election in a letter to his
son, Governor Franklin, from which the following is an extract :

" London, 19 December, 1767.
*' We have had an ugly affair at the Royal Society lately. One

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 349

sented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Cop-
ley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was
accompanied by a very handsome speech* of the
president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly
honoured.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over

Dacosta, a Jew, who, as our clerk, was intrusted with collecting our
moneys, has been so unfaithful as to embezzle near thirteen hundred
pounds in four years. Being one of the Council this year, as well as
the last, I have been employed all the last week in attending the inquiry
into, and unravelling, his accounts, in order to come at a full knowledge
of his frauds. His securities are bound in one thousand pounds to the
Society, which they will pay, but we shall probably lose the rest. He
had this year received twenty-six admission payments of twenty-live
guineas each, which he did not bring to account.

" While attending to this affair, I had an opportunity of looking over
the old Council books and journals of the Society, and, having a
curiosity to see how I came in, of which I had never been informed, I
looked back for the minutes relating to it. You must know, it is not
usual to admit persons that have not requested to be admitted ; and a
recommendatory certificate in favor of the candidate, signed by at least
three of the members, is by our rule to be presented to the Society,
expressing that he is desirous of that honor, and is so and so qualified.
As I never had asked or expected the honor, I was, as I said before,
curious to see how the business was managed. I found that the certifi-
cate, worded very advantageously for me, was signed by Lord Maccles-
field, then president, Lord Parker, and Lord Willoughby ; that the
election was by a unanimous vote ; and, the honor being voluntarily
conferred by the Society, unsolicited by me, it was thought wrong to
demand or receive the usual fees or composition ; so that my name was
entered on the list, with a vote of Council that I was not to pay any
thing, and accordingly nothing has ever been demanded of me. Those
who are admitted in the common way, pay five guineas admission fees,
and two guineas and a half yearly contribution, or twenty-five guineas
down in lieu of it. In my case a substantial favor accompanied the
honor."— W. T. F.

* See this speech in vol. v. p. 499, Sparks' Works of Franklin. — Ed.
30

350 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal
Society, which he presented to me at an entertain-
ment given him by the city. He accompanied it
with very poHte expressions of his esteem for me,
having, as he said, been long acquainted with my
character. After dinner, when the company, as
was customary at that time, were engag'd in drink-
ing, he took me aside into another room, and ac-
quainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends
in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one
who was capable of giving him the best advice, and
of contributing most effectually to the making his
administration easy ; that he therefore desired of all
things to have a good understanding with me, and
he begg'd me to be assur'd of his readiness on all
occasions to render me every service that might be
in his power. He said much to me, also, of the
proprietor's good disposition towards the province,
and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to
me in particular, if the opposition that had been
so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and
harmony restor'd between him and the people ; in
effecting which, it w^as thought no one could be
more serviceable than myself; and I might depend
on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses,
etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return
immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Ma-
deira, which the governor made liberal use of,
and in proportion became more profuse of his solici-
tations and promises.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 35 I

My answers were to this purpose : that my cir-
cumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make
pi'oprietary favours unnecessary to me ; and that,
being a member of the Assembly, I could not possi-
bly accept of any ; that, however, I had no personal
enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the
public measures he propos'd should appear to be
for the good of the people, no one should espouse
and forward them more zealously than myself; my
past opposition having been founded on this, that
the measures which had been urged were evidently
intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great
prejudice to that of the people ; that I was much
obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of
regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing
in my power to make his administration as easy as
possible, hoping at the same time that he had not
brought with him the same unfortunate instruction
his predecessor had been hamper'd with.

On this he did not then explain himself; but
when he afterwards came to do business with the
Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were
renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposi-
tion, being the penman, first, of the request to have
a communication of the instructions, and then of
the remarks upon them, which may be found in the
votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I
afterward publish'd. But between us personally
no enmity arose ; we were often together ; he was a
man of letters, had seen much of the world, and

352 AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation.
He gave me the first information that my old friend
Jas. Ralph was still alive ; that he was esteem'd one
of the best political wTiters in England ; had been em-
ploy'd in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the
king, and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a
year ; that his reputation was mdeed small as a poet,
Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad ; but
his prose was thought as good as any man's.

* The Assembly finalty finding the proprietary
obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with
instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges
of the people, but with the service of the crown,
resolv'd to petition the king against them, and
appointed me their agent to go over to England, to
present and support the petition. The House had
sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of
sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thou-
sand pounds of which was subjected to the orders
of the then general. Lord Loudoun), which the
governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance
with his instructions.

I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet
at New York, for my passage, and my stores were
put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Phila-
delphia, expressl}'^, as he told me, to endeavor an
accommodation between the governor and Assem-

* The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly — what date ? —
\Marg. note. 'I

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 353

bly, that his majesty's service might not be ob-
structed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he
desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that
he might hear what w^as to be said on both sides.
We met and discuss'd the business. In behalf of
the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that
may be found in the public papers of that time,
which were of my writing, and are printed with the
minutes of the Assembly ; and the governor pleaded
his instructions ; the bond he had given to observe
them, and his ruin if he disobey 'd, yet seemed not
unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would
advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do,
though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with
him to do it ; but finally he rather chose to urge the
compliance of the Assembly ; and he entreated me
to use my endeavours with them for that purpore,
declaring that he would spare none of the king's
troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if
we did not continue to provide for that defense our-
selves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.

I acquainted the House wdth what had-pass'd,
and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had
drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did
not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only
suspended the exercise of them on this occasion
thro' force, against which we protested, they at
length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another
conformable to the proprietary instructions. This
of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at

30*

354 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

liberty to proceed on vdy voyage. But, In the mean
time, the paquet had sailed with my sea- stores,
which was some loss to me, and my only recom-
pense was his lordship's thanks for my service, all
the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to
his share.

He set out for New York before me ; and, as the
time for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his dis-
position, and there were two then remaining there,
one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I re-
quested to know the precise time, that I might not
miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was,
*' I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday
next ; but I ma}'' let you know, entre notes, that if
you are there by Monday morning, you wdll be in
time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental
hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I
arrived, and I was much afraid she might have
sailed, as the wind was fair ; but I was soon made
easy by the information that she was still in the
harbor, and would not move till the next day. One
would imagine that I was now on the very point of
departing for Europe. I thought so ; but I was not
then so well acquainted with his lordship's character,
of which indecision was one of the strongest fea-
tures. I shall give some instances. It was about
the beginning of April that I came to New York,
and I think it was near the end of June before we
sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats,
which had been long m port, but were detained for

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 355

the general's letters, which were always to be ready
to-morrow. Another paquet arriv'd ; she too was
detain'd ; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was ex-
pected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as
having been there longest. Passengers were en-
gag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be
gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters,
and the orders they had given for insurance (it being
war time) for fall goods ; but their anxiety avail'd
nothing ; his lordship's letters were not ready ; and
yet whoever waited on him found him always at his
desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs
write abundantly.

Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I
found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of
Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with
a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He
delivered to me some letters from my friends there,
which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to re-
turn, and where he lodg'd, that I might send some
letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call
to-morrow at nine for the general's answef to the
governor, and should set off immediately. I put my
letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight
after I met him again in the same place. " So, you
are soon return'd, Innis ?" '•'' Returned! no, I am
not gone yet." " How so?" " I have called here
by order every morning these two weeks past for his
lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready." "Is it
possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him

^S6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis,
" but he is like St. George on the signs, always on
horseback^ and never rides on.^' This observation
of the messenger was, it seems, well founded ; for,
when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave
it as one reason for removing this general, and send-
ing Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister
never heard fro7n hini^ and could not know what he
was doing.

This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three
paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the
fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on
board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail,
and they be left behind. There, if I remember right,
we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores,
and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet
sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound
to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that
fortress ; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to
attend the General's ship, ready to receive his dis-
patches when they should be ready. We were out
five days before we got a letter with leave to part,
and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for
England. The other two paquets he still detained,
carried them with him to Halifax, where he staved
some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon
sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Lou-
isburg, and return'd to New York, wdth all his troops,
together with the two paquets above mentioned, and
all their passengers ! During his absence the French

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 357

and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier
of that province, and the savages had massacred
many of the garrison after capitulation.

I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who
commanded one of those paquets. He told me that,
when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted
his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a de-
gree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a
point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and re-
quested an allowance of time to heave her down and
clean her bottom. He was asked how long time
that would require. He answer'd, three days.
The general replied, *' If you can do it in one day,
I give leave ; otherwise not ; for you must certainly
sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd
leave, though detained afterwards from day to day
during full three months.

I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers,
who was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiv-
ing and detaining him so long at New York, and
then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that
he swore he would sue him for damages. Whether
he did or not, I never heard ; but, as he represented
the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.

On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a
man came to be intrusted with so important a
business as the conduct of a great army ; but,
having since seen more of the great world, and
the means of obtaining, and motives for giving
places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley,

358 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

on whom the command of the army devolved upon
the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if
continued in place, have made a much better cam-
paign than that of Loudoun in i757> which was
frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation
beyond conception ; for, tho' Shirley was not a
bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in him-
self, and attentive to good advice from others, capa-
ble of forming judicious plans, and quick and active
in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead
of defending the colonies with his great army, left
them totally expos'd, while he paraded idly at Hali-
fax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides,
he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and dis-
tress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the expor-
tation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies
from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for
beating down their price in favor of the contractors,
in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion
only, he had a share. And, when at length the em-
bargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice ol
it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd
near three months longer, whereby their bottoms
were so much damaged by the worm that a great
part of them foundered in their passage home.

Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being re-
lieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct
of an army must be to a man unacquainted with
military business. I was at the entertainment given
by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 359

taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho*
thereby superseded, was present also. There was
a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers,
and, some chairs having been borrowed in the
neighborhood, there was one among them very low,
which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it
as I sat by him, I said, " They have given you, sir,
too low a seat." "No matter," says he, "Mr.
Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."

While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at
New York, I receiv'd all the accounts of the pro-
visions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock, some
of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from
the different persons I had employ'd to assist in
the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun,
desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them
to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who,
after comparing every article with its voucher, cer-
tified them to be right ; and the balance due for
which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on
the paymaster. This was, however, put ofif from
time to time ; and, tho' I call'd often for it b}'
appointment, I did not get it. At length, just be-
fore my departure, he told me he had, on better
consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts
with those of his predecessors. "And you," says
he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your
accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid
immediately."

I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unex-

360 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

pected expense I had been put to by being detained
so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to
be presently paid ; and on my observing that it was
not right I should be put to any further trouble or
delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I
charged no commission for my service, " O, sir,"
says he, " you must not think of persuading us that
you are no gainer ; we understand better those affairs,
and know that every one concerned in supplying
the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own
pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and
that I had not pocketed a farthing ; but he appear'd
clearly not to believe me ; and, indeed, I have since
learnt that immense fortunes are often made in
such employments. As to my ballance, I am not
paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.

Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, be-
fore we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship ; unfor-
tunately, when we came to sea, she proved the
dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortifica-
tion. After many conjectures respecting the cause,
when v*^e were near another ship almost as dull as
ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain
ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the
ensign stafF as possible. We were, passengers in-
cluded, about forty persons. While we stood there,
the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neigh-
bour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our
captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by
the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 36 1

all plac'd forward ; these he therefore order'd to be
mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her
character, and proved the best sailer in the fleet.

The captain said she had once gone at the
rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thir-
teen miles per hour. We had on board, as a pas-
senger. Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who con-
tended that it was impossible, and that no ship
ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been
some error in the division of the log-line, or some
mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd be-
tween the two captains, to be decided when there
should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon ex-
amin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd
with that, he determin'd to throw the log himself.
Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew
very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet,
Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate
of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment,
and own'd his wager lost.

The above fact I give for the sake of the follow-
ing observation. It has been remark'd, as an im-
perfection in the art of ship-building, that it can
never be known, till she is tried, whether a new
ship will or will not be a good sailer ; for that the
model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly
followed in a new one, which has prov'd, on the
contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this
may partly be occasion'd by the difl?erent opinions
of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging,

31 Q

362 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

and sailing of a ship ; each has his system ; and the
same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of
one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by
the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever hap-
pens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and
sail'd by the same person. One man builds the
hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her.
No one of these has the advantage of knowing all
the ideas and experience of the others, and, there-
fore, can not draw just conclusions from a combina-
tion of the whole.

Even in the simple operation of sailing when at
sea, I have often observ'd different judgments in the
officers who commanded the successive watches, the
wind being the same. One would have the sails
trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they
seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by*. Yet
I think a set of experiments might be instituted,
first, to determine the most proper form of the hull
for swift sailing ; next, the best dimensions and pro-
perest place for the masts ; then the form and quan-
tity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be ;
and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an
age of experiments, and I think a set accurately
made and combin'd would be of great use. I am
persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious
philosopher will undertake it, to whom 1 wish
success.

We were several times chas'd in our passage, but
outsail'd every thing, and in thirty days had sound-

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 363

ii.gs. We had a good observation, and the captain
judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if
we made a good run in the night, we might be off
the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by
running in the night might escape the notice of the
enemy's privateers, who often cruis'd near the en-
trance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail
was set that we could possibly make, and the wind
being very fresh and fair, we went right before it,
and made great way. The captain, after his ob-
servation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to
pass wide of the Scilly Isles ; but it seems there is
sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's
Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss
of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This in-
draught was probably the cause of what happened
to us.

We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom
they often called, ^'Look well out before there ^^^
and he as often answered, ''''Ay^ ay f but perhaps
had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time,
they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically ;
for he did not see a light just before us, which had
been hid by the studding-sails from the man at the
helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an
accidental yaw of the ship was discovered, and
occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it,
the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel.
It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep ; but
Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing

364 ^ UTOBIO GRAPH r.

the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails
standing ; an operation dangerous to the masts, but
it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we
were running right upon the rocks on which the light-
house was erected. This deliverance impressed me
strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made
me resolve to encourage the building more of them
in America, if I should live to return there.

In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc.,
that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the
land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog
began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the
water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering
underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its
harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was
a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so
long without any other prospects than the uniform
view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more
pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties
which the state of war occasion'd.

I set out immediately, with my son, for Londc?n,
and we only stopt a little by the way to view
Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pem
broke's house and gardens, with his very curious
antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the
27th of July, I757-*

* Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple
Franklin and his successors. What follows was written the last year of
Dr. Franklin's life, and was never before printed in English. — Ed.

As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr.
Charles had provided for me, I went to visit
Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended,
and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was
advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate
complaint to government, and thought the proprie-
taries should first be personally appli'd to, who
might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and
persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate
matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend
and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told
me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant,
had requested to be informed when I should arrive,
that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was
then President of the Council and wished to see me
as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the
next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called

31» 365

366 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

for me and took me in his carriage to that noble-
man's, who receiv'd me with great civility ; and
after some questions respecting the present state of
affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said
to me : "You Americans have wrong ideas of the
nature of your constitution ; you contend that the
king's instructions to his governors are not laws,
and think yourselves at liberty to regard or dis-
regard them at your own discretion. But those
instructions are not like the pocket instructions given
to a minister going abroad, for regulating his con-
duct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are
first drawn up by judges learned in the laws ; they
are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended
in Council, after which they are signed by the king.
They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law
of the land, for the king is the Legislator of the
Colonies." I told his lordship this was new doc-
trine to me. I had always understood from our
charters that our laws were to be made by our As-
semblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his
royal assent, but that being once given the king
could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assem-
blies could not make permanent laws without his
assent, so neither could he make a law for them
without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mis-
taken. I did not think so, however, and his lord-
ship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to
what might be the sentiments of the court concern-
ing us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 367

lodgings.* I recollected that about 20 years before,
a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the

* An account of this conversation with Granville is given in the fol-
'owing letter from Franklin to Mr. James Bowdoin:

" London, 13 Jantiary, 1772.

" Dear Sir : I should very readily have recommended your son to the
care of my friend, Dr. Priestly, if he had continued to superintend the
academy at Warrington ; but he has left that charge some time since,
and is now pastor of a congregation at Leeds in Yorkshire. I am much
obliged to you for introducing me to the acquaintance of Mr. Erving,
who appears a very intelligent, sensible man. The governing of colo-
nies by instruction has long been a favorite point with ministers here.
About thirty years since, in a bill brought into Parliament relating to
America, they inserted a clause to make the king's instructions laws in
the colonies, which, being opposed by the then agents, was thrown out.

**And I well remember a conversation with Lord Granville, soon
after my arrival here, in which he expressed himself on that subject in
the following terms. * Your American Assemblies slight the king's
instructions, pretending that they are not laws. The instructions sent
over to your governors are not like the pocket instructions given to
ambassadors, to be observed at their discretion, as circumstances may
require. They are drawn up by grave men, learned in the laws and
constitutions of the realm ; they are brought into Council, thoroughly
weighed, well considered, and amended if necessary, by the wisdom of
that body, and, when received by the governors, they are the laws of
the land ; for the king is the legislator of the colonies.' I remember
this the better, because, being a new doctrine to me, I put it down as
soon as I returned to my lodgings. To be sure, if a governor thinks
himself obliged to obey all instructions, whether consistent or inconsis*
tent with the constitution, laws, and rights of the country he governs,
and can proceed to govern in that train, there is an end of the constitu-
tion, and those rights are abolished. But I wonder that any honest
gentleman can think there is honor in being a governor on such terms.
And I think the practice cannot possibly continue, especially if opposed
with spirit by our Assemblies. At present no attention is paid by the
American ministers to any agent here whose appointment is not ratified
by the governor's assent ; and, if this is persisted in, you can have none
to serve you in a public character, that do not render themselves agree-

2,6s AUTOBIOGRAPHT OF

ministry had propos'd to make the king's instruc-
tions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown
out by the Commons, for which we adored them as
our friends and friends of liberty, till by their con-
duct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had
refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only
that they might reserve it for themselves.

After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to
the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me
at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The
conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations
of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I
suppose each party had its own ideas of what should
be meant by reasonable. We then went into con-
sideration of our several points of complaint, which
I enumerated. The proprietaries justify^d their con-
duct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's.
We now appeared very wide, and so far from each
other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of
agreement. However, it was concluded that I
should give them the heads of our complaints in
writing, and they promis'd then to consider them.

able to these ministers, and those otherwise appointed can only promote
your interests by conversation as private gentlemen or by writing. Vir-
ginia had, as you observe, two agents, one for the Council, the other for
the Assembly ; but I think the latter only was considered as agent for
the Pro\dnce.

" He was appointed by an act, whidi expired in the time of Lord
Botetourt, and was not revived. The other, I apprehend, continues ;
but I am not well acquainted with the nature of his appointment. I
only understand that he does not concern himself much with the general
affairs of the colony. — Sparks' Works of Frankliuy vol. vii. p. 549. — El>.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 369

I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the
hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who
managed for them all their law business in their
great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of
Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70
years, and wrote for them all their papers and mes-
sages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was
a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in
the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with
some severity, they being really weak in point of
argument and haughty in expression, he had con-
ceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering
itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's
proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of
complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treat-
ing with any one but them. They then by his ad-
vice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney
and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel
upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting
eight days, during which time I made frequent
demands of an answer from the proprietaries, but
without obtaining any other than that they had not
yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Soli-
citor-General. What it was when they did receive
it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to
me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn
and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining
of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part,
and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct,
adding that they should be willing to accommodate

370 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

matters if the Assembly would send out some -person
of candour to treat with them for that purpose, inti-
mating thereby that I was not such.

The want of formality or rudeness was, probably,
my not having address'd the paper to them with
their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprie-
taries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I
omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the
intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty
by writing, what in conversation I had delivered
viva voce.

But during this delay, the Assembly having pre-
vailed with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the
proprietary estate in common with the estates of
the people, which was the grand point in dispute,
they omitted answering the message.

When this act however came over, the proprieta-
ries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its
receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they pe-
tition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was
appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd by
them against the act, and two by me in support of
it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load
the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the
people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue in
force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with
tl a people, left to their mercy in proportioning the
taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd
that the act had no such intention, and would have
no such effect. That the assessors were honest and

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. j/I

discreet men under an oath to assess fairly jad
equitably, and that any advantage each of them
might expect in lessening his own tax by augment-
ing that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce
them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of
what I remember as urged by both sides, except
that we insisted strongly on the mischievous conse-
quences that must attend a repeal, for that the
money, £100,000, being printed and given to the
king's use, expended in his service, and now spread
among the people, the repeal would strike it dead
in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total
discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness
of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catas-
trophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate
being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the
strongest terms. On this. Lord Mansfield, one of
the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into
the clerk*c> chamber, while the lawyers were plead-
ing, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no
injury would be done the proprietary estate in the
execution of the act. I said certainly. **Then,"
says he, ** you can have little objection to enter into
an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd,
**None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after
some discourse, his lordship's proposition was ac-
cepted on both sides ; a paper to the purpose was
drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I
sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent
of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord

3/2 A UTOBIO GRAPIIY.

Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where
finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes
were however recommended and we also engaged
they should be made by a subsequent law, but the
Assembly did not think them necessary ; for one
year's tax having been levied by the act before the
order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee
to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on
this committee they put several particular friends of
the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unani-
mously sign'd a report that they found the tax had
been assess'd with perfect equity.

The Assembly looked into my entering into the
first part of the engagement, as an essential service
to the Province, since it secured the credit of the
paper money then spread over all the country. They
gave me their thanks in form when I return'd.
But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor
Denny for having pass'd the act^ and turn'd him
out with threats of suing him for breach of instruc-
tions which he had given bond to observe. He,
however, having done it at the instance of the
General, and for His Majesty's service, and having
some powerful interest at court, despis'd the threats
and they were never put in execution.

THE LIFE OF FRANKLIN.

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

CONTINUED,

FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND OTHER WRITINGS.

:P.A.S;T II.

FROM FRANKLIN'S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND AS AGENT OF THE COLONY OP

PENNSYLVANIA. IN JUNE, 1757. UNTIL THE CLOSE OF HIS MISSION

THERE AND RETURN TO PHILADELPHIA IN 1775.

32 373

CHAPTER I.

Domes'iotion and Protracted Illness in London — Removal of Governor
Denny — Countermining the Proprietors — Historical Review, etc., of Penn-
sylvania— Tour through England and Scotland — Cambridge University —
Visits the Home of his Ancestors — Counsels the Annexation of Canada
to the British Empire — Portrait of William Penn — The "Art of Virtue" —
Karnes's " Elements of Criticism" — Directions for a Young Lady's Read-
ing— Expensiveness of English Wives — Hume's "Jealousy of Commerce"
— Baskerville"s Printing Types — Property of the Penn Family — Death of
his Mother-in-lavv — Lightning Conductors.

I757-I762.

To his wife, DuRiNG my iUness, which continued near
dated Lo"" eiofht wecks, I wrote several letters as I was

don, 22 Nov., ^ '

1757. able. The last was by the packet which sailed

from Falmouth above a week since. In that I informed

you that my intermitting fever, which had continued to

harass me by frequent relapses, was gone off, and I have

ever since been gathering strength and flesh. My doctor,

Fothergill, who had forbid me the use of pen and ink,

now permits me to write as much as I can without over

fatiguing myself, and therefore I sit down to write more

fully than I have hitherto been able to do.

The 2d of September I wrote to you, that I had had a

violent cold and something of a fever, but that it was almost

376

3^6 ILLNESS IN LONDON [^,T. 51

gone. However, it was not long before I had another se-
vere cold, which continued longer than the first, attended
by great pain in my head, the top of which was very hot,
and when the pain went off, very sore and tender. These
fits of pain continued sometimes longer than at others ;
seldom less than twelve hours, and once thirty-six hours.
I was now and then a little delirious ; they cupped me on
the back of the head, which seemed to ease me for the
present ; I took a great deal of bark, both in substance and
infusion, and too soon thinking myself well, I ventured out
twice, to do a little business and forward the service I am
engaged in, and both times got fresh cold and fell down
again. IMy good doctor grew very angry with me for acting
contrary to his cautions and directions, and obliged me to
promise more observance for the future. He attended me
very carefully and affectionately ; and the good lady of the
house nursed me kindly.* Billy was also of great service to
me, in going from place to place, where I could not go
myself, and Peter was very diligent and attentive. f I took
so much bark in various ways, that I began to abhor it ; I
durst not take a vomit, for fear of my head ; but at last I

* By the advice of some of his Pennsylvania friends who had boarded there,
Franklin took up his residence in London with a Mrs. Margaret Stevenson,
in Craven street, Strand, where he lived during the whole of his subsequent
residence in London. Both for Mrs. Stevenson and for her daughter Mary,
then a young lady of eighteen years, he formed a cordial attachment, which
lasted through life. Miss Stevenson was a girl of superior sense, and the
interest which Franklin took during the earlier years of their acquaintance,
in perfecting her education and in cultivating her friendship, reveals to us
one of the most sunny and attractive phases of his character. Miss Steven-
son spent most of her time with her aunt, Mrs. Tickell, in the country. This
led to a correspondence between her and the doctor, which was faithfully
sustained on both sides up to the year of his death. — Ed.

\ The Billy here referred to is his son William. — Ed.

/Et. 51.] REPORTS OF HIS ENEMIES. 377

was seized one morning with a vomiting and purging, tht
latter of which continued the greater part of the day, and
I believe was a kind of crisis to the distemper, carrying it
clear off; for ever since I feel quite lightsome, and am every
day gathering strength ; so I hope my seasoning is over, and
that I shall enjoy better health during the rest of my stay
in England.

Governor Shirley's affairs are still in an uncertain state ;
he is endeavouring to obtain an inquiry into his conduct,
but the confusion of public affairs occasions it to be post-
poned. He and I visit frequently. I make no doubt but
reports will be spread by my enemies to my disadvantage,
but let none of them trouble you. If I find I can do my
country no good, I will take care at least not to do it any
harm; I will neither seek nor expect anything for myself;
and, though I may perhaps not be able to obtain for the
people what they wish and expect, no interest shall induce
me to betray the trust they have reposed in me ; so make
yourself quite eas.y with regard to such reports.

I should have read Sally's French letter with more plea-
sure, but that I thought the French rather too good to be
all her own composing. I suppose her master must have
corrected it. But I am glad she is improving in that and
her music ; I send her a French Pamela.

December 3^. — I write by little and little as I can find
time. I have now gone through all your agreeable letters,
which give me fresh pleasure every time I read them. Last
night I received another, dated October i6th, which
brings me the good news, that you and Sally were got safe
home ; your last, of the 9th, being from Elizabethtown.

I am glad to hear that Miss Ray is well, and that you

correspond. It is not convenient to be forward in giving
32*

2yS SOCIAL PRIVILEGES IN LONDON. [^t. 51.

advice in such cases. She has prudence enough to judge
for herself, and I hope she will judge and act for the
best.

I hear there has a miniature painter gone over to Phila-
delphia, a relation to John Reynolds. If Sally's picture is
not done to your mind by the young man, and the other
gentleman is a good hand and follows the business, sup-
pose you get Sally's done by him, and send it to me with
your small picture, that I may here get all our little family
drawn in one conversation piece. I am sorry to hear of
the general sickness; I hope it is over before this time;
and that little Franky is recovered.

I was as much disappointed in my intention of writing
by the packet, as you were in not receiving letters, and it
has since given me a great deal of vexation. I wrote to
you by way of New York, the day after my arrival in
London, which I do not find you have received.

I do not use to be a backward correspondent, though
my sickness has brought me behindhand with my friends
in that respect. Had I been well, I intended to have
gone round among the shops, and bought some pretty
things for you and my dear good Sally (whose little hands
you say eased your headache), to send by this ship, but I
must now defer it to the next, having only got a crimson
satin cloak for you, the newest fashion, and the black silk
for Sally ; but Billy sends her a scarlet feather, muff, and
tippet, and a box of fashionable linen for her dress. In the
box is a thermometer for Mr. Taylor, and one for Mr.
Schlatter, which you will carefully deliver ; as also a watch
for Mr. Schlatter. I shall write to them. The black silk
was sent to Mr. Neates, who undertook to forward it in
some package of his.

^T. 51.] SOCIAL PRIVILEGES IN LONDON. ^yg

It is now twelve days since I began to write this letter,
and I still continue well, but have not yet quite recovered
my strength, flesh, or spirits. I every day drink a glass of
infusion of bark in wine, by way of prevention, and hope
my fever will no more return. On fair days, which are but
few, I venture out about noon. The agreeable conversation
I meet with among men of learning, and the notice taken
of me by persons of distinction, are the principal things
that soothe me for the present under this painful absence
from my family and friends. Yet those would not keep me
here another week, if I had not other inducements ; duty
to my country, and hopes of being able to do it service.

Pray remember me kindly to all that love us, and to all
that we love. It is endless to name names. I am, my
dear child,* your loving husband.

To his wife, I am thankful to God for sparing my little
don, 14 Jan." f^i'^i^y i^i that time of general sickness, and
^758. hope to find them all well at my return. The

New York paper you sent me was the latest that came, and
of use to our friend Strahan. He has offered to lay me a
considerable wager, that a letter f he has wrote to you will
bring you immediately over hither ; but I tell him I will
not pick his pocket ; for I am sure there is no inducement
strong enough to prevail with you to cross the seas. I
should be glad if I could tell you when I expected to be at
home, but that is still in the dark ; it is possible I may not

* Franklin, in his correspondence, always addresses his wife as " my dear
child." or as " dear Debby."— Ed,

t A letter written to persuade Mrs. Franklin to join her husband and reside
in London, Had she consented, Franklin's career might have been of less
interest to the American reader, — Ed.

380 DOMESTIC LIFE, [^t. 52.

be able to get away this summer ; but I hope, if I stay
another winter, it will be more agreeable than the greatest
part of the time I have hitherto spent in England.

To his wife, I begin to think I shall hardly be able to
don, 21 jan.j return before this time twelve months. I am
^758. for doing effectually what I came about ; and

I find it requires both time and patience. You may think,
perhaps, that I can find many amusements here to pass the
time agreeably. It is true, the regard and friendship I
meet with from persons of worth, and the conversation of
ingenious men, give me no small pleasure; but, at this time
of life, domestic comforts afford the most solid satisfaction,
and my uneasiness at being absent from my family, and
longing desire to be with them, make me often sigh in the
midst of cheerful company.

My love to my dear Sally. I confide in you the care of
her and her education. I promise myself the pleasure of
finding her much improved at my return. When you write
to Boston, give my love to sister Jenny, as I have not often
time to write to her. If you please, you may send her the
enclosed little picture.

To his wife, Your kind advice about getting a chariot, 1
a e on- ^^^ taken some time before : for I found, that,

don, ig teb., ' '

1758. every time I walked out, I got fresh cold ; and

the hackney coaches at this end of the town, where most
people keep their own, are the worst in the whole city,
miserable, dirty, broken, shabby things, unfit to go into
when dressed clean, and such as one would be ashamed to
get out of at any gentleman's door. As to burning wood,
it would answer no end, unless one would furnish all one's

^T. 52.] PRESENTS FOR HIS FAMILY. 381

neighbours and the whole city with the same. The whole
town is one great smoky house, and every street a chimney,
the air full of floating seacoal soot, and you never get a
sweet breath of what is pure, without riding some miles for
it into the country.

I am sorry to hear, that a storm has damaged a house of
my good friend Mr. Bartram.* Acquaint him that I have
received the seeds, and shall write to him shortly. I hope
the Speaker is recovered of the illness you mention.

Give my thanks to Dr. Bond for the care he takes of you.
I have wrote to him by this vessel. Mr. Hunter and Polly
talk of returning this spring. He is wonderfully recruited.
They both desire to be remembered to you. She received
your letter and answered it. ' Her answer I enclosed in one
of mine to you. Her daughter Rachel, who plays on the
harpsichord and sings prettily, sends Sally one of her songs,
that I fancied.

I send you by Captain Budden a large case, and a small
box. In the large case is another small box, containing
some English china; viz. melons and leaves for a desert
of fruit and cream, or the like ; a bowl remarkable for the
neatness of the figures, made at Bow, near this city; some
coffee cups of the same; a Worcester bowl, ordinary. To
show the difference of workmanship, there is something
from all the china works in England; and one old true
china bason mended, of an odd color. The same box
contains four silver salt ladles, newest, but ugliest, fashion ;
a little instrument to core apples; another to make little

* John Bartram, born in Pennsylvania in 1699, died September 21, 1777,
was the eariiest of American botanists, founder of the first botanical garden
in this country, and author of some works on the natural history of parts
of this continent. — Ed.

382 PRESENTS FOR HIS FRIENDS. \_Mt. 52.

turnips out of great ones; six coarse diaper breakfast cloths;
they are to spread on the tea-table, for nobody breakfasts
here on the naked table, but on the cloth they set a large
tea board with the cups. There is also a little basket, a
present from Mrs. Stevenson to Sally, and a pair of garters
for you, which were knit by the young lady, her daughter,
who favored me with a pair of the same kind, the only
ones I have been able to wear; as they need not be bound
tight, the ridges in them preventing their slipping. We
send them therefore as a curiosity for the form, more than
for the value. Goody Smith may, if she pleases, make such
for me hereafter. My love to her.

In the great case, besides the little box, is contained some
carpeting for a best room floof. There is enough for one
large or two small ones, it is to be sewed together, the
edges being first felled down, and care taken to make
the figures meet exactly; there is bordering for the same.
This was my fancy. Also two large fine Flanders bed ticks,
and two pair of large superfine blankets, two fine damask
table-cloths and napkins, and forty-three ells of Ghentish
sheeting Holland. These you ordered. There are also
fifty-six yards of cotton, printed curiously from copper
plates, a new invention, to make bed and window curtains;
and seven yards of chair bottoms, printed in the same way,
very neat. These were my fancy; but Mrs. Stevenson tells
me I did wrong not to buy both of the same color. Also
seven yards of printed cotton, blue ground, to make you a
gown. I bought it by candlelight, and liked it then, but
not so well afterwards. If you do not fancy it, send it as a
present from me to sister Jenny. There is a better gown
lor you, of flowered tissue, sixteen yards, of Mrs. Steven-
son's fancy, cost nine guineas; and 1 think it a great

^T. 52.] FI^ESENTS FOR HIS FRIENDS. 383

beauty. There was no more of the sort, or you should
have had enough for a negligee or suit.

There are also snuffers, a snuffstand, and extinguisher, of
steel, which I send for the beauty of the work. The ex-
tinguisher is for spermaceti candles only, and is of a new
contrivance, to preserve the snuff upon the candle. There
is some music Billy bought for his sister, and some pam-
phlets for the Speaker and for Susy Wright. A mahogany and
a little shagreen box, with microscopes and other optical
instruments loose, are for Mr. Alison, if he likes them; if
not, put them in my room till I return. I send the invoice
of them, and I wrote to him formerly the reason of my ex-
ceeding his orders. There are also two sets of books, a
present from me to Sally, ''The World" and ''The Con-
noisseur." My love to her.

I forgot to mention another of ray fancyings, viz. a pair
of silk blankets, very fine. They are of a new kind, were
just taken in a French prize, and such were never seen in
England before. They are called blankets, but I think
they will be very neat to cover a summer bed, instead of a
quilt or counterpane. I had no choice, so you will excuse
the soil on some of the folds ; your neighbour Foster can
get it off. I also forgot, among the china, to mention a
large fine jug for beer, to stand in the cooler. I fell in
love with it at first sight ; for I thought it looked like a fat
jolly dame, clean and tidy, with a neat blue and white
calico gown on, good natured and lovely, and put me in
mind of — somebody. It has the coffee cups in it, packed
in best crystal salt, of a peculiar nice flavor, for the table,
not to be powdered.

I hope Sally applies herself closely to her French and
music, and that I shall find she has made great proficiency.

-,84 DO ATE STIC LIFE IN LONDON. [vEt. 52.

The harpsichord I was about, and which was to have cost
me forty guineas, Mr. Stanley advises me not to buy; and
we are looking out for another, one that has been some
time in use, and is a tried good one, there being not so
much dependence on a new one, though made by the best
hands. Sally's last letter to her brother is the best wrote
that of late I have seen of hers. I only wish she was a
little more careful of her spelling. I hope she continues
to love going to church, and would have her read over and
over again the ''Whole Duty of Man," and the "Lady's
Library."

Look at the figures on the china bowl and coffee cups,
with your spectacles on ; they will bear examining.

I have made your compliments to Mrs. Stevenson. She
is indeed very obliging, takes great care of my health, and
is very diligent when I am any way indisposed ; but yet I
have a thousand times wished you with me, and my little
Sally with her ready hands and feet to do, and go, and
come, and get what I wanted. There is a great difference
in sickness between being nursed with that tender attention,
which proceeds from sincere love; and {The re-
mainder of this letter is lost.')

To his wife, I was down at Cambridge with Billy when
A..^ ,r. T.,«/ Snead sailed, so I did not write again by him

don, 10 June, ' o y

1758. as I intended. His sailing so soon was unex-

pected to me. I am somewhat out of the way of vessels,
and Mr. Partridge by mistake wrote me Snead was not to
sail that week ; so, being very kindly entertained there in
the colleges, we did not hurry so soon home as we might
have done. However, this vessel perhaps may be there
about the same time.

iET. 52.] CAUTION TO FEMALE POLITICIANS, 385

I think nobody ever had more faithful correspondents
than I have in Mr. Hughes and you. It is impossible for
me to get or keep out of your debts. I received the bill
of exchange you got of Mr. Nelson, and it is paid. I
received also the Proprietary's account. It gives me con-
cern to receive such frequent accounts of your being indis-
posed ; but we both of us grow in years, and must expect
our constitutions, though tolerably good in themselves, will
by degrees give way to the infirmities of age.

I have sent, in a trunk of the Library Company's, some
of the best writing paper for letters, and best quills and wax,
all for Mrs. Moore, which I beg she would accept ; having
received such civilities here from her sister and brother
Scott, as are not in my power to return. I shall send some
to Sally by the next opportunity. By Captain Lutwidge I
sent my dear girl a newest fashioned white hat and cloak,
and sundry little things, which I hope will get safe to hand.
I now send her a pair of buckles, made of French paste
stones, which are next in lustre to diamonds. They cost
three guineas, and are said to be cheap at that price. I
fancy I see more likeness in her picture than I did at first,
and I look at it often with pleasure, as at least it reminds
me of her. Yours is at the painter's, who is to copy it
and do me of the same size; but, as to family pieces, it is
said they never look well, and are quite out of fashion, and
I find the limner very unwilling to undertake any thing of
the kind. However, when Franky's comes, and that of
Sally by young Hesselius, I shall see what can be done. I
wonder how you came by Ben Lay's picture.

You are very prudent not to engage in party disputes.
Women never should meddle with them, except in en-
deavours to reconcile their husbands, brothers, and friends,
33 fi

386 DELICACY TOWARDS OLD FRIENDS. [/Ex. 52.

who happen to be of contrary sides. If your sex keep
cool, you may be a means of cooling ours the sooner, and
restoring more speedily that social harmony among fellow-
citizens, that is so desirable after long and bitter dissensions.

Cousin Dunlap* has wrote me an account of his purchas-
ing Chattin's printing-house. I wish it may be advantage-
ous to him without injuring Mr. Hall. I can however do
nothing to encourage him, as a printer in Philadelphia,
inconsistent with my preengagement to so faithful a partner.
And I trust you will take care not to do any thing in that
way, that may draw reflections on me ; as if I did under-
hand, through your means, what I would not care to appear
in openly. I hope he will keep a good understanding with
Mr. Hall,f and I am pleased to hear that he asked his
advice and friendship; but I have thought it right and
necessary to forbid the use of my letters by Mr. Dunlap
without Mr. Hall's consent. The post-office, if it is agree-
able to you, may be removed to Mr. Dunlap's house, it
being proposed by our good friend Mr. Hughes.

I wrote to you lately to speak to AmbrusterJ not to make
use of my name any more in his newspaper, as I have no
particular concern in it, but as one of the trustees only. I
have no prospect of returning till next spring, so you will
not expect me. But pray remember to make me as happy
as you can, by sending some pippins for myself and friends,
some of your small hams, and some cranberries.

* William Dunlap, a native of Ireland, a printer in Philadelphia, and
recently married to a relation of Mrs. Franklin. — Ed.

f Mr. David Hall had been the partner, and was now the successor, of
Franklin in his business. — Ed.

X Anthony Ambruster, a German printer in Philadelphia, and for some
time publisher of a newspaper there in the German language. — Ed.

^T. 52.] SUGGESTIONS TO HIS WIFE. 387

Billy is of the Middle Temple, and will be called to the
bar either this term or the next. I write, this in answer to
your particular inquiry. I am glad you like the cloak I sent
you. The black silk was sent by our friend Mr. Collinson.
I never saw it. Your answer to Mr. Strahan was just what
it should be. I was much pleased witli it. He fancied his
rhetoric and art would certainly bring you over.

I have ordered two large print Common Prayer Books to
be bound, on purpose for you and Goody Smith; and, that
the largeness of the print may not make them too bulky,
the christenings, matrimonies, and every thing else that you
and she have not immediate and constant occasion for, are
to be omitted. So you will both of you be reprieved from
the use of spectacles in church a little longer.

If the ringing of the bells frightens you, tie a piece of
wire from one bell to the other, and that will conduct the
lightning without ringing or snapping, but silently; though
I think it best the bells should be at liberty to ring, that
you may know when they are electrified; and when you are
afraid you may keep at a distance.'^ I wrote last winter to
Josey Crocker to come over hither and stay a year, and
work in some of the best shops for improvement in his
business, and therefore did not send the tools; but, if he is
about to be married, I would not advise him to come. I
shall send the tools immediately. You have disposed of the
appletrees very properly. I condole with you on the loss
of your walnuts.

* In the year 1753 Franklin had erected an iron rod for the purpose of
drawing l"ghtning from the clouds into his house. He also placed two bells
in such a position that they would ring when the rod was electrified. Mrs.
Franklin, it seems, did not fancy having the clouds on such a famihar foot-
ing in the house during her husband's absence. — Ed.

388 GOVERNOR DENNY REMOVED. [.^Et. 52.

I see the governor's treatment of his wife makes all the
ladies angry. If it is on account of the bad example, that
will soon be removed ; for the Proprietors are privately
looking out for another ; being determined to discard him,
and the place goes a begging. One, to whom it was
offered, sent a friend to make some inquiries of me. The
Proprietors told him they had there a city-house and a
country-house, which he might use rent free ; that every
thing was so cheap he might live on five hundred pounds
sterling a year, keep a genteel table, a coach, &c., and his
income would be at least nine hundred pounds. If it fell
short of that, the Proprietors would engage to make it up.
For the truth of his being able to live genteelly, and keep a
coach for five hundred pounds a year, the Proprietors re-
ferred him to Mr. Hamilton, who, it seems, told him the
same story ; but, on inquiry of Mr. Morris, he had quite a
different account, and knew not which to believe. The
gentleman is one Mr. Graves, a lawyer of the Temple. He
hesitated a good while, and I am now told has declined
accepting it. I wish that may not be true, for he has the
character of being a very good sort of man ; though while
the instructions continue, it matters little who is our
governor. It was to have been kept a secret from me, that
the Proprietors were looking out for a new one ; because
they would not have Mr. Denny know any thing about it,
till the appointment was actually made, and the gentleman
ready to embark. So you may make a secret of it too, if
you please, and oblige all your friends with it.'*'

*■ The negotiations with Mr. Graves to succeed Governor Denny failed,
and the post was offered to and accepted by Mr. James Hamilton, a native
of Philadelphia, who had been formerly governor of the colony, and who
chanced to be then in London. On the disputed question of taxing the
proprietary estates, the Proprietors did not gain much by the change. — Ed,

iET. 52.] COUNTERMINING THE PROPRIETORS. 389

I need not tell you to assist godmother in her difficulties j
for I Icnow you will think it as agreeable to me, as it is to
your own good disposition. I could not find the bit of
thread you mention to have sent me, of your own spinning.
Perhaps it was too fine to be seen. I am glad little Franky
begins to talk. It will divert you to have him often with you.

Mrs. Stevenson and her daughter desire me to present
their compliments, and offer their services to you and Sally.
I think of going into the country soon, and shall be pretty
much out this summer, in different parts of England. I
depend chiefly on these journeys for the establishment of
my health.

To the Speak- Mr. Charles* at my request has drawn the

mittee of "t^' ^^^^^ °^ ^^ casc, in Order to obtain opinions
Pennsylvania of eminent lawyers how far our present privi-
ted London' ^^g^s would be affected in case of a change of
10 June, 1758. government, by our coming immediately under
the crown. I send you a copy of this case, with the opinion
of our counsel upon it, who is esteemed the best acquainted
with our American affairs and constitutions, as well as with
government law in general. He being also thoroughly
knowing in the present views of the Board of Trade, and in
their connexions and characters, has given me withal, as a
friend, some prudential advice in a separate sheet distinct
from his law opinion, because the law opinion might neces-
sarily appear where he would not care the advice should
be seen. I send you, also, a copy of this, and should be
glad of your sentiments upon it. One thing, that he recom-

* A lawyer who, for some years, had been agent of the Assembly of Penn-
sylvania in B^ngland. — Ed.
33*

390 COUNTERMINING THE PROPRIETORS, [^r. 52.

mends to be done before we push our point in Parliament,
is, removing the prejudices, that art and accident have
spread among the people of this country against us, and
obtaining for us the good opinion of the bulk of mankind
without doors. This I hope we have it in our power to do,
by means of a work now nearly ready for the press, calcu-
lated to engage the attention of many readers, and at the
same time to efface the bad impressions received of us ; but
it is thought best not to publish it, till a little before the
next session of Parliament.*

The Proprietors are determined to discard their present
governor, as soon as they can find a successor to their mind.
They have lately offered the government to one Mr. Graves,
a gentleman of the Temple, who has had it for some time
under consideration, and makes a difficulty of accepting it.
The beginning of the week it was thought he would accept;
but on Thursday night I was told he had resolved to refuse it.
I know not, however, whether he may not yet be prevailed on.
He has the character of a man of good understanding, and
good dispositions. (^The remainder of the letter is lost?)

* The book of which Franklin here speaks is the " Historical Review of
the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania," which was published in
the year 1759. It was a rather lively attack upon William Penn and his de-
scendants, and made no slight sensation when it appeared. Pubhc opinion
ascribed its authorship to Franklin, and he was assailed for it with great
virulence by all the proprietary press. Franklin did not disavow the paternity
then, nor did he ever do so publicly. Indeed, there was little doubt that he
had furnished most of the material, and that it was printed, published, and cir-
culated under his direction ; but we now know, from a letter to David Hume
of the 27th Sept., 1760, that though he was not strictly speaking the author,
he must have furnished all the material. It was doubtless put into shape
by his son William and by his old friend Ralph. The letter to Hume will
be found infra, p. 410. — Ed.

/Et. 52.] CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY ATTENTIONS. 3^1

To his wife, In miiic of June loth, by the Mercury,
don, 6 Sept" Captain Robinson, I mentioned our having
^758. been at Cambridge. We stayed there a week,

being entertained with great kindness by the principal
people, and shown all the curiosities of the place ; and,
returning by another road to see more of the country, we
came again to London. I found the journey advantageous
to my health, increasing both my health and spirits, and
therefore, as all the great folks were out of town, and public
business at a stand, I the more easily prevailed with myself
to take another journey, and accept of the invitation we
had, to be again at Cambridge at the Commencement, the
beginning of July. We went accordingly, were present at
all the ceremonies, dined every day in their halls, and my
vanity was not a little gratified by the particular regard
shown me by the chancellor and vice-chancellor of the
University, and the heads of colleges.

After the Commencement, we went from Cambridge
through Huntingdonshire into Northumberiandshire,* and
at Wellingborough, on inquiry, we found still living Mary
Fisher, whose maiden name was Franklin, daughter and
only child of Thomas Franklin, my father's eldest brother.
She is five years older than sister Dowse, and remembers
her going away with my father and his then wife, and two
other children to New England about the year 1685. We
have had no correspondence with her since my uncle
Benjamin's death, now near thirty years. I knew she had
lived at Wellingborough, and had married there to one Mr.
Richard Fisher, a grazier and tanner, about fifty years ago,
but did not expect to see either of them alive, so inquired ioi

* Obviously a misprint or slip of the pen for Northamptonshire. — Ed.

3^2 THE HOME OF HIS ANCESTORS. \Mt, 52.

their posterity. I was directed to their house, and we found
them both alive, but weak with age, very glad however to
see us. She seems to have been a very smart, sensible
woman. They are wealthy, have left off business, and live
comfortably. They have had only one child, a daughter,
who died, when about thirty years of age, unmarried. She
gave me several of my uncle Benjamin's letters to her, and
acquainted me where the other remains of the family lived,
of which I have, since my return to London, found out a
daughter of my father's only sister, very old, and never
married. She is a good, clever woman, but poor, though
vastly contented with her situation, and very cheerful.
The others are in different parts of the country. I intend
to visit them, but they were too much out of our tour in that
journey.

From Wellingborough we went to Ecton, about three or
four miles, being the village where my father was born, and
where his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had
lived, and how many of the family before them we know
not. We went first to see the old house and grounds ; they
came to Mr. Fisher with his wife, and, after letting them
for some years, finding his rent something ill paid, he sold
them. The land is now added to another farm, and a
school kept in the house. It is a decayed old stone build-
ing, but still known by the name of Franklin House,
Thence we went to visit the rector of the parish, who lives
close by the church, a very ancient building. He enter-
tained us very kindly, and showed us the old church
register, in which were the births, marriages, and burials
of our ancestors for two hundred years, as early as his book
began. His wife, a goodnatured, chatty, old lady, (grand-
daughter of the famous A::chdeacon Palmer, who formerly

/Et. 52.] THE HOME OF HIS ANCESTORS. 393

had that parish, and lived there,) remembered a great deal
about the family ; carried us out into the churchyard, and
showed us several of their gravestones, which were so
covered with moss that we could not read the letters, till
she ordered a hard brush and basin of water, with which
Peter scoured them clean, and then Billy copied them.
She entertained and diverted us highly with stories of
Thomas Franklin, Mrs. Fisher's father, who was a convey-
ancer, something of a lawyer, clerk of the county courts,
and clerk to the archdeacon in his visitations ; a very lead-
ing man in all county affairs, and much employed in public
business. He set on foot a subscription for erecting chimes
in their steeple, and completed it, and we heard them
play. He found out an easy method of saving their village
meadows from being drowned, as they used to be sometimes
by the river, which method is still in being ; but, when first
proposed, nobody could conceive how it could be; "but
however," they said, "if Franklin says he knows how to
do it, it will be done." His advice and opinion were
sought for on all occasions, by all sorts of people, and he
was looked upon, she said, by some, as something of a con-
jurer. He died just four years before I was born, on the
same day of the same month.

Since our return to London, I have had a kind letter
from cousin Fisher, and another from the rector, which I
send you.

From Ecton we went to Northampton, where we stayed
part of the day ; then went to Coventry, and from thence
to Birmingham. Here, upon inquiry, we soon found out
yours, and cousin Wilkinson's, and cousin Cash's relations.
First, we found out one of the Cashes, and he went with us
to Rebecca Flint's, where we saw her and her husband.

394 ^-^^ HOME OF HIS ANCESTORS. [^t. 52.

She is a turner and he a buttonmaker ; they have no chil-
dren ; were very glad to see any person that knew their
sister Wilkinson; told us what letters they had received,
and showed us some of them ; and even showed us that they
had, out of respect, preserved a keg, in which they had
received a present of some sturgeon. They sent for their
brother, Joshua North, who came with his wife immediately
to see us; he is a turner also, and has six children, a lively,
active man. Mrs. Flint desired me to tell her sister, that
they live still in the old house she left them in, which I
think she says was their father's. From thence Mr. North
went with us to your cousin Benjamin's. {The remainder
of this letter is wanting. )

To his sister, I wondcr you havc had no letter from me

TLjj-o TsriG MG" • • •

com dated Since my being in England. I have wrote you
London, 16 at least two, and I think a third before this,

Sept., 1758. - .

and, what was next to waiting on you in
person, sent you my picture. In June last I sent Benny* a
trunk of books, and wrote to him. I hope they are come
to hand, and that he meets with encouragement in his
business. I congratulate you on the conquest of Cape
Breton, and hope, as your people took it by praying the
first time, you will now pray that it may never be given up
again, which you then forgot. Billy is well, but in the
country. I left him at Tunbridge Wells, where we spent
a fortnight, and he is now gone with some company to see
Portsmouth. We have been together over a great part of
England this summer, and, among other places, visited the
town our father was born in, and found some relations in
that part of the country still living.

* Mrs. Mecom's son. — Ed.

.Et. 52.] ''NONE BUT CHRIST.'' 395

Our cousin Jane Franklin, daughter of our uncle John,
died about a year ago. We saw her husband, Robert Pa^,
who gave us some old letters to his wife from uncle Benja-
min. In one of them, dated Boston, July 4th, 1723, he
writes that your uncle Josiah has a daughter Jane, about
twelve years old, a good-humored child. So keep up to
your character, and don't be angry when you have no
letters. In a little book he sent her, called ^'None but
Christ," he wrote an acrostic on her name, which for name-
sake's sake, as well as the good advice it contains, I tran-
scribe and send you, viz,

*' Illuminated from on high,
And shining brightly in your sphere.
Ne'er faint, but keep a steady eye,
Expecting endkss pleasures there.

" Flee vice as you'd a serpent flee ;
Raise yiwV>& and he^e three stories higher,
And let Christ's endless love to thee
Ne'er cease to make thy love aspire.
Kindness of heart by words express.
Let your obedience be sincere,
In prayer and praise your God address.
Nor cease, till he can cease to hear."

After professing truly that I had a great esteem and ven-
eration for the pious author, permit me a little to play the
commentator and critic on these lines. The meaning of
three stories higher seems somewhat obscure. You are to
understand, then, that faith, hope, and charity have been
called the three steps of Jacob's ladder, reaching from
earth to heaven ; our author calls them stories, likening re-
ligion to a building, and these are the three stories of the
Christian edifice. Thus improvement in religion is called
building up and edification. Faith is then the ground floor,
hope is up one pair of stairs. My dear beloved Jenny, don't

396 FAITH, HOPE, CHARITY. [.Et. 52.

delight so much to dwell in those lower rooms, but get as
fast as you can into the garret, for in truth the best room in
the house is charity. For my part, I wish the house was
turned upside down ; it is so difficult (when one is fat) to
go up stairs ; and not only so, but I imagine hope ^x^A faith
may be more firmly built upon charity, than charity upon
faith and hope. However that may be, I think it the better
reading to say —

" Raise faith and hope one story higher."

Correct it boldly, and I'll support the alteration; for, when
you are up two stories already, if you raise your building
three stories higher you will make five in all, which is two
more than there should be, you expose your upper rooms
more to the winds and storms; and, besides, I am afraid
the foundation will hardly bear them, unless indeed you
build with such light stuff as straw and stubble, and that,
you know, won't stand fire. Again, where the author says,

" Kindness of heart by words express,"

strike out words, and put in deeds. The world is too full
of compliments already. They are the rank growth of every
soil, and choke the good plants of benevolence and benefi-
cence ; nor do I pretend to be the first in this comparison
of words and actions to plants; you may remember an
ancient poet, whose works we have all studied and copied
at school long ago.

" A man of words and not of deeds
Is hke a garden full of weeds."

It is pity that good works, among some sorts of people,
are so little valued, and good words admired in their stead;
I mean seemingly pious discourses, instead of humane
benevolent actions. Those they almost put out of counte-

yEx. 52.] CONTINENTAL FAME, 3^7

nance, by calling morality rotten morality^ righteousness
ragged righteousness, and even filthy rags. So much by way
of commentary.

My wife will let you see my letter, containing an account
of our travels, which I would have you read to sister Dowse,
and give my love to her. I have no thoughts of returning
till next year, and then may possibly have the pleasure of
seeing you and yours ; taking Boston in my way home.*

* Much of Franklin's time during the year 1759 was devoted to electrical
experiments, which led to a large correspondence with the learned through-
out Europe, most of which, however, is unhappily lost. The following flat-
tering letter from the celebrated Dr. Musschenbroek was accompanied by a
list of all the principal treatises on electricity, which had at that time been
published in the Latin, German, French, and English languages.

" ViRO NOBILISSIMO AMPLISSIMOQUE, BENJAMINI FRANKLIN, S. P. D.

P. V. Musschenbroek.

" Vir reverendus, qui se ministerio Evangelico fungi profitebatur, me tuo
nomine rogavit, ut indicarem autores, qui de Electricitate scripserunt,
mihique erant cogniti. Votis tuis lubenter annul ; ita addisces quid alii in
Europa praestiterunt eruditi, sed simul videbis neminem magis recondita
mysteria Electricitatis detexisse Franklino.

" Utinam modo pergas proprio Marte capere experimenta, et alia incedere
via, quam Europaei incesserunt, nam tum plura et alia deteges, quae secu-
lorum spatio laterent philosophos. Aer Pensylvanicus videtur esse elec-
tricitatis plenissimus ; sed attende an per totum anni curriculum, an interdum
pauperior sit ; quibus anni diebus, quo flante vento, qua coeli constitutione ;
distingue nubes electricitatis plenas aut expertes, uti volante in altum serico
incepisti detegere omnium primus. Opto similia peipulcra inventa legere
Pensylvanica, ac scripsisti in litteris ad expertissimum virum CoUinsonum ;
sique mecum quaedam communicare digneris, tecum alia communicabo, nam
meus Scopus est scientiam physicam et naturalem promovere quamdiu
vivam.

" Tu sis, amicissime, salutatus a tui benevolentissimo cultore, et vale,

" Leydce, 150 Aprilis, 1759."— Ed.

398 VISIT TO LORD KAMES. [^t. 53.

To Lord You liave been pleased kindly to desire to

ted London" ^^^e all my publications. I had daily expec-
3 Jan., 1760. tations of procuring some of them from a friend
to whom I formerly sent them when I was in America,
and postponed writing to you, till I should obtain them;
but at length he tells me he cannot find them ; very morti-
fying this to an author, that his works should so soon be
lost! So I can only send you my ** Observations on the
Peopling of Countries," which happens to have been re-
printed here; "The Description of the Pennsylvania Fire-
place," a machine of my contriving; and some little
sketches that have been printed in the " Grand Magazine,"
which I should hardly own, did I not know that your
friendly partiality would make them seem at least tolerable.
How unfortunate I was, that I did not press you and Lady
Kames more strongly to fayor us with your company farther.
How much more agreeable would our journey have been,
if we could have enjoyed you as far as York. We could
have beguiled the way, by discoursing on a thousand things,
that now we may never have an opportunity of considering
together; for conversation warms the mind, enlivens the
imagination, and is continually starting fresh game, that is
immediately pursued and taken, and which would never have
occurred in the duller intercourse of epistolary correspond-
ence. So that whenever I reflect on the great pleasure and

"* Author of " Elements of Criticism," published in 1762 ; " Sketches of
the History of Man,'" in 1773 ; and a small work published in 1761, entitled
"An Introduction to the Art of Thinking," which was originally compiled
for the use of his own children. During this trip to Scotland the doctor,
with his son WiUiam, passed some time with Lord Kames, and a friendship
grew out of their intimacy which lasted during their lives. Lord Kames
died December 27th, 1782, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. This letter
was written not long after Franklin's return to London. — Ed.

/Et. 53.] • WILLIAM PENN'S PICTURE. 399

advantage I received from the free communication of senti-
ment, in the conversation we had at Kames, and in the
agreeable little rides to the Tweed side, I shall for ever
regret our premature parting.

No one can more sincerely rejoice than I do, on the
reduction of Canada; and this is not merely as I am a
colonist, but as I am a Briton. I have long been of opinion,
that the foundations of the future grandeur and stability of
the British empire lie in America; and though, like other
foundations, they are low and little now, they are, never-
theless, broad and strong enough to support the greatest
political structure that human wisdom ever yet erected. I
am, therefore, by no means for restoring Canada. If we
keep it, all the country from the St. Lawrence to the Mis-
sissippi will in another century be filled with British people.
Britain itself will become vastly more populous, by the im-
mense increase of its commerce ; the Atlantic sea will be
covered with your trading ships; and your naval power,
thence continually increasing, will extend your influence
round the whole globe, and awe the world ! If the French
remain in Canada, they will continually harass our colonies
by the Indians, and impede if not prevent their growth ;
your progress to greatness will at best be slow, and give
room for many accidents that may for ever prevent it. But
I refrain, for I see you begin to think my notions extrava-
gant, and look upon them as the ravings of a mad
prophet.

Your Lordship's kind offer of Penn's picture is extremely
obliging. But, were it certainly his picture, it would be
too valuable a curiosity for me to think of accepting it. I
should only desire the favor of leave to take a copy of it.
I could wish to know the history of the picture before it

400 WILLIAM PENN'S PICTURE. [^t. 53.

came into your hands, and the grounds for supposing it his.
I have at present some doubts about it ; first, because the
primitive Quakers declared against pictures as a vain ex-
pense; a man's suffering his portrait to be taken was
conceived as pride ; and I think to this day it is very little
practised among them. Then, it is on a board ; and I
imagine the practice of painting portraits on boards did
not come down so low as Penn's time ; but of this I am not
certain. My other reason is an anecdote I have heard, viz.
that when old Lord Cobham was adorning his gardens at
Stow with busts of famous men, he made inquiry of the
family for the picture of William Penn, in order to get a
bust formed from it, but could find none ; that Sylvanus
Bevan, an old Quaker apothecary, remarkable for the notice
he takes of countenances, and a knack he has of cutting in
ivory, strong likenesses of persons he has once seen, hearing
of Lord Cobham's desire, set himself to recollect Penn's
face, with which he had been well acquainted ; and cut a
little bust of him in ivory, which he sent to Lord Cobham,
without any letter or notice that it was Penn's. But my
Lord, who had personally known Penn, on seeing it,
immediately cried out, " Whence comes this? It is William
Penn himself!" And from this little bust, they say, the large
one in the gardens was formed.

I doubt, too, whether the whisker was not quite out of
use at the time when Penn must have been of an age
appearing in the face of that picture. And yet, notwith-
standing these reasons, I am not without some hope that it
may be his ; because I know some eminent Quakers have
had their pictures privately drawn and deposited with trusty
friends; and know, also, that there is extant at Philadelphia
a very good picture of Mrs. Penn, his last wife. After all,

Mt. 54.] PROSPECT OF PEACE. 4OI

1 own I have a strong desire to be satisfied concerning this
picture ; and as Bevan is yet living here, and some other
old Quakers that remember William Penn, who died but
1 718, I would wish to have it sent to me carefully packed
up in a box by the wagon, (for I would not trust it by sea,)
that I may obtain their opinion. The charges I shall very
cheerfully pay ; and if it proves to be Penn's picture, I shall
be greatly obliged to your Lordship for leave to take a copy
of it, and will carefully return the original.*

My son joins with me in the most respectful compli-
ments to you and Lady Kames. Our conversation, till we
came to York, was chiefly a recollection of what we had
seen and heard, the pleasure we had enjoyed, and the kind-
nesses we had received, in Scotland, and how far that
country had exceeded our expectations. On the whole, I
must say, I think the time we spent there was six weeks of
the densest happiness I have met with in any part of my
life ; and the agreeable and instructive society we found
there in such plenty has left so pleasing an impression on
my memory, that, did not strong connexions draw me
elsewhere, I believe Scotland would be the country I should
choose to spend the remainder of my days in.

To John There has been for some time a talk of peace,

ted" London" ^^^ probably we should have had one this
7 Jan., 1760. winter, if the king of Prussia's late misfortunes
had not given the enemy fresh spirits, and encouraged them

* Mr. Sparks thinks Dr. Franklin's doubts, respecting the above picture,
were probably just. Mr. Tytler says, in his " Life of Lord Kames," that it was
sent to Dr. Franklin, and never returned ; but the fact of its not having been
known in Philadelphia, nor ever heard of since the above letter was written,
is strong presumptive proof that it was not a portrait of William Penn, — Ed,
34«

402 PROPOSAL TO SETTLE IN ENGLAND. \^N:i. 54.

to try their luck another campaign, and exert all their
remaining strength, in hopes of treating with Hanover in
their hands. If this should be the case, possibly most of
our advantages may be given up again at the treaty, and
some among our great men begin already to prepare the
minds of people for this, by discoursing that to keep
Canada would draw on us the envy of other powers, and
occasion a confederation against us ; that the country is too
large for us to people ; not worth possessing, and the like.
These notions I am every day and every hour combating,
and I think not without some success. The event God
only knows. The argument that seems to have the prin-
cipal weight is, that, in case of another war, if we keep
possession of Canada, the nation will save two or three
millions a year, now spent in defending the American colo-
nies, and be so much the stronger in Europe, by the addi-
tion of the troops now employed on that side of the water.
To this I add, that the colonies would thrive and increase
in a much greater degree, and that avast additional demand
would arise for British manufactures, to supply so great an
extent of Indian country ; with many other topics, which
I urge occasionally according to the company I happen
into, or the persons I address. And, on the whole, I flatter
myself that my being here at this time may be of some
service to the general interest of America.

To his wife, I received the enclosed some time since from
j^*^ n/r °u' Mr. Strahan. I afterwards spent an evening

don, 5 March, ^ =>

1760. in conversation with him on the subject. He

was very urgent with me to stay in England, and prevail
with you to remove hither with Sally. He proposed several
advantageous schemes to me, which appeared reasonably

JEt. 54.] URGED TO QUIT AMERICA. 403

founded. His family is a very agreeable one; Mrs. Strahan
a sensible and good woman, the children of amiable char-
acters, and particularly the young man, who is sober, inge-
nious, and industrious, and a desirable person. In point of
circumstances there can be no objection ; Mr. Strahan being
in such a way as to lay up a thousand pounds every year
from the profits of his business, after maintaining his family
and paying all charges. I gave him, however, two reasons
why I could not think of removing hither ; one, my affec-
tion to Pennsylvania, and long established friendships and
other connexions there ; the other, your invincible aversion
to crossing the seas. And without removing hither, I could
not think of parting with my daughter to such a distance. I
thanked him for the regard shown to us in the proposal, but
gave him no expectation that I should forward the letters. So
you are at liberty to answer or not, just as you think proper.
Let me, however, know your sentiments. You need not
deliver the letter to Sally, if you do not think it proper.

To Mary ste- I embrace, most gladly, my dear friend's

venson, dated ^ c \^' ^ r r 1. j

Craven St proposal of a subjcct for our future correspond-
Lomdon, i encc ; not only as it will occasion my hearing

^Thv 1*760

from her more frequently, but as it will lay me
under a necessity of improving my own knowledge, that I
may be better able to assist in her improvement. I only
fear my necessary business and journeys, with the natural
indolence of an old man, will make me too un punctual a
correspondent. For this I must hope some indulgence.
But why will you, by the cultivation of your mind, make
ycnirself still more amiable, and a more desirable companion
for a man of understanding, when you are determined, as I
hear, to live single? If we enter, as you propose, into

404 ADVICE ABOUT READING. [^Et. 54.

moral as well as natural philosophy, I fancy, when I have
established my authority as a tutor, I shall take upon me to
lecture you a little on the chapter of duty.

But, to be serious, our easiest mode of proceeding I think
will be, for you to read some books that I may recommend to
you ; and, in the course of your reading, whatever occurs,
that you do not thoroughly apprehend, or that you clearly
conceive and find pleasure in, may occasion either some
questions for further information, or some observations that
show how far you are satisfied and pleased with your author.
These will furnish matter for your letters to me, and, in
consequence, mine also to you.

Let me know, then, what books you have already perused
on the subject intended, that I may the better judge what
to advise for your next reading. And believe me ever, my
dear good girl, your affectionate friend and servant.

To Lord I have endeavored to comply with your

Kames, dated ^ • . . ^, . ,, ,

London g Tcqucst m writmg somethmg on the present
May, 1760. situation of our affairs in America, in order to
give more correct notions of the British interest with regard
to the colonies, than those I found many sensible men
possessed of. Enclosed you have the production, such as it
is. I wish it may, in any degree, be of service to the public.
I shall at least hope this from it, for my own part, that you
will consider it as a letter from me to you, and take its
length as some excuse for being so long a coming.*

I am now reading with great pleasure and improvement
your excellent work, ''The Principles of Equity." It will

* This was probably the tract entitled " The Interest of Great Britain
Considered," which was first published in 1760. — Ed.

AlT. 54.] PARABLE AGAINST PERSECUTION, 405

be of the greatest advantage to the judges in our colonies,
not only in those which have courts of chancery, but also
in those which, having no such courts, are obliged to mix
equity with common law. It will be of more service to the
colony judges, as few of them have been bred to the law.
I have sent a book to a particular friend, one of the judges
of the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania.

I will shortly send you a copy of the *' Chapter"* you
are pleased to mention in so obliging a manner; and shall
be extremely obliged in receiving a copy of the collection
of ''Maxims for the Conduct of Life," which you are pre-
paring for the use of your children. I purpose likewise a
little work for the benefit of youth, to be called "The Art
of Virtue. "f From the title I think you will hardly con-
jecture what the nature of such a book may be. I must
therefore explain it a little. Many people lead bad lives
that would gladly lead good ones, but do not know how to
make the change. They have frequently resolved and en-
deavoured it ; but in vain, because their endeavours have
not been properly conducted. To expect people to be

* Franklin here refers to a parable against persecution which he had
recited to Lord Karnes, and of which afterwards, at his lordship's request,
he sent him a copy. An imperfect version of the piece appeared in Lord
Karnes's " Sketches of the History of Man," some fourteen years later, with
the following declaration by the author :

" It was communicated to me by Dr. Franklin, of Philadelphia, a man
who makes a great figure in the learned world, and who would make a
still greater figure for benevolence and candor, were virtue as much regarded
in this declining age as knowledge,"

The parable was of Persian origin, so far as we know, though Franklin
doubtless found it in the " Liberty of Prophesying" of Jeremy Taylor, who
says it was taken from the "Jews' books." — Ed.

■\ It does not appear that this intention was ever fulfilled. Some remarks
on the subjeqj will be found on pp. 241-244. — Ed.

4o6 ''ART OF virtue:' [^t. 54.

good, to be just, to be temperate, &c., without showing
them how they should become so, seems like the ineffectual
charity mentioned by the apostle, which consisted in saying
to the hungry, the cold, and the naked, ''Be ye fed, be ye
warmed, be ye clothed," without showing them how they
should get food, fire, or clothing.

Most people have naturally some virtues, but none have
naturally all the virtues. To acquire those that are wanting,
and secure what we acquire, as well as those we have natu-
rally, is the subject of an art. It is as properly an art as
painting, navigation, or architecture. If a man would
become a painter, navigator, or architect, it is not enough
that he is advised to be one, that he is convinced by the
arguments of his adviser, that it would be for his advantage
to be one, and that he resolves to be one, but he must also
be taught the principles of the art, be shown all the methods
of working, and how to acquire the habits of using properly
all the instruments; and thus regularly and gradually he
arrives, by practice, at some perfection in the art. If he
does not proceed thus, he is apt to meet with difficulties
that discourage him, and make him drop the pursuit.

My "Art of Virtue" has also its instruments, and teaches
the manner of using them. Christians are directed to have
faith in Christ, as the effectual means of obtaining" the
change they desire. It may, when sufficiently strong, be
effectual with many ; for a full opinion, that a teacher is
infinitely wise, good, and powerful, and that he will cer-
tainly reward and punish the obedient and disobedient,
must give great weight to his precepts, and make them
much more attended to by his disciples. But many have
this faith in so weak a degree, that it does not produce the
effect. Our ''Art of Virtue" may, therefore, be of great

^T. 54-] ADVICE ABOUT READING. 407

service to those whose faith is unhappily not so strong, and
may come in aid of its weakness. Such as are naturally
well disposed, and have been so carefully educated, as that
good habits have been early established, and bad ones pre-
vented, have less need of this art ; but all may be more or
less benefited by it. It is, in short, to be adapted for
universal use. I imagine what I have now been writing
will seem to savour of great presumption. I must there-
fore speedily finish my little piece, and communicate the
manuscript to you, that you may judge whether it is possible
to make good such pretensions. I shall at the same time
hope for the benefit of your corrections.

To Mary ste- I send my good girl the books I mentioned

Craven' St. ^*-* ^^^ ^^^^ night. I beg her to accept of them
16 May, 1760. as a small mark of my esteem and friendship.
They are written in the familiar, easy manner, for which the
French are so remarkable; and afford a good deal of phil-
osophic and practical knowledge, unembarrassed with the
dry mathematics used by more exact reasoners, but which
are apt to discourage young beginners.

I would advise you to read with a pen in your hand, and
enter in a little book short hints of what you find that is
curious, or that may be useful; for this will be the best
method of imprinting such particulars in your memory,
where they will be ready, either for practice on some future
occasion, if they are matters of utility, or at least to adorn
and improve your conversation, if they are rather points of
curiosity. And as many of the terms of science are such,
as you cannot have met with in your common reading, and
may therefore be unacquainted with, I think it would be
well for you to have a good dictionary at hand, to consult

408 FAMILY DETAILS. [^t. 54.

immediately when you meet with a word you do not com-
prehend the precise meaning of. This may at first seem
troublesome and interrupting; but it is a trouble that will
daily diminish, as you will daily find less and less occasion
for your dictionary, as you become more acquainted with
the terms; and in the mean time you will read with more
satisfaction, because with more understanding.

When any point occurs, in which you would be glad to
have farther information than your book affords you, I beg
you would not in the least apprehend, that I should think
it a trouble to receive and answer your questions. It will
be a pleasure, and no trouble. For though I may not be
able, out of my own little stock of knowledge, to afford
you what you require, I can easily direct you to the books,
where it may most readily be found.

To his wife, I am conccmed that so much trouble should

dated Lon- . . 1 • 11

don 27 June ^^ givcn you by idle reports concerning me,
1760. Be satisfied, my dear, that while I have my

senses, and God vouchsafes me his protection, I shall do
nothing unworthy the character of an honest man, and one
that loves his family.*

I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to
write to him. He forwarded your letter to me from Ireland.

*■ On a later occasion he wrote to his wife : " Let no one make you uneasy
with their idle or malicious scribblings, but enjoy yourself and friends, and
the comforts of life, that God has bestowed on you, with a cheerful heart.
I am glad their pamphlets give you so little concern. I make no other
answer to them at present, than what appears in the seal of this letter." The
device on the seal was a dove, standing on a coiled serpent in the act of
raising its head and darting out its tongue, surrounded with the motto, In-
nocence surmont tout. This was not his usual seal, but one adopted for the
occasion. — S.

y^T. 54-] FAMILY DETAILS. 409

The paragraph of your letter, inserted in the papers, related
to the negro school. I gave it to the gentlemen concerned,
as it was a testimony in favor of their pious design. But I
did not expect they would print it with your name. They
have since chosen me one of the Society, and I am at
present chairman for the current year. I enclose you an
account of their proceedings.*

I did not receive the "Prospect of Quebec," which you
mention that you sent me. Peter continues with me, and
behaves as well as I can expect, in a country where there
are many occasions of spoiling servants, if they are ever so
good. He has as few faults as most of them, and I see
with only one eye, and hear only with one ear; so we rub
on pretty comfortably. King, that you inquire' after, is
not with us. He ran away from our house near two years
ago, while we were absent in the country; but was soon
found in Suffolk, where he had been taken into the service
of a lady, that was very fond of the merit of making him
a Christian, and contributing to his education and improve-
ment. As he was of little use, and often in mischief, Billy
consented to her keeping him while we stay in England.
So the lady sent him to school, has him taught to read and
write, to play on the violin and French horn, with some
other accomplishments more useful in a servant. Whether
she will finally be willing to part with him, or persuade
Billy to sell him to her, I know not. In the mean time he
is no expense to us.

The accounts you give me of the marriages of our friends
are very agreeable. I love to hear of every thing that tends

* This relates to a scheme, which had been set on foot by the philanthropic
Dr.Thos. Bray, for the conversion of negroes in the British plantations. — ED,
35 8

410 EXPENSIVENESS OF ENGLISH WIVES, [^t. 54.

to increase the number of good people. You cannot con-
ceive how shamefully the mode here is a single life. One
can scarce be in the company of a dozen men of circum-
stance and fortune, but what it is odds that you find on
inquiry eleven of them are single. The great complaint is
the excessive expensiveness of English wives.

I am extremely concerned with you at the misfortune of
our friend Mr. Griffith. How could it possibly happen ?
It was a terrible fire that of Boston. I shall contribute
here towards the relief of the sufferers. Our relations have
escaped, I believe, generally ; but some of my particular
friends must have suffered greatly.

Poor David Edwards died this day week, of a consump-
tion. I had a letter from a friend of his, acquainting me'
that he had been long ill, and incapable of doing his busi-
ness, and was at board in the country. I feared he might
be in straits, as he never was prudent enough to lay up
any thing. So I wrote to him immediately, that, if he had
occasion, he might draw on me for five guineas. But he
died before my letter got to hand. I hear the woman, at
whose house he long lodged and boarded, has buried him
and taken all he left, which could not be much, and there
are some small debts unpaid.

To David I am obliged to you for the favorable senti-

Hume, dated . r ^i • ^ ^ .

Coventr 27 i^^i^^s you cxprcss of the pieces sent to you;
Sept., 1760. though the volume relating to our Pennsylvania
affairs* was not written by me, nor any part of it, except the

* The treatise here mentioned is probably the " Historical Review of the
Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania." Doubts were for a long
time entertained as to the authorship of this paper, which, in this letter to
Mr. Hume, were finally put to rest, though there is abundant reason for

^T. 54.] ''JEALOUSY OF commerce:' 4I I

remarks on the Proprietor's estimate of his estate, and some
of the inserted messages and reports of the Assembly, which
I wrote when at home, as a member of committees appointed
by the House for that service. The rest was by another
hand.

But though I am satisfied by what you say, that the Duke
of Bedford was hearty in the scheme of the expedition, I
am not so clear that others in the administration were
equally in earnest in that matter. It is certain, that, after
the Duke of Newcastle's first orders to raise troops in the
colonies, and promise to send over commissions to the
officers, with arms and clothing for the men, we never had
another syllable from him for eighteen months; during all
which time the army lay idle at Albany for want of orders
and necessaries ; and it began to be thought at last, that,
if an expedition had ever been intended, the first design
and the orders given must, through the multiplicity of
business here at home, have been quite forgotten.*

I am not a little pleased to hear of your change of senti-
ments in some particulars relating to America; because I
think it of importance to our general welfare, that the
people of this nation should have right notions of us, and
I know no one, that has it more in his power to rectify
their notions than Mr. Hume. I have lately read with
great pleasure, as I do every thing of yours, the excellent
Essay on the "Jealousy of Commerce." I think it cannot
but have a good effect in promoting a certain interest, too

believing that it was Avritten from materials furnished by him, that he revised
it for the press, and contributed largely to its circulation. It is composed
mainly of documents, and possesses little interest for the reader of to-day;
conclusive proof that Franklin had little to do with its composition. — Ed.
* This was the expedition projected against Canada in the year 1746. — S,

412 NEOLO GISMS. [^T. 54

little thought of by selfish man, and scarcely ever men-
tioned, so that we hardly have a name for it; I mean the
interest of humanity ^ or common good of mankind. But I
hope, particularly from that Essay, an abatement of the
jealousy, that reigns here, of the commerce of the colonies,
at least so far as such abatement may be reasonable.

I thank you for your friendly admonition relating to
some unusual words in the pamphlet. It will be of service
to me. The ^'pejorate,^^ and the '-colonize,'' since they
are not in common use here, I give up as bad ; for certainly
in writings intended for persuasion and for general informa-
tion, one cannot be too clear; and every expression in the
least obscure is a fault. The ''unshakeable'' too, though
clear, I give up as rather low. The introducing new words,
where we are already possessed of old ones sufficiently ex-
pressive, I confess must be generally wrong, as it tends to
change the language; yet, at the same time, I cannot but
wish the usage of our tongue permitted making new words,
when we want them, by composition of old ones whose
meanings are already well understood. The German allows
of it, and it is a common practice with their writers. Many
of our present English words were originally so made; and
many of the Latin words. In point of clearness, such
compound words would have the advantage of any we can
borrow from the ancient or from foreign languages. For
instance, the word inaccessible, though long in use among
us, is not yet, I dare say, so universally understood by our
people, as the word uncomeatable would immediately be,
which we are not allowed to write. But I hope with you,
that we shall always in America make the best English of
this Island our standard, and I believe it will be so. I
assure you it often gives me pleasure to reflect, how greatly

-Et. S4-] BASKERVILLE'S PRINTING TYPES. 413

the audience (if I may so term it) of a good English writer
will, in another century or two, be increased by the increase
of English people in our colonies.*

My son presents his respects with mine to you and Dr.
Monro. We received your printed circular letter to the
members of the Society,^ and purpose some time next
winter to send each of us a little philosophical essay.

To John Bas- Let me give you a pleasant instance of the
ted^* Craven prcjudicc somc have entertained against your
St., 1760. work. Soon after I returned, discoursing with

a gentleman concerning the artists of Birmingham, he said
you would be a means of blinding all the readers in the
nation; for the strokes of your letters, being too thin and
narrow, hurt the eye, and he could never read a line of
them without pain. " I thought," said I, ^' you were going
to complain of the gloss of the paper, which some object
to." '* No, no," said he, "t have heard that mentioned,

• * Hume was so struck with this reflection that he is said to have used it
to persuade Gibbon to write his " Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire"
in English. This letter may be found in the Memoirs of Gibbon. — Ed.

f A Philosophical Society lately established at Edinburgh. — Ed.

\ John Baskerville, whose contributions to the art of printing made him
famous, but not rich, as will be seen by the following extract from a letter
which he wrote to Dr. Franklin, dated Birmingham, September 7th, 1767,
Dr. Franklin was at that time on a visit to Paris. " After having obtained
the reputation of excelling in the most useful art known to mankind, of
which I have your testimony, is it not to the last degree provoking, that I
cannot get even bread by it? I must starve, had I no other dependence."
He retired from business in 1765, but the Baskerville Press continued
to be highly esteemed in Birmingham until the Priestley riots of 1791,
when the mob destroyed the printing office. Baskerville died on the 8th
of January, 1775. In the year 1779 '^is types were purchased by a literary
society in Paris for ^^3700, and were employed in printing Beaumarchais's
edition of Voltaire. — H D.
35«

414 BASKERVILLE'S PRINTING TYPES. [^t. 54,

but it is not that \ it is in the form and cut of the letters
themselves ; they have not that height and thickness of the
stroke, which make the common printing so much the
more comfortable to the eye." You see this gentleman
was a connoisseur. In vain I endeavoured to support your
character against the charge ; he knew what he felt, and
could see the reason of it, and several other gentlemen
among his friends had made the same observation, &c.

Yesterday he called to visit me, when, mischievously bent
to try his judgment, I stepped into my closet, tore off the
top of Mr. Caslon's specimen, and produced it to him as
yours, brought with me from Birmingham ; saying, I had
been examining it, since he spoke to me, and could not for
my life perceive the disproportion he mentioned, desiring
him to point it out to me. He readily undertook it, and
went over the several founts, showing me everywhere what
he thought instances of that disproportion ; and declared,
that he could not then read the specimen, without feeling
very strongly the pain he had mentioned to me. I spared
him that time the confusion of being told, that these were
the types he had been reading all his life, with so much
ease to his eyes ; the types his adored Newton is printed
with, on which he has pored not a little ; nay, the very
types his own book is printed with, (for he is himself an
author,) and yet never discovered this painful disproportion
in them, till he thought they were yours.

To the printer I met lately with an old quarto book on a

^J ^ • ?"*°" stall, the titlepasfe and the author's name want-

ing, but containing discourses, addressed to

* In June of this year, and after a delay of three years, Franklin succeeded
in bringing his controversy with the proprietaries to a close, and upon terras

^T. 54.] ON DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE. 415

some king of Spain, extolling the greatness of mon-
archy, translated into English, and said in the last leaf
to be printed at London by Bonham Norton and John
Bill, *' Printers to the King's most excellent Majestie,
MDCXXIX." The author appears to have been a Jesuit,
for, speaking of that order in two places, he calls it our
Society. Give me leave to communicate to the public a
chapter of it, so apropos to our present situation, (only
changing Spain for France,) that I think it well worth
general attention and observation, as it discovers the arts
of our enemies, and may therefore help in some degree to
put us on our guard against them.

What effect the artifices here recommended might have
had in the times when our author wrote, I cannot pretend
to say ; but I believe, the present age being more enlight-
ened and our people better acquainted than formerly with
our true national interest, such arts can now hardly prove so
generally successful ; for we may with pleasure observe, and
to the honor of the British people, that, though writings
and discourses like these have lately not been wanting, yet
{e\^ in any of the classes he particularizes seem to be affected

wTiich received the entire approbation of his constituents, the rig'ht of taxing
the proprietary estates, the main point in dispute, being fuily recognized.
.He did not, however, return to America until two years later, occupying
himself with the advocacy and direction of the expedition against Canada,
the annexation of which to the empire he had much at heart, with scientific
studies and experiments, arui with the manufacture of a sound public opinion
in England through the columns of the periodical press. In the latter cate-
gory should be included this communication to the London Chronicle. Its
date is not known, but " its contents," says Mr. Sparks, " show it to have
been written towards the close of the French war, and probably in 1760,
or the year following. Under the disguise of a pretended chapter from an
old book, and in the imitation of an antiquated style, he throws out hints
suited to attract attention and afford amusement." — Ed.

4i6 ON DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE, [^t. 54,

by them, but all ranks and degrees among us persist hitherto
in declaring for a vigorous prosecution of the war, in pre-
ference to an unsafe, disadvantageous, or dishonorable
peace ; yet, as a little change of fortune may make such
writings more attended to, and give them greater weight, I
think the publication of this piece, as it shows the spring
from whence these scribblers draw their poisoned waters,
may be of public utility. A Briton.

"Chap. XXXIV.
On the Meanes af disposing the Enetnie to Peace,

»(

Warres, with whatsoever Prudence undertaken and eon-
ducted, do not always succeed. Many Thinges out of Man's
Power to governe, such as Dearth of Provision, Tempests,
Pestilence, and the like, oftentimes interfering and totally
overthrowing the best Designes ; so that these Enemies
(England and Holland) of our Monarchy though apparently
at first the weaker, may by disastrous Events of Warre, on
our Parte, become the stronger, and though not in such
degree, as to endanger the Bodie of this great Kingdom,
yet, by their greater Power of Shipping and Aptness in Sea
Affairs, to be able to cut off, if I may so speake, some of its
smaller Limbs and Members that are remote therefrom and
not easily defended, to wit, our Islands and Colonies in the
Indies ; thereby however depriving the Bodie of its wonted
Nourishment, so that it must thenceforthe languish and grow
weake, if those Parts are not recovered, Avhich possibly may
by continuance of Warre be found unlikelie to be done. And
the Enemie, puffed up with their successes, and hoping still
for more, may not be disposed to Peace on such Termes as
would be suitable to the honor of your Majestie, and to the

/Et. 54.] OJV DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE. 417

Welfare of your State and Subjects. In such Case, the
following Meanes may have good Effect.

'''It is well knowne, that these Northerne People, though
hardie of Bodie and bold in Fight, be nevertheless, through
overmuch Eating and other Intemperance, slowe of Wit,
and dull in Understanding, so that they are ofttimes more
easilie to be governed and turned by Skill than by Force.
There is therefore always Hope, that, by wise Counsel and
dexterous Management, those Advantages, which through
crosse Accidents in Warre have been lost, may again with
Honour be recovered. In this Place I shall say little of the
Power of Money secretly distributed among Grandees, or
their Friends or Paramours ; that Method being in all Ages
known and practised. If the minds of Enemies can be
changed, they may be brought to grant willingly and for
nothing what much Gold would scarcely have otherwise
prevailed to obtaine. Yet, as the procuring this Change is
to be by fitte Instruments, some few Doubloones will not
unprofitably be distributed by your Majestic. The manner
whereof I shall now briefely recite.

''In those Countries, and particularly in England, there
are not wanting Menne of Learning, ingenious Speakers and
Writers, who are nevertheless in lowe Estate, and pinched
by Fortune. These, being privately gained by proper
Meanes, must be instructed in their Sermons, Discourses,
Writings, Poems, and Songs, to handle and specially incul-
cate Points like these which followe. Let them magnifie
the Blessings of Peace, and enlarge mightilie thereon, which
is not unbecoming grave Divines and other Christian
Menne. Let them expatiate on the Miseries of Warre, the
Waste of Christian Blood, the growing Scarcitie of Labour-
ers and Workmen, the Dearness of all foreign Wares and

41 8 ON DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE. [tEt. 54.

Merchandise, the Interruption of Commerce, the Captures
of Ships, the Increase and great Burthen of Taxes. Let
them represent the Warre as an unmeasurable Advantage to
Particulars, and to Particulars only, (thereby to excite envie
against those, who manage and provide for the same,)
while so prejudicial to the Commonweale and People in
general. Let them represent the Advantages gained against
us, as trivial and of little Import ; the Places taken from us,
as of small Trade and Produce, inconvenient for Situation,
unwholesome for Ayre and Climate, useless to their Nations,
and greatlie chargeable to keepe, draining the home Coun-
trie both of Menne and Money.

'' Let them urge, that, if a Peace be forced on us, and
those Places withheld, it will nourishe secret Griefe and
Malice in the King and Grandees of Spain, which will ere
long breake forthe in new Warres, when those Places may
again be retaken, without the Merit and Grace of restoring
them willingly for Peace' Sake. Let them represent the
making or Continuance of Warres, from views of Gaine, to
be base and unworthy a brave People, as those made from
Views of Ambition are mad and wicked. Let them insin-
uate, that the Continuance of the present Warre, on their
Parte, hath these Ingredients in its Nature. Then let them
magniiie the great Power of your Majestic, and the Strength
of your Kingdome, the inexhaustible Wealthe of your Mines,
the Greatness of your Incomes, and thence your Abilitie of
continuing the Warre ; hinting withal the new Alliances you
may possiblie make ; at the same time setting forth the
sincere Disposition you have for Peace, and that it is only
a Concerne for your Honour, and the Honour of your
Realme, that induceth you to insist ,on the Restitution of
the places taken.

Mt. 54.] ON DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE. 419

**If, with all this, they shrewdly intimate, and cause it
to be understood by artful Wordes and believed, that their
own Prince is himself in Heart for Peace, on your Majestic' s
Termes, and grieved at the Obstinacy and Perverseness of
those among his People, who are for continuing the Warre,
a marvellous Effect shall by these Discourses and Writings
be produced; and a wonderful strong Partie shall your
Majestic raise among your Enemies in Favour of the Peace
you desire; insomuch that their own Princes and wisest
Counsellours will in a Sorte be constrained to yeeld
thereto. For, in this Warre of Wordes, the Avarice and
Ambition, the Hope and Fears, and all the Crowd of
humane Passions will be raised and put in Array to fight
for your Interests against the reall and substantiall Interest
of their own Countries. The simple and undiscerning
Many shall be carried away by the Plausibilitie and Well-
seeming of these Discourses ; and the Opinions becoming
more popular, all the Rich Menne, who have great Posses-
sions, and fear the Continuance of Taxes, and hope Peace
will end them, shall be emboldened thereby to crie aloud
for Peace; their Dependents, who are many, must do the
same.

''AH Merchaunts, fearing Loss of Ships and greater
Burthens on Trade by further Duties and Subsidies, and
hoping greater Profits by the ending of the Warre, shall
join in the crie for Peace. All the Usurers and Lenders of
Money to the State, who on a Peace hope great Profits on
their Bargains, and fear if the Warre be continued the
State shall become bankeroute, and unable to pay them ;
these, who have no small Weighte, shall join the crie for
Peace. All, who maligne the bold Conductors of the
Warre, and envie the Glorie they may have thereby

420 ON DISPOSING AN ENEMY TO PEACE, [^t. 54

obtained; these shall crie aloud for Peace, hoping, that,
when the Warre shall cease, such Menne becoming less
necessarie shall be more lightly esteemed, and themselves
more sought after. All the Officers of the Enemie's Armies
and Fleets, who wish for Repose and to enjoy their Salaries
or Rewardes in Quietnesse, and without Peril; these, and
their Friends and Families, who desire their Safetie and
the Solace of their Societie, shall all crie for Peace.

"All those, who be timorous by Nature, amongste whom
be reckoned Menne of Learning that lead sedentarie Lives,
doing little Exercise of Bodie, and thence obtaining but
few and weake Spirits; great Statesmen, whose natural
Spirits be exhausted by much Thinking, or depressed by
overmuch Feasting ; together with all Women, whose Power,
weake as they are, is not a little amongste the Menne; these
shall incessantly speake for Peace. And finally all Cour-
tiers, who suppose they conforme thereby to the Inclinations
of the Prince, {ad Exemplum Regis, &c.); all who are in
Places, fear to lose them, or hope for better; all who are
out of Places, and hope to obtaine them; with all the
worldly minded Clergy, who seeke Preferment; these, with
all the Weighte of their Character and Influence, shall join
the crie for Peace; till it becomes one universal Clamour,
and no Sound, but that of Peace, Peace, Peace, shall be
heard from every Quarter.

*'Then shall your Majestie's Termes of Peace be listened
to with much Readinesse, the Places taken from you be
willingly restored, and your Kingdome, recovering its
Strength, shall only need to waite a few Years for more
favourable Occasions, when the Advantages to your Power,
proposed by beginning the Warre, but lost by its bad
Successe, shall, with better Fortune, be finally obtained.'*

i^T. 55-] EDMUND QUINCY. ^21

To Hugh You tell me you sometimes visit the ancient
ted ^London" J^^^^O- I wish you would do it oftener. I
26 Feb., 1761. know they all love and respect you, and
regret your absenting yourself so much. People are apt
to grow strange, and not understand one another so well,
when they meet but seldom. Since we have held that
Club, till we are grown gray together, let us hold it out to
the end. For my own part, I find I love company, chat,
a laugh, a glass, and even a song, as well as ever; and at
the same time relish better than I used to do the grave
observations and wise sentences of old men's conversation;
so that I am sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me
as it ever has been. I therefore hope it will not be discon-
tinued, as long as we are able to crawl together.

To josiah I received your very obliging letter of

ted^^London" December 25th, by the hand of your valuable
SAprii, 1761. son, who had before favored me now and then
with a kind visit. I congratulate you on his account, as I
am sure you must have a great deal of satisfaction in him.
His ingenuous, manly, and generous behaviour, in a trans-
action here with the Society of Arts, gave me great pleasure,
as it was much to his reputation.*

I am glad my weak endeavours for our common interest
were acceptable to you and my American friends. I shall
be very happy indeed, if any good arises from them. The
people in power here do now seem convinced of the truth
of the principles I have inculcated, and incline to act upon

♦ The gentleman here mentioned was Edmund Quincy, eldest son ol
Josiah Quincy, and brother of the distinguished patriot, Josiah Quincy, Jr.
He died at sea, March 31st, 1768, on his homeward voyage from the West
Indies, at the age of thirty-five. — Ed.
36

422 I'ENN PROPERTY IN PENNSYLVANIA, [^t. 55.

them ; but how far they will be able to do so at a peace, is
still uncertain, especially as the war in Germany grows
daily less favorable to us. My kinsman, Williams, was but
ill informed in the account he gave you of my situation
here. The Assembly voted me fifteen hundred pounds
sterling, when I left Philadelphia, to defray the expense of
my voyage, and negotiations in England, since which they
have given nothing more, though I have been here near
four years. They will, I make no doubt, on winding up
the affair, do what is just; but they cannot afford to be
extravagant, as that report would make them.

To Edward I enclosc you a letter from your kinsman,
dated"^Lon- ^^' Springct Pcnn, with whom I had no
don, 9 May, acquaintance until lately, but have the pleasure
to find him a very sensible, discreet young
man, with excellent dispositions, which makes me the more
regret, that the government as well as property of our
province should pass out of that line. There has, by his
account, been something very mysterious in the conduct of
his uncle, Mr. Thomas Penn, towards him. He was his
guardian; but, instead of endeavouring to educate him at
home under his eye in a manner becoming the elder branch
of their house, has from his infancy been endeavouring to
get rid of him.

He first proposed sending him to the East Indies. When
that was declined, he had a scheme of sending him to
Russia ; but, the young gentleman's mother absolutely re-

* An eminent merchant of Philadelphia. There was a family connection
between his ancestors and William Penn's first wife, whose name Ijefore hei
marriage was Springet. — S.

^T. 55-] PENN PROPERTY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 423

fusing to let him go out of the kingdom, unless to Pennsyl-
vania to be educated in the college there, he would by no
means hear of his going thither, but bound him an appren-
tice to a county attorney in an obscure part of Sussex,
which, after two years' stay, finding that he was taught
nothing valuable, nor could see any company that might
improve him, he left, and returned to his mother, with
whom he has been ever since, much neglected by his uncle,
except lately that he has been a little civil, to get him to
join in a power of attorney to W. Peters and R. Hockley
for the sale of some Philadelphia lots, of which he is told
three undivided fourth parts belong to him. But he is not
shown the right he has to them; nor has he any plan of
their situation, by which he may be advised of their value;
nor was he told, till lately, that he had any such right,
which makes him suspect that he may have other rights that
are concealed from him.

In some letters to his father's eldest brother, Springet
Penn, whose heir he is, he finds that Sir William Keith
surveyed for him, the said Springet, a manor of seventy-five
thousand acres on the Susquehanna, which he called Sprin-
getsbury, and would be glad to know what became of that
survey, and whether it was ever conveyed away. By search-
ing the records, you may possibly obtain some light in this
and other land affairs, that may be for his interest. The
good inclinations you have shown towards that interest, in
a letter that has been shown to me, encourage me to recom-
mend this matter earnestly to your care and prudence ; and
the more privately you carry on your inquiries, for the
present, the better it will be.

His uncle has lately proposed to him to buy of him
Pennsbury manor house, with one thousand acres of the

424 TOUR IN HOLLAND AND FLANDERS, [^t. 55.

land near the house, pretending that his principal reason
for doing it was not the value of the land, but an inclina-
tion he had to possess the ancient home of the head of the
family, and a little land round it just to support it. You
know the situation of that manor, and can judge whether
it would be prudent to sell the part proposed from the rest,
and will advise him concerning it. He has refused to treat
about it at present, as well as to sign the power of attorney
for the sale of the city lots; upon which his late guardian
has brought in an account against him, and demands a
debt of four hundred pounds, which he urges him to pay,
for that, as he says, he very much wants the money, which
does not seem to look well.

Not only the Land Office may be searched for warrants
and surveys to the young gentleman's ancestors, but also
the Record Office for deeds of gift from the first proprietor,
and other subsequent grants or conveyances. I may tell
you in confidence, that some lawyers are of opinion, tliat
the government was not legally conveyed from the eldest
branch to others of the family; but this is to be farther
inquired into, and at present it is not to be talked of.

To his wife, I wrotc to you just bcforc we left London,
Utrecht in ^^^ ^^ wcre about to make a short tour to
Holland, 14 Holland. I wrote to you since from Antwerp

Sep., 1761. .

in Flanders, and am now to acquaint you, that,
having seen almost all the principal places, and the things
worthy of notice, in those two countries, we are on our re-
turn to London, where we hope to be next Saturday or
Sunday, that we may not miss the Coronation. At Am-
sterdam I met with Mr. Crellius and his daughter, that was
formerly Mrs. Neigh. Her husband, Dr. Neigh, died in

i^T. 55-] KAMES'S ''ART OF THINKING:' 425

Carolina, and she is married again and lives very well in
that city. They treated us with great civility and kindness,
and will be so obliging as to forward this letter to you, a
ship being bound to New York from Amsterdam. We are
in good health, and have had a great deal of pleasure, and
received a good deal of information in this tour, that may
be useful when we return to America.

To Miss Mary My dear Polly's good mamma bids me write
dated from ^^° °^ three Hues, by way of apology for her
Craven St., 29 go long Omitting to writc. She acknowledges

Oct., 1761.

the receiving of two agreeable letters from her
beloved daughter, enclosing one for Sally Franklin, which
was much approved (excepting one word only) and sent as
directed.

The reasons of her not writing are, that her time all day
is fully taken up, during the daylight, with the care of her
family, and — lying abed in the morning. And her eyes
are so bad, that she cannot see to write in the evening — for
playing at cards. So she hopes that one, who is all good-
ness, will certainly forgive her, when her excuses are so sub-
stantial. As for the secretary, he has not a word to say in
his own behalf, though full as great an offender, but throws
himself upon mercy ; pleading only that he is, with the
greatest esteem and sincerest regard, his dear Polly's ever
affectionate friend.

To Lord It is loug siucc I havc afforded myself the

Karnes, dated 1 c • ^- ^ at

London pleasure of writmg to you. As I grow ni years,

Nov., 1761. I find I grow more indolent, and more apt to

procrastinate. I am indeed a bad correspondent ; but what

avails confession without amendment ?
36*

426 KAMES'S "ART OF THINKINGr [^t. 55.

When I come so late with my thanks for your truly val-
uable ''Introduction to the Art of Thinking," can I have
any right to inquire after your ''Elements of Criticism"?
I promise myself no small satisfaction in perusing that work
also, when it shall appear. By the first, you sow thick in
the young mind the seeds of good sense concerning moral
conduct, which, as they grow and are transplanted into life,
must greatly adorn the character and promote the happiness
of the person. Permit me to say, that I think I never saw
more solid, useful matter contained in so small a compass,
and yet the method and expression so clear, that the brevity
occasions no obscurity. In the other you will, by alluring
youth to the practice of learning, strengthen their judgment,
improve and enlarge their understanding, and increase their
abilities of being useful.

To produce the number of valuable men necessary in a
nation for its prosperity, there is much more hope from
schemes oi early institution than from reformation. And, as
the power of a single man to do national service, in partic-
ular situations of influence, is often immensely great, a writer
can hardly conceive the good he may be doing, when en-
gaged in works of this kind. I cannot, therefore, but wish
you would publish it as soon as your other important em-
ployments will permit you to give it the finishing hand.

With these sentiments you will not doubt my being serious
in the intention of finishing my "Art of Virtue." It is not
a mere ideal work. I planned it first in 1732. I have from
time to time made, and caused to be made, experiments of
the method with success. The materials have been growing
ever since. The form only is now to be given ; in which I
purpose employing my first leisure, after my return to my
other country.

^T. 55-] KAMES'S ''PRINCIPLES OF EQUITY:' 427

Your invitation to make another jaunt to Scotland^
and offer to meet us half way en famille, was extremely
obliging. Certainly I never spent my time anywhere more
agreeably, nor have I been in any place, where the inhabit-
ants and their conversation left such lastingly pleasing im-
pressions on my mind, accompanied with the strongest
inclination once more to visit that hospitable, friendly, and
sensible people. The friendship your Lordship in particu-
lar honors me with would not, you may be assured, be
among the least of my inducements. My son is in the same
sentiments with me. But we doubt we cannot have that
happiness, as we are to return to America early in the next
spring.

I am ashamed that I have been so useless a member to your
Philosophical Society, since they did me the honor of ad-
mitting me. But I think it will not be long before they hear
from me. I should be very glad to see Dr. Cullen's paper on
Fif-e. When may we expect the publication ? I have, as
you have heard^ been dealing in Smoke, and I think it not
difficult to manage, when one is once acquainted thoroughly
with the principles. But, as the causes are various, so must
the remedies be ; and one cannot prescribe to a patient at
such a distance, without first having a clear state of its case.
If you should ever take the trouble of sending me a descrip-
tion of the circumstances of your smoky chimneys, perhaps
I might offer something useful towards their cure. But
doubtless you have doctors equally skilful nearer home.

I sent one of your ''Principles of Equity" as a present
to a particular friend of mine, one of the judges of the
Supreme Court in Pennsylvania, where, as there is no court
of chancery, equity is often mixed with the common law in
their judgments. I since received two letters from him. In

428 INDOLENCE OF AGE. [^t. 56.

the first, when he had read but part of the work, he seemed
to think something wanting in it. In the next, he calls his
first sentiments in question. I think I will send you the
letters, though of no great importance, lest, since I have
mentioned them, you should think his remarks might be of
more consequence. You can return them when any friend
is coming this way.

To Miss Mary Your good mamma has just been raying to

dated"^°M'on- "^^^ *^^^ ^^ woudcrs what Can possibly be the
day morning, reason shc has not had a line from you for so

8 March, 1762. , . ^ , , 1 • ^ r

long a tmie. I have made no complaint 01
that kind, being conscious, that, by not writing myself, I
have forfeited all claim to such favor, though no letters
give me more pleasure, and I often wish to hear from you ;
but indolence grows upon me with years, and writing grows
more and more irksome to me.

Have you finished your course of philosophy ? No more
doubts to be resolved ? No more questions to ask ? If so,
you may now be at full leisure to improve yourself in cards.
Mamma bids me tell you she is lately much afflicted and
half a cripple with the rheumatism. I send you two or
three French Gazettes de Medecifie, which I have just re-
ceived from Paris, wherein is a translation of the extract
of a letter you copied out for me. You will return them
with my French letters on Electricity, when you have
perused them.

To his wife, I condolc with you most sincerely on the
don, 24 ' death of our good mother,* being extremely
March, 1762. sensible of the distress and affliction it must

*• Mrs. Read, the mother of Mrs. FrankUn — Ed

.Et. 56.] DEATH OF HIS WIFE'S MOTHER. 429

have thrown you into. Your comfort will be, that no care
was wanting on your part towards her, and that she had
lived as long as this life could afford her any rational enjoy-
ment. It is, I am sure, a satisfaction to me, that I cannot
charge myself with having ever failed in one instance of
duty and respect to her during the many years that she
called me son. The circumstances attending her death
were indeed unhappy in some respects ; but something must
bring us all to our end, and few of us shall see her length
of days. My love to brother John Read, and sister and
cousin Debby, and young cousin Johnny Read, and let
them all know, that I sympathize with them all affectionately.

This I write in haste, Mr. Beatty having just called on
me to let me know, that he is about to set out for Ports-
mouth, in order to sail for America. I am finishing all
business here in order for my return, which will either be
in the Virginia fleet, or by the packet of May next ; I am
not yet determined which. I pray God grant us a happy
meeting.

We are all well, and Billy presents his duty. Mr. Strahan
has received your letter, and wonders he has not been able
to persuade you to come over.

To David It is no small pleasure to me to hear from

Hume, dated r\ . .^ c •

London iq y^^ ^^'^^^ ^^^^ paper ou the means of preservmg
May, 1762. buildings from damage by lightning, was ac-
ceptable to the Philosophical Society. Mr. Russel's pro-
posals of improvement are very sensible and just. A leaden
spout or pipe is undoubtedly a good conductor, so far as it
goes. If the conductor enters the ground just at the foun-
dation, and from thence is carried horizontally to some well,
or to a distant rod driven downright into the earth, I would

430 LIGHTNING RODS. [^t. 56.

then propose, that the part under the ground should be lead,
as less liable to consume with rust than iron. Because, if
the conductor near the foot of the wall should be wasted,
the lightning might act on the moisture of the earth, and
by suddenly rarefying it occasion an explosion, that may
damage the foundation. In the experiment of discharging
my large case of electrical bottles through a piece of small
glass tube filled with water, the suddenly rarefied water has
exploded with a force equal, I think, to that of so much
gunpowder ; bursting the tube into many pieces, and driv-
ing them with violence in all directions and to all parts of
the room. The shivering of trees into small splinters, like
a broom, is probably owing to this rarefaction of the sap
in the longitudinal pores, or capillary pipes, in the sub-
stance of the wood. And the blowing up of bricks or stones
in a hearth, rending stones out of a foundation, and splitting
of walls, are also probably effects sometimes of rarefied
moisture in the earth, under the hearth, or in the walls.
We should therefore have a durable conductor under
ground, or convey the lightning to the earth at some dis-
tance.

It must afford Lord Marischal a good deal of diversion
to preside in a dispute so ridiculous as that you mention.
Judges in their decisions often use precedents. I have
somewhere met with one, that is what the lawyers call a
case in point. The Church people and the Puritans in a
country town had once a bitter contention concerning the
erecting of a Maypole, which the former desired and the
latter opposed. Each party endeavoured to strengthen
itself by obtaining the authority of the mayor, directing or
forbidding a Maypole. He heard their altercation with
great patience, and then gravely determined thus: "You,

(Et. 56.] A PIOUS CONTEST. 43 1

that are for having no Maypole, shall have no Maypole ;
and you, that are for having a Maypole, shall have a May-
pole. Get about your business, and let me hear no more
of this quarrel." *

Your compliment of gold and wisdom is very obliging to
me, but a little injurious to your country. The various
value of every thing in every part of this world arises, you
know, from the various proportions of the quantity to the
demand. We are told, that gold and silver in Solomon's
time were so plenty, as to be of no more value in his
country than the stones in the street. You have here at
present just such a plenty of wisdom. Your people are,
therefore, not to be censured for desiring no more among
them than they have ; and if I have any^ I should certainly
carry it where, from its scarcity, it may probably come to
a better market.

To Mary ste- * j!j He Qyj. ghips for America do not sail

venson, dated t ,1 -^ mi 1 ^ c

London 7 ^^ ^^^^ ^^ I expected ; it will be yet nve or
June, 1762. six weeks before we embark, and leave the old
world for the new. I fancy I feel a little like dying saints,
who, in parting with those they love in this world, are only
comforted with the hope of more perfect happiness in the
next. I have, in America, connexions of the most engag-
ing kind ; and, happy as I have been in the friendships
here contracted, those promise me greater and more lasting
felicity. But God only knows whether these promises shall
be fulfilled.

*■ Lord Marischal was a person of consideration in Neufchatel, to whom
Dr. Franklin had communicated, through Mr. Hume, a paper containing
directions for putting up lightning rods. — S.

432 PLANS FOR RETURNING TO AMERICA. [.Et. 56.

To Mary ste- This IS the bcst paper I can get at this
Portsmouth wretchcd inn, but it will convey what is in-

H August, trusted to it as faithfully as the finest. It will
1762.

tell my Polly how much her friend is afflicted,

that he must, perhaps, never again see one for whom he has
so sincere an affection, joined to so perfect an esteem ; who
he once flattered himself might become his own, in the
tender relation of a child, but can now entertain such pleas-
ing hopes no more.* Will it tell how much he is afflicted?
No, it cannot.

Adieu, my dearest child. I will call you so. Why
should I not call you so, since I love you with all the ten-
derness of a father? Adieu. May the God of all good-
ness shower down his choicest blessings upon you, and
make you infinitely happier, than that event would have
made you. And, wherever I am, believe me to be, with
unalterable affection, my dear Polly, your sincere friend.

To Lord I am now waiting here only for a wind to

Portsmouth ^^'^^^ ™^ ^^ America, but cannot leave this
17 August, happy island and my friends in it, without
extreme regret, though I am going to a country
and a people that I love. I am going from the old world
to the new ; and I fancy I feel like those, who are leaving
this world for the next ; grief at the parting; fear of the
passage ; hope of the future. These different passions all
affect their minds at once ; and these have tejtderedmt. down
exceedingly. It is usual for the dying to beg forgiveness of
their surviving friends, if they have ever offended them.
Can you, my Lord, forgive my long silence, and my not

* This paragraph discloses Frankhn's hope that his son William would
Lave married Miss Stevenson. — Ed.

^T. 56.] PLANS FOR RETURNING TO AMERICA. 433

acknowledging till now the favor you did me in sending me
your excellent book? Can you make some allowance for a
fault in others, which you have never experienced in your-
self; for the bad habit of postponing from day to day,
what one every day resolves to do to-morrow? A habit
that grows upon us with years, and whose only excuse is we
know not how to mend it. If you are disposed to favor
me, you will also consider how much one's mind is taken
up and distracted by the many little affairs one has to settle
before the undertaking such a voyage, after so long a resi-
dence in a country; and how little, in such a situation,
one's mind is fitted for serious and attentive reading; which,
with regard to the '^ Elements of Criticism," I intended
before I should write. I can now only confess and endeavour
to amend. In packing up my books, I have reserved yours
to read on the passage, I hope I shall therefore be able to
write to you upon it soon after my arrival. At present I
can only return my thanks, and say that the parts I have
read gave me both pleasure and instruction ; that I am
convinced of your position, new as it was to me, that a
good taste in the arts contributes to the improvement of
morals ; and that I have had the satisfaction of hearing the
work universally commended by those who have read it.

And now, my dear Sir, accept my sincere thanks for the
kindness you have shown me, and my best wishes of happi-
ness to you and yours. Wherever I am, I shall esteem the
friendship you honor me with as one of the felicities of my
life; I shall endeavour to cultivate it by a more punctual
correspondence ; and I hope frequently to hear of your
welfare and prosperity.*

* Dr Franls-in sailed for America immediately after writing this letter,
and after a sojourn in England of five years. — Ed.
37 T

CHAPTER II.

His Reception in America — His Son's Marriage, and appointment as Gov-
ernor of New Jersey — Tour through the Colonies as Postmaster-General —
Insurrection of the Indians — Drafts a Militia Bill — Its Rejection by the
Governor — Drafts a Petition to the Throne for a Change of Governor —
Is Defeated for the Assembly — Sent to England again as Agent of the
Colony of Pennsylvania — Parting Advice to his Daughter — Connecticut
Religion.

I762-I764.

ToMr.white- I THANK you for your kind congratulations

ford, dated < . ^ • •j- Tr 1

Philadelphia ^^^ "^^ ^^^ ^ promotion and marriage.^ If he
7 Dec, 1762. makes a good governor and husband, (as I
hope he will, for I know he has good principles and a good
disposition,) these events will both of them give me con-
tinual pleasure.

* Dr. Franklin sailed for America towards the end of August, 1762, but
did rot reach Philadelphia until the ist of November of that year, and after
an absence from his country of five years. A few days before sailing, his
son William was named Governor of New Jersey ; and very shortly after,
somewhat to the father's disappointment we may infer from his last letter to
Miss Stevenson, the governor married a young West Indian girl by the
name of 'Dowes. As William had personally no pretensions to an appoint-
ment of such dignity, it is not easy to misunderstand the motives of the ministry
in making it. The differences between the mother country and the colonies
had already assumed such importance as to make it desirable to detach a
man of Franklin's influence from the colonial party. The effort to induce
434

^T. 57-] CAPTURE OF THE HAVANA. 43^

The taking of the Havana, on which I congratulate you,
is a conquest of the greatest importance, and will doubtless
contribute a due share of weight in procuring us reasonable
terms of peace. It has been, however, the dearest con-
quest, by far, that we have made this war, when we consider
the terrible havoc made by sickness in that brave army of
veterans, now almost totally ruined.

ToMrs.Cath- I received with great pleasure my dear
erine Greene,* friend's favor of December 20th, as it informed

dated Phila-
delphia, 23 me that you and yours are all well. Mrs.

Jan., 1763. Franklin admits of your apology for dropping
the correspondence with her, and allows your reasons to be
good j but hopes, when you have more leisure, it may be
resumed. She joins with me in congratulating you on your
present happy situation. I thank you for your kind invita-
tion. I purpose a journey into New England in the spring
or summer coming. I shall not fail to pay my respects to
you and Mr. Greene, when I come your way. Please to make
my compliments acceptable to him.

him to bring his family to England and settle there having failed, the bland-
ishments of patronage were essayed, with what expectations maybe inferred
from the following paragraph in a letter from Thomas Penn, one of the pro-
prietaries, to Governor Hamilton :

" I am told you will find Mr. Franklin more tractable, and I believe we
shall, in matters of prerogative ; as his son must obey instructions, and what
he is ordered to do the father cannot well oppose in Pennsylvania. '

The artifice had its perfect work upon the son, who, to the infinite chagrin
of the father, from that time forth became the servile instrument of the
ministry, and in the due course of events a pensioned refugee in London.
The ministers were not long in discovering that their compliments had been
wasted upon the doctor, whose zeal and vigilance in maintaining the rights
of the colonies increased with every new provocation. — Ed.

*■ Formerly Miss Catherine Ray, married to Mr. William Greene, after-
wards Governor of Rhode Island. — Ed.

436 ACCOUNT OF SERVICES IN AMERICA. [^t. 57.

I have had a most agreeable time of it in Europe. I
have, in company with my son, been in most parts of Eng-
land, Scotland, Flanders, and Holland ; and generally
have enjoyed a good share of health. If you had asked the
rest of your questions, I could more easily have made this
letter longer. Let me have them in your next. I think I
am not much altered ; at least my esteem and regard for my
Katy (if I may still be permitted to call her so) is the same,
and I believe will be unalterable, whilst I am, &c.

To Lord You require my history from the time I set

T ^r^A^l ^ ^ r. sail for America. I left England about the end

London, 2 ^

June, 1765.* of August, 1 762, in company with ten sail of
merchant ships, under a convoy of a man-of-war.f We had
a pleasant passage to Madeira, where we were kindly re-
ceived and entertained ; our nation being then in high
honor with the Portuguese, on account of the protection
we were then affording them against the united invasions
of France and Spain. It is a fertile island, and the different
heights and situations among its mountains afford such tem-
peraments of air, that all the fruits of northern and southern
countries are produced there; corn, grapes, apples, peaches,
oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, &c. Here we furnished
ourbelves with fresh provisions, and refreshments of all
kinds ; and, after a itv^ days, proceeded on our voyage,
running southward until we got into the trade winds, and
then with them westward, till we drew near the coast of
America. The weather was so favorable, that there were

* This letter, written after Franklin's return to London, is given here tor
the sake of its recapitulation of his experiences during his absence from
■ England. — Ed.

t England was then at war with France. — Ed.

/Ex. 57-] PUBLIC SERVICES IN AMERICA. 437

i^^ days in which we could not visit from ship to ship,
dining with each other, and on board of the man-of-war;
which made the time pass agreeably, much more so than
when one goes in a single ship ; for this was like travelling
in a moving village, with all one's neighbors about one.

On the ist of November, I arrived safe and well at my
own home, after an absence of near six years, found my
wife and daughter well ; the latter grown quite a woman,
with many amiable accomplishments acquired in my ab-
sence ; and my friends as hearty and affectionate as ever,
with whom my house was filled for many days, to congratu-
late me on my return. I had been chosen yearly during
my absence to represent the city of Philadelphia in our pro-
vincial Assembly ; and, on my appearance in the House,
they voted me three thousand pounds sterling for my
services in England, and their thanks, delivered by the
Speaker. In February following, my son arrived with my
new daughter; for, with my consent and approbation, he*
married soon after I left England a very agreeable West
India lady, with whom he is very happy. I accompanied
him to his government, where he met with the kindest
reception from the people of all ranks, and has lived with
them ever since in the greatest harmony. A river only
parts that province and ours, and his residence is within
seventeen miles of me, so that we frequently see each other.

In the spring of 1763, I set out on a tour through all the
northern Colonies to inspect and regulate the post-offices in
the several provinces. In this journey I spent the summer,
travelled about sixteen hundred miles, and did not get

* This apparently superfluous statement is made doubtless to explain his
absence from a ceremony which took place only a few days after he left
England. — Ed.
37*

438 PUBLIC SERVICES IN AMERICA. [^T. 57.

home till the beginning of November. The Assembly
sitting through the following winter, and warm disputes
arising between them and the governor, I became wholly
engaged in public affairs ; for, besides my duty as an
Assemblyman, I had another trust to execute, that of being
one of the commissioners appointed by law to dispose of
the public money appropriated to the raising and paying
an army to act against the Indians, and defend the frontiers.
And then, in December, we had two insurrections of the
back inhabitants of our province, by whom twenty poor
Indians were murdered, that had, from the first settlement
of the province, lived among us, under the protection of
our government. This gave me a good deal of employ-
ment ; for, as the rioters threatened further mischief, and
their actions seemed to be approved by an ever-acting party,
I wrote a pamphlet entitled *' A Narrative, &c." (which I
think I sent to you) to strengthen the hands of our weak
government, by rendering the proceedings of the rioters
unpopular and odious. This had a good effect ; and after-
wards, when a great body of them with arms marched
towards the capital, in defiance of the government, with an
avowed resolution to put to death one hundred and forty
Indian converts then under its protection, I formed an
Association at the governor's request, for his and their
defence, we having no militia. Near one thousand of the
citizens accordingly took arms ; Governor Penn made my
house for some time his head-quarters, and did every thing
by my advice ; so that, for about forty-eight hours, I was a
very great man ; as I had been once some years before, in
a time of public danger.*

* This is a reference to the defeat of General Braddock by the French, at
the battle of Monongahela. See ante, p. 323 et seq. — Ed.

^T. 57.] PUBLIC SER VICES IN AMERICA. 439

But the fighting face we put on, and the reasonings we
used with the insurgents, (for I went at the request of the
governor and council, with three others, to meet and dis-
course with them,) having turned them back and restored
quiet to the city, I became a less man than ever ; for I had,
by this transaction, made myself many enemies among the
populace ; and the governor, (with whose family our public
disputes had long placed me in an unfriendly light, and the
services I had lately rendered him not being of the kind
that make a man acceptable,) thinking it a favorable oppor-
tunity, joined the whole weight of the proprietary interest
to get me out of the Assembly; which was accordingly
effected at the last election, by a majority of about twenty-
five in four thousand voters. The House, however, when
they met in October, approved of the resolutions taken,
while I was Speaker, of petitioning the crown for a change
of government, and requested me to return to England, to
prosecute that petition ; which service I accordingly under-
took, and embarked at the beginning of November last,
being accompanied to the ship, sixteen miles, by a caval-
cade of three hundred of my friends, who filled our sails with
their good wishes, and I arrived in thirty days at London.

Here I have been ever since, engaged in that and other
public affairs relating to America, which are like to continue
some time longer upon my hands ; but I promise you, that
when I am quit of these, I will engage in no other ; and
that, as soon as I have recovered the ease and kisure I hope
for, the task you require of me, of finishing my ''Art of
Virtue," shall be performed. In the mean time, I must
request you would excuse me on this consideration, that
the powers of the mind are possessed by diff'erent men in
different degrees, and that every one cannot, like Lord

440 THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. [^t. 57.

Kames, intermix literary pursuits and important business
without prejudice to either.

I send you herewith two or three other pamphlets of my
writing on our political affairs, during my short residence in
America ;* but I do not insist on your reading them ; for
I know you employ all your time to some useful purpose.

To Mary ste- Your pleasing favor of November nth is

venson, dated i r t^ r j j,

Philadelphia ^^^ before me. It found me^ as you supposed
25 March, it would, happy with my American friends
and family about me; and it made me more
happy in showing me, that I am not yet forgotten by the
dear friends I left in England. And, indeed, why should
I fear they will ever forget me, when I feel so strongly that
I shall ever remember them ?

Of all the enviable things England has, I envy it most
its people. Why should that petty Island, which, com-
pared to America, is but like a stepping-stone in a brook,
scarce enough of it above water to keep one's shoes dry;
why, I say, should that little Island enjoy, in almost every
neighbourhood, more sensible, virtuous, and elegant minds,
than we can collect in ranging a hundred leagues of our
vast forests ? But it is said the Arts delight to travel west-
ward. You have effectually defended us in this glorious
war, and in time you will improve us. After the first cares
for the necessaries of life are over, we shall come to think
of the embellishments. Already, some of our young
geniuses begin to lisp attempts at painting, poetry, and
music. We have a young painter now studying at Rome.

* These were " A Narrative of the Late Massacres ;" " Cool Thoughts ;*
and the " Preface to Galloway's Speech," — Ed.

iET. 57.] AMERICAN MUSIC. 44 1

Some specimens of our poetry I send you, which, if Dr.
Hawkesworth's fine taste cannot approve, his good heart
will at least excuse. The manuscript piece is by a young
friend of mine, and was occasioned by the loss of one
of his friends, who lately made a voyage to Antigua to
settle some affairs, previous to an intended marriage with
an amiable young lady here, but unfortunately died there.
I send it to you, because the author is a great admirer of
Mr. Stanley's musical compositions, and has adapted this
piece to an air in the sixth Concerto of that gentleman, the
sweetly solemn movement of which he is quite in raptures
with. He has attempted to compose a recitativo for it, but,
not being able to satisfy himself in the bass, wishes I could
get it supplied. If Mr. Stanley would condescend to do
that for him, he would esteem it as one of the highest
honors, and it would make him excessively happy. You
will say that a recitativo can be but a poor specimen of our
music. It is the best and all I have at present, but you
may see better hereafter.

I hope Mr. Ralph's affairs are mended since you wrote.
I know he had some expectations, when I came away, from
a hand that would help him. He has merit, and one would
think ought not to be so unfortunate.

I do not wonder at the behaviour you mention of Dr.
S towards me, for I have long since known him thor-
oughly. I made that man my enemy by doing him too
much kindness. It is the honestest way of acquiring an
enemy. And, since it is convenient to have at least one
enemy, who, by his readiness to revile one on all occasions,
may make one careful of one's conduct, I shall keep him
an enemy for that purpose ; and shall observe your good
mother's advice, never again to receive him as a friend.

442 KEEPING AN ENEMY. [^T. 57.

She once admired the benevolent spirit breathed in his ser-
mons. She will now see the justness of the lines your lau-
reate Whitehead addressed to his poets, and which I now
address to her.

" Full many a peevish, envious, slanderous elf
Is, in his works, benevolence itself.
For all mankind, unknown, his bosom heaves;
He only injures those, with whom he lives.
Read, then, the man ; — does truth his actions guide,
Exempt from petulance, exempt from pride ?
To social duties does his heart attend,
As son, as father, husband, hxo\h^x, friend?
Do those, who know him, love him ? If they do,
You've my permission, you may love him too."

Nothing can please me more, than to see your philo-
sophical improvements, when you have leisure to commu-
nicate them to me. I still owe you a long letter on that
subject, which I shall pay. I am vexed with Mr. James,
that he has been so dilatory in Mr. Madison's Armonica.
I was unlucky in both the workmen, that I permitted to
undertake making those instruments. The first was fanci-
ful, and never could work to the purpose, because he was
ever conceiving some new improvement, that answered no
end. The other I doubt is absolutely idle. I have recom-
mended a number to him from hence, but must stop my
hand.

Adieu, my dear Polly, and believe me, as ever, with the
sincerest esteem and regard, your truly affectionate friend
and humble servant.

To his wife, We left Woodbridgc on Tuesday morning,
York 16 June ^^^ went to EHzabethtowu, where I found our
1763- children returned from the Falls, and very

^T. 57-] POST-OFFICE INSPECTION. 443

well. The Corporation were to have a dinner that day at
the Point for their entertainment, and prevailed on us to
stay. There were all the principal people, and a great many
ladies. After dinner we set out, and got here before dark.
We waited on the governor and on General Amherst yester-
day; dined with Lord Stirling; went in the evening to my
old friend Mr. Kennedy's funeral ; and are to dine with the
general to-day. Mr. Hughes and daughter are well, and
Betsey Holt. I have not yet seen B. Mecom, but shall to
day. I am very well.

I purpose to take Sally at all events, and write for her to-
day to be ready to go in the packet that sails next Friday
week.* If there is no other suitable company, Mr. Parker
will go with her and take care of her. I am glad you sent
some wax candles with the things to Boston. I am now so
used to them, that I cannot well do without them. You
spent your Sunday very well, but I think you should go
oftener to church, I approve of your opening all my Eng-
lish letters, as it must give you pleasure to see, that people,
who knew me there so long and so intimately, retain so
sincere a regard for me.

To Mrs. Oath- I am almost ashamed to tell you, that I have
dated Boston' ^^^^ another fall, and put my shoulder out. It
5 Sept., 1763, is well reduced again, but is still affected with

* Franklin was about setting out upon a five months tour through the
northern colonies for the inspection of the post-offices. He traveled about
sixteen hundred miles, accompanied by his daughter, in a light carriage,
driving himself. A saddle-horse made a part of the equipage, on which
Sally rode most of the way from Rhode Island to Philadelphia. He was
suffering at this time from a pain in the breast, which was aggravated by
a succession of accidental falls, to which allusion is made in several of his
letters written at this period. It passed away, however, soon after his retur..
to Philadelphia.

444 RELIGIOUS HOPES. [^t. 58.

constant, though not very acute pain. I am not yet able
to travel rough roads, and must lie by awhile, as I can
neither hold reins nor whip with my right hand till it grows
stronger.

Do you think, after this, that even your kindest invita-
tions and Mr. Greene's can prevail with me to venture my-
self again on such roads? And yet it would be a great
pleasure to me to see you and yours once more. Sally and
my sister Mecom thank you for your remembrance of them,
and present their affectionate regards. My best respects to
good Mr. Greene, Mrs. Ray, and love to your little ones.
I am glad to hear they are well, and that your Celia goes
alone. I am, dear friend, yours affectionately.

To George Your frequently repeated wishes for my

dated^Phiia- eternal, as well as my temporal happiness, are
deiphia, 19 very obliging, and I can only thank you for
them and offer you mine in return. I have
myself no doubt, that I shall enjoy as much of both as is
proper for me. That Being, who gave me existence, and
through almost threescore years has been continually show-
ering his favors upon me, whose very chastisements have
been blessings to me ; can I doubt that he loves me ? And,
if he loves me, can I doubt that he will go on to take care
of me, not only here but hereafter ? This to some may seem
presumption ; to me it appears the best grounded hope ;
hope of the future built on experience of the past.

To Mrs. Me- ;?; * ♦ J ^^^ myself at present quite clear
Philadelphia, f^'o^i pain, and so have at length left off the
Nov., 1764. cold bath. There is, however, still some weak-
ness in my shoulder, though much stronger than when I left

^T. 58.] THE MILITIA LAW. 445

Boston, and mending. I am otherwise very happy in being at
home, where I am allowed to know when I have eat enough
and drunk enough, am warm enough, and sit in a place that I
like, &c., and nobody pretends to know what I feel better
than I do myself. Don't imagine that I am a whit the less
sensible of the kindness I experienced among my friends in
New England. I am very thankful for it, and shall always
retain a grateful remembrance of it.

Tohisdaugh- "yy^ „q^ down here at sunset, having taken in

ter Sarah, * .

dated Reedy morc Uvc stock at Ncwcastlc, with some other
nLTt'sNov^^ things we wanted. Our good friends, Mr.
1764. Galloway, Mr. Wharton, and Mr. James, came

* Recent disorders in the province convinced Governor John Penn, who,
in October, 1763, had succeeded Governor Hamilton, that the civil power
required strengthening, and he recommended a militia law for the embodi-
ment of all able-bodied citizens for the public defence. The Assembly cheer-
fully accepted the suggestion, and a committee of which Franklin was a
member reported a suitable bill, one of the clauses of which gave the gov-
ernor the choice of any one of three persons named by each company and
regiment for officers. It also fixed the scale of fines, and provided for the
trial of offenders by judges and juries in the courts of law.

The governor refused his signature to this bill, claiming for himself the sole
power of appointing officers, increasing the scale of fines, requiring all trials
to be by court-martial, and making some offences punishable with death.

The Assembly was shocked by these proposals, and would not listen to them
for a moment. The bill was lost. The ill feeling engendered by this dispute
was aggravated by another which soon followed. To meet the expenses of
the Indian war, it was proposed to raise ^50,000 on bills of credit, for the
partial redemption of which a land tax was to be laid.

By virtue of the decision made by the king in council, at Franklin's solici-
tation, the located uncultiAJated lands of the proprietaries were not to be
assessed higher than the lowest rate at which any located uncultivated
lands belonging to the inhabitants should be assessed, — that is, as the Assem-
bly interpreted it, the proprietary lands were not to be rated higher than
lands of a similar quality belonging to other persons. Availing himself of
an ambiguity in the expression, the governor insisted that all the proprietary
lands, whatever their quality, were to be assessed at the lowest rates.
38

446 STRUGGLES WITH THE PROPRIETORS, [^t. 58.

with me in the ship from Chester to Newcastle, and went
ashore there. It was kind to favor me with their good
company as far as they could. The affectionate leave taken

The greater impending danger from the savages compelled the Assembly
to submit to this pettifogging construction, and they passed the act on the
governor's terms. Neither he nor the Assembly then suspected that the con-
cession he had extorted, and to which they had been forced to submit, w^as
to result in rebellion, revolution, and the independence of the colonies.

Before adjourning, the Assembly, in a series of resolutions, expressed their
belief that the peace and happiness of the province could never be restored
till the power of governing it was lodged directly in the crown.

These resolutions were found to have correctly interpreted the sentiments
of the people ; for when the Assembly met again, some seven weeks later,
petitions to the king for a change of government came in from more than
three thousand of the inhabitants.

The Assembly, encouraged by these manifestations, decided by a large
majority to unite in a petition for the same object drafted by Franklin him-
self, who, at the same time, was chosen Speaker in the place of Norris, who
hesitated to affix his signature to such a document.

Pending these proceedings, the British ministry had signified its intention
to raise a revenue from stamp duties in the colonies. The Assembly, par-
ticipating in the excitement which this intelligence caused throughout the
country, sent to Mr. Jackson, then agent of the colony of Pennsylvania in
London, a remonstrance against the scheme, as tending to deprive the
people of their most essential rights as British subjects. The signing of
these instructions was Dr. Franklin's last act as Speaker of the Assembly,

The election which took place in the autumn of this year, 1764, turned on
the question of a change in the government, and though the proprietary
party succeeded by a majority of twenty-five votes out of four thousand in
depriving Franklin of the seat to which he had been chosen for fourteen years
in succession, it proved to them a barren victory, for as soon as the Assembly
convened, it not only resolved to prosecute the measures and policy of the
previous Assembly, but to send Franklin as a special agent to England to
take charge of their petition for a change of government, and to look after
all the interests of the province abroad.

The Assembly promptly voted that a provision for the doctor's expenses
should be made in the next money bill, upon the strength of which the
merchants subscribed /^iioo towards his expenses in a few hours, and on
the 7th of November, and only twelve days after his appointment, he was
on his way again to England, accompanied as far as Chester, where he

/Et. 58.] AD VICE TO Ills DA UGIITER. ^y

ot me by so many friends at Chester was very endearing.
God bless them and all Pennsylvania.

My dear child, the natural prudence and goodness of
heart God has blest you with make it less necessary for me
to be particular in giving you advice. I shall therefore only
say, that the more attentively dutiful and tender you are
towards your good mamma, the more you will recommend
yourself to me. But why should I mention me, when you
have so much higher a promise in the commandments, that
such conduct will recommend you to the favor of God.
You know I have many enemies, all indeed on the public
account, (for I cannot recollect that I have in a private
capacity given just cause of offence to any one whatever,)
yet they are enemies, and very bitter ones ; and you must
expect their enmity will extend in some degree to you, so
that your slightest indiscretions will be magnified into
crimes, in order the more sensibly to wound and afflict me.
It is therefore the more necessary for you to be extremely
circumspect in all your behaviour, that no advantage may be
given to their malevolence.

Go constantly to church, whoever preaches. The act of
devotion in the Common Prayer Book is your principal
business there, and if properly attended to, will do more
towards amending the heart than sermons generally can do.
For they were composed by men of much greater piety and

vvas to board his vessel, by an escort of some three hundred of his fellow-
citizens.

After a tempestuous voyage of thirty days, he landed at Portsmoutli,
proceeded at once to London, and on the night of the loth of Decembei
was installed again in his old lodgings with Mrs. Stevenson, in Craven
Street. It was on his voyage down the Delaware, that he addressed this
letter of the 8th November to his daughter Sally. — Ed.

44^ CONNECTICUT RELIGION. ' [^t. 5S.

wisdom, than our common composers of sermons can pre-
tend to be; and therefore I wish you would never miss the
prayer days; yet I do not mean you should despise sermons,
even of the preachers you dislike, for the discourse is often
much better than the man, as sweet and clear waters come
through very dirty earth. I am the more particular on this
head, as you seemed to express a little before I came away
some inclination to leave our church, which I would not
have you do.

For the rest, I would only recommend to you in my
absence, to acquire those useful accomplishments, arithmetic
and book-keeping. This you might do with ease, if you
would resolve not to see company on the hours you set
apart for those studies.

We expect to be at sea to-morrow, if this wind holds ;
after which I shall have no opportunity of writing to you,
till I arrive (if it please God I do arrive) in England. I
pray that his blessing may attend you, which is worth more
than a thousand of mine, though they are never wanting.

Tojared In- I should be glad to know what it is that distin-

ted Phi'ladel- guishes Connecticut religion from common religion :
1*762^' ^^' — communicate, if you please, some of these particulars

that you think will amuse me as a virtuoso. When I
traveled in Flanders I thought of your excessively strict observation
of Sunday; and that a man could hardly travel on that day among
you U2)on his lawful occasions without hazard of punishment, while
where I was every one traveled, if he pleased, or diverted him-
self in any other way; and in the afternoon both high and low went
to the play or the opera, where there was plenty of singing, fiddling,
and dancing. I looked round for God's judgments but saw no signs
of them. The cities were well built and full of inhabitants, the mar-
kets filled with plenty, the people well favoured and well clothed ; the
fields well tilled; the cattle fat and strong; the fences, houses and
windows all in repair; and no 0/d Tenor anywhere in the country,
« — which would almost make one suspect that the Deity is not so angry
at that offence as a New England Justice.

CHAPTER III.

Jealousy of English Manufacturers— Origin of the Stamp Act— Opposition
of Franklin— Effect of its Passage in America— Names a Stamp Distrib-
utor-Unpleasant Consequences— Correspondence with Dean Tucker,

I764-I766.

To the editor SiR, — In your paper of Wednesday last, an
°a ^r dTtTd ingenious correspondent who calls himself
Monday, 20 The SPECTATOR, and dates from Pimlico^ under

May 1765 *

the guise of good will to the news-writers.

* In expelling the French from Canada, and leaving the English sole
masters of America, the peace of 1763 rather complicated than simplified
the relations of the mother country with her colonies. The fear of the
French had made the colonists submit to much injustice from England
for the sake of her protection, while England was not only pleased with the
advantageous markets she found in her American possessions, but greatly
dependent upon the colonial militia for their defence.

As soon, however, as the war with France terminated, the English ship-
pers and manufacturers began to complain of transatlantic competition in
their business. Even Mr. Pitt, who had boldly defended the political liber-
ties of the colonies, did not scruple to declare that if they were to manu-
facture so much as a horseshoe, they should feel the whole weight of
British power. Selfishness and ignorance invented, and the press gave
currency to, the most absurd stories about the danger to British industry
from these sources. The character of these inventions and the mischievous
effect they were working upon the public mind may be inferred from this
specimen of the communications to the press, with which Franklin strove to
counteract them. No one knew better when ridicule was the most powerful
weapon of controversy. — Ed.

38* 449

450 CARICATURE OF THE ENGLISH PRESS, [^t. 59.

whom he calls a "useful body of men in this great city,**
has, in my opinion, artfully attempted to turn them and
their works into ridicule, wherein, if he could succeed,
great injury might be done to the public as well as to these
good people.

Supposing, Sir, that the ^^ we hears''' they give us of this
or the other intended tour or voyage of this and the other
great personage were mere inventions, yet they at least
offer us an innocent amusement while we read, and useful
matter for conversation when, we are disposed to con-
verse.

Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they have
nothing to say, and too apt to be sullen when they are
silent ; and, when they are sullen, to hang themselves.
But, by these we hears, we are supplied with abundant funds
for discourse. We discuss the motives for such voyages,
the probability of their being undertaken, and the practica-
bility of their execution. Here we display our judgment
in politics, our knowledge of the interests of princes, and
our skill in geography, and (if we have it) show our dex-
terity in argumentation. In the mean time, the tedious
hour is killed, we go home pleased with the applauses we
have received from others, or at least with those we give to
ourselves ; we sleep soundly, and live on, to the comfort of
our families. But, Sir, I beg leave to say, that all the
articles of news that seem improbable are not mere inven-
tions. Some of them, I can assure you on the faith of a
traveller, are serious truths. And here, quitting Mr. Spec-
tator of Pimlico, give me leave to instance the various
accounts the news-writers have given us, with so much
honest zeal for the welfare of Poor Old England, of the
establishing manufactures in the colonies to the prejudice

Mt. sg-l CARICATURE OF THE ENGLISH PRESS. 451

of those of the kingdom. It is objected by superficial
readers, who yet pretend to some knowledge of those coun-
tries, that such establishments are not only improbable, but
impossible, for that their sheep have but little wool, not in
the whole sufficient for a pair of stockings a year to each
inhabitant ; that, from the universal dearness of labor
among them, the working of iron and other materials, ex
cept in a few coarse instances, is impracticable to any
advantage.

Dear Sir, do not let us suffer ourselves to be amused with
such groundless objections. The very tails of the American
sheep are so laden with wool, that each has a little car or
wagon on four little wheels, to support and keep it from
trailing on the ground. Would they caulk their ships,
would they even litter their horses with wool, if it were not
both plenty and cheap ? And what signifies the dearness of
labor, when an English shilling passes for five and twenty ?
Their engaging three hundred silk throwsters here in one
week for New York was treated as a fable, because, for-
sooth, they have ** no silk there to throw." Those, who
make this objection, perhaps do not know, that, at the same
time the agents from the King of Spain were at Quebec to
contract for one thousand pieces of cannon to be made there
for the fortification of Mexico, and at New York engaging
the usual supply of woollen floor-carpets for their West India
houses, other agents from the emperor of China were at
Boston treating about an exchange of raw silk for wool,
to be carried in Chinese junks through the Straits of
Magellan.

And yet all this is as certainly true, as the account said
to be from Quebec, in all the papers of last week, that the
inhabitants of Canada are making preparations for a cod

452 CARICATURE OF THE ENGLISH PRESS, [^t. 59.

and whale fishery this ''summer in the upper Lakes."
Ignorant people may object, that the upper Lakes are fresh,
and that cod and whales are salt water fish ; but let them
know, Sir, that cod, like other fish when attacked by their
enemies, fly into any water where they can be safest ; that
whales, when they have a mind to eat cod, pursue them
wherever they fly ; and that the grand leap of the whak in
the chase up the Falls of Niagara is esteemed, by all who
have seen it, as one of the finest spectacles in nature.
Really, Sir, the world is grown too incredulous. It is like
the pendulum ever swinging from one extreme to another.
Formerly every thing printed was believed, because it was
in print. Now things seem to be disbelieved for just the
very same reason. Wise men wonder at the present growth
of infidelity. They should have considered, when they
taught the people to doubt the authority of newspapers
and the truth of predictions in the almanacs, that the next
step might be a disbelief of the well vouched accounts of
ghosts and witches, and doubts even of the truths of the
Creed.

Thus much I thought it necessary to say in favor of an
honest set of writers, whose comfortable living depends on
collecting and supplying the printers with news at the small
price of sixpence an article, and who always show their
regard to truth, by contradicting in a subsequent article
such as are wrong, for another sixpence, to the great satis-
faction and improvement of us coff"ee-house students in
history and politics, and all future Livys, Rapins, Robert-
sons, Humes, and Macaulays, who may be sincerely inclined
to furnish the world with that rara avis, a true history. I
am, Sir, your humble servant,

A Traveller.

/Et. 6o.] GRATITUDE OF THE COLONIES. 453

Letter to a SiR, — I havc attentively perused the paper

person un- ^ j r • • ,1 ^ ^.i

f you sent me, and am of opinion, that the

known, con- J ' a '

cerning the mcasure it proposcs, of an union with the

probability ... . ,,..,,

and effects of colonies, IS a wise One ; but I doubt it will
a union with hardly be thoudit so here, till it is too late to

Great Brit- ^ .

ain, and con- attempt it. The time has been, when the
cerning the (.Q^Qj-jj^g ^ould have esteemed it a great ad-

repeal or sus- °

pension of the vantage, as well as honor to be permitted to
A^^A T "^ ' send members to Parliament : and would have

dated Lon- '

don, Jan. 6, asked for that privilege, if they could have had
the least hopes of obtaining it. The time is
now come, when they are indifferent about it, and will
probably not ask it, though they might accept it if offered
them ; and the time will come, when they will certainly
refuse it. But if such an union were now established
(which methinks it highly imports this country to establish)
it would probably subsist as long as Britain shall continue
a nation. This people, however, is too proud, and too
much despises the Americans, to bear the thought of
admitting them to such an equitable participation in the
government of the whole.

Then the next best thing seems to be, leaving them in the
quiet enjoyment of their respective constitutions ; and
when money is wanted for any public service, in which
they ought to bear a part, calling upon them by requisitorial
letters from the crown (according to the long-established
custom) to grant such aids as their loyalty shall dictate,
and their abilities permit. The very sensible and benevo-
lent author of that paper seems not to have known, that
such a constitutional custom subsists, and has always hither-
to been practised in America; or he would not have ex-
pressed himself in this manner; ''It is evident, beyond a

454 GRATITUDE OF THE COLONIES. [/Et. 60.

doubt, to the intelligent and impartial, that after the very
extraordinary efforts, which were effectually made by Great
Britain in the late war to save the colonists from destruction,
and attended of necessity with an enormous load of debts in
consequence, that the same colonists, now firmly secured
from foreign enemies, should be somehow induced to con-
tribute some proportion towards the exigencies of state in
future." This looks as if he conceived the war had been
carried on at the sole expense of Great Britain, and the
colonies only reaped the benefit, without hitherto sharing
the burden, and were therefore now indebted to Britain on
that account. And this is the same kind of argument that
is used by those, who would fix on the colonies the heavy
charge of unreasonableness and ingratitude, which I think
your friend did not intend.

Please to acquaint him, then, that the fact is not so ;
that, every year during the war, requisitions were made by
the crown on the colonies for raising money and men ;
that accordingly they made more extraordinary efforts, in
proportion to their abilities, than Britain did ; that they
raised, paid, and clothed, for five or six years, near twenty-
five thousand men, besides providing for other services, as
building forts, equipping guard-ships, paying transports,
&c. And that this was more than their fair proportion
is not merely an opinion of mine, but was the judgment
of government here, in full knowledge of all the facts ;
for the then ministry, to make the burthen more equal,
recommended the case to Parliament, and obtained a re-
imbursement to the Americans of about two hundred thou-
sand pounds sterling every year; which amounted only to
about two-fifths of their expense ; and great part of the
rest lies still a load of debt upon them; heavy taxes on all

^T. 6o.] GRATITUDE OF THE COLONIES. 455

their estates, real and personal, being laid by acts of their
assemblies to discharge it, and yet will not discharge it in
many years.

While, then, these burdens continue; while Britain re-
strains the colonies in every branch of commerce and manu-
factures that she thinks interferes with her own ; while she
drains the colonies, by her trade with them, of all the cash
they can procure by every art and industry in any part of
the world, and thus keeps them always in her debt ; (for
they can make no law to discourage the importation of your
to them ruinous superfluities, as you do the superfluities of
France; since such a law would immediately be reported
against by your Board of Trade, and repealed by the
crown ;) I say, while these circumstances continue, and
while there subsists the established method of royal re-
quisitions for raising money on them by their own assem-
blies on every proper occasion ; can it be necessary or
prudent to distress and vex them by taxes laid here, in a
Parliament wherein they have no representative, and in a
manner which they look upon to be unconstitutional and
subversive of their most valuable rights ? And are they to
be thought unreasonable and ungrateful if they oppose such
taxes ?

Wherewith, they say, shall we show our loyalty to oui
gracious King, if our money is to be given by others, with-
out asking our consent ? And, if the Parliament has a right
thus to take from us a penny in the pound, where is the
line drawn that bounds that right, and what shall hinder
their calling, whenever they please, for the other nineteen
shillings and eleven pence? Have we then any thing that
we can call our own? It is more than probable, that
bringing representatives from the colonies to sit and act

456 GRATITUDE OF THE COLONIES. [^t. 60.

here as members of Parliament, thus uniting and consoli-
dating your dominions, would in a little time remove these
objections and difficulties, and make the future government
of the colonies easy ; but, till some such thing is done, I
apprehend no taxes, laid there by Parliament here, will ever
be collected, but such as must be stained with blood ; and
I am sure the profit of such taxes will never answer the
expense of collecting them, and that the respect and affec-
tion of the Americans to this country will in the struggle
be totally lost, perhaps never to be recovered ; and there-
with all the commercial and political advantages, that
might have attended the continuance of this respect and
this affection.

In my own private judgment, I think an immediate re-
peal of the Stamp Act would be the best measure for this
country ; but a suspension of it for three years, the best for
that. The repeal would fill them with joy and gratitude,
reestablish their respect and veneration for Parliament, re-
store at once their ancient and natural love for this country,
and their regard for every thing that comes from it ; hence
the trade would be renewed in all its branches ; they would
again indulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply
them with, and their own new-assumed home industry would
languish. But the suspension, though it might continue
their fears and anxieties, would at the same time keep up
their resolutions of industry and frugality ; which in two or
three years would grow into habits, to their lasting advan-
tage. However, as the repeal will probably not be now
agreed to, from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the
honor and dignity of government is better supported by
persisting in a wrong measure once entered into, than by
rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered ; we must

/Et. 6o.] HISTORY OF THE STAMP ACT. 45 pr

allow the next best thing for the advantage of both coun-
tries, is the suspension ; for, as to executing the act by
force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the whole.

To William In the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend

dated "passy '^'^' there is ouc important fact misstated,
March 12, apparently from the writer's not having

been furnished with good information ; it is
the transaction between Mr. Grenville and the colonies,
wherein he understands that Mr. Grenville demanded of
them a specific sum, that they refused to grant anything,
and that it was on their refusal only, that he jnade the
motion for the Stamp Act. No one of these particulars is
true. The fact was this. Some time in the winter of
1763-64, Mr. Grenville called together the agents of the
several colonies, and told them that he proposed to draw a
revenue from America, and to that end his intention was to
levy a stamp duty on the colonies by act of Parliament in
the ensuing session, of which he thought it fit that they
should be immediately acquainted, that they might have
time to consider, and, if any other duty equally productive
would be more agreeable to them, they might let him know
it. The agents were therefore directed to write this to their

* Nor were the fiscal ideas of the British ministry less fatal than those of
the shippei-s and manufacturers to the liberty and prosperity of the colonies.
Mr. Grenville insisted upon deriving a revenue from the colonies, and had
suggested a stamp duty. The very rumor of such a purpose spread alarm
throughout the colonies, and provoked from them a unanimous remonstrance.
Dr. Franklin was distinctly instructed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania
to neglect no effort to prevent the passage of such an act. How faithfully
and successfully he executed these instructions transpires from his corre-
spondence, to which this letter, written some fourteen years later from Passy,
forms a fitting introduction. — Ed.

39 w

458 HISTORY OF THE STAMP ACT. [^t. 59.

respective Assemblies, and commimicate to him the answers
they should receive ; the agents wrote accordingly. I was
a member in the Assembly of Pennsylvania when this notifi-
cation came to hand. The observations there made upon
it were, that the ancient, established, and regular method
of drawing aid from the colonies was this. The occasion
was always first considered by their sovereign in his privy
council, by whose sage advice he directed his secretary of
state to wTite circular letters to the several governors, who
were directed to lay them before their assemblies. In these
letters the occasion was explained for their satisfaction, with
gracious expressions of his majesty's confidence in their
known duty and affection, on which he relied, that they
would grant such sums as should be suitable to their abilities,
loyalty, and zeal for his service. That the colonies had
always granted liberally on such requisitions, and so liber-
ally during the late war, that the king, sensible that they had
granted much more than their proportion, had recommended
it to Parliament, five years successively, to make them some
compensation, and the Parliament accordingly returned
them two hundred thousand pounds a year, to be divided
among them. That the proposition of taxing them in
Parliament was therefore both cruel and unjust. That, by
the constitution of the colonies, their business was with the
king, in matters of aid ; they had nothing to do with any
financier, nor he with them ; nor were the agents the
proper channels through which requisitions should be made:
it was therefore improper for them to enter in any stipula-
tion, or make any proposition, to Mr. Grenville about lay-
ing taxes on their constituents by Parliament, which had
really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice he
had sent them did not appear to be by the king's order, and

^T. 59-] HISTORY OF THE STAMP ACT. 459

perhaps was without his knowledge ; as the king, when he
would obtain anything from them, always accompanied his
requisition with good words; but this gentleman, instead
of a decent demand, sent them a notice, that they should
certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the
manner. But, all this notwithstanding, they were so far
from refusing to grant money, that they resolved to the
following purpose ; That, as they always had, so they
always should think it ''their duty to grant aid to the crown,
according to their abilities, whenever required of them in
the usual constitutional manner."

I went soon after to England, and took with me an
authentic copy of this resolution, which I presented to Mr.
Grenville before he brought in the Stamp Act. I asserted
in the House of Commons, (Mr. Grenville being present,)
that I had done so, and he did not deny it. Other colonies
made similar resolutions. And, had Mr. Grenville, instead
of that act, applied to the king in council for such re-
quisitional letters, letters to be circulated by the secretary
of state, I am sure he would have obtained more money
from the colonies by their voluntary grants, than he him-
self expected from his stamps. But he chose compulsion
rather than persuasion, and would not receive from their
good will what he thought he "could obtain without it. And
thus the golden bridge, which the ingenious author thinks
the Americans unwisely and unbecomingly refused to hold
out to the minister and Parliament, was actually held out
to them, but they refused to walk over it. This is the true
history of that transaction ; and, as it is probable there may
be another edition of that excellent pamphlet, I wish this
may be communicated to the candid author, who I doubt
not will correct that error.

460 IMPUTATIONS OF JOSIAH TUCKER, [^t. 59.

To josiah REVEREND SiR, — Being informed that some
ted London' Severe strictures on my conduct and character
12 Feb., 1774. had appeared in a new book published under
your respectable name, I purchased and read it. After
thanking you for those parts of it that are_so instructive on
points of great importance to the common interest of man-
kind, permit me to complain, that, if by the description
you give in pages 180, 181, of a certain American patriot,

* The proposition made to the colonies by Mr. Grenville, says M. Labou-
laye, much resembles the one which, twenty years later, M. de Calonne
addressed to the Assembly of Notables, and which a piquant caricature
represented by a ministerial orator addressing a flock of turkeys in the fol-
lowing terms : " Gentlemen, I have invited you to meet me to know with
what sauce you would prefer to be eaten." " But we do not wish to be
eaten," reply the honorable notables. " Gentlemen," retorted the minister,
" you dodge the question." The colonists were either to submit to a stamp
duty or to anything else they preferred that would yield an equivalent of
revenue, but be taxed they should, and that too, contrary to the fundamental
principles and policy of the British Constitution, without representation.
The proposal and its alternative were universally rejected by the colonists,
but the ministry were needy, felt strong, and were far from appreciating the
strength of the sentiment they were outraging. They passed the Stamp
Act, despite the firm remonstrances of the American Assemblies and the
strenuous opposition of Franklin. To mitigate the ill feeling such a mea-
sure was likely to provoke, — and when it became known to the colonists their
indignation knew no bounds, — Mr. Grenville invited the colonial agents in
London to name such persons in the respective colonies as they deemed
suitable for the office of stamp distributors. All the agents fell into the trap,
not excepting the wary doctor himself, who named his old friend John
Hughes for Pennsylvania. This qualified sanction of the offensive act be-
came the source of much annoyance to him. His enemies appealed to it
as evidence of his infidelity to the interests of the colonies. They repre-
sented him as having encouraged the offensive legislation, and as having
applied for the position of stamp distributor. Dr. Tucker, then Dean of
Worcester, a fervent and rather meddlesome parson, of whom Warburton
is reported to have said, "his trade of a dean is his religion, and his religion
is a trade," in a treatise which he felt called upon to publish on the colonial
troubles, reiterated these charges. The correspondence that follows was
one of the consequences. — ED.

^T. 59. J IMPUTA TIONS OF JOSIAH TUCKER. 46 1

whom you say you need not name, you do, as is supposed,
mean myself, nothing can be further from the truth than
your assertion, that I applied or used any interest, directly
or indirectly, to be appointed one of the stamp officers for
America. I certainly never expressed a wish of the kind to
any person whatever; much less was I, as you say, "more
than ordinarily assiduous on this head." I have heretofore
seen in the newspapers insinuations of the same import,
naming me expressly ; but, being without the name of the
writer, I took no notice of them.

I know not whether they were yours, or were only your
authority for your present charge ; but now they have the
weight of your name and dignified character, I am more
sensible of the injury ; and I beg leave to request, that you
will reconsider the grounds on which you have ventured to
publish an accusation, that, if believed, must prejudice me
extremely in the opinion of good men, especially in my own
country, whence I was sent expressly to oppose the impo-
sition of that tax. If on such reconsideration and inquiry
you find, as I am persuaded you will, that you have been im-
posed upon by false reports, or have too lightly given credit
to hearsays in a matter that concerns another's reputation, I
flatter myself that your equity will induce you to do me justice,
by retracting that accusation. In confidence of this, I am,
with great esteem, Reverend Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant, B. Franklin.

To Benjamin SiR, — The letter whlch you did me tne
te^^Monday" ^^0^^°^^ to Send to Gloucester, I have just re-
31 Feb., 1774. ceived in London, where I have resided many
weeks, and am now returning to Gloucester. On inquiry,

I find that I was mistaken in some circumstances relating
39*

462 IMPUTATIONS OF JOSIAH TUCKER, [^t. 59.

to your conduct about the Stamp Act, though right as to
the substance. These errors shall be rectified the first
opportunity. After having assured you, that I am no
dealer in anonyjnous newspaper paragraphs, nor have a con-
nexion with any who are, I have the honor to be, Sir, your
humble servant, J. Tucker.

To josiah REVEREND SiR, — I received your favor of
Tuesday ^ 22 Yesterday. If the substance of what you have
Feb., 1774. charged me with is right, I can have but little
concern about any mistakes in the circianstances ; whether
they are rectified or not, will be immaterial. But, know-
ing the substance to be wrong, and believing that you can
have no desire of continuing in an error, prejudicial to any
man's reputation, I am persuaded you will not take it amiss,
if I request you to communicate to me the particulars of
the information you have received, that I may have an
opportunity of examining them ; and I flatter myself I shall
be able to satisfy you that they are groundless. I propose
this method as more decent than a public altercation, and
suiting better the respect due to your character. With
great regard, I have the honor to be. Reverend Sir, your
most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin.

To Benjamin SiR, — The rcqucst made in your last letter

teT^Giouces- ^^ "^^ ^^^X J'^^^ ^^^ reasonable, that I shall
ter, 24 Feb., comply witli it vcry readily. It has long ap-
peared to me, that you much exceeded the
bounds of morality in the methods you pursued for the
advancement of the supposed interests of America. If it
can be proved, that I have unjustly suspected you, I shall
acknowledge my error with as much satisfaction as you can

^T. 59.] IMPUTA TIONS OF JOSIAII TUCKER, 463

have in reading my recantation of it. As to the case more
immediately referred to in your letters, I was repeatedly
informed, that you had solicited the late Mr. George Gren-
ville for a place or agency in the distribution of stamps in
America. From which circumstance I myself concluded,
that you had made interest for it on your own account;
whereas I am now informed, there are no positive proofs of
your having solicited to obtain such a place for yourself, but
that there is sufficient evidence still existing of your having
applied for it in favor of another person. If this latter
should prove to be the fact, as I am assured it will, I am
willing to suppose, from several expressions in both your
letters, that you will readily acknowledge that the difference
in this case between yourself and your friend, is very imma-
terial to the general merits of the question. But, if you
should have distinctions in this case, which are above my
comprehension, I shall content myself with observing, that
your great abilities and happy discoveries deserve universal
regard ; and that, as on these accounts I respect and esteem
you, so I have the honor to be. Sir, your very humble
servant, J. Tucker.

To Josiah REVEREND SiR, — I thank yOU for the frank-

Tucker, dated •.! 1 • 1 1 ' , ^ ,

London 26 "^^^^ vi\ui which you havc communicated to me
Feb., 1774. the particulars of the information you had
received, relating to my supposed application to Mr. Gren-
ville for a place in the American stamp-office. As I deny
that either your former or latter informations are true, it
seems incumbent on me, for your satisfaction, to relate all
the circumstances fairly to you, that could possibly give
rise to such mistakes.

Some days after the Stamp Act was passed, to whicli I

464 IMPUTA TIONS OF JO SI AH TUCKER. [^T. 59.

had given all the oppositian I could, with Mr. Grenville,
I received a note from Mr. Whately, his secretary, desiring
to see me the next morning. I waited upon him accord-
ingly, and found with him several other colony agents.
He acquainted us, that Mr. Grenville was desirous to make
the execution of the act as little inconvenient and disagree-
able to America as possible ; and therefore did not think
of sending stamp officers from this country, but wished to
have discreet and reputable persons appointed in each
province from among the inhabitants, such as would be
acceptable to them ; for, as they were to pay the tax, he
thought strangers should not have the emolument. Mr.
Whately therefore wished us to name for our respective
colonies, informing us, that Mr. Grenville would be obliged
to us for pointing out to him honest and responsible men,
and would pay great regard to our nominations. By this
plausible and apparently candid declaration, we were drawn
in to nominate ; and I named for our province Mr. Hughes,
saying, at the same time, that I knew not whether he
would accept of it, but, if he did, I was sure he would
execute the office faithfully. I soon after had notice of his
appointment. We none of us, I believe, foresaw or im-
agined, that this compliance with the request of the minister
would or could have been called an application of ours, and
adduced as a proof of our approbation of the act we had
been opposing *, otherwise I think few of us would have
named at all ; I am sure I should not. This, I assure you,
and can prove to you by living evidence, is a true account
of the transaction in question, which, if you compare with
that you have been induced to give of it in your book, I
am persuaded you will see a difference that is far from being
** a disti7iction above your comprehension.''

^T. 59] IMPUTATIONS OF JOSIAH TUCKER. 46c

Permit me further to remark, that your expression of
there being ''no positive proofs of my having solicited to
obtain such a place for myself,''^ implies that there are
nevertheless some circumstantial proofs sufficient at least to
support a suspicion. The latter part however of the same
sentence, which says, "there is sufficient evidence still
existing of my having applied for it in favor of another
person," must, I apprehend, if credited, destroy that sus-
picion, and be considered zs> positive proof of the contrary;
for, if I had interest enough with Mr. Grenville to obtain
that place for another, is it likely that it would have been
refused me, had I asked it for myself?

There is another circumstance, which I would offer to
your candid consideration. You describe me as ''changing
sides, and appearing at the bar of the House of Commons
to cry down the very measure I had espoused, and direct
the storm that was falling upon that minister." As this
must have been after my supposed solicitation of the favor
for myself or my friend, and Mr. Grenville and Mr.
Whately were both in the House at the time, and both
asked me questions, can it be conceived, that, offended as
they must have been with such a conduct in me, neither of
them should put me in mind of this my sudden changing
of sides, or remark it to the House, or reproach me with it,
or require my reasons for it? And yet all the members
then present know, that not a syllable of the kind fell from
either of them, or from any of their party.

I persuade myself by this time you begin to suspect you
may have been misled by your informers. I do not ask who
they are, because I do not wish to have particular motives
for disliking people, who in general may deserve my re-
spect. They too may have drawn consequences beyond the

^^^ IMPUTATIONS OF JOSIAH TUCKER, [^t. 59.

information they received from others, and, hearing the
office had been given to a person of my nomination, might
as naturally su^^^^ost I had solicited if, as Dr. Tucker, hearing
that I had solicited it, might " cojiclude'''' it was for myself

I desire you to believe, that I take kindly, as I ought,
your freely mentioning to me "that it has long appeared
to you, that I much exceeded the bounds of morality in the
methods I pursued for the advancement of the supposed
interests of America." I am sensible there is a good deal
of truth in the adage, that our sins and our debts are always
more than lue take them to be; and though I cannot at
present, on examination of my conscience, charge myself
with any immorality of that kind, it becomes me to suspect,
that what has long appeared to you may have some founda-
tion. You are so good as to add, that, ** if it can be
proved you have unjustly suspected me, you shall have a
satisfaction in acknowledging the error." It is often a
thing hard to prove that suspicions are unjust, even when
we know what they are ; and harder when we are unac-
quainted with them. I must presume, therefore, that in
mentioning them, you had an intention of communicating
the grounds of them to me if I should request it, which I
now do, and I assure you, with a sincere desire and design
of amending what you may show me to have been wrong in
my conduct, and to thank you for the admonition. In your
writings I appear a bad man ; but, if I am such, and you can
thus help me to become in reality a good one, I shall esteem
it more than a sufficient reparation to. Reverend Sir, your
most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin.*

* A memorandum was found appended to the rough draft of this letter,
in the handwriting of the author, dated February 7, 1775, in which he said,
" No answer has yet been received.'' In a future edition of his work, hoW'
ever Dean Tucker omitted the offensive passages. — Ed.

The examina-
tion of Dr.
Benjamin
Franklin, in
the British
House of

Commons, re-
lative to the
repeal of the
American
Stamp Act, in
1766.*

CHAPTER IV.

Franklin's Examination before the House of Commons. .

1766.

From the journal of the House of Commons,
as given by Mr. Vaughan.

^^ February ^d, 1766. Benjamin Franklin
and a number of other persons ordered to at-
tend the committee of the whole House, to
whom it was referred to consider farther the
several papers, which were presented to the
House by Mr. Secretary Conway.

^^ February 13//?. Benjamin Franklin, hav-

* As soon as the Stamp Act was promulgated in the colonies, a cloud of
petitions from their various assemblies was showered upon Parliament for
its repeal. The stamped paper was rejected as if it were poisoned ; vessels
were forbidden to land it ; the distributors were compelled to resign their
commissions ; Hughes dared not show himself in the streets, nor did Frank-
lin entirely escape. A caricature of the period represents the devil whis-
pering in his ear: " Ben, you shall be my agent throughout my dominions."
His house and family even were supposed at one time to be in peril from
the mob, as appears by the following extract from a letter written him by
his wife on the 22d September :

" You will see by the papers what work has happened in other places, and
something has been said relative to raising a mob in this place. I was for
nine days kept in a continual hurry by people to remove ; and Sally was
persuaded to go to Burlington (the residence of her brother, the governor)
for safety ; but on Monday last we had very great rejoicings on account of

467

^^S EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. [/Et. 60.

ing passed through his examination, was excepted from
farther attendance.

"jFebruary 24M. The resolutions of the committee were
reported by the chairman, Mr. Fuller; their seventh and

the change of the ministry, and a preparation for bonfires at night, and sev-
eral houses threatened to be pulled down.

" Cousin Davenport came and told me that more than twenty people had
told him it was his duty to be with me. I said I was pleased to receive civility
from any body, so he staid with me some time ; towards night I said he
should fetch a gun or two, as we had none, I sent to ask my brother to
come and bring his gun also, so we [turned] one room into a magazine ; I
ordered some sort of defence up-stairs, such as I could manage myself. I
said when I was advised to remove, that I was very sure you had done
nothing to hurt anybody, nor had I given any offence to any person at all,
nor would I be made uneasy by anybody, nor would I stir or show the least
uneasiness, but if any one came to disturb me, I should show a proper re-
sentment, and I should be very much affronted with anybody.

" Sally was gone with Miss Rose to see Captain Real's daughter, and heard
the report there, and came home to be with me ; but I had sent her word
not to come. I was told there were eight hundred men ready to assist any
one that should be molested.

« -s -;■:■ " Billy (the Governor of New Jersey) came down to ask us up
to Burlington. I consented to Sally's going, but I will not stir, as I really
don't think it would be right in me to stir or show the least uneasiness at
all. « « *

" It is Mr. Samuel Smith that is setting the people mad by telling them it
was you that had planned the Stamp Act, and that you are endeavoring to
get the Test Act brought over here."

Such was the state of affairs in America when the subject was again brought
before Parliament in the beginning of '66, the Marquis of Rockingham having
displaced Mr. Grenville.

The new ministers resolved to recommend a repeal of the Stamp Act.
While the question was under debate in Parliament, a motion which proba-
bly originated with the ministers, who were now striving to effect a repeal of
the act, was adopted, that Franklin be called before the House and examined
respecting the state of.affairs in America. This is the report of his examina-
tion.

There is nothing he ever wrote in which Franklin exhibited more of all
the qualities which distinguished him among men than his replies to the
questions put to him on this occasion. — ED.

^T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 469

last resolution setting forth, that it was their opinion that
the House be moved, that leave be given to bring in a bill
to repeal the Stamp Act."

1. Q. What is your name, and place of abode?
A. Franklin, of Philadelphia.

2. ^. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes
among themselves?

A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.

3. Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid
by the laws of the colony ?

A. There are taxes on all estates real and personal;
a poll tax; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and
businesses, according to their profits ; an excise on all wine,
rum, and other spirits ; and a duty of ten pounds per head
on all negroes imported, with some other duties.

4. Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid ?

A. For the support of the civil and military estab-
lishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt
contracted in the last war.

5. Q. How long are those taxes to continue?

A. Those for discharging the debt are to continue till
1772, and longer, if the debt should not be then all dis-
charged. The others must always continue.

6. Q. Was it not expected that the debt would have
been sooner discharged?

A. It was, when the peace was made with France and
Spain. But, a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a
fresh load of debt was incurred ; and the taxes, of course,
continued longer by a new law.

7. Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those

taxes?
40

470 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

A. No. The frontier counties, all along tlie continent,
having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly
impoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And there-
fore, in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws
do expressly favor those counties, excusing the sufferers;
and I suppose the same is done in other governments.

8. Q. Are not you concerned in the management of the
post-office in America?

A. Yes. I am deputy -postmaster -general of North
America.

9. Q. Don't you think the distribution of stamps by
post to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was no
opposition?

A. The posts only go along the seacoasts ; they do not,
except in a few instances, go back into the country ; and,
if they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion
an expense of postage amounting in many cases to much
more than that of the stamps themselves.

10. Q. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland ?
A. I never was there.

II." Q. Do you know whether there are any post-roads
on that island ?

A. I have heard that there are no roads at all, but that
the communication between one settlement and another
is by sea only.

12. Q. Can you disperse the stamps by post in Canada?

A. There is only a post between Montreal and Quebec.
The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from each
other in that vast country, that posts cannot be supported
among them, and therefore they cannot get stamps per
post. The English colonies, too, along the frontiers are
very thinly settled.

{

^Et. 6o.] EXAMINATION DY THE COMMONS. ^-ji

13. Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, would
not the Stamp Act be extremely inconvenient to the inhab-
itants, if executed?

A. To be sure it would ; as many of the inhabitants
could not get stamps when they had occasion for them
without taking long journeys, and spending perhaps three or
four pounds, that the crown might get sixpence.

14. Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances,
very able to pay the stamp duty ?

A. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough
in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year.*

15. Q. Don't you know that the money arising from the
stamps was all to be laid out in America?

A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the American
service; but it will be spent in the conquered colonies,
where the soldiers are ; not in the colonies that pay it.

16. Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the
colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back
the money to the old colonies ?

A. I think not. I believe very little would come back.
I know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it

* The Stamp Act said, " that the Americans shall have no commerce,
make no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase, nor grant,
nor recover debts ; they shall neither marry nor make their wills, unless they
pay such and such sums" in specie for the stamps which must give validity
to the proceedings. The operation of such a tax, had it obtained the consent
of the people, appeared inevitable ; and its annual productiveness, on its in-
troduction, was estimated, by its proposer in the House of Commons at the
committee for supphes, at one hundred thousand pounds sterling. The
colonies being already reduced to the necessity of having /a/^r money, by
sending to Biitain the specie they collected in foreign trade, in order to make
up for the deficiency of their other returns for British manufactures, there
were doubts whether there could remain specie sufficient to answer the
tax.— B. V.

4/2 EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. [^T. 60

would come, from the colonies where it was spent, directly
to England ; for I have always observed, that in every colony
the more plenty the means of remittance to England, the
more goods are sent for, and the more trade with England
carried on.

17. Q. What number of white inhabitants do you think
there are in Pennsylvania ?

A. I suppose there may be about one hundred and sixty
thousand.

18. Q. What number of them are Quakers?
A. Perhaps a third.

19. Q. What number of Germans?

A. Perhaps another third ; but I cannot speak witn
certainty.

20. Q, Have any number of the Germans seen service,
as soldiers, in Europe ?

A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America.

21. Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp
duty as the English ?

A. Yes, and more ; and with reason, as their stamps are,
in many cases, to be double.*

22. Q. How many white men do you suppose there are
in North America?

* The Stamp Act provided, that a double duty should be laid " where the
instrument, proceedings, &c., shall be engrossed, written, or printed within
the said colonies and plantations, in any other than the English language."
This measure, it is presumed, appeared to be suggested by motives of con-
venience, and the policy of assimilating persons of foreign to those of British
descent, and preventing their interference in the conduct of law business till
this change should be effected. It seems, however, to have been deemed
too precipitate, immediately to extend this clause to newly-conquered coun-
tries. An exemption therefore was granted, in this particular, with respect
to Canada and Grenada, for the space of five years, to be reckoned from the
commencement of the duty. See the Stamp Act.— B. V.

/^.T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 473

A. About three hundred thousand, from sixteen to sixty
years of age.*

23. Q. What may be the amount of one year's imports
into Pennsylvania from Britain ?

A. I have been informed that our merchants compute
the imports from Britain to be above five hundred thousand
pounds.

24. Q. What may be the amount of the produce of your
province exported to Britain ?

A. It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted
in Britain. I suppose it cannot exceed forty thousand
pounds.

25. Q. How then do you pay the balance ?

A. The balance is paid by our produce carried to the
West Indies, and sold in our own islands, or to the French,
Spaniards, Danes, and Dutch ; by the same produce carried
to other colonies in North America, as to New England,
Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia; by
the same, carried to different parts of Europe, as Spain,
Portugal, and Italy. In all which places we receive either
money, bills of exchange, or commodities that suit for re-
mittance to Britain ; which, together with all the profits on
the industry of our merchants and mariners, arising in those
circuitous voyages, and the freights made by their ships,
centre finally in Britain to discharge the balance, and pay
for British manufactures continually used in the provinces,
or sold to foreigners by our traders.

* Strangers excluded, some parts of the northern colonies doubled then
numbers in fifteen or sixteen years ; to the southward they were longer ; but,
taking one with another, they had doubled, by natural generation only, once
in twenty-five years. Pennsylvania, including strangers, had doubled in
about sixteen years. — B. V.
40*

474 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

26. Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on
the Spanish trade ?

A. Yes ; I have heard, that it has been greatly obstructed
by some new regulations, and by the English men-of-war
and cutters stationed all along the coast in America.

27. Q, Do you think it right that America should be
protected by this country and pay no part of the expense ?

A. That is not the case. The colonies raised, clothed,
and paid, during the last war, near twenty-five thousand
men, and spent many millions.

28. Q. Were you not reimbursed by Parliament ?

A. We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion, we
had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what
might reasonably be expected from us ; and it was a very
small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in particular,
disbursed about five hundred thousand pounds, and the
reimbursements, in the whole, did not exceed sixty thou-
sand pounds.

29. Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in Penn-
sylvania; what do they amount to in the pound ?

A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen
pence in the pound, fully rated ; and the tax on the profits
of trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose,
make full half a crown in the pound.

30. Q. Do you know any thing of the rate of exchange
in Pennsylvania, and whether it has fallen lately?

A. It is commonly from one hundred and seventy to one
hundred and seventy-five. I have heard, that it has fallen
lately from one hundred and seventy-five to one hundred and
sixty- two and a half; owing, I suppose, to their lessening
their orders for goods; and, when their debts to this country
are paid, I think the exchange will probably be at par.

^T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 475

31. Q. Do you not think the people of America would
submit to pay the stamp duty, if it was moderated ?

A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms.

32. Q. Are not the taxes in Pennsylvania laid on un-
equally, in order to burden the English trade ; particularly
the tax on professions and business ?

A. It is not more burdensome in proportion than the tax
on lands. It is intended and supposed to take an equal
proportion of profits.

33. Q. How is the assembly composed ? Of what kinds
of people are the members; landholders or traders?

A. It is composed of landholders, merchants, and artifi-
cers.

34. Q. Are not the majority landholders ?
A. I believe they are.

35. Q. Do not they, as much as possible, shift the tax
off from the land, to ease that, and lay the burden heavier
on trade?

A. I have never understood it so. I never heard such a
thing suggested. And indeed an attempt of that kind could
answer no purpose. The merchant or trader is always
skilled in figures, and ready with his pen and ink. If
unequal burdens are laid on his trade, he puts an additional
price on his goods ; and the consumers, who are chiefly
landholders, finally pay the greatest part, if not the whole.

36. Q. What was the temper of America towards Great
Britain before the year 1763?*

* In the year 1733, " for the welfare and prosperity of our sugar colonies
in America," and " for remedying discouragements of planters," duties were
"given and granted" to George the Second, upon all rum, spirits, molasses,
syrups, sugar, and paneles of foreign growth, produce, and manufacture,
imported into the colonies. This regulation of trade for the benefit of the

^y6 EXAMINATION BY' THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to
the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts,
obedience to the acts of Parliament. Numerous as the
people are in the several old provinces, they cost you
nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them
in subjection. They were governed by this country at the
expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper; they were led
by a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection
for Great Britain ; for its laws, its customs and manners,
and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased
the commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated with
particular regard ; to be an Old-England 7na7i was, of itself,
a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank
among us.

37. Q. And what is their temper now?

general empire was acquiesced in, notwithstanding the introduction of the
novel terms "give and grant." But the act, which was made only for the
term of five years, and had been several times renewed in the reign of George
the Second, and once in the reign of George the Third, was renewed again
in the year 1763, in the reign of George the Third, and extended to other
articles upon new and altered grounds. It was stated in the preamble to
this act, " that it was expedient that new provisions and regulations should
be established for improving the revenue of this kingdom ;" that it " was just
and necessary that a revenue should be raised in America for defending,
protecting, and securing the same ;" " and that the Commons of Great
Britain, desirous of making some provision towards raising the said revetiue
in America, have resolved to give and grant to his Majesty the several rates
and duties," &c. Mr. Mauduit, agent for Massachusetts Bay, tells us, that
he was instructed in the following terms to oppose Mr. Grenville's taxing
system. "You are to remonstrate against these measures, and, if possible,
to obtain a repeal of the Sugar Act, and prevent the imposition of any
further duties or taxes on the colonies. Measures will be taken that you
may be joined by all the other agents. Boston, yune z^th, 1764."

The question proposed to Dr. Franklin alludes to this sugar act in 1763.
Dr. Franklin's answer particularly merits the attention of the historian and
the politician. — B. V.

^T. 60.] EXAMINA TION 'B Y THE COMMONS. ^yy

A. O, very much altered.

•^Z. Q. Did you ever hear the authority of Parliament
to make laws for America questioned till lately?

A. The authority of Parliament was allowed to be valid
in all laws, except such, as should lay internal taxes. It was
never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce.

39. Q. In what proportion hath population increased in
America?

A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces together,
taken at a medium, double in about twenty-five years. But
their demand for British manufactures increases much faster;
as the consumption is not merely in proportion to their
numbers, but grows with the growing abilities of the same
numbers to pay for them. In 1723, the whole importation
from Britain to Pennsylvania was about fifteen thousand
pounds sterling ; it is now near half a million.

40. Q. In what light did the people of America use to
consider the Parliament of Great Britain?

A. They considered the Parliament as the great bulwark
and security of their liberties and privileges, and always
spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. Arbi-
trary ministers, they thought, might possibly, at times, at-
tempt to oppress them ; but they relied on it, that the Par-
liament, on application, would always give redress. They
remembered, with gratitude, a strong instance of this, when
a bill was brought into Parliament, with a clause to make
royal instructions laws in the colonies, which the House of
Commons would not pass, and it was thrown out.

41. Q. And have they not still the same respect for
Parliament ?

A. No, it is greatly lessened.

42. Q. To what cause is that owing?

4^8 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. [.Et. 60.

A, To a concurrence of causes ; the restraints lately laid
on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold and
silver into the colonies was prevented : the prohibition of
making paper money among themselves, and then demand-
ing a new and heavy tax by stamps, taking away, at the
same time, trials by juries, and refusing to receive and hear
their humble petitions.

43. Q. Don't you think they would submit to the
Stamp Act, if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken
out, and the duty reduced to some particulars of small mo-
ment?

A. No, they will never submit to it.

44. Q. What do you think is the reason that the people
in America increase faster than in England ?

A. Because they marry younger, and more generally.

45. Q. Why so?

A. Because any young couple, that are industrious, may
easily obtain land of their own, on which they can raise a
family.

46. Q. Are not the lower ranks of people more at their
ease in America than in England ?

A. They may be so, if they are sober and diligent, as
they are better paid for their labor.

47. Q. What is your opinion of a future tax, imposed on
the same principle with that of the Stamp Act? How
would the Americans receive it ?

A. Just as they do this. They would not pay it.

48. Q. Have not you heard of the resolutions of this
House, and of the House of Lords, asserting the right of
Pa.liament relating to America, including a power to tax
the people there ?

A. Yes, I have heard of such resolutions.

wEt. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. ^yg

49. Q. What will be the opinion of the Americans on
those resolutions?

A. They will think them unconstitutional and unjust.

50. Q. Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that
the Parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there?

A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying
duties to regulate commerce ; but a right to lay internal
taxes was never supposed to be in Parliament, as we are not
represented there.

51. Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the
people in America made any such distinction ?

A. I know that whenever the subject has occurred in con-
versation where I have been present, it has appeared to be
the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed by a
Parliament wherein we were not represented. But the pay-
ment of duties laid by an act of Parliament, as regulations
of commerce, was never disputed.

52. Q. But can you name any act of assembly, or public
act of any of your governments, that made such distinction?

A. I do not know that there was any ; I think there was
never an occasion to make any such act, till now that you
have attempted to tax us ; that has occasioned resolutions
of assembly, declaring the distinction, in which I think
every assembly on the continent, and every member in
every assembly, have been unanimous.

53- Q' What, then, could occasion conversations on
that subject before that time ?

A. There was in 1754 a proposition made, (I think it
came from hence,) that in case of a war, which was then
apprehended, the governors of the colonies should meet,
and order the levying of troops, building of forts, and tak-
ing every other necessary measure for the general defence ;

480 EXAMINA riON B V THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

and should draw on the treasury here for the sums expended,
which were afterwards to be raised in the colonies by a
general tax, to be laid on them by act of Parliament.
This occasioned a good deal of conversation on the subject ;
and the general opinion was, that the Parliament neither
would nor could lay any tax on us, till we were duly repre-
sented in Parliament ; because it was not just, nor agree-
able to the nature of an English constitution.

54. Q. Don't you know there was a time in New York,
when it was under consideration to make an application to
Parliament to lay taxes on that colony, upon a deficiency
arising from the assembly's refusing or neglecting to raise the
necessary supplies for the support of the civil government?

A. I never heard of it.

55. Q. There was such an application under considera-
tion in New York ; and do you apprehend they could sup-
pose the right of Parliament to lay a tax in America was
only local, and confined to the case of a deficiency in a par-
ticular colony, by a refusal of its assembly to raise the
necessary supplies ?

A. They could not suppose such a case, as that the assem-
bly would not raise the necessary supplies to support its own
government. An assembly that would refuse it must want
common sense ; which cannot be supposed. I think there
was never any such case at New York, and that it must be a
misrepresentation, or the fact must be misunderstood. I
know there have been some attempts, by ministerial instruc-
tions from hence, to oblige the assemblies to settle perma-
nent salaries on governors, which they wisely refused to do;
but I believe no assembly of New York, or any other colony,
ever refused duly to support government by proper allow-
ances, from time to time, to public officers.

-Et. 6o,] EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS. 48 I

56. Q. But, in case a governor, acting by instruction,
should call on an assembly to raise the necessary supplies,
and the assembly should refuse to do it, do you not think
it would then be for the good of the people of the colony,
as well as necessary to government, that the Parliament
should tax them ?

A. I do not think it would be necessary. If an assembly
could possibly be so absurd, as to refuse raising the supplies
requisite for the maintenance of government among them,
they could not long remain in such a situation ; the dis-
orders and confusion occasioned by it must soon bring them
to reason.

57. ^. If it should not, ought not the right to be in
Great Britain of applying a remedy ?

A. A right, only to be used in such a case, I should have
no objection to ; supposing it to be used merely for the
good of the people of the colony.

58. Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the colony?
A. Those that feel can best judge.

59. Q. You say the colonies have always submitted to
external taxes, and object to the right of Parliament only
in laying internal taxes ; now can you show, that there is
any kind of difference between the two taxes to the colony
on which they may be laid ?

A. I think the difference is very great. An external tax

is a duty laid on commodities imported ; that duty is added

to the first cost and other charges on the commodity, and,

when it is offered to sale, makes a part of the price. If the

people do not like it at that price, they refuse it ; they are

not obliged to pay it. But an internal tax is forced from

the people without their consent, if not laid by their own

representatives. The Stamp Act says, we shall have no
41 V

482 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

commerce, make no exchange of property with each other,
neither purchase, nor grant, nor recover debts ; we shall
neither marry nor make our wills, unless we pay such and
such sums ; and thus it is intended to extort our money from
us, or ruin us by the consequences of refusing to pay it.

60. Q. But supposing the external tax or duty to be laid
on the necessaries of life, imported into your colony, will
not that be the same thing in its effects as an internal
tax?

A. I do not know a single article imported into the
northern colonies, but what they can either do without, or
make themselves.

6t. Q. Don't you think cloth from England absolutely
necessary to them ?

A. No, by no means absolutely necessary ; with industry
and good management, they may very well supply them-
selves with all they want.

62. Q. Will it not take a long time to establish that
manufacture among them ; and must they not in the mean
while suffer greatly ?

A. I think not. They have made a surprising progress
already. And I am of opinion, that before their old clothes
are worn out, they will have new ones of their own making.

63. Q. Can they possibly find wool enough in North
America ?

A. They have taken steps to increase the wool. They
entered into general combinations to eat no more lambj
and very few lambs were killed last year. This course, per-
sisted in, will soon make a prodigious difference in the
quantity of wool. And the establishing of great manufac-
tories, like those in the clothing towns here, is not neces-
sary, as it is where the business is to be carried on for the

^T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 483

purposes of trade. The people will all spin, and work for
themselves, in their own houses.

64. Q. Can there be wool and manufacture enough in
one or two years ?

A. In three years, I think there may.

65. Q. Does not the severity of the winter, in the
northern colonies, occasion the wool to be of bad quality?

A. No ; the wool is very fine and good.

66. Q. In the more southern colonies, as in Virginia,
don't you know, that the wool is coarse, and only a kind
of hair ?

A. I don't know it. I never heard it. Yet I have
been sometimes in Virginia. I cannot say I ever took par-
ticular notice of the wool there, but I believe it is good,
though I cannot speak positively of it ; but Virginia and the
colonies south of it have less occasion for wool ; their win-
ters are short, and not very severe ; and they can very well
clothe themselves with linen and cotton of their own raising
for the rest of the year.

67. Q. Are not the people in the more northern colonies
obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter ?

A. In some of the most northern colonies they may be
obliged to do it, some part of the winter.

6^. Q. Considering the resolutions of Parliament,* as to
the right, do you think, if the Stamp Act is repealed, that
the North Americans will be satisfied ?

A. I believe they will.

69. Q. Why do you think so?

A. I think the resolutions of right will give them very
little concern, if they are never attempted to be carried into

* Afterwards expressed in the Declaratory Act. — B. V.

484 EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS. [/Et. 60.

practice. The colonies will probably consider themselves
in the same situation, in that respect, with Ireland \ they
know you claim the same right with regard to Ireland, but
you never exercise it, and they may believe you never will
exercise it in the colonies, any more than in Ireland, unless
on some very extraordinary occasion.

70. Q. But who are to be the judges of that extraordi-
nary occasion ? Is not the Parliament ?

A. Though the Parliament may judge of the occasion,
the people will think it can never exercise such right, till
representatives from the colonies are admitted into Parlia-
ment ; and that, whenever the occasion arises, representa-
tives will be ordered.

71. Q. Did you never hear that Maryland, during the
last war, had refused to furnish a quota towards the common
defence?

A. Maryland has been much misrepresented in that
matter. Maryland, to my knovvdedge, never refused to con-
tribute or grant aids to the crown. The assemblies, every
year during the war, voted considerable sums, and formed
bills to raise them. The bills were, according to the con-
stitution of that province, sent up to the Council, or Upper
House, for concurrence, that they might be presented to
the governor, in order to be enacted into laws. Unhappy
disputes between the two Houses, arising from the defects
of that constitution principally, rendered all the bills but
one or two, abortive. The proprietary's council rejected
them. It is true, Maryland did not then contribute its pro-
portion ; but it was, in my opinion, the fault of the govern-
ment, not of the people.

72. Q. Was it not talked of in the other provinces, as a
proper measure, to apply to Parliament to compel them ?

^T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY rilE COMMONS. 485

A. I have heard such discourse ; but, as it was well known
that the people were not to blame, no such application was
ever made, nor any step taken towards it.

73- Q' Was it not proposed at a public meeting?

A. Not that I know of.

74. Q. Do you remember the abolishing of the paper
currency in New England, by act of assembly ?

A. I do remember its being abolished in the Massachusetts
Bay.

75- Q- W^s not Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson prin-
cipally concerned in that transaction ?

A, I have heard so.

76. Q. Was it not at that time a very unpopular law?
A. I believe it might, though I can say little about it, as

I lived at a distance from that province.

77. Q. Was not the scarcity of gold and silver an argu-
ment used against abolishing the paper ?

A. I suppose it was.*

78. Q. What is the present opinion there of that law?
Is it as unpopular as it was at first ?

A. I think it is not.

79. Q. Have not instructions from hence been some-
times sent over to governors, highly oppressive and unpo-
litical?

A. Yes.

80. Q. Have not some governors dispensed with them
for that reason ?

A. Yes, I have heard so.

81. Q. Did the Americans ever dispute the controlling
power of Parliament to regulate the commerce ?

*See Remarks and Facts relative to the American Paper Money, io
Sparks's Works of Franklin, vol. ii., p, 340.

41*

^$^ EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. {Ml. 60.

A. No.

82. Q. Can any thing less than a military force carry the
Stamp Act into execution ?

A. I do not see how a military force can be applied to
that purpose.

83. Q. Why may it not?

A. Suppose a military force sent into America, they will
find nobody in arms; what are they then to do? They
cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do with-
out them. They will not find a rebellion j they may indeed
make one.

84. Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think will
be the consequences?

A. A total loss of the respect and affection the people
of America bear to this country, and of all the commerce
that depends on that respect and affection.

85. Q. How can the commerce be affected ?

A. You will find, that if the act is not repealed, they will
take a very little of your manufactures in a short time.

2>(i. Q. Is it in their power to do without them?

A. I think they may very well do without them.

87. Q. Is it their interest not to take them?

A. The goods they take from Britain are either neces-
saries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as
cloth, &c., with a little industry they can make at home;
the second they can do without, till they are able to provide
them among themselves ; and the last, which are much the
greatest part, they will strike off immediately. They are
mere articles of fashion, purchased and consumed because
the fashion in a respected country ; but will now be de-
tested and rejected. The people have already struck off,
by general agreement, the use of all goods fashionable in

^T. 60.] EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. 487

mournings, and many thousand pounds' worth are sent back
as unsalable.

^Z. Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home ?

A. I think they may at present get it cheaper from
Britain ; I mean, of the same fineness and workmanship ;
but, when one considers other circumstances, the restraints
on their trade, and the difficulty of making remittances, it
is their interest to make every thing.

89. Q. Suppose an act of internal regulations connected
with a tax ; how would they receive it ?

A. I think it would be objected to.

90. Q. Then no regulation with a tax would be sub-
mitted to?

A. Their opinion is, that, when aids to the crown are
wanted, they are to be asked of the several assemblies, ac-
cording to the old established usage ; who will, as they
always have done, grant them freely. And that their money
ought not to be given away, without their consent, by persons
atadistance, unacquainted with their circumstances and abili-
ties. The granting aids to the crown is the only means they
have of recommending themselves to their sovereign ; and
they think it extremely hard and unjust, that a body of men,
in which they have no representatives, should make a merit
to itself of giving and granting what is not its own, but
theirs ; and deprive them of a right they esteem of the ut-
most value and importance, as it is the security of all their
other rights.

91. Q. But is not the post-office, which they have long
received, a tax as well as a regulation ?

A. No ; the money paid for the postage of a letter is not
of the nature of a tax ; it is merely a qim?itum meruit for a
service done ; no person is compellable to pay the money

488 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

if he does not choose to receive the service. A man may
still, as before the act, send his letter by a servant, a
special messenger, or a friend, if he thinks it cheaper and
safer.

92. Q. But do they not consider the regulations of the
post-office, by the act of last year, as a tax ?

A. By the regulations of last year the rate of postage was
generally abated near thirty per cent through all America;
they certainly cannot consider such abatement as a tax.

93. Q. If an excise was laid by Parliament, which they
might likewise avoid paying, by not consuming the articles
excised, would they then not object to it?

A. They would certainly object to it, as an excise is un-
connected with any service done, and is merely an aid,
which they think ought to be asked of them, and granted
by them, if they are to pay it ; and can be granted for
them by no others whatsoever, whom they have not em-
powered for that purpose.

94. Q. You say they do not object to the right of Par-
liament, in laying duties on goods to be paid on their im-
portation ; now, is there any kind of difference between a
duty on the importation of goods, and an excise on their
consumption ?

A. Yes, a very material one ; an excise, for the reasons
I have just mentioned, they think you can have no right to
lay within their country. But the sea is yours ; you main-
-tain, by your fleets, the safety of navigation in it, and keep
it clear of pirates ; you may have, therefore, a natural and
equitable right to some toll or duty on merchandises carried
through that part of your dominions, towards defraying the
expense you are at in ships to maintain the safety of that
carriage.

^T. 60.] EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. 489

95. Q. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty
laid on the produce of their lands exported ? And would
they not then object to such a duty?

A, If it tended to make the produce so much dearer
abroad, as to lessen the demand for it, to be sure they
would object to such a duty; not to your right of laying it,
but they would complain of it as a burden, and petition
you to lighten it.

96. Q. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported, a
duty of that kind ?

A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coastwise,
from one colony to another, and appropriated as a fund
for supporting the college at Williamsburg in Virginia.

97. Q. Have not the assemblies in the West Indies the
same natural rights with those in North America ?

A. Undoubtedly.

98. Q. And is there not a tax laid there on their sugars
exported ?

A. 1 am not much acquainted with the West Indies; but
the duty of four and a half per cent on sugars exported was,
I believe, granted by their own assemblies.

99. Q. How much is the poll-tax in your province laid
on unmarried men ?

A. It is, I think, fifteen shillings, to be paid by every
single freeman, upwards of twenty-one 3^ears old.

100. Q. What is the annual amount of all the taxes in
Pennsylvania?

A. I suppose about twenty thousand pounds sterling.

loi. Q. Supposing the Stamp Act continued and en-
forced, do you imagine that ill humor will induce the
Americans to give as much for worse manufactures of theii
own, and use them, preferable to better of ours?

490 EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS, [^t. 6o.

A. Yes, I think so. People will pay as freely to gratify
one passion as another, their resentment as their pride.

I02. Q. Would the people at Boston discontinue their
trade ?

A. The merchants are a very small number compared
with the body of the people, and must discontinue their
trade, if nobody will buy their goods.

103- Q- What are the body of the people in the colonies?

A. They are farmers, husbandmen, or planters.

104. Q. Would they suffer the produce of their lands
to rot ?

A. No ; but they would not raise so much. They would
manufacture more, and plough less.

105. Q. Would they live without the administration of
justice in civil matters, and suffer all the inconveniences
of such a situation for any considerable time, rather than
take the stamps, supposing the stamps were protected by a
sufficient force, where every one might have them ?

A. I think the supposition impracticable, that the stamps
should be so protected as that every one might have them.
The act requires sub-distributors to be appointed in every
county town, district, and village, and they would be neces-
sary. But the principal distributors, who were to have had
a considerable profit on the whole, have not thought it worth
while to continue in the office ; and I think it impossible
to find sub-distributors fit to be trusted, who, for the trifling
profit that must come to their share, would incur the odium,
and run the hazard, that would attend it ; and, if they could
be found, I think it impracticable to protect the stamps in
so many distant and remote places.

106. Q. But in places where they could be protected,
would not the people use them, rather than remain in such

jet.so.} examination by the commons. 4QI

a situation, unable to obtain any right, or recover by law
any debt?

A, It is hard to say what they would do. I can only
judge what other people will think, and how they will act,
by what I feel within myself. I have a great many debts
due to me in America, and I had rather they should remain
unrecoverable by any law, than submit to the Stamp Act.
They will be debts of honor. It is my opinion the people
will either continue in that situation, or find some way to
extricate themselves ; perhaps by generally agreeing to pro-
ceed in the courts without stamps.

107. Q. What do you think a sufficient military force to
protect the distribution of the stamps in every part of
America?

A. A very great force, I can't say what, if the disposition
of America is for a general resistance.

108. Q. What is the number of men in America able
to bear arms, or of disciplined militia?

A. There are, I suppose, at least

[^Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in again.'\

109. Q. Is the American Stamp Act an equal tax on the
country?

A. I think not.

no. Q. Why so?

A. The greatest part of the money must arise from law-
suits for the recovery of debts, and be paid by the lower
sort of people, who were too poor easily to pay their debts.
It is, therefore, a heavy tax on the poor, and a tax upon
them for being poor.

11:. Q. But will not this increase of expense be a means
of lessening the number of lawsuits?

A. I think not ; for as the costs all fall upon the debtor,

4Q2 EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS, [^t. 6o

and are to be paid by him, they would be no discourage-
ment to the creditor to bring his action.

112. Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive
usury?

A. Yes ; as an oppression of the debtor.

113. Q. How many ships are there laden annually in
North America with flax-seed for Ireland ?

A. I cannot speak to the number of ships; but I know,
that, in 1752, ten thousand hogsheads of flax-seed, each
containing seven bushels, were exported from Philadelphia
to Ireland. I suppose the quality is greatly increased since
that time, and it is understood, that the exportation from
New York is equal to that from Philadelphia.

114. Q. What becomes of the flax that grows with that
flax-seed ?

A. They manufacture some into coarse, and some into a
middling kind of linen.

115. Q. Are there any slitting-mills in America?

A. I think there are three, but I believe only one at
present employed. I suppose they will all be set to work,
if the interruption of the trade continues.

116. Q. Are there any fulling-mills there?
A. A great many,

117. Q. Did you never hear, that a great quantity of
stockings were contracted for, for the army, during the war,
and manufactured in Philadelphia?

A. I have heard so.

118. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would not
the Americans think they could oblige the Parliament to
repeal every external tax law now in force ?

A. It is hard to answer questions of what people at such
a distance will think.

.Et. 6o.J EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS. ^g-^

119. Q. But what do you imagine they will think were
the motives of repealing the act ?

A. I suppose they will think, that it was repealed from a
conviction of its inexpediency ; and they will rely upon it,
that, while the same inexpediency subsists, you will never
attempt to make such another.

120. Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency?

A. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts ; the
poverty and inability of those who were to pay the tax, the
general discontent it has occasioned, and the impractica-
bility of enforcing it.

121. ^. If the act should be repealed, and the legisla-
ture should show its resentment to the opposers of the Stamp
Act, would the colonies acquiesce in the authority of the
legislature? What is your opinion they would do?

A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legislature repeal the
Stamp Act, the colonies will acquiesce in the authority.

122. Q. But if the legislature should think fit to ascer-
tain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a small tax,
contrary to their opinion, would they submit to pay the tax?

A. The proceedings of the people in America have been
considered too much together. The proceedings of the
assemblies have been very different from those of the mobs,
and should be distinguished, as having no connexion with
each other. The assemblies have only peaceably resolved
what they take to be their rights ; they have taken no mea-
sures for opposition by force, they have not built a fort, raised
a man, or provided a grain of ammunition, in order to such
opposition. The ringleaders of riots, they think ought to
be punished ; they would punish them themselves, if they
could. Every sober, sensible man, would wish to see rioters
punished, as, otherwise, peaceable people have no security

494 EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS. [^T. 60.

of person or estate; but as to an internal tax, how small
soever, laid by the legislature here on the people there,
while they have no representatives in this legislature, I think
it will never be submitted to ; they will oppose it to the
last ; they do not consider it as at all necessary for you to
raise money on them by your taxes; because they are, ?nd
always have been, ready to raise money by taxes among
themselves, and to grant large sums, equal to their abilities,
upon requisition from the crown.

They have not only granted equal to their abilities, but,
during all the last war, they granted far beyond their
abilities, and beyond their proportion with this country
(you yourselves being judges), to the amount of many hun-
dred thousand pounds; and this they did freely and readily,
only on a sort of promise, from the Secretary of State, that
it should be recommended to Parliament to make them
compensation. It was accordingly recommended to Par-
liament, in the most honorable manner for them. America
has been greatly misrepresented and abused here, in papers,
and pamphlets, and speeches, as ungrateful, and unreason-
able, and unjust ; in having put this nation to an immense
expense for their defence, and refusing to bear any part of
that expense. The colonies raised, paid, and clothed near
twenty-five thousand men during the last war ; a number
equal to those sent from Britain, and far beyond their
proportion ; they went deeply into debt in doing this, and
all their taxes and estates are mortgaged for many years to
come, for discharging that debt.

Government here was at that time very sensible of this.
The colonies were recommended to Parliament. Every
year the King sent down to the House a written message to
this purpose; " that his Majesty, being highly sensible of

^T. 60.] EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. ^g^

the zeal and vigor with which his faithful subjects in North
America had exerted themselves, in defence of his Majesty's
just rights and possessions, recopimended it to the House
to take the same into consideration, and enable him to give
them a proper compensation." You will find those mes-
sages on your own journals every year of the war to the
very last ; and you did accordingly give two hundred thou-
sand pounds annually to the crown, to be distributed in
such compensation to the colonies.

This is the strongest of all proofs, that the colonies, far
from being unwilling to bear a share of the burden, did
exceed their proportion ; for if they had done less, or had
only equalled their proportion, there would have been no
room or reason for compensation. Indeed, the sums,
reimbursed them, were by no means adequate to the ex-
pense they incurred beyond their proportion ; but they
never murmured at that ; they esteemed their sovereign's
approbation of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation
of this House, far beyond any other kind of compensation ;
therefore there was no occasion for this act, to force money
from a willing people. They had not refused giving money
for the purposes of the act; no requisition had been made;
they were always willing and ready to do what could reason-
ably be expected from them, and in this light they wish to
be considered.

123. Q. But suppose Great Britain should be engaged
in a war in Europe, would North America contribute to the
support of it?

A. I do think they would as far as their circumstances
would permit. They consider themselves as a part of the
British empire, and as having one common interest with it ;
they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do not

496 EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

consider themselves as such. They are zealous for the
honor and prosperity of this nation ; and, while they are
well used, will always be ready to support it, as far as their
little power goes. In 1 739 they were called upon to assist
in the expedition against Carthagena, and they sent three
thousand men to join your army. It is true, Carthagena is
in America, but as remote from the northern colonies, as
if it. had been in Europe. They make no distinction of
wars, as to their duty of assisting in them.

I know the last war is commonly spoken of here, as
entered into for the defence, or for the sake, of the people
in America. I think it is quite misunderstood. It began
about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia; about
territories to which the crown indeed laid claim, but which
were not claimed by any British colony ; none of the lands
had been granted to any colonist ; we had therefore no
particular concern or interest in that dispute. As to the
Ohio, the contest there began about your right of trading
in the Indian country, a right you had by the treaty of
Utrecht, which the French infringed; they seized the
traders and their goods, which were your manufactures ;
they took a fort which a company of your merchants, and
their factors, and correspondents, had erected there to
secure that trade. Braddock was sent with an army to
retake that fort, (which was looked on here as another en-
croachment on the King's territory,) and to protect your
trade. It was not till after his defeat that the colonies were
attacked.* They were before in perfect peace with both

'^= When this army was in the utmost distress, from the want of wagons,
&c., our author and his son voluntarily traversed the country, in order to
collect a sufficient quantity ; and they had zeal and address enough to effect

/Et.-6o.] examination BY THE COMMONS. 497

French and Indians ; the troops were not, therefore, sent
for their defence.

The trade with the Indians, though carried on in America,
is not an American interest. The people of America are
chiefly farmers and planters ; scarce any thing that they
raise or produce is an article of commerce with the Indians.
The Indian trade is a British interest ; it is carried on with
British manufactures, for the profit of British merchants and
manufacturers; therefore the war, as it commenced for the
defence of territories of the crown (the property of no
American), and for the defence of a trade purely British,
was really a British war, and yet the people of America made
no scruple of contributing their utmost towards carrying it
on, and bringing it to a happy conclusion.

124. Q. Do you think, then, that the taking possession
of the King's territorial rights, and strengthening the
frontiers, is not an American interest?

A. Not particularly, but conjointly a British and an
American interest.

125. Q. You will not deny, that the preceding war, the
war with Spain, was entered into for the sake of America;
was it not occasioned by captures made in the American seas?

A. Yes ; captures of ships carrying on the British trade
there with British manufactures.

126. Q. Was not the late war with the Indians, since
the peace with France, a war for America only ?

A. Yes ; it was more particularly for America than the
former; but was rather a consequence or remains of the

their purpose, upon pledging themselves, to the amount of many thousand
pounds, for payment. It was just before Dr. Franklin's last return from
England to America, that the accounts in this transaction were passed at tha
British treasury. — B. V.
42«

498 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

former war, the Indians not having been thoroughly paci-
fied ; and the Americans bore by much the greatest share
of the expense. It was put an end to by the army under
General Bouquet; there were not above three hundred
regulars in that army, and above one thousand Pennsyl-
vanians.

127. Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America,
to defend the Americans against the Indians ?

A. No, by no means; it never was necessary. They
defended themselves when they were but a handful, and the
Indians much more numerous. They continually gained
ground, and have driven the Indians over the mountains,
without any troops sent to their assistance from this country.
And can it be thought necessary now to send troops for
their defence from those diminished Indian tribes, when the
colonies have become so populous and so strong? There is
not the least occasion for it ; they are very able to defend
themselves.

128. Q. Do you say there were not more than three
hundred regular troops employed in the late Indian war?

A. Not on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pennsylvania,
which was the chief part of the war that affected the
colonies. There were garrisons at Niagara, Fort Detroit,
and those remote posts kept for the sake of your trade ; I
did not reckon them ; but I believe, that on the whole the
number of Americans or provincial troops, employed in the
war, was greater than that of the regulars. I am not cer-
tain, but I think so.

129. Q. Do you think the assemblies have a right to
levy money on the subject there, to grant to the crown ?

A. I certainly think so ; they have always done it.

130. Q. Are they acquainted with the Declaration of

^T. 60.] EXAMINA TION B Y THE COMMONS. ^gg

Rights? And do they know, that, by that statute, money
is not to be raised on the subject but by consent of Parlia-
ment?

A. They are very well acquainted with it.

131. Q. How then can they think they have a right to
levy money for the crown, or for any other than local
purposes ?

A. They understand that clause to relate to subjects only
within the realm ; that no money can be levied on them for
the crown, but by consent of Parliament. The colonies
are not supposed to be within the realm ; they have assem-
blies of their own, which are their parliaments, and they
are, in that respect, in the same situation with Ireland.
When money is to be raised for the crown upon the subject
in Ireland, or in the colonies, the consent is given in the
Parliament of Ireland, or in the assemblies of the colonies.
They think the Parliament of Great Britain cannot properly
give that consent, till it has representatives from America ;
for the Petition of Right expressly says, it is to be by com-
mon consent in Parliament ; and the people of America
have no representatives in Parliament, to make a part of
that common consent.

132. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and an
act should pass, ordering the assemblies of the colonies to
indemnify the sufferers by the riots, would they obey it ?

A. That is a question I cannot answer.

133. Q. Suppose the King should require the colonies
to grant a revenue, and the Parliament should be against
their doing it, do they think they can grant a revenue to
the King, without the consent of the Parliament of Great
Britain ?

A. That is a deep question. As to my own opinion, I

^00 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. [vEt. 60.

should think myself at liberty to do it, and should do it, if
I liked tlie occasion.

134- Q- When money has been raised in the colonies,
upon requisitions, has it not been granted to the King?

A. Yes, always ; but the requisitions have generally been
for some service expressed, as to raise, clothe, and pay
troops, and not for money only.

^35- Q.- If ^^ ^^^ should pass requiring the American
assemblies to make compensation to the sufferers, and they
should disobey it, and then the Parliament should, by
another act, lay an internal tax, would they then obey it?

A. The people will pay no internal tax ; and, I think,
an act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is
unnecessary ; for I am of opinion, that, as soon as the
present heats are abated, they will take the matter into con-
sideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it of
themselves.

136. Q. Do not letters often come into the post-offices
in America, directed to some inland town where no post
goes ?

A. Yes.

^37* Q' Can any private person take up those letters
and carry them as directed ?

A. Yes \ any friend of the person may do it, paying the
postage that has accrued.

138. Q. But must not he pay an additional postage foi
the distance to such inland town?

A. No.

139. Q. Can the postmaster answer delivering the letter,
without being paid such additional postage?

A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does no
service.

JET.eo.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 50 1

140. Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds a
letter in a post-office directed to him, and he lives in a place
to which the post generally goes, and the letter is directed
to that place; will the postmaster deliver him the letter,
without his paying the postage receivable at the place
to which the letter is directed ?

A. Yes; the office cannot demand postage for a letter
that it does not carry, or farther than it does carry it.

141. Q. Are not ferry-men in America obliged, by act
of Parliament, to carry over the posts without pay?

A. Yes.

142. Q. Is not this a tax on the ferry-men?

A. They do not consider it as such, as they have an ad-
vantage from persons travelling with the post.

143. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and the
crown should make a requisition to the colonies for a sum
of money, would they grant it?

A. I believe they would.

144. Q. Why do you think so?

* A. I can speak for the colony I live in ; I had it in iti'
structio7i from the assembly to assure the ministry, that, as
they always had done, so they should always think it their
duty, to grant such aids to the crown as were suitable to their
circumstances and abilities, whenever called upon for that
purpose, in the usual constitutional manner ; and I had the
honor of communicating this instruction to that honorable
gentleman then minister.*

* I take the following to be the history of this transaction. Until 1763,
and the years following, whenever Great Britain wanted supplies directly
from the colonies, the Secretary of State, in his Majesty's name, sent them
a letter of requisition, in which the occasion for supplies was expressed;
and the colonies returned 0. free gift, Xhe. mode of levying which they wholly

502 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 6a

145. Q. Would they do this for a British concern, as
suppose a war in some part of Europe^ that did not affect
them?

A. Yes, for any thing that concerned the general interest.
They consider themselves a part of the whole.

146. Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of
calling on the colonies for aids ?

A. A letter from the Secretary of State.

147. Q. Is this all you mean; a letter from the Secre-
tary of State ?

A. I mean the usual way of requisition, in a circular
letter from the Secretary of State, by his Majesty's com-
mand, reciting the occasion, and recommending it to the
colonies to grant such aids as became their loyalty, and were
suitable to their abilities.

148. Q. Did the Secretary of State ever write for money
for the crown ?

A. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, and pay
men, which cannot be done without money.

prescribed. At this period, a chancellor of the exchequer (Mr. George
Grenville) steps forth, and says to the House of Commons ; " We must call
formoney from the colonies in the way of a tax ;" and to the colony agents,
" Write to your several colonies, and tell them, if they dislike a duty upon
stamps, and prefer any other method of raising the money themselves, I shall
be content, provided the amount be but raised." "That is," observed the
colonies, when commenting upon his terms, " if we will not tax ourselves, as
we maybe directed, the Parliament will tax us." Dr. Franklin's instructions,
spoken of above, related to this gracious option. As the colonies could not
choose " another tax," while they disclaimed every tax, the Parliament passed
the Stamp Act.

It seems, that the only part of the offer, which bore a show of favor, was
tlie grant of the mode of levying ; and this was the only circumstance which
was not new.

See Mr. Mauduit's account of Mr. Grenville's conference with the agents,
confirmed by the agents for Georgia and Virginia; and Mr. Burke's Speech,
in 1774, p. 55.— B. V.

iET. 60.] EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. 503

149. Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on?
A. In my opinion they would, money as well as men,

when they have money, or can make it.

150. Q. If the Parliament should repeal the Stamp Act,
will the assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their resolu-
tions?

A. I think not.

151. Q. Before there was any thought of the Stamp Act,
did they wish for a representation in Parliament?

A. No.

152. Q. Don't you know, that there is, in the Penn-
sylvania charter, an express reservation of the right of
Parliament to lay taxes there ?

A. I know there is a clause in the charter, by which the
King grants, that he will levy no taxes on the inhabitants,
unless it be with the consent of the assembly, or by act of
Parliament.

153. Q. How, then, could the assembly of Pennsylvania
assert, that laying a tax on them by the Stamp Act was an
infringement of their rights ?

A. They understand it thus ; by the same charter, and
otherwise, they are entitled to all the privileges and liberties
of Englishmen ; they find in the Great Charters, and the
Petition and Declaration of Rights, that one of the privi-
leges of English subjects is, that they are not to be taxed
but by their common consent ; they have therefore relied
upon it, from the first settlement of the province, that the
Parliament never would, nor could, by color of that clause
in the charter, assume a right of taxing them, till it had
qualified itself to exercise such right, by admitting represen-
tatives from the people to be taxed, who ought to make a
part of that common consent.

504 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. [y^T. 60.

154. Q. Are there any words in the charter that justify
that construction?

A. "The common rights of Englishmen," as declared
by Magfia Charfa, and the Petition of Right, all justify it.

155. Q. Does the distinction between internal and ex-
ternal taxes exist in the words of the charter ?

A. No, I believe not.

156. Q. Then, may they not, by the same interpretation,
object to the Parliament's right of external taxation?

A. They never have hitherto. Many arguments have
been lately used here to show them, that there is no differ-
ence, and that, if you have no right to tax them internally,
you have none to tax them externally, or make any other
law to bind them. At present they do not reason so ; but
in time they may possibly be convinced by these argu-
ments.

157. Q. Do not the resolutions of the Pennsylvania
assembly say, "all taxes" ?

A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes ; the same
words have not always the same meaning here and in the
colonies. By taxes, they mean internal taxes ; by duties,
they mean customs ; these are their ideas of the language.

158. Q. Have you not seen the resolutions of the Massa-
chusetts Bay assembly?

A. I have.

159. Q. Do they not say, that neither external nor in-
ternal taxes can be laid on them by Parliament ?

A. I don't know that they do ; I believe not.

160. Q. If the same colony should say, neither tax nor
imposition could be laid, does not that province hold the
power of Parliament can lay neither ?

A. I suppose, that, by the word imposition, they do not

iEx. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 505

intend to express duties to be laid on goods imported, as
regulations of commerce.

161. Q. What can the colonies mean then by imposition,
as distinct from taxes ?

A. They may mean many things, as impressing of men
or of carriages, quartering troops on private houses, and the
like \ there may be great impositions that are not properly
taxes,

162. ^. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid
by act of Parliament ?

A. I have answered that.

163. Q. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to pay
taxes ?

A. No, certainly; the frontier parts, which have been
ravaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled by that means ;
and therefore, in such cases, are usually favored in our tax
laws.

164. Q. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges
of what favors are necessary ?

A. The Parliament have supposed it, by claiming a right
to make tax laws for America ; I think it impossible.

165. Q. Would the repeal of the Stamp Act be any dis-
couragement of your manufactures? Will the people that
have begun to manufacture decline it ?

A. Yes, I think they will ; especially if, at the same time,
the trade is opened again, so that remittances can be easily
made. I have known several instances that make it prob-
able. In the war before last, tobacco being low, and making
little remittance, the people of Virginia went generally into
fam.ily manufactures. Afterwards, when tobacco bore a
better price, they returned to the use of British manufac-
tures. So fulling-mills were very much disused in the last
43 W

5o6 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS, [^t. 60.

war in Pennsylvania, because bills were then plenty, and
remittances could easily be made to Britain for English cloth
and other goods.

166. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would it
induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the rights
of Parliament to tax them, and would they erase their reso-
lutions?

A. No, never.

167. Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase
those resolutions?

A. None that I know of; they will never do it, unless
compelled by force of arms.

168. Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them
to erase them ?

A. No power, how great soever, can force men to change
their opinions.

169. Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or as
a regulation ?

A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency ,
every assembly encouraged it, and supported it in its infancy,
by grants of money, which they would not otherwise have
done ; and the people have always paid the postage.

170. Q. When did you receive the instructions you
mentioned ?

A. I brought them with me, when I came to England,
about fifteen months since.

171. Q. When did you communicate that instruction to
the minister?

A. Soon after my arrival, while the stamping of America
was under consideration, and before the bill was brought
in.

172. Q. Would it be most for the interest of Great

^T. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 507

Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in
manufactures ?

A. In tobacco, to be sure.

173. Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans?
A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great

Britain.

174. Q. What is now their pride?

A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can
make new ones.

Withdrew.^

* This Examination was published in 1767, without the name of printer
or of publisher, and the following remarks upon it are contained in the
Gentleman's Magazine for July of that year: "From this examination
of Dr. Franklin, the reader may form a clearer and more comprehensive idea
of the state and disposition of America, of the expediency or inexpediency
of the measure in question, and of the character and conduct of the minister
who proposed it, than from all that has been written upon the subject in
newspapers and pamphlets, under the titles of essays, letters, speeches, and
considerations, from the first moment of its becoming the object of public
attention till now. The questions in general are put with great subtilty and
judgment, and they are answered with such deep and familiar knowledge
of the subject, such precision and perspicuity, such temper and yet such
spirit, as do the greatest honor to Dr. Franklin, and justify the general
opinion of his character and abilities."

Mr. Sparks very justly says that there was no event in Franklin's life more
creditable to his talents and character, or which gave him so much celebrity,
as this examination before the House of Commons. His further statement,
however, that Franklin's answers were given without premeditation and
without knowing beforehand the nature or form of the question that was to
be put, is a Httle too sweeping. In a memorandum which Franklin gave
to a friend who wished to know by whom the several questions were put,
he admitted that many were put by friends to draw out in answer the sub-
stance of what he had before said upon the subject. This statement of
Franklin belongs to the history of the examination. It first appeared in
Walsh's Life of Franklin, published in Delaplaine' s Repository, and pur-
ports to have been written by T)r. Franklin, in reply to a friend who desired
to know by whom the several questions were put. His statement is as
follows :

5o8 EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. [.Ex. 60.

" I have numbered the questions," says Dr. Franklin, "for the sake of
making references to them.

" Qu. I, is a question of form, asked of every one that is examined. — Qu.
2, 3, 4, 5, 6. 7, were asked by Mr. Hewitt, a member for Coventry, a friend of
ours, and were designed to draw out the answers that follow ; being the sub-
stance of what I had before said to him on the subject, to remove a common
prejudice, that the colonies paid no taxes, and that their governments were
supported by burdening the people here ; Qu. 7, was particularly intended to
show by the answer, that Parliament could not properly and equally lay
taxes in America, as they could not, by reason of their distance, be ac-
quainted with such circumstances as might make it necessary to spare par-
ticular parts. — Qu. 8 to 13, asked by Mr. Huske, another friend, to show the
impracticability of distributing the stamps in America. — Qu. 14, 15, 16, by
one of the late administration, an adversary. — Qu. 17 to 26, by Mr. Huske
again. His questions about the Germans, and about the number of people,
were intended to make the opposition to the Stamp Act in America appear
more formidable. He asked some others here that the Clerk has omitted,
particularly one, I remember.

" There had been a considerable party in the House for saving the honor
and right of Parliament, by retaining the Act, and yet making it tolerable
to America, by reducing it to a stamp on commissions for profitable offices,
and on cards and dice. I had, in conversation with many of them, objected
to this, as it would require an establishment for the distributors, which
would be a great expense, as the stamps would not be sufficient to pay them,
and so the odium and contention would be kept up for nothing. The notion
of amending, however, still continued, and one of the most active of the
members for promoting it told me, he was sure I could, if I would, assist
them to amend the Act in such a manner, that America should have little or
no objection to it. ' I must confess,' says I, ' I have thought of one amend-
ment ; if you will make it, the Act may remain, and yet the Americans will
be quieted. It is a very small amendment, too ; it is only the change of a
single word.' ' Ay,' says he, ' what is that ?' ' It is in that clause where it is
said, that from and after the first day of November one thousand seven hun-
dred and sixty-five, there shall be paid, &c. The amendment I would pro-
pose is, for one read two, and then all the rest of the act may stand as it
does. I believe it will give nobody in America any uneasiness.' Mr. Huske
had heard of this, and, desiring to bring out the same answer in the House,
asked me whether I could not propose a small amendment, that would make
the act palatable. But, as I thought the answer he wanted too light and
ludicrous for the House, I evaded the question.

" Qu. 27, 28, 29, I think these were by Mr. Grenville, but I am not
certain. — Qu. 30, 31, I know not who asked them. — Qu. 32 to 35, asked by
Mr. Nugent, who was against us. His drift was to establish a notion he had

iET. 6o.] EXAMINATION BY THE COMMONS. 509

entertained, that the people in America had a crafty mode of discouraging
the English trade by heavy taxes on merchants. — Qu. 36 to 42, most of these
by Mr. Cooper and other friends, with whom I had discoursed, and were
intended to bring out such answers as they desired and expected from me. —
Qu. 43, uncertain by whom. — Qu. 44, 45, 46, by Mr. Nugent again, who I
suppose intended to infer, that the poor people in America were better able
to pay taxes than the poor in England. — Qu. 47, 48, 49, by Mr. Prescott, an
adversary.

" Qu. 50 to 58, by different members, I cannot recollect who. — Qu. 59 to
78, chiefly by the former ministry. — Qu. 79 to 82, by friends. — Qu. 83, by
one of the late ministry. — Qu. 84, by Mr. Cooper. — Qu. 85 to 90, by some
of the late ministry. — Qu. 91, 92, by Mr. Grenville. — Qu. 93 to 98, by some
of the late ministry. — Qu. 99, 100, by some friend, I think Sir George
Saville. — Qu. loi to 106, by several of the late ministry. — Qu. 107 to 114, by
friends. — Qu. 115 to 117, by Mr. A. Bacon. — ^«. 118 toi20,bysomeofthelate
ministry. — Qu. 121, by an adversary. — ^«. 122, by a friend. — Qu. 123, 124, by
Mr. Charles Townshend. — Qu. 125, by Mr. Nugent. — Qu. 126, by Mr. Gren-
ville.— Qu. 127. by one of the late ministry. — Qu. 128, by Mr. G. Grenville. —
Qu. 129, 130, 131, by Mr. Wellbore Ellis, late Secretary of War.— ^z^. 132
to 13s, uncertain. — Qu. 136 to i42,by someof the late ministry, intending to
prove that it operated where no service was done, and therefore it was a'tax.
— Qu. 143, by a friend, I forget who. — Qu. 144, 145, by C. Townshend. —
Qu. 146 to 151, by some of the late ministry. — Qu. 152 to 157, by Mr.
Prescott, and others of the same side. — Qu. 158 to 162, by Charles Towns-
hend.— Qu. 163, 164, by a friend, I think Sir George Saville. — Qu. 165, by
some friend. — Qu. 166, 167, by an adversary. — Qu. 168 to 174. by friends.

" Mr. Nugent made a violent speech next day upon this examination, in
which he said, ' We have often experienced Austrian ingratitude and yet we
assisted Portugal, we experienced Portuguese ingratitude, and yet we assisted
America. But what is Austrian ingratitude, what is the ingratitude of Portu-
gal, compared to this of America? We have fought, bled, and ruined our-
selves, to conquer for them ; and now they come and tell us to our noses,
even at the bar of this House, that they were not obliged to us,' &c. But
his clamor was very little minded."

A few years since, I stumbled upon an original edition, in a pamphlet
form, of this examination, bearing the following title :

43*

5IO

EXAMINA TION B V THE COMMONS. [^T. 60.

THE EXAMINATION

DOCTOR BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
RELATIVE TO THE REPEAL

OF THE

AMERICAN STAMP ACT

IN MDCCLXVL

MDCCLXVII.
Price One Shilling

No publisher's imprint is given. In the margin, however, and in a chirog-
raphy which seems scarcely more recent than the printed text, are written
what purport to be the " names of the interrogators." When or by whom, or
upon what authority, this list was made, there are no indications ; but the
fact that the list differs so widely from that given in Delaplaine's, and the
further fact that Franklin so frequently confesses his inability to recall the
nanjes of some of his interrogators, seem to justify me in giving this anony-
mous list here for what it is worth.

As Grenville is always spelt Greenwille, and Burke Bourke, the presump-
tion is that all the names were written by a foreigner, who had taken them
from the lips of his informant.

By the Speaker
Mr. Huske
Lord Clare
Mr. Townshend
Mr. Bourke
Mr. Greenwille .
Marquis of Granby

Nos. I, 2, inclusive,

" 3 to 42,

" 43 to 49, 98 to 103,
•• 50 to 77,

" 78 to 89, 106, 107, "

" 90 to 97, 122 to 148, "

" 104, 105, "

" 108 to 121, 149 to 156, "

157 to 162, "

163 to 173, "

Lord North

Mr. Thurloe, King's counsel-at-law "

Mr. Cooper, Secretary of the Treasury "
In this list we do not find the names of Nugent, Ellis, Bacon, or Saville
or Prescott, while in the other list we do not find the names of Lord Clare,
Burke, Marquis of Granby, Lord North, or Thurlow. — Ed.

CHAPTER V.

Franklin sends his Wife a New Dress on the Repeal of the Stamp Act —
New Disputes with the Mother Country — Colonies required to provide
for Soldiers — Lord Chatham — Marriage of Sally Franklin — Experiment
of making Paper Money not a Legal Tender — Advances of the French
Ambassador to Franklin — Visits the Continent — First Impressions of
France and Germany.

1766-1767.

To his wife, As the Stamp Act is at length repealed,* I
do^^^^e A^^iL ^^ willing you should have a new gown, which
«766. you may suppose I did not send sooner, as I

knew you would not like to be finer than your neighbours,
unless in a gown of your own spinning. Had the trade
between the two countries totally ceased, it was a comfort
to me to recollect, that I had once been clothed from head
to foot in woollen and linen of my wife's manufacture, that
I never was prouder of any dress in my life, and that she

* Dr. Franklin's examnation closed the 13th February. The bill for the
repeal of the Stamp Act received the royal assent the i8th of the fcilowing
month. Though this repeal was followed by a Declaratory Act no less
offensive in principle thai the one it succeeded, affirming " the right of
Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever," the colonies were
frantic with joy, and the enthusiasm for Franklin, both at home and abroad,
was unbounded. — ED.

511

5 1 2 PRESENTS TO HIS WIFE. [^t. 6o.

and her daughter might do it again if it was necessary. I
told the Parliament, that it was my opinion, before the old
clothes of the Americans were worn out, they might have
new ones of their own making. I have sent you a fine piece
of Pompadour satin, fourteen yards, cost eleven shillings a
yard ; a silk negligee and petticoat of brocaded lutestring
for my dear Sally, with two dozen gloves, four bottles of
lavender water, and two little reels. The reels are to screw
on the edge of the table, when she would wind silk or thread.
The skein is to be put over them, and winds better than if
held in two hands. There is also a gimcrack corkscrew,
which you must get some brother gimcrack to show you the
use of. In the chest is a parcel of books for my friend Mr.
Coleman, and another for cousin Colbert. Pray did he
receive those I sent him before ? I send you also a box
with three fine cheeses. Perhaps a bit of them may be left
when I come home. Mrs. Stevenson has been very dili-
gent and serviceable in getting these things together for
you, and presents her best respects, as does her daughter, to
both you and Sally. There are two boxes included in your
bill of lading for Billy.

I received your kind letter of February 20th. It gives
me great pleasure to hear, that our good old friend Mrs.
Smith is on the recovery. I hope she has yet many happy
years to live. My love to her. I fear, from the account
you give of brother Peter,* that he cannot hold out long.
If it should please God, that he leaves us before my return,
I would have the postoffice remain under the manage-

* Peter Franklin, the last surviving brother of Dr. Franklin, died July ist,
1766, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. He had formerly resided at
Newport, Rhode Island ; but, at the time of his death, he was deputy post-
master in Philadelphia. — S.

JET. 60.] PRESENTS TO HIS WIFE. 5 1 3

ment of their son, till Mr. Foxcroft and I agree how to
settle it.

There are some droll prints in the box, which were given
me by the painter, and, being sent when I was not at home,
were packed up without my knowledge. I think he was
wrong to put in Lord Bute, who had nothing to do with
the Stamp Act. But it is the fashion to abuse that noble-
man, as the author of all mischief.

To his wife, Mrs. Stevenson has made up a parcel of
d^n^ I Tune" haberdashery for you, which will go by Cap-
1766. tain Robinson. She will also send you an-

other cloak, in the room of that we suppose is lost. I
wrote to you, that I had been very ill lately. I am now
nearly well again, but feeble. To-morrow I set out with
my friend Dr. Pringle (now Sir John), on a journey to
Pyrmont, where he goes to drink the waters ; but I hope
more from the air and exercise, having been used, as you
know, to have a journey once a year, the want of which last
year has, I believe, hurt me, so that, though I was not quite
to say sick, I was often ailing last winter, and through the
spring. We must be back at farthest in eight weeks, as my
fellow traveller is the Queen's physician, and has leave for
no longer, as her Majesty will then be near her time. I
purpose to leave him at Pyrmont, and visit some of the
principal cities nearest to it, and call for him again when
the time for our return draws nigh.*

*■ In the Journals of the Pennsylvania Assembly it is mentioned, that a
letter had been received from Dr. Franklin, dated June loth, 1766, in which
he had asked leave of the House to return home in the spring. No motion
on the subject is recorded during the session; and, on the first day of the
next session, his appointment as agent was renewed. — S.

514 CRITICAL STATE OF THE COLONIES. [.Et. 6i.

To Lord I received your obliging favor of January

LondTn ^ ^ii ^^ 1 9th. You havc kindly relieved me from
April, 1767, the pain I had long been under. You are
goodness itself. I ought to have answered yours of Decem-
ber 25th, 1765. I never received a letter, that contained
sentiments more suitable to my own. It found me under
much agitation of mind on the very important subject it
treated. It fortified me greatly in the judgment I was in-
clined to form, though contrary to the general vogue, on
the then delicate and critical situation of affairs between
Great Britain and the colonies, and on that weighty point,
their imion. You guessed aright in supposing that I would
not be a mute in that play. I was extremely busy, attending
members of both Houses, informing, explaining, consulting,
disputing, in a continual hurry from morning till night, till
the affair was happily ended. During the course of its
being called before the House of Commons, I spoke my
mind pretty freely. Enclosed I send you the imperfect
account that was taken of that examination. You will there
see how entirely we agree, except in a point of fact, of
which you could not but be misinformed ; the papers at that
time being full of mistaken assertions, that the colonies had
been the cause of the war, and had ungratefully refused lo
bear any part of the expense of it.

I send it you now, because I apprehend some late acci-
dents are likely to revive the contest between the two coun-
tries. I fear it will be a mischievous one. It becomes a
matter of great importance, that clear ideas should be
formed on solid principles, both in Britain and America,
of the true political relation between them, and the mutual
duties belonging to that relation. Till this is done, they
will be often jarring. I know none whose knowledge,

^T. 6i.] TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION. 515

sagacity, and impartiality qualify him so thoroughly for
such a service as yours do you, I wish, therefore, you
would consider it. You may thereby be the happy instru-
ment of great good to the nation, and of preventing much
mischief and bloodshed, I am fully persuaded with you,
that a consolidating union^ by a fair and equal representa-
tion of all the parts of this empire in Parliament, is the only
firm basis on which its political grandeur and prosperity
can be founded. Ireland once wished it, but now rejects
it. The time has been, when the colonies might have been
pleased with it ; they are now indifferent about it ; and, if
it is much longer delayed, they too will refuse it. But the
pride of this people cannot bear the thought of it, and
therefore it will be delayed. Every man in England seems
to consider himself as a piece of a sovereign over America;
seems to jostle himself into the throne with the King, and
talks oi our subjects in the colonies. The Parliament cannot
well and wisely make laws suited to the colonies, without
being properly and truly informed of their circumstances,
abilities, temper, &c. This it cannot be without repre-
sentatives from thence ; and yet it is fond of this power,
and averse to the only means of acquiring the necessary
knowledge for exercising it ; which is desiring to be om-
nipotent, without being omniscient.

I have mentioned, that the contest is likely to be revived.
It is on this occasion. In the same session with the Stamp
Act, an act was passed to regulate the quartering of soldiers
in America; when the bill was first brought in, it contained
a clause, empowering the officers to quarter their soldiers in
private houses ; this we warmly opposed, and got it omitted.
The bill passed, however, with a clause, that empty houses,
bams, &c., should be hired for them; and that the respective

ci5 TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION. [/Et. 6i.

provinces, where they were, should pay the expense and
furnish firing, bedding, drink, and some other articles to
the soldiers, gratis. There is no way for any province to
do this but by the Assembly's making a law to raise the
money. The Pennsylvania Assembly has made such a law;
the New York Assembly has refused to do it ; and now all
the talk here is, of sending a force to compel them.

The reasons given by the Assembly to the governor fox
the refusal are, that they understand the act to mean the
furnishing such things to soldiers, only while on their march
through the country, and not to great bodies of soldiers, to
be fixed, as at present, in the province, the burden in the
latter case being greater than the inhabitants can bear ; that
it would put it in the power of the captain-general to
oppress the province at pleasure, &c. But there is supposed
to be another reason at bottom, which they intimate,
though they do not plainly express it ; to wit, that it is of
the nature of an internal tax laid on them by Parliament,
which has no right so to do. Their refusal is here called
rebellion, and punishment is thought of.

Now waving that point of right, and supposing the legis-
latures in America subordinate to the legislature of Great
Britain, one might conceive, I think, a power in the supe-
rior legislature to forbid the inferior legislatures making
particular laws ; but to enjoin it to make a particular law,
contrary to its own judgment, seems improper ; an Assembly
or Parliament not being an executive officer of government,
whose duty it is, in law-making, to obey orders, but a
deliberative body, who are to consider what comes before
them, its propriety, practicability, or possibility, and to
determine accordingly. The very nature of a Parliament
seems to be destroyed by supposing it may be bound and

^T. 6i.] TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION. 51^

compelled, by a law of a superior Parliament, to make a
law contrary to its own judgment.

Indeed, the act of Parliament in question has not, as in
other acts when a duty is enjoined, directed a penalty on
neglect or refusal, and a mode of recovering that penalty.
It seems, therefore, to the people in America, as a mere
requisition, which they are at liberty to comply with or not,
as it may suit or not suit the different circumstances of the
different provinces. Pennsylvania has therefore voluntarily
complied. New York, as I said before, has refused. The
ministry that made the act, and all their adherents, call for
vengeance. The present ministry are perplexed, and the
measures they will finally take on the occasion are yet
unknown. But sure I am, that, \i force is used, great mis-
chief will ensue ; the affections of the people of America to
this country will be alienated ; your commerce will be
diminished ; and a total separation of interests will be the
final consequence.

It is a common, but mistaken notion here, that the colo-
nies were planted at the expense of Parliament, and that
therefore the Parliament has a right to tax them, &c. The
truth is, they were planted at the expense of private ad-
venturers, who went over there to settle, with leave of the
King, given by charter. On receiving this leave, and
those charters, the adventurers voluntarily engaged to re-
main the King's subjects, though in a foreign country; a
country which had not been conquered by either King or
Parliament, but was possessed by a free people.

When our planters arrived, they purchased the lands of the

natives, without putting King or Parliament to any expense.

Parliament had no hand in their settlement, was never so

much as consulted about their constitution, and took no
44

5i8 KING, NOT PARLIAMENT, SOVEREIGN. [/Et. 6i.

kind of notice of them, till many years after they were
established. I except only the two modern colonies, or
rather attempts to make colonies, (for they succeed but
poorly, and as yet hardly deserve the name of colonies,)
I mean Georgia and Nova Scotia, which have hitherto been
little better than Parliamentary jobs. Thus all the colonies
iicknowledge the King as their sovereign ; his governors
there represent his person ; laws are made by their Assem-
blies or little parliaments, with the governor's assent, sub-
ject still to the King's pleasure to affirm or annul them.
Suits arising in the colonies, and between colony and
colony, are determined by the King in Council. In this view,
they seem so many separate little states, subject to the same
prince. The sovereignty of the King is therefore easily
understood. But nothing is more common here than to
talk of the sovereignty of parliament, and the sovereignty
of this nation over the colonies ; a kind of sovereignty, the
idea of which is not so clear, nor does it clearly appear on
what foundation it is established. On the other hand, it
seems necessary for the common good of the empire, that a
power be lodged somewhere, to regulate its general com-
merce ; this can be placed nowhere so properly as in the
Parliament of Great Britain ; and therefore, though that
power has in some instances been executed with great par-
tiality to Britain and prejudice to the colonies, they have
nevertheless always submitted to it. Custom-houses are
established in all of them, by virtue of laws made here, and
the duties instantly paid, except by a few smugglers, such
as are here and in all countries ; but internal taxes laid on
them by Parliament are still and ever will be objected to,
for the reason that you will see in the mentioned examina-
tion.

jet.6i.;\ union still possible. ^i^

Upon the whole, I have lived so great a part of my life
in Britain, and have formed so many friendships in it, that
I love it, and sincerely wish it prosperity ; and therefore
wish to see that union, on which alone I think it can be
secured and established. As to America, the advantages of
such a union to her are not so apparent. She may suffer at
present under the arbitrary power of this country ; she may
suffer for a while in a separation from it ; but these are
temporary evils which she will outgrow. Scotland and
Ireland are differently circumstanced. Confined by the
sea, they can scarcely increase in numbers, wealth, and
strength, so as to overbalance England. But America, an
immense territory, favored by nature with all advantages of
climate, soils, great navigable rivers, lakes, &c., must be-
come a great country, populous and mighty ; and will, in a
less time than is generally conceived, be able to shake off any
shackles that may be imposed upon her, and perhaps place
them on the imposers. In the mean time every act of op-
pression will sour their tempers, lessen greatly, if not anni-
hilate, the profits of your commerce with them, and hasten
their final revolt ; for the seeds of liberty are universally
found there, and nothing can eradicate them. And yet
there remains among that people so much respect, venera-
tion, and affection for Britain, that, if cultivated prudently,
with a kind usage and tenderness for their privileges, they
might be easily governed still for ages, without force or any
considerable expense. But I do not see here a sufficient
quantity of the wisdom, that is necessary to produce such a
conduct, and I lament the want of it.*

* Mr. Tytler, in a note on this letter, after stating the views of Lord Karnes
on the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies, says : " But, if

^20 UNION STILL POSSIBLE. [^t. 6i.

I borrowed at Millar's the new edition of your ''Prin-
ciples of Equity," and have read with great pleasure the
preliminary discourse on the principles of morality. I have
never before met with any thing so satisfactory on the sub-
ject. While reading it, I made a few remarks as I went
along. They are not of much importance, but I send you
the paper.

I know the lady you mention (Mrs. Montague) ; having,
when in England before, met her once or twice at Lord
Bath's. I remember I then entertained the same opinion
of her that you express. On the strength of your recom-
mendation, I purpose soon to wait on her.

This is unexpectedly grown a long letter. The visit to

such were the sentiments of Lord Karnes on the question of right between
Britain and her colonies, it appears, that, on viewing the matter in the hght
of expediency, he had very early formed an opinion, that, in the relative
situation of the two countries, and looking to the probable chance of in-
creasing animosities, and matters being driven to extremity, either by the
erring policy or factious views of some of the leaders in both, it would be a
wise measure in the British government to waive the question of strict right,
and to consent freely to a consolidating union with America, by giving that
country a full representation in Parliament. On this subject he had written
to Dr. Franklin as early as the end of the year 1765, at the time when the
first intelligence arrived in this country of the disorders occasioned by the
attempts to carry the Stamp Act into execution ; and he had written a
second letter to him on the same subject, in the beginning of 1767. Dr.
Franklin's answer to these letters is extremely interesting, and affords a
striking specimen of the profound sagacity and foresight of that extraordi-
nary man."

Mr. Tytler adds : " This excellent letter, as appears by a subsequent one.
from the same hand, was in all probability intercepted, as it was not received
by Lord Kames in the regular course of communication. Dr. Franklin,
however, having preserved a copy, transmitted it two years afterwards to his
correspondent. The opinions it conveyed were thus probably well known
to the persons at the head of administration. It had been happy, if they had
paid them that attention, which the wisdom of the counsels they contained
deserved." — Tytler's Life of Lord Kames, Vol. ii. 2d ed. pp. 99, 112. — S.

Mr. 61.] LORD CIIATHAAPS HEALTH. 52 1

Scotland, and the ''Art of Virtue/' we will talk of here-
after.

To Cadwaiia- I am always glad to hear from you, when you
dated ^on^ ^^^^ leisure to write, and I expect no apologies
don, 5 May, for your not writing. I wish all correspond-
ence was on the foot of writing and answering
when one can, or when one is disposed to it, without the
compulsions of ceremony. I am pleased with your scheme
of a Medical Library at the Hospital ; and I fancy I can
procure you some donations among my medical friends
here, if you will send me a catalogue of what books you
already have. Enclosed I send you the only book of the
kind in my possession here, having just received it as a
present from the author. It is not yet published to be
sold, and will not be for some time, till the second part
is ready to accompany it.

I thank you for your remarks on the gout. They may be
useful to me, who have already had some touches of that
distemper. As to Lord Chatham, it is said that his consti-
tution is totally destroyed and gone, partly through the
violence of the disease, and partly by his own continual
quacking with it. There is at present no access to him.
He is said to be not oapable of receiving, any more than
of giving, advice. But still there is such a deference paid
to him, that much business is delayed on his account, that
so when entered on it may have the strength of his concur-
rence, or not be liable to his reprehension, if he should re-
cover his ability and activity. The ministry, we at present
have, has not been looked upon, either by itself or others,
as settled, which is another cause of postponing every thing

not immediately necessary to be considered. New men,
44*

522 LEGAL TENDER OF PAPER MONEY. [.Ex. 6 1.

and perhaps new measures, are often expected and appre-
hended, whence arise continual cabals, factions, and in-
trigues among the outs and ins, that keep every thing in
confusion. And when affairs will mend is very uncertain.

To Joseph In my last of May 20th, I mentioned my
ted °London" ^opes that wc should at length get over all
13 June, 1767. obstructions to the repeal of the act restraining
the legal tender of paper money; but those hopes are now
greatly lessened.

The ministry had agreed to the repeal, and the notion
that had possessed them, that they might make a revenue
from paper money in appropriating the interest by Parlia-
ment, was pretty well removed by my assuring them that it
was my opinion no colony could make money on those
terms, and that the benefits arising to the commerce of this
country in America from a plentiful currency would there-
fore be lost and the repeal answer no end, if the Assemblies
were not allowed to appropriate the interest themselves ;
that the crown might get a great share upon occasional
requisitions, I made no doubt, by voluntary appropriations
of the Assemblies ; but they would never establish such
funds as to make themselves unnecessary to government.
Those and other reasons, that were tirged, seemed to satisfy
them, so that we began to think all would go on smoothly,
and the merchants prepared their petition, on which the
repeal was to be founded. But in the House, when the
chancellor of the exchequer had gone through his proposed
American revenue, viz. by duties on glass, china ware,
paper, pasteboard, colors, tea, &c., Grenville stood up and
undervalued them alias trifles; and, says he, '' I will tell
the honorable gentleman of a revenue, that will produce

JEt.61.'] legal tender OF PAPER MONEY. 523

something valuable in America ; make paper money for the
colonies, issue it upon loan there, take the interest, and
apply it as you think proper." Mr. Townshend, finding the
House listened to this and seemed to like it, stood up
again and said, that was a proposition of his own, which
he had intended to make with the rest, but it had slipped
his memory, and the gentleman, who must have heard of it,
now unfairly would take advantage of that slip and make a
merit to himself of a proposition that was another's, and as
a proof of it, assured the House a bill was prepared for the
purpose, and would be laid before them.

This startled all our friends ; and the merchants con-
cluded to keep back their petition for a while, till things
appeared a little clearer, lest their friends in America should
blame them, as having furnished foundation for an act,
that must have been disagreeable to the colonies. I found
the rest of the ministry did not like this proceeding of the
chancellor's, but there was no going on with our scheme
against his declaration, and, as he daily talked of resigning,
there being no good agreement between him and the rest,
and as we found the general prejudice against the colonies
so strong in the House, that any thing in the shape of a
favor to them all was like to meet with opposition, whether
he was out or in, I proposed to Mr. Jackson the putting our
colony foremost, as we stood in a pretty good light, and
asking the favor for us alone. This he agreed might be
proper in case the chancellor should, go out, and undertook
to bring in a bill for that purpose, provided the Philadel-
phia merchants would petition for it ; and he wished to
have such a petition ready to present, if an opening for it
should offer. Accordingly I applied to them, and prepared
a draft of a petition for them to sign, a copy of which I

^24 LEGAL TENDER OF PAPER MONEY. [^Et. 6i.

send you enclosed. They seemed generally for the measure ;
but, apprehending the merchants of the other colonies, who
had hitherto gone hand in hand with us in all American
affairs, might take umbrage if we now separated from them,
it was thought right to call a meeting of the whole to con-
sult upon this proposal.

At this meeting I represented to them, as the ground of
this measure, that, the colonies being generally out of favor
at present, any hard clause relating to paper money in the
repealing bill will be more easily received in Parliament, if
the bill related to all the colonies; that Pennsylvania,
being in some degree of favor, might possibly alone obtain
a better act than the whole could do, as it might by govern-
ment be thought as good policy to show favor where there
had been the reverse; that a good act obtained by Penn-
sylvania might another year, when the resentment against
the colonies should be abated, be made use of as a prece-
dent, &c. &c. But, after a good deal of debate it was
finally concluded not to precipitate matters, it being very
dangerous by any kind of petition to furnish the chancellor
with a horse on which he could put what saddle he thought
fit. The other merchants seemed rather averse to the
Pennsylvania merchants proceeding alone, but said they
were certainly at liberty to do as they thought proper. The
conclusion of the Pennsylvania merchants was to wait awhile,
holding the separate petition ready to sign and present, if
a proper opening should appear this session, but otherwise
to reserve it to the next, when the complexion of ministers
and measures may probably be changed. And, as this
ssssion now draws to a conclusion, I begin to think nothing
will be farther done in it this year.

Mentioning the merchants puts me in mind of some dis-

/t.T. 6i.] COMPLAINTS OF MERCHANTS. 525

course I heard among them, that was by no means agree-
able. It was said, that, in the opposition they gave the
Stamp Act, and their endeavours to obtain the repeal, they
had spent at their meetings, and in expresses to all parts of
this country, and for a vessel to carry the joyful news to
North America, and in the entertainments given our friends
of both Houses, &c., near fifteen hundred pounds ; that for
all this, except from the little colony of Rhode Island, they-
had not received as much as a thank ye ; that, on the con-
trary, the circular letters they had written with the best in-
tentions to the merchants of the several colonies, containing
their best and most friendly advice, were either answered
with unkind reflections, or contemptuously left without
answer ; and that the captain of the vessel, whom they sent
express with the news, having met with misfortunes, that
obliged him to travel by land through all the colonies from
New Hampshire to Pennsylvania, was everywhere treated
with neglect and contempt, instead of civility and hospi-
tality; and nowhere more than at Philadelphia, where,
though he delivered letters to the merchants, that must make
him and his errand known to them, no one took the least
notice of him. I own I was ashamed to hear all this, but
hope there is some mistake in it. I should not have troubled
you with this account, but that I think we stand in truth
greatly obliged to the merchants, who are a very respectable
body, and whose friendship is worth preserving, as it may
greatly help us on future occasions ; and therefore I wish
some decent acknowledgments or thanks were sent from the
Assemblies of the colonies, since their correspondents have
omitted it.

I have said the less of late in my letters concerning the
petitions, because I hoped this summer to have an oppor-

^26 MINISTERIAL THREATS. [^t. 6i.

tunity of communicating every thing viva voce, and there
are particulars that cannot safely be trusted to paper. Per-
haps I may be more determined as to returning or staying
another winter, when I receive my next letters from you
and my other friends in Philadelphia.

We got the chancellor to drop his salt duty. And the
merchants trading to Portugal and Spain, he says, have made
such a clamor about the intention of suffering ships to go
directly with wine, fruit, and oil, from those countries to
America, that he has dropped that scheme, and we are it
seems to labor a little longer under the inconveniences of
the restraint.

It is said the bill to suspend the legislatures of New York
and Georgia, till they comply with the act of Parliament for
quartering soldiers, will pass this session. I fear that im-
prudencies on both sides may, step by step, bring on the
most mischievous consequences. It is imagined here, that
this act will enforce immediate compliance ; and, if the
people should be quiet, content themselves with the laws
they have, and let the matter rest, till in some future war
the King wanting aids from them, and finding himself
restrained in his legislation by the act as much as the
people, shall think fit by his ministers to propose the re-
peal, the Parliament will be greatly disappointed ; and
perhaps it may take this turn. I wish nothing worse may
happen.*

® Besides the offence given to the government by the legislature of New
York, in refusing to provide for quartering soldiers, the merchants of the city
of New York petitioned for the repeal of the acts of Parliament restraining
the trade of the colonies. The petition was presented to Parliament and
read, but was then ordered to lie on the table, and no further notice was
taken of it. The conduct of the New Yorkers, on both these accounts,

^T. 6 1.] VISIT FROM A MUSE. 527

The present ministry will probably continue through this
session. But their disagreement, with the total inability of
Lord Chatham, through sickness, to do any business, must
bring on some change before next winter. I wish it may
be for the better, but fear the contrary.

To Miss Mary We were greatly disappointed yesterday,

Stevenson, , i 1 i 1 • ^ r

dated Craven ^"^^ ^^ "^^ ^^^ ^'"'^ pleasure, promised US, of
St., 17 June, our dear Polly's company. Your good mother
would have me write a line m answer to your
letter. A muse, you must know, visited me this morning 1
I see you are surprised, as I was. I never saw one before,

raised against them a great outcry in England ; and Franklin, according to
his custom in such cases, endeavored to quiet the clamor and vindicate his
countrymen, by an accurate representation of the circumstances in the pub-
lic papers. Among his manuscripts I find a fragment of an article, which
seems to relate to this occasion, signed ''A Friend to Both Countries." The
closing part only remains, and is as follows :

" or refuses to comply with an act of Parliament, is a rebel, I am

afraid we have many more rebels among us than we are aware of; among
others, they that have not registered the weights of their plate, and paid the
duty, are all rebels ; and these, I think, are not a few ; to whom may be
added the acting rebels that wear French silks and cambrics.

" As to the petition mentioned above, I have been informed it is from a
number of private persons, merchants of New York, stating their opinion,
that several restraints in the acts of trade, laid on the commerce of the col-
onies, are not only prejudicial to the colonies, but to the mother country.
They give their reasons for this opinion. These reasons are to be judged
of here. If they are found to be good, and supported by facts, one would
think, that, instead of censure, those merchants might deserve thanks. If
otherwise, the petition maybe laid aside. Petitioning is not rebellion. The
very nature of a petition acknowledges the power it petitions to, and the
subjection of the petitioner.

" But, in party views, molehills are often magnified to mountains ; and
when the wolf is determined on a quarrel with the lamb, up stream or down
stream is all one. Pretences are easily found or made. Reason and
justice are out of the question." — S.

^28 HIS DAUGHTER'S ENGAGEMENT. [.Et. 6i.

and shall never see another, so I took the opportunity of her
help to put the answer into verse, because I was some verse
in your debt ever since you sent me the last pair of garters.
This muse appeared to be no housewife. I suppose few
of them are. She was dressed (if the expression is allowa-
ble) in an undress^ a kind of slatternly negligee, neither neat
nor clean, nor well made; and she has given the same sort
of dress to my piece. On reviewing it, I would have re-
formed the lines, and made them all of a length, as I am
told lines ought to be ; but I find I cannot lengthen the
short ones without stretching them on the rack, and I think
it would be equally cruel to cut off any part of the long
ones. Besides the superfluity of these makes up for the de-
ficiency oi those ; and so, from a principle of justice, I leave
them at full length, that I may give you, at least in one
sense of the word, good measure.

To his wife, It sccms uow as if I should stay here another
,^ ^ , ' winter, and therefore I must leave it to your

don, 22 June, ' •'

1767- judgment to act in the affair of our daughter's

match, as shall seem best.* If you think it a suitable one,
I suppose the sooner it is completed the better. In that
case I would advise, that you do not make an expensive
feasting wedding, but conduct every thing with frugality
and economy, which our circumstances now require to be
observed in all our expenses. For, since my partnership
with Mr. Hall is expired, a great source of our income is
cut off; and, if I should lose the postoffice, which, among
the many changes here, is far from being unlikely, we should

* Sally Franklin, the doctor's only daughter, married Richard Bache,
October 29, 1767, She was twenty-three years of age. — Ed.

^T. 6i.] HIS DAUGHTER'S ENGAGEMENT. 529

be reduced to our rents and interest of money for a sub-
sistence, which will by no means afford the chargeable
housekeeping and entertainments we have been used to.

For my own part, I live here as frugally as possible not
to be destitute of the comforts of life, making no dinners for
anybody and contenting myself with a single dish when I
dine at home; and yet such is the dearness of living here
in every article, that my expenses amaze me. I see, too,
by the sums you have received in my absence, that yours
are very great ; and I am very sensible that your situation
naturally brings you a great many visiters, which occasions
an expense not easily to be avoided, especially when one
has been long in the practice and habit of it. But, when
people's incomes are lessened, if they cannot proportionably
lessen their outgoings, they must come to poverty. If we
were young enough to begin business again, it might be
another matter ; but I doubt we are past it, and business
not well managed ruins one faster than no business. In
short, with frugality and prudent care we may subsist
decently on what we have, and leave it entire to our chil-
dren ; but without such care we shall not be able to keep it
together ; it will melt away like butter in the sunshine, and
we may live long enough to feel the miserable consequences
of our indiscretion.

I know very little of the gentleman or his character, nor

can I at this distance. I hope his expectations are not

great of any fortune to be had with our daughter before our

death. I can only say, that, if he proves a good husband

to her and a good son to me, he shall find me as good a

father as I can be ; but at present, I suppose you would

agree with me, that we cannot do more than fit her out

handsomely in clothes and furniture, not exceeding in the
45 X

^30 RELATIVES IN ENGLAND. [^t. 6i.

whole five hundred pounds of value. For the rest, they
must depend, as you and I did, on their own industry and
care, as what remains in our hands will be barely sufficient
for our support, and not enough for them when it comes to
be divided at our decease.

Sally Franklin is well. Her father, who had not seen
her for a twelvemonth, came lately and took her home with
him for a few weeks to see her friends. He is very desirous
I should take her with me to America.

I suppose the blue room is too blue, the wood being of
the same color with the paper, and so looks too dark. I
would have you finish it as soon as you can, thus ; paint the
wainscoat a dead white ; paper the walls blue, and tack the
gilt border round just above the surbase and under the cor-
nice. If the paper is not equally colored when pasted on,
let it be brushed over again with the same color, and let the
papier inache musical figures be tacked to the middle of the
ceiling. When this is done, I think it will look very well.

I am glad to hear that Sally keeps up and increases the
number of her friends. The best wishes of a fond father
for her happiness always attend her.

To Samuel I should sooncr have answered your kind
te^d" London" ^^^tcr of last year, but postponed it from time
17 July, 1767. to time, having mislaid the print I intended
to send you, which I have now found and send herewith.
I am glad to hear of the welfare of yourself and your family,
Avhich I hope will long continue. My love to them all.
It gives me pleasure whenever I find that my endeavours>

* The grandson of Benjamin Franklin, Dr. Franklin's uncle, after whom
ha was named. — Ed,

^T. 6 1 .] FA MIL Y AFFAIRS. 5 3 1

to serve America are acceptable to my friends there. Your
kind notices of them are very obliging.

I find here but two of our relations remaining, that bear
the name of Franklin, viz. Thomas Franklin of Lutterworth
in Leicestershire, a dyer, and his daughter Sally Franklin,
about fourteen years of age, who has been with me in Lon-
don about a year, and sends her duty to you. Thomas
Franklin is the grandson of John Franklin, your grand-
father's brother. There are besides still living, Eleanor
Morris, an old maiden lady, daughter of your grandfather's
sister Hannah ; and also Hannah Walker, granddaughter
of his brother John. Mrs. Walker has three sons. She
lives at Westbury, in Buckinghamshire, and Mrs. Morris
with her. And these are the whole. It is thought best by
my friends that I should continue here another winter.

To his wife, Captain Ourry dined here a few days since,
don 5 Aug' ^"^ thanks you for remembering him, desiring
1767. his respects to you and Sally. Mr. Strahan

and family, the same. I received the bill sent by Mr. Potts,
and suppose it will be duly paid. You will return him the
overplus. I wish I could take my passage this time with
Captain Falconer. I was on board the other day with Mr.
and Mrs. West,* Mrs. Stevenson, and Mrs. Hopkinson, to
drink tea. It is a fine ship, and I think it not unlikely
that I may go with him next time, as he is a very kind,
good friend, whom I much respect.

I am glad you go sometimes to Burlington. The harmony
you mention in our family and among our children gives

*• Mr. Benjamin West, the painter, with whom Dr. Franklin was long on
lerms of intimate friendship. — Ed.

532 FAMILY AFFAIRS. [^T. 6l.

me great pleasure. I am sorry to hear of the death of our
good old friend Debby Norris. She was a worthy good
woman and will be missed. If I can in any shape be of
service to Mr. Francis, you may depend I shall do it, being
much concerned for his misfortune. I am told the affair is
like to turn out better for him than was expected. Sally
Franklin is now in the country with her father. She is an
only child, and a very good girl.

I received the watch chain, which you say y©u send to be
put to rights. I do not see what it wants. Mrs. Stevenson
says it is too old-fashioned for Sally, and advised sending the
watch also, to be changed away for a new watch and chain.

In your last letters you say nothing concerning Mr. Bache.
The misfortune, that has lately happened to his affairs,
though it may not lessen his character as an honest or a
prudent man, will probably induce him to forbear entering
hastily into a state, that must require a great addition to his
expense, when he will be less able to supply it. If you think
that, in the mean time, it will be some amusement to Sally
to visit her friends here, and return with me, I should have
no objection to her coming over with Captain Falconer,
provided Mrs. Falconer comes at the samQ time, as is talked
of. I think too it might be some improvement to her. I
am at present meditating a journey somewhere, perhaps to
Bath or Bristol ; as I begin to find a little giddiness in my
head, a token that I want the exercise I have yearly been
accustomed to. I long to see you, and be with you.

To Joseph The confusion among our great men stilJ

Galloway, da- . . , , i i i

ted London continucs as much as ever, and a melancholy
8 Aug., 1767. thing it is to consider, that, instead of employ-
ing the present leisure of peace in such measures as might

^T. 6 1 .] COALITION MINIS TR Y. 533

extend our commerce, pay off our debts, secure allies, and
increase the strength and ability of the nation to support a
future war, the whole seems to be wasted in party conten-
tions about places of power and profit, in court intrigues
and cabals, and in abusing one another.

There has lately been an attempt to make a kind of coali-
tion of parties in a new ministry ; but it fell through, and
the present set is like to continue for some time longer,
which I am rather pleased with, as some of those who were
proposed to be introduced are professed adversaries to
America, which is now made one of the distinctions of
party here ; those who have in the two last sessions shown
a disposition to favor us, being called by way of reproach,
Americans; while the others, adherents to Grenville and
Bedford, value themselves on being true to the interests of
Britain, and zealous for maintaining its dignity and sove-
reignty over the colonies.

This distinction will, it is apprehended, be carried much
higher in the next session, for the political purpose of in-
fluencing the ensuing election. It is already given out that
the compliance of New York, in providing for the quarters,
without taking notice of its being done in obedience to the
act of Parliament, is evasive and unsatisfactory ; that it is
high time to put the right and power of this country to tax
the colonies out of dispute, by an act of taxation, effectually
carried into execution, and that all the colonies should be
obliged explicitly to acknowledge that right. Every step
is taking to render the taxing of America a popular measure
here, by continually insisting on the topics of our wealth
and flourishing circumstances, while this country is loaded
with debt, great part of it incurred on our account, the dis-
tress- of the poor here by the multitude and weight of taxes,
45*

C34 TAXING AMERICA MADE POPULAR. [^T. 6i

&c. &c. ; and, though the traders and manufacturers may
possibly be kept in our interest, the idea of an American
tax is very pleasing to the landed men, who therefore readily
receive and propagate these sentiments wherever they have
influence.

If such a bill should be brought in, it is hard to say what
would be the event of it, or what would be the effects.
Those who oppose it, though they should be strong enough
to throw it out, would be stigmatized as Americans, be-
trayers of Old England, &c., and perhaps, our friends by
this means being excluded, a majority of our adversaries
may get in, and then the act infallibly passes the following
session. To avoid the danger of such exclusion, perhaps
little opposition will be given, and then it passes immedi-
ately. I know not what to advise on this occasion, but that
we should all do our endeavours on both sides of the water
to lessen the present unpopularity of the American cause, con-
ciliate the affections of people here towards us, increase by all
possible means the number of our friends, and be careful
not to weaken their hands and strengthen those of our ene-
mies by rash proceedings on our side, the mischiefs of which
are inconceivable. Some of our friends have thought that
a publication of my Exa7nination here might answer some
of the above purposes, by removing prejudices, refuting
falsehoods, and demonstrating our merits with regard to this
country. It is accordingly printed, and has a great run. I
have another piece in hand, which I intend to put out about
the time of the meeting of Parliament, if those I consult
with shall judge that it may be of service.*

* Probably the piece entitled, " Causes of the American Discontents be-
fore 1768." See Sparks's Works of Franklin, vol. iv. p. 242. — Ed.

JEt. 6i.] paper money NOT LEGAL TENDER. ^^5

The next session of Parliament will probably be a short
one, on account of the following election ; and I am now
advised, by some of our great friends here, to see that out,
not returning to America till the spring. My presence
indeed is necessary there to settle some private affairs. Un-
foreseen and unavoidable difficulties have hitherto ob-
structed our proceedings in the main intent of my coming
over, and perhaps (though I think my being here has not
been altogether unserviceable) our friends in the Assembly
may begin to be discouraged and tired of the expense. If
that should be the case, I would not have you propose to
continue me as agent at the meeting of the new Assembly.
My endeavours to serve the province, in what I may while
I remain here, shall not be lessened by that omission.

I am glad you have made a trial of paper money, not a
legal tender. The quantity being small may perhaps be
kept in full credit notwithstanding; and, if that can be
avoided, I am not for applying here again very soon for a
repeal of the restraining act. I am afraid an ill use will be
made of it. The plan of our adversaries is to render As-
semblies in America useless, and to have a revenue, inde-
pendent of their grants, for all the purposes of their defence
and supporting governments among them. It is our interest
to prevent this. And, that they^may not lay hold of our
necessities for paper money, to draw a revenue from that
article whenever they grant us the liberty we want, of making
it a legal tender, I wish some other method may be fallen
upon of supporting its credit. What think you of getting
all the merchants, traders, and principal people of all sorts,
to join in petitions to the Assembly for a moderate emission,
the petition being accompanied with a mutual engagement
to take it in all dealings at the rates fixed by law ? Such an

^36 PAPER MONEY NOT LEGAL TENDER. [^T. 61.

engagement had a great effect in fixing the value and rates
of our gold and silver. Or, perhaps, a bank might be
established that would answer all purposes. Indeed I think
with you, that those merchants here, who have made diffi-
culties on the subject of the legal tender, have not under-
stood their own interest. For there can be no doubt, that,
should a scarcity of money continue among us, we shall take
off less of their merchandise, and attend more to manufac-
turing, and raising the necessaries and superfluities of life
among ourselves, which we now receive from them. And
perhaps this consequence would attend our making no paper
money at all of any sort, that, being thus by want of cash
driven to industry and frugality, we should gradually become
more rich without their trade, than we can possibly be with
it, and, by keeping in the country the real cash that comes
into it, have in time a quantity sufficient for all our occa-
sions. But I suppose our people will scarce have patience
to wait for this.

I have received the printed votes, but not the laws.
I hear nothing yet of any objection made by the Proprie-
taries to any of them at the Board of Trade.

Please to present my duty to the Assembly, with thanks
for their care of me, and assure them of my most faithful
services.

To William Last wcck I dined at Lord Shelburne's, and
r^^^lZl ^f had a loner conversation with him and Mr,

Governor ol o

New Jersey, Conway (there being no other company) on

dated Lon- - , .

don, 28 Aug., the subject of reducing American expense.
*7^7- They have it in contemplation to return the

management of Indian affairs into the hands of the several
provinces on which the nations border, that the colonies

JEt.61.'} the VVALPOLE GRANT. 537

may bear the charge of treaties, &c., which they think will
then be managed more frugally, the treasury being tired with
the immense drafts of the superintendents. I took the
opportunity of urging it as one means of saving expense in
supporting the outposts, that a settlement should be made
in the Illinois country; expatiated on the various advan-
tages, viz. furnishing provisions cheaper to the garrisons,
securing the country, retaining the trade, raising a strength
there, which on occasion of a future war might easily be
poured down the Mississippi upon the lower country, and
into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba or Mexico
itself. I mentioned your plan, its being approved by Sir
William Johnson, the readiness and ability of the gentlemen
concerned to carry the settlement into execution, with very
little expense to the crown, &c. The secretaries appeared
finally to be fully convinced, and there remained no ob-
stacle but the Board of Trade, which was to be brought
over privately, before the matter should be referred to them
ofiicially. In case of laying aside the superintendents, a
provision was thought of for Sir William Johnson.*

* The subject here introduced, which is frequently mentioned in letters to
his son, relates to an application by a company to the crown for the grant of
a tract of land west of the Alleghanies, with the design of establishing a colony
there. It was called Walpoles Grant, from the circumstance of Mr. Thomas
Walpole having been the principal person concerned in procuring it. The
scheme originated with Colonel Croghan, William Franklin, and Sir William
Johnson, The project is intimated, apparently at its first stage, in the fol-
lowing extract from a letter written by Governor Franklin to his father.

" Colonel Croghan is highly incensed at the treatment he has received
from the proprietary officers in Pennsylvania, and has been a means of
bringing Sir William Johnson and General Gage to think favorably of the
Assembly, and to wish them success. A few of us, from his encouragement,
have formed a company to purchase of the French, settled at the Illinois,
such lands as they have a good title to, and are inclined to dispose of. But,
as I thought it would be of little avail to buy lands in that country, unless 9

538 DISCOURSE ON AMERICAN AFFAIRS. [.Ex. 6i.

We had a good deal of farther discourse on American
affairs, particularly on paper money. Lord Shelburne de-
clared himself fully convinced of the utility of taking off
the restraint, by my answer to the Report of the Board of
Trade. General Conway had not seen it, and desired me
to send it to him, which I did next morning. They gave
me expectation of a repeal next session. Lord Clare being
come over; but they said there was some difficulty with
others at the Board, who had signed that Report ; for there
was a good deal in what Soame Jenyns had laughingly said,
when asked to concur in some measure, I have 7J0 kind of
objection to it, provided we have heretofoj'e sigjied nothing to
the contrary.

In this conversation I did not forget our main Pennsyl-
vania business, and I think made some farther progress,
though but little. The two secretaries seemed intent upon
preparing business for next Parliament, which makes me
think, that the late projects of changes are now quite over,
and that they expect to continue in place. But whether
they will do much or little, I cannot say.

Du Guerchy, the French ambassador, is gone home, and

colony were established there, I have drawn up some proposals for that pur-
pose, which are much approved of by Colonel Croghan and the other gen-
tlemen concerned in Philadelphia, and are sent by them to Sir William
Johnson for his sentiments, and, when we receive them, the whole will be
forwarded to you. It is proposed that the company shall consist of twelve,
now in America, and, if you like the proposals, you will be at liberty to add
yourself, and such gentlemen of character and fortune in England, as you
may think will be most likely to promote the undertaking." — April 2,oih, 1766,
The plan of purchasing of the French seems to have been subsequently
abandoned, and the company applied to the crown for a tract of unsetded
lands mostly between the Alleghanies and the Ohio River. Lord Hills-
borough opposed the petition, and one of Franklin's ablest papers was written
in reply to a report made by him on the subject to the Board of Trade. — S.

ALt.6i.] advances of FRENCH ambassador. 539

Monsieur Durand is left minister plenipotentiary. He is
extremely curious to inform himself in the affairs of Amer-
ica; pretends to have a great esteem for me, on account of
the abilities shown in my examination ; has desired to have
all my political writings, invited me to dine with him, was
very inquisitive, treated me with great civility, makes me
visits, &c. I fancy that intriguing nation would like very
well to meddle on occasion, and blow up the coals between
Britain and her colonies; but I hope we shall give them no
opportunity.

I write this in a great hurry, being setting out in an hour
on another journey with my steady, good friend. Sir John
Pringle. We propose to visit Paris. Durand has given me
letters of recommendation to the Lord knows who. I am
told I shall meet with great respect there;* but winds
change, and perhaps it will be full as well if I do not. We
shall be gone six weeks. I have a little private commission
to transact, of which more another time.

Communicate nothing of this letter but privately to our
friend Galloway.

To Miss Mary Soou after I left you in that agreeable society
dated"^Paris ^^ Bromley, I took the resolution of making a
14 September, trip with Sir Johu Pringle into France. We

X767

set out on the 28th past. All the way to
Dover we were furnished with postchaises, hung so as to
lean forward, the top coming down over one's eyes, like a
hood, as if to prevent one's seeing the country; which

* This is the first intimation we have from Franklin of the tendency of
France and the British American colonies to gravitate towards a common
centre, a tendency pregnant with such important consequences.— Ed.

540 TRIP TO PARIS, [^T. 6i.

being one of my great pleasures, I was engaged in perpetual
disputes with the innkeepers, ostlers, and postilions, about
getting the straps taken up a hole or two before, and let
down as much behind, they insisting that the chaise leaning
forward was an ease to the horses, and that the contrary
would kill them. I suppose the chaise leaning forward
looks to them like a willingness to go forward, and that its
hanging back shows reluctance. They added other reasons,
that were no reasons at all, and made me, as upon a hundred
other occasions, almost wish that mankind had never been
endowed with a reasoning faculty, since they know so little
how to make use of it, and so often mislead themselves by
it, and that they had been furnished with a good sensible
instinct instead of it.

At Dover, the next morning, we embarked for Calais
with a number of passengers, who had never before been at
sea. They would previously make a hearty breakfast, be-
cause, if the wind should fail, we might not get over till
supper time. Doubtless they thought, that, when they had
paid for their breakfast, they had a right to it, and that,
when they had swallowed it, they were sure of it. But
they had scarce been out half an hour, before the sea laid
claim to it, and they were obliged to deliver it up. So
that it seems there are uncertainties, even beyond those
between the cup and the lip. If ever you go to sea, take
my advice, and live sparingly a day or two beforehand.
The sickness, if any, will be lighter and sooner over. We
got to Calais that evening.

Various impositions we suffered from boatmen, porters,
and the like, on both sides the water. I know not which
are most rapacious, the English or French, but the latter
have, with their knavery, most politeness.

/Et. 61.] ROADS.— PEASANTS.— WOMEN. 541

The roads we found equally good with ours in England,
in some places paved with smooth stones, like our new
streets, for many miles together, and rows of trees on each
side, and yet there are no turnpikes. But then the poor
peasants complained to us grievously, that they were obliged
to work upon the roads full two months in the year, without
being paid for their labor. Whether this is truth, or
whether, like Englishmen, they grumble, cause or no cause,
I have not yet been able fully to inform myself.

The women we saw at Calais, on the road, at Boulogne,
and in the inns and villages, were generally of dark com-
plexions; but arriving at Abbeville we found a sudden
change, a multitude of both women and men in that place
appearing remarkably fair. Whether this is owing to a
small colony of spinners, wool -combers, and weavers,
brought hither from Holland with the woollen manufactory
about sixty years ago, or to their being less exposed to the
sun, than in other places, their business keeping them much
within doors, I know not. Perhaps, as in some other cases,
different causes may club in producing the effect, but the
effect itself is certain. Never was I in a place of greater
industry, wheels and looms going in every house.

As soon as we left Abbeville, the swarthiness returned.
I speak generally ; for here are some fair women at Paris,
who, I think, are not whitened by art. As to rouge, they
don't pretend to imitate nature in laying it on. There is
no gradual diminution of the color, from the full bloom in
the middle of the cheek to the faint tint near the sides, nor
does it show itself differently in different faces. I have not
had the honor of being at any lady's toilette to see how it
is laid on, but I fancy I can tell you how it is or may be
done. Cut a hole of three inches diameter in a piece of

542 FASHION.— THE QUEEN. L^^. 6i.

paper; place it on the side of your face in such a manner,
as that the top of the hole may be just under the eye ; then,
with a brush dipped in the color, paint face and paper
together; so when the paper is taken off, there will remain
a round patch of red exactly the form of the hole. This
is the mode, from the actresses on the stage upwards through
all ranks of ladies to the princesses of the blood; but it
stops there, the Queen not using it, having in the serenity,
complacence, and benignity, that shine so eminently in, or
rather through her countenance, sufficient beauty, though
now an old woman, to do extremely well without it.

You see I speak of the Queen as if I had seen her; and
so I have, for you must know I have been at court. We
went to Versailles last Sunday, and had the honor of being
presented to the King ; he spoke to both of us very gra-
ciously and very cheerfully, is a handsome man, has a very
lively look, and appears younger than he is. In the evening
we were at the Grand Convert, where the family sup in
public. The table was half a hollow square, the service
gold. When either made a sign for drink, the word was
given by one of the waiters; A boire pour le Roi, or A boire
pour la Reine. Then two persons came from within, the
one with wine and the other with water in carafes ; each
drank a little glass of what he brought, and then put both
the carafes with a glass on a salver, and then presented it.
Their distance from each other was such, as that other
chairs might have been placed between any two of them.
An officer of the court brought us up through the crowd of
spectators, and placed Sir John so as to stand between the
Queen and Madame Victoire. The King talked a good
deal to Sir John, asking many questions about our royal
family; and did me too the honor of taking some notice

-Et. 6i.] THE KINC— VERSAILLES. 543

of me ; that is saying enough ; for I would not have you
think me so much pleased with this King and Queen, as
to have a whit less regard than I used to have for ours.
No Frenchman shall go beyond me in thinking my own
King and Queen the very best in the world, and the most
amiable.

Versailles has had infinite sums laid out in building it
and supplying it with water. Some say the expenses ex-
ceeded eighty millions sterling. The range of buildings is
immense; the garden-front most magnificent, all of hewn
stone; the number of statues, figures, urns, &c., in marble
and bronze of exquisite workmanship, is beyond conception.
But the water-works are out of repair, and so is great part
of the front next the town, looking with its shabby, half-
brick walls, and broken windows, not much better than the
houses in Durham Yard. There is, in short, both at Ver-
sailles and Paris, a prodigious mixture of magnificence and
negligence, with every kind of elegance except that of
cleanliness, and what we call tidiness. Though I must do
Paris the justice to say, that in two points of cleanliness
they exceed us. The water they drink, though from the
river, they render as pure as that of the best spring, by
filtering it through cisterns filled with sand; and the streets
ivith constant sweeping are fit to walk in, though there is
no paved footpath. Accordingly, many well dressed people
are constantly seen walking in them. The crowd of coaches
and chairs for this reason is not so great. Men, as well as
women, carry umbrellas in their hands, which they extend
in case of rain or too much sun; and, a man with an
umbrella not taking up more than three foot square, or nine
square feet of the street, when, if in a coach, he would take
up two hundred and forty square feet, you can easily con-

^44 FIRST LMFRESSIONS OF FARIS. [.^t. 6i.

ceive, that, though the streets here are narrow, they may
be much less encumbered. They are extremely well paved,
and the stones, being generally cubes, when worn on one
side, may be turned and become new.

The civilities we everywhere receive give us the strongest
impressions of the French politeness. It seems to be a
point settled here universally, that strangers are to be
treated with respect ; and one has just the same deference
shown one here by being a stranger, as in England by being
a lady. The custom-house officers at Port St. Denis, as we
entered Paris, were about to seize two dozen of excellent
Bordeaux wine given us at Boulogne, and which we brought
with us; but, as soon as they found we were strangers, it
was immediately remitted on that account. At the Church
of Notre Dame, where we went to see a magnificent illu-
mination, with figures, &c., for the deceased Dauphin ess,
we found an immense crowd, who were kept out by guards;
but, the officer being told that we were strangers from Eng-
land, he immediately admitted us, accompanied and showed
us every thing. Why don't we practise this urbanity to
Frenchmen? Why should they be allowed to outdo us in
any thing ?

Here is an exhibition of painting, like ours in London,
to which multitudes flock daily. I am not connoisseur
enough to judge which has most merit. Every night,
Sundays not excepted, here are plays or operas ; and, though
the weather has been hot, and the houses full, one is not
incommoded by the heat so much as with us in winter.
They must have some way of changing the air, that we are
not acquainted with. I shall inquire into it.

Travelling is one way of lengthening life, at least in
appearance. It is but about a fortnight since we left Lon-

vEt. 6 1.] FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF PARIS. 545

don, but the variety of scenes we have gone through makes
it seem equal to six months living in one place. Perhaps I
have suffered a greater change, too, in my own person, than
I could have done in six years at home. I had not been here
six days, before my tailor and perruquier had transformed
me into a Frenchman. Only think what a figure I make
in a little bag-wig and with naked ears ! They told me I
was become twenty years younger, and looked very gallant.

This letter shall cost you a shilling, and you may con-
sider it cheap, when you reflect, that it has cost me at least
fifty guineas to get into the situation, that enables me to
write it. Besides, I might, if I had stayed at home, have
won perhaps two shillings of you at cribbage. By the way,
now I mention cards, let me tell you that quadrille is now
out of fashion here, and English whist all the mode at Paris
and the court.

And pray look upon it as no small matter, that, surrounded
as I am by the glories of the world, and amusements of
all sorts, I remember you, and Dolly, and all the dear good
folks at Bromley. It is true, I cannot help it, but must and
(ever shall remember you all with pleasure.

46*

CHAPTER VI.

The Walpole Grant again — Change of Ministry — Hillsborough named Sec-
retary of State for America — Franklin edits " The Farmer's Letters" —
Particulars of his Election to the Royal Society — Powers of Parliament
over the Colonies defined — Corruption at Elections — Dissolution of Par-
liament.

I767-1768.

To William I THINK the New YorkcFs have been very ,
teT" London" ^iscreet ill forbearing to write and publish
25 Nov., 1767. against the late act of Parliament. I wish the
Boston people had been as quiet, since Governor Bernard
has sent over all their violent papers to the ministry, and
wrote them word that he daily expected a rebellion. He
did indeed afterwards correct this extravagance, by writing
again, that he now understood those papers were approved
by few, and disliked by all the sober, sensible people of the
province. A certain noble Lord expressed himself to me
with some disgust and contempt of Bernard on this occasion,
saying he ought to have known his people better, than to
impute to the whole country sentiments, that perhaps are
only scribbled by some madman in a garret ; that he ap-
peared to be too fond of contention, and mistook the matter
greatly, in supposing such letters as he wrote were accept-
able to the ministry. I have heard nothing of the appoint-

546

JET. 6i.] THE WALPOLE GRANT. 547

ment of General Clark to New York ; but I know he is a
friend of Lord Shelburne's, and the same that recommended
Mr. Maclean to be his secretary. Perhaps it might be talked
of in my absence.

The commissioners for the American Board went hence
while I was in France. You know before this time who they
are, and how they are received, which I want to hear.
Mr. Williams, who is gone in some office with them, is
brother to our cousin Williams of Boston ; but I assure you
I had not the least share in his appointment, having, as I
told you before, carefully kept out of the way of that whole
affair. .

As soon as I received Mr. Galloway's, Mr. Samuel Whar-
ton's, and Mr. Croghan's letters on the subject of the
boundary, I communicated them immediately to Lord
Shelburne. He invited me the next day to dine with him.
Lord Clare was to have been there, but did not come.
There was nobody but Mr. Maclean. My Lord knew
nothing of the boundary's having ever been agreed on by
Sir William, had sent the letters to the Board of Trade,
desiring search to be made there for Sir William's letters,
and ordered Mr. Maclean to search the secretary's office,
who found nothing. We had much discourse about it, and
I pressed the importance of despatching orders immediately
to Sir William to complete the affair. His Lordship asked
who was to make the purchase, that is, be at the expense.
I said, that, if the line included any lands within the grants
of the charter colonies, they should pay the purchase money
of such proportion. If any within the proprietary grants,
they should pay their proportion ; but that what was within
royal governments, where the King granted the lands, the
crown should pay for that proportion. His Lordship was

548 THE WALPOLE GRANT. [^t. 6i.

pleased to say, he thought this reasonable. He finally
desired me to go to Lord Clare, as from him, and urge the
business there, which I undertook to do.

Among other things at this conversation, we talked of the
new settlement. His Lordship told me he had himself
drawn up a paper of reasons for those settlements, which he
laid before the King in Council, acquainting them that he
did not offer them merely as his own sentiments; they were
what he had collected from General Amherst, Dr. Franklin,
and Mr. Jackson, three gentlemen that were allowed to be
the best authorities for anything that related to America.
I think he added that the Council seemed to apprgve of the
design. I know it was referred to the Board of Trade, who
I believe have not yet reported on it, and I doubt will
report against it. My Lord told me one pleasant circum-
stance, viz. that he had shown his paper to the Dean of
Gloucester (Tucker), to hear his opinion of the matter;
who very sagaciously remarked, that he was sure that paper
was drawn up by Dr. Franklin ; he saw him in every para-
graph; adding, that Dr. Franklin wanted to remove the
seat of government to America ; that, says he, is his con-
stant plan.

I waited next morning upon Lord Clare, and pressed the
matter of the boundary closely upon him. He said they could
not find they had ever received any letters from Sir William
concerning this boundary, but were searching farther ;
agreed to the necessity of settling it ; but thought there
would be some difficulty about who should pay the purchase
money ; for that this country was already so loaded, it could
bear no more. We then talked of the new colonies. I
found he was inclined to think one near the mouth of the
Ohio might be of use in securing the country, but did not

>Et. 6i.] PAPER MONEY IN PENNSYLVANIA. ^^g

much approve that at Detroit. And, as to the trade, he
imagined it would be of little consequence, if we had all the
peltry to be purchased there, but supposed our traders would
sell it chiefly to the French and Spaniards at New Orleans,
as he heard they had hitherto done.

At the same time that we Americans wish not to be judged
of, in the gross, by particular papers written by anonymous
scribblers and published in the colonies, it would be well
if we could avoid falling into the same mistake in America,
in judging of ministers here by the libels printed against
them. The enclosed is a very abusive one, in which if there
is any foundation of truth, it can only be in the insinuation
contained in the words ^'- after eleven adjournments,^' that
they are too apt to postpone business ; but, if they have
given any occasion for this reflection, there are reasons and
circumstances that may be urged in their excuse.

It gives me pleasure to hear, that the people of the other
colonies are not insensible of the zeal, with which I occa-
sionally espouse their respective interests, as well as the
interests of the whole. I shall continue to do so as long as
I reside here and am able.

To Joseph I am inclined to think with you, that the
Galloway, da- ^^g|| g^j^ ^^ \\7iNQ issucd to discharge the

ted London, •' "-'

I Dec, 1767. public debts only will not be materially af-
fected in its credit for want of the legal tender, considering
especially the present extreme want of money in the prov-
ince. You appear to me to point out the true cause of the
general distress, viz. the late luxurious mode of living intro-
duced by a too great plenty of cash. It is indeed amazing
to consider, that we had a quantity sufficient before the
tvar began, and that the war added immensely to that quan-

550 MR. GRENVILLE. [^t. 6i.

tity, by the sums spent among us by the crown, and the
paper struck and issued in the province ; and now in so few
years all the money spent by the crown is gone away, and
has carried with it all the gold and silver we had before,
leaving us bare and empty, and at the same time more in
debt to England than ever we were. But I am inclined to
think, that the mere making more money will not mend our
circumstances, if we do not return to that industry and fru-
gality, which were the fundamental causes of our former
prosperity. I shall nevertheless do my utmost this winter
to obtain the repeal of the act restraining the legal tender,
if our friends the merchants think it practicable, and will
heartily espouse the cause ; and, in truth, they have full as
much interest in the event as we have.

The present ministry, it is now thought, are likely to con-
tinue at least till a new Parliament ; so that our apprehen-
sions of a change, and that Mr. Grenville would come in
again, seem over for the present. He behaves as if a little
out of his head on the article of America, which he brings
into every debate without rhyme or reason, when the matter
has not the least connexion with it. Thus, at the beginning
of this session on the debate upon the King's speech, he
tired everybody, even his friends, with a long harangue
about and against America, of which there was not a word
in the speech. Last Friday he produced in the House a
late Boston Gazette, which he said denied the legislative
authority of Parliament, was treasonable, rebellious, &c.,
and moved it might be read, and that the House would take
cognizance of it ; but, it being moved on the other hand
that Mr, Grenville's motion should be postponed to that
day six months, it was carried without a division ; and, as
it is known that this Parliament will expire before that time,

/Ex. 6 1.] BOSTON RESOLUTIONS. 55 1

it was equivalent to a total rejection of the motion. The
Duke of Bedford, too, it seems, moved in vain for a con-
sideration of this paper m the House of Lords. These are
favorable symptoms of the present disposition of Parliament
towards America, which I hope no conduct of the Americans
will give just cause of altering.

To William The resolutions of the Boston people con-

Franklin, da- . , , , . . 1 -pv

ted London cerning trade make a great noise here. Jrar-
10 Dec, 1767. liament has not yet taken notice of them, but
the newspapers are in full cry against America. Colonel
Onslow told me at court last Sunday, that I could not con-
ceive how much the friends of America were run upon and
hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians triumphed.
I have just written a paper for next Tuesday's Chronicle to
extenuate matters a little.*

Mentioning Colonel Onslow reminds me of something,
that passed at the beginning of this session in the House

* Scarcely had Franklin returned to London from his continental trip,
when news arrived of the retaliatory measures which the series of revenue
acts of Parliament had provoked in Boston. They were regarded as but the
Stamp Act in a new disguise, and as a continuation of a policy which it was
hoped had been abandoned with that odious measure. Disappointed and
indignant, the Bostonians assembled in town meeting, formally recommended
the encouragement of domestic manufactures and the abandonment of all
superfluities, and engaged themselves, after a stated time, to eschew entirely
the use of certain specified articles of foreign manufacture.

These resolutions, adopted on the 28th of October, 1767, produced
scarcely less excitement in England than the acts of Parliament which pro-
voked them had produced in the colonies. They were denounced as de-
liberately disrespectful to Parliament, and little short of rebellious. These
threats from the colonies worried Franklin, because they strengthened the
enemies of the actual ministry, which was doing the best it could for America.
To calm the excitement, Dr. Franklin wrote a paper which was printed,
though, as Dr. Franklin said, with the teeth drawn and the nails pared, that

552 ^ OSTON RE SOL UTIONS. [^T. 6i.

between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been
raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious, &c., when
the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up
and gravely said, that in reading the Roman history he
found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous
people, whenever the senate was informed of any discontent
in the provinces, to send two or three of their body into
the discontented provinces, to inquire into the grievances
complained of, and report to the senate, that mild measures
might be used to remedy what was amiss, before any severe
steps were taken to enforce obedience ; that this example
he thought worthy of our imitation in the present state of
our colonies, for he did so far agree with the honorable
gentleman, that spoke just before him, as to allow there
were great discontents among them. He should therefore
beg leave to move, that two or three members of Parliament
be appointed to go over to New England on this service.
And that it might not be supposed he was for imposing
burdens on others, which he would not be willing to bear
himself, he did at the same time declare his own willing-
ness, if the House should think fit to appoint them, to go
over thither with that honorable gentlema?!. Upon this there
was a great laugh, which continued some time, and was
rather increased by Mr. Grenville's asking, " Will the gen-
tleman engage, that I shall be safe there ? Can I be assured

it could neither scratcli nor bite, in the London Chronicle, entitled " Causes
of the American Discontents before 1768." It did not save the ministry,
however. The king was determined that the colonies should feel and re-
spect his power, and so at the commencement of the following year Lord
Hillsborough took the place of Lord Shelbume, and was made Secretary of
State for America, a newly-created department, and was also placed at the
head of the Board of Trade. — Ed,

^T. 6i.] AMERICAN REPRESENTATION. 55^

that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the
report?" As soon as the laugh was so far subsided, as that
Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added, *'I cannot
absolutely engage for the honorable gentleman's safe return ;
but if he goes thither upon this service, I am strongly of
opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet
of both countries," On which the laugh was renewed and
redoubled.

If our people should follow the Boston example in enter-
ing into resolutions of frugality and industry, full as neces-
sary for us as for them, I hope they will among other things
give this reason, that it is to enable them more speedily and
effectually to discharge their debts to Great Britain. This
will soften a little, and at the same time appear honorable
and like ourselves.

TojohnRoss, The instruction you mention, as proposed by

dated Lon- . ,, ., ,

don, 13 Dec, ^ certain great man, was really a wild one.
^767. The reasons you made use of against it were

clear and strong, and could not but prevail. It will be time
enough to show a dislike to the coalition, when it is pro-
posed to us. Meanwhile we have all the advantage in the
argument of taxation, which our not being represented will
continue to give us. I think, indeed, that such an event
is very remote. This nation is indeed too proud to propose
admitting American representatives into their Parliament ;
and America is not so humble, or so fond of the honor, as
to petition for it. In matrimonial matches it is said, when
one party is willing, the match is half made ; but, where
neither party is willing, there is no great danger of their
coming together. And, to be sure, such an important

business would never be treated of by agents unempowered
47 X

554 ELECTION TO THE ROYAL SOCIETY, [^t. 6i.

and uninstructed ; nor would government here act upon the
private opinion of agents, which might be disowned by their
constituents.

The present ministry seem now likely to continue through
this session ; and this, as a new election approaches, gives
them the advantage of getting so many of their friends chosen
as may give a stability to their administration. I heartily
wish it, because they are all well disposed towards America.

To William Dear Son, — We have had an ugly affair at

Franklin, da-
ted London, the Royal Society lately. One Dacosta, a Jew,

19 December, ^y|^^ ^^ ^^j. ^^^^ was intrusted with collecting
1767, °

our monies has been so unfaithful as to em-
bezzle near ;!^i3oo in four years. Being one of the council
this year as well as the last, I have been employed all the
last week in attending the enquiry into and unravelling his
accounts in order to come to a full knowledge of his frauds.
His securities are bound in one thousand pounds to the
Society, which they will pay, but we shall probably lose
the rest. He had this year received twenty-six admission
payments of twenty-five guineas each, which he did not
bring to account.

While attending to this affair I had an opportunity of
looking over the old council-books and journals of the
Society, and having a curiosity to see how I came in, of
which I had never been informed, I looked back for the
minutes relating to it. You must know it is not usual to
admit persons who have not requested to be admitted, and
a recommendatory certificate in favor of the candidate,
signed by at least three of the members, is by our rule to
be presented to the Society, expressing that he is desirous
of that honor, and is so and so qualified. As I never had

^T. 62.J CHANGE OF MINISTERS. 55^

asked or expected the honor, I was, as I said before,
curious to see how the business was managed. I found that
the certificate, worded very advantageously for me, was
signed by Lord Macclesfield then President, Lord Parker
and Lord Willoughby ; that the election was by a unani-
mous vote ; and the honor being voluntarily conferred by
the Society, unsolicited by me, it was thought wrong to
demand or receive the usual fees or composition ; so that
my name was entered on the list with a vote of council that
I was not to pay any things and accordingly nothing has ever
been demanded of me. Those who are admitted in the
common way, pay five guineas admission fees, and two
guineas and a half yearly contribution, or twenty-five
guineas down in lieu of it. In my case a substantial favor
accompanied the honor.

To William y^^ X^dMQ had so many alarms of changes,

Franklin, da- . . ^ ^ ^ '

ted London, 9 which did not take place, that just when I wrote
January, 1768. j^. ^^^^ thought the ministry would stand their
ground. However, immediately after, the talk was re-
newed, and it soon appeared that the Sunday changes were
actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns and Lord Weymouth
takes his place. Lord Gower is made President of the
Council in the room of Lord Northington. Lord Shel-
burne is stripped of the American business, which is given
to Lord Hillsborough as secretary of state for America, a
new distinct department. Lord Sandwich, it is said, comes
into the postoffice in his place. Several of the Bedford
party are now to come in.

How these changes may affect us, a little time will show.
Little at present is thought of but elections, which gives
me hopes that nothing will be done against America this

556 BOSTON RESOLUTIONS. [^t. 62,

session, though the Bosto7i Gazette had occasioned some
heats, and the Boston Resolutions a prodigious clamor. I
have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I
can. I send you my manuscript of one paper, though J
think you take the Chrofiicle. The editor of that paper, one
Jones, seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious, as you will
see by his corrections and omissions. He has drawn the
teeth and pared the nails of my paper, so that it can neither
scratch nor bite. It seems only to paw and mumble. 1
send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is
another which I cannot find.

I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed
under-secretary to Lord Hillsborough; but with little like-
lihood, as it is a settled point here, that I am too much of
an American. I am in very good health, thanks to God.

To Joseph I wrote to you by way of Boston, and have
ted Lo^ndon^q ^i^^^^ ^o add, cxccpt to acquaint you that some
January, 1768. changes have taken place since my last, which
have not the most promising aspect for America, several of
the Bedford party being come into employment again ; a
party that has distinguished itself by exclaiming against us
on all late occasions. Mr. Conway, one of our friends,
has resigned, and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord
Shelburne, another friend, is stripped of the American part
of the business of his office, which now makes a distinct
department, in which Lord Hillsborough is placed. I do
not think this nobleman in general an enemy to America;
but, in the affair of paper money, he was last winter strongly
against us.

I did hope I had removed some of his prejudices on that
head, but am not certain. We have, however, increased

iET. 62.] FAMILY MATTERS. 55;r

the cry for it here, and I believe shall attempt to obtain the
repeal of the act, though the Bostoji Gazette and their
resolutions about manufactures have hurt us much, having
occasioned an immense clamor here. I have endeavoured
to palliate matters for them as well as I can, and hope with
some success. For having, in a large company in which
were some members of Parliament, given satisfaction to all,
by what I alleged in explanation of the conduct of the
Americans, and to show that they were not quite so unrea-
sonable as they appeared to be, I was advised by several
present to make my sentiments public, not only for the sake
of America, but as it would be some ease to our' friends
here, who are triumphed over a good deal by our adversaries
on the occasion. I have accordingly done it in the enclosed
paper.

To his wife, I received your kind letter by Captain Story,
don^^i Feb" °^ November 19th, and a subsequent one by
X768. Captain Falconer without date. I have re-

ceived also the Indian and buckwheat meal, that they
brought from you, with the apples, cranberries, and nuts, for
all which I thank you. They all prove good, and the
apples were particularly welcome to me and my friends, as
there happens to be scarce any of any kind in England this
year. We are much obliged to the captains, who are so
good as to bring these things for us, without charging an)'-
thing for their trouble.

I am much concerned for my dear sister's loss of her
daughter. It was kind in you to write a letter of condo-
lence. I have also written to her on the occasion. I am
not determined about bringing Sally over with me, but am

obliged to you for the kind manner in which you speak of it,
47*

558 LEGAL TENDER. [^t. 62.

and possibly I may conclude to do it.* I am sorry you
had so much trouble with that Nelson. By what is now
said of her here, she did not deserve the notice you took of
her, or that any credit should be given to her stories. I
am afraid she has made mischief in my family by her false-
hoods. I think your advice good, not to help any one to
servants. I shall never be concerned in such business again ;
I never was lucky in it.

P. S. I forgot to tell you that a certain very great lady,
the best woman in England, was graciously pleased to
accept some of your nuts, and to say they were excellent..
This is to yourself only. f

To Joseph In mine of January 9th, I wrote to you that
ted* °London' "'■ bcHeved, notwithstanding the clamor against
17 Feb., 1768. America had been greatly increased by the
Boston proceedings, we should attempt this session to
obtain the repeal of the restraining act relating to paper
money. The change of the administration, with regard to
American affairs, which was agreed on some time before the
new secretary kissed hands and entered upon business, made
it impossible to go forward with that affair, as the minister
quitting that department would not, and his successor could
not, engage in it ; but now our friends the merchants have

* This was Sally Franklin, the daughter of Thomas Franklin, a remote
family connexion. As this Thomas Franklin was in narrow circumstances,
Dr, Franklin took the charge of his daughter for several years. She married
in England, and did not visit America. — Ed.

f The following note explains this postscript :

" Dr. Franklin presents his respectful compliments to Lord Bathurst, with
some American nuts; and to Lady Bathurst with some American apples;
which he prays they will accept as a tribute from that country, small indeed,
but voluntary." — Ed.

^T. 62.] LORD HILLSBOROUGH. 559

been moving in it, and some of them have conceived hopes,
from the manner in which Lord Hillsborough attended to
their representations. It had been previously concluded
among us, that, if the repeal was to be obtained at all, it
must be proposed in the light of a favor to the merchants
of this country, and asked for by them, not by the agents
as a favor to America. But, as my Lord had, at sundry
times before he came into his present station, discoursed
with me on the subject, and got from me a copy of ray
answer to his report, when at the head of the Board of
Trade, which some time since he thanked me for, and said
he would read again and consider carefully, I waited upon
him this morning, partly with intent to learn if he had
changed his sentiments.

We entered into the subject, and had a long conversation
upon it, in which all the arguments he used, against the
legal tender of paper money, were intended to demonstrate,
that it was for the benefit of the people themselves to have
no such money current among them ; and it was strongly
his opinion, that, after the experience of being without it
a few years, we should all be convinced of this truth, as he
said the New England colonies now were; they having
lately, on the rumor of an intended application for taking
off the restraint, petitioned here, that it might be continued
as to them. However, his Lordship was pleased to say,
that, if such application was made for the three colonies of
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, as I proposed,
it should have fair play, he would himself give it no sort of
opposition ; but he was sure it would meet with a great
deal, and he thought it could not succeed. He was pleased
to make me compliments upon my paper, assuring me he
had read it with a great deal of attention, that I had said

5 6o ^ ORD HIL LSBORO UGH. [.Ex. 6i

much more in favor of such a currency than he thought
could be said, and all he believed that the subject would
admit of; but that it had not on the whole changed his
opinion, any further than to induce him to leave the matter
now to the judgment of others, and let it take its course,
without opposing it as last year he had determined to have
done.

I go into the city to-morrow, to confer with the mer-
chants again upon it ; that, if they see any hopes, we may
at least try the event. But I own my expectations are now
very slender, knowing as I do, that nothing is to be done
in Parliament, that is not a measure adopted by ministry
and supported by their strength, mq^ch less any thing they
are averse to or indifferent about.

I took the opportunity of discoursing with his Lordship
concerning our particular affair of the change of govern-
ment, gave him a detail af all proceedings hitherto, the
delays it had met with, and its present situation. He was
pleased to say, he would inquire into the matter, and would
talk with me further upon it. He expressed great satisfac-
tion in the good disposition, that, he said, appeared now
to be general in America, with regard to government here,
according to the latest advices; and informed me, that he
had by his Majesty's order -wrote the most healing letters
to the several governors, which, if shown to the Assemblies,
as he supposed they would be, could not but confirm that
good disposition. As to the permission we want to bring
wine, fruit, and oil directly from Spain and Portugal, and
to carry iron direct to foreign markets, it is agreed on all
hands that this is an unfavorable time to move in those
matters ; George Grenville and those in the opposition, on
every hint of the kind, making a great noise about the Act

^T. 62. ] FA RL I AMENTA R Y BRIBER V. 561

of Navigation, that palladium of England, as they call it,
to be given up to rebellious America, &c. &c., so that the
ministry would not venture to propose it, if f/iey approved.
I am to wait on the secretary again next Wednesday, and
shall write you further what passes, that is material.

The Parliament have of late been acting an egregious
farce, calling before them the mayor and aldermen of Ox-
ford, for proposing a sum to be paid by their old members
on being rechosen at the next election ; and sundry printers
and brokers, for advertising and dealing in boroughs, &c.
The Oxford people were sent to Newgate, and discharged,
after some days, on humble petition, and receiving the
Speaker's reprimand upon their knees. The House could
scarcely keep countenances, knowing as they all do, that
the practice is general. People say, they mean nothing
more than to />ea^ down the price by a little discouragement
of borough jobbing, now that their own elections are all
coming on. The price indeed is grown exorbitant, no less
than four thousand pounds for a member.

Mr. Beckford has brought in a bill for preventing bribery
and corruption in elections, wherein was a clause to oblige
every member to swear, on his admission into the House,
that he had not directly or indirectly given any bribe to
any elector ; but this was so universally exclaimed against, as
answering no end but perjuring the members, that he has
been obliged to withdraw that clause. It was indeed a cruel
contrivance of his, worse than the gunpowder plot ; for
that was only to blow the Parliament up to heaven, this to

sink them all down to . Mr. Thurlow opposed his

bill by a long speech. Beckford, in reply, gave a dry hit
to the House, that is repeated everywhere. "The honor-
able gentleman," says he, ''in his learned discourse, gave

562 SECRETARY CONWAY [^T. 62.

US first one definition of corruption, then he gave us another
definition of corruption, and I think he was about to give
us a third. Pray does that gentleman imagine there is any
member of this House that does not know what corruption
is?" which occasioned only a roar of laughter, for they
are so hardened in the practice, that they are very little
ashamed of it. This between ourselves.

To Thomas The story you mention of Secretary Con-

Wharton, da- , , . , -, 1 i i i •

ted London ^^''^X ^ wondering what I could be domg ni
20 Feb., 1768. England, and that he had not seen me for a
considerable time, savours strongly of the channel through
which it came, and deserves no notice. But, since his name
is mentioned, it gives me occasion to relate what passed
between us the last time I had the honor of conversing with
him. It was at court, when the late changes were first
rumored, and it was reported he was to resign the secre-
tary's office. Talking of America, I said I was sorry to
find, that our friends were one after another quitting the
administration, that I was apprehensive of the consequences,
and hoped what I heard of his going out was not true. He
said it was really ine, the employment had not been of his
choice, he had never any taste for it, but had submitted to
engage in it for a time, at the instance of his friends, and
he believed his removal could not be attended with any ill
consequences to America; that he was a sincere wellwisher
to the prosperity of that country as well as this, and hoped
the imprudences of either side would never be carried to
such a height, as to create a breach of the union, so essen-
tially necessary to the welfare of both ; that, as long as his
Majesty continued to honor him with a share in his coun-
sels, America should always find in him a friend, &c. This

JEt. 62.] DANGERS FROM USE OF LEAD PIPE. 563

I write, as it was agreeable to me to hear, and I suppose will
be so to you to read. For his character has more in it of
the frank honesty of the soldier, than of the plausible insin-
cerity of the courtier j and therefore what he says is more
to be depended on.

The Proprietor's dislike to my continuing in England, lo
be sure, is very natural : as well as to the repeated choice
of Assembly men, not his friends ; and probably he would,
as they so little answer his purposes, wish to see elections as
well as agencies abolished. They make him very unhappy,
but it cannot be helped.

To Mr. Live- I received your kind letter of November
London ^ 20 ^^^^■) with a vcry welcome present of another
Feb., 1768. dozen of your wine. The former had been
found excellent by many good judges ; my wine merchant
in particular was very desirous of knowing what quantity of
it might be had, and at what price, to which I could give
him no satisfaction. I only said, that the grapes, being
uncultivated, were not very juicy ; I apprehended, so many
of them must be required, and so much labor in gathering
and pressing them, to produce a little wine, that the price
could not be very low. I shall apply this parcel as I did
the last, towards warming the hearts of the friends of our
country, and welhvishers to the change of its government.

To Cadwaiia- I wrote you a few lines by Capt. Falconer

dated ^on- ^"^ ^^^^ Y^^ ^''- Watson's new piece of Experi-

don, 20 Feb., ments in inoculation, which I hope will be

agreeable to you.

In yours of Nov. 20th you mention the lead in the worms

of stills as a probable cause of the dry bellyache among

^64 MANUFACTURES DISCOURAGED. \M.t. 62.

punch drinkers in our West Indies. I had before acquainted
Dr. Baker with a fact of that kind, the general mischief
done by the use of lead worms, when rum-distilling was
first practised in New England, which occasioned a severe
law there against them ; and he has mentioned it in the
2d part of the piece not yet published. I have long been
of opinion, that this distemper proceeds always from a
metallic cause only, observing that it affects, among trades-
men those that use lead, however different their trades, as
glaciers, letter founders, plumbers, potters, white lead
makers, and painters ; (from the latter, it has been conjec-
tured, it took its name Colica Pictomwi, by the mistake of a
letter and not from its being the disease of Picton ;) and
although the worms of stills ought to be of pure tin, they
are often made of pewter, which has a mixture in it of lead.
The Boston people pretending to interfere with the manu-
factures of this country, makes a great clamor here against
America in general. I have endeavored therefore to palli-
ate matters a little in several public papers. It would as
you justly observe give less umbrage if we meddled only
with such manufactures as England does not attend to.
That of linen might be carried on more or less in every
family, (perhaps it can only do in a family way,) and silk
I think in most of the colonies. But there are many manu-
factures that we cannot carry on to advantage, though we
were at entire liberty. And after all this country is fond
of manufactures beyond their real value ; for the true source
of riches is husbandry. Agriculture is truly productive of
new wealth ; manufactures only change forms ; and what-
ever value they give to the material they work upon, they
in the mean time consume an equal value of provisions, &c.
So that riches are not increased by manufacturing ; the only

^T. 62.] HILLSBOROUGH'S PLANS. 565

advantage is that provisions in the shape of manufactures
are more easily carried for sale in foreign markets. And
where the provisions cannot be easily carried to market, it
is well so to transform them for our own use as well as for
foreign sale. In families also where the children and ser-
vants of farmers have some spare time, it is well to employ
it in making something ; and in spinning or knitting, &c.,
to gather up fragments (of time) that nothing may be lost ;
for these fragments, though small in themselves, amount to
something great in the year and the family must eat whether
they work or are idle.

But this nation seems to have increased the number of its
manufactures beyond reasonable bounds (for there are
bounds to every thing) whereby provisions are now risen to an
exorbitant price by the demand for supplying home mouths ;
so that there maybe an importation from foreign countries;
but the expense of bringing provisions from abroad to feed
manufacturers here will so enhance the price of the manu-
factures that they may be made cheaper where the provi-
sions grow and the mouths will go to the meat.*

To William The purposc of settling the new colonies
ted London" sccms at present to be dropped, the change of

13 March, American administration not appearing favor-
1768.

able to it. There seems rather to be an incli-
nation to abandon the posts in the back country, as more
expensive than useful; but counsels are so continually
fluctuating here, that nothing can be depended on. The

* In the decade in which England drove her American Colonies to re-
bellion she first began to experience the necessity of importing grain.
Her needs have increased with her population, until now she imports more
than half her breadstuffs, and is more dependent upon America than upon
all other countries in the world together for the food she consumes. Brit-
ish mouths, too, for the last quarter of a century have been going in con-
stantly increasing proportions to the meat. — Ed.

5 66 ^^^ " FARMER 'S LE TTERS: ' [^T. 62.

new secretary, my Lord Hillsborough, is, I find, of opinion,
that the troops should be placed, the chief part of them, in
Canada and Florida, only three battalions to be quartered
in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; an(^ that
Forts Pitt, Oswego, Niagara, &c., should be left to the
colonies to garrison and keep up, if they think it necessary,
for the protection of their trade. Probably his opinion may
be followed, if the new changes do not produce other ideas.

As to my own sentiments, I am weary of suggesting them
to so many different inattentive heads, though I must con-
tinue to do it while I stay among them. The letters from
Sir William Johnson, relating to the boundary, were at
last found, and orders were sent over about Christmas for
completing the purchase and settlement of it. My Lord
Hillsborough has promised me to send duplicates by this
packet, and urge the speedy execution, as we represented
to him the danger, that these dissatisfactions of the Indians
might produce a war. But I can tell you, there are many
here, to whom the news of such a war would give pleasure ;
who speak of it as a thing to be wished; partly as a chas-
tisement to the colonies, and partly to make them feel the
want of protection from this country, and pray for it. For
it is imagined, that we could not possibly defend ourselves
against the Indians without such assistance; so little is the
state of America understood here.

My Lord Hillsborough mentioned the "Farmer's Let-
ters" to me, said he had read them, that they were well
written, and he believed he could guess who was the author,
looking in my face at the same time, as if he thought it
was me. He censured the doctrines as extremely wild. I
have read them as far as No. 8. I know not if any
more have been published. I should have thought they

JEt. 62.'] THE '' FARMER'S LETTERSr ^6«

had been written by Mr. Delancey, not having heard any
mention of the others you point out as joint authors.* I
am not yet master of the idea these and the New England
writers have of the relation between Britain and her colo-
nies. I know not what the Boston people mean by the
''subordination" they acknowledge in their Assembly to
Parliament, while they deny its power to make laws for
them, nor what bounds the Farmer sets to the power he
acknowledges in Parliament to ''regulate the trade of the
colonies," it being difficult to draw lines between duties for
regulation and those for revenue; and, if the Parliament is
to be the judge, it seems to me that establishing such prin-
ciples of distinction will amount to little.

The more I have thought and read on the subject, the
more I find myself confirmed in opinion, that no middle
doctrine can be well maintained, I mean not clearly with
intelligible arguments. Something might be made of either
of the extremes; that Parliament has a power to make all
laws for us, or that it has a power to make no laws for us;
and I think the arguments for the latter more numerous and
weighty, than those for the former. Supposing that doctrine
established, the colonies would then be so many separate
states, only subject to the same king, as England and Scot-
land were before the union. And then the question would
be, whether a union like that with Scotland would or would
not be advantageous to the whole. I should have no doubt
of the affirmative, being fully persuaded that it would be
best for the whole, and that though particular parts might

* The " Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania" were written by John
Dickenson, and published the following yeai in England, with a preface by
Dr. Franklin. — Ed.

t^^S THE ''FARMER'S letters:' [^t. 62.

find particular disadvantages in it, they would find greater
advantages in the security arising to every part from the
increased strength of the whole. But such union is not
likely to take place, while the nature of our present relation
is so little understood on both sides of the water, and
sentiments concerning it remain so widely different.

As to the Farmer's combating, as you say they intend to
do, my opinion, that the Parliament might lay duties though
not impose internal taxes, I shall not give myself the
trouble to defend it. Only to you, I may say, that not
only the Parliament of Britain, but every state in Europe,
claims and exercises a right of laying duties on the exporta-
tion of its own commodities to foreign countries. A duty
is paid here on coals exported to Holland, and yet England
has no right to lay an internal tax on Holland. All goods
brought out of France to England, or any other country,
are charged with a small duty in France, which the con-
sumers pay, and yet France has no right to tax other coun-
tries. And in my opinion the grievance is not that Britain
puts duties upon her own manufactures exported to us, but
that she forbids us to buy the like manufactures from any
other country. This she does, however, in virtue of her
allowed right to regulate the commerce of the whole empire,
allowed I mean by the Farmer, though I think whoever
would dispute that right might stand upon firmer ground,
and make much more of the argument; but my reasons are
too many and too long for a letter.

Mr. Grenville complained in the House, that the gov-
ernors of New Jersey, New Hampshire, East and West
Florida, had none of them obeyed the orders sent them, to
give an account of the manufactures carried on in their
respective provinces. Upon hearing this, I went after the

/Et. 62.] JEALOUSY OF THE COLONIES. 569

House was up, and got a sight of the reports made by the
other governors. They are all much in the same strain,
that there are no manufactures of any consequence; in
Massachusetts a little coarse woollen only, made in families
for their own wear; glass and linen have been tried and
failed. Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York much the
same. Pennsylvania has tried a linen manufactory, but it is
dropped, it being imported cheaper; there is a glasshouse
in Lancaster county, but it makes only a little coarse ware
for the country neighbours. Maryland is clothed all with
English manufactures. Virginia the same, except that in
their families they spin a little cotton of their own growing.
South Carolina and Georgia none. All speak of the dear-
ness of labor, that makes manufactures impracticable.
Only the governor of North Carolina parades with a large
manufacture in his country, that may be useful to Britain,
oi pine boards ; they having fifty sawmills on one river.

These accounts are very satisfactory here, and induce the
Parliament to despise and take no notice of the Boston
resolutions. I wish you would send your account before
the meeting of next Parliament. You have only to report
a glasshouse for coarse window glass and bottles, and some
domestic manufactures of linen and woollen for family use,
that Ho not half clothe the inhabitants, all the finer goods
coming from England and the like. I believe you will be
puzzled to find any other, though I see great puffs in the
papers.

The Parliament is up, and the nation in a ferment with
the new elections. Great complaints are made that the
natural interests of country gentlemen in their neighbour-
ing boroughs is overborne by the moneyed interests of the

new people, who have got sudden fortunes in the Indies, or
48*

570 VENALITY OF PARLIAMENT, [^T. 62.

as contractors. Four thousajid pounds is now the market
price for a borough. In short, this whole venal nation is
now at market, will be sold for about two millions, and
might be bought out of the hands of the present bidders
(if he would offer half a million more) by the very Devil
himself.

I shall wait on Lord Hillsborough again next Wednesday,
on behalf of the sufferers by Indian and French depreda-
tions, to have an allowance of lands out of any new grant
made by the Indians, so long solicited, and perhaps still to
be solicited, in vain.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX No. I. See p. 54.

Preface to Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin
Franklin^ by Wni. Temple Franklin. Fdition of i^iy.

"An apology for presenting to the republic of letters the
authentic memorials of Benjamin Franklin, illustrative of his
life and times, written almost entirely with his own hands, would
be at once superfluous and disrespectful. If any observation
be at all requisite in the shape of explanations, it must be in
answer to the inquiry, why such interesting documents have
been so long withheld from public view ? To this the editor has
no hesitation in replying, that were he conscious of having neg-
lected a solemn trust, by disobeying a positive injunction ; or
could he be convinced that the world has sustained any real
injury by the delay of the publication, he certainly should take
shame to himself for not having sooner committed to the press
what at an earlier period would have been much more to his
pecuniary advantage ; but aware as he is, of the deference due
to the general feeling of admiration for the illustrious dead, he
is not less sensible that there are twies and seasons when pru-
dence imposes the restriction of silence in the gratification even
of the most laudable curiosity. It was the lot of this distinguished
character, above most men, to move, in the prominent parts of
his active life, within a sphere agitated to no ordinary degree of
heat by the inflammatory passions of political fury ; and he had
scarcely seated himself in the shade of repose from the turmoil
of public employment, when another revolution burst forth with

573

574

APPENDIX.

far more tremendous violence, during the progress of which his
name was adduced by anarchists as a sanction for their practices,
and his authority quoted by dreamy theorists in support of their
visionary projects.

" Whether, therefore, the publication of his Memoirs and other
papers, amidst such a scene of perturbation, would have been
conducive to the desirable ends of peace, may be a matter of
question ; but, at all events, the sober and inquisitive part of
mankind can have no cause to regret the suspension of what
might have suffered from the perverted talents of designing par-
tisans and infuriated zealots. It may fairly be observed, that the
writings of Dr. Franklin are calculated to serve a far more im-
portant purpose than that of ministering to the views of party and
keeping alive national divisions, which, however necessitated
by circumstances, ought to cease with the occasion, and yield to
the spirit of philanthropy. Even amidst the din of war and the
contention of faction, it was the constant aim of this excellent
man to promote a conciliatory disposition, and to correct the
acerbity of controversy. Though no one could feel more sensi-
bly for the Avrongs of his country, or have more enlarged ideas
on the subject of general liberty, his powerful efforts to redress
the one and extend the other, were always connected with the
paramount object of social improvement, m the recommendation
of those habits which tend more effectually to unite men together
in the bonds of amity. Happening, however, to live himself in
a turbulent period, and called upon to take a leading part in those
scenes which produced a new empire in the Western World,
much of his latter Memoirs and correspondence will be to ex-
hibit his undisguised thoughts upon the public men and occur-
rences of the day. These sketches, anecdotes, and reflections
will now be read by men of opposite sentiments, without awaken-
ing painful recollections or rekindling the dying embers of ani-
mosity, while the historian and the moralist may learn from them
the secret springs of public events, and the folly of being carried
away by political prejudice.

APPENDIX.

575

" While, therefore, some contracted minds in different coun-
tries may be querulously disposed to censure the delay that has
taken place in the publication of these posthumous papers, it is
presumed that the more considerate and liberal on either side of
the Atlantic will approve of the motives which have operated for
the procrastination, even though the period has so far exceeded
the nonum annum assigned by Horace, the oldest and best of
critics, for the appearance of a finished performance.

" The editor, in offering this justificatory plea to the public,
and taking credit for having exercised so much discretion as to
keep these relics in his private custody till the return of halcyon
days and a brightened horizon, when their true value might be
best appreciated, feels that he has discharged his duty in that
manner which the venerable writer himself would have pre-
scribed, could he have anticipated the disorders which have
ravaged the most polished and enlightened states since his re-
moval from this scene of pride and weakness, where nations as
well as individuals have their periods of infancy and decrepi-
tude, of moral vigor and Avild derangement.

" Shortly after the death of Dr. Franklin, there were not want-
ing the usual train of literary specitlators to exercise their indus-
try in collecting his avowed productions, together with those
which public rumor ascribed to his pen. These miscellanies
were printed in various forms, both in England and America,
greatly to the advantage of the publishers ; nor did the possessor
of the originals avail himself of the general avidity and the celeb-
rity of his ancestor, to deprive those persons of the profits
which they continued to reap from repeated editions of papers
that have cost them nothing. When, however, they had reason
to apprehend that the genuine Memoirs and other works of
Franklin, as written and corrected by himself, would be brought
forward in a manner suitable to their importance and the digni-
fied rank of the author in the political and literary world, in-
vidious reports were sent abroad, and circulated with uncommon
diligence ; asserting that all the literary remains of Dr. Franklin

5;6

APPENDIX.

had been purchased at an enormous rate by the British ministry,
who [iJiirabile dictii) it seems were more afraid of this arsenal
of paper than of the power of France, with all her numerous re-
sources and auxiliaries. This convenient tale, absurd as it was,
found reporters both in Europe and in the United States, who
bruited it about with so much art as to make many who were un-
acquainted with the legatee of the manuscripts, believe it to be
true, and to lament feelingly, that such inestimable productions
should be suppressed, and lost for ever, through the cupidity of
the person to whom they were bequeathed. Provoking as the
story was, the party whom it most affected, and whose interests
it was designed to injure, felt too much of the conscia mens recti
to do otherwise than treat the ridiculous invention with con-
tempt, from a persuasion that the refutation of an improbable
falsehood is beneath the dignity of truth. He, therefore, endured
the opprobrium without complaint, and even suffered it to be
repeated without being goaded into an explanation ; contented
to wait for the time when he might best fulfill his duty and shame
his calumniators. That period has at length arrived, and the
world will now see whether an enlightened government could
be weak enough to be frightened by the posthumous works of a
philosopher ; or whether a man of integrity, bred under Frank-
lin, bearing his name, and entrusted with his confidence, could
be bribed into an act of treachery to his memory.

" Of the present collection it remains to be observed, that the
only portion which has hitherto appeared in any form, is the first
fasciculus of the Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, extending from his
birth to the year 1757, forming one hundred and seventy-five
pages only of the present volume. But even what has formerly
been printed of this part, can scarcely lay claim to originality,
since the English edition is no more than a translation from the
French, which of itself is a professed version of a transcription ;
so that the metamorphoses of this interesting piece of biography
may be said to resemble the fate of Milton's epic poem, which a
French Abbe paraphrased into inflated prose, and which an

APPENDIX. 57

English writer, ignorant of its origin, turned back again under
the double disguise into its native tongue.

"Admitting, however, that the small portion of the Memoir
given to the world, is substantially correct in the materials of
the narrative, the present publication of it must be infinitely
more estimable by being printed literally from the original auto-
graph.

" It is much to be regretted, that Dr. Franklin was not enabled,
by his numerous avocations and the infirmities of old age, to
complete the narrative of his life in his own inimitable manner.
That he intended to have done this is certain, from his corre-
spondence, as well as from the parts in continuation of the
Memoir which are now for the first time communicated to the
world. But the convulsed state of things during the American
Revolution, the lively concern which he had in that event, and
his multiplied public engagements, after contributing to the
establishment of the independence of his country, prevented
him from indulging his own inclinations, and complying with
the earnest desire of his numerous friends."

APPENDIX No. II. See p. 6a

Preface to " Correspondance Inedite, etc., de B. Franklin!^

By M. Charles Malo.

[Translation.]

" In publishing in France a complete Correspondence of Dr.
Franklin, I have intended to afford the public an opportunity
of enjoying the only part of the works of this celebrated man
which has remained unknown to us up to this time. This Cor-
respondence has the inappreciable advantage of being neither
altered nor abridged. France, England, America, there play a

part so important that I should reproach myself if I had sup-
49 z

578

APPENDIX.

pressed the smallest passage of it. Franklin will be found
there in this Correspondence complete and characteristic, with
all that freedom of speech so piquant and so noble which he
indulged toward all the courts of Europe.

" Two or three journals have announced a Select Correspond-
e7ice of Franklin. It is my duty to enlighten the public on this
fraudulent speculation of M. Temple (Franklin). Desirous of
prejudicing the interests of French booksellers, and at the same
time desperate at having been so unfortunately anticipated by
the appearance of a Complete Correspondence, this gentleman
had no other resource but to make a Selected Correspo7idence ;
but he has not foreseen that in reducing to one-half the work
which I publish to-day in two octavo volumes, he would really
give only an abridgment of it, an extract; that his boasted
Selection will be but an insignificant piece of claptrap, a thing
of shreds and patches. When, in fact, will the formidable
scissors stop of a foreigner who is directed by considerations of
self-love, and animated by local passions ? In purchasing ' the
Abridged Correspondence' of M. Temple (Franklin), one will
still not have Franklin. But let us be just. If M. Temple
(Franklin) cuts up and piteously lacerates a Correspondence as
yet entirely unpublished, and which was absolutely unknown in
France, in revenge, and by an equally reasonable calculation,
he is about to reproduce for the fourth time, that is to say to
satiety, the ' Memoirs of the Life of Franklin,' printed at Paris,
for the first time, in 1791 (one volume in 8vo., by Buisson) ; for
the second time, in the year II. (one volume in i2mo.. Rue
Therese) ; and for the third time, in 1800 (two volumes in Svo.,
by Buisson), from the English edition of Dundee.

" I owe this confidence to my readers, especially to that public
which M. Temple (Franklin) appeals to, that it may be duly
instructed as to the merit of the editions of which this person
wishes to give France the benefit.

" Since the month of January, and by many French book-
sellers, with a competition much more formidable than the

APPENDIX.

579

* Extracts of Correspondence ,^ which M. Temple (Franklin) an-
nounces to-day, and to satisfy also the impatient subscribers of
this Complete Correspondence, the literary gentleman charged
with it has judged proper to confide to two literary men, equally
known and esteemed, MM. Cohen and Breton, the translation
of a certain number of sheets of the second volume.

" The style of Franklin became, as he advanced in years, less
clear and less vigorous ; that of his correspondents also was
frequently diffuse and confused. In imposing upon himself the
rule never to depart from the original in any respect, the trans-
lator has necessarily encountered numberless difficulties, and
has seen himself forced to reproduce thousands of abstract
ideas. By the aid of a convenient selection he might easily have
been able to avoid the one, and substitute his own ideas for the
others ; but the glory of belittling a great man, of abridging
Franklin, was reserved for one of his descendants. Ought we
to inherit from one we have assassinated?"

END OF VOL. I.

THE NEW

REF

This book is
tak

YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY

ERENCE DEPARTMENT

under no circumstances to be
en from the Building

form 410

Z 31926

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